Skip to main content

Full text of "The history of the British settlements in India"

See other formats 


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 
to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 
publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 

We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 



at |http : //books . google . com/ 



r 



' 1 r - 



^ -M 



f 




600018400. 




THE HISTORY 



BRITISH SETTLEMENTS 
m INDIA. 



PUBLISHED UNDKB THE DTRECTI0T9 OF 

THE COMMITTEE OP GENERAL LITERATURE AND EDUCATION, 

APPOINTED BY THE SOCIETY POR PROMOTING 

CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE. 



LONDON; 

Printed for the 

SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE 

SOLD AT THE DEP08U0RT, 

GREAT QUEEN STREET, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS ; 

4, ROYAL EXCHAK&E ; 16, HANOVER STREET, HANOVER SftUARE ; 

AND BY ALL BOOKSELLERS. 

1855. 




3Z^,/. ■Z'O. 



LONDON : 
OLAT, PRINTER, BREAD STREET HILL. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 
Geographical Features of Hindoostan — Early Hutory . . p. 1 

CHAPTER II. 

Discovery of the Cape-Passage — ^Formation of the English East 
India Company — Dupleix — Affairs of the Deccan — First 
Exploits of Clive 14 

CHAPTER III. 

Capture of Gheriah— Affairs of Bengal — The Black Hole — 
Battle of Plassey— Meer Jaffier 34 

CHAPTER IV. 

Bussy — Arrival of Lally — Siege of Madras — The Circars — 
Affairs of Bengal t • • ^7 

CHAPTER V. 
Clive in England — Troubles in Bengal — Sumroo ... 61 

CHAPTER VI. 

Reforms effected by Clive —His return to England— The Nabobs- 
— Accusation against Clive — His Death ^4 



IV CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Hyder Ali — Warren Hastings — Nuncomar — Sir Philip Francis 
— ^Trial and Execution of Nuncomar p. 81 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Appointment of General Clavering to replace Hastings— Rein- 
statement of the latter — The Mahrattas — Duel between 
Hastings and Francis— Hyder AU — Campaign in the Camatic 
— ^Defeat of Baillie — Return of Bussy — The Succession of 
Tippoo — Cuddalore — Bemadotte — Capture of Bednore— Ex- 
pedition of Colonel Fullarton — ^Peace with Tippoo . . 94 

CHAPTER IX. 

Pecuniary Necessities of Hastings — Seizure of the Rajah of 
Benares — ^The Begums of Oude — Character of Hastings' Ad- 
ministration — His Return to England, Trial, Acquittal, and 
Death 109 



CHAPTER X. 

Mr. Pitt's India Bill — ^Arrival of Lord Comwallis — Arrogance 
and Conquests of Tippoo — His Defeat at Travancore — English 
Alliance with the Peishwa and Nizam — Invasion of Mysore — 
Submission of Tippoo I2S 



CHAPTER XI. 

Government of Lord Teignmouth — His Pacific Policy — Increase 
of the Mahratta Power — ^Vizier Ali — Arrival of Lord Welles- 
ley — Tippoo intrigues with the French — Dismissal of the 
Nizam's Foreign Troops — Expedition to Mysore, under (gene- 
ral Harris — Death of Tippoo, and Fall of Seringapatam 139 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XII. 



Bhoondiah Waugh— Subtniasion of the PeiBhwa — Intercourse 
with Panda — Dethronement of the Nabob of the Camatic — 
Defeat of Dhoondiah Wangh — Insurrection at Benares — Cap- 
ture of Vizier Ali p. 157 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Review of the English Possessions in India — Rise of Scindiah 
and Holkar — Treaty of Bassein— Capture of Ahmednuggur — 
Battle of Assaye — Its Results — Anecdote of Qeneral Welles- 
ley — Campaign of (general Lake 166 

CHAPTER XIV. 

War between France and England— Treachery of Holkar — 
Retreat of Colonel Monson — Siege of Delhi — Battle of Deig — 
Siege of Bhurtpoor — Inimical Proceedings of Scindiah . 178 

CHAPTER XV. 

Retirement of the Marquis Wellesley — Death of Lord Com- 
wallis — ^Peace with Scindiah— George Thomas, the Irish Rajah 
— Treaty with Holkar — Sentiments of Sir Arthur Wellesley 
on the Mahratta War — General Review of the Wellesley Ad- 
ministration 190 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Pacific Policy of Sir George Barlow — Lord William Bentinck 
appointed to Madras — Frauds at Taiyore — Massacre of Vel- 
iore — Animosity towards Missions — Complaints of the Allies 
— Troubles at Hyderabad — ^Ameer Khan — ^Missions to Afghan- 
ifitan, Pei-sia, and the Sikhs 201 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XVII. 



Disturbances at Madras — Expedition to China — Conquest of 
Java — ^Administration of Sir Stamford Raffles . . . p. 221 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Affairs of the Company in England — War with Nepaul — ^Dis- 
turbances at -Hyderabad — Trimbuckjee Dainglia— His Cap- 
tivity and Escape 229 



CHAPTER XIX. 

The Pindarees — Treachery of the Peishwa — ^Battle of Kirkee 
— Cruelty of the Peishwa — His Flight to Sattara — Affairs of 
Nagpoor — Proceedings of Chetoo — Murder of Toolsa Baee — 
Skirmish at Koreigaum — Battle of Mundapoor — Surrender of 
the Peishwa — Capture of Asseergurh — State of British India 
at the Departure of Lord Hastings 237 

CHAPTER XX. 

Introduction of Christianity into India — The Syrians of the 
Malabar Coast— The Armenians — Portuguese — Roman Catho- 
lic Missions — Protestant Missions — Schwartz — Foundation of 
the Anglo-Indian Episcopate — Bishop Middleton — State of 
Religion in India 261 



CHAPTER XXI. 

The Cholera — War declared against Birmah — ^Arrival of Sir 
Archibald Campbell at Rangoon - Attack upon Kemandine — 
111 Treatment of European Prisoners — Defeat of the Ban- 
doolah 272 



CONTENTS. Vll 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Panic at Calcutta — Mutiny of Barrackpoor — ^March to Prome 
—Death of the Bandoolah — Negotiations — Advanoe of the 
English, and Capture of Melloon — The King of Hell — ^Peace 
with the Burmese p. 294 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Expedition against the northern parts of the Burmese Empire 
— Death of the Rajah of Bhurtpoor — Intrigues of his Family — 
Siege of Bhurtpoor — Its Capture by Lord Combermere. 309 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Affairs of Colapoor — ^Death of Sir Thomas Monro — The Dacoits 
— The Thugs— 'Prohibition of Suttees — Northern Progress of 
Lord William Bentinck — War with Coorg — Retirement of 
Lord William Bentiuck 314 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Changes in the Constitution of the Company — Description of 
Afghanistan — Manners of the People — Shah Sujah — Murder 
of Futteh Khan — Rise of Dost Mohammed — Siege of Herat 
— War Projects 325 



CHAPTER XXVL 

Intrigues at Ava and Nepaul — Interview between Lord Auck- 
land andRunjeet Singh— The Ameers of Scinde — Advance 
into Afghanistan— Taking of Candahar and Qhuznee — Entry 
of Shah Sujah into Cabool — Douranee Order of Knighthood 
—Fall of Khelat 343 



VUl CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Retirement of Sir W. Cotton — Flight of Dost Mohammed to 
Bokhara — His Escape, and Final Surrender to the English — 
Troubles in Cabool— Murder of Sir A. Bumes — Perilous 
situation of the English — Murder of Sir William Macnaghten 
—The Retreat . . . . ' p. 356 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Advance of Brigadier Wild — Earthquake at Jellalabad — Arrival 
of Lord EUenborough— Assassination of Shah Sujah — The 
English advance into Cabool a second time — Recovery of 
the Captives, and final Evacuation of the Country . . 372 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

The Ameers of Scinde — Appointment of Sir Charles Napier as 
Commander-in-Chief — Taking of Emaum-Ghur — Battle of 
Meeanee — Shere Mohammed —Battle of Dubbar — Banishment 
of the Ameers 388 

CHAPTER XXX. 

Troubles in Gwalior — ^Recal of Lord EUenborough— The Seikhs 
— Nanuk — Qovind — Commotions at Lahore after the Death 
of Runjeet Singh — ^War Declared — Battles of Moodkee and 
Pheersoshuhr — Victory at Aleewal — ^Battle of Sobraon — Sur- 
render of Lahore — Arrival of Lord Dalhousie — Troubles in 
Moultan — Lieutenant Ed wardes— Siege of Moultan — Capture 
of Mool-Raj — Battle of Chillianwallah — Conclusion . . 395 



THE HISTOEY 



OF THIS 



BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA* 



CHAPTER L 



OEOGBAPHIOAL FEATURES OF HIKDOOSTAK— EA&LT HISTORT. 

(b.c.800— A.D. 1767.) 

HiNDoosTAN, or the land of the Hindoos, is an appel- 
lation borrowed from the Persians, and generally applied 
to a tract of country south of the Himalaya mountains, 
vrhich, gradually assuming a form almost triangular, 
slopes downwards towards the island of Ceylon, and 
terminates in the point known as Cape Comorin. The 
eastern boundary of this region may be considered 
the Brahmaputra river, its western limits the Indus, 
and the distance between the two can scarcely be less 
tiian 1,500 miles. The length of the peninsula varies 
very much owing to the curve made by the Himalaya 
chain in a northerly direction, which of course renders 
the distance of that range from Cape Comorin greater 
or less, according as the point taken lies eastward or 
westward* If we select Cashmere as the opposite limit 
to the most southern extremity of Hindoostan, the 
interval between them will measure about 1,900 miles, 
while, reckoning from Nepaul, the extent would be 

B 



2 BRITISH SETTLRHENTS IN INDIA* 

considerably diminislied. The surface of the Indian 
continent may be distributed into five or six divisions, 
of which the Deccan only seems to require particular 
notice in a work like the present. Under this appel- 
lation are included the Malabar^ Canara and Concan 
coasts to the west, with the Carnatic and the Circars, 
bordering on the bay of Bengal. The Yindya mountains 
cross the peninsula from Gujerat to the Ganges j while 
a chain of eminences, called the Ghauts, run through the 
southern part of India from north to south, terminating 
in a narrow ridge at Cape Comorin. In most of these 
elevated regions three distinct gradations of vegetation 
may be observed. At the foot of the mountains are dis- 
cerned the fruits and flowers of the tropics; on advancing 
higher up we encounter the productions of the temperate 
zone; while lichens ahd mosses luxuriate in graceful 
profusion around the more lofty summits. 

The rivers of India form no inconsiderable part of its 
physical characteristics. The Indus and the Ganges are 
too well known to require much notice; the Kistna 
derives its name from one of the most popular members, 
of the Hindoo Pantheon; while the Mahanuddy, the^ 
Godavery, the Nerbudda, and the Cavery, are distin- 
guished by their size, extent and mythological associa*: 
tions. As most Indian streams take their rise in the 
mountainous regions, they are liable to continual changes. 
During the dry season they seem reduced to the rank of a 
small rivulet, pursuing a quiet course between two ex- 
tensive strips of sand, the extreme boundaries of which 
mark the periodical width of the river when, swollen by 
rains and the melting of mountain snows, it rolls onward . 
to the sea a rapid and resistless volume of water, inun- 
dating, frequently, the surrounding country on each 
side, and bearing along with it every obstacle that offers 
resistance to its impetuous career. India is no less 
celebrated for its fertile and extensive table-lands, which 
are principally devoted to the cultivation of the sugar« 



THE PANDIOH KUTGDOH. 3 

€ane, tobacco, cotton, indigo, and Indian corn. In th« 
plains, rice is the chief article produced, as a large sapplj 
of this grain is needed for the support of the people, the 
xnajority of vhom scarcely use any other kind of food. 

The early history of India seems, as far as the ac» 
counts of the Hindoos are concerned, so deeply imbued 
with a legendary character, that it is extremely difficult 
to separate the facts themselres from the imaginative 
clothing in which tradition has invested them. It ap* 
pears, however, from the Hindoo Epic entitled the 
Bamayana, that a flourishing Indian kingdom existed 
in Oude at a period of remote antiquity. A son of the 
then reigning monarch, Eam% is represented by the poet 
as making an expedition against Ceylon, in which he 
was assisted by the Monkey king, Hunnaman. 

Besides the romantic narrative contained in this 
poem, there are more authentic testimonies to the esta- 
blishment, in the north, of a second empire, the capital 
of which was denominated Pratishthana. In early 
times three kingdoms, also, of some importance, occupied 
the southenl part of the Hindoo peninsula. The Pan- 
dion, Oholan, and Cheran dynasties, who ruled over 
them, are said to have come originally firom Oude, intro- 
ducing for the first time into the Camatic the learning 
and civilization <^ the north. Under the auspices of 
these sovereigns an university was founded at Madura, 
ane df the members of whidb was Tiroo YuUavan (the 
sacred Pariah), whose writings are still extant, and 
to whom his countrymen have assigned a high place 
among Hindoo classical writers. Pliny, Arrian and 
Ptolemy, muention the Pandion monarch, and thus con- 
firm the statements of native historians. It seems pro- 
bable, however, that India was conquered and colonized 
hj successive tribes of invaders, at a period anterior to 
the earliest history which is known to us; and this hy-^ 
pothesisy if correct, may serve to explain the division of 
the people into castes, and the physical dissimilarity 
b2 



4 BBinSH SETILBMlOrTS IS INDIA. 

which prevails between the races composing the four 
principal classes, termed respectively Braiimins, Eshatri- 
yasy VabjaSy and Sadras. The Sudras were possibly 
the first who entered India from Central Asia; after 
them followed the Vaisya^ the Kshatrijas, and the 
Brahmins. This ancient arrangement, however, has 
since its commencement andergone numerous modifica- 
tions, and the four pure castes seem at the present 
day almost lost in the crowd of distinctions, to which 
their endless subdivisions have given rise. Besides 
these four chief castes, which may perhaps represent the 
successive conquerors of Hindoostan, a numerous class, 
or rather collection of classes, exists, who may be looked 
upon as the descendants of the vanquished aborigines 
of India. If this race has survived at all, it must be 
sought for among the wild and savage tribes inhabiting 
the mountain regions, such, for instance, as the Bheels, 
the Gonds, and the Toders, who still maintain in their 
elevated table-lands the habits and freedom of a totally* 
uncivilized age. 

To the above might be added the Pariahs of the 
plains, with their multifarious offshoots, since the dif- 
ference which prevails between the depressed Hindoo 
outcasts and the high-spirited hill tribes can be easily 
accounted for by the centuries of degradation and op- 
pression to which the former have been subjected. Yet 
in broaching this theory upon the authority of the 
learned and acute Heeren, candour demands the admis- 
sion, that the system of caste prevailed in ancient times 
among a people more homogeneous than the Hindoos. 
Herodotus found seven of these divisions existing in 
Egypt,* while his description of the persons composing 
them warrants the supposition that they differed very 
little from the various Hindoo castes. It is also worthy 
of notice, that the Greek writers enumerate seven of the 
latter, a circumstance which if well authenticated would 
* Euterpe, cbdr. 



f EXPEDinOK OF ALEXANDER. 5 

go far to establish a very early connexion between 
Egypt and Hindoostan. 

The inyasion of India by Alexander, casts some light 
upon the habits and country of a people but little 
^nown before to the great nations of the west. Com- 
merce had indeed made the latter familiar with the 
productions of Hindoostan, — such of them, at least, as 
ministered to the requirements of luxury and the offices 
of religion. Its jewels and its perfumes were equally 
prized with its myrrh, its incense and cinnamon, while 
the embalmers of Egypt drew from thence their richest 
spices and choicest gums. The roots of its mother 
language^ the Sanscrit, are still to be traced in the 
dialects of polished Qreece, and victorious Latium; and 
the fables of Pilpay may, perhaps, have suggested those 
compositions which bear the name of -Slsop, Nor was 
this all : tradition spoke in obscure and faltering tones 
of the expeditions of Bacchus and Semiramis, although 
these conquests, even if authentic, could hardly have 
risen above the rank of mere incursions, not being 
followed by the lasting subjugation of any portion of the 
Indian territory. 

Alexander crossed the Indus near Taxila (the modem 
Attock), and encountered on the banks of the Hydaspis 
(the Jhylum), the gallant though unfortunate Porus, 
in whose fearless bearing and magnanimous reply we 
behold manifested in a striking manner the character- 
istics of his modem Eajpoot descendants. But the 
great Macedonian conqueror did not permanently obtain 
possession of any portion of this noble country. His 
advance to the East was opposed by numerous inde- 
pendent chiefs, who compelled him to direct his march 
towards the South. When he reached the Hyphasis, his 
soldiers refused to proceed any farther, and he was at 
length obliged to give up, though reluctantly, the 
design of conquering India, Sailing down the Indus 
to the sea, he despatched Nearchus with his fleet along 



6 BBIXEBH SETTKEM BKTS DT INDIA. 

the shores of the Persian golf to the Eaphrates, whild 
he himself conducted the army to Babjlon, bj land. 

Seleucos, one of the successors of Alexander, who had 
obtained possession of Sjria and the provinces near 
Babjlon, next attempted to subjugate some portion of 
Hindoostan. But during an expedition set on foot 
against the Prasii, a numerous and warlike Punjaub 
tribe, he was informed that his riyal, Antigonus, had 
taken advantage of his absence to menace the territories 
of the Seleucidse, in Western Asia. Hastily concluding 
a treaty of peace, therefore, with Sandracottus or Chan- 
dragupta^ the Bajah of the Prasii, he marched home* 
wards, and never again resumed his schemes of conquest. 
Two embassies were subsequently despatched by the 
Seleuddae to the Prasian monarch, and one of the envoys, 
Megasthenes, remained for some time at Palibothna, on 
the Ganges; but soon after these transactions the Mace- 
donians lost entirely their possessions in India, and frcon 
this period we derive little or no information respecting 
that country through the medium of foreign writers. 
The inhabitants, indeed, of the Grecian kingdom of Bac- 
tria, which lasted about 130 years, carried on a laige 
commercial intercourse with India ; but this power was 
finally overwhelmed by an irruption of Tartar tribes, 
who afterwards invaded Hindoostan, concerning whose 
history and actions we have no information handed 
down to us. 

The enterprising merchants of Alexandria were not 
slow in availing themselves of the advantages which 
their position conferred upon them with respect to the 
Indian trade. Sailing down the Bed Sea into the ocean, 
Hippalus discovered the properties of the monsoons or 
trade winds, and this circumstance gave a fresh impetus to 
the valuable and important traffic now carried on between 
the Indian coast and the capital of Upper Egypt. The 
navigators first proceeded to Ocelis, or Cane, in Arabia, 
crossing over from thence by the aid of the south*west 



IITTBODUCTION OF CHBISTIANITr. 7 

monsoon to Mangalore, a period of fortjr days being 
occupied in the vojage. At the beginning of January 
they returned with the north-east monsoon, and conveyed 
their rich Indian freights upon the backs of camels from 
Berenice, the place of debarkation, to Koptos, a distance 
of nearly 260 Roman miles. From Koptos, the mei^ 
chandise was despatched to Alexandria, and thence dif- 
fused through the ports of Italy, Spain, Gaul, and 
Oreece. 

During the domination of the Bomans, but few ad- 
ditions were made to the knowledge of India acquired 
by the Greeks; the Geography of Ptolemy, however, 
describes with tolerable accuracy some of the principal 
maritime provinces of Hindoostan: although the ac- 
quaintance of the ancients with this distant country was 
limited in the extreme. The accounts transmitted to the 
west by the merchants and seamen who visited ^e Hindoo 
coasts are too lai^ely mingled \nth fables and legends to 
have conveyed to the minds of the historians and geo- 
graphers of those times true and faithful impressions of 
the countries which the narrators had traversed. 

Various Chaldean writers of early date ascribe tho 
first planting of Christianity in India to St. Thomas the 
Apostle. Tradition reports that he preached the Gospel 
-on the Malayalim coast, where the Portuguese found 
upon their landing about fifteen thousand families pro- 
.fessing the Christian faith, and differing in many im- 
.portant particulars from the Roman church. From 
these extreme parts of Southern India, it is said that 
fit. Thomas proceeded to Meliapore, near the modem 
Madras, at which place the Eastern writers relate that 
he suffered martyrdom ^r the sake of Christ. A small 
. mound eight miles from the present city bears his name, 
and is revered by the Roman Catholic Christians as 
a sacred locality. 

After the decline of the Roman empire we read little 
-^f India in the pages of western writers; but during the 



B BKITISn SETTLEMENTS IN IKDU, 

eighth century the Mohammedans seem, for the first 
time, to have invaded its soil. The commercial inter- 
course subsisting between Arabia and Hindoostan, tended 
to direct the attention of the warlike inhabitants of the 
former to a country abounding in wealth, and professing 
a religion most hateful in the eyes of a Moslem. 

The wild legends of Arabian romance invested the 
imperfectly known region with the richest hues of 
fiction : they told of its massive pearls, of its countless 
diamonds, of the rich texture of its silks, and the cost- 
liness of its perfumes. Sitting in the public places of 
Baghdad or Cairo, the Eastern story-teller transferred 
to India the scenes of his most extravagant narrations, 
being satisfied, that in so distant a locality the per- 
sonages of his tale could enact no wonders too exalted 
for the credulity of his astonished listeners. Fired by 
these tales, and by the scarcely less romantic reports of 
travellers and voyagers, the zealous votaries of Islam 
soon crossed the frontiers of Hindoostan, to propose to its 
trembling inhabitants the option of the Koran or the 
sword. Respecting their first invasion, however, w^e 
know little more than the date. About the middle of 
the tenth century, however, history records less obscurely 
the invasion of Sabuktaghin. This prince, originally 
a military adventurer, had usurped the throne of Kho* 
rassan, from whence he cast a longing eye upon the 
rich plains and well watered pastures of the Punjaub. 
Crossing the Indus, his victorious arms broke through 
all opposition, and the zeal of the invader for the creed 
of Islam was exhibited by the ruined and desecrated 
temples which marked his route* It was in vain that 
the King of Lahore attempted to divert the attention of 
his enemy by an expedition against his own capital; 
Sabuktaghin penetrated the design, and pursuing the 
Hindoos came up with them on the western side of the 
Indus, which river they had recently crossed. Night 
drew on as the armies approached each other, the ii><* 



XAHHOXTB OF GHUZKSS, 9 

tended action was postponed till the dawn, but daring 
tlie hours of darkness a heavy storm of hail descended 
upon the Indians, who, struck with an unaccountable 
paoic, abandoned their monarch and betook themselyes 
to a precipitate flight. Deserted bj his armj, the 
Indian rajah sued for peace, which Sabuktaghin seemed 
not indisposed to grant, though the intended truce met 
with violent opposition from his son Mahmoud. Fearful, 
however, of driving his enemy to despair, the invader at 
length consented to accord favourable terms ; but after 
his return to Lahore, the Indian prince shrank from 
fulfilling his part of the treaty, and thus aflbrded the 
Mohammedans a pretext for war, which they at once 
eagerly embraced. Followed by a numerous force, Sa- 
buktaghin again crossed the Indus, and returned home 
from a campaign which had been completely successful, 
.laden with spoils of immense value. His death and the 
contests of his sons for the vacant throne, gave some 
respite to the trembling Hindoos; but the removal of 
one of their most formidable scourges only prepared the 
way for another, who inflicted upon them even greater 
disasters. Mahmoud, commonly styled, of Ghuznee, 
had been the victor in that fraternal contest which arose 
after the death of Sabuktaghin ; and the first act of his 
reign was the public utterance of a solemn vow, that he 
would give no rest to the idolaters of India, until he 
had destroyed their temples and laid prostrate their 
shrines. This sanguinary promise he fulfilled to the 
letter. Delhi, Kinnoge, Lahore, Moultan, and Gujerat, 
"were subdued after a fierce resistance, in which the 
Hindoos had been stimulated alike by patriotism, and 
religious zeal. Among the numerous shrines that at- 
tracted the fanaticism or avarice of the conqueror, was 
a temple at Somnauth, in Gujerat, famed for its mag- 
nificence and the multitude of the Brahmins engaged in 
its service* Mahmoud besieged the well fortified sanc- 
tuary, stormed its defences, and, notwithstanding the moat 



10 BBIXISH SSTTLXKBRS IV INDIA. 

determined resistance, succeeded at length in forcing an 
entrance into the inner shrine where stood die idol, 
snrroonded by its trembling priests. Regardless of the 
entreaties of the Brahmins, who offered as a ransom for 
their image the large sum of ten millions sterling, the 
Tictorioos Moslem broke it in pieces with his mace, and 
fonnd- concealed in the interior a Taloable collection of 
jewels, diamonds, and rabies. 

After the death of Mahmoud, the diss^isions of his 
sons, and the rise of the Seljok power, destroyed the 
flonrishing empire which he had established in Ehoras- 
san. A rival dynasty arose at Ghor, or Ganr, and the 
princes of this line became, like th^r predecessors, the 
•scourges of the Hindoos. 

The Gauride dynasty were in their turn destroyed 
by the Sultans of Ehowarezm, whose power afterwards 
sank in consequence of the invasion of Genghis Ehan« 
The last sovereign of the Khowarezmian race, Jelaleddin 
attempted to maintain in India the supremacy of his 
house, but the opposition he encountered obliged him to 
recross the Indus ; and although the valour of his troops 
won back for their leader a portion of his own territory, 
he did not long survive this conquest, and finally perished 
in Kurdistan, by internal treachery. 

The descendants of the Gauride dynasty, though de- 
prived of their western dominions, still reigned at 
Delhi, and bore rule over some of the finest provinces 
of northern Hindoostan. The invasion of Timour deso- 
lated the country, and produced a state of anarchy and 
confusion, during the continuance of which the throne 
of Delhi became the prize of numerous daring adven- 
turers in succession. The reigns of these princes contain 
little worthy of notice, until the time of Iskander, under 
whose rule the Portuguese, led by Francis and Alphonso 
Albuquerque, landed for the first ihae in the province of 
Malabar. As allies, and afterwards as enemies of the 
sovereign of Zamora, the strangers profited by the dis- 



AKBAB AND JEHANGHIS. 11 

sensions of the native chiefs, and obtained from the 
Prince of Cochin, the rival of the Zamorin Rajah^ 
permission to erect a fort within his territory. Bj in- 
trigues and violence thej extended their influence daily 
in the southern part of the peninsula, the independent 
rulers of which had not yet fallen under the yoke of the 
Moslem emperors of Delhi. The throne of northern 
India was soon after seized by Baber, a descendant of 
tFimonr, who transmitted it to his Mogul posterity. 
Among these, Akbar distinguished himself by his virtues 
and valour, but his unworthy sons embittered his de- 
clining years with their mutual animosity; and one of 
them, Selim, was not ashamed to wage a parricidal war- 
fare against his father and sovereign. The aged monarch, 
stung by the ingratitude of his offiipring, addressed to 
Selim a touching letter, in whieh he bade him " hasten 
to pierce the bosom of that parent to whom he envied 
the possession of a few short years of tranquillity and 
repose." The unnatural rebel could not resist this 
pathetic appeal ; he at once abandoned his army, and 
hastening to Delhi alone and unattended, rushed into 
his father's presence, acknowledged his past guilt, and 
humbly implored forgiveness. The aged monarch in 
reply raised his penitent son from the ground, and 
clasping him in his embrace gave free vent to the 
emotions of a paternal breast. But this excitement, 
however gratifying its cause, proved too violent for his 
'frame, broken down by sorrow and years ; Akbar only 
snrvived the reconciliation a few days, and finally 
l>reathed his last in the arms of the son whom he had 
forgiven. 

The emotion of Selim had perhaps been sincere, but 
it was transient and short-lived. His accession revived 
the vanity and ambition which better feelings repressed 
for a season, and one of his first steps was to assume the 
pompous title of " Jehanghir,'* or Conqueror of the 
World. His reign was troubled by the rebellion of his 



3 JTTU 

aH-jii i'^zh0i£eBot, sad 35 *ae enuxii&Rs if znsi Fssa&s 
fa. CaauisaLsii The: zrsiiiaGn. i£ J-^nan^fr v3s &e oeiew 

f Uj^ fcaeif ia. arrxTgiag puiG agxmss 2^ "asntT: i^iah. 

kur»L Tcwaris sLe eitsee of sn5s criaiss career tlie 

tixST jean a&er Lis <ka£n. ia. 17 j 7. u:^^ lasc ot «*!« Mogul 
is^c^ilr^ SftftK A Tin?!, beome & patscoed iribwiuj of the 
JEftjf ( Icdia O/Cspsn J. 

In tfiodxidizg this short skodi of itx aAj histoij 
iA Wttkdooi&un, whkh seaas neeeaazj as an insrodaction 
t/> the first annals of An^o-Indim mk; it maj not 
he ami» to reriev hrieHj the natnzv of the Mogul 
goremment. Aliens in conntrj and reUgion, these 
jnoTiarchs scaroelj erer deigned to ccmciliate the affec- 
iions of their Hindoo subjects. The precepts of the 
Koran tanght them to r^ard intolerance as a Tirtue, 
and insults to the Hindoo creed as acts of positive duty. 
The gross polytheism of India could hardly claim our 
sympathy as Christians, hut the plunder of its wealthy 
shrines by the Moslem rulers was as frequently the 
result of ararice as of religious zeal, while proselytism 
by violence cannot be defended on Eyangelical principles. 
Under the Moguls the Hindoo became a wretched ser^ 
degraded below the meanest of the conquering race, 
his property and his honour being invaded without 
scruple and without remorse. The selfish vanity, perhaps 
tho luxurious taste, of these sovereigns led them indeed 
to patronize the arts, and to undertake occasionally 
worlcs of architectural magnificence or public utility, 
but neither the splendour of their buildings nor the 
convenience afforded by their roads and bridges could 
compensato to their subjects for the turbulence of their 
dinputod suocossions, and the civil commotions of which 
thoy were the cause. The rule of the English in 



ADVANTAGES OF THB ENGLISH BULB. l3 

India, while attended with less outward splendour, has 
been, upon the whole, more beneficent and just. The 
Hindoo can at least enjoy the rewards of his industry 
without any fear that his property should be wrenched 
from him at the caprice of an imperious despot, while 
the numerous wars which distracted the peninsula 
during the contests waged by the Mahrattas, and other 
independent powers, with the sovereigns of Delhi, have 
been terminated for ever, we may hope, by the stern 
vigour and watchful vigilance of the English rulers of 
India. 

Nor can the Christian historian feel otherwise than 
thankful that the sway of England over this fine country 
has led to the introduction of the Gospel among its Pagaa 
and Mohammedan inhabitants. Much indeed remains 
to be done, but the blessings of a sound and scriptural 
education are already beginning to make themselves felt; 
ancient superstitions are waning before the steady light 
of truth; nor is the period probably far distant when a 
large proportion of the Hindoos will have renounced* 
entirely the idolatry which they already regard with 
suspicion, if not with contempt. Nor, after reviewing 
carefully all these considerations, can we hesitate to 
maintain that, however defective it may be in some 
respects, the English government in India has no cause 
to fear a comparison with the Mogul rule, even if the 
brightest and most prosperous periods of the latter be 
selected for examination. 



14 BRITISH BETTLEMEKTS IN INDIA. [1498. 



CHAPTER II. 

DISCCYERT OF THB GAPS PASSAGE —-FOSXATIOST OW THE ENGLISH EAST 
Il^BIA COHPART — PUPXiXIX — APTAIBS OT THE DBOOAK— 7I28X SZ«i 
PLOITS OT OLIVS. 

(1498—1752.) 

In the year 1498, Vasoo de Gama discovered' a passage 
to India round the Cape of Good Hope. This achiere- 
ment of the Portuguese navigator placed for a time the 
whole commerce of the farther Eas^ in the hands of his 
countrymen, but in the course of a century they found 
themselves obliged to encounter the rival efforts of the 
English, the French, and the Dutch. The success of 
the former gave rise to the formation of a company in 
London, for the special purpose of trading with India* 
Fifteen superintendents, or directors, were selected to 
manage the fund, which amounted at the commencement 
to 30,133^. 6«. Sd. but they did not obtain the Royal 
Charter till the close of 1600, and then for a period of 
fifteen years only. Their first expeditions, however, 
were directed more to the Spice, and other islands of the 
Indian Ocean, than to the continent itself, where they 
possessed no colony until the year 1612, when a firman 
issued by the Great Mogul, as he was popularly termed, 
gave them permission to erect afactory at Surat. Some 
naval victories over the Portuguese had gained for the 
English the respect of the native princes, and to augment 
this triendly feeling, James I. despatched Sir Thomas Roe 
in 1614 as ambassador to the court of Delhi. Jehan- 
ghir, the son of the great Akbar, then occupied the 
throne, and the splendour of his palace and retinue 
made a marked impression upon the English envoy. 
Sir Thomas was treated with unusual honours, but the 
intrigues of the Portuguese raised many hindrances in 



1(J68.I 



AGQVXSIXI05 OV BOHBAT. 15 



his way, since they easily succeeded in exciting [the 
jealousy or fears of the suspicious Orientals. 

The massacre of Amhoyna, in which some English 
merchants resident at that island were harbarously 
tortured and put to death by the Dutch, induced our 
countrymen to confine their attention more exclusiyely 
to the continent of India. Soon afterwards also Mr» 
Boughton, a surgeon in the service of the Company, 
having by his medical skill ingratiated himself with 
Shah Jehan, the reigning Mogul, that sovereign gave 
the English permission to erect ketones on the Hooghly* 
About the same period, also, Mr. Francis Day constructed 
the fortress of St. George, around the walls of which 
sprang up eventually the modem city of Madras. 

In 1668 the charter of the Company was r«iewed by 
Charles IL Seven years before, that monarch had 
iQade over to them the islands of Bombay and St. Helena, 
which formed part of the dowry he received with his 
consort, Catherine of Braganza* In 1687 the seat of 
government was transferred from Surat to Bombay, but 
the advantages derived from this new possession seemed 
at one period nearly forfeited by the disastrous results 
of an expedition unadvisedly undertaken against the 
Kabob of BengaL The Mogul emperor supported his 
vassal, and some of his shfps having been burnt by the 
English, he seized the factories of Surat, Masulipatam, 
and Yizagapatam, put many of the Company's agents 
and oihcers to death, and threatened to expel them 
entirely from the continent. The changes of oriental 
policy, however, and the hope of obtaining the means of 
replenishing their exhausted treasury, induced the court 
of Delhi to lend a favourable ear to the humble en- 
treaties of the Company. The English merchants were 
soon aflerwards reinstated in their former possessions,- 
while they added to these, in 1690, the fortress of St» 
David, situated near the native eity of Negapatam» 
A few miles to the south of this new settlement lay the 



16 BRITISH 8STTLEMSNT8 IN INDIA. [ITiiS. 

city of Pondicherrj, which had been recently colonized 
by the French. Eight years after, the Viceroy of Bengal 
sold the provinces of Chutametty, Govindpore, and 
Calcutta to the English, who erected in the last men- 
tioned district a fortress, which they named after King 
William, then the reigning monarch of England* 

The Dutch education of William III. had made him 
familiar with the advantages capable of being derived 
from the Indian trade, and at one time he seemed dis- 
posed to rescue this monopoly out of the Company's 
hands. Every effort was made by independent mer- 
chants for the purpose of obtaining a cessation of the 
monopoly, as well as redress for the ill treatment which 
they complained of having suffered from the Company's 
officers. Party spirit ran high, and the "interlopers," as 
they were termed, succeeded in gaining a charter, allow- 
ing them to incorporate a new and rival community. 
But the intrigues and contests of the two companies 
rendering their separate existence undesirable, they were 
at length amalgamated into one society, which received 
then, and has borne since, the appellation of " The 
United East India Company." The first advantage 
obtained by the new association, was a measure passed 
in 1708, by which Parliament extended to them several 
novel and important privileges, confirming at the same 
time those that they already enjoyed. The termination 
of party warfare at home, enabled the Directors to 
give their undivided attention to the affairs of the East, 
where new opportunities for aggrandizement were daily 
presenting themselves. 

The death of Aurungzeeb, the disturbances occasioned 
by the disputes of his sons, and the bigoted fanaticism 
which led the Moguls upon the slightest pretences to 
oppress and insult their Hindoo subjects, had alienated 
the affections of the latter from their Mohammedan lords. 
The Seikhs, and the Mahrattas, warlike and predatory 
tribes, inhabiting the northern and western districts of 



1744.3 ABEIVAL OF DUPLKIX. 17 

Hindoostan, devastated the country on every side, 
and insulted with impunity the feeble and degenerate 
sovereigns of Delhi. An imperial minister, Nizam-ool- 
Mulk, rendered himself independent by seizing upon the 
Peccan, while the Afghans and Rohillas invaded the 
provinces of the north. But all these calamities were 
eclipsed by the inroad of the Persians, under Nadir 
Shah. That fierce conqueror took and plundered the 
city of Delhi, carried off the magnificent peacock throne 
of its emperors, and after exercising every species of 
cruelty and extortion upon the terrified inhabitants, he 
returned to Ispahan, bearing with him treasures to an 
almost fabulous amount. 

The English possessed at this period flourishing settle- 
ments in Surat, Bombay, Fort St. David, Calcutta, and 
Madras. Near the two places last mentioned, their terri- 
tories had been recently augmented by grants of land, a 
favour which they owed principally to the gratitude of 
the Mogul emperor, and to the medical skiU of one of 
their servants, who, when the monarch was attacked by 
a dangerous malady, succeeded in effecting his cure. 

But the prosperity of these thriving colonies was 
threatened in 1744 by the war which then broke out 
between France and England. M. Dupleix had been ap- 
pointed Governor of the French settlements in India, 
the capital of which was the town of Pondicherry on the 
Coromandel coast. He proved himiself to be a man of 
aspiring and ambitious views, subtle, daring, and pro- 
foundly impressed with the advantages to be obtained 
by erecting in the Peninsula an independent French 
state. Being allied by marriage to a native lady^ 
he possessed a thorough acquaintance with the habits, 
manners, language, and prejudices of the Hindoo and 
Mohammedan races. Although accused of want of per- 
sonal courage in the field, he displayed in the cabinet all 
those qualities which are essential to the skilful arrange- 
ment of a campaign, while in negotiation and intrigue 





16 BBITI0H 8BTTLXH£3rTS IV INDIA. [IfM, 

he was incapable of being sarpassed even hj the wily 
natiTes of the East The establishment of the Jesuit 
mission at Pondicherrj tended to advance materially his 
plans for the aggrandizement of France. Eepresenting 
themselves as Brahmins of the west, and the possessozs 
of the lost Yedam, the sons of Loyola penetrated immo* 
lested into the courts and towns of the interior, and, 
.as was perhaps natural, used all the influence they ac- 
quired to forward the views of their French protectors* 
Such was the enemy with whom the English were obliged, 
during a lengthened period, to contend for the supremacy 
of the East. 

Dupleix had been arranging in his thoughts a plan for 
the humiliation of his rivals, when a circumstance, un- 
foreseen, it would appear, by him, led to a somewhat 
premature development of his schemes. The GK)vcmor 
of the Mauritius, Labourdonnais, acting upon his own re- 
sponsibility, appeared suddenly off the coast of Madras, 
and putting to flight the English fleet, commenced the 
siege of Fort St. George. The garrison numbered only 
200 men capable of bearing arms; the resistance, though 
Bustained during a bombardment of Ave days, was by 
no means skilfully conducted, and at length the place 
surrendered to the French commander upon conditions 
which guaranteed that the lives and prc^erty of the 
inhabitants should be spared, and the town restored te 
the English after the payment of a moderate ransom. 
The warehouses which belonged to the Company, and 
their contents, were appropriated by the conqueror; who, 
however, as £^ as he was personally concerned, observed 
the stipulations of the treaty with honour and fidelity* 
Dupleix, however, who had from the commencement re- 
garded Labourdonnais with jealousy and ill-will, refused 
his assent to the terms of capitulation, obliged the English 
governor and residents to renew their submission to 
himself, and finally caused them to be paraded through 
the streets of Pondicherry in a species of triumphal 



1749.] INVASION OF TAITJOES. H 

proeessioD. Enraged at the slight thus offered to hini, 
the braTe Labonrdonnais repaired first to Pondicherrj 
-and then to Paris, to rencmstrate against this breach of 
faith, and to protect himeelf from die intrigues of 
Dupleiz, whose insidious representations had created 
considerable ill-will against him at the Fr^ich court. 

As many of the English considered that the con- 
ditions of the treaty had been yiolated by the pro- 
ceedings of aiie French governor, they deemed themselvee 
no longer bound by their parole, and some therefore 
attempted and effected an escape to Fort Bt. David, 
which still remained in the hands of the Company^ 
X>iipleix accordingly determined upon the redaction of 
this slronghold, and having seduced from the alliance of 
•the English the Nal)ob of Arcot, he made three unsuc- 
cess^l attempts to gain possession of the plaoe. The 
^rrison, however, headed by the brave Major Lawrence, 
and numbering among their officers the celebrated Robert 
dive, then a young volunteer, defended themselves so 
gallantly that the French were unable to effect their 
purpose, and shortly afterwards the arrivals of Admirals 
Boscawen and Griffen off the coast with an English 
squadron, rendered Dupleix alarmed for the safety of 
his capital; nor were his fears groundless, for the 
Briti^ forces immediately laid siege to Pondicherry, 
but the season being unpropitious, the enterprise signally 
failed, and a cessation of hostilides in Europe between 
the two rival nations obliged Pupleix to restore the 
town and fortress of Madras to their former owna%. 

The only event worthy of notice that occurred during 
the truce, was the invasion of Tanjore, which took place 
under the following circumstances. In the reign of 
Aurungzeeb, a Mi^ratta chieftain, Sivajee, established 
himself at Tanjore on the Cavery, and transmitted the 
government of this territory to his descendants, who fox 
four generations enjoyed peaceably the fruits of ancestral 
valour. Eventually, however, the rightful heir, a child, 
o2 



20 BBITISU SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [UIO* 

having been murdered, his two uncles contended together 
for the vacant throne. The unsuccessful candidate, Sahije^ 
sought the aid of the English, and offered them as an in« 
ducement the town of Devicottah, situated near the mouth 
of the Coleroon. As the suppliant argued plausibly in 
defence of the justice of his title, and professed to be 
supported by the majority of his countrymen, the Council 
of Fort St. David determined to support his cause. They 
accordingly despatched Captain Cope with a force of 430 
Europeans, and 1,000 sepoys, to invade the Tanjore 
territory. The expedition failed, and its commander 
discovered that Sahijee had not a single adherent in the 
whole province. Policy, however, dictated further ex- 
ertions : a new force was collected, and Major Lawrence 
an officer who gained for himself a most brilliant repu« 
tation in Indian annals, assumed the command. The 
aspect of affairs changed speedily, and Lawrence having 
stormed Devicottah, and taken a fortification near Tan- 
jore, granted peace to the terrified Rajah, who allowed 
the English to retain their acquisition, while they in 
return pledged themselves that Sahijee should give him 
no further annoyance. 

The disturbances which arose in the Deccan followed 
shortly after the expedition to Tanjore. The former 
region comprises all the southern parts of the Indian 
Peninsula, having for its northern boundary, the river 
Nerbudda. As the native chieftains of the several 
districts composing it acknowledged nominally the 
sovereignty of the Mogul Emperor, this territory had been 
for some years governed by viceroys nominated at Delhi. 

Besides the Soubahdars, as they were termed, th« 
subdivisions of the Deccan were successively ruled from 
very early times by native Hindoo princes, who though 
still subordinate to the Mogul Lieutenant, continued to 
govern with a show of independence their several here- 
ditary domains. The principal of these feudatories 
were the Rajahs of Arcot, Vellore, Trichinopoly and 



2710.] TUBE OF OHUNDA SAH3. 21 

Tondiman, while a Mahratta familj had recentlj esta- 
blished themselves at Tanjore. The Nabob of the lower 
Garnatic occupied the mediate grade between the native 
rulers and the Soubahdar, who derived his power more 
directly from the Emperor. 

In the year 1710, Nizam-ool-Mulk filled the post of 
Soubahdar of the Deccan, He had been appointed to 
the office by Aurungzebe, but his skilful intrigues soon 
rendered him virtually independent of that monarch's 
feeble successors. Under this able minister was Saadat 
Allah, Nabob of the Garnatic, who kept his court at Arcot. 
Having no children, he adopted two nephews, Boost Ali 
and Banker, the elder of whom at the death of the Nabob 
declared himself at once his successor. Although irri- 
tated that his permission had not been first obtained, 
the Soubahdar contented himself with keeping back 
the usual Imperial recognition, and Doost Ali, taking 
little notice of this circumstance, turned hii^ whole atten- 
tion to the celebration of his daughter's nuptials. The 
husband he bestowed upon her was Ghunda Sahib, a 
man of considerable influence and ability, who obtained 
afterwards the post of Dewan, or Prime-minister^ to the 
Nabob his father-in-law. 

One of the new official's first acts was the seizure of 
Trichinopoly from the heirs of a Hindoo rajah recently 
deceased. The exiles threw themselves upon the pro- 
tection of the Mahrattas, it was granted them, and 
10,000 of these fierce warriors entered the Garnatic, 
carrying fire and sword wherever they came. At the 
instigation of Dupleix, Ghunda Sahib, who had hitherto 
acted as the agent of the Nabob of the Garnatic, was 
efndeavouring to establish an independent sovereignty 
for himself in the confiscated territory, when he found 
his prey thus suddenly snatched from his grasp. Doost 
Ali, upon learning the state of afiairs, advanced against 
the Mahrattas ; his forces were defeated and himself slain, 
while Sufder Ali, his son and successor, suspecting the 



22 BBITISH SBTTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [174S. 

fidelitj of Ghu&da Sahib, intrigued with the Mahrattas 
against him. But the subtle Dewan penetrated their 
designs, and although himself unwilling or unable to* 
abandon Trichinopolj, he despatched his feimilj and 
property to Pondicherrj, to remain in the safe keeping 
of Dupleix. Subsequent events proved the wisdom of 
this course, for about four months afterwards the Mah- 
xattas took Trichinopolj^ and carrying away Ghunda 
Sahib, imprisoned him at Sattarah. 

But although £reed from a formidable rival, Sufder 
AH found himself beset with difficulties. The inroad of 
the Mahrattas had increased the imposts laid upon the 
people, discontent was excited, and a conspiracy being- 
organized, Mortaza Ali, the brother-in-law of Sufder Ali 
and of Chunda Sahib, placed himself at its head. The as- 
sassination of the Nabob succeeded, and Mortaza Ali used 
every exertion to secure the vacant post, aideavouring^ 
among other things to obtain possession of the son of Sufder 
Ali whom his father had confided to the protection of the 
English at Madras. But his character was unpopular, 
and his motives suspected; the people reviled and despised 
the assassin of so near a relative, and even his own 
officers appeared inclined to revolt. 

Such was the position of affairs when the Soubahdar 
Nizam-ool-Mulk entered the Camatic with a large army. 
The rival chieftains at once suspended their disputes 
and awaited his decision in respectful silence. His fii'st 
step was to treat with favour and kindness the child of 
the murdered Nabob, his next to annul the pretensions 
of the treacherous relative, Mortaza Ali, to the post of 
guardian, which office the Soubahdar conferred upon a 
soldier of fortune named Anwareddeen. But the choice 
proved extremely unfortunate, the unwary or treacherous 
guardian suffered the child to be murdered in his pre- 
sence, and obtained afterwards from the Soubahdar the 
now vacant office of Nabob of the Camatic. 

Both the French and English had during the con-*. 



iiinmnce of the war iningued with Anwareddeen for 
hia support* He assisted each in tuiB, but to littW 
purpose; and his allies, when they had gained their ends, 
seemed bj no means grateful for the imperfect aid which 
the Nabob afforded. On the side of the French, indeed, 
Dupleix relied most upon the abiUtj and daring of 
Chunda Sahibw 

That personage was still in captivity am<»g the 
Mahrattas, when circumstances occurred which led eyen- 
tnally to his liberation. The death of Nizam-ool-Mulk 
in 1748 occasioned a contest for the post of Soubahdar 
between Nazir Jung, the son, and Merzapha Jung, the 
nef^ew, of the deceased. Dupleix determined to support 
the cause of the latter through the instrumentalitj of 
Chunda Sahib, for whose ransom he paid over to tho' 
Mahrattas the enormous sum of seven lacs of rupees, > 
(70,000^.) 

The late Dewan was no sooner at liberty than he 
opened communications with Merzapha Jung. His offers 
c£ service being thankfully received, he persuaded his 
new patron to apply to Dupleix for aid, and to place 
the fullest reliance upon the power of Prance. The wily 
governor of Pondicherry had now brought matters to the 
point he desired j he listened to the request of Merzapha 
Jung, and sent, at once, 400 French troops, and 2^000^ 
sepoys to support his cause. Flushed with the successful- 
issue of this negotiation, the adventurers sought eagerly 
an encounter with the forces of Anwareddeen. A 
battle ensued; the Nabob fell by th<; hand of a Kaffre 
soldier, his eldest son was taken prisoner, and the 
youngest, Mohammed Ali, escaped with difficulty to 
Trichinopoly. 

' But the conquerors took no measures to improve their 
victory. They refrained from assailing Trichinopoly, 
and wasted valuable time in levying contributions and 
publishing inflated manifestoes crowded with the epithets 
and titles of Oriental vanity. In the meanwhile Nazir 
Jung was advancing towards the Oarnatic, fortified by the 



2i BRITISH SETTLVUiENTS IN XNDU« [U50. 

alliance of the English, who had despatched to his assise 
tance the brave Major Lawrence, at the head of 800 men. 
On the other side, Dupleix • raised the amount of the 
French contingent to 2,000 men, a supply which rendered 
the army of Merzapha Jung so formidable, that Lawrence 
pressed bis ally not to venture a battle. The proud 
Mussulman turned a deaf ear to this prudent advice, but 
his temerity did not meet with the reverse that might 
have been anticipated, for the French officers, discontented 
at some slight they had experienced, mutinied in a body, 
and left the field without striking a blow. Chunda Sahib 
retired to Pondicherry, and Merzapha Jung surrendered 
himself to his uncle, who immediately plunged him into 
a dungeon, regardless alike of the ties of relationship, and 
of a promise he had given that both life and liberty 
should be secured to his victim. 

Nazir Jung had now attained the highest summit of 
his wishes, but his weak and vain character was alike 
destitute of gratitude and prudence. The English he de- 
frauded of the privileges which he had promised them in 
his hour of need, while even the chie& who originally 
supported him began to listen to the promises of Dupleix. 
The French governor and his indefatigable ally, Chunda 
Sahib, were now labouring with unremitted diligence to 
vepair the loss they had sustained ; one fort after another 
•of the Gamatic fell into their hands, and the assassina- 
tion of Nazir Jung by some Patau irregulars, enabled 
Merzapha to issue from his dungeon, and to seat himself 
without opposition on the musnud* of Southern India. 
Honours and privileges were now showered upon Dupleix, 
in the most lavish superabundance, — ^the Soubahdar ap- 
pointed him Governor of all India, from the Krishna to 
Cape Comorin — he obtained also the command of 7,000 
horse, and the exclusive privilege of coining money within 
the limits of the Camatic. Chunda Sahib received as 
his share the much-coveted government of Arcot. 

The new Nizam did not long survive his elevation, 
* The throne of an Indian Prince. 



1/51.}: ABBITAL OT OTilYE AT MA]>BAS« 25 

being slain daring a mutiny caused by his irregular 
troops in the vicinity of Hyderabad. M,Bussy, who 
had escorted him thither with a French corps, found 
considerable difficulty in escaping irom the murderers^ 
but at length he cut his way through their ranks, and 
lost no time in declaring Salabut Jung, a son of Kizam-» 
ool-Mulk, Soubahdar of the Deccan. The new prince, 
like his predecessor, set no bounds to his gratitude. Fresh 
privileges were granted to the French, and Dupleix, 
elated by the success of his schemes, pleased his own 
vanity and irritated his neighbours of Fort St. David 
and Madras, by planting a number of white flags along 
the line of their boundaries. The supine inactivity 
which the English had manifested during the recent 
struggles might indeed have encouraged the idea that 
the time was now arrived when they could be braved 
with impunity. But the ingratitude of Nazir Jung and 
his wanton disregard of the mutual stipulations which 
were agreed upon, induced the Council of Fort St. David 
to remain quiet spectators of events, and thereby en*- 
dangered the continuance of their power in India. So 
deep an impression, indeed, had their inertness produced 
upon the minds of our native allies, that Mohammed Ali, 
after making two or three ine£fectual applications for 
assistance, contemplated the surrender of Trichinopoly, the 
siege of which Ohunda Sahib and the French were pro- 
secuting with the ihost determined vigour. At length, 
however, the English authorities awoke from their 
slumbers, and determined to adopt a plan that had been 
laid before them by a young captain, whose subsequent 
career, and future reputation, as the founder of the 
British empire in India, require that his first intro* 
duction into these pages should be accompanied by a 
special and particular notice. 

During the autumn of 1744, a young civilian, or 
writer, as they were then termed, presented himself at the 
entrance of Writer's Buildings, in Madras. He knew 



2^ BBITIBH SBITLIKBNTa IN 1VJ>IA^ (1744. 

no one in this Factcuy, since^ on aecoant of the iraforeseeii 
length of his outward Tojage, the person to whom h» 
was recommended had returned to England. The ex* 
temal appearance of the new-eomer was not that whid& 
excites sympathy and procures iecogniti<»i. To a doll 
Bnimpressive countenance and awkward mien, Mr. Bobert 
Clive, for this was the young man's name, added the 
misfortune of a proud disposition and ill-regulated 
temper. His manners being the reverse of conciliatory, 
he met with few attentions, and these perhaps not of 
the most cordial and hearty nature. The shy, morose 
youth felt that he was slighted or disliked, and shutting 
himself up in his apartment, brooded sullenly oyer his 
wrongs. A quarrel with his superior drew down upoo 
him the censure and rebuke of the Goyemor, a circum- 
stance that increased the feelings of depression and 
disgust for the service under which he already laboured. 
The occupations indeed of a young civilian in those day» 
di£fered widely from what would be required at his hands 
now. The East India Company still continued to be, in- 
the strictest sense of the term, a company of traders or 
merchants, whose officials were more connected with the* 
pursuits of commerce than with those of government* 
or finance. The writer of 1744 seems to have been- 
the counterpart of a modem clerk to some wealthy and- 
Nourishing firm at London or Manchester, his manners- 
and habits were similar, while his education scarcely 
ever attained to the standard which would now be 
thought necessary for the assistants of a thriving^ 
merchant. 

Such occupations,^ however, proved extremely repug- 
nant to the future hero of Plassey. The cares whi^ preyed 
upon his mind at one period, drove him to the verge of 
insanity, — ^he twice attempted self-destruction, and twice^ 
the pistol which he levelled against his forehead missed 
fire. With the fatalist feeling common to many men of 
great abilities, he exclaimed, " I feel I am destined for 



IZiUl IBRELiaiOinS OHABACTBR 09 INMAV SOCIETY. ^ 

some great end or other.. I twice snapped that pistol at 
inj own head and it womld not go o£F." 

Beligion doubtless, if sineerelj embraced, would hare 
operated fayourablj upon these distemp^ed fancies, 
but with religion, bej<»d a knowledge perhaps of it» 
outward £}rms, Ciiye possessed no acquaintance: nor 
was he likely to gain much from the associates among 
wh<»n he had been thrown. The Anglo-Indian of the 
eighteenth century left home before his mind could be 
imbued with the lessons of piety, to mingle in a society 
whidi, though hospitable and profiise, was worldly, licen^ 
iious, and pro£uQie. Eew cleigyiiben or churches existed 
then in India, the majority of Europeans lived in a state 
of practical heathenism, while some dishonoured still 
more their baptism and their birth-place, by an outward 
profession of belief in the blasphemies of the Koran, and 
the puerile follies of Brahminism. 

Under circumstances like these some allowance should 
be made for the conduct of one in whom strong eccen-^ 
tricity of character seemed sometimes bordering on 
insanity. When better known he was treated more 
kindly, the Governor grew interested in the culprit he 
had been obliged to reprimand, and allowed him free 
access to his own large and well-stored library, where 
Glive, much to his credit, spent the greater portion of hi» 
leisure time. But the hour was rapidly approaching 
wh^i his energies were to be devoted to a profession 
more congenial with his disposition. 

During the late, war against the French and their 
allies, Olive had served with reputation in a subordinate 
post. When the insults o£ Dupleix and the pressing 
entreaties of Mohammed Ali rendered the English 
alanned for the consequences of their apathy, the young. 
ensign accompanied a detachment under Captain Gin^ 
gen designed to relieve Trichinopoly. All his efforts, 
howerer, in that quarter proved entirely unsuccessfuL 
Qhunda Sahib, assisted by a large number of skiliuk 



28 BBITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA, [1751. 

French officers and European troops, was pressing the 
siege vigorously, and Dupleix, sensible that the fall of 
Trichinopoly would almost certainly prove the demolition 
of English influence in the Oarnatic, kept his whole 
attention directed to this critical point. The e^le eye of 
Olive, as keen in strategy as in actual conflict, saw at 
once the difficulties of the enterprise in which the Council 
wished to engage, and suggested at once to Mr. Saunders, 
the governor of Port St. David, that, abandoning Trichi- 
nopoly for the present, they should attract the attention 
ef the enemy by a sudden and rapid attack upon Arcot. 
This city^ the capital and residence of the Nabob of the 
Camatic, stands upon the banks of the Palar, containing 
like most Indian towns, a citadel within its precincts. 
The fortifications of the place had not generally been 
esteemed impregnable, the walls were low and iU-built, 
while the ramparts scarcely allowed space for the openu 
tions of modem warfare. The town itself might be 
considered a prize worth contending for. Here was the 
magnificent palace, with the well-filled treasury of the 
Nabobs, the bazaars were crowded with merchants and 
their costly commodities, while some extensive cloth 
manufactures produced a large revenue to the prince^ 
and a copious supply of wealth to the people. The 
garrison indeed numbered about 1,100 native troops, 
while the English barely mustered 500, but 200 of these 
were Europeans, and the wars of the Garnatic had 
already shown how little reliance could be placed on thQ 
undisciplined though brave Orientals. 

On the 26th of August 1751, Olive quitted Madras, 
and halted near Arcot on the 31st, having encountered 
during his march a violent storm of thunder, lightning, 
and rain. This exploit, magnified doubtless by eastern 
credulity, so terrified the garrison of Ohunda Sahib, that 
they at once evacuated the fort, and Olive took possession 
of it without striking a blow. His just and conciliatory 
behaviour secured the good will of the Hindoo inhabitants^ 



1751.3 DBFENOB OF ABCOT* 29 

who even lent their aid towards repairing some of the 
dilapidations in the walls. 

The fugitiye garrison still remained in the neighbour^ 
hood ; and CliTe, foreseeing that he should not be per. 
mitted to hold his prize in peace, occupied himself in 
taking measures for the defence of the town. He sent 
for two 18-pounders from Madras, fifcted up for use eight 
cannon which he had found on the ramparts, and laid in 
a plentiful supply of provisions. In a sortie made by 
him on the 4th of September he put the enemy to flight 
and completely routed them on the night of the 14th» 
They next made an attempt to seize the convoy that was 
now on its way from Madras. Despatching however the 
greater part of his men to the rescue, Glive kept near 
him only thirty Europeans, and about fifty sepoys, with 
whom he not only repelled the besiegers, but had soon 
the satisfaction of receiving safely the long- expected 
18-pounders. 

The foresight of Olive had not miscalculated the 
effect likely to be produced by the occupation of Arcot 
upon the tactics of Chunda Sahib. That chieftain im* 
mediately despatched his son, Rajah Sahib, with 4,000 
native troops, and 150 Europeans to recover his late 
capital. Being joined by considerable reinforcements, 
the Indian commander used every effort to gain speedy 
possession of the town. His heavy guns repeatedly 
breached the walls, while an unintermitted fire of 
musketry cleared the ramparts and drove the defenders 
from their posts. In the thickest of the fight might be 
seen the form of Olive, his usually dull features lighted 
up with the fire of military enthusiasm, directing, urging 
and encouraging his men. Natives vied with Europeans 
in heroic endurance; and the sepoys by their own express 
desire, cheerfully surrendered their stock of rice to their 
English comrades, whose more robust frames were less 
qualified to sustain the fiitigues of Eastern warfare 
when deprived of their wonted allowance of food. 



30 BBITZSH BETTISlOEBRm VS INDIi. 11751. 

Meaawkile, Glive found himsdf in a mosfc critical 
position. A sallj which he made lost him one of his 
best officers and fifteen of his English soldiers,. wJiile 
the deadly aim of the Frendi marksmen told dailj iritfc 
fatal effect upon the reduced and straitened gazrisee. 

One of the batteries opened a breach through whi<^ 
the besiegers rushed to the assault, but ^ey v&ce repelled 
hj a trench with a parapet behind it that had been con- 
structed by CUve in anticipation of iheir attack. H« 
found within the town an enonnous cannon, requiring 
for each charge about thirty pounds of powder ; it was 
fired under his superintendence, at the KaboVs palace; 
and the ball entering the apartments where Bajah Sahib 
and his officers sat, drove them in preciiutate haste 
from within the reach of so formidable an engine of 
destruction. But notwithstanding the skiU of the com- 
mander and the bravery of his subordinates, it became 
daily more evident that without some special interposition 
the fate of Arcot was sealed. An attempt to succour the 
place had indeed been made by the authorities at Madras, 
but Lieutenant Innes, who commanded the inconsiderable 
force organized for this purpose, was compiled to retreat 
with loss. At this juncture, Cliye succeeded in securing 
the aid of Morari Eao, a Mahratta diief, whose corps of 
6,000 men had been ^gaged originally for the service 
of Mohammed Ali, and who was encamped on the 
frontiers of the Oarnatie. His vanguard came in si^it 
about the 9th of November, and Bajah Sahib perceived 
that he must either take the town by assault or break 
up the siege altogether. 

On the Hth of November, the Mohammedans of the 
Shiite sect observe with the most fervent enthunam the 
anniversary of the murder of the Imaums, Hassan and 
Hussein. This pathetic spectacle, represented upon a 
species of stage or platform, stirs up to the utmost the 
sympathies of the beholders, who add fuel to their fanatical 
excitement by imbibing strong doses of opium and bang. 



1751.] j>Esaxoanos of ditfisix's jeemo&ul. 31 

At tliese times Christians rarely escape insult in coun- 
<tries where Moslon authority is predominant^ and the 
prospect of meeting them in conflict, and thus gaining, 
as they suppose, the crown of martyrdom, always raises 
the courage of a Mussulman to the highest pitch of 
desperation. Taking advantage of the wild devotion 
«nd infuriate zeal with which this anniversary inspired 
his troops, Bajah Bahib led them that day to the 
assault; but although their enthusiasm was seconded by 
the more scieaitific valour of his French allies, they were 
driven back from the breaches in concision, and on the 
fiucoeeding night their leader broke up his oamp and 
abandoned entirely the siege. 

A reinforcement from Madras, with a party of Mah«- 
ratta horse, despatched by Morari Eao, joined CHve on 
the same day, and enabled him to gain a complete 
Tictoiy over the enemy at Amee ; after which achieve^- 
znent, having lef); a suitable garrison in Arcot, he re- 
turned to Fort St. David, thus relieving Mohammed Ali 
from, a state of blockade, and enabling him to take 
^rt^er measures for the subjugation of Hke Camatic. 
The French and their allies soon however reassembled 
a strong force, but the genius of dive had now inspired 
'die English party with energy and oourage, while a l^esh 
Tictory at Correpauk established still higher his military 
reputation, and made Ghunda BahiVs troops tremble at 
his very name. On his way back to Fort St. David the 
^victorious generAl passed through a town in whidi stood 
a column erected by Dupleix as the memorial of his late 
successes. Around the base were four tablets, designed 
to receive as many laudatoiy inscriptions in different 
languages, setting forth the exploits and conquests of 
the French governor. Knowing the influence of such 
things on the native mind, Olive demolished both town 
^md colmnnyand continued his march to Fort St. David, 
where he shortly aft^wards received a summons to repair 
to Madias* 



82 BBinSH SETTLEMENTS IX INDIA* 11753. 

Ohunda Sahib, assisted by a strong French force, 
bad once more invested Tricbinopolj, and it was in coii« 
templation to despatch Clive thither. Before, however, 
he took his departure, Major Lawrence arrived, and hj 
virtue of his seniority became entitled to the chief 
command. Lawrence himself, an able and clear-sighted 
officer, was far above the petty jealousy which might 
have actuated an inferior mind : he admired the genius 
of the rising soldier, and Clive accompanied him in the 
expedition. Dupleix in the meanwhile had not been 
idle. At the first tidings of the approach of the English, 
the French auxiliaries of Ohunda Sahib retreated to 
Seringham, an island formed by two branches of the 
Coleroon. M. Law, their commander, was induced to 
take this step mainly because he expected that the 
English relief force would be joined by a strong body 
of Mahrattas and Mysoreans, amounting to about 26,000 
men. Indeed throughout the whole campaign he showed 
himself singularly incompetent; while, although Dupleix 
sent M. d'Auteuii with a strong corps to reinforce him, 
this supply was intercepted, the French forces in Sering* 
ham being compelled by famine to surrender their post. 

Finding his cause lost beyond redemption, Ohunda 
Sahib gave himself up to the general of the Tanjore 
forces, who had come to the scene of action for the 
purpose of assisting Mohammed Ali, and who at first 
promised both liberty and life to the unfortunate chief- 
tain. This promise, however, was, as usual, broken. The 
allies contended with each other for the possession of so 
important a prisoner, and by way of terminating the 
dispute the Tanjorines murdered their captive, and 
despatched his gory head to Mohammed Ali, who caused 
the sanguinary trophy to be placed on a lance and 
paraded through the ranks of his. army. 

But no disasters, however serious, could overwhelm or 
•discourage the indefatigable Dupleix. He soon organized 
another army, the command of which was given to his 



^52.] FIB8T OBGANIZATION OF NATIVB TBOOPS. 3S 

nephew. The English appointed Major Lawrence to 
oppose him, and this officer gained a complete victory 
near Bahoor^ a place in the vicinity of Eort St. David. 
After this action, Olive hastened to reduce the fortress of 
Oovelong, where the French garrison possessed thirty 
pieces of cannon and numhered ahout 350 men. The 
soldiers of Olive, or at least the European portion of 
them, consisted of new recruits recently arrived from 
London, of the lowest moral character, and most un- 
soldierlike in their hahits. The first discharge of 
musketry made these unfledged heroes betake themselves 
to a precipitate flight j they trembled at the noise of 
their own guns, and during a panic one of the number 
concealed himself for two days in a deep well. Any 
other officer might have despaired of ever being able to 
eflect anything with such defective instruments, but 
Olive at length succeeded in bringing them into excellent 
order. Under his directions they reduced successively 
the strong fortresses of Covelong and Ohingleput, and 
having thus terminated the campaign favourably, the 
unwearied officer and his new-made warriors returned 
in triumph to Madras. The exertions and fatigues, how- 
over, which Olive had undergone, completely prostrated 
even his robust frame ; he found himself compelled to 
quit the country for a while, and the absence of one so 
Rented and energetic was speedily noticed and deplored 
by those whom he left behind. 

The employment of native troops by the French and 
English flrst became general during the recent cam- 
paigns. The term sipahi, a Persian word signifying a 
soldier, and since corrupted into sepoy, was used to 
designate these levies which were drilled and organized 
by European officers in the European manner. Expe- 
rience soon showed that, when led by good officers, the 
native troops rapidly mastered the discipline and neces- 
sary evolutions, nor on any occasion have they proved 
themselves inferior in the fleld to their European 
comrades, n 



34 BKtnsH. sBtiTtiBimKiB IS nmuL d^**- 



CHAPTER HL 

CAPTmSS OF GHSBIAH'— A3TAISS OT BEVGAL — TOE BLACK BOLB— 
BATTT.B 07 PLASaXT-— MSB& JAXJOSL, 

1763—1757. 

DuPLEix and Ms able subordmaiie, M. Bassy^ wko still 
maintained his position at Hyderabad, endeavoured by 
intriguing with the native princes to regain once more 
the supremacy of the French in India. The I^izam 
Salabut Jung, alaxmed at an inroad of the Mahrattas, 
purchased the assistance of Bussy by the cession of five 
provinces called the Northern Cixcars. This accession* 
of territory would have added greatly to the power of 
Dupleix, but that restless schemer was doomed to expe-. 
rience in his own person the same reverses which hi»^ 
intrigues had brought upon the brave though unfor- 
tunate Labourdonnais. EecaUed by the French East 
India Company, the proud and hitherto prosperous 
Viceroy discovered that neither his wealth nor his ser- 
vices availed to protect him from the persecutions of his 
enemies. No attention was paid to his projects; his 
plans were laid aside as chimerical ; while his successor,. 
M. Godheu, received orders to- conclude immediately a 
peace with the English. 

. Before, however, these events took place, the Court of 
Directors, alarmed at the preponderance of French 
influence in the Deccan, had accepted an offer made by 
Clive to return once more to the scene of his former 
triumphs. A series of untoward events in his English, 
career, and perhaps the natural craving for excitement 
which distinguished his character, and which only ihe 
vicissitudes of warfare could fuUy satisfy^ prompted him. 



1756.] BBDUCmON OP OHERIAH. 35 

to seek again for military emplojmeDt. That he might 
go out vith some distinction he was created a lieu ten an t- 
colonel in the Boyal serace ; three companies of artillery, 
together with 300 European soldiers, heing placed under 
his command. In conformity with his instructions, he pro- 
ceeded to Bomhay, hut on his arrival he learned that by 
a conyentioB ratified on the 26th December, 1754, peace 
had been concluded between the French and English, the 
former of whom agreed not to interfere hereafter with 
the native princes, and promised that Mohammed Ali 
should enjoy undisturbed the government of the Oamatic. 

The termination of the war between the two European 
powws on the continent of India obliged Olive to change 
his plans, but notwithstanding the altered state of cir- 
cumstances he did not long remain inactive. The fortress 
sad town of Gheriah had for some time been occupied 
by a Mahratta race called Angria, who by their numerous 
piracies made themselves the terror of the Malabar 
eoast They attacked indiscriminately the trading- 
Tessels belonging to all nations, and, like the Algerines 
of old, frequently landed on the coasts, burning the 
towns and villages, and returning to their ships laden 
with the pltmdered property of the unfortunate in- 
habitants. 

In order to extirpate these rovers, an expedition was 
fitted out by the government of Bombay, the naval forces 
©f which were under Admiral Watson, while Olive com- 
manded the land troops. The Peishwa of the Mahrattas 
also placed a contingent of natives at the disposal of the 
English^ but they rendered no essential service, having 
only accompanied the expedition with the intention of 
plimdering either of the* contending parties who might 
be overcome.. Very little effectual resistance was offered ; 
the pirate leader fled to the Mahratta camp, and his 
fortress and town were razed to the ground. Havinp: 
accomplished this task, Olive; who had been appointed 
in England governor of Fort St. David, hastened to his 
1)2 



36 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [17i«. 

charge, and commenced the functions attached to it on 
the 20 th of June, 1756. Tliat very day news arrived 
of the capture of Calcutta, which led to the loss of the 
British settlements in the north, respecting which we 
must here say a few words. 

In the month of April, 1756, Suraj-ood-Dowlah suc- 
ceeded his grandfather Aliverdy Khan, as Nahob of 
Bengal, Bahar and Orissa. These provinces constituted 
one of the most fertile and flourishing vioeroyalties of 
the Mogul empire, and conferred upon their ruler a 
degree of influence that rendered him virtually indepen- 
dent of the feeble sovereign, to whom he condescended 
to acknowledge a nominal allegiance. During the reign 
of William III., the English had erected on the Hooghly 
a fortress called after their sovereign's name, which at 
the period of the new Nabob's accession, they were 
anxious to strengthen as much as possible, rumours 
being afloat that a rupture with France was impending. 
Suraj-ood-Dowlah, hearing of their proceedings, de- 
spatched a haughty message, requiring that the works 
should immediately cease, and soon after claimed a fugi- 
tive, whom he asserted the English had harboured and 
concealed. But the Nabob's real object was soon made 
manifest. His cupidity had been awakened by reports 
of the wealth treasured up within the walls of Calcutta, 
nor was the prowess of the English in the north calcu- 
lated to inspire the weak tyrant with alarm. Hitherto, 
the agents of the Company in Bengal confined them- 
selves to the peaceful avocations of commerce; their 
respect for the native powers was unbounded, nor had 
the genius of a Lawrence or the successes of a Clive, 
taught them practically the weakness of even the most 
numerous Indian arpy when confironted by. a few disci- 
plined Europeans or sepoys. 

Eefusing to listen to the excuses of the English, 
Suraj-ood-Dowlah assembled his forces, possessed him- 
self without difficulty of the small fort of Cossimbazaar, 



1756.] OAPTUEE OF CALCUTTA. 37 

and then marched direct to Calcutta. The garrison of 
the latter place was weak and worthless, the majority 
being undisciplined natives, Portuguese, and Americans, 
who had never seen action, and felt little or no interest 
in the cause for which thej were engaged. Notwith- 
standing a spirited sortie made bj a young ensign, in 
which with a handful of men he compelled the enemy 
to give ground, the authorities, both military and civil, 
seem to have given themselves over to despair at the 
first sight of the Nabob's troops. A resolution was 
hastily agreed upon, to the effect that the town should 
be abandoned, but the chiefs took no measures to ensure 
an orderly removal of the inhabitants from the scene of 
danger, or to hold the besiegers at bay until a safe 
retreat could be effected. A mixed multitude of men, 
women, and children, Portuguese, natives, and Europeans, 
rushed to the water edge, screaming, shouting, and im- 
ploring the native boatmen to carry them off to the 
ships which lay within sight of the fort. Mr. Drake, 
the governor, was among the first who embarked, the 
two principal military officers followed his example, 
leaving on the beach, Mr. Holwell, 190 men, and one 
woman, who, notwithstanding all their efforts, had been 
unable to procure a boat. The only resource left to 
these unfortunate persons, was a negotiation with the 
Nabob, whose forces were now approaching the walls 
from every quarter. The native commander consented 
to a parley, but ordered his troops in the meantime to 
scale the defences. The bewildered garrison, without 
a leader of sufficient authority or experience to direct 
them, were unable to offer much effective resistance; a 
body of the Nabob's followers forced their way through 
the water gate, and thus succeeded in capturing the fort. 
After interrogating his captives, Suraj-ood-Dowlah 
committed them to the care of a guard, who probably 
without orders, thrust them into an ill-ventilated room, 
of twenty feet square, formerly used as a prison, and 



88 BRITISH SBTTUSMENTS IN INDIA. [1756. 

usuallj tenned the " Black Hole." The tragedy which 
ensued is too well known to need a lengthened de- 
scription. Almost maddened by heat, thirst, and the 
close stifling atmosphere of their dungeon, the miserable 
prisoners, in number 143, made every possible Attempt 
to move the compassion of their gaolors. They exttreated 
they might be removed to another and a larger prison, 
but the Nabob was asleep, and none of the effidalg 
would venture to disturb him. Bribes, prayers, and 
the raging of infuriate despair, proved equally ineffec- 
tual; the agonies of the unfortunate prisoners only 
afforded amusement to their barbarous captors, and 
when the break of day awakened the tyrant from his 
slumbers, the dungeon floor was strewn with 123 putrid 
corpses. 

Being summoned before the Nabob, the miserable 
survivors could scarcely reply to the questions which he 
heaped npon them, with respect to the treasures that he 
imiagined were concealed within the precincts of the 
fort. Their inability to satisfy him on this point 
caused them to be again imprisoned, while the native 
inhabitants and other residents in Calcutta suffered 
every species of insult and injury. Proud of his tri- 
umph, Suraj-ood-Dowlah transmitted the intelligence of 
it to Delhi, boasting that he had entirely extirpated the 
power of the English in Bengal He then returned to 
his own capital, leaving b^iind him in Fort William a 
garrison of 3,000 men. 

But while the tyrant was indulging in these self-^oom- 
placent delusions, preparations for v^ageaoxoe wexe being 
made at Madras. Tidii^ <^ the lamentaJble catastrophe 
in Bengal, arrived there on the 16th of August, but 
the dissensions of some of the officials delayed any de- 
cisive step until the 11th of October when ten ships 
of war set sail under the ccNumand of Admiral Watsoo, 
bearing with them Colonel Clive, 900 European infantry, 
1,500 sepoys, and several field-pieoee. 



X7S7.] JiASaXTNG OF CLIVE IN BENGAL. 39 

On ike 2d of January, 17d7, the fleet anchored before 
Calcutta; the Nabob's garrison fled, and the English 
once more occupied their old territory. But it was not 
Olive's intention to content himself mereij with repair* 
ing former losses. Intelligence had reached him that 
the town of Hooghly, on the Ganges, contained mer- 
chandise of considerable vaJue, protected by a feeble 
garrison. He resolved with Admiral Watson, that they 
would attempt the capture of this place. Accordingly^ 
a smaM squadron sailed up the Ganges, having on board 
350 men, under Major Kilpatrick and Captain Eyre 
Coote. The expedition was retarded by one of the 
vessels getting aground, and this delay enabled Suraj- 
ood'Dowlah to strengthen the garrison, but Anally the 
English triumphed over all obstacles, and planted their 
colours upon the ramparts of the fort. 

Alarmed, and yet enraged by his loss, the Nabob 
pressed forward with a large army in the direction of 
Calcutta. Overtures of peace had been made by the 
Company, mdd although Clive's reputation was likely to 
acquire increased lustre by the continuance of the war, 
yet, to his honour it must be stated, that he strenuously 
advised measures of conciliation, and even abstained on 
this account from attacking the Bengal army when they 
placed themselves in several disadvantageous positions. 
But the Nabob, while at times he desired to resume his 
former connexion with the English, whose tributes and 
presents had so oft^i enriched his treasury, was animated 
by a childish desire of vengeance for the loss of Hooghly. 
He n^otiated in order to gain time, but while his envoys 
were treating with the Council of Calcutta, the vanguard 
of his troops endeavoured to occupy som« outskirts of 
the town. It was obvious that a decisive blow must be 
struck at oooe. The battering train of the Nabob lay 
in an endosure, called Omichund's garden, iind Olive 
determined, if possible, to capture it. The attempt was 
made at three in the morning, and continued aft^ sun* 



40 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1757* 

rise, under the shelter of a thick fog, the land forces 
being joined by some sailors from the fleet. At first 
success favoured the English, whose steady and veil- 
directed fire swept down the cavalry who attacked them, 
but by an ill-executed manoeuvre, the corps were thrown 
into confusion, and while they gained some advantages 
over the enemy, they missed the main object of their 
enterprise, namely, the capture of the guns. The valour, 
however, exhibited on this occasion, together with the 
losses he had sustained, induced Suraj-ood-Dowlah to 
sue for peace. He obtained it, upon condition that 
he should restore to the English the rights, property, 
and privileges of which they had been deprived, and 
pledge himself to assist them, if necessary, against any 
enemy with whom they might be at war. 

The last clause seems to have been drawn up with 
a view to an expected invasion by the French, whose 
position at Chandernagore gave them numerous facilities 
for harassing the English settlements on the Ganges. 
Clive determined that they should be driven from this 
place, the necessity of capturing it having been suggested 
to him before he quitted Madras. Mr. Watts, formerly 
head of. the Cossimbazaar factory, but now resident in 
the Nabob's capital at Moorshedabad, sent continual 
intelligence to the Council at Calcutta of Suraj-ood- 
Dowlah's movements, from which it appeared that the 
fickle tyrant was already planning with M. Bussy and 
M. Law the expulsion of the English from Bengal. 
An armistice having been proposed by Clive to the 
French Governor of Chandernagore, the latter, while he 
offered to pledge himself to its due observance within 
the territory of Bengal, declined making it binding upon 
the authorities at Pondicherry. Under these circum- 
stances, Clive resolved at once to strike a decisive blow. 
Chandernagore was accordingly invested, and capitulated 
on the 23d of March, the garrison being detained with 
some exceptions as prisoners of war. 



1757.1 OMIOHUND. — ^HEEB JAFFIEB, 41 

The fall of Chanderaagore irritated the Nabob ex- 
iremelj, since he had found it most conveniently situated 
for his communications with the French. His mind, na<» 
turallj weak, now vacillated between hatred and fear. 
One moment, in impotent furj, he trampled the letters 
of Clive beneath his feet; the next he despatched epistles 
abounding in the most servile flattery; now he threatened 
to impale Mr. Watts, then he would load him with caresses 
and favours. 

But the career of this worthless tyrant was rapidly 
approaching its termination. His principal officer, 
weary of his caprice, conspired with the leading Hindoo 
merchants and bankers against a rule which had now 
become odious to all. Among these last was a wealthy 
and influential Hindoo, named Omichund, formerly a 
merchant in Calcutta, and still connected with the 
English in numerous commercial transactions. Meer 
Jaffier Khan, commander-in-chief of the Bengal army, 
a^d the person- selected by the confederates as a suitable 
successor to Suraj-ood-Dowlah, employed Omichund to 
carry on a secret intercourse with his former friends 
and patrons, while the crafty Hindoo also succeeded in 
gaining the confidence of the Nabob, and that of Mr. 
Watts. Being thus trusted by all parties, he resolved to 
make these political intrigues a source of private gain. 
He had already obtained from Suraj-ood-Dowlah a grant 
of j£40,000 ; he was promised a handsome reward in 
case the conspiracy should succeed, but he now claimed 
in addition a sum of £300,000, threatening that if it 
were not immediately guaranteed, he would inform the 
Nabob of the plot which was being carried on against 
him. This behaviour of their agent threw the parties 
concerned into no small perplexity. The measures of the 
conspirators had hitherto been remarkably successful. 
Induced by the persuasions of Clive, the English Coun- 
cil at Calcutta agreed to recognise and to assist Meer 
Jaffier, while it was arranged that an army should be 



42 BBinSH SETTLEHBNTS IN INDIA. £1757. 

ftdvanoed to Plassej, for the purpose of ooaperatingintli 
the conspirators. The treachery of Omicdmnd discon- 
certed t^ Englidi aathcnitieB for a moment, but it was 
at lei^th determined to meet it hj an act of duplicity, 
as unprincipled as his cwn. To his dishonour, <j^e 
proposed that two bonds should be drawn up, one oon* 
taining the pr(«aise desired by Omichund, while the 
other omitted all mention of him — so that ilie gras|dBg 
Hindoo, being shown the fictitious document, might 
imagine himself secure. 

The proposition at first excited much disapprobation 
among the members of Council, and the Admind protested 
against it to the last, but the subtle reasoning of Ciiye 
prevailed over his less able odUeagues, and finding that 
no arguments could prevail upon the Admiral to append 
his name to the &l8e bond, be coolly forged his stature 
and despatched the papers direct to Mr. Watts. Wary 
as he was, Omichund never suspected the artifice prac- 
tised upon him, and his silence enabled the confederates 
to proceed securely with their machinations. 

On the 13th of June, Olive issued horn. Ohandema- 
gore, having with him about 3,000 men, of which 1,000 
were Europeans. Among the latter appeared a corps of 
the 39th regiment, whose colours still bear inscribed 
the word " Plassey," and the proud motto, " Primus in 
Indis."* The English commander despatched before 
iiis departure aktter to the Nabob, upbraiding that prince 
with his iormer cruelty and recent bad faith, and con- 
cluding with an announcemi^it that the writer would 
personally demand sati^ction from him in his -own 
capital of Moorshedabad. The consternation of Suraj-«od- 
Dowlah upon receiving this missive, equalled his former 
uroganoe. But he perceived that the English, having 
now thrown off the mask, no dN^mative nmained except 
to meet them in the £eld« He therefore commanded 
Meer Jaffier to advance to Plassey, an ord^ readily 
* First in India. 



17570 BiOTLE CW PliAfiSBY. 43 

obeyed by that traitor, wbo saw thus a speedy prospect 
of being able to act in concert with Glive. Yet lus mind 
seems at that period to bave been imder the influence 
of various and oonfiietiiDg emotions. Fear, loyalty, and 
an^itiosi ruled by turns a soul which had never known 
^e sway of iixm or sound principles. He distrusted 
bis allies, and trembled at the consequences of discovery ; 
bis vacillation alarmed both CHve and the Calcutta 
Council; the latter grew lukewarm and doubtful, while 
the former resolved to put an end to the present dubious 
position of affairs by taking a decisive step. 

On the 17th, Major Coote had possessed himself of ibe 
fort of Cutwah, by which the English acquired a large 
stock of rice and other provisions; on the Slst, for the 
first and last time in his life, Clive held a council 
of war. The object of their deliberations was whether 
the army should advance to Plassey or maintain their 
position. The majority, with wh<nn Clive himself voted, 
determined upon the latter course. But after a period 
of deep thou^t, during which, having walked away 
alcme from the camp, he sat plunged in anxious medita- 
tion under the shade of a clump of trees, he changed 
altogether his plan of operations, and returning, gaTQ 
orders that the aimy should cross the xiver t^e morning 
of the ensuing day. 

On the 23d of June, the British troops bivouacked 
in a grove near Plassey. The enemy, it was supposed, 
lay near Cossimbazaar, but CUve soon discovered that 
they had entrenched themselves in bis immediate vici- 
nity. The discordant sounds of their music broke upon 
tke ears of the English as they prepared to snatch a few 
hours of hasty repose before the expected fight. At 
daybreak the Boagalese opened a brisk cannonade upon 
the wood, but their ill-maamed and unskilfiilly directed 
artillery effected little damage. The Englush main- 
tained their position, and Clive waited with scwne impa- 
tience for a demcmstration on the part of Meer Jaffier 



44 BRITISH SBTTLEMBNTS IN INDIA. [1757. 

But the same influences which had produced former 
vacillation, were in active operation now. On the 
morning of the action the Nabob sent for his general, and 
in the most moving terms^ besought and implored him 
to be faithful to his trust. The heart of the conspirator 
was touched, and the appeal to his honour, though it 
could not shake his purpose, inclined him towards a 
middle course. He retarded the manoeuvres of his own 
side, and by inactivity contributed to their defeat. 

The English continued to repel the attacks made 
upon their position till noon, when a retrograde move- 
ment being observed on the part of the enemy, Olive 
gave the order to advance. He directed his first effort 
against a small body of French auxiliaries, who being 
worsted, abandoned the redoubt which they held, leaving 
their guns in the hands of the victor. A tumultuous 
rush forward was then made by the Nabob's army; but 
these undisciplined and half- accoutred troops could not 
resist the steady fire of the English, who in less than an 
hour found themselves completely masters of the field. 
So terminated the battle of Plassey, an engagement 
which secured the supremacy of the English in India, 
while it is no less remarkable for the few lives sacrificed 
both by victors and vanquished. The former numbered 
22 killed and 50 wounded, the latter lost only about 
500 men. 

During the action, Meer Jaffier had made a mancauvre 
for the purpose, as he afterwards declared, of joining 
Olive; but his troops, exhibiting no signal of amity, 
were fired upon by the English. At its close, however, 
the Bengali general moved his tents nearer to the hostile 
lines, and the next morning he paid a visit to Olive, 
who welcomed and saluted him as Nabob of Bengal,. 
Orissa and Bahar. His explanations and apologies were 
readily accepted if not internally believed, and the new 
potentate departed at once for Moorshedabad. Suraj-ood- 
Dowlah had already quitted it, but his flight remained 



1757.] FATE OF OMIOHUND, 45 

for some days undiscoyered, when pursuers having been 
despatched after him, he was apprehended and dragged 
into the presence of his rival. Meer Jaffier appeared at 
first disposed to compassionate his former master, who, 
prostrate on the earthy pleaded for his life in the most 
abject terms. But eastern policy is rarely tempered 
with mercy, and the usurper suffering more selfish con- 
siderations to prevail, ordered the late Nabob to be at 
once executed. Thus fell the brutal tyrant whose apathy 
or cruelty had sacrificed so many English victims in the 
Black Hole of Calcutta. 

His successor became speedily aware of the difficulties 
which hedge round a throne acquired by the aid of 
strangers. Meer Jaffier was no sooner seated on the 
musnud than the English called upon him to redeem 
the promises he had made when he first sought their 
assistance. They prosecuted their demands with the 
most greedy and disgraceful rapacity; but the funds 
lodged in the public treasury, which Mr. Watts had 
represented as inexhaustible, were discovered not to 
exceed 1,500,000?. The claims amounted to 3,500,000?., 
besides the sums that would shortly be needed for the 
payment of the troops. The native bankers, however, 
proffered their aid, and a meeting being held at which 
all parties were present, 'they at once proceeded to the 
settlement of the Nabob's affairs. The first preliminaries 
arranged, Olive determined at once to undeceive Omi- 
chund, who, led by the expectation of receiving his 
promised reward, had come with the other capitalists to 
the assembly. No notice was taken of his presence until 
the interpreter, by the direction of Olive, went up to 
him and said in a low tone, "Omichund, the bond 
shown you was a fictitious one, and we cannot, therefore, 
admit your claim." The Hindoo glared wildly for a 
moment at the speaker, and then dropped upon the 
earth senseless. His servants bore him into the air, 
which revived after some minutes his paralysed energies; 



46 BRITISH SBETLBMSNTS m INDIA* [ITsn 

bat reason had departed for ever, and he subsided into 
a state of hopeless idiocf . Pitying his condition, CUve 
spoke kindlj to htm, and recommended tiiat he* should 
trj the effect of a pilgrimage to some noted shrine, this 
being a favourite remedy among the Hindoos. But the 
s^ed miser was beyond the delnsiTe consolations of his 
idolatrous creed, and a few months allberwards, forgotten 
by all his former associates, he breathed his last, having 
squandered in childish ornaments and vestmatts nearly 
the whole of his ill-gotten wealth. 

In the meantime the allies of Meer Jaffier were 
busily occupied in dividing their spoils. Olive's share 
amounted to 2d,000Z., besides about 150,0002. which 
had been given him privately by Meer Jaffier. Each 
member of the Council obtained 24,000Z., and their 
subordinates were not forgotten. These prizes, however, 
produced heartburnings and jealousies of the most pain- 
ful nature. The hmd officers demanded that their 
several shares should be paid over at once without the 
intervention of agents, and when Olive refused their 
request they appealed against his decision^ He acted 
in this emeigency, however, with his usual promplutade: 
the individuals presenting the appeal were placed at 
once under arrest, while their protest was answered by a 
stem letter of rebuke ; and the officers, discovering the 
unbending nature of the man with whom they had to 
deal, withdrew their pi^er, and humbly apologised for 
the breach of discipline which they had committed. 



1757.]> .THE FSSSCB IN mS BEOGAK. 47 



CHAPTER IT, 

BUSST— ABBXVAL 07 LAIXT— 8IXGE OV IfASBlS— THE CZSCAXa — 
AMMAJ3A OB BUTOAL. 

1757—1759. 

Meek Japfies had granted to the English, in addition 
to the sums of monej already mentioned, the exclusiye 
possession of a large tract of country around Calcutta. 
Thej were also permitted to establish a mint, and re* 
ceiyed liberty to trade in the provinces under the rule 
of the Nabob. The French adventurer, M. Law, having 
made an incursion into Bahar, was dislodged by Coote, 
the terror of whose arms confirmed the wavering allegiance 
of several native chiefs, and induced them to maintain 
for the present their fidelity to Meer Jaffier. But the 
triuinphB of Clive and his coadjutors were douded hj 
the decease of Admiral Watson, as well as hj the intrigues 
and mismanagemient of the Calcutta CounciL The re- 
moval of the Admiral deprived the English of one of 
their ablest officers at a time when th^ could ill spare 
him, while the interference of the committee of Govern- 
ment with Clive's plans impeded materially the efforts 
of that able statesman and soldier. Meer Jaffier also 
displayed no great talents for legislation ; his troops were 
mutinous, and his chiefs disa£^ted. On the other hand, 
the Madras authorities, alarmed by the progress of the 
French in the Deccan, grew importunate hv the return 
of Clive, and seem to have transmitted complaints 
against him to the East India Directoss in. England. 
The lajfcter forwarded to Ben^ a scheme of government 
which the local authorities at once pronounced imprac^^ 
ticable and injudicious. The working out of this plan 
was entrusted to ten members of council, presided over 



4S BBinSH SBTTLEMENIB IK IKDIA. tl758. 

by four of their number in rotation, but the directors 
carefully excluded the name of Olive from the list At 
the request of the ten, however, he assumed the offioe of 
president, though with considerable reluctance, and 
tidings of the battle of Plassey having in the meantime 
reached England, he received from Leadenhall Street, 
shortly afterwards, a commission to act as (Governor of 
BengaL In fact, his presence seemed indispensable to 
success, for when he was absent the English almost inva- 
riably lost ground. 

The influence exercised by M. Bussy in the affairs of 
the Deccan has been already mentioned. That able man 
speedily acquired, through his puppet, Salabut Jong, 
an almost absolute sway over southern India. He sub- 
dued the provinces called the Northern Oircars, and 
obliged the English to surrender their factory at Viza- 
gapatam* His career of success was soon, however, 
arrested by the imbecility of his superiors in France, 
who subjected him to the control of M. Lally, the new 
governor of Pondicherry, a person whose impetuous and 
iil-regulated behaviour proved eventually the cause of 
the down&U of French authority and influence in 
India. 

The Count de Lally Tolendal was descended from an 
Irish family, who had settled in France during the troubles 
in their native country, occasioned by the unsuccessful 
efforts of James II. to recover the throne of England. 
Trained from early youth to the career of arms, Lallj 
fought in the French ranks at Fontenoi, and highly dis- 
tinguished himself on several important occasions. Un- 
happily for his fame and life he wais now selected by the 
French East India Company to All the dangerous post 
of Governor-(Jeneral of Pondicherry, and all the French 
possessions in India. He arrived at the former place on 
the 28th of April, 1758, escorted by a squadron of twelve 
ships, under Admiral Count d'Aohe. The infantry sent 
Ivith him from Europe, numbered 1,100 men, besides 



17S8.3 LANPXNO OF LALLT. 49 

a corps of artillery directed by several officers of ability 
and known military reputation 

The new governor found the affitirs of his nation on 
the Coromandel coast at a very low ebb. Captain Cal- 
liaud had been despatched by the English to Madura, 
which he captured, and then hearing that the French 
were advancing towards Trichinopoly,he returned thither 
by hasty marches, and throwing himself into the place, 
compelled M. d'Auteuii, the French commander, to 
retire with precipitation. Admiral Bouvet appeared off 
the coast on the 9th of September, with a well-manned 
squadron, but false intelligence having reached him that 
Admiral Watson's return was speedily anticipated, he 
suddenly put to sea again. 

The impetuous nature of Lally thrust him at once 
into action. Scarcely allowing himself a few hours' 
repose, he rushed to Fort St. David, and commenced the 
siege of that place the very evening of his arrival. The 
squadron of d'Ach6 moved up to the coast for the pur- 
pose of co-operating with the French land forces, and 
although they suffered considerable loss from an attack 
made upon them by the English Admiral Fococke, who 
had sailed thither from the Hooghly, yet they contrived 
during the night to land reinforcements under the com- 
mand of the Slarquis de Soupires. Fort St. David was 
now closely invested, while Cuddalore surrendered to the 
Marquis d'Estaing whom Lally had despatched against 
it. The loss of this town preceded almost immediately 
that of Fort St. David, which capitulated on the 2d of 
June; the forces of d'Estaing subsequently made them- 
selves masters of Devi-Cottah, and Lally, returning in 
triumph to Pondicherry, caused a solemn Te Deum to be 
chanted for his recent conquests. But his hasty temper 
speedily involved him in difficulties with the French 
civil authorities; money and provisions were wanting, 
and, irritated by the lack of these sinews of war, he 
accused his colleagues, either justly or unjustly, of dircc- 

B 



50 BBITIS9 SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1758. 

peculation. The charge excited the indignation of those 
against M'hom it had been made; recnminaticms ensued, 
and Lally soon found it necessary to seazxsh elsewhere for 
the means which he required for the purpose of expelling 
the English from the Camatic. In the treasury of 
Pondicherry, however, he discovered a bond for 5,000,000 
of rupees, given to the French in times past by Chunda 
Sahib, who had received it originally from the Kajah of 
Tanjore : Lally therefore resolved that from this poten- 
tate he would now exact the payment of the obsolete 
guarantee. He accordingly set forth from Pondicherry 
with a numerous, brave, but ill-appointed army. Com- 
missariat there was none ; money had fsiiled, nor could 
provisions be obtained without considerable difficulty. 
In this emei^gency Lally determined to extort from the 
inhabitants of the country those supplies which he found 
his own stores unable to furnish. This expedient, had 
he even been the most conciliatory of men, would have 
proved as unpopular as it was unjust and unmerciful. 
He not only however pillaged the inhabitants, bat in- 
sulted and outraged privileges dearer to them than 
their extorted wealth. The divisions of caste are most 
sacred in the eyes of a Hindoo, but Lally wantonly dis- 
regarded and confounded these without the slightest 
hesitation. Brahmins, Sudras and Pariahs, classes who 
shrink from each other's contact more scrupulously thsui 
a man in health would avoid a plague-stricken patient, 
were driven together by his orders into the trenches, and 
compelled to labour there in the closest proximity. The 
feelings of contempt which he entertained for the natives, 
and perhaps the persuasions or suggestions of the Jesuit 
missionaries who accompanied the French camp, led him 
to outrage the Hindoo temples and priests, while he passed 
over unpunished the excesses of his soldiers. At Oarical 
and Nagore he displayed the passions of a savage with 
the shameless rapacity of a common freebooter, actually 
obliging his troops to make over to him a share of their 



1758.] BIBOJE OF TAlfJOBE BT THE FBEVCH. 51 

plunder. Nor did he confine Iub ezactions to the 
natives alone, but wrung from the fears of the Dutch 
and Banish settlements on the coasts large contributions 
of stores and provisions. Two ps^^das or temples were 
ransacked by him ; but their treasures, if ever thej 
possessed any, had been removed before his arrival, and, 
^uraged at his disappointment, he commanded some of the 
Brahmins to be blown from the mouth of a cannon. 

Having readied Tanjoie, the terrified Bajah endea^ 
voured to open a n^otiation with the besiegers. He 
ofiered them part of the bond, but Lally insisted upon 
the whole, and demanded an immediate supply of pro* 
visions. The Hindu artfully protracted the proceedings, 
until Lally, finding his means failing, resolved upon 
attacking the town. But by the time a breach had been 
effected, the French ammunition was exhausted, and 
the besiegers beheld themselves reduced to the necessity 
of making a speedy retreat. In addition, moreover, to the 
difficulties of his position, Lally had to sustain an attack 
on the night of the 7th of August from the Rajah's 
garrison, aided by 600 English sepoys, who were de- 
spatched to their assistance from Trichinopoly by Captain, 
now Major, Calliaud. In this sortie the French com* 
mander lost three cannon, and many of his best men. 
At one time he himself was ridden over by the BAJah's 
cavalry, who feU impetuously upon the French ranks, 
while hosts of irregulars and coolies attacked their 
entrenchments from behind. With considerable diffi- 
culty the assailants were driven back into the town, but 
Lally found that he must at once break up the siege. 
His retreat to Trivatore proved most disastrous and de- 
structive ; his past and present excesses had inspired the 
people with the most deadly hatred, and they now huDg 
upon his rear, sdzing every opportunity of cutting off 
the stragglers and wounded. When he reached Pon* 
dicherry another misfortune awaited him. The su- 
periority of the English by sea, and a report that 
e2 



82 . BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDU, [1758. 

Pococke witli additional ships might soon he expected to 
attack the French squadron, made such an impression 
upon the mind of M. d*Ach6, that in spite of the reiterated 
entreaties of Lallj, he abandoned the Coromandel coast, 
and set sail for the Mauritius. 

Had Lallj added the cool sagacity of Dupleix to his 
own military experience and personal courage in the field, 
he might have proved a dangerous foe to the English. But 
oneof hisfirst actionsmanifested a thorough incompetency 
to conceive or act upon a well-concerted plan. Of all the 
French authorities in the peninsula, Bussy had most dis-* 
tinguished himself by his knowledge of the Indian cha- 
racter, and the influence which he exercised over the weak 
prince who now occupied in the Deccan the important 
position of Soubahdar. His measures deprived the English 
of Vizagapatam, and a well-concerted and harmonious 
combination between Lally and himself would perhaps 
have been productive of more marked successes. Im- 
pelled however by jealousy and the prejudices which had 
been excited against Bussy in France, the governor- 
general of Pondicherry despatched the Marquis de Con- 
flans to supersede one whom he already considered as 
his rival. Bussy was proceeding, to Golconda with 
almost regal pomp, attended by his nominal superior, 
but real vassal, SaJabut Jung, when De Conflans, arriv- 
ing in the camp, placed in his hands the instrument of 
recal. 

Whatever might have been his feelings, the brave soldier 
obeyed without a murmur; and leaving with his succes- 
sor a small body of troops to garrison Hyderabad and 
Masulipatam, he marched the greater part of his forces 
according to orders direct to Pondicherry. He found 
there an exhausted treasury, an incompetent superior, 
j with a council divided in opinion, and violently opposed 

I to the governor-general. His long services and well- 

! established reputation commanded respect even from 

i the haughty officers of the old regime ; but Lally, dis- 



2759.] SIEOE OF MADRAS BT LALLT* 5S 

contented and irascible, treated his lieutenant with ill- 
dissembled scorn. The siege of Madras had been 
resolved upon, but means were wanting ; and although 
Lally strove to procure resources by seizing Arcot, he 
found that the wealthy inhabitants had removed both 
themselves and their treasures upon tidings of his 
approach^ 

At length, after the most arduous exertions, the French 
expedition against Madras departed from Pondicherry. 
Their military chest contained about 940?., the two chief 
leaders were hostile, and the officers generally complained 
of Lall/s proceedings. On the other hand, the English 
garrison, amounting to about 4,000 men under the com- 
mand of Colonel Lawrence, were well supplied with stores, 
and expected shortly to be reinforced by a large detach- 
ment from England. The Council sent also pressing 
missives to Clive, urging his return to Madras, but feel- 
ing that there was no immediate necessity for his leaving 
the more important aflfairs in which he was then engaged, 
he took no notice of their importunities. 

The French easily succeeded in forcing an entrance 
into Black Town, the native suburb of the city, in the 
vicinity of Fort St. George. Their excesses, and the 
confusion produced in the ranks by those who dispersed 
themselves throughout the narrow streets with a view 
to plunder, provoked a sortie, but the English were over- 
whelmed by numbers ; and had Bussy and his superior 
in command co-operated cordially together, very few 
of their assailants would have returned in safety. But 
Bussy continued motionless, alleging want of orders as 
his excuse, and the English were thus enabled to effect 
their retreat, bearing off with them the Count d'Estaing 
as a prisoner. 

It soon became evident that the siege could not be 
protracted for any length of time. An English squadron 
shortly hove in sight, and Lally learned with dismay 
that it conveyed 600 fresh troops from England, whos 



M BBJTISH SETTLEMENTS IN INBIA. [U59; 

landing lie found himself unable to prereni. His army 
grew mutinous and insubordinate^ provisions, monej, 
even gunpowder, failed; and finallj, being oonyinced of 
the hopeless nature of his undertaking, he broke up his 
camp in the night and retreated towards Pondicherrj, 
harassed during his march by the attacks of the natives, 
whom his insults and extortions had excited to un« 
wonted hostility. 

At Oonjeveram Lally halted, for the purpose of cog^ 
centrating his scattered troops. Hither Colonel Lawrence 
followed him; and feigning an attack on Wandewash^ 
induced the French to abandon their position, while by 
a dextrously executed flank movement, the Engli^ 
succeeded in possessing themselves of the strong fort of 
ConjeveraxQ. The rainy season prevented any more 
important operations; and soon after its close the French 
Council at Pondicherry received some large supplies in 
money and diamonds, which had be^ recently captured 
by one of the cruisers belonging to M. d'Ach^s squadron 
from an English vessel. 

During this period the French were losing ground in 
the provinces termed the Northern Circars, that had 
been first acquired by the brave and sagacious Bussy. 
When applied to from Madras for succour, Clive deter- 
mined upon efiecting a diversion by attacking the 
French and their allies in Hyderabad. He knew that 
Fort St. Qeorge was capable of resisting for some months 
the efforts of Lally, wlule he foresaw that by occupying 
the Northern Circars, a wider and more extended influ* 
ence might be eventually obtained. Colonel Forde, an 
able and trustworthy officer, was therefore despatched 
from Bengal with an army of 500 British troops, and 
about 2,000 natives, accompanied by a small park of 
artillery. The detachment landed at Yizagapatam, and 
Forde immediately opened a communication with the 
Eajah of that place, who hoped through the medium of 
the English to obtain the sovereignty of the Deccan* 



1799.1 YKrrOBISS OF FOKDB IN TBH OIBOA&S. 65 

He promised both men and monej, bni the former were 
worthless ; and the latter, when the hoar of payment eame, 
he withheld most tenaciouslj, thus obliging Forde to 
relj mainly npon his own resourees. But the English 
commander did not despair. Shortly after his landing 
he enconntered the army of M. de Conflans, at Ped- 
dapor^ and gained a complete victory over them, the 
^gg^gG) ammunition, and artillery of the French falling 
into the hands of the conquerors. The vanquished 
general threw himself into Masulipatam, and invoked 
the assistance of Salibut Jung; but after a siege of 
twelve days the town capitulated to Forde, and the 
Nizam, finding that the star of his ancient allies was no 
longer in the ascendant, changed sides with prudent ra- 
pidity, and made overtures to the English. The latter 
obtained from him the perpetual expulsion of the French, 
with the surrender of a large tract of country in the 
vicinity of Masulipatam, while Forde promised to aid 
Salibut Jung against his insurgent chiefs. He soon 
claimed the fulfilment of this latter article, but the 
English commander preferred employing his force in 
strength^iing and re-establishing the factories and settle- 
ments on the coast, the greater portion of which had 
been destroyed by Bussy. 

The victories of Forde afforded Olive the liveliest 
satisfaction. Whatever were his other defects, jealousy 
Could not be numbered among them; and the warm 
commendations bestowed by him upon his gallant sub- 
ordinate, proved how deep an interest he had taken in 
his successes. Having now leisure for the affairs of 
Madras, he directed Forde to send thither a reinforce- 
ment, and to return himself with the remainder of the 
troops to Bengal, after his conquests in the Circars had 
been placed on a secure footing. Before the arrival of 
Forde, however, Olive was called upon to encounter a 
potentate whose once mighty nameseemed now become but 
a mere shadow. This prince, the Shah Zade or heir 



66 . BRITISH SEXTLEMBNTS IN INDIA* [1739. 

apparent of the Emperor of Delhi, being persecuted by 
his father's ministers, took refuge in the re^on of 
Eohilcund, where he surrounded himself with an armj 
composed of men drawn from the predatory tribes 
inhabiting those elevated table-lands. He was soon 
induced by the Nabob of Oude to advance against 
Moorshedabadj and Meer Jaffier, terrified for his throne, 
lost no time in communicating his fears to the Council 
at Calcutta. Experience had taught Clive to despise 
a prestige existing only in titles; he and his country- 
men were no longer the timid merchants who trembled at 
the lowest satrap of the court of Delhi ; and the intrepid 
commander marched boldly forth with a small though 
disciplined body, to meet in conflict the 40,000 troops 
enlisted under the banners of the Shah Zad€. That 
personage thought fit to address the hero of Plassey in 
one of those inflated epistles which have always proved 
so soothing to the vanity of Oriental princes. The 
contents of this missive presented a singular mixture of 
arrogance and flattery ; Clive is entitled the " High and 
Mighty Protector of the Great," but he is reminded of 
his duty as a faithful servant, and exhorted to yield 
obedience to the Prince's firman. The reply was brief, 
though respectful. As an officer of the Mogul, Colonel 
Clive denied having received any orders respecting the 
Shah Zad6's coming from Delhi, and expressed the 
intention of the English to support their ally, Meer 
Jaffier. The writer continued his advance towards 
Moorshedabad, and from thence was proceeding to Patna, 
when merely the news of his coming sufficed to disperse 
the enemy, who at once broke up their ranks and 
abandoned their leader. The Shah Zad6 retired to Oude, 
but the governor of that province, and the instigator of 
the war, endeavoured to make his peace with the English 
by betraying his guest. Under theee circumstances the 
Mogul prince thought it best to appeal to the victor 
himself: his letters were now couched in the humblest, 



1759.1 HOSTUJTT OV THE DUTCH. 57 

not to say the most servile terms, and Olive, who had no 
wish to harm him, despatched a present with a letter 
counselling immediate flight. Overjoyed at his hu- 
miliation, the enemies of the prince in Delhi loaded 
Olive with commendations and honours. By a special 
firman of the Mogul the English were for the first time 
allowed to estahHsh a factory in the imperial city of 
Delhi, a position which rendered them intimately ac^ 
quainted with the weakness and degeneracy of the un- 
worthy descendants of Timour. 

Meer Jafiier proved himself still more grateful, hy con- 
ferring upon Olive the annual rent, amounting to 
30,000^., that was paid to himhy the Company for their 
territory near Calcutta. But while this weak prince 
seemed to court most eagerly the English alliance, which 
had given him his throne, and still enahled him to main- 
tain his precarious seat upon it, he vainly attempted to 
render himself independent of their support. For this 
purpose he applied to the officers of a power which of 
late years had not specially distinguished itself in the 
Indian continent by any action worthy of record. The 
Dutch possessed indeed flourishing settlements in Batavia 
and Ceylon, but their depots along the coasts of India 
never aspired to any character above that of places of 
traffic. They held aloof from politics, and during the 
contests between the English and Frendb, their chief aim 
had been to remain neutral. The Dutch settlement of 
Ohinchura, not farfrom Chandemagore, escaped therefore 
iinmolested by the English, when Olive captured the 
latter ; and its governor, M. Bisdom, always exhibited 
a most friendly feeling towards the Council of Calcutta. 
It was then with no small surprise that Clive heard of 
the intrigues set on foot between his old acquaintance 
and Meer Jaffier. A rumour that Great Britain and 
Holland would speedily be at war, excited still more 
men's minds, and gave rise in the Council to various dis- 
cussions as to the propriety of taking some step against 



53 BBI3nD3H SETTLEKENtlS IH IITBIA. i\n9. 

the Dutcli. From the nniyersal opinion that this 
measure was necessary, Olive alone dissented; he derided 
the fears of his colleagues, and in answer to their repre* 
sentations that the Dutch were increasing their fleet in 
Batavia, he maintained that the destinati<»i of this 
armament was not the mouth of the Ganges, hut the 
island of Ceylon. His calmness and confidence might 
have been feigned, but he gare the highest possible gua- 
rantee for the reality of his own ccmyictions by trans- 
mitting the greater part of his private fortune to England, 
through the medium of the Dutch East India Company. 

If indeed his credulity had been imposed upon, he 
was soon destined to be undeceived* Two or three 
Dutch vessels dropped quietly down the river, and made 
repeated attempts to land soldiers at Chinchura. These 
measures drew forth warm protests from Clive, who could 
now no longer uMbxd credence to the excuses of the 
Dutch, or the plausible statements of Meer Jaffier. 
The latter had affected the greatest possible alarm at 
the intelligence that a Batavian fleet was coming to the 
mouth of the Hooghly, and complained at Calcutta, that 
the Dutdi were sdlying themselves with the Nabob of 
Oude. 

In October 1759 the much expected armament ar- 
rived. Eight hundred Europeans, with a strong subsidy 
of native troops and some artillery, had been embarked 
in five large vessels, three of which were fitted up as 
men of war. At this period, Clive's means of defence 
appeared unusually small. The majority of the Bengal 
troops had been despatched in various directions, to 
Masulipatam, Patna, and the Coromandel coast. The 
allegiance of Meer Jaffier was more than suspicious; and 
emboldened, perhaps, by the prospect of immediate as- 
sistance, he permitted the Dutch to collect recruits on 
every side; while his son Meeran displayed the most 
zealous activity on their behal£ But the influence of 
Clive supplied the place of an army. Wi& his wonted 



1759.] BXFBAT OV TBM PVTOE. 59^ 

m&cgj he compelled the TaciUatiiig Nabob to command 
the strangers to quit his territories, while he rigorously 
exercised the right of search upon every Dutch vessel 
ascending the Hoo^lj. Just as the crisis was becoming 
serious, Colonel Forde arrived from Masulipatam, having 
quitted the service in conseqence of some ill feeling on 
tlie part of the authorities. Urged bj Olive's representa- 
tions, however, he consented to assume the command of 
» party directed against the Dutch factory of Ghinchura. 

The expedition proved completely successful. Inter- 
cepting the Dutch forces on their way from the ships, 
Porde placed himself midway between them and the 
factory, thus preventing their obtaining any succours 
from thence. He then despatched a messenger to Olive 
for an order of Oouncil authorizing him to attack the 
enemy. The missive reached the Governor in the 
evening, and while he was unbending himself at an 
evening party, afler the &tigues of the day. Without 
e?ai rising from the table where he sat, OUve wrote on 
a slip of paper the following brief though characteristic 
sentence:- — ^''Dear Forde, fight them immediately, and I 
will send you an order of Oouncil to-moirow." 

He had not miscalculated either the alacrity or the 
obedience of his subordinate. Forde engaged the Dutch 
forthwith at Bridona, routed them completely, and having 
made several important persons prisoners, laid close siege 
to Chinchura. Almost simultaneously, Olive fitted up 
three trading vessels, and sent them to attack the Dutch 
fleet. The result was a complete victory, and the factory, 
terrified at the consequences of their intrigues, strove by 
every means in their power to pacify the victors. They 
disavowed the proceedings of their ofiicers, and gladly 
engaged to defray the expenses of the war. Another 
humiliation, not perhaps undeserved, awaited them a few 
days afterwards. The son of the Nabob, Meeran, hoping 
to share with the conquering party the plunder of the 
vanquished, had assembled an armed rabble in the 



^0 BRITISH SBTTLBMENTS IK IlTDIA. tl759. 

Yicinity of Chinchura. According to tbe Indian fasliioii, 
his late allies were now fair game, the more especially 
since their disasters had left them without the means 
of resistance. They found themselves obliged therefore 
to supplicate the aid of Clire, who, sending a detachment 
to their succour, soon dispersed the Nabob's forces, and 
established N tranquillity in the neighbourhood of the 
factory. 

The daring of Oliye had thus placed his countrymen 
in a position far above the jealousy of European rivals, 
or the intrigues of Indian princes. His personal risk 
and responsibility throughout this transaction was how- 
ever of no ordinary kind. He himself said, ** A public 
man must sometimes act with a halter round his neck ;" 
and doubtless the success of his proceedings may par- 
tially at least have procured them exemption from censure. 
Yet in his public conduct at this time we have the germ 
of that policy which afterwards involved himself and 
Warren Hastings in so many disputes with the autho- 
rities at home. The necessity for prompt and vigorous 
action, unfettered perhaps by the constitutional ideas 
which restrict the measures of government in England, 
was gradually elevating the Chief of the Executive at 
Calcutta into an irresponsible Dictator. 



1760.] DISA8TEB8 07 THB 7RSK0H. 61 



CHAPTER V^ 

cxrne rm bngxaiyd— tboublzs in bengal— suiaoo. 
1760—1766. 

r The departure of Clive from India at the oom- 
mencement of 1760, leaves us leisure to review the 
proceedings of the English in the south. Ejre Coote had 
assumed the chief command in those parts, and concen* 
trating his forces at Conjeveram, lost no time in laying 
siege to the fort of Wandewash, then garrisoned hy 
French troops. Foiled in his attempts to relieve this 
place, Lallj seized upon Conjeveram by a coup de main; 
but not finding there the treasures he expected, endea- 
voured to regain Wandewash, which the English had 
taken by storm shortly before. This effort brought on 
a battle, contested for some time with obstinacy, but 
terminating at last in favour of the English, Lally lost 
in the action 600 men with 24 pieces of cannon, the 
brave Bussy being among the prisoners. His defeat on 
this occasion proved but the first link in a series of dis* 
asters under which the French finally sank. Arcot, 
Yellore, Ghillumbarum, and Ouddalore, fell successively 
into the hands of the English, and after a vain attempt to 
procure the aid of Hyder Ali, who at that juncture was 
first becoming prominent in the affairs of the Deccan, the 
French commander found himself thoroughly hemmed in 
by the English, and confined to the walls of Pondicherry. 
Coote commenced at once the siege of this place, and on 
the 4:th of January, 1761, Lally was driven by famine to 
capitulate. The conquerors destroyed the town with its 
fortifications, and thus deprived their rivals of the last 
possession belonging to France upon the Indian continent. 



62 BRIZI8H SBTTLXMElfTS IN INDIA. D^^!)* 

Lally and Bussy, being liberated on parole^ returned 
to France to meet a fate strikingly diverse. Bossy, 
respected by his foes, and in the enjoyment of a splendid 
fortune, was courted and caressed, while the unfortunate 
Lally became the scape-goat of popular indignation. All 
the reverses and losses in India were laid to his charge ; 
he was imprisoned in the Bastile, and finally dragged 
forth in a dung cart to perish on the Place de Qreve 
by the hand of the executioner. 

While th« sister presidencies (if we may anticipate 
that title) of Madras and Calcutta were being raised into 
independent states, that of Bombay advanced with equal 
steps in the career of prosperity. During the decline 
of the Mogul power, the onoe flourishing town of Surat 
suffered severely from the intrigues and factions of the 
local Mohammedan authorities. The English factory in 
the place participated in the general depression conse- 
quent on these turbulent dissensions ; and its memb^, 
unable any longer to bear the extortions and misgovem- 
ment of the Emperor's officers, applied for aid to their 
countrymen at Bombay. 

The Hindoo merchants gladly welcomed the security 
of English protection, and readily undertook to pay to 
the Bombay authorities a certain annual tribute, while 
the court of Delhi viewed with no adverse or hostile feel- 
ing the abasement of its overgrown vassals. An expedi- 
tion soon brought these chiefs to reason, and the Mogul, 
or rather his minister, conferred upon the English com- 
manders the title of Admirals of the Imperial fleet. 

The reception of Olive when he reached England was 
calculated.to excite the liveliest emotions in the mind of 
one who was by no means insensible to the voice of public 
approbation. His princely wealth, amounting it is said 
to £60,000 per annum, enabled him to enjoy all the ad- 
vantages of which affluence is productive, while his merits 
secured for him a large share of those honours, the 
value oif which is enhanced by the circumstance that 



4761.] ELEVATION OF OLIVE TO THE PEERAGE. 63 

ihe J cannot be purchased. The most flattering at ten tions 
were paid him by rojaltj itself as well as by men of the 
highest rank; while the illustrious Lord Chatham spoke 
of him in public as a ^'heaven-bom generaL" Elevated 
to the peerage as Baron Olive of Flassey, he did not 
forget his old acquaintances amid the splendid crowd 
who pressed around him and courted his intimacy. Upon 
several of his most deserving Mends he conferred liberal 
annuities, and among these was his old patron Lawrence, 
whose wealth had by no means kept pace with his 
deserts. 

But Olive soon found himself doomed to experience 
the hollow nature of mere popular favour. The causes 
which led to this sudden reversion of feeling require, how- 
ever, a few preliminary observations, respecting the consti- 
tution of that Oompany of merchant princes who were 
now being exalted almost to the rank of independent 
^vereigns. Originally an association of traders, the 
rules and regulations of this body had been framed 
exclusively with a view to promote commerce, and to 
ensure the fair representation in their business meetings 
of every individual who contributed a capital of £500 to 
the funds of the Oompany. The Oourt of Proprietors 
was composed of these last, and from them were elected 
twenty-four members, whose stock exceeded £2,000 in 
value, and who formed, when chosen, the Oourt of 
Directors. As the proprietors met once a quarter, and 
possessed thepowerof making bye-laws on these occasions, 
it soon became evident that a constitution which might 
have suited admirably a trading community was not 
adapted to meet the necessities of a growing empire. The 
increase of the British domination in India, impressed 
in various ways the different individuals composing the 
unwieldy parliaments of Leadenhall Street. The timid 
trembled, remonstrated, and prophesied inevitable ruin 
to the funds from the proceedings of Olive and his 
associates ; the bold and ambitious exulted in the splendid 



64 BRITISH SETTLEMKHTS IN INDU. [1761* 

visions now dawning upon their view; while a third 
partj, composed of men with envious and carping minds, 
complained of the honours and fortunes that had accrued 
to the most deserving of their servants. The natural 
result of these differences of opinion in the deliberative 
body being unchecked hj the existence of an independent 
executive, exhibited itself in the ill-judged and self* 
contradictory instructions forwarded to the Company's 
representatives in the East. Obedience to. these missives 
on the part of the local authorities would have been 
ruin, and therefore their only alternative was to disregard 
them ; but both reason and experience show that a 
State can never be well governed which owes its safety 
to insubordination. . 

The keen statesman-like mindof Glive penetrated atonce 
the nature of these difficulties and discerned their obvious 
remedy. Before he left India, he addressed a letter to 
Mr. Pitt, describing the position and probable future of 
the English in India, while he strongly urged the min- 
isters of the Crown to take matters into their own hands. 
This communication became public, and excited against 
the writer the indignation of many at Leadenhall Street, 
who loved power, and resented the proposal of Olive to 
deprive them of it. 

When the late governor reached England, he found a 
Mr. Laurence Sullivan, Deputy Chairman of the Court 
of Directors. This gentleman, from his long residence 
in India, and undeniable abilities, both deserved and 
obtained the confidence of the majority among the pro- 
prietors: and although originally a supporter and admirer 
of Clive, he saw in his return home the approach of a 
powerful rival, who might eventually drive him from 
the position he had with so much labour acquired. To 
prevent this, became, henceforward, Mr. Sullivan's chief 
aim: Clive, he insinuated, was too powerful and too 
wealthy; the letter to Mr. Pitt appeared a decided act 
of insubordination, while the acceptance of 1 aarge grant 



1761.3 LEC^AL PROCEBDINOS AGAINST CLIVE. 65 

from Meer Jaffier, he characterised as the act of tm un* 
faithful and covetous official bent upon enriching him- 
self at the expense of the Company he serired. The 
Deputy Chairman even hinted to Clive his wish that the 
latter should take no share in Indian politics, with the 
tacit understanding, that in that case, his revenue might 
be enjoyed without molestation. 

For a time, the hero of Plassey maintained a prudent 
reserve, but various circumstances led him finally to 
break the restrictions which he had imposed upon him- 
self. The claims of those who, having served under him 
in India, naturally sought his aid, and invoked his 
influence at home, tended to bring him into collision 
with Sullivan, by whom many of Lord Clive's friends 
were regarded with feelings of personal dislike. Political 
animosities added fuel to the fame. Mr. Sullivan was 
a warm supporter of Lord Bute, Clive adhe^d as firmly 
to the party of Granville. At length their mutual ill 
feeling came to a crisis, and Clive strained his influence 
to the utmost for the purpose of opposing Sullivan's 
election. His efforts failed, but the attempt drew down 
'ipon him the threatened vengeance of the adverse, and 
now triumphant party. The Court of Directors issued 
orders, that the Governor of Bengal should pay over to 
them the rent of the territory or Jaghire, granted to 
Clive by Meer Jaffier. He appealed against their pro- 
ceedings to the Courts of Law, a bill was filed in Chan- 
cery, and the first lawyers in the country pronounced 
the ground taken by the directors untenable. At this 
juncture, however, came disastrous news from the East. 
Revolutions had broken out at Moorshedabad ; the mis- 
conduct of the local authorities was but too palpable ; 
trade suffered materially, and the dividends remained 
in consequence unpaid. The proprietors trembled with 
alarm, they met in full court, and determined that Clive 
sbould be entreated to save them. Every inducement 
was to be offered him. The disputed jaghire should, 
F 



6A BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1769. 

be restored, the fullest powers accorded. In vain the 
directors exerted their influence, they were manifestly 
outvoted, and there remained nothing but to wait with 
ill-dissembled anxiety for the reply of Clive. In that 
answer he professed himself willing to accept office upon 
one condition^ the secession ot Mr. Sullivan from the 
management of affairs. The latter thus openly and 
directly attacked, endeavoured^ as was natural, to defend 
himself. He strove to induce the Court of Proprietors 
to alter their determination, but bis representations met 
with no success, and finally the directors found them- 
selves compelled to nominate Lord Clive, Governor and 
Commander-in-chief of Bengal. His opponent, Sullivan^ 
contrived by a hard struggle to retain his seat at the 
next election, but the party of Clive formed the majority 
in the upper court, and they willingly acceded to the 
propositions which he laid before them, namely, that he 
should retain his jaghire for the ensuing ten years, be 
permitted to name his own Committee of Council, and 
recommend the different military officers to be employed 
under him. 

The amount of confidence thus bestowed on Lord Clive 
was neither misplaced nor unnecessary. The affairs of 
Bengal had, by the mismanagement of the C(»nmittee of 
Council, reached the climax of confusion and disorder; 
nor,perhaps, could a governor invested only with ordinary 
powers, have stemm^ effectually the torrent of corrup*. 
tion and political folly. In order, however, that the 
reader may understand the nature of these embarrass- 
ments, if will be necessary to take a brief retrospective 
view of the march of events, during the period that 
elapsed between the departure of Clive from India in 
1759, and his return to it in 1765. 

Mr. Vansittart, a Madras civil servant, had been ap- 
pointed to succeed Clive as Governor of Bengal. With 
upright intentions and average abilities, this gentleman 
possessed no knowledge of the province, the affairs of 



1760.} ATTACK OF FATNA BY THE MOGUL 67 

wbicli he was called upon to administer; and therefore 
soon found himself under the guidance of the senior 
members of Council. Among these stood most promi- 
nent Mr. Holwell, the survivor of the Black Hole tra- 
gedjy who had discharged, during the interim, the func- 
tions of governor. . The veteran civilian, whose view of 
public affairs seems to have been a narrow and contracted 
one, no sooner found himself freed from the checks that 
the clear judgment and unerring sagacity of Olive ever 
opposed to the prejudices and antipathies of his coun- 
sellors, than he began to give the reins to an old-standing 
animositj against Meer Jaffier. That wretched poten- 
tate was fast sinking under the troubles and difficulties 
which environed him on eveiy side. Always poor, his 
revenues had been of late materially diminished, owing 
to the system of private traffic indulged in hy the agents 
of the Company, and connived at by their superiors of 
Calcutta. The consequence was, that he could neither 
meet the demands of the English, nor satisfy his rapa-* 
cious troops. To add to these embarrassments, he was 
suddenly called upon to repel an invasion from without. 
The Shah Zad6, mentioned a few pages back, had suc- 
ceeded to his jOgither's throne at Delhi, and once more 
resolved to possess himself of Moorshedabad. This prince, 
who, on his accession, assumed the lofty appellation of 
Shah Alim, or King of the World, won over to his side 
the powerful Nabob of Oude, upon whom he conferred 
the title of Vizier. With these was allied the Bajah of 
Pumeah, a vassal of Meer Jaffier, who hoped to rise, by 
the downfall of his liege lord, to the vacant post from 
which the latter had been ejected. 

The Mogul prince attacked Patna, of which Bam- 
narrain, a faithful ally of the English, was governor. 
Colonel Calliaud advanced to support the garrison, and 
encountering the Imperial forces in a pitched ba;ttley 
defeated them with considerable loss, a disaster which 
induced Shah Alim to retreat with all possible celerity 



68 BRITISH SETTLBMBNTS'lN INDIA. [1761. 

to Delhi, and leave for the present the province of 
Bengal in peace. 

During an expedition made against the Bajah of 
Piimeah, by Meer JaflSer and his son Meeran, the latter 
lost his life by a stroke of lightning, a misfortune 
ivhich hastened his father's downfall. Meeran, though 
cruel, dissolute, and an enemy to the English, had been 
noted among his people for good faith. Brave and ener- 
getic, these qualities endeared him to the army, and 
their confidence in the Prince's honour led them to wait 
with patience for the arrears of pay still due. This 
restraint, however, being removed, the soldiers broke 
out into open mutiny, assembled round the Nabob's 
palace, in Moorshedabad, and even threatened his life. 

Accustomed to lean for support upon the strong mind 
and energetic arm of Clive, Meer Jaffier expected to de- 
rive from his patron's successors, the same amount of 
counsel and assistance. But he rested on a broken 
reed. The funds of the presidency were in a state of 
bankruptcy ; the Council dreaded every moment a mu- 
tiny among their own troops, and Mr. Vansittart had 
been taught to regard Meer Jaffier as being, at least in 
part, the author of these calamities. In answer, there- 
fore, to his appeal, the Council resolved to depose him, 
and replenish their exhausted coffers by an astute bar- 
gain with his successor. 

In the provinces of India, candidates for vacant dig- 
nities were easily found. The one selected by Mr. 
Vansittart was Meer Cossim Ali, the son-in-law of the 
reigning Nabob, an ambitious and greedy man, who, in 
his eagerness to possess himself of his relative's authority, 
made the most extravagant promises to his allies. Mr. 
Vansittart's share of the booty amounted to 58,000^., 
while 142,000?. was to be divided among eight members 
of the government. This necessary preliminary being 
arranged, the English governor, at the head of a large 
body of troops, waited on Meer Jaffier, with the view of 



.1761.3 M. LAW — ^BAMNABBAIN. 69 

^^ persuading, ^^ as he himself phrases it, the Nahob to 
resign his power into the hands of his son-in-law* Per- 
suasion under certain circumstances becomes command, 
and Meer Jaffier well understood the nature of his posi- 
tion, and the consequences of non-compliance with the 
governor's advice. He yielded with Oriental calmness 
to a necessity which he could not control, and retiring 
with his family to Calcutta, subsisted upon a pension 
allowed him by the English authorities. 

The commencement of Meer Cossim's reign was stormy 
and troubled. The Mogul Shah Alim again invaded 
Bahar, aided by a resolute band of French adventurers 
xinder M. Law. This soldier of fortune, like the Free 
Lances and Gondottieri of the middle ages, wandered 
about from place to place, disposing of the muskets of 
his followers to the best bidders among the turbulent 
princes of Hindoostan, His valour almost turned the 
fortune of the day, when the English under Major 
Oamac, engaged the Mogul on the plains of Bahar. 
But receiving little or no support from his Indian allies, 
the brave Frenchman deemed it useless to maintain a 
struggle that must ultimately fail, and seating himself 
cross-legged upon one of his cannons, he surrendered in 
that singular posture to the English commander. 

The vanquished Mogul, at the request of his English 
victors, cast over their puppet, Meer Cossim, the sanction 
of his Imperial authority, investing him formally with 
the soubahdarship of Bengal and Bahar, while at the 
same time he privately offered the Oompany to grant 
them directly the Dewanee or chief rule in those regions. 
It was thought best, however, for the present to govern 
by proxy, and Cossim Ali therefore remained undisturbed 
in his new dignity. The first public act of the recently 
inaugurated Nabob, was the perpetration of an outrage 
which disgraced himself and dishonoured his English 
allies. Ever since the fall of Suraj-ood-Dowlah, Bam- 
narrain> Qovernor of Patna, had exhibited a rare instance 



70 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1768. 

of good faith and unvarying adherence to the Engiish 
government. His fidelity, however, proved no safeguard 
to himself, since Meer Cossim, under the mistaken idea 
that the Hindoo was in possession of ]arge sums of money, 
planned an expedition against Patna, which was sanc- 
tioned by Mr. Vansittart. The military officers in Benr 
gal, Major Gamac and Colonel Ooote, positively refused 
to have any share in this nefarious transaction, but they 
were superseded by their superiors, and the unfortunate 
flamnarrain, having been taken captive by the Nabob's 
troops, was imprisoned^ tortured, and finally put to 
death. 

This act of injustice brought with it its own punish- 
ment. The native chiefs, alienated from the English by 
the ingratitude manifested towards Eamnarrain, attached 
themselves to the Nabob, and soon persuaded that weak- 
minded prince, that he might, if he chose, free India 
from the encroaching strangers. Unfortunately there 
existed but too many just causes of complaint against 
the authorities at Calcutta, although many of the abuses 
introduced by them, had their origin in the ill-judging 
parsimony of their employers at home. Men of educa- 
tion and respectability were despatched to India with 
salaries so ridiculously small, that they proved utterly 
inadequate for the supply of a decent maintenance in 
the country itself, and of course left the official no means 
of providing for his future support, when, worn out in 
the service, he retired to end his days in his native 
land. It was natural to suppose that some counter- 
balance would be found to this grievous inconvenience, 
and the remedy for it was soon discovered to be private 
trade. 

That system, indeed, proved by no means beneficial to 
the Company at large, whose revenues it materially 
•diminished, but as they pertinaciously adhered to their 
tunwise plan of paying small salaries to their servants, 
they could not but connive at the endeavours of those 



1763.] KASSICRE OF PATNA. Ti. 

servants to supply their necessary wants by private 
traffic* Yet, while the native rulers of the country re- 
tained sufficient power to enforce their own commercial re- 
gulations, the evil seemed comparatively of little moment. 
But when in process of time the English gained so strong 
a footing in the land, that they could raise or depose 
princes at pleasure, it was speedily found that they 
infringed without scruple those enactments to which 
native merchants were still subjected. All kinds of 
merchandise passed unsearched, if protected by the 
Company's flag; and this exemption from toll and inspeo^ 
tion became so advantageous, that individual civil ser*- 
vants soon found it convenient to transmit their own. 
private ventures as though they had been the goods or 
their employers. Nor were they content with this, but 
suffered their native dependents to avail themselves of 
the same privileges; a proceeding which led to endless 
quarrels and dissensions, and called forth from impro- 
tected traders the most grievous complaints. 

Meer Oossim soon saw, as a natural consequence, his re- 
venues diminished, and his authority set at nought, while 
the remonstrances forwarded by him to Calcutta obtained 
no effectual redress. Many indeed of the delinquents 
were themselves members of Council, and as such had a 
direct interest in keeping up the abuses complained of. 
Finding his representations disregarded, the Nabob 
Anally abolished all duties throughout his dominions, 
and thereby drew down upon himself the fierce resent- 
ment of the monopolists. The latter sent Messrs. Hall 
and Amyatt to demand that the obnoxious measure 
should be rescinded. Not content with this, Mr. Ellis, 
the resident at Fatna, having been furnished with a 
small military force, seized upon the citadel of that 
place. Furiously indignant, Meer Cossim marched his 
troops thither, stormed the fort, and after putting about 
150 British subjects to death, sought refuge from the 
impending storm* within the territory of Oude, 



72 BBITISn SETTLEHENIS IK IKDIA. " [176S. 

When these disasters were known in Calcutta, it vfus 
determined that Meer Jaffier should be again elevated 
to the mnsnud of Bengal* Despite his past experience 
.of the cares of government, the yain old man caught 
eagerly at the glittering bauble, making promises to his 
allies, which, if performed, would soon have occasioned 
his deposition a second time. Meanwhile, Meer Cossim 
was collecting the materials for resistance. In addition 
to his native troops he had secured the services of a 
European named Sombre, formerly a seijeant in the 
French army, and generally known by the orientalized 
appellation of Sumroo. This adventurer trained and 
disciplined a body of natives afkr the European manner, 
and thus enabled his patron to make a fair stand in the 
field. But Sombre disgraced his unquestionable abilities 
and military skill by the most fiendish cruelty. The 
massacre of Patna had been conducted under his super- 
vision, and few Englishmen that fell into his hands 
escaped with life. 

With Meer Cossim, were now closely allied the Mogul 
Shah Alim, and the Nabob Vizier of Oude, Sujah Dowlah. 
They advanced to Benares together, encamping not far 
from the English forces under Major Carnac. The 
latter army was in a most disorganized state, numbers 
of desertions took place daily among the Europeans, while 
the sepoys threatened to mutiny if their pay were not im- 
mediately raised. An engagement, however, under the 
walls of Patna, terminated fatally for Meer Cossim, who 
found himself, with his allies, reduced to seek safety in 
flight. After this battle. Major Hector Monro arrived, 
and assuming the chief command, took vigorous measures 
for the purpose of putting a stop to the mutinous spirit 
which he found infecting the whole army. Twenty-four 
of the ringleaders were blown from the mouth of a 
cannon in the presence of their comrades, and this seve* 
rity at once alarmed the mutineers and produced the 
most complete submission to authority. Having purged 



1765.] THE UAHBATTAS. 73 

his army of intestine disorder, Monro marched them in 
the autumn against the enemy, whom he entirely routed, 
breaking up by this victory the confederacy between the 
three native princes. Sujah Dowlah and the Mogul 
sued for peace; the latter obtained it, but the former 
refused to deliver up Sumroo and Meer Cossim, both of 
whom Monro demanded as a necessary preliminary. 

Being unwilling to surrender his former allies, Sujah 
Powlah attempted to strengthen himself by bringing in 
the Mahrattas, under their celebrated chief, Holkar; 
but this expedient did not serve his purpose, since, in 
May 1765, he was defeated with great slaughter at 
Corah, by General Camac, and found himself ultimately 
a prisoner in the hands of the English. His territories 
were restored to him, with the exception of Allahabad, 
Corah and the Douab, which passed into the possession 
of the Mogul, who, grateful for these advantages, con- 
ferred upon the Company the Dewanee of Bengal, Bahar, 
and Orissa for an annual pension of twenty-six lacs of 
rupees. 



74 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1765. 



CHAPTER VI. 

EEFOKMS EITECTED BY CLITE — HIS KETUKN TO ENGLAIH) — ^THE NABOBS 
— ACCUSATION AGAINST CLITE — HIS DEATH. 

1765-1772. 

The arrival of Olive in India proved by no means wel- 
come to the civil servants in Calcutta. One of his first 
measures was to examine into a nefarious bargain, bj 
which the sovereignty of Bengal had been conferred 
upon Nujeem-ood-Dowlah, the eldest son of Meer Jaffier, 
who had lately died. He endeavoured also with success to 
put a stop to private trading and other abuses, while he 
urged upon the directors at home the absolute necessity of 
increasing the stipends of their servants. Nujeem-ood- 
Dowlah had been appointed nabob before dive's coining, 
and much to his annoyance, the more especially es that 
prince and his ministers boasted publicly of the manner 
in which they had succeeded in bribing the principal 
members of the Calcutta Council. 

The matter was investigated, and the guilty parties 
strove to defend themselves by imputing unworthy 
motives to Clive and his party. But they could not 
stand for a moment before his stem decision of character. 
Using the dictatorial authority with which he had been 
entrusted, he suspended at once several senior civilians 
from their employments. The same firm decision he 
exhibited with regard to some refractory military 
officers, when these last resisted the withdrawal of the 
additional pay, or " double batta," as it was termed, 
which had been allowed to them during active service. 
On this occasion considerable excitement prevailed ; 200 
European officers resigned their commissions, and a 
serious mutiny was apprehended. Fearless and resolute. 



1767.] INTERVIEW BETWEBir LORD CLITE AND TflE MOGUL. 78 

Olive presented bimBelf at Monghir, where the discon- 
tented officers had assembled, he harangued the troops, 
placed the offenders under immediate arrest, and in a 
short time tranquillity and order were completely 
restored. 

Returning to Calcutta, Olive proceeded quietly with 
his reforms. His energy and determination enabled him 
to triumph over every species of opposition, but the in- 
terests which he attacked were too numerous and too 
closely connected to be assailed with impunity. The 
conscientious discharge of his duty raised him up enemies 
both in India and England, whose efforts, though they 
«ould not entirely destroy his splendid reputation, cast 
a blight upon his feme, and darkened with sorrow and 
vexation his declining days. 

During the progress of these reforms, Olive undertook 
to dethrone and pension Nujeem-ood-Dowlah, who instead 
of grieving for his lost dignity, consoled himself with 
the reflection that he now possessed a large annual sum 
to waste upon his ignoble debaucheries. Although 
deposed, however, it was thought better to effect this 
change as noiselessly as possible, and therefore while 
J^ujeem-ood-Dowlah had to all intents and purposes 
ceased to reign, the public acts of government still con- 
tinued to receive the sanction of his name. An inter- 
view took place between the Mogul and Lord Olive near 
the city of Allahabad, when the descendant of Timour 
formally invested a trading company of English mer^ 
chants with the Dewanee of the provinces of Bengal, 
Orissa, and Bahar. This investiture gave them and their 
servants the collection and absolute management of all 
taxes and revenues belonging to these districts, bestowing 
upon them in fact a virtual sovereignty over some of the 
most fertile regions in the Peninsula. 

Olive returned again to England, wearied in mind and 
broken down in health. He had undoubtedly contributed 
more than any one else to the establishment of the 



76 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA, [1767. 

British dominion in the East upon a firm and stable 
foundation. On his first arrival in India, he found the 
interests of the Company represented bj a bodj of 
powerless traders oppressed occasionally by the natiye 
authorities, and trembling at the power of the MognL 
When he relinquished the post of Goyemor, he IdBb a 
society of rulers holding in vassalage the descendant of 
Aurungzeeb, dictating to princes, and exercising uncon- 
trolled sway over the fairest regions of the Peninsula. 
With regard to much of this success he could say with 
sentiments of excusable pride, " It is my work! " He 
might have added also with truth that the inhabitants 
of the country he quitted, and the directors of the 
service he had adorned, were indebted to him for reforms 
of a most beneficial character, tending to consolidate the 
English power, and to diffuse throughout the regions 
under its sway, the blessings of prosperity and peace* 
!N'or had these measures been carried out at no personal 
inconvenience to himself. The hydra of corruption, 
though crushed by his energy, had left a sting in his 
bosom, the anguish of which drove him eventually to 
madness and despair. He was yet to exhibit during the 
brief remnant of time allotted to him, a memorable 
example of how little princely wealth and a world-wide 
reputation can contribute to happiness, when those sound 
religious principles are wanting which can alone enable 
us to bear in dignified and forgiving silence unfriendly 
censure, and to maintain peace and tranquillity within, 
while a popular tempest and the strife of men's tongues 
are raging without. Lord Olive landed in England to 
find the affairs of the Oompany in a disturbed state, and 
the Indian interest growing daily more unpopular with 
the nation at large. Various causes contributed to bring 
about this result. The quarrels among the directors, 
the industrious activity of Mr. Sullivan and his party 
in blackening the character of their opponents, and 
above all, the social absurdities and general behaviour of 



1767.3 THE NABOBS, 77 

the Anglo-Indians \7I10 returned to their native country 
after a lengthened sojourn abroad, tended to leave on the 
public mind a mingled impression of dislike and con* 
tempt, which soon found vent within the walls of 
parliament. The sudden influx of wealth that during a 
period of recent and unprecedented success had over- 
whelmed the servants of the Company, enabled many of 
them to return in a few years to England with fortunes 
equal to those possessed by the wealthiest nobles in the 
realm. The Nabob, as he was popularly termed, lived 
in a style of costly magnificence, attended by troops of 
servants, over whom he ruled with an air of imperious 
command, which, however suited to the East, was by no 
means consonant with the feelings of his countrymen. 
An unfriendly climate had injured his health, and 
generated or encouraged occasional ebullitions of peevish* 
ness and spleen. Of obscure, sometimes of humble 
origin, his manners and tastes awakened, in an age 
peculiarly alive to social distinctions, the contempt of 
those whom he irritated by eclipsing with his wealth. 
Long residence in a country where polished society was 
then utterly unknown, had vulgarized his habits, and 
obliterated from his memory even the acquirements of 
his youth. Accustomed to domineer and to indulge in 
sensual and licentious pleasures, his behaviour was 
haughty, his tone offensive, and his morals, even according 
to the low religious standard which then popularly pre- 
vailed, indecorous and reprehensible. But the odium grew 
deeper and more inveterate when frequent quarrels at 
the India-house led people to speculate upon the source 
of that wealth, the ostentatious display of which had 
already offended them so much. It was whispered that 
the vulgar disagreeable personage whom every one 
alternately flattered and despised, owed his riches to 
means which excited popular hatred without quenching 
popular contempt* Tales of provinces desolated and 
despoiled, of dethroned princes, of open and unblushing 



78 BRITISH SETTLEMBNTS tS INDIA. 



[1767. 



corruption, of the sale of justice and mercy ; with 
narratives of torture, oppression, and crime, heightened 
hj the indistinctness of the particulars related, and the 
remote position of the country which had witnessed 
their enactment, created in the public mind a deadly 
antipathy towards the Nabob class, always exaggerated, 
and sometimes unjust. As one of the leading men con- 
nected with this body, Clive found himself naturally 
exposed to the prejudices against it, which then animated 
the majority of his countrymen. Liberal and even 
munificent in his gifts, his profusion was frequently 
excessive and ostentatious. He possessed large estates, 
princely mansions, and costly equipages ; his dress and 
mode of living were alike extravagant. All these 
luxuries, rumour affirmed, had been wrung from the 
spoliation of defenceless princes, and oppressed provinces, 
if they had not been acquired by acts of positive crime. 
The peasants about Claremont, where he was erecting a 
large and spacious mansion, styled him ^Hhe great wicked 
Lord," and surmised that " the walls of his mansion had 
been built so thick to prevent the devil from carrying 
him away bodily." Clive might have contemned alike 
the sarcasms of envy and the legends of superstition, but 
he possessed defects of manner which alienated men of 
education and intelligence. His reserve, his silence, 
and the fits of depression to which he was frequently 
subject, rendered him a gloomy companion, and gave 
rise to the supposition that he suffered acutely from the 
stings of remorse. These indeed might have been more 
charitably accounted for by remembering the consti- 
tutional melancholy which even in youth had thrown 
a gloom over his existence ; but the world seldom cares 
to investigate fairly, and examine minutely, the accu- 
sations brought against those whom it dislikes or envies ; 
and thus infirmities, which if known should have excited 
sympathy, were perverted by his enemies into the tok^s 
of conscious guilt. 



U72.> OPPOSITION TO CUVB. 70 

At length, during the session of 1772, the hostile 
parties met each other face to face in Parliament. On 
the 30th of March, Mr. Sullivan brought in a bill " for 
the better regulation of the affairs of the East India 
Company, and of their servants in India, and for the due 
administration of justice in Bengal." His speech upon 
the introduction of this measure conveyed a covert attack 
on Lord Olive, who felt that the hour was now come 
when he must stand at bay. The ostensible leader of 
the opposition in the House of Oommons was not, how- 
ever, Mr. Sullivan, but OolonelBurgoyne, who, on the 13th 
of April in the same year, moved for the appointment 
of a select committee to inquire into the affairs of India. 
Summoned before this committee, Lord Olive found him- 
self subjected to a strict and searching examination. 
Eyents long passed away were alleged against him : the 
deception of Omichund, the sums received from Meer 
JafQer, the forgery of Admiral Watson's name. He replied 
boldly, not seeking for an instant to palliate or disguise 
any portion of his past conduct. With respect to the 
donation of Meer Jaffier, he gave reins to his fancy, and 
depicted in brief but impressive language, the position 
in which he found himself placed by the victory of 
Plassey. " A great prince," he said, " was dependent on 
my pleasure ; an opulent city lay at my mercy ; its 
richest bankers bid against each other for my smiles ; I 
walked through vaults which were thrown open to me 
alone, piled on either hand with gold and jewels ! 
Mr. Chairman," he concluded, " at this moment I stand 
amazed at my own moderation." 

The proceedings of the Committee were reported to the 
house on the 10th of May, prefaced by a speech from 
Colonel Burgoyne, in the course of which he drew a 
malignant and overcharged picture of Clive*s career. 
The latter defended himself with his usual energy, and 
called forth the admiration both of the senate and of 
the country at large by the eloquence manifested in his 



80 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN IKDIA* t"72. 

reply. At lesgth a resolution was passed to the effect 
that ** Kobert Lord Olive, Baron of Plassey, did possess 
himself of the sum of 234,000^. English money, and that 
Lord Cliye did at the same time render great and 
meritorious services to his country." 

The hero of Plassey had triumphed over his malig- 
nant and ungenerous foes, but the excitement proved 
too powerful for a mind inordinately susceptible. In 
the November of the same year which witnessed his 
acquittal, he committed suicide, but whether fully con- 
scious of the crime remains at least doubtful. On the 
day previous to the fatal deed, he suffered extremely 
from nervous debility, and the strong doses of opium 
which he was obliged to swallow may probably have 
clouded his reason, and in some measure diminished the 
moral turpitude of his crime. Such an end is indeed 
fearful to be contemplated; but to the Ohristian reader 
the moral of it is obvious, and the instruction conveyed 
thereby may convince even the worldly and profene 
that mere wealth is incapable of producing happiness, 
and that the highest and best deserved honours afford 
sometimes no security against the invasions of melan« 
choly or the assaults of despair, ^ 



nsr.] BISB OP HTIrER ALL 81 



CHAPTER VII. 

niDEE AU— WARMl* HASTINGS— NUKCOMAR— SIR PHILIP PRAJfCIt— 
TRIAL AND SXECUTIOir Of NUNCOUAB. 

1767—1775. : 

We must now return to the state of affairs in India 
after the departure of Lord Clive. A predatory raid of 
the Afghans into Delhi, and a rash attempt of the Cal- 
cutta Council to interfere with the internal government 
of Nepaul, were for some months the only events in 
Bengal worthy of notice. In the Carnatic, however, an 
adventurer had arisen, whose after prowess, and that of 
his son, will never be forgotten as long as English history 
endures. 

The mountains commonly known as the Ghauts com- 
mence above Surat, to the south of the river Nerbuddah, 
and extend down the peninsula towards Cape Comorin. 
In the province of Aurungabad, however, a range branches 
off from the main or western Ghauts, encircling a large 
tract of table-land, which it again shuts in towards the 
south, near the towns of Caveripooram and Sattyman- 
guttum. The lower division of these elevated regions 
forms the territory of Mysore, one of the most fertile 
portions of Southern India. To a prolific soil, which 
yields abundantly even the productions peculiar to the 
temperate zone, it adds a mild temperature and genial 
air, preserved by the vicinity of the Ghauts from the 
fierce heats of the plains. The sacred river Cavery, 
celebrated in Hindoo legends, rolls its limpid waters 
beneath the walls of Seringapatam, and forms one of the 
southern boundaries of the province. 

From the most remote antiquity, a succession of 
Hindoo rajahs, established at Mysore, governed the 



^ BRITISH SETTLEMBNTS IS INDIA. [1769. 

surrounding district, according to the regulations of their 
sacred hooks. Shut in hy their mountains on all sides, 
thej were hut slightly affected hj the changes and 
revolutions which distracted the eastern coast, or deso- 
lated the plain regions of the north. Unhappily for 
himself, however, the last rajah of this race was per- 
suaded to receive into his service a Mussulman freebooter, 
named Hyder Ali. This personage possessed authority 
over a heterogeneous assemblage of banditti, composed 
chiefly of members of the wild mountain tribes towards 
the west. By degrees he augmented the numbers of his 
band, until, deeming himself sufficiently strong to aspire 
to independent authority, he overthrew his patron the 
rajah, and seized upon his dominions. The possession 
of Mysore, however, did not long satisfy his energetic 
and ambitious spirit. One petty chief after another fell 
before his victorious arms, until his northern forays 
brought him into the immediate vicinity of the-Mahrat- 
tas, a predatory horde as unscrupulous and encroaching 
as his own. The Peishwa, or head of their confederacy, 
•encountered Hyder, on the river Kistna, and after a san- 
guinary action, drove him back to his own territory. 
Thus repulsed from the north, the freebooter descended 
upon the Malabar coast, where he easily overcame the 
timid and unwarlike Hindoos. 

The Peishwa of the Mahrattas now allied himself to 
Nizam Ali, brother and successor of Salibut Jung, Nabob 
•of the Carnatic, for the purpose of subjugating Mysore. 
This alliance was also joined by the English, who sent 
Oolonel Smith to assist the Peishwa in his military opera- 
tions. The Mahrattas and the Nizam, however, proved 
utterly undeserving of trust, since they pat<2hed up a 
separate truce with Hyder, and abandoned Smith and 
his army to their fate. That officer escaped from the 
toils spread for him, but soon found it necessary to 
retreat in the direction of Madras. Tippoo Sahib, then 
a youth of seventeen, was intrusted with a large body 



1768.] ABBEerr of lord hgoiv £$ 

of caralrj, at the head of which he laid waste the en* 
TiroQs of Madras, and carried off spoils of considerable 
value. 

Turning round upon his punuers, Colonel Smith 
defeated them in two actions, while an army from 
Bombay advanced against Hjder's acquisitions on the 
Malabar coast. But the foolish interference of the 
Madras Council with the details of the campaign, and 
their removal of Smith from the scene of action, proved 
fatal to the English, who were, at last, almost annihilated 
by the troops of Hyder. 

The treaty of Paris had once more restored Pondi* 
cherry to the French, and Hyder, who had been in cor* 
respondence with Lally during the last war, resolved 
to avail himself of the mutual rivalry existing between 
the two European nations. His overtures werer readily 
listened to at Pondicherry, and several French officers 
forthwith repaired to Mysore. By their advice, he 
planned and executed a foray into the suburban district 
around Madras, which so alarmed the council of that 
place, that they sued for peace, and allowed Hyder to 
dictate his own terms. Subsequently, however, the 
Saltan of Mysore sustained several defeats from the 
Mahrattas; but although both parties courted the alliance 
of the English, the Madras authorities were wise enough 
not to interfere. It would have been well if they had 
adhered throughout to a similar neutrality, but unfor* 
tonately they were prevailed upon, shortly afterwards, to 
assist Mohammed Ali, the Nabob of Trichinopoly in 
various petty expeditions against the rajahs of Marawar 
and Tanjore, in the course of which our allies, and even 
our own troops, inflicted various discreditable acts of 
barbarity upon the vanquished inhabitants of those dis-» 
tricts. The members of the Madras Council, about the 
same time, rose against their governor. Lord Pigot, and 
imprisoned him, a step which excited considerable sur-« 
prise and ipdignation at home. Being a man of weak 
q2 



8i BRITISH SETTLEMENTS XS INDIA. ["«, 

nerves, this indignity so preyed upon his spirits, that it 
caused his death, before Sir Thomas Rumbold, his in- 
tended liberator and successor, could reach Madras* 

During the goyemment of dive in Bengal, a young 
official in that Presidency had been gradually layiiig 
the foundation of future greatness. Warren Hastings 
for so was he called, boasted a descent irom one of the 
most ancient families in England; since his pedigree 
could be traced, it is said, to one of the Danish Sea 
Kings, and included, among its collateral branches, the 
celebi-ated Chamberlain, who perished by the tyranny 
of Richard III. Educated at Westminster, he had for 
his schoolfellows Oowper the poet, Churchill, Colman^ 
Lloyd, Cumberland, and Elijah Impey, afterwards Chief 
Justice of Calcutta, whose name was subsequently so 
closely associated with his own. The father of Warren 
Hastings, an unprincipled spendthrift, died in the West 
Indies, leaving his orphan boy to the care of a grand- 
father and uncle. After the decease of these relatives, 
a distant connexion of the family took charge of young 
Warren, and feeling anxious to rid himself speedily as 
well as decently of his burden, procured for him a wri- 
tership in the Company's service, and sent him off to 
India. The Westminster boy felt the change at first 
severely, since he had distinguished himself at school, 
and was looking forward to a scholarship at Christ 
Church. But it is the characteristic of true genius 
always to suit itself to circumstances, and Hastings 
soon turned his whole attention from hexameters and 
pentameters, to account-books and ledgers. His dili* 
gence procured for him an appointment at Cossimbazaar^ 
then merely a factory, but destined soon to become -the 
theatre of several momentous political events. The fall 
of Calcutta took place, and Hastings found himself a 
captive in the hands of the sanguinary tyrant^ Suraj- 
ood-Dowlah. Released by the good offices of the Dutch, 
he remained at Moorshedabad, keeping up an inter- 



1764.] HASTINGS APPOINTED GOVERNOR OP BENGAL. 85 

course with his fugitive countrymen who had abandoned 
Calcutta, and were seeking a temporary asylum in the 
island of Tulda. The avenger Olive arrived, Meer Jaf- 
fier ascended the throne of Bengal, and Hastings, who 
had served as a volunteer in the ranks, found himself 
appointed by the commander-in-chief — whose quick eye 
had already detected his qualifications — resident at the 
new Nabob's court. During the government of Vansittart, 
the rising civilian kept tolerably free from the oppres- 
sion and corruption that surrounded him, contriving, how- 
ever, to amass a small fortune, with which he returned 
to England in 1764. While at home, he laboured to 
promote the extension of eastern literature among his 
countrymen ; and for the furtherance of these views, pro- 
cured an introduction to the great moralist, Dr. Johnson, 
with whom he afterwards corresponded on several occa- 
sions. The loss of his fortune obliged him to return to 
India. His destination was Madras, where he effected 
some important reforms, and gained for himself so high 
a character at home, that the Directors determined to 
appoint him Governor of Bengal. This measure drew 
forth from Olive a letter to his successor, replete with 
expressions bearing testimony to the lively satisfaction 
which the appointment had afforded him. 

When Hastings arrived in Bengal, the affairs of that 
country stiU nominally ruled by the Nabob, were in a 
great measure under the control of a native minister, 
deriving his office from the British Government. The 
individual placed in this responsible position by Olive, 
was one Mohammed Beza Khan, who seems, upon the 
whole, not to have acted worse than the majority of his 
countrymen would have done in a similar post, and with 
similar opportunities of advancing their own interests. 
Power in the east, indeed, is rarely coveted from patriotic 
motives, — it is seldom sought even for its own sake; 
the great aim of the oriental statesman, being simply 
the accumulation of wealth by a skilful use of those 



86 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA* [1774, 

opportunities which an elevated station places within 
his reach. 

The known unwillingness of Olive to elevate a Mms* 
sulman to the rank of chief minister to the Nabob, had 
encouraged another candidate to offer himself, the Ma- 
harajah Nuncomar. This man, whose subsequent history 
and dark fate justify some introductory notice, was a 
Bengalee Brahmin, and one of the most influential 
members of his priestly tribe. Scrupulously exact in 
performing the ceremonial rites prescribed by Hindoo 
tradition, he was nevertheless a villain of the blackest 
dye. Perjury, treason, and dishonesty of the grossest 
kind, had been frequently laid to his charge, and proved 
beyond a doubt. Being now extremely irritated that 
Mohammed Keza Khan was preferred before him, the^ 
crafty Hindoo endeavoured, in every possible manner, 
to sap the credit of his rival. In this he succeeded far 
better than might have been anticipated, considering 
his well known and thoroughly abandoned character; 
his intrigues, indeed, had reached Leadenhall-street it- 
self, and among the first instructions received by Hast- 
ings, was an order to arrest the Mohammedan minister, 
and subject his late administration to a rigorous an4 
searching ordeal. The Directors recommended the go- 
vernor to use in this matter the assistance of Nunco- 
mar; and that unprincipled intriguer now congratulated 
himself upon the successful accomplishment of his nefa- 
rious designs. Two obstacles, however, stood in his 
way, which he had not foreseen, and could not easily 
remove. One of these was the dislike entertained to- 
wards him by Hastings; the other, the determination of 
the new governor to abolish for ever the office which 
the wily Brahmin so intensely coveted. The reasons 
ifor this latter resolve were mainly founded upon the dis- 
advantages resulting from the double form of gorem- 
ment; then existing in the province, the Nabob's min« 
ister and the Oompany being both;^ in a certain sensc^ 



1774.]^ SV^ESSIOTS OF THB MOGUL^S TRIBUTE. 87. 

i^Bpreme/wliile their mutual jealousies and intrigues im* 
peded political action, and might have led eventuallj, 
as in the case of Meer Cossim, to revolution, anarchy, 
and bloodshed. But, in addition to these more public 
and (^cial motives, the new governor regarded Nunco- 
mar with no friendly eye. While Hastings occupied a 
subordinate position at Moorshedabad, he had quarrelled 
with the ambitious Brahmin ; and although the dispute 
was sullenly terminated, in consequence of the inter* 
position or commands of superiors, a grudge remained 
behind in the breast of each, which rendered them ever 
afterwards distant and inimical. The enmity of Nunco- 
mar underwent, as may be imagined, no diminution from 
his failure in obtaining the object of his treacherous 
intrigues. Henceforth, he loathed Hastings, with aa 
intensity of hatred which can only exist in a cowardly 
and cringing mind, whose animosity, when repressed by 
fear and self-interest, continually multiplies itself, grow-i 
ing daily more venomous and malignant. 

The great difficulty against which Hastings had to 
contend, at the commencement of his career, was the 
want of money. The Directors in Leadenhall-street, 
forwarded,. from time to time, urgent requests for remits 
tances, which it was not always easy to meet satis&c^ 
torily. Their letters indeed inculcated the necessity for 
humanity, justice, and moderation. They reprobated am-* 
bitious encroachments, or any undue pressure upon an im- 
poverished people. But these commendable sentiments 
invariably prefaced a request, that their agent would 
use every effort to increase the dividends. Hastings, 
therefore, was perpetually tempted to desert the right 
for the expedient, and to employ questionable means for 
the purpose of augmenting the finances of the Company. 

One obvious measure soon occurred to him. 300,000^, 
a year was paid to the Mogul, as tribute for Bengal, 
Bahar, and Orissa. Hastings suspended this payment^ 
and wrenching from Shah Alim the .districts of AUa^ 



88 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. pm. 

habad and Corah, sold them to the Nabob Vizier of 
Oude, Sujah Dowlah. He did more. Sujah Dowlah 
was anxious to annex to his dominions the district of 
Rohilcund. This region had, for many years, been occu- 
pied by the Eohillas, a warlike and independent race of 
Afghan descent, who came originally from Cabul and 
Candahar. Valiant in the field, and high-spirited in their 
habits and demeanour, their tribes resembled greatly the 
Scottish Highlanders of the period anterior to 1745. 
But, like them, they had proved themselves dangerous 
neighbours to the unwarlike inhabitants of the plains, 
whom they at once despised and plundered. Sujah 
Dowlah felt that he was too weak to encounter alone the 
descendants of Mahmoud of Ghuznee. He, therefor^ 
resolved to obtain the aid of the English, and for that 
purpose sought an interview with Hastings. The go* 
vernor had just been engaged in sending forth an expe* 
dition against Bootan, which he subsequently annexed 
to the dominions of the Company. He had also repressed 
with vigour and success the incursions of a host of 
Saniyassies, or religious mendicants, who, under the pre* 
tence of possessing supernatural powers, overran the 
country, and committed all kinds of excesses. Having 
chased these fanatics beyond the boundaries of India, 
Hastings was now at leisure to listen to the Nabob's repre- 
sentations. Upon condition that Sujah Dowlah should 
pay to the Company forty lacs of rupees, and discharge 
the expenses of the war, the governor agreed to furnish him 
with an English force under Colonel Champion. Some 
delay ensued before the troops advanced, but at length 
they were joined by the Nabob, and the war commenced. 
Champion soon found that he was compelled to engage the 
enemy by himself, the Nabob refusing him, under yarious 
pretences, the aid of a solitary gun, or of a single troop 
of cavalry, until he saw the enemy defeated, when his 
men rushed forward, with unwonted alacrity, to plunder 
the BohiUa camp. Moved with indignation and con-* 



1773.J ^ OBUELTIES IN ROHILOUND. 89 

tempt, Champion wrote to his superior, " We have the 
honour of the day, and these handitti the profit." 

The once fertile district of Rohilcund was now exposed 
to all the horrors of war. The English commander 
remcMistrated vehemently against these barharities, and 
Hastings, through his political agent, Mr. Middletoo, 
constantly inculcated upon the Vizier the duty of accor** 
ding to the vanquished humane and considerate treat- 
ment. But SujaJi Dowlah invariably turned a deaf ear 
to these suggestions. A coward is always cruel when 
he has the means of being so; and the Nabob on this 
occasion disgraced himself, and partially dishonoured his 
allies, by the most wanton and unparalleled tyranny* 
The remnant of the Rohillas, however, under their chie^ 
Fyzoola Khan, still offered a bold front to their op- 
pressor, and Sujah Dowlah, adnionished by the evident 
disgust of the English ofiicers for his sanguinary pro-» 
ceedings, forbore to drive the vanquished to desperation, 
and finally concluded a peace with their leader. 

In 1773, a measure, termed the Regulating Act, passed 
through the British Parliament. It made Bengal the 
chief of the three Presidencies in India, and placed over 
it a governor-general, assisted by four councillors, whoso 
authority had been limited to a period of five years. 
In addition to these officials, a supreme court of justice 
was established in Calcutta, consisting of one principal, 
and three subordinate judges. 

Hastings received the appointment of governor- 
general, his councillors being Mr. Philip Francis, 
General Clavering, Mr. Monson, and Mr. Barwell, an 
old servant of the Company. Of these the former only 
possessed already an English reputation, which he still 
retains. Eumour attached to him the composition of 
the Letters of Junius, a production yet enveloped in 
seemingly impenetrable mystery. The character of 
Francis agrees tolerably, however, with that which 
imagination might assign to the anonymous politician* 



90 BRi:ra3H SETTLBIOCNTB IK Iira)IA. n'74fr 

Siern, fearless, and hauglitj, with talents of the highest 
order, but irritable and malignant by turns, Philip 
Francis seemed the exact counterpart of those turbulent 
tribunes who played so prominent a part in the dissen- 
sions of republican Rome. Soon after his arriral in 
India, he manifested a spirit of insubordination, whidi 
produced ultimately the most fatal and lamentable re^ 
suits. To Hastings he was opposed from the first, 
and the commanding energy of his character induced 
Clayering and Monson to rank themselires under his 
banner against the goTemor-general. From personal 
friendship and that professional spirit which impels 
members of the same service to support each other^ 
Barwell allied himself to Hastings ; and thus, even at the 
commencement of the new administration, two factions 
existed, whose mutual animosities impeded that unity 
of operation which is essential in all countries to success; 
^d still more so when the few rule over the many, 
and are surrounded, as in India, by hostile, or at least 
unfriendly, powers. Hastings derived additional weight 
from the arrival of his old schoolfellow Sir Elijah Impey, 
who had been nominated Chief Justice of Calcutta, and 
one of whose first duties was to give sentence against 
Francis in a court of law, wherein the latter appeared 
as defendant. 

Hating the governor-general and the chief-justice 
with equal rancour, Francis stirred up his colleagues to 
annoy the former in every possible way. His measures 
"jvere stigmatized, his plans rendered abortive, by the 
majority in the council. All affairs, whether internal 
or external, these political novices handled with rash 
impetuosity, and being wholly inexperienced with regard 
to oriental questions, they soon involved everything in 
hopeless confusion. Eeduced to a mere cipher, Hastings, 
as well as the natives who surrounded him, quicldy 
discovered that the governor-general was now but the 
powerless shadow of a mighty nama • 



m4.1 ACOUSATIOl^ OF HA8TXNQB 97 mTNCOHAR 9) 

The Nabob Sujah Dowlah being dead, bis son and suc- 
cessor Assouf-ood-Dowlab was compelled by tbe coun- 
cil to transfer to tbem tbe possessions of Gbeyte Sing, 
Bajab of Benares^ over wbich be could not claim tbe 
slightest autboritj. Tbej then interfered between the 
Presidency of Bombay and tbe Mabrattas, a proceed- 
ing tbat terminated in tb^ surrender by tbe Supreme 
Council of all tbe adyantages gained by tbe Bombay 
troops to a confederacy of Mabratta cbidb, wbile Bagoba, 
tbe ally for wbom tbe war bad been undertaken, was 
refused an asylum from tbe tengeance of bis enemies. 

Tbe governor-general offered strenuous though useless 
opposition to these impolitic measures, but soon found 
himself compelled to defend his own honour and in- 
tegrity against bis bitter opponents. He was accused of 
receiying bribes, and of putting up offices for sale ; the 
accuser being none other than bis old antagonist the 
Brahmin Nuncomar. This unprincipled schemer bad 
long watched, with feelings of gratified reyenge, the 
yexations of one whom he accounted his deadliest foe. 
He now allied himself to Francis and the majority, who 
called upon Hastings to answer the charge in their 
presence, and before Nuncomar. The goyernor-general 
indignantly refused to be confronted with a man so 
utterly depraved and worthless; but the prejudices of 
his auditors being impervious to argument, be broke 
up the council, and followed by Barwell left the room. 
Nuncomar was then examined by the remaining three ; 
his statements, though false, seemed specious, and were 
supported by an ample supply of documents, forged for 
tbe occasion, or extorted from the fears of his country- 
men. Tbe latter be well knew how to intimidate, by 
representing that the downfall of the governor-general 
was at hand, and that they would best consult their 
interests, if they secured the good-will of the triumphant 
members of the Council. Hastings found himself placed 
in so difficult a position that he forwarded his resignation 



92 BBITISH fiETTLEBIENTS IK INDIA* tl77S, 

to Colonel Maclean, his agent in England, who received 
instructions to make use of it^ in case the Directors 
should refuse to support his principal. 

But the intrigues of Nuncomar were now drawing 
to a close. He was suddenly arrested, on a chaige of 
forgery committed six years before, and tried for his 
life before Sir Elijah Impey. The jury found the pri- 
soner guilty, and the judge pronounceid upon him the 
sentence of death. No legal objection could hold against 
the fairness of this trial. The crime was fully brought 
home to the accused, and the laws of England, now 
established in Calcutta by the Regulating Act, doomed 
a convicted forger to expiate his crime upon the gal« 
lows. But the verdict excited at the time consider- 
able discussion, and provoked no slight censure. It 
was urged that the chief-justice should have granted 
a respite until the proceedings had undergone the in- 
vestigation and received the sanction of higher autho- 
rities at home. The spirit of faction led Francis and 
his party to speak of the fraudulent Brahmin, as a 
victim sacrificed to the vengeance of the governor- 
general by a chief-justice who had ever been the 
warmest supporter and most confidential friend of 
Warren Hastings. 

And now the sherifi* of Calcutta entered the cell of 
the prisoner to admonish him of his impending fate. 
Nuncomar received the mournful intelligence with that 
calm composure which, even under the pressure of the 
severest calamity, stiU characterises the weakest and 
most efieminate of his race. He sent his compliments 
to Francis, Clavering, and Monson, commending to their 
protection his son, Bajah GK)ordas; and then occupied 
himself in writing letters and accounts during the 
remainder of the day. On the ensuing morning a large 
crowd assembled to see him die. The majority indeed 
were drawn thither from motives the least akin to 
morbid curiosity. The Brahminical caste of Nuncomar, 



1775.] £!XEOUTXON OF NUNOOHAB, 93 

the high position which he had hitherto occupied, the 
comparatiyelj slight estimate formed hy the majority of 
his countrymen of the crime for which he was to suffer, 
tended to excite in the hreasts of that vast concourse 
feelings of sympathy mingled with horror. They could 
scarcely believe that the strangers would dare to pollute 
their soil with the blood of a sacred Brahmin. 

The prisoner arrived at the place of execution, pre^* 
serving his composure to the last The drop fell ; and 
a shriek of horror^ succeeded by the loud wailings of 
despair, burst from the multitude. Alarm and dismay 
penetrated even remote districts, while the spectators of 
the scene retained for many months the recollection of 
an event which had 'stirred up feelings ordinarily so 
alien to their apathetic minds. 



94 BRITISH SETIIJBiaBNTS IN tSDlA. liTTS. 



CHAPTER Yin. 

▲PFOINTMlSNT 07 GSKE&AX CLAYIRIITG TO REPLACE HASTINGS — SSIN* 
STATEMENT OF THE LATTER — THE MAHRATTA8 — ^DUEL BETWEEN HAS- 
TINGS AND 7RANCIS — HYDEB ALI — CAHPAIGN IN THE CARNATIC— 
REPEAT OF BAILUS— RETURN OP BU88Y— THE SUOOBBSION OP TIFPOO 
— CUDDALORE — ^HEBNADOTTE — CAPTURE OP SEDNOEJB-<-SXP£DITION 
OP COLONEL PULLARTON — PEACE WITH TIPPOO, 

1775-1784. 

The reports from Bengal forwarded by the majority in 
the Calcutta Council were not likely to secure popu- 
larity for Hastings at home. The Directors blamed 
with justice the Rohilla war, and the minister of the day, 
Lord North, felt anxious to promote his political sup- 
porter, Clavering to the post of governor-general. He 
was, therefore, disposed to view the conduct of Hastings 
through the medium of a strong party bias, influenced 
by which, he endeavoured to procure his recal. The 
agent of the governor-general, alarmed at this combi- 
nation, produced the letter of resignation ; the Directors 
readily accepted it, and despatched Mr. Wheler to fill 
the vacant post. They determined, however, that, in the 
interim. General Clavering should hold the reins of 
government until the arrival of his successor. 

But before the intelligence of these alterations reached 
Calcutta, the death of Monson had given Hastings a 
majority in the CounciL He at once, therefore, rescinded 
his former determination^ and protested that his resig- 
nation had been tendered by Colonel Maclean and 
accepted by the Directors, in consequence of the former 
having misunderstood his real meaning. This plea, 
though not clearly made out, seemed plausible, and very 



1775.1 DECISIOK OF SIB ELUAH IMFBT. 95 

little show of reason would Hare satisfied the English 
and native inhabitants of Calcutta, who were all dis- 
posed to favour Hastings. But Olarering, a man of 
hasty temperament, insisted that the instructi<ms of 
the Directors should be fullj carried out. He assumed 
at once the name and rank of governor-general, held 
a council, of which Francis constituted the sole member, 
and demanded the keys of the fort and treasury. Has- 
tings defended his position with temperance and mo- 
deration. While he took the precaution of issuing a 
general notification, commanding all military officers in 
the Presidency to obey no orders but his, he offered to 
submit the point in dispute to the arbitration of the 
Supreme Court. This the opposing parties could not 
re^se, and Sir Elijah Impey decided at once in favour 
of Hastings, who it was arranged should retain his post 
until further instructions arrived from home. 

The defeated members of council might have raised 
an objection to the arbitration of Impey, on account of 
his strong party-feeling for their opponent; but they 
-were at the same time aware that among their country- 
men in Calcutta they should meet with neither sym- 
pathy nor support. The execution of Nuncomar against 
the expressed wishes of those who clearly constituted 
the majority in Council had struck awe into the natives, 
none of whom, however ambitious or intriguing, dared 
now to cross the path of the governor-general. Mor- 
tified at his Mlure, which sensibly affected a frame 
already enfeebled by sickness, General Clavering did 
not long survive the triumph of his rival. Mr. Wheler, 
who reached India soon afterwards, took his seat as a 
member of council, and in that capacity generally sided 
with Francis. Still the governor-general possessed the 
casting vote, and this, with the staunch support of Bar- 
well, enabled him to overbear all opposition. The 
Directors, being convinced of his merits, reappointed him 
when the allotted term of five years had expired, while 



96 BRITISH SETTLEKENTS IS INDIA. [177S. 

Lord North, whose attention was engrossed by ofiatters 
nearer home, gladly acquiesced in their choice. 

The Indian empire indeed required at this period the 
guidance of a steady and experienced statesman. In 
Europe war was impending with France, Spain, and Hol- 
land ; while two of these powers possessed the means of 
stirring up against us the princes of Hindoostan* On 
that continent the power most feared by Hastings was 
the Mahratta confederacy, which, though in reality com- 
posed of various distinct tribes, acknowledged one head^ 
the Bajah of Sattara — and preserved at least the appear- 
ance of union amongst themselves. It seems ever the 
tendency of oriental despotisms to degenerate into minis- 
terial tyranny* The dominion, founded originally by 
some daring adventurer, passes from his vigorous haxtds 
to those of descendants nursed in luxury and pampered 
by excess. A sense of incompetency produces afterwards 
the transfer of authority to a minister capable of wielding 
it, who frequently ends by tyrannising over both prince 
and people. The nominal Bajah of the Mahrattas was 
no exception to this rule. As heir to Sevajee, the foun- 
der of the Mahratta monarchy, his supremacy remained 
uncontested; but the real power rested with the Peishwa, 
his chief minister, who resided in great state at Poena, and 
ruled over the provinces of Aurungabad and Bejapoor. 

Under the sway of this potentate were ranged various 
semi-independent chiefs, somewhat resembling the great 
feudatories of the middle ages, except that their conneo* 
tion with their superior or liege was more fluctuating 
and less direct. The Rajahs of Tanjore, for instance, 
made peace or war without reference to the Peishwa, 
who, on the other hand, did not always feel himself bound 
to aid his vassals in their contests with the neighbouring 
powers. Still, a great emergency, in the issue of which 
all felt themselves interested, could cement in an instant 
a bond of union that would oppose to an invader the 
undivided strength of the Mahratta tribes. 



1779.2 FIRST MAHRATTA WAB. 97 

Hastisgs had received information which led him to 
believe that the French were carrying on secret negotia- 
tions with the Peishwa, at Poona. An envoy had ar* 
nved there, it was said, bearing presents from Louis 
X YI.^ and charged with the task of arranging an alliance 
against the English. Hastings resolved to crush at once 
the Peishwa and his plots. Bagoba, another Mahratta 
chief, had for some time coveted the post of prime minis- 
ter to the descendant of Sevajee. His claims, therefore, 
the governor-general determined to support ; and as the 
season was not propitious for a voyage by sea, he pro- 
posed in council that the army should advance on land 
directly across the continent. This plan excited the 
lidicule of Francis and Wheler, but Hastings was inexo- 
rable, and took measures at once for the purpose of car- 
rying out his project. The command of these troops 
had been given, in the first instance, to Colonel Leslie, 
but the expedition in his hands did not prosper, and 
Hastings sent Colonel Goddard to supersede him. God- 
dard showed himself a man of energy and resolution; he 
crossed the Nerbudda without delay, and received an in- 
timation from the Bombay authorities that their detach- . 
ment, under Colonel Egerton, should meet him in the 
neighbourhood of Poona. Unhappily two commis- ' 
sionerd accompanied Egerton, and as civilians rarely inter- 
fere successfully in military details, they so mismanaged 
matters, that the Mahrattas inflicted serious injury upon 
oar army ; and wrung from its chiefs a treaty, whereby 
the English gave up several important possessions, and 
pledged themselves to despatch Colonel Goddard back to 
BengaL That officer, however, on his arrival, refused to 
sanction a compact so unworthy of the national reputa- 
tion ; and, pursuing his march, entered Surat in triumph, 
having performed an exploit which, in those days, was 
regarded with unmitigated astonishment. 

Colonel Goddard, who had now been promoted to the 
rank of general, being in possession of the most ample 
H 



98 BRITISH SBTTLEHENTS IN Il^IA. [1780. 

powers from Hastings, endeavouied to arrange a peace 
with the Mahrattas upon equal terms. Thej demsoided, 
however, conditions which he could not in honour con- 
cede, one of the preliminaries heing the surrender of 
Bagoha, who was now residing, under English protection, 
at Surat. Both parties, therefore, resolred to try the 
fortuiie of war. In the early part of 1780, General God-' 
dard overran the province of Goojerat, and stormed its 
former capital, Ahmedahad. A Mahratta army of 40,000 
men, under Scindiah and Holkar, advanced to repel 
the English, but were routed with considerable loss. 
About the same time, the governor-general, having formed 
an alliance with the Banna of Gohud against ihe Mak- 
rattas, Captain Popham was detached to the aid of that 
prince, with a smaJl auxiliary force. 

This expedition, like all othermeasures emanating from 
Hastings, had been violently opposed by Francis; but it 
terminated most successfully, and acquired for the £ng 
lish the strong fortress of Gwalior. The factious member 
of council, however, was soon destined to experience 
some disagreeable results from his pertinacious and ill- 
judged behaviour; for, irritated by a severe remark of 
Hastings, he challenged the governor-general, ajid re- 
ceived a severe wound in the combat that ensued* 

The wickedness of duelling is now so generally acknow- 
ledged, that nothing need be said in direct reprobation of 
a practice hateful to God and indefensible by man; but 
we may remark with advantage the evil results of which 
fiuch a practice is frequently productive. Had Hastings- 
fallen in this rash encounter, his suicidal act might have 
exposed to the most eminent dai^er the country over 
which he ruled. Few persons then in India, except him- 
self, were equal to the task of grappling with the critical 
situation of affairs produced by Hyder Ali's invasion of 
the English settlements in the south. 
. That chieftian had long been preparing for war. By 
extortion and violence he accumulated in his treasury 



780.} DEFEAT OF RAILLIE. 99 

lai^e sums of money, which, dispensed with cantion and 
foresight, enabled him to get together a numerous and 
well-disciplined army, a good supply of artillery, and a 
large band of French and other adventurers; who were 
es^r to meet the English once more in the field, and to 
contest with them the prize of European supremacy in 
the East. When his arrangements were complete, Hyder 
poured forth through the Ghaut passes a body of nearly 
100,000 men, with the impetuosity of a winter torrent* 
Porto Novo and Conjeveram felt the first brunt of the 
storm, both being taken and plundered by the Myso- 
reans, whose camp fires might be discerned even from 
Madras. 

The civil and military authorities of that Presidency 
were by no means at unison among themselves, as to the 
plan of defence which they should adopt. Two large 
detachments had taken the field under Colonel Baillie 
and Sir Hector Monro; but to act with any hope of 
success it was necessary for these commanders to effect* 
the junction of their forces. They had been recom- 
mended to do this in the vicinity of Madras, but Sir 
Hector Monro preferred concentrating the army at Con* 
jeveram. The consequences proved most fatal. Hyder^s 
main body interposed between the two English detach- 
ments, Baillie's troops sufiered an ignominious defeat^ 
half of them were butchered after they had laid down 
their arms, and the remainder immured in the dungeons 
of Seringapatam. During the contest Sir Hector Monro 
remained inactive at a distance of fourteen mOes, con- 
tenting himself with sending Colonel Fletcher at the 
head of 1,000 men to the aid of his colleague. The 
defeat of Baillie compelled him to throw his cannon into 
a tank, abandon his tents, and retreat hastily to Madras. 

But for the vigoorous proceedings of Hastings all would 

have been lost in the south. Despite the murmurs of 

Francis, whose restored health enabled him again to 

xesame his former opposition^ the governor-general 

h2 



100 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1781. 

despatcHed Sir Ejre Coote to act as commander-in-chief 
at Madras; superseded the weak and incapable authcH 
rifcies there, and forwarded, at the same time, a lazge 
supply of money and troops. When Sir Eyre reached 
his destination, he found that all the provisions needed 
by his forces must be carried from Madras. The country 
round that city had been completely desolated by the 
invading hosts. As the English advanced, ruined vil- 
lages, with felled and half-consumed trees, exhibited on 
all sides mournful traces of the recent inroad. The fierce 
Mysorean cavalry hung upon the rear of the European 
host, and sought every opportunity to provoke an attack. 
Sometimes they rode fearlessly in small bodies up to the 
ranks, challenging the English officers to single combat; 
one of the latter distinguished himself on several occa- 
sions by his personal valour, and laid prostrate many of 
ihe bravest Indian chiefs* For the most|part, however, the 
orientals were victorious in these encounters, where dis- 
cipline availed less than courage and personal strength. 

The Sultan of Mysore declined as long as he could a 
general action, but at length he engaged Sir Eyre Coote, 
near Ouddalore, and was repulsed with loss. A sub- 
sequent battle at Polilloor proved less decisive, but the 
English succeeded in relieving Yellore, to which a 
detachment of Hyder's army had been lapng siege. 
War having broken out between Great Britain and 
Holland, the Dutch settlements on the Coromandel coast 
were added to the English possessions in Southern India. 
The fortifications of Pondicherry had been previously 
destroyed by Sir Eyre Coote, while the navy of Mysore, 
lying at Calicut and Mangalore, was totally annihilated 
by an English squadron under Sir Edward Hughes. Yet 
these advantages were counterbalanced by a disastrous 
expedition to Tanjore, during which Colond Braithwaite, 
the chief commander, allowed himself to be surrounded 
by a large army of Mysoreans and French, under Tippoo 
Sahib. The gallant behaviour of the French officers on 



17B2,] DEATH OF HYDBR ALL 101 

tbis occasion preserved manj of the finglisli from being 
inhumanly massacred in cold blood ; but the suryivors 
encountered a doom almost equally horrible, being im- 
mersed for some time in the filthy dungeons of Serine 
gapatam. 

A new ally to the Mysorean sultan arrived shortly 
afterwards in the person of M. Bussy, who returned once 
more, at the commencement of 1782, to the scene of 
his former triumphs. He brought with him a rein- 
forcement of 3,000 European troops, whom he contrived 
. to disembark near Porto Novo, notwithstanding a severe 
check inflicted on the French fleet by Admiral Hughes' 
. squadron. Being joined by Tippoo, Bussy moved towards 
Wandewash, but the advance of Coote obliged thei^ to 
retreat, while Hyder, having engaged the English in 
. person near Amee, sustained a partial defeat. His term 
of existence was now drawing every day nearer to its 
close, and the intelligence that the governor-general had 
concluded a treaty with the Mahrattas, gave the last 
blow to a constitution enfeebled by age, and wearied out 
from continual anxieties. He died at Mysore on the 
7th December, 1782, leaving behind him a reputation 
for energy, valour, and political sagacity to which Indian 
history offers few parallels. Unable to read or write, he 
. founded a kingdom, which, in earlier times, might have 
rivalled or surpassed the dominions of Baber or Aurung- 
.zeeb. Matched exclusively with Hindoo potentates, he 
would probably have ruled the entire peninsula, from 
. the Himalaya to Cape Comorin ; opposed to the resistless 
discipline of English armies, he maintained for some 
years a position that caused him to be considered a for- 
midable antagonist both at Madras and Calcutta, 

Two ministers noted for their abilities, and belonging 
to adverse sections of the Brahminical caste, had managed 
the finances of the deceased prince, Their first care 
after he breathed his last, was to secure the throne for 
his son Tippoo, then engaged in a campaign against the 



102 BRITISH &ETTLBKENTS IN INDIA. [178S. 

English. The prince immediately suspended his warlike 
operations, and hastening to Mysore, took possession of 
his father*s treasures. They amounted to at least three 
millions sterling, while the army of Mysore mustered 
not less than 80,000 men. 

In spite of the precautions taken by the ministers of 
Hyder, the news of his decease reached Madras a short 
time after its actual occurrence. Had the vigour and 
energy of a Hastings directed the counsels of the lesser 
Presidency at this period, the crisis would not hare 
been suffered to pass unimproved. A rapid march to 
the confines of Mysore, or even to the capital itself, 
during the disturbed state of affairs which always suc- 
ceeded an Indian monarch's decease, might have placed 
serious impediments in the way of Tippoo's ambition. 
Unhappily, discord between the civil and military autho- 
rities prevented united and energetic action. The go- 
vernor, Lord Macartney, claimed supretae authority over 
the two services, while General Stuart insisted upon re- 
taining the ample powers that had been granted to his 
predecessor, Sir Eyre Coote. Irritated by opposition, 
the general indulged his spleen at the expense of the 
public interest. First he refused to believe the tidings 
of Hyder's death, then he affected compliance with the 
positive orders despatched from Madras; but still, under 
one pretence or other, delayed the march of his army 
until Tippoo was firmly seated upon his father's throne. 

The complaints forwarded by the Madras authorities, 
met with recriminatory replies from the Supreme Council. 
They induced the latter, however, to appoint Sir Eyre 
Coote once more to the chief command of the army in 
the Carnatic ; but the aged commander, broken down 
by infirmities and wearied with the voyage, breathed his 
last two days after he arrived in Madras. Stuart, 
therefore, continued to direct the military operations in 
the Carnatic, but his tardy measures provoked fresh 
remonstrances &om the Madras CounciL The siege of 



17830 SIEOS OF OXn)DALORE. — ^BEBNADOTTE. 103 

Oaddalore, then occupied bj the French, was commenced, 
and Admiral Hugh^' squadron prepared to second the 
efforts of the land forces. Being attacked, however, hj 
the French fleet under Suffrein, a naval action ensued, 
in which victory declared itself for neither party; al- 
though M. Sufiirein contrived to land a large number of 
troops, destined to co-operate with M. Bussy in the 
defence of Ouddalore. This accession of strength en- 
couraged the latter officer to attempt several sallies, 
which, however, proved, in general, disadvantageous to 
the garrison. In one of these a young French serjeant, 
being seriously wounded, fell into the hands of the 
English. His extreme youth, and the gallantry with 
which he bore up under the painful nature of his posi- 
tion, attracted the notice of Colonel Wagenheim, who 
commanded a body of Hanoverians in the British 
service. The humane officer directed that the youth 
should be carried to his own tent, where he watched 
over him with almost paternal interest Twenty years 
afterwards, they met again in Europe, under singular 
circumstances. The armies of France had occupied 
Hanover, and in their leader, Charles John Bernadotte, 
afiterwards Marshal of the empire and King of Sweden, 
Oeaeral Wagenheim recognised the young stranger whom 
he had treated with such praiseworthy humanity at the 
lines of Cuddalore. We may add that the marshal 
proved himself by no means forgetful of the past, but 
took the earliest opportunity of expressing to his newly- 
found benefactor his deep sense of the kindness he had 
received at his hands. 

Peace was shortly afterwards declared between France 
and England, which when known in India at once ar- 
rested the siege of Cuddaloi-e, and obliged the French 
officers to retire from the service of Tippoo. That 
prince was then busily engaged in laying siege to Man- 
galore, which, although indifferently fortified, offered a 
fitout resistance. M. Bussy had attempted to act as 



104 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. ' £1783. 

mediator between the sultan and the Madras Council; 
but the arrogance of the former had been inflamed bj 
some recent successes, and he absolutely refused to listen 
to any terms of accommodation. The cause of these 
successes was attributable, as usual, to dissensions 
between the English civil and military authorities* 
During the early part of 1783, General Matthews had 
been despatched by the Government of Bombay, with 
instructions to possess himself of the important city of 
Bednore, on the Oanarese coast. Some interference with 
his marching arrangements on the part of the Bombay 
Council irritated Matthews, he landed his men at the 
nearest point to Bednore, scaled the Ghauts which de- 
fended it, in a reckless and precipitate manner; but to 
his own astonishment and that of others, found himself 
ultimately successful. 

The cruelty of Tippoo prepared the way for the tri- 
umph of his enemies. Sheikh Ayaz, the Governor of 
Bednore, although of servile birth and mean education, 
had been esteemed by Hyder Ali one of the bravest of 
his generals. During his frequent disputes with Tippoo, 
and particularly when his natural irritability had been 
increased by intoxication, the late sultan used to in- 
dulge in comparisons between his officer and his heir, 
which were by no means flattering or agreeable to the 
latter. The revengeful prince never forgot these insults, 
nor forgave the man who had been innocently the cause 
of them. When he found himself in quiet possession 
of the throne, he despatched a missive to one of his 
satellites, charging him to procure, by any means, the 
death of the Governor of Bednore. The letter was in- 
tercepted by the intended victim himself, and Sheikh 
Ayaz then perceived that his only hope of safety lay in 
a speedy removal from the influence of the tyrant's 
power. He therefore surrendered his post to the Eng- 
lish, but no considerations of revenge could induce him 
to engage in warfare against the son of his benefactor. 



1783.1 SIEOB OF MAN6AL0BE. 105 

He therefore withdrew altogether from the scene of con- 
flicty to seek an asylum in the country immediately 
bordering on the coast. 

A sum of 800,000^. haying been captured at Bednore, 
Matthews was accused of endeavouring to secure it for 
his own private emolument, The charge was probably 
false, but his behaviour, unquestionably, rendered his 
officers dissatisfied ; and three of the principal among 
them quitted the camp to lay their complaints before 
the council at Bombay. Elated by his recent achieve* 
xnents, the self-satisfied commander deemed himself in« 
vincible, and neglected even the most ordinary precau- 
tions. Suddenly, Tippoo, with a large army, and aided 
by several skilful French engineers, made his appear- 
ance before Bednore, and succeeded in shutting up the 
English general behind its walls* After a gallant 
defence, the garrison surrendered, upon condition that 
they should be permitted to leave the coast uninjured. 
Some of them, however, it is said, concealed upon their 
persons jewels and money taken from the public trea- 
sury, which being discovered by the officers of Tippoo, 
he declared, that the terms of the capitulation having 
been infringed, they must consider themselves as pri- 
soners. The whole of these unfortunate men, there- 
fore, were bound, subjected to the most injurious treats 
jnent, and finally immured in the horrible dungeons 
of Mysore. 

Elated by his recent success, Tippoo now proceeded 
to invest Mangalore, which still held out, when the 
French officers in the Mysorean service were recalled by 
Bussy. Their retirement rendered the sultan indignant 
in the extreme, since he found that, without the aid 
derived from their science and skill, his single effi>rt8 
would avail but little. At length, he reluctantly con- 
sented to an armistice, in virtue of which, provisions were 
to be allowed to pass into the town of Mangalore once 
every month ; but the deceitful tyrant soon discovered 



106 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IK INDIA. [17«3. 

means to elude the fulfilment of this engagement. He^ 
indeed, suffered the provisions to enter, but he menaced 
the people of the country with the most severe penalties^ 
if they presumed to supply the English with any food 
that was not of the worst possible quality. The result 
of this inhuman policy soon manifested itself, in ihe 
disorders which began to prevail among the Europeans 
composing the garrison. General Mc L^ remonstrated 
with Tippoo respecting his manifest breach of faith, but 
could obtain no redress, and adhering, as some thought, 
too closely to the letter of the armistice, he neglected 
many opportunities of throwing into the town supplies 
of more wholesome food. 

While Tippoo was besi^ng Mangalore, Oolond Ful- 
larton had been despatched into the south by Lord 
Macartney, the Governor of Madras. With the concur* 
rence of his superiors, that brave officer arranged a plan 
of operations which, if acted upon, would soon have 
brought Tippoo to reason. This was no less than the 
invasion of Seringapatam, a measure carried out even- 
tually with complete success under the auspices of Ge- 
neral Harris. First, however, it was necessary to gain 
the confidence of various native princes in the south, 
and to reduce several fortresses which might have im- 
peded the advance of the army. By conciliating, the 
Hindoo population, Fullarton induced them to aid the 
English against their Mohammedan oppressors. The 
Zamorin, and other petty rajahs, who had long borne 
unwillingly the yoke of Tippoo, flew at once to arms; 
while the Brahmins readily enough stirred up their 
votaries to resist the persecutor of their religion, and 
the destroyer of its most sacred shrines. Even the 
oppressed and degraded Pooliah, who adored as divine 
beings the monkeys of the southern forests, and might 
be considered, according to Hindoo prejudices, a Pariah 
of the Pariahs, repaid the kindness of Fullarton by 
active and zealous services, while all the superior castes 



1783.] . AEMISTIOB TOTH TIPPOO. 107 

vied witH each other in courting the alliance of the 
English. Thus strengthened, the British commander 
reduced successivelj the strongholds of Palghautcherry 
and Ooimhatoor, and \va8 rapidly advancing upon Serin* 
gapatam, when intelligence reached him that commis- 
sioners had arrived from Madras, for the purpose of 
concluding a truce with Tippoo, which, of course, at once 
suspended all hostile operations. 

The terms of this armistice, were, upon the whole, most 
favourahle to the Sultan of Mysore, since all the recent 
acquisitions of the English were to he restored to their 
former owner. On the other hand, Tippoo agreed to 
release such of his prisoners as had survived the horrors 
of their imprisonment. General Matthews, with some 
others, had fallen a sacrifice, it was believed, to the 
tyrant's cruelty, while the commissioners, after their 
arrival at Mysore, heard with indignation of the bad 
faith observed towards the late garrison of Mangalore. 
That fortress had been finally evacuated by Colonel 
Campbell, who, according to the provisions of the capi 
tulation, conducted to Telicherry the diseased and ema- 
ciated remnant of his gallant corps, Tippoo having, in 
this single instance, maintained unbroken his plighted 
faith. 

The conditions of the treaty were arranged with some 
difficulty, in consequence of the re-capture of Pal- 
ghautcherry by the Sultan of Mysore. It had been 
given over to the Zamorin, who garrisoned the fort 
with Hindoo troops. Tippoo, however, ordered a num- 
ber of Brahmins to be put to death, and exposed their 
heads on poles within sight of the walls, a proceeding 
which so terrified the garrison, that they at once sur- 
rendered the place. His arrogance was greatly increased 
by this event, and the commissioners deeming all their 
attempts in vain, directed Fullarton to resume his in- 
tended invasion of the Mysore territory. The return of 



108 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1783 

that commander produced the desired effect; the sultan 
agreed to the propositions laid before him, and the treaty 
was concluded without any more delay. By some 
-oversight, however, or carelessness on the part of the 
Madras G-ovemment, no mention had been made of 
our Hindoo allies, who thus found themselves exposed, 
in a defenceless condition, to the revengeful animosity 
of Tippoo. 



irsi.] vBOususr MEOEsniiBS or bastings. 10 



CHAPTER IX. 

EECUI7IABY NZCISSSITIZS 07 HASTINGS — SEIZURE OE THE RAJAH OE 
BENARES — ^THE BEGUMS OF OUDE— CHARACTER OE HASTINGS* ADMIN- 
ISTRATION — ^HIS RETURN TO ENGLAND, TRIAL, ACQUITTAL AND 
DEATH. 

1781--1818. 

DuBiNa the ^ar in the Oarnatic, the fiDancial diffi- 
culties of the governor-general had been increasing daily, 
since remittances to the Company at home, together 
with subsidies for the troops in the south, seemed likely, 
in a very short period, to exhaust even the well filled 
treasury at Calcutta. The evil day was rapidly ap- 
proaching, and Hastings cast his eyes anxiously around, 
to discover, if possible, a source from which the ne- 
cessities of the government might be relieved. The ex- 
pedient he at last adopted was specious, though scarcely 
in accordance with the strict rules of right. 

The sacred city of Benares is situated upon the banks 
of the Ganges to the north-west of Calcutta. In the eyes 
of a devout Hindoo it occupies the same position that 
Rome held in the estimation of our ancestors during 
the middle ages. Countless temples, and shrines of the 
most costly magnificence, darkened ^ith their fantastic 
pinnacles and porticos the narrow streets, or lanes of the 
city. Fakeers, Saniyassies, and Brahmins, everywhere 
venerable, attracted to their persons a double portion of 
respect when residing here. Even the Ganges itself, 
which had been deified by Hindoo superstition, gained a 
vast accession of reputed holiness on account of its 
passage through Benares. The long broad terraces des-»- 



110 BRITISH 8STTLEHENTS IKT ICTDU. [178K 

cending by ample steps to the edge of the river, were 
prowded with those whom a false and idolatrous creed 
had seduced into the persuasion that to breathe his last 
sigh on that sacred spot, would infallibly secure for the 
deluded pilgrim, the blessings of eternal happiness. 
Owing to this and similar causes, a large multitude was 
always found at Benares, whose pretensions to superior 
sanctity had rendered them arrogant beyond conception, 
and whom rabid fanaticism might at any moment inspire 
with a degree of courage but seldom found among ^eir 
usually submissive race. 

The Rajah of Benares, Obey te Sing, had been for some 
years a vassal of the Company, and in that capacity 
transmitted annually a fixed tribute to the treasury of 
Calcutta. This remittance had never been kept back, 
but suddenly the supreme government demanded extra* 
ordinary contributions towards the expenses of the war. 
The first of these amounted to 50,0001. and as one re« 
quisition followed another with unparalleled rapidity, 
Oheyte Sing began to manifest considerable dissaUa* 
faction. He murmured at the burdens laid upon him, 
evaded compliance, as long as he could, with the demands 
of the Council, and even was said to have opened a 
correspondence Mrith the French. Hastings seized at 
once upon so plausible a pretext for extortion. " I re- 
solved," he himself writes in his narrative of these trans- 
actions, '^ to draw from the rajah's guilt the means of 
relief of the Company's distresses, to make him pay 
largely for his pardon, or to exact a severe vengeance for 
past delinquency.'' 

Cheyte Sing grew alarmed when he heard of the gover* 
nor-general's determination. He promised, deprecated, 
offered bribes, but in vain. Hastings announced that he 
would himself visit Benares, and demand from the rajah ia 
his own city a full and satisfactory explanation of certaiik 
recent transactions. The step was a bold one, the more 
especially as Hastings^ in order that his joum^ znight 



I73I.1 HASTINGS AT BENABEB. HI 

not be retarded bj numbers, bad taken witb bim only 
bis body-guards. At Buxar be encountered tbe rajab 
bimself, who trembling and repentant, strove to ayert, by 
tbe n(K>st abject submission, tbe indignation of his illus- 
trious visitant. Hastings received these advances coolly^ 
maintaining an imperturbable reserve until they entered 
Benares, when he forwarded to the rajab a paper con- 
taining tbe enumeration of tbe charges made against 
bim. His explanations were not deemed satisfactory, 
and at the command of ^tbe governor-general, an officer 
witb two companies of Sepoys arrested him in bis own 
palace. 

Tbis unwise measure at once excited tbe passions of 
ibe populace, who being warmly attached to their prince, 
naturally felt indignant that one of so sacred a race 
should be insulted in his own holy city by strangers and 
foreigners. Chey te Sing bad governed mildly the people 
over whom be nded, the ties of race united him to bis 
subjects, and tbe grinding tyranny of the Moslem yoke 
in Oude, contrasted favourably with the equitable sway 
of tbe Hindoo prince. Among the inhabitants of Benares 
also were found numb^s of devotees, accustomed to 
inflict upon their bodies every species of self-torture,, 
and therefore insensible to danger when provoked by 
rage and fanaticism. On tbis occasion they proved 
themselves determined and active foes ; witb wild looks 
and dishevelled hair they rushed frantically from place 
to place^ stirring up the people, who readily? responded 
to their cries for vengeance. An infuriated mob attacked 
tbe English Sepoys, and forced the palace, which had 
now become the rajah's prison. The troops fought 
manfully in defence of their post, but they possessed no 
ammunition, and their adversaries were all armed. A 
detachment sent by Hastings to tbe rescue perished m 
a vain attempt to reach their comrades, tbe English offi- 
cers falling sword in hand and covered witb wounds upon 
a heap of sUin enemies. In tbe confusion^ tbe prisoner 



112 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IK INDIA. [1782. 

about whom they were contending efifected his escape, 
and crossed the Ganges followed by the majority of his 
partizans. 

Had the rajah remained on the other side of the 
river, and attacked with his adherents the quarters of 
Hastings, hardly one Englishman would have left Benares 
alive; but Oheyte Sing no sooner found himself at liberty, 
than the probable consequences of the late tumult ex- 
oiied, in a mind which was none of the strongest, 
emotions of anxiety and alarm. He despatched the most 
pacific messages, the most unlimited promises to Hast^ 
ings, but the governor-general preserved a haughty si* 
lence. Although besieged on all sides by the mob, and 
defended by fifty men only from the rage of those who 
were clamorous for his blood, the mind of Hastings did 
not for an instant lose its self-possession. He had so 
little anticipated the dangerous position in which he 
&und himself placed, that Mrs. Hastings with Sir Elijah 
and Lady Impey were on their road to join him at 
Benares. But when the first surprise was over, his 
acuteness at once suggested a means of extricating him- 
self from danger. The Hindoos are accustomed, when 
they travel, to remove from their ears the costly rings 
which they usually wear, while, in order that the orifice 
may not close up, they keep the aperture distended by the 
insertion of quills. Hastings wrote his orders on small 
pieces of paper placed them within these quills, and des-» 
patched his messengers to different quarters for aid and 
assistance. No suspicion was excited, the men passed 
through the crowd unnoticed, and one of them proved 
fortunate enough to light upon Sir Elijah Impey, then 
only a small distance from Benares. 

The exertions of Impey and others, to whom the 
several quills were directed, soon brought to the rescue 
a large body of Sepoys. Unfortunately, however, the 
officer who accompanied them, eager to distinguish hini- 
self under the eye of the governor-general, made a hastjr 



im.] TROUBLES IK OUDE AND BAHAB. 113 

assault upon the fortified palace of Eamnaghur, where 
the rajah had taken refuge. Having no artillery, he 
was unable to force an entrance, while the insurgents as- 
suled his men from every direction, occupying the houses 
on each side of the narrow lanes, and pouring down mis- 
siles upon the troops as they advanced. Numbers fell, and 
among them the commander himself. His death soon 
terminated the conflict) for the few wounded and terrified 
survivors, finding themselves without a leader, made a 
speedy retreat, and hastened with the unwelcome intelli- 
gence to the govemor-general. Hastings now perceived 
that he could not much longer maintain his position at 
Benares, and at once retired to the neighbouring fortress 
of Chunar, pursued by the jeers and revilings of the fana« 
tical rabble. The slightest reverse suffered by the English 
in India, has generally been followed by a native rising, 
and on this occasion many were induced to consider the 
arrest of the rajah as a wanton insult to their religious 
feelings. In Oude and Bahar the people refused to pay 
their taxes, and offered an armed resistance to the officers 
of the Nabob Vizier. But the insurrection, like almost 
all oriental revolutions, was easily put down by the 
firmness and discipline of trained soldiers. Major 
Popham defeated the rajah's army, and this prince who, 
when inspirited by his first successes^ had boasted that 
he would speedily drive the English from the continent, 
now beheld himself reduced to the necessity of an igno- 
minious flight. The governor-general specially ex- 
cepted his name, and that of his brother, from the 
amnesty he shortly afterwards issued, while a young 
nephew, the mere puppet of the English, was placed upon 
the vacant throne. 

The amount of treasure which the rajah possessed at 
Benares had been grossly exaggerated by rumour, and 
Hastings was soon obliged to have recourse to some other 
nieans of replenishing the almost exhausted coffers of 
the Company. At this juncture he received a visit from 
I 



114 BRITISH SSTTLEHENTS IN mOIiu IHSL 

the young Nabob of Oude, Assou-ood-Dowlab, who 
had lately succeeded his father, Sujah. He was a weak 
and pusillanimous tyrant, entirely ^yen up to debau- 
chery, and supported on the throne merely by English 
bayonets. For this assistance he already owed the 
Company a large sum, which Hastings now demanded, 
but which his debtor seemed indisposed to pay. So far 
indeed, from granting any remission, the governor- 
general had determined in his own mind to extract an 
extraordinary supply, over and above what was legally 
due from the Nabob Vizier. Assou-ood-Dowlah pleaded 
excuse after excuse in vain, and found himself obliged, 
in return, to listen to several indirect but intelligible 
intimations that his own worthless extraragance must 
have occasioned the emptiness of his treasury. Finding 
all his efforts unavailing, the Nabob resorted to a ques- 
tionable expedient, by which he might relieve himself 
from difficulties and satisfy the demands of the English 
Government. 

The mother and grandmother of Assou-ood-Dowlah 
still survived, and were commonly entitled the Begums 
or Princesses of Oude. They had inherited jfrom Sujah- 
ood-Dowlah the magnificent palace of Feyzabad, with ex- 
tensive estates and a large sum of ready money. Two 
eunuchs, who had been in the confidence of the deceased 
Vizier, directed the aflFairs of their household. A rumour 
went abroad that, at their instigation, or at least with their 
concurrence, the Begums were endeavouring to stir up 
a rebellion against the Nabob and the English. The 
accusation appeared vague and scarcely probable, bat 
Hastings might have thought it true. He therefore 
assented to the proposition of the Nabob that a large 
sum of money should be extorted from these ladies, 
while he confiscated their landed property for the benefit 
of the Company. 

The Begums remonstrated, and even Assou-ood-Dowlah 
seemed indisposed to push matters to extremities^ bat 



1782.3 TOBTURB OP THB EVNVCBB. 115 

the goyernor-general tamed a deaf ear to their en- 
treaties. The most disgusting part of this disreputable 
business fell to the Nabob's share, though ignorance 
cannot be pleaded as an excuse for Hastings. With 
the connivance of the English authorities, the Begums 
were starved, imprisoned and plundered, while the two 
eunuchs endured tortures to which the walls of their 
miserable dungeons, and the wretches who inflicted these 
horrors, were the onlj witnesses. At length a large sum 
haying been obtained in this manner, the unfortunate 
men recovered their freedom, but the torments thej had 
suffered left an indelible stain upon the character of 
their persecutors. 

It would be unfair to the memory of Hastings, how- 
ever, if we fail to consider the palliating circumstances 
which an advocate would have urged in his behalf. A 
crisis had arisen in the affairs of the country over which 
he was presiding, and its results might seriously have 
affected the interests of British India. It was for some 
time dubious whether the Company would not be obliged 
to withdraw from the Gamatic ; and the loss of their 
settlements there, must almost have ensured the ruin of 
Calcutta. Money or total destruction, therefore, were 
the only alternatives which presented themselves to the 
mind of Warren Hastings at that eventful period. 

Moreover, the humanity of the Englishman who lived 
in the eighteenth century differed materially from the 
hunumity of the present day. Thanks to the wider 
diffusion among all classes of a purer and more heart- 
felt religious feeling, we should regard with abhorrence 
many spectacles which the contemporary of Hastings 
would have gazed upon with indifference or unconcern. 
In his time judicial torture was not abolished — ^nay, 
might be enforced by the laws of England. Criminals 
who refused to plead rendered themselves liable to be 
pressed to death with heavy weights in one of the courts 
of Newgate. Men, and even women, were whipped 
I 2 



116 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1^8?. 

througli the streets, followed by the jeers and bratsU 
merriment of an unfeeling mob, to whom the sufferings 
of an erring fellow-creature afforded unbounded mirtb. 
Soldiers, for the slightest offence, were scourged iilmoH 
to death, while slavery, with all its horrors, existed id 
most of the colonial possessions. Hastings had always 
shown himself constitutionally humane, but there is no 
evidence to prove that his sensibilities were in advance 
of his age, or that he regarded the torture of two eunuchs^ 
a despised and degraded class even in the East, with 
more concern than an English West India planter of the 
period would have exhibited, upon receiving the intel- 
ligence that a refractory negro had been severely flogged 
by a strict and rigid overseer. 

Something, also, might be said as to the Nabob's 
share in the nefarious transaction. Hastings' demands 
for money had been pressing; but he did not prescribe 
the mode of extorting it from those who were the Nabob's 
subjects, and therefore not under the govern or-generaFs 
control. The latter made over to his accomplice the 
odium and more active tyranny connected with this act 
of oppression, while he himself reaped the advantages of 
those deeds of violence which he had not directly com- 
manded. A word from him, doubtless, would have 
opened the dungeon doors of Lucknow, and restored to th^ 
Begums a portion of their plundered estates ; the word 
remained unspoken, and, in succeeding years, Hastings 
was arraigned before the bar of his country, less for his 
actual tyranny than for his culpable silence. 

The last two years of his rule were passed in peace 
and prosperity. By his untiring energy, and, above 
all, by his ample remittances, he had brought the war 
in the Carnatic to an auspicious termination. The 
prospects of the French were defeated, and a peace 
concluded with the aspiring Sultan of Mysore. Nor 
should his internal administration at Calcutta be de« 
irauded of its just meed of praise. The whole frames 



J784.J POPULARITT OP HASTINGS. 117 

work of civil legislation there was created by him. The 
English found themselves restricted from oppressing the 
natives, the natives were not permitted to impose upon, 
or defraud, the English. Unscrupulous with regard to 
ibreign potentates, Hastings showed himself the pattern 
ef justice and humanity towards the people more imme- 
diately under his charge. Members of the civil and 
military services suspended their mutual jealousies to 
unite in commendation of the great proconsul. To him 
is due the praise of having been the first to patronise 
and cultivate the literature of Hindoostan. He under* 
stood and spoke the various dialects of northern India, 
with facility and elegance, while his knowledge of Persian, 
still the court language of the Mohammedan princes, 
has been only equalled by that of Sir William Jones. 

The departure of Hastings from the scene of his 
triumphs called forth an unusual display of popular 
sympathy. Natives vied with Europeans in expressing 
their grateful sense of his past services, and their regret 
at his present retirement. He beguiled the tedium of his 
voyage home by those literary pursuits, which had always 
retained a considerable share of his attention, even during 
the most stormy periods of his administration. He trans* 
lated into easy flowing verse the Ode of Horace, addressed 
to Pompeius Grosphus, and could, perhaps, from sad 
experience of the toils of office, and the cares always 
attendant on human greatness, bear ample testimony 
to the truthful sentiment contained in those spirited 
lines: — 

" Non enim ^azse, neqae consolaris 

Sabmovet hctor miseros tumultus 

Mentis, et caras laqoeata circum 

Tectavolantes."* 

♦ " For neither gold, nor gems combined, 
Can heal the fonl or suffering mind. 

Lo ! where their owner lies, 
Perch'd on his couch Distemper breathes ; 
And Care, like smoke, in turbid wreaths. 

Hound the gay ceiling flies.**— ITor. Book II. Ode x i. 



118 BRITISH SETTLEMBirrS IN INDIA. [178S. 

His reception in England satisfied for a time even ha 
own most sanguine anticipations. Eyerywhere he found 
himself courted and car^sed. The smiles of royalty, 
the faTOur of ministers, the promise of a peerage, might 
haye induced the late goyemor-general to think, wit& 
reason, that his future lot in life would proye as prospe* 
rous, as his past career had heen hrilliant and distin- 
guished. But hostile influences were at work. The 
malignant spirit of Francis had heen stealthily preparing 
for his old opponent a series of difficulties which eyen- 
tually ruined his fortune, and might seriously haye 
affected his reputation. The ex-member of council was 
in Parliament, and had connected himself with one of 
the greatest statesmen of that age, the eloquent Edmund 
Burke. Under his auspices a coition arose, comprising 
nearly all the parliamentary talent of the day. Sheridan, 
with his yersatile genius and hrilliant powers of oratory; 
Pox, then in the zenith of his fame ; the chiyalrons and 
high-souled Windham, united themselyes to the power* 
ful party who stood arrayed against the goyernor-generaL 
After some time had been spent in political skirmishing, 
Burke commenced the attack by laying on the table of 
the House a paper of charges, containing the formal accu- 
sation of Hastings. In this list appeared prominently 
as leading grieyances and misdemeanours, the trans- 
actions connected with the Eohilla war, the attack upon 
Cheyte Sing, the spoliation of the Oude Begums, and 
the cruel treatment of their confidential seirants. 

In reply, Hastings, somewhat unwisely, read a prolix 
defence of his conduct, which was barely listened to. 
- Unused to extemporaneous speaking, he dared not ven- 
ture to address the House, and thus, even at the com- 
mencement, he placed himself in most striking and 
disadvantageous contrast to the great orators who con- 
ducted the attack. His style, though elegant, as might 
have been expected from his classical attainments, was 
somewhat feeble, and better calculated to convince a 



1788.] niFSACHMSNT OP HASTIKOS. 119 

statesman in the calm retirement of his cabinet, than to 
allay the excitement produced in a popular assemblage 
bj the ferrid eloquence of Burke. Yet, for some time, 
the issue of the contest appeared doubtfuL A majority 
of fifty-two votes acquitted Hastings of all criminality 
with regard to the RohiUa war; and the governor-* 
general even received the congratulations of his friends, 
that he had escaped £rom the most dangerous accusation 
of all. 

The debate on the Benares charge terminated less 
fortunately for the party accused. Mr. Pitt had origi- 
nally voted for Hastings, but upon this question he 
allied himseK with the opposition, and a majority of 
forty finally gave the victory to the accusers. That 
part of the charge which related to the Begums called 
forth Sheridan, who delivered in support of it an oration, 
allowed by the ablest judges to be one of the finest ever 
uttered within the walls of the British Parliament. The 
cause of Hastings seemed now completely lost; twenty 
charges were agreed to by the House, and Burke was 
directed to impeach the late governor of high treason, 
and other misdemeanours, before the tribunal of the 
House of Lords. 

On the 13th of February, 1788, Hastings knelt at the 
bar of the Peers, whose House then contained an assem- 
blage composed of the most illustrious in birth, and 
distinguished in talent that then adorned the metropolis 
of England. The trial commenced, and the accusation 
and defence having been read, Burke rose. His lengthy, 
elaborately framed, but touching and brilliant oration, 
included almost every topic that could excite interest, 
or call forth sympathy. As he drew to a close, the 
feelings of his audience bore ample testimony to the 
power of the great orator. Tears, sobs, and screams, 
resounded from the ladies' gallery; some were carried 
out fainting, while the silence and subdued emotion of 
the male portion of the auditory testified, though in a 



120 BHITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [178S. 

less visible manner, to the effect produced upon their 
minds, Pausing for a moment^ Burke delivered, iu 
loud and energetic accents, his magnificent peroration* 
" Therefore hath it with all confidence, been ordered hy 
the Commons of Great Britain, that I impeach Warrea . 
Hastings of high crimes and misdemeanours. I impeadi 
him in the name of the Commons' House of Parliament, 
whose trust he has betrayed. I impeach him in the 
name of the English nation, whose ancient honour he- 
has sullied. I impeach him in the name of the people 
of India, whose rights he has trodden under foot» and 
whose country he has turned into a desert. Lastly, in 
the name of human nature itself, in the name of both 
sexes, in the name of every age, in the name of every 
rank, I impeach the common enemy and oppressor of 
alir' 

After a brief interval had elapsed, a discussion took 
place, with regard to the arrangements that should be 
made for the production of the varied and multi&rious 
evidence. It was determined that the prosecutors should 
finish their case before the defendant brought forward 
his defence. Mr. Fox then took up the Benares charge, 
being followed by Sheridan, to whose care the cause of 
the Princesses of Oude had been specially committed. 

For seven years this celebrated trial '^dragged its 
slow length along." The excitement created by the 
opening orations subsided, under the influence of the 
numerous dull and uninteresting legal technicalities and 
matters of financial detail which succeeded to the elo- 
quence of Sheridan, and the impassioned energy of 
Burke. The prejudices called forth against the accused 
were softened down by time, and more accurate infor- 
mation; his opponents had been severed from each 
other by politick feuds, while all felt that to pronounce 
a man guilty after his endurance of the anxieties and 
expense of so long a trial, would prove an ungene- 
rous and ungracious task. Hastings was accordingly 



1818.3 AGQUITTAIi OF HASTINGS. 121 

called again to the bar of the House, to receive an 
official intimation that the House of Peers acquitted 
him of the misdemeanours laid to his charge. 

The rest of his career may be related in a few words. 
Impoyerished bj the expenses of his long trial, and the 
loss of a large portion of his private property, Hastings 
was obliged to throw himself upon the liberality of the 
Court of Directors, who granted him a pension of 4,000^. 
a year. At the close of his life he received from the 
University of Oxford the degree of a Doctor of Laws, 
and was presented by the Prince Regent to the Emperor 
Alexander, and the King of Prussia, during their visit 
to England, after the fall of Buonaparte. A more touch- 
ing compliment had been offered to him in 1813, T/^hen 
the affairs of the East India Company were discussed in 
the House of Commons. Hastings made his appearance 
on that occasion as a witness, and received from all pre- 
sent, except those who had put themselves prominently 
forward as his accusers, the most marked respect and 
attention. When he left, the majority rose simulta- 
neously, and removed their hats, in token of respect. 

The last years of Hastings' eventful life were passed 
at Daylesford, the scene of his boyish aspirations, and 
the spot to which he often turned a longing eye during 
the cares and storms of his chequered political existence. 
He retained to the last, the faculty of calling forth and 
retaining the warm personal attachment of his numerous 
Mends, that had marked every period of his past career. 
In the cultivation of literary pursuits, and in those occu- 
pations which usually employ the leisure of an English 
country gentleman, the great governor-general enjoyed 
a tranquillity that he had rarely, perhaps, experienced in 
the high station from which he was now removed. He 
died in August, 1818, having attained to his eighty- 
sixth year, and was buried behind the chancel of Dayles- 
ford Church, where, during many generations, had been 
laid the mortal remains of the heads of his ancient and 



122 BRITISH SETTLEUENTS IK INDIA. [1818. 

time-honoured race. Nor is the coimtrj which owed to his 
government so many henefits left entirely destitute of & 
memorial of that great man, whom posterity will ever 
reckon among the wisest and most ahle of her chiefe. In 
the Council Chamber of Calcutta has been suspended the 
portrait of Warren Hastings, with the motto, " Mois 
sequa in arduis/'* inscribed beneath those calm, placid 
features, whose characteristics bear such striking testi- 
mony to the passionless and imruffled serenity of his 
thoughts and feelings, even under circumstances the 
most trying, and aggravations the most provocative of 
irritability and impatience. 

* An eyenmind in difficult drciunstanoes* 



1784.] THE THBEB fBBBIPENOIiaS. 123 



CHAPTER X. 
lOL. Pitt's titdia bill— asjliyal of lord cornwallis — ^abrooakcr 

AND COWQUESTS OF TIPPOO—HIS DEFEAT AT TRAYANCORE — ENGLISH 
▲LXIAirCE -WITH THE FBISHWA AUD NIZAM — ^HrVASIOH OT MT80RE — 
SUBMISSION 01 TI7F00. 

1784—1792, 

A HOST important change took place in the gOTemment 
of India during the year 1784. On the 13th of August, 
Mr. Pitt's India Bill, as it was termed, became a portion 
of the English law. This measure had been designed as 
a check upon the Directors of LeadenhallnBtreet, and one 
of its most prominent clauses accordingly called into 
being the Board of ControL Six commissioners appointed 
by the Crown composed the new council, to whom were 
to be submitted, for the future, all despatches relating to 
military, ciril, and financial affairs. The Company's 
territories in India were diyided into three Presidencies, 
Calcutta taking precedence of the other two, and being 
considered as the seat of government. To each Presi- 
dency was assigned its goyemor and council, the former 
possessing in every instance a casting vote. Both Ma- 
dras and Bombay, however, remained in strict subordi- 
nation to the Bengal Presidency, neither being permitted 
to act for itself, except in trifling matters, or under certain 
pressing and unforeseen emergencies. The governor- 
general, it was arranged, should be nominated by the 
Court of Directors and confirmed by the Crown j the 
latter, also, might recall him whenever it saw fit, even 
against the wishes of the East India Company. 

The Crown likewise appointed the commander-in- 
chief at each Presidency, and possessed considerable con- 
trol over the different members of council 



12i BRITISH 8ETTLEKENTS IN INDIA. [17B6. 

Sach were the new regulations under wbicH the Mar* 
quis Cornwallis, the successor of Hastings, commenced 
his career as governor-general of India. The unforfcu-* 
nate issue of the American war had not materially in-- 
jured his lordship's high military reputation, while he 
added to his fame as a soldier the credit of possessing a 
calm and moderate temper. A brave and energetic com- 
mander he was known to be, at the same time a lover 
and maintainer of peace, and peace both Parliament and 
Directors deemed most necessary for India and England 
at the present juncture. The most positive instructions, 
indeed, were given to the new governor that he should 
eschew as far as possible the extension of the Company's 
territory in Hindoostan. He himself had censured Has- 
tings, for engaging too readily in hostile measures ; and 
there seems every reason to believe that, as far as his 
personal feelings went, Lord Cornwallis entered upon the 
duties of his new station with a steady determination to 
avoid all interference with foreign native powers. Bat 
these intentions were destined never to be carried into 
effect, since three years after the Marquis's arrival he 
found it necessary to check the ambitious designs of 
Tippoo Sultan. 

That prince had been of late engaged in propagating 
by the most indefensible means the faith of Islam. He 
first attacked the Christians of Canara, a narrow strip of 
seaboard, bounded on the north by the Portuguese ter- 
ritory, and on the south by the Malabar coast. These 
people had received the doctrines of Eome from the Por- 
tuguese Missionaries of Coa, and Xavier himself pursued 
&r some time his zealous labours amongst them. Like 
the Spaniards, however, in the Western hemisphere, the 
oolonists of Coa did not trust solely to the eloquence and 
piety of Xavier and his brethren. The Inquisition reared 
its head among the other European institutions of the 
colony, and quickened the zeal of the officials as much as 
it softened the obstinacy of the subject races. The timid 



1789.] triPFOO INVADES COORGf. 125 

nature of the Indian yielded to tlie dread of torture, 
accompanied by the attractions of a system which had 
been purposely assimilated as nearly as possible to his 
own. 

The Mohammedan zeal of Tippoo induced him to imi* 
tate closely the policy of the Holy Office. Thirty thou- 
sand Christians Were collected together, circumcised, and 
distributed throughout the different garrisons of his do>« 
minions. The mountaineers of Coorg, a small province 
contiguous to Mysore, next fell victims to his ambitious 
fanaticism. They had offended him by revolting against 
his authority when Seriugapatam was menaced by an 
English invasion, and they still preserved a hostile aspect. 
Tippoo determined, therefore, to crush at once this do- 
mestic foe. It proved, however, no easy task. The 
territory of Coorg was nearly covered with vast forests, 
the obscure recesses of which seemed incapable of being 
penetrated by strangers. Into these, their native woods, 
the persecuted mountaineers retreated, and for a time 
succeeded in keeping the invader at bay. The sultan, 
however, drew a circle of armed men round their various 
positions, and finally gained possession of about 70,000 
prisoners, whom he obliged to receive circumcision. 

These petty triumphs exalted the vanity of Tippoo 
beyond measure. He adopted the title of Padishah, a 
term equivalent to that of Emperor, which had dignified 
the Mogul sovereigns of Delhi, and is still borne by the 
Sultan of Turkey. In imitation of Baber and Timour, he 
himself undertook the task of recording his own achieve- 
ments, and also employed, in addition, a corps of authors 
to celebrate his praises. 

The Nairs, a people or superior caste inhabiting the 
Province of Calicut, had incurred his displeasure, and 
were soon destined to feel his vengeance* Their Zamorin 
was an ally of the English during the recent war, in 
which he had been aided by the petty rajahs of the 
Malabar coast. The Nairs, moreover, retained as strong 



126 BfimSH 6ETTLE1CENTS IN IITDIA. [17E9. 

an atiachment to tbeir superstitions as Tippoo felt for 
the Prophet and the Koran. Their religion, indeed, 
presented nothing qualified to exalt the mind, or to call 
forth the noble emotions of the souL It permitted or 
enjoined a system of abominable sensuality, from which 
eyen the most vitiated nations of past or present times 
would have shrunk with horror and disgust, and which 
rendered the d^raded beings who practised it unworthy 
-of the name of men. These practices Tippoo commanded 
his neighbours to renounce, vowing that, in case of refusal, 
he would exterminate them from the soil that they pdr 
luted by their abominations. The Nairs rejected his 
admonitions with disdain, upon which he marched an 
army into their country, burnt their temples, and forced 
great numbers to be circumcised. The victor himself 
in his annals, takes credit for the destruction of 8,000 
idol shrines, and although this statement may be some- 
what exaggerated, more impartial witnesses have de- 
scribed as most extensive the devastation committed 
during the Mohammedan invasion. 

Contemptible and degraded as their moral character 
was, the Nairs had always been renowned for personal 
courage. They disputed valiantly each inch of ground 
with the invader, and when vanquished by overpowering 
numbers, they sought refuge, disdaining submission, in 
the adjoining kingdom of Travancore. 

That small state, situated at the utmost extremity of 
Southern India, was defended on one side by the Ghauts, 
and on the other by the sea. Besides these natural 
fortifications, a wall and ditch, constructed in very 
early times, constituted an artificial frontier that, up to 
this period, had never been crossed by the greatest of 
Indian conquerors. Here, tradition reported, St. Thomas 
first preached the Gbspel on the Hindoo soil, and a 
small community of Christians bearing his name still 
lived at ease under the mild government of a Malabar 
prince. 



17fi9.] SALB OF OBANGANOBE AND JATOOTTAH. 127 

About the time of their first settlement in the East, 
the Dutch had taken from the Portuguese several tracts 
of countiy and towns on the Malabar coast. The dimi- 
nution of their Indian trade^ and the fear of being drawn 
into a contest with Tippoo, made them anxious to aban- 
don their possessions in those parts. The ports, there- 
fore, of Cranganore and Jajcottah, were offered for sale by 
them to the Travancore Bajah. This prince unwisely 
consented to the bargain, and immediately received a 
remonstrance from Tippoo, urging, among other grounds 
of complaint, that the Dutch possessions were only held 
hj his permission, and upon condition that a yearly ren- 
tal should be paid for them. 

The objection proved, indeed, as ill grounded, as most 
of the other complaints of Tippoo usually were. But it 
gave a plausible colour to the rapacity of the Mysorean 
sultan, and ministered to that spirit of self-justification 
which was so characteristic of him individually. A 
species of Pharisaism, moreover, very common among 
Mohammedans, and not extinct even in Christian com- 
munities, led him invariably to throw over his most 
unprincipled measures some decent cloak. If he invaded 
his neighbours, pillaged their temples, and obliged them 
to submit, with the most imfeigned reluctance, to a rite 
that they detested, the symbol of a religion of which they 
abhorred the very name, he always defended himself by 
pleading his zeal for the ^^ correction of their morals,'' 
and his anxiety to extend the dominion of the Moslem 
creed. Hyder Ali employed none of this fulsome cant. 
Although stern, ambitious, and cruel, his haughty nature 
would have scorned to seek excuses for actions, the nature 
of which his clear, unclouded intellect at once penetrated, 
and only defended on the ground of expediency. 

Before Tippoo proceeded to carry out his designs re- 
specting Travancore, he judged it necessary to offer some 
explanations to the English Government. Lord Corn- 
wallis, acting upon the pacific policy to which he had 



128 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IK INDIA* [1789. 

declared himself favourable at home, was most disin- 
clined for war, and left no effort tmtried to prevent it. 

The authorities at Madras by his instructions sent 
down two commissioners to Travancore, for the purpose 
of mediating between the contending parties. The 
pacific attitude of the English, however, only served to 
encourage Tippoo in his designs, and spuming all re- 
monstrance, he at once directed his army to traverse the 
Ghauts, and pour down upon the lines of Travancore; 
His troops were numerous, and tolerably well officered by 
European deserters, who, to please the sultan and rise in 
his service, often added to their other misdemeanours the 
guilt of apostacy. These men conducted the Mysorean 
levies with great skill through the narrow passes, and 
along the precipitous summits of the mountains, until 
they reached the steep rock of Sharapootamally, the top 
of which commanded the Malabar defences. Driving the 
vanguard of the Nairs before him, the sultan in person, 
with a large body of troops, entered the lines towards the 
right jfiank, and endeavoured to fight his way towards 
the centre. 

He encountered on this occasion the most strenuons 
opposition. Burning with a fanaticism in no way in- 
ferior to his own, the Nairs disputed every inch of the 
ground. A considerable number threw themselves int<> 
a large building, which had been formerly used as a 
barrack, and here, for some time, they held Tippoo at bay. 
Finding his leading files exhausted, the sultan ordered 
up fresh troops to relieve them, but this manoeuvre 
created some confusion in the ranks, and the enemy at 
that moment pouring in a furious discharge of grape, the 
Mysoreans were speedily seized with a panic. The 
sultan attempted in vain to rally them, he himself -was 
borne along by the torrent. A fall as he was passing 
over the ditch maimed him for life, while the royal 
palanquin with his jewels, seal and diamond-hilte<J 
sword fell into the hands of the victors. 



1790.] EXPEDITION OF MEADOWS. 129 

Madde&ed by this disappointment, Tippoo vowed that 
he would take fearful vengeance for the losses he had 
sustained. He ordered down all his cannon from Serin* 
gapatam, with those detachments of his army which 
formed a corps de reserve. In April 1790, he opened 
his batteries, and soon effected a breach. The English 
troops having received no orders to move, stood neutral, 
while Tippoo carried one position after another. The 
Nairs discouraged and overpowered, retired before him, 
and the country was rendered almost desolate by the 
£erce Mysoreans* But the hour of retribution was close 
at hand. 

Having exhausted every means of preserving peace, 
Lord Comwallis found that nothing remained but to 
prepare for war. He concluded, therefore, an alliance 
with the Peishwa of the Mahrattas against Tippoo 
Sahib, and, in May, General Meadows marched with 
16,000 men from Tranquebar towards Mysore. Alarmed 
by the intelligence which reached him respecting this 
latter movement, the sultan addressed a letter to the 
English commander, in which he expressed his surprise 
at this hostile demonstration* Meadows answered briefly 
that the English were determined to protect to the last 
their ally, the sovereign of Travancore, by attacking 
whom Tippoo had virtually broken the truce that for- 
merly existed between them. 

The sultan now awoke to the full extent of his danger, 
and hastily collecting his troops, hurried back to Ser- 
ingapatam, leaving only slender garrisons in the for- 
tresses of Travancore. These strongholds soon after fell; 
for Colonel Hartley advancing into the country with a 
powerful force, and being aided by the Kairs and other 
Hindoos, speedily expelled the Mysoreans from each one 
of iheir defences. The £uiaticism of the Heathens, on 
this occasion^ showed itself fully equal to that of the 
Mohammedans, whom they butchered on every side with 
the most savage and relentless cruelty. 

K 



130 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN HTDIA. [1790» 

In the mean time General Meadows continued his 
march, capturing on his way Caroor, Ooimbatoor, Satti^ 
mungul, and other strong posts. The divisions of his 
army, however, were too widely separated from each 
other; and this circumstance gave Tippoo an advantage 
of which he promptly availed himself Colonel Floyd 
occupied the pass of Gujelhutty, which led directly into 
the Mysore country, but his corps was sixty raOes 
distant from the main body, while thirty miles inter- 
vened between the latter, and the division commanded 
by Colonel Stuart. In Septemb^ 1790, the Mysore 
cavalry assailed Floyd's corps, but were repulsed with 
loss. Subsequently the whole of their army, under the 
sultan in person, renewed the attack, and although driven 
back by a bayonet charge, they brought their batteries 
to bear upon the enemy, and mowed down great numbers 
of the Sepoys. These brave men, however, refiused to 
desert their post. " We have eaten the Company's salt ; 
our lives are at their disposal," was their heroic reply, 
when condoled with by Colonel Floyd upon the losses 
they had sustained. A report that General Meadows 
was at hand alone preserved them from utter defeat, and 
Tippoo, fearing that he should be obliged to sustain an 
attack from the two detachments when united together, 
contrived to elude his foes, and descend upon the Goro* 
mandel coast. He now employed himself in ravaging 
the Carnatic with fire and sword, Trichiuopoly barely 
escaped a siege, but at Thiagur he received a d^k from 
Captain Flint, which induced him to approach Pondi- 
cherry, and endeavour to secure the assistance of the 
French. 

While he remained in the vicinity of the latter place. 
Lord Cornwallis had arrived at Madras, and commanding 
Meadows to join him, resolved to penetrate into the 
Mysore country, by the direction of Bangalore. This 
bold movement at once recalled the sultan to the de- 
fence of his own dominions, but the Marquis making a 



1791.^ TAKING OP BAKOALOBB. 131 

sadden detour to the right, avoided a general action, and 
pommeneed the siege of Bangalore on the dth of March, 
1791. The town was defended bj a ditch and enclosure 
pf hedges, formed of the plant called the Indian thorn. 
Its fortifications however were weak though well manned, 
hut, from the dilapidated turrets, the enemy poured 
down a heavy fire of musketry and small arms upon the 
lulvancing soldiers. Many ofiScers had fallen covered 
with wounds, when Lieutenant Ayre» a man small in 
stature but of great courage, forced his way through the 
gate. At this welcome sight. General Meadows called 
to his men : <* Now whiskers, try and support the little 
gentleman, if you can." 

A homely phrase, or pleasantry pithily expressed, has 
generally more effect upon the English soldier than the 
most studied oration; and the men, stirred up by the 
exhortation of their commander, rushed into the town 
with a headlong fury that no opposition could resist. 
Their rage had been inflamed by the known brutalities 
of Tippoo towards his prisoners, as well as by the nar- 
ratives of the captives who were formerly imprisoned 
in the dungeons of Mysore. Driving the Mohammedans 
from street to street, and from turret to turret, the 
English compelled them, at the point of the bayonet, to 
evacuate the pettah. 

The citadel still remained, but the spirits of the 
besiegers were so elevated, in consequence of their recent 
success, that they insisted upon making the attack that 
very night. At eleven, while the pure clear light of 
an Indian moon shone serene and peaceful over a scene 
pf slaughter, the storming party advanced with silence 
and caution to the foot of the ramparts ; raising their 
ladders, the vanguard had already mounted upon the 
w^all, when the alarm was given, and the besieged rushed 
to the battlements. The governor fell defending gal- 
lantly his post, and in a short time the standard of 
England waved triumphantly from the conquered fort. 
Bangalore was won ! 

£2 



132 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA, 11792. 

And now Tippoo trembled for his capital, towards 
which Lord Cornwallis continued his victorious inarch. 
The sultan had designed to have removed his harem to 
the rock fort of Chittledroog j but his mother interfered, 
and persuaded him to relinquish a measure calculated to 
dispirit his followers, and encourage the enemy. In the 
insolence of past prosperity, he had adorned the walls of 
Seringapatam with caricatures of the English. These 
were now erased, and a number of prisoners secretly 
murdered, lest they should disclose to the victors the 
fearful secrets of their dungeon. 

Finding his outposts driven in, one after another, by 
the charges of the English, the sultan took up his final 
position on a line of hills, descending to the bank of the 
Oavery, which fronts the island of Seringapatam. The 
action that ensued proved obstinate and sanguinary. 
Eventually, however, the Mysoreans were driven from 
their post, and Lord Cornwallis, after having lost 500 
men, found himself master of the eminences, from which 
he could look down upon the city of Seringapatam. 

The English had been victorious, and indeed almost 
held within their grasp the last fortress that remained 
to Tippoo, but their continuance before its walls, even 
for a few days, was soon found to be impossible. The 
country, through which they had recently advanced, 
having been previously laid waste by the Mysorean 
cavalry, yielded no provisions; the inhabitants had all 
fled; and the soldiers, wearied and eichausted from past 
toils, soon became exposed to the attacks of famine and 
disease. A prolonged stay could not be contemplated, 
the more especially as the Mahratta allies had not yet 
arrived, and, to save his men. Lord Cornwallis was com- 
pelled, though sorely against his will, to abandon his 
heavy artillery and order a retreat. In addition to his 
other misfortunes, the heavy rains of the country were 
now falling, while the rivers overflowing their banks 
deluged the plains, and created on every side morasses 



J792.J ^TREAT OF LORD OORNWALLIS, 133 

T?Iiicli soon isfected the atmosphere \nth pestilential 
vapours. Men and cattle fell victims to the noisome mi- 
asma^ the baggage wagons could not be dragged along, 
and the increasing number of the sick and infirm para* 
Ijsed their movements^ and retarded their march. 

At length Lord Comwallis concentrated his forces 
near Bangalore, where he was joined by a large body of 
Mahrattas under Purseram Bhow and Hurry Punt. 
These unskilful allies had wasted much of their valuable 
time in besieging Darwar, where Tippoo possessed a 
strong garrison. On this occasion they exhibited the 
usual dilatory and undisciplined habits of orientals; 
nearly the whole of the day was consumed in smoking 
and conversation, the troops firing a shot now and then, 
as if to vary the monotony of their other pursuits. 
The remonstrances made from time to time by the 
English officers who accompanied them, proved utterly 
ineffectual, but at length the garrison, alarmed by the 
capture of Bangalore, surrendered, and the Mahrattas 
advanced leisurely onwards into Mysore, 

A large body of Brindjarries, or com merchants, fol- 
lowed the Mahratta troops on their march, and by these 
the immediate necessities of the English were supplied. 
In the mean time Lord Cornwallis judged it inexpedient 
to move until after the arrival of the Nizam's contin- 
gent, the more especially, as he expected daily a battering 
train, some elephants, and an ample supply of money 
aiid provisions. During the interval, he employed his 
troops in seizing the neighbouring droogs or hill-forts. 
These mountain strongholds proved more formidable in 
appearance than in reality, since all of them were taken 
hy storm with a very inconsiderable loss of life. 

lord Cornwallis still endeavoured to negotiate with 
tippoo, but the indomitable pride of the sultan, and 
Hs almost frantic hatred to the English name, ren- 
dered these efibrts completely abortive. The Mysorean 
claimed the retreat of his adversaries from Seringapatam 



134 BBITISH SETTLEHSNT8 IN tKBIA. il79t, 

as a yictorj; and his yanity was still more gratified 
by a successful attack upon Coimbatoor, where he took 
the English garrison prisoners-^and in defiance of the 
terms of capitulation^ sent them to his dungeons is 
Mysore. 

After a long delay, the Nizam's son^ Secunder Jah, 
made his appearance, and the stores having also arrived, 
Lord Cornwallis determined to commence at once his 
march towards Seringapatam. He was soon, however) 
deprived of the assistance of Purseram Bhow, whose 
cupidity had been so much attracted by the rich province 
of Bednore, that, in defiance of all remonstrances, h# 
persisted in remaining behind to plunder it. The 
Nizam's contingent added little to the real strength of 
the English army, since the individuals composing this 
body proved a mere rabble, scantily supplied with anns, 
undisciplined, and only capable of pillaging the enemy 
when their allies had thoroughly defeated him. On the 
5th of February, 1792, Lord Cornwallis once more pre- 
sented himself before the capital of Tippoo Sultan, 
followed by his main body, which amounted to about 
22,000 men. Besides these, however, General Aber-* 
crombie was rapidly advancing with a corps of 8,400, to 
join his chief under the walls of Seringapatam. JBeneath 
those ancient fortifications the sultan and his forces lay 
encamped, their front being protected by a thick hedge 
of bamboos, a small canal, and a line of redoubts. The 
position had been deemed impregnable by the native 
officers and allies ; but Lord Cornwallis resolved at once 
to attempt it. At eight in the evening of the 6tb, the 
troops assembled for the attack. 

Three detachments commanded by General Meadows^ 
Colonel Stuart, and Colonel Maxwell, formed beneath 
the clear moonlight of an Indian sky. Some mistake 
occurred at the outset, but ultimately the English 
troops bore down all opposition, and carried all the 
defences of the camp at the point of the bayonets Tippoo 



1792.] 8I10B OF BERINOAPATAH. 135 

}iixnself narrowly escaped capture hj crossing the river 
and seeking refuge in Seringapatam, from whence 10,000 
of his troops shortly afterwards deserted. Finding all 
efforts to rally his forces, and thus resist the nearer 
approach of the inyader, useless, he began to think of 
treating with his enemies. Hastily sending for two of 
the Ooimbatoor captives, the trembling tyrant despatched 
them to Lord Cornwallis, bearing proposals of peace. 

The tale they told of past sufferings and indignities 
was little calculated to conciliate their commander ; but 
the English general, in reply, expressed his willingness 
to receive an envoy from the sultan, and Tippoo, accord* 
ingly, sent a confidential agent or vakeel to the allied 
camp. It was high time; the besiegers now occupied a 
ravine within 500 yards from the walls, which they had 
already converted into a tenable position, and from which 
the labour of a few hours would have enabled them to 
bring a battery to bear with deadly effect upon the town. 
The troops were in high spirit at the prospect of an as* 
sault, and eager to exact revenge for the injuries their 
countrymen had suffered at the hands of the perfidious 
and cruel tyrant. 

On the morning of the 24th, Tippoo beheld with 
dismay the near approach of the English outworks. At 
noon he called his officers together^ in the principal 
mosque, to debate upon the propriety of at once acceding 
to the demands of Lord Comwallis. Those demands 
must have appeared to all present stringent and severe. 
The governor-general insisted that Tippoo should at 
once pay down a sum of four millions of pounds sterling, 
and make over to the English the valuable districts on 
the Malabar coast, and in the neighbourhood of Dindigul. 
The Mahrattas and the Nizam were also to receive aa 
accession of territory towards the north of Mysore.. When 
these propositions had been communicated to his dejected 
chiefs, Tippoo laid the Koran in the midst, imd im- 
ploring them, by that sacred repository of their faith^ to 



136 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IS INDU. [179?. 

afford him true and sincere counsel, inquired briefly, 
•* shall ifc be peace or warl" 

The scene was affecting in the extreme. The de- 
meanour of the sultan betrayed the melancholy despair 
of his inmost soul, while many of his officers could not 
restrain their tears. At length they decided that peace, 
upon any terms, was the sole alternative that could savo 
them from final ruin and destruction. Tippoo j:«tumed 
sorrowfully to his palace, and despatched the same night 
his assent to the conditions proposed. A more grieyoos 
trial remained behind. It was stipulated that his two 
children, boys of eight and ten r^pectively, should be 
placed in the hands of the English, as hostages for their 
father's performance of his promises. The condition 
appeared necessary, in order to guard against those 
breaches of faith, for which, in past times, Tippoo had 
made himself but too notorious. Every effort, however, 
was employed to render less painful a separation that 
could not fail to affect tho sultan even more than the 
surrender of his conquered territories. The passionate 
love of the orientals for their young children, is a senti- 
ment which in those fervid regions often animates many 
whose general character the most glowing charity could 
not but condemn. Bearded men, in whose wrinkled brows 
and cold astute glances may be traced the indelible 
signs of avarice and craflb, will lavish upon their inno-< 
cent offspring the tenderness and caresses of the fond- 
est European mother. The sacred volume^ so true in 
every page to nature, and above all to Eastern nature^ 
has given us a beautiful illustration of this sentiment, 
when it represents David as overwhelmed by the most 
bitter and poignant grief for the loss of his treacherous 
and rebellious son. 

In the instance before us, the anxiety of the parent 
was perhaps aggravated by the fears of the statesman. 
The treacherous and the unprincipled, beholding, as they 
do, in every one who approaches them a reflection of 



1792.] 3UBBENDEB OF THB HOSTAGES, 137 

iheir own character, become thus the ayengers of society 
upon themselves; and while trembling for his children's 
safety^ Tippoo conld hardly fail to remember how he 
might, or would have acted on a similar occasion. In the 
present case his apprehensions were groundless: if they 
had been committed to the custody of an oriental, he 
might perhaps have trembled for the result; but, under 
the prot^tion of an English nobleman, the princes 
remained as secure as though they had never quitted 
the sheltering roof of their father^s palace. 

On the morning of the 26 th, the child-hostages, clothed 
in rich robes of muslin, and adorned with pearl necklaces^ 
mounted their elephants, and were conducted by Tippoo's 
chief vakeel to the tent of the govemor-genenJ. Lord 
Oomwallis received them with paternal urbanity, and 
the quiet reserve and dignified politeness of the princes 
excited the admiration and interest of the English 
officers. 

While the details of the treaty were being arranged, 
some discussion arose, with respect to the territory of 
Coorg, which the sultan had formerly seized, and wished 
now to retain, but which the English insisted should be 
restored to its rightful sovereign. After an interval, 
however, of two days, Tippoo signified his assent to the 
disputed article, and the treaty, fully signed and sealed, 
was placed in the hands of Lord Oomwallis by his 
yonthful sons. 

Peace being now definitively concluded, the governor- 
general judged it right to afibrd his troops some extra 
compensation, in order to allay their disappointment 
in not obtaining the plunder of Seringapatam. With 
a liberality that reflected considerable credit upon both, 
the Marquis and General Meadows gave up their large 
shares of the prize-money, and thus augmented the por- 
tions of those under their command. In the distri- 
bution which ensued each colonel obtained 1160^., and 
every private soldier 14/. 



138 BBinBH aKTZUBHHNTS UT DIDZA. P792. 

The proTinoiui of the treaty were fiillj carried <mt 
bj Tippoo, who required time to repair his loeses, and 
whose natural anxiety for the safety of his childrea 
tended to prerent him firom engaging in any hostile pro- 
jects. At the expiration of two years, all the conditions 
haying been fulfilled, the hostages returned to their 
&ther, and for four years longer that amlntious prince 
refrained from molesting his neighbours, although in 
secret he continued his unremitted preparationa for 
future war. 



1793.J ABBIVAL OF SIB JOHIT SHOBB. 139 



CHAPTER XI. 

QOYKIOVHSNT Of LOBB TETOWMOtTTH— HIS VkClItO POIIOY^IKCKEASS 
or THE MAHBATTA F0W1R-— YIZIBR ALI — ^ARBIYAL OT LOKD WXLUBI* 
IiET — ^TIPPOO INTBIGUES WITH THE TSENCH — ^DISMISSAL OF THB 
mZAM'S FOKEIGN TH00P8— SXFBBITION TO MYSORE, UNDER GENERAL 
HAJUkIS— 'DEATH 01 TIPFOO, AND 7ALI. 07 SERIN&APATAX. 

1793—1799. 

After the five years of his government had expired, the 
Marquis of Comwallis was succeeded bj Sir John Shore^ 
afterwards Lord Teignmouth, who carried on, during a 
season of uninterrupted tranquillity, the paci^c system 
of his predecessor. Temptations, however, to break the 
even tenor of this course were not wanting. The Mah« 
ratta tribes, ever restless and disposed for war, had been 
with difficulty induced by Lord Cornwallis to ally them- 
selves to the Nizam, during the campaign against Tippoo* 
As soon as that expedition terminated, the old animosities 
came once more into play. The Nizam, menaced by the 
Mahrattas, appealed to the English for protection. The 
governor-general offered his mediation, but seemed m* 
disposed to support this proposed arbitration by an 
appeal to arms. 

At length the Mahrattas, under Doulat Bao Scindiah, 
engs^ed the Nizam near Beeder, and gained a complete 
victory. His favourite minister was carried away cap- 
tive by them, but subsequently released, in consequence 
of a series of intestine disputes, which arose among these 
restless marauders. The condition, indeed, of the Mah- 
ratta states has been likened, with considerable truth, to 
the position of France under the ancient Maires de 
Palais. The two differed, however, in this, that the 



140 BRITISH SETTLEMBirrS IN INDIA. [17^3. 

Feishwas, who resembled, at the commencement, the great 
ministers of the Carlovingian dynasty, had gradually 
themselves become the puppets of more powerful cliie& 

During the minority of the Feishwa Madhoo Bao^ 
two great rivals disputed together for the ascendency* 
One of these, Nan^ Fumavese, a Brahmin, had long 
been famous, in his own country, as a wily and prudent 
statesman; the other was Mahajee Scindiah, a distin* 
guished warrior, who held under his control, the impo- 
tent descendant of the Mogul emperors. Disliking the 
English, Shah Alim had unwisely entrusted himself to 
Ma]hratta protection, and soon found just reason to 
complain of his new friends. They extorted from him 
privileges of various kinds, and even, on several oocasioii^ 
treated the aged monarch with personal violence. The 
death of Scindiah a£forded some opportunities for aggran-> 
dizement to his ever-watchful rival, but the heir of that 
powerful warrior had no sooner reached the age of man*' 
hood, than he appeared fully capable of maintaining his 
ground against the authority of Nana Fumavese. 

The harsh conduct of this Brahmin, subsequently im- 
pelled his ward or prisoner, the youthful Feishwa, to com- 
mit suicide, and his successor in the vacant dignity, Bajee 
Bao, made several attempts to exercise an independent 
sway. But Nana, Scindiah, and other leaders, thwarted on 
all occasions the aspiring spirit of their nominal master, 
allowing him only the shadow of dominion, and steadily 
withholding its substance from his grasp. 
. The Nizam, conceiving that he had just reason to 
dread a future invasion from his turbulent neighbours, 
began to seek elsewhere for that aid which the English 
were unwilling to afford him, during the pacific admi- 
nistration of Sir John Shore. A French adventurer, 
Baymond by name, had served with Bussy in the Dec- 
can, and now revisited his old abode, imbued with 
those ideas of hostility to England and universal con- 
quest that animated the first supporters of the French 



1797.] BBTUBir OF BIB, JOHN SHOBE. 141 

Republic. The Qoddess of Liberty mighfc have found 
more sympathetic allies than an Indian despot^ but con- 
sistesicy is rarely compatible with political or religious 
fanaticism ; and Baymond led the Nizam to expect that, 
ere long, the armies of freedom would sweep the English 
tyrants from the continent of India. 

In the meantime/M. Kaymond was not wanting in his 
efforts to extend the influence of his country. 

He enlisted troops, for which the Nizam supplied all 
the necessary funds, drilled them in the European fashion, 
and taught the wondering natives to shout forth the 
^a-ira, and dance the Carmagnole. At the instigation of 
Sir John Shore, some English adventurers offered their 
services to the Nizam, as tacticians, but, being inferior in 
abilities to Baymond, they were compelled to abandon 
the field to the astute and skilful Frenchman. 

About the same time, some disturbances took place 
within the Bohilla territory, but by the prompt and ener* 
getic measures of Sir Kalph Abercrombie, tranquillity 
was speedily restored. Upon this followed a disputed 
succession to the chief authority in Oude. The Nabob 
Vizier, Assou-ood-Dowlah, having recently died, two 
candidates appeared in the lists ; one being Vizier Ali^ 
the reputed son of the deceased, — the other, the late 
Nabob's brother, Saadat Ali. The justice of Vizier's 
title was first acknowledged, and then denied by Sir John 
Shore, who finally established Saadat Ali upon the mus- 
nud, with the understanding that several concessions 
should be made greatly to the advantage of the Com- 
pany. In other quarters, also, fresh annexations had been 
effected, chiefly at the expense of the Dutch, whose set* 
tlements in Ceylon, and upon the Spice Islands, were 
occupied by naval armaments despatched from Madras. 

In March, 1797, intelligence reached the Court of 
Directors that the state of Sir John Shore's health would 
soon render his return to England imperative." After 
some deliberation^ they fixed upon the Marquis Corn^ 



142 BRITISk SETTLEMENTB IN INDIA. [1797. 

wallis as his successor; but this nobleman being sbortlj 
afterwards nominated Viceroy of Ireland, a new election 
became necessary. No one could have been better fitted 
for the post than the eminent man upon whom the next 
choice fell. 

Eichard Wellesley, Earl of Mornington, had, while 
at Eton, contracted with Lord Oomwallis a schoolboy 
friendship, that was destined to outlast the period when 
such attachments usually dissolye, under the influence of 
new scenes and more exciting occupations. The removal 
of his early friend to the supreme government of India 
induced Lord Wellesley to study minutely the history 
and customs of Hindoostan ; so that when appointed to 
fill the post of governor-general he was, in every respect, 
prepared to undertake its onerous and important duties. 

In the spring of 1798, Lord Momington landed at 
Madras, where he remained a few days, for the purpose 
of making a nomination to the vacant musnud of Tan- 
jore, after which he proceeded northwards, and reached 
Calcutta on the 18th of May. Before the 9th of June, 
copies of a proclamation issued by the governor of the 
Mauritius, M. Malartie, arrived in Bengal, and their con- 
tents created serious apprehensions as to the future in- 
tentions of Tippoo Sahib. 

During the year 1797 that prince had received at 
Seringapatam M. Kipaud, the captain of a French priva- 
teer, who, probably by way of exalting his own impor- 
tance, represented to the sultan that a large force was 
waiting at the Mauritius to co-operate with him in ex- 
pelling the English from India. Ever ready to gratify 
his predilections for a French alliance, Tippoo disregarded 
the advice of his wisest councillors, and despatched two 
ambassadors to the Mauritius. They landed with con- 
siderable ceremony, and the governor, whose republican 
enthusiasm considerably exceeded his prudence, imme- 
diately forwarded their plans to the French Directory, 
and made public a glowing invitation, calling upon sdl 



J7M.] THE FBIBNOH AT flBBnTGAFAIAX. 143 

true patriots to enlist under the buinen of Tippoo Sahib. 
About a hundred individuals obejed the summons, chiefly, 
it is said, those vrho had been suspected bj the governor 
of a design to set free the numerous shives on the island, 
and whose absence, therelbre, he was readj to purchase 
at any cost. 

The envoys and their companions arrived at Manga^ 
lore on the 26th April, 1798, from whence they pro* 
ceeded to Seringapatam, where the sultan was disagreeably 
surprised by the paucity of their numbers. If zeal, in- 
deed, and a violent antipathy to all regular governments, 
could have made amends for the want of nimierical 
strength, the new-comers possessed these in the greatest 
exuberance. Their first care, on reaching the capital, 
was to found a Jacobin Olub, whose members swore 
deadly hatred and threatened inevitable destruction to 
all sovereigns, with the exception of ** our good and &ithr 
ful ally, Citizen Tippoo SnltanJ' 

Kotwithstanding the conduct of the ruler of Mysore, 
however. Lord Momington was decidedly ayerse to war. 
£v^y consideration, indeed, urged him to maintain 
peace. The alliance of the Mahrattas, though still nomi- 
nally existing, was daily becoming more and more unr 
cerUun, in consequence of their intestine quarrels, while, 
at Hyderabad, a force of 14,000 Sepoys, under the com^ 
mand of French officers, constituted the only available 
corps which the Nizam could place at the disposal of the 
English. Com and provisions were wanting for the 
troops, while the d^dt in the revenues of the Madras 
Government amounted to at least 36,000^ 

Yet notwithstanding these difficulties, Lord Moming- 
ton fdt that a war with Tippoo could not be much longer 
averted. From the very first, he had taken precautions 
that the army of the Oamatic should be put, as soon as 
possible, into good marching order; he now determined 
at once to get rid of the French icffce maintained by the 
Nizam. The personal inclinations of that prince were 



144 BBmSH BETTLEMENTS IN DTDIA. (1799. 

fortunately favourable to the gDYemor-generars designs. 
H. Raymond had lately died, and his successor seemed 
by no means fitted to act cordially with the native autho- 
rities. When Colonel Roberts arrived, therefore, at the 
head of a detachment of English troops, little real oppo^ 
sition to the proposed measure could be anticipated fiK>m 
the Nizam or his minister. But the usual vacillation and 
suspicion, so characteristic of native statesmen, marked 
on this occasion the behaviour of both. The resident^ 
however, resolved to bring the matter to a speedy termi- 
nation, without any further delay, and after surrounding 
the French camp with detachments of English troops, he 
informed the minister, that unless the foreign officers 
were dismissed, he should at once direct Colonel Roberts 
to attack their position. His request was immediately 
•complied with, and the French officers at once resigning 
their commands claimed the protection of the British 
flag, which the Colonel readily accorded them, congratu« 
lating himself that an affair so pregnant with danger 
and difficulty had passed off unattended by the loss of a 
dingle man. Before the officers took^ their departure, 
however, a violent mutiny broke out among the Nizam's 
•Sepoys, on account of their pay, which happened to be 
4iwenty-one days in arrear. They confined their officers^ 
and even attempted to attack the English, but Oolcmel 
Roberts, possessing himself of some heights commanding 
their camp, sent Captain, afterwards Sir John Malcolm, 
-with a body of two thousand horse to menace their right 
fiank. These movements so much alarmed the mutineers, 
that they agreed at once to give up their arms and dis- 
perse quietly. By five o'clock on the same day, their 
lines were in possession of the British, and thus a 
corps of 16,000 armed men had been deprived of their 
weapons, and disbanded, without shedding one drop of 
blood. 

The next step taken by Lord Momington was to de- 
spatch an official note to Tippoo, demanding various 



1799,2 LETTER FBOH TIPFOO. 145 

explanations which the sultan seemed indisposed to afford 
He professed, indeed, that he continued desirous of peace ; 
but refused to receive a special envoy whom Lord Morn« 
ington had offered to send. The governor-general imrne* 
diately forwarded another communication, containing a 
copy of the proclamation issued at the Isle of France; and 
pointing out the offensive character of such transactions 
in the eyes of the ISnglish Government. On the 16th of 
January, 1799, his lordship sent a third missive, enclosing 
a letter addressed to Tippoo from the Grand Seignior, 
with the declaration of war against the French, lately 
made public by that monarch. It was thought, probably, 
that Tippoo's Mohammedan zeal might in this manner 
be stirred up against those whom the Turkish sovereign 
stigmatized as the enemies of Islam. On the 13th of 
February the following reply reached Madras : — 

^^ I have been much gratified by the agreeable receipt 
of your lordship's two friendly letters — the first brought 
by a camel-man, the last by Hircarrahs — ^and understood 
their contents. The letter of the prince, in station like 
Giamsheed, with angels as his guards, with troops nume- 
rous as the stars, the sun illumining the world of the 
heaven of empire and dominion; the luminary giving 
splendour to the universe of the firmament of glory and 
power, the Sultan of the sea and land, the King of Room 
(European Turkey), be his empire and his powerperpetual, 
addressed to me, which reached you through the British 
Envoy, and which you have transmitted, has arrived. 
Being frequently disposed to make excursions and hunt, 
I am accordingly proceeding upon a hunting excursion* 
Tou will be pleased to despatch Major Boveton, aboul 
whose coming your friendly pen has repeatedly written, 
slightly attended. Always continue to gratify me by 
friendly letters notifying your welfare." 

. In the meantime preparations for the impending war 

L 



' 146 BBiTiSH VBfnLtxsSTd IK nn>iA« • n^. 

were being activelj carried on at Madras. Qoneral Floyd 
:liad assembled a large body of troops in ihe south, while 
•another detachment, under Colonel Arthur Wellesley, 
-afterwards the world-famous Duke of Wellington^ was 
in garrison at Wallajabad and Yellore. Afresh impetus 
also was given to the exertions of all parties bj the 
arrival of the governor-general at Madras; where he 
found, even those of the authorities who had most depre- 
cated a war, now convinced that not even forbearance^ 
pushed to the extreme of cowardice, could ever maintain 
peace. At the earnest solicitation of Lord Momington, 
•Qeneral Harris took the command of the expedition 
against Seringapatam. This distinguished officer had 
served with reputation in America and the West Indies, 
juid was recently appointed Acting-Oovemor of Madras, 
which office he relinquished upon the arrival of Lord 
Olive, a near relative of the hero of Plassey. SkilM in 
his profession, he was even more remarkable for that 
modest depreciation of sel^ which generally accompanies 
true genius. The post of commander-in-chief he at first 
irefused, but Lord Mornington knew his man, and wonld 
not be thus baffled. By his advice, the general took a 
night to reconsider his first detennination j and the result 
of these second thoughts proved the truth of the old pro- 
verb, and enabled Lord Mornington to anticipate a favour- 
^le issue to the commencing campaign. 

The army committed to the charge of this brave com- 
mander was one of the finest that had, as yet, been mus- 
.iered upon the Indian soil. The cavalry, estimated at 
5,678 men, 912 being Europeans, were supported by 4,608 
Jlnglish, and 11,061 native infantry, llie artillery con- 
45isted of 138 guns served by 576 Europeans, together 
with 2726 gun Lascars and pioneers, the whole effective 
force being rated at 21,649 men. In addition to these, the 
Malabar army, underGeneral Stuart, and the detachments 
in the south, under Colonel Eeid and Lieutenant-Colonel 
Brown; were ordered to co-operate with the main body. 



IfMO nVYASZON OF ]fTfiK>BB. 147 

While these arrangements ooenpied the daily attention 
of his foes, Tippoo remained inert and inaotiye. By 
throwing a strong cavalry force into the Barahmahal 
district, he might have retarded materially the advance 
of the British army. But like the impious king of old, 
in&tuation seems to have preceded defeat. The English 
were suffered almost unopposed to enter the Mysore terri- 
tory, and to possess themselves of the hill-£ort8 of Woodia- 
droogy Auchittidroog, and Buttingherry. In the mean- 
time, General Harris had many present difficulties to 
aurmount, many future contingencies to provide for. If 
8eringapatam were taken at all, it was necessary that 
the English should be in possession of its fortifications 
before May, at which period the Malabar monsoon would 
render the Oavery impassable* From June to December 
the swelling of that river, and the rapidity of its current, 
cat off every hope of transit, and might, if the march of 
the English could be by any means arrested, enable 
Tippoo to receive succour from his French allies in the 
Mauritius or Egypt. In the latter country Buonaparte 
liad now securely established himself; he was known to 
be regarding India with a wishful eye; and a letter from 
bim to Tippoo, containing a promise of speedy support, 
bad been intercepted by the agents of Lord Momington. 
Yet, notwithstanding the urg^it necessity for haste^ many 
causes conspired to produce unavoidable delay. The 
£9eble cattle of the plains could not endure the mountain 
tracks of Mysore, and the cool breezes of the uplands^ 
Numbers perished in the jungles, many of the stores 
were abandoned, and even the supply of rice began to 
diminish sensibly. The prudent foresight, however, of 
Oeneral Harris had provided for many of these obstacles, 
while his undaunted energy enabled him to surmount 
others. By the 26th of March, the English army arrived 
•within forty miles of Seringapatam, having as yet en-> 
jooantered no serious interruption from the enemy. 

On the 22d of February, Lord Momington had written 
l2 



14S BRITISH SETTLEMENT IN INDIA. [1799; 

to TippoO; in reply to the Saltan's letter, stating that 
having reoeived no answer to his former commiinicatioiiSy 
an army, under General Harris, was now advancing to 
Mysore, and that all further intercourse must take place 
through the commander-in-chie£ The Mysorean at 
once perceived the danger of his position, and the neces^ 
sity for immediate action. 

Two great bodies of troops were marching against him, 
from different quarters. That under General Harris, 
moving in a westerly direction, had been reinforced by 
the Nizam's contingent under Meer Alum, and was in 
itself considerably the most numerous of the two. The 
other, the Bombay army, led by G^eral Stuart, was 
approaching from the Malabar coast, and had just begun 
to climb the rugged passes of the Ghauts. 

Tippoo at once determined upon a movement worthy 
of his ancient military reputation. Giving out that 
he intended to attack General Harris at Maddoor, he 
marched forth from his capital, but, instead of proceed- 
ing to the east, he hurried through the jungles towards 
the west, with the intention of falling unawares upon 
the Bombay army. The commander of the latter. Gene- 
ral Stuart, having received intelligence that the Sultan 
had gone against General Harris, suffered his vanguard 
of three native batallions, under Colonel Montresor, to be 
separated from him by an interval of eight miles. 

They were now in the Coorg territory, and the rajah 
of that country, who had joined the English army with 
his people, conducted several officers to the summits of 
Sedaseer, one of the highest hills in the vicinity, for the 
purpose of surveying the neighbouring region. To their 
astonishment and alarm, they discovered in the direction 
of Feriapatam a number of tents slowly rising above the 
outline of the low brushwood. At length appeared a 
large green pavilion, the well-known signal of the Sul- 
tan's presence. Tidings were immediately despatched 
to General Stuart; but before that officer could arrive. 



1799.] BATTLE OF HALLAVELLT. 149 

Tippoo barst tlirough the jungles with his '^tigers of 
war,** and roshed like lightning upon the vanguard. The 
action was sharp and severe, but the English sepoys 
maintained their ground manfully, until the arrival of 
General Stuart, who repulsed the Mysoreans with con- 
siderable loss. Foiled on this side, the Sultan retired to 
Periapatam, and from thence hurried, as expeditiously 
as possible, to oppose General Harris. 

On March the 26th the two armies found themselves 
face to face on the plains of Mallavelly. The Sultan 
commenced the attack by opening a fire of artillery upon 
the English; he next tried charges of infantry and 
cavalry, but in eveiy instance suffered a severe repulse, 
and finally retreated with the loss of six standards, and 
having about 2,000 men killed, wounded, and missing. 
On the evening of the 27th, General Harris made the 
following entry in his journal : — 

" Let me only record my humble submission to that 
^U-protecting Providence, for the support I have found 
through this day — a scene new to me, and difficulti 
perhaps, to any one. To-morrow I shall attempt to 
describe the course of events.*' 

These repeated failures produced a feeling of deep des* 
pondency in the mind of Tippoo; but as the safety of 
his capital depended upon his delaying the advance of 
the English as much as possible, he prepared to obstruct 
their passage by occupying the high road leading from 
Mallavelly to Seringapatam — a distance of thirty miles. 
Unfortunately for him, however, General Harris made a 
detour that enabled the EngUsh to cross the Cavery after a 
nine hours' march, and thus by gaining at once the side of 
the river on which the capital was situated, he avoided the 
possibility of being retarded by the swelling of the stream 
during the May monsoon. Having in this manner eluded 
the vigilance of Tippoo^ the army advanced leisurely 



150 BBITIBH 6BTTLB1CEMTS IK INDIA. l\7» 

towards Seringapatam, approacKing it firom the western 
side. On the 4tli of April the English ^icamped within 
three miles of the fortress, and preparati(m8 for the siege 
immediately commenced. The first operations were 
directed by Major-General Baird, Colonel Welleslej, and 
Colonel Shawe. 

When Tippoo found that he had been out-generalled, he 
assembled his principal offioers, and, after a moody silence 
said briefly, "We have arrived at our last stage; what 
is your determination? " " To die with you," was the 
heroic reply. All wept, and one chief throwing himself 
before the Sultan, clasped his knees in an agony of grie£ 
They separated with a firm resolution to defend Seringa- 
patam successfully, or to perish in the breach. 

That determination was bravely and energetically 
carried out. The besiegers found themselves obliged to 
contend strenuously for every foot of ground. At length, 
however, the first parallel was gained, and on the 3rd of 
May the breach effected by the English batteries was 
pronounced practicable. One o'clock at noon on the ith, 
witnessed the final attack. A little before this took 
plaee Captain, afterwards Sir John Malcolm, repaired to 
the tent of the commander-in-chief, whom he found 
awaiting, with a thoughtful and serious aspect, the deci- 
sive moment. Exempt himself from the cares of high 
station, the young officer said cheerfully, "Why, my 
lord, so thoughtful?" "Malcolm," replied the general 
gravely, "this is no time for compliments; we have 
serious work on hand ; don't you see that the European 
sentry over my tent is so weak, from want of food and 
exhaustion, that a sepoy could push him down — ^we must 
take this fort, or perish in the attempt. I have ordered 
General Baird to persevere in his attack to the last ex- 
tremity; if he is beat off, Wellesley is to proceed with 
the troops from the trenches; if he also should not suc- 
ceed, I shall put myself at the head of the remainder of 
the army, for success is necessary to our existence." 



.1799.] STOBlCmO OF BEBINOAPATAH. I0J 

The remarks of the general explain the disposiiions 
he had madfi^ as well as his arrangements for the future. 
At half^past one, the gallant Bai^ led the storming de- 
taohments from the trenches, exclaiming, as thej ranged 
themselyes in readiness for the assault, '< Now my brave 
fellows^ follow me, and prove yourselves worthy of the 
name of British soldiers," John Best, an old soldier^ and 
now servant to General Harris, had of his own accord 
volunteered to accompany the party; he was wounded 
in crossing the river, but contrived to drag himself up 
to the top of a low rock, where he sat cheering the front 
companies as they passed. In six minutes after the for- 
lorn hope reached the foot of the breach, the standard 
of England was waving proudly from the summit. 

A corps, under Colonel Sherbrook, had been ordered to 
make a contemporaneous attack upon the southern ram- 
part, during the progress of which they met with com- 
paratively little resistance, except when forcing a passage 
through the Mysore gateway, where a large number of 
Europeans were killed and wounded. After this the 
enemy fled, allowing the English to possess themselves ^ 
the remaining cavaliers. 

The other division encountered a stouter opposition, 
Jiaving Tippoo in person to contend with, but they at 
length succeeded in forcing the different traverses, and 
crossing the ditch, got within the parapet The slaughter 
of the Mysoreans was now fearful, for the English knew 
that, in the event of a reverse, they themselves could ex- 
pect no mercy, and the passions of the soldiers were 
aroused by the intelligence that, only a few days before, 
Tippoo had murdered in cold blood twelve grenadiers of 
the 33d regiment who unfortunately fell into his hands. 
The sanguinary work did not cease until the two divisions 
met each other on the eastern rampart. All the outworks 
and fortifications of the. town being now in the hands of 
the English, the palace was the only building of impor- 
tance that remained to be taken. General Baird, ther;^- 



15^ BRITISH BETTLEHENTd IN IKDIA. [179d. 

fore, despatched Major Allen, an officer distinguisbed by 
bis bumanitj as mucb as for bis undaunted courage 
that be migbt summon tbe occupants to surrender. The 
inmates appeared to be in great confusion and perplexity, 
-when the English officer approached^ while the Eilledar, 
•or governor, who descended to speak with him, denied 
that Tippoo was in the palace. At length tbe native 
authorities conducted the English officer to an apart- 
ment where the two young sons of the Sultan, formerly 
surrendered as hostages by their father^ were seated on a 
carpet with many attendants around them. 

" The recollection," says Major Allen, " of Moiz-ed- 
Been, whom, on a fonner occasion, I had seen delivered up, 
with his brother, hostages to Marquis Oomwallis; the sad 
reverse of their fortunes; their fear which, notwithstand- 
ing their struggles to conceal, was hut too evident^ excited 
the strongest emotions of compassion in my mind. I 
took Moiz-ed-Deen, to whom the Killedar principally 
directed his attention, by the hand, and endeavoured, by 
eveiy means in my power, to remove his fears ; and to 
persuade him that no violence should be offered to him, 
or his brother, nor to any person in the palace." 

The princes assured Major Allen that the Sultan was 
not concealed within, and, after some natural hesitation, 
allowed him to open the gates of the palace, and admit 
Oeneral Baird with his principal officers. The general 
had himself languished in Tippoo's prison for three years, 
and was besides indignant at a rumour which just then 
reached him, imputing to the Sultan the massacre of 
every European who had fallen into his hands during the 
siege; but €ie sight of the defenceless, and prohably father- 
less, youths at once disarmed his anger. He received 
them with kindness; promised that they should be safe; 
and committing them to the charge of two English officers, 
continued his search for Tippoo. His effi)rts, however, 
proved unavailing; the Eilledar was called, and affirmed 
in the most solemn manner, that the Sultan had not been 



17WJ DEATH OF TIPPOO. IffS 

for some time in the palace, but lay wounded near a gate* 
way on the north side of the fort. He engaged to con- 
duct the general thither; but upon their arrival the 
darkness and the hundreds of slain with which the place 
was iilled, rendered the search most difficult. At length 
one of Tippoo's body attendants, who had been cut down 
by his side, pointed out the spot where the Sultan fell. 
Torches were brought, and the body remoTed from among 
ihe heaps of slain . The eyes still remained open, and some 
degree of heat yet lingered in the stiffened limbs ; but 
the heart and pulse had ceased to beat, and it soon be- 
came evident that the spirit had departed, to answer for 
its deeds of ambition and bloodshed before the dread 
tribunal of the King of Kings. 

The last days of Tippoo were employed, like those of 
the first monarch of Israel, in vain attempts to ascertain 
his future destiny. As Saul sought counsel £rom the 
diviners, whom in former times he banished and per* 
secuted, the Mysorean Sultan turned in his hour of 
despair to those very Brahmins, whose shrines he had 
plundered, and whose idolatry he affected to despise. By 
their instructions he practised several rites, repugnant 
alike to reason, and to the doctrines of his Islamite creed. 
From this dotage of superstition his officers aroused him 
by the intelligence that the foe was at hand. Hastily 
girding on his weapons, he rushed to the scene of conflict. 
Th^ English were taking possession of the ramparts 
in every direction, and Tippoo found it impossible to 
rally his flying troops. He killed several of the oppo« 
nents with his own hand; but the tide of fugitives bore 
him irresistibly along, and obliged him to make a last 
stand in the gateway where his corpse was afterwards 
found. Here he continued fighting, with the most deter- 
mined courage, until two musket -balls entering his side, 
and his horse being killed under him, he was borne 
down to the earth. An English soldier approached him, 
as he lay on the ground incapable of rising, and attempted 



IBi BBTTISB SBTTLHiPSanB Df INDIA. piW. 

to grasp at his jewelled sword-belt Tke dying prinee 
ooncentrated his &st ebbing strengih in one expiring 
effort^ and making a cut at the s<jdier with his sabr^ 
wounded him slightlj near the knee. l%e man loTelled 
his piece — ^fired — and the stem^ haughty Sultan ML 
back lifeless upon a heap of slain. 

The next day the remains of the son of Hydw were 
borne, with'military honours, to the magnificent mauso- 
leum of Lall Bang, which his father had erected as the se- 
pulchre of his race. The British soldiers presented aims 
when the funeral cortege passed along ; but these scdemn 
rites of the last Sultan of Mysore were rendered more 
impressive by a violent storm of thunder and lightning 
that broke forth during the ceremony, and destroyed 
several zuitives and Europeans. 

Thus perished a prince, who combined with great 
natural abilities and undaunted courage, cruelty whieh 
disgraced, and ambition which finally ruined him. A 
skilful soldier and astute politician, he had acquired 
the love of his own subjects and the veneration of his 
co-religionists. His country was well cultivated, and 
his people better governed, than the majority of Indian 
populations: but, like most great men of his country 
and period, his faith could not be relied upon ; and hu 
hatred to the English has scarcely been paralleled in 
history, since the young Hannibal swore eternal enmity to 
the Romans upon the altars of Carthage. • 

The blind violence of this animosity proved eventually 
his ruin, since it led him to repose confidence in all who 
shared his repugnance, or offered to co-operate in his 
schemes of vengeance. The bitterness of his antipathy, 
tempted him to commit actions which at one time excited 
abhorrence, at another contempt. His English prisoners 
were treated with savage brutality — ^many of them had 
been inhumanly murdered ; while a series of ridioulous 
and unworthy caricatures scorned, or rather disfigured, 
the waUs of his capital city. A piece of mechanism found 



in hk palace^ and still prwenred ia the Bidia Honse, 
gopr c aon ts an Englidi floldi«r lyiag beneath tbe fangs of 
a tiger ; while the tormng of a handle, protruding from 
the side of the wild beast, produces a sound designed U> 
imitate the victim's expiring gioaiis. 

Major-XJ^ieral Baird continued to hxAA, possession of 
Smngapatam until the storming partj was reliered bj 
the entry of Colonel Wellesley with fresh ti^ps. This 
prudent measure at once put a stop to the disorders that 
were being committed by men whose passions had been 
irritated and excited^ in consequence of the scenes of 
violence and blood through which they had recently 
passed. Unhappily, a step emanating solely from the 
considerate humanity of the commander-in-chief created 
a misunderstanding between himself and Major-General 
Baird, who seemed to consider the appointment of Colonel 
Wellesley a personal slight. The momentary ill-feeling 
thus provoked, however, finally subsided, and General 
Harris had the gratification of presenting publicly to his 
brave subordinate a sword of considerable value, found 
in the chamber of Tippoo Sultan after the assault. 

The prompt measures of Colonel Wellesley soon restored 
order in the town, and calmed the apprehensions of the 
inhabitants, who showed their confidence in his firm 
but temperate rule, by a speedy return to their several 
occupations. Among the unquiet subjects whom he had 
to deal with, were some tigers belonging to the menagerie 
of the late Sultan, who, being abandoned during the 
storm, soon grew ravenous from want of food. In a cha- 
racteristic note the Great Captain announces his determi- 
nation to have these animals shot, unless some immediate 
arrangement is made for their removal. 

Intelligence of the fall of Seringapatam was enclosed 
in a quill, and forwarded to Madras by natives, who 
placed the unsuspected utensil in the aperture of their 
ear. These precautions had been taken, as the country 
around still swarmed with the partisans and retainers of 



186 BBITIBH BBITLIfiinBNTB IK IKBIA. {1799. 

Tippoo, some of whom now retained to their former 
predatory hahits. The regions over which the deceased 
Sultan formerly held sway were parcelled out among the 
English, the Nizam, and the Peishwa, the largest share 
being, however, reserved for a descendant of the old 
Hindoo &mily expelled by Hyder, who now took his seat 
upon the musnnd under English protection as Bajah of 
Mysore. 



1800.1 SUBMISSION 09 TS8 rEJSBWAt 157 



CHAPTER Xn. 



]>HOONDIAH ▼AV6H— BTJBMISSIOll OT TBS PIUHWA— nmBOOUBU 
WITH 7EBSIA— DETHBOmiOarT OT THE HABOB OT THE CASNATIC-^ 
l>EfXAT OT DHOONDIAH WAUGH— I2ISUBBXCTI0II AT BENABE8— CAF- 
TUBE OT TIZIEB ALL 

1800—1801, 

SoMB disturbances raised by a freebooter named Dhoon- 
diab Waugh were speedily quelled, and in a few months 
after the taking of Seringapatam the most perfect tran- 
quillity prevailed throughout the whole country. It soon, 
however, became evident that fresh hostilities might be 
anticipated on the part of the Mahrattas. These turbu- 
lent tribes had long excited the anxious fears of the 
governor-general. They joined the English, however, 
in the war against Tippoo, and a portion of his territories 
was even set apart for them by way of reward. But 
Lord Momington determined that this cession should 
only take place under certain conditions. The Nizam 
had consented to receive a British subsidiary force into 
the heart of his dominions; and to assign over, for its 
maintenance, the revenues of several specified districts. 
. The governor-general now demanded that the Peishwa 
of the Mahrattas should make a similar concession; one, 
indeed, most advantageous for the English, but highly 
repugnant to the independent spirit of the Mahrattas. 
They refused to accept the proposed terms, and thereby 
forfeited their share of the spoil. 

Subsequently, however, the Peishwa showed some in* 
clination to negotiate. Pressed, as he was, on all sides 
by powerful chiefs, who, although nominally submissive, 



158 BAitittr wsiraamssTB m tsmk. (itoo. 

really wielded by turns the supreme authority, the Dic- 
tator of the Mahratta Republic agreed to allow aa English 
force to be stationed upon the frontiers of his dominions. 
He flattered himself that thus he might overawe the con- 
tending chieftains, while, at the same time, he kept back 
from his European allies the influence which they would 
have possessed, if stationed in the midst of the Mahratta 
country. The goyemor-general, on the other hand, hoping 
that this concession would be productive herckfler of 
others more important, protracted the negotiations, while;, 
at the same time, he used every means to strengthen and 
support the position occupied by the British in India. 

Great apprehensions had been entertained with respect 
to the intentions of Zemaun Shah, King of Oabool, who 
was threatening the northern parts of Hindoostan with 
an invasion. Lord Momington determined to counter* 
act this design, by obliging the enemy to guard his own 
frontiers. He, therefore, despatched Sir John Malcolm 
as envoy to the court of Persia. The Shah Saber Khan 
had already interfered in the affairs of Afghanistan, and 
regarded Zemaun with feelings of personal dislike. Sir 
John Malcolm effected the object of his embassy so wdl, 
that the Persian monarch concluded a special treaty with 
the English ; sent away from his court the representatives 
of the French government; and engaged to divert the 
attention of Zemaun Shah by an attack upon his do- 
minions. Through the medium of Sir John Malcolm, a 
friendly intercourse was opened, at the same time, with 
the Imaum of Muscat and the Pasha of Baghdad. These 
timely negotiations prevented the threatened incursion; 
Zemaun Shah having soon afterwards become a prisoner 
to his brother Mohammed, who, instigated by the Per- 
sians, had stirred up against him a civil war. Among 
other measures also contemplated at this period by Lord 
'Momington, was the establishment of an overland route 
to England, for the purpose of superseding the long and 
tedious passage round the Gape. 



IMO;] .SBTTLBVEHT 07 tHB OABKATia 159 

A collection of papers discotered in the palace of Se- 
xiBgapatam 1»ought to light some hitherto imsoBpected 
relations between Tippoo and the Nabob of the Camatio. 
The governor-general seised at once upon this fair pre- 
text for abolishing^ what had been always felt to be an 
iiie<»iTenient anomalj, the doable goyemment of this 
flourishing r^ion. The reigning sovereign, Omdtit-ool- 
Onirah, inherited from his predecessors an amount of debt 
which increased annually with but little hope of its being 
finally liquidated. The people groaned under the iron 
yoke of extortioners and usurers, who flocked around the 
sick-bed of the expiring prince, disturbing his last mo- 
ments by their intrigues and clamours. A corps of 
British troops was despatched to take possession of the 
palace; the Nabob was suffered to expire in peace ; but 
hie son received an intimation, after the father's decease, 
that the Nabobs of the Camatic must no longer regard 
themselves as independent sovereigns. 

The majority of Hiudoo rulers valued their rank chiefly 
on account of the pleasures and wealth with which it 
supplied them; their power being generally delegated to 
an intriguing minister, or an ambitious general. Azeem* 
ood-Dowlah, therefore, the reputed heir, was not, perhaps, 
unwilling to exchange the labours of royalty for its 
ahadow, when such a transmutation furnished him with 
the means of enjoying the usual amusements of an orien- 
tal prince, undisturbed by the brawls of ambitious cour- 
tiers, or the contests of factious dependents. The trans- 
fer, indeed, could not be effected without difficulty, for 
Azeem-ood-Dowlah, although the heir, was not ihe son 
of the Nabob; and the nobles of the court seemed at first 
inclined to support Hussein Ali, the reputed offspring of 
the latter. Eventually, however, the governor-general 
effected a settlement which the oppressed population 
hailed with joy and gratitude. A handsome annual allow- 
ance, and a release from his numerous liabilities, satisfied 
the Nabob; who retained his former title and enjoyed 



160 BBinSH SETTLEMSaslS 19 I5DIA. ' CIM*. 

the respect usually paid to its poasessors, while the Oom- 
panj took upon themselves the actual sorereigBtj and 
administration of his fertile territoriea. 

By the request of Lord GHye, the QoTemor of Madn^ 
Colonel Welleslej^ still superintended the afiairs of If 3^ 
sore. His sterling ahilities, no less than his justice^ hu- 
manitj, and moderation, had so much endeared him to ihe 
people, that it was found difficult to supplj his place. 
About this time he gave an instance of that disregard of 
personal interest and feelings, when duty called for the 
renunciation of either, which shed so bright a lustre on 
his after career. The GoTemment contemplated an ^rpe- 
dition to Batavia^ for the purpose of taking possesaioii 6[ 
the Dutch settlements on that island. A mUitarj officer 
was wanted to accompany the naval force^ and the appoint- 
ment had been offered to Colonel Well^ey. He wished 
very much to accept it, but finally announced his deter<- 
mination in the following terms: — "I have left it to 
Lord Clive to accept for me Lord Momington's offer or 
not, as he may find it most convenient for the public 
service. The probable advantages and credit are great, 
but I am determined that nothing shall induce me to 
quit this country until its tranquillity is restored." After- 
wards he writes to the governor-general, "I do not deny 
that I should like much to go, but you will have learned 
before you receive this, that my troops are in the field." 

The latter piece of information alluded to his move* 
ment against Dhoondiah Waugh, the freebooter, men- 
tioned a few pages back; who had once more returned, with 
a formidable band, to pillage and lay waste the frontiers 
of Mysore. This robber assumed the lofty title of "King 
of the Two Worlds,** and aimed, doubtless, at carving 
out for himself some independent principality — after the 
example of Hyder Ali, in whose service he originally 
commenced his adventurous career. Subsequently he 
incurred the displeasure of Tippoo, who chained hin^ 
like a wild beast, to the walls of one of his dungeons in 



1300.] JmrOAT OF DHOONDIAH WAUGH. 161 

SeringapataiQ, from whicli ^' durance yile" he had been 
liberated bj the English soldiers. Being himself a Mah- 
ratta or Patan, he crossed their frontierwhen hard pressed^ 
and found among those warlike and predatory tribes abun- 
dance of recruits to join his standard. He now threatened 
Mysore with £f,000 cavalry, and the Government of Ma^ 
di^ instructed Colonel Wellesley ** to pursue him wher- 
ever he could be found, and to hang him on the first 
tree.'' This general order also gave the pursuers per- 
mission to enter the Mahratta territory, if Dhoondiah^ 
according to his usual custom, should attempt to take 
refuge there. 

On the 30th of July the English commander surprised 
Phoondiah's camp, and destroyed a large number of his 
followers, but the chief robber still continued to elude 
kis grasp. The closing scene is thus graphically de- 
scribed by Colonel Wellesley himself, in the first volume 
of the Wellington Despatches: — *' After a most anxious 
night I marched in the morning and met the King of 
the World with his army, about five thousand horse, at 
a village called Conahgall, about six miles from hence. He 
bad not known of my being so near him in the night, 
and had thought that I was at Chinnoor. He was march- 
ing to the westward, with the intention of passing between 
the Mahratta and Mogul cavalry and me. He drew up, 
however, in a very strong position as soon as he perceived 
me; and the * victorious army' stood for some time with 
apparent firmness. I charged them with the 19 th and 
25th Dragoons, and the 1st and 2d regiments of cavalry, 
and drove them before me till they dispersed, and were 
scattered over the face of the country. I then returned 
and attacked the royal camp, and got possession of 
elephants, camels, baggage, &c &c., which were still 
upon the ground. The Mogul and Mahratta cavalry 
eame up about eleven o'clock, and they have been em- 
ployed ever since, in the pursuit and destruction of the 
scattered fragments of the rebellious army." 
u 



162 BBinSH SERLBIEEMTS Hf INDIA.' [IMI. 

^ Thus has ended this warfare, and I diall oonmiaioe 
jnj march in a day or two towards mj own country. 
An honest Killadar of Chinnoor had written to the King - 
of the World hj a r^;iilar tappal, estahlished f<»: the 
purpose of giving him intelligence, that I was to he at 
Nowlj on the 8th, and at Chinnoor on the 9th. His 
Majesty was misled hy this information, and was nearer 
to me than he expected. The honest Killadar did all he 
conld to detain me at Chinnoor, hut I was not to be pre- 
vailed upon to stop ; and eyea went so far as to threaten 
to hang a great man sent to show me the road, who mani- 
fested an inclination to show me a good road to a diffe- 
rent place." 

The subjugation and subsequent death of I^oondiah, 
with the extirpation of his formidable band of freebooters^^ 
having relieved the English Oovemment from an enemy 
whoy although by no means equal to Hyder or Tippoo^ 
might eventually have afforded considerable annoyance, 
the governor-general was enabled to direct his attention 
and undivided energies elsewhere. On the 24:th of De- 
cemb^ a public order, issued at Madras, announced that 
Colonel Wellesley had been appointed to proceed to Trin- 
comalee, in Cejlon, for the purpose c^ commanding a 
force destined to attack the Mauritius. The expediti(»i 
was postpcmed, in consequence of the non-arrival of part 
of the naval armament under Admiral Bainier; and 
Colonel Wdlesley, who had repaired at once to Ceylon, 
now gave it as his opinion that nothing could be done 
at so advanced a period. Batavia was then proposed, 
but, before the necessary arrangements could be effected. 
Colonel Wellesley received a despatch from Madras, «i- 
closing the copy of a letter from the secretary of state 
to the governor-general, ^'desiring that a force from 
India might be in readiness to act in Egypt." He at 
once took upon himself the responsibility of transferring* 
the troops under his command from Ceylon to Bombay, 
notwithstanding the opposition he encountered from Mr. 



1801.) INTRIGUES OP VIZIER ALL 163 

Korth, the governor of the former place, who eren placed 
a formal protest upon record. 

General Baird took the command of the Egyptian ex-> 
pedition, but Colonel Wellesley, who had been appointed 
second in authority, was detained bj illness at Bombay. 
He, however, handed over to his chief some important 
memoranda which he drew up at Ceylon, with r^ard to 
anticipated operations in the Bed Sea; an act the more 
praiseworthy as his mind seems during the whole time 
to have suffered considerably from a sense of slight, pro- 
duced by the feeling that he had not been well used by 
persons in power. When convalescent, he returned once 
more to his old post at Mysore, where he spent two years 
in organizing the civil and military administration of 
that lately-annexed region. 

At the commencement of the year 1801, the Marquis 
Wellesley was appointed by the Crown captain-general 
in India, a rank which invested him with vice-regal 
authority over all the king's officers on that continent. 
He had not long enjoyed his new honours when the affairs 
of Oude called for a special exercise of authority. 

Since the appointment of Saadet Ali by Sir John 
Shore that country continued to be agitated by the in- 
trigues of Vizier, the late pretender to the musnud. This 
man resided at Benares, where he possessed a strong party 
among the Mohammedan nobles and wealthy Hindoo 
baboos, whose influence and authority had been mate- 
rially impaired since the introduction of English rule. 
He also corresponded with Zemaun Shah, King of Cabool, 
whom he exhorted and encouraged to invade the northern 
provinces as soon as possible, promising that he woidd 
afford him considerable assistance. 

The knowledge of these circumstances induced Lord 
Momington to direct that he should be removed from 
Benares. Before, however, the English resident, Mr. 
Cherry, could collect a sufficient force for the purpose of 
carrying out his instructions. Vizier Ali, to whom the 
h2 



164 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1800. 

order had been betrayed^ assembled a band of despera- 
does, attacked all the nouses of the English in succession 
murdered some of their occupants, and barbarously mal- 
treated others. The judge of the place, Mr. Davies, de* 
fended himself on this occasion with great bravery, afid 
by keeping the attention of the rabble engaged, facilitated 
the escape of many of his countrymen. At last a laige 
body of cavalry arriving, dispersed the mob, but Viflcr 
AH, attended by his principal adherents, had previously 
made good their retreat to Betaul. When this event, 
commonly termed the massacre of Benares, was known. 
at Calcutta, orders were given that several of .the baboos 
in the vicinity of the former city, who had been concerxied 
in the conspiracy, should be arrested. These dignitaries, 
like the ancient nobles of Italy, maintained in their pay 
troops of bravoes, called b^nkas, who acted as guards to 
their respective fortresses, and carried into execution the 
nefarious projects suggested by cupidity or revenge. 

It appeared, therefore, somewhat difficult to make 
these arrests without exciting a popular commotion. 
Only one baboo, however, ventured to resist, and he lost 
his life in a vain attempt to cut his way through the 
soldiers who surrounded his house. Most of his fellow 
conspirators fled ; two were condemned to death, one of 
whom perished by his own hand, the other by that of the 
executioner. The bankas and other retainers were finally 
disbanded or driven into exile, and the city soon assumed 
an aspect of tranquillity which it had never known for 
many generations. 

The capture of Vizier Ali himself followed speedily the 
discomfiture of his party. After being paraded through 
the streets of Benares, he was conveyed to Calcutta, where 
his punishment might hav^ recalled the old Eastern le- 
gend of Bajazet and Tamerlane. A bomb-proof chamber 
in the fort was divided into three compartments, by means 
of strong iron gratings, and in the central cage thus 
formed the captive took up his abode; while two sen- 



1800.] IMPRISONMENT OF VIZIER ALU 16 J 

tisels, one anEuglishman, and tlie other a native, watched 
him, as thej would have done an imprisoned wild beast, 
fcom either side of his den. 

The fears of Saadet Ali as regarded the pretender to 
his dominions were now set at rest; but still he found 
himself doomed to experience fresh troubles, from the 
insubordination and violence of his own soldiers. At 
length, by the persuasion of the governor-general, he 
disbanded this useless rabble, receiving in their room a 
body of English troops, for whose support he gave up 
the revenue of several districts. This arrangement had 
generally been found necessary, since it prevented those 
difficulties, which invariably arose whenever an Indian 
prince happened to be called upon for monthly or annual 
contributions towards the payment of his foreign troops. 
Nor was this arrangement without precedent, since both 
the Nizam and other potentates acted in a similar 
manner with the French officers who entered their ser^ 
vice, or in any way placed themselves at their disposal. 
The same steps had also been taken with regard to 
the Nabob of Surat, who, in 1800, received a pension, 
and transferred over his dominions to the rule of the 
Company. 



166' BBinBH SnTLEHKNTS IN OTDU. [IMI, 



CHAPTER Xra. 

flEVIEW 01 THS ENGLISH POSSESSIONS IN INDIA. — ^XUSE 01 SCINDUH 
AND HOLKAB — TB,EATY OP BA8SEIN — CAPTURE OE AHMEDNUGGUR— 
BATTLE OE ASSAYS — ITS KESULTS — ^ANECDOTE Of GENERAL WELLES* 
LET-^AJCPAIGN OE OENSBAL LAKE. 

1802--1806. 

Bbfose the transactionB connected with the Mahratta 
war engage oar attention, it may be advisable to take a 
rapid glance at the dominions possessed by the English 
on the continent of India. The provinces of Bengal, 
Bahar, and Orissa, with the sacred district of Benares, 
had been recently placed under the jurisdiction of the 
Company, and these regions, being about 1000 miles in 
breadth, formed their principal extent of territory in 
the north. The Northern Oircars, the Garnatic, the 
Madras district, with portions of Tanjore and Tinnevelly, 
owned their sovereignty in the south. The kingdom of 
Mysore, with its puppet rajah, might almost be consi- 
dered an English possession; while the Nizam, whose 
domain occupied a central position between Bombay 
and the Gircars, had been subsidised by the treaty of 
1798. 

On the western coast, the regions of Gannara and 
Malabar were either subject to the English, or desirous of 
their protection, and further north came the territory of 
Bombay, with the island of Salsette, the district of Surat, 
and some lands ceded by the Nabob of Baroach. The 
Punjaub, Nepaul, Ava, and Bootan had not engaged, as 
yet, the attention of Indian statesmen; there remained, 
therefore, only the Mahratta districts, and the province 
of Berar, that presented the slightest appearance of in« 



ne.1 xiBB €F tffmaaiL 1^ 

depa^deDot, or fnm w'kaek nd^A be sMacip«tod uit 
liosdle movement The terntoiies of Apm, and IVShi, 
witk the fiexBm cf l^ Mc^vl, ^ran keid by Sdfidiak, 
vbile hn iJlj ihe ILi^ak o£ Benr, possessed tbe knds 
exscBdiBg fim tke euten diore <sf the Bar of Bengad, 
towards ^ Biaidaj GkantB^ bciag boonded oft tbe iR>6St 
hj the Kizmfs daiXLiiiiaB& 

The MaArattag aaaociitod tbemsdTes witb tbe Englisk 
IB effscdng Ike sBbf«^ad<A of Seiiiigapatun, but since 
this period there lad beoi little inteixxwrse bctxreea 
tbem. Tbe gitmt cbie6 of tbe former preferred tbe 
alliaiioe of Fiaaoe, and M« Perron, an officer of tbul 
nation, eononanded a laige arm j of disciplined troops in 
the paj of Sondisb. This great Mahratta leader and 
bis riTal H<^kar woe destined to pUy such prominent 
parts in tbe fotore vmr, that some notice of their origin 
and past actions seems imperatiTe^ 

Banojee Scindiab sprang from the OultiTator tribe, 
and in earlj life was engaged in the bumble capacity of 
slipper-bearer to the Pei^wa. This dignitary on quitting 
bis dnrbar, where the discussions happened to have been 
protracted to an nnosaal length, found hit attendant 
asleep, bat holding his master's slippers clasped to his 
breast. Stmck by the tenacity vi^ which, eren when 
weauy and &tigaed, his faithful servant guarded so un* 
important a portion of his employer's property, the 
Peishwa promoted the fortunate slipper-bearer to his 
body-guard. The favoured Banojee left two sons, the 
youngest of whom, Madhajee Scindiah, made himself the 
bead of the family. He opposed the increasing power of 
the English in every way, took possession of Shah Alim's 
•dominions, and ruled with imperious sway the territories 
of the haughty and warlike Eajpoots. 

Coming to Poonah for the purpose of paying his re- 
spects to the Peishwa, he placed himself below all the 
hereditary nobles. The Peishwa immediately motioned 
to a higher and more dignified seat the man who rulef' 



168 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA* (l^^* 

over all the northern provinces of India from Agra to 
the Sutledge, ai^d was followed by sixteen battalions of 
well-disciplined infantr7,and lOO^OOOhorse; bat Scindiah 
persevered in his proud humilitj, and drawing forth a' 
pair of slippers from a bundle which he carried under 
his arm, said, "this was my father's occupation; it is now 
mine.'' After the death of Madhajee, the grandson of his 
brother named Dowlet Row became heir to the possessions 
of his great-uncle, and increased every day the donuuns 
and influence of this powerful family, 

Mulhar Eow, the progenitor of the race of Holkar, was 
originally, like Scindiah, of humble birth. From being 
a shepherd in the service of the Peishwa, he rose to the 
rank of a great military commander. His son, Kundee 
Bow, had by his wife Ahalya Baee, a son and daughter, 
the former of whom became insane. Ahalya, a woman 
of spirit and ability, resolved to reserve in her own han^ 
the right of nominating a successor. She seems, indeed, 
to have been eminently fitted for the task. Justice and 
moderation were the leading principles of her government. 
She heard every complaint in person, and investigated 
even the most trifling matter with unwearied diligence 
and impartial equity. Profoundly religious, according to 
her light and knowledge, she might have been proposed 
as a praiseworthy example to many nominal Christianas; 
She rose daily at one hour before daybreak, devoting the 
entire morning to prayer, to the ritual ablutions pre^ 
scribed by her creed, and to the perusal of the sacred 
volumes of her faith. Before she broke her fast, she 
distributed alms ; and her morning repast, as indeed all 
her meals, consisted of the plainest possible food. After 
breakfast she again gave up a considerable time to devo- 
tion, and having taken a brief interval of repose, applied 
herself unremittingly during the remainder of the day to 
the business of the state. Prayer and meditation closed 
a period, every moment of which had been devoted to the 
service of heaven or the wel£ure of mankind. 



}99i.} AHALTA BASB, 169 

Under this great princess, a chieftain named Tukajee 
commanded the troops who served beneath the banners 
of the race of Holkar. His tried fidelity induced Ahalja 
to grant him a share in the govemment, and after his 
dfioease, a natural son, Jeswunt Sow oyercame his legi-* 
tijoiate brethren, and rendered himself the leader of the 
family. He was engaged in continual petty contests 
with Dowlet Eow Scindiah, and they met at last in a 
great action near Foonah, on the 25th October, 1802, 
Some of Holkar's cayalry retreated, whereupon their chief 
addressed the others with the sentiments of an ancient 
Koman, " Let those," he said, " who do not mean to con- 
quer or die, return to their wives and children. As for 
me^ I have no intention of surviving this day; If I do 
not gain the victory, where can I fly 1" 

The troops of Holkar proved victorious, and the Patau 
auxiliaries, under Ameer Khan, rushed off to plunder 
Poonah. Although seriQusly wounded in the action, 
Jeswunt threw himself on horseback, galloped up to the 
marauders, and transfixed three of them with his formi- 
dable lance. When he returned, Ameer Khan, who was 
not distinguished for his personal bravery, approached to 
congratulate his victorious ally. " We have indeed had 
a severe action," said the boasting Mahommedan ; *' be- 
hold, the head trappings of my horse have been broken 
by a cannon-ball." "You are most fortunate, truly," 
replied Jeswunt with grave irony, " since the shot seems 
to have passed between your horse's two ears without 
touching either." 

By the treaty of Bassein, the Peishwa entered into the 
strictest possible alliance with the British Government. 
The destruction of Scindiah, and the complete subju- 
gation of his possessions, were among the chief objects 
contemplated. This chieflbain had, from the first, exhi- 
bited a marked predilection for French counsels and 
French manners, and it was firmly anticipated that he 
would seize the earliest opportunity of allying himself 



170 BRITISH flEITLEMENTS IN INDIA. (1999, 

with the European enemies of the English, At this 
janctore^ however, the treaty of Ami^is ohliged the 
French to suspend their schemes of conquest, hut the 
officers of that nation did not conceal their fedings of 
rivaby, or their intention of making a hostile movement, 
in comhination with the natiye powers, as soon as the 
present insecure truce should he at an end« In virtue 
of the recent pacification, Pondicheny and their other 
factories had Seen restored to them, so that a centre of 
operations in India was not wanting, from which thej 
might, in a verj short time, renew their communications 
with Scindiah and other native allies. 

Amrut Bow, the adopted son of the late Peishwa's 
father, was in league with Holkar, who invited him to 
Poonah, the Peishwa having fled from thence. His 
departure had heen represented as an ahdication, hut 
Lord Welleslej determined that he should he forthwith 
restored to his former dignity. General Wellesley took 
the command of the army destined for this undertaking. 
On the 12th of March he crossed the Tumboodra, and 
receiving intelligence that Amrut Row intended to bum 
Poonah, he made a forced march thither of sixty miles, 
between the morning and night of a single day. The 
I'eishwa re-entered Poonah under the auspices of the 
English, but his professions of amity were insincere, be 
felt jealous of European influence^ and desired to main- 
tain an independence that was no longer practicable. 

Moreover, Scindiah and his ally the Berar Rajah, still 
held out, and refused to adopt any definitive terms. 
Weary of these protracted'negotiations, which only seemed 
calculated to waste time, Gkneral Wellesley marched 
northwards. Beibre he passed the Tumboodra, Colonel 
Stevens had advanced simultaneously from Hyderabad 
towards Poonah, while General Lake hastened to engage 
Scindiah's army undet the French commander Perron 
in Northern Hindoostan. At the same time, an expedi- 
tion was despatched irom Bombay against Baroadi and 



IMS.] 0AFTT7BE OF AHUEDNUGOUB. 171 

Ouxerat, the object of these combined moyementB being 
to obtain possession of the coasts, and thus preTent the 
landing of French auxiliaries. 

. General Wellesley captured the strong fortress of 
Ahmednuggur^ and marched from thence in the direction 
of Aurungabad. The enemj made a feint at Hyderabad, 
but being obliged to return northwards, Welleslej came 
up with them near the village of Assaye. Their troops 
amounted to upwards of 50,000 men, while his own force 
did not exceed 4,500. The Mahrattas commenced the 
battle bj a furious cannonade, which considerably injured 
the opposite ranks : but the English infantry charging up 
to the very teeth of the guns, overthrew the artillerymen, 
and, rushing with impetuous fury on the lines behind, soon 
put the enemy's infantry to flight. Their cavalry made a 
bold attempt to retrieve the fortune of the day, but they 
were in turn overpowered by the English horse. As the 
victors pressed forward to follow up their vanquished foes, 
many of the Indian artillerymen, who had thrown them- 
selves as if dead beneath their gun-carriages, suddenly 
leaped up> and opened a fire upon tho English rear. Gene- 
ral Wellesley, however, ordered some of the corps to face 
about, and attack their assailants, who were speedily cut 
to pieces, while the vanguard, with the remainder of the 
troops, continued the pursuit. The village of Assaye 
itself fell into the hands of the English, after a desperate 
struggle that lasted until near midnight. 

Such was the battle of Assaye, the first of a series of 
brilliant victories, which terminated at Waterloo, and 
developed, in wonderful succession, the gigantic energies 
and abilities of the greatest captain of his age. Its 
results were the establishment of the British dominion 
in India, upon a much firmer basis than any on which it 
had hitherto rested. The great powers of the Hindoo 
continent encountered us successively, only to be finally 
vanquished and overthrown. First came the Moham- 
medan princes, the descendants of the conqueror of 



172 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INBU. [1803« 

Ghuznee, the heirs of Baber and Timour. Then such 
ceeded the hardj mountaineers of the south ; the astute 
and politic Hjder, the daring and inflexible Tippo<9^ 
aided in the struggle by European civilization and tbe 
instruments of occidental warfare. 

But when these had fallen, there still remained « 
race of heroes before whom it was thought the northern 
invaders might learn to tremble. Since the days of 
Aurungzebe, their very name had been a terror to the 
Indian races, from the rajah or nabob on his luxurious 
musnud, to the starving peasant whose little harvest 
was destined to be reap^ by the Mahratta sabre. For 
a time, these warlike tribes refused to acknowledge the 
supremacy of England, and it even appeared that the 
white conquerors of Hindoostan engaged in the conflict 
with manifest reluctance. That flattering prestige was 
now for ever destroyed ; the invincible tribes, with their 
French oflBicers and well-served artillery, their numbers 
and obstinate valour, had been routed by a force about 
ten times inferior to them in numerical strength. From 
-this day an impression gained ground among all classes^ 
and stamped itself indelibly upon the native mind, that 
the English were invincible, and that they, and they 
alone, appeared destined by Providence to become the 
future rulers of Hindoostan. 

The reduction of Burhampoor and Asseerghur, two 
strongholds generally considered impregnable, obliged 
Scindiah to sue for peace. An armistice having been 
agreed upon, the English marched against Berar, and 
defeated its rajah on the plains of Argaum. They next 
laid siege to Ghawil-Ghur, a rock fortress, which at first 
oflered a stout resistance, but fell eventually into the 
hands of the besiegers. During this period, the labouxs 
of the troops proved intensely severe. They cut roads 
through the mountains, carried the ordnance and stores 
by hand up rugged paths, and along almost impassable 
ravines, where only a few savage hunters had ever pepe^ 



1803.] OAPTUBE OF 6HAWIL-6HX7B. 173 

trated before them. This toil, it must be remembered, 
wets undergone by Europeans, ben'eath the burning rays 
ef an oriental sun; assisted by natives, who, in bodily 
s^^engtb and moral courage, were far inferior to their 
companions; both being exposed all the time to the 
attacks of an enemy strongly entrenched behind walls 
hitherto deemed impregnable. 

The garrison of Ghawil-Ghur consisted of Rajpoots 
whose leader, Berry Sing, had escaped from Argaum. 
After the loss of the fort appeared inevitable, these fierce 
mountaineers put their wives and daughters to death, in 
order that they might escape the insults of the victors, 
and the disgrace of captivity. Some of these poor crea- 
tures were still alive, though covered with wounds and 
almost insensible, when our troops entered the place. 
War has always been esteemed a frightful scourge, even 
under its most favourable aspect, but its atrocity 
becomes redoubled to a Christian mind when pra« 
ductive of such unnatural murders committed by 
Others and husbands upon the objects of their ten* 
derest affection. 

Two days after Ghawil-Ghur had fallen, a treaty of 
peace was signed by Bagojee Boonslah, Eajah of Berar* 
He ceded to the Company the province of Cuttack, with 
the fort and district of Balasore, pledging himself to 
dismiss the French and other European officers in his 
service. An amusing instance of the venal disposition 
of oriental statesmen occurred during the subsequent 
n^otiations. Bajah Mohiput Bam, the vakeel of the 
Nizam, was extremely anxious to ascertain what par- 
ticular districts would be allotted to his master from 
among the Berar spoils. Judging of others by himself, 
he offered a bribe of seven lacs of rupees to General 
Wellesley, if he would supply him with the requisite 
information* The general appeared to hesitate. ''Can 
yott keep a secret 1" he demanded of the crafty Hindoo, 
who, watched with eager eyes every expression of his 



174 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1803. 

countenance. "Yes," was tlie ready replj. ^'And so 
can I;'* answered the general. 

While these events were being enacted in the south, 
General Lake met with equal success in the northern 
provinces. Here the forces of Scindiah had been or- 
ganized under the direction of a French officer, named 
De Boigne, who was succeeded in his command by M. 
Perron. The Mahratta troops numbered about 17,000 
trained infantry, 22,000 cavalry, a large corps of irre- 
gulars, and a formidable park of artillery. Yet when 
Lake overtook this army in the Doab, on the 28th of 
August, they retreated at the first fire. Their want of 
resolution, however, may be attributed to the discontent 
of Perron, who, being dissatisfied with his position, was 
desirous of obtaining the protection of the English. 
Some correspondence took place on this subject between 
him and General Lake, which terminated in the retire- 
ment of the French officer with his family and property 
to Lucknow. The English immediately invested the 
fortress of Alighur, the garrison of which defended them- 
selves bravely, but finally surrendered on the 4 th of 
September. General Lake then pushed on to Delhi, 
and fought a battle under its walls with the organized 
troops of Scindiah, in which he gained a complete 
victory. 

Upon entering the imperial city, the English com- 
mander requested that he might be allowed an interview 
with the Mogul. His desire being readily granted, he 
repaired to the palace, where he found the descendant 
of Timour seated beneath a tattered canopy, and exhi- 
biting in his appearance the unmistakeable signs of 
infirmity and sufi^ering. Shah Alim was now advanced 
in years, and blind ; his countenance expressed a settled 
melancholy, and the depression of one doomed to perpe- 
tual captivity. He had been starved by the Mahrat- 
tas, and ill-treated by their subordinates; the French 
officers being the sole persons who paid him any 



1803.r 6SNEBAL LAKE ENTBB8 DELHI. 175 

respect^ or remembered the high estate from which ho 
was faUen. 

The poor old monarch received General Lake with as 
mucli satisfaction as one in his miserable and dependent 
state might be supposed to feel. His deliyerance, or 
rather, change of masters, proved, at least, productiye of 
personal comfort and security, nor, perhaps^ could one 
who had remained so long a captive, regret the sove- 
reignty and independent rule, whid^ at present was 
only transferred from the Mahrattas to the English* 
Yet the latter, while they manifested no chivalrous 
intention of restoring to the successor of Timour the 
territories that, in past times, had been wrested &om 
him, observed scrupulously those decencies of conquest 
which characterise civilized victors. A handsome pen- 
sion was allotted to the last representative of Mogul 
royalty, and his court re-established with some degree of 
outward splendour. Moreover, although the palace 
arrangements were not perhaps upon the same scale as 
those of Baber or Aurungzebe, the inhabitants who 
crowded the streets and bazaars of Delhi, no longer 
experienced the insolence and violence of the marauders 
of the south. In return for these advantages, the con- 
querors obtained privileges of no inconsiderable value. 
They succeeded, as it were, to the imperial jurisdiction 
of the house of Timour, and ruled over India under the 
auspices and by the authority of the Great Mogul, the 
only sovereign who, for a long series of years, seemed to 
possess any claim, either by conquest or birth^ to the 
obedience of the entire continent. 

After the fall of Delhi, Lake hastened to besiege Agra, 
a fortress termed by the natives " the Key of Hindoostan,'^ 
On the 17th of October, the place capitulated, and up- 
wards of 2d0,000Z. fell into the hands of the victors. 
Quitting Agra, the English encountered a large Mahratta 
force at Laswarree, where their numbers had been of late 
augmented by the fugitives from those armies which 



176 BBITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA* DSOS. 

General Lake had recently encountered and dispersed. 
They occupied a strong post in the village of Laswarree, 
the English attempted to carry it, but were repulsed 
with loss, by a well-directed fire of artillery. Lake had 
advanced in the first instance with his cavalry alone; 
fortunately his infantry soon joined him, and the attack 
being renewed, the gallant 76th — "that band of heroes,** 
as their commander termed them, charged the Mahrattas 
with irresistible fury, and finally succeeded in gaining 
a complete victory. Never, however, had any ; recent 
action been so severely contested, and on no occasion did 
the enemy exhibit in a more marked manner the skill 
and discipline which they had imbibed from their Euro- 
pean instructors. Other advantages were gained about 
this time in Outtack, Guzerat, and Bundelcund^ all of 
which tended to render Scindiah well disposed towards 
peace. A treaty between him and the English was 
accordingly signed in General Wellesley's camp, on the 
30th of December, 1803.^ 

By this convention, Scindiah agreed to surrender the 
Doab, a region situated between the Ganges and the 
Jumna, with some other districts beyond the latter river. 
The ceded territory now annexed to the dominions of the 
British, included Delhi and Agra^ the former seats of 
the Mogul empire. In addition to these acquisitions, 
the English obtained Baroach, and the coast of Guzerat^ 
both of which had belonged to Scindiah. The Feishwa 
and the Nizam were gratified with their share of the 
spoil, and Scindiah himself recovered some unimpor- 
tant places taken from him in the course of the war. The 
governor-general endeavoured to prevail upon the new 
ally to receive a subsidiary force into his territories ; but 
this mark of vassalage he steadfastly declined acceding 
to. He agreed, however, to disband his French allies, 
and never again to admit one of that nation into his 
service. 

In acknowledging General Lake's despatch respecting 



1603.1 IHPBESSIOKS OF THE NATIVES. 177 

his late campaign, the governor-general remarked, 
"Your safety in the midst of such perils reminds me 
of Lord Duncan's private account of the hattle of Gam- 
perdown, in which, describing his own situation in the 
midst of the general slaughter, he said, ' God covered 
my head in the day of battle,' " The reply of General 
Lake exhibits the same sense of Divine protection. " I 
must ever," he says, " regret the loss of so many brave 
men and worthy officers, and have only to look up to that 
Providence with adoration and thanksgiving, who, in 
the midst of our most perilous situations, saved so many 
of us to tell the tale, and offer up our prayers for His 
mercies vouchsafed." 

It is remarkable that during the whole of 1803 the 
drought had been so excessive that those military opera*- 
tions which all parties expected would be terminated 
by the wet season, were carried on without the slightest 
interruption from the weather. Even the enemies re- 
marked this, and affirmed that the Almighty sent the 
dry season to afford the English an opportunity of 
conquering Hindoostan. '' I do most sincerely agree 
with them," observed (Jeneral Lake, " as our successes 
have been beyond all parallel, and must have had the 
assistance of an invisible Hand. I cannot help offering 
my thanks to Providence whenever I reflect upon the 
operations of this campaign, which nothing but His 
guidance could have carried into effect.'* 



178 BRITISH SETTUEMBNXS IN INDU. [l«»* 



CHAPTER XIY. 

WAR BETWEEN ERANCB JlHTD EITGLAim— TKBACHERT OT HOLKAX— 
RXTKEAT or COLONEL M0N80N — SIEGE OF DELHI— BATTLE OT BEI6 
— SIE6E OF BaUfi^TFOOS — INIMICAL FBOCESDINGS OF SdKDIAH. 

1808—1805. 

Thb treaty of Amiens lasted until May 1803, and 
hostilities between the French and English having re- 
commenced, the factory at Benooolen, and several vessds 
belonging to the latter nation, were captured by Ad- 
miral Linois. A fleet of richly-freighted Indiamen, 
coming from China, escaped him through the yaloor 
and skill of Commodore Dance, who might perhaps 
have taken possession of some of the enemy's ships, if 
the wish to preserve the convoy committed to his charge 
had not been superior to all other considerations. 

General Wellesley occupied himself during the early 
part of 1804 in settling some disputed points with 
respect to' the treaty proposed between Scindiah and 
the English. All questions were definitively arranged, 
<5hiefly through the agency of Major, afterwards Sir John 
Macolm, who received on that occasion the warmest 
<5ommendation from the governor-generaL It was de- 
termined that Scindiah should allow a subsidiary force 
to be stationed near his frontiers ; and this concession, 
which he had hitherto opposed, being acceded to, the 
treaty received the ratification of the governor-general 
on the 23d of March. Soon afterwards a number of 
irregular troops and banditti, who, in consequence of 
the peace, found themselves discharged from the service 
of Scindiah and other Mahratta chiefs, established their 



1804.] J>EMAm3B OF HOLKAB. 179 

encampment <ai the banks of the Godaveiy, and made 
excursi<»iB from thenoe into tlie Gamatic. General 
Welleslej forthwith crossed the Godaverj, and after 
a tedious campaign, finally dispersed them, capturing 
iheir artillery and ba^age, and carrying off in triumph 
All thdr militaiy stores. At the end of so much active 
service, the sepoys of his army suffered greatly from the 
^rant of clothing; and the government finances not being 
in a flourishing state, the general distributed the cloth 
to his-soldiers by the piece. The men, being transformed 
on this occasion into a body of tailors, made up their own 
jackets and pantaloons in a very creditable and work- 
manlike manner, thus furnishing themselves with a 
defence against the inclement monsoon weather and 
the heavy rains. 

The conduct of Holkar during this time tended to call 
forth many well-grounded suspicions as to his future 
intentions. This chief had originally promised to ally 
himself with Scindiah and the Berar Eajah against the 
English ; but old feelings of rivalry getting the better 
of his prudence, he remained undecided until the fall of 
the other confederates. Even then, he appeared more 
disposed to attack Scindiah than to oppose his conquerors, 
and the dread of a hostile movement on the part of 
Holkar, unquestionably induced his competitor to sub- 
mit to the establishment of a British force upon his 
'frontiers. 

The triumphs of General Wellesley and General Lake, 
with perhaps some indignation at the measures taken 
for the security of Scindiah, inflamed the haughty and 
cmbitious spirit of Jeswunt B.ow; he threatened to 
attack the Rajah of Julnapoor, an ally of the English^ 
and demanded that some of the finest districts in the 
Doab should be delivered up to him. He endeavoured 
also to stir up the neighbouring rajahs to join him in 
making war upon the English, and wrote to General 
Wellesley an insolent and boasting epistle asking for 
n2 



180 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA* [IBM. 

the cession of several proyinces in the Deccan, and coBf 
eluding with the following menace : — *' Countries .«£ 
manj hundred coss shall be overrun and plundered^ 
General Lake shall not have leisure to breathe for a 
moment, and calamities will fall on lacs of humaft 
beings, in continual war, by the attacks of mj lumy, 
which overwhelms like the waves of the sea." 

The governor-general now began to prepare for a for- 
midable campaign. The forces under Holkar's command 
rendered him bj no means an insignificant foe. His 
cavalry — the chief strength of a Mahratta host-— » 
amounted to about 50,000, while his infantry num- 
bered 20,000 well trained soldiers. The artillery cod- 
sisted of more than 100 pieces of cannon. 

General Wellesley, being unable to leave the Deccon, 
General, now Lord Lake, assumed the command of the 
main army directed against Holkar. He possessed 
himself of the fort of Eampoora, but unfortunately com- 
mitted the fatal error of separating a large detachment 
from his army, and leaving it under the command of 
Colonel Monson, to watch the movements of Holkar, 
who had hitherto been retreating before the advandng 
English. As a mark of hatred to their nation and name^ 
the savage Mahratta murdered three British officers at 
the commencement of the war, who during the peace had 
taken service in his army, but wished to quit it after the 
governor-general's proclamation of hostilities became 
known to them. Their bleeding heads were earned 
about as trophies on lances, while the executioners cast 
their trunks to the jackals and vultures. 

Simultaneous movements in Guzerat and Bundel* 
cund were now taking place, in the latter instance with 
but little success. Soon after his arrival in the pro- 
vince. Colonel Powell, the original commander of the 
detachment, died, leaving Colonel Fawcett to carry on 
the sieges of the numerous rock fortresses in the Bundel- 
-cund region* That officer having despatched seven com* 



1M>4.] BETBEAT OF HONBOIT. 181 

panics of sepoys to invest a fort, the captain command^ 
tag them allowed himself to be surprised, and two 
ccHopanies of his men to be cut to pieces by the enemy. 
Sereral other disasters occurred in this territory, which 
aiming to imply lamentable inefficiency on the part of 
ike commanding officer, excited the indignation of the 
governor-general, and induced him to supersede Colonel 
Fawcett by Captain Baillie, whose prudence and firm- 
ness soon retrieved the mistakes of his predecessor. 

In the meantime Colonel Monson received instruc- 
tions to effect a junction with Colonel Murray, who was 
advancing from Guzerat, The former had under his 
command five battalions of sepoys, some artillery, and 
about 3000 horsemen. He was personally brave, but 
lacked decision, and affected a degree of contempt for 
the enemy, which the most skilful officers rarely feel, and 
scarcely ever express. His supplies had failed, money 
was wanting to pay the troops, and, to crown all, intelli-* 
gence reached the camp that Colonel Murray was con- 
templating a retreat At this critical juncture messen* 
gers arrived, announcing the approach of Holkar 
with a numerous force. Monson, who was utterly 
unacquainted with fear, ordered an advance, but soon 
after gave directions for retiring to the Mokundra Pass. 

The step appears of all others the most imprudent one 
which he could have adopted. Holkar depended for 
success upon his desultory mode of conducting a cam- 
paign, and nowhere can this prove more advantageous 
tiian when the opponent is retreating. His men, wearied 
and dispirited, stray from their ranks, and in the dis- 
order consequent upon a retrograde movement, a thou-* 
sand points are left open to a nimble and indefatigable 
assailant, who may hover continually around the retiring 
host, and decline at pleasure every attempt to bring him 
to a decisive action. In the present instance the cavalry 
that had been designed to protect the rear were cut to 
pioces by Holkar, who even proceeded afterwards to attack 



182 BRITISH SETTLSiWESTS IN INDIA. [18M. 

the infantry when drawn up near the Moknndra Pass. 
The Malurattas found themselves unable to make any 
impression upon the solid squares, which awaited 
calmly, and repelled successfully, their frequent and 
furious charges j but the elements had now come to 
their assistance, and the subsequent march of the 
English was impeded by the monsoon torrents and 
inundations. 

After crossing the Banas rirer, Colonel Monson ar- 
rived at KhoorshuU-Ghur, where a large number of the 
native troops deserted^ and went over in a body to 
Holkar. Most of these, having been recently in Sein- 
diah's service, still retained feelings of hostility to the 
British, which time and a better acquaintance with the 
advantages enjoyed in the Company's service had not 
yet overcome. The remainder entered Agra in August, 
1804, disorganized and demoralised, having lost nearly 
the whole of the officers during their disastrous retreat. 

Holkar immediately advanced to Muttra, and allied 
himself with the Bajah of Bhurtpoor. But Lord Lake 
had now resolved upon a more rapid mode of actioD, 
which, indeed, might have been adopted advantage- 
ously at an earlier period. In spite of the autumn 
monsoon, he reached Muttra by the 7th of October, 
Holkar continuing to retreat before him. The Mahratta 
determined to besiege Delhi, for the purpose of carrying 
off the Mogul, whose presence in his camp would, he 
was well aware, give a sanction to his cause that might 
eventually prove of considerable service. The defences 
of the city were in a most ruinous condition, while 
the garrison consisted merely of a very small number 
of sepoys, who, however, under the able direction of 
Colonels Ochterlony and Bum, resisted successfully, for 
several days, the repeated attacks of the besi^ers. The 
guns of the Mahrattas daily made new breaches in 
the crumbling walls, but when the assailants attempted 
to force an entrance, they were forced back at the 



1M4.T. BATTLS OF BEIG. l8S 

bayonet's point. At length, Lord Lake arrived at 
Delhi, and obliged the Mahrattas to raise the siege. 

Holkar retired to the Doab with his formidable 
cavalrj. An endless succession of burning villages 
marked their line of march. While pursuing the enemy, 
our troops encountered, for the first time, a Sikh host, 
which had descended irom the north to plunder and lay 
waste the fertile province of Delhi. Colonel Bum sent 
them flying in all directions by a vigorous fire of grape- 
sbot, and took up his position within the walls of a 
small fort called Shumlee. The Mahrattas still con-- 
tinned to [retreat, while the English, impeded by their 
^^^aggage and infantry, were unable to overtake them« 
At length Lord Lake moved on with his cavalry alone, 
from a village called Alligunge, which the enemy had 
recently set fire to. As he began his march, intelligence 
reached him that Major-General Fraser had been vic- 
torious at Deig. This officer engaged Holkar's lieu- 
tenant. Sirdar Kemaut Dad a; and, although severely 
wounded during the early part of the action, his troops 
gained a complete victory. Colonel Monson having im- 
mediately succeeded to the command. The village of Deig 
was carried at the point of the bayonet, after which the 
British charged the advanced guard of the enemy, that 
bad been drawn up behind a formidable line of artillery. 
As the English drew near, they received a furious dis- 
charge of round grape, and chain-shot, which infiicted on 
them a considerable loss. Finding, however^ the resolu- 
tion of their opponents unshaken, the Mahrattas aban- 
doned their guns, and ultimately fied in every direction. 

On the 17th, an action took place between Lord 
Lake's cavalry and Holkar's horse, the latter of whom 
were surprised in their camp, and many of them slain. 
The English army now marched to Furruckabad, where 
the Patans, who resided in the town and neighbour- 
hood, had attacked one of the Company's detachments, 
and were carrying on an active correspondence with the 



184 BRITISH SBTTLBMENTS ZK INDIA. [T«#i. 

Mahrattas. Lord Lake Teacbed the city before 3b^ 
breaks after a march of thirtj-four miles, and fouad ihd 
enemy drawn up beneath the walls. Victory once mo^e 
declared in favour of the British, who captured a laxge 
number of horses and men, besides the greater part of- 
the baggage and stores. 

The exertions of the troops had been most arduous* 
During a period of eighteen days, they marched, with* 
out intermission, not less than twenty*-four miles a day ; 
and these rapid movements contributed greatly to raise 
the reputation of the army in the minds of the natives. 

On the 19 th, Ix)rd Lake arrived at Delhi, but his 
advance was retarded by Colonel Monson, who fell back 
to Muttra for supplies, and thus led to a considerable 
prolongation of the campaign. His retreat gave eiii- 
couragement to Holkar's party, which had been joined 
recently by the Eajah of Bhurtpoor. The latter chief- 
tain, Eunjeet Sing, was of the Jaut race — an assem- 
blage of predatory tribes noted for their turbulent cha- 
racter and love of war. Their fortress of Deig having 
been taken, the English troops proceeded to invest 
Bhurtpoor, the capital of the rajah, and his present 
abode. Its appearance seemed by no means formidable. 
A mud wall, about six or eight miles in circumference, 
rose from the inner bank of a broad ditch, that com- 
pletely surrounded the city. The besiegers, who had 
scaled the rock forts of Gwalior and Aseerghur, felt dis* 
posed to undervalue the feeble defences which they saw 
before them. They soon discovered their mistake. The 
garrison of Bhurtpoor defended their fortifications with 
the most daring valour, and exhibited during the 
siege, a readiness of invention, and a fecundity of re- 
sources, not often found among orientals. When the 
assailants effected a breach, they found stockades and 
bulwarks springing up behind it without a moment's 
delay, while the advancing troops were repelled by 
vessels filled with combustibles, and burning cotton bales . 



lS«4:i SIEGE OF BHUBTPOOB. 185 

dteeped in oil^ that the besieged hurled upon them from 
tke ramparts. Four times the British troops suffered an 
Ignominious repuhie. The spirits of all the men began to 
dro^, "while those of the 76th regiment, who had 
lM>iiourably distinguished themselves during the past 
campaign, now reused to follow a sepoy regiment into 
action, although the latter had actually gained the sum- 
mit of the breach, and planted there the British ensign. 
In the meantime, Holkar's party daily acquired 
strength. One of his new adherents was Bapojee Scin* 
diab, formerly in the service of Dowlet Bow Scindiah^ 
who actually received a pension from the Company. 
Tkis ungrateful deserter was summoned, by proclama- 
tioiiy to repair, before a certain day, to Lord Lake's 
camp, upon pain of losing his pension, and being de* 
clared a traitor. He took no notice of the announce- 
mtet, but, joining his forces to some infantry under 
the command of Ameer Khan, an officer of Holkar, the 
two fell upon a body of sepoys who had been sent out 
to guard a convoy of provisions that was hourly ex- 
pected from Muttra. The noise of the firing reached the 
English camp, whence Lord Lake despatched to the rescue 
Crolonel Weld, at the head of the 27th Dragoons, and a 
regiment of native cavalry. 

As the troopers approached, and the scarlet uniforms 
and shining helmets caught the eyes of the sepoys, they 
raised a hearty cheer, and, with fixed bayonets, and 
irresistible fury, charged down upon the enemy's artil- 
lerymen. The cavalry then rushed forward to reinforce 
them, the Mahrattas deserted their guns, and their 
horse, unable to maintain their ground in a sword com- 
bat with the English dragoons, soon galloped off in the 
utmost confusion. The ground was covered with the 
spoils of the vanquished. Bapojee's palanquin fell into 
the hands of the victors ; while Ameer Khan, throwing 
aside his ornaments and insignia, escaped in the dress of 
a common soldier. His splendid attire and armour^ 



186^ BRITISH SETTLEHiainS IK INDIA. (1801; 

forty banners, together with the whole of the artilkfj 
and the wagons, became the property of the British. 

The siege of Bhurtpoor was still carried on with 
vigour, but the undertaking seemed interminable. The 
British loss amounted to 1 lieut .-colonel, 2 majors, 20 
captains, 1 capt-lientenant, 45 lieutenants, 1 adjutant,. 
1 comet, 2 ensigns, with 2,205 non-commissioned officers 
and privates. The only plan that rendered success even 
probable, seemed to be the conversion of the siege into a 
blockade ; and this measure was finally determined up- 
on, notwithstanding several attempts on the part of 
Holkar and his lieutenants, to divert elsewhere the at- 
tention of the besiegers.. Ameer Khan had again rallied 
his dispersed infantry, and, being reinforced by some 
detachments of cavalry from Holkar, broke into the 
Doab, which he proceeded to lay waste, hoping to draw 
off the main body of the English from the walls 
of Bhurtpoor. Lord Lake contented himself, however,, 
with sending General Smith, at the head of a detach- 
ment of cavalry, to chastise the marauder. These troops 
came up with the enemy near Afzulghur, after a rapid 
and hasty march, through r^ons of the wildest and 
most savage character. The Patans of Ameer Khan 
displayed in the engagement their usual unflinching 
valour; but the English finally succeeded in routing 
them completely, many of their bravest officers being 
left dead on the field of battle. 

The arms of England appeared to be everywhere suc- 
cessful except beneath the walls of Bhurtpoor. The 
besieging army had been joined by a reinforcement, 
imder Major-General Jones; but they found all the 
fresh efforts which this new arrival called forth as 
utterly ineffective as the former ones.. Various causes 
have been alleged for these repeated fiulures. The de- 
fenders were unquestionably both brave and skilful t 
they had learned from M. Perron and his officers the art 
of war, and their present resistance was directed by 



latCI TREAI7 WITH TBX RAJAH OF BHUBXPODR. 187 

!Fr»iclL eDgineen. Moreover, the Englif^ camp appoint- 
ments seem to haye been of a yerj inferior description ; 
tke cannon were ill made, and the engineering part of 
the service ineffici^iilj performed. It soon^ however^ 
l>«»me evid^t that every effort must be put forth, in 
order to bring this siege to a favourable termination. 
At every accessible station and point of communication, 
convoys and stores were assembled] reinforcements 
arrived from all parts, while the attempts of Holkar to 
draw off the attention of the besiegers failed most sig* 
nally. The rajah speedily found that he^could expect no 
support or relief from his allies without, and that his 
own territories were suffering severely from the pro- 
tracted warfare. The past successes of the British, their 
organized strength, and the manifold resources upon 
which they could rely, though, perhaps, only partially 
comprehended by the valiant oriental, forbade him to 
indulge any hope of being able to compete, single- 
handed, with the white conquerors of Hindoostan. The 
great European power from whom alone an Indian 
enemy of England might have obtained sympathy or 
aid, was too busily engaged at home to succour a Mah- 
ratta potentate in the north of India, while all the 
coasts of that continent, wherever an invader could dis- 
embark, were guarded with the most jealous care. The 
fall of Bhurtpoor, therefore, sooner or later, could 
hardly be averted, and the rajah wisely determined at 
once to put a stop to the useless destruction of property, 
and the fruitless effusion of blood* The terms finally 
agreed upon were, the payment of twenty lacs of rupees, 
by the rajah, at different times, and in different sums, 
together with the surrender of Deig and its adjacent 
tcrritoiy. 

In the meantime, Scindiah had been regarding the 
hostile movements against the English with an anxious 
eye. The proud spirit of the Mahratta chief, chafing 
under the stranger's yoke, longed intensely for freedom 



188 BSmSH 6BTTI<EHBNTS IK IXSU. ' D805. 

from its weight, even tboogh such a step might ne- 
cessarily inyolve a reconciliation with his old riral 
fiolkar. But though the arm of the Mahratta was 
strong and energetic in war, he always proved himself 
in council as dilatory and vacillating as the most timid 
Bengalee. Had Holkar joined Scindiah and the Bexar 
rajah at the commencement of the campaign, the three 
might have waged, not, perhaps, a successful, but a pro* 
tracted campaign, from which they would have retired 
upon conditions much more favourable than those that 
they actually obtained. If, on the other hand, Scindiah 
had allied himself with Holkar, at a time when the 
English were dispirited and disheartened by the disasters 
of the siege of Bhurtpoor, a seasonable diversion could 
have been effected. Instead of doing this, however, 
Scindiah allowed many favourable opportunities to 
escape him, and only displayed his hostile intentions 
when the Eajah of Bhurtpoor was contemplating a sur- 
render of his stronghold, and when Holkar was flying 
as a fugitive before the English cavalry. Nor, perhaps, 
would a Christian historian greatly err, who should de- 
duce from these circumstances the conclusion that He 
who for wise purposes ordained that a Christian nation 
should bear rule over the] swarthy sons of Hindoostan, 
had, as of old, turned the counsel of the wise into fool- 
ishness, in order to work out the plans of His own in- 
scrutable will. 

The hostile intentions of Scindiah were soon placed 
beyond a doubt. He received Holkar into his camp ; 
he advanced, in spite of all remonstrances, against the 
Company's frontier, plundered the house of the British 
resident in his dominions, and treated him as a pri- 
soner of war. The approach of the rainy season alone 
prevented Lord Lake from seeking immediate satisfac- 
tion for these aggravated outrages, as the British army 
was soon obliged to go into quarters during the con« 
tinuance of the monsoon. The palace of the great 



1S050 ran EKQLISH IN* UOKSOON QUABTBRS. 189 

Al^bar at Pattypoor, and the imperial cities of Agra and 
Muttra received within their precincts the successors of 
ihat imperial race whose monuments and mausoleums 
adorned the almost ruined capitals of the Mogul. The 
power of their founders had departed for ever, and the 
only heir to their mighty name was an infirm and de- 
crepit man, who, after having heen the slave of his 
father*s slaves, found himself compelled to depend for 
his daily hread upon the bounty of strangers, the repre- 
sentatives of foreign merchants, whose sovereignty ex- 
tended over territories and races which the greatest of 
the Moguls, in his most ambitious dreams, rarely aspired 
to rule, and would never have been able to subdue. 



190 aBIIIHH flnSTTLBlCENTS IS ISDZA./ p«M. 



CHAPTERXT* 

SBSTKBXSXn Gt THB KASQUIS ITELLBSLET— DBl^TH Of LOBB COBS- 
WALLI8 — PEACE WITH BCIJSDIA.B. — GEORGE THOMAS, THE IBISH 
RAJAH — TREATY WITH HOLKAR— SENTIMEMTS 01 SIR ARTHUR WIL- 
LESLET on THB HAHRATTA WAR— GENERAL REVIEW OV THE .WEL- 
LE8LET ADMIIIISTRAIION* 

1805—1806. 

The Indian career of the Marquis Wellesley was now 
drawing to a close. His lordship had some time before 
contemplated retiring from his arduous office ; which, 
indeed, he only retained for the purpose of concluding 
the Mahratta war. That contest was now almost at an 
end, since it appeared certain that neither Scindiah nor 
Holkar could much longer maintain their ground. The 
former, indeed, showed some signs of irresolution; he 
volunteered ample reparation for the insult offered to the 
resident, and finally separated himself from Holkar. 

But the govemor-generars policy, though successful 
abroad, was viewed with different eyes at home. Some 
persons in England blamed the marquis for engaging in 
so many hostile expeditions, while the mother country 
continued involved in a long and costly European war. 
The Company themselves echoed this censure. Their 
capital and profits^ they asserted, had been wasted in 
the acquisition of provinces which they did not desire 
to possess, and the revenues of which were by no means 
equivalent to the outlay made in conquering and ruling 
them. The enormous expenditure, rendered inevitable 
by an arduous campaign, also alarmed the proprietors, 
who began to think that the governor-general aspired, 
like another Alexander, to the conquest of the entire 



18M.] AFPOINTMEaST AND DEATH OF LOBD OOfilTWALLIS. 191 

oriental world. Popular feeling operated bj degrees 
upon the Ministry, and influenced the Board of Control. 
Lord Welleslej was recalled, and Lord Comwallis, whose 
predilection for a pacific policj had rendered him popu- 
lar in Leadenhall-street, received a second time the 
appointment of govemor-g^ieraL To this high and 
important chaige he added another equally influential^ 
that of commander-in-chief; an oflice that was gene* 
fallj distinct from the former, although occasionally, 
both before and after this period, exercised in com- 
bination with it. The absolute authority thus vested 
in Lord Comwallis would have enabled him to terminate 
the campaign at once, but the marquis wisely forbore 
all interference with the arrangements of Lord Lake, 
until he should have an opportunity of consulting that 
distinguished commander in the upper provinces. For 
this purpose he quitted Calcutta, and proceeded towards 
Benares ; but the excitement and fatigue of so long a 
journey proved fieital to his frame^ already much ex- 
hausted by age and sickness : he sank at last under 
a weight of infirmities, and was buried at Grazipoor, 
near Benares. 

Sir George Barlow, the senior member of Council, 
exercised during the interim the functions of governor- 
general He had always been an advocate for peaces 
and deemed a separate negotiation with either Holkar 
or Scindiah the best method of securing it. Lord Lake, 
on the contrary, urged that both these chieftains should 
be crushed; since experience had shown how little faith 
could be reposed in the promises or treaties of a Mah- 
ratta leader. But the supreme council listened coldly 
to any propositions involving the continuance of the 
war; and finally it was considered desirable to ascertain 
the feelings of Scindiah .with regard to an accom- 
modation. That chieftain received the British envoy, 
•Sir John Malcolm, favourably, and professed himself 
willing to treat, while Holkar quitted the camp and 



192 BRITISH SETTLEME27TS m XNDIA« pSOS; 

hastened towards the banks of the Indus, collecting, ss 
he passed along, a large number of adventurers and 
robbers, whom the love of plunder, and his previous 
reputation as a marauding leader, rendered eager to 
enlist under his standard. Lord Lake determined to 
pursue Holkar in person, with a select body of infantry 
and dragoons, as the Mahratta chief had recently suc- 
ceeded in effecting his escape from Major-General Jones 
and Colonel Bull, both of whom were directed to inter* 
cept his flight* After saluting the emperor at his 
capital, the English commander advanced to Souniput, 
a small town thirty miles north-west of Delhi. 

The territory around Souniput had been governed in 
times past by George Thomas, an Irish rajah, vho 
came out to India in 1782, as boatswain on board of a 
man-of-war. He lived some years among the Polygars, 
and then, passing through the peninsula, took service 
with the celebrated Begum Sumroo, who conferred upon 
him eventually the command of her troops. Being 
driven away from this post by the intrigues of his 
enemies, he gained the favour of Appakunda Bow, a 
Mahratta chieftain who adopted him as his son, and 
granted him some lands in the Mewattie district. Dis- 
tinguishing himself by his exploits against the Sikhfl^ 
he obtained new honours from the Mahratta states, who 
presented him with the districts of Souniput, Panniput, 
and Camawl, the revenue of which amounted to up- 
wards of ten lacs of rupees. 

Mr. Thomas then formed an independent sovereignty 
in the country of Hurrianah, which for many years had 
been without any regular government. He made the 
town of Hansy his capital, strengthened it with new and 
extensive fortifications, and gave great encouragement 
ta strangers to settle there. He founded a mint, and 
erected several manu&ctories for the purpose of making 
muskets and gunpowder, it being his intention to con- 
quer the Punjaub, and plant the British standard upon 



ia05.] THE IRISH BAJAH. 193 

ihe banks of tbe Attock. Althougli he met with no 
r$^istanoe from his oountiymen, he maintained his 
position until the close of the year 1801, when he 
was driven from his dominions in consequence of the 
treachery of his officers, who, instigated by the French, 
formed a conspiracy against him, and threatened his 
life. He died in the course of his journey to Calcutta, 
on the 22d of August, 1802, being much regretted by 
those who knew him, and were acquainted with the 
energy of his character. In offering his dominions and 
conquests to his country, he said — " I wish to give them 
to iny king, and to serve him the remainder of my days, 
which I can only do as a soldier in this part of the 
world." 

Lord Lake was informed by the chief of Fattyalaya, 
that Holkar, in his passage through the country, had 
endeavoured in vain to prevail upon the Sikhs to grant 
him supplies of men or money. This disappointment 
induced the Mahratta leader to press onwards to the 
Sutledge, whither the British prepared to follow him. 

The army was now crossing the great sandy desert 
which extends from the Indus to within one hundred 
miles of Delhi. " On our left," says the historian of 
the expedition, '^ appeared sand-hills in endless suc- 
cession, like the waves of the ocean, desolate and 
dreary to an immense extent, and scantily interspersed 
with the Baubool, or Mimosa arabica; while, to the 
front and right of these immense wastes, the eye was 
deceived by those illusions so frequent on the wild 
plains of Africa and Asia, known by the Erench term 
of ' Mirage,' and in Persian ' S^rrab.' These optical de- 
lusions exhibited the representations of spacious lakes 
and rivers, with trees and other objects, in such a lively 
manner, as almost to cheat the senses of persons fami-^ 
liarly acquainted with the phenomenon; while they 
who were oppressed by excessive heat, and parched 
with thirst, cheered themselves in the hope of being 



194 BRITISH SESFTLEMBNTS IN INDIA. [im. 

80on refreshed with water from the j&iendlj tank or 
cooling stream of which they thought thej had so clear 
a prospect. Often were we thus agitated between ex- 
pectancy and disappointment, flattering our imagina- 
tions with a speedy indulgence; wh^ just as the 
delightful vision appeared on the point of being re- 
alized, like the cup of Tantalus, the whole Tanished, 
and lefb us noticing to rest upon but arid plains and 
glittering and burning sands."* 

Plunging into the Punjaub, Lake pursued his way to 
the banks of the Hyphasis, ajid the British troops now 
traversed the very sites which, many centuries before, 
had resounded with the clash of the Macedonian arms. 
Here Alexander raised twelve votive altars as a memo- 
rial of European prowess onee again displayed in these 
regions, for the first time since the invasion of the 
Greeks. In the distance rose the snowy summits of 
the ancient Imaus, beneath them graduated towards 
the plains successive ranges of mountains and hills, the 
latter clad with luxurious vegetation, and the whole pre- 
senting a magnificent panorama of woods, villages, pago- 
das, tombs, and ruins, which afforded a striking contrast 
to the barrenness and desolation exhibited by ^e hi^ier 
peaks. 

Holkar was now reduced to the utmost extremity, 
scarcely any alternative being left him between en- 
gaging the British army, and seeking a precanoos 
asylum among the Afghans. At this moment^ how^ 
ever, messengers arrived from Sir Oeorge Barlow, to 
announce that a peace having been concluded with 
Scindiah, it was the wish of the Supreme Council 
that Holkar should be admitted to treat. He was to 
obtain peace on the most favourable terms, the object 
of government being the termination of the war at ail 
hazards. The pacification proved most opportune for the 
Hahratta. His followers had gradually become reduced 
* Memoir of the Campaign on the Hypfaasis, \j JAajmt William Them. 



1S05.] PEACE WITH HOLKAB. 195 

in number, the Sikhs were decidedly nnfriendlj, and, to 
use his own phrase, '^ he possessed nothing but what he 
carried on his saddle." 

Bj the treatj, the conditions of which Sir John Mal- 
echa had been commissioned to negotiate, Holkar agreed 
to renounce all right or title to the districts of Took, 
Bampoorah, Boondie, Lukherie, Sameydee, Baumgaum, 
and other places north of the Boondee hills, now occu- 
pied bj the British government. The Company, on 
their part, pledged themselves to resign to Holkar the 
ancient possessions of his family in the north and south, 
except the Fort of Ohandore, and some other places 
near the Godaverj, all of which, however, it was stipu- 
lated, should be restored to him at the expiration of 
eighteen months, if his behaviour during that period 
proved the sincerity of Ms present amicable and peace- 
ful professions. Holkar also bound himself to renounce 
all claims upon the Company or their allies, and engaged 
that he would not, for the future, entertain Europeans of 
any nation in his service. 

Peace being concluded. Lord Lake reviewed his troops 
upon the banks of the Hyphasis, before a curious multi- 
tude of Sikhs, who flocked from all parts to witness a 
scene at once novel and interesting. They gazed with 
the wild wonder of half-civilized tribes at the ma- 
noeuvres of the troops, and the evolutions of the horse^ 
artillery. As they watched these movements, their 
mingled feelings of curiosity and alarm found vent 
in expressions of thankfulness that they had not, by 
joining Holkar, drawn upon themselves the vengeance 
of so formidable an army. 

Had Lord Wellesley, or his brother, remained in 
India, the Mahratta leaders would never have obtained 
peace on advantageous terms. General Wellesley ex- 
pressed, in writing, his opinion that ^' Holkar was the 
most dangerous enemy the Company could have;" a 
well as his belief^ that " to defeat Holkar in the field 
o2 



196 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1805. 

to establish a firm authority in Malwa, and to destroy 
the Eajah of Bhurtpoor, were the principal objects to 
be kept in view." But Sir Arthur Wellesley* quitted 
the country where he had gained his earliest triumphs 
before the termination of the Mahratta war. Like his 
brother the governor-general, he complained, that in 
England his motives were not appreciated, and his 
services overlooked. In India he experienced directly 
the reverse. The native inhabitants of Seringapatam, 
the ofiicers of that garrison, with those of Vellore, as 
well as the military and civilians at Madras, expressed in 
various numerously-signed addresses iheir admiration of 
his character, and their gratitude for benefits experienced 
under his firm and judicious rule. While summing-up 
the results of Sir Arthur's conduct during his residence 
in Mysore, Lord William Bentinck, then Governor of 
Madras, pronounced the following eulogium upon the 
great captain of the age : — 

'^ In viewing these happy consequences, I feel it to 
be an act of justice due to Sir Ajthur Wellesley, to 
state, that there is no cause to which they can be so 
immediately traced as to the judgment and talents of 
that ofiicer, which have been invariably directed to 
every measure connected with the public interest. He 
has left his command amidst the regret of fall indi- 
viduals, civil and military, European and native.'' 

The Indian administration of the Marquis Wellesley 
was exposed to much obloquy, after his return to 
England. His opponents blamed the subsidiary mea- 
sures which had been adopted in Oude, and elsewhere, 
while they accused him of having occasioned the Mah- 
ratta war. Common decency, if not a sense of grati- 
tude, should have restrained the tongue of one, at least, 
among these carping assailants. A Mr. James Paul! 
had been engaged for many years in commerce at 
Lucknow, from which place he was banished for some 
* He was now a Knight of the Bath. 



1807.] OPPOSITION TO LORD WELLESLBY. 197 

unknown cause, bj the Nabob Vizier. Tbis arbitrary piece 
of tyranny would have inYolved bis affairs in utter 
ruin^ bad not Lord Wellesley interfered, and procured 
tke abrogation of the sentence. In a letter addressed 
£0on afterwards to Major Malcolm, Mr. Paull thus 
exjuresses bis feelings towards the marquis : — '^ Sensibly 
do I feel the obligation I am under to bis excellency, 
for whom I baye only sentiments of gratitude and 
profound respect" Yet this grateful merchant, baving 
subsequently returned to England, and obtained, by 
some means, a seat in parliament, announced bis in- 
tention, the second day after be took bis seat, of 
'^ prosecuting to conviction, if possible, the Marquis 
Wellesley, to whom be imputed all the dangers that 
threatened our existence in India." Before, however, 
these malicious designs could be carried into effect, 
the unhappy mover committed suicide, having been 
previously abandoned by the party who encouraged 
him to adopt this unworthy course. 

Still the opposition did not cease. Sir Philip Francis, 
the persecutor of Hastings, came forward with charac- 
tenstic virulence to assail another occupant of that 
post, which he himself 'had vainly aspired to fill. He 
viras joined by Lord Folkstone, and some of the East 
India Directors, who belonged at that time to the 
House of Oonuuons, but the various criminatory motions 
were always rejected by large majorities. 

Now that the clamour of faction has long been hushed, 
and the party spirit which then engendered these un- 
worthy censures no longer detracts from, or obscures 
the merits of the departed statesman, no man of sound 
or extended views can withhold from Lord Wellesley's 
government the praise it so justly merits. The prompt 
and energetic measures of the great governor-general, 
rescued from destruction or contempt the empire 
which Olive founded and Hastings maintained. During 
that administration, Tippoo Sahib and the Mahrattas, 



198 BBIZZSH BSTTLSHENTB IN INDIA. [IMS. 

two powers who had plotted with unwearied assidiiity 
and perseverance the downfall of the English, were 
vanquished and overthrown, while the native prinoes 
in alliance with the Company found themselves pro- 
tected, and their subjects relieved from the insults and 
violence of disorderly and undisciplined armies, costly 
in peace, hut utterly useless in war. 

Nor had the exertions of Lord Wellesley embraced 
only the foreign relations of the Company. His atten- 
tion was early directed to the wants, due classification, 
and proper training of the members of the civil service. 
!For their benefit he contemplated the erection of a Col- 
lege at Fort William, to be devoted to the double object 
of encouraging Eastern literature, and preparing for 
their arduous and important duties the civil servuits 
of the Company. Those servants still retained the 
ancient commercial nomenclature, being divided into 
senior merchants, junior merchants, writers, and factors. 
But their present functions difiered widely firom the 
occupations of their predecessors ; instead of writing 
out invoices, shipping bales of cotton, and crouching 
obsequiously to the lowest official of the Nabob Vizier, 
the merchant princes of Hindooi^tan, in the year 1805, 
were presiding over courts, administering provinces, 
and governing districts. Each of these functionaries 
was almost as little controlled, within his own sphere, 
as the contemporary Dey of Algiers, or the reigning 
Bashaw of Tripoli. The inhabitants of tracts of country 
larger than Yorkshire, the populations of cities more 
vast than Liverpool, obeyed with slavish awe, or grateful 
respect, the mandates of two or three men, distinguished 
by no high-sounding titles, manifesting little of the 
pomp of authority, and sprung generally, not from the 
aristocracy, but from the trading classes of their own 
country. 

The spectacle was both flattering and instructive. 
It testified to the energy and perseverance of the Anglo- 



1805.] LOBD wellbblby's AmtjmBnaATSoN. 199 

Saxon race, while it exhibited the triumph of a civi* 
lization derived from Ghristianitj oyer the stagnant 
barbarism of a debased and idolatrous system. It is 
tme indeed, and impartiality demands the aTowal, that 
ih% proceedings of the conquerors in India were often 
lamentably at variance with ^e holy faith into which 
they had been baptized. Some, it is to be feared, 
aeoording to an old proverbial saying, current during 
this period, *' left on their outward voyage the little 
religion or morality which they possessed at the Cape 
of Good Hope." Yet it cannot be denied that pubUo 
opinicm at home exercised a gradual, imperceptible, but 
still an irresistible, influence over the conduct of the 
English authorities abroad. The tyrannical civilian, 
the worst nabob who derived the funds for his vulgar 
ostentation from a plundered province, or an oppressed 
native ruler, soon found, by two or three signal ex- 
amples, that even in distant India he must keep his 
avarice and rapacity within bounds. In proportion, 
too, as the popular mind in the mother country awoke 
to the importance of the Indian settlements, a better 
class of men than the co-officials of Olive, or even of 
Hastings, entered the Company's service, and occupied 
the principal posts of authority. Thus, at the worst of 
times, the oppressed were never deprived of the con- 
solations of hope. The ryot who groaned under the 
rigour of Sujah Dowlah, or Tippoo Sahib, could only 
look forward to a succession of tyrants, each worse 
than his predecessor; the native who suffered from the 
temporary injustice of a harsh and severe collector, or 
from the arrogance and evil counsels of an imperious 
and ignorant resident, might obtain redress from better- 
minded superiors, or anticipate the period when his 
oppressor would be replaced by a more upright and 
conscientious magistrate. 

During Lord Wellesley's administration, the eye of 
a master surveyed intently and minutely the whole 



200 BRITISH BETTZiEHENTS IN INDIA. [teos. 

machine of goyemment. Commerce was encouraged, 
men of worth and abilitj were drawn from obscoiity 
and placed in positions where thej could exercise and 
develop their peculiar talent?. The agents of the great 
marquis had been taught b j him the importance of self- 
dependence; since he invariably intrusted them with all 
the power which thej might reasonably require for the 
performance of the various services expected at their 
hands. No official forms, no intrusion of subordinate 
authorities, were suffered to counteract or impede their 
plans j for the govemoi^^eneral never selected any man 
for an important duty in whom he could not fully con- 
fide ; while he rarely placed confidence in those whose 
merits he had not previously scrutinised with a jealous 
and watchful eye. 



JOes.] THE PEACE FOUCTr. 201 



CHAPTER XVI. 

YACmO POUCT Of sin 6X0S6B BAXLOW— LOBO WILLIAIC BENTTNCK 
JkFPOnVTED TO MADRAS — ^TRAUDS AT TAlf JORE^MASSACBE OJ YXLLORE 
— AiailOSITT T0WAKD8 MISSIONS— COMPLAINTS OP THB ALLIES — 
TBODBLBS AT HIDXRABAD— AMSES KHAN^MISSIONS TO APOHAH- 
18TAN, PXB8IA, AND THE SIKHS. 

1805—1809. 

The intelligence of the death of Lord Comwallis reached 
the Court of Directors in the month of February, 1806. 
On the 14 th of the same month, Lord Minto, President 
of the Board of Control, addressed to the Directors a 
suggestion, that Sir George Barlow should be empowered 
to act as governor-general for a limited period only. 
The Directors, howeyer, appointed Sir George to fill this 
post for the usual term; and hence arose a discussion 
between the Company and the Crown, which was termi- 
nated on the 9th of July, by the nomination of Lord 
Minto himself to the office in question. 

During' the interim, the acting goyemor-general 
exhibited a marked determination to follow out the 
peace policy so warmly advocated by his immediate 
predecessor. In pursuance with this resolution, he en- 
deavoured as much as possible to avoid new alliances, 
and to neglect those which had already been formed. 
The Cutch Bajah, being dispossessed of his authority 
by rebels, sought the assistance of the Company : it was 
amicably refused. The Bajpoot chieftains began a civil 
war among themselves, both parties looked to the English 
for aid, but the Supreme Government declined to inter- 
fere. In the meantime an insurrection broke out in 



202 BBITI3H SETTLEICBNXB HT INDIA. [I80f. 

Cabool, and the province of Berar was plundered twice 
by Scindiah and his Pindarries. Lord Wellesley's object 
had been, not only to compel the native states to refndn 
from disturbing ihe English, but to constrain them to 
keep the peace among themselves ; Sir George Bar- 
low's aim appeared to be the depression of all neigh- 
bouring powers, by allowing them to wage, unchecked, 
both intestine and foreign wars. 

The inauguration of the peace policy at Calcutta, 
soon provoked grievous complaints from the native 
allies, who were ungenerously abaadoned tQ the voige- 
ance of Holkar and Scindiah. The Kajah of Bmi 
represented that the treaty, which had been made be- 
tween himself and General Wellesley, justified him in 
expecting assistance from the Company, at a period 
when his province was being desolated on account ai 
his fidelity to their cause. Lord Lake urged the claims 
of the Rajah of Boondee, and Zalim Sing, the Chief of 
Kotah, who had rendered signal and important services 
to a detachment of the army during the disastfoiis 
retreat <^ Colonel Monson. Sir €korge Barlow heard 
these remonstrances, heaved a political sigh of regret, 
and mildly lamented that nothing could be done. Tet 
the abstinence of the Company from war, or rather their 
professed determination to preserve peace at all costs, 
was at this time occasioning the destruction of more 
lives than had been wasted in the sanguinary battles 
and si^es of the late campaign. 

During the autumn of 1803, Lord William Bentind: 
landed in India as Governor of Madras. He 80<m 
began to distinguish himself as an able and zealous 
reformer of existing abuses in the civil department of 
the presidency over which he had been appointed to 
rule. The first case of the kind that eame und^r Mie 
new governor's notice, were certain mal-practioes in the 
province of Tanjore. This district, one of the most 
fertile in the south of India, submitted to the Company's 



18M.] THE AFF1IB8 OV TAVJOBflL 203 

vaiihonty is 1800. In consequence of a Tiolent innn- 
<dation, there was a deficiency in the revenue during the . 
jear 1803. Some financial measures, introdi;ced at that 
iime, gave rise to an attempt, on the part of the native 
officials and landholders, to commit frauds on the 
government of an extensive nature. A subsequent 
investigation, which took place after the conspiracy 
was discovered, brought to light corruptions of the most 
serious kind. It was proved that both public and 
private rights had been shamelessly violated, that jus- 
tice was commonly sold to the highest bidder, and that 
exaction and oppression, without limit, were practised 
in tho name of the British government. After a 
careful examination of the evidence brought forward. 
Lord William Bentinck justly decided, that the principal 
«hare of the blame must rest with the English collector, 
or chief magistrate of the province^ who, although per- 
sonally free from criminality, had shown himself obtusely 
insensible to the ^agitious actions perpetrated in his 
immediate vicinity. 

The cdilector, in self-defence, endeavoured to screen 
his conduct by alleging the vices of the Hindoo 
character ; but it was proved that he entertained deep- 
rooted prejudices against the natives, whom he governed 
with oppressive severity. One man attempting to expose 
the villany of the officials, was Bogged and banished by 
the orders of the chief magistrate ; and it soon became 
manifest, that the inhabitants of Tanjore no longer 
«nt«rtained the slightest confidence in their governor's 
justice or impartiality. 

By recalling the collector of Tanjore, with all his 
assistants, Lord William Bentinck quieted the murmurs 
of the natives, and received for this judicious measure 
the warmest approbation of the Court of Directors. 
•Shortly afterwards some discussion, upon the subject 
of military patronage, arose between his lordship and 
Sir John Oradock, who had been recently appointed 



204 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. (I«06. 

Commander-in-Chief of the Madras Presidency. The 
Governor expressed himself personally willing to con- 
cede the privileges in question to the Commander-iixi- 
Chief, but his colleagues in council remonstrated against 
a proceeding which thej asserted would lower the dignity 
of Government. Some judicious rules on the sub^eet^ 
laid down by the Court of Directors, met with great 
objections from Sir John Cradock, who, however, did not^ 
as he had threatened, retire from the service. 

In the month of July, 1806, happened the massacre at 
Vellore, an event which, for a time,^ appeared pregnant^ 
with the most serious consequences. It seems requisite 
to examine minutely the causes which led to this 
melancholy catastrophe ; the more especially because 
its occurrence was attributed by some persons to the 
missionary efforts of various societies among the Hin- 
doos. More detailed information will be given respect- 
ing these efforts in another chapter, but it is necessazj 
at present to mention cursorily the position occupied 
by the missionaries in 1806, in order to show that the 
arguments then brought forward against them were ab- 
solutely futile and void of foundation. 

When the massacre of Vellore occurred, a mission 
conducted by the Baptists, numbering among its mem- 
bers Dr. Carey and Mr. Ward, both of whom were de- 
servedly celebrated for their acquaintance with oriental 
learning, had been recently established at Serampore, 
a town near Calcutta, and a possession of the Danish 
government. In the south of India, some two or three 
Lutheran clergymen supported by the Christian Know- 
ledge Society, were engaged in tending those missions 
which had been founded by the venerable Swartz. Their 
native congregations, small in numbers, and drawn 
principally from the humblest classes, excited little 
attention, and awakened no animosity. In Tanjore the 
name of Swartz, still venerated even by the heathen, 
secured for them the good-will of the people and tike 



1M6] THB HUTIKT OF VELLOBE. 

protection of the prince. The reigning rajah had been 
the- pupil of the great missionary, and was not inimi- 
GsUj disposed towards the religion which his pious 
iBBtructor adorned bj his virtues, and recommended by 
his blameless life. Even the pow^ul Hyder Ali listened 
with respect to the words of Swartz, and characterised 
him as the only European on whose promise he could 
place the slightest dependence. In Tinnevelly, too. 
Christian Tillages existed, inhabited by a simple and 
indigent peasantry, to whose quiet demeanour and 
harmless lives the Hindoo Tahsildar, himself a heathen, 
bore unsolicited testimony. Two regular services were 
held daily in their simple churches, where they received 
instruction from native priests, who had derived the 
first rudiments of Christian knowledge from the lips of 
the venerable Swartz, or from some of his pious coad- 
jutors. Groups of women were to be seen assembled 
beneath the shade of the palmyra-trees, singing their 
Lutheran hymns to the motion of their spinning-wheels, 
while the men pursued their labours in the field. These 
peaceful scenes appeared like moral oases in the sur« 
rounding desert. 

Such was the formidable aspect of Christianity when 
the mutiny of Yellore created in the minds of many 
a panic which, but for the sanguinary event that pro- 
duced it, might almost occasion a smile. The real cause, 
however, of that lamentable massacre must be sought 
for in proceedings utterly remote from the humble 
occupations of the missionary. The outbreak, in fact, 
originated not from religious, but military zeal. At 
the close of the eighteenth century the regulations 
of the Prussian army under the great Frederick were 
considered by all European officers the special model 
for imitation. Under this system the care and comfort 
43f£ the soldier had been sacrificed to the attempt to 
preserve a stiff uniformity of appearance. Men came 
on parade with cravats that almost impeded riespiration^ 



206 BRITISH aRETLSMIKTS IN IHOIA. [fM«. 

with tight ooats closely buttoned over the chest, uid 
with h^-coyeringa wluch, however seemlj thej might 
be considered at home, were by no means regarded as 
ornamental or serviceable in India. 

It was whispered among the Mohammedan sepojs 
that these nncomfortable-looking coverings were maan- 
&ctared from the skin of an animal denounced as an 
abomination by the Prophet, and the touch of which, ao* 
cording to their superstitious notions, conveyed infalliHe 
pollution. Suddenly a new set of military regulations 
appeared, put forth by Sir John Oradock, in which it 
was announced that a new turban, somewhat resembling 
in shape the European soldier s hat, must in future be 
worn by the sepoys. The latter were ordered, at the 
same time, to clip their mustachios, to shave their chiiifl^ 
to erase the marks of caste from their foreheads, and to 
abstain from wearing their ear-rings while on duty. 

Few Europeans can duly estimate the prejudices of an 
oriental with regard to those habits of dress and deport- 
ment which have been handed down to bim frt>m his 
ancestors. They bear about them something of the 
sanctity of religious traditions; and this circumstance 
may account for the unchanging character of eastern 
vestments and manners. The dress and the habits of 
the people of India are what they were when Alexand^ 
first crossed their frontiers at the head of his Macedonians, 
and the similarity can only be accounted for, by referring 
it to the respect of eastern nations for the old customs 
which they have received from their progenitors. Nor 
could these prejudices, injudicious or puerile as they may 
seem, be infringed with impunity. An oriental despot 
might decapitate hundreds of his subjects unresist^; 
he would excite an insurrection if he ordered them to 
shave. The history of the opposition which Peter the 
Great encountered from a semi-oriental people, on a 
similar occasion, fiilly bears out this statement. 
The new reguhUions called forth the most str^noiis 



um.l TBB MABHACRK OF TELLOEB. 207 

difllikey chieflj, kowerer, from the Mohammedans, with. 
wbomi, it most be obserred, the missionaries had little 
or no intercourse. Thej objected specially to the 
turban, and a battalion stationed at Yellore positiyelj 
rinsed to adopt it. The existing discontent received 
encooragement from the noble Mohammedans who re« 
aided with Tippoo's sons in the palace of Yellore. Many 
of these men regretted, as was natural, their former 
position and adrantages, while their proud Moslem spirit 
writhed under the yoke of the stranger. The liberal 
allowance made by Uie Company to the Mysore princes 
gare them the means of securing considerable influence, 
the more especially as great numbers of persons from 
their own country and the adjacent regions, risited the 
piUace in the course of the year. It was eren said that 
French emissaries, disguised as fakirs and derrishes, 
insinuated themselTes among the Mohammedan popu- 
lation, denouncing the English, and calling upon all 
true believers to throw off their odious domination. 
Similar causes had recently occasioned in Bengal the 
rebellion of Vizier Ali, with which it was never pretended 
ih&t missions had any concern. 

The turbulttit spirit of the native troops led to a 
court of inquiry. Sir John Cradock presided in person 
over its deliberati(ms, expelled the rebellious non-K^om- 
mtssioned officers from the service, and ordered two of the 
privates to receive 900 lashes each. In the meantime, an 
address was drawn up to the troops, but as the feeling of 
diacont^ot did not appear to be widely spread, the 
governor refrained from making it public. Exasperated 
by the punishment of their comrades, and resenting the 
forcible imposition of the odious turban, the Ydlore 
aepoys organized a conspiracy against their European 
officers. So little was any movement of the kind sus- 
pected, that the commander of the garrison, Colonel 
Famourt, had invited over an old friend. Colonel Gilles- 
lespie from Arcot, to dine with him the day before the 



208 BRITISH SETTLEHBNT3 IN INDIA, H^M. 

mutiny. Special business prevented the latter officer 
from accepting an invitation which might have cost kim 
his life; and Colonel Fancourt, retiring to rest as nsvaly 
never supposed himself in danger, until awakened, atti»« 
o'clock in the morning of the 10th of July, by the BOise 
of firing. The butchery had begun. 

The first place assailed was the European barracks, 
in which four companies of the 69th, a king's regiment, 
were then quartered. The rebels surrounded the place 
in silence, and suddenly poured through the doors and 
windows, a heavy fire of musketry. At the same 
time, an attack was made upon the hospitals by other 
insurgents, who inhumanly murdered all the sick they 
found there, and then proceeded to the dwellings of the 
officers. Fourteen of the latter, including Colonel 
Fancourt, with one hundred and fourteen non-<K>m- 
missioned officers and privates fell victims on this occa- 
sion to the sanguinary fury of the mutineers. The 
remnant of the 69th maintained their ground in the 
barracks until the morning, when having been joined 
by some English officers, they contrived to break tlurough 
their assailants, and occupied the top of a fortified gate- 
way with the portion of the ramparts immediately ad- 
joining. 

Colonel Gillespie received the intelligence of his 
friend's murder early the next morning, just as he was 
mounting his horse to ride over to Yellore. He imme- 
diately ordered a troop of the 19th Dragoons to moimt 
and follow him at full speed, while some galloper gvns 
were to come after. The sight of their comrades gave 
fresh courage to the unfortunate survivors. By means 
of an artificial rope formed of the soldiers' belts, the 
Colonel was drawn up to the summit of the gateway, 
from whence he directed a charge to be made upon the 
assailants. The repulse of the latter allowed the garrison 
a little breathing time, until the dragoons, whom Gil« 
lespie in his haste had left behind, came up, and blew 



160«.] THE UlSSAOBB OF VELLORE. 209 

opea the gates with their galloper guns. A furious 
charge and a sharp fire from the artillery, broke the 
xauaks of the insurgents, and the dragoons, bursting in 
upon them, cut to pieces about 400, and put the rest to 
fdght. Thej were pursued, and the great majoritj of 
them imprisoned before the night came on. 

No doubt was entertained by any of the Europeans 
concerned, that the sons of Tippoo had been the origina- 
tors of this outbreak. The enraged soldiers, incensed 
at the sight of their murdered comrades, wished to break 
into the palace, and slaughter the whole of its inmates, 
who were imprudent enough to hoist the flag of Tippoo 
Sultan on the walls at the commencement of the revolt. 
Colonel Gillespie found considerable difficulty in saving 
the princes from being torn in pieces, and finally de- 
spatched them with an escort to Madras. 

A special inquiry was held, in order to ascertain the 
cause of this insurrection. The result of the investi- 
gation confirmed previous impressions with regard to 
the guilt of Tippoo's family, though ^it appeared also 
that the innovations in dress had unquestionably irritated 
the men's minds, and prepared them for the treasonable 
intrigues of the Mysorean courtiers. One sepoy, Mus- 
tapha Bey by name, warned an officer of the garrison of 
the impending conspiracy, but the other conspirators 
artfully represented that he was occasionally subject to 
fits of insanity. He now received, by order of govem- 
m&otiy 2,000 rupees and a gold medal. The Mysore 
princes, of whose guilt ample proofs had been sub- 
mitted to the special commissioners, were banished to 
Calcutta., where they remained subject to the strictest 
surveillance. 

A court-martial having been appointed by the 'com- 
mander-in-chief to try the late mutineers, severe punish- 
ments were inflicted upon those proved to be guilty. / 
These examples appeared the more necessary, since 
simultaneous disturbances arose among the regiments of 
p 



210 BBITI8H BBTTLEHENTS IN ISTDU. (1806. 

the subsidiary force at .Hyderabad. Further misduef 
was, howeyer, prevented by the prudence of the cqib- 
mandiDg officer, who immediately reyoked the olmoxio«s 
ordw, and this seaflonable measure abaiost ipBtaatawHwis^y 
restored tranquiUi ty. 

Contrary to the advice of Lord William Bentinek, the 
regiments concerned in the mutiny were at onoe ensed 
from the army list. About 1,100 men, more or lees 
implicated, underwent a t^nporary imjHrisooment, b«t 
these steps scarcely abated the almost univirasal panic 
which at that time pervaded all classes of Europeans in 
India. Officers slept with pistols under thair pillows; 
while most absurd suspicions were nourished against 
innocent persons. Pumeah, the chief minister of 
Mysore under the British, had proved his attachment to 
his European masters by seven years of faithful servicer 
Sir Arthur Wellesley, one by no means lavish in praise, 
when leaving his post at Seringapatam, expressed, in the 
warmest and most unqualified language, the high sense 
^tertained by him of the Indian official's integrity and 
wortL Yet, during this period of alarm even he did 
not escape suspicion, and a positive accusation was 
brought against his brother. Pumeah ac^ied under these 
trying circumstanoes as only a man fully convinced of 
his own innoo^ce could and would have acted. He 
suspended his relative forthwith from, office, and de- 
manded that he should be tried by a court composed 
exclusivdy of British officers. The result proved to be 
a triumphant acquittal; and the Madras govemraent 
marked its sense of the absurd terrors of its subordinates 
by a request to Pumeah that his broths should again 
resume his former duties; while the commandant <^ the 
station, his accuser, was dismissed in disgrace. 

Other commandants, however, showed th^nselves 
equally terrified and equally precipitate. The geailfr- 
man who presided over the garrison at Palamcottah, 
took the uncalled-for precaution of disarming the 



1806.] THE lOSSAOBB OF VELLOBB, 211 

MohunmedanB of his corps, while he shut hunself up in 
^ke fort with a few Eoropeans and Hindoos, and des- 
patched to the gOTemor of Oeylon and the commander* 
iimdii^ of Trayancore the alarming intelligenoe that he 
had discorered a plot for the extirpation of all the 
Eiuopeans in Southern India. The conspiracj proved, 
upon examination, to be a mere phantom of the imagi- 
iiatioa. The Mohammedan soldiers received their arms 
again, and although doubtless much surprised at the 
manner in which thej had been treated, never manifested 
the slightest sign of msub(»rdination. The authorities 
at Madras issued a public document, in whidi, aflber con- 
demning the want of confidence that had been shown in 
the lojalty of the native troops, thej recommended, for 
the future, measures of conciliation and kindness. These 
liberal-minded views emanated principally from Lord 
William Bentinck, a man for whose memory the natives 
of Southern India still entertain the highest veneration. 
Unhappily, the Court of Directors receiving some exagge- 
Tated reports of the massacre at Vellore, were induced to 
issue orders for his lordship's recal, and that of Sir John 
Oadock, upcm whom, indeed, must rest a considerable 
«haire of the blame connected with this unfortunate trans- 
acti<m. By some mistake, no measures had been taken 
for enabling the governor to return home immediately, 
and but for the kindness of Sir Edward Pellew, he would 
hare been obliged to wait for the arrival of the home- 
ward-bound fleet. 

Several of the early Christian apologists inform us that 
in their day it was the custom of the heathen to attri- 
bute the misfortunes of the state to the spread of Chris- 
tianity. If the harvests failed, or the Nile sank below 
the usual water-mark, the populace shouted, ^ the Chris- 
tians to the lion." The credit of reviving that ancient 
-preoedent in modem times must not be withheld from 
certain persons at this period, who most unwarrantably 
attributed the massacre of Vellore to the exertions of the 
p2 



212 BRITISH BBTTLBMBNTS IK INDIA. tUO<. 

few Christian missionaries in India, whose numbers and 
labours have been described a few pages back. To refute 
these accusations seriouslj at the present day would be 
as absurd as to demonstrate the falsehood of Titus Oates' 
narrative; but we maj point out cursorily the significa'< 
tive fact, that while the newlj-converted proselytes came 
almost wholly from the Hindoos, the conspiracy origi- 
nated chiefly, if not entirely, among Mohammedans ; its 
main object being the restoration of the throne of Mysore 
to a dynasty, which had crushed the Brahmins and pro- 
pagated Islam at the sword*s point. In working out these 
ends, it may doubtless haye suited the purpose of the 
chief plotters to operate upon the fanatical passions of the 
Mohammedan sepoys, by connecting with the introduc- 
tion of an obnoxious head-dress a vague and undefined 
charge of prosely tism. But this accusation would, it is 
most probable, have been made, had not a single 
missionary existed throughout the entire continent. 
Similar insinuations have been disseminated, in countries 
entirely free from missionaries, by artful politicians, when 
their object was to injure a foe dififering in religion from 
themselves. Nor could the intimation exert much in- 
fluence over any but the most ignorant and fEinatical, since 
it required no ordinary share of credulity to imagine 
that a government noted for its beneficence towards 
every religion but its own, should suddenly assume the 
zeal and rival the exploits of a Goa inquisitor. It seems 
most probable, therefore, that the charge, if indeed it was 
made at all, constituted but a slender portion of the poli- 
tical indictment brought by the Mohammedans of Mysore 
against the Anglo-Indian authorities. But the existence 
of such an impression upon the native mind was not satis- 
factorily proved to those who understood the natire 
character. The desire to escape punishment, to please 
mission-hating superiors, or to cloke by an honourable 
motive reasons less reputable, may have prompted an 
avowal from some of the parties impficated, that 



1807.] ABBIVAL OF 1X>RD MIKTO. 213 

dread of religious innovation had alone turned their 
arms against masters who never interfered with their 
religious convictions. To suppose that they ever he- 
Heved their faith in danger from five or six mission- 
aries at the extreme north, or less than that number in 
the extreme south of a peninsula^ where the inhabitants 
scarcely know what passes in an adjacent province^ is to 
ascribe to a clever, though half-civilized race, an amount 
of credulity which they themselves would repudiate with 
indignation. 

The newly-appointed governor-general, Lord Minto, 
landed at Madras in July, 1807 ; and, after the delay of 
a few days, pursued his journey to Calcutta. In times 
past, he had concurred in the impeachment of Hastings, 
and was generally supposed to entertain sentiments 
favourable to a pacific line of policy. Unhappily, that 
policy had been but too often the prelude to a most 
sanguinary war. The empire of the British in India is 
essentially a dominion based more upon opinion than on 
numerical strength. It owes its existence to the idea of 
the native powers that the English are superior to them 
in every quality likely to insure success. But this idea 
requires constantly some outward manifestation of power, 
to prevent its elimination from the oriental mind. The 
Eastern, credulous with respect to the past, is sceptical 
as regards the present. He forgets old miracles, and old 
lessons, in his desire for new signs and manifestations. 
He resembles still those of old, who wearied the great 
Jewish lawgiver with their importunities for super- 
natural interpositions, and were ever asking a fresh de- 
monstration of celestial power from the incarnate Son of 
God. 

Moreover, the oriental rulers had never been accus- 
tomed to contemplate the steady increase and lengthened 
continuance of national prosperity. With them a great 
state rose rapidly to its zenith, and almost instan- 
taneously commenced its declinei The man who one 



214 BRITISH SETTLEUBNTS IN IKBIA. [[1197. 

year was a mere leader of banditti, Baight the next be 
enthroned at Seringapatam or HjderalNui. The shep- 
herd tribe that pastured their herds on the deserted 
tracts of some nameless region, would perhaps, in a 
century, ha^e d^enerated into cringing courtiers and 
luxurious citizens in one of the great metropolitan cities 
of India. On the other hand, a Nizam of the Becean 
might in an incredibly short time sink into the slare of 
a Nabob of Arcot, or an Emperor of Belhi tremble 
before a Mahratta or Bohilla chieftain. Despotism in 
the east was unchangeable, the usurper continuing 
inevitably the regimai of the tyrant he had oyerthrown. 
But to make amends for this, a speedy and ever yaried 
succession of despots stimulated ambition and esncoar- 
aged hope. No eastern could believe in the stability of 
his own dynasties, and therefore would discredit the 
soundness of the English rule, unless the palpable 
proofs of its unaltered vigour were constantly before 
his eyes. The English had been great, so had the 
Mogul and the Mahratta, but where was the magni- 
ficence and extended sway of these latter powers, once 
so illustrious in Indian annals? Might there not be 
then even now a worm gnawing at the root of this 
northern gourd which covered the p^insula with its 
shade, soon perhaps, like its predecessors, to wither 
beneath the fierce sunbeams of a foreign clime. 

The allies of the English complained that, after 
having been inveigled into a war, they were unscre- 
pulously deserted at its termination, to bear alone and 
unsupported the vengeance of those whose hostility had 
been provoked by their league with the white strangers. 
In reply, however, to these murmurs, the English might 
often correctly allege, that their supporters rarely proved 
of much benefit to the common cause; that they had 
often weakened the best concerted operations by their 
incapacity or their want of faith; that they in* 
trigued with the enemy, or withheld their contingent* 



1SM.I THX SIMM ASD AXXBR XHAK. 215 

xmtil ihe moment when rictory appeared inevitable. 
Yet it was often felt that neglect of these oomparatirely 
useless allies not only created discontent, but encouraged 
the enemies of the British supremacy in India to cir- 
culate rumours of a depredatory character. **The 
Company," they said, *^ refrained j&om assisting its allies, 
because it feared their adversaries, or was conscious of 
ils own weakness." 

These and similar 'considerations pressed themselves 
upon the attention of the new governor-general, and 
Lord Minto soon found himself compelled to exercise 
the same d^ee of interference with the internal affairs 
of native states, which in England he had been among 
the first to deprecate and to condemn. 

In 1808 the Nizam's minister, Meer Allum, having 
died, two candidates contended together for the vacant 
dignity. One of these, Mooneer-ool-Mulk, was the per- 
sonal £stvourite of the Nizam ; the other. Rajah Ohundoo 
Loll, had obtained the support of the British govern- 
ment The resident received instructions from Calcutta 
to favour Ohundoo Loll; who, being elected against the 
known wishes of his nominal sovereign, reduced the 
latt^ eventually to a mere cipher in his own do- 
mini<»is. 

Fresh troubles were excited about the same period 
by Ameer Khan, a Patan soldier of fortune, who, after 
serving all the northern princes of India in succession, 
finally joined Jeswunt Bow Holkar, and fought with 
him against the English during the Mahratta war. He 
had, since the termination of that campaign, collected a 
mixed horde of Patans, Mahrattas, Jauts, and Pindar- 
ries, with whom he ravaged the fertile territories of 
Berar. The character of this freebooter may be learned 
from one of his exploits. During his mercenary career 
his aid was sought by Maun Sing, a Rajpoot usurper, 
against Sevaee Sing, who supported the cause of the 
rightful prince. Maun Sing promised the Patan ai 



216 BRITISH SEITLEMENTS IN INDIA. [IW7. 

munificent reward, if lie would undertake the destmo- 
tion of his enemy. Ameer Khan demanded two lacB of 
rupees in adTance, and engaged that Sevaee Sing should 
soon trouble his employer no longer. The intended 
yictim had promised to visit the Patau, but when the 
hour came he hesitated. The insidious Ameer Khan 
was informed of his fears, and removed them by an 
exhibition of confidence which might have terminated 
fatally, had the Bajpoot been equally crafty and 
unscrupulous. 

Mounting his horse, he proceeded with a few fol- 
lowers to the tomb of a Mohammedan saint, beneath 
the walls of Nagpoor. There he sent for Sevaee Sing, 
and assuming an air of openness and candour, bade him 
judge if a man who had thus placed himself in bis 
power could be guilty of entertaining treacherous de- 
signs against his life. To carry the deceit still further, 
he swore upon the tomb of the saint that he would 
henceforth be faithful to his new ally, who, beguiled by 
appearances, consented to visit him the next day in his 
camp. When Sevaee Sing arrived, the troops were under 
arms, as if to do him special honour, but the guns had 
been previously loaded with grape, and their muzzles 
pointed towards a large tent to which the unsuspecting 
Bajpoot was conducted. Two hundred followers en- 
tered with him, accompanied by some Patau offioere, 
but, at a given signal, the latter overturned the tent 
upon their guests and fled, while the cannon poured 
forth showers of grape, which soon destroyed the un- 
fortunate Rajpoots. Sevaee Sing's body was found muti- 
lated by shot : the murderer severed his head from the 
lacerated trunk, and despatched it to Maun Sing, as a 
token that the sanguinary commission had been fully 
executed. 

Such was the enemy who now attracted the attention 
of the British government, but his efforts, fw the 
present, proved unsuccessful. An English foro^ under 



180».l HIBSION TO OABOOL. 217 

Colonel Close, soon compelled him to retreat into Malwa, 
iirhere, however, he increased his force, and remained 
waiting for an auspicious moment to sally forth once 
more. 

The resident at Baroda, Colonel Walker, had been 
engaged during this period in settling the affairs of 
Baroda and Guzerat, where he succeeded in putting a 
stop to the practice of infanticide,* and captured several 
strong fortresses irom the Eattjrwar chieftains. He 
was succeeded by Major Camac, who effected many 
important reforms in these northern regions. 

The conduct of the Nabob of Oude next called im- 
peratively for the interposition of the Company. That 
potentate had been guilty of intolerable oppression, by 
farming out his lands at exorbitant rates, and then 
sending soldiers to extort from his suffering subjects 
sums which they were unable to pay. The resident at 
his court, therefore, received instructions to remonstrate 
against the employment of a British subsidiary force on 
similar errands ; but this interference produced little or 
no amelioration of the evils complained of. 

Dread of the revival of French influence in India, 
led Lord Minto to cultivate friendly relations with the 
Ameers of Scinde. Mr. Hankey Smith succeeded in 
gaining for his government the good-will of these princes, 
who signed a treaty on the 9th of August, 1809, by 
which they engaged '^ to prevent the tribe of the French 
fixwn entering their country." A little before, Mr. 
Elphinstone secured the accession of Shujah-ool-Mulk, 
King of Cabool, to the anti-gallican league. These 
negotiations brought our envoys, for the first time^ 
into contact with races who were destined to play a 
prominent part in the recent history of British India. 
Mr. Elphinstone found the Afghaun sovereign sur- 
rounded by all the splendour of eastern royalty ; his 
dress shone with jewels and diamonds, while, in one of 
the toicelets that decorated his wrists, glittered the 



218 BRITISH BKITIiEaiBNTB DT DTDIA. [IM. 

famoafl Koh-i-noor, " the moantain of light,** the his- 
tory of whose migrations,' since it left its native mae, 
would almost fiimish sufficient matter for an entertBisr 
ing history. Yet the officers of this magnificent pnnce 
appropriated to their own use the camels which conveyed 
the splendid presents of the governor-general ; they even 
wished to retain two English footmen, who they in- 
sisted formed part of the donation, and the moiiarch, 
himself, condescended to covet the silk stockings won 
by the envoy and the gentlemen of his suite. 

The kingdom of Cabool was, however, at this p^od, 
fsa from being in a position to render much assistance 
to the English. A civil war raged between the Shah 
Shujah-ool-Mulk and one of his relatives. Prince Mab* 
moud. While the embassy awaited in the vale of 
Cashmere permission from the Sikhs to pass through 
their territories, news reached Mr. Elphinstone that 
Shah Shujah had been completely defeated. The wh(de 
of Cabool was soon a prey to anarchy of the worst kind; 
every petty chieftain asserted his independence, and 
collecting around him a band of marauders, waged war 
with his neighbours, and devastated their lands. 

As the British ambassador passed through the Sikh 
region, he was overtaken by the harem of Shujah-ool- 
Mulk, after whom came Zemaun Shah, now a blind and 
helpless captive, but formerly monarch of CabooL The 
aged man spoke of his misfortunes, with that appear- 
ance of placid philosophy and stoic indifference, by which 
an oriental endeavours to conceal from the outer ivorld 
his sorrows and inward repinings. He affected to con- 
sider his fate one of those misfortunes common to princes, 
which all elevated above the ordinary sons of Adam 
must anticipate daily, and endure, when it arrives, with 
dignified resignation. His philosophy might have been 
sincere, but they who understand and appreciate the 
deceitfhlness of the human heart, will, perhaps, con- 
sider that such expressions are but too often the very 



tm.i Hissiofsr rro fbbsli* 219 

reverse of those intetnal feelings which thej are sup- 
posed to represent. 

Towards thetemisation of 1807, intelligence reached 
the govomor-general, that the French, in conjanction 
with the Turks tnd Persians, were organizing an in- 
vasion of India* In order to counteract the influence 
acquired by Buonaparte's enYoj over the Persian Oourt, 
Sir John Malcolm was despatched to Bushire. He 
received instructions to proceed farther, if practicable, 
and even to attempt a journej to Teheran. The French 
ascendency, however, was then paramount in the councils 
of Persia, and Colonel Malcolm, after transmitting some 
able state papers from Bushire, returned to Calcutta 
without proceeding into the interior. He proposed to 
Lord Minto, that the English should seize an island in 
the Persian Gulf, and thus work upon the fears of the 
Shah, but this hostile movement was rendered unneces- 
sary by the arrival of Sir Harford Jones, who had been 
empowered by George III., to act as ambassador to the 
Persian SSah. Just at this time, also, a coolness ensued 
between that monarch and his French allies, which 
tended to procure for Sir Harford Jones a more favour- 
able reception than perhaps he would otherwise have ex- 
perienced. The rich presents displayed by the English 
envoy decided the matter; the French were dismissed in 
disgrace, and the Shah agreed, finally, to conclude a 
treaty, offensive and defensive, with England. 

In August, 1809, the government opened negotiations 
with Bunjeet Sing, whose recent territorial acquisitions 
now brought him to the frontier of the Company's 
dominions. The English bound themselves to leave him 
the territories north of the Sutledge, while he promised 
to maintain as few troops as possible near the Company's 
boundaries. The present of an English carriage and 
a pair of horses, forwarded by the governor-general on 
this occasion, tended materially, we are told, to cement 
harmony. 



220 BRITISH BETrLSMENtS IN INDIA* pM». 

Some of the Ghoorka tribes, in Nepaul, invaded the 
territories of a rajah in alliance mrith the English g<v- 
Temment ; these marauders were finally driven bade, 
in 1813, after many fruitless negotiations and threats. 
The Mhugs, a Burmese tribe, also made incursions into 
Ohittagong, and the hostile feeling thus engendered on 
the frontiers, led eventually to a war between the English 
and the King of Ava. 



1M9.1 THB ^'rmr oontract." 221 



CHAPTER XVIL 

DISTITSSANCES AT MADSA8— EXPEDITION TO CHnTA— CONaUXST OT 
JA.YA— ADMUriSTBATION 0? 8111 8TA1CE0RD BAnLXS, 

1809—1811. 

During the year 1809, serious disturbances took place 
in the Madras Presidency. They originated in the 
exclusion of the commander-in-chief, General Hay 
McDowall, from a seat in council, by the order of Sir 
George Barlow, who, upon Lord Minto's arrival in 
India, had been transferred from Calcutta to Madras. 
At first this ill-judged measure seemed likely to ter- 
minatie in a mere official dispute, but, finally, several 
detachments of the army took up the question and 
broke out into open mutiny. In addition, however, to 
the exclusion of the commander-in-chief from council, 
there existed other causes of discontent. During the 
rule of Lord William Bentinck, the quartermaster- 
general had been commissioned to draw up a report on 
the subject of "Tent Contract," a monthly allowance 
made to the officers of native corps for the provision of 
camp furniture. In his remarks, the quartermaster- 
general characterised the " Tent Contract" as a system 
which might place an officer's public and private in- 
terest in opposition to each other. This observation 
created universal dissatis&ction, and the officers of the 
different native corps addressed a communication to their 
commander-in-chief, demanding that the writer should 
be placed under arrest, and be tried by a court-martial. 
^Their requisition, however, received little notice, 



BBITISa SBTHjBMBNXB in IHDIA. P809. 

until General McDowall, finding himself inyolved in 
a quarrel with the civil authorities, determined, by 
espousing the complaints of the officers, to attach them 
more firmly to his party. He accordingly arrested the 
quartermaster-general, who forthwith appealed to the 
council, they having sanctioned' his report, and acted 
upon it by abolishing the "Tent Contract." Theooundl, 
finding remonstrance and entreaty fruitless, released the 
prisoner by their own authority* The oommander-in* 
chief, irritated beyond measure, threw up his office, and, 
without tendering a formal resignation, left the Presi- 
dency for England, having previously forwarded a letter 
of complaint from the ofEuwrs of the army to the council 
He also placed in the hands of the deputy-adjutaat 
general, an address, reflecting somewhat severely upon 
the conduct of the quartermaster-generaL The deputy- 
adjutant published the order, the governor sospended 
him forthwith, and issued a public notice, lemoviag 
(jkneral McDowall from the office of colXlmande^iB- 
€hie£ The officers next presented an address to the 
suspended deputy- adjutant, approving his conduct^ 
which the government severely oenflored, cashiensg at 
the same time some of those who had signed it. 

An open war now l»roke out between iha civil and 
military authorities, part of the troops remained fiiithM 
others, with their officers, mutinied, and two battalions 
who had embraced difierent sides, meeting acddentalljr, 
they fired upon each other like mutual enemies. Por- 
neah, the chief minister of Mysore, distinguished hiiittelf 
under these trying circumstances by the most unshak^ 
fidelity towards the English government. Although 
the mutineers threat^ied to pillage his effects, the 
Hindoo official could not be induced to act contrary to 
the advice of the resident, whom he materially aided, 
hy placing 550 horses at the disposal of a king's regi- 
ment of dragoons. When Furneah d^vered these to 
the resident, he assured him that every opportunity 



1809.] IXFEDinOH TO OHIKA. 223 

offered him of eyinciBg his attachment and gratitude to 
the British government, added a new term of years to 
his life, and an additional increase to his happiness. 

Upon hearing of these commotions in the south, Lord 
Jlinto immediatdj repaired to Uadras, where, hj tem- 
pering the firmness of Sir George Barlow with his own 
leoniency, he succeeded in allaying the mutinous spirit 
of the officers, which for a time had even endangered 
the stability of government. Few of the offenders in- 
imrred punishment, and the commander-in-chief, whose 
example and encouragement had unhappily instigated 
ihem to rebellion, was lost cm his passage home; a fate 
which, however deplorable, saved him from the censure 
iumI probable disgrace that awaited him in England. 
By way of preventing similar mi^ortunes for the future, 
the Court of Directors wisely decided that the new 
Madras commander-in-ehief. Sir Samuel Auchmuty, 
should take his seat in coundyi with the civil autho- 
rities. 

In the year 1809 a naval armamebt, under Admiral 
Prury, had been despatched to take possession of Macao, 
a port in China hitherto colonised by the Portuguese. 
The power of the latter in this settlement was con- 
trolled almost entirely by the Chinese authorities, who 
manifested considerable jealousy towards the English. 
The sepoys, although permitted to land, were insulted 
by the Chinese inhabitants, and, menaced by their 
government, the tea trade was stopped at Canton, and 
a fleet of war junks drew themselves up in line of 
battle, for the purpose of assailing the English fleet. 
The admiral made a show of attacking the hostile 
squadron ; but, after the exchange of a few shots, he 
altered his determination, and remained inactive, a 
oireumstanoe which led the Chinese to lay claim to 
the vict<H*y. Their self-complacency was much in- 
creased by the evacuation of Macao and the departure 
of the naval force, the Court of Directors having severely 



224 BRITISH SBTTLBMBNTS IN INDIA. {1808. 

censured the whole expedition. About the same period 
the Mauritius and the Spice Islands fell into the hands 
of the English. 

The last great act of Lord Minto's administration 
proved to be the conquest of Java and its dependencies. 
This island, the most southern of the group known bj 
the generic appellation of Sunda, had fallen into the 
hands of the Dutch during the coursie of the year 1619. 
Before their arrival it was divided into three indepen- 
dent kingdoms or states, but the early history of the 
place, like that of most oriental countries, is buried 
in obscurity, or illustrated only by fabulous narratives. 
The climate is tropical, the year consisting of two seasons, 
marked by the occurrence of the dry and wet monsoons. 
The former commences during the months of April and 
May, and terminates early in October ; the latter b^ins 
in November, and renders the season extremely un- 
healthy, there being usually at this time great abun- 
dance of wind and rain. 

The soil of Java is famed for its fertility, being 
covered by magnificent forests, and yielding the most 
luxuriant fruits. Cotton, coffee, rice, indigo, tobacco, 
and sugar, occupy a prominent rank among the produc- 
tions of this fruitful region. Here is to be found the 
famous upas or poison-tree, the effluvia of which was 
supposed, though erroneously, to destroy all animal and 
vegetable life within a circle of two miles' distance. 

Tbe quadrupeds and reptiles of Java are noted for 
their magnitude. The great boa, a serpent inhabiting 
the forests, measures thirty feet in length ; the buffalo 
and rhinoceros are equally large in proportion to their 
species found elsewhere, while a multitude of the most 
beautiful birds, with countless tribes of numerous in- 
sects alternately awaken admiration and inspire disgust 
or alarm. The large ape, entitled wow-wow, is supposed 
by the Javanese to have been the progenitor of their 
race, and is, therefore, regarded by them with peculiar 



rsil.l EXPEDITION TO JAVA. 225 

Teneration. Their national character, as generally de- 
scribed, does not seem unworthy of such an origin. 
Bevengeful and cowardly, servile and vain, they are 
sunk in the grossest sensuality, and endure tamely the 
most fearful oppression. The tyranny of their native 
Tulers has been closely imitated by the Dutch, whose 
colonial policy in all parts of the world was never 
distinguished for its mildness. 

Great services were rendered to the English expedi- 
tion by Mr., afterwards Sir Stamford Raffles. In the 
year 1808 he had been secretary to the government 
of Prince of Wales' Island, whence he repaired to 
Malacca, the arduous nature of his duties having 
materially affected his health. The information he 
acquired in that peninsula respecting the islands of 
the Eastern Archipelago, led him to suggest to Lord 
Minto the importance of attempting the conquest of 
Java. This, island, like all the Dutch possessions, came 
under French authority after the subjugation of Holland 
by Napoleon ; it formed the centre of their influence in 
the East, and would have enabled them to carry on 
designs against India with both secresy and facility. 

The governor-general was so much struck by the repre- 
sentations of Mr. Baffles, that he not only determined 
to take immediate measures for the reduction of Java, 
but also resolved to accompany the expedition in person. 
His lordship left Calcutta in the Momington cruiser, 
and reached Penang on the 18 th of ApriL Some dis- 
cussion arose with respect to the route, a question which 
excited considerable anxiety, as the favourable monsoon 
season was now drawing rapidly to a close. The northern 
passage round 'Borneo had been hitherto considered 
the only practicable one, but Mr. Baffles recommended 
8tr(»gly the south-west route between Caramata and 
Borneo^ '' staking his reputation upon the result.'* 
Undeterred by the opposition of the naval authorities, 
Lord Minto decided in favour of Mr. Baffles' plan. The 
Q 



BRITISH iSETTLEinSNTB IN INDIA. Iisn. 

event justified the wisdom of this oourse, and in six 
weeks the fleet arrived safely at Batavia without the 
slightest accident. 

The troops under General Sir 8asnuel Auchmutj 
were disemharl^ed on the 4th of August, and Batavi% 
the capital, surrendered on the 8th; the garrison having 
evacuated the place and retreated to Weltevreeden. 
From hence they retired at the approach of the English 
to Comelis, ahout two miles distant, in the vicinity of 
which some sharp fighting occurred. The Dutdi de- 
fended their position with the most unyielding valour, 
multitudes perished, or w^ere taken prisoners ; hut 
finally the English remained masters of the field, and 
on the 18th of September a capitulation of the whole 
island was agreed upon between (general Jassens and 
Sir Samuel Auchmuty. 

Various schemes were now agite^ted respecting iihe 
future government of the country. Some advocated that 
it should be given up to the natives ; but this proposi- 
tion the governor-general wisely checked, as not being 
consistent with either sound policy or the welfare of 
those it affected to serve. Finally, the care of the newly^ 
acquired empire devolved upon Mr. Eaffles, who, under 
the title of lieutenant-governor, was appointed to regu* 
late the afiairs of a country, which in his despatches 
he enthusiastically described as ^' the oi^er India.** 
This distinction, although fully deserved by the valuable 
services he had rendered, and the abilities which be difrr 
played, unfortunately excited the jealousy of tke Bengal 
civil service, while difierences arose after ihe departure 
of Lord Minto between the new governor and General 
Gillespie, whose bravery during the redaction of the 
island procured for him the public thanks of G<H«in* 
ment. The general even went eo far as to demaad an 
investigation into certain charges that ke brosghi 
against Mr. Baffles : his desire was complied witk ; but 
the accQBatioBS laid before the commlsBioaeze appointed 



1812.1 BIB BTAJfVOBD BAFFLBB. 227 

for the purpose of inyestigating them, iMrere completelj 
lefnted, aad shortly afterwards General NightingaU 
succeeded the aoouser as oommander-is-chief of Java. 

Freed from these vexations, Mr. Raffles deroted him- 
self wholly to the improyement of the country oyet 
irhich he ruled. At the commencement of his sway great 
financial difficulties existed, but these were modified 
by the introduction of an improved system of land 
revenue, succeeded by a reform of the currency. It was 
believed at the India House, that *' the colony would 
soon liquidate its own expenses by the lieutenant-gover'- 
nor^s lenient, mild, and equitable administration." Many 
disadvantages, however, had to be grappled with and 
overcome before that beneficent rule could exhibit its 
true character, and some remained afterwards to retard 
its progress, and neutralise the blessings it conferred; 
yet in no country of the world was Anglo-Saxon govern- 
ment more thoroughly successful, or so entirely free 
from blame. Mr. Raffles introduced among the natives 
the practice of vaccination, and, in order that the system 
might not fall into desuetude through the parsimony 
or indifference of his successors, he allotted certain 
tracts, under the denomination of " the Jennerian 
lands," for its perpetual support. He advocated the 
instruction of the natives in useful arts, and did his 
utmost to discourage gaming, slavery, and the very 
general use of opium. This drug, like the spirituous 
liquors of the north, has always been the curse of 
oriental populations, wherever the lust of gain may 
have led to its introduction. It undermines the powers 
of the body and mind ; it demoralises the wretched 
being who subjects himself to its sway; and by a 
strange fascination that few can explain, and scarcely 
any resist, it rivets its chains so firmly upon the victim's 
energies and will, that scarcely any instances are on 
record in which they have been entirely shaken off. 

Lord Minto left Calcutta for England during the 
q2 



228 BBITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. psiS. 

latter part of the year 1813. Although the design of 
his administration had been to inculcate the advantages 
of peace, and demonstrate the futility of war, it can 
hardly be said to have answered the end proposed. On 
the continent of India the Findarees were gathering 
strength for another campaign, while the north-eastern 
frontier was menaced by the Burmese and the ^d 
tribes of Nepaul. The policy of Lord Minto deferred 
the evil day, but it did not prevent the possibility of 
its recurrence. On the other hand, the armaments to 
Java and the Dutch possessions, while they crushed the 
intrigues of the French in the eastern seas, and added 
materially to the reputation of the English nation, 
produced few substantial and lasting benefits, in return 
for the immense outlay that had been expended upon 
them. 



lSa.1 AFFAmS OF THE COICFANT, 229 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

ATFAIItS OP THJ5 C0M7ANT IW EWGLAND— WAE WITH WEPAXni—DrS- 
TUltBANC£8 AT HYDEBABAS — TBIMBUCKJXX PAINOLIA — HIS CAPTI- 
VITY AND ESCAPE. 

1811—1816. 

Fob five years previous to 1813, a strong feeling of oppo- 
sition to the commercial privileges of the East India Com- 
pany had been gaining ground in England. On the 22d 
of February, 1813, the Directors addressed Parliament 
in defence of their monopoly, pleading that it was neces- 
sary, as a means of supplying funds for the numerous 
political expenses in which they were called upon to en- 
gage. The determination of ministers, however, to anni- 
hilate the Company's privileges remained unshaken, and 
in the month of July, 1813, a bill passed through both 
Houses, which permitted all persons to trade with India,, 
if furnished with a licence from the Court of Directors. 
The liberty of withholding this permission was not even 
left at the option of the latter, since, upon their refusal 
to issue the requisite passport, an appeal might be made 
to the Board of Control. The Board also acquired 
increased power in matters of finance and education; 
the college at Haileybury and the seminary at Addis- 
combe, belonging to the Company, being placed under 
their supervision. All governors, commanders-in-chief, 
and the governor-general, were now rendered almost 
entirely dependent on the Crown; no servant of the 
Company could be dismissed or reinstated without the 
consent of the board, nor might the Court of Directors 
make any grant exceeding 600^., unless it had pre* 



230 BBmsn BXTTLEME2ITS XST IBDIA. [ISSS. 

yiously received the sanction of the controlling powers. 
Numerous petitions having been presented to Parliar 
ment praying that measures should be taken for the 
better support and extension of Christianity in India, 
an episcopal establishment was also authorized, a sub- 
ject which will be more fully discussed in a succeeding 
chapter. 

Lord Minto had been replaced in his government by 
the Marquis of Hastings, then Earl of Moira ; this 
nobleman had served, with some distinction, during the 
American war, and appeared, therefore, the better quali- 
fied to grapple with the numerous military questions 
which arose about this time. The first of these, that 
called for his attention, was connected with the stffairB 
of NepauL 

The region known by this name, stretches along the 
foot of the mountain range called Kuchar, which divides 
Thibet from Northern Hindoostan. Its inhabitants are 
remarkable for their bravery and want of civilization. 
Ancient remains scattered throughout the country, attest 
the prevalence of the Brahminical superstition in it 
£rom the earliest ages, while the neighbourhood of China 
accounts for the existence of Bhuddism among a certain 
class of the inhabitants. The bravest and most warlike 
tribe of Nepaul, was that of the Ghoorkas, so called 
from the province of Hindoostan, whence they migrated 
nearly a century ago. Their incursions having attracted 
the notice of the Bengal government, in 1796, a force 
was despatched against them under Captain Kinlock, 
but the progress of the troops being arrested by sick- 
ness, the expedition returned without accomplishing its 
object, and since this period the Ghoorkas adoptei a 
system of perpetual encroachment. Daring the interval 
between 17S7 and 1812, they possessed themselves of 
more than two hundred villages, situated beyond the 
frontiers of NepauL Colonel Bradshaw, who had been 
deputed by the govemor-genezal to axrange amicably 



JMHJl SUHDIZXON TO VMPMXOu 931 

the Tarious points in debate, found hk friendly advsiices 
misoonsirued and lefeeied. The orerbearing demeanour 
ef the Ghoorkas seemed to be increased hj the pacific 
poUey of the Conpanj. The British envoy was often 
perplexed to disoorer the just limits of their frontier, 
since the Nepanlese commissicmera equirocated without 
scruple, and lied without shame. 

Hostilities now appeared unavoidable. The governor- 
general prohibited all eonimerdal intercourse with the 
state of Nepaol, and at once turned his attention to the 
organization of an invading army. Four divisions were 
appointed to act upon as many different points ; Major^ 
d^ieral Marly was entrusted with the reduction of the 
capital, GatmaDdoo; Major -General Wood received 
orders to possess himself of Bootwal; Major-General 
Gillespie had been instructed, to occupy the passes of 
the Jumna and Ganges; while Major-General Ochterlony 
marched into the western provinces of the Ghoorkas* 
The hill chieftains, under the protection of the English 
government, were commanded to support these move- 
ments at the head of their irregulars, and the Company 
opened, through the medium of General Ochterlony, a 
frigidly correspondence with Runjeet Sing. 

The forces of the Ghoorkas numbered about twelve 
thousand men,, clothed^ armed, and disciplined like the 
Company's sepoys; They were brave, intellig^it, and 
active ; their ecruntry possessed many natural defences, 
and their new and unusual mode of warfare proved, at 
the outset, formidable and embarrasang to the invaders. 
The GhoorkaojQicers issued a public order that the wells 
and springs should be poisoned; to which the governor- 
general replied by intimating his intention to inflict 
the punishment of death on any person who might be 
concerned in this nefarious design. 

Of the foxix divisions mentioned above,, those under 
Generals Wood and Marly proved signally disastrous ; 
General Gillespie sucoeeded in poaaessing himself of the 



232 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [ISn* 

Ehetee pass, but he afterwards fell daring the assaul^} 
on Ealunga. The operations in Eermaon were, hon*eir^ 
more fortunate; while Major-General Ochterlony . pap- 
formed several brilliant exploits on the heights >Af 
Maloun. Seriously affected by these reverses, Umiaeer 
Sing, the Ghoorka leader in the west, agreed to retina 
across the Eali river, and a treaty of peace was once 
more proposed. 

The fickle mountaineers, however, soon repented of 
their pacific measures; the war broke out afresh, and 
was now committed wholly to the charge of General 
Ochterlony. The prolonged and obstinate resistance 
offered by the Nepaulese to the efforts of the EngliA 
troops, may be attributed to their skilful use of stock* 
ades, a species of defence with which the sepoys had 
not yet come in contact. Perceiving their advantage 
in this respect. General Ochterlony was not ashamed to 
take lessons from a semi-civilized enemy in the art of war. 
After some masterly evolutions in the forest of Saul, the 
English advanced to Muckwanpoor, where they gained 
a complete victory over the Nepaulese, who, in conse- 
quence, found themselves obliged to sue for peace. 

They had invoked the aid of the Emperor of Chin% 
their nominal sovereign, against the Company, endeavour- 
ing to alarm the fears of the Chinese for the safety of 
their own territory. The authorities at Pekin remained 
some months inactive, doubting, apparently, whether 
the audacity of the foreign barbarians would proceed 
so far as this. At length, moved by reports from 
their officers on the frontier, they condescended to de- 
spatch an army from Pekin, but these forces marched 
so slowly, that two campaigns were terminated before 
they arrived. 

The affairs of Dude now attracted the attention of 
the governor-general, who sought to extract from the 
Kabob-Vizier some assistance towards defraying the ex- 
penses of the Nepaulese war. A meeting was to have 



1416.1 TUMULTS AT HYDERABAD. 233 

taken place between them, but during the govenior- 
general's progress through the upper provinces, Saadet 
Ali Khan expired at Lucknow. His son, Befaut-ood- 
Bowlah, succeeded him on the musnud, and immediately 
offered the government of Calcutta about two millions 
sterling, as a mark of gratitude for their support. Thi» 
sum the Company accepted in the shape of a loan, for 
which it was agreed that they should pay six per cent, 
interest, to be disbursed in pensions formerly defrayed 
by the Nabob- Vizier. Subsequently, however, the latter 
remitted one half of this debt, in consideration of the 
cession of the district of Kyreghur, and some other 
tracts, by the Company. 

An expedition to Cutch obtained for the English the 
£»rt of Anjar, thus advancing the frontiers of the Anglo- 
Indian Empire nearer to the mouths of the Indus. The 
si^ccess of the British arms in Nepaul about the same 
time, put a stop to the intrigues of the Mahrattas, and 
enabled the governor-general to arbitrate with effect 
between Scindiah and the Bajah of Bhopal. Two 
events, however, which occurred at the Courts of Hy- 
derabad and Poonah, sufficiently demonstrated the im- 
possibility of placing implicit reliance upon the friendly 
disposition of native powers. The Nizam's sons, youthful 
debauchees, whose excesses their father was unable or 
unwilling to restrain, seized upon a servant of the 
English resident, and subjected him, although innocent 
of any criminality, to imprisonment and torture. At 
the demand of the resident, the Nizam sanctioned the 
arrest of his sons, but these princes collecting together 
a disorderly force of Patans and other irregulars, de- 
fended themselves against the sepoys sent for the pur- 
Cof capturing them, and only surrendered when they 
d that a further reinforcement of English troops had 
been ordered up by the resident. They were despatched 
fiurthwith, as prisoners, to Gblconda, but the tumult 
brought to light much latent hostility towards the 



334 BBIT&B 8KEXEJMBN19 IV ZRDIA* CIBM. 

English that existed in the minds of ihe people. It 
moreoTer became eyident^ that the general diseatisfjao- 
iion» although stifled for the present, threatened, at no 
Yerj distant period, to burst forth into a flame. 

The extieme portiaEt j of the Peiaievra. for a miniater 
of the most abandoned and nnscrapulona eharaeter, 
occasioned eventiially a. breach with the Court of 
Poonah. The police agent or spj of B^ee Bow in 
past times, Tnmbfiekjee Dainglia,. had succeeded in 
gaining his master's oosifidence, hj pandering to his 
depraTed tastes, and, although of humble origin, soon 
raised himself to the highest office in the state. Being 
at the same time a man of some ability and ambition, 
he amused the yanity of his master hj specious schemes 
for the re- establishment of Mahratta independence. 
Treaties were made under his auspices with Sciadiah, 
Holkar, and the Pindarees; while the Pdshwa b^an 
to evince hostile feelings towards the Niaam and the 
Ouicowar femilj, beth of whom coaiinosd Mendlj to 
the English government. 

By the intervention of the latter, it was, however, 
decided that the dispute with the Nizam should stand 
over for the present, until the Guicowar and the Pebbwa 
had arranged their differences. The^ Guicowar state 
accordingly despatched, as tbsir ambassador to Poonah, 
Oungadhur, the Shastiee, a Brahmin of high reputation 
for austerity and learning. He was treated at fimt with 
great distinction by the Peishwa and hia minister, the 
latter having even arranged a matrimonial alliance 
between his daughter and the Shastree'a son.. The 
envoy, however, &iled in his endeavours to serve his 
new friends with his. employers at home^ and this, with 
ether circumstances, irritated the Peishwa agadfiat. him^ 
and rendered Trimbuckjee avesse to the proposed a& 
finity. The unprincipled miiniater, therefore, determined 
upon the death of one, to whom he had so &r comflEutted 
himself that he could not now retract.. 



U16.] . XUBDKR OF THE BHAaTUOL 3S5 

The unsttspectisg Brabmin was requested to accom- 
pany the Peishwa and Trimbuckjee on a pilgrimage to 
Nassick, wbither, also, Mr. Elpbinstcme, the English 
resident, repaired by special invitation. From Kassick 
the Shastree went to visit Punderpoor, where stood a 
temple more than ordinarily reverenced by the Hindoos; 
here he had some conversation with Trimbuckjee^ and 
having finished his devotions, was returning alone and 
unarmed, when £ve armed men attacked him, and cut 
his body literally to pieces. 

. The news of this outrage excited everywhere sen timen ts 
of unusual horror and disgust. The Mahrattas,. although 
habituated to deeds of violence and bloodshed, regarded 
the caste and character of the deceased as investing bim 
with peculiar holiness, and they heard of his murder 
with i^elings, not only of natural abhorrence, but of 
superstitious dread. The supposed sanctity of the lo- 
cality where it happened, added, in their eyes, aggrava- 
tion to the crime, and as all attributed its commission 
to the Peishwa and Trimbuckjee, the utter ruin of both 
was confidently anticipated. The indignation of the 
people, seconded by the remonstrances of Mr. Elphin- 
stone, made the Peishwa tremble for his own safety; but 
as the chief odium of the late infamous transaction 
rested principally upon the minister, the sovereign 
found it convenient to screen himself by the sacrifice- 
of his favourite. He offered to imprison Trimbuckjee ; 
but the resident, doubting- with reason the sincerity of 
this proposition, insisted that the accQsed should be 
placed in the hands of the English. After considerable 
delays and intrigues without number, Trimbuekjee was 
finally surrendered, and subsequently imprisoned in the 
fortress of Tannah, on the island of Salsette, near 
Bombay. 

The captors being well aware of the determination of 
the Peishwa to compass by any means the liberation 
of his minister, took every precaution against the escape 



236 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INBIA« [1818- 

of their prisoner. All] sepoys, and other natiyes, were 
sedulously remoTed from the island, and their place 
supplied by European troops. The nature of Indian 
habits, however, produced a relaxation of the rule, in 
favour of the servants employed about the persons of 
the English officers. When, therefore, a common look^ 
ing man, well recommended, appeared one day to offer 
his services as horsekeeper or groom, to the commandant 
of the fort, he was admitted without scruple, and, having 
been engaged by that officer, continued to pursue his 
humble avocations for some time unwatched and un- 
suspected. 

He frequently led his horse past the window of Trim- 
buckjee's prison, and, on these occasions, was in the 
habit of singing what sounded like a Mahratta ballad.* 
The rough stanzas, unintelligible to the English guards, 
reached the ears of the prisoner, and informed him of 
the measures taken to forward his escape. At length, 
in December 1816, Trimbuckjee and the groom, taking 
advantage of an ebb tide, effected their escape from the 
fort, and found refuge among the Kassack mountains, 
where the Bheels, and other savage tribes, flocked in 
great numbers to the standard of the liberated captive. 

* Bishop Heber gi?esthe following translation, or rather perhaps para* 
phrase of tliese verses : — 

" Behind the hnsh the howmen hide, 

The horse beneath tlie tree ; 
Where shall I find a knight will ride 

The jangle paths with me P 
There are five-and-fifty coursers there, 

And fonr-and-fifty men, 
Whon the fifty-fifth shall monnt his steed, 

The Deccan thrives again." 



1816.] THE FINDAREES. 237 



CHAPTER XIX. 



THE F1KDABXK8 — TRSACHEKT OP TEE PEISHWA— BATTLE OP KIRKEl! 

CKUELTT OP THI FETSHWA— HIS PLIGHT TO SATTARA — ^APFAIKS 

OP NAGPOOB^-PKOCBEDINOS OP CHSTOO — ^MURDXB OP TOOLSA BAKE 

SKIRMISH AT KOREI GAUM— BATTLE OP MUKDAFOOKr— SUEREIfDER 

OP THE 7EI8HWA — CAPTURE OP ASSEERGURH — STATE OP BRITISH 
ISDUL AT THE DEPARTURE OP LORD HASTINGS. 

1816->1S19. 

The Government of Calcutta had felt, since 1812, 
the necessity of checking the destructive inroads of the 
Pindarees. These robbers were originally connected 
with the Mahrattas, whom at first they accompanied in 
their predatory excursions ; though unlike that warlike 
race, they did not form a distinct nation, their levies 
being composed of adventurers from every tribe inhabit- 
ing the Indian continent. The usual trysting-place of 
the Pindaree bands was the valley of the Nerbudda, 
where they assembled during the celebration of the 
Desra, a Hindoo festival, that generally occurs at the 
end of October. There they laid plans for the future 
campaign, or Lubhur, as it was termed, choosing a Lub- 
hureea, or commander, to preside over and direct the en- 
terprise. Their favourite weapon was a long spear, but 
a small number of their picked men carried matchlocks 
of primitive construction. 

The incursions of these hordes inspired the timid in- 
habitants of the villages ^ith the most lively alarm. To 
escape from their insults, whole families frequently as- 
sembled together, and shutting themselves up in their 
houses, kindled with their own hands the flames in 
which all perished. The rapid marches, the sudden 



238 BRITISH BBIKLEKBINTB IN INDIA. [UMk 

attacks of these banditti, veiled their proceedings in a 
cloud of mystery, that increased the terrors of the multi- 
tude. Before the alarm could be given, before the 
villagers were even aware of their vicinity, the plun- 
derers appeared, mounted on their hardy tattoo ponies, 
and commenced immediately the work of slaughter. 
Rapine and desolation were in all places the companions 
of their route, and they disappeared as suddenly as 
they came. 

Until a comparatively recent period, the year 1S12, 
the Findarees had not ventured to enter the Company's 
territories. They then ravaged some of the English 
possessions with impunity. Lord Minto being unwilling 
to chastise them, through fear of involving himself in a 
Mahratta war. Subsequently, they made fresh incur- 
sions, during the years 1815-16, which rendered their 
suppression or extermination a matter of positiye neces- 
sity. The attitude of the different native states seemed 
at this period hx from satis&ctory. Scindiah was still 
powerful, and secretly hostile ; the Peishwa had sur- 
rendered himself entirely to the inimical influence of 
Trimbuckjee ; while the powerful Rajah of Nagpoor, 
Ragojee ^oonslah, entertained no very cordial feelings 
towards the English government. In March, 1616, the 
latter potentate died ; his son proved unfit to role, and 
Appa Sahib, the nephew of the late rajah, assumed the 
chief authority, under the title of regent. Driven by 
domestic intrigues to* seek a foreign alliance, he finally 
consented to receive into his country a subsidiaiy forces 
commanded by English officers, a measure whi^ gave 
considerable offence to the native statesmen of Nagpoor. 
The same period witnessed the accession of ti youthful 
prince to the mtisnud of Bhopal, itho seemed well dis- 
posed towards the English. Friesidly relattons vers 
also resumed wii^ the Rajah of Jypoor, an eld ally, but 
one whose interests had not been sufficiently protected 
by the British uuthorities ut the terminatioii of die 



1816.1 THE FOnDABXII. 

Mahratta irar. Tlie negotiationB, however, tenninated 
imfaYoufablj, chiefly through the ayarioe and misoon- 
duct of the iajah*8 yakeels, and the British troops that 
had marched to secure him from the attacks of Ameer 
Sing, fftced about, and hastened to the Nerbudda, 
where measures -were being taken to suzround the Pin- 
darees on every side. 

Ghetoo and Kuirreem, tibe two leaders by whom these 
plunderers were principally directed, yiewed at first with 
some alarm the formidable preparations in progress; 
but finding that the £nglish made no attempt to cross 
the Nerbudda, they took courage, and succeeded in 
passing that river to the extreme right They then 
£:>rmed two Lubhnrs, one of which marched into the 
Nizam's dominions, while the other ravaged the Com- 
pany's toritory of Ghinjam. The booty carried off in 
these forays, including the property destroyed by the 
plunderers, was estimated at 100,000^. ; but, on various 
occasioia, several detachments from their main body 
were encountered and destroyed. 

In November, 1816, ^e govemOT-geBeral found him- 
self enabled to devote his entire attention to the exter* 
mination of the Pindarees. Before, however, any active 
measures could be set en foot for that purpose, it was 
necessary to secure the neutrality <^of the neighbouring 
states, many of which it had been suspected were in 
commnnicatioB with Chetoo. Thei<e existed undoubtedly 
at the period a plan for the revival of the Mahratta 
union, and the ze^tatement of the Peishwa in his 
former dignity. Bajee Bow, Scindiah, and Appa Sahib, 
were parties to this conspiracy, wluch owed, perhaps, its 
first organization to Mie subtle Inmin ef Trimbuc^jee. 
That individual still continued in his mountain retreat, 
where he levied tuoops, and carried on an unintennitted 
carrespondence with his old master. The latter, upon 
being informed by Mr. Elphinstone of the movements of 
his ex^minifltecyafiiacted incredulity; and although, at the 



240 BRITISH 8BTTLBMENT8 IN nn)Iiu I1»W. 

special request of the resident, he sent an army against 
the fugitive, yet, in pursuance, douhtless, with priimte 
instructions, the officer employed soon returned, affinning 
that no sedition or disturbance had taken place in the 
locality indicated as the retreat of Trimbuckjee. 

Too well versed in oriental politics to believe the 
statement of the court, Mr. Elphinstone applied to 
Calcutta for further instructions, watching sedulously 
during the interim, the demeanour of the Peishwa and 
his courtiers. His observations soon satisfied him that 
Bajee Row contemplated a war with the English at no 
very distant period. Troops were being levied in all 
quarters, treasure was every day carried forth as secretly 
as possible from the city, workmen were seen repairing 
the fortifications of the Peishwa's citadels and cities, 
while the prince himself seemed hourly meditating 
flight. Under these circumstances, Mr. Elphinstone 
ordered up portions of the subsidiary force, and finally 
drew together a body of troops sufficiently numerous to 
invest, if necessary, the Peishwa's capital. The English 
officers attacked the new levies wherever they found 
them, and in every instance proved victorious. 

Alarmed at these vigorous measures, the Peishwa re- 
solved upon entire submission to the will of his nominal 
allies, but real masters. The terms exacted from him 
were severe, but he had unquestionably provoked them 
by his obstinate duplicity and general bad faith. He «i- 
gaged to denounce Trimbuckjee, to punish his adherents, 
to cede several extensive tracts of country to the British 
and their allies the family of Guicowar, and, finally, to 
renounce the character of supreme head of the Mahratta 
states. Besides these conditions, the Peishwa bound 
himself to assist in the war against the Pindarees, in 
conjunction with the other native allies of the Company. 
The conduct of Scindiah during the latter part of th« 
year 1816, had given rise to suspicions, while two of 
his messengers charged with despatches for the court of 



mf.l ^TBS FINDABEEEk 241 

Catmandoo, were intercepted by the Englbh autliorities. 
Anumg their papers were discoTered impressions of 
8oindiah*s great seal, with some letters concealed between 
the leaves of a Sanscrit book, that had been purposely 
glued together. No direct evidence, however, being 
found to inculpate their master, the men were set at 
liberty, and the letters returned to Scindiah, while the 
resident at Catmandoo received instructions to watch 
warily the proceedings of that court. 

In the month of June, 1817, the army destined for 
the Findaree war was ready to take the field. It con- 
sisted of 34,000 men from Bengal, arranged in four 
divisions, and accompanied by two corps of observation. 

The governor-general, Lord Hastings, himself took 
the conunand of these troops, while 57,000 men under 
Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Hislop, were concen- 
trated in the provinces to the south of the Nerbudda. 
A reserve posted on the Tumboodra, commanded by 
Brigadier Pritzler, watched the progress of events, and 
two numerous bodies of irregulars followed these armies 
of the north and south. 

The Pindarees numbered about 35,000 men, led by 
Chetoo, Eurreem Khan, and Wasil Mohammed. These . 
three chiefs, however, being violently opposed to each 
other, their mutual rivalries rendered it somewhat 
difficult to establish a well-concerted plan for the cam- 
paign. At length they determined to remain inactive, 
and await the result of the Peishwa's movements. 
Sheikh Dulloo, an inferior leader, objected to this plan, 
and announced his intention of joining Trimbuckjee 
forthwith. 

In the meantime, the Peishwa, irritated beyond mea- 
sure by the provisions of the Poonah treaty, was daily 
watching for an opportunity of throwing off the mask. 
He succeeded in weakening the army of his allies, by 
demanding that a portion of their reserve should inarch 
against some of his rebellious subjects, the English 
B 



242 BRITISH SKTTLBKfflfTS IIT INDIA. QStT. 

having engaged to assist him whenever his authoritj* 
might he thus called in question. It was found impos- 
sihle to evade complianoe with his request, loid' Colonel 
Muuro received orders to advance from the Tumboodxa. 
into the southern Mahratta country ; a material inter* 
ference with the arrangements of the campaign. 

Two persons of opposite sentiments occapied at this 
period the chief places in the Peishwa's council. Both 
were Brahmins, but the one had in early life devoted 
himself almost exclusively to the profession of arms, 
while the other preferred the less dangerous pursuits of 
a civilian. Gokla, the warrior, impelled his timid master 
to aim at the re-establishment of the Mahratta empire 
on its former footing ; while Moro Duckshut, the states- 
man, inculcated the more cautious and prudent policy, 
of maintaining a close alliance with the £nglish. The 
former counted on the zealous support of Trimbuckjee, 
the Peiflhwa himself inclined towards the views of the 
latter, but wanted resolution and moral courage to 
oppose the will of his intriguing favourite. 

At length, after along struggle with his fears, the ia&tu- 
ated prince determined upon belligerent measures. He 
continued to carry on vigorously his hostile preparations, 
which he represented to Mr. Elphinstone were intended 
for the Pindaree war. The English envoy could not, 
however, remain blind to the real intentions of his 
perfidious allies. The sentries at his gate were insulted. 
Moro Duckshut dropped dark and mysterious hints to 
an English officer with whom he was on terms of inti- 
macy; while the Mahrattas daily rode through the can- 
tonments and insulted the British sepoys. Under these 
circumstances, Mr. Elphinstone deemed it advisable to 
place the troops at his disposal in a strong position near 
the village of Eirkee, where he himself joined ihem on 
the 5th November, 1817. An attempt had been made 
that very day to surprise the Residency, and capture 
its inmates ; but, finding their plot anticipated, the 



1817.1 ' BA9XLB OF KIRKXE: 343 

Mabrattas plandered the mansion, and bumi or ds^. 
fitroyed the property it contained. 

Their leader now felt that he had gODft^ too £ur to 
recede; and Gokla, who coaeidered the moTement of 
the British towards Kirkee as the result of fear,, urged 
the Peishwa to make an immediate attack. Mr. Elphin- 
atone also instmcted the English commander. Colonel 
Bnrr, to act on the offensive ; and in pursuance with 
these directions, the light troops of the Madras Brigade 
moved forwards towards a range of heights intervening 
between the Mahratta capital and Kirkee. 

It was about the hottest period of a most sultry 
day, when a party of observation sent out from the 
English camp toiled up one of the eminences command- 
ing a full view of the plains in the direction of Poonah. 
Not a breeze — not the rustling of a leaf — disturbed the 
repose of the surrounding scene, while unmistakeable 
intimations of the approach of an army, rendered more 
distinct and audible by the accompanying stillness,, 
broke upon the ear of the ascending officers. They 
reached the summit, and beheld a scene striking and 
impressive, even to those whose eyes had gazed fre- 
quently and familiarly upon the pageantry of war. 
The immense level before them was covered with horse 
and foot, while fresh detachments issued unremittingly 
from the city gates. On the distant heights, in the back- 
ground of the picture, bodies of heavy infantry and 
artillery were taking up their position; while the ad- 
vancing vanguard, like some huge inundation, swept 
over hedges and cornfields, driving from their peaeeM 
labours hundreds of the startled peasaiUiy, and rousing 
«Pven the wild animals of the jungle from their mid^day 
sleep. 

The observers cast one long and curious look upon 

the barbaric host, but the moment was too critical to 

allow of the indulgence of mere idle curiosity. The 

intdligenoe hast^ed the advance of their comrades^ 

b2 



244 BRITISH SEITLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1817. 

and the Malirattas, who had anticipated an easy tri- 
umph, now found themselves face to face with, anta- 
gonists, whose aspect and demeanour savoured little 
of timidity or irresolution. The wavering and effemi- 
nate Peishwa would willingly have postponed the action; 
but Gokla^ a man of spirit and intrepidity, had al- 
ready opened his batteries, and detached a corps against 
the English left. In ten minutes the attack became 
general. 

The haste manifested by Gokla proved fatal to his 
success. His cavalry, indeed, charged boldly up to the 
English lines, but being unsupported by their infantry, 
and awed by the resolute firmness of their reception,, 
they were soon thrown into inextricable confusion. A 
battalion, commanded by a Portuguese officer, next ad- 
vanced, but was compelled to retreat; while the sepoys, 
following it too far, found themselves in turn exposed 
to attacks from the horse behind. The Mahrattas, 
however, through their impetuous haste, involved them- 
selves in marshy ground, from the edge of which the 
sepoys poured upon them a steady and destructive fire. 
At length, being thoroughly discomfited, they aban- 
doned their position, and left the English masters of 
the field. 

The Peishwa now became painfully sensible of the 
perils of his condition. He had given mortal offence 
to those whose armies would soon hem him in, and 
render retreat impossible. He counted on the desertion 
of the sepoys, and scarcely a single man had abandoned 
his colours. He hoped to drive before him in triumph 
the small body at Kirkee, and found it strong enough 
to keep the whole of his army in check; while Qeneral 
Smith, with a much larger force, was on his march, 
towards Poonah, and might be expected almost hourly. 
As is generally the case with weak minds, his depression 
was varied by alternate fits of rage and cruelty; several 
English officers, seized unawares, and for the most part 



1817.] AFFAIBS QF NAOFOOB. 245 

ignorant of recent warlike measures, fell victims to his 
rage, which even extended to the male and female 
followers of the British camp. Several of these un- 
fortunate people, being captured by the Mahrattas, 
were barbarously mutilated and put to death ; but 
their sufferings neither added courage to the Peishwa*s 
troops, nor concealed from his own mind the conviction 
that a day of reckoning could not be much longer 
averted. 

The arrival of General Smith with the expected rein* 
forcement, proved the signal for the Peishwa's flight 
from his capital to Sattara, whither he was pursued by 
the English on the 22d of November. As, however, 
tbe subsequent history of Bajee Row, if narrated here, 
would draw us too far beyond the important contem- 
porary events which exercised so marked an influence 
upon his fortunes, we shall now proceed to notice the 
3tate of affairs at Nagpoor. 

The regent of that city, Appa Sahib, although he 
owed his elevation to the English, personally bore them 
little good-will. Eor some time he had been in com- 
munication with the Peishwa, and even accepted from 
that prince the oriental compliment of a robe of honour, 
though ^Uy aware of what had occurred at Poonah. 
The English resident, Mr. Jenkins, was invited to wit- 
ness the acceptance of this gift; but the imprudent 
and premature insult only warned the official of his 
danger, and enabled him to take measures by which it 
might be eluded. 

The Company's troops at Nagpoor scarcely amounted 
to 1,400 men, while the rajah's force comprised about 
20,000, a fifth part of them being Arab mercenaries, 
noted for courage and ferocity. The resident drew up 
his little army on some low eminences, known as the 
Seetabuldee hills, connected together by a narrow ridge, 
which separated the Kesidency from the town. On the 
26 th of November, the enemy began to assemble in 



246 BRITISH BBTT^EHENSB IN INDIA. {mt, 

large numbers, irbile the AraiK seized upon a bazaar or 
market, near the base of the smalleei Mil. After sonfiet^ 
ikej commenced a £re of muskday, Tifkick wae 8O0- 
ceeded by a sharp cannonade that lasted until two iai 
the morning. The British troops suffered severelj; sot 
only in consequence of the heavy and well-directed fire, 
but also from the assaults which vreare continually made 
upon their position. 

When the enemy retired, the English employed them:- 
selves, during the remainder of the night, in strengthen- 
ing their post. The preparations, indeed, were less 
effective than might have been desired, owing to the 
want 'of tools and the rocky nature ci the soil. Th^ 
succeeded, however, in constructing a breastwork with 
sacks of flour, behind which they awaited with some 
anxiety the renewal of the attack. In the morning 
several bodies of Arabs, who had formed under -die 
shelter of the booths and stalls, rushed on to the assaul!; 
while their cannon played upon the temporary defences. 
The bursting of a tumbril on the lower hill created 
a, panic among the sepoys. They abandoned their post 
^eoipitately, and the Arabs not only occupied the 
eminence and the ridge, but speedily gained possessiQii 
of the outhouses belonging to the fiesidenc^. The 
-agonizing cries of insulted women and tortured children 
now rose above ^e din of battle, and increased the grow- 
ing despondency of the British troops. One bold stroke, 
however, turned the impending defeat into a most bril- 
liant victory. 

The English cavalry, under Captain Fitzgerald, had 
hitherto remained quiescent during the action; but 
their commander, observing the jcritical position of 
the in&ntry, ordered his men to charge. They rushed 
forward with resistless fury, and overtlnxming a body 
of Nagpeor horse, rode direct at one of the enemy^ 
batteries, where they sabred the ^gunnerB, smd, possess- 
ing themselves of tjbeir pieces, turned them against ihe 



1817.3 IXBMAT OF IXTA BABIB. 247 

iiostile ranks. The effort proved entirely suocessful, 
stnce it not only cleared the plain, hut restored courage 
and confidence to the dispirited infantry. These troops, 
being led against the Arahs, drove them into the hazaar, 
wliere they attempted to form, hut were speedily dis- 
lodged hy a charge of caralry, who chased them frooi 
post to post, until the retreat hecame a complete rout. 
Nmnhers fell beneath the swords of the troopers, who, 
having seized two cannons, directed them against the 
j^gitives, and thus rendered their rallying impossible. 
Eighteen hours after the first assault, the enemy were 
fiying in all directions, leaving nearly the whole of their 
guns in the hands of the British. 

The victors, 'however, had lost a fifth part of their 
-xmmber, nor perhaps could they have withstood success- 
fally a renewal of the attack. But Appa Sahib, terrified 
4ltt the defeat of his troops, meditated no such daring 
measure. On the contrary, he seemed anxious for an 
aecomiBodation, and despatched humble messages to the 
Residency; hut Mr. Jenkins would only grant an armi- 
stice of two days; at the end of which period reinforoe- 
znents arrived, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel 
(skraham. Shortly afterwards fresh supplies, with Briga- 
dier-General Doveton at their head, reached Nagpoor; 
and the rajah, being now fully convinced that all 
fdrth^ resistance would prove unavailing, showed him- 
self most desirous of obtaining peace upon any con- 
ditions. 

The terms exacted from him were severe, as, indeed, 
might haye been expected. He promised to surrender 
loB artiUeiy, and disband all his mercenary troops, 
placing his future measures entirely under the control 
of the EngHsh government, and remaining in their 
Gunp as a hostage until his engagements should he 
fulfilled. When, howesrer, the time for his appearance 
^ere drew nigh, the Arab leaders seized upon his 
person, and refused to allow him egress from the city. 



248 BRITISH SBTTLBHSNTS IN INDIA. (1S17 

General Dovefcon, being informed of the reason of this 
delay, immediately ordered his troops to advance towuds 
Nagpoor» Alarmed by this hostile demonstration^ and 
trembling for his own safety, Appa Sahib escaped fixnai 
his chiefs, and galloped to the Residency; while the 
Arabs prepared to defend themselves to the last ex- 
tremity. Driven from the streets of the town, they 
took refuge in the citadel, where, after repelling several 
assaults directed against them, they offered to capita* 
late. The proposal was immediately and gladly ac- 
cepted ; the besieged were allowed to retain their arms 
and baggage, while a detachment of British troops 
escorted them to the frontiers of Nagpoor. 

The governor-general at first intended to dethrone 
Appa Sahib, and to instal a new dynasty in Nagpoor ; 
but his instructions to Mr. Jenkins only reached the 
latter after a treaty had been concluded with the rajah* 
The representations of the resident inclined Lord Hast- 
ings to sanction his arrangements, and Appa Sahib re- 
turned to his capital the vassal of the English, bearing 
indeed the outward semblance of authority, but deprived 
entirely of real power. He soon, however, grew weary 
of this dependent condition, and renewed his intrigues 
with the Peishwa and the mountain chiefs. But the 
former had ceased to be formidable, and the latter could 
only afford a precarious asylum to the rajah, when at 
length he escaped from Nagpoor, in the disguise of a 
sepoy. 

During the course of these proceedings, the troops 
engaged against the Pindarees had successfully hemmed 
in those freebooters on every side.^ Malwa, the cradle 
of their race, was now occupied by the British, while 
the robber leaders wandered through the adjacent re- 
gions, seeking in the territories of the neighbouring 
chiefs that protection, which few were now in a position 
to afford them. Eurreem Khan and Wasil Mohammed 
moved towards Gwalior, while Chetoo endeavoured to 



iai7.] BETBEAT OF GHETOO. 249 

recruit his followers among the turbulent soldiers of 
Hcdkar, and to obtain a shelter for his family from 
ooi0 of Scindiah's officers. Even in the most burdened 
natures some generous emotions modify the reckless de- 
pravity of their character. This man, a homicide and 
robber, stained with pollution and cruelty of every kind, 
seems to have been tenderly solicitous for the well-being 
and security of those whom even his seared heart had never 
ceased to love. He made urgent supplications, that an 
asylum might be provided for his household, " Because," 
so the letter runs, '* my mind will be then at ease, and 
I may face the English with confidence. Afterwards, 
hy the blessing of God, and the fortune of the Exalted, 
the tumult shaJl be spread to the environs of Calcutta, 
the whole country shall be consigned to ashes, and to 
such distress shall they be reduced, that the accounts 
will not Ml to reach you ; but at present this must be 
delayed for want of a place of refuge." 

The neutrality of Scindiah was secured at this critical 
juncture, by the advance of a corps under Major- 
General Donkin, which took possession of one of the 
two sole outlets from his dominions, while another de- 
tachment, having at its head the governor-general in 
person, blockaded the other point of egress. Finding 
his movements thus impeded, Scindiah consented to 
allow the passage of British troops through his terri- 
tories, and to cooperate with them in the pursuit of 
the Pindarees. 

His great rival, Jeswunt Bow Holkar, had been for 
some time insane, and incapable of managing public 
affairs. During this period, the chief authority re- 
mained in the hands of Toolsah Baee, the favourite wife 
of Holkar ; but her rule proving obnoxious to one of 
the principal retainers, this man, whose name was 
Pherma Kower, seized both Jeswunt and the regent, 
with the intention of putting them to death. The cap- 
tives had been already led into the jungle, which was 



S5d BRITISH WBTTLEMEBrtS IN INDIA. [1816. 

seleotecL as fhe place of tbeir ex«<niti<»n, when a MabraMA 
cbief, sent by Ameer Khan, madebis appearance, resoaeA 
the prisoners, and caused Dberma to be inunediakly 
decapitated. The latter preserved to tbe last the same 
cooragecFos demeanonr M-bich characterised him in past 
life. When the execntioner fiiade an ineffectual blow 
at his head intb one band, Dherma cried out to biia 
Bt'Cmlj, ^* Villain, use both bands ;— do you not knew 
that it is the bead of Diierma^ which you bare been 
ordered to out ofF?" 

Jeswunt Row died in ISlll, and was succeeded by 
Mulhar Row, his son by a woman of low birth. Toolsab 
Baee continued to act as regent, but i^e soon found it 
a hard task to rule the haughty and turbulent troops; 
who, shortly after tbe decease of Jeswunt, broke out into 
a mutiny, instigated, it was thought, by the Dewan, 
Balasaur Seit. Toolsab condenmed him to deatii, but 
his execution irritated the soldiery, and led them to 
concert violent measures against tbe person of the 
Tegent. On the SOth of December, 1816, tbe young 
Holkar being removed by treachery from the state tent, 
a company of armed men seized Toohah Baee, conveyed 
her forcibly to the neighbouring river Seepra, and cutting 
off her head on the bank, threw the lifciess trunk into 
tbe water. 

The real cause of this murder, however, appears to 
have been the aversion of Ameer Eban, the Patau, and 
the other Sirdars, to an alliance with the English, a 
measure which Toolsab Baee and ker advisers recently 
advocated. Before her death, the Mahratta leaders bad 
received Ohetoo* and his followers with open arms ; and 
made no secret of tbeir intention to support tbe Peisbwa, 
as the acknowledged head of the Mahratta nation, againrt 
the British. About this time. Sir John Malodbn ar- 
rived at Agur, being in pursuit of <3hetoo, but &iding 
that freebooter so well supported, he deemed it beet to 
parley with the enemy. His propositions, however, were 



1817.18.] BATIIil OV lUKBPOOB. 351 

Kjeeted, and falling bade to On^n, he joiaed tlie first 
division of the invading annj under Sir Thomafl Hislop^ 

The murder of Toolsak Baee unos Allowed hj a series 
of attach directed against the Bxitieh oul^Msts. Ob 
the 2l8t of December, Sir Thomas Hislop me^ forward 
to enecmnter the enemy, whom he found advantageously 
posted near the town of Mahidpoor, on the banks of the 
Seepra. The British troops passed the river in the faoe 
of the enemy's guns, -which kept up an incessant fire, 
until the bayonets of the English drove them from ^eir 
position, and obliged them to retire in •disorder towards 
Bampoorah. On this oooasion, the loss sustained by the 
Europeans amounted to 164 killed, and 604 wounded, 
while that of the enemy was calculated at not less tham 
3,009 men, . Thdr elephants, camels, artiUory and ba^ 
gage, were also captured; so that they found themselves 
mniCble any longer to shelter Chetoo, or even to afford 
him the slightest assistance. The !&eebooter continued 
his flight) hunted like a wild bea^ from place to place, 
until his band gradually diminished in number to about 
200 men, with whom he joined Appa Sahib in the 
autumn ^ 1818. Obliged once more to abandon his 
retreat, he endeavoured to seek refuge in the fortress of 
Asseergurhjbut the commandant refusing him an asylum, 
Ohetoo fled into the jungle, where he wandered for a 
short time, enduring the severest privations. 

One day, a horse saddled and caparisoned was seen 
quietly grazing on the borders of the forest. Some of 
the inhabitants of Asseergurh recognised the animal as 
the property of Chetoo, and immediately commenced a 
search for its master, whose mangled head and torn rebes 
l>eing afterwards found near a part of the jungle much 
fpequented by tigers, it was supposed that h^ had become 
-the prey of these savage denizens of the woods. The 
two other leaders, Wasil Mohammed and Kurreem Khan, 
'were eventually taken prisoners; and the Findarees 
heing- ccmipletelf extermisated wherever they could be 



252 BRITISH SETTLBHENTS IN INDIA. {1817. 

met with, soon disappeared altogether from the &oe of 
the land. 

In the meantime, the Peishwa haying possessed him- 
self of the person of his nominal sorereign, the Bajah 
of Sattara, was retreating before the troops commanded 
by General SmitL At Wuttoor, the hitherto invisiHe 
Trimbuckjee joined his master with a strong body of 
cavabj and infantry, while the Peishwa, whose forced 
marches had wearied out his troops, determined to remain 
for a few days in that place, and take some rest after his 
recent exertions. 

Ere long, however, the interposition of the English 
between his post and Nassick, compelled Bajee Bow 
to move towards Poonah, which was then defended by 
£lolonel Burr, at the head of three battalions of native 
infantry, and 1,700 irregulars. When intelligence of 
the Peishwa's approach reached this officer, he imme- 
diately solicited a reinforcement from the nearest English 
station. A battalion of Bombay native infantry, with 
300 horse, and two six-pounders, was accordingly des- 
patched to his assistance, under the command of Cap- 
tain Staunton. As these troops approached the village 
of Koreigaum, they came in sight of the Peishwa's army. 
The spectacle, though impressive, was far from welcome 
to the English, who found themselves unable to advance 
or retreat with security. The enemy's forces comprised 
20,000 cavalry and 8,000 infantry, a great proportion 
of the latter being hardy Arab mercenaries, whose 
obstinate valour had already been experienced by the 
British troops. The odds were terrible, but Captain 
Staunton, though surprised, did not lose for a moment 
his presence of mind. He immediately determined to 
push on for the village, and, although the enemy made 
■an effort to prevent this, the English succeeded in car- 
rying their point. 

A strong body of Arabs now threw themselves 
into the unoccupied buildings, and a furious contest 



]«18.X BATTLB OF KORXIOAnit 253 

ensued. The two six-pounders were ablj served, while 
the sepoys kept their ground noblj. For nine hours 
ihey sustained a series of furious charges, not a man 
baying tasted food or water since the morning. The 
English surgeons fought as brayelj as the other officers ; 
only three of whom remained uninjured towards the close 
of die action. The Feishwa, with his principal officers, 
overlooked the contest firom a neighbouring hill; and 
his troops, especially the Arabs, encouraged by his pre- 
sence and supervision, exhibited the most daring and 
obstinate valour. His ablest commanders, Gokla, Appa- 
Dessaye, and Trimbuckjee, led on the successive at- 
tacks, but on each occasion were invariably repulsed. 
After a sharp struggle, indeed, the Arab mercenaries 
gained possession of one of the six-pounders, stationed 
near a pagoda, within which lay several wounded 
English officers. The Arabs broke into the building, 
and commenced a savage butchery of these unfor- 
tunate men, one of whom they literally hacked to 
pieces. The others escaped only by counterfeiting 
death, and allowing the enemy to rifle them without 
resistance. 

The battalion, finding the gun taken, and the Arabs 
masters of the pagoda, hesitated awhile, until their 
adjutant, who had just been mortally wounded, seized a 
musket, and dashing into the midst of the enemy, pro- 
strated several of them, exhorting his men at the same 
time to follow him, and rescue the lost position; Cap- 
tain Staunton hastened to second his brave subordinate, 
— ^the latter, indeed, soon fell to rise no more ; but the 
spirits of the sepoys were now reanimated by his gallant 
example, and they exclaimed with loud shouts that they 
would either conquer or die. At length the pagoda was 
retaken, the Arabs were killed or driven forth, and the 
wounded captives rescued from their dangerous situation. 
By nine o'clock in the evening, the enemy retired ; but 
being destitute of provisions^ and having sustained 



3^ BfilTISH 8IBEi!LBMnfr» IN UTDVl. ClUa. 

ft severe loss of taeu diuriAg the aetioii^ Gaptaixi Stamntoa 
deemed it best to fkll back oa Seroojc 

He accomplished hk object unmolested, as the Maib- 
rattas were by no means disposed to hazard a zepetitioa 
of the preceding repulse, and intelligence had readied 
them of the i^proaeh of General Smith. That officer 
entered Eoreigaum a day after Captain Staunton quitted 
it, and the Feishwa, deeply dispirited at his secent 
fiailure, marched southwards towards the territory of 
Mysore. The pursuit, followed closely up by Generals 
Smith and Pritaler, was protracted and wearisome^ the 
Mahrattas being always enabled^ by reasoa of thdr 
freedom from baggage and other impediments, to elade 
ihe vigilance of their enemies. At last, bjoweyer. 
General Smith determined to occupy the enemy's 
strongholds, and accordingly laid si^e to Sattara, ^e 
nominal metropolis of the Mahratta race. It was 
yielded after the first summons, and ihe capture of thb 
city enabled the English authorities ta put in practice 
a measure that had been suggested by Mr. Elphinstone^ 
and sanctioned by the governor-general. A public pro- 
clamation, addressed to the inhabitants of Poonah and 
the vicinity, acquainted the Peishwa's subjects with the 
fact of his deposition, and the causes which rendered it 
necessary. His family was outlawed, and his followers 
commanded to give in their adhesion to the new gp^ecn- 
ment without further delay. 

The English authorities next proceeded to ocmeert 
measures &r the pursuit of the fugitives. Hitherto 
the Peishwa had contrived to escape from his foes 
hj the swiftness and rapidity of his aiAtioiis ; it was 
therefore necessary, that those who followed him 
should be as much as possible on an equal £>otiag; 
Another circumstanco proted of great advantage to 
the Mahratta chief : nearly all the forts and towns 
of his dominions were still gsurisoBed by his ofScevs, 
who naturally eadeavouxed to assist their maetec in 



1818.} . BATSLB OF ]nZBZUPO<». 255 

lis moTements, or to keep him a43qiuiintod witii ihe 
designs of his enemies. T9 meet both these emer* 
geacies, the two gsbDerals^ Smith and Piitaler, divided 
their troops, the foimer following np the pursnii with 
» light force, composed principally of horse, bat ooiDf 
prising also light infantry and artillery ; while the latter 
directed his attention to the subjugation of the forts 
and towns; for which purpose he selected the heavy- 
armed regim^its. of the line, and the more combrous 
field-pieces. 

Merely remarking that the exertions of General 
Pritzler were crowned with the most remarkable suc- 
cess, we shall now follow the more rapid moTementa 
ef the other commander, who, after chasing the Peishwa 
through the r^ons of Pundapoor and Sholapoor, finally 
eame up with him, on the morning of the 20th of 
February, 181S, ne^r Mundapoor. Bajee Bow fled 
precipitately at the sight of the English, leaving 3okla 
with ten thousand horse to cover his retreat. 

A deep ravine or nuUah separated the armies from eaeh 
ether, oa the edge- of which Gokla drew up his men, and 
seoned disposed to await the attack of the BritisL All 
at once, however, he changed his tactics, and passing the 
nullah, fell furiously upon the advancing squadrons. 
For a time they were thrown into confasion ; but a brisk 
charge &om the 22d left a space firee for manosuvering, 
and compelled the enemy reluctantly to give way./ 
The brave Gokla endeavoured, in vain, to rally his men,, 
and with sabre in hand, performed prodigies of valour, 
until, borne down by numbers, he breathed his last 
upon the ensanguined plain. The Mahrattas, seeing 
their leader £all, lost all hope of success^ and fled in 
every direction, leavii^ the £.^ah of Sattara and his 
family in the haaids of the victors. It will be remem- 
bered that this prince, the lineal descendant of Seevajee, 
was considered as the rightful head of. the Mahratta 
Empire, and therefore the possession of his person, and 



256 BRITISH SETTLBaCENTS IK INDIA. IlSlft. 

the sanction of his name, proved an inyaluahle adyantage 
to the English conquerors. 

The Peishwa continued his flight towards the east^ 
hut found nowhere either an asylum or an ally. Scin^ 
diah and Holkar, overawed bj English troops, wer^ 
negotiating with the goyemor-general, while Ameer 
Khan consented to break up his disorderly Patan irre* 
gulars, and to place himself entirely under the Com* 
pany's control. These results were mainly owing to 
the universal dread occasioned by the gigantic army 
which Lord Hastings organized; and which he was 
determined not to dismiss before some prospect could 
be entertained of a sure and lasting peace. The 
southern division of this force, however, termed the 
army of the Deccan, and under the command of Sir 
Thomas Hislop, was now broken up, and its chief ordered 
to march towards Madras with the greater part of the 
troops, the remainder being despatched to strengthen 
General Doveton's corps. As Sir Thomas passed along, 
he reduced several of the hill forts in his way, replacing 
their garrisons by detachments of sepoys. One of these 
droogs, near Talner, had been formally given up to the 
English by Holkar, but the killedar, or governor, firing 
upon the troops as they moved along. Sir Thomas found 
it necessary to invest the place formally. During a 
parley, some of the garrison attacked an English officer, 
'and wounded him severely; but this treachery was im- 
mediately avenged by the storming party, who, forcing 
their way in, put all they found there to the sword. Sir 
Thomas Hislop conceiving that the whole affair evinced 
some evil designs on the part of the killedar, ordered 
that he should be hanged the same evening, from a 
turret of the fort, an act of stem retribution, which 
however procured the surrender of several fortified 
places in the vicinity. 

Appa Sahib, in. the meantime, had been resuming 
his intrigues a/^inst the English. He daily made 



18180 fiVBBBNDEB OF THE FEISHWA« 257 

addifcioDs to his army, principally from among tlie Arab 
mercenaries who abounded in that part of India, and di« 
rected the killedars of his fortresses to hold out as long as 
there remained the remotest chance of success. Animated 
by him, the Gonds and other savage mountain tribes fell 
upon the English conyoys and stragglers, as they moved 
from place to place, thus materially impeding the paci* 
fioation of the country. The suspicions of Mr. Jenkins 
were awakened, and his vigilance redoubled by these 
hostile manifestations, of which he received a more 
corroborative proof, when the arrest of some of the 
rajah's couriers brought to light a correspondence, that 
he was then carrying on with the Feishwa^ through the 
medium of a chief named Gumput Row. 

Appa Sahib was forthwith arrested and confined to 
the Residency, while Mr. Jenkins sent a statement of 
his proceedings to Calcutta. The captive despatched 
pressing messages to the Peishwa, soliciting assistance, 
but Bajee Bow, being at present much straitened in his 
own affairs, could not pay much attention to those of his 
allies. A short time afterwards, he made an attempt to 
reach Nagpoor, which proved unsuccessful, since his 
path was hedged in on all sides by watchful enemies 
ever on the alert. At Soonee his whole army retreated 
in confusion before a regiment of cavalry and a brigade 
of artillery, while the number of his followers daily 
diminished. Despairing of success, he fled at last to the 
fortress of Asseergurh, where the governor who com- 
manded for Scindiah, seemed disposed to afford him 
assistance *, from this place Bajee Row opened a nego- 
tiation with Sir John Malcolm, by which it was finally 
agreed that he should renounce for ever the dignity of 
Peishwa, place his person at the disposal of the English, 
and receive from them a pension of 100,000/. annually. 

The terms granted to the fallen potentate, though 
deemed by some more liberal than he had deserved, 
received the ratification of the governor-general, Bajee 

B 



t5S BBtnaD BEnuDOHTS nr xhixia. [isis. 



EofT was oondocted, imdier the chaige of a numeioiis^ 
escort, to Bithoor, one of the aacred places of the Hia- 
doosy where he spent his time diieflj in superstitious 
ceremonies and idle dehaucherjr. A feeling of shame, 
if not some latent remains of affection, withheld the 
Peishwa from contrihuting, either directly or indirectly, 
to the capture of Trimbud^ee. That indiyiduaL ten- 
dered his submission, but the English authorities de- 
clined to rec^ye it, and the once powerful author of 
the Mahratta confederacy found himself reduced to 
the necessity of wandering about ^e country as the 
outlawed chieftain of a hand of robbers. The Arab 
mercenaries, formerly in the Peishwa's senrice, attached 
themselyes to Appa Sahib, who was engaged in collect- 
ing a heterogeneous host in the mountainous regions, 
composed principally of the relics of those armies which 
the English had recently defeated, or inrdered to be 
disbanded. Being joined by Chetoo, he maintained his 
ground for some time, but at length he was surrounded 
on every side, and obliged to take refuge within the 
walls of Asseergurh. The fate of Ghetoo has been already 
recorded, and the loss of that bold partisan seemed 
likely to terminate speedily the career of Appa Sahib. 
Upon learning that the latter had sought shelter at 
Asseergurh, General Doveton and Sir John Malcolm 
advanced to besiege this stronghold. It capitulated on 
the 9th of April, 1S19, when the commandant, who 
had hitherto declined to surrender the person of Appa 
Sahib, asserted that he was no longer in the town, 
haying left it several days before. This appeared, on 
examination, to be the truth, and for some time the 
jprecise retreat of that chieftain remained enveloped 
in mystery, until it was discovered that he had fled 
to Lahore, where Runjeet Sing afforded him an 
asylum, and granted annually a small p(^8ion for his 
maintenance. 

The fort of Asseergurh belonged nominally to Scin* 



1820.3 C0NCLI7SI0N 07 THB MAJOUkTTA WAR. 259 

diah^ the professed allj of the English goyernment; 
but his subordinates, nerertheiess, resisted our troops, 
and endeayoured to mislead their officers. The cause 
of all this inconsistencj soon came to light. Papers 
irere discovered, afkr the taking of Asseei^urh, which 
proyed that a constant correspondence had been carried 
on between Scindiah and the Peishwa, while the latter 
remained in a state of open hostility to the English 
goyemment. As no danger could now be apprehended 
froWi such a proceeding, it was judged expedient to 
take little notice of the discovery. Lord Hastings 
forwarded the principal paper to Scindiah, and annexed 
Asseergurh' to the Company's territories; two practical 
reproofs that drew from the chieftain, to whom they 
were addressed, a humble and submissiye apology for 
bis past conduct 

The conclusion of the Mahratta war gave the go- 
Temor-general an opportunity of carrying into effect 
certain measures that he had long contemplated, and 
deemed indispensable to the welfare of the country at 
large. The policy hitherto pursued of allotting con- 
quered territories to doubtful, and in many past in- 
stances, discreditable allies, now received its death* 
blow. Lord Hastings at pnce claimed for the Company 
the right of sovereignty over- the whole <^ India, which 
bad formerly been possessed by the Mogul, and thus 
abolished for ever the political fictions of his predeoeesors. 

The natives of Hindoostan received this announce^ 
ment with apathetic indifilnrence, if not with positive 
gratification ; for having been, even from the earliest times, 
the vassals of f(Mrelgn invaders, they were strangers to 
the emotions^ patriotism, and felt no desire for national 
independence. Like all orientals^ they could not appre^ 
date a striotly Qonstitutional government, or, indeed, one 
in which the voice or wishes of the subject were at M 
recognised. They required a firm, though judicious, rule, 
£:ee from the anarchy and confusion incident to their own 
82 



260 BRITISH SETTLEME27T8 IN INDIA. [I82a. 

modes of gOYernment, and capable of Holding in check 
the discordant elements by which it was surrounded. 
Thif desire had been in a great measure accomplished 
for them by the Company. Their commerce was no 
longer interrupted, and they tilled their lands without 
fearing the ravages of contending nabobs, or the in* 
curoions of Mahratta plunderers. Under the English, 
they experienced neither the military tyranny of Hyder, 
the proselytising violence of Tippoo, or the vacillating 
weakness of the Emperors of Delhi* Their European 
masters ruled indeed by right of conquest ; but they 
exercised this right with tenfold more humanity and 
justice, than their predecessors had exhibited in past 
ages. The sway of the Company was not exempt from 
errors, nor perhaps from serious faults, but upon the 
whole, it far surpasses the most laudable native admin^ 
istration that ever existed, and promises to become 
eventually as perfect as any political machinery can be 
in a world where everything is defective, and nothing 
in all respects above censure* 

The condition of British India at the departure of 
Lord Hastings, was peaceful and flourishing. At Sat- 
iara^ the source of the Mahratta race, a vassal prince 
enjoyed the dignities of royalty, carefully separated from 
every semblance of power. An English resident go- 
vemed the patrimonial territories of the house of See- 
yajee, while an official of the Company replaced the 
deposed Peishwa at Poonah* Kagpoor shared the same 
fate, and Holkar, though deprived of the bulk of his 
possessions, was still permitted to retain an inconsider- 
able portion. Scindiah proved more fortunate, but he 
had now ceased to be formidable, and the dissolution 
of the Mahratta confederacy rendered the efforts of an 
individual chieftain as limited as they were void of 
danger. 



<i8.J . CHBISTIANITT IK INDIA. 2G1. 



CHAPTER XX. 

INTBODrCTION OP CHUISTIANITT INTO INDIl— THE STRIANS OJ THE 
MA.LABAR COAST — THE AKMEXIAN8— F0RTU6UESE — SOMAN CATHOLIC 
MISSIONS— 7K0TZSTANT HI88I0NS — 8WAKTZ— INUNDATION 07 THE 
ANGLO-INDIAN E7ISC07ATE— BISHOP MIDDLETON— STATE 0¥ S£LI«. 
GION IN INDIA. 

ABOUT 68—1854. 

AccoRsiKG to the oriental ecclesiastical historians, 
Christianity was first planted in India by the Apostle 
St. Thomas, who is said to have suffered martyrdom at 
Meliapoor, a city situated near the modem Madras. 
This tradition, which Bishop Heber considered incontro- 
vertible, still prevails in the country, both among native 
Christians and Hindoos, though some later writers 
dispute its authenticity. One thing, however, is certain, 
that our divine religion was professed on the western 
coast of India at a very early period, since the name of 
a Bishop of Persia and India appears among the signa- 
tures to the canons of the first Nicene Council During 
the sixth century, Cosmas, a Nestorian Christian, styled 
IndopleusteSj or the Indian voyager, from his travels 
through those regions, found numerous Christian Churches 
in the island of Ceylon, and in places termed by him Mal^ 
and Calliane, generally supposed to have been districts 
on the Malabar coaist 

The early history of the Malabar Christians is in- 
volved in obscurity, but during the ninth century 
they acquired some important privileges from the 
heathen rulers of Travancore, and even. became suffi- 
ciently powerful afterwards to establish a sovereign of 



BBITISH BJffrfJLiEMEMTH IS IKBIA* [15<M. 

their own. When, however, the Portuguese arrived, 
they found the Syrians of Malabar living under the 
dominion of the king of Cochin, by whom they were 
treated with considerable respect, their bishop being 
allowed exclusive jurisdiction in all civil as well as 
ecclesiastical causes. At first the Portuguese behaved 
towards them as brethren, but subsequently the differ- 
ence between their • doctrines and those of the Boman 
Church, provoked hostility and persecution. In the 
Synod of Diamper a forced union was effected, chiefly 
through violence, although a large majority still adhere 
to the church of their fathers. 

The Armenian Christians who reside in the three 
capitals of British India, have for some years possessed 
churches and ecclesiastical establishments at Calcutta^ 
Madras, and Bombay. They hold communion with the 
Patriarch of Etchmiadzin, in Armenia, but their bishops 
and priests usually come from P^^ia, the nearest settle- 
ment of their church in the vicinity of India. Their 
creed is Monophysite, and their worship resembles gene^ 
rally that of the Greek communicm. Keither the Arme* 
nians nor the Syrians of Malabar appear, however, to have 
been anxious, of late years, to propagate among the 
heathen the principles of the Gospel ; it may even be 
questioned, whether the former ever attempted it daring 
their lengthened sojourn in Hindoostan; and the zeal 
of the latter, although active at the ccanmencement, 
has long given place to deplorable apathy and indi^ 
ference. 

The first missionary efforts that were pot fbrtli in 
modern times, emanated from the Church of Borne. 
Imitating the example of the ^amiards in Bootli 
America, the Portuguese endeavoured, parfly by per- 
suasion and partly by coercive measures, to make 
converts from the Hindoos and Mohammedaizis under 
their control. The celebrated Xavier larboured for 
some time on the western coast, while Jhis nepheiw and 



^00.] THB HAPUR^ MISSION* 263 

sTioc60Sor obtained considerable influence at tbe court 
of tbe Emperor Akbar. 

In tbe eastern prorinces of India, the Frencb mifision- 
2iies of Pondicberrj succeeded in making their way 
through the district of Tanjore to the ancient Hindoo 
Jdngdom of Madura. During the reign of Louis XIY^ 
their missions, then chiefly conducted by the Jesuitic 
excited considerable attention. The reports of the mis-- 
«ionaries, published in the collection termed '^Lettres 
Ediflantes et Curieuses/' were referred to triumphantly 
hj ike adherents of Bome, as evidences of their Church's 
2eal and pious activity, while they pointed disdainfully 
to the apathy and indolence of the retbrmed communions. 

Very soon, however, it was rumoured that the Jesuits 
of Madura had but little cause to glory in their successful 
proselytism. The other missionary orders complained 
that their astute colleagues used artiflces unworthy of 
Christian integrity, and adulterated the doctrines of 
the Gospel to suit the taste of their Hindoo converts. 
An envoy from Eome examined these allegations osl 
the spot, and censured severely the practices and teach*- 
ing of the missionaries. A large number of these so-called 
converts subsequently apostatized to Mohammedanism, 
under the iron rule of Tippoo Sultan ; and since that 
period Eoman Catholic missions have been sensibly on 
the decline. 

At present a, furious schism prevails between the 
Portuguese ecclesiastics and the Irish missionaries of 
the Propaganda, the latter of whom have attempted to 
supersede the former, in those stations where the Com- 
pany's political authority is recognised. Anathemas 
and angry denunciations are mutually exchanged 
by the contending parties, whose quarrels scandalize 
their adherents, and add strength to the Protestant 
cause. The Portuguese Church in India is governed by 
two archbishops, occupying respectively the sees cf 
Goa and Cranganore. Under these are the bleeps xsf 



264 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IK IKDIA. ' [VST, 

St* Thom^y (tbe ancient Meliapore^) near Madrasy and 
of Cochin, on the Malabar coast 

The settlements of the Dutch and Danes in Cejlon, 
and on the Indian Continent, witnessed the first ezevi 
^ions of Protestant missionaries. The Dutch conyerted 
to a nominal Christianity, of somewhat questionable 
character, 340,000 Cingalese ; but in Hindoostan they 
have left no traces whatever of their ecclesiastical polity; 
Like the Jesuit converts of Madura, the Dutch Chris^ 
tians mingled many, if not the whole, of their heathen 
rites with the ceremonies of evangelical worship, while 
they displayed a marked ignorance of the doctrines and 
practices enjoined by the Gospel. The external pro*' 
fession of Christianity, however, being required as an 
indispensable qualification for office, it can scarcely be 
a matter of surprise that many should embrace it, unin- 
fluenced by genuine convictions, and solely from inte* 
rested motives. 

The efforts of the Danish mission were more deserving 
of commendation. At the commencement of the eigh^" 
teenth century, Frederick IV. of Denmark despatched 
Ziegenbalg and Plutscho to the ancient Danish settle* 
ment of Tranquebar, on the Coromandel coast. The 
former pursued his zealous and self-denying labours for 
twelve years before he revisited Europe. Within that 
period he translated the Scriptures into Tamul, for the 
benefit of his converts, who, though not numerous, seem 
to have been carefully trained and diligently instructed 
in the truths of Christianity. 

While on a visit to England, Ziegenbalg was presented 
to George I., and also to Archbishop Wake, by whom 
he was warmly recommended to the Christian Knowledge 
Society. The successors of this indefatigable missionary 
showed themselves not inferior to him in zeal, and their 
pious labours gradually augmented the number of the 
converts. In 1787, they reckoned these latter at about 
17,700, inclusive of East Indians, Subsequently, the 



i7S7.] . PROTESTANT KI8SI0KS. 

exertions of the jnissionaries being crippled for want of 
funds, they agreed to transfer some of their congre-» 
gations and sdiools to the care o( the Christian £now-> 
ledge Society* 

That Society had made grants to the Indian missions 
as earlj as the year 1710 ; and an English Chaplain 
0ome time afterwards established a school at Madras^ 
which he placed under the charge of the Panish mis* 
sionazj, Schultze, who soon collected around him a re- 
spectable native congregation of about 150 souls. Up to 
this period it does not appear that the English settled 
in India used any direct means for the conversion 
of the natives, although the earlier documents of tho 
Company seem to contemplate such exertions as not 
only laudable, but absolutely imperative. The Charter 
of 1698 made provision, that a minister and schoolmaster 
should be appointed to every factory, specifying also 
that they were to learn the " Portuguese and Hindu 
languages, to enable them to instruct the Gentoos and 
others in the Christian religion." In February 1659^ 
a despatch records the earnest desire of the Company 
** for the propagation and spread of the Gospel in those 
parts." Again, in 1677, " one hundred Bibles and two 
hundred Catechisms" are sent out, for the use of the fac* 
tories, with a schoolmaster, part of whose duties is the 
instruction of '^ Portuguese and Gentoo children in the 
principles of the Protestant religion." 

In 1737, the . missionaries, Sartorius and Geisler^ 
founded the Protestant mission at Cuddalore. Fifteen 
years afterwards, the Court of Directors empower their 
representatives at Jd!adras to present the missionaries 
with '* any sum of money not exceeding five hundred 
pagodas," as "a further encouragement to them to exert 
themselves in propagating the Protestant religion.'^ 
It is directed at the same time, that the *^ use of a church 
in Cuddalore and in Madras" be accorded to the mis- 
sionaries. 



BRiniB wemxMXSTB iv ikdii. rvna. 

At that period, also, tlie goyernmmt prcBented the 
Ouddalore mission with a donation of Bome tracts «f 
land. These &ct8 si^i^cientlj piove, that up to a com- 
paratiyely recent time, the Court of Directors, and tiieir 
servants in India, were not imhued vdtk the antichristian 
dread of missions and missionaries which characterised 
some of them aft a later date. They also show that, 
during the riseof ihe English power, a period when the 
conciliation of native prejudices had become imperative^ 
no one ever imagined for an instant, that the Hindoos 
would feel alarmed at anj efforts made, even with the 
sanction of government, for the propagati<m <^ the Chris* 
tian religion. 

The labours of Gerick^ established the mission of Nega^ 
patam, while Christian Frederick 6wartz preached die 
<jospel in Trichinopoly and Tanjore. The rajahof the last' 
mentioned province confided his son to the care of the 
Christian teacher, and made many munifioent donations 
to the mission. The virtues of Swartz impressed with 
admiration and respect even the stem and sanguinaiy 
Hyder Ali, who designated him as " the only European 
whom he could trust." A flat stone near the pulp^ of 
the church at Tanjore marks the last resting-place 
of the great missionary. Upon its sur&oe is gravel an 
epitaph in English verse, composed by the royal pupil 
of the deceased, who loved him with the tenderness of 
a son while living, and was the first to honcmr hif 
memory afber his departure.* Near this hiimbk tomb 

* The inBcription k m follows :— > 

** Firm wast tfaoa, hnmUe and wise-; 
Honest, pure, free from dugoue; 
Pather of orphans, the widow's eapport;, 
Comfort in sorrow of eveiy sort ; 
To t}ie benighted, diBpenaer df light ; 
Doing and pointing to that which k rigi^ : 
Blessing to jprinoes, to peonle, to me. 
!May Ijiny Father, be wormy of thee I 
Wkheth and prayeth thy Sakabojee." 



tns.2 OFFOSiTiOBr TO uiBsioira. 267 

«7en the heathen sometimes kned in prayer, deeming 
that the relics of its occupant invest the locality with 
special sanctity, while the native Christian rarely pro* 
nomioes the venerated name of the departed without 
an epithet of reverence, called forth by grateful recolleo- 
tions of the hoHness and zeal whidii distinguished the 
saintly character of " Father Swartz." 

During the year 1813, the discussions incident upon 
the renewal of the Company's charter elicited from 
many eminent persons in England earnest representar 
tions with regard to the spiritual wants of India. It 
was felt very generally, that the political advantages so 
rabidly acquired in that country, demanded imperatively 
some expression of gratitude to the Great Giver of all 
these national blessings, and that the most obvious 
manifestation of this feeling would be honour and 
support rendered to the cause of Christianity in the 
east. The Christian Knowledge Society forwarded an 
address on this occasion to the government, through 
the medium of the Archbishop of Canterbury, in which 
they respectfully solicited the attention of the legisla* 
ture to the defective character of the Church in India, 
as well as to the increasing religious wants of that 
country. 

No sooner, however, were these and similar senti-* 
ments publicly expressed, than a storm of opposition 
encountered the benevolent efforts of the friends of 
Christianity. Foremost in the ranks of these opponents 
appeared the greater part of the men who had resided 
in India, and their opinion naturally tended to in- 
fluence large numbers at home. The causes of this 
not very creditable feeling on the part of the Indian 
ex-officials, may perhaps be traced in some measure to 
the infidel sentiments so generally diffused during the 
last century by the French sceptical writers ; to the 
indifference and ignorance generated by ike want of 
Ohzdstian ordinances in India ; as well as to the cold 



268 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IX INDIA. ilBl*. 

-and apatbefcic views respecting religion which were then 
too generally prevalent. An idea was entertained by 
fiome well-meaning but credulous people, that any 
attempts to convert the Hindoos would prove ft 'sure 
prelude to the loss of our power in the East ; and under 
the influence of this erroneous notion, many persons 
imagined that the slightest movement of a religious 
nature would deluge with blood the whole continent, 
from Bengal to Cape Oomorin. 

A few concessions, however, vrere with difficulty oIk 
tained. Parliament agreed to the appointment of an 
English bishop at Calcutta, assisted by archdeacons 
resident in the three presidencies. The first bishop 
was Dr. Thomas Middleton, the author of the celebrated 
treatise on the Greek Article, and at that period Arch- 
deacon of Huntingdon, and Vicar of St. Pancras, Lon- 
don. He sailed from Portsmouth on the 8th of June, 
1814, and arrived at Calcutta towards the latter end 
of November in the same year. Although no public 
notice was taken of his arrival, that much -dreaded 
€vent passed ofif with the utmost tranquillity; and the 
natives, being accustomed to treat the heads of their 
own religion reverentially, only wondered that the 
English should suffer their chief pastor to land with- 
out any external marks of respect* 

Bishop Middleton found himself, at the commence* 
ment of his episcopate, involved in difficulties of no 
ordinary character. The chaplains of the Company 
were the only clergy who ministered to the Europeans ; 
they were few in number, and possessed fewer churches. 
Thirty-two clergymen constituted, in 1814, the entire 
ecclesiastical staff of India, and of these many were 
absent on sick-leave and furlough. The buildings 
devoted to public worship in Calcutta, Madras, and 
Bombay, did not perhaps appear entirely unworthy of 
their sacred object; but at the remoter stations, the ritual 
of the Church was performed in a mess-room or riding* 



1814.] BISHOP HIDDLETOir. 269 

school. As might have been expected, the small num< 
ber of religioas instructors, and the paucity of the 
services, occasioned a wide diffusion of indifference 
throughout all classes of the European community. 
It oould hardly be otherwise, since many persons never 
saw a clergyman for twenty years at a time, and the 
more indispensable religious offices, — such as burials, 
marriages, and even baptisms, — were necessarily per- 
formed by laymen. 

To the Hindoos, Mohammedans, and Roman Catho- 
lics, our countrymen appeared utterly destitute of any 
religious sentiments; and the lower classes of the former 
even imagined at one time, that the only act of worship 
performed by the English was that of whistling, a prac- 
tice unknown to them, and therefore supposed to be in 
some way connected with religion. Some of the English 
even apostatized openly, and became Mohammedans or 
Brahminists; while others, who remained nominally 
Christian, degraded that holy profession by their vices 
and immoralities* 

The zeal, firmness, and ability of Bishop Middleton 
speedily gained for him respect and influence. The 
number of churches and of clergymen has been slowly 
increasing since his time, while the morals and piety of 
the Anglo-Indian community have materially improved. 
He opened communications with the ancient Armenian 
and Syrian Churches, visiting also on several occasions 
the missions in Southern India and Ceylon. But it 
became evident, that the effectual supervision of so large 
and unwieldy a diocese, including not only the Indian 
continent, but the island of Ceylon, far exceeded the 
powers of any single individual, however pious and 
energetic. 

To describe, in detail, the exertions of Bishop Middle- 
ton, would require far more space than the limits of 
this work will afford; but it should never be forgotten, 
that although his labours excited less attention than 



270 BRITISH SSITIiEaCBNTS USt INDIA. [1833;. 

those of his gifted successor, Bishop Heber, they con- 
ferred most important benefits upon the Indian Churdi. 
His task indeed was not, personally speaking, a pleasant 
one. The fruits of his toils and anxieties scarcely mani- 
fested themselyes daring his life-time; and of him, indeed, 
it might emphatically be said that '^ other men entered 
into his labours." A mind of less firmness would hare 
shrunk back disheartened from the aspect of the evils 
with which the first Anglican Bishop of Calcutta found 
himself obliged to grapple. One covetous of mere success 
must have giy^ way to despair, when so many of hia 
exertions proved ineffective. Bishop Middleton did 
neither ; he followed up the path of duty calmly, soberly, 
and hopefully, neither too much depressed by failure, 
nor unduly ^ated by good fortune. 

The episcopates of Bishop Heber and Bishop Wilson 
have witnessed the enlargement of the Anglican Church 
in India, as well as an unprecedented increase of 
missionary exertion. By the Act of 1833 two new 
bishoprics were formed at Madras and Bombay, and 
subsequently a bishop was appointed for the Island of 
Ceylon. The number of chaplains now amounts to 
122, and that of the ordained missionaries may be 
stated at 131, exclusive of lay-assistants^ schoolmasters, 
and natiye agents. The Hindoo Christians, whose 
spiritual necessities have been hitherto supplied by 
the Church Missionary and Gospel Propagation So- 
cieties, are reported to exceed 60,000 souls* The 
amount of benefit conferred upon the Hindoos by the 
labours <^ these religious teadiers can only perhaps be 
fully estimated in another g^Eieration ; but eTen at 
present, the difference between the native Christians 
and the native heathen is most remarkable. While 
the latter are immoral, ignorant, and lineivilissed, the 
former are decent in their manners, cleanly in their 
dwellings, and far advanced beyond their, countrymen 
in useful knowledge and intelligence- It can hardly. 



)854a BE8ULTS OV XISSI05& $71 

indeed, be otherwise, when we consider that Brah- 
minism professes to communicate instruction in science 
as well as in theology, and that it teaches in both 
branches of study the most puerile absurdities. The 
Brahminical disciple must not only believe in deities 
with three heads and twelve arms, but he must admit 
that Mount Meru is 20,000 miles high, and that the 
world stands on the back of a tortoise. 

On the other hand, the Christian Hindoo learns from 
ins instructors in the mission -school those sound ele- 
mentary principles of science which are inculcated in 
the seminaries of Europe; at the same time that he 
derives from the pages of inspiration a theological and 
moral code, as far exalted in literary sublimity as in 
ethical truth above the childish fables and superficial 
cradities of the Puranas and Y edas. 



272 mania SKraLEUKKTs nr htdia. itair. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

THE CHOLEUA.— WAR DECLARED AGAINST BIRUAH— -ARRITAL OF SIR 
ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL AT RANGOON — ^ATTACK UPON KEMAITDINE-^ 
ILL TREATMENT OP EUROPEAN PRISONERS — ^DEFEAT OF THE BAN« 
DOOLAH« 

1817—1824. 

When Lord Amherst, tlie successor of Lord Hastings, 
reached India, he found the cholera raging with con*' 
siderahle violence throughout the country. This fearful 
epidemic commenced its ravages at the beginning of the 
Mahratta war, and then attracted,[for the first time, the 
particular and special attention of European medical 
men. It seems, however, to have prevailed on the 
Indian Continent from a very early period, being men- 
tioned in ancient writings under the names of Sitanga 
or Vishuchi. From 1761 to 1787, occasional outbreaJks 
took place in various parts of Hindoostan, but they 
called forth little notice, and were in general lightly 
regarded. 

During the mo^th of August, 1817, a fresh mani- 
festation of the disease occurred in Jessore, sixty miles 
north-^ast of Calcutta. That district abounds in 
marshes, and is irrigated profusely by small streams 
and canals, which, when stagnant, influence prejudi- 
cially the surrounding atmosphere. Fevers and other 
disorders, produced or promoted by unwholesome air, 
are considered to be extremely pi*evalent in this part 
of Bengal, especially during heavy rains or partial 
inundations of the Ganges. 

The physical characteristics of these regions are low 



1817.] THE CHOLERA. 273 

and flat plains, covered towards the south with im- 
mense and trackless jungles, the common refuge of the 
most savage animals, as well as of the most venomous 
insects. Tigers, serpents of every description, scorpions, 
lizards, and mosquitoes, swarm heneath the low dark- 
looking thickets, which strike the traveller as the very 
impersonation of disease and funereal gloom. As we 
ascend in a northerly direction, the jungles are replaced 
by rice plantations, villages, and cultivated spots; but 
even here, the abundant fertility of the soil originates 
in the humidity of the land, and the burning heat of 
the solar rays, — two instruments of plenty, which may 
frequently become the agents of pestilence and disease. 

From Jessore the epidemic advanced up the river to 
Calcutta, where, after desolating the Black Town, or 
native suburb, it diffused itself through the principal 
cities of Bengal, sparing, however, at that time, the ^e- 
vated regions of Oude and Rohilcund. A detachment 
from the lower provinces introduced it into the army 
under Lord Hastings, then encamped on the banks 
of the Sind. The site was by no means salubrious^ 
and did not afford a supply of good water. Hun- 
dreds succumbed to the attacks of the invisible foe, 
whose footsteps seemed shrouded in mystery, and there- 
fore occasioned a more widely-extended panic. Euro- 
peans and natives alike fell beneath the scythe of the 
destroyer. The roads were covered with human beings 
in the last stages of dissolution, while a melancholy 
silence pervaded the camp, interrupted only by the 
groan of expiring agony, or the passionate laments of 
despairing survivors. In ten days nearly 9,000 human 
beings had perished. The removal, however, of the 
army to a more healthy station at Erieh, on the Betwa, 
produced a marked change for the better, and arrested 
almost entirely the progress of the disease. 

The scourge still continued its course through the 
Indian Continent, and did not finally leave unmolested 
T 



27i BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN IKDIA. C18SS. 

the elevated regions it had at first spared. ' Before Lord 
Amherst's arrival, the soathem proviBoes were desolated 
bj famine, and these severe visitations contributed, pei^ 
ha^s, in some measure to the universal tranqurllity that 
prevailed everywhere. A state of profound peace con- 
tinued, indeed, uninterrupted until the breaking out of 
the Burmese war, the origin and progiees of which we 
must now proceed to describe. 

The Burman empire occupies the greater portion of 
the large peninsula, forming, together with Hindoostan, 
the eastern and western boundaries of the Bay of Bengal. 
To the north of this region is situated the kingdom of 
Thibet; the Gulf of Siam and the narrow peninsula of 
Malaga forming the southern limits. Burnuth is one 
of the most fertile countries in Asia, being intersected 
by numerous streams and water-coursee, many of which 
fall into the Irrawaddi, the largest river in the empire. 
It takes its rise in the Chinese province of Yunan, and 
nms almost directly south. During the rainy season 
the. Irrawaddi is navigable for large vessels as fur as 
Ava, about i50 miles above Bangoon. 

The population of the Burmese empire has generally 
been considered as not exceeding 8,000,000, but in 
a country where statistics are unknown, the reports of 
officials or the guesses of travellers can scarcely be 
deemed worthy of implicit credit The goyemment is 
despotic, and the law is strictly the will of the sove- 
reign. Two supreme councils, however, are permitted 
to assist their monarch in the regulation of public a£fairB. 
Each of these comprises four members, entitled respec- 
tively, " Atwen Woon," or " inside " noinisters of state, 
and " Woon Gyee^'' or " state scribes." Measures ap- 
proved of by the Atwen Woon are again discussed in the 
council of the Woon Gyee, and accepted or rejected ac- 
cording as the majority of the votes given decides. But 
these deliberative bodies, although in theory a check 
upon the royal authority, are powerless in a country 



JAM.3 . BEUGION OF TSS BURMESE. 27$ 

where the pimoe is the ijrtesponsible master ef his sub- 
jects' lives and liberties. The slightest opposition t6 
the monarch's will would expose the wisest and most 
honoured councillor to disgrace and suffering; nor can 
'we feel surprise jf, under such circumstances, the great 
national councils have become the mere instruments 
of the sovereignSs wishes, or the simple registrars of his 
•decrees. 

The goTemors of the Burman provinces have been 
appropnatelj termed bj the people " eaters or con* 
sumers." They are allowed no salary, their revenues 
being derived from the taxes, of which each subordinate 
agent takes his share;. The poor people are thus obliged 
to satisfy a succession of harpies, who hand over what 
remains to the governor, between whom and the royal 
i;reafiury it is finally divided. 

The religion of the Burmans is Buddhism, a system 
which seems universally prevalent in the south-eastern 
r^ions of Asia. The chief doctrines it presents to its 
notaries are founded on the principle that instability, 
pain, and change, are the great characteristics of all exi- 
istence. According to the Buddhist creed, therefore, 
every man is doomed to pass through a succession of 
transmigrations, each one varying in its character ac- 
cording to his previous conduct in a former stage of 
being. The moral precepts by which he must regulate 
his conduct are the instructions of the last Budda. They 
enjoin the duties of worship, prayer, reverence to priests, 
abstinence from murder, theft, adultery, falsehood, and 
intoxicating liquors, combined with certain ceremonial 
observances of an elaborate nature. The disciple who 
performs these aright, may finally expect absorption 
into the " golden world of Nigban," or annihilation, the 
supreme feliciiy of the Buddhist sage. 

The Burman empire, as at present constituted, does 
not boast of very high antiquity, having only been 
founded during the course of the last century^ by an 
t2 



276 BBtTISH SETTLEMENTS UT INPU. {18Sl 

ttdventurer named Alomprah. This warrior, placisg 
himself at the head of the inhabitants of Ava, his native 
city, revolted against his and their liege lord^ the king 
of Pegu. That sovereign was eyentusdlj defeated, and 
his nobility massacred bj Alomprah, who afterwards 
subdued Siam, and thus laid the foundations of th« 
present empire of Burmah. His successors inherited his 
abilities, and pursued his policy, until most of the adja« 
cent states submitted to their rule^ and the tide of con- 
quest led them eventually to the boundaries of the Com- 
pany's possessions. 

An inroad made into the province of Ghittagong first 
brought- the Burmese under the notice of the Indian 
Government. An embassage from Lord Teignmouth to 
the court of Ava followed, in the year 1795, which appa* 
rently placed the mutual interests of both countries on a 
friendly footing. During the years 1797 and 1798, how- 
ever, great numbers of the Mughs, an inferior race, tri- 
butaries to the Burmese, migrated to Ghittagong from the 
adjoining province of Arracan. The English authorities 
endeavoured to prevent their entrance, and enforce their 
return ; but the fugitives declared, that they would 
rather perish in the jungles, by famine or wild beasts, 
than subject themselves again to the tyranny and op« 
pression of the Burmese. The humanity of the Com- 
pany's officers being excited by the su£ferings of these 
unhappy people, they supplied them liberally with food, 
and stationed them in various settlements near the 
borders. 

At length an emigration of the Mughs, more nu- 
merous than ordinary, provoked, beyond endurance, the 
indignation and jealousy of the Burman government. A 
large body of troops advanced towards -iChittagongy 
demanding the instant surrender of their rebellious 
slaves. " If you," wrote the Burmese commander to the 
authorities of Ghittagong, '' regarding former amity, 
will deliver up to us all the refugees, friendship and 



1823.1 . SUIORATION OF THE HUGHS. 277 

<x)ncord will continue to subsist. If you will keep in your 
country the slaves of our king, the broad path of inter* 
course between the two states will be blocked up. Our 
disagreement is only about these refugees : we wrote to 
you to deliver them, and you have been offended thereat. 
We again write to you who are in the province of Chit- 
tagong on the part of the king of the Company, that 
we will take away the whole of the Arracanese ; and 
further, in order to take them away, more troops are 
coming. If you will keep the Arracanese in your coun« 
try, the cord of friendship will be broken." 

The Burmese having already passed the frontier, the 
English magistrates, in reply, commanded them to with- 
draw from the Company's territories, threatening that, 
in the event of their non-compliance, they should be 
forcibly dislodged by a detachment of sepoys. The in- 
vaders, however, succeeded in holding their ground, 
while fresh bodies of Hughs continued to emigrate from 
Arracan. In 1800, the court of Ava made a formal 
demand that the English government should expel 
all fugitives from its dominions, concluding with the 
menace, that war would prove the result of a refusal. 
These threats, however, were not carried out ; and for 
about eleven years the Burmese remained tranquil, though, 
during the latter portion of that period, the court of 
Ava undoubtedly entertained warlike designs, and am- 
bitious projects of aggrandizement, at the expense of the 
British. 

In the meantime the Mughs, who had been located on 
the frontier, made frequent incursions into the territory 
of Arracan. The English government attempted to 
stop these proceedings, but positively refused to sur- 
render their perpetrators to the justice or vengeance of 
the Burmese government. Skirmishes, remonstrances, 
and explanations, followed in rapid succession. The 
Burmese, elated by some advantages they had recently 
gained over the Hughs, not only claimed the right of 



2T8 BBcms sntuaeBSTS in tsmA, pua. 

eroflsing ih6 frontier in pnnmit of the latter, l)«i cb- 
laanded that the English idionld supply their troops with 
arms, anunnnition, and proTisbns. Fresh demands elidted 
l^ati denials,. and called forth pompons threats, which 
were never carried into execution. As time went on, the 
Mnghs proved themselves not altc^ther worthy of the 
protection that had heen extended towards tiiem. From 
pUmdering the Burm^e, thej proceeded to attack En- 
glish subjects^ In ^te of all this, the government 
refrained from giving them up, though the authorities 
took several strenuous measures to prevent tibeir fora^Ts 
into the Barman territories. 

An attempt made by the Burmese, towards the close <^ 
1823, to gain possession of the island of ^apnree, led 
to the commencement of actual hostilities. This place, 
a small sand-bank near the coast of Arracan, had been 
hitherto reckoned a portion of Bengal, and was, at that 
period, garrisoned by a few sepoys. The Burmese landed 
in the night, attacked the British troops, drove them 
£rom their posts, and finally established iiiemselves on 
the island. The remonstrances of the Engli^ govern-' 
ment were considered as the effects of fear ; and not long 
afterwards, about 5,000 Burmese made an inroad from 
Arracan into the province of Cachar. Various skir- 
mishes now took place, in some of which the Burmese had 
the advantage, a circumstance that increased ^eiz arro- 
gance materially, and rendered them averse to a pacific 
termination of the dispute. Still the Court of Ava 
(Qkrried on n^otiations, mainly, however, with a view to 
gain time. 

Lord Amherst, perceiving that war had hecome in- 
evitable, resolved to send an expedition into the «Bemy's 
country. Rangoon, a seaport situated near the moadis 
of the Irrawaddi, and the principal seat of the com- 
mercial transactions carried on with foreign powers,, 
appeared the most suitable locality for commencing hos- 
tUe operations.. Accordingly, two divisions of tro<^pi^ 



1824.] . HXPEDITIOir TO RANGOOIf. 278^ 

about 13,000 strong, sailed from Madras and Oalcutta, 
under the oommand of Biigadier^^neral Sir Archibald 
CampbelL 

They arrived at Bangoon ott the llth of May, 1824. 
The appearance of the town presented few signs of 
prosperity or importance. It' was oval in shape, and 
defended by three batteries^ being surrounded ako on 
all sides with a stockade composed of tei^ planks driven 
into the ground, and about twenty feet high. The 
houses were sim^dy hurts, constructed of matting and 
bamboo, resting upon pdes,' which elevated them several 
feet above the ground, in order that the inhabitants 
might be preserved from the frequent inundations. A 
few dwellings of. brick, built more substantially, be* 
longed to the foreign residents; while two wooden 
edifices) in a most dilapidated state, were used as the 
palace of the governor, and the hall of justice. 

As the English ships approached the town, the bat^ 
teries opened upon them a feeble and ineffectual fire, 
which was soon silenced by the leading frigate. The 
enemy then withdrew ixom their works, and a proclama- 
tion being issued that the town should be abandoned, 
they retreated into the adjacent forests, bearing with 
them all their provisions and portable articles of pro- 
perty. When the British troops entered within the 
walls, they did not find a single native, all having, to the 
number of 50,000, deserted their dwellings. They had, 
in fact, leflb to the invaders only a group of mat huts,, 
situated in the midst of marshes, which the prevalence 
of the monsoon was each day rendering doubly pes- 
tilential. 

When the expedition to Bangoon had been originally 
planned, it* was expected that the English commander 
would be able to secure a large number of boats from 
apiong the numerous small craft constantly found about, 
the mouth of the Irrawaddi. At the period of his 
arrival, however, Sir Archibald Campbell could only 



280 BSTEXSH SBTTLSUBITTS XS XSDUl. iim. 

procure two or three of these vessels, and utterly failed in 
his endeavours to discover a hoatman who would under- 
take to manage them. There remained, therefore, no 
alternative but that the English should, for the present, 
take up their quarters at BAngoon. 

Not far from the city is situated a Buddhist temple, 
known as the Golden Dagon Pagoda. It stands on an 
eminence, encircled by two brick terraces, from the 
highest of which rises a pear-shaped dome, '' covered with 
gilding, and dazzling the eyes by the reflection of the 
rays of the sun. The ascent to the upper terrace is by a 
flight of stone steps, protected from the weather by an 
ornamented roo£ The sides are defended by a balus- 
trade, representing a huge crocodile, the jaws of which 
are supported by two colossal figures of a male and 
female palloo,' or evil genius, who, with dubs in their 
hands, are emblematically supposed to be guarding the 
entrance of the temple. 

<< After ascending the steps, which are very dark, yon 
suddenly pass through a small gate, and emerge into 
the upper terrace, where the great pagoda, at about fifty 
yards' distance, rears its lofty head in perfect splendour. 
The height of the Tee, 836 feet from the terrace, and the 
elegance with which this enormous mass is built, com- 
bine to render it one of the grandest and most curious 
sights a stranger can notice. From the base it assumes 
the form of a ball, or dome, and then gracefully tapers 
to a point of considerable height, the summit of which is 
surmounted by a Tee, or umbrella of open iron-work, 
from whence are suspended a number of small bells, 
which are set in motion by the slightest breeze, and 
produce a confused, though not unpleasant, sound.** * 

Such was the building which Sir Archibald Campbell 
selected as a desirable military post, affording him at 
once the means of commanding Rangoon, and of keeping 

• Two Years in Ava. 



1824J ATTACK ON KElfAXDINE, 281 

up a communication with the sea. A tolerable road led 
from the pagoda to the town, on each side of which had 
been erected seyeral monasteries and temples, that now 
served as barracks for the troops. A single regiment of 
native infantry remained in charge of Rangoon itself, 
for the purpose of protecting the supplies that were 
expected from Calcutta and Madras. Having made 
these necessary arrangements, the English oflScers found 
leisure to contemplate and enjoy the novel scenery 
which surrounded them. For a short time the weather 
continued favourable, and the gay sunshine lit up daily 
a panorama of exquisite beauty. Fertile and well^ 
watered plains extended towards the north-east, bounded 
by distant mountains ; while to the south was situated a 
dense forest, the pinnacles and spires of a pagoda rising 
here and there from the dark foliage. The city of Ran* 
goon, its temples and fortifications, completed the pic* 
ture, whichy however, soon ceased to charm, when the 
dreary monsoon season covered the sky with clouds, 
and deluged the surrounding country with unremitted 
torrents of rain. 

In the meantime, the Burmese did not remain idle; 
They erected stockades throughout the neighbouring 
forests, gradually forming a circle around the British 
position, while their long war-boats covered the Irrawaddi, 
and seemed daily menacing an attack. Yet for about 
three weeks no hostile demonstration was made, nor did 
the enemy emerge, in a single instance, from the thick 
forests which concealed their active and energetic pre- 
parations for war. 

On the 15th of May, 1824, some English boats were 
fired upon from a village called Eemandine, about three 
miles above Rangoon. A grenadier company of the 
38th regiment attacked this post on the succeeding day; 
and obliged the defenders, liicer some hard fighting, to 
take refuge in the jungle. A young Burmese woman of 
high rank mingled with the combatants on this occa* 



282 BBITIflSC SETZIiBllCBSrES m IBDIA. V^B^ 

aon, and, Being mortally wounded, waa abandoned hj 
her oountrymen. The Engiisb soldiess miaoYed her 
immedtatelj from the soene of action to a place wkese 
bar woiindft eotdd be tended ;. but she exp^eed a ^lort 
time afttf the retreat of the Burmese. 

While these skirmishes were taking plaoe in the south, 
the attention of the Court of Aya had been directed 
to the Chititagong frontier, whieh thej expected would 
have proved the principal pMAt of attack. They accord- 
ingly assembled a large army there under Mingee, the 
Great Bandoolah, one of the; king's diief £iToacite9^ and 
a general of no ordinary merit He defeated a body of 
sepoys and Mughs, during the month of May, and 
might possibly have possessed himflelf oi Chittagong 
itself, had he not remained too l<mg. in the vicinity <^ 
Eamoo. The arrival of an English fbitse, however, com- 
manded by Brigadier-General Macmorine, soon changed 
the aspect of aSfairs, and compelled the Baadoolah to 
retire ; but he succeeded in e&cting hi» retceat, with- 
out disorder or positive loss. 

When the Burmese authorities received intelligmoe 
of the landing of the EngUsh at Rangoon, they hast- 
ened to collect as large a force as possible, the command 
of which was entrusted to Sykiah Woon Gyee, the vice- 
roy of Begu. Under this general the natives advanced 
their stockades to an open space, within cannon-shot of 
the British ; but they soon had reason to repent their 
temerity, for their breastwork was almost immediately 
captured, and Sir Archibald Campbell at once de- 
termined on attacking the enemy with, a strong body of 
English and sepoys. 

On the 28th of May, a British colHmn pushed for- 
ward, driving before them a detadimoit c^ Burmese, 
who were endeavouring to repair the breaches made in 
their works. The rain poured down in tcMrrents, and the 
impediments ofGsred by the saturated soil obliged the 
English to leave behind, under the charge of the sepoys. 



HM*] XHB BUBXBBB mnro7& 283 

a cofuple of six-ponnders, wbMa they tlieraselres plunged 
into tilie ra^esMs of the forest, to follow up the retreating 
enemy. Detached parties of the Burmese lurked among 
the trees, firi&g» from time to time, upon the ranguard; 
but at l^gth tide troops entered the ptain of Joazeang, 
afkr having carried a woodsi bridge erected ov«r a 
swamp. Pressing forward, thej came in sight of two 
stockades, behind which appeared large bodies of th» 
Burmese, who seemed dispo8ed^ to maintain their position 
with obstinacy. 

The rain had rendered the muskets of the British per- 
liectly useless^ so that, at firsts th^ were obliged to refrain 
from returning the enemy's &ce. The contest was 
ffventuaUy decided by the bayonet, but not before a san- 
guinary struggle had taken place. The loss on the side of 
the Burmese proved immense, since they neither gave 
nor received quarter. Unhappily, tooj the En^ish 
soldiers fsund it impossible to deal mercifully with a 
barbarous £>&. The men they spared as disabled, rallied 
their remaining strength for the purpose of dealing a 
last and treacherous blow at those, who had passed them 
by uninjured ; and the frequent recurrence of this das^ 
tardly conduct, induced the soldiers not to give quarter 
to their vanquished enemies^ The main body of the 
Burmese remained inactive during the assault upon the 
stockades; but, finding these defences taken, they ad* 
vanced with savage yells to rescue Hiiem. from the 
EngUdii. Their efforts proved unavailing, and termi- 
nated in a thorough defeat ; while the British, now tri- 
umphant on all sides, marched slowly back to their 
quarters in the pagoda. 

SocHtt after this action two envoys arrived, apparently 
with the intention of examining the position and re-^ 
sources of the English. They requested that all hostile 
movements might cease for a short time ; but as they 
refused to sanction any formal intercourse between their 
court and the, invaders, this proposition vfsa civilly 



284 BRITISH BSTTLSMBNTS ZH INDIA, [I82f. 

refused. They were also infonned that the position at 
Kemandine would shortly be attacked by the British 
troops. 

That night the Burmese used every exertion to fortify 
the menaced village. The following morning a strong 
detachment of infantry^ with some boats and artillery, 
prepared to invest Kemandine by land and water. 
Stockades had been erected wherever the approaches 
were undefended by natural obstacles ; but the enemy, 
afler a show of resistance, abandoned their works during 
the succeeding night, and retreated, carrying off with 
them their dead and wounded. For some time they 
remained quiet ; all the stockades near Bangoon being 
now evacuated. The island of Ohituba at this period 
surrendered to a corps of British troops under Brigadier 
M^Creagh. 

Sykiah Woon Gyee, the Burmese commander-in« 
chief, had been commissioned by the King of Ava to 
drive the British into the sea ; and his inability to ac- 
complish this diflScult achievement, occasioned his own 
dismissal and disgrace. He was succeeded by Shumbah 
Woon Gjee, a general of high rank, who, however, 
proved eventually more unfortunate than his predecessor. 
The new commander attempted to raise stockades on a 
point formed by the confluence of the rivers Lyne and 
Panlang. He designed to harass the English by a 
system of desultory warfare, respecting the final success 
of which he entertained the utmost confidence, intelli- 
gence being daily brought him, that the white strangers 
were sinking rapidly under the fatigues of a protracted 
campaign in a land of marshes and jungles. 

These reports proved in some respects to be unfor- 
tunately but too true. The constant rains, the want of 
proper provisions, and the series of vexatious attacks 
endured from time to time by the British, had materially 
diminished the numbers, and depressed the spirits of 
the troops. Fortunately, however, the 89 th regiment 



1824.} SUBJUGATION OF TENA8SEIUH« 285 

arrived from Madras ; and tliis reinforcement, together 
with the return of some of the troops from Chituha, 
enahled Sir Archibald Campbell to make an immediate 
attack upon the Burmese position at the junction of the 
two rivers. Besides these works, Shumbah Woon Gyee 
had erected stockades in the forest of Eummeroot, from 
whence his men might sallj forth by night, and attack 
the defenders of the Dagon Pagoda. 

Sir Archibald Campbell arranged his forces in two 
divisions 3 one of which^ commanded by himself, was 
destined to proceed up the river in boats, while the 
other marched by land to assail the defences in the 
forest. I Both proved eminently successful ; the Burmese 
were driven at the point of the bayonet from their 
redoubts, while their general, Shumbah Woon Gyee, 
only escaped disgrace and a death of torture, by falliog 
sword in hand upon the field of battle. All the ammu- 
nition and camp furniture of the conquered enemy fell 
into the hands of the English, whose losses were com- 
paratively inconsiderable. 

The sufferings of the British army from sickness and 
want of provisions continued unabated, but they were 
endured with a patience that reflected much credit on 
the character of the men. General Campbell employed 
a portion of his troops during this interval in the re- 
duction of the maritime province of Tenasserim, which 
they effected with little difficulty, as the people gladly 
submitted themselves to the "British rule. 

The Court of Ava had been watching these events 
with mingled sensations of indignation and surprise. 
When the intelligence first arrived, that the English were 
in possession of Bangoon,no doubt existed in the minds of 
the authorities as to their ultimate fate. Even the court 
ladies looked forward to the acquisition of a few white 
slaves ; while the king expressed his fears lest theforeigners, 
hearing of the approach of his dreaded army, should retire 
to their vessels in alarm, and sail away before they could 



286 BBTTiBH eBOaUSUESm IN IMBU. tltH. 

be seeored by his troops. A few Englishmen, with the 
American missionary Judson, his heroic wife, and Dr. 
Price, another of his countrymen, were then residing at 
Ava. At first they escaped molestation ; hot the re- 
vengeful nature of the Burmese being aroused by their 
ill-success, the unfortunate foreigners soonMt the effects 
of a barbarous despot's resenianent. Impiisoned in a 
filthy dungeon^ and bound with cords, drawn so tight 
as to penetrate their very flesh, the unhappy men en- 
dured agonies of the most excruciating character, and 
expected each moment the order for their execution. 

During this season of sorrow, Mrs. Judson left no 
means untried to obtain the liberation of her husbaud 
and his fellow-captives. Being well acquainted with the 
Burmese language, she addressed several written ap- 
peals to the government, and through her unwearied 
personal solicitations, procured some alleviation of the 
sufferings endured by the prisoners. ''This amiaUe 
and humane female," says one, who was himself indebted 
to her benevolence, " though living at a distance of two 
miles from our prison, without any means of cony^ance, 
and very feeble in health, forgot her own comfort and 
infirmity, and almost every day visited us, sought out, 
and administered to, our wants, and contributed in every 
way to alleviate our misery. 

" While we were all left by the government destitute 
of food, she with unwearied perseverance obtained for us 
a constant supply. 

" When the unfeeling avarice of our keepers confined 
us inside, or made our feet fast in the stodLS, she, like a 
ministering angel, never ceased her applications to the 
government, until she was authorized to communicate 
to us the grateful news of our enlargement, or of a 
respite from our galling oppressions." 

The Court was determined to reoal the great Ban- 
doolah from his equivocal position in Arracan. That 
ehieftain gladly quitted a station where he had gained 



I8M.3 ATTACK ON THE PAGODA. 287 

isome advantages, but might daily anticipate a painfal 
reverse. Before he reached Ava, inhere he was subse- 
quently invested by the king with unwonted honours, 
and exercised Almost regal authority, the monarch 
despatched his two brothers at the head of a body of 
IBurmese troops, styled the " Invulnerables,** who had 
undertaken to rescue the Golden Dagon from the hands 
of the English. They were accompanied by a party of 
astrologers, by whose science the favourable moment for 
the attack was to be determined. 

After many insigni£cant skirmishes, the astrologers 
of the Prince of Sarrawaddi announced that the hour 
had arrived for the total overthrow of the white strangers. 
It was the 30th of August, the anniversary of a great 
Burmese festival, which the "Invulnerables" engaged 
should be celebrated within the walls of the Golden 
Dagon, now garrisoned by British troops. At the hour 
of midnight they prepared to redeem their pledge. 
Drugged with opium, and frantic with excitement, the 
wild warriors rushed furiously on the English outposts, 
who, retiring before them, gradually gained the ramparts 
of the pagoda. Proud of their fancied advantage, a 
column of Invulnerables prepared to ascend the narrow 
pathway leading to the temple. A thick mass of human 
beings crowded the limited 'space, uttering ferocious 
yells and imprecations. And now the cannonade opens, 
pouring forth a death-shower upon the dense throng, 
whose cries of triumph were succeeded by shrieks of 
alarm and despair. The 'Invulnerables" halted, wavered, 
and then, flying in disorder, sought refuge in the thickest 
recesses of the neighbouring forest.. 

The Court of Ava began to feel somewhat alarmed 
with regard to the final issue of the war. A lion, one 
of the king's ftiTOurites, was starved to death, under the 
sage impression that this animal being emblazoned on 
the British standard, his destruction would affect the 
ftrmy of which be constituted the symbol. In addition 



288 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN im>U* [1824. 

to this superstitious inhumanity, fresh rigours were in- 
flicted upon the unfortunate prisoners. 

At length the great Bandoolah commenced his march 
towards Bangoon. He fixed his camp at Denoobew, 
where he concentrated his forces, and added daily to, 
their numbers. On the 4th of October, a brigade of 
sepoys, with some native infantry, and field-pieces, as- 
sailed several of the enemy's breastworks which they 
obliged their occupants to evacuate. The prisoners in- 
formed the English commander, Colonel Smith, that a 
fortified pagoda at Eykloo, had recently been garrisoned 
by the Ohud Woon and the Rayhoon of Bangoon. He 
accordingly hastened thither, and made an attempt to 
storm the place ; but the sepoys, not being accompanied 
by European troops, showed themselves irresolute, and. 
remained stationary, under a heavy fire from the 
garrison. 

Finding that his attempt had miscarried. Colonel 
Smith ordered a retreat, about a hundred men being 
numbered among the killed and wounded. This slight 
advantage elated the Burmese beyond measure, and the 
intelligence of what they termed their yictory being 
transmitted to Ummerapoora, the authorities ordered 
that a salute of cannon should celebrate the successes 
of the golden monarch's arms. Their rejoicings proved 
somewhat premature ; for a force under Major Evans 
arriving afterwards, drove the enemy from their works, 
and fully retrieved the disgrace of the sepoys. 

The recent occupation of Tenasserim proved of the 
greatest importance, the air being uncommonly salu* 
brious, and the climate peculiarly suited to Europeans. 
Hence it became the sanatorium of the army, while the 
districts of Mergui and Tavoi furnished the British 
with ample supplies of cattle and grain. The seizure 
however, of a territory that had been wrested by the 
Burmans from the Siamese, rendered the latter people 
somewhat inimically disposed ; the more especially, as 



1824.1 ADVAKCB OF THB BANDOOLAfl. 289 

the emissaries^ despatched to Bankok l)j the Court; of 
Ava, used every possible mode of persuasion to draw their 
former opponents into a close alliance against; England. 
The capture of Martaban, however, a place of some 
note^ situated on the Burmese frontier, opened the eyes 
of the Siamese to the power of the English, and in- 
duced them to preserve the strictest neutrality. 

Towards the end of November, 1824, the Maha 
Bandoolah, having abandoned his position at Denoobew, 
marched at the head of about 60,000 men, towards the 
Golden Dagon. His advance had been made with the 
greatest possible rapidity and secresy, the leading columns 
of his vanguard being the first heralds of his approach. 
Fortunately, the English were already in some mea- 
sure prepared for this sudden attack, General Campbell 
having, during the last few weeks, anticipated a hostile 
movement on the part of the Burmese. The first post 
assailed was that at Kemandine, where the ships and 
gunboats in the river supported the operations of the 
land forces. The thunder of the artillery, the yells of 
the enemy, and the cheers of the British seamen^ 
reached the ears of the main body at the pagoda, from 
whom a dense cloud of smoke concealed for a long time 
the scene of action. At length, the mist of battle dis- 
solving, the English beheld their vessels in their old 
position, with their ensigns still floating proudly from 
the mast-head. 

In a short time, the Burmans were seen moving 
across the plain of Dalla, in the direction of Rangoon. 
They advanced to all appearance with regularity and 
order^ the gilt umbrellas of their leaders glittering in 
the sunshine, and the whole army presenting a splendid 
military spectacle, as their columns pressed forward to 
take up- their position immediately -opposite Rangoon. 
Almost simultaneously, another large body emerged 
from the forest, and formed their front to the east of 
the great pagoda^ The subsequent proceedings are 



290 BiuTisH BBTruaoEjm is vsmL, [us^; 

thus grapHieally described by Ookoiel Smodcgnss, tbe 
9.ble historian of the Barmese war : — 

''The centre, or the continuation of the line from 
the great pagoda up to Eemandine, vhere it agaia 
rested on the river, was posted in so thick s forest as to 
defy all conjecture as to its strength or situation. In 
the course of a few hours we thus found ourselves tomr 
pletely surrounded, with ikt narrow, channel of the 
Bangoon river alone unoccupied in our rear, and with 
only the limited space within our lines, whi<^ we could 
stiU call our own. The line of circumvallatioii taken 
up by the enemy obviously exta[id6d a very consider- 
able distance, and, divided as it ^vas by the river, in^ 
judiciously weakened his means of assailing us on any 
particular point ; but as far as celerity, order and re- 
gularity are concerned, the style in whidb the di£Ser»it 
corps took up their stations in the line, reflected mudi 
credit on the arrangement of the Burmese commander. 
"When this singular and presumptuous formation 
was completed, the soldiers of the left coluimia, abo 
laying aside their spears and muskets, comm^aoed opera- 
tions with their intrenching tools, with sudi activity 
and good-will, that in the course of a couple of hours^ 
their line had wholly disappeared, and could oaly be 
traced by a parapet of new earth, gradually increasing 
in height, and assuming such forms as the s^ill and 
science of the engineers suggested. The moving masses 
which had so very lately attracted our dnxious attention, 
had sunk into the ground ; and to any one who had 
not witnessed the whde scene, the existence of these 
subterranean legions would not have been •credited x 
the occasional movement of a chief with his gilt chat* 
tate (umbrella) £?om place to place, superintondis^ the 
progress of their labour, was the only thing that now 
attracted notice. By a distant obatrv^^ the hills 
covered with mounds of earth, wo^ld have h^ea taken 
for anything rather than the approaches of an aittackiiig 



1824<] TBB fiUBMBSB TBEKOHES* 2^91 

army ; but to us who had watched the whole strange 
proceeding it seemed the work of magic or enchantment. 

^ The Bnrman trenches were found on examination 
to consist merely of a succession of holes, each capahle 
x>f containing two men, and excavated so as to afford 
shelter both from the weather and the fire of an enemy ; 
even a shell lighting in the trench could at most kill 
but two men. As it is not the Burmese system to re- 
lieve their troops in making these approaches, each hole 
contained a sufficient supply of rice, water, and even 
fuel for its inmates ; and under the excavated bank, a 
bed of straw or brushwood was prepared, in which one 
man could sleep while his comrade watched. When 
t)ne line of trench is completed, its occupiers, taking 
advantage of the night, push forward to where th^ 
second line is to be opened, their places being imme- 
diately taken up hj fresh troops from the rear, and so 
on progressively, the number of trenches occupied 
varying, according to the force of the besiegers, to the 
plans of the general, or to the nature of the ground." 

The commander^n-chief, wishing to ascertain pre- 
cisely the movements of the enemy, ordered Major Sale 
with the 13th Light Infantry to attack their trenchea 
The Burmese being taken by surprise, fought at a dis- 
advantage, but although they eventually sustained a 
severe loss, they defended their position with courage 
and skill. The victors destroyed all the implements of 
fortification «that they could find, and pursued the Bur- 
mese to the entrance of the forest; but the officers held 
back their men from penetrating into its dangerous 



In the meantime, the Burmese war-boats on the river 
made desperate efforts to break through the British 
flotilla, lying before Kemandine, with the intention of 
i>ociip3dng, &ially, the port of Rangoon. Their attacks 
havdzig been repelled in every instance, they at last 
attempted to force a passage by means of fire-raftSi 
u 2 



i 



293 BBITIBH SBTTUBMBNT8 IN INDDL X\Zi\, 

These desiractive macliines measured about 100 feet 
in length, being composed of strong bamboos. Rows 
of earthen jars, containing petroleum or earth-oil with 
<;otton, gunpowder, and odier inflammable materials, 
had been placed in different parts, and the combustibles 
being ignited, the rafts were sent down the river, when 
the ebb tide began to flow ; the Burmese expecting they 
would inflict serious injury on the English yessels, or 
at least driye them from their anchorage. The sailors, 
however, succeeded in averting the anticipated peril, by 
conducting the flaming masses past the ships, which 
thus were enabled to maintain their position in perfect 
security. 

On the 5 th of December, the enemy's left wing 
emerged from their defences, and presented themselves 
on the open plain, thus affording the English a favour- 
able opportunity for attacking them. The advantage 
was not neglected ; two columns immediately pressed 
forward, under Major Sale and Major Walker ; while a 
squadron of gun-boats, commanded by Captain Chads, 
ascended the river, and menaced the rear divisions of 
the Burmese. After a sharp conflict, the British troops 
proved victorious, the enemy sustaining a greater loss 
in this action than they had ever experienced before. 

A final attack by the Burmese on the 7th, proved still 
more disastrous for them, and the Bandoolah, who had 
formerly promised to bring the governor-general in 
chains to Ava, now found himself obliged to concentrate 
at Kokien, four miles distant from the Shoo Dagon, the 
miserable, remains of his shattered forces. The diminu- 
tion in their numbers was said to be immense ; but as 
some reinforcements arrived soon after, the Bnrman 
commander resolved to endeavour by one last effort to 
retrieve his tarnished honour. 

Becent events, however, suggested caution rather than 
impetuosity, and the Bandoolah seemed disposed to trust 
more to the force of his stockades, than to the valour of 



^824.] BETBEAT OF THE BANBOOLAH. 293 

his troops. He also employed some secret emissaries to 
set fire to Eangoon in various places ; but this attempt 
failed signallj, the flames being speedily extinguished 
bj the exertions of the British troops. The English 
army then marched on Kokien, where they forced the 
intrenchments, and obliged the Burmese to retreat after 
haying sustained a severe loss. 



^94 BBTEIBH BVTELBXMSW IV ISBVU [Ua^ 



CHAPTER XXIL 

PAHIC AT CALCUTTA— UUTINT OS BASRACKPOOS-JCARCH TO FBOKE 
—DEATH OP THE BAMDOOLAH—HEGOTIATIONS— ADVANCE 01 THE 
ENGLISH AND CAPTUKE OP MELLOON— THE KING OP HELL— PEACE 
WITH THE BUKMESE. 

1824r-1826. 

The defeat of the Bandoolah at Kokien, rendered an 
advance into the interior comparatively easy. The grand 
army of Burmah, under its best general, had sustained a 
succession of defeats calculated to depress the spirits of 
the men, and to rebuke the vaunting arrogance of their 
commanders. Little opposition could now be anticipated, 
and it seemed that a march to Amerapoora, the present 
residence of the court, would infallibly occasion a speedy 
termination of the war. Unfortunately, however, the 
means of transport were not yet ready, and Sir Archibald 
Campbell, therefore, was compelled to postpone the execu- 
tion of his design until a more advanced period. 

While the British troops were thus victorious in Bur- 
mah, most serious apprehensions prevailed among the 
native merchants at Calcutta, with regard to the final 
issue of the war. The slight and unimportant success 
of the Bandoolah on the Chittagong frontier, produced 
an impression that the Burmese were invincible, and un- 
happily, this persuasion descending to the sepoys, ren- 
dered them averse to take any part in the campaign. 
A serious mutiny occurred, in consequence, at Barrack- 
poor, when the 4:7th Native Infantry, being under orders 
for foreign service, absolutely refused to parade, and were 



)«23.I ^GAFTDBB 01> SABAWiLH. ^05 

joined afterwards bj companies fn»A other regiments. 
The spirit of rebellion had indeed 8^«ad so &*, that 
the authorities deemed severe measures absolutely neces- 
sary. The mutineers haying repeatedly refused to return 
to their duty, were ired upon with artillery, untU they 
aufiered themsdres to be disarms^. The 47th was then 
erased from the Amy list, and those of the ringleaders 
who had surriyed, foffered capital punishment. 

Plentiful suppUes of boats, boatmen, and beasts of 
harden arriyed at Kangoon from Madras and Bengal, 
towards the close of 1824, and at the commencement of 
1825. Finding, therefiure, that no obstacle now existed 
to impede his farther progress, Sii Archibald Campbell 
determined to advance in the direction of Prome. On 
the 15th. of February, 1825, three columns began their 
inarch, under the command of Sir Archibald himself, of 
Brigadier-Gkn^ral Cotton, and of Major Sale. The 
latter had been instmeted to reduce Bassein ; while the 
two form^ proceeded to Prome. The commander-in- 
chief pursued the land rout^ and General Cotton, that 
by water; but. both divisions were to effect a junction at 
I>enoobew, or, in case the land column might not be able 
to reach this place, at Sarawah. 

The land column proceeded with considerable alacrity 
through a wdl wooded but desert country, until it 
arrived at Sarawah, a town about 30 miles beyond Denoo- 
bew. Bunng the march, repeated rumours of the retreat 
of the Bandoolah, induced Sir Archibald to refrain from 
Grossing over to the last-mentioned town, the more 
especially as neither ford nor bridge existed nearer than 
Sarawah. This city, situated cm the right bank of the 
Irrawaddi, had been hitherto the chief staticm for the 
Burmese war-boats^ as well as a place of considerable 
trada The inhabitants deserted it at the approach of 
thfr British, nor could all the efforts of Sir Archibald 
Oampbell induce them to return. 

The town of Sarawah contained many oli^ects worthy 



296 BSin^H SETTLEMBKTS IH IITDLA. itSSSi 

of notice. Several ancient Eioums-, or monastesies, par- 
ticularly attracted the attention of the British offioers, 
who were also much struck by the magnificent aspect of ihe 
river, which here measures more than 800 yards in width. 
^fter a halt of four days, however, all began to leel 
anxious as to the fate of General Cotton's division, since 
no intelligencehad reached them respecting its movements. 
On the evening of the fifth day, a distant firing was heard, 
from the direction of Denoobew; but Sir Archibald, fiur 
from entertaining any apprehension on this score, con-* 
eluded that the cessation of the cannonade indicated the 
surrender or downfal of the place. Finding every town 
and village deserted in the vicinity of Sarawaii, the 
commande]>in-chief became eager to reach Pxotne as 
speedily as possible, and his troops were abont to com- 
mence their march when information arrived that the 
attack on Denoobew had proved unsuccessful. 

Two courses now presented themselves for the adoption 
of the British general. He might either press forward to 
the capital, thus attracting the attention of the Bandoolah, 
and compelling him to advance to Prome, or march his 
column at once on Denoobew, and drive out the Burmese 
garrison from their strong position there. Sir Archibald 
determined to adopt the latter expedient, and having 
crossed the Irrawaddi by means of rafts, reached the 
place of his destination on the 25th of March. Nume- 
rous war-boats crowded the river above the fortifications, 
and opened a sharp fire upon the British troops, but the 
latter maintained their ground, and advanced within 
cannon shot of the defences. These consisted of solid 
teak-wood stockades, masking the old brick walls of 
the fortress, the form of which was oblong, measuring 
about a thousand yards in length, by five hundred in 
breadth. A moat filled with spikes and large nails 
defended the three inland sides, while the river protected 
the front) the besieged being thus enabled to bring the 
fire of their gun-boats to bear upon the invaders. 



1829.] . DEATH OF THB BANDOOLAH. 297 

The apparent strengih of ihe place deterred tHe com- 
mander-m-chief from attempting to storm it, while the 
small nnmher of his troops would not permit the for- 
mation of a regular siege. He encamped, therefore, with 
one flank defended hj the river, while on the exposed 
side, a line of patrols were instructed to watch diligently 
every demonstration of the enemy. 

Having taken these precautions, the wearied soldiers 
retired to rest ; but suddenly the sound of fire-arms, and 
the hasty arrival of the piquet, broke off their slumbers, 
and called every man to his post., As they formed hur- 
riedly,, the yells of the Burmese revealed the cause of 
the alarm. An attempt was being made to turn the 
right flank, but the steady fire of the English defeated 
this project, and obliged the assailants, after two or three 
attacks, to retreat with considerable loss. At the close 
of the engagement. Sir Archibald Campbell resolved to 
effect, if possible, a junction with General Cotton's water 
column ; and despatched for that purpose a detachment of 
100 Europeans, and some cavalry, who, having forced 
their way through a thick jungle, re-established the inter- 
rupted conununication between the corps. On the 27 th 
the English flotilla appeared, a steam vessel leading the 
way, while seventeen of the Burmese war-boats pushed 
off to encounter the enemy. The batteries of the fort 
seconded their efforts, but in vain ; the steamer bore down 
irresistibly upon the small craft opposed to her, and 
thirteen of the war-boats remained the prizes of the 
conqueror. A sortie by the besieged was triumphantly 
repelled, while the English, being thus enabled to land 
the ammunition and mortars which the flotilla had 
conveyed^ subsequently commenced a bombardment of 
the town. This mode of attack proved eventually suc- 
cessful; the Bandoolah himself was killed by the ex- 
ploding of a shell, and the Burmese, dispirited at the loss 
of their leader, evacuated the works, and retreated in the: 
dead of night to a place at some distance. Upon. the: 



298 BBZEUS BKXfiEXXHTB DT JSTDIA. D<S. 

rec^pt of th^se tidings, Sir Arciiibald Campbell ga^e 
ordeia for the immediate ooeapatioii of the >iork% aad 
prepared to recommienoe, as speedily as poaafcUe, h» 
march towards Prome. 

When tidings reached the Burmese Oovrt i&at the Ban*- 
dookh having Mlen,tiie English armynas advancmg into 
the interior, terror and anxiety sncaeeded the arrogance 
and temorlty of ionnae daya The gidden-footed vk- 
narch heard the intelligenoe with silent amazonent; 
while the Queen smote upon her breast, exdaiming, 
^Ama, ama!" (alas! alas !) The common people, -wSo^ 
had hitherto borne the chi^ burden of the war, mar- 
mured against the goTemment, and threatened an in- 
suxrectioa in t&e eyent of fresh leTiesr being raisedr 
Eyerywh^re the greatest deqKmdency prevailed, as to 
the probable fate of the capital : Bandoolah, the best 
general of the empire, had fidled, and who could now 
hope fi>r success. The Englidi tnx^s, £>rmerly con- 
sidered luxurious and efifeminat^ were now Hk^ied to 
the Balu, a peculiar species of demons^ who,, according 
to the Burmese supostition, feed upon human flesh. 
The discipline of the foreignersy their able managoneat 
of artillery and rocket^ together with the abnost super- 
natural rapidity of their movementa^ excited alternately 
the admiration and dread of .^ Burmese. Their Hvely 
imaginations' invested the invading host with powers 
more than human. Some reported that they were invul- 
neraUe; others declared that the arms and legs diopped 
off in action had been ahnost instantly replaced by the 
English surgeons; whose wisdom and slull equalled, 
it was said, the courage and hardihood of the wanriors. 
All expected the arrival of the fierce strangers at Ava, 
in a few hours, and anticipated the entire ruin ef their 
eapital and empire. Yet even during this period of 
universal panic, the national pride, so (^uuracterbtic of 
a semi-dvilized people, withheld the Burman aathc^ties 
from making, any attempts to av^ the threateaed blow 



JBSq ABBITAL AS TBOiOL 299 

hy means of n^tiatkmsL They, indeed, seemed to coo- 
ftider all padfic overtares as artifices osefol only in gKOOf 
ing^ tim^ or as affording a pretext for discovering the 
intentions of an enemy. 

The Psakan-woon, who had been disgraced at the 
commemeement of hostilities, was once more taken into 
fevonr, being considered the sole person; capable of 
saying the empire. He was a man of considerable 
talenty ihongh generally inimical to foreigners^ and fuU 
of the confident arrogance that had hitherto distin^ 
gnished the Burmese. He told the king that in a 
ihort time the foreigners should be defeated, and all 
the captured towns restored to his majesty's governors, 
an assurance which, for the present, restored the confi- 
^nce of the Court, and rendered them desirous oi trying 
once more the fortune of war. 

In the meantime. Sir Archibald Campbell had reached 
Prome, which the enemy evacuated at his approacl^ 
ailer making an attempt to set fire to the place. Here 
the English fixed their winter quarters during the wet 
season ; small parties being sent out from time to time 
for the purpose ei collecting provisions and examining 
into the nature of the surrounding country. The officers 
commanding these detachments found the inland r^ons 
for the most part covered with thidc jungles, and exhibit- 
ing scarcely any signs of cultivation. Scattered hither 
and thither, appeared a few collections of miserable huts, 
the inhabitants of which regarded the white strangers 
with wonder and timid surprise. They seemed perfectly 
ignorant of recent events, and had not apparently been 
Tisited by the Burmese troops. The route of the latter 
towards the north-east lay principally along the bank 
of the Irrawaddi, where heaps of ashes, ruined villages, 
juid groups of hungry, masterless dogs, bore a paii^ul 
testimony to the desdating effects of war&ra 

The kindness manifested by the British army towards 
the inhal»tants, induced numbers to return and establish 






iw at Pnme» Wagiiig vHk them all kinds of 
pnvfisioiis and HMrdiaBdise. The phdns between that 
citT and Bangom, abo, <iiioe nKsre assumed a flourishing 
ai^euanee^ hein^coToed vilh dioTes of oxen and sheep, 
mho fad in afecj vpoa dieir lidi pastures under the 
mild mle of the Eoiopean inTaders. The majority, 
indeed, of the Bannese seemed to feel their pres^ice 
as an agreeable diange fiom the lapacitj and tyranny 
of the natiTegoTenunent^ irfiile not a few wishes were 
hieathed that the Tictois would not speedily abandon 
a soil, whidiy after haTing been hooiodly subdued by 
ihdr TaloQT, was magnanimously protected by their 
clemency and justice. 

During the sojourn of the Knglish at Prome the 
Pakan-woon used eray exertion to raise a fresh body 
of troops. He persuaded the king to offer the payment 
in adrance of a hundred ticals to each recruit ; and this 
unwonted liberality soon furnished the Burmese ranks 
wiUi many yolunteers, who^ not having seen the glitter 
of the British bayonets, were scarcely aware of the danger 
to which they exposed themselves. The sum total of 
these forces amounted, by the end of September, to 
nearly 70,000 men, their head-quarters being fixed at 
Meadiy, a town situated on the banks of the Irra- 
waddi, sixty miles beyond Prome. Of these, 15,000 
were Shans, from the borders of China, whose natural 
daring had been materially augmented by the presence 
of three young women, supposed to be possessed of 
miraculous powers, who promised to render the balls 
of the English perfectly harmless by the exercise of their 
magic art 

The forces at Prome under the command of General 
Campbell did not exceed in number 3,000 men, but he 
expected daily a reinforcement of 2,000 more. As his 
instructions from the Indian government specially incul- ' 
cated the necessity of endeavouring to secure peace, 
whenever there seemed the slightest probability that it 



1825.] ITBGOTIATIONS. 301 

could be obtained; Sir Archibald despatched a letter 
to the chiefs assembled at Meadaj. This overture, ema- 
nating from a victorious enemy, occasioned no small 
surprise to the Court of Ava. Some thought that the 
king of England discountenanced the war, while others 
imagined that India had risen against the English ; but 
the opinion most commonly prevalent was, that the king 
of Cochin China had sent fifty ships of war to assist the 
Burmese, thereby occasioning in the minds of the white 
strangers the most anxious fear and alarm as to the 
future practicability of their return to Tndia. It was 
deemed advisable, however, that some notice should be 
taken of General Campbell's missive, but a little expe- 
rience soon showed that, like all Burmese negotiations, 
the chief object was to gain time. Sir Archibald and his 
staff met the Burmese commissioners at a village about 
twenty miles from Prome; but while professedly desirous 
of peace, these envoys refused every proposition that 
seemed likely to terminate the war. They obtained 
finally an armistice of twenty days, and diligently em- 
ployed that period in making preparations for an attack 
upon the British position. Towards the close of the 
truce the English general received the following laconic 
communication : — "If you desire peace, you may go away; 
but if you ask either money or territory, no friendship 
can exist between us. This is Burman custom." 

Such an ultimatum left only one course to be pur- 
sued ; and Sir Archibald commenced at once his arrange- 
ments for the renewal of hostilities. The enemy, on 
the other hand, rendered confident by their numbers, 
and by the various superstitious arts practised for the 
purpose of inflaming their valour, advanced in three 
columns from Meaday, vowing that they would speedily 
annihilate the presumptuous foreigners. One division 
'followed the course of the Irrawaddi, while the other 
two threatened the front and rear of the English. 

On the 15 th of November, tidings reached the com- 




-i^ckief that Ae Buimese kad aj^tfoached 
Mies of Pwac, and were erectang 
at a plaoe eaUed Wattjgoon. He instaatlj 
SBHI «Jr aeoqv of sepoj^ mder OolDDeL McDowall, 
ta didjdgc tkoa ; baft tkat offiow, being slain at ibe 
MiiMfnrf mt of tbe afttack, bis men grew timid, and 
inallT mnated» tboa^ in «sodknt order. 

TIIb sfi^ft miocei] ao mo«^ cmoomaged Hhe Baimese 
thai tbtff leMilvvd to aftte^ Frame itodf wiUiont debt j. 
Haba !Neme«v, tbeir best and most experienced generaL, 
vas in command of ibe oentie diTision, oocapying tbat 
aide of die mer on vbn^ tbe citj stands, wbile the 
S«dda-voon picpaiod to coopemte with bim from tbe 
of^Mfiite bank. Tbe oommanderinTcbief, bowever, ix>ok 
little nodoe of tbese mowcmokta^ bnt soffeied the enemj 
to «rect and oocnpj tb»r stockades unmolested xmiii 
tbe 1st of Beeonber, 183a He tben sallied forth to 
attack tbon botb bj land and irater, the gun-boats 
ponxii^ in tbdr fire npon tbe enemy's flank, while the 
troops mmiled ibem Tigoronslj in fimit 

Tbe Sbans^ idm bad nefer before encountered the 
Knglisb, bdiaTed, on tbb occasion, with desperate though 
nnavailing valoiir. Tbe three soroereeBes rode up and 
down among tbdr ranks, exbortxDg and encouraging the 
men ; bnt ^ futility of tbdr vain pretensions to supers 
natural skUl now became^ evident, even to tb^r own 
votaries. One of these Afiaions, bdng pierced by a 
bnUet, was borne to a neighbouring cottage by the 
Engliah soldieis, where she expired shortly afterwards ; 
while another fell from ber borse into a small river, 
which she was Grossing wiUi a host of frigitives. The 
ablest of the Burmese chi^ died on the fi^d of battle ; 
while the mass of the army, having lost their g^ieral in 
the action, retreated, on all sideB^ towards the bi^bts of 
Ki^ttdea 

The new posidon bad been carefully fortified, by 
means of stoduides and other defenoes, behind idbich 



18254 ^I^n COOUERlL AMOISO T9B SBOOFS. ddS 

ilie Sjee-woi»-g7ee rallied his Bcattered and dispirited 
troopfli His defences proved of little nae, far the British, 
supported by the fire of the gon-'boats, ran wp to their 
stocikades with fixed bajonets, and, scaling the works, 
obliged their defenders to take refiige in a precipitous 
flight. More than forty pieces of artillery fell, on this 
occasion, into the hands of the yiotors, who had now 
completely broken the main [strength of the Burmese 
army. 

The division of Sudda-woon still continued entire^ 
but it was soon destined to fAisae the fate of the other 
two columns. Several English detachments passed the 
Irrawaddi, and, in conjunction with the flotilla, attacked 
the stockades, driving the defenders from their posts, 
and forcing them, after a frightful slaughter, to shelter 
themselves in the neighbouring jungles. 

Sir Archibald Campbell now determined to {proceed to 
Melloon, on the road to Amera^K>Qra. Before he ad« 
vanced, however, some arrangements, with regard to the 
government of the subjugated provinces, occupied his 
attention. Stations were established at Eangoon, Pegu, 
Baflsein, Prome, and Sarawah, firom which, as from poli- 
tical centres, the English of&s&r stationed at each large 
town might direct the aflaiars of the adjaining province^ 

Yet, while setting on foot these necessary regulations, 
great care was taken to point out their temporary cha- 
racter and limited duration. The English disclaimed all 
pennauent authority over the people they had been thus 
called upon .to govern, the functions of the native magis- 
trates remained the same, ihe native customs and laws 
^xxatdnued unchanged. In this manner the commander^ 
in-chief obtaiaed the goodwill of the mass of the popu- 
iatiosy without <;ommitting himself or his government 
to any direct and definitive settlement of the conquered 
territories. 

The appearanoe t»f the cholera among the troops, and 
&B bad state of the roads, xendered the movem^ts ^ 



S04 BUXIBH SKmnONTS IK ZVDIA. a«l8. 

the annj somewbai turdj. When they armod at Me- 
adaj, the Toined stockades and heaps of pntrefying 
corpses recalled the memoij of past struggles, and sad* 
dened, bj their mournful aspect, the pride of vietofy. 
Two or three gibbets, erected near the fortifioationsy 
still bore the loathsome remains of deserters, or other 
delinquents, who had here undergone the last penalty of 
martial law. 

As the army approached Melloon, the Burmese en- 
deavoured, in accordance with their usual policy, to 
n^potiate, for the purpose of gftining time. Having now, 
however, become accustomed to these shifts, Sir Archi- 
bald Campbell continued his march, and soon found 
himself opposite the fortifications of Melloon. The guns 
of the flotilla being pointed against the town, and the 
aspect of the troops proving plainly that the English 
were in earnest, the Burmese resolved to make another 
attempt at negotiation. It was accordingly arranged 
that the two parties should meet on board a vessel 
moored in the middle of the river ; and all preliminaries 
having been settled satis&ctorily, the interview took 
place accordingly. After a lengthy discussion, the Bur- 
mese commissioners agreed to surrender the provinces 
demanded by the British, to give up all prisoners, 
whether English, American, or Hindoo, and to furnish a 
crore of rupees towards the expenses of the war. The 
treaty was then drawn up, and delivered to the Burmese, 
who undertook that it should be forwarded to Amera- 
poora, for the king's approval and signature. 

Notwithstanding these specious appearances, however, 
peace was still as far off as ever. The Burmese did not 
even transmit the treaty to the capital, but, during the 
interval of truce that had been granted them for this 
purpose, continued, with scarcely any intermission, their 
preparations for war. At the expiration of the armi- 
stice, they made an attempt to procure further delays ; 
but Sir Archibald refused to listen to the childish 



18M.] oAFTUBs o? xklloon; SOb' 

excosefi offered, and commanded that the siege should^ 
proceed. The narratiye of the taking of Melloon pre- 
sents the same general features that have alreadj charac- 
terised the relations of preceding sieges, daring the 
BBrmese- campaign. The English batteries, assisted bj 
the gans of the flotilla, opened upon the stockades ; 
while the troops, landing under the cover of their Are, 
assailed the defenders with a bajonet charge. The Bur- 
mese showed, on this occasion, less courage than they 
had formerly manifested, flying in confusion from their 
defences, almost as soon as they discerned the approach 
of the English, and not heeding either the commands or 
entreaties of their officers, whose efforts to stop their 
flight, or rally them at some more distant post, proved 
utterly in vain. Abundance of warlike weapons, am- 
munition, gold chains, gilt umbrellas, and other orna- 
ments, fell into the hands of the victors ; but the most 
curious portion of the booty was a collection of State- 
papets, among which appeared the identical treaty sup- 
posed to have been forwarded to Amerapoora, but 
which, to all appearance, had never departed from 
Melloon. 

After a few days' halt, to refresh the men and prepare 
them for the fatigues of a toilsome journey, Sir Archi- 
bald once more commenced his march towards Ava. The 
troops passed through a desolated tract of country, 
abounding in '^ oil-wells,'' and possessing many natural 
curiosities. On the 31st a boat arrived from Ava, con- 
veying some English prisoners, and Dr. Price, an Ame- 
rican missionary, to whom the Burmese court had en- 
trusted the delicate and dangerous task of conducting a 
negotiation. The capture of Melloon, and the continued 
advance of the English, created the greatest possible 
alarm at Ava. The fate of the Golden City, indeed, 
was regarded as sealed, if the Burmese ministers should 
fail in : arresting the progress of the strangers. The 
anxiety entertained by the authorities even induced 

X 



306. BHin^ snTLBiODfTS nr ikdia. paaa; 

iksem to Ub^ratd their European and AmerieaA csi^tiTeB^ 
that tkej might assiet the Council with their advioe. 
Finally, the envoys were despotdied, the GkHreniment re- 
taining the remainder of the priseQi^rs as hostagea. 

When the boat containing the ambassadors retnnied, 
thej found the landing-places of the rirer crowded by 
anxious multitudes^ eager to ascertain the result '(^ the 
embassy. Dr. Price and his compasionsy however, re- 
paired, in the first instanee^ to the pakoe, where the 
great officers ci the State awaited their tidings. These 
were to the effect that the £ngliAh general could make 
no alteration in the terms fonneriy demanded, and 
would only refrain from advancing, upon condition that 
^ hundred lacs of rupees should be paid at four different 
times, the first twenty-five lacs bdng forwarded at once 
within twelve days. Besides this, aU prisoners, whether 
. English or American, were to be delivered up imme- 
diately. The Council hentated, and held ano^er con- 
sultation with the foreign prisoners. All assured them 
that the English would not abate one tittle of their 
present demands, nor accept a smalleir sum than that 
which had been named. 

About this time an adventure:, of low birth and 
slender abilities, endeavoured to recommend himself to 
the war party, by offering to defend the citj oi Pugan 
against the English, whom, he assured the king, he 
could easily defeat. The boaster succeeded in in^posing 
Ajpon the weak and credulous monarch, who placed at 
his disposal about 15,000 men, and conferred on their 
leader the singular title of " Nee Woon Breen,** or " King 
of Hell." The new general occupied a pagoda near 
Pugan^ with the greater portion of his troope, keeping 
the reserve in the city itself To oppose this force, the 
English commander could only muster about 2,000 men, 
having been obliged of late to send out various detadi- 
ments.into different parts of the country. He resolved, 
howiever, to give the enemy battle, and,£nding them 



i8U^ viasioH ai mi. pbioi. 907 

drawn up in the fona of a crescent, made a bdd attack 
upon their centre. The Bormese defended this, their last 
posty with obstinate Taloor; but^ the conunani<»tion 
betwe^i their flanks being cut o£^ a total defeat ensued, 
that placed Pugan in the power of the British, and 
annihilated the only armj on which the Court of Ava 
could depend for the defence of the capitaL 

The King of Hell arrived at Ava, followed by 1,300 
men, the only remnant of his army, and was imprudent 
enough to present himself before tiie king, for the pur* 
pose of requesting a fresh supply of troops. The mo^ 
narch listened, in ominous silence^ to his vaunts ; but 
when he had finished speaking, commanded the aUend- 
ants to dn^ him off to immediate execution. The un- 
fortunate general was now doomed to suffer every species 
of indignity that a mob of savage barbarians, under the 
influence of rage and disappointment, could invent or 
perpetrate. His torments were finally terminated by 
death, while his expedition was publicly disavowed, and 
dhis doom represented as the just punishment of one 
who, contrary to the express orders of the king, had 
presumed to attack the ^glish army. 

The same night Dr. Price received instructions to 
depart on a second mission to the English camp. He 
was accompanied, on this occasion, by a few of the pri- 
soners, and tendered an offer, from the Burmese autho- 
rities, to pay down, six lacs of rupees, instead of twenty - 
five. This Sir Archibald peremptorily refused, and 
continued to press forward without the slightest delay. 
At length the pride of the Court being effectually hum- 
bled, the money and prisoners were sent to Yandaboo, 
where the English army now lay encamped. 

The appearance of the unfortunate captives excited 
in the minds of the British officers and soldiers emo- 
tions of indignation that could scarcely be suppressed. 
For nearly a twelvemonth they had endured indignities 
of almost daily occurrence. They were bound so tightly 
x2 



308 BBITIfiH 8BTTLEMSNTS DT DTDIA. pgje: 

witli cords, tliat the operation often rendered the victiins 
insensible ; loaded afterwards with irons, and confined 
in the lowest prisons, among thieves and criminals. 
Every relaxation was purchased by a heavy bribe ; and 
as no food was ever allowed to prisoners, the unhappy 
men barely escaped starvation. On festival days the 
Burmese women generally came to the prison, and sup^ 
plied its inmates with provisions ; but on these occa- 
sions many, particularly the Hindoo sepoys, ate so 
voraciously, that it finally proved fatal to them. By the 
conditions of the treaty signed at Yandaboo on the 
24th of February, 1826, the Company acquired the pro- 
vinces of Arracan, Yeh, Tavoi, Mergui, and Tenasserim; 
while the king of Ava agreed to leave unmolested 
Assam, Gachar, Jylna, and Munnipoor, to receive an 
English resident, who should remain permanently at 
Ava, and to pay over, for the expenses of the war, one 
crore of rupees,* in four instalments. All these engage- 
ments were punctually fulfilled by the Burmese court 

Sir Archibald Campbell, having now brought the war 
to a successful issue, began his march homewards, and 
reached Bangoon in safety, without encountering any 
difficulties or privations beyond those which are in- 
separable from the conveyance of a large body of men 
through a partially cultivated and semi-civilized region. 

* About one million sterling. 



lS29.i EVWITIOa OF OENEKAL MOEKISQIT. 309 



CHAPTER XXm. 

VZPEDITTON AGAINST THE NORTHEKN FABTS 07 THE BURMESE EMPIRE 
— DEATH Of THE BA JAH OF BHT7RTP00R — ^INTRIOUES 07 HIS EAMILY— 
flCEGB Of BfiUBTFOOR— ITS CAPTUBE BT LQBD COMBXBMEBE. 

1825, 1826. 

Ws must now giye a brief account of an attempt to 
enter the Burman territory from the north, that took 
place at the commencement of 1825. The object of this 
enterprise was the subjugation of Arracan ; but it led 
to the discovery of a route to Aya, which, if known 
previously to the occupation of Rangoon, might have 
prevented many difficulties, and much unnecessary loss of 
life. The commander of the expedition, General Mor- 
rison, marching from Chittagong, halted a short distance 
from Ava ; while Sir Archibald Campbell lay inactive 
-at Rangoon, arrested by the monsoon, and losing daily 
numbers of troops, from the prevalence among them of 
pestilence, and the want of proper provisions. The 
-advance of the northern division was unfortunately im- 
peded by the breaking out of fever in the ranks, — a 
misfortune attributable, perhaps, to the unhealthy loca- 
lity in which the troops encamped during the wet season. 
They had discovered, in the meantime, an excellent 
road leading across the mountains of Arracan, that, after 
a few days' march would have conducted them to Ava, 
So many, however, perished by the epidemic, which 
carried off about three-fifths of their number, that the 
design was given up, although an English officer, after 
:the termination of the Burmese campaign, returned 



310 BRITISH SBTTLKIOZKTS tK INDIA, {1825. 

with a regiment of native in^Etntrj along this very road, 
his march from Yandahoo to the Company's frontiers in 
Arracan heing accomplished in nineteen days. 

While the prosecution of the war in Birmah was en- 
gaging the attention of the Indian authorities, they 
found themselves involved in hostile measures nearer 
home. The repulse of Lord Lake hefore Bhurtpoor, in 
1805, although it led to no immediate results, had im- 
pressed the people of that region with an inflated idea 
of their own strength. The Bajah Buldeo Singh on that 
occasion contracted an alliance with the Company, to 
the terms of which he faithfully adhered, though con- 
stantly thwarted hy a war party among his advisers, at 
the head of whom stood his own nephew Doonjah Bal. 
The intrigues of this &ciion were not oonfined merdy 
to expressions of aversion to the English ; its leaders 
encouraged certain predatory incursions into the neigh- 
bouring provinces, which, however, were promptly re- 
pelled by the British troops. 

Shortly before the Rajah's decease, a natural dread of 
his nephew's unscrupulous character induced him to 
place his youthful son, Bulwunt Singh, a diild of six 
years old, under ihe protection of the English Qovero- 
ment, on which occasion he made a special af^>eal to Sir 
David Ochterlony, imploring that gallant soldkr to 
protect the rights of one who would soon be a defeacdess 
orphan. After the death of the Bajah, Boonjak Singh 
seized the person of his cousin, and proceeded to usurp 
the government of Bhurtpoor. In spite of the lemoai- 
strances of Sir David Ochterlony, who had prepared to 
take the field in defence of the young Baji^ the English 
authorities at Calcutta remained supine and inaottve. 
.Doonjah Singh, encouraged by iheir indifferenoe, em* 
ployed himsdf in strengthemng his fortress, and endea- 
voured to stir up the neighbouring princes to farm 
a league against the Company. His designs met with 
no small encouragement from the people over winim hit 



JM6.3 SIEGE OF BHUBTPOaS. 311 

ruled, it was the boast of the Jauts, that while all the 
other races of India had suocumbed to the Moguls, or to 
the Eaglishy they alone pres^rred their independence 
inyiolaie. The bold and manlj habits of these people, 
their m«r<aal Bpirit, and the impregnable charactet 
ascribed to their chief fortress, and embodied in a pro- 
verbial saying at that time nniyersallj current,* ren- 
dered them by no means indisposed £ot war. A civil 
contest that ensued between the usurper and his brother 
led finally to encroachments upon the Oompan/s terri- 
tory, which the Government could no longer overlook 
with safety. 

On the 10th of December, 1825, Lord Oombermere 
who^ as Sir Stapleton Cotton, had served with distinc- 
tion in the Peninsular war, made his appearance before 
Bhurtpoor with a large army, accompanied by a hundred 
pieces of cannon. His first exploit was to drive away 
a party of workmen whom he found busily engaged in 
cnitting a sluice through one of the embankments, with 
the view of introducing water into the ditch. He next 
began to open trenches, and construct the necessary 
-works for carrying on the siege. On the 24 th of Decem- 
ber the English batteries opened their fire, but as the 
breaching guns made little impression on the walls, 
recourse was had to mining. The garrison countermined 
in turn, and succeeded in causing the explosion of a 
tumbril belonging to the besiegers. By some mis- 
ifianagement or want of foresight, the mines formed by 
the English proved generally ineffective, though both 
ofiicers and men combined in pressing the siege with 
energy and vigour. 

On the 17th of January a fresh mine had been com- 
pleted, which the engineers anticipated could scarcely 
fail of opening a way into the town. Storming detach- 
ments stood in readiness to occupy the breach, and such 

* " India is not oonquered, for Bhnrtpoor has never lieen taken.** 



312 BBITISH SBTTLEHBNTS IN INDIA. [1826. 

was ike eagerness displayed by the men, .that ihey 
advanced to a position distant only a few yards from tlM 
mouth of the mine. The engineer gave his signal, and 
the explosion took place .almost immediately^ The 
effect has been described as most impressiTei, «yen to 
those whose profession had rendered them familiar with 
the awful spectacles of war. 

The cannonade ceased for a few minutes^ and during 
the terrific pause that ensued, the mighty wall was seen 
to heave convulsiyely, rocking to and fro like a ship 
lifted on a mighty billow ; it then sank down again 
with a deafening crash, while a number of dark masses 
rose into the air amid fearful shrieks and groans, the 
utterers of which were concealed beneath a thick cloud 
of smoke and dust that for some minutes enveloped the 
whole scene in impenetrable obscurity. Eecovering 
themselves quickly from this momentary dismay, the 
storming party rushed on, scarcely aware that their 
course lay over the prostrate bodies of more than a hun- 
dred of their mangled companions. 

Although discouraged by the result of the explosion, 
the garrison stood their ground bravely. The artillery- 
men fell beside their guns, while their comrades reso- 
lutely opposed their pikes to the bayonets of the 
advancing foe. But the exertions of individual valour 
proved unavailing. Two breaches had been effected, 
through which the closely formed columns of the British 
poured with uninterrupted rapidity, sweeping all oppo- 
sition before their impetuous bayonet charge. In two 
hours a loud cheer proclaimed that the town was won, 
while the standard of England waved triumphantly over 
the crumbling ramparts. 

Four thousand of the enemy perished during this 
siege, but the wounded and kiUed on the side of the 
British hardly exceeded a tenth part of that number. 
Doonjah Sal, who had attempted to escape, was made 
prisoner, and sent to the fortress of AUahabad; the 



1826.] BISGB OF BHUBTPOOB. 313 

other stroDgbolds in his usurped dominions surrendered 
to the English without dehtj, and the young Bajah, 
Balwunt Singh, remounted, unopposed, the throne of 
his ancestors. What proved of still greater importance, 
the warlike spirit of the Jauts had now been completely 
broken, for the impregnable fortress was taken, and 
the invincible race were constrained to acknowledge 
themselves vanquished by British courage and British 
skill. 



314 BRITI^ gETTUSMENTS DT INDIA. [1826. 



CHAPTEE XXIV- 

ARAIRS 07 OOLATOOfr— 9XATH OV SIK THOMAS JCnOtD-^HB IUC0I9»~«> 
THX THUGS— FBOHIBITION 07 SUTTEES — ^NOKTHERK FROGBXSS 07 
LOBD -WILLIAM BEHTmCK— WAKWITH COORG — ^BSTI&EMEITE OF LOBI> 
WILLIAM BENTINCK. 

1826—1834. 

At the commencement of 1826 some differences arose 
between the Rajah of Colapoor, a small Mahratta state 
in the province of Bejapoor, and the Bombay Govern- 
ment. That petty potentate, misinterpreting the pacific 
tone assumed by the British authorities, raised troops 
and committed depredations in the territories of the 
Company's allies. He also oppressed his own subjects 
with intolerable rigour, and drove many of them to solicit 
the protection of the nearest English commander. The 
appearance, however, of a small detachment of sepoys 
sufficed to render the Rajah more reasonable, and to 
obtain from him guarantees with regard to his future 
conduct. 

In July 1827 the Indian service suffered a severe 
loss in the death of Sir Thomas Monro, one whose nanie 
is still remembered, and will long be revered in the 
southern parts of India. By his exertions several 
marked improvements were made in the revenue and 
judicial systems, through which an immense saving 
of expenditure has been effected. Nominated in 1819 
to the government of Madras, Colonel Monro acquired, 
by a constant though unostentatious display of ability 
and probity, the confidence and esteem of both natives 
and Europeans. Some of his remarks on the promotion 



1827.] . S>SATH DV BIX THOXAB KOVftO. 315 



of ChxkSsadtj in India seem so just «iid Appn^viatey 
that they deserve special mention, and will prore worthy 
of the attention of those who aspire to the arduons and 
hcmoorahle office of « Hissionaxy. Writing from Madras, 
on the 12th of October, 1820, he obeeryes >-* 

^ I should expect more benefit from the circilation 
of short tracts by the natiTesiy or of translations of short 
'European tracts by uatiTes, than £rom trandations pre- 
cipitately made of the Bible, or any great work by the 
Missionaries. I haye no faidi in the power of any Mis- 
sionary to acquire in four or fiye years such a knowledge 
of any Indian language as to enable him to make a 
respectable translation of the Bible. I fear that sudi 
translations are not calculated to inspire becoming reve- 
rence for the book. In place of translating the Bible 
into ten or twdve languages in a few years, I would 
jather see twenty years devoted to its translation into 
one. If we hope for success, we must proceed gradually, 
and adopt the means by which we may be likdy to 
attain it. The dissemination of knowledge is, I think, 
the surest way ; and if we can prevail upon Uie native 
princes to give it the support you propose, it will be a 
good beginning.'* 

In September, 1823, Sir Thomas Monro, having 
addressed the Court of I>irect(»rs^ requested and obtained 
permission to resign his post in December, 1824, but 
the breaking out of the Burmese war during the inte- 
rim, rendered him averse to prefer his own individual 
convenience to the exigencies of the public service. He 
remained in Madras, sending on Lady Monro, and her 
children, to England ; one of die latter was suffering 
from bad heal<£, so that the fears of ike fitther were 
added to the anxieties of the statesman. At length the 
welcome moment of release arrived, the Burmese cam- 
pa%n being tmninated in May, 1826. The appoint- 
ment of his successor occasioned some ddays, whidi 
detained him in India until his death took place from 



316 BBITI8H SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. iniB. 

4tn attack of chdera, at Patteroondah, daring llie month 
of July, 1826. 

Lord Amherst repaired to Delhi in 1827, for thd 
purpose of settling finally the rdations betwoea the 
English (Government and the representative of the 
Mogul race. For some time it had been generally 
known that the Company assumed to themselves the 
-exercise of those privileges formerly possessed exclu- 
sively by the descendants of Baber. They had annexed 
territories, altered the boundaries of provinces, and 
deposed rulers ; yet hitherto the Mogul sovereign was 
allowed to enjoy the shadow of former superiority. He, 
or rather his dependents, heard, therefore, with feelings 
of pain and humiliation, that this phantom must now 
vanish for ever, and that the crown of Hindoostan had 
passed away to the adventurous race who alrtody pos* 
>«es8ed the power typified by it. The natives at large 
were less affected at the deposition of a family which 
ibr many years they neither feared nor respected. The 
dynasty of Timour, like the dynasty of Seevagee, dis- 
appeared from the public view without attracting to 
itself the slightest manifestation of the public sympathy, 
the one event creating, in fact, as little emotion as the 
other had elicited. 

Lord Amherst was succeeded in his high and respon- 
sible office by Lord William Bentinck, who reached 
Calcutta on the 4th of July, 1828. He found the 
Government burdened with an enormous debt, owing to 
the expenses incurred during the two recent campaigns 
-in Birmah and Bhurtpoor. Measures of retrenchment 
therefore had become absolutely necessary, and were not 
only suggested by the experience of the new governor- 
general, but positively enjoined by the ruling body in 
England. Still, although the path to be pursued was 
well defined, and clearly marked out, the difficulties sur* 
bounding a conscientious discharge of duty presented 
-a formidable aspect While the Court of Directors 



1S28,} TQE DAOOJTS* 317; 

uigri mieeasingly the necessitj of economy, their ser-* 
Tants abroad deprecated the slightest change in the dis*. 
posal of the finances. Party spirit ran high, and the 
commander-'in-chief not only addressed a letter of re-n 
monstarance to Goyemment, but. finally tendered his 
resignation. He was succeeded by Sir Edward Barnes^, 
after who^e departure in 1833, the direction of the 
army deyolyed upon Lord William Bentinck, who thus^ 
united in his person the two greatest offices connected, 
with the Indian administration. 

Next to the proper regulation of financial matters, 
Tarious questions of internal policy occupied the atten- 
tion of the gpyemor-general. The nefarious practice 
of gang*ro.bbery had for some time been preyalent 
throughout India, under the Ib,% rule of the Moguls and 
their feeble yassals. These plunderers, generally known 
by the appellation of Dacoits, liyed unsuspected among 
the yillages, and occupied themselyes ostensibly with, 
agricultural pursuits. Their spies were found in eyery 
direction, and forwarded to the leaders of the gang the 
earliest possible intelligence respecting the moyements» 
of ill-guarded carayans, or the journeys of wealthy mer-^ 
chants. When the route of the intended yictims becamet 
known,, the robber chiefs arranged an ambush in somec 
conyenient spot from whence their followers might sally 
forth on the unsuspecting trayellers and strip them of 
their property. ' Occasionally the assailed party would 
ofier. resistance and oyerpower the ruffians, but this. 
rarely happened, owing to the caution and skill with 
which their plans were usually concocted. They gene-, 
rally refrained. &om attacking Europeans, knowing from 
experience .that they defended themselyes stoutly, and 
neyer suffered eyen an attempt at yiolence to pass with- 
out inquiry or retribution. In most cases also, their 
yictims seldom escaped with life, and they usually 
selected, as the objects of attack, persons from distant 
parts of the continent, two circumstances tending to 



ilS BBinSH SHmaOtflNTS in INDIA. iMS8. 

facilitate escape £rom the oonsequeBces of cnme, as widl 
as to augment the difficulties of detection. 

Sometimes, howeTer, these ruffians carried on their 
depredations with greater audacity. A gang would 
assemble in the woods near a village^ and sinking out 
some person's house who was suspected of being more 
wealthy than his neighbours, break into his dwelling 
and carry off his hoards. Any opposition or attempt at 
concealment led to the t(MHnire of thie wife and dxildren/ 
until the agonies inflicted obliged the wretched inmates 
to discover any treasure which they might have hidden. 
Most of these bands enjoyed the protection and patron* 
age of certain Zemindars or landed proprietors, with 
whom they shared their booty, and from whom they* 
looked for aid when in the hands of justice. The Euro- 
pean ms^strate was of course incorruptible, but his 
subordinate natiye officers seldom prored entirely inac- 
cessible to a yaluable bribe, or if their int^ri^ could 
not be shaken, hired false witnesses made their appear- 
ance, and endeavoured to prove an alibi. Many, ev^ 
of the Brahmins, are said to have participated in these 
robberies, which were however carried on by Moham* 
medans as well as Hindoos. 

The Thugs, or Phansigars, as they have been some- 
times called, bore a fEiint resemblance to the assassins, or 
followers of the Old Man of the Mountain, so frequency 
mentioned by the historians of the Crusades. They 
considered their victims as sacrifices to their Divine 
Patroness Kali, or Bohwanee, thus investing deeds of 
cruelty and blood with a species of religious mystery. 
This wretched sect abounded chiefly in Guzer&t and 
Malwah, but were found occasionally in other parts 
of Hindoostan. Women, and even children, ^^Uowed 
them in their expeditions, and aided in carrying out 
their murderous designs. They generally attached them- 
selves to small parties of travellers whom they often 
accompanied during several days, until a suitable place 



un.1 ffSB fHuoaL 6ld 

for ^ the saerifioe ** had been diBcorered. Various decoja 
were put in practice on these occasions* Sometimes a 
aick man stretched at the foot of a tree implored the 
paesers-bj to dismount and come to his asnstanoe— in 
many cases, » woman coTered with ornaments solicited 
the &Tour of a seat on the wayfarer's horse as far as the 
next town. If the unwary listened to these tales, other 
Totaries of Bohwanee were at hand to avail theraselyes of 
the opportunitj. A rope with a slip knot being thrown 
dexterously over the heads of the Txctims, they soon 
ceased to breathe, and in a few minutes' time the grave 
that had generally been previously prepared by the mur- 
derers, received the last remains of the unfortunate 
travellers. 

The diaooTery and punishment of the Daeoits and 
Thugs was not affected without considerable difficulty. 
These dangerous societies possessed numerous ramifica- 
HoBs, extending &r and wide among the native popu- 
lation, while many persons of influence and rank afforded 
them some degree of count^ance and protection. To 
describe in detail the measures employed to eradicate 
Bwskt gigantic evils might unquestionably prove inte^ 
resting, but would require more space than can be 
allotted to* any special subject in a work of this kind. 
Let it suffice, therefoire, to say that the exertions of the 
authorities proved partially successful in the one case, 
and entirely so in the other. Dacoitry was repressed 
and diminished, while Thuggism was thoroughly annihi- 
lated, and has never since been revived. 

Another evil, no less repugnant to the feelings of 
humanity, though unhappily m<»*e consonant with 
Hindoo notions and prejudices, excited about this period 
eonsida^ble attention — the rites commonly known by 
thetitle of Suttee. From time immemorial it had been 
the custom for Hindoo widows to bum themselves upon 
the funereal pyre of the deceased husbands. The prac- 
tice, though not enjoined by the Yedas and other sacred 



32Q BBinsH bvrlhibrtb m ibdia. n*s>: 

books, IS yet spoken of as a meritorioiis sacrifice every 
act of self-imiiiQlatioii being ibos r^aided in ike &ah- 
xninical Theology. Bat for some years preyiouB torLord 
William Bentinck's amval, a growing feding i^ainsl 
these inhnman rites bad been gradna^Uy penrading die 
better informed portion of SUndoo society, l^e regn-^ 
lations of the English GoTemment also tended to dis- 
courage the perpetration of Snttees, which indeed never 
seem to have been nniyersal, or even extremely common. 
The better. feelings and emotions of the human heart 
will sometimes straggle snccessfolly with the £uiatidsni 
that seeks to wrest from them an object of attachment, 
and often doubtless there existed in India as ekewhere, 
those whose natural affection spumed the yoke of a 
superstitious creed. Still, the official declaration issued 
in 1829, which abolished for ever this revolting practice, 
was much needed, and has hitherto worked welL 

The same sages who had formerly opposed the Mis* 
sionaries, elevated their voices both. abroad and at home 
in favour of Suttees. Notwithstanding, however, their 
manifold and mournful predictions, tiie Hindoos re- 
mained tranquil and submissive, many of them even 
rejoicing that the Government of the strangers was 
relieving their nation from the burden and disgrace of 
a rite to which apathy and the tyrannical force of esta- 
blished custom had rendered them so long subservient. . 

The following touching account of a Suttee, clearly 
proves that even while this abominable superstition 
existed in full vigour, the best feelings of humanity, 
common alike to both European and Hindoo, protested 
against its occurrence, and would fain have prevented 
its enactment Ahalya Baee has already been mentioned 
in these pages, as the queen or regent of the province of 
Malwa. " She had lost,*' says the narrator, " her only 
son. Her remaining child, a daughter, was married, 
and had one son, who died at Mhysir. His &ther died 
twelve months afterwards. His widow immediately 



1829,] JL 81TTTBB. 321 

dedared ker resolution to bum herself with the corpse of 
her hasbaDd. Her mother and her sovereign left no effort 
untried i^ort of coercion, to induce her to abandon her 
fiital resolution. She humbled herself to the dust before 
her, and entreated her, as she revered her Grod, not to 
leave her desolate and alone upon earth, 

'^ Her daughter, although affectionate, was calm and 
decided. 'You are old, mother,' said she, 'and a few 
years will end your pious life. My only child and 
husband are gone, and when you follow, life I feel will 
be insupportable ; but the opportunity of terminating it 
with honour will then have passed by!' The mother, 
wheif she found all dissuasion unavailing, determined to 
witness the last dreadful scene. She walked in the pro- 
cession, and stood near the pile, where she was supported 
hy two Brahmins who held her arms. 

" Although obviously suffering great agony of mind, 
she remained tolerably firm till the first blaze of the 
flame made her lose all self-command; and while her 
shrieks increased the noise made by the exulting shouts 
of the immense multitude that stood around, she was 
seen to gnaw in anguish those hands which she could 
not liberate from the persons by whom she was held. 
After some convulsive efforts, she so far recovered as to 
join in the ceremony of bathing in the Nerbuddah, when 
the bodies were consumed. She then retired to her 
palace, where for three days, having taken hardly any 
sustenance, she remained so absorbed in grief, that she 
never uttered a word. When recovered from this state, 
she seemed to find consolation in building a beautiful 
monument to the memory of those she lamented." * 

At the commencement of 1829, Lord William Ben- 
-tinck proceeded on a tour of inspection through the 
Upper Provinces. His affability and easiness of access 
endeared him to the natives of every rank, while the 

♦ Sir Jolin Malcolm, quoted in Auber's Rise and Progress of the Britisli 
Power in India. 

t 




IK IHDIA* pS29^ 

ahynlMi vladi be bestowed upon 
^HiBdDo aad llnbiMmpilm propiietors, wbo seemed 
1 bj a ipiiit of cBicrprise and libenlifyy rendered 
( of imitaring tbeir example. Nor 
[ ^ ntCRsl tbat bis Lofdafaip alwa.j8 manifestod 
cswds edacadoB, mmd tbe genenl difibsioiL of tbe know> 
k^ of tbe Sngliib lai^nage and litentnre^ be passed 
•ver ■nnorinnd or uoonunaided. ETen tbe old Anglo- 
Indfiwt, tboae in&llible p roph ete of evil, were obliged 
t» ««m dnt BO pvgvdiees ezistod on tbis score among 
^e people of Hmdoostu. A liyel j and inqnisitiye laoe, 
tbe lataer applied tbensdves witb pleased alacritj to a 
amdjwbicb proHised to beoome both, in an intellAtaal 
a^d pecimiaiy point of view, prodnctive of advanti^e^ 
aiiid in tlv year 1829, tbere were more than 3,000 
7cv::xbs at Galciitla alooe, wbo dailj endeaTonred to ren* 
der tbeir minds iamiliar witb tbe poeby of Sbakspeare, 
and tbe pbflosi^ j of Baoon. 

fbe admirers <^ intdlectaal progress will watcb witb 
inie te st tbe advanoes made bj an ingenious people in 
tbose arts and sdoioes^ wbi^ add to tbe wealth and 
increase tbe bappioesB of dTiliced naticms; nor will the 
tbongbtM CShmdan contemplate snob a spectacle nn- 
moved or nnooncenied. Altboi^b tbe knowledge fiist 
ffMnmnniiTfcti*il maj not be of a direct tbeol(^<^ cha- 
racter, altboogb it cannot al<me satisfy the wants and 
solace tbe sorows <^ a being destined to immortalitj, 
jet secular leanong, b j breaking up the dods of ignor- 
ance and superstition, is doubtless preparing the soil for 
tbe reception of the good seed which shall bring forth in 
another generation the fruits of ri^teousness and peace. 

I>uring bis northern progress. Lord William Bentinck 
bad an interriew with Bunjeet Singh, the powerful ruler 
of Lahore^ between whom and the English government 
the most firiendlj relations existed. At Simlah bis 
Lordship met Lieutenant Bumes, who had recently re- 
turned £rom a steam vojage up the Indus^ mid was now 



.I8SI.1 XtlSTDlUBAVOSfl kt fiARASST, ^323 

anxiotts to penetrate some of the regions of Central Asia. 
The ingenuity and love of enterprise manifested bj thib 
young officer, procured him the patronage and support 
of the governor-general, who being himself a man of & 
large mind and e^^pansive views, was always ready to re- 
cognise and reward merit and ability in whatever grade 
they might be found* 

Having despatched Colonel Pottinger to the Ameers of 
Scinde, for the purpose of ascertaining their disposition 
respecting the proposed navigation of the Indus, Lord 
William Bentinck proceeded to Delhi, where the impru- 
dent conduct of an English official called for immediate 
interference on the part of the supreme authority. The 
Iring had appealed to England against the decision of Lord 
Amherst inL 827, and entrusted Ram Mohun Roy, a 
learned and I istinguished Hindoo, with the delicate ne- 
gotiation. Thiseffort of fallen royalty excited some atten- 
tion, and produced in the minds of many an unfavour- 
able impression with regard to the British authorities, 
which was much aggravated by the injudicious behaviour 
of the Resident at Delhi. That officer conducted him- 
self with intolerable arrogance towards the inhabitantsy 
beating and insulting them in the streets whenever they 
omitted to make obeisance to him. The king himself 
was finally obliged to protest against this insolence, and 
the governor-general at once removed the offender. 

During the year 1831, some religious disturbances 
arose in the Baraset district, near Calcutta. A Moham- 
medan fenatic, named Meer Missr Ali, having collected 
a mob of ill disposed persons, belonging to the lowest 
class of the Mussulman, attacked the police, insulted the 
Hindoos, and created tumults throughout the province. 
To mark their contempt for the idolaters, they killed a 
cow, sprinkled the walls of a Hindoo teinple with its 
blood, and murdered a Brahmin. A military force, 
however, being sent after them by the Government, the 
insurgents were defeated^ and their leader slain* 
y2 



.^ 



324 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN JXtDlA. iim. 

The next year witnessed a war with Coorg, a small 
mountain territory adjoining the kingdom of Mysore, 
the BAJah of which proved himself a trustworthy ally 
to the English during the war with Tippoo. The son 
and successor of this sovereign had become notorious 
for tyranny and oppression, insomuch that his own sister, 
dreading violence at his hands, was obliged to take re- 
iiige with her husband in the territory of Mysore. He 
also intrigued against the English, and received with 
honour a fugitive chieftain who had escaped from Ban- 
galore. The remonstrances of the Madras government 
were treated with disdain by the Eajah, his insolence 
and ingratitude occasioned the occupation of his king- 
dom, and the governor-general, finding that every male 
of the reigning family had been put to death, annexed the 
state of Coorg to the other dominions of the Company. 

The retirement of Lord William Bentinck in 1835, 
called forth from all classes of the Anglo-Indian com- 
munity the warmest expressions of respect and esteem. 
The principal natives also presented to his Lordship a 
valedictory, address, in which they asserted that " The 
only unkind treatment they had ever received at his 
hands, was his present departure from a grateful and 
admiring people." .The promulgation, indeed, during 
iiis government of many useful and humane. regulations, 
deeply affecting the welfare of the Hindoo population, 
together with his energetic and vigorous exertions to 
promote everywhere retrenchment and reform, gave to 
those addresses more reality and greater weight than 
similar compliments generally possess. Suttee had been 
abolished, education liberally patronised, and the per- 
nicious practices of Thuggism and Dacoitry effectually 
checked. The state of the Company's revenues no longer 
created anxiety and alarm, although the reductions that 
had placed them once more on a satisfactory footing, 
were effected with difficulty, and occasioned much per- 
sonal inconvenience to the governor-general* 



1832.1 THE WAK IN AFGHAXISTAH. 325 



CHAPTER XXV. 

CHANGES IN THE CONSTITUTION OF THE COMPANY — DESCRIPTION OP 
APGUANISTAN — MANNERS OP THE PEOPLE—SHAH 8UJAH — MUBDER 

GFPUTTEH KHAN — RISE OF DOST . MOHAMMED — SIEGE OF HERAT 

WAR PROJECTS. 

1832—1838. 

It was perhaps to be expected that as the commercial 
advantages derived by the Company from their Indian 
settlements became more generally understood, the mo- 
nopoly they possessed should draw forth from those, who 
enjoyed none of its benefits, successive objections and 
attacks. Qlhe Directors in reply urged the necessary 
expenses of their establishment, and the frequent wars 
which they found themselves obliged to wage with native 
powers, as reasons for the continuance of the obnoxious pri- 
vileges now almost annually called into question. Select 
Committees, appointed to examine the various points at 
issue, reported favourably of the success that had hitherto 
attended the prevailing system, but at length it was 
determined that the monopoly of the company should 
cease to iBxist, and they have therefore since 1833, en- 
tirely relinquished the character of a trading corpora- 
tion. They retained, however, the patronage connected 
with the civil and military service of India, the greater 
part of which, however, by recent enactments, seems 
likely to be transferred into other hands. 

Having thus briefly notified the final result of trans- 
actions carried on during the course of many years, and 
avoiding in this way the repetition of uninteresting de- 
tails, unsuitable to a work of this nature, I shall proceed 
at once to narrate the origin and progress of the war 



326 BBinsai saaTLBMtasnB m uidia. cissz^ 

in Afgbanistiui, a measnre vHich excited considerable 
anxiety both at home and abroad, occasioned an almost 
unprecedented loss of lif<^ and led finally to the tem- 
porary discomfiture of civilized troops by a treacherous 
and barbarous enemy. 

The country commonly called Afghanistan, forms a 
portion of the extensive dominions, entitled by Orientals 
the Bouranee empire. This territory comprised before 
the Mission of Sir John Malcolm, the provinces of 
Afghanistan, Cashmere^ the Berajat, and part of Kho- 
rassan. The natural d^ences of the empire materially 
augmented its strength. To the north and east the 
Hindoo Eoosh and other lofty mountain chains^ varying 
in height firom 10 to 20,000 feet, effectually secured the 
inhabitants from invasion, while towards the south and 
west, the River Indus and an extensive tract of sandy 
desert, placed numerous impediments in the way oi an 
invader. The internal features of the countiy were of 
a no less repulsive character. Lofty mountains, long^ 
and intricate defiles, interspersed with sandy plains, over 
which death hovered in the blasts of the pestilential 
Simoom, constituted the leading outlines of a land, 
which seemed of all others, the least likely to awaken 
the lust of rule, or the cupidity of a conqueror. 

The people inhabiting these unpromising r^ions pos- 
sessed patriotism enough to value, and courage enough 
to defend them. A race of shepherds and soldiers, they 
considered the callings of civilized life beneath their 
attention, all trades in Afghanistan being carried on by 
the Hindoos, or Taujiks, while the natives of the soil 
wandered from pasture to pasture with their numerous 
flocks, or waged among themselves those petty c<m« 
tests and feuds which so constantly occur among nomad 
tribes. In many of their customs and superstitiims, they 
resembled the Hi^landers of Scotland. Like them^ 
they were divided into clans, governed by duefhans, 
continually at feud with each oiher^ and scarcely lecog-* 



183S.} THie AFOHAKS. S2T 

nising tlie sapreme anihority of their nominal monarch ' 
The Highlander, while propitiating his foe, offered him 
his drawn sword, held by the point; the same custom 
is obserred among the Afghans. Both believe in demons 
walking at noon and midnight, the barren desert and 
lonely heath ; both sought for the secrets of futurity in 
the bladebone of a sheep held up to the light. Like the 
Afghan, the Highlander valued his rude independ^ce 
beyond the blessings of peace, and the charms of civilized 
existence, while war seemed to both an honourable pas- 
time rather than a calamitous scourge. 

According to travellers, the ordinary traditions pre- 
valent among the Afghans, ascribe their origin to the 
Israelites of Palestine. Although this derivation has 
been considered somewhat doubtful, it is curious to find 
in the name of their chief town Cabool, a Hebrew appel- 
lation given by Hiram, King of Tyre, to twenty eities, 
with which Solomon had presented him.^ It is not 
impossible, however, that as the word possesses not onl j 
a Hebrew, but also an Arabic root, it may have been 
derived from the Mohammedans of the west, at the 
period when the Afghans first embraced the religion of 
Islam. To that faith they still remain devotedly at- 
tached, although they seem comparatively void of that 
contempt and hatred of Christians which distinguishes 
their Persian neighbours. The possession of a written re- 
cord in the Oospels, entitles the followers of the Messiah 
to a d^ree of consideration, sternly withheld from the 
idolatrous Hindoo. He is still looked upon as a blinded 
infidel, whose religion is blasphemy, and whom it is 
almost meritor^us to destroy. 

The early history of the Afghan race presents little 
novelty, and inspires scarcely any interest. Its pages 
only record the usual amount of slaughters, conspiracies^ 
sanguinary wars, and intestine feuds, common to most * 
Oriental annals, which disgust us by their barbarity- 

* 1 Kings ix. 13. 



BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IK INDIA. [1B3». 

when they do not wearj us by their sameness. We maj, 
therefore, pass rapidly onwards to the period that suc- 
ceeded Mr. Elphinstone's mission. The defeat of Shah 
Sujah has been already mentioned as following after 
the departure of the English envoy, whom he had 
received with kindness and treated hospitably. The 
unfortunate prince made several successive attempts to 
recover his lost sovereignty from his usurping brother 
Mahmood, but they all terminated in his defeat, and 
subsequent captivity in the Vale of Cashmere. This 
delightful region, the scenic beauties of which form the 
constantly-recurring theme of Eastern poetry, could not 
minister tranquillity to the mind of the exile, or remove 
from his thoughts the remembrance of past greatness. 
The advance of two bodies of Seikhs and Afghans from 
different directions procured him liberty, and induced 
him to pay a somewhat compulsory visit to Kunjeet 
Singh at Lahore. After having been the object of that 
sovereign's hospitality for a time, the unfortunate Shah 
soon discovered the reason of this venal hospitality. He 
had brought with him from Afghanistan the famous 
diamond, known by the name of ** Koh-in-noor," op 
"the mountain of light," and this treasure Eunjeet 
Singh determined to obtain. The negotiation was con- 
ducted on both sides with true Oriental subtlety, and the 
Seikh chieftain scrupled not to surround the dwelling 
of his guest with guards^ and even to deprive him of the 
necessaries of life. At length moved by the offer of 
immediate assistance, and the promise that three pro- 
vinces should be added to his dominions. Shah Sujah 
agreed to part with the Koh-in-noor. Hi|i faithless host 
made a show of performing his promise, and organized 
an expedition to Peshawar, but finding the difficulties 
greater than he anticipated, Eunjeet Singh gave up his 
design, and returned again to Lahore, whither he was 
soon after followed by Shah Sujah. 

The wretched monarch now perceived that he had 



1832.} WAB IN AFOHANISTAK, 339 

been miserably duped ; day by day fresb articles of value 
were extorted from him, UDtil at last be contrived to 
send bis family into the British dominions, and even 
meditated a flight thither himself. His own pen records 
bis sufferings at this juncture from the jealous precau-* 
tions of the monarch of Lahore. ''Seven ranges of 
guards were put upon our person, and armed men with 
lighted torches watched our bed. When we went as far 
as the banks of the river at night, the sentinels upon 
the ramparts lighted flambeaux uiltil we returned. 
Several months passed in this manner, and our own 
attendants were with dij£culty allowed to come into the 
presence. No relief was left but that of our holy reli- 
gion, and God alone could give us assistance.'' * 

Finally, however, he eflected his escape, and after 
staying some months with the friendly Eajab of Kista-* 
war, whom he nearly ruined by engaging him in various 
unsuccessful adventures, the fugitive repaired to Lood- 
bianah, where he met with a most hospitable reception 
from Captain Boss, the British Resident. The hardships 
of his journey are described by himself as severe beyond 
measure. He traversed the rugged mountain passes of 
Thibet, where, he says, " the depth of the eternal snows 
was immense. Underneath the large bodies of ice the 
mountain torrents had formed themselves channels. 
The ^Ye rivers watering the Punjaub have their rise 
bere from fountains amid the snows of ages. We passed 
mountains, the snows of which varied in colour, and at 
last reached the confines of Thibet, after experiencing 
tbe extremes of cold, hunger, and fatigue." 

During the residence of Shah Sujah at Loodhianah 
fresh commotions arose in Afghanistan. The rebel 
brother of the exiled prince, Mahmood, owed his eleva* 
tion mainly to the efforts of a chieftain named Futteh 
Khan, who afterwards exercised under the usurper the 

* Kaye*8 War in Afghanistan. 



330 BRITISH BBtTLOMMStn IX tSDlA. ^SSi. 

important fiiDCtioiis of vizier. The father ci this digr&i* 
tary nambered among his ooncabines a woman of the 
Euzzilbash tribe^ whose son, Mohammed, was afterwards 
destined to plaj a most prominent part in the history of 
his country. Such a fate, however, could hardly have 
been anticipated from the earliest passages in his adven-> 
turous career. The o£&pring of one, whom his high- 
bom brothers on the father's side considered a barbarian 
and a slave, Mohammed found himself at that father's 
decease degraded' to the lowest rank in the paternal 
household. He subsequently became the attendant of 
Futteh Khan, whose favour he obtained by killing one 
of the minister's enemies in the open street. In a short 
time the despised Euzzilbash distinguished himself by 
deeds of less questionable valour, and was allowed to 
occupy a higher grade among the brothers of Futteh 
Khan. 

The great vizier at this time was the virtual governor 
of the kingdom. Immersed in luxury and sloth, Mah- 
mood Shah dreaded his power, and seld<»n ventured to 
question the propriety of his measures, or call him to 
account for his actions. Relying on the careless charac- 
ter of his sovereign, Futteh Khan, accompanied by 
Dost Mohammed, presumed to mar<^ upon Herat, then 
under the government of a brother to the reigning king. 
The fierce retainers of the vizier seized the prince's 
person, plundered his treasury, and even broke into the 
harem, on which occasion Dost Mohammed tore the 
jewelled wristband belonging to a lady who was the 
near relative of his sovereign. She immediately for* 
warded the rent garment to the prince royal, Kamran, 
who, being already on unfriendly terms with the vizier, 
swore to avenge the insult in a most summary manner. 

Dost Mohammed escaped, but Futteh Khan, being made 
prisoner, was first bliilded, and then literally hacked to 
pieces in the presence of the tyrant whom he had raised 
to supreme power. The victim uttered no entreaty, and 



lSa2.1 DEATH OF fUTTSH KHAK. 331 

bore witli nnshrinking fortitude tb^ series of barbarous 
outrages to wbiob be was subjected. One ruffian cut off 
bis earsy anotber bis nose^ wbile tbe rest severed bis 
fingers and arms from tbe mutilated and bleeding trunk. 
At lengtb Summurdar Eban cut off bis beard, tbe 
bigbest insult tbat could be offered to an Oriental, vfho 
considers tbis appendage as tbe type of manbood, and 
tbe symbol of bonour. Tben, and tben only, tbe un- 
fortunate cbieftain, losing tbe fortitude be bad bitberto 
maintained unsbaken, sank subdued beneatb tbe insults 
of bis enemies, and burst into a violent paroxysm of 
grief. He did not long survive tbis last indignity, for 
anotber savage, yielding to tbe impulses of compassionate 
cruelty^ terminated bis tortures and bis life by the blow 
of a sabre. 

Tbus fell tbe bead of tbe Barukzye tribe, formerly an 
insignificant sept, but tbe members of wbicb bad of late 
been gradually drawing into tbeir bands tbe power once 
exclusively possessed by tbe royal clan of tbe Suddozyes^ 
tbe beads of wbom were Shab Sujab and Sbab Mab- 
mood. Tbe latter, or ratber bis ferocious son, Eamran, 
flattered bimself tbat tbe deatb of Futteb Eban would 
lead to tbe ruin of the obnoxious family, and recover 
for tbe royal bouse some portion at least of the influence 
they bad lost. He soon discovered his mistake. Dost 
Mohammed and bis powerful brothers marched upon 
Oabool, drove thence tbe grandson of the king, and 
seizing the chief instigator of tbe barbarities committed 
on Tutteh £[ban, deprived him of bis eyesight, but spared 
bis life. From tbat period tbe Dost remained master 
of Oabool) wbile Mahmood and Eamran were obliged to 
content themselves with tbe territories in the vicinity of 
Herat. Two brothers of the Barukzye race ruled over 
Oandabar and Peshawar, and, although independent of 
Dost Mohammed, acknowledged, in conjunction with the 
other chiefs of tbeir tribe, the superior abilities and far* 
sighted, sagacity of tbe once despised Euzzilbasb. ^ 



333 BRITISH BETTLEMEKTS IN INDIA. [1832. 

The ruler of Cabool was distinguishing himself both as 
la statesman and solder, but his youth had been disgraced 
by intemperance, and his active spirit fettered by his 
ignorance of the commonest rudiments of knowledge^ 
He now determined to reform these errors of the past. 
He learned to read and write, confessed publicly the 
faults and mistakes of earlier days, studied attentively 
the Koran, and in accordance with its dictates abstained 
scrupulously from all intoxicating liquors. As a magL-> 
strate, he showed himself patient, humane, and just* 
The meanest peasant had access to the Sirdar's presence, 
where he found an attentive listener and an upright 
judge, while the common people, always acute observers of 
the virtues and defects of their rulers, used subsequently 
the proverbial saying, " Is Dost Mohammed dead, that 
there is no justice T' 

Among a turbulent race like the Afghans internal 
peace and tranquillity are rather the exception than the 
rule. The haughty and warlike chiefs could ill endure 
the yoke of one who, though not naturally cruel, re- 
pressed their disorders with severity, and diminished 
their individual influence in every possible way. They 
had recourse to Shah Sujah, who, weary of inaction, 
consented once more to try his fortune in a struggle for 
the crown. He had already attempted an inroad into 
his former dominions, but the enterprise proved an utter 
failure, and his army disbanded itself at Skikarpoor. 
The next expedition in 1832 seemed likely to end more 
favourably. He subdued the Ameers of Sindh, obliged 
them to acknowledge his supremacy, augmented his troops 
to 60,000 men, and with this force, the greater portion of 
Which had been drilled and organized by an Indo- 
Briton, named Campbell, marched resolutely to attack 
Candahar. The ruler of that place had invoked the aid of 
his brother. Dost Mohammed, who, arriving with a small 
but determined body of troops, defeated the Shah, and 
compelled him to take refuge in flight. 



1832.] ^OKBUOl* OV BITKJEXT SINGH* 333 

While the contending annies were moving towards 
each other, a keen politician had been watching for an 
opportunity to aggrandize himself at their expense. 
Bunjeet Singh, the Maha-rajah of Lahore, acted for some 
time as the patron and plunderer of the unfortunate 
Shah Sujah. Kot content with depriving the exile of 
his most costly diamonds, he used every artifice to obtain 
from him a cession of the city and territory of Peshawar. 
To this proposition, however. Shah Sujah invariably 
refused his assent ; whereupon, Bunjeet, taking ad van* 
tage of the civil war now raging in Afghanistan, ordered 
a body of Seikhs to occupy that town. The intelligence 
of its capture reached Dost Mohammed after his return 
to Cabool from the victory of Oandahar. His indigna- 
tion was kindled by the news, and he determined at once 
to proclaim a crusade against the idolatrous Seikhs. 
Posts fiew from place to place, rousing up the bigotry of 
the Afghans, and calling on all true believers to rank 
themselves beneath the standard of the Prophet. Vast 
numbers responded at once to an invitation which ad- 
dressed itself alike to their patriotism and zeal for 
Islam. The giant savages of the mountains, the more 
polished dwellers in towns, all in short who could wield 
a sword or manage a lance, poured like a torrent upon 
Peshawar, dooming the unenlightened infidels of the 
Punjaub, to ruin and utter destruction. 

Bunjeet Singh beheld the mighty host advancing, 
and trembled at its formidable aspect. But the lion of 
Lahore, as he proudly styled himself, deigned sometimes 
to assume the cunning and craftiness of the fox. On 
this occasion ho despatched an American adventurer to 
visit the Afghan camp, and, if possible, stir up dissen- 
sion among the ambitious and inconstant chiefs. The 
efforts of the envoy were crowned with success, and Dost 
Mohammed, having lost by desertion the greater portion 
of his army, found himself obliged to return to Oabool. 
There he devoted the unwelcome leisure to study and 



S34 BBTTIBH SBTTUOiSSta QT CSTDIiL \jm. 

meditation ; nntil aroused from these peacefal puisnits 
bj rumours of a Seikh invasion. He deputed his two 
sons to encounter the enemj, over whom they obtained 
a slight advantage ; but Pesiiawar still remained under 
the dominion of Runjeet, and formed a considerable 
addition to his lately acquired provinces of Cashmere 
and Mooltan. 

Underthese circumstances^ Dost Mohammed resolved to 
seek in some foreign alliance, the means of counteracting 
.the growing influence of the Seikhs. Two powers only 
were available for this purpose, England and Persia. 
The former had rendered itself suspected, on account of 
the asylum afforded to Shah Sujah, while the latter 
seemed the most natural ally of a zealous Mobammedan. 
The forces of the Persian king ware, also, at this period 
besieging Herat, almost the sole possession of Eamran^ 
now the representative of the Suddozye race, and the rival 
of Dost Mohammed, in his pretensions to the supreme 
authority over Afghanistan. 

The policy of the Persian court had, of late years, been 
directed by Eussia. Formerly the enemy of the great 
northern autocrat, it was now his most obedient vassal, 
ready at his behest^ to carry out any project that might 
eventually prove favourable to Muscovite ambition. 
The treaty of Toorkomanchai, oonduded in February, 
1828, between Russia and Persia, gave to the former 
power the provinces of Erivan and Nakhichevan, and 
stipulated that the line of frontier should be fixed by 
the ministers of the Czar. Besides this, Russia ac- 
quired the sole right of having anned vessels on the 
Caspian, and received eighty millions of roubles as an 
indemnity for the expenses of the war. Having thus 
possessed themselves of various tracts of country to the 
north of Persia, it seems to have been the design of the 
Russians to make some amends to the Shah, by impdling 
him to extend his conquests towards the east and 
south. Ulterior considerations of a more selfish chaiacter 



}632.] HEBAZ. 335 

entered nnquestioiiably into dns plan. If the Per- 
sians subdued Afghanistan, and maintained a footing 
there, the dominions of the Shah would extend to the 
frontiers of India ; and a power in alliance with Persia 
might adrance to the Indus unmolested. The assertion 
that the Czar contemplated the immediate invasion of 
Hindoostan can scarcely be prored, but sufficient evidence 
exists to justify the fears then entertained by Indian 
statesmen, with regard to the movements of Persia on 
the Afghan frontier. 

The position of Herat rendered it of considerable 
value as a military post. Situated in the midst of a 
cultivated and well-watered country, with a salubrious 
climate and a fertile soil, it guarded the entrance to 
Afghanistan, and formed the centre, where all the great 
roads leading to India converge. Every species of 
supplies that an invading army would require, might 
be dzawn £rom a j»rovince, the fhiitfulness of which has 
gained for it the surname of the " granary of India." 

The city itself presented few attractions to strangers. 
It was strongly ;fortified, with narrow and dirty streets ; 
diversified, however, by mosques, caravanserais, and 
public baths. The interior, indeed, has been pronounced 
by Lieutenant Gonolly, the filthiest in the world. " No 
drains," he continues, *' having been contrived to carry 
off the rain which Mis within the walls, it collects and 
stagnates in ponds, which are dug in different parts of 
the city. The residents cast out the refuse of their 
houses into the streets, and dead cats and dogs are com- 
monly seen lying upon heaps of the vilest filUi." When 
the traveller expressed his wonder that anyone could 
exist amid so much imcleanness,the inhabitants answered, 
*' the climate is fine, and if dirt killed people^ where 
would the Afghans be? " 

Such was the town, that for some years had been to 
the Persian sovereigns an object of desire. Futteh All 
Shah^ indeed, was opposed to the plans of conquest which 




336 manam miiub i ibis is jsduu [isss. 

die vailike sidonr of Ins son 
cm. The latter, however, on 
[ tlie iediictio& of Herat to the 
ivpl, Melwmed Meena; who, even advanced 
; il» b«t vas recalled in oonseqnaioe of his £ither*s 
deuh. Jffhea secmdy estahiished in his new kingdom, 
the jomMMg Sbah lesued the intermpted enterprise; 
and, notwithstandiiig die remonstrances of the British 
oiToj, lesolred to oMidiict it in person, at the head of 
a laigeanBj. 

At this jvnctnre, Kanuan 9iah of the Suddozye tribe, 
governed the tenitoij of Herat. He was the son of 
Mahmood Shah, and plajed a prominent part in the 
anest and mnrder €i Fnttdi Khan. In yonth a volnp- 
toaij, a handit, and a mniderer, he had arrived at a 
period of life when age and feebloiess placed some re* 
straint upon the passions which he once indulged without 
a corh. The active exercise of the royal authority was 
now omunitted to his vizier. Tar Mohammed Khan, a 
man oatwaidlj strict and devoted to the forms of his 
rdigion, bat ambitions, nnscmpnlons, fidtUess, and 
tjrannicaL 

Both Kamian Shah and his minister were prepared 
to resist stoutlj the encroachments of the Persian king. 
In their hour of need also, an auxiliary arrived, who 
proved of signal assistance during the continuance of 
the si^. Lieutenant £ldred Pottinger had been de- 
spatched from Scinde, for the purpose of examining the 
lutherto unexplored r^ions of Afghanistan. Dic^ised 
as a Cutch horse dealer, he pa^ed almost unheeded 
through the midst of an ignorant and tmsuspicions 
people, and finally succeeded in reaching Herat without 
interruption or molestation. Having called upon the 
vizier, his abilities were soon discerned by that shrewd 
statesman, who deigned to seek the ooimsel and assist- 
ance of the young European officer. 
, The Persian army continued to advancei and having 



W7.2 HISSIOK OF BUBNE8. 337 

possessed diemselyes of the Afghan town of Ghorian, 
laid siege to Herat in due form. Their number was 
intimated at 40,000 men, most of whom had been drilled 
hj English sei^eants, sent into Persia for that purpose at 
a former period, and more recently by Russian officers. 
Yet, notwithstanding these advantages, the besieged, 
under the direction of Lieutenant Fottinger, defended 
themselves with such ability, that the Shah was eventu- 
ally compelled to raise the siege, and return home with* 
out having effected his object. 

Leaving for the present these warlike movements in 
the west, we must take a brief review of the measures 
adopted by Anglo-Indian statesmen towards Dost Mo- 
hammed, and the authorities of Afghanistan. Lord 
Auckland had succeeded Lord William Bentinck, as 
governor-general of India, at the close of the year 1835. 
His attention being shortly afterwards drawn to the 
desirableness of making a survey of the river Indus, 
Captain Burnes was despatched on a mission to the 
Ameers of Scinde, with a view of ascertaining whether • 
they would offer any opposition to this undertaking. 
The officer selected for so delicate and responsible a post 
had already elicited the attention of Government, as 
well as the favour of the public at large^ by the publica- 
tion of his Travels in Loodhianah and Afghanistan. 
During his. sojourn in these countries, he. saw,* and con-- 
versed with, both Shah Siijah and Dost Mohammed. Of 
the latter he spoke highly ; while the former seems to 
have impressed him less favourably. 

Before he quitted the Scinde country, Burnes received 
orders to repair once more to Cabool, for the purpose of 
discovering the real disposition of Dost Mohammed. He 
reached Oabool on the 20th of September, 1837, and after 
an interview, devoted to mere ceremony, was invited to 
converse privately with the real ruler of Afghanistan. 
In this and subsequent conferences, Dost Mohammed 



SSS- BSITI8H SBIILEMIST8 IN INDIA. (1838« 

expressed ihe most firiendlj feelings towuds the English, 
and even besought their intercession with Snnjeet ^ngh, 
jfor the purpose of obtaining from that soTermgn the 
surrender of Peshawar. Daring these n^otiations^ how^ 
ever, intelligence reached the ears of the British envoj^ 
that the brothers of the Dost, in Candahar, had fidlen com- 
pletely under the Rosso-Persian influence, and were carrj- 
iiig on a correspondence with the Shah. The Ameer of 
Cabool denied all participation in these intrigues, but it 
was evident that he looked for some material assistance* 
from the English Goyemment, and seemed disposed, if 
this should not be granted, to ally himself for the future 
with Persia. 

Finding his ofBcial superiors unwilling to ^dtertain 
the propositions of Dost Mohammed, Bumes prepared 
to leave Cabool. A Russian envoy, Captain Yicovich, 
had been for some days in the city, but hitherto met 
with little countenance from its ruler. Now, however, 
the sentiments of the Ameer underwent a complete 
change; Nicovich received public honours, and promised 
in return the most specious advantages^ The British 
authorities^ on the contrary, could hold forth no incen^ 
tives to the wavering mind of the Afghan chief; for 
a time he remained irresolute, and finally, though with 
evident reluctance, threw himself into the arms of the 
Persian faction. 

On the 1st of October, 1838> the goyemor-general. 
Lord Auckland, issued from Simlah a manifesto con- 
taining the declaration of war. This document recapi- 
tulated the efforts made by the English Government to 
place the question regturding the navigation of the Indus 
on a satis^Mstory footing, and mentioned in terms of 

• His demands were, that the EngUsh should engage to protect Cabool 
and Candahar, from Persia, procure the snnender of Peshawar, by fina- 
jeet Singh, and interfere for the protection of those who might return to 
that city from CabooL 



18S8.] . TBE.ABICT OV THS HSDITB. 339 

Iiigli approbation the conduct on that occanon of th^ 
Maharajah, Bunjeet Singh. It proceeded to notice the 
siege of Herat^ the intrigues of Persia, and the inimical 
attitude of Dost Mohammed, who, it was said, " ayowed 
acbemes of aggrandizement and ambition injurious to 
the security and peace of the frontiers of Lidia^ and 
threatened in furtherance of those schemes to call in 
every foreign aid he could command." The paper con- 
cluded by setting forth the unpopularity and ambitious 
designs of the Barukzye chiefs, the rights of Shah 
Sujah, and the determination of the British Q-ovemment 
to aid him in recoyering his lost throne. 

War being now formally declared, a large force was 
assembled, entitled the Army of the Indus, the direction 
of which deTolred on Sir Henry Fane, commander-inr* 
chief €£ India. It consisted of three divisions — ^twa 
from Bengal, under Sir Willoughby Cotton and Major- 
General Duncan; and the third from Bombay, led by 
Sir John Keane. A body of engineers, two siege trains^ 
and nearly fire regiments of cavalry, accompanied tha 
army, which altogether mustered about 16,000 men. 
Besides these troops, the governor-general isaued orders 
that a force should be levied, to be designated, ^ The 
Shah's Contingent," although organized and drilled by 
British officers. The reason for incurring this additional 
and useless expense appears to have been a wish to 
earry out practically the paragraph of the manifesto 
which stated that '' His Majesty Shah Sujah-ool-Moolk 
would enter Afghaniistan surrounded by his own troops, 
and supported against foreign intexference and factious 
opposition by a British army." 

Few political m^hsures in modem days have ezdted 
more interest, or called forth more criticism, than the 
war in A%hanistan. Its disastrous results are still felt 
kutividuaUy, if not nationally,, and thb consideratioiK 
tenders a lengthened discussion of the subject unde* 
z2 



840 BRITISH BSTTLSMEKTS IK INDliU DBSS. 

ftirable in a work like the present. Yet a brief ennme^ 
ration of the arguments urged in its favour, as wdl as 
of the objections levelled against it, may be not entirely 
out of place. 

The advocates of the war rested their opinion princi- 
pally upon the necessity for counteracting the designs 
of Russia in the East---designs made manifest by the 
conduct of the Persian Court, and the expedition to 
Herat. Few persons indeed imagined that the Czar 
designed to send an army to the borders of India^ 
but merely to secure some adjacent territories that 
could be used for advanced posts, and from whence 
Eiussian agents might easily hold intercourse with the 
native populations under our sway. That these fears 
were not without foundation appeared from the ex- 
pressed sentiments of official men, peculiarly qualified 
from their position and attainments to form an opinion 
on the subject. In July 1836, Mr. (afterwards Sir 
John) M*Neill, then the British envoy at the Court of 
Persia, wrote the following statement with regard to 
the designs of the Shah : *' His Majesty has been encou- 
raged, and, I have been recently informed, has been 
promised positive assistance in this design (the attack 
on Herat) by the Russians, who well know that the 
conquest of Herat and Candahar by the Persians is, in 
fact, an advance for them towards India, if not for the 
purpose of actual invasion, certainly for that of intrigue 
and disorganization." 

With regard to the internal affairs of Afghanistan, ifc 
was urged that while that country remained parcelled 
out among a number of petty chieftains, each jealous of 
his neighbour and ready at every moment to unite with 
any foreign power who promised or afforded him assist- 
ance, no security could exist for its being preserved free 
from foreign domination, since domestic division has 
been proverbially the forerunner of foreign conquest* 



1SS8.] OHKIONS UFOK THB WAB. 341 

The consolidation therefore of the whole kingdom under 
one head was necessary to its political independence, as 
well as for its internal tranquillity. In respect to Shah 
Sujah, while few affected to consider him as gifted with 
extraordinary abilities, most admitted that he was not 
worse than the generality of Eastern rulers, " He was," 
they said, a " literary prince, of mild and studious habits, 
unstained by debauchery, and one who had given fre< 
quent proo& of a humane disposition in sparing, or 
interceding for his vanquished enemies. His claim to 
the throne was just; he was the eldest representative 
of the great Suddozye family, the royal race of Afghan- 
istan." The people, it was intimated, groaned under the 
iron rule of the Barukzyes, detested their usurpation, 
and cast the same looks towards Loodhianah that a 
Jacobite of the eighteenth or seventeenth century might 
have directed to the Court of Versailles. The abilities, 
courage, and energy of Dost Mohammed were admitted; 
but he was a Barukzye ; he was our enemy, or willing 
to be our friend only upon conditions that would pro- 
voke the resentment of Runjeet Singh, then esteemed 
one of our best and most faithful allies. 

Under these circumstances, the advocates of the war 
recommended the occupation of Afghanistan, and its 
union under a monarch friendly to the English, beloved 
by his people, and ready to defend to the utmost his 
paternal dominions against Persian violence or Eussian 
intrigue. 

The opponents of this measure, on the other hand, 
ridiculed the idea that a Eussian army could at any 
time penetrate into Afghanistan and menace the frontier 
of the Company's possessions in India. They dwelt 
upon the impolicy of interfering in the domestic con- 
cerns of a fierce and barbarous people, hating Chris- 
tians and foreigners with more than ordinary rancour, 
despising Shah Sujah, as the imbecile puppet of the 



SiS BBIZBII MLIT I JIMKH 'I M IXT SEDIA. n8»> 

'Ea^SA,mmdHX!tj oonrinoed tint lume of Ins enterprisei 
noold ever pfivre fiDrtmiate. They xiqireseBted also tint 
our oocttpaticni of the eastern Ymnk of tiie Indus would 
aerte as a waffkaait defionoe for oar Indian possessions, 
if indeed dicj should ever he serionsl j menaced ; while 
an aJli»n«^ with Dost Mohammed, the biaTest and most 
eneigedc of the A%han diiefe^ might lepel effectually 
the intrigaes of Bassia or Persia^ in a oonntiy where he 
pe sw rn c d nnhonnded influence as the mksr of its metro- 
polis and the zealous protector of its religion. 



38SS.] LOBO AT70KLAKD Ain> BUKJBBT 8DfGH. 343 



CHAPTER XXVL 

2HTRICHJV AT ATA AlTD MIPAUL — ^OrTKBynw BBTWVBN LOBJ> AUOK- 
LASTD AKD BUNJIBT BINGH— THB AMBEB8 OF 80INX>E — ADYAHCl 
INTO AFOHANISTAZr— TAKING OF CABPAHAB AKD GHUZNBB — BNTBT 
OF SHAH StTJAH IVTO CABOOL — T^OXTBiAlCZE OBDIB OF KNIOHTHOOD 
— ^FALI. or KHBLAT. 

1838—1841. 

The warlike attitude assumed by tlie Britisb authorities 
in India, led to various intrigues on the part of the 
courts of Ava and KepauL An emissary from the last- 
mentioned state having attempted to sow disoord between 
the English and Runjeet Singh, was arrested, and a 
strong force enoamped on the Nepaulese frontier. In 
like manner, reinforcements were sent to the corps sta- 
tioned in Arracan and Tenasserim, in order to check 
any warlike demonstration on the part of the Burmese. 
Having adopted these precautions against turbulent 
neighbours, the governor-general took a journey to 
Eerozepore, for the purpose of inspecting the army of 
invasion and to exchange civilities with the Maharajah 
Bunjeet Singh. 

On the 28th of November, 1838, the Li<m of Lahore 
paid his first visit to the representative of the British 
Queen. Runjeet Singh has be^oi described as " diminu- 
tive in person, but of a most expressive countenance ; 
his forehead was broad and capacious, his right eye—- th« 
only one he possessed, having lost the other by small- 
pox*»was large, prominent^ and brilliant, glancing oMk- 
tinuaUy and restlessly around; and his appearance 
alt<^Uier was singular and impressive." Such was the 
figure who, having dismounted from his elephant, ea*- 
t&ced the tent of councii supported by Lord Aucklavl 



344 BfUTISH SEITLEMEKTS IN INDIA* 11838. 

and Sir Heniy Fane. There lie receiyed the magnificent 
presents prepared for his acceptance, and performed an 
act of reverential homage to the portrait of Qneen 
Victoria, which Sir Willoughbj Cotton placed before 
him. The crowd was immense, and the noise consider-- 
able, bat the magnificence of the spectacle yielded in 
impressiyeness to the gorgeous scene which presented 
itself on the following day, when the governor-general 
returned the visit of i£e Maharajah. The crimson tents 
of the Seikhs, the gorgeous robes and arms of their 
officers, the glitter of armour, and the variety of colours 
that everywhere met the eye,' constituted a magnificent 
illustration of Oriental splendour.- 

Amid this pageantry and warlike display, intelligence 
arrived that the Persians had retreated from Herat, — a 
circumstance which led to the diminution of the in- 
vading army. As Sir H. Fane judged it necessary to 
select the corps that were to accompany the expedition 
by lot, for the purpose of avoiding all invidious distinc- 
tions, one of the most effective — ^the Buffs — were left 
behind, while the 13 th Light Infantry, an invalid regi- 
ment, occupied their place. Shortly after this arrange- 
ment, Sir Henry resigned his post, being compelled by 
ill health to return to England, and the chief command 
was made over to Sir John Eeane, then at the head of 
the Bombay division. 

The commencement of the expedition could hardly 
be considered fortunate, inasmuch as the advance of the 
troops through Scinde occasioned much hostile feeling 
on the part of the Ameers of that province, which mani- 
fested itself in their reluctance to provide supplies of 
provisions for the troops, and to contribute twenty-eight 
lacs of rupees as their share towards the expenses of the 
war. Originally vassals of the Afghan kingdom, they 
feared that the restoration of Shah Sujah would affect 
their independence, the more especially as that monarch, 
whose ideas of royalty were truly Oriental, had threatened 



18S9.] MIHRAB KHAN« 34ff 

either to reduce them to their former condition, or to 
transfer his claims on their obedience to the British 
Grovemment. Their inimical spirit soon rendered it 
necessary to menace their capital of Hyderabad; and 
tbis measure, while it unquestionably retarded the move* 
znents of the army, obliged the Ameers to enter into 
more amicable arrangements, 

On the 20th of February, Sir Willoughby Cotton 
joined the Shah's Contingent at Shikarpoor, Three days 
afterwards, the English commander continued his march 
ivith the first division towards the Bolan pass, while the 
Shah and Mr. Macnaghten, the British Envoy, remained 
stationary, waiting for the coming up of the Bombay 
army, under Sir John Eeane. The advance of the 
troops was beset on every side by the most formidable 
difficulties. They wanted water and forage, losing daily 
some of the camels and beasts of burden, while the wild 
Beloochee tribes hung upon the fianks and rear, plun- 
dering the stores, and murdering all the stragglers that 
fell into their hands. Many of these impediments were 
attributable to the conduct of Mihrab Khan, of Khelat^ 
the ruler of the provinces through which the troops were 
now passing, who, although not openly at war with the 
English, disapproved of their policy, and was disposed 
to hinder their progress as much as possible. Others 
arose from the excessive amount of baggage, which re. 
quired 30,000 camels to transport it j and from the num- 
ber of the camp followers, who were four times more than 
the fighting men. Thus the army was not only obliged 
to provide for its own necessities, but for those of an 
useless and unwarlike crowd, by whom the stores were 
consumed, and the movements of the troops considerably 
retarded. 

When Sir W. Cotton arrived at Dadur, he possessed 
only a month's supply of provisions, and had little 
expectation of collecting more until he reached the open 
country of Afghanistan. He was now at the entrance 



Si6 BRITISH ^fssmxmatiA in nmiA. tissa. 

t>f the B(^Aii |ms8» a nanaw defile, about eerentj miles 
in kngchy and hedged in on boi^ sidee by |n«cipitoiis 
rocks and mountains more tiian five tboasajid feet bigb. 
Owing to tiie exertions of Sir Alexandtt Baznes, ^v^ 
went on before with a small force to remove obstades 
and prepare the way f<^ the rest of the army, the pas- 
sage was accomplished in a week, the colamn reaching 
Quettah on ibe 26th of March. Here the scarcity of 
proTisions obliged the commander to diminish by nearly 
one half ihe daily allowance served ont to his men, a 
measare which, although ImperatiTely necessary, tended 
to depress thdir spirits, and rendered diem aaxioos with 
respect to the issue of the campaign. 

Prom Qnettah Sir A. Bonies hastened to Khdat, 
irhere be used every effort to conciliate Mihrab Khan. 
That diiefUin commented unfavonrably on the raea- 
sores of the English, predicted an nnsuccesslnl termi- 
nation to the invasion, and complained of the losses he 
had sustained by the passage <^ an army through his 
territories. The promise of a lac and a half of rupees 
annually, as payment for supplies of provisions, rendered 
him apparently more favourable, but his means of aiding 
the army seem to have be^d overrated, and a blight 
during the preceding year had occasioned throughout 
the country a scarcity of grain. Moreover, notwith- 
standing that a treaty was stored into mih the Khan, 
he secretly encouraged his dependents to harass and 
annoy the English in eveiy possible manner, lliese 
outrages being continually committed by the savage 
mountaineers, naturally led to instances of severe retali- 
ation, l^eir lands were devastated, and many persons 
suspected of robbery or murder underwent the severest 
penalties of martial law. 

The sufferings and inconveniences endured by the 
troops rendered both ofBcers and men quendous and 
discontented. The English* generals complained that 
an undue share of the cunels and st<M:^ were atiotted to 



18S9.] '. BSLAB SUSia AS OUOdJUIAZL 847 

the uiidiaoiplined xabbk termed the Shah's Oontingenty 
^diile l^e diyuifnis destined to bear the vhole brunt of 
ibe WKT were neglected and overlooked. This display 
ef iiritatioQ nagbi, pediaps, be excusable, but it was^ 
unfortunately, succeeded by a discreditable manifestation 
of jealoosy on the part of tibe Bengal and Bombay forces, 
each aocwfling the other of appropriating more than its 
share of the oamds and stores. 

At length. Sir John Keane having joined the leading 
oolunin, the troops pushed on to Oandahar, the capitid 
of Western Afghanistan, which they reached on the 
25th of April, 1839. The governors of the city fled at 
their approach, and Shah Sujah entei«d in solemn state, 
accompanied by his English allies. His reception waa 
most flattering. The streets were crowded with spec* 
tators, who strewed flowers before the king, and hailed 
him with shouts of ** Wedcome to the son of Timour 
Shah !" ** Oandahar is rescued from the Barukzyes !'^ 
" May your enemies be destroyed !" and similar acda* 
mations, many of which may have been as insincere as 
the acdamations of an ignorant and excited populace 
usually are. The Douranees, however, crowded around 
their ancient king, pleading past loyalty and suflerings, 
and demanding that for the future their privileges 
and possessions should be restored, and themselves ad- 
vanced to the highest posts of the State. In a few days 
Shah Sujah foimd himself beset with the same dif- 
ficulties that harassed Charies II. after the Bestoration, 
and Louis XVIII. after the down&ll of Buonaparte. 

In the meantime, the English army suffered consi- 
derably from fever and dysentery, occasioned by the un- 
precedented heat of the weather and the privations they 
had undei^me in their toilsome march. The A^^utns 
r^arded 4he invaders with unmitigated hostility, and 
two English i^Bcen having gone out on a flshing excur- 
sion, they were attacked by assassins at a short distance 
from the jdiyj who murdered iks one, and severely 



348 BBmSH BETTLEUENTS IN INDIA. D889. 

wounded the other. About three hundred oamp fol- 
lowers returning to India under the protection of a cara^ 
van, were lured into a fortress and inhumanly butchered, 
some few only escaping, covered with woands^ to bring 
the tidings to Oandahar. 

After a halt of two months at the latter place, the 
army marched forward to Ghuznee, the G(»nmand of 
which Dost Mohammed had confided to his son, Hyder 
Khan. This city, though inferior in appearance to both 
Gabool and Oandahar, possessed strong fortifications. 
A broad and deep moat protected three sides of the 
town, while the citadel, built on the slope of a lofty 
hill, seemed by its aspect to justify an opinion current 
among the Afghans, that Ghuznee would detain the 
English for at least a twelvemonth before its massive 
defences. 

The prediction, however, was not destined to have 
a fair trial. Among the Barukzye nobles within the 
walls, were two nephews of Dost Mohammed. N^lected 
by his uncle as one suspected of being favourably dis- 
posed towards Shah Sujah, Abd-ool-resheed, the eldest, 
seems to have carried on a correspondence previously with 
Mohun Lai, the Moonshee of Sir Alexander Burnes. A 
few days before the English reached Ghuznee, the bro- 
thers were brought into the governor's presence, and the 
youngest delivered over to the executioners.. Abd-ool- 
resheed believed his own life to be in danger, and fied, 
with a few followers, to the English camp, where he 
gave such information to Major Thomson, the chief of 
the engineers, as enabled him to make arrangements for 
blowing up the gates with gunpowder. 

While preparations were making for this attempt, 
a band of fanatical Mohammedans, termed Ghazees» 
or defenders of the faith, attacked the tents of Shah 
Sujah, with the intention of putting to death a monarch 
who, they considered, had betrayed the interests of reli- 
gion by allying himself with those whom they regarded 



1889.] OAFTUBB OF GHUZNIOS. 349 

as the enemies of Islam. A charge of cavalry repulsed 
these zealots, captured their standard, and made several 
prisoners. When hrought hefore the Shah, they reviled 
him in unmeasured language, and stahhed one of his 
attendants. Some were pardoned, hut the remainder, 
who persisted in their ahuse and gloried in their crime, 
suffered death, hy the king's orders, as traitors and 



. During a stormy and tempestuous night, the engineers, 
guarded hy a corps of light infantry, approached the 
doomed gate, carrying " nine hundred pounds of powder, 
in twelve sand-hags, with a hose seventy-two feet long." 
The howling of the wind drowned the noise of their foot- 
steps, as they crept cautiously along, sheltering them- 
selves from ohservation hehind garden hedges and low 
walls. While the apparatus was heing fixed, the fire 
from the English hatteries opened, and called off the 
attention of the enemy towards another point of attack. 
The walls heing instantly manned, the glare of countless 
blue lights flashing suddenly from the dark line of the 
ramparts, showed that the manceuvre had been success- 
ful. The garrison poured forth a heavy fire in their 
turn, which rendered the crash of the explosion almost 
inaudible. A thick column of black smoke, scarcely 
perceptible hy the faint and struggling light of the 
early morning, announced, however, that it had taken 
place. 

A large body of Afghans now hurried towards the 
gateway to repel the storming party, who were climbing 
over the ruins and forcing their way with fixed bayonets 
into the town. Colonel Dennie led the van, while Bri- 
gadier Sale supported him at the head of the main 
column. Being misinformed as to the success of the 
leading body, the latter officer remained inactive long 
enough to allow a party of the enemy to interpose between 
the two detachments. This movement led, however, to 
the total destruction of the Afghans^ whO; pressed on all 



^50 BRITI8B flBRUSHffines. nr isdia. iissg. 



sides, and seeing no means of escape, exKibited ihe infu- 
riate courage of despair. Brigadier Sale was himself cafe 
down in the mSlie; his antagonist raised his sabre to 
repeat the blow, but the English officer grasped his 
sword arm, and thus ayerted the intended injuiy. They 
grappled together for some time on the ground among 
the blackened ruins of the gate, until Sale, finding his 
strength diminishing, called for assistance. Captain 
Kershaw, of the 13th, hurried to the rescue and trans- 
fixed the A%han with his sword. He still, howoTer, 
maintained his hold, but the Brigadier, exerting one last 
effort, freed himself from the enemy's grasp, and elefl his 
head in two bj a stroke from his own sabre. The Moham- 
medan exclaimed ** Ne Allah 1" (Oh Ood 1) and expired 
almost instantaneously. 

*"* The troops were now pouring with resistless force 
through the streets and bazaars of the town. The car- 
nage was fearful, for the besieged neither gave nor ex- 
pected quarter. Tet, when helpless, and unable any 
longer to defend themselves, they generally obtained the 
mercy which they scorned to ask ; and all writers agree 
in asserting that the property and persons of the peace- 
able inhabitants escaped plunder and remained free from 
the usual excesses of military violence. This forbearance 
on the part of the soldiers has generally been attributed 
to their abstinence from intoxicating liquors, the supply 
of which was exhausted during the march. The same 
reason, according to the medical men accompanying the 
army, occasioned the rapid recovery of the sick and 
wounded from the injuries they had sustained. 

The Governor Hjder Khan having been taken pri« 
soner, was conducted to Shah Sujah, who^ aft«r a mild 
rebuke, gave him his liberty, with permission to go 
where he pleased. Another son of Dost Mohammed, 
finding the English masters of Ghuznee, bioke up his 
camp near that city and fied precipitately to Cabool, 
where his Either abs^lute^ refused to reem» him* The 



n3».] KJQST or DOSI MCNBUlOfXD* S5t 

success of his enemy's arms, indeed, had impressed the 
Ameer with the liveliest feelings of astonishment and 
alarm. He resolyed to treat, and for that purpose sent 
to the English camp his hrother, Nawah Jubhar Khan, 
who, from the kindness and hospitality manifested by 
him towards European travellers, was known among them 
under the flattering appellation of " the good Nawab." 

The terms he offered were to the effect that Shah 
Sujah should be acknowledged king, and received as 
such at Oabool, provided he would delegate to Dost 
Mohammed the office and title of vizier, both of which 
had been possessed by the Barukzyes in former times., 
These, however, were rejected by the English, who insisted 
that Dost Mohammed must resign his power altogether, 
and, quitting Afghanistan for ever, accept an asylum and 
pension within the Company's dominions. 

The unfortunate chieftain being thus repulsed, made 
a desperate effort to awaken the courage or patriotism of 
his Afghan adherents. Biding up to them with the 
Koran in his hand, he implored them to strike at least 
one more blow for their religion and their prophet. 
They listened in moody silence to his passionate appeal, 
but his entreaties and exhortations awoke no responsive 
enaction. At length he terminated his address in the 
following words : — " You have eaten my salt these thir- 
teen years. If^ as is too plain, you are resolved to seek 
a new master, grant me but one favour in requital for 
that long period of maintenance and kindness — enable 
me to die with honour. Stand by the brother of Futteh 
ELhan while he executes one last charge against the 
cavalry of these Feringhees,* in that onset he will fall ; 
then go and make your own terms with Shah Sajah.*^f 

Finding that his troops would not support him, he 
fled towards the elevated regions of the Hindoo Eoosh, 
followed by a small but devoted band, who honourably 

• Europeans. 

t Kaye^s Histoij of file War m Afghanistan. 



i5i BRITISH SETTLEMSKTB IS IKDIA. [iMf. 

adhered to the fallen fortunes of their faTOurite chief- 
tain. The English sent a detachment of cavalry in pur- 
suit, hut, meeting with continual delays, owing to the 
treacherous conduct of their Afghan * conductor, the 
Ameer succeeded in escaping across the frontier into 
the territories of the Walee of Khoolom, where his cap- 
ture hecame of course impossihle. 

Cabool was now at the mercy of the allies, who entered 
the city upon the 6th of August Shah Sajah led 
the way, glittering with diamonds, and clothed in the 
gorgeous vestments of Eastern royalty ; but, to use the 
language of our great national dramatist — 

" No man cried, God save him ; 
No joyful tongue gave him his welcome home." • 

The people preserved an ominous silence, and seemed 
most interested by the dresses and general appearance of 
the European strangers. At last the Shah reached the 
palace that was once the home of his childhood, and 
from which he had been so long an exile. He ran over 
the rooms, expressing every moment his varied feelings 
by exclamations of joy, or bursts of emotion. The 
British officers who attended him, watched with respect- 
ful sympathy the manifestation of feelings common alike 
to kings and their meanest subjects ; they offered their 
congratulations to his Majesty upon his happy restora- 
tion, and then retired, leaving him to meditate in 
solitude upon the means of retaining his recently 
recovered inheritance. 

When the excitement produced by his return and 
reinstalment in the Bala Hissar had somewhat subsided, 
there were many topics suggestive of disappointment or 
anxiety that presented themselves to the mind of the 
restored monarch. His kingdom had been stripped 
during his exile of its fairest provinces. Kamran Shah 
possessed Herat, the Seikhs were masters of Cashmer^ 
• Bicliard II. Act Y. 



1U9.] SNTBT INTO OABOOL. 352c 

Mooltan, and Peshawar. Although, for the present, 
Dost Mohammed was a fugitive^ yet no one acquainted 
with his energy and courage could imagine that his 
exile would be perpetual. His reappearance would 
prove in the highest degree satisfactory to many who 
despised the Shah^ and loathed, with intense bitterness, 
his Christian allies. Moreover, while Sujah distrusted 
the Afghans, he was by no means disposed to welcome the 
continuance of a foreign army of occupation within his 
capital. Yet, without the English, his reign would soon 
terminate; and their envoy, now well aware of the true 
state of a£fairsy could never consent to a total with-« 
drawal of the troops, involving, as it must do, the 
failure of an enterprise for which so much money and 
so many lives had already been sacrificed. 

While these and similar considerations agitated the 
mind of Shah Sujah, instructions arrived from the 
governor-general which in some measure anticipated 
one of the principal difficulties. Lord Auckland directed 
that the Bengal troops should return to India by the 
Khybur Pass, and those from Bombay by the route 
they had already traversed, a detachment being left at 
Oabool, for the protection of the shah, under the com- 
mand of Colonel Sale. 

On the 3d of September Colonel Wade, accompanied 
by the Shahzadah,* Prince Timour, arrived at Cabool 
with the Seikh Contingent. Before they reached their 
destination, Kunjeet Singh had breathed his last, and the 
prospect of a disputed succession in Lahore contributed 
to increase the anxiety of the Anglo-Indian politicians 
with respect to the future. For the present, however, 
these troubled thoughts were shrouded beneath splendid 
festivities and public manifestations of joy. The Prince 
£oyal marched into Cabool at the head of a triumphant 
procession, and his entry was celebrated by the institu- 
tion of an order of knighthood, the chief honours of 
* Heir apparent to the throne, 
A A 



954 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [1SS9. 

wbich were conferred upon the principal Englisli officers 
by the Shah in person. Feasts, shows, and military 
spectacles, succeeded to this pageantry, which proved, 
eventually, only the brilliant prelude to scenes of misfor- 
tune and sanguinary slaughter. 

Some ill-founded reports to the effect that Dost Mo- 
hammed had occupied Eoondooz, and was daily gather- 
ing fresh levies on the frontier, induced Sir William 
Macnaghten, the English envoy, to make a requisition 
to the military authorities for a larger force than they' 
originally contemplated leaving in Afghanistan. This 
having been arranged, the Bombay column, under (Gene- 
ral Willshire, proceeded homewards by way of Khelat, 
against which place they had a mission of vengeance to 
fulfil. The British authorities considered that its chief-^ 
tain, Mibrab Khan, had forfeited his dignity by the cold 
welcome he afforded to the allies of Shah Sujah when they 
were entering Afghanistan. His deposition, therefore^ 
was decreed, and the army entrusted with the duty 
of carrying the sentence into execution. Hitherto the 
doomed chieftain had striven, by protestations, excuses, 
and general servility, to avert the threatened blow. 
Finding, however, no alternative between surrender and 
resistance, he buckled on his armour, and awaited behind 
his strong fortifications the coming of the Feringhee foe. 
They arrived before Khelat on the 3d of November, and 
capturing some heights to the north-west, opened a heavy 
fire upon the besieged, who, unable to maintain their 
position, endeavoured to drag off their guns into the 
town. Before, however, this could be effected, they 
were charged by the English infantry, who seized the 
enemy's guns, but found themselves unable to enter the 
gate in company with the fugitives. 

All the British troops having now gained the emi- 
nences, they battered the gate with artillery until it 
gave way, and a storming party, who had been 
placed in readiness for a &vourable opportunity, 



J839.1 FALL OF HIHBAB KHAN. 3^$ 

rasbed forward impetuously and forced their way into 
the city. The Afghans fought with the fury of despair 
and deadly hate. The contest raged from street to 
street, every foot of ground being resolutely held to 
the last. At length the citadel was entered, and the 
besiegers encountered Mihrab Ehanr in person. He 
defended himself bravely, surrounded by his principal 
chiefs, eight of whom had been cut down at his side 
before the Khan fell. Being pierced by a musket ball 
be expired immediately, and the loss of their chief 
obliged the garrison reluctantly to surrender. A por- 
tion of his dominions was conferred on Shah Sujah, 
while the remainder passed over to an ancient rival of 
the Khan. 

As the Bombay column pursued its march, the in- 
telligence that the Russians were advancing against 
Khiva produced some delay ; but the Russian expedition 
proving utterly abortive, the English troops resumed 
their journey^ and the army of the Indus was finally 
broken up, a large detachment being, however, left be*- 
hind in A^hanistan for the protection of Shah Sujah, 
All the promoters of the late war received some mark 
of consideration from the English Government. Lord 
Auckland was created an earl, Sir John Keane a baron, 
Mr. Macnagbten a baronet, and Colonel Wade a knight. 
Other hononrs were liberally accorded to the subordinate 
officers, while many considered the conquest of Afghan- 
istan as one of the most brilliant achievements of modern 
days. But, even in the very hour of triumph and 
national exultation, sagacious and far-sighted men 
looked anxiously towards the fature as if they could 
almost behold a mystic hand tracing upon its troubled 
front predictions of misfortime and characters of doomw, 



A A 2 



356 BBItlSH 8ETTLEMSNTS IN IKDIA« l\m. 



CHAPTER XXVIL 

BBTTBXMSIfT 07 SIB W. COTTOIT— TLIORT 07 DOST MOHAXHED TO 
BOKHARA.— BIS ESCAPE, AND 7INAL SURKENDER TO THE ENGLISH 
— TROUBLES IN CABOOL — MURDER 07 SIR A. BURNES — PERILOUS 
SITUATION 07 THE ENGLISH — ^MURDER 07 SIB, VILLLAX KACNAGH- 
TEN — ^THB RETREAT. 

1840—1842. 

The chief command of the anny occupying Afghanistan 
had been given to Sir W. Cotton, but the retirement of 
Major-General Ramsay from active service, obliged that 
officer, ad the next senior, to return to India in the 
capacity of Provincial Commander-in-Chief in Bengal. 
During the interval, therefore, which elapsed between 
the departure of General Cotton, and the arrival of 
General Elphinsfcone, General Nott commanded in Wes- 
tern Afghanistan, while Brigadier Sale remained en- 
camped near Jellalabad, in what might be called the 
eastern division of the country; the capital Cabool 
being defended by the 13th Light Infantry, and a corps 
of Native Infantry. Ghuznee contained also a native 
regiment, and thus the principal strongholds being 
in the hands of the English, every available precaution 
seemed to have been taken against surprise. 

In the meantime, Dost Mohammed was using every 
possible exertion to enlist in his cause the sympathy 
of the neighbouring Mohammedan sovereigns. Ajnong 
these, he addressed himself specially to the King of 
Bokhara, a petty prince, whose inland region, almost 
inaccessible from every side, enabled him to indulge un- 
checked, in more than the ordinary caprices of Oriental 
tyranny. This ruler had appropriated to himself the 
high-sounding title of Ameer-ool-moumenin, or Com- 



)S40.] DOST HOHAIOIED AT BOKHARA, 357 

mander of the Faithful, a dignity that was formerly the 
exclusive appendage of the caliphs of Baghdad. 

The advances of Dost Mohammed gratified the vanifcy 
of this potentate, and were therefore favourably received. 
The Afghan chief with three of his sons presented them- 
selves at Bokhara, and for a time revelled in the sunshine 
of royal favour. Unfortunately the Tartar Commander of 
the Faithful possessed no more principle nor sense of dig-* 
nity than a mere leader of banditti. He had no sooner 
welcomed the Afghan exile to his Court, than he began 
concerting plans to rob him of the property that yet re- 
mained from the wreck of his fortunes. As is generally 
the custom with eastern great men, this wealth con- 
sisted principally of jewels and diamonds that Dost 
Mohammed had left in the safe keeping of his Harem 
at Ehooloom. In their custody the treasure was safe, 
since the Mohammedan who violates the sanctity of the 
-women's apartment, exposes himself to public censure 
of no ordinary kind. But the ruler of Bokhara seemed 
either above or below these social conventionalities. 
Assuming as much courtesy as he was capable of exhi- 
biting, he intimated that Dost Mohammed would do 
well to remove his family into the territory of Bokhara, 
The Afghan listened with seeming gratitude to the pro- 
posal, but he had already penetrated the design of his 
inhospitable protector. Open resistance he could not 
offer, but while feigning to despatch a letter directing 
his brother, Jubhar Khan, to send off* his household 
without delay, he adroitly substituted for this docu- 
ment, another missive, in which the Newab was exhorted 
rather to sacrifice the lives of those dear to him, than 
suffer them to fall into the hands of a treacherous 
and merciless barbarian. The epistle reached its desti- 
nation in safety, and Jubhar Khan, unable to provide 
more e£fectually for the security of his brother's family, 
placed them under the protection of the British Govern- 
ment. 



358 BRITISH aGTTLBMflHTS nf JlXDUu [IMO. 

When the king of Bokhara found that his plans had 
been counteracted, his rage knew no bounds. He could 
scarcely be restrained from putting Dost Mohammed to 
death; but afterwards, in the moments of cool reflection^ 
even he shrank from such an act of unparalleled atrocity. 
The Afghan chief was, however, imprisoned in a small 
mosque near the principal bazaar. His confinement 
was rigorous and severe. The tyrant would not permit 
him the consolation of frequenting the public services 
of his religion, until the Shah of Persia interfered, and 
shamed the Tartar barbarian into abandoning a course 
of conduct which even the most uncivilized of his co- 
religionists reprobated with disgust and contempt. 

The comparative freedom subsequently allotted to Dost 
Mohammed, enabled him to discover the means of escape. 
An Usbec agreed for a suitable reward to place a good 
horse at the distance of a few miles from the city, and 
to guide the fugitive in safety to the friendly town of 
KhooUoom. The commencement of the enterprise suc- 
ceeded admirably, the Dost and his guide cleared the 
limits of Bokhara without interruption, and were several 
miles on their journey when the chiers horse became 
lame. 

Still dreading pursuit, he dismounted from his charger, 
and exchanged it for the sorry hack on which the guide 
was mounted. The circumstance induced that individual 
to reflect more seriously upon the dangers of his present 
undertaking. He began to consider escape impossible, 
and to search in his own mind for some expedient by 
which he might bring the Dost back to Bokhara^ and 
deliver him up again to the king. 

While these thoughts were passing through his mind, 
two or three horsemen came riding slowly along the road 
in the rear of the Afghan leader, who, true to his 
assumed character of guide, kept considerably in advance. 
The Usbec conversed with these men, and finding them 
inimically disposed towards his companion^ hastily ior 



1840L] .JSSCAFS OF POST UOHAMHED* &59 

formed them who he was, exhorting them to 'secure 
a handsome reward by arresting him at once. The 
riders paused, examined with a critical eye the appear- 
ance of the two ^8teeds, and then exclaimed, " This storj 
will not do for us. It is not probable that Dost 
Jdohammed would ride a wretched animal like the one 
yonder^ while his guide bestrides a fine charger such as 
yours. No, no; it is jou who are Dost Mohammed, 
though you wish to substitute for yourself that miser- 
able clown. We shall, therefore, take you back to £ok- 
Jiara forthwith, so follow us immediately at your peril." 
The consternation of the guide, his protestations, and 
evident anxiety were all misinterpreted; the captors 
turned a deaf ear to his entreaties, and finally carried 
off the trembling wretch to answer before the king of 
Bokhara for his presumption in aiding the escape of 
Poet Mohaihmed. Meanwhile, the late prisoner galloped 
on unmolested for some time, but his horse sank down 
at last exhausted, and he was obliged to join a caravan, 
in which he again avoided detection by dyeing his beard 
with ink. 

, Eventually Dost Mohammed reached EhooUoom in 
safety, after a series of romantic adventures, and was hos^ 
pitably received by his old and faithful ally, the Wallee. 
We must leave both engaged in devising forays in to Afghan- 
istan, while we glance hastily at the general position of 
affairs throughout the kingdom. The English had subju- 
gated the country, and restored Shah Sujah ; their troops 
'occupied the best cities of the realm, and their standard 
jdoated from the ramparts of its most formidable strong- 
Jiolds. Tet their position was on a hidden volcano, the 
convulsive heavings of which from time to time gave 
unmistakeable signs of future commotion. The people 
of the towns murmured and scowled at their unwelcome 
guests, those of the rural districts raised disturbances, 
and attacked the hated strangers with the sword. The 
assailants were easily repressed, but it soon became ^videiit 



360 BRtTISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA« tl94<^- 

that the English might consider themselyes at war nofe 
merely with a few malcontents, but with the whole natiofn. 
The Ghiljee and Kohistanee tribes broke out into open re- 
bellion, the escape of Dost Mohammed raised their hopes, 
and kept alive the feelings of excitement that prevailed 
throughout their respective districts, while an extensive 
and well-organized conspiracy against English domina- 
tion was discovered in Cabool. At Bamean, on the 
frontiers of KhooUoom, some companies of the newly- 
raised Afghan levies went over to Dost Mohammed, who, 
having now collected a large force, crossed the border, 
and re-entered Afghanistan. 

Colonel Dennie was at once directed to advance to 
Bamean at the head of some fresh troops, for the pur« 
pose of strengthening that position. In a neighbouring 
defile he encountered the enemy, who were attempting 
to possess themselves of a fortified village. 'The arrival 
of the English brought on a general action, which ter- 
minated in the total defeat of the Afghans, Dost 
Mohammed being wounded during the action in the 
thigh. 

The ill success of the confederates induced the Wallee 
of Ehoolloom' to patch up a separate peace for him-* 
self, and abandon altogether the cause of his ally, 
while the Ameer sought refuge among the revolted tribes 
of Eohistan. After various desultory movements he 
came in sight of the English near Nijrow, but seemed 
anxious to avoid a battle. Perceiving, however, the 
enemy's horse moving up, he gave up all thoughts of 
flight, and sought only to excite to the utmost the reli- 
gious enthusiasm of his followers. He waved his white 
head dress, stood erect in his stirrups, and implored his 
troopers to charge in the name of Allah and the Prophet. 
They moved on with stem resolution, and the native 
cavalry, notwithstanding the most strenuous efforts on 
the part of their English officers, durst not await the 
attack. They fied on all sides, while the A%hans pur« 



1840.] SURBENDEB OF IX)ST HOHAMUED, 361 

fiued them up to their guns, and then retreated in stead j 
tinbroken order. 

Dost Mohammed had gained an advantage, but he en- 
tertained no hopes that his career could be protracted 
much longer. He knew too well the power and resource 
of the British to imagine that their efforts would be 
arrested by a repulse of this nature. But he was aware 
also that they had often proved themselves a generous 
enemy, and that he personally had done nothing to incur 
their indignation, or deserve their contempt. He was 
defending what he believed to be the best interests of 
his country and his religion against foreign invaders, 
invited into Afghanistan by one commonly considered 
an imbecile and degenerate prince, but his name during 
the whole contest had neither been- stained by treachery, 
nor sullied like that of many others by wanton cruelty. 
He therefore determined to place himself at once under 
their protection, and withdraw altogether from a posi- 
tion in which he could no longer act with advantage to 
his country, or avoid endangering his liberty or life. 

Sir William Macnaghten was returning from his 
evening ride in the neighbourhood of Cabool, when two 
Afghan horsemen galloped up to him, and asked if he 
was the English envoy. Upon his answering in the 
"affirmative, one of the two rejoined, "Then I am the 
Ameer." Startled at such unexpected intelligence, Sir 
William exclaimed with hesitation, " The Ameer ! What 
Ameer?" " Dost Mohammed," was the brief reply, as the 
vanquished chief dismounted, and respectfully tendered 
his sword. The envoy generously refused to accept it, 
and, inviting the Ameer to remount, they proceeded 
together to the Mission grounds, where Dost Mohammed 
took up his abode in a tent that was immediately pre- 
pared for his accommodation. 

The treatment of the captive brought out many excel- 
lent features in the character of the English conquerors. 
There was something in the frank courtesy, daring 



362 BBrnsH bbttXiEXIhts in india. {184o. 

coange, and generally upright conduct of the prisoner, 
that attracted towards him men who could appreciate 
jthese qualities. A feeling went abroad that Dost Mo- 
hammed had been driven firom his throne for no fault of 
his own, but simply because political necessity rendered 
his deposition necessary. With the officers Shah Sujah 
never became a favourite. His manners were proud, cold, 
and pompous, so that both he and his fjEunily gained few 
friends among their allies. Now, however, the .English 
officers flocked in crowds to pay their respects to Shah 
Sujah's captive rival. They retired charmed with his 
address, and delighted with his aflability. In his pre- 
sence etiquette repressed all manifestation of hostile 
feeling towards the present occupant of the Bala Hissar, 
but as the visitors wended homewards to their canton- 
ments many comparisons, doubtless, were instituted in 
private conversation by no means flattering to the reign- 
ing sovereign of CabooL On the 12 th of November, 
1840, Dost Mohammed set out for India, where he was 
most hospitably received, the house formerly occupied bj 
Shah Sujah at Loodianah being allotted to him, with 
an annual pension of two lacs of rupees. 

Those whom he left behind him at Cabool, both 
English and Afghans, might almost have envied the 
peaceful retreat of the ex-Ameer, when they contem- 
plated daily a fresh accession of troubles and difficulties 
arising on every side. The king, already obnoxious to 
the English on account of his personal behaviour, seemed 
disposed to place every possible obstacle in the way of 
more cordial feelings. He gave his confidence to a mini- 
ster grossly incapable, and animated by the most hostUe 
feelings towards the foreign protectors, who were thwarted 
and insulted whenever an opportunity offered itself 
The representations of the envoy at length effected the 
removal of the vizier, and Shah Sujah, placed under the 
control of English agents, seemed for a time likely to 
govern more effectively. Unhappily the factious spirit 



1841.] TBOUBLEd IN AFGHANISTAir. 363 

q£ the country created continual impedimeDts, which 
prevented a satisfactory settlement of affairs. The 
Douranee tribes being disappointed that they were not 
allowed at the restoration to crush entirely their 
Barukzye rivals, reviled and opposed both the govern- 
ment and its English supporters. 

The aspect of foreign affairs was not less gloomy. 
The Vizier of Herat carried on perpetual intrigues with 
Persia and Eussia^ and behaved so insolently to the 
English envoy, that Major Todd retired in anger and 
disgust. At the capital. General Elphinstone succeeded 
Sir Willoughby Cotton, but it soon became painfully 
apparent that his years and infirmities disqualified him 
for a position where energy and activity were in con- 
stant requisition. The main body of the troops had 
been removed from the strong fortress of the Bala 
Hissar, and stationed in cantonments badly situated 
and weakly defended. Still the envoy did his best 
with indifferent materials, and even deemed himself 
justified in reporting to a brother civilian that " matters 
were rapidly verging towards a most satisfactory con-« 
summation.*' 

Notwithstanding Macnaghten's self-congratulation, 
however, the principal difficulties had been by no means 
removed. Major Pottinger, now stationed in Eohistan, 
represented to the envoy the hollow nature of things in 
general, and the disaffected character in particular of 
the chiefs belonging to the Mijrow district. About the 
same time the Ghiljie leaders stirred up a movement in 
the Coord Cabool, where they harassed the troops sent 
against them under General Sale and Colonel Dennie, 
but could not prevent them from keeping possession of 
Jellalabad. 

The Ghiljies now opened a correspondence with some 
persons of influence at the capital, whom they en- 
deavoured to persuade that the English intended to 
c^rj them off to London. This ridiculous assertion. 



364 BRITISH SETTLBMENTS IN INBU, [IMl, 

Strange to say, produced the desired effeot, snd accele^ 
rated a catastrophe that had long heen approaching. 
The Cahool leaders industriously circulat«i reports 
among the people, that the king himself was &TouFabls 
to their cause, and anxious to hring about the utter de- 
struction of " the infidels." 

The first victim was Sir Alexander Bumes. Various 
native friends warned him of his danger, and one even 
suggested that he should seek refuge at the cantonments. 
He seemed incredulous, and gave little credence to the 
numerous rumours which came pouring in. The mob 
assembled beneath his windows, and still Burnes refused 
to fly. " He had always," he said, *♦ been kind to the 
Afghans, and felt sure they would not harm him." At 
last afler a considerable delay, he forwarded a note to 
the envoy, begging that troops might be sent to quell 
the disturbance, but even in this missive, he does not 
appear to have represented the commotion as anything 
more than an ordinary riot. He then went up to the 
top of his house, and commenced haranguing the mob. 
Their wild yells drowned his voice, and as the Shah's 
treasury adjoined his dwelling, cupidity began to mingle 
with their desire of revenge. Disguising himself in 
native costume. Sir Alexander then attempted to pierce 
through the throng, but after he had advanced a few 
steps, a man cried out " This is Bumesj" and the 
Englishman fell beneath a hundred knives. 

All parties seemed paralysed by this unexpected out- 
break. The shah's troops were driven back while vainly 
endeavouring to repress the tumult; and even an English 
detachment that had been sent out, retired without being 
able to strike a decisive blow. The troops shut up in 
their cantonments, grew dispirited, and their leaders 
spoke of retreat. A fort containing the stores and am- 
munition, was captured soon after by the Afghans, and 
the envoy, being obliged to quit the Bala Hissar, sought 
shelter within ^e cantonments. Behind their low and 



IMl.] AKBAB KHAN, 365 

scarcelj defensible walls, were now collected a mingled 
crowd of soldiers, camp followers, and delicate ladies, 
whom their husbands had sent for from India, little 
imagining to what dangers they would afterwards be 
exposed. 

The progress of the insurrection soon spread rapidly 
beyond the limits of the capital. It reached Eohistan, 
where Major Fottinger nearly fell a victim to the 
treachery of some inimical chiefs. He arrived at the 
cantonments in November, accompanied by Lieutenant 
Houghton, both being covered with wounds, and having 
passed almost through the midst of the enemy. As the 
winter drew on, various skirmishes occurred between 
the English and Afghans, in nearly all of which the 
latter proved victorious. The age and infirmities of 
General Elphinstone rendered him unable personally to 
superintend the movements of his men ; and the second 
in command, Brigadier Skelton, looked upon the cause 
of his countrymen in Afghanistan, as beyond the pos- 
sibility of being retrieved. 

Among the victorious chiefs who directed the rebel 
army, Mohammed Akbar Khan, a son of Dost Mohammed, 
occupied the most conspicuous place* Brave, daring, 
and crafty, he possessed all those arts and accomplish- 
ments which captivate the affections of a semi-civilized 
multitude. The son of one whom the English had driven 
from his throne, he seemed to have become their hereditary 
foe^ and to be vindicating not only his country's injuries, 
but his own private wrongs. Impetuous in temper, he 
was utterly void of self-control, varying almost instan- 
taneously from the gayest good-humour, to the most 
terrific transports of violent rage. Like all impulsive 
natures, he was earnest in. whatever he undertook, unac- 
customed to calculate deeply before he acted, capable at 
once of great actions and of deeds reprehensible for their 
perfidy or cruelty. After his arrival, the insurgents began 
to carry on vigorously their blockade of the cantonments. 



366 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [l9iT, 

They proclaimed King, Mohammed Zeman Khan, a cousin 
of Dost Mohammed, and appeared determined neyer to 
relax in their exertions, until they had driven the English 
from their soil. 

At last the provisions of the beleaguered army were 
reduced to four days' allowance, with not the slightest 
possibility of their being able to procure a fresh supply. 
The envoy had tried in vain to detach some of the 
chiefs from the rebel confederation, but they continued 
firm, and nothing now remained to the English, save a 
treaty on almost any terms. Negotiations were com- 
menced, and after many delays the Afghans consented 
to send in supplies, upon condition that the English 
should at once evacuate the country, and set at liberty 
all their prisoners, including Dost Mohammed and his 
family. 

Pressed by famine, the Europeans agreed to these 
stipulations, but they soon discovered that the A%han 
leaders were either unwilling or unable to fulfil their 
engagements. Troops of Ghazees and other fanatics 
intercepted the supplies, and assaulted the English 
soldiers whenever they could find an opportunity, the 
chiefs invariably pleading their inability to restrain 
these outrages. They indeed appeared by no means 
unanimous among themselves, the Ghilzyes and Kuzzil- 
bashes being violently opposed to the Barukzyes; while 
Akbar Khan endeavoured to stand favourably with all 
parties. This chieftain sent two trusty messengers to 
propose that the English should treat with him alone. 
He offered to place under arrest Ameer-oollah, their 
worst enemy, to re-establish Shah Sujah with himself as 
vizier, to introduce into the cantonments an abundant 
supply of provisions, and finally to allow the English to 
occupy their present position until the ensuing spring. 

Sir William Macnaghten accepted these proposals, and, 
contrary to the advice of his friends, consented to attend 
a meeting of the chiefs. As he rode in company with 



1841.1 DEAQPH OF SIR WILLIAM UtAdTAGHtEN. 367 

three or four officers towards the place appointed, armed 
bodies of fierce-looking Afghans gradually closed round 
the strangers. Akbar Khan advanced to meet them 
with seeming cordiality^ expressed his gratitude to the 
enroy for the present of a handsome pair of pistols, 
which he had received from him on the preceding day, 
and suggested that they should all dismount and talk 
over the proposed treaty. The English and Afghans 
then seated themselves on the grass, but the suspicions 
of one of the former being aroused, he made some remark 
on the presence of a number of armed natives who were 
then drawing nearer to the party, with apparently no 
friendly intentions. 

Suddenly the British officers were seized from behind, 
and placed on the horses of the chiefs, who galloped off 
with them to a neighbouring fort. Akbar Khan himself 
attempted to secure the envoy, but Sir William Mao- 
naghten struggled desperately in his grasp. At last 
the irritated chieftain, losing all control over his violent 
temper, drew a pistol from his girdle, and shot Mac- 
Tiaghten through the body. The Ghazees rushed upon 
the victim with their long knives, and in a few moments 
the unfortunate gentleman had ceased to breathe. His 
murderers dragged off the corpse to the principal bazaar, 
where it was hung up and exposed for several hours to 
the insults and outrages of the mob. 

Tidings of the melancholy death of Sir William 
Macnagbten reached the cantonments on the following 
day. The intelligence only quickened the eagerness of 
all to depart from a spot, where hitherto nothing had 
been encountered but disasters and disgrace. Major 
Pottinger, now recovered from his wounds, undertook 
the painful and delicate task of conducting negotiations 
with the murderers of the envoy. The terms offered 
were such as Englishmen, with arms in their hands, had 
never yet subscribed to since their first landing on the 
Indian continent. It was stipulated that every soldier 



368 BRinBH 8Kn£KMEHTS IH IHDU. PMl. 

should forthwidi eracoate A^haiibtan, and that a}l pnn 
pertjy not portable^ should be surrendered to the yictorSy 
who would also retain in their cnstodj the married 
Englishmen with their wives and families, until Dost 
Mohammed and the other A%han prisoners were restored 
to their native country. Besides this, thej demanded 
the waggons, ammunition, and all the guns, with the 
exception of six field-pieces, which thej permitted the 
troops to retain for the purpose of defending themselves 
during their retreat. 

The strong repugnance of the English officers to place 
their wives at ihe mercy of a faithless and barbarous 
enemj, occasioned the final omission of one portion of 
the treat J ; the other conditions were accepted, and the 
agreement having been signed, the English army com* 
menced its disastrous march. It was the depth of an 
A^han winter, the snow laj thick upon the ground; 
and no firewood could be obtained at any price. Even 
the hardy sons of a northern clime looked forward 
with anxiety and alarm, to a long and perilous journey 
during such a season, exposed to the continual attacks 
of enemies, whom no treaties could bind, and whom it 
was now hopeless to think of resisting. Yet their suf- 
ferings were as nothing compared with the agonies en- 
dured by men recently drafted from the burning regions 
of Hindoostan, where snow is never seen, and the exist- 
ence of frozen water is regarded as a fiibulous tale. The 
unfortunate Sepoys crowded together like a herd of 
animals, or crouched hopelessly over a few sticks and 
worn-out accoutrements, by the aid of which they had 
succeeded in raising a feeble flame. Without spirit, 
and totally deprived of energy, the men seemed to have 
lost even individual courage; they possessed no confidence 
in their leaders, and almost trembled at the very sight 
of an A%han. 

The number of the troops when they left the canton- 
ments considerably exceeded 4,000; while the camp 



184L1 . THB RETREAT FROK CABOOU 369 

foUoverSy not including women and children^ have been 
estimated at about 12,000. As they abandoned the 
lines^ a mob of furious Ghazees poured into the deserted 
encampm^t, plundering whatever they could find, and 
cutting to pieces those who had not jet taken their de- 
parture. Nor did this even satiate their sanguinary and 
revengeful feelings ; for one party turned their guns upon 
the retreating troops, while another, bursting in upon 
the crowd of defenceless camp followers, commenced an 
indiscriminate massacre. The miserable victims, mad 
with fear, and incapable of offering resistance, rushed 
forward to the front, thus encumbering the troops and 
preventing them from forming to repel the enemy. Un- 
fortunately too the English commanders shrank from 
aggressive measures, and contented themselves with in- 
Toking the protection of the Afghan chiefs, who invari- 
ably proved either unable or unwilling to arrest the 
violence of their own followers* 

As the column proceeded, numbers fell down overcome 
ty cold, hunger and fatigue. The snow was literally 
covered with wounded men, and the corpses of women 
and children. The beasts of burden dropped exhausted 
l>eside their drivers, and it was soon found absolutely neces-* 
sary to abandon two of the guns. At last, Akbar Khan 
made his appearance, and promised to escort the English 
in safety to Jellalabad. These promises proved as falla- 
cious as all the former engagements had been. When the 
column entered the pass of Koord Cabool, they found the 
precipitous rocks on each side lined with enemies, who 
poured down upon them an incessant fire of juzails as 
they marched along. Kesistance seemed hopeless, for 
the juzail, or Afghan matchlock, carried its ball much 
farther than an ordinary musket, and thus enabled the 
marksman to attain his object from a distance beyond 
the reach of an opponent's weapon. The ladies galloped 
on to the head of the column, exposed every moment to 
the flying bullets; but Lady Sale alone received a slight 

BB 



$70 Bum earajaaxTB nr utdu. dmi. 



Is was m period of intense indiyidual saffer- 
mff. Heio m djun^ offioor laj expiring on the snow, 
vloW kb «il» kwig over Un in speechless agony; there 
UKAker l> iikJ d kis co«nde fiJling heneath the knives 
of ikt Ghnass^ nnable frois weduiess to lend him the 
^igktest awOTtanoff Tlie excttemont of action was want- 
11^ 10 dininii^ pml and inspire cooiage ; it was in fact 
tke homUe nalilT, ike nnadoned bntchery of war. 

As tke tioops asHieBded, the cold became greater, and 
tbttr s«IMngs increased tenMd. Akhar Khan now 
pfopoecd that tke ladies slioQld be phiced under his 
ptoleciion, and secwred in this manner from the dangers 
ef the jonner. Thej had scaroelj tasted food since 
the J left Oabool ; some were nursing infants a few days 
eld, while odmrs expected ererj hour to become mothers. 
Under these ctrcumstances the offer was accepted, and 
the ladies w«e aocordinglj led off under the escort of a 
strong body of Afghan caTahry, the married ones being 
aioecMapanied by tlMtr hnsbands. 

The main body of the troops still adranced, movred 
down at each step by the pitiless fire of the Ghiljies, which 
had already almost annihilated the native regiments. Of 
the 4,000 armed mai who quitted Gabool bar^y 400 
now remained, scarcdy able to march from weakness, and 
dragging along with them ime solitaiy gun. They halted 
for a short time at Kubbur4-jabbar, but soon perceived 
a body of A%han horse apprMdiing, upon which Crene- 
ral Elphinstone, who was now in a dying states drew up 
his men and prepared for an attack. The cavalry proved 
to be a detachment under Akhar Shan, who, as usual, 
affirmed that he could afford them no assistance in their 
prssMit conditi<m. He recommended, however, that the 
troops should lay down their arms, place themselves 
under his protection, and leave the camp followers to 
their fate. This proposition the officers rejected unani- 
mously, and once more the weaiy and dispirited soldio^ 
commenced their march. 



^Uiiil ARIUYAL OV DB. BBTDON. 371 

The enemy still continued their opposition, and not- 
"withstanding some desperate and successfal efforts made 
hj the little band of survivors, it soon became evident 
that few, if any, would reach Jellalabad alive. General 
Elphinstone being induced to hold a conference with 
Akbar was detai^ed prisoner, and his troops, alarmed at 
his protracted absence, moved forward towards Gunda- 
muck. Here their number had diminished to about 
'100 men, including officers, btit these determined to seU 
their lives as dearly as they could. 

In the meantime, General Sale, with his gallant 
brigade, were defending themselves stoutly at Jella- 
labad. At the beginning of January 1842, they had 
received a communication from Major Fottinger, making 
'known officially the evacuation of Cabool, and directing 
"that the garrison of Jellalabad should return to India. 
This General Sale, after some deliberation, resolved to 
disregard, considering that the convention had been 
entered into under intimidation, and was therefore not 
binding. He heard also, on good authority, that Akbar 
'Khan intended to attack the Cabool army during their 
retreat, and imagined that by retaining possession of 
Jellalabad he might afford them some assistance. He 
therefore did his utmost to repair the fortifications of 
the town, and having succeeded in making suitable 
arrangements for its defence, awaited with anxiety some 
farther intelligence from the retiring force. 

On the 13th of January the sentry reported that an 
European, mounted on a small pony, was approaching 
the walls. As he drew near, both horse and rider 
seemed ready to sink with fatigue, but a party of 
cavalry being despatched to his assistance, they brought 
him half alive into the town. It proved to be a Dr. 
Brydon, who conveyed the melancholy tidings that out 
of an army of 16,000 men, he only had escaped to tell 
the mournful tale. 

bb2 



373 BBinSH SETTLKMESTS tS HtDIA* [ISIS*. 



CHAPTER XXVim 



ASTJL^CCl OV BU6ASIEK ITIID — EAmTHQUAKE AT JZLLJkLABAD --^ 
ASKITAL OF LOKD ELLENBOBOUGH — ^ASSASSINATION Of SHAH 81} JAH 
— THB SNGUSH ADTANCS INTO CABOOL A SECOND TIM X— B£COY£KX 
or THE CARITES, AND EINAI. ETACDATION OE THE COUNT&T. 

1842. 

Whs9 the GoTemment of India received inteUigence 
of the revolt in Afghanistan, a reinforcement of 4,000 
men, under Brigadier Wild, was immediatelj ordered 
to Jellalahad. They reached the Khjber Pass in January 
1842, and an advanced guard succeeded in occupying 
the small fort of Ali Masjid. But the main body being 
attacked on all sides by the hill tribes were unable to 
support their companions, and the garrison, finding 
themselves in an isolated position, without stores or am- 
munition, cut their way through the enemy and retreated 
with the brigadier to the mouth of the pass* 

The news of this failure soon arrived at Jellalabad^ 
but its brave commandant, though much dispirited, de* 
termined to maintain his position. Scarcely, however, 
had he completed the necessary defences, when a violent 
earthquake destroyed nearly the whole of his labours. 
^ The city was thrown into alarm," says the general,* 
** within Uie space of little more than one month, by the 
repetition of full one hundred shocks of this terrible 
phenomenon of nature." 

The earthquake was followed by the appearance of 

* General Sale*sJ)e8patchet. 



1842.] BLOCKADE OF JELLALABAD, 373 

Akbar Khan at the head of a large force, in the vicinity 
of Jellalabad. He placed the town in a state of blockade, 
intercepting supplies and cutting off foraging parties, 
but refraining from any regular assault. The garrison 
soon began to suffer severely on account of the scarcity 
of provisions, the troops being on half rations, with little 
hope of obtaining speedy relie£ Sir Robert Sale, there* 
ibre, resolved to attack the enemy's camp, and, if pos- 
sible, break up their blockade. The attempt proved 
successful : the Afghans were driven from their en- 
trenchments, and two standards with four guns, recently 
taken from the Oabool army, remained in possession of 
the conquerors. The latter, however, lost one of their 
bravest officers, the gallant Colonel Dennie, who had 
honourably distinguished himself on various occasions 
during this perilous expedition. 

Meanwhile, the term of Lord Auckland's government 
being expired, he was succeeded by Lord EUenborough, 
who had been from its very commencement strongly 
opposed to the Afghan war. On reaching Calcutta, 
the new ruler found himself obliged to deal at once with 
the disastrous results of that unfortunate campaign. 
The question of the British tenure of Afghanistan had 
been already settled, if not formally, at least by the ex* 
pressed opinions of the ablest politicians of the day. 
All agreed that to maintain an English force in that 
country, or to invade it afresh with a view to a perma- 
nent occupation, would be do less impolitic than unjust. 
Some doubts, however, existed as to whether the gover- 
nor-general should or should not visit the Afghan 
chiefs with that punishment which their treachery and 
inhumanity so richly merited. Those who advocated 
this measure were opposed by others, who thought that 
Government would do better to rescue the captives, 
either by ransom or negotiation, and give up all idea of 
chastisement, the infliction of which might be productive 
of further disasters and a greater loss of life. 



374^ BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA- [1842.- 

While these considerations engaged the attention of 
politicians in England and India, Shah Sujah continued 
for a short time to exercise undisturbed his regal autho> 
rity at Cabool. He was now, however, the mere instru- 
ment of the chiefs, possessing only nominal power, and 
obliged to lend his sanction to any measure emanating 
from the majority. To Akbar Khan had been com- 
mitted the arduous, though honourable office of besieging 
Jellalabad ; but he found himself unable to make the 
slightest impression upon its gallant defenders, while 
the jealousy of his rivals at the capital deprived him of 
the necessary ammunition and supplies. In the mean- 
time the English prisoners were placed in the charge of 
Zeman Khan, from whom they received a kindness truly 
paternal. Though warmly attached to his country, and 
firmly persuaded that the English invasion was an 
aggression upon its independence, he disapproved of the 
treacherous designs entertained by the other chiefs, and 
severely reprobated the cruelties practised during the 
retreat. His decided and manly avowal of these opinions 
affords a strong contrast to the ambiguous conduct of 
Shah Sujah, who openly denounced the Europeans as 
tyrants and infidels, while he secretly corresponded with 
their agents in India. 

Finally, the duplicity of the king led to his destruc- 
tion. The chiefs, suspecting his sincerity, and having 
perhaps obtained information of his intrigues, required 
that he should march at the head of a select body of 
men, to press more vigorously the siege of Jellalabad.- 
When their wishes were first made known to him, the 
Shah, believing his person would be in danger, refused 
to leave his capital : but being ultimately terrified into 
an unwilling consent, he quitted. Cabool on the 4th of 
April. His suspicions proved too well founded. A 
Barukzye noble, the son of Zeman Khan, had placed an 
ambush by the way-side, and as the royal retinue ap- 
\iroached the concealed marksmen poured upon themf 



1842/) EXPEDITIOlf OF BRIGADIER BNOLAKD. 875 

a Tolley of jazails, which killed on the spot both Shah 
Sujah and the principal persons of his suite. The body 
laj in state for some dajs, and the murder called forth 
all the marks of external respect and loyal regret, the 
punishment of death by stoning having been formally 
prononnced against its perpetrators^ Owing, however, to 
the unquiet nature of the times, and the numerous per* 
sons implicated in the conspiracy, these villains escaped; 
as might have been anticipated, the extreme penalties 
of the law. 

The bold resistance of Sale at Jellalabad, and the 
successful opposition offered to the Afghans by General 
Nott in Candahar, were slightly counterbalanced by 
the loss of Ghuznee. Colonel Palmer, the commandant, 
finding his garrison gradually diminished by the rigours 
of the climate and the want of water, surrendered his 
post to the Afghan chieftain, Shems-ood-deen. The 
enemy behaved, however, on this occasion with cus- 
tomary bad faith, the men being relentlessly slaughtered, 
and some of the officers put to the torture. Kelat-i- 
Ghilzye, under the brave Craigie, continued to hold out 
until the advance of the British army enabled its de- 
fenders to evacuate the place with safety and without 
dishonour. 

While the isolated corps in Afghanistan looked eagerly 
for reinforcements to their countrymen on the other side 
of the Indus, Brigadier £ngland was advancing from 
Sindh, by way of Dadar and Quettah. He encountered 
' subsequently a strong body of Afghans near the village 
of Hykubzye, who repulsed the attack made upon them, 
and finally compelled the English commander to fall 
back. The intelligence of this disastrous event reaching 
India, suspended for a short time the determination of 
the governor-general : but eventually Lord Ellen- 
borough sanctioned the advance of Generals Pollock 
and Nott. 

The former commenced the passage of the Khyber 



376 BSmSH BETTLEKENTS IST INDIA. [Itt2. 

Pass earlj in March, and reached Jellaiabad on the 
16 th of April, greatly to the satisfaction of the ^^ iUus* 
trious garrison," who had almost begun to despair of 
ever being relieyed. Meanwhile General Nott had been 
honourably distinguishing himself in Western A%hanift« 
tan. At the time of the Cabool massacre, the tran^ 
quillitj existing in these regions presented so striking 
a contrast to the excitement prevalent elsewhere, that 
Colonel Maclaren*s brigade was on the point of return* 
ing to India. Pressing entreaties for assistance from 
Sir William Macnaghten and General Elphinstone oc- 
casioned this moyement to be countermanded, and 
Colonel Maclaren, with Captain Hart, prepared for a 
march on Cabool, the brigade being strengthened by 
the addition of several Afghan auxiliary corps. Owing 
to the inclemency of the weather, however, the advance 
was suspended, and General Nott soon found it neces- 
sary, in consequence of the spread of the rebellion, to 
concentrate all his outlying divisions at the town of. 
Candahar. 

Mohammed Atta Khan arrived soon after from Cabool, 
for the purpose of inciting the Western tribes to take up 
arms against the English. He was soon after joined by 
Sufter Jung, a son of Shah Sujah, whom ambition, 
avarice, or Mohammedan bigotry, had induced to oppose 
vigorously his father's allies. The name of a member of 
the royal house added strength to the cause, and gained 
over the whole of the Shah's troops, so that the enemy 
being now in considerable force ventured to take the 
initiative, and occupied a strong position in the vicinity 
of Candahar. They soon had occasion to repent of their 
temerity, for General Nott, sallying forth at the head of 
his best troops, drove them from their position, and com- 
pletely broke up their force. After this the insurgents 
remained quiet for a short time : but the intelligence of 
the Cabool massacre inspiring them with fresh courage^ 
they again assailed the English position, and having 



I94t.} BE-GAPTUBB OF QHUZNEB. 377 

drawn off General Nott and the majoriij of his forces 
from the immediate vicinity of Candahar, thej obtained 
in this manner partial possession of the town. The 
vemnant of the garrison, howeyer, who remained within 
the walls, defended their post so gallantly that the rebels 
were not only unable to maintain their ground, but 
foand themselyes compelled to retreat, leaving behind 
them nearly a thousand men killed and wounded. 

On the 9 th of May General England, moving up from 
Quettah, effected a junction with Nott at Oandahan 
One of the first measures taken after this reinforcement 
arrived, was the rescue of the garrison at Ehelat-i-Ghiljie, 
which Colonel Wymer effected with some difficulty. The 
absence of this detachment induced Sufter Jung and 
Mohammed Atta to make another attack upon Oandahar, 
an enterprise that ended in the total defeat of 8,000 
Afghans by 1,200 British troops. The loss sustained 
on this occasion so much discouraged the enemy, that 
Sufter Jung and the majority of his chiefs deemed it 
advisable to send in their adhesion to the British 
Government. 

On the 8th of August the English abandoned Oanda- 
har, General England's corps returning to India by way 
of Quettah, while Nott moved northwards, to unite his 
forces with those of Pollock at Cabool. On his march, 
he defeated a large army of Afghans, near Ghuznee, and 
recovered that city from the hands of the enemy. The 
retaliation exacted on this occasion seems severe, but 
the Afghans had drawn it down upon themselves .by 
torturing British officers, and butchering defenceless pri- 
soners, who, in surrendering, placed themselves under 
the protection of the laws of war. Part of the town 
having been mined, was exploded by gunpowder, while 
the flames kindled by the victors consumed the rest. 

Nor did the relics of past ages escape uninjured. The 
tomb of Mahmoud of Ghuznee, one of the earliest Mo- 
hammedan conquerors of Hindoostan, stood near the 



378 BRltlSH SETTL^IBKTS IN INDU. [1842. 

eitj, and possessed two gates of sandaUwood, said to 
Have been carried off from the Brahminical temple of 
8omnauth. The truth of the legend, <»* rather the 
identity of its subject, was disputed hj Major Bawlin« 
son, who carefully examined the doors in question ; but 
Lord EUenborough having shown in his instructions a 
special desire for these treasures, the troops proceeded to 
remove them, together with the club, or mace, sus- 
pended over the warrior's tomb. The Moollahs wept at 
the profanation of their hero's shrine, but the people in 
general seem to have regarded the whole transaction 
with stoical indifference. 

On the 17th of September, the army of General Nott 
encamped near Oabool, where he found the divisions of 
Pollock and Sale already in possession of the town. 
Akbar Khan had fled, at their approach, to the frontier 
territory of the Hindoo Koosh ; while most of his con- 
federates were seeking refuge among the turbulent tribes 
of Eohistan. Eutteh Jung, a son of the murdered Shah 
Sujah, obtained permission from the English to occupy 
the Bala Hissar ; but the authorities purposely refrained 
from any step which might lead to the supposition that 
they intended to place a new sovereign upon the throne 
of Afghanistan. 

The rescue of the English prisoners, now in the 
power of Akbar Khan, was the next question that en- 
gaged the attention of General Pollock. It had been 
generally understood that Akbar threatened, if pur- 
sued, to retreat into Turkistan : it became, therefore, 
necessary that he should be overtaken before he could 
cross the frontier. Accordingly, Mr. — ^now Sir Kichmond 
— Shakespear, was despatched at once, with some light 
cavalry, to follow up the retreating Afghans ; while a 
brigade under General Sale advanced more leisurely in 
the rear. 

The captives had left Cabool on the 25th of August, 
and were hurried forward, with great rapidity, in the 



1842.3 LIBERATION OF THE OAPtlVEa 379' 

direction of Bameean. As they baited, for a few minutes, 
at the different Tillages, the people issued forth to gaze 
upon the strangers, whom, to their honour be it spoken, 
they generally treated with kindness and sympathy. 
When they passed the fort of Mustapha Khan, the cas« 
tellan, a Euzzilbash chief, made his appearance, fol- 
lowed by servants bearing trays of cakes and sweet- 
meats for the ladies and children. , Tet these courtesies 
could not soften the rigour of the climate, which ope- 
rated severely upon the constitutions of the prisoners, 
who were now ascending the lofty mountains of the 
Hindoo Eoosh. In nine days they reached Bameean, 
where they took up their quarters in a small fort, the 
narrow rooms of which are described as filthy beyond 
description. 

The person to whose care they had been entrusted, 
Saleh Mohammed, was a mercenary, formerly in the Bri- 
tish service, and afterwards in that of Dost Mohammed. 
He had travelled extensively, and loved to talk of his 
journeys and adventures. One of the English officers 
possessed the valuable quality of being a good listener. 
This attention flattered the Afghan commandant; an 
intimacy sprang up between them, and in a short tim& 
the officer felt emboldened to hint to his new friend 
that a handsome gratuity might prove the reward of 
his connivance at the escape of the prisoners. These 
suggestions were not thrown away; and finally Saleh 
Mohammed agreed, for a certain consideration, to sefr 
his captives at liberty. The next day he formally, 
rebelled against Akbar Khan, the English flag was 
hoisted on the ramparts, and Major Pottinger, assuming 
the appearance of more power than he really possessed, 
sent out proclamations, inviting the friendship,^ or de- 
manding the obedience of the surrounding chiefs. 

Intelligence of the defeat of Akbar Khan at Tezeen^ 
induced them to leave their stronghold, and proceed 
towards CabooL After two days' march, a body oiP 



330. BIUTISH BSTTLBMBNT^ IN INDIA. [1842. 

cavalry came in sight, the approach of yrhich filled the 
little band with anxietj and alarm. These feelings, 
however, soon gave way to more pleasurable emotions, 
Yfhen an English officer galloped forward, and announced 
to the liberated captives that the supposed enemies 
were none other than Sir Richmond Shakespear and his 
Kuzzilbash horse. Soon afterwards the brigade under 
Sir Kobert Sale joined^ the united party; and that gal- 
lant soldier had the exquisite gratification of meeting 
again his wife and daughter, after so long and painful a 
separation. 

Among the released captives, one form was looked 
for in vain. Enfeebled by disease, and harassed by 
mental suffering, General Elphinstone had breathed his 
last, at a town called Tezeen. He is said to have borne 
his afflictions with a resigned and Christian spirit, 
speaking kindly of all, even of those to whom he attri-> 
buted most of the disasters of the campaign. 

The captives had a gloomy tale to tell respecting their 
privations; but a few interesting and some mirthful 
incidents were mingled with the recital. The Lord's- 
day they always sacredly observed as a period of rest 
and worship, when all joined in the public service of 
the Anglican Church, one of the officers leading the de- 
votions of the rest. To beguile the weary hours of im- 
prisonment, they constructed rude backgammon and 
draft-boards ; while the children, and even their elders, 
diversified sometimes these sedentary amusements by a 
game at " hop-scotch," or " blind-man's buff." 

General Pollock having accomplished the release of 
the prisoners, began to make arrangements for his 
homeward journey. Before he left Cabool, however, it 
was necessary that some reparation should be exacted 
for previous injuries and cruelty. After several consul- 
tations with fnendly chiefs, and other natives well dis- 
posed towards the English, Pollock determined to de- 
stroy the great bazaar, where the mangled remains of 



1842.] THE GATES OF BOlOrAUTH. 381 

Sir William Macnaghten had been exposed to tlie insults 
of the mob. After this act of retributive justice, the 
■troops bade a joyous farewell to a town where their un- 
fortunate countrymen underwent so many melancholy 
disasters. Prince Futteh Jung, being distrustful of the 
loyalty of his new subjects, abdicated his throne after a 
few days' reign, and was succeeded by. Shah-poor, a 
junior member of the Suddozye family. His authority, 
however, proved equally short-lived, since he lost his 
crown before the English army quitted the frontiers of 
Afghanistan. Soon after. Dost Mohammed obtained his 
release from the honourable captivity in which he had 
lived at Loodianah, being permitted to return at once 
to his own country, where he alone seemed capable of 
keeping in check the turbulent spirit of the Afghan 
chiefs. 

As the English armies approached the confines of 
India, they learned that it was the intention of the 
governor-general to meet and welcome them at Feroze- 
poor. When they entered the plain before that city, a ' 
gorgeous military spectacle presented itself to their 
eyes. The army of reserve were drawn up in military 
order, while a line of triumphal arches, gaily adorned, 
marked out the road to be traversed by the victorious 
bands. They advanced between two rows of elephants, 
richly caparisoned, to the inspiriting sound of martial 
music, accompanied by the salutes of the artillery, and 
the acclamations of a numerous multitude. Two days 
after Pollock's arrival, Nott's division crossed the Sut- 
ledge, bearing along with them the famous gates of 
Somnauth. The whole army being thus assembled, 
banquets, festivities, and other public rejoicings, engaged 
for many days the attention of the officers ; while the 
sepoys were feasted with " mehtoys " (a favourite Indian 
sweetmeat); and all received more lasting marks of 
distinction^ in the shape of decorations, medals, and 
orders. 



382 BBITI6& BBTTUOIBNIS IN INDIA. <1842. 

Thus tennixiaiied the A%haii war, a campaign remark- 
able both for its disasters, and the able manner in which 
those disasters were retrieved. The misfortunes it en- 
tailed upon the Anglo-Indian armj^ together with the 
geographical d^ciUties of the country,' and the hardir 
hood of its inhabitants, will probably secure A%han- 
istan for many years from another English inyasion. 



1S42.] TEE AlOOBBS OV fiCUIDB, S83 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

¥HS ameers or SCIWDB— appointment of sib CHARLES NAPIER AS 
COMMANDE!UIN-CHIEI--^AXINO Ot BMAUM-GHUR-BATTLE OP MEL- 
ANEE— 8HERK MOHAMMED-BATTIE 01 DUBBAR— BANISHMENT Of 

1842—1843. 

Some allusion has already been made to the hostile 
feeling towards the English manifested by the Ameers 
of Scinde at the commencement of the Afghan war. It 
will now be necessary to trace the full development of 
their designs, as well as to record the circumstances 
that led eventually to the annexation of their territory 
to the Company's dominions. 

Scinde, called anciently Sindomania, comprises the 
regions situated near the mouths of the Indus, havin**- 
Beloochistan for their western boundary, the Indian d^ 
sert to the east, and the Punjaub, with Afghanistan, to- 
wards the north. The people were originally pagans ; 
but, since their subjugation, in the seventh or eighth 
century, by the Mohammedans of Damascus, they have 
professed the religion of their conquerors. About the 
close of the eighteenth century they became subject to 
chieftains of the Talpoora race, a powerful Belooch 
trib^, who, descending from the mountains, seized upon 
the more fertile plain country, which they eventually 
shared between them, assuming the title of Ameers, or 
Lords of Scinde. Hence arose two branches, one being 
that of the Kyrpoor Ameers, or rulers of Upper Scinde- 
while the others entitled themselves the Hyderabad 
Ameers, or chiefs of Lower Scinde. Of these the latter 



384 BRITISH BlSTTLEHENTS IN INDIA* [1812. 

were considered the most powerful ; and from their 
numher was generally chosen the wearer of the Raid 
Puggree, or turban of rule, a dignity that conferred a 
species of precedence on the possessor. 

Since 1775, occasional intercourse had taken place 
between the Ameers of Scinde, and their powerful neigh- 
bours, the English rulers of Hindoostan. The voyage 
of Sir Alexander Bumes up the Indus, rendered th^ 
country bordering that river better known ; and in 
1832 and 1834 commercial treaties were negotiated with 
its governors by Colonel Pottinger, who, during the 
course of the last-meiitioned year, had been appointed 
envoy to the Ameers of Scinde. The .demands of the 
English, however, and their apparent anxiety to navigate 
the river, awakened the suspicions of these barbarian 
chiefs, who constantly endeavoured to impede the traf- 
fic in every possible way. 

At the period of Colonel Pottinger^s visit, the Ameers 
were anticipating a Sikh invasion, which rendered them 
less averse to connect themselves with the British Go- 
vernment, whose influence over Runjeet Singh they 
imagined might possibly prove useful. They accord- 
ingly agreed to receive a British agent at Hyderabad, to 
be accompanied, if necessary, by an escort of sepoys. 
Soon after, the Afghan war broke out; and the Ameers, 
being zealous Mohammedans, naturally felt disposed to 
side with their co-religionists against a nation whose 
creed they disliked, and whose political designs they 
suspected. The Persians laid siege to Herat, and Noor 
Mohammed, the chief of the Hyderabad Ameers, wrote 
to the Persian Government, while he entertained at his 
court a person of that nation who was suspected of being 
a secret political agent. Moreover, these princes felt 
greatly indignant at the tripartite treaty between Shah 
Sujah, the Seikhs, and the English, in pursuance with 
which the latter demanded from them extensive pecu- 
niary assistance on behalf of the rightful sovereign of 



1842.] ABBIVAL OF SIR CHABLES JTAPIEB, 385 

Afghanistan. For these reasons inimical feelings existed 
on both sides ; and the Ameers, learning that they 
'would soon be attacked by the Bombay army in its way 
to Afghanistan, raised a levy of 20^000 Beloochees^ and 
prepared to defend themselves to the last extremity* 

But their valour was not proof against the approach 
of Sir John Keane ; and they finally consented to sup- 
port a subsidiary force ; to furnish a sum of 200^000^. 
towards the expenses of Shah Sujah ; to abolish all 
tolls on the Indus ; and even, if called upon, to supply 
auxiliaries for the purpose of co-operating with the allies 
in the Afghan war. The unfortunate issue of the Cabool 
expedition subsequently excited in the minds of the 
Ameers a hope that the time was come when they might 
emancipate themselves from conditions which they re- 
garded as unwarrantably stringent and severe* Too 
feeble, or too timid, to declare open war against the Eng- 
lish, they commenced a series of intrigues and annoy- 
ances, the hostile character of which was sufficiently 
patent, though not tangible enough to justify a formal 
invasion of their territory. When the English agents 
remonstrated, the Scindian chiefs equivocated, shuffled, 
and made fair-sounding promises, endeavouring, by false- 
hood and flattery, to avert present danger, though with- 
out the slightest intention of removing the grievances 
brought before their notice. Two of the number, however, 
Sobdar and Ali Moorad, proved themselves honourable 
exceptions to the general behaviour of their family* 

Matters were in this doubtful position when Lord 
Ellenborough appointed Sir Charles Napier to direct 
the affairs of Scinde. That gallant veteran arrived at 
Hyderabad on the 19th of September, 1842, and imme- 
diately sought an interview with the princes of Lower 
Scinde. He was received with marked distinction, the 
royal palanquin being despatched for his use, while the 
younger members of the princely house advanced to 
meet him, at the distance of a quarter of a mile beyond 
c 



386 . BBITIBH BISTTLBUBNTB IN IKDIA. [1842. 

the city gntes. In tlie court of the palace he found 
assembled a solemn Durbar or council, presided over by 
the Ameers themselves, who, covered with gorgeous 
robes and reclining on magnificent cushions, were await- 
ing the coming of their Feringhee guest. They showered 
upon him an abundance of those poetical compliments and 
urbane attentions in which even the most uneducated 
Orientals far surpass all other nations, while they 
watched eagerly for any indications of character that 
might hereafter be turned to account. Their visitor 
proved himself insensible to these delicate flatteries, and 
made known his sentiments in respect to the fature 
with a degree of frankness which probably surprised his 
princely hosts. He let them know that he had already 
tlEithomed their deceitful policy, and was prepared to 
counteract it if necessary by an appeal to arms. His 
sentiments, in fact, were the echo of Lord EUenborough's 
intimation addressed to the Ameers during the same 
year: "I will confide in your fidelity and in your 
friendship, until I have proofs of your faithlessness and 
of your hostility in my hands; but be assured, if I 
should obtain such proofs, no consideration shall induce 
me to permit you to exercise any longer a power you 
will have abused. On the day on which you shall be 
faithless to the English Government, sovereignty will 
have passed from you; your dominions will be given 
to others, and in your destitution all India will see that 
the British Government will not pardon an injury re- 
ceived from one it believed to be its friend." 

Sir Charles Napier proceeded from Hyderabad to 
Sukkur, where he subsequently obtained proofs that the 
majority of the Ameers had violated the ^*eaty by im- 
peding the navigation of the Indus, holding intercourse 
with foreign states, oppressing British subjects, and 
carrying on various secret intrigues inimical to their 
professed allies. The two eldest princes, Nusseer and 
Jbloostum, were accused of making arrangements to pro- 



.1842.] THE AMBER BOOSTUIL 387 

claim a religious war against the English, the object of 
which would be their total expulsion from the region 
of Scinde. 

The Ameer Eoostum was more than eighty years of 
age, and had reduced himself by habitual intoxica- 
tion to a state of imbecility. As, however, he possessed 
the Eais Puggree, or turban of command, he exercised 
considerable influence orer the other Ameers — but in 
all matters of importance, this influence was really 
wielded by his sons and his chief minister, a determined 
opponent to British interests. The aged prince, being 
^lly aware that he was only the tool of others, mani- 
fested scmie disposition to seek the protection of the 
iEnglish, but his constant vacillation, and the bad faith 
of those around him, rendered fruitless every attempt at 
negotiation. On the other hand, his younger brother, 
Ali Moorad, proved faithful throughout to the engage- 
ments he had entered into — a course of conduct which 
exempted him from the calamities that were shortly to 
overwhelm the other members of his family. 

The Ameer Roostum and his brother were residing 
together in the fort of Dejee-Ka-Koti, while the former 
carried on negotiations with the English. He was said 
to have contemplated transferring to his own son, 
a turbulent and warlike chief, the turban of command^ 
although by the law of Scinde Ali Moorad stood next 
in right of succession. The general opposed this ar* 
rangement, and pressed Roostum to detach himself 
from the intrigues of his family; but these exhortations 
jM-oved unavailing, for the old Ameer finally abandoned 
his brother's castle, and placed all his influence at the^ 
disposal of the war party. Before his flight, however, 
he formally conferred upon Ali Moorad the Rais Puggree, 
and caused his abdication of this ensign of dignity to 
be witnessed and registered according to the customs of 
Mohammedan law. 

In the month of Decanber 1842 the war faction, dis* 
o2 



388 BRITISH 6BTTLEMENT3 IN INDIA. [1842. 

heartened bj the cession of tbe turban to Ali Moorad, 
quitted tbeir capita), Ejrpoor, and effected a junction 
with Roostum in the desert. Their retreat placed tbe 
whole of Upper Scinde at tbe disposal of the English, 
while the retreating Ameers took up strong positions in 
the direction of Lower Scinde, whence they kept up an 
uninterrupted communication with their relatives of 
Hyderabad, and drew together large bodies of mercenary 
troops from the neighbouring province of Beloochistan. 

The confederated chiefs resolved, if possible, to pro- 
tract the time by negotiations until the commencement 
of the hot season, which they trusted would prove fatal 
to the invading host. . In case the English advanced, 
the Kyrpoor chie& were to retreat into the desert, and 
shelter themselves behind the walls of Emaum Ghur, 
a fortress which no European had ever seen, and to 
which no direct road existed. By adopting this course 
they imagined that they should induce the British 
troops to go on towards Hyderabad ; in which case, the 
Kyrpoor force, suddenly emerging from their desert fast- 
ness, might threaten their rear, and cut off their com- 
munications with Boree. 

Sir Charles Napier now determined to adopt a course, 
the bold daring of which he rightly judged would strike 
terror into a barbarous foe. He resolved to march, 
direct to Emaum Ghur, and storm the invincible for- 
tress. The difficulties of such an enterprise were in- 
numerable. Situated in the midst of a desert, the 
approaches had been carefully concealed from all save 
the devoted followers of the Ameers. Even Ali Moorad 
seemed disinclined to aid his foreign allies in this par- 
ticular, and the natives of the country shrank from ex- 
posing themselves to the terrible revenge of their tyrants 
by acting as guides. Undeterred by these considera- 
tions, the intrepid general began his march. The very 
night on which they set out the guide missed the track, 
an ominous commencement for so perilous an under- 



1842.] BMAUM GHUR. 389 

taking. As' they proceeded, forage and water failed ; 
>vhile the general was compelled to send back three- 
fourths of his cavalry. 

After a tedious march of eight days, during which 
they frequently wanted water, and were obliged them- 
selves to drag forward the heavy guns, the little band 
came in sight of Emaum Ghur. The walls were forty 
feet high, quadrangular in form, and constructed of 
well-burned bricks. They surrounded a tower composed 
of the same material — the whole structure being well 
adapted for a long and obstinate defence. But the 
troops found the fortress deserted, the enemy having 
fled in terror at their approach. Sir 'Charles Napier 
determined that it should no longer serve as a shelter 
to some future foe, and, after carefully removing the 
stores of grain, blew up the fort with gunpowder. 

From hence he marched towards Kyrpoor, sending 
forward Major Outram, to invite the Ameers thither 
for the purpose of holding a conference. In the mean- 
time it was discovered that Roostura, with a large body 
of followers, lay encamped not very far distant. He 
promised to accompany the envoy to Kyrpoor, but always 
made some excuses for not keeping his word. The Ameers 
of Hyderabad also sent deputies to the English general, 
to amuse him with insincere negotiations, until they 
were ready for striking a decisive blow. 

No person came to Kyrpoor at the time appointed 
but a few Vakeels,* who endeavoured to cause delays, but 
possessed evidently no power to conclude any definitive 
treaty. The Ameers of Upper and Low«r Scinde were 
assembled at Hyderabad, whither Roostum had also 
gone, unaccompanied however by his sons. Sir Charles 
Napier now despatched Major Outram to the chiefs, with 
orders that they should instantly disperse their armed 
bands, or prepare for an immediate attack. He found 
them indisposed for pacific measures, since they imagined 
* Native political agents* 



390 BRITISH SSTTLBMBNTB IN INDIA. [1S43. 

thej could now fall upon the English with advantage. 
Thej had even arranged their plans of future vengeance. 
Every man, woman, and child in Scinde belonging to 
the hated race were to be assembled on the field of 
battle, and put to death without mercy. The general's 
life they determined to spare, that " a ring being put in 
his nose, he might be dragged in triumph by an iron 
chain, and fastened to the walls of their palace, as an 
example of their power and vengeance."* 

For several days the Ameers continued to negotiate, 
hoping, it appeared afterwards, that they might entice 
the English general to Hyderabad. When they found 
their intrigues linavailing, they prepared for war, and 
assembled 30,000 Beloochees on the plains of Meeanee. 
Besides this force, Shere Mohammed lay at Meerpoor, 
with 10,000 men; the Chandians had crossed the Indus 
with an equal number, to the rear of the Britiish camp ; 
and the chiefs of Upper Scinde commanded 7,000, at 
Khoonhera. To oppose these four armies, Sir Charles 
Napier possessed only 2,800 men, but they were in- 
spirited by their recent success at Emaum Ghur, and en- 
tertained the fullest confidence in their gallant leader. 

In the meantime, the Ameers made a formidable attack 
upon the Residency at Hyderabad. Major Outram had 
at his disposal about 100 men; but he was supported 
by two war steamers on the river, and occupied a strong 
building of stone. The conflict lasted several hours, but 
although the enemy gained no positive advantage, want 
of ammunition obliged Major Outram to embark his 
men on board the steam vessels, and proceed with them 
to head quarters. On this occasion the English lost 
only three men. 

The main body of the army now advanced towards 

Meeanee, where the Ameers had taken up a strong 

position in the dry bed of the Biver Fullaillee. Thej 

mustered from 30,000 to 40,000 men--5,0OO being 

* Napier, Conqnfist of Scinde. 



1843.} , BATTLE OF MEEAlS'iliE. 891 

cavalry ; and brought into the field fifteen guns: The 
high bank of the ri^er formed a natural rampart, before 
it was stationed the artillery, which opened its fire upon 
the British line as they took their position, with a small 
wood at each fiank. Between the armies extended a 
jplain partially covered with low brushwood. 

An opening in the left-hand wood being occupied by 
the grenadiers of the 22d, under Captain Tew, tb<t 
British troops advanced in column towards the enemy's 
front. In spite of a heavy fire from cannon and match^ 
locks, they pushed forward to the foot of the bank, and 
then, throwing in a hasty discharge, rushed up the 
Acclivity, and poured down furiously on the sheltered 
foe. The sight they beheld might have arrested less 
determined warriors. " Thick as standing com/' says 
the historian, *' and gorgeous as a field of fiowers, stood 
the Beloochees, in their many-coloured garments and tur- 
bans j they filled the deep, broad bed of the FuUaillee; 
they clustered on both banks, and covered the plain; 
beyond. Guarding their heads with their large dark 
dbields, they shook their sharp swords, beaming in the 
sun, their shouts rolled like a peal of thunder, as witb 
frantic gestures they rushed forwards, and full against 
the front of the 22d, dashed with demoniac strength and 
ferocity."* 

A fierce bayonet-charge rolled back the front rank^ 
but the Beloochees disputed obstinately every foot of 
ground. Throwing before them their large shields, 
they encountered the bayonets with their swords, leap- 
ing upon the guns, and perfectly heedless of the certain 
deetmction they thus provoked. Several times the 
Europeans were obliged to give way, but the general 
and his officers pressed forward into the front of battle 
and encouraged their men to recover the kst position. 
For three hours the confiict raged with unremitting 
fury, until a charge of cavalry on the Ameeza' right 
* Hi^r, Conqaeat of Sciiidi^ 



392 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA, [lS4f. 

flank threw the Beloochees into confusion, i^hile another 
corps attacked them on the opposite side. They now 
began to retreat, although a portion of the right \nng 
still stood firm ; but these being mowed down bj the 
British artillery, finally followed their companions. 
The enemy lost in this battle six thousand men, the 
Europeans about seventy, while nearly all the officers 
were wounded. 

The next morning the victorious general summoned 
the Ameers to surrender, threatening, in case of refusal^ 
that he would storm Hyderabad. Six of them accord- 
ingly made their appearance in his camp, and tendered 
their swords as a mark of submission. Their weapon? 
having been returned, and themselves treated with cour- 
tesy, the army advanced in the direction of Hyderabad, 
which they entered on the 20th of February, 1 843. 

While the British troops were occupying Hyderabad, 
Shere Mohammed, Ameer of Meerpoor, was augmenting 
his army daily from the numerous fugitives that had 
escaped the English bayonets at Meeanee. He took up 
a position not far from the city, and opened commu- 
nications with the captive Ameers. At first the latter 
had been suffered to inhabit their residences in Hyde- 
rabad, but their intrigues soon rendered it necessary 
that they should be sent on board a steamer, and vigi- 
lantly guarded. 

After several skirmishes, in which the English proved 
victorious, Shere Mohammed took up his position near 
the village of Dubba, his principal troops being com-* 
posed of the Seedees, slaves of Arab race, who notwith- 
standing their servile condition, defended bravely the 
cause of their Scindian lords. The chief of these valiant 
serfs was Hoche Mohammed, a native of Egypt, by whose 
counsels most of the recent military qiovements had been 
directed. Under his superintendence the Belooch army 
occupied two nullahs, or ravines, the high banks bein^ 
scarped so as to form a parapet^ while a strong detach- 



UU.} BATTLB OF BUBBA* Zd3 

ment filled tte houses in the village of Dubba. To the 
left of the enemy, one of their corps was stationed in a 
small wood, or jungle, being supported by a division 
posted in a ravine going off diagonally from the fronb 
towards the rear. 

The English horse artillery began the action by makings 
an attack on the enemy's extreme right, while the in- 
fantry in masses assailed the first nullah. The combat 
became most deadly when the brave Lieutenant Coote 
mounted the bank, and waved from its summit a cap- 
tured Belooch standard. He fell almost immediately, 
mortally wounded, as his soldiers with loud shouts 
rushed upon the swordsmen beneath, and forced them 
back to the second nullah. There the strife recom- 
menced, but, after a fearful slaughter, the British burst 
their way through and attacked the village of Dubba. 
It was bravely defended by men who set no value on 
their own lives or those of their opponents, but charges 
of the English cavalry and horse artillery upon their 
flanks had now completely thrown the Beloochees into 
confusion, and silenced their guns. In a short time 
they were flying in confusion from the field of battle, 
hotly pursued by the English and native regiments. 
Among their killed was the brave Hoche, and several 
other chieftains of reputation. 

The next day the English cavalry arrived at Meer- 
poor, forty miles from the field of battle, and the capital 
of Shore Mohammed. He deserted it before they reached 
the gates, and escaped with his family through the 
desert to Omercote. Thither the British followed him, 
and finding the town abandoned, took military posses- 
sion of the streets, the citadel being occupied by the 
late garrison, who had retreated into it. They soon 
surrendered, upon condition that their lives should be 
spared ; and the English general, placing a small corps 
in Omercote, concentrated his whole army at Meerpoor, 

Sir Charles Napier being now appointed governor of 



294 BRITISH SEITUEMEKIB IN INDIA. [18i3. 

Scmde^ employed himsdf in conciliating or overawing 
the yarious warlike^ chieftains whose power or influence 
might prove inimical to the English. The two most to 
be feared were Shere Mohammed and Ali Mohammed, 
of Ejrpoor. The former, after wandering about for 
some time in the desert, and striving to augment his 
army from every possible source, attacked Colonel Jacob, 
near Shahdadpoor, but at the commencement of the 
action his troops deserted, and their leader, having no 
hopes of raising another force, sought refuge among the 
hill tribes to the north of Shikarpoor, where he was 
soon after joined by Ali Mohammed. The rest of the 
Ameers had been removed to Bombay, but neither their 
absence nor their captivity excited much commiseration 
or regret among their late subjects. Like the majority of 
Mohammedan rulers, they were barbarous and tyrannical 
' to those under their sway, faithless in their engagements, 
and diametrically opposed to the introduction of com- 
merce into their dominioDS. Passionately fond of the 
chase, they ruined whole villages to form hunting- 
grounds, being utterly reckless of the sufferings endured 
by their subjects when the interests of the latter were 
opposed to their own selfish gratification. Into the 
delicate political questions connected with the dethrone- 
ment or imprisonment of the Ameers, a work of this 
kind cannot enter ; but it may be questioned whether 
the most zealous of their English advocates would wil- 
lingly exchange for such a sway the freedom and equity 
inseparable from British rule. 



1843.1 , JSTASSOJS OF OWAUOB. 395 



CHAPTER XXX. 

TKOUBLES Iir GWALIOB— -BXCAL 07 LOKD ELLENBOB.OITGH — THE SEIEHS 
— NANUK—QOVTITD— COMMOTIONS AT LAHORE AETEB THE DEATH 
OB KUNJEET SINGH — ^WAB DECLARED— BATTLES OE MOODKEE AND 
FHEEROOSHUHR — VICTORY AT ALEEWAL — BATTLE OP 80BRA0N — 
SURRENDER OF LAHORE— ARRIVAL OP LORD DALH0U8IE — TROUBLES IN 
HOULTAN — LIEUTENANT EDWARDIS — SIEGE OP MOULTAN— CAPTURE 
OP MOOL-RAJ—BATTLE OP GHILLIANWALLAH — CONCLUSION. 

1848—1849. 

DuBiNG the year 1843, some disturbances took place 
among the Mahrattas of Gwalior. A young prince, 
Tyajee Row Scindia, had recently succeeded to the 
supreme authority, and being a minor, the regency was 
conferred upon his mother, who afterwards, with the 
consent of her principal chiefs, made over that dignity 
to a noble, named Mama Sahib. Subsequently, this 
person was driven from Gwalior by the intrigues of the 
princess, who henceforth bestowed her confidence on 
statesmen inimical to the English government The 
Resident's remonstrances were treated with contempt, 
&£tions and conspiracies prevailed in every part of the 
country, and an assemblage of persons bent upon hostile 
measures possessed themselves, unopposed, of the prin- 
cipal offices in the state. 

During the month of December 1843, Lord Ellen- 
borough, accompanied by Sir Hugh Gough, penetrated 
into the Gwalior territories from Ama, at the head of 
one division of the invading force,, while a second, under 
Major-General Grey, advanced from Bundelkund. In 
the meantime, the Mahrattas despatched an army to 
meet Sir Hugh Gongh, whom they encountered near 
the. town. o£ Maha**rajpQor. The English commenced 



396 BBTTISH 8BTTLEMENT3 IK INDIJU tlS43^ 

the attack in oolamn, but suffered considerably from the 
enemj's artillery. Undismayed, however, by their severe 
loss, the troops pushed on, and 'charging the Mahrattas 
"With the bayonet, very soon threw them into confusioij^ 
They endeavoured to make a stand in the village of 
Maha-rajpoor, and obstinately defended every inch of 
ground, but, at length, the English, attacking it fronL 
the rear, obliged the enemy to evacuate their post. The 
Mahrattas lost on this occasion all their artillery, while 
more than 3,000 of their number were either killed 
or wounded. On the same day, Major-General Grey 
defeated a strong detachment at Punniar, and the 
Durbar not being able any longer to oppose an enemy 
who had twice in succession proved so signally victo- 
rious, sent envoys to negotiate a peace. The treaty was 
accordingly arranged, by which the English obtained 
possession of a fort near the capital, the Mahrattas 
agreeing also to disband their troops and receive into 
their country a subsidiary force. 

Soon after these events, the Court of Directors thought 
fit to recal Lord EUenborough from his post of governor- 
general. His departure was greatly regretted by the 
army, but the civilians, whom he had been thought to 
dislike and overlook, beheld that event with indifference, 
if not with positive satisfaction. Sir Henry Hardinge, 
already well known by an honourable military career 
in Spain, received almost immediately the vacant 
appointment. 

The new governor quitted England profoundly im- 
pressed with the advantages of a pacific policy, but 
circumstances soon occurred that obliged him to un^ 
sheath the sword. Since the death of Bunjeet Singh, 
the Seikhs had been growing every day more dis- 
organized, in consequence of their domestic feuds and 
intestine divisions. This singular race, which first came 
into political existence during the sixteenth century, 
owed its religious constitution to Nanuk and Govind* 



t469.] KANUK^ 397 

The former was bom in the year 1469, near Lahore. His 
father being only a small tradesman, inhabiting a remote 
northern village, his education could scarcely have ex- 
tended beyond the first rudiments of knowledge. Yet he 
was well versed in the Koran and Shasters, and compre- 
hended thoroughly the Hindoo and Mohammedan sys- 
tems. At an early age strong religious emotions arose in 
his mind ; he grew dissatisfied with his family creed, and 
wandered through India, seeking for truth. After a long 
pilgrimage, he returned home without feeling himself 
convinced either by the Mohammedan or the Hindoo. 
Erom that time he became desirous of effecting a species 
of compromise between the doctrines of both these sys- 
tems. He rejected the manifold. deities of the Brahmins, 
believing God to be one and invisible. The supreme 
Lord, he taught, would reward men according to their 
works of piety and virtue when the day of reckoning 
arrived, in which punishment should certainly overtake 
the sinner. Like the Brahmins, he admitted into his 
new creed the doctrine of transmigration, by which the 
soul, passing through difierent bodies, is thus gradually 
purified from its transgressions. Disclaiming the power 
of working miracles, he forbade his disciples to consider 
him as an inspired teacher, while he Jooked upon Mo- 
hammed and the founders of Brahminism as having been 
raised up by God to promulgate certain beneficial though 
diverse portions of divine truth. ^ He . inculcated the 
■duty of universal toleration, and discountenanced, though 
he did not declare sinful^ the favourite 'asceticism of 
his countrymen. 

After the death of Nanuk, his disciple, XJnggud, suc- 
ceeded to the post of Gooroo, or religious instructor. 
He committed to writing many of the lessons and actions 
of the deceased, but did little to enlarge the numbers of 
the sect. One of his successors, Arjoon, first attempted, 
in 1581, the organization of " the disciples" (Seikhs). 
He embodied in a volume, called Grunth, or " the Book,*' 



398 BRITISH SETTLBKJOrrS IN INDIA. IISTS. 

the Tarioos devotional compositioiiB of the preoedii^ 
Gooroos, exacted an annual tax from kis followers, and 
taught them to consider Amritsir as their holy city. 
The son of Arjoon, Hur Qovind, added to the puTsnits 
of a religious teacher the somewhat incongruous charao- 
ters of a soldier and a huntsman. Like Romulus, he 
admitted rohbers 4tnd fugitives among his followers, 
and if contemporary writers speak the truth, appeared 
indifferent as to the morality of their future conduct. 
Eight hundred horses stood ready in his stables for the 
toUs of war, or the pleasures of the chase ; while a guard 
of sixty matchlock men guarded his person from the 
attacks of his numerous enemies. 

The Seikh Gooroos now aspired to the functions of 
governors and military leaders; the number of their 
followers increased daily, and in 1675 Tegh Bahadur 
openly revolted against ^e Emperor Aurungzeeb. Being 
made captive, he was beheaded at Delhi. The fierce Mogul 
commanded that the corpse of the infidel should be ex- 
posed in the public streets ; but before his execution the 
unfortunate Gooroo had transmitted to his son, GK>vind, 
his authority over the Seikhs, and the task of revenging 
his death. 

After spending some time in retirement and medita^ 
tion, Govind convoked an assembly di his followers to 
receive from him the outline of a new system, based, 
indeed, upon the precepts of past sages, but embracing 
other objects and different ends, fienceforth they wem 
to believe in one God dwelling in the Khilsa, or " special 
people," among whom caste could no longer exist, and 
wbo were severally to be known by the appellation of 
Singh (soldier). He then chose five disciples, who con- 
ferred upon him the Pahul, or rijte of initiation, which 
he afterwards communicated to the multitude, declaring 
that from this time five Seikhs should constitute a lawful 
congregation. 

Bunda, the successor of Gorindy inourred the dssK 



1758.] THE KhAlSA. 39 & 

pleasure of the Mogul court, and perished by a cruel 
and ignominious death at Delhi. But the tenets of 
Nanuk, though openly proscribed under the Moham- 
medan viceroy of Lahore, had taken deep root in the 
minds of the people. The growing weakness of the 
Moguls at length encouraged the Seikhs to assert their 
faith more openly, and before 1758 the Khsllsa was 
proclaimed to be a state, while its chiefs took formal 
possession of Lahore. 

Under Runjeet Singh the Seikhs became, next to the 
British, the most powerful nation on the Indian con- 
tinent ; their armies were organized by European officers 
and their territorial acquisitions encroached upon the 
kingdom of Afghanistan, towards the west, while they 
joined the possessions of the Company to the East. 
Runjeet Singh, with that acuteness of calculation which 
specially distinguishes an able politician, understood at 
once the advantages to be derived from a friendly inter- 
course with his European neighbours. While he lived 
he avoided as much as possible a collision with the East 
Indian Government, but after his death various changes 
occurred in the internal government of his kingdom^ 
which eventually produced among the Seikhs a feeling 
of hostility towards their English allies. 

The immediate successor of Runjeet, and his son, Nao- 
Nihal-Singh, each died within a few days of each other. 
Boon after the decease of the " Lion of Lahore." The 
minister, Dhian Singh, then elevated to the throne a 
reputed son of Runjeet, named Sher Singh, who, although 
voluptuous and indolent, possessed the confidence and 
affections of the army. But the intrigues of Mace 
Ohund Koar, the daughter-in-law of Runjeet, and mother 
of Nao-Nihal-Singh, raised up enemies against the new 
prince, who was finally expelled from Lahore. Mace 
Chund, however, found herself unable to govern a tur- 
bulent soldiery, who despised the authority of a woman, 
and Sher Singh once more regained his throne. He did 



400 BRITISH BETTLEMENTB IN INDIA. (1845. 

not retain it long, for soon afterwards he was assassinated 
zt the instigation of his ambitious vizier. The conspirator 
perished in the same manner bj the hands of his own 
Agents, who attempted also to seize his son Heera Singh. 

This youth, however, on learning the death of his 
father, assembled the principal officers of the army, and 
implored them to espouse his cause. The European 
Generals Ventura and Avitabile agreed to support him 
and avenge the vizier's murder. They marched into 
the city accompanied by several Sirdars, and having 
committed feaiful excesses, installed Heera Singh as 
minister to the infant Maharajah Dhuleep Singh, whom 
the conspirators had proclaimed sovereign of Lahore. 

Heera Singh did not long survive his father, being 
soon after murdered in his turn, as was also another 
vizier, Jowahir Singh. These constant assassinations 
deterred any of the Seikh nobles from seeking or ac- 
cepting an office so environed with perils, and the chief 
authority fell into the hands of the army, who exer- 
cised it principally through their ** Punches " or 
*•' Punchayets," committees of five, at whose periodical 
meetings the affairs of the Khdlsa were discussed, and 
the general business of the country carried on. The 
army offered the post of vizier to Gholab Singh, the 
brother of the murdered minister, Dhian Singh, but he 
declined the dangerous honour, more especially when 
he found that the troops contemplated an invasion of 
the Company's territories. They were impelled to this 
destructive policy by various intriguing nobles, who, 
without assuming any public functions, diffused hostile 
rumours through the various Punchayets. 

At length the army began to move from Lahore to- 
wards the Sutlej, which they crossed on the 11th of 
December 1845, and three days afterwards took up 
a position near Ferozepoor. The Seikhs having thus 
commenced hostilities, the governor-general repaired to 
Ambala, where he met the commander-in-chief, and 



1845.] BATTLE OF MOODKEE. . 401 

both proceeded to arrange the plan of the ensuing cam- 
paign. The three nearest divisions of the English army 
amounted altogether to 17^000 men in number, while 
the Seikhs mustered nearly 40,000, supported by 150 
j>ieces of cannon. 

Notwithstanding the republican form of the Kh^lsa, it 
was found necessary to appoint certain generals to super- 
intend the movements of the several corps, and to direct 
during the absence of the army the internal affairs of 
Lahore. Lai Singh was accordingly elected vizier, 
while Tej Singh commanded in the field. Both enter- 
tained selfish views, and seemed desirous to promote 
their own aggrandizement at the expense of the national 
interest. The venality of their leaders presented a 
striking contrast to the enthusiasm of the soldiers, each 
of whom considered the cause of the KhS,lsa as his own. 
Impelled by this honourable. feeling, there was no labour 
that appeared too servile or too arduous. The men acted 
occasionally as pioneers ; they loaded boats, cut down 
trees, dragged the 'guns, and performed cheerfully all 
the offices of camp-followers. 

A large detachment of > eikhs advanced on the 18th 
of December to the village of Moodkee, where they 
attacked two divisions of the British, while the latter 
were taking up their ground. The English repulsed 
their antagonists with considerable loss, and captured 
seventeen guns, but:found themselves compelled to effect 
a junction with Sir John Littler's division before they 
could take advantage of this success. The main body 
of the Seikhs occupied the village of Pheerooshuhr, 
which they had strengthened by the erection of several 
batteries. An hour before sunset on the 21st, the Eng- 
lish forces assailed their position in two lines, the artil- 
lery being in the centre.*.' The battle commenced with 
a furious fire from the British guns which were gradu 
ally brought up to a point within 300 yards of the 
Seikh batteries. Finding, however, that they could 

D J> 



402 BRITISH SETTLEXBNT8 IN INDIA. [1845. 

Bot silence the enemy's cannonade, the English infantry 
charged the gunners and drove them from their posts: 
hut owing to some forage heing on &re, and the dark- 
ness of the night, the men fell into confiisioiv and it 
was deemed advisable not to occupy the position thus 
gained. 

About midnight the Seikhs returned, and finding 
their opponents retiring, brought up some fresh guns, 
with which they opened a cannonade on the retreating 
columns. The governor-general detached the 80th 
regiment against them, who spiked three guns and re- 
pulsed the enemy for the present : but the situation of 
the English was hourly becoming more critical, as the 
different corps were separated from each other, and the 
amount of the enemy's force had not been fully ascer- 
tained. The Seikhs exhibited both bravery and skill, 
and might have proved victorious but for the treachery 
or incapacity of their generals. These men being de-> 
sirous of engrossing the irresponsible direction of a^Sairs 
at Lahore, were not unwilling that the power of the 
Kh^lsa should be broken, trusting to make their own 
terms with the English afterwards. 

The latter held their ground during the night, and 
in the morning recovered the batteries^ but they had 
scarcely done so before the second line of the enemy 
appeared under the command of Tej Singh. The 
Eh^lsa urged their leader to attack the English at once, 
but he contented himself with mere feints, and finally 
withdrew towards the Sutlej, which he crossed without 
opposition. 

The loss sustained by the British army was severe, 
amounting to 694 killed, and 1,721 wounded. The 
governor-general used every exertion to provide for the 
comfort of the latter; he visited the men continually in 
person, and addressed to the sufferers kind words of 
consolation and encouragement. 
I In the meantime, the Seikhs,. perceiving the inac- 



1846.] BATTLE 07 ALEEWAL. 403 

iivitj of their enemies, who made no attempt to cross 
the river, determined themselves to trj the issue of 
another hattle. With this view they threw a bridge of 
boats over the Sutlej, and threatening Loodiana, placed 
a small corps in the neighbouring village of Buddowil. 
Sir Harry Smith advanced with about 7,000 men to 
protect Loodiana, but on his way thither, he was assailed 
by a Seikh force under Runjor Singh, who plundered 
his baggage, but did not prevent his troops from reach- 
ing their destination. 

The followers of Govind were now filled with exul- 
tation, and even their leaders began to think the K balsa 
stronger than they had anticipated it would prove when 
matched against the invincible English. The prudent 
Gholab Singh issued from the retirement to which he 
had betaken himself, and took part in the debates at 
Lahore. His known political talents rendered the 
leaders of the army desirous of securing his services for 
the benefit of the common cause; but the wisdom of his 
counsels proved incapable of maintaining the current 
of success in full fiow. 

On the 22d of January, Runjor Singh relinquished 
his post at Buddow^l, and appeared about to pass the 
river fifteen miles below Loodiana. Sir H. Smith, 
being reinforced by the arrival of a brigade from the 
main body, occupied the abandoned village, and six 
days afterwards marched forward with 11,000 men 
to watch the movements of the enemy. During the 
advance he learned that the Seikhs intended to cut off, 
if possible, the British line of communication with the 
Jumna; and in a short time a large detachment of 
them were observed on their route towards Jugraon. 
Pearing lest they should be taken in flank, the corps 
wheeled round and faced the English, the extremities 
of their line resting upon the villages of Boondree and 
Aleewal. It was evident that they contemplated an 
notion^ for the soldiers in front immediately busied 
J) 1)2 



404 BRITISH SETTLEMENTS IN INDIA. [IS4^. 

themselved in casting up embankments and dragging 
forward guns. 

The British commander resolved not to decline a battle, 
and having drawn up his men in due form, commenced 
the engagement by an attack on the village of Aleew4t; 
Its defenders evinced less resolution than their country- 
men had hitherto exhibited ; they poured in a straggling 
fire upon the assailants, and abandoned their position, 
leaving the artillery at the mercy of the conquerors. 
Just then also the left wing gave way before a vehement 
charge from the English cavalry, but the right still 
remained stationary, oflfering a steady and determined 
opposition. At length, after a desperate struggle, the 
Seikhs retired and attempted to rally under the cover 
of Boondree, but their efforts proved ineffectual ; and 
finally, they were obliged to repass the Sutlej, leaving 
behind them fifty pieces of cannon. 

The victory of Aleew41 depressed the rising hopes of 
the Seikhs, and cooled the suddenly awakened patriotism 
of Gholab Singh. But the main body of the troops 
preserved unchanged their enthusiasm for the Khsllsiaj 
and their belief in the high destinies of their nation. 
They had among them some European officers, whose 
scientific arrangements and military experience were of 
considerable service, but they wanted on all occasions a 
great national leader, who could at once arouse and 
direct their martial fervour. To awaken the reli- 
gious feelings of his countrymen, a venerable chief, Sham 
Singh, of Aturee, announced his intention of sacrificing 
himself as a propitiation for his race, in the approaching 
encounter with the enemy on the banks of the Sutlej. 

Both parties remained inactive until the beginning of 
February, the Seikhs being engaged with their works 
near Sobrapn, while Sir Hugh Gough expected some 
more reinforcements. The spirits of the English troops 
had been raised by the victory of Aleew^l, and intel- 
ligence reached them that the hero of Meeanee^ Sir 



.1M6.] BATTLE OF SOBRAON, 405 

Oharles Napier, was on his inarch through MouUan, 
with the army of Scinde, for the purpose of joining Sir 
Hugh Gough. At length the English prepared, on the 
10th of February, 1846, for the passage of the Sutlej, 
The troops commenced their march before daybreak, 
and by six o'clock were ranged with their faces towards 
the bank of the river having their artillery disposed 
in semi-circular form, so that the fire might be con- 
centrated on the Seikh batteries. A thick haze con- 
•cealedfor some time the opposing armies from each 
other, till at length, dispelled by the bright sunbeams, 
it melted away, and exposed to view the defences of 
Sobraon, crowded with the armed champions of the 
mystic Kh^lsa, who were preparing at all hazards to 
intercept the enemy's advance to the Sutlej. 

And now the cannonade opened on both sides, the 
deep sound of the guns being reverberated from the 
hollow shores, while countless rockets winged their 
£ery flight through the fresh morning air. It was 
•quickly seen, however, that the distant firing must soon 
be exchanged for a close conflict, since the works of the 
Seikhs were so constructed as to protect their men in a 
great measure from the -balls and rockets. A French 
officer told Tej Singh that the English would find these 
defences impregnable, but the result of the experiment 
now about to be tried quickly proved the fallacy of this 
prophecy. 

A line of English infantry, supported by horse artillery, 
formed at nine o'clock to assault the works. They 
moved on under a sharp fire, which made the troops 
pause for a few minutes as though irresolute. Soon, 
however, they resumed their onward progress, charged 
boldly up to the enemy, and gained possession of the 
entrenchments. As they stood upon the ramparts fresh 
guns opened upon them from the interior of the Seikh 
•camp, as another division advanced from the main body 
^0 the rescuCf These troops came direct against the 



40$ BRITISH SBTTLBHBNT8 IK INDIA. IISIS. 

centre of the fortificatioiis where the enemy was 
strongest, and for some timo sustained seTere losses. 
The Seikhs, being posted behind high walls that could 
not be climbed, fired at their leisnreupon the nnsheltered 
English, who retreated three times before the victoiioo* 
foe. The followers of Goyind had learned iirom him no 
lessons of mercy, since they destroyed savagely all the 
wounded men, neither giving nor receiving quarter. 

Orders were now given that a simultaneous attack 
should be made on both the Seikh flanks, while Sir 
Joseph Thackwell and his dragoons rode in between the 
interstices of the entrenchments, and put their defenders 
to the sword. The cowardly Tej Singh fled at the 
commencement of the attack, which left the Seikhs 
during the latter part of the action without a general. 
And then as the English horse were riding fleroely 
over the sons of the Kh&lsa, Sh&m Singh determined 
to accomplish the vow he had uttered before the day 
of battle. — ^Clothed in white, the emblem of death, he 
exhorted those around him to fight manfully for the 
irooroo, and expect Paradise as the reward of valour. 
When his soldiers gave way, he rallied them by his 
words and example, until he sknk, covered with wounds 
upon a heap of slain. 

Nearly all the works had been carried by this time; 
and immense masses of the enemy, unable to offer 
further resistance, endeavoured to escape by passing the 
river. The artillery poured its volleys on them as 
they swam across, and vast multitudes never readied 
the other side. When night closed that sanguinary 
day, a few miserable fugitives were all that remained 
of the brave though sanguinary champions of the Khalsa. 
The British army crossed the Sutlej during the night and 
morning after the battle, but encountered no opposition 
as they marched to Lahore. Here they were joined 
by the Scinde troops under Sir Charles Napier; and the 
Seikhs, finding that they could no longer maintain 



IWSS.1 BLR HENEY HARmNGE. 407 

their ground, commissioned Gholab Singh to open a 
negotiation with the conquerors. That wily chief now 
took upon himself to act as mediator between the con- 
tending parties ; and peace was finally made on condition 
that a million and a half sterling should he paid to 
the English, as an indemnity for the expenses of the 
war, and that the Seikhs should surrender the territory 
between the Beeas and the Sutlej rivers. This tract of 
country, with the kingdom of Cashmere, was finally 
erected into a principality, the government of which 
the English conferred upon Gholab Singh as a reward for 
his good offices in arranging the articles of the peace. 

The young Maharajah Dhuleep Singh still retained 
possession of the throne of Lahore, Lai Singh being 
allowed to continue chief minister. The latter, however, 
and indeed most of the Lahore authorities, petitioned 
that the English would leave a garrison behind for at 
least a twelvemonth, to protect them against their 
turbulent countrymen. Their request having been 
acceded to, the Seikh army, once so formidable, was 
paid off and disbanded ; but notwithstanding the with- 
drawal of this disorderly element, the ministers 
retained their apprehensions, and after the year had 
expired begged that the troops might not be withdrawn 
until the young prince attained his majority. Rather 
than hazard another revolution in the Punjaub, the 
governor-general consented to this arrangement as the 
most effectual means of rendering peace perpetual. 

Various internal measures of a beneficial tendency 
owed their origin to Sir Henry Hardinga His envoys 
were enabled to suppress infanticide, suttees, and man- 
stealing, in various regions and among wild tribes not 
yet thoroughly subjugated or brought entirely hitherto 
under the humanizing influence of the British rule. 
Through the exertions of the governor-general, now 
promoted to the peerage, the communications between 
different districts were improved, and several burden*- 



408 BfilTISH BETTLEMEKTS IN INDIA. D848» 

some taxes remitted. He encouraged education among 
the Hindoos and Mohammedans, and by a special regu- 
lation discountenanced the desecration of the Lord's^ 
day. It is, perhaps, how^ever, to be regretted that 
another edict restricted all persons in the Companj'ff 
service from aiding or assisting missionary efforts for 
the diffusion of Christian truth throughout the continent 
of Hindoostan. While no sincere believer in a system 
of peace and good-will could wish to behold the divine 
doctrines of his holy faith propagated by persecution, or 
enforced by the secular arm, it seems in no way right or 
desirable that a nation like Great Britain should be 
ashamed of its religion, or shrink from openly pro* 
claiming the superiority of the Gospel to the corrupt 
dogmas of the Veda and Koran. Such a policy also is 
least of all qualified to conciliate the respect of Orientals, 
who being themselves deeply interested in religious 
questions, regard with abhorrence and contempt those 
who neglect or feel indifferent to the concerns of 
another life. 

The Earl of Dalhousie succeeded Lord Hardinge as 
governor-general of India, during the year .1848, an 
era memorable for what might be correctly termed the 
second Seikh war. It derived its origin from the das- 
tardly murder of two British officers in the neighbour- 
hood of Mooltan. That city is the capital of a province 
bearing the same name, bounded on the south-east and 
north-west by the rivers Ghara (the Hyphasis), and 
Ohenaub (the Acesines). The inhabitants are Seikhs, 
and at this period were governed by Mool-Baj, an am- 
bitious chieftain, who had already given the government 
of Lahore some trouble during. the administration of 
Heera Singh. Being now suspected of intriguing against 
the English, it was contemplated that he should be de- 
posed and the Sirdar Khan Singh appointed in his room. 
The assistant to the resident at Lahore, Mr. Vans 
Agnew, with Lieutenant Anderson of the Bombay Fusi- 



U48.] LIEUTENANT EDWABDESr 409 

]eers, vent down to Mooltan for the purpose of carrying 
these arrangements into effect, but were both barbar- 
ously murdered at a small fort near the city. 

When first attacked Mr. Vans Agnew sent an express 
to General Oortlandt at Dera Futteh Khan, near Bun- 
noo, and also forwarded intelligence to the resident, Sir 
Erederick Currie at Lahore. Lieutenant Edwardes, who 
received the former, immediately made preparations for 
marching to the assistance of his countrymen; twelve 
hundred soldiers accompanied him, and after some dif- 
ficulty had been experienced in procuring boats for the 
passage of the Indus, they reached the opposite bank, 
having lost eight of their number by the upsetting of 
a boat. 

Lieutenant Edwardes now took up his position at 
Leiah, and summoned all the friendly chiefs of the ad- 
jacent regions to send in contingents to his camp. The 
rebels in Mooltan meanwhile were not idle, but laboured 
assiduously at their, defences, and issued proclamations 
in the name of the Ehdlsa) calling on all true Seikhs 
to rise and rescue the Maharajah and his mother from 
the tyranny of the English, After a few days had 
elapsed, Lieutenant Edwardes found himself obliged to 
recross the Indus, as he suspected the fidelity of his 
Seikh soldiers, and heard that a large detachment from 
Mooltan was on its way to attack him. Our outposts 
remained at Leiah, having orders to retire if hard 
pressed by the enemy, but having received a reinforce- 
ment of 200 men, they boldly awaited their approach. 

On the 16th of June a body of 400 horse with ten 
guns advanced to Leiah, and suffered a repulse, being 
finally obliged to retreat and abandon their artillery. 

Lieutenant Edwardes now entered into communica- 
tion with Bhawul Khan, a Mohammedan Sirdar, who 
had long been inimical to Mool-Baj. He exhorted that 
chief to advance to the assistance of himself and General 
Cortlandt, as both were threatened with a fresh attack^ 



419 BRITISH BETTLBMBNTS IN nn>IA. [1848. 

and neither could rely impli^tlj on their Seikh soldiers. 
In the month of Jane an engagement took place 
between Edwardes and the Mooltanese, in which the 
latter being defeated Mool-Raj fell back on his capital. 

After Tarions skirmishes the English commenced the 
siege of Mooltan, Lieutenant Edwardes baring been re- 
inforced by General Whish, who took the command of the 
entire forces. It soon, however, became evident that the 
Seikh auxiliaries could not be trusted, a revolt broke 
out in the Hazarah province, and finally Sheer Singh, 
who had been sent from Lahore to take Mooltan, went 
over to the enemy with 5,000 men. 

During the autumn Sheer Singh joined Ohutter Singh, 
the rebel chief of Hazarah, and both with a combined 
force of 30,000 men took up their position at Ram- 
nuggur on the bank of the river Ohenaub. In Novem- 
ber the British army assembled at Sahurun, where their 
leader, Lord Gough, joined them on the 21st. Before 
daybreak on the morning of the 22d, the advanced 
guard under the commander-in-chief began their znarcii 
towards the Seikh position. As the English approached 
and opened their fire, the enemy retired before them, 
but the Seikhs soon commenced a furious cannonade, 
which obliged their opponents in turn to retreat with 
the loss of a gun. The dragoons then made several 
brilliant charges, but could not sustain the fire poured 
in upon them from the various nullahs and entrench- 
ments in which the Seikhs lay almost conceailed. The 
gallant Colonel Havelock led on the 14th regiment 
into the face of the enemy, and heedless of their deter- 
mined resistance drove them in confusion from a high 
bank where they were posted. The horses, however, 
being impeded by the heavy sand, and the Seikh bat- 
teries playing upon them from all directions, the greater 
part of the brave band never retamed alive. The 
commander-in-chief, finding himself unable to make 
any impression upon Hke enemy, finally wi^drew his 



1849.3 BATTLE OF OiULLIAl^ALLAH. 411- 

men, and Sheer Singh soon afterwards broke up his 
camp and marched towards the Jbelum. 

In the meantime General Whish was pressing the 
siege of Mooltan, which the Seikhs defended with obsti- 
Bate valour. Notwithstanding the explosion of the 
powder magazine, Mool-Raj refused every summons to 
surrender, and declared his intention of holding out to 
the last. The town was taken by storm, and he then 
sought refuge in the citadel; but at length finding 
farther resistance unavailing he gave himself up, and 
after inhabiting for a short time one of his own country 
houses, was conducted under a strong guard to Lahore,, 
where his trial for the murder of Mr. Vans Agnew, and 
Lieutenant Anderson, subsequently occurred. 

On the 12th of January, 1849, Lord Gough's army 
encamped at Dinghee, eight miles from the Seikh 
position at Russoul. On the next duy, the English 
moved forward with the design of turning the enemy's 
left, but upon reaching the village of Chillianwallah, 
orders were issued to mark out ground for tents, tho 
general-in-chief having resolved to postpone an engage- 
ment till the morrow. While, however, the necessary 
preparations were being commenced, the Seikhs opened 
their fire unexpectedly, and the troops immediately got 
■under arms. The iiature of the ground proved remark- 
ably unfavourable to military operations, since it was 
covered in every direction by thick jungle or brush wood,^ 
in the midst of which the troops could not execute their 
manoeuvres. 

An advance of the English cavalry made inoppor- 
tunely, occasioned some confusion at the commencement 
of the action, and enabled the enemy to carry off some 
of the guns, while a largo detachment of them assailed 
the British right. Here, however, Gilbert's brigade re 
ceived them with iinflinching bravery, and being well 
supported by tiie guns of Captain Dawes, drove the 
fieikhs baok with temfic slaughter. Fennycuick's 



412 BRITISH 9BTTLEMSNTS IN INDIA* [1849. 

brigade advanced in the same line with Gilbert's, but 
when they approached near the Seikh lines, the enemy 
poured in a heavy volley of grape and round shot, wU<^ 
broke their ranks and threw them into inextricable con* 
fusion. The Seikhs now rushed upon the unfortunate 
men with their sharp tulwars, sparing no one, and 
utterly heedless of entreaties for mercy. 

After some more hard fighting, by which both sides 
suffered exceedingly, Lord Gough concentrated his men 
near Chillian, as night was now rapidly drawing on. 
The surgeons were now actively employed in their 
melancholy work among the troops, and their exertions 
for the benefit of the men's bodies were nobly rivalled 
by the labours of Mr. Whiting, the chaplain, for the 
spiritual welfare of those under his charge. This noble- 
minded clergyman exposed himself to countless dangers 
in the performance of his duty, particularly while 
burying the corpses of the unfortunate men who had 
fallen among the jungles. During the heat of the con- 
fiict, he remonstrated with a body of cavalry, who were 
retiring before the enemy, and induced them to retrace 
their steps. 

On the 15 th of February, the Seikhs quitted Russoul, 
closely followed by Lord Gough. They moved toward 
Goojerat, a town held in great esteem as having been 
hitherto invariably the scene of victory to the Khalsa. 
On the 2l8t, the two armies were again opposed to each 
other, on the extensive plain near Goojerat. The 
Seikhs had chosen their position well. Their infantry 
And artillery occupied the dry bed of a river, a small 
nullah affording shelter to the left wing. 

Notwithstanding these advantages, however, the Seikhs 
suffered severely from the English guns, and abandoning 
their entrenchments, retreated to the village of Burra 
Kaha, where they defended themselves stoutly against 
the storming brigade. This post, however, and another 
at Chowta Kabrah, were finally carried^ and repeated 



1$40.] COlSChVBlOJU ' 41$ 

charges of the Seikb cavalrjt bravely repulsed. Among 
their horse was a body of Afghan auxiliaries, under 
Ahram Khan^ the son of Dost Mohammed, but they were 
soon routed, and their flight proved a prelude to that 
<rf the whole Seikh army. They rushed from the field 
bn all sides, leaving guns, ammunition, and tents, to the 
victors, whose stern dragoons followed up the fugitives, 
and inflicted a fearful slaughter among tbem. 

The Seikh chieftains, finding their cause desperate, 
surrendered themselves to the British commander. The 
Afghans effected their retreat to Afghanistan, and the 
fortress of Attock, which had been taken by the Seikhs, 
BOW fell once more into the hands of the English. The 
independence of the KhUlsahas been completely destroyed 
by the annexation of the Punjaub, but the hopes of its 
votaries are said to have survived the sanguinary defeats 
they have sustained in its behalf. They compare their 
system to an infant, feeble and weak at present, but 
destined hereafter to reach maturity, and exercise a 
powerful influence over the destinies of Hindoostan. 

In concluding this brief sketch of the history of a 
country, so deservedly interesting to every English 
reader, I cannot refrain from commenting upon the sin- 
gular rise and wonderful development of the British 
power in the east. The humble and feeble exotic, 
transplanted from the cold regions of the north, seemed 
likely to wither at first beneath the scorching rays of an 
Oriental sun j but it has since become a mighty tree, 
sheltering beneath its ample branches and protecting 
shade, those who despised its lowliness and prophesied 
its destruction. A new kingdom, owing its origin to 
a company of English merchants, has outlasted the 
ancient dynasties of Ghengis and Timour ; while the 
influence of English literature and science is modifying, 
if not gradually changing, the habits and customs that 
have hitherto seemed almost immutable. Events yet 



414 BBITISH .SBTILElllENTS IN INBU. [l^tftL 

Vonoealed in the womb oijUxatrTD^j, perhaps, one day 
ereot the spiritual temjde k>^, Oiristianitj, upon the 
ruined shrines of Hindoo^ idolatry and Mohammedan 
scepticisnu One things hoKt^ei; se^E^ clear, that God 
has not made over to.^ur ^eQpiikg;thU%fine country 
to gratify the avarice,, the luxurj^ or the Ambition, of 
its governoos* ' 14 i^ strictly a trust for Whi^' we are 
responsibly as^ which will be taken from us when 
we cease to administer it aright. What th» future 
of India'may be, none can tell ; whether it is destined 
to remain ours, only One doth know; but we shall 
certainly be performing our duty both to Him and to 
our fellow-men, if we labour assiduously for the moral 
and spiritual welfare of those committed to our charge ; 
and leave for the admiration of posterity a nobler and 
more lasting memorial, than the Grecian temple or the 
Eoman triumphal arcL 



T&£ END. 



B. CLAY, PBllfT£R, BBBAD BTBSET RILL. 



i 



^