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WL^^'^SS^FQMi'^JWlQWVENWlSn'
-y •-/-
THE
fflSTORY OF BRITISH GUIMA.
THE
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIMA.
COMPRISING
A GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF TBE COLONY;
A NABBATIYE OF SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS FROM THE EARLIEST
PERIOD OF ITS DISCOVERT TO THE PRESENT TIME;
TOGETHER WITH
AN ACCOUNT OF ITS CLIMATE, GEOLOGY, STAPLE PKODUCTa
AND NATURAL HISTORY.
HENRY G. DALTON M.D.
MEMBER OF THE ROYAL COLLBOB OP SURGRONS, LONDON ; CORRESPONDING MKBCBBR
OF TUB ENTOMOLOGICAL SOCIETY, LONDON ; CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF TUB
ACADEMY OF NATURAL SCIENCES, FHILAUBLPHIA ; CORRESPONDING
MBMBBB OF THE LYCEUM OP NATURAL HISTORY, NEW
YORK, ETC. ETC. •
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
.\ :• ; ;•• .-. :•. ;.. I
LONDON:
LONGMAN, BEOWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS.
1855.
22(5462
DEDICATION
TO
HIS EXCELLENCY SIR HENRY BARKLY, K.C.B.
ETC. ETC.
In dedicating the following imperfect sketch of the
history of a colony over which your Excellency has so
ably presided for several years, I am actuated solely by
the conviction that I could not have addressed myself to
one who has a higher appreciation of the capabilities of
the country, a more sincere interest in its progress and
welfare, or a more thorough knowledge of its resources,
than your Excellency.
It would be unbecoming in me to attempt to trace the
vast amount of good your Excellency's administration
has conferred on the colony, or the many benefits which
have resulted from your statesmanUke and judicious
measures. The good result may be traced in the im-
pulse given to agriculture, in the steady if not flourishing
condition of the commercial interests, and in the general
advancement of our legal, political, and social institu-
tions.
VI DEDICATION.
I may, however, be permitted to observe, that the
administration of your Excellency has been fully appre
ciated by the intelligent and respectable classes of the
community, who by a late testimonial presented to your
Excellency have given a convincing proof of their sin-
cerity. As regards myself, I feel that it is chiefly
through your Excellency's encouragement and support
I have been enabled to complete the present work ; and,
while I regret that it is not more worthy of your con-
sideration, and of the subject of which it treats, I beg to
inscribe it to your Excellency as an inadequate testi-
mony of the gratitude and respect with which
I have the honour to be.
Your Excellency's
Most obedient, humble Servant,
HENRY G. DALTON.
PREFACE.
In submitting the following work to the notice of th'e
public, and to that of my fellow-colonists in particular,
I feel myself called upon to offer some explanation as ta
its appearance.
Shortly after my arrival in this colony in 1842 — a
colony in which I was deeply interested by the ties of
birth and family connexions — I felt a great desire to be-
come acquainted with the history of the country in which
I was about to reside, and I naturally looked around for
any work which would enlighten me on this subject.
To my surprise and regret, however, I found that no
connected history of British Guiana had ever been pub-
lished.
Interesting and numerous as were the facts connected
with the rise and progress of the colony, and its general
and natural history, no attempt to collect them had been
made for many years. For want of such a record, the
valuable discoveries of naturalists and travellers, the
praiseworthy labours of Himiboldt, the two Schom-
burgks, Hillhouse, Hancock, and others, were inacces*
sible and unavailing. A description of the colony sixty
years ago, written in Dutch, a sketch by Bolingbroke
VIU FEIFACE.
and Montgomery Martin, a short account by the Cheva-
lier Schomburgk in 1840, with his Reports to the Royal
Geographical Society, and a recent publication in German
by his brother, constituted nearly all the information
which had been gathered with regard to the colony.
Sir Robert Schomburgk had done more than any
other individual in making us acquainted with the
capabilities, resources, and natural productions of this
country; but although he acquired for himself an honour-
able fame for his interesting and successful explorations
of the interior of British Guiana, he did not, unfortu-
nately for the public, devote his talents, knowledge, and
industry to the completion of a work comprising a gene-
ral account of the province in which he had spent so
many years of his life.
Disappointed at not finding any authentic source from
whence I could obtain the information I desired, I de-
termined to seek it for myself, and for several years
devoted as much leisure to the arduous task as the
harassing nature of my professional pursuits would admit.
In the course of my researches I found that my mate-
rials had accumulated to such an extent as to interest
others as well as myself, and at length I entertained the
idea of arranging them in some definite shape, with a
view to publication.
I make no pretension to write a complete history of
this important colony — the attempt would be beyond
my capabihty or opportunities — but simply to give a
general sketch of the history of British Guiana from the
earliest discovery and exploration to the present time,
including the eventful periods of slavery, apprenticeship,
PREFACE. IX
and emancipation, together with a description of the
surface, and some notices of the natural history of the
country.
In the prosecution of my imdertaking I have encoun-
tered more labour and difficulty than I had anticipated ;
for although I was incidentally indebted to the pre-
ceding authors who had severally illustrated different
l^anches of the subject, I yet foimd that I was entering
upon, for the most part, a new and entangled field, where
I had to seek much for myself.
Whatever information I have derived from others I
have honestly acknowledged ; for the rest I hold myself
responsible, and bespeak indulgence.
" He who first undertakes to bring into form the
scattered elements of any subject, can only accomplish
his task imperfectly ; but the attempt has its value if it is
based on a right principle." I have made the attempt,
and it will be for the reader to decide upon the result.
If I have succeeded in producing a work calculated to
interest, amuse, or instruct, and to excite attention to the
invaluable resources and vast capabilities of this magnifi-
cent province, I shall be amply repaid for the toil,
anxiety, and care I have expended upon its production.
With respect to the chapters on the natural history of
the colony, it is proper I should say that I do not aspire
to be able to treat such a variety of subjects with the
scientific acciuucy they demand. The information I have
collected has been derived exclusively fi:om my own re-
searches and personal observation, without being able to
'command any of those collateral aids which such inquiries,
above all others, stand most in need of. These circum-
:
X PRKFACE.
stances will, I hope, extenuate any imperfections wlii(.:h
may be found in this part of the work. In compiling it,
I have derived much important information from a work
lately published by Herr Richard Schomburgk in Ger-
man,* which gives a comprehensive and scientific a<xK)unt
of the Fauna and Flora of British Guiana.
To those who have kindly assisted me in procuring
information, to his Excellency Governor Barkly, to the
members of the Combined Court, and to others who
have encouraged me in this laborious undertaking, I
tender my grateful acknowledgments.
Finally, I trust that the defects of the writer may not
be permitted to prejudice the object he has had in view,
which is to rescue a valuable colony fi:om neglect, and
to attract towards it the notice and consideration its
history and resources will be found amply to repay.
• <* Beisen in British Guiana."
'
CONTENTS OF VOL I.
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. p^oi
Description of British Guiana—Its Extent — ^Alluvial Land — Sand Dis-
tricts— Mountains — The Savannahs — The Forests — Description of
the Rivers : the River Demerara, the Essequebo, the Corentyn, the
Berbice, the Warina, the Barima, the Pomeroon — Cataracts — Natural
Curiosities : Ataraipu Rock, Pur^-Piapa, Mara-Etshiba, Granite Piles,
Comuti Rock, Picture-writing or Tehmehri, Rock Crystals, Agate,
Gold Regions, Precious Stones — ^Retrospect 1
CHAPTER I.
X
The Aborigines of British Guiana — Traditions — ^Physical Description —
Origin of word " Bucks " — Dress and Ornaments— The Five Principal
Tribes : 1. The Arrawaks ; 2. The Accawais ; 3. The Warrows ; 4. The
Macusis; 5. The Caribs — ^Probable Oriental Origin — Variety of Lan-
guages— ^Indian Vocabulary — Weapons and Hunting Instruments —
Mode of Living — ^Architecture of Huts — Inquiry into the Origm and
Descent of the Natives — ^Feelings of Revenge — Government — Bap-
tisms— Burials — Marriages — Conjurors, or Priests — Religion . 50
CHAPTER II. Y
Spirit of Adventure in the Fifteenth Century — The probable Discovery
of Guiana by Columbus on his Third Voyage in 1498~£xpedition of
Alonzo de Ojcda in 1499 ; of Vincent Janez Pinzon in 1500 ; and of
Diego de Nicuessa in 1509 — Rumours and Fabulous Accounts of the
El Dorado— Expeditions of Diego de Ordas in 1530 ; of Herrera in
]533; of Antonio Sidermo and Augustin Delgado in 1536; and of
Gonzalo Pizarro and Orellana in 1540-45 — The French attempt to
Trade with Brazil and Guiana in 1550-55 — ^Expeditions of Pedro de
Osua, Juan Corteso, Caspar Sylva, Juan Gonzales, Philip de Vren,
Pedro Sylva, Father Gala^ Pedro de Limpias, Geronimo Ortol, Pedro
Hemandes Serpa, Gonzales Casada, Diego Vargas, Caceres, Alonzo
Herrera, and Diego Logardo — The Dutch visit Guiana in 1580 — Expe-
dition of Antonio Berreo or Berrejo— Domingo Vera takes formal Pos-
XU CONTENTS.
PAUK
session of Guiana in 1593 — Sir Walter Baleigb visits Guiana in 1595 ;
Adventures and Eetum ; sends Captain Keymis in 1596, and visits it
again in 1597, giving a detailed Account of the Country on his return
to Europe ; his final Expedition to Guiana in 1617, and its unsuc-
cessful Eesult — ^Reflections on the earlier Adventurers .88
CHAPTER m. ^-^
Age of Chivalry passed away — Settlements of the Dutch, 1580 — ^Trading
Company to Guiana in 1602 — ^English attempts at Colonisation in
1604-5, 6, and 8 — Origin of French Guiana — Origin of Dutch GKiiana
-^Settlements at Kyk-over-al, 1613 — ^Posts on the River Essequebo,
1614 — ^The Seven United Provinces — Establishment of the Dutch
West India Company, 1621 — ^Introduction of Slaves — Origin of. the
Slave-Trade—Settlement on the River Berbice, 1626 — Appointment of
Dutch Commissioners — Settlements attacked by English and French —
First Commanders on the Essequebo — ^Boundaries of Districts settled
^Establishment of the New General Dutch West India Company —
Transfer of Settlements on the River Berbice to A. Van Peere, 1678 —
Success of the Dutch— Mode of Life of the Early Planters . .127
CHAPTER IV. y
The African Negro, his Character, Ignorance, Superstition, Employment,
Amusements, Food, low Moral Condition — ^Importation of Slaves —
Account of the several Tribes— Slave Markets— Bush Negroes —
Habits and Mode of Life — Expeditions against them — Concubinage —
Mixture of Races — Character of Mulatto 152
CHAPTER V. y
Attacks of the French in 1689, 1709, and 1712, on the Settlements of
Berbice and Essequebo Rivers — ^Bombardment of Fort Nassau —
Capitulation and Ransom of Berbice — Transfer of Berbice, 1714 —
Articles of Agreement about Slaves— Berbice Company, 1720— Inven-
tory of the Effects of the Colony — Articles of Agreement— Intro-
duction of Coffee Cultivation — Origin of Paper Money — The Coast
Trade— Memorial of the Directors of Berbice to the States of Holland,
1730 — Origin of the System of Colonial Administration, 1732 — Raising
of Taxes — Appointment of Governor, Pre3ikant,"ahd other OflScers —
Origin of Militia Force — Of- the Orphan Chamber — Progress of the
Plantations 177
CHAPTER VI.v^
Insurrection in Berbice — Insubordination of Troops — Partial instances
of Rebellion among the Slaves — Commencement of the Insurrection
of 1763 — Governor Van Hogenheim's Measures to suppress it —
Failure of his Plans — Progress of the Insurrection — Abandonment of
Fort Nassau— Resistance of Settlers against the Negroes- Arrival of
CONTENTS. Xm
PlOX
Troops from Surinam — Governor's Proclamation — Military and Naval
Expedition prepared in Holland — Instructions given to Colonel de
Salve — His Anival in Berbice — Fort Nassau re-occupied — Eebels
Attacked, Captured, Tried, and Executed—- Troops return to Holland
— Governor resigns— Condition of the Oolony after the Insurrection . ^04
CHAPTER Vn.
Settlements projected on the River Demerara, 1739 — Settlement of the
Island of Waakenaam; of the East and West Coasts of Demerara;
and of the Banks of the River Demerara, 1745 — Grant of Land to
A. Pieters — Laying out of Plantations — Complaint of the Settlers,
1750— Regulations about selling Slaves, 1768— Canab projected, and
the Banks laid out in Estates— Courts of Policy and Justice, 1773—
Seat of Government at Borselen removed to Stabroek, 1774— Origin
of Stabroek — ^Plan of the Town — ^Introduction of Slaves, from 1745
to 1786— Colony taken by British, 1781— Captured by the French in
1782— Restored to the Dutch at the Peace of Paris, 1783— Union of
the Courts of Demerara and Essequebo, 1784 — ^Memorial of Colonists
to States-General— Provisional Plim of Redress, 1788— Demerara and
Essequebo united — British Expedition against the Colonies, 1796—
Terms of Surrender — ^Value of Conquest — ^Price of Land — Spaniards
attack Outposts, but are repulsed, 1797 — State of the Colony when
taken possession of by the British 223
CHAPTER Vm.
Opening of the Nineteenth Century — General State of the Colony under
the Dutch, 1796 — Colonies ceded to the Batavian Republic at the
Treaty of Amiens, 1802 — ^Injurious Consequences — Impaired Condition
of the Colony under the Batavian RepubUo — ^Mortality of Troops-
Mutiny of Ditto in Berbice — Amicable Relations between the Dutch
and the Indians — ^Rules respecting Postholders — ^British Force in the
West Indies, 1803 — Surrender of Demerara and Essequebo— -Capitu-
lation of Berbice — ^Political Analysis— Court of Policy — College of
Keizers — Financial Representatives — Combined Court — Courts of
Civil and Criminal Justice — ^Dutch Code of Law — ^Duties of Fiscaal—
Burgher Districts and Officers— State of the Colony, 1805 . . 251
CHAPTER EL "^
Governor Beaujon succeeds Colonel Nicholson, 1804 — ^Return of Slaves
called for — Colonial Agents appointed in England — Some Account of
Berbice — Differences respecting the Acre-money, 1805 — Death of
Governor Beaujon — ^Public Acts passed in 1806 — ^Arrival of Governor
Bentinck — Scarcity of Silver Coin; Issue of Paper Money — Governor
Bentinck returns to England — Demerara and Berbice exchange Go- . '
vemors — AboUtion of Slave Trade, 1808 — Introduction of English ^
Missionanes~rth6i]rInfluence--Lreutenant-tk>lonel Ross^ Actisg-Go-
XIV CONTENTS.
PIOK
vemor — New Silver Coin issued, 1809 — Berbice Paper Money —
Return of Governor Bentinck — Bush Expedition — ^Memorial of the
Financial Representatives, 1810 — Disputes between Governor and
Fiscaal — Governor Bentinck superseded, 1812 — Major-General Car-
^michael, Acting-Governor — Demerara and Essequebo united — Death
of Acting-Governor Cannichael, 1813 — Brigadier-General Murray,
Acting-Governor — Character of Colonial Scotch — Introduction of
European Women — Prejudices of Class and Colour — Character of
Creoles . . . . 277
^CHAPTER X.
" The Golden Age" of the Colony — Prosperity of Planters — Considerations
on Negro Slavery — Moral Wants — Working of Missionaries, and the
^ect on the Slaves— Final Abolition of Slave Trade, 1814 — Formal
Cession of these Colonies to Great Britain, 1814 — Slave Registration
Act, 1816— Decline of Cotton Estates — ^Life of an Overseer — Militia
Force — Arrival of President Rough — Unjust Monopoly of OflBces —
Disputes about the Administration of Justice — Suspension of President
Rough — ^Arrival of President Wray, 1821 — Feelings of Slaves about
^reedpinrj^,.Canning*a AfldagS^-ita- Eflfect or the Slaves— Mis-
sionary Smith — Secret Meetings of Slaves — Insurrection, 1823 — Plot
disclosed — Measures to suppress it — Proclamation of Martial Law —
Arming of the Slaves— Encounter with the Military— Suppression of
the Insurrection — General Court-Martial ; Trial, Sentence, and Exe-
cution of the Prisoners — Court-Martial on Missionary Smith ; his Con-
demnation and Death — Reflections suggested by these Events . .317
CHAPTER XI.
Rejoicing after the Insurrection of 1824 — ^Rewards to the Officers — ^Ex-
penses of the Insurrection — ^Public Feeling against the Missionaries-
Change of Governors — Retirement of Brigadier-General Murray-
Review of his Character — Arrival of Sir Benjamin D' Urban as Lieu-
tenant-Governor— Commission of Inquiry into the Administration of
Justice, 1825 — ^Protector of Slaves appointed — Demerara and Esse-
quebo divided into Parishes — Church and Poor Fund — Monetary
Changes — ^Eager Speculations in Property— Anticipation of Emanci-
pation— Opinions on the Subject — The Three Colonies united under
one Government, 1831 — Review of Events in Berbice — ^Alteration of
Civil and Criminal Courts — Separation of Financial Representatives
from Coll^ of Keizers — Consolidated Slave Ordinances, 1832 — In-
ferior Courts established — Government of Sir Benjamin D* Urban —
Abstract of Ratio of Mortality among Slaves 359
^ CHAPTER XII. V
Arrival of Lieutenant-Governor Sir J. C. Smyth, Bart.— State of Colony
— Proceedings of the British Parliament — Act of Apprenticeship,
Oct. 19, 1833 — Inferior Criminal Courts established — Remarks ou
CONTEXTS. XV
PAGK
the Policy of Great Britain — Immediate Effects of the New Act —
Mutinous Assemblage of Negroes — Measures of the Lieutenant-Go-
vernor to check the Insubordination— Dispersion of Mob — Trial and
Execution of the Ringleader — ^Its Practiced Ecsult — Feeling against
the Lieutenant-Governor — Newspaper Abuse — Domestic Habits of
the Negro — The Compensation Money — ^Its Distribution, Appropri-
ation, and TTsft— ^^ipurlrR n^ |,hf| Frftft-mlniirftj Pfflplft—Dftftrftaaft of
Population, and its Causes — Formation of the Civil List — ^Retirement
of Chief Justice Wray— His Character — Arrival of Chief Justice Bent
— Party Spirit — Newspaper Outrage on the Lieutenant-Governor —
His Remarks on the Subject — Establishment of Mayor and Town
Council, 1837 — Title of Governor bestowed on Sir J. C. Smyth —
Elective Pranchbe of 1838 — Death of the Governor — Remarks on his
Character 390
CHAPTER Xm.
Administration of Major Orange and Lieutenant-Colonel Bunbuiy — ^Ap-
pointment and Jurisdiction of Stipendiary Magistrates — Arrival of
Henry Light, Esq., as Governor, June, 1838 — Abolition of the Appren-
ticeship— Disallowance of certain Ordinances — Governor makes a Tour
of Inspection — Condition of the Planter — Competition for Labour —
Condition of Labourer — Rate of Wages — Division of British Guiana
into Counties — Govemor^s Address to Combined Court, 1839 — ^Pro-
posed Immigration Loan of Four Hundred Thousand Pounds — Subject
of Immigration — ^Early Schemes respecting it — Reflections on the
Subject — Colonial Indenture Act, 1835-6 — Introduction of Island
Negroes — Their Character — Disputes about Immigration Ordinances —
Stoppage of the Supplies, 1840 — Voluntary Immigration Society —
New Civil List — Immigration Ordinances of 1841 — ^Appointment of
Agents — Bounties — Portuguese Immigration; its Character and Re-
sults— Coolie Immigration ; its Character and Results — General Re-
flection on Immigration 427
CHAPTER XIV.
Objects of Immigration — Attempt to reduce Wages— Subject of Wages
— Nature of Field Work — Metayer, or Metairie System — Its Results —
Events of 1843, 1844, 1845, and 1846— Experiments on thorough
Drainage— Events of 1847 and 1848 — Disputes between the Governor
and Members of the Combined Court — Retirement of Grovemor Light
— William Walker, Esq., acting as Lieutenant-Governor — Stoppage
of the Supplies — Arrival of Governor Barkly — Relation of the Principal
Events of his Administration — Its Results — Retirement of Governor
Barkly — ^Accession to Office of Lieutenant-Governor Walker 480
THE
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA:%
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
DBSCRIPTION OP BRITIRH GUIANA — ITS BZTSHT— ALLUVIAL LAND^SAND DIS.
TRICT8— NOUirrAIlIB— THK SAVAHirAHS — THB FORBflTS — DBaCBIPTIOlf OF THK
RIVBRI: TUB BIVBR DBMBRARA, THB BS8BQUBBO, THBCOBBXTTTM, THB BERBICE,
THB WARIKA, TBB BARIMA, THB PONEBOOH— OATARAGTS — NATURAL CURI0«1-
TIBS: ATARAIFU ROCK, FURB-PIAPA, MABA-BTSHIRA, ORAIIITB PILBt, COHUTI.
ROCK, PICTURB-WRITIMO OR TBHMBHRI, ROCK CRT8TAL8, AOATB, GOLD RKGIONR,
PRBC10U8 STOKBS — RBTRO0PBCT.
The History of a Nation may be compared to the life of
an individual — it has its birth, infiancy, maturity, and
decline; and as there are few lives which do not present
some points of interest and instruction, so from the
various phases of a nation may be gathered many curious
points for speculation and inquiry. This observation
may be said to be inapplicable to the rise and progress
of a mere colony; but, after all, what is a colony but a
nation in its youth ? The mind of man, having no tra-
ditions to &11 back upon, and being bound to the past by
no transmitted usages, forma, or institutions, must carve
out its own destiny by such means as circumstances have
placed within its reach. The History of a Colony traces
the course of this curious and instructive process.
VOL. I. B
2 BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
• • •
It has been said,** that in the decline of a nation com-
merce flourishpsj'and becomes the prevailing occupation.
This does i(6t/obtain with regard to a colony. Com-
merce here'.A'ay be said to give rise to its origin. It is
certain, .-thaf whatever may be the means of acquiring
or est«|b)ialiing a possession, the motives generally may be
traced* tc'the desire of gain or glory. What else induced
the "foUowers of Colimibus, or Cortes, to leave their then
ovi^ipopulated countries, and struggle for territory and
."Hiphes with the inhabitants of a newly-discovered world ?
,. wliat else could have tempted the bold adventurers on
'•Jthe ocean from all nations, to barter for, and purchase,
* caigoes of human beings in order to hurry their de-
graded victims to a life of slavery ? or persuaded the in-
habitants of England to quit their native soil, and in the
immensity of Eastern possessions to contend for conquest
or death ? It is, perhaps, well that it is so ; all things
work to a good purpose, and the individual who is
prompted by necessity to seek other scenes for his
talents and industry, involuntarily contributes his mite
towards relieving his country from the evils of a too
thickly populated soil, and at the same time assists in
the diffusion of population over countries where fruitful
nature pines for the help of industry and skill.
These considerations lead us directly to our subject.
Birt before we enter upon an examination of the races
that originally peopled the surface of Guiana, or the
colonisers that gradually settled amongst them, it is de-
sirable to lay before the reader a description of the
country it8el£
Guiana, Guayana, or Guianna, consists of a large tract
of country in the southern continent of America, whose
natural boimdaries seem to be the river Orinoco, and its
branches on the west and north-west ; the Atlantic Ocean
* Bacon's Essaji.
HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIAKA. 8
on the north-east and east ; and the mighty river Amazon,
with its tributary streams, on the south and south-west^
This extensive territory is largely encircled and inter-
sected by rivers which flow in almost uninterrupted com-
munication throughout the land.* The South- American
Indian, seated in his buoyant boat, the stripped bark of
some forest tree, might have entered the broad mouth of
the Amazon, and wending his solitary way along the
southern boundary, have entered the broad tributary
stream of the river Negro, and ascending its waters along
the western outline of this tract of country, persevered
through the natural canal of Cassiquiare and the southern
branches of the Orinoco until he reached that river; and
here his course would be unbroken to the wide waters
of the Atlantic, a few degrees higher to the north than
where he commenced his voyage.
According to modem geographers,! the extensive
country of Guiana lies between 8 deg. 40 min. north
latitude and 3 deg. 30 min. south latitude, and between
the 50th and 68th d^. of longitude west of Green wich,
Ijts greatest extent between Cape North and the con-
fluence of the river Xie with the river Negro is 1090
geographical miles; its greatest breadth between Punta
Barima, at the mouth of the Orinoco to the confluence of
the river Negro with the Amazon, is 710 geographical
miles. A line of sea-coast extends between the river
Orinoco and the Amazon, and is now divided into the
Venezuelan or Spanish, the British, the Dutch, the
French, and the Brazilian or Portuguese Guianas; but
their respective and definite inland limits have never
been satisfactorily arranged. That portion of this fertile
but wild country (for by the Dutch it was called Guiana,
or the Wild Coast) to which we must chiefly limit our-
* This statement, howeTer, is not intended to justify the ignorance of man/
penons in Kngland who speak and write of British Guiana as ao ishuid.
t Schorobo^k.
b2
4 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
fcjtlves — the present British Guiana — is generally con-
sidered as extending from the mouth of the river
Corentyn in 56 deg. 58 min. west longitude, to Punta
liarima in 60 deg. 6 min. west longitude, and comprising
an area of 100,000 square imles in extent.
According to a modem writer on the subject,* who
has been the principal traveller in this comitry, " if we
follow the limits which nature prescribes by its rivers
and mountains, and include all the regions which are
drained by the streams which fall into the river Essequebo
within the British territory, and adopting the river
Corentyn as its eastern boundar}", then British Guiana
would consist of 76,000 square miles." But according to
tlie Brazilians, who have lately claimed as far north as
the mouth of the river Siparumes, its area would be re-
duced to about 12,000 square miles ; and it would form
the smallest of the Guianas which are 'possessed by
Europeans, as indeed stated on French authority.f
Assuming, however, that it covei's an area of nearly
100,000 square miles, the districts of Demerara and
Essequebo may be computed at 70,000 square miles,
while those in Berbice may be estimated at 25,000
square miles. But only a small portion of this extensive
tract is colonised and in a state of cultivation.
Before the arrival of the European, the lofty moimtaui
heights of the interior, the fertile and undulating valleys
of the hilly region, and the borders of the illimitable
forests and savannahs, were alone tenanted by the va-
rious tribes of Indians who were scattered throughout
this vast domain. Their fragile canoes were occasionally
seen gliding along the large rivers and the numerous tri-
butary streams which mtersect the countrj^ ; a dense mass
of unrivalled foliage, comprising palms, mangroves, cou-
* Schomburgk.
t ])ictk>Dnaire Geographiqne Uniyenel, Paris, 1828, vol. ir. p. 615, where the
area of British Goiana is stated to consist only of 3 120 leagues.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 6
ridas, and ferns, fringed the banks of the rivers and the
margins of the coasts, while a thicker bush of an infinite
variety of trees extended inland over an uncleared terri-
tory, where the prowling beast, the dreaded reptile, the
wild bird, and the noxious insect, roamed at large ; but
when colonisation commenced and civilisation progressed,
the flat lands bordering on the coasts and rivers were
cleared and cultivated; the savage forests and their oc-
cupants retreated before the encroaching step of civili-
sation and the march of industry ; plantations were laid
out, canals and trenches dug, roads formed, and houses
raised over the level plain of alluvial soil, which, with-
out a hill or elevation of any kind, stretches for many
miles between the sand-hill regions and the Atlantic
Ocean.
British Guiana, estimated as containing 100,000 square
nules, lies between 1 deg. and 8 deg. 40 min. north
latitude, and between 57 deg. and 61 deg. west longi-
tude, with a sea-coast line of about 200 miles in extent,
running in an oblique course from east to west, and
stretching along part of the alluvial main formed by the
deltas of the rivers Amazon and Orinoco. This line of
coast is intersected at various distances by several large-
rivers, namely, the Essequebo, thet)emerara, the Berbice,.
and the Corentyn, which latter separates British from-
Dutch Guiana; but besides these large rivers, there are
several smaller streams, such as the Barima, the Warina,
the Morocco, the Pomeroon, the Mahaica, the Mahaiconi,
the Abari, &c., which, although tolerably large, have
been improperly called creeks when compared with the
larger streams.
The course of these rivers is from south to north —
their origin difficult to trace in the wild and mountainous
interior — and their mouths opening into the vast Atlantic.
Their discoloured waters dye the waves of the ocean for
many miles to seaward. On approaching the land from
q HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
the north and north-east, the blue waters of the Atlantic
begin to be tinged with a dirty green at least 100 miles
off the land, by degrees assuming a yellowish tinge imtil
about forty or fifty miles off the coast, when a marked
line of yellow may be seen, carried by a powerful current
towards the Orinoco, after passing which the traveller
enters the shallow, turbid, yellow waters, which an-
nounce the close proximity of the flat but fertile shores
of Guiana.
The whole line of coast is skirted by mud-flats and
sand-banks, especially about the Demerara and Essequebo.
The mud-flats extend seaward about twelve miles, and
render the approach of large vessels impracticable, imless
in the hands of pilots and others acquainted with the
coast. The approach to the rivers is along a narrow
channel, for numerous shoals exist which render it diffi-
cult even for scliooners and other small craft to navigate.
Large sand-banks also sti'ctch out along the coasts, but as
these will be more particulai'ly noticed in reference to
the rivers wliose navigation tliey obstruct, I will add
nothing further than that the true limits of many have
not accurately been defined, although buoys and beacons
are placed on several. Besides these, a quantity of drift
mud and sand is frequently shifting about and interfering
with the drainage on the coasts. ^
The first indication of land is characterised by a long,
irr^ular outline of thick bush, on approaching which,
groups of elevated trees, chiefly palms, with occasionally
an isolated silk-cotton, or the tall chimneys of the sugar
plantations, with the smoke curling upwards, begin
rapidly to be recognised, and indicate to the experienced
trader almost the very spot he has made. On nearing
the land the range of plantations may be easily marked
by the line of chimneys ; the dense foliage of the coast
partly intercepts the view of any buildings, the low
ground being covered with mangroves (Bhizophora
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 7
Mangle) and courida bushes (Avicennia Nitida), ferns,
and other plants, but behind this wooded barrier nume-
rous dwelling-houses, extensive villages, and the sugar
manufactories, extend along the belt of land which, in an
unbroken level, constitutes the cultivated districts of the
colony.
Once in sight of the land the scene rapidly changes in
appearance — from a long, low outline of bush to the dif-
ferent objects which characterise the attractive scenery
of the tropics. The bright green palm-trees, with their
huge leaves, fanned briskly by the sea-breeze, and the
lofty silk-cotton-tree (Bombax Ceiba) are plainly visible,
while a confused but picturesque group of trees and
plants of tropical growth, with white and shining houses
interspersed among them, present to the stranger rather
the appearance of a large garden than the site of an ex-
tensive and busy city. Before the river Demerara is
fairly entered, the course steered is towards the light-
ship, situated about twelve miles from Georgetown.
This beacon is a floating vessel at the entrance of the
difficult navigation of the river. In fine weather, and
during the daytime, it may readily be seen with the
naked eye, and at night a bright fixed light indicates to
the navigator the anxious object of his search.
Pilots are procured at the light-ship, and conduct the
numerous vessels which arrive into the river, whose
locality is clearly indicated by the tall masts of ships,
which, like forest trees stripped of their foliage, peer
distinctly above the houses and other edifices of the city.
The light-house and fort are soon recognised, and very
often, in little more than an hour after gazing with
anxiety upon an unbroken mass of water, the traveller,
as if by magic, is ushered through a crowd of ships and
small vessels into a busy town, with its motley inhabi-
tants collected from almost every part of the globe.
The geological structure of the inhabited districts, or
8 HIST0B7 OF BRITISQ GUIANA.
of the land on the banks of the rivers and along the sea-
coasts between the mouths of the rivers, is entirely allu-
vial. The soil is covered with perennial foliage, nourished
by the frequent rains and balmy atmosphere of the tro-
pics. The rapid rivers in their course carry down from
the far interior the detritus of mouldering mountains and
decrepid forests. The cinirabling rocks of the interior,
mingled with vegetable matter, formed at one time the
only burden which these waters bore to the sea ; but this
was no mean freight. By degrees, deposit on deposit,
formed at the deltas of the several streams stretchuig
also along the coasts, produced at last an alluvial soil,
which has not its equal in the world, save perhaps the
overflooded plains of the Nile. The soil, so simple and
yet so productive, has been the formation of centuries;
huge rocks have crumbled to give it existence, mighty
forests have contributed to sustain it; the streams that
bore it to its resting-place have had their waters dyed
by its circulation, as if to leave an imperishable memento
of its singular formation ; and for miles aromid these
rivers carry to the blue ocean their stained waters, to
aixest the adventurous traveller who, exploring the wide
Atlantic, seeks for a new country that is worthy of his
industry.
This alluvial tract extends inland to variable distances,
from ten to forty miles, and, consisting of different kinds
of clay, impregnated with salt and decayed vegetable
matter, rests at varying depths of 60 to 200 feet on a
granitic bed. It is almost level throughout its whole
extent, a gentle descent of about one foot in many hun-
dred roods being scarcely perceptible.
The depth of soil varies in different places, but, as a
general rule, may be considered as greatest towards the
borders of the coasts and river-banks, diminishing more
or less regularly as it extends inland. The maximum
depth may be considered about 200 feet, as on the east
HISTORY OF BniTISH GUIANA. 9
coasts. The minimum depth about 60 feet. The greater
part, if not the whole, of this fertile alluvion has been
under water, but has been gradually recovered from the
sea and rivers by natural as well as artificial means.
The natural means which have contributed to reclaim
portions of land from the overflooding waters are the
gradual accumulation of soil, occasioned by the deposition
of the tides and the drifting of small particles of earth
towards the deltas of the rivers. Slowly and by degrees
did the work of superimposition proceed, until in some
places a natural barrier was opposed to the inroads of
the waves, unless on extraordinary occasions, as during
the prevalence of high winds and spring tides, where
miles of land became temporarily flooded by the swollen
waters.
From a consideration of its composition (which will
be shortly noticed), it has been thought by some that
these alluvial shores have increased to their present
extent by the deposition of earthy matter brought down
by the rivers, together with decaying and decayed vege-
table matter, &c., so that in time the deposit of mud has
been suflicient to throw back the sea, and emerge from
obscurity, to become of use to mankind.
Another authority has, however, rather boldly con-
ceived " that some years ago this continent was habit-
able fifty feet below the present surface, and that it was
then covered with an immense forest of courida-trees,
which was destroyed by conflagration, as appears by the
ochrous substratum. The sea must, at that time, have
been confined to the blue water, where there is now
eight or nine fathoms; and whatever may have been
the comparative level between the Pacific and Atlantic
on this side of the Isthmus of Darien, the surface must
have been then fifty feet lower than now." It would be
useless to speculate upon what we cannot easily prove.
Either theory accounts partially for the fact that a large
10 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
portion of this country was originally under water ; but
Mr. Hillhouse is wrong in conceiving that, because strata
of decayed wood composed a portion of the soil, it im-
plied the land to have been habitable. One circumstance
in the chemical composition of the soils on the coasts
and those on the banks of the rivers — ^viz., the existence
of large quantities of saline substances in the former, and
comparatively little in the latter — would lead us to be-
lieve, that however true it may be that some portion
of the coasts has been under the sea, yet that the waters
of the ocean have not very recently covered the alluvion
of the rivers.
The artificial means made use of by the inhabitants of
the country to keep ofi* the encroachments of the sea and
rivers consisted in the embankments or dams thrown up
during the formation of estates. Owing to the natural
level of the cultivated districts being lower than that of
the sea and river at high water of spring tides, • it be-
came of importance both for safety and for the purposes
of agriculture that such means should be as efiectual as
possible ; but even at the present day these means are
scarcely found sufficient to protect either the town or
country. The dams raised are often insufficient in struc-
ture, and barely high enough to resist the march of the
watery elements.
The alluvial soil, in general, consists of stiff clay, vary-
ing in colour, and in the quantity of organic and in-
organic matters they contain. Some of these clays are
blue in colour, contain much organic matter, and are in
general singularly fertile ; others, again, are yellow, and
are not so productive; while in many places the soil is
covered over at different depths with layers of a substance
called " Pegass," a black, light mould, composed of vege-
* In lome places it is as much as four or flye feet below the leyel of high
water—as on the east coast; but up the hyers the difference is less, and higher
up» altogether disappears.
HISTORY 07 BBinSH GUIAITA. 11
table detritus, deposited at the mouths of the rivers.
This peculiar substance, made up of decomposing vege-
table fibre, and ^regarded by some as a kind of peat, is
injurious to the productiveness of the soil.
The analysis made of those soils have been of two
kinds: textural, or mechanical, and chemical.
By the former method, chiefly ascertained through the
diligent exertions of our scientific agricultural chemist.
Dr. Shier, the alluvial clay is found to consist of argil-
laceous or impalpable matter, and portions of sand ot
different degrees of coarseness, besides organic matter and
soluble substances. Thus, in round numbers, out of 100
parts of soil, abouft fifty per cent, may be estimated as ar-
gillaceous or clayey, forty-three per cent, as sandy matter,
two per cent, soluble saline matter, and the rest organic
matter and adherent moisture, as better illustrated by the
annexed tables composed by that gentleman.
Little or no lime is ever found in the soil along the
alluvial or maritime portion of land ; indeed, its presence
anywhere throughout the country has been denied by
most persons. A scientific traveller, Dr, Hancock, af-
firmed that none of the soil along the rivers Essequebo,
Orinoco, or Barima, could be made to effervesce with an
acid ; but in Schombui^k's account of the ascent of the
river Corentyn in October, 1836,* he describes a cal-
careous clayf as occurring in the composition of the hills
" Oreala," or Alivavarra.
The chemical composition of the different kinds of soil
met with on the coasts, the banks of the rivers, and the
interior, has been but little studied ; of late, however,
several portions of soil in the cultivated districts have
been analysed by chemists both in Europe and in this
country, and the results published. They present a few
peculiarities which deserve consideration. The speci-
* Transactions of the Boyal Geographical Society.
t A reoent analjBls, howerer, has demonstrated that it oontaiiis no lime.
12 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
mens examined have been found remarkably rich in
organic matter (chiefly vegetable), which accounts for the
singular fertility of the land in general; as much as ten
and fifteen per cent, has been detected in some lands ;
generally five to ten.
This organic matter is little else than the thoroughly
decomposed vegetable substances which have become in-
corporated with the inorganic bodies; the organic re-
mains of animals form but a very trifling portion of its
bulk. It may be regarded as a kind of natural manure
to the rest of the soil, and is found in great abundance in
all parts of the colony. Organic matter is found very
plentifiilly in pegass lands, but, existing^nly in a partially
decomposed state, is comparatively unfit for the growth
of plants.
Another peculiarity of the soil is the lai^e quantity
of iron met with in its composition. This exists pro-
bably in the state of a protoxide, which towards the
surface is often converted into a peroxide. Iron ore is
therefore met with, combined with varying proportions
of the oxygen of the atmosphere. It is not unlikely
that phosphates of iron, combined with alumina, also
exist. The soil in many places is quite discoloured from
the abundance of iron it contains, and the waters flowing
through it are impregnated largely with some of its salts.
In some specimens of earth which I have myself ana-
lysed, I have found as much as five to ten per cent, of
iron in some form or other.
The quantity of soluble saline substances met with in
the soil varies greatly in diflferent parts of the colony.
The salts chiefly found are those of soda and potash.
The former (common salt especially) abounds in many
places, particularly in the neighbourhood of the sea-
coasts. The old planters knew this practically, by ob-
serving that estates in this district were better adapted
for cotton than sugar, coffee or plantains; and it was
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 13
only when the altered duties on the former threatened
to ruin them, that they reluctantly abandoned the culture
of cotton on these properties for that of sugar, &c. It
was, however, reserved for our agricultural chemist, Dr.
Shier, to demonstrate scientifically the influence that
such an abundance of saline matter exerted upon the
products raised from such soils, thus pointing impera-
tively to an altered system of drainage.
His attention was first directed to the subject by
"observing that the water from the reservoir, in a
thoroughly drained field at plantation La Penitence, was
very perceptibly salt to the taste, even afler it had been
pumped out at least twelve times." He immediately
instituted a series of interesting experiments on the
waters of the colony, such as those in the Artesian
wells, in the rivers, creeks, estuary, and sea, as well as
others on the cane-juice and molasses raised from such
lands, and published the result of his experiments in
a short treatise on the subject of *' Thorough Drain-
age," for which he greatly merits the thanks of the
planters.
A more important fact has not been announced for
many years in the colony, and as its practical value is at
once apparent, I have inserted, Avith his permission, some
of the tables, which illustrate this subject in a forcible
manner.
From what has been already stated with regard to
the probable submersion of a great part of our cultivated
lands, it is not difficult to account for such large quan-
tities of salt as have been met Avith, and the vicinity of
the sea sufficiently accounts for the greater portion met
with in coast lands.
Where the rich alluvial district terminates, a range of
unproductive sand-hills and sand-ridges rises up, the
former attaining a height varying fix)m 30 to 120 feet.
In some places, as on the coast of Essequebo, they
14 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA*
approach the sea within a few miles« If followed
upwards fix)m that point they take first a south-east by
south, and afterwards a south-east direction, traversing
the whole colony. About twenty-five miles up the river
Demerara a number of these sand-hills are met with,
their height vaiying from 100 to 150 feet.
The rest of the land is covered with trees and shrubs,
constituting what is called "The Bush."
Behind several estates, along the west bank of the
same river, sand-ridges are met with ; and both in Es-
sequebo and Berbice large tracts of sand are to be
found.
Almost parallel with the ridge of sand-hills several
detached groups of hillocks of moderate elevation are
met with. They are seldom more than 200 feet high ;
they cross the river Essequebo at Osterbecke Point, in
lat 6 deg. 15 min. north ; the Demerara, at Arobaya, in
6 d^. 5 min, ; the Berbice, in 5 deg.*
The sand procurable fix)m the various sand regions
varies both in appearance and quality, and is much in
demand in the colony for road- making, ballast, and other
pmposes. The white sand occurs both in the districts of
Demerara and Essequebo.
From the sand-hills up the river Demerara a white sand
is procured, which is useful for ordinary purposes; it con-
tains much silex, is evidently well suited for glass -making,
and may be obtained in any quantity.
Some time ago a specimen of white sand was sent to
Boston in the United States, and on trial in the glass
manufactories it was found superior to that in general
use at that period. Specimens forwarded to Liverpool,
and to the Great Exhibition of 1851, were much admired.
I have myself remarked elevations of a fine white sand
some distance up the Itaribice Creek, but have seen
* Schombnrgk.
HISTORY OF BBinSH GUIANA. 15
specimens £sur superior to this which were procured from
some banks above the falls of the river Essequebo.
A species of black sand is found at the sand-hills up
the river Demerara, specimens of which have been for-
warded to Europe and America.
I have been informed that in some places a kind of
mixed sand is met with, alternate layers of the white and
dark variety being visible.
A common yellow sand forms banks and ridges in
various parts of the colony. On the Arabian coast of
Elssequebo miles of road of loose sand are found, and
beautiful sand beaches line many of the plantations which
front the sea.
The term " caddy" is applied to fine comminuted shell,
or fine sand intermixed with organic matter, and is much
used as ballast for ships.
The mountains of British Guiana are far removed from
the coasts, and are so difficult of access as to be rarely
seen by the inhabitants. Beyond a few enterprising tra-
vellers, and the Indian tribes who live in their vicinity,
they have been seldom visited, and from want of accurate
information respecting them, the remarks which fol-
low are necessarily scanty.*
At present considerably removed from the Atlantic, it
is more than probable that formerly the waves of that
ocean washed the bases of the numerous chains of primi-
tive rocks which stretch across this part of the continent
of South America in various degrees of latitude, and that
these granitic formations acted as a sort of dyke or boim-
dary to that vast body of water which has since receded
to so great a distance from its former situation.
Evidences of such a retreat of the ocean may be
* For a fiirther and better aooonnt of the nnmeroiit moontaiiis and hills met
with in the interior of this magnificent country, tlie reader is referred to Sit
Bdbert Schombwg^'s rqporfes to the Boyal Geoipaphicai iSouegr.
16 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIAKA.
gathered fix)m a variety of sources ; such as the presence
of huge boulders of stone, found frequently in situations
where the action alone of the water could account for
their smooth and polished exterior; the indications of
submersion furnished by large tracts of land now in cul-
tivation, or occupied by forest trees ; and the existence
of numerous ridges of sand, which either as ranges of
hillocks or in banks are so frequently found in various
parts of the colony.
Between the 1st and 2nd parallels of north latitude,
and between the 57th and 59th deg. of western longi-
tude, are situated an irregular group of mountains, called
the Ouangouwai, or Mountains of the Sun, close to the
sources of both the Corcnt}Ti and Essequebo rivers.
They may be regarded as offsets of the vast chain of
the Sierra Acarai, and form a kind of connecting link
between the Acarai and Carawaimi mountains.
The natives called this range the Wanguwai, the
highest peak of which is estimated at 3000 feet above
the plain. Its latitude is 1 deg. 49 min. north. From
the river Caneruau, a small stream which joins the
river Essequebo from the south-east, a view may be ob-
tained of the chief range of the Sierra Acarai, stretching
from north-east round southerly north-west, the out-
line peaked with sharp ridges, but densely covered with
wood. Kaiawako is reputed the highest point, and is
probably about 4000 feet liigh. This region is inhabited
by the Woyawais Indians ; they are of middle stature,
and of a lighter colour than the Tarumas, who live a
little further to the north. The former are great hunters,
but are very dirty in theii' habits.
The Carawaimi mountains are situated between the
2nd and 3rd parallels of west latitude, and the 58th and
59th deg. west longitude. A range of hills runs to-
wards them in a south-east direction. They are com-
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 17
posed of granite, and are well wooded, with a maximum
height of about 2500 feet above the plain, descending to
the river Guidaru, a tributary of the river Rupununi.
The neighbourhood of these mountains is inhabited by
the Wapisiana tribe of Indians, a fine-looking race of men,
with regular features and large noses. Another tribe, the
Atorais, are likewise found amid these mountain ranges,
but little is known respecting their number or habits.
It is in this group that the natural pyramid of Ataraipu
is met, a description of which will be given when consi-
dering the natural curiosities of this romantic countr}\
In the same parallel of latitude north, but further
west, or between the 60th and 61st deg. west longitude,
and situated on the banks of the Uraquira, a few moun-
tain groups are placed. Mount Caruma is made up of
inclined plains of gneiss, having the appearance in some
places of perpendicular walls, over which a streamlet
forms a small cascade. From its heights the summits of
the Mocajahi mountains are seen to the westward, look-
ing like islands rising out of the ocean.
The Kai-Irita^ or Kai-Iwa, or Mountains of the Moon,
are situated between 59 and 60 deg. west longitude.
The Tinijau mountains are to the southward of the
Caruma, or St. Grande.
The collective name of these detached groups is sup-
posed to have been laid down in former maps as the
Sierra Yauina.
Between the 3rd and 4th deg. of north latitude the
Cannucu, or Conocon mountains are situated.
This range extends about thirty miles in a north-east
and south-west direction, through which the river Ru-
pununi has forced itself a passage. The stream here is
about 130 yards wide, and occasionally the mountains
rise abruptly to the height of from 2000 to 2500 feet.
The geological formation is primitive, or granitic.
VOL. I. c
IS. niSTOBT OF BBmSH QUIANA.
They are well covered with wood; hence the term
" Conocon/' which, in the Brazilian language, signifies
"wooded," in opposition to Pacaraima, which means
bare. They are inhabited by a numerous tribe of
Indians, called Warpeshanas, or Mapeshanas, as well as
by the Macusis, a large and powerful nation. The Can-
nucu mountains connect the Pacaraima moimtains with
the Sierra Acarai, in which the Essequebo has its
sources. Two points, Nappi and the Curassawaka, are
distinguished by their perpendicular walls of granite.
Nappi is the Macusi name of the sweet potato. The
urari, or wourali plant, fix)m which the famous poison is
made, grows on the Cannucu mountains. It was found
there in a glen in the months of January and June,
1836, but upon neither occasion was it in flower. The
v^etation on these rocky masses consists of the myr-
tacesB, clusiacesB, and orchidaceae, besides a vast number
of plants belonging to other natural orders.
On the banks of the river Essequebo, between the 4th
and 5th deg. of north latitude, various mountain ridges
are situated.
The Twasinkie mountains, rising 1100 feet above the
river on its western banks, extend in a westerly direc-
tion, while, three miles beyond, on the right or eastern
bank, the Akay wanna mountains, about 900 feet high,
stretch to the north-east, and again, about another three
miles further oif, but on the left or west bank, the Ta-
quiarie, or Comuti moimtains, attain an altitude of about
900 feet. " These two ranges, projecting into the rivet
on either hand, cause it to assume the form of an S in
its course for about six miles. In this distance are three
falls, the most formidable of which, named Yucoorit, is
caused by a dyke of stratified granite, or gneiss, crossing
the river in a north and south direction, over which the
water, hastened by previous rapids, and narrowed in by
projecting rocks, precipitates itself with violence. The
HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIANA. 19
surrounding mountains recede and form an amphi-
theatre, affording a highly picturesque scene." *
Between the same parallels of north latitude the Mac-
cary mountains extend in a south-east direction. They
are situated on the east or right bank of the river Esse-
quebo, and are very abrupt and ragged, studded with
whitish masses of rocks, often perpendicular, and sparely
wooded. Latitude 4 deg. 27-J- min. Four miles south
of these mountains the rapids again commence, and con^
tinue for eight miles, a vast labyrinth of islands inter-
mingling with the foaming waters.
On the opposite or west bank of the river extends a
large and important range known as the Cassi moun-
tains, which stretch southwards and become connected
with the Pacaraima.
The mountains of Pacaraima approach the river Esse-
quebo in lat. 4 deg. north, and appear to be an offset of
the vast Sierra Parima range. Their general direction is
east and west, and they are reputed to be of primitive
formation. In the eastern part they attain a height of
about 1500 feet, and have a westerly course of about 200
miles, forming the separation of waters of the basins of the
Orinoko and the Essequebo on the north, and the Rio
Branco, a tributary of the Amazons, on the south. At
the eastern foot of the Sierra Pacaraima range a settle-
ment called Annayf is placed. The geological structure •
of these mountains is chiefly granitic. The " Monosuballi,"
or Twins, are of flinty quartz, and occasionally much
chalcedony is found. They are generally bare of wood;
the soil at the foot of the mountains is good. The
savannahs, on the contrary, are frequently bare of vege-
tation, with here and there groups of stunted trees, and
in other places only covered with short grass. Several
♦ Report of an Expedition into the Interior of British Quiana in 1835-6. By
B. H. Schomborgk, Esq., Corresponding Member B.G.&
J- Annaj, in the Macnsi language, signifies maize, which is said to grow
dhere.
c2
20 HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA.
tribes of Indians are located amid these undulating
heights, but are widely scattered and few in number; the
chief of these are the Wacawais and the Arecumas,
whose lonely and isolated position but rarely give the
opportunity of intercourse with the more civilised part
of the community.
Connected with the main range of the Pacaraima moun-
tains is situated Mount Mairari. It is between the 60th
and 6l8t deg. west longitude. It is a stupendous mass of
granitic and gneiss, the lower parts alone being wooded.
It is famed for a beautiful species of parokeet (Psitti-
caria Solstitialis). Its height has been computed at 3400
feet above the sea. Other mountain ranges are situated
very near. Thus Mount Zabang is found near to the
river Cotinga, or Xuruma, which is connected with the
river Tacutu, but neither of these two last ranges can
be considered as fairly existing within the precincts of
British Guiana.
Between the 6th and 6th parallels of north latitude
various important groups of mountains are placed. They
are composed of granite, gneiss, and trappean rock, with
their various modifications. They traverse Guiana in a
south-eastern direction, and, according to Sir R. Schom-
bmgk, may be considered as the central ridge of the
colony. They have been considered as an offset of the
Orinoco mountains, with which they are connected by
the Sierra Ussipama of geographers. " Whenever this
chain crosses any of the rivers which have been under
my investigation, it forms large cataracts — viz., those of
Twasinki and Ouropocari in the Essequebo, Itabrou and
the Christmas cataracts in the river Berbice, and the great
cataracts in the river Corentyn. The highest peak ap-
pears to be the mountains of St. George at the Maza-
runi, the Twasinki and Maccary on the Essequebo (the
latter rising about 1100 feet above the river), and the
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 21
mountains of Itabrou on the Berbice, the highest of
which, according to my barometrical admeasurement,
was 662 feet above the river, and 828 above the sea.
This' chain appears to be connected with the Sierra
Acarai, by the Marowini mountains, and I am inclined
to consider it the old boimdary of the Atlantic, the
geological features of the chain conducing to such a
supposition."*
The culminating point of this range is the famous
Roraima mountains, about three and a half miles long,
but of inconsiderable breadth. From its eastern side
flows the river Cotinga, which mingles its waters with
those of the Takutu, Branco, and Negro, and ultimately
falls into the Amazon.
Roraima is the name given by the Indians (signifying
" red rock") to the highest point of a range of sandstone
mountains, in latitude 5 deg. 9 min. 30 sec. north, longi-
tude 60 deg. 47 min. west.
" This remarkable mountain group extends twenty-five
miles in a north-west and south-east direction, and risea
to 5000 feet above the table-land, or 7500 feet above the
sea, the upper 1500 feet presenting a mural precipice|.
more striking than I have ever seen elsewhere. These
stupendous walls are as perpendicular as if erected with
the plumb-line; nevertheless, in some parts they are over-
hung with low shrubs, which, seen at a distance, give a
dark hue to the reddish rock, and an appearance of
being altered by the action of the atmosphere. Down
the face of these mountains rush numerous cascades,
which, falling from this enormous height, flow in diflFerent
directions to form the tributaries of three of the largest
rivers in South America — ^namely, the Amazon, the Ori-
noco, and the Essequebo.
"These mountains form the separation of waters of
22 BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
the basins of the Orinoco and Essequebo on the north,
and the Amazon on the south; and they are, therefore,
of the greatest importance in dividing the boundary of
British Guiana."*
The waters collected in such abundance on the sum-
mit of these heights are supposed by Sir R. Schom-
burgk to be occasioned by condensation from cold, as
the thermometer stood at midnight at 59 deg. Fahren-
heit. He further remarks: "The geological character
of this is sandstone, with grains of quartz and particles
of decomposed feldspar." Romantic and poetical as are
these sublimities of nature, they are duly appreciated by
the Indians. Their traditions and songs bear constant
allusion to this magnificent creation. In their dances
they sing of "Roraima, the red-rocked, wrapped in
clouds, the ever fertile source of streams ;" and, in con-
sequence of the darkness which frequently prevails when
thick clouds hover abo.ut its simunit, it is likewise called
the night mountain ; " of Roraima, the red-rocked, I sing,
where with daybreak the night still prevails."
Several other mountains form with Roraima a sort
of quadrilateral arrangement, of which Roraima is the
highest point, and the most south-easterly in direction.
This quadrangle, according to Sir Robert Schomburgk,
^* occupies, from south-east to north-west, ten geographical
miles. The names of these mountains are Gukenam,
Ayang-Catsibang, and Marima."
A rocky height named Irwarkarima is distant about
two miles from Ayang-Catsibang. It is bold and rocky,
and attains an elevation of about 3600 feet. It is re-
markable for an urn-shaped rock on its eastern end,
which is about 466 feet high, and at its widest part 381
feet. Next to this height are the Wayaca, Carauringlebub,
Yutuariuma, and Irutibuh, which conclude the group.
HISTORY or BRITISH GUIANA. 28
Not £|Qr from Roraima is the mountain Eaiman, about
4000 feet above the level of the sea. Tracts of pure
white clay or decomposed feldspar are met with in it,
also a few blocks of compact feldspar of a bluish colour.
White clay is, however, found in several other places,
and might usedRilly be employed in the manufacture of
ware. Red jasper, or homstone, is frequently met with
in the vicinity of Roraima.
Such are some of the principal mountain ranges of
the colony, which divide it, as it were, from the vast
plains and wooded lands of the western part of the con-
tinent.
Enclosed between these rocky regions and the waters
of the Atlantic the rest of the face of the country is
marked by a few, but grand features — such as wide-
spread savannahs, illimitable forests, imdulating plains,
gigantic rivers, and the various natural curiosities which
present themselves to the traveller.
The term "savannah" has been indiscriminately ap-
plied to a variety of grassy, marshy spots, which, however,
differ widely from each other. The savannahs met with
here may be reduced to about three or four different
kinds, and the number of them met with throughout this
colony is very remarkable.
The first variety which I shall notice are those which
are met with between the rivers Demei*ara and Corentyn.
These are in general large tracts of swampy land, some
of which are covered with tall, rank grasses, the abode
of reptiles and aquatic birds — such as the stork and rail,
&c.i but others are well suited for grazing purposes. In
some places they approach the ses^shore, as at the river
Berbice, where miles of them occur.
ApparentlyjBunilar to this kind of savannahs are those
which are met with about the rivers and creeks; although
not so large in^extent, they are covered with a variety
24i mSTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA*
of tall grasses, and afford places of resort to the wild
duck, the bittern, rail, and other birds. Some of these
savannahs, however, axe far from being sterile ; those
which lie between Demerara and Berbice are admi-
rably suited to the grazing of cattle, and are so used
at the present day. Many of the cattle, however, stray,
and in these extensive domains become absolutely wild.
A second variety of savannahs consists of those great
tracts of marshy land which are encompassed, according
to an intelligent traveller,* " by the Sierra Pacaraima to
the north, the Cannucu, Taripona, and Carawaimi moun-
tains to the south, the thick forests of the Essequebo
and isolated moimtains to the east, and the mountains
of the Mocajahi, and offsets of the Sierra Parima, to the
west."
They are about 14,400 square miles in extent, and
have evidently been submerged at no very distant period.
These great savannahs are traversed by tortuous streams,
whose course may often be traced afar off by an irregular
row of trees, which fringe the otherwise scarcely percep-
tible banks. The same authority informs us that these
savannahs are merely covered with grasses and a few
stunted trees, except in some places, where tufts of trees
rise like verdant isles, or oases in a desert, from amidst
these plains.
" This tract contains the lake Amucu, which in the
dry season is of small extent, and overgrown with rushes;
but during the rainy season it not only inundates the
adjacent low countries, but its waters, as I have been
assured by Indians, run partly eastward into the Rupu*
nuni, and partly westward into the Bio Branco. The
small river Pirara has its sources somewhat south of Lake
Amucu, flowing through it towards the Rio Mahu. On
* Gax Robert Schomborgk.
BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 25
the banks of tliis small lake stands the Macusi village
Krara."
According to Sir Robert Schombui^k, "the geolo-
gical structure of this region leaves but little doubt that
it was once the bed of an inland lake, which by one of
those catastrophes, of which even later times give us
examples, broke its barrier, forcing for its waters a path
to the Atlantic. May we not connect with the former
existence of this inland sea the fable of the Lake Parima
and the El Dorado? Thousands of years may have
elapsed; generations may have been buried and returned
to dust ; nations who once wandered on its banks may
be extinct, and even no more in name : still the tradition
of the Lake Parima and the El Dorado survived these
changes of time; transmitted from father to son, its fame
was carried across the Atlantic, and kindled the romantic
fire of the chivalric Raleigh." The vegetation of the
districts about the river Rupununi, where this description
of savannah is met with, is far from being luxuriant. It
consists of arid sands upon a clay substratum, and is
improductive. Similar to this sterile kind of savannah
is that met with behind many of the estates on the
Arabice coast of Essequebo.
A third variety of savannah is peculiar to the inland
portions of this continent, and, although hardly within
the limits of British Guiana Proper, requires some notice
here, especially as throwing some light on this mis-
appUed word.
These tracts of land are of varying extent, but are
marked by an entire absence of hills or irregularities of
any kind; hence the term llanos, or plains, which have
been applied to them by travellers and others.
According to Humboldt,* " the savannahs, improperly
* Cofmos.
26 HISTOBT OF BamSH OUIAKA.
called by some pmries, are true steppes (llanos and
pampas of South America). They present a rich cover-
ing of verdure during the rainy season, but in the months
of drought the earth assumes the appearance of a desert.
The turf becomes reduced to powder, the earth gapes in
huge cracks. The crocodiles and great serpents lie in a
dormant state in the dried mud, imtil the return of rains
and the rise of the waters in the great rivers, which,
flooding the vast expanse of level surface, awake them
from their slumbers. These appearances are often ex-
hibited over an arid surface of fifty to sixty square
leagues ; everywhere, in short, where the savannah is not
traversed by any of the great rivers."
This description of savannah has been, however, con-
sidered by others as the bed of an inland lake, which at
some time or other has burst through its banks, and by
degrees become gradually dried up. These sterile savan-
nahs are the deserts of the American continent. The
hardy grasses which abound are the resort of the serpent
and the stork, and present, whether flooded or dried up,
a cheerless aspect to the traveller.
Far different to the barren savannahs are the mag-
nificent forests which present to the eye an unfading
garment of green, varying in tint from the darkest
to the lightest hue. Here are to be seen majestic
trees, larger and stateUer than the oak; here entwine
in voluptuous negligence numerous pliant vines, inter-
lacing and encircling the larger trees, and named by
the colonists bush ropes. Here flourish the varieties
of the broad-leaved palms, the numerous native fruit
trees, and a host of others possessing medicinal and
other valuable properties; whilst minute mosses, in-
numerable lichens, and a variety of ferns and parasitic
plants crowd together in social luxuriance ; orchideous
plants in amazing nimibers, perched on the gigantic and
forked branches of trees, seeking only for a resting-place,
mSTOST OF BBinSH GUIANA. 27
appear to inhale from the ahr alone (though so densely
crowded by inhabitants) the pabulum which supports
their capricious and singular existence.
The whole earth is hfe, the very air is life, and the
foot of man can scarcely tread upon an inch of ground in
this magazine of Nature's wonders without crushing some
graceful plant or beauteous flower, so densely is it in-
habited, so united, peaceful, and thriving are its denizens.
The very beams of the bright sun are excluded from
these secret haunts. Its rays glance only on the fanciful
and glistening leaves which form a veil or mantle to the
treasures they conceal. How true and beautifrd again is
the language of Humboldt, for not alone were trees, and
shrubs, and plants glor3ang in existence; the forest,
still and silent ^ the grave, seemed a city for the recep-
tion of all things living save man. " Yet amid this ap-
parent silence, should one listen attentively, he hears a
stifled sound, a continued murmur, a hum of insects that
fill the lower strata of the air. Nothing is more adapted
to excite in man a sentiment of the extent and power of
organic life.
"Mjnriads of insects crawl on the ground, and flutter
round the plants scorched by the sun's heat. A confiised
noise issues from every bush, from the decayed trunks of
trees, the fissures of the rocks, and from the ground,
which is imdermined by lizards, millipedes, and blind
worms. It is a voice proclaiming to us that all nature
breathes, that under a thousand different forms life is
difiused, in the cracked and dusty soil as in the bosom of
the waters, and in the air that circulates around us.*'
Timber trees in every variety, finit trees in astonishing
profiision, medicinal plants of singular efficacy, shrubs
and flower-plants in inexhaustible numbetB, are found
within these finiitfiil forests, in whose brandies nestle a
world of birds. The shrill scream of the parrot at morn-
ing and evening rends the air, while plaintive and slow
28 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
strains may be heard at times from the maam and the
powie. The rich plumage of the nmnerous bird tribes,
and their pecuUar and varied notes, form a marked con-
trast to the mute but grand assemblage of living plants.
The magnitude and grandeur of these vast forests are
almost incredible, save to eye-witnesses. The Indian,
the melancholy lord of the soil, alone appreciates their
gorgeous beauty and soothing solitudes.
The magnificent rivers of the colony next demand
attention; they are the connecting links between the
inhabited civilised shores, and the lonely but romantic
scenery of the interior.
The river Demerara* is about a mile and a half wide
where it joins the Atlantic, and runs in a tortuous course,
in a southerly direction, a distance of about 200 miles,
and is lost in a small group of mountains which ap-
proach the Essequebo in 4 deg. 28 min. north latitude,
and are called the Maccary. Its exact origin is not known,
but it is said to arise from two small streams : one from
the south-west, the other from the south-east, which
unite to form this river. For about 100 miles up this
stream is navigable for small vessels, and many brigs and
barques have sailed nearly that distance to load with
timber ; the tide extends likewise so far ; after that, a
great number of rapids and cataracts impede the tra-
veller's progress; and the Indians, in their slight canoes,
can scarcely find a pathway. Some of these cataracts
ore very large, and difficult to overcome. The river
receives but few and imimportant tributaries in its
course; these are called creeks, and are first met with
about two hours* tide ; they flow with it on the right
and left; some of them, narrow and shallow in their
course, meander for many miles through marshy savan-
nahs or wooded plains, occasionally expanding into
* This riyer was called Lemdrare l^ Baldgfa and hit fi^owen; Bio De lifi-
ran bj the Spaniaida; and Inoemaiy, or Demeraij, by the Datch.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIAKA. 29
lakes, or shrivelled up into almost impassable beds of
water. These creeks are almost abandoned hy the
natives; a few wood-cutting establishments, and scat-
tered bands of squatters, fast sinking into barbarismi
occupy their dreary borders.
As a marked contrast, however, the banks of the
Demerara, for about thirty miles, are studded with
thriving estates, dwelling-houses, and villages. The tall
chimneys of the former, wreathed in smoke, stand like
sentinels along the winding stream.
The further you proceed from Greorgetown, which is
situated on the eastern bank of the river at its embou-
chure, the traces of civilisation become less distinct, the
river narrows considerably, and along its savage and
uncleared borders bands of almost lawless Africans and
Creole negroes live in a state of primitive simplicity.
The more honest and industrious have assembled in
rude villages, and earn a livelihood by raising ground
provisions and cutting wood.
Early in the morning hundreds of corials, deeply
loaded with produce, charcoal or wood, may be seen
gliding with the tide towards the Georgetown market,
and returning in the evening with goods purchased in
the city. The tiny and grotesque sails of many are now
spread to catch the afternoon breeze, and quicily, if not
often safely, the little fleet of boats are scattered over the
river, dotting the stream in all directions.
The more ignorant or lazy of the squatters, however,
employ themselves in stealhig from the others, and, re-
tiring to the secluded creeks or gloomy forests, lead an
unprofitable life of savage barbarism.
Situated in the vicinity of larger rivers, the river
Demerara loses that importance to which it is otherwise
entitled. Its current is very powerful, especially towards
its mouth, where it has been computed to flow as rapidly
as seven or eight knots an hour, and the under-cur-
80 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
lents or eddies must be equally powerful, and act much
in the maimer of whirlpools, for it has become notorious,
by experience, that few persons who have the misfortune
to Ml into its stream are saved: whether borne away
and sucked under by the eddying wave, or devoured by
the greedy sharks, which in hundreds aboimd at its
mouth, it is difficult to determine; but the melancholy
fact still obtains, and has rendered the mariner caution
and wary in his sports.
The colour of this remarkable river (the supposed
origin of its name being De Mirar, or the Wonderful) is
of a dirty yellow, being in feet occasioned by the clayey
soil or mud which (having been washed down by its
rapid waters, and rendering turbid and thick the other-
wise pure current of the stream) is deposited at its
mouth in banks or deposits of mud-flats, forming natural
barriers at the entrance of the stream to any very large
vessels.
A bar (as it is here called) of mud " extends about
four miles to seaward, with only nine feet of water at
half-flood, but the channel along the eastern shore has
nineteen feet of water at high tide."* The very beach at
its mouth is composed of mud ; occasionally large quan-
tities of sand or caddyf drift towards the land, and form
temporary beaches, but shortly disappear, and are car-
ried higher up the coast, to return again at varying
periods; it should be stated that sand-hills from 100 to
150 feet high, and nearly perpendicular, are met with
about thirty miles from the mouth of the river. Nume-
rous islands of variable size obstruct, but not materially,
the navigation of the river; the first of any importance,
about twenty mUes up, was named Borselen, and was
afterwards made the head-quarters of the Dutch, and the
capital of this settlement.
* Schombargk.
t ^® ^^1™ caddj is applied to a substance composed of comminutod shells,
sandy and sdl; but chieflj toe farmer.
mSTOBY OF BRITISH 6UIAKA. 31
The river Eesequebo, the largest m British Guiana,
was called by the Indians "Aranauma;" by Hakluyt,
" Devoritia, or Dessekeber;" and is supposed to have
received its present name from one of the officers of
Diego Columbus — D. Juan EssequibeL Deriving its
origin in the Acarai mountains, forty-one miles north
of the equator, it pursues a tortuous course for about
600 nules, and discharges its black, but pellucid, waters
by four separate channels into the Atlantic Ocean. At
its embouchure, or mouth, it is about twenty miles
broad. The four channels alluded to are formed by
three large islands, which stand crowned with perennial
foliage, like monarchs on the frontiers of this watery
realm.
These islands became afterwards cultivated, and are
now known as — 1st. Tiger, or Arowabische Island,
about ten miles long, on which three estates have long
been in cultivation. 2nd. Leguan* (the most eastern
island) is about twelve miles long. In 1770 it had
eight or nine coflFee estates, and was subsequently laid
out in sugar estates. 3rd. Waakenaara,f or Margarita
Island, is about fifteen miles long, and had in 1770
about three sugar and four coflTee estates.
Most of the estates on the island of Leguan have been
partially, some wholly, abandoned ; a few, however, are
still in active and successful cultivation. In 1829 the
sugar crop from about twenty estates was 10, 905, 9 11 lbs. ;
while in 1849 it had decreased to 2,504,2151b6.
In Waakenaam, there were formerly twenty estates in
active operation; some of these have since failed, but
there are still many large and valuable properties. The
sugar crop has decreased about 6,000,0001bs. within the
last twenty years.
* Leguan deriTes its name firom El Guano, in conaeqacnoe of the preTalenoe
of goanofl^a species of lizard,
t Waakenaam sigHJfiea.in waul of a name.
32 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Numerous other islands in luxuriant beauty are also
n^ligently strewed throughout its course,* some large,
some smaU, all lovely, and said to equal in number the
days of the year. In its serpentine course the river
Essequebo traverses valleys of surpassing richness and
mountains of great height, which, rising from 3000 to
4000 feet above its banks, cast their fearful shadows over
its waves. The sombre forests approach in some places
to the very water's edge, and the granite rock, with the
mouldering forest trees, sink down together beneath its
current. The dark colour of the water has been the sur-
prise of every visitor. Regarded at a distance, it looks
absolutely black and opaque, but a nearer approach
reveals its translucency and bronze-like tinge. It has
been supposed by a scientific colonistf that this tint is
derived firom the iron of the granite rocks, as the waters
are as dark at their source as at their termination;
but another authorityj (and with more reason) attri-
butes the stain to the impregnation of carbonaceous or
decayed vegetable matter, and remarks, that where any
of its branches traverse a different kind of soil to al-
luvrum, as, for instance, a savannah, the colour becomes
lighter.
Possibly the two causes assigned, acting together, pro-
duce this curious result. Be this as it may, the river
Essequebo has other equally singular features. Flowing
generally from south to north, it receives a host of
tributary streams. Thousands of little rivulets de-
scending from mountain steeps, and meandering along
verdant plains and through rocky passes, combine to
form the mighty branches which pour their strength
into the parent stream. Many of these streamlets are de-
rived from sources not far from the origin or bed of the
* The names of manj of these are characteristic; thus the largest are known
as Hog, Fort, Lowlow, and Troolie Islands,
t Mr. Hillhonse. } Hancock, p. 40.
mSTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. i*33
'great Orinoco. In their course the tributaries of the
Essequebo sweep over ledges of rocks of varying magni-
tude, forming cascades of every size, from the simple
rapids to the gigantic cataract. " Some of these falls
are most difficult of ascent ; the Caboory, for instance, is
full thirty feet high, in four different ledges, and requir-
ing one hour's hard labour to get over a space of about
100 yards. The rapids do not run in one sheet over a
level ledge, but force themselves through a nimiber of
large intermediate blocks of granite, dividing the diffe-
rents hoots of the fall."* The noise of some of the larger
cataracts is heard at a distance of several miles. The
principal rivers, which like veins flow into one common
trunk, are the Cuyuni and Mazaruni, whose united
streams, about a mile in width, reach the Essequebo
about thirty miles from its mouth; the Potaro, or Black
River, from the south-west; the Siparuni, or Red River,
also from the south-west; the Rupununi, or White
River, a large stream about 220 miles long; the Cuyu-
wini, the Yuawauri, or Cassi Kityon, from the south-
west; and the Camoa, or Owangou, also from south-
west ; and the Wapuau and Caneruau from the south-
east. It would be needless in this place to enter into a
description of the different ramifications of these streams,
or to dwell upon the innumerable rapids or cataracts
which in many places actually obstruct all progress, es-
pecially in the Mazaruni.
The consideration of the numerous wooded islands,
with their fascinating scenery, of the luxuriant specimens
of vegetation, and of the animals and mineral produc-
tions, is left to the future scientific explorer, or enter-
prising naturalist The curious on this subject may
peruse with advantage the information gathered by
such travellers as Schomburgk, Hillhouse, Hancock,
and Waterton. Fort Island, called by Hartsink Vlag-
* SchorobqiglL
VOL. I. D
34 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIAHA.
gen Islancl, is situated at its northerly point abont three
miles from the sea. It fbrmerlj possessed a wooden
fort, protected with a palisade work (horenwerk), bnik
near a creek, named Schipper Jans Ereek, but this was
destroyed, and in 1740 upon the same spot a stone fort
was erected, which in 1748 was finished, and called
Fort Z^landia. It was quadrangular, ¥rith four bulwarks
around mounting eighteen or nineteen guns; inside was
a triangular redoubt with a flat roof and embrasures
serving as a casern for the soldiers and powder magazine.
On the waterside was placed a "horenwerk" with pali-
sades, and protected with twelve cannon. Towards
building this fort, each plantation had to contribute so
many slaves, but when complete, an agreement was
entered into between the company and the planters,
whereby the former undertook to maintain it without
further aid from the latter. The planters also, for their
protection, built a battery, which was armed by the
company with four metal culverines, and forty swords,
and was manned by the people givai by the planters.
It proved, however, of very little use, and soon was
given up.
In 1746 one Rypersberg travelled very far up the
Mazaruni, and states that upon the seventh day of his
journey, he met with a high pyramid of hewn stone
between very high mountains. He felt curious to visit
it, but none of the Indians would accompany him, be-
cause they said it was the dwelling-place of Sawahou
(Devil). The sea of Parima was the supposed El
Dorado, and said to be inhabited by Indians of a fair
complexion, and who wore clothes. In 1755 several
successive attempts were made by the Spaniards to
reach it, but failed, owing to the opposition rfiown by
Indian and other dangers ; four of these clothed Indians
were taken prisoners, and were said to have been seen
by many persons of veracity.
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. S5
The gowmor of Essequebo, in 1756, sent thither to
procure some of these peojde, but £Edled. Poet Arinda
vras tiie £irthest post of the Dutch, on an island close to
the falls. The river is here very wide, and studded with
islands. In this neighbourhood was a kind of metal
like lead, so soft that it could be cut ; hi^er up, and
Jiear the river Sibaioua wese fi>und mines of crystal;
and still hi^ier up, a volcanic mountain, said to have
been discovered in 1749. On the banks of the Esse-
quebo there were formerly about sixty estates, near the
mouth of the river. The land is low and maishy here,
but further in is hi^ and moimtainous.
Previously to quitting this acooimt of our earliest his-
torioal river, it is to be observed that the entrance to the
many wonders it includes is much obstructed by nu*
merous shoals and sand-banks, which, stretching out
to seaward, become sources of danger to unwary navi-
gators.
The sugar-bank stretching three iniles seaward from
the mouth of the Essequebo, is so called from the wrecks
in former years of small boats laden with sugar. For-
merly the West India Company of the Chambers of Zea-
land, who managed Essequebo and Demerara, placed a
Brandwagt, or guard-house, on the east bank of the river,
with two cannons to announce the approach of ships.
Vessels of considerable size, however, having found a safe
channel, can proceed for about fifty miles up the river,
where the commencement of the rapids terminates at once
the tide and the progress of a ship. The banks of the
river are remarkable for the number of trees and plants
which bathe their sunny leaves in the refreshing stream.
Within sight, if not within easy reach, arise lofty hills,
their summits often hid in douds, in wandering to which
wild-fowl and game in many places abound, while the
river itself fiimifihes numerous kinds of fish. There are
d2
36 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
no estates to be seen at present on the borders of this
noble stream ; its lovely banks are only tenanted by a few
impoverished individuals. For many miles no human
habitation is visible; the very Indian has deserted the
Lower Essequebo ; the inevitable bush creeps down to
the river's edge ; the jabbering monkey, or the startled
bird, occasionally breaks the deep silence of the scene;
but scarcely an evidence of man's existence is to be
traced around. A soUtary schooner on its way to the
penal settlement, situated on the tributary stream of the
Mazaruni, may now and then appear, drifting lazily with
the noiseless tide, or an Indian canoe from the quiet
missionary settlement at Bartika Point, may be observed
stealing silently along the sides of the stream to avoid
•the objectionable current.
The river Corentyn, or Courantin, separates the British
possessions in Guiana from those of the Dutch. It has
its origin about the 1st deg. north latitude, and is sup-
posed to rise from the same moimtain range as the river
Essequebo, at a distance of about twenty-five mijes east
from the source of that river.
Flowing from the mountains of the sun (Ouanguwai)
in a northerly direction, it is impeded in its coiu:se be-
tween the 4th and 5th parallel of north latitude by the
same tract of granitic boulders which cross the rivers
Essequebo and Berbice, and which forms a series of
formidable cataracts in 4 deg. 20 min., described in
another place. The river which had expanded at these
rapids now contracts and runs north and north-east until
it reaches 5 deg. north latitude, where it flows to the
west for about forty miles and receives a large tributary,
the river Cabalaba, from the south; ftirther on it is
crossed by a range of sandstone rocks, and receives the
river Matappe; its course is now to the northwards, and
is 80 tortuous, that in one instance — ^namely, from the
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 37 :
mouth of the river Paruru to the river Maipuri (small
tributaries which flow into it from the westward), it de-.
scribes almost a circle, the distance by the river being
twenty miles, while across the savannah, which here
follows its course, it is only one and three-quarter miles.
Further on it receives the rivers Wasiappe on the right,
and Oreala on the left; the cliffs about Oreala consist of
horizontal beds of siliceous conglomerate with sandstone,
grains of quartz, and calcareous schistose clay of a bluish
colour, and occasionally beds of loose sand and shale;
these cliffs stretch north and south; they contain no
organic remains; behind them stretch extensive sa-
vannahs ; opposite to Oreala is Semira, the site of an old
Moravian mission, and now consisting of an impoverished^
settlement. From Oreala the river flows in a northerly
course, through a level country, for about fifty miles,
and, receiving the tributary river Nickeri on its right
bank close to the sea-coast, discharges its turbid waters
into the Atlantic. At the mouth of the Nickeri is the
Dutch settlement of the same name, with a small garrison
and a sea-battery. Opposite to Nickeri, on the British-
side, was formerly the plantation Mary's Hope; three*
miles to the northward of this plantation, or in latitude
6 deg. 5 min. north, a soft mud-flat, called the Bar of the
River, extends in a direction south-east by east to the
distance of seven and a half miles, with a depth of seven
and a half feet of water over it at low tide; the moutb
of the river, estimated between Mary's Hope and Nickeri,
is about ten miles wide; but between Grordon's Point and
Plantation Allness, which by some are considered as the
extreme points of the mouth of the Corentyn, the distance
is eighteen miles.
A sand-bank is situated at the entrance of the river,
which is about one mile long firom north to south, and
about half a mile in breadth, and forms two channels for
SB mSTORT 07 BRITISH GUIAKA«
vessels to enter; the wmdward^ or eastern, cBannel is
the deepest; it has eight and a half feet water at low
water ; but at spring tides rises eight and a half feet
higher, and at neap three feet; this chanriel is about two
miles wide; while the westerly, or leeward, is shallower,
but about the same width- The current of the river is
very strong in the wet season, generally from three to
four knots an hour, but sets fortunately in the direction
of the river. The river Coraityn is navigable as far as
the river Cabalaba, for boats that do not draw more than
seven feet water, the distance being about 150 miles from
the sea, if measured along the windings of the stream.
In its course numerous sand-banks and islands are met
with; thus in 5 deg. 55 min. north latitude it forms an
estuary with navigable channels between the sand and
mud-banks.
The river Berbice has its origin probably about the 3rd
parallel of north latitude, flowmg at first in a north-
west direction through a swampy country intersected by
ofl^oots of the Caimuctt mountains, which give rise to
the formation of innumerable rapids and occasional cas-
cades. In 3 deg. 55 min. north latitude it has assumed
the extreme limits of its westerly course, and approadies
within about nine miles of the river Essequebo. There
is on old path overland to this river across a fertile soil
daotmding ias palm-trees, as well as the crabwood (Carapa
Chiianenaifl), the souari (Caryootr tuber-culosum), the
yaniri, the amsra, bignonia, and othe* trees ; occasional
Bwzmps have to be traversed in following the narrow
pathway which leads from one river to the other. The
Berbice from hence takes a northerly course^ and becomes
very narrow and tortuous; now contracting to a width
of only ten yards, in other places spreading out into lake-
like expansions. The banks are low and marshy, and
ere noi unfrequeaotly under water. The stream now
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 39
jBows in varying width through a wild and savage wilder-
ness, its banks fringed by the prickly pear, and its current
impeded by dense masses of a species of solanmn, which
is found in abundance. It pursues its winding course to
4 deg. 20 min. north Itttitude, when boulders of granite
rock stud the river, which has previously received a small
tributary, called the Black River, from the west. After
passing the boulders, numerous cataracts and rapids ob-
struct the navigation for about fifty miles. The river
before had been narrow, studded with islets, and fed by
numerous inlets, with palm-trees on its banks, and had
traversed a fertile soil impregnated with a chalky marL
It is now crossed by offshoots of the mountain chains
already described. In this romantic region the fiunous
Victoria Regia lily was discovered in 1836 by Sir Robert
Schomburgk.*
In its rapid and tortuous course the river forms the
Christmas Cataract; a series of rapids succeed, and
further north it rushes from its northerly bank over a
dyke of rocks, giving rise to the Itabru Cataract. The
stream now expands into lake-Uke basins, at other times
narrowing, and becomes almost hidden as it flows be-
tween the numerous rocks and hills which overhang its
banks. The last cataract is in 4 deg. 50 min. north
latitude, and after passing the rapids called Marlissae,
the river is now free for ordinary boat navigation. In
4 deg. 56 min. north latitude the influence of the tide
commences, and the distance from here is about 165
miles to the sea, if the course of the river is followed, A
little before reaching this spot the stream becomes less
tortuous, and is about eighty yards broad ; on its banks
are ledges of granitic rocks, of a red colour, with a
smooth sur&ce, and coated over with a thick crust of
the black oxide of manganese. On these rocks there are
* Ascent of the rirerBerUoe, 1836-7. TransactiooBof theBoTalQeogcaphicAl
Society.
40 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
traces of picture-writing, called Tehmehri by the na-
tives, somewhat similar to those fomid at Warapoota, on
the river Essequebo, and other places. From the 6th
parallel north latitude the course of the river is in a
north-eastern direction to its outflow into the Atlantic
A small brook, the Yariki, flows into it shortly after it
has taken this curve ; the river now becomes shallow,
with numerous inlets, and the last traces of the trappean
rocks are met with, distant about seventy miles in a
direct line from the sea. From its western bank a path
is shortly reached which leads to the river Demerara,
while on the eastern side, a little lower down the
stream, a similar path conducts to the river Corentyn.
The tributary stream of the Yuacari now enters the river
from the westward, and if this brook is followed a two
days' journey along its banks and one overland, will
likewise lead the traveller to the river Demerara. The
river next flows through a sandy district, some of the
hills of which are 100 feet in height, from the summit of
which a fine undulating and wooded landscape may be
seen. The stream after this again becomes narrow and
tortuous, numerous inlets, called Itabu, occur, and
patches of coarse long grass (Panicum) and Mocco*
Mocco (Caladium arborescens) obstruct its course. The
Monbacca, a small tributary, joins the river on its eastern
side, and lower down, the river Moracco enters it on the
opposite direction, where there is a wood-cutting esta-
blishment in active operation. Another small stream,
the Kabiribirie, famous for the coldness of its waters, and
the Paripi, likewise join the river. At the junction of
the latter several sand-hills or reefs extend close to the
western bank. About ten miles ftirther north, the river
WicMe flows into it from the east, behind which extends
a marshy district. Sand-hills now succeed, and the valu-
able wallaba-tree (Eperua Falcata) is found plentifully
here.
HJ8T0RY OF BRITISH GUIANA. * 41
The sandy region extends as far as Peereboom (be-
hind which large savannahs stretch inland), but does not
terminate here, for having received the tributary Wie-
ronie in 6 deg. 42 min. north latitude, the former site of
an old redoubt and church, and the small river Moshieba
and the brook Kaderbicie lower down, the river flows
through hillocks of sand termed Hitia by the natives,
and narrowed at this point in its course, emerges from
the last trace of rising or elevated land. These hillocks
are fifty feet in height, and are distant about thirty miles
in a direct line from the coast. In 6 d^. 60 min. north
latitude it makes a sweep to the north-west, at the
southern angle of which is the site of old Fort Nassau^^
forty-five miles from the mouth of the river along its
windings; lower down, the river receives the rivulet
Abari-Itabu, which connects it with the river Abari, and
beyond this two smaller streams from the north-west, the
former situation of Plantation Daagerad. In 6 deg. north
latitude the stream is about a mile in width, and makes
a considerable bend, remarkable for the strength of the
bore, which occasionally rises from twelve to fifteen feet,
and proves dangerous to the inexperienced.
After this it is only about half a mile wide, xmtil it
approaches New Amsterdam, which is situated a little
above the junction of the river Canje, which flows into
the Berbice from the east. A short distance from the
embouchure of the river a low and bushy island, about a
mile in circumference, called Crab Island, is placed in
the centre of the stream, and divides it into two navi-
gable channels, of which the eastern is the deepest, being
from seventeen to twenty feet at high water. On the
eastern bank of the river, opposite Crab Island, are the
ruins of old Fort St. Andrew, which formerly mounted
eighteen twelve-pounders, and was admirably placed both
for offence and defence.
42 ^ mSTOBT OF BBITIS& GITIAKAr
The river Waini, or Guainia, is a small stream, which,
rising about the 7th parallel of north latitude, flows fiw
its first half in a north-east, and subsequently in a north-
west, direction, anastomosing with several other rivers
in its course until it empties itself into the ocean. Shal-
lows and sand-banks block up the entrance here of
large vessels, but as it has a navigable channel of twelve
to eighteen feet at high water, it may be navigated by
schooners and other smaller craft.
A passage, known as the Mora Passage, connects it
with the river Barima, which stream, rising in the neigh-
bourhood of the Sierra Imataca, 7 deg. north latitude,
flows to the north and west until it reaches the Orinoco
dose to the Atlantic, At its mouth it labours under
similar disadvantages with the Waini ; but if once en-
tered, it offers an uninterrupted navigation to vessels
of from 250 to 300 tons burthen as high as the junc-
tion of the Aruka. Towards the latter part of its
course the soil is flat, marshy, and fertile, and covered
with the inevitable courida and mangrove trees. By
means of the Aruka and Aruan streams it becomes
connected with the river Amacura, which, rising about
the 8th parallel of north latitude, runs in a north and
north-west course towards the Atlantic, where its waters
are discharged a little to the westward of the rivw
Barima. But the two rivers Barima and Amacura
might be more readily brought into communication by
cutting a canal across the portage. Numerous rivulets
joiif the Barima on both its banks, which are, more or
less, occupied by the Warraus, with a few families of
Waikis.
The river Pomeroon rises about the 7th parallel of
north latitude, and flows for about forty miles in a
northerly course until it reaches the sea in 7 deg. 50 min.
north latitude, and 59 deg. west longitude. The entrance
SBSTORT OF BRITISH GUIitKA. 40
to the river i* narrow, and bounded on the eastern side
by a projecting tongue of land which is called Cape
Nassau ; the land here is low and woody, and numerous
sand-banks extend seaward in frcmt c^it.
It was OTL the eastern side of this riyer that the first
settlements of the Dutch were made in 1580; the sites
of the two settlements of Nieu Middleburg and Nova
Zelandia are to be seen marked on an old map of the
country published in 1759 by Laurens Lodewyk Van
Bercheyck. There were formerly many En^ish and
Dutch settlers on this river, and many flourishing planta-
tions existed, traces of which remain to the present day.
Block houses and lotions for the troops were situated
along part of the coast, which was not unfrequently
visited by Spanish and other privateers in search of
plunder. The sea is very rough about the aitrance of
the river, and the "rollers" or breakers render it at
times somewhat dangerous. This river has water com-
munication inland through its tributaries with the river .
Morocco, and by this latter with the rivers Waini and
Barima, so that an inland navigation may be said to exist
fix)m the river Essequebo to the Orinoco.
Besides the above, there are the rivers Mahaica, Ma-
haicony, and Abari, which flow between the larger rivers
of D^nerara and Berbioe. A number of smaller streams
or creeks are likewise found, meandering for miles
through the most varied landscapes, and opening to
the ocean or into the larger streams.
The cataracts and rapids met with in the course of the
noble rivers of this province are both numerous and in-
teresting. They are occasioned by the rivers havmg
forced their way through mountain ridges of primitrve
rocks, which traverse the countay in irregular and imdii-
lating chains of varying height At the narrowest part
of most of the rivers they succeed each other rajadly j in
4Ai HI8T0BT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Other places tHey are met at short distances from each
other, but on the same line, at a part of the river where
it has expanded into a kind of lake, and where huge
boulders of rocks are strewn across the path of the tor-
rent, as if intent on checking its fttrther progress, but
the impetuous stream dashes onwards, and, divided into
several currents by the masses of rock in its way, consti-
tutes in its flight and fall those numerous and picturesque
cascades which now require our consideration.
However beautiful these are — however exciting to the
wearied spirits of the traveller, they yet prove a diffi-
cult and sometimes dangerous impediment to his onward
course. A few of these cataracts, and many of the
rapids, may indeed be passed in the light corials of the
Indian tribes, and with the assistance of their calm and
skilfiil piloting, but, as a general rule, it is a dangerous
experiment, and one that is rather to be avoided if pos-
sible than to be incurred.
In the river Demerara there is but one cataract which
merits any notice ; it has received the name of the great
"Fall of the river Demerara," but is disparagingly
spoken of by Robert Schomburgk, who visited it in
March, 1837. I have been assured, however, by his
Excellency Grovemor Barkly, who saw it in 1851, that it
is a cataract of considerable importance ; the height of
the whole fall has been estimated at about sixty feet.
It is situated about 800 miles from the mouth of the
river.
The cataracts and rapids met with in following the
course of the river Essequebo are both numerous and
beautiful, and as several of the large tributary streams
which flow into it are equally studded with these sin-
gular formations, it would be tedious to attempt to enter
into an3^hing like a formal account of them. To those
who are desirous of becoming more acquainted with
.HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 4&
them, the accounts furnished by Schomburgk,* Hill-
house, and others, are recommended, unless they possess
the leisure and inclination to visit these romantic spots
themselves.
Independently of smaller rapids at and after its origin,
the course of the Essequebo, after it has received the
large tributary stream of Cuyuni in 2 deg. 16 min. north
latitude, is, for the distance of about seventy miles, so
impeded by cataracts, that it is barely navigable for the
small canoes of the natives. It forms, in 3 deg. 15 min.
north latitude, a large cataract called William the
Fourth's Cataract. Its longitude is 57 deg. 19 min.
54 sec. west. " The river here is narrowed in by moun-
tains to about fifty yards, and precipitates itself with
great force over two ledges of rock about twenty-four
feet liigh."
Before the river Rupunimi (which has a course of
about 229 miles) joins the Essequebo in 4 deg. north
latitude, it forms a large cataract in 2 deg. 39 min.
This, the largest cataract of the Rupununi, is called by
the Wapisianas the Cutatarua, or Truan, and by the
Caribs the Corona, signifying respectively ^ the faU."
After the junction of the Rupunimi, another cataract,
the Orotoko, obstructs the Essequebo, and fiirther on the
cataract of Waraputa appears, imtil, about fifty miles
from its mouth, the last rapids are formed.
The river Berbice is obstructed in its course by a great
number of cataracts and rapids. In some places they
extend for upwards of a mile and a half in length.
The Itabru cataract occurs in a spot where the river is
encompassed by a range of hills fix)m 200 to 600 feet
high ; the fall takes place in 4 deg. 49 mm. north lati-
tude, and 58 deg. west longitude. Huge blocks of
* Beporto to Bojal Geographical Sodetgr.
46 .SI8T0BT Off BBTTIBH GULUIUU
li^t .^reen chert and deoompomig daystone por-
phyry lie scattered at the sides of the cataract,
while one boulder, larger than the rest, awaits at
the foot of the fall the shock of the waters dashed
against it. The Christmas Gatarftcts, so named by Sir
B. Schombnrgk on account of their having been seen
upon that day, are situated in 40 deg. 42 min. north
iatiteide, and 57 deg. 54 min. west lon^tude. They
consist of a sucoession of fedls, picturesque in their
course, but difficult to surmount. Mr. Reiss, a young
man of twenty-two years of age, who accompanied the
expedition up this river, was drowned here on the 12th
February, 1837. He ventured imprudently to descaid
one of these £Edls in a conal manned by Indians. In the
rapidity of the descent he lost his balanoe, and, in endea-
vouring to recover himself, upset the frail bark. The
Indians saved themselves, but the unf(»1;unate European
was carried away by the rapids, and his mangled body
wittx difficulty recovered after a long search.
The cataracts met with in the course of the river
Corentyn are exceedingly interesting, and are perhaps
the lai^est in the colony. A chain of rocks crossing the
river about the 4th parallel of north latitude gives rise
to the following fidls:
Sir James Carmichael Sm3rth's Cataract is situated in
4 deg. 21 min. north latitude, and 57 deg. 25 min. west
longitude. It is called by the Indians Wanare-Wono-
Tobo, and is probably the largest fall of water in British
Guiana. The impetuous river rushes violently over a ledge
of rocks to a depth of upwards of thirty perpendicular
feet. A doud of spray ascends from the foaming stream
below, and adds considerably to the beauty of the scene,
composed as it is of huge boulders of rocks, and a gor-
geous mass of tropical trees on the river banks. A large
boulder of rock separates this cataract from another cas-
mSTOBT OOP BRITIBH CFUIAWL 43
cade, irhidi, howevec, is only to be seen whexi the river
is very full; this has received the name of Governor
Barkly's Fall. A little higher up the stream, the body of
irater diverges in several channels, and at an angle of
60 di^ rashes into a beautifiil vall^ fidrmed by gigantic
piles of rocks. The two cascades compodng these falls
are close together, and present a magnificent sight to the
observer.
The greatest height of the next principal fall is, how-
ever, only twenty-five fieet. It is known by the name of Sir
John Barrow's Cataract, but the Indians term it Wotebo-
Tobo, £rom the fact of a fimded resemblance of a parti-
cular rode to the himian thigh-bone. The centre, or
smaller fall has been termed the Sfiddle Fall, and is
separated fi'om the others liy large masses of rock.
The four falls above enumerated cannot be seen at
one and the same time. They require to be visited se-
parately, but amply repay the toil and trouble of the tra-
veller, who must force his way along the wooded banks,
or encamp upon the projecting rocks or sand-banks, to
examine them properly.
On the river Pardmu, or Padamo, one of the streams
which run into the river Orinoco, there are, perhaps, a
greater number of cataracts and rapids than in any other
river of British Guiana. Many of them are also of con-
siderable size. One of these, the Mariwacaru, has a fall
of thirty feet over a ledge of rocks. Again, where the
river Eundanara joins the Paramu, two large cataracts
are met with, which, from their size and the picturesque
beauty of their situation, have been much expatiated on
by travellers.
On the river Barama there is a succession of cataracts,
with a fall of about 120 feet in a distance of two mUes;
but as the stream is very tortuous, they are not seen to
48 mSTORY OF BBinSH GUIANA.
any great advantage. " The grandest sight is offered by
the three upper falls, where the river, narrowing into
about eighty feet, rushes turbulently down the precipice
in three jets, and forms, in the distance of about 100
yards, a fall of thirty-five to forty feet perpendicular."*
This part of the fall is called Dowocaima, and the scenery
around it is exceedingly picturesque. The ledges of rock
are composed of gneiss.
On the river Branco, or Parima, there is a very in-
teresting fall of water, which has received the name of
Purumama Im^ru. It is formed apparently by the
stream forcing its way through a chain of small hiUocks,
which cross it here. Its latitude is 3 deg. 20 min. north;
its longitude 62 deg. 3 min. west. A first fall of about
forty-five feet occurs, followed by another of about
twenty-five feet.
The natural curiosities met with in the interior of
British Guiana, among its mountains, its savannahs, and
its magnificent rivers, are some of them very remarkable,
and require a particular notice. From the period of its
earliest discovery up to the present time, eloquent writers
have expatiated on the striking scenes and objects which
have presented themselves to their notice.
It is not in the neighbourhood of the coasts, or near
the banks of the rivers (although even here the luxuri-
ance of the foliage and breadth of water is very striking),
that a stranger should judge of the coxmtry. He must
pass by the maritime portion, and leave behind him
the interminable forests; he must ascend the rivers, and
surmount the numerous rapids and cataracts; he must
quit the equable but enervating temperature of the low
lands, and ascend the granite mountains and sandstone
* Beport of Cheralier Schonibargk'fl Expedition up the Barima and Cajani
KiTen in 1841.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 49
heights, where the thermometer ranges from 59 deg. to
95 deg. Fah. in the shade, in order to appreciate the
grandeur and beauty of the scenery; and to trace with
awe, wonder, and admiration the picturesque objects
which stud the wooded plains and wandering streams.
Description fails to record, with anything like truth, this
magnificent scenery; but according to Sir Robert Schom-
burgk (whose splendid views alone can convey an idea of
the country), the greatest geological wonder of Guiana is
no doubt Ataraipu, or the Devil's Rock. This singular rock
forms a kind of natural pyramid, and is situated on the
western bank of the river Guidaru, in 2 deg. 55 min. north
latitude. Its base is wooded for about 350 feet ; fi'om
thence rises the mass of granite, devoid of all vegetation,
in a pyramidical form for about 550 feet more; making
its whole height about 900 feet above the river Guidaru,*
and 1300 feet above the sea. According to the same
author: " In latitude 3 deg. 59 min. north longitude, 59
deg. 28 min. west, a remarkable basaltic column, fashioned
by Nature, and compared by the Indians to the trunk of a
crownless tree, is called Pur^-Piapa, or the ^Felled
Tree,' and is of great interest. It occupies the summit
of a small hillock at the outskirts of the Pacaraima moun-
tains, and is about twenty-five miles north-north-west
fi:om the Macusi village of Pirara. This column, the re-
gular form of which would cause any one who viewed
it at some distance to suppose it to be the trunk of a de-
cayed tree, is about fifty feet high." This is the smallest
of a group of three masses of rocks of a basaltic nature
which were met with by this intelligent traveller on a
journey fix)m Pirara to Esmeralda. Mara-Etshiba, the
highest, terminates on the summit in one abrupt pillar,
about fifty feet in height, a portion of which bulging out
in the middle of this mass of rock, has, by the ever finiitful
* Gaidani signito a kind of war dab. This rirer if a trilmtaiy of the Base-
qvebo.
VOL. L E
60 HISTORT OF BRITISH GXJIAKA.
ima^nation of the Indian, be^i assimilated to the M»*
roca — a large rattle made of the fruit of the calabash-tree^
filled with pebbles, feathers, and snake teeth, and which
is the indispensable instrument of the Piatrary, Piai-man,
or Indian sorcerer, during his conjurations. Of this co-
lumnar group of trap-rocks, the largest has been named
by the Macusis Canuyd-Piapa, or the guavartree stump.
It is not to be wondered at that three such remarkable
objects as the Mara-Etshiba, Canuy6, and Pur6-Piapa
have given rise to some tradition ; the more so, smce the
Indian who inhabits the mountains is like other moun-
taineers, more vivid and fandful in his imagination, and
possessed of a larger stock of traditional history than he
of the forest or of the plain. Consequently it is related,
that when Makunaima, the good spirit, wandered stiU
upon earth, he passed these savannahs, and, fatigued and
thirsty, he observed a tree on the summit of a hill, which,
in the hope of finding it covered with finit, he cut with
a stone axe. He was disappointed, and proceeded fur-
ther eastward, and discovered the cannye, or guavartree,
Ml of fruit; he cut it likewise, and afber having re-
freshed himself he proceeded on his journey. It appears
that whatever Makunaima touched was converted into
stone, and thus the trees were changed into this substance.
Every rock among these mountains, which is of more than
ordinary size, or fantastically shaped by nature, is com-
pared to some bird, animal, or tree, and is supposed to
have been petrified by the powerful touch of the Maku-
naima. How similarly constituted after all is the mind
of man, whether in his savage state or in his most civi-
lised condition. The pnmitive speculations of the un-
tutored inhabitant of this land approach in character the
mythological traditions of ancient Bome.
" The sides of the Pourae-Piapa, or Pur^Piapa rock,
are partially covered with red lichens, and in some places
it is more acted on by the weather than in others. The
HISTO&Y OF BRITISH QUIANA. SI
ddudon being increased by a play of colours, the mind
can scarcely divest itself of the belief that it is the gigan-
tic trunk of a tree, the head of which, stricken by years^
or shivered by lightning, lies mouldering at its foot."*
In the neighbourhood of the rivers fSmtastic piles of
granite are met with ; now soaring as columns nearly 200
feet high, now assuming the forms of familiar objects
whose names they bear; thus, on the western bank of the
Essequebo, two gigantic piles of granite rise from the de-
clivity of A hill to a height of about 140 to 160 fi^et
One pile, called by the Arrawak Indians Comuti, and
by the Caribs Taquiare, signifying in both languages
Water-jar, consists of three huge blocks of bluish granite
resting one above the other. The first boulder surpasses
in size the celebrated pedestal on which the statue of
Peter I. is placed ; the second is supported on this by
only three points, while on this rests another piece of
granite, which resembles a jar in shape ; and, to the £eui»
dfiil imagination of the Indians, the resemblance was ren-
dered complete by a fourth, but small piece of granite,
which, occupying the summit, serves as a kind of lid to
the jar. The other pile of granite alluded to is called
Eamai by the Indians, from its resemblance to the tube,
or strainer, which is used by them for expressing the juice
of the cassada root before it is made into bread. It is of a
pyramidal shape, and by the measurement of a neighbour-
ing pile, which was 160 feet hi^ attains nearly to the
height of 200 &et These " giants of the hill," as Mr.
Waterton has termed them in his " Wanderings,'* are
both of them inaccessible.
It is in this neighbourhood that Sir B. Schomburgk
and others have met with specimens of ** picturo-writing,'*
or Tehmehri, the name given by the Indians to the rude
and frmcifril hieroglyphics carv^ on the rocks of granite
in many places in the interior. The rocks on which
* Schombinglc
b2
62 HISTORY OF BBITI8H GUIAKA.
these traces are found are singularly hard. With the
sharpest instrument or stone it requires hours of hard
work to produce even the slightest impression, and yet
some of these figures and sketches are described as up-
wards of a foot in length, and more than an inch deep.
Many of the rocks on which these hieroglyphics occur
are at present decomposing; some have crumbled away,
the figures destroyed; but on others the evidence re-
mains of an imtiring zeal and patient assiduity on the
part of the Indian, which otherwise we should not have
expected to find in his character.
In his illustrated views of British Guiana, Sir K. Schom-
burgk remarks, in reference to these rude sculpturings :
" A mystery, not yet solved, hangs over these sculp-
tured rocks; whatever may be their origin, the subject
is one of high interest, and demands the full investiga-
tion of the antiquarian and historian. I have myself
traced these inscriptions through seven hundred miles of
longitude, and five himdred of latitude, or scattered here
and there over an extent of three hundred and fifty
thousand square miles. I have copied many of them,
and, although they do not denote an advanced state of
civilisation, in my opinion they have a higher origin
and signification than that generally ascribed to them;
namely, the idle tracings of hunting nations. It is re-
markable that the situation of those which I have seen
was generally near cataracts and rapids. The Indian
races of the present day can give no accoimt of their
origin ; some ascribe them to the good spirit, others to
their forefathers; and the Taruma Indians, on the river
Cuyuwine, a tributary of the Upper Essequebo, gave me
in answer to the question, who had made the figures
which I saw sculptured on some blocks of green stone in
that river, Hhat women had made them long time
agoT"
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 68
The figures represented are of the most varied and
singular description — rude outlines of birds, animals,
men and women, and other natural objects; but it is not
a little curious that among the sculpturings should be
foimd some clumsy sketches of large vessels with masts,
as was observed by the above writer, on some granite
rocks at the Ilha de Pedra, on the river Negro.
In many places the hieroglyphics appear to represent
writing, and the characters have in many instances been
traced to bear resemblance to the Hebrew and other
dialects; whether this is merely a coincidence, or whe-
ther there actually exists a connexion between the lan-
guages of the east and west, is a problem for the learned
to solve.
On the river Cuowani there are found some granite
rocks, on. which are sculptured men's faces, full moons,
monkeys, snakes, and birds.
My lamented friend. Dr. Bonyun, showed me, on his
return firom a tour up the river Essequebo, in 1850, a
few copies which he had made of some of this picture-
writing, which he found traced on granite boulders; and,
on comparing them with the characters of the Hebrew
alphabet, we were both surprised at the resemblance
many of these hieroglyphics bore to the letters.
The only metallic trace throughout these heights has
been that of iron; but as strata of quartz are known to-
intersect the bed of granite met with in different lo-
calities, it is possible that metallic veins of tin, copper^
or lead, might be foimd in some of the numerous speci-
mens of soft granite which abound. The general belief
which formerly existed with regard to the existence of
gold and silver in the mountainous interior, has almost
entirely disappeared. It was formerly supposed that
gold was to be found at Saxicalli, on the Essequebo;
^at copper existed in the river Cuyuni; and tliat at
&£ HISriORT GE BBinSH GUIAlf A.
Kajtan, on the last river, silver ore had been met witib.*
The Indians themselves afford us no ground for such 8
conjecture; the reports of modem travellers are un-
fiivourable to then: probable existence; and, although in
the vicinity of re^ons formerly, if not now, abounding
in the precious metals, as Mexico, Peru, &c., the hopes
of the adventurous ended with the miniiig undertakings
so zealously pursued at an early epoch of our history
both by the Spaniards and DutcL Many substances
have at different times been mistaken for metallic ores;
and the unskilled traveller is often struck with the
delusive appearance of glittering veins which traverse
the rocky masses, whether on land or water. Many
beautiful specimens of the earthy minerals are, however,
met with. Crystals of quartz (rock crystals) abound in
the mountains; in colour and transparency they vary,
but the white translucent kind is most common. A
fipedes examined by Hancock, crystallised into hexa-
gonal columns, was met with by him either solitary
or standing together, as if agglutinated; they are trans-
parent, of a water-colour, taking a fine polish, and
are nearly as hard as agate. So late as the year 1769
the Governor of Essequebo (Gravesande) sent one Gerrit
Janssen, post-holder of Arinda, up the rivers Essequebo,
Bupununi, and Maho, to seek for the much-talked-of
crystal mines* On this last river he met with one of the
native tribes, the Wapisianas, who some years before
had murdered three Dutchmen, He was questioned by
them as to his object in coming to their neighbourhood»
and replied that it was to barter with them, and to make
their friendship. He was accordingly introduced to one
of their chiefe, who received him with great gravity,
acranginghis people around the stranger. The Dutch-
^ In ITSt, the Dutch made an attwnpt to searoh for ailyer on the Cayimi*
hot the little ore diaoorexed would not pi^ the eypenaei.
mSTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 56
man recognised some friends among them, but the
greater nmnber were armed with bows and arrows.
He made them a present of some gunpowder, which
was thankfully received; and a kind of friendship having
been established, be asked permission to continue his
search, but was advised not to cross the river Maho, on
account of the wicked character of the Indians there,
who might murder him. He was told that there were
six or seven hillocks of sand, and crystals in that neigh-
bourhood; and the nMives offered him specimens of
each, but would not allow him to dig in the ground
where they were found. These hillocks or colimms were
in a large savannah, where grass grew plentifrilly in
some parts, and where the ground towards morning, in
the dry weather, was covered with a kind of whitish
powder, like hoar frost, which the Indians collected and
used as salt. No doubt this was a kind of saltpetre
(nitrate of potash). After a journey of about six months
Janssen returned to the ^^post," bringing with him speci-
mens of both crystal and saltpetre. Afterwards a mediator,
or peace-maker (bulegger), was sent to that part of the
country, who confirmed the statement about these crystal
columns, and described them as about six in number.
A species of red agate is found in some of the rivers.
Dr. Hancock met with it in the Bio Maow. It is very
hard, and is capable of being worked.
A species of red rock, reputed cornelian, is found by
the Indians at the western mountains of Parime.
In the neighbourhood of the Roraima mountains nu-
merous rock crystals have been foimd; they are much
weathered from exposure, and are only met with of small
size. The natives (the Arecunas) say that formerly much
larger specimens were met with, but that the Portuguese
have earned them all away. These crystal mountains
have given rise to much conjecture on the part of tra-
66 HISTORY OF BBTTISH GUIANA.
vellers. It is supposed that their existence was first
made known to Europeans by the travels of Nicolas
Hortsman, 1740.
Since the above was written, gold has been discovered
in the river Yuruari, a tributary of the river Cuyuni, and
in the Pacaraima mountains, situate between the 4th d^.
and 6th deg. north latitude, and 60 deg. and 60 deg. west
longitude. This region is, I believe, beyond the defined
limits of British Guiana, and is very diflScult of access.
Some of the gold sent to Georgetown was of a very pure
quality, and has been forwarded to the Industrial Exhi-
bition of DubUn. It is found imbedded in masses of
quartz, and will probably, at some future day, become of
importance to the country of its discovery.
It is here^ also, in the neighbourhood of Bondma, that
traces are met with of extinct volcanoes. A writer in
1811* states : " The bed of the river, in the dry season,
discovers vast quantities of vitrified, stony, and various
mineral substances, and appears to have been the seat of
volcanic fires at remote periods of time. These volcanic
products are chiefly met with among the fidls incumbent
on beds of granite, where the soil and lighter materials
have been washed away."
Many of the stones, or pebbles, which though quite
absent near the coasts and idluvial land are yet foimd in
the interior, are of singular colour and formation, being
remarkably smooth, and admitting of a wonderful polish;
some of these, fix)m their colour and lustre, have been
called diamonds — such as the Marowini pebbles — others,
such as the cornelian, are used by the natives in forming
articles of earthenware. In connexion with the evidences
of a volcanic trace in the interior, travellers have been
told that a tradition still exists among the Indians to the
truth of that supposition; and even at the present day
* Dr. Haooock.
HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIAHA. 67
the old natdve, when expatiatmg on the wonders of the
land which has been wrested from him, points his
shrivelled finger to imexplored regions, where, as he
asserts, the fire still bums. It was affirmed by an old
writer, that a volcano in active existence was discovered
in 1749, but others have failed to find it. SirR. Schom-
burgk was told by the Indians of Pirara, " that on the
south-western angle of the Sierra Pacaraima there was a
mountain whence from time to time detonations are
heard." Whatever may be the case in the inland districts,
earthquakes are more or less frequent in this country;
no injury has, however, ever resulted fix)m a severe
" Tremblement de Terre," as the French significantly
express it. Of late the shocks, although slight, have
become more common, and scarcely a year elapses with-
out some motion being experienced.
It would be idle to attempt a description of the many
magnificent and curious flowers abounding in the woods,
and decorating the waters of this primitive territory. On
the lofty mountains, and in the quiet valleys, in the fer-
tile plains and the grassy marshes, an immense garden,
stored with infinite variety, is presented to the observer.
Raised and cultivated alone by nature, thousands of
plants, the most rich and rare, spring up, blossom, and
die. Many of them, however, have been reclaimed by
enterprising naturalists, and have been transplanted to
delight the senses of a refined commomity. The time
may yet come when the foot of civilisation shall tread a
path to these gorgeous regions, and the hand of man shall
pluck these lovely plants firom the obscurity in which
they are now buried.
From these outlines some estimate may be formed of
the natural wonders of this country. The little that has
been seen has struck all beholders with astonishment and
admiration. There may be monotony and sameness in
the wonderfiil extent of its perpetual forests, where the
116 BISI0B7 OF BBITISH OUIANA.
^or, the deer, and troops of monkeys dwell ; but to
tfai^ knrer of nature and of science there is nch reward.
There may be difficulty and danger to encounter in its
farnstretching savannahs and granite mountains, but to an
enterprising spirit there is both interest and honour to be
derived by gathering and recording his triumph ov^ the
cayman and the serpent Patience and endurance may
be required to trace its numerous streams, and their ver-
dant banks hung with garlands of flowers to the water's
edge, but to the poet and the naturalist they are in-
spiring themes. Industry and perseverance are no doubt
required by the man who desires to avail himself of the
singularly fertile tract of alluvial land which has passed
through so varied a course of agriculture and cultivation,
but ample treasures await the individual who possesses
such qualities.
HiaXOBT. or BBXnSH (HIIABA. 68
C3HAPTER L
ZEE ABOBIOnntS OF BBXTI8H OXTIJLNA— TBADIHOXTS— PHT8I0AL DBSOBIPTION—
ORfonr OF wosD ^bdou*— dubs ahd oniAXBiiTS— «hk nra fbivoipak
TBIBB8 : 1. THB AMMA.WAKB ; 2. THB AOOAWilS ; 3. TBI WASBOWS } 4. TEM
MACU8I8; 5. THE CARIBfl — PBOBABLB ORIENTAL ORIODI — TABIBTT OF LAN-
OFACOfl— INKAK TOOABULAST-— WBAPOITS ARD MUMTIHU ilVn'HUMKMTS— SOINi
OF I*IVUi6~-ABiUUITECTUBX OF HUTS— DTQUIBT IHTO THB OBIAIH ABD JHEKMBX
OF THB KATITB8 — ^FBBLIBOS OF BBYBKOB— OOTBBBMEMT— BAPXI81UH-BUBIALB
— XABBIAOB8-— CORJUBOBSf OB PBIZB'IB BELHXIOK.
Having given some account of the land whose history
we are now to trace, the ne2ct subject for consideratioii
is, — ^Who were the races by whom it was originally popu*
lated ? It would be an unprofitable inquiry to investi^te
all the £EuiciM theories which have been promulgated at
different times with r^ard to the origin and history of
the various tribes met with in British Guiana. The
probability is, that they had one common origin, and
that the contrasts now existing amongst them may have
been insensibly produced by local and accidental cir-
cumstances.
• The inhabitant of this soil, before the discovery of
America, was a stranger to the rest of mankind; he was
hardly less isolated in an historical point of view. For
him the voice of tradition was sQent, or incoherent.
Upon the sur&ce of the earth there was no monument
of man's &brication to mark the grandeur or barbarity^
6S JUHTUBY <ur BBinSH GUIABA.
dences of old age are soon apparent, and the bloom of
youthibl beauty is transient and fleeting. The men pos-
sess a strange air of independence and dignity in tlieir
walk and bearing, which, so £bt fixsm bemg traceable to
vanity or imitation, is perfectly natural to them. The
Buck,* as he is here called, is unmoved by the most
startling and novel sights. A smile or fix>wn is scarcely
ever seen upon his tranquil countenance, which reflects
the impenetrable apathy of his mind. Grave and austere
as the Arab, so felicitously described by the illustrious
Gibbon, his speech and gestures are slow and solemn.
Like the savages of other nations, he goes about
almost naked ; a string is passed round the waist to sus-
tain a fold of some vegetable texture, which is slung
across the loins. Many of the women wear a flmdfiilly-
worked diminutive apron^ called a ^^ Queu," made either
of beads or shells; in fact, a substitute for a fig-leaf. The
bodies of the different tribes are marked by patches of
paint, or tattooed streaks, which, in their own eyes, suf-
ficiently distinguish them. They wear few ornaments :
a necklace of some bright seed, or burnished tooth or
shell; an earring of metal or stone; a coronet of brilliant
feathers, gathered fi*om the beautiM plumage of the
gaudiest birds, are almost all the appendages to their
persons. Of late years there has been a marked advance
in their costume, which, with the men, consists of shirt
and trousers, and with the women, of gowns and petti-
coats. This remark, however, applies only to those who
have been brought within the pale of civilisation. The
children are quite naked, and, as infants, are carried on
* The term Buck ii probably deriyed from the Dutch word " Bok^" which was
the appellation tued by that nation to designate the aborigmal of this land. It
is easy to understand the slight alteration from " Bok** to ** Buck," and again as
to the Dutch term Bok. Doctor Hostman, in his work on the ** Civilisation of
tiia Negro Baoe in America^" page 830, says that the oAifin of the Dutch word
"Bok" is to be Ibund in the word Lokho, which, in the Anawaks language^
mflans *«lfaii."
SISTOBY OF BBinSH GUIAITA. B$
tile hip or back. The women occopy the poeitdon of
domestic slaves, attending to the drudgeries of house and
field, whale the men rove about himting, fishing, or
shooting with bows and arrows. Polygamy is more or
less common, and depends chiefly upon tl^ wealth of
the individual, who generally keeps as many wives as
his circumstances enable him to support. This practice
gives rise here, as elsewhere, to most of the evils conse-
quent upon such an imnatural social state.
Partaking of the same general character, there is, how-
ever, a marked di&rence among these people as regards
habits, language, and moral, as well as physical, qualities
of the native tribes met with in British Guiana; five only
are suflSdently known to merit any particular notice: —
1st, the Arrawaks; 2nd, Accawai; 3rd, the Warrows;
4th, the Macusis; 5th, the Carabisee.
1st. The Arrawaks, Arawaaks, or Arowack Indians,
in consequence of inhabiting the region of the sea-
coasts and mouths of the rivers, became earliest known
to the European settlers. Possessed of pleasing, affec-
tionate, and not very warlike qualities, they mingled
fireely with their invaders, who, disappointed in the hope
of making them bondsmen, were not unwilling to secure
their fiiendship and alliance. In physical conformation
they may be taken as the type of the whole race, being
short in stature and reddish in colour. In their manners
the Arrawaks are perhaps less barbarous than the other
tribes, and on that account have been much esteemed
both by the Dutch and English.
According to the reports of persons who have resided
among them, the nmnerous fandhes of which this tribe is
composed all descend in the female line, so that when a
woman marries she continues to bear the name she
received firom her mother, which she transmits to
her daughters, who, as well as h^ sons, are prohi-
6^ HISTORr OF BRITISH GUIANA.
bited from intermarrying with individuals of the same
name.
They speak of God as Wadnad (our Father), Wa-
muretti Ewonei (our Maker), and Aiomum Eondi (the
Dweller on High). They also believe in a wicked spirit,
whom they designate Yauhahu.
The Arrawaks are seldom more than five feet four
inches in height, and are stout and plump in proportion,
but not muscular; their necks are short, and their ankles,
hands, and feet^ particularly those of the women, remark-
ably small. Their features are in general diminutive,
and the expression of the countenance has by some been
considered melancholy and demure. They have, how-
ever, been termed the "tiger-men," in consequence of
the aptitude and skill they display in overcoming the
jaguar of the forests and coasts. They possess well-
marked imitative powers, and when instruction has been
bestowed upon them they have not been found wanting in
intellect. The forehead is lower than that of Europeans,
but it has been remarked by those engaged in teaching
them, that in the children who have been instructed* the
forehead rises considerably with the progress of education.
They are not in general so dark in colour as many of
the other tribes; indeed, some of them are assertedf to
be very fair when not exposed much to the influence of
the Sim and atmosphere. Like most of the native tribes,
they have characteristic marks by which they distinguish
themselves, but none so obvious as to attract the atten-
tion of strangers. Their number has been estimated at
about 1500 souls, said to consist of twenty-seven families
or castes. J They generally tattoo their bodies in pre-
ference to dyeing them after the maimer of the Caribs,
whose peculiarities, however, they imitate in the structure
of their huts.
* Benum's MUiioiiaiy Laboun • f Hancock. } Montgomery Bfartin.
HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 65
2nd. The Wacawoios, Accawais, or Accaways, ex-
ternally resemble the Arrawaks; their skins are of a
deeper red. They generally stain their bodies red or
blue, according to taste. They are said to be recognised
by a large lump of amotto (a species of red dye) stuck
upon their hair over their foreheads, with which they
paint themselves, partly to excite terror, and as a defence
against the bites of insects, while the women adopt it as
a species of ornament. This peculiarity is claimed also
for the Carabisci Indians, whose language is allied to
theirs, and who are marked on the forehead by the same
colour.
The Accawais reside more inland, and generally
occupy the upper rivers of the Demerara and Mazaruni*
They are of a nomade, warlike nature, and wandering
from the Orinoco to the Amazon, engage in barter or
battle with other tribes according to circumstances. As
their numbers are large, and their quarrelsome temper
well known, they are disliked by the other Indians, in
spite of their hospitable and humorous dispositions. Less
civilised than the Arrawaks, their lives are passed in im-
provident activity ; their more courageous tempers are un-
happily tinged with cruelty. They are the Cossacks of the
South, and, like them, prowl about in bands, not very
particular as to their acts and manners. The time of
peace is usually devoted to festivity and amusement.
3rd. The Warrows, Warrays, or Warraus, are the
maritime portion of the native tribes of British Guiana,
and inhabit the sea-coast between the rivers Pomeroon
and Orinoco. They are a short, hardy race of fishermen
and sailors, subsisting chiefly by boat-building. They
are not absolutely black, as has been stated by an erudite
writer, but are of a dark, dirty red colour, and in their
manners are bold, adventurous, and active. They are
very improvident, and inclined to dissipation, but have
VOL. I. F
66 mSTOBT OF BRITISH QUIAKA.
acquired some renown by their devemess in boat Mrchi-
tecture. From the usefiil tunber^rees which grow in
the forests they manu&cture canoes and corials of ocmsi-
derable size and strength. Some of these are large
enough to carry upwards of a hundred men, besides
cannon. They are constructed on the best model for
speed, elegance, and safety, without Hne or oompass, and
without the least knowledge of hydrostatics;* they have
neith^ joint nor seam, plug nor nail, and are an extraordi-
nary specimen of untaught material sldlL These boats are
frequaitly used by the Spaniards as privateering launches.
A canoe forty feet long, six broad, and three deep in the
centre, capable of carrying twenty-five men, besides bag-
gage and ^^ material " for two months, was bought by Mr.
Hillhouse for about ten pounds steding. He describes it
as traversing falls, sailing through rdlera, and being
hauled over rocks and sands, and capable of lasting for
ten years without a patch, and far superior to any
European craft for such purpoass.
With then: skill and assiduity in this partdcolar branch
of workmanship, they might soon acquire sufficient means
to improve their condition; bat their improvident habits
render such an expectation hopeless, for they spend in
debauchery the money earned by their crafk.
The knowledge they display in this particular species
of handicraft naturally leads to the inquiry, who im-
parted it to them ? How did they acquire that com-
bination of mechanical powers indispensable to the pro-
duction of such a proof of ingenuity as a well-built
boat, so unlike the rude canoes of the surrounding
tribes? It appears reasonable to suppose that they
muyst have obtained this knowledge by admixture with
some Old World race, of whose intercourse with them
no trace remains.
HISTOSr OF BRITISH GUIANA. 67
The Wano ws inliabit, by preference, a flat marshy land
on the Pomeroon coast, between the two rivers above
namedt and extending twenty or thirty miles into the
interior. This tract of land is intersected in all directions
by rivers and creeks. The pxincipal of which, the Mo-
rocco, the Mora, the Guainia or Waini, and the Barima,
fcequentlj mandate the whole territory; so that the
inhabitants may ahnort be said to live in the water.
^^At the western extremity of the detour of the Morocco
is a large savaQnah, through which nms cme of those
extraordinary canals without current, which, on a smaller
scale, like the Cassiquiare, joins two rivers, and insulates
the coaat lands from the liver Morocco to the Waini,
or Guainia. These canals are called ^Etabbo,' from
^£ta' (Mauritia), and ^ abbo,' waterKxnirse, bemg gene-
rally found in large swamps of Mauiitias, which is the
case in this instance ; the verge of this savannah berng
80 exclusively surrounded by these palms that scarcely
another kind of tree is to be recognised."*
From these causes it may be inferred that the culture
of the a(xi is next to impossible. The creeks abound,
however, in a variety of fish, especially the siluri, which,
eaten both fresh and smoked, supply the natives with
food*
At the heads of creeks, wh^re the land is firm and
dry, a few ground provisions are grown, and these, with
the usefiJ Mauritia palm, frimish sufficient subsistence.
This invaluable tree grows in clusters, and almost every
part is used. The leaf serves to thatch the huts,
raised on a platform just above the level of the water,
which in these regions is three feet above the earth for
three-fourths of the year. Starch is procured from the
pith of the interior of the tree, and a kind of paste or
* WamwLudofBcitiihQiiiana. HiinimMa.
f2
68 mSTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
bread is manufactured from other parts. A beetle bur-
rows in the green part of the trunk, and is considered
a great delicacy. The branches of the trees serve to
construct the dwelling-houses, which last for a very long
period. It has been observed with regard to these
singular people, that they have a peculiar broad or
spread foot (duck's foot, as it has been termed), which
eiiables them to traverse with some degree of ease the
muddy shores and marshes they inhabit. In these and
other respects they bear a close resemblance to the
littoral or coast tribes of the Maranon, a dirty, indolent,
and apathetic race.
4th. The Macousi, Macusi, Macoushi, or Macoosi In-
dians, occupy the open savannahs of the Bupummi,
Barima, and the moimtain chains Pacaraima and Cahuku,
and may be estimated at about 2000 in number.* They
have been described as inoffensive, hospitable, industri-
ous and provident ; but capable of defending themselves
against the more martial Accawais and Caiibs. Mr.
Hillhouse considers them timid, taciturn, and obedient;
but deficient in stature and strength. The Macousi
Indian has the. credit, if any, of preparing the famous
Wourali poison when a supply happens to be required.
The Macousi seeks the various ingredients of which
this poison is composed in the depths of the forests.
The principal is the Wourali vine, which grows wild;
having procured a sufficient quantity of this, he next
seeks a bitter root, and one or two bulbous plants which
contain a green and glutinous juice. These being all
tied together, he searches for two species of venomous
ants; one large and black, the "muneery,"f about an
inch long, and found in nests near to aromatic shrubs ;
the other a small red one, foimd under the leaves of
* Beman's Missioniiy Labours.
t The ating of the <*muneei7" is rety lerere, and oooaibiis ferer.
.Tdol.
''?r.miB3'. VO*;
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 69
several kinds of shrubs. Providing himself now with
some strong Indian pepper, and the pounded fangs of
the "labani" and " conna-couchi" snakes, the manu*
facturer of poison proceeds to his deadly task in the
following manner:
" He scrapes the Wourali vine and bitter root into thin
shavings, and puts them into a kind of colander made of
leaves; this he holds over an earthen pot, and pours
water on the shavings ; the liquor which comes through
has the appearance of coflfee. When a sufficient quantity
has been procured, the shavings are thrown aside. He
then bruises the bulbous stalks, and squeezes a proper-
tionate quantity of their juice through his hands into the
pot Lastly, the snakes* fangs, ants, and pepper are
bruised, and thrown into it. It is placed then on a slow
fire, and as it boils, more of the juice of the Wourali is
added, according as it may be foujid necessary, and the
scum is taken off with a leaf; it remains on the fire till
reduced to a thick syrup, of a deep brown colour. As
soon as it has arrived at this state, a few arrows are
poisoned with it, to try its strength."*
Females are excluded during its manufacture, andi
there are certain forms which are ri^dly adhered to in
the process.
The Indians themselves consider it a banefiil task, and
are not very communicative on the subject, so that after
all it is possible that the preparation of this deadly poison,
has never been thoroughly investigated.
It has been stated by Montgomery Martin that the Ac--
cawais manufacture the Wourali poison, but I believe this^
to be incorrect; it is well known, however, that almost
all the tribes are acqusunted with the use of it^ and it is
* Walerton'i Wanderingi, p. 51.
70 HI9T0BY OF BRITISH aUIANA.
frequently bronght to town for sale by the Arrawafcs and
others. Wei^oos charged with it are also sold, but it is
cooDOLmonly believed that the most powerful preparations
of the poison are rarely suffered to leave the localitiea
where they are distilled. The Macousis have been
described as ^^ residing in the deep recesses of the forests
of the interior/' and as implacable in their revenge ; " pro-
baUy," adds the same authority, ^^ they are the aborigines
of the country, and flying before more civilised tribes,
as we find to be the case in every part of the eastern
hemisphere."*
To test the strength of the poison on their arrows
ihey wound trees, and if the leaves £edl off or die within
three days, they consider the poison as sufficiently viru-
lait, but not otherwise.
The Macousis are at present the most numerous of the
tribes in British Guiana, but are supposed to have resided
frimerly on the banks of the Orinoca
5th. The Carabisce, Carabeesi, Charaibes, Caiibs, or
Galibis, originally occupied the principal rivers, but as
the Dutch encroached upon their possessions they retired
inland, and are now daily dwindling away.
According to Mr. Hillhouse, they could formedy
muster nearly 1000 fighting men, but are now scarcely
able to raise a tenth part of that number. They have
been described by other writers as brave, credulous,
proud, and obstinate. PtobaUy their pride may be
traced to a tradition which prevails amongst them of
tiieir having once occupied liie Caribbean IslandB^ and
which is in some degree supported by the &ct that
I3i0 names of many rivers, points, and islands, both
in Trinidad and the Leeward Islands, are decidedly
Caribesee.t
* Montgomery Martin. f lUd.
raSTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 71
They are of a bright copper colour, and are desig-
nated by a patch of amotto on their foreheads. With
this dye they also stain their bodies and legs. Their
language is allied to that of the Accawai, but they are
of a bolder and more independent character. They build
their houses in a manner different from that of the other
tribes, making them long and round at the top. They
dwell in preference in the open lands; and though war«
like, they are fond of coltivating land^ and disposed to
traffic
They are well inclined to strangers, but require to
be treated with some ceremonious consideratbiL Their
friendship has been represented to be as warm as their
enmity is dangerous. The CSharaibes of Gruiana still
£3ndly cherish the tradition of RaleigVs alliance; and,
according to Bancroft, ^^ to this day preserve the English
colours which he Idt with them at parting.*'*
The smaller islands of the Caribbean Sea were formerly
thickly populated by this tribe, but now not a trace of
them remains. They were considered by Colimibus as
cannibals; and it is believed by many that, being of a
restless, adventurous spirit, they gradually became pos-
sessed of the group of the small i^ands, destroying the
original male inhabitants and i^aring the women. This
argument derives strength from the statement that the
former islanders spoke two languages; the men the true
Caiib dialect, and the women the language peculiar to
their race, and to that of the inhabitants of the large
islands of Jamaica and Hispaniola, which the Caribs
never reached.
The Carib calk himself Banares; literally, a man
coming from beyond the 8ea.t
The Caribs were once, undoubtedly, the lords of the
* Buicroft'i Qniana, 1769. f LilMti.
72 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
soil.* It has been asserted by Rochefort, however, who
published an account of the Antilles, in 1658, that the
'^ Charaibes," as he calls them, were originally a nation
of Florida, in North America. He supposes that " a
colony of Apalachian Indians, having been driven from
that continent, arrived at the Windward Islands, and ex-
terminating the native male inhabitants, took possession
of their lands and women." Of the larger islands, he
presumes '^ that the natural strength, extent, and popula-*
tion, affording security to the natives, these happily
escaped the destruction which overtook their unfortu-
nate neighbours; and thus arose the distinction ob-
servable between the inhabitants of the larger and
smaller islands." To this supposition, Bryan Edwards,
in his "History of the West Indies," opposes several
arguments, the principal of which proves the existence
of numerous and powerful tribes of Charaibes on the
southern peninsula, extending from the river Orinoco
to Essequebo, and throughout the whole province of
Surinam even to Brazil; moreover, the language of the
Charaibes, or Caribbees, was also that of some of the
West India islands ; and Rochefort himself admits that
the tradition of the islanders referred constantly to
Guiana. So that it may be &irly concluded that the
inhabitants of the Caribbean Isles were only the de-
scendants of the original Charaibes of South America,
and differing altogether from the aborigines of the larger
West India Islands, such as Hispaniola, Jamaica, md
Hayti.
But where did the continental Charaibes themselves
originally come from? There are many writers who
ascribe to them an Oriental source from across the At-
lantic
* A tradition formerlj existed among some of the Indian tribes, that black
men had been known to inhabit the mountainous interior. A similar tradition
is reported among the South Sea Isbinders.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 73
This is supposed to have occurred in the following
manner by Bryan Edwards,* who argues the point at con-
siderable length. He conceives it possible that in ancient
times vessels from the east, whilst cruising about, or ex*
ploring the coast of Africa, might have been driven out
to sea, and, fidling in with the trade winds, have been
guided to the eastern shores of South America; but there
is no proof to support this opinion, and it is opposed to
the belief of Dr. Robertson,f who observes " that such
events are barely possible, and may have happened, but
that they ever did happen we have no evidence, either
Scorn the dear testimony of history or the obscure inti-
mations of tradition/' The probability of an eastern
origin is strengthened, however, by the assertion of a dis-
tinguished scientific writer,^ who, although classing the
Caribi, Galibi, or Caribbees as the aborigines of the
countries bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, and giving
the following description of them by D'Orbigny, " com-
plexion yellowish, stature middle, forehead not so much
arched as in other cases, eyes obliquely placed, and
raised at the outer angle," yet observes himself: " These
traits, which belong to the great nomadic races of South
America, approximate to those of the nomades of High
Asia. The complexion is nearly the same, for these na-
tions do not generally belong to the red men of the New
World; the fece is round, the nose short, but the nostrils
are not so wide or patulous, nor do the cheek bones pro-
ject so much as in the Asiatic races. Von Spix and
Martins thought the Caribs strikingly similar to the
Chinese and other Oriental tribes."
Many travellers have also made the same remark.
Thus a wanderer in many lands writes to this effect:
" They (that is, the Bucks, or Caribs) resemble the
•SeeHistocyoftlieWeftlDdiei. f Histoiyof Americt.
t Fritchud'i Hirtofjr of MaD, p. 4«5.
74
HI8T0BT OF BSTTISH QfOlAJKJL
Asiatics in more points than uy people I eveat saw; so
much so that I leaUy thon^t myself once more in
Ceylon as I looked upon them here, and as I had seen
them in their visits to town and the different estates on
which I had been*"*
It is also certainly true that many wwds used in the
Caiib language resemble in sound and meaning those in
the Oriental dialects, as the following list will i^ow :
OarlbTtrm.
Heaning in Prenoh,
Similar Words in
OrltBteiniiaeol.
ItaaiBginBiigliih.
Idflni
Ba xeuuike
LiHeae
mswife
Teneneri
Ilia femme
HeoeHeBani
Mjwife
IJaeyete
Venezid
Acaati
Come hither
Barbet
MaiaonpiiUSqiie
Qir,or,qiaUt
Walled houie
Encka
ColUer
Onq
Necklace
YenekaU
Monoc^lfar
ETonqaU
ICy necklace
Wood
Hue hue
Dubois
Oa
Ifora
Ifapeau
Oiirni
MyBkin
Nand-goaete
Je Buis malade
Nanedieti
lamiktk
Haleatibou
Sols le bieu yenu
Tehalietbibou
Good welcome to you
Hiombae
Sooiller
FlMuhft
Tbbk>w
Toabana Tra
Couverture d*une mauou
Di bue our
Roof of a houae
Bavon boukaa
Vftt'en
Booabonak
Go Hit way
Baika
JOasigQ
X
Eat
Aika
Manger
To est
Nichiri
Mounei
Necheri
Mvnofle
Qire me drink
Natoni boman
Donnez moi I boire
Natoni bamen
The Caribs inhabit chiefly the Lower Mazaruni and
CiTTuni; a few are found at the Corentyn, the Bupununi,
and the Guidaru rivers. IndependenUy of the analogy
arismg fix)m language and appearance, many of their
habits and customs closely resemble those of the east;
such as their mode of burial, the painting of their bodies,
their conduct at births and funerals, &c. Polj^gamy,
also, is allowed to, and practised by, those who can
afford it.
Some Indian tribes regard certain animals and birds
as undean, or imlawful to be eaten; su(^ as the larger
fish, the domestic hog, the cow, Sec
* Life of Alexander. Jf, as teems probable, the natires of South America are
referable to an eastern eiigin, I know of no better theory of tiielr emigration
tiian that suggested by BotatMB in hit ** Hi0tovy of America."
HISTOBT OF BRmSR GUIAIIA. 75
They eat parcked com, like the Egyptians.
The roo& of the huts of some tribes are pointed like
those of eastern iiatk>ns.
A brother of a deceased Indian is expected to take
the widow to wife, xmless he himself is othi^rwise pro-
vided fcft. Moreover, as already noticed, the ^ picture-
painting/' as observed by travellers in the intaior, bean
a marked resemblance in character to that of the Hebrew,
Syrian^ and Chaldean languages.
I have confined this enumeration of the tribes now
inhabitating British Guiana, to the principal and well-
known castes in the nedghbourhood of Creoorg^iown; but
I should observe, that early writers have transmitted to us
elaborate descriptions of numerous other tribes that are
now almost unknown.* When we come to consider
their names and numbers, we are forced to conclude
either that this part of the world was formerly much
more important and thickly populated than it is at pre-
sent; or to suppose that the varieties thus spoken o^
instead of representing any positive differences, consiated
m^^y of divisions and snbdivisionB of tribes and fietmilies,
who, settling, for the most part, on the b<Hxler8 of some
large stream, or in the vicinity of some mountainous
heiglit, deived firom that particular locality the names
and usages by which they were severally disriugiiiflhed.
Howler this may be, it is certain that their number
is now constantly diminishing. In the first ages of dis-
covery they were treated as slaves by the Europeans
who emigrated to their soil — no longer permitted to cul-
tivate their scanty provision grounds, or to pursue theic
primitive occupations as huntsmen and fidiermen^ and
compelled to work at unaccustomed laboiUB for the
benefit of thehr conquen^s. But this system recoiled
* Sir Walter Baleigh has a long list of the different tribes he met wit^ Set
aoconnt of Second Vo jage, HakluTf f, toL iiL
76 mSTOBT OF BBITI8H GUIANA.
«
upon its authors^ and under the steady colonisation of
the Dutch it became a law of the land that no Bok, or
Bokken, as these people were called, should be treated
as slaves.
The following account of the names and number of
minor native tribes formerly inhabiting Guiana, is ga»
thered from different writers on the subject :
The Tavias were tribes who lived near the coasts and
rivers, and were about 10,000 or 15,000 in number.
The Itouranes was the name given to an inland
people, whose habits and numbers were unknown.
The Guajanas were a small tribe, who inhabited the
Carony river, or its neighbourhood.
The Mapoyas inhabited the neighbourhood of the
Orinoco as well as the Quirrubas, who lived to the south
of that river.
The Andagues and Abavas lived chiefly to the north
of the river Orinoco.
The Caberes, Achaguas, and Salivas, resided on the
rivers Guabiares and Bichada.
The Chiricoas and Guajivas dwelt near the river Meta.
The Saruras were established between the rivers Meta
and Sinaruco.
The Otkomacquen (a bearded race) and Paos lived
between Sinaruco and ApurL
The Guianos were also a bearded race like the last.
In French Guiana, the Gralibes from Cayenne to the
Amazon, the Coussari and the Maraones were found.
The Palicouris were marked by black streaks from ear
to ear.
The Aromayous and the Noragues lived also near
these rivers.
The Pirions, Nacouanis, Maurianse, Tocayennes, Tar-
cupes, Cousanis, Armagoutous, Maprouanis, lived near
the river Oyapoko.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 77
The Akoguovas lived near the river Camopi; they
had holes in their cheeks, and were adorned with fea-
thers.
The Mayets, Maracoupes, Mayhas, Eanararious, and
Arikozets, Makapus, Oyampis, Ayauainques, Caicou-
cianesy and Maikichouons, were inland races.
The AronakaaneSy Conmaoiis, Maykianes, Amaddous,
OaroubaSy Amenayous, Apiaoues, Akouchiens, and Ta-
pouyranas, the Baricours, Maroupis, Manaus, Certanes,
Arouhayous, Calipoures, Sahaques, Anchious, Ayes,
Parahouaries, Cayars, were other tribes but little known*
The Zaparas sprang from an intermarriage of the
Macusis and Arecunas ; they have been represented as
an ugly race, resembling the Macusis. They inhabited
the bsmks of the Barima, and the mountains Tupae Eng
and Warkamany, and were about 300 in number.
The Guinau have been said to live in a savage state of
perfect nudity, and dwelling on tributaries of the river
Parisna. They saluted each other on the rising and
setting of the sun.
The Maiougking were allied to the Guinau Indians as
to^ habits and mode of life.
The Eirishanas inhabited the mountains between the
rivers Orinoco and Ocamo, and are represented as being
very savage and cruel tribes, living in a state of perfect
nudity.
The Acosi, Awake, Wapishiana, Altorias, Tarumas,
Wiebec, Prianas, Camuuna, Arecunas, and Oewakees,
are also the names of several other tribes which have
been met with by late travellers. But there is little
certainty to be placed either on the names or existence
of these various races.
The knowledge we possess of their several languages
is too scanty, and our intercourse with them too limited,
78 BI8T0B7 or BBIXiaH GDIAIKA.
to admit of anything like a satifi&ctofy aooount of the
numerons dwellers on this vast tract of oounfiry.
The number of Indians who occupy the territories
of British Guiaiia has been estimated at about 7000
by some, while others have computed them at from
15,000 to 20,000, indudi^ those from the miaritime
distncts and those extending as fiu: south as the river
BupununL
Theae tribes are distributed ov» different parts of the
country, according to chance or capdce. They appear
to have no definite or distinct Widmarks as respects ter-
ritory; but nevertheless, among the most savage of the
Indians, th^:e is a feeling of delicacy, or an implied un-
derstanding which prevents them &Gm trespassing on
lands ordinarily occupied by others. There are striking
variances amongst them in jdiysicBl configuration, char
racta:, habits, and language. With reiqpect to the latter,
the differences are strongly marked
The Indisa of one tribe rarely understands the dialect
of another, and although sometimes separated by only a
few leagues, they are unable when they meet to conunu-
nicate with eadh other by conversation. Y^ little
accurate in£3rmation has been obtained concerning their
languagea Whaiever an attempt has been made by
travellers and missionaries to investigate these dialects,
it has only led to a confusion that has darkened the in-
quiry. Thus when the Lord's Prayer was translated into
:bhe Arrawak by three or four different gentl^ooien, no one
who compared the translations ^ven by the Bev. Mr.
Bemau and Brett, and Mr. Hillhouse, could believe that
they were intended to ^ve expression to the same sub-
ject. A reference to a table or vocabulary of words
fiimished by Mr. Hillhouse,* and to his version of the
* lacBan KotioQi.
.BIfiTOBY or BBTTIfiH OUIANA. 79
Loxd's Frayeiv aooompanied by that gLven by the Rev.
Mr. Benia%* iviuGh I have inserted in the Appendix,
will sufficiently explain the difficulty of obtaining correct
jnfonnatiaa xelative to the laogoages of the Indians.
The natives are at present sufficiently pacific in their
characters or habits, whatever mig^ have been their
pracdces or tendencies in former times. They have been
accused of cowardice, but it is notorious that when
quarrels or wars arise, the passions of the native are
roused to the highest pitchy and human life is held of
little account In such extremities they become perfectly
reckless of danger, and indifferent to death; no mercy
or quarter is either sought or expected. It is in fact
war to the death, and terrible are the incidents which
might be selected in illustratioii of these tragical scenes.
Their warlike weapons, and instruments for the chase
and fishing, are ingenious and substantial The toma-
hawk, or war dub, is fashioned into vanous forms, gene-
rally dub-shaped, but with sharp angles, and truncated
at the extremij^. Bows and arrows of several sizes and
shapes are manufisKStured, and the latter are pointed with
fish bones, stone, or iron, and frequaidy steeped in the
deadly Wourali poison*
One kind of arrow, called wiawakaei, is used for
shooting £fih and labba ; another kind, called sarapa, for
fish only ; while a third, called assetaha, is employed in
the havoc of birds. The bows are generally made of
washeba, or letter wood. A kind of shield, called haha,
is used in martial ex^xdaes and games. The labba is
also destroyed by a spedes of arrow, termed attum. A
kind of harpoon, called natta, or arrow, made of the
mid-rib of the leaf of the ita palm, is sometimes used to
spear fish, whidi are also sometimes caught in a trap,
nam^d masua. A blowpipe with small arrows is fire-
^ ynmikmnj Laboaw in BriUrfi Ouimmu
80 HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
quently employed in hunting. They also manu&cture
anklets of seed, teeth, and other substances, as well as
head-dresses, or cftps, called garracoom, made of wicker-
work and feathers; likewise necklaces, fans, rings, baskets,
nets, mats, and other articles.
Rude drums, flutes, harps (tarunba), and whips, named
macquari, made of the tibisiri, or threads of spire of the
ita palm, are made by them, and used in the war or
fimeral dances occasionally indulged in.
The games or sports of the Indians are few, frivolous,
and not very decorous. They are so dull and uninterest^
ing as to 3rield little amusement, and even the children
have hardly any pleasure in them. Life is either too
serious, or too trivial, to be relieved of its monotony and
dreariness by such puerile resources.
The domestic habits and qualities of some of these
Indian tribes are not a little curious.
Chastity is not considered an indispensable virtue
amongst the unmarried women, but when once affianced,
they are singularly faithful and constant Indeed^ the
fearful vengeance inflicted in the rare cases of infidelity
that occur amongst them, tends greatly to preserve un-
tarnished the honour of the Indian dames. They are
by no means an immoral race, in spite of the barbarism
of their daily life. If an Indian, by good luck, or good
management, obtains possession of several wives, the
oldest is not discarded or neglected, but on the contrary,
exercises supreme authority over the younger females of
the household, and occasionally over the gentleman him-
self, who pays great respect to his ancient squaw, or first
love. She acts as a sort of house or hut-keeper to the
rest, and cooks their simple meals. It would not, there-
fore, be difficult for her to poison any one of the family
who might offend her.
Parturition is attended with few inconveniences to the
BI8T0BY OF BBITISH GUIANA. 81
female Indian ; as soon as the child is bom, it is not an
uncommon thing to see the mother proceed to a neigh-
bouring streanii where she performs the necessary ablu-
tions for herself and infant. There is little in the way
of dress to give her much trouble, nor does the occur-
rence occasion any interruption to her usual duties. The
husband, however, is not let off so easily; the etiquette
of savage life requires that he should take to his ham-
mock for several days, where, with solemn countenance,
and an appearance of suffering, he receives the visits of
his acquaintances, who either condole or rejoice with
him, as the case may be.
The mode of life of these people is simple and primi-
tive. Every tribe has its ovm hunting-ground ; each
family its own plantation, consisting of a spot of land,
cleared of tall trees, and cultivated with provisions, such
as cassada, tanias, and corn. Each family possesses
within itself the few utensils necessary for cooking and
eating, such as rude earthenware vessels of various
shapes and sizes, which are supposed by some people to
bear resemblance to the Etruscan vases in form. How
admirably are their simple wants supplied by the multi-
plied ingenuity of Nature 1 for where the intelligence of
man is inferior, and his civilisation undeveloped, she
seems to compensate for these defects by the greater
vigour of her own productions. How congenial such a
climate to their modes of life, and to their tastes. Track-
ing the silent forests in quest of game, or floating along
the prolific streams, they become masters of all they see.
Unrivalled in dexterity and cunning, they can steal
unheard upon the imwary bird, or transfix with the
barbed arrow the unsuspecting fish as it basks near the
sur&ce of the stream. The food of the Indian consists
of fish, birds, and many of the smaller animals, which to
European palates would not be very acceptable. The
VOL. I. o
82 HIBTOBY OF BBTTIBH GRQZASTA.
Staff of life with him is the dried loot of the c»Ba7a, of
which there are two kinds, the bitter and the sweet
They are both eaten, and when ground, can be made
into an excellent kind of cake or bread ; other roots are
also eaten, and the succulent and other fruits of the forest
furnish a rich dessert. Their drink is water, except upon
feast days, or occasions of rejoicing, when a fermented
liquor, called paiwori, or piwarri, is used as an intoxi-
cating beverage, its remarkable diuretic properties alone
preserving them from the baneful effects of the fearfiil
potations in which they indulge. They have also another
intoxicating beverage, called cassiri. The paiwori is
made of a fermented decoction of the cassava bread,
large lumps of which are chewed by the women, to
increase the fermentation.* It is like malt Hquor in
taste and appearance. The hand of civilised man has
oflSered to them other intoxicating drinks, which need
not be enlarged upon in this place. Scattered about in
various parts of the country, their habitations were, and
still are, merely rude huts, raised upon poles or branches,
and trunks of trees, and thatched in by the leaves of the
troolie and other palms. When it is stated that some of
the leaves of the troolie-tree are nearly thirty feet long,
and three broad, it is easy to understand that a sub-
stantial covering can thus be made. The Warrows, or
race of fishermen, use chiefly the mauritia or eta palm in
the construction of their abodes, which are generally
raised on the cut stem of these trees over the water, and
covered in by these beautiful and useful leaves.
It was in allusion to this race that the learned traveller
Humboldt fell into the error of describing them as living
" suspended from the tops of trees ;" and the scientific
Dr. Prichard, who calls the Warrows ^ Guarannas," says
* It has been xemarked, that the diewing of the bread fixr this puxpoae occa-
sions in the women occasioiially a Idnd of sciirTjr.
mSTOBY OF BBinSH GUIANA. 88
^ tbej inhabit the two islands in the delta of the Orinoco,
where they build their houses upon trees." The same
author, al^ in confirmation of the view that the Carib-
bees are the true aborigines of the land of Guiana, says
that ^^ the lesser Antilles received from this nation the
name of Caribbean Islands." In former times there ap^
pears to have been great enmity existing between the
Caribbees and Arrawaks, and the charge of cannibalism
has been laid at the door of these benighted savages,
especially the Caribs. We believe that very few would
now deny that such a practice has existed, but either the
bitter feuds have, passed away which gave rise to such a
revolting usage, or the mind of the Indian has insensibly
imdergone an alteration. It is very true that some of the
fiercer passions still rage unchecked in his unchristianised
heart. A slight to an Indian is rarely allowed to pass
without retaliation; and even among themselves the
death of a relation or Mend by another party is always
sure to be followed by the darkest revenge.* The
victim may long escape ; he may contrive to put oflF the
evil hour, but an insatiate pursuer is always on his track.
Even in cases of ordinary death, suspicion sometimes falls
upon some unfortunate individual, especially if, after ap-
pHcation to a Pe-i-man, or Piai-man, or conjuror, a mur-
derer is suspected. In order to ascertain by whom the
supposed deed was done, the following account is given
by a late interesting writer rf — " A pot is filled with cer-
tain leaves, and placed over a fire ; when it b^ins to
boil over, they consider that on which side the scum falls
first, it points out the quarter fix)m whence the murderer
came. A consultation is therefore held, and the place is
pointed out, and the individual whose death is to atone
* In thif and msiy ottier leepecte tbegr letemUe the Arabs, as deacribed I7
the hiBtorian Gibbon,
t Bcnuw, MMonaary Laboca.
a2
84 HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIAKA.
for that of the deceased. If he cannot be found, although
he will be sought for years, any other member of his
family will suflSce. One of the nearest relations is charged
with the execution of the direful deed. The * canayi,' or
the avenger of blood, forthwith puts on a curiously-
wrought cap, takes up his weapons, and pursues his path
in search of his victim. From the time of his leaving
until his return home he is to abstain from meat, and
lives upon what the forest supplies ; nor is he allowed to
speak with any he may meet on his road. Having made
his way to the devoted place, and finding his victim
there, he will lurk about for days and weeks till a fa-
vourable opportunity shall offer to perpetrate his revenge.
If the victim pointed out be a man, he will shoot him
through the back ; and if he happens to fall dead to the
ground, drag the corpse aside, and bury it in a shallow
grave. The third night he goes to the grave, and presses
a pointed stick through the corpse. If on withdrawing
the stick he finds blood on the end of it, he tastes the
blood in order to ward off any evil effects that might
follow from the murder, returning home appeased, and
apparently at ease. But if it happens that the wounded
individual is able to return to his home, he charges his
relations to bury him, after his death, in some place
where he cannot be found, and having done so, he ex-
pires, not without great pains and fearfiil imprecations.
The reason why the avenger of blood attacks his victim
fix)m behind is evident from the circumstance that the
Indian is always found armed, at least with a knife. And
again, the reason why the victim desires to be biuied
where he cannot be found, is to punish the murderer for
his deed, inasmuch as the belief prevails that if he tastes
not of the blood he must perish by madness. If a woman
or child be the victim, their death is brought to pass in
a different way. The individual is thrown down on the
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 86
ground, the mouth forced open, and the fangs of a
venomous serpent driven through the tongue. Before
the poor creature can reach home, the tongue becomes
inflamed and swollen, and she is unable to tell who did
the deed, and death is sure to follow." As the foregoing
passage illustrates many of the qualities of the Indian —
viz., his vindictiveness, superstition, patience, endurance,
and cunning, I may perhaps be excused for having
quoted it at such length. Their disposition is otherwise
kind, tolerant, and hospitable, and they look for a similar
return on the part of those to whom they extend friendly
oflices. There is very Uttle distinction among them as
to rank, or wealth, or honour. They seem to have inte-
rests in common, and each tribe, to its minor subdivi-
sions, may be regarded in the light of a petty republic.
A chief, or captain, presides over each such division, and
he generally has to acquire this position by some trying
ordeal or pre-eminent quality.* In no way diflFering
from his adherents, either in mode of life or in the ap-
pearance of authority, he yet exercises a tacit control
over them. He settles their quarrels, directs their move-
ments in hunting, fishing, and roving, and acts more as^
the fether of a family than the chieftain of a race. They-
have made but trifling advance in any of the arts.
Beyond building their rude huts, and making their
canoes (at which craft the Warrows are far superior to
the others), and preparing a few vessels of earthenware,
some neat baskets from the beautiful reeds of the interior,
and their own cots, or hammocks, from different kinds of
grasses, they seem to have lacked the necessity, or the
ability, to improve. Their bows and arrows, in spite of
the praise that has been bestowed on them, are after all
but rudely fashioned. Their knowledge, if any, of work-
* In some tribes both males and females are snlijected to some kind of phyiioal
torture before they can be considered admissible to associate with adults.
86 mSTOET OF BEmSH OTJIAHA.
ing the metal has been turned to very little uae; a
sharpened stone, or pointed fish-bone, are the only o<>
casional attempts to make their weapons formidable, if
we except the deadly Wourali poison, or the massive
tomahawk, or dub which in cases of danger is employed
in th^ defence. True to the spirit of nomades, they
have raised no cities, nor restricted themselves to any
particular spot or dwelling. Their warfiare requires no
walls, their barter no chamber of commerce, their science
no lecture-room, their religion no temple. Their field of
battle is the mountain and the forest ; their traffic is with
the inhabitants of the air, the river, and the soil. Their
science is exhibited alone in their instinct; their worship
is nature. Their system of agriculture is simple, and
always remains the same. Their amusements are dancing,
drinking, and hunting; they have no games. Their
rites of baptism, marriage, burial, present no imposing
ceremony. The child is named by the piai-man, or con-
jurer, who in darkness utters a few incantations, for
which he is paid. Their marriage is sanctioned neith^
by form nor contract. The yoimg Indian selects^ or has
selected for him, a youthful maiden, who with implicit
&ithfiilnes8 and simplicity regards him as a protector and
companion; as in olden times, it sometimes happens that
he has to win his bride by a short period of servitude.
Some tribes, especially the Warrows, place the corpses
of distinguished individuals in a canoe, surrounded with
almost all their worldly possessions, even, sometimes, to
their very dogs. Lamentations and fimeral fires ensue;
and the widow and children are passed over to the
brother or next male relative. And so the drama of li&
ends.
The Caribs sometimes collect the bones of those they
esteem, and have them cleansed, painted, and preserved,
or reduced to ashes.
HISTOBY OF BBTTISH GUIAHA. 87
Their religion partakes of the character of their habits
It is fanciful and ideal. They believe in the immortality
of the soul. Conscious of a Creator, they feel so incapa-
ble of appreciating his existence, that beyond wonder and
awe at the sublime phenomena of nature in the thimder-
storm and gale of wind, they exhibit no desire to obtain
a nearer knowledge of Him; but make themselves fami-
liar with spirits or inferior deities, to whom they attri-
bute the immediate gccurrences of daily life, whether of
good or evil. To such spirits they never offer worship;
although it is stated by a writer on one of the West
Indian Islands, that idols have been discovered buried in
the ground.* Certain men from each tribe assume to
themselves offices similar to that of priests in more
civilised countries. They are called Pe-i-men, and act
as conjurers, soothsayers, physicians, judges, and priests,
thus imiting all the professions in their vicarious persons.
They are looked up to with some reverence, and by their
mysterious conduct and cunning intelligence, manage to
make it a life of some profit to themselves. It would be
useless and unprofitable to enter further upon the details
of such a creed — ^if creed it may be called — the chief
articles of which are a dim belief in an universal &ther,
whom they called Tamousi, or according to others,
Maconaima, and a confident but shapeless faith in a
future state.
* Hughes' History of Barbadocs.
88 BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
CHAPTER II.
SPntlT OF ADYBNTUItE IN THE FIFTXBKTH GENTUBY — THB FBOBABLB DI8C0TXBT
OF GUIANA BT COLUMBOS ON HIS THIBD VOTAGB DC 1498 — BXPEDITION OF
ALONZO DE OJB^^A IN 1499 ; OF VINCENT JANBZ FINZON IN IMK); AND OF
DIBGO DB NICUBSSA IN 1509 — BUM0UB8 AND FABULOUS ACCOUNTS OF THB EL
DOBADO— EXPEDITIONS OF DIEGO DB OBDAS IN 1530; OF HEBBBBA IN 1533;
OF ANTONIO SIDEBMO AND AUGUSTIN DBLOADO IN 1536 ; AND OF GONZALO
PIZABBO AND OEELLANA IN 1540-45— THB FBENCH ATTEMPT TO TBADB WITB
BBAZIL AND GUIANA IN 1550-55— EXPEDITIONS OF PEDBO DB 08UA, JUAN COB-
TBSO, GA8PAB SYLYA, JUAN GONZALES, PHILIP DB YBBN, PEDBO 8TLYA, FATHEB
GALA, PEDBO DE UMPIAS, 6EB0NIM0 OBTOL, PEDBO HEBNANDES SEBPA, GON-
ZALES CA8ADA, DIEGO VABGAS, GACEBES, ALONZO HEBBBBA, AND DIEGO
LOGABDO— THB DUTCH YI8IT GUIANA IN 1580— BXPEDITION OF ANTONIO BBBBEO
OB BEBBEJO — DOMINGO YEBA TABES FOBMAL POSSESSION OF GUIANA IN 1593 —
SIB WALTEB BALEIGH VISITS GUIANA IN 1595 ; ADVENTUBES AND BETUBN ;
SENDS CAPT. BEYMI8 IN 1596, AND VISITS IT AGAIN IN 1597, GIVING A DETAO^ED
ACCOUNT OF THE COUNTBY ON HIS BETUBN TO EUBOPB; HIS FINAL BXPBDIHON
TO GUIANA IN 1617, AND ITS UNSUCCESSFUL BESULT— BS7LBCXI0NS ON THE
SABT.TBB ADVENTUBEB8.
The precise time when the shores of Guiana were
first visited cannot be fixed with certainty ; but there is
no doubt that they were known at a very early period.
The spirit of inquiry had been roused to an incredible
degree among European nations by the discoveries of
Columbus, who explored an ocean then almost unknown,
and, believing firmly in the existence of other continents,
lived to prove the fact to the incredulous and astonished
inhabitants of the Old World. His example was rapidly
followed, and adventurers fix)m all parts of the world set
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUUNA. 89
sail in the excitement, and in the hope of adding to the
list of discoverers.
The broad Atlantic, so long a wonder to the inquisitive
spirit of man, became, in the fifteenth century, a scene of
action to the enterprising. The favouring gales which
swept the barks over the waters could not but guide
some to the prominent eastern boundaries of the South
American continent. Conspicuous in this region were
found Guiana and its rude inhabitants. A number of
marvellous stories are related in the chronicles of these
early expeditions, the bulk of which are entitled to
no more credit than the legends of the Pantheon.
Amongst them we may at once dismiss as a pure fable
the reputed discovery of the American continent by the
crew of a vessel accidentally driven by an easterly wind
to a continent hitherto unknown, who returned, after
great distress and difficulty, and who all died shortly
afl;er their arrival in Europe, without disclosing to any
one, save Columbus, the accoimt of their voyage.*
Contrary to the opinions generally entertained on this
subject, it would appear that the discovery of America
dates from a period anterior to that of Columbus. The
learned Humboldt, in his chapter on oceanic discoveries,
assigns the credit of the discovery of America — at least,
in its northern portions — to the Northmen of Europe.
It occurred in the following manner: — Towards the close
of the ninth century, Naddod was driven by storms to
Iceland, while attempting to reach the Faroe Islands,
which had been already visited by the Irish. The first
settlement of the Northmen was made in 875 by Ingolf.
The colonisation of Iceland, which Naddod first called
Snowland (Snjoland), was carried through Greenland, in
a south-western direction, to the new continent. In 086
* Robertson's Histoiy of Amcvica, toL tL p. 336.
90 HI8T0BT OF BRITISH OUIAHA.
parts of America were seen by Bjame Heijulfsson^ in a
voyage from Greenland to the southward, but no at-
tempt at landing was made by him. In the year 1000,
the continent of North America waa disco vered^ by Leif,
the son of Eric the Bed. He first saw the land at the
Island of Nantucket, 1 deg. south of Boston; then in
Nova Scotia, and lastly in Newfoundland. But the hisr
torical accounts of the intercourse maintained between
the settlers in the extreme north of Europe, such aa
Greenland and Iceland, with the continent of North
America, do not extend beyond the fourteenth century,
so that the merit of opening this immense continent to
the knowledge of Europe, in 1^2, really belongs to
Columbus, who, unlike the previous discoverers, was not
driven thither by storms, but was led to it by his convic-
tion that the eastern territories of the world were to be
reached in that direction. Indeed, both Columbus and
Amerigo Vespuoei died in the belief that they had merely
touched on portions of eastern Asia. It was on the 12th
October, 1492, that Columbus first discovered the land
of GuanahanL
According to the (Germans, it would seem that Martin
Behaim was one of the discoverers of the New World.
He was of the noble family of the Behaims of Nurem-
' berg, and studied under the celebrated Begiomontanus,
and proceeding to Lisbon, under the patronage of the
Duchess of Burgundy, where he became renowned for
his nautical knowledge, he formed the acquaintanceship
of Columbus. In 1483, in conjunction with Diego Cano,
he commanded a squadron fitted out for discovery, and
is said to have discovered the kingdom of Congo. He
settled in the island of Fayal, one of the Azores, and
drew a map, which is still preserved in Nuremberg. In
a copy of this map, as published by Doppilmayer, in
BI8T0BT cat BBmSH GUIAHA* tl
which hardly one place is laid down in its trae situation,
he delineated an idand, which he called St. Brandon, and
which it has been imagined was some part of Gmanar
But as it is placed in the same latitude with the Cape de
Verd Isles, the whole ^;or7 is rendered absurd. Neitha
are the pretensions of the Welsh, nor of the Norw^ians,
por indeed of other nations, worthy of any notice, as
contending for the honour of the discovery of America,
We have good reason, however, to believe that Co-
lumbus himself first discovered, or at least made known^
the land of Guiana ; for in August, 14fi8, in his third
voyage, he made the island of Trinidad, and encountered
much difliculty in the mouth of the river Orinoco. " 13iis
river rdls towards the ocean such a vast body of water,
and rushes into it with such impetuous force, that when
it meets the tide, which on that coast rises to an uncomr
mon height, their collision occasions a swell and a^tation
of the waves no less surprising than formidable. In this
conflict the irresistible torrent of the river so fiu* prevails,
that it fireshens the ocean many leagues with its flood."*
Columbus, having escaped the difficulty, ^^ justly con-
cluded that such a vast body of water as this river con-
tained could not be supplied by any island^ but must
flow through a country of immense extent, and of con-
sequence that he was now arrived at that continent
which it had long been the object of Ins wishes to difh
cover."t He accordin^y sailed to the west, and landed
on the continent in several plaeei.
In die following year (1^09), Alonzo de O^eda, a gal-
lant and acti^iB officer, who had accompanied Columbus
in his seomd voyage, attended also by the fimous Ame-
rigo Yespucei, a Florentine gentlenuu^ who had the un»
deserved honour of giving a name to the wodd dis-
* Bobertaon's America, book it p. 154. f Ibid.
92 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
covered by another, set out for a voyage of discovery \a
four ships, proviSedty the merchants of Seville. Avail-
ing themselves of the journal and charts of Columbus in
his second voyage, they succeeded in reaching the eastern
coast of South America, and are supposed to have made
the land of Surinam after a voyage of twenty-four days.
They then ran along the coast of the Gulf of Paria,
passing several large rivers — amongst others, the rivers
Essequebo and Orinoco. They saw no natives until
their arrival at Trinidad, where, after trading with them,
they stood to the west, and proceeded as far as Cape de
Vela, ranging along a considerable extent of coast.
Not long after,. Vincent Janez Pinzon, a companion of
Columbus in his first voyage, sailed from Patos with four
ships, January 13th, 1500, and made the land of Santa
Maria de la Consoladon, or Cape St. Augustino, on the
eastern angle of South America: he discovered the mighty
river of the Amazons, or river Maranon, and landed on
the coast at its mouth. From thence he sailed onwards,
passing the rivers of Guiana as far as the river Orinoco,
where it is supposed by some that he also landed. He
aft;erwards proceeded to Hispaniola and the Bahamas.
The Spaniards, according to an old writer,* on ascending
the several rivers, were astonished at their size and pecu-
liarities. On exploring the countries in the neighbour-
hood of the Orinoco, they received information of a
territory far in the interior, which abounded in gold
and emeralds, and of a salt-water lake, called Parima;
thus leaving no doubt that so early as the time I have
mentioned an acquaintance had been made with some of
the tribes belonging to Guiana, among whom a tradition
of his visit was known to have existed. A few years
later another Spaniard received similar information on
the opposite part of the coast
* Borrora.
HI8T0BY OF BRITISH QUIANA. 93
. Although the discovery of the diffejent portions of
America succeeded each other so rapidly, it was not until
about ten years after Columbus had made his first suc-
cessful voyage, that the Spaniards practically attempted
to form settlements on the main land. Unsupported by
the crown of Spain, and at the sole expense of a few
private individuals, this enterprising object was effected,
chiefly through the famous Alonzo de Ojeda, who had
acquired considerable reputation and wealth in some
voyages of discovery; and who was assisted by another
Spaniard, Diego de Nicuessa, a successful adventurer.
Titles and patents (but nothing else) were granted by
Ferdinand, and about 1609 two governments were
established on the continent ; one extending fi-om Cape
de Vela to the GuK of Darien, and the other firom this
gulf to Cape Gradas k Dias, from which settlements
parties were sent to explore the inland districts. The
first government was given to Ojeda, the second to
Nicuessa. Much formality and time were wasted in
prescribing the mode by which possession should be
taken. They were to expound to the natives the princi-
pal articles of the Christian Faith ; to acquaint them with
the powers of the Pope; to inform them of the grant
which that formidable prince had made of their country
to the King of Spain, and to insist upon their embracing
the new religion and submitting to the Spanish authority.
In default of the fulfilment of these conditions they were
to be punished with fire and the sword, and their wives
and families were to be reduced to servitude. As a
matter of course, such arguments being rather new to the
independent Indian, and somewhat too subtle for their
uncultivated understandings, caused considerable con-
fusion and opposition. Force being employed by the
Spaniards when they found arguments fail, the in-
sulted Indian, roused to a sense of his danger, replied to
M HIBTOBT OF BBIUBH GUIAHA.
both by poisoned arrams (another proof that the natives
of Guiana were ooncemed in these occorrences), and
effectually annihilated their invaders. The Spaniards,
prevented from escaping by the loss of their ships,
perished within a year in the most miserable manner. A
few survivors, headed by Yasco Nunez de Bilboa and
Erandsco Pizano, formed a feeble colony at Santa Maria
de Antigua, on the Gulf of Darien. Such was the first
reception given to Europeans in Amenca by the simple
aborigines of the interior.
The confused accounts which had been given to the
Spaniards in the year 1500, about a rich city abounding
in gold, silver, and precious stones, situated on the
borders of the lake Parima, within the predncts of
Guiana, inflamed the adventurous sprit of the age, and
led to numerous enterprises, undertaken in the hope of
discovering this £a,mous region. Thus early were the
cupidity and the credulity of the Spaniards excited with
regard to an ideal city, with its golden palaces, and
streets paved with precious stones, reflecting their gorge-
ous beauty in the translucent waters of the Parima. Thus
early was this M Dorado* of the west, this supposed
land of surpassing loveliness and wealth, held up as the
greatest object of the Spanish conqueror^s ambition.
Mexico had been overrun, Peru had been conquered,
but still the avarice of the invader had not been satiated,
and El Dorado, the highest prize in the lottery of ad-
venture, remained yet to be drawn. Hence ensued the
* The term £1 Dorado wm not originally applied to any particiilar region, but
rather to an indiyidual. According to Father Gumilla, the fable had its origin
on the coast of Carthagena and Santa Martha, whence it passed to Bogota. A
rumour prevailed through those regions that the soTereign prince of a country
which abounded in gold, when he appeared in public, had his body sprinklefil
orer with gdld-dust; hence aioae the expression of £1 Dorado, the gilded, or
golden, which was subsequently applied to a supposed rich country. Others,
bowerer, derive the term nom a regions practice among the sect of Bochiea, or
Idacanzas, whose chief priest stuck gold-dust upon his nee and hands before he
perfbrmed sacrifice.
' HIBTQBr OF BBTCIBH GUIAHA. 95
romantic and sprnted expLoita, of which the Allowing are
instances.
A governor liad been sent out by Ferdinand, King of
Spain, and was to reside in the then capital of the Guiana
del Dorado, viz., Trinidad, an island on its coast.
In the year 1530, Don Diego de Ordas, the governor
of Quito, and one of the captains of Cortes, although
Hving upon the opposite side of the ccmtinent, sent some
of his people to explore Guiana. They had to pass hi^
mountains and barren plains, and from the difficulty of
the journey, and the lack of provisions, were obliged to
return. According to the account of Baleigh, it would
appear that one Don Martines was an officer under Diego
de Ordace, and got into a considerable scrapa
^* For it chanced that while Ordace, with his army,
rested at the fort of Morriquito (situated some 300 miles
within the land, upon the great Oronoco), and which
Ordace was either the first or second that attempted
Guiana, by some negligence, the whole store of powder
provided for the service was set on fire, and Martines,
having the chief charge, was condemned by the general,
Ordace, to be executed forthwith. Martines being much
favoured by the soldiers, had aU the means possible pro-
cored for his life, but it could not be obtained in any
other sort than this, that he should be set in a canoe
alone, without any victuals, only with his arms, and so
turned loose in the great river." This Martines after-
wards, who had the honour of christening the city of
Manoa by the name of El Dorado, escaped to Trinidad,
and from thence to Juan de Puerto Rico, where remain-
ing a long time waiting for a passage into Spain, he died.
Don Di^o subsequently returned to Spain, and
procured letters patent fix)m the Emperor Charles V.,
which secured to him all the land he should discover
from Cape de la Yela^ 300 miles to the east Still
~ 96 HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
intent on the discovery of the El Dorado, and whilst
cruising near the mouth of the river Amazons, he cap-
tured some Indians who had precious stones resembling
emeralds in their possession. Deluded by his prisoners
into the belief that higher up this river there was a
land abounding in similar productions and rich in gold,
he proceeded, in 1631, with his force, consisting of
several ships and about 400 men, up this mighty
river ; but dismayed at the loss of one of his ships, and
many of his men, and harassed by the strong currents
and vexatious calms, he abandoned his object, and sailed
for Paria, on the Orinoco, where he found a fort that
had been erected by the governor of the Guianas, Don
Palameque. He took possession of this fort (although
commanded by an oflScer of the governor's, Juan Gon-
^alves), under pretext of the letter patent granted to
him by the emperor, and ascended the river Orinoco,*
and although suffering from the want of provisions, and
from the mosquitoes, bats, and other plagues, he arrived
at the dwelling of the cassique Viapari (the Indian
name of the river Orinoco), where, being well received,
he remained for some time. On attempting to make
further progress up the river, he lost his largest ship,
and was obliged in consequence to foUow the banks of
the stream, with about 200 men, and forty horses. On
his route, he met only a few Caribbean fishermen.
Having once more re-embarked his troops, he proceeded
up the Orinoco, about 300 miles from its mouth, when
he met the large tributary stream, the Meta, which,
rushing down over the rocks in the form of a huge
cataract, joins the Orinoco in this singular manner.
Being now obliged to retrace his steps without having
succeeded in discovering the coveted El Dorado, he
* Sir W. Baleigh sajs he reached the rirer Orinoco by the river Viapari ;
bat thif was the name giren to the Orinoco by the Spanish and Indians.
HISTORY OF BIUTISH GUIANA. 97
descended the river, to about forty-five miles firom its
mouth, where, on its eastern bank, he built a town,
which he called St. Thomas of Chdana.
Thus had Diego de Ordas the honour of first erecting
a town within the precincts of the Guianas. He soon
afterwards returned to Spain, and died, either on his
passage, or shortly after his arrival. In the course of
these expeditions he had transported out of Spain 1000
soldiers. Situated at the confluence of the Caroni and
the Orinoco, this town was never of much importance ;
it consisted of about 150 houses, and the inhabitants
planted tobacco, and, encouraged by the fruitful soil and
fine pasturage, endeavoured to grow provisions, and to
breed cattle and horses, which they procured from
Coraana ; but a few years after, the English and Dutch,
jealous of the progress of the Spaniards, disturbed them
in their possessions. It was not, however, until the
year 1570, that these disturbances commenced, and in
1629, on the 30th November, but according to others,
on the 11th December, a Dutch force of nine ships, and
some sloops under Admiral Pater, took the town, which
they plundered and burned. Some of the inhabitants
escaped to Comana, and others repairing, about seven
mUes further up the river, on the same side, erected
another town.*
Previously to these occurrences, however, the gover-
nor of Paria sent his lieutenant, Alfonso de Herrera,
with 200 soldiers, and five vessels, to St. Thomas of
Guiana, in 1533. They had several skirmishes with the
Caribbean Indians, and killed many of them. Proceeding
fiirther, they arrived at the Meta cataract, already alluded
to, and, undaunted by its roaring waters, they carried
their vessels over the fall, and succeeded in making the
ascent of the river. Their success was not unaccom-
* St. Thom^ de Nuera Qaayana, the present Citjr of Bolirar.
VOL. I. H
98 HI8T0BT OH BRITISH GUIANA.
panied by losses and disasters. Herrera and his troops
were constantly harassed by the natives, who killed
many of them with their poisoned arrows. Herrera
himself was severely wounded, and became mad in con-
sequence. During his temporary insanity, Alvaro de
Oi^as took command of the expedition, and considering
discretion the better part of valour, returned to Paria,
which he reached in 15S6. In the same year another
expedition was undertaken by Antonio SidcDno, with
whom Herrera and Augustin Delgado were associated
in the conquest of Trinidad against Bawcxmar, a famous
king of that place. Sidenno passed by Maracapana with
500 chosen men to discover £1 Dorado. In this journey
he is said to have got much gold, and taken many
Indian prisoners, whom he manacled in irons, several of
them dying on the way. Even in their deaths these
Indians became formidable, for the tigers that came to
feast on their dead bodies fell upon the Spaniards, who
with great difficulty defended themselves from their
attacks. Sidenno having died, was buried within the
precincts of the empire, near the head of the river
Tinados, and most of his people perished.*
Doomed to disappointment by water, in search of the
El Dorado, an expedition by land was attempted by
Gonzalo Pizarro, who had been appointed governor of
Quito, by his brother, the famous Francisco Pizarro, who
had deposed Benalcazar. Assembling together about
400 Spaniards, nearly half of whom were horsemen,
and 400 Indians, to carry their provisions, which they
had in abundance, Gonzalo Pizarro, a man of great
courage and ambition, left the capital of Peru (Quito),
in the year 1540 (others say 1644), to explore the
golden land. Passing over the lofty summits of the
Andes, where the cold was severely felt, they descended^
•SaWgfa.
mSTOBT OF BBmSH GUIANA. 99
after incredible liardsliips, into the low country, where
an a1mo6t uninhabited territory, and torrents of rain,
awaited them. Advancmg for many weeks through
dense forests, occasional mountains, and swampy marshes^
assailed by numerous insects^ serpents, and some tribes
of Indians ; and suffering from the fsdlure of their pro-
visions, they still persevered, with the prospect of the
glittering prize before them, until they reached the banks
of the river Napo, a tributary stream of the Amazon,
wliich, in 1536, had been already discovered by Gon-
zalves Dias de Pineda. Aware of the difficulties by
land, they contrived to build a bark for the purpose of
seeking provisions, and fe^alitating their exploration of
the country. The conmiand of this expedition was
entrusted to Francisco Oreliana, the officer next in rank
to Pizarro. He had with him about fifty soldiers, and
receiving his orders fi:om Pizarro, was directed not to
venture far, but to keep within reach of his party ; not-
withstanding these strict instructions, he boldly entered
the river, and, carried away by the current, was soon
out of sight. . Fearlessly following the stream, this enter-
prising, but unprincipled officer, reached at length the
broadCT waters of the Amazon, where he held on his
course towards the ocean. Struck, as well he might be^
by its fruitful banks, he occasionally made excursions on
land, where he procured provisions, either by traffic, or
by force^ firom the native tribes. It was whilst com-
bating with some of these, that he observed, with sur-
prise, that the women fought equally with the men,
giving rise to the fable of the land of Amazons, for
whatever might have been the case in his day, nothing
particularly warlike on the part of the female population
of that part of the globe has ever smce been noticed.
It was here, also, that his cupidity was excited by the
sight of some precious stones, resembling emeralds, which
h2
100 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
the Indians declared abounded higher up the river.
Having named the river Orellana, after himself (a name
which, though attempted to be retained by some, has
given place to the equally unmerited one of Amazon),
he, after incredible dangers, launched his adventurous
bark into the ocean, and returned to Spain about the
year 1545, where he pretended that he had discovered
nations so rich, that the roofs of their temples were
covered with plates of gold, and dwelt with enthusiasm
on his wars with the female republics of the Amazon,
and his long voyage, 1550 miles, up the river.
Meanwhile, Gonzalo Pizarro, unwilling to believe in
the treachery of Orellana, proceeded along the banks of
the Napo as far as its junction with the Amazon, where
a rendezvous had been arranged; but receiving no ac-
count of the expedition, he tracked the banks about fifty
leagues further on. Here, to his dismay, he discovered
an officer who had been left to perish in the desert, be-
cause he had remonstrated against the perfidy of Orel-
lana. The danger of his situation was now revealed to
him, but with undaunted courage he retraced his steps*
Distant about 1200 miles from Quito, he had to lead his
dispirited and disappointed followers back through the
difficult road they had traversed. Their hardships were
beyond description ; emaciated, worn out with hunger
and fatigue, all the Indians, and the greater number of the
Spaniards, perished in that fatal campaign — only eighty
returned to Quito, and these in the most deplorable
state, naked and famished. Thus, in the year 1542,
ended one of the most famous expeditions in search of
an ideal city, mocking the sun with golden mansions
and silver waters.
Nor were the Spaniards the only nation credulous
enough to believe in the romantic tale which had now
been circulated all over Europe. It would appear that
HISTORY OF BBITISH GUIAKA. 101
the French, who were at this time (1550) in the habit
of sending ships to the Brazilian coast, to trade with the
Indians in pepper, dye, wood, and other native produc-
tions, actually undertook several voyages to discover the
El Dorado, but with the same results. The^cause of
their failure is given in a very quaint manner by: Sir
Walter Raleigh, who, describing the French as takiilg*lhe
course of the Amazon in search of the golden land, ^e-^
clared that they were mistaken in the road, " den rechten
Weg niet genomen hadden."*
In one of these voyages, about the year 1555, they
rescued from the Indians a Dutch traveller, " Hans-
staden," of Homburg, in Hesse (who wrote an account
of his travels), and were told by him that he had been
a prisoner for about five years among the Indian tribes.
Upon another occasion, one Pedro de Osua, a knight
of Navarre, attempted to explore Guiana. Starting from
Peru with 400 soldiers, he built his brigantines upon a
river called Orio, which riseth to the southward of Quito,
and is very large. This Pedro de Osua had among his
troops a Biscayan called Agiri, a man meanly bom, and
who bore no other office than that of sergeant, or alferez.
This man induced the soldiers, who were worn with tra-
vail, and consumed with famine, to mutiny, and having
murdered Osua, and his wife Lady Ancs, " who forsook
not her lord in all his travels unto death," he took the
whole charge and command to himseH^ with the purpose
not only of making himself Emperor of Guiana, but also
of Peru, and of all that side of the West Indies. His
party amounted to about 700 soldiers ; but not being
able to reach Guiana by the Amazon, they were " en-
forced to disembogue at the mouth of the said Amazon,
thence he coasted the land till he arrived at Marguarita,
to the north of Monpatar, which is, at this day, called
♦ Hartsink, p. 158.
102 HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Puerto de Tyranno, for that he there slew Don Juan de
Villa Andr^d V governor of Marguarita." Agiri put to
the swor^.y^ those who opposed him, and took with
him cei^n ceremones and other desperate companions;
with/t^^ he went to Gumana, and there slew the
gov^Ylaor, and otherwise behaved in the same manner as
af!2^arguarita. He afterwards proceeded to the Co-
tsiocas, but was slain in the kingdom of Nuevo Seyna
The following expeditions were also undai;aken about
•'this period. A Spaniard, Juan Corteso, arrived at the
river of Amazons, or Orellana, with 300 men, and
marched into the coimtry ; but neith^ himself nor his
men ever returned again to tell the tale of thar ad-
ventures.
Graspar de Sylva, with his two brothers, departed £x)m
Teneriffe, accompanied by 200 men, to assist Diego de
Ordas. They sought El Dorado by the river of the
Amazons ; but after staying there a short time, proceeded
to Trinidad, where they all died.
Juan Gonsalves set sail £:om Trinidad to discover
Guiana ; he trusted more to the ftdth of his guides than
to the number of his men. He found the territory of
Guiana, so far as he entered,' to be populous, pl^itifid in
provisions, and rich in gold.
Philip de Vren and Pedro de Limpias were leaders
in another expedition into Guiana; the latter was slain
by an Indian cassique, named Pouina.
Jeronimo de Ortol, with 160 soldiers, failed in an
attempt to reach Guiana by sea. He was carried by the
current to the coast of Paria, and settled about St.
Miguel; after suffering great hardships, and his substance
having been all spent, he died at St. Dominga
Pedro de Sylva, a Portuguese of the &xnily of Bigomes
de Sylva, in favour with the King of Spain, was sent
with a fleet to eiqplore Guiana^ and failed also in his
HISTORY OF BB1TI8H GUIANA. 108
object He entered the Amazons, but was attacked by
the natives, and utterly overthrown ; of his whole anny
only a few escaped, and of these but two returned to
their native country.
A certain friar. Father Sala, once made an excursion
into the provinces of Guiana, taking with him only one
companion, and some Indian guides. He returned with
good intelligence, and is said to have brought with him
eagles, idols, and other jewels of gold, in the year 1560.
On a second visit to the country he was slain by the
Indians.
An attempt to reach Guiana was also made by Pedro
Hernandez de Serpa, who landed at Cumana, and took
his journey by land towards Orinoco ; but before be
arrived at the borders of the river, he was attacked by a
tribe of Indians, the Wikiri, and so completely routed,
that, out of 300 soldiers, besides horsemen, Indians, and
negroes, only eighteen returned to give an account of
their leader's failure.
Another famous Spaniard, Don Gonsalves Cenunco
de Cassada, sought the country by the river Papamura,
and eflfected his return, after a fruitless journey, with
much diflSculty and cost. It was at his instigation that
the gigantic expedition of Don Antonio de Berrejo was
undertaken, which tiie latter declared cost him 800,000
ducats.
Afterwards Diego de Vargas, and his son Don Juan,
undertook a similar enterprise, but were slain by the
Indians at their first setting out.
Caceres attempted the exploration of Guiana 6com
Nuevo Reyno de Granada, but came no nearer to it than
Matachines, which bordered upon the kingdom of Gra-
nada, where he remained and peopled that territory.
It was also attempted by Alon9o de Herrera upon two
different occasions. He endured great misery, but iiever
104 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
entered one league into the country. He sought it by
Viapaii, or Amana, and was at last slain by a tribe of
Indians, called Xaguas.
Augustine Delgado explored the country to the south-
ward of Cumanawgotto, with fifty-three footmen and
three horsemen. The wars then existing between the
Indians of the vale and those of the mountains assisted
him in his object. He advanced until he met with an
Indian cassique, named Garamental, who received him
with much kindness, and gave him some rich jewels of
gold, six seemly pages, ten young slaves, and three beau-
tiful nymphs, who bore the names of the three provinces
fi:om whence they had been sent to Garamental. Theu'
names were Guanba, Poloquane, and Marguarata. These
provinces were reputed to be very healthfiil, and to
possess a remarkable influence in producing fair women.
The Spaniards afterwards requited the manifold cour-
tesies they had received, by absconding with all the gold
that they could obtain, and seizing the Indians as pri-
soners, whom they conveyed in irons to Cubagua, where
they sold them as slaves. Delgado was afterwards shot
in the eye by an Indian, and died in consequence of tlie •
wound. Diego de Losada succeeded in his brother's
place. He had many new followers, all of whom, in the
end, wasted themselves in mutinies ; those that survived
returned afterwards to Cubagua.
Eeynoso undertook an expedition, but having endured
innumerable troubles, " in the discomfort of his mind gave
it over, and was buried in Hispaniola."
The Dutch, although in the habit of sending ships for
the purposes of trade, which cruised along the coast
from the river Amazon to the Orinoco, do not appear to
have seriously entertained any scheme for seeking this
land of promise. Sedate, calculating, and phlegmatic,
they resisted the infatuation, and addressed themselves to
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. lOS
the real and practical advantages the country presented
to them.
In the year 1580, some vessels being sent from the
province of Zealand to carry on the rude system of barter
then practised, some of the persons concerned in the
expedition established themselves near the river Pome-
roon, where they formed a settiement which they called
New Zealand, while others of the party formed similar
settlements on the river Essequebo, and at the mouth of
the Abary or Wayabari Creek, where there was an Indian
village called Nibie. In June or July of the ensuing
year, 1581, these rational movements acquired a more
solid character from a wise resolution of the States-Gene-
ral, which granted permission to certain individuals to
follow up the experiment by fitting out an expedition for
the purpose of trading along the coast and up the rivers.
While the Dutch were thus sagaciously employed, the
Spaniards, undeterred by the miserable fate of so many
of their countrymen who had perished in the enterprise,
resolved to undertake a fresh venture in search of the El
Dorado. In 1582, Don Antonio Berrejo,* by command
of Don Gonsalvo Ximeny de Quesada, whose daughter
he had married, set out from New Granada, and pro-
ceeded along the river Papameni, a tributary of the
Orinoco. But, notwithstanding the advantages under
which he started, he fell into the same errors as his
predecessors, and suffered similar disasters — failure
of provisions, sickness, an impracticable country, the
harassing assaults of the Indians, and insubordination
amongst his own troops. Utterly discomfited by these
accumulated misfortimes, he returned with the wreck
of his followers; but, ashamed to confess his ill success,
like a true Spaniard he invented marvellous false-
hoods to conceal it, and circulated absurd stories of the
* Baleigb.
106 HISTOBT OJP BRITISH GUIANA.
dghts he had seen and the incidents that had occurred to
him, boasting of having a present of ten golden images
very artistically worked, ^^ zeer kimstig bewirkt," fix)m an
Indian named Anabas, who lived on the borders of
Amapaja, and with whom he hid oondndLed a treaty of
peace. He very ingeniously got over the difliculty of
producing these fabulous images to his countrymen by
declaring that he had sent them to the King of Spain.
He furthermore stated that he had discovered a civilised
people, " Een handdbaar Volk/'* whose chief, Caripana,
was above one hundred years old. From this imaginary
personage he pretended to have obtained information of
another chief named Morequito, who he stated was well
acquainted with the kingdom of Guiana. This intelli-
gence fired anew the cupidity of his countrymen, and a
fresh batch formed themselves into an exploring party,
and proceeded, imder a commisdon from Berrejo, to open
a negotiation with Morequito; but they had no sooner
reached that chief than he put them all to death, with
the exception of one man who escaped, and carried back
to Berrejo the tidings of the fate that had befallen his
companions, t Soon afterwards, however^ Morequito paid
the full penalty of his cruelty, being himself taken prisoner
and executed — a doom which he in vain endeavoured to
avert by offering his captors three quintals of gold in
ransom. Another Indian, named Tapiawari, nniie to
Morequito, and about one hundred years old, was also
taken prisoner, and is said to have ransomed himself for
one hundred plates of gold, and some green stones which
the Spaniards called piedras hijadas (spleen stones, ac-
cording to Raleigh).
On the 2drd of April, 15d3, another Spaniard,
Domingo de Vera, prosecuted a. voyage of discovery, in
* Hartnnk.
t A famous account of the expedition of Berrejo is giren hj Sir Walter
Baleigh, toL L p. 196.
HI8T0BT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 107
the hope of meeting with the supposed splendid capital
of the Guianas. Failing as a matter of course in his ob-
ject, he formally took possession of the whole comitry in
the name of his sovereign, Philip the Second. The fol-
lowing translation fit>m Hartsink embodies the substance
of the document which testifies to tiie act :
<* Biyer de Pato, Apxil 23rd, 1593.
'^ ly Bodngues de Coran^a, secretary of maiine, hereby
testify that Domingo de Vera, lieutenant of Antonio
BerrejOy having called his soldiers together, and placed
them in battle array, thus addressed them:
" * My fiiends, you know what pains our General Don
Antonio Berrejo has taken, and at what expense he has
been during the last eleven years in his endeavours to
discover the mighty kingdom of Guiana and El Dorado.
It is also not unknown to*you how he has suffered imder
the most extraordinary difficulties during this famous
undertaking; now, although in consequence of want of
food, and the sickness of his people, this great labour and
cost has been useless, he has ordered me to renew this
undertaking. On that account, to take possession of
Guiana in the name of the king and of our general, I
command you, Francisco Carillo, to take up the cross
which lays there upon the ground, and to turn it towards
the east'
"Carillo having obeyed this order, the lieutenant and
the soldiers threw themselves upon the ground be£3re the
cross, and prayed on their knees. After which, Domingo
de Vera took a cup&l of water and drank it ; he then
took another cupM and sprinkled it upon the ground,
and, drawing lus sword, cut down some grass and twigs
of trees, saying: ^In the name of God I take possession
of this land for Don Philip, our noble sovereign ;' upon
which all the officers and men again kneeling, answered:
*We will protect this possession with the last drop of
108 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
OUT blood.' After which, Domingo de Vera, with his
naked sword in his hand, charged me to proclaim this
assmnption of territory, and to call upon all present to
bear witness to the same.
" Signed, Domingo de Vera, through me, Rodrigues
de Coran9a, secretary."
Besides the foregoing expeditions, a host of other ad-
venturers attempted further enterprises. But there is no
further evidence to show that either the Spaniards or
Portuguese, made additional progress in the possession
of Guiana, or built any forts, with the exception of the
settlements of the former on the river Orinoco, and of
the latter on the Amazon ; nor is there any notice in
the voyages to these countries, nor any relics to be found,
which could lead us to believe that the Spaniards or
Portuguese conquered any of 'the regions between the
rivers Orinoco and Amazon, withiu whose confines were
supposed to exist the Golden City and its Silver Lake.
The only traces that remain of their presence in the
country, are the Portuguese arms rudely carved over
the gateway of an abandoned fort, and the names of
some Spanish adventurers hewn out on the rocks in the
interior.
But before quitting this part of the subject, we must
refer briefly to the exploits of some of our own country-
men in this region.
Animated by the same spirit of adventure and inquiry
which had been awakened elsewhere by the genius of
Columbus, they also despatched vessels in all directions
to add to the many triumphs of the sixteenth century.
Pre-eminent among these travellers and heroes was
the gifted but unfortunate Sir Walter Raleigh, who,
after sending expeditions to the northern continent of
America, and founding the colony of Virginia, was sent
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 109
to the West Indies in command of a fleet of fifteen large
ships to harass the Spaniards, with whom the English
were then at war. That part of his enterprise, however,
does not concern our narrative.
Sir Walter Raleigh, in his retirement, " having had
many years since knowledge by relation of that mighty,
rich, and beautiful empire of Guiana, and of that great
and golden city which the Spaniards call El Dorado, and
the natives Manoa," contemplated a voyage to this coun-
try, and on Thiursday, February 6th, 1595, set sail in his
own ship, accompanied by a small bark of Captain
Cross's, besides a small gallego, and arrived at Trinidad
on March 22, casting anchor at Point Curiapan, which
the Spaniards called Punto de Gallo, situated in 8 deg.,
or thereabout. Afl;er having explored a great part of the
island of Trinidad, he attacked St. Joseph, the capital,
captured the Governor Berrejo, and set fire to it, at the
instigation of the Indians, who had been most cruelly ill-
treated by the Spaniards. Being reinforced by Captain
George GiflFord and Captain Keymis, Raleigh proceeded
to Guiana ; but the distance (according to report, 600
miles,) being greater than he had anticipated, he con-
cealed the fact from the knowledge of the company, who
otherwise would never have been induced to attempt the
exploration. " In the bottom of an old gallego, which I
caused to be fashioned like a galley, and in one barge,
two wherries, and a ship's boat, we carried 100 persons,
and their victuals for a month, being all driven to lie in
the rain and weather, in the open air, in the burning
sun, and upon the boards, and to dress our meat, and to
carry all manner of furniture in them ; wherewith they
were so pestered and unsavoury, that what with victuals,
being most fish, with the wet clothes of so many men
thrust together, and the heat of the sun, I will undertake
there was never any person in England that could be
110 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
found more unsavoury and loathsome, especially to my-
self, who had for many years before been dieted and
cared for in sort far different." Being obliged to return
from many causes, Sir Walter Baleigh enters into a ftdl
account of his travels and of the country, declaring
** that whatsoever prince shall possess it, that prince
shall be lord of more gold, and of a more beautiful em-
pire, and of more cities and people, than either the King
of Spain or the Great Turk " — a singular prophecgr, and
in part fulfilled.
Raleigh, having listened to the long account given of
Guiana by Don Antonio Berrejo, resolved to make a
trial to discover it, although urgently dissuaded by the
Spaniard, who was hitherto imaware of Raleigh's object
in coming hither. On the 22nd of May, after having
been surrounded with diflSculties in the neighbourhood
of the Orinoco, as above noticed, he discovered some
Indians, who made him acquainted with the country of
Guiana, Having provided a vessel that drew very little
water, he explored the coast, and discovered several
rivers. He saw birds of all colours, " carnation, crimson,
orange, tavmy, purple, green, and other sorts, both simple
and mixed." After innumerable dangers in ascending
some of those wild and hitherto imexplored rivers, he
discovered on the fifteenth day the distant mountmns of
Guiana. On his route he fell in with several tribes of
Indians, with whom he entered into friendly relations,
accompanying them to their several towns. Having
arrived at the river Caroli, he marched overland to view
the strange waterfalls, and ascended the hills in the
neighbourhood to see the adjacent countiy. There he
heard of a great silver-mine. The following is Raleigh's
description of the scene :
*^I never saw a more beautifiil country, nor more
lively prospects : hills so raised here and there over the
mSTORT OF BRITISH GUIAKA. Ill
valleys, the river winding into divers branches, the plains
adjoining without bush or stubble ; all fair green grass,
the ground of hard sand, easy to march on either for
horse or foot ; the deer crossing in every path, the birds
toward the evening singing on every tree with a thousand
several tunes, cranes and herons of white, crimson, and
carnation, perching on the river's side, the air fresh with
a gentle easterly wind, and every stone that we stooped
to take up promised dther gold or silver by its com-
plexion."
Some of these stones were believed by the Spaniards
at Caraccas to be ^^ el madre del oro," and they affirmed
that the mine was further in the ground. On the left of
the river Caroli dwelt a tribe of Indians, called Iwara-
wakesi (enemies to the Epuremie), and adjoining a great
lake named Cassipa, reported about forty miles broad,
dwelt other tribes, called Cassepagotos, Epar^otos, and
Arrawagotos. Beyond Caroli was another river, called
Arvi, and next it two other rivers, Atoica and Caora, on
which latter inhabited the people called Ewaipanoma,
" whose heads a^ppear not above their shoulders^' wliich
fable, indeed, was generally asserted, and was partly
credited by Raleigh, who states that ^isuch a nation was
written of by Mandeville many years ago."
To the west of Caroli was met with another river, the
Casnero, '^ falling into the Orinoco, and larger than any in
Europe. • ♦ • The winter and summer in these regions,
as touching cold and heat, differ not, neither do the trees
ever sensibly lose their leaves, but have always fruit
either ripe or green, and most of them both blossoms,
leaves, ripe fruit, and green at one time." To the north
of Caroli was the river Cari, beyond it the river Limo,
and between these a nation of cannibals, ^ in whose chief
town, called Acamacaris, is a continual market of women,
who were bought by the Arwacas for three or four
112 HISTORr OF BRITISH GUIANA.
hatcliets a piece, and sold by them to the West Indies.
To the west of Limo were the rivers Pao, Caturi, Voari,
and Capuri, a branch of the Meta ; and mention is also
made of several other rivers and provinces inland."
Raleigh next proceeded to trace the Orinoco toward
the sea. He described it as being navigable for ships for
nearly 1000 miles, and for smaller vessels nearly 2000
miles, which at the present day is known to be incorrect.
The winter or wet season having set in, he departed to-
ward the east, " for no half day passed but the river
began to rage and overflow very fearfully, and the rains
came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great abun-
dance." Raleigh having arrived at the fort of Morequito,
sent for an old Indian, Topiawari, unde to Morequito, to
give further information about the country. This old
chief dissuaded him from attempting the city of Manoa
for many reasons, relating at the same time marvellous
tales about plates and images of gold which abounded
among the borderers ; but when Raleigh, excited by
these stories, urged an immediate attack, the crafty old
Indian always prayed him to defer it till next year.
Fully persuaded that these riches actually existed, he
prudently deferred his attack till a more fitting season ;
and leaving one Francis Sparrow and a boy, called Hugh
Godwin, to make further investigations into the country
and language, he took with him a son of the old Indian,
as a hostage, and departed on his voyage, carefully ex-
ploring the country as he proceeded. He found many
beautiful valleys abounding in deer, and lakes full of fish
and fowl. In one of these lakes he met with ''fishes
big as a wine-pipe, which they called manati, and which
is most excellent and wholesome meat." The manati is
better known now as the sea-cow. Raleigh having de-
scended the Orinoco to where it branched into three
great rivers, divided his party, and explored the several
HISTORr OF BRITISH GUIANA. 113
branches, on the borders of one of which, the Winica-
pora, he discovered a mountain of crystal. " We saw it
far off, and it appeared like a white church tower of an
exceeding height. There falleth over it a mighty river,
which toucheth no part of the side of the mountain, but
rusheth over the top of it, and falleth to the ground with
a terrible noise and clamour, as if a thousand great balls
were knocked one against another." Berrejo, his pri-
soner, told him that this mountain contained diamonds
and other precious stones, the shining light of which
might be seen at a great distance. Raleigh having ex-
plored several other rivers, or branches of the Orinoco,
after numerous dangers and difficulties, at length suc-
ceeded in reaching Trinidad, where he had the happiness
of meeting his ships, and shortly afterwards proceeded to
England. His report of Guiana was most favourable.
He represented it as richer than Mexico or Peru, as
abounding in all manner " of fish, flesh, and fowl," and
states " that for health, good air, pleasure, and riches, I
am resolved it cannot be equalled by any region either
in the East or West." Out of 100 persons who accom-
panied him in his romantic and perilous expedition, ex-
posed to all the hardships of human life, such as want of
food, raiment, habitation, and rest, and subjected to all
the vicissitudes of the weather, and perils both by land
and sea, not one died. " The soil," he adds, " is so ex-
cellent, and so full of rivers, as it will carry sugar, ginger,
and all those commodities which the West Indies hath."
To conclude, he adds : " Guiana is a country that hath
never yet been sacked, turned, nor wrought. The face
of the earth has not been torn, nor the virtue and salt of
the soil spent by manurance ;" and he winds up his ex-
aggerated description of the country by declaring that
among the prophecies in Peru, some of which foretold
the loss of the said empire, there was one which affirmed
VOL. I. I
114 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
that from " Inglatierra a nation would come which would
subdue the conquerors of the Ingas." He further states :
" I had sent Captain Widden, the year before, to get
what knowledge he could of Guiana; and the end of my
journey at this time was to discover and enter the same.
But my intelligence was fiir from truth ; for the coimtry
is situate above 600 English miles further from the sea
than I was made believe it had been.
" But because there may arise many doubts, and how
this empire of Guiana is become so populous, and adorned
with so many great cities, towns, temples, and treasures,
I thought good to make it known, that the emperor now
reigning is descended from those magnificent princes of
Peru, of whose large territories, of whose policies, con-
quests, edifices, and riches, Pedro de Ceizor, Francisco
Topz, and others, have written large discourses. For
when Francisco Pacaro, Diego Alraagro, and others, con-
quered the said empire of Peru, and had put to death
Atabalipa, son to Guaynacapa (which Atabalipa had
formerly caused his eldest brother Guascar to be slain),
one of the younger sons of Guaynacapa fled out of Peru,
and took with him many thousands of those soldiers of
the empire called orciones, and with those and many
others which followed him, he vanquished all that tract
and valley of America which is situate between the great
rivers of Amazon and Baraquan, otherwise called Mara-
quon, and Orinoco.*
"The empire of Guiana is directly east from Peru
toward the sea, and lieth under the equinoctial line, and
it hath more abundance of gold than any part of Peru,
and as many or more great cities than ever Peru had
when it flourished most. It is governed by the same
laws, and the emperor and people observe the same reli-
gion, and the same form and policies in government, as
* DlBcoverie of Gviana by Sir Walter Baleigfa, Knt.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 116
was used in Peru, not differing in any part; and, as I
have been assured by such of the Spaniards as have seen
Manoa, the imperial city of Guiana, which the Spaniards
call El Dorado, for the greatness, the riches, and for the
excellent seat, &r exceedeth any of the world, at least of
so much of the world as is known to the Spanish nation.
It is founded upon a lake of salt water of 200 leagues
long, like unto Mare Caspium, and if we compare it to
that of Peru, and but read the report of Francisco Lopez,
and others, it will seem more than credible.
" It seemeth to me that this empire is reserved for her
Majesty and the English nation, by reason of the hard
success which all these and other Spaniards foimd in
attempting the same." Another strange prophecy.
Sir Walter Raleigh, after his return to England, still
brooded over in his mind (abeady filled with numerous
schemes) his " favourite but visionary plan of penetrating
into the province of Guiana, where he fondly dreamed
of taking possession of inexhaustible wealth, flowing from
the richest mines in the New World."* Prevented him-
self at that time from undertaking the voyage, he sent
out Captain Laurens Keymis, in 1596, to pursue the ex-
ploration. This navigator carefully traced the several
rivers between the Orinoco and the Amazon, and de-
scribed them in his travels as sixty-seven in number,
enumerating also the names of the Indian tribes that in-
habited their banks. On the 6th of April, 1696, he
arrived at the Orinoco, -sailed up that river, passing by
two havens, Topamerica and Topiawari, without meeting
any Indians, who since the time that they had trafficked
with Raleigh, had been driven away by:the Spaniards.
Keymis Tetumed to England without making vany dis-
covery of importance. Nor did any better success ^ittend
another expedition, under Captain Masham, in )the same
^ Bobertson, book ix. p. 184.
I 2
116 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
year. The following is an account of Captain Keymis's
expedition :
On Monday, January 26th, 1596, he sailed from Port-
land Road in the Darling^ of London, having in company
the Discoverer^ a small pinnace, which parted from
them at sea in foul weather the Thursday following, and
which they supposed to be lost. Friday, February 13th,
fell in with the Canary Islands, and afterwards steered
for the islands of Cape Verd. Thence they sailed Fe-
bruary 28, and on Sunday the 14th of March descried
a low land in the bottom of a bay, the water very
smooth but muddy, and the colour red or tawny. They
anchored in the mouth of the river Arrowari, a fair and
great river, and there explored the country, meeting the
following rivers, Arcooa,Wiapoco, Wanari, Caparwacka,
Cawo, Caian, Wia, Macuria, Cawroor, and Curassawini.
While ascending some of these streams, he met with
Indians, and stated to them that he had come only for
the purpose of trading with them. These Indians exhi-
bited a friendly disposition, and sought the aid of the
English against another nation, the Arwaccas. Keymis
procured a guide from the tribe of the laos, " who mark
themselves with the tooth of an animal, after divers
forms," and this man requested to be carried to England,
which was done.
In addition to those already mentioned, the following
rivers are enumerated by Keymis: Cunanamma, Vracco,
Maivari, Mawarparo, Amouna, Marowini, Oncowi, Wia-
wiami, Aramatappo, Camaiwini, Shtmnama (now the
Surinam), Shurama, Cupanamma, Juana, Guritini,
Winitwari, Berhice^ Wopari^ Maicaimniy Mahawaica^
Wappari^ Lemdrare^* Deaaekebe^* Caopui, Pcmrooma^
Moruga, Waini, Barima, Amacur, Aratoori, Ralecma^
or Orinoco. On the 6th April Keymis and his people
* The present rirers of the I>emerara and Esseqnebo.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 117
came to anchor within the mouth of the last-mentioned
river, after spending altogether about twenty-three days
in discovery upon the coast.
Having made friendship with the Indians, and pro-
mising to assist them against the Spaniards, our party
were now in a fair way to obtain some authentic infor-
mation with regard to Guiana. They heard of several
towns in the interior, and of a nation of clothed people,
called Cassanari, who dwelt close to the place where the
river first took the name of Orinoco, and learned that
far within they border upon a sea of salt water, named
Parime. The famous city of Manoa, or the El Dorado,
was reported to be within twenty days' journey from the
mouth of the Wiapoco, sixteen from Barima, thirteen
from Amacur, and ten from Aratoori.
They were told also, of a race of headless men, with
mouths in their breasts, exceedingly wide, called by the
Charibes, Chiparemai, and by the Guianians, Ewiapano-
mos; and hyperbolical descriptions were communicated to
them of the wealth of the interior, and of mines of gold,
and precious stones.
Having quitted the Orinoco after repeated conferences
with several Indian chiefs, they fell in with their long-
lost pinnace, the Discoverer, which, afl;er parting from
them in a storm, had made the land to the southward of
Cape Cecil, and had spent three weeks ranging along
the coast. The pinnace being found not seaworthy,
was burnt, and the party then proceeded to Trinidad,
first making the island of Tobago, and afterwards setting
sail through the islands to England, which they reached
on the 29th June, having spent five months in their
voyage.
Writing to Sir Walter Raleigh upon the subject. Cap-
tain Keymis urged strongly upon an English government.
118 HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
the policy of taking possession of Guiana. " England
and Guiana conjoined, are stronger and more easily de-
fended than if England alone should repose herself on
her own force and powerfulness. For here," says he,
" whole shires of fruitful rich grounds, lying now waste,
for want of people, do prostitute themselves unto us, like
a fair and beautiful woman in the pride and flower of
desired grace." And he concludes in this strain: "In
one word, the time serveth, the like occasion seldom
happeneth in many ages, the former repeated considera-
tion do all jointly together importune us, now or never
to make ourselves rich, our posterity happy, our prince
every way stronger than our enemies, and to establish
our coimtry in a state flourishing and peaceable. Oh,
let not then such an indignity rest on us, as to deprave
so notable an enterprise with false rumours, and vain
suppositions, to sleep in so serious a matter, and renounc-
ing the honour, strength, wealth, and sovereignty of so
famous a conquest, to leave all unto the Spaniards."
In the following year, 1597, Raleigh again appeared
in the west, under command of the Earl of Essex, but
the object of this expedition was rather for plunder, and
to annoy the Spaniards (in which they were evidently
successfiil), than with any view to discovery. The fol-
lowing is an account of this voyage to Guiana:
Upon Thursday, October 14th, 1596, the pinnace
called the Wat departed from Limehouse, but owing
to contrary winds, and other accidents, did not get be-
yond Weymouth before December 27th. On the 25th
January, 1597, they made the Canaries, and meeting
with several other vessels, both English and French,
sailed in company with them to various places; at last, on
February 12 th, they set sail from Mayo, and stood for
the coast of Guiana, and on February the 27 th they
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA. 119
made the land, which appeared low, somewhere about
Cape Cecil. They next reached the river Wiapoco
(about 4 deg. north of the line), and explored it as fia: as
the fall (about sixteen leagues), and foimd it full oi
islands, but met no Indians. They then sailed along the
coast and traded with the natives. The traflSc was
principally in tobacco. They passed by the rivers
Euracco and Amana, explored the Marawinne, and on
the 4th of April reached the falls, having had frequent
and friendly intercourse with the Indians. On the 18th
April they entered the river Coritine,* and met with a
small town, named Warawalle. In this river they also
met a bark, called the John;^ of London, with Captain
Leigh on board. They were told here, that on a neigh-
bouring river, the Dessekebe^^ there were lately about
300 Spaniards, but that most of them were now de-
stroyed, or dead. They also learned that this river
stretched so far inland as to be within one day's joiuney
of the lake, called Perima, whereupon Manoa was sup-
posed to stand; "and finding that the river Coritine
doth meet with Dessekebe up in the land^ we made
account to go up into the country, to discover a passage
imto that rich city."
Accordingly, on the 28th April, a party, composed of
about forty men and twenty Indians, proceeded in two
shallops and two canoes to explore this passage. They
diligently ascended the Coritine, sleeping at night in the
woods and visiting several Indian towns, and arrived on
the 2nd of May at the falls, over some of which they
passed; but here their determination failed them^ for
learning that there were other falls not passable, and that
the In(£ans higher up would probably oppose their pro-
♦ The Coien^.
f The present river Essequebo.
120 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
gress, they resolved to abandon the undertaking, although
Mr. Masham yielded divers reasons to the contrary. On
the 4th of May they regained their ships, and a report
having reached them that there were ten canoes of
Spaniards in the mouth of the Coritine, they made ready
for an assault. It appeared afterwards, however, that
this was merely a foraging party in search of provisions
for the settlers in Orinoco, Marouco, and Dessekebe.
They described the river Coritine as about fifty leagues
from the mouth to the first falls, crowded with islands,
and having three tributary streams and six towns.
Having no further object to detain them, they cleared
the river upon Sunday, the 8th of May, and took their
course to the West Indies. Passing by St. Vincent, St.
Lucia, and Martinique, they arrived at Dominica upon
May 18th. Visited Guadaloupe on the 15th, and sailing
along Montserrat, Antigua, and Barbadoes, steered across
the Atlantic, and arrived at Plymouth on June 28th,
without any casualty. The account given of Guiana by
Mr. Masham confirmed the favourable evidence of Sir
Walter Raleigh. In point of climate they found it
temperate and healthy.
" For besides that we lost not a man upon the coast,
one that was sick before he came there was nothing
sicker for being there, but came home safe — thanks be to
God."
The Indians he describes as " tractable and ingenious,
and very loving and kind to Englishmen generally."
There was great store of fish and fowl of divers sorts.
" Tortoise's flesh plentiful, and tortoise's eggs innumerable ;
deer, swine, conies, hares, cocks and hens, with potatoes,
more than we could spend, besides all kinds of fruits at
all times of the year, and the rarest fruits of the world —
the pine, the plantain, with other variable and pleasant
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 121
things growing to their hands without planting or
dressing.''
He makes particular mention of Cassari (Cassava),
"which, says he, is as good bread as a man need to eat,
and better than we can carry any thither." He describes
accurately the mode of preparing it, which is the same
as that practised at the present time.
With reference to the commodities of the country, he
speaks of a species of hemp, of cotton wool, pitch, gums,
pepper, &c. ; also of parrots, monkeys, and other animals.
Not discouraged by the ill success of the previous
voyages. Sir Walter Raleigh, whilst in prison, still
cherished his romantic visions about Guiana, and every
second year during his imprisonment continued to send
vessels thither to encourage the Indians against the
Spaniards, and to prepare them for the protection of the
English. At length, when liberated from the Tower, in
1616, he made arrangements for a grand expedition —
raised about 10,500/. by selling his own and his wife's
property, and attracted a great number of adventurers
by the splendour of his reputation. A commission, dated
26th of August, 1616, was procured from King James
through the influence of Sir Ralph Wiwood; but
although released from confinement, and holding this
commission, Raleigh had not obtained a formal pardon.
It is true that a pardon was offered him for 700?. by
some of the courtierj«, but this he refused, strengthened
by the opinion of Bacon, who gave him the following
advice:
" Sir, the knee timber of your voyage is money ;
spare your purse in this particular, for upon my life you
have a sufficient pardon for all that is past already, the
king having, under his broad seal, made you admiral of
your fleet, and given you power of the martial law over
your officers and soldiers."
122
mSTOBY OP BBinSH GUIANA.
Seven months after the date of the commission the
following force was ready for sea:
SHIPS.
COMMANDSBS.
TONS.
OKDNANCE.
Destiny
Sir Walter Raleigh
440
36
Jason
John Pennington
240
25
Encounter
E. Hasting (aft. Whitney)
160
17
Thunder
Sir Warham Saint Leger
180
20
Flying Joan
John Ghidlej
120
14
Southampton
John Bayley
80
6
Page
James Barker
25
3
Before this fleet left the English coast, it was aug-
mented by the addition of the undernamed vessels:
VESSELS. COMMANDEBS.
Convertine Captain K^srmls
Confidence '* WoUaston
Flying Hart Sir John Feme
Chudlay
A fly boat Samuel King
I Another Robert Smith
A caryel
On the 28th March, 1617, Sir Walter Ealeigh dropped
down the Thames. In the lilay following, he published
his order to the fleet at Plymouth, but it was late in
June, or early in July, before he started. The violence
of the weather compelled him to put into Cork, where
he was detained till late in August. He made the
Canaries in September, the Cape de Verd Islands in
October, and finally reached the continent of South
America in November, afler a very bad passage. They
made Guiana on the 12th November.
On board of Raleigh's own ship, principally filled
with his friends and relations, a great mortality had
occurred. Forty-two persons had died on the voyage,
as many more were ill, the great commander himself
being amongst the sufferers. In a letter to his wife,
after expatiating upon all the disasters he had expe-
rienced, he concludes in these words: — "To tell you
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA. 123
that I might be here king of the Indians were a vanity.
But my name hath still lived among them here. They
feed me with fresh meat, and all that the country yields :
all offer to obey me."
This letter was dated: "From Caliana, in Guiana,
the 14th November." Raleigh remained at the river
Caliana untU the 4th December, 1617, recruiting his
shattered forces, and subsequently despatched five small
vessels, imder the charge of Captain Keymis, to the
Orinoco, to discover the mines. This little squadron
had about 260 men in companies of fifty each, under
the command of Captains Parker, North, Raleigh (son
to Sir Walter), Thomhurst, and Chidley. The remain-
ing vessels of the fleet (five in number, some having
deserted,) proceeded to Trinidad to await the result
of the expedition against Orinoco, and to watch the
Spaniards. The forces under Captain Keymis having
landed on the Orinoco, marched up to the town of St.
Thomas, which they attacked and captured, but with
considerable loss. Amongst others, yoimg Walter
Raleigh fell at the head of his company. Captain
Keymis, disheartened at the loss of his best troops, re-
linquished his search for the mines, and after slaying
the governor of the El Dorado, Don Diego Palamica,
and several of his captains, withdrew from the town and
re-embarked his troops. Raleigh's interview with this
commander led to a melancholy catastrophe. Keymis,
unable to justify his conduct, retired to his cabin and
destroyed himself.
Some of the other adventurers under Captains Whit-
ney and Wallaston sailed back to Granada. These cir-
cumstances preyed upon the mind of Raleigh. The
darling object of his ambition seemed no longer attain-
able, and after having sacrificed his son, his health, and
124 HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA,
his fortune, he left the Guianas for ever, and repaired to
England, doomed to end his chivakous career upon the
scaffold.
Perhaps there is no tissue of romantic adventure in
the history of human delusions more extraordinary than
the narrative of these expeditions. For a period of up-
wards of one hundred years the belief in a kingdom
abounding in gold and silver, whose capital was paved
with the precious metals, and outshone the sun with the
splendour of its precious stones, continued to dazzle the
imaginations of men in all parts of the world, notwith-
standing the repeated proofs which the failure of one
undertaking after another furnished of the fallacy of
their expectations. The " Arabian Nights" hardly con-
tain an enchantment so marvellous as that which was
exercised over the adventurous spirits of the sixteenth
century by the poetical fables that were circulated of
the El Dorado. They sought it in the east on the
margin of the Atlantic; they pursued the phantom to
the north of the banks of the wild Orinoco; they fol-
lowed its imaginary track to the west over the mighty
Andes, through savage valleys, interminable forests, and
perilous swamps, and to the south over the dark waters
of the river Negro and the island-studded Amazon; but
the land of promise vanished as they approached, and
the further they advanced the more hopeless was the
pursuit. But disappointments, instead of damping their
ardour, fired their determination anew, and accumulated
disasters deemed to confirm their faith. Their bones
whitened the banks of rivers — successive expeditions
perished — and the few survivors who came back to tell
the tale, only served to stimulate the delusion their
example should have reproved and dispelled.
In this more instructed age we look back with wonder
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 125
upon the infatuation that led to so vast an expenditure
of energy and capital upon so manifest a chimera ; but it
is impossible at the same time not to admire the courage
and perseverance that were wasted upon its pursuit.
The resolution of these desperate adventurers mounted
with the diflSculties and dangers that surrounded them;
the poisoned arrows showered upon them from the am-
buscades of the trackless woods — the sickly heats of the
climate — the horrors of the rainy season — the pestilent
morass — the atmosphere charged with miasma — the
earth and the air alive with reptiles and insects more
formidable than the human foes through whose posses-
sions they had to pass — were encountered with a fanati-
cism which nothing short of the thirst of gold could have
inspired or sustained.
The vision of the Golden City has now faded in the
awakening light of knowledge. It has been reserved
for a distinguished philosopher of the present age to sub-
mit the delusion to the test of science, and dissipate the
gorgeous phantasy for ever.
" In the universal search for El Dorado, two places
appear more particularly to have attracted general atten-
tion— viz., the regions along the eastern slope of the
Andes of Candinamarca (New Granada), which have
been considered as the birthplace of the fiction, and
that part of Guiana which lies between the rivers Rupu-
nuni and Branco. A large inland lake, another Caspian
Sea, as Raleigh expressed himself, was the constant
companion of the golden city. Whether or no this
locality referred to the Andes south of Mexico, or to
Guiana, we find it surrounded by water. Thus when
the space where El Dorado was situated was supposed
to be in Guiana, the name of the river Parima, and the
inundations to which the flat country or savannahs were
126 HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
subjected, through which the rivers Parima, Takutu,
Xurumu, Maku, and Rupununi take their course, gave
rise to the fable of the White Sea, or Laguna del Parima,
or Rupununi. Captain Keymis, who, at the expense of
Raleigh, undertook a second voyage to Guiana, identified
the locality of Dorado with this lake, which, as he
imagined, contained the town of Manilo ; and Hum-
boldt, after fully examining into the subject of the lake
Parima, proved that it no longer existed. Its erasure
from the maps put an end to the long and painful illu-
sion of the El Dorado."
HISTORY OF bbhish guiama. 127
CHAPTER ni.
AGE OF GHIYAUtY PASSED AWAT— 8ETTLEKENT8 OF THE DT7TCH, 1 580-~TRADINO
COMPAITT TO GUIANA IN 1602 — BNOLISH ATTEMPTS AT COLONISATION IN 1604-5,
6t AND 8— OBiaiN OF FBBNCH GUIANA-^OBIOIN OF DUTCH GUIANA-f«BTTLE-
MXNTS AT KTK-OYEBnAL, 1613— POSTS ON THE BIVEB ES8SQUEB0, 1614 — THE
BETEN UmSD PBOTINCES — ^ESTABLISHMENT OIP THE DUTCH WEST INDIA OOM-
PAmr, 1621 INTKODUCTION OF SLATES — ORIGIN OF THE 8LAYE-TRADB —
SETTLEMENT ON THE BIYEB BBBBICE, 1626 — APPOINTMENT OF DUTCH COM-
MI8SI0NEBS — SETTLEMENTS ATTACKED BT ENGLISH AND FBBKCH — ^FIBST COM-
. MANDBBS ON THE BS8EQUBBO— BOUNDABIB8 OF DISTBICTS SBTTLBD—BSTABUSH-
MENT OF THE NEW GENEBAL DUTCH WB8T INDIA COMPANY — TBAN8FEB OF
SETTLEMENTS ON THE BIVEB BBBBICE TO A TAN PEBBE, 1678 — SUCCESS OF THE
DUTCH — MODS OF. LIFE OF THE BABLT FLANTEB8.
The age of chivalry and jomance in British Guiana passed
away with the adventurers of the sixteenth century, never
to return. To the ardent and sanguine Spaniard, suc-
ceeded the methodical and unimaginative Dutchman,
who, accustomed in his own country to the difficulties of
a flat and marshy land, settled down in contentment upon
the undrained banks of the rivers and rsea-coasts, leaving
to more credulous and speculative individuals the task of
exploring the interior of a country enveloped in mystery
and marvels. It has been already shown that the several
adventurers from Spain, Portugal, England, and France,
although ransacking the country in quest of the treasures
it was supposed to contain, left little behind them but
the history of therrmisfortunes and disappointment. The
128 BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Spaniards, more particularly, furnished such an example;
for although they had long lingered on the " Wild
Coast," as Guiana was then denominated, yet they were
eventually all driven away, or murdered by the Indians ;
so that about the end of the sixteenth century they held
scarcely a rood of land in this d^rritory.
It has been already noticed that in 1580 the Dutch,
imder the direction of some Zealand merchants, had com-
menced a settlement on the banks of the river Pomeroon
and at the mouth of the river Essequebo,* from which
latter, however, in 1596, they were driven away by the
Spaniards and Indians. With the pertinacity, however,
peculiar to their character and nation, they did not
abandon their object, but proceeded further up this noble
river, and, under commander Joost Van der Hoog, effected
a settlement on a small island called Kykoveral, situated
at the confluence of two tributary streams — viz., the river
Cayuni and the river Mazaruni, which will be shortly
noticed.
In 1599 another Dutchman, named Adrian Hend-
ricks, an influential inhabitant and burgomaster of
Middleburg, sent two ships to the same coast, and asked
for sixteen competent soldiers for each vessel from the
state of Zealand, knowing the dangerous condition of
traffic at that time. Other attempts at settlements were
made about the same time from Vlissingen. Whilst
these movements were in progress, two forts which the
settlers had erected on the Amazon were destroyed by
the Portuguese.
Some Zealand merchants shortly afterwards sent an
expedition, imder the command of Ryk Henderzoon, for
the purpose of trade, and to establish a settlement on the
* A settlement formerly existed at Cartabo Point, the tongue of land dtnated
at the confluence of the rlTers Mazaruni and Cajuni, tributaries of the riyer
Essequebo.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 129
same coast. The names of these merchants were Van
Peeren, Van Khee, De Moor, De Lampsins, De Vries,
and De Hovin. Freedom of convoy was' granted to them
by the States-General in 1602. Their endeavours to
proceed up the river Orinoco were, however, prevented
by the Spaniards, who th%n occupied the neighbourhood
of that river.
It would appear also that the English (who had at one
time indulged in the same sanguine expectations that had
fascinated the Spaniards), profiting by the disastrous
results of mere speculative theories, now began to emulate
the more sober efforts of the Dutch at colonisation, and
actually endeavoured to settle on the coast. In the year
1604, Captain Charles Leigh attempted to plant a colony
in Guiana. Leaving England on March 21st, he arrived
with his ship, the Olive JPlant, and forty-six people, at
the river Wiapoco (a tributary of the river Orinoco),
which he called Caroleigh (May 22nd). He was here
well received by the Indians (the lokos, Armakos, and
Sapayos), whom he assisted in their wars with the Caribs.
He commenced a settlement near a hill, which he called
Oliphe; but the people getting dissatisfied at his selec-
tion of a locality, he removed to another hill named
Huntly, about two miles westward of the river Caroleigh,.
calling the settlement Principium, and the hill Howard.
Here he waited for reinforcements, which, unfortimately,.
never arrived. The expected force under Captaina
Calolone and Nicholas St. John, in the ship Olive
Blossom, left Woolwich in May, 1605; but, in conse-
quence of adverse winds, went first to Barbadoes, and
afterwards to St. Lucia, where they attempted to settle,
but were for the most part murdered by the Carib Indians,
who had not yet been driven from their fastnessec.*
A few, however, escaped, and proceeded to the Caraccas.
* Breen'f St. Lucia, p. 45.
VOL. I. K
130 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
In the following year, 1606, Captain Edward Hartley
sailed in his vessel, the Sea Phomia;, with thirty people
and some merchandise to the coast of Guiana. In the
course of their cruise they were fortunate enough to meet
with Captain Leigh and some of his people ; but the in-
formation derived from them was not of an encouraging
description. The majority of the settlers had suffered
severely from the climate and other unlooked-for hard-
ships. Many had died; and Captain Leigh himself, with
several others, perished soon after. The Sea Phcmix
did not remain long in the neighbourhood; yet, in spite
of the accounts which they had received, thirty-five people
maintained their struggling colony under the command
of Richard Lacksia, only, however, to experience in the
end the same calamities that had befallen the rest of
their countrymen. In a short time many of them died,
and at last, Lacksia himself, with fourteen others, gladly
seized upon a favourable opportunity, and set sail in some
Zealand vessels bound for Middleburg. Another attempt
to form a British colony in this neighbourhood terminated
still more disastrously. In the year 1608 an expedition,
under Commander Harcourt, with thirty people, reached
the coast, and settled in the Indian village Caripa, on the
river Wiapoco. Nothing more is known of the issue of
the undertaking; but little doubt can be entertained as
to its fate. Had they succeeded, they must have left
some trace behind them, or some account would have
come down to us of their proceedings. The probability
is, that they perished under the hands of the natives.
Nor was the attempt made at a later period by Cap-
tain Marshall and sixty people, to settle in a neighbouring
river, the Surinam, attended by much more prosperous
results. They erected a small building about ten miles
up that river, and also established a fort some sixteen
miles ftirther on, with the intention of cultivating to-
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 131
bacco. They had at first settled on a small river, the
little Coma — ^the present river Comowini, or Corame-
wyne; but being molested in this place, they proceeded
to the great river Coma, now known as the Surinam.
When they first landed, a large Indian village, called
Paramaribo (Flower-garden), had been abandoned and
destroyed by the natives. This village the English re-
built ; but finding themselves harassed by the Indians,
and suffering severely from the insalubrity of the climate,
they finally abandoned their project. This occurred
from the year 1626 to 1630. Ten years afterwards the
French invested the evacuated settlement of Paramaribo,
but rehnqpiished it for the same reasons as the English.
The French settlers, however, proceeded to Cayenne,
and there founded what is now faiown as French Guiana.
The origin of the present Dutch Guiana is curious, and
deserves, perhaps, in this place a passing notice, although
somewhat irrelevant to the immediate subject of our
narrative.
In 1652 a body of English settlers again arrived at
Paramaribo, and being now fireed from the molestation
of the Caribbee Indians, who had removed fix)m Warrica
to the Coponam, at length succeeded in establishing a
settlement The infant colony prospered, and in 1662
was granted by Charles II. of England to Lord Wil-
loughby, at that time governor of Barbadoes, who
changed the Indian name of the river Coma, into Surry-
ham, in honour of the Earl of Surrey, which in the
course of time became converted into Surinam. The
British Crown afterwards bought this colony firom the
heirs of Lord WHloughby, and exchanged it with the
Dutch Grovemment in 1669 for New Holland, in North
America — ^the present repubhcan dty of New York.
Thus is the French adage, " L'homme propose, Dieu dis-
pose," verified in these singular events.
e:2
132 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
It has been shown that at the end of the sixteenth
century, in 1680, the Dutch had akeady effected a settle-
ment near the river Essequebo, and that in the attempt
to establish themselves further upon its west coast, they
had been driven away by the Spaniards. In 1613 this
little colony had made considerable progress, for in addi-
tion to the settlement of New Zealand, held by Com-
mander Joost Van der Hoog, that officer had taken pos-
session of a small island at the confluence of the two
great tributary streams the Cayuni and the Mazaruni.
He found here the remains of an old fort, built of hewn
stone (van klipsteen gebouwd*), with the arms of the
Portuguese nation carved over the gateway; but when,
or by whom erected, is unknown. To this fort he gave
his own name, and the island, ftom its commanding posi-
tion, was termed by the Dutch " Kyk over al," literally
" See over all." For many years this fort was held for
the purpose of defence, but subsequently, in 1764, was
destroyed, and part of the hewn stones were used in the
erection of a sugar-mill on the Dutch Company's planta-
tion, the Duinenberg, the remainder being similarly em-
ployed in 1768 on another plantation, the Lucksbergen.
In course of time two churches were built, one at Post-
ampa, erected at the cost of the inhabitants, and the
other, or company's church, on Fort Island ; and a pre-
dicant, or preacher, was appointed, at the joint expense
of the inhabitants and the company. These arrange-
ments were followed up in 1614 by a general declaration
issued by the Government of Zealand (one of the seven
United Provinces), granting free trade to certain persons,
to the exclusion of all others, who should undertake to
explore and navigate the several rivers, havens, and
creeks of this country.
It must be borne in mind, in reading the account of
* Hartsink
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 188
the subsequent events, that the condition of the Dutch
nation at this period was very different from its present
constitution.
On the 16th of January, 1679, seven Protestant pro-
vinces of the Netherlands, then governed by Philip 11.,
successor to the famous Charles V., threw off the yoke
of Spain, and deputies from Holland, Zealand, Utrecht,
Friesland,' or Vlissingen, Goningen, Overyssel, and Guil-
derland, the seven provinces, met at Utrecht, and signed
the famous Union, to all appearance so slight, but in
reality so solid, whereby these provinces, hitherto inde-
pendent of each other, and actuated by different interests,
became as closely connected by the great tie of liberty
as the bimdle of arrows, the arms and emblem of their
republic.
It was agreed that they should unite imder one go-
vernment, each province and city reserving to itself all
its own privileges, rights, customs, and statutes ; that in
all disputes between particular provinces, the rest should
interpose only as mediators ; and that they should assist
each other with life and fortune against every hostile
attempt upon any single province. Their motto was
" Incertum quo fata ferant," and they adopted for a de-
vice on their coin a ship stru^ling amid the waves, un-
assisted by sails or oars. The republic had for their
rulers, or stadtholders, the princes of the House of
Orange.
In 1621 the Dutch West India Company was esta-
blished, with exdusiye control over all the settlements of
their nation on the Wild Coast, and also the trade thither.
The cultivation of land must already have been in active
progress, for reports from the infant colony represented
it to be in a flourishing condition ; and the abundant
fertility of the soil being appreciated, the means only
were wanting to carry out the full development of its
184 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
resources. Who can contemplate without excitement,
the position of the early planters, and the thoughts which
must have crowded into their minds, when they found
themselves masters of a land teeming on all sides with
unbounded natural wealthy and reaching as far as the
eye could strain ; under the genial influence of perpetual
summer ? How eager must have been their desires I
how jealous their views! how ambitious their enter-
prising projects! Wealth was before them, but how
could they obtain it ? Opulence was scattered around
them, but how could they collect it ? The broad stream
had to be crossed, the tall forests levelled, and unprofit-
able verdure made to give way to more useful culture.
The Dutch Government was' not backward in aiding the
early efforts of the colonists ; aware of the advantages
which would accrue to their country, and already skilled
in colonisation by their rising possessions in the east,
they undertook to supply the colonist with the cheapest
labour. A company was accordingly formed in 1621,
and a monopoly granted to them, for the purpose ot
introducing negro slaves from Ainca into their posses-
sions in Guiana.
It is unnecessary in this work to enter at any length
into the origin and history of the aUwe-trade. This
abominable traflSc was introduced so early as the year
1442, to a civilised world, by the Portuguese, who,
imder the encouragement of their celebrated Prince
Henry, were exploring the coast of Africa. About that
timey Antonio Gonzalves had seized some Moors near
Cape Bajador, but was ordered by the prince to carry
them back to their country ; he accordingly landed them
at the Rio del Oro, and received from the Moors in
exchange, ten blacks, and a quantity of gold dust, with
which he returned to Lisbon. Stimulated by the pros-
pect of gain which this adventure opened up, his
HISTOBT OF BBITISH GUIANA. 136
countrymen were not slow in following his footsteps,
and through succeeding years, a number of vessels were
fitted out for the same profitable traffic ; forts for the
protection of this novel trade were erected on the coast
of Afiica, and the "K^ing of Portugal, in addition to his
Christian titles, assumed that of " Lord of Guinea."
The Spaniards in 1502, urged on by the avarice and
recklessness which in this age characterised their pro-
ceedings, greedily entered into the necessary and cruel
traffic, and finding the aboriginal inhabitants of the
newly-discovered countries too indolent and refiractory
to assist them in their gold-seeking pursuits, they na-
turally fell into the tempting project of importing negro
slaves for the purpose of labour, but especially for work-
ing the mines of die auriferous regions. Hence, in a few
years, it became an established and regular branch of
coromerce. Among other nations, the English did not
hesitate to follow the same lucrative trade, for in the
records of naval history collected by the famous Hakluyt,
particular mention is made of the celebrated " John
Hawkins," who afterwards received fi:om Queen Ehza-
beth the honour of knighthood, and was subsequently
made treasurer of the navy. This fortimate captain,
says Hakluyt, hearing "that negroes were very good
merchandise in Hispaniola, and that store of negroes
might easily be had on the Coast of Guinea, he resolved
to make trial thereof, and communicated that device
with his worshipful fiiends of London, Sir Lionel Ducket,
Sir Thomas Lodge, Master G^mson (his father-in-law),
Sir William Winter, Master Bromfield, and others ; all
which persons Uked ao well of his intention, that they
became liberal contributors, and adventurers in the
action ; for which purpose there were three good ships
immediately provided, the Solomon of 120 tunnes,
wherein Master Hawkins went himself as general ; the
186 HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Swallow of 100 tunnes, and the JonaSj a bark of 40
tunnes; in which small fleete Master Hawkins took
with him 100 men."
He sailed fix)m England for Sierra Leone, in October,
1562, and in a short time after his arrival on the coast,
got into his possession, partly by the sword, and partly
by other means, about 300 negroes, besides smidry mer-
chandise, with which he proceeded to Hispaniola; and
touching at different posts in that island, disposed of the
whole of his cargo, in exchange for hides, ginger, augar^
and some pearls. He returned to England in September,
1563, after a voyage which had been productive of
great profit to the adventurers.* In the following year
he undertook another voyage, in which we need not
follow him ftirther than to state that, upon this occasion,
he was appointed to one of the queen's ships, lezuSj
of 700 tons; the avarice and cupidity of the British
Government being excited by the successftd issue of his
former expedition. The implied sanction, if not the
direct protection and support of Great Britain, was thus
given to the slave-trade.
The French nation was also found engaged in a similar
trafiBc, and lastly the Dutch, in the seventeenth century,
formally entered upon the heartless, but profitable spe-
culation. The shores of Guiana were perhaps the first
territories to which the miserable steps of the captured
Afiricans were directed by their Dutch masters. It was
not long before the evidence of the new labour-power
was made manifest ; the impassable bush was cleared
from the land; the soil was tolerably drained of its
superabundant moisture ; and the finiitfiil earth, so long
undisturbed, was awakened to a new life, and made to
give birth to a race of exotic plants, brought to maturity
by the skill and industry of man.
* Edwardfl, p. 48.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 137
The cotton, the coffee, and the sugar-cane, introduced
at different periods, into the teeming soil, were reared in
such vigour and luxuriance, as to render the name of
Guiana familiar in after-times to the whole of Europe.
Few people, except the enterprising Dutch, could have
seriously entertained the design of establishing extensive
cultivation so near to the coast of the Atlantic, and the
inundated banks of these rivers. But accustomed in
their own country to wrestle with the difficulties of a
marshy land, and to defy the encroachment of the seas,
they did not hesitate to occupy the muddy shores, and
to protect themselves by artificial means from the en-
croachment of the waves; possibly, also, to rob the
waters of their natural botmdaries. At first, they were
more or less compelled to cultivate the lands up the
river, from apprehension of the buccaneers, who occa-
sionally did them the honour of depriving them of the
profit of years. But gradually they became bolder, and
approached nearer the mouth of the river. This move-
ment was adopted partly for the general purposes of
commerce and military strength, and partly to obtain
increased shipping facilities, having found it necessary
in their early shipments to employ vessels of war in
escorting the loaded barks out to sea, beyond the reach
of the marauding privateers that cruised about the coast.
At the present time, it appears almost incredible that the
Dutch should have carried their cultivation so high up
the Essequebo, and so far inland. It is asserted by Dr.
Hancock, that not many years ago a coffee-field existed
at Ooropocary, about forty leagues inland, which had
been planted at some unknown period; and the same
writer adds, in exemplification of the wonderful fertility
of the soil, that the trees were still actually bearing fruit
in abundance, " nature alone keeping up the reproduc-
tion." It is also evident fix>m the reports of travellers,
1S8 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
that numerous posts, established by the Dutch, are still
to be met with on the Essequebo, very far inland.
In 1626, Jan Van Peere, a native of Flushing, who
with other settlers had been driven away from the river
Orinoco, proceeded to the river Berbice, and commenced
to cultivate its banks. His efforts were crowned with
success, for in 1627, at a meeting of the West India
Company of Holland, or rather of the republic of the
seven provinces, a resolution was passed forbidding any
one to trade to the coast of Guiana from the Pomeroon
to the Corentyn without permission fi'om the said com-
pany or from the said Van Peere, who had become a
kind of proprietor of the lands in cultivation in Berbice.
The company also declared the African slave-trade to
this coast to be free, but reserved to themselves the ex-
clusive supply of such settlements as already existed —
viz., Surinam, Essequebo, and Berbice.
St. Andries was a fort built subsequently on the east
of the river Berbice, about 100 roods from its mouth,
opposite Crab Island. This fort was called Andries
after the then governor, Johan Andries Lossner, and was
built of brick, fortified with twelve cannon, having a
paling four feet high, with a ditch or moat outside. In
1746 there were twenty-five men here, under a lieutenant
and other ojficers ; but the soldiers deserted, and the fort
was pulled down, a stone house built in its place, occu-
pied by a sergeant and five or six men, with a cannon, to
establish signals with the settlements; a redoubt and
posts were constructed more inland, but were afterwards
abandoned. The Eedoubt Samson, several miles up on
the east bank of the river Berbice, was a bulwark made
of earth, afterwards changed into a brick house, with
several cannon for protection.
About fifty miles fiirther up, in a direct line, was Fort
Nassau, for many years the site of the little capital of
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 130
that river. It was occupied by the governor and prin-
cipal colonists, and was protected by palisades ten feet
high, and several cannon. In the interior was a church
and a brick building, used as a council-house and go-
vernor's residence; the under part was employed as a
guard-house and magazine. At the distance of a cannon-
shot fix)m Fort Nassau was New Amsterdam, which
consisted at first of about twenty scattered houses, with
a Lutheran church and minister's house. On the other
side of the river a Dutch Reformed church was built at
the mouth of the river Waironi, as well as a redoubt or
fort, and another small Lutheran church higher up. A
fortress, called Zeelandia,. was constructed about fifty
miles up the river, but was subsequently abandoned.
Acting upon the same principles as their fellow-coun-
trymen on the Essequebo, the colonists of Berbice pro-
ceeded to lay out plantations, to form draining and navi-
gation canals, and to raise up dykes, or, as they were
afterwards called, dams. The increasing success of these
two infant colonies induced numerous persons to flock to
them, and led others to attempt similar expeditions else-
where. A ship, called the Kmg Davidj with fourteen
pieces of cannon, twenty-five sailors, and thirty passen-
gers, under the command of Captain David Pietre de
Vries, sailed fi:om Texel on the 10th of July, 1634, and
proceeded first to Cayenne, which they found settled by
the English. They in consequence directed their course
to the island Meconia, between the rivers Cayenne and
Wia, where they disembarked, and colonising its banks,
endeavoured to cultivate tobacco, orlians,*'and cotton.
In this neighbourhood they met with another body of
Dutch setders, under Claude Prevost, who had arrived
* The Qrliana-tree, as it was called hy the Dutch, yielded the Rocoo, or Ar-
notto dye, which became an artide of commerce, and has been used to colour
cheese. It it the pfoduce of the Biza Oiellana (ord. Flacourtiaoea).
140 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
on the island two years before. The new planters like-
wise discovered the ruins of an old castle, built by the
French, on a hill, which they took care to repair for their
own protection, and to prevent the approach of hostile
ships. Two wells were found sunk within the castle.
Moreover, some English and Zealanders were fallen in
with, employed in cultivating tobacco and other produce;
and such was the extent of the cultivation that had been
previously carried on at this place, that they reported
having found between 80,000 and 100,000 tobacco-plants,
the same number of cotton-trees, and some wild speci-
mens of the sugar-cane, whose stems were as thick as a
man's arm !
Captain De Vries left this island on the 14th of Octo-
ber in the same year, taking with him the grandson of a
Caribbean chief, named Awaricary, who was anxious to
see Europe. Sailing to the river Sinamari, he fell in with
twelve French settlers, cultivating pimento and pepper.
These people were imder the command of an oflScer
named Chambin, and had been here about three years.
Visiting next the river Anama, and Marowini, Captain
De Vries found them inhabited by Arrawak and Carib-
bee Indians ; on the last river he met with some Dutch
settlers. Proceeding subsequently to the Surinam, he
saw Captain Marshall and his English settlers. Quitting
this river, he passed the Berbice and Demerara, leaving
at the latter stream some Indians who had accompanied
him from Surinam, and at length reached the settlements
at the Essequebo, where he joined the commander, Jan
Van der Goss. This governor seriously entertained the
idea of the existence of gold mines in the neighbourhood,
and actually sent proposals to the West India Company
relative to the exploring of such on the Orinoco.
It was very natural that in such new countries the
thoughts even of the practical Dutchman should be
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 141
diverted by the prospect of finding gold in some shape or
other; for in spite of the prospects held out to them by
the exuberant richness of the soil, they had many dif-
ficulties of no ordinary kind to contend against in its
cultivation. The cUmate was damp, relaxing, and aguish;
the land was overrun with creeping plants; the animals
and insects were intolerable; and the distance firom home
occasioned the greatest inconveniences. A few of the
necessaries of life could indeed be procured in their
adopted land; but their luxuries, and many of their
habitual wants, had still to be supplied fi:om an European
source, at a distance of about 4000 miles. They bore
their hardships with the greatest fortitude and patience,
and encountered their difficulties with composure if not
cheerfulness ; but as yet the produce of the soil was not
of a very lucrative nature, and the mere exportation of
such articles as tobacco, pepper, pimento, dye-stuffs, and
cotton, had not attracted much notice in Europe; indeed,
they had made so slight an impression, that in the year
1657 the first Dutch General West India Company, in
consequence of recent losses in the Brazils and other
causes, were disinclined to take much interest in them,
and in the October of that year the management of the
settlement in Essequebo was entrusted to a connnission
of eight persons — viz., two from Middleburg, one from
Vlissingen, one fi:om Veere, and four from the Chamber
of Zealand, which last had endeavoured to organise the
scanty possession on the Essequebo by establishing planta-
tions and introducing more negro labour. The two posts
at Pomeroon and Morocco were accordingly settled anew,
and the villages or towns of New Zealand and New
Middleburg were erected on the banks of these rivers.
The commissioners on behalf of these cities in the
Netherlands, which they represented, had the exclusive
right of trading to these new settlements on condition of
142 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
defraying all the charges of the civil and military esta-
blishments ; but the evils of war interfered soon after
with their new arrangements; the administration of
Essequebo was handed over to the Kamjer Zealand, or
West India Company of the Chamber of Zealand.
At the beginning of the war in the year 1665, an
English vessel of ten or twelve guns attacked Fort
Nassau, and was repulsed. But in the following year,
1666, an English fleet, under Meyer John Schot, furnished
by the governor of Barbadoes and some of the other
islands, attacked this colony, and compelled the Dutch to
capitulate; furthermore, the French, with whom they
were also at war, visited the settlements on the Essequebo,
and plundered them, but could not take the fort; so that
the commander of Berbice, at that time Matthys Ber-
genaar, with a few of the settlers, besides a company of
negroes and some runaways, proceeded to the rescue of
Fort Nassau which had been attacked, and compelled
the invaders to withdraw. This was in 1667, when the
peace of Buda restored a temporary tranquillity to these
shores. The general command was then given to Com-
mander Crynsse, who left the Ensign Baarlaid in charge
of the Essequebo, and Commander Saal in charge of the
Morocco, but who was succeeded in 1670 by Hendrich
Roll, appointed by the Kamer Zealand as Commander of
Essequebo.
Not long after the peace, or about 1669, a serious
proposition was made by Frederick Casimir, Count of
Hanover, through his privy councillor, Raad Jan Joachim
Bekker, to the General West India Company, into whose
hands the management of the colony had again fallen
under certain conditions confirmed by the States-General.
The proposition of Count Hanover was, that a German
colony, with the consent of the Company, should be
formed on the "Wild Coast** of America, between the
HISTOBY OF BBITISH GUIANA. 148
Orinoco and the Amazon. This proposal was at once
agreed to, and an agreement to the following effect
entered into between the parties: — " That the extent of
land to be granted should be about 30 miles broad and
100 deep mland, and to be at least six miles from any of
the Dutch settlements. That the land so given should
be cultivated within twelve years of the grant. That the
land should be held as a lien, the count to consider him-
self as a vassal to the company, giving and receiving
assistance. That such land be liable to transfer to
children, or other heirs, but that with every transfer a
charge of liege money (Heergewaaden) was to be paid —
say 5000 lbs. of su^ixr, or 100 ducats. That the com-
pany should be bound to maintain and support the rights
of Uie count. That the count should possess sole right
over the political, judicial, and military affairs, appeal in
certain cases being permitted to be made to the company.
That the practice of all kinds of religion should be allowed.
That the navigation should be confined to the Netherlands;
all * materiel' and goods' to come from that country, and
all articles of produce shipped to go there. That ifwLj
ne^o slaves should be required, the West India Com-
pany should reserve j;he right of selling them at such
rates and on such terms as they were in the habit of
doing elsewhere," &a This carefully concocted scheme,
however, was never carried into effect. The same destiny
attended a similar proposal made some years after by
Camerling.
On the first attempts at settlement, whether on the
Essequebo or the Berbice, little attention had been paid
by those in charge to their several limits or boundaries;
but as the inhabitants increased in number, and as cultiva-
tion in each district was followed up with some d^ee of
success, it became necessary to draw the line of demarca-
tion between two such spreading " land streeken," as the
144 raSTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Dutch termed them. The necessity for this arrangement
was obvious; for although colonised by individuals of
the same nation, yet each colony maintained its separate
rights and privileges, and was superintended by a separate
commander. To benefit, therefore, the present occupiers
of land, and to avoid future litigation, the governor of
Essequebo, Hendrich Roll, who had been appointed by
the West India Company in 1670, and the Secretary of
Berbice, Van Berckel, agreed, in the year 1672, that the
boundary line between Berbice and the Essequebo (in-
eluding in the latter the unsettled river of Demerara)
should be the small river Abary, which, arising in a hilly
district about the 6th degree of north latitude, runs in a
northerly direction towards the Atlantic Ocean, into
which, after a course of about fifty miles, it discharges
itself. Like most of the other rivers of similar size, this
stream was called by the Dutch the Kreek Abari, after-
wards translated into English the Creek Abari, which
name it retains to the present day.
It was, perhaps, from the greater attention paid by
the Dutch to the very large rivers of this new country,
or to the contrast which they presented to the smaller
ones, that the term " kreek " became appUed to so many
of the streams in Guiana ; for it requires very little geo-
graphical knowledge to distinguish between a mere inlet
of the sea, and the termination of a bed of water which
has its origin inland.
In 1673 a rebellion of the troops broke out, caused by
Constapel Dirk Kosenkrans, who was dissatisfied with
the diminution of the rations. Owing to the war, no
ship had arrived for seventeen months, the one expected,
the JEendrMhty being intercepted by the English. This
Eosenkrans put the commander of the troops in prison.
In 1674, two ships arrived bringing a new commander for
a year, who liberated the former one, and sent him home.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 145
The boundaries being setded, the administration of
the Government of Essequebo devolved into the hands
of a new General West India Company, which was esta-
blished in 1674, the first company having been dissolved.
The Chamber of Zealand, however, was still allowed a cer-
tain control over the colony, and even an exclusive right of
trade with it, which continued till 1770, when the trade
was partially thrown open to the other provinces also.
The company appointed an assembly of ten persons to
conduct its business, and the colony was presided over
locally by an oflEicer or commander, Hendrich Koll, with
a small salary, who, assisted by a few of the leading
settlers, conducted the trifling judicial, civil, and political
business of the settlement. Thus early the elements of a
social commmiity began to be developed — so instinc-
tively does man in a civilised state, turn to society for
happiness and security.
It has been asserted by a celebrated writer, Hobbes,
''that out of society we are defended only by our single
strength, in society, by the strength of all. Out of
society no man is sure to keep possession of what his
industry has gained ; in society, every body is secure
from that danger. To conclude, out of society we have
the tyranny of passion, war, fear, poverty, filthiness, bar-
barity, ignorance, and wildness ; in society we have the
sway of reason, peace, security, riches, decency of orna-
ment, company, el^ancy, knowledge, and benevolence."
This quaint exposition of the advantages of a social
state has, however, been attacked by criticism, and
with good reason, since the blessings enumerated do not
invariably follow in society, nor are the evils of an op-
posite state always to be avoided. The reader, in fol-
lowing up the progress of this history, will probably
discover cause for dissenting from the unqualified praise
VOL. I. L
146 msTORr of British guiana.
bestowed on the advantages of the social compact by
our learned countryman. Such as it was, however,
something approaching to an organised social state
began now to be displayed in the infant colony. The
Assembly of Ten, alluded to, allowed the Chamber of
Zealand, who were more particularly interested in the
progress of the Essequebo settlements, to furnish equip-
ments for their military protection, reserving to them-
selves the right of appointing directors and commanders.
They npminated Jacob Hars commander, who was suc-
oeede<3[^ in 1678, by Commander Abraham Beckman.
The colony of Berbice was under a similar superin-
tendence, and was included in the charter of the West
India Company ; but in the year 1678, a fresh arrange-
ment was entered into between this company and
Abraham Van Peere, magistrate and counsellor of Vlis-
singen, whose ancestor, Jean Van Peere, as before ex-
plained, first managed it about fifty years before.
The following is an extract ftx)m the register of the
resolution of the directors of the West India Company and
the Assembly of Ten: — "Article and condition whereby
the gentlemen directors (a committee of the respective
Chambers of the General West India Company of the
United States), under authority of their High Mighti-
nesses of the States-General, give over a lien to Abraham
Van Peere on the colony named Berbice. This colony,
with all its appurtenances, to be made over to him
under certain conditions. The above Van Peere, his
lien, &c., to continue its administration, dvil, political,
and social as before. To contract alliances, &c., under
name and authority of their High Mightinesses and .
company, and to erect fortresses, &c., for its defence and
protection. Ships sent to the colony to be reported to
the company, and to take out an act of commission."
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA. 147
By the transfer thus made of this colony, and after-
wards renewed in 1703, Abraham Van Peere became
in a manner proprietor of the soil.
Supplied as they were with the rudiments of autho-
rity, capital, and labour, the two infant colonies, stimu-
lated by an increasing demand for the products of their
industry, contrived by their existence to signalise the
trimnph of the Dutch, and stamp with some celebrity
the close of the seventeenth century; but comparing
small things with great, it is curious to notice the value
of colonial appointments at this period. The first com-*
mander of any note in Berbice, was Herr Lucas Condrio,
who arrived in 1684, and contributed greatly to the
prosperity of the colony. He improved Fort Nassau,
and proceeding as a captain *o Surinam in 1689, was
killed by the French.
The Assembly of Ten having appointed J. P. De
Yonge commander of Essequebo in 1680 or 1686, his
salary was fixed at 50 florins per month (about 6^), which
was just double what his predecessor, Abraham Beck-
man, received in 1681; but this sum was protested
against by the colonists as an intolerable burden, although
it failed to satisfy the ambition of the next commander^
Samuel Beckman (appointed November 2, 1690), who
in 1696 formally applied for an increase. This year ia
also memorable for two other reasons — Ist. That an ap-
plication was made for the appointment of a predikant,
or clei^yman, indicating clearly that up td this period no
such functionary existed in Essequebo, and also that
some occasion or other led to the declared want of such
an acquisition to the social elements ; 2nd. That the want
of shipping was felt so generally, that application was
actually made for leave to send produce by way of Suri-
nam, showing indisputably that the settlers were not
idle, or inattentive to their interests, but had already
l2
148 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
employed the land to some advantage in the cultivation
of tobacco, orlians, cotton, and perhaps sugar. Hence it
is clear that at the close of the seventeenth century the
persevering natives of the seven miited provinces had
succeeded in their endeavours to colonise this land.
How different the pursuits in which they engaged to those
so ardently followed by their predecessors of the six-
teenth century I How different the result I The Spa-
niard, in his thirst for gold, sought an imaginary treasure
— the Dutchman contented himself with the culture of
the soil. The former wasted his resources and lost his
life — the latter lived to enjoy some reward for his efforts.
The Spaniard, led by his imagination, explored, amid
difficulties and dangers, the far interior, and found a
" bourne from whence no traveller returns " — the Dutch-
man, guided by experience, possessed himself of " things
that lie free for any taker." The one grasped at a
shadow, the other seized the substance. In military
pomp, and pride, and discipline, the adventurer of
Spain sought combat with the sword against abori-
gines, rude countrymen, without laws or government,
free and unrestrained, and thought to wrest a golden
prize from their simple hands; the settler from Holland
held out the olive-branch to the actual proprietor of the
land, whilst at the same time he firmly planted himself
on the banks of the rivers and on the sea-coasts. The
name of the one became a byword to after nations, and
left no trace tf greatness or wisdom ; the character of
the other is still indelibly stamped upon the land, and
the genius of the Dutdi, as demonstrated by their
canals, bridges, drainage, policy, and laws, remains to
the present time to illuminate the epoch of their lives.
The investment of large sums of money in the cultiva-
tion of property had drawn to this -country many men of
HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIANA. 149
tolerable rank and education, who, with the intelligence
peculiar to speculators, had prospered in the land, and
surrounded by their dependents and slaves, revived in a
manner the feudal system of bygone years. Like to the
barons of former Europe, the lordly planters of America
enacted in the New World scenes similar to those which
had nearly been abolished in the civilised parts of Eu-
rope. Eevelling themselves in luxury and riches, they
exacted the most harassing duties from their slaves or
vassals, who were made to toil for the advantage, the
ease, and the prosperity of their masters. If, xmlike the
serfs of old, they were exempt from military service, it
was simply because no such service was necessary for
defence or aggrandisement. The planter lived in a spa-
cious house, in the enjoyment of every comfort that
wealth could procure ; he was flattered by dependents,
who courted his good-will ; his equals or neighbours ex-
changed with him the most friendly acts of hospitality.
Aroused at early mom by his attendants, he sipped his
cup of coffee ; a short toilet followed, during which his
nerves were fortified by a glass or two of genuine schie^
dam by way of an " antifogmatic," a custom ridiculed by
the uninitiated, but defensible, nevertheless, as a very
prudent and salutary protection against the injurious
effects of the morning miasm. A wide straw hat, a nan-
keen or linen suit, comprised the chief articles of his
dress. Having held a parley, or rather " lev^e," with his
assistants or overseers, he saJlied forth on horseback, fol-
lowed by a running footboy or page, armed with the
pouch of tobacco or cigars, perhaps having again applied
to the " gin-flask," to make precaution " doubly sure."
His equestrian tour was round the plantation, along its
wide and grassy paths, where his quick eye detected all
errors of ^^ omission and commission." After a careful
160 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
inspection, and having given necessary orders for the day,
he leisurely returned home to an elaborate breakfast — a
regular "d^jeAner k la fourchette," where fish, hams,
sausages, pepperpot, cheese, formed the staple articles.
Tea was considered too " bilious," coffee too heating, and
a ready substitute was found in beer or wine. After this
solid repast came the hour of contemplation and repose,
ushered in by the fiimes of the fi:agrant tobacco. Read-
ing was rarely indulged in. The morning " siesta" over,
the time was spent in visiting or receiving neighbours,
looking over the buildings and machinery, writing, or
other light employment, not forgetting a stimulating
luncheon and occasional draughts of sangaree, pimch, or
brandy-and- water. As evening approached, preparations
were made for the great object of the day, dinner, which
consisted of soups, fish, fowl, and viands of all kinds, to
which a vigorous appetite did ample justice. Punch,
beer, wine, were again handed round, and attendants in
naked grace were employed in beating off with fragrant
branches the remorseless mosquitoes, who in hundreds
were buzzing about audibly, and no doubt sharpening
their " probosces " ready for an attack on the vulnerable
proportions of the Dutchman. The night was marked
by copious libations and smoking, until at length, over-
powered with fatigue, repletion, and happiness, the lordly
planter sank into the arms of repose, to dream of insur-
rections and earthquakes.
The other elements of society moved round the planter
as their centre ; for although not highest in rank, his
power was most generally diflfiised through the different
classes. The slaves bought with his money were the
servants of his will. Their ignorance and their depen-
dence exaggerated his position. The few tradesmen who
there existed had been principally brought fi:om the
more civilised West Indian Islands, and they of course
HISTORY GS BBITISH GUIANA. 161
looked up to him for employment and pay. The mer-
chants were but too happy to partake of his patronage;
the professional man had no other prospect of subsistence
or of acquiring wealth except through his influence; and
the civil officers appointed to administer the public fimc-
tions of the colony found his hospitality so tempting and
agreeable, that they were studious of keeping on the best
possible terms with him.
We shall, hereafter, see how this elevated position of
the planter became gradually altered when it had ac-
quired its maximum of prosperity, and in the course of
our history we shall have occasion to trace his subsequent
reverses and humiliations to some of those very causes
which formerly gave him such unlimited power, influ-
ence, and wealth. It is with individuals as with states.
In the plenitude of their pawer and prosperity, men are
too apt to suffer luxury and apathy to imdermine their
greatness.
154 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIAKA.
such scenes. He saw the different races of animals per-
petually destroying each other, and he thought himself
not so far removed from their condition as to justify
the expectation of any happier state of eidstence for
himself. The chiefs among his people, their princes and
great men, were regarded as only more fortunate, or
more powerful in the strife than the rest, and were con-
sidered as maintaining their ascendancy by naked brute
force alone. The vast universe was not looked upon as
a system of humanity, regulated by the wisdom of Pro- .
vidence ; but as a chaos over which chance and accident
presided. The negroes were idolaters ; forms of wor-
ship were rare amongst them. Their religion consisted
in wild appeals to the spirits of evil, to deprecate ven-
geance, or misfortunes, or to propitiate protection. The
calamities of life were attributed to the evil influence of
inferior spirits, whom they called Jumbi, and hence it
was not strange that the more shrewd among them
should pretend to a mysterious intercourse with these
spirits, in order to enable them to practise profitable
impositions upon the credulity of the ignorant. Such
persons received the name of Obeah-men, and dealt in
charms, talismans, and artifices. They gave the good
spirit no service, thinking him too pure to need it ; some
believed that man sprung fix)m a great spider, named
Arransie ; others affirmed that the good spirit was called
Jan Campas, and called him God, although they say
that he was a good man, who made both black and white
people, but that the black chose the gift of gold, and the
white man that of arts and knowledge, when the first
were made servants to the last. Others supposed that
men were found in holes and pits. They had no fear of
being hanged, because it left them whole and sound to
enter upon another state of existence, but they dreaded
HISTORY OP BRITISn GUIANA. 166
being beheaded, or broken on the wheel, because they
believed it would incapacitate them from enjoying a
future life.
All ages and races have had their superstitions, and it
would, indeed, have been singular if the African had
formed an exception. The sybils and oracles of ancient
Italy and Greece are reflected under a diflferent form in
the obeahs and orgies of the uncivilised African.
Tom from his native country, his home, and friends,
he was brought into a strange land, and made acquainted
with a new taskmaster, who forced upon him the neces-
sity of working. If he reftised to work, he was subjected
to the cruelty of the lash, which, according to a Dutch
writer,* was often steeped in brine, or pickle and peppers,
but not, as asserted by him, for the purpose of wanton
vengeance, but rather to prevent any evil consequences
from its application. Brought as this poor ignorant negro
was in contact with a more civilised people, we shall soon
see how rapidly his tastes, his habits, and character be-
came modified by such communion ; not greater or more
marked were the physical and ethnological changes pro-
duced by such an intercourse, than the vast moral revolu-
tion effected in his nature. The tendency of dependents
in every age and in every condition has been to imitate
those above them ; but the ignorant, who, struck with
the novelty or merits of a picture, try to copy it, produce
only a caricature. It is the natural tendency of inferiors
to model their habits and manners on the example of
their superiors; and hence arises — especially in feudal
states of society — the great influence which is exercised
over the national mind by the conduct of the higher
classes. Thus, in Greece, the high refinement of the
educated ranks gradually spread to the citizens, and im-
parted its polish to their tastes and customs. Again, in
• Hartdnk.
166 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
the Roman Empire the luxury and idleness of the
patrician class infected the plebeian orders, till the whole
state sank under the enervating influence; and nearer to
our own day maybe cited the still more striking instance
of the French revolution, when the people, debased and
rendered desperate by the callous and unprincipled con-
duct of the nobles, rapidly imbibed those dangerous
principles which led to the overthrow of rank and
religion. Illustrations of the efiects of example upon the
uneducated masses need not be accumulated; and if we
find this direct action infallibly producing uniform results
in the civilised communities of Europe, we cannot be
much surprised that it should operate similarly in remote
and despotic societies, in which only two classes existed
— the masters and the slaves. That there were many
excellent and virtuous traits in the character of the old
settlers is undeniable. There is scarcely a work published
by travellers who had visited the colony at difieret times,
which does not contain numerous instances of creditable
humanity and generous feelings; but it is the perverse
condition of human nature to cop}' what is bad rather
than what is good, and the negro, if he is unlike his
white superior in the best qualities, will be found at least
to resemble him in his worst. In order that we may be
able to understand more clearly how this spirit of de-
pravity sets in, and is encouraged by circumstances, let us
Ibllow the slaves for a moment in their labours and gene-
ral mode of life.
At early dawn they were summoned forth to work by
the stunning clatter of a large bell or gong. The efficient
and healthy were then distributed in gangs, according to
their age, sex, or capacity, to each of which a headman,
or driver (called by the Dutch " Bomba," or " Mustee
Knegt"), was attached. Armed with a little "brief au-
thority"— the whip — this driver followed his gang to
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA. 157
their several duties in the field, where they continued
until about eight a.m., when time was allowed for break-
fast and rest. Again the bell sounded, and they returned
to their labour until twelve ; then to dinner, and after-
wards to work again until five or six p.m., when they re-
tired to their homes and to their supper. They lived, for
the most part, in long ranges of wooden ^buildings, sub-
divided into small rooms, to contain one or more families.
These buildings were in general tolerably comfortable, and
it was no unusual thing for small portions of land to be
attached to them, which the slaves were at liberty to
cultivate for their own profit. Here they kept pigs and
poultry, and the thrifty and industrious had an oppor-
tunity of earning a little money, which subsequently be-
came of much importance. They were punished for
behaving ill by the whip, or confinement in the stocks,
and other measures of severity ; but in cases of rebellion,
or murder, they were made to imdergo a still more
terrible chastisement, which cannot be mentioned here.
They were very fond of dancing and music, using a
kind of guitar called a " banja," and several varieties of
drums and tambarines. They accompanied their dancing
with strange songs or chants adapted to the style of the
dance — sometimes low and monotonous, at others loud
and boisterous. On Simdays, or festival days, there was
rarely any work done; and at certain seasons of the year
they received presents from the planters of clothing,
cooking utensils, ornaments, &c. Spirits were also served
out to them occasionally, and thus the taste for intoxica-
tion was introduced among them, and led to many de-
pravities and abuses. Their food consisted chiefly of
plantains, salt fish, rice, &c., mixed up with the condi-
ments of the country, such as peppers. The sick or
infirm were confined to a building called the hospital,
which was visited at stated periods by a medical prao-
168 BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
titioner, who had under him sick nurses and attend-
ants to obey ibis orders. The health of the slave was,
indeed, provided for in the ratio of his value, as farmers
provide for their cattle in order to keep them in work-
ing condition. A death was grieved for as a loss to the
property, and sickness and destitution guarded against as
a fire, or any other evil which might interfere with the
profits of the estate. There was no attempt made to
provide mental or religious education, as it was appre-
hended that the moral elevation of the slaves would lead
to dangerous innovations. Marriage was unknown; but
children were bom, and grew up to the inheritance of
slavery. They received their names* at ^ the hands of
their owners, and were often " branded" instead of being
baptised. Thus passed away the life of the slave; and,
comparing it with the state of the lower orders in most
countries, it cannot be denied that it possessed some ad-
vantages, so far as physical circumstances were concerned.
From the cradle to the grave every want was supplied ;
and the animal lived, worked, and died without tasting
that bitter experience which wrings the stout heart of
many a more civilised peasant in the struggle for sub-
sistence.
If the happiness of human beings depended on the
regular supply of food, exercise, and medicine, there is
no doubt the slave ought to have been happy; and,
knowing nothing better, perhaps he was. But it is im-
possible, from our point of sight, to contemplate with
satisfaction a course of treatment which kept him in
health only to reduce him to the condition of a working
machine or a beast of burden. It is quite true that he
had never enjoyed liberty, and was, perhaps, from that
* The most classical names were often given to the slaves; as, for instance,
Pompey, Csraar, Scipio, Hannibal, Jupiter, Venus, Juno, Bacchus, ApoUo» &c.
The English followed this practice, but introduced a little yaiiety, calling them
London, Sooiland, Monday, Sambo, Quashy, Prince, Queen, CoQr, &c
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 169
very circumstance, not very well qualified to enjoy it ; it
is true, also, that his mental powers had never been
developed, and that the privation of mental pleasures
was comparatively no great penalty; and that never
having felt the high privileges of religious inspirations,
the want of religious instruction was a matter of utter
indifference to him. But evils are not the less evils be-
cause those who suffer them are incapable and ignorant.
It is the high mission of civilisation to improve, correct,
and elevate; and to draw an argument for the perpetua-
tion of slavery fi:om the mere fiact of having found it in
existence is as unreasonable and barbarous as it would
be for a colony of settlers to excuse themselves from the
. toil of tilling the ground, on the plea that it came into
their hands in a state of nature. But colonists do not
apply that argument to the earth — they dear it, plough
it, plant it, and work its capabilities to the highest point
of cultivation ; it is the human serfj the hereditary bonds-
man alone, they keep in his original condition, or rather
whom they plunge into a worse condition, iDy placing
him in new and dangerous circumstances, and expanding
before him those advantages of knowledge, power, and
freedom, which they permit him to contemplate, but will
not suffer him to participate in. They excite strange
passions in him, they stimulate his activity, tempt his
ignorance, fill his mind with novel desires, awaken his
capacity without instructing it, and take advantage of his
helplessness to crush him down lower and lower in the
scale of humanity.
The slave-trade was in full operation in the eighteenth
century, and cargoes of valuable slaves were brought to
these shores. They were shipped from the coast of
Africa in tolerable health; but after the confinement and
cruel hardships of a three or four weeks' passage in the
hold of ill-ventilated vessels, they generally arrived in a*
160 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
deplorable condition. The horrors of the middle passage
are too well known to require any description in this
place. The closely-packed slaves, when freed from their
dens, were often unable to stand ; they could not endure
the light after having been so long shut up in darkness ;
and they required the most careful and skilful treatment
for many weeks, and sometimes for months, to bring
them back into working order. The mortality at times
was frightful — as much as 50 or 75 per cent, perished
either on the passage or soon after landing ; and fearful
as were the returns of the deaths at subsequent periods
of the free immigrants, the mortality never equalled that
which for many years took place among the shackled
African slaves. Fortunately, however, this was not
always the case, and as it was evidently for the interest
of all parties that the slave should be imported in as fine
condition as possible, great care was often shown for
their comfort and good appearance.
The slaves imported were procured from various parts
of the coast and interior of Africa, and their value was
differently estimated, as will appear from the following
account, chiefly derived from an old Dutch writer,* on
the subject:
The Ardras^ called also Dongas (as well as other
slaves who had cut marks upon their bodies), were
brought from Inda (better known as Tida) and Ardra^
towns near the western sea-coast of Africa, from a dis-
tance of fifty miles to the north-east of Ardra. They
were not, however, of the best sort, although accustomed
to agriculture, and capable of being rendered useful.
The men, women, and children, had gashes upon their
cheeks, but those of rank amongst them were marked
only about the forehead. The Nago slaves differed
little from the above, and were well adapted for labour ;
r ♦ Hartiink.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 161
they had streaks, or curves, which represented rudely
the outline of animals upon their bodies. The Mdllais
slaves were brought to Tida, Ardra, and Jaquire, from a
distance of about three months' journey. They were an
excellent people, and accustomed to severe labour, which
they willingly undertook. They brought high prices in
the market. Their tattooed marks differed in some re-
spect from the Tibou and Guiamba negroes. The
AquiraSj distinguished by linea upon the back and
breast in the form of lizards and snakes, had the cha-
racter of being active and faithful to their masters. The
Tibou slaves were of the worst kind, good for nothing,
except light house work. They had long gashes upon
the cheeks, breast, and stomach. The Foin slaves were
recognised by scratches upon the temples; they were
also a bad people, lazy, thievish, and addicted to filthy
habits. The Chdamba slaves resembled the two last-
named races, and were marked like the Tibotia. The
negroes from Tida and Jaqum committed thefts when
they had an opportunity, but were otherwise true to their
masters; they had upon their cheeks several spots or
points. The Ayoia negroes, a martial and enterprising
race, were well. inclined to work, which they performed
better than any of the other nations. They were knoAvii
by long gashes stretching from ear to ear. They were
the terror of the rest; held their lives of no account when
their passions were roused, and pursued their objects with
an ardour it was difficult to restrain.
Other slaves were known by the names of the places
they came fi:om. The negroes of Goreie were among
the best — strong, honest, and faithful ; they had upon the
temples three gashes about three fingers broad. The
negroes firom Sierra Leone were also very strong, and
good for employment ; they had four gashes upon the
forehead. The n^oes from Cabo Monto were neither
VOL. T. M
162 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
SO strong nor so useful as the others, but made good
slaves, and had upon each cheek a gash extending from
the head to the chin j they were in general of a lively
temperament The negroes from Cape La Hoe, or
Lahore, or the Gold Coast, possessed equally valuable
qualities, and were brought in great numbers to
Surinam, where a famous traffic was established, and
from whence the slaves were carried to other colonies.
They were marked over the whole body with figures of
birds and animals, and wore roimd the neck a string of
red sea-shells, which was regarded as a kind of amulet
or charm. They were for the most part strong, tall,
and well made, but not very black in colour; as a
general rule^ it was remarked that the darker the
colour of the negro^ the strofiger he was.
The real Delniina negroes were all bom in the vil-
lage, or crom of D'Elmina, and were not saleable, such
sale being against the laws. Those people which were
purchased at St. George D'Elmina, came from the Asi-
antyn, Hautaschi, Fantysche, Alguirasche, Wassaches,
and Akinsche countries. The men, as well as the women,
were marked upon the cheeks and breasts with several
gashes. Among these people w^ere found some old
slaves quite grey, who had a custom of smearing their
hair with charcoal to make it black.
The Annamaboe negroes (sometimes called Fantynes)
belonged to the English, a well-conducted tribe, and
best suited of aU for the work of the plantations. They
were marked upon the forehead with points, or spots,
burnt in with gunpowder. Among the Fa/ntynes were
found some Akinsche and Asfiantees. Between these
three nations no marked difference existed except in
language.
The Acra negroes were brave, strong, and good
slaves. These excellent qualities rendered them costly
HI8T0BY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 163
in the market. They were under the protection of the
Danes, but the Dutch and English had the control of
such as were located near then: foists.
The Abo and Fa/pa negroes were little meddled with;
the last were said to have a kind of poison placed under
their nails, with which they threatened to kill any one,
if exasperated; hence, perhaps, the disinclination that
was shown to interfere with them.
The Cormantyn negroes were of a good disposition,
but never forgave an injury ; they always attempted the
life of any person who offended them, and, failing in
their purpose, destroyed themselves. They had no cha-
racteristic marks, but were known by their fine smooth
black skin. The Loa/ngo^ or Chango negroes (no doubt
the present Bjroomen), were a vicious race, and practised
cannibalism. Their teeth were so exquisitely sharpened
that they could easily bite off a finger, and all the other
negroes hated and feared them. At the marriage of theic
kings a certain proportion of each tribe were killed for
the purpose of furnishing a rich banquet. These people
were never to be depended upon. They absconded
fi:om work, hid in the forests, and lived upon animals
and reptiles. To the eastward and southward of the
coast the negroes were of a bad quality; whilst ftom
the north-west the best kind were procured.
Such is the account handed down of the qualities and
value of the several tribes of Africa imported to this
colony. It would be impossible now-a-days to trace
out the desc^adanta of any one of these tribes. Thgr
have all merged into one large human family, the black
Creole, and have relinquished, it is to be hoped for ever,
most of the characteristic marks, both physical and moral,
by which their progenitors were distinguished. The
elaborately tattooed skin, the cannibal appetite, the flat-
tened forehead and nose^ the prominent jaws and mouth,
m2
164 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
have more or less disappeared ; but, unfortunately, the
indolence, the superstition, the immorality of the African
character obtains to an extent deplorable and alarming.
Emancipation and civilisation have but partially done
their work, and the abandoned cane-piece and unculti-
vated lands stand out as evidence of the want of energy
and industry among the lowei; classes. Up to this hour
cargoes of liberated Africans are still imported to these
shores, but their influence is trifling in the social scale.
Their labour is valuable, but their numbers are in-
adequate to the duties required of them. Eagerly sought
after, they receive abundant care and attention, which,
however, does not altogether wean them from their
native African habits, although they gradually adapt
themselves to surrounding circumstances. The change
is undoubtedly beneficial to them ; but it is questionable
whether they do not keep alive among their black
brethren, those feelings of barbarity and superstition
which still continue to retard the progress of true civi-
lisation.
Returning to the narrative of the original importation
of slaves, we will place before the reader a picture of the
slave-trade as it existed in its earliest days in this colony.
The arrival of these living cargoes was hailed with
general satisfaction, and a dep6t was established for the
reception and convenience of the slaves, where they
were kept till the time appointed for their disposal.
The vendue, or sale, was generally cflfected publicly, and
the maimer in which it was conducted affords a curious
insight into the habits and character of society at that
time.
A slave-market was looked upon as a kind of fair, to
which, indeed, it bore a striking resemblance. Public
notices were issued, annoimdng when and where it was
to be held. It was looked forward to as a gala day.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 166
Urged on by curiosity, excitement, or speculation, per-
sons of all qualities and ages, and of both sexes, decked
out in their gayest apparel, hurried to the scene of
barter, where, arranged in lots, and prepared for sale,
stood the miserable objects of their cupidity. What a
contrast was here presented — the lordly proprietor, the
usurious speculator, the insatiate sensualist, the timid
female and pampered child, had even gathered in groups
about the dark children of Africa, who, with anxious
hearts and downcast eyes, awaited the result. It was
not long in being decided. A purchaser would ap-
proach and investigate the qualities of the animal he was
about to buy. The scanty covering which the custom of
the day required, threw but a slight veil over the defects
or imperfections of physical conformation. The limb
was carefully examined, its action tested, the surface of
the body scrutinised for the detection of any morbid
condition of the skin, the mouth inspected, the fimctions
of walking, running, and lifting were practised at the
desire of the party about to make an offer. Delicacyj
pity, generosity, never interfered with the mercenary
considerations which regulated these proceedings.
It was no imusual thing for ladies to be present during
such examinations, and even little children were called
upon to choose by chance, or caprice, the future slave
who was to obey the wants and calls of little " massa"
or " missy." The following account of one of these sales,
of the date of 1796, is furnished by an eye-witness : —
" Not simply from curiosity, but from a desire of ac-
quiring instruction from whatever occurs of peculiar
interest, I have again been led to be present at one of
those most humiliating scenes, a sale of human merchan-
dise, where I saw what is here termed a prime cargo of
300 men and women from the Gold Coast of Africa, all
106 IIIBTORT OF BRITISH QUIA27A.
human beings like ourselves, exposed to public vendue,
ovcui UN the herds of sheep and oxen in Smithfield
miirkot. But although I had been more than a year in
the West Indies, I was glad to find that my European
foolings wore not so entirely blunted as to allow me to
witncsH such a scene without experiencing the painful
sonsiitions which naturally arise in the breast of an Eng-
lishman when seeing his feUow-creatores thus miserably
degraded. The crowd was as great as at Coventry fiur,
and amid the throng I observed many females as well
while ns of wlour, who, decked out in tinsel finery, had
nil como to tlio mart to buy slaves either for themselves,
tlunr tnasters, or keepers. Infants, too, were brought to
pdint the lucky finger to a sable drudge for little sel^
\\\ioti the same principle which leads mamma to take
donr babe to a lottery-office to finger out the happy
ticket which is to make little missy's fortune. The poor
blacks were not exposed to public gaze upon a high
stool, in order to be first examined and then knocked
down at the hammer, as at the Dutch sale at Berbische,
but were divided into three great lots according to their
value, and the price being fixed upon, purchasers were
left to select fi:om which ever division diey might prefer.
Boys from eleven to fourteen years of age sold for 600
or 700 florins; the price of the women was firom 700 to
800 florins, and of the men firom 700 to 900 florins ; but
a few of the strongest were valued somewhat higher.
The agent who conducted the sale is a liberal man, pos-
sessed of human sentiments and a cultivated mind, but it
is unfortunately his calling to deal in human flesh, and
he very justly remarked to me, that in following this oc-
cupation it is necessary to give an opiate to the finer
feelings of nature. Amidst a scene everywhere repug-
nant to humanity, I was pleased to remark that a general
HISTORY OF BBITI8H GUIANA. 167
sjmipathy was excited towards one particular iiEunily,
whose appeals to the compassion of the multitude were
not less powerful than their claims. This family con-
sisted of a mother, three daughters, and a son. The
parent, although the days of youth were past, was still a
well-looking woman; the children appeared to be fix>m
fourteen to twenty years of age; they were very Uke the
mother, and still more resembled eadi other, being all of
distinguished face and figure, and remarkably the hand-
somest negroes of the whole cargo. Their distress lest
they should be separated and sold to different masters
was so strongly depicted upon their countenances, and
expressed in such lively and impressive appeals, that the
whole crowd were led impulsively to commiserate their
suflfering, and by universal consent they were removed
fix)m the three great lots and placed in a separate comer
by themselves, in order that they might be sold to the
same master. Observing their extreme agitation, I was
led particularly to notice ,their conduct as influenced by
the terror of being torn from each other, and I may truly
say that I witnessed a just and £Biithfiil representation c^
the distressed mother, and such as might bid defiance
even to the all-imaginative power of a Siddons. When
any one approached their little group, or chanced to
look toward them with the attentive eye of a purchaser,
the children in broken sobs crouch^ to their tearful
mother, who in agonising impulse instantly fell down be-
fore the spectator, bowed herself to the earth, and kissed
his foot ; then alternately clinging to his legs and pressing
her children to her bosom, she fixed hersdf upon her
knees, clasped her hands together, and in anguish cast
up a look of humble petition which might have found its
way even to the heart of a Caligula."*
♦ Finckard.
168 mSTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Such was the slave-market in former times ; and Kttle
as any one may feel inclined to attribute to the Africans
the possession of acute sensibility, it must be admitted
that this was a process from which even their dull nature
must have instinctively recoiled. That they did recoil
from it — that it rendered them desperate, and generated
in their minds feelings of horror, is sufficiently proved by
the numbers that attempted to make their escape, prefer-
ring any risk of danger or destitution to the life of the
gang and the lash. Large numbers of slaves annually
absconded from the Dutch settlements, and, associating
in small parties, hid themselves in the woods. Most of
these slaves were of the lowest order of intellect, and
actuated by the worst passions of the human race. Many
of them had committed serious crimes, and thus sought
to evade punishment, while others were filled with pro-
jects of plunder and destruction to their masters. They
were called "Bush negroes," from their living in the
bush or forests. Their numbers increased to such an
extent that they gave serious alarm to the white inhabit-
ants, and measures were repeatedly taken to disperse
them. They made predatory excursions in the neigh-
bourhoods they infested, and carried off provisions, or
whatever else they could lay their hands upon ; and such
were the sentiments of revenge they entertained against
the white men, that whenever they happened to surprise
any of them, they seized them, hurried them away to
the woods, and put them to the most miserable deaths.
The mangled bodies of their victims, afterwards dis-
covered, afforded revolting evidence of the most bar-
barous treatment. Rivalling the ferocity of the animals
with whom they herded, they maintained, however, a
kind of discipline amongst themselves, electing a chief.
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 169
whom they strictly obeyed, and always acting in concert
under his orders. Rendered desperate by their situation,
these lawless savages became the terror of the country.
Fortunately they were at length subdued, and no further
instances have since occurred of a similar organisation.
SoUtary individuals have been encountered in remote
places, but they were generally found to be idiots or per-
sons of weak intelligence who had lost their way in the
forests, where they supported life by destroying and
eating birds, insects, reptiles, and occasionally gathering
^ few roots and fruits. When found and brought back,
they evinced no ferocity, anger, or surprise ; apathetic
and indifferent to consequences, they sluggishly and cun-
ningly watched the earliest opportunity to return to their
wild and savage life.*
The following description of the habits of the Bush
negroes, and the attempts made to subdue them, is from
the pen of an early but faithful writer: — "The Bush
negroes were men of the worst description, cruel and
bloodthirsty, and revolting 'in combination, plotted the
destruction of the planters, in order to take the colony
into their possession; but being firustrated in their de-
signs, have saved themselves from punishment by flying
into the recesses of the forest, from whence they issued
only to ravage and plxmder. They had subjected them-
selves to a sort of regular discipline imder captain and
lieutenants, and the lower orders of them were compelled
to toil in the night, by going out of the woods in plun-
dering parties to steal plantains and other provisions
from the estates ; but the labour to which they were ex-
* An instance occorred in tliis countiy in 1845 of a Bosh negro being found.
He had long, hiurd nails, and was decked out in the plumage of wild birds and
the skias of animals. He refbsed to eat the ordinary food at first, and looked
longingly upon fowls, which he seemed anxious to derour. He scucely spoken
but muttered a few words, and remained all day passiye and inactive. Crowds
of persons went to see him at the lunatic asylum where he was confined.
170 mSTOBY OF BRITISH QUIANA.
posed by this night duty was so much more severe than
that required of them in their common duty as slaves
upon the plantations, that some of them have been
known to desert from the woods to resume a life of
slavery.
" From the injury done, and the increasing number of
these hordes, it was deemed necessary that a body of
troops should be sent against them. A party of Dutch
soldiers were duly marched to exterminate the brigands ;
but they were drfeated by the negroes, and few escaped,
most of them being killed, and their scalps or bodies
fixed against the trees. A second expedition was sent
out, composed of faithful slaves and the native Indians,
who held the Bush negroes in abhorrence. Well pro-
vided and equipped, this second band separated into two
parties, and boldly advanced into the wood to form a
combined attack. Upon their march they passed the
dead bodies of the Dutch soldiers tied to the trees. Not
deterred by this horrid spectacle, they proceeded on-
wards, having the sagacious Indian on tlieir flanks, by
whose acuteness and penetration they discovered the
various situations where the difierent companies of the
brigands had taken up their residence, and by well-con-
certed attacks defeated and routed them wheresoever
they met them. As an encouragement to the able and
new-raised troops, a premium was offered for every right
hand of a Bush negro which should be brought in ; and
when they returned from the successful expedition, they
appeared with seventy black arms displayed upon the
points of their bayonets, causing a very singular and
shocking spectacle to the beholders. Three hundred
guilders had been fixed upon as the price, but it was
found necessary to reduce the premium, lest the slaves
should kill their prisoners, or even destroy each other, to
HISTOBY OF BKITI8H GUIANA. 171
obtain it. The exertion and fatigue required in such an
expedition cannot be well conceived by those who are
accustomed only to regular and systematic warfare, nor
is it probable that such a service could have been sup-
ported in this climate by European soldiers. In addition
to all the difficulties of making their way through the
unknown and ahnost impenetrable woods, they knew not
where to find the enemy's ppsts, or were at every minute
liable to be fallen npon by surprise. At first entering
the bush, the march was continued to a great distance
nearly knee-deep in water, and when further advanced,
the troops had to scramble through the thickets or follow
each other by a confined path in Indian fiile, and after
the harassing march of the day to lie down at night on
the bare ground under the trees, the officers suspending
their hammocks fi:om bough to bough ; they had, more-
over, to carry the whole of their provisions, arms,
and ammunition, and every other necessary required
for their success, upon their backs. But for the
assistance given by the Indians, the brigands had pro-
bably never been subdued, perhaps not even found!
The expertness of these men in such a pursuit is peculiar,
and beyond all that could be imagined by those who live
in crowded society. They not only hear sounds in the
wood, which are imperceptible to others, but judge with
surprising accuracgr of the distance and direction whence
they proceed. The position of a fallen leaf, or the bend-
ing of a bramble, too slight to be noticed by an European
eye, conveys to them certain intelligence respecting the
route taken by those whom they pursue. From constant
practice and observation, their organs of sense become
highly improved, and they hear with an acuteness and
see with a precision truly surprising to those who are
unacquainted with their habits and their vigilance. With
172 mSTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
such guides the expedition moved in confidence, and was
conducted in safety. Some of the encampments of the
brigands discovered and routed, had existed during
fifteen years, concealed in the profoundest gloom of the
forest. The following was the mode usually observed
in estabUshing their fixed places of residence and resort:
— Having fixed upon the spot most favourable for their
purpose, a circular piece of ground was cleared of its
wood, and in the centre of this they built huts, and
formed the encampments, planting round about the
buildings oranges, bananas, plantains, yams, eddoes, and
other kinds of provisions; thus, in addition to the trees
of the forest, procuring themselves fiirther concealment
by the plantation which gave them food. The eddoes
were found in great plenty, and had seemed to constitute
their principal diet. Round the exterior of this circular
spot was cut a deep and wide ditch, which being filled
with water, and stuck round the sides and bottom with
sharp-pointed sticks, served as a formidable barrier of
defence. The path across this ditch was placed two or
three feet below the surface, and wholly concealed fi:om
the eye by the water being always thick and muddy.
Leaves were strewed, and steppings, similar in their
kind, made to the edges of the ditch at various parts,
as a precaution to deceive any who might approach
respecting the real situation of the path. But the proper
place of crossing was found out by the acuteness pf the
Indians, who soon discovered that to attempt to pass at
any other part was to be empaled alive. It was found
that the brigands had eight of these encampments, or
points of rendezvous, in the woods, one of which still
remained undiscovered. After much fatigue in en-
deavouring to discover it, the search was relinquished,
in the idea that some of the prisoners, either by indul-
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 173
gence or torture, would be induced to make it known ;
but this expectation has only led to disappointment.
All the means used failed, and the prisoners, faithful to
their cause, suffered torture and death rather than betray
their forest associates. The cruel pimishments that were
applied to these miserable blacks would be almost in-
credible. The ringleaders being taken, were tried and
executed. Some were burnt alive, others hung in chains
and allowed to perish, lingering out for several days;
but they made no complaint or lament. They bore the
most severe pain with a firmness truly heroic. No dis-
closure escaped their lips, no sigh betrayed their emotion.
They despised death, and were only concerned as to its
mode.
Fompa mortiB magis terret, qoam mors ipsa.*^
As far as the peculiar conditions of its formation per-
mitted, society may now be said to have reached a cer-
tain stage of organisation ; yet one essential element was
wanted. The hitherto unsettled state of things held out
little inducement for European females to venture into
the colony, and the few who were to be found in it were
not persons whose education or moral habits were likely
to exercise a very beneficial influence. The consequences
inseparable firom such circumstances ensued. Unre-
strained by the presence of refined and virtuous women,
and enjoying a perfect impunity of power over all sur-
rounding associations, the colonists surrendered them-
selves to a life of unbridled depravity. Having no
scandal of public opinion to encounter, and being wholly
liberated from all religious and social obligations, they
formed intimate relations with the humblest of their
slaves, beginning, perhaps, with some vague sense of
personal responsibility, but gradually breaking down all
•Fiockard.
174 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
the barriers of honour and decency, until the whole
country presented a scene of demoralisation that would
scarcely be credited in the present age. The authority
of the master was omnipotent, and it was employed
without remorse in promoting the indulgence of the
worst passions. The result was, that the majority of the
old planters of the West adopted the customs and privi-
leges of the despots of the East. A seraglio was esta-
blished on almost every property ; and the harem of a
planter, if it did not enlulate the luxury and pomp of
the Turk, transcended its prototype in coarseness and
sensuality. The slave, though raised to her master's
embraces, was still his menial ; her children became his
property, were still accounted slaves, and were often
compelled to the labour of the field, without being
allowed to derive any advantage from their European
descent.* This, however, was not the general rule.
The mother and her offspring were frequently made
free by purchase, and the children brought up to some
trade or business. From these unions sprung the mu-
latto, which in turn, mingling again with the white,
produced the Tercerones and Quadroon, followed by the
" Quarterones," the oflfepring of the white and the Ter-
ceron; all distinction finally vanishing in the "Quinte-
rons," who owed their origin to a white and "Quarteron,V
called also "Mustees." This was the last gradation,
there being no visible difference in colour or features
between them and the whites ; indeed, they were often
fairer than Europeans, but generally devoid of the healthy
rosy hue so striking in the latter.. The children of the
negro and mulatto were called "Samboes," and had a
* Many of this class of children were nerer made treey but left to grow up
in ignorance and vice ; many were actoally included in the claim for compensa-
tion, with the conniyance of their parents.
^ HISTORY OF BBITISH GUIANA. 175
disagreeable complexion and features. In glancing at
these various classes, we find the character of the mulatto
standing out prominently from the rest.
Brown in colour, with short crisp hair, and features
between those of the European and African, but gene-
rally more nearly resembling the latter, he was strongly
formed, and well proportioned; and was marked by
some of the most conspicuous traits of his descent on
both sides — ^the prejudices and haughtiness of his Euro-
pean father, and the levity and the idleness of his African
mother. He inherited from the former an instinct of
independence and a love of authority ; but these were
neutralised by the languor and disinclination to exertion
lie derived from the latter. Quick to learn, he had not
always the opportunity ; eager of enjoyment, his means
were restrained; jealous of his parentage, he was denied
its privileges. Hence levity, cunning, and recklessness,
took the place of those better elements, which, under
more favourable circumstances, he might have success-
fully developed. In the course of time, however, as his
position improved, he began to vindicate his European
origin, and it would be unjust to deny him the posses-
sion of some excellent qualities, such as generosity and
humanity. The mulattoes were generally educated in
mdustrial occupations, which they follow to this day,
and in which they exhibit much willingness and intelli-
gence, and no inconsiderable capacity.
The negro characteristics, nevertheless, are still pre-
dominant— the indolence, the fondness for holidays and
finery, and the passion for music and dancing, in which
latter they excel. Wanting in. the distinctive attributes
that constitute an original race, they have failed to strike
out a separate course for themselves; but they generally
incline towards the customs and practices of the Euro-
peans, and in all cases of conflicting interests they side
176 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
with the whites. To the peculiarity of their training,
perhaps, may be ascribed the repugnance or contempt
with which they regard the blacks; yet not having
enough of industry or energy to achieve a high place in
society, and abandoning the profitable pursuits of the
field for more light and frivolous occupations, they are
not unfrequently outstripped in worldly prosperity by
the plodding and imambitious negro.
raSTORT OP BRITISH GUIANA. 177
CHAPTER V.
ATTACKS or THB FRBMCH IN 1689, 1709, AND 1712, ON THE BETTLBXENTB OF
BERBICE AND S88BQUEBO RITSE8— BOMBABDMBNT OF FORT NASSAU — CAPITIT-
LATION AND BANSOM OF BERBICB — TBANSFBB OF BBRBICE, 1714 — ARTICLES OF
AORBBMENT ABOUT SLATES— BBRBICE COMPANY, 1720— INTBNTORT OF THE
EFFECTS OF THE COLONY — ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT — INTRODUCTION OF
COFFEE CULTIVATION— ORIGIN OF PAPER MONEY — THE COAST TRADE — ^MEMO-
RIAL OF THE DIRKCTOR8 OF BERBICE TO THE STATES OF HOLLAND, 1730—
ORIGIN OF THE SYSTEM OF COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION, 1732 — RAISING OF
TAXES — ^APPOINTMENT OF GOVERNOR, PREDIKANT, AND OTHER OFFICERS —
ORIGIN OF MILITIA FORCE— OF THE ORPHAN CHAMBER — PROGRESS OF THB
PLANTATIONS.
The undertakings of the Dutch, however distinguished
by a spirit of enterprise, were chequered by misfortunes'
early in the eighteenth century.
About the year 1689, some ships (part of the squadron
under Admiral de Casse, that had been imsuccessftdly
engaged in attacking Surinam) sailed up the river Ber-
bice, landed some troops, and laid waste several planta-
tions. The colonists were compelled to buy out their
invaders, and finally got rid of them by a ransom of
20,000 guilders in the form of a bill of exchange drawn
upon the proprietors of the estates in Vlissingen. A sub-
sequent arrangement relieved them from the payment
of this obligation. The governor of Surinam, Van
VOL.L N
178 HISTORY or BRITISH GUIANA.
Schupenhingen, had taken some French prisoners during
the late invasion, and it was agreed between the contract-
ing parties that the bill of ransom should be cancelled, on
condition that the prisoners were delivered up, together
with a sum of about 5000 or 6000 guilders, and some
sugar which was ready for shipping in the river Berbice.
It would appear from this latter circumstance, that
although the value of the settlements on the Berbice was
not very considerable, yet that the cultivation of sugar
had already commenced and made some progress. It is
in this district that we find the first allusipii made to the
manufacture of sugar. Undeterred by the late invasion,
the indefatigable settlers increased the number of their
plantations, and with renewed vigour applied themselves
to the cultivation of the soil.
The settlements on the river Essequebo were also ex-
posed to frequent assaults fi:om piratical vessels. On the
10th December, 1707, Peter Van der Heyden Besen was
appointed commander of this district, and under his
administration considerable progress had been made by
the indefatigable Dutch. In 1709 two French armed
vessels sailed up the river, whose banks were still
studded with Indian villages. Their object was plimder;
but awed by the strength displayed in the fortified posi-
tion of the Dutch colonists, and their evident determina-
tion to offer a stout resistance, the marauders contented
themselves by attacking, burning, and plundering the
villages of the Indians, who however retaliated, by de-
coying some of their enemies into the forests, where they
took ample retribution for the wrongs that had been
inflicted on them.
Foiled in their first attempts, the French prepared
for a second invasion of the settlements on the river
Berbice, organising upon this occasion a considerable and
HISTOBY OP BRITISH aUIANA. 179
effective force, under the command of Baron de Mouans.
On the 8th November, 1712, the French commander ar-
rived in the river Berbice with three ships and some
sloops, three mortars, and about 600 troops. On the
9th they passed the guard-house at the entrance un-
molested, owing to the want of hands on the part of the
Dutch to occupy that post. On the 10th, having ascended
fifty miles up the river, they landed some of the troops,
and reconnoitred Fort Nassau. The next day a French
officer proceeded to the fort, and demanded the surrender
of the colony. This demand was indignantly refused,
and the threat of bombardment which accompanied it
was put into execution on the same evening by the
French. The assalilt was heroically resisted ; and it was
not till after a fierce siege of four days, during which
about 160 bombs were thrown into the defences, that
the " chamade," or beating of drums on the part of the
Dutch, signified to the French that the besieged were
willing to capitulate. After some little difficulty a con-
ference was held between the two commanders, and on
the 16th November the captured colony was ransomed
by the Dutch for the sum of 300,000 guilders, after th^
foUowmg manner :
Guilders.
153 male negroes and 91 ftmale, at 300 guilders each 78,200 0
15 jovLDg negroes (from 10 to 12 years oldX HI guilders
each 1,665 0
74,865 0
734 hogsheads and 1 tieroe of sugar, yaloed at 92,040 0
ProTislons and merchandise 21,118 14
BlUofEzdiange 181,975 6
800,000 0
In addition to this large sum, a further payment of
10,000 guilders was exacted by the unscrupulous French
to exempt the inhabitants from private spoliation and
other insults :
k2
180 HISTOBY OF B&inSH GIJIAKA.
GaiUen.
Gold and rflTer 5138
Other cuh 956
Merdumdiie 2949
6 hogiheads sngir 180
A tUre and diild 400
Sundrief 377
10,000*
Moreover, the French commander insisted on having
hostages delivered up to him to accompany him to
Europe with the bill of exchange, till it reached ma-
turity and was duly paid. Two gentlemen, the two
junior members of the Court of Policy, Gerard de Veir-
man and Hendrich Van Doom, accordingly, leaving their
wives and families behind them, accompanied the bill,
which was drawn at six months on Jan and Cornelius
Van Peere, of Flushing. Unfortunately, both these
gentlemen died, one on the passage, and the other shortly
after his arrival in Eiurope, and the bill when presented
was refused payment. Two protests were made against
it, one on the 12th May, 1713, the other on the 17th
November, 1713. During the time occupied in the dis-
cussion about this bill, the colony of Berbice was provi-
sionally ceded to France on the 13th September, 1713;
but at the Treaty of Utrecht in 1714 it was given up by
the French Government, through Joseph Maillet, to
some Dutch merchants, viz., Cornelius Van Peere, Van
Hoom (Nicholas and Hendrich), Arnold Dix, and Peter
Schurman, all of Amsterdam,! who agreed to pay
108,000 florins on account of the protested bill, and who
were thus to become the proprietors of the colony under
the protection of the States or United Provinces. One
quarter of the colony was, however, to be reserved to
the original propnetor pf the settlement. Van Peere.
* The tenns of the capituktion and snbseqaent ransom were signed by
Steren de Waterman, Laurens de Feer, M. Heyn, Claas Bal, and A. Herens.
t See Acte Van Cessie en Transport der Colonie de Berbice, door Joseph
MaUlet, 99. Aan de Van Booms, 24th October, 1714. Hflrtoink, p. 805.
HISTOBY OP BRITISH GUIANA. 181
The necessity for obtaining hands to cultivate the
estates induced this company of merchants, Messrs. Van
Peere, Van Hoom, Dix, and Schurman, to attempt to
introduce labourers from the East (a curious foreshadow-
ing of what was to occur in after years in the same
colony) ; but their request was refused by the Govern-
ment. In the same year, 1714, the " Staats-General "
contracted* for African negroes, of whom one-third were
to be females. These people were brought chiefly from
the Angola or Ordra tribes on the coast of Guinea, in
accordance with an agreement which, as an illustration
of the manner in which these affairs were regulated, will
be found inserted in the Appendix.
In 1719 Laurens de Heere was appointed commander
of Essequebo. In the same year the West India Com-
pany of Berbice contracted with a Jew, named Simon
Abrahams, to search for gold and silver, of which he was
to have one-sixteenth share, but none was ever obtained.
The ore discovered in 1721 resembled that of the western
part of South America, but was of inferior value. The
speculation proved unfortunate, and Abrahams returned
to Holland in 1724.
The proprietors of Berbice, not having a capital equal
to the cultivation of which the colony was capable, pro-
posed, in 1720, to raise a ftmd of 3,200,000 florins,
divided into 1600 shares of 2000 florins each, to be
employed solely in cultivating sugar, cocoa, and indigo,
of which 50 per cent, was to be repaid in eight instal-
ments before April, 1724, and the remainder when
required by the directors, who consisted of seven pro-
prietors of 20,000 florins each, residing in Amsterdam.
The actual proprietors were also to be paid, by way of
indemnity, the sum of 800,000 florins, or to be allowed
• Hartnnk, p. 318.
182 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
to purchase 400 shares. This company, the directors of
which were afterwards increased to nine in number, held
all the lands or estates in common ; the shipping, the
warehouses, the revenues of the custom-house, and the
produce, were likewise the property of the shareholders,
and a yearly dividend of the profits was to be apportioned.
Of the proposed capital, only 1,882,000 florins was raised
and invested, and the yearly dividends never reached
more than 3 or 4 per cent. The shares in consequence
soon fell firom 2000 to 200 florins per cent., and were
chiefly bought up by the new settlers as a kind of title to
their several properties. The colony under this company
was managed by the directors in Holland, who received
an annual salary of 200 florins each, submitting their
accounts to an annual meeting of proprietors, and ap-
pointing auditors to inspect them. Their management
was at once cheap and eflicient, their whole staff consist-
ing of one secretary and two book-keepers, under whose
arrangements the colony made rapid progress ; the culti-
vation of property was extended, an ample supply of
labour was introduced, a substantial fort (St. Andrew) was
built at the junction of the rivers Canje and Berbice, and
the luxuriant soil was devoted to the raising of various
kinds of produce.
In the year 1720 an inventory was made of the pro-
perty in the colony of Berbice, which gave the following
results:
Inventory of effects belonging to the colony of Berbice,
1720:
' 1. 896 n^ro slaves.
2. 6 large and complete sugar plantations, with all the
necessary appurtenances, for the cultivation and manu-
fitcture of produce ; 2 cocoa plantations, ditto, ditto.
3. 1 fortress, or guard-house ; 1 large fort (Nassau) ;
1 redoubt (opposite this fort) ; 4 outposts, situated inland ;
HISTOBY OF BBinSH GUIAl^A. 188
the whole of these defences were furnished with 60 pieces
of cannon, besides smaller weapons, and the necessary
ammunition.
4. 1 smithy, including some iron, coal, &c. ; 1 cedar-
built chmrch.
5. 1 bark, besides other small vessels, such as yachts,
canoes, punts, &c.
6. The goods belonging to the fort and outposts ; the
cash in the treasury, about 4 or 500 guilders in amomit ;
the provisions, medicaments, and sundries.
7. 524 head of cattle, besides some sheep, pigs, &c.
8. 281 horses.
9. 1 trading ve^el, lying at the wharf (Hegte Thiet).
10. 1 tout or decked vessel,* nearly new, and fitted
up at an expense of about 35,000 guilders.
11. The cargo of this vessel, namely, 8 or 900 hogs-
heads of sugar, besides other goods.
12. The sugar and other produce foimd in the colony.
At the first meeting of the new company (4th October,
1720), it was agreed to reduce the payment to the for-
mer proprietors of the colony firom 8 to 600,000 guilders.
Of the above-mentioned capital of 1600 shares, 941
were taken by strangers, and 659 by fhe colonists, and
the following instalments were made at different times,
viz. :
l8t NoTember, 1720
8 percent.^
l8t April, 1721
8
Ist October,
10
Besides a call of 8 per
cent, in 1764, ist
Ist April, 1722
4
Ist Hay, 1724
4 „
^ August ; owing to
the loflfi occasioned
Ist October,
4
Ist Auffost. 1732
4
by the insurrection.
42 percent..
The following is a copy of the articles of agreement
of a proposed company for the extension of cultivation
in the colony of Berbice, in September, 1720 :
* A craft peculiar to the Dnteb, and empli^ted hj them in tnidet
184 HISTORY OF BBinSH GUIANA.
1. The present proprietors are willing to give up all
the plantations, with their appurtenances and other pos-
sessions in the said colony, for the sum of 800,000
guilders, as per inventory.
2. The proprijBtors to be exempt from all taxes, and
payments of salaries to officials, sailors, and soldiers, &c.,
from the 18th March, 1721.
3. Any monies due to the said colony after such date
to be received by the new company.
4. The present proprietors to hold by preference 400
shares in the new company, as well as any more shares
as shall be allowed.
5. Of the proposed capital, viz., 3,200,000 guilders,
50 per cent, shall be paid, in 8 instalments, as follows :
Guilders.
1720 1 at November 8 per cent on the whole 256,000
1721 lit April 8 „ „ 256,000
„ l8t October 10 „ „ 320,000
1722 l8t April 8 „ „ 256,000
n l8t October 4 „ „ 128,000
1723 I8t April 4 „ „ 128,000
„ l8t October 4 „ „ 128,000
1724 l8t April 4 „ „ 128,000
1,600,000
6. In the event ol any instalment not being paid
within one month after it becomes due by the share-
holder, he shall forfeit his share or shares.
7. No further payment than the 50 per cent, shall be
called for, except by the consent of a majority of the
directors.
8. The administration of the affairs of the company to
be conducted by seven directors, of whom Nicholas van
Hoorn (or in his absence his brother Hendrich) and Peter
Schurman should be two.
9. The other five directors shall be experienced mer-
chants, elected by a majority of the other shareholders,
and they shall be obliged to name an efficient substitute
in case of their absence.
flISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 186
10. No person competent to be a director unless he
holds at least ten shares in the company.
11. The directors appointed for life, but in case of
non-qualification, or other cause, when absent from the
assembly for a year and a day, another director shall be
appointed.
1 2. The directors shall appoint the necessary servants
of the company.
13. A full shareholder entitled to one vote to be pos-
sessed often shares at least.
14. The directors to receive no salary for the first four
years, except a recognition of 200 guilders each per annum,
but after a distribution of the funds they shall be paid at
the rate of 5 per cent.
15. The directors shall expose the books of the com-
pany annually, and balance them, at the same time nomi-
nating two or three of the full shareholders- to examine
them andaudit the accounts.
16. The capital of 3,200,000 guilders shall be in-
creased or diminished only with the consent of a majority
of the shareholders.
17. The directors shall distribute the funds at such
times as shaU seem best to them.
18. It is to be understood that none of the share-
holders shall transact any business in connexion with the
company, but it shall be competent for them to sell their
shares on paying 2 guilders for the transfer.
19. The shareholders shall continue the contract
entered into by the fonner proprietors with Simon
Abrahams to explore for minerals, &c.
20. Any alteration or amendment of the present rules
which may be found necessary, shall take place only by
consent of a majority of the shareholders.
21. The payment of the 800,000 guilders to the former
proprietors shall be made in eight instalments^ as follows:
186 HIST0&7 OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Guilders.
1720 istNoyember 180,000
1721 IstAppU 120,000
„ I8t October 120,000
1722 I8t April 160,000
„ l8t October 80,000
1723 l8t April 64,000
„ l8t October 40,000
1724 Ist April 36,000
800,000
22. No one shall be allowed to hold less than three
shares, or more than ten.
It was also determined to erect ten new large sugar
plantations, with 100 slaves on each. Eight of these were
in cultivation in 1722 — ^viz., the Johanna; 2. Corelia
Jacoba ; 3. Savonette ; 4. Hardenbroch ; 5. Dageraad ;
6. Hogslande ; 7. Elizabeth ; 8. Debora. A brickery
was also established, but done away with in 1731. The
council of Berbice about this time was increased from six
to nine persons.
In the year 1721 coffee was first cultivated in Berbice,
fix)m seed obtained through the governor of the neigh-
bouring settlement of Surinam — M. Courtier — who
liberally called the attention of the inhabitants to the
cultivation of that useful article — a public benefit of
which they marked their sense by presenting him with a
saddle-horse. Many new estates soon b^an to be laid
out in coffee, which was found to thrive and bear ex-
ceedingly well in the alluvial soil. The directors of the
company in Holland had the appointment of all the dvil
servants of the colony, and paid them, as well as the
troops, in bills drawn on themselves at six weeks' date,
which bills were received in Berbice in payment of taxes,
and passed current in the ordinary transactions of busi-
ness. To these bills may be traced the origin of the
paper currency of the colony.
The States-General, under whose sovereignty or pro-
tection the company had placed Berbice, agreed to erect
HISTORY OP BRITISH OUIANA. 187
forts, and keep a certain number of troops in them, on con-
dition that the inhabitants contributed annually the sum
of 75,000 florins, the proprietors on their parts reserving
all legislative and executive functions in their own hands.
In the year 1723, the colonists of Berbice began to open
a trade along the American coast, which was at first
resisted by the Dutch West India Company as an inter-
ference with their charter, but ultimately agreed to.
The cultivation of this trade was of great importance to
the infant settlement, as it not only enabled the people to
procure a supply of live stock and a variety of goods and
commodities necessary for their support, but to establish
markets for articles of their own production. They
were unable, however, to avail themselves of the full ad-
vantages of these circimistances, being obliged to ship the
principal exportable commodities — such as sugar, cocoa,
and coffee, in vessels belonging to the States-General.
In the year 1730, the directors of the colony made a
representation to their High Mightinesses of the States,
to the effect that, in 1720, when the administration of
Berbice was taken over by them, they found only six
plantations in cultivation, but that since that time eight
others had been laid out,* which they expected would
realise considerable advantages to the parties concerned ;
in order, however, to advance fiilly the interests of the
community, they prayed that this colony should be placed
upon the same footing as that of Surinam, that it should
be fi:'ee of access to all inhabitants of the parent coimtry,
and that lands should be granted to all new-comers who
should require them, upon certain conditions to be subse-
quently named. The immediate effect of this representa-
tion does not appear ; but that it received ample con-
sideration may be inferred from the fact that in the year
* In 1731 the ralne of the lettleiiieiits in BecUoewM estimated «t only 750,160
guilden.
188 HISTORY OP BBITISH GUIANA.
1732 an octroy,* dated the 6th December, made its ap-
pearance, containing the most important provisions for
the future government of the colony that had yet been
contemplated, and marking very distinctly the progress
that had been made in wealth and stability.
In the first place, the octroy declared that it had be-
come necessary to provide a " constitution for Berbice/'
The States-General enacted that the government was to
be administered by a governor and council — ^the governor
to be appointed by the directors of the association, under
a commission from the States; and the council (also
termed thfe Court of Policy) to consist of six persons, to
be chosen by the governor, out of twelve nominated by
the inhabitants,! the vacancies being filled up by the
governor, who selected one out of two persons nominated
by the remaining councillors. A Court of Criminal Justice
was established, to consist of six or more members, to be
appointed by the council or court of policy. A court of
civil justice was instituted, to consist of the governor, as
president, and six members selected by him out of twelve
persons nomkiated — one-half by the Court of Policy, and
one-half by the inhabitants, three members to retire every
two years. The governor was allowed only one vote.
The Court of Policy was to take precedence of the Court
of Justice and the individual members, severally one of
the other, from the date of their appointments.
At the same time, the octroy empowered the directors
to grant lands upon such terms and conditions as should
appear to them proper. Another article empowered
them to enact a capitation-tax, a weigh-tax, and a ton-
nage-tax.
The lands were at first given gratis to the settlers ;
but as this system produced more claims than could be
* Project Reglement dienende tot het Verzogte OctiooL HAr^nV, p. 947.
t This arrangement was afterwards idtered.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 189
entertained, it was proposed that a charge of 10 florins
per acre be made, and the money so raised was called
" acre-money " (akker geld genaamd). This acre-money
was to become payable in fifteen years at ten different
instalments, with the exception of the lands upon the
east and west sea-coast, which were considered of so
much greater value than the rest, and had latterly began
to attract so much notice, that the acre-money there
was made payable within twelve months in two instal-
ments. At a subsequent period, in April, 1774, a plan-
tation-tax was raised of 125 florins per annum from
each estate, amounting in a few years to a large sum —
about 125,000 florins — which was again distributed to
the several plantations according to the number of the
slaves on each. As the object of this proceeding is
not very obvious, I transcribe the sentence in Dutch
which refers to it : " De jaarlyksche opbrengs daar
van is heden ten dage (1805), een Somme van 125,000
florins, die over alle de Plantagien, naar maate vau
het getal der slaven, tot ieder dezelven behoorende,
wordt omgesla-geny*
The capitation-tax (fifty pounds of sugar, or cash equi-
valent, 50 stivers) was exacted indiscriminately fi:om
the whole population, both white and black, children
under ten years of age being charged only half that
amount. The weighage-tax, or toll, consisted of 2^ per
cent, commission on all imports and exports; and the
tonnage-tax, or duty, was about 3 florins per "last"
on the burden of ships ; besides these, an excise duty
was charged on every fifty pounds of sugar exported.
The directors were required to provide the colonists
with a predikant, schoolmaster, and reader, but were
only partially to contribute to their support ; a fi:ee
* Yerliaal tui Berbice^ p. 8.
190 HISTORY OF BRITISH GTliANA.
table at the commandant's, besides a keg of brandy, and
half a pipe of wine, were allowed to the predikant.
The colonists were enjoined to employ one white
person for every fifteen slaves, and the transport of
such white persons was limited to the smn of 30
guilders.
Again, all sugars and other produce shipped were
required to be marked with the name of the estate which
produced it, and directed to be sent to no other place
than Holland.
From the consideration of these important measures in
the history of the colony, it will be evident that society
had now began to assume a more settled state. On
the 22nd April, in the year 1733, Bemhard Waterham
was installed as the first governor of Berbice, to carry
out those new measures of government which were des-
tined to influence the character not only of Berbice, but
of its sister settlement, for many years to follow.
From the commencement of the directory in 1720, to
the year 1732, when these changes were introduced, the
settlement does not appear to have had a very foil or
regular tide of prosperity. It would seem that the sum
of 54,235 guilders 10 stivers only had been shared by
the proprietors, and that this had given rise to much
dissatisfaction ; and two years after the establishment of
the constitution, it was found that the planters could
not support the new rate of taxes, and consequently a
temporary exemption from taxation was granted to
them. In the same year, 1734, upon the representation
of the sugar refiners of Holland, the refining of sugar
was prohibited in the colony. Notwithstanding these
circumstances, however, the influx of strangers under
the new government produced so great a demand for
land, that it was found necessary to adopt k stringent
HISTOBY OP BBinSH GUIANA. 19l
regulation, by which all fixture purchasers were restricted
to plantations not exceeding 2000 acres in extent.
The increased and increasing population led insensibly
to many social changes. A number of new houses were
erected near the fort, and it was proposed to fortify Crab
Island, but this had been objected to by the former com-
mander of the river, Mr. Tierens, and upon the recom-
mendation of the engineer, Osterlein, the old fort situated
there was reconstructed and put in better order.
In 1735 the first predikant, Jan Christian Frauendorf,
arrived in the setdement of Berbice. It had been stipu-
lated that he should be supported by a tax of 25 guilders
from each plantation, which it was calculated would
afibrd him a salary of about 800 guilders, besides his
residence and fi:ee hving at the governor's table, his
annual keg of brandy, and his pipe of wine. This
arrangement, however, was found to be practically in-
convenient, and it underwent some modification. The
salary of the predikant was fixed at a sum of 900
guilders yearly, which he received firom the colony;
a house was built for him to reside in near the fort ; and,
instead of boarding with the governor, he was allowed
an additional sum of 300 guilders to keep his own table.
In addition to this officer, a derk and schoolmaster was
also imported, and received a salary of 300 guilders per
annum. At the same time, a church fund was instituted,
and was supported by a grant fix)m the general fimds of the
colony. Various other acts of importance were effected
about this period in Berbice. For the fiirther introduction
of slaves, the want of whom was greatly felt, an arrange-
ment was made with the West India Company whereby
500 slaves were to be brought firom the coast of Guinea.
The inhabitants, also, profiting by the example of Surinam,
which at that time served as a sort of model colony, de-
192 HISTORY OF BBITISH GTJIANA.
termined upon raising a militia force. Four companies
of free persons were organised and trained in the use of
arms; and as a further means of protecting the infant
colony from assaults (internal as well as external), the
troops of the garrison were augmented from 150 to 200
men. For the convenience of the inhabitants, a tavern
or hotel was erected close to the fort, and the hotel-
keeper was prohibited from receiving any produce in pay-
ment under a heavy penalty. The attempt to re-establish
a brickery was also renewed, but, although partially suc-
cessftd, never prospered to the desired extent. For the
better administration of the goods of deceased persons,
and for the benefit of minors and orphans, an Orphan
Chamber (Weeskamer) was instituted, and subsequently
became a very important office in these colonies.
The appointment of director or superintendent of the
plantations was an office which deted from about this
period, but as the remuneration attending it was found
inadequate, it was decreed that in future the person who
filled it should have a seat in the Court of Policy.
Some difference having arisen between the directors of
the colony and the members of the company in 1738, it
was determined to raise the number of the former from
seven to nine persons, which was accordingly done in the
month of July of that year.
Following the example set them by the colonists in
Surinam, the settlers in Berbice cultivated plantations of
sugar, coffee, cocoa, and cotton along the river and the
numerous branches or creeks. The cultivation of to-
bacco also was attended to, for on the 22nd of October,
1738, a duty of 2 penningen per lb. was levied upon its
introduction in the states of Holland.
With a view to increase the facility of communica-
tion throughout the different plantations along these wild
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 193
districts, a pathway was formed between Fort Nassau and
the river Canje. It was found impossible to construct roads
iilong the banks of the river and between the plantations;
hence the conmiunication was kept up chiefly by water,
while a few narrow and indistinct fcotpaths were tracked
out between some of the most important posts and habi-
tations.
VOL. I.
194 mSTOBT OF BBmSH GUIAKA.
CHAPTER VI.
INSUSRECnON IN BEBBICE — IMSUBOSDINATIOK OF TROOPS — PABTIAL INSTANCES
OF BEBELLION AMONG THE SLAVES — COMMENCEMENT OF THE IN8UBRECTI0N OF
1763— GOVEBNOB VAN HOOENHEIM's MEASURES TO SUPPRESS IT — FAILURE OF
HIS PLANS — ^PROGRESS OF THE INSURRECTION— ABANDONMENT OF FORT NASSAU
— RESISTANCE OF SETTLERS AGAINST THE NEGROES — ARRIVAL OF TROOPS FROM
^ SURINAM— governor's PROCLAMATION — MILITARY AND NAVAL EXPEDIHON
PREPARED IN HOLLAND— INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN TO COLONEL DE SALVE — HIS
ARRIVAL IN BEBBICE — FOBT NASSAU RE-OCCUPIED — REBELS ATTACKED, CAP-
TURED, TRIED, AND EXECUTED— TROOPS RETURN TO HOLLAND— GOVERNOR
RESIGNS— CONDITION OF THE COLONY AFTER THE INSURRECTION.
Ever since the introduction of the slaves into the
colony of Berbice, they had shown an indisposition to
labour, which rendered coercive measures unavoidable ;
and the severity with which they were consequently
treated led to several ineflfectual attempts to escape their
misery by absconding from the plantations, and, in some
instances, to open revolt. In 1733 and 1734 partial re-
bellions broke out, but were easily suppressed by the
energy and promptitude of Governor Waterham, who,
up to the period of his death in 1749, appears to have
preserved the colony in a state of comparative security.
He was succeeded by John Andries Lossner on the 8th
April, 1749, who was displaced in less than a month by
the appointment of John Frederic Collier. These changes
were not calculated to tranquillise the settlement, or to
produce a feeling of confidence amongst the settlers; and
accordingly we find, that diuing Collier's administration
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 196
the insubordination spread from the slaves to the Dutch
soldiers, who now b^an to betray impatience of the
rigorous discipline to which they were subjected in cc»n-
troUing the outbreaks of the negroes.
In 1761 some fifteen or sixteen soldiers tried to escape
from the fort, but were captured, and cast into a loath-
some prison overrun with snakes and rats. By the
verdict of a court-martial the principal culprit was sen-
tenced to be hanged; but that degrading death was
spared him, and he was ordered to be shot. The ring-
leaders were banished fix)m the colony and sent to New
England, and the rest subjected to other punishments.*
In 1762 another revolt took place on plantation Switzer-
land, but it was speedily suppressed, and the leader of it
drowned himsel£
On the 5th December, 1766, a new governor, Hen-
drick Jan van Rjrswick, was appointed. Fresh instances
of violence continued to betray the unsettled condition of
the military. Anthony Kragh, a soldier who had been
implicated in the late attempt at escape, was found con-
cerned, along with a Boor who had been expelled for
bad conduct, in the murder of an old man, Peter de
Baad. They were, however, discovered by the detec-
tion of some coin which was known to have belonged to
the deceased, tried, put to torture, and, after confessing
their guilt, the criminals were broken on the wheeL
The Boor left behind him a wife and children, who were
sent to New England, where the eldest daughter soon
after contracted an advantageous marriage in New York.
In 1769 a fatal duel took place between two of the
soldiers, who fought with bayonets. They were both
foreigners — the one French, the other Italian. In the
rencontre the latter was mortally wounded, and the
survivor was brought to trial and executed — an example
• Hartsink.
02
196 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
of severity demanded by the disorderly state of the mili-
tary. About this period, or a little earlier, a malignant
fever broke out among the white inhabitants, and carried
off great numbers. On this occasion the mortality among
the troops was so extensive, that in 1762 the whole
garrison amounted to scarcely twenty in number. These
circumstances gave increased confidence to the mutinous
slaves, and a body of them taking advantage of the ab-
sence of the proprietor of a plantation, they attacked the
dwelling-house, ransacked and burnt it, and effected
their escape up the river, bidding defiance to the resist-
ance offered at the post and other places. The news
having reached the fort. Lieutenant Thielen, a corporal,
and twelve soldiers, assisted by some militia, proceeded
in search of the rebels, and tracing them to the bush,
attacked them twice, but were defeated, and obliged to
retire with the loss of several killed and taken prisoners.
A heavy retribution, however, awaited the insurgents.
The soldiers retreated to an ambuscade, where they
awaited the negroes, and in the conflict which ensued
many slaves were killed, others dispersed, and a few of
them were taken prisoners. There was no mercy for
these unfortunate men. The general safety required
extreme measures, and the prisoners were executed.
But these severities were not successful in checking the
disaffection. In the same year insurrectionary meetings
were discovered on three plantations in Berbice, but for-
tunately in sufficient time to arrest the plans of the
conspirators, whose designs were thus to all appearance
annihilated. The cautious vigilance of the Dutch had
extinguished the flame, but their tyranny had kept alive
the embers, and in the following year, 1763, a terrible
insurrection burst out, which convulsed the whole
colony, and threatened its very existence.
The number of slaves at this time in Berbice was
,AA-<'.'.. W-..
I<^^- -V;;../^; Vk;/:-. ^:^/2.y,if'.,.^,,^j. ...^^),..,,:y
^:i//v^^
J.fTTiiia:- ,J.j.-i_(jnirnil:r*?
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 197
about 3000, of the whites about 100.* The insurrection
commenced upon plantation Magdalenenburg, on the
river Canje, where some of the slaves, about seventy-
three in number, appeared in open rebellion. They
murdered the director or manager, Andr6 Fourie Niffens
den Timmerman, and seizing upon all the arms they
could find, proceeded to the next plantation. Providence.
The director, however, having heard of their approach,
escaped with two of his people to the plantation Peters-
burg. Disappointed of their victim, the rebels plundered
the house, and being joined by other negroes, crossed the
river Canje, with the intention of reaching Surinam.
When the governor, Van Hogenheim (who had been
appointed in 1760), was informed of the revolt, he
despatched a body of sailors from some of the merchant
ships, under command of a mate (having no soldiers he
could employ on such a service), with strict orders to go
overland to the river Canje and to post themselves
securely on the line of attack. The expedition, however,
was fruitless, for after remaining several days in the
neighbourhood, the sailors discovered that the negroes
had decamped. In the month of March several other
plantations were attacked by the slaves, the houses fired,
and some of the whites murdered. In consequence of
these alarming circumstances, the governor ordered the
slave-ship Adriana PetroneUa^ Cock, master, with thirty
strong and welLarmed people, to sail up the river
Berbice, for the purpose of succouring the whites, who
with their famihes had fled, terror-stricken, fix)m their
lands. But, instead of proceeding at once to the rescue
of the distressed fugitives, the master cast anchor shortly
after he had left the fort on the pretence of taking charge
of some moveable property belonging to the neighbouring
estates. The inhabitants of the town of New Amster-
• Hartsink.
198 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
dam, hearing that the rebels were advancing to the fort,
took advantage of the opportunity to convey goods on
board of three of the vessels in the river, in which they
also took refuge themselves. These ships had been
moored off the fort by orders of the governor, to assist it
in case of need. The fort itself was so badly garrisoned,
that only eight soldiers and about ten citizens composed
the force. In spite of the renewed orders of the governor,
the master of the slave-ship remained in this state of
inactivity, and application being made to the master of
another vessel to undertake the attempt, he refused, on
the ground that his pilot and some of his sailors were
absent, and the others sick. Meanwhile, the unfortunate
planters up the river had shut themselves up in a house,
which they fortified as weU as they could, where they
defended themselves against severd attacks from the
negroes, who loudly proclaimed their determination to
hunt every white man out of Berbice, and to take pos-
session of their estates. Finding further resistance im-
possible, they capitulated with the slaves, and begged for
permission to pass out to their boats so that they might
embark in the ships. To this proposal the insurgents
treacherously consented ; but scarcely had the miserable
planters and their families entered the boats, than the
negroes fired on them, killing several, and wounding and
m^ing prisoners of others. A few alone escaped the
carnage, and took to flight in despair. The wretched
captives were brutally insulted, and many of them deli-
berately murdered; others committed suicide in antici-
pation of their fate. The news of this horrible catas-
trophe reached the fort through a mulatto, Jan Broer,
and was shortly after confirmed by the Predikant Ram-
ring, his wife, and sister, who, " as a man who spoke
with God," had been spared by the rebels. They com-
missioned him, however, to acquaint the governor that
HISTOBY OF BEITISH GUIAHA. 199
the cause of this revolt originated in the cruel and
wicked conduct of some of the planters. Many other
settlers from diflferent parts of the colony came flying
into the town, naked and destitute, to seek shelter in the
fort, or on board of the ships.
The revolt had now become general. Under such dis-
astrous circumstances the governor. Van Hc^enheim, con-
vened an extraordinary meeting of the principal inhabitants
to consider the best means of acting under such difficulties,
and also despatched a trusty messenger to the governor
of Surinam, praying for succour and relief. Upon in-
specting the fort and general means of defence, the former
was found in such a deplorable condition as to preclude
all hope of its being rendered, effectually serviceable ; and
measures were taken, imder a report from the principal
military and militia officers, for the purpose of repairing
and strengthening it. Another report contained a plan
of general defence. They suggested that the inhabitants
who had taken refiige on board the ships should be
ordered to return into the fort, and not allowed to go out
without express permission; and that the masters of the
four principal ships should be directed to place them-
selves in such a manner as to give the best assistance to
the fort. Two of the ship captains consented to this
arrangement, a third pleaded sickness in excuse, and the
fourth pleaded that his orders required him to leave the
colony as soon as possible, to proceed either to St.
Eustace or elsewhere. A letter was shordy afterwards
forwarded to the governor from two of the ringleaders,
Cufiy and Accara, warning him to depart at once with
the white inhabitants and their ships, leaving the colony
to the negroes, who had been driven to this measure by
repeated cruelties and injustice, and who, if resistance
was continued to be offered to them, would compel their
masters to evacuate the territory. To this demand the
200 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
governor returned an answer, not with the intention of
entering into correspondence with the rebels, but merely
to gain time. By this time the negroes had organised
themselves into a regular government, had established a
complete system of military discipline, and had chosen
Cuflfy, a young slave of courage and judgment, as their
governor. A rumour having prevailed that the rebels
were advancing to the fort in great numbers, the Dutch
inhabitants took alarm, and addressed a letter, dated the
7th March, to the governor, requesting leave to depart
on board the ships, since the fort was incapable of
affording them protection ; stating further that the slaves
were already in possession of the whole of the settlement
up the river Berbice, and to the number of 600 were
carrying fire and destruction along with them. This
request was peremptorily refused by the governor and
military officers, who advised that they should remain in
the fort until assistance could be obtained; but the
militia officers having sided with the colonists, and the
question being asked of the military whether they alone
felt themselves equal to the task of resisting the rebels,
and being answered in the negative, it was at length
finally determined on the 8th March diat the fort should
be abandoned and set on fire, whilst the unfortunate
inhabitants retreated to their ships. These latter, with
the colonists on board, having retired out of danger, a
lieutenant, corporal, and two men were left to execute
the blowing up of Fort Nassau, which being accom-
phshed, they reached the ships in a boat left behind for
that purpose. A negro, named Simon, was likewise
despatched on horseback to the neighbouring settlements
on the river Canje to acquaint the planters with the
determination and conduct of the colonists in Berbice,
but he found that they had all fled from their plantations
and retired towards the sea-coast. The ships as they
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 201
passed found nearly the whole plantations along the
river in possession of the rebels. Upon one only the
slaves were still faithful, and on being asked to co-
operate in the general defence, they came on board and
joined the colonists. Several skirmishes took place be-
tween the ships and the insurgent negroes, who repeatedly
fired on them. One or two white inhabitants were
happily rescued as the ships proceeded down the river.
A letter was soon after received by the governor from a
burgher captain of Canje, stating that the inhabitants of
that district had reached Fort Saint Andries on the
coast, and praying for assistance and provisions that they
might be enabled to hold out. The ships having
arrived at plantation Dageraat, cast anchor, whilst the
governor and many of the colonists went on shore, find-
ing that the negroes on that estate were peaceably
inclined, and attending to their work. It was further-
more determined, after mature consideration, to make a
halt here, for the situation of the estate was most
favourable to resist any attack on the part of the in-
surgents, being protected in front by the river and ships,
and inland by a marshy and almost impassable waste.
One of the ships was ordered to the mouth of the
river Canje, to prevent any sally on the part of the rebels,
as well as to cover the entrance of the river Berbice.
But the ship captains refused to accede to the proposi-
tions made to them, although the governor and council
addressed them, and promised to hold them harmless of
the consequences. In spite of all commands they per-
sisted in saiUng down the river, and the governor and
colonists were obhged to join them, especially as some
of the ships' companies had shown a disposition to be
unruly.
On the next day, the 12th of March, the anchors were
raised, and they journeyed onwards, learning soon after
204
jaiSTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
the Seven Frovmces, dropped her anchor at plantation
Dageraat. She was commanded by Captain Hendricks,
and was armed with ten 4-pounders, and twelve arque-
buses; having also about thirty men from the otiier
bark (which was left at Fort St. Andries), and being
well furnished with ammunition and provisions. In
consequence of this timely assistance, a proclamation
was issued, calling upon the loyal slaves to join the
whites, and offering the following premiums :
For every living negro rebel, the sum of ... 50 guilders.
For every right-hand of one slfiin SO „
For every man and woman who acted faithfully 10 „
And the children of these, each S „ and 10 stivers.
To those who should restore any stolen or other pro-
perty— such as monies, jewels, clothes, &c. — to the proper
oflScers, were to receive half the value of the several
articles.
For the apprehension of the negro Cuffy, a reward of
500 guilders was offered ; and for the negro Accara, who
acted as captain, 400 guilders. This proclamation was
dated, at the post at plantation Dageraat, 8th of May,
1763.
On the 13th of the same month, another singular pro-
clamation was issued by way of encouragement to the
troops of the expedition, in order to encourage their
zeal. It set forth the following extraordinary list of
pensions :
Pension for the loss of two eyes, the sum of 1500 guilders.
}»
„ one eye
n
350
})
„ both arms
n
1500
»
„ right arm
n
450
))
„ left arm
ft
350
It
„ both hands
n
1200
It
„ right hand
n
350
))
„ lett hand
}i
300
))
„ both legs
n
700
»)
one leg
»»
350
)}
„ both feet
n
450
»>
„ one foot
M
200
* Hartfmk.
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 206
Shortly after the arrival of the other bark from St.
Eustace at Dageraat, on the 11th of May, a determined
attack by the rebels, who now mustered about 2000 or
3000, was made on the post, but was bravely resisted
by the Dutch, who killed a great many, and dispersed
the rest. The heavy guns from the ships did terrible
execution, whilst among the Dutch four or five only
were killed, and a few others wounded. The governor
himself had a narrow escape, a ball having perforated
his coat; considerable damage, however, was done to
the post, the negroes having destroyed part of it by fire
at the first assault. Several parties were sent in search
of the fugitive rebels, but soon returned with little suc-
cess. The Indians, who had been everywhere treated
very badly by the insurgents, gradually assembled, and
took service under the Dutch, who set them to track
the course and haunts of the insurgents. Several of the
slaves at the post and neighbourhood of Dageraat, who
were considered favourable to the whites, had absconded,
or were made prisoners by the rebels, whose confidence,
however, was beginning to be shaken by the want of
provisions, and by dissensions amongst themselves. A
new chief had been chosen to supersede CuSy. His
name was Atta; and this man gained over to his side
nearly all the partisans of his rival, CuflFjr, who, first
hiding the powder which had been placed under his
charge to prevent it from falling into the hands of his
enemies, shot himself, and thus escaped the vengeance of
those who sought to murder him.
On the 19th of June, the ship Sendrick, Captain
Rolwagen, arrived at the mouth of the river Berbice;
having on board the new fiscal and secretary, L. Fick;
two surgeons, some soldiers, a smith, and five other
persons; some of whom immediately proceeded up to
Dageraat. On the 7th of July another ship, the 2>e-
206 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
inera/ra Welfare^ Captain Salvolarie, a Greek, sent by
the governor of St. Eustace, De Wind, arrived at Da-
geraat with about forty men, and some provisions ; but,
at the same time, the spirits of the colonists were de-
pressed by the sickness and mortality which prevailed
among the troops and sailors; and likewise by the in-
telligence that, in consequence of a quarrel over certain
booty which had been obtained from the rebels, about
seventy soldiers who had arrived from Surinam had
deserted their posts, and joined the rebels in Canje, with
the intention of proceeding to the Orinoco; but in this
they were defeated ; they quarrelled among themselves,
and were obliged to give up their arms to the n^oes^
who suspected them, and shot several. The others they
spared, in order to make them useful. Among the mu-
tineers was a surgeon, who proved very serviceable to
the rebels. Most of them were in the end recaptured
by the soldiers, and endeavoured to pass themselves off
as prisoners in the hands of the negroes, but were, how-
ever, tried and executed.
During this month (July) several skirmishes took
place, but nothing of decisive importance transpired;
information was received from Essequebo of the ap-
proach of some Indians, who had already attacked the
rebels.
Unfortunately, the sickness among the Dutch pre-
vailed so heavily up to the month of August, that it was
determined to sail towards the sea-coast; one of the
barks alone had lost forty-five people, and the governor
and many officers were also ill.
The troops, for the most part composed of French
runaways and people of indifferent character, could
scarcely be said to be under the control of their officers,
who were themselves as impatient as their soldiers to
return to the sea-side, and to leave the post of Dageraat
mSTOBY OP BRITISH GUIANA. 207
to its fate. The greater part of the colonists joined in
this view ; but the governor, in spite of every obstacle,
determined to keep his position with as many of the
people as he could persuade to remain with him. The
post was in a most defenceless state, and might now
have been easily carried by an assault ; but it appeared
afterwards that the rebels were in a state of great con-
fusion and want The scarcity of provisions was alarm-
ing; they were reduced to eat horses and dogs, and
many quarrels took place among them; nevertheless, a
few occasional attempts were made in the neighbourhood
to intimidate the whites. Sad accounts were shortly after
received by the governor firom Fort St. Andries; one of
the captains placed there (Hattinga) having left his post,
and disappeared with his company. He had been
latterly very drunken, and great fears were entertained
for his safety. Several soldiers had also quitted their
posts and absconded; rewards were oflfered for their
captiure, which proved imavailing, although some trusty
negroes and the fwithiul Indians pursued them with
diligenca
In this state of alarm and uncertainty, the affairs of
the settlements continued during the months of August
and September.
On the 3rd of October a memorial was addressed to
the governor firom Major Ewyk and Captains Kyssel
and Fexier, strongly urging the necessity of abandoning
the position at Dageraat, and concentrating the forces
on the river Canje ; but the governor, Hogenheim, was
resolute in maintaining his stand as long as he could,
having provided for a retreat to St. Andries in case of
necessity.
The intelligence of the revolt of the slaves in Berbice
having eventually reached Holland, through Captain
Spruyt from Surinam, and Richard Roberts from Esse-
208 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
quebo, the directors of this colony, as well as a number
of other proprietors and persons interested in its welfare,
addressed themselves, on June 8th, to the States-General,
praying that his high mightiness would grant two
frigates and a body of disciplined troops, in order that
they might at once proceed to quell the insurrection.
Application was made to the Admiralty College for any
ships which might be at their disposal, and troops were
sought for at the hands of the Duke of Brunswick.
The latter raised two battalions of volunteers from the
different regiments, besides engineers, artillerymen, and
workmen ; to whose equipment and transport the coun-
cillors of state granted a requisition of about 706,000
guilders. The officers were induced to join by a pro-
mise of promotion on their return.
The command of the expedition was given to Colonel
de Salve, who had under him, as officers in the first
battalion, Major de Brau, Captain Lutteke, Captain La
Croix, Captain Blank, and Captain Lyburg; second bat-
talion, Lieutenant-Colonel Douglas, Major Pusch, Captain
Tourgund, Captain Mouchy, Captain Douglas, and Cap-
tain Tisbach; besides 72 under-officers, 468 privates, 12
drummers, and 40 artillerymen, in all.
The Admiralty also furnished the Zephyr^ with 110
men, under Captain L. H. van Oyen ; and the Admiralty
of Amsterdam equipped the frigate Dolphm^ with twenty-
four guns, under Captain Evert Bisdom. There were
besides six transports to convey the troops; viz., four
ships of three masts, and two smaller vessels. The
following instructions were then given to Colonel de
Salve :
1st. Colonel de Salve to take command of the expe-
dition lying in the Texel, and to proceed as soon as
possible to Surinam and Berbice.
HISTORY OF BBITISH GUIANA. 209
2nd. The ships to keep company as they best can ; and
in case of separation to have a place of rendezvous, with
the necessary signals.
3rd. In case of separation, no time to be lost in seek-
ing the other vessels; but, as many as can, to proceed on
their course direct.
4th. The commander-in-chief to arrive first at the
rendezvous of Surinam, if practicable.
5th. Upon his arrival at Surinam he must communi-
cate with the governor and council as to the state of the
colony of Berbice, and, after leaving directions for any
absent vessel, shall proceed to act for the immediate
relief of Berbice. After having remained eight days at
Surinam, to await any dilatory ships, and to consult
with the governor and council as to the best mode of
offering assistance to those in need of it.
6th. Likewise, he shall communicate as soon as pos-
sible after his arrival at Surinam with the governor of
Berbice and other officers, forwarding a copy of the
resolutions of his high mightiness of the 5th of August.
7th. Upon his arrival at Berbice he shall consult with
the commanding officer, and with the governor, as to
the plan to be pursued in subduing the insurgent slaves.
8th. After such consultation he shall take the ne-
cessary steps to fortify and defend the several posts of
the colony.
9th. In case of requiring the use of any colony boats
or negroes, he shall agree to hire the same at stated
rates from the hands of the governor and council.
10th. In case he should think it necessary to under-
take operations against the rebels from the side of
Surinam, Essequebo, or Demerara, he shall detach ves-
sels and troops to these points.
11th. He shall on his arrival as soon as possible
VOL. I. p
210 HISTOBY OP BRITISH GUIANA.
debark the troops, and land and secure the ammunition,
stores, and provisions.
12th. He shall appoint officers and under-officers as
commissaries, to superintend and be accountable for such
ammunition and stores.
13th. In payment of the necessary expenses, bOls of
exchange shall be drawn upon the solicitors Heeneman
and De Vrieu, of Gravenhage, who wUl, upon receipt of
such, transmit the necessary monies.
14th. In case the commanding officer shall require
more troops, or other assistance, he shall forward an
application to Holland for the same.
15th. He shall also report upon the condition and
number of the forts necessary for the defence, as well
external as internal of the colony.
16th. He shall with every suitable opportxmity fiimish
a report of the affiiirs of the colony, and provide for the
speedy reception of orders addressed to him by way of
Surinam.
17th. He shall avoid, and cause to be avoided, all
occasions of dispute between himself his officers, and
those of the local government, and shall execute all
services required of him in iiiendly concert
18th. All ceremonies between the military and naval
officers to be so conducted as to avoid unpleasant conse-
quences.
19th. He shall appoint to any vacant situations which
may occur in the service, subject to our approval.
20th. He shall act faithfully for the peaceful interest
of the colony, and shall remain there until further
orders.
Dated Grayenhage, let of October, 1763. *
The squadron sailed on the 6th of November, 1763 j
* Hartsink.
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 211
and arrived on the 19th of December at Surinam, with
the exception of the ship George Sefidrick, imder Cap-
tain Visser, on board of which was Major Pusch, and
three companies. On the 26th of December they again
weighed anchor, and sailed for the Berbice.
Meanwhile the governor had received a letter, on the
28th of October, from Captain Haringman, of the ship
Mdrtensdpkj which had arrived at the mouth of the
river Berbice from Holland, and waited the means and
opportunity to sail up the river.
On the 3rd of November, Lieutenant Prys and forty
men, besides a volunteer named Baron Einkel, arrived
at Dageraat, stating that the vessel under Captain
Haringman was at anchor at Fort St. Andries; but that
the commander, hearing of the sickness up the river,
liesitated to sail up, and requested a conference with the
Governor Hogenheim, who was invited on board. He,
accordingly, proceeded to the ship at Fort St Andries,
leaving the post at Dageraat in charge of Lieutenant
Smit. After some stay and conference with Captain
Haringman, they returned to Dageraat together, and a
coimcil of war was held with the other oflSioers as to the
safest way to ddiver the colony ; at length it was de-
cided that an attack should be commenced on the river
Canje. Fdlowing up this plan, two schooners and a
bark, well equipped and armed, were sent up the Canje.
For this purpose the colony contributed three offices, five
sei^eants, two corporals, one surgeon, and seventy men;
and the frigate SL Martm^ with two officers, one sergeant,
and ninety-three men. The post at Dageraat was guarded
by a force of fifiy men under Lieutenant Smit, and pro*
tected on the xiver side by the two barks from St.
Eustace, ordered there. The governor himself about
the 8th of November, took charge of the expedition up
the Canje. Having sailed \xp the river, and occasionally
p2
212 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
chasing the negroes, they anchored, on the 13th of No-
vember, off plantation Don Carlos; and a detachment of
100 men, under Lieutenant Thielen and two other
officers, had orders to scour the country in the direction
of the lately abandoned Fort Nassau.
Proceeding next to Stevensburg plantation, they were
rejoined by the detachment under Lieutenant Thielen,
who had dispersed some rebels, but had made no pri-
soners. The post here was strengthened by a force of
106 men under Lieutenant Thielen; and the Governor
Hogenheim and Captain Haringman shortly after re-
turned to Fort St. Andries, and on the 19th of November
reached Dageraat, where he found everything in con-
fusion; several buildings in the neighbourhood burnt
down, and the troops suffering from sickness. But grati-
fying intelligence soon compensated for his disappoint-
ment. Information was received from Governor Grave-
sande, of Essequebo, stating that two ships from Zealand
had arrived with about seventy soldiers, whom he could
readily spare for the protection of Berbice; moreover,
that the Indians had gained some victories over the re-
bellious slaves; and shortly after, the additional good
news was received of the arrival at Berbice of three
company's ships, under Captains Dakam, Kraay, and
Kamp, bringing ninety soldiers sent by the directors
from Holland. Again, on the 3rd and 5th of December,
arrived the frigate Dolphine^ Captain Bisdom, with 150
men, and twenty-two guns; and the Zephyr j Captain
Van Oyen, with 110 men, and twelve guns; bringing also
the joyful intelligence that an additional force of 600
men were shortly to be expected, under Colonel de
Salve, sent by his high mightiness for the relief of
Berbice.
Before the arrival of this latter aid, it was determined
to attempt a general attack upon the rebels ; and the
HISTORY OF BBITISH GUIANA. 213
ships, barks, and boats, were stationed in such situations
as would prevent the. negroes, when assailed by land, from
escaping by water. The troops were also disposed of in
companies to proceed up the rivers, and to land upon
the most commodious estates. The whole force was
ready on the 18th of December, and next day were
ordered to commence operations.
On the 19th, information was received from St. An-
dries of the death of Captain Van Kyssel, and the arrival
of a slave-ship with 300 negroes, under Captain Bruyn.
The governor, notwithstanding, proceeded up the river
Berbice with a large force of ships and troops, and found
most of the plantations abandoned and burnt. On ar-
riving at the old site of Fort Nassau and New Amster-
dam, they found every house destroyed, except the
Lutheran church and the house of the predikant ; the
rebels fearing to trouble these lest the Almighty should
be angry. Having landed here some troops, under
Lieutenant Smit, the governor and Captain Haringman
proceeded up the river, and, reaching the creek Wironje,
foimd the church and the house of the predikant at this
post uninjured. As yet few of the rebels had been
discovered, occasionally several of them voluntarily sur-
rendered, or were taken prisoners ; but the greater body
of the insurgents retreated at the approach of the ships
and troops ; most of the plantations along their course
were visited, but were found deserted, and the greater
part of the buildings burned or destroyed. Upon reach-
ing the creek Wikkie, the governor was led to sup-
pose that a large force of the rebels had assembled at
plantation Hardenbroch, a little way up that stream;
and a strong detachment was ordered to proceed up the
creek in boats, and attack the enemy. Lieutenant Smit
and his party arrived first, but immediately on their
approach were fired upon by the negroes, who had lain
214 HISTOBT OP BRITISH GUIANA.
in ambush; and that gallant officer, Lieutenant Thielen,
and Ensign Eees, were all three killed, besides several
others severely wounded. The troops, however, re-
turned the fire, and succeeded in landing, driving the
rebels before them, and taking possession of the post at
plantation Hardenboch; here, after exploring the neigh-
bourhood, and capturing a few slaves, a body of troops
was left under Sergeant Hopvaal, and the governor and
party proceeded up the river Berbice, as far as La-
vorrette, where they landed on the 29th of December,
and joiaed the troops already stationed there, who had
in several excursions killed many of the rebels, and taken
numerous prisoners, amongst others the runaway soldier
Jean Benard.
The whole river, from its mouth to the plantation
Lavorrette, about 100 miles, having now been searched,
the several estates visited, and the insurgent slaves
routed, the governor determined to retrace his steps.
A detachment of about forty-five men, under command
of Captain Slavorinus, was left at plantation Lavorrette,
whilst the bark Seven Provinces^ with thirty-two men,
was ordered to remain in the river opposite that estate
by way of protection, in case of necessity. Having
made these arrangements, Hogenheim embarked on
board of the Hope^ and sailed down the river on the
31st of December.
Upon his route he received a letter firom Colonel de
Salve, annomicing his arrival with six transports, and
600 men, in the river Berbice, and expressing his desire
to hold a consultation as to the necessary measures of
attack. The meeting for this purpose took place at a
post where a church and some buildings yet remained.
Having again reached the creek Wikkie, the governor
communicated with the people at plantation Harden-
broch, and sent up a, strong party, under Lieutenant
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 216
Crombie, to pursue and capture the rebels who had
taken refuge higher up, which was aflirmed by several
slaves who surrendered themselves, and who appeared
glad to place themselves once again under the protection
of the DutcL A young lady, who had fortunately made
her escape from the rebels, also confirmed this state-
ment. Leaving a sergeant and fourteen men at post
Hardenbroch, the governor sailed down the river as far
as the creek Wironje, where he foimd the officer in
charge, and most of the soldiers, ill and unfit for duty.
Information was soon after received that Colonel Salve,
with his force, had entered the river, and that already
two of the transports had reached the post at Dageraat,
where he had met and consulted with Captain Haring-
man. The governor having now reached the site ot
Fort Nassau and New Amsterdam, met there the two
Captains Bisdom and Van Oyen, who proceeded with
him at once to meet Colonel de Salve. It was deter-
mined at this meeting to occupy immediately the post in
Canje; and for this purpose three companies under
Major Pusch were despatched, and. orders given to
Lieutenant-Colonel Douglas to station himself at Fort
St. Andries, and forvrard the necessary stores and troops
to reinforce the colonyi.,troops already posted on the
Canje. The governor, wBth his two ^captains and a
Dutch engineer, De Vrye, returned to inspect the ruins
of the late town and fort; and it was determined, as
soon as possible, to reconstruct and fortiiy the same.
Five companies, under Major de Brauw, were ordered up
the river Berbice to reheve the colony troops at the
creeks Wikkie and Wironje and plantation Lavorrette.
Thus four companies remained at head-quarters near
the ruins of Fort Nassau, where only the church and
predikant's house were found, and were converted into
barracks; three companies were sent, as stated, to Canje ;
216 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
one company occupied the church in the creek Wironje ;
three companies were posted at the creek Wikkie ; and
one company and a half occupied the distant settlement
at Lavorrette. Open communication was kept up be-
tween these several stations, and artillery and surgeons,
with the necessary stores, were divided among them.
It was also determined that three of the ships of war
should return to Holland, as the expense of keeping
them was very great, and their services appeared now
unnecessary. Colonel de Salve at first opposed this pro-
position, but eventually acceded to it. Governor Hogen-
heim having arrived at Dageraat on the 9th of January,
1764, found the troops posted there very sickly, and
that many of them had died.
Whilst here, he received intelligence from the several
posts, especially from that on the creek Wikkie, where
much fighting had taken place between the troops and re-
bels; the latter being defeated, and many taken prisoners,
with some loss on the part of the Dutch. On the 24th
of January, Colonel de Salve took up his head-quarters
at old Fort Nassau; the artillery and stores were landed,
and preparations were made for rebuilding the town and
fort. Information having been received that Atta
and other ringleaders were in the neighbourhood of
creek Wikkie, an expedition of about 160 men, under
Captain Van Oycn, proceeded in search of them, but
failed in the attempt. A number of penitent or trusty
negroes were now employed to trace out the remaining
rebels, and to assist in their capture ; and for the next
two months several expeditions were made against the
insurgent slaves, wherever they could be met with in
suflSicient numbers. The Congo negroes, who, in several
instances, had committed the horrible brutality of eat-
ing some of their victims, were more especially sought
after.
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 217
On the 17th of March orders were issued by the
commander-in-chief to recal some of the troops stationed
on the river Canje, where very few of the rebels now
lingered, and to station them on the Berbice, where
every week many of the negroes were captured, or sur-
rendered. A great many of the prisoners, after a formal
trial by the governor and council, were condemned to
death; some to be hanged, others to be burnt, and a
few to be broken on the wheel. The rebel chief, Atta,
was discovered and seized by some of the negroes who
had joined the Dutch, and, along with several other
ringleaders, was most cruelly tortured, and then tied to
a stake and burnt, without one word of complaint. In
fact, it was remarkable how callous and indifferent the
rebels had become, not a sigh or groan escaping from
them under the terrible vengeance of the victorious
Dutch.
The exact number of those condemned to death and
executed is not recorded. On the 16th of JMarch twenty-
three were sentenced to be hanged, sixteen to be broken
on the wheel, and fifteen burnt; in all fifr.y-four.*
Many of the deserters from the Dutch service were
also captured, and underwent various punishments after
a kind of court-martial held in Paramaribo, on the 20th
of July, 1764 ; the leaders of these mutineers were tor-
tured, and aft;erwards executed.
Such was the close of this fearftil drama, such the cruel
retribution which the exasperated colonists wreaked on
the principal instigators and abettors of this long and
dreadful insurrection.
The insurgent slaves, long revelling in undisturbed pos-
session of their spoils, were gradually dislodged fi:om their
strongholds, chased fi:om creek to creek, from plantation
to plantation, until hemmed in on all sides, shot down,
* Harteink.
218 HISTO&X OP BBITI8H GUIANA.
captured or dispersed, their noted chiefe betrayed and
made prisoners, they gave up in despair the long-pro-
tracted contest with the white man, and once more sub-
mitted to the harness and drudgery of slavery. To many,
indeed, it was a matter of satisfaction again to find
themselves the well-provided dependents of the prudent
planter, for the year of self-accomplished fireedom had
not passed without its trials, and anarchy, insecurity,
famine, and exacted toil, had caused many openly to
declare that they preferred the life of slavery under the
white man, to the embittered liberty of their own
creation.
Comparative order. and security having followed the
last act of the insurrection, Colonel de Salve wrote, on
the 14th of August, to the governor and council, stating
that he had received orders from the Duke of Brunswick
to return immediately to Europe as soon as peace and
tranquillity was restored to the colony of Berbice, the
more especially as considerable sickness prevailed among
the troops stationed in the diflferent districts.
To this the governor and council replied, " That it
was their belief that peace and tranquillity had been
restored, and that the slaves in general had returned to
the plantations, except a few secreted in the bush, who,
however, would be soon captured ; but that as to the
suggestion of withdrawing the troops, they (the governor
and coimcil) feared that the military strength of the
colony was too weak to prevent a recurrence of the late
disasters, should the slaves be so inclined, when they saw
the departure of the troops for Holland, and prayed that
the colonel would leave a force of 100 eflfective men.''
The following shows the amount of the population
about this time :*
* Hartsink.
HISTORY OF BBIIISH GUIANA. 219
Whites (exckulYe of the troops) . . . 11&
Male negroes 308
Female ditto 1317
Children 745
Total 2486
Colonel de Salve being desirous of making arrange-
ments for his departure, found that the naval and mihtary
forces were in such a deplorable state from sickness, as
to render it imperative on him to procure fiirther assist-
ance to work the ships. He accordingly wrote to the
governor of St. Eustace, requesting him to forward a
body of able seamen. The ship convejdng these people
was, however, wrecked among the islands, many of the
sailors perished, and the remainder only reached Berbice
on the 7th of November. Meanwhile, a ship, the St.
Martifii sent from Holland with supplies for the troops,
was lost off the mouth of the river Berbice, but her
cargo fortunately was saved.
On the 16th of September another ship, the Christina
Maria J arrived, and assisted in carrying back the troops.
On the 2nd of October, 1764, four ships being in a
condition to act as transports, the troops were embarked ;
but, owing to contrary winds and low tides, they did
not get to sea until the 24th of November, with the
detention, however, of one of the ships, the TPakkerheidj
which parted her anchor and drove on a sand-bank.
The intention of the commander was to have saUed to
St. Eustace, but contrary winds compelled the transports
to put into Cura^oa, where they arrived on the 4th of
December; and the number of sick persons being very
great, they were detained here until the 26th of Ja^
nuary, 1765, when, being rejoined by the ship WaJk^
kerheidy and the invalids having recovered on shore,
they proceeded to Texel, where they arrived singly in
220 HISTOEY OF BEITISH GUIANA.
March, April, and May, and the troops forwarded to
Bergen-op-Zoom, after their long and perilous campaign
to the wild coast.
The troops which were left behind, at the request of
the governor and council, consisted of one major, two
captains, five under-officers, six sergeants, six corporal?,
two drummers, seventy privates, eight artillerymen, be-
sides two surgeons ; in all, 102.
Governor Hogenheim, who had removed the seat of
government from Dageraat to New Amsterdam, on the
31st of October, 1764, issued a proclamation to the
slaves, offering a free pardon to all those absent, and
invited them to return to their duty as soon as possible,
which induced many of them to deliver themselves up ;
a circumstance that afforded the most lively satisfac-
tion.
The sickness among the troops having abated, many
of the soldiers purchased their discharges, and accepted
situations upon the different plantations, which began
now to be renewed in cultivation.
In March, 1765, a vessel, the Albertma Chriatma^
arrived in Berbice with a body of militia, hired by the
directors of the colony to relieve the troops of the State
which were left behind; but her condition was so bad
that the major commanding the forces refused to go
home in her, and sailed with his company in another
ship, called the States of Holland^ which left on the
29th of March, but, owing to contrary winds, did not
reach St. Eustace until the 6th of May, whence it sailed
on the 11th of June, and arrived in Texel on the '
10th of August, the troops being forwarded to Bergen-
op-Zoom.
Two penitent ringleaders of the revolt went to Hol-
land with this expedition, and, receiving their pardon
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA. 221
at the hands of his high mightiness, were enrolled as
soldiers under Colonel de Salve,
Grovemor Hogenheim having applied to the States-
General to be relieved jfrom the government of the
colony, was promoted to the rank of major, and Heer
Johannes* Heyliger was appointed in his stead, and was
succeeded, in April, 1768, by Stephen Hendrick de la
Sabloniere.
Several plans for the protection and defence of the
colony from within, as well as from without, were drawn
by Major de Veye, and transmitted to his high mighti-
ness, who submitted them to the directors of the colony ;
and about the year 1769 a stone fort was erected near
the site of the former one, whilst wooden buildings of con-
siderable strength and utility were constructed on the
former site of New Amsterdam, which long served as
head-quarters for the officers, officials, and troops.
The colony of Berbice was now managed by nine
directors, chosen by the principal shareholders, besides
a secretary and two book-keepers. The governor was
elected by the directors of the colony, received a com-
mission from his high mightiness, and governed the
colony with the assistance of councils of policy, criminal
and civil justice.
The principal officers of the colony were a fiscal and
secretary; a college, composed of four officers, to ad-
minister to estates of orphans, besides marshals; a book-
keeper and receiver-general of the colony plantations;
a book-keeper for the soldiers' pay; a vendue master,
and receiver of vendue money; an inspector of colony
shops, and receiver of the commission money ; a
receiver of the capitation money and church contribu-
tions; a receiver of the weigh money; a receiver of the
hospital tax; a receiver of the tonnage tax; a land-
surveyor; a surgeon^major. The church council, or
224 HISTORY OF British guiana.
gress must already have been made in its cultivation,
for we learn that in the year 1739 an establishment of
the Dutch Company of Berbice was in existence at Naby,
in Mahaicony; and about that time a college of keizers,
or burgher officers, was appointed for that district *
The line of coast between Deraerara and Essequebo
(now called the west sea-coast) had likewise been
reached and explored by the settlers on the latter river,
who, in some instances, made imperfect attempts to bring
it into cultivation. As a general rule, however, the
coasts were avoided by the Dutch, who seemed to
think that the banks of rivers and the more inland
country were better adapted for their purposes; and it
was not till about the year 1740, when they made the
discovery that the low lands near the sea were more
fertile than the heights and inland spots they first occu-
pied, that they began slowly to remove towards the
coast. Cotton, more especially, was found to thrive
wonderfully well upon the soil in the neighbourhood of
the sea, which, at that time, was considered too saline
for the sugar-cane, the coffee-bush, and the plantain-
tree — all yielding edible products.
About the same period, the island of Wacquename,
or Waakenaam, also attracted observation jfrom its fer-
tility; and on the 4th of June, 1741, two gentlemen,
Thomas Wilson and James Doing, bought a third part
of the island, and established two large estates there.
Their example was soon followed by others, who esta-
blished themselves in the rest of the land.
Subsequently the lands between the Essequebo and
Demcrara, the present west coast of the county of
Demerara, were laid out in sugar and cotton plantations,
of which there were at first about fourteen in number
cultivated.
* Local Guide, 1832.
ttmroBT or bbitish guiana. 225
The ifiland of Leguaa was also partly cleared of its
luxuriant vegetation, and several fine estates were
mapped out and brought into cultivation ; nor were the
other islands at the mouth of the Essequebo suffered to
run to waste. The hardy Dutch, unmindful of the hard-
ships of living in such secluded and tmcivilised spots,
boldly set to work to clear a pathway in the interminable
bush, and to form plantations on the flat surface of a
land exposed to the danger of inundations firom the sea,
and the enervating influence of the miasm exhaled from
its swampy plains.
In the year 1745 the project was seriously entertained of
cultivating the banks of the Demerara, and the directors
of the Chamber of Zealand granted permission to Andrew
Pieters to lay out plantations on the ** uninhabited river
Demerary" on the following conditions:
1st. The West India Company were not to erect forts
or garrisons.
2nd. The inhabitants of Essequebo to be allowed, for
ten years, to remove to Demerary, paying the capitation
tax, and recognising the jurisdiction of the neighbouring
settlement of Essequebo.
3rd. Sugar plantations were to consist of 2000 acres;
1200 roods or rods facade along the river; the remainder
in depth, leaving a dam ten rods in breadth between
each estate for a road to second depths. Smaller sugar
estates were to be 1000 acres in extent ; those for cocoa,
coffee, or indigo, 500 aores, with fa9ade and depths pro-
portionate. Whilst on this subject, it becomes necessary
to describe the old Dutch mode of planning out an estate
or plantation.
^^ Plantations,'' says Bacon, *^ are amongst ancient,
primitive, and heroical works; for I may justly account
new plantations to be the children of former kkigdoms.**
Again he says, and his words are almost prophetic:
VOL. I. Q
226 HISTOBT OF BHITISH GXHANA.
'* Planting of countries is like planting of woods; for you
must make account to lose almost twenty years of profit,
and expect your recompense in the end ; for the principal
thing that hath been the destruction of most plantations,
hath been the hasty and base drawing of profit in the firsi
years. It is true, speedy profit is not to be neglected, a»
&r as it may stand with the good of the pla^tation, but
no further," And again, and here, too, his wisdom
anticipated thejslave trade : " It is a shamefiil and uur
blessed thing to take the scum of people, and wicked^
condemned men, to be the people with whom you plant;
and not only so, but it spoileth the plantation, for they
will ever live like rogues, and not fall to work ; but be
lazy^ and do mischief ^ and spend victuals, and be quickly
weary, and then certify over to their country to the dis*
credit of the plantation."'
In these remarkable expressions we have mapped out,
as it were, by prophesy the three principal events that
mark the course of our history. 1st. The future im-
portance of the colony fix)m a mere assemblage of planta-
tion; 2nd. The ruinous and pernicious system adopted
by the successful planters leading to their own over-
throw ; and 3rd. The introduction of various dasses of
immigrant labourers, unfit in many essential respects for
the work before them. All this will become apparent
as we proceed.
After the land was cleared of trees, brushwood, and
grass (no trifling labour), they were laid out by surveyora
in parallelograms, or narrow rectangular strips, with a
frontage or fa9ade to the coast or river. The estate with
a river frontage had the best drainage, because the land
was generally higher; for it must be remembered that
almost all the cultivated lands were below the level of
high water at spring tides, except those far inland. On
the estates planned out near the coast, the out&ll aol
HIBTOUY OF BRITISH GUIANA; 227
necessary to good drainage was very bad, and oc-
casionally rendered impracticable from deposits of mud
or fine sand and shells. The size of the estates varied
from 500 to 2000 acres, but generally they had a facade
of 100 to 300 rods,* and a depth of 750, with the con-
ditidnal grant of another similar portion if two-thirds of
the first allotted land was in cultivation within a given
time, and to the satisfaction of two neighbouring planters.
In Berbice many of the grants were 18,000 feet wide and
12,000 deep* Each plantation was surrounded by four
dams or embankments; two at the sides, extending from
front to back ; one in front, to exclude the water of the
sea or river; and one behind, parallel to the first, to
prevent the ingress of what was called "bush water;'*
that is the accumulated rain that had fallen in the forests
and interior, which, having no means of escape, frequently
inundated the surrounding country. These *' sidelines,"
as they were afterwards called, were common to two
contiguous estates. Between every second estate a
broader dam or path was left, which was called the
^* company's path," a term retained to the present day.
The system of drainage established was the best that
circumstances admitted of. Two long canals or trenches
were dug of considerable depth, along and inside the
" sideline" dams (to construct which the clay assisted
materially when thus thrown out), and extended from
the front to the back dam; these were termed the main
drains, and commimicated with smaller trenches or drains
which were dug at distances of two to three rods apart,
commencing within the portions of land in cultivation
called beds, and meeting the side or main drains at right
angles ; the two side or main drains generally communi-
cated in front by a canal or trench dug out behind the
* The Rhjrnland rod ii equal to 1S-3S feet
q2
228 HIBTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
front dam, and here one or more sluices or ^^ kokers,** as
they are termed in Dutch, were placed, which at the ebb
tide allowed the drained water to escape. These sluices
or " kokers" were very ingeniously constructed. Two
pillars of brick were generally snxnk at the sides of the
trench, and elevated above it in the form of an arch, at the
top of which a large wooden wheel was made to revolve
by means of spokes, and to draw up or let down by
pullies or ropes a heavy wooden door which descended
to the bottom of the trench, and excluded at high water
the advancing tide, but was readily raised in its sliding
at ebb tides to allow the waters to escape.
The plan adopted for bringing home the produce of
the field to the buildings or sugar manufisictory was
equally simple. In the centre of the estate a raised
dam, called the " middle walk," was made, along each
side of which two deep canals, termed '^navigation
trenches," were dug. This middle walk and these
trenches extended likewise fi:om the fix)nt to the back
dam, and formed a ready road to the plantation both by
land and water. At regular distances the navigation
trenches branched off at right angles into smaller canals,
running towards the sideline or draining trenches, ap-
proached them within a rod or so, thus allowing the
canes to be easily conveyed to the sugar works in wooden
or iron punts. These navigation canals were chiefly
supplied by the rain or fresh water, as it was injuriou£f
to the plantation to admit salt water, which, however,
sometimes became necessary in seasons of drought. On
smaller estates one navigation canal sufficed.
Whilst, therefore, the cultivation of the estates was
conducted upon a very simple principle, the buildings
erected for the purposes of manufacture were equally
plain and primitive.
The sugar-cane, after being cut, was brought to the
EI8T0BT 07 BRITISH QUIANA. 229
manufactory by manual labour (but subsequently by
machinery) to be crushed under heavy rollers, and the
juice thus expressed was carried away in gutters to be
boiled, care being taken first to neutralise its acidity by
some alkali such as lime. After being sufficiently boiled
and the scum removed, it was thrown into large wooden
reservoirs, where it was allowed to cool and granulate
into sugar. The principal motive power applied was
the wind, hence every sugar estate had one or more
windmills built, whose large sails caught the tropical
breeze, and served the speculative adventures of the early
planters.
It was, however, soon found, that in spite of the con-
stancy of the usual sea breeze, it often happened that
the working of the machinery was delayed by the want
of sufficient wind to propel the large vanes of the wind-
mill, especially during the wet seasons ; hence, in after
years, the invention of the steam-engine was hailed with
the greatest enthusiasm by the sugar planters. Early in
the nineteenth century, or from the year 1805, the intro-
duction of this powerful agent rapidly superseded the
more humble vrindmill. In some situations, where wind-
mills were not admissible, mills were worked either by
catCle or, in some suitable localities, by water ; but these
latter were rare, and the cattle mill was found very tire-
some and expensive. The presence of these mills on
the estates gave a lively appearance to the several pro-
perties, and their maintenance was comparatively inex-
pensive, advantages which do not belong to the commo-
dious, but more costly steam-engine.
It may perhaps be asked, therefore, whether the total
abandonment of these primitive mills has been judicious
or profitable ; once erected they gave little trouble, and
to puU them down was only to discharge an old and.
230 HtSTOKT OF fiRTTlSH GULAJf a;
useful servant, because a younger and more actire servitor
had made his appearance.
Considerable improvement had manifested itself in the.
progress of civilisation among the new settlers on the
river Demerara, and the amount of produce shipped led
the inhabitants, both here and in Essequebo, to complain
of the exclusive right of the Zealanders (the origini^
settlers) to the navigation of the colonies. These com-
plaints and disputes were carried on for about twenty
years, when, as will be seen in its proper place, attention
was at length paid to them.
At the earnest demand of the inhabitants, the di-
rectors of the Chamber of Zealand transmitted a commu-
nication to the Director-Greneral of the two rivers and his
council of government, acquainting them with the Cham-
ber's intention to send out a " predikant" or clergyman*
to the settlers in the river Demerara. This communi-
cation was made in 1757, and was signed Thibault and
Duvelaw.
Demerara, so long a dependency of Essequebo, was
still so in 1751 ; and the first account I have met with
of an independent commander was in 1765, when Jan
Cornells van der Heuvel was appointed by the Chamber
of Zealand to act in that capacity; but in urgent cates^
appeal was still made to the Director-General of the two
rivers. This right of receiving appeals was illustrated
in 1768 under the operation of an article of the " jBree
navigation act," which provided that all slaves imported
into Essequebo should be sold at public vendue to the
highest bidder. An improper advantage, it appears,-
was taken of this regulation by the slave dealers, who,
bidding up the slaves exposed for sale to an enormous .
price, rendered abortive every advantage of the act. A
representation of this proceeding was made by the inha^j
HISTOBY OF BRITISH QUIANA. 231
bitants to the Director-General Storm Van Gravesande
in 1769, and some alterations were subsequently made
in 1770, which did away with the imintentional offence
committed by the Chamber of Zealand, as well as the
dispute about the monopoly of the Zealanders already
alluded to.
The right of navigation, hitherto enjoyed exclusively
by the Zealanders, had long occasioned the most acrimo-
nious dissensions, and was at last referred to the decision
of his Serene Highness, who in 1770 decreed that the
right of navigation belonged equally to all the provinces;
but that the Zealanders, from length of possession, were
entitled to have a preference given to their Society of
Directors of " Middleburg ;" and the States General, in
1772, promulgated a decree regulating any further difc
ferences which might occur. The neighbourhood of two
such large rivers as the Essequebo and the Demerara, and
the common interests of the settlers rendered it desirable
that a channel of intercommunication should be es-
tablished which would not only open up a more ready
intercourse thto was afforded by navigating along the
coast, which was tiresome, and not a little dangerous
from its shoals and sandbanks,* but enable the settlers to
put into cultivation a wider extent of inland districts.
In the year 1773 a formal plan to that effect was sub-
Initted to the West India Company by the Director-
General. Whether or not that it was from any such
suggestion is difficult to determine, but it is certain that
about this period a large canal was commenced to be
excavated about six miles from the mouth of the river
Demerara, and running from east to west towards the
Essequebo, distant at this spot about ten miles. It is
* In the year 1769 there existed aboat 130 sugar and ooflbe estates along thfr,
riTer Demcniy and its creeks. *
282 HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIAKA.
more than probable that the commencement of this canal,
which received the singular name of No. 1, was com-
menced at the public expense, but afterwards carried on
by new settlers or proprietors, who purchased the new
grants of land. The arrangement was as follows : — ^The
course and size of the canal having been carefully
estimated, the adjacent land was laid out in allotments of
about 100 rods fa9ade, and 500 rods deep, on each side
of the proposed canal. It was further agreed to, that all
holders of such lots or plantations* were, in the first
instance, to dig out half of the canal on th^ own side,
and in front of them along their whole fa9ade, thus
dividing the labour of cutting the canal equally between
all parties who should settle here. The width of the
canal at its junction with the liver Demerara was about
sixty feet, and its depth about ten, but by d^ees it was
gradually narrowed, and at the extreme length to which
it was ultimately extended, about six miles, it was scarcely
half the width of the outlet. This is easily accounted
for. When this gigantic undertaking was projected
there was a great demand for land, and the capital and
labour thus embarked in it enabled the work to be pro-
secuted with spirit. But by degrees the zeal of the
proprietors abated ; some evaded their engagements, and
others took up land only upon the north side of the canal,
confining their operations to their own hal^ so that the!
channel fell away to a moiety of its original breadth. It
^ hardly possible to over-estimate the toil and outlay in*
curred in cutting through such a length of dense bush and
gorgeous foliage, where in every foot of soil was buried
the vegetation of ages. But the indomitable energy of
the settlers and their slaves vanquished all obstacles, and
* From the names giTen to the estates abng this canal, and also others in the
neighbourhood, I am inclined to the belief that the first settlers hare 1 ~
mSTOBT on BRITISH OUIAKA. 233
in a comparatively short space of time converted this
uncultured waste, this wilderness of unparalleled fertility,
into profitable plantations of coffee and plantains. Nor
did they rest here. Having secured the useful, they
next turned their attention to the embellishments of
civilised life. Beautiful gardens were laid out round the
gaily painted houses, the rarest flowers were brought
fix)m foreign countries, and transplanted into this fertile
region, where they flourished in perfection; immense
rows of indigenous and other tropical fruit-trees were
planted ; groves of orange and lime-trees perfumed the
air with their fragrance, while dazzling flowers and glossy
leaves added their delicate graces to the beauty of a;
scene which was justly regarded as the loveliest in the
whole colony.
A glance at this picturesque spot would have fesdnated
an artist, who would have discovered ample incidents in
it to supply a charming picture — ^the Hollander gliding
along the placid waters of the canal in his comfortable
barge, surrounded on each side by the gay dwellings and
flowering gardens, the estate in rich cultivation lying
beyond, and in the distance the dark outline of sombre
forests guarding, as it were, the limits of the enchanted
enclosure.
The history of these canals (for others were completed)
forms the only trace of romance in the matter-of-fact
career of the enterprising Hollander. The construction
of these water-tracks (the suggestion of which was, no
doubt, derived fit>m his native marshes) showed that he
was not insensible to the picturesque capabilities of this
wild country, and that he had a genius equal to the task
of reducing them to harmonious forms. How bitter
would have been his disappointment, how intolerable his
grief, could he have foreseen that these monuments of his^
ta'k ttnosr Cff BBxnsH gciasa.
Industry and skill should have been neglected by a future
race and a foreign people.
Since the halcyon days when these works were aoconi-
plished the canals have witnessed sad changes and dis-
asters. The estates have been abandoned, the waters
are nearly choked up with mud, the accumulation of
years; the fruit-trees and the flowers have disappeared;
grass and rank verdure have resumed their pristine
luxuriance, or are only destroyed by the occurroice of
immense fires in the diy seasons, whose devouring flames
sweep away all things for miles and miles in their de-
vastating progress. A few impoverished proprietors and
a host of squatters alone occupy this r^on now.
A canal called No. 2 was subsequently dug out, about
a thousand rods higher up the river, and the same arrange-
ment obtained in its construction as in the preceding one,
so that the rows of plantations, as far as they extended,
abutted one on the other at their back dams. Another
canal, No. 3, was likewise made on the opposite, or east
bank of the river, but did not extend so far inland, or
become so important as the rest.
In this manner did the energy and spirit displayed in
Demerara contribute to its success, and in a short time
(1773) it became necessary to have separate courts of
policy and of criminal and civil justice for its distinct
administration. These coxuls consisted of the comman-
dcur of Demerara, or head civil officer ; 2nd. The com-^
mandant; 8rd. The fiscal; 4th. The vendue master; and
four inhabitants of the district, selected from a return of
twice that number made by the College of Burgher
ofllcers previously alluded to, and who exercised functions
similar to the keizers of Essequebo and Berbice. The'
*eat of government was first held at the island ** Bor-
selen," about twenty miles up the river, but as the colony
didtORT OF BRiTiBH qui^ubta; 235:
advanced, the inconvenience of sucli a site was greatly
fblt in many ways; and in the year 1774 it was removed
to the extremity of the eastern bank of the river, where
it joined at an angle the east sea coast. A few build-
ings, chiefly of wood, were erected, and became the
embryo of a future city.
The first assemblage of houses received the name of
• ** Stabroek," and consisted of two rows of isolated build-
ings, wide apart, with a grass-plot between them for a
road; they were placed at irregular intervals, and the
road or street, about a mile long, run in an easterly di-
rection towards the bush. By degrees, another coUeo*
tion of houses were erected at the extreme angle of the
river and coast, and was intended chiefly for the accom-
modation of military officers, who found it convenient to
reside in the neighbourhood of a fort which became
erected here, and received the name of " Fort Frederick."
The district itself was termed Eveleary* by the Dutch,
and Kingstown by the English ; which latter name it
retains at the present day. Other clusters of houses
sprang up as the colony improved, each isolated, in
squares or districts, one from the other, and receiving
different names, many of which are still retained. The
principal of these were named " Cumingsburg," " Bridge-;
town," " Werken-Rust " (where also a burial-ground was
subsequently planned out of about ten acres, and has-
lasted the inhabitants until within the last few yearsf),
New Town, and Labourgade, the site of the hospital in
the time of the Dutch, &c. The same principle was
carried out in the construction of all these different dis-
mtrpU
f The burial-ground of Werken-Rutt, 42 roods front, 60 roodi deep, and about
8^- acres, was purchased for the sum of 10,000 guilders in 1797, by the odlonj.
Double that amount had been asked bj the owner of the land* but was reftieed
by the Court of PoU^. '
236 BISTORT OJt BBITI8H GUIAMA.
tricts; that is, rows of houses built on square lots of
land, with wide intervening streets and trenches, and
ample room allowed for garden or yards to each house,
so that when in after years these separate districts had
spread, and reached one to the other, they became amal-
gamated into as well laid out a town as could have been
desired had the whole been planned at one time.
Three principal streets extended fix)m north to south ;
one close along the river, hence termed Water-street;
two others more inland, but parallel to it; and between
these, other streets branched off at right angles through-
out the town, thus dividing the whole into a number of
squares, with part of a street at each side. Formerly it
was as easy, if not easier, to traverse the town by water
as by the roads, which in the wet season were almost
impassable, whilst the trenches were then in their prime.
A number of public offices were also erected; one a house
for the head civil officer, and others for the secretary to
the colony, the receiver-general, the commissary, the
exploiteur or marshal, &c., besides other necessary build-
ings, such as a gaol, custom-house, post-office, guard-house,
fiscal's office, &a The original size of the lots of land in
town for building on was 100 feet by 200, but they be-
came afterwards subdivided.
But notwithstanding all this progress, the develop*,
ment of the capabilities of the colony was retarded for
want of slaves to carry on the rapidly-increasing cultiva-
tion. In 1774, the inhabitants of Demerara and Esse-
quebo made formal complaints of the inability or disin-
clination of the ^^ West India Company^' to fulfil their
engagements in Surinam and Berbice, where the chief
vendues of slaves were held, and objected that during
the last twenty years there had been at least thirteen
during which no slaves had been sent to these colonies^
as the following table shows:
HISTOHY Of BHITISH GUIANA. 237
Ships fix)m Afiica with cargoed of slaves to Demerara
and Essequebo, from 1745 to 1786.
1745 to 1748 0
- 1749 I
1750 to 1761 0
n 1761 1
„ 1763 1
n 1764 1
„ 1765 0
H 1786 47
Grmnd total 51 In the 48 yean.*
Each vessel averaged about 120 slaves, and it is very
dear from the date of the complaint, that an impulse to
the ''slave trade" had been given by the remonstrances
on the part of the colonists; who, however, in the same
year, 1774, forwarded a letter of thanks to the States-
General for having made a treaty with Spain to prevent
the runaway negroes from being received in the Spanish
settlements, and also for suppressing the contraband
traffic between the rivers Waini and Orinoco, t
In the year 1776, it was proclaimed by an act of the
Assembly of Ten, who still continued to represent the
affairs of the colony of Demerara, " That the Collie of
Kiezers is not considered a judicial body, but as electors
of buigher representatives in council;" and at a subse-
quent period, viz., about 1778, it was dedared, '' That
the kiezers, not being in the pay of the Company, are
not required to watch the interests of the Company, but
those of the colony only.'' About this time also, these
settlements, but that of Demerara more particularly, had
received a considerable accession of strength by the
arrival of a number of English speculators from the
islands, who brought with them considerable capital, and
introduced a more intelligent and better educated class of
* BolinRbroke.
t la 1775, the Spaniards erected a imall fort on the right bank of tlie Urari-
capara, a branch of the river Braaco^ or Barima. It waa intended aa a tort of
proof of sovereign^ OTer those regions, but was abandoned sooo after.
238 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUUNA, '
tradesmen along with them. These new planters showed
no inclination, as the Dutch had done, to settle far away
from the coast, but remained in its neighbourhood ; and
it was chiefly owing to their exertions and industry that
a large track of country was cleared, and the cultivation
of cotton and sugar established;
But not only did English arrive, but people from all
nations began to be attracted to this spot. Germans,
Spaniards, French, Swedes, Danes, and others. The
Dutch and British, however, were the most numerous,
and the latter soon formed at least two-thirds of the
white population, which in the town of Stabroek alone
mustered at this period about 1000 inhabitants. Indeed,
a great deal of the produce raised was carried away by
a species of smuggling in British vessels; for although
the Dutch were obliged to oppose the system as contrary
to their laws, and had stationed vessels of war at the
mouths of the rivers to prevent any such contraband
proceedings, yet it was well known that their ardour and
vigilance were accessible to bribery. Moreover, as the
Dutch vessels were very irregular in carrying away the
produce, the impropriety did not appear so great.
However, in the year 1781, the American war having
induced Holland to join with France against the British,
a large fleet under the famous Lord Rodney was sent to
the West Indies, and afler having made some seizures in
the Caribbean Islands, a squadron was detached to take
possession of the colonies of Essequebo and Demerara,
which was accomplished without much difliculty. The
director-general, or governor, at this time, Van Schni-
lenburg, having assembled his council, and being aware
of the want of Dutch protection, surrendered to the
British, who, upon taking possession, found a rich booty ;
the quantity of produce which had accumulated from tJie
want of shipping proving to be of great value.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 239
Th6 control of these two rivers having, foi* the first
time, fallen into the hands of the British, an oflBcer,
Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Kingston, on October ITth^
1781, assumed the government of the colony, which had
capitulated on the 3rd of March of the same year.
The sister settlement of Berbice likewise fell into the
hands of the captors, who immediately began to grant
lands to any adventurers who felt inclined to settle in
the new countries. It was in the month of April, 1781,
that Berbice capitulated, and it remained under the
government of the same English officer as Essequebo
and Demerara.
But the duration of the British power, upon this
occasion, was brief, and unproductive of any marked
results. In the year 1782, a French force approached
the shores, and Lieutenant-Colonel Kingston was obliged
to capitulate in the month of February, 1782. The
Count de Kersaint now became governor of the three
rivers and their settlements and inhabitants. To make
sure of their conquest, the French began to erect forts
at the mouth of the Demerara, one on its eastern, the
other on its western bank, and for that purpose com-*
pelled the planters to furnish negro labour ; they like-
wise doubled the capitation-taz, all which innovation
was severely felt by the colonists, who saw no end to
their troubles. But at the peace of Paris, which occurred
in 1783, these settlements were restored to the Dutch,
who now meditated great changes. Two new governors
were appointed to the colonies in 1784, J. Bourda^
a member of the Court of Policy, was placed provision-
ally at the head of affairs for Essequebo and Demerara,
and JPeter JBT. Koppiers for that of Berbice. This latter
officer reclaimed all grants which had bieen made by the
English and French during the late wars, leaving such
holders as had built upon, or cultivated their grants, tQ
«^
240 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIAXA.
address themselves in the ordinary manner to the go*
vemor and council. About this period the new colony
of Demerara had so &r eclipsed the older one of Esse-
quebo, that the two Courts of Policy were united into
one, and by a resolution of the States-Greneral in 1784, it
was enacted that the Courts of Policy, thus incorporated
into one, should in future hold their sessions in ^ Sta-
broek." As yet, however, Essequebo retained its own
separate courts of justice, which were still held at Fort
Island, the ancient capital of that colony.
In the same year, 1784, the West India Company
published certain regulations against compelling slaves
to work on Sundays, or punishing them with more than
twenty-five lashes. But the enforcement of these humane
rules was never fully carried out for many years. On
the 6th October of the same year, it was enacted by the
^^ Assembly of Ten " for Demerara and Essequebo, that
certain Vendue Regulations should be published for
future guidance, in which the mode and manner of
conducting sales of slaves, cattle, and property, were
fully declared in different articles. These regulations
did not apply to the vendue-office in Berbice, which
was conducted in a somewhat different manner, and so
continued for many years after.
In Demerara and Essequebo, it was enacted : Ist.
That settlers should give six weeks notice in regard to
immovable property, and four weeks' notice in regard
to movables, and Uiat the vendue-master, after reoeiv*
ing a statement of the matter to be sold, should publicly
advertise it, so that the time of sale might be known in
both rivers.
2nd. Persons wishing to sell slaves, horses, other
cattle and provisions, to give due notice to the public.
8rd. Two per cent, to be paid by the seller on the
amount of all vendues to the vendue-master, and one*
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 241
and-a-half per cent, church and poor money, by the
purchaser.
4th. Any article bought in, to be charged a quarter
per cent, on the sum offered for it, and to be paid to the
Tendue-master.
5th. Time of sale to be fixed by the director-general
and council in the one river, and the commander and
council in the other.
6th. Pa3nBent of purchase-money, &c., to be made
two weeks after the vendue, or within the time limited
by the seller, and specified in the conditions of the sale.
Payment to be made in specie, or in bills upon Holland,
or Zealand, or elsewhere, according to stipulation^
7th. Purchasers to provide suflBcient securities, two in
number.
8th. The securities to be considered as principals,
and to be bound for the whole amount of purchase.
9th. Immovable property to be immediately trans-
ported to purchaser on the payment of the amount,
&c., &c.
10th. In the event of non-payment, or protest of any
bills pven, property to revert to seller, who may prose-
cute the buyer and his securities.
11th. Slaves, horses, and mules, may be removed imme-
diately after the purchase, the two latter to be marked, and
ftirther provision taken to guarantee the seller fi:om any loss.
Other rules followed relative to the passing of bills of
exchange ; to the business and duties of the vendue*
master ; and to some other minor matters.
These vendue-offices became subsequently of great
importance in the two capitals of the (Ustrict. Greorge-
town and New Amsterdam were of considerable value
to the incumbents, who, appointed by letters patent,
enjoyed a monopoly for many years, even after the
emancipation. An orphan chamber (weeskamer) was
VOL. I. R
242 HISTORT OP BRITISH GUIANA.
likewise established for the administration of the e&cts
of persons dying intestate. This body was at first com-
posed of a councillor of justice and certain burgher
members, besides an executive officer or " Griffier."
The commissaries, as the members of the orphan
chamber were called, were changed every two years.
About the year 1785, the colonists of the three rivers,
sensible of the imperfect system of taxation, of judicature,
and of the public administration generally, endeavoured
to procure some amendment in these respects. As early
as 1780, the inhabitants of Berbice had complained of
the arbitrary monopolies and unjust taxation, and a few
years later, the various settlers on the Demerara, applied
by petition to the director-general, complaining of an
interference in their rights, or rather those of their
burgher officers, to appoint the four colonial members of
the Court of Policy ; for it appeared that during the
sway of the French, all the members of the then Courts
of Policy and Justice were released from their service as
servants of the Assembly of Ten. On the resumption of
power, however, by the Dutch, the new Director-General
Jan L'Espinasse, by virtue of his instructions fi-om the
Assembly of Ten, had appointed some of the colonial
members, which act was considered by the inhabitants
as contrary to their constitution. The petition of the
colonists was referred by the director-general to the West
India Company; but in 1785, the inhabitants of Esse-
quebo having joined the others in this matter, a memorial
drawn up by both was forwarded to the States-General,
who finally confirmed the right of the bui^her officers,
or keizers, to elect the colonial members of the courta
The colonists of these two rivers also prayed for a reduc-
tion of the capitation-tax to two guilders and a hal^
and that all ex-officio proceedings for taxes might be
suspended. These various petitions, with certain othen^
HISTORY OF BBITIBH GUIAJTA. 24B
had been considered by a committee of the States-Greneral
appointed for that purpose in 1788, who in the same
year drew up a proposal for a Provisional Plan of Ke-
dress, which being approved of by the States-General,
was accepted by them. In the following year, 1789, a
committee sent out from Holland arrived in the colony
of Demerara, dissolved the then existmg governments of
the two colonies, and established a new one. And it
was also in this year that the two colonies became
united into one, under the title of the united colony of
Demera/ra tmd Essequebo. In this new constitution
regulations for the fiscal or law-officer, the secretaries,
the marshals, and other public officers were drawn up,
and a new constitution for the several courts instituted,
which, although the basis of the subsequent government,
was fi^quently modified in after times.
But, notwithstanding the new regulations, the situa-
tion of the colonists of the united colony under the
administration of several Dutch governors, viz., A.
Backer, in 1789; Baron van Grovestein, in 1793; a
Provisional Government in 1795 ; and, lastly, Anthony
Beaujon in the same year, did not afibrd genersJ satis-
&ction, and the opinions and sentiments of the British
inhabitants had introduced a feeling in fEivour of the
British government. In consequence of growing desire,
it appears that, in the year 1796, overtures on the part of
some of the inhabitants of the united colony were made
to the British commanders in the West Indies ; and it
has been positively asserted* that a deputation from the
colony actually proceeded to Barbadoes for the purpose of
making proposals to induce a British expedition to be
sent against it ; whether this be true or not, it is very
certain that on the 15th of April, 1796, war having
' Boling1ifok6b
b2
24A HiSTOEY or beitish ouiaka.
broken out between England and Holland, a secret
expedition was sent from Barbadoes (then head-quar-
ters) consisting of a squadron of ships, viz., the Malabar^
La Pique^ Le Baheti and Undaunted^ frigates, the
Orenada^ a large transport, and five small schooners
and sloops, under Commodore Parr, and a land force of
about 1300 troops of the 39th, 93rd, and 99th Regi-
ments, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonels Tilson, His-
lop, and Gammell, with a detachment of artillery under
Captain Bagot ; the whole force being under the com-
mand of Majot-General Whyte, who accompanied the
expedition. The destination of this large force was not
known to the inferior officers ; but on the 20th of April
they arrived upon the coast of Demerara. Orders were
then issued for three days* provisions to be cooked, and
for the troops to hold themselves in readiness for imme-
diate debarkation, and they were forewarned in general
orders that all irregular conduct towards the inhabitants,
on landing, would subject them to certain disgrace and
punishment ; while plunder was prohibited on pain of
death. After being paraded upon deck, their arms and
accoutrements cleaned and inspected, the field artillery,
with carriages, sponges, ammunition, and all the neces-
sary apparatus, were put into boats that evening, prepa-
ratory to being conveyed on shore with the troops in the
morning. Orders were issued concerning the plan of
attack by the troops, and the several stations to be taken
by the different ships. All being in readiness for landing
on the morning of the 21st of April, the troops were
ordered to proceed on shore with the earliest tide, and
the frigates, with the Grenada transport, were directed
to take their station before the fort at the mouth of the
river, so as to prevent the escape of any of the enemy's
vessels. After a little delay, owing to an accident, which
caused the drifting to sea of two boats containing the
HISTOEY or BRITISH GUIANA. 245
necessary implements for working the guns, but which
were recovered, the little fleet of sloops, schooners, and
other small boats, adapted for the shallow water, got
imder weigh, and stood direct for the shore ; but, im*
fortunately, they all got aground in the mud that same
evening, where they had to wait for the tide, and where
they might have been easily annihilated by the Dutch,
had any wish for that purpose been entertained. How-
ever, the Chrenada transport, and some of the other
vessels, which could find a channel, came to protect
them, and were in full view of a Dutch frigate and. a
quantity of shipping in the river.
On the morning of the 22nd a flag of truce, with a
summons to surrender, was sent on shore, but returned
about eight a.m. with a letter from Governor Beaujon,
who stated that he could not give an official answer
until he had first consulted with the Council or Court of
Policy, which would meet at once. After that meeting,
the following "answer to the smnmons" was for-
warded by the governor and coimcil to the British com-
manders:
" Gentlemen, — ^We, the governor, members of the
coimcil, and commanders of the naval forces of the
colony, in council of war assembled, having attentively
perused the summons dated yesterday, and addressed to
us by your excellencies, demanding the surrender of the
said colony to his Britannic Majesty's forces, also the
terms thereunto annexed, have, after mature deliberation,
resolved to accept said terms, and on them to surrender
said colony and dependencies as demanded, whereof we
hereby give you notice; also, that our colours will be
struck on the landing of your forces. It will depend on
the several officers and die troops to decide for them*
246 HISTORY OF BEinSH 6T7IAKA.
selves as to the offers made them, and we have the honour
to subscribe ourselves,
« A. Bbaujon, Governor.
" I. Van Well, Major.
" A FrrzjCHEB, Commander.
" L P. LuYHEW, -^ Members
" Thomas Cumings, v of
" A. Meebtkns, j Council.
" By order of council,
*^ M. S. TiNNB, Secretary ad interim.
" Dated Fort William Frederic, Demerara, 22nd of
April, 1796. Addressed to their Excellences Major-
General Whyte and Commander Parr, &c."
The terms of surrender were : " That the inhabitants
were to have full security for their persons; free exercise
in matters of religion ; enjoyment of all private property
(except any subjects of the French Republic) ; to enjoy,
as long as the colony was held by the British, such com-
mercial rights and privileges as other British subjects in
the West India colonies; officers and soldiers in the
Dutch service to be received into British pay, until re-
stored to the stadtholder, and to serve the king faithfully
during the war under oath of allegiance; the soldiers to
receive 100 guilders, and the officers 200 days' bat,
haggage, and forage money; officers and men of maiine
force not to be taken on such terms until the king's plea-
sure be known, but to receive pay according to their
rank ; the governor and civil officers to retain their
several situations if acceptable (except such as are in-
clined to French interests), but the governor to resign
the military command," &c.
The British troops were immediately disembarked,
and a portion of them took possession of the colony;
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 247
the Dutch garrison marched out of the fort at fout p.iLi
and in the evening of this eventfiil day the British
troops were fiiirly installed in Fort William Frederic, the
strongest, and, indeed, the only defence of Demerara.
Immediately after taking possession of the united
colony of Demerara and Essequebo, a division of the
force, consisting of part of the 93rd Regunent, was de-
spatched in small schooners and sloops to capture Berbice,
distant about twenty leagues. This inconvenient mode
of forwarding the troops was adopted in consequence of
the impracticability of. travelling by land between Deme-
rara and Berbice; for although the coast between them
was in part cultivated, yet no regular road had been
established. Upon their arrival, the governor, Van
Batenburg, and the inhabitants, aware of the fate of the
other colonies, at once capitulated upon the same terms,
and the former was left in charge of the administration of
that colony, whilst Anthony Beaujon continued to hold
office in Demerara and Essequebo. Lieutenant-Colonel
Hislop, of the 93rd, was, however, lefl behind by the
British forces, on their retirement, as commander-in-chief
of the military in the three colonies. The calculated
value of this conquest to the British was upwards of
200,000/. ; about seventy ships were found loaded in the
rivers. Considerable public property was sold, but no
dividends given as prize-money. Its moral effect was
still greater. A number of speculators from the islands
had accompanied the expedition, and brought over
merchandise and shipping, while others came possessed
of capital to purchase property, and in a short time the
value of land rose confidderably. An acre fetched about
9/., and gradually increased in the next few years to 12/.,
just double its former value. The uncultivated land be-
tween Demerara and Berbice was bought up, and plantar
tions laid out in cotton, as well as along the Mahaica and
248 HISTOEY OF BBITISH GUIANA.
Mahaicony creeks. Many of the Dutch proprietors sold
their landa to the English, who soon gave a new impetus
to industry, and introduced rapidly their manners,
customs, and language.
A number of British vessels now resorted to these
colonies, and at one time as many as 100 vessels were
being loaded together with the produce of the colony.
The British likewise voluntarily formed themselves into
a "militia corps," and also raised a troop of cavalry.
Aware of the importance of the settlement, they spared
no pains to bring it to a successful issue. Lieutenant-
Colonel Hislop added another regiment to the line, called
the 11th West India Regiment, which was raised by a
levy on the planters, who contributed a certain number
of effective negroes for that purpose in the hope of being
repaid by the Government. Their expectations, how-
ever, were disappointed; they lost their slaves without
ever receiving any remuneration, and the regiment so
raised was actually marched away from the colony to
the chagrin and mortification of the planters.
It was fortunate for the British that they had adopted
these precautionary measures of defence. The Spaniards
and other nations still watched these shores jealously,
and in 1797 a party of the former attacked the post on
the Morocco creek, feeling their way at the extremities
of the colony before thev would venture to assault the
more vital parts. They were, however, gallantly re-
pulsed by Captain Rochelle* and a detachment of Dutch
soldiers in the British service, for it appears that the
Dutch troops had acceded to the offers of the capitu-
lation, and had entered the service of his Britannic Ma-
* The spirited efforts of this officer were ai»pieciated bv the commimitv ; soon
after this adyentaro he fell ill, and the colonists, aware of his straitened flnanoes,
held a public meeting on the sulgect, and ad±nessed the Court of Policy, who
granted him the sum of 1500 guilders (about lOOL}, and a similar sum was like*
wise giren to be diTided among the officers and prirates of the fivce under him.
HI8T0EY OF BBITISH GUIANA. 249
jesty; numerous attempts were subsequently made by
Spanish privateers to land upon different parts of the
colony, especially the remote district of "Pomeroon,"
where several flourishing plantations formerly existed.
To protect the inhabitants from such assaults, troops
were stationed here, and " block-houses," as they were
termed, were erected, in which the soldiers lodged as in
a fort. The object of such piratical attacks was rather
to plunder and carry away the slaves for sale than any
definite design of conquest. To endeavour to put a stop
to this, the inhabitants prayed the Court of Policy to
provide armed boats and cannon to protect certain parts
of the coast. According to the articles of capitulation
in 1796, it was agreed that the Government of Demerara
and Essequebo should continue as before under Governor
Beaujon and the other members of the Courts of Pohcy
and of Justice; and in Berbice under its respective go-
vernor and courts ; but, at the same time, it was under-
stood that in both these colonies the military command
should devolve on the British officer highest in rank in
the two places. lieutenant-Colonel Hislop accordingly
exercised that office in Stabroek, the capital of Demerara
and Essequebo, whilst another British officer commanded
in Berbice.
It was an old custom of the colony that the command-
ing officers of the troops shou^ receive certain grants
from the colony, known as table-money, flag-money, and
prison-money. This latter perquisite arose from a charge
made on the admission or discharge of persons out of
confinement, one-half of which went to the fiscal, the
other half to the military officer. The perquisite arising
from the flag-tnoney was discontinued during the ad-
ministration of a late governor, W. A. Baron Van
Grovestein, who appropriated that money, as well as
that arisiDg from the tonnage and export duty, to the
250 HISTOEY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
service of the colony. The table-money was, however,
demanded by Colonel Hislop, and granted by the go-
vernor and Court of Policy. It amounted to 600 guilders
per annum, or about 40i. ; but in the following year, at
a meeting of the Court of Policy, presided over by
Governor Beaujon, it was raised to 8000 guilders per
annum, payable quarterly. At a subsequent meeting,
composed of four councillors and four representatives,
during the premeditated absence of the governor, the
sum of 12,000 guilders was awarded as table-money, to
be divided between the governor and the military officer
highest in command; whilst a smaller sum of 760 guilders
was given to the commander of Essequebo.*
When the British took possession of the colony in
1796, they found a number of negroes in chains, who
had been sentenced to work in gangs for various acts of
ill-conduct. The new authorities ordered the fetters to
be struck off, and many of these liberated negroes availed
themselves of their liberty to run away from their owners.
There used to be a fine of 1000 guilders on masters of
vessels who carried away slaves, whether as sailors or
otherwise. One-third of this fine went to the fiscaal,
another third to the colony, and the remainder to the
informer. A similar fine was imposed for leaving im-
proper or useless individuals behind.
One of the first acts under the British rule of the go-
vernor and Court of Policy of Demerara and Essequebo
was the institution of the College of Financial Repre-
sentatives, in accordance with a project previously planned
and devisedf
• See minates of Court of Policy, 1798.
t See Appendix letpecttng the InsUtiiUon of the Financial Bepresentatifet.
moBOXT or bboxsh quiava. 251
CHAPTER Vm.
OPBNINa OF THE NlinBTSEIITH CSRTUBT— GXHXBAL 8XA3S OV THX COLONY C7KDXB
THE DUTCH, 1796 — COLOBTIXS OSDSD TO THX BAXJLVLUI BXPUBUO AT THB
TBBATT OF AMISN8, 1802 — JXUJJRIOVS COM 8»%PBICM — ^IMF ATBKT) OONDITIOK OF
THB COLONY UNDER THB BATATIAN BBPUBLIC — MORTALITY OF TBOOPS — MUTINT
OF DITTO IN BBXBXOB — AiaCABLB BBLATIONB BBTWXXN THB DUTCH AND THB
INDL1N8 — BULBS BBaPBOTINQ F0STH0LDBB8 — BBITIfiH FOBGB IN THB WEST
INDIES, 1803— 8UBBBNDBB OF DEMBEABA AND BSSEQUEBO—CAPITULATION OF
BBBBICB — ^FOUnOAI. AHA];.T8I8— OOUBT OF FOUOY— COLLBGB OF ^Jnrnoi^ —
FINANGIAL BEFBESBNTATXTES— COMBINED COUBT— OOUBT8 OF CIYIL AND GXI-
MINAL JUSTICE — ^DUTCH CODE OF LAW — DUTIES OF FI8CAAL — BUBOHBB DU-
TBICT8 AND OFFIGBSS— 8TAXB OF TBB COLONY, 1805.
The opening of the nineteenth century, marked at first
by the scourge of war in Europe, resulted in the esta-
blishment and consolidation of a general peace. This
colony partidpated in the advantages of restored security,
infinitely more important to her than to the old com-
munities, upon whose tranquillity her prosperity mainly
depended. The great moral changes, which were finally
destined to bring her industry to bear efiectually upon
her resources, were reserved for this period; and conse-
quences more beneficial than any she had ever derived
from the dominion of the sword ensued upon the long
tenn of repose which now fiivouied her efforts.
HavijBg £iUowed her history for nearly three hundred
252 HISTOBY OF BBinSH GUIANA.
years, and traced step by step the varjdng influences for
good and evil exercised over her development by the
several races of inhabitants that sought her shores, from
the buccaneering Spaniard, the piratical Portuguese, to
the plodding Dutch settler and speculative English ad-
venturer, we now come to that era in her social history
when British authority ruled over the land; when the
policy, wisdom, and philanthropy of England were to
open a new field of exertion in this remote spot of her
vast dominions; and English emigrants were to press
forward from their frigid climate to seek their fortunes
under a tropical sun.
Omnibus hone potius, commonem animantibiis orbem.
Communes et crede Deos; patriam inde Vocato.
Qua redit itque dies; nee nos diis nata malignis
Cluserit hoc crudo semper sub frlgore messis;
Fas mihi non stabilis, fks et tibi linquere colchos.
The success of the Hollander in his agricultural ex-
plorations of the land, and the sagacious but interested
line of conduct he pursued towards the negro, have been
already noticed. During the period of about two hun-
dred years that the Dutch possessed this land, the march
of improvement had indeed reached the soil, but brought
no benefit to the slave who tilled it. The labourer had
not risen above his original condition, save in a few
instances. Physical circumstances had advanced, but
mind had made no progress. The old customs, habits,
and laws of the Dutch hung, like the miasm, undissipated
over the vast shores of Guiana. The people had lan-
guished without a teacher ; the soul had not been ele-
vated to God; the promise of salvation had scarcely in
one instance been oflfered to the dark child of Africa.
While this glaring and lamentable neglect was painfrdly
visible on the one hand, it was no less obvious on the
other that the enterprising Hollander had bestowed
anxious attention upon his own worldly interests. The
HI8T0BT OP BBinSH GTJIAKA. 258
three largest rivers were studded with plantations, and
the coasts were relieved of their former dreariness and
useless verdure. The coffee, cotton, and sugar estates
were in a high state of cultivation. The buildings and
houses were in excellent repair, and crusted over with
layers of gaudy paint; for with the thrifty Dutch it was
a maxim that a house could not be too often painted
both for economy and comfort, a prudential maxim of
especial efficacy in a climate where wooden structures
would speedily perish without such a protection. The
elegance and luxuries of life abounded ; plants of every
variety and fruit-trees in great numbers, introduced from
other countries, enlivened the somewhat monotonous
scenery of the cultivated districts, besides contributing to
the pleasures of the table. The inhabited parts of the
colony resembled more a garden than a land explored
by the European and peopled by the African* To the
eye of a stranger there was litde in the waving fields
of canes, and their yellow stems and long green leaves,
that in^cated the wealth which the art of man had the
power of extracting from them. There was little in the
plain shrub and yellow flower of the cotton which could
point out the important uses to which they were con-
verted by mechanical appliances; and the prim and erect
coffee bush might have been overlooked and classed as
a mere wild growth of the forest, save for the regularity
of its outline, and the exact arrangement of the trees.
The capital of the colony, called Stabroek, consised of
only two long rows of houses, stretching from the eastern
bank of the river Demerara for about a mile toward the
forest, or ^^ Bush,'* and a few buildings erected at the
mouth of the river, occupied by the military. The town,
if such it might be called, was intersected by numerous
canals, which were necessary for the drainage of the ad*
jacent estates ; and communication from one part to the
26^ HI8T0ET 07 BSITIBH GUIAKA.
Other was as easily effected by water as by land, especially
in the wet seasons, for as yet few regular streets were to
be met with. The number . of estates at tins time
throughout the three provinces of Demerara, Essequebo,
and Berbice was about 150, of which the greater part
were planted with cotton, which promised to be the
most lucrative branch of trade. Indeed, out of about
100 estates, situated principally on the east coast, or
maritime portion of land, stretdiing between the rivers
Demerara and Berbice, only one was planted with th6
sugar cane. The average produce of eighty good cotton
estates was fix)m 50,000 to 60,000 lb. each per annum;
the average number of cotton bushes on each estate was
about 600 ; each bush calculated to 3rield about 8 oz., or
-I* lb. of cotton, which at that time was sold for about 15
stivers, or little more than a shilling. For the cultivation
of such land one able negro was sufficient for two acres.
Each acre laid out in coffee cultivation had about 450
trees, each tree yielding about 1^ lb. of berry, realising
from seven to eight stivers per pound; and for the
working of such estates two able negroes were considered
necessary for every three acres. An acre of sugar plan-
tation yielded about 2000 lbs., at 4d. per lb., besides
molasses and rum. To raise such a crop one negro was
reckoned for every acra The number of slaves employed
through the colony were from 50,000 to 60,000. One
proprietor alone had about 2000 under his chaige. The
price of a slave at this time was from 600 to 900 guilders,
or 402. to 602., and the profit obtained frx)m his labour
amounted to 20Z. or 261. per annum. The hire of a
negro was from one to two guilders per day (two or
three shillings) ; if for the year, 200 to 300 guilders, or
about 20/. Provisions were sold at the following rates : —
Bread, 1 bit, or 4d. per lb. ; pork, 2| bits per lb. ; beef
and mutton, 3 to 4 bits ; milk, 1 bit per pint ; cheese^
HISTOET OF BRITISH GUIAKA. 255
4 bits per lb. ; salt butter, 4 bits per lb. ; turkeys, 4 to 6
dollars each ; ducks, 1 dollar ; a fowl, 1 dollar ; hams,
4 bits per lb* ; loaf sugar, 6 bits per lb. ; tea, 4 J dollars
per lb. ; apples, 4 bits per dozen ; onions, 1 bit per
dozen ; Madeira wine, 1 dollar per bottle ; daret, 1
dollar per bottle ; porter and beer, each 6 bits per bottle ;
plantains, 1 to 2 bits per bunch ; yams, 1 bit per gallon ;
eddoes, 2 bits per gallon ; sweet potatoes, 1 bit per gal-
lon ; oranges, 1 bit per dozen ; pines, 3 bits a dozen ;
Indian corn, 3 to 4 bits per 100 ears ; grass, 1 bit per
bundle, &c.*
Society at this period was resolvable into three great
classes.
The whites, so designated par excellence^ were com-
posed of officials, professional men, military, merchants
planters, and a few tradesmen.
Second, the freedman or liberated slave, and mechanics
of various classes- The free coloured population, avow-
ing a decided contempt for the slaves, were certainly not
warranted in so doing by any marked superiority over
them. They had, it is true, some smattering of educsr
tion, but this in reality was of no use to them ; they
copied too closely the habits indulged in by the whites,
and, without their industry and perseverance, aimed at
rivalling them in their fashions. Turning away from
the advantages which might have resulted from a life of
agricultural pursuits, and seeking rather the means of
livelihood in the towns, they let several opportunities pass
by of advancing as a class. In after times they, conse-
quently, became much reduced in means and position,
and eventually were the worst off in a community where,
at one time, they held a middle rank. The free popular
* It was formerly the practice of the Court of Fdicy to fix the price of food
and other artkte. See lOmifee^ 1797.
256 HISTORY OF BBinSH GUIANA.
tion at this period (including the whites) amounted to
about 8000 or 10,000.
Third, the field labourer or slave. The last continued
to lead much the same kind of life as we have already
described, making but little progress either in civilisation
or education ; but yet watching closely the example set
them by their masters, and insensibly acquiring some ideas
of advancement. They were gradually stimulated by the
same desires for pleasure, dress, and display which they
had observed to influence the European. The notions
then fostered were afterwards to be rapidly developed.
The white population, more particularly those holding
the higher situations in life, revelled in ease, enjoyment,
and sensual gratification. The virtues of hospitality and
generosity were practised to a higher degree, perhaps^
than in any other coimtry. When a stranger presented
himself the house of entertainment was immediately open
to him. Every comfort and luxury that wealth could
procure was lavished upon him ; his wishes were antici-
pated ; his desires excited but to be directly gratified,
and the very passions of the guest were as much pandered
to as his tastes or his feelings. Then came the round of
busy professionals, jovial and roystering officers, seekers
of pleasure and dissipation ; whilst the austere but watch-
ful official looked on with a keen glance at the delin-
quencies and the advantages of a society so strangely
constituted — so good (according to an ungracious proverb
of the Italian), that it was good for nothing :
Tanto baon che yal niente.
It cannot be a matter of mudi astonishment that the
absence of refinement in the higher classes should, at
last, begin to affect the mass of the population; nor,
when we consider the imitative power of man, always
BISrrOBT OF BRITISH QUIAKA. 257
eager to copy rather what is bad than what is good, caa
we cast much blame upon the slave for reflecting back an
exaggerated image of the vices he daily observed ia the
conduct of his master ?
* Omni animi ritiam tanto conspeetiiii in ae
Crimen habet, qoanto migor qoi peocat habetar.
More public acandal vice attends,
At be It gzeat and noble who oiKiiidi.
But whilst the energy and industry of the British was
about to meet its merited reward, whilst the cultivation
of the three colonies and the number of slaves had won-
derfully increased, and every precaution had been taken
to render the conquest permanent, an event occurred in
Europe which frustrated all the good that had been
e£fected by the colonists, and involved them for many
years in confusion and misery.
. In the year 1802, the peace of Amiens terminated, or
rather suspended, the war between England and Holland,
and it was stipulated in that agreement, that the colonies
of Demerara, Essequebo, and Berbice, should be ceded to
the " Batavian Republic,'* as the Dutch provinces unad-
visedly styled themselves, in order to please the revolu-
tionary French, who "had regenerated them." Never
was a more suicidal act committed by the British; never
was a more wanton injury inflicted upon private and pub-
lic interests. The British exercised at this period the
greatest influence in these settlements, to which they had
been invited by the inhabitants, and whither they had
been conveyed by his Majesty's forces. By their num-
bers, their intelligence, and their wealth, they constituted
the majority of the respectable inhabitants; and the
Dutch, already conscious of their declining power, were
willingly and gradually relinquishiDg their pretensions*
So that in &ct, while every local circumstance was tend-
ing to transform slowly these possessions into British
VOL. I. s
268 mWOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
colonies, the Government, unaware o^ or inattentive to
their importance, took the very steps which were to prove
most fatal to their overthrow.
Let lis pause here, and examine into some of the con-
sequences of this measure. The value of land, which
had been slowly increasing, as before observed, now
rapidly fell, and such was the consternation of the inha-
bitants, that according to an old historical authority,
one estate actually sold for a negro; another, in jest or
derision, for a " turkey,"* which, it is said, gave rise to
its name in after times. The bills which had been drawn
on British houses, came back protested to the amount of
625,000/., including the 25 per cent, damages, which by
a law of the colony was allowed on all returned bills of
exchange. An arrangement was then made with some
Dutch mercantile houses to take up these bills and others
which were drawn; but the war with the Batavian Re-
public soon breaking out again, these bills also came
back; which circumstances, together with the loss of
produce, and ships captured by the enemy, want of sup*
plies, &c., led to the greatest distress. The courts of
justice were closed; business was suspended; cultivation
was impeded, if not paralysed; and a panic, such as had
never before been experienced, seized upon the whole
country.
The total loss sustained by the colonists under the
peace of Amiens was thus calculated by the inhabitants:
Damages on bills returned X85O,00O
Kxpensesof law-suits, interests, postage, &e. . . 10,000
Captures of produce and ships 1,000^000
1,860,000
Less this sum recorered bj order of King and Council • 125,000
£1,185,000
^ See Bdhigbroke; the limited period allowed tor the disposal of the proper-
lies of the settlers was the cause of these singular oocumncea.
mSTOBT OF BBITISH GUIANA. 26d
This trifling sum mentioned as recovered resulted
from the remonstrance and application of the colonists to
the British Government, setting forth the hardship of
having British colonial merchandise and produce seized
and sold, irrespective of all justice to the owners. Pro-
bably a larger sum might have been recovered, had not
the uncertainty and heavy law expenses deterred many
of die colonists frotfi advancing their claims.
Under the " Bdtavian Republic," these colonies were
the scene of civil and political confusion. The spirit of
democracy which had broken out in the neighbouring
coloniw of Surinam and Cayenne, fostered by the vehe^
ment declamation of the French patriots, threatened also
to convulse these shores; and hostile feelings arose
between the monarchial British and the republican
foreigners. The former were called tyrants, aristocrats,
and other such names, by the " sans culotte" class, who
were absurd enough to talk about liberty in a land of
slaves, whose manacles were forged by themselves. The
cap of Liberty and Equality appeared very charming on
their own heads, but was never intended to fit the
cranium of the astonished African, who looked on in
silence and wonder at the vagaries of the " Buckras."
The Governor of Demerara and Essequebo at this
time was Anthony Meertens, who had been appointed in
1802 by the Batavian Republic; and in Berbice the
colony was ruled by a Provisional Government, composed
of two members of the council, the former governor, Van
Batenbuig, having been recalled to give an account to the
home government of the surrender of that colony to the
British in 1796. Governor Meertens made himself ex^
tremely unpopular to the British party by his insulting
and overbearing conduct towards them. His expressed
wish was to drive away every Englishman from the
82
260 mSTOBT OF BBTTISH GUIAFA.
country, and he certainly would have succeeded in His
object had time been allowed him.
It was intimated to the British that a certain period
would be granted to them for arranging their affairs
before they left the colony, to whose prosperity they
had contributed so much ; but the governor exercised
his authority so rigorously in the interval, by hastening
their departure, and loading them with threats, that
many absolutely gave up their properties at a tremen-
dous sacrifice. Nor was it by the English alone that his
acts were felt to be arbitrary and unjust ; some of his
own countrymen also suffered fix)m his severity. Ho
eompelled the burgher militia, or white inhabitants, to
execute the military duty of the town, which was very
irksome to persons unaccustomed to such a life ; and, in
the end, this enforced task proved fatal to many of the
yoimg men. Perhaps an irregular and dissipated mode
of living may have helped towards this result ; but it
was very weU known that a great number died at this
particular time, in consequence of the hardships to which
they were subjected. It is possible that the mortality
among the 9oldiers of the ^Batavian Bepublic'' may
have compelled the governor to adopt this step; a
necessity, however, which does not excuse or account
for the harshness he had previously shown to these very
soldiers. A very fine body of troops fiK>m Holland had
lately arrived in the colony, to the number of about
2000. No preparations had been made for their recep*
tion or accommodation; and exposed to the sun and
rain, without wholesome or sufficient food, tempted with
new rum, and huddled together in crowds, disease broke
out among them, and a frightful mortality resulted. In
vain did the commanding officers seek for assistance and
money ; in vain did the medical staff attempt to stay the
danger — ^the greater part of the medical officers being
mSTORT OF BRITISH QUIANA,: 261
young and ineiqperienced men, who had gone through
no regular course of study, and who had got admission
into the army during the turbulence and confusion of
war; in vain did the soldiers themselves damour and
remonstrate. They died in scores ; their corpses could
not be buried fast enough, and at last were taken out
to sea in ptmts, and committed to the waves. The
•* noyades" of the dead, if not of the living, followed
the republic even to these realms. Within three months,
500 (^ these fine troops lay buried in the mud flats, and
the commanding officer, in despair, resigned^ and disap-
peared.
The administration of the dvU service was not more
cheering. Partiality, bribery, and abuse had crept into
the several offices. Many different situations were held
by one individual, who was fi:^uently an absentee. The
following was an estimate of the salaries received, by
fees, perquisites, and other means, by some of the prin-
cipal officers of the colony about this period : —
The goTernor £6,000 to £8,000
Eeceirer of colonial taxes 800 „ 2,000
Goremment secretary 1,000 „ 8,000
Receiver of king's does . . . . . 500 „ 1,500
Vendne-master 1,000 „ 8,000
Fiscal 8,000 „ 4.000
Expioitenr or marshal 1,000 ^ 8,000
Fdst-master and naral officer .... 800 ,, 2,000
Harboor-master 500 „ 1,000
Collector and oomptroUer • • . . . 1,000 „ 8,000
The variable amounts mentioned possibly arose from
the uncertainty and irregularity attending the system of
fees, &C. ; for, although tariff of these at different times
had been instituted, they were rarely attended to.
The following anecdote, from a writer* who lived in
this colony from 1795 to 1805, illustrates this drcum-
•BeUugliroke.
^62 HlSTOBT OF BETTISH GUIANA.
Stance, as well as the general depravity which must have
pervaded society.
A gentleman from the islands, who was not upon very
good terms with the fiscal of Demerara, Mjmheer Van
, applied to him one day, when he happened to
meet him on horseback, to know what sum would be
required by that officer to absolve him from all conse*
quences in his determination to chastise another, to
whom he owed a grudge; the fiscal, after a moment's
reflection, demanded 150 guilders, which were imme-
diately paid to him by the gentleman, who collared the
astonished Dutchman, dragged him from his horse, and
Severely horsewhipped him, telling him at the same time
ghat he was the party to whom he owed the grudge, and
wishing him good morning, as he now felt satisfied. The
defeated Dutchman pocketed the money and the insult,
leaving the affair to die of itself. But the joke was too
ood to be kept secret, and has been regularly chronicled.
It appeared that in the neighbouring colony of Berbice
the troops had been equally badly treated, for early in
1808 a mutiny took place. The insurgents, to the
number of some hundreds, were headed by several of
the officers, a captain especially, and they compelled the
commandant and his adherents to evacuate Fort St.
Andrew, and take refuge in the Government-house.
After a short time, they were obliged to abandon this
temporary shelter, and to retreat upon " York Redoubt,"
a military post opposite the river. From this place they
sent off* for reinforcements ; but, as we have seen, there
was already great discontent existing in the troops in
Demerara, and only 100 men could be depended on for
such a service. The mutineers in Berbice offered the
government of the colony to an English planter, who
prudently declined it. At length some more troops
arrived from Surinam, and an attack was planned by
BISTORT OF BRITISH OUIANA. 26S
Colonel Mattliias and Major Van Hamer. Hiey con-
trived to land above New Amsterdam, the capital of
Berbice, and here they attacked the insurgents, who,
driven fix)m Government-house, fled across the river
Canje, pursued by the troops, who met with some
casualties. On the 9th of May, more troops arrived
from Surinam, and proceeded to attack Fort St.
Andrew, which was still occupied by some of the
insurgents, assisted by the vessel of wisff, Serpenty and
40 canoes, with about 400 native Indians, who had
volunteered to join them. They succeeded in compel*
ling the soldiers to surrender on the 10th of May. About
200 men were taken prisoners, five of whom were shot.
The officer who conunanded them was sent to Holland,
tried, and executed.
The Bucks, or native Indians, had more than once
proved of great service to the Dutch inhabitants. They
sided with them against the insurgent n^oes, and now
again assisted them against their own mutinous soldiers.
These services sufficiently explain the friendly feelings
displayed towards them by the Dutch, who passed se-
veral laws to protect and favour them.
It had long been a practice with the Dutch to place
persons on the principal rivers in the colony to act as
superintendents or magistrates in the neighbourhood.
These persons were called " Post-holders,** and, residing
beyond the ordinary districts in cultivation, were brought
into frequent oommimication with the native Indians,
who soon formed an attachment to them. Instructions
for the Post-holders, in accordance with the friendly
sentiments of the Dutch towards the Indians in Deme-
rara and Essequebo, were printed in 1803 ;* and, as
might have been expected, created very jealous feelings
*. See Appeadiz.
%64i QISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.'
in the minds, of the negroes, who, while the hand of
amity and protection was extended to the Bucks, still
continued to be treated in the old way.
By the former laws of the Dutch, persons were pro-
hibited from purchasing or holding as slaves any of the
IndW tribes, or even the offspring of Indian females;
«nd in the event of any of the Indians having beeu
bought as slaves, they wese required to be given up at
the secretary's of5ce, and negro slaves were to be given
instead, on the payment of five guilders to the governor.
Laws were also made that in the event of the free Iz^
dians having slave Indians as wives, they should be
compelled to support them, and to provide for their
children, and planters and others were obliged to arrest
such Indians if they attempted to desert their wives.
Other laws were likewise made to prevent the Indians
being molested, either by word or deed, under a penalty
of twenty-five guilders ; many of these laws began to be
enforced as early as the year 1736, and were afterwards
renewed.
. The administration of these colonies during the domi*
nion of the Batavian Republic was not calculated to pro-
mote the interests of the colonists or the value of their
possessions. It was unfortimately a period of excite*
pient and agitation, and the anxieties and uncertainty
incident on the prosecution of war between England
and France naturally gave rise to hopes and fears on the
part of those who were inclined to side with the one
power or the other. Business was transacted, and the
cultivation of property carried on apparently as nsual^
but they were impeded by circumstances at once incon-
venient and disadvantageous, arising from the perpetual
alarms produced in a colony by the fluctuating intelli?
gence from Europe. The few British colonists who,
under obloquy and ill-treatment> still remained to pro-
HI8T0BT or BBinSH QUIA9A. 265
secute their enterprising schemes with persevering energy,
were not without hope that the supremacy would be
gallantly maintained by England, the acknowledged mis-
tress of the ocean, and as the sounds of war drew nearer
to these shores their hopes, as well as those of the sen-
sible Dutchmen, were roused to the highest pitch* It
was well known that a powerful British annament was
directing its course to the West Indies. A squadron
under Commodore Hood, and a fine body of troops
under General Grinfield, at length attacked the hostile
possessions of the West Indies. On the 22nd June, St.
Luda was carried by storm; on the 30th Tobago was
attacked and capitulated ; while on the 19th September
the colonies of Demerara and Essequebo were reduced
by the same commanders. The settlement of Berbice
capitulated on the 24tlu
The following were the terms of the capitulation:
^^ Proposed Articles of Capitulation^ by tobich Deme^
rara tmd Essequebo were to be surrendered to Oreal
Britain f in 1808.
'^Article 1st. The laws and usages of the colony
shall remain in force and be respected; the modes of
taxation now in use are to be adhered to, and the in-
habitants shall enjoy the public exercise of their religion
in the same manner as before the capitulation ; no new
establishments shall be introduced without the consent
of the CJourt of PoHcy, or the LfCgislature of the Colony.
The constituted authorities and pubHc officers, whether
in the civil, law, or Church establishments, as well as the
members of the respective courts (except the Governor^
General), shall be continued in their respective offices
and situations until his Majesty's pleasure be known.
^< Answer. — Granted.
* ^^ 2nd. The inhahitanta^. those at present in the co*
266 HISTOBr OF BBITISH GUIANA.
lony, as well as those who may be abroad^ shall be pro-
tected in their persons, and have the jfree enjoyment of
their properties, without being troubled or molested for
any acts whatsoever, other than such as they might com-
mit subsequent to the capitulation, and in violation of
the oath of fidelity they shall be required to take.
^Answer. — Granted.
^^ 3rd. The inhabitants shall, on no account whatever,
be obliged to take up arms against an external enemy;
but their services shall only be required for quelling in-
ternal commotions or disturbance, according to the exist-
ing regulations of the burghers, and for maintaining the
internal tranquillity of the colony, in conformity to what
has always taken place to this day.
"Answer. — Granted, until, at the conclusion of the
war, it shall be determined to what Gt>vemment these
colonies shall be subjected
" 4th. That debts contracted by the Government for
the building of new barracks, the erection of batteries,*
the purchase of provisions for the garrison^ the salaries
of civil officers due, shall, on the first demand, be paid
out of the Sovereign's or Government chest, as well as
other demands that would have been paid or reimbursed
by Government had the colony not been taken.
" Answer. — Granted.
^^ 5th. The sea and land forces of the Batavian Re-
public, stationed in the colony, shall be allowed to de-
part fi:^ely. They shall retain their arms, and the whole
of their baggage, as well the officers, non-commissioned
officers, as privates. They shall be supplied by the
commandant of his Majesty's forces with proper vessels
to convey them, with the utmost convenient speed, to
one of the ports of the Batavian Republic, and during
the passage thither they shall receive, on account of his
Majesty, each according to his rank, the same rations,
HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIANA. 267
botb as to quality and quantity, as are usually allowed
to British troops.
" Answer. — Granted ; but the troops and seamen must
be considered as prisoners of war, and not to bear arms
against Great Britain or her allies until r^ularly ex*
changed or released, and the arms and accoutrements of
the soldiers must be delivered up.
^^ 6th. The corvette Si^sipameneB shall be given up
imarmed, for transporting her officers and crew to one of
the ports of the Batavian Republic. As many other
troops of the Batavian garrison shall embark and take,
their passage in the said corvette as can be conveniently
placed on board of her.
" Answer. — Cannot be granted ; proper vessels will be
furnished, at the expense of the British Government, to
carry the troops and seamen to Europe.
" 7th. The Gt)vemor-General, not having military
rank, shall be at liberty to remain in the colony until he
shall have collected the necessary documents or proo£i
towards enabling him to lay before his Sovereign an
accoimt of his administration ; after which every facility
shall be afforded him to return to the Batavian BepubUc
in a manner suitable to his rank. He shall be allowed
to require such copies of papers from the Government
and Colonial Secretary's Office as he may deem neces-r
sary for the purpose above expressed*
" Answer. — Granted.
^^ 8th. From the day of the colony being taken pos-
session of by the British forces the Batavian troops shall
be supplied with their usual rations by the British com-
manders imtil the day of their embarkation, and from
that moment the Batavian troops are to receive the same
rations as are usually allowed to British troops when at
sea, in the manner mentioned in the 5th Article.
^< Answer. — Granted.
268 HISTOBT OF BRITISH OUIANA.
^^ 9th. The Batavian troops shall contmue to all in-
tents and purposes under the command of thdr own
officers. Every respect and honour shall be mutually
shown by the troops of both nations to one another, and
care shall be taken on both sides to preserve peace and
toanquillity until the departure of the Batavian troops.
** Answer. — Proper quarters will be allowed for the
Batavian troops, and to which they must confine them-
selves until their embarkation.
" 10th. The Batavian garrison shall be allowed fredy,
and without any hindrance, to take along with it all
accoutrements and arms belonging to it ; also the ejBTects
of deceased officers, non-commissioned officers, and pri-
vates that may yet be unsold, whether the same be
deposited in the public magazine or in any other
place.
^^ Answer.-^That part of the article relating to the
arms and accoutrements has been answered in Article 5 ;
the remainder is granted.
" 11th. The sick of the Batavian troops who may be
left behind in the hospital shall be treated and taken care
of in the same manner as the British soldiers ; they shall
be entitled to the same terms of the capitulation, and
enjoy the same advantages, as are stipulated for the rest
of the Batavian garrison ; and, in like manner as the
latter, they shall, after their complete recovery, be trans*
ported, with the most convenient speed, to one of the
ports of the Batavian Republic.
" Answer. — Granted.
" 12th. The commander of his Majesty's forces shall
immediately on the colony being taken possession o^
furnish the Governor-General with a conveyance to
transmit to the Batavian Government a copy of the
capitulation, with a statement of the reasons which in-
duced him, as well as the Council of Policy and the
HISTORY OF BRITISH OUIAlTA. ^09
Commanding officers of the Batavian forces, to surrender
the colony to his Britannic Majesty.
" Answer. — Granted ; the vessel which takes our
despatches to Europe will take those of the governor of
the colonies.
" 13th. No negroes shall be required from the planters
for the purpose of forming or recruiting any black corps.
" Answer. — Granted.
** 14th. Should any difficulties arise in consequence of
any dubious expressions occurring in the present capitu-
lation, the same shall be explained or construed in the
sense most favourable to the colony or the Batavian
garrison.
" Answer. — Granted.
** Government-house, September 18, 1803.
(Signed) " A. Mrertbns, Governor-General of
Essequebo and Demerara.
'* P. RosMwiNKBL, Major.
" G. H. Trotz, Commander of Essequebo.
^^ D. J. C. Lambert, Captain of Artillery.
" P. P. Lbthbn.
" J. HoFVif AN, First Lieutenant.
" Chris. D. Mack.
" F. Van dbr Vbldbn.
^ F. Knoll.
" By command of the Court of Policy,
" P. F. TiNNB, Secretary.
(Signed) " William Grinfibld, Lieutenant-General.
^ Saicubl Hood, Commodore.
" By order,
" William Tatum, Military Secretary.,
" H. Tracy, Naval Secretary.*'
Additional Articles.
^ Ist. Possession of Fort William Frederic is to be
270 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
given to a detachment of British troops this evening, by
7 o'clock P.M. ; also the possession of the Batavian ship-
of'war^ the SippomeneSy to the British seamen ; and
the Sametj British sloop-of-war, and the schooner
Netley^ are to be allowed to pass into the harbour of
Demeranu
" Answer. — Acceded to.
^^ 2nd. Possession of the colonies of Demerara and
Essequebo are to be given to the British by 12 o'clock
to-morrow, noon.
" Answer. — ^Acceded to.
(Signed) " William Grinfield, Lieutenant-Generah
" Samuel Hood, Commodore.
" G. H. Trotz.
« F. Knoll.
^* J. Hoffman.
^^ A. Parrt HerklotSi Lieutennce, Navy.
'' Hemeor, September 19, 1863.'*
The colony of British Guiana, at the time when it thus
finally passed into the hands of the English, consisted of
two separate Governments, Demerara and Essequebo
being imited, and ruled over by an officer appointed by
the Batavian Republic, with the title of Governor, and
the settlement of Berbice, which had likewise its own
governor. These governors were perfectly independent
of each other ; but the habits, laws, and pursuits of the
three colonies were nearly, 'if not entirely, identical
The form of government in Demerara and Essequebo
in 1803 consisted of a Court of Policy, or Council of Po-
licy, comprising eight members — four official, and four
£rom amongst the inhabitants, two each from Essequebo
and Demerara, elected by another body called the Col-
lege of Eeizers, a Dutch word, signifying electors or
choosers. The Court of Policy was first composed oi
HlSTOftr OF BRITISH GUIAKA. 271
the governor, the commandants of Demerara and Esse-
quebo, and certam directors of the West Indian Com-
pany's plantation, besides a secretary. They met four
times a year (the first Sunday in January, and so on for
the other months) to consider the report of the com-
pany's proceedings and the granting of fre»h lands. The
four official members were the governor, the Commander
of Essequebo, the Fiscal of Demerara, and the Fiscal of
Essequebo. To be qualified for a member of council, it
was necessary to be a fireeholder, to be Protestant, to
understand the Dutch language, and to have been three
years in the colony. The non-officials were returned by
the Collie of Eeizers in each district, viz., two for each
river.
The College of Eeizers for each district was elected
by the inhabitants, and the members, five first and after-
wards seven in number, retained office for life, or during
their residence in the colony. The qualification for
office was the possession of 25 slaves, and a residence in
the colony of three years; the qualification for votes was
the possession of 25 slaves, but the right of voting was
afterwards allowed to persons paying 70 guilders a year
in taxes. The votes taken by ballot were sent into the
Government secretary's office, deposited in a sealed box,
and opened in the presence of the governor, and not less
than two other members of the Court of Policy. The
first assembly of electors was chosen by the counsellors
of justice fix)m among the burghers. The College of
Eeizers nominated two persons to fill vacancies in the
Court of Policy. The governor and the court selected
one firom the nomination, and notified in an official paper,
the Gazette, the person so selected. The senior mem-
ber of the court went out after two years. An annual
meeting was held with another body, and this assembly
was called the Combined Court, which assembled every
272 HISTORY 07 BRITISH OUIANiL
year for the purpose of levying taxes, granting moneys,
&c In cases of vacancy in the other courts, the as-
sembly of electors sent a double nomination to the Su-
preme Court of Justice who selected one.*
Fmcmcial Representatives. — The members consti-
tuting this college were six in number: three nominated
by the inhabitants of Demerara, in the same manner and
with the same qualification as the Eeizers, and three by
the inhabitants of Essequebo. Their term of service
was limited to two years, and their duties, as we have
seen, consisted of meeting the Coiut of Policy once in a
year, at a session called the " Combined Court," for the
purpose of levying taxes and regulating the expenditure.
At this combined meeting, the Court of Policy submitted
an estimate of the expenses of the year to come, which
had previously been prepared and discussed in that court
In the Combined Court, every item of the estimate was
discussed, and every member, whether of the Court of
PoUcy or Financial Representative, had an equal vote.
(But this was not the case in the original constitution of
the colony. This court had no power to control the
amoimt of colonial expenditure; its functions were con-
fined to determine what taxes should be raised to meet
the expenditure.) At this meeting the public accounts
of the preceding year were examined and audited, which
was the peculiar province of the Financial Eepresenta^
tives.
The Court of Policy passed all laws for the internal
regulation of the colony. It required four members to
constitute a court. No law was binding without the
. * Daring the time of the Dutch, the powers entnuted to the odonlfti in thefe
different institutiona were yery rettricteo, but were gradnallj enlarged, espedalhr
under a British flag. The Dutch Ooyemment was nearlr absolute^ and witn
good reasons, owing to a diflbrent state of society. Modification, howerer, gra-
duallj crept into the oonstittttlon of the oolonj, and often without a proper or
J^gal sanction.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 273
vote of one member of the non-oflScial section of the
court. The qualification for a member of the Court of
Policy was the proprietorship of a plantation, and a re-
sidence of three years in the colony.
Judicial Department — The districts of Demerara
and Essequebo had each a Court of Civil and Criminal
Justice, which consisted of six members and a president.
The Courts of Criminal and Civil Justice were first
composed of the governor, two commandants, and four
inhabitants (two each for Demerara and Essequebo),
besides a secretary. Their sitting began on the first
Monday of January, and the other quarters, April, July,
and October. A separate court of judicature existed
in Demerara, and was composed of the commandant of
that river and officers (burgher), who held a sitting one
month before that of Essequebo and Demerara. Appeal
was allowed to the latter, or Combined Court, when the
value of the suit exceeded 150 dollars. The members
were elected by the College of Eeizers in each district,
the two senior members retiring every year ; the quali-
fication of a member consisted in the possession of 25
slaves, and a residence of three years in the colony.
The commander of Essequebo was president of the Court
of Justice in that district^ and the Grovemor of Demerara
president of the other Court of Justice. The law of
Demerara was the law of Holland, or Roman law. Each
member of the court had an equal vote on both law and
fact; and all cases were decided by a majority of votes.
The administration in the colony of Berbice was simi-
larly conducted, and need not, therefore, be recapitulated.
Besides such official and colonial appointments, there
were several others, such as fiscal, secretaries, heads of
departments, marshals, &c.
The duties of the fiscal (or, rather, " fiscaal," a Dutch
term for an officer in Holland, similar to that of Attorney-
VOL. I. T
274 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
General of England) were various and vexatious. He
was the great law-officer of the crown; his power and
privilege were considerable, and his influence extensive.
He was the active officer of the Commissary Court, which
was composed of two members from the Court of Justice,
appointed in rotation and held in Stabroek for the ad-
justment of petty offisnces, and the decision of all questions
of property under the value of 600 guilders. He imposed
and pronounced the fines adjudged by the court; and if
his notice was neglected or resisted, he served the parties
with a citation.
The country at this time was divided into districts,
with a burgher captain, or militia officer, over each,
who carried into effect the public regulations. The
owners or representatives of estates, as already remarked,
were bound to keep in good repair the public roads which
intersected their properties. It was the duty of the fiscal
to visit such roads and bridges, &c., thereon, and where
any neglect or default existed to impose certain fines.
He was, in these visits, attended by the burgher officer
of the district, and a clerk from the Government secre-
tary's office; the former to approve, the latter to witness,
such approval, and to note the fines imposed. This was,
perhaps, necessary, as a portion of the fines levied became
the perquisite of this law-officer. The planter, upon re-
ceiving notice of the fines imposed, had the privil^e of
resisting the payment of them, in which case the fiscal
referred the question to the Commissary Court, and
pleaded the cause himself as principal law-officer of the
colony. But it frequently happened that, by offering
one-third or one-half of the fine named, the affair was
compromised, the fiscal silenced, his conscience and pocket
satisfied, and all further appeal to a court of justice
rendered imnecessary. This regulation was afterwards
changed, an order from Government decreed that the
HISTORY OF BRITISH OUIAKA. 275
fiscal should have hiis specific pay, and the whole of the
fines were appropriated to the " ways and means of the
colony.'* But it is very questionable whether the colony
in this instance benefited by the change, as under the
old system the roads were tolerably sure of being kept
in order.
Such is a sketch of the colony at the time that the
British Government imdertook its rule; such is an out-
line of the social, moral, and political condition of the
settlements in Guiana ceded to Great Britain in Oct. 1803«
A fresh impulse was given to society by the introduction
of British energy and capital; a number of persons,
young men more especially, at the close of the long wars,
finding themselves without prospects at home, and eager
to try their furtunes in the western world, hastened out,
determined to climb the golden ladder which was to lead
them to wealth. West India property had then become
proverbially lucrative, and the expression, "rich as a
West Indian," was on the lips of every one. The young
and ardent, heedless of the rumoured unwholesomeness
of the climate, sailed for its shores ; and where industry,
intelligence, and prudence were united in the same indi-
vidual, most of them lived to become independent, if not
opulent. Capitalists turned a willing ear to the seduc-
tions of slave cultivations, and money in abundance was
poured into the lap of the coimtry. The number of
slaves was wonderfully augmented; so that before the
year 1805, they amounted to 80,000 persons.
The English, by their arrival, infused into colonial
society the same elements of character which marked
them at home:
CoBlnm noo animvin mutant qui trant mare cnnenl.
Distributed throughout the country, they imparted a
vigour to the efforts of the colonists which had never
T 2
276 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
before been felt;* gaiety was mingled with scientific im-
provements in building and cultivation; amusements
were blended with efforts at moral regeneration; im-
portant changes began to pass over the institutions of the
Hollander, and were carried out in household matters,
laws, agricultural and commercial imdertakings. The
severe, prudent, but selfish policy of the Dutch was dis-
placed by the liberal influence of English industry, order,
and energy; and it happened, singularly enough, that the
monarchical system of the British isles, after having van-
quished republican principles in Europe, crowned its
triumphs by introducing the spirit of practical liberty
among a people ruled over by the Batavian Republic^
The haughty aristocrat of England was about to over-
throw the republican colonist or leveller, as he termed
himself, with his own weapons, and, at a personal sacrifice,
to undertake a task from which the self-decreed ^^sans
culotte" had always turned back apalled.
* The steam-engine was first introduced in 1805, to work sngsr-mills od
plantations Belle Voe and Hague. It gradually came into general use^ and in a
few years superseded the water and cattle-millB on the riyer estates, and tiie
wind and water-mills on the coast.
mSTOBY OS BBITISH GUIANA* 277
CHAPTER IX.
QOTUUrOB BBAUJON BUC0XED8 OOLOHBL MIGHOLBON, 1804'BBTUBH OV 8LATBS
OALI.SD rOB— COLONIAL AOBNTS AFPOINTBD IN KNOLAND— BOMB ACCOUNT OF
BBBBIOB — DIFTBBBNCBS BBBPBOTIMO THB AOBB-MONBT, 1805 — DBATH OF
OOYBBNOB BBAUJON — PUBLIO ACTS rASSBD IN 1806 — ABBITAL OF GOTBBNOB
BBNTINCK— SCABCITT OF SILTBB COIN; I88UB OF PAPBB MONBT— OOYBBNOB
BBNTINCK BBTUBN8 TO BNOLAND — DEMEBABA AND BBBBICE BZCHANOB
GOTBBNOBfl— ABOLITION OF 8LAVB TBADE, 1 808— INTBODUCTION OF ENGLISH
mSSIONABIBS; THBIB INFLUBNCB — LIBDTBNANT-COLONBL BOBS, ACTING OO-
▼BBNOBr— NEW BILYBB COIN IBBUBD, 1809 — ^BBBBICB PAPBB MONET— -BBTUBN
OF GOTBBNOB BBNTINGB — BUSH BZPBDITION— MBMOBIAL OF THB FINANCIAL
BBPBB8BNTATITBS, 1810— DISPUTES BETWEEN GOTBBNOB AND FISCAAL--GO-
TBBNOB BBMTINOB BUPBBBBDBD^ 181S — ^MAJOB-GBNEBAL CABMICHAEL, ACTINO
GOTBBNOB— DBMBBABA AND B8BBQUBBO UNITBD— DBATH OF ACTING GGTBBNOB
CABMICHABL, 1813 — ^BBIGADIBB-GBNBBAL MUBBAT, ACTING GOTBBNOB— CHA-
BACTBB OF COLONIAL SCOTCH— INTBODUCTION OF BUBOPEAN WOMEN— FBBJTU-
DICBfl OF CLABS.AXD «OU)n»-CHABAGXlOB OF OBEOLBB.
Upon taking possession of the united colonies of Deme-
rara, Essequebo, and Berbice, it would appear that the
Commander-in-Chief^ General Gnnfield, appointed Lieut.-
Colonel Bobert Nicholson as acting Governor over the
surrendered colony; and this gentleman continued to
hold that important office until the receipt of a despatch
from Lord Hobart^ dated 26th of January, 1804, an-
nouncing that he had directed Anthony Beaujon, Esq., who
had held the office when the colony capitukted in 1796,
to resume the civil administration of the colony. On the
278 HISTORY OF BRITISfl QVlAHfA.
13th of August, 1804, Governor Beaujon, who had re-
ceived a most flattering letter from Lord Hobart, was
Bwom into his high oflSce, and took the oath of allegiance
to his Majesty George the Third.
At a meeting of the Court of Policy, held on the 24th
of August, the large sum of 20,000 guilders per annum,
besides an additional sum of 5000 guilders, as President
of the Court of Justice, were voted to the new governor
as table-money.
By a proclamation, which was published on the 24th
of November, the destitute state of the public funds was
made known, and the following capitation-tax was fixed
upon, viz. :
Gnildenu
Working male and female slares, each . • . . • 3 10
Children from 3 to 12 years of age 1
House senrant (slaves) if 3 years of age .... 6
Do. da if4 do. 10
Bo. do. if 5 do 15
Do. do. if 6 do. . • . . .20
Do. do. if 7 do. 25
Do. do. if 9 do. 30
Do. do. aboye 9 do. 40
Certain persons were to be exempted lix>m the pay-*
ment of these taxes, namely: — Planters resident on their
estates; the governor, who was entitled to twenty ser-
vants; the members of the different courts; also the se-
cretaries, the receivers of government and colonial chests,
vendue-master, and certain other public officers, who
were each limited to four servants. Tradespeople were
required to pay for each slave employed at the rate of
7 guilders per head. The women of colour were to pay
10 guilders. A general return of all slaves was also
called for to the 31st of December, 1804.
About this time a petition of the inhabitants to the
Court of Policy stated, that they had supplied articles for
the use of the Batavian Government at the instance of
the late Governor Meertens, for which they had received
HISTORY OV BRITISn QUIAyA. 279
bills of exchange drawn by him and the Book-keeper
General on the Batavian Council of the American Colo-
nies; but on the colony reverting to tlie British, these
bills were protested, under the provisions of the 4th
Article of the capitulation, which guaranteed the payment
of all debts contracted by the late Government.
Early the next year, a colonial agent (Mr. Adam Gor-
don) was appointed, at a salary of 500^ per annum, to
superintend in England the affairs of Essequebo and
Demerara; but he was superseded in 1806, and two
other persons were appointed to act conjointly.
The sister colony of Berbice was in most respects
similarly situated. Its laws, system of administration,
mode of agriculture, and social condition, were almost
identical. But there were certain peculiarities in the
circumstances of Berbice which require special notice.
At the time when it fell into the hands of the British,
September, 1803, there was actually no governor, that
officer, A. J. Imbyze Van Batenburg, having ])reviously
departed for Europe to give an account to the States-
General of the surrender of the colony in 1796 to the
English. In his absence the administration was carried
on by a Provisional Government of two persons, to-
gether with the other members and officers of the Legis-
lature. These functionaiies ceded their power to Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Bobert Nicholson, who was appointed
acting-governor by General Grinfield, and who filled
this situation imtil June, 1804, when Governor Van
Batenburg was restored to his post. It appears that
this officer, whilst on his voyage to Holland, was taken
prisoner, together with his whole family, by an English
vessel cruising in the Channel, and carried to England.
During his detention in that country he became aware
of the capture of Berbice by the English ; but fortune in
this instance befriended him more than be expected.
280- HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
On leaving the colony he had taken with him a compli-
mentary address (Dank adres) presented to him by
the inhabitants of Berbice along with a more substantial
gift, viz., a silver table-service of the value of 8000
florins, or about 500/.
The address had been numerously signed by the
principal inhabitants, who were in general satisfied with *
his administration. This flattering testimonial, together
with his local knowledge and experience, made so fa-
vourable an impression upon the English Court that it
was considered desirable to secure his future services,
and he was accordingly re-appointed, and, returning to
the colony on the 25th June, 1804, was reinstated as
governor. But it would appear that his views and
opinions during his absence had undergone a total revo-
lution, for soon after his arrival he announced that, in
accordance with his instructions, he would in future take
over the administration of the colonial plantations (ho
no longer called them society plantations, as formerly)
in the name of the King. At the sitting of the Court of
Policy, held on the 2nd July following, he availed him-
self of the opportunity of declaring that some of the in-
habitants of the colony were indebted in large sums to
the Receiver-General, which they would be immediately
called upon to pay, in order to meet the existing defi-
ciency, observing at the same time that the acre-money
(akkergeld) or tax on property, formed a large item in
the amount. The members of the court, astonished at
such a speech firom the governor, replied that in con-
formity with the articles of capitulation of the 24th Sep-
tember, J1803, the acre-money, as well as the plantations
themselves, and other properties of the society of Ber^
bice, could not be considered in any pther light than as
private property, separate and special; and that it could
not be otherwise regarded until proof to the contrary
BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 281
was brought forward and established. The governor,
however, mamtained that the acre-money was included
under the taxes (Lasten), income, and other moneys for-
merly paid to the Dutch or Batavian Government, and
were now due to his Britannic Majesty. The court,
notwithstanding, reftised to take the ^' ipse dixit'' of the
governor on this subject. Orders were consequently
issued by the governor to collect the acre-money; but,
with a few exceptions, the inhabitants exhibited a de-
termination to resist the payment, declaring that any
such orders or publications emanating from the governor
without the concurrence and sanction of the other mem-
bers of the court were null and void — ^in fact, unconstitu-
tional and illegal.
In the following year, 13th February, 1805, another
publication was issued to the same effect, but without
shaking the resolution of the inhabitants, who still main-
tained that the money was exclusively private property,
and could not be interfered with. The popularity of
the governor now began rapidly to decline, and open
complaints broke out in all parts of the colony, which
took a distinct and affirmative shape on the 12th April,
when a large meeting of the people was held in New
Amsterdam, for the purpose of considering the necessity
of remonstrating against these arbitrary proceedings, and
of submitting their case to the sovereign. A cominittee
of twelve persons was formed to investigate and report
upon the subject. On the 23rd April another meeting,
still more numerously attended, was convened, when a
declaration was drawn up, declaring that, as the colony
was ruled not by a governor, but by a governor as pre-
sident and a council, any order or publication issued by
the governor alone was invalid and illegal.
Three persons were accordingly elected (G. Baillie,
Edward Van Hartha, and Lambert Blair, the two first
282 HISTOBT 01 BBinSH OUIANA.
resident ia London, and the third then in the colony,
but on the point of quitting it) as a committee to con-
duct their case, and another committee was appointed in
Berbice to open a correspondence with them. Shortly
ader this arrangement Lambert Blair proceeded to Eu-
rope furnished with proofs and other evidence of the
justice of the common cause.
The colonists subsequently wished to publish their de-
claration in the local gazette, but the governor cautioned
the printer, Mr. Douglas, against its admission. The
declaration was printed notwithstanding on a separate
piece of paper, which gave equal offence to the gover-
nor, who applied to the fiscal or law-officer to prosecute
the parties concerned. This officer, however, viewed
the subject in a different light, and, refusing to obey the
order of the governor, actually resigned his office. After
considerable delay and difficulty a lawyer fix)m Demerara
was prevailed upon by the governor to take up the
matter, and with his assistance and counsel steps were
adopted for the recovery of the disputed acre-money. A
commissioned officer (Humbert) was ordered to summons
the inhabitants alleged to be indebted in this tax to pay
up forthwith, under penalty of " parate executie."
Among the persons thus summoned was L. Blair for
arrears of about 60,000 guilders, in reference to possess
sions held on the east sea-coast of Berbice, although it
was known, ex officio^ by the governor, that this gentle-
man had made previous arrangements with the Batavian
Government exonerating him from such payment.
The commissioned officer or receiver, fibading an in-
ferior officer, bailiff, or deurwaerder, willing to enter
upon the obnoxious duty, appointed him to act. The
inhabitants, thus pressed, presented another remonstrance,
and resisted by all the means in their power. The go-
vemor, however, was determined to proceed to extremi-
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 28d
ties, and authorised the bailiff to call in military aid in
case of further opposition. This threat had the desired'
effect; bills of exchange were offered under protest by
the defaulters, drawn to order of the Right Honourable
Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury, and
handed over by the bailiff to the receiver-general.
While these disturbing incidents were agitating the
colony of Berbice, the settlements of Demerara and
Essequebo were conducted in a satisfactory and peace-
able manner by Governor Beaujon, who unfortunately,
however, died in October. Upon his death, the officer
highest in command was Brigadier-General James Mont-
gomery, who assumed the government, ad interim^ on
the 19th of October, and having assembled the Court of
Policy, in conformity with a document found on the late
governor's decease, entitled '* Sketch of Instructions for
Demerara and Essequebo," he addressed the members of
the Court, and, lamenting his deficiency and want of
experience, earnestly sought their counsel and advice.
The Court of Policy offered to defray the burial expenses
of the late governor, but this mark of respect was cour-
teously declined by the widow of the departed chief.
In the next year, 1806, several measures of public inte-
rest were enapted. A premium of one hundred guilders
was offered for the capture of each runaway slave ; and
the same sum for "bush negroes." The sum of fifty
guilders was offered for each right hand of such slaves,
if not taken alive. At a sitting of the Court of Policy,
on the 29 th of April, in consequence of a petition of the
inhabitants, a duty of two guilders per gallon was charged
on rum imported, except that for the use of the garrison.
A prohibition was enacted to export any colonial wood,
except firewood, under a duty of thirty stivers for
every cubic foot. A schooner (the Jack) and a brig
(the Demerara) were purchased by the colony to pro*
284 HISTOBT OF BBITISH OUIANA.
tect its rivers and coasts. These vessels, with fitting-out
and repairs, cost upwards of eighty thousand guilders.
On the 8th of May, 1806, H. W. Bentinck, Esquire,
arrived in an English frigate. He was received at the
governor's stelling by the officers, under a salute of the
guns of the fort, and duly escorted to the Court of Policy,
where Brigadier Montgomery, the acting governor, had
vdnly endeavoured to assemble an extraordinary meeting
of its members on the occasion. Only two gentlemen
attended, the others being absent in the country. The
acting governor having thanked this scanty gathering for
their assistance and counsel, introduced the new lieute-
tenant-governor, who was formally sworn into office, a
formal proclamation announcing his installation to the
inhabitants.
The usual table-money, twenty-five thousand guilders^
was accorded in the following session (28th of July),
when his excellency communicated to the members of
the Court a despatch, dated 26th of March, 1806, from
his Majesty's principal Secretary of State, requiring an
additional premium to be paid on British North America
salted fish, and prohibiting the importation of fish from
the United States.
A proclamation also appeared to dress the militia in
uniform (red), in accordance with the views entertained
by the late acting governor. An order was also passed
to build a beacon on the east sea-coast, the cost of which
was not to exceed twenty thousand guilders; and a tax
on shipping, of six or ten stivers per ton, was raised for
its support; as also a stipulated weight of sand or gravel
for the use of the colony (say five tons of gravel for
every fifty tons of shipping), except from vessels under
one hundred tons. Li defkult of payment of this latter
tax, the sum of five guilders was to be paid for every
ton of ballast due.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 285
The great scarcity of silver coin this year led to an
issue of paper-money, in forms called "goods," to the
amount of twenty-three thousand guilders, in the follow-
ing proportion :
4000 of one guilder each
3000 „ two „
2000 „ three „
2000 „ four „
500 „ ten „
500 „ fifteen „
500 ^ twenty „
200 „ thirty „
200 „ forty „
100 „ fifty „
50 „ Mty „
80 „ terenty „
20 „ eic^ty
20 tf ninety „
20 „ one hundred „
These " goods " were to be signed in the name of the
court by two, three, or foiu* members, and oountersigned
by the colonial receiver in the following manner :
No. CU 8.) Guilders Stahroek.
Goods l»y the Colony of Essequeho and Deoierara,
Guilders.
Issued this hy authoritr of Lieut.-GoTemor.
byReoeirer
and Court ofFblicy.
Signed by
Members.
A petition firom the inhabitants in Essequebo prayed
the lieutenant-governor and Court of Policy to remove
the present capital of that district to a more convenient
site, and also to place buoys on the banks; which re-
quests were subsequently taken into consideration.
The following taxes were also imposed this year.
For each male and female working slave, three guilders.
A tax of two per cent, on the revenue of each individual
The members of the courts of justice, finding heavy
286 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
demands upon their time) applied to the Combined Court
for some remuneration ; but this was refused. On the
application, however, of the fiscal, an exemption from
the payment of colonial duties was allowed for one year,
but subsequently, in 1808, the members were paid at the
rate of forty guilders per sitting-day.
In March, 1807, Governor Bentinck read a letter to
the Court of Policy which had been received by his pre-
decessor, Governor Beaujon, and which was dated 25th
January, 1804, fix)m Lord Hobart, to the effect that, in
future, British subjects should by preference be appointed
to any situations which might become vacant. He also
deemed it advisable to cause a new election of persons
to fill the present college of electors, in consequence of
some irregularities which had taken place in Essequebo.
In the following month, April 27th, his excellency
announced his intention of proceeding to England in
consequence of ill health ; the administration of the
affairs of the colony to devolve on Brigadier-Gteneral
James Montgomery, and the president of the courts of
justice, V. A. Heyliger. Previous to his retirement, the
governor read a despatch received fi:om Mr. Windham,
dated Downing-street, 9th March, 1807, calling attention
to a bill then passing through Parliament relative to the
abolition of the slave trade. This announcement took
the members of the court completely by surprise, and
caused them to break up with marked consternation.
Yet they ought not to have been wholly imprepared for
such a contingency, as in the previous year his excel-
lency had proclaimed to an extraordinary meeting of
the court, that he had received orders from England
requiring correct retiu-ns of slaves to be sent in by
colonists, with a view to regulate a limited importation.
In default of such returns, a penalty of 500 guilders was
incurred, half of which was to be paid to the governor's
chest, and the other half to the fiscaal.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 287
On the 2nd May, 1807, acting Govemol: Montgomety
was for the second time sworn into office, but did not
long retain it; for on September the 14tli he announced
his intention of resigning in favour of Lieutenant-Colonel
Nicholson, who, since the retirement of Governor Van
Batenburg from the administration of Berbice in 1806,
had presided as acting governor. The two military
officers, in point of fact, exchanged situations, and
Brigadier-General Montgomery, to the regret of the in-
habitants of Essequebo and Demerara, proceeded to
Berbice, which situation, I believe, he hoped to keep, as
hitherto no civil governor had come from home since
Governor Van Batenburg's retirement. Lieutenant-
Colonel Nicholson was installed September the 14ith.
During this year considerable distress was felt through-
out the West Indies. In these colonies the inhabitants
still suffered from attacks of pirates, and were obliged
to call in the aid of an armed schooner. The Afficmce,
from Barbadoes.
Early in the year, March the 24th, 1808, the African
slave trade was abolished, but slaves continued under
certain restrictions and regulations to be imported into
the colony, in limited numbers, from other sources for
many years aflerwards, or until 1823. This was the first
serious blow aimed at the principle of slavery, and it is
gratifying to record it as having marked at so early a
date the administration of the English.
The year 1808 was also memorable for the introduc-
tion of a new social element, which was ordained to play
an important part in the future condition of the colony
— ^namely, the arrival of some missionaries from the
London Missionary Society.
It is not intended in this place to enter largely into
the consideration of the effects produced by the introduc-
tion of the missionaries, as the history of their labours
will be traced in another part of this work in connexion
288 HISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA*
with the religious and moral progress of the oolony; but
some notice of them is called for here, as they soon became
intimately mixed up with the social and political institu-
tions of the country. The Parent Society, in sending
them out, was no doubt actuated by the noblest motives.
Their ostensible object was the liberation of the Afirican
fix)m spiritual darkne^; and had their exertions been
strictly directed to the regeneration of the depraved
heart of the slave, and their religious zeal been tempered
with moderation and discretion, much misunderstanding
would have been averted, and they would doubtless have
been allowed to pursue, undisturbed, their unostentatious
and charitable design. Leaving England as they did,
embued with an ardent desire to spread the benefits of
the Gospel; mild and simple in their manners; actuated
apparently by the purest intentions, and exhibiting holy
and devout conduct, they had, notwithstanding, imbibed
in all its bitterness the strong prejudice which at that time
existed in England against the planter. Nor were the
circumstances which met them on their arrival much
calculated to modify their opinions. They beheld the
slave toiling under his yoke, and heard the cry of com-
plaint, and the stroke of the whip, rising around them on
all sides. They witnessed the daily life and animal
existence of the African and his descendants such as we
have described it. They were apalled at the despotism
and the hardihood exhibited by the white man; at the
unlimited extent of punishment, and the means of terrible
vengeance he wielded; and were dismayed at the revolt-
ing picture of moral abasement so prevalent throughout
the land. It must be admitted that the state of society
presented a debased and humiliating spectacle. There
were but two churches in the whole of British Guiana;
one a Lutheran church, richly endowed, in Berbice, the
other a Dutch reformed church, upon Fort Island, the
ancient capital of Essequebo. In Demerara no attempts
HraTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 289
had as yet been made to erect a place of worship, not-
withstanding that the metropolis, Stabroek, was fast
rising into importance; and it was not until 1810 that a
church, called St. George's, was built, being the first
episcopal church established in Guiana. At this period
divine service was read at the Court-house by the chap-
lain to the garrison. The missionaries needed little more
than a glance at these circumstances to confirm their
worst prejudices. The first impressions thus made upon
their minds were never effaced. The gloomy side of the
subject was alone considered. The ^'Bevers de la
M^aille" was never regarded. The generosity of most
of the planters, their liberality and kindness to depend-
ants, their hospitality to strangers, and their estimable
private qualities, were regarded with indifference by men
who viewed them in no other light than as slave-owners
and cruel task-masters. It would have been happy for
the colony if ownership and tyranny had not been ren-
dered synonymous^ and if the true diaracter of the race
of planters, kind and generous on the whole, had never
been disgraced by brutal exceptions and individual
atrocity. The missionaries, objecting generally to the
system of slavery, admitted of no exception. They
sternly rebuked all alike. It has been truly said by a
great man, that ^^ what is morally wrong can never be
politically right;*' and a still higher authority declares,
^^ A good tree cannot bring forth corrupt fiiiit, neither
can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit.'*
Boused by the depressed condition of the slave, the
missionaries awakened feelings of opposition and dislike
to the masters. They engendered a new sentiment in
the mind of the slave. It was not, therefore, likely that'
two such conflicting influences as these of the planter
and the missionary should combine in social harmony;
that the hand which endeavoured to pour balm into the
VOL. I. u
290 HISTORY OF BRITISH GQIANA.
wounds of the bondsman should grasp in fiiendship that
of the oppressor; or that the missionary, mixing fiieely
with the slave, and entering into his views, in order
to gain him over to the grand scheme of salvation,
should at the same time assimilate himself to the lives,
habits, and opinions of the slave-owners. We shall here
dismiss the subject for the present. We shall hereafter
see how this contest of antagonistic views ultimately
developed itself.
In April, 1808, it was resolved by the Court of Policgr.
that no petitions written in Dutch should be received^
unless accompanied by an Englishr translation, and also
that all petitions were to be sent in to the secretary at
least eight days before the meeting of the court Cer-«
tain rules and regulations were also drawn up for a house
of correction or workhouse, for the confinement of con*
victs who had been sentenced by either of the courts of
justice. A threatened conspiracy to revolt was reported
to be existing on plantation Lusignan, on the east sea-
coast ; but it led to no results, except an expedition of
the troops in that neighbourhood.
On the 24th of June, Lieutenant-Colond Andrew-
Boss, of the 70th Regiment, in obedience to the com-«:
mand of General Bowyer, took over the civil adminis-i
tration of Essequebo and Demerara, and Acting-Governor
Nicholson retired. The new acting-governor proved him-
self an able and active officer ; but, in consequeDce of bad'
health, was soon obliged to resign his post. During his^
incumbency, a petition was drawn up by the inhabitants,
praying his Majesty to prepare a new silver coin fiir the.
use of this colony. The coin in circulation for many
years past had been rather limited, and the Portuguese
gold coin ^^ Johannes," called by the colonists a Joe, and
of the value of eight dollars at that time, which was in
general use, had been so adulterated by plugging with
HI8T0RT OF BRITISH QUIANA. 291
co{)per and brass, as to have lost considerably its intrinsic
value. About 5000/. worth were withdrawn fix)m general
circulation, and paper " goods," proclaimed to be legal
tender, were issued instead. Subsequently the ^ Joe
notes" were substituted. This new paper-money was
issued to the amount of 50,000 joes, equal to 1,100,000
guilders, or, at the rate of exchange then current (two
and a half guilders to the dollar), 440,000 dollars. The
loss sustained by the colony from the plugged joes was
calculated to amount to 10,000/. ; but when these joes
were withdrawn from circulation, the inhabitants did not
suffer by the depreciation in their value, the paper joe, of
the value of twenty-two guilders, being substituted for
the gold coin.
The following is an estimate of the proposed new
silver coin, petitioned for by the inhabitants, payment
for which was to be made by bills of exchange:
X4000 in pieces of 3 goilden, to weigh 15 peimTweigfati, equal to 3a. 9d.
2000n« r, 10 „ 26
«000 „ 1 „ 5 „ 13
SOOO n i »f H ». 0 7i
The governor, inr his despatoh to Lord Castlereagh,
represented the justice of the petition, and stated that
the then lowest coin was the Danish bit, composed of
silver and copper, and equal to five stivers or four pence.
The plumed joes, about 28,000 in number, were sent to
England, along with the governor's dispatoh, and Mr.
Baillie was appointed agent to conduct the monetary
arrangements.
This gentleman invested the money in the funds, and
the investment, though not specially pledged for that
purpose, was regarded as a security for the ultimate
redemption of the paper issue.
In the year 180& a letter was received in which thd
failure of Messrs. Campbell, Harper, and Baillie was
u2
292 HISTORT 07 BRITISH GUIANA.
announced, as well as the fact that the money of the
colony entrusted to then* charge (11,268/. 9s. 7d,) had
been appropriated by that firm to its own use. The
trustees of this money were Messrs. Campbell, Baillie,
and King. The Court of Policy refused to become
creditors to the bankrupt estates, and applied to the
trustees for payment.*
An annual sum of 2000/., raised by a tax, continued
till the year 1822 to be remitted to London, and, together
with the accruing interest of the previous instalments, to
be placed in the funds for the benefit of the colony. By
the year 1822 the stocks thus held amounted to upwards
of 150,000/., and the amount of paper money had, by
additional issues in 1816 and 1816, been increased to
75,807 joes. The further history of this paper money
we shall give imder the years 1824, 1825, and 1889. t
The Berbice paper money was much more ancient, and
stood upon quite a different footing. It consisted at first
of bills of exchange on the proprietors of the colony in
Holland, drawn for their salaries by the colonial oflScers,
and certified by the colonial authorities to be good.
These biUs passed from hand to hlmd as a circulating
medium. Additional paper money was afterwards issued
to meet the public exigencies by die colonial authorities,
but no fund was provided for its redemption, nor was
any such provision secured when, upon the cession of
Berbice to the British, certain estates and other property
were made over to the late proprietors.
At a meeting of the Combined Court during this year^
1809, it was resolved to redeem the issued colonial goods
by tenders for bills of exchange instead of specie. The
* In 1820 the coloinr assumed the debt towards Messrs. CampbeO, Hanor.
•nd Baillie, absolTed Messrs. James Baillie and Kinff, and appoiiitod *'
Hiffglns, King^ and M'Lard the new trustees.
t Minutes of Ckmrt of PoU(7, 1819.
HISTOBT OF BRITISH QUIANA. *Z::C
liolders of tlie colonial goods thus tendering were to
receive bills for one-third of the amount of their tenders,
and the other two-thirds were to be issued to them in a
new colony paper — ^the paper joe, already alluded to,
value 22 guilders — secured on the money in Mr. Baillie*s
hands.
This gentleman had written firom London on the 26th
April, stating that the silver coinage prayed for was
granted by the Grovemment, but that the coin to be
struck should not resemble that of other states, it being
contrary to law. He mentioned having bought 10,000/.
sterling of Spanish dollars at 5s. 4d. per ounce, and that
the gold had sold at 41. the ounce, more than had been
expected. An alloy was used in the striking of the new
coin, to defray the necessary expenses. Mr. Baillie had
invested about 22,000/. in Government securities, and
had reserved the surplus to meet current expenses.*
From a report drawn up the next year (1810) by a
committee appointed to correspond with Mr. Baillie on
the subject, it appears —
That the produce of tht plugged joetaiDoanted to £34,744 8 8
That the unoont of lilTeryreoeiTed per /fefte, was £10,770 L2 6
n yf » Ptnman, 2,701 3 i
13,471 15 7
LeaTing a balance of . ; • . . . £21,272 18 1
The attention of Governor Ross was not confined to
the monetary interests of the colony. In consequence of
the American war it became necessary to protect these
rising settlements. Rear-Admiral Sir Alexander Coch-
rane, the commander-in-chief of the naval forces in the
West Indies, was addressed on this important subject,
and directions w^:^ given for stationing certain vessels
on the South American station — one at Surinam, another
* MiniltetorOonrtorPolk^, 1809.
'V!S4i HISTORY OF BRITISH OUIANiU
at Bcrbice, a third at Demerara, and a fourtli at the
Orinoco ; while four armed cruisers or schooners were
ordered to ply between these vessels, thus keeping up s
constant inter-communication.
It now became more than ever necessary to protect
the sugar-laden ships on their passage to Europe, and
convoys had long been employed for that purpose. The
time and place of rendezvous was in general some wind-
ward island in the West Indies, and all vessels desirous
of joining were required to be ready at the place and
time appointed; but the inconvenience to these colo-
nies was especially great, and a separate convoy was
asked for.
On the retirement of Governor Boss from ill-health
the Court of Policy agreed to present him with a sword
of the value of 1001. A handsome letter accompanied
this testimonial, complimenting him upon his zeal, talents,
and love of order. Major-General Samuel Dalrymple
was sworn into office as his successor on the 8th April,
1809 ; but on the 19th May, following, an extraordinary
meeting of the Court of Policy was assembled to receive
their former governor, H. W. Bentinck, Esq., who cxp
hibited to the court his commission fiom his Majesty
George the Third, dated 30th January, 1809. A pro*
clamation was issued on the 22nd June, announdng to
the inhabitants the renewal of his administration.
In the year 1810 a successful expedition was con-
ducted by Mr. Edmonstone and the Bucks against the
Maroons or bush negroes. On the first arrival of the
British, in 1796, several military excursions of Dutch
troops and others had been attempted with a similar
object, but had entirely failed ; and in the appointment
of Lieutenant-Colonel Hislop a general amnesty wa9
proclaimed for three months, copies of which were sent
in a block-tin box to the Maroons^ who, in 1795, had
BISTORT OF BBinSH QIHANA. 295
thrown the colony into considerable peril. The ex-
penses of the late bush expeditions were very heavy,
and in October of this year a deputation proceeded to
Berbice to arrange with the Court of Policy respecting
the amount severally to be paid by each settlement, and
the sum of 100,000 guilders was agreed upon, one-third
of which was to be paid by Berbice, and the other two-
thirds by Essequebo and Demerara.* This arrangement
became subsequently the subject of serious disputes be-
tween Demerara and Berbice, the latter colony repudiat-
ing the demand made upon it.
About this period a conference was hdd between the
governor and the Court of Policy and an Indian chief
named Manariwau, who was reputed to possess con-
siderable power and authority among the Caribs. The
object of this conference was a request on the part of this
chie^ that the members of the court would purchase cer-
tain prisoners in his possession, as well as others which
he might obtain. To this the court objected, but pro*
mised, that whenever such prisoners should be handed
over to the colony, annual presents should be forwarded
to himself and his tribe. These prisoners were for the
most part runaway slaves and bush negroes. A treaty
upon this basis was accordingly entered into between the
-whites and the King of the Caribs. A few years after-
wards, however, when the Indians came to Governor Car-
michael for their presents^ they were refused on the
ground that such presents could not be claimed as a
right, but oolj as a gift, or boon. The cost of the pre-
sents (which may have been the reason for reftising
them) is stated to have amounted to the sum of 20()0^.
per annum.
An important meeting of the Combined Court was held
on the 4th of December, 1810, when a memorial or
* mautmni Court otVdlkj, 1801.
296 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
address was read by the financial representatives, to the
following effect:
They demanded to ascertain the exact nature and
duties of the financial representatives, and stated that
several such requests had formerly been made by them
without receiving any satisfactory answer. Neither was
the origin of this body known, although constituted
within the memory of some of their members. They
were told that they had been appointed by a resolution
of the Court of Policy, subsequent to the capture of the
colony in 1796 ; but from what they could learn, it would
appear only that the court had sanctioned the dection of
six financial representatives instead of four keizers, who
formerly, with the members or counsellors of the Court
of Policy, constituted the Combined Court; but this only
proves that the court had originated such a change;
neither could they have legally changed the existing con-
stitution without the sanction of a higher authority.
But that some such sanction was given by the Govern-
ment of Holland, is rendered probable from various com-
munications contained in a memorial presented to Genieral
Whyte, on the surrender of the colony in 1796. By
this memorial, which they concluded to be authentic, it
appeared that the insufficient representation of the inha-
bitants of these colonies had been complained of at a
very early period, and that representations to this effect
had been made to the authorities previous to the appoint-
ment of Baron Van Grovenstein in 179.5, and which
representations were attended to; for, in the 19th and
39th articles of his instructions from the Colonial Board,
allusions were found to this subject; so that having com-
municated the nature of these instructions to the mem-
bers of the Court of Policy, it was agreed to summon th^
four keizers (two from Essequebo and two firom Deme-
HISTORY 01* BBinSH GUIANA. 297
rara) who, with the Court of Policy, were to constitute a
combined court, in order to deliberate on the best mode
of raismg the necessary taxes; but it appeared that,
during Baron Grovenstein's administration, this contem«
plated arrangement wad never effected; and that it was
not until after his departure from the colony, and during
the serious disturbances consequent thereon in 1795, the
provisional acting governors (consisting of two members
of the Court of Policy, in rotation, who acted jointly for
eight days) summoned the four keizers to deliberate not
only on raising the t€ucesj but actually, conjointly with
the four coimseUors of the Court of Policy, to deliberate
and vote on the disbursements of the expenses; which
act evidently accorded with the spirit of several other
despatches received fix)m Holland on this subject. But
it appeared afterwards, that the keizers were deemed
improper representatives for the purposes of taxation, &c.,
inasmuch as they held their seats for life; hence it was
considered preferable to substitute other persons called
^nandal representatives, who, elected by the keizers,
were to continue in office for two years only. It was
presumed, however, that on such appointments taking
place, the same powers which had been conferred on the
keizers would descend to the financial representatives;
and that these latter were, therefore, not intended to
deliberate only on the best mode of raising the taxes, but
also to assist in the expenditure of the public money, and
to be consulted in all cases involving the outlay of the
colonial cash. The financial representatives therefore
considered that, unless such were at present the powers
invested in them, their sitting with the honourable court
once a ye%r for any other purpose could be of no possible
use to their constituents. Strongly impressed with these
sentiments, the financial representatives requested the
Court of Policy to state what they considered to be their
views on the ckities and powers of Ihe former, boldly de*
29S BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
daring at the same time, that in the event of their not
being admitted to the exercise of what they deemed their
nghts and privileges, they must decline (however reluc-
tant they might feel to impede the public business of the
colony) taking any part in the laying on of taxes, over
the expenditure of which they had no control.
(Signed) John Justus Deloes,
John Wilson,
Richard Nugent,
Thomas Mbwburn,
Edward Bishop,
James Butherford.
On the discussion arising out of this able document^
the justice of the remarks was admitted, but it was
deemed contrary to the then existing constitution to
grant to the financial representatives the exercise of the
powers claimed ; they were requested, however, to draw
up a memorial embodying such measures as they consi-
dered most advisable, which, after being submitted to
the Court of Policy, would be forwarded to H.M. Go-
vernment. Moreover, it was resolved that should any
necessity arise in the mean time for incurring an extra
expenditure, and should the subject permit of the neces-
sary delay requisite to convene a combined court, the
financial representatives were to be consulted on the ex-
pediency thereof.
The financial representatives lost no time in preparing
their memorial, which was submitted to the Court (^
Policy two days after, viz., on .the 6th December; but
at a subsequent meeting in the following year, on inquir-
ing into the fate of this document, they learat, to Uidr
astonishment, that it had never been sent to England, a
majority of the court not deeming it sufficiently supported
by the public. The indignation of the financial represen-
tatives was excessive on being made aware of this circimi-
BISTOBT OV BRITI8& eUIANA. 299
Stance. They declared that they would no longer act, and
refused to vote the supplies, but Governor Bentinck was
equally firm, and threatened, in case they persisted ii^
their determination, to arrest the refractory members,
and ship them to Europe in a gun-brig. This menace
had the desired effect, and things went on agiun as usual.
The following taxes were for the present proposed:
Sogar rDatch weight per 100 Ibt.) • Sfdrers.
Rom (Sir erery 100 gmllons.) . • 12 ^
Coffee (for erery 100 Ibt.) • . . . 5 »»
CoCUm (for eireiy 100 Ibe.) > 9 „
These taxes were estimated to yield the following
amount :
gailden*
1S,000 hhdt. ragAT Sl,600
8,000 ponolieoiis mm . • • • . 6,280
2,000 „ molateee • • • . 1,000
12 miUUm Ibe. eoflbe • . . » . 80,000
10 ,» 9, ootUm 45,000
102,880
This produce tax was raised in order to cover the ex-
penses of the late expedition against the bush negroes.
The other taxes on slaves, wines, incomes, hucksters,
transient traders (raised from 2^ to 4 pa- cent.), on horses,
carriages, &c., to continue as before.
The sum of 300 guineas was also appropriated for the
purchase of plate to be presented to Mr. Baillie for his
diligent services in the affidrs of the colony.
The police regulations were altered and amended.
An inspector-general, with a salary of four thousand
guilders per annum, was appointed for the town, together
with two assistants, subject, however, to two commis«»
siiHiers to be appointed by the court. Mr. Van der
Welden held the first office. Subsequently, or in 181*,
a Board c& Police was appointed by the governor and
the Court of Policy for the management of Georgetown.
In the early part of the year 1811 areolars were sent
round to several <^ the British govemoiB in the Weak
dOO HISTOBT OF BBrriSH OUIANA.
Indies, and, among others, to Governor Bentinck, requir-
ing him to forward to England a report on the condition
of the colony, on the number of slaves, and their loca-
tion ; on the number of clergy, including an accoimt of
the missionary and other preachers throughout the coun-
try ; to send also returns of convictions and punishments
awarded to the slaves, as well as a statement of such acts
and laws as had been passed by the Court of Policy of
late.
In consequence of the representations made to him,
and perhaps for other reasons. Governor Bentinck issued
a proclamation on the 25th May prohibiting the negroes
from attending places of public divine worship in th6
imrestricted manner at that time in practice. This mea-
sure of course occasioned much dissatis&ction, and com*
plaints having been forwarded to England, the governor
was directed to recal the proclamation, and advised to
have all chapels and places of divine worship forthwith
registered.
About the same time, the governor and the fiscal, Van
Berchel, had, unfortunately, some very unpleasant mis-
imderstandings, and the former having suspended the
fiscal for disrespectful language and di^onest practises,
was directed by the Secretary of State, Lord Liverpool,
to appoint a court of inquiry to investigate Mr. Van
Berchel's conduct, and to report their decision to Eng-
land. On the receipt of diis despatch, the governor
wished to nominate a court formed of members of the
CJourt of Policy, but Mr. Van Berchel objected, on legal
groimds, and maintained that a court competent to decide
on such matters could only be composed of members
selected firom the Court of Justice.
At the commencement of the year 181^ Governor
Bentinck having neglected to recal the proclamation of
the 25th May last as directed, was superseded in the
government of the colony, and by a despatch dated 25th
HISTOKT OF BHTTISH GUIANA. 301
!Pebruary, Major-Greneral Carmichael was appointed to
act as lieutenant-governor until his successor should ar^
rive from England. At the same time, the ex-Governor
Beutinck was ordered to return to England to give an
accoxmt of his administration; but having, after con«
sultation with the Court of Policy in the interim^ written
to the Secretary of State, assigning the reasons which
induced him to delay or modify the withdrawal of the
proclamation of the 25th May, the Home Government
appear to have been so well satisfied with his explanation,,
that the recal of the proclamation was subsequently
countermanded, if it had not already taken place, by a
despatch to Grovemor Carmichael; and in about two
years afterwards Mr. Bentinck was nominated governor
of Berbice. On quitting Demerara, an address was pre-
sented to him by the inhabitants, but its publication was
prohibited by Governor Carmichael, who considered its
language offensive to the Home Government.
In the course of this year the Courts of Justice were
remodelled after the following manner:
Ist. The Courts of Justice of Demerara and Essequeba
were imited into one, to be held at the former place.
2nd. The office of president of the Court of Justice
was made separate from that of the governor.
3rd. The English language was substituted for the
Dutch in legal pleadings, &c.
The first president appointed was Thomas Franckland,
Esq. His salary was fixed at 80,000 guilders, half to
be paid from the Sovereign's chest, and the other half
from the colonial chest.
In consequence of the abolition of so many offices, and
the reduction of establishments in Essequebo, a saving
was effected to the colony of 100,000 guilders annually
in the way of salaries. There were about 18,000 slaves
in Essequebo at this period.
302 HI8T0RT OF BRITISH OUIAKA.
The districts of Demerara and Essequebo were united
on the 28th April of this year. Their formerly separate
institutions were consolidated, and the name of the former
capital of Demerara, Stabroek, was changed to George-
town. But while the bonds of union between these two
settlements were drawn closer, a serious quarrel existed
with Berbice, the cause of which arose about the payment
of the expenses incurred in the bush expedition of 1810,
already alluded to. It appears that some of the inha-
bitants of Berbice refused their proportion of the money,
which so exasperated the Demerarians, that a procla-
mation of one of the courts was issued, declaring that
such Berbiceans should be exiled from Demerara. This
order was, however, suspended by Governor Carraichael^
who did everything in his power to reconcile the differ*
ences which unhappily existed. The matter was subse-
quently referred to the British Grovemment, and the
governor gave full explanations about it in his despatches
to London.
The vessels of war formerly stationed off the rivers
and coasts to protect these settlements having been
withdrawn, the colonies of Demerara and Berbice were
blockaded by American privateers, who captured several
vessels laden with sugar. But they were finally attacked
and chased away by colonial ships, voluntarily armed
and equipped, a body of the militia having embarked as.
marines.
The sentence of the Court of Justice on Mr. Van
Berchel was transmitted to the Secretary of State. He
was honourably acquitted, and Mr. Paddevort, who had
been appointed in his place by Governor Bentinck, was
deprived of office. Under this new appointment the
fiscal, instead of being paid by fees, &c., as formerly, was
to receive an annual salary of 27,000 guilders. Mr. A.
M. Meertens was also nominated first ezploiteur, or mar{
HIStOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA. SO^
fihal. Governor Carmichael at the same time forwarded
an application to England respecting the amount of sa-
lary he was to receive, and was informed that he wasf
only entitled to 12,000 guilders, being half the amount'
respectively paid to the former governors, Beaujon and
Bentinck.
The Imperial Government being at this period at war
with the United States of America, it was decreed that
any coin or bullion seized in American vessels should be
delivered over to the senior officer of the commissariat
department, who was empowered to draw or deposit
bills on the Lords of the Treasury for the amount.
Governor Carmichael in the coiurse of this year issued
a proclamation on his own authority abolishing the ex«
istence of the College of Financial Representatives, and
constituting the College of Keizers to act in that capacity.
He also extended the right of suflrage to all persona
papng an* income-tax on 10,000 guilders, or who had
twenty-five slaves in possession. The incorporation, how-
ever, of the two colleges, or the combination of their
originally distinct functions into one, was not approved
of in England; nevertheless, the governor received no
order to repeal it, but in a despatch dated 25th Novem«>
ber, 1812, he was censured for exercising such a stretcb
of authority, and was ordered not to attempt such inno-
vations in future without the sanction and authority of
the British Government. This censure was in some
degree qualified by a complimentary recc^ition of the
manner in which he had suppressied a feeling of insub-
ordination which at the instigation of some white per«
sons had lately displayed itself in the colony, and ex->
pressions of approbation were bestowed upon him fc^
the system he had adopted for the protection of the co^
lony against any attack on the part of the Americans.
In the same year that Governor Carmichael, having
806 HISTORY OF BBinSH GUIAKA*
grants or allowances whicli might be offered by the co*
lony-
On the 24th August, Grovemor Murray announced to
the Court of Policy that he had been appointed to Ber-
bice, and having retired, Colonel Codd was sworn in as
acting governor, and continued to administer the ordi-
nary business of the colony until the 9th of DecembeTj
when Brigadier-General Murray returned from Berbioe,
and exhibited to the Court of Policy his commission as
Lieutenant-Governor of Demerara and Essequebo.
His efforts to obtain so rich an appointment in lien of
the comparatively insignificant one in point of pay of a
brigadier-general were at length successful, and he was
duly installed in his easy and lucrative office. His efforts
to please were incessant, and he lost no opportunity of
ingratiating himself in the good opinions both of the
colonists and the Home Government. .His administra-
tion continued without interruption until the 26th July,
1815, when, at an extraordinary meeting of the Court of
Policy, the lieutenant-governor informed the members
that, in consequence of orders received from England to
proceed to another part of the West Indies on offidal
business, he would be obliged to leave the colony for a
short time, during which period the administration of
the government would be confided to the senior military
officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Codd, who was introduced to
the court, and took the usual oatibi of office.
This gentleman continued his services as acting liei^
tenant-governor until the 3rd October, when Brigadier-
General Murray returned and resiuned his duties.
Among the numerous parties emigrating from Europe
to this colony a large proportion was from Scotland, for
the most part of humble extraction, uneducated, and glad
to accept of any opening that presented itself; they ex-
emplified the well-known caution and parsimony of their
HfSrdttT OP BRITISH OUIANA.' $07
face, and, fix)m the humblest, gradually rose to fill some
of the highest situations. Possessing in a marked manner
the shrewdness and tact necessary to personal aggrandise «
ment, they may, as a class, be considered to* have been
the most successful of all the settlers in the country; and
it is only where by mixture and association that their
character became somewhat modified or deteriorated
that they failed in any instance. Singularly enough,
however, there is perhaps no class of European emigrants
that has undergone such changes in their natural habits.
The reserve, the temperance, the zeal for religion
which characterised them in their own country, became
gradually obliterated in their translation to this colony.
They still associated together, and sustained eadi other
in the true spirit of nationality, canying this principle of
cohesion indeed so far that the shrewd n^^jroes applied
the term of Sootehmen to the large shrimps which they
were in the habit of hawking about for sale, because of
the habits of these creatures in clinging one to the other.
But, separated from the austere influence of domestic
examples at home, and cast into a community very dif-
ferently organised, they plunged as readily as others into
the vortex of dissipation. In reference to a great many,
it may be observed, that much of this change was owing
to the fact ci their being introduced on their arrival to a
footing in society, and to a mode of living to which they
had been pievioualy strangers in ^ Auld Reekie." Min«
glingin more pretending and extravagant circles, and
living in a style superior to that in which they had been
brought up, they soon came to lose that simplicity and
sobriety of cliarairit4^r which, as a nation, they have so
meritoriously maintained. They have been more succesa-
iul in business notwithstanding than most of the other
settlers- from Engtond or Ireland, but they have also
encountered greater reverses, and, although forming a
X 2
308 HISTORY OF BBinSH GUIANA.
majority of the white population, they have failed to
impart their nationality to the colony.
In reference to the Scotch, it may not be out of place
here to alltide to an event which occurred about this
period, and which at once illustrates the characteristic
recklessness of the Gaelic race, and the abnormal con-
dition of the society in which they now occupied so pro-
minent a position.
When Herr Van Berchel was fiscaal of Demerara and
Essequebo, he had occasion to prosecute some gentlemen
from Berbice for illegal conduct; they failed to answer
the summons for their appearance before the Court of
Justice, and sentence of outlawry was pronounced against
them. Determined to be revenged, several of these gen-
tlemen (for such was their position in life) actually con-
cocted a conspiracy to proceed to Georgetown and to
cut off the ears and nose of the unfortunate fiscaal. The
plan was deeply laid, and very nearly succeeded. The
conspirators, chiefly from Berbice, arrived in the river at
night, and when everything was quiet, proceeded to the
residence of their victim, who, with his family and ser-
vants, were asleep. The noise they made on entering
the house fortimately awoke the inmates. The fiscaal,
apprised of his danger, got out of his chamber, and when
the conspirators entered his bed-room, they encountered
only his wife. The lady was an excellent linguist, and
understanding the language they spoke, listened in terror
and astonishment to their words, but still, by the force of
her presence of mind, preserved an appearance of com-
posure. It is asserted by some, that the lady being of
rather a masculine appearance, was at first taken for her
husband, and rather rudely handled. They soon disco-
vered their mistake, however, and finding that their prey
had escaped, they were about to search the house, where
they would assuredly have found their victim, who Jiad
HtSTOBT OF BBITISH QUIANA. 809:
merely crept out of sight into a lobby, when the sound
of a gun was heard. Supposing it for the morning gun,
while, in fact, it proved to be the signal of the arrival of
the monthly sailing-packet, they were seized with con-
sternation, and fled. An alarm was immediately given
by the servants to the military guard, for there were no
poUce at this period; but no attempt was made to arrest
the flight of the delinquents, for, as it afterwards ap-
peared, the officer in command was a Scotchman, and
evidently aware of the plot. The conspirators were
thus allowed to make good their retreat; and, although
a reward of 500/. was offered for their discovery, and
other efforts were made to trace them, they found meand
to evade the ends of justice. The incident made a great
sensation at the time, and shows us clearly the lawless
state of things that prevailed at that period.
Among other advantages which the advent of the
British brought to the colony, must be particularly men-
tioned the introduction of an increased number of Euro-
pean women. ' The Dutch had to encounter too many
difficulties and dangers on their first arrival, to think of
holding out any inducement to the female members of
their families to join them in their new abodes. The
inevitable consequence was the formation of illicit am-
nexions between the settlers and the native and slave
women, which led to a most anomalous and depraved
state of society, and which was destined to entail muck
subsequent discontent on the social community. If, as
Lord Bacon has it in his profoimd essays, " wives are
young men's mistresses, companions for middle age, and
old men's nurses," it must be apparent, that to seek such
ties among the rude natives, or the uncivilised African
slaves, was only to involve the children of such unions
m degradation and misery. The Dutch, probably, had
heard of the saying of one of the ancients, who, when
310 EINORY OF BRITISH QUIilHA.
asked at what time a man should marry, replied, ^' A
young man not yet, an older roan not at aU;" but it was
peiiiaps as much from necessity as choice that coloured
and black women became the mistresses of most of the
old colonists, and many curious anecdotes are related of
the companionships thus formed between them.
The arrival of European females was calculated to
produce a gradual revolution in the tastes and habits of
the conmiunity. It could not, however, be expected
that the individual bred up in the coarser idea of a
planter's life, could all at once burst the fetters that had
bound him in his ^^ family ties,^' or hail with the most
refined emotions the approach of female purity. In*
veterate habit, too, was not without some influence, and
many of the colonists had become so much accustomed
to the coarseness with which they had allied themselves^
as to have lost their zest for more refined associations.
The change, therefore, although sure and decisive in the
end, was slow and gradual in its progress. By degrees,
the open exhibition of vice was abandoned; a certain
sort of sense of shame set in; the practice of pampering
the passions of visitors and guests, which had been
estegmed as one of the obligations of hospitality, fell
into disuse; while the younger branches of the com-*
munity, having now an opportunity of mixing in a
society where their ideas and tastes would be improved
and elevated, exhibited a desire to cultivate a species of
domestic happiness unknown to their predecessors. The
ceremony and condition of marriage began to exercise a
salutary influence even over the lower classes, who, with
their usual tendency to imitate the example of their
superiors, soon fell into the new modes of civilised life,
although at first they neither appreciated nor under-
stood them. But that which was in the beginning mere
imitation settled down at last into custom.
HI8T0RT OF BBinSH GUIANA. Sllv
The introduction of white women, however, was not
unaccompanied by some drawbacks. Their moral in-
fluence was obvious and considerate; but it brought
the usual accessories of high civilisation in its train —
jealousy, envy, and dasssprejudices. So soon as a dis«
tinct cirde of white acquaintances was complete, it
became an object with many amongst the coloured
popidation to associate themselves with it; but, alas I
for the imperfection of poor human nature I such an
intercourse was foimd to be impracticable. ^Chaste
women** (says Bacon) " are often proud and forward,
as presuming upon the merits of their chastity;" and
gentle and virtuous as was the European female, she
was yet tinged with prudery or vanity too deep to.
allow of her mixing with a colour and a class to which
she considered herself superior. It is difficult to analyse
the feelings which prompted this exclusive conduct. A
variety of circumstances tended to keep alive such senti«
ments. A virtuous woman was certainly not to be
blamed for refusing to associate with the lost or degraded
of her sex; who would censure her for endeavouring to
avoid as much as possible such contamination ? or for
showing her repugnance to such intercourse if accident
happened to throw it in ha: way ? No doubt there was
much pride, contempt, and rudeness exhibited in the
bearing of the superior towards the inferior; but how
otherwise, in such a state of society, was bold-fiftced aa-
smnption or impudent intrusion to be met, especially
when it appeared, as it frequently did, that the two
parties were nearly on an equality in wealth and station ?
On the one hand there was purity of conduct with of-
fended vanity; superiority of education with narrowness
of mind; refinement of manners with bigotry and prudery.
On the other there was licentious conduct with exalted
aO.2 mSTOBT OF BRITISH GUIAHA;
connexion; deficient knowledge with acqidred manners;
coarseness of conduct with worldly ambition. At first
these antagonist elements of society were not brought
much in contact, and in after times many of the points
of their relative position were changed; but the feelings
of jealousy still rankled in the heart. Althoug^i an im-
proved education and more refined maimers insensibly
elevated the younger coloured females, it did not entitle
them to the position in society they coveted, and were
BO often unjustly denied. The same prejudice as to co-
lour also influenced the men, but never to the same de-
gree, and in later times more stirring occupations and
the necessity for closer intimacy in business dissipated
all feelings of distinction.
The question of colour has been too much mixed up
with that of class. In the early social state men were
necessarily divided, as they are now, by their avocations
and pursuits. It is no matter of surprise that, at first/
the higher classes should be startled to see some of the
members fi:om the lower order raised, either by con-
nexion or wealth, to a level with themselves ; and the
earher the period at which this elevation took place, the
greater the surprise and the more bitter the resistance.
At length, however, it became apparent that the circum-
stances of society were undergoing an organic alteration,
that whilst one class was sinking the other was rising,
and that the time would come when they must meet.'
If the junction was more rapid than had been expected,
or the collision was too sudden, it certainly did not tend
to cast them apart again, or to fling them back to their
original position. The contact caused each at first to
recoil, but moral laws and adventitious circumstances
again brought them together. Whilst, therefore, it seems
hard to taunt the whites with unnecessary prudery and-
HISTOBT OF BBinSH QUIANA. 813
pride in their communion with those of another class, it
is also wrong to ascribe to the coloured race an unfitness,
either by nature or education, to rank with the white.
Longe mihi alia mem eat.
The superiority in intelligence, morality, and social
position long remained with the white, and the prejudice
against colour was chiefly removed by their own ex-
ertions. Many young men and women of colour were
sent to Europe, and brought back again with an excellent
education and polished manners, in the hope of meeting
the reception to which their respectability entitled them.
Their expectations were frequently firustrated, and dis-
appointment and mortification were the only results of
the effort to improve their condition. They found to
their dismay that, in spite of high connexions, and the
refinements they had acquired, they were still excluded
fixMU what was considered the "first society," and thus
doomed to solitary seclusion, or to descend to inferior
intercourse; it is not to be marvelled at that they should-
lose all the advantages they had gained, and relapse into
their former degradation. Surrounded by temptations
of all kinds, exposed to profligacy and to dissipation, they
fell from their high vantage ground into the lowest and
most immoral habits. Nor was this all. The very per-
sons who had driven them into this condition were
amongst the very first to reproach them with its conse-
quences. There was nothing left to the coloured race
but to vindicate their natural claims by the maintenance
of their own self-respect in the observance of irreproach-
able morality in their conduct. And it is greatly to their
honour that they lived down the obloquy and contempt
which, in this period of transition, was so unworthily
heaped upon them. Many instances occurred in which
persons of colour of both sexes, by the mere weight and
314 HISTOBT OF BBmSH GUUNA.
force of their exemplary lives, intermarried with some of
the most respectable inhabitants of British Ouiana. The
question of colour was not always to operate as a social
ban.
QatmTU ille niger, qnmuiTit ia eandidiu i
O, formotus poer! nlDiaiii ne crede ocilori;
Alba liffwln oidaat, VaocmU nigra teigiiiitsr.
A new element sprang out of these unions. The
children, born of parents who were themselves bom in
the colony, received the name of " Creoles,** and the term
is applied indiscriminately to all children, whether white,
coloured, or black. Europeans are apt to attach the
idea of some particular colour to the word " Creole/'
This is a vulgar error. The word Creole (Spanish, cri-
ollo) is derived from the verb " criar," which, both in
Spanish and Portuguese, signifies to breed, to create, or
to produce; and is applied ft) native Americans, or, in-
deed. West Indians descended from "Old. World" parents.
In Portuguese especially, a creole is understood to be
" Pessoa nasdda nas Indias ocddentaes ** — a person bom
in the Western Indias, although singularly enough the
Portuguese word ^^criola," is often Englishified — a home*
bom slave.*
The Creole of European extraction is a compound of
the nation of his parents, modified greatly by the climate
in which he is bom, and the habits of life in which he ia
educated. The intelligence he derives firom his parents
is quickened by local circumstances, and brought to ma-
turity at an earlier period of life than in other countries.
From his childhood he is accustomed to see himself sur-
roimded by dependents or flatterers, with few persons to
restrict his inclinations or to correct his judgment. Left
to himself, without much stimulus to exertion, he wastes
* The following Temarks are intended chieflr to apply to the endia in tioMi of
slarery. It ia to be hoped that the Creoles of the praaent day hate mon ntioiiat
HI8T0BT OJP BBITira QUIABA; 815
his eiiergy in frivolous pursuits or empty pleasures, oftetr
approaching to dissipatibn. Under the im{»'essk>n that
he is exclusive lord of the soil to which he is bom, he
awaits the approach of fortune without making any efforts
to seek it. If sent to Europe to study at an early age, he
is often placed with those who have not the same means
at command ; and whilst the European child feels he
has to work for the Aiture, the creole fancies he has
nothing to do but to enjoy the pleasures of the world.
Bearing with him fix)m his native country the listlessness,
languor, and indolence of his temperament, he never
rouses himself sufficiently to compete with more energetic
dispositions; hence he is invariably outstripped in the
race of life. Estranged from his parents' fostering care
at an early age, he becomes forgetfiil or heedless of their
love. The master of an ideal imiverse, he lives and dwells
upon the fantastical creations of his brain rather than
encounter the stem realities of existence. His heart is
cold toward his kindred, for he has been long separated
from them ; his patriotism is languid, because his native
land equals not in splendour and luxury the nations he
has visited; generous to a fault, he is unjust to him*
self ; eager in temperament, he is incapable of exer«
tion ; impetuous in his impulses, he is deficient in perse«
veraiice; quick of intelligence, he is slow in judgment
and reasoning; not wanting physical capability, he is
lazy in mental and bodily applications; humble in pre-
tension, he is proud in spirit. ^^ Every indolent nation
(says the author of the ^ Esprit des Lois') is haughty,
for those who do not work themselves consider them-
selves as the sovereign of those who are laborious." This
philippic was applied to the Spaniards, but is not inap-
plicable to the Creoles ; their abilities qualify them for
distinction, but their indolence prevents them from ob*
tainingit; and when called back to his own country.
316 mSTO&T OF BRITISH aUIANA.
after an experience of European life, lie becomes indif-
ferent, supercilious, and extravagant, and lias neither the
will nor the energy to avert present evil or to secure
future good.
The Creoles, as a class, have done little towards
changing in any way the social or moral condition of the
colony. It is a remarkable fact that all the revolutions
in taste and habits, in the moral as well as the intellectual
circle, have been introduced by strangers fix)m other
countries. So far the mixture of races has effected some
good; prejudices have worn off by mutual contact, and
corresponding benefits have flowed in upon all classes.
HISTORY OV BRmSH OmANA. 317
CHAJPTEEX.
*< THX GOLDEN AGS " OF THS COLONY — ^P&OSPBaUTT OF PLANTBBS— 00N8imiSA«
TION8 ON NSORO 8LAYXBT — MORAL WANTS — WOSKINO OF MIB8IONASIBB, AND
THB BFFBCT ON THB 8LATS8 — FINAL ABOLITION OF 8LAYB TRADE, 1814
FORMAL CB88ION OF THB8E COLONIB8 TO ORBAT BRITAIN, 1814 — SLAVE RBGI8-
TRATION ACT, 1816 — DBCLINB OF COTTON ESTATES — ^LDTB OF AN OTEBSEBB—
MILITIA FORCE — ARRITAL OF PRESIDENT ROUGH — UNJUST MONOPOLY OF
OFFICES — DISPUTES ABOUT THB ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE — SUSPENSION OF
PRESIDENT BOUGH — ABRIYAL OF PRESIDENT WRAT, 1821 — FBBLINOS OF
SLAVES ABOUT FRBBDOM— MR. CANNINO'S ACT, 1823; ITS EFFECT ON THB
SLAVES—MISSIONABT SMITH— SECRET MEETINGS OF SLATES — IN8UBRECTION,
' 1823 — ^PLOT DISCLOSBD— MBASUBES TO SUPPRESS IT — PROCLAMATION OF MAR-
TIAL LAW — ^ARMING OF THB SLATES — ^ENCOUNTBB WITH THB MILITABT — SUP-
PRESSION OF THB nrSURBECTION— GENERAL COURT-MARTIAL ; TRIAL, SENTENCE,
AND EXECUTION OF THB PRISONBBS— €OUR1>MARTIAL ON MISSIONARY SMITHS
BIS OONDBMNATION AND DBATH— RRFLBOIIONS SUOOBSTBD BY THBSB BTBNTS.
The influx of European settlers, and the occasional im-
portation of African labourers, together with the intro-
duction of British capital and improved machinery in the
working of estates, soon led to great improvements. If
we consider the wealth which could at this period be
readily amassed (the amount of capital invested in the
cultivation of cotton, coffee, and sugar, being commonly
doubled in ten years, and often in five), the luxuries, and
high style of living among the planters, the gaieties of
the higher classes, and the contentment and general
well-doing of the lower, this era may be r^arded as thc^
318 Distort of BRitiSH ouiaka.
commencement of the golden age of the colony, which,
whilst it was to last for some years, eventually led to a
great revolution in manners, sentiments, and position.
But whilst the horn of plenty was full, whilst the heart
was satisfied with its present gratification, those very
steps were commenced which afterwards led to misfor-
tune. The mind, slumbering in its dream of happiness,
was not fortifying itself against those revolutions which
time was sure to bring. The lull, of security concealed a
new and unexpected danger.
Tired, perhaps, of the monotony of acquiring wealth
on such easy terms, the proprietors of estates now for the
first time betrayed a desire to launch into a wider sphere;
and, leaving their properties in the hands of agents, many
of them retired from colonial life to live in European
circles, and vie with the artistocracy of England. The
agents or attorneys, also called Q. Q/s, upon whom the
management of their properties devolved, were allowed
liberal salaries to superintend the working of the several
plantations, and to forward the produce to their em-
ployers, or to the merchants in England. This was a
proceeding fraught with indefinite eviL It was rea-
sonable that large capitalists, mercantile houses^ or
companies, investing money in West India property,
should have their agents on the spot to negotiate their
business. It was also excusable that parties who had
already acquired immense wealth, and who really were
unable to spend their incomes in such a limited com-
mimity, should return to their native shores; but the
fascinating example was followed by numbers whose
positions in life were not so independent^ and who^ by
establishing a system of living far beyond what was war-
ranted either by present prosperity or future prospects,
soon laid the foundation of inevitable ruin to themselves
and families. The principle of absenteeism, so injurious
HISTOBT 07 BBmSH GUIANA. 819
to most oountries, was practised on a small scale in the
West, and involved the owners of property in all the
horrors of debt, mortgages, law-suits, and poverty.
The colonist rejected the name of settler ; he aspired
to the title of proprietor; the profitable revenue of his
estate was calculated by him to last for a life of luxury
and splendour in Europe, and to be transmitted in per-
petuity to his children unchanged and unimpaired. It
is true that the remarkable changes of the future coiild
not then have been predicted; but the discussion of
questions of vital importance to the West Indies had
already began ; and, although the change was far off, it
might even then have been anticipated.
Moreover, the mind of the slave was undergoing
gradual alteration ; his condition, looked upon in a physi-
cal sense, was far from bad ; nay, it was enviable compared
with that of the peasant in many countries. In health
he had food, raiment, protection from the weather, with
days of relaxation and amusement In illness he was
tended with care and kindness. Old age was not dreaded,
but awaited without anxiety; when imable any longer to
work, he was humanely provided for, and he quitted his
earthly career full of years, and without one care in his
heart concerning those he left behind. The following is
a testimonial in &vour of their condition by a visitor to
that country about this period: — ^ As we passed up the
river (the Demerara), we landed at several of the small
plantations, and purchased plantains. The people were
cheerful and happy. In my opinion they had good cause;
for they were, indeed, the children of ease and plenty.**
Again, another writer of a later date, speaking of their
general condition, stated : — ^ They have comfortaUe
houses, raise as much feathered stock as they like, have
their nets to catch fish, and as much ground as they
eboose to till; tih^ have also oStea a day, or half a dayi
320 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
given them to cultivate yams, cassava, arrowroot, &c.,
for their own use and disposal, besides their allowance of
food weekly.
" The working people are not generally sent to work
till half-past six in the morning, in which case they get
their breakfast before they go, and come home at twelve.
After remaining an hour and a half they go out again,
and come home in the evening about six o'clock. Some-
times they go out earlier, and have more time in the
middle of the day: in the time of crop the most able
people are divided into spells to do the work about the
buildings, in order that it may not come to their turns
more than twice or thrice a week; nightwork is as much
avoided as possible, and the women favoured in every
way, particularly those with children. I have alwajrs
thought, and still do think, that the negroes are far better
off than our labouring class at home, as they are provided
for in every way as long as they live; they are never pre-
vented from going to see their friends from one estate to
another on Sundays, or during the week after work is
done. Every working negro receives 2 lbs. of good salt
fish, the head persons 4 lbs., and the children 1 lb. a week ;
when this cannot be obtained, pork, beef, henings, or other
things in proportion. Upon those estates where there were
plantains the proprietors have generally allowed them to
use as many as they require, and where they would not
grow in sufficient quantity, they have been purchased, qis
they prefer them to any other vegetable: the head people
got two glasses of rum a day, and the rest of the gang gene-
rally one, and in bad weather, in crop time, sometimes
two. Salt, pipes, tobacco occasionally, and extra allow-
ances at the holidays, namely, at Christmas, Easter, and
Whitsimtide. On these occasions they amuse themselves
in any way they like without restraint. The working
people get a coniplete suit of clothes annually, and double
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANAi 321
allowance to the head men. Linen, checks, osnaburgs,
salem pores, needles and thread to the whole, with a
blanket to each every second year, and occasionally
knives, razors, scissors, looking-glasses, iron pots and
fish-hooks to the grown people,
" The quantity of labour required firom one able man
on a sugar estate is to hole or bank for canes across from
forty to forty-five roods, to weed canes about one-sixth
of an acre ; in digging out drains in canes, coffee, and
cotton about twenty-five roods, say two feet wide, and
one shovel deep; new navigable or draining trenches a
rood square of about two feet depth; in digging old ones
it is regulated by the state they are in. Weeding coffee
one-eighth of an acre, and cotton about the same. Weed-
ing plantains one quarter of an acre, but it depends upon
the heaviness of the grass; in fact, these things are regu-
lated by a person's judgment more than by any particular
rule; at any rate, I am sure a labourer at home would
do more than any two of them that I have ever seen.
There is always a medical man employed to attend the
sick on every estate, who resides as near the centre of
his practice as he ,can, and visits the hospital every se-
cond day, or oftener if necessary ; whatever he orders,
either as medicine or nourishment, is given to the pa-
tients, such as wine, porter, beer, bread, flour, rice, sago,
fowl, &c.
"They have a comfortable hospital, rooms divided
with beds and bedding, and careful nurses to attend and
take care of them. The head overseer goes with the
doctor to the hospital to see his prescriptions attended
to, and I have known, where cases required it, of another,
and sometimes two, medical men being called in, besides
the one practising for the estate."
The moral condition of the slave was, however, but
knper&ctly watched over. The missionaries alone at*
VOL. I. T
822 "^ HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
tended to the religious wants of the negroes, although
much opposed and objected to by the planters; indeed,
an antipathy always existed between the latter and the
former. A planter writing of the labours of this sect of
Christians, observes, ^' Some attended the missionary
chapels, which I never prevented, though I never had
any good opinion as to their doctrine, but have observed
that they did not teach them anything to their advantage,
for they did not behave so well afterwards as theiy did
before." It has been already shown that ever since the
introduction of the London missionaries, in 1808, there
had existed feelings of antagonism between them and the
inhabitants in general. They were regarded, however
unjustly, by the latter as spies upon their conduct, as the
paid emissaries of a class in England opposed in principle
to the system of forced labour in the West Indies. Their
reception by the planter was cold and formal; their asso-
ciation with the negro was hailed by them with the most
cordial and enthusiastic attachment. And no wonder,
it was the first instance of the white man mixing on
terms of equality and cordiality with the n^ro dave---
the first example of the educated Eiux)pean holding oat
the hand of fellowship to the ignorant and uncivilised
son of Afiica.
The condition of the slave, however improved in phy-
sical and temporal advantages, was yet notoriously n^-
lected in a moral and religious point of view. So thought
the missionaries, and in accordance with such convictions
they preached. The shout of liberty resounding fix>m
other and far-distant shores had reached their ears, and
stimulated by its alluring voice, they took upon them^
selves to prepare the way for the contemplated changes
in the negro race. Estimable as was their charactav
virtuous as were their intentions, it cannot be denied
that their conduct was deficient in judgment and pro^
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 323
dence. Carried away by the enthusiasm and holiness of
their cause, they grasped too suddenly at the prize, and
without the patience or the perseverance to prepare the
mind and heart of the slave for the boon of freedom,
they offered it abruptly to the feelings and passions of
uncivilised men. They awakened the slave to a sense
of his degraded position in the scale of mankind. They
inculcated doctrines of equality and liberty at variance
with the laws in existence, and opposed to the spirit of
authority then so predominant. They could not preach
the doctrine of Christ crucified to men whose hearts were
branded with the stamp of slavery without uttering
anathemas against its injustice and inhumanity. They
presented the fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and
evil to ever curious man, and persuaded him to taste,
eat, and live.
Not indeed suddenly, but by degrees, did the negro
dare to entertain such flattering views of future happi-
ness. Slavery began gradually to be felt as a wrong
and an opprobium, a yoke too hard to be borne pa-
tiently; but such ideas had not emanated wholly from
the suffering — ^they had been suggested to and excited
in him by a class superior to himself The state of free-
dom, fax fit>m being properly understood and fruthfrdly
represented, was r^arded wholly as a state of happiness.
Habits of industry were not inculcated as necessary to
its frdfilment. Its obligations, its duties, its intentions
were overlooked. The transition was too startling; the
object too brilliant to be patiently or gradually waited
for. Hence arose in the minds of the slaves faint and
imperfect notions of emancipation; crude and ill-digested
notions of freedom. Like to a man who has been long
following a humble pursuit, and who has suddenly pre-
sented to him an unexpected field of ambition, he soon
loses all taste for his former homely avocations, and pur-
y2
324 HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIANA.
flues with eagerness and without discretion the new ob-
ject so temptingly held out to him. His former toil is
no longer supportable, his ideas are unsettled, his arm is
ready to seize what his heart desires, and passive sub-
mission ceases to be possible. So felt the negro slave,
and however unwarranted his bearing or opinions, how-
ever mistaken his object, we should make every allow-
ance for the frailty of human nature and the working of
human passions. The spark was kindled which was ia
a few years to break out into the flame of open rebellion,
and however unwilling we may be to ascribe it to any
one particular cause, there cannot now remain a doubt
that the breath of European eloquence first &nned that
spark into flame, and added fuel to its fury.
But how was the white man and the master employed
at the time when this change was being wrought on his
dependent? The British, in mixing freely with the oldar
Dutch colonists, and entering into their views of cul-
tivation, had also adopted many of their habits, hence
the practice of the generality was guided by the example
set them by others. Habits of early rising were acquired,
and the freshness of the morning air, qualified by a dram
either of gin or brandy, a system of luxurious and dis-
sipated living was pursued, and a night of carousing often
followed. The night of hospitality and conviviality
continued, perhaps a little modified by the presence of
European women. The haughty domineering manner
exercised over their dependents of all classes by the
Dutch was, if not fiilly adopted by the British, certainly
not discoimtenanced by them ! With the former, it had
been always a rule as well as a practice never to allow of
any familiarity between the white man and the negro.
The probabilities of such an intercourse leading (accord-
ing to the well-known proverb) to contempt was evi-
dently uppermost in the mind of the master. A curioufr.
instance of this homely adage occurred once in a dispute
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 325
^«rhich took place between an imperious planter and a
cannie Scotchman, his dependent. There had never
existed any cordial feeling between the two parties, and
upon the subject of their difierence the planter, forgetting
Ills dignity in bis passion, made use of some very hard
names, which the dependent patiently bore. At last
some cutting invective roused the Scotchman, who,
putting himself in an attitude of independence, and
recalling to a confused memory the little learning of
bygone years, exclaimed, by way of learned rebuke,
** Tut, gude man 1 tut 1 ye dinna ken that too much
familiarity breeds despise."
The prudent and methodical Dutchman, too proud to
be familiar, and too serious to ^' make fun" with his slave,
was surrounded by a halo of colonial etiquette that at
once enhanced his own importance and subdued the
spirit of others. The stiffiiess and inflexible gravity of
his deportment have been chilling to the warm impulse
of the African negro, and hence the most servile atten-
tion was proffered by the latter and accepted as a matter
of course by the sedate Hollander. Such expressions as
<< Me kiss you bottom foot f ^^ Oh for a mighty massa no
do so to a-*wee," indicate the abject feelings impressed
upon the slave in earlier times ; but when the English
came it was a matter of surprise, if not alarm, to the
Dutchman to witness the condescension and often hu-
morous confidence established between the owner and
his slave, and the one, naturally inclined by his tempera-
ment to receive the advances of the servant, was checked
by the example and, no doubt, political conduct of the
other. The Dutch, however, no longer the only possessors
of the soil, were gradually yielding to the force of circimi-
stances, and the habits and situations of authority so
long belonging to the privileged class, were likewise
interfered with by the British Government
An English lawyer, his Honour Jabez Henry, arrived
326 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
£x)m England to fill the appointment of president of the
courts of justice, and 6x>m this circumstance may be
dated the first amalgamation of anything like the Engliffh
laws upon the old Dutch or Boman code, which| however,
long continued to be the prevailing legal authoxity in this
colony. In May of the same year, also, was oompletedl
the final abolition of the slave trade, another circumstance
fraught with the most important consequence to the
community. The following year ( 1814), by an additional
article to a convention between Great Britain and the
Netherlands, signed at London on the 13th August,
Demerara, Essequebo, and Berbice were ceded to Great
Britain, but on condition that the Dutch proprietors
should have liberty, under certain r^ulations, to trade
with Holland. Thus gradually were h&ng relinquished
all pretension on the part of that nation any longer to the
right and power to exerdse a moral, political, or social
influence over a land converted by them £ix>m a swampy
marsh into a cultivated and rich district, and over a people
transplanted by them from the land of Afiica, to receive
civilisation and liberty, if not for themsdvesy yet for their
children. The industry of centuries on thdr part, the
institution of years, the habits and manners so long
stamped upon society by the enterprising Hollander,
were to be given up for ever to the different policy of
another country, foreign in temperament and in manners.
A series of British governors had an important effect
npon the various classes of society, and certainly greatly
contributed to their advancement and progress. But
however much the colony has risen in the scale of civili-
sation, it cannot be denied that, with the supremacy, of
Dutch power and authority, passed away many solid and
substantial advantages. It is no idle compliment to the
old Dutch colonists to remark, that much of the future
prosperity of the colony arose fix)m the foimdations whichi
they had laid with so much energy, perseverance, and ekilL
HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
827
To their untiring zeal and indomitable industry we
owe the ezirtenoe of the present plantations; and it is a
question whether, since die arrival of the British, the
colony generally has ever presented the same thriving
and prosperous appearance that it did in the time of the
calumniated Dutch.
The following table shows the fixed salaries for the
service of the year 1815:
Table showing the Fixed Salaries for the Year 1815 paid hj the
ColoDy.
Guitden.
Lteu»-goT.(puiof hiisftluy)
26,000
Hit honour |Il« prMid«iit
li»000
First tm^l .,.,*-.
27,000
Sef-^nd ditto
15,000
The droMard
Voo
The Koui
3,000
The gaoler
S,000
Tlio wjTcn dieimaw, 1 300 gtiU-
dera each
9,100
The (TIM J Burgeon , * . ,
3,600
Coloiiiai sexton
S,500
TrftUftUtor
2,100
Keeper of arcldTcs of Eoie-
queba
a,aoo
FitiantnAl accountant ^ * ,
5,000
K^icordor orphan chamber .
fi,000
Clerk to ditto
3,000
Adjutant -gener&t , . . .
8,000
Two town over«eeri^ l&OO
goildeTMeach
3,000
Bookbioder
4,200
Armourer
^,400
InapcctoT-ircneTttl . . - .
5,000
Colunj bou»e*keepflT , - -
3,300
Colony aargeon
3,000
AiaiatAot ditto
soo
Three poatholden, 3200 guil-
der* each
6,flOO
Two niibUnli
538
Pwtholder Morocco Siid aa-
AiSUUtt
3,300
loflpector of beacoii . * .
2,000
OTsneer
eoo
2,200
OolonT apenti in London,
SOOJ. Exchange. 12 guUdert
to the 1/. eat'h . . . ,
9,600
Master of oiail-boflt . < .
4,000
MflTiajfcr of workhouse - p
2,000
The clock-maker . . > ,
550
fSuperintendcntof pUot* . ,
Carried forwsni , .
2,300
138,478
Brought forward .
A«^1ataTl^uU^y toaiakstanu
po#t holder
Fetuiooa .*,,..
TiBLK-voirar.
Mfljor- general ^ . . <
Offictre of fiOth Kegiment
Engineer, ordinance, and ar-
lilicpy
Oommitfary ditto . .
Barrack -muter * . .
Hoipital ataff . - .
Brigade chAploin . *
Clergymen . * > .
NaTy *
Aide-dc-oamp . . *
Extraordinary axpenass
Colony houK eipenaea
Expcnac of roads . .
Expenaes of juatice . .
Hepairn of public buildtngt
Fre«cata Lo Indiana , ^
Colony hoapiial , , *
Printing expensei ^ .
Beacon ditto * • . .
Repairs, public bridgea
Militia expcnaee . . .
Poor dic'at * , , ^ ,
ReceiTere* commiaalon
Sm:n» remitted to trustees for
fnveittnents tn the fUndt
Expeniea of mail-boat * *
S&laries to Dntch clergjmeQ
Barrack at Capocy . . .
Annuity to Mra. Robert^m
Loan to assist projoct<Hl canal
Extmonlinary repairs^ public
buildings , > , « i
CosU of new decpatch boat
GuitdcTih
lflS,47S
050
12,300
13,000
14,000
3,000
GOO
600
1,200
€00
5,000
3,000
fiOO
25,000
30,WKI
11,000
35,000
13,000
25,000
4,000
S^OOO
3,000
3,000
2,500
10,000
25,000
24,000
5,000
3,*iO0
443t2»a
39,000
3,000
tl»000
8,000
19^00
Ai3,43B
328 HISTORY OF Burrisu quiana.
In Berbice several officers and civilians successively
filled the separate appointment of governors of that
colony, a short notice of which occurs elsewhere. The
influence exercised by such gentlemen was of an im-
portant nature : the tone of society was improved ; the
formality and punctiliousness of former times was ex-
changed for the usefulness and practical exhibition of
English authority, not enveloped in unmeaning ha/uteuTj
or obscured by official etiquette, but showing itself in
practical measures and social advantages. Through
them, also, the government ascertained accurately the
state of the colony, its true position, its wants, as well as
its capabilities; and through their instrumentality was
brought about, gradually, such measures of policy as
seemed necessary to the ultimate object in view with
reference to the colonies. It is very true that, on the
other hand, a one-sided view was also taken of the
actual condition of the new settlement; it is very true
that official pride and self-sufficiency may have ofben
given a representation of things not very flattering to the
inhabitants — possibly not even just — and that in the
eagerness of command and desire of approval, the one
class on whose side already, having the sympathy of the
British nation, were drawn in vivid colours^ whilst the
other, opposed in England by the " Vox Populi,'* if not
the " Vox Dei," was sketched out in gloomy and sombre
outline.
One of the first steps taken by the governors was to
inquire particularly into the numbers and condition of
the slaves; an act for the registration of slaves was
passed in 1816, and in the following year a return was
made of the inhabitants generally"* throughout these
settlements.
* This act, on the recommendation of Earl Bathorst, was sabsaqueatty
amended on the 19th of Angnst, 1818, and the new act was published the fol*
HISTORY OF BRITISH OUIANA« 829
In Demerara and Essequebo there were, at this time,
77,163 slaves; in Berbice 24,549 ; total 101,712, The
free population amounted to about 8000 persons (in*
eluding the whites); total 110,000. In the following
year (1817) there was an appraisement and census taken
of Georgetown, but from this period the number of
slaves gradually decreased, notwithstanding considerable
annual importations. The two colonies with such a
labouring population were decidedly more flourishing
than they have ever been since; for out of such a number
of slaves much forced labour was extracted*
A change came over the agriciJtural prospects of the
country about this period. It has been seen that a large
majority of the estates were in cotton cultivation, which
had long yielded a splendid profit. The author of the
"History of the West Indies** makes out an annual profit
of fourteen per cent. ; but it was probably more than
that. The great and increasing demand for such a use-
ful article in Europe led others also to attempt its culture
on a large scale. Among the most successful in this en-
deavour was the United States of America, who rapidly
filled the markets, and greatly undersold the West
Indians (the colonists in this oolony included); a revolu-
tion in agricultural affairs was the consequence. Some of
the cotton properties were converted into sugar estates;
others were converted into cattle fiums. British capitalists
soon found a profitable investment of money in the manu^
facture of sugar, which was gradually to supersede the
growth of the other. The gold then rapidly poured
through this channel to the west soon repaid the activity
and enterprise of speculators* Another sure road to
fortune seemed to be discovered. The goddess of wealth
still smiled upon the planter, increased commercial inter*
lowiDg October. In the- jear 1817 the taUiy of the r^giiinr appointed bj the
gOTemor WM flze^l^ the Combined Court el SOOf. per annum.
330 HI8T0BT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
course ensued, and ever3rthing went gaily as a ^^ mamiage
belL" The spirit of gain, urging on man to penetrate
into these long desolate regions, was also unwittingly
leading him to be the means of civilising a land of such
promise and grandeur.
Whilst luxury and comfort, however, abounded among
the owners or representatives of property, the young man
who was yet on the first step of the ladder had a weary
and troublesome ascent before him* Quitting a home of
civilisation, perhaps of oomfisTt, he commenced life in
this country as an overseer; that is a kind of superin-
tendent of the allotted work of the slaves. He. arose at
dawn of day, and followed his gang of labourers to their
place of toil, &r away in the back lands, on the verge of
untrodden forests ; exposed to the burning sun or temp
pestuous rain, he remained for hours in the open air,
encouraging the active, stimulating the lazy, and sub-
duing the refractory. His arm of power was the whip,
either pUed by himself or by a headman. The deep
drain had to be dug, the luxuriant soil tilled, the rich
cane planted, or cut down. Worn out with fiitigue, he
returned at a late hour to recruit exhausted nature, and
throw himself into lus hammock or cot It is no wonder
that the monotony of the day's occupation was too oflen
varied by the excitement of a night's carousal, which,
often renewed, laid the seeds of future disease, or hurried
him to an untimely grave. The house of the manager
was his only society, and here he was oftener treated as
an outcast than as a friend or equaL His few friends
were his brother overseers on the same or neighbouring
plantations. Isolated from the means of improvement^
and gradually becoming indifferent to its pleasures, he
abandoned them for the grosser ones of sense. The
Sundays often afforded no day of repose; he was
expected to copy estates' books, or was otherwise em-
HISTORY OT BRITISH GUIANA. 331
ployed in writing,, and in inspecting, by way of amnse-
ment, the plantain walks or provision grounds ; when,
by degrees, however, a better class of persons arrived to
fill such situations, considerable improvement was mani-
fested. The habits acquired in such a school became
permanent with many. Growing up to fill the rolls of
managers, attorneys, and proprietors, they still carried
the practice of dissipation along with them. Excessive
drii^dng was not regarded as a vice or as prejudicial to
health, but rather as a proof of thorough colonisation.
It would have been comddered the height of rudeness
and indecorum to call upon a fiiend and not to join him
in hia brandy and water, or ^^ sangaree." No matter what
the hour, or what the nimiber of visitors, every man's
health was to be drank. It was, perhaps, owing to some
such ezdtement that the habit of duelling became so
prevalent at one epoch in this country ; a look, a word,
a laugh, often led to a bitter quarrel, which was only to
be decided by the law of the pistoL Parties have been
even known to " turn out,*' as it is termed, whilst in a
state of intoxication, and only to awaken firom their mad-
ness to find themselves hastening unto death. It is
possible that something of a military spirit also led to
this, for, humble and domestic as were the duties of a
planter or a merchant, yet the fact of being incorporated
as '^ militia" may have led men to assume some, at leasts
of the propensities of Mars and ^' honida bella." It has
been seen that firom an early period the necessity of a
militia force had been felt, besides the presence of a
regular military corps, to oppose by their discipline any
attempt at internal insubordhiation on the part of the
slaves; and the same precautionaiy principle established
by the Dutch was likewise enforced by the British as
early as the year 1799,"* when all firee persons firom the
* FofflMfflj the ooloojr wm dirided into burglwr dhrUkmi^ eieh hftving a
832 msTORr of bbitish guiana.
age of sixteen to fifty-five or sixty were liable to be en-
rolled in one or other corps of militia.
The militia force was instituted in consequence of some
rumours about a threatened attack on tho colony, and
certain differences arose between members of the Court
of Policy on this subject. Exceptions were made in
&your of members of the Courts of Policy and Justice,
fiscals, and other police officers, keizers, and financial
representatives, colonial, government, and president's
secretaries, the receiver of the king's and colonial taxes,
book-keeper-general, the registrar of slaves, harbour-
master, and naval officer, the officers of his Majesty's
customs, persons in holy orders, practising physicians
and surgeons, except as surgeons or assistant-surgeons to
the miUtia, vendue-master and postmaster. Of the utility
of such a body of regularly armed and disciplined men,
there can be no question at the time, especially when
they were raised and kept in something like military
subordination ; and a convincing proof of this will soon
be brought forward. The number and composition of
the militia force varied, of course, at different periods.
It comprised generally a company of artillery, a troop or
more of cavalry, a rifle corps, light infantry and several
ordinary companies, each commanded by its proper
officers, together with a commander-in-chie^ aide-de-
camps, adjutants ; in fact, a regular staff For the regu-
lation and guidance of such a heterogeneous mass of
planters, professionals, and tradesmen, a number of
articles or rules were drawn up or enacted by the lieu-
tenant-governor and coundl in each colony, subject, of
course, to future amendments, or new clauses. By such
militia regulations were established, among other things,
the number of regiments and battalions, corps, &c., the
separate corps, with flags of a distinguUhing colour, as red, blue, &c; but in
1799 tbese were oiganised into a militia fbice under the British coanmaiider.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GX7IANA. 333
number of companies in each, and geographical division
of the same; the right of the governor to appoint all
oflScers, together with their rank and number ; that every,
estate should furnish a proportion of men fit for militia
duty; the formation of a medical board to examine per-
sons claiming exemption. Persons otherwise exempted
to make oath ; the finding of arms and accoutrements ;
estates to find means of conveyance for their servants,
and to be provided with arms, according to the number
of whites, or fi:ee coloured persons thereon ; the time for
assembling; persons going to, or returning fix>m militia
service, not liable to arrests; nature of active service;
mode of alarms, and how to be communicated ; armed
expedition forbidden, unless by permission of the go-
vernor; quarterly returns, how to be made; militia
officers bound to assist the civil power ; also to maintain
the peace, and to take cognisance of any criminal act
done within their division; punishment of sedition or
disturbance, or misconduct ; penalty of sending chal-
lenges to fight duels; punishment for non-attendance at
parades; penalty for not obeying superior officers; or
not appearing at parades properly armed, clothed, or<
accoutred; or for quitting parades without leave, &c;
regimental courts-martial ; general courts-martial ; oaths
and other rules concerning these ; collection and appro-
priation of fines ; modes of appeal and redress ; oaths of
officers, &C. &a
In connexion with the militia, fire companies were
also formed, and the whole force in the neighbourhood
was expected to appear on duty.
In Berbice similar regulations existed since 1817; all
white and free coloured male inhabitants from the age of
16 to 60, residing in the colony and capable of bearing
arms, were liable to serve in the militia^ such exception
being made as above-mentioned| &c.
331 BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
The hardships of such a body were oflen severely felt
by individuals; as, besides the expense of dress and loss
of time, they were made frequently to endure severe
exercise in the hot sun ; and in some years had actually,
in consequence of the scarcity or sickness of the troops,
to perform the duty of guarding the town.
The ** night duty" was especially irksome; and, in the
year 1818, a petition of the inhabitants was sent to the
authorities, prajring to be relieved of such a baneful task.
The object, however, being for the general good, the
establishment of such a force was long continued, and
only done away with by proclamation on the 22nd of
January, 1839, in obedience to an order from England,
dated the 29th of November, 1838; and when the neceik
sity for its continuance was, happily, no longer leqoired.^
During the period of its duration^ tlie service of the
militia waa not often practically tested ; but upon some
occasions, and one more especially to which we are ra-
pidly hastening, the exertions of such a body were of the
most eminent service. As all classes of free persons were
called upon to serve, it formed, as may be supposed, a
' rare assemblage of sizes, colours, ages, and figures ; from
the youthful derk, decked out in gaudy uniform, to the
more potent captain, privileged with the additional
ardour of a horse ; from the dark mulatto to the pale-
&ced aide-de-camp, prancing in spurs, and plumed
cocked hat. It was an amusing sight to see them march.
* In the year 1817, the governor read a despatch reoeiTed from Eail Bathorst
urging the necessity of the colony maintaining its own troops, in consequence o€
embarrassments ** at home." The motion to grant the necessary sum was nega-
tived in the Court of Policy, but it was agreed that an allowance of mon^
should be granted to maintain 200 white troops above the number usuallv
allotted to the colony. At a meeting of the Combined Court, held on the SOtn
January, this motion was objected to by some of the financial representatives,
but was carried, four of the members entering their protest. In the following
year (1818), the Combined Court offered to maintain 300 regular Boldias, pro-
Xided that 500 more were sent out and supported by the British Oovemment»
but in the following year (1819) they stipulated for SOO mtn initMd of GOO.
BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 335
A profusion of perfume and perspiration filled the air ;
and undulating lines in height, and width, and depth,
marked their serpentine courses. There was the burly
Falataff^ and the meagre Slender — all Shakspeare's
men, in fact, turned loose, or disguised in various uni-
forms. It was a pity our immortal bard never witnessed
them; he would have written another volume of immor-
tal plays. Another Falstaff YroxAdi. have exclaimed : —
''If I be not ashamed of my soldiers, I am a soused
garnet I have misused the king's press d bly. I
pressed me none but such toasts and butter, with hearts
in their bellies no bigger than pins' heads: and now my
whole charge consists of ancients, corporals, lieutenants,
gentlemen of companies, slaves (oh, no I) as ragged as
Lazarus in the painted doth, where the glutton's dogs
licked his sores. No eye hath seen such scarecrows.
I'll not march thro' Coventry with them, that's flat —
and the villains march wide between the legs, as if they
had gyves on. Tut, tut : good enough to toss; £x)d for
powder, food for powder; they'll fill a pit as well as
better ; tush, man ; mortal man, mortal man."
It has been asserted, that upon more than one occasion,
many a grudge has been paid off by the instrumentality
of the militia, and a merchant, armed with a ^^ little
brief authority," has squared an account which in the
coimting-house was more difiicult to settle. Private
pique and private jealousy have been attributed to in-
fluence more than one subaltern of the motley army, and
a commissioned officer, or one in a position to command,
often exercised his tongue in the way of abuse to an
inferior, which, out of the stem discipline of the force,
would perhaps not have been attempted. If one had
the leisure or inclination to dwell on the ^^ campaign of
the militia," many an amuiring and interesting tale would
be divulged. It is really surprising that no wit from the.
386 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
ranks ever fired a squib in commemoration of the " daya
when we went soldiering, a long time ago." It is not
improbable, as before remarked, that it was in fact owing
to the introduction of something like a military feeling
among the inhabitants the habit of '^ duelling'' came into
vogue, although distinctly prohibited in the militia regu-
lations. Whether it is by coincidence or accident, it is
remarkable that since the abolishment of such a force
there has been a gradual decline of hostile meetings,
although the white population has kept increasing, and
the causes of quarrel may be presumed to be as frequent
now as in time gone by. Again, by analogy we are led
to remark that in those coimtries where a national guard
or " landwehr" exists, there is a greater disposition to
the settling of disputes by duel, than in other countries,
as in England, where no such military organisation
obtains.
However, be it as it may, there are too many melan-
choly instances on record in this colony of the firequency
and fatality of such meetings among the earlier inha*
bitants for the present race not to rejoice at the ex-
tinction of such rude justice, one of the relics of the
dark or middle ages, when the dispensation of Ftovidence
was set aside, and men, not satisfied with human or divine
justice, left to chance what could not be decided by reason.
" Revenge," says Bacon, " is a kind of wild justice, which
the more man's nature runs to, the more ought law to
weed it out; for as for the first wrong, it doth but offend
the law, but the revenge of that wrong putteth the law
out of office," &c.
It is singular, however, with what callousness and
what indifference the majority of the inhabitants wit-
nessed the sudden termination of life imder any circum-
stances. ^ Men have been said to fear death as children
fear to go in the dark;" but possibly the &ct of seeing
mSTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA: 837
60 many ^ thus venture in the dark" lessens gradually the
dread of, or the impression made by, it. The suddenness
of disease in the colony, the rapidity of its fatal course,
the uncertainty of its attack or termination, seemed to
render men accustomed to its severe empire and har-
dened to its inexorable laws. Among the few epidemics
which swelled the harvest of the grave, the yellow fever
was perhaps the most fatal. It is not intended in this
place to enlarge upon this or any other disease peculiar
to the colony; the subject is introduced here as indica-
tive of the listlessness and apathetic feeling which per-
vaded society in matters of life and death, and to note
that when a severe visitation of that dreadful plague of
the west was experienced in the year 1819,* the circle of
gaiety and dissipation, though frequently interrupted by
the breaking off of one of its human links, was never
broken. Death, whilst it lessened the chain of human
friendships and narrowed the circle, failed to impress
upon the minds of survivors the necessity for either pre-
cautionary measures or more prudent living. Whilst a
few believed that temperance tended to diminish risk,
there were others who insisted that a free course of
living was the only chance of escape ; and, judging by
the results, it is still uncertain which side has the greatest
claim to victory. Friends in the closest bonds were torn
asunder, and implacable enemies were unexpectedly laid
side by side in quiet rest. Robust health ended in a
speedy death, and the lips which, at the conmiencement
of a week, had ejaculated " poor fellow** to the memory
of some parted comrade, were mute and motionless at its
close. The Dutch had a habit of sending round funeral
letters to the acquaintances of a deceased individuaL
* Tbe.popnlmtion of Georgetown, October, 1819, was 10,519, tIs., whitot,
1683; freeooloured, t7M| tUTetieosOs exdutiTe of Ltc^-toirii and other ratrnxbe
not incorporatod.
YOL. L Z
338 msTOBT OP British guiana^
These printed circulars, edged in black, and headed
"Memento Mori," were called by them " Doed Briefen,"
and the custom obtains to this very time.
But the tide of himian affairs swept on; fresh hopes
and fresh desires chased from the mind of society the
temporary gloom which such events could not but in-
spire, however transiently. The growing interest of the
colony,* and its increasing importance, however furthered
by British authority, were yet fettered by many objec-
tionable observances. From the year 1 818 to 1821 the ad-
ministration of the laws and of justice were felt peculiarly
oppressive. The arrival from England, in 1816, of a new
president to the courts of justice did not improve matters.
The name of the new incumbent was W. H. Rough, who
soon embroiled himself in local troubles. Unpossessed of
much learning or natural ability, he appears to have
negligently or inefficiently discharged his duties. At
first his quarrels with some of the inhabitants rendered
him only obnoxious to individuals; but, by degrees, he
was so violently assailed in the newspaper, and had so
completely forfeited the countenance and good opinion
of Governor Murray, that he considered himself bound to
address a memorial or petition to the king's most excel-
lent majesty against certain grievances at the hands of
the ** commonalty" of the Court of Policy, and of the
governor himself, who, in fact, had suspended the
president from his official duties, and which resulted in
a temporary stoppage of criminal law proceedings. By
a strange coincidence it appears that in Berbice, like<4
* In the year 1818 a colonial agent, W. Holmes, Esq^ with whom A. Gordoiv
Eeq^ was aisociated to act, was appointed to look after the interests of th*
colony in England. The Court of Policy recommended a saUrv of 400/. per
annum; but at a meeting of the Combined Court, held on the S7th of January,
1819, the financial representatives objected both to the appointment, the grant
of money, and tc the system ot purdiasing influence for the colony. At the
same meeting they alto oljected to the support of missionary preachen, but
•greed to rapport • regular clergy. They weroi howeyer, oatTotod on boCk
points.
BISTORT OF BRITISH QUIANA. 389
vnse, the president of the same court had also been sus-
pended by the then governor, and looking at many
features of the political state of society, it is not to be
wondered at that the public mind was greatly excited.
The inhabitants justly complained of the unlawful extor-
tion of official fees, of the monopoly of so many district
situations in the hands of a few individuals. Thus the
situations of receiver of colonial duties on wines and
spirits, acting comptroller, acting deputy postmaster-
general, waiter and searcher of customs, were combined
in one individual, who subsequently had them aU taken
from him by the governor, and given to a near relative
of that officer, and to one who already filled the im*
portant offices of government secretary and private
secretary, making altogether about fifteen situations
actually held by one individual
Many of these situations, it must be remembered, were
clearly incompatable the one with the other, yet were
they officially held by one lucky man. Disputes and,
much angry feeling became common to society. The
exactors of the disputed fees received every assistance
firom his honour, William Rough, the then head of the
judiciary, and to appease matters it became necessary^
on the part of the governor, to publish a tariff of
judicial, secretarial, and marshal's fees; but the ]>ublic,
once roused, are not easily satisfied :
Salvi popoli fiiprema l«z.
A public meeting of the inhabitants was held relative to
judicial and other abuses, and a petition to the king was
firamed and forwarded in 1821, founded on the resolu^
tions of the meeting, praying his majesty to take into
consideration the deplorable state of the administration
of justice, and to order an inquiry into all fees of offices
connected with the administration of justice, and the
z2
SdiOt mSTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA.:
establishment of reasonable and moderate tBxiSsj Sec
To illustrate the feelings and the state of society, it may/
perhaps, be allowed to introduce a little personal history
into our narrative, which is as amusing as it is charac-
teristic of the period. A certain gentleman,* holding a
number of appointments, was suspected, perhaps un-
justly, of a defalcation in his accounts, and of general
impropriety in the management of his official duties.
Upon such a suspicion ^'a mandament de facto*' was
issued by the President Rough, and the marshal of the
court, imder that authority, aided by police officers, with
a scout and six dienaars, or inferior officers of justice, all
armed with cutlasses, and accompanied by a negro black-
smith bearing a sledge-hammer, proceeded to the house of
the suspected officer, forced and broke it open, seized his
person, and conveyed him to the colony gaol, where he
was detained with felons and runaway slaves for about
130 days. At the same time all his papers, moneys,
books, &C., were carried away and never returned.
The same gentleman, when afterwards liberated, un-
derwent a very narrow escape of again being taken pri-
soner, and his account of it is too naive to be suppress^ :
" It appears that the failure of this (a previous) strata*
gem to arrest Mr. Ross only made his opponents more
determined to effect their purpose at all hazards, for,.
having three days afterwards discovered the house where
Mr, Ross was engaged to dine, a marshal was provided,
with an additional warrant in the name of the sovereign,
authorising him to break open the doors if- he should
meet with any resistance or obstruction. A troop of
dienaars, soldiers in disguise, and other attendants, '
about thirty in number, wer6 put under his order, for
the double purpose of seeing that he did his duty with*
* This gentlemaiii Mr. Boss, rcceiyer of colonial wine and spirit duties and
traoaient traders' tax, was dismissed by the governor in October, 1819.
aiSTORT OF BRITISH QUIANA. 341
^mt bribery or corruption^ and to assist him, if necessary,
in the execution of it; and about nine o'clock at night
the house in question was accordingly surrounded. Mr*
Ross having by the moonlight observed their approach,
and suspecting the cause, arose from the dining-table,
and retired to an adjoining room, where he could hear
whatever passed. The marshal speedily entered, and
displayed his above-mentioned warrants, the one under
the sign-manual of his Excellency the Lieutenant-Gover-
nor, * in the king's name,' and the other under that of
his Honour the President of the Court of Justice, to
take the body of G. Ross, declaring at the same tim^
that had he not foimd ready admittance he would have
been justified in breaking open that or any other house
where his prisoner was to be found, and to search them,
if he chose, for that purpose. Mr. Ross, hearing all this
from his place of retreat, within a few feet of the enemy ^
would willingly have sold his chance of liberty for the
next twelve months at a very cheap rate indeed, \mi^fortUr
nately for him, it so happened that his host had just be«
fore gone out to make a call in the neighbourhood, and
had left a friend in his chair to do the honours of the
house. This visitor, with great presence of mind, and
with an emphasis that did due justice to the host, rose
and answered the marshal upon his honour as a gentle-
man that Mr. Ross was not in his house^ adding that he
might search if he pleased, but hoped his honour would
not be disputed. The marshal candidly informed the
company that he was watched, and that he must do his
duty, but at the same time, if the gentleman (at the head
of the table) would pass his word of honour that Mr.
Ross was not in his house, he could not of course doubt
the honour of a man of his respectability, and would be
satisfied without giving any further trouble. The as-
sertion being most solemaly repeated with great feeling
342 BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
,(and also with great truth), the marshal, with a polite-
ness and graciousness which would have done honour to
his employer, declared himself satisfied that the defend-
ant was not there, and, taking a glass of tvine on the
invitation of the supposed host, immediately withdrew
with liis numerous suite of assistants, to the no small en-
tertauunent of the company, and the great joy of Mn
Ross, who shortly afterwards came forth to exclaim:
M Celui qui rit le dernkr a le meiHeinr du jeu."
This ill-treated gentleman, after escaping to England^
and preferring charges against Governor Murray and
President Rough, was subsequently reinstated in one or
more of his previous offices. The arbitrary proceeding
and character of President Rough led to his suspension by
the governor on the 1st of October, 1821, and the Ho-
nourable Van Ryk de Groot was appointed ad interim^
until the arrival from England of his Honour Charles
Wray, barrister-at-law, who arrived on the 27th of De-
cember of the same year, and took his seat as President
of the Court of Criminal and Civil Justice, and sole
judge of the Court of Vice- Admiralty, &c.
Under a soimd lawyer and amiable man the legal ad-
ministriition of the colony proceeded quietly.
But whilst such changes were agitating the upper
classes of society, the work of the missionaries had pro-
ceeded. Their influence had accomplished a change in
the conduct of the slaves ; a gradual feeling of intelligence
had been spread; a desire for knowledge b^an to
abound. Schools for the slave children, although at
first oi)posed by some of the planters, were established
upon many of the larger estates. The class of blacks or
coloured freed men rescued from the bonds of slavery,
either by purchasing their own freedom or indebted for
it to tlie liberality of their former owners, was beooming
mSTOBT OF BBTTISH GUIANA. 348
larger. Marriages among the slaves were occasionally
met with, and the few but increasing privileges granted
to the negroes soon gave a spur to theif desires, and lent
a charm to their imaginations.
The desire for liberty, and the attempt to obtsdn it on
former occasions, had been met with stem and obstinate
resistance. The passions which then actuated the slave
were those of revenge and hatred, excited probably by
aggravated hardship or imfeeling cruelty. The work
then was of their own contrivance and at their own
instigation. A natural feeling of physical superiority had
led to its adoption, but the want of moral or intellectual
power had caused it to faiL They had rushed gladly
and suddenly to revolt, but had retired punished and
humiliated. The desire though repressed was never
subdued. The fire though smouldering was not extinct.
It waited for a fitting time and a convenient opportunity.
The stillness of the storm was to precede its fury.
nie Etiam c»oiif initare tomultoa.
The more the mind of the slave became expanded the
more it appreciated its indignity. The more it was
instructed and enlightened the more it revolted at the
stigma of bondage. But the antagonism of intellectual
influence continued to keep in check the risiog energy of
the slave; several instances of partial and individual
revolt had frequently occurred, but the want of judgment
and unanimity had rendered abortive such attempts, yet^
as Bacon expresses himself, ^^ for as it is true that every
vapour or fiime doth not turn into a storm, so it is,
nevertheless, true that storms, though they blow over
divers times, yet may fall at last, and, as the Spanish
proverb noteth well, * The cord brcaketh at the last by
the weakest pulL' ^
The white man slumbered on the edge of a volcano
3M HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
whoso early rumblings and intestine eommotion awoke
him in time to save himself from the overwhelming lava
of its eruption. Another crisis was approaching which
was to let loose the true feelings of all, and to lay bare
the social condition of all classes in their naked selfish-
ness. The slave was still at his toil ; the freed man was
still spuming the race from which he had so recently
emerged, and yearning for the class above him ; the
white man was still engaged in his profitable speculations.
When far away from the scene that comprised these
varied groups the voice of eloquence and the intellect of
civilisation were employed in the consideration of the
momentous subject of emancipation. Within the walls
of the British Houses of Legislature many an eloquent
harangue had been heard, many a noble aspiration
breathed. The theorist and the philanthropist were
carried away by the greatness of the theme, and were
anxious to let loose a power, the nature and working of
which they were unacquainted with. From the time
that Thomas Clarkson, in 1787, had raised his voice in
the House of Commons against the traffic in slaves, the
subject was never lost sight of In the declamations of
Pitt, Fox, Buxton, Brougham, Wilberforce, and Canning
we recognise the predominant and lofty sentiments which
influenced these great men. It was not, however, until
the subject of emancipation had been more than once dis-
cussed that, on the 15th March, 1823, Mr. Canning
passed in the House of Commons his famous ^^ Resolution
for ameliorating the condition of the slave population
and preparing tJiem for freedom'^ Intimation of these
resolutions was forwarded to the governors of the colonies,
and, amongst others, to Governor Murray, of British
Guiana. There is no doubt that these "resolutions"
were intended for general information, and more es-
pecially for communication to the slaves. These latter.
HISTOBT OF BHITISH GUIAKA. 846
as already explained, dwelt on the subject of their
freedom with delight; anjrthing relative to it was re-
ceived with unmitigated pleasure and satisfaction. The
object of the missionaries had not been alone to instruct
in the Gospel, and the eflfects of their intercourse with the
people soon became more apparent. What must have
been the feelings of the negro when first told that not
only in his own bosom burned the love of liberty, but
that in distant Europe the hearts of noble strangers beat
in unision with his own. Such intelligence gave him
more exalted notions of himself bul»it also awakened
feelings of bitter hatred against the unfortimate planter.
Freely admitting the necessity for the abolition of slavery,
and advocating its cause, we cannot forget that a large
class of sufferers was to result from the change, and that
the blow which was to shiver and break asunder the
fetters of slavery, was also to convulse by its shock the
length and breadth of the land. Vague and imperfect
conceptions of the blessings of fi:^edom were put forth.
Rumours of speedy release were whispered about, and to
the idle gossiping of a servant we owe the outbreak of a
bloody insurrection. This time it was not alone the
impulse to be free which urged on the slave, but the idea
that he had the co-operation of a superior power to aid
his own, and that in seizing the cutlass to strike for
freedom he was only wresting justice frx)m the tardy and
illiberal hand which withheld it. Secret societies among
the slaves were gradually formed, and there is no doubt
that in this they were assisted by some of the mis-
sionaries, whether for good or evil it were hard to
determine.
Foremost among this sect was MMionary Smithy who
had established a chapel on the east coast, and who by
his preaching and manner towards the negro in that
district had acquired a wonderful popularity and in-
846 HISTORY 01* BRITISH GUIANA.
fluence. The presence, possibly the advice, of the white
man at such meetings gave an ardour to their hopes and
to their designs. Feelings of dissatisfaction were here
openly expressed, loud causes of complaint brought for-
ward, and expressions of hatred and revenge freely given
vent to. Communication was established with the
negroes on the neighbouring estates; and, indeed, with
many others throughout the whole colony, and unanimity
and prudence enjoined. The east coast was the focus
of the revolt; and here were the seeds of a conspiracy
sown which were .soon to spring up. The whisper of
rebellion was breathed aroimd, but its echo reached not
yet the ear of the planter. A report gained ground
among the head men of several plantations on the coast,
that in England some great change for their amelioration
had taken place ; that, in fact, " Freedom had come out,**
and that the news was withheld by the governor and
their masters, who objected to it. This rumour is sup-
posed to have occurred through a servant of the go-
vernor's, who, whilst waiting at his master's table, had
heard mention made of the "Resolutions of Mr. Canning,**
and who had imbibed a mistaken notion of their purport,
and had circulated the false rumour, which acquired
strength as it proceeded.
Fama, malum qua non aliad Velociut ullum:
Mobilitate yiget, yires que aoquirit Eundo, Ac.
This little grain of falsehood, borne on the wings of
credulity, took deep root, and eventually brought forth
mischief. The opinions of the slaves, swayed backwards
and forwards by the violence of their passions, at length
settled down into a determined plot. A pljui was ac-
cordingly arranged on several estates on the east coast,
following which, they agreed to arise suddenly, seize,
bind, and put into the stocks all the white persons on
HISTORY OF BRITISH OUIAKA. 847
the estates, and then go to town in a body, and claiiB
from the governor "the freedom which was supposed to
have come out."* The plan of operation appears to
have been matured on Simday^ the 17th of August, 1823,
at the Missionary Chapel, on plantation Le Besouvenir,
and was intended to be carried into effect the following
day. The principal authors of the scheme were two
young men; Paris, a boat-captsdn of plantation Grood
Hope, a negro of superior intelligence and great bodily
strength ; and Jack Gladstone, also a very intelligent man,
a cooper by trade, on plantation Success. Almost all the
slaves on the east coast were privy to the plot, so general
were its ramifications. The train now was laid, and only
awaited the application of the match to give it explosion,
when, by a timely intimation on the part of one of the
negroes cognisant of the scheme, but who had not joined
in it, some of the intended consequences were averted,
but, unfortunately, not in time to prevent the effusion of
much blood.
Early on Monday morning, the 18th of August, a mu-
latto servant, Joseph, belonging to Mr. Simpson, of
plantation Reduit (now plantation Ogle), about six
imles from Georgetown, communicated to his master the
startling intelligence, that all the coast negroes would
rise that night. It appears this man was one of the very
persons upon whose authority concerning the rumour of
" Freedom having come out," the plot had been originally
formed; he had observed signs of great dissatisfaction
prevalent among the negroes, and had noticed the fact of
frequent private meetings ; his suspicions were in conse-
quence awakened, and he determined to watch their
proceedings-f Not being a confederate himself, he per-
* From til that I luiTe been aUe to learn on this tnbject, I do not beliere that
the intentioni of the ilaTee had an/ xe&renoe to the ejqpnliion or murder of the
white inhabitanta.
t Biyant'f aoconnt of the infimeolioo.
348 HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIAKA.
Buaded a negro (Denderdaag), on the same estate, to act
the part of a spy, by which means he ascertained posi-
tively the progress of events. Satisfied as to their truth,
he acquainted his master with the fact; and this gentle-
man, duly appreciating the infonqation, made no appear-
ance of alarm, but instantly left his estate for the purpose
of communicating to the governor the disclosure which
had been made to him. On his way to Georgetown, he
called at several plantations on the road, to caution the
planters of the threatened danger. About ten o'clock,
Captain Simpson (for he was a burgher ofiicer, and com-
manded a troop of cavalry in Georgetown), had an inter-
view with the governor, who at first ridiculed the idea
of a revolt,* but who prudently directed that the cavalry
should be assembled ; and, after a consultation with the
fiscal, despatched a portion of the troop under Captain
Simpson to plantation Reduit, and shortly after, followed
himself, attended by the brigade-major of militia, an
aide-de-camp, and the government secretary. On his
arrival at the estate, orders were given for a sergeant and
four troopers to proceed at once to a military post at
Mahaica Creek, about fifteen miles higher up the coast,
and directions given to leave word with the other
burgher officers and planters on the road. The governor,
having held an investigation on the spot^ in which the
negro Joseph was closely questioned, and the truth of
his statement being evident, it was ascertained that a'
spirit of insubordination and rebellion was in active pro-
gress among the slave population; almost immediately
aft;er, a supposed ringleader, Mars, was taken up on sus-
picion, and the governor and escort proceeded up the
coast to ascertain the extent and situation of the
rebellion.
* Af I hare been asffored by Abraham Garnett, Esq., at that time an opulent
and tniin^ntial planter, who acoompaniod him to town.
mSTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA* 849
ITie party was met by a large body of anned negroes,
who on seeing them shouted cut " We have them, we
have them/' His excellency stopped and demanded
what they wanted They replied " our right." The
governor, before entering upon any discussion, insisted
upon their laying down their arms. At first they posi-
tively refiised to do so, but by d^ees some few set the
example. His excellency then stated to them the nature
of the instructions which he had received fix)m the British
Government, relative to a proposed amelioration in their
condition, but warned them that any acts of insubordina-
tion committed by them would deprive them of the
benefit intended* Afi;er further admonition and remon-
strance, he called upon them to disperse, and stated,
that if they had any cause of complaint, or required any
further explanation respecting the communication which
he had received fi:om England, they should call on him
the following morning. A few seemed inclined to listen
to his suggestions, but others cried out ^^ No, no,** and a
blowing of shells followed. Finding further expostula-
tion useless, his excellency drove offl It cannot but be
regretted that the explanation thus voluntarily offered
by the governor had not previously been made. Un-
accountable as was the cause of delay in announcing the
intelligence received, it was now set about too late. The
procrastination of an act of common justice was perhaps
a proximate, if not an immediate, cause of the calamities
which ensued.
The flame of revolt had burst forth, and was spreading,
not to be extinguished till it had consumed many a
valuable life. The insurrection had, in point of fact,
commenced, a large fire on plantation La Bonne Inten^
tion was the signal for attack, and its fury was only
equalled by the excited populace. Towards nightfall
several white pisrscMis on some of the estates were taken
360 HI8T0RT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
prisoners and put in the stocks. On some properties,
where a defence had been made, fire-arms were had re-
course to by the negroes, who killed and wounded
several of the planters. Their plan of attack was to
surroimd the dwelling-house, and either forcibly enter it
or set fire to it. Their object was to capture the white
inhabitants and to confine them. In most cases, how-
ever, they met with resistance, and hence arose violence
and bloodshed. Upon one or two estates, however, the
negroes refiised to assist the insurgents in making pri-
soners of their masters, and offered a stem opposition to
their intrusion. It could easily be seen that the spirit
of unanimity was wanting, and that the present revolt
was more an outbreak of excited popular feeling than a
well concocted and determined attempt to overturn all
rule and authority. The governor, after leaving the
coast, returned to Georgetown late that evening, and
seeing the necessity for more decisive measures, instantly
ordered out a detachment of the 21st N.B. Fusiliers and
the 1st West India Regiment, and marched them up the
coast.
The bugle soimded to arms through the town, and the
inhabitants serving in the militia obeyed the summons
with the utmost alacrity. Soon learning the cause of
their assembling, they arranged themselves under their
respective commanders. A number of them were like-
wise marched up the coast, others patrolled the streets,
and the remainder were under arms all night. The
troops sent up the coast were reinforced, and met a body
of insurgents, who were obstructing the passage to town
of several oflScers of the country miUtia and other gentle-
men. The negroes, more intent on watching the latter,
and not expecting to encoimter any regular troops, were
astonished at the advance of the body of soldiers under
Captain Stewart, and immediately on the dificoveiy a
HIBTOBT OF BRTHSH GUIANA. 851
shot was fired at them by one of the slaves; this was
instantly followed by a volley fix)m the troops, which
dispersed the slaves, and they effected a junction with
the above-mentioned body of gentlemen, one of whom,
it appears, was severely wounded by the discharge from
the troops. The imited forces then proceeded up the
coast, and finHing several parties of the insurgents, fired
at and dispersed them with considerable loss of life to
the negroes.
Early the next day, the 19th August, the drum in
Georgetown beat to arms, and the inhabitants being as-
sembled, were addressed by his excellency the governor,
who prodaimed " martial law." The effect of this was
immense. Business was put a stop to. The ntiinds of
all were excited, and, like a hive of bees which has been
disturbed, the whole town was one scene of tumult and
confiision. Many of the ladies were conveyed on board
of vessels in the river, and every preparation was made
for a sanguinary and protracted conflict. A battalion of
militia was raised, amounting to about 600 persons,
whilst a marine battalion was formed from the crews of
ships in the liver, and mustered about 400. Two pieces
of artillery were placed so as to command the two prin-
cipal entrances into town. Meanwhile, nearly all the
gangs of negroes upon the estates on the coast had as*
sembled in great numbers ; they were armed with cut-
lasses, guns, and other weapons, and were headed by
individuals who carried flags.
With much noise and bravado they paraded up and
down the coast, but appeared to have no definite object
in view beyond capturing the few white persons liiey
might meet. Encountering, however, bodies of troops
and militia, they were ea^y dispersed, yet collected
again in greater numbers, irresolute in conduct, and un-
certain as to their movements. One party made an in«
352 HISTORY OF JBBITISII GUIANA.
effectual attempt to seize the military post at Maliaica^
but were gallantly repulsed by the few persons under
the commaDd of Lieutenant Brady. Fresh bodies of
troops continued to arrive from town, and formed a
tolerably large force under the command of Lieutenant-
Colonel Leahy, of the 21st, who scoured the country^
taking numerous prisoners, and shooting a great many of
the unfortunate negroes. Upon one occasion the troops
encountered a band of about 2U00 slaves, when Colonel
Leahy advanced himself towards them, asking what thej
wanted, and endeavoured to persuade them to lay down
their arms. They gave, in answer, that they wanted
two days in the week for themselves, some said three
days, others that they wanted freedom, and that the king
had sent it out, adding that "they would be free."
Finding no disposition on their part to disperse. Colonel
Leahy read the proclamation of martial law by the go-
vernor, and gave a copy to one of the ringleaders.
Threatening them with fire of the troops if they did not
retire, he left them, accompanied by Captain Croal, who
had followed him. After waiting for some time orders
were given for the troops to advance, who, being defied
by the negroes, fired at and dispersed them with great
slaughter. A slight fire was returned on the side of the
slaves, and kept up for a few minutes on both sides, but
the latter soon retired to the cotton-fields. The soldiers
then proceeded onwards, and occupied the neighbouring
buildings. Most of the bridges forming the line of com-
munication of the roads had been destroyed by the in-
surgents, who thought thus to prevent the junction of
the whites. In the mean time, many of the prisoners
taken were, aft;er a short trial, summarily executed, as a
warning to the others. A constant skirmishing was
kept up along nearly the whole line of the coast, but in
no one instance had the slaves any advantage. Greatly
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 353
superior in number they wanted organisation, and the
lack of discipline and defined object rendered them help-
less to the attack of the roused white inhabitants.
On the 20th of August, another proclamation was
issued by the governor, holding out encouragement to
those slaves not actually concerned in the insurrection,
and threatening them if an opposite course were pursued ;
but of what avail to an illiterate mob could such a pro-
clamation be ? They had already dyed their hands in
blood ; and, half paralysed at their own exploits, stood
awaiting with indifference the result. Those who were
condemned to death, bore their fate with marked
heroism and fortitude. They experienced no regret for
their conduct, and deplored only the ill result of it.
Others of the prisoners were sent under escort to town,
to await a more formal trial. A great number of the
fugitive slaves fled to the woods, and it was proposed to
chase them out with the assistance of the native Indians,
who upon this occasion came forward with alacrity to
assist the white inhabitants. It only remained for the
troops to collect as many of the ringleaders as possible,
and to prevent any further outbreak by their presence
and discipline. The masses of negroes began gradually
to disperse; many who had taken refuge in the cotton-
fields and woods, returned by degrees to their houses.
Several gangs of negroes resumed their work as if no-
thing had happened, and the panic-struck inhabitants
resumed their former occupations and tranquillity. On
the 22nd, four days after the breaking out of the slaves,
the governor issued a third proclamation of full and free
pardon to aU slaves (ringleaders excepted) who within
forty-eight hours should deliver themselves up to his
clemency; and all were enjoined to lay down their arms,
and return to their duties.
In other parts of the colony there had been no opea
VOL. I. 2 a
854 HISTOBY OV BRITISH GTJIAKA«
demonstration of revolt; but evidently the feelings of
insubordination had also spread in all directions, and
undoubtedly would have declared itself had anything
like success attended the revolt on the east coast. As it
was, many of the ringleaders escaped and hid themselves
in the various districts, causing great excitement wher*
ever their presence was suspected. In a short tune the
greater part were taken prisoners and brought to George-
town, where a formal trial was instituted. His excel-
lency issued a warrant, in the name of his Majesty, for
assembling and constituting a general court-martia],
which was opened on the 25th of August, composed o£
several officers of the garrison and militia. After an in-
vestigation, which continued for many days, 45 insur-
gent negroes were found guilty, and sentenced to death;
but out of this number, 18 were respited. Of the many
who perished by the arms of the militia and soldiers,
the exact number is not known, but it must have been
considerable; whilst, on the other hand, it does not
appear that more than a few white persons were killed,
and several others wounded.
But the colonists, in thus speedily arresting the insur-
rection, had not forgotten the supposed instigators. It
has been stated that to the effect of missionary influenoe
much of the late evil had resulted. The missionary
Smith, at whose chapel and in whose neighbourhood the
plan of revolt had been supposed to have been matured,
was arrested and put in prison. On the 13th of October
a general court-martial, similarly constituted as the one
for the trial of the negroes, was held in order to investi-
gate the charges preferred against him, which accused
hiTn of engendering feelings of discontent and dissatis&o-
tion among the negroes towards their lawful masters; of
advising, counselling, and corresponding with certain
ringleaders of the revolt, and of having withheld the
HI6T0BY OF BSITIBH GUIAHA. 355
communication of his knowledge of the intended rebel-
lion from the proper authorities. After a lengthened
and important trial, which lasted upwards of a month,
he was found guilty on some of the charges, and had the
sentence of death passed on him on the 24th of Novem-
ber. Meanwhile he was remanded to prison, there to
await the confirmation of the sentence from his Majesty
Greorge IV. He, however, became ill shortly after his
imprisonment, and in spite of every care and medical
attendance, died on the 6th of February of the year
1824. The sentence of death was reprieved by his
Majesty, but the intelligence did not reach the colony
until ike 30th of March. Directions were, however,
forwarded to have him dismissed from the colony of
Demerary and Es^equebo, and to prohibit him from re-
siding in any of the settlements in the West Indies; but,
as we have seen, a Superior Power had already trans-
lated him to another world, there to await the judgment
of an all-seeing Providenoe, who alone knoweth the
secrets of the heart.
However innocent may have been his intention, how-
ever charitably inclined his endeavours, it cannot be de-
nied that he acted with great imprudence in encouraging
rather than subduing the disaffection of the slaves to-
wards their masters. It was not likely that his voice
alone could instil into the hearts of his audience a suffi-
cient knowledge of their position. It vras unwise, nay
dangerous, to let loose the reins of a power with whose
working he was ignorant; and to listen with complacency
to the schemes of a multitude which was about to per-
petrate a deed of violence. It may be ai^ued that no
act of bloodidied was intended, that no individual life
was threatened, and that he only listened with indiscre«
tion to the proposition of the slave to claim from the
governor that which was considjored as a zi^t. But
2a2
866 HISTOBY OP BBinSH GUIANA.
such a man could have been litde versed in the know«^
ledge of human nature to suppose for an instant that the
planters would quietly stand by whilst they saw their
bondsmen leave the field of toil and assemble in hun-
dreds with arms in their hands, for the purpose of
marching to town. He must have placed too much
confidence in the virtue of human nature to suppose
that the principle once allowed of volimtarily quitting
the estates would have been followed by the quiet re-
turn of the people to their work. How could he have
hoped that such a display of armed force would have
been rewarded by the ^ft of unqualified fi:'eedom ? Little
could he have reflected upon the effects which in all pro-
bability would have resulted if in the first instance the
revolt of the slaves had been attended with success. He
could have watched the events of ages with but little
sagacity if he knew not that a conspiracy, once attempted,
with but the most moderate intention, runs on to vio-
lence and excess, and none could tell the fury of an un-
bridled and triumphant mob. The French Bevolution
commenced only with the unostentatious plea of redress-
ing the wrongs of the lower classes. It ended, alas, in
the horrors of a civil war unparalleled in atrocity, in the
overthrow of the nobles, and in the murder of royalty.
However unwilling we are to participate in the bitter
animosity which was displayed towards him and his bro-
ther missionaries by the colonists, and however little in-
clined to extenuate their fearful revenge on the mistaken
slaves, we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that John
Smith was cognisant of an intended movement on the
part of the negroes to claim their freedom, and that he
had it consequently in his power to have averted all
those evils which his ill-timed silence entailed upon him-
self, upon his misguided people, and upon the colony at
large. This one solemn startling fact is sufficient q{
HISTOBY OP BEITISH aUIAKiu 367
itself to cast a stain upon his character, however other-
wise pure and amiable, and to check us in that deep
sympathy which we would otherwise have felt for his
imprisonment, obloquy, and death.*
Thus ended the insurrection of 1823, which, whether
we consider the serious consequences which might have
resulted had the slaves been victorious, or the indiscri-
minate slaughter of a small party of troops and militia
against an imdisciplined host, is an era in the history of
British Guiana which cannot easily be forgotten. The
crushed spirit and servile demeanour of the slave had
been flung aside, and he had started up in an attitude of
manly defiance and haughty daring, whilst the lordly and
luxurious planter had felt appalled at the novel and fright-
ful sight of his slave in arms. At the time of the occur-
rence the land in cultivation was held by about 200 pro-
prietors, of whom only about 75 resided in the colony,
showing the extent of " absenteeism," as already noticed.
The cry of revolt had struck terror into the hearts of the
owners of the rich soil, and concision and dismay at first
were spread abroad; but it was not long ere (he clear
intelligence of the Anglo-Caucasian race saw through the
mist which at first obscured them, and the courage of
high descent animated their bosoms; ' calmness succeeded
to confusion; skill and bravery to alarm. Bapid and
fearfiil as was the stroke aimed at them, it was parried
with equal vigour; the weapon of aggression was soon
wrenched from the threatening arm, and vengeance — ten-
fold vengeance, inflicted on the assailant. It is easy to
say that the conquest was not difficult, and that the vie*
tory was obUdned over feeble opponents. It is possible
to conjecture that a bloody revolt was actually brought
* It is also potitirely asterted that Qnanima, one of the leaden in the rebel-
lion, was harboured by this nnflartiniate misiionaiy after a reward had been
pubUdy oiEered finr hit captorep
358 HI8I0&T OF BBIXI8H GUIAITA*
on, by a warlike defenoe, before evea an actual assault
had been made, and that the fears andfury of the excited
colonists made the strife of battle, when only a ample
war of words was intended. But it is much easier to
ridicule the exploits of an armed and cUsciplined force
over untutored savages, and to censure their cruelty,
than to assert what would be one's own feelings during
an occasion such as we have described. Had the revolt
been general throughout the colony ; had its organisation
been laid secretly and developed skilfully ; had the slave
population risen suddenly and rapidly as one man, then
would the generation of planters have, perhaps, been
swept from the land of British Guiana, and the flag of
self-accomplished freedom been unfurled, all stained with
blood, to the Western Isles. The shout of the triumphant
serf would have drowned the cries of his conquered
master. But it was not so ; the long possessed power of
the white man had exercised its influence on his slave.
The mind, which had bowed in bondage to the will of a
superior, could not shake off its allegiance in an hour,
although that hour was one of passion and madness. It
had deceived itself Excited by desire and persuasion,
goaded on, perhaps, by insult and wrong, it thought its
power strong enough to grapple with the £uici^ op-
pressor; its determination strong enough to resist the
power of authority ; the hour of trial came, and it was
found wanting ; the attempt had been made in earnest,
but had £uled The defeated slave returned humbled
and self-abased to resume his wonted task, and to serve
in dogged sullenness and silence.
HXBTOST Ot BBmSQ fiUIAlfA. 369
CHAPTER XL
BSJOICDfO Aim TRB XNSUBRECTIOir OT 18S4— BEWABD8 TO TBB OmCEBS—
XZPXK8XS OV TBI DrSUBBXCTIOir— PUBLIC YBBLIXO ▲OAIMST TBB MIMIOXA-
BIE8— CHANGB OF OOYEBKOBS — ^BETIBEMEXT OF BRICLLDIBR-OENBBAL MURBAT
— BBYIXW OF HD CHJLBAGTBB — UIBITAL OF SIR BEKJAMIK I>*nRBJLX AB
LIBITTEICABT-OOTBBMOB— OOXBOSSIOB OF XBQUIBT IXTO TBB ADHIHISTBAnOK
OF JUBTICEy 1825 — PROTBCTOB OF SLATES AFPOIKTBD — DBMEBABA AMD
ESSBQUEBO DITIDED INTO PABISHE8— CHUECB AND POOB FUND— XONBTABT
CHABaBS— KAOBB BFBCDLATIOiHS IB FBOPERTT— ABTICIFAnOB OF BMABOPA-
TION— OPINIONS ON THE SUBJECT — THE THREE COLONIES UNITED UNDER ONB
GOTBENMENT, 1831— EEYIEW OF EVENTS IN BE&BICE— ALTERATION OF CIYIL
AND CBUOBAL OOUBTB gBPABATIOy OF FINANCIAL BEPBESBNTATHrBS FBOX
COLLBGB OF KBZZBBB— C0B80LIDATBD SLATB OEDINANOBfl, 18.12— IBFBBXOB
OOUBTS BSTABLISBED— OOYBENXENT OF SIB BENJAMIN D*URBAN — ^ABSTRACT OF
RATIO OF XOBTALITr AXOBO SLAVES.
ToB rejoicings that followed the suppression of the
revolt marked a bright page in the dark annals of
British Guiana. Martial law, after having been put into
force for a period of five months^ was discontinued on the
19th January, 1824 ; the terrible executions of the in-
surgents ceased, and the year opened with a public
acknowledgment 'from the governor to the officers and
soldiers, r^ulars and militia, of his excellency's high
sense of their valuable services. Addresses and tributes
followed from the Ck>urt of Policy and the inhabitants
generally to the officers who had most distinguished
themselves in these unhappy transactions. A costly
sword was presented by the court to Lieutenaht-Ck)lan6l
Leahy, worth 200 guineas, and another, of the value of
360 HISTORY OF BEITISH GT7IAKA.
fifty guineas, to Lieutenant Brady. To the officers of
the 21st Regiment a sum of 500 guineas was presented
for the purchase of plate for the use of their regimental
mess, and another sum of 200 guineas to the officers of
the West Indian Regiment for a similar object. A piece
of plate of the value of 350 guineas was also given to
Lieutenant-Colonel Leahy, of the 2l8t, by some of the
inhabitants, and a cheque for 1000/. to Lieutenant Brady,
by the colonists of the east coast and others. The able
commandant of the Georgetown militia, Lieutenant-
Colonel Goodman, received from the inhabitants a sum
of 400Z. to be laid out in plate, and lOOL for the purchase
of a sword. The bonds of social harmony were drawn
closer by the escape from the common dangers which
had threatened the whole community, and the universal
alarm and despondency was changed into an outburst of
popular festivity.
The expense of the insurrection amounted to upwards
of 200,000 dollars, which was principally met by a new
issue of colonial paper money to the amount of 24,193
joes — raising the total amount issued to 100,000 joes.
Other important consequences followed in the wake of
this painful drama. So excited and prejudiced were the
feelings of the colonists against the class of missionaries,
that at a public meeting, held in Georgetown on the 24th
February, it was resolved, *^ That the Court of Policy be
forthwith petitioned to expel all missionaries from the
colony, and that a law be passed prohibiting the admis-
sion of any missionary preachers into this colony for the
future." It seems hardly credible that the colonists could
have so far forgotten themselves as to act in so vindictive
a spirit, or that they should have been so weak as to
suppose that, by excluding the missionaries, they could
succeed in extinguishing the desire for knowledge and
freedom amongst the negroes. That desire once awakened
HISTORY OP BRITISH OTJIANA. 361
is not to be repressed by penal enactments; and, nou-
rished in the primeval soUtudes of the forests, and upon
the lonely coast whose waters washed the distant lands
where men were free, the slave needed no teacher to
make him aspire to the blessing of liberty.
Governor Murray, who had become the idol of the
inhabitants by his late conduct, was not permitted to
enjoy his triumph long. He was immediately afterwards
recalled by an order from London ; and on the 24th
April, Major-General Sir Benjamin D' Urban arrived to
assume the government. On the occasion of Governor
Murray*s retirement, he was presented by the colonists
with a piece of plate of the value of 1200 guineas, " in
memorial of the happy suppression of the late revolt.''
With this popular and able governor a great many of the
traces of a dave country disappeared, never to return.
That he was a popular governor, none, I believe, would
deny ; that he was likewise able and intelligent must be
admitted, when we consider that he remained about
elevenyears at the head of the administration of a colony
which was undergoing the most rapid social changes, and
that during the term of his government many acts of vast
public and private importance were introduced by his
advice and influence. If, in the closing scene of his
career as governor he displayed some want of judgment
with reference to the approaching emancipation of the
slave, the error was of the head, and not of the heart.
A great step was taken from the period of the insurrection
in the march of improvement. From the date of its
fortunate suppression may be traced the dawning of a
brighter day for the negroes, and a whispering of fore-
boding evil to the planter. A gap in the ordinary pro*
gress of events seemed suddenly filled up, and men
acquired in a short time the experience of years. Eman^
cipation was no longer looked upon as chimerical The
862 HISTOET OF BSinSH GUIA17A.
habits of the white man had been too extensively adopted
by the slave to be easily cast off; and the ideas of inde-
pendenoe, which had taken deep root in his mind, had
akeady begun to develop their power over his actions.
In the late movement he had given a warning proof of
the fortitude with which he could persevere in the pur-
suit of the object which ever engrossed his whole life.
The condition of the negroes was altered. They were
no longer insensate, stolid, and incapable of combination
and unanimity ; and, however crude and imperfect their
first att^npt at co-operation, it was evident that they had
acquired a dear sense of the importance of union for the
attainment of the end towards which they stru^ed.
They were already rising in the social scale; some of
them were promoted to situations of trust and confidence^
and others had in their turn become masters, and actually
owned slaves. In this character, however, they did not
appear to advantage, and showed by their harshness and
severity that as yet they little understood the " duties" of
property, although they were nothing loth to assert its
"rights."
The slave of the slave suggests a painM image of au-
thority exercised, and toil exacted, by men over their
equals in birth^ education, and civilisation. The n^ro
early displayed an anxiety to possess such an authority
and power, and it will not be inapt to remark that the
change in condition had also occasioned a change in sen-
timent, for the individual who in his day of slavery had
cursed the hated name and scouted its attributes, became,
when freed, as jealous of his new rights, and as tenacious
of his privileges, as the European, whom the prospect of
emancipation scared. Why, then, attribute to either
race those vices which are inherent in the drcumstancea
in which they are placed, rather than in their ori^al
natures? smce it is evident that, had their podtiops
HISIOKT OF BBIIISH GUIAITA. 368
been reversed, the negro would have made as jealous a
taskmaster as the white man^ and the European as in-
dignant and stubborn a slave as the black. The moral
is obvious, and tells with equal effect on both sides.
It may be asked how the slave could obtain the means
of purchasing his freedom ; how the man who lived in
bondage and toiled for the advantage of another, could
have contrived to amass the fimds necessary for his re-
demption from chains. But this can be easily explained.
It had been long the custom to allow the negro certain
privileges and hours of leisure, which he mi^t employ
in any way he chose. Many had naturally turned their
attention towards supplying the wants which they found
to exist among their superiors and their neighbours. The
cultivation of their little patches of land, the raising of
stock, the catching of fish, were some of the methods by
which they acquired money. There were also certain
extra tasks, for which they were sometimes well paid
In addition to these resources, the most promising of the
slaves were taught various trades. Some were employed
as coopers, carpenters, masons, boatmen, &c. ; and it was
not unusual for persons owning a few slaves to hire out
their services for a given sum, beyond which anything
that they made themselves was for their own use. Several
came to be employed as vendors of different articles for
household uses, &C., and receiving the name of "huck-
sters," traversed the country on the business of their
employers. By such and similar means the negro oc-
casionally managed to accomplish hb liberation. An
additional stimulus was now about to be given to the
advancement of his order by the spirit of European
liberty. WeU would it have been for the n^ro, and
the colony generally, had the coming boon been regulated
by justice and wisdom, and the mind of the slave been
prepared for his new duties by being duly impressed with
364 HISTO&T OP BBITI8H eXJIANA.
the paramount necessity of industry, morality, and self-
regeneration.
The arrival of Sir Benjamin D'Urban from the island
of Antigua, where he had resided some time, was the
commencement of a new era. He found the colony still
unsettled from the consequences of the late outbreak, and
the planter and the negro both looking forward to the
changes he had been empowered to introduce. By his
Majesty's orders, commissioners of inquiry into the ad-
ministration of justice arrived shortly after, for the pur-
pose of remodelling those anomalies in the administration
of the land, to which reference has already been made.
In the following year, an ordinance, after some opposi-
tion, was passed by the governor and Court of Policy,
entitled " An Ordinance for the Religious Instructions of
Slaves, and for Meliorating their Condition." It was
dated September 7th, published October 15th, and was
to take effect on the 1st January, 1826. It provided for
the appointment of a protector of slaves; secured the
slaves an immunity from labour (except in certain spe-
cific cases) from sunset on Saturday to. simrise on Mon-
day ; limited field work from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., with two
hours' intermission; prohibited the whip from being car-
ried into the field ; abolished the whipping of women ;
limited punishment to 25 lashes ; required a record of
punishments to be kept ; secured to the slaves the pri-
vileges of marriage, of acquiring and holding property,
and of purchasing their freedom. An officer from Eng-
land, Colonel A. W. Young, was appointed to the new
office of " protector of slaves," a title conveying a satire
upon the conduct of the community, and certainly not
very complimentary to the governor himself. The duties
required of this officer were vexatious and arduous. His
position was likely to render him obnoxious to many of
the colonists, while it required great prud^ice, judgment^
HISTOKY OP BBinSH GUIANA. 36&
and firmness to enable him to deal with the frivolous com-
plaints of slaves on the one side, and to soothe the offended
dignity of employers and owners on the other. But
such qualifications were eminently possessed by Colonel
Young, and his whole bearing, career, and conduct were
marked by impartiality, determination, and wisdom.
The nature of his duties was fully developed in subse-
quent proclamations and other ordinances, and some of
their principal features may be thus described :
Protectors, and assistant protectors, not to own or
manage slaves; to be warranted in entering into negro
houses on estates, &c. ; privilege given to slaves to pass
and repass to protector to make complaints, penalty in
opposing protector's duties, power to summons witnesses,
and to examine them; witnesses not attending maybe
committed to gaol ; protector not to act as magistrate;
protectors to act as coroners, and also appear in behalf
of slaves prosecuted ; to prohibit Sunday markets, Sun-
day labour, and Sunday traffic, under penalties ; (with
certain exceptions) to determine regulations about use of
the whip; forfeiture of slaves in cases of cruelty and ill-
treatment ; slaves made competent to marry, and to ap-
ply for such license to protector ; slave? not to be pro-
prietors of boats, ammimition, &c. ; slaves not to be
proprietors of slaves; relationship of slaves to be attended
to; fees of office and duties on manumissions abolished;
slaves may effect the purchase of their fireedom by a
compulsory process ; evidence of slaves to be admitted ;
concluding with rules and regulations respecting the food
and maintenance of slaves ; the duration of labour, cloth-
ing, medical attendance, religious worship, and other
important subjects.
In the year 1825, the districts of Demerara and Esse-
quebo were divided into parishes, ten in number, distinct
and separate ; a great improvement from the simple
366 HISTOSY OP BRPEISH GTTIAK A»
division into plantations and burner districts. As a
natural sequence, churches began to be built» and duly
qualified dergymen arrived to undertaike the rather
arduous duty of regenerating the morality of the colony.
Among the other churches so established was one for
Boman Catholics, the first stone of which was laid by the
governor. This church was ultimately endowed by the
colony. All the regular appurtenances of such establish*
ments were soon after introduced by the improving efforts
of civilisation ; such as the formation of vestries, with
^^ an act to r^ulate them;'' also, at a later period, an act
for ^' Begulating and preserving Registers of BaptiBm,
Marriages, and Burials, in the xmited colony of D^ierara
and Essequebo." An establishment called ^ The Ghurcli
and Poor's Fund" had been in existence since 182^9
and different acts for its r^ulation and guidance con-
tinued to be enforced, till the whole system became com*
pletely altered. The origin of this fund took its rise
with the Dutch, who, as we have seen, so early as the
year 1792, had instituted a consistoiy of at least two
deacons and two elders, to which consistory the control
of Church and Poor moneys was to be entrusted, Ac. A
consistory thus composed existed on each of the inha-
bited rivers, viz. : — Demerara, Essequebo, and Berbice.
Afterwards, or in 1793, it was decreed that all '^imports
leviable for funds of Church and Poor moneys should
thenceforth be received by the respective receivers of the
poor's chesty as members administering, and thereunto
commissioned, out of the consistory." The system thus
established obtained until 1816, when the ^administrap
tion thereof was vested in the clergymen of the Esta-
blished Church of England, in the minister of the Dutch
Beformed Church, and in the minister of the Sork of
Scotland within the sud united colonies.*' But as this
HISTO&T OP BUmSH GUIANA. 367
was never authorised or confirmed by his Majesty, an
order in council in 1824 founded in the united colonies
a body corporate, styled " The Board of Church and
Poor's Fund," &c., consisting of a president and six
members, viz. : — the senior clergyman of the Church of
England, who acted as president ; the Dutch minister,
the Scotch minister, the first fiscal, and three other per-
sons, to be named by the governor, none of whom were
to receive any salary; a treasurer and secretary were
appointed with a salary, as well as a clerk. Another
later act in 1830, for " Eegulating the claims of the
Board of Church and Poor*s Fund upon the property of
persons receiving maintenances from the board," enacted
several clauses relative to persons assigning over their
property to such funds, &c. &c. A similar body corpo-
rate was also established at a subsequent period by Go-
vernor Smyth, for the^district of Berbioe.
An alteration in the monetary affairs of the colony also
took place in 1825, when British coin was introduced^
and an order in council declared ^^ that a tender and
payment of British silver money, to the amount of four
shillings and fourpence, should be considered as equi-
valent to the tender or payment of one Spanish dollar,
and so in proportion for any greater or less amount of
debt,'* &c. Hence, British coin became a legal tender
for the discharge of debts and other business. ^' And
whereas the said British silver and copper money has
been sent out to this united colony, consisting of
Silyer Half cfowiit, ahilliiigt, and dxpenoet,
Copper .........«.....*....^ Penoe^bilf-penoe,«DdfiEurthtiig8;
^It is hereby declared and ordered, that the said
British silver and copper money shall, fix)m and after the
24th day of September, 1825, be legal tender and pay-
ment, at the rate and value following:
Stiters.
PomiiDgf (oqL iiioii8(j)
15
•••
14
■••
7
•••
1
•••
•••
10
•••
5
368 HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
British coin. Gailden.
Half crowns 1
Shillings (or 12 pence).
Sixpence
One pennjr.
Halfpenny.^
Farthing
" And all persons are further informed that they may
demand from the chief officer of the commissariat de-
partment in this colony bills upon the Lords Commis-
sioners of his Majesty's Treasury at thirty days' sight,
in exchange for any sums whatever tendered by them in
British silver, not less in amount than 100/., at the fixed
rate of a bill, 1001. for every 103/, of British silver money
so tendered."
The legal par of exchange was raised from 12 to 14
guilders. During the suspension of specie payments by
the Bank of England, and the consequent depreciation
of the pound sterling, Spanish dollars had passed current
in the colony at the rate of three guilders eadi. Upon
the restoration of specie payments by the bank, the pound
sterling recovered its original value; but the excessive
issue of joe notes prevented a similar result in the colony.
A Spanish dollar was still worth three guilders of the
paper money, or of the debased silver of the colony; and
it consequently became necessary to raise the l^al par
of exchange. Thus the joe of this colony, which was
originally worth 8 dollars and 40 cents, in consequence
of the excessive issue of paper, sunk to the value of 7
dollars 33-|^ cents. Such were some of the principal
changes effected about this period.
The social condition of the inhabitants appeared to be
but little influenced by these innovations, nor did pro-
perty lose any of its value, either by the threatened ca-
lamity of the insurrection, or the contemplated measures
for improving the state of the labouring classes. Specu-
lations of all kinds were pursued with a determination
BISTORT OF BRITISH OUf ANA. 369
which ensured success. We have seen that the arrival
<^ Europeans increased after the colonies had been taken
possession of by the British, but more especially since
1815 ; and it had long been the custom for persons pos-
sessed of little capital to purchase estates upon credit,
trusting to the large profits to be made by their culti*
vation for the means of pajring off the debt by instal-
ments. Instances had occurred in which persons without
any capital at all had made purchases of property, and
been enabled, in the course of a few years, to become
the undoubted proprietors of such estates. The way by
which these transactions were conducted was as follows:
— A gentleman of good address and connexion would
offer to take over an estate, giving bills of exchange on
well-known firms in England or elsewhere; this arrange-
ment being accepted, he proceeded home at once, before
the bills could be presented, and explained his object
and intentions to the firm with whom he might, or might
not, have had previous dealings or acquaintance; the
bills being accepted, the money was duly paid, the parties
advancing the money receiving and selling the sugars or
other produce, sending out supplies, and making them-
selves secure by holding one or more mortgages on the
property, which, in the case of unsuccessfiil speculations
of this kind, eventually fell into their hands. This system
of advancing money upon property entailed much misery
in the long run upon the planters, and although it was
attended by extraordinary success at first, it led to the
introduction of artificial principles, which reduced the
value of property to a mere nominal amount, and finally
engendered all sorts of abuses. It is now completely
abandcmed.
From this time forward the destte to become con-
nected in some way or other with landed property
may be described as a sort of mania. It is not diffi-
VOL. I. 2 b
370 HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
cult to trace the cause of this. In all countries there
are certain pursuits which entitle those who follow them
to an aristocratic position. In some, as in Russia, the
military profession brings particular distinction ; in Eng-
land, a seat in the Legislature ; and in Europe generally,
stars, ribands, and titles. Comparing small things with
great, the grand daim to distinction in British Guiana
was, and still continues to be, the possession of landed
property in the shape of an estate. Apart fix)m higher
walks of ambition, this local glory is regarded as the
greatest honour. Of course it is not attended by equal
advantage to all. At the commencement, the race was
pretty equal, but the passion for estated properties in-
duced so many persons to plunge into agricultural pur«
suits without the requisite experience, capital, or acti*
vity, that in the course of time success, instead of being
the rule, became the exception. Nevertheless, as the
possession of land was the only road to the attainment of
the highest social rank, men who were earning a fair
livelihood by their employments, professional or com-
mercial, were still tempted to plunge into agricultural
pursuits, undeterred by the examples of failures that
were every day occurring around them. As the sole
direction of local affairs, formerly but feebly counter*
acted by the few oflScials, thus became vested in the
hands of the most wealthy among the planters, the exer*
cise of authority inevitably took that shape and form
most conducive to their special interests. Opposed ta
all kinds of innovations, the object of the planters was td
provide and enact laws and regulations calculated for
their own aggrandisement, or for that of their dass*
Hence it was not enough for a man to find himself gain*:
ing a reputation and fortune by other employments, so
long as he felt himself dependent on the patronage or
success of the planter. So ihat the merchant, the lawyer,.
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA; 871
the doctor— riay, the tradesman, sought to increase his
gains and advance his rank by the possession of some
property. Very often, as might have been expected,
8uch parties soon became mere nominal representatives
of property. The shadow was theirs, but the substance
went to another.
Quod qoii Tocaie possit dominiuin Indeflnitnm,
Non formalitu, aed concetfive; non actm, sed potentia.
Advances of money had to be obtained to carry on
hopeless agricultural speculations. Lavish expenditure
or diminished means soon led the proprietors into diffi-*
culties; fresh sums were advanced, more mortgages en*
tailed, until by degrees the whole management or dis*
posal of such property passed out of the hands of the
mistaken theorist, and beggary and ruin alone awaited
him. The high-sounding title and imaginary wealth of
the West Indian proprietor began to be questioned, and
the sun of prosperity, through this and other causes,
gradually waned.
' The most prominent among these causes was the con-
templated changes in the condition of the negro, and the
steps already taken towards his future emancipation. It
was looked upon as unjust to wrest from the planters the
control oi their purchased slaves, and to cast them un-
fettered upon sodety. The worst of evils was antici-
pated by measures which threatened to damage individual
security, and blight the general condition of the colony.
Stagnation of business, abandonment of properties, and
the perpetration of all kinds of crime, were prophesied as
inevitable. Anarchy and confusion were expected to be
the result, and strenuous efforts were made by the inha-
bitants to oppose at its commencement anjrthing like
what they regarded as an innovation upon their rights.
Thje open avowal of the contemplated emancipati0n of
2b2
372 HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIAVA.
the negro being supported on tlie one hand by the minis^
terial party, and by a powerful body, acting under the
title of the "African Institution,*' was opposed by a
smaller party with whom, as a matter of course, the colo*
nists sided. The views of the former, or abolitionists,
were regarded by the latter as " highly visionaiy i" it
was asserted that the negroes would retrograde rather
than advance in civilisation, and a powerful objection
was started by a member of the legislative body, that the
colonies would ultimately be lost to Great ^tain. It
was stated, that among the chief means of dvilisatioii
two were pre-eminent — ^industry and knowledge ; but
that the latter might be considered rather as an effect or
consequence of the former : that as r^ards industry,
" men will not work without compulsion ; that compul-
sion is of two kinds, the coercion of ar master and the
dread of starvation, and that in a country where the
abundance of food puts the latter stimulant out of. the
question, the ground, if cultivated at all, must be culti-
vated by the system of slavery." Again, it was asserted
that "slavery was doomed to die of its own accord. In
the progress of society imaginary wants are established ;
many articles of luxury, in clothing and lodging, are now
required, and an additional expense is created in teaching
the handicraft required to produce these articles. Popu*
lation also is increased; the redundant supply of food,
therefore, diminishes, and the cost of maintaining a slave
becomes gradually greater and greater. In due time it
(connected with other causes) becomes equal to the value
of his labour; his master, then, finds no advantage in
keeping him, and, consequently, employs free labourers.**
It was prognosticated that the negroes never would merge
into a free working peasantry sufficient for the keeping
up of cultivation in the West Indies, and that labourers
from other parts of the world would have to be brought
BISTOET 07 BRITISH QUIANA. 873
to supply their place. Examples were adduced from
modem and ancient history, nay, from the very Bible it-
self, to show that the principle of slavery had always been
tolerated by the most civilised among nations, and that
the present condition of the slave was far superior to what
had been pursued either by the Egj^tians, the Israelites,
the Grecians, and the Romans. Every suggestion was
offered to postpone or bring about gradually the libera-
tion of the negro, until, in fact, their industry had been
roused, and their knowledge rendered sufficient for the
appreciati&n and the practice of the duties of a free and
civilised people. How thoroughly and clearly, it must
be admitted, did the colonists and their partisans, even
at this period, anticipate many of the actud consequences
of the emancipation ; but, at the same time, how blindly
did they conceive that such interested arguments would
weigh with a nation which had evidently made up its
mind, at any risk, to blot out the opprobrious epithet of
slave from its history, and to introduce those blessings of
liberty which had done so much good to every part of
the world subject to its sway. The hope that Great
Britain would pause ere she acted so seriously against
her interest, nor thus volimtarily resign, or render
doubtful for the future, the benefits she had derived
fit)m her West India possessions, was great among the
colonists. Was this the flattery of self-importance, or
was it a distrust in the philanthropic greatness of the
British people ? Possibly both ; but they greatly erred in
such conclusions. The feeling of anti-slavery had become
too general to allow of much calm reasoning upon the
subject A few burning phrases from glowing lips had
excited the minds of thousands against the system of
slavery and its supporters. The populace, but little ac-
quainted with the reality, rent the air with their indig-
nant protests. The true &ct8 of the case were never
374 HI8T0BT OF BRITISH GUIAKA.
Stated, the real condition of the two chief parties coo- •
cemed was never appreciated by the mass who clamoured
for it. Some well-fcnown instances of undoubted cruelty
were the hackneyed quotations of every discourse on
the subject, and became the texts for innumerable anti-
slavery sermons. '^ Am I not a Christian and a brother?*'
was the inscription over pictures representing the n^roes
in every attitude of degradation and suffering. The
really just principle at stake was cloaked over with all
manner of extraneous ornament^ and opposition to its
accomplishment was looked upon as bigoted aflid selfish.
The battle hitherto had been fought at a distance, but by -
degrees scenes of contention arose in the colonies ; a party
fjx)m the mother country had already found their way
here, and, setting a bold front to the inhabitants, openly .
avowed their doctrines. The insurrection of physical
force having failed, a revolution of a moral nature was
next to be brought about.
Feelings of alarm began, therefore, to spread among
the colonists. The strides towards emancipation were
becoming more rapid. Resistance had been found worse
than useless, and gloom and dissatisfaction began visibly
to be evinced; a diminution in the price of sugar about
the years 1828 to 1832 added to the general panic, and
throughout the whole of the West India possessions
there was experienced the deepest despondency. The
exultation on the part of the slave was now silent, but
perhaps the more heartfelt. Persons of all professions
openly avowed their belief in the speedy downfal of the
colonies, yet still remained spell-bound to the spot. Few
made any efforts to quit the land thus threatened with a.
moral earthquake ; while the absent proprietors still con-,
tinued to live in Europe, in a style of lavish expenditure.;
Uigent orders were sent out to strain every nerve towardsi
making the most of the present state of things. On th^
HI8T0BY OF BBITISH QUIANA. 375
part of the planter nothing was left undone to raise the
last hogshead of sugar. All sorts of plans and projects
were discussed, with a view to diminish the-necessity for
manual labour, and to render planters independent of
the slave; but none of them were put into practice. The
provision-grounds and plantain-walks on estates were
lefl unattended to, in order that all the strength of
physical power should be concentrated in the manu&cture
of sugar and rum. It seemed as if the proprietors had
determined that the powers of the slave should be taxed
to the utmost extremity, and, like the flagging spirits of a
jaded beast, roused to a last superhuman performance.
Those whose properties were mortgaged looked on in
sullen indifference, as if the final stroke of misfortune was
about to descend on them, whilst in reality it turned out
that this particular class was the very one which derived .
the largest benefits from the ensuing events. The smaller
proprietors and the freed persons, who owned a small .
number of slaves, upon whose existence they mainly
depended, were loud in their complaints, and yet they
also enjoyed afterwards a compensating gift, which to the
prudent would have enabled thiem to embark in some
other speculation ; but no, they were themselves about
to be robbed of their ^^ Aladdin's lamp," and nothing else
would satisfy them. They had been accustomed to one
mode of life, and they could not see why the officious-
ness of strangers should be allowed to interfere with it.
The negroes were neither conciliated nor congratulated on
their approaching liberty. The happiness about to be
conferred on them was the signal of destruction to the
master. Distrust and vexation pervaded all ranks of the
community. Every one r^arded his own case as being
harder than that of his neighbour. One had lately made
a purchase, why should he not be allowed to derive the
expected advantages ? Another was about to do so,
&76 niSTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
why was he not permitted to carry oat his intention ?
Others had always lived under the old system, and
thought the proposed changes especially calamitous to
himsel£
Nor were such expressions of complaint confined to
private remonstrance. As usual, in all colonies where
the liberty of the press has existed, the grievances of the
inhabitants are pretty rqundly asserted through the
diannel of a newspaper. At the period to which we are
now alluding an angry warfare was carried on with the
organs of the anti-slavery party, and, in consequence of
the violent tone displayed by some portion of the press,
on this and other subjects^ the prerogative of Governor
D'Urban was exercised in suppressing one paper called
! the Colonist, and in frequently suspending the publica-
[ tion of another, the Chronicle. But the voice of the
colonists could not thus be stifled, and continued to
declare itself in every possible way.
j, It has already been noticed that several orders in
Coimcil had appeared making every provision for the
benefit of the slaves. In 1830, when the " Ordinance
for the Religious Instruction of Slaves, &a," was published
in the colony, the members of the court attempted to
prevent the operation of this order, on the ground that it
was imconstitutional and a violation of the rights of the
colonists as contained in the " Plan of Kedress," and gua*
ranteed by the articles of capitulation ; but the then
Colonial Secretary, Lord Goderich, refused to recognise
these doctrines ; and the next year, by another order in
Council, the court itself was remodelled.*
In the year 1831, when William the Fourth ascended
the throne, the settlements on the three rivers of the
colony had made great progress, the industry of the
* Local Guide, p. zzL
BISTORT OF BRITISH QUIANA* 877
Dutch and British having triumphed over the many
difficulties attending ^^ the formation of a settlement in
the Tropics/' The last formed settlement had now
become the largest and most influential, and Essequebo
had already resigned the seat of government to the less
romantic, but more commercial, Demerara ; whilst Berbice,
left to itself, pursued a similar, but separate colonial line of
policy. Although, however, thus distinct, and at different
periods as important, if not more so than either of the other
two settlements, yet of late it had acted more the part of
a handmaiden, or younger sister, to thd others; and the
fortunes of Demerara and Essequebo, whether for good
or evil, affected also materially the fate of Berbice. We
have, at different times, given an account of the more
important circumstances in the history of the district,
and it only now remains to add a few more particulars
as to the time when the three colonies were united into
one, and to be called British Guiana, under the govern-
ment of bis Excellency Major-Greneral Sir Benjamin
D'Urban, K.C.B., K.C.H., &c.
The colony of Berbice, on the retirement of Governor
Van Batenburg in 1806, was administered by two mili-
tary officers in succession, as already noticed, who con-
ducted the affairs of the settlement in peace and tran-
quillity. There was little in the even and prosperous
tenor of its way which required to be chronicled ; and
the few incidents connected with its history at this
period have been entirely overlooked by contemporaries^
nor am I able to contribute much to the scanty re-
cords of its career. Its form of laws, of government,
its social condition and cultivation, corresponded nearly
in every repect to the sister settlements on the Demerara
and Essequebo. The spirit, energy, and enterprise of
the Berbiceans were not surpassed by their brother
colonists.
378 HI8T0RT OF BRITISH QUIAHA.
A reference to the tables of exports and imports, fix>m'
1806 to 1831, will show that the industry of its popula-
tion contributed a fair proportion of colonial produce.
The cotton raised was considered the finest in the
West Indies, and commanded the highest price.
The sugar and rum manufactured were equal to that
of Demerara; and the article coffee was of the best
colonial quality. Maintaining its own government, the
revenue and expenditure were quite distinct firom that of
the united colonies of Demerara and Essequebo.
The soil, and its surprising capabilities, were not infe-
rior to any in the world. Somewhat scattered, as the
population undoubtedly was, and distant as were -the
estates one from the other, the utmost industry prevailed
among its secluded members, who were composed, per-
haps, of a larger proportion of foreigners than in the
other two districts; but^ nevertheless, the greatest cor-
diality and good- will were extended to the inhabitants
of the sister settlements, in spite of the disagreement
which at one time had unfortunately existed between
them.
In the capital of the colony, New Amsterdam (which
had begun to be built since 1796, and which supplanted
a town of a similar name a little further up the river),
the occasions of strife and discord were numerous and
frequent between the inhabitants and the executive;
indeed, from some cause or other, the affairs of Berbioe
were too often complicated with bickerings and animo-
sity, and the dissensions between the officials and civilians
have been repeated and violent.
About this period, the town had resumed an air of
prosperity and rising importance; there were several
fine buildings, the old court-house especially, which, to-
gether with the lively and clean private houses, prettily
DISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 87ft
surrounded by lovely tropical finit-trees and shrubs,
presented an aspect of striking beauty to the visitor.
After the retirement of General James Montgomery,
William Woodley, Esq., arrived from England with Ids.
commission as lieutenant-governor, and was sworn into
office in March, 1809; there was nothing of any public
importance during his short administration. Quiet and
unassuming, and a stranger to the habits and customs of
the colony, he took no prominent part in interfering or
altering the ordinary routine of business. About nine
months after his arrival he was unfortunately attacked
with a fever, of which he died in January, 1810.
He was succeeded in the government by the senior
military officer, Major-General Dalrymple, who was
sworn into office in the same month, and continued as
acting-governor until December of the same year, when
Robert Gordon, Esq., a resident planter of the colony, .
but who was in England at the time, received his com-
mission as lieutenant-governor. This gentleman was well,
known in Berbice as a clever but eccentric character,
and received the soubriquet of "Mad Gordon" from his
fellow-colonists. He was of firm and decided character,,
acting with impartiality and fearlessness towards both
friends and foes. Upon one occasion he suspended two
of his most intimate friends, members of the Court of.
Policy, in consequence of some irr^ularity and subter-
fuge attempted to be practised on him in regard to their >
improper appropriation of some money entrusted to their,
care by a trust deed of a deceased party.
He quitted the colony for a short tune in June, 1812,
and during his absence the government was administered
by Brigadier-Greneral John Murray, who acquired for
himself considerable popularity and reputation in the;
course of the discharge of his public duties.
880 mnoET or bsrish guiiha.
On the letnm ci laeoteiuait-Goveniar Gordon in
Febnuuy, 1813, lie resumed the admmistnidoii, and
Actrng-Govemor Muiray was presented by the inha-
bitants with a complimentary address on his retirement.
It was during this year that an attempt was made by
some irntated planters £rom Berbice to injure, if not as-
sassinate, Mr. Van Berckel, of which an account has
been already given. When information was received
by the lieutenant-governor of this district of the dis«
graceful outrage, he took every feasible measure to dis-
cover the perpetrators of so unwarrantable a proceeding,
and offered a large reward for their apprehension. It is
said, that immediately after the occurrence a gentleman
was actually at the dinner-table of the lieutenant-governor
who, it was supposed, had been implicated in the assault,
and who listened with some surprise, if not alarm, to the
angry denimciations of Gt>vemor Gordon on the subject.
But the lieutenant-governor himself was not without
his own annoyances in respect to his conduct, having
strongly recommended a Mr. Frankland, of Berbice, to
the office of President of the Courts of Justice in Deme-
rara and Essequebo ; this officer was nominated to the
situation, but certain objections having been raised in
respect to his character and qualification, the matter was
referred to the British Government, who, in consequence,
wrote a letter of reprimand to the lieutenant-governor
of Berbice, which so incensed him that he forthwith re-
signed his office, and Major Grant was appointed as
acting-governor of the colony in December, 1813. The
humiliated and eccentric governor shortly after left the
district, and died in one of the West India Islands.
In June, 1814, H. W. Bentinck, Esq., was nominated
lieutenant-governor, and was sworn into office. It
will be remembered that this officer had already adminis*
tered the government of Demerara and Essequebo fix>m
HI8T0ET 07 BRITISH OUIAKA. 881
1806 to 1812, but that he had been superseded by an
order from England, in consequence of his disobedience
to the instructions received. On his return to Great
Britain to give an account of his public conduct, he
seems to have sufficiently extenuated himself, and to
have obtained a return of Court favour, inasmuch as he
received a new appointment nearly, if not quite, equal
in rank and importance to the one of which he had been
deprived. Generous, good-natured, and conciliatory^ he
was deficient in that sound judgment which is so requi-
site in the character of a colonial governor. A man of
the world, and of considerable experience, he was not
remarkable for intelligence or skill ; actuated by the
strong impulse of the moment, rather than guided by
the dictates of calm deliberation, he frequently embroiled
himself in disputes with the officers and subjects of his
administration, and occasionally had to submit to the
censure of the Government in England. Frank, fEuniliar,
and cordial in his manner, he was nevertheless rather a
popular governor; and although advanced in life, and
broken down in constitution, he continued for several
years to conduct the affairs of Berbice with some success
and satisfaction.
One of the principal evils he had, like most of the
early governors, to encounter, were the irregularities and
abuses practised in the judicial business of the colony.
Extortion, exorbitant fees, subterfuge and deception,
were prevalent among the courts which had to inves*
tigate and decide in the complicated monetary transact
tions arising from the frequent changes, failures, and
deaths among the possessors of property. It was
unfortunately too common a practice, both in Berbice
and Demerara, for persons entrusted with the adminis*
tration of the estates of deceased relatives or frienda to
enrich themselves at the expense of the widow and th^
3S2 HISTORY OF BEITISH GTMASM.
orphan^ either appropriating the proceeds tothdr pmnte
a«e, or never rendering a sati^fiiclory account of them;
and it was not until the last shilling of profit had been
extracted from the '' BoedeL** or estate, that the grasping
executors or attorneys relinquished their hold of their
profitable speculations. Often has a promising and
solvent inheritance been handed down to the rightful
possessor in* an entirely unproductive condition, and
involved in debt and litigation. No wonder that fixtunes
were often rapidly and strangely made — ^no wonder that
colonial properties proved of little benefit to the successors
of the thrifty and successful planter, and that mortgage
and debt clung like millstones round the necks of the
helpless female or the unprotected minor.
Dark and painful are the stories which yet circulate
among the old inhabitants on this unpleasant subjects
One short anecdote will suffice to point the moral of
these miseries : — A gentleman, possessed of considerable
property, was once imperatively called upon by the
Court of Justice of Demerara to submit his accounts and
vouchers of a certain lucrative "Boedel" entrusted to
his care. After frequent evasive delays, he said that on
such a day he would be ready to exhibit them, and with
some parade and ostentation conveyed himself and his
books on board his estates' schooner, to proceed to town:
To the astonishment of the court he presented himself
before the members without a single document, and
affirmed on oath that, on coming to town, the schooner
was unaccountably sunk, and that with some diflSculty
the crew and himself contrived to escape, but with the
loss of all on board.
About the year 1819, Henry Beard, Esq., arrived
from England, as President of the Court of Justice of
Berbice. He endeavoured to improve the important
department committed to his care, but in consequence of
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. ^888
some trifling disagreement with Lieutenant-Gk)vemor
Bentinck, he was suspended by that officer. The matter
was referred to the British Government, who thought
proper to reinstate Mr. Beard, and to administer to the
governor a reprimand for his imbecoming interference.
In the course of the year 1820, Grovernor Bentinck
died, to the regret of the colonists, who liked him in
spite of his failings. His health had long been declining,
so that the event of his decease was more or less antici-
pated. He was succeeded in November by Major This^*
tlewajrte, the military officer highest in command here,
and who had lately married one of the ladies of the
colony. The career of the acting-governor was brief
and melancholy. Not long married, and suddenly ap*
pointed in the prime of life to so lucrative a position, he
was attacked with malignant fever about a month after
his taking office, and died in January, 1821.
While on his death-bed he had to make arrangements
for his successor ; according to rule, the officer next in
rank should succeed him, imtil the arrival of a lieutenant-
governor, by appointment, from England. It so happened-
that at the time of his illness the officer in command was
only a lieutenant, a young, wild, and inexperienced lad,'
evidently unfitted for such an office. The President of
the Court of Justice, Mr. Beard, accordingly despatched
his secretary, Mr. J. C. Campbell, to Governor Murray,^
of Demerara, requesting him to send a competent mill-
tary officer to assume the government. Before this was
completed, however, Colonel Sir John Cameron, having
heard of Governor Bentinck's death in Barbadoes, pro-
ceeded quickly to Berbice to enjoy the privileges o£
acting-governor. On his arrival he found Major Thistle-'
wayte dying, but without waiting for his death had the
Court of Policy assembled, and was sworn into office
forthwith. He did not, however, long enjoy the coveted:
884 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIAKA.
honours. It appears that on the death of Governor
Bentinck) Mr. Beard had exerted his influence, and that
of his friends at home, to procure the government for
himself, and with success, for in March, 1821, he received
his commission as lieutenant-governor of Berbice.
His administration was by no means popular. He
had frequent disputes with his subordinates, and with
the members^ of the Council of Policy, many of whom
were also members of the Court of Justice. Upon one
occasion he dissolved the former, and caused other mem*
bers to be nominated in their place, which caused a great
deal of excitement and indignation among a certain class
of the community. The progress made in Berbice was
not now equal to that of the united colonies of Demerara
and Essequebo, and it was fast merging into a mere
dependency of the latter. The same measures which
had been adopted by the British Government, relative
to the protection and amelioration of the condition of
the slaves in the other colonies, were also extended to
Berbice ; and those steps commenced which were gradu-
ally to lead to their emancipation from bondage.
The shock occasioned by the insurrection of the slaves
in Demerara in 1823, was communicated to Berbice, but
no display of dissatisfaction was manifested by the negroes
in the latter district, nor any attempt made by them to
co-operate in the revolt. It had been too quickly sup-
pressed to allow of the hope of success to enter into the
bosoms of the others, and the result only acted as a
warning to keep them in good behaviour.
On Lieutenant-Governor Beard's quitting the colony, on
leave of absence, in March, 1825, it was no longer deemed
necessary to appoint a separate acting-governor; the
direction of its affairs was entrusted to Sir Benjamin
D'Urban, at that time lieutenant-governor of Demerara
and Essequebo, who continued to act until the return of
fliSTOBY OF BRITISH QUIAKA^ 385
Mr. Beard, in July, 1826. Thd last years of this gentle-
man's administration were not more encouraging than the
earlier period of his career. He pulled down the vene-
rable court-house, so long the pride and ornament of
New Amsterdam, to the great scandal and mortification
of the inhabitants, and otherwise acted in a manner any-
thing but satisfactory to the colonists. He continued,
however, to hold his situation until 1831, when the union
of the three colonies, and the appointment of one
governor, rendered his services unnecessary. He soon
afterwards quitted Berbice, and returned to England, at
the close of an eventful and profitable career in the West
Indies.
The union of the three colonies, now known as British
Guiana, was followed by many important results. On
the 2l8t of July, 1831, the governor exhibited to the
Honourable the Court of Policy the commission granted
to him by his Majesty as Grovernor and Commander-in-
Chief in and over the Colony of British Guiana, com-
prising the colonies of Demerara, Essequebo, and Berbice,
and their dependencies ; and on the 5th of August fol-
lowing, a similar commission was granted to him as Vice-
Admiral of the same colony ; which appointments were
duly acknowledged and proclaimed. ITie Court of
Policy of Georgetown now became the Court of Policy
for the three districts, and its first ordinary session was
held on the 25th day of July of the same year. In the
same manner one Collie of Electors, or Keizers, and one
College of Financial Representatives, existed for the whole
ccdony, members fix)m each district being of course quali«
fied for election.* But the form of the courts of criminal
and civil justice were completely altered by proclamation,
and circuit courts established for British Guiana as well
* Tbe Golleg* of Kdaeri and FiiuuiciAl BepretenUtiTes were inoorpormted ia
one bodj in 181S, bj Goreraor CarmichMl, irat bj a proclamation of Sir B.
I^Urban, dated Sltt Jnljr, 18SI, the two colleges were a^ made diatinet.
^ VOL. L 2 O '
886 BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
as for the Deighbouring colonies of Trinidad and St.
Lucia, the dvil courts to be held before a chief justioe
and two puisne judges. However, on November 22nd
of the same year the circuit courts were abolished, and
a chief justice and two puisne judges were appointed for
British Guiana, before whom, also, all civil causes were to
be heard. The criminal court was to be held by the
same chief justice and puisne judges, but associated with
three assessors. In criminal cases, a majority of the whole
court was required to ensure conviction. The foimer
president of the court, Mr. Wray, was appointed to the
high office of chief justice. A " manner of proceeding'*
was accordingly published, to be observed in the supreme
courts of civil justice in British Guiana, respecting the
period and date of the sessions; the establishment of
roll courts ; the serving of citation ; the renewal of sen?
tences; the manner of proceeding concerning bills of
exchange; the taxation of costs; summation and services;
the sale of movable property; the levy upon and sale of
immovable property; the appointment of sequestrators;
the sale of plantations; the obligations of purchasers;
and position of creditors and mortgagees. An ordinance^
the same year, was also passed, providing for a sufficient
number of assessors for the court of criminal justice.
It must be remembered that there was one supreme
court of criminal justice of Demerara and Essequebo,
and one for Berbice, and the same obtained in the civil
courts. To the former, twelve assessors were appointed
by this ordinance for each court of criminal justice in
Demerara and Berbice. The right to elect them lay
with the College of Eeizers, and rules for their appearance
and conduct were enacted. It is also to be remarked
that the College of Eeizers and of Financial Bepresentar.
tives, which, as before stated, had been strangely united
by a previous governor (General Caimichael), were in
July of the year 1831 again separated by a proclamation
mSTORT OF BRITISH QUIANA, 887
of Governor D'Urban, who had received orders to that
effect from Great Britain.
In the following year, 1832, other important orders
and judicial enactments came into operation ; as early as
January the consolidated slave ordinance, already alluded
to, was published. It provided, as we have seen, for
the still greater amelioration in the condition of the
slave, reducing the period of labour to nine hours ; and
for children xmder four years of age and pregnant women
to six hours; it increased the allowances; and reduced
the extent of punishment to fifteen lashes. As a matter
of course the colonial members of the Court of Policy
made strenuous exertions to prevent the enforcement of
this ordinance. In a printed document on the subject,
addressed to the governor, they say: ^^ From the nature
of this order in Coundli we are impressed with a firm
conviction that, if such a publication does take place,
the utter ruin and desolation of this colony, already
suffering under the severest calamities, will be con*
summated.*' Unable to prevent its operation, they were
still more opposed to its publication, fearful of the in-
jurious |endency it would have on their privileges, and
of the insolence and exultation to which it would most
likely give rise on the part of the slave. In February
of this year, a curious proclamation made its appearance,
abrogating the offence of '^ eating dirt;** a propensity and
practice which the negro had acquired, and for which
he was rendered liaUe to punishment. It being now
perceived that such a habit was in itself a disease, the
punishment died away with the cure of the malady.
In March following appeared an ordinance ^^ to define
oflfenoes committed by daves,** and to establish a ^' sum-
mary jurisdiction for the punishment thereof;" which
summary jurisdiction was entrusted to fiscals, deputy-
iiscals, or civil magistrates.
In September of the same jrear (1882) an ordinance
2c2
388
HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIAHA;
was passed ^* to establish and constitute inferior oourito
of civil justice in British Guiana,'* and to make other
provisions for the establishment of such inferior courts.
This ordinance repealed a previous one of May the same
year, and enacted one inferior court for the district of
Demerara and Essequebo, and another for the district of
Berbice, to be held by and before the chief justice, or
one of the puisne judges, at appointed times; to have
jurisdiction in cases of the amount or value of twenty
pounds sterling (20/.) or 300 guilders currency, &c An
amended ordinance for the providing of assessors was
also enacted in August of this year, in which two dausei
were altered, requiring in future that assessors should be
liable to serve for two years, and to be subject to fines
in case of non-attendance; but these ordinances were
again superseded by others. Again, ^' a capitation tax,**
similar to what was raised in Demerara and Essequebo^
to aid the king's chest in providing for the salaries
of the public functionaries of British Guiana, was also
enforced, by ordinance of the governor and Court of
Policy, to extend to the district of Berbice,
In addition to the foregoing ordinances of |^e year.
1838, an enactment was passed by Sir Benjamin D'Urban
and Court of Policy, on the 25th August, to establish
boards of health in the districts of Demerara and Esse*
quebo, and of Berbice, in the colony of British Guiana.
The following table shows the ratio of mortality among
the negro slave population in these colonies:
GoLovni.
Period over
which the
Uken,
FopuIfrtionH
Tou-lj Deathi.
Annual De&thi
to IMW liTlDg.
Annual
M-
F, TotaJ,
H.
P 'ToUL
M.
V,
Both
Total
mnd £«* }
E<)rfl«
ISIS to issi
Bt4T& 70.4Z4
1
1299
39S
W9 68»
54
Eft
»
SO
itna
HI8T0BT OF BRITISH QUIANA. 889
Such were some of the principal changes and occur-
rences which marked the government of Sir Benjamin
D'Urban ; and whether we consider the general utility
of the measures enforced, or the skiU with which they
were directed, we cannot but admit that the conduct of
the governor was both vigorous and effective.
Possessed of the most gentleman-like and affable de-
meanour, his excellency was characterised by high intel-
ligence and soldier-like decision. To the agreeable and
hospitable behaviour of himself and Lady D'Urban the
society of the colony was largely indebted, and not a
little improved. The governor had his favourites (how
few have not?), but it was generally admitted that he
acted towards all with becoming impartiality and strict
justice. After about seven years of useftd administra^
tion, during which he lost his eldest son (Captain
D'Urban, who was unfortimately drowned whilst bathing
up the Essequebo), he retired for ever from these
shores, universally regretted, but only to receive subse-
quently from his sovereign a higher and more important
conmiand
890 msTOBT or Bsmra ouiaka.
CHAPTER Xn.
AxxiYAL or jjEOTEKMjn-QowmaaKOM SIB s. o. imTB, BASTw— «TAm or ooumr—
nOCXXDINQB Of Tin BUTI8H PARLLUIXHT— ACT OV AVrBXHTlCVBiry OCT. 19|t
1833 — ^INFERIOR CBllfflirAL COURTS BSTABLISHRI>— RSHAXXB OX TBM FOUOT
Of GREAT BRITAIN — DfMEDIATB BFTBCTS Of THB HXW ACT— HVTIMOUS.AMMK-
BLAOE OF KBOBOBS — MBASURES Of THB LlEUTBirAMT-OOTBBHOB TO CBBOK THS
IHSUBOBDIHATIOH — DUPBR8IOK Of MOB — TRIAL AHD BZBCUTIOir Of THB BIXO-
LBADEB — ITS PRACTICAL RBSCLT — PBBLIBO AOAIR8T THB LnDTBKAllT-
OOVBRKOR— KBWSPAPBR ABUSE— DOMESTIC HABITS OP THB VBOBO— THB COM-
PESrSATIOK MOBET— ITS DISTRIBUTION, APPROPRIATION, AND USB— BBMAMKB
ON THB FRBE-COLOUHED PBOPLB — ^DECBBASE OP POPULATION, AND ITS CAUBBS
— FORMATION OF THB CITIL LIST — ^RBTIRRMENT OF CHIEF JUSTIOB WBAT — Wm
CHARACTER — ^ARRIVAL OF CHIEF JUSTICE BENT — ^PARTT SPIRIT— NBWSPAPBm
OUTRAGE ON THE LIBUTENANT-GOYBRNOR— -HIS REMARKS ON THB SUBJBCr— >
ESTABLISHMENT OF MAYOR AND TOWN COUNCIL, 1837 — TITLB OF GOTBRJIOft
BESTOWED ON SIR J. C. SMTTH— ELBCTITB FRANGHISB OF 1838— DXATH OF XKB
OOTBRNOB— REMARKS ON HIS CHARAOTEB.
The opening of 1838 was a crisis of extraordinaiy in-*
terest and peculiar difficulty in the history of the colony.
The changes already effected in the condition of the slave
and of society generally, and the still more important
changes which were in contemplation, demanded the ut-
most firmness and discretion on the part of the Executive
in dealing with the indignant remonstrances of the
planters, and the excited anticipations of the slave. A
rare combination of patience and resolution alone could
have maintained the ascendancy of legitimate authority,
and curbed the passions of the antagonistic classes at a
HI8T0BT OF BRITISH QUIAKA* 891
moment so fraught with danger to the community. Such
qualities were fortunately united in the person of Sir
James Carmichael'Smyth, who in the year 1833 arrived
in the colony, and assumed the government. The
diflSculties of his position were very great. The circum-
stances against which he had to contend were novel and
alarming. He found a large body of slaves emerged from
a state of barbarism and ignorance into the condition of
vassals; exhibiting in their character and conduct a
strange mixture of civilisation and ignorance ; of imperfect
morab and scanty notions of religion grafted on native
superstition; of outward humility and obsequiousness
masking secret feelings of fear and detestation. He found
them occupied in toil, but enjoying all the physical
comforts of an European peasantry ; surrounded with
the blessings of improved laws, and an abundance of the
necessaries of life. But notwithstanding all these ad-
vantages, he discovered discontent and uneasiness
beneath the surface, and a perpetual restlessness and
feverish desire for a change, which seemed incompatible
with their actual worldly prosperity. The cause was
evident ; the slave felt himself on the verge of emanci-
pation, and was impatient to clear at a bound the chasm
which separated him from liberty.
On the other hand, the new governor had to en-
counter a body of the colonists who were at variance
with the Executive upon this subject. Naturally anxious,
and desponding at the approaching changes, they were
not likely to surrender without a struggle the privil^es
they had hitherto exercised with impunity. -They were
to see their means of acquiring wealth wrested from them
m what appeared an unjust and arbitrary manner. They
felt themselves about to be triumphed over by the very
class that had before always trembled at their nod. They
saw the country which had been raised by them, and by
302 msTGET or BsmsH gctasa.
their father?, to its then stale of prosperitj^^ about to be
torn by iatestine commotkn and factioiis i]iDO¥atioii&
Thej felt, not altogether unreasonablv, that a stiict line
of equality was now about to level the distioctions of
sodety, and that, whilst in all probability they and their
children would have to descend in poation, ^ i^sgro
and his race would rise in the scale of power and social
consideration. Nor were they to be comforted By
British philanthropists who expatiated upon the justice
and wisdom of the scheme, and who prophesied that it
would tend rather to augment than to diminish the
welfare and progress ci the colony. There were noty
indeed, wanting many of the colonists whose humanity
induced them to approve in the abstract of the contem*
plated emancipation ; but few or none pretended to deny
that it involved great sacrifices, and that it threatened
the existence and stability of the country.
The first act of Sir James C. Smyth was to issue a
proclamation to the slaves respecting the measures in
prc^ess for their benefit. Nothing could have been
more judicious or politic than this act. It at once satis-"
fied curiosity and restrained impatience, while it afibrded
to the colonists and to the negroes a candid proof of the
earnestness and zeal with which the governor was about
to rule. The former adopted their old and generally suc-
cessful custom of endeavouring to seciu'e the favour of hia
Majesty's representative to their side. Unbounded offera-
of hospitality and support were tendered to him, but he re-:
ceived them coldly and with suspicion. Advice and com-j
plaint poured in upon him, and he was alternately me*
naced with opposition and unpopularity, and tempted by
flattery, but to no purpose. Displaying an impartiality
which rendered hopeless all attempts to intimidate or
* The estimated ralue of Dcmerara and Essequebo, just before the »!«▼»
cmanciiuition, wai 18,410,480^, while that of Berbice waa 7,415,160/1 Total
iralue of Britiah Guiana, tB,82(,640/.-*MoKToojiSRT Uartw.
HI8T0BT OF BRITISH jQUIANA. 398
entrap his judgment, and resolved tbT)e guided by the
interests and not by the passions of the conflicting classes,
the colonists soon discovered the inutility of attempting
to influence his course, and at last ceased to regard him
in any other light than that of a severe, but strictly just
administrator. While his manner to the planter and
merchant was thus cold, studied, and polite, his demea-
nour to the negro was dignified, courteous, and considerate.
Conscious of the difficulty of his position, he carefully
avoided encouraging the approaches of either, formed few
friendships, and dispensed justice equally to all. We shall
soon see how such an act was met and regarded by the
individuals of each party. Oi> the 12th June, 1833, the
following resolutions passed the House of Commons : —
That " Immediate and effectual measures be taken for
the entire abolition of slavery throughout the colonies,
under such provisions for regulating the condition of the
negroes as may combine their welfare with the interests
of the proprietors." Lord Wynford, in 1833, proposed a
bill for the purpose of preventing the introduction of a/ny
produce from places where slavery prevailed, but it was
never sanctioned.
On the 19th October, " the Act of Apprenticeship"
passed by the British Parliament. A proclamation im-'
mediately announced this important measure to the
colony. It was entitled, "An Act for the Abolition of
Slavery throughout the British Colonies, for promoting
the industry of the manimiitted slaves, and for compem
sating the persons hitherto entitled to the services of
such slaves.*
* As the prorlBioiiB of this act bear immediatelj upon the text, an abatract of
Its clanaea is 8iTen*here rather than in the Appendix, for the conTenience of
reference.
ABBTBACT OV THX ACT OB APPRBiniCXaHIP.
1. All persona on the 1st August, 1S34, being registered as slaTea, six yean
old and upwards, shall beeome annentice labourers.
2. All apprenticed labourers to continue to serre their former maitera, :.
804 mafiOET qp juutihu gitiaxa.
In January, 1834, an ordinance was pasKd to establish
inferior criminal courts of justice. Among other pro-^
a. Al ilsfw ftm wbcn brvofht to Gml Britaio.
4. Thne rl of inatuUtei; nuaOj, Ht> hd
•Q owiMff^t knds I Sad* pnidialt wattadied. or tbow nol on owmf^i
Srd, Doa-pffsdial, tiicli ■• tradeimen and odier artiMot.
5. AppwoticMhip of piadial labooicn to Itt Aagm^ 1840.
6. Apptentioeahip of DOD-pnBdial labooren to Itt Aognat, 1838.
7. Labooren mliurtarilj diadiaigod after tfak ad wcra lOfuiiiMl to ba
ported b^ their late emplo^vn^ if aged or inflzm.
8. ApprentioedlaboncriaUoved to parcfaaae their diadiaige.
9l Apprentioed labomera not ronorable ftom tihe ooloi^ ; pnBdial labooran
not renioTabla ftom plantation, except with oonaent of two apBoal joatioeo.
la B%ht to aerrice of Mprenticed labonrer to be trautported proparty.
11. Emplojer to anpplj labourer with food, &c.
11. SatiSect to the aboTO obligation. Slairarj waa to bo aboUabed in 1884.
13. Bolea abont indentoring cfaildven beknr aiz jeaia in 1834| and tiioia bom
sfter.
14. Joatioea of ponee, bgr apedal qpmmiiaion, raqnlrad to glTO aflbot to tliia
act, Ac
15. SaUriea granted to them bj hit Mjgeatj.
16. Recital of regulation neceaaary for giring eflbct to tiiia act» and the mode
of treating and daasing the labooren.
17. Whipping on the aathoiitj of the emplojrer abolished.
18. Coloiual acta not to interfere with appointment of ipedal jnatioe.
19. Special jnatioea to ezercite ezdnaiTe jnriadlction between employen nad
apprentioed labooren.
sa Apprentioed labooren not to be anl^ected to renewal of apprentloadilp^
nor to more than fifteen houn' extn labour in an j week for employer'a beneflt.
21. Apprentioed labooren not to be made to work on Snndaya, or prarentad
from attending rdigiooa wonhip.
S2. Not to interfere with colonial laws relatire to apprentioed labooren being
tzempted from, or diaqnalified for, certain militia or dTil aerrioea and frandiian.
23. Local acta amending this act to rapereede it, if confirmed by hia Miyeatjr.
24. Treasnry to raise loan, not to exceed twentj miHiona.
' 15. Treasury to give notice of tlieir intention to raise the same, &e.
26. Annuities to be granted for snch loans to be the same as some now
existing.
27. Annuities created by this act subject to same rules as those now existing.
28. Ckxnmissionere for reduction of the National Debt may subscribe townrai
raising the twenty millions. Moneys raised to be paid to the bank.
29. Weat Indian compensation account.
30. Cashien of bank to give receipts for subscription, &c
31. Interest and charges of twenty millions to be charged upon Conaotidated
Fund.
32. Money for paying annuities to be issued by exchequer to cashier of the
bank.
33. Commissionen to be appointed to distribute the compensation prorided
for by this act.
34. Oath of commissioners,
35. Meetings of commissionen. Appointment of inferior oflloen also to'bt
iwom.
36. Any three commissionen to be a quorum.
37. Remuneration of some of the commissioners.
38. Colonial or auxiliary commissionen appointed.
89. Issue of money for payment of the expenaes of the commission.
40. Commissionen may compel attendance and ^Tff™*"^t<^ of witnesaaa.
41. Commissionen to take ezaminationi on oath«
BISTORT OF BRITISH QUIAKA. 89S
visions it abolished the use of the whip, which was now
forbidden, except by sentence of a magistrate. Another
ordinance was also passed for cariTing the Act of
Apprenticeship into effect; and on the 1st Augost, 1834,
the sun rose in splendour, and cast its effulgence over a
land inhabited alone by free men. The dark reign of
Slavery had vanished with the passed night, never to
return. Mountain and valley, ocean and river, the
wildest waste and the most cultivated territory of the
British West Indies no longer bore testimony to the
ignominy of man's d^radation, but offered their inex-
haustible riches to the free arm which should be willing
and industrious enough to seek them. Never had the
recording pen of the historian a more grateful task to
perform than to trace the era of this glorious victory over
42. Penalties for iwearing fidselr.
43. Exemption fh>m postage of letten on oommiftion Imfineif.
44. No compeneation aUowed to aqy oolonj, nnleit endi eoloi^ ftilfil aatm
of the act.
45. Compenwitlon flind dirided into nineteen thafes te eadi of the oolooiea-*
Bermnda, Bahamai, Jamaica, Hondnraa, Virgin Iilee, Antigna, Montaerrat^
Neris, St. Chrietophcr, Dominica, BartMdoea, Grenada, St. Vincent, Tobage^
St Lnda, Trinidad, British Onlana, Good Hope, Manritia.
46. No eompensatioQ allowed for persons illegallj held as slaTes.
47. Oommissiooers to instltote mqniries, and to adopt mles assigning aqiial
shares of the compensation fVmd.
48. Bnks to be poblished in the Lomdm OauUe, and appeals against them
allowed.
49. Sncfa appeals to be considered bj bis Iff^jestj.
60. In the absence of appeal, his Miyeatj and Coandl maj amend soch roles.
51. Rnles, when confirmed, shall be enrolled in Chancery.
52. 8nch recorded mles maj be amended. .
53. Confirmed mles Talid, as if enacted hj Fsriiament
54. Boles so enrolled to be obserred bj commissioners.
55. Interested persons to prefer daim before commissioners.
56. Commissioners to a4jndicate claims; appeals allowed.
57. His Higestj in GooncQ maj consider soch appeals.
58. Failing appeals^ the award to be considered final.
59. Tteasorj mar osder payment of salaries,
60. Manner In which snms awarded by law to be paid.
61. Certain British statotes extended to cdkmies, and power of special jostioei
defined.
62. His VUie^ in Coandl may make laws for giTing eflbct to this act in
Hondoras.
68. Word **goTeraaK' defined.
64. Act not to eztand to East Indies.
65. When act to come into eflbct at Good Hope and Maoritia.
66. Island dspendcnt vpon oosooief deemed pofi ef eodL
SOS acnoKT <7 ssttbh coaxa.
z xmj:& priwsple. — 'xa cccaeaacia to a woild of s
fiauo>:i'£ rli a fra&k aTorvni^ oc vxC'Cg and injoscioe oa
tiK pan ^ a jKra-er^ empire :o Uhe pxx* and abject
kIaTe« — a Tolxmurr ac: of seLf-^hcri&ce and oooiritioD oa
the part of a haughtr azid ksdlT masfis to the suraiifc
who for vean bad obeved him in awe and degradation,
' The ac: oq the part of England was an act of pme
magnanimity — an example to a world of a great comif:
tr/s sense of wrong — an example to her own people of
her sen.% of jostioe. The concession was Tolnntary ; it
was neither extorted bv threats, nor founded upon sordid
calculations of profit. The glory still remains to her o£
having made a sacrifice to principle, which France al<Hie^.
of all the nations of Europe, has had the gnoe to
imitate and adopt
Let us now see what was th<e immediate effect of the
^ apprenticeship." The hour had long been watched fiir
by the slaves; behold it now arrived I How did he ac-
knowlerlge it? Universal rejoicing commemorated the
(lay. The churches were opened, and hundreds flocked
\Ay its altars to offer up a prayer of thanksgiving and
praise. The militia and troops formed a procession in
the most public places, where a proclamation and address'
was read by his excellency, in presence of a multitude of
persons, and surrounded by a brilliant staff of officers,
both civil and military. The negroes, dressed out in
tlicir gayest apparel, paraded the streets and loads.
Many strolled from house to house, listening to and bear-
ing the glad tidings. In that one hour seemed buried
ull the sorrows and forgotten all the indignities of slavery.
The general bearing of the inhabitants was on the whole
creditable and moderate ; no disposition of ill-will or
revenge was exhibited. Many an imprudent speech was-
uttered indeed; many a witty joke cracked at the ex-
pense of '^ Massa Buckraf what of that, it was a cheap
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA: t^T'
and innocent return for many an act of oppression and
injustice. The characteristic good-huraour of the negro
triumphed over his resentments in the moment of new-
bom hilarious liberty; he forgot his enmity in his fun,
and the smile and the laugh were rather to be detected
in his dark features than any expression of malice or
hatred. But many social' habits were cast off. The ties
of years were broken in that one day. Old servants*and
dependents abruptly left their masters. It was diflScult
to get work done. Carousings, revellings, and public
balls got up among the negroes, marked their rejoicings.-
The town itself was like a hive swarming with inhabit
tants. From all parts of the country they flocked to the
metropolis, and that movement so simple, so natural in
itself, established a principle whidi was injurious to the
more remote districts. No act of violence, however, ac-
companied the presence of the crowds in the town ; no
riotous scenes or dissolute behaviour followed. Even
the discomfited planter could not but outwardly ac-^
quiesce in the joy around him ; the cheerfulness of the
scene was contagious, and he who dated from this hour
loss of fortune and ascendancy could not help catching
the infection. The slave of yesterday was revelling in
the anticipation of a life of freedom. As yet it possessed
all the charms of an ideal and untried existence. Like
children who have a holiday granted to them, they
looked forward with pleasure to the enjoyment of it, but
had not yet decided in their minds how they should'
spend it What a startling fact remained then;;^to be told..
What a recoil followed the announcement of the^Act of
Apprenticeship. Apprenticeship ! Still servitude. They
had yet to linger out a few years of articled toil ere they
could become free agents; in fact, their own masters.
The division into presdials and non-prsddials was a hard^
lesson for them to learn. -^
898 HinOET OF BBinSH GCIAXA.
The wiBclcmi of such an ami^ement was quefltionable.
It5 intention was undoubtedly good; it had finr its ob-
ject the gradual adjustment of the relations betwe^i
master and servant in their new positions, but, strange to
say, it pleased neither. The former, denuded of his au-
thority, was at a loss how to treat his dependent, while
the latter felt as if he had been in part cheated of the
promised boon; hence arose frequent misunderstandings.
It is difficult even now to say what would have beea
the most satisfactory and politic step in bringing about
the emancipation for the benefit of all parties. It was
then thought hazardous to convert in one day nearly a
million of slaves into free subjects. By some it was
considered unnecessary to enlighten or instruct them
more fully in their required duties. Some proposed to
establish a species of feofiage; the Crown to take formal
possession of all the land, and to grant land under a
tenure, exacting the performance of certain services to
the sovereign. In lieu of service, the Grown was to
exact annually the payment of a sum of money, regulated
in amount in proportion to the disparity between the ordi*
nary cost of a man's subsistence and the value of his la-
bour. To correct thus the evils of habitual idleness of such
as were desirous of obtaining liberty, until the time when
artificial wants should be introduced, and sufficient in*
ducement created to incite men to exertion. To appro-
priate such money in promoting the improvement and
education of the rising generation. To establish a va-
grant law, and to institute punishments for idleness and
dereliction of prescribed duties. To form the mechanics
and tradesmen into companies. To invite those already
free to become freeholders-of property, or to learn trades.
Such measures having a general tendency to bring about
a gradual liberty, to keep up the spirit of agricidture and
commerce by industry and incentives to labour, and to
BISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 899
be well adapted to the wishes and prosperity of all, and
to the maintenance of the success of the colonies in their
integrity, &c. &a Others, again, suggested an immediate
and unrestricted abolition of slavery; and perhaps, after
all, this, the boldest of the propositions, would have been
the best.
The people of England, who in reality xmderstood
little of the actual condition and capacity of the slaves,
but who clamoured for abolition, cared little how it was
effected, so that it was actually accomplished. Exagge-
rated and often untrue stories had reached their ears,
and they were intent on some alteration of the system.
It would have been a matter of astonishment, perhaps
of indifference to the majority, if the colonies were to be
irrevocably ruined, or the planters annihilated; but to
the Legislature of Great Britain it was a matter of deep
concern how best to introduce the desired freedom. The
Act of Apprenticeship was the result of this delibera-
tion. To have been more politic and just it should not
have alone provided indemnification for the actual de**
privation of the services of the negroes, who had been
collected at an enormous outlay, but it should also have
contemplated the failure of manual labour likely to result,
and provided measures to keep up a proper supply of la-
bour adequate to the wants of the colonies. The planters
were, it is true, to be compensated for the loss of their
live stock in trade, but no attention was paid to the loss.
that would probably ensue to the capital invested ia
buildings, machinery, and other works, when the moving
power was withdrawn, as it would be by the retirement
of the labourers from such properties.
Had it not been that thi^ colony was too closely con^
nected with Europe in monetary transactions, and that
large capitalists were concerned in its existence, therer
can be no doubt but tliat ere long it would have reverted.
4/iO h:?t.>2t :t stmsa (Si^tax:
to :tt z'jrD^ IixuiiisT box nacahiraied waste, savei per-'
hip:- :}>e «j:aiitT colnre nt^^esfeirr f :«r ibe wants erf a semi-
bajtraroTi? =r*A:*e : : 5.>'ie:v. Tbc scheme, howerer, now
c^erei alio::^^ w::h :he r»5ST iniennons. was found in-
ju'iic^ious. nnsarisfi-norv. aijd impracticable. The idea
wa5 :-:o OjiLplica^ei f:r •Jic mind of the negro. It de*
prired Lim, in his own eyes, of half his expected gloiy.
Ii left him. as it fjnni him, desponding and dissatisfied.
It excited him for a moment, bat to depress him after-
wards. It shook ofi^ it is tnie« the shackles of iron which
had previously bound him. but it still fettered him with
restrictioos. The very distinction that was drawn be-
tween pracidials and non-jHsdials was irksome to reflect
upon. If (so argued the negro), as was stated, one
human being was as g<xKl as another, and that all men
were equal, and should be free, why begin again to form
new distinctions? They had been told that they were
worthy to rank with the noblest of God's creation. They
had been made men, and why were they now to be
treated as children ? It cast suspicion upon the noble
gift which had been presented to them. The tear of
gratitude was checked as it was about to flow ; the hand
paralysed as it was about to be clasped in thankfuluesa.
The intelligence of the negro could not as yet perceive
that the mind had been emancipated, although the body
had yet to toil. It could not yet appreciate the delicate
sense of consideration shown to the injured planter, but
it was quick enough to resent as an insult that which
was considered as a reflection upon their capacity of firee-
dom. They thought only of themselves as most men do
when placed in similar critical situations. They felt that
their triumpli was incomplete when any consideration was
shown for the upper classes, which had been so long op-
posed to them. But, as will be seen, the good effect
intended fur the planter proved abortivci and the whole*
HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 401
scheme failed in its object to satisfyi and in its desire to
be just.
Scarcely had the last sounds of revelry and merriment
ceased which marked the Ist of August, 1834, when an
unwillingness to submit to the published Act of the Ap-
prenticeship betrayed itself throughout the greater part
of the colony, but more especially along the west coast
of Essequebo, known as the Arabian coast, long deemed
the garden of the country, from its opulence and beauty.
It was here that proceeded the loudest complaints against
the acts from England. A large number of labourers
refiised to work under the new regulations. In fact, " a
strike*' occurred, and the feelii^ which prompted to
this were such as have just been described. Freedom
was not considered freedom, if it imposed restrictions,
obligations, duties. How untutored was still the n^ro
mind I how imconscious of the powerful restraints which
a civilised commimity impose upon its members of every
class I How blind as yet not to perceive that the very
fiict which confers liberty upon each individual is the re-
gulation of the conduct of dl by certain general and well-
understood laws !
Seven or eight hundred of the dissatisfied labourers
collected in a churchyard in the parish of Trinity, where
they hoisted a flag, insisted that the king had made
diem fr^ and, when ordered to disperse, refused. Seve-
ral ringleaders, one more especially, directed the disor-
derly mass. But no violence was attempted ; they were
armed with arguments and words, perhaps a few blud-
geons, but nothing more. Beyond hustling a man whom
they mistook for a constable out of the churchyard, they
hurt no one. The effect of such an example might have
been, however, very serious. It naturally enough excited
the greatest alarm throughout the colony. A repetition
of the scenes of 1828 was anticipated. The planters and
VOL. 1. 2d
102 BISTORT OF BRITISH GCIAKA.
their supporters pointed significantly to the oocnrrence
as a confirmation of their prophecies. The opposite party
were disturbed and irresolute. The former called loudly
upon the governor to proclaim "martial law." The lat-
ter awaited his determination with anxiety. Sir James
Smyth, unmoved by the suggestions of the colonists, sent
down a detachment of soldiers to the disafiected coast^
and proceeded thither himself, when he admonished the
people, informed them of their error, and ordered them
to disperse, which they accordingly did. The labourers
truly considered him their friend, and found him so.
The planters regarded him as a tjTant, but found safety
under his administration. The promptness, moderation,
and judgment exhibited by his excellency upon this
occasion merit the highest praise. A similar line of con-
duct pursued consistently, might upon a previous occasion
have modified, if not altogether prevented, the insurrec-
tion of 1823.
But the band of dissatisfied labourers were not dis-
missed quietly to their homes. Many of the most active
in the " strike" were taken prisoners and sent to Greorge-
town, there to await a trial. After a lengthened and
deliberate inquiry, during which the colony was in a
state of fermentation, one of the prisoners, Damon, was
sentenced to death by the court, four others to trans*
portation, and thirty-one to imprisonment and whipping;
a tolerably large proportion, considering the number
implicated. One of the puisne judges, Mr. Willis, pro*
tested against these proceedings; but the chief justice,
Mr. Wray, held that the hoisting of a flag, although by
I)ersons iiniimiecl, constituted an act of rebellion, of which
ail were guilty, although by the Dutch law some might
be punished more, and others less. This decision of the
court a])peai's, at the present time, somewhat arbitrary
and severe; but taking into consideration the perilous
HIST0R7 OF BRITISH GUIANA. ' 403
change which had just been eflfected, in fiact scarcely
effected, reflecting on the excited minds of the populace,
and the consequences which in all probability would
have resulted, had not an example been made at first of
those venturing thus openly to resist the law, there can
be no doubt that the stem justice of such a step was
correct. It is always painful to listen to the condemnation
to death. It is always fearful to witness its execution;
but the remedy which acts most powerfully is often the
best ; the knife which cuts the deepest the most service-
able. Who could have witnessed the sad preparations
made for the destruction of a misguided individual in
open day — who could have dwelt upon his fate without
pain? Who could have known the tumultuous state of
feeling among all parties at this eventful epoch, the in-
dignant sorrow of the negro, the commiserating sympathy
of the upper classes, without being made to feel the
greatness of the sacrifice? Who could have seen the
crowded multitude which gathered at the foot of the
scaffold, in firont of the public buildings, the solenm pro-
cession, the array of officials and troops, and last, not
least, the victim that was about to be offered up to the
justice of an earthly court, only to be arraigned before a
higher tribunal ? Who could have seen all this, and the
body^ in a moment after, a lifeless corpse, and not have
hoped — devoutly hoped — that the last crime of slavery
had been perpetrated? It was so, in fact; the death of
Damon was the last homicide committed in the British
West Indies in defence of the system of slavery. Who
can tell how many a life has been spared by that one
expiation of guilt I Sad though it was, it tended to re-
assure the planter, to explain to the negro, more than a
volume of ordinances could have done, the real nature
of his position. Its efficacy has been tested by expe-
rience; its truth verified by the result The same dis-
2b2
y\'h Tiszzwr 's imT'.sg irr.tyju
jx^irxn. -v'zu^h, znxi Lrrzxi.iifiraced iraett' imcfui die la
>:i: .»".»•. '.i' Li."«:i;r. iL-.r':^,: *rn»:ii5 r^tscir^L Tbe recen
i'.rr-^^i '7 tiic 3:^1^.:-=^?; tiej -:r:cir?;v;r,ei ot' che le
.v.rrr.ry :■: :!:<: ^-.-^^n^'.^'i Moii.*:- ^iTrari? :ie resi: of chi
7 :•>• T.-r?. 'j: ■ ".•^-^- "It r-i'zr "s-z..: -ar-rre :»:• be cnmsportec
•sr^r-- i.Vr I »'".':r: ?:!ii:i-rnH:n- ?et: a« libertj. and tb<
r :-.-..i„.i..".:L- :>-rrr-::i»r ^ariicei a: :cce bvhi* excellency
T":...r •-/[ -:-:.':i.-r^L=j:'^ e-rlnzT^i a 'irrsire noc t:* execute ren-
^j^^,r:fi : >- ;: ':.\-r.r.2 n^:^ ^-ce terrible example of du
cor/^-:-:;-=r7.'.e- :: :2^-- :-:ri:i^doc the c-chers were lestorec
to r-vrlet V. to c-^t;/ hai:k :o :heir frien^ls the tale of thei]
^is<:a:/j, ar.i -r^^ =iui iiZe oi ih^lr (x>mpaiiion. They hac
Wrri .rufficirrrit-T tAught what would be the result o:
f\x*uTf: mL=corLduct. But thr: majority of the colonisb
wf'Tf: far from b^/mg sari^fiei by these late proceedings
\jA on by =ome of the leading men in the communit}
who woro ojfijTjjiefl to the governor, and having thei]
cauv; sidvfX'jiUA in a powerfully-written but scurrilous
nowf^papor, the Guiana Chronicle^ fierce attacks wen
UMxf\f', a;.5ainHt hi.s excellency. Personal invectives and
taiintin^^ reproaches filled the columns of the paper. He
was iu\<:\xHM\ of partiality, cowardice, treachery. The
[)rinr;ipal Houroe of annoyance seemed to be the refusal
of liiH excellency to proclaim martial law when the strike
oc(!iirrerl. This was a)nstrucd into a negligent affroni
and insult. Stimulated by the approbation of the ma-
jority of the colonints, intoxicated by popularity, and
K'»ii<l<»d l)y tin* cool indifference of the governor, this
piiprr prorcculed to such lengths, that ultimately a suit
for libi'l wiw bmught by him against the publication.
TliiH uction, liowevor, lailed, chiefly in consequence oi
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 406
the governor's own conduct relative to the "freedom of
the press." It so happened that the year before, in a
militia "general order," dated December 31, 1833, in
reference to a sentence of a court-martial which had
become the subject of newspaper discussion, Sir James
Carmichael Smyth had observed :
" The commander-in-chief cannot conclude this order
without remarking that, generally speaking, too much,
value appears to be attached by respectable individuals
in this colony to what may be said for or against them in
the newspapers. It is certainly pleasanter to be praised
than abused; and, in a small community, it can hardly
be expected that the same indifference on these subjects
shoidd exist as is to be met with in England. Public
men cannot, however, expect that even the very wisest
and ablest of their measures will meet with universal
approbation. A free and public decision of all public
measures is a great public- good, and frequently does
more to remove prejudices, to correct errors, and to
point out the proper mode of proceeding, than any other
invention of human wisdom. In the attainment of a
great good, we must submit to a partial^eviL Contro-
versial writers too frequently confound a public man
with the measures he advocates; and, in abusing the
latter, the individual himself is occasionally a little be-
spattered. Public men must, however, expect these
things; and they find their reward in the consciousness
of having done their duty, in the respect and esteem of
their friends ; and, lastly, in the gratitude of the public
themselves, who, although they may be misled for a
time, yet rarely in the end fail to appreciate the merits
of every man according to his real worth."
Such was the expressed opinion of the governor upon
the subject of newspaper abuse the year before he him-
self instituted a suit against a scurrilous publication ; but
406 ItlSTORT OF BRITISH QUIANA.
there is a limit to forbearance. Great was the excite-
ment of the popular mind ; vigorous the efforts made to
resist the '^ libel suit."" It was looked upon as a national
cause. The salvation of every one seemed to depend
upon the issue; and when the action failed, as we have
said, on the ground that the governor " had recognised
the freedom of the press, and given encouragement to
strictures on public affairs," the joy and triumph of the
colonists was great. A victory had been acquired for
them ; henceforward they might abuse the Executive at
their leisure and with impunity. The proprietors of the
Guiana Chronicle received by subscription a present of
3000 dollars, about 600i, and the able lawyer who
defended the suit, a piece of plate of the value of 250
guineas.
. But the triumph of the colonists was not yet complete;
the exhibition of ill-will not yet expended. A petition
was prepared and forwarded to the king, signed by al-
most the whole body of the colonists, praying for the
removal of Sir James C. Smyth from the government of
the colony. This document was published by the go-
vernor's orders, with a list of the names of the petitioners.
The manner in which the signatures were procured was
a proof at once of the inattention with which persons
regarded such a deed, and of the zeal with which his
opponents sought to overwhelm him. Papers were
carried through the town and country to every indi-
vidual who could write, to attach his signature. There
were very few who signed that document but lived
afterwards to be ashamed of it, and to regret it*
* There ib something tingalar in the change that fitnre jean eflbcted. A
monument, the work of Sir F. Chantrej, erected by the colonists, and dedicated
to the memoiy of Sir J. C. Smyth, stands conspicuouslj in the cathedral of the
city of Georgetown; whilst the proprietors of the paper, and the editor who wityte
for it, hare sank in society, and made good the prophecy in Sir J. C* Smyth'»
militia order of i683.
BISTORT OF BRITISH OUIANA. 407
The conduct of the negroes after the late events was
also a matter of anxiety to the governor. He had shown
some confidence in them, and had hoped to see it pro-
ductive of gratitude and respect. The labourers, com-
pelled by the regulations to remain on the properties
where they were originally attached, evinced the greatest
desire in most instances to quit their employers, in the
hope of meeting with others more agreeable or advan-
tageous : the novelty of a change was the chief tempta-
tion. But the older negroes returned afterwards to their
old haunts, immindfiil of change or circumstance. A
great many of the women, who before had been com.
pelled to work, gave up by degrees the labour of the
field, and occupied themselves more in the duties of
their household. Let us see the nature of that house-
hold. The negro, with all his civilisation, had not ad-
vanced much in domestic improvement; they resembled
in this respect the French more than any other nation ;
they spent their means on dress, or wasted it in trifles,
but rarely thought of adding comfort to their homes, or
expending it in the wants of the hearth. A wooden
bench or two did the office of chairs. A common table
was covered in most singular confusion with glasses,
plates, cups, earthenware mugs, saucepans, and the uni-
versal " calabash" (a useful bowl, formed of a species of
goard, which grows commonly throughout the country) ;
this latter is a most valuable appendage to the menage
of a n^ro. It serves him to wash in, to hold water, to
contain food for himself, wife, or children, to drink out
of, &c. On the floor, formed very often of the hardened
earth, lay one or more wooden trays (another household
god of the negro). The tray seemed nearly for as many
purposes as the calabash. They carried vegetables for
sale in it ; they brought it home balanced on the head,
filled with plantains or fish, and mother food; when it got
409 HISTOHT OF BBinSH GUIASA.
home, ii became a reoeptade for dirty or clean dot&es^
or was converted into a cradle, which contained the in-
fant of the establishment, of which there was sure to be
one, if not more. The infant so {^ced on the floor was
considered quite safe ; it was true, thai a sCiay goat or
dog, or the neighbour's fowls, might constantly be tread-
ing on him ; but that was nothing, considering he was
so comfortably ^^ cribbed, cabined^ and confined.** But
the tray had other uses ; in wet weather it served as an
umbrella ; in hot weather as a ^^ parasoL** The negrO|
with his calabash and tray, thought himself ¥rell of^ and
envied not ^^ Diogenes his tub/' Another artide of do-
mestic use was a large block of wood, scooped out at one
end like a mortar, which in fact it was, the use to which
it was applied being that of pounding of plantains into a
pasty mass, which, under the euphcxiious name of ^^fou
fou,'' was (and is still) regarded as the manna of the
country. The wooden pestle used in the process is five or
six feet long, and the whole preparation laborious and
fatiguing ; but nothing proves too troublesome so long as
the " fou fou" is forthcoming, a large lump of which is
allotted separately to father, mother, and children, till its
proportions are visibly aflfected and their appetites ap-
peased. By way of bed, a mattress of dried palm-leaves^
a coarse flannel, or a grass hammock,* answered every
purpose. Such was the household over which the lady
of the family had to preside. It certainly did not require
very great superintendence ; but little as there was to do,
it was seldom that anything like order or cleanliness was
met with. This description, applying to those labourers
living on estates, holds good to the present day; for
altlunigh by degrees the love of more expensive and use-
ful ailiclcs, such as bedsteads, chairs, &c., began to be
* n. Edwimis, reMoninir on tho word hammock, thinks it derired £rom tlie
Caribboan languagv. BoUngbioke ttom the Dutch ** Hanf-maU"
H18T0BT OF BBITI8H GUIANA. 409
felt, it is remarkable to witness the want of order and
taste which obtains in a labourer's cottage. There may
be finery, there may be extravagance, but there is rarely
anything like neatness or comfort.
Another important circumstance connected with the
emancipation of the slaves is deserving of notice in this
place. The British nation, in contemplating the loss
which would result to the owners of slaves when deprived
of their services by the gift of liberty, had provided the
munificent sum of 20,000,000/., to be awarded as ^' com-
pensation money" throughout the West Indies. Twenty
millions of pounds were to be divided among the nume-
rous claimants who shoidd put forward and substantiate
their claims — a task of no little difficulty and labour.
The number of slaves for whom compensation was
claimed in British Guiana was 82,824, as follows: —
Prsedial attached, 57,807; prsedial not attached, 5475;
non-prsBdial, 6297 ; total for whom compensation was
awarded, 69,759. Children under six years of age, 9893;
aged, diseased, or non-effective, 3352 ; total, 82,824.
The amount of compensation money received was
4,494,9892.; viz., for the labouring classes, 4,268,8092.,
and for the children and aged persons, 226,180/. Ac-
cording to Montgomery Martin, the niunber of slaves re-
gistered in British Guiana just before the emancipation
was 84,916 ; the average price of slaves from 1822 to
1830 was 114/. lis. 5^d. ; the rate of compensation
granted per slave was 51/. 17s. l^d., and the proportion
of the 20,000,000/. allotted to British Guiana was
4,297,117/. It thus appears that, according to the ap-
praisement which had previously been made of their
value, in regard to sex, age, strength, health, capabilities,
business or trade, &c., the aggregate value amounted to
9,489,559/., thus giving the owners only an equivalent
of 8s. in the pound by way of a dividend in the general
410
mSTOBT OF BBinSH OUIAITA.
bankruptcy of the West Indies. About 3s. Sd. of the
appraised sum was granted; their estimated value was
taken from the average of the last ten years, calculated
from the vendue-office. The use made of this money by
the proprietor was to pay off old cl^ms against himself,
and to remove mortgage of his property, and in this
manner it became of essential service to many an em«
barrassed planter; but there were, unfortunately, several
who, even with this assistance, could not completely ex-
tricate themselves.
To the middle and free class of persons the compen-
sation money proved rather a curse than a' blessing.
Formerly in the possession of a few slaves, they managed
to live comfortably by hiring out their services j but de-
prived now of the labour of these people, and made de-
pendent on their own, they soon got into difficulties, and
hardships of all kinds eventually pressed upon them.
Possessed (by the compensation money) of a larger sum
than they had ever commanded, they either invested it
in some lawyer s hands by way of trust, from whence, in
many instances, it never returned, or was seldom fairly
accounted for ; or else squandered it in fugitive enjoy-
ments, in support of a style of living far beyond their
station. There was scarcely a house among the better
class of coloured people but valuable articles of furniture,
silver, and plate were found. A few, indeed, purchased
or possessed houses themselves; but then, again, these
were leasehold, and when the lease expired most of them
had to give up their tenements for arrears in ground-rent,
and other charges which had been allowed to accumulate.
It is true that they had not at first the opportunity of in-
vesting in any banking establishments, for as yet there
were none in the colony ; but the money was rarely
appropriated to any particular kind of business or traffic
by which they might have hoped to earn a competency
HtSTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 411 ^
for themselves and families. It was left for men of
another nation, and of inferior education, to reap the
golden harvests which a change in the social community
offered to the speculative tradesman, for at the time we
speak of there were few or no retail shops (except drug-
gists' establishments). The merchant's store yet con-
tinued to supply almost every article required for house-
hold and other purposes at an exorbitant profit. The
want of a small circulating coin compelled persons to
purchase larger quantities of perishable articles than they
absolutely required, and many goods were never sold
except in bulk, at a necessary loss to the consumer. It
will soon be seen how such a state of things was turned
to the greatest personal advantage by an imported and
new people. Hence the free coloured people, through
these and other causes, began insensibly to lose from this
period their middle ^ status" in society. They have, as a
general rule, sunk into poverty and distress, whilst the
negro began from this time to rise above them. But
whilst they gradually lost all hope in the '^ race of life,'*
or were compelled to struggle on in the most homely of
occupations, yet there were (and still are) occasions when
they displayed all their former pride of birth or connexion.
The distinction that has been shown to their colour did
not readily become obsolete. At a marriage party, where
the bridegroom and bride were coloured, the fSmiilies of
the wedded pair assembled to commemorate it. On
breakfast being announced, the company proceeded to
the table, where the whole of the coloured members
seated themselves, whilst the black quietly, and without
any appearance of affiront^ diligently waited upon their
fairer and younger descendants. Such was (if such ia
not now) the deference paid to colour; but this did not
long continue to be the case.
Having thus gone over the employment of the several
412 HI8T0B7 OF BRITISH GUIANA*
races, let tis now briefly notice their number. The popu-
lation of the slaves, we have recently seen, was 82,824, the
number of free people at that time might have been about
11,000, giving an entire population for the whole colony
of about 94,000 persons, being a decrease, as the reader
will recollect, of about 17,000 since 1817. This decrease
was chiefly, if not altogether, confined to the negro slaves,
for the free populations at each of these periods mustered
much about the same number — 9000 or 10,000. The causes
of such a strange diminution deserve notice, and may be
traced to several sources. In the first place, the promis-
cuous intercourse common to the whole race of slaves had
greatly tended to retard the natural increase of children.
It was a rare thing to see a woman with a large &mily —
the ofl^pring of one man ; this is an evil almost peculiar
to uncivilised countries.* Again, the disproportion be-
tween the sexes had been formerly very marked, although
carefully attended to by the most experienced among the
planters, and of late more approaching to an equality in
that respect. Again, the fact of the females having to
work whilst in a state of pregnancy, no doubt led to many
miscarriages^ or tended to injure the child in some way;
so that a large number of infants perished at their birth,
or soon after. Again, the want of proper attendance at
their confinements, and the pernicious habits of treating
infants under the authority and the advice of the old
^^ grannies," caused many to succumb, although it should
be observed that the planters, if only as a matter of profit,
took every precaution to avert the loss of progeny in
a slave. Again, it is to be remembered that in hot cli*
mates the number of children born is generally not 8o
great as it is in proportion in more temperate climates.
* In RomIa, according to Voltaire, among the Zoparavian CoMacka, the
union of the aezes is indiscriminate, and irrespectire of relationship or age^ and
the childran are few and unknown to their parents*
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA* 413
Again, it is notorious that many of the slaves absconded
and were never afterwards included in registrations, such
as the Maroons, or bush negroes, formerly adverted to.
Mai de pays, or home sickness, formerly caused many to
pine to death ; and also the compulsion to forced labour
and continuous toil, together with the sameness of diet
and general monotony of life, is asserted by some to have
been productive of many suicides. Several other causes
might be adduced, such as early marriages and conse-
quent decrepitude, indifference towards ofispring, &c«
But the above named will comprise nearly, if not all, the
true explanations of the melancholy fact. Some might be
inclined to attribute it to unhealthiness of climate; but, as
will be shown in its proper place, this opinion has been
much exa^erated, and produced altogether false impres-
sions on the mind of the public. During slavery, and
still more after its cessation, it became of frequent
occurrence that marriages were celebrated among the
lower classes, but the object and intent were much
misunderstood. It was considered decorous, nay, fashion-
able, for black persons to marry, solely because it
was the custom of the whites. It was prompted by no
love upon their part; it was not adopted from choice or
necessity, interest or morality, but was simply an act of
imitation. Most of the earlier marriages ultimately proved
a mere mockery of that sacred state, and ended in un-
happiness and discord. They either took, place between
parties who had previously been living together, or be-
tween individuals neither of whom could boast of much
purity of conduct. It was rarely or never known (and
the observation still obtains) that a young couple ap-
proached the altar, the woman conscious of purity on her
part, or the man determined to obey the vows so solemnly
entered into on that occasion. The greater number of
the marriages took place among the old and dissipated.
414 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
I Young men or women seldom presented themselves at the
church for such a holy union. It required many yean
j' to make the subject properly understood, and much ex-
perience and observation to test its efficacy and advan-
tage. By degrees, a better state of things was observable ;
but even at the present day it is little more than a pro-
fanation of the ceremony.
During this year, an ordinance was passed by the go-
vernor and the Court of Policy on the 25th of June, ibr
changing the names or titles of the first fiscal, Crown ad-
vocate, second and third fiscals, and other officers in British
Guiana. The first fiscal was to be in future designated
and styled high sheriff of British Guiana; the second
fiscal, sheriff of Essequebo; and the third fiscal, sheriff of
Berbice ; the Grown advocate, legal adviser, and public
prosecutor, was to be styled his Majesty's attorney-gene-
ral in and for the colony of British Guiana : the College
of Keizers was in future to be named the College of
Electors, and the members thereof electors ; the griffier of
the board of orphans and unadministered estates of Ber-
bice, was to be called recorder of said board ; the schout
was to be styled first officer of police ; and the dienaara
and night-guards termed policemen ; and the present cipier
of Demerara and under-sheriff of Berbice were to be
named keepers of the respective gaols; thus assimilating
the titles and institutions in this colony to those of the
mother country.
In the next year, November, 1835, a Petty Debt Court
was established for the more speedy recovery of debts not
exceeding in any case the amount of five pounds sterling,
or seventy guilders. The jurisdiction of one justice of
the peace to extend over cases not exceeding thirty^
shillings, or twenty-two guilders; and that of two justices
to cases not exceeding five pounds, or seventy guilders.
In the year 1835 also, the Act of the Apprenticeship
I ;
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUUNA. 415
having done away with the slave capitation tax, which was
one of the chief sources of revenue to the king's chest, it
became necessary to establish a civil list. As this sub-
ject involved serious discussions between the officials who
were materially concerned in its completion and the
colonial members of the Court of Policy, or rather Com-
bined Court, no understanding or satisfactory arrangement
could be concluded between the two parties; and it
became absolutely necessary to call in the services of a
mediator, or umpire. The officer selected for this delicate
question was Sir Lionel Smith, governor of the Wind-
ward Islands, who arrived in May, 1835. He was re-
ceived with every demonstration of loyalty and honour due
to his rank and character, and he succeeded in negotiating
a civil list, to continue until December 31st, 1840, as
follows :
'* To the Lientenant-GoTemor .... .£3500
„ Chief Justice 8000
„ Puisne Judges . . . . . . 2500
„ Secretary to Chief Juitioe . . . 630
„ High Sheriff 1250
„ Clerk of ditto . . . . . . . 300
,, Sheriff of Berbice ...... 800
„ Sheriff of Esiequebo . . . . . • 500
„ Attomey-GeDeral ..... 500
Ecclesiastical Salaries . . • . • . 850
To the GoTemment Secretary ..... 600
n Secretary of Court of Policy . • . . . 500
„ Assistant GoTemment Secretary .... 500
To Clerks, stationary, and contingencies for the Secretary-office ) . . _
and Court of PoUcy . . • . . . J ^^^^
To the grant to schools ...... 150
„ despatch boat . • . . . . . 150
Contingencies ....... 2400
Retirinff allowances to the under-mentioned persons: Messrs.!
J. SuUiyan, W. D. Farr, flaUum, Collector James, and Col- 1 2400
lector Nixon . . . • . • -J
' ^^ To be apportioned among the said individuals in such
manneras to his Majesty's Government shall seem just; pro-
vided always^ that on the death of any of the said indi-
viduals, or the grant to any of them, by his Majesty, of any
situation or place of emolumeDt, the portion of such sum of
1 1
416 HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIAKA.
2400/. as shall have been appropriated by his Majesty's
Grovemment to such person, shall lapse, and the saving
thereby accrued shall ensue to the benefit of the oolony,
in deduction of the aforesaid permanent civil list esta-
blishment of 20,980/."*
'^ These retiring allowances originated thus: — Soon
after the re-conquest of Demerara, Essequebo, and Berbice,
by the British, in ISOS, the offices of colonial secretary
and provost marshal, in the united colony of Demerara
I and Essequebo, and of colonial treasurer, colonial secre-
tary, and vendue^master in Berbice, were granted by
patent, according to the fashion of this time, to certain
political favourites. These offices were paid by fees and
commissions, and were very lucrative. The patentees, or
some of them, never visited the colony, but performed the
duties of their offices by deputy. About the year 1831,
the home Government, in order to get rid of this abuse, in-
duced the patentees to surrender their patents, on condi-
tion of receiving certain stipulated pensions shortly after.
As a means of inducing a quiet submission to the changes
introduced at that time by orders in Council, Parliament
granted to this colony a sum of 32,0002. ; but before this
so-called relief grant was paid over, a dispute arose as to
the extent of the powers of the Combined Court, and was
followed by the civil list controversy, and a stoppage of
the supplies. When the civil list of 1835 was settled,
the Combined Court refused to make fiill provision for the
pensions above mentioned, and for some other advances,
' I in consequence of which, the relief fund has never been
paid over, but has been appropriated by the home Grovem-
ment to make up these deficiencies; aqd in this way thie
greater part of it has been already spent. The only re-
maining patent office is that of vendue-master of Deme*
* Local Guide, p. xx.
!:■!
!i -I
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 417
rara and Essequebo, which, however, has since been vacated
by the death of the incumbent."
In consideration of this civil list, the amount of which
was 20,980^., the Crown surrendered for that term the re-
venues theretofore remaining at its undisputed disposal
under the name of the sovereign's chest, which, however,
had been materially diminished by the loss of the capi-
tation-tax on slaves, incident to the abolition of slavery
in 1834. The Crown further expressly conceded to the
Combined Court, for the term of the civil list, the power
of controlling the general estimate which that court had
for some years exercised without lawful authority.
In the course of the year 1836 a change took place
in the judicial appointments of the colony. Chief Justice
Wray returned to England afler a residence here of about
16 years ; a period fraught with many important changes,
both as regards the social and political condition of the
colony. His conduct during that time was marked by
urbanity ; and, as a lawyer, he was considered profound,
and intimately acquainted with the complicated legal con-
stitution of the country. His long experience rendered
his opinion decisive and respected. If not very diligent,
he was always persevering and patient. In his manners
he was quiet, sociable, and cheerful. His house became a
rendezvous for the best society.
He was succeeded in office by the Honourable J. H.
Bent, who was removed from the chief justiceship of the
island of St. Lucia to fill a similar situation in British
Guiana, where he arrived in July, 1836. This gentleman
brought a high character along with him — acquired as it
was by a long career of distinguished legal services in New
South Wales, Trinidad, Grenada, and St. Lucia. A better
account of his fitness for the judicial chair could not^be
given than that fiimished by a late pleasing writet.^n St.
Lucia, and it gives me pleasure to transcribe it, and to
YOL. I. 2 E
418 HISTOBT OF BRITISH GriAXA.
testify to its truth : — ^* Upright, impartial, and single-
minded, in Mr. Bent were happily blended, in a high de-
gree, the ability and tact of the sound constitutional lawyer,
and that spirit of independence so eminently characteristic
of the true English judge. £[aving spent many years in
the exercise of various judicial functions in New South
Wales, his experience in both hemispheres was only sur-
passed by his integrity, and that was as much above
suspicion as it was beyond the reach of slander. Puncti-
lious to the extent to which punctiliousness is a virtue in
the judicial character, and yet active to a degree almost
incompatible with his delicate state of health, he infused
into the different offices connected with the courts a taste
for order and regularity, which continues to be productive
of the most beneficial results, even to this day."*
This flattering testimonial has been fully borne out by
the able services rendered by the judge from the time
of his arrival. Such a character was much wanted at the
time when he accepted office, and such principles applied
to law business in this colony have been, as we shall see,
of essential benefit to the community.
Party spirit was still running high at the period of his
arrival. The executive and many of the colonists were
still warm in mutual animosity. The Guiana Chronicle
still kept alive the popular feeling of antipathy to the
governor, and went so far, in the publication of the 10th
August, as to apply the epithet ^' villain" to his excellency.
Notice of this outrage was submitted to the Court of
Policy by the high sheriff, his Honour G. Bagot, which
thereupon resolved :
" That the court unanimously coincides in feelings of
disgust and abhorrence at the epithets applied in the lead-
ing article of the Guiana Chronicle of the 10th inst. to
* Brccn*8 St. Lucia, p. 337.
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA. 419
his Majesty's representative the lieutenant-governor of
this colony."
The opinion of the court was then asked by the lieu-
tenant-governor as to the measures which ought to be
adopted to put down a newspaper which kept up so dan-
gerous an excitement in the court, when it was moved by
an elective member of the court, and seconded by an-
other: "That, under the circumstances, his excellency
would be fully warranted in withdrawing his license from
the printer and publisher of the Gtiicma Chronicle'^ This
motion was carried ; two of the elective members voting
against it, on the ground that if the article in question
were libellous, it might be prosecuted. A third colonial
member thought that it would be inexpedient for the court
to offer the governor any advice upon the occasion. H is
excellency then desired the following paper, which had
been drawn up prior to the vote above mentioned, to be
entered on the minutes of the court :
'^ The lieutenant-governor stated that newspapers were
said to be the echo of the sentiments of the community.
He trusted, as there was no rule without an exception, so,
in the present case, the opinions and language of the
Guiana Chronicle were not the opinions and the lan-
guage of the inhabitants of British Guiansu Upon a for-
mer occasion he had caused the editor of the paper in
question to be prosecuted; if any gentleman supposed
that in giving such directions he was influenced by per-
sonal feelings, that gentleman was mistaken. His sole
object was to compel the editor to be more cautious and
circumspect in his conduct, and to abstain from influencing
the passions and the feelings of this community, at a
moment at which, of all others, the most perfect calmness
and forbearance ought to have been inculcated ; if he had
been convicted, he would no further have been punished
than to have had the sentence kept euapended aver him
2b2
120 EISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA •
m terrorem^ to have been enforced against him had lic?
again laid himself open to prosecution. The result, how-
ever, of the prosecution is well known ; the person in
question was looked upon as a martyr for the liberty of
the press. His acquittal was celebrated by the hoisting
of flags and the firing of guns from the ships in the
harbour; apiece of plate was subscribed for and presented
to the advocate who defended him — the sale of the paper
rapidly augmented, and the editor was encouraged in sill
the violence and impertinence with which he renewed Ills
attack upon the lieutenant-governor' and his measures.
Under all the circumstances to which the lieutenant-
governor has alluded, his excellency feels that it would l>e
a harsh measure to prosecute an individual who has boon
encouraged by the patronage he has met with to persevere
in a line of conduct which to him has been a source of
emolument and celebrity. The good sense of this province
is now disgusted with his paper; a reaction has taken plai!o;
and as the character, the conduct, and the measures of the
lieutenant-governor are better known, and, as he hopes,
are better appreciated, the extinction of the (}uiana
Chronicle is easily to be efiected by the same means
which were employed to promote its circulation. A paper
cannot flourish* without subscribers, nor can its slander lie
disseminated without readers ; the same influ^^nce which
raised the Guiana Chronicle can put it down; if gentle-
men feel hurt that such a paper should be published in
this colony, and be forwarded to Europe as a specimen of
the advantages they enjoy in having a free press in
Guiana, and of the candid, liberal, and gentlemanly man-
ner in which public matters are discussed, they have only
themselves to blame, and the remedy is in their own
hands."
This rather long statement on the part of the lieutenant-
governor is ineertedy as it gives a candid exposition of his
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 421
views and character, and of the fickle opinions of the colo-
nists* We have seen more than one proof of their ran-
cour ; but time and patience had altered in a great mea-
sure the popular feelings; a "reaction," as the lieutenant-
governor properly termed it, had in truth occurred. The
inhnbitants were becoming tired of the unprofitableness
of newspaper abuse ; they had begun to question its cor-
rectness, and to appreciate the line of conduct so steadily
and sternly pursued by the lieutenant-governor.* It is said
of Socrates, that when a low fellow had ofiered him an in-
jury, he would not complain of it to the judge, but reckoned
it (as he said) no more than if an ass had kicked him ;
.and of Cato, that when upon one occasion he received a
* Wow on the face, he was so far from resenting the afiront,
and from desiring satisfaction, that he would not venture
so fiar as to forgive it, but denied that any such thing had
been done, thinking it better not to acknowledge the fact
than to prosecute it.
The conduct of his excellency towards his calumniators
was not very unlike this, for he preferred to convince
them of error rather by his judgment than by their mis-
takes. We have already seen some of the changes ac-
complished under his auspices. He found an excited and
disorderly band of labourers, — he kept them quiet by his
moderation and counsel; he found a dissatisfied and
alarmed body of planters, — he kept them restrained by his
calmness, and hopeful by his consistency ; he found a
class of officials somewhat remiss in their duties and lax
in their conduct, — he soon set them an example of strict
attention to business, and added some broad hints to de«
linqnents ; he found a number of institutions and laws
unsuited to the changing features of the times, and soon
* B4 fore his arriyal, the usnal oflSce hoan were litUe attended to by the ineuni-
bents, many of whom arriyed at 12, and left at 9 p.m. This was Boon rectified
by a pi odamation tnm the gorenior.
i'f
422 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
modified or altered them to. a more practical purpose.
Some of the principal of these have been already noticed;
besides these, he introduced savings banks for the lower
orders, and suggested the use of regular incorporated
banking establishments^ which led to the formation of two
— the British Guiana Bank and a branch of the Colonial
Bank, in 1837.
This year was also marked by the incorporation of
Georgetown, which was placed under the government of
a mayor and town council, who were constituted a mayor's
court for the trial of petty ofiences.
An ordinance passed by the governor and Court of
Policy on the Ist of March, 1837, provided in this man-
ner for the superintendence of Georgetown, and repealed
the former regulations which had been in force since
1812. The new board of superintendence consisted of
eleven town councillors, corresponding to the eleven
wards into which the town was now divided, viz., Eangs-
ton. North Cumingsburg west ward; North Cumings-
burg east ward ; South Cumingsburg west ward ; South
Cumingsburg east ward; Robbs Town east ward; Co-
lumbia and Lacy Town east ward ; New Town east
ward ; Stabroek east ward ; Werken Rust east ward ;
Charlestown east ward. Rules were made for the elec-
tion of each councillor, who were to elect annually a pre-
sident or mayor; a secretary and receiver of town taxes
were appointed, with salaries, and the duties of such board,
&c., defined.*
Again, another ordinance was passed on the Srd of
March to repeal an ordinance intituled " An ordinance
to establish and constitute inferior courts of criminal jus-
tice in British Guiana, and to make regulations and pro-^
visions instead thereof," in consequence of the changes
* Local Guide, p. 259.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 428
brought about by the abolition of slavery. Justices of
the peace were continued, and their duties defined ; the
dates of the sittings of such courts were fixed upon ; also
extent of punishment and fine limited, and rules drawn
up for the general guidance and working of such courts,
&c.
'Again, the old and obnoxious practice established by
the Dutch of carrying on the business of the Court of
Policy and Combined Court with closed doors was done
away with on the 30th of March, and the sittings (except
in particular cases) opened to the public. This secret
mode of conducting important public business was perhaps
justified and rendered necessary by the former state of
society, but after the emancipation such a system would
have appeared repugnant to the new ideas of liberty then
infused into the general mind.
** Nous aYoni change tout oeU "
was to be the rallying cry of the new generation. An
important change was also effected in the Court of Policy
itself on the 27th of May. The Government secretary
and the collector of customs were substituted as official
members of the Court of Policy instead of the high sheriff
and the sheriff of Essequebo, or former fiscals.
Such were some of the more important occurrences and
changes in the government of Sir James Carmichael
Smyth, who, in consideration of his valuable services, and
as a mark of approval on the part of the King and British
Government, had received in 1836 a commission as go«
vernor. Hitherto his title, as well as that of the previous
rulers, had been only lieutenant-governor, indicating an
inferiority and subjection to the governor-general of the
West India Islands.
On the 2nd of December, 1888, an ordinance was
\
424 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
passed by the governor and Court of Policy for regulating"
the qualification for the exercise of the elective franchise
in this colony, and which repealed the former one of the
2nd of May, 1835. The new qualification entitling to
vote was the payment of taxes upon 2001 guilders^ or in
amount not less than 70 guilders ; agents or attorneys for
absentees were permitted to vote under certain condi-
tions.
It was also during this year that, on the 27th of April,
a series of rules and regulations for the Combined Court
of British Guiana were framed and agreed to at their an-
nual adjourned assembly ; for further informatioti concern-
ing which the reader is referred to the Local Guide,
page 24.
But while another laurel was being added to an already
rich garland of military and civil honours — whilst the con-
duct of the governor was being satisfactorily appreciated
both by the self-willed colonist and the emancipated negro,
and his measures received with that praise to which they
were so fully entitled, his useful career was suddenly ter-
minated by an untimely death. On the 4th of March,1838,
this excellent governor died after an illness of a few days,
occasioned by malignant fever.
His death was a severe blow both to the colonists and
their dependents; the one mourned him as a chief worthy
of their regard, the other as a friend and benefactor. The
universal sorrow evinced for his sudden departure was an
irrefragable proof of the sincerity of their feelings. All
ranks assembled to pay the last sad homage to his worth ;
his funeral was one of unusual pomp and melancholy
display.
The mortal remains of the departed chief was followed
by an immense concourse of people to the grave } crowds
of the inhabitants of all classes joined in the mournful
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 426
procession; and when, the last trace of the solemnity
passed away, each individual hastened to his home to
ruminate on the fugitive exhibition of human greatness.
Thus ended the mortal career of Sir James Carmichael
Smyth. Possessed of great abilities, he had also the firm-
ness and decision of the soldier; impressed with the pro-
priety and justice of his views, he did not seek success
by conciliation, artifice, or persuasion ; he at once declared
his intention, and carried his point by perseverance and
unflinching endurance. There was no subterfuge in his
policy; his opinion was unmistakable; he did not seek to
flatter others in order to gain his ends; neither did he
encourage flattery towards himself He was led by no
will but his own. No plausibility of address or design
could deceive him. He saw through motives at a glance,
and opposed a stem resistance. Personal abuse and mis-
interpretation were always treated by him with indif-
ference and contempt. He was, perhaps, too reserved in
his explanations, too austere in his demeanour. He had
not the art of softening the hard commandment, or of
gilding the bitter pill. He might have gained more by
yielding a little. He would have escaped much unneces-
sary obloquy by showing his philanthropy more, and his
desire for the good of all; and would have ensured admira-
tion and attachment where he always commanded respect.
His temper was, perhaps, too warm to venture upon an
argument when he felt convinced of its truth and utility;
his energy too vehement to wait for the applause which
would have followed a patient and repeated explanation.
He thought, perhaps, to have forced forward the emanci-
pation, when it would have been easier to lead it; that to
have appeared wavering, would have been cowardice; or
to have seemed conciliatory, would have been weak. But
whatever opposition and insult his conduct excited, there
426 UISTOKY OF BKITI8H GUIANA.
can be now no doubt of the wisdom of his views, and of
his sincere desire for the true interest of the colony. His
character claims this tribute to his memory, and bis con-
duct this humble attempt to stamp with praise his useful
career in the annals of a countiy in which he lived and
died.
BISTOAT OF BKITISH GUIAKA. 427
CHAPTER XIII.
▲DM INISTRATION OF MAJOR OBAKOB AND LIBUTBKAHT-COLOirXL BUHBORT— AP-
POIMTMENT AHD JUBIBDICTIOB OP STIPBITDIABT MAOItTRATBS — ABBITAL OP
HBKRT LIGHT, B8Q., A8 OOYBBVOB, JI7VB, 1838 — ABOLinOB OP TBB AFPBBX-
T1CB8H1P — DISALLOW AKCB OF CERTAIN ORDINABCXB — OOTBRHOR MABB8 A
TOUR OP nrSPBCTION— GONDITIOK OF THB PLAXTER— COMPBTITIOir FOR LIBOUR
—CONDITION OF LABOURER — RATE OP WAOBB— DIYUIOIT OP BRITISH OUIANA
INTO COUNTIES— governor's ADDRESS TO COMBINED COURT, 1839 — FROFOSBO
IMMIGRATION LOAN OF POUR HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS — SUBJECT OP IMMI-
GRATION—EARLY SCHEMES RBSPECTINO IT — REFLECTIONS ON THE SUBJECT —
COLONIAL INDENTURB ACT, 1 835-6— INTRODUCTION OP ISLAND NEGROES — THEIR
CHARACTER — DISPUTES ABOUT DCMIORATION ORDINANCES — STOPPAGE OP THB
SUPPLIES, 1840— YOLUNTART IMMIGRATION SOCIBTT— NEW CITIL LIST— IMMI-
GRATION ORDINANCES OP 1841— APPOINTMENT OF AGENTS— BOUNTIES— PORTU-
GUESE IMMIGRATION ; ITS CHARACTER AND RESULTS— COOLIE IMMIGRATION;
ITS CHARACTER AND RESULTS— GENERAL REFLECTION ON IMMIGRATION.
It was an old-established custom of the colony, for the
purpose of averting the interruption of public business,
that in the event of the death of the governor the oath
of administration should be immediately taken by the
commanding officer of the troops, who continued to act
until a successor was appointed by the Government. Of
course, the less such officers meddled with the laws and
ordinances of the colony the better; for as their sway was
but temporary, it scarcely allowed them time to become
acquainted with the true condition of a province over
which they had been thus accidentally called to preside.
But, occasionally, some mischief was accomplished in the
brief space of a few months; and probably such mischief
428 HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA.
would have been more frequent^ had not the authorities
in England countermanded or put a check to any irre-
gularities on their part.
It 80 happened that Major Orange, of the 67th Regi-
ment, was in temporary command of the troops at the
death of Sir James Carmichael Smyth, and on the 7th of
March he was sworn in as acting-governor ; but two days
after he was superseded by a superior military oflScer,
Colonel Bunbury, of the same regiment, who took the
oath of administration on the 9th. The character of this
gentleman was not adapted to the exigencies of the times;
his views were mere reflections from the opinions of
others ; and it might have proved dangerous to have en-
trusted the government of such conflicting interests as
those between a sinking planter and a rising peasant to
hands which, though well intcntioned, were too rough and
hasty.
Instigated by the colonial party, he passed through the
Court of Policy an ordinance enforcing a contract law, a
vagrant law, with very severe clauses, giving great power
to the local justices of the peace, and abolishing the
stipendiary magistracy; and also tw^o acts establishing a
police force, and putting it at the control of the local
justices to enforce their sentences. It should be remem-i
bered that, in accordance with a clause in the slavery
abolition act, the Crown had appointed special justices of
the peace with fixed salaries from Great Britain, to whom
was entrusted the exclusive jurisdiction of all matters of
dispute arising between masters and apprentices. The
power of these justices was modified and extended by
various acts of Parliament, orders in Council, and ordi*
nances. After the termination of the apprenticeshipt
stipendiary magistrates, consisting generally of the same
persons who had held the special commissions of the
peace, were commissioned, to whom was specially en*
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 429
trusted the exclusive jurisdiction of all matters of contro-
versy between masters and servants. The colony was
divided into fourteen judicial districts, over each of which
a stipendiary presided. Besides their commission as sti-
pendiary magistrates, they also held the ordinary com-
mission of the peace ; by virtue of which commission
they sat as members of the inferior criminal courts and
the petty debt courts, and performed most of the ordinary
judicial business of the colony.
The attempt to abolish such a necessary class of persons
was ill-timed and injudicious. All these ordinances, to-
gether with a poor-law passed by the court shortly after
the emancipation, by which relations in the first degree
were obliged to support their impotent relatives; as well
as a militia ordinance, disqualifying all who had been ap-
prenticed labourers from serving in the militia ; and an
ordinance for a census and registry of the population, dis-
tinguishing those who had been apprenticed labourers,
were subsequently disapproved of by the British Govern-
ment, and consequently annulled. The subjects of con-
tracts, combinations, vagrancy, and the jurisdiction of the
stipendiary magistrates, were regulated by an order in
Council issued for that purpose.
At a meeting, however, of the Court of Policy, held on
the 20th of June, 1838, Dr. M'Turk, afterwards knighted
for this and other services, one of the colonial members, and
a gentleman of liberal and enlightened views, gave notice of
motion to bring in a bill to abolish the system of appren-
ticeship. The effect of example, as already shown by
the island of Antigua, where the apprentices had been
liberated shortly after emancipation, and the imperfect
working of the apprenticeship, no doubt gave rise to the
proposition, and, as a matter of course, it became imme-
diately a subject of severe discussion. At the suggestion
of the chief justicei however, further argument on the
subject was delayed until the bill was actually before the
430 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
court. Meantime, the opinion of the public became ex-
cited, and the contemplated measure was examined in all
its phases. It was reserved, however, for another governor
to execute so difficult a measure, although credit is cer-
tainly due to Colonel Bunbury for his willing assent to
the proposition of Dr. M'Turk.
On the 28th of June, 1838, Henry Light, Esq.,' having
arrived from England or Antigua, assumed the govern-
ment, and was sworn into office. This gentleman, formerly
in the army, and of considerable attainments, and lately
governor of Dominica, undertook his difficult task at a
time when a great crisis had approached.
In a despatch to Lord Glenelg, dated 9th July, 1838,
the governor adverted to his arrival on the 26th, and to
a proposed meeting of the Court of Policy on the 4th of
July. His excellency alluded also to the conflicting
feelings among proprietors on the subject, and mentioned
the receipt of a petition presented to him by a deputation
from a large body of proprietors of Berbice, deprecating
the proposed measure. The adjourned meeting of the
Court of Policy took place on the 4th of July, and after
a short discussion with closed doors, they were opened to
the public. Many petitions were read against the measure,
none for it. The introduction of the bill was opposed by
three of the colonial members, one of whom protested
against the eligibility of the court to decide on a measure
of such importance ; but this was overruled. A first
reading of the bill was allowed ; it was seconded by Mr.
Macrae, but was opposed by others. His excellency ad-
dressed the court strongly in favour of it, after excusing
himself from taking a part in the discussion, in consequence
of its important nature; the governor slightly reviewed
the career of the African, and the late change in the re-
lative character of planter and labourer. He augured also
an increase in the value of property with the additional
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 431
industry of ireemen^ and that a more healthy state of
prosperity would be the result, although very large for-
tunes naight never again be roade. His excellency also
reverted to what he had witnessed in Antigua in 1836,
where slavery had been abolished without the intermediate
state of apprenticeship, and where the peasantry were
orderly and industrious. In several also of the Leeward
Islands he had witnessed a similar result, and stated that
during his late administration of the island of Dominica
for thirteen months, steps had already been taken for full
emancipation. After such considerations, his excellency
concluded that the proposed measures might be adopted
in perfect safety in this important colony.
The second reading of the bill did not take place until
the 10th of July (on the 9th of July his excellency wrote
to Lord Glenelg on the progress of the bill), owing to
the indisposition of the Honourable Mr. M'Turk, when
it was warmly advocated by the attorney-general, who de-
cided as to the eligibility of the measure. In the course
of the debate it was attempted to throw the responsibility
on the governor and official section, but ineffectually, and
af^er much angry controversy the bill was sent into com-
mittee the next day, the usual standing orders being dis-
pensed with, which usually required a delay of fourteen
days. On the 12th of July the bill was carried, after the
third reading, and his excellency had the happiness of
signing the necessary ordinance. A royal salute was fired
upon the occasion, and the purport of the bill proclaimed in
three different parts of the town. Well might his excel-
lency remark, in a despatch to Lord Glenelg of the same
date, " I consider it fortunate for me that the first act of
my public administration has been this measure of grace
in favour of so large a number of my fellow-subjects."
However satisfactory to the executive, the planters
naturally regarded it with distrust and uneasiness. They
432 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
urged that this colony was different from the islands, in-
asmuch as here all the crops are not taken off until the
1st of January, while in the islands they are terminated
on the 1st of August, and that to deprive them of the
services of their labourers at a most important season
without compensation would be unjust. Supported, how-
ever, by a section of the colonial members, the bill passed,
two colonial members voting against it, and one declining
to vote.
The following is the ordinance enacted on that occasion,
which was passed on the 12th, and published on the 16th:
'* Whereas the non-praedial apprenticed labourers of this
colony will be fully freed and discharged from their ap-
prenticeship on the 1st day of August next ;
" And whereas it has become necessary and expedient
that the apprenticeship of the prandial labourers should
also be terminated at the same time ;
" Be it therefore enacted, that all and every the persons
who, on the 1st day of August, 1838, shall be holden
within British Guiana as prsedial apprenticed labourers,
shall, upon and from and after the said 1st day of August,
1838, become r.nd be to all intents and purposes whatso-
ever absolutely freed and discharged of and from the
then remaining term of their apprenticeship, created by
the Act of the Imperial Parliament of Great Britain and
Ireland, intituled ' An act for the abolition of slavery
throughout the British colonies, for promoting the industry
of the manumitted slaves, and for compensating the persons
hitherto entitled to the services of such slaves,' and of
and from all and every the obligations imposed on them
by the said act, and the several pains and penalties there*
under or thereby incurred."
The social system being thus materially altered by the
repeal of the act of apprenticeship, it became necessary
to frame several new ordinances to meet the coming
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIAKA. 433
changes. An ordinance was accordingly passed to make
provision for the due maintenance and support of the aged
and infirm praedial labourers to be discharged from appren-
ticeship on the 1st day of August next, as well as for
other purposes. This ordinance was, however, disap-
proved of by the Home Government ; and in a despatch
received by Governor Light from Lord Glenelg, dated
15th of September, 1838, it was intimated that a royal
order in Council would appear, providing for the mainte-
nance of the poor in her Majesty's colonies ; meanwhile,
the ordinance was to continue in force. Another ordi-
nance, for the further amendment of the acts and ordi-
nances of the militia of British Guiana, prohibiting all
who were apprenticed labourers on the 31st of July from
serving in the militia, was altogether disallowed at home,
on the ground of invidious distinctions ^' founded on the
servile condition in which one class of society was for*
merly held.'' A similar fate also awaited an ordinance to
ascertain the number of persons in British Guiana, and
to establish registries of such persons in the different
parishes thereof; for here again it was objected to by the
Home Government that a serious inconvenience would
result from perpetuating distinctions which were now
formally abolished.
It must certainly be admitted that there was no want
of energy on the part of the British Legislature to eradi-
cate every vestige of slavery, and to do ample justice to
a people so long considered as oppressed. Nor was the
governor wanting in his endeavours to elevate and en-
lighten the labourers in their new duties. Proclamations
were issued, inculcating habits of industry, sobriety, and
morality; exhorting the good to [lersevere in their con-
duct ; and threatening the bad with punishment.
On the 2nd of August his excellency set out on a tour
of inspection through the colony, llie labourers on the
VOL. I. 2 F
484 HI8T0BT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
estates were collected in suitable places, and were ad-
dressed by the governor, who dwelt on the relative con-
dition of employer and employed, and advised them to
prosecute their labour without interruption. In a despatch
to Lord Glenelg, dated 13th of August, his excellency
states: ^'The readiness with which I was understood
surprised me, and the effect has been most satisfactory."
After a fatiguing tour of nearly a month, his excellency
returned to Georgetown on the 28th, and reported very
favourably both of the labouring population and of the
capabilities of the districts which he had visited.
The last link of slavery had been thus cast aside by a
voluntary act on the part of the colonial legislature, and
the social state of the colony was now to undergo, in a
few years, changes more rapid and remarkable than could
possibly have obtained under the old system. The
planters, lulled into passive resignation by the temporary
aid of the compensation money, could not, however, but
feel that, in the deprivation of their slaves, an effect
similar to the withdrawal of so much capital from their
properties had been effected ; and whilst many had to
pay off pressing mortgages and previously-incurred debts,
a great number, especially of the absentee proprietors,
squandered away, or neglected to invest profitably, the
sums thus received. Thus the compensation money,
instead of being returned to, or spent on, the respective
estates, was otherwise used; and when the time came
for paying the labourers their regular wages^ instead of
supporting them as under the old system, monetary diffi-
culties of all kinds presented themselves.
The planters, indeed, foresaw with despondency, that
if they had to depend solely upon the irregular and
uncertain labour of the emancipated people, these pros*
pects would be materially affected ; but they made no
really useful endeavours as yet to check the advancing
HISXOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 435
evil which was to overwhelm them, but went on as usual,
hopingr, grumbling", and makinor sugar. The only eflTorta
which were indeed made to ensure the necessary labour
proved in the end the most injurious to themselves ; — a
kind of rivalry was set up as to who would give the
highest wages. The greatest bribes and inducements
were held out to the negroes to settle on particular
spots, thus encouraging that already too roving, restless
disposition so destructive to the practical utility of the
labourer. It rather served the interest of the negro than
his master; it exaggerated his self-importance, which he
was not long in perceiving ; but, in the end, it effectually
ruined many a planter, and encumbered all. It seemed
certainly a natural step to take. The surest way to
ensure labour was to pay high for it; the most certain
method of making a man work who felt disinclined, was
to reward him ; but, at the moment, it was forgotten
what would be the result of such a system. The price of
produce was remunerating, even at such a means of
raising it; but it remained for future years to expose the
falsity of the system and its suicidal tendency. Planters
knew too well the facilities this colony afforded for the
encouragement of a race of squatters; they feared the
too speedy withdrawal of labour, and its necessary
sequence — the abandonment of property; and perhaps
thought no remedy too dearly purchased which offered
to save them. Some still clung with despairing confi-
dence to the hope that the negro would be compelled to
work ; - they made up their minds to be, in some degree,
losers; but still fostered the idea that sugar-making was
the only road to fortune-making. The colony was not
regarded as a home, as an adopted country, a field suffix
ciently worthy of their occupancy, but rather as a pur*
gatory, through which they must pass to obtain the
elysiura of their desires. Their exertions to gain wealth
2v2
436 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
and depart were incessant, their anxiety about their
success intolerable; hence, few or no endeavours were
made to sweeten the cares of life, or gladden with comfort
the scenes of their industry. We have already seen that
this was the error of the earlier English settlers, so
different to the Dutch ; and we now see the same error
renewed and practised. So long as this continues to be
the spirit and feeling of colonists, so long will their
dreams be visionary and their hopes blighted ; so long as
such a principle is acted up to, so long will disappoint-
ment and unhappiness result. Exceptions may have
occurred, and will occur again. Fortunes have beea
made here, and spent elsewhere; but this, as a general
rule of practice, is unfitted for the genius of the nine-
teenth century. And yet, with all the disadvantages of
such prospects before them, there were many speculations
among the mercantile and agricultural classes in 1838.
Several young men, without capital, and trusting to the
old prestige of West India wealth, engaged in transac-
tions far beyond their means ; new mercantile establish*
ments started up in Water-street, only to disappear as
rapidly ; plantations were bought which were never to
be paid for ; the system of long credit tended to encou«^
rage such proceedings ; and it was not until a commercial
revolution took place, that the pernicious habit was
exploded, and only gradually renounced. A great show
of affluence and of public and private amusement was
kept up at this period ; but it was artificial and of short
duration. Balls and parties were as frequent, perhaps more
so than ever; gay equipages abounded; races were nume«
rously and fashionably attended ; even the ladies, carried
away by the ardour of the excitement, condescended to
bet upon this or that horse ; a pair of gloves, a bonnet,
were often thus won, for gallantry forbid that the gentle*
man should triumph.
BISTORT OP BRITISH GUIANAt 487
Such was the anomalous social state of the planters ;
whilst, on the other hand, the labourer, now left to his own
guidance and resources, naturally exhibited some confusion
and irresolution in his habits. It was not long after its ac-
complishment that the negro began to feel the advantages
of the emancipation. Although at first disappointed, and
dissatisfied at the restrictions of an apprenticeship, he was
soon made to perceive of how great value he was — how
absolutely necessary the toil of his arm was for the very
existence of the colony. A nomade sort of life seemed
at first natural to him. He seemed anxious to test his
liberty by wandering about in search of the new happiness
reserved for him ; many of the labourers left the estates
to which for years they had been accustomed, especially
the young and middle-aged, for, as before remarked, the
older among the people remained fixed to their accustomed
localities, where the associations of earlier years were
strongest — a fact much in favour of the toleration practised
in the last days of slavery. Begular work was for a time
abandoned, and a very marked falling off in the quantity
of sugar produced was one of the earliest consequences of
such changes ; the women generally abandoned the field,
and the men were only kept to it by necessity. Domestic
service invited many, and numbers flocked to town to such
employment. A savage sort of life held out attractions
to a certain proportion. They depended on the fish that
the rivers or large trenches afforded, or on the few ground
provisions they could raise^ such as cassava, ochres, pigeon
peas, yams, &c., together with a few fowls. Living far
up the rivers, or on the back lands of estates, they erected
scanty huts as a shelter firom the sun of the dry season,
and the torrents of the wet months. Apart from civilised
scenes and the healthful industry of the plantations, they
began from this time to relapse into old habits of apathy,
indolence, and ignorance ; and, withdrawing from the use-
xanMT vf wsaraoE^ ^^himS^
>m. ^f' 'l^'Hetiuii ]«t tHjBriiftft iur sot 2iu: -n lae jiie
trniw «i#c tSK: Jtindifp^nn vise i tiioms: it^t
♦yuwiVK yr tint tuw: •jnwmr. uf -ut* 7«fmii&. ^In^ <
«t t^y; «iii<^p^!xcrtied dfea;:ige« Toe Uboor of :^ i>?fio I
t// (/f; At a yr^imxnm ; mm eo^taea were built iip<» <
*^ w% ifidtupfita^it ffjr the people to settle ibete ;
MV^$AsktU'M mz3t proTKJed frjr tbem as before, oar.
tti^i^iUftUii ; SfjfKiav and otb^r scbook were estaoKsbed
f^/r tk^^r C'hil^Jnrn, ^nd Mich wages were allowed tbem as
in no other c^mniry could be met with. Tbe iodastriooa
ff/an #y#iild €;am half a dollar a day (2s. Id.) for about six
houni' UUiiir; the remainder of the day was bis own; be
frii^ht either commence another task, or in some otber
way add Us hh (rains by cultivating provisions or stock,
if anything occurred to displease him, a change to tbe next
eiitate offered similar, or probably higher, advantages.
Hut this anomalous position of the labourer was pro*
ductivc of much bickering at the outset; constant employ-
ment was found for the stipendiary magistrates to adjust
differences and disputes. It was a new era in the social
history of British (jruiana to witness the late slave stand-
ing on an equality at the bar of justice with his former
owner. It was one of the earliest privileges which fol-
HI8T0KT OF BRITISH OTJIAKA. 480
lowed in the steps of freedom, and, perhaps, there has been
no more favourite boon leceived by the negro than this ;
it was a distinction which they had scarcely anticipated, a
right which did more to efface all recollections of former
differences between man and man than any other circum*
stance. There is no doubt of the necessity of such tri-
bunals; but, as might naturally have been expected, it
has frequently since led to much abuse and inconvenieqpe,
and to this day proves a bitter sort of annoyance between
the planter and bis emancipated serf.
These were some of the principal features of the social
community which marked the advent of the new governor,
and it demanded on his part the utmost caution and vigi-
lance not to interrupt the progress of the new system,
and offend, by partial administration, either the sensitive
opinions o£ the planter, or the rising ambition of the
labourer. Already were the home philanthropists pointing
with triumph at the novel jspectacle of an emancipated
race of ignorant people working in peaceful order and
contentment; already were the proprietors of estates de-
claring that the evils of such a forced state of liberty had
overtaken them, and that nothing short of strenuous exer-
tions and concessions on their part could hold together
the repellent elements of the social system.
Early in 1838, British Guiana was divided into three
counties — Demerara, Essequebo, and Berbice, formerly
called districts or colonies ; and an alteration was also made
in the number and division of parishes, viz., thirteen in
Demerara and Essequebo, and six in Berbice. A few of
these parishes (five) belonged to the Kirk of Scotland, and
the remainder to the Church of England, to all of which
clergymen and catechists or clerks were appointed ; be-
sides these, several chapels and churches were erected^
and conducted by Independent and other preachers; these
440 HISTORY OF BRITI8H GUIAKA.
vrert eagerly attended, and, in many instances, wholly
supported by voluntary subscribers ; schools, also, in con-
nexion with these churches, were established.
In the course of this year the duties, jurisdiction, &c.,
of the stipendiary magistrates were defined by a procla-
mation issued on the 1st of November ; and the services
of these gentlemen were of the utmost importance in de-
ciding the numerous and vexatious subjects of complaint
which were submitted for investigation.
On the 8th of October his excellency the governor
issued a proclamation addressed to the labourers, in which,
in judicious and gentle language, he rebuked them for
their irregularity at work, and for their general idleness
and discontent ; which, however, effected but little good.
In the course of an address to the Court of Policy oi^
the 6th of November, his excellency reviewed some of
the social changes, adverted to the number of new ordi-
nances passed, and explainec^ the nature of those which
had been disallowed by the Home Government. He aU
luded also to the renewed commissions of the stipendiary
magistrates, and to a petition from the inhabitabts of the
colony praying for an alteration in the mode of electing
the colonial members of the Court of Policy, and their
wish to abolish the College of Eeizers. An ordinance
was also passed by the governor and the Court of Policy to
consolidate the marshals' offices of Demerara, Essequebo,
and Berbice, and to make permanent provision for the
same. By this new ordinance one provost marshal, seven
ordinary marshals, and two copyists were appointed, and
their several duties, fees, &c., defined. A vagrant act
was also passed this year, specifying the nature and defi-
nition of a term so new to the labourer, and providing
fines and punishments for offenders, who were to be tried
before the stipendiary magistrates or justices of the peace.
An alteration was likewise made in the elective franchise,
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 441
assimilating it more to the altered circumstances of the
times. At the first meeting of the Court of Policy (17th
of September) after the 1st of August, his excellency ad-
dressed the members on the state of the labouring popu-
lation, and congratulated them on the peaceable and suc-
cessful working of the act for the abolition of the appren-
ticeship, on the good feeling between employer and em-
ployed, on the slight falling off of labour and neglecting
of estates, and to the few commitments for offences.
In the following year, on the 12th of January, 1839,
an ordinance was passed repealing that of 1837, which
had invested the mayor's court with judicial functions,
and a Georgetown police-office was instituted for the
better administration of justice. It provided for a police
magistrate and clerk, and the powers and duties were
duly defined and published. Another ordinance in the
following June provided for an effective system of police
within British Guiana. An inspector-general, Mr. Crich-
ton, was appointed, with three inspectors, one for each
county, together with a clerk and a proper " police force."
Rules were drawn up for their guidance^ and their powers
and duties defined.
On the 19th July, 1839, his excellency addressed the
members of the Combined Court, and among other things
remarked : ^^ I defy the most enthusiastic, false or true
philanthropist, to say that a day's labour, which may be
completed in five or six hours, or even in less time, is an
oppressive demand on the labourer, paid as he is, and
favoured as he is, almost universally with other privileges,
which place him far above the condition of the labourer in
Europe. The freedom which leads to the mere supply of
the common calls of huAger, will never raise the descendant
of Africa in the scale of human beings which the friends
of freedom so much desire." The governor also stated,
that in five years, firom January, 1834, to December, 1888,
442 HISTORY OF BRITISH OTJIAKA.
fines amounting to 612,000 guilders have been incurred
by individuals in the militia, and that the amount saved
by the reduction of the militia was 30^350 guilders. As
regards the colony, ^'The importance of this province is
fully known to her Majesty's Government. With
improvements in machinery and drainage, the Euro-
pean may then share in the cultivation of the land;
unwholesome swamps will disappear ; thousands of acres
will be reclaimed from their state of nature or abandon-
ment ; and where we now count our population by thou-
sands, their hundredfold will lay the foundation of an
empire with sources of wealth to the mother country
inferior only to Jber India possessions in the East, with
this advantage to the former, that the latter will always be
of more tedious access."
In 1839, Messrs. Scoble, Ainslie, and Stuart, three
influential members of the Anti-Slavery Society, arrived in
Demerara professedly to inquire into the condition of the
labouring population. The governor regretted their ap-
pearance at this particular juncture. Mr. Scoble left in
June ; but squabbles, incident on their proceedings, arose
between them and the planters.
On the subject of immigration there occurred difficulties
between the governor and many of the colonists ; an im-
migration ordinance was passed by the Court of Policy,
and it was proposed to borrow the sum of 400,000^. for
the purposes of immigration ; but his excellency took a
different view of the question, and on the 26th June,
1839, wrote to the Marquis of Normanby opposing the
proposed loan of 400,000/. for immigration purposes, on
account of its burdening the colony for forty years. Go-
vernor Light thought that about 2000 labourers annually
would be sufficient for the wants of the colony and its
means of accommodation. A tax of two-and-a-quarter
HI8T0EY OP BRITISH OTJIANA. 443
per cent, on produce would raise about 400,000Z., and cover
the expense.
Mr. Rose also argued against the proposed loan, and
brought forward the following objections :
1st. That great mortality would ensue should immigra*
tion in large masses take place.
2nd. That it would burden the colony with a debt for
forty years.
3rd. That the amount of the sum proposed to be raised
is too large, and would not be required at once.
4th. No security could be placed on the Combined
Court granting the funds necessary to provide for the
interest and redemption of the capital.
5th. That there was no specific tax or fund out of
which the money is to be provided. That there was no
security against it being raised by unjust taxation; and
that future Combined Courts might alter the proposed
grant.
To which it was replied, that the question of mor-
tality was distinct from that of the subject of immigra-
tion; that the sum might be less than 400,000Z., and
provision made annually for its gradual extinction ; and,
that the want of faith in future Combined Courts was
irrational and illiberal. Dr. M^Turk also opposed the
proposed immigration law.
The ordinance appeared, however, but was disapproved
of at home, and disallowed by the Marquis of Normanby,
who objected to immigration from India, Africa,* and
the Bahamas, as well as to the proposed plan for intro-
ducing immigrants here from the isKinds, as recommended
by Governor Light.
In spite of this opposition, the subject was again taken
iip by the colonists, who held public meetings; and a
* See despatch dated 15tb of August, 18S9, and addretied to Governor Light.
444 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIAKA«
petition, addressed to the Queen, was signed by 700 or
800 persons, and was forwarded by the governor
to Lord John Russell, who then held the office
of colonial secretary. Lord John Russell, in addressing
Governor Light on this subject, although admitting the
falling off in the amount of produce, yet sarcastically
observed that the word " ruin " made use of by the colo-
nists did not seem to apply to the poverty of the people^
nor to the want of food or raiment, neither to the absence
of riches or luxury, but simply to the decrease of sugar
cultivation.
Immediately after the emancipation, the subject of im*
migration had occupied the attention of the colonists,
who clearly saw, that without continuous labour, their
capital and properties would be wasted. Several gen*
tlemen, both in Demerara and Berbice, determined upon
sending a vessel to the Bahamas, or Lower Islands, in
order that persons unable in those islands to pro«
cure a livelihood should be invited here, where ample
work and wages would be found for them. A letter
declaratory of their object was forwarded by Governor
Light to the governor of the Bahamas, stating the rate of
wages here at about eight dollars per month, with house
and garden-ground, medical attendance and medicine.
Early in September, 1838, the subject was submitted to
the consideration of Lord Glenelg by Governor Light,
who forwarded the leading points of a communication re*
ceived by him from the secretary of the British Guiana
Bank advocating its necessity on financial grounds, and
suggesting that extensive immigration ought not to be
left to individuals. It was also proposed that colonial
emigrant agents should be appointed, and certain pre-
miums offered by the colony and proprietors on the irn-
portation of effective agricultural labourers. Very shortly
after this, the subject was brought forward in the Court of
HI8T0BY OF BRITISH GUIAKA. 445
Policy on the 2l8t of September, and certain resolutions
were adopted calculated^ to combine advantages both to
the colony and to the emigrant. The assistant Govern-
ment secretary, W. B. Woheley, Esq., was appointed by
his excellency agent for emigrants for this colony. These
resolutions were not objected to by Lord Glenelg, who,
however, pointed ou| some important modifications in the
proposed scheme.
The project of immigration now thoroughly occupied
public attention, and was doomed to exercise the greatest
influence on the future condition of the colony. It has
been the pabulum of all young and aspiring countries,
has found an episode in nearly every history, and still
continues to be the panacea for colonial evils. It had its
origin in necessity ; it flourished in proportion to the civili-
sation and extent of empires, and has been the theme of
praise to the statesman, the political economist, and the
patriot. It has been the desired object of the poor and
unfortunate, the beacon to many a ^' land of promise," the
tomb of many a hope. The young and ardent have pas-
sionately pursued this ^^ ignis fatuus," the middle-aged
and prudent have confided themselves to its enticing
rewards, and the old and covetous have groped their way
along with the rest, in the hope of amassing wealth or
honour at the '^ last hour." Its votaries have all set out
buoyed up with the gayest prospects, and embarked on
the treacherous stream which was to lead them they knew
not where. Its currents guided some to the east and
some to the west ; its attractions operated in all directions;
but the rocks were not indicated, nor the shoals mapped
out to the mariners of this unknown sea, ere they could
reach the " gold-bound coast.** From a hazardous specu-
lation, it has become an established system ; from relieving
old, it has created new, countries ; the transplanted twigs
^ve grown into mighty trees, the plucked bud has been
416 HISTOBT OF BRITISH GUIANA.
engrafted on a foreign stem, and the fruit benefited by
the change. Like the lopped ^members of the inferior
animals, these members have assumed a vitality of their
own ; an inherent principle of life was flickering faintly
in them, until accidental circumstances developed more
innate strength ; the vigour of self-support was infused
into the system, and like the " newly bom," it acquired a
principle of life separate from the parent, but capable of
like development and increase. Emigration from tho
"Old World" has acted like the withdrawal of the super-
fluous blood from a too robust constitution — it has relieved
the plethora of the system. Immigration, on the con*
trary, has acted like the transfusion of the vital fluid into
the veins of a weak and debilitated subject ; it has aroused
latent power, and infused by its stimulus an artificial but
useful energy into a helpless and sinking economy; re-
newal of life has followed its application, and saving health
resulted from its administration. But, like other human
inventions, it has led to abuse, and deception and disap-
pointment have retarded its practical advantages. The
home deserted has never been replaced by another, and
the land forsaken never again reached.
** Nihil est ab omni parte beatam.**
The men who have relinquished their hearths in dis-
content have not always encountered better fortunes, and
the mind dissatisfied with bare subsistence in its own
clime has not always arrived at affluence elsewhere.
** Viritur parvo bene, cai pateraum
Splendet in mensa tenui Salinum,
JNec levet somnos tinior aut cupido
Sordidut aufert.
Quid brevi fortes jaculamur sdyo
Multft? Quid terras alio calentes
Sole matamus? Patria ^is exul
Se guoqut/uffU f
HISTORY OF BBJTI8H 6ULVNA« 417
■ * Scandit aaratas vitiosa naves
Cura: neo turmaa equitum relinqoit,
Ocior oervis, et agente nlmboi
Ocyor euro.
Lntuf in pnBseni animus, quod ultra est
Oderit curare, et amare lento
Temperet risu." ♦
It IS scarcely necessary, after what has been narrated as
to the falling off of regular labour since the emancipation,
to point out the object of immigration to these shores.
No act was ever better calculated to relieve the necessities
under which the planters suffered, and to supply a suffi-
ciency of labourers at rates which would enable the em-
ployers to raise and manufacture sugar at a profit. It
also tended to increase the importance and civilisation of
the colony. But to the Creole labourer its intent was
obvious ; it pointed out to him clearly, that if he was un-
willing to work an attempt would be made to procure
others to do what he neglected ; but it would be wrong to
assert that it was an act of retaliation intended to injure
the prospects of the negro. It was introduced to relieve
a pressing want ; a temporary remedy for a serious malady.
The colony was threatened with a paralysis of its motive
power ; here was a remedy which was to infuse new life
into the torpid system^ a new agent to bear on the physi-
cal infirmity of the land. Justice must certainly be done
by all parties to the Creole labourer, in admitting that
throughout this important era in a new social state he
conducted himself with great moderation, liberality, and
good humour. At first, he showed a great deal of indif-
ference, if not apathy, to the contemplated scheme of
introducing people from other lands to compete with him
in the field ; but his attention was soon attracted to the
subject by the ever-watchful guardians of his class, " the
Independent preachers," who^ by whatever feelings ac-
* Honoe, Lib. ii Ode !•.
#
f ■
-^ 448 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIAKA.
i
I
i!
tuated, whether regard for the supposed interest of the
negro, or prompted by the reference it bore to their own
affairs (inasmuch as in general they depended upon the
contributions of their congregations), soon produced a
general movement on the subject.
The first efforts of inmiigration (and, indeed, many
subsequent ones) were hot calculated to alarm a sensible
and observing people. Setting aside any intention of
reviewing a few ill-judged attempts to introduce, at dif-
ferent periods of our history, a few Europeans into the
colony for the purposes of trade and agriculture, such as
English, Dutch, and German families, which all ended
in disappointment, the majority of the settlers having
died shortly after their arrival, and the remainder, re-
turning to their native land, we pass on to consider the
efforts made in 1835 and 1836 to bring labourers to
British Guiana ; so early after the act of apprenticeship
was the necessity for them evident. In this year a
" Colonial Indenture Act " was passed, the object of
which was to enable private individuals to procure
labourers from the West India islands at their own ex-
pense, and bring them to this country under contract of
servitude for so many years. Small vessels were char-
tered by some enterprising planters, and at a considerable
outlay many islanders were added to the population of
British Guiana. In the course of the years 1836, 1837,
and 1838, about 5000 labourers were thus introduced
by ordinances, which were, however, subject to many
modifications by successive orders in Council of the ori-
ginal indenture act ; but their utility was questionable,
the demand upon their labour and their constitutions
gave rise to disease and disappointment, the greater
number quarrelled with their " contractors ;" and when
the ordinance to terminate the apprenticeship was en-
forced, they absolutely included themselves in its enact-
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 449
ments, and quietly broke off all engagements. These
people were mostly from the islands of St. Christophers,
Angola, Montserrat, and Nevis, and, contributing to the
motley group met with in these regions, they deserve
some notice. At first their number was too few to attract
much notice, and their influence on the social state but
trifling. Many were employed as domestic servants ;
the rest sent to the field. Of these the majority were of
little consideration in their own country. Possessed of
much of the physical character of the Guiana Creole negro,
they undoubtedly enjoyed more acute, varied, and ex-
panded intelligence. They seemed to be further advanced
in civilisation, but also to have imbibed its accompanying
vices. A marked disposition to cunning, theft, and
intrigue was manifested among them, and at the various
criminal courts which were subsequently held it was
notorious that a disproportionate number of them was
generally included.* They had not led so simple a life
as that of the native Creole, had been brought into
more direct contact with the inhabitants of other coun-
tries, and had congregated more in towns. They were
indebted for their advancement, and perhaps their vices,
to the example of their superiors from Europe. Their
manners were more polite and studied than the lazy,
unaffected deportment of the Guiana negro, towards
whom they evinced a feeling of contempt. Apter in the
acquisition of knowledge, and more plausible in behaviour,
they lacked the honesty of purpose which generally
marked the conduct of the others. Many of the better
sort were enabled by their industry to return to their
friends with ample evidence of their success. They
affected, and still continue to affect, much contempt for
the new country to which they were brought. With
* Of 109 ccmTicU (at the clote of 1845) who were lodgvd at the peiia) lettlo-
ment, upwards of 50 were alieni, or forei^ to BritUh Qoiana.
VOL. !• 2 G
460 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
feelings of patriotism tbey gave the preference to their
own lands, but could not deny that greater advantageB
were open to them here than " at home." The greater
number of them have, in fact, remained here.
The imperfect result of the " colonial indenture scheme*'
being demonstrated, attention was directed to the forma-
tion of an " immigration loan," but to this scheme, as we
have seen, the governor refused his consent. These
circumstances, which, together with the failing prospects
of the planters, and the diminution of the quantity of
produce raised, produced feelings of discontent, both
against the English Grovemment^ and the governor by
whom it was represented in the colony.
On the 28th January, 1840, the governor, in address-
ing the legislature, adverted to the falling off in the
amount of produce, and offered some explanation to
account for it. He also alluded to the fact of high prices
being still paid for estates, and mentioned that the
receipts of import and other duties had exceeded the
estimated sum. He congratulated them on the small
amount of crime, but lamented the failure of laws to
regulate wages, &c.
Disagreements, however, arose in the course of the
session, and the supplies were stopped. Sir M. M^Tnrk
addressed a letter on this occasion to the clergy and
others, requesting their co-operation in preparing a peti-
tion to the Queen against this act of the Combined Court,
but his proposal was not carried into effect. The
governor wrote home on the subject, and such was the
flourishing state of the finances, that the public service
was sustained to the end of the year without taxation.
Finding that immigration could not be effected as a
legislative measure, a very spirited attempt was made
by the colonists to accomplish it themselves. Several
private meetings were held in 1840, and at length a
HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIANA. 451
"Voluntary Subscription Immigration Society" was
formed, with the intent of introducing immigrants at the
expense of the individual members. A large proportion
of the planters and others interested composed the
society. Fifteen directors were chosen,* and subscrip-
tions were collected from them to defray the general
expenses; a secretary was appointed, with a salary of
400^ per annum, and suitable premises near the water-
side engaged for the reception of the immigrants, besides
offices for the transaction of business.
In the beginning also of this year (21st January,
1840), two delegates (Messrs. Peck and Price) arrived
from America, where an intelligent colonist (Mr, Carberry)
had commxmicated with the Anti-Slavery Society of the
United States and that of Liberia, and after travelling
through the colony, they departed in March, and reported
favourably on reaching Bdtimore. They also visited
Trinidad, but gave the preference to this colony.
In the following year (1841) a large steamer of 180
horse power, the Venezuela, was purchased for 47,000
dollars (about 10,000/,). This vessel was brought to
Barbadoes by Messrs. Cavan and Co., but proved perfectly
useless to the colony, and the whole of this expensive
scheme ended in jealousies, bickerings, and disappoint-
ment.
The only result of this enterprising scheme was the
introduction into the colony of about 3000 immigrants,
who came chiefly from the island of Barbadoes,t and
* The planters were to paj two per cent on araoont of produce made, and
other penona in proportion to their incomes. The total amount raised was
36,266l
Demerara and Esseqnebo £27,000
Berbioe 9,266
£36,266
t The Skqmrior anired on the 24th of Mav, 1841, with 200 Africans. The
floremor prooeided on board, and adTising with the immlgratioo agent, located
2o2
462 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
were distributed in various parts of the colony as field
labourers. A few among this number (about seventy)
were fi'om the United States, but the views of the
colonists were not satisfied, and, as we have seen, a con-
troversy broke out between the official and colonial
members of the Court of Policy and Combined Court.
The term of the civil list arranged by Sir Lionel
Smith in 1835 being about to expire, the elective section
refiised to grant a new civil list, unless the colony was
guaranteed a fi:ee immigration from all parts of the world.
His excellency the governor remaining equally firm
against this measure, the "stoppage of the annual sup-
plies," as we have seen, resulted, and a recurrence of the
scenes of 1835 threatened to take place. But in 1841
a mediator was appointed to arrange the existing dif-
ferences, and Sir Henry Macleod, governor of the island
of Trinidad, arrived for the purpose. After some dif-
ficulty he negotiated the "new civil list," which was
to continue fi'om the 1st January, 1841, for seven years.
An ordinance to this eftect was passed on the 6th day
of January, 1841.* The annual sum thus voted was
39,572Z. 17s. 4d. sterling, equivalent to 187,549 dollars
and 33 cents, which was distributed in the following
proportion :
CivU List from 1841 to SUt of December, 1847.
The Governor (besides a residence) .... £5,000 0 O
Chief Justice ........ 2,500 0 o
Two Puisne Judges ...... 3,000 0 0
Secretarj to Chief Justice . . . . G30 0 0
^'4~aTpoficy} Heldbythe«.megeoUem« .\ Z II
Assistant Government Secretary . . i,ioo 0 0
£13,730 0 0
them on thirteen of the best estates on the east coast. The same vessel sailed
on the 7th of June, and returned on the 22nd of October following witii 225
Afticans.
* Local Guide, p. 679.
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA.
463
Brought Forward .... .£13,730 0 0
Clerks' stationery for GoTemment Secretary's ofilce and Ckmrt
of Policy, besides contingencies .
Attomey-Qeneral
bolicitor-Greneral
High Sheriff . . .
Clerk to ditto
Sheriff of Berbice
Sheriff of Essequebo
Ten stipendiary magistrates, each 700^
Contingencies
450
1,100
300
1,250
300
900
700
7,000
2,400
Retiring pensions .....
Ecclesiastical archdeacon of British Quiana £ 500 0 0
Stipendsof ministers of 15 parishes .6,250 0 Q
„ rector of St. George . 569 4 10
„ minister of St. Andrew's . . . 569 4 10
„ minister of Dutch Reformed Chorch. 569 4 10
., rector, New Amsterdam 486 2 5
„ Scotch minister. New Amsterdam 486 S 5
£28,130 0
2,012 18
Grand Total
9,429 19 4
£39,572 17 4
Such was the liberal provision made by the colony for
the support of its principal officers and institutions. This
civil list had a preferent claim upon colonial revenues, and
was payable quarterly. The " king's chest*' was abolished
until the 31st of December, 1847, and the Queen's re-
venues made payable into the colony chest. The regis-
trar's, marshal's, and sheriff's offices were subject to the
regulation and control of the governor and Court of
EoUcy, and all the fees and revenues (except salaries)
were of course included under such control. The sum
placed for contingencies was not to be appropriated to
salaries, &c.
Ordinances were also passed " to levy a duty upon
all imports into British Guiana," and for " authorising
the appointment and regulating the duties of commis-
saries of taxation, in order to the better collection of the
revenue." But as a kind of " set-off^' against these ordi-
nances, and the formation of so expensive a " civil list,"
the colonial party had accorded to them an ^' immigration
454
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
ordinance/' which was first passed in January, 1841, and
subsequently repealed in 1842, making way for another
to ^^ encourage immigration into British Guiana,*' &c.
By this ordinance an annual sum was provided for the
purpose by the colony; agents were to be appointed at
several places* whence immigration might be expected,
and salaries allowed them; an ^^ agent general for immi-
gration" was also appointed to reside in the colony, at a
fixed salary. The duties of the several agents were also
defined ; certain bounties were allowed on all immigrants
out of the public chest, and the rate of bounty fixed by
proclamation. Thus by two proclamations, dated 5th
of August and 10th of December, 1842, the following
bounties on immigrants were payable under the above
act, viz., from Sierra Leone, 35 dollars; St Helena, 85
dollars; Rio Janeiro, 35 dollars; other parts of Brazil,
25 dollars; Spanish Main and Margarita, 20 dollars;
United States of America, 30 dollars, &c The labourers,
on arrival, were to be provided with temporary support,
and due preparations were made for them.
Having sketched the history of the immigration ordi-^
nance, we come now to consider its working, and the
character and influence of the new labour-power intro-
duced under its sanction. A formidable, though hitherto
untried, competitor made his appearance to share the
spoils of a country of such reputed wealth. The Por-
tuguese labourer of the island of Madeira had, so early
as the year 1835, attracted the attention of the planters^
who about that period introduced the number of 429
into British Guiana. It was supposed, firom their well-
known industrious habits, and the fact of their being na-
tives of a warm climate, that they would answer admi-
rably for the cultivation of the estates. They were
* The agent at Sierra Leone wag to receire 400/. per annam} the agent at
Madeira 150/.
HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIAKA. 465
accordingly distributed in various parts of the colony,
but the result of this, the first experiment, was unsatis-
factory. A great many of them became attacked with
fevers, ulcers, and other disorders, and a large propor-
tion of them died. The survivors, however, amassed by
degrees large sums of money, with which several returned
10 Madeira, to excite the wonder and cupidity of their
countrymen, a circumstance which had a remarkable in-
fluence on the future prospects both of themselves and
their compatriots.
The Portuguese have shown themselves for ages a
restless and roving people; enterprising in spirit, and
adventurous in their habits, we have already seen them,
along with the Spaniards, exploring and visiting this
country; behold them now again, but in a different ca-
pacity. Formerly they came to be masters ; now they
were satisfied to be servants and labourers. Formerly
they came with the sword and the spear; now they
were lo wield the shovel and the cutlass. They have
ever been willing to renounce their vine-clad homes for
the perils of adventure and the prospects of gain. When,
therefore, it became known to the simple inhabitants of
Madeira that a rich tract of land on the not far-distant
coast of South America was in want of labourers to cul-
tivate its soil, and busy rumour had announced that
wages were ten times higher in amount than in their
own country, it is not to be wondered at that numbers
of them, with their families, were found willing to em-
bark for the '^ rich coast." It is not a little strange that
this land, this same Guiana, so long spoken of for its
riches by ancient writers and adventurous travellers
(many, too, of their own nation), should again present
itself after an interval of about four centuries, as a se-
cond " El Dorado," and rise up suddenly as it were fi:om
the ocean to invite them to its shores. Forgotten in one
4.56 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
moment were their rocky mountaiiis and luxuriant hills,
festooned with the grape ; without a sigh they \Ad adieu
to the balmy atmosphere of the beautiful Madeira, and
set sail with ardour for the mud-flats of the sugar coun-
try. The new comers were at first introduced at the
expense of the colonists, until the immigration ordi-
nances of 1841 and 1842 provided for their arrival, and
gave a bounty of about 30 dollars, or 6/. per head, for
each adult. Everything seemed in favour of the new
immigrants. A vast field of labour was thrown open to
them, a ready source of wealth to the industrious, and a cli-
mate in temperature and seasons not unlike their own.
Possessed of the same character which elsewhere distin-
guishes their countrymen, both in person and habits, they
exhibited to the negro a surpassing activity without much
strength ; light-hearted and merry in their dispositions,
they were also intelligent, and remarkably keen as to
their own interests; honourable and upright in their
dealings, their manners towards their superiors were re-
spectful and affectionate. Contented without luxuries,
they cared little for personal appearance ; the most simple
food, the most humble dwelling, the most indifferent
clothing seemed what they had been accustomed to ; a
want of cleanliness was unfortunately prevalent among
them, and led in this climate to the most serious conse-
quences. Superstitious and bigoted in matters of reli-
gion, they yet evinced an indifference towards its pur-
suit, and an ignorance of its duties which were surprising.
Very few cared to attend the Roman Catholic church,
but contented themselves with raising altars and burning
candles before images and pictures of saints-in their own
dwellings. Naturally jealous and passionate, they were
dangerous to quarrel with ; more ready with the knife
than with either argument or bodily force. Penurious
in their habits, they hoarded up, or lent out on usury,
illSTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 467
the money which they amassed by their industry and
intelligence, or else invested it in profitable speculations,
as we shall soon see. Fond of music, they enlivened
their homes by the guitar, accompanied by the voice. A
small kind of guitar, called by them " michette," is a
very favourite instrument, with which, playing the most
pleasing airs, they often perambulated the streets.
The earliest comers were for the most part from the
very lowest classes of society in Madeira, and wanted
polish in their manner; but they were all civil. In point
of features there is a wonderful sameness in most of their
countenances, the same dark black hair, aquiline nose,
black eyes, and olive complexion, being common to them
all. The men generally wore beards, which gave an antique
cast to the countenance, and reminded one forcibly of the
paintings of portraits in the sixteenth century. Their
figures were robust, but not graceful or well-proportioned;
many of the younger women were tolerably good-looking,
but almost invariably spoilt by some unbecoming fea-
ture, or an indifferent figure, which they neglected sur-
prisingly. The middle-aged and elderly females looked
more like hags than mothers and wives. As a sameness
of features obtained, so did the names by which they
were known; scores of them had exactly the same Chris-
tian and surnames, which occasionally proved inconve-
nient in business and money matters; many of them,
however, assumed fictitious names, and a habit prevailed
among them of designating themselves by some familiar
appellation or nickname, indicative of some supposed or
apparent quality or habit. From the similarity in fea-
tures, and from the prevalence of the same names, it
seemed as if they were all descendants of a few original
families, and to me it has often appeared as if they were
of good descent, in consequence of the general cast of
countenance being anything but " plebeian." So much
I
k
458 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
for the physical and moral attributes of the new immi-
grant; let us now consider his influence and career.
The Portuguese immigrants arrived in great numben
in the years 1840, 41, and 42.* In the former years
about 4000 were introduced, in the latter about 400,
and it must be allowed that they evinced the greatest
willingness to labour, and considerable aptitude to learn.
But the nature of the work was new to them, the im-
plements unhandy, and the negroes did not let the
occasion pass by without jeering them on their awk-
wardness. They forgot, in "cutting their jokes," the
clumsiness of their African forefathers, and the fact that
a willing hand is often worth more than a skilful one.
The Madeirans had been able to earn in their own land
about 4d. or 6d. per day, but in British Guiana they
found they could earn as much as two to three guilders
per day's work of six to eight hours (about three or four
shillings). Their first impulse, therefore, was to tax
their industry to the utmost. Unfortunately, the de-
mand for their services was too urgent and general for
much care to be bestowed upon the locality to which
they were destined, and to the nature of the work to
which they were called. Leaving a dry and mountainous
country, the Portuguese immigrant encountered here a
damp and marshy land; accustomed in his own island
to the light work of the vineyard and the farm, he was
required here to cultivate a stiff and clayey soil, ¥rith
constant exposure to the sun or to the rain, and in the
immediate viciliity of stagnant trenches. In his native
country his diet, although humble, consisted chiefly of
fresh vegetables and fresh fish, occasionally meat; his
drink was water and the wine of the country; here his
* Owing, howerer, to the great mortalitj which occurred about thif tima^
the goTeroor and Ck>urt of Policj stopped for a time Portuguese immigratioii
after March, 1849.
HISTO&T or BBITISH GUIANA. 469
ordinary food was the farinaceous plantain and the dried
salt-fish, and he was exposed to all the temptations of
luscious but, for new comers, unwholesome fruit, which
abound in tropical countries. In his retired cottage in
Madeira, dirty and indifferent as it was, he saw little
around him to excite his envy or cupidity ; he moved
among others whose lot of life was like his own, and to
a certain extent he had felt contented; the ignorance of
riches and the hopelessness of advancement had rendered
him apathetic, if not satisfied. But in this new country,
where it had been told to him that the streets were
paved with gold and silver, he saw enough to stimulate
his desires, and to urge him to contend for the pos-
session of wealth. The curse of Mammon had seized
upon his soul. Home, friends, coxmtry, were forgotten
in the charm of adventurous enterprise, and thousands
flocked hither only to meet a grave. Hurried away in
gangs to the estates, no wise precautions were taken to
ensure their usefulness. To be sure, experience had not
yet proved the necessity for any such precautions. It
was not long in arriving. " To the field — ^to the field,''
was the cry. To the field they went, in sanguine spirits
and excited industry; they returned from it exhausted
by the sun and fatiguing natiu^ of the work. The
miasm of an ill-drained laud was immediately alert upon
such unfavourable constitutions. Intermittent fever and
ague broke out among them ; the prickly heat (a species
of lichen or skin disease peculiar to the tropics), and the
small insects which abounded, attacked their feet and
legs ; inattention to such insidious and apparently insig-
nificant assailants led them again to the field, but ulcers
and disease were the consequence. The money which
they received for their labour was not spent in good or
sufficient food necessary to sustain them. They lived
upon the cheapest plantains and the common salted fish;
460 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
but tlicy paid dear for their economy. The money was
hoarded until its value became incapable of saving them.
They tliought to have reached the mark, but the race
was not yet over ; they thought to have conquered, but
the victory was not yet complete The fever had be-
come their daily companion ; it wasted their energies
and their bodies ; it was followed by sallow complexions,
congestion of internal and important organs, dropsy,
emaciation, and death. The small scratch or ulcer, from
irritation and neglect, spread into foul and sloughing
sores, which involved in its ravages the tendons, the
nerves, and the very bones, rendering amputation neces-
sary. The unseen insect and the unconscious miasm
]iad destroyed the ambitious and aspiring man. They
looked to their employers for relief; sympathy was not
wanting, and medical relief invoked, but where was
found its benefit? an imperfect system of sanitary at-
tendance rendered nugatory all their efforts. The dream
lia:l passed away. Startled into a fearful and stem
reality, these victims of their own and others' imprudence
hurried in numbers to the colonial hospital. The staff
of that institution and the accommodation had to be in-
creased to meet the augmenting claims. The patients
crowded into its wards, they filled the apartments with
their cries, they stretched themselves out upon their
pallets, and in spite of the best medical skill and at-
tention, they died unpossessed of that wealth for which
they had sacrificed a life. Yet was the tale not alto-
gether untrue which was told them ; the picture had
been correctly drawn, but somewhat too highly coloured.
Some of the more careful earned money sufficient to
enable them to return in a short time to their native
land, to exhibit their wealth, and to sthnulate others to
encounter similar scenes such as 1 have attempted to
describe. We shall shortly have to notice a similar
IIISTOKY OP BRITISH GUIANA. -161
episode respecting coolie immigration in this history.
The impression left on the public mind by the result of
the Portuguese emigration was, that the inhabitants of
Madeira was not adapted to this climate. But was the
climate really to blame for all the evils consequent on
the earlier emigration from Madeira ? Was it, and is it
really not adapted to the constitutions of European races ?
The answer to such an important question must be re-
served for a separate consideration. Meanwhile, the im-
portation of more Portuguese immigrants was stopped
by orders from England, and the bounties discontinued
in May, 1842, as likewise bounties on immigrants from
the West India Islands in October of the same year; the
cost of these immigrants, including the purchase-money
and expenses of the steamer Venezuela^ amounted to
about 380,000 dollars.*
Immigration for the next year or two began to decline,
in consequence of the recent disasters and experience,
until attention was tunied to Africa and the east for
labourers suitable to the country, and about 500 in
1843 and in 1844 were introduced here, chiefly from
Sierra Leone, the West India Islands, and a few fix)m
Madeira, who came at their own expense; but when
in the following years the bounties were again renewed,
in accordance with alterations and modifications in the
several "immigration ordinances," crowds of immigrants
flocked to these shores from Calcutta, Madras, Madeira,
and elsewhere. It would be needless to enter upon another
description of the Portuguese immigration ; it would be
a mere recapitulation of the first one ; the origin, the
progress, and the results were the same. The money
acquired by some of the more fortunate Portuguese who
had returned with it to Madeira, had again aroused the
* Local Guide, p. xxzr.
462 HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIANA.
cupidity of the poor. They had seen paupers go away
and return comparatively rich. The name of Guiana
was recognised as a promise of wealth, and a field for
industry and success. The cherished recollections of
youth, the sad tales about the pestilential climate, the
dissuasions practised by the authorities and clergy of the
island, lost all eflSicacy when contrasted with the display
of wealth so rapidly acquired by some of their country-
men in the " nuova terra ;" numbers with their wives
and families again flocked to British Guiana, in spite of
obstacles of every kind. The authorities of the island of
Madeira, when first made aware of the emigration of the
people, did not interfere to prevent them. TTiey very
prudently consented to the departure of the refuse of the
town of Funchal* and its neighbourhood, and connived
at the removal of the lazy and penurious mendicants, the
incarcerated thief and vagabond, and the half-starved
artisan. For these, and such like, formed a large pro*'
portion of those who first arrived in this colony. When,
however, it was foimd that agriculturists and people of
all classes were deserting the island, an attempt was
made to discountenance it. None were permitted to
leave without a passport, the price of which was gradually
raised, until a few or none could purchase one. Evasion,
as a matter of course, followed, and the people contrived
to get away without passports. More energetic measures
became necessary. No vessels were allowed to leave the
island imtil they had been inspected by officers appointed
for that purpose. But this also failed; the immigrant
vessels pretended to depart, but when nightfidl came,
tacked to another part of the island, where groups of
Portuguese had been previously assembled by paid agents
* It is currentlj reported Uiat the town of Funchal hai thrice emptied her
gaols to faTOor British Qoiana with the oocnpants.
HISTORY OF BRITISH OUIANA. 463
in the secret, who all eagerly but secretly rowed off to
the ships, and were thus carried away to British Guiana.
When this plan was discovered, an attempt was made to
capture such immigrant ships, but they generally &iled.
The task was too arduous for the Portuguese navy,
although instances are narrated where vessels have been
retaken, and the immigrants brought back to Madeira
when within a few days' sail of British Guiana.
It soon, however, became evident that agriculture was
not ihe forte of the Portuguese ; they were not altogether
suited for it either by physical constitution or mental incli-
nation. The hope of gain had driven the emigrant to these
shores ; necessity and the prospect of gain had kept him
for the earlier periods of bis sojourn here in the cane-field,
but in time his continued industry and thrifty husbandry
found him in the possession of a large sum of ready
money. Those who had contrived to amass such money
were not long in discovering the means of investing their
gains to advantage. From the earliest period of the
colony it had been the custom of the inhabitants to have
their wants supplied by the merchants, who, besides
being engaged in shipping and a general mercantile
business, kept large stores (as they are here called),
where almost every article for the household and table
use could be procured. From a cargo of lumber to a
paper of pins, almost every necessary article was to
be sold at one or other of such stores. Some dealt
chiefly in dry goods and hardware, others in provisions,
wines, &c. But in after times medicines and groceries
were disposed of in druggist establishments, called
^^ doctors' shops,'' whose retail trade consisted chiefly in
the vending of drugs, spices, paints, groceries^ and other
similar articles. In times of slavery it was found con-
venient to purchase wholesale or in large quantities the
articles necessary for the estate and negroes. The few
484 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
private families who resided in town were also compelled
to purchase goods at a high price, and in larger quanti-
ties than were often convenient. It is true that money
was then plentiful, and this inconvenience but slightly
felt. Since the emancipation, however, and the striking
asunder of the great distinctions which formerly existed
between the master and his dependents, a middle class
was rapidly rising into notice. Money became less easily
procured, and parties more careful and attentive to the
manner of housekeeping. It was soon found that the old
mode of purchasing articles was inconvenient and expen-
sive. Those with small means and limited incomes felt
it ruinous to buy goods at the larger stores, where
scarcely anything could be procured for less than the
silver coin, called here a bitt (value 4d. ) The want of
a smaller coin, copper or otherwise, added to the diffi-
culty, and had no doubt contributed to the extravagance
with which money was got rid of by the West Indian,
both here and abroad, until the sad change in their
prospect demanded a more careful economy. The want
of small shops for retailing the necessaries of life, such as
bread, butter, sugar, candles, soap, &c., was urgently felt,
but yet it had never entered into the thoughts of the
Creoles to adopt such a desirable and useful retail business.
The Portuguese, however, at a glance, saw how money
was to be made by such apparently insignificant means,
and accordingly opened a nmnber of petty shops, where
the smallest possible quantities of perishable articles
of food, &c., could be procured by the town's people
with but trifling inconvenience. Water-street was to be
no longer the only refuge of distressed housekeepers and
poor people. The most public places, the most crowded
districts, the corners of streets were soon tenanted by the
sharpsighted and trafficking Portuguese, who, behind
their small and dirty counters, began to amass large sums
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 405
of money by the sale, in small quantities, of salted pTovi-
sions, rice, flour, potatoes, fish, beer^, in fine, everything
needed by the individual who '* kept house." The want
of a smaller coin prevented them from doing more than
they did, but even as it was the poor could procure two
or three different articles for a bitt^ while those articles
which before had been always sold in bulk, such as flour,
beer, rice, &;c., could now be procured in small quantities.
This was but a prelude to the display of their commercial
spirit and enterprise. The success attending their town
speculations led them to adopt the same system in the
country, where the poorer classes had experienced still
greater difficulty than those in town of procuring the
articles necessary to their comfort. Shops sprung up like
magic in all parts of the country; the most distant estates,
the most remote districts, were visited by the untiring
Portuguese,* who set themselves down with as much
confidence in their new pursuits as if they had been all
their lives engaged in such a traffic. A few houses, a
neighbouring estate, were inducements enough for the
owner of a shop to settle and make sure of a remunera-
ting profit. It is true that such profits were small, but as
they sold their goods rapidly, and their expenditure was
not great, they, most of them, contrived to realise large
sums. The gross income of such shops was from 20/. to
30/. per week; of course in time the great competition
among them diminished the success of such specula-
tions, but to this day the system is pursued with untiring
energy and tolerable remuneration. Not content with
purchasing goods from the merchants' stores, and stocking
such shops, liquor stores, &c., many afterwards imported
goods on their own account, and rented houses in Water-
* A Portiigoete has actually ettabliihed a retail shop in a oorial moored in
the centre of the river Demerara, at the foot of the Great Fall, about 100
milea from Georgetown.
VOL. I. 2 n
y
466 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Street, where they either retailed to their countrymen or
competed with the British merchants. Again, many
became hucksters, and carried on their shoulders the
most marketable goods, such as linens, handkerchiefs,
osnaburgs, shoes, &c., to the different estates and free
villages which were now springing up throughout the
colony. They did not wait for the negroes to come
to them, but fairly went to the negroes, and witb all
the temptations of a huckster's pack, drew forth the
silver accumulated in many a miserable-looking hut.
The money thus acquired was not spent in idle finery or
unprofitable dissipation, but enabled them either to
extend their business or to return to Madeira, Many,
by such and similar means, became affluent and inde-
pendent in the course of a few years.
Such is a sketch of the origin, progress, and result of
Portuguese immigration. With all its impediments and
accidents it has proved of essential service to the colony;
it has opened up new resources of enterprise and com-
mercial advantage, it has introduced an active and in-
dustrious race, who will not readily yield up the hold
they have already taken upon society, but who, if I am
not mistaken, will exercise in future years an important
influence in the land to which they have emigrated, and
in which they have now become acclimatised and natu-
ralised. Upon many estates in the colony gangs of Por-
tuguese labourers ai*e peacefully and industriously em-
ployed. The demand for them is evidently on the in-
crease. Greater care and attention are bestowed on them
by the proprietors, and to their presence and industry
the successful working of many fine estates is greatly to
be attributed.
Their example and conduct have not been unproduc-
tive of good to the Creole negro, in whom have been
excited feelings of emulation and rivalr}\ It was a new
IIISTOKY OF BRITISU GUIANA. 467
thing for the newly emancipated slave to find placed on
the same level with himself a stranger from an European
and civilised country — to witness the white man com-
peting with him in the labour of the cane-field, and to
see him subject to the same necessity of manual labour
and drudgery. It was a new era in his life to test his
powers of intelligence and endurance with the European
labom-er; but still no marked feelings of distrust or jea-
lousy were awakened in the good-natured bosom of the
negro. lie had marked the introduction of the stranger
with an indifference bordering on apathy. His self-
interest had not materially suffered by the competition;
his position in society had not been injured by the con-
tact. His own path to independence and comparative
affluence was too clear to occasion him any fear. Natu-
rally good-natured and sensible of justice, the Creole
negro seemed devoid of the lively, excitable temperament
of the inhabitant of most warm climates, and, although
violent when roused, was (and is) generally stoical and
passive in his philosophy. He would laugh at his new
rival, and was sometimes shamed by his superior activity
and intelligence, but rarely opposed him with any se-
rious intent to do him mischief. Secure in his own self-
conceit, the negro affects to despise the mercenary and
hard-working Portuguese; he taunts him with the ap-
pellation of '^ white nigger," and pretends to be his su-
perior in education and good breeding ; indeed, it is not
an unconmion thing to hear the Portuguese address the
negroes as Sir, Maam, and the terms of black lady, black
gentleman, are commonly made use of by them.
We come now to review shortly the history of cooUe
immigration. The efforts of the planter to procure la-
bour were directed in this instance towards the east. It
had been long known to many of them that there was a
tract of coimtry in India to the north-west of Calcutta,
2h2
468 HTSTOUY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
between the 23rd and 25tli deg. of north latitude, in-
habited by a race of hardy agriculturists called " hill
coolies," Dhangons or Boonahs. These " culi," as they
are termed by Dr. Prichard, " are found in the hill
countries of Guzerat," and, accustomed to agricultural
pursuits, had not sufficient scope for their exertions, and
it was supposed that they woidd willingly travel to the
richer and more prosperous shores of Guiana. About
the year 1838 the experiment had been made of import-
ing a ship-load of them from Calcutta, who, to the num-
ber of about 400, soon found employment on the estate
of a rich proprietor. They appeared to answer very
well, and, in consequence of the success of the under-
taking, it became a subject for future consideration how-
to introduce these people in greater numbers into the
colony. When, thereibre, the several " immigration or-
dinances" allowed of such an attempt as a public mea-
sure, agents were appointed in India to provide the ne-
cessary supply of coolies, and ships were engaged to
bring them from the far-distant peninsula of India to
the fertile lands of British Guiana. The bounty payable
on each adult coolie was 60 dollars per head, or about
12/., which, in the event of a vessel bringing 300 or 400
along with a cargo of rice and other East India products,
made it a very profitable speculation for shipowners.
But, unfortunately, the error was again committed of
shipping an improper class t)f persons. The agents,
glad to execute their business as summarily as possible,
did not take the trouble of securing the services of really
effective labourers, but, indifferent to the interests of all
but themselves, collected the first people that presented
themselves. Many were not " hill coolies" at all ; men
and women, the offscourings of the streets of Calcutta
and Madras, the indigent, the idle — ^in fact, the very dregs
of the community, were huddled together and forwarded
to British Guiana as hardy labourers. Whole families
UrSTORY OF BKITISH GUIANA. 169
of paupers, sickly and emaciated, were glad enough to
be carried out of India, with the prospect of being sup-
ported elsewhere. The old and helpless, infants and
greybeards, were sent to till the soil of the rich country
that could afford thus to squander away its money. A
majority of them were never accustomed to field labour,
but, hanging about the town, had eked out a miserable
existence as grass-cutters, cattle-minders, grooms, smiths,
pedlars, and petty artisans ; many were hereditary beg-
gai's, and several ex-Sepoys: what could be expected
from such an assortment of ill-chosen people ? Of about
9000 or 10,000 who formerly arrived here, scarcely a
tenth part was of the right class of persons. The better
hands were from Calcutta, and between these and the
people from Madras a kind of rivalry existed, the former
looking down with contempt .upon the others. The in-
dividuals thus added to the social family of British
Guiana are a true type of the Malay race, one of the five
principal divisions into which the human race has been
classed by the scientific Blumenbach. Brown in colour,
with regular features and long black hair, the coolie
ibims a remarkable contrast with the original inhabitants
of these shores, although, as I have before remarked,
' many persons have traced a likeness between the "Buck"
or South American Indian, and the natives of the east.
The " coolie," for so we must still call him, is of a darker
hue, taller, and more elegantly formed, with long and
rather thin limbs, capable of much activity and grace,
but not of strength. His hair is glossy and curling, not
straight, as with the Bucks. In certain castes, the Ma-
hommedan, it is shorn, with the exception of a long tuft
at the crown, by which they hope to be pulled up into
heaven at a future day. The head of the cooUe is small
and oval, not large and square, as that of the "Buck;"
in the one it is well shaped, in the other clumsy. The
coolies use a variety of languages; each tribe has its own
470 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
separate dialect, but tliey are all, I believe, reducible to
one common root, the Hindostanee or Sanscrit. Their
religion also varies; most of them are "Pagans," and at
first were very superstitious in some of their rites, re-
fusing to touch particular kinds of meat, and indeed meat
at all, unless they had previously killed the animals
themselves.
There is a great difference, however, between the
coolies from Calcutta and Madras, which merits a passing
notice. The Indian from the neighbourhood of Calcutta
is in general of loftier stature, and of more elegant shape.
The finely-shoped head, square shoulder, and beautifully-
rounded limbs, especially of the women, are sometimes
very striking. The features of many are singularly
beautiful, and almost classical in outline. Some of the
women are, indeed, strikingly pretty. Their clear brown
complexions, bright eyes, long glossy black hair, and
exquisitely-formed mouths, render them almost a study
for an artist. Thcu' figures are round, well formed, and
graceful ; and the picturesque costumes, both of the men
and women, contrast very favourably with the untidi-
ness of the negro, and the gaudy finery or dirty garment
of the Portuguese. The men wear turbans of white
cloth, or skull-caps of gaily-coloured materials, loose
jackets, and flowing trousers of white or parti-coloured
muslin or calico; at other times, long loose robes of
white or striped raiment, which they have the art of
disposing to the greatest advantage round their slender
and elegant figures. Others are contented with folds of
cloth gu'ding the loins, displaying their well-proportioned
limbs to great advantage; but when occupied in the
labours of the field a very scanty wardrobe suffices.
The women wear no head-dress; the dark glossy hair,
well oiled and cleaned, is gathered in bands or folds
around the head, but is never curled ; it is retained by
pins and fastenings of gold, silver, or other metal. The
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUI.SNA. 471
ears aud nose are perforated and loaded yrith rings of
gold or silver, and armlets, bracelets, and rings on the
fingers and toes are considered the height of fashion by
the more favoured coolie belles. Many of the women
and children have their earnings (dollars and other
silver coins) melted and fabricated into huge bracelets,
which in rows encircle their wrists and ankles, attesting
their own or others' industry and love of finery. The
bust and waist are fitted with tight vestments of muslin
or other linen, while full and flowing petticoats of scarlet
or other bright colour fall in graceful folds down to the
ankles. Some prefer long scarfs, which are twisted
gracefully around the bust and body, displaying more
of the person than is considered becoming among more
civilised nations. The more indigent, and the Madras
females particularly, are satisfied with discoloured and
dirty rags, which are somehow or other disposed mys-
teriously around their uncleanly persons, and barely pre-
serve them from the charge of indecency. In their
actions and conduct, the Calcutta coolies are more dig-
nified and graceful, and appear to have mixed upon
more independent terms with the rest of mankind than
the more abject native of Madras.
In general, the coolies fi-om Calcutta are preferred for
field labourers, and on most estates where they have
been located they have given satisfaction. Indeed,
many planters speak very decidedly on this subject, and
contend that there is the gi-eatest difference between the
two classes of people ; and whilst they would hesitate in
asking for, or receiving the services of, the Madras coolie,
would most gladly avail themselves of every opportunity
of forming their estates' gangs with the more willing and
valuable labourers fix)m Calcutta.
The following extract from a report of Sheriff Whin-
field to Governor Light, writl;en 29th of March, 1840,
applies chiefly to the Madras coolie :
472 iirsTOUY of British guiaka.
" I desire to avail myself of the present opportunity to
set right the general misconceived opinion that these
East India labourers are hill coolies. It is quite a mis-
take, for there is not a hill coolie in British Guiana;
these people are chiefly from the following places : —
Agra, Allahabad, Benares, Dacca, Delhi, Ingormauth,
Lucknow, Naypoor, Patua. No person acquainted with
their actual state in India could be otherwise than gra-
tilied to witness their altered and much ameliorated con-
dition in this country." He also considered them as the
parias of several large towns; outcasts in relation to
their native country, and as here in a state of com*
parative dignity.
Indolent, dirty, and vagrant in their habits^ the Madras
coolies were inapt at the work for which they were in-
tended, irregular in their attendance, and migratory in
their ways ; numbers abandoned the estates to whidi they
were appointed to crowd about the town begging, and
fiUing the most menial situations for a bare pittance. In any
other country than this they must have perished in hun-
dreds ; but in this fine land, where nature provides suste-
nance oven for the most lazy, they managed to subsist in
many a strange manner. Some of them, not very particular
as to their food, began to rival animals in their habits,
and became the scavengers of society. Clothed scantily
in the filthiest rags, their bodies rendered often disgusting
by diseases of the skin arising firom want of cleanliness,
they prowled about the streets and country, picking up
for food the putrid bodies of dead animals, such as goats,
pigs, fowls, &c., and gathering from the dirtiest trenches
a meal of the dead fish which in the dry season are cast
up on the surface of the half-dried puddles. Such offal
as was cast away by others as unfit to eat was greedily
picked up by them, and carried home in triumph. And
where was their home? The dried leaves of the palm-
trees formed their bed, their covering was the shade of
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 473
some old building or umbrageous tree ; their kitchen
was the ground, in which they scooped a hole and made
a fire of dried sticks or turf; their furniture and sole
property a few pots of brass, which served them alike
ibr basin, cup, dish, plate, and pantry. They ate in
common ; a large mass of whatever their food consisted
was worked up into a kind of pulpy mess, around which
they sat, and each of the company in turn thrust in his
fingers in the form of a cone, with which they seized a
large lump and duly conveyed it to the mouth; they
were fond of tobacco, and made an ingenious kind of
wooden pipe, which could allow of the smoke passing
through water if desired.
The coolies in general are gr^arious in their habits; a
nximber of them fed and lived together, the proportion
of women being small. The females had rarely large
families. They recognised as their leaders some few
persons whom they called " sirdars," and the influence
which these had over them was incredible. The sirdar
chose their place of residence, and at his will removed
them to another. He received the money they earned,
and arranged the rate of wages, expenses, &c. He com-
pelled them to obey him by hard words, and often by
blows. In many instances they were sadly cheated and
deceived by these " sirdars," who led them in droves like
cattle over the country, and thus assisted, if it did not
originate, their unsteadiness of work and conduct. Hence
has arisen the dissatisfaction and disappointment some-
times expressed towards them as a class of immigrants,
and although in many places they have worked well,
and by their numbers have not failed to be of service,
yet on the whole the scheme of coolie inunigration can-
not be considered to have succeeded so well as had
been anticipated. A similar conclusion has obtained in
other countries where they have been tried as labourers.
In Jamaica, the local government has, I believe, discon-
47 J« HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
tinued their introduction at public cost. In Trinidad
the experiment has not succeeded, and serious contem-
plation is entertained of not giving it any further trial.
During the years 1846 and 1847 as many as 7000
or 8000 have been introduced into this colony, and,
apart from the expense, what has been the result?
Owing to them and the Portuguese, pauperism has been
introduced into a land where, before their arrival, it was
unknown, establishing, moreover, a bad precedent for
future races, and setting a miserable example to the lazy
and worthless. As regarded the coolies, they have like-
wise suffered from disease, consequent on the change of
the climate. Eruptive disorders of the skin, opthalmia,
and dreadful ulcers, have resulted from their want of
cleanliness; they have become, along with the Portu-
guese, almost the only occupants of the public and
private hospitals. But the more cai^eful and intelligent
among them have had every reason to be satisfied with
the advantages of their new position. They were brought
here at public expense, they had wages given to them
for their work, which in few or no other country could
have been obtained, and at the end of five years' residence
here they had the promise guaranteed to them of being
sent back to their own country y»'^^ of expense. Many
have already availed themselves of this promise; no
doubt the remainder will if it be fulfilled. They have
gone back to distant India with large sums of money,
the earnings of a few years; they have traversed two
oceans to find work, and have returned with the profits
to astonish their countrymen with the almost incredible
tale.
Several of the coolies who have retired from these shores
carried away from 150 to 200 dollars each (30/. to 40/.)
— a large sum, considering the short time they had been
working in British Guiana.
In 1843, 169 coolies, exclusive of 10 women and 14
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 475
children, embarked in the Zouisa Baillie for Calcutta,
and entrusted their money, which amoimted to 17,802
dollars, or about 3700Z., to Captain Rimington.
In the year 1838 about 400 coolies arrived from Cal-
cutta; of these 236 returned to India in 1843, with about
50^. sterling each, about 7 absconded, about 98 died, and
the remainder preferred to remain here.
Many have declared it to be their intention to return,
bringing with them their families and friends ; but it is
very questionable whether the legislature of British
Guiana can continue long to hold out such flattering
terms as to bring a pauper from east to west, a distance
of 8000 miles, and to offer him such work and wages as
will enable him to retmn at the end of a few years in
comparative affluence, and at the expense of the bur-
dened colony.
Such have been some of the principal events in the
history of immigration, and, reflecting upon the circum-
stance^ we cannot but be struck with the energy and
determination displayed by the planters to accomplish
their purpose, and at the reckless and improvident man-
ner in which it has occasionally been carried on. Never
. was a colony in greater danger than this for the first few
years after the emancipation — never was a remedy more
wisely conceived than that of immigration, to revive the
drooping energies of the land. The planter may have
been taunted by the lower classes that the system was
established to support himself at their expense, and
many have objected to the public money being appro-
priated to such a purpose ; but it was wrong to infer that
the planter alone was to benefit by immigration. The
merchant, the professional man, the tradesman, aye even
the labourer, would in the end derive advantage firom an
increase to the population. Let the cultivation of the
estates once cease, and which among these classes would
not have suffered by the occurrence ? What other than
476 HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA.
a vital necessity could have prompted to such expensive
measures in regard to the introduction of immigrants ?
What other than impending destruction could have sug-
gested what appeared so ready an escape ? The creole
labourer had been offered employment — he accepted it
casually and upon his own terms, performing it irregu-
larly ; was it strange that the planter should anxiously
turn dsewhere for labourers ? None understood this
better than the shrewd and intelligent negro. Of what
use to him would have been his emancipation and civili-
sation if it consigned him to a nomade and vagrant life ;
if the channels of industry, commerce, and education
thrown open to him were to be again unavoidably closed ;
if, with the withdrawal of capital, and the extinction of
agricultural and commercial employment, the European
race had been compelled to leave these shores, the
genius of British enterprise retiring disheartened from an
anticipated field of active employment? But immigration
offered to fulfil every want ; its promises were flattering,
but its performances have been at times dubious. The
majority of schemes of emigration have commenced in
disappointment. Let those who doubt this turn to the
early history of immigration in different parts of the
world. The Canadas, New South Wales, Algiers,
Western Afi:ica, the Cape, &c. Certainly, Guiana has
formed no exception to this rule; and why is this? Not
because the principle of emigration is not sound and
advantageous to all parties when properly conducted,
but because exaggerated and often false descriptions on
the one hand, and greedy cupidity and worthlessness of
character on the other, have rendered abortive many a
plausible system of emigration. In our own case, when
the inhabitants of other countries had their attention
directed to British Guiana as a promising land to emigrate
to, whom principally did it interest ? Certainly not those
HISTORY OP BRITISH GUIANA. 477
wlio were well off in their own. The circulated descrip-
tions of its wealth, its resources, and its advantages, were
not altogether false, or grounded upon inaccurate data,
but such reports dazzled chiefly the idle, the vagrant, the
men of least character and usefulness in their own
country. We have seen how such composed the mass
of our imported labourers. No foresight in choosing
them was adopted, no precautions taken in the proper
use of them. Errors of all kinds crept into the system.
The bounties offered gave rise to knavery and deceit;
people actually in the colony have been again re-shipped,
and the bounty twice received for the same individuals.
Persons in business, and of respectable connexions, have
arrived here and been paid for as immigrant labourers.
Idiots and cripples have been included among those for
whom bounties were payable, and dwarfs and deformed
persons brought over on speculation to be exhibited. In
one instance a miserable object, deformed with " rickets,"
was brought here in a basket three feet long and carried
about as a sight, until the governor very wisely ordered
her removal. The mortality among the Portuguese and
coolies has excited the sympathy and sorrow of all
classes, and the climate is charged with the whole and
sole cause ; but other and more important agents were
accessories, which will be fully explained in the proper
place. The immigration from Africa was, after all, the one
most likely to prove of lasting service; but, to become so,
it must be conducted in a very different manner to what
it has hitherto been, or upon principles more sound and
substantial than either that from India or Madeira. The
majority of Africans who have arrived here have been
emaciated and half-starved individuals, and more fit for
the hospital than the field.
The current of immigration directed towards these
shores has had obstacles and diflSiculties of all kinds to
478 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
contend against. It has been checked, subdued, and
perverted ; it has dribbled along at times, and at others
been enlarged into a great stream. All young colonies
require immigration ; it is essential to their growth and
to their strength. Let not the subject be abandoned
because of its disasters ; let not the system be abolished
because of its abuses. It is calculated to be of paramount
importance to a colony situated like this ; it bears in it
the germ of future greatness. Who can prognosticate
the influx of such a tide? Its ebb and flow have already
been marked with singular results. It has borne the
name of Guiana to many and distant lands; it has
excited interest and attention in many a humble and
unknown hearth ; it has instituted inquiry and know-
ledge. The idea has enlarged itself into a great principle,
which has extended itself to many shores, and exercised
its influence in many a heart. It has sustained, however
imperfectly, the flagging energies of this declining country ;
it has maintained in its integrity the cultivation of estates ;
it has propped up a sinking planter, and supplied the
vacant place of the retiring creole labourer. Without
past immigration, imperfect as it was,* this colony could
never have maintained its existence as a country capable
of exporting sugar to a Jarge extent; without future
immigration there is little hope that it will ever become
what it has been so often termed — a "magnificent pro-
vince/'f
Since the foregoing was written, a number of Chinese
labourers have been added to the motley group of people
in the fields of British Guiana. Preparations had long
been made for their reception ; an active and intelligent
* " After all that has been said of the levity of human nature, a man is, of
all sorts of luggage, the most difl9cult to be transported." — Adam ^mith.
t See Appendix for tables iUustratire of immigration into British Guiana,
fVom 1835 to 1852.
HISTOKT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 479
agent (Mr, White, formerly an opulent planter of this
colony,) was appointed in India to superintend the trans-
porting of these and other Indian immigrants.
From the 1st of January to the 30th of June, 1853,
647 Chinese men and boys, but no women, have arrived
here, and have been located on several estates. It is as
yet too early to speak of their value as agricultural
labourers. They appear a sturdy, lively, merr}^-hearted
race, but are low in the scale of moral advancement.
They are an ignorant, degraded, and dirty people, but
may improve under good example and tuition. Their
characters are reported to be fierce, cowardly, and vin-
dictive, by those who have brought them, but as yet they
have manifested no symptoms of insolence or insubordina-
tion worth speaking of
They suffered much from illness during the voyage,
and the mortality has been great. Many since their
arrival have likewise been attacked by eruptive disorders,
sores, and fever. Their filthy habits and want of atten-
tion have contributed mainly towards this circumstance.
It is to be hoped that the future importation of Celestials
will comprise a better and more useful class of people
than that already received.
The serious evil of stocking the country too rapidly
with ignorant and degraded barbarians of all nations, may
at some future day be developed to the misfortune of the
colony.
480 UISTORT OF BRITISH OUIAKA.
CHAPTER XIV.
OBJKCTS OF IMJflORATION— ATTEMPT TO BRDUCB WAGES— SUW ECT OF WAGES—
MATUBB OF FIELD WOKK — METATBB, OR MBTAIRIB SYSTEM — ITS RESULTS —
BYBNTS OF 1843, 1844, 1846, AND 1846— BXPEBIMBMTSON THOBOUOH DBAINAOB
— BYENTS OF 1847 AND 1848 — DISPCTB8 BETWEEN THE GOTERNOB AND MEMBERS
OF THE COMBINED COURT — BBTIBBMBNT OF OOYBBNOB LIGHT — WILLIAM
WALKBB, ESQ., ACTING AS LIBUTBNANT-OOYERNOR--STOPPAGB OF THE SUPPLIES
— ABRIYAL OF GOYBBNOB BABKLT — BBLAT10N OF THE PBINCIPAL EYBNTS
OF HIS ADMINISTBATION — ITS BBSULT8 — ^BBTIBBMBNT OF GOYBBNOB BABKLT —
ACCESSION TO OFFICE OF LIEUTBNANT-GOYBBNOB WALKBB.
The main objects of the expensive and persevering
course of immigration, to which attention has been drawn,
were twofold: first, to supply the declining ranks of the
working peasantry ; and second, to lower gradually the
rate of wages consistent with the altered circumstances
of the times. Both of these intentions have been par-
tially fiilfilled ; yet some evil is found mixed with the
good ; if immigration has not fully realised the results
expected of it, there can be no doubt it has been pro-
ductive of many advantages. The best way to estimate
these advantages is to compare, not what immigration
has accomphshed with what it was expected to accom-
plish, but the state of the colony imder its operation
with what a colony would probably have been left to
its own unassisted resources. Immigration may not
have relieved or strengthened a colony to the extent
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 481
anticipated, and even now the prospect of complete suc-
cess in the future may be considered problematical; but
it has enabled the country to struggle through a season
of hazard and calamity, it has confronted the most press-
ing symptoms of alarm, and averted the impending
danger. It has perhaps only sustained the machine it
was brought to propel, but without it the probability is
that the machine would have become incapable of work-
ing. It may, indeed, only have allayed the malady it
was intended to cure, but without its timely assistance
that malady might have ended fatally. It has supported
the sinking planter, and inflicted no injury on the indus-
trious peasant. If it has introduced some objectionable
elements into society, we should not forget that it has
also preserved it from anarchy, perhaps from dissolution.
Anxious to test the supposed power of immigration,
and fully alive to the necessity of greater economy in the
management of estates, the planters in 1 842 made an in-
judicious attempt to reduce the rate of wages; certain
rules and regulations relative to the quality and quantity
of work, the emplojonent of time, and the remuneration
deemed suflSicient, were drawn up by some members of
the " Proprietary Body," and the introduction of these
rules was attempted to be enforced. The labourer,
however, indignantly refused to submit to them, and a
"strike" occurred in Demerara and Essequebo, which
lasted about six weeks, and ended by the withdrawal of
the obnoxious rules and regulations. In this, the first
conflict on the subject of wages, the labourer proved
victorious; the prestige of victory was long afterwards
to remain with him, and the helpless condition of the
planter was made known to the triumphant peasant.
This single circumstance speaks volumes as to the altered
position of the two parties. Eight years had scarcely
elapsed since the emancipation, and already was the
VOL. I. 2 I
482 HISTOBY OF BRITISH QUIANA.
labourer independent of his emj^loyer. Still more sub-
stantial proofs of this will soon be adduced. The com-
plete helplessness of the planter was revealed by this
" strike;" the work of the plantation was obliged to be
continued, however ruinous in price, or else a sacri6ce
of property would have been the result — a sad alterna-
tive to the late opulent proprietor, but at the same time
a salutary lesson, that compelled the introduction of eco-
nomy and a more careful supervision in every depart-
ment of the estate.
The subject of wages was one of the most intricate
questions that arose out of the emancipation, and being
a new element in our history, requires some further no-
tice.
Since its general adoption afler 1888, it had always
been the ground of contention between employers and
employed — the apple of discord thrown among the in-
habitants of these colonies by the goddess " Freedom."
It was the first real evil to the planters, the earliest ap-
peal from his independence and long-established power.
The subject has been argued keenly by the two great
clients in this cause, master and servant. Each has ad-
vanced arguments satisfactory to himself, but of no effi-
cacy in settling the point in dispute. The labourer is as
jealous now of his strength, and as imperative to obtain
the maximum remimeration for it, as he was at the com-
mencement of the experiment ; and the planter more
than ever solicitous to reduce his pay-list. When the
last trace of slavery had disappeared, and the labouring
population and the proprietor of land were left wholly
to themselves, their mutual dependence one on the other
soon led them to enter into arrangements; but, as was
very natural, the party whose interests were most at
stake was the one who had to make the greatest conces-
sion ; hence, to avoid tlie most serious consequences to
HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIANA. 483
their property, labourers were employed upon estates at
rates and upon a system which only the bygone profits
of slave time could support. It seems anomalous to as-
sert that the working classes were more independent of
their employers than the latter of them; but the social
features of this country differ so widely from those of
other communities, that reasoning by analogy is not only
useless, but delusive. Many of the negroes had become
possessed of small lots of land; others had accumulated
a little money; others found a ready livelihood in petty
trading, fishing, and handicraft. The younger children
and females had retired from the working of the field,
so that of the 80,000 creole labourers existing at the
time of the emancipation, perhaps not ^ore than one-
fourth cared to seek for employment in the field. These
very persons, too, were without any imperative compul-
sion to labour; they had been allowed to occupy firee of
rent the houses formerly appropriated to them whilst
slaves; they were at liberty to catch fish from the
trenches ; to shoot over the estate; and a day or two of
occasional labour supplied them with the necessaries of
life. The abrupt withdrawal of so much labour was the
greatest shock that the welfare of the colony could have
received, and it would require years to rally fix)m its in-
jiuious effects.
In engaging the labourer in his new capacity of hired
servant, the fault was committed of paying him, not as
it is done in other coimtries, for a fair day's work, but
by task-work, or jobbing; it may be argued that to have
paid the negro for a day's work, leaving to his own in-
dustry and opinion the quantity he might think it ne-
cessary to do, would have been to encourage him in his
indolent habits. I do not think so. The dilatory and
idle could have been refused payment, and by the ex-
planation and counsel of magisterial authority it would
2 i2
484 HISTOBT OF BRITISH QUIANA.
most likely in the end have led to the best results. In-
stead of fixing a fair payment for a fair day's work all
through the plantations, it became the custom, when a
job Avas to be done, such as digging trenches, clearing
and weeding fields, or cutting canes, to apply to a head-
man, who, having a gang at his conmaand, contracted for
the work, and, as a matter of course, made it as profit-
able as possible to the people and himself. These task
gangs would wander about the country, and even when
one job was commenced would leave it for another that
held out more advantages. The bad habit of saimtering
from place to place was confirmed ; the laboiurers who
composed these task gangs lived at a distance from their
work ; they dwelt in small villages, or on the outskirts
of towns, and, when required by their headman, would
assemble and travel to the scene of labour, where, after
working for three or four days, they dispersed to their
homes, to meet again the next week. A tariff or scale of
work had been suggested by the late Sir James Smyth,
and was executed by a committee of planters at the
commencement of the apprenticeship ; and, although not
legally binding to either party, was recommended as an
approximation for the guidance of the peasant and those
appointed to decide in differences which might arise
upon the subject. It subsequently became a kind of
rude model for future agreements, with this exception,
that the time devoted to labour rarely or ever approached,
after the abolition of the apprenticeship, to that specified
in this scale.*
Description of work. To be performed in 9 hours. Ditto la 7| hours.
Digging canals 12 feet wide and*^
5 feet deep, and throwing the > ... 600 cubic feet ... 500 cubic feet
ground on both sides . j
Throwing back a 6-foot parapet ^
from the abore, and levelling > ... 72 feet in length ... 60 feet in length.
the ground . ,j
* Local Guide.
HISTOBT OF BBITISH QUIANA.
4S6
Deioription of work. To be performed in 9 hours. Ditto in 7| hovra.*
Digging new trenches at abore,')
when the ground is all thrown > ... 480 cubic feet ... 400 cubic ieeC
on one side . . . ,)
'^mabo^'''' .^■^'*! ^^J • 48 feet m length... 40 feet in kmgth.
Diggingdrain8 2x 2, land cleared ... 18 roods ... 15 roods.
Throwing out small drains shoTel) .^ .«
deep 4. ... .J - ^ " ••• *^ "
Holing or banking land 2( x 2^ ... 36 „ ... 30 „
ShoTel ploughing new holed land ^
one shovd deep, and rounding > ... 72 „ ... 60 „
beds )
Hoe ploughing, and planting one '^
row of the abore, with two rows > ... 60 „ ... 50 „
of plants on parapets . )
Weeding, moulding, tod supply-) ^^ ^
ing plant canes . , ,J ... ^lu „ ... 70 „
Weeding and moulding plant,) ^^ ^^
2nd time J ... too „ ... 86 „
Weeding and moulding ratoons . ... 120 „ ... loO „
Weeding and trashing canes ... 120 „ ... lOO „
Cutting «.d c-rying c«e. (u7 ^'S^jl^JST*^! ^ ^y^ f^.
'^^"^ ) (deep (600 cubic feet))
^m and trying trash (ra- J ^^ „^ ^^ „^
Supplying only first time 120 „ ... 100 „
Shord ploughing cane rows two \ ^n k^
feet wide J ... 60 „ ... 60 ,.
Drilling two feet wide, one shovel ) ^^ ^^
deep J ... 36 „ ... 30 „
PLANTAIN CULTITATION.
Weeding and trimming walks . 5 labourers to 1 acre ... 6 to 1 acre.
Digging plantain suckers . 200 each labouror ... 160 each labourer.
Digging holes 15 inches squaro . 120 „ ... 100 „
Planting ditto .... 150 „ ... 125 „
Cutting flrowood and cording ditto (20 roods), 128 cubic feet, or 8 x 4; 107
cubic feet, or 8 X 4.
N.B.— The rood mentioned in the foregoing is nearly equal to 12 feet 4 inches
of corded wood.
The tariff* for cotton and coffee cultiyation is not noticed, because little or no
labour was deroted to their production.
By following out steadily such an employment, a
labourer could not only acquire means enough to sup-
port himself and family comfortably, but a surplus would
remain to the prudent with which they might purchase
houses, lands, boats, horses, or whatever they pleased, to
minister to their comfort or enjoyment.
Let us see what those means were which were thus
486 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
acquired. For cutting a punt-load of canes he received
a dollar (4s. 2d.); for clearing a field, which consisted
in little more than scratching die sur&ce of the soil with
a hoe — a species of agriculture which would be laughed
at in other countries — he received at the rate of two
guilders per 100 roods. For supplying canes (90 or
100 roods) about two guilders.
When engaged about the buildings in the manufitcture
of sugar, the pay was from two to three guilders per
day; so that the least he received for his day's labour
was half a dollar. It should not be overlooked, that
some of the work to be done was heavy, and that the
rate of living in this country was unusually high; but,
admitting these facts, let us see what a labourer could
then do with his money.
House-rent at that time cost him nothing, fuel nothing,
clothing very little, taxes nothing.*
But, independently of their wages, most of the labourers
on the estates could add to their means by raising pro-
visions, cutting grass, catching and selling fish.f
In consequence of the altered position of master and
servant, a new principle in agriculture (at least to this
country) was introduced, and one which, in all proba-
bility, will exercise a great influence in succeeding ages.
This was the "Metayer" or "Metairie" system; under
* The following table will giro a rough iketch of his liying:—
Expenses per week.
Two bunches of plantains . 2 guilders or Ss. 4d.
Sugar, 2 lbs. 0| „ Os. 8d.
Salt-fish, 2 lbs 1 „ is. 8d.
Bread 1 „ is. 8d.
Coffee or other drink ... 0) „ Os. 8d.
Tobacco and sundries ... 1 „ Is. 8d.
9s. 8d.
Earnings per week» avenge.
3 to 4 dollars,
say
15s. Od.
less expenses 9s. 8d.
5s. 4d.
t Since the above was written, many changes have taken place; a labourer's
earnings amounts in ordinary to about two dollars per week, and he has some-
times to pay for house-rent, but the price of pUmtains, salt-fish, &c., is consider-
ably less than in the above estimate.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 487
which the proprietor, finding it impossible or unprofitable
to advance money in the shape of wages to carry on the
cultivation, was satisfied with farming a portion, or the
whole. The arrangement was generally as follows:-^-
The proprietor divided his estate into lots or small farms,
which were allotted to intelligent labourers, with the
understanding that they were to keep in good cultivation
the land thus taken over by them, and to receive half
the value of the sugar or other produce raised. The
farmers had under them, or aiding them as partners, a
nmnber of labourers who assisted in the work. The
land was now to be kept in order for the interest of thie
labourer, and it was expected that they would in conse-
quence attend to it whilst the proprietor undertook to
keep the buildings and machinery in good repair. In
the case of a sugar estate, the whole of the rum made
was the perquisite of the proprietor, and in case of any
difierence on the subject of the cultivation, arbitrators
were appointed, to whom the matter was referred. Such
is a sketch of the Metairie system, the indication of a de-
clining planter and a rising peasant, which has received
the sanction and approval of the Secretary to the Colonies,
and of which at first so much was expected; but^after
all it is nothing more than the old system of landlord
and tenant. With steady, intelligent labourers, and in
circumstances where the planter was compelled to seek
such a resource, it has undoubtedly its advantages. A
property would be thus sustained which might otherwise
sink. An impoverished proprietor could thus retain his
estate, which otherwise he might have to i)art with. As
regards this colony, in several instances where it has
been tried, the results have been pretty much the same.
At first it promised well, and answered expectation;
latterly many disadvantages have been foimd out, and,
strange to say, the employment of the system seems rather
488 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
a " dernier ressort " to both planter and peasant than the
adoption of a promising scheme. The reasons for this
are various. The planter does not easily relinquish the
idea of fortune-making so long associated with estates.
He struggles on, and hopes to the last, imder the old
order of things, whilst circumstances have rapidly altered.
Again, it is difficult to meet with labourers willing and
speculative enough to enter upon any such agreement;
they appear imwilling to believe the advantages which
would accrue to themselves, and regard such proposals
with distrust and suspicion. They prefer an independent,
roving life, with four days' laboiir in the week, to the
anxiety and imcertainty attaching to such novelties. The
demand for labour and its remuneration being so great,
they naturally preferred to work in task gangs or on
choice estates, to being tied down to one particular spot ;
and it is very questionable whether, as a labourer, he
could not and cannot gain more than as a farmer, and he
therefore feels unwilling to subject himself to the vicissi-
tudes which he has seen affect the landlord, such as bad
seasons, short crops, low prices, &c. Again, the rapid
introduction of immigrants has, more or less, interfered
with such a scheme, for these latter held out the pros-
pect of maintaining the cultivation under the old system,
and, as a class, have evinced little disposition themselves
to enter upon any such arrangement, although, in all
probability, when the subject is better understood by
them, they will gradually do so.
Even to the proprietor its success has been problema-
tical. It is true his land was kept in cultivation, his
account for wages removed, his anxieties perhaps lessened,
but he stiU suffered from the experiment. His profits
were necessarily small, the work not always done as he
wished it; disputes arose about the time and mode of
cultivation; there was the unpleasantness to have to
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 488
consult with ignorant and suspicious people; and^ after
a few imperfect and unsuccessful attempts, the Metairie
sjTstem may be considered to have failed, and to be
abandoned for the present. ^
Early in the year 1843, Lord Stanley wrote to Go-
vernor Light, acquainting his excellency that it was the
intention of her Majesty's Government to take under their
immediate superintendence and control all future emi-
gration from the west coast of Africa to the West Indies.
Vessels were soon chartered for this purpose to convey
immigrants to Jamaica, Trinidad, and British Guiana,
and the Arabicm^ of 391 tons, arrived here shortly after
with Africans.
In the course of this year many usefrd regulations were
introduced into the colony. A bill was passed for the
registration of births and deaths, in which it was ordered
that, if such registration was not performed within forty-
eight hours, a penalty would be enforced from 25 to 100
dollars in amount. This bill, however, was not very
likely to be strictly attended to, and became afterwards
almost a dead letter.
A penal settlement was established up the river Esse-
quebo, for the reception of the convicts within the
colony ; proposals were subsequently made to the Court
of Policy that it should also be used for penal convicts
from Jamaica and other places, but the requests, in
accordance with the feelings of the public, were reftised.
In the course of this year the power of refomung the
courts of justice, the orphan chamber, and office of re-
gistrar, was granted to the Coiurt of Policy. In an
address to the court on the 28th of August, his excellency
the governor stated, in reference to these changes, that
unlimited authority was given by her Majesty's Order in
Council of the 3rd of April, and by the Secretary of
State's despatch of the 12th of April, to amend and
490 HISTOBT OF BRITISH QUIANA.
reform the present system of dvil and criminal juris-
prudence.
The orphan chamber was to be abolished, and a new
office in its stead was to be instituted, both in Demerara
and Berbice.
The registrar's office was to be remodelled; the judi-
cial department was to be separated from that of the
notarial and registrial. In reference to these changes,
his excellency observed — " In the changes now pro-
posed, we need not have the dread of disturbing a system
transmitted from remote antiquity; we are about to deal
with partial and temporary alterations, which were begun
and carried out without being based upon principle, and
were never framed to work harmoniously together, as
parts of a connected whole. In altering the constitution
of the criminal court, an alteration of the criminal laws
would become necessary; and for any change, therefore,
we must look to the jurisprudence of England, the result,
as it is, of the combined intelligence of ages, and im-
proved and tempered by the humane and enlightened
spirit of modem times; I propose, then, to adopt the
whole body of the criminal laws." In these proposed
important alterations no mixture of Dutch and English
criminal law was to be allowed.
In the changes of the civil courts, the objects proposed
were curtailment of law expenses and delays, and se-
curity to the creditor; the strict and honest fulfilment
of trusts was to be required, while protection was pro-
vided for the widow, orphans, and minors, as well as to
the honest but unfortimate debtor.
The thanks of the court were offered to the governor
for this address, and an earnest assurance of co-operation
on the part of all the members promised.
The onerous nature of the duties imposed upon the
members of the Court of Policy has never been explained,
HISTOBY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 491
and may be here usefully pointed out. The most eminent
and practical planters and merchants are selected to fill
the election seats. Frequently nominated without
previous knowledge or consent, these gentlemen are
compelled to sit, or suflfer a heavy pecuniary penalty.
The loss of time and the important fimctions assigned to
them, are attended with great inconvenience to many,
whose extensive private business is materially affected
by their public duties. It must be admitted, that the
zeal and public spirit displayed by such of our colonists
has been deserving of much more favourable consideration
than they have been in the habit of receiving. They are
liable to out-of-door censure, and to firequent attacks in
the local newspapers. Their motives are often misunder-
stood or perverted^ and their public acts and remarks
excite anger and enmity against, them rather than com-
mendation. No one, however, who has lived in the
colony can be ignorant of the vast amoimt of public
service gratuitously performed by such honoured cha-
racters as Messrs. Croal, P. Rose, James Stuart, T.
Porter, A. D. Van der Gon Netscher, J. Jones, A.
Macrae, J. Grordon, R. Haynes, and many others whose
names stand conspicuously in the annals of British
Guiana.
It would be perhaps offensive to these and other
parties who have contributed their time and talents to the
interest of the colony, to particularise their acts, but in
spite of occasional errors their public career has been
stamped with celebrity, and deserve a more fitting tribute
than the scanty notice of a cursory historian.
The year 1844 was marked by many public acts and
schemes of considerable importance, indicating that some
progress was being made in the social improvement of
the colony.
In the governor's address to the members of the
492 HISTORY OF ^RrnSH GUIANA.
Combined Court, his excellency adverted to the incon-
venience experienced by the fact of the sanction of the
court as regards the outlay of the public money termi-
nating with the dose of the past year. He had no
apprehension that the revenue which would continue to
accrue to the public treasury until the 30th of June
next, would not prove sufficient for the ordinary ex-
penditure, but proclaimed that his reason for desiring
an earlier attendance of the court was, that its members
might exercise practical control over the annual expenses
dating from the commencement rather than the middle
of the year ; and having submitted the estimate to the
consideration of the court, he congratulated them on the
present satisfactory state of the finances, and also on the
prospects of a good crop for the current year, closing his
speech with certain proposed measures for the advance-
ment of the interests of the colony.
In the answer of the members of the Combined Co\irt
to the speech of his excellency, they agreed with him
as to the propriety of the reasons urged on assembling
the court earlier than usual, but submitted that as one
of the seats of the colonial section of the Court of Policy
was vacant, it would perhaps be better for the interests
of the colony that they should defer discussing the es-
timate imtil such vacancy be filled up, and imtii they
had examined the public accounts of the revenue and
expenditure of the year ending on the 81st of December
last.
Several old offices were also abolished— as, for instance,
the vendue-office; and the system of selling by auction
was thrown open to competition imder certain regula-
tions. This was in conformity with the wishes of the
inhabitants, for early in the year a petition of merchants
and others remonstrated against the continuance of the
former monopoly, and an ordinance was published the
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 49S
next year making provisions for the appointment of
auctioneers. The boards of orphans and imadministered
estates being also abohshed, indemnification, in the
shape of pensions, was granted to the recorders of such
offices, and the new office of administrator-general was
instituted.
But besides these and other important changes, several
useful societies were instituted and organised during this
year — ^namely, an Agricultural and Commercial Society
in March ; the Astronomical and Meteorological Society
in May; and the Natural History Society of Demerara
in July.
The proposal to establish a grammar school was
approved of by the Home Government; and it was
suggested that the unclaimed balance of the Slave
Compensation Fund should be appropriated to that
purpose. This useful establishment was subsequently
instituted, and has proved of considerable advantage to
the younger classes of this community, whose parents
find it inconvenient or too expensive to send them to
Europe.*
* Sereral ordinances of great public importance were published during this
year 1844; and a glance at a few of them may be useful in this place.
One declaratory of the law of this country concerning bills of exchange and
promissory notes payable in this colony. Up to the year 1837 the law of Holland
practised here did not hold endorsers of such notes responsible for their payment,
but by the new regulation the same practice was to be followed here as obtained
in England, and in the next year an ordinance appeared to assimilate the practice
here to that of England.
Another ordinance was passed to provide for the remuneration of witnesses
for attendance on trials before the supreme criminal courts of British Guiana.
Another ordinance extended certain prorisions of a former ordinance, intituled
" An Ordinance to regulate and encourage Immigration to Emigrants from parts
or places in Asia, and to repeal the 11th and 16th sections of said ordinances."
The introduction of Chinese labourers was also provided for by an ordinance
published early in this year, and also regulations prescribed for their contracts.
The bounty was to be for every adult thus introduced 65 dollars, and for children
under 14 years old 32 dollars 50 cents; but it was long ere Celestials condescended
to visit our shores. A bill was also passed to raise half a million of money for
the general encouragement of immigration.
Another ordinance was publish^ to establish administrators-general in the
colony of British Ouiana, the object of which was to provide oflicet for the looking
after the estates of insolvent persons, as well as of those who died intestate;
494 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
Early in the year 1845, the governor having fixed a
meeting of the Combined Court for the 9th January, in
his address to the members adverted to the fact that the
ordinance passed by the court last year on the subject of
the "Immigration Loan" would not receive the royal
sanction unless modified, and proposed that its reconsi-
deration should take place at a meeting " dedicated ex-
clusively to that specific object." There had been no
objection made to the principle of the loan of 500,000/. ;
but certain details, which had also been ably pointed out
by the late acting attorney-general, Mr. Arrindell, had
been objected to by the Secretary of State.
In the reply of the members of the Financial Repre-
sentatives, on the 11th, they expressed their regret at
the disallowal of the Loan ordinance, and assured
his excellency that they woxdd proceed in the dis-
charge of their duties in this important matter with
every disposition to meet the views of her Majesty's
Government, consistent with the maintenance of their
thus conducting, in an improred miumer, the Ainctioni of the old Orphan
Chamber, which was now abolished.
An ordinance to abolish writs of '* Cessio Bonomm," to declare who shall be
considered insolvent debtors, to provide relief for tlie same, and to ensore an
equal distribution of the estates of such insolvents.
Ordinance to regulate the offices of the colonial registrars of Demerara, Esse-
quebo, and Berbice, and to make provision for registering or recording therein
certain deeds, acts, and instruments.
Ordinance to consolidate the supreme courts of civil justice, and to provide a
new manner of proceeding to be observed in the said courts.
Ordinance to introduce into the colony of British Guiana trial by jury in
certain cases.
Ordinance to simplify proceedings in the arrest of debtors leaving the colony.
Ordinance to regulate and establish tariffs or tables of fees and other charges
in, and connected with, the supreme courts of criminal and dvil justice in British
Guiana, and for the remuneration and traveUing expenses of witnesses and
jurors in civil cases.
Another ordinance for requiring annual returns to be made and sent in for
purposes of colonial taxation was likewise enacted.
In closing the session of the court, his excellency adverted with satisfaction
to the numerous important acts of legislation passed, and complimented the
members, both official and elective, but especially the acting attorney-general,
on their assiduity and successful working out the details of difficult lef^lation,
and considered that the community owed to each and every one obligations of
no ordinary kind.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 406
constitutional rights, and the promotion of the prosperity
of the colony.
Upon this very subject, however, began a quarrel
respecting the power of the Combined Court, which ulti-
mately ended in an open rupture.
Earl Grey, in a despatch to Grovemor Light, published
on the 2nd January of this year, having defined the
origin and purpose of the* Combined Court, alluded to
the result of gradual encroachments permitted by suc-
cessive governors, and contended that, by the Order in
Council of 3rd June, 1842, that during the continuance
of the Civil List ordinance of 1841, and no longer, the
Combined Court should "possess full power and au-
thority to discuss in detail, freely and without reserve,
the several items of the annual estimate of the colonial
expenditure, subject always to the terms and conditions
of the said Civil List ordinance." In the preamble,
however, of the Loan ordinance. Earl Grey conceived
that the Combined Court had defined and declared its
own powers beyond the authority fix)m which they were
derived, and their actual provisional and permissive cha-
racter. In reference to this despatch, a resolution was
carried by the elective members of the Combined Court,
" That this court so far acquiesces in the doctrine laid
down by the Right* Honourable the Secretary of State
for the Colonies, that its powers over a certain portion of
the revenue now into the colony chest, but which for-
merly appertained to the sovereign for the pubUc uses
of the Colonial Government, are limited to the period
embraced by the Civil List ordinance, and, therefore, an
alteration in the structure of the Loan ordinance becomes
necessary; but this Court maintains that to levy, fix,
and appropriate the taxes levied in this colony, over and
above the sources of revenue appertaining formerly to
the sovereign's chest, and which may be revived at the
496 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
expiration of the Civil List ordinance, is the undoubted
privilege of this court, and that in point of fact it has
always been exercised by the passing, rejecting, or modi-
fying, after full and free discussion, the respective items
on the estimate^ and the fixing and raising of the ways
and means by an ordinance of this court."
The usual meeting of the Combined Court having been
summoned for February 13th, his excellency, in his
address to the. members, congratulated them on pro-
pitious seasons, and their exemption from those evils
which had visited their neighbours, for which a feeling of
gratitude was due to the Almighty. He also alluded to
the introduction of an agricultural chemist, and antici-
pated great advantage to planters through his advice,
and the adoption of scientific agriculture. The finances
of the colony were declared to be flourishing, and his
excellency adverted with satisfaction to the royal assent
having been given to the measures of law reform, and
stated that on the 16th instant all the new ordinances on
that subject would have the full force and effect of law.
The governor then handed over the estimates to the
members, who declined, however, to proceed to business
until a vacancy occurring in the financial body had been
filled up ; which act having taken place, the usual reply
was sent in to the address, in which the governor was
thanked for his speech, and his views regarding the
finances and agricultural condition agreed to, as well as
the advantage likely to result firom the law reforms so
admirably enacted by the Court of Policy, with the able
conduct of Mr. Arrindell especially. But, at the same
time, the members contended that there was an un-
healthy condition of the labour market, which could only
be benefited by immigration; and trusted that such pro-
tective and liberal policy would be pursued towards them
by the Imperial Parliament, as would enable them to
HISTORT OF BRITISH GUIANA. 497
compete successfully with slave sugar-producing coun-
tries.
A prospectus was issued this year of a Demerara East
Coast Railway, to run between Georgetown and Mahaica,
a distance of about twenty miles. The capital proposed
was 100,000/., or 480,000 dollars, in 10,000 shares of
10/., or 48 dollars each; further notice of which will be
taken in the account of this useful undertaking.*
The year 1846, if in no other way remarkable in the
history of the colony, was at least so from the alteration
in the sugar duties, which the British Parliament, afler
the memorable discussions respecting free- trade, proposed
to carry into effect. It would be out of place here to
enter upon a formal notice of the wisdom or expedience
involved in the great question of free-trade. That im-
mense experiment of national policy which, in spite of
all the dangers that threatened, and the dissatisfaction
that would ensue, is likely to prove practically successful,
or at least to remain until a better offers itself — the per-
manent policy of ministers — even of those who formerly
assisted to prevent its realisation.
Among the numerous and valuable articles the im-
portation of which was subjected to a considerable reduc-
* The following ordinances were publUlied during the year 1845:
Ordinance to apply the surplus customs duties in aid of the general revenues
of British Guiana during the existence of the present, or any future ciril list
Ordinance for establistung receptacles for lepers, and providing for their care,
maintenance, and support
Ordinance to admit the unsworn testimony in certain cases of Africans, coolies,
and Chinese.
Ordinance to provide for the payment of the interest for the redemption of a
loan of 500,000/., to be raised for immigration purposes.
Ordinance for appraisement of houses and lots of land in the city of Georgetown.
Ordinance to revive and continue for seven years, from and after 31st of De-
cember, 1847, on which day it will expire, an oniinance, entitled ** An Ordinance
for granting to her Miyesty the Queen a fixed Revenue for the support of the
OivU List Government of British Guiana for a period of seven years."
Ordinances to confer on certain justices of the peace in the niral districts of
British Guiana the powers at present exercised by the police magistrate of
Georgetown, under ordinance No. 2, 1839.
Ordinance for amending the law of evidence in civil cases in the colony of
British Guiana.
VOL. I. 2 K
498 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
tion in duty, that of sugar alone merits notice in this
place. Up to the month of March, 1845, the duty upon
colonial Muscovado sugar was 1/. 5s. 2d. per cwt., and
of foreign free-grown sugar was 3/. Ss. ; while sugar, the
produce of slave countries, was altogether excluded.
The sugar bill of 1845 reduced the duty upon colonial
sugar to 14s. per cwt., and 24s. for foreign; but on the
20th of July, 1846, the following table of duties was
proposed, ^nd up to the present time has been acted
^P to: j^f^ Coloniftl Sugv. Foreign Sngu*.
1846 to 1847 14b. Sis. Od.
1847 to 1848 14s 20«. Od.
1848 to 1849 18s 18s. 6(1.
1849 to 1850 ISs 17s. Od.
1850 to 1851 lis 15s. 6d.
1851 to 1852 108 14s. Od.
1852 to 1853 108 138. Od.
1853 to 1854 108 12s. Od.*
At the usual meeting of the Combined Court, which
took place this year on the 16th of March, the following
remarks were made by his excellency in his -address to
the members of the court: — He adverted in the first
place to a small increase in the sugar crop of this year
compared with the last, and to the accession to the
labouring population by the arrival of 3647 inmfiigrants.
That, nevertheless, there was a decrease in the number of
arrests of 15 per cent, in comparison with the year 1844.
The estimated population of the whole colony probably
was about 120,000 persons. His excellency further
stated, that the number of prisoners at the new penal
settlement was 109 at the close of the last year ; of this
number 49 were convicted by the Superior Criminal
Court; whilst 52 out of the whole number of prisoners
were not natives of the colony. His excellency alluded
to the approbation manifested by her Majesty's Govern-
ment to the proposal to arm the police force with rifles,
* The present duties are — On colonial brown, Us.; yellow, 12s.; equal to
white clayed, 14s.; and equal to refined, 17s. 4d.; foroi^ brown, lU.; yellow,
12s.; equal to white clayed, 14s.; and refined, ICn.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 499
and also to establish throughout the colony a volunteer
rifle corps. He also congratulated the colony on the
arrival here of two scientific gentlemen, who proposed
remaining in the colony some time. The one was an
agricultural chemist, Dr. Shier, a gentleman of some con^
siderable reputation in Great Britain. The other was
an engineer, Mr. Catherwood, who had attained some
eminence as a scientific traveller, and who came out to
superintend the progress of the Demerara Railway Com-
pany. The balance in the chest to the 31st of December,
1845, was 262,025.95 dollars.
In answer to the speech of his excellency, the elective
members of the Combined Court made the following
remarks in an address dated €th April: — ^That in their
opinion there appeared to be a necessity for an increase
and continuance of European troops, rather than for the
re-establishment of a militia or volunteer force. They also
differed from his excellency in making the balance in the
public chest 2,521.45 dollars more than the sum stated.
There was nothing of importance which occurred
during the early part of the year to merit any particular
notice. The gloom occasioned in the colony by the in-
troduction of the new sugar duties, and the fact of the
sugar crops for the present year threatening to be de-
ficient, owing -to an unusual and protracted drought,
induced serious considerations among the planters to
strike a decisive blow at the present rate of wages,
which they considered beyond their means to continue.
Attempts were made to reduce them throughout the
colony with more or less success; but in the island of
Leguan there was a disposition shown by the peasantry
on several estates to resist the imposition of the new
rate. On the 17th September many of the labourers
refused to work, and, collecting in noisy and angry
groups, excited some suspicions as to their intentions.
2k2
500 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
The local magistrates, with several proprietors and ma-
nagers; fearing a riot, applied to his excellency for
assistance. A body of police and troops were imme-
diately despatched to the disaifected spot, but had no
occasion to proceed to active measures. A few of the
ringleaders were placed in custody, and tried, but a
lenient sentence was passed upon them. The active
and intelligent Government secretary, Mr. Young, who
had gone down to the island to inquire into the business,
described it in a despatch, forwarded to the governor, as
merely a brawl among civilians.
A little later in the year, Mr. Young retired from the
colony, after a residence here of about ten years. This gen-
tleman, whose father. Colonel Young, had been appointed
protector of slaves in 1825, was possessed of considerable
abilities, and by his knowledge of official business, and
his conciliatory address, was of important service to the
heads of the Government with whom he acted. Respected
by the inhabitants as a man of sound sense and practical
views, regretted by his colleagues as a skUful and expe-
rienced ally, and feared by his opponents as a profound
and clever antagonist, Mr. Young left these shores with
a high character for talent, address, and skill. On his
arrival in England he was knighted for his services to
her Majesty's Government, -and appointed lieutenant-
governor at the Cape of Good Hope ; but has since been
removed to a government in Australia.
During the course of this year the important experi-
ment of thorough, or subsoil drainage, was tried by the
agricultural chemist Dr, Shier, in order to test its appli-
cability and efficacy in the cultivation of the sugar cane
in this colony. Towards defraying the necessary ex-
penses, the sum of two thousand dollars was granted by
the Combined Court in 18^5. A plot of ground. on
plantation La Penitence, the property of J. 11. Albuoy,
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 501
Esq., was liberally granted by his representatives in this
country to be the field of experiment. The land, about
fifteen acres in extent, was accordingly cleared, drained,
and cultivated under the immediate superintendence of
Dr. Shier, and a committee of gentlemen appointed to
watch and report on the result.
Subsoil tiles and a two horse power steam-engine were
imported from Europe, the latter to assist in the removal
of the drainage water, in consequence of the want of a
natural outfall. The use of the plough was put into re-
quisition, and the canes planted. Nothing could have
been more promising than the first results; the canes
were large and healthy, and a larger return of sugar
was obtained than from a tract of land of the same
extent worked on the old or open drain system. But
after the first crop, the experiment disappointed the
supporters of the new system. The drainage proved
inefficient, the tiles became choked up, the canes became
weakly, yielded but little saccharine juice, and many of
them rotted. After a cost of 5110 dollars, the experi-
ment was considered to have failed, to the disappoint-
ment of its scientific superintendent, and the many gen-
tlemen who were deeply interested in the great bene-
fits it promised to the agricultural condition of British
Guiana.*
* The following ordinances were published during the year 184G:
Ordinance to alter and amend the jurisdiction of the inferior criminal courts
of British Guiana (February).
Ordinance to extend the jurisdiction of the inferior courts of civil justice of
British Guiana (February).
Ordinance t«) repeal ordinance, No. 21, 1844, iniituled ** An Ordinance to con-
solidate the Supreme Courts of Civil Justice, &c., aud to provide an amended
manner of protreeding, &c." (April).
Ordinance to introtluce into the colony of British Guiana the laws of England
relative to larceny and other oOfenccs connected therewith (.Tune).
Ordinance to abolish the office of vendue-master in the county of Berbice, and
to extend the provisions of ordinance No. 9, of the year 1844, and of ordinance
No. 4, of the year 1845, to the county of Berbice.
Ordinance to incorporate a company to be called the Dcmcrara Hailwuy Com-
pany, and to authorise the said company to malie and maintain a railway in tiie
602 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
The beginning of the year 1847 was rendered memor^
able by the new criminal laws coming into opm^on. It
was a novel and pleasing sight for Englishmen here to
witness the mtroduction of trial by jury; the first case in
which it was practised, and the excited and crowded
appearance of the court of justice, will not readily be
forgotten by those who witnessed it.
The seasons were good for the prospect of the sugar
crop, but the feeUngs of the planters were gloomy and
unsettled. Commercial embarrassments in England; a
decline in the price of sugar; and the principles of fi:'ee-
trade and the sugar bill of 1846 becoming practically
applied to the colonies, had the efiect to depreciate the
value of property generally throughout the colony; but
in spite of aU these forebodings the crop of this year
proved the largest made since the emancipation. De-
sponding as the planters had become, they were not
without energy — and thanks to their untiring efforts, and
to the prompt aid supplied by immigration, this desirable
result may be in a great measure contributed; they
applied themselves with diligence to the economical
cultivation of their estates, they sought earnestly for
labour wherever it could be procured, and encouraged
every attempt made to further immigration. Nor were
their efforts confined to the attention of the plantations
only. Disheartened at the threatened fatal consequences
of the new sugar bill, they took measures to try if
possible to avert the impending blow; by a thorough
examination of the subject, and by a zealous co-operation
on the part of the colonists, they endeavoured to obtain
colony of British Quiana, from the city of Georgetown, the capital of the Mid
colony, to Blahaica, with extensions and branches, and for other purposes.
Ordinance to introduce into the colony of British Quiana trial by jury in
criminal cases; amended in 1847.
Ordinance for regulating the rights, duties, and relations of employers and
servants in the colony of British Oniana.
HiSTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. * 503
justice for themselves. Au importaDt meeting was lield
by the planters, merchants, and others on the 15th of
October, at the rooms of the Royal Agricultural and
Commercial Society in Greorgetown, the Hon. Peter
Rose in the chair, for the purpose of collecting signatures
to a petition to the Imperial Parliament, prepared at a
preliminary meeting held on the 24th ultimo.
In this petition the grievances under which the
colonists laboured were respectfully but earnestly sub-
mitted; the serious consequences, if not threatened ruin
to their prospects, by the sudden and unexpected change
in the colonial policy, were feelingly set forth, and prayed
that the following remedial measures should be conceded
to them:
1st. A loan to be applied to the carrying out of
Alrican immigration, under such regulations for securing
the fair and equitable administration of the same, as your
Honourable House may deem proper.
2nd. A loan to be applied under proper regulations
to the purpose of thorough drainage.
3rd. The admission into the United Kingdom of
Muscovado sugar, as a raw material, duty free.
4th. The free admission of molasses into the breweries
and distilleries of the United Kingdom.
5th. The equalisation of the duty on rum and British
spirits.
6th. The admission of inspissated cane juice into the
United Kingdom.
7th. The placing the refining of sugar in the colonies
on the same footing as in the British refineries.
The meeting was numerously and respectably attended,
and a great many signatures attached to the petition,
which was immediately forwarded to the Imperial Par-
liament.
The fate of this petition was unfortunate ; it neverthe-
604 * HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
less drew the attention of the British Grovemment, and
that of several influential members of the House of
Commons, to the suflfering interests of the West Indies.*
The year 1848, the last in which I shall endeavour to
chronicle the most remarkable events, proved a stormy
and important one in the annals of this country. At its
commencement gloom and discontent sat on the faces of
all, in its progress confusion and discord prevailed in the
Legislative Chambers, and at its close his excellency had
retired from the administration of the colony, unhappily,
however, leaving the community more or less in a state
of anarchy and perplexity.
In the Court of Policy, which had numerous sittings,
the elective members declined preparing an estimate for
the present year, on the groimds of the imcertain
prospects of the colony: '* Inasmuch as the state of the
colony at present is such, that no estimate that would be
passed could be taken as a guide for the expenditure of
the country for the financial year 1848-9, and therefore
it is expedient to postpone it until it be seen whether the
circumstances of the colony become changed for the
better before the 15 th of May." A proposal was also
made in the Court of Policy to reduce all the public
• The following ordinances were enacted in 1847:
Ordinance to provide medical attendance and medicines for immigrant labourers.
Ordinance to provide a new burial-ground for the city of Georgetown.
Ordinance to extend the provisions of ordinance No. 10, of the year 1845,
entitled " An Ordinance to provide for the Payment of the Interest, and for the
Kedemption of a Loan of 500,000/., to be raised for immigration purposes."
Ordinance to repeal the duties of customs imposed on articles imported into
this colony, under the Act of Parliament 8 and 9 Vic. c. 93, intituled **An act
to regrulate the Trade of Hritish possessions abroad."
Ordinance for the regulation of the ferry across the river Demerara, and the
steam -boats thereof.
Ordinance to repeal all laws repugnant to, or at variance with, any of the
provisions of ordinances Nos. 9, 10, 11, 12, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, and 28,
of the year 1846.
Ordinance to establish pounds throughout the colony of British Guiana, and
to provide rules and regulations fbr superintending and keeping the same.
Ordinance to indeir.nify the governor and colonial receiver-general, and other
public officers, for certain proceedings in regard to the depositing of public funds
with, and receiving as cash, the notes of the two banks established in this colony.
mSTOBY OF BRITISH QUIANA. $06
salaries 26 per cent. — even those included in the dvil
list; but as this was objected to, on the part of the
Government, as against the good faith of the colonists, it
was urged by the elective members that the Civil List
of 1841, to the 31st December, 1847, but renewed in
1844 for a further period of seven years, or to the end of
the year 1854, was only granted under the impression, or
rather conviction, that the exclusion of slave-labour sugar
from the home markets were a fundamental principle of
the policy of the mother country to which the faith of
the nation had been irrevocably pledged, and that the
civil list which at present exists would never have been
granted if a departure from the Imperial commercial
policy had been contemplated;
It was therefore resolved: — Ist, That her Majesty's
Government was therefore prayed that the salaries in the
civil list should be reduced 25 per cent. 2nd, That
rigid economy be practised in the public expenditure,
all salaries above 700 dollars per annum being reduced
25 per cent.
These resolutions were seconded by a petition from
merchants and others in favour of the views expressed;
but, although forwarded to England, met with no favour-
able reception at the hands of the Secretary for the
Colonies, who refused to entertain the prayer of the
memorial; but before the result was known of an appli-
cation which was made by the colonists to the British
Parliament, his excellency had summoned the Combined
Court for the 20th April, having previously, on the 10th,
induced the court to pass an estimate, each item of which,
however, was formally opposed by the elective members^
who were anxious to hear the result of their application
to the British Parliament respecting the civil list before
proceeding with the business of the Combined Court.
This step was taken on the part of his excellency in con-
606 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
sequence of certain resolutions which had been brought
forward in the Court of Policy : viz., to decline framing
an estimate and to vote the supplies, unless in accord-
ance with the views of the elective members. At the
meeting of the Combined Court, April 20th, the go-
vemor, in liis address, regretted not being able to con-
gratulate the members on the state of the colony, which,
however, he did not attribute to the low price of sugar,
but rather to the monetary failures among West India
commercial houses. He adverted to the reduced price
of work on the estates, and called upon members to
fulfil their pledges in respect to the loans of money, and
the support of engagements already entered into, closing
his remarks with the statement that his further adminis-
tration depended on the usual course being adopted.
An adjournment of the court to the 25th was asked
for, to consider matters and furnish a reply; but mem*
bers did not assemble again until the 26th April, when,
in the reply to the address, the elective members ex-
pressed in very forcible and able language their dissent
from the views of his excellency respecting a reduced
rate of wages being generally in force, and dwelt on the
depreciation of property and present prospect of ruin
occasioned chiefly by the Sugar Duties Act of 1846.
They further called his excellency's attention to the
diflferent aspect of the colony now to what it presented
in 1838, when a tour of inspection had been made by
his excellency on his arrival here. " In Leguan, in 1838,
there were twenty-one estates in full cultivation, while
at present ten are in a state of abandonment ; one estate
which at the former period sold for 32,000/., has now
altogether ceased to be cultivated." They complained of
want of proper legislation in enforcing laws for the pro-
tection of property and the regulation of social order.
They expressed their astonishment that his excellency
HISTORY OF BKITISH QUIAKA. 507
should have quoted the language of a free-trade minister,
^* That the people of England cannot afford to pay three
millions sterling to keep up the wages of the labourers
in the West Indies," and felt assured that they should
be able to establish that Government, and not the colony,
had violated the compact, and adverted to the following
facts, viz., that on the 30th December, 1847, the sanc-
tion of the Secretary of State was asked to reduce the
salaries on the dvil list 25 per cent That on the 29th
February, of the present year, the framing of the esti-
mate was postponed to 15th May, and the reasons of
the elective members for so doing were placed upon the
minuter of the court on the 1st March, at his excellency's
request. That on the 21st March they received Earl
Grey's refusal to accede to the proposed interference with
the present civil list. That on the 10th April the tax
ordinance was renewed, and members subsequently ex-
pressed their willingness to renew, for a limited time,
the tax ordinance of 1847 (which would expire on the
30th June next) ; but declined to proceed with the esti-
mate until the decision of Parliament upon their case be
ascertained. Such were the views entertained by the
elective members; and upon the termination of the reply,
two resolutions were proposed:
1st. To defer the consideration of the estimate until
20th July.
2nd. To extend the present tax ordinance until 15th
August.
The court was then adjourned by his excellency, who
wished to consider this offer, until the next day.
On the meeting of the court, April 27th, the resolu-
tions being allowed to be submitted, were carried; all
the elective members of the Court of Policy and the
financial representatives voting for them, and the official
members, with the exception of his excellency, against
508 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
them. The governor then read a minute, declining to
accede to the resolutions; but stated that he would
accept a renewal of the tax ordinance for three months,
from 1st eTuly; but the elective members and financial
representatives refused their assent, and placed their
reasons for so doing on the minutes of the court; and
after some discussion, the governor adjourned the court
sine die.
As it was undoubtedly in the power of the Combined
Court to reduce such salaries as were granted by them
35 per cent., the proposal to carry such reduction of
salaries and wages was no longer confined to the Legisla-
tive Chambers, but operated to a certain extent through-
out the whole of society. Wherever it was possible that
such a reduction could be practised, it was put in force ;
and many individuals among officials, professional men,
tradesmen, and others, were subjected to its operation ;
but when, in a like spirit of economy, the attempt was
made on the part of the planters to reduce the wages
paid to the labourers at a similar rate, the feeling of
opposition and resistance was strong and violent. Several
megass logies were burned throughout the colony, and
whether owing to accident or design, the circumstance
lyas so remarkable as to call forth a proclamation on the
part of the governor ; wherein, after an admonitory
address to the labourers, he threatened them with the fatal
consequences of such practices (il* they indeed existed),
and offered a reward of 2000 dollars to parties, not being
principals, who would bring the offenders to justice.
His excellency the governor, finding it unlikely that
he should be able to overcome the feelings of opposition
existing in the elective members of the Court of Policy
and financial representatives, relative to proceeding with
the business of the session as usual, and having previously
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 509
made arrangements for his departure from the colony,
took immediate steps for returning to England.
As soon as it became generally known that his excel-
lency was actually about to retire from the administra-
tion, after the unusually long period of service of ten
years, addresses on the occasion of his departure were
diligently prepared and forwarded to him from various
influential bodies in the community, viz.: — from the
mayor and town council, from the Royal Agricultural
and Commercial Society, from the Astronomical and
Meteorological Society, from the lord bishop and clergy
of the diocese, and another from the Wesleyan ministers ;
to all of which his excellency returned his acknowledg-
ments and thanks for the flattering terms in which they
had addressed him.
After holding a parting levee, and receiving the fare-
well and good wishes of a large pumber of gentlemen of
all shades of politics, his excellency, accompanied by
Mrs. Light and Mr. and Mrs. Holmes (the elegant and
accomplished Miss Light having lately been married to
our popular townsman, Mr. Holmes), and escorted by
a party of attached friends, proceeded on board the mail
steamer jESaflfte, on the 19th of May, and amid the saluta-
tion of a large concourse of persons assembled to witness
his departure, withdrew for ever from the shores of
British Guiana.
Immediately on the departure of Governor Light,
William Walker, Esq., the late Government secretary,
was sworn in as lieutenant-governor.
Great as were the abilities, and extensive howsoever
the experience of this gentleman, it must be admitted
that the task which now devolved on him was onerous .
and difficult. It is not intended to follow up the subject
of dispute between the executive and the elective mem*
610 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
bers of the Court of Policy and the Combined Coort ;
it is sufficient to state that various meetings and adjourn-
ments took place; that the skilly talent, and perseverance
of the one party was met by the ability, energy, and
firmness of the other, but ended in no progress bemg
made on either side ; that society was agitated by the
conflicting interests, until at last, indiflference took the
place of anxiety in the minds of the colonists; the
fruitlessness of the opposition became more and mwe
evident, but was maintained by the pertinacity of the
colonial party, who still clung to the slender hope of
being able to prevail against the wishes of the British
Government; the negative of the Secretary of State had
been declared against their endeavour to alter the civil
list, &c. ; the appeal of a large number of the colonists
to the consideration of the British had ended in disap-
pointment and mortification, yet still the refusal to grant
the annual supplies was persisted in ; the scanty resources
of the public chest were fast declining; the tax ordinance
was about to expire, and at length terminated on the
30th of September, 1848, on which day the stoppage of
the supplies became positive and complete; and the
colony was left as a helpless wreck to sink or swim as it
best could. A few duties, such as the rum duty, and
those collected by the Crown, were still received ; but it
required great prudence on the part of the executive to
carry on the business of the public offices with a rapidly
declining treasury, and no accession of revenue.
The truth of the report respecting the appointment of
Henry Barkly, Esq., late M.P. for Leominster, and an in-
fluential West India proprietor, as the Governor of British
Guiana, was confirmed by the arrival of his excellency on
the 1 3th February, 1 849, accompanied by Mrs. Barkly and
family, as Avell as his private secretary, G. Dennis, Esq.
HISTORY OF BRITISH QUIANA. 611
On his airival, his excellency proceeded at once to
the splendid residence of the late R. M. Jones, Esq., the
liospitable proprietor of the fine plantation Rome and
Houstoun, where he remained for some little time, mitil
suitable accommodation could be made at Government
House in Georgetown for the reception of his family.
On the following day, Monday, the 14th of February,
his excellency proceeded to town, and was sworn in
with all the honours due on such occasions, and at
once addressed the Court of Policy assembled to meet
him.
It is unnecessary to attempt to give in this place a
detailed account of the steps taken by his excellency to
relieve the colony from the evils under which it laboured
at the period of his advent. He found it, in spite of the
assiduity and imwearied diligence of his predecessor,
Lieutenant-Governor Walker, who had not had time to
overcome the difficulties, in a state of gloomy discontent,
if not of confiision. The prospects of the colony were
dark and threatening, the feelings of the agriculturists
and planters generally desponding and dissatisfied, the
minds of all anxious and uncertain as to the future. The
finances of the country were in a deplorable condition,
the public credit was seriously shaken, the ruin of the
colony, in fact, was in the perspective, and threatened
soon to arrive. The governor was a planter himself —
one who had suffered by the eventful changes since the
emancipation of the slave in 1834, and who naturally
sympathised with the feelings of the colonists. He
had already visited the colony in 1846 to see hus
property in Berbice, and he was already acknowledged
«s a gentleman of ability, attainments, and expe-
rience. His career in the British Parliament had been
marked by success; his character as a man of busi-
512 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
ness, of application and industry, of tact and talent, was
admitted, and he was selected by Lord John Russell
to undertake the administration of the Government of
British Guiana, vacant by the retirement of Sir Henry
Light.* The prestige of his name, his character, and
his position, had preceded him to these shores.
The difficulties of his position were, however, formida-
ble. He had to allay the storm of strife and contention
which had been raging in the colony for so long a period;
he had to restore the public credit, and refill tlie ex-
hausted coflFers of the public chest; to arouse the dis-
heartened minds of the planters from the slough of
despondency in which they were plunged, to energetic
acts and vigorous efforts. He had, further, to reconcile
them to a policy which was hateful to them, and which
they, falsely perhaps, conceived to have been directed
specially against their interests, whilst it, in fact, over-
looked them to benefit millions.
He had to awaken their dormant energies, and to
urge them to depend more on themselves and their own
activity than on extraneous means of support; and,
lastly, he had to attend to the general interests of all
classes, to repress crime, encourage education and reli-
gion, and promote the general welfare of society. Such
were some of the principal objects to be accomplished by
his excellency, and it only remains briefly to state the
results.
After multitudinous impediments and vexatious delays,
the renewal of the supplies took place on the 8th August.
The computed loss to the revenue firom the commence-
ment of this unhappy contest, in September, 1848, to the
period of its cessation, was about 800,000 dollars ; a
♦ Governor Light, on his return to England, was knighted by her Majest/ for
his services in this colony.
HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA. 613
large sum to be lost within less than a year by so small
a community.
From this period, without attempting to enter into any
detail on the numerous wise and beneficial measures
adopted by his excellency, the affairs of the colony
assumed a more flourishing aspect. Immigration was
renewed with eminent advantage to the planters, and to
the labourers imported, who were judiciously located,
and received all the care and attention that llieir situa-
tion required. The tendency to crime was repressed by
the enactment and enforcement of such laws as seemed
best calculated to intimidate lazy and hardened offenders.
The dreaded punishments of the treadmill and of flogging
were introduced, under certain restrictions, to check the
increasing disposition to lawless and riotous behaviour;
while a Trespass Bill, for which the colony is chiefly
indebted to the Honourable A. D. Van der Gon Netscher,
one of the most talented and energetic elective members
of the Court of Policy, was framed, and has since been
in useftil and active operation, to the manifest advantage
of landowners and others. A sum of money, 260,000/.,
^raised in England, and the payment of which was
guaranteed by the British Government, was applied to
the extension of the Demerara railway, and to the pro-
motion of immigration, which latter project was regulated
by sound and economical principles. The agitation raised
by dissatisfied but patriotic reformers was soothed by
the promise of an improvement in the political institu-
tions of the colony, of which the new Franchise BUI was
the precursor; while factious opposition was disarmed
by the earnest but temperate conciliation of the execu-
tive. The objects of religion and charity were promoted
by a Uberal and catholic disposition to foster the several
Christian institutions of the country. The numerous
VOL. I. 2 L ■
514 msTOBT or bbitish guiana.
villages and hamlets throughout the country rec eiv
the benefit of a wise administration. An ordinance was
passed, which appointed commissioners^ with a chair-
man, to divide and allot the plots of land hitherto occu-
pied in common by the proprietors of the property.
Rural constables were established throughout the country
for the maintenance of peace and order.
In order to make himself thoroughly acquainted with
the entire condition of the colony, his excellency did
not hesitate to visit each remote district. Exposed to
the climate, to privations and inconveniences of every
kind, he journeyed over the deplorable roads of the
inland districts, and traversed the dangerous rapids and
currents of the numerous rivers, making himself at home
in the squatter's settlements and in the primitive bush,
where, with the feelings of a naturalist, he combined
pleasure with business. The wants of the humblest
individuals, and the condition of society, its necessities
and its obligations, were by such means investigated
personally without the hazard and doubt attaching to
the statements of others.
The usual meeting of the Combined Court took place
early in 1853, and was attended with results too remark-
able to be overlooked.
Not satisfied with concluding the ordinary business of
the court, in regulating the expenditure and providing
the ways and means of the ensuing year, in a spirit of
rare cordiality and unanimity, his excellency further
was fortunate enough to obtain from the elective
members the renewal of a new Civil List, on terms as
honourable to himself as creditable to the liberal feelings
of the members of the Combined Court.
The terms of the new Civil List were similar to the
one about to terminate on the 31st December, 1854.
HISTORY or BRITISH GUIANA* 615
The amount of the latter, exclusive of expenses of the
Ecclesiastical Establishment, was 24,3412. Is. 4d. The
amount of the new Civil List, which was to commence
from the Ist of January, 1865, was 22,6412. Is. 4id., a
deduction being made in the salaries of some of the
highest oflBcials, the governor included,*
An ordinance was also passed "to provide for the
maintenance of Ministers of the Christian Religion in the
colony of British Guiana." The amount allowed by the
last Civil List for that purpose was 9,429/. 19s. 4d., or
forty-five thousand, two hundred and sixty-three dollars
imd eighty-four cents: but an additional sum was
annually granted by the Combined Court towards the
support of other ministers of religion. The new
ordinance provided. the sum of seventy-eight thousand,
nine hundred and eighty-six dollars and fifty-nine cents
(78,986 dollars and 59 cents), for the support of the
present Ecclesiastical Establishment of the colony (includ-
ing the sum of 6000 dollars to be granted if applied for
by other bodies of Christians).
In the execution of these important measures,
his excellency was ably assisted by the Honourables
J. Croal, A. D. Van der Gon Netscher, T. Porter,
besides the oflGicial members and other gentlemen of the
legislature
The labours of his excellency were now, for the pre-
sent, conducted to a more successful and triumphant
close. He had disarmed opposition of its sting and
danger; he had administered the affairs of the colony
with a tact and skill, with a courtesy, and, at the s^mo
time, a firmness which have won for him the unre-
* Ordinance for granting to her Mi^esty the Queen, a fixed roTcnue (br the
support of the civil goyemment of British Guiana, for a period of seTen years,
from the 1st of January, 1855. Demerara, 1 8th of April, l^^9.
616 HISTORY OF BRITISH GUIANA.
served admiration of all ; he had, moreover, done all
this without ostentation or display, and in a quiet, simple
manner.
The prospects of the colony had improved during his
government, the sugar crop had materially increased;
the spirits of the planter were hopeful, if not sanguine;
the general condition of the immigrants and Creole pea-
santry good and promising ; the best interests of society
and the general welfare of all ameliorated. The system
and practice of justice had been improved, the amount
of crime materially lessened, the prospects of education
and religion more cheering and promising, while public
and private confidence seemed restored, and the good
humour and satisfaction of all apparent in the handsome
and cordial manner in which the inhabitants generally
acknowledged the success of his excellency on his con-
templated departure.
Separated from his family (for Mrs. Barkly and children
had left the colony in April, 1852, for England), he de-
termined to rejoin them now that the affairs of the colony
had been so satisfactorily arranged and settled. A parting
address to the Court of Policy, having plainly declared
his intention of his temporary retirement from the colony
on leave of absence, he was congratulated on the sue*
cessful manner in which he had brought the public
business to an issue, and received the good wishes of
members on parting from them. On paying a farewell
visit to Berbice, his excellency received a highly com-
plimentary address, signed by about 300 of the most
respectable inhabitants — a comparative large number
considering the short stay made by the governor in that
district of the country. Meanwhile, at a public meeting
held in Georgetown, it was proposed to present his ex-
cellency, on his departure, with a piece of plate of the
HI8T0RT OF BRITIIH OUIANA. 617
Talue of 500 guineas, accompanied by an address, in
consideration of "the services your excellency has al*
ready rendered this colony in extending and facilitating
immigration, in improving the adminbtration of justice,
in upholding the public credit, in laying the foundation
of measures calculated to impress on the minds of those
who acquire property that they have duties to perform
to society consequent on the possession thereof^ and in
supporting all institutions which have for their object to
promote the welfare of this community, as well as for
the courtesy and urbanity you have uniformly displayed
in the dischn^rge of your oflScial duties, and for the
promptness with which you have on all occasions for-
warded the public business."
In a few days the sum of 600 guineas was raised, this
handsome testimonial being subscribed to by about 280
of the most intelligent and respectable members of society,
while the address rapidly received the signatures of about
600 persons from all classes of the conmiunity, and of
the most varied political opinions.
The address and testimonial were presented to his
excellency on the 9th of May by a deputation of influ-
ential gentlemen, when his excellency expressed his
acknowledgments in an eloquent and suitable reply.
On the 11th of May his excellency, having previously
held a farewell levee^ which was numerously and respect-
ably attended, proceeded on board the mail packet,
JEagle^ at half-past twelve, accompanied by a large party
of friends, and escorted by a guard of honour from the
garrison. The steamer left the river about half-past one
P.M., under a salute from the fort, and having on board
a large number of influential gentlemen about to leave
the colony for a short time, among whom were his lord-
ship the bishop, the Honourables John Croal and John
VOL. I. 2 m
518 HI8T0BT OF BBITISH QUIANA.
Daly. At one p.m. Lieut.-GrOvemor Walker was sworn
in with the usual honours, and addressed the Court of
Policy, receiving at the same time the congratulation of
his numerous friends and admirers.
END OP VOL. I.
i. BTAMI» POSTDQAL ftTRltRT, LIMOOLIlVxirX^FIKLDS.
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