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History of the City of Rome in the Twelfth Century. 


1. Paschalis II.—Death of Wibert— New Anti-Popes— The pacb 
Rebellious Nobility — Origin of the Colonna Family — 
Revolt of the Corsi — Maginolf Anti-Pope — Count 
Werner of Ancona advances against Rome — Negotiations 
between Paschalis II. and Henry V. — Council in Guas- 
talla — The Pope journeys to France — Fresh Rebellion 
in the State of the Church, . . • • 317 

2. Roman Expedition of Henry V. — Helpless position ot 
Paschalis II. — Difficulty of solving the Question of In- 
vestiture — The Pope resolves to compel the Bishops to 
surrender the Crown-lands^-Negotiations and Treaties 
— Entrance of Henry V. into the Leonina and his auda- 
cious Coup etiitU^ • . • • • 328 

3. The Romans rise to set Paschalis at Liberty — Surprise and 
Battle in the Leonina— Henry V. withdraws with his 
Prisoners — He Encamps near Tivoli — Forces the Pope 
to accord him the Privilege of the Investiture — Imperial 
Coronation— Henry V. leaves Rome — Terrible awaken- 
ing of Paschalis II. in the Lateran, . • • 344 

4. The Bishops revolt against Paschalis— A Council in the 
Lateran annuls the Privilegium — The Legates excom- 
municate the Emperor — Alexius Comnenus and the 

I Romans — ^Investiture of William, Duke of the Normans 

— Death of the Countess Matilda — Her Donation, . 355 



1. Paschalis II. condemns the Privilegium — ^The Romans Re- pack 

volt on account of the Election of a City Prefect — Pier 
Leone — His Fortress beside the Theatre of Marcellus 
— The Dtaconate of S. Niccolo in Carcere — Defection 
of the Campagna — Henry V. comes to Rome — Flight of 
Paschalis — Burdinus of Braga — Ptolemy of Tusculum — 
Return and Death of Paschalis II. — His Monuments in 
Rome, .....•• 365 

2. Election of Gelasius II. — ^The Fnmgipani attack the Con- 

clave — Imprisonment and Rescue of the Pope — Henry 
V. comes to Rome — Gelasius flies— The Emperor raises 
Burdinus to the Sacred Chair as Gregory VIII. — He 
returns to the North — ^Gelasius II. a Suppliant for pro- 
tection in Rome — The Frangipani attack him for the 
second time — He escapes to France — Death of the un- 
fortunate Pope in Cluny, .... 377 

3. Calixtus II. — Negotiations with Henry V. — Council at 

Rheims — Calixtus comes to Italy — His entry into Rome 
— Fall of the Anti-Pope in Sutri — The Concordat of 
Worms — Salutary agitation of the World by the Conflict 
concerning Investiture — Peaceful Rule of Calixtus II. in 
Rome — The end of the great Dispute is commemorated 
by Monuments in the LAteran — ^Death of Calixtus II., . 390 

4. Election Contest — ^The Family of the Frangipani — Honorius 

II. becomes Pope — Death of Henry V. — The Pope 
recognises Lothar as German King — The Hohenstaufens 
rise in arms — R(^er of Sicily seizes Apulia — Forces 
Honorius to invest him — Death of Honorius II., . 403 


I. The Pierleoni — Their Jewish Descent— The Jewish Syna- 
gogue in Rome in the Twelfth Century—Petrus Leo and 
his Son, the Cardinal Petrus — Schism between Innocent 
II. and Anadete II. — Innocent escapes to France- 
Letter of the Romans to Lothar — ^Anaclete II. bestows 
the title of King of Sicily on Roger I., . • . 412 



2-. & Benuurd.laboun to obtain the Recognition of Innocent II. cacb 
in Fiance — Lothar promises to conduct him to Rome — 
Journey of the Pope and Lothar to Rome — Courageous 
demeanour of Anaclete II. — Lothar crowned Emperor 
— His return Home — Innocent excelled for the second 
time — Council in Pisa — Roger I^^conquers Apulia — 
Lothar's second Journey to Italy — Differences between 
the Pope and the Emperor — Return and Death of 
Lothar, ••.••.. 427 

3. Innocent II. returns to Rome— Death of Anaclete 11. — 
Victor IV. Anti-Pope — Rome submits to Innocent II. 
— The Cistercian Monastery ad Aquas Salvias — Lateran 
Council in I139 — Innocent II. makes War against 
Roger I. — He is made Prisoner, and recc^nises the 
Sicilian Monarchy — Peaceful activity of the Pope in 
Rome — ^War between the Romans and Tivoli — Innocent 
takes Tivoli under his protection — The Romans rise, 
and install the Senate on the Capitol — Death of Inno* 
cent II.,. ...... 439 


1. Internal conditions of the City of Rome — The Burgher 

Class — The Companies of the Militia — Burgher Nobility 
— Patridan Nobility — Country Nobility — Decay of the 
Roman Landgraves — Oligarchy of the ConsuUs Rofnan- 
orum — Rise of the Burgher Class — Foundation of the 
Civic Commune — ^The great Feudal Nobility remain 
£uthful to the Pope, , • . . • 453 

2. The Capitol in the dark Centuries — Its gradual Political 

Renascence — Glance at its Ruins — Where did the 
Temple of Jupiter stand? — S. Maria in Aracoeli — 
Legend of Octavian's Vision — ^The Palatium Octaviani 
— ^The first Senatorial Palace of the Middle Ages on the 
Cftpitol, ••..... 463 

3. Arnold of Brescia— His first Appearance — His Relations 

with Abelard — His Doctrine concerning the secularisa- 
tion of the Ecclesiastical State — His Condemnation by 
the Pope — His Flight and Disappearance — Celestine II. 



—Lucius II. — Struggle of the Pope and Consuls with rAcs 
the Senate — The Patridus Jordan Pierleone — The 
Senatorial iEra^Ludus 11. and Conrad III. — Un- 
fortunate end of Ludus II., • • • • 478 

4. Eugenius III. — His first Flight from Rome — Abolition of 

the Prefecture — Arnold of Bresda in Rome — Institution 
of the Order of Knighthood — Influence of events in 
Rome on the Provincial Cities — Eugenius III. recog- 
nises the Republic — Character of the Roman Municipal 
Constitution — Second Flight of Eugenius — War between 
the Populace and the Nobility — Rebellion of the inferior 
Clergy against the higher Ecclesiastics — ^S. Bernard 
writes to the Romans — Rdations of Conrad III. to 
Rome — Eugenius III. in Tusculum, • , . 492 

5. Letter of the Senate to Conrad III. — Political Ideas of the 

Romans — Return of Eugenius III. — His new Eidle — 
Proposals of the Romans to Conrad — He prepares to go 
to Rome — His Death — Frederick I. ascends the German 
Throne— Letter of the Romans to Frederick — Rome, 
Roman Law, and the Empire — Stipulations of Con- 
stance — Irritation of the Democrats in Rome — Eugenius' 
return to the City — His Death, . . . .510 


1 . Anastasius IV. — Adrian IV. — He lays the Interdict on Rome 

— Bai>ishment of Arnold of Bresda — Frederick I. comes 
to be crowned — Imprisonment of Arnold — Dispute con- 
cerning the Stirrup— ^The Senators' Address to the 
King, and the Royal Answer — Journey to Rome, • 524 

2. Coronation of Frederick I. — ^The Romans rise — Battle in 

the Leonina — Execution of Arnold of Brescia — His 
Character and Significance — Frederick retires to the 
Camps^pa — Returns to Germany, • • , 539 

3. Adrian makes War on King William — Is forced to accord 

him the Investiture— Orvieto becomes Papal — ^Adrian 
makes Peace with Rome — Discord between the Pope 
and Emperor — The Lombard Cities — ^Adrian negotiates 
with them and quarrels with Frederick — The Romans 


approach the Emperor — Death of Adrian IV. — His fJ^^^ 
activity — His Lament over his Misfortune in becoming 
Pope, . 55* 

4. Schism between Victor IV. and Alexander III. — The 

Council at Pavia recognises Victor — Couiageoos Resist- 
ance of Alexander III. — ^He sails to France — Destruction 
of Milan— Death of Victor III., 1164— Paschalis III.^ 
Christian of Mains — Alexander III. returns to Rome— 
Death of William I.— The Greek Emperor— Frederick 
comes again to Italy — League of the Lombard Cities 
— Rainald of Cologne advances to the neighbourhood 
of Rome, .••••• 563 

5. Tusculum — ^Decay of the Counts of this House — Rainald of 

Cologne enters Tusculum — He is besieged by the 
Romans — Christian of Mains comes to his Relief — 
Battle of Monte Ponio— Terrible defeat of the Romans 
— Frederick besieges the Leonina — Attack on S. Peter's 

«*- — Negotiations with the Romans — Alexander III. 

escapes to Benevento— Peace between the Emperor and 

I' the Roman Republic — Frederick's Army is destroyed by 

Pestilence — His departure from Rome, • • • 578 


1. War between Frederick and the Lombard Cities— Paschalis 

III. in Rome— Calixtus III. — ^Tusculum surrenders to 
the Church — The Romans refuse Alexander III. admit- 
tance to the City — ^Victory of the Lombards at Legnano 
— Frederick's n^otiations with the Pope — Congress and 
Peace at Venice — ^Alexander makes Peace with Rome — 
His triumphal Entry in the Latenin, • • , 593 

2. The Provincial Barons continue the Schism — John the Gty 

Prefect upholds Calixtus III. — The Romans make War 
on Viterbo — Calixtus HI. yields — Lando of Sezza Anti* 
Pope — ^Council in Rome — Death of Alexander III. 
(1 181), .•..••• 603 

3. Lucius III.— War between Rome and Tusculum — Death of 

Christian of Mainz — Lucius III. quarrels with the Em- 
peror-^ Dies in Verona — Urban III. — The Sicilian 


Marriage — Henry VI. invades the Campagna — Gregory facb 

VIII. — Clement III. — Peace with the Roman Republic, 

1188 . 608 

4« The Crusade — Richard Coeur-de-Lion passes by Rome — 
Death of Frederick L^Celestine III.— Henry VI. 
requests the Imperial Crown— His Coronation — The 
Romans destroy Tusculum — Fall of the Tosculan Counts 
— ^Attitude of the Nobles towards the Republic in Rome 
— Change in its Constitution — Benedict Carushomo, 
Senator — Giovanni Capoccio, Senator — Giovanni Pier- 
leone, Senator — Henry VI. destroys the Norman 
Dynasty in Sicily — His untimely end — Death of 
Celestine III., . • • . • • 622 


1. Absence of Culture in Rome in the Twelfth Century — ^The 

Law of Justinian — Canon Law — Collection of Albinus — 
The Liber Cemuum of Cendus — The Continuations of 
the Book of the Popes — Dearth of Roman Historians 
— The description of S. Peter's by Mallius; of the 
Lateran by John Diaconus, • • . • 639 

2. The Mirabilia Urbis Roma^ . . . • ' 653 

3. Legends of Roman Statues — ^Virgil in the Middle Ages — 

Virgil as Prophet and Necromancer — ^Virgil the En- 
chanter in Rome and Naples — ^Accounts of him at the 
end of the Twelfth Century — Description of Rome at 
this period by the Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, • . 666 

4. The Monuments and their Owners in the Twelfth Century 

' — The Roman Senate begins to take Measures for their 
Preservation — The Column of Trajan — Column of 
Marcus Aurelius — Private Architecture in the Twelfth 
Century — The Tower of Nicholas — ^The Towers in 
Rome, •..•••• 682 

5. Church Architecture — Its Revival in the Twelfth Century — 

S. Maria in O^medin-^S. Maria in Trastevete — Paint- 
ing in Rome — Beginning of Sculpture — The first Cosmati 
— Eugenius III. and Celestine III. begin to Build the 
Vatican Palace, .••... 693 





I. Paschalis II. — Death of Wibert — New Anti- 

Popes — ^The Rebellious Nobility — Origin of 
the colonna family — revolt of the corsi — 
Maginolf Anti-Pope — Count Werner of Ancona 


Paschalis II. and Henry V. — Council in Guas- 
TALLA — ^The Pope journeys to France — Fresh 
Rebellion in the State of the Church. 

Rainer from Bleda in Tuscany, a monk of the 
Cluniac order, whom Gregory VII. had made Car- 
dinal of S. Clemente, became the successor of Urban 

II. The election took place in the cardinal's own 
church, and on August 14, 1099, the new Pope was 
consecrated as Paschalis 11.^ Unusual events were Paschalis 
to signalise his tumultuous reign. The schism still I^j^iJ^i 
endured, and Clement III., who had survived three 
celebrated popes, his opponents, did not hesitate to 
attack the fourth. He took up his abode in Albano, 
under the protection of the Counts of the Campagna. 

But with the aid of Norman troops Paschalis was 
soon able to drive him thence.' Wibert escaped to 

^ His adversaries unjustly accused Paschalis of simony. The 

accusations are found in the Excerpium Epistola directct Heinrico Imp, 

a Guamerio principe Anchanitano^ in the Chron, of Siegbert, A. 

1 105. 

' Life ofPaschaliSf by Petrus Pisanus (Papebroch, Propyl, Maji^ vi. 


Death of Civita Castcllana, where he died in the autumn of 
iiL^zzoa I lOO. His distinguished qualities, as also his forti- 
tude in adversity, compelled recognition even from 
his enemies ; his friends bewailed in him a saint, and 
schismatic miracles were worked at his grave no less 
successfully than Catholic miracles at the grave of 
Gregory VII. or Leo IX.^ 

The imperial party continued to put forward 
anti-popes, even in Rome itself, where they retained 
S. Peter's. But these idols of a day, Theodore of S. 
Rufina, and afterwards the Sabine bishop Albert, 
soon fell from the throne they had usurped.* 

c. 6, p. 203) : expulit eum ab Alba; defectio Aiba exierruifeum ad 
urbe. This was Albano near Rome. In the cathedral there is pre- 
served the fragment of an inscription, which records that Paschalis 
rewarded the town for its fidelity. (Ricey, Memorie di Albano^ Rome, 
. 1787, p. 198 ; Giomi, Storia di Albano^ Rome, 1844, p. 232.) Urban 
11. rewarded Velletri in the same way by the confirmation of the 
territory of the city. (Bull, Rom, VIII, Id. Juiiiind, XII., A. 1089 ; 
in Borgia, Velletri, p. 204.) 

^ Documents in the Reg. Farf. indicate the era of Clement III. as 
late as January, but no longer in October iioo. Ord. Vitalis 
(Duchesne, Histor. Normannor. Script., p^ 762) gives the following 
lines on Wibert, by Cardinal Petrus Leo : — 

Nee tibi Roma locum, nee deU, Wiberte, Ravenna ; 

In neutra positus, nunc ab utrctque vacas. 
Qui Suiria tnuens male dictus Papafuisti, 

In Ccutellana mortuus urbejaces. 
Sed quia namen eras sine re, pro nomine tfano 
Cerberus in/emij'am tibi claustra parat. 

The cardinal had no idea that he would himself become anti-pope. 
Amadesi, CArono/ax., ii. 193. The work, De miraculis IViberti P. 
quiet Clemens in the Cod, Udalrici in Ekkard., n. 173. Paschalis II. 
later caused Wibert's bones to be thrown into the Tiber in order to 
put ah end to his miracles. Dodeckini App,, in Pistorius, i. 

* Cod, Vat,, 1984. The Romans, John Octoline and Cardinal 
Romanus, first protected Albert in a palace near San Marcello, and 

I : 




Paschalis owed his rapid success to Norman swords 
and to the irresistible power of gold, but his strength 
was dissipated in endless petty wars against petty 
tyrants. The popes of this age were forced, like 
all other bishops, to do battle for their temporal 
dominion against a thousand greedy enemies, and if 
Paschalis the gentle-natured monk reflected on the 
part played by the sacred overseer of the Church 
in the constant struggle for temporal property, he 
must have sighed for the apostolic times when the 
bishops possessed nothing on earth beyond the 
things of heaven. 

We shall enumerate neither the various fortresses 
nor the barons on whom the Pope waged war. In 
Peter Colonna, however, the most celebrated noble The 
family of mediaeval Rome makes its first appearance lamUy?^ 
on the stage of history in the year 11 oi.^ The name 
of the family owes its origin not to Trajan's famous 
column, which figures in the Colonna coat of arms, 
but to a castle in the Latin mountains which still 
towers above the Via Labicana.' This little fortress, 

then betrayed him. One anti-pope was banished to La Cava, the 
other to Aversa. 

^ Petrus <U Columna Cavas oppidum de jur$ d, Petri invaserat 
(Petnis Pisanus, c 8, p. 203). 

* The fortress is first mentioned in a diploma of Henry III. in 
1047. A deed of gift of Peter of Tusculum of December 26, io66| is 
signed Amaio vir mag. judex de casteUo de la Cohnia (Gattula, Hist, 
Cassitt:^ i. 235). On March 13, 1074, Gregory VII. ceded to the 
monastery of S. Paul medisiaUm Castelli quod vacatur Odumpna 
{Builar, Cassim,^ ii. 108). Nibby believes Colonna to be LaUcum. 
Pietro Rosa, however, the most aocorate authority on the topography 
ofLatinm, assures me that Rocca Compatri must be Labicum. 
Ughelli (t X. 119) brings the bishops of lAbicum from 649 down to 



only five miles distant from Tusculum, had belonged 
to the Counts of Tusculum since ancient times, and 
had given the name of Columpna or Colonna to a 
branch of the family. Peter was apparently a son of 
Gregory of Tusculum, the brother of Benedict IX.^ 
The ancestor of Martin V. obtained notoriety as a 
Latin baron, who plundered popes and bishops and 
practised highway robbery. The founders of patrician 
houses in the Middle Ages acquired fame and power 
neither in battle nor on the judicial tribunal, but, 
living in towers like falcons, like falcons robbed and 
killed ; they also prayed off and on with the monks, 
whom they loaded with gifts in order that they might 
Peter de not forfeit their chance of Paradise. Peter de 
Colonna was further owner of Monte Porzio and 
Zagarolo and strove to extend his possessions far 
into the fair territory of Latium. Relationship with 
the last lords of Palestrina, descendants of the 
Senatrix Stephania, might endow him with a claim 
over the town ; but the rights of the Pope were of 
older date, and these rights their owner knew how 
to enforce by arms.* 

1 1 1 1 only, and Georgi {De Cathedra EpiscopcUi Settna, p. 18) asserts 
that the bishopric was only united with Tusculum in 1231. 

^ Coppi proves this satis&ctorily (Mem, Colonn,^ p. 2S) on the 
authority of the document of September 24, 1078 (Gattula, i. 236), 
by which Petrus fil, Dom, Gregorii nobiHss. Ronumor, Consults pia 
mem, bestows a church near Monte Porzio on Monte Casino ; he 
shows that Colonna and M. Porzio belonged to the same owner. 
This is evidently the same Peter from whom Paschalis took Colonna. 

' Dam, Papa Caoas recepit: Columna et Zagarolum oppida juris 
iUius{Taim<t\y Petri) prudenter sunt eapta. Petr. Pisan., c. 8. Petrini 
(p. Ill) appeals to the deed of 1053 {Reg, Sud/,, fol. 78), where the 
Countess Imilia, habitatrix in Palestrina^ bestows estates on Subiaco 


Paschalis thus strove for years to subdue the wild The Coral 
nobility. The Corsi, formerly friends, now adversaries 
of the Churchy set him at defiance in Rome. They 
had ensconced themselves within the ruins on the 
Capitol, and when Paschalis caused their tower to be 
demolished, Stephen Corso seized the fortress beside 
S. Paul's, and hence like a Saracen undertook pillage 
ing expeditions against Rome. Finally driven away, 
he settled in the Upper Maritima, where he seized the 
papal towns. In the Middle Ages a Sallust would 
have daily found his Catiline; for Rome was little 
else than a dark and ruinous catacomb, where nobles 
and peoples conspired to overthrow a State, of which 
the most needy military tribune of antiquity would 
probably have refused the seigniory. 

The defiance of the Corsi was associated with the 
elevation of a third anti-pope, who had been elected 
by the obstinate followers of Wibert The family 
of the Normanni, headed by another Stephen, the 
Baruncii and Roman!, the S. Eustachio, the Berizo 
of S. Maria in Aquiro, enticed the Margrave Werner, 

for the salvation of her dead husband, Donadeus, of the quond, 
Jocamis qui vocabaiur de BetudUtOy and of Domina Hetta (formerly 
wife of the same Maxgrave John). He holds Imilia (without any 
foundation) to have been the sister of John, and makes her the mother 
of Peter Colonna by a second husband, a fact doubted by Coppi. 
According to a document of Subiaco, Donadeus belonged to the house 
of the Prefect Crescentius (A. 1036). With the death of the Margrave 
John (prior to 1053) the Pactum of 970 (vol. iii. p. 374) became 
extinct Peter Colonna certainly laid claim as relative of Imilia to 
Palestrina, which he then seized. Fables of later date represent the 
Colonna as coming from Germany to Rome ; a manuscript of the BibL 
Chigi (N. ii. 3 1, p. 154) calls the mythical ancestor Ste^EUio ; the 
writer says : ia catUessa Emilia donna de Palestrina sello pigltb per 










then ruler of Spoleto and Ancona, into their schemes. 
A Swabian count, formerly captain of Leo IX. at 
Civita, had captured a fair domain on the Adriatic 
and was able to bequeath the Pentapolis, now called 
after him the March of Werner, to his descendants. 
Henry IV. favoured his fortune ; and as his ancestors 
had founded the power of Tedald, so Henry exalted 
the family of Werner, in order to gain the support of 
the Swabian in his struggle with Matilda. The 
Emperor also invested the son of this, the first. 
Margrave of Ancona with the imperial fiefs of 
Spoleto and Camerino, which had formerly been 
held by the house of the great countess.^ 

Werner came to Rome with German troops in 
November 1 105, summoned by the conspirators, who 
had elected Maginolf, an arch-priest, as Pope in the 
Pantheon. Paschalis fied to the island in the Tiber.' 

^ Nicholas II. had excommunicated the already apostate people of 
Ancona ; Damiani interceded for them (Ep. i. vi.). Concerning 
Werner, Peruzzi, Storia cP Ancona, i. 267-275. Fatteschi shows 
Werner to have been Dux of Spoleto and Margrave of Camerino. 
Reg. Faff,, fol. 1177 : ^ ^^' ^' ^^» itnperante ei Guamerio Mar* 
chione mensejun, Ind, IV. (should be VII., A. 1 1 14) and foL 1179, 
where the Abbot Berold complains to the Dux et Marchio Guamerius 
of robbers of the convent property. An edict of Werner follows : his 
seal represents him on horseback, carrying a sword and wearing the 
Phrygian cap. The seals of the ancient duces of Spoleto represent 
them for the most part vdth the banner. 

* The Chronicle of Fossa nova says {fld A, 1 105, Ind. XIII,) : 
Marchion venit Romam consentientib, quibusd. Romanis, et elegit 
Adanulphum in Pap, Sihestrum ad S, M, Roiundam infra Ociao, S, 
Martinit sedsine effectu reversus est, Ekkehard (A. 1106) is wrong, 
and Siegbert (A. 1 105) hardly agrees, although he gives the fragment of 
a letter of Werner, which contains some good details. Most accurate is 
Cod. Vat. i<)S4, which is also acquainted with '* Maginulf s " electioa 


The trembling idol, Sylvester IV., was installed by 
force of arms in the Lateran, which was attacked by 
the papal party under the Prefect Peter, and defended 
by the imperialists aided by Werner's troops, who 
were led by Berto, captain of militia. The struggle 
extended to the Coelian, to the Septizonium, even 
to the Circus Maximus.^ Maginolf, however, had no 
money, and in the course of a few days found himself 
deserted : he escaped to Tivoli, where Werner lay en- 
camped, and the unsuccessful margrave, returning 
home, took him to Osimo. 

Paschalis, disquieted but not harassed by these 
events, was able to return to the Lateran at the end 
of November 1 105. Part of the nobility had gone 
over to his side, nevertheless his position remained 
unendurable. If ever a throne were fatal to its occu- 
pants, it was the marble chair of Peter, on which sat 
the popes, with the cross, which was never to become 
a sceptre, in their hands, and from which, amid time- 
worn ruins and almost equally venerable churches, 
they determined to rule a people, prouder and more 
unruly than their ancestors of the times of Sulla and 
Marius. The secular history of the Papacy after 
Gregory VII. consequently presents a strangely con- 
in the Puktfaeon* From Paachalis's letter to the French, from the 
lAtenm on September 26 (Cm/, l/dalr,^ n. 239), Jafii6 (2nd ed.) shows 
that Maginolf was elected on November 18, and fled on November 19. 

^ Berto caput ei rector Romance miiicia^ says Siegbert ; this is the 
Beiizo of Cod, Vat.^ 19S4. The templum rotnuly ante domum judicis 
Mathilde (probably the basilica of Constantine) is noticed in this 
struggle; so, too, arcum aure (according to the Ordo Romanus^ an arch 
of entrance to the Forum of Nerva) ; arcum iriumfale (Constantine's) ; 
sedem soiis~~<irclo mafore. 


fused and highly tragic picture, in which the furious 
outbreaks of the populace, the flight and exile of the 
popes, their triumphant homeward procession, their 
second tragical falls, and their constant returns are 
Paschaiis incessantly repeated. Paschalis left the dreadful city, 
Romifc^^ 2ind in order to convene a Council sought the pro- 
tection of the Countess Matilda. Events in Germany 
made a settlement of the schism probable ; the 
Emperor had been dethroned by the rebellion of his 
second son, and Henry V. feigned acquiescence in the 
papal prohibition of investiture. The Roman legates 
consequently supported his rebellion, and the Pope 
even absolved him from the oath, which he had pre- 
viously taken at Aachen, to remain faithful to his 
father, and to forswear ever to aspire, like Conrad, 
to the crown.^ In January 1106 the Diet of the 
empire at Mainz had invited Paschalis to Germany, 
where the division of the Church was to be settled ; 
and the death of the unfortunate Henry IV. seemed 
to pave the way to a reconciliation. But the firm 
The demeanour of the German envoys at the Council of 

G^toul^ Guastalla (in October 1106) showed Paschalis that 
Oct. 1x06. he would never succeed in obtaining a renunciation 
of the right of investiture from the new German King. 
No sooner had Henry V. secured the throne than he 
unhesitatingly asserted the rights of the crown, and 
the Pope, who would not release the Emperor from 
the ban, soon reaped, as his merited reward, treat- 

1 CaUidus Papa, Henricum adoUscmtem filiuni H, Imp, adversus 
patrem concitat, et ut Ecclesia Dei auxilietur admcnet — Herimannus 
in narraiiom restaurationis Abbatia S. Martini Tomacensis (Dachery, 
Spidkg,, xii. n. 83 ; Pagi, Critica, A. 1 106, n. i). 


ment similar to that which Henry IV. had experi- 
enced at the hands of his insolent son. 

The decrees of Guastalla confirmed the prohibition 
of investiture ; the uncanonically elected bishops, the 
Wibertists, however, provided they became sincerely 
reconciled to the Church, were indulgently rec<^- 
nised; and the strict Gregorians could not forgive 
such toleration on the part of Paschalis.^ At the 
wish of Henry V. the pending dispute concerning 
the investiture was to be adjusted at a Christmas 
Synod at Augsburg ; the Pope, however, who was to 
have attended the Synod, feared treason. He went 
to France to appeal to the mediation of King Philip Paschaiis 
and his son Lewis. Negotiations with Henry's j^^ ^ 
envoys, whom the Pope met the following year at 
Chalons, were unsuccessful ; the King insisted on his 
right of investiture, and in May Paschaiis at the 
Council of Troyes renewed the prohibition against 
the exercise of the right by lay hands. Dissatisfied 
with the results of his journey, he at length resolved 
to return to Italy, and as early as September 1 107 
was at Fiesole near Florence. 

During his absence the Prefect Peter, the Pierleoni 
and Frangipani, in conjunction with Walfred his 

^ Parma, which had previously set op two anti-popes, also submitted. 
In order to weaken the Archbishop of Ravenna, the five bishoprics of 
the Emilia, i,e,, Piacenza, Parma, Re^o, Modena, Bologna, were 
removed from his jurisdiction. The power of Ravenna fell with 
Wibert, although Gelasius II. again abrc^ted the decree of Guastalla 
In 1 119 (Rubeus, ffist, Rav., v. 321). A remarkable document of 
the year 11 30, in which the Archbishop of Ravenna reappears in 
complete supremacy over the Bishop of Bologna, is to be found in 
Fantuzd, iv. 247. 


own nephew, had with difficulty maintained a 
semblance of authority in the city. The Roman 
nobility were acquainted with but one passion, that 
of increasing the power of their houses at the 
Church's expense ; the same miserable task, therefore, 
awaited each pope on his return — ^the task of leading 
vassals and mercenaries in battle against the spoilers 
of the Church. Scarcely had he returned when 
Paschalis was forced to make war on Stephen Corso 
in the Tuscan Maritima, where Stephen lay en- 
trenched at Montalto ; * the Pope achieved nothing, 
and, as his biographer admits, Rome remained the 
pit of daily rebellion. 

It were a thankless task to accompany Paschalis 
through the continued misery of the revolts which 
he encountered. On his departure for Benevento in 
1 1 08 he made over the government of the city to 
the Consuls Pierleone and Leo Frangipani, the 
command of the troops to Walfred, the custody of 
the Campagna to Ptolemy of Tusculum. And thus, 
owing to the stress of the times, the noble families 
of Rome, who now formed the ruling oligarchy, 
attained possession of political power. They took 
advantage of the Pope's absence in Apulia to revolt, 
the Sabina and Latium renounced their all^iance, 
and the unprincipled Ptolemy, in league with the 
Abbot Berald of Farfa and Peter Colonna, hoisted 
the flag of rebellion in Tusculum. Paschalis now 
arrived with the Norman lances lent him by Richard 

^ Petrns Pisanus, c. 11. The towns were PonteCelleand Montalto 
(near Corneto) in the Maritima superior* It is altogether a mistake 
to look for these towns along the Adriatic coast. 


of Aquila, at that time Duke of Gaeta ; he entered 
Rome and captured the rebellious fortresses. Even 
Tivoli, the ancient stronghold of the Wibertists, 
surrendered after an obstinate resistance, while fear 
and gold combined to disarm the city of Rome. 
Paschalis resorted in person to the Capitol, where 
the Senate of nobles was accustomed to assemble, 
and demanded that this parliament should proscribe 
Stephen Corso; and finally the Roman militia 
forced the Corsi in the ruined Montalto to submit. 
In August 1 109 Paschalis laid siege to Pontia and 
Affile, ancient Roman colonies in the diocese of 
Subiaco, and conferred them on the abbey.^ It is 
possible that about the same time he may have 
taken Nympha near Velletri. The dues of such 
places to the Church consisted in stipulated services, 
and the obligation of furnishing armed men when- 
ever the Pope commanded is more especially 
mentioned; for like all other bishops, the popes 
only drew their troops from places such as were 
l^;ally liable to military duty.* 

^ CkroHn Subl. (Muiat., zxiv. 939) writes Effidis^ Concerning 
Aifile (in Pliny and Frontinus) see Nibby's AnaUsi, In the Cod. 
AUrini^ foL 138, and Ceruii, foL 115, an extract from the Regesta of 
Paschalis refers to it : ^' pontie et effides^ 7 Kal. Sept. Witnesses : 
Raynaldus Snubaldi, Octcananus, Oddo JiL Johis de Oddane (both 
Crescentii, descendants of Octavian and Rogata). Petrus de Rofrido, 
Rofridus de Ceperano, Romanus de Scotto. Huguizon fiL Petrus 
de Leone, Cincius Johis de Crescentio, The Castra Effide et Pontie 
are similarly mentioned in a brief of Innocent IV., Anagni, August 8, 
1243 (Elie Berger, Les Registres dC Innocent IV,^ Paris, 1881, L 56). 
They were disputed by the Abbot of Subiaco with the lords of castrum 

^ Cencins took the pactum cum Ninfesinis^ which has no date, from 


2. Roman Expedition of Henry V. — Helpless position 
OF Paschalis II. — Difficulty of solving the 
Question of Investiture — The Pope resolves 
TO compel the Bishops to surrender the Crown- 
lands — Negotiations and Treaties — Entrance 
of Henry V. into the Leonina and his auda- 
cious Coup o^iTAT, 

The interval of peace which Paschalis had gained 
only lasted until the arrival of the German King. A 
comet which preceded him — a terrible phenomenon 
— ^announced to the pious and superstitious war, 
pestilence, and ruin. The imperial power, which had 
suffered such humiliation, now arose in the son of 
Henry IV. to avenge its defeat and to reduce the 
Gregorian papacy to subjection. After long negotia- 
tions Henry V. had succeeded in obtaining the 

the Regesta of Paschalis. , On account of the feudal relations I note 
therein : Hec sunt quefacient Ninpkesini, FidelitcUem scii, B, Petro 
et Dno, PP, Piischali ejusq, Successorib. Hosiem et parlamenium^ 
mm Curia preceperit, Serviiium quad eusueti fuerunt fcKsre, et 
placitum et bannum f octant B, Petro et PP, They give the Quarfa 
according to the Roman Modius ; they pay the G/andaticum (money 
for the pasturage of swine) to S. Martin ; to S. Thomas bones bradones 
(cakes of grease and £bX). De carrico uniuscujusq, Sandali denarics 
VI, Samlaiumy still used for ferry-boat. Fidantiatn (Tribute) in 
unoquoq, anno in m, Afadii libr, XXX, de papia bonas. There 
follow definitions of the market-dues (plaieaiicum) to be paid by 
foreigners to the Curia (of the papal minister) ; also of the Foderum, 
The walls of the dty were to be demolished ; new walls must not be 
built without permission of the Curia. Witnesses : Petrus Leonis, 
Petrus de Franco, Leo de dno petro Leonis, Ubicio, Seniorictus, 
Benincasa piscatore, Constantinus dapifer, Zoffo de caiaze, Gisalfo, 
Romanus de Ca/vo, Vgizzonius dejohane Tinioso, Paganus, lliis 
document is mistakenly not included in Theiner*s Cod, Dipt, 


promise of the imperial crown from the sorely 
harassed Pope, unfettered by any condition, save 
that of reverence towards the Church. Paschalis 
could not prevent the journey to Rome which had 
been resolved on at a German Diet At a Lateran 
Council on March 7, mo, however, he renewed the 
prohibition against investitures. It was on this basis 
alone that peace could be concluded. He immedi- 
ately hastened to Monte Casino, and implored the 
Norman princes to come, if necessary, to his aid 
against Henry. On his return he even assembled 
the Roman nobles and by solemn oath made them 
promise to remain by his side in danger. 

The Roman expedition of Henry V. was a 
splendid exhibition of the power to which Germany 
could attain, in spite of tedious civil wars ; but for 
Italy and the Papacy it was a severe humiliation. 
This formidable army numbered thirty thousand 
horsemen, vassals from a hundred provinces of 
German, Slavic, and Romance lands, led by bishops 
and princes who, with murmurs or willingly, gathered 
round the King. Even men versed in law and letters 
accompanied Henry to explain his rights and com- 
memorate his deeds. The cities of Northern Italy, 
which had attained republican constitutions during 
the war of investiture, looked with hatred on the 
foreign troops, who descended the Alps in the autumn Heniv v.'a 
of II 10, and for whom they were obliged to provide ^^ *® 
food, quarters, and gifts. Novara expiated its dis-i"o« 
obedience in its own ashes, and other fortresses 
were destroyed with a like ferocity. This severity 
terrified the Lombards. Their consuls came to the 


King with tribute. Milan alone sent neither gifts 
nor envoys. Had party hatred not kept the smaller 
towns at enmity, these towns might have found the 
shield of their common liberty in this flourishing 
city.^ Among the Italian vassals of the empire there 
was not one who failed to do homage to Henry 
during the three weeks that he lay encamped on the 
field of Roncaglia. He here held the customary 
Diet, and, like a Xerxes, reviewed his splendid 
army, filled with contempt towards the cities. The 
Countess Matilda herself bowed before his power ; 
several princes from Henry's camp visited the illus- 
trious woman, the glory of her age, and all left her 
filled with admiration. Matilda did not, however^ 
appear in person before the son of her adversary, 
but merely held negotiations with his envoys from 
one of her fortresses near Canossa. She took the 
oath of vassalage, as far as it concerned the enemies 
of the empire with the exception of the Pope, and 
the King did not venture to demand that the pro- 
tectress of the pontiffs should send her vassals to 
join his army in the expedition to Rome. 

What could the Pope expect from a young prince 
who had inherited the craft of the father whom he 
had over-reached, and who, endowed with far gfreater 
energy, was resolved to prosecute the same struggle 
for the rights of the crown which the fate of Henry 
IV. had clearly shown to be the condition necessary 
to the continued existence of the empire? Henry 

^ Nobilis urhssoJa MediohMum popttlosa 
Non servivit ei; nummum ntque contuKt oris, 

— Donizo, iL 18. 


V. approached, as his envoys at Chalons had already 
threatened, to assert the right of investiture with the 
sword, and to demolish Hildebrand's audacious 
structure. The position of Paschalis 11. was more 
difficult than that of Gregory had been, for the 
Normans were crippled by enervation and fear, 
Matilda was old, and remained neutral ; religious 
passions, formerly such powerful allies of the hie^ 
rarchy, had cooled, and Christendom demanded the 
settlement of the dispute at almost any cost 

Henry wrote to the Romans from Arezzo that, 
hitherto prevented from doing honour to the capital 
of his empire, he was now approaching, and he 
demanded that envoys should t>e sent to meet him.^ 
His ambassadors went to Rome to make arrange- 
ments for the coronation, and met Pier Leone, the 
plenipotentiary of the Pope, in S. Maria in Turn. 
The coronation was to be the final act of a treaty, 
but difficulty was experienced in framing this — ^the 
first of all concordats. Henry was obliged to insist 
on the right of investiture which all his predecessors 
had exercised ; the Pope was obliged to take his 
stand on the decrees of his predecessors, which for- 
bade investiture by lay hands, and to which he had 
himself given his solemn ratification. Could the 
King surrender to the Pope the sole right of appoint- 
ing bishops, when these bishops received princi- 
palities as fiefs from the empire ? If these powerful 
bishops and abbots were entirely severed from the 

' H, Deigr, J^omofwr, Rex CofuuHb. ei Senatui^ Popuh Romano^ 
nu^aribus et minondus gratiam suam aim bona voiunteUe, Cod. 
Udalr.f s. 257. 


State, and became vassals solely of the Roman 
Church, would not their power become illimitable, 
and would they not, as Gr^ory VI L desired, swallow 
up the State? The consequences of the royal investi- 
ture were, on the other hand, ruinous to the Church ; 
the Church remained the vassal of the crown. But 
this evil, which was undeniable, might be removed 
as soon as the bishops renounced the temporal 
power and all political position.^ 
The The question of investiture was, at this time, as 

of invSti- difficult as the question of the continued existence 
tures. Qf ti^g Dominium Temporale of the popes, the last 
remains of the mediaeval body of the Church, has 
become to-day within a united Italy. In both 
questions we find the same interconnection of 
things, moral and political ; both consequently, like 
a Gordian knot, were first cut by the sword. It will 
ever remain worthy of remark that a pope of the 
twelfth century advanced, with lofly resolution, a 
principle, the realisation of which would have in- 
vested the Church with a higher moral power, a 
principle, however, which was too ethereal for a time 
when the law of might prevailed. Paschalis II. 
recognised the right of the crown, a right which was 
as clear as the sun ; he admitted that, after it had 
surrendered such immense revenues to the churches, 
the empire could not exist without the privilege of 
investiture. As the young and faithless son of 
Henry IV. approached Rome with a formidable 

^ The letter of the Archbishop Frederick of Cologne to Otto of 
Bamberg clearly shows the consequences of the investiture. Cod^ 
Udair.^ n. 277. 


army, leaving ruined cities in his rear, he may have 
appeared to the trembling Pope like some beast of 
prey, whose ferocity might be appeased by booty. 
In his direst need, and in order that he might save 
her life and her freedom, the Pope threw him the 
possessions of the Church. He proposed that the 
bishops should restore all their crown property to 
the empire, and live henceforward on tithes; that 
the King should permanently renounce the right of 
investiture, and should consequently, in exchange, 
bestow the priceless gift of freedom from the State 
upon the Church.^ Had Paschalis II. been able to Paschaiis' 
realise this pure and apostolic idea, he would have [hafS* 
proved himself a greater man than Gregory VII., <^{«"^ 
and the true reformer among the popes. The judg- renounce 
ment of a virtuous and unworldly monk was forced oHhc'* 
to recognise that the corruption of the clergy and the ^^"^ 
slavery of the Church were merely the consequences 
of her unapostolic secularisation ; Paschalis, however, 
did not show himself a man of so great a mind that 
we can venture to ascribe his scheme to a bold 
desire for reform; it was, on the contrary, rather 
the suggestion of despair.* The twelfth century was 

1 The treaty //. J^Ton. Fedr, in airio B, Petri, in eccL b, Maria in 
Turri {Cod. Vat,, 1984) thus defines the royal prerogatives : cwi/a/es, 
ducatus, marckias, comiiatus, picm/am, teloneum, niercatum, advo' 
caiicLs regni^jura ceniurionum et curies que manifeste regni erant cum 
pertineniiis suis, militia et ccuira regni. In like manner, Cod, Udalr,^ 
n. 262, 263; Chron, Ekkeh.^ A. nil. The Cod, Vat., 1984, took 
the Cartula Conoentionii from the register of Paschalis, and Peter 
Diaconns repeats them almost word for word. In the same way 
Albinos, Cencius, and Cardinal Arragon draw all these instruments 
from the register. 

* Bishop Rosmini ascribes the ideas of Paschalis solely to a magnanl- 


not ripe for the premature idea of the emancipation 
of the Church. The sacred institution, which should 
have been merely the incorporeal kingdom of light, 
of love, and of virtue, continued to be obscured by 
earthly vapours, like a misty sun, whose rays, had 
they pierced in all their purity, would perhaps have 
worked without effect, or even with destruction, on 
the savagery of semi-barbarous times. The feudal 
interconnection of secular and spiritual power 
weighed for centuries upon society, and not until 
the sixteenth century did the idea of Paschalis 
(which in him was probably only due to a naive 
simplicity) attain a mature and powerful conscious- 

To the clergy, accustomed to power and splendour, 
his proposal must have appeared one of unequalled 
renunciation : the prelates were called on to surrender 
immense estates, cities, taxes, rights of market and 
coinage, justice, and the authority of margraves. 
Nevertheless they would not have become poor as^ 
the apostles, since each bishopric still possessed its 
private estate, and even tithes and offerings still 
remained a lucrative source of wealth.* But with 
the loss of princely power the bishops became 

moos enlightenment Quefio immortale pontefice ka fatto untire un 
Unguaggio^ eke nelia bocca di piolsiasi papa deiT antickiih ncn si 
sarebbe potuto irovarg rU piit soHio, fU pih ilevata. These opinions do 
honour to the Christuin philosopher ; they have, however, served to 
place his book. The Five IVotmds of the Churchy on the Index. 

* Dimiilai ecciesias liherascum Matiombus et possessienibuSt qua ad 
regnum manifeste nan pertinebant. The Pope at that time conse- 
quently demanded a " free " Church beside the State ; we now say, 
^ a free Church in a free State." The second Pactum is in Cod, Vat, , 
19S4, and Cod. Udalr., 263. 


defenceless against the political power; they were 
robbed of their influence in the world, which only 
respects the power that gives and takes, and that 
can inspire fear by magnificence. Every bishop 
would have refused to renounce the illustrious 
position of Member of the imperial Parliament, in 
order to become a free and virtuous but insignificant 
servant of the Lord, and all would have been able to 
reproach Paschalis for having acted disinterestedly 
at the cost of others, when he himself, the Pope, 
never contemplated the renunciation of the sceptre 
of the ecclesiastical State. On the contrary, he 
expressly stipulated beforehand that Henry should 
restore this State according to the limits of the 
indent donations^ If worldly splendour were 
unseemly in bishops, was it not equally unseemly in 
the Pope? If it were unbecoming in an abbot to 
mount his war-horse in coat of mail and ride at the 
head of his vassals, must not the sight of the Holy 
Father in the field of battle have been still more at' 
variance with the principles of Christianity ? The 
possession of crown fiefs involved the bishops in 
constant traffic with the world, but what for centuries 
had been the history of the Roman ecclesiastical 
State ? At the same time, the existence of such a 
State, even in so miserable a form, was now an 
essential condition for the spiritual independence of 
the Pope. The fatal irony which was attached to 
'its principle made the Dominium Temporale at the 

^ Pahrimcnia ei passessitmes 3. Petri restituet ti camcedet sicuti a 
CarolOf LodcmcOf Hanrico et tUUs imperatoribus factum «r/, // t4n9m 
mijuvabii suundum suum posH^ Ibid, 


same time the shield and the Achilles' heel of the 
Pope, made him simultaneously a king and a martyr, 
the exiled possessor of an estate. The dust of the 
little, ever-rebellious clod of Rome hung to the feet 
of the high priest of Christianity with sufficient 
weight to prevent him from soaring to too lofty 
regions, where, as an almost divine being, he would 
have been removed beyond the ideas of his time, or 
as a tyrant of the moral world, inaccessible to secular 
hands, would have withdrawn himself beyond reach 
of their demands. Paschalis scarcely asked himself 
the question whether the union of priest and king 
in his own person was beneficial ; and if a malicious 
bishop had expressed doubts as to the principles on 
which the State of Peter was founded, he would have 
replied with the more reason what Pius IX. replied 
to the theoretical and practical usurpers of the 
Temporal Dominion in the present day, merely that 
the provinces of S. Peter were not fiefs of the empire. 
When in 1862 one of the most memorable of revolu- 
tions overthrew the ancient and decayed State of the 
Church, it was interesting to reflect that the recc^ni- 
tion of the renunciation, which Paschalis so vainly 
required of the bishops, would have further entailed 
the suppression of the papal State. And we have 
just cause for surprise in the fact that, 700 years 
after Paschalis, this ancient question was discussed 
with the like fervour by the whole of Europe.^ 

^ Count Cavour unawares turned the arguments of Paschalb II. 
against Pius IX. " If the Church is once freed from every secular 
fetter and severed from the State by definite boundaries, the liberty 
of the sacred chair will no longer have to suffer from all the hindrances 


Had Henry V. accepted the proposal of the f ope 
he would immediately have doubled the wealth of 
the crown ; an avaricious monarch would have hastily 
stretched forth his hand, a more prudent one would 
have hesitated. The renunciation of the right of 
investiture involved the loss of all royal influence on 
the Church, the greatest power of the world at that 
time. The estates annexed would necessarily have 
been bestowed as fiefs on others, and would have 
contributed to increase the power of hereditary 
nobles ; the cities, which were only loosely allied with 
the bishoprics, would have acquired complete inde- 
pendence. But above all, could Henry believe that 
bishops and princes would have acquiesced in the 
proposal of the Pope? Could he believe that it 
was possible to confiscate so many estates, which a 
thousand vassals held as fiefs from the crown, with- 
out causing an inevitable revolution of the relations 
of property ? 

Henry sincerely longed for peace with the Church ; 
he accepted the treaty ; but did not reckon on the 
possibility of its execution. 

Two treaties were drawn up : the King's renuncia- The 
tion of the investiture ; the clergy's renunciation by JJ^*Srawn 
papal decree of the estates of the crown. On the up- 
exchange of the documents Henry was to receive 
the crown. The scrupulous precautions which were 

with which it b oppressed by the concordats and the prerogatives of 
the civil power, and which alone have hitherto rendered necessary the 
temporal possessions of the Roman See. We shall inscribe the 
principle of mutual independence of the Church and the State in the 
fundamental statute of the Italian kingdom." Speech of March 25, 



introduced into the treaties cause King and Pope 
to appear like two enemies holding negotiations, 
each of whom sees in the other only a traitor or an 
assassin. Is it not with justice that we speak of an 
age as barbarous when the secular head of the West 
was obliged to swear by treaty that he would neither 
treacherously seize the high priest of Christendom, 
nor mutilate or put him to death ?^ The envoys 
hastened to Sutri, whither the King had advanced 
He accepted the deeds, though only on condition 
that all bishops and princes of the empire would 
assent to the renunciation, and the chronicler^ who 
informs us of the circumstances, remarks that this 
was deemed impossible.^ On February 9, Henry and 
his nobles, the dukes and counts of Bavaria, Saxony, 
and Carinthia, his chancellor Albert, his nephew 
Frederick of Swabia, the Bishop of Speyer guaranteed 
to the Pope by oath his personal safety and the 
fulfilment of the treaty, if the Pope on his side would 
execute the treaty the following Sunday. The army 
immediately set forth for Rome, and on Saturday, 
February 11, encamped on Monte Mario. 
Henry V. Henry V. stood before the Leonine city and that 

before ' 


Feb. mx. 1 ^^ ^^ in facto out ccnsilio^ utdom, P, perdat papatum romanum 
vel vitam, tml membra^ vel capiatur mala captume-^customairy formula 
in treaties with princes, cities, vassals. The Pope's sureties were his 
nephew Walfred and the Pierleoni. 

* Ptrebuit rex assenswn^ sed eo pacto^ quatinus hoc transmiUatio 
fimia et auUniica rations^ consUioque vel concordia toUus accUna ac 
regni princip%tm assensu stabiliretur ; quod etiam vix out nullo modo 
fieri posse credebatur, Ekkehard, Quod tamen nuUo modo posse fiori 
sciebat, said Henry of the Pope in a letter in Cod. Udair.^ n. 261 ; 
Dodechini Append, y p. 668w 


fortress of S. Angelo in which the author of this 
terrible war had been besieged by his father twenty- 
seven years before; the sorrowful shade of Henry 
IV. must have haunted his son and have summoned 
him to become his avenger. The Emperor's corpse 
was still unburied ; it had lain for more than five 
years in an unconsecrated chapel of the cathedral of 
Speyer, and Paschalis, with Roman harshness, had 
refused the request to accord it Christian burial. 
We may imagine the sensations of the haughty 
German knights at the sight of Rome, the feelings 
of the Romans, over whom lay the cloud of approach- 
ing ruin, and the thoughts of the Pope, who knew 
himself to be within the toils of a perjured enemy, 
while his envoys, as erst those of Gregory VIL,scoured 
Campania in search of a new Guiscard. The morrow 
might witness either a great work of peace or a 
fr^htful crash. 

Ambassadors from the Romans came to Henry's 
camp, and requested him to affirm the laws of Rome ; 
the Roman King complied, but contemptuously pro- 
nounced his assent in the German language, and the 
offended nobles returned to the city. The legates 
of the Pope appeared ; hostages were exchanged, 
and Henry again swore safety to the Pope and the 
preservation of the State of the Church. 

The coronation was to take place the following Entry of 
day — February 12. The corporations of Rome, the ^^ ^' 
colleges of judges, the Scholae of the papal court, ©pronation, 
the militia with their insignia, dragons, wolves, mi. 
lions, and eagles borne on the shafts of lances, and 
the populace, carrying flowers and palm-branches, 


escorted the King from Monte Mario. The son of 
Henry IV., accompanied by his magnificent retinue, 
advanced on horseback to the Leonina amid the 
sincere or hypocritical shouts of thousands: "S. 
Peter has chosen Henry as King." According to 
traditional usage, he swore, first at a little bridge, and 
again at the gate, to observe the laws of Rome ; he 
listened to the hymn of the Jews with a contemptu- 
ous smile, to the applause of the schola of the Greeks 
with condescension. Choirs of monks and nuns, 
bearing lighted tapers, and processions of the clergy 
received him in the Leonina with the same shout : 
^^ Heinricum Regein Sanctus Petrus elegit^ and the 
magnificent train slowly advanced to the steps of 
S. Peter's. No emperor designate was ever awaited 
with greater suspense than the son of Henry IV. ; the 
solemn ceremonial of the reception, the homage, the 
adoption by the Pope, could but thinly veil the deep 
misgiving, and the prudent Henry declined to enter 
S. Peter's until his soldiers occupied the basilica.^ 
Henry v.'s King and Pope had taken their places on the 
in*l.^^^' porphyry Rota in the solemn cathedral. Here the 
Peter's. great work of peace was to be enacted ; the treaties 
were to be sworn to and exchanged. The pactum 
of the King and that of the Pope were read aloud ; 
the murmurs of bishops and princes, however, 
accompanied the papal document, which announced 
that the political position of the clergy was uncanoni- 
cal, that it was unlawful for priests to serve in the 

^ Deliberata est itaque eiecclesia, et omtus muniiMtus cireumquaqtu 
sita: Petr. Pisan., c 14. S. Peter's was fortified; S. Angelo 
remained garrisoned by papal troops. 


army, since murder and robbery were inseparable 
from such service; that the servants of the altar 
should not at the same time be servants of the court : 
but that as soon as they received estates as fiefs from 
the crown they must be courtiers. Hence had 
originated the custom that bishops already elected 
only received consecration on obtaining the royal 
investiture ; a custom which had been prohibited by 
the decrees of several councils. He, Paschalis, under 
punishment of excommunication, commanded the 
bishops to restore all fiefs of the crown to the 
Emperor Henry for all time, and as many fie& as 
had come into possession of the churches since the 
time of Charles the Great^ 

A storm of indignation broke forth. Were the 
bishops to submit to the simple decree of a Pope 
and recognise him as the absolute ruler of die 
Church ? The worldly ambition of priests, who, 
from being the messengers of peace to the people, 
had become their barons, revolted against an evan* 
gelical principle, and had Christ Himself appeared in 
the assembly to support His representative with His 
own command, " Render unto Caesar the things that 
are Csesar^s," His voice would have been drowned by 
angry cries. Can we believe that Paschalis cherished 
the conviction that princes and bishops would accept 
his decree ? It is impossible. He could only hope 
to come to a temporary adjustment with the 
Emperor, all else would have become the subject of 
n^otiations and synods. King and Pope, seated on 

1 Sigbert, A. nil. Dodeckini Append., p. 668. Cod. Udair., 
n. 263 ; PriuiUgium Pascalis Papa* Et diuimt Ugis^ Ac. 


the porphyry rota, each with his pactum in his hand, 
in the possibility of the execution of which neither 
believed, appear in this celebrated scene like two 
actors in a great drama, of whom one plays his part 
with violent cunning, the other with the resignation 
of despair. But at Paschalis's side stood a premature 
reform, while Henry obviously cherished the design 
of the coup ditat which he afterwards accomplished, 
and which will ever remain one of the most violent 
and audacious strokes of the kind recorded in history. 
The concession was so great that Henry saw 
within it merely a snare of the Pope to obtain 
possession of his renunciation, and then to leave him 
to face the opposition of the princes and bishops. 
While the King again explained in S. Peter's that 
the project of robbing the churches of their property 
did not originate with him, he made the Pope alone 
responsible, and at Sutri he had already made the 
execution of his treaty dependent on the consent of 
all the princes of the empire. As the Pope now 
desired the renunciation of the investiture, the King 
retired for consultation with the bishops. His nobles 
blustered. They asserted that the Pope's proposi- 
tion was heresy and sacrilege and decisively re- 
fused to recognise the treaty.* Evening approached. 

^ Lectis publice ^rtvilegiiSf iumultuantibus in infinitum principibus 
prct ecciesiarum spolioUunu ac per hoc beneficiorum suontm ablatione* 
Ekkefaard ; and the lively account in the Chronicle of Reichersherg^ 
p. 239 (in Ludewig, t. ii.)i which, like Sigbert, Otto of Freising, 
Chron,^ vii. 14, Ep, Hoinrici^ Cod. Udalu^ 262, and Dodechinus, 
mentions only the bishops : unrversis in faciem ejus resistentibus, et 
decreto suo palcun haresim inclamantibus^ scil, episcopis^ abbaHbus^ tam 
suis quam nostris et omnibus ecclesiafiliis. 


Paschalis demanded that the tedious conference 
should be ended; the bishops protested that the 
treaty was impracticable; the King desired the 
coronation, the Pope refused it A knight, burning 
with indignation, sprang forward : " Where is the 
necessity," he cried, " for so much talk I My master 
desires to be crowned without delay like Lewis and 
Charles I" Some terrified cardinals proposed to 
crown the King, and to delay the conclusion of the 
concordat until the morrow. The prelates would 
no more hear of treaties. Some bishops, more 
especially Burchard of Munster and the Chancellor 
Albert, fanned the rising anger of the young King 
and urged him to violate his oath and seize the The Pope 
person of the Pope. Armed men surrounded the^^U^^ 
Pope and the high altar. Scarcely had he ended 
mass, when he was forced to take a seat in the 
tribune, watched by knights with drawn swords. A 
tumult arose. Norbert, Henry's chaplain, threw 
himself weeping before the Pope, and Conrad of 
Salzburg loudly called to the King that his act was 
wicked sacrilege. The brave bishop was menaced 
by drawn swords ; the quarrels and shrieks of clergy 
and nobles, the clang of arms, cries for aid, the 
flight and maltreatment of terrified priests presented 
a scene of wildest confusion in the already dark 
cathedral. Meanwhile the Pope and the cardinals, 
crowded together, trembled under the halberds of 
the mercenaries, while throngs of people, anxious for 
revenge, filled S. Peter's, and on the other side of the 
Tiber the entire city was already in violent commo* 


As night descended Paschalis and his court were 
removed to a building beside S. Peter's, and were 
confided to the custody of Udalrich, Patriarch of 
Aquileia, The imprisonment of the Pope broke 
down all discipline, priests and laity were robbed 
without distinction and were cut down by the sword ; 
the golden vessels, the ornaments of the Church, 
were carried off. All who could escape, fled 
shrieking to the city. 

3. The Romans rise to set Paschalis at Liberty — 
Surprise and Battle in the Leonina — Henry V. 


TivoLi — Forces the Pope to accord him the 
Privilege of the Investiture — Imperial Corona- 
tion — Henry V. leaves Rome — Terrible awaken- 
ing OF Paschalis II. in the Lateran. 

Two cardinal-bishops, John of Tusculum and Leo 
of Ostia (the historian of Monte Casino), escaped 
in disguise across the bridge of S. Angelo. They 
assembled the people. Alarm-bells were rung from 
Rome every tower; Rome was filled with the wildest 
J^i{J* excitement. Such Germans as unsuspectingly had 
entered the city were cut down. This was the 
scene into which the festival of a Roman coronation 
was again transformed. Since a Byzantine governor 
had dragged Pope Martin into exile, the Papacy 
had suffered no such violence from the supreme 
power in the State. The Romans now foi^ot their 
enmity to the popes; they united in a common 
feeling of hatred against the foreign imperial power. 


With the break of day they burst into the Leonina The battle 
to set the Pope at liberty. Haughty contempt had LeSTina. 
rendered the King careless, and hence the onslaught 
almost cost him both life and empire. Still un- 
dressed and with naked feet he sprang on horseback 
in the atrium of the basilica, leaped down the marble 
steps and plunged into the thick of the fray; five 
Romans sank beneath his lance, but he himself fell 
wounded from the saddle. The Viscount Otto of 
Milan placed at his disposal his horse, and indeed his 
life, for the magnanimous rescuer was dragged away 
and torn to pieces in the city. The fury of the 
Romans was unbounded; the attack became a 
battle; Henry's forces, driven from the portico, 
seemed ready to succumb.^ The valour of the 
Romans, which had never before shone so con- 
spicuous, deserved to be rewarded by deliverance 
from the empire ; their desire for plunder, however, 
snatched the victory out of their hands sooner than 
the exertions of the Germans would have done. 
They were finally driven back across the bridge with 
great slaughter, or were thrown into the river, and 
their flight was only covered by sorties from S. 

The imperialist losses were great and showed that 
a rebellious city was formidable even to disciplined 
armies; Henry consequently left the Leonina at 

' Habent enim aliqtiid simile cum nivibus suis ; nam statim ut 
tacti colore fuerint^ in sudorem convcrsi deficiunt^ et quasi a sole 
sohnifUur, says Peter Diacon., iv. c. 39, quite untruthfully, of the 
German character. On the contrary, the Germans credit themselves 
with the possession of manly endurance. 


night He remained two days longer in the camp 
under arms, while the Romans, exhausted and thirst- 
ing for revenge, assembled anew. The cardinal of 
Tusculum, now vicar of the Pope, besought them 
again to take up arms. "Romans, your freedom, 
your lives, your honour, and the defence of 
your Church are at stake. The Holy Father, the 
cardinals, your brothers and sons languish in the 
chains of the faithless enemy: a thousand noble 
citizens lie stretched in death under the portico ; 
the basilica of the apostles, the honoured cathedral 
of Christendom, is defiled with corpses and blood ; 
the dishonoured Church lies weeping at your feet, 
and with upraised arms entreats mercy and protec- 
tion from the Roman people who alone can save 
it" The whole city swore to fight to the death.^ 
Departure In the night of February 1$ to i6, however, Henry 
V. wUMhc rsiised his tents and, like a defeated man, withdrew 
ttiptive to the Sabina. While he carried the Pope and six- 
Rome, teen cardinals away with him as prisoners, his 
ffii.^^' soldiers dragged Roman consuls and priests tied 
with ropes and, themselves seated on horseback, 
goaded their captives along the muddy roads with 
the shafts of their lances — a spectacle which may 
well have recalled Vandal times.* The army 

^ Petnis DiacoD., c 39. Mansi, xxL 59. Letter of Cardinal John 
(i^ns vicem Domni Paschaiis Papa vincii Jesu Christt) to Richard, 
Bishop of Albano : post hac omnes unanimes contra eumjuraverunt, 
ufUf ammOf una voiuntafe pugnare, 

* Chronicle of Reicktrsberg : citrid tenure educoH funibus traJu- 
hantur ab equitibus^ quos illU nt poteranl, sequebantur per plaieas. 
Into profundo ac tenaci vix emergettUs, Petr. Diacon. says, with 
exaggeration, that the Pope was carried away in chains. 


crossed the Tiber at Fiano, and finally encamped 
beside the Lucanian bridge below Tivoli. It was 
Henry's intention to unite with the Tusculan counts 
to cut oflF the Norman relief-party, which Cardinal 
John had urgently summoned. He left the Pope 
with some cardinals in the fortress of Trebicum, 
the remaining prisoners in close custody at Cor- 

Thus the son of Henry IV. inflicted on the Church, 
which had formerly supported him in his impious 
rebellion, an outrage such as the fourth Henry had 
never committed. In whatever light we may view 
Henry V.'s bold coup (t^taty the nemesis which was 
therein accomplished was just. The excess at 
Canossa found its reverse in Rome. The heaviest 
anathema should have been dealt upon the King, 
who, like a Shalmaneser, had carried the represen- 
tative of Christ and the Roman Church itself captive ; 
but Paschalis sighed and held his peace. We hear 
of the disturbance which agitated the ecclesiastical 
world, but not of the commotion which shook the 
political world when it received the news of the 
Pope's imprisonment. The world, however, stirred 
itself as little to effect his release as it did 700 
years later when Napoleon emulated the example 
of Henry V. The Countess Matilda must have felt 
the event as her heaviest defeat; but she did not 

^ Petr. DiaooxL and Codn Vaf,, 1984; after the register of 
Paschalis : a/ud C4utellum Trgdicum, apud Ccrcodilum ; CorcoUo or 
Corcarulum (Querquetula, Corootula) in Latiam. Nibby, Anaitsi, 
Trebicum is Tribuco^ where a church stood dedicated to S. Getulius. 
See £. Stevenson, La Basil, di S. Sinforosa sulia via Tiburtina^ in 
vol. L of the Siudi e Docum, di Storia e Diriiio^ Rome, 1880, p. 107. 


move. Messenger after messenger was despatched 
to Apulia, but no Guiscard appeared. Robert of 
Capua alone sent 300 cavalry into Roman territory, 
but finding Latium imperialist and Henry's army 
between themselves and Rome, they turned back 
at Ferentino. The sudden death of Roger and of 
his brother Boemund threw the Norman states into 
confusion, a revolt of the Lombard people and 
Henry's arrival seemed imminent, and the princes 
consequently found themselves compelled to send 
ambassadors in haste to do homage to the King.^ 
Harsh During sixty-one days Henry held cardinals and 

ment Pope in strictest imprisonment, first in the above- 
S^tbT* named fortress, then in his camp. At the same time, 
Pope he daily menaced the city, and by hunger, by laying 
cardinals, waste the fields, and by maltreating the prisoners, 
he tried to bend every one to his will. The Romans, 
however, were now proof even against gold. They 
would open their gates only on condition that the 
prisoners were set at liberty, and Henry in return 
demanded his coronation from the Pope, and the 
candid recognition of the right of the crown to 
the investiture. The Pope hesitated, and Henry 
threatened to put all the prisoners to death unless 
he yielded. The chief men of the King's party, the 
prisoners, the Romans from the city, the afflicted 

^ Peter Diacon. Ord. Vitalis (x. 762) invents the fiction that 2000 
Normans came to the aid of the Romans and expelled Henry. The 
Norman princes were Robert of Capua (1106-I120), successor of his 
brother Richard H. ; William of Apulia, son of Roger, who had died 
at Salerno in February iiii. In Sicily the great Count Rogttt 
brother of Guiscard, had died in iioi, and had been succeeded by 
Roger II. 


cardinals threw themselves at the feet of the Pope 
and implored him, in view of the universal misery, 
in face of the oppressed city and the deserted 
Church, to avert the threatened schism. It is in- 
teresting to picture Gregory VII. in place of Pas- 
chalis II., and to ask ourselves, whether the former 
heroic Pope, who replied to the supplications of his 
kneeling petitioners in S. Angelo by a tranquil 
" No ! " would have remained unmoved in the present 
case. " Well," cried the unfortunate Paschalis with a 
sigh, ** for the sake of the deliverance of the Church, 
I am compelled to yield to measures to which my 
consent would not otherwise have been extorted at 
the cost of life."^ Fresh treaties were drawn up. 
But Count Albert of Blandrate would not hear of any 
written condition being attached to the fulfilment 
of the oath on the side of the Pope, and Paschalis, 
turning to the King with reproachful gentleness 
or with a bitter smile, said : " I tender this oath, in The Pope 
order that you may fulfil yours." The German camp ^^^ 
was pitched on the further side of the Anio on the 
** Field of the Seven Brothers," the Roman stood on 
the side of the Ponte Mammolo nearest the city.^ 
Here sixteen cardinals swore in the Pope's name to 

1 £n cogor—pro EccL pace ac liberatione id perpeti^ quodne pcUerer^ 
vitam quoque cum sanguiru projundere parattis erasn, 

' In agro juxta ponUm Mammeutn^ Cod, Vat,^ I9^« This bridge 
was called pans Mammi as early as 1030 (Nibby, AneUisi) ; whether 
from Mammea, mother of Alexander Sevenis, is uncertain. Here is 
the boundary between Latium and the Sabina. The field Septem 
Frairum must be the present Castelf Areione^ nine miles from Rome, 
where the church of S. Sinforosa (the mother of seven martyrs in the 
time of Hadrian) stood. Eschinardi, Agro Romano^ p. 236 ; Viola, 
TvvoHy il 125 ; De Rossi, BtdL d. Arch, crisL, 1878, p. 75 f. 


forget the past, promised never to excommunicate 
the King, promised to crown him Emperor, to 
support him in the empire and patriciate, and finally 
not to dispute his right to the investiture. Fourteen 
of his nobles swore on Henry's side to escort the 
Pope, all prisoners and hostages to Trastevere at a 
given time ; to refrain from injuring the Pope's 
adherents, to give security to the city of Rome, 
Trastevere, and the island of the Tiber, and to 
restore her property to the Church.^ 

The King insisted that the privilegium of the 

investiture should be executed before he entered the 

city. The deed was hurriedly drawn up by a notary 

brought from Rome. The following day the army 

departed, and since the Milvian bridge was now 

destroyed, the troops crossed the Tiber not far from 

the mouth of the Anio, and encamped on the 

Flaminian Way. Here the memorable deed was 

executed and was signed by the unfortunate Pope 

with heavy sighs. 

The Pope «' It is determined by God's decree, that thy realm 

the right should be especially allied with the Church, and thy 

ture to*the pf^decessors have acquired the crown of the Roman 

Emperor, city and the empire by power and wisdom. To 

this dignity of crown and empire, God's majesty, 

through our priestly office, our most beloved son 

Henry, has also exalted thy person. The rights of 

1 Actum 3 Idus Aprilis iftria post Octam Pascha Jnd, IV. Both 
formube, from the R^;ister of Paschalis, are to be found in CccL Vat.^ 
1984, in Cencius, Mon, Germ. Leges^ ii. 71. Among the sureties for 
the King is also Guetmerius copus, Et regnum et Imperium officii sui 
auxUio tenere bona fide adjuvabit, Petr. Diacon., c. 40, adds patricu 


the empire, which our predecessors accorded to thy 
predecessors the Catholic emperors, we therefore 
accord to thy highness and confirm them through 
the present privilegium as follows : Thou shalt 
impart the investiture with ring and staff to the 
bishops and abbots of thy empire, who shall be 
elected without force and simony ; after their canoni- 
cal installation they shall receive consecration from 
the bishop whose duty it is to give it But whoever 
shall be elected by the clergy and people without 
thy consent shall not obtain consecration from any 
one until he has received the investiture from thee. 
Bishops and archbishops shall be permitted canoni- 
cally to consecrate bishops and abbots who have 
received investiture from thee. For thy predecessors 
have endowed the churches of the empire with so 
many benefices of their royal rights, that it is 
necessary to secure the empire itself through the 
assistance of the bishops and abbots, and to adjust^ 
by the royal majesty, disputes among the people con- 
cerning elections. Thy prudence and thy power must 
therefore provide that, under the divine protection, 
the greatness of the Roman Church and the welfare 
of all churches may be preserved by royal endowment 
and favour. Shall any spiritual or secular power or 
person, however, dare to despise or subvert this our 
privilegium, he shall be entangled within the chains 
of the anathema and be deprived of all honours. 
May Hie divine mercy protect all who respect it, and 
grant thy majesty a happy empire."^ 

1 **J^^gnum vestrum s, EccUsia nngulariter cohanre, dispontio 
divina constituUJ'^—Cod, Udalr.y n. 265 ; Mon, Germ, Leges ^ 



Henry V. When Hcnrv held in his hands a bull which over- 
dismisses .. 11 ^1 1 .« ... 

the Pope, threw all the prohibitions agamst investiture pro- 
nounced by Gr^ory VII. and his successors, his vic- 
tory must have appeared to him well nigh incredible ; 
he immediately dismissed the Pope, who gave him 
the benediction, and a witty German chronicler 
was able to compare the vigorous prince to the 
patriarch Jacob, who would not let the angel with 
whom he wrestled go until he had received his 
blessing.^ On April 13, Henry again made his 
Hemy v. entry into the Leonina, but the hurried coronation 
bylSr^ was devoid of all signs of joy. All the gates of 
Pope in Rome remained barred, so that the Romans as a 

S. Peters, 

April 13, body took no share in the transaction. Their 
deputies, however, were present, and Henry V,, like 
his grandfather, was also clad with the insignia of 
the patriciate.* The Emperor compelled the Pope 
to take back the privilegium from his hand, and then 
publicly restore it, as evidence that the transaction 
was not compulsory but a voluntary act The clergy 
were deeply wounded by the insult. The Pope, 
nevertheless, sincerely desired to make peace; he 
broke the host for himself and Henry, and while 
both partook, he said in a tone of inward conviction, 

iL 72. Otto of Freising says that the Privilegium was exiorium per 

^ In exempL patrianha Jacob dicentis ad angeium : ncn dimiUam U 
nisi benedixeris mihi: Ekkehard. The comparison seems to have 
been taken from the lost history of David Scottus, as we gather from 
William of Malmesbury, de Geslts Reg, Angior.^ v. 166, who used 
David's accounts. Hemy now extorted permission to give his &ther 
Christian burial 

* Romani patricii octurrerunt cum aureo circulo, quern imposueruni 
imperatori in capiU, William of Malmesbury, v. 167. 


"May he, who attempts to violate this treaty, be 
thus severed from the kingdom of God/' 

Henry V. was the first of all Roman emperors 
who received the crown in Rome, without having set 
foot in the city itself. From behind their walls the 
Romans accompanied the coronation with vindictive 
curses ; they might liken Henry to a. thief, who had I 

forced his way into S. Peter's, had planted his sword I 

at the Pope's breast, and had decamped bearing with 
him the crown which he had obtained by force. 
Filled with distrust, no sooner was he crowned than 
he took hostages, folded his tents and hastened to Heniy v. 
Tuscany, along the same road by which his father ^^^ 
and grandfather had previously withdrawn. He victorious, 
turned his back on the city which he had subdued 
but not conquered, on the dishonoured and dis- 
mayed clergy, and bore in his hands the spoils of his 
robbery, the papal parchment — the ratification of the 
right of investiture. The audacity of his coup d'itat 
stands forth conspicuous against the dark background 
of his father's history ; it does not, however, clear him 
from perjury. He inverted the parts of Henry IV. 
and Gregory VH. ; the son of the monarch who had 
cast himself faint-hearted in the dust before a priest, 
grasped the Pope with his mailed hand, forced him to 
bend to his royal majesty and in a moment attained 
what Henry IV. in sixty battles had not been able to 
achieve. Accidental though his despotic act appears, 
it was nevertheless a logical consequence of historic 
causes ; but success of such sudden nature could 
not be lasting, and the humiliation which Paschalis 

VOL. IV. 2 A 


suflfered was not, like the humiliation of Henry IV., 
of a moral character. 
Pitiable The Wretched and bewildered Pope was greeted 

PasSuSas ^^ h*s return to the city by the fanatical rejoic- 
^^' ing of the people ; the nimbus of martyrdom for 

the national cause encompassed his head. In like 
manner the Romans received their Pope 700 years 
later on his return from imprisonment under a 
foreign conqueror. The throng in the streets was 
everywhere so great that Faschalis with difficulty 
reached the Lateran by the evening.* A decep- 
tive show of reconciliation on the part of the 
Romans towards papal rule may have comforted 
the unfortunate Pope ; * but on recovering from his 
stupefaction, he read, in the dismayed or gloomy 
countenances of those who surrounded him, the 
formidable struggle which he had now to encounter 
in the Church itself. 

^ The date Actum Id, ApriKs 5 feriaposi ociaoas Pascha^ Ind, IV, 
Hac sicut passi sumtis, et oculis nostris vidimus ^ et auribus nostris 
audivimuSf mera veritate comcripsimus. Thus from the Register of 
Paschalis in Cod, Vat., 19S4, and afterwards in Card. Aragon., 


' Peter Pisan. exaggerates : discedente — Heinrico Romam pax 
ridiit — viguit auiem pax annis plus minus rumem^ posteris vix 
credenda, quam profecto vidi tantam, quaniam et timidus bubukus 
exoptat^ et audax perharrescit iatro^ ut quisque loais depositum tueretur. 


4, The Bishops revolt against Paschalis — A Council 


Legates excommunicate the Emperor — Alexius 
comnenus and the romans — investiture of 
Wiluam, Duke of the Normans — Death of the 
Countess Matilda — Her Donation. 

A storm of indignation arose among the Gr^orian 
party. It beheld the great work which Gregory had 
achieved amid so many struggles overthrown by the 
weakness of a Pope. Those cardinals who had not The 
shared Paschalis's imprisonment reviled him for not risef^hm 
having chosen a martyr's death in preference to Pa«*a"»- 
sqbmission to the Emperor's command; they de- 
nounced his conduct, which, however, had only 
reference to the province of ecclesiastical discipline, 
as rank heresy ; they desired the breach of the 
treaty. The Pope saw himself in a position of 
tragic discord ; zealots pointed at him as a traitor to 
the Lord, and the unfortunate man in despair hid 
himself in the solitude of Terracina, and finally with- 
drew to the island of Ponza. 

The Church found itself in the same position 
towards Paschalis as a modern state would find itself 
towards the monarch who had violated the constitu- 
tion; but seldom has a people fought with such 
energy and with such constitutional means against 
its ruler's breach of the constitution as the Church 
and its parliament fought at the present crisis. 
John of Tusculum and Leo of Ostia assembled a 
Synod in Rome, where the decrees of Urban and 
Gregory were revived and the privilegium of Henry 


V. was pronounced null. Bruno, Bishop of Segni, 
at the time also Abbot of Monte Casino, vehemently 
assented to this decision.^ Paschalis was asked to 
revoke the privilegium and to excommunicate the 
Emperor; foreign bishops raised their voices in 
indignation. John of Lyons convoked a Gallican 
Council; the papal legates assembled synods, and 
so great was the irritation that thoughts were even 
entertained of deposing the Pope. A schism threat- 
ened to break forth, for Paschalis also had defenders, 
not only in those cardinals who had supported his 
course of action, but among all the adherents of the 
Emperor, and finally among such bishops as, although 
orthodox, were of moderate views, and at whose head 
stood the celebrated Ivo of Chartres.* Paschalis, 
weak and timid, was inwardly uncertain ; he wrote 
soothing letters to the zealous bishops, censured the 
attacks of the fanatical cardinals against the supreme 
head of the Church, and penitently acknowledged 
that he sought for means to undo the past. 
Lateran He assembled a Council in the Lateran on March 

MMch^' 1 8, 1 1 12; he described what he had suffered and 
!"«• how he had been driven to his compact; he pro- 
nounced the privilegium an unjust transaction, but 

^ Bruno's violent letter to Paschalis, in Petrus Diacon., c. 42, and 
Baronius, ctd A, iiii, n. 30. Here also is given his letter to the 
Bishop of Portus. Paschalis compelled him to renounce the dignity 
of abbot. Bruno died in 1123 in Segni, where he is buried in the 

• The gentle Ivo defended the Pope against John of Lyons : pottus 
pudenda patris nostri nudabilis^ dtridenda exp^netis, quam post dorsum 
ea velando benedicHonem patemam nobis acqutratis. . . . Sic Petrus 
trinam negationem trina confessione purgaoit^ et Apostoiicus mansit. 
Cod, Udalr,^ n. 281. 


explained that he must leave the mode of reforming 
it to the Council, since he himself would never ex- 
communicate the Emperor, or annoy him on account 
of the investiture. In the final sitting he even 
purged himself from the charge of heresy by a 
solemn profession of faith, and by the recognition 
of the decrees of his predecessor, whereupon, the 
Pope sitting silent, the Synod unanimously pro- 
nounced the privilegium null and void as un- 

The history of Henry V. and Paschalis II. furnishes 
one of the most striking examples of the facility 
with which in political life treaties are made and 
broken, even although provided with all the seals 
of religion. It is only the preponderance of power 
that can uphold a treaty prejudicial to one or other 
side, and a reciprocal advantage will ever prove 
the strongest cement. A severe judgment will ask 
which of the Pope's two transactions was the more 
blameworthy ; the first, when from motives of fear 
or compassion he allowed himself to be forced into 
an uncanonical treaty, or the second, where fear and 
remorse impelled him to break the treaty. If, in- 
stead of committing the latter act, Paschalis had 
abdicated, he would have shown himself a lesser 
Pope and a greater man. But since he remained 
Pope, he followed the more decorous but more 

^ Gerhard of Angouleme, who drew up the last clause, pronounced 
the privilegium to be a prcanUgium, The Acts in Mansi, xxi. 50. 
Fkrentii Wigom, Hist, {Mon, Germ,, vii. 566). Falco says without 
shuffling ; P, Paschalis faciens Roma Synodum fregii pactum, qtwd 
fecerat cum H, Rege, 


dangerous path ; he left the decision to the Council, 
to whose authority he subjected the Papacy. We 
can no longer read his heart to see in what propor- 
tion Christian humility, shame and repentance, human 
weakness and anger were intermingled. Paschalis, 
however, long withstood the provocations of fanati- 
cism, to which oaths are not sacred. His demeanour, 
free from hatred towards the perjured Henry, both 
during and after his imprisonment, gives him claim 
to the rare title of a true priest, and we venture to 
think that his attitude was due to Christian con- 
viction and not alone to fear. The decrees of the 
Council were sent to the Emperor with the invitation 
It annuls to renounce the investiture. Henry V. declined, and 
priviiegium Paschalis long remained in friendly correspondence 
of the with him.i 

That which he hesitated to do himself was done 
by his nuncio. The legates a latere^ whom the popes 
sent into all the provinces of the Church as their 
alter ego, had acquired, after the days of Nicholas 
n. and Gregory VH., a degree of power hitherto, 
unheard of Feared by all, by princes as well as 
bishops and communities, they became, according to 
the candid avowal of S. Bernard, a scourge of the 

^ On May 3 he laments that Civita Castellana, Coroollo, Montalto, 
Montacuto, and Nami refuse obedience, and he hopes for the restora- 
tion of Perugia, Gubbio, Tuder, Orvieto, Bagnorea, Castellum Felici- 
tatis, Spoleto, and Fermo (Cod, Udalr,^ n. 266). On October 26, 
mi, he complains of his persecutors : intestinis bellis viscera nostra 
coUacera$U, et multo faciem nostram rubore per/undunt. He censures 
Henry's violence against the churches, and the tyrannical treatment of 
the hostages. The letter affords us a glance into the mental struggle 
of the Pope. Cod. Udalr., n. 271. 


provinces, whose gold they extorted like the pro- 
consuls of ancient Rome; they aided the popes, 
however, to subjugate royal courts and provincial 
councils. Their office became the school of the 
subtlest diplomatic art, and they themselves were 
the true statesmen of the period. Conon of Praeneste 
had barely received in Jerusalem the news of the 
occurrences in Rome when he — a papal legate — 
venturedtoexcommunicatethe Emperor. The Arch- 
bishop Guido of Vienne, Henry's vassal, assembled 
a Council in October 11 12, pronounced investiture 
by lay hand heretical, hurled the anathema against 
the Emperor as a second Judas, and, under the threat 
of refusing him obedience, required from Paschalis 
the ratification of his decree.^ The clergy's hatred 
of Henry, a hatred shared by many Romans, now 
encouraged the Greek Emperor to make the attempt 
to revive antiquated claims. Alexius Comnenus, 
a fortunate and astute monarch, saw his empire 
consolidated by the Crusades, which, by founding 
the kingdom of Jerusalem and other Syrian states, 
had erected a defence against the Turks; he sent 
envoys to Rome, bewailed the misfortune of the Pope, 
congratulated the Romans on their resistance to a 
rapacious usurper, and expressed a desire for the 
Roman crown according to ancient right The 
Romans uttered a protest against Henry by actually 
sending a pompous deputation to Constantinople 

^ The Coandl of Vienne called the Pope point-blank a simpleton, 
taiptum illud, quod rex a vestra simpliciiate extorsit^ damnavimus. 
The Synodal letter reveals all the passionate indignation of the bishops. 
Baron., ad A. 1 1 12 




II. invests 





of the 
July 24, 


to treat concerning the coronation : the Pope, how- 
ever, had no share in these theatrical proceedings, 
and it was merely the Roman nobility who, once 
again independent and dominant, embraced the 
opportunity to make a noisy display.^ 

Paschalis from this time enjoyed some tranquil 
years in Rome ; he merely went to and fro between 
the city and Apulia to look after the rights of the 
Church. On October 15, 1114, he held a Council 
in Ceprano, and here, where Gregory VI L had once 
given his territories in fief to Robert Guiscard, 
Paschalis bestowed the investiture of Apulia, Cala- 
bria, and Sicily on Roger's successor, Duke William.* 
Thus the Roman Church, in her position of ever 
increasing difficulty, strove to secure the protection 
of Norman Italy, of which she retained the territorial 
supremacy, while the death of the great countess 
afforded her the prospect of gaining possession of 
other estates which she had received in bequest 

Matilda died at the age of seventy, on July 24, 
I II 5, at her castle, Bondeno de'Roncori near Can- 
ossa, leaving the Pope heir to her estates. Her 

^ The statement that the Romans sent 600 envoys to Byzantium is 
fabulous : the time. May 1 1 12. Petr. Diacon., iv. 46. The letter 
in which the Abbot of Farfsi warns Henry of the Pope's artifices also 
mentions the embassy. Cod, UdcUr.^ n. 256. 

* He first went to Benevento in the winter of 1 1 12, where he made 
Landulfus de Graca constable. The title of Comtstabulus is now 
heard for the first time in papal territoiy. Concerning the Norman 
investiture, see Chron, Fossa Nova, A. 1 1 14 ; Romuald for the year 
1 1 15. According to Falco, it extended to the DuccUus Apulia, 
Calabria, ei Sicilia: Petr. Diacon., C 49, no longer mentions 
Sicily ; the Duke of Apulia, however, probably still regarded the 
island as his fief. 


celebrated donation, one of the most fatal bequests Bequest of 
known to history, became the apple of discord of the 
time, thrown by a woman between the popes and 
emperors. Since the days of Pipin there had been 
no other donation of equal importance, and the two 
bequests are shrouded in the same darkness. The 
true geographical or juridical boundaries of Matilda's 
donation have never been defined, and we have just 
cause for surprise in the fact that the document 
which embodies the bequest does not specify by 
name one single place, while in other deeds of gift 
of the same period the territories are defined with 
painful exactitude.^ Matilda had made an earlier 
donation to Gregory VII., but the second document 
informs us that the first had been lost and that 
Matilda consequently deposited a fresh document 
in the hands of Bernard, the cardinal-legate at 
Canossa, on November 17, 1102. She herein be- 
queathed all her property on both sides of the 
mountain to the Roman Church for the redemption 

^ The Church had kid daim to Spoleto since the time of Charles. 
Roman Tuscany she possessed in Carolingian times ; in sac. x. , 
however, the greater part of it was united with the margravate of 
Tuscany. Cometo and Tuscana already belonged to the empire ; 
the margraves and even Matilda held placita there. Reg, Farf.y 
^ 579i Q* 799* ^'^ castelio et turre de Cargniio infinibus maritimanis 
territorii et camiteUus Tt*scanensis, Even Civita Vecchia was 
governed by Godfrey of Tuscany ( Annovazd, Sioria di Civita vecchia^ 
Rome, 1853, c. ii. 224). The name patrimonium was first used for 
Roman Tuscany in sac, xiv. , all the country Ijring between Radicofani 
and Ceperano had previously been called Patrimonium S, Rom, EccL 
Cenni, Monum,, ii. 210. The later so-called patrimonium has 
wrongly been derived from Matilda's bequest. Who can say at all in 
what this bequest consisted ? 

I ' > 


of her soul and the souls of her relatives.^ Thought- 
ful criticism has long rejected the opinion that 
Matilda could set aside all the legal conceptions of 
her age, and invest the Pope with the great imperial 
fiefs held by her ancestors, such as the margravates 
of Tuscany, Spoleto and Camerino, such as Mantua, 
Modena and Reggio, Brescia and Parma.* But if her 
donation were solely restricted to her allodial estates, 
which lay scattered from the Po to the Liris, it was 
now no longer possible to discover the boundaries 
between allodium and imperial fiefs, and the Church 
was enabled to profit by the uncertainty to give 
greater extension to her titles. 

The sagacity of Gregory VII. had destined 
Matilda's heritage for the popes ; not only could the 
decayed State of the Church thereby be restored, 

^ No contemporary, except Donizo in verses of general meaning, 
and Petr. Diacon. (iii. c 49) in a cursory notice, mentions this 
genuine donation. Petr. Diacon. : 1077 — Mathilda comitissa — 
Heinrici imp. exercitum timens Uguriam (thus Lombardy was also 
called) et Tusciam pravincias Gregoriop. et R. E. devotissime obtulit. 
The document containing the donation was first edited by Leibnitz, 
Rer. Brttnsv,, i. 687, then best, after Albinus and Cendus, by 
Cenni {Monum,^ ii« 238), who accompanied it with a treatise of the 
most arid erudition. The original does not exist ; the Vatican 
crypts, however, contain a fragment of the marble tablet, on which 
the donation was engraved, and which was placed in S. Peter's. This 
fragment was restored by Sarti and Settele {App, to Dionysius, 
Sacrar, Vat, Bos, Crypiar, Monum,^ Tab. vii.). Sarti holds the 
tablet to have served as the original not only to the Ottobonian Codex 
of Albinus, but to all other manuscript copies. 

' The Bull of Innocent II. of June 8, 1133, which invests Lothar 
III. with Matilda's hereditary estates for life, only mentions the 
allodium ban. mem, Comitissa Mathilda, quod utiquo ab ea b, Petro 
constat esse collatum. And to the allodial possessions alone (called 
Terra^ Domus^ Podere, Comilatus) can the donation refer. 


but by means of this bequest the Church was able 
to establish a broad basis for dominion over Italy. 
Had the popes, who made South Italy a fief of S. 
Peter, also acquired Matilda's estates, and obtained 
the transference of her imperial fiefs, nearly the 
whole of Italy would have owed them vassalage, 
and the fabulous donation of Constantine would 
almost have attained reality. Matilda's bequest, of 
whatever nature it may have been, remains a politi- 
cal masterpiece of the popes, although several long 
years were to elapse before they succeeded in 
possessing themselves of the smallest portion of the 
heritage. Three pretenders appeared to dispute the 
succession ; first, the cities which happily attained 
their autonomy. The Tuscan cities of Pisa, 
Lucca, Siena, Florence, Arezzo, which were already 
in possession of republican constitutions during 
Matilda's reign, afterwards attained complete free- 
dom, and were never laid claim to by any pope. 
Over Modena, Reggio, Mantua, and Parma, however, 
the Church advanced pretensions, while Ferrara 
remained an actual fief of the Church, the city hav- 
ing been conferred on Tedald, Matilda's grandfather. 
The other pretenders were Guelf V. of Bavaria, as 
husband of Matilda, and Henry V. as Emperor and 
a member of the house of Lorraine. And scarcely 
had Henry received the tidings of Matilda's death 
when he prepared to go to Italy to seize her pro- 
perty, while Paschalis never succeeded in acquiring 
a single inch of her estates. Between his successors 
and the emperors the heritage of the celebrated 
countess long remained the practical object of the 


struggle, in which the great battle of the spiritual 
and temporal powers ever found fresh nourish- 

^ Not until later did the popes venture to claim the imperial fiefs. 

Werner II. had already received the investiture of Spoleto and 
f Camerino from the Emperor. Rabodo iirst received the maxgravate 

[ of Tuscany; then it fell to Conrad of Swabia in 1 119 (Cianelli, 

Memorie e Documenti cUl Principato Lucckese, i. 159). In 1136 it 

was conferred on Henry the Proud, a member of the house of Guelf ; 

with the sanction of the Pope, he also received the allodial estates of 






Romans Revolt on account of the Election 
OF A City Prefect — Pier Leone — His Fortress 
beside the Theatre of Marcellus — The Diacon- 


the Campagna — Henry V. comes to Rome — 
Flight of Paschalis — Burdinus of Braga — 
Ptolemy of Tusculum — Return and Death of 
Paschalis II. — His Monuments in Rome. 

Peace was disturbed in Rome as early as 1 1 16 ; Paschalis 
Henry came to Lombardy, and Paschalis, urged by hS*^^* 
the united opposition of the bishops, was forced at ?^V' 
the Council held at the Lateran in March by solemn March' 
oath to condemn the Privilegium of the investiture.^ ^" ' 
The reconciliation which the Emperor had sought to 
attain through Pontius, Abbot of Cluny, had failed ; 
the Pope undoubtedly refused to sanction Henry's 
excommunication by the Council; but he did not 
revoke the anathema of his legates ; he permitted 
John, Archbishop of Milan, to pronounce the ex- 
communication of the Emperor within the cathe- 
dral of that city ; he explained that a Council alone 
had the power of removing the malison of bishops. 

^ Feet autem ut komOf quia sum pulvis et einis I exclaimed the 
unfoitonate Pope in the Council. The Acts of the Council in Ekke- 


While Henry s envoys held negotiations with the 
Pope, they came to a secret understanding with the 
party in Rome who desired the Emperor's arrival. 
The Romans were subject to transient accesses of 
cage against the imperium, but their hatred of the 
papal power was eternal. The death of the Prefect 
now afforded an opportunity for open revolt At 
CivUwar this period the Roman nobles strove as eagerly to 
in Rome obtain the prefecture as their ancestors had striven 

oonoenung *■ 

the pre- for the consulate, for the criminal judge of Rome 
cc^ore, ^^g ^^ influential personage. All eyes were fixed 
on the Prefect of the city, when, in solemn proces- 
sions, surrounded by his judges, he walked beside 
the Pope, clad in fantastic vestments — a wide-sleeved 
dalmatic of red silk, a mantle sumptuously trimmed 
with gold, a mitre of purple velvet on his head, hose 
of gold on one 1^, of red on the other.^ His election, 
like the election of the Pope, gave rise to furious 
party contests. When the candidate had shown 
himself to the people from a pulpit, and had sworn 
to the laws of Rome, he was usually conducted in 
procession to the Pope, who gave his ratification, and 
was finally invested with the imperial eagle and a 
naked sword at the hands of an imperial plenipoten- 
tiary. For the Emperor regarded him as his vicar 

^ Prafectus — induius manto precicso, et cakeatus zanca una aurea^ 
U4. una caUga^ altera rubea—juxta dom, Papam collateraliter nulla 
medio eqtUtante incedit : Ordo Roman, of Cendus in Mabillon, p. 17a 
Zanca and caliga are boots and hose at the same time, as we see them 
in early Florentine paintings. Concerning the dress of the Prefect, 
see Contelorius, De Prafecto urbis^ p. 3. The effigy on the tomb of 
Peter de Vico in Viterbo wears a mitre that looks like a truncated 
pine cone. 


in the city, although the popes also possessed the 
right of ratifying his appointment. The popes 
wished to wrest the investiture of the most important 
civic office from the Emperor, and when times were 
favourable they even appointed the Prefect on their 
own authority.^ 

On the death of Peter, Prefect of the city, at the 
end of March 11 16, Paschalis wished to bestow the 
office on a son of Pier Leone ; the imperialists and 
the populace, however, who hated the wealthy noble- 
man, put forward as candidate the son of Peter, a 
nephew of Ptolemy of Tusculum.* The Pope took 
the insignia of the prefecture, and determined to 
carry the election. While he was in the Lateran on 
the Thursday before Easter, the popular party forced 
their way into the church, presented Peter the young 
candidate, and noisily demanded his ratification. 
The sacred functions were rudely interrupted, and 
the centre of the stormy scene was an insolent boy, 
clad in deep mourning, who desired the office of 
Prefect of Rome. The Pope put off the insurgents 
until another day ; they left the Lateran uttering 
threats ; Rome divided into two factions, with one 
or other of whom the Counts of the Campagna them- 

1 Concerning the prefecture Geroh of Reichersberg says : Grandiora 
urhis et orhis rugotia — spectant ad Rom. Pont* sim illius vicarios — 
iUmqiu ad Rom, Imp, sive illius vicarium urhis Prafectum, qui de 
sua digmiaie respicit utrumque, vid, Z>. Papam, cui facU haminium si 
Dom. Imp,f a quo accipit sua poiestatis iftsignOf sc, exorium gladium 
(Baluz., MisceU»^ v. 64. Geroh wrote about 1150). 

' According to Faico and Peter Pisanus, the Prefect died in March ; 
only a marginal gloss from an ancient hand in the Cod, Vat,, 1984, 
says : A, XVII, Pontif. Paschalis secundi PP. ind. VIII. (more 
probably IX.) mense aprilis die II, obiit Petrus prefectus. 


selves took part^ The revolt waxed in strength 
during the festival. The Pope on his way to S. 
Peter's on Easter Monday was met on the bridge of 
S. Angelo by the furious mob, who again presented 
the son of the Prefect, and again demanded his 
investiture. They angrily attacked the papal retinue ; 
the procession returning to the Lateran was followed 
from the Capitol onwards with showers of stones. 
The youthful candidate assumed the insignia of the 
prefecture ; * fighting began in the streets ; towers 
and houses were destroyed, churches were sacked, 
and excesses of every kind were committed. 
The The populace attacked the fortress of Pier Leone, 

o7r«^ which was, however, one of the strongest in the city. 
Leone. The huge Theatre of Marcellus, in the neighbourhood 
of which the tower of the Pierleoni stood, was ad- 
mirably adapted to the requirements of a fortress, 
and the Tiber, and finally the ruins of immense 
porticos, more especially of the Portico of Octavia, 
bestowed a still greater strength on the district 
lying between the river and the Capitol.' It is 

^ Peter Pisanus, c i8. Falco, p. 90: Prcrf, urhis R, m, quid. 
Martio obiit^ post cujus mortem civile bellum terribiliter txortum est^ 
eo quod Romani audierant, quod Petrus jiL Leonis^ Apostolici consilio 
filium suum Prctfectum ordinare vellet. Order. Vital., xii. 861, says 
that Pierleone was hated {quern iniquiss, Jkneratorem noverunt, more 
especially the Franks at the Synod of Rheims). 

' At il/e turn amtentus terminc^ ea die Prafecturalia, a quibus 
potuity in se compleri fecit ; that is to say, he had himself installed in 
his of&ce by magistrates (Petr. Pisan., c. 19) ; and thus we hear of 
iaudes prafectoHa^ and applausus comitiorum, 

' I have already noted the mention of the Theatre of Marcellus in 
documents of the tenth century (voL iii. p. 559) ; the Forum OH- 
toriom, even the elephant in bronze or marble which stood there, still 


interesting to note that the Pierleoni, a newly arisen 
family of Jewish ancestry, had preserved or made 
their abode in the neighbourhood of the ancient 
Trasteverine Ghetto and of the island-bridge, which 
had previously received its name of Pons Judaeorum 
from the Jews, who already dwelt beside it. The 
centre of the fortress of the Pierleoni was the theatre, 
and their houses, built like towers, stretched along 
the river to S. Nicola in Carcere, an ancient diacon- 
ate, which had been constructed within the ruins of 
a beautiful temple.^ The church still endures, but 
the palaces of the Pierleoni have vanished. Their 
towers have been converted into lofty dwelling- 
houses, within whose ruins we now discover the 
slaughter-house for buffaloes, and the rag magazine 
belonging to the Jews of the adjacent Ghetto. Thus 
the house of a family of haughty senators and consuls 
of the Romans reverted by a strange irony to the 
conditions of its origin, since on the spot where, 
under the protection of Jewish upstarts, the cele- 
brated pope who had preached the Crusades breathed 
his last, and whence a pope issued from the family 
of the Pierleoni themselves, the Jews again store 

^ The Temple of Pietas, bnilt in honour of a Roman daughter, who 
fed her imprisoned father from her own breast, is sought in these 
ruins. Pliny, vii. c 36 : et locus ille eidem consecratus Dea C. 
QmtutUy M, Acilio Coss, Templo Pietatis exstructo in iilius carceris 
ude ubi nunc Marcelii thecUrum est, Becker, Handbtuh^ p. 603. 
The diaconate was called in Carcere from the state prison of the 
Decemvir Appius Claudius. As early as the beginning of the twelfth 
century, it was called in carcere Tulliano, but wrongly, for the prison 
built by Servius Tullius stood on the Capitol. The MS. history of 
this diaconate by Crescimbeni (in the custody of the cardinal of this 
titular) has afforded me but little help. 

VOL. IV, 2 B 


their rags, as did the ancestors of Petrus Leo and of 
Anacletus II.* 
Paschaiu Pier Leone urgently summoned to his aid the 


from Pope, who, after a severe defeat inflicted on his 

Rome. adherents, had fled to Albano. Paschalis, in his 
distress, had flung the Church property to the barons, 
more especially to Ptolemy, whom he invested with 
Aricia,* The papal militia forced its way into 
Rome ; the enemy was defeated, the young Prefect 
was taken prisoner, and had already been removed 
to the fortress of Fumone, when the faithless Ptolemy 
suddenly attacked the Pope's adherents by Mount 
Algidus, set his nephew at liberty, and even took 
papal soldiers prisoners. His defection gave the 
Campagna the signal for revolt ; the Romans 
attacked the fortress of Pier Leone, and the un- 
fortunate Paschalis sought safety in the tower of 

^ Grapkia : In dephanto templum Sibilley et tempi, Ciceronis^ ubi 
nunc est damus Jilwr. Petri Leonis, Ibi est career Tullicmus, ubi 
est EccL s, Nicholai, Qose by is the island-bridge [pons judaorum). 
We enter the quarter of the Pierleoni through a passage opposite the 
Savelli palace ; the street. Porta Leone, is probably called after the 
Pierleoni. The forge situated there (n. VIII, ^ Prioraius del sole is 
written on the door) was originally a tower. We recognise traces of 
former towers in the surrounding houses, for instance in n. 122, 137, 
130, where the Jews now slaughter buffaloes. [Signor Lanciani tells 
me that no change has taken place in the quarter of the Pierleoni 
since this was written, except that the Jews, having been provided 
with a new slaughter-house on the plains of Testaccio, no longer kiU 
buffaloes here. — Translator,] 

' Petr. Pisan., c. 19. Jaff(6 (n. 3489 a) wrongly attributes the 
investiture of the Malabranca with Aricia to Alexander II. It was 
Alexander III. who, on June 9, 1178, confirmed to Conrado Gregprio 
et Petro fidelibus nostris filiis b, m, Malabrance Arida, which had 
already been in the possession of their £ither. Theiner, Cod, Diphm,, 
i. n. xxxi. 


Sezza in the Volscian Mountains. The rebellious 
nobles now invited Henry to Rome ; he sent them 
letters and presents, in the hope that the Pope's 
hardships might render him more yielding. The 
revolt was indeed so violent as to afford cause for 
wonder why the Romans did not now succeed in 
acquiring an independent constitution. With the 
summer, however, the civil war came to an end, and 
Paschalis, who had arrived with troops from Bene- 
vento, was enabled at least to enter Trastevere.^ He re- 
Whether he came to terms with the Romans, bySJ^i'j* 
recognising Peter as Prefect, is uncertain ; the city, 
however, or the nobles who ruled her, had at this 
time actually made her independent of the Papacy. 

The Emperor himself now came, and the afflicted 
Pope, like some sorely hunted animal, was forced 
again to flight Henry, irritated by the unsuccessful 
efforts of his envoys, determined to force Paschalis 
to yield to his will ; for Paschalis wished the Emperor 
to submit to the sentence of a Council, while the son 
of Henry IV. was too wise to acquiesce in such a 
scheme. He arrived about Easter 1 117, not in the 
guise of an enemy to the Church, but with the air of 
one who sought in all humility for a peaceful settle- 
ment of the question of the investiture ; the Pope, 
however, instantly fled to Monte Casino and Bene- He flees 
vento. Berald, Abbot of Farfa, John Frangipane, ^^'"g^™™ 
and Ptolemy immediately declared in favour ofPJ«sence 
Henry ; he conquered some papal towns, and the Emperor. 
Romans opened their gates to their former enemy. 

^ Sicqve ApostoHcus ipse tranquUlUaU inoenta Romam secums 
habttavit, says Falco of Benevento. 


His adherents prepared a formal triumphal entry; 
the Emperor rode with his wife through the city, 
garlanded for their reception. He was hailed with 
shouts of joy by the pieople, was received by schis- 
matic processions, but was greeted by neither cardinal 
nor bishop.* 
Henry V. He attempted to gain the clergy ; some cardinals, 
EasteT^ and Burdinus, Archbishop of Braga, legate of 
»ii7. Paschalis, held negotiations with him, but every 
attempt at reconciliation failed, on account of his 
refusal to renounce the investiture. On Easter 
Sunday the Emperor went to S. Peter's, not, how- 
ever, by the bridge of Hadrian, where the fortress 
was held by the papal party, but making his way 
across the Tiber in a boat He assembled a parlia- 
ment, at which some cardinals appeared ; he lamented 
the absence of the Pope, and expressed his desire 
for peace between Church and empire. In a mag- 
niloquent discourse he set forth the results which 
would follow if harmony were established between 
the two heads of Christendom ; the glory of one, 
he said, would be the glory of the other, the union 
of the two forces would inspire universal dread ; 
Senate, consuls, and nobles, all good citizens of 
Rome and of the world, would regard them with 
satisfaction ; " Goths, Gauls, Spaniards, Africans, 
Greeks and Latins, Parthians, Jews and Arabs would 

* The account of Peter Pisanus (c 21) is very noteworthy : PUbSj 
popuiusque Ront, triumphum sibi instituit, Coronaia urbe Rex et 
Regina transvvit per medium : magnus apparatus ^ paroa ghria* Huic 
nuilus Pa/rum, nullus Episcoporum^ nullus catholicus sacerdos occuT' 
rit ; fit eiprocessiOf emp/a potius^ quam indicia. 


fear or love us. But ah 1 other are our actions and 
other the fruits which we reap." ^ 

The cardinals answered by a courageous speech, 
in which they set forth, in reply to the Emperor, the 
actual state of affairs, and his violent acts. They 
refused to crown him for the festival ; for it was the 
custom for emperors when present in Rome on 
occasions of high festival to allow themselves to be 
crowned by the Pope, and thus crowned to walk 
in procession through the city. The ambitious 
Burdinus, however, performed the ceremonial as 
papal legate, whereupon Henry celebrated the . 
Easter festival with great splendour. He gained 
almost the entire city by means of gold ; he con- 
firmed the young Prefect in his office ; * he annexed 
the most powerful family holding the rank of captain 
by the ties of relationship. Ptolemy found himself 
highly honoured when the Emperor bestowed his 
illegitimate daughter Bertha upon him in marriage. 
This count, a son of Ptolemy I. of Tusculum, and Ptolemy of 
grandson of the Consul Gregory, looked with pride " "™* 
on the two glorious centuries of his family history, a 
family which, as his nephew Peter, the deacon of 
Monte Casino, asserted, was descended in direct line 
from the Julii and Octavii.' Henry confirmed the 

^ Peter Pisanus (c. 22) : he borrows phrases from Sallust and Livy. 
This is the idea of the empire which was held by Barbarossa. 

' Et prafecturani per aquiUim confirnugvii dudum nominato pra* 
fecto : Cod, Va/,, 1984. The young Prefect was called Peter like his 
father ; he was still in office at Uie time of Honorius 11. {Papa Honorio 
et Petro tunc temporis urbis prefecto : Document of 1 148, Galietti, del 
Prim. , n. 57). It is curious that so many prefects were called Peter. 

' Petrus Diacon., iv. c. 61 : Ptelemao illustr, Octavia stirpe pro- 


count by an imperial parchment in possession of all 
the estates inherited from his grandfather; at the 
same time he made him immediately dependent on 
the empire, and thus menacingly placed the ancient 
Tusculan enemy of the Papacy before the Papacy's 
very doors. The power of Ptolemy, extending as it 
did from the Sabina to the sea, was very great in 
relation to the State of the Church, so that this 
" Dictator of Tusculum," the Duke and Consul of 
all the Romans, formally appears as the Prince of 
Latium. The Tusculans made war on their own 
account with the citizens of Gaeta, and, like inde- 
pendent princes, formed treaties with them, by which 
they conceded to the republic security of traffic 
within their territories.* 

Paschalis meanwhile held a Council in Benevento, 
where he excommunicated Burdinus. At his request 

genitOt PtcUmH magnific, amstdis Romanor, filio^ Bertram fiiiam 
suam in conjugic tradidit. No other chronicler speaks of this marriage, 
which Peter, however, cannot have invented. In 1 141 Leo, son of 
Petnis Leonis, appears as father-in-law of Ptolemy. Nertni, n. 8, 
App. : Dns Tholomtus Curie se representaant cum Dno Leone Petri 
Leonis socero ejus, • . . After Bertha's death, Ptolemy must conse- 
qnently have married a Pierleoni. 

* Deed of Ptolemy I. for Gseta, February 9, 1105 (Federid, p. 
463). Ptolemy II. also accorded Monte Casino liberty of traffic in his 
possessions. In nom, Dom, a. ab. In. ejus 11 30 m.Jun, Ind. VI IL 
Ego Ftolem, dei gr, Romanor, consul JU. q, b, m, Ptolemai — concedo 
^-ut cassinenses fratres et res ear, et homines pro utilit, nionasterii 
secure — eant atqtu redeant per terram et per mare hiis locis^ in quibus 
dominium habeatn^ et in portibus nostris, . . . {Reg, Petri Diaconi, 
n. 604, Archives of M, Casino). One of Ptolemy's harbours was 
Astura, which he had taken from the monastery of S. Boni&zio in 
Rome (Nerini, pp. 190, 394). Concerning Astura, see C Soflfredini, 
Storia di Anzio, Satrico, Astura e Nettuno^ Rome, 1879. 


the Prince of Capua sent troops into Roman terri- 
tory, but although the Emperor had already left for 
Tuscany about Whitsuntide, the vassals of Tusculum 
and some Germans were sufficient to make them 
turn in retreat.^ Not until August was Paschalis 
able to leave Benevento with a large army, and to 
advance as far as Anagni. The Pope, aged and ill> 
celebrated Christmas at Palestrina under the protec- 
tion of Peter Colonna, whom, perhaps constrained by 
necessity, he ratified in possession of the town. His 
party waxed stronger, and some friendly barons led 
him back to Rome, where the factions still continued 
at furious strife.^ His appearance with fresh troops 
in Trastevere terrified the Abbot of Farfa and 
Ptolemy ; the Romans deserted to Paschalis, and Paschalis 

.« • /• 111*^1 'a. II* TCturns 

the engmes of war were already directed against to Rome, 
S. Peter's, where the Prefect with several consuls lay ^^j^®^ 
entrenched, when the Pope's physical powers gave ms. 

With his dying words he exhorted the cardinals 
to concord, to prudence, and to resistance against 
" the usurpation of the Germans," and passed away 
in the night of the 2ist January 1118, eight days 
after his return, in a building near the bronze gate 

^ Three hundred Norman cavalry occupied Pylium (Piglio) ; they 
were driven back to the Castrum Acutum (Monte Acuto near Anagni) 
and sent home in soriy plight, Petr. Diacon., vL c. 61 ; Petr. Pisan., 
c 24. 

' Cod, Vai.^ 1984: fideles dicti pont, insimul cum comiUs sciL 

Petro Cotumpna ac RayncUdo Sinebaidi clam revocaver. illum^ sed ncn 

fuit ausus mcutere in ctvitcUe, The enemy held the Capitol, whence 

they attacked the Ripa (the houses of the Pierleoni on the Tiber) and 

S. Peter's, from which they stormed S. Angelo. 



of S. Angelo.^ The enemy lay encamped in S. 
Peter's, as in a redoubt, and it was therefore found 
necessary to bury the dead in the Lateran. The 
pontificate of Paschalis II. was wretched and anxious 
as but few of the reigns of his predecessors had 
been ; it had been passed not only in strife with the 
Emperor, but in constant tumult, and he had even 
witnessed the entire Church in revolt against him. 

No mausoleum now recalls the most unfortunate 
of popes, who had been harried to the tomb by 
the son of that Emperor whom Gregory VII. had 
previously hunted to the grave by his malediction. 
Two churches restored by Paschalis are his only 
monuments in Rome ; S. Bartolomeo on the island 
in the Tiber, S. Adriano in the Forum (still called 
in tribus Fatis) ; further S. Maria in Monticelli, and 
perhaps also S. Clemente, of which he was cardinal. 
This ancient basilica, destroyed by the fire under 
Guiscard, was not restored by Cardinal Anastasius 
the younger at the beginning of the twelfth century, 
but sank into a subterranean crypt. The new 
church created above it was built flush with the new 
Lateran road.* The best memorial of Paschalis was 
the restored church of the Quattro Coronati on 

^ Petr. Pisan. , c. 25 : ut caverent doles in exuratione Gutberiinor. 
ac enormitatis Teuionica, Cod, Va/., 1 984: octavo die sue reversumis 
— obiU aput cast, S, AngeH in domum juxta eream portam et sepuitus 
est in das, constantiniana, quia consules mm permiserunt eum in das, 
b, Petri sepeUiry — Obiit in vigilia b, VincentU et Anastasii necti 
tftnporis^ that is, January 21. 

' The bishop's chair in S. Clemente bears the inscription, Anastasius 
Presbiter Card, Huius Tituli Hoc Opus Cepit Perfecit, Concerning 
the restoration of this building, see De Rossi, Bull,^ 1^70, p. 137 f. 



the Coelian, which had also been destroyed by the 
same Norman fire. This church was consecrated 
by the Pope on January 20, a short time previous 
to his flight before Henry V., but its present form 
is due to a later period. 

Thus Paschalis, despite his difficulties, was the 
first pope who, after a long interval, undertook 
buildings in Rome, at a time when the monuments 
of antiquity and the churches were in daily process 
of destruction under the influence of party strife.^ 

2. Election of Gelasius II. — ^The Frangipani attack 
THE Conclave — Imprisonment and Rescue of the 
Pope — Henry V. comes to Rome, Gelasius flies 
— ^The Emperor raises Burdinus to the Sacred 
Chair as Gregory VIII. — He returns to the 
North — Gelasius II. a Suppliant for protection 
IN Rome — The Frangipani attack him for the 
second time — He escapes to France — Death of 

THE unfortunate PoPE IN ClUNY, 

The Cardinal of S. Maria in Cosmedin was 
hurriedly summoned from Monte Casino to Rome 
to be made Pope. John of Gaeta, bom of illustrious 
family, a monk under the Abbot Oderisius, had 
acquired such knowledge in this school of the 
Benedictines, that he had been taken by Urban II. 
as his chancellor to Rome. He became archdeacon 

^ Peter Pisanus enumerates some buildings of Paschalis, among 
them S» Maria in regione Areola (Arenola^ shore of sand, whence 
arose the name Regola, now in Monticelli). The mosaics still remain- 
ing in S. Clemente and S. Maria in Monticelli belong to the time of 


under Paschalis II. His moderation protected the 
Pope against the zealots ; and it was perhaps owing 
to his influence that the schism and the complete 
rupture with the Emperor were averted. Relying 
on the firmness of a man educated in the great 
times of Gregory VII. and Urban, the Catholic 
party could entrust the chancellor to uphold the 
principle of free election in the question of the 
investiture.^ The conclave was to be held in S. 
Maria in Pallara (Palladium) on the Palatine ; this 
convent in the neighbourhood of the Frangipani 
tower belonged to the Curia, which had bestowed it 
on Monte Casino ; and here John Gaetanus dwelt, 
as had formerly Frederick of Lorraine, before being 
elected to the Papacy.* The election took place in 
secret; it was resolved to carry out the decree of 
Nicholas II. ; the ceremony was to be the work of 
the cardinals and no regard was paid to the 
Emperor's right. 

Geiasius John was unanimously proclaimed as Gelasius II. 

iii8-?H9. on January 24, 11 18. Aged and infirm, he struggled 
in vain against the tiara, which, at a time when 
almost every pope was forced to play a tragic part, 
was not an enviable possession. Neither can he have 
been immediately consecrated ; since, being a deacon, 

^ Vita Geieuii II, , by Pandulf Pisanus, in Muratori, iii. I, with con- 
fused notes by Cajetani, but better edited by Papebroch, Propyl, Maji^ 
vi According to Cajetani, the Either of Gelasius was Crescentius, 
Dux of Fundi ; he traces the family back to Dodbilis of Gaeta, and 
successfully still further back to the inevitable AnidL 

' Credentes locum tutissimum^ vduti qui Curia cedit^ in nionasterio 
qttodam^ quod Pcdladium diciitir, infra domos Leonis tt Cencii Frangi" 
pants ^convenerunt, Vita^ c. 5. 


it was first necessary that he should be ordained 
presbyter, and this ceremony could not be performed 
before the Ember-days in March. The newly elected 
Pope had scarcely begun his melancholy survey of 
the trials which lay before him, when the doors of 
the conclave were broken open : infuriated Romans 
rushed in with drawn swords, a second Cencius 
seized the old man by the throat, threw him down, He is 
trod upon him with his spurred feet, and dragged ^J^^ 
him with curses outside the church, while his vassals «ie^on 
bound the fugitive cardinals with cords, or threw fWgi. 
them head foremost from their mules. The conclave ^^^^' 
had been held in the very lair of th^ beast of prey. 
The electors would probably have acted more wisely 
had they placed themselves under the protection of 
Pier Leone, but since it seemed probable that Pier 
Leone already coveted the tiara for his son, they no 
longer trusted the powerful consul. No noble family 
long remained faithful to one banner. Bitter enemies 
of the pope were converted into his most zealous 
vassals, and with equal rapidity forgot that they had 
ever adopted the latter rS/e, The cardinals had 
perhaps promised the imperialist Frangipani to elect 
a candidate of the imperial faction ; and the con- 
sequence of the deception was the brutal attempt 
made by a Roman consular family to imitate the 
coup'ditat of Henry V.^ 

^ Pandulf was a witness of the scene. (Cencius) more draconis 
immaniss, sibUans — accinctus tetro gladio — vtUvas ac fores conf regit ^ 
eccl, furibundus introiity Papam per gulam accepit, distraxit^ pugnis 
caicibusque percussit^ et taniquam brutum animal intra iimen eccl^ 
acriter catcaribus cruentauit ; et latro tantum Dominum per capellos et 


Gelasius found himself loaded with chains in a 
tower belonging to Cencius Frangipane. But the 
populace arose ; the militia of the twelve regions 
of the city proper united with the inhabitants of 
Trastevere and the island and rushed to arms. The 
Prefect Peter, now reconciled to Pier Leone, Pier 
Leone himself, with his numerous family, Stephen 
the Norman, and other magnates of papal sympathies 
assembled with their clients on the Capitol.* They 
demanded the surrender of the Pope ; the brigand 
The loosed the fetters of his captive, threw himself at his 

re?Kisc* feet and obtained absolution. The wild scene from 
Gelasius. Gregory VIL*s life was repeated almost feature for 
feature, and with equal rapidity the tragedy was 
transformed into a jpyous festival. Rome decorated 
herself with garlands ; the Pope, restored to liberty, 
was placed on a white mule, and was led amid shouts 
of rejoicing to the Lateran, where, with tears of 
emotion, he received the homage of the Romans.* 
Has history ever recorded, in the case of any other 

brachia cUtraxU^ ad domum usque deduxii^ inibi ceUenaoit et clausit 
(c. 6). Probably in the iurris cariularia at the Arch of Titus. 

^ An important passage : Peir, Prcefecius Urbis, Petr, Leonis cum 
suis, Steph. Normannus cum suis^ Stepk, de Petro cum suis, Steph, de 
Theobaldo cum suis, Steph, de Berizone cum suts, Steph, QtuUraU cum 
suisy Bucca Pecorini cum suis^ Bonesci cum suts, Berizasi cum suis, 
Regiones XII, Romance cvoiiatiSy Transiiberini et Insulani arma 
arripiunt cum tngenti strepitu Capitolium scandunt ( Vitaf c. 6). A 
proof that Trastevere and the island were politically or administra- 
tively separated from the urbs romance 

' S, Papa levatur, nweum eucendit equum, coronatur, et tota Civitas 
coronatur: per viam sacram (the road from the Colosseum to the 
LaXeTAu) gradiens, Lateranum ascendit . . . (c 7). Cencius escaped : 
pedes ejus amplexans, clamat irremissius : Domine miserere, Etsic — 
ut iterum ecci, elatis comibus ventilaret^ emtsit. 


sovereigns, a union of impotence and omnipotence 
such as that displayed by the popes of the Middle 

After so terrible an entrance on his pontificate 
Gelasius II. scarcely found a single month's rest 
in Rome. The Frangipani hastened to point out to 
the Emperor that a pope had been elected without 
their assent and to summon him to the city. Henry 
v., whom it immediately behoved to assert the 
rights of the crown at this juncture, and to instal a 
pope who recognised the privilegium of Paschalis, 
with a scanty force, hastily quitted his camp on the 
Po, and Gelasius was awakened on the night of 
March 2, with the tidings that the dreaded Emperor Henry v. 
was in the portico of the Vatican,^ The Curia was fn ^i^e. 
seized by panic terror ; the Pope himself had already, 
in company with Paschalis, been a prisoner in the 
hands of the Emperor ; he was now menaced with 
the same fate. He was placed on Jiorseback, and, 
escaping from the Lateran, hid himself in the tower 
of the Roman Bulgamin, beside S. Maria in the 
region of S. Angelo.* Henry's messengers sought 

^ Faico, A. 1 1 18. Cod» VaS,^ 1984: cum fesHnatiotu Romam 
petit cumpaucis militibus^ die veneris ante quadragesima misit nuntios 
ad consules tU exirent obviam ei, Sabbatum vera ante quadragesima 
ingressus est porticum S, Petri, The inscriptioD on the tomb of 
Gelasius says very justly of the Emperor : — 

Sed quia regefuit non pracipiente levaius 
Horrendutn fremuit princeps, . . . 

— Murat., iii. i. 416. 

' The ancient family of the Bulgamini must consequently have 
settled in one of the adjacent porticos. Inscriptions on the tombs of 
the De VVLGAMINEIS are found as late as the year 1496 in 


him out, but, not trusting their invitation, he resolved 
on flight to Gaeta, his native city. He was accom- 
panied by his court, his cardinals, his bishops.^ The 
fugitives embarked in two vessels on the adjacent 
Tiber. But the very elements rose in revolt: a 
tempest prevented the vessels from venturing on the 
open sea at Portus, and from the shore the Germans 
in pursuit shot their arrows on the storm-tossed 
galleys, while, amid thunder and lightning, they 
shouted imprecations and threatened that they 
would set fire to the vessels with rings of pitch unless 
the Pope were given up.* Night, however, and the 
force of the current prevented Henry V. from effect- 
ing a second capture of the Pope. The fugitives 
^^®^^"^, landed unperceived : Cardinal Hugo of Alatri, just 

escapes to ir > o » j 

Gaeta. returned from the Cape of Circe, where he had acted 
as Paschalis's castellan, like a second i£neas, lifted 
the feeble Gelasius on his broad shoulders, and 
carried him through rain and storm to the fortress 
of S. Paul near Ardea.' The Germans surrounded 

S, Barbara Lihrarioruniy and one of 1530 in the Pantheon (Galletti, 
Inscript,, xvi. 8, 48). 

^ Also Roman nobles, among whom Petr. Diacon., ir. c. 64, even 
mentions the City Prefect I doubt this. 

' The description of Pandulf, who accompanied the Pope as 
Ostiaritts, -is excellent ; in his fear, he believed the arrows of the 
Germans to be poisoned. CcUum et terra et mare ubiqtte — adversum 
nos conjuraverunt — mare ac Tiberis — Petri vicario rebel labant — 
Alamanorum barbaries tela contra nos mixto ioxico jaciebant : mini/a- 
bantur etiam^ nos intra aquas naiantes pinnaci (piceo t) igne cremare. 

• Cepit Dom, Hugo Card, — Papam nostrum in colloy et ad castrum 
S, Pauli Ardeam de nocte sic portavit. The half of the ancient Ardea 
of King Turnus belonged at that time to the abbey of S. Paul. In 
1130 Anaclete II. gave it entirely to the ^monastery. Ardea is first 
mentioned again in the eleventh centuxy as castellum cum rocca et 


the vessel in the morning, but, finding the Pope 
gone, returned to Rome. The galleys again received 
the fugitives at night and bore them past Terracina 
to Gxta, where Gelasius at length found rest. Here 
the scene suddenly changed ; for there hastened to 
his side, full of reverence, the bishops and the nobles 
of South Italy, William of Apulia, Robert of Capua, 
Richard of Gaeta, and many knights and counts, who 
had acknowledged Gelasius as feudal lord as soon as 
he was ordained Pope on March 10.^ 

The flight had frustrated Henry's intentions, and 
had shattered the prospect of a treaty ; the Emperor 
consequently put forward an anti-pope. Gelasius 
had refused his invitation to come to terms, and had 
declined to be present at Henry's coronation in S. 
Peter's, with the explanation that he intended to 
convoke a Council in September, to settle the pend- 
ing dispute, either in Milan or Cremona. Both these 
cities were hostile to the Emperor. When Henry 
now pronounced the election of Gelasius null, and 
caused a new pope to be elected, he was acting en- 
tirely within the rights which then belonged to the 
empire. As he now announced the answer of the 
fugitive to the Romans assembled in S. Peter's, he 
was met by cries of genuine or feigned indignation, 
that Gelasius wished to remove the seat of the Papacy 
to Milan, and by a demand for a new election. 

turre mawn^ in a Bull of Gregory VII., who bestowed half of it on 
S. Panrs. G. Tomaasetti, " Delia Campagna Romana " (Arch, d. 
Sac. Rom,^ 1880, iii. 139). 

^ The flight to Gseta was repeated 729 years later in the history of 
Pius IX. 


Jurists, whom Henry had brought with him, among 

them the celebrated Imerius of Bologna, explained 

from the pulpit the constitutions of the papal election. 

Mauritius Burdinus, Archbishop of Braga in Portugal, 

Burdinus, was proclaimed Pope, and was led in procession to 

fiMtaSedas the Lateran. The following day (March 10) he 

Gregory ^j^g consecrated as Gregory VIII. by the schismatic 

March lo^ clergy in S. Peter's.^ 

Thus, on the very scene of their fierce conflict with 
Henry V., the Romans accepted a foreign anti-pope 
at his hands. If the history of the city in the Middle 
Ages appals us by the ferocity of the scenes pre- 
sented, still more does it arouse our astonishment by 
the unparalleled fickleness of its populace. In the 
midst of the ever-varying and excited tide of parties, 
the Papacy presents a unique spectacle, and one 
which can never be repeated ; since the rock of 
Peter, the immobile saxum^ remains eternally firm 
and unchangeable. To blame the Romans, how- 
ever, for their want of principle, without explaining 
the reason of the deficiency, were unjust Con- 
sciousness of liberty and of conformity to law can 
alone endow a people with dignity of character ; the 
republic of Rome — a chimerical thing — was forced 

^ According to Landulf, junior (Hist, MedioL^ c 32), Burdinus was 
elected on March 9. Gelasius says, in his letter to the bishops of Gaul 
(Mansi, xxi. i66), on the forty-fourth day after his own election, 
which would make it March I a This day (VL Id, Martit) is 
given also by Chron, Fossamrva, Cod, Vat, , 1984 : consecraruni eum 
— in die veneris de quatuor Umpora que sunt tie mense martio, 
Burdinus was probably a native of Limoges in Aquitaine. See his 
Life by Baluzius {MiscelL^ iii. 471), an excellent vindication of an 
anti-pope ; he is also praised by William of Malmesbury, v. 169. 



to oscillate to and fro between Papacy and empire. 
One principle only remained fixed within the city ; 
opposition to the civil power of the Pope. 

Burdinus, although ambitious, was a man of intel- 
ligence, and of blameless repute ; the Catholic party 
wished to represent him as merely a creature of the 
Emperor, Gelasius as the chosen of all the cardinals. 
The anti-pope, however, was supported by the im- 
perial power, and was soon recc^nised by several 
provinces of Italy, Germany, and even England. 
Gelasius comforted himself with the reflection that 
barely three Catholic priests had gone over to 
Burdinus ; nevertheless, he saw Rome filled with 
Wibertists, and the Church reduced to the same state 
of misery as she had endured in the time of Clement 
1 11.^ The political principle of this terrible discord 
still endured, and the means of the struggle remained 
ever the same. Gelasius, who had signed Henry's 
privilegium seven years before, now excommunicated 
the Emperor at Capua on Palm Sunday. He even 
implored the Norman princes to bring him back to 
Rome, and to drive away the "barbarians," whose 
military forces were insignificant Henry had 
already advanced against Ceprano ; he was engaged 
in laying siege to the fortress of Torrice near Fro- 
sinone, when he heard of the approach of the 
Normans.^ He withdrew, left Burdinus in Rome, Departure 

of Henry 
^ Read the letter of Gelasius to Conon of Prseneste dai» Capua Id, V. 

April, Cod, Udtdr,^ 293 ; Mansi, xxi. 173. 

' Petr. Diacon. and Pandulf write Turricula (so in Cod, VcU,^ 37^2, 
fol. 165) ; it is Torrice near Frosinone, and not Torricella in the 
Sabina, or on Lake Trasimene, as Wattenbach (note to the Chron, of 
Monte Casino^ Mon, Germ., ix. 792) wrongly conjectures. The 

VOL. IV. 2 C 


and went to Lombardy. The Norman princes, how- 
ever, who had escorted the Pope to Monte Casino, 
left him here, perhaps because he had failed tp 
satisfy all their demands.^ Gelasius, who was obliged 
to purchase permission for his journey through the 
Campagna from the margfraves, traversed his own 
territories in the beginning of July like a poor pil- 
grim, and having entered Rome, knocked to seek 
protection at the doors of some friendly consuls. 
He made his abode near S. Maria in Secundicerio, 
between the towers of Stephen Normannus, of his 
brother Pandulf, and of Peter Latro, of the family 
Gelasius of Corsi.* The city, however, awaited a repetition 
to' Rome, of the sight of two popes, who invoked curses on 
each other's head, who engaged in mutual warfare, 
and who (in the uncouth language of the time) 
called one another a mere plasma, a statue moulded 
by blood-stained hands, an idol of clay, and an 
apocalyptic beast^ 

Emperor's march could only have been directed against Latium, to 
strike terror into the Normans. 

^ I believe that to these belonged the question of the Circeean 
fortress. Gelasius had commanded Cardinal Hugo to restore it to the 
people of Terracina. Pandulf, however, says : tunc Papa veUet mul- 
turn, quam reddi nimis inconsulto pracepit, Circaam arcem habere, 
Igitur dux et principes cum baronibus rediere. Probably the Duke 
of Gaeta wished to recover possession of the fortress. 

' LtUitU dom. Papa melius quam hospitatus est in ecclesioldquadam^ 
qua S, Maria in Secundocerio dicitur^ intra domes illustr, viror^ 
Stephani Nomianni^ Panduiphi fratris ejus, et Petri Latronis 
Corsorum (Pandulf, c 12). This church was situated, according to 
Panciroli, in the Region Ponte. Galletti {del Prim,, p. 89) transfers it 
to the neighbourhood of S. Maria in Gradellis near the Palatine ; a 
document in Nerini, n. 27, seems to indicate this. 

' The epithets applied to schismatical popes : statua in EceleHa ; 


Burdinus possessed the greater part of the city 
and was recognised by more than half of Rome ; 
undisturbed, he occupied S. Peter's, the fortress of 
schismatical popes; Gelasius, on his side, was able 
to venture to S. Paul's, where his adherents stood 
in arms. But upon Gelasius misfortune seemed to 
deal repeated blows. Invited to the festival of S. 
Prassede on July 2 1 by the cardinal of this titular 
church, he went, although the building stood close 
to the towers of the Frangipani. Stephen the 
Norman, and Crescentius Gaetanus, nephew of the 
Pope, valiant men, accompanied him with a body of 
armed retainers.^ But mass was not ended before 
the rude Frangipani burst into the church with a hail The 
of stones and arrows ; in a moment the scene was atta<* **" 
darkened by the tumult of battle ; the Pope escaped {^g®^"^ 
unnoticed, while his followers remained in fierce Prassede. 
struggle with the imperialists. " What are you doing, 
O Frangipani ? " finally cried Stephen. " Where are 
you running? The Pope, whom you seek, has 
escaped. Do you wish to ruin us? Are we not 
Romans like yourselves, and related to one another 
by blood? Back! back! that we also, who are 
wearied, may return home!" The fierce Cencius 
and Leo Frangipane, both sons c^ Donna Bona, 
sister of Stephen, yielded to the appeal of their 
uncle; swords were sullenly sheathed, and the 
parties separated.* Search was made for the Pope 

manstrum in cathedra Ptiri; testaceum idolum in crueniis manibus 
plasnuUum ; bestia de apocalypsi, . . . 

^ According to CajeCani, p. 370, the father of this Crescentius was 
Marinns, Dux and Constd of Fundi, and brother of Gelasius. 

' Pandulf represents the £sictions fighting round the poor Pope, 


through the entire city, and outside the gates. Some 
matrons had seen him escape on horseback, clad 
merely in a part of the pontifical vestments, and only 
accompanied by the crucifix. He was discovered 
in the evening. The unfortunate old man, seated in 
a field near S. Paul's, surrounded by compassionate 
women, is one of the most touching figures in the 
annals of the Papacy.^ 

" Brothers and sons," said Gelasius the following 
day, ** we must leave Rome, where to live longer is 
impossible. Let us escape from Sodom and Egypt, 
from Babylon, the city of blood. Before God I sigh : 
Better one emperor than so many, since one bad 
would destroy the worst, until the Emperor of all 
the emperors overtakes even him with his judg- 
ment" * He appointed Peter of Portus as his vicar, 
Cardinal Hugo his legate in Benevento, confirmed 
Peter in the prefecture, and made Stephen the 
Norman standard-bearer of the Church in Rome.' 
He took six cardinals with him, among them the 
soon afterwards celebrated son of Pier Leone, some 

like the Greeks and Trojans round the dead Patroclus : Papani cupU 
iste tenerCt iste tuetur turn ; miks utrumpu cadit^ c. 13. 

^ The women had seen the Pope solum^ tanquam scurram, p€r 
compos — quantum equus poterat^ fugienUm. — Demum intra compos S. 
Pauli Ecclesia adjacent^ fessus iris/ts, et ejutans inventus est et 

' Baronius remarks with regard to this : si quis dicat^ portum Rom. 
Ecclesia Jiuciuantis namcula Petri Galliam esse^ non mentietur, 

• Princeps et clypeus omnium pariter Curialium^ Stephanus Nor* 
mannusy — Protector et vexillifer—ordinatur^ et od urbis custodiam cum 
jam dictis aptotur (c. 15). In such manner had the bitter enemy of 
PaschaUs been transformed ; undoubtedly not without acquiring many 
possessions of the Church. 


consuls, among whom were Peter Latro, and John 
Bellus the brother of the Prefect.^ On September 
2 he took ship with the intention of going to 
France, whither Paschalis and Urban had previously 
carried in safety the bark of Peter. The rich com- 
mercial city of Pisa accorded him a solemn recep- 
tion ; he raised it into a metropolis, to which he 
made the bishops of Corsica subject ; he consecrated 
the lordly cathedral, and preached within it as elo- 
quently " as Origen " ; and his misfortunes had truly 
provided him with sufficient food for wise reflections. 
In October he sailed for Genoa, and finally landed 
not far from the mouth of the Rhone at the convent 
of S. Egidius in Occitania. 

The bishops and princes of France, and the 
ambassadors of King Lewis, greeted the honoured 
fugitive at Maguelone, Montpellier, Avignon, and Gdasius in 
other cities. Southern France, still warm with the 
enthusiasm of the Crusades, flocked to see the Vicar 
of Christ, who had been driven from the grave of 
Peter, not by Saracens, but by Romans, and volun- 
tary offerings and Peter's pence flowed to the 
succour of the distressed. The popes of this age 
were obliged to leave Rome in order to realise in 
foreign countries that they were still actually rever- 
enced as representatives of Christ Exiled monarchs, 
wherever they may find an asylum, forfeit with the 
loss of their own crown the reverence with which it 
was allied ; but so marvellous a renown encompassed 
the figure of a pope, that flight and abject poverty 

^ I find this Bellas again in the Charia pienaria securitatis inter 
Cajetanos et Bellum Homanum, A# 1124 ; of this later on. 


only served to lend it additional lustre. The excite- 
ment in France, allied to his sufferings in Rome, 
combined to shorten an old man's days. Gelasius 
Death of died on January 29, 11 19, in the convent of Cluny, 
II., Jim, surrounded by monks, cardinals, and bishops, 
29, 1X19. stretched in his shabby tunic on the bare ground. 
His pontificate had only lasted a year and four days, 
and within this span of time the sorrows of a whole 
life had been compressed. No sensitive man can 
look unmoved by feelings of sympathy on the unfor- 
tunate figure of this last sacrifice to the struggle for 

3. Calixtus II. — Negotiations with Henry V. — 
Council at Rheims — Calixtus comes to Italy — 
His entry into Rome — Fall of the Anti-Pope 
IN SuTRi — The Concordat of Worms — Salutary 

CERNING Investiture — Peaceful Rule of Cai^ 
iXTus II. IN Rome — The end of the great 
Dispute is commemorated by Monuments in 
the Lateran — Death of Calixtus II. 

Gelasius had desired the Cardinal of Palestrina as 
his successor, but Conon instead proposed the Arch- 
bishop of Vienne. In a time of difficulty, such as 
this, no one was better fitted for the Papacy than 
this princely prelate. Guido, son of Count William 
Testardita, a descendant of the house of Burgundy, 
was related to the French king and even to the 
Emperor; he was the most prominent bishop in 
France, was prudent and determined, and was uni- 


versally celebrated for his courageous attitude during 
the war of investiture. That in France, the asylum 
of the fugitive Pope, a Frenchman should be chosen, 
was natural ; that such a Pope should find protection 
under Lewis VI. was undoubted. A curious thing 
happened. The six cardinals who had accompanied 
Gelasius and the few remaining Romans in a foreign 
country elected a foreigner as Pope. The election 
took place in the celebrated convent of Cluny on 
February 2. But Guido hesitated to assume the 
purple before the cardinals in Rome had ratified the 
appointment. The Cardinal Vicar Peter of Portus 
received the writ of election from France. He 
assembled the Romans first at S. John's on the 
island in the Tiber, then on the Capitol ; and the 
cardinals, the nobles of the Catholic party, more 
especially Pier Leone, whose son had been one of 
the electors of the Archbishop Guido, the Prefect, 
clei^, and populace unanimously assented. The 
great advantages which Guido promised appeased 
the feeling of injured pride among the Romans ; 
nevertheless, they observe in their reply that the 
elections ought to have taken place in their city or 
territory, and ought to have been the work of the 
Roman cardinals.^ 

Guido, almost universally recognised, was conse- 

' The letters of the Roman clergy are given in Cod, Udal,, 294- 
299, and Martene, Veier, Scriptor, Collection i. 644-647. The events 
are related in the Vita Calixti of Pandulf (Papebroch, c i) and Falco, 
p. 92 : Illico cardinales cum eo (the vicar Peter) manenteSf pluresq, 
Romanar, fidelium convocans, Capitolium ascendit^ ibique liieras 
missds ostendii, Hugo, cardinal-legate in Benevento, and Landulf, 
the archbishop of that place, also sent their adhesion. 


Caiixtus crated as Calixtus II. on February 9 at Vienne.^ He 
1119-1124. inimediately appeared with great power in France ; 
his object was the settlement of the schism and the 
long quarrel for investiture. With a weak or stupid 
pope, Henry V. might have had an easy game, but 
in Calixtus II., the haughty legate, who -had pre- 
viously anathematised him in Vienne, and liad 
threatened Pope Paschalis with the withdrawal of 
his obedience, the Emperor found his match. Dis- 
order reigned in Germany ; the sedition of the 
princes and clergy (at whose head stood the Arch- 
bishop of Mainz, the ungrateful Albert, Frederick of 
Cologne, and Conrad of Salzburg) seemed ready, as 
in the time of Henry IV., to assume larger propor- 
tions. A second Diet of Tribur was threatened ; an 
assembly of princes here recognised Calixtus ; adroit 
agents guided the dispute, whose settlement was 
anxiously awaited by the world, and Henry showed 
himself ready for a practical solution of the strife. 
He nevertheless delayed, and failed to appear at the 
great Council at Rheims. in October, where, accord- 
ing to intention, all disputes were to be adjusted. 
The cunning enemy lurking in the neighbourhood 
perhaps contemplated another chase of the Pope. 
On October 29, in presence of 424 bishops of 
Christendom, Calixtus II. ratified the prohibition 
Council of investiture ; the following day sentence of ex- 

at Rheims, • .• j • ^ tt -wr 

Oct. 1119. communication was pronounced against Henry V. 
and his pope, upon which 424 burning tapers were 

^ Pagi and ]zS6 believe that the consecration took place as early as 
February 9, as the chroniclers certainly say ; but how was this 
possible, if the messengers were awaited from Rome ? 


thrown upon the ground in anger, resistance, or with 
smiles. This was the expiring flame of the world- 
famous dispute, which soon after died away,^ 

Early the following year Calixtus was able to set 
forth on his journey to Rome. Advancing through 
Provence, and across the Alps to Lombardy, and 
onwards through Tuscany, he was greeted with 
rejoicing on every side. In Rome the Catholic 
party even prepared him a triumph. Gregory VIII. 
had with difficulty here defended himself against 
the standard-bearer of the Church ; Bruno of Treves 
and a band of Germans sent by the Emperor were 
his only protectors ; the archbishop, with the aid of 
the Frangipani, manfully defended the city against 
the Normans under Robert of Capua. Gold, how- 
ever, flowed too sparingly into the outstretched 
hands of the Romans ; the imperial party was 
obliged, after several attacks, to retreat to Traste- 
vere, within which Gr^ory VIII.'s power was now 
restricted.^ Finally, on the approach of Calixtus, he 
quitted the treacherous city, and retired to the forti- 
fied town of Sutri. He implored his adherents to 
hold the fortress of S. Angelo, and also S. Peter's, 
but Pier Leone opened both with a key of gold.^ 

^ The account of the Council by Hesso Scholasticus has last been 
edited in Mon, Gertn,^ xiv. 422. 

' Bruno to the Emperor (Bower, Annal, Trevir,^ ii. lib. xiii. 14) : 
jam vera cum urbe relicta ad oppida Romani territorii tu anna tranS" 
tulistiy et Robert, Capua princ, pro Gelasio armatus Rantam tniisset, 
ego cum Dom, meo Maximo (Burdinus) noctes et dies excubans^ in tuo 
servitio, sub armor, pondere steti. Robert can only have forced his 
way into Rome after the flight of Gelasius. 

' Cod, Vat,, 19S4 : accepta pecunia tradiderunt earn [pasilicam S, 



Caiixtus Calixtus 11. made his solemn entry on June 3, 
Rome, 1 1 20. Following immediately on the unfortunate 
TT^n * figure of the weak Gelasius, was seen the majestic 
form of a true king clad in the papal vestments. 
Contrasts such as this were only possible in the 
Church. The militia went to meet him at three 
days' distance from the city ; outside the city he was 
greeted by children bearing branches of flowers, and 
at the gates by the nobles, people, and clergy. The 
Pope, wearing his crown, rode on a white palfrey to 
the Lateran, while the streets were decorated with 
silken palls, with wreaths and jewels.^ The unusual 
reception well befitted the fortunate successor of two 
unpretending and humble popes, since in Calixtus 
princely descent and wealth lent additional splen- 
dour to the papal dignit>'. The new Pope might 
well be content ; the party of Burdinus was easily 
won by gold, and the nobility eagerly thronged to 
do him homage.' 
The Pope, however, soon went to the South. It 

Peiri) Peiro Leonis^ qui fidelis erat Calixti pape, cum omnibus ejus 
mwiitiom'bus. The date is uncertain. 

^ The entry is thus described by Egino, Abbot of S. Ulrich in Augs- 
burg, who accompanied the Pope from Rosella tp Rome (Canisius, 
Antiqua Lection,^ ii. 240). The date is ///. Nonas Junii, as in 
the letter of Calixtus to Stephen, his legate in Treves (Bower, ii. 16), 
where be briefly describes his reception* Falco also speaks of the 
rejoicings in Rome, and Anselm, Cantin, Sigeberti^ sa}^ : ab omni 
Smatu et populari turba gloriose excipitur, 

^ In the letter already mentioned, Calixtus mentions among those 
who did homage to himself and the Church : Petrus Leoms in magnc 
hominum omnis ordinis caiUy the Prefect and his brothers, Leo 
Frangipani, Stephen Normannus. Neque ab horum sese studiis^ 
impigra parendi voluntate^ Petrus Columna, cateriqu£ nobiks 
Roma»iorum secrevere. 


had long been customary for the newly-elected popes 
to visit Apulia, to secure themselves in the possession 

» of the valuable Benevento, to obtain the renewal of 
the Norman oath of vassalage, and, when necessary, 
to return with an army. Calixtus remained two 
months at Monte Casino ; he received, on August 8, 
the homage of Benevento, and soon after that of the 
princes of Apulia.^ He then collected troops, and 
returned, in December 1120, to Rome, where he 
celebrated the Easter festival the following year 
with unwonted splendour. He sent Cardinal John 
of Crema to besiege Sutri, and followed in person. 
Burdinus, who had lost hope, had maintained a 
guerilla war and disturbed the roads leading to 
Rome ; he was now only able to defend himself for FaJi of 
eight days. This imperial idol was soon abandoned, a^*^' 
as Cadalus had been before him. After the first "«»• 
attack, he was surrendered by the citizens of Sutri 
on April 22, 1 121. The mercenaries of John of 
Crema treated the prisoners with harsh brutality, 
and the Pope abused an inglorious victory by con- 
demning the Archbishop of Braga to appear in 
ridiculous guise as an outrider on his entry into 
Rome. Gr^ory VHI., clad in a shaggy goat-skin, 
and riding backwards on the camel which carried 
the papal kitchen utensils, was led like a wild animal 
through the city amid a shower of stones and lashes, 

• was imprisoned in the Septizonium, was condemned 

^ Falco described the entrance of the Pope into Benevento. The 
wealthy people of Amalfi had decorated all the streets with draperies ; 
infra amamenla vero ihuribula aurea^ et argentea cum odoribus et 
cinnamomoposueruni. They played on tympana^ cymbala^ lyras. 


to life-long exile, and was dragged from one tower 
in Campania to another, to Passerano, to the fortress 
of Janula near S. Germano, afterwards to the convent 
of La Cava, until he met his end either at the latter 
place or in Fumone. These were the barbarous 
triumphal processions of the Middle Ages in Rome.^ 
The fall of the anti-pope involved the humiliation 
of many captains. The Counts of Ceccano and 
Segni, men of German race, Lando, Godfrey, and 
Raynald yielded subjection, and after Calixtus had 
caused the tower of Cencius Frangipane to be thrown 
down, a Pope was at length able to call himself ruler 
of the city and to dwell within it in peace.* This 
rapid success had also an effect in Germany. The 
triumph over the imperial pope dealt a blow to the 
Emperor and to his claims to install or to ratify 
the popes. The dreadful overthrow of Gregory VIII. 
was represented to the world as the fall of Simon 
Mag^s, and served to hasten the end of the dispute 
about investiture. 

^ Cod, Vai,, 1984. Falco, A. 1 121 (gives IX, Kal, Majas as the 
date). The letter of Calixtus to the bishops of Gaul, which informs 
them of the fall of Burdinus, is dated Sutri, April 27. Sugisrti Vita 
Lud, Regis (Duchesne, iv. 310). Anon, Cassin, Ckron., A. II2I. 
The Vi/a Caiixti ex Card, Aragon. says that Burdinus, mounted on a 
camel, rode before the Pope. Honorius IL had him brought from 
Janula to Fumone in 1 124. Petrus Diacon., iv. 86. 

^ Hie pro servanda pace turres Centii^ domtis tyrannidis et iniqui- 
tatiSt diruif et ibidem non reparari pracepit. Vita Caiixti, by 
Pandulf, c. 4. Of the Counts of Ceccano, c 5. In a deed concerning 
Corsica, between the Genoese envoys and the fideUs damni pape 
Caiixti, dated Rome, S, Cosnu et Damiani, June 16, 1 121, Petrus 
prof, ^tephan, Normanntis, Leo fit, Petri Leonis, Cencius Fragapane 
and his brother Leo are cited as faithful to the Pope (Iter. liai,^ by 
Pflugk-Hartung, 1884, ii section, p. 456), 


In order to tranquillise the indignant empire, 
Henry, taught by his father's fate, resolved to yield ; 
and Calixtus, a man of wider views than his pre- 
decessor (whose intellect was limited to the ideas of 
monasticism), was equally liberal-minded and equally 
inclined to reconciliation. The basis of a peace 
between empire and Church was discussed at several 
German Diets between the princes and the Cardinal- 
l^ates Lambert of Ostia, Gregory, and Sasso. As in ^^ 
the time of Paschalis, two treaties were prepared : the 
Emperor renounced the right of investiture with 
ring and crosier; he recognised the freedom of 
election and ordination of the clergy, and promised 
the restitution of all Church property. The Pope on 
his side admitted that within the German empire 
the election of bishops should take place in presence 
of the Emperor's envoys, that in Germany candidates 
should receive the investiture of the crown property 
symbolically through the sceptre, that outside 
Germany the candidates should first receive conse- 
cration, to be followed within six months by investi- 
ture with the sceptre.1 The victory of the Church 
was more decisive than the advantage gained by 
the State, from which a great principle had been 
wrested, namely, the free election of the clergy. 
The Church, however, no longer impugned the secu- 
lar standing of the bishops as subjects ; she installed 

* The two celebrated documents, Ego ffenricus — dimitto ; Ego 
Callistus^concedOf in the Cod, Udalr,^ 305, 306 ; Chron, Ekkehardi 
for 1122, m Baronius (with some variants, though he gives the 
imperial document from the Vatican manuscript, from which it has 
been last printed by Theiner, Cod, Dipl,^ i. n. xii.) ; and in many 
other places. 


them in the spiritual office, and the Emperor placed 
the Church in possession of her feudal principality 

or lordship.^ 

The The joy was great when these two documents 

of Worms, were read in the presence of a countless multitude 
''^* in Worms on September 23, and when Cardinal 
Lambert solemnly received the son of the unfortu- 
nate Henry back into the communion of the Church. 
The wounds of a deadly war were healed, the devas- 
tated world found peace. The quarrel for investi- 
tures had lasted half a century, and, no less destruc- 
tive than the Thirty Years' War, had ravaged 
Germany and also Italy, and wasted the flower of 
the contemporary generation. A satirist might 
perhaps display two sealed parchments to the world 
as the result of this destructive war. He might scoff 
at mankind, which had had a solution (apparently 
so simple) of its difficult problems before its eyes, 
but, blinded by passion, had overlooked it until, 
after half a century's terrible wandering, it had 
come round by a tortuous path to the point whence 
it had started. Was it necessary to shed so much 
blood in order that ring and crosier should be 
exchanged for the sceptre ? or to discover the truth 

^ We are forced to say with Hallam : '' It is manifest, from the 
events that followed the settlement of this great controversy about 
investitures, that the See of Rome had conquered " {Europe during 
the Middle Ages^ i. & 7). The history of the quarrel for investitures 
has been written by the ex-Jesuit Maimbourg, Histoire de la decadence 
de r Empire aprh Charles Magne et des diffdrends des Empereurs avec 
les Papes au sujet des Investitures, Paris, 1 679) ; to refute whom 
Noris (later cardinal) wrote his Istoria delle Investiture (Mantua, 


that the demands of the State should only refer to 
the things of the State, those of the Church to 
things spiritual? It is a melancholy truth that 
mankind must fight its slow progress by means of 
the rude shocks of war, and that the gains of cen- 
turies only appear as insignificant fractions in the 
human Cosmos. Nevertheless, the parchments of 
Worms were not the true results of the quarrel for 
investiture. In great and far*reaching struggles the 
original object becomes lost to sight and gives place 
to a more spiritual and lofty aim. As a struggle 
of the two principles which represented the intellect 
of mankind, this — the greatest controversy of the 
Middle Ages — ^was one of the most salutary move- 
ments which Europe had ever experienced. By 
means of the power of antagonisms, and by means 
of the passion which forced all classes to take sides, 
it raised men above the narrow-mindedness or the 
stupidity of a barbarous agt, put an end to this age 
and, with the Crusades, served to inaugurate a new 
civilisation. It was during this struggle that the 
philosophic and heretical protestant thought awoke, 
that the science of Roman law revived simultaneously 
with the love of antiquity, that the republican liberty 
of the communes flourished, and that civic society 
acquired an independent, a humaner form. And thus 
Henry IV. and Gregory VII., as its tragic heroes, 
and Henry V. and Calixtus II., as the happier 
founders of peace in this ever-memorable war of 
principles, have attained their conspicuous places in 
the annals of history. 

Calixtus caused the peace to be ratified at the 


CEcumeni- first general Lateran Council in March 1 123, when 
in the ^ greater crowd than Rome had beheld for centuries 
i^^SS"* gathered within her walls. The Council set the seal 
"as- to the victory of the Church, and the accomplish- 
ment of the Gregorian reform. The Papacy had 
attained its legal independence from the empire, 
and, resting on the secure foundation of its freedom, 
recognised by Europe, could henceforward develop 
Its spiritual power into a world power. But after 
all the peace of Worms (a fact which scarcely any 
one then grasped) was merely a truce between the 
powers of the empire and of the Church, which 
now for the first time recognised each other as the 
cardinal powers of the world. 

For centuries no pope had sat on the chair of 
Peter who had felt so happy as Calixtus. His suc- 
cess was due no less to his sagacity than to his 
energy. The landgraves as well as the city obeyed 
the peace-maker ; the strife of factions was stilled, 
and during his lifetime no battle cry was heard in 
the ruined streets of Rome.^ This blissful pause 
afforded the Pope leisure to provide for the welfare 
of the city ; and after a long interval we again hear 
of restored aqueducts and city walls, of the building 
and decoration of some churches.' The condition 

^ Calixtus II. also undertook military expeditions against the 
defiant Counts of the Campagna, and, as early as the summer of 1 121, 
adjusted in person the'afiairs of the Church in South Italy. He was 
in Tarentum in November of this year and in January 1122. Jafife's 

' Hie etiam dervoamt aquam de antiquis F&rmisy et ad portam 
Lateran, conduxit^ ibique locum pro adaqtiandis equis fieri fecit. Vita 
ex Card, Aragon. The water of the Marrana is intended here ; it 
enters the dty near the Porta Metronia. 


of Rome after the struggle for investitures was 
sufficiently lamentable ; the city lay half in ruins ; 
the violated Temple of Peace, transformed into a 
military fortress, had suffered a like fate. At a 
Council Calixtus was obliged expressly to prohibit 
churches from being fortified like strongholds ; he 
forbade the laity to snatch the votive gifts from the 
altars, and imposed the sentence of excommunica- 
tion on any one guilty of maltreating pilgrims to 
Rome.^ He perhaps purified the cathedral of the 
Prince of the Apostles from the stain of its terrible 
past by a solemn festival ; he adorned it with votive 
gifts, paved its floor, restored the high altar, and 
provided the basilica with estates. 

The Lateran had lain in equally ruinous condition Caiixtus 11. 
since the days of Robert Guiscard. After Leo IV. Lateran. 
scarcely any pope had touched the building, until 
Calixtus II. began to restore it. He here built a 
chapel dedicated to S. Nicholas of Bari, in the 
tribune of which he caused such of his celebrated 
predecessors, from Alexander II. onwards, as had 
been champions in the struggle, to be depicted. 
This oratory served as a monument to all those 
popes who had fought in the great controversy 
against the empire. Calixtus, however, also de- 
picted the triumph of the Church in a new audience 
chamber in the Lateran. Here were painted the 
portraits of Calixtus himself, Gelasius, Paschalis, 
Urban, Victor III., Gregory VII., and Alexander 
II. ; below, the series of anti-popes, who served as 

^ Concil, Lateran, /. Canon XIV, (Ecciesias a laicis incastei/art). 
Canon XVI, {Si guts Romipetas), Mansi, xxL 285. 

VOL. IV. 2 D 


footstools to the popes. Some bad couplets were 
appended to the portraits, while the tenor of the 
articles of the Concordat of Worms was inscribed 
on the walL Not for centuries had Art had the 
opportunity of recording so great a subject as the 
Fifty Years' War and its settlement The demand 
on the art of painting was, however, made too early ; 
this art scarcely put forth its first shoot until the 
time of Giotto ; and the ostentatious picture only 
succeeded in testifying to the barbarism of a period 
when the popes felt satisfied in seeing the greatest 
actions of the Church portrayed in rude paintings.^ 
These historic memorials of the Papacy and of 
art unfortunately perished in the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries. 
Death of Fortune was also kind to Calixtus II. in allowing 
ijf^^pj^ him to die soon after his victory; since he was 
13. »»a4- snatched away by Roman fever in the Lateran 
on December 13, 1124. He found a fitting grave 
close to Paschalis II., the peace-maker beside the 
victim of the war ; and no less appropriate was the 
tomb of Henry V. who, five months later, was laid 
to rest near his ill-used father in the cathedral of 

' They were merely isolated figures. Panvinius {de/, Eceiesiis 
CMis, p. 173) calls the painting in this chapel plainly figdisnma pic* 
tura. Thus also in his description of the Lateian, Mscr. VoHcom, 
61 10. All the notices concerning this chapel are found in Gattula, 
Ifisi, Cassin,, i. 362. De Rossi : Esamestorico . . . delt Immagine 
di Urbano II. Papa e delle altre antiche pitture nelP oratorio di 
S, Nicola entro ii pal, Laieran, (GH studi in Italia ano /F., voL ii. 
fasc. L 2, 1 881). The verse under Burdinus runs : — 
£ccs Calixtus honor patria^ decus imperiale, 
Burdinum nequam damnat, pacemque reformat. 


4. Election Contest — ^The Family of the Fran- 


Henry V. — The Pope recognises Lothar as 
German King — The Hohenstaufens rise in 
arms — Roger of Sicily seizes Apulia — Forces 
HoNORius to invest him — Death of Honorius II. 

The new election threatened for the moment to 
divide Rome; for the Frangipani now sought to 
procure the elevation of a cardinal friendly to the 
Emperor ; a proceeding not only possible, but even 
natural, after the Concordat of Worms. It illus- 
trates the state of things in Rome, that the influence 
of these audacious captains had been diminished 
neither by their earlier outrages, nor by the 
chastisement they had endured at the hands of 
Calixtus. The popes, who did not possess sufficient 
power to send such nobles into exile, waged war 
upon them from time to time, destroyed their towers, 
and then made peace, and entered into treaties with 
them. Within the elective realm of the Papacy, the 
hatred which a pope cherished against enemies 
who had ill-used him could not be transmitted to 
his heirs. The rapid change of the popes, each of 
whom followed his own policy, and each of whom 
was obliged to win over the noble families, is a 
sufficient explanation of this condition of affairs. 

The powerful family of the Frangipani encounters The family 
us for the. first time in a document in the year 1014. Yrt^a- 
Their curious name, " Breadbreakers," was explained pani- 
by the legend that in ancient times one of their 
ancestors had distributed bread to the poor during 


a time of great famine, and the arms of the family 
display on a field g^les two lions rampant opposed, 
holding a loaf in their paws.^ Leo's son Cencius was 
an influential consul in the time of Gregory VII., 
and John the son of Cencius was married to Donna 
Bona, sister of Stephen Normannus. John was the 
father of that Cencius who attacked Pope Gelasius, 
and mention has also been made of his brothers Leo 
and Robert* We have already seen that the towers 
and palaces of the Frangipani stood near the Arch 
of Titus, the Palatine and the Colosseum.^ 

^ Thus the fictions in the Mscr. Ottoban,, n. 2570, of the sixteenth 
century, which contain a work of Castallus Metallinus de nobilibus 
Romanis, The author made use of Panvinius, De GenU Fregepana 
(a MS. in the BibL Angelica), Panvinius also wastes time in trying 
to prove that the Frangipani were Anicii, and Alberto Cassio has 
designed the genealogical tree of the Anidi down to Marius th6 last 
Frangipani (1654) : Metnorie di S. Sibna^ cap. vL 

' The name was written : Fregapane^ Frayapanus^ Frajapanis^ 
Frajampane^ PhrigepaniuSy Frangipane^ Frangmspanem, The Dona- 
tion of Mathilda says : in pros, Centii Frafapanis ; this is Leo's son. 
A tombstone of lOHIS FRAIAPANIS (husband of Donna Bona, 
father of the second Cencius) exists in S. Cecilia. Another stone 
there (an efiigy of the dead — arms, four lions rampant in four fields, 
without the loaQ : HIC lACET GVIDVTIVS FRAYAPANVS (of 
the thirteenth century), Panvinius traces the branch de Gradellis firom 
Cencius; in Nerini (n. xxviii.), Oddo Frejapanis de Gradelle appCAis 
in 1243, and it runs : in particu Gallaicrum ante EccL S. Maria de 
Gradellis, The Mirabilia say : Ad Gradellas fitit Templum solis; the 
church is to be sought between S. Anastasia at the Porticus and the 
Forum olUorium, The Porticus Gallatorum^ which probably belonged 
to this Forum, is perhaps the Porticus Galla of Peter Pisanus ( Vita 
Pcuchcdis, iL c 16) ; whether the name is derived from the church of 
S. Galla is questionable. 

' The Region of the Colosseum was commanded by the Frangipani 
in the twelfth century. A document in the Lateran archives, of March 
10, 1 177, is signed : Bemardus Gregorii de Gregorio^ Petrus Roberti^ 


The Frangipani and the Pierleoni were therefore 
the two families who disputed between themselves 
for the patriciate, and as heads of the papal and 
imperial factions ruled the College of Cardinals. 
It had been decided to proceed with the election 
three days after the death of Calixtus, without 
nominating any candidate beforehand. The Frangi- ^ 
pani, however, had fixed on Lambert of Ostia, while 
the people desired Cardinal Saxo of AnagnL Both 
these bishops were the men of the Concordat of 
Worms. Leo Frangipani succeeded by stratagem Disputed 
in procuring the attendance of all the cardinals at ®**^**^"* 
the election. Nevertheless, Theobald Boccadipecora 
was with one voice proclaimed Pope by the name 
of Celestine, such members of the conclave as had 
remained neutral giving their assent. Robert Frangi- 
pani, however, furiously shouted the name of Lambert, 
who was immediately proclaimed by his party and 
installed in the Lateran. His opponents made a 
vain resistance. Theobald, impelled either by fear 
or by magnanimity, doffed the purple, and Lambert 
was recc^ised. The consciousness that his eleva- 
tion had not been canonical induced him to lay 

Joan, MofuinuSf Andreas ScrinariuSy Sasso Oddoms de Saxo^ Joan* 
Cincitf Joan, ludex^ Romanus de Bonella^ Joan, AdulterintiS^ 
Gregorius Levaci, Jordanus Aibertucius, NicoL della Scotta^ Nicok 
SarracenuSf Centius VetuluSj SUphanus Pelliparius^ Laurmtius Caput 
Vdca, Joan, Capocius^ Nicol, Octaviani, Bovacianus Romani de 
RanuciOf Peirus Romania Nicol, Joannis Micini^ Bovo Todorelii, 
Joan, Tinessus Gaudens, They then say : nos omnes suprascripti 
homines pro nobis et aliis hominHms regionis Colossei — auctoritate 
dominor, de Frangenspanibus quicquid juris — habetnus incctnadomini 
in obhHombus aitaris mqforis Eccl, Lateran,,^ they cede this to some 
canons of the basilica (Mscr, Panvinii, p. 254). 


aside the insignia of the pontificate, but only in 

order to obtain its ratification by unanimous consent, 

for the hostile cardinals prudently gave way. We 

thus see that the decrees of Nicholas II. and his 

successors had not removed the papal election 

beyond the influence of the civic nobility: the 

kings of the Romans surrendered their ancient 

right; the Roman consuls, however, continued to 

.elect popes either by cunning or by force.^ 

^ Lambert, who had been made a cardinal in the 

time of Faschalis, had accompanied Gelasius in his 

exile, and had been the ablest minister of Calixtus 

II., was the man who had settled the peace of 

\ Worms ; and this great service gave him claims to 

HonoriusV^^® Papacy. He was consecrated as Honorius 11. 

II., Pope, on December 21, 11 24. But his humble origin in 
Fagnano, an insignificant place near Imola, was a 
blot in the eyes of those who had honoured the 
princely descent of Calixtus. "I do not know," 
said the Abbot of Monte Casino to the envoys of 
the new Pope, ^ whose son his holiness is ; I only 
know that he is filled with literature from head to 

The astute Honorius, however, knew how to 
acquire respect quickly. No insurrection in Rome 
disturbed his five years' pontificate, his close alliance 
with the Frangipani ensuring him security. The 

^ These events are related by Panduif, an eye-witness, ViUi HoMoriit 
c 2 ; see also Card. Aragon. and Petrus Diacon., iv. c. 83. 

* Petr. Diacon., iv. 83. Concerning the ancestry and native 
coantiy of Honorius 11. , see liverani, LamUrto da Fagnono^ Maceiata, 



fact that Henry V. died childless further strengthened 
the Papacy j the vigorous Salic race was now extinct, 
and instead of a member of the Hohenstaufen family 
(Henry's heirs) being raised to the throne, the Saxon 
Lothar was, owing to Roman influence, elected 
King, and was crowned on September 13. It is 
true, Conrad and Frederick, sons of Henry's sister 
Agnes, rose in arms; but they did not succeed in 
enforcing their claims. Honorius himself hastened 
to recognise Lothar as King of the Romans, and He 
so completely had opinion changed in the course So^^ 
of time, that the Pope, whose own election had 
formerly been subject to the ratification of the 
crown, was now able to assume the right of ratifying 
the Roman or German king. We thus perceive 
how, owing to Gregory VH., the conception of the 
Papacy had risen in estimation as that of the 
highest moral forum even in the political world. 

Honorius n. excommunicated the Hohenstaufens, 
in whom he foresaw the renewal of the struggle for 
investitures : he repeated the excommunication in 
II 28, when Conrad came to Milan as pretender to The 
the crown. Many Lombard cities acknowledged suuifeD* 
him, and he was even crowned at Monza by Arch- ^2f|^ 
bishop Anselm on July 29. His kingdom, how- 
ever, had no stability, and merely served for a brief 
time to perplex the affairs of Northern Italy. The 
Romans, whose favour he endeavoured to gain, 
repudiated him, and on the contrary united with 
Honorius in inviting Lothar to Rome to be crowned 

^ Lothario ilU et ghr. Romanor^ regi^ constiUs rommU et alU prin* 


More important were events in South Italy, where 
great changes had taken place. In July 1127 
Roger's son William, Duke of Apulia, died at 
Salerno, mourned by the entire people, and, like 
Henry V., childless. His relative. Count Roger of 
Sicily, could now regard himself as the natural heir 
of his territories, and in fact maintained that 
William had recognised him as heir. The young 
and daring prince, who had succeeded his father, 
Roger I., while yet a child (in iioi), seized the 
opportunity to unite the whole of Southern Italy ; 
since of all the former estates Capua, under Jordan 
II., and Naples, ruled by Duke Sergius, alone re- 
s^^^L ^^^^^ independent^ As Roger now hastened to 
upas Duke Apulia to take possession of Salerno and Amalfi, 
^" and received the homage of several cities, the Pope 
resolved to prevent the foundation of a South Italian 
monarchy. To Roger's claims he opposed the 
feudal sovereignty of the Papacy : he explained that 
William's estates had reverted to the sacred chair. 
He hastened to Benevento ; Roger, whom he had 
excommunicated, indignant at the Pope's refusal 
to invest him with Apulia as a vassal of the Church, 

ci^ sahitem et prosperitatem. Nos in seroiHo et fidelUate b, Petri et 
doniini P» Honorii persisHmus, et quod placet ei atnamus. It is the 
last time that Romans speak thus . . . Nos interim diiigenti studio 
operant dabimus^ quatenus—pop, Rom, ad te sicut decet konorifice 
suscipiefuium sit paratus. Without a date — Cod, Udalr,^ n. 351. 
Conrad had in vain attempted to approach Rome : see Jafii^, Gesch. 
des detitschen Reichs unter Lotkar^ Berlin, 1843, p. 71. 

1 Giannone IL, x. c 10. For the death of William (K//. ICal, 
Aug,y 1 127) see Falco, p. loi, who naively describes Roger's arrival 
and the subsequent events. Alexandri Ahbatis Telesini Hist, de reb, 
gestis Rogerii SiciUa Re^'s, lib. i. c. 4 (Muratori, v.). 


ravaged the province of Benevento. In December 
II 27 Honorius convoked bishops and barons to a 
parliament in Capua ; he bestowed this principality 
in fief on Robert II., son of Jordan, who had just 
died, and summoned the assembly to make war on 
the usurper. 

The bold prince, however, could afford to laugh at 
the crusade which Honorius preached against him, 
and could calmly wait until the army of the barons 
was disbanded.^ The history of Leo IX. repeated 
itself. As Roger followed on the heels of the 
deserted Pope, he offered peace, and the count 
forced the Holy Father to come outside the city, Roger 
and, standing on the bridge over the river Calore, to i^l^iion 
bestow upon him the feudal lordship of Apulia and H^JJ^^g 
Calabria in August 11 28.* n., August 

The Church was not able to prevent the founda- 
tion of the Neapolitan monarchy. This important 
event, as we shall later see, changed the policy of 
Italy and that of the popes. From the peace with 
Roger, Honorius, however, reaped the immediate 
advantage of receiving feudal supremacy over South 

Such were the events which afforded him inces- 
sant occupation, so that he remained in constant 
motion between Rome and Apulia, deeply involved 

^ Thus the popes already stamped their political wars as holy wars. 
Ex auctoritate dvv, et B, M. vtrginis, et Sanctor, Apostclor, meriiis, 
talem eis impendit retrilnUionemy eorum vid,^ qui deitctor, suor. pctni- 
Uniiam sumpscrint^ si in expedttione ilia morietUur^ peccata remisity 
illorum auteniy qui ibi mortui nonfuerinty et confessi sunt, medittatem 
remisit, Falco, p. 104. 

* Romuald, p. 284 (Murat, vii.). 


in secular afTairs — a statesman rather than a priest 
The Frangipani secured his rule in Rome, and pro- 
vided him with the means of holding in check the 
captains of the Campagna, more especially the 
Counts of Segni and Ceccano.* Honorius II., no 
less than Paschalis, proved by experience how heavy 
was the burthen of the temporal power for the popes. 
We should, however, produce a revolting picture 
did we describe the petty wars which he repeatedly 
waged against the lords of Latium. In his last ill- 
ness he was carried to the fortified monastery of S. 
Gregory on the Clivus Scauri : for the popes of this 
age ended their days in towers and amid the swords 
of their partisans. The pale face of the dying man 
looked from the window where he was placed down 
on the tumultuous crowd, who already believed him 
dead ; he saw the factions quarrel for the papal 
crown before it had yet fallen from his head, and 
Death of expired during the- night of 13th- 14th February 
ii!!'^FSr ^ ^30-' ^^ w^ usual on the death of a pope to delay 
14, "3o, the election of his successor until after the funeral, 
but the tumults to which an election gave rise fre- 
quently did not permit of the delay. The remains 
of Honorius were scarcely cold, when they were 
hurried into an open grave in the monastery, in 
order that the faction here assembled might proceed 

^ The Chronicle of Fossanova throws light on these wars in the 
Campagna. It mentions the still remaining Volsdan towns : Supino, 
Magentia (Msenza), Aqueputia (Torre Aoquapuzza), Roccasecca, 
Julianum, S. Stephanum, Prosseum (Prossedi), Tertium (Pisterzo), S. 
Laurentum. Honorius conquered them, also Trevi and Segni (CaixL 

' MUhlbacher, Die strettige Papstwahl dis Johns 1130, p. lOi. 


with the election. The corpse was further removed 
with unseemly haste to S. John's, and the dead and 
the newly-elected Pope entered the Lateran at the 
same time.^ 

^ Such is the account in the letter of the followers of Anaclete to 
Didacus of Compostella (Florez, BspaHa Sagrada^ xx. 513), and it 
can hardlj be wholly untrue : p^r laicorum nuuius nwrtuus misera- 
Hliter deferiur stcui vilissima bestia in claustrum trahitur^ et in 
viiissimum sepulcrum imniergitur. No monument of Honorius re- 
mained in Rome. San Crisogono in Trasterere, rebuilt in 1128, is 
the monument of the victor of Burdinus, Cardinal John of Crema, 
who took bis title from this church* Sevezano, Memorie^ p. 3i4, 



I. The Pierleoni — Their Jewish Descent — The 
Jewish Synagogue in Rome in the Twelfth Cen- 
tury — Petrus. Leo and his Son, the Cardinal 
Petrus — Schism between Innocent II. and Ana- 
CLETE II. — Innocent escapes to France — Letter 
of THE Romans to Lothar — Anaclete II. bestows 


A SCHISM of purely civic origin was to prove to 
the world that the German kings were not invariably 
responsible for ecclesiastical divisions. The wealth 
and power of the Pierleoni, and still more the great 
services they had rendered the Church, justified the 
hope which they cherished of seeing a member of 
their house on the papal throne. Their distinguished 
family was of Jewish extraction, and this singular 
fact induces us to bestow a glance on the synagogue 
in Rome. 
The Jews The Hebrew colony, established in Trastevere and 
round the island bridge since the time of Pompey, 
survived through all the storms of history. An 
insignificant company of Jews was here tolerated 
as a monumental symbol of the manner in which 
Christianity was rooted in the Old Testament. The 
Jews were consequently treated with more humanity 
in Rome than in other cities during the Middle 

in Rome. 


Ages. They transmitted their blood unmixed with 
the blood of Romans or barbarians from generation 
to generation ; they beheld the republic of ancient 
Rome^ Roman Caesarism, the immense city of 
marble, and a second Prankish empire fall to dust 
beside them : more indestructible than monuments 
of bronze, they survived the frightful Nemesis of the 
centuries ; and to this day they continue to pray to 
Jehovah, the God of Abraham and Moses, in the 
same streets beside the Tiber. Their number, which 
in the interval between the Spanish persecution 
under Philip II. and present times, has risen to 
five thousand souls, in the twelfth century merely 
amounted to some hundreds. The Rabbi Benjamin 
of Tudela, who visited Rome in the time of Alexander 
III., only counted two hundred Jews of the male 
sex ; he assures us, however, that among his fellow- 
worshippers he discovered many influential persons 
even at the papal court, and very wise rabbis such 
as Daniel, Jehiel, Joab, Nathan, Menahem, and other 
Hebrews in Trastevere.^ We see the Jews issue 

^ Benj. of Tudela, Itinerary : hie ducenti fermeJucUti viri Aonorati, 
nemini tributum pendentes^ inter quos suos habet magisiros P. 
Alexander, He calls the rabbi Jehiel {trans Tiherim habitans) 
Papa minister, jttv,formosus^ prudens ac sapiens — in aula Papct-^ 
ipsius factdtaium administrator. Rabbi Nathan had compiled 
Arach, a Talmndic dictionary, in not ; his father Jehiel wrote litur- 
gical poems. A. Asher, English translation of Benjamin's Itinerary 
(London, 1S40), ii. p. 18, and M. Gtkdemann, Gesch, des Ertiehungs- 
wesens und der Cultnr derjuden in ItaHen, Wien, 1884. Benjamin 
found 500 Jews in Marseilles, 300 in Capua, 500 in Naples, 600 in 
Salerno, 20 in Amalfi, 200 in Benevento, 200 in Melfi, 300 in Tarento, 
500 in Otranto, 200 in Messina, 1500 in Palermo, 2000 in Byzantium, 
and as great a number in Thebes. 


from the darkness, in which their Schola is involved, 
when on festivals of homage they sing their hymns, 
and only once is a persecution of the Jews recorded.* 
The enslaved race defended itself against its oppres- 
sors by cunning, talent, and the power of the gold 
which they had amassed in secret The most re- 
nowned physicians, the richest money-changers in 
Rome were Jews. Dwelling in miserable houses, 
they lent money at usury, and among their creditors 
they numbered the most illustrious consuls among 
the Romans, and even the harassed popes themselves. 
The Jewish From this despised synagogue a senatorial family 
fMMfy at length issued, which owed both fortune and power 
PierieonL to usury. The g^ndfather of that Peter Leonis 
who played so prominent a part during the quarrel 
for investitures, still remained a Jew in Trastevere; 
He had had, however, financial transactions with the 
papal court, to whose necessities he had frequently 
ministered. He had afterwards consented to be 
baptised, and having become a Christian was known 
as Benedictus Christianus. Wealth and ability soon 
opened the most illustrious career to his ambitious 
son Leo, who received his baptismal name from 
Pope Leo IX. He became connected by marriage 
with the Roman nobility, who coveted the wealthy 
daughters of Israel for their sons, or consented to 

^ A. I020, in consequence of an earthquake. The Pope ordered 
some to be executed : Ademar, Hist,^ iiL c. 52. The Ordo Rom, of 
Cendus {sisc, xiL) mentions their schola among the seventeen which 
received a gift on days of festival : Judcns viginti solidos prevesinar. 
At papal processions they stood juxta palatittm Cromacii^ ubi Judai 
faciunt iaudem^ not far from Monte Giordano (Mabillon Mus,, 
ii 143). 


their own daughters marrying the baptised sons of 
Jews.^ With the fanaticism of a ren^ade, Leo 
joined the party of Hildebrand and the popes who 
advocated reform ; whereupon his more energetic 
son Peter Leonis or Pier Leoni acquired the highest Petrva 
political influence, and became entirely indispens- 
able.2 Besides his fortress at the Theatre of Mar- 

^ Arnulfs invective (Af. Germ., zii. 711) against Anadete II. : 
cufus avus eum tnastimab, pecimiam muUipUci corrogasset usura — 
circunuisUnem hapHsmoHs unda dampneant, — Foetus dignitaU 
Romanus — dum genus et formam regma pecunia donate aitemis 
tnairinumiis omnes sibi nobiles dvUaiis asertdt, Benzo (ii. c 4) who 
knew Leo peisonallj : Leone ^ originaHter procedente de Judaica con- 
grtgatione» S. Bemh., Ep. 139 : Judaicam sobolem sedetn Petri occu- 
passe. Thus Archbishop Walter of Ravenna (Mansi, zxi 434) speaks 
of the schism of Anaclete as Judaiae perfidta heresis. Baron. (A. 
till, n. 3) took from the Codex of Monte Casino, which contains the 
poems of Alfanas, an epitaph written by this archbishop on the 
founder of the house of Pierleone : — 

Hicjacet in tumulo Leo vir per eunctafidelis 

Sedis Apostolica tempore quo viguit. 
Ronue naius^ opum dives ^ probus et satis aito 

Sanguine materno nobiiiiatus erat, 
Prudens et sapiens , et calopene sub omni 

Agnitus et Celebris semper in Urbe manens, 
Virgo ier senisjfuerat cum sole diebus 

Quando suum vitajinierat spatium, 

Leo was probably buried in S. Alessio, and th e insc ription (in 
CONSVL' ROMANORVM, probably belongs to him. The Roths- 
child of the Middle Ages, made a Roman baron by the Pope, who 
was in his debt. 

* Ckron, Maurin, (Duchesne, iv. 376) : Leo a Judaismo pascha 
faciens ad Christum^ a Leone baptistariei ejus nomine meruit insigniri. 
Hie tnr^-'4n Curia Rom, magnificuSf genuitfiL Petrum, magna /ama, 
magnaque potenHa post futurum, Ord. Vitalis (p. 861) jeers at the 
Jewish aspect of his grandson Leo at the Synod at Rhdros in 1119 : 
nigrum et pallidum adolescentem^ magis Judao vel Agareno^ quam 


cellus (which had undoubtedly been already built by 
his father Leo), he also ruled over the neighbouring 
island in the Tiber. Urban II. even confided S. 
Angelo to his keeping, and himself died in the 
palace of his creditor and defender. Urban's suc- 
cessors also strove to acquire the protection of the 
powerful Pierleone. But the Jew was hated as a 
usurer by the populace, by the nobles as an upstart, 
and we have seen that this influential friend of 
Paschalis 11. was unable to acquire the prefecture 
for his son. The friendship of the popes, the splen- 
dour of their family connections, their gold, and 
their power so quickly obscured the Jewish descent 
of the Pierleoni, that these upstarts soon gained the 
reputation of being the most illustrious of princely 
houses in the city. After the time of Leo they bore 
the title of " Consul of the Romans" as proudly and 
successfully as the oldest patricians.^ They were at 
enmity with the Frangipani, who, from motives of 
hatred and egotism, were Ghibelline and imperialist, 
while the Pierleoni became the leaders of the papal 
party. These two hostile families had each been 
founded by a Leo, had each risen to power at the 
same time. It was later rumoured that both Frangi- 

Christiano simUem — a brother of Anaclete, who, accordmg to 
Amulf, also looked like a Jew. 

^ Not until the son of Pierleone became Pope was his Jewish 
ancestry spoken of. The ViUb of the Popes do not mention it. 
Anselm, the continuator of Sigbert, calls Peter aUitudine sanguinis 
glorians. The Gesta lyezferor, {Man, Germ,^ z. 200) : fations 
nobilium Romanor,, guor, ipse propinquiiaU poliebat, Eadmerus, 
Hist, Novor.f vi. 137 : erat enim filius Petri praclarissimi ac 
potentiss. Principis Romanar. Romuald calls him JU» Petri Leonis 
nob. civem Romanum, 


pani and Pierleoni were descendants of the Anicii, 
and in the fifteenth century it was related how two 
brothers of a certain Pierleone Massimo, so-called 
Count of the Aventine, had wandered to Germany, 
and had there founded the house of Habsburg. 
Even the Austrian emperors were gratified in being 
accounted relations of the Pierleoni, until they dis- 
covered that in this case they had to search for their 
ancestors in the Roman Ghetto.^ 

Peter Leo died covered with honours on June 2, Tomb of 
1 128. The tombs of the popes of these times fell to LeoSs. 
decay, but accident has preserved the mausoleum of 
the Jewish Crassus as carefully as the sarcophagus 
of Caecilia Metella, A huge marble coffin of the 
worst Roman period, adorned with the figures 'of 
Apollo, Marsyas, and the Muses, stands in the 
cloisters of S. Paul. This was the tomb of Pierleone, 
whom the inscription — truly Jewish — extols as " a 
man without an equal, immeasurably rich in money 
and children." ^ He left numerous descendants, and 

^ The fabulous Ctmiites Montis Aventini became (translated into 
German) Counts of Habsburg. These are &bles from the time of 
Sansovino, Volaterranus, Crescenzi, Zazzera, Arnold Wion, Panvinius, 
Kircher, &c. An inscription in S. Maria della Consolazione of the 
year 1852 says : Lucretta de Pierleonibtis Luce de PierUonibtis 
J, y, D, Filia nobiiiss. Romanor. et Austria gentis sola relictOy &c. 
The last heiress of the house loudly trumpeted the glories of her 
ancestry. She placed a' pompous epitaph on the founder of the 
£unily in S. Paul's : Sepulcrum Petri Leonis Montis Aventini Comitis 
ex Anieia mox Perkonia stirpes &c. 

* Te Petrus et Paulus servent Petre Leonis^ 

Dent aniniam celo quos torn devotus afncutiy 

Et quibus est idem tumulus sit gloria tecum, 
Ugonio read another inscription of the time, which I cannot find 
now : — 

VOL. IV. 2 E 



His son 
Peter a 
for the 

SO marvellous was their fortune, that one of his sons 
became Pope, another Patrician of the Romans, and 
it was said that a daughter married Roger of Sicily. 
He had destined his son Peter for an ecclesiastical 
office. Could the violet robe of a cardinal be denied 
him? Was the thought of the red papal mantle 
beyond the daring imagination of a wealthy son of 
Pierleone? The youthful Peter was sent to Paris, 
where he doubtless became one of Abelard's hearers. 
His studies ended, he took the cowl (still the most 
desirable garb for a candidate for the Papacy) in 
Cluny. At his father's wish Paschalis summoned 
him to Rome, and made him Cardinal-deacon of S. 
Cosma and Damiano. With one of his brothers 
he accompanied Gelasius to France, returned with 
Calixtus, and in December 1120 became Cardinal- 

Praterit ntjumus princeps seu rex optUentus^ 

Et nos ut fumus puhfis et ossa sumus. 
In Umiisque boms peUem Petrus ecu Leonis^ 
Respice quam modico nunc tegitur tumulo, 
Virfiiit immemus qucm proles^ gloria^ censtts 
Susluiit in vifa, non sii ut aiter iUu 
lAgum servator^ pairU decus^ urbis amaior^ 

Bxtruxit celsis turribus astrapoU* 
Omnia praclara mors obtenebrtwit amara, 

Nommis ergo Dei gratia parcot eL 
Junius in mundo fulgebcU sole secundo, 
Separat h$inc nobis cum polus Aicpte lapis 
The inscription of Lucretia Perleonia (Neiini, p. 395) gives 1128 
as the year of her death ; Baronius wrongly XI44, since Anaclete IL 
already speaks of his father as b, m. in a letter of 115a The later 
burial-place of the family was partly S. Nicola in Carcere, partly 
S. Angelo in Pescaria, where, before the destruction of the church, I 
saw a stone in front of the door with the arms of the famfly in mosaic : 
Party per pale (i) or, a lion rampant loseogy, argent and sable ; (2) 
barry of six, gules and argent. 


priest of S. Mana in the same Trastevere to which 
his family owed their origin. He was later legate in 
France, where he held synods, and in England, where, 
solemnly received by King Henry, he appeared with 
princely pomp. The son of the powerfdl Pierleone 
lacked neither self-respect, culture, nor intellect, and 
if, as his adversaries accused him of doing, he col- 
lected vast treasures as nuncio, he only followed the 
example of almost every other cardinsd-l^^ate* His 
bitter enemies afterwards overwhelmed him with 
invectives ; but, even although the reproach of ambi- 
tion, avarice, and sensuality may justly be brought 
against him, the revolting picture drawn of his 
character was, nevertheless, untrue.* Certain it is 
that not only by his wealth and family connectionsi 
but also in virtue of his highly-gifted personality, 
Cardinal Pierleone was the greatest man in Rome. 

His adherents hoped to see him wear the papal 
crown ; the influence of money assured him the 
votes of numerous clients ; Cardinal Peter of Portus 
was the leader of his party in the sacred college, 
while his opponents, headed by the Chancellor 
Haimerich and by John of Crema, and protected by 
the Frangipani, placed the name of Gregory of S. 

^ Eadmenis, vi. 137 ; Ernald ( Vita S. B&mardi^ Op. ii c. I, 1 107, 
ed. MabQlon). Amulf s inyective cvea accused him of incest with his 
sister Tropea. The letter of Bishop Manured of Mantua to Lothar 
contains similar accusations, Neugart, Cod, Diph AUm.^ iL 63, in 
Watterich, iL 275. The respectful letter which Bernard is sedd to 
have addressed to Anaclete, while he was yet a cardinal (Jaffi£, 
Gesch. des deutschen Rtichs unUr Lothar, p. 89), is addressed to 
another Cardinal Peter, so that Bernard has expressed no judgment 
in £Eivour of Anaclete. 

14, II30. 


Angelo on the election register. It had originally 
been decided to leave the election to eight cardinals, 
Twofold among whom was Peter. But scarcely was Honorius 
inno^t dead when five of the electors met in secret in 
AnSete ^* Gregory's on the Clivus Scauri, where the proxi- 
II., Feb. mity of the Frangipani fortress afforded them safety. 
On February 14 they here proclaimed Cardinal 
Gregory as Innocent II., and his party, which 
numbered altogether only sixteen of the younger 
cardinals, some citizens, and the Frangipani and Corsi, 
hailed him Pope.^ The proceeding was entirely con- 
trary to law, and Gregory's action was altogether 
uncanonicaL His opponents consequently hastened 
a few hours later to the church of S. Marco, near 
which stood the fortified quarter of the Pierleohi ; and 
the greater part of the cardinals, the larger portion 
of the citizens, almost the entire nobility, the Tebaldi, 
Stefani, Berizo, the S. Eustachii, and the Palatine 
judges, under the presidency of the dean of the 
cardinals, elected the son of Pierleone as Anaclete 
II. in all canonical form.^ 

The two pretenders to the Papacy, elected on the 
same day, stood towards one another like Jacob and 
Esau, disputing the rights of primogeniture. The 

1 Cod, Udalr.t 346 

* Peter of Portus cried to -his opponents : siccitu didicistis Papani 
eligere f in angulo — in tenebris, in umbra mortis — contempto canone — 
me ituonsulto Priore ves/ro, whereas they had made the election in 
luce, in manifesto (Letter to the four suburbican bishops, Baron., n. 
ix.). On the other hand, see Cod. Udalr,, n. 346, and the Report of 
Election from Innocent's followers to Lothar, n. 352 ; the manifesto 
of Innocent himself, n. 353 (Mansi, zxi. 428), in which Anaclete is 
represented as a monster. 


faction of Cardinal Gregory had surreptitiously ob- 
tained for their candidate the blessing of the first- 
bom, but almost the entire city and district did 
homage to Anaclete 11.^ The spectacle presented 
by two popes, each of whom seized in turn the 
sacred chair the moment it was left vacant by the 
other, was nothing new. The people rushed to 
arms. Innocent II. was quickly installed in the 
Lateran. A few days after his election, however, he 
fled to the Palladium, the Frangipani fortress on the 
Palatine.* Anaclete II., supported by his brothers, 
Leo, Jordan, Roger, Huguizon, and by numerous 
clients, marched to S. Peter's, burst open the doors, 
had himself consecrated Pope by Peter of Portus, 
took the Lateran by assault, seated himself on the 
papal chair inside the church, proceeded to S. Maria 
Maggiore and seized its treasures. The city re- 
sounded with the din of civil war, while a thousand 
hands were eagerly stretched forth to grasp the 
fortune which was scattered by the golden meteor 

^ Anselm, continuator of Sigbert : Gr^gorius privilege eledianis ab 
Honoriop, adhuc vivenU e(msensu quarund, cardinal, sibi usurpat ; 
Petrus altUudine sangmnis ghrians^ domum Crescentiiinvadit cadilms 
— incendils grctssatur. Chron, Maurin. sa]^ of Innocent's party: nimis 
festinanter, u/ a gmdusd. iUcitur, ponUficalib. induunt insignib,^ 
because Peter openly aspired to the Papacy (p. 376). The election 
proceedings have been investigated by R. Zdpffel : Die PapstwakUn^ 
&C., Gottingen, 187 1, and by £. W&iih8ji:\itSt Die StrMige Papstwahl 
des fahres 1 1 30, Innsbruck, 1876. 

* Palladium {Pailara) ; the cardmals date : t^ud Palladium XII. 
Kal. Mart. (February l8)--/wf/ hoc palladium^ in quo Dom. noiter P. 
Itmoeentius — residebal, aggreditur, {Cad. Udalr., 352.) He was 
consecrated as Pope in S. Maria Nova on February 23. (Pagi, A. 
1 130, n. v., and JafG6) ; Anaclete in S. Peter's on the same day. 


Anaclete. And amid the tumultuous procession 
that greeted him as Pope, we observe the members of 
the Jewish synagc^^ue, ranged beside the legendary 
palace of Chromatins, the rabbi with the huge veiled 
roll of the Pentateuch at their head ; and we may 
imagine that the children of Israel had never hitherto 
greeted any pope with hymns of malicious congratu* 
lation so sincere.^ 
Struggle Anaclete had gained Rome, and the adhesion of 
the^o ^^ many distinguished cardinals and nobles gave 
Popes and jjim full rfght to the Papacy. True, the attack on 
adherents, the Palladium had failed ; but Innocent saw the gold 
of his enemy work its way through the walls. He 
fled to Trastevere in April or May, and there hid 
himself within the towers of his family, while 
Anaclete calmly celebrated Easter in S. Peter's, 
excommunicated his rival, deposed the hostile car- 
dinals, and created others in their stead. The final 
defection of the Frangipani, who were unable to 
resist the gold of Pierleone» left Innocent defenceless. 
No choice remained but flight He secretly took 
Innocent ship On the Tiber, and, like Gelasius, escaped to 
to'^m^ France by way of Pisa and Genoa.* 

It now remained to be seen to which of the two 

^ The opposite party aaid that Anadete had sacked the churches, 
tudLjydaos ajunt esse quasiios^ qui sacra vasa, et imagines deo dicatcs 
audttcter commmuerent (Vita S, Bem.^ ii. c. i). The letters of 
the opposition. Cod. UdaL, 345, 352, 353, and Cardinal Aiagon. 
Such excesses were undoubtedly committed, although Peter of Portus 
denies them : depreedatumem iilam st cmdeiiiakm, qmam prmtmditis^ 
non videmus. Letter to the four cardinal-bishops. 

* He had previously announced his elevation to the German King^ 
and summoned him to come to Rome. Trans lyberim V. Id. Maji. 
Cod. Udalr., 353. 


pretenders Christendom would award its recognition. 
Innocent, like his enemy, was of Trasteverine origin ; 
he belonged, however, to the ancient house of the 
Papareschi. He had been a cardinal-legate as early 
as the time of Urban II., was the mediator of the 
peace of Worms, and had learning and sincere piety 
in his favour.* The priority of his election — un- 
canonical though it may have been — gave him an 
advantage over Anaclete; his flight to the asylum 
of Catholic popes made him appear an exile, his 
opponent a usurper ; Germany, England, and France, 
a great part of Italy, all the monastic orders, with 
but little delay recognised him as Innocent II. The 
world suddenly remembered with scorn the origin of 
the Pierleoni, and forgot their services to the Church. 
But Jewish features should scarcely have redounded 
to the discredit of a pope, had the fact been 
remembered that not only Peter and Paul, but 

^ The Lives of the Popes call his Ikther John from Trastevere ; his 
later epitaph: de dome Paparescorum, A family De Papa or 
Paparoni is found as early as the tenth century. A. 975, Johes de 
Papa de septem viis ; A. 1079, Odih de Papa^ In the time of 
Benedict Vni.,/tfi. qui Paparom vwatt (Galletti, Mscr. Vat,, S042, 
concerning this fiEunily ). Panvinius ( ' ' History of the Mattel Family " in 
the Arch, of S, Croce) wrongly makes the De Papa derive their name 
from Innocent II.; he says this &mily also bore the name of Roman! ; 
and after 1500 put forth a branch — the Mattel. Romanus de Papa 
was a courtier of Innocent II. (Document of April 4, 11 39, Mansi, 
xxi n. 542) ; his son was Cencius Romani de Papa, who had 
numerous descendants (Muratori, Ant, It,, ii 809). The towers of 
the Papareschi still stood in the fifteenth century near S. Maria in 
Trastevere, a church which had been restored l^ Innocent II. A. 
1442 : amtrata qua diciiur ii Papareschi in parocchia S, CaUsti 
[Mscr. Vat.^ 8051, 125). Tombstones of the fiunily were to be seen 
in S. Giacomo de Septimiano. 


Jesus Himself, must have worn a more distinctly 
Jewish aspect than Anaclete. Even the adhesion 
of Rome (he undoubtedly offered great privileges to 
the city) more probably served as a sentence of con- 
demnation than a claim to favour. We still read 
the urgent, and in part undignified, letters which he 
sent to all quarters of the world striving to obtain 
recc^nition.^ As early as May i he wrote to 
Lothar ; * the King made no reply ; in vain Ana- 
clete tried to win him by excommunicating the 
rival king, Conrad ; he still remained silent.* The 
excited letters of the cardinals and the Romans were 
also left unanswered. 
The The Romans politely implored the ratification of 

write to 
Lothar. ^ The thirty-eight letters of Anadete are contained in the beautiful 

parchment Codex of M. Casino, n. 159, sac, xiv. They were edited 

from another codex by Christian Lupus, T, viL Oper. Venet., 1724. 

With the exception of the first series these fragments (mostly without 

a date) are devoid of historic value. 

• Dot. Roma a/md S, Petr. Kal, Maji^ thus in the Cod. of M. 
Casino. It recalls the ancient friendship of the King, especially 
between him et b, m, pairem nieum. — Sans clerus omnis Rom. indU 
vidua Tiobis charitaU coharet ; Prafictus Urbis^ Leo Fraiapams cum 
filio et Cencio Fraiapane et nobiles omnes ac plebs omnis Romana 
consuetam nobis fidelitatem fecerunt. In the letter of the Romans of 
May 18, and in Anaclete's second letter, the Prefect is called Hugo. 
Peter was still Prefect in the time of Honorius (Galletti, Dei Prim, ^ 
n. 57). Hugo may, however, have been the brother of Anaclete. 
According to a document cited by Contelorius, the Prefect in office 
during the first year of Anaclete II. was called Uguccio. 

' The second letter {ap, S, Petr, Idib, Maji) says that he possessed 
the whole of Rome in peace, and that he had excommunicated Conrad 
on Easter Thursday. A letter to the Queen follows, filled with 
nauseating unction. At the same time he heaps invectives on 
Cardinal Haimerich and John of Crema. Similarly in the letter of 
the cardinals. 


their Pope, They, however, reproached the King for 
not having vouchsafed them a reply, and declared 
that they would refuse him the imperial crown did 
he longer delay to recognise Anaclete. " If thou," 
they wrote, " wilt receive the glorious fasces of the 
Roman empire, thou must conform to the laws of 
Rome, and not disturb the harmony of thy citizens. 
For thou dost not awaken such sympathy in us that 
we attach any great importance to thy coronation : 
only since we have known the attachment of the 
Pope to thy person, do we wish thee well, and desire 
to adorn thy purple with worthy honours." ^ The 
Romans felt themselves independent towards a 
German king who did not possess the hereditary 
right of the Salic house, and who was even opposed 
by a rival king. True, they recognised the now 
traditional claim of German kings to the imperial 
crown, by awarding them the title of " King of the 
Romans," but they resolutely maintained that the 
crown was dependent on the election of the Roman 
people. Their haughty language already breathed 
the republican spirit which was in process of vigor- 
ous development in the Lombard cities, and had 
begun to stir in Rome. 

^ Dom, Lothario ^orioso ac triumphatori Romanor. regi Hugo pre» 
fectus urdiSf etfratres ejus (thus in the Cod. M. Cadn. and in Lupus, 
and not fr<Uer\ Leo Freiapane^ et Ccncius frcUer ejus^ Stepkanus de 
Tebaldo, Albertusjohis, de Stephano^ Stepkanus di Berizo, Berhafrater 
efus^ Heinricus fil, Heinrici de sco Eustachio^ Octamanus frater ejus^ 
et reliqui Bom. urbis potentes^ sacri quoque palacii judices et nostri 
eonsuUs et plebs otnnis Romana salutem, . . . Acta Roma felicUer 
XV, Kal. Junii, I therefore hold that Hugo prefectus urbis etfratres 
ejus here signifies the Pierleoni, who would otherwise be omitted in 
the enumeration. 


When the silence of the world showed Anaclete 
that he was rejected, he looked around in search of 
a confederate. The former parties had suffered the 
most curious changes after the Concordat of Worms. 
The King of Germany and his former adherents in 
Italy now stood ranged under the Catholic and 
French banner; the Normans, who had formerly 
supported this banner, now deserted it, as natural 
enemies of the empire. Anaclete, however, followed 
the ancient policy of the popes, when he allied him- 
self with the Duke of Apulia. Roger's monarchy 
lacked nothing but the recognised title of kingdom, 
which had already been given it by his parliament 
Anaclete Anaclete offered the papal sanction as the price of 
Ro^r^r ^® duke's recognition, and Roger accepted the offer. 
King of the ideas of the time compelling him to believe in 
113a* the necessity of such consecration. Anaclete formed 
a defensive and offensive alliance with the duke at 
Benevento and Avellino in September; the car- 
dinal legate immediately hastened to Palermo and 
anointed Roger as King of Sicily on Christmas day 
1 1 30, Robert II. of Capua handing him the crown. 
Thus was the Sicilian monarchy founded through 
the instrumentality of a schismatic pope. Surviving 
the most marvellous changes of fortune, the fair 
kingdom endured for 730 years, until in our own 
days it was overthrown in the same romantic fashion 
as that in which it had been created by Norman 

^ Falco, A. 1130; Petr. Diaoon., iv. c. 99. The Diploma of 
Investiture is dated BsHtvenl. per man^ Saxanis S» R, E, presbyteri 
CardinaliSi K KcJ, Octcbr^ Ind, IX. anno Dom, Incam, 11 30, Pont, 


2. S. Bernard labours to obtain ths Recognition 
OF Innocent II. in France — Lothar promises to^ 
conduct him to Rome — ^Journey of the Pope 
AND Lothar to Rome— Courageous demeanour 
OF Anaclete II. — Lothar crowned Emperor — 
His return Home — Innocent expelled for the 
second time — Council in Pisa — Roger I. conquers 
Apulia — Lothar's second Journey to Italy — 
Differences between the Pope and the Emperor 
— Return and Death of Lothar. 

Innocent II. meanwhile remained in France, 
where he obtained almost universal recognition. 
His protector was a saint of world-wide fame, Bernard, 
Abbot of Clairvaux. The Church had reason to be 
proud of the wealth of forces which she developed in 
succession to complete the laborious structure of the 
hierarchy, and Bernard, the genius of his age, belongs 
to the ranks of her greatest men. When the Cluniac 
period had run its course, monasticism found in 
Bernard a new reformer, and this in an age when, 
thanks to the knightly orders of Palestine, monasti- 
cism had become a political power. Bernard was s. Bernard 
bom at Fontaine near Dijon in 109 1 : in 1 1 13 he be- f^^ts 
came a monk in the Benedictine convent of Clteaux *o ^^« , 

cause of 
Dwn. Anacleti II. Papa anno /. (BaroDins, n. lii.). It is signed U. 

by brothers and relatives of Anaclete : signum man. Petr, Leonis 

Eamanor, Consults . . . Regent fratris ejus . . . Peter UgutccionisfilH 

, , , et Petri Leonis de Fundis. Hnguizon was the brother of Anaclete. 

According to Ordericus Vital., xiii. p. 898, Roger had even married a 

sister of Anaclete : filiam Petri Leonis^ sororem Anacleti Pontificis 

uxorem duxit. This, however, may be untrue ; Roger had several 

wives. Anaclete boldly invested him also with Capua and Naples. 




or Cistercium, which had been founded about 1098. 
The ascetic austerity of the Cistercians suited the 
character of the youth; he aided in founding the 
convent of Clairvaux near Chalons-sur-Marne. He 
became the abbot of this institution in 11 15, and 
was henceforth celebrated as the worker of miracles, 
the oracle and the apostle of the strictest monasti- 
cism. In the course of time he founded 160 
monasteries of his order in every land of Europe. 
But his active spirit could not remain buried in 
lonely solitudes ; on the contrary, with practical 
energy he exercised an influence on all the political 
and ecclesiastical affairs of his time.^ 

Bernard it was, who won Lewis of France to the 
cause of Innocent. He also won the German king, 
whom the Pope went to meet at Li^ge in March 1 131, 
and who after some hesitation gave his adhesion. 
A prince endowed with ambition and genius must 
necessarily have hesitated before recognising Inno- 
cent, since in espousing his cause he became umpire 
between two popes and placed the sacred chair in 
the position which Gr^ory VI L had formerly pre- 
pared for the monarchy. An astute statesman would 
have profited by the opportunity to recover the in- 

^ The age of Gr^ory VII. and of the Crosades was productive of 
monastic orders. Bruno of Cologne, Canon of Rheims, founded the 
Carthusians (Chartreuse near Grenoble, 10S4). Norbert founded the 
Praemonstratensians (Premontr^ near Laon) about 1120; Berthold, a 
Calabrian, the Carmelites on Mount Carmel, about 11 56. — Orders of 
chivalry: the Kn^hts of S. John were founded by merchants of 
Amalfi, and obtained ratifioition from Paschalis II. in 11 15. The 
Templars, founded about 11 18, were ratified by Honorius II. The 
German knights were founded about 119a 


vestiture, which Lothar had permitted the German 
bishops to reduce even below the limits established 
by the articles of Worms. The King did not, how- 
ever, accept the traditions of the Prankish house, 
which was hostile to him ; he would not venture on 
any quarrel with the hierarchy. On the contrary, he 
promised to conduct the Pope to Rome. Innocent 
in return promised him the title of the imperial 
power.i In the Council held at Rheims in October, 
he received the recognition of England and Spain, 
and here Anaclete was solemnly excommunicated. 
Not without murmurs, the churches of Prance pro- 
vided the impecunious Pope with means for his 
return, and he journeyed to Lombardy in the spring 
of 1 132. Almost all the bishops and nobles of this 
province acknowledged him at the Council of 
Piacenza on April la Milan, however, refused its 
recognition. But the approach of Lothar, who, 
coming from Augsburg, reached the Lake of Garda 
in September 1132, forced the rival King Conrad to 
leave Lombardy, where he found himself quickly 
abandoned. Lothar's army was insignificant in 
numbers; he was accompanied by Saxon bishops 
and nobles.^ Innocent awaited him at Piacenza, 
and advanced with him along the Via Emilia into 
Bolognese territory in November. The Pope went 
thence to Pisa, reconciled this city with Genoa, and 

^ Pienitvdinem imperii in eadem Romana civitate^ sicut decebat^ 
offerens, Dodechin in Pistorius, A. 1 131. 

' Wilhelm Bemhardi, Lothar von Supplinburg^ Leipzig, 1879, 
p. 436 if., where the expedition to Rome is depicted with great care. 
See also Giesebrecht, iv. 4. 


induced the two republics to lend him their fleets for 
the subjugation of Rome. In the following spring 
Lothar Lothar and Innocent advanced from Viterbo to 
innoowit Horta and Farfa, while the Pisans and Genoese 
Rome in co^^quered Civita Vecchia and subjugated the entire 
"33' Maritima,! 

Ambassadors from Anaclete had already gone to 
the King at Viterbo, to demand that an impartial 
Synod should pronounce the validity of election of 
one or other pope. The German princes well under- 
stood the justice of the demand, and the advantage 
which the post of umpire offered the King. Neither 
could Lothar have forgotten that his Salic pre- 
decessors had first cited rival p<^s before a Council 
at Sutri, and, after judgment had been pronounced, 
had escorted the pope in whose favour it had 
been given to Rome. But Norbert, Archbishop of 
Magdebui^, and the cardinals with him, quenched the 
scruples of the King, by appealing to the decrees of 
Rheims and Piacenza. The perplexed Lothar yielded 
to their representations and threw away an oppor- 
tunity which might have invested him with formidable 
power against the Church.* Anaclete found himself 
in no slight danger; his only ally was unable to 

^ Pisani et Januenses — c%im naoali txercitu Romam venienies^ 
CnntaUm veterem^ Turrim de Puherejo, et totam Mamteratam eidem 
Pont, mbjugarunt. Card. Aiagon., p. 435. The tota suits the tittle 
locality of the Marmorata, which is the name actually given in the 
original Codex, Vat, 1437, so ill that I correct to Maritimam, 
Puher^o or Putverea^ corrupted perhaps from S, Severe^ or Pcdoi 
Civitas veius, also vetu/a {R$g, Fatfa, 1098, A. 1084) as early as 
1072 : civitas Veccla (Reg, Farfa^ n. 1097]. 

* Vita S, Norhtrti (Mon, Germ,, xii. 70} and Lothar's Encyclica, 
Mansi, xxi 483 ; Afon, Germ,, iv. 81 ; Pagi, ad A, Ii33i n. vii. 


render him any assistance ; the ally himself being 
sore harassed by a successful revolt in Apulia, where 
Robert of Capua, Rainulf of Alife, and several other 
barons stood in arms and strengthened the party of 
Innocent. In such circumstances Anaclete seemed 
lost ; he was, however, saved by the fact that he held 
nearly all the fortresses of the city and by the 
insignificant number of the hostile army. In fact, 
Lothar had appeared in Italy with so scanty a force 
that the cities had jeered at him, and the retinue 
which accompanied him to Rome consisted merely 
of 2000 horse.^ 

At the end of April he encamped near S. Agnese 
outside the Nomentan Gate ; some Roman nobles 
immediately appeared to do homage. They were 
former adherents of Innocent, or betrayers of 
Anaclete, the Frangipani, Theobald, Prefect of the 
city, and Peter Latro of the family of the Corsi.^ 
Lothar entered the city unopposed on April 30, 1 133 ; 
he conducted Innocent to the Lateran, made his own 
dwelling on the Aventine, which had not given 
shelter to any emperor since the time of Otto III., 

^ Faico, A. 1 1 33* In manu nan magna — tantillum exerdium^ 
nys S. Bernard, Ep. 139. 

* ApudEeeL S, Agnetis eastrametaii sunt, Oecurrentibus autem ei 
Theobaldo UrOs pragficto, ac Petro Latnmis cum a/Us nobili&us : Card. 
Aiagon. p. 435. Hugo was consequently dead, or had retired from 
office. The Fifa of Norbert : casira primum in monte Latranum— 
eoUocamt : this must have been a hill outside the Porta Nomentana, 
perhaps where the Mans Sacer is now sought. Besides this, I only 
know a Fossa Latroms near S. Paul's, where the army encamped, not 
at first, but afterwards. Afterwards : in mante Aventino castrametati 
fuimusy says Lothar in his encyeUcal, which reveals the continued 
negotiations with Anaclete. 


and caused his troops to pitch their tents beside 
S. Paul's. Meanwhile the Pisan vessels made their 
way up the Tiber. Innocent was nevertheless de- 
ceived in the hope of overcoming the schism, for 
Anaclete, who found himself condemned without 
having been judged, refused to surrender his fortresses, 
and Lothar's Curia consequently placed him under 
the ban as an enemy to the empire. Meanwhile, 
safe behind the Tiber in S. Angelo, he could laugh 
at the feeble attacks of the enemy, and afford to 
despise them, since the Grerman king, contrary to the 
ritual, was obliged to take the imperial crown in the 
Lothar Lateran. The festal procession on this occasion 
Emperor, was Only able to move between the Aventine and 
June 4, i^g Lateran ; the solemn reception could only be 
held on the Lateran steps ; the customary oath could 
only be tendered outside the doors of this basilica. 
Innocent II. crowned Lothar and his wifeRichenza 
on June 4, 11 33, with a limited display of pomp, in 
presence of many bishops and nobles of Italy.^ The 
new Emperor made some feeble attempts to continue 
the quarrel for investitures ; but his peace with the 
Church was strengfthened by a treaty concerning the 

^ //. Nonas JunU^ according to Cardinal Aiagon. The banquet 
took place on the Aventine, probably in Otto's palace beside 
S. Bonifmo. The Chronicle of Reichersberg is therefore wrong when 
it says of Lothar and Richenza : orcUmUi sunt ab Innocentio P, in eccL 
S, Bonifacii. The procession set forth thence. The oath taken in 
the presence of Cendus Frangipane, his nephew Otto, and others is 
given from Cendus, in Baron., A. 1133, a. ii., and Theiner, Cod. 
Dipi,^ L n. xiv. In token of gratitude, Innocent had the scene of the 
coronation painted in the Lateran, and furnished with the bold lines : — 
Rex sietit ante fores jurans prius urbis honoreSy 
Post homo fit Papa^ sumit quo dante coronam. 


allodial lands of Matilda. For Innocent invested 
Lothar and his son-in-law Henry of Bavaria, a 
member of the house of Guelf, with these lands 
for life.i 

Such were the mes^e results of the Roman expedi- 
tion. In vain Robert and Rainulf appeared to de- 
mand help against Roger, whom they had only 
succeeded in driving back to Sicily. Want of means 
forced the Emperor to return to the North, and 
after the withdrawal of the Germans in the middle 
of June, Innocent and Anaclete recognised that their 
position was virtually the same as before. 

Roger's landing and victories in Apulia strength- innocent 
ened the cause of Anaclete. Innocent fled from ali^^m 
Rome in August, and for the second time Pisa^<>"*«»^ 
accorded him a hospitable reception, since this 1133. 
commercial city watched with jealousy the growing 
maritime power of Sicily, and like Genoa remained 
hostile to the Norman monarchy.' Time passed 
without anything decisive taking place. , Rome, 
ruled by the nobles with absolute independence, 
was chiefly in favour of Anaclete, but the Council 
of Pisa in May 1135 ratified Innocent's election, 
and even Milan renounced his rival. The peaceful 

^ The Pactum is given from Cencius in Mansi, xxi 392. Thelner, 
Cod^ Dipiam», i. n. xiii., d€U, LeUerani VI, Id, Junii, The Pope 
received the yearly rent of 100 pounds of silver. 

* It was customary at this time to say of the popes : pulsus ab Urbe^ 
ah Orbe excipitur, Bernard wrote to the Pisans in congratulation : 
Assumitur Pisa in locum Roma; et de cuncHs nobilibus terra ad 
Apostolica sedis culmen eligitur — Tyranni siculi maliiia Pisana 
constarUia non cedit (£p. 130). See also Trond, Annali di Pisa for 
this year. 

VOL. IV. 2 F 


conquest of this Lombard city was Bernard's work 
and his most brilliant triumph. The reception here 
prepared for him is one of the most remarkable 
spectacles of the age, showing as it does the im- 
measurable power which religious ideas then exer- 
cised upon the world. The sainted diplomat was 
received by the entire populace a mile outside the 
city. The crowd kissed his feet, tore the threads 
from his tunic, stifled him with caresses.^ The 
Anaciete whole of Italy north of the Tiber acknowledged 
holds Innocent II. ; Rome, the Campagna, and South Italy 
alone upheld Anaciete. Not until the power of 
Roger was shattered was there any hope of removing 
the anti-pope, who still held his own against the 
Frangipani in the city. The founder of the Sicilian 
monarchy had suppressed the revolt in Apulia with 
barbarous energy. Robert of Capua, driven from his 
own territories, fled to Pisa, and induced the republic 
to equip a fleet against Roger. A short war proved 
indecisive. The Pisans, it is true, overcame their 
former rival Amalfi as early as 1136, and destroyed 
for ever the remains of the prosperity of this cele- 
brated commercial city. Robert, however, was 
obliged to return unsuccessful to Innocent with his 
fleet laden with spoils. Anaciete now appointed 
King Roger Advocate of the Church and Patricius 
of the Romans, and in his distress conceded him 

^ Vita S, Bemardi^ lib. iL c a. No miracle was beyond the 
power of a saint who had ezoommunicated a swarm of flies in a 
church so successfully that they all dropped down dead. Muscas 
dedicationi ecclesia (Fusniaatm) moleslas excammuHtcavit, et omnes 
extincta sunt (i. c. zi). 


rights which were dangerous to the independence 
of the Papacy.^ 

Innocent II., on the other hand, saw his only 
prospect of salvation in another visit of the Emperor, 
and Lothar was foolish enough to serve ends which 
were not his own. The last Duke of Capua hastened 
to Germany with the papal legates to summon the 
Emperor against the common enemy, who now 
energetically laid siege to Naples itself. The 
entreaties of the Pope and of the Apulian princes 
were strengthened by the exhortations of Bernard, 
who represented to Lothar that it was his duty to 
wrest South Italy from a usurper and to reunite the 
province with the empire.* The claims of the 
empire over Apulia and Calabria were thus recog- 
nised by the Church when it suited her, and were 
denied when she found it profitable to deny them. 
It was resolved to undertake a war of annihilation 
against the Sicilian monarchy, and Roger had not 
power to resist this terrible league of Emperor and 
Pope, the Pisans, the Genoese, and the dynasty of 
Apulia. Lothar, now reconciled to the Hohen- Lothar's 
staufens, was able to lead a large army across the j^^^ 

to Rome, 
* Imtenta sun/ prwiUgia (in Roger's camp), in qtUbus Peirus 1137, 

Leonis ipsam Roniam et ab inde usque Siciliam totam ei terram 

concesserat, et advocaium Rom. Ecc»y ei Patricium Romanorum et 

Regem ilium statuerat. Cod, Udair,^ n. 360. In Jafr<$, n. 5972, from 

Florez, EspaHa Sagrada^ yltu 550, Anaclete's letter written from the 

Lateran, April 22, x 134, in which he says that Innocent had fled to 

Pisa by night after Lothar's departure, and that with Roger's help 

he was preparing to exterminate illos perjuros nostros^ Leo Fraia- 

panem, &c. 

' Est Casaris propriam vendicare coronam ab usurpatore Siculo, 

S. Bernard, Ep. 139. 


Alps in September. Some Lombard cities now felt 
the edge of his sword, others were terrified into 
all^iance. He advanced along the coast through 
the marches to Apulia in the spring of 1137, while 
his son-in-law Henry proceeded by Florence to 
Viterbo. These two armies, besi^ing or destroying 
cities, forcing their way by fire and sword, resembled 
(like all such processions to Rome) streams of lava, 
which ran crackling over Italy, only quickly to grow 
cold. Henry the Proud, now also titular Duke of 
Tuscany, conducted Innocent by Sutri to Latium, 
invariably laying waste such districts as recog- 
nised Anaclete.^ But with surprise the anti-pope 
watched, from the battlements of S. Angelo, the 
threatening hosts pass by ; his rival, returning after 
a four years' exile, could not delay to overcome the 
diflSculties which the city presented ; he merely 
s. Bernard sent the Abbot Bernard to conquer it by his pious 
ome. eloquence, and himself proceeded with Duke Henry 
past Albano through Latium, which he subjugated, 
and onwards to S. Germano and Benevento, reach- 
ing the southern city on May 23.* After a brief 

^ This gave occasion to disputes between Henry and the Pope, as, 
for example, on account of Viterbo, which held partly to Innocent, 
partly to Anaclete. Sutri, the former residence of Wibert and of 
Burdinus, was in fieivour of Anaclete. Annal, Saxo^ p. 773, in which 
Roman Tuscany is called Romania, and distinguished from Campania. 
See, on these relations, W. Bemhardi, Lotkar^ &c., p. 692 £ 

* Otto of Freising, Chr., vii. 19 : apud Albam stiburbia dvitatis 
sibiresisteremtentu^anieexpugnaverai, i.e., Henricusdux, — Rotnam 
quidem ingredi noluit, ne in Romanor. negotHs impediretur : Falco, 
p. 12a The account of Falco, who was at the time returning to 
Benevento after a three years' exile, deserves to be read. Innocent 
was again prevented by fear from entering Benevento. It was 


resistance Benevento yielded ; Capua also received 
its legitimate ruler, and Henry, Innocent, and 
Lothar could joyfully clasp hands in blood-stained 

In vain Roger offered peace ; his overtures were 
rejected, and, since Pisan and Genoese vessels sup- 
ported the army on land, he was unable to prevent the 
fall of almost all the cities of Apulia, He escaped Lothar 
to Sicily, and Lothar's triumphs served to extend Roger out 
the imperial power for the first time over the whole ^f Apulia. 
of Southern Italy. Robert was restored in Capua, 
Rainulf was made Duke of Apulia, and Sergius again 
breathed freely in Naples. Nevertheless, since the 
German emperors speedily turned homewards and 
left no garrison behind, their most triumphant 
successes in Italy were necessarily transient ; the 
profits of their exertions were generally reaped by 
the shrewd popes, as whose armed advocates the 
emperors consented to be employed. The valiant 
German army impatiently clamoured to return home, 
and loudly and frequently denounced the Pope, 
whose selfishness had been the cause of this fatal 
war. Lothar had done enough for Innocent, and in 
Apulia and Salerno (over which the Pope claimed 
exclusive feudal supremacy) had already discovered 
that no thanks were to be gained, and that the Pope 
would merely make use of him as of an obliging 

probably at this time that the Counts of Ceccano yielded allegiance. 
Count John tendered the oath of vassalage to the Pope [fecit et ligium 
hominium) and received investiture by a chalice {cuppa argentea 
deauratd). The remarkable deed of investiture is given in the History 
of the Frangipani by Panvinius, p. 217 ; but is absent firom the Codex 
Diplom, of Theiner. 


general.^ The thought of Roger alone prevented 
the breach, but as early as September the Emperor 
moved to Farfa by way of Monte Casino, Ceprano, 
Palestrina, and TivolL He did not enter Rome. 
The imperial party, however, had already brought 
him the insignia of the patriciate to San Germano, 
and the most powerful nobleman in Latium, Ptolemy 
of Tusculum, had done homage to him and the Pope. 
In return Ptolemy was acknowledged as a prince 
of the empire and obtained the ratification of his 
Lothar's possessions. The Emperor left the Pope to his fate 
A^'uJ"^"' and continued his march to the north.* 

Scarcely had he departed when King Roger 
returned from Sicily, burning for revenge ; his 
Saracen soldiers fell on Apulia and Calabria and 
committed horrible destruction. Capua, Benevento, 
Salerno, Naples, several fortresses, surrendered in the 
first panic. Robert of Capua fled ; Sergius of Naples 
tendered the oath of vassalage. The heroic Rainulf 
alone resisted for some time with courage and success, 
but in spite of his splendid victory at Ragnano, on 

^ The Emperor and Pope remained thirty days in dispute concerning 
the investiture of Apulia ; finally, the former holding the banner by 
the staff, the latter by the top, handed it to Rainulf ; a scene which 
was unworthy of the Emperor. Falco, A. 1137, p. 122; Romuald, 
p. 189 ; Otto of Freising, Chr,^ viL 2a 

' Ipse in cvoUate (.S. Germant) coronam ctrcuii pahicialis accepturm 
remansii, Petr. Diacon., iv. c 119. Rex Lotharius — ab ingressu 
abstifiuit urdis JRoma, quia duarum ck sede Apost, coniendentium 
prelia et seditioties nequivii c&mpescere : Sigeb., Ccntin, GembLyOdA, 
1 137. Innocent was in Tivoli on October 3 ; he then accompanied 
Lothar to Farfiei : post kec data et accepta hofiwrijice ab imperatore et 
principibus iicentia^ papa remeamt in sua {Anna/, Saxo, A. 1137, 

P- 775). 


October 30, he was able to retain nothing more 
of his dukedom than a few fortified towns. The 
Emperor's glorious campaign consequently passed 
by like a hurricane ; the victories so dearly bought 
proved to have been all in vain. They merely 
served to adorn Lothar's noble old age with fresh 
but unprofitable laurels. The Emperor, esteemed 
by friend and foe on account of his gentleness, 
wisdom, and valour, brought, like so many of his 
German predecessors and successors, the seeds of 
death back with him from Italy, and died in an Death 

of ih^ 

Alpine hut in the Tyrol on December 3, 11 37. Emperor 

Dec. 3, 


3. Innocent II. returns to Rome — Death of Anaclete 
II. — ^Victor IV. Anti-Pope — Rome submits to 
Innocent II. — The Cistercian Monastery ad 
Aquas Salvias — Lateran Council in 1139 — 
Innocent II. makes War against Roger I. — He 
IS MADE Prisoner, and recognises the Sicilian 
Monarchy — Peaceful activity of the Pope in 
Rome — ^War between the Romans and Tivoli 
— Innocent takes Tivoli under his protection 
— The Romans rise, and install the Senate on 
THE Capitol — Death of Innocent II. 

Owing to Bernard's influence Innocent found 
Rome inclined in his favour. Anaclete, it is true, 
still held S. Peter's and S. Angelo, but his party 
waned in strength. Roger alone refused to recognise 
Innocent II. The shrewd prince accepted the 
position which Lothar had declined; and in order 
to turn to his own advantage the schism, which he 


alone upheld, constituted himself judge over the two 
popes. He listened with patience to Bernard's 
exhortations in Salerno, and allowed the excited 
cardinals of both sides to dispute for whole days in 
Death of his presence, but withheld his decision. The death 
ii?f Tan? of Anaclete, however, released Innocent from his 
25, "38- perplexity. The son of Pierleone died on January 
25, 1 138, after having courageously filled S. Peter's 
chair for nearly eight years and having bravely re- 
sisted two expeditions against Rome, the last of 
which had been one of the most splendid triumphs 
of the German emperors. The Bemardines rejoiced 
at his death ; but during a pontificate passed in the 
midst of terror and distress, not a single unprejudiced 
voice accuses this man, who, though uncanonically 
elected was originally entitled to the chair, of such 
sins as dishonoured many a lawful pope.^ 

Anaclete's party now hastened to entreat Rcger 
to give them another pope, and, with the sanction of 
the King, they put forward Cardinal Gregory as 
Victor IV. in March. The schism, however, had no 

^ His memory is preserved in Rome by an inscription in S. Lorenzo 
in Ludna; A,D, M,CXXX, a, vero Dompni Amuleti Sedi Pape 
Prima Ind, VI I L M, Madio D»XX, quinta dedicata est hac 
Ecia, ... To his Bull, concerning the Capitol, I shall refer later. 
Another relating to the basilica of the twelve apostles, to which he 
ceded the church of S. Abbacjnrus, runs : dai, Roma ap, S. Petrumper 
man, Saxonis S. P. E. Prasbr. Card, et Cancellar. VllI, Kal, Maji 
in die octavo. A, d. Incam, M,CXXX, Pont, autem AnacUti 
Papa II, a, primo. This Bull, agned by seventeen cardinals, is in 
the Micr. Vatican, 5560 {History of the Basilica XII, Apostol, by 
Volateranus). The chui^ S. Abbacyrus or of SS, Ciro abate e 
Giovanni stood under Magnanapoli, and was also called S. Pacera. 
AdinoUi, Roma n, e, di Maso, iL 3i« 


longer any solid foundation. It merely served the 
Romans as a means of obtaining more fi^ourable 
conditions of peace, and S. Bernard was able to lead 
the cardinal, a repentant sinner, to the feet of his 
prot^gi. Anaclete's brothers, like all other Romans, 
silenced by large sums of money, acknowledged innocent 
Innocent II. as their Pope and ruler at Whitsuntide.* nised^in^ 
A lasting peace was concluded with the family of ^^""^ 
the Pierleoni; they retained their power at the 
papal court, and Innocent even distinguished them 
by honours and offices.* Bernard could now leave 
Rome with a mind at ease ; the conquest of the 
Pierleone schism (the rabies leonina), and the restora- 
tion of the unity of the Church were in great meas- 
ure his work, and his devoted admirers called him, 
like Cicero, the Father of his country. The once 
celebrated and formerly wealthy monastery ad Aquas 
Salvias^ behind S. Paul's, may be regarded as a 
monument of the saint in Rome ; since, after it had 
remained in ruin a considerable time, Innocent II. re- 

^ In octams PenUcosies ipsa die complevit Deus desiderium nostrum : 
Ecclesia unitatem, et urbi dando pacem. Nam ilia die filU Petri 
Leonis omnes simul humiliaverunt se ad pedes D, Papa, &c. S. Bern. 
Ep. 320. Vita S, Bern,, ii. c. 7. Falco, p. 125 : fratres Anacleti-^ 
cum D, Innoc, Papa pads Jirmamentum composuerunt, Aragon, 
p. 436. Innoceniius autem immensa infilios Petri Leonis tt in his 
qui eis adharebant pecunia profligata iUos ad suam partem attraxit : 
Petr. Diacon., iv., last chapter. 

' In 1 142 Leo Pierleone and his son Peter were delegates of the 
Pope in Sutri, Ego Caccialupus Sutrine civ, dei gr, judex auctor. et 
precepio d» Leonis Petri Leonis et Petri fiUi efus civitatis Sutrine 
presidiSj a d, Innocentio II, P, dekgatorum, in quor, pres, pop, 
Sutrinus causa justitiam fadendi congregatus erat, . . . (Mittarelli, 
iii. n. 257). The office of the delegates is here apparent ; the dele- 
gates were, however, at this time Roman nobles, not Monsignori. 


built the monastery and installed within it Cistercians 
from Clairvaux, under the Abbot Bernard of Pisa, 
a pupil of the great mystic.^ Soon afterwards the 
Cistercians settled in the Latin Campagna, where 
they took possession of the convent of CasamarL* 
Lateran During the Lent of 1 1 39 a Lateran Council solemnly 
1139?" announced the end of the schism ; Anaclete's acts 
were annulled, Roger was again excommunicated, 
and the doctrines of Arnold of Brescia (a than who 
was soon to make his appearance in Rome) were 
condemned.* Meanwhile the peace of the Church 

^ VitaS. Bemh,^ ii, c. 7. Manrique, Annal, Cisterc,, A. 1 140, 
c. viii. A more recent inscription on the portico of the convent 
church calls Innocent II. ex Famiiia Anicia Papia ei Paparesca 
nunc Matthaia. The Anicii are the fixed idea of Roman families. 
Charles the Great is represented as having presented twelve Tuscan 
towns to the abbey ; we may read their names under their obliterated 
portraits at the entrance. That this was no fiction is shown, with 
reference, at least, to Portercole, by Ag. Chigi's biography of the later 
Pope, Alexander VII. (Cugnoni, Agostmo Chigi U Magmfico^ Rome, 
1878, p. 39), wherein we learn that Portercole and the surrounding 
country belonged to the monastery of S. Anastasio ; in 1286 the 
convent invested Count Ildebrandino with the harbour, of which 
Siena had then seized possession. The towns of Nemi and Genzano 
belonged to the monastery as late as the fourteenth century (Extracts 
from the register of S. Anastasio in the Arch, d, Soc, Romana^ vol. i.). 
Ughelli, formerly abbot of this monastery, author of liaiia Sacra^ is 
buried here. 

* This monastery, afterwards celebrated for its Gothic church, was 
founded by Verulans about 1036, according to tradition, on property 
which had belonged to C. Marius (consequently Casa Marit), It 
received Cistercians from Clairvaux. Rondinini, Brevis Histcria 
Monaiterii S, Maria et Sanctor, Johis et Pcudide Casamario, 1707. 

' Otto of Freisingy CAr., vii. c 23. Among the decrees of the 
Council (Mansi, xxL 523) the prohibition of the clergy : leges iemporaks^ 
et medicinam gracia lucri UmponUis addiscere ; the inviolability of the 
clergy through lay hands ; the prohibition of the tournaments which 


remained incomplete so long as it was unratified by 
the powerful King of Sicily. No other enemy was left 
to trouble Innocent save this astute prince, against 
whose obstinacy all n^otiations were shattered. In 
order to extort the recognition of his monarchy from 
the Pope he still held his sword over Rome; the 
hope that a last reaction would ruin his kingdom 
was dissolved, for Duke Rainulf, one of the most 
prominent men of the time and the King's only rival 
of equal birth, died suddenly in Troja, on April 
30> II39« As Roger immediately threw himself on 
Rainulfs cities, all of which, even Troja and Bari, 
surrendered, Innocent resolved on war. He collected 
an army, many Romans of position took service^ 
and, accompanied by the exile Robert of Capua, he 
marched to S. Germano, to venture, more thoughtless 
than Leo IX. and Honorius II., on an unequal innocent 
struggle. The repetition of the same fate is a"^™^^^ 
remarkable feature in the history of the popes, whose Roger, 
temporal enterprises were so justly punished.* From 
S. Germano the Pope held negotiations with Roger, 
who refused to restore the princes of Capua. The 
King determined to put an end to the tedious 
discussion by a daring stroke, as Henry V. had 

were beginning : detestabiUs auiem ilias nundinas vdferias^ in quibus 
miliies e condicto canvemre solent^ ei ad ostentaiiotum virium suarum 
€t ttudacia temeraria amgreditiniur^ unde morUs hominum . . . 
(n. xiv.). Christian burial was refused to the killed in tournament 
(Council at Rheims in 1157, Ctman iv.)* 

^ Muratori justly says with regard to this : a ati (Innocensu)) e agii 
altri suoi succ$ssori rtolU Dio dare un nuaw ricordo di quel versttto 
del Salmo : Hi in curribus et in equis : nos auiem in nomine Dei 
nostri invocavimus^ 


previously done. While the papal troops laid siege 
to Galuzzo, he ordered his son Roger with a thousand 
horse to lie in ambush for Innocent The under- 
andis taking was quickly and successfully accomplished. 
J^nCT. After a wild scene of pillage, flight, and imprison- 
ment, the Pope, his chancellor Haimerich, and many 
Roman nobles and cardinals were led to Roger's 
tent. Robert of Capua was only saved by the 
fleetness of his horse.^ The King and his sons, with 
true Norman humility, threw themselves at the feet 
of their prisoner; they smilingly implored mercy 
and peace, and, after a brief struggle between 
reluctant shame and eloquent fear, the Pope 
released Roger from the ban; at Mignano on 
He July 25, 1 1 39, he ratified "the illustrious and cele- 

rerognises |j,^|.gj King " and his heirs in the possession of the 
the two^ °^ kingdom of Sicily and of all the lands which they 
Sicilies, had couquered, with the exception of Benevento.* 
11^^^' Thus were Lothar's costly exertions, which had 
aimed at the annihilation of this kingdom, denounced 
by the Pope as folly. The only act of Anaclete 

^ The Chronicle of Fossa Nova also mentions the Prefect : tunc 
Papa et prafecius^ et Dux Robertus cum multis venientes apud S. 
Germanum — €t facta est redemptio tacenda, Teobaldus is again 
mentioned as Prefect on April 4, 1 139, in a document wherein the 
Abbot of S. Gr^orio cites Oddo de Poli before the Lateran Comidl 
(Mansi, xxi. 542). There, too, the son of the well-known Prefect 
of Paschalis's time appears : Oddo misit ad dom. Papam Petrum de 
Aniegia, et Petrum Petri prafectifilium. 

' Falco ; according to him the Pope was taken X» die stante m. 
Ju/ii, therefore by his reckoning July 22 ; the Bull of Investiture 
•* Quos dispensatio " is dated IV, Kal, Aug, (Mansi, xxi. 396). Con- 
cerning these events, see W. Bembardi, Jahrb, der deutsck, Gesch, 
KonradllL^ i. 151 ff. 


which he recognised was the foundation of the 
Sicilian monarchy. In vain the last I^itimate 
Duke of Capua protested ; his beautiful principality 
fell to Roger's son Anfusus. Roger, the successor 
to the throne, was invested with Apulia, and after 
the ancient Byzantine duchy of Naples had sur- 
rendered, an enterprising prince, who shrunk from 
no crime, ruled over the finest provinces of Italy, 
which he united, for the first time since Gothic days, 
in one kingdom.* The foundation of this kingdom 
produced a profound sensation in the world; the 
destruction, accomplished with so much artifice and 
energy, of states which had formerly been inde- 
pendent, gave rise to suspicions of further designs 
on the part of the usurper. Foreign countries 
greeted the victorious robber with the wish that 
** unhappy Tuscany " might share the good fortune 
of being united to the Sicilian monarchy.^ Through- 

^ The documents of the Manum, Regit NeapoL Archivii reckon 
even to the last, according to the era of the Byzantine emperors. 
The last Duke of Naples fell at Ragnano as Roger's vassal in 1137. 
In August 1 1 39 the Neapolitan envoys came to Benevento to make 
submission to Roger. Falco, A. 11 39. Roger had measurements 
taken of the circumference of Naples ; the city was 2363 paces in 
circumference (Falco, p. 132). Aiter 1062 Gseta remained subject to 
Capua, although it had its own dukes down to Riccardus Bartolomei 
about 1 135, when Roger's son Anfusus became duke. 

' Utinam, in^uam, miserabilis aique infelicis Tuscia partes felici 
vestro imperio cum adjacenlibus prcvinciis adjungerentur^ et res 
perditissinuB pacifico regni vesiri carport unirentttr ; the language of 
to-day. Thus wrote to Roger the Abbot Peter of Cluny (Baron., A. 
1 139, n. 20), indignant at being plundered by robbers near Luni, 
when returning from the Council of Pisa in t 134. Roger acquired the 
favour of the French religious orders, and even of Bernard, by bringmg 
Cistercians to Sicily. 


out the rest of Italy, however, no voice was heard 
expressing the desire for union with the government 
of a despot If the existence of the Roman ecclesi- 
astical State could ever have been a benefit to Italy 
and her free cities, it was so now, when it acted as 
a bulwark against the lust of conquest of the 
Norman kings. Italy, however, presented the curious 
spectacle of a harsh political contradiction. While, 
after the fall of the ancient maritime republics of 
Amalfi, Gseta, Naples, Salerno, and Sorrento, the 
South fell a sacrifice for ever to the tyranny of a 
feudal monarchy, the city republics in the North 
(the ties which bound them to the empire having 
fortunately been severed) rose to their full vigour 
and bestowed a second civilisation and a second 
immortality upon Italy. 

Innocent left Benevento on September 29 for 
Rome, and here, as formerly Leo IX., was received 
with honour, but at the same time with bitter 
criticism. Demands were also made urging him to 
set aside the treaty which Roger had extorted from 
him, but the circumspect Pope comforted himself 
with the thought that it had pleased God that the 
Church should buy this peace through the papal 
disgrace.^ Neither did he issue from this humilia- 
tion without advantage, since Sicily henceforward 
acknowledged herself a fief not of the Emperor but 
of the Pope, to whom the rights of the empire had 

^ It was naturally the cardinals who whispered to this effect, 
although Faico says it of the Roman people. Benevento had long 
been administered through cardinals; thus arose the office of the 
cardinal-l^;ates as governors. 


been transferred in his one-sided peace with the 

Innocent II., protected by Roger I., now occupied 
himself with the concerns of the city. He strove 
to restore the relations of property, to secure the 
administration of justice, to maintain the peace of 
God, in short, to be the beneficent ruler of Rome, 
where belief in the temporal power of the Pope had 
been forgotten during the schism.^ The solitary 
eulogy on Rome's happy condition was nevertheless 
either merely an expression of flattery, or it was 
soon enough reversed by events which introduced 
a new epoch into the history of the city with 
astonishing suddenness.^ The cause was a civic 

Little Tivoli, fired by the spirit of liberty and The town 
resistance, roused the ire of the Romans ; its bishop ^ 
had long enjoyed exemption from the jurisdiction 
of the count, and, as in Benevento, only a rector 
watched over the sovereign rights of the Pope in 
what was formerly a county. The Tivolese already 
possessed a tolerably free municipal constitution ; 
they even made war on their neighbours, more 

^ He fixed a salary of 100 pounds for judges and notaries. Card. 
Arag. , p. 436. The procedure follows the tzaditional forms. In 1 139 
Innocent presided in person at the trial of Oddo de Poll, a robber of 
convent property; the judges are bishops, cardinals, Theobald, 
Prefect of the city, Cencius, and Oddo Frajapana, Leo Petri Leonis 
with his brothers, and others (Mansi, xxi. 542). The monks in 
Grotta Ferrata presented a complaint against Ptolemy of Tusculum, 
who had seized several of their estates, February 23, December 24, 
1140. Studi e Doc. di Storiae DirittOy Roma, 1886, p. 13. 

' Rome's happy condition : post muUifarias egestcUes in brevi 
civUas opuknta refloret ... is extolled in the VUaS. Bern,, ii. c. 7. 


especially on the Abbot of Subiaco, and it is scarcely 
probable that they always acted under the authority 
of their bishop.^ During the struggle for inves- 
titures we saw the town take the part of the anti- 
popes; Paschalis II. had with difficulty reduced it 
to subjection, Innocent II. had apparently snatched 
it from Anaclete by means of Lothar's forces, but it 
soon again revolted. As the sons of Roger marched 
against the Abruzzi in 1140, and subjugated the 
frontier towns on the Liris, the Tivolese fortified 
their town to defend it against a sudden attack.^ 
Innocent, however, was reassured by Roger, whose 
sons did not cross the boundary. But Tivoli found 
itself at strife with the Pope as early as 11 39, soon 
after in open revolt against him, and at war with 

^ TibuT was still called a county ; a John Stephani, Tihurtinus 
comes, appears in an act of Christian of Mainz, legate of Italy, Siena, 
March 19, 1 1 72 (Bohmer, Acta Imp, Sel, 889). An inscription of 
1 140 speaks of publica contio regionum and of the Pop, Tidurtinus, 
A treaty of commerce between Gseta and Marinus of Circeum of the 
year 1132 shows the autonomy of the country towns in Roman 
territory ; Marinus here pledges himself : cum Terradnensibus pacem et 
treguam nonfacitmus situ vestra liccnita, et si <iUquando vos GcUani 
guerrcun cum Terracin, kadueritis, adjuvabimus vos — cum armis, 
equis et personis nostris. No mention is made of the Pope. Giorgi, 
De Cathedra EpiscopcUi Setia Civitaiis, Rome, 1727, App. v. 

' Chr, Fossa Nova : Ind, III, venit rex Sicilia, et JUii ejus m, 
Julio ceperunt Soram^ Arcem et usque Ceperanum. Two inscriptions 
from S. Angelo in Valle Arcese, now affixed to the wall of the atrium 
of S. Maria in Cosmedin, refer to this. The first : Regis itaque Siculi 
Rogeriipotestas immoderate crescens, . . . Tiburtinus cUprendens PP, 
ipopulus) valde timuit, Et munire infirmioraloca civitatis, &c., &c. 
The second, in which Tebaldus Rector appears, is dated Anno Dni. 
MCXL. Anne XL Papatus Dm, Innocentii Sedi PP, M, Aug, D. 
Till, Crescimbeni, Storia di S, M, in Cosmedin, pp. 48 and 54 ; 
Viola, Storia di Tivoli, u, 160. 

X . 


Rome.i The causes of this war are unknown ; the Disastrous 
Pope may perhaps have desired to place a Roman Romans 
garrison in Tivoli ; he undoubtedly contemplated ^^^.^7*^°"' 
curbing its aspirations towards civic freedom, as he 
intended curbing the like aspirations in Rome and 
in all the cities in the ecclesiastical State. 

The civic wars in Lombardy and Tuscany were 
now repeated in Rome. It redounded, however, little 
to the honour of the capital of the world to find 
herself at strife with insignificant Latin towns, as in 
her childhood during the days of Coriolanus and 
the Decii ; and it was a serious disgrace to suffer a 
defeat from the Tivolese, The besieged were pro- 
tected by the strong position of the town, situated 
over the gorge of the Anio ; a courageous attack on 
the Roman camp drove the illustrious consuls, who 
had written such haughty letters to the Emperor, 
to flight. The Roman militia were thrust back to 
the walls of the city by the burghers of Tivoli,^ 
Ashamed and burning with indignation, the Romans 
returned the following year under the command of 
the Prefect Theobald, and Innocent himself en- 

^ The war with Tivoli b^an as early as 1 140 ; this is shown by the 
placitum concerning Oddo de Poli (Mansi, xxi. 542}, the close of 
which says : Sed quia inter donu Papam ac Tiburtinos controversia 

' That the course of the Anio was diverted at this time, and that 
the river was made to flow beside the Roman camp, is a civic legend, 
which is improved by Viola. Italian chronicles fail the historian, 
and Rome is obliged to rely on a German bishop for information 
concerning events so remarkable. Otto of Freising, Chroti,^ vii. c. 
27 : dum cum pontifice sua in obsidione prof, civitatis nwrarentur^ 
cimbus egressis^ et cum ipsis manum conserentibus, muHis amissis 
spoliis^ turpiter infugam conversi sunt, 

VOL. IV. 2 G 


couraged their eflforts against the rebellious strong- 
hold.i Enclosed and attacked on every side, the 
Tivolese at length surrendered, not to the Romans, 
Tivoii but to the Pope, as they had formerly surrendered 
to the ^^ to Sylvester II. The incidents of Otto III/s time 
Pope. were repeated. We still possess the instrument of 
peace, in which the citizens of Tivoii swore to keep 
faith to S. Peter and to the canonical popes : neither 
by counsel or deed to aid in depriving the Pope of 
life, limbs, or freedom; to reveal any evil designs 
against him; to keep secret the contents of his 
embassies ; to help him in upholding the Papacy in 
Rome, in the town of Tivoii and its domains, the 
fortress at the Pons Lucanus, the fortress of Vico- 
varo, S. Polus, Boveranum, Cantalupus, Burdellum, 
Cicilianum, and other royalties of S. Peter's ; lastly, 
to give the county and rectorate of Tivoii into the 
power of the Pope.^ 

The Romans, hearing of this treaty, were seized 
with fierce indignation ; the Pope had deprived 

' A Bull of Innocent II., dated May 19, i« Mon/e Tiburiim (Jaffe, 
n. 5853) : probably during the second siege. The Chronicle of Sicard 
(Murat., vii. 598) says rightly : A. dom, 1142 Jnnocentim — Tiburtwn 

* Juramentum Ttburtifiorum, unfortunately without date or signa- 
tures, from Cencius in Muratori, Atitiq, It,^ 6, 251 (not given by 
Theiner) : Ego Hie ab hoc hora in anteafidelis ero b. Peiro et dno nieo 
Pp, Innoc, ejusque successorib, canonice intraniib, Non ero in facto 
fteque in consilio out in consensu ut vitam perdant aut membrum vel 
capianiur mala captions, . . . Papatum romanum, civitatem Tibter- 
tinam, Donnicaturas (Domains) et regalia que romani pantificesy &c. 
The places mentioned in the text were tributary to the Curia. Comi- 
tatum quoque et rectoriam ejusdem civitatis tiburtine in potestate dni 
pp. Innccentiif et successor, ejus libere dimittam. The guarantee on 
the part of the Pope has not been preserved. 


them of a town which they themselves had con- 
quered, and which the Roman people claimed the 
right to govern ; he had even usurped the power of 
the count. They determined to avenge their defeat 
by the destruction of Tivoli. They urged Innocent The 
to carry out their resolve, but he refused. When, d«nand 
143 years earlier, Sylvester II. had rejected theJJ^^^J^"^ 
same demand of the Romans, the consequence had 
been a revolt, to which the imperial and papal 
powers had both fallen victims ; the result of Inno- 
cent's refusal was a still fiercer insurrection in Rome, 
to which the temporal rule of the popes fell a sacri- 
fice. At no period of our history do we regret the 
poverty of our authorities so deeply as here, where 
the question is one of such a memorable revolution. 
No Roman annalist has thrown any light upon the 
circumstances.^ But some historians casually men- 
tion that the Indignant Romans hastened to the 
Capitol, restored the long extinct Senate, and re- 
newed the war against Tivoli. They relate that the fwd rise ia 
Pope, afraid of losing the temporal power for good, tionf^* 
lavished threats, entreaties, and gold to quell the 
tumult, in the midst of which he was released by 

^ The Hishry of M, Casino breaks off at 1 138, the Chronuh of 
Faico at 1 140 ; Romuald and the ChromcU of Fossa Nova are silent. 

' Otto of Freising, vii. c. 27 : dum^tam inhumana pttitumi 
annuen nollet^ seditionem iidem Romani mwent — in Capitoiio 
conveniinieSf antiquam Urbis dignitatem rencvare cupientes^ ordintm 
senaiorum^ qm jam per mtdta curricula tetnporum deperierat^ con- 
stituuntf et rursus cum Tiburtinis bellum innovant, .Gottfried 
Pantheon (Murat., vii. 460) says the same in other words, and so do 
Hermanni AUcthensis Annalcs {Mm, Gertn,, xviL 381}, Card. 
Aragon : circa finem vero sui ponti/icatus Ftp, Fom, ncvitcUis 


Innocent II., who had spent half of his pontificate 
in exile, or, like a general, in military expeditions, 
saw the temporal government of S. Peter shattered ; 
the sceptre of Rome fell from his dying hand ; and 
Death of he passed away on September 24, 1 143, the victim 
II., Sept. of sorrow and excitement, while the hoary Capitol 
24i "43- re-echoed to the rejoicings of the republicans. 
With Innocent the Gregorian age of the city ended, 
and a new and memorable period dawned, the char- 
acter of which will be described in the following 

amator sttd vela/nento utilitatis RespublUa contra ipsius voluntatem 
in Capitolium Senatum erexit, Nothiog more. 

^ He was buried in the Lateran in amcha porphyretica^ qua fiUt 
Adriani Imperatoris sepuitura (Joh. Diacon.; Mabillon, Mus,^ ii. 
568). The basilica afterwards fell in and destroyed the monument, 
when Innocent's ashes were brought to S. Maria in Trastevere. The 
inscription there says : Hie Requiescttnt Vencrabilia Ossa Sanctissimcs 
Menwria Domini Innocentii Papa Secundi De Doino Paparescorum 
Qui Prasintem Ecclesiam Ad Hofiorem Dei Geniiricis Maria Sicut 
Est A. Fundamentis Sumptibus Propriis Renovavit, Galletti, 
Inscrp, Class,, n. 46, n. 47. In n. 43 an inscription from S. Thomas 
in Parione, a church which the Pope had consecrated on December 
21, 1139. 



I, Internal conditions of the City of Rome — 
The Burgher Class — The Companies of the 
Militia — Burgher Nobility — Patrician Nobility 
— Country Nobility — Decay of the Roman 
Landgraves — Oligarchy of the Consules 
RoMANORUM — Rise of the Burgher Class — 
Foundation of the Civic Commune — The great 
Feudal Nobility remain faithful to the Pope. 

The installation of the Senate was the result noThedvic 
less of the already developed freedom of the Lorn- 1^3." "' 
bard cities, than of the peculiar conditions of Rome. 
From the eleventh century these cities had already 
acquired their autonomy under the shadow of the 
Church, which had previously held them in tutelage. 
The Ottos, and still more the emperors of the Salic 
house, had by degrees made over to the bishops the 
power of counts, and at the same time had bestowed 
many privileges on the cities. The cities gradually 
deprived the bishops of their jurisdiction, and be- 
came communes with their own magistrates. The 
citizens of strongly fortified towns made use of the 
struggle between Church and State, which not only 
weakened the bishoprics but also dissolved the union 
with the empire, to rise to the surface between the 
two enfeebled powers as a third and youthful force. 


In the beginning of the twelfth century the greater 
number of communes in Lombardy, Tuscany, the 
Romagna, and the Marches were governed by con- 
suls annually elected, into whose hands the power 
formerly wielded by the count, as well as the larger 
part of the public revenues, had fallen.^ 

The sight of free republics irritated the Romans. 
At a time when so many other cities had renounced 
episcopal authority, their city still remained under 
the sovereignty of a bishop. They must now shake 
off this sovereignty. But their bishop was the pope. 
And the pope's territorial supremacy had not arisen 
recently, like that of the bishops, from privilegia of 
exemption, but dated at least from the Prankish 
Constitution. Civil wars, schism, and long exile had 
weakened the papal supremacy like the imperial 
power ; nevertheless, in spite of recurring periods of 
impotence in temporal matters, the Bishop of Rome 
could always advance powerful defenders for his 
Dominium Temporale. Such were his sacred 
papacy, the expeditions of the emperors to Rome, 
the Normans, the revenues of Christendom. Thus 
Lombard cities became free and Rome did not, 
although earlier than they she had struggled for her 
freedom under Alberic and the Crescentii. 

We have spoken of the internal hindrances to the 
autonomy of the city. Milan, Pisa, Plorence, Genoa 

^ Concernmg the Italian democracies we may refer to the often- 
quoted works of Savigny, Leo, Hegel, Troya, and Bethmann-Hollw^. 
Neither these writers, however, nor the historians of the Roman 
Senate, have traced the development of the civic constitution. I have 
here made the first comparatively scientific attempt to deal with the 
sources of its history. 


attained liberty and wealth by means of a patriotic 
nobility and by the energy of a great citizen class, Nobility 
who obliged the nobles to seek a post of honour©? RSme! 
beside them on the Council board. In Rome there 
were but two lay classes — the nobility and the 
populace. The nobility shared honour and power 
with the clergy, and the populace, owing to the 
unproductive nature of the city, remained condemned 
to take no part in political life. In the twelfth 
century no defensive association existed between 
the free citizens of Rome, such as existed in other 
cities. Documents show us Roman nobles freight- 
ing vessels or making commercial contracts, but the 
Roman merchant class does not yet come promi- 
nently forward ; shopkeepers and money-changers 
are alone spoken of in the acts of this period, and 
are distinguished by the trivial epithet of " Magnifi- 
cus." ^ The scholae and guilds undoubtedly continued 
under their ancient forms, but they remained under 
the patronage of the great.* 

^ I have already noticed the commercial treaty of Ptolemy of 
Tuscolum, also that of Bellus with the Consuls of G^ta. Confirmare 
facimus tibi Bella Romano — et tuis rebus, vestrisque navidiiSt cum 
omnibus bonis vestris, que in ipsis navidiis habebitis, velqtu a Romanis 
super vos ad usuras accipietis . . , {Georgii Dissertatio — SetiaCtvii, 

* Bonofilium jure viatrificum aurificem^ A. 1035. (Galletti, Del, 
prim,, p. 274, explains this. as orefice matricolato\ Bcvo prior 
Oleariorum, A. 1029 {Mscr, Vat, of Galletti, n. 7931, p. 42). 
Rainerius patronus scole saftdalariorum (sailors) pro Petro de Rosa 
priore dicte scole, et pro omnibus scolensibus ; this corporation confirms 
Farfa in possession of the harbour of Correse {Reg, Farfa,, fol. 1180). 
A barbarous document from S, Maria in Via Lata, A. 103 1, contuns 
the Pactum {siipulum obligationis) of a guild of gardeners (oriulani) : 
vobis Amatum magnif, virum vite tue diebus eligimus Hbi ad priorem 


The only political defensive association of the 
Roman citizens was the militia, with its guild* 
companies and their captains.^ The burgher class 
capable of bearing arms, who were possessed of 
independent property and full citizenship, were 
divided according to regions, of which twelve were 
contained in the city, while Trastevere was still 
traditionally designated as the fourteenth region.* 
We can only suppose these companies to have been 

ftostrum. Id est spondimus — iibi ut vite ttu diebus sicut honum 
priorem tihi tenemus et non disrumpimus scolam^ quod teatm facta 
Aademus. They appoint him judge of the scolenses under them ; a 
superior court is the association of the priors of the remaining 
gardener's guilds — Et per singulos anttos singulus unus ex nobis tibi 
dare spondimus hopera una vtanuale {Mscr^ Vat, of Galletti, S048, 

p. 97). 

^ The ancient formula numerus militum seu batidus is still heard, 
as also the designations of the presidents. In 1145 a Scola Militwn 
leases to the convent of S. Alessio a piece of ground near the Pyramid 
(Meta) of C. Cestius : Tholovianis qd, fiL Fault Johannis de Guiniczo^ 
Prior scole Militum— cum Tedelgario — ejusd, scole secundo^ et Amina- 
dab Tertio ejusd. scole (Nerini, App, ix.). 

* We remember how the twelve regions of the city, the island and 
Trastevere hastened to the rescue of Gelasius on the Capitol. In a 
document from S. Maria in Trastevere in 1 037, we find : Regione 
quartadecima Transtiberini {Mscr, Vatican, ^ 8051, of Galletti, p. 6). 
The city proper had twelve regions. The thirteenth is never men- 
tioned ; Trastevere was still traditionally regarded as the fourteenth. 
It is scarcely probable that the papal Leonina had the right of 
appointing delegates, and the island in the Tiber was too small to form 
a region of itself (the thirteenth). In the time of Riena there were 
only thirteen oflficial regions, and not until 1586 did the Leonina 
appear as the fourteenth (Borgo). I am consequently of opinion that 
in the twelfth century also only thirteen official regions existed. For 
although the number of the Senators (fifty-six, of whom later) then 
seems in favour of fourteen regions, reckoning four representatives for 
each region, yet the number of Uie Senators for each region might 
be determined by the size and population of the quarters of the city. 


}X)ssessed of a vote in public affairs, as when they rhe 
took part in the election of the prefect, assented class and 
by acclamation to the election of the pope, and were *^® "^"^*" 
summoned occasionally by the ruling nobility and 
even by the pope to the Capitol to confirm resolu- 
tions as the Populus Romanus. In a poor city a 
citizen could not acquire respect by his property, but 
only by means of arms, and in such a warlike period 
even the Roman militia was a force. Through this 
association under a banner {pandus\ the citizen class 
acquired a political right and the power of resistance 
against the feudal rule of the nobility. Moreover, 
out of the mass of the free citizens some families 
already emerged, who rivalled the nobility both in 
long descent and wealth ; these formed an upper 
burgher class, and by degrees passed into the aris- 
tocracy or became new senatorial families. Since 
the Roman nobility never, as in Venice, became a 
close corporation, it is as a rule impossible to separate 
illustrious burgher houses from the patrician families. 
For old houses fell to decay and new houses arose, 
and, like the Pierleoni, suddenly entered the ranks 
of captains and princes. This remains the case in 
Rome to the present day, where tenure made and still 
makes the duke and baron. 

There were consequently in Rome an older and 
a more recent nobility of many families, who, with The 
their clients, formed, as it were, clans. These patri- pg^^dan 
cians no longer showed their guests the wax masks fa™iMes. 
of their illustrious ancestors in their dwelling rooms. 
They, nevertheless, claimed descent from the Anicii 
and Maximi, from Julius Cxsar and Octavian ; and 


it may have been that a few of them were actually 
the degenerate descendants of ancient Roman 
families, resembling the marble slabs of the de- 
stroyed palaces of antiquity, from which the towers 
of these barbarous consuls had been pieced together. 
The following are the best known of the patrician 
families of Rome in the twelfth century : — The Tus- 
culans and Colonna, the Crescentii, the Frangipani, 
Pierleoni, Normanni, Sassi, Latroni and Corsi, the 
Maximi ; the houses of Sant* Eustachio, among them 
the Franchi and Saraceni ; the Astaldi, Senebaldi, 
Duranti, the Scotti, Ursini ; the Buccapecora, Curta- 
braca, Bulgamini, Boboni, Berardi, Bonfilioli, Bon- 
eschi, Berizo, houses long risen from the burgher 
class. In Trastevere the Papa, Papazurri and Muti, 
Barunzii, and Romani, the Tebaldi and Stefani, 
Tiniosi, Franculini, Brazuti, and others.^ Already 
the names of many families reveal their descent 
from Lombards, Franks, or Saxons who had fol- 
lowed the emperors to Italy. Time and a common 

^ The Maximi appear for the first time in 1012 with Leo de 
Maximus (Nerini, p. 320); the same man in the Chron, Farf,, 
p. 560 : Leo Dativus jud, de Maximo. The Sant' Eustachii, from the 
quarter close to the church of that name, Brst appear in 987 with 
Leo Sancti Stati (Nerini, p. 383). The Saraceni and De Franco are 
called de Eustatio. In documents of the eleventh century we 
frequently meet Henricus de S. Eustachio. The Scotti and Romani 
were connected by marriage with the Papa. The Brazuti (from John 
Bracziutus, in the time of Gregory VII.) were also related to the 
Scotti. Their towers stood beside the Ponte Sisto. A parte Trans* 
tiberim ad pontem Antonini non multum longe a Turre heredum 
Jokannis Braxuii (A. 1073, Mscr, Vat,^ 8051, p. '13). A. 1227, 
Johannis BraczuH de ScoUo et Comiiisse filie ejus {ibid,, p. 40). The 
Tebaldi and Stefani again formed a group. We frequently find 
Stefanusde Tebaldo —Stef anus Stefani de Tebaldo, 


law had gradually effaced the differences of race, but 
the imperial party in Rome was chiefly composed of 
this nobility, which was German and immigrant, 
while the national and later republican party, 
headed in earlier times by the Crescentii, retained 
the consciousness of its Roman blood. The ancient 
title of Dux was no longer in use, although the 
nobles still called themselves " consuls," and precisely 
in the twelfth century was this ancient Roman title 
borne with distinction. It was now used to denote 
the judiciary and ruling magistracy essentially; 
although in no way in imitation of Lombard consuls, 
since with the suffix Rotnanorum it had always been 
common in Rome before it became adopted in 
Italian cities. The nobility bestowed it on their 
most powerful members, the heads of the aristo- 
cratic republic.^ The title " Capitaneus " common iiic 
in Northern Italy was also used in Rome for the <*P^^ 
nobles who had received investiture from the pope. 
The captains were the great landed nobility, the 
comites and vice-comites in the Campagna, whose 
oath of vassalage pledged them to the military 
service of the pope.^ The civic nobility also entered 

^ The Ep. ix. of Anaclete first mentions the nobles by name, then 
reliqui Rom, Urb. potentes^ sacri quoqiu Palaiii Judices, et nostri 
amsules, etpkbs. The document of the year 1139 (Mansi, xxL 542) 
thus specifies the nobles : prafecio, consuiibusy et majoribus chitaiis. 
In the letter to Lothar, Cod, Udalr,^ 351 : Consttles Romania et alii 
principes saluiem. Here ** consul*' everywhere indicates high official 
positioiu Hegel wrongly holds this genuinely Roman title for an 
imitation of the I^mbard ''consul." Rome was, until 1 143, a 
(consular) republic of nobles, of which the forms, however, are 
unknown to us. 

' Ep. xvi. of Anaclete thus distinguishes : nobiles ornnes^ et plebs 



the ranks of the captains, when the pope gave them 
castles in fief. The pope had, moreover, excluded 
the provincial nobility, formerly so powerful, from 
civic affairs; the Counts of Nepi and Galeria, the 
Crescentii in the Sabina, the Counts of the Cam- 
pagna of the family of Amatus had fallen into 
decadence, or remained banished to their provincial 
towns, while newer consular families, such as the 
Frangipani and the Pierleoni, who had risen to the 
surface in the war of factions, seized the reins of 
The Besides the captains there was lastly the class of 

smaller feudal tenantry (the milites\ vassals of the 
nobles or of the churches. In Rome, and more 
especially in the towns of the Campagna, where the 
greater part of the freehold had come into the 
possession of the Church, they formed a knightly 
nobility, which may be compared to the vavasours 
in Lombardy and the Romagna.* 

Thus the nobility, who, like the patricians in 
ancient Rome, had formed themselves into clans, pos- 
sessed the reins of government in the city as early 
as the eleventh century, and more especially shice 
the quarrel for investitures. Cornelii and Claudii 

cmnis Romana^ Capitatui et Comites qui extra sunt. In the peace of 
Venice in 1177, it is also expressly said : plures etiam de ttobiiibiis 
Romanis (civic nobility), et Capitaneis Campanix (country nobility), 
hanc pacem finnabunt, — Ep, Petri Porttunsis in Baron., A. 1130, 
n. ix., mentions Prituipes, Capitanei^ Barones. 

^ Several documents of the middle of the twelfth century mention 
such milites ; for instance, civitatis Alatrina^ Frosinonis^ civitatis 
Verule, &c. The freemen on the Campagna had, for the most part, 
been reduced to become tenants for a time of the churches or captains. 


would have gazed in surprise on these men, who, 
dwelling in castellated triumphal arches and por- 
ticos, called themselves Consuls of the Romans, and 
met together as a Senate amid the ruins of the 
Capitol. For the nobility assembled on the Capitol 
before the new Senate was appointed by the people, 
and the Consules Rofnanorum, chosen from their 
midst, were the presidents of an oligarchy which, 
without fixed constitution, and in a tumultuous 
manner, ruled and misruled the city.^ The despotism 
of these nobles was finally overthrown by the people, 
and in this overthrow lies the significance of the 
revolution of 1 143. While in Lombardy the consuls 
had risen simultaneously with the communes, in 
Rome the commune, which had just been formed, 
overthrew the consular rule of the nobility, and 
erected the Communal Council in its place, accord- 
ing it the Roman name of the Senate {Sacer 

Moreover, the revolution had originated with the 
nobility themselves after their quarrel with the pope 
respecting Tivoli, and the burgher class raised its 
head for the first time during this revolt. Sudden 
though the rise may have been, it had long been 
prepared ; for the scholae of the militia, which had 

^ As early as 1 130 we find sixty Senators and a committee of six 
nobles, who concede exemption from duty in Roman harbours to Monte 
Casino. Nos Leo Ronumor, Consul, et Leo Frangipane et Citicio 
Frangip, Peirus Frangipane, Filippus de AlbericOj Henricus de S, 
Eustachio una cum sexaginta Sena/oridus, et cuncio poptdo rom, urbis 
concedimus inperpei, — ut monachi cum navib, secure pergatti^Temp, 
Honoriippe, If. MilUantibus digmtates, hobedientihus pacem^ rebellibus 
ancdema. The fragment in the register Petri Diacon., n. 605. 


acquired strength in the wars of the eleventh century, 
already formed political corporations, coveted a share 
in the government, and meditated the erection of a 
democratic republic. The tyranny of factions ren- 
dered feudal dominion, which favoured the Papacy, 
insupportable to the populace. A party among the 
nobles regarded the pope as a territorial lord, and even 
the actual head of Rome, to whom belonged the investi- 
ture of the imperium. This was the genuine feudal 
aristocracy of the popes, their political support in 
Rome, and the earthly splendour of their court The 
popes conferred on these vassals estates and taxes, 
and invested them with prefectures, curial dignities, 
judgeships, or consulates in city or province. They 
dexterously divided the advantages, however, or 
kept their protigh severed by jealousy. They more 
gladly endured the faithlessness of these consuls 
than the chance that they should look for support 
to the burghers, whose public spirit they feared to 
awake. For the fate of the popes would in this case 
have been the fate of all other bishops, who with the 
rise of the communes lost their civic power. 
Foundation A spark finally sufficed to kindle the burgher 
Roman revolution, which was perhaps associated by secret, 
commune and to US Unknown, ties with Northern Italy. In 

and of the t» « 

Senate 1 143 Romc made the attempt to form an association 
Capitol. ^^ ^^ different classes, such as had been formed 
in Milan, Pisa, Genoa, and other cities. The lesser 
nobility, from jealousy towards the " consuls," united 
with the burghers, the new commune seized the 
Capitol, declared themselves the actual Senate and 
made war against, or banished all such nobles as 


refused to join them. The captains immediately 
rose, also the members of the imperial party, and 
the company of the pope, and Rome was divided 
between two hostile camps, the ancient consular 
party of the aristocrats and the new senatorial 
commune of the people on the Capitol. 

The establishment of a free burgher class deserves 
to distinguish a new era in the history of Rome, 
and the tranquil spectator of history gazes with 
astonishment on the ruins of the now legendary 
Capitol, occupied by a rude and ignorant people 
who called their leaders Senators. These men knew 
nothing of Cicero or Hortensius, of Cato or Caesar, 
but like the ancient plebeians made war on a 
haughty race of patricians, of wholly or partly 
barbarous descent. They deprived the High Priest 
of Rome of the temporal crown, demanded that the 
emperor of German race should recognise them as 
invested with the majesty of the Roman people, and 
on the ruins of ancient temples still asserted that 
Golden Rome was mistress of the world. 

2. The Capitol in the dark Centuries— Its gradual 
Political Renascence — Glance at its Ruins — 
Where did the Temple of Jupiter stand? — 
S. Maria in Aracceli — Legend of Octavian's 
Vision — ^Thb Palatium Octaviani — ^The first 
Senatorial Palace of the Middle Ages on 
the Capitol, 

It is well worth while to bestow a glance on the The 
tragic world of ruins standing on the Capitol, and to ^^^^?} 
pass in rapid review the history of the venerable seat 


of the ancient Roman empire during the dark 
centuries. Night, however, veils the most exalted 
spot in history for more than five hundred years. 
No historian has mentioned the Capitol since the 
time of Cassiodorus. The Anonymous of Einsiedeln 
merely gives it a cursory glance; tradition and 
legend speak confusedly of this wonder of the 
world, and in the tenth century the convent of the 
Virgin Mary in Capitolio appears among the ruins 
of nameless temples. The remains of these various 
buildings were never adapted to the uses of any 
civic fortress; nor is the ancient Arx with its 
Tarpeian rock ever mentioned with the Septizonium 
and S. Angelo as a principal fortress. The Capitol 
no longer commanded any of the great high roads, 
since the surrounding district, especially the ancient 
Forum, had become deserted, and the population 
retired ever further into the Field of Mars towards 
the Tiber, which had become important for strategic 
reasons. It was merely the inextinguishable tradition 
of all that the Capitol had once signified that now 
raised it from its obscurity, and which, as soon as the 
spirit of civic freedom was awakened, made it once 
more the political head of the city. As early as the 
eleventh century the Capitol appears as the centre of 
all purely civic affairs. In the time of Otto III. and 
of the noble patricians, the recollection of the sacred 
spot was revived ; the ruins of the Capitol, reani- 
mated by the assemblies of the nobles and people, now 
usurped the place of the Tria Fata. In the time of 
Benzo, Gregory VII., and Gelasius II. at the disturb- 
ances on the election of a prefect, at the acclamation 


of the election of Calixtus II., it was again from 
the Capitol that the Romans were summoned to 
parliament or to arms. It would also appear that 
the City Prefect dwelt on the Capitol, since the 
Prefect of Henry IV., by whom Victor III. was driven 
from Rome, had his seat there, and a palace on the 
hill was used for tribunals, the acts of which were 
signed with the formula: Actum civitate Romana 
apud Capitolium} 

The most vivid imagination is powerless to depict 
the melancholy grandeur of these ruins. Sitting on 
the prostrate columns of the Temple of Jupiter, or 
within the vaults of the office of State Archives, among 
mutilated statues and inscriptions, the monk of the 
Capitol, the rapacious Consul, or the ignorant Senator 
might gaze in wonder at the ruins and meditate on 
the capriciousness of fortune. The sight of these 
ruins might recall to his mind the lines of Virgil, 
where the poet, speaking of the Capitol, says : — 

" Now golden, where once throve the tangled wood " ; 

and as he now saw the hill returned to its original 
condition he must have reversed the line and 
exclaimed : — 

" Once golden, now with thorns and ruins spread." ' 

The greater number of the Romans of this age 
only knew of Virgil as a magician, who had fled from 

^ Document of April 29, 10S4 {Reg, Farf,^ n. 1098). The apttd 
Capitolium signifies, I believe, the monastery of Aracoeli. 

' Aurea nutu, olim sihestribus horrida dumis, Ui quidem is 
versus meritopossii converti: Aurea quondam^ nunc squallida spinetis 
vepribusque referta ; thus Po^o on the ruins of the Capitol in 1 43 1 
(Hisioria de Varietafe Fortuna^ i. 6). 

VOL. IV. 2 II 


Rome to Naples and had enriched both cities with 
magic works of art. The Senators who went to and 
fro among the ruins, wearing tall mitres and gold- 
brocaded mantles, had but a dim idea that here 
in former time statesmen had framed laws, orators 
had made speeches, triumphs had been celebrated 
over foreign nations, and the fate of the world had 
been decided. There is no more bitter satire on all 
the most exalted things of earth, than the fact that 
Rome knew a time when her Capitol was given into 
the possession of monks who prayed, sang psalms, 
scourged their backs with whips and planted cabbages 
Anaciete upon its ruins. Anaclete II. ratified the Abbot of 
toe c^ttcJ? S. Maria in Aracoeli in possession of the Capitoline 
to the hill; and his Bull throws a passing light on this 

convent of «- o o 

Aracoeu. labyrinth of grottoes, cells, courts and gardens, houses 
or huts, and on the ruinous walls, stones and pillars 
with which it was covered. 

The ancient Clivus still led to the Capitoline hill, 
but other roads also connected the Field of Mars 
with the Aracoeli and the Piazza. The ruins of the 
Capitol, which were increased under the attacks of 
Henry IV., Guiscard, and Paschalis II., lay in the 
most utter desolation. As on the Palatine, gardens 

^ The Privil^um for S. Maria in Capitolio, which is without a 
date, is inserted in a Bull of Innocent IV., in Wadding, Anna/, 
Minor, ^ ii. 255, explained by Casimiro, p. 431, after Valesius, in the 
collection of Calogera, xx. p. 103 ; also in Fea, StdU Rov,^ p. 358, 
and Preller, Pkilol,^ 1846. Of its authenticity I have no doubt ; the 
phrase horios quos haredes Johannis di Guinizo ttnnerunt is a 
guarantee of that period (see one of the heirs of this Roman, note ^ 
p. 456). Confimiamus totum Moniem CapitoHi in inttgr. cum casiSy 
crypiiSf celliSy curtibus, kortis, arboribus — cum parieiibuSy p€tris et 


had been planted and goat-herds already clambered 
over the marble ruins ; a part of the Capitol had 
even received the degraded name of Goat-hill 
(Monte Caprino) in thp same way that the Forum 
had been transformed into the Campo Vaccino, 
Stalls had been erected on the piazza of the Capitol, 
and the Roman people had long held their markets 
here.^ Besides the monks in S. Maria and the 
priests of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, or the inhabitants 
of the towers of the Corsi, the hill numbered but a 
scanty population; on the other hand, it was still 
surrounded with ancient streets, such as the Clivus 
Argentarius {Salita di Mafforio\ probably also the 
Vicus Jugarius, at a greater distance the Cannapara 
and the Forum Olitorium, the present Piazza Mon- 
tanara, while churches and chapels built upon ruins 
surrounded the entire mound of marble fragments.^ 

The ruins of such temples and porticos as covered 
the summit of the Capitol have now disappeared. 
The last remains of the Temples of Saturn and of 
Vespasian, the foundations of the Temple of Con- 
cordia, the still undestroyed vaults of the Archives, 
the chambers of the school of Xanthus, the remains 
of the Rostrum and of the Miliarium Aureum, finally 
the Arch of Septimius Severus, which in tranquil 

^ Cum terra ante Moftcuterium^ qui locus NufuHnarum vacatur (Bull 
of Anadete) and further below argcuteria in Mercaio, The market 
covered the Piazza Aracoeli and extended down to S. Venando, 
previously called S. Giovanni in Mercaio. It was only in 1477 that 
it was removed to the Piazza Navona. 

^ We still see many remains of antiquity below the CapitoL In 
No. 35 Via della Bufala, a half-buried portico forms the back of a 


strength has bid defiance to the changes of time, are 
all that remain on the CHviis at the present day. In 
the twelfth century these and all other monuments 
still presented the spectacle of a deserted acropolis, 
out of whose dust a forest of shattered columns 
majestically towered. The passing description of 
the Mirabilia sheds only a rosy evening light upon 
these ruins, and other accounts of this period fail us. 
It is worth while to read what the Mirabilia say : — 

"Of the Capitol in Rome. 

Sa?^^^"* "It is called Capitol because it was the head 
Capitol {caput) of the whole world, because the Consuls and 
Alitalia, Senators dwelt there to rule the city and the world. 
Its face was protected by high and strong walls, 
which were everywhere covered with panels of glass 
and gold and marvellously inlaid works. Within 
the fortress was a palace, in great part made of gold 
and adorned with precious stones, which was worth 
the third part of the world; there were as many 
statues as provinces of the world, and each statue had 
a bell at its neck. Magic art had so disposed them, 
that when any region in the Roman empire rebelled, 
its representative statue immediately turned in its 
direction ; the bell at its neck then sounded and the 
seers of the Capitol who kept watch gave infor- 
mation to the Senate. . . . There were also several 
temples, for on the summit of the fortress over the 
Porticus Crinorum was the Temple of Jupiter and 
Moneta ; on the side of the Forum the Temple of 
Vesta and Caesar and the seat of the Pagan 
pontifices, to which the Senators raised Julius Caesar 


on the sixth day in the month of March. On the 
other side of the Capitol and over the Cannapara 
stood the Temple of Juno next the public Forum of 
Hercules. Within the Tarpeium was the Temple 
of Refuge where Julius Caesar was murdered by the 
Senators. Two temples were united with the palace 
on the spot where S. Maria now stands, those of 
Phoebus and of Carmentis, where the Emperor 
Octavian saw the vision in the skies. Near the 
Camelaria is the Temple of Janus, who was the 
guardian of the Capitol. It was called the golden 
Capitol because it outshone all kingdoms of the 
world in wisdom and beauty."^ 

The Bull of Anaclete, an isolated document, stirs 
the imagination more than it satisfies the desire for 
information.* Antiquaries are still employed in in- 
vestigating the darkest of all topographical problems 

^ Liber de mirabilibus Ronta. Similarly the Graphia^ which adds : 
In Capitolio fuerunt imagitus fusiUs omnium regum trojanorum et 
imperaiorum ; and says that it was covered with glass and gold, ut 
tsset speculum omnibus gentibus. Even for these books of legend 
everything is antiquity and mystery. 

* The Bull only describes the boundaries. It mentions the Porti- 
cus Cameliaria (not Cancellaria^ as Fea writes it ; other places where 
large camera existed, were also thus called) ; the ciivus ArgentarO^ 
qui nunc descensus Leonis Prothi appellatur ; Templum majus quod 
respicit super Alephantum {ElepAanfus herbarius ; the adjacent 
quarter was called after it : in the Reg. Sub/cu,, about the year 1003, 
I find Lanfrido lanista de alefanto\ Exinde descendit per hortum 
S, Sergii usque in horium^ qui est sub Ccunellaria, veniens per gradus 
centum usque ad primum affinem. This was the old staircase of a 
hundred steps, which Tacitus mentions on the occasion of the attack 
made by the followers of Vitellius : qua Tarpeja rupe centum gradibuz 
aditur, A cavea in qua est petra versiJiccUa, For the entire docu- 
ment, see Ordo Rom,y xi. (Mabillon, Mus, It.^ ii. 143). 


in Rome, namely, the question as to the site of the 
Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter. After the time 
that the Vandals had plundered the Sanctuary 
and had robbed it of its roof, it sank into utter 
oblivion. The Mirabilia first recalls the memory 
of the Temple, after legend had already sanctified 
the Capitol with one of its most suggestive poems. 
That the chief temple of Rome, the seat of the cult 
of the Pagan religion, had not been transformed 
into a basilica of the Christian God at an earlier 
date than the Pantheon, will always appear strange, 
even although explained by the horror with which 
Christians regarded Paganism, and by the proprietary 
right claimed by the Byzantine emperor. 

We are, however (although only recently), in a 

position to point out the site of the lost Temple. 

Site of the The Graphia says : " On the summit of the fortress 

Jupiter over the Porticus Crinorum stood the Temple of 

S^ot Jupiter and Moneta, where the golden statue of 

Jupiter sat on a golden throne." We are now able 

to show that the portico of that name must have 

belonged to the ancient Forum Olitorium.* Other 

mediaeval names have supported the view that the 

Temple of Jupiter was situated on the western height 

(Cafifarelli). The western position of the Tarpeian 

rock and the site of the Temple itself were established 

with probability by two churches as early as the 

fifteenth century .^ And just as the recollection of 

^ Jordan, Topogr,^ ii. 353, 460. Remains of this colonnade are 
believed to exist in some houses in the Vicoh della Bttfala, Lanciani, 
Bull. Com,, ill. 172. 

' It was not until after Nardini that the Italians placed it on the 


the Saxum Tarpeium was preserved in the name of 
the church S. Catarina sub Tarpeio, the Temple of 
Jupiter Maximus was sought above S. Salvatore in 
Maximis.i Excavations made in the Caffarelli 
Gardens since 1865 have conclusively established 
that the Temple of Jupiter stood on this spot.^ 

The supposition that the church of S. Maria 
occupies the site of this Temple consequently falls to 
the ground. 

This, the only church which the Romans erected 
on the Capitoline hill, towers in a commanding 
position above the ancient Arx. It is not, however, 
mentioned in the minute catalogues of the churches 

height of Aracoeli, the Germans (Becker, i. 387, very decidedly) on the 
Caffarelli. Is it possible that the position of the Saxum Tarpeium 
could have been ahready forgotten in the twelfth century ? We have 
still the Via di rupe Tarpea near the Tor d^ Specch\ and there stood 
S. Caterina sub Tarpeio (Martinelli, p. 352). Faunas, iii. c. 6 ; 
Maurus, c 5, p. 40 ; Gamucci, p. 64. The Vita Paschalis says : 
qua CapHolii rupes adibus Petri Leofiis imminet^ and these houses 
stood beside the Theatre of Marcellus. 

* Anon, Magliab. (time of John XXIII.) : fuit templum Jcvis Opt, 
Max, i, e. Supra cortem domna mitima quodadhuc satis de eo apparet : 
el introiius vocatur SaJvator in Maxiinis. Blondus, Marliani, and 
Martinelli upheld the statement. This church remained on Monte 
Caprino against the Montanara until the sixteenth century. The 
templum majus, quod respicit super Alephantum is doubtful ; it may 
have been the Theatre of Marcellus. The templum Jovis of the 
Anonymous of Einsiedein (Inscription, n. 72 : usque ad S, Angel, et 
templum Jovis) was not, as Preller believes, the Capitoline Temple, 
but the basilica Jovis in the Portico of Octavia {templum Severianum 
in the Middle Ages) where S. Angelo stands. This church was 
consequenUy called S. Angeli Juxta templum Jovis in the twelfth 
century. (Letter of Anaclete's cardinals to Lothar.) 

* Shown by R. Lanciani, Bullett, Comm,, 1875, p. 165 £ ; O. 
Richter, Topogr, d, Stadt Rom,, 1889, p. 90 t 


and convents made in the time of Leo III, (about 
850). It therefore follows, either that it was not built 
in the reign of this pope or else that it was regarded 
as an insignificant oratory .^ 

Its surname, " in the Altar of heaven," unknown 
before the fourteenth century, is associated with an 
ancient legend, originally Greek, which was accepted 
in the Roman Mirabilia? When the Senators be- 
held the indescribable beauty of Octavian, and the 
prosperity of his rule, they said to him, "We are 
determined to worship thee, because a divinity is in 
thee." Dismayed, he asked them to wait, summoned 
the Sibyl of Tibur, and informed her of the resolution 
of the Senate. She demanded a delay of three days, 
and, the emperor having fasted during the interval, 
she prophesied : " There are signs that justice shall 
be done, sweat shall soon drip from the earth ; from 

' I quoted in vol. iii. p. 546, a document from the Reg, Sublac,, in 
which Teuzo, Abbot of the Monasterii S. Dei genitricis virginis 
Marie qui ponitur in Capitolio^ cedes a property in Aricia to Bemo 
and Stephania. The document is dated Iiid, II, m, Febr, die XII, 
a, Dom Marini S, Pont. Primi Pope. Like Fatteschi, I consequently 
attributed this document to Marinus I. and to the year 884. I am 
now, however, in fevour of Marinus II. and the year 944, since further 
on in the text we find Z>. Marini Junioris. The witness Georgius 
secundiceritis also appears as secuttdicerius of Marinus II. (JafTi^). See 
Reg, Sublac,^ p. 94, where the document is referred to the year 944. 
The monastery was simply called Mon, S, M, in Capitolio^ or Mon, 
Capitolii ; thus in 1015 : Ego Dominicus Abbas Capitolii ; Casimiro, 
p. 7. The term Capiiolium applied to the entire hill ; to sufypose 
that from the words in Capitolio, the Temple of Jupiter must be 
inferred, is inadmissible. In like manner men spoke of S, Maria in 
PaUadio (Palatine) and in Aveniino, 

^ It was known to Malalas, Cedrenus, Suidas ; see on this subject 
Arturo Gra( Roma mlia Memcria del, rned, evo^ i. 311 f. 


heaven shall come the King of the centuries." i As 
Octavian attentively listened to the Sibyl, the skies Legend of 


suddenly opened, an overpowering light fell upon and the 
him, he saw the radiant Virgin over an altar in^*^^* 
heaven, holding the infant Christ in her arms. A 
celestial voice cried, " This is the Virgin who will con- 
ceive the Saviour of the world " ; another proclaimed, 
" This is the altar of the Son of God." Octavian 
threw himself on the ground in prayer ; he informed 
the Senators of his vision, and another day, when 
the people had resolved to call him Lord, he forbade 
them both by hand and mouth. For not even from 
his own children would he receive the title, saying, 
** I am mortal, and hence it does not befit me to 
receive the name of Lord."^ 

^ Jttdicii signum teUus sudore ttiadescct^ 
E celo rex adveniet per seclafitiurtts, 
Scilicet in carncpresens ut iudicet orbem, 

^ The Grapkia does not associate this legend with Virgil ; its con- 
neciion with the fourth Eclogue was, however, known at this time. 
Thus Innocent III. {SertnOy ii.. Op. 88 ; Piper, Virgilius, 1862) refers 
to it. The legend is ancient and of Greek origin. It is found in 
Suidas, who relates, s.v, "Augustus," that he questioned the Pythia 
as to who should rule after him ; cui ilia respottdit : — 

Puer Hebratis jubet me, diis becdis imperatis. 
Hone adem relinquere, et in orcwn redire. 
Jam abiio tcuitus db oris nostris, 

Augustus thereupon built an altar on the Capitol with the inscription : 
Ilac ara est Primogeniti Dei, The legend was accepted later by 
Nicephorus {Hist, Eccl,, i. 17). It is also given by an ancient Latin 
Chronicle, the Chrwticon PcdcUinum (Mai, Spicileg, Roman, , iz.). 
The editor places it at least as early as the eighth century ; Bethmann 
in the seventh (BuUeitinc Arch., 1852, p. 38). Godfrey of Viterbo, 
about 1 180, is acquainted with the legend (Pantheon, xv.). Muratori 
extracted it from a codex in Modena {AfUiq,, iii. 879). The vision is 


This beautiful legend goes on to relate that 
Octavian erected an altar on the Capitol, "To the 
first-born Son of God/' In the twelfth century the 
words *' ubi est arafilii DeV were accordingly added 
as a designation to S. Maria. They appear to have 
been corrupted later into Aracoeli.^ But it is very 
remarkable that this ancient legend in no way 
associates the altar with the Temple of Jupiter. It 
merely relates that Octavian had erected the altar 
either on the Capitol or on some lofty spot If the 
church in Aracoeli had actually usurped the place of 
the ancient temple, the fact would assuredly have 
been somehow preserved in legend or tradition.* 

depicted in a rude relief on the ancient altar in the chapel of S. Helena 
in Araceli, which bears the inscription : — 

Luminis ham aJtnam mairis qui scandis ad aulcwi^ 

Cunctarum prima quafuit orbe sita ; 
Noscas quod Casar tuttc struxii Octaoianus 

Hone. Ara cali sacra proles cum paiet ei. 

^ The CcUalogtu of the Roman Abbeys of Peter Mallios and John 
Diaconus (end of the twelfth century) says : S, M, in Capitolio^ ubi 
est ara Filii Dei. Later Martin Polonus wrote : hoc visio fiat in 
Camera Octaviani Imp.^ ubi nunc est Ecch B, M» in Capitolio, Ideo 
dicta est Eccl, S. Af, Ara Cccli, Nietiuhr and Becker believe that the 
name in Araceli was derived from in Arce, It might more probably 
have arisen from Auroccelo {caslo Aureo), a name which other churches 
— ^for example, one in Pavia — bore. It is carious that the Temple of 
Juno Moneta had received its surname from a divine voice which was 
audible within iL Cicero, de divin., i. 45, in Becker, i. 409. The 
Italian archaeologists also place the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius oa 
Aracoeli, and the Anon, Magliab, says : palaHum Octaxnam fitit, uH 
nunc est S, Af, arace/i; et vocatus est locus fetferum^ quia ibifuit 
templumjovis Feretrii, 

* The legend of the Mirabilia removes the site of the vision to the 
Palace of Octavian, not to the Temple of Jupiter. The CAron, 
PaUUinum also merely says : Oct. abiit in Capitolium, quod est in 


The stillness as of the grave which broods over the 
Capitol in the Middle Ages is thus only broken by 
a convent-bell and a legend. Over the deserted 
stage of the deeds and triumphs of the Scipios and 
the Gracchi, of Marius and Sulla, of Pompey and 
Caesar, now hover the visionary forms of the Virgin 
Mary with the child Jesus, the figures of Octavian 
and of the aged Sibyl, whose mysterious books had 
once been guarded in the Capitol ! 

That in the eleventh century the legend was The 
already associated with the spot, is rendered indis- oSSviaa 
putable by the mention of the "Palace of Octavian " ^ the 
as Benzo's dwelling-place, since nowhere but on the 
Capitol can this dwelling have been situated. It 
were important to discover the site and the uses of 
this palace, which we may suppose as standing in the 
neighbourhood of the convent of Aracoeli. In the 
short review given of the palaces by the Mzraii/ia, 
no building of the kind is mentioned on the Capitol ;^ 

r/udio urdiSf where the Pythonia announced quod infans hebraus 
jubente Deo e cctlo beator, descendens^ in hocdomicilium stcUim veniet-^ 
quare exUns inde Aug. Casar a dwinaiione, (edificavii in Capitolio 
Oram magnam in sublimiori loco^ in qua et scripsii laiinis Uteris 
dicens : Hac arafilii Dei est, Ubi factum est, post tot annos, domi- 
ciliuM atque basilica b. et s. virginis Alarice usque in prasetttem diem, 
sicut et Timotheus chronographus commemorat (Timotheus in Malalas, 
p. 98, only speaks of the am, erected by Augustus). We see how 
utter is the silence respecting the Temple of Jupiter, the traces of which 
had been lost at the time of the Mirabilia, which only casually mention 
the legend : in loco ubi nunc est S. Maria fuerunt duo templa simul 
juncta cum palcUio, Phebi et Carmentis, ubi Octavianus imp, vidit 
visionem in celo, 

^ Its Palatium Octaviani ad S. iMurentium in Lucina is the arcus 
Octaviani; the text is well acquainted with the palatium Octaviani 
on the Capitol. 


in the sequel, however, it speaks vaguely of a palace 
of the Capitol. This palace was inside the fortress, 
and was adorned with gold and gems, and in it stood 
the sounding statues of the provinces. The Mirabilia 
clearly associates the palatium where Octavian saw 
the celestial vision with the church of S. Maria, and 
it consequently follows that it must have been a 
portion of the convent building itself. Finally, " the 
Palace of the Senators on the Capitol or Tarpeus " 
is specially mentioned in the summary of the hills 
of Rome, the writer undoubtedly speaking of it as 
existing in his time.^ It is scarcely probable that in 
these three palaces, thus severally mentioned, one 
and the same building was intended, since several 
ruins stood on the Capitol, and in the Middle Ages 
the word " palatium " was bestowed on different kinds 
of ruins. Did the remains of the Temple of Jupiter 
survive until the Middle Ages, it is possible that the 
name of palatium may have been applied to them, 
but whether this was actually the case, we cannot now 
determine. Of the three palaces mentioned in the 
Mirabilia^ the Palatium of the Capitol has therefore 
perished and become legendary; the Palatium of 
Octavian, the dwelling of Benzo, formed a part of 
the monastery of Aracoeli, which was built out of the 
ruins of the earlier structure ; and finally the Palace 

* (i) InfraarcemfuitpakUium^ quod erat pro magna parte aureum — 
uhi tot staiua erani etc. (2) Ubi nunc est S, Maria fuerunt duo 
tevipla simuljuncia cum Palaiio^ Phoebi et Carmentis^ ubt Octavian, 
Imp, vidit visionem in calo, (3) Capitolium vel Tarpem^ ubi est 
palatium Senaiorum, What the Arx signified at the time of the 
Mirabilia cannot be ascertained, and the same may be said of the 
Tarpeus and Capitolium. 


of the Senators, the only one of the three that we 
are able to determine, is the actual mediseval sena* 
tonal palace. Among the ruins of ancient monu- 
ments on which the eye rested on the Capitol, there 
were none mightier than the ancient office of State 
Archives, or the so-called Tabularium, belonging to 
republican times, with its gigantic walls of peperino, 
its lordly halls, and its vaulted chambers. The author 
who described the city in the twelfth century, and, in 
his cursory enumeration of the hills, only mentioned 
the Palatium of the Senators, must undoubtedly have 
thereby understood this mighty building. The popu- 
lace, looking on the marvellous work, imagined that 
the ancient Consuls or Senators had dwelt within it, 
and the nobility of the twelfth century, beyond the 
church of Aracoeli, found no more fitting spot for its 
meetings ; neither did the populace discover one more 
suitable when they determined to reinstate the Senate. 
We must consequently suppose that the Tabularium, 
which later became the actual Senate-House, had 
already been adapted to the uses of a Senate.^ It 
was here that the shadow of the Roman republic 
reappeared in 1143, hovering fantastically over the 
ruins — itself a legend or a vision of the antiquity 
whose remembrance gladdened the hearts of its 
degenerate descendants.^ 

^ In CapitoHo in consistorio novo paltUii is written as early as the 
year 11 50. Chron, Pisan, in Murat., vi. 171. De Rossi, Piante 
Icnograf, , p. 82. This is the first mention of the Palace of the Senate 
in the Middle Ages. Camillo del Re, ** II Campidoglio e le sue 
adiacenze nel sec. XIV." {Bull, Com,, x., 1882, 96). 

' Arnold of Brescia summoned the Romans to restore the Capitol ; 
could this mean anything but to restore the greatest ruin, the Tabu* 


3. Arnold of Brescia — His first Appearance — His 
Relations with Abelard — His Doctrine con- 
cerning The secularisation of the Ecclesi- 
astical State — His Condemnation by the Pope — 
His Flight and Disappearance— Celestine II. 
— Lucius II. — Struggle of the Pope and Con- 
suls with the Senate — ^The Patricius Jordan 
Pierleone — The Senatorial ^Era — Lucius II. 
and Conrad III. — Unfortunate end of Lucius II. 

The restoration of the Senate was not entirely an 
illusion. It was an actual fact, and redounds as much 
to the honour of the Romans of the Middle Ages as 
the procession to the sacred hill had redounded to 
the honour of their ancestors. A celebrated reformer 
of the time, Arnold of Brescia, is erroneously held to 
have been the leader of a revolution which was due 
instead to the impulses of the time and to the special 
conditions of Rome. To wrest the power from the 
nobility, to deprive the clergy of their estates, the 

larium, as the meeting place of the Senate, and also, perhaps, to 
restore the Arx? Was the Tabularium called Cameliaria m the 
Middle Ages ? A brief of Innocent III. (Ep. iL loi, A. 1199) speaks 
of an upper and a lower story of the Cameliaria on the slope of the 
Capitol, the possession of which was shared by the convents of 
S. Maria and S. Sergius. Inferioris vero cameliaria parochiam et 
ejusd, camell, proprietatem ; ita quod nulla injuria infiraiur habita- 
toribus ipsius cameliaria ab habitatoribus susperioris cameliaria. The 
Mirabilia mention the cameliaria beside the templum Jani (the Cod, 
Pragensis of Hofler actually subtus capitolium) and they know well 
the ararium publicum, quod erat, t, SaHtmi, For all these reasons, 
I reject the opinion of Bunsen and others, that the CameUaria was 
the Tabularium, and rather hold it to have been the Basilica Argen- 
laria^ or a building with a portico in its neighbourhood. 


pope of the principality, and to transfer his sovereign 
rights to the commune, were clear historical aims, 
which required no teaching. Since the quarrel for 
investitures, the lower class had struggled against 
the secular and spiritual feudal system ; the passion 
for freedom of the Italian republics destroyed the 
feudalism of the old Prankish empire, and the breath 
of heretical criticism already penetrated the dead 
learning of monasticism. Nothing consequently is 
more absurd than to assert that the destruction of 
feudalism was the main object of the twelfth century, 
or to assume that any demagogue of the time dreamed 
of a European federal republic.^ 

Owing to ignorance of the Middle Ages, these Arnold of 
ideas have been ascribed to Arnold of Brescia, who '^^ 
undoubtedly exercised a great influence on some 
departments of civic life. Arnold, Abelard, S. 
Bernard are noteworthy contemporaries and the 
heroes of a great drama in the history of culture. 
As soon as the young democracies, still doubtful 
and insecure, and still under the shadow of the 
Church and of the empire, reached maturity, a man 
such as Arnold, filled with enthusiasm for the 
practical liberty of the citizen, must necessarily 

' Franke, Arnold v. Brescia und Seine Zeit^ Zurich, 1825, commits 
this anachronism. We possess some other monographs : by Federico 
Odorici, Amaldo da Brescia (1861) ; by Georges Guibal, Amauld dc 
Brescia et Us Hohenstaufen ou la question du pouvoir temporel de la 
PapcuUiau nioyen dge^ Paris, 1868. To the fugitive notices of Otto 
of Freising has lately been associated the Historia Pontificcdis (written 
in 1 162 or 1 163, edited 1868 in t. xx. of the Mon, Gerfn.\ of which 
John of Salisbury is acknowledged the author. See Giesebrecht, 
Arnold von Brescia^ Munich, 1873 ; and his statement of these circum- 
stances in vol. iv. of the Gesch, der deutschen Kcuserzeit, 


have arisen in Lombardy, — a popular tribune in the 
habit of the priest, — a man whose earnest spirit 
cherished the ideal of the Church purified from the 
worldliness and infidelity which had disgraced her. 
Abelard the philosophic, and Arnold the political 
heretic stood on the common platform of the inde- 
pendence of the burgher class. After the gloomy 
heroes of dogmatic supremacy, after popes like 
Gregory, after emperors like Henry, it is satisfactory 
to see martyrs to freedom arise, men bearing in their 
hands the banners of a nobler humanity, and the 
bloodless but formidable weapons of free thought 
and free will. 

The circumstances of Arnold's life are very obscure. 

He was born at Brescia in the beginning of the 

His twelfth century, wandered to France, and studied 

oraomSng dialectics and theology under Abelard, whose com- 

the secular- panion he probably was for years. Returning to 

of the Brescia, he formally became a canon, but plunged 

of^*^^ into the struggle which the citizens were waging 

Church, against their Bishop Manfred. The movement was 

headed by the Consuls Rebald and Persicus, and 

Arnold inflamed the popular discontent by speeches 

in which he inveighed against the unapostolic 

worldliness of the priests. According to his theory, 

the possession of any property by the clergy was 

contrary to Christianity; he maintained that all 

civic power belonged to princes and republics, and 

that the tithes alone should be allotted to the clergy. 

Brescia was a seat of the Patarines: and it now 

became the theatre of scenes such as had been 

enacted in Milan; the vigorous popular orator 


recalled Ariald, although he did not share Ariald's 
aims. The clergy were so utterly corrupt that it 
seemed as if Gregory VII. had lived in vain. The 
long quarrel for investitures, the schisms and factions, 
in which bishops fought now for Rome, now for 
Germany, had so entirely demoralised the prelates 
that words failed to describe them. A satirist, 
listening to the denunciations of a saint of this 
period, would laughingly have asked in what the 
reforms of an entire century consisted, when in 11 40 
S. Bernard or S. Anselm was obliged to depict the 
vices of the clergy with the gloomy colours used by 
Damian. "Could I," thus sighed the Abbot of 
Clairvaux, " but see before my death the Church of 
God as she was in ancient days, when the apostles 
cast their nets to capture not gold or silver but 
souls 1"! 

Enlightened opinion had long recognised the 
source of these evils ; neither councils nor monastic 
orders could cure them; the remedy was, that the 
bishops should be deprived of the temporal power. 
The recognition of this great principle was one of 
the results of the quarrel for investitures : and even 
a pope had recognised it in his direst need. Arnold 
revived the idea of Paschalis II., and preached it 
openly in the streets of free cities, in discourses 

^ Qm's mihi det^ antequam mariar, videre Ecclesiam Dei, sicut in 
diebus antiquis, qttando apostoli iaxabant retia in capturam, non in 
caphiram auri vei argenti, sed — animarum ? £p. 238, to Eugenius 
III. A hundred years later Master Freygedank says : — 

Roman nets catch 
Silver, gold, and land; 
This S. Peter knew full well. 
VOL. IV. 2 I 


which harmonised with the spirit of the age and 
with the needs of the people. This was the practi- 
cal result of the ancient struggle, which had passed 
beyond the region of royal courts into civic curiae 
and the market-place. 

The progress which society had made, chiefly 
owing to the struggles of the State against the hier- 
archy of the Gregorian Church, was immense ; the 
political and social movements of races, the revival of 
industry, of traffic, of learning, the newly awakened 
love of classic antiquity, suddenly brought the world 
into bitter antagonism with the Church, and the 
Romans who struggled against the Dominium Tem- 
porale of the popes in the twelfth century gave vent 
to their opinions as clearly and decidedly as their 
descendants of the present day. 

Arnold's doctrine resounded loudly throughout 
Lombardy and Rome ; for the subject of his teach- 
ing, the secularisation of the States of the Church, 
was the necessity of the time. The people of Brescia, 
however, were not always successful in resisting the 
combined forces of the clergy and the captains; 
Arnold is Manfred denounced Arnold's principles at the 
^the '^ Lateran Council of 1139, and Innocent II. under- 
™^*^' stood what their consequences would be for Rome, 
where the republican party only awaited an oppor- 
tunity for effecting a breach. He condemned Arnold 
as a schismatic, imposed silence upon him, and 
banished him from Italy.^ Exiled from Brescia, he 

^ Otto of Freising, De Gestis Fried, , lib. ii. & 21. Otto's account 
is embodied in Gunther's poem Ligurmus^ whidi modem criticism 
first ascribed to Conrad Celtes or some other humanist, but afterwards 


journeyed to Abelard, who hoped to overcome the 
mystic Bernard at a scholastic tournament to be 
held at Sens in the spring of 1 140. Arnold openly 
defended Abelard, and found himself involved in the 
trial which awaited his teacher. The sentence of 
the Roman Council had given him celebrity; his 
friendship with Abelard made him still more hated 
by the clergy, and Bernard now appeared against 
him, armed with the weapons of discipline. Never- 
theless, there were points in which Bernard was at 
union with his abhorred enemy. With no less 
vehemence than the demagogue of Brescia did he 
scourge the worldly vices of the bishops, and in his 
book, De Consideraiione^ he soon after explained 
himself to a pope, his pupil, as strongly opposed to 
the political position of the clergy. He based his 
evangelical demands on the apostolic precept, that 
he who served the Lord should not occupy himself 
with worldly matters. He reminded the pope that s. Bernard 
his dignity was a spiritual office, not a lordship, that Jjg*°**®™°* 
he ought to wield the gardener's spade, not the^^^P^ 
royal sceptre, that his dominion had perhaps a secu- the pope, 
lar but never an apostolic right, lordship having 
been forbidden to the apostles. Inspired by en- 
thusiasm for early Christianity, he sighed that the 

pronounced genuine. A. Pannenborg, Forsch, 9, deuisch, Gesch., xi. 
(1 871), ziil (1873). S. Bemhard, vol. L ep. 195: accusalus apud 
D. Papam schismaie pessimo, HisU Pontificalis, p. 537. Of actual 
heresy he was not accused, although his opinions concerning the 
eucharist and baptism were not those of the Catholics. This is shown 
by his adhesion to the ideas of Berengar, Abelard, the Peterbrusians, 
&c. See the nineteenth article of Abeiard's Sctto te ipsum and the 
TkeoL chrisHanOy in the Tract. (U Erroribus AbalarcU of S. Bernard. 


bishops and popes went about clothed like secular 
courtiers, in silk, purple and gold, raiment such as 
Peter had never known ; and he finally told the pope 
that, appearing in this worldly guise, he was the suc- 
cessor not of Peter but of Constantine.^ If the saint 
persecuted a reformer of morals, whose opinions con- 
cerning the temporal rule of the clergy he endorsed 
instead of condemning, it was simply because Arnold 
fought not against moral corruption alone, but also 
against the authority of the Roman chair and the 
Gregorian hierarchy, and because he was odious to 
He Bernard as a heretic. The great abbot sighed that 

opposes , -^, - - iM « 

Arnold as the Church, the pure lily among thorns, was sur- 
a heretic, bounded by sectarians, that she had only escaped 
from the lion (Pierleone) to fall a prey to the dragon 
(Abelard). He wrote to the pope: he designated 
Arnold as the armour-bearer to Goliath Abelard, 
and accused both of heresy.* The pope ordered 
them to be confined in monasteries; the friend of 
Heloise, however, weary of life, found refuge in 
reconciliation with the Church, and two years after 
ended his days peacefully at Cluny. Arnold, full of 
courage and longing for action, continued from the 

^ The yerdict of S. Bernard against the Dominium TemporaU does 
not admit of dispute. I quote some sentences from his book de Con' 
sideraiione: Nemo militans Deo, implicat se negotiis sacularibus* — 
Quid fines alienos iwoaditisi — Disce, sarculo tibi opus esse, non 
sceptro ; ut opus facias Propheta, — Esto, ut alia quacunque rcUione, 
hac tibi vendices ; sed non Apostolico jure, — Planum est : ApostoUs 
interdicitur dominaius, — Forma Apostolica hac est : dominatio inter* 
dicitur : indicitur minisiratio, — In his successistis non Petro, sed 
Constantino. These principles are diametrically opposed to the 
hierarchical doctrines of Gregory VII. 

" Ep. 189. 


hill of S. Genevifeve in Paris to inveigh unhindered 
against the worldliness of the clergy, until Bernard 
procured his expulsion from France.^ A fugitive, 
Arnold journeyed further. Little Zurich received Amoid in 
him, and, 400 years before the time of Zwingli, 
acquired a right to the gratitude of all the advocates 
of liberty of thought He here found adherents 
even among the higher nobility.' But the Abbot of 
Clairvaux required the Metropolitan of Constance to 
secure the heretic, although in his unctuous letter he 
was obliged to admit that Arnold was a man of 
irreproachable life, one who, as he expressed it, 
"neither ate nor drank, but fasted with the devil, 
and who only thirsted for the blood of souls."* 

The persecuted man found a still more influential 
protector in Guido, the highly educated cardinal 
who had formerly been his fellow-student in Paris, 
and was now legate in Bohemia. Guido extended 
his protection to the fugitive in whatever part of 
Germany he might be, until the indefatigable man, 
who from the rock of Peter kept a watch over 
heretics, wrote indigfnantly to Guido: "Arnold of 
Brescia, whose speech is honey, but whose teaching 
is poison, who bears the head of a dove but the 
sting of a scorpion, whom Brescia drove forth, who 
is abhorred by Rome, banished by France, denounced 

• 1 HUt, Poniif., p. 537. 

' Otto of Frei^g, ii. c 21 : in oppido Alemanma Turrego officium 
doctoris (usumens, pemiciosum dogma aliquot dieb. seminavU, That 
which Johann v. MUller, and after him Franke, say of Arnold's 
influence on the Swiss republics, is exaggeration. 

' Ep. 195. A formal warrant of arrest, written by a saint* He 
also calls Abelard inius Herodes^f oris Johannes, Ep. 193. 


by Germany, and whom Italy refuses to receive, is, 
it is said, with you; take care that he does not 
injure the respect due to your office ; to favour him 
means opposition to the commands of the pope and 
of God."^ The effect of this exhortation is un- 
known ; whether Arnold journeyed further, perhaps 
among the quiet Alpine valleys of the mystic 
Catharists, or whether he continued under the pro- 
tection of the friendly cardinal, remains uncertain. 
To be brief, he vanished from sight for years, until 
he suddenly reappeared among the Roman re- 

Meanwhile Cardinal Guido, a Tuscan from Castello, 
became Pope.* There is no doubt that Guido had 
also been a pupil of Abelard's ; that he was a man 
of no common d^ree of culture, is proved by the 
honourable title of Magister, which he had acquired 
in France.* He ascended the sacred chair as 
Ceiestine Celestine II. on September 26, 1 143, only two days 
^ttIZi^ after the death of his predecessor; his hurried 

^ Ep. 196. Giesebrecht shows that this letter was not written after 
September 1 143. Otto of Freising himself calls Bernard credulous 
and xelotypus {De Gestis^ i. c. 47). 

' Surprisingly few of his contemporaries speak of Arnold ; even 
Malvezzi's ChronicU of Brescia passes him over in silence, and 
S. Bernard henceforward makes no mention of him. 

' Giesebrecht {Arnold v, Brescia) shows that this Guido was not 
identical with Arnold's protector of the same name. 

* Chrm, Mauriniac.y p. 387 : Celestinus qui alio nomine Magister 
de Castellis nominatus est (this was the Castrwn FeHcitatis in the State 
of the Church) ; three things had made him celebrated : nobilitas 
generis, mentis industria in omni statu aqualis, literarum scientia 
multiformis, Peter of Cluny's letter testifies to the unanimity of his 
election (Baron., A. 1143, n. xlL); and Ep, I, Calestini ad Chmia^ 
censes (Mansi, xxi. 592). 


election being due to the revolution then raging in 
Rome. His pontificate, however, only lasted five 
months, and the statement that he died at the 
Palladium renders it probable that he had been 
unable to come to any settlement with the Romans, 
but during a fierce conflict had been obliged to 
place himself under the protection of the Frangi- 

Celestine died on March 8, 1 144, and his successor, 
Gerard Caccianemici from Bologna, formerly chan- 
cellor under Innocent, and l^^te in Germany at 
the time of the election of King Lothar, was Ludus 11., 
proclaimed as Lucius II. on March 12. His short 11^x145. 
pontificate was unfortunate, and he himself fell a 
victim to the revolution. While the new commune 
on the Capitol organised itself amid deadly struggles, 
the perplexed Pope threw himself into the arms of 
his greatest vassal. He sought aid from the King 
of Sicily, with whom he had formerly been on 
terms of friendship. Roger I., already at variance 
with Celestine II. concerning the right of investiture 
conferred on him by Innocent II., wished to make 
terms with Lucius. They met at Ceprano and 
quarrelled ; the King commanded his son to march 
into Latium, and the Pope was obliged to conclude 
a treaty in which Roger on his side promised to 
support him against the Romans.^ With the help 

^ With Celestine II. begin the well-known prophecies of Malachy, 
Archbishop of Armagh in Ireland (he died 1148), the Sibylline Books 
of the Papacy ; probably a bungled work of the year 159a See 
Novaes on this Pope. 

* lliese obscure events are related by Romuald, p. 192. Ancn» 
Cassin, for the year 1 144. Treu^am cum to (x<r. rvgv) compomtmus. 


of Roger and the nobles, Lucius hoped to dissolve 
the commune. Nearly all the Consuls took his part, 
since with the overthrow of the ecclesiastical State 
their fiefs would have reverted to the commune. 
The noble families henceforward formed a Guelf 
party, opposed to the populace. Even the Frangi- 
pani, the ancient heads of the German faction, allied 
Luchisii. themselves with the Pope. He allowed them to 
aUiance take possession of the Circus Maximus, which they 
n^SiitsT included within the boundaries of their Palatine 
against the fortress ; and henceforward besides the Circus they 
^ ™ * also owned the Colosseum, the Septizonium, the 
Arches of Titus and Constantine (already trans- 
formed into towers), the Janus Quadrifrons, and 
other towers in the city.^ 

The perplexed commune meanwhile strove to 
acquire fresh strength. They made a Patricius head 
The of the republic. This was Jordan Pierleone, a 

Romans brother of the anti-pope Anaclete, and the sole 
jardan member of his family who, from ambition or other 
to the motives, had seceded to the popular side. It is thus 


"says the Pope in his letter to Peter of Cluny, dot. Laterani X, KaL 

Oct, (September 22, 1 144). Mansi, xxi. 60S. 

^ Document of January 31, 1 145 : Lucius diL Ft/it's^ nob, viris 

Oddoniet Cencio Frajapanibus frcUrib^—fidelitatem vesiram erga B» 

Petrum ei nos ipsos cUtendsntes, custodiam Circi vobis commUtintus — 

dot, Roma II, KcU, Febr. (from Cencius in Nerini, App., p. 407). 

The authenticity of this document has been disputed, but its spurious- 

ness has not been* proved. On March 18, 1145, the Abbot of S. 

Andreas let on lease to Cencius Frangipane turrim qua voccUur de 

Area — Rome in Caput Circli Maximi — and Trullum unum in 

integrum quod vacatur Septem Solia, The document is signed by 

Cencius de Area, It was a triumphal arch by the Circus transformed 

into a tower (Mittarelli, iii. a. 271), and was consequently in the 

possession of the Frangipani. 


evident that the Roman commune did not emulate 
other cities; they put forward no Consul, for this 
title was essentially aristocratic in Rome, and was 
still borne by the hostile nobility. There being no 
emperor at this time, the Patricius may have been 
accounted his representative, and the popular party, 
from motives of policy, recognised the supremacy 
of a Roman king. The first civic constitution was Formation 
formed under Jordan Pierleone in 11 44, and from govem^^*^ 
him the senatorial era was reckoned/ The commune "*°*» ''44- 
now resolved to deprive the Pope of the temporal 
power; it required him to surrender his sovereign 
rights into the hands of the Patricius, and to live 
on the tithes or on a pension from the State,' The 
city renewed the attempt, made in the time of 
Alberic, to dethrone the Pope, an attempt which 
it has frequently repeated down to present times. 

^ Non multo auiem post (after the return of the Pope from 
Campania). PopuL Roni, contra voluntatem ejusd. Papa Jordanum 
fUium Petri Leonis in Patricium promovit, et Senatores de ncvo in 
Urbe creavit: Romuald. The new era was reckoned from 1144. 
This is shown by documents of the Senate : the first which has been 
preserved is dated December 23, 1148, renovationis autem sacri 
Senaius cm, V.; January 23, 1160, is reckoned ah, XVI,; March 27, 
1 162, ah, XVIII,; March 30, 1188, ah, XLIV,; May 28, 1191, ah, 
XL VII, of the Senate. May 1 145 would therefore fall in the first 
year, and it consequently follows that the elevation of the patriciate 
took place in the autumn of 1 144. 

* Otto of Freising, Chron,^ vii. c. 31 : omnia regalia ejus — ad jus 
Pairicii reposcunt ; eumque mare antiquorum sacerdotum de decimis 
tantum et oblcUionibus sustentari oportere dicentes. And previously 
Senatoribtis — Patricium adjidunt — Jordanem Petri Leonis Jilium 
eligenies omnes ei. tamquam prineipi stdjiciuntur. Anon, Cassin, : 
JordanusJiL Petri Leonis cum Senatoribus et parte totiuspopuli minoris 
contra papam rebeliat — ** parte** is to be taken quite in its Italian 


May not Rome with justice be called the Eternal City, 
when its fortunes have remained so immutably the 
same ? 

In his distress Lucius turned to Conrad III., the 
King of the Romans, in whom the great Hohen- 
staufen race had ascended the German throne on 
March 7, 1138/ The Romans also besought Conrad 
to recognise their republic. Still perhaps filled with 
resentment against the Italian cities, which had so 
shamefully abandoned him, — ^the former rival to 
Lothar, — he returned them no answer. He readily 
received the envoys of the Pope, who came to 
implore his ratification and recognition of the State 
of the Church, but he abandoned Italy and Rome 
to their fate. The diminution of the papal power 
through the Romans, who recognised his authority, 
must necessarily be welcome to him. 

Rome was filled with tumult The Pope wrote 
on January 20, 1145, ^^ the Abbot Peter of Cluny, 
that he could not go to S. Saba on the Aventine 
to ordain the abbot." The biographer of the Pope 
indeed asserts that he succeeded in inducing the 
Senators to descend from the Capitol and to abjure 
the Senate. But this is a mistake,' for Lucius made 
a last despairing effort to wrest his power from the 

^ Conrad was desired and selected as Lothar's successor by the 
Roman Church. He was crowned at Aachen on March 13. W. 
Bemhardi, /. f., i. 15 f. 

 Letter of January 20, 1145. Ja^^i ^^^' Pon/,, n. 6125. 

' This proceeding is very obscure. The Ft/a Lueii transfers it to 
the last days of the Pope, and says that on account of his sudden 
illness and death Muratio ipsa viribus caruit. This is contradicted 
by other accounts. 


Romans. A pope besieged and attacked the Capitol, 
as Brennus or Vitellius had done, but Pierleone and 
his Senators, to whose heated imaginations the shades 
of antiquity may have appeared from the Tarpeian 
ruins, defended it bravely like their forefathers. A Lucius ii. 
blow from a stone, it is supposed, struck the Vicar of capitoiand 
Christ to the earth, and history associated a pope pJ^J^J^* -^ 
who fell bleeding on the Clivus Capitolinus with 
Manlius and Gracchus. 

Lucius II. died a few days after in the convent of 
S. Gregory on the Ccelian, whither he had been 
removed under the protection of the Frangipani, on 
February 15, 1x45.^ 

* Godfrey of Viterbo, who wrote about 11 80 (Murat., vii. 461): 
intcndens Senaium extingere cum ingenti militia Capitoiium Ronta 
conscendit — Senatus autem Populusq, Rom^-^Papani — in momenta 
repellunt. Ubi Papa {sicut audivimus) lapidibus magnis percussus^ 
lisque ad obitus sui diem^ qui proxime secuius est, non sedit in sede. 
Sicard (Murat., vii. 598): ttrmaia manu ascendit Capitoiium; sed 
Rofnani inde ejeceruni eum. Sigbeit, Cont, Pramonstr, : sede inde 
(from the Capitol) per Jordanem—perturbatus^ infirmitate correptus^ 
infra annum — fnoritur. The day of his death is fixed by Cardinal 
Aragon., p. 437, who only says : repentina moHe praventus. Otto of 
Freising (viL c. 31) says : quotidianis cruciatibui ac tadio vita affectus^ 
infra anni spatium pontificatus sui diem odiit. The Romans appear 
to have made a pasquinade on Lucius, which runs :— 

Lucius estpiscis vocitcUus^ raptor aquarumy 
A quo discordat Lucius isteparum. 

Gloss on ^gid, AureavalL^ iii. 28 {Mon, Germ^^ zxv. loo). 


4. EuGENius III. — His first Flight from Rome — 
Abolition of the Prefecture — Arnold of 
Brescia in Rome — Institution of the Order 
OF Knighthood — Influence of events in Rome 
on the Provincial Cities — Eugenius III. recog- 
nises the Republic — Character of the Roman 
Municipal Constitution — Second Flight of 
Eugenius — War between the Populace and the 
Nobility — Rebellion of the inferior Clergy 
against the higher Ecclesiastics — S. Bernard 


III. TO Rome — Eugenius III. in Tusculum. 

Eugenius The Cardinals forthwith assembled in the church 
ii4S-H^ of S. Cesario on the Via Appia, and unanimously 
fixed their choice on Bernard, the Abbot of S. 
Anastasius ad Aquas Salvias. And hence through 
his pupil the ideas of the saint of Clairvaux obtained 
possession of the papal chair. Bernard of Pisa had 
no genius ; his own master even felt dismayed that, 
at a time so critical, a simple monk should have been 
placed on the throne of Christendom. The electors, 
however, must have discovered in him sufficient 
intelligence and energy of purpose. His friends 
asserted that the succouring grace of God endowed 
the artless monk with intellect, grace, and eloquence. 
The sainted teacher eventually dedicated to his timid 
pupil, whose apostolic feet he now kissed in self- 
abnegation, his golden book De Consideratione, which 
still remains the most useful manual for such popes 
as desire to administer their office with humility and 

^ Ilwtc cum aniea simplex fmrit^ Deus mirahUi gratia^ et eioquentia 



The new Pope was able to take possession of the 
Lateran unhindered, but the Senators barred his 
way to S. Peter's, where his consecration ought to 
have taken place. They demanded his renuncia- 
tion of the civil power, and the recognition of the 
republic. Rome stood in arms. The Pope fled on 
February 17, the third day after his election, to 
the Sabine fortress of Monticelli, and was followed 
by the dismayed cardinals. They proceeded to 
Farfa, where Eugenius III. was consecrated, on 
February 18, 1145. 

He took up his abode at Viterbo at Easter and He files to 
there remained eight months. During the struggles *^ ' 
between Henry IV. and the Papacy, Viterbo had 
attained municipal power, and at the end of the 
eleventh century had acquired a municipal constitu- 
tion with consuls at its head.^ It nevertheless 
remained subject to the popes, who henceforth 
frequently found refuge within its walls. Rome 
meanwhile remained the scene of wildest uproar. 
The palaces and towers of such nobles as belonged 
to the papal party, and of the cardinals, were sacked 
and destroyed ; the populace abandoned themselves 
to violent excesses. Even pilgrims were seized, 

perfudU(Bem, Guid,^ Muratori, iii. I, 347). Bernard's embarrassment 
at the election of his pupil is shown by Ep. 237 to the electors, £p. 
238 to the elected. Dabit tibi dom, intelUctum^ he says to him, and 
to the cardinals : quid fecistist sepuUura homitum revocasHs ad 
homines. He calls him rustictmum—pannosum honiunctonem. The 
fiye books De Consid,^ which Pius V. had read aloud to him every 
day, were written by Bernard in the intervals of leisure of many years. 
1 Cesare Pinzi, Star, delia cittct di ViUrbo^ Rome, 1887, vol. i. 
109 f. 


and S. Peter's was again fortified with engines of 
war.^ The popular government now abolished the 
city prefecture. The office represented the imperial 
power in Rome, and its abolition must therefore be 
taken as signifying that the Romans, embittered by 
Conrad's disdain, threatened to sever themselves 
from the imperium. The Patricius should alone 
represent the majesty of the Roman Senate and 
people, and all nobles who refused to recognise the 
Patricius were banished.* 
Eugeniiis Meanwhile Eugenius III. assembled the vassals 
war on ^ of the Church in Viterbo ; the greater number of the 
VitSbo^*'" Counts of the Campagna were hostile to the city, with 
which they were not allied by any tie. In some cities 
counts had been established since antiquity; other 
cities were governed by papal delegates bearing 
the Roman titles of Praesides and Rectors. Rome 
determined to subjugate both counts and provincial 
cities, as Milan and other republics had subjugated 
their neighbours. The papal cities resolved to be 
again entirely free, although few were strong enough 
to emulate the example of Rome. Among these, 
however, was Cometo, the ancient Tarquinium, a 
busy mart, which in 1144 stlready owned a muni- 

* Otto of Freising, CAr,, vii, c 31 : Ecc/. b. Petri— profanissimt 
in castellare turn metuunt, Geroh of Reichersberg {Ub, de corrupio 
eccles, statu in Baluz, MiscelL^ v. 114) lamented : quod adkuc in dome 
b, Petri — desolaiionis (zbominatumem stare videmus, posUis etiam 
propugnacidis et aliis beUor, instrumentis in aititudins sanctuari supra 
corpus b, Petri, The cardinals had already beaatifiil palaces in Rome 
— m/ Cardinalium diruentur—spiendiiia paiaHa (Otto of Freising, De 
Gestis Friday ii. c. 21). 

* Prafectura dignitatem adoUntes, omnes principes ac nob» ex civib, 
ad subfection. Patricii compellunt. Otto of Freising, vii. c. 31. 


cipality with consuls.* The provincial nobility also 
sought to attain independence, while the Roman 
Senate strove to compel them to receive their feudal 
investiture on the Capitol instead of in the Lateran, 
and either to live in the city under the laws of the 
republic, or to recognise these laws. Eugenius was 
soon able to unite several vassals of the Church, who 
had done homage to him at Nami, with the Tivolese, 
Rome's bitterest enemies, and to send them against 
the city, where the papal party was at war with the 
Senate.' It is possible that the excommunication 
with which he threatened the Patricius Jordan may 
have had some effect, and the wearied populace 
finally demanded the return of the Pope, whom they 
determined to recognise.* The Pope prudently The 
agreed to a treaty, perhaps saying to himself that it ^Sde 

a treaty 
^ Document of Cometo, November 20, 1144 (Cendos, fol. cxiii.). ^ith |he 

Nos quid. Gcttofredus de Pinzon et Veto Franconis consults una cum Pope, who 

Ept'dio victcomite et Ranutio de Guiltone ex mandato — alter. Consul, recognises 

Lfif*if con* 

a Pop, Cometance cvvitatis. The Pope already recognised the stitution 
municipal constitution in country towns. There were consuls in xz45. 
Orvieto in 1157 ; according to Murat, Antiq, It.^ ii. 33?, in Nepi as 
early asii3i;inii98, and naturally even earlier, there were twelve 
consuls in Nami, where the entire county belonged to the commune. 
Namienses Consules universcUes CimtcUis et Comitatus Namue 
(Murat., Antiq.^ iv. p. 60). With regard to Cometo and its history, 
compare Dasti, Notizie storiche archeoL di Tarquinia e Cometo^ Roma, 
1878 ; and Th. WUstenfeid, Regesten der wkktigeren Urk. zur Gesch, 
von Cometo vom 10. bis \^,Jahrhundertm Xhit Iter Italicum of Jul. v. 
Pflngk-Harttung, 2 Abth., Stuttg., 1884. 

' An ancient account of this time (Martinelli, Roma ex EtAn,, 
p. 171) says : post hac vero, ipso D, Papa mandcuite^ contra Senatum 
et Pop, Rom. quibus modis poterant comites pupusre caperunt. Of the 
Senate, Card. Arag., p. 439 : civitatis et castra B. Petri assidtiis 
rapinis et gravibus guerris persequi nan cessabant, 

' Otto of Freising, viL c. 31 ; Card. Aiagon, p. 439. 


was better to place the Roman republic under the 
authority of holy Church, than that the Emperor 
should place it under the authority of the empire. 
The Romans consequently removed the Patricius, 
again appointed a Prefect, and recognised the 
supremacy of the Pope, who acknowledged the 
existence of the commune under his investiture. 
After the conclusion of the treaty with the Roman 
people, shortly before Christmas 1145, Eugenius III. 
was able to leave Sutri, and make his entry into the 
Lateran. His return resembled a triumph.^ 

The city commune had thus wrung its recognition 
from the Pope, and the Pope on his part had 
preserved the principle of his government, since from 
him the Senate received investiture.* In this curious 
phantom of ancient times the name alone was 
Roman, the character was new. In the list of 
twenty-five Senators given us in the oldest document 
preserved of the Acta Senattis of the Middle Ages, 
scarcely any names are mentioned but those of 
people of the burgher class, names hitherto unknown 
to history, and among them is even one of a painter 
by profession.' The majority of its members being 

^ PcUriciatus dignitatem exfestiuarent^ et prafectum in pristinam 
dignitatem reciperent, Senatores vero ex ejus aiutoritaie tenerent. 
Otto of Freising, vii. c. 34. Theobald was Prefect in 1 1 39, 
Jacobus prafutus urhis probably as early- as 1145 (Bonincontr. ap. 
Lamium, vi. 144). The triumphal procession of the Pope is described 
by Card. Aragon, p. 439. 

' Hence the document of December 23, 1 148, says : Nos Senatores 
— a d, n, P» Eugenia totaque veneranda aplica curia et reoerendo pop, 
Romano pro regim. urbis atmuat, in Capitolio constituti ; similarly the 
treaty between Pisa and Rome in the Chronicle of Afarangone, A. 1 15 1. 

' It is signed : Et nos Senatores : Joh Berardi, Petr, plangens 


of the burgher class gave the Senate a plebeian 
stamp, although many nobles had already joined 
the commune. A fresh election took place every 
year in September or November, probably in the 
presence of papal plenipotentiaries. The original Character 
number of members is unknown and was afterwards Roman 
variable, but since soon after 1144 the number of^jjj^j^^* 
fifty-six Senators was accepted as the standard, it 
appears that, as in ancient times, so again now, 
Rome was divided into fourteen regions, from each 
of which four Senators were elected, and that the 
Senate was thus drawn from the fourteen companies 
of the city.^ The full Senate formed the great 
Council or Consistorium and a committee of 
Consiliatores or Procuratores of the republic was 
placed at its head. Consiliatores are also found in 
Genoa and Pisa, in the capacity of assistant 
councillors to the consuls. In Rome, however, while 
the Senate possessed the l^islative power, they 

spaiulam, U^Ulo gentis, Peir. Enrici^ Romanus petri milluli, 
Astaldus David, Jordctnus brutii, Gregorius gaudentis, Nicol. 
philippic Fetr, romaui sperantis in DEO» Sebcutianus guaUrade, 
Stepkan faiconis, Grisoctus Cencii. Greats, Nicol, berizonis, 
Dampnicus, Pareniius, Petr, baffolini, Falco carozie, Rtisticus 
nicolai rustici, Petr, rabie, Stephan. cinaronis^ Bonum tibi veniat 
A, e, betUivenga pictor, Joh, banifilioli, Petrus demetrii pro nobis et 
pro omnib, aiiis consencUorib. nostris quor, nomina non sunt hie 
descripta (Galletti, Del, Prim,, p. 306, Lawsuit on account of some 
property of S. Maria in Via Lata). The Berardl, Astaldi, Berizo, 
Rustici, BonifilioU were nobiUs ; Grisoctus Cendi may have belonged 
to the Banmzii ; at any rate, Grisottus de Stefano Centii de Baruntio 
appears in 1 131 (Mittarelli, iu. n. 224). 

^ True, the treaty of peace between Pisa and Rome in 1 151 says nos 
quid Senatores numero JL; the figures VI. may, however, have been 
accidentally omitted. 

VOL. IV. 2 K 


held the executive power as the supreme governing 
Council. They were elected from amongst the 
Senators, and they frequently changed office during 
the year.^ Consiliatores and Consistorium thus 
form the Major and Minor Council, and all full 
citizens and electors of the Senate compose the 
popular parliament, which assembled on the Capitol 
to assent to the decrees and to listen to the vin- 
dications of the magistrates retiring from office. 
CoiM of It IS difficult to say what were the revenues of the 
Senate. Senate, and what royalties it appropriated. It must 
already have deprived the pope of the right of 
coinage ; hence, after an interval of several centuries, 
silver pieces again passed through the hands of the 
Romans, on which the ancient legend, '^ Senatus 
poptdus que Romanus^ was engraved, but which now 
bore in addition the portrait of an apostle with the 
inscription, " Prince of the Romans."* 

* The authors who deal with the Senate — ^Vendettini, Vitale, 
Olivieri, and Cnrtius— overlook this change. A document in April 
1 191 is signed by different Consiliatores to those who sign in May. 
We find now nine, now eleven, twelve, even fourteen of them. They 
invariably sign their names before the Senators. The treaty with the 
Pope of 1 188 is signed y«jx» Senatorum Consiliaiorum (twelve names 
follow) ft Senatorum (the names follow). I believe them to be 
Procuratores of the republic, corresponding to the governing consuls of 
other cities, and not merely councillors, as Papencordt and Hegel 
suppose. Twenty-four Consiliatores were elected in Pisa in 1 164, qui 
nee comules nee senatores hoc anno fuerint (Bonaini, Statuti eU Pisa, 
i. 25) ; in Rome, however, they were the directing committee of the 

* The Papal denarii cease with Benedict VII. (who died 9S4). In 
the eleventh century only one denarius is attributed to Leo IX. and 
another to Paschalis II. The void until Benedict XI. (who died in 
1304) is filled (according to Floravante, Antigui Ronumor. Pontif. 


Civil justice also devolved on the Senate ; the Justice. 
court of justice of the Capitol {Curia Senafus), 
composed of Senators and men learned in law, 
frequently received Palatine judges and Dativi as 
Proctors within its limits, so that in several Placita 
senatorial and papal tribunals are found side by side. 
The Senate also endeavoured to bring even civil 
cases of a spiritual nature, where both accusers and 
accused were priests, before her tribunal — the Forum 
Senatorium} The popes, however, resisted the 
attempt For the papal Curia still survived along- 
side of the senatorial, and in ecclesiastical dis- 
putes the papal Placita are always independent 
of the senatorial decrees. From these decrees the 
litigants frequently appealed to the pope, as, on the 
other hand, persons judged by the papal tribunal 
frequently appealed to the Senate.' Such are the 

Denarii) bjr the coins of the Senate. Nevertheless, in documents 
subsequent to the installation of the Senate, I find solidi papa distin- 
guished from denarii Senatus (Mittarelli, iv. n. 53, n. 98) ; I believe 
that the popes at first still struck money. The coins of the Senate 
were called soluii benor. prcvisiner, Senaius from Provins in 
Champagne) : or the custom of reckoning according to libnB honor, or 
parvor, paroemium Senaius still continued. Floravante holds that the 
oldest denarii of the Senate are those bearing on one side the legend 
ROMAN. PRICIPE round the effigy of S. Peter, and SENAT. 
POPUL. Q. R. round S. Paul on the other. Other coins of this 
period are called affortiati (strong or pure gold) Scyphati^ Marahotini 
(Maravedi), Maieckini (an Arabic name derived from Melech) 
RamaneUi (Byzantine), &c. See Ducange. 

^ £p. 239, Innocent. III., lib. ii., an important letter for the legal 
relations of the time. 

* The existence of the two Curiae side by side is shown by several 
documents, and in the earliest document of the Senate of the year 1 148 
the ancient Palatine judges are mentioned as assistant councillors. See 


principal features of the constitution which the 
Romans now created for themselves. It does 
honour to their civic energy ; since, although recog- 
nising in principle the supremacy of the pope, they 
retained their political autonomy, and Rome hence- 
forward became properly a self-governing republic, 
which made war and peace independently of the 

Meanwhile the treaty with Eugenius III. did not 
calm the profound disturbance in the city and 
territory. Nobles and clergy looked with anger on 
the Senate, which strove to extend its authority over 
the entire Campagna. Tivoli gave rise to fr&h 
tumults. The Romans demanded its destruction, 
and the harassed Pope permitted its walls to be 
pulled down, a measure, however, which failed to 
satisfy the Romans. Eugenius III. fled from his 
tormentors at the end of January 1 146 to Trastevere, 
or S. Angelo, which the Pierleoni still retained. 
Weary of life like Gelasius, he bemoaned his 
troubles and sighed, in the words of S. Bernard, that, 
instead of the sheep of Peter, the Shepherd tended 
wolves, dragons, and scorpions in Rome. He went 
Flight of to Sutri in March, to Viterbo in May, and stayed 
^ ugemus ^jjgj.g mj^jj ^Q gjj J Qf ^^ y^^ . thence he proceeded 

I^r* *^ ^^^^' ^^^ *^ March 1147 through Lombardy to 

also the Act of the Senate of 11 60 (Galletti, Dei, Prim., p. 314) : 
Actum XVI. a resiaurattonis senatus Ind, VIII, m,Jan, die XXIII, 
CapUolii in curia senatus. In a dispute between the churches of 
S. Croce in Gerusalemme and S. Prassede concerning the Fundus 
Pompeii^ the senatorial delegate Nicholas Johis Gianelli takes into 
consultation the Papal Primicerius, prim. Defensor^ the Sacellarius 
and some dativi. 


France, where King Lewis was preparing for the 
second Crusade.^ 

Eugenius had fled but had not been driven away 
by force of arms, for even after his two years' 
absence the Romans continued to recognise the 
foundations of the treaty and to regard the Senate 
as having been invested in its office by the pontiff.* 
Meanwhile they now felt themselves entirely free; 
Tivoli was immediately attacked and punished by 
the execution of several of its citizens.* Rome 
seemed to have reverted to ancient times, as in her 
Senate, so in the wars, which she waged now as 
then against Latin and Tuscan towns, which again 
formed an alliance against her. In order to in- 
demnify themselves, the great nobility also attacked 
many patrimonies of the Church. Each seized what 
he could.* The State of the Church was split into 

* The passage of the Ancn, Cassin. : pacem cum Ronianis reformans^ 
muros TiburtituB civitatis destrui pracepit^ is fittingly explained by 
Cartius. Otto of Freising, viL c. 34 : a pop, Rom, pro excidto Tidur- 
iinor» in tantum soliicitatur^ ut improbitaUm eor, non sush'nens ad 
transtybertnam regionem migrans, &c Bonincontrius (Lamius, 
Delicy V. 144) even says that he had been driven out of the city. 

' This is shown by the document of December 28, 1148 (already 
quoted), when Eugenius was not in the city. 

' Chron, Fossa N,^ ad A, 1 146: Romanivener, super Tiburim^ et 
multos ex eis decollaveruni. The notice in the Ckron, Sublac, (Murat. , 
Antiq,f iv. 797) : cum Romanitemp, Thebaldi Praf, supra Tiburtinos 
venerintf belongs to an earlier year. 

* Bonincon., p. 148 : Guido Colonna took Norba and Frosinone ; 
Jacobus, the Prefect who had received investiture from the Pope, 
Civita Vecchia and Viterbo ; Nicholas of Anguillara, T0I& and S. 
Severa ; Peter Frangipane, Tenacina and Sezza. Celestine II. had 
only given the Frangipani the revenues of Terracina, but they con- 
stituted themselves tyrants of the place. See the notices in Contatore 
{Hist, di Terracina^ i. c. 6) taken from the city archives. The 



Arnold of 
Brescia , 
in Rome 

petty baronial despotisms, which were hostile alike 
to the Papacy and to the Senate, and which weakened 
or hindered the autonomy of Rome. The rule of 
these noble tyrants was especially strong in Latium, 
a poor district where there were no wealthy com- 
munes to form a counterpoise such as existed in 
Tuscany or Umbria. The energy of the Roman 
people was thus dissipated in struggles with towns 
and captains, while Rome itself^ where Jordan 
Fierleone now appeared as standard-bearer of the 
civic power, was torn by internal civic wars, and 
stood in violent revolution. 

It was at this time that Arnold of Brescia, who 
had remained hidden in exile, reappeared as a 
demagogue in Rome. The celebrated schismatic 
had returned to Italy on the death of Innocent II., 
and, having promised silence and submission, was re- 
leased by Eugenius III. in Viterbo from the ban which 
had previously been laid upon him. His penance 
was to be performed at the holy places in Rome. 
Thither, therefore, Arnold went, perhaps at the 
same time that Eugenius returned to the city 
from Viterbo, and at first lived in concealment. 
After the Pope's flight to France, however, he came 
forward publicly, and, heedless of the oath which he 
had taken to the Curia, loudly preached his old 
doctrines to the Romans.* 

The revolution in Rome took great hold upon 

Frangipani suppressed the commune of TenaciDa; consequently, 
we do not find consuls there until the thirteenth century, when 
Innocent III. subjugated the barons. 
^ Hist, pontifUalis^ 



him. Friends, whom he had either found in the city 
or recently made, encouraged him to dedicate his 
talents to the cause of the people. He acquiesced, 
filled with the enthusiastic hope of thus accom- 
plishing his ecclesiastical and social ideal in the over- 
throw of the Dominium Temporale. Nothing could 
have been more gratifying to Arnold than the 
establishment of the Roman commune. Should the 
attempt to deprive the Pope of the civil power 
succeed, it would entail the fail of all the remain- 
ing ecclesiastical States, and Christian society would 
again approach the democratic conditions of the 
early unpolitical Church. Arnold's chief work must 
consequently be to aid in the formation in Rome 
of a republic founded on civic liberty. 

The religious sect which he had founded in Brescia 
was revived in Rome. His doctrine of apostolic 
poverty and purity of morals won him many friends : 
women more especially became his enthusiastic 
followers. His adherents were known as Lombards 
or Amoldists.* The Roman Senate eagerly imbibed 
the doctrines of the fiery popular orator on their 
political side. A man clad in the monastic habit, 
emaciated by fasting, stood like a spectre on the 
ruins of the Capitol and addressed the Patres 
Conscripti on the same spot where Senators, volup- 
tuous rulers over thousands of slaves, had addressed 
their ancestors. Arnold's glowing declamations, to 

^ HofHinum sectam fecitf que adhuc dUitur heresis Lombardorum. 
Habuit enim continenHa tectaiores^ qui propter honest at is speciem et 
austeritatem vite placebant populOf sed maxime apud religiosas feminas 
iuveniebasU subsidium^ Hist, pontificalis^ p. 538. 


which the Fathers of the Church and Virgil, the law 
of Justinian and the Gospel, alike contributed, were 
delivered in the corrupt Latin, the " lingua rustical^ 
or peasant's tongue, to which Varro or Cicero would 
have listened in horror, but which, as the tonjue of 
Dante, was destined a century later to create a new 

Arnold spoke frequently in pubh'c parliaments. He 
described the pride, the avarice, the hypocrisy and 
the vices of the cardinals, he called their collie a 
table of money-changers and a den of robbers. He 
loudly announced that the Pope was not a successor 
of the apostles as a shepherd of souls, but an incen- 
diary and a murderer, a tyrant over churches and 
a corrupter of innocence, who fed his body and his 
treasure-chests on the property of others. Neither 
obedience nor reverence was due to him. Nor was 
any toleration to be shown to such as desired to 
reduce Rome, the Seat of the Empire, the Source of 
Freedom, the Mistress of the World, to subjection.^ 

We may imagine how these speeches, uttered by a 
reformer of strictly moral life, inflamed the minds of 
the Romans, already filled with hatred against the 
priestly rule. Arnold was the man of the hour ; the 
republic on the Capitol took him formally into its 
service : * it also made use of him as Councillor in 

^ This is related by the Histor, PofUificcUis, Posterea non esse 
homines admittendos^ qui sedem Imperii fontem libertcUis Romam^ 
mundi dominam volsbant subjicere serviiuti. Otto of Freising thus 
sums up Arnold's principles : nihil in dispositione Urbis ad Roman, 
pontificem spectare^ suffUere sibi ecclesiasticum judicium* 

' Qui honori urbis et reipubl, Romanar, se dicebatur obligasse prestito 
juramento* Et ei popuU Roman, vicissim auxilium et consilium contra 


matters relating to the civic constitution : for it has 
come to pass that in every age in Italy ecclesiastical 
reformers have stepped into the domain of politics 
and become demagogues. The practical insight of 
the Lombard may have been darkened by the ruins 
of Rome, and become too deeply steeped in ancient 
traditions. The revival of the study of the law of 
Justinian combined with the monuments and tradi- 
tions of antiquity to hold the Romans within an 
enchanted domain. While other democracies 
developed in accordance with natural laws, the 
Romans strove to restore the ancient forms of their 
republic, and lost themselves in enthusiastic dreams 
of the world-wide supremacy which was their due. 
Arnold himself counselled the people to rebuild the 
Capitol and to revive the ancient order of Senators, 
even that of the knights. We must not, however, 
regard the institution of knighthood simply as a 
fantastic whim ; other cities also created knights, 
and Arnold probably wished to combine the petty 
nobility (who were friendly to the populace), and to 
install them as an armed force in opposition to the 
aristocracy of consuls and captains.^ 

As the lower ranks of the nobility entered thexheioweri 
commune, so the inferior clergy laid hold of the idea [SS^^i^ly 
of the equality of the priesthood. War was made on join the 


omtus homin, et nominoHm contra d, Papam promisit. Hist. Pontif. 
Arnold's attitude towards the Senate in Rome reminds us of that 
later held by Paolo Sarpi towards the Signory of Venice. 

^ Circa prindpia pontificaHu Eugenii pestifer AmcUdus Rontam 
ingressus^proponem antiquor, Romanor, exempla — reatUficandum 
CapitoUuMf renovandam dignitatem Senatoricun, rcfirmandum eques" 
trem ordinem docuit. Otto of Freising, ii. c 21 • 


all sides against the Gregorian hierarchy, which 
was contrasted with the long-overthrown likeness of 
primitive Christianity. The clergy of the smaller 
churches revolted against the caste of cardinals, who 
already, like the great nobility (to whose ranks they 
for the most part belonged), owned castellated palaces 
in the city and were accustomed to live like princes. 
Eugenius meanwhile had returned to Italy from 
France in June 1 148. He excommunicated Arnold 
at a Synod held at Cremona in July. Apprehensive of 
a movement among the clergy in Rome, he addressed 
them a letter from Brescia, menacing them all with 
punishment did they give ear to the sectary.* 

While Arnold inflamed the populace with en- 
thusiasm for democracy, his old adversary Bernard 
was active to quench the brand. The practical 
application of his own Christian principles, concern- 
ing the illegality of the political rule of the bishops, 
the saint himself still owed to the world, and it was 
with difficulty that he could think of Rome other- 
wise than in the possession of the Pope, even if the 
form of government remained a matter of indiffer- 
s. Bernard ence. After Eugenius' second flight he wrote to 
R^naas^to tl^G Romans ; he implored the indulgence of the 
to^h*^^'^ " ^^^1^®^ ^^^ illustrious people," that he, an insigni- 


^ Fallax et itvuidus hum, generis inimicus per Amaldum schismati" 

cum — fffecii^ ut quidcun Capellani unitatem Eccles, — dwidentes^ ipsius 

A» sequaniur errarem : et Cardinalib, atque Archipresbyteris mis 

obedientiam — amtradiatnt — dai. Brixia Id, Juiii, The movement 

among the inferior clergy continued under Adrian IV. and Alexander 

III. (Brie6 of these popes in Mansi, xxL 628, 803). The existence 

of twenty-eight cardinal titles at this time is evident from Alexander's 



ficant person, should venture to address them, but he 
explained, as every bishop of the present day explains, 
that the violence oflfered to the Pope concerned the 
entire Catholic world. 

" Your fathers rendered the universe subject to 
the city, but you would make the city the byword 
of the world. You have banished the Papacy, 
now beware what will become of Rome; a head- 
less trunk, a face without eyes. Scattered sheep ! 
Return to your Shepherd. Illustrious city of heroes, 
reconcile thyself with thy true princes Peter and 
Paul."^ The saint spoke with indignation but 
with diplomatic reverence for the name of Rome, 
but he secretly hated the Romans. He elsewhere 
draws a picture of them, and calls this exalted people 
proud, covetous, vain and mutinous, unmanly and 
false. " Their speech is arrogant but their actions are 
mean. They promise everything and perform noth- 
ing. They are at the same time honeyed flatterers 
and bitter slanderers, in short, worthless traitors." * 

^ Ep. 243 : Nobilib, et optimatib, et univ, pop, Romano, frater 
Bern, Claravallis vocatus Abbas, decUnare a nuUo, et facere quod 
bonum est. — Paires vestri Urbi Orbetn subjugaoerunt, vos Urbeni 
properatis orbi facere fabulam — Quid ergo nunc Ronia, nisi sine capiie 
truncum corpus, sine ocuiisfrons effossa, fades ienebrosa f Bishops in 
every port of the world say the same even now, and Bernard's letter is 
as often quoted by the friends of Pius IX. as the opinion taken by the 
saint concerning the political position of the clergy is quoted by their 

^ Quid tarn notum sceculis, quam protervia et fasius Romanor, f 
Gens insueta pacis, tumultui assueta ; gens immitis et intractabilis — 
impii in Deutn, temerarii in sancta, sediiiosi in invicetn, amu/i in 
incinosy inhumani in extraneos. Docuenent Hnguam suam grandia 
loqui, cum operereniur exigua. And of the avarice of the Romans : 
quem dabis mihi^ vel de tota maxima Urbe^ qui Te in Fapam reuperit. 







tecuon of 



Eugenius was not to owe to the saint, whose pupil 
he had been, what Innocent II. had once owed 
him. Neither in Conrad did he find a Lothan 
Both parties summoned the King to Rome; both 
made use of the same phrase, that Caesar should 
take what belonged to Caesar ; but their sense and 
intention differed in each case.^ Conrad III., owing 
to his disastrous Crusade, to which he had been 
driven by the exhortations and false prophecies of 
the holy abbot, was kept far from Italy, but re- 
turning by Aquileja in the b^inning of 1149 
he determined on the journey to Rome. Roger's 
alliance with Guelf, the rebellious Duke of Bavaria, 
urgently demanded the journey, while Roger, mind- 
ful of Lothar's victory, employed every means to 
keep him at a distance.^ Conrad had formed an 
alliance with the Greek Emperor Emmanuel, and 
the Pisans were again to lend him their fleet On 
the other hand, the Pope required the help of the 
Sicilians against the Romans, and feared that Conrad 
would agree to the treaty which they repeatedly 
offered him. 

At the end of the year 1148 Eugenius went to 
Viterbo, a town with which the Romans were 

precio^ seu spe precti non intervenientet De Consid,, iv. c. iu 
Bernard wrote the fourth and fifth books of this celebrated treatise 
1152-1153. Petrarch later defended Rome against this invective: 
Contra galii calumnias^ Op„ ed. Basel, p. 1075. 

1 Ep. 244, ad Conradum, And the letter of the friend (Martene, 
i. iL 299, £p. 212). 

* Concerning this we are informed by the notary John : Ep. 239, 
among Wibald's letters (Martene, AmpL Collect, , iL). Martene 
wrongly places the letter in the year 1151 ; it fiUls before the battle of 
Flochberg, where Guelf was vanquished on February 8, 115a 


already at war. In the beginning of 1149 he 
ventured into the neighbourhood of Rome. Count 
Ptolemy received him in Tusculum, where he was Ei«eiiius 
also greeted by Lewis of France on his return from Tusculum, 
the Crusade. The king saw with astonishment the ''^' 
helpless position of the Pope in the gloomy fortress ; 
he nevertheless went on to Rome, to visit the various 
holy places as a pilgrim, and the republicans of the 
city received him with all due honour.^ Eugenius, 
who had brought the necessary money with him 
from France, collected the vassals of the Church and 
reinforcements of mercenaries in Tusculum, placed 
Cardinal Guido of Puella at the head of these 
troops, and in his distress formed an alliance with 
King Roger, who lent him soldiers. Rome was now 
reduced to the uttermost extremity, but the repub- 
licans valiantly repulsed the attacks of the enemy.* 

^ Hist, Pontificalis^ c. 29. 

* The Bulls given by Jaff6 fix his sojourn in Tusculum between 
April 8 and November 7, 1 149. Anon, Cass. Ckron,^ A. 1 148: 
Eugenius P. Tusculanum ingressuSf fultus auxilio Rogerii Regis ^ 
Romanes sibi rebelles expugnat. Similarly Romuald, p. 193. 
Robert de Monte : P, Eugenius in ItcUiani regressus^ cum Romanis 
vario eventu confiigit. The Hist, Pontificalis says (c. 27) expressly: 
infeliciter pugnabatur, Ecclesia namque fecit sumptus maximos et 
profectum minimum^ 


5. Letter of the Senate to Conrad III. — Poutical 
Ideas of the Romans — Return of Eugenius III. — 
His new Exile — Proposals of the Romans to Con- 
rad—He prepares to go to Rome — His Death 
— Frederick I. ascends the German Throne 
— ^Letter of the Romans to Frederick — Rome, 
Roman Law, and the Empire — Stipulations of 
Constance — Irritation of the Democrats in 
Rome — Eugenius' return to the City — His Death. 

The Senate at this time wrote repeatedly to King 
Conrad, inviting him to come and rule over empire 
and city. The citizens, Sixtus, Nicholas, and 
Guido, now Councillors of the republic, announced 
that they had banished the Frangipani and Fierleoni, 
and urged Conrad to take the Roman commune 
under his protection.^ But as they received no 
answer, and the difficulty increased, the Senate 
addressed him another letter in 1 149. Its memor- 
able contents show that the chasm which separated 
the Romans of the twelfth century from the temporal 
power was just as deep, and was explained with as 
much certainty, as at the present day, when their 
remote and unarmed descendants still assemble 
amid the time-worn ruins of the Forum and Capitol, to 
protest against the civil power of the Pope, and to 
stick by night placards ending with the cry, ** Viva il 
Pontefice — non Re," at the corners of the streets.* 

^ Ep. 212 (Wibaldi) : Excellent, et Magnif, Dom, Urbis et Orbis 
Conrado etc, Sixius, Nicolaus et Guide consiliatores Curia sacri 
Senatus et communis scUutis reip, procmatores — ut jam per piures 
litieras regia ngnificatum est majestati etc, etc, 

' A proclamation during the Carnival of 1862 says : Romans ! 


673 years had rolled by since the d^raded 
Senators had explained to Zeno in Byzantium 
that Rome no longer required a Western emperor ; 
that she was satisfied that Odoacer should rule over 
Italy as Byzantine Patricius. 614 years had passed 
since the Senate had addressed its last letter to 
Justinian, imploring him not to withdraw his favour 
from Rome and the Gothic King Theodat Now 
there appeared before the throne of the German 
king Romans who, coming from the neglected ruins 
of the Capitol, again called themselves Senators, 
who announced that they had restored the ancient 
Roman Senate, and invited the King of Germany to 
be the successor of Constantine and Justinian. 

" To the illustrious ruler of the city and of the Letters 
world, Conrad, by the Grace of God, King of the Roman* 
Romans, always Augustus, from the Senate and ^^ 
the people of Rome ; health and a prosperous and 
glorious rule over the Roman empire. We have al- 
ready informed your royal nobility by frequent letters 
of that which has happened through our means, have 
told you that we remained faithful to you, and that 
your crown may increase in splendour is our daily 
wish. We are, however, surprised that you have 
not vouchsafed us any answer. Our unanimous 
endeavour is that we may again restore the empire 

He who cares for his own dignity, who is conscious of the greatness of 
the destiny which Providence has preserved to Italy and her capital, 
finds sufficient satis&ction in the Forum and all such places as recall 
her ancient grandeur. There the true citizen of Rome, in the 
recollection of the glory of his ancestors, beholds the foundation of 
our speedy renascence after so many centuries of disgrace. Vwa ii 
PoHisfice mm Re I Rome, February 20, 1862. 


of the Romans, which God has entrusted to your 
guidance, to the might that it possessed under Con- 
stantine and Justinian, who, empowered by the 
Roman Senate and people, governed the world. We 
have, therefore, by the help of God, restored the 
Senate, and defeated many enemies of your imperial 
rule, in order that what belonged to Caesar should be 
yours. We have laid a solid foundation. We are 
security for justice and peace to all such as shall 
desire them. We have conquered the fortresses of 
the civic nobility, who, supported by Sicily and 
Pope Eugenius, hoped to defy you, and have either 
held these towns for you or have destroyed them. 
We are, therefore, harried on every side by the Pope, 
the Frangipani, the sons of Pierleone (with the excep- 
tion of Jordan our standard-bearer), by Ptolemy, and 
by many others. They desire to prevent our crowning 
you Emperor. Meanwhile we suffer much hardship 
out of love to you, since there is nothing too hard 
for those who love, and you will give us the recom- 
pense due from a father, and merited punishment to 
the enemies of the empire. Shut your ears to the 
slanderers of the Senate ; they will rejoice at our 
discord, in order to ruin you and us. Remember 
how much harm the papal court and these our former 
fellow-citizens have caused your predecessors, and 
how, with Sicilian aid, they have sought to do still 
further harm to the city. Nevertheless, with Christ's 
help we hold out manfully for you, and we have 
already driven several of the empire's worst enemies 
out of the city. Hasten to our aid with imperial 
power; the city is at your command. You can 


dwell in Rome, the Capital of the world, and, more 
absolute than almost any of your predecessors, after 
every priestly obstacle is removed, can rule over the 
whole of Italy and the German empire. We entreat 
you do not delay. Deign to assure your willing 
servants of your well-being by letters and messengers. 
We are now actively occupied in restoring the 
Milvian Bridge, which to the misfortune of the 
emperors has long been destroyed, and we hope 
soon to complete it with strong masonry. Your 
army will therefore be able to cross it, and to sur- 
round S. Angek), where the Pierleoni, according to 
arrangement with Sicily and the Pope, meditate 
your ruin. 

Rex valeaty quidquid cupit obiineat super hostes^ 
Itnperium teneaty Romce sedeat^ regat orbem^ 
Princeps terrarum, ceu fecit Justinianus. 
Casaris ^ucipiat Casar qua sunt^ sua Prasul^ 
Ut Christus jussit^ Petro solvente tributunu 

Finally we entreat you to accord our envoys a good 
reception and to put confidence in them, since we 
cannot write all that we would. They are noblemen ; 
the Senator Guido, James, son of Sixtus, the Procura- 
tor and Nicholas their companion." ^ 
The mag^c influence exercised by the traditions of 

1 ExcelL atque pracL Urbis et Orbis totius Domino^ Canrado Dei 
grai, Romcmor^ Regi^ semp, Augusto^ S,P,Q,R, salutem et Rom, Imp. 
felicem et inciytam gubemationem (Otto of Freising, De gestis^ L c. 
28). I assign this letter, not like Martene and Mansi to the year 
1 1 50, but to 1 149, when Eugenius still harassed Rome from Tus- 
culum. The envoys are called nobiles viri^ which means actual 
nobles. The barbarous hexameters well express the programme of 
the Romans. The letter is too poor to be ascribed to Arnold. 
VOL, IV. 2 L 


/[ the ancient Roman empire is a curious phenomenon 
in the history of the Middle Ages. A single great 
recollection became a political power; the Roman 
emperors on the throne of Germany ; the Roman 
popes on the chair of Peter, the Roman senators 
on the ruins of the Capitol, all dreamed of their 
legitimate right to the sovereignty of the world. We 
are not informed as to how the Roman envoys were 
received at the German court or how they were dis- 
missed. Conrad III. now saw two claimants quarrel 
for the right of bestowing the imperial crown, and 
he preferred to receive this crown from the hands of 
a Roman Pope, rather than from those of a Roman 
Senator.^ The Pope had undoubtedly entered into 
an alliance with his enemy Roger, and the Romans 
therefore already hoped that Conrad would lend them 
a willing ear. Conrad himself must have recognised 
that since the days of Henry III. no other king had 
been offered so favourable an opportunity of restoring 
the imperial power in Rome, and (by the destruction 
of the Dofninium Temporale) of depriving the Papacy 
of the fruit of Gregory V I I.'s victories. He received 
letters from the Romans telling him that prudence 
commanded him to become the mediator between 
the Pope and Rome, and to place the new republic 
under the protection of the empire. Did he comply 
with their behests, the papal election would in future 
depend on him.* 

^ Christianiss, princeps hujusm, verbis sive naniis prabere aures 
abnuit, says Otto of Freising ^ propos of the letter of the Romans. 

' £p. 213 (in Wibald's letters) from iijidelis Senatus senforwn regis 


Conrad, detained in Germany, where he was at war 
with the Guelf party, and devoid of any true insight 
into the condition of Rome, paid no heed to the 
wishes of the Senators, although he probably rejoiced 
in the weakening of the papal power. The influence 
of many friends of Roman freedom was counteracted 
at his court by the clergy, more especially by the 
Abbot Wibald of Stablo and Corvey. This influential 
man had been won over to the side of Eugenius, and 
he guided the opinions of the King. It thus came 
to pass that the sorely harassed Romans were again Eugenius 
obliged to receive the Pope into the city at the end Jo^Rome^"* 
of the year 1 149.* A new peace was formed between »"«*> 
the Senate and the Pope, which was of as short driven into 
duration as the former.^ For as early as June 1 150, \^^ ^^^^ 
Eugenius returned to Latium, where he took up 
his abode now in fortified Segni, now in Ferentino. 

^ Eugenius P. pacem cum Romanis reformans Romam reversus est. 
Anon, Cassm. Ckrou, Romuald, p. 193. A Bull of Eugenius is 
dated : Laterani, 28 Nov. 1 149 (Jafi<^). 

• Promissa Romanor. {Afim, Germ., iv. 88) : Restitution of all the 
rights of the crown ; of the funds of the churches, with the exception 
of the expenses of the war with Viterbo ; of all the fortresses outside 
the city. Muni/tones S, Gregorii et turrem de Sdaceis dabunt. This 
Turris is mentioned in a document of the year 1393, as extra fortam 
Appiam et portam Laterani, belonging to the Ctisale Statuarium 
(Coppi, Dissertations of the Papal Acad, of Archaology, t. xv. 
p. 132). By Munit, S. Gregorii iht fortress on the Coelian, which a 
Bull of Honorius III. of 1217 calls clausura in castro S, Gregorii 
(Bull, Vat,, i. 100), cannot be intended. Tomassettt ("Camp. 
Romana," Arch. d. Soc. R., viil, 1885, p. 56) holds the Turris de 
Sclaceis to be the Torre Selce on the Via Appia and the munit, 
S. Greg, to be the fortress Statuario. But no fortress could have 
been built at Recano or Magliano on the Flaminian Way. The 
Romans determined to take the oath of vassalage cum benefcio 
quingentar. librar, secund, quod consueverunt Romeuti rurare pon^ 


During three years the papal court wandered through 
the Campagna, close to Rome and yet in exile.^ 
Eugenius now feared that Conrad would recognise 
the Roman commune, and that the league between 
the city, Pisa, and the Greek emperor would over- 
throw the temporal throne of the Papacy. Never- 
theless, Wibald comforted him with the assurance 
that he had nothing to fear.* 

The Romans renewed their proposals and offered 
Conrad the imperial crown, necessity having forced 
them to recognise the historic right of German kings. 
Conrad, whose hands had been left free by the defeat 
of Guelf in 1 150, now wished to go to Rome to settle 
affairs in the city. His journey was resolved on at 
two imperial diets in 1151, and he at last con- 
descended to reply to the Romans. He was silent 
concerning the Senate, but his letter, addressed to 
the City Prefect, the Consuls, the Captains, and the 
Roman people, politely announced that he would 
accept their invitation and come to tranquillise the 
cities of Italy, to reward the faithful, and to punish 
the rebels.' His envoys were addressed no less to 

tifuib. Romanis, Inter predictos jurabunt Nicolaus^ Syxtus^ et Guide 
recuperata gratia zfesirOf precibus Senatorum, 

^ In 1 151 Eugenius was living in Segni under the protection of the 
Counts of Ceccano. He consecrated Casamari near Veroli on October 
27 {Chron, Fossa N,, ad A. 1152). 

' Ep. 214, Guidonis Cardinali et Cancellariiad JVibaldum Abatem, 
Ep. 218, Wibald soothes Eugenius ; written after the defeat of 
Guelf VI. Ep. 235, Wibald to Cardinal Guido. 

' Conradus dei gr. Rex et sanper Aug, prafecto ttrdis, consu/ibus, 
capitaneis et omni pop, Romano tarn minonb,, quam majorib, grat, 
suam etbon. votuntatem (excepting the Prefect, the formula is that used 
in other cities ; thus Pisa, Ep. 324). Post reditum nostrum ajeroso- 


the RoiTians than to the Pope, who, filled with pious 
hope, received them at Segni, in January 1152. An 
understanding was arrived at Eugenius III. aban- 
doned the cause of Roger and now even invited the 
princes of Germany to aid the Emperor with all their 
power in his journey to Rome.^ 

Accident, however, spared the history of the Hohen- 
staufens a sad page, in which the first of the line 
would have shown himself an inglorious enemy of 
the Roman republic, in the service of the Pope. The 
manly prince died in the midst of his preparations Death of 
on February 15, 11 5 2, the first German king since peb. 15', 
Otto I. who had not worn the imperial crown — a ''5a- 
fact which in no way diminished his power. The 
thousands of lives which each Roman coronation 
usually cost the Fatherland, had this time been sacri- 
ficed in the deserts of Syria. And Italian patriots 
should therefore for once extol a German king, that, 
in spite of the urgent entreaties of Italy (they 
usually forget these invitations), he did not descend 
the Alps like some destructive Attita. They might 
congratulate their country that during fifteen years 
it remained untraversed by any progress to Rome 
and enjoyed enviable conditions, but that they are 
themselves unfortunately obliged to admit that Italy 
has never been so disunited, or torn asunder by such 
furious civil wars, as during these fifteen years of 
purely domestic history.* 

iomitana expeditione litieras universUcUU vestra frequenter tuctpimus 
(Ep. 322). 

^ Ep. 327, dai, Signta V, Id, Januetr. Ep. 339 to the Gennans. 
The King's letter to the Pope, Ep. 323. 

' Non niai gV Jtaliani furono tanto discordevoliefieramente awersi 


On Conrad's death his nephew Frederick, the 
immortal hero Barbarossa, who was destined to be 
the glory of Germany and the terror of Italy, 
Frederick asccnded the German throne on May 5. Eugenius, 
Germany^ 2is wcU as the Romans, hastened to secure the friend- 
March 5, gjjjp Qf the new ruler ; the republic, however, looked 
with jealousy on the royal envoys, whom the Pope 
'v^.r' ^ alone received. A letter expresses the ill-humour 
/of the Romans and their opinions concerning the 
VJTTk" [ judicial relations of the Emperor to the city. " I 

rejoice," so wrote a follower of Arnold to Frederick, 

" that you have been elected king by your people, 

but I regret that you follow the counsel of your priests, 

through whose teachings things divine and human 

have become confused, and that you did not consult 

the sacred city, the Mistress of the World, the Creator 

of all Emperors." The writer deplores that Frederick, 

like his predecessors, had determined to receive the 

imperial crown from the hands of false and heretical 

monks, whom he calls Julianists. He proves to him, 

from the precepts of S. Peter and from Jerome, that 

the clergy had nothing to do with secular rights. 

The He derided the Donation of Constantine as an absurd 

commend fable, which old wives laughed to scorn ; he showed 

republic ^^^ ^® imperium and every magisterial office was 

to him. an emanation from the majesty of the Roman people, 

to whom therefore alone belonged the right of 

creating him emperor. The writer finally required 

him to send envoys and lawyers to Rome, in order 

tra hro qtumto in quei quindui Ofmi, n^ quaii awMero pohtto 
rompere la catena tedesea, e rivendicarH in imUpendema ; ma lo spirito 
nazionale non era ancor nato. La Farina, Storia dt Italia* 


to place the empire on a l^al foundation in accord- 
ance with the law of Justinian, and to prevent a 
revolution.^ The human mind had happily made 
rapid strides in the path of progress. 

The Romans of the present day who dispute the 
temporal authority of the Pope, derive their argu- 
ments from the majesty of the Italian nation, of 
which Rome is the capital, and to whose natural 
right the merely historical right of the popes must 
yield. Like their forefathers, they support their 
reasoning with the argument that the Papacy is only 
a spiritual office, and corroborate it by the authority 
of the Bible and the Fathers of the Church. But 
in the time of Arnold the theory of the unity of the 
nation was unknown, and the patriots took their stand 
on the ground of antiquity. The majesty of the 
Roman people was for them the source of all power, 
the Roman empire an indestructible conception, and 
the emperor the magistrate of the republic, elected 
and installed by the people. When they laughed at 
the fable of the transference of the imperial power to 
the popes through Constantine, and the papal right 

^ Carissimc Dei gr, F, JVeizei ad summa anima et corporis lata 
undique proficere, Ep. 384 (in Martene II. ). Wetzel was undoubtedly 
a German, and had probably come to Rome with Arnold, Ceierum 
quod consiiio ciericor, et pumachor.y guor, doctrina divina et humana 
confusa sunt : entirely the language of to-day. Even the words spoken 
by S. Peter at the ordination of S. Qement, and the sentences of 
Jerome, quoted in the letter, have been again used for the same 
purpose to-day. That which Wetzel said concerning the Donation of 
Constantine (mendacium UUtd et fabuia hcBreticor^ita detecta est^ ut 
tntrcenarii et muliercuta quosUbet etiam doctissimos super hoc coH' 
cludant) shows how the question of the Dominium TemporcUe was 
discussed at that time in the market-place. 



I. holds 
tions with 
the Pope. 

of investiture mystically transmitted from Christ or 
Peter, they gave expression to the reasonable prin- 
ciple that no kingdom existed simply by the grace 
of God, but that the authority of the crown emanated 
from the people alone. The Romans of the twelfth 
century placed the imperium on the — to them — 
legitimate foundation of Roman Law. They hit the 
humour of an ambitious monarch when they told him 
that, according to this Law, the emperor was the 
supreme law-giving power in the world; but they 
required him to regard his power as committed to 
him by the Roman Senate and People. They 
mingled the Caesarian despotism of Justinian with the 
fundamental laws of democracy. 

Frederick I. had therefore to choose between the 
Pope and the Roman commune as the sources of his 
imperium; he acquiesced in all the arguments of 
the Romans against the supreme right of investiture 
which the Pope claimed ; he laughed at the assump- 
tions of the Senate, which seemed to him absurd ; 
and like all his predecessors he also resolved to let 
himself be crowned by the Pope ** through the grace 
of God." The first steps of his reign were prudent 
and conservative. Without taking cognizance of the 
new Roman republic, he continued Conrad's nego- 
tiations, and, owing to the instrumentality of the 
cardinal-legates Gregory and Bernard in Constance, 
a treaty highly favourable to his interests was con- 
cluded with the Pope in the spring of 1 1 53. Frederick 
undertook to make peace neither with Rome nor with 
Sicily without the Pope, but to use his influence in 
making the city as submissive to the sacred chair as 


it had been a hundred years earlier. He promised 
to maintain the Dominium Temporale of the Pope, 
and to aid him in the recovery of all that he had lost 
Eugenius promised in return to crown him Emperor 
and to lend every species of protection to his throne.^ 

The negotiations between Frederick and the Pope 
had meanwhile given rise to a violent revolt in Rome, 
The democrats and Amoldists demanded the aboli- 
tion of the conditions agreed upon with Eugenius 
and the appointment of a hundred Senators with two 
Consuls, to be annually elected. Eugenius informed 
Frederick of these occurrences and represented them 
as tumults of the populace, who now themselves 
wished to elect an emperor. The Romans un- 
doubtedly threatened to repudiate the German 
empire and to set up a national emperor of their 
own. Only a letter of Eugenius, however, throws a 
passing Ught upon this remarkable occurrence.' 

Nevertheless the Pope was able to leave Segni in Etigenius 
the autumn of 1152, and at the end of the year to Sroim?** 

^ The Pactum (in Wibald, n. 385, in Albinus and Cendus) b dated 
Constaniine X. Kl. ApriL Ind. XV. A.D. Incam. MCUL 
HegnanU Dno Frederico Ronumor.. Reg$ ghrioso A. tfero regni 
ejus /. It is to be assigned to the spring of 1 153 (Pertz, Leges^ ii« 92). 
Et pro viribus regni iaborMt Ronianos subjugare domino Papa et 
Rom, EccL^ sicut melius unquam fuenmt a centum annis et retro. 
With regard to this Pactum, see, in addition to the paragraphs con- 
cerning it in Giesebrecht V., Walter Ribbeck, Friedr. /. wtd die 
romische Curie in den J, 11 57-1 159, Leipzig, i88i. 

* To Wibald, Ep. 383, dot. Signia XII. Kal. Oct. : noHficamus 
qua facunte Amaldc hceretico rusticana quadam turba absque 
nobilium et majorum scientia nuper est in Urbe molita. Circiter 
enim duo millia — sunt secretins conjurati, et in proximis KcUendis 
Novembris centum senatores^4t duos amsuks — unum autem, quern 
tfolunt Imperatorem dicere^ creare disponunt. 


enter the city, where the overthrow of the democrats 
had inclined all the moderates to come to terms. 
Senate and people received him with honour after, as 
is to be supposed, he had recognised the commune.^ 
We may also infer that the banished nobility were 
permitted to return ; these nobles, however, as Consuls 
of the Romans and courtiers of the Pope, continued 
in opposition to the Senate.* Eugenius III. was 
able to end his days peaceably in Rome, and with 
the help of the people even to reduce rebellious 
barons in the Campagna to subjection.^ Quiet 
subtilty succeeded in achieving what weapons had 
not been able to accomplish. "Eugenius laid the 
entire populace under such great obligations to him, 


^ The expression cum Romanis paciscens shows that the Pope 
recognised the constitution. Sigeb., Cont, Pratnottstr, ; Romuald ; 
Anon, Cassin, Chr., where the year should be altered to 1152. 

* Document of May 29, 1153 : the Pope signs a treaty concerning 
Radicofani. His witnesses are his supracoquuSf dapifer^ marescaicus 
equor. cUbor,^ and before them, Cencius Frajapanis egreg, Romanor^ 
Consul ; Johes Petri Leonis egreg, Rom. Con,, Odo Frajapanis stren, 
Rom, Con, ; Gratianus fit, Ovitionis Petri de Leone Rom, Con. ; 
Jokes Frajapanis fit. Dom, Centii Rom. Con, ; Petrus Leonis de 
Leone Rom, Con.; Obitio Leonis Petri de Leone Rom. Con.; 
Stephanus de Tebaldo, &*c. (Murat., Ani,, iv, 793). Similar signa- 
tures to a document of August 39, 1 153 (Galletti, De/ Prim., n. 59), 
show that the banished nobility had returned. Vendettini wrongly 
holds these courtiers to have been Consiliatorii of the Senate. 

' Bonincontr., pp. 14S, 150. As early as November 26, 11 50, the 
Pope (probably with Roger's help) had conquered Terracina {Ckrvn. 
Fossa N, ). He restored its fortress, the inscription on which is given 
by Baronius: quia mira animi virtute et honesti studio praditus 
regalia multa longo tempore amissa b, Petro restituit. Cendus gives 
several treaties of Ei^enius, which show how shrewd the Pope was 
in holding together the property of the Church and in acquiring 


by his benefits and gifts, that he ruled the city almost 
as he willed, and had he not been removed by death, 
he would, with the aid of the people, have deprived 
the Senators of their newly acquired dignities." ^ We 
need not accept this statement unhesitatingly, since 
Eugenius in no wise succeeded in subjugating the 
Roman republic, and since Arnold, his most hated 
opponent, remained with his followers unpunished 
in the city. 

Eugenius died at Tivoli on July 8, 1153, and and dies 
was buried in S. Peter's with solemn ceremonial. ^xs3. ' 
The unassuming but astute pupil of S. Bernard 
had always continued to wear the coarse habit of 
Clairvaux beneath the purple; the stoic virtues of 
monasticism accompanied him through his stormy 
career, and invested him with that power of passive 
resistance which has always remained the most 
effectual weapon of the popes.^ 

^ Romuald, p. 193. So also in the beautiful letter where Hugo of 
Ostia announces the death of Eugenius to the Chapter of the 
Cistercians, the author says with exaggeration : jam fere Senatum 
anmkilaverat (S. Bemhardi, Op. i. ep. 440). 

' There is no memorial of Eugenius in Rome. Ptolemy of 
Tusculum died, shortly before him, on February 25 {Chron. Fossa, 
N.) ; after him, S. Bernard, on August 20. 



I. Anastasius IV. — Adrian IV. — He lays the Inter- 
dict ON Rome — Banishment of Arnold of 
Brescia — Frederick I. comes to be crowned- 
Imprisonment OF Arnold— Dispute concerning 
THE Stirrup — The Senators' Address to the 
King, and the Royal Answer — ^Journey to Rome. 

Anastasius The Cardinal Conrad, a Roman belonging to the 
1x54.'*^^" Suburra, mounted the papal throne as Anastasius IV. 
on July 12, 1 1 53. His election was unanimous, and 
was not disputed by the Senate, for although the 
Senators were present at the ceremony of election, 
they did not yet interfere in spiritual affairs. The 
popes, however, now found themselves opposed by a 
new power, which refused recognition to them unless 
they on their side recognised it. The aged Anas- 
tasius does not seem to have made any encroach- 
ments on the Roman constitution. He lived peace- 
ably in the city, and died there on December 3, 

^ Anastasius IV. was buried by his own desire in the porphyry 
sarcophagus of S. Helena, which he had had brought from her 
mausoleum on the Via Labicana to the Lateran. The dead and 
their coffins journeyed about in Rome. Thus Innocent II. destined 
the porphyry coffin of the Emperor Hadrian for his own grave. 
Pius VI. removed Helena's sarcophagus to the Vatican, where it is 
now looked upon as a work of art. 


The papal chair was now filled by a man of 
unusual energy, Nicholas Breakspear, an English- 
man by birth. Thirst for knowledge had driven the 
son of a poor priest of S. Alban's to France, where, 
after varied fortunes, he became prior of S. Rufus 
near Aries. His culture, his eloquence, and his hand- 
some presence attracted the attention of Eugenius 
III. when Breakspear came to Rome on business 
connected with his convent. The Pope made him 
Cardinal of Albano, and sent him as legate to 
Norway, where he ordered the affairs of the Church 
with great circumspection. Nicholas, just returned 
from this mission, was unanimously elected, and 
ascended the sacred chair as Adrian IV. on Decern- Adrian iv., 
ber 5, II 54. The English have only once seen the fi'^iJ5g. 
chair of Peter filled by one of their countrymen, 
and this, their only pope, ashamed to solicit alms at 
home, had gone when a boy to foreign lands.^ Years 
passed, and the beggar of S. Alban's wrote to the 
English king that Ireland and other islands belonged 
by right to him as Pope. 

Adrian IV. at once confronted the Roman com- 
mune with an imperious aspect ; the Senate refused 
to recognise him, he refused to recognise the Senate. 
He determined to overthrow the constitution on 
the Capitol, and hoped to accomplish his object by 
means of Frederick's arms. The King had already 

^ He begged at the monastery of S. Alban's ; bis fiither, ashamed 
of him, drove him forth ; UU vero sidi relictus^ et forti necessitate 
eUiqmd attdere coactus : GaUicanus a^ regumes^ ifigenue erubescens 
in Anglia velfodere vel mendicare. Thus says his countryman and 
contemporary, GuUidm Neobrigensis de redus Angiids, iL 6. 


entered Italy in October, and had ratified the treaty 
of Constance. Adrian demanded the expulsion of 
Arnold, which his predecessors had repeatedly de- 
sired, but had never been able to attain. The most 
dangerous of all heretics, protected by the Senate 
and idolised by the populace, was able to preach his 
doctrines for years in the very face of the popes. 
With the overthrow of this one demagogue, Adrian 
hoped to bury the republic, and the Romans, who 
had little to expect from Frederick, turned in secret 
to William I., who had succeeded his celebrated 
father Roger on the throne of Sicily in February 
1 1 54, and had immediately quarrelled with the Pope. 
It is possible that he may have been invited to 
invade the State of the Church before the German 
king came to Rome.i 

Adrian IV. could not even take possession of the 
Lateran, but was obliged to make his dwelling in 
the fortified basilica of S. Peter. The proposal 
which Italy makes to the Pope of the present day, 
namely, that he should rest satisfied with the Leonina, 
where, like a great abbot, he might live in monastic 
freedom, was carried into effect by the Romans at 
this period, since Adrian IV. was practically re- 
stricted within the limits of the Leonina. Mean- 
while the growing hatred of the priests, whose resist- 
ance frustrated the civic aspirations of the Romans, 
soon gave rise to a catastrophe; a cardinal was 
stabbed on the Via Sacra, and Adrian represented 

^ The harsh beginning of Adrian's rule b noticed in the Annals ^ 
WUrthurg : Adrianus qui dum post aiiquot menses acupto apostokUu 
insolenter in Romanos agent ^ grave odium incurrit. 


the deed as an offence against the majesty of the 
Church, and laid the interdict on Rome. Not even He lays 
when personally maltreated by the Romans had any under the 
pope ever before employed this — the most terrible *'^^®^*^^ 
of all weapons — against the city.^ The resolute 
Englishman did not hesitate to wield it. In order 
to compel the people to banish Arnold, he laid Rome 
under a curse. We must realise the relation of the 
interdict — a species of moral starvation — to the belief 
of the age, in order to understand its force. With 
the imposition of the interdict, all religious cere- 
monies ceased, no mass was read, no sacrament was 
celebrated, beyond those of baptism and the com- 
munion to the dying, and these only under terrifying 
forms. The dead were not buried in consecrated 
ground, and marriages only received the benediction 
in the churchyard. Never had human ingenuity 
devised so bloodless, yet so terrible, an instrument 
of force ; nor in a superstitious age could any have 
proved more efficacious in reducing great princes to 
submission, a word pronounced by a priest having 
power to stir their despairing subjects to revolt. 
The interdict, which prior to the twelfth century had 
been but rarely called into use, was henceforward 
employed by the popes to threaten cities and 
countries ; but the cruel measure of punishing the 
guilty few, at the cost of suffering to the countless 

^ Girardum Cardin, tit, S* Pudentiane adprasentiam ipHus Pontic 

ficis euntem, quidam ex ipsis hareticis — in via sacra — ad interitum 

vulneraverunt : Card. Aragon. Propter vulnertUionetn tmius Car- 

dinaiis totam Urbem supposuit ecclesiastico inierdicto^ says Ptolem. 

Lucensis, xx. c 20, in reproach. 


innocent, revenged itself on the Church, by diminish- 
ing the affection in which she was held, and by 
encouraging heresies. The efficacy of the interdict 
was finally blunted by its frequent use and by the 
growth of education.^ 

For a short time the Romans bore the interdict 
with defiant contempt ; but the pious and weak, the 
women and priests, overcame the defiance when the 
fourth day of Holy Week had passed without a mass. 
On Wednesday the people rose in uproar, and the 
Senators were compelled to throw themselves at the 
feet of the Pope and implore mercy.* He consented 
to remove the interdict on condition that Arnold 
was banished. The unfortunate reformer suffered 
the fate of all prophets ; the people whom he had so 
long held spellbound surrendered him. After having 
dedicated his talents for nine years to civic freedom. 
The he fled from Rome. Wandering from adherent to 

Spei^^ adherent, from fortress to fortress, the outlaw hoped 
ArnoW ^Q reach one of the republics of Central Italy, beyond 
city. the reach of the papal arm. On Wednesday in 

Holy Week (March 23) Adrian removed the inter- 
dict ; the moral darkness vanished from Rome, and 
for the first time the Pope was conducted in festal 
procession to the Lateran. 
Meanwhile William I. afflicted the Church with 

^ Hurter {Gesch, Innocena II L^ vol. L) has drcamstantially de- 
scribed the interdict and its effects. He well says : qtddquid deiiroftt 
rtges pkctuntur Achivi; he forgets, however, to place beside the 
Agamemnon the frantic Calchas of the Middle Ages. 

* Time veropradUH Senatores compuisi a clero et populo rtnnano-^ 
juraveruHt quod tape dictum hareticum et reliquos ipsius sectatores de 
tota urde Roma et ejusjinibus sine mora expellerent: Card. Aragon. 


war ; he laid si^e to Benevento, and burnt Ceprano 
and other fortresses in Latium ; but as the German 
king approached and Rome remained quiet, he 
retreated from Frosinone and Aquino, after having 
committed fearful devastation. Frederick I. was 
already in Tuscany, where he summoned Pisa to 
equip her fleet for the war, which, in alliance with 
the Pope, the Apulian exiles, and the Emperor 
Emmanuel, he now contemplated against the Nor- 
mans. The terror of his warlike deeds in Lombardy 
preceded him ; he approached by the Via Toscana, Expedition 
more formidable than Henry V., while the PopeR^ienli 
remained uncertain whether to expect a friend or ^'» '^55. 
foe. The fate of Paschalis IL had made an indelible 
impression oh the Curia, and no treaty could diminish 
the tension which existed between the two powers. 
When German kings advanced against Rome, the 
defenceless popes trembled, as before enemies who 
came to murder them, while the kings themselves 
weighed the possibility of meeting their death by 
poison or the dagger. Below the silken pallia hung 
the whetted swords which the Romans unfailingly 
seized to attack the national enemy. If the corona- 
tion took place, the popes found themselves in the 
position of Daniel in the lion's den. But they 
adroitly cast a moral spell over the grim Roman 
kings, and once more breathed freely when these 
formidable advocates of the Church departed, having 
obtained the crown, left parchments behind them, 
and fought the accustomed coronation battle. 

At the beginning of June Adrian went to Viterbo, 
accompanied by the Prefect Peter, by Oddo Frangi- 
VOL. IV. 2 M 



Arnold of 

pane, and by other nobles of his court Frederick's 
rapid march filled him with dismay ; he consequently 
sent three cardinals, who met the King at San 
Quirico in Tuscany. In order to test his disposi- 
tion, the Pope demanded the surrender of the heretic 
Arnold. The fugitive had shortly before fallen into 
the power of Cardinal Oddo at Bricola, but had been 
restored to liberty by the Viscounts of Campaniano, 
who brought him in safety to their fortress, and 
there honoured him " as a prophet" i Anxious to 
remove every hindrance to his coronation, Frederick 
did not hesitate to show his good-will. He sent, 
troops to the fortress, had one of the counts arrested, 
and compelled the surrender of Arnold. The friend 
of Abelard was handed over to the papal l^ates to 
be judged in Rome at a fitting opportunity. 

Negotiations for the coronation were carried on 
with anxious circumspection ; the suspicious Adrian 
had retired to Civita Castellana, but Frederick re- 
assured him by again swearing to fulfil the treaty of 

^ RtdeUret eisd, Cardinalib. Arnold, ^areticum, quern vicecomites 
de Campaniano abshderant Magistro O, Diaama S. NicoUU apud 
BriculaSf uld eum ceperai; queni tamquam Propketam in terra sua 
cum honore kabebant. Rex vero — continue, missis apparitoribus, 
cepit unum de comitibus it/is, qui vaide perterritus eundem hareticum 
in manibus cardinalium statim restituit: Card. Aiagon., p. 442. 
Otto of Freising also says: in Tuscia Jinibus captus. After Troya 
{Civilth Catiol, Ann,, ii. vol. iv. p. 142), Odorici, and then Giese- 
brecht, have sought to prove that Bricola was not Otricoli (as Baronius 
holds), but was situated near S. Quirico in the Val d'Orcia, while 
they call the viscounts after Campagnatico. The correctness of this 
view has been contested by P. Fabre (Ecole Fr, Miianges, 1886, p. 
159)1 who tries to show that Bricola was the Castrum Turrii 
Campane near OtricolL 


Constance. The German army encamped at Campo 
Grasso near Sutri, where the Pope was to come from 
Nepi, and the meeting between the two potentates 
was to take place. As Adrian rode to the royal 
tent on July 9, a most curious scene took place 
within sight of the army. In order to avoid the 
humiliation of holding the papal stirrup, the proud 
young monarch had not come to meet the Pope. 
The popes had long claimed this service, and many 
princes had rendered it In remembrance of Christ's 
humility, the pontiffs, it is true, had called themselves 
the ** Servants of the servants of God" At the same 
time, however, they required the emperors to serve 
them as grooms. It is amusing to notice the panic 
terror which the omission of this ceremony caused 
among the cardinals ; they turned their horses, fled 
back to Civita Castellana, and left their Pope in the 
lurch. He dismounted in confusion and threw him- 
self on a seat Only now did the young hero come Meeting 
to greet him. Frederick cast himself at Adrian's FvS^J^k 
feet, but the offended Pope refused him the kiss of ??dthe 

PODC &t 

peace. A stirrup became the subject of long and Nepi. 
serious n^otiations between the two highest digni- 
taries of Christendom, until the princes who had 
previously accompanied Lothar to Rome persuaded 
the King to yield in the childish controversy. The 
following day the mighty Emperor performed the 
part of groom to the Vicar of Christ, walked at the 
distance of a stone's throw beside the palfrey of the 
former beggar of S. Alban's, and vigorously adjusted 
his stirrup.^ 

^ This comic episode in the midst of a great epic is authentically 


Frederick had not yet heard the voice of the 
second power which possessed a legal right over the 
imperial election — ^the voice of the Roman people. 
Their mutual relations remained doubtful, and it was 
uncertain whether Rome would open or shut her 
gates. No emperor had been crowned since the 
Senate had been constituted on the Capitol. The 
envoys of the young republic of the Romans pre- 
sented themselves before Frederick on the southern 
side of Sutri. Their demands, their address, the 
answer of the Hohenstaufen, even in the literary 
setting of Otto of Freising, are valuable evidences 
of the time. 
Speech of "We ambassadors of the city," thus spoke the 
envoysTo ** cnvoys from the Capitol, " not insignificant men of 
the King. Rome, are sent by the Roman Senate and people to 
thy Excellency. Benevolently hear what the illus- 
trious mistress of the world, whose sovereigfn thou, 
with God's help, wilt soon be, offers thee. Dost thou 
come in peace, I rejoice. Thou desirest the empire 
of the world, and I gladly rise to hasten forward 
with the crown. Why shouldest thou not approach 
thy people in peace and mercy, thy people, who, 
striving to throw off the unworthy yoke of the 
priests, have awaited thy coming so long and 
anxiously. May the splendour of ancient times, 

recorded by Cendus (in Muratori, Antiqu, Ital,^ i. 117). The place 
was beside the Lake of Janula near Nepi. Rex Frid, —in conspectu 
exercitus officium stratoris cum jucunditate implevit^ et streugam 
foriiter tenuit. The fortiter reveals a scene : Adrian pale, the 
Emperor, with an ironical smile, briskly removing the stirrup. The 
Byzantines jeered at this act of humiliation on the part of the Emperor 
of the West. Cinnamus, ed. Bonn., lib. v, 219. 


the freedom of the illustrious city, return. May 
Rome under such an Emperor again seize the reins 
of supremacy over the rebellious world, and may her 
ruler with the name also unite the glory of Augustus. 
Thou knowest that, through the wisdom of her Senate 
and the bravery of her knighthood, Rome has stretched 
forth her arm with might from sea to sea, to the ends 
of the world — ^yea, even to the isles beyond the con- 
fines of the earth. Neither the waves of the ocean 
nor the inaccessible Alps could protect nations : 
Roman valour has overcome all. But unfortunately 
(thus her own guilt has avenged itself) that glorious 
princely nobility of our olden times (I speak of 
the Senate), has vanished from us, has degenerated 
into unwarlike indolence, and with the decline of 
wisdom, power has also decayed. Then I arose; 
to restore thy glory and that of the divine republic, 
I revived Senate and knightly order, that by the 
counsels of the former and the weapons of the latter 
the ancient majesty might return, to the Roman 
empire and to thee. Shall not this rejoice thy 
Highness? Does not a work so glorious and so 
advantageous to thy dignity seem deserving of re- 
•compense? Then listen, O Prince, with kindly 
patience to what I have to say concerning thy duty 
and mine, but chiefly thine rather than mine. For 
* from Zeus is the beginning ! * Thou wast my 
guest ; I have now made thee a citizen. What was 
mine by right I have given thee. Thou art, there- 
fore, phdged first of all to uphold my good customs 
and to swear to the laws, ratified by thy prede- 
cessors, so that they may not be injured by the 


fury of the barbarian. Thou shalt pay 5000 pounds 
to my officials, whose duty it is to proclaim thee on 
the Capitol ; thou shalt avert every injury from the 
republic at the cost of thy blood, and thou shalt 
confirm this by oath and documents."^ Frederick 
indignantly interrupted the pompous orators at this 
point They stopped in dismay, while the man who 
had been the moving spirit among them awaited in 
chains hard by in a tent the fate which had been 
hastened by such a discourse. 

As the young prince listened to the bombastic 
harangue of men, who, issuing from the ruins of 
decayed Rome, adopted a tone such as the ancient 
Senate had never ventured to use in presence of the 
Caesars, he may probably have thought that madmen 
stood before him. No contrast could have been 
harsher than that in which an Emperor of the 
Germans, a Frederick I., found himself in relation to 
the Romans. The Hohenstaufen monarch, filled with 
a sense of his own power, did not understand the new 
spirit of liberty which had inflamed the cities of 
Italy. Rome, however, still commanded such rever- 
ence that he condescended to reply to the Senators.' 

^ The speech is worked np by the German historian, bat in 
harmony with the spirit of the time. Ctir emm suum visitatunu 
populum nonpacifice adveniret — qui indebUum cUricorum excussurus 
jugum, ipsius magna ac diuHna expectatiotu prastolatus est adoetUum f 
— Orbis Urhs sub hoc principe recipiat gubemacula, refretnetur hoc 
imperatore^ ac ad Urbis reducatur numarchiam orbis insoUnHa^ In 
like manner with fantastic exaggeration Helmold, a contemporary 
(Ckron. Slaivor,^ L c 79). See also Sigeb., Auctar. Affligjemense^ A. 
1155 ; and Frederick's own letter to Otto of Freising, prefixed to the 
latter's history. 

* Otto of Fretsing draws a picture of the Emperor on this occasion : 


" I have heard much," he answered, ** of the valour, The 
still more of the sagacity of the Romans. I am King's 
therefore surprised that your speech should beJ^^JJ^ 
inflated by such foolish arrogance and be so destitute Romans, 
of all reason. Thou boldest up before me the nobility 
of thy ancient city, thou exaltest the past of thy 
republic to the stars. I grant it, and with thy 
historian I say ' virtue once dwelt in this republic' 
Rome has experienced the change of things under 
the moon ; or has perchance this city alone been able 
to escape the law of all earthly things ? It is known 
throughout the world how the flower of thy nobility 
has been transplanted from this our city to Byzantium, 
and how for a long time the degenerate Greek has 
drained thy precious life-blood. Then came the 
Frank, whose noble deeds belied not his name, and 
deprived thee of even the last remains of nobility and 
independence. Wilt thou know where the ancient 
glory of thy Rome, the dignified severity of the 
Senate, the valiant chastity of knighthood, the tactics 
of the camp and invincible military courage have 
gone ? All are now found among us Germans ; all 
have been transmitted to us with the empire. With 
us are thy Consuls, with us thy Senate ; thy legions 

rex^ tarn superbo putm inusitaio orationis tenon justa indignatione 
inflammatus^ cursum verborum iUarum — more italico Icnga continua- 
tume^ periodorumque circuUibus (as at the present day) sermonem 
producturum inUrrupU^ et cum corporis modosHa^ orisque venustate 
rtgaUm seroans animum, ex improvise non improvise respondit, 
Barbarossa spoke through an interpreter, as he did later at the peace 
of Venice. Since the greater number of the Senators were no longer 
able to speak Latin, the Emperor of the Romans may have comforted 
himself with the thought of their ignorance. 


are here. Thou owest thy preservation to the wisdom 
of the Franks and the sword of their chivalry. 
History can tell whether our illustrious forefathers, 
Charles and Otto, received the city by the grace of 
anyone, or whether they wrested it by the sword, 
with the remainder of Italy, from the Greeks and 
Lombards and then incorporated it with the Prankish 
kingdom. This is witnessed by thy tyrants, 
Desiderius and Berengar; they died old and grey 
in Prankish chains, and our country still preserves 
their ashes. But thou sayest the new emperors are 
summoned by thee. It is true. But why? Thou 
wast oppressed by enemies, and by thine own strength 
couldst not deliver thyself from the effeminate Greek. 
Thou didst then entreat the aid of the Frank ; misery 
summoned fortune, impotence power, anguish self- 
conscious strength. Thus summoned, I came. Thy 
ruler was my vassal, thou thyself art still my subject, 
I am the rightful owner. Who dares to snatch his 
club from Hercules ? Perhaps the Sicilian on whom 
thou placest thy hopes? Let the past teach him, 
for the arm of the German is not yet disabled. 
Thou demandest from me a threefold oath. Listen. 
Either thy demand is just, or otherwise. Is it unjust ? 
Thou oughtest not to make it, nor I to consent Is 
is just ? I acknowledge an obligation assumed of 
my own free will. It is therefore unnecessary to 
confirm it by an oath.^ How should I violate the law 
with thee, when I have to preserve it for the most 

^ The Emperor himself says in a letter preceding Otto of Freising's 
history : Imperium emen noluimus, et sacramenia vulgo prastare nan 


insignificant? Wherefore should I not defend the 
seat of my empire whose boundaries I am determined 
to restore ? That is shown by Denmark, which has 
just been subjugated, and other countries also would 
prove it, had not my Roman journey interfered. 
Finally thou demandest a sworn promise to pay 
money. Is Rome not ashamed to traffic with her 
Emperor as with a usurer ? Are we to be compelled 
to give whatever is asked of us instead of being a 
dispenser of favour ? The fulfilment of due services 
is expected from lesser men, but the great repay as 
a favour only that which has been merited. Why 
should I withhold from thy citizens the customs 
inherited from my illustrious forefathers? No. 
My entrance shall be a festival for the city ; but to 
those who unjustly demand what is unjust, I will 
justly refuse all."^ 

Frederick's answer, in the rhetorical form in which 
his historian has given it, was the expression of the 
German national pride arrived at the zenith of its 
three centuries of universal supremacy. Had it 
simply had reference to the Senators of Rome it 
would have been overstrained ; it was, however, rather 
the manifesto of the Hohenstaufefi coronation pro- 
gramme. The Hercules struck down the claims of 
the pretenders with his club. He even fell upon the 
Pope, who claimed to be the sole and true maker of 
emperors. No one now ventured to depict the com- 
plaisant Lothar in the Lateran, kneeling to receive 

^ The speech, which owes its style to Otto of Freising, has a touch 
of Virgil, as has that of the Romans themselves. Eripiat quis, si 
potest, CUtvam de nianu Herculis, 


the crown from the Pope, or dared to place below 
the picture the audacious inscription : — 

The king to keep the law hath sworn, and at the gate of Rome 

doth stand, 
Then swears alliance to the Pope, the crown receiving from 

his hand.^ 

The folly of the Romans in addressing so power- 
ful a ruler in this pompous manner corresponded 
to their lofty ideas concerning the majesty of the 
Eternal City, which, by the institution of a Senate, 
they hoped to invest with a new life. But had any 
man of enlightenment superior to the level of his age 
been found within the imperial tent, he would have 
laughed at Frederick, who shared with the Senators 
the fantastic ideas of the legitimate authority of the 
Roman emperors over the world.* 
Return of The Roman envoys rode back in anger. Frederick 
to^the^^^* might now expect the republic to close the gates of 
defiant the city and to defend it against him. The Pope 
advised him to occupy the Leonina with picked 
men, who would be admitted by the papal adherents. 
He also advised that Cardinal Octavian, a man of 

^ Frederick complained of the picture on his arrival in Rome; 
Adrian promised to destroy it, but does not seem to have fulfilled his 
promise. Radevicus, i. c. lo ; and c i6 the biahops refer to it in 
their letter to the Pope in 1156. 

' Quomcdo imperii mH sedem^ usque ad periculum capitis non 
defenderemj qui et ipsius terminos — quantum est in me^ restaurare 
cogitaverim^ Barbarossa later wrote to Saladin: *'Do6t thou not 
know that both the £Uhiopias, Mauritania, Persia, Syria, Parthia, 
where Crassus our dictator succumbed to destiny, that Judea and 
Samaria, Arabia, and other lands without number are subject to our 
rule?" The letter of 1188 (in Roger Hoveden, Annat,, p. 650} may 
be spurious or &lsified, but its spirit is genuine. 



German sympathies, should join this force, in order 
that so ambitious a rival might be removed from the 
emperor's tent A thousand horsemen were sent, 
who occupied the Leonina without opposition in the 
dawn of June i8.^ 

2. Coronation of Frederick I. — The Romans rise — 
Battle in the Leonina — Execution of Arnold 
OF Brescia — His Character and Significance — 
Frederick retires to the Campagna — Returns 
TO Germany. 

The same day Frederick, who had received no 
greeting from the Romans, moved in order of battle 
from Monte Mario to the Leonina, where he was 
awaited by the Pope, who had preceded him.* The 
coronation took place in S. Peter's, the basilica being 
occupied by troops. The shouts of triumph of the i. crowned 
Germans resounded like thunder in the lofty ^J^^*^* 
cathedral, as the young Caesar took the sword, ''S5» 
sceptre and crown of empire.' Rome, however, did 
not acknowledge him as Emperor; the city gates 

^ Pramittimiw^^^ eccL B, Petri^ Leoninumque occupent aistrum 
(Otto of Freising and Frederick's letter). This castrum is the Leonina 
itself. Farther on we read : summoque diluado Leoninam intrantes 
ttrdem, ucL B, Petri, vestibulum et gradus occupaturiy observant, 

* The Latin poem of a contemporary, Gesta di Federico I, in Itcdia 
(edited from a Vatican Codex by E. Monad in the Fontiper la stor, 
Ital, of the Istit, stor. Italiofto, Rome, 1887), p. 611 ff., is mistaken in 
the statement that the Romans again demanded the oath from Fred- 
erick at Monte Mario (Gaudia), but were repulsed. Concerning this 
poem, see Giesebrecht in the Arch. d. Soc, Pomona distor. pair, , vol. ii. 

' Statim tarn veAemens et/ortis Teutonicorum vox conctamantiufn'-' 
concrepuit, ut horribile toptitruum crederetttr de coslis cecidisse: Card. 


remained barred and the people deliberated on the 
Capitol, where the Palace of the Senate had been 
rebuilt a short time before. Nothing better illustrates 
the shadowy nature of the mediaeval empire in 
Rome itself than this coronation performed in the 
papal suburb, while it was expected that the Romans, 
from whom the emperors derived their title, would 
rush across the bridges of the Tiber brandishing their 
arms. An impassable chasm of education, of require- 
ments, of race separated the emperors of German 
origin from the Romans. If they hated the foreigner 
Adrian IV. as their territorial ruler, they could 
nevertheless reverence him as Pope, but Frederick 
must at this time have been utterly insupportable 
to them. He had not sworn to the laws of the city, 
to which all emperors were accustomed to swear; 
he had neither heard the votes of the Romans 
nor listened to the usual acclamations; nor had 
he repaid them by gifts. The Romans had every 
reason to feel offended.^ Their demand that the 
Emperor should recognise their constitution was 
reasonable, and it was imprudent to refuse it A time 
came when the Emperor repented this refusal, and 
when he tendered the oath to the despised citizens. 

^ Otto of Freisisg, ii. c. 23 : Audientes cuUem imptratorem situ sua 
adstipuUUione conmam Imperii accepisse, infurorem versi . . . and 
Godfrey of Viterbo, Carmen de Gesiis Frider,^ p. 24 (ed. Ficker, 

1853) :- 

Romanus populus awHquos expedit ustts. 

Rex despexU eum primtUum^ milite tutus. 

Nil petit imo/ubetf Roma furore tunut, 

Spe male Jrustratus discedit abinde senatus, 

Acriter iratus Romanus ad arma paraiur • • . 

Roma dolens plorat, rumor in Urbe sonat. 


After the popes had ceased to be candidates for the 
elective votes of the Romans, the people also found 
themselves deprived of all share in the election of 
these emperors. At a time, however, when the civic 
and political conceptions of law were penetrated 
through and through with traditions of antiquity, 
the Romans could not be induced to confess that the 
Eternal City was anything but the place where pope 
and emperor received their highest consecration. 
While other cities shone conspicuous by their wealth 
and power, Rome's only glory was that she was 
Rome. Gregory VII. had assigned the task of re- 
presenting the world-monarchy to the Papacy, and the 
Romans on their side dreamed that this supremacy 
was to be attained by the majesty of the people and 
by the imperial office by them established. 

Their inherited claims and their struggles against 
the popes, who strove to extinguish the political idea 
of the city, have impressed for centuries a tragic 
character on their history, a history unparalleled in 
the annals of mankind. In this stru^le, which has 
continued down to our times, and under the influence 
of which the present history is written — in this 
struggle against one and the same destiny, the only 
allies of the Romans were the walls of Aurelian, the 
Tiber, the malaria, and the shades and monuments 
of their great ancestors. Only now, when the city 
of Rome has no other ambition than the desire of 
descending to the ordinary rank of capital of a 
country, has she found a helper and ally in the 
Italian nation. 

The Emperor having obtained his crown, retired. 



attack the 

of the 

to his camp on the Neronian Field, while the Pope 
remained in the Vatican. But early in the afternoon 
the angry Romans rushed across the bridges into 
the Leonine city. Wherever they encountered the 
enemy singly, they cut them down ; they plundered 
clergy, cardinals, and adherents of the imperial 
party; they finally attacked Frederick's camp, 
whence they perhaps hoped to rescue their prophet 
Arnold. The Emperor and the army rose from the 
coronation banquet ; it was reported that Pope and 
cardinals were in the hands of the populace.^ Henry 
the Lion entered through the breach in the walls 
which had formerly been made by Henry IV., forced 
his way to the Leonina, and attacked the Romans 
in the rear. It cost the valiant army some trouble, 
however, to overcome them. Their courageous con- 
duct showed that the constitution of the republic was 
not altogether a fantastic whim. A varying struggle, 
which lasted until night, took place at the bridge of 
S. Angelo, and with the Trasteverines at the ancient 
Fishpond, until the citizens were overcome by 
superior numbers. "Our soldiers were seen," thus 
wrote an ancient German chronicler, ** mowing down 
the Romans, as if they would say, * Here, O Rome, 
take German iron for Arabian gold ; thus does 
Germany buy the empire.'" Nearly one thousand 
Romans were slain or drowned in the river; several 
were wounded, about two hundred were taken 
prisoners; the remainder saved themselves by 

^ Otto of Freising and Frederick's letter : RomatU de ponte 
lyberino prosiluenint — Cardinalibus spolieUis^ Papam capere in* 


flight into the strongly fortified city, while S, 
Angelo, in the possession of the Pierleoni, remained 

In the morning the Pope appeared in the imperial 
camp to implore the release of the prisoners, who 
had been given into the custody of the Prefect Peter. 
So incomplete, however, had been the bloody victory 
that even the great Emperor, who regarded himself 
as the lawful ruler of the world, was obliged to depart 
without even having entered the city. The Romans 
at this period show^ themselves entirely worthy of 
their freedom ; they manfully bade defiance to the 
Emperor from behind their walls ; they refused to 
sell him the necessaries of life, and were ready to 
continue the struggle. Frederick consequently broke 
up his camp on June 19. He took the Pope and 
all the cardinals with him as fugitives and retreated 
towards Soracte ; all along his line of march through 
the Roman district he ordered the towers which the 

^ This is justly admitted by Rob. Dettloff, Der erste Rdmerzug 
Kaiser FriedricKs /. (Gottingen, 187 1), p. 37. S. Angelo seems 
also to have given shelter to fugitives. Frederick can scarcely have 
previously occupied the bridge of the Tiber, but merely have sent 
forward troops against the fortress. The Romans pressed over this 
bridge, others over the island through Trastevere (Otto Morena, 
Murat., vi. 9S7). Card. Aragon. : Populus^ qui clausis portis apud 
Ckutrttm Crescentii residebat armaius — at the end of the struggle : 
infra portas ipsius casiri se ipsum recepit. Otto of Freising: pugna 
amseritttr—juxta castr, Crescentii cum Romanis^ juxta piscinam cum 
Transtyherinis (where S. Benedetto in Piscinula now stands). Sigeb. , 
Auctar, Aquicinct.^ ad, A. 1 155, and Helmold, Chrcn, Siavor,, c. 
80, ascribe the chief merit to Henry the lion, whom the Pope 
rewarded on this account. Thus also AnncU, Palidenses {M(m, Germ. , 
xvi.) and more circumstantially Vincent of Prague [Afon, Germ,, xvii 



Roman nobles had erected on their estates to be 
pulled down.^ 

It is probable that Arnold's execution took place 
at this time, and in this same neighbourhood of 
Soracte. The end of the celebrated demagogue is 
as obscure as the end of Crescentius, his con- 
temporaries passing it hastily by as if in awe. 
After his surrender he was handed over to the City 
Prefect, who with his powerful family owned large 
estates in the county of Viterbo, They had long 
made war on the Roman commune, had suffered 
severe injuries at its hands, and consequently 
cherished feelings of bitter indignation against 
Arnold.^ After he had been condemned by a spirit- 
ual tribunal the Prefect sentenced him (and un- 
doubtedly with the Emperor's sanction) to death as 
a heretic and rebel. The unfortunate man courage- 
ously refused to recant ; he asserted that his teach- 
ing was just and salutary, and that he was ready to 

^ Gesta dt Federico I, (ed. Monad), v. 754 ff. 

' Geroh, De Inuestig, AtUuhr,, L (Gretser, Prolegimi, ad scriptor, 
ado, fValdenses, c. 4), expressly ascribes Arnold's death to the 
Prefect of the city : a prof. Urbis J?. de sub earum custodia — ereptm 
ac pv speciali causa occisus ab ejus servis est, Maximam siquidem 
cladem ex occasione ejusdem doctrina idem Praf, a Romams civibus 
perpessus fuerat, I explain this passage by a document of July 17, 
1 1 58: the Prefect (Peter) and his brothers John and Octavian 
certified to Adrian IV. in Viterbo that they had received 1000 marks, 
and the revenues of Civita Castellana, &c., as security, de damno 
castror,, domor, — occasione guerrcB quam habuimus cum Pop, R. 
pro R, EcclesicL, The Pope promised to have their houses in Rome 
restored. The Prafectus^ Johannes Prafecti, et Octamanus germani 
fratres, Petrus Johannis^ Johannes Caparrone (all landed proprietors 
in Viterbo), Petrus de Atteja (in Nepi) constituted the kinsfolk of the 
Prefetti of Vico and Viterbo (Murat., Ant,^ iv. 31 ; Theiner, i. xxv.). 


die for his principles. He only asked for a brief 
respite that he might confess his sins to Christ ; he 
knelt with uplifted hands, prayed to heaven and 
commended his soul to God. The executioner him- 
self was moved to pity. Such is the account given 
by a recently discovered poem, written by a Brescian 
of imperial sympathies. This author, in common 
with other contemporaries, says that Arnold was 
hanged and then burned, in order that none of his 
remains might fall into possession of the Romans — 
a fact which proves to what degree he was idolised 
by the people. According to others, his ashes were 
thrown into the Tiber. The scene t)f his execution 
is nowhere designated with certainty.^ 

The smoke from Arnold's funeral pyre darkens 
the youthful but already blood-stained majesty of 
the Emperor, to whose immediate needs he fell 
a sacrifice. But avengers already existed in the 

^ Otto of Frdsing : principis $xamim reseroatus est , ^ , a prof. 
Urbis ligno adactus^ ac rogo in puioerem future redacto, ne a stolida 
pUbe corpus efus tfeHertUioni haberetur, in Tyberim sparsus, Godfrey 
(Pantheon, Muiatori, vii. 464) : Sirangulat hunc iaqueus, ignis et 
unda vehunt, Geroh : suspendio neci traditus , . . crematus atque 
in Tyberim proiectus est^ ne Rom. popul, . • • sibi eum martyrem 
dedicaret. The Roman Acts in Card. Aragon. are silent. Anna/, 
Einsiedl. (Mon, Germ,, v.), A. II55* suspensus est, Palidenses : 
preficto iraditur et suspendio adjudicatur, Gesta di Fed, I, : ne cui 
reliquie superent fortasse coUnde, v. 860. Sismondi, Leo and 
Raumer transfer the execution to the Piazza del Popolo. It oould not, 
however, have taken place in Rome, where the gates were barred. 
Only one of three things is possible : either Arnold was executed 
before Frederick's entrance ; or immediately after the coronation and 
the attack ; or after the Emperor had retired to Soracte. The anony- 
mous writer of the Gesia di Feder, /. places it in the time inmiediately 
following the Emperor's departure. 

VOL. IV. 2 N 


burghers of the Lombard cities, who were later to 
compel Frederick to recognise the glorious work of 
freedom which had been so powerfully influenced 
by Arnold's spirit. The hand of the mighty has 
often unconsciously shattered the instruments of 
great movements, movements which have over- 
whelmed the mighty themselves. Frederick did not 
see Arnold of Brescia in the light in which he now 
appears to us, and the Emperor had perhaps heard 
but little of the reformer. Of what importance to 
him was the life of a single heretic? And even 
were he acquainted with the facts of Arnold's life, he 
had been at war with the cities of Northern Italy and 
with Rome, and could never, therefore, have been 
favourably disposed to the Lombard, — the political 
innovator. He thus destroyed a glorious force, which 
might later have been of the greatest service to him- 
self.^ Frederick showed but little foresight in Rome. 
Instead of magnanimously restricting the Roman 
democracy within reasonable limits, as he might 
easily have done, and then removing it from the 
papal influence and placing it under the authority 
of the empire, he repelled it with blind contempt, 
made enemies of several other cities, and at length 
saw all his extravagant schemes fall to ruin. 

Arnold of Brescia heads the series of celebrated 
martyrs for freedom who died upon the funeral 
pyre, but whose ardent genius rose like a phoenix 
from the flames to live through centuries. We 

^ According to the Gesta di Feder,^ Barbarossa suffered remorse 
for Arnold's death when it was too late, v. 850 : Sei doluisse daiur 
super h4>c rex sero misertus. 


might even call him a prophet, so clearly did he see 
into the spirit of his time, so far did he advance 
towards the goal, which, not until 700 years after 
him, Rome and Italy are hoping to reach. The 
already mature consciousness of his age was incarnate 
in the gifted person of the reformer, and the first 
political heretic of the Middle Ages was the logical 
consequence of the quarrel for investitures. The 
struggle of the two powers and the transformation 
of the cities were the great practical phenomena 
which served him as a historical basis.^ An inner 
necessity drew him to the spot where the root of all 
the evil lay. If Arnold had not gone to Rome, had 
not ended his life here, he would have been an in- 
complete figure of his age. But Rome, oppressed 
at the same time by the weight of her ancient great- 
ness, and by the two supreme powers in the world, 
could not permanently maintain her civic freedom. 
The constitution, to which Arnold may perhaps as 
a law-giver have largely contributed, nevertheless 
long survived him ; the school of the Amoldists or 
politicians never died out. Arnold is the historic Survival 
precedent for all the forces, theoretical or practical, id^STof the 
which have revolted against the secular character of martyr in 

, - . **, , . , . . the history 

the clergy ; this so much the more because his aims of Rome 
were not sullied by any sordid motives,* For even "*** ^^^^' 

1 I maintain this in opposition to Raumer, wlio says : " He did 
not tinderstand how to associate his schemes with any of the great 
movements of the age, but attacked the State and the Church of his 
time with like hostility, while his enthusiasm was dedicated to objects 
which had entirely passed away, and for the revival of which he exerted 
himself in vain." 

' A German, Geroh, Prior of Reichersberg (who died 1169), shared 


his most violent opponents admitted that he was 
only influenced by enthusiastic conviction, Arnold 
surpasses all his successors in the struggle for Roman 
liberty, not only in the greatness of his time, but also 
in the loftiness of his aims. Savonarola, with whom 
he has been compared, is frequently rendered offensive 
to every manly judgment by the monastic character 
of his intellect and by his claims to supernatural 
powers. But neither miracles or oracles are attri- 
buted to the friend of Abelard. He seems to have 
been sane, manly, and clear ; whether it is that he 
really was so, or that history has withheld many 
circumstances of his life. His teaching was of such 
enduring vitality, that it is still in harmony with the 
spirit of our time, and Arnold of Brescia would now 
be the most popular man in Italy. For so obstinate 
is the ban of the Middle Ages under which Rome 
and Italy are still held, that the soul of a heretic in 
the twelfth century has not yet found rest, but must 
still haunt Rome.^ 

Frederick crossed the Tiber at Magliano, and pro- 
ceeded by Farfa, as Henry V. had done before him, 
to the Lucanian Bridge. Here the festival of SS. 

with Arnold the view that the clergy had nothing to do with poli- 
tical power. Quern ego vellempro tali doctrina (political maxims) sua 
quamvis prava, vel exilio^ vel carcere, out alia paena^ prater mortem, 
punUum esse, vel saltern taliUr occisum, ut Rom, Eccl, seu curia 
ejus necis quastiofu careret. And he calls Arnold's efibrts pure and 
noble — Zelo forte hofw, sed minori scientia ... his execution nex 
perperam acta, 

^ On February 13, 1862, placards were posted in Loreto, on 
which was printed : Viva il Papa nan Re t Viva Amaldo da Brescia ! 
Viva il Clero liberale I In 1883 the city of Brescia erected a bronze 
statue to the fiunous reformer, to which Zttrich also contributed. 


Peter and Paul was celebrated with great splendour 
under tents, and the Pope absolved the German 
troops of all blame for the blood which had been 
shed in Rome. The cities of the Campagna hastened 
to discharge the oppressive T^^ferww to the Emperor, 
other cities to do him homage, or to place themselves 
under his protection, and Tivoli, which out of hatred 
to Rome had ranged itself under the papal banner, 
now even hoped to throw off the authority of the 
Pope. Envoys of the commune (which was now 
undoubtedly headed by consuls) gave the keys of 
the town to the Emperor as overlord, in. revenge 
against the Romans, Frederick would have strength- 
ened a town which was at enmity with the Senate, 
but Adrian advanced the rights of the Church, 
and the Emperor released the Tivolese from the 
oath of subjection which they had just taken, 
and gave them back their town.^ The restitution 
of Tivoli was the pitiful compromise enacted by the 
Pope, to whom Frederick could not fulfil his promise 
to make him sovereign of Rome. 

He advanced to Tusculum, and remained with 
Adrian in the Alban Mountain until the middle of 
July.^ He made an effort to attack Rome, but his 
expedition was of no avail : nor could he entertain 
William I.'s challenge to fight him in Apulia, his 
great German vassals justly refusing to sanction the 

^ Sicard, Chron,^ p. 599. The Act of the surrender of Tivoli to the 
Pope salvo tamenper omnia jure Imperiali is given in Cendus and 
Card. Aragon. ; in Theiner, L n« xxL The date is unfortunately want- 

* The investiture of Jonathan, son of Ptolemy, with the half of 
Tusculum by the Church, is dated July 9, 1 155. Theiner, L n. 20. 



of the 

proposal. Neither could he at this season enter on 
any undertaking against the Romans. The malaria 
now appeared among his discontented troops; he 
was obliged to turn and, not without some painful 
self-reproach, to abandon the Pope to his fate. He 
gave the prisoners into Adrian's hands ; took leave 
of him in Tivoli, and set forth on his northern 
progress by way of Farfa. With barbarous indigna- 
tion he reduced the ancient and celebrated city of 
Spoleto to ashes on his route. And like Demetrius 
in ancient times the great Hohenstaufen might with 
justice have been called " Destroyer of cities." ^ 

^ Concerning Frederick's retreat, see Otto of Freising, ii. c. 24 : 
e Zficinis stagnis^ cavemoHsqtie^ ac ruinosis circa Urbem locis irisHbus 
erumpentihus . • . nebulis^ totus vicinus crcusatur air^ ad hauriendum 
mortalibus lethifir, ac pesHiens, Urgebaiur h4>c incommodo in Urhe 
civisj hoc tempore ad montana conmetus fugere : just as to-day. 
With regard to Spoleto, see the note in Papencordt, p. 267. I copied 
the following ancient inscription from a stone in the Palazzo del 
Comune there : — 

ffoc est Spoletum censu poptdoque repUtum 

Quod debelkani Fridericus et igne cremamt. 

Si gueris quando post partum Virginis anno 

MCL V. Tres novies soles Jtdius tunc mensis habebat. 


3. Adrian makbs War on King William — Is forced to 


Papal — Adrian makes Peace with Rome — Discord 


Cities — Adrian negotiates with them and 

PROACH THE Emperor — Death of Adrian IV. — 
His ACTIVITY — His Lament over his Misfortune 
IN becoming Pope. 

The Pope found his hopes betrayed by the Em- 
peror's departure, Rome had not been subjugated 
as the treaty of Constance had promised ; he was 
still an exile, and the expedition against Sicily had 
never taken place. He resolutely collected vassals 
and mercenaries and hastened to Capua and 
Benevento in the autumn. He had already excom- 
municated William and had released the people of 
Apulia from their oath. He now came in person to 
uphold them in their revolt, and united himself with 
the rebellious barons and exiles, who did homage to 
him in Benevento. The revolt of all the provinces, 
the simultaneous energetic movement of the Greeks, 
with whom Adrian had openly allied himself, the 
rapid prepress of the barons, the activity of the 
enterprising Pope, who was the soul of the insurrec- 
tion, and who reaped its fruits, induced Roger's 
effeminate son to make favourable proposals to him, 
among which was that of reducing Rome to sub- 
mission.^ Nevertheless the prospect of peace was 

^ The treaty of Constance had bound the Pope as well as Frederick 
not to allow the Greeks to make conquests in Italy; in Adrian's 


frustrated by the resistance of the imperial party 

among the cardinals. William, however, by a sudden 

effort succeeded in wresting Calabria and Apulia by 

assault from the Greeks and barons, and immediately 

advanced on Benevento, where the exiles had sought 

shelter with the Pope. Fortune for the third time 

smiled on the Normans. The perplexed Adrian was 

obliged to abandon his allies and to sue for peace. 

Adrian iv. Xhe victor dictated terms in the neighbourhood of 

WiWami. Benevento in June 1156, where he received the 

Tnd i^cu*** threefold investiture of Sicily, Apulia, and Capua ; 

1 156. ' the Church, however, reserving many rights by 

stipulation.^ This one-sided peace, by which the 

Pope^ deserted by the Emperor, invested the enemy 

of the empire with territories of which Frederick 

declared himself to be the ruler, irritated the 

imperialists, who saw in it a breach of the treaty of 

Constance. Other reasons also soon arose to increase 

the tension which already existed.^ 

Adrian returned to the State of the Church in the 
summer, without, however, venturing to Rome. He 

alliance wiUi the Greeks the imperial party consequently saw a breach 
of the treaty. 

^ Oddo Frangipane administered the oath to the King (Card. 
Aragon ). JJgnis home papa deoenit. For V^lliam's haughty speech, 
see the Instrument of peace (Baron., ad, A. 1x56, n. iv.) ; the investi- 
ture, n. vii.; Vita Adriani in Watterich, ii. 352. The Kings of 
Sicily now first received investiture of Salerno, Amalfi, Naples, and 
the Abruzzi (Marsia). The concordat made the Sicilian Church 
almost independent of Rome. Romuald, p. 197. 

* HostUms imperii presul Romanus adhesit, 
Federa dot Siculis^ pariter datfedera Greets^ 
Fit modo materies mortis et horo necis, 

— Godfrey, De Gestis Frid, ed. Ficker, p. 28. 



strengthened the papal power by treaties with great 
vassals and even with cities, and thus formally took 
possession of Orvieto.^ He thence went to Viterbo, He takes 
which henceforward became a frequent abode of the ^ode in 
popes, and in November he entered the Lateran.* ^^^» 
His peace with Rome was the result of the treaty eludes 
with Sicily ; King William induced the Romans to ^SScT 
yield by means of gold and threats, and out of hatred 
to Frederick they came to an agreement But this 
peace was also one-sided and calculated to irritate 
the Emperor — a result desired by the crafty Romans. 
The contents of the treaty are unknown. It was, 
however, probably based on the same foundations as 
the earlier contract with Eugenius III. 

From this time forward the conflict between 
imperial, papal, and senatorial claims became the 
cause of a serious dissension between the Emperor 
and Adrian. Since Otto the Great no stronger man 
than Frederick had wielded the sword of empire. 
Conscious of the power of Germany, through which 
alone, as he asserted, he wore the crown of Constan- 
tine, he overthrew the pretensions of the Pope, who 
opposed him with the exaggerated ideas of Gregory 
VII. The principle of the absolute monarchy ap- 
peared in rude opposition to that of the absolute 

^ Conventic inter Adr. IV, et Urbevetanos: Murat., Antiq, It,, iv. 
36, ^. 1 157 Ind, VI, M. Febr. The Pope is represented by seven 
cardinals, the city by one abbot, two consuls, and two nobili. Con- 
cerning Adrian's buildings in Orvieto : Monaldo Monaldeschi, C^m- 
ment, Historici^ Venet, 1854, 35. 

* Ad amcmum et popuhsum VUerbii castrum descendit, et exinde 
ad Urbem et Lateran, Cansist^um remeavit. Card. Arag., p. 445. 
Jaff6 shows that Adrian was in the Latexan on November 12, 11 56. 




of the 






Church. The contrast between two strong characters 
threatened a renewal of the recent controversy ; a 
despotic emperor confronted the arrogance of a 
priest, in whom the overstrained ideas of the Papacy 
had found their incarnation. Matilda's donation, the 
question' of investitures, the peace made by the Pope 
with Sicily, the position of Rome in the ecclesiastical 
State added to the causes of dissension. Emperor 
and Pope had seldom before exchanged such angry 
words, and the language used brought out mercilessly 
the standpoint of the two parties, defined as it was 
by a contest of universal importance. The accidental 
robbery of a Swedish bishop by Burgundian knights, 
who remained unpunished by the Emperor, gave 
Adrian IV. occasion to remind Frederick that he 
owed his coronation to the grace of the Pope. The 
use of the ambiguous word ** Beneficium " (in its 
legal sense a " fief") inflamed the anger of the Em- 
peror and of his court It was with difficulty that 
the cardinal-legates, the bearers of the papal letters, 
escaped death at Besan^on at the hands of the 
German knights, and after an insulting dismissal re* 
turned to Rome.^ Frederick addressed a manifesto 
to his empire, stigmatised the priestly view of the 

^ The well-known phrase : st majara hmeficia exceUentia tua de 
manu ncstrcLs suscepisut . . . Radevicfa, L c 8. Otto de S. Blasio, 
C 8. One of the legates, Cardinal Roland, afterwards Alex- 
ander III., said briefly and boldly : a quo ergo habei^ si a dom. 
Papa non habet imperium f To the Pope's letter of complaint to the 
German bishops (/. r., 15) the latter answered : liberam Imperii nosiri 
coronam dwino toMhtm bemficio adscribimus, — In capiU orbis Deus 
per Imperium exaliavit Ecclesiam^ in capite orbis BccUsia {non per 
Deum ui credimm) nunc demolUur Imperium, 


relation of the empire to the Papacy as mendacious 
arrogance, and protested that he had received the 
imperial power from God alone, and would rather 
die than see it humbled beneath the yoke of the 
clergy.^ The times of Henry IV. were past, the 
entire German empire re-echoed to the imperial 
voice ; princes and bishops, filled with patriotism, pro- 
nounced unanimously against the Pope, and Adrian, 
who found himself opposed by a German party 
among the cardinals, was forced to hasten to appease 
the anger of the Hohenstaufen. His new l^ates 
brought a letter of apology, in which he explained, 
like a pedant or grammarian, that he had not used 
the word " Beneficium " in the sense of a fief. 

These nuncios found Frederick already in Augs- 
burg, whither he had gone in June 1158, intending 
to return to Italy at the head of a strong force to 
reduce the rebellious cities and the entire country to 
subjection. Heroic Milan surrendered in September, The 
and the empire now celebrated its most decisive ^^'^ 
but also its last triumph at the Diet of Roncaglia.* Milan, 

^ Cu$nque per eiuHonem principum, a solo Deo Regnum et Impiriwn 
nostrum sit — ptiamque ttos /mperialem Coronam pro beneficio a D, 
Papa suscepisse dixerii^ divina insiUuHoni^ et doctrifUB Petri cott" 
irarius est, et mendacii reus erit: Radev., i. c. 10. Ilie popes said 
that the emperors were such by the grace of God : the emperors, 
that they were by the grace of God {gratia dei or divino beneficio) 
throu^ the election of the Parliament. The ''Grace of God " had 
no mystic meaning in the Middle Ages, but signified just the same in 
the case of an emperor as in that of a dty prefect. 

' The celebrated Diet on the Field of Roncaglia near Piacenza was 
opened on November 14, 1158. Concerning the transactions there 
and the list of regalia, see H. Prutz, Kaiser Friedrich /. (Danzig, 
1871), L 168 ff. 


The most celebrated jurists of Bologna, filled with 
enthusiasm for the ancient imperial law of Rome, 
fanned the pride of the powerful Emperor, by in- 
vesting the Hohenstaufen imperium with the absolu- 
tism of Justinian, and explaining it as the legitimate 
supremacy of the world. At this period, when civic 
and political affairs sought a firm legal foundation, 
the cities as well as the Emperor appealed to Roman 
law and consequently came into harsh collision. But 
the living present severed the cities (Rome excepted) 
from antiquity, while the Emperor reverted now to 
the Caesarism of Rome, now to Charles's theocratic 
empire, and in his infatuation fondly imagined that 
he could divert the democratic current of the century 
back into the groove of the absolutism of Justinian. 
In the bitter conflict between the burgher class and 
the imperial power, it was inevitable that the Papacy 
should speedily ally itself with the burghers. The 
quarrel for investitures, the conception of feudal law 
which governs an entire age, was the connecting link 
between them, or rather the ancient dispute was now 
(the concordat of Worms having tranquillised it 
within the Church) revived with fresh violence in 
civic spheres. It was also necessary for the cities to 
deprive the Emperor of the crown rights, the ad- 
ministration of justice, and the magistracy. Thus 
the struggle of Frederick I. with the Lombard cities 
was the second war for investitures, but a war with 
the burghers, out of which the republics as well as 
the Church issued triumphant and attained inde- 
pendence in the sphere of political law. 
Adrian IV. had already entered into secret nego- 


tiations with the cities, while at the same time he 
zealously cultivated the friendship of the Sicilian 
feudal monarchy. After so many triumphs Frederick, 
like Charles the Great, determined to rule over Rome 
and the bishops in his empire as over vassals. He 
sent his envoys to Italy, with orders to collect with 
unsparing severity the fiscal dues both from the 
property bequeathed by Matilda and from the State 
of the Church.^ The Pope complained in a letter He renews 
that Frederick exacted feudal dues from the bishops, for invSiF-^ 
and refused the cardinal-legates admission to the '"'cs. 
provinces ; the Emperor replied with contempt that 
the Church had not owned any principality before 
the time of Constantine, that all the property of the 
holy chair was the g^ft of kings, that the bishops, 
who should only have been heirs of God, nevertheless 
held temporal dignities in the State, and consequently 
owed feudal obligations to the Emperor, since Christ 
had paid tribute to the emperor both for Himself 
and Peter.* The bishops must either surrender their 
temporal property or give the Emperor what was his 
due ; the churches had been closed to the cardinal- 
legates, in order that the congr^ations might be pro- 
tected against their rapacity. The Pope disgraced 
Christian humility when he brought temporal advan- 
tages, which had nothing to do with religion, into 
the discussion in sight of the world. This he was 

1 This already on the ground of the decrees of Roncaglia, by which 
the Emperor had been given as regalia : Ducatus, AfarcAia, Cami- 
tatus^ Consulatus^ Montia^ Tdonia^ Foderum, Veciigalia^ Portus^ 
Pedaiica^ Molenditui^ Piscaria, Radev., ii. c 5, c la 

' We may remember that this was the phrase used by the Romans 
in their letter to Conrad. 


obliged to say, because he saw how the abhorred beast 
of arrogance had climbed even to S. Peter's chair.^ 

Thus Frederick revived the temporal side of the 

quarrel for investiture ; he now spoke with the 

mouth of the Romans, and seemed transformed into 

the figure of the very Arnold whom he had executed 

only a few years before. The imperial power (for 

the moment at least) had entered on a period of 

renascence, the papal had become enfeebled. Adrian 

IV., wounded to the heart, sent legates to Frederick 

to try what could be effected by negotiations. His 

exorbitant demands show that the Papacy had 

assumed the same attitude towards the empire as 

The Pope that adopted by the cities ; it desired entire freedom 

^^^■^ from the imperial power in secular affairs, or the 

pcndence transference of the crown rights to itself. The 

of the State ** 

of the Pope demanded that the bishops of Italy should 
merely take the oath of fidelity to the Emperor, but 
should be under no feudal obligations ; except on 
the occasion of his coronation, the Emperor should 
not levy " foderum " on the State of the Church ; 
the income from Matilda's estates and from all 
territory from Aquapendente to Rome, from Spoleto, 
Sardinia, and Corsica, from Ferrara and Massa was 
to be surrendered to the sacred chair ; the Emperor 

^ The two letters are given in Sigeb., C<mtin. Aquicinctin.^ ad A, 
1 1 57 {Man, Gemu^ viii. 408). That of the Pope is dated June 24, 
1159} from Prseneste. Even the superscription on Frederick's letter 
must have wounded him : FrieL Dei Gr, Rom. Imp, Semper* Aug, 
Adriano Eccles, Catho/ica Sumtno Pontifici omnibus adhartrti qua 
cepit Jesus facere ei docere, Adrian even complained that the Emperor 
placed his own name, in letters, before that of the Pope, in quo 
insolen/ia, ne dicam arrogantuB not am incurris. 


was not to send any envoy to Rome without the 
Pope's consent, for the entire magistracy and every 
kind of regalia belonged to the holy chair alone. 
While Adrian thus endeavoured to exclude the im- 
perial authority from the State of the Church, and 
demanded recognition of his complete territorial 
supremacy, the Emperor replied, " Since, by the will 
of God, I am, and call myself, Roman Emperor, I 
should only bear an unmeaning title did I allow 
the sovereignty over the city of Rome to pass out 
of my hands." ^ 

Ambassadors from the Senate were present during 
these negotiations ; the Romans, seeing that the 
Emperor employed Arnold's arguments against the 
Pope, made approaches to him. In the spring of 
II 59 they sent messengers to effect a reconciliation, RecopdUa- 
and Frederick having received them favourably in |^^ i^^ 
public, the Senate sent other distinguished men to ^^y °^ 
the camp at Crema. The Romans, grown more the 
modest, now begged for the imperial favour and an ii™|*^'* 
amnesty ; they promised to restore the imperial 
power in Rome, and Frederick entered into negotia- 
tions with the commune. He now determined to 
recognise the Senate, but on conditions to be dictated 
by himself, and these conditions were the same as 
those already imposed on subjugated Milan. With 
the envoys (whom he loaded with presents) he also 
sent the Count Palatine Otto of Wittelsbach, Count 

^ Niam cum dvv, ordinatume ego Rom, Imp, et duar et sim, speciem 
tofUum damifumtis effingo — si Urbis Roma de manu nostra potestas 
fuerit excussa. Popes and bishops asked : quid mihi et regif and 
the Emperor: quid tibi et possessionif Radev., ii c. 30. 


Guido of Blandrate, the Provost Herbert of Aqui to 
Rome, where these nobles were instructed to come 
to terms respecting the restoration of the Senate 
and the recall of the exiled Prefect, and were, if pos- 
sible, to conclude a concordat with the Pope.^ The 
envoys were received with honour, but the demands 
of the Senate, which now assumed a commanding 
attitude, rendered a settlement impossible, and the 
death of the Pope raised a further obstacle. 
Death of Adrian IV. died at Anagni on September i, 
Septi. ''ii59i at open strife with the Emperor, in league 
'159* with the Lombards against him, and debating the 
question of excommunicating Frederick. This priest 
who had risen from the dust confronted the mightiest 
of monarchs with so haughty an aspect, as were he 
not only this monarch's equal but his superior. His 
natural endowments were increased by the greatness 
to which his own merits had raised him, by know- 
ledge of the world, and by a praiseworthy strength 
of character, which, in the midst of all his arrogance, 
enabled him to act with prudence at the critical 
time. Adrian was shrewd, practical, and unyielding, 
as Anglo-Saxons are wont to be. Like Gregory 
Vn., he determined to realise the principle of papal 
supremacy ; ' but in the midst of his boldest dreams 

^ Frederick demanded the recall of the former Prefect of the city, 
who had been banished by the Romans as the enemy of Arnold of 
Brescia and the cause of his death. The Emperor did not, however, 
attain his desire. According to Joann. Saresber., opp. L 63, ep. 59, 
in W. Ribbeck, /. r., p. 62. 

' The former beggar boy from England wrote to King Henxy IL : 
sofu Hibemiam^ €t onmes insulas, qmbus soijusiitia CAristus illuxit'^ 
ad jus b. Petri €t S.R.B.--non est dubium pertmtn. Mansi, zxL 788. 


he did not neglect his more immediate duties. He 
even refortified cities such as Orte and Radicofani ; 
he acquired others, and the acts of the Dominium 
Temporale show how careful he was to preserve, or 
to found, patrimonies for the sacred chair, to weaken 
the dynasties on the Campagna and to make them 
serviceable to himself. The provincial nobility had 
been brought low by the wars with the emperors as 
well as with the civic communes; the barons had 
lost their influence in consequence of the democratic 
revolution and were impoverished and in debt Many 
ceded their fortresses entirely or in part to Adrian, 
who then gave them back as fiefs of the Church, 
and thus noblemen became tributaries {homines) of 
the Pope. Adrian's activity in this respect was very 
great.^ He had failed, however, to subdue the Roman 
republic. The Senate still existed on the Capitol, 
and instead of a complaisant Emperor, Frederick 
had become the violent enemy of the Pope. " O 
that I had never," an Englishman heard Adrian 
sigh, " left my native land, England, or the convent 

^ See the Acts of his Chamberlain Boso in Cardinal Aragon., 
p. 445, also in Albinos and Cencius. Oddo de Poli ceded all the 
fortresses of which the Church had been despoiled by him, back as 
fiefs to the Pope : Poli, Faustiniano, Anticuli, Rocca de Nibli, Monte 
Manno, Gadabiolo (Guadagnolo), Sarracinisco, Rocca de Muri, Cas- 
tellus novQS. We see of what accumulations of property the barons 
had already become possessed at this time (Cencius, foL 107 of 
January 7, II57 ; Murat., Aniiq», i. 676; Theiner, i. n. xxii.). 
There are similar treaties concerning Tusculum, and in territorio 
CampaninOf the Castrum Mons Set Johis (Monte S. Giovanni on the 
Liris), which was still held by Lombards of the house of Aquino ; 
further Raiano, Sculgola, Cordanum, Orvieto. Of but few popes has 
Cencius preserved so many documents. 

VOL. fv, 2 


of S. Rufus. Is there elsewhere in the world a man 
so miserable as the pope? I have found so much 
hardship on the papal throne, that all the bitterness 
of my past life seems sweet in comparison. Is the 
elected pope as rich as a Croesus to-day, on the 
morrow he is poor and oppressed with countless 
debts. Truly it is with justice that he is called 
Servant of the Servants ; he is enslaved by the 
rapacity of the servile souls of the Romans, and 
does he fail to satisfy them, he is forced to leave 
his throne and Rome as a fugitive." ^ Such is the 
avowal of Adrian IV. concerning the Papacy of his 
time — the testimony of a sage of ripe experience 
who died in exile. 

Rome preserves no monument of this vigorous 
foreigner beyond his coffin in the crypt of the Vati- 
can ; an ancient urn, which owes its preservation to 
the indestructibility of its material. This rude in- 
artistic sarcophagus of red granite fitly encloses the 
only English pope — a man whose nature was as firm 
and strong as the granite itself. 

^ Thus Adrian sighed to his celebrated countryman, John of Sails* 
bniy {De Ntigis CurteUium^ viiL c. 23). In incudiHe^ inquii^ ei 
malleo semper dilatavit me Dominus, Concerning the avarice of 
spiritual Rome, there was but one opinion in the world : Roma Deus 
non est friftus, sed quattrimis* 


4. Schism between Victor IV. and Alexander III. — 
The Council at Pa via recognises Victor — Cour- 
ageous Resistance of Alexander III. — He sails 
TO France — Destruction of Milan — Death of 
Victor III., 11 64 — Paschalis HI. — Christian of 
Mainz — Alexander III. returns to Rome— Death 
OF William I. — The Greek Emperor — Frederick 
comes again to Italy — League of the Lombard 
Cities — Rainald of Cologne advances to the 
neighbourhood OF Rome. 

A schism followed immediately on Adrian's death. 
The college of cardinals had long been divided into 
a hierarchical and an imperial faction, but the two 1 
parties had formed a compact in Anagni to vote for 
the same candidate. Nevertheless Adrian's adherents, 
headed by Boso, nephew of the Pope, had privately 
occupied the fortified palace beside S. Peter^s, and 
had there held meetings.^ At the same time the 
smaller German party was in eager communication 
with the imperial envoys, who were still in Rome, 
and acquired adherents in the Senate by means of 

The cardinals, the imperial envoys, the clergy, schism in 
nobles, and populace, and also the Senators, wholJ^g^Pf* 
had undertaken the care of the cathedral, kept its 
doors closed and assembled for the election in S. 

» The EpUi. Canomcor, b, Petri pro parte Victoris (Radev., ii. 
c. 66) thus represents the matter. Boso had seized the munitio 
S, Petri (the fortified Vatican) even in Adrian's lifetime. Roland 
himself says mumtic EccUsia (Letter to Genoa in Caf&ro, Annai. 
Gen., u 274, and to Bologna, Radev., ii. c 51). 


Cardinal Peter's. Three days passed without any under- 

(/UezaDder 'standing having been reached; when the stronger 

[^)^^ p^LTty on September 7 proclaimed the chancellor, 

Ocuvian Roland Bandinelli, a Siennese, as Pope. But scarcely 

ivo!°'^ had they time to clothe the reluctant candidate with 

i the mantle, when Cardinal Octavian, head of the 

German party, tore the purple from his shoulders. 

An unwilling Senator, it is true, took the mantle 

from Octavian, but his chaplain ran and brought 

^another, which the cardinal in his excitement threw 

on wrong side out.^ The tumult was too great for 

the assembly to find time to laugh at the figure of a 

cardinal so anxious to assume Uie mantle. Troops, 

who were already prepared, pressed into S. Peter's, 

* sword in hand. Octavian received the acclamations 

of his party ; the inferior clergy, more especially the 

Chapter of S. Peter's, the populace, the majority of 

the Senators and many captains gave him their 

placet; the Te Deum was sung, and the cardinal, 

assuming the name of Victor IV., was forthwith led 

in procession to the Lateran.^ 

Roland and his followers meanwhile fled to the 
' fortified Vatican. They were here kept for nine 

^ The chaplain of each cardinal probably brought with him the 
mantle destined for his master. The imman/are was the first symbol 
of elevation to the Papacy ; and stress was laid upon the fact that the 
Immantaiio of Octavian took place before that of Roland (Radev., it 
71). The populace afterwards shouted to Octavian : Jili tnaledicU 
dismanta ! non eris Papa. Roland's election manifesto (Radevich, ii. 
c. 51)1 transcribed by Card. Aragon. Alexander III. announces his 
election to the clergy of Paris, Terradna, beginning of October 1 159 
(in Pflugk-Hartung, Acta Horn. Font, ifudita^ ii. n. 415). 

' Papa Victore santo Putro Veiegge was thereupon shouted in 
Italian. Report of the Chapter of S. Peter. 


whole days by the Senators, who had been bribed, 
and were then taken into still stricter custody in 
Trastevere. After three days they were released by 
Oddo Frangipane, who had long been the foremost* 
vassal of the Church and an enemy of the republic. 
A counter movement took place ; Roland was led , 
in procession through Rome, amid the ringing of 
bells and with the banners of the Church ; then, 
accompanied by all the clergy who had taken his 
part, by many of the populace and nobles in arms, 
by the college of the judges and the School of 
Singers, he immediately withdrew to the Campagna. 
What strange movements on the part of the Romans, 
what curious spectacles are presented by the papal 
elections of the time ! 

At the foot of the Volscian Mountains and at the 
edge of the Pontine Marshes lies Ninfa, at that time » 
a town of considerable importance, now a Christian 
Pompeii, with blackened walls, which, with a strong 
baronial tower and ruinous churches, still remain 
covered and choked by ivy. Here one of the 
mightiest of popes, the great opponent of the 
Emperor Barbarossa, was consecrated on September Alexander 
20 as Alexander III. He repaired to Terracina,*crat^ar 
a town on the frontier of the Sicilian kingdom, whose ^>'"|*» 
sovereign had hastened to acknowledge him.^ 1x59- 

^ He went by way of Cisterna, where, according to tradition, Nero 
had hidden himself. The Canons of S. Peter consequently said : 
perveneruni ad cistemam Neronis, in qua kUuii Nero fuguns 
Romanes insequenies. Justs Cistemam adunmty quia dereHquerunt 
fontem aqua viva, et foderwtt sibi cistemas. The followers of Victor 
(in Radev., ii. c. 52) : in castro — Cistima, intra Ariciam et Terra* 
cinam, Rokmdum Cancellarium immantaverunt, Romuald, p. aoo : 


Octavian was for the time master of a great part 
of the city. This cardinal, a Crescentius of the 
house of the Counts of Monticelli, was a man of 
handsome presence and liberal disposition, and could 
reckon on numerous adherents in Rome; Peter, 
Prefect of the city, his own nephew, the Tebaldi 
and Stefani, some Gsetani, Pierleoni, and other power- 
ful nobles adhered to him.^ The interests of the 
Senate also seemed to recommend a pope of German 
sympathies, and the Roman people never inquired 
who was the lawful pope, but only who was most 
lavish of his gold. The Romans desired Octavian, 
and the inferior clergy, who from Arnold's time had 
been at variance with the cardinals who upheld the 
ancient system, pronounced almost universally in 
his favour. On the other hand, among the higher 
clergy, the Bishop of Ferentino, Bishop Ymarus of 

Nymphas venit^ H tbiab UbaJdo OsHensi Ep, — soUmniter consecralus^ 
eg postea Terracinam venit, Rolaad himself speaks of Ninfa as the 
place where he was consecrated (Rad., i. c. 51). 

^ Witnesses for him at Pavia were: Petrus U, Praf.^ Steph, de 
Tebaldo, Steph. Nortmannus^ Johs de S, Stephana^ Johs Cajetanus^ 
Wolferaminus de Gidocica^ Gimtmdus de domo Peirileotus (Radev., ii. 
67). Modern writers make Octavian a Tusculan. The Catalogue df 
the Popes in Chron. Riccardi Clun, (Mur., Ant, It., iv. 11 12) says, 
however, correctly : Octav,^ natione SaHnensis, Anon, Casinen,, ad, 
A. I159 ; Octavianus de Monticelic. Otto was at this time Count of 
Monticelli in the Sabina. The fieimily belonged to the Crescentii, and 
was related to the house of Palombara, from which Sigeb. , Auctar, 
Aquicinct,^ A. 1 158, seems to trace Octavian's descent ; it was also 
related to the Prefect of Vico. Angeloni {Bist, de Tendy Rome, 
1646) professes to know from a document that Frederick I. bestowed 
Temi in fief upon Octavian in 1162, and says that Octavian's 
brothers, Otto, Goffired, and Soliman, are mentioned in the deed. 
Since the author does not give the document in print, I must give the 
statement for what it is worth. 


Tusculum, who had abjured Roland, the Abbot of 
Subiaco and four cardinals, of whom Guido of 
Crema and John had been the main instruments of 
his elevation, were alone in his favour.^ The Count 
Palatine Otto and Guido of Blandrate had also taken 
part in his election. Under the protection of the 
two latter, Octavian left the tumultuous city. He Victor iv. 
was consecrated as Victor IV. on October 4 at*S^in 
Farfa by the Bishop of Tusculum.* He thence ^^^^*- 
proceeded to Segni in the Volscian Mountains, and 
thus the two popes stood facing one another in the 
Campagna; since Anagni, where Alexander HI. 
had taken up his abode, can be clearly descried 
from the valley where Segni lies. 

There was no doubt as to which of the two 
pretenders would obtain the Emperor's recognition : 
Roland, the zealous champion of papal absolutism, 

* Letter of Victor's party in Radev., ii. 52. Roland received the 
most votes ; his party claimed to number fourteen cardinals, and 
allowed only two (Guido and John) to the opposition ; two of Victor's 
party were absent The latter, however, claimed to have given nine 
votes. There should have been not more than twenty or twenty-two 
cardinals in Rome. Letters in Pertz, Leges^ ii. Letter of the Rolan- 
dists, Theiner, Disquisit, eriiica^ n. zziii. Almost all the churches 
in Rome acknowledged Octavian. Signatories of the Acts of the 
Council of Pavia(Mansi, zzi. 1 113); among them also Magisterfratrum 
templi Hierosolytnitani in Monte Aventino cum suis fratribus obedivit. 
At this time this order already possessed its dwelling on the Aventine. 

' The Decretum Ottonis Comitis Palatini ^o cangruis alimentis 
prastandis a Rustico abbati Farfensi^ dr'c,, issued at Farfa in 1 159 (at 
the. end of the Chronicle), belongs to this period ; it is signed by 
Fetrm Prof. Urbis, Jonathas Comes Tusculanus, Otto C, Monti- 
eelUnsis, Octavianus C. Palwnbaria, Rainerius C. Tyburtinus^ 
Stephan, Tebaldi, Raynerius et Gentilis illustres. We learn from this 
which of the Roman landgraves were of imperial sjnnpathies. The 
old Count of Tivoli could scarcely have still retained power. 


the imperious cardinal-legate whom the Count Pala- 
tine Otto had desired to overthrow, or Octavian the 
former rival of Adrian IV. Both appealed to the 
Christian world, and Frederick seized the opportunity 
to come forward as advocate of the Church. In a 
letter from the camp at Crema, he commanded 
"Cardinal Roland" to appear in person before a 
Council which he summoned in Pavia. The ex- 
ample of both ancient and recent emperors afforded 
him a precedent for the right of convoking such a 
Council. Alexander III., who had already been 
excommunicated by Octavian, r^arded himself as 
lawful Pope, and rejected the summons as unca- 
inonical. The Council assembled in February 1160, 
a short time after heroic Crema had been crushed 
by Frederick. Octavian arrived, assured of victory. 
Many witnesses, more especially the Chapter of the 
cathedral of S. Peter, and the greater part of both 
spiritual and secular Rome, declared in his favour, 
The and the Synod, which was entirely under the imperial 

^^P^j influence, decided on February 11 that Victor IV. 
Pavia was lawful Pope. The Emperor consequently imme- 
election of diately did public homage to him. Roland was 
FeS°ii^^'' excommunicated as a conspirator against the empire 
"^ and a schismatic, and the close alliance which existed 
between his party, Sicily, Milan, Brescia and Piacenza 
was easily proved.^ 

Courageous as Gregory VII., Alexander III. 
entered into war with a formidable opponent The 

^ Adrian IV. had already formed an alliance with the Lombards in 
Anagni : Sir Raul, De Rebus gestis Friderici, p. 1 183. C. — Episiola 
ConciUi (Papunsis) to Christendomi in Watterich, ii. 483. 


quarrel concerned the independence of the Church, 
which Frederick desired to bend to the Councils 
of his bishops and under the imperial yoke. The 
acquisitions of Gregory and Calixtus were at stake. 
In this, the second great conflict of the Papacy 
with the empire, many of the old features were 
repeated, even those which concerned the city of 
Rome, although they assumed an entirely new form. 
But if Gr^ory VII. had found his allies in religious 
fanaticism, in the rebellion of the Fatarines, in the 
influence of a religious woman and the policy of a 
usurper, the Papacy now found them in the freedom 
which had been fought for by courageous cities. 
Alexander thundered the excommunication against Alexander 
^the Emperor from the cathedral of Anagni on Holy communi- 
Thursday, March 2. True, the excommunication ^^ *^« 
now signified nothing more than a declaration of in Anagni, 
^ war. He sent l^ates to the kings of Christendom, nSo, "' 
in the hope that some, fearing the greatness of 
Frederick's power, might recognise himself — a hope 
in which he was not deceived. He exhorted the 
Lombards to resistance, but his attitude towards the 
republics was invariably characterised by shrewdness 
and foresight Fortunately for him, the Emperor 
was engaged in furious warfare with Milan. While 
Victor IV. accompanied Frederick's court, Alex- 
ander III. succeeded with the aid of Sicily in con- 
quering Latium ; his adherents waxed stronger even 
in fickle Rome, since the anti-pope did not enter 
the city.^ The newly-elected Senators declared in 

^ Ckron, Fossa Nov,^ ad A, 1 160: Hie venii Anagniam, et etc- 
quisivU iotam Campamam, The letter of the Rolandists (in Theiner) 


his favour, the Frangipani succeeded in adjusting 
matters so that he was enabled to come to Rome in 
'June 1161, and here he consecrated S. Maria Nova, 
beside the fortresses of the Frangipani family at 
the Arch of Titus. He left the insecure city, how- 
ever, in about a fortnight, to seek refuge again in 
Praeneste or Ferentino.^ 

Frederick's power crushed the hopes of Alexander, 
and Victor IV. was able to hold a numerously 
attended Council at Lodi on June 19, where five 
Roman Senators were present* Alexander, finding 
himself abandoned by almost the entire State of the 
Church, had no choice but exile.' He took ship on 
board a Sicilian galley at the Cape of Circe about 

says that Octavian had bribed the former Senatozs with 200 pounds, 
but that the newly-elected Senators forced them to deposit this money 
in the Capitol, in CapUolium departeUa^ et qualittr de commumi voct 
populi muri urbis exituU repoHantur, 

^ He came to the city on June 6, on the 87th he was back at 
Prxneste. Mansi, zxi. 1036 : Letter of Alexander to Henry of 
Grado : nos — VI I L Id, Junii Urhem ienuisse^ tt a cUro et pop, 
Rom, apud eccl, S. M, Nova-^fiusse reeeptos : on the following 
Sunday he quietly read Mass in the Lateran : data Roma apud S, M, 
Nffoam XVIII, Kal, Junii, Card. Aragon., p. 451: Quia vera 
diutius ibidem propter ma^nam schismaiicor, seditionem quiete mm 
potuit remanere, precibus P. Romani seductus, ad partes Cantpania 

' The Annais of Erfurt (Mon, Germ,, ztL) : de Urbe quinque 
Senatores missi a Romanis erant, 

' Cum omne patrimon, S, Petri-^ab Aquapendente usque ad 
Ceperanum (confines of the State of the Church) per Imper, et- 
scMisf notices occupatum tfidisset: Card. Aragon., p. 451. Frederick 
himself says : Rollandus^-propler fideles nostras circa Romam nan 
habet — ubi caput suum reclinet^ on which account he had escaped ; 
he also says that he was deep in debt. Goldast, Constii, Imp,, i. 


Christmas, reached Genoa on January 21, 1162, and Alexander 
went, like his predecessors, to claim the hospitality as ane^e 
of France. i^K^?""^' 

While he there received the homage of the great 
nobles, Frederick celebrated his terrible triumphs in 
Lombardy. On March 26 he entered conquered 
* Milan, which he ordered to be razed to tiie ground ; 
the burghers of Italian cities fell at his nod in exult- 
ing revenge on the glorious sacrifice, at whose fall 
Italy trembled. Rome also was terrified; the city 
recognised the imperial pope; but Frederick, who 
advanced as far as Bologna in June, marched by way 
of Turin to Burgundy in August, leaving behind him 
a devastated country, which knew no more sacred 
duty than that of shaking off the yoke of a foreign 
despot. In conformity with a treaty with Lewis VII., 
he determined to hold a Council at Besan^on, where 
both popes were to appear and receive their sentence. 
Alexander's arts, however, and other circumstances 
intervened to prevent this. Without having attained 
his object, the Emperor was obliged to return to 
Germany, and since no respect was there paid to 
Victor, Frederick soon sent him back to Italy, and 
with him Rainald, Archbishop-elect of Cologne, as 
his vicar. This great man, since 11 56 Chancellor of 
the Empire, was inspired by different principles from 
those with which Wibald had formerly been imbued ; 
he was more imperial than the Emperor, and filled 
with enthusiasm for the empire of the German 
nation, to which he wished to render the Papacy 
again subject. The keen intellect and the vigorous 
energy of this mail-clad archbishop and minister of 


the empire corresponded entirely to Barbarossa's 

While Alexander, secure of the recognition of 
France and England, lived chiefly at Sens, Rome 
was ruled in peace by the Senate. The acts of this 
body, "appointed by the venerable and illustrious 
people of the Romans on the Capitol," no longer 
took any thought of Pope Alexander, and the judicial 
documents of the time were dated with the year of 
Victor IV.'s pontificate.* This pope meanwhile died 
*on April 20, 1 164, at Lucca, when Rainald immedi- 
»ately caused Guido of Crema to be elected as Pas- 
Paschaijs chalis III. by the schismatic cardinals. Frederick, 
pope^" ' at the time at Pavia, at once gave his sanction to 
d^^Usin ^^^ chancellor's despotic act* But neither could 
Viterbo. Paschalis make himself master of Rome. The 
magnificent Octavian, a Roman of noble birth, 
had probably numerous adherents, but Guido could 
command no party. On the contrary, a sudden 
» revulsion took place in Alexander's favour, the 
Romans now realising the loss of all the advantages 
offered by the presence of the papal curia, and the 
civic government changed its views with its magis- 
trates. Fortune, it is true, seemed favourable to 

^ J. Ficker: Rctinald von Dassel^ ReichskafuUer und Erzb, zwn 
KolHy 1156-1167, Cologne, 185a 

' A. 1 162: Nos Senatores pro justUia cuique tribuenda a reoerendo 
aique magnifico populo Romano in Capiiolio constituti (Galletti, Del 
Prim.y n. Ixi.). On October 14, 1162, there is the date: Anno V, 
Pontif. Dompni Victoris IV. pape (Galletti, n. Ixil). 

' I note that Frederick gave a charter to Gubbio on November 8, 
1 163. DcU. VLyd. Nov. A.D.J. MCLXIIL Ind. XII.— Act. Laud 
in d. n. fel. Am. — Ego Rainald^ &»c. The or^nal no longer exists 
among the Archives of Gubbio. 


Paschalis in the spring of 1 165, but only to deceive 
him. He had taken up his abode in Viterbo. This 
town was, according to the Emperor's plan, the basis 
of all operations against Rome, and after the decrees 
passed at Wiirzburg at Whitsuntide 1165, the ques- 
tion was no longer one of half measures ; on the con- 
trary, his object from henceforth was the subjugation 
of the Papacy to the imperial rule. Christian of 
Mainz and Count Gotelin marched into Latium, 
and harassed the Romans so severely that the latter 
purchased a truce and announced themselves willing 
to recognise Paschalis III., provided Alexander, 
whom they had invited to return, did not respond 
to their invitation. Christian's army sacked Anagni, 
but returned to Tuscany, when Sicilian and Roman 
troops occupied Latium for a time.^ 

Meanwhile Cardinal John, Alexander's new vicar Rome in- 
in Rome, had worked adroitly in the interests of the fav<^^f 
Pope, and had succeeded in bribing the Romans, ^^lerander 
angry at the ruin Frederick had inflicted on the 
cities and at the ravages committed by Christian's 
troops. John had even succeeded in influencing the 
new senatorial election; he had gained possession 
of S. Peter's and had finally brought the Sabina into 
allegiance to the Pope.' Rome was almost unanimous 
in favour of Alexander, and swore fealty to him 

^ Rome was reduced to severe straits by Christian ; Letter 33 of 
John of Salisbury to S. Thomas (Edition of Lupus, Oper., t x. 81). 
These events belong to the year 1 165. The Chronicle rf Fossa Nov, 
relates these events under Indict, XIV, Sigeb. (Cont, Aquicinct,) 
speaks of them in the year 1 165. 

' Card. Aragon., p. ^^6—pecunia mm modica mediantc — et Sonaium 
iuxta voiunteUom et arbitrittm ejus innmando constituii. 


before his vicar. Messengers had already harried to 

France to summon him back, and Alexander had 

put to sea in August 1165 at Maguelonne. His 

galleys fortunately escaped both the corsairs and the 

Pisans and brought him to friendly Messina, whence 

King William had him conducted to Rome by 

Return to Salemo. He reached the mouth of the Tiber on the 

AuSluider festival of S. Cecilia, and, accompanied by the Senate, 

III., Nov. made his solemn entry into the Lateran on November 

23, xio5« 

23, 1165. Contradictory displays of fierce hatred 
and glad welcome such as this have been experienced 
in Rome by the popes down to our own days.^ 
The position of the Pope, who was laden with 

* debts, nevertheless remained sufficiently sad ; the 
alms and loans which he had collected in France, 
more particularly from the Archbishop of Rheims, 

* scarcely sufficed to maintain him in Rome, among 
a people, who, as he himself said, even in peace 
looked only to the hands of the pope.* The death 
of William I. in May 1 166, and the accession of his 
son William (still in his minority), made him doubt- 
ful of the protection of Sicily, except that he still 
received money from tiie island.' A new ally who 

1 Acta sunt Jkac A.D. Inc. MCLXV. Ind. XII L IX. Kal. Dec. 
Pontif. vero ipsius Papa ah. VI. So the Acts in Card. Aragon., 
p. 457. Romuald, p. 205, agrees with this sutement : Alexander 
gives the same date in his letter to Henry of Rheims, Lateran VIII. 
Kal. Dec. (Nov. 24) ; Mansi, xxi. 1042. 

* To the Archbishop of Rheims (£p. 96 in Martene, iL 721). He 
laments : tanta namque sunt onera debitor, et creditor, instantia^ ut 
nisi ecciesia doi a tua fuerit modo Hberalitate su^ventuMy vix out 
numquam nobis statum urbis in ea pace^ in qua nunc est, poterimus 
conseroart. See also £p. 109 of the Pope to the same archbishop. 

* £p. 140 of John of Salisbury sajrs that William, when dying, 



presented himself was suspicious ; the Emperor 
Manuel, at enmity witii Frederick, offered to form Tiw Greek 
an alliance with the Pope. Like so many Greek o^nhlm- 
monarchs, he hoped to make use of the schism to iw)^a?|n 
restore his dominion in Italy, where he had already ^iiy. 
gained a firm footing at Ancona. He held the 
prospect of the union between the two Churches 
before the eyts of the Pope, promised to reduce the 
city and Italy to submission, and desired in return 
the Roman crown. Alexander received the imperial 
envoy, Sebastos Jordan, son of the unfortunate 
Robert of Capua, with respect But if he let it be 
supposed that he intended to respond to the wishes 
of Comnenus, and if he sent his legates to Con- 
stantinople, be only did so to frighten Frederick, and 
in any case to hold himself open to form an alliance 
with the Greeks. 

The city of Rome had recalled tiie Pope, whose 
territorial supremacy it recognised ; but it neverthe- 
less remained a free and independent republic. Its 
constitution had a beneficial influence on the develop- 
ment of its civic relations, and its civic militia pro- 
cured it respect. A memorable document belonging 
to exactly this time has been preserved, which shows 
the Roman commune a respected free state. The 
Romans formed a treaty with the Genoese in Novem- 
ber 1 165, by which they accorded the Genoese re- 
public free commerce throughout their entire terri- 
tory from Terradna to Corneto, the Genoese ceding 
them the like privileges in return. Rome's plenipo- 

sent the Pope 40,000 pounds sterling, and that his son sent the same 
sum (Lupus, Op., t. X. 150). 


tentiaries were Cencius, son of Obicio Pierleone, 
Scriniar of the Church, and Gerardus AlexiL The 
two nobles represented the merchants and sailors as 
their consuls.^ And precisely because the contract 
was of the highest importance for these guilds was 
its settlement left in the hands of its consuls. They 
undertook that all vice-comites in the harbours of 
Tcrracina, Astura, Ostia, Portus, Sancta Severa and 
Civita Vecchia should see to the fulfilment of the 
articles of the agreement They promised safety to 
the Genoese vessels in case of war between their 
republic and Pisa, and even promised to provide for 
tiie rescue of cargo and crew in case of shipwreck. 
The treaty of defence was to last for twenty-nine 
years without prejudice to relations of fealty to 
either Pope or Emperor. After it had been sworn 
to by the consuls of both sides in Grenoa, it was 
ratified by the Senate in Rome. Hence it follows 
that not the Pope but the commune on the Capitol 
held rule over the entire coast of the Roman territory, 
and that to the commune the viscounts and bailiffs 
of the harbours yielded obedience.^ 

^ The instrument begins : nos consules nurcatorum et tnariniariorwn 
urbh — Cencius then calls himself j. r. e, seriniarius nee mm merca' 
forum et marinianorum urbis consul. Either the mercat, and marin- 
iarii formed at this time a joint guild, or else each of the two pleni- 
potentiaries acted as such for both guilds at once. 

' The instrum. in Mon, HisL pair, Chariar,^ ii 997. It is a 
transcript by Cencius tncmdato consulum mercator, ei marinariorum 
urbis . . . rome a, d, inc. 1 1 66, Ind. XIV, M, Aprili, The treaty 
was concluded in Genoa on November 23, Iftd, XIV, (Roman style). 
WUstenfeld {Iter, Ital, of Pflugk-Hartung, ii. 539) observes that a 
deed still exists in the Archives of Genoa, where the same articles are 
ratified by the senatores Urbis: Dai, Rome in condone publica 1166, 


Frederick returned as early as November 1 166 to Fredmck 
Italy, where the towns, which he had so imprudently not. xi!^' 
enslaved, now formed a permanent league. The 
Emperor did not as yet suspect the formidable power 
that was growing up against him. His project was 
to drive the Greeks from Ancona, the Pope from 
Rome, to install Paschalis III. in S. Peter's, to end 
everything by a master-stroke, and to fetter the whole 
of Italy. While he left Lodi in the beginning of 
January 1167, with the intention of first conquering 
Ancona, and then marching on Rome, Rainald of 
Cologne with a smaller force was to open a way for 
Paschalis III. from Tuscany. Rainald advanced 
to the neighbourhood of Rome and almost all the 
fortresses renounced their allegiance to Alexander. 
The Pope exhausted exhortations and treasures in 
order to retain the populace, who accepted gold from 
both sides.^ The majority of the Romans held to 
Alexander, one of the motives for their allegiance 
being their childish hatred of the smaller towns in 
the neighbourhood, such as Albano, Tivoli, and Tus- 
culum, which, refusing to recognise the authority of 
the Senate, allied themselves with the imperialists. 
A catastrophe consequently followed. 

per man, Johis cancellarii sacri ei rever, urbis urbium semUus, stent 
prius per suprascr, nobiies et sapientes Urbis legaios et per obttmcs 
consuUs communitatis Janue firmata fuere in publica condone Janue, 
sicut in eor, scripto in archivio Capitolii signato apparet, sciL 1 165, 
Ncv» 23, secund, Januenses. Cendus himself calls himself the son 
of Obitio. See these names in the document of May 29, 1153 (voL 
* Card. Aiag., p. 457. 

VOL. IV. 2 P 


S. TuscuLUM — Decay of the Counts of this House — 
Rainald of Cologne enters Tusculum — He is 
besieged by the Romans — Christian of Mainz 
comes to his Relief — Battle of Monte Porzio — 
Terrible defeat of the Romans — Frederick 
besieges the Leonina — Attack on S. Peter's — 
Negotiations with the Romans — Alexander III. 


Army is destroyed by Pestilence — His departure 
FROM Rome. • 

Decay of Raino, son of Ptolemy II., who had died in iiS3> 
of^-nS!*^ was now lord of Tusculum.^ The Tusculan house 
cuium. already neared its fall ; divisions of property, debts, 
feuds, and the Roman commune had combined to 
reduce this powerful family. Tusculum no longer 
remained in the hands of one master. In the time 
of Eugenius III., Oddo Colonna had mortgaged his 
share to Oddo Frangipane, Eugenius had bought the 
mortgage, and the popes thus acquired rights over a 
fortress which had long tyrannised over the sacred 
chair. Adrian IV. had given the papal share in fief 
to Jonathan, the elder son of Ptolemy II., and had 
thus made Jonathan his vassal.^ But the Senate 

^ Documents show first- Jonathan and then Rayno as lords of 
Tusculum. In Cencius we find Jonathan in 1155 ; and again in 1159 
he signs the decree of Otto, Count Palatine in Farfa ; in 1 163 the 
Abbot of S. Alessio invests him with Astura (Nerini, n. xiii.); in 
1 167 only Rayno is called Count of Tusculum ; and in 1 171 it is 
Rayno who cedes Tusculum to the Pope. It follows that Jonathan 
had died before 1 167. 

' The treaties concerning Tusculum, taken from Cencius, are 
given by Muratori, Ant. It,^ iii. 777. That with Oddo de Columpna 



was unwilling that the Church should appear as pro- 
tectress of the fortress which had refused obedience 
to the city, and it was in vain that Alexander III. 
had exhorted it to refrain from attacking Tusculum. 
Raino, harassed by the Romans, summoned the im- 
perialists. The Chancellor Rainald, who, with the Rainaid of 
help of the Fisans, had conquered Civita Vecchiaadv^^ 
on May i8, now advanced with his vassals of^*J^^" 
Cologne to Tusculum, where he was besieged by 
the Romans. The whole war was thus attracted to 

The city militia, and all the vassals in Etruria or 
Latium who remained faithful to the Senate or Pope, 
were summoned to rise in arms; and citizens and 
captains were united for the first time. Rainaid and 
Raino sent to request help from the camp at Ancona, 

is dated December lo, 1151. On December 28, 1152, Oddo Frangi- 
pone signs a receipt for thirty pounds paid by the Pope as security. 
On July 9, ii$$,JofuUkas Jil, quond. Ptolemei de Tuscu/ana swears 
fidelity to the Pope excepto contra Imperatorem — hanc Jidelitatem 
faeio quia dedistis mihi in feudum totam partem vestram supradicte 
civitatis Tuscuhna. He surrendered as security to the Pope 
Montisfortini and Faiola usque in terminum dttor, annar. incipiendor, 
postquam vera pax Juerit facta inter vos et Romcuios (Cencius, fol. 

^ These fiicts are related by Marangone under Ind, XV. Petrus 
Latro lay in Qvita Vecchia with forty Romans ; they were taken 
prisoners. Rajmald's letter to the people of Cologne and Duke 
Henry of Limburg gives the best explanation of the circumstances : 
nos cum sola nostra et d, cancellarii Philippi militia Tusculanum 
ingressi sumus, ne cizntas ilia, imperio summe necessarian perdereiur 
(Sudendorf, Regist,, n. Ixii.)* Romuald (p. 208) besides Rainaid also 
mentions the exiled Andrew of Rupe Canina. See also Otto de S. 
Blasio, c. 2a That Ra3rno summoned the imperialists is stated only 
by Card. Aragon, 


Christian and Christian of Mainz collected 1300 German and 
comes to Brabantine mercenaries and hastened to the relief of 
•^""«^- his friend.^ Christian, a count of Buch, whom the 
Emperor had made Archbishop of Mainz in place of 
Conrad of Wittelsbach in 1 165, was one of Frederick's 
best generals. He prudently encamped beside Monte 
Porzio in the neighbourhood of Tusculum, to allow 
his soldiers a day's rest, and sent envoys to the 
Romans ; they replied with scorn, advanced with all 
their troops and attacked the enemy on Whitsun- 
Monday with a force estimated at 40,000 strong. 
No chronicler informs us who was the leader of the 
greatest army which Rome had sent into the field 
for centuries; it may possibly have been Oddo 
Frangipane, the most esteemed noble of the city at 
the period. Although their numbers, compared with 
those of the Romans, were as i to ^, the Germans 
did not despair ; the battle song beginning '* Christ, 
thou who wast bom," encouraged their insignificant 
forces ; Christian unfolded the imperial banner, and 
the unequal contest began. The Brabantines were 
speedily repulsed, but the troops from Cologne, a 
closely serried body of cavalry, issued from Tusculum 
at the right time. One of Christian's companies 
assailed the enemy on the flank, an overpowering 

^ Otto de S. Blasio reckons 500 milites et 800 CasariancSy and 300 
men in Tusculum. Acerbus Morena heard from fellow-combatants 
that the entire German force did not amount to locx) cavalry. He 
says that Robert of Bassavilla (exiled from Apulia) and the Count of 
the Marsi were with Christian, et BraibefuoneSf qui erant fortissimi 
(p. 1143 J^f.)* According to Sigb. {Atutar, Aquicinct,\ Alexander, 
Bishop of Li^e, was also present. The Annal, Coloniens, Maximi 
(Men, Germ., xvii. 766) give Christian only 500 men. 



charge divided the Roman ranks in the centre ; the 
cavalry fled, the infantry dispersed, and the Braban- 
tines fell upon the Roman camp. The swords of the 
pursuers mowed down the fugitives ; scarcely a third 
reached the terrified city, whose strong walls and the 
approach of night alone forced the pursuers to desist 
The fields and roads were covered with weapons and Severe 
corpses ; thousands were taken prisoners to Viterbo, the^ 
among them a son of Oddo Frangipane, for whom ^^^^ ** 
his father in vain oflered a large ransom. This Ponio, 
memorable battle was fought between Monte Porzio h^.^' 
and Tusculum on May 29, 1 167.^ 

The victors over such overwhelming odds in the 
Pope's very presence were, curiously enough, two 
German archbishops, men ennobled by birth, by 
intellectual g^fts, and courage. Their small force 
numbered some of the most valiant soldiers in the 

^ Sicard (Ckron,^ p. 599, note 18): Theotonici^~afittd MoHt^m 
Portum invadunt, Gottfried {^D$ Gestis /*., p. 41) : in MonU de 
Poreu, Chron^ Ursberg,^ p. 224: apud Montem Porcum, Villani : 
Monte del Porco. The day, 4 Kai. Junii^ dies luna PentecostiSy 
or Feria 2, is confirmed by Rainald's letter, by Marangone, and by 
the maiginal notes of the Cod, Farf, Vatican, 6808, the Acta Pontif, 
in Cendus, the Annals of Erfurt, Magdeburg, &c The Romans 
marched out on Whitsunday. The Magdeburg Annals mention as 
taken prisoner filium cujusd, Ottonis Frangtpanis quern rntUtis 
pecumis redimere volentibm non recUliderunt, Rainald writes : 
Romam miserabiles a Tusculano usque Romam per omnes tfias, tanta 
strage jugulati sunt, ut occisor, num. supra IX, astimetur millia. 
He and the Archlnshop of Mainz had alone made 5000 prisoners ; 
the Romans themselves had said : de XXX, miUibtts vix duo m, in 
urbem rediisse. The imperialists (such as Otto de S. Blasio and Sigb., 
Auct, Aquicinct,) exaggerate the number of dead to 15,00a The 
more accunte estimates of the Italians Taiy between 6000 and 



world, who had learnt the arts of war in Lombardy. 
The Romans, only accustomed to fight behind walls, 
or to effect surprises, lost the first battle which, as 
an armed test of their newly-founded power, they 
risked in the open field. The thought of their great 
forefathers, whose republic on the Capitol they 
claimed to have restored, must have made them 
blush for shame.^ Legends of their defeat survived 
in tradition, but in Rome not a single stone recalls 
the fatal day which may be called the Cannae of the 
Middle Ages.* 

The consternation was indeed as great as in olden 
days after Hannibal's victory. Old men and matrons 
wailed in the streets, or lamenting awaited the pro- 
cession of the dead whose burial was permitted by 
the enemy. The Pope wept for grief, and in distrust 
sought shelter with the Frangipani at the Colosseum ; 
he took measures, however, to provide for guarding 
the walls and to procure reinforcements of troops. 

^ The Card. Aragon. : Popul, Rom, irrecuperabiliter corruii^ et 
per canipestria ita impU contritus est^ qttodcU tanto agmine tertia vix 
pars evasit, Gottfried, De Gestt's Frid, : — 

RtmuL cadUfugUns^ cecidit pars magna Senaius . • • 
Milia his binaper pratajacetU resupina^ 
Plttraque captiva retinent in carccre viva, 

' Ab eo tefHp,f quo Annibai Romanes apud Cannas devici^, tan/am 
Romanor, siragem nullus recolit extitissi : Card. Aragon. Villani has 
a legend that the battle was lost through the treachery of the soldiery 
of Cologne, who were oonsequenUy banished from Rome. Mattel 
{Afemoria — di Tusculc) invents the names of the Roman leaders. 
That the dead were buried in S. Lorenzo, S. Sebastian, and S. Ste&no 
is probable. Sicard (p. 599) says: quorum mulHapudS. SUphanum 
(on the Via Laiina) upuJti suni^ et habent hoc ipitapkdum: MiUe 
decem decies it sex decies quoque senL 


The Germans, already encamped outside the city, 
were strengthened by levies from the cities of the 
Campagna. It seemed as if the days of Manlius 
Torquatus had returned, when Hernici and ^Equi, 
Latins and Volscians, advanced against Rome or en- 
camped on Algidus. The same ancient cities, Tibur, 
Alba, Tusculum and others, again attacked Rome, 
now become childish in her old age. These little 
towns hoped to fall on the humiliated city, as Pavia 
and Cremona had fallen upon Milan. Christian The 
urged the Emperor to come and complete the fall of FreSSSc 
Rome, and Frederick, who had concluded a capitu- J]^^p* 
lation with Ancona, was able to plant his imperial Rome, fuiy 
eagle on Monte Mario on July 24} **' ''^* 

Alexander III. found himself in the position of 
Gregory VI L, but without hope of relief; since a 
Sicilian army which the regent had sent against 
Frederick had been defeated. The Romans, however, 
defended Alexander as they had defended Gregory, 
or rather Alexander stood under their protection as , 
long as neither necessity nor advantage compelled « 
them to treat with the Emperor. An attack on the The 
Porta Viridaria opened the Leonina to Frederick ; attolSs^the 
it contained, however, no Romans but only the papal L«onina, 
retainers who still held S. Peter's. The cathedral 
was surrounded with entrenchments ; its atrium and 
the tower of S. Maria in Turri over the chief stair- 
case were fortified; catapults stood on its roof. 

^ Card. Aragon. notes Frederick's arrival on July 19 ; Morena, an 
eye-witness, more definitely : in dte hma^ qua fuit IX, die ante 
CaUndas Aug, de Ind, XV. in Monte Gaudio^eastrametatus est, 
Marangone, XI, KaL Aug, 


Since S. Angelo, separated by its lateral walls from 
the Leonina, served as Ute-de-pont to the city, it 
was no longer used ; the actual citadel, S. Peter's, 
answering the purpose in its stead. 

The Mecca of Christendom held out against the 
attack of the German Amoldists and the militia of 
Viterbo for eight days. Walls, towers, the portico 
which Innocent 11. had restored fell, the entire Borgo 
sank to ruin ; the cathedral alone resisted : fire was 
thrown into the atrium, S. Maria in Turri went up in 
flames, and an eye-witness lamented the destruction 
of a splendid mosaic which adorned the wall over 
the atrium, while the people of Viterbo removed the 
bronze doors to serve at home as a memento of 
and their victory.^ Their conduct was in accordance 

s. Peters, ^j^ ^j^^ custom of the time ; and the same insolent 

Viterbese soon after conquered Corneto and thence 
also carried away one of the city gates.* When it 
seemed as if S. Peter's itself would perish by fire, 
the garrison laid down their arms. Frederick of 
Rotenbui^, son of the Emperor Conrad, and the 
handsomest knight in the army, ordered the doors 

^ The donation of Constantine was recorded on these doors. 
MalliuSi Description ofS, Peter^ n. l6o (about 1 180) : Argenteis Uteris 
{sicut sapissime legimus) adnotata Juere^ %nd^ Perusium^ Fesukty 
Ciusium^ Buisimim^ Assisium^ &*c. A. Morena, p. 1 149 : exarsa est 
— mirabilis imaga — in muro ipsius EccL versus ecch S. Petri supra 
atrium ipsius EccL S, Petri^ ex aura splenditUssimo duwatOy cujus 
similis in ItcUia nunquam fuit amplius visa — it represented Christ 
and Peter. Morena calls S, Maria in Turri also- cle Laborario, 
Several chroniclers speak of the fire, and Chron, Magni PresHUri 
{Mon. Germ,, xviii. 489) throws the blame on the rabble in the 
Emperor's army. 

' Cronache di Viterbo, ed. Ciampi, p. 6* 


of the cathedral to be cut down with axes during 
the assault. The blood of the slain stained the 
desecrated altars, and on the artistic pavement of 
the temple the mail-clad bodies of the slain lay as 
on a field of battle.^ Can we call the Moslems of 
the ninth century godless when 300 years later the 
Emperor of Christendom and his mail-clad bishops 
appeared as conquerors in the same basilica ? The 
cathedral was stormed on Saturday, July 29, and 
scarcely had the blood been removed when the Te 
Deum — a song of derision rather than a prayer — 
resounded through its aisles. For on the follow- 
ing day the Emperof installed his pope, who had 
come from Viterbo, as Henry IV. had done after 
the conquest of the Leonina. And now again the 
Emperor wore the gold fillet of the Patricius — in 
sign of protest both against the Romans and the 
Pope. On August i he caused his wife Beatrix 
to be crowned as Empress by Paschalis III., and 
himself appeared wearing the crown.* 

The imperial party among the Romans rallied 
round him, but his success remained confined to the 

^ Infesta signa usque ad aliare firenies, occisione muUorum 
poUuerttnt (Otto de S. Blasio, c 20)1 Et npleuit adsm inUrfectis : 
Helmold, Chron» SUawr.j u. c. 10. 

* According to Acerb. Morena, the cathedral was taken on Saturday, 
since he places August i on Tuesday. The privilegium (apud S, 
Petrum\ which Frederick gave to Rainald as reward, is dated Sunday, 
July 30 ; he presents him with the reyenues of Andemach quia deo 
auctort^ Romanisper invictam ejus et iUustris CoUmiensis eccL militu 
virtuiem glariosissime superaiis^ sacraiiss, nostrum imper, inexpU' 
cabUiter est exaltaium (Bdhmer, n. 2526). Rainald, who was thus 
endowed, died in the course of a few days. 



Leonina.^ The Romans, still angry at their defeat, 
bravely defended their city and now proved more 
formidable than on the field of Tusculum. Alex- 
ander III. meanwhile remained, full of anxiety, in 
the towers of the Frangipani beside the Arch of 
Titus ; two Sicilian galleys came as far as S. Paul's 
and lay at his disposal in case he wished to escape ; 
he divided the money which they brought among 
the Frangipani, the Pierleoni, and the guards at the 
gates, but sent back the vessels themselves. The 
Romans still held out manfully, but neither Romans 
nor Pope dared refuse the offer of negotiations. 
The Count Palatine, Conrad of Wittelsbach, a relative 
of Frederick and Archbishop of Mainz, was now in 
the city. He had come to Rome with Alexander 
III. in 1 165, and the irritated Emperor had trans- 
ferred his archiepiscopal dignity to Christian of 
Buch.s The Pope had made him Cardinal-bishop 
of the Sabina, and now sent him as mediator to 
Frederick's camp. Like Henry IV., Frederick strove 
to gain the Romans to his side, representing the 
Pope as the sole hindrance to peace. He proposed to 
Conrad that both popes should abdicate and a third 

^ Jokes praf, urhis. Comes Remo de AngHillaru Reino tusculan, 
Godtfridus de Mantecelio, Oddo de Columfna signed the above- 
named privilegium as Frederick's courtiers. 

* Cornelius Will, Conrad von Wittelsbach^ Regensburg, i88a He 
was son of Otto, Count Palatine, and brother of the celebrated first 
Duke Otto of Bavaria of the house of Wittelsbach. The two brothers 
had accompanied the Emperor to Italy in 11 63, Conrad as bishop- 
elect of Mainz. After the election of Paschalis III., Conrad went 
over decidedly to the side of Alexander, whom he secreUy joined in 
France after the Diet of Wttrzburg* 


be canonically elected ; he would then restore peace 
to the Church and make good their losses to the 
Romans. Alexander and his cardinals naturally 
declined these proposals, which were, however, 
accepted by the Romans. In order to save his 
sheep, they said, the pope is bound to make still 
greater sacrifices than that of the tiara. A popular 
tumult arose; the people called on the Pope to 

* abdicate ; he vanished from the city. Three days ^exander 
after he was seen at the Cape of Circe, dressed as from Rome. 
a pilgrim, and sitting beside a spring to share a 
fugitive's meal with his companions. The spring 

was henceforward called the Pope's fountain. Alex- 
ander resumed the purple at Terracina and went to 
Benevento, where he arrived in August 

His flight destroyed the Emperor's hopes of a 

* compromise with the Church, but facilitated the 
prospect of a peace with the city. Frederick scored 
a decisive victory; for the same Romans who had 
so long defended Alexander III. had now driven 
him from Rome.^ The Pisans had entered the 
Tiber with eight galleys ; they destroyed the country 
houses on the banks, and one of their vessels even 
pushed as far as the Ripa Romea.^ The Romans 
lost courage, and Frederick, who could do but little 
at this time of year and dared not hope to conquer 
the fortresses of the nobles, even should the city open 
her gates, was inclined to reasonable terms. His 

^ Reuter, Gesch, AUx, II I, ^ Leipzig, i860, ii 262. 

* Una galea — usque ad rotneof/i ripam prope pontem cum vexiUis 
multis erectis applicuU : Mamngone. The ripa romea is the present 


envoys, among them the historian Acerbus Morena of 
Treaty be- Lodi made peace with Rome on the following terms. 
Emperor ^The Senate and people swore fidelity to the Emperor 
and Rome, j^j^^j ^.j^^ defence of the Roman crown-rights both 

within and without the city ; the Emperor recognised 
)the Senate in its existing power, but as invested 
with this power by himself; by a golden bull he 
confirmed the validity of the testaments of the 
Romans, as also of every kind of lease, and finally 
^granted them exemption from all tributes and taxes.^ 
. It thus took bloody wars tQ attain concessions 
which Frederick ought to have granted at his coro- 
nation ; the Roman republic was subject only to 
the imperial government The imperial plenipo- 
tentiaries received the Roman oath of vassalage, 
but the Emperor himself never entered the city. 
For the great captains had taken no share in the 
treaty, but remained armed and defiant within their 
towers. Frederick restored the Prefecture as an 
imperial oflfice and bestowed it on John of Vico, 
son of the former Prefect Peter ; he then caused a 
new communal council to be elected, and took four 
hundred hostages from the Romans.* 

^ . . • quod Senaium mm nisi per sum vel per MunthiM suum 
crdinadunt, — D. Imp. confirmahit Senahtm perpetuo in eo vigare^ in 
quo nunc est, et augehii eum tali tenore, ui Senatus — ei subjecius Jiat^ 
et faciei inde pnviUgium cum sigiUo auri, in que coniinfontur Aac, 
videL confirmatio Senatus^ et quod faciei xaha omnia justa tesiamenta 
popuii Rifmctni—taodefridi Monachi Annal,, A. 1167: Goldast, L 
293 ; Anna/, Colon. Meueimi (Men. Germ,^ xvii. 781). 

' These details are only given in Marangone's ancient chronicle : 
CCCC obsideSf quos Imp, antea habere nan poierat, ei dederunl^ el Z. 
Senqiores ex pracepio Augusii constiluerunt. Nevertheless there were 
prohably fifty-six Senators. 


I He stood in these days at the very summit of his 
power. He had restored the imperial rights in 
Rome, had installed his pope in S. Peter^s, had 
overthrown the Gregorian hierarchy, and, with the 
complete subjugation of Italy, could re-establish 
the Roman world-empire. In the midst, however, 
of these brilliant successes the destroying angel of 
Roman fever appeared, as the faithful believed, to 
save the Pope ; or rather a terrible calamity overtook 
the mighty monarch and gave the cities time and 
power to break their chains. The hand of Fate 
seemed to lay hold of Frederick as it had laid hold 
of Xerxes. The priests could rejoice, for Rome was 
transformed into Jerusalem, and Frederick into the 
dismayed Sennacherib. A heavy rain-cloud burst 
over the city on August 2, and was followed by 
^scorching sunshine; the malaria — fatal in August — 
became a pestilential fever. The flower of the un- The 
I conquered army was carried away by an inglorious Smyte^ 
death; cavalry, infantry, and grooms withered and swept away 
sank, often suddenly on horseback or on foot, in 
the streets, and it soon became impossible any longer 
to bury the dead. Frederick saw his greatest heroes 
die within seven days ; Rainald of Cologne, Godfrey 
of Speyer, Eberhard of Regensburg, the Counts of 
Nassau and of Lippe, Frederick of Rotenburg, 
several bishops and lords, countless nobles and 
commoners were snatched away. Rome itself 
suffered terribly from the pestilence. Thousands 
died and were thrown into the river. Not for 
centuries had the city suffered a blow so over- 
whelming as the defeat at Monte Porzio and 


the fatal outbreak of fever, which immediately 

followed.^ The Germans were seized by terror; 

they believed that the hand of God was chastening 

them for the sufferings of the sacred city, for the 

burnt churches and the blood-stained temple of 


The The Emperor struck his tents on August 6, and 

wShSaws departed in dismay with the remains of his forces, 

from^me, which marched onwards like an army of spectres. 

1 167. ' He left Paschalis and the Roman hostages at Viterbo 

and thence proceeded to Pisa. More than two 

thousand men fell by the way ; others, bloodless 

and ghost-like, carried death back with them to 

Germany, or perished in Italy like Acerbus Morena 

and the young Duke Guelf, the last heir of the house 

of Este and of the patrimonies of Spoleto, Tuscany, 

and Sardinia which had belonged to the Countess 


Such was the terrible end of Frederick's war 
around Rome, outside whose walls since Gothic 
times entire German races had sunk into their un- 
known graves. The German, mindful of the terrible 

^ Godfrey describes it, and so does Morena. The Chronicle of 
Piacenza^ edited by Huillard, Paris, 1856: descendit pltofia^ qua 
apptllaiur Basobo m, augusti. Heinrici Hist CcUam, Ecd. Salzb, in 
Fez, Thesaur.f ii. 3, p. 210 ff. The malaria appeared to the author 
of the AnnaJ, Camercuens, {Mon. Germ,^ xvi.) like a huge black cloud 
that suddenly covered the valley by Monte Mario ; there Rainald died 
(August 14 ; the AnnaUs Egmundani^ A. 1 167, bestow an excellent 
encomium upon him) and 7000 Germans ; in Rome itself 20,000— 
probably an exaggeration. The Annal, Palidemes also say: in- 
nunuram multitudinem pradpue Romanor, stravit^ quippe muris 
incltisi. The dry summer was followed by so severe a winter that the 
Lago di Fucino froze {CAron, Fossa N,\ 


suffering of the illustrious city and all the blood of 
his forefathers which has watered this spot of earth, 
cannot make the circuit of the lofty walls of Aurelian 
without pain.^ 

^ " And the Lord sent an angel which cut off all the mighty men of 
valour, and the leaders and captains, in the camp of the King of 
Assyria, so he returned with shame of face to his own land" 
(2 Chron., xxxii. 21). This passage floated before the mind of 
Thomas of Canterbury, when he wrote to congratulate Alexander II L 
that Sennacherib had retreated and that the Lord had destroyed his 
army, consumpsit eos tnorte famosissima (£p. xxii. lib. ii., in Lupus). 
Almost all the chroniclers speak of a divine judgment, with which 
priests are always ready to hand. Card. Arag. : Tunc idem Fr, 
dvvina se manu perctissum fore intelligens^ cum Romanis utcumque 
composuit, et VIII, Id, Aug, non sine manifesta confusione recessit. 
The date, August 6, in my opinion is doubtful. On August 6 the 
Emperor still dates juxta Rotncun in Monte Gaudii^ Stumpf, ii. 364. 
On September 4 he was in Pontremoli. John of Salisbury says 
(Ep. 159 in Lupus) : ImfiercUor — quasi torris raplus de incendio, 
confusus ab Urbe recessit. 



I. War between Frederick and the Lombard Cities 
— Paschalis III. IN Rome — Calixtus III. — 


Romans refuse Alexander III. admittance to 
THE City — ^Victory of the Lombards at Legnano 
— Frederick's negotiations with the Pope — 
Congress and Peace at Venice — ^Alexander 
makes Peace with Rome — His triumphal Entry 
IN the Lateran. 

If the undaunted courage with which Frederick 
continued the war c^ainst the cities after his disaster 
before Rome deserves admiration, his infatuation is 
nevertheless deplorable. The hero might soon wish, 
like Alexander the Great, that he had never seen 
Italy, but had rather turned his arms against distant 
Asia.* He was forced to leave Lombardy as a fugi- 
tive in the spring of 1168. While he exhausted the 

^ strength of the empire in the struggle with the 

» stronger spirit of the age, the Pope formed an 
alliance with this spirit A curious chain of circum- 

« stances placed the freedom of the republics under the 
protection of the Church, the freedom of the Church 

* under the protection of the republics. It would have 

^ Beato AlessandrOy che non vide Italia : fdice me, se in Asia 
fossi trapassaio. Ricobald of Femura, p. 372 ; quoted by Raumer. 


redounded more to the glory of the Church had the 

promotion of civic liberty been her own independent 

act But while the popes made war on civic liberty 

in Rome, where it turned to the Emperor seeking 

protection from the Church, they at the same time 

favoured it in Lombardy, where the cities found a 

support in the Pope against the Emperor. It was, 

I however, invariably to the triumph of democracy 

I that the Papacy owed its escape from schism and 

» imperial dictatorship.^ 

The struggle of the Lombard league against 
Frederick has covered Italy for centuries with a 
glorious renown, as it were of the noble Hellenic 
spirit After so dark a period the vigorous growth 
of civic freedom is the finest phenomenon of the 
Middle Ages. The city of Rome alone remained 
condemned to roll the stone of Sisyphus and to fight 
painfully against a destiny mightier than herself 
In face of the heroic struggle of the Lombards, it is 
sad to watch the Romans at constant war with the 
petty neighbouring cities, on which they wished to 
avenge their unforgotten defeat. They destroyed 
Albano in April 1168, Christian of Mainz and the 
imperial Prefect lending their aid.' In spite of the 

^ The Lombard league was fonned in the year 1167. See in- 
quiries and documents concerning its history in Cesare Vignati, Storia 
diplom. dellaLega Lombarda^ Milano, 1866. H. Prutz, Kaiser Fried- 
rich /., vol. ii. 55 seq, Cremona, Mantua, Bergamo, and Brescia 
formed a coalition as early as the beginning of March 1 167 : Giese- 
brecht, V. (1888) 564 ff, 

« Cod. Foffensis Vatican,, 6808 : afi dni MCLXVIIL K Idus 

Aprilis Albanensis civitas destructa est a Romanis, The Catalogue 

in Cendus: Albanum a Romanis concrematum est VI. Idus 

VOL. IV, 2 Q ~ 


catastrophe of August these two men remained 
leaders of the German party in Rome, whither the 
anti-pope had returned from Viterbo. Paschalis III. 
was able to dwell for some time in the Vatican, 
where the Senators had admitted him, in order to 
obtain the release of the hostages. The city, how- 
ever, was forbidden him. He was forced to seek 
^belter in the Trasteverine towers of Stefano Tebaldi, 
in fear of a change of the Senate, the election of 
whose members was to take place on November i, 
ii68.^ Meanwhile he died in the Vatican, when 
c^us John, Abbot of Strumi, succeeded him as Calixtus 

in., anU- TTT 
pope, zz68. iii* 

. The Romans laughed at both popes. Although 
they were glad to see Alexander III. in exile, they 
tolerated his cardinal-vicar in the city. The latter 
exerted himself to win them to his side, and Conrad 
of Wittelsbach, as Alexander's general, at the same 
time threatened Latium from Benevento.* His 
object was Tusculum ; the Romans trembled with 
rage at the very name ; they determined to destroy 
the fortress as they had destroyed Albano. Conrad, 
repulsed by the Counts of Ceccano, could not reach 
it, and Raino, the last lord of Tusculum, bartered the 

ApriUs. With more exactitude in the Chnm, Foss, Nov,^ ad aH, 
1 1 68, and Card. Arag., p. 460. 

^ Clausus est in turre Stephani TheobcUdi, nee audet egredi^ timeique 
usq, ad mortem innovatumem Senatorum, qui in Co/. Ncvembr, Urbis 
regimen accepturi sunt, Ep. 108, lib. ii., of John of Salisbury, in 
torn. X. of Lupus. See also Ep. 66. 

' ChroH, Fossa Nova, ad A, 1 168. It is strange to see two arch- 
bishops of Mainz, Christian and Conrad, opposed to each other in 


place to the Prefect John, without regard to the 
rights of the Pope. John took possession of Tus- 
culum, but the Romans attacked the fortress. The 
Prefect fled, Raino returned, but was not admitted by 
the citizens; they preferred surrender to the Pope, 
from whom they hoped for protection. Raino also 
renounced his rights in favour of the Church. Thus 

^ it came to pass that the renowned Tusculum fell into 
the papal possession on August 8, 1170.^ 

Alexander III., now dwelling in Veroli, found 

' himself in fierce controversy with the King of England 
respecting the Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury, 
The king vainly bribed the Roman nobles to influ- 
ence the Pope in his favour, and no less vainly offered 
his treasury and his aid towards the subjugation of 
Rome.* Alexander received envoys from the Em- Alexander 

TTT * 

peror, who desired peace, and envoys from the camponia. 
Lombard cities, whose aid he had invoked; Greek 
envoys also arrived with renewed proposals. Em- 
manuel Comnenus demeaned himself so far as to 

^ Card. Ara^on., p. 462 ; Romuald, p. 210, who writes Jonathan 
by mistake instead of Raino. Raino had received Monte Fiascone 
and S. Flaviano in exchange from the Prefect John, to whom they 
had been mortgaged by the Pope ; Raino, however, was not received 
in these towns. Document of August 8, 11 70, Cencius, fol. 261 : £^ 
Rayno fil, quond, Tholomei de Tusculana — dimitto vobis dito tnto 
Alex. Pp.—et S, R. E.—civiiaiem Tuseulanam cttm arce.—Et ab hoc 
kora inantea potestatem habeatis in ea intrandi, /ensndi, possidendi^ 
&*c. In 1 147 Raino mortgaged Castrum Algidi to the Pope, who had 
lent him 200 pounds (Cencius, foL 115). We see how quickly the 
house of Tusculum fell to decay. 

* Dcmno vera Papa obttUit^ quia data pecunia liberaret eum ab 
exacltonibus omnium Romanarum — repulsam passus est, £p. 80, 
lib. iL, ia Lupus, torn, x., and further back, Ep. 79. 


marry his own niece to Oddo Frangfipane, the 
greatest vassal of the Church. The marriage took 
place in Veroli, but nevertheless Alexander III. did 
not agree to the proposals of the Greeks.^ His 
negotiations with Frederick also failed, but he now 
Alexander hoped to obtain admission to Rome. He entered 
Tuscuium. Tusculum with a military force on October 17, 

* 1 170. For more than two years the great Pope was 
forced to dwell on the rocky height in the very face 

k of Rome, the Romans refusing to allow him entrance 
to the city.2 At Tusculum he received the news of 
Becket's murder at Catiterbury, and the sacrilegious 

* act soon became the mightiest lever of the papal 
power. But while Alexander received the envoys of 
the English clergy and those of King Henry in Tus- 
culum, and was engaged in revolving the weightiest 
matters of the Church, his position in the Latin 
fortress was in glaring opposition to his dignity* 
He was harassed by Christian of Mainz, whose 
retreat was only procured by a large sum of money 
paid by the Tusculans ; he was also sorely harassed 
by the Romans, indignant that he protected Tus- 
culum. They cunningly proposed a treaty, in which 
they made the destruction of at least a portion of the 
walls of the fortress the condition of his reception 

^ Chron, Foss, Nov., ad an. 1170. Alexander came to Veroli on 
March 18. For the other negotiations, see Card. Arag., p. 461. 

* Cod, Cencii^ fol. 262 : Celebraia nativitate b, Maria cum fratri" 
bus suis de Verults exiens — in vigiiia Set, Lucie (j. Luc€^ Jaff6, p. 735) 
cum gloria ei horwre civitatem ipsam ( Tuscul, ) intravit^ et in palcUio 
ipsius arcis tamquam dominus per XVI, (read with ]zSk XXVI,) 
menses resedit, 

' Reuter, iii. 1 16. 


back to Rome. Eight hundred Roman citizens 
swore to the treaty, but in spite of the words of the 
document the Romans destroyed the entire fortifi- 
cations of the hated city. The defrauded Pope 
refused to return to Rome; he remained for the 
time in undefended Tusculum, but left in the be- 
ginning of 1 173, to continue his hopeless exile in 

Some years thus passed away until a great Lom- 
bard victory completely altered the aspect of affairs. 
In September 11 74, Frederick returned to fight a 
decisive battle against the cities. The heroic defence 
of Ancona and of the newly founded Alessandria 
inflamed the courage of the brave burghers, until 
a battle of immortal fame secured theii^ freedom, victory of 
I The day at Legnano, where, on May 29, 1^76, the ^^^^^' 
allied civic forces defeated the powerful Emperor, J^^ffnano, 
was the Marathon of the Lombard republics. The 1176. 
youthful cities celebrated one of the most splendid 
triumphs of history ; they obtained their own freedom 
and that of their native country. The first result of 
this victory, it is true, was the secret understanding 
between the Emperor and the . Pope, to whom, in 
Anagni, Frederick sent envoys of peace, hoping to 
detach him from the cause of the cities. In order to 
obtain his object, Frederick renounced the actual 
imperial rights, conceding all that he had previously 

^ Cencius and Romuald, ad j4, 1171. More correct chronologically 
is the Chrofh Foss. Nov,, ad A. 1 172. Ind, V. Aiexand. P, fecit 
finem cum Romanis^ qui destruxerunt muros ctvttatis Tusculatia 
mense Nov, Vita Alex, in Watterich, ii. 417. Jaff(6 shows that 
Alexander went from Tnscalum to Segni at the end of January 1173. 
He canonised Thomas here on February 4. 


refused Adrian IV> It thus happened that the im- 
perial power in Rome, which had fallen to decadence 
since the time of Lothar, was renounced by the same 
great Emperor who undertook to restore the boun- 
daries of the ancient empire. Alexander hastened to 
extract all possible capital for the Church out of the 
Lombard victory, and the cities suspected treachery. 
After reaching Venice in a Sicilian vessel from 
Siponto, he tranquillised the cities at a diet assembled 
at Ferrara, giving a solemn promise that he would 
not conclude any definite peace without their sanc- 
tion. The Lombard consuls might tell him, that 
while they made war by deeds he fought the great 
enemy with words or bulls. They were forced, how- 
ever, to remain satisfied with half the profits of their 
heroic exertions. 

At the first and most memorable of all congresses, 
where diplomatic agents did not as yet take their 
place at green tables to decide the fate of nations, 
but where envoys of free cities appeared for the first 
time beside Emperor and Pope, — at this celebrated 
• congress in Venice peace was concluded on August 
I, 1 177, between Alexander, Frederick I., the cities, 
the Greek Emperor, and William of Sicily.* Calix- 
tus III. was deposed, and Alexander III. recogfnised 
and secured in the State of the Church. The Em- 
I peror, in renouncing the prefecture, admitted that the 
Pope henceforth was the independent ruler of Rome 

^ Text of the articles of Anagni in Giesebrecht, v. 797 (L 
' The peace of Venice, which was sworn to on August I, was con- 
finned in S. Mark's on August 1 5 (Murat. , Anti^, It. , iv. 285). Treaty 
with the cities at Constance on June 25, 1 183. 


and the Patrimonium. The State of the Church, 
which now stretched from Aquapendente to Ce- 
prano, was restored to him. The Pope on his side 
recognised Spoleto, the March of Ancona, and the 
Romagna as undoubtedly belonging to the empire.^ 
To the Lombard league a truce of six years was 
granted, to precede the ratification of the recc^ition 
of the cities as independent* 

The peace of Venice, which also decided the fate 
of Rome, forms a great epoch in the history of Italy, 
and the burgher class here appears in its perfected 
growth. But the attitude in which Rome stood to- 
wards the Emperor and Pope placed it on a less 
favourable footing than that of the Lombard cities. 
I Frederick unhesitatingly sacrificed the republic which 
he had recognised, and his general. Christian of 
Mainz, even placed his arms at the disposal of the 
Church, in conformity with the contract to attain the 
subjugation of the city and patrimonium. At a time 
when the whole of Italy hailed peace with rejoicings, 
the Romans, abandoned to themselves, lost courage 
to prolong the struggle with the Pope, who had ac- 
knowledged the Emperor as ruler of Rome. Alex- 
ander had returned to Anagni about the middle of 

* Ficker, Forsch. %ur Reichs- und Kirehengeschichte^ iL 307, &c., 
p. 469. In the Pactum Anagninum (PerU, Leges^ u. 147) the envoys 
promise that the Emperor prafecturam Urbis et terram coniitisse 
Mathilda restituet to the Pope, (.«., so much of the latter as was then 
comprehended in the Patrimonium. 

' It was also decided at Venice that Christian was to retain the 
Archbishopric of Mainz ; Conrad became Archbishop of Salzburg, 
but after Christian's death was made Archbishop of Mainz for the 
second time. He died October 25, 1200. 


December; he knew that his exile was at an end. 
Seven noble Romans brought him letters from the 
clergy, Senate and people, inviting him to return. 
Suspicious, and mindful of the insults he had suffered, 
he sent cardinals and intermediaries to the city to 
make terms with the people. After tedious negotia- 
tions they came to an agreement. It was decided 
that the Senators, annually elected on September 
I, were to take the oath of fidelity to the Pope; 
the cathedral of S. Peter and all the revenues of the 
Church were to be restored to him ; safety was to be 
secured to all travellers journeying to Rome. Roman 
1 envoys threw themselves at the feet of Alexander in 
Anagni, and swore adherence to the treaty.* 

After an exHe of ten years, spent in wandering in 
Campania, Alwander finally proceeded by way of 
Tusculum to Ronie, escorted by German troops 
under the Archbishop Christian. He entered the 
Alexander I city on March 12, 1 178, on the feast of S. Gregory, 
Rome, suid was received with the greatest pomp. He was 
M^h la, greeted by processions of Senators and Magistrates, 
of the knighthood and militia, to the sound of trum- 
pets, and by the entire populace bearing branches 
of olive and singing hymns of praise. Only by slow 
degrees could his white palfrey make its way through 
the crowd which thronged to kiss the feet of Christ's 
representative, and not until evening did he reach 
the Lateran gate. Then entering the ancient seat 
of the popes, amid the applause of the multitude, 

^ Staiuium est^ nt SstuUores quiJUri sohnt^fidilitaiem et hominium 
Z>. Papa facereni, et B. Petri EccUsiam^ aique regalia^ qua ab eis 
fuer, occupcUa . . . restUuerurU. Card. Aragon., p. 475. 


he gave the benediction, and the Easter festival 
closed one of the most splendid triumphs that a 
pope has ever experienced.^ 

No other spot in the world has witnessed spec-"* 
tacles sifch as these, spectacles so tragical in their 
bearing on human nature, its needs, its impotence, 
its instability, and its permanence. The flight of 
popes amid the din of fierce faction warfare alternates 
with their triumphant receptions, and the constant 
repetition of the papal departures and entries invests 
the history of the city with a solemn aspect, like 
that of a great epic. And what epic could be 
greater ? Rome constantly appears to be transformed 
into Jerusalem, and the pope to be making his entry 
like the Saviour, whose vicar he called himself. But 
the combination of spiritual humility and worldly 
arrogance could never remove the impression that 
the representative of Christ was reviving the Pagan 
triumphal processions of the ancient emperors.* 
Trajan or Severus would have looked with surprise 
on the altered aspect of the Roman Senate and 

' Exurunt obviam sibi in Umgum Clerus Rom,, eum, vexillis et 
crucib,^ quod nulli Romanar, PotUifici recolitur factum^ Senatores et 
Magistratus Populi cum . . . tubis^t nobiles mm militia in appanUu 
decoro^ et pedestris populositas cum ramis olivarum^ laudes Pontifici 
consuetas vociferans. Card. Arag. , p. 47 5. Andrea Daiidolo. ( Chron, , 
pars 36) says that the Romans caioe to meet hjm cum tubis argenteis^ 
et octo vexillis diversorum colorum^ and that the Pope had sent them 
to the doge as a memorial; 

* Bernard would have said to Alexander what he wrote to Eugenius 
HI. : In his successisti^ mm Peiro^ sed Constantino, — Petrus sic est^ 
qui nescitur processisse aliqucmdot vel gtmmis omatus, vel sericis, non 
tectus aurOf non vectus equo aldo ; nee stipaius milite^ nee circumstrep- 
entibus septus ministris, De consid.^ iv. c. 3. 


people, who, on March 12, 1 178, greeted a triumphator 
seated on a white mule, a triumphator who was only 
a priest, clad in the silken robes of a woman and 
wearing no sword. And yet this priest was return- 
ing like a general from long wars ; the great ones of 
the earth had abased themselves at his knees, even 
as princes had humbled themselves before the ancient 
emperors. At his command a distant king had 
submitted to be scourged by monks at the grave of 
a murdered bishop, and the Roman Emperor, him- 
self a hero like the ancient Caesars, had prostrated 
himself on the ground, had kissed his feet, and had 
^acknowledged himself conquered by a priest 

2. The Provincial Barons continue the Schism — 
John the City Prefect upholds Calixtus III. — 
The Romans make War on Viterbo — Calixtus 
III. yields — Lando of Sezza Anti-Pope — Council 
IN Rome — Death of Alexander III. (1181). 

The popes might trust in any thing rather than 
in the rejoicings of the city. The Romans spread 
carpets for their mules to tread on to-day; they 
retired in derision within the ruins of antiquity, or 
seized the sword in anger on the morrow. People 
and Senate had recognised Alexander from motives 
of policy, but with the municipal constitution the 
ancient dispute between the rights of the republic 
and those of its priestly head still survived. The 
1 papal power inspired hatred but not fear ; the people 
murmured and were ready for a fresh revolt, not in 
the city alone, but throughout the entire district 
Every town in Roman territory emulated the 


Lombards, each had its own municipality with 
consul or other magistrates at the head of the com- 
munal council.^ Several schismatic provincial barons The 
in Tuscany and the Sabina, by this time almost ^JJJ^ 
accustomed to independence, assumed an «^ttitude ^"^^|^ 
of defiance; they would neither recognise the 
Senate, whose numbers after the peace were con- 
stantly increased by the influx of other nobles, nor 
would they yield submission to the Pope. They 
therefore continued the schism on their own account 
lAbove all, the anti-pope refused obedience to the 
decrees of Venice Viterbo, which was at this period, 
as Sutri or Tivoli had formerly been, the centre of the 
schism, served him as a place of abode, and Calixtus 
was protected by the family of the lords of Vico, 
of which John the City Prefect was a member. John, The City 
who owned valuable property in the neighbourhood, opposes 
was at enmity with Alexander III., and from an ^J*"*^*' 
imperial wished to become a papal official ; for the 
Pope had renounced the investiture of the City 
Prefect in the treaty of Anagni. But the popular 

^ In 1 164 the Bishop of Anagni complained that the commune 
taxed his people ; the Pope replied that he would forbid the measure : 
vesira petitio coniinehat^ quod potestas^ consilium^ populus civitcUis 
Anagnina familiares et servUntes vestros ad , • , contribuenditm cum 
aliis cnfibus Anagn, in datiis^ coUeciiSy angariis, et parangariiSy et 
aliis oneribus supradicta civitcUis propria temeritate compelhrnt in 
vestrum prejudicium — dot-. Anagn, Id, Juniipont. if. afi, V, (Labb^, 
Condi, f zii. col. 252). We thus see the existence in Anagni of the 
three civic powers; the appearance of the Podesta here in 1 1 64 is 
remarkable. In a document of the year 11 59 the populus Ostiensis 
pledge themselves to pay the Pope two p/atra/a of wood annually : 
the Procurator of the Commune herein appears with the doni viri dues 
Ostienses (Murat, Ant,^ i. 675). 


party in Viterbo was weary of serving the ambition 
of the nobles, and pronounced in favour of the peace 
of Venice. When Christian of Mainz, the Emperor's 
plenipotentiary, received the allegiance of the Viter- 
bese in Alexander's name, the nobles, irritated by 
the Prefect, resisted. They held negotiations with 
Conrad, son of the Margrave of Montferrat, whom 
they wished to invest with the custody of Viterbo, 
and raised their arms against the people and the 
Archbishop of Mainz. Reduced to extremities, the 
barons, by the Prefect's advice, asked the aid of the 
Roman republic, which had already been frequently 
at war with Viterbo, and the Romans, ridiculing the 
treaty with the Pope, advanced against the provincial 
town which had just done him homage. 

Alexander now commanded the Archbishop of 

Mainz and the people of Viterbo to avoid battle ; 

and in consequence the Romans returned after 

having laid waste the fields, and nothing remained 

to the Prefect John but to do homage to the Pope 

and accept investiture at his hands.^ His prot6g6, 

Caiixtus Calixtus III., lost courage, and although he remained 

submission, for a time defiant in the fortress of Monte Albano 

near Nomentum, Christian's troops finally forced 

him to yield. In Tusculum, whither Alexander had 

*long since again withdrawn, the anti-pope cast 

himself at the feet of his great enemy, who, as 

stipulated by the peace of Venice, pardoned him 

^ Romuald, ad. A, 1 1 78 (p. 241); time, before August. Ad pedes 
Alexctndri P, accedens^ confirmata sibi Preefectura ejus homo devenit. 
The restitution of the prefecture through the Emperor to the Pope 
took place s<iho omnijure imperiu 


and afterwards gave him the rectorate of Benevento 
as indemnification.^ 

The landgraves nevertheless put forward a new 
anti-pope in September — Lando of Sezza, a member 
of one of the petty German families who tyrannised 
over the Campagna. He called himself Innocent 
III. He found first protection and then a. treach- 
erous overthrow in Palombara ; for the lords of the 
fortress, near relatives of the former anti-pope Victor 
IV., betrayed him for gold and he was banished to 
the monastery of La Cava.^ 

As early as March 11 79 Alexander assembled 300 Lateran 
bishops at the (Ecumenical Council in the Lateran, M^ch ' 
to heal the wounds which the long schism had '^79. 
inflicted on the Church. It was here decreed that 
a majority of two-thirds of the cardinals should * 
henceforward suffice to decide the papal election. 
The election was thus placed solely in the hands of 
the College of Cardinals, and its independence of 
every temporal power was again proclaimed as a law 

^ Calixtus made submission in Tusculum on August 29. Anon, 
Casstnens,y ad A. 1 1 78; Chron, Foss, Nov,; Romuald at the end of 
the Chronicle, 

' 3 ICal, Oct. quidam de secta schismcUica — Landum Siiinum 
elegerunt in Pap, Innoc, Chr, Foss. Nov,^ ad A, 1 178. Sigeb. 
(Auciar, Aq,) wrongly holds Lando to be a Frangipani. Anon. 
Ccusin.y A. 1180 : apitd PaJumbaricun cum sociis captus. The same 
continuator of Sigebert says that Lando's protector in a fortress near 
Rome was a brother of Victor IV. The lords of Palombara were 
Filippo and Oddo, probably sons of Ociavianus comes Palumbaria, 
who is mentioned in an Act of Farfa of 1 159. Concerning Palombara, 
see Nibby's AncUisi. The surrender took place at the beginning of 
1 180, when Rome was devastated by an inundation of the Tiber and 
by pestilence {Chr, Foss, Nov,, ad A. 1 1 80). 


of the Church. This independence had been won 
for her by Alexander in the war he had successfully 
waged against the schism and the Emperor. 
/ Thus, after tedious struggles, Alexander III. was 
recognised as sole head of the Church, In Rome 
and the ecclesiastical State he remained, however, 
powerless as before. The captains harassed him 
incessantly ; these defiant vassals made war on the 
sacred chair, and formed feudal contracts with it no 
less than with the Roman republic, which proved 
incapable of compelling them to become Roman 
citizens and to live under the municipal laws. The 
Senate, on the other hand, only nominally received 
investiture from the Pope ; it was essentially inde- 
pendent and protected by the arms of the militia. 
With the militia Christian of Mainz was constantly 
at war, fighting on account of Viterbo against 
Conrad of Montferrat He had even suffered a 
tedious imprisonment at the hands of Conrad.^ 
Alexander III., to whom fortune had granted such 
marvellous victories, never felt himself in Rome 
otherwise than in an enemy's country. He left the 
I city as early as the summer of 1 179, and hence- 
forward lived in different parts of Latium, or resumed 
his exile in Tusculum. In June 1181 he went from 
Tusculum to Viterbo to seek the protection of his 
friend Christian of Mainz, and died soon afterwards 

^ Among the Roman nobility the distinguished hardly of Henricus 
de S. Eustachio was fiedthiul to the Pope. Alexander III. demanded 
satisfaction from Christian of Mainz for a noble of this house who had 
been ill-used by Giristian's troops. S. Lowenfeld, Ep. Pont, Rom, 
ined,^ 1885, n. 282, of the year 1178. 


(on August 30) in Civita Castellana. The Roman Death of 
populace, who had strewed flowers on the path of m., Aug. 
the living triumphator, now threw stones on the bier ^' '*^'* 
of the dead, and it was with difficulty that the 
cardinals secured a grave in the Lateran for one of 
the greatest of all popes.* 

No pope since Adrian I. had filled the sacred 
chair so long as Alexander III., but out of the 
twenty-two years of his reign, eighteen had been 
occupied by the schism, and more than half the 
period had been spent in exile.^ His long struggle 
with Frederick covered him with glory ; he secured • 
and extended the conquests of Gregory VII. and 
Calixtus II. ; he weakened still further the decaying 
empire, which he beheld prostrate and praying for 
peace at his feet in the very person of a hero. After 
the Congress of Venice and the penance of Henry 
of England the prestige of the Papacy acquired a 
hitherto unknown lustre, and a lustre the more 
brilliant from the fact that Alexander himself was 
endowed with true dignity. The person of the Pope 
is also illumined by a ray of the glorious dawn of 
Italian civic liberty; this, however, he owed to 
fortune, not to merit The necessities of the time 
created the unnatural alliance between freedom and 
sacerdotalism, but it is at least gratifying to find 

^ Sigeb., Cent. Aquicitut,^ ad A, 1181. His mausoleum has 

' Tres tanium pracesstrunt eum in numero annorum, quo Roman, 
EccL prafuerunif b, Petrus sed» 25 annis, Silvester L 23, Adrianus 
totidem. Roberius de Monte^ ad A, \ 181. After Alexander III., Pius 
VII. reigned twenty-three years, Pius IX., however, more than 


that the Church, which necessarily is almost invari- 
ably united with despotism, was once (as according 
to her ideal she always should be) the pioneer of the 
human race in the path of moral freedom and cul- 
ture. And only when she has acted this part has 
she shone with a celestial radiance. Whenever, 
from motives of priestly ambition, she has, on the 
contrary, opposed the nobler impulses of the people, 
she has received the hatred instead of the love of 
mankind. Alexander III. was a man of more 
moderate and tranquil nature than Gregory VII., 
and, apart from his dissensions with Roman policy, 
jnight be esteemed the most fortunate of popes.^ 

3. Lucius III. — ^War between Rome and Tusculum 
— Death of Christian of Mainz — Lucius III. 


— Urban III. — The Sicilian Marriage — Henry 


Clement III. — Peace with the Roman Republic, 
1 1 88. 

The fact that three of Alexander's successors were 
forced to live in exile is sufficient to show the 
relations that subsisted between the popes and the 
city. The figure of Frederick's great opponent 
towers like the figure of a hero over the common- 
place forms of these three popes, who died after 
having inhaled a few breaths of misfortune. The 
ebb succeeded the flow — an ever-recurring law in 
the history of the Papacy. 

^ The most accurate account of Alexander III.'s pontificate is 
given in Reuter's work (Leipzig, 1864}. 


Lucius III., Ubaldo Allucingoli, of Lucca, hitherto LudusiiL 
Cardinal-bishop of Ostia and Velletri, was not even iSx-xi85. 
elected in Rome, but was raised to the Papacy 
by the College of Cardinals assembled at Velletri,* 
and was ordained on September 6, 1181. After an 
agreement with the Romans he came to the city in ' 
November, and was allowed to remain some months.^ 
The spirit of Arnold still survived in Rome, and each 
pope was obliged to win toleration for himself, or 
else to live in exile. Since Lucius refused to con- 
cede the privileges accorded by earlier popes, it 
would seem that he was already at enmity with the 
Romans.' Tusculum remained a permanent source 
of strife. The fortress was the object of a hatred 
bordering on frenzy to the Romans, as Fiesole was 
to the Florentines, until Florence destroyed her 
neighbour in 1125. The Tusculans had vainly 
sought protection under the banner of the Pope; 
with great efforts they rebuilt their walls and made 
a desperate resistance to the repeated attacks of the 
enemy. When the Romans attacked Tusculum The 
with increased force on June 28, 1183, Lucius III., a^^' 

who remained shut up in Segni, summoned Christian tusculum. 
of Mainz from Tuscany; Christian came, and the 
recollection of the battle of Monte Porzio sufficed to 

^ Jaff6 shows that he was in the Lateran on November 3, 1181, and 
that he remained there until March 11 82. On March 13 he was 
again in Velletri 

' Ortum est grave disstdiuni inter Romanos et P. Lucium super 
eonsueiudinibus quibusdamy quas pradecessores sui facere solebant, 
quas supradictus Papa juravit^ se nunquam facturum, Roger 
Hoveden, Anna/es, pars, poster., p. 621 (quoted by Curtius, p. 

VOL. IV. 2 R 


drive the Romans back twice.* The warlike arch- 
bishop advanced to the walls of the city, but the 
August fever, which had formerly killed his cele- 
brated companion Rainald, also proved fatal to him- 
self At first the fierce enemy of the sacred chair, 
afterwards its defender, the brave hero bore the papal 
blessing to his grave ; he died in Tusculum, the scene 
of his actions, and was buried there.^ Christian, who 
was one of the greatest princes of his age, was also 
a living satire on every pious effort made to divest 
the bishops of the offensive character of worldliness, 
since he, the Archbishop of Mainz (for as such he 
was recognised after the peace of Venice), remained 
a jovial knight until his death, kept a harem of 
beautiful girls, and, clad in glittering armour, rode a 
splendid horse, swinging the battle axe with which 
he shattered the helmet and head of many an enemy. 
His death was a severe blow to the Pope, who 
now summoned the princes to his aid, but only 
received words and some money in answer. The 

* Chron, Foss, Nbv,^ ad A, 1183, transfers the siege of Tusculnm to 
KaUJuliL A marginal note in the Cod, Vat,^ 19S4, more correctly : 
in ingiHa b, Petri ap, A. 2 Lucii IIL papa Ind. /. The same 
Codex : inierea Roma a XXV. senaioribus administrabatur, 

' R. Hov., p. 662, says that Christian had been killed by drinking 
from a fountain which had been poisoned by the Romans. Lucius 
invited the German clergy to pray for the dead (Schannat, Vindem. 
Uier,, ii 118, Mansi, xxiL 480). The Pope calls him tfir vaide 
providus et ntagnificus. Conradi Ep. Chrom, Mogmit.f p. 573, also 
speaks of Christian's death. A panegyric of him is given in AnmU, 
Stadensss {Mon, Germ,, xvL), A. 11 73: disorfus et facundus^ vir 
largus et illustris. He spoke several languages. Nulla civitoi ei 
resistere audebat* The asses in his army were more luxuriously cared 
for than the servants of the Emperor. Vanrentrap, EmHsckof 
Christian von Mains, 


Romans turned with increased cours^e against all 
such places as remained faithful to the Pope. They 
devastated the territory of Tusculum in April 1184, 
and carried their ravages far into Latium.^ Their 
hatred of the clergy was fierce and barbarous ; on 
one occasion they seized a company of priests in 
the Campagna, put out the eyes of all but one, 
placed mitres, inscribed with the names of cardinals, 
on their heads, and, setting them on asses, ordered 
the one priest whom they had spared to conduct the 
sad procession to the Pope.^ Lucius III. fled to the Lucius iii. 
Emperor at Verona, whither Frederick, having con- protection 
eluded a peace with the cities on April 30, 1183, ^^^j. 
had arrived from Constance. The Emperor's meet- at ^^na. 
ing with the Pope gave rise to many disputes 
concerning the investitures and Matilda's bequest. 
Lucius also refused to bestow the imperial crown 
on Frederick's son King Henry, by which a Caro- 
lingian custom would have been revived. The 
request was discussed with great vehemence in 
Verona ; and the Emperor parted from the Pope in 
anger. He had, however, previously appointed Count 
Berthold of Kunsberg as Commandant of Campania 
in Christian's place, with orders that he was to 
defend Tusculum against the Romans.^ The Romans 

^ Chr, Foss, Ncv,^ A. 1 184: 13 Kal, Mafiincendirunt PaHanumt 
4t Sirrontni^ Pen^strumf ei sic Homam reversi sunt. 

* Sigelx, Auct, Aq*t ad A, 1184: Romani — in amtunuliam car' 
dincUium excogitant inauditumJlagitium—QXidi similarly, Anmdes Stad' 
4nses, A. 1183, which say, however, that the Romans maltreated 
twenty-six Tusculans. This reminds us of the later scenes of the 
Albigensian war. 

' Chran, Foss. Ncv, : fostea d. Papa ivU in Lombardiam^ et pmit 


were even excommunicated by Lucius at the 

Council of Verona. For the rebels against the 

Dominium Temporale were classed with the heretical 

sects of the time, who were ever becoming more 

powerful, — the Waldenses, Cathari, Humiliates, the 

Poor of Lyons, and others, — as Arnoldists, and were 

Death of solemnly cursed.^ Lucius III. died at Verona on 

NoT.'^s., November 25, 1 185. The melancholy but ingenious 

''^5. lines placed on his grave admirably depict his fate 

and that of other popes of the age : — 

LuciuSy Luca Hbi dedit ortum^ PontificcUum 
OsHa^ Papaium jRoma, Verona mori. 

Immo Verona dedit verum Hbi vivere^ jRoma 
Ext hum, euros Ostia, Luca tnori. 

^ His successor, as melancholy a figure as himself, 
remained in exile in Verona. This was Humbert 
Crivelli, Archbishop of Milan, a violent and unyield- 
ing spirit, and a strong opponent of Frederick. He 
Urban iiLji was consecrated as Urban HI. on December 3, 
zz8^xz87. 1 185. The tension which existed between him and 

Comiicm Bertoldum legatum Imp. F, pro drfensione Tusculana, et ad 
recoUigetuUtm Roccam de Papa^ quam ipse collide $xpugnaoU, The 
first mention of this place. In order to supplement the regesta of 
Frederick, I make note of his privilegium for Foligno, to which he 
presented Bevania and Cocoiatittm. Among the witnesses are 
Gotefrid. pairiar, Aquih Conradus Archiep. Mogunt. Otto eps* 
Babenberg, Gotefridus Imp. aule cancellar. Conradus dux SpoUtan, 
Gerardus comes de Hon, Heinr. comes de Altendoff. Olricus de Luce- 
linhardt. . . . Dot. Tervisii A.D. J. MCLXXXIIIL Ind. III. 
VIII Kak Dec. f el. Amen. The original, without a seal, is in the 
city archives of Foligno. 

^ The decree of Lucius III. {Ad abolendam diversar. karesiupi 
pravitatem) is more severe than the edicts of Alexander III. ; it com- 
mands the denunciation and extermination of all heresy by the secular 
arm. Mansi, xxii. 476. 


the Emperor now developed into open enmity,^ an 
enmity largely based on Frederick's refusal to 
surrender the disputed estates of Matilda. The 
brilliant success which Grerman statesmanship had 
attained in Sicily proved a further ground of anxiety 
to the Curia. After a brief prime, Roger's dynasty 
neared its end ; William 1 1, was childless ; he con> 
sequently gave his sanction to the marriage of 
Constance, the daughter of Roger, his aunt and 
heiress, to Henry, son of Frederick. Without any 
regard to the Pope, the feudal lord of Sicily, and 
in defiance of his opposition, the ominous union was King 
celebrated at Milan, where Frederick formally created m^ISs 
his son Caesar. The Pope refused Henry the^[^"<* 
imperial crown, and (since he remained Archbishop Jan. 37/ 
of Milan) the crown of Lombardy also. The 
Emperor consequently had the ceremony performed 
by the Patriarch of Aquileia. Sicily, the anxiously 
guarded fief of the sacred chair, which had so often 
served as a protection against the German kings, 
must necessarily fall to this very German empire on 
William's death. The loss of Sicily was therefore 
the heaviest defeat which Roman policy could suffer, 
and for the time the most glorious victory on the 
side of the German court, which had now attained, 
through diplomatic arrangements, the object for 
which so many emperors had hitherto fought in vain. 
The acquisition of Sicily was to make amends for the 
loss of Lombardy, and a Hohenstaufen dynasty was 

^ Arnold's Chran, SUtoorum^ iii. c. 10, c 16 seq,^ speaks clearly con* 
ceming the causes. See also Scheffer-Boichorst : Kaistr Friedr, L 
UtMUr Streit mit der Kurie^ Berlin, 1866.] 


founded both in Sicily and in Matilda's territory. 

But these immense gains soon became the curse not 

only of Italy but of Germany, which had bitterly to 

expiate the unpatriotic policy of the Hohenstaufens. 

He inmdes, At his father's command Henry entered the State 

Suie**^ of the Church as an enemy; the Romans gladly 

Church, joined him; the districts of Latium which still 

adhered to the sacred chair were ravaged, and the 

Pope was deprived of every hope of return.^ Urban 

III. meanwhile died in Ferrara, on October 20, 

1 187. Jerusalem had but just fallen (on October 

2), and the news struck like a thunderbolt the heart 

!of a pope who bore the name of the fortunate pre* 

decessor during whose pontificate the Holy City 

had obtained her freedom. The fall of Jerusalem 

shook the whole of Europe with such force as to 

thrust into the background the most important 

matters in the West, and the energies of Pope and 

Emperor, of kings and bishops, were again directed 

towards the Blast. 

Ot^oiy Albert of Mora, a Beneventan, and chancellor of 

Popc,'xi87. the Church, was immediately (October 25, 1 187) con- 

( secrated at Ferrara as Gregory VIII. He was old and 

of amiable disposition, and desired nothing beyond 

^ Rex, H, subfugauit sibi Mam Campamam praUr Fummonem, ei 
Castrum F&ntUifmm obsidit per netfem dies, et wit super Guareimtm r 
Ckrou, Foss, Ncv.t ad A, 1 186. Henry had come to an under* 
standing even with the Frangipani ; one of his diplomas {A, 1 186 Ind, 
IV, die Dominico, quijuit Sestus nUranU m, Juiit) is signed by Otta 
Frangens pemem as prcrf, Roma. Muiat. , Ant, It, , iv. 47 1 — adwn sub 
tempterio Regis H, felicitir^ quasuie erai in absid, Urbis Veteris, 
On the other hand, in a pritilegium granted by Henry to the Floren* 
tines firom Otriooli, on June 24, 1187, Petrus Urb,prmf, appears as 
a witness. (Picker, Urk, zur Reicks- und Rechtsgesch, ItaL, n. 170.) 


peace with the empire and a Crusade to Jerusalem. 
The Papacy was' exhausted by its struggles under 
Alexander III. Meantime the empire had become 
'Stronger ; the peace of Venice and that of Constance 
'had put an end to the war with the cities, and the 
I alliance with Sicily had suddenly increased the 
imperial power. While popes banished from Rome 
sighed in exile, not a single enemy appeared against 
Frederick throughout the whole of Italy. Urban 
III. himself would not have ventured to launch 
the anathema against the Emperor, and the gentle- 
, natured Gr^ory VIII. hastened to make peace with 
King Henry. He promised to advance no opposi- 
tion to his claims on Sicily, and moreover to 
recognise the rights of the empire in Italy. Henry 
VI., therefore, suspended hostilities and sent Count 
Anselm with Leo de Monumento, Consul of the 
Romans, to treat with the Pope. The two envoys 
accompanied Gr^ory to Pisa, where he went to effect 
a reconciliation between this republic and Genoa, and 
to rouse it to take part in the Crusade. He was here 
•overtaken by death on December 17, 1187.^ 

^ Cod, Vat,, fol. aoo^., gives memoranda of Urban III. and Gregory 
VIII.— JKuT diciuspimt* cum Ma curia pracedmUb* Licne Mmamsnti 
et Ansilmc ad Pisam, dvitaUtn pervenit* Chron. AlUtudt {Arek, 
Si$r», vm, 183) quotes in the list of those present at the peace of 
Venice : Leo de Mofmmento, Ramanus PHnceps. On August 34, 
1 187, Lavinia Abbatissa S. Cyriaci cedes/ure locationis Leeni de numu- 
monto suisque film • • . terram casarinam pos» retro S, Ciriaci in 
mofUiceHo juxta eccl, S* Lamrentii {Jacevacci R^ertor, Familiar, in 
the Vatican). The Gtsia Inn. Ill,, c. 2^, ceXL Leo de M, % relatiye of 
Bishop Octavian of Ostia, who^ according to Ughelli, L 67, belonged 
to the house of Poli He is mentioned in IJ07 in the will of Cardinal 
Gregorius de Crescentio (Galletti, Prim,, p. 335). A hamlet with an 



The cardinals, with the assistance of the Consul 
Leo, immediately elected the Bishop of Palestrina 
as Pope, and Paolino Scolari, who belonged to the 

Clement ^Region della Pigna, was consecrated as Clement III. 

IIsV-]^' in the cathedral of Pisa, on December 20, 1187. A 
Roman by birth, he succeeded in effecting the peace 
with the Capitol for which Gregory VIII. had pre- 

He returns pared the way. After successful negotiations, he 

to Rome. • returned to Rome, accompanied by the Consul Leo, 
in February 1188, and was received with every 
honour. During the forty-four years' existence of 
the Roman Senate the popes had been almost 
incessantly victims of the civic revolution. We 
have seen how sorrowfully Innocent II. and Celes- 
tine 11. ended their days, how Lucius II. had been 
killed by the blow of a stone, how Eugenius, Alex- 
ander, Lucius, Urban III., and Gregory VIII. had 
spent their lives in exile. Clement III. at length 
brought the Papacy back to Rome, but was forced 

ancient monument near Roma Vecchia gave the surname to the 
family, the oldest member of which, Octavianus de MmumetUo, appears 
at Wursburg as witness to a document on January 5, 1 17a Stumpf, 
Acta imp. adhuc inedita^ p. 203 seq. In 1226 a Comes Octaviamu de 
Mcmtmento, Bull of Honorius III. Laieroft, Non, April, A* X* 
{Mscr. Vat,t 6223). In 12 17 Honorius ceded to the monastery of 
S. Thomas on the Codian Titrrim qua dicitur Afinmmenium, vbi 
dicUur Statuarium (near Sette Bassion the Via Appia) : BuUar. Vaf,, 
i. loa Toche (Kaiser IfeinrtcJk,, p. 61), from a diploma of Heniy 
VI. in fiivour of Leo di Angnillara, concludes that this Leo was iden- 
tical with Leo de Monumento ; documents, however, never confuse 
names. The de Monumento were a £Bunily by themselves. Thus in 
122 1 we read : Petrus Frajapanis Romanar, Consul Alma Urbis^ et 
Maria de Monumonto qttond. Henrici Frajapanis uxor (Borgia, 
Velletri, p. 263). As late as 1279 I find Afigelus de Monumeuto 
(Archiv., Flor, Rocc, diFiesoU)* 


to make a formal peace with the city as with an 
independent power. This was the result not only of 
the Lombard victories but also of the energetic re- 
sistance of the Romans to Emperor and to Pope. 
The establishment of the Roman democracy forms 
an important act of the period, for although lacking 
the fortune and the foundation of the Lombard and 
Tuscan cities, it nevertheless proves the Romans to 
have been possessed of praiseworthy enei^ and 

Generally speaking, Rome assumed the same He reoog- 
attitude towards the Pope as that which the Lom* dependent' 
bard cities had acquired towards the Emperor, orgJJ^^J^J^^ 
fell back on the treaties of the times of Eugenius dty of 
III. and Alexander III. The Charter which the May iW 
Roman Senate compiled and swore to on May 
31, 1 188, in the forty-fourth year of its existence, 
has fortunately been preserved to us.^ According 
to the articles of this peace, decreed in vigorous 
langus^e by the authority of the sacred Senate, 
the Pope was recognised as over-lord. He invested 
the Senate on the Capitol, which was obliged to 
take the oath of fidelity to him. He again acquired 
the right of coining money, a third part of which fell 
to the Senate.^ All revenues which had formerly 

^ Sanctiss, Fairi^t Dom* CUmenti dei gr. sum, PotUif, it unwers, 
Ppe^ S*P,Q,R* saiutem €t fideU cum mbjteHone siroiHum^ No one 
should violate this peace, aUoquin tram ampliss* Seuatus it mitu- 
mtU pop, Ramam gramssimi ituurrat it odium. Act XLIJII. oho 
Sonaius ItuL VL m, MadU dU ultimo, Jussu Sonatorum; the 
signatures follow. Printed by Baronios from the Cendns codex, then 
better by Mmatori, Ant. It., iii. 785. 

' Adpratins reddimus vo6is Senatum^ it Urbem^ it Mouetam. Never- 


been papal returned to the Pope, the Senate merely 
retaining the Lucanian Bridge on account of its feud 
with Tivoli. The restitution of all that by right 
'belonged to the sacred chair was to be settled 
by document The Pope further indemnified the 
* Romans for their losses in the war ; ^ he undertook 
to give the judges and notaries, the Senators and 
the officials of the Senate, the customary presents 
of money.' He promised one hundred pounds 
annually for the restoration of the city walls. It 
was also decreed that since the Roman militia was 
to be paid by the Pope, the Pope might summon 
it to the defence of the patrimony. No article de- 
fined whether the republic had the r^ht of making 
peace and war with its enemies without regard to 

theless we do not possess a single denarius which shows that the 
popes exercised the right of coining money in this period. 

^ A receipt of October 27, 1188, for the indemnificatioQ of some 
Senators (from the Archives of the fortress of S. Angelo) is given by 
Vendettini, p. 175, and Vitale, who wrongly attributes it to the year 
1187. The Austrian School in Rome has published a series of 
documents, which refer to similar contracts of indemnificatioa between 
a commission of five cardinals and Romans of diflerent regioDs. 
{Stud, e Doc. di Storia e DireHo^ A. 1886.) 

' Dabitis S$9uUoribus — beneficia etpresbyUria camueta. According 
to the Ordo /Ronton., xii. n. ii., the Prefect recdved 40 SoHdos dm., 
each Senator, judge and advocate tmum ntU^qtiiftum and some Salidu 
A mslsfhin was equal to eight grossi, the grossus to six denarii (valua- 
tion of the time of Innocent VI., from one of the first pages of the 
Cod. Condi in the Riocardi library, n. 228). Instead of daro protby* 
toHttm, dart manum was used, from which the present manaa is 
derived. Half the Senators dined with the Pope on festivals {ibtd., p. 
170). The Pope, however, only gave presents to ttie fifty<4ix 
Senators ; if there was a greater number, that wbidk he gave to the 
remainder was mora UdoraHtaf. Thb is said by the Senators them* 
selves in the Instr. of May 28, 1191. (Muiatori, Ant. Itai., iv. 36.) 


% the Pope ; this liberty, nevertheless, was taken for 
granted, since Rome was free. And although titles 
and honours of temporal authority were respectfully 
awarded him, the Pope found himself in his city 
in much the same position as did other bishops 
in other free cities. A formal agreement was con< 
eluded concerning the now papal towns of Tusculum 
and Tibur, the hatred of the Romans towards them 
being the actual reason for their treaty with the 
Pope. Clement III. unscrupulously sacrificed the 

I unfortunate Tusculum, which had sought shelter 
under the wings of the Church, as the price of his 
peaceful return to Rome. He not only gave the The 
Romans permission to make war on the fortress, but ^^J^. 
even promised them the aid of his vassals, and*^®^*^ 
pledged himself to excommunicate the Tusculans 
should they fail to surrender to the Romans before 
January i. The unfortunate city was to be de- 
stroyed, its property and people were to remain in 
the hands of the Pope.^ 

~tfpi: Special treaty with the captains established 
their relations with the Roman commune. We have 
no precise knowledge of its articles, but the great 
nobility were undoubtedly compelled to acknowledge 
the Senate, to take their part in the commune as 
Cives^ and thus to contribute to the formation of the 
commune as a whole.^ 

^ Concerniiig Tusculum, see Rc^er Hoveden, p. 689; we are 
obliged to take our information from an English chronicler, since 
Roman auth(xities are silenU 

' De CapUamis sit sahmm urH it popuh Romano ^ qmcqmi ab $tt 
€9K0twtHm estf et promissHm Roma por scriptum it juramonta^ oc 


The Pope was to choose ten men out of every street 
icontrada) of every r^on in Rome, five of whom were 
to swear to the peace; the united Senate swore to 
the treaty itself^ We gather here that the Senate 
was composed of fifty-six members, some of whom 
formed the ruling committee of Consiliarii.' 

The city itself, which was re-divided after the in- 
stitution of the free Roman commune in 1 144, now 
consisted of twelve regions. These divisions had no 
ordinal numbers, but merely local names, and were 
as follows: Mantium et Biberatiu; Trivii et Vie 
Late; Columpne et S. Marie in Aquiro; Campi 
Mortis et S. Laurentii in Lucina ; Pontis et Scorte- 
4:lariorum; S.Eustackiiet Vinea Teudemarii ; Aren^ 
ule et Caccahariorum ; Parianis et S. Laurentii in 
Damaso; Pinee et S. Marci; S, Angeli in Foro 
Pisciunt; Ripe et Marmorate ; Campitelli et S. 
Adriani. The Leonina remained, as an entirely 
papal district, outside the regions ; not so, however, 
the Trastevere and the island in the Tiber, which, 

pUnarias^ it stqjarias^ acpresanes — ^inexplicable expresaons ; pUnaria 
(better so, instod oifkjaria) niay mean plenaiy powers. 

^ Of such treaties sworn to by a number of people we find a remark- 
able example in the treaty between Pisa and Genoa, February 13, 
1 188. (Flaminio dot Borgo DipUmi Pisam^ 1 14. ) 

* I abide by the number fifty-six, although according to the text 
there were fifty-seven or fifty-eight. Owing to the defective punctua- 
tion two names may have easily been made out of one. It says first : 
jussH Semaforwn C&Hsiliariorum; AngtH Sir Remain di Pima; 
Bobonis SUplumi di Octamano; Pitri SUphani di TransHbirim ; 
Rimam SimbaUU; Ratmrii Rinaldi di Raancio; Jihanms di 
Schhumdo; Cafari Bartkolomii ; Pitri NiakU Fusams di Birta; 
Bobonis Donna Siotta, it Ilpirini Donmcu The Senators follow. 
There is neither a Pierleone, a Frangipane, nor a Colonna amoog 
them ; there is, however, a Petrus LAtronis. 


formerly two regions, were afterwards counted as one 
— ^the thirteenth.^ 

The constitution of 1188 showed a marked 
advance on the part of the Roman commune. The 
, imperial authority of Carolingian times was as com- 
pletely set aside as the patrician power of Frankish 
times. The rights of the Emperor in particular were 
left utterly unheeded. The ties between Rome and 
the empire were severed when the popes acquired 
the freedom of election. Frederick I. himself had 
disdained the votes of the Romans on his own elec* 
tion and finally in the treaty of Anagni, and with 
the renunciation of the prefecture he also renounced 
the exercise of the imperial power in the city. Rome 
had advanced beyond her ancient conditions; the 
Pope possessed neither governing nor l^slative 
power; his secular position, on the contrary, was 
limited to the possession of regalia and Church 
property and to feudal relations. He was powerful 
because he still remained the greatest landowner, 
dispensed the greatest fiefs, and could command 
numerous " men." His authority as a territorial ruler 
consisted, however, merely in the investiture which 
he conferred on the freely-elected magistrates of the 
republic, or in the alliance of papal with civic justice 

^ The names of the regions are to be gathered for the most part 
from these treaties of peace of Clement III. They are brought 
together by Gimillo Re, /. c. The twelve regions were again divided 
into contrade ; a list of the regions found by De Rossi in a Viennese 
manuscript Afiradi/ia, written between 1216 and 1228, and printed by 
Re, consequently enumerates twenty-six regions or contrade: sic 
duodecim princifdUs regumes in urbe sunt ordinate gue divise sunt in 
viginti sext 


in cases of a twofold nature. The removal of the 
» papal power by the unaided energy of the Roman 
• commune is consequently one of the most honour- 
able deeds in the history of the mediaeval city, which 
could now again lay claim to the esteem of mankind 
in civic matters. 

4. The Crusade — ^Richard Cosur-de-Lion passes by 
Rome — Death of Frederick I. — Celestine III. 
— Henry VI. requests the Imperial Crown — 
His Coronation — ^The Robians destroy Tus- 
cuLUM — Fall of the Tusculan Counts — Atti- 
tude OF the Nobles towards the Republic in 
Rome — Change in its Constitution — Benedict 
Carushomo, Senator — Giovanni Capoccio, Sena- 
tor — Giovanni Pierleone, Senator — Henry VI. 
destroys the Norman Dynasty in Sicily — His 


Cniaade, , In 1189 Clement III. succeeded in obtaining from 
1X89-Z190. fjgjjjy (who acted as his father's representative) the 
restitution of all the property belonging to the State 
of the Church of which Lucius had been deprived.* 
The Pope now concentrated all his attention on 
* the great Crusade, in which at first the Emperor 
Frederick, and afterwards Philip Augustus, King of 
France, and Richard of England, took part. Roman 
nobles now also went to the East — a Pierleone and 
even the Prefect Theobald, both of whom fought by 
the side of Conrad of Montferrat against Saladin at 

^ Strassbarg, April 3, 1189, Ficker, Urk. mr Hetchs- und Ruhis- 
gtschichU Itaiuns^ p. 216. 


Acre.^ None of the crusading armies came near 
Rome. And although Richard Cceur-de-Lion, who 
sailed from Marseilles in the beginning of August 
1 190, landed at Ostia, he dismissed the cardinal 
<who in the name of the Pope came with a polite 
invitation that he would honour the capital of 
Christendom by a visit) with a refusal. In a previous 
century no king would have declined the like invita- 
tion ; on the contrary, a monarch would have con- 
sidered himself fortunate in entering the gates of the 
sacred city, habited as a pilgrim, to visit the graves 
of the apostles. But times were changed. Richard, 
the successor of pious Anglo-Saxon kings, who in 
ancient days reached the summit of bliss when they 
took the cowl in Rome, contemptuously informed 
the cardinal that nothing was to be found at the 
papal court but avarice and corruption.^ He passed Richard 
the city by, marching along the wooded and marshy uSS"^^ 
coast to Terracina,* and thence sailed to Messina, ^^^ ^'y 

^ See the letter D&mno Papa Theobaldus prafectus et Petrus Leonis 
(in Radulf de Diceto, p. 648) which describes the battle of Acre, 
October 4, 1189. 

' Roger de Wendower, Chronica^ ed. Coxe, iii. 26. 

' Richard's journey is given by R. Hoveden, p. 667* From Pisa 
to TaUmude (Cape Telamon); Porte Kere (Csere); pest Comet 
CivitaUn$ (Cometo) ; Son$s la veUe (in this case Civita Vecchia by 
mistake, since thb is the name given to Siena by Villani) ; Lefar de 
Rwne (the lighthouse of Rome) ; then to the Tiber. At the mouth 
of the river a beautiful solitary tower, and huge ruins of ancient walls 
(Ostia and Trajan's harbour). On August 26 through a forest quod 
dUiiur Sehe dene (the forest of Ardea), which is traversed for twenty- 
four miles via Marmorea ad modum pammenta facta (the Via Ardeatina 
which was still preserved). He then continued his journey post the 
fortress Lettun (Nettuno and Antium), where was a harbour formerly 
covered with copper. Then to the Cap de Cercel (Circello), on 


where he entered into n^otiations with the Sicilians. 
On December i6, 1189, William IL» husband of 
Richard's sister Johanna, had died, and the national 
party in the island had given the crown to Count 
Tancred, a natural son of Roger of Apulia, the eldest 
son of King Roger. Henry VI, husband of Con- 
stance, prepared to overthrow by force of arms the 
** usurper,** who had received investiture from the 
Pope. He was, however, prevented by troubles in 
Germany in the first instance, and by the death of 
Death of his father in the second. The aged Frederick, who 
Baiba- had formerly wished that fate, instead of sending 
j^^j^ him to Italy, had sent him to Asia like Alexander 
'iQo- * the Great, met his death in a Syrian river on June 
10, iigo. 

The immortal hero Barbarossa, the true imperial 
Colossus of the Middle Ages, lives in German 
history as an object of national pride, in popular 
tradition as the symbol of the return of glory to 
the German empire. But in Italy, although the 
character of the age may afford some mitigation of 
his conduct, his ravages and the ruin of noble cities 
furnish plentiful grounds for hatred. The obstinate 
struggle of the empire against the cities, or the 
quarrel for civic investitures, was no less important 
and salutary than the contest for the spiritual in- 
vestitures waged by the Henries. Had it not been 
for Frederick's despotic plans and wars, the freedom 

which was a fortress of pirates. On from Tarraoene to GaxiUa (the 
fortress Gar^liano), and to the fortress Le Cap del Esfunm (perhaps 
Sperlonga). Hie est divisio terrm Romanor, 9t terra rtigis Siciiia in 
ilia parte f qua dicitur principalus Capua* 

X  ' I 


of the cities would not have attained such rapid 
development, nor would these cities have won such 
speedy recognition of their political rights. Bar- 
barossa, contrary to his intentions, rendered at least 
this service to Italy, which resisted him so valiantly. 
The long and fatal connection between Germany 
and Italy through the empire will be denounced by 
such men as judge universal history by the narrow 
measure of the prosperity of the Fatherland ; outside 
this limited horizon the lament is vain and foolish. 
This only may we say, that, after the peace of Venice, 

\ Italy and Germany were already fully ripe for sepa- 
ration. By the Sicilian marriage, however, Frederick 
unfortunately reunited a tie that was already virtually 
severed, and the unity and power of Germany were 

*thus uselessly sacrificed to the domestic policy of 
the imperial dynasty and were condemned afresh to 
tedious wars beyond the Alps. 

The youthful Henry VI. coveted the imperial 
crown ; his envoys hastened to the Pope and even to 
the Senate, whose vote again commanded respect, and 
the legal standing of which the King promised to 
recognise.^ Clement III., troubled by the threats of 
Henry, who was irritated with the Pope for having 
given Sicily in fief to Tancred, fixed the coronation 
for the following Easter, but himself died at the end 
of March 1191. 

The cardinals immediately elected the aged 

* Roger HoTeden, p. 680 : If, — misif nuntios suos ad CUmetUem 
Papain^ et ad CardinaUs, et Senatores urbis: petms Romanum 
imperium, et promitiens, se in onmibtts leges et digniiates Romarwrtim 
servaiurum illasas, 

VOL. IV. 2 S 




Hyacinth, son of Peter Bobo, a Roman of the Orsini 
Ceiesiine * family, OS Pope under the name of Celestine II I.^ 
1191-xz^! Henry was already approaching with a large army, 
and Easter was at hand. The new Pope delayed his 
ordination in order to defer the coronation, concern- 
ing which negotiations were still pending. It was 
possible that the hostile attitude of the Senate might 
Henry also prove a cause of delay, and Henry VI. used his 
pedition to most Urgent entreaties in order that he might forth- 
iioT.^ with move against Sicily. The Romans availed 

themselves of these accidental circumstances to I 

recover possession of Tusculum. The afflicted town 
had for three years made a desperate resistance 
against the united attacks of the Pope and the 
Senate ; in their extremest need they had turned to 
Henry, begging for protection, and had accepted the 
German garrison which he readily gave them. The 
Roman envoys, however, declared that they would 
oppose his coronation unless he gave Tusculum into 
their hands ; that on the contrary, if he yielded, they 
would obtain his immediate coronation from the Pope. 
Henry consented to this shameful breach of faith, but 
threw the responsibility on the Pope, who allowed 
himself to be bound by dishonourable conditions. 
The coronation over, Tusculum was to be given by 
Henry to the Pope, by the Pope to the Romans.* 

' The Fi/ii C/rst\ quond, CcelesHni Papa Nepotes appear in the 
Vita Innoc, IIL (Muratori, ArUiq, It,, iii. 784). The connectioti 
between the Boboni and Ursmi is also shown by Grimaldi, Cod, Vaf,, 
6437, fol. 175. 

' Romani suppiicarunt D, CaUstino, ui amfequam R^^^em in Imp, 
ungifret, obiineret ab ipso, ut civiU TmculanenHum sibi rtdderei^^-ex 
quo Clemens exposuU — illos Romemis, R. Hoveden, p. 69a Code- 




Not until Menry drew near with a great military 
force did Clement allow himself to be ordained in 
S. Peter's on April 14, in order that he might, 
although unwillingly, perform the coronation the 
following day.^ The King entered the Leonina from 
the Field of Nero. Celestine crowned him and his Henry vi. 

'wife Constance in S. Peter's on April 15,* and theJa^^S^ 
next day the Germans pitched their camp on the^P"^'5 
slopes of Tusculum. The unhappy town soon 
suffered a tragic fall. It was given back to the Pope 
and by him surrendered to its destroyers, and the 

* Romans fell on their defenceless victim. Not a single 
stone was left upon another in the whole of Tus- 
culum, while', contrary to faith and treaty, the inhabi- 
tants were strangled or banished into misery. Such 
was the wanton caricature of the celebrated destruc- 

frid. Monach. (Freher, i. 259) : consecratio procedere non poitdt^ dame 
Imp, casirum TusctUanum in potestatem Papa ei Romanorum conira- 
didit, Sigeb., Cont, Aqidcifut.^ ad an. 1191. Arnold of Lubeck, 
Ckrcn, S/avor., iv. c, 4: The Pope wished to defer the coronation ; 
the Romans, however, sent to the King : /ac nobis justitiam de castellis 
tuis, qua sunt in Tusculano — et erimus pro te ad D, Papam^ ut 
coronam Imperii super caput tuum ponat. 

^ On April 2, 1 191, H, VLjuxta locum Anguillarie ratified the oath 
of security tendered to the Pope and cardinals by the princes of the 
empire, in his presence : Rouleaux de Cluny^ in Notices et Extrcuts 
des Manuscrits de la Bibl, Imp,^ t. xxi. 326, communicated by 

' Muratori, not to mention later writers, ridicules Hoveden's &ble 
of the Pope having first held the crown between his feet, and then 
kicked it from the Emperor's head, Roger says: Romani vero 
clauserunt portas urbis, et custodierunt ecu in manuforti et armata^ 
non permittentes eos intrare. The ceremonial of the coronation is 
given from Cencius in Mon. Germ, Leges ^ ii. 187, and Watterich, ii. 
711. There, as also in Toche, p. 187, it is shown that Emperor and 
Pope passed through the entire city to the Lateran. 

is crowned 


tions of Lodi, Milan, and Crema — a characteristic 

feature of this period of the emancipation and 

The destruction of cities. Owing to the twofold treachery 

daSw* I of Emperor and Pope, one of the oldest cities of 

Tu^um. Latium was destroyed for ever on April I7, iioi.^ 

April XX91, , . . .«,.,/-, 1 A 

In ancient times it had in the Catos bestowed re- 
nowned patriots on its much more youthful neigh- 
bour; in the Middle Ages it had given it tyrants in 
the shape of rude consuls and patricians, the Tus- 
culan counts, and popes, who, although for the most 
part bad, were some of them men of intellect and 
enei^. The name of Tusculum is associated with 
the darkest period of mediaeval Rome, and we cannot 
survey the melancholy ruins on the sunny heights 
without recalling memories of Marozia, the Alberics 
and Theophylacts.* The powerful family of the 

^ According to Hoveden, Henry gave it to the Pope the second day 
after his coronation ; the Pope gave it to the Romans on the third, 
tUque a Romanis destrucium ita, quod lapis supra lapidem non 
remansit. Bohmer, n. 2761, shows that on April 17 Henry was inter 
Urbem ei Tusculanum, On the 19th in silva Libertina (probably near 
Ferentino) ; on the 29th in Ceperano, Radulph de Diceto, Ymagines 
Histor,y p. 569: paschali feria IK Romani dmt, Tuscul, funditus 
diruerunt» Sicard, p. 615. Abbas Ursperg., p. 232: pro qua rt 
imperatori improperatum est a muUis. Godfried, Annal,, p. 259 ; 
Anon, Cassin, Chron, Mattd, Memorie di Tusculo, p. 194, invents 
a story that the Romans restored the Capitol with the stones of 
Tusculum: they had indeed stones enough of their own. The 
account given by Platina and Blondus is more deserving of belief, 
viz., that they brought some remains of Tusculum as trophies to the 
CapitoL The keys of the town are said to have been hung up on the 
Arch of Gallienus. These and other tales are related by the uncritical 
historians of Tivoli (Viola, ii. 173). 

' These ruins belong almost entirely to antiquity. No trace 
remains of the mediaeval fortress and churches. 


Counts of Tusculum disappeared or perhaps survived 
in branches in Rome and the Campagna, of which 
the Colonna is the most celebrated. These nobles 
also obtained possession of the ancient ancestral 
palace of the Tusculans beside S. Apostoli in Rome, 
where the counts had so frequently held their 
tribunals as Consuls of the Romans.^ 

The property of the ruined city fell, according to 
treaty, to the Pope ; ^ the remainder of the inhabi- 
tants went to swell the population of the surrounding 

The new Emperor marched from Rome to Apulia Henry vi. 
to dethrone King Tancred, and the weak Celestine ?ol!^u^, 

^ Raino ceded Lariano to the Pope in exchange for Norma and 
Vicolo on October 11, 1 179 (Murat., Aniiq. Jt,^ L 141). According to 
the terms of a treaty between Cencius Frajapane, his brother Oddo, and 
Raino, in 1185, the former and the curia decided to surrender Terra- 
cina and Circegium to the latter for Tusculanum and Monte Cavo. 
Published by the Austrian School in Rome in Studi e Dcc,^ A. 886, 
Doc. per la star, eccL e civile di Rorna^ n. xxx. The Tusculans also 
lost Astura, of which the Frangipani were masters in 1 193 (Cencius, 
fol. 121). Gigli pretends to have discovered an OttoKnus Domini 
Rainoms Tusculani de S. Eustachio Senator 'm 1197. A branch of 
the Tusculans, descended from Jordan, a son of Ptolemy, was settled 
in Gavignano in Volscian territory (A. 1181, Borgia, ffistor, di 
Vellelri, p. 247). 

- This was documentarily attested by the Senate on April 19^ 
1 191. Actum XLVIL A. Senatus Jnd, IX. m, Aprili die XIX. 
(Muratori, Antiq» It»^ iii. 788}. The act is signed by Senatores 
ConsHarii and twenty-eight Senators. 

' Borgia {History of VeUetri^ p. 253) is of opinion that from this 
time Molara, Rocca di Papa, Rocca Pergiura (now Priora), and 
Castello di S. Cesario became populated. The fiction that Frascati 
owed its origin to huts covered with foliage (JrascAe), which sheltered 
the roofless Tusculans, has ahready been refuted. Frascati existed as 
early as the eighth century. 


offered no opposition to his intention beyond useless 
prayers. The union of Sicily with the empire, which 
,ran counter to all the traditional principles of the 
popes, was a source of trouble, but Celestine was 
• powerless to prevent it After rapid victories and 
heavy losses in Apulia, Henry VI. was obliged to 
return to Germany in 1191, and the Pope, rejoicing 
in his departure, ventured the less to infringe the 
treaty concluded with the Romans.^ Celestine III. 
, was the only Pope who for many years spent the 
whole of his pontificate in Rome. AH exterior con- 
ditions favoured the continued existence of the 
republic, but interior circumstances prevented its 
vigorous development Christian Rome was capable 
of transient ebullitions in favour of freedom and 
greatness, but was deprived of genuine manly civic 
virtues through the Papacy. The priest-ridden city 
no longer produced a citizen of the heroic stamp of 
antiquity. The unfortunate people, who were con* 
demned to indolence, and whose year numbered 
more festivals than working days, lacked property 
because they lacked civic activity, and for this reason 
lacked also conscious dignity and force. The causes 
of the condition of the Romans are evident, and it 
was impossible that any people in the world could 
have permanently resisted their influence. The city 
guilds, if any survived, were too inconsiderable to 

^ In supplement to Bohmer I note the diploma in which Henrf 
absolves Gabbio, acta sunt hae A.D. MCXCL Ind. IX, R^. D. 
Henrico Sex, invict. A, Reg* ejus XXII, Imp, prime, £>mt* attie 
Neapolim per man, magni Henrici prethonet, Nonas Junii. The 
original with a gold bull is in the Archives of Gabbio. 


afford any support to the Roman middle class, which 
was poor and weak. It could not vanquish the 
patricians and captains, who, either allied with the 
Pope, or independent, now weakened, now shattered 
the republic.^ Had the nobility been of the same 
mould as the nobility of Genoa and Venice, a per- 
manent patrician government might have been 
formed in opposition to the popes, but the Roman 
nobles, engaged neither in commercial nor in s^i- 
cultural pursuits, were for the most part illustrious 
b^gars or vassals of the popes, of the bishops or the 
pious foundations in Rome. The Church had 
gradually reduced all these nobles to a state of 
vassalage, and had prevented, as far as she was able, 
the accumulation or settlement of family property .^ 
The property of the wealthy was consequently in- 
secure and passed from hand to hand. In reading 
the contracts of the time our surprise is awakened 
by the frequency with which fiefs and fortresses 
were bartered and exchanged. Only a few families, 

^ The guilds did not form themselves into political bodies until 
later ; the guild of merchants probably earlier than, the others. JVos 
PcUhjutUx nunatcrum UrHs €t Thomas dd Odiriscis ejus consiliarius 
. . . (Mscr, Vatican, of Galletti, n. 8051, p. 35). Galletti places the 
instrument, which has no date, at the end of the twelfth century. 
Judix is here equivalent to the consul mtrcatorum in other cities. 

^ If hereditary nobles remained in possession of fortresses, necessity 
soon drove them into vassalage to the Church. On January 11, 1 178, 
Adinulf and Landul^ sons of Gregory Pagani, ceded their rights over 
Falbateria to the Pope, who invested them with the fortress as 
feudum for twenty-nine years for 300 pounds. Noblemen thus became 
temporary tenants. Cencius, fol. 113, and from the Vatican original 
in Studi e Doc.^ A. 1886, n. xxvi. On January 1 1 Milo ei Rainucius, 
sons of Joh. Capparone, ceded Civit^ Castellana and Montdlto^ which 
they held in mortgage, to the Curia, n. xxxi. 


such as the Colonna and Orsini^ succeeded in found- 
ing actual hereditary lordships in the Campagna. 

When, after the peaces of Venice, of Constance and 

of Rome, the nobles perceived that the commune 

was acquiring stability, they renounced their previous 

The system of obstruction. The former consuls entered 

nobles the commune to make it aristocratic; members of 

comi*^e. ^^^ nobility filled the Senate, where it was easy for 

them to obtain election. After 1 143, the majority of 

the Senate was entirely plebeian ; nobles entered it 

by degrees, and after the time of Clement III. and 

^Celestine numbered more patricians of ancient 

lineage than burghers or knights.^ The competition 

for the Senate was so great that the normal number 

of members (fifty-six) was soon overstepped.* 

In consequence of these altered conditions a 

'revolution took place in 1191 ; the populace revolted 

against the aristocracy, overthrew tlie constitution, 

and placed, as in ancient times, a single man at the 

^ The Acts show that the majority of the Senators at this time were 
members of ancient fiunilies: Sassoni, Astaldi, Astolfi, Aniboldi, 
Oddi, Tebaldi, Senebaldi, Frenconi, Rainerii, Gul£erani, Farulfi, 
Berardi, Roffredi, Gerardi, Bulgamini (all Uiese axe German) : 
Mancini, Sarraceni, Romani, Rustic!, Sergii (probably Byzantine), 
Boboni, Ursini, Scotti, Ca£Eirelli, Curtebraca, Muti, Tosti, Ottaviani, 
Paremdi, Buonfiglioli, Capoccia, Manetti, P&pazorri, Pierleoni, 
Frangipani, Stefani, Malebranca, Latroni, Paparoni, Crescencii, 
Cencii. Only Corsi, Massimi, Normanni, or Conti do not appear in 
the Senate in documents at this period, but this, we believe, b merely 
an accident. The Frangipani recognised the Senate from 11 88; in 
1 191 Petrus Johannis Fraiapane is found amongst the Consiliatorii. 

* SefuUcridus, qui sunt, supra numerum quinquaginta sex Senaiorum, 
Qui numerus in fitu pradecessorum ejuseU Calestini summi Pani. 
diffiniius cwUimUir, Instrum. of May 28, 1 191 (Muiat, Ant. Jt,^ iv. 



head of the Government This may have been done 
in imitation of other cities, which towards the end of 
the century had entrusted the authority to a sole 
ruler, instead of to the hitherto ruling consuls. The 
Romans no longer called the head of their republic 
Patricius, nor as in other Italian towns Podestk, but 
Senator or Summus Senator. This dignity they be- 
, stowed on Benedict Carushomo, a man undoubtedly Benedict 
of middle-class origin, who had seized the power ^^" 
during a revolt. The government of many hadsummus 
shown itself weak ; the rule of the one immediately 1191. ' 
proved strong, for the Senator Benedict deprived the 
Pope of all revenues both inside and outside the city, 
and appointed his judges in the provincial districts 
also.i The Pope would not at first recognise Bene- 
dict, but he afterwards yielded and consented to the 
change in the constitution. 

Rome perhaps owes to this Senator the first 
municipal statute which it issued and which was 
ratified by the entire people.^ A few isolated notices 
concerning Benedict's activity have come down to us, 

' Et status Rom, EccU pessimus eraiproeo^ quod a tempore Bene- 
dicii Cariseum (sic I) Senatum Urbis perdiderat^ et idem BenediciuSy se 
ipsum faciens Senatorem^ subtraxerat illi Maritimam et Sabiniani^ 
suosjustictarios in ittis constituens, Gesta Innoc, JIL^ in Baludus, 
/. f., 8, Moreover, Ep. Innoc,^ lib. iL n. 239: saprfatus enim B^ 
cum seipsum intruserit in senatoriam dignitatem^ nee apost, sedis 
favarem kabuerit^ ad quam institutio pertinet Senatorum,^atnen ad 
eafuit tempore procedente receptus, 

^ This is evident, as Vendettini remarks, in the words of the above 
quoted letter of Innocent: Dictus autem B, Carosomi^ quoniam 
statutum quoddam emiserat, a populo Rom, approbatum . . . the 
tenor of the statute, relating to a legal case, follows. It was un- 
doubtedly one of a series. Genoa possesses statutes of the year 1143 ; 









And it might perhaps have gratified the eneigetic 
Senator to know that his memory is still preserved 
in a monumental inscription in Rome. His office 
lasted about two years ; he was then overthrown in 
a revolt and was long kept a prisoner on the Capitol.^ 
Giovanni Capoccio was now created sole Senator.^ 
This Roman belonged to one of the families of the 
smaller nobility, who owned towers beside S. Martino 
and Silvestro, some of which still remain erect. He 
also governed with enei^.^ On his retirement he 
was succeeded in office by Giovanni Pierleone.^ A 
fresh revolution took place, however, about 1 197 ; tlie 

those of Pistoja are perhaps still older. Mon, Hist, ad Ptwindas 
Parmensem et Placentinam pertinentia^ Parma, 1855, i., Prefiue, and 
Raggi's Pre£Bioe to the Genoese Statutes in Man. Histor, Patrue^ 
Leggi MunicipaH, p. 236. The first statutes of the consuls of Pisa 
date firom 1 162 (Bonaini, Statuti inedtti dclla Citth di Pisa dal XIL 
al XIV. secoio^ Flor., 1859, L L and iii : ii. is missing). 

^ Ifwidiofn contra se exciiat Ramananun — Mf CapitoUc oisidthtr ei 
capitur^ capttuque diu in custodia ttnehtr. {Puueii XVIIL ex Ckro- 
nologia Rob. AUissiodorensis^ p. 260.) 

' He witnesses an Act of Henry VI. in Monte Fiascone on October 
28, 1 196, in which appear Petrus airne urdis Prmf,^Joann€s Capmakeus 
(read CapocctHs) Senator Romanm. Muzi, Memorie civiH di Citth di 
Castelio, L 19. 

' Roger Hov., p. 746 : BemetSctus Camskomo, qui regnmnt super 
eos duodus aums, et deinde hadttenmt aUum Senatorem, qui vaeatus 
est Johannes Captuhe^ qui • • . regnamt • • • aliis duob^ anms, in 
quorum temponb. melius reigebaiur Roma, quam nunc temporib. 
56 Ssnatorum. Mscr. Vat., 7934, contains the history of the Capocd 
written by Joh. Vincentius Gipoccins in 1623 ; it is of very little use 
for the early period. The family, which, according to the author, 
came firom Florence, does not appear in Rome before 1073. 

^ That Pierleone succeeded Capoccio is shown by £p. n. 239, Inno* 

centii IIL, which speaks, in connection with Capoodo, of the tempom 

Johanstis Petri Leonis Senatoris UrHs. According to the same letter, 

Pierleone was succeeded by several Senators : efus jurisdictio end in 


old constitution of fifty-six Senators and the execu- 
tive committee of Consiliatores was restored. And 
since the Senate was at this time essentially com- 
posed of captains, the change must have been due to 
the feudal nobility themselves.^ 

In the struggle of factions in the commune and in 
the mania for novelty, peculiar to all democracies, lay 
the Pope's only hope ; he therefore prudently left the 
Romans to themselves. The Papacy was severely 
threatened, Henry VI. having subjugated Sicily after Hemy vi. 
King Tancred's death in 1 194- The perfidy with sSi^fTiS^ 
which this unscrupulous prince exterminated the last 
descendants of the Norman dynasty and the Norman 
nobility roused the national feeling of Italy.^ The 
Lombards, menaced by a new imperial despotism, 
saw the freedom which they had so heroically 
acquired threatened with ruin. Henr>% as formerly 
his father, bestowed thie public oflices in Italy on 

froximc desiiura, supplicaiuni fuU ob eandeni causam stucessoribus 
efus Senatoribtis jani electis* 

^ Roger Hoveden wrongly places the restoradon of the fifty-stz 
Senators in the year 1 194. Another revolution took place immediately 
after, and one Senator was appointed ; the Gtsta Imtoe,^ c. viL, 
show that when Innocent III. was ordained, there was only one 
Senator : comiUmUbus prtrfecto et Sttiatort. 

' We may admire the audacity of Henry's schemes, but they do not 
alter our moral judgment of his conduct Even Toche cannot ex- 
ooemte him from participation in the murder of Bishop Albert, and is 
forced to censure his cruel treatment of Salerno (in 1194), as also of 
the Sicilians, and his unchi\'alrous conduct towards Richard. Carl 
Lohmeyer, De Rickardo Anglia Rege cum in Sicilia commcranU^ turn 
in Girmania detente : Konigsbeig, 1857. Ad. Cohen, Heinrich F/., 
Rom. und l/nteritaHen, Ferschunf^, z. Deutsck, GescA., vol. i. 
Further the calm judgment of E. Winkelmann, Philipp von Schwaben 
und Otto IV. (1873), i., Introduction. 


Germans; he made his brother Philip Duke of 
Tuscany and invested him with the estates of 
Matilda.^ Conrad of Uerslingen had already re- 
ceived Spoleto in fief, and the General Markwald the 
Romagna and the Marches. Henry's power encom- 
passed the State of the Church like a ring of iron. 
Heocca- He occupied the Patrimonium as far as the very 
sZeoi gates of Rome.^ With more than youthful intre- 
Sd «Sv» P^^**y» ^^ foolish exaggeration, the son of Bar- 
to restore barossa conceived the ideal of the empire; he 
imperial dreamed of the restoration of imperial universal 
nghts. supremacy, of the enslavement of Italy, of the de- 
struction of the Gregorian Papacy. He wished to 
recover the imperial rights in Rome which his father 
had renounced, and, endowed as he was with a spirit 
so energetic, he would undoubtedly have succeeded 
had he been granted a longer life. The City Prefect 
maintained a lasting opposition to the Pope, whose 
official he refused to be. His position hitherto, owing 
to the imperial investiture, had been too independent 
and respected for him calmly to bear the prospect of 
its loss. We consequently find the prefects at this 

^ On July 31, 1 195, he calls himself PhUippus dux Tuscie et damin, 
totius poderis comitisse Matildis: Bohmer, Rtg, Imp,^ ed. Ficker 


' Gesta Itmoc, III,^ c 8 : H,^-cccupaoerai Mum regnum Sicilian 
totumq, patrim, Ecch usque adportas Urbis^ prater solam Campaniam^ 
in qua tamen plus timebatur ipse quam Papa, Roger Hoveden, 
p. 773, knows of a war between the Romans and Markwald in the 
Marchia Guamerii (in 1197). As early as 11 85 we find Conradus 
Dux Spoleti et Comes Assissi in a document (Fatteschi, Mem. di 
Spoleto^ p. 124). An inscription in the cathedral in Temi of 1 187 
gives him this title, and speaks of Ccnsuies Terannenses (Angeloni, 
Hist, di Temif p. 85). 



time constantly in Henry's retinue, which they pur- 
posely hastened to join. Henry VI. also drew the 
Frangipani to his side. The Frangipani, at this time 
the most powerful vassals of the Church, opposed a 
permanent defiance to the popes, who were obliged 
to leave them in possession of the seaport of Ter- 
racina. Here they ruled as despots and frequently 
soothed the rebellious commune by treaties.^ 

In November 1196 the Emperor set forth on his 
last expedition to Sicily, accompanied by the Prefect 
Peter, by Markwald and Conrad of Spoleto, and 
marched through Roman territory to Tivoli, Pales- 
trina, and Ferentino.2 He did not touch Rome, but 

^ See the peace between them and Terracina, June 28, 1185 
(Contatore, ii. c i) ; true, it says salvafidelitate^ et m<tndato D, Papa 
et Rom, Curia vid, Cardinalium ; but this was not of much import- 
ance. Nos Terracinensess juramis vobis D, Leoni^ et D, Roberto, et 
D, Henrico, et D» Manueli et vestris haredibtts, ^uod ad hoc die in 
antea erimus vestri recti fideles. That Henry VI. maintained the 
Frangipani in their dominion over Terracina is shown by Contatore. 
These Consuls of the Romans seem to have been hereditary Counts 
Palatine of the Lateran. 

* He was in Tivoli on November 16, in Palestrina on November 
27, in Ferentino on December 4, Toche, Suppl. i. Peter was Prefect 
in 1191 (Mirseus, Op, dipioni,, i. c. 68, where a diploma of Henry VI. 
ctnte NeapoUm XV, KcU, Julii is signed Petrus Urhis R, Prof,), 
According to Godefrid. Monach., Otto was Prefect in 1192 ; he says 
that Constance per Ottonem ill, Rotnanor, praf. Imperatori redditur. 
The Prefect Otto Frangipane has already been mentioned in 1186. 
We found the Prefect Theobald in the Crusade of 1 189 ; the Pope 
had probably invested him with the office in 1188, and Otto remained 
rival Prefect in Henry's camp. Peter is again Prefect in 1195 
(Murat., Ant, It,, IL 809). He also appears in the diploma of 
Henry VI., November i, 11 96, apudFu^neum: Petrus praf, urbis 
et Tebaldus frater ejus, et Marquardus dapifer Marchio Ancona 
(Memorie LuccAesi, iii. 134). Jordan Petri Leonis fought as captain 
on Tancrid's side against Count Bertold ( CAron, Fossa Mov. , A. 1 190). 


from Tivoli held n^otiatiofis with the P<^ concern- 
ing the coronation of his little son Frederick, which 
ihe anxiously desired^ Rome was suffering from a 
famine, and the Pope begged Heniy to relieve it by 
supplies of com.* The ill-treated Sicilians rose 
against the tyranny of the Emperor, whose own wife 
joined the rebels. Henry quenched the insurrection 
with an inhumanity unparalleled save in the histCMy 
of Asiatic sultans; but after having reduced the 
flourishing kingdom to a desert, he was himself 
Death €i removed by death. Henry VL, in whom some of the 
ix^ ''.great qualities of a ruler were united with unscrupu- 
lous want of honour, avarice, and the barbarism of a 
despot, died at the age of thirty-two at Messina, on 
September 28, ii97- He was followed to the grave 
by Celestine HI. on January 8, 1198. The heir of 
, the dread power of the empire was a helpless child, 
under the guardianship of a bigoted Sicilian mother; 
the heir of the impotent Pope, however, was one of 
the greatest characters in the annals of the Papacy. 
The good fortune of the Church was unbounded.^ 

" Toche, p. 436. 

^ S. Lowenfeld, Ep, Pant, R(m. ined,^ n. 421. 

' The gigantic work of the Annals of Baronius ends with the death 
of Celestine III. I shall begin VoL V. with Innocent III. It has 
been granted me to write every line of this history in the deep silence 
of Rome, and I deem myself happy in having been able to pursue the 
work during this memorable Present, which has given a new direction 
to the fortunes of the illustrious dty. [This volume was b^;un on 
November 8, i860, and was finished on April 27, 1862. Victor 
Emmanuel entered Naples on November 7, i86a Gseta capitulated 
February 13, 1861, and Francis II. and his Queen took refiige in 
Rome. Victor Emmanuel was proclaimed King of Italy, March 14, 
1861 ; Cavour died June 6, i86i.--Translator.] 



I. Absence of Culture in Rome in the Twelfth 
Century — ^The Law of Justinian — Canon Law — 
Collection of Albinus— The Liber Censuum 
OF Cencius — The Continuations of the Boojc 
OF THE Popes — Dearth of Roman Historians — 
The description of S. Peter's by Mallius; of 
THE Lateran by John Diaconus. 

Throughout the entire course of the twelfth 
century the intellectual life of Rome remained half 
barbarous as before; a fact which is sufficiently 
explained by the continued struggles of the Church 
with the emperors, or with the Roman people, the 
almost constant exile of the popes^ and a series of 
revolutions in the city. 

In the twelfth century the sacred chair was 
occupied by distinguished men, but among the 
sixteen popes who filled it, only four, and these by 
no means the greatest, were Romans by birth. 
Several of these men had received their education 
abroad, more especially in France, where, during the 
time of Abelard, Paris had become a celebrated 
school of dialectics and theology. We have already 
spoken of the close ties which existed between 
Rome and France after the time of the Frenchman 
Urban II. If in earlier times the order of Cluny 


had been the means of uniting the two countries, 
the great reorganisation of monasticism under Ber- 
nard of Clairvaux in the twelfth century made this 
alliance firmer and more permanent. Political and 
ecclesiastical relations closely bound the Papacy to 
a country which constantly offered it shelter. The 
whole of Italy, at enmity with Germany, maintained 
an intellectual intercourse with France, and it is 
significant of the period that the greatest genius 
among Italians of the age, the scholastic theologian 
Peter Lombard, not only taught in Paris, but died 
there as bishop in 1 160. 

We have seen the influence of the contrary- 
doctrines of two celebrated Frenchmen in Rome ; a 
pupil of S. Bernard ascended the sacred chair, a 
pupil of Abelard imparted his own enthusiasm for 
political ideas. If a cardinal had formerly complained 
that poverty prevented the Romans from frequent- 
ing foreign schools, and had thus explained their 
ignorance, things were entirely different in the first 
half of the twelfth century. Many noblemen's sons 
went to Paris to study.* In Rome itself, however, 
neither the presence of the learned Bernard nor the 
foundation of his monastery ad Aquas Salvias, nor 
the French education of several popes did anything 
to promote learning. Neither the Acts of the 
Council, nor any other notices throughout the entire 
century show that anything was done for the cause 

^ Roma tihi sues docendos (ransmiHebat aiumncs, et qua dim 
omnium artium scientiam solebat infundere^ sapientiarem te esse 
sapiente^ &^c,, thus writes Falco to Abelard (in Tiraboschi, iii, 275). 
This applies also to succeeding times. 


of literature ; for a praiseworthy decree of Alexander 
III. of the year 11 79, which ordained that every 
cathedral church should found free schools for the 
clergy and poor scholars, had only a general applica- 

Calixtus II. found Rome sunk in a state of bar- 
barism that must have moved him to despair. Other 
learned popes had been prevented from devoting any 
permanent attention to educational institutions by 
the brevity of their reigns or their disputes with the 
commune. Since the time of the reformer-popes, 
the holy chair had been surrounded by the best 
energies of the Church, and the College of Cardinals 
invariably numbered men prominent for theological 
attainments. These men, however, seldom belonged 
to Rome. In no single department of culture had 
Rome produced a citizen of conspicuous ability 
during the twelfth century, nor had a school of any 
reputation flourished within her walls. 

The period is rendered memorable, however, by 
the revival of the science of Roman law. That the 
Pisans captured in Amalfi the only copy of the 
Pandects existing in Italy in 1135, and that the 
discovery gave rise to a revival of the study of 
jurisprudence, is, it is true, merely a fable. Thejuris- 
knowledge of the law of Justinian had never been P™**®"**^ 
lost in Italy. But during the eleventh, and still 
more during the twelfth, century the study of law 
received an additional impulse. We have seen 
both emperors and republicans appeal to the laws 
of Justinian as a foundation for their claims. The 

^ C&ncil, Lateran», A. 1 179, Capit. xviii. (Tiraboschi, iii. 248). 
VOL. IV. 2 T 


Italian municipal constitution repudiated its historical 
beginning, in order to discover its origin in Roman 
law. It might have been supposed that Rome would 
have been the natural soil for the pursuit of this 
study, since the Code of Justinian had never been set 
aside in Rome through German invasion. Since 
Lothar's Constitution of 824, and since the time 
of the Ottos, the foreign national codes became 
gradually disr^arded in the city until, under the 
Emperor Conrad, Roman law alone prevailed. The 
Judex Romanus, which received its name from 
Roman law, had been uninterruptedly taught in 
schools, by means of compendia, since ancient times. 
And if other Italian cities now zealously prosecuted 
the study of the law of Justinian, the restored Senate 
on the Capitol had surely still greater occasion to 
study it. Is it not probable that this study was 
revived with vigour in Arnold's time ? The Senators, 
who wrote to Conrad, showed themselves well versed 
in ancient legal ideas. The monks in the abbey 
of Grotta Ferrata also gave evidence of their know- 
ledge of the law of Justinian, when in 1140 they laid 
their complaint against the house of Tusculum 
before the Pope.^ It is consequently impossible to 
doubt that Rome produced learned commentators 
on the Pandects. No school of law on a laige scale, 
however, existed in the city. This honour was left 
to the University of Bologna, which in the twelfth 
century enjoyed the protection of Frederick I., and 
where celebrated jurists, such as Irnerius, Bulgarus, 

^ Studi e Docum. tU Storia e Diritto^ 1S86, Alibrandi, OsseroasHoni 
giuridieh* sopra il ricorso d^ monaci di GroitaferrtUm . . . 


Martinus, Jacopus, and Hugo, gathered around them 
pupils from eveiy country to found a new science. 

The marked division of the city from a legal 
standpoint into two bodies, the civil and canonical, 
could be explained by the great preponderance of 
the ecclesiastical element and by the insignificance 
of the Roman School of jurists ; but Canon law 
itself was preferably taught at Bologna. About the 
year 1 140 Gratian, a Tuscan, here founded a more 
complete collection of ecclesiastical laws than had The 
hitherto existed. This celebrated law book of the o?^ots 
Middle Ages remains, now that criticism has long°^^^*^*"« 
exposed the fictions contained within it, the legal 
colossus of barbarism and darkness, under whose 
spell mankind lay for so many centuries. It falsified 
the legal conceptions of Church and State in 
order to secure die dominion of the world to the 

Collections of another kind are important for the 
fuller understanding of the civil economy of the 
Church of that period. Precisely at this time the 
need was keenly felt of decisively establishing every 
thing that belonged to the regalia of the sacred 
chair, whose right to its possessions was disputed 

^ Gratian compiled the concordia dUcordantittm canonum in the 
monastery of S. Felix at Bologna ; he therein accepts the ancient 
fidsehoods concerning Constantine's Donation and the Pseudo- 
Isidorian Decretals, as well as other fictions. His predecessors were 
Regino, Burkhard of Worms, Ivo of Chartres, and the Gregorians 
Deusdedit and Anselm of Lucca. Sarti, de Claris Archigymnas. 
Bonon^ professoribus^ i. 247. Bernard of Pavia, under Alexander 
III., added the decretalia FrntiJUum, until Gr^^ory IX. completed 
the collection. 


on so many diflferent sides. The popes ordered the 
collection of all documents that referred to the 
Dominium Temporale from the time of its founda- 
tion. The Archives of the Lateran and ancient and 
modem collections showed great gaps, for many of 
the documents had vanished and others had been 
falsified. Of the oldest registers of the administra* 
tion of the Church domains before Pipin's time 
nothing had been preserved. We noticed the first 
collection of this kind made by Cardinal Deusdedit 
And as the Papacy now beheld its property en- 
dangered by the dispute concerning Matilda's patri- 
mony and the claims made by the city of Rome to 
the regalia of S. Peter, documentary proofs of the 
rights of the sacred chair were largely collected. 
The task was set on foot by a cleric called Albinus 
in the time of Lucius III.* 

His comprehensive work was resumed in 1192 by 
Cencius, a Roman of the Savelli family and Chamber- 
lain under Clement III. and Celestine III. His 
surname of Camerarius was frequent after the time 
of Honorius III., and shows that the administration 
of the papal finances was conducted by the director 
of the Apostolic Chamber who bore this title.* Cen- 
cius compiled the register of the rents of the Church, 

I Gesta pauperis Scholaris Albini. Cod, Oitobon,^ 3057, a beauti- 
fill parchment MS. He had ahready collected Canons to complete 
Gratian's nine books ; he then came to Rome, where Lucius III. 
made him a deacon. Concerning him, see Cenni, Monutn,, L pzae&t. 
n. 25, and tom. ii. 

' Later called Cardinal Camerlengo. With respect to these matters, 
see A. Gottlobi Am der Camera ApostoUca des i^/ahrh,^ Innsbrilck, 



in which the total revenues of the Lateran Camera 
from every province were noted. The earlier Liber The u^er 
Censuutn of Albinus consequently begins with theofCendus 
Provinciaky or gec^aphical review of the provinces ^ 
and cities of the former Roman empire. The Orbis 
Romanus of the Notitia had thus become the Orbis 
Ecdesiasticusy and the papal Lateran continued the 
geographical registers of ancient imperial Rome.^ 

We observe that the rents were extraordinarily 
small in the Book of RevenueSy although the great 
number of people who were obliged to pay tribute 
made the total a large one. The bulk of the revenue 
was derived from churches and convents in different 
parts of the world, which stood under papal patron- 
age and law, and which paid an annual '' pension" 
for the privilege. Rents were, moreover, received 
from bishops, princes, nobles, and castles, from which 
tribute was exacted under various titles. The great 
register of these taxes is consequently in the highest 
degree instructive.* 

^ The Codex of Cencias begins : Jncipit liber censuuni Ram. Eccl, 
n CtnHo Camerario composUus^ secundum antiquorum patrum Regesta 
et memorialia diversa. A. iftcam. dni MCXCIL Pont. CeUstmi Pp. 
IIL A. IL The Uher Censuum of Albinus (De redditibus omnium. 
Prcvinciarum et Ecciesiar.y qui debentur Rom. EccL) has been 
edited by Cenni {A/on,, il) with the Provinciaie; the Liber Censuum 
of Cendus by Muratori, Antiq, Ital,y v. 852-908. No complete 
edition of Cencius has ever been publi^ed. The Cod, Riccardianus 
of the thirteenth century in Florence deserves notice. A second codex 
in the same library dates from 1388. Rome possesses several MSS. of 
Cencius, the oldest of which is that of the Vatican, 8486 : Paul Fabre, 
itude sur un Afscr, du liber Censuum, Ecoie frtm^, de Rome, 
Milangesy 1883, p. 328 f. P. Fabre began the edition of Cencius in 

^ England alone annually paid 300 marks de denario b. Petri, Swe- 


The Liber Censuum further contains leases from 
the eighth century onwards; donations and privi- 
leges since the time of the Carolingians ; ^ the 
Norman oath of vassalage; treaties with princes, 
nobles, and cities; treaties of the popes with the 
emperors and the city of Rome ; formulae of oaths 
taken by bishops, judges, senators, and castellans ; 
the Ordo Romanus, or the Book of Ritual^ the inven- 
tory of all ceremonies and r^^lations belonging to 
Church festivals, the election and consecration of 
popes and bishops, the coronation of the emperor 
and of kings ;^ fragments from the regesta of the 
popes ; a papal chronicle ; and even the Mirabilia^ or 
the description of the city, are given by Benedict^ 
Albinus, and Cencius. 

den and Norway : singuii lares ^ ptoneiam ejusdem terre.-^Rex Sici/ie 
debet pro Apulia^ Calabria et Marsia looo tcifatos, Genoa paid 
a pound of gold yearly for Corsica ; Aragon, 500 manctxsi of gold» 
The revenues from Rome are insignificant : only the rent of five 
churches and a Marabotin from the tower at the pons Judeontm are 
registered. From the Canipania Terra Domini Papa die Bishops of 
Anagni, Ferentino, Alatri, and Veroli furnished sixty yards of cloth 
and 200 porringers (ScttUUas) at every papal coronation. The 
manufactures of cloth and pottery are still the only industries of this 
district. Ostia furnished two ship-loads of wood ; Anticoli 4* 
Scapulas pordnas, et solidos XX, ^ et Z. placentas in festo Nathntatis, 
Many Italian churches paid in natura, wax, pepper, cloth, wood, 
cakes, incense, oiL The rents from the /euda of the barons are not 
noticed ; and they were insignificant. 

* They begin with the well-known Hadrianus Papa optinuit a 
Karolo rege Francorum et patricio Romanor, The Donation of 
Constantine is at the end ; nor is Matilda's bequest absent 

' Several books of ritual are edited by Mabillon in his Mns, 
Italicum, The Ordo of Benedict, a Canon of S. Peter's under 
Innocent II., is specially deserving of notice ; then follow the Ordines 
of Albinus and Cencius. 


These works thus contain a wealth of material 
badly transcribed and unsystematically compiled. 
They are of priceless value in the history of the city ; 
for since the papal regesta of these centuries perished, 
and since these regesta, as the letters of Gregory VII. 
shoWy only referred to ecclesiastical affairs, the rela- 
tions of the Papacy to the State of the Church would, 
in the absence of these collections, have remained 
completely unknown to us. Through their means 
alone have we any knowledge of the papal house- 
hold, of the system of administration and feudal 
relations, and of many other matters of practical 
and historical interest. The collections of Albinus 
and Cencius are consequently the most important 
foundation for a diplomatic codex concerning 
the Dominium Temporale of the Popes, and are 
therefore of imperishable value.^ 

Of the actual writing of history in Rome there was ConUnua- 
no thought during these centuries. The sole work ^^\^^ 
of the kind consisted in the official continuation o{^^^- 
the recognised Catalogue of the Popes. One-sided^^' 
although the character of these biographies in the 
twelfth century may be, they are nevertheless highly 
valuable on account of their official character, and 

^ The collection of Albinus does not extend beyond Adrian IV. 
That of Cencius was continued into the fourteenth century, and im- 
mensely amplified. The work was resumed by the Cardinal of Aiagon 
(who died in 1362). Theiner's Cod. Dipl. Domimi Temporalis S. Sidis 
(began in 1861, in three volumes) owed its origin to a similar 
necessity. Although incomplete, it possesses the merit of presenting 
for the first time a great number of documents collected in chrono- 
logical order ; for the similar work undertaken by Platina in the time 
of Sixtus IV. remained unpublished. 


from the fact that they were occasionally compiled 
by men belonging to the Curia, who had taken part 
in the actions which they describe. The writers 
were occasionally stirred by great events to forsake 
the traditional style of the Catalogues and to give a 
greater amplitude to their work. The lives of the 
popes from Victor III. to Honorius II. were com- 
piled by their contemporaries Peter and Pandulf of 
Pisa, men who rise above all\^ previous contributors to 
the Liber Pontificalis. The (piographies of Paschalis 
II. and Gelasius II. are more 'ipspecially distinguished 
by the number of facts, and Tin their simple brevity 
are occasionally dramatic. ; They are interesting 
from the fact that the authors had taken part in the 
events they relate.^ 

The schism of Anaclete II. put an end to these 
biographies, since both authors embraced the cause 
of the anti-pope.* The continuation of the Liber 
Pontificalis after Innocent II. again assumes its 
former character of a catalogue, and only with the 
life of Adrian IV. and the important reigfn of Alex- 
ander III. (although only until the peace of Venice) 
are the biographies given in greater detail by a well 
informed contemporary.* 

^ See the AU. MonatschrififUr Wiss. und IM. (April 1852), where 
Giesebrecht has treated these sources of papal histories. 

* Papebroch, A ^.t p. 207. Peter of Pisa was one of the three cardi- 
nals who defended Anaclete before Roger. Bernard later effected a 
reconciliation between him and Innocent Manrique, AnnaL CisUrCy 
A. 1137, 1 138, a I. 

^ These Vita were first printed by Baronius as acta vaiicana, {CotL 
^^•» 1437)* It ^ the same Book of the Popes which was published 
by Muratori under the name of the Cardinal of Aragon (died 1362} ; a 


During the whole of the tumultuous course of the 
twelfth century Roman historiography produced 
nothing beyond these fragmentary records. Neither 
in the convents of the city nor (with the exception 
of Fossa Nova and Subiaco) in the convents of 
Roman territory was any chronicle compiled at this 
period. Godfrey of Viterbo, who sung Frederick's 
deeds in a poem, and framed a chronicle of uni- 
versal history under the title of Pantheon^ must 
be reckoned as belonging to that town, although 
the origin of his family is unknown. It is much to 
be regretted that while the rest of Italy produced 
important historical works, due in part to cultivated 
statesmen in the flourishing cities, the revolution in 
Rome found no annalist^ While the judge Falco 
wrote the chronicle of Benevento in 1 140 ; while the 
Consul CafTaro was commissioned by his State to 
compile the annals of Genoa; while Bernard Mar- 
separate continuation of the History of the Popes from Stephen V. to 
Alexander III. A portion of it was transcribed by Cencius as the 
Chronica Romanar, PcfUif, Giesebrecht shows that the author was 
Boso, an Englishman and the nephew of Adrian IV., whose life and 
that of Alexander III. were written by him. He was Cardinal of S. 
Cosma and Damiani in 1159 and Magister Camerarius. (Muratori, 
Ant,t u 675. ) The Vita /'., under the name of the Cardinal of Aragon, 
were^ it is believed, compiled between 1254 and 1265. K Fabre 
{icolefr,^ Milangesy 1886, p. 157). The Liber Pontificalis again stops 
with the pontificate of Alexander III. 

^ The AnnaUs Romani(Cod, Vat,^ 1984, published by Pertz, Mon, 
Cerm,^ yii., then by Duchesne in the Lib, Pont^^ vol. ii, 1889), partly 
the work of writers of imperial sympathies, are scarcely to be called 
annals. The revolution in Rome is not touched upon in them, the 
period after Calixtus II., with the exception of a fragment concerning 
Barbarossa, remains unnoticed Bethmann, Archiv, der Gesell. fiir 
deutsche Gesch,^ xi, 841. 


angone wrote the earliest chronicle of Pisa ; while two 
judges of Lodi, Otto and Acerbus Morena, and the 
Milanese Sir Raoul described Frederick's deeds, and 
Hugo Falcando put together a valuable fragment of 
the Norman history of Sicily (from 11 54 to 1169X 
there were unfortunately in Rome neither laymen 
nor clerics to emulate men such as these. 

Priests instead compiled some writings of a docu- 
mentary nature about their churches. The ancient 
basilicas of the city, like kingdoms, found their 
historians in the course of time, and what could 
offer more attractive material than S. Peter's and 
Peter the Lateran ? Peter Mallius, Canon of S. Peter's, 
wrote a description of this basilica, which he dedi- 
cated to Alexander III. An accurate account of 
the temple in the twelfth century would have been 
of great value, but Mallius's document is nothing 
more than a meagre, collection of notices. It goes 
back to the building under Constantine, and dwells 
at length on Charles and his donation of the State 
of the Church. Mallius's chief aim was to prove by 
documents the foundation of the rights of his 
cathedral, and this, as also the enumeration of 
buildings and votive gifts, was taken from the Liber 
Pantificalis and the papal r^esta. In his little 
pamphlet are collected historical and statistical 
matters, details of ritual, descriptions, the list of the 
papal tombs, the inscriptions of which he has pre^ 
served ; and even in its imperfection the work is 
remarkable and instructive as the first independent 
monograph treating of S. Peter's.^ 

^ Mallius's work was published for the first time by De Angelis as 


Its pendant is the oldest description of the Lateran 
basilica, by John, a canon of this church. It was 
compiled by command of Alexander III., and is of 
no slight value for the history of the Lateran, more 
especially after the reconstruction of the church by 
Sergius 1 11.^ 

These monographs are based on a twofold species 
of literary production of the time, the Ordtnes 
Romanty or ritual books of the Church, and the 
Mirabtlia. Mallius drew portions from both one 

Dtscripiio Basil. VeUris Fa/icana, Rome, 1646; then better by 
Janning as ffisf. Basil, AntiquaS. Petri A^st, in Vat, {Acta Sctor,^ 
vii. Jun., pp. 37-56). See concerning him De Rossi, Inscr, Christ, 
Urbis Roma^ voL ii. pars. L (1888) p. 193 f. Not until the fifteenth 
century was the description oi S. Peter's continued by Maffeus Vegius 
(De Rebus aniiquis memerabil. Basilica S, Petri Roma), The 
literature produced concerning the cathedral from this time onwards 
would fill a small library. 

^ Johannis Diaconi lib, de eccl, Lateran, (Mabillon, Mus, Ital,^ ii. 
560). Appendices are added until sac, 13 ; a description is inserted 
of S. Maria Maggiore. Alexander III. probably had books of this. 
kind compiled for all five basilicas. It agrees with Mallius in many 
points. According to him there were eighteen diaoonates: S, 
Adrianus, Agatha in Equo Martnoreo, S, Angelus, Costna et 
Damianus, Eustachius, Georgius, Lucia in Circojuxta Septa SoUs. 
Lucia in capite Subura {Juxta Orphea), Maria Nova ; in Dominica / 
in Scola Greca ; in Porticu ; in Aquiro ; in Via Lata. NicoL in 
Carcere, Quiricus, Sergius et Bacchus, Theodorus, Twenty abbeys t 
Alexius. Agatha in Subura, Anastasius, BasiHus juxta PalaHum 
Trajaniimp, Blasiusincantusecuta, Casarius in Palatio, Cosma 
et Dam* in Vico Aureo (Trastevere). Gregorius in CHvo Scauri^ 
Laurentius in Panispema, S, Maria in Pallara ; in Castro Aureo, 
PaneratiusinViaAureHi, Saba, Silvester inter duos hortos, Thomas 
juxta Formam CUmdiam, Trinitatis Scottorum, Valentinus in Via 
Flainmia, There were besides smaller convents which are found in 
the Ordo Rom, , xil , according to which at the end of the twelfth century 
Rome had about 300 churches and convents. 


and the other. Thus he borrows from them the 
following account of the Vatican Borgo and Tomb 
of Hadrian. " The grave of Romulus, which is called 
Meta, stands in the Naumachia near S. Maria in 
Transpontina ; it was panelled with the ms^ificent 
stone of which the staircase of S. Peter's is con- 
structed. It is surrounded with a travertine pave- 
ment of twenty feet, with a cloaca, and with its 
flower^arden. The Terebinthus of Nero stands in 
its neighbourhood, as high as the fortress of S. 
Angelo, and panelled with wondrous stone. This 
building was round and formed of two tiers, like the 
fortress; its edges were covered with stone plates 
wjiich served instead of eaves. The Apostle Peter 
was crucified near this building." ^ 

'* There also is the fortress which was the memorial 
of the Emperor Hadrian, as we read in the sermon 
of the holy Pope Leo, on the feast of S. Peter, where 
he says: *the Memoria of the Emperor Hadrian.' 
It is a temple of marvellous size, entirely covered 
with stone and adorned with various histories. It is 
surrounded by brass rails, with great peacocks and 
with a bronze bull ; two of these peacocks are now 
found in the fountain of the Paradiso.* Four horses 

^ The Terebinihus Neranis of the Mirabilia^ of Mallius, and of the 
Ordines refers to the legendary turpentine tree, in the neighbourhood 
of which Peter was said to have been buried. Mediaeval legend oat 
of this tree constructed a great monument, similar to the Meta Romulu 
This fabulous monument appears in many representations of Rome, 
for the first time in a view by Cimabue. J. Strigowski, Cimabtu und 
Hom.^ 1888, p. 79. 

^ The bronze pine-cone and two peacocks belonging to the Canthams 
in S. Peter's, destroyed under Paul V., are still to be seen in the 


of gilt bronze stood at the four corners of the temple ; 
at each fagade were bronze doors, and in the middle 
of the building stood the porphyry tomb, which is 
now in the Lateran, and in which Pope Innocent is 
buried. Its cover is in the Paradiso of S. Peter's, 
over the grave of the Prefect" (viz., Cinthius, the 
friend of Gregory VII.). 

Mallius copied these fantastic accounts with but 
little alteration from the Mirabilia. 

2. The Mirabilia Urbis Romm, 

The twelfth century favoured the earliest studies 
of Roman archaeolc^y. The Senators, who flattered 
themselves that they had restored the republic on 
the Capitol, calling to mind the monumental splen* 
dour of ancient Rome, rebuilt in imagination the city 
of wonders of their ancestors. In spite of the ruth- 
less destruction of centuries, Rome was the oldest 
city in the West, and an antique, if decayed, spirit 
still survived, which asserted itself among the people 
and came into collision with the Church. At the 
time of the restoration of the Senate, the Graphia The 
and Mirabilia assumed the form in which they have urHs 
come down to us: they were henceforward dis-t^f*^* 
seminated in transcripts, but were also reduced to nature of 
absurdity by ignorant copyists. The two works, ^'^"8:*"* 
which are different recensions of the same substance, 

court of the Belvedere. According to tradition, the Pigna once 
adorned the summit of the Pantheon, and not the Mausoleum 
of Hadrian: Lacoor-Gayet, La Pigna du Vatican (EcoU franf,^ 
M4langeSt 1881, p. 312 f.). This, however, is merely legend. 


if they do not purposely reject ecclesiastical Rome, 
nevertheless turn with decided preference to the 
Pagan city. And this preference excited so little 
surprise that even the papal archivists, such as 
Benedict, Albinus, and Cencius, incorporated the 
Mirabilia in their official collections. The mention 
of the graves of Innocent II. and Anastasius IV., 
of the towers of the Frangipani and the Pierleoni, 
finally of the Palace of the Senators on the Capitol, 
shows that this description of the city was completed 
in the latter half of the twelfth century. And 
although older ingredients, more especially the 
Book of Imperial Ceremonies^ of the time of the 
Ottos, have been added to the Graphia, its compila- 
tion is also due to the same period; nor have we 
any Codex of the Mirabilia of older date than the 
twelfth century. 

Between the Curiosum Urbis^ or at least between 
the Anonymous of Einsiedeln and the Mirabilia^ 
there intervenes a chasm of centuries spanned by no 
connecting link. The description of the city, which 
was amplified from the account in the Curiosum^ 
doubtless grew up by degrees : portions of it were 
known to the chroniclers of Soracte, and the entire 
account may have been pieced tc^ether in the 
twelfth century. The piecemeal origin of the Mira- 
bilia^ at any rate, cannot be denied; nevertheless, 
the original recension is missing. In the second 
half of the twelfth century Roman and Italian 
authors, the Canon Benedict, Albinus and Cencius, 
Godfrey of Viterbo, Peter Mallius, Romuald of 
Salerno, and later Martinus Polonus and Signorili, 


made use of the Mirabilia^ sometimes made extracts 
from it, and occasionally incorporated it and retouched 
it in their works.^ 

In this curious composition, written by an un- 
known scholar, concerning The wanders of the City 
of Rome, Roman archaeology, which has now 
attained such appalling proportions, puts forth its 
earliest shoots in a naYve and barbarous form and in 
a Latin as ruinous as its subject The good sense 
and absurdity, the accurate knowledge and pardon- 
able mistakes therein mingled, are not wholly put 
to shame by the pretentious learning of later and 
present-day archaeologists, whose opinions, if united, 
would reduce Rome to a labyrinth utterly offensive 
to the historian. It is intensely interesting to picture 
the aspect of the city in the twelfth century, when 
its majestic ruins stood, not as skeletons and illustra- 
tions of a science, skilfully cleansed, railed off and 
excavated to their base, but transformed, as they 
were at this earlier period, into defensive towers 
bristling with the weapons of fierce consuls, or into 
picturesque dwellings, or abandoned to nature. 
Many ruins which have now disappeared, or which 
have lost their marble decoration, stood in the twelfth 

^ I do not believe that the MirabiUa are a product of the twelfth 
century at the earliest. They must have been planned in the time of 
the Ottos. William of Malmesbury (Degestis reg. Anglor.^ iii. c. 2) 
does not seem to have known the work. He only quotes an ancient 
catalogue of the graves of the martyrs, under the rubric of the four- 
teen gates and roads, and these localities were entirely altered at the 
time when he wrote in the first half of the twelfth century. The 
conception Mirabilia, entirely peculiar to the twelfth century, is 
popular ; that of Graphia is scholastic. 


century erect in the midst of streets, and were known 
to the people now by correct, now by l^endary, 
names. In reading the Mirabilia surprise is awakened 
by the number of buildings which remained even 
after the Norman fire. For although the description 
of the city still enumerates many places and monu* 
ments, which had either been altered or had perished 
in the twelfth century, it nevertheless frequently 
describes and mentions others that actually survived. 
We can test its accuracy in many places by 
comparing the notices with contemporary books of 
Church ritual, which throughout give the same 
popular names of the monuments. The ritual books 
describe the route taken by the papal procession 
through Rome, and clearly determine it by buildings 
and streets. On certain festivals, instead of riding 
in gilt carriages, the popes performed the distance 
barefoot. The wearied and aged men rested at 
appointed stations, where couches (lectult) were 
prepared in public for their use;^ or they rode, 
surrounded by their court and crowned with the 
regnunty on a white mule {albus palafredus\ which 
had a silver bridle and was covered with purple. 

The Ordo of the Canon Benedict of the year 1143, 

in the Codex of which we actually find the Mirabilia, 

describes the route taken by the procession as 

iTie Via foUows : " The Pope proceeds across the (Lateran) 

ao^Stog ^^^ ^y S- Gregorius in Martio, passes under the 

^HMiia ^^^ ^^ *^^ Aqueduct {Martia, from which S. 

^ One of these couches stood on the Bridge of S. Angelo. In some 
churches a foot-bath was kept ready for the pope. See the Orda 


Gr^ory receives its name), to the Great Way, goes 
to the right past S. Clemente and turns to the left 
towards the Coliseum. He goes through the Arcus 
AurecEi (an arch which leads to the Forum of 
Nerva), past the Forum of Trajan (that is, the Forum 
of Nerva) as far as S. Basilius (now delle Annunzia- 
tine), ascends the hill near the Militias of Tiberius 
{Torre delle Milizie)\ descends by S. Abbacyrus, 
passes S. Apostoli, turns to the left to the Via Lata, 
turns aside by the Via Quirinalis, passes S. Maria in 
Aquiro, proceeds to the Arch of Pietas, then to the 
Field of Mars past S. Tryphon near the Posterulae 
to the Bridge of Hadrian. He crosses the bridge 
and issues through the Porta Collina in front of the 
Temple and fortress of Hadrian ; passes the obelisk 
of Nero, traverses the portico near the Tomb of 
Romulus, and ascends to the Vatican, the Basilica 
of the Apostle Peter." 

'' As soon as the Mass is finished, he is crowned in 
front of the basilica, where he mounts his horse, and 
so crowned returns in procession along the Sacred 
Way. Having passed through the portico and 
crossed the bridge already mentioned, he goes under 
the triumphal arches of the Emperors Theodosius, 
Valentinian, and Gratian, and approaches the Palace 
of Chromatius, where the Jews sing their hymn of 
praise. He further proceeds through the Parione 
between the Circus of Alexander (now Navona) and 
the Theatre of Pompey ; down through the Portico 
of Agrippina (at the Pantheon) up through the 
Pinea (Region or Piazza della Pigna), near the 
Palatina (the ancient site called ad Pallacenas near 

VOL. IV. 2 U 


S. Marco), past S. Marco, thence through the Arch 
of the Hand of Flesh (Manus Camea\ through the 
Ciivus Argentarius between the block of the same 
name {Basilica Argentaria) and the Capitol ; ascends 
in front of the Mamertine prison {privata Mamertint) \ 
then proceeds under the triumphal Arch (of Severus), 
between the Templum Fatale (Arch of Janus) and 
the Temple of Concord, further between the Forum 
of Trajan (Nerva) and the Forum of Caesar ; through 
the Arch of Nervia, between the Temple of the same 
goddess and the Temple of Janus ; ^ upwards past 
the Asylum through the paved street where Simon 
Magus fell (the ancient Via Sacra) near the Temple 
of Romulus (Basilica of Constantine). He then goes 
through the triumphal Arch of Titus and Vespasian, 
which is called after the Seven-branched Candle- 
stick ; descends to the Meta Sudans, in front of the 
triumphal Arch of Constantine, turns left in front of 
the Amphitheatre and so returns by the Sacred Way 
{Sancta Via) past the Colosseum to the Lateran«'' ^ 

^ Subinirat arcum Nervia inter templum ejusdem Dea et tempium 
Jam; the Temple of Minerva in the Forum of Nerva, which had 
been begun by Domitian* The mighty ruins of this temple were first 
demolished by Paul V. An Arch of Janus built by Domitian, called 
by the people Area di Noi^ stood here. Bunsen (Stadtbeschr,^ iii.) 
has shown that by the Forum of Trajan the Ordo meant that of 

> Ordo Rom, XL auct. Benedicto (MabiU., Mus. Ital., iL 143). 
This passage is one of the most valuable notices of mediaeval 
archseology. The procession moved in a wavy line through the 
Forums, which shows that in many places the way was obstructed by 
accumulations of ruins. Thus the part of the Forum adjoining the 
Capitol was buried in dust ; close to the ruined base of the G)lttnm of 
Phocas stood a tower called del campanarOy or di paUara^ where tax 
was levied on cattle. Cam. Re, // Campidoglio elesue adiacetae nei 


Thus a new Via Sacra had arisen for Christian 
pomps. The last portion of this route, extending 
from the Colosseum to the Lateran, was caJled 
Sancta Via; and the papal processions purposely 
made their way through the ancient triumphal arches 
of Paganism. Along the papal route Christian monu- 
ments alternated with Pagan ruins; but even the 
books of ritual of the time spoke of the latter with 
a decided preference. The book of the MirdbUia 
enumerates all; even the palace of the Prefect 
Chromatins in the r^ion Parione, where the Jews 
stationed themselves, is not forgotten. It describes 
this Roman building, which then survived in ruins 
near S. Stefano in Piscina, as Templum Olovitrettm^ 
that is to say, " entirely inlaid with mosaic, entirely 
made of glass, crystal, and gold with magic art, and 
provided with an astronomy of the heavens." It is 
also aware that Sebastian with Tiburtius, son of the 
Prefect Chromatins, had destroyed this marvellous 

sec, XIV, (BuU, Coni,^ x. 98). The Temple of Romulus, which 
Becker (i. 377) explains as adts Penatium^ Bunsen as that of Venus 
and Rome, can here only be the Basilica Nova of Constantine. 

^ Ad S, Stephan, in Piscina palatium ChromtUii prctf, Templum 
quod dicebaiur olovitrewn^ tottun factum ex crystallo et auroper arUm 
mathemcdicam^ ubi erat asironomia cum omnib, signis ccsli. This is 
taken by the Mirabilia {Cod, Vai,, 3973) from the Acta S, Tiburtii 
Martir, ac Chromaiii, See Acta Sanctor,^ August 11, t. ii. 622, 
February 23, p. 372, where Chromatius says: habeo cubicu/um 
Molovitreum, in quo omnis disciplina stellamtn ac mathesis est 
mechanica arte constructat in cufus faJbrica pater metis Tarquinius 
amplius quam ducenta pondo auri dignoscitur expendisse. Remains 
of this ancient palace were discovered when the church of S. 
Sebastian on the Via S. Lucia was destroyed. Urlich, in Rom, 
Stadtbeschr.f iii, 3, 84. 


The Ordo Romanus thus proves the topographical 
accuracy of the Mirabilia ; and in other cases also 
this description of the city, in spite of its barbarous 
style, repeatedly shows the accuracy of its observa- 
tions, which the archaeology of the present day is 
obliged to confirm. Its author drew from various 
other sources beside local traditions. The Curiosum 
and Notitia formed his oldest authorities ; he rejected, 
however, their division of regions as being no longer 
adapted to his time. He satisfied himself with the 
somewhat altered summary of the walls, gates, hills, 
and bridges.^ The still important rubrics : palaces, 
baths, triumphal arches and theatres, are given by 
him without enumeration; he dwells on them by 
preference, but presents them very confusedly. For 
the benefit and pleasure of the pilgrim he goes on to 
enumerate the churchyards and places celebrated in 
the history of the martyrs — information which he 
derives from the Books of tlie Stations belonging to 
the various churches, the Pontificale and the martyro- 
logies. One of the ingenuous copyists of the Book 
of the Mirabilia, steeped in the study of the Calendar 
of the Saints^ confuses the Fasti of Ovid (much em- 
ployed by the author of the Mirabilia) with a martyro- 

^ Murus cvuUaiis R. habet turres 361, casteUa ^^propugfu 6900, 
portas XII, sine trtmstiberim, Posteruie V, (Albinus and QxL Vai^y 
3973). A circumference of 22 miles, which is fedse. The numbers, 
which differ from those of the Anon, of Einsiedeln and Benedict of 
Soracte, agree almost entirely with the Graphia, The later recension 
of Prague (printed by Hofler in Papencordt's Gtsch, der Stadt Rcm^) 
inserts the survey of the Campiy Basilica^ Via, and the Statues, with 
distortions of the Notitia and with additions. The compileis of the 
Mirabiiia were well acquainted with the ancient breviaries. 


logy of Ovidius.^ Then follow some sections in 
different order, according to the different recensions ; 
of the Pine Cone which stood in Rome; of the 
Capitol ; of the Temple of Mars in Rome ; of the 
Marble Horses ; of the judges of the Emperors in 
Rome ;^ of the Column of Antoninus. Finally with 
many repetitions the description is given of the 
Vatican and S. Angelo, the Tomb of Augustus, 
the Capitol, the Forums, the Palatine and other 
hills, and the history of the bronze horse in front 
of the Lateran. The building of the Pantheon and 
Agrippa's vision are also added. 

A few extracts suffice to show the manner of de- 
scription in general adopted by the Mirabilia : " Here 
(at the side of the Forum) is the Temple of Vesta, in 
whose interior the dragon is said to sleep, as we read 
in the life of S. Sylvester ; and there is the Temple 
of Pallas and the Forum of Caesar and the Temple 
of Janus, which, as Ovid says in the FasH^ foresees 
the year from the beginning to end. Now, however, 

^ Sicut reperitur in marthHogio Ovidii de fastis; in Albinus : 
tnarthihgio Ovidii de faustis; in Romuald: marthiplcgio. . . . We 
see how a more correct original must lie even behind these the best 
recensions. The nonsense in them frequently provokes laughter. 
The Porta Septimiana is explained by the Mirabilia: ubi septem 
laudesfiterunt facta Octaviano, The Grapkia : septem Naydes juncte 
Jano (likewise the Mirabil, of Albimus). The Graphia : In palatio 
NeraniSf quod ex latere et rana dicis Lateranum ; a copy adds to 
rana: quam latenter peperit Nero, The name Quirinal: quia ibi 
stabant Quiritis, A goddess Nervia was created out of Nerva. 

' De judicibus Imperatorum in Roma; only a fra^;ment of the 
larger diapter of the Graphia. The Mirabilia have rejected, as 
antiquated, the last portion of the Graphia, which is a book of imperial 
ritual of the time of the Ottos. 


it is called the tower of Cencius Frangapane." The 
ruins of the Palatine, also called Palantius Mons^ are 
but briefly noticed: "Within the Palatium is the 
Temple of Julius ; in the front of the Palatium the 
Temple of Sol ; on the same Palatium the Temple 
of Jupiter, which is called Casa Major^'^ Of the 
Circus Maximus : " The Circus of Priscus Tarquinius 
was one of wonderful beauty, and so graduated that 
no Roman interfered with the view of another. 
Arches inlaid with glass and yellow gold stcod on 
the summit; the houses of the Palatium stood 
above where the women sat in a circle to watch the 
game, when it was given, on May 14, Two Agulia 
(obelisks) stood in the centre, the smaller eighty- 
seven feet high, the greater one hundred and tw^enty- 
two. At the entrance and on the summit of the 
triumphal Arch stood a horse of gilt bronze, which 
seemed about to rush on the course, as if a warrior 
were going to charge with him : on the arch at the 
other end a second horse of gilt bronze. The seats 
of the Emperor and the Queen, whence the games 

^ Palatium majus in Pallanteo monte; and the Graphia: PalatiuHt 
magnum monarchia orbis ; in qito seeks et caput totius mundi est, ei 
palatium Casarianum in Palanteo, The imperial palaces are aJso 
always designated palatium majus in plans of the city in the Middle 
Ages. The Palatine is the one of all the hills of Rome which 
suffered least from the Middle Ages. Much still remains to be dis- 
covered here. The Ex-King Francis II. sold his share of the imperial 
palaces (they were held by five different owners) to Napoleon III«, 
for whom Pietro Rosa first made excavations. The Ex- Emperor of 
the French then sold his portion to the Italian Government in 1S70, 
and henceforward Signor Rosa has continued his excavations with 
success. The recent discoveries here are consequently connected 
with the &11 of two monarchs. 


could be seen, were also at the summit of the Pala- 
tine." " In front of the Temple of Trajan, where its 
doors still remain, was the Temple of Zeus." " Near 
the Schola Greca was the Temple of Lentulus ; on 
the other side, where the tower of Centius De Origo 
now stands, the Temple of Bacchus.^ In Elephantus 
stood the Temple of the Sibyl, that of Cicero in Tulli- 
ano, and the Temple of Zeus, where was the golden 
arbour, and the Templum Severianum."* **In the 
Field of Mars was the Temple of Mars, where the 
Consuls were chosen on the kalends of July, and re- 
mained until the kalends of January ; if the Consul 
elect was free from offence, he was confirmed in his 
consulate.^ The Roman victors placed in this temple 
the rostra of vessels, which formed a spectacle for 
all nations." " On the summit of the fagade of the 
Pantheon stood two bulls of gilt bronze. In front of 
the palace of Alexander were two Temples of Flora 
and of Phoebus. Behind the place on the spot now 
occupied by the Shell was the Temple of Bellona, on 
which was inscribed : — 

Roma vetustafui: sednunc nova Roma vocabor: 
Eruta ruderibus culmen ad altafero^ * 

1 This may be the present so-called Temple of Vesta or that of 
Fortmia Virilis. The templum LenMi {Leniis in the Graphia) was 
the Arch of Publius Lentulus Scipio between the Tiber and the 
Aventine, on which Poggio still read the inscription. 

^ The Templum Jovis and Severiimum belonged to the Portico of 
Octavia. I have already noticed the ruins of S. Nicola in Carcere 
Tulliano in another passage. 

' Sipurus erat a crimine iUe qui electus erat Consul, conjirmabaiur 
ei Consulaius. The manuscript of Prague adds the remarkable words : 
propter quod factum muHi adhuc eonsules romanorum vocantur, 

^ Thus also the Graphia, A large ancient basin or conca stood, 


The Mirabtlia frequently designate the monuments 
of antiquity by the churches which were built within 
their ruins, and we see that they occupied themselves 
almost exclusively with such monuments. The 
book thus contains nothing more or less than the 
archaeological knowledge of Rome, in an age when 
Italy made the courageous effort to shake off the bar- 
barism of the Middle Ages, the rule of priests, and 
the tyranny of the foreigner, at one stroke. The Book 
of the Mirabtlia consequently appears the logical 
consequence of the archaeological restoration of the 
ancient city in the time of the formation of the free 
commune. And we may suppose that it was con- 
sequently the favourite study of the Senators at the 
time. That its compiler could have been other than 
a Roman is impossible. He expresses with convic- 
tion the essentially archaeological aim of his book 
in the following words : " These and many other 
temples of the Emperors, Consuls, Senators and 
Prefects existed in this golden city in Pagan times, 
as we read in ancient annals, and have seen with our 
own eyes. How they shone resplendent with gold, 
silver, bronze, ivory and precious stones, we have en- 
deavoured as far as we were able to describe for the 
benefit of posterity in this book,"^ 

as on other piazze, as an ornament in front of S. Eustachio at this 
time. The Conca Parionis in the neighbourhood of the Theatre of 
Pompey is also mentioned. 

1 This sentence, which is incomplete in the Graphia and other 
recensions, runs thus in the Cod, Vat,, 3973 : hac et alia mu&a 
templa et palatia imperatorum, comu/um, senaiarufn, prefectorumque 
tempore pagatw^m in hac romana ur6e, sicut in priscis annaHhis 
iegimus et oculis nostris vidimus, et ab antiquis audivimus : ptemta 



The archaeologist of the present day still owes a 
debt of gratitude to the scholar who compiled the 
work, and if criticism enable him to separate the true 
from the false, may derive much benefit from its 
pages. The author was an investigator and the fore* 
runner of Flavius Blondus ; and to him belongs the 
credit of the first attempt to reconstruct the ruined 
city and to trace the plan of its historic monuments. 
But the real Roman city is veiled not only in the 
MirabUia, but in all other archaeological books as 
well, as it were in a troubled moonlight The pro- 
gress of time covers all the creations of history, how- 
ever great and splendid, with dust. After genera- 
tions search with pretentious pains to discover 
evidences of the past, in order to arrive at half the 
knowledge once possessed by every child^ 

etiam essent pukhrUudmis auri et argerUi^ heris et eboris pretiosorurn 
lapidum^ scriptis ad posterum memonam quanto melius potuimui 
reducere urammus. This is not given by Mont&ucon's MirabiUa, 

^ The editions of the Mirabilia begin with the Roman ones at the 
end of sac» zv. That of Montfancon is of the year 1702. Later 
editions are those in the Effemeridi lUerarte di Roma, i. ; of GrSsse ; 
Hofler; and Urlichs. The last Roman edition was published in 
1864. Then Gustav Parthey's Mirabilia Romtt e codicib, vat. 
emendaia^ Berlin, 1869. Since Herr Parthey did me the honour of 
dedicating his work to me, I here express my thanks to that scholar. 
The best and oldest recension is contained in the codices of Canon 
Benedict (Liber Polypticus in the Vallicelliana) ; Cod. Vatican., n. 
3973 (Chronicle of Romuald) ; Cod, Ottobon,^ n. 3057 (Albinos, from 
which Cencios drew his material). This, according to de Rossi's 
opinion, contains the earliest recension ; but this also points to a 
better original, which is no longer found, and de Rossi himself agrees 
with me in tins view: Roma Sotterran.^ i 158. There are still 
several other codices, also outside Italy, more especially of later date 
than the thirteenth century. The Anonymous Magliabecchianus of 
the fifteenth century, published by L. Merklin, Dorpat, 1852, is a 


3. Legends of Roman Statues — Virgil in the 
Middle Ages — ^Virgil as Prophet and Necro- 
mancer — Virgil the Enchanter in Rome and 
Naples — ^Accounts of him at the end of the 
Twelfth Century — ^Description of Rome at 
this period by the Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela. 

The archaeological book of mediaeval Rome gives 
rise to some other considerations. It is curious in this 
age of romantic fiction to find that the character of 
the Mirabilia remained so pronouncedly achaeolc^- 
cal, that the legendary element was almost entirely 
relegated to the background. While the Churdi 
cherished the legends of the mairtyrs, she avoided 
profane traditions ; the taste for fable, moreover, is 
foreign to the Italian people, whose country — filled to 
overflowing with historic figures — and whose dear 
skies are unfavourable to the visions of dreamland. 
The Mirabilia contain surprisingly few legends : 
almost all (and this is characteristic of Rome) refer 
to the statues. 

At a time when the art of sculpture had perished, 
its noble remains within the city must have awakened 
admiration ; foreign pilgrims, more especially if 
possessed of the culture pf Hildebert of Tours, must 
have been roused to an almost Pagan enthusiasm at 
the sight of these works, or must have considered 
them as the product of magic art. More immediately 
and more vividly than all other remains of antiquity, 

compilation from the Regionanum^ the MinUnlia^ and other topo- 
graphical accounts. 


the Statues represented the ideals of the classic The 
world to the populace, who had foi^otten and nOandUie 
longer understood the poetry of the ancients. No Jj^^ 
artist was an}nvhere able to fashion a marble figure centre 
such as those which remained, like strangers from them, 
another world, in the midst of ruins of baths and 
temples. The gods of Greece looked out of the eyes 
of lonely statues on a barbarous race, which had been 
roused by the Crusades and the East, and, at a time 
when Roman law and the Roman republic were re- 
stored, began to remember the beauties of Paganism. 
The precious l^end of the Marble Venus is signifi- 
cant of this tone of mind in Rome. A youth play- 
fully put a ring on the finger of the goddess, which 
she retained as a wedding-ring. This interesting 
fable reveals a slumbering consciousness in the 
human mind of its indestructible connection with 
ancient culture. It heralded a knowledge of a return 
to the beautiful forms of Pagan art.^ The legends, 
however, which were associated with the statues of 
Rome only testify to the fact that these lost works of 
Greek genius remained uncomprehended by a race 
that had relapsed into barbarism. They could only 
be seen in Rome ; in no other place, without making 
excavations, were there to be found so many statues 
of marble and bronze. The fables of the Roman 
statues, although in some cases undoubtedly due to 
the excited imagination of Northern pilgrims, may as 
probably have been invented by the Romans as by 

^ Very pleasingly related by William of Malmesbary (Z^ Gutis reg, 
Anghr.^ iL c. 13). This l^end provided the material for the opera 
of Zampa or the Marble Bride. 


fordgners. The curious story of the bronze statue 
on the Field of Mars, who pointed with one finger 
to the earth, while on his head were inscribed the 
words " Strike hne " (Jucptrcute /), and the meaning 
of which was discovered by the celebrated Pope 
Gerbert, sprang undoubtedly from the brain of some 
pilgrim, who dreamed of enchanted treasures in sub- 
terranean Rome.^ The legend pointed in truth to the 
mysteries of the antique world which lay buried 
beneath the soil of the city. How often when walk- 
ing through the ruins of the Forum, in the Field of 
Mars, or in the deserted baths, might we not halt 
and cry ^ hie percuie" I For countless statues still 
remain buried waiting for the magic word, or the 
accident which will burst the covering of their 

The Mirabilia inform us that Romulus erected his 
golden statue in his palace with the motto : ^ It will 
not fall until a Virgin gives birth to a child," and 
that immediately on the Saviour's birth, the statue 
fell to the ground.^ They relate the suggestive 

^ William of Malmesbury, c. lo. Gerbert had excavations made 
on the spot where the shadow of the finger touched the ground, and 
descended into a subterranean enchanted palace. 

' PaUUium RotntUi inter S, Mariam Novam et S. Cosmaiem^ ubi 
sunt due tdes Pietatis et Concordie, ubi posuii Romulus statuam sueun 
auream dicens : Non cadet^ donee virgo pariet* Siatim ut peperit 
virgCi stcUua ilia corruit (Mirabilia, ed. Parthey, p. 5). The 
Palace of Romulus is in the Mirabilia now the Basilica Nova, as is 
here evident from its position ; now the double Temple of Venus 
and Rome, which was called odes pietatis et concordiee in the 
Middle Ages. Jordan (7<;»^., ii. 508) has rejected my opinion, but 
L. Duchesne has acknowledged it as correct {Acole Jr., M4lemg€s, 
1M6, p, 3a). 


legend of another statue which spoke to the apostate 
Emperor Julian and enticed him back to Paganism.^ 
Even their chief profane legends refer to statues, and 
the reader of this history is already acquainted with 
the curious anecdotes relating to the equestrian 
statue of Marcus Aurelius, the two marble colossi 
and the sounding statues on the Capitol. 

The ancient fable of the statue of the Campidoglio 
was later associated with the cycle of legends which 
centred round the " enchanter Virgil," and we may 
here express our surprise that the author of the 
Mirabilia scorned to reproduce the legends concern- 
ing Virgil in his work. The verses of Rome's 
greatest poet, which were declaimed by rhetoricians 
long after the fall of the empire, were no longer 
recited in the ruins of Trajan's Forum. The use of 
the Italian language already rendered it difficult to 
understand them ; the Latin Muse, even the Muse 
of epigram, was almost silent in Rome during the 
twelfth century, while she elsewhere put forth fra- 
grant blossoms such as the songs of the wandering 
scholars. It would be a difficult task to discover the 
hidden school of any grammarian who explained the 
jEndd or Eclogues to his pupils. Nevertheless, we 
have no doubt that the knowledge of Virgil still sur- 
vived in Rome ; the writer of the Mirabilia was also 
acquainted with Ovid, while Horace, the man of the 

^ Ad S, Mariam infantana (on the Esquiline) futi Umplum Fauni^ 
qiiod simulacrum locutum est Juliano et decepit eum. In the Chronicle 
of the Emperors it was the statue of Mercury, which is lying in the 
Tiber, that led Julian astray. Massmaun, UTaiserchron., iii. 874. 
The Mirabilia in the Cod, Vat,, 4265, contain the legend that the 
statue of Veronica spoke to Charles the Great. 


world, was less accessible to this rude generation.^ 
Antiquarian discoveries in Rome were explained 
through Virgil, as is shown by the account of 
Grave of William of Malmesbury, who relates that the grave 
of Pallas, son of Evander, was discovered about 
1045. The body of the giant, he informs us, was 
found in perfect preservation, with a wound on the 
breast four feet long, as it had been inflicted by King 
Tumus. A burning taper was also found in the 
vault, which could not be extinguished until a fissure 
was made below the flame. It was impossible that 
the English annalist could have described the grave 
in such terms, had he not already received the 
account of its recent discovery from Roman anti- 

The survival of Virgil in the Middle Ages affords 
a favourite subject for study and explanation in our 
days. We know that since the time of Constantine 

^ Outside Rome anthologies {ftoscolt) were compiled from Viigil, 
Ovid| and Horace. See the Specula HistoriaUy lib. vi c. 63, of 
Vinoentius Burgundus (about 1240). 

' William of Malmesbury, ii. c. 13. Tunc carpus PaUantis fiHi 
Evandri^ eU qtto Virgilius narrate Roma repertum est ilUbatum ittgcnii 
stupore omnium* They even pretend to have discovered the epitaph : — 

Filius Evandri PaUans^ quem lancca Tumi 
MilUis occidiif more suojacet hie. 

The annalist considered that it had been written by Ennins or some 
other poet. We may imagine how great was the multitude of antiq- 
uities discovered in Rome at this time, and the injuries they lecdved. 
Metal and valuable stone only were not thrown away. In a lease of 
S. Maria in Trastevere of 11 75, the custody of certain finds is given 
to the tenants : ei si oHquod metaUum sive de me^oribus iapidibms 
plus vaitms XI L dtuanas pp. iH imfemem medieMem dicU mcstre 
eecUsia^ 6v. 


passages of Virgil's poems, the Fourth Eclogue more 
especially, were r^arded as Christian prophecies. 
The Muse had inspired the poet who lived on the 
borderland between two ages with some gifted 
verses, which accidentally appeared to prophesy the 
birth of Christ,^ and never have the subtle flatteries 
of a poet or his ideal longings after a golden age 
been more richly rewarded than were those of Virgil, 
The unconscious Pagan was elevated to the rank of 
a prophet of the Messiah, he became the favourite 
poet of the Church and of the credulous Middle 
Ages, and for centuries his books were quoted as 
the oracle of a sibylline seer, and appeal was 
blindly made to them in the same way as it is 
now frequently made to the Bible. The l^endary 
character of the Virgilian muse is one of the most 
interesting phenomena in the history of the human 
imagination, linking together, as it does, different 
epochs and different modes of thought Thus one 
of the most beautiful of all legends, which unite 

* These are the well-known lines of the VI. Eclogue : — 

Ultima Cumcsi veniijam carminis atas; 

Magnus ab itUegro saclarum nasdfur ordo ; 
Jam redit et virgo : redeunt Satumia regna^ 
Jam nova progenies calo demittiiur aito .... 

By the virgo Viigil intended Astrea to be understood : the puer was 
the son of his patron Asinius PoUio. Even Dante says: Virgo 
namque vocabaturjtistiiia^ quam et Astream vocabani (de Monorchia^ 
i c. lo). Cola di Rienzo also rejected the Messianic interpretation 
of the lines : guamquam hoc carmen mmnulH magistrones erronei 
Apostolicas propheHas deserentes^ pro virgine matre Dei a Hieronyma 
in prcemio super Genesi redargutiy duxerunt fore dictum : Nicolai 
Tribu$U Romani ad Guidon, Bonon, Card. Orotic^ in Petrarca, op. 
p. 1 126. 


antiquity with Christianity, is the legend of the vision 
of Virgil's patron, the Emperor Octavian, to whom 
the Sibyl, about to take leave of mankind, shows the 
Virgin and the infant Christ^ 

If the Church honoured Virgil as a species of 
Pagan Isaiah, the populace transformed him (and 
this at a surprisingly early date) into a philosopher, 
mathematician, or enchanter of the first rank. In 
such guise was he known to the Romans at the time 
of the Mirabilia ; the legend of Virgil, the enchanter, 
however, was not native to Roman soil, but had been 
transplanted from elsewhere. It is strange that the 
Mirabilia, in relating the vision of Octavian, never 
refer to Virgil, and that the legend of the sounding 
The statues is no way associated with the poet The 

Roma.^ Salvatio RomcB on the Capitol, where the bells on 
the statues announced any revolt in the provinces, 
does not appear in Rome in the form which it later 
assumed. The French romance of Virgil, in fact, 
relates that the enchanter had built a tower for the 
salvation of Rome, which he had provided with such 
statues, and another I^end describes the building as 
glittering with gold by day and as illumined at night 
with a radiant lamp, visible to sailors. It moreover 
relates that a mirror within the tower revealed all 
that took place in the world and every hostile move- 
ment against Rome. This fable of the magic mirror, 
which is found in the epics of chivalry, such as Par- 
sifal, is not of Roman origin, although it may pos- 
sibly have been familiar in Rome at the time of the 

^ I am astonished that none of the great painters has depicted this 
vision. What a subject for Rafiaelle I 


Mtrabtlia, Antiquaries tell us that the ruined tower 
of the Frangipani beside the Arch of Titus, after its 
destruction by Gregory IX. in the thirteenth century, 
was called by the people "the Tower of Virgil." 1 

The so-called Bocca della Veritd also belongs to La Bocca 
the wonders or talismans of Virgil. The association, veHtc^, 
however, of this l^end (which centres in S. Maria in 
Cosmedin) with Virgil is not due to the Romans, and 
may not, perhaps, have been even known to them in 
the twelfth century. The huge mask of a cloaca still 
stands in the atrium of this basilica ; rumour in the 
Middle Ages asserted that the ancient Romans, when 
taking an oath, were obliged to place one hand 
within the open mouth of this mask ; if the witness 
were guilty of perjury the hand was bitten off, but 
the cunning of an adulteress finally destroyed the 
magic powers of the mask.^ 

^ Marangoni, Anfiteairo Romano^ p. 51. The Sahaiio Ratna is 
known through the work of the seven wise masters, or from Virgil 
ike Enchanter, The Mirahilia in this connection only give the 
legend of the Anon, of Salerno (voL iii. of this history). Helinand 
also (SpecuL Histariale^ iv.) abides by the Anonymous ^ and does not 
once mention the Capitol. Concerning the legend : Genthe, Leben 
und Fortleben des Virgilius als Dichter und Zauberer^ 1S57, p. 72. 
Rufini mistakenly associates the Via di Tor di Specchi^ beside the 
Capitol, with the Mirror Tower of Virgil. I believe the street to 
have received its name irom the fiunily de Spectdo or di Specchi^ 
whose tower may possibly have stood there. The ancient palace of 
thb family still remains in another Via Specchi^ not bx from the 
Palace of S. Croce. 

' In the French romance Virgiiius the statue becomes a bronze 
serpent ; in the Kurvmeiligtn GesprScken^ however (Frankfort, 1503), 
the story is told as in the later legend : " Virgil made an image in 
stone in Rome, where those who swore an oath were tested. He 
who took it had to place his band in the mouth of the statue. Did he 
VOL. IV. 2 X 


The Mirabilia are silent concerning these super- 
natural powers of Virgil, and only mention the poet 
once as follows : " The church of S. Agatha stands 
on the Viminal where Virgilius was imprisoned by 
the Romans; he assumed invisible form and went 
to Naples ; whence is derived the saying, * Vado ad 
Napulum' "^ This seems to refer to the fable which 
relates that Virgil, imprisoned by the emperor on 
account of the curious revenge which he took upon a 
disdainful Roman lady, went by an aerial ship to 
Apulia ; and the solitary passage in the Mirabilia 
proves that the Romans of the twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries were acquainted not only with this legend 
but also with others relating to Virgil, 
virmiias Nevertheless Naples, his favourite city, was the 
in NapiS, true home of Virgil the enchanter, and at Naples is 
his legendary grave. It is almost surprising to see 
the naive belief with which even serious- minded men 
related the Neapolitan fables of Virgil at the end of 
accord- the twelfth century. The Englishman, Gervasius of 
GcTOsius Tilbury, marshal of the kingdom of Aries, in his Otia 
of Tilbury, Imperiolta, a work dedicated to the Emperor Otto 
IV., instances with special partiality, among the 

swear Calsely, his hand was bitten off by the hot " (Genthe, p. 75X 
As Virgil was esteemed the maker of various talismans by the Latins, 
so was ApoUonius of Tyana by the Byiantines. 

^ Viminalis ubi 4st eccUsin S, Aguthes^ ttbi VirgiHus cmpius a 
Komams^ invisibiHter exiii^ toUqiu NeapoHm ; tmde dicitur : wiuU 
ai NapuhuH, In the Breviary di mctttihus ; possiUy a gloss, which 
is only found in Mont&ocon's recension. I have already explained 
(voL iiL) the name of the street Magnani^li Viigil was sopposcd 
to have lived in this neifi^bonihood, and the gardens of Maecenas 
were looked for there. 


many Mirabilia of the world, the miracles worked 
by the poet at Naples. The author of the Roman 
national epic might perhaps have been in some 
degree gratified at being credited as a magician with 
the erection of the Salvatio Romce^ the great imperial 
police institution of the empire. In Naples, however, 
he sank to the level of a charlatan ; was credited 
with having banished flies by means of a bronze fly ; 
with having shut up all snakes within the Capuan 
gate; with having saved all horses from hollow 
backs by means of a bronze horse ; with having kept 
all the meat in the market constantly fresh by a 
miraculous piece of meat He is also said to have 
planted a garden on the hill of the Virgin with 
medicinal herbs where the mountain-arnica restored 
the sight of blind sheep ; to have been able to arrest 
the south wind, or to keep Vesuvius in check by 
means of a bronze statue of a. trumpeter or an archer. 
Works somewhat more worthy of the poet were the 
erection of the Castel dell' Uovo upon eggs, the 
making of the tunnel of Posilippo and the establish- 
ment of curative baths at Puteoli, the use of which 
was neutralised by the envious physicians of Salerno, 
who erased the prescription.^ 

The ingenious Palladium which Virgil inclosed in 

^ Gervasins, Otia Imperialia (Leibn., Rer, Brunsvicar.^ i. 963, in 
the section Mirabilia unitis aijusque prffoincia^ fix>m which we see 
how general was the conception of Mirabilia at this time). Gervasius 
wrote about 121 1, and relates that he had seen these miracles in 
Naples in the year 1191. Leibnitz, indignant with him, and without 
any sympathy for popular legends, says : vixU eo seculo, quodigo cum 
proximo cf/tmum secularum post Ckristnm nalum ineptissimum isse 


a glass phial failed, however, to protect the walls of 
Naples, since Henry VI., heedless of any impediment, 
caused these walls to be destroyed in 1196. His 
and accord- Chancellor Conrad, Bishop-elect of Hildesheim, who 
Conrad of accompanied the Emperor as legate of the kingdom 
sheim ^^ Sicily, asserts, with a gravity worthy of belief, that 
in spite of the Palladium the walls of Naples were 
pulled down by the valiant Germans ; but he ex- 
plains, in reverence to the great enchanter, that the 
magic flask had suffered a fracture. He also admits 
that the Germans had not dared to pull down the 
so-called iron gate, for fear of setting free the snakes 
which Virgil had subdued by charms.^ This man of 
high position assures us with the calmest conviction 
— a conviction doubtless shared by the Emperor 
himself — that he had seen and examined the 
miracles of Virgil ; that, for instance, when the bones 
of the poet were exposed to the air the sky immedi- 
ately darkened and a storm arose on the sea. His 
romantic letter to Herbord of Hildesheim, accepted 
as a precious jewel in Arnold's Chronicle of the 
Slavs^ opens the interminable series of letters of 
travel, extending to our own days, which have been 
written from Italy by Germans. It is delightful to 
see how the mind of the chancellor, steeped in 
classic studies and stirred by the sight of a new and 
beautiful world, expanded under the influence of 
Southern Italy. He even discovers Parnassus and 
Olympus, and rejoices that the inspiring fountain 
of Hippocrene now flowed within the confines of 

^ Letter of Conrad to the Provost of Hildesheim (in Arnold's Chron^ 
Skso9r,^ iv. c. xix.). 


the German empire. With mythological horror he 
passed between Scylla and Charybdis^ sailed joyfully 
past Scyros, where Thetis had hidden her heroic 
son Achilles, beheld the frightful labyrinth of the 
Minotaur in the theatre of Taormina, and in Sicily 
made the acquaintance of the Saracens, who pos- 
sessed the enviable power, bequeathed by the apostle 
Paul, of killing poisonous snakes by merely spitting 
at them.^ 

We leave these diverting l^ends, which lend so 
vivid a colouring to a superstitious century (a cen- 
tury during which chivalrous poetry first appeared 
in Germany), and end our review of these Mirabilia 
with the account of another traveller, who saw 
and briefly described the city before Conrad had 
entered it; that is to say before 1173. The Mira- 
bilia of Rome were magnified by Benjamin of 
Tudela, a Spanish Jew, the predecessor of Sir John 
Mandeville, who wrote in Hebrew a partly fabulous 
account of his journey to India in the spirit of his 

' Vidimus ibidem saracenos^ qui solo sptUo venenosa interficiunt 
animalia. We recognise the age of Turpin's Chranic/d, of the travels 
of Duke Ernest, of the Knight Tundalus, Apollonios of Tyre, the 
Chronicle of the Emperors, &c. The literature on Virgil in the 
Middle Ages already reaches great proportions. Virgilius als Theolog 
und Prophet, \ty F. Piper, Berlin, 1862; Zappert, "Virgil's Fortleben 
im Mittelalter" {Akademie der Wissensch,, vol. ii., Vienna, 1851} ; 
Genthe and L. Roth, Ueber den Zauberer Virgil, Vienna, 1859 ; and 
the learned and recent work by Comporetti, Virgilio net medio evo, 
Livomo, 1872. 

* Benjamini de Tudela Itinerarium, Lugduni, 1633, Elzevir; 
Hebrew with a Latin translation. Asher, 7^ Itinerary of /^addi 


The learned Rabbi saw Rome only with Jewish 
eyes, since the circumstance which naturally most 
attracted him was the connection of the cosmopolitan 
city with Israel, and the fall of Jerusalem under 
Titus and Vespasian. We here borrow his descrip- 
tion, the only account of a visit to Rome in the 
Middle Ages that we possess of this period, 
pescrip* " Rome/' says Benjamin, " consists of two parts, the 
Romebr Tiber dividing the city in such a manner, that stand- 
theRai)bi {nor on One bank we see the other. In the first 

Benjamin ^ 

of Tudeku stands the largest temple, which in Roman language 
is called S. Peter's. Here is also the palace of the 
great Julius Caesar, with many buildings and works ; 
the palace is utterly different from any other in the 
world.* The city, here in ruins, there inhabited, is 
twenty-four miles in circumference. It contains 
eighty palaces of the eighty kings, who are all called 
emperors, from the empire of Tarquinius to the 
empire of Pipin, father of Charles, who first wrested 
Spain from the Ishmaelites and subjugated it. There, 
outside Rome, is the palace of Titus, whom the three 
hundred senators would not receive, because he had 
not obeyed their orders ; for instead of conquering 
Jerusalem in two years, he did not overcome it until 
the third year. We see besides the palace of King^ 
Vespasian, a strong and solid building like a 
temple.' Further the palace of King Galbinus, in 

* Precisely as in the Mirabiiia : palatiumj^ii Casarisn He refers 
to the Vatican obelisk, with the sarToaiiding mins of the Circns and 
other remains. 

* Ihi extra Ramam est palaHum Titi ; that is, the Ciicos of Max- 
entius, which b also called ptdatimm Titi el Vespasiam forts Rotmeum 


which are three hundred and sixty halls, as many as 
the days of the year, and which measures three miles 
in circumference. Once during a war more than one 
hundred thousand Edomites were killed in this 
palace, where their bones still hang. The king had 
all the war-horses and weapons depicted in marble, 
so that later generations might have the ancient 
battles before their eyes.* There is the subterranean 
cave, where the king and queen sit on thrones, with 
nearly one hundred princes of the empire round 
them, all represented in sculpture, as may still 
be seen. By his statue in the sanctuary in the 
church of S. Stephen are two bronze columns, the 
work of King Solomon, who sleeps in peace. On 
each column is inscribed 'Solomon son of David.' 
The Jews there told me that on July 9 a liquid 
like water flows from these columns. There is also 
the cave where Titus, son of Vespasian, deposited 
the sacred vessels of the Temple, which he had 
brought from Jerusalem. There is moreover another 
cave in the hill beside the Tiber, where rest the ten 
righteous men (blessed be their memory) who were 
put to death under the reign of the tyrants. Further 
in front of the temple of the Lateran image Samson 
is represented holding a stone globe in his hand; 

ad ccttacumbas in a recension of the Mirabilin* The Palatium of 
Vespasian is the Colosseum. It is characteristic that the Jew says 
nothing of the triumphal arch of Titus. 

1 The enigmatic Palatium Galbini (l*3?II in the text) seems rather 
to apply to the Baths of Caracalla, beside which the church of S. 
Balbina had stood since ancient times, than to the doubtful remains of 
the horrea Galbicma at the Emporium (Jordan, Topogr,^ il 68) ; since 
Benjamin's description scarcely suits the latter. 


then Absalom son of David, and King Constantine, 
who built Constantina, which is called Constant!- 
nopolis after him. His statue, and the statue of the 
horse are bronze ; they were formerly, however, over- 
laid with gold." Benjamin con«equentIy shows that 
the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius, called by 
the people Caballiis Constantiniy stood at the 

The spirit c f the Mirabilia breathes in Benjamin 
of Tudela. It is interesting to picture the rabbi, 
accompanied by fellow believers from the Tras- 
tevere, wandering through the (to him) unfamiliar 
city and listening to the fabulous account of its 
wonders. The Roman Ghetto had also its archaeo- 
logy, which referred to the fictitious or historical 
connection of the city with the people of David. The 
legends connected with it were indeed sufficiently 
old, for even in the sixth centurj' Zacharias, the 
Armenian bishop, asserted that twenty-five statues 

^ According to the Graphia the remains of the Colossus of the Sun 
from the Amphitheatre were in the Lateran ; cujus capui el wMonus 
nunc sunt emie Lateranum ; and the hand and head are also repre- 
sented on the ancient plan of the city, Cod, Vat,^ i960, bedde the 
equestrian figure of Marcus Aurelius. The Mirabilia printed in 151 1 
say Sylvester had had the Colossus of Phoebus destroyed : caput verv 
et manus pradicti idoli cum porno ad palatium in Laterano fecil peni 
— qua palma et caput Sampsonis false vocatur a vuigo, A colossal 
hand may now be seen in the Palace of the Conservatori. Benjamin 
does not mention the legend of Noah's coming to Rome, but knows 
of his war with Romulus and other legends, which are found in the 
spurious Josephus (Gorionides, a Gaulish Jew who lived about the 
Carolingian period), according to whose opinion Romulus, in dread of 
David's arrival, had walls built round Rome. Josephus Hcbraiats^ 
&*c,, Lipsia?, 1 7 10, i. c. 4. 


of Jewish kings had been erected by Vespasian, and 
the Graphia relates that the Ark of the Covenant, 
the seven-branched candlestick, and the relics of 
Moses and Aaron were preserved in the Lateran. 
Benjamin does not mention the circumstance, and 
the Jewish archaeologists merely showed him a 
legendary cave, in which the vessels of the Temple 
were said to have been placed. Moreover the rela- 
tions with Jerusalem, more especially since the time 
of the Crusades, had become so much closer, that 
the Mirabilia assert that a large bronze table had 
been affixed to the wall of the Forum of Augustus, 
near S. Basilius, on which was inscribed, in Greek 
and Latin characters, the treaty of friendship which 
the Romans had formed with Judas Maccabeus.^ 
Benjamin left local traditions unheeded, and we 
regret that he only paid a brief visit to Rome, and 
that he gives a still briefer account of his experiences 
there. Had he told us as much about the Rome of 
his time as his contemporary Ibn-DjobeYr tells us of 
Palermo, his information would probably have been 
of the highest value. But the extent of the city and 
its ruins oppressed the imagination even of Chris- 
tians educated in classic literature, and the Rabbi 

^ In muro S. Bcuiliifuit magna tabula erea infixa^ ubi fuit scripta 
anticitia in loco bono ct notahili^ qtu fuit inter Romctnos ei Judeos^ 
tempore Jude Macckabai (Mirab., Cod, Vat.^n, 3973). This is ex- 
plained by I. Maccabees, c. 8, v. 22 : |" And this is the copy which 
the senate wrote back again in tables of brass and sent to Jerusalem, 
that there they might have by them a memorial of peace and con- 
federacy." The Roman copies of the documents were undoubtedly 
preserved in the city archives. How a bronze copy of the treaty with 
the Jews can have reached S. Basilio is incomprehensible to me. 


of Tudela fittingly closes his sketch with the words : 
" there are still other buildings and works in Rome, 
which no one is able to enumerate.*'^ 

4. The Monuments and their Owners in the Twelhh 
Century — The Roman Senate begins to take 
Measures for their Preservation — ^The Column 
OF Trajan — Column of Marcus Aurelius— 
Private Architecture in the Twelfth Century 
— The Tower of Nicholas — ^The Towers in 

In relating the unfortunate events of the eleventh 
century we have described the history of the ruins in 
the city. In the twelfth, Rome was so constantly in 
a state of tumult that we may easily imagine how 
many ancient buildings were destroyed, more par- 
ticularly in the time of Henry IV. and Robert Guis- 
card. Tranquillity having been restored to the city, 
the remains of the ancient buildings provided 
materials for her restoration. No official kept 
watch over the antiquities, while as before costly 
marbles and even statues were thrown into the lime- 
kiln. Rome was still regarded even by foreigners as 
a mine of valuable materials. And as Desiderius 
had once carried columns from Rome to Monte 
Casino so were columns now removed by foreign 
princes and bishops. Coming to Rome, these men 
regarded the splendid works of antiquity with 

^ An account of the wonders of Rome, full of legends, is given by 
F. Guidi, '' Descrizione di Roma nei geografi arabi,*' Arck, d, Sociei, 
Roni,^ vol i 174 ff. 


envious eyes, and the neglect in which they were Ruin of 
allowed to remain invited the visitor to make them hermonu. 
his own. The Abbot Sugerius of S. Denis, the con- ™"^*^' 
temporary of S. Bernard, admitted that, surveying 
the marvellous columns in the Baths of Diocletian 
and other Thermae, he longed to put them on board 
a vessel and send them to France, where he was en- 
gaged in restoring his abbey. If the difficulty of 
transport and other circumstances hindered the exe- 
cution of his desire, we may easily imagine that 
these obstacles did not stand in the way of other 
bishops and towns.^ 

The public buildings nevertheless belonged by 
right to the State, and we have documents of this 
period in which popes confer the n^onuments or 
churches on private persons. The greater number 
of ancient buildings had passed into private hands ; 
and were thus saved from the complete destruction 
into which they would have fallen as public property. 
The uses to which they were adapted by the owners 
injured but did not destroy them. An example of 
the lot which befell the monuments is given by The 
the Triumphal Arch of Septimius Severus. In 1 199 J^^ 
Innocent III. confirmed the church of S. Sergius Sevems. 
and Bacchus in partial possession of this monument. 

^ If^ solum mente labora$Utbus et animo superercU, ut ab urbe 
{Rama enim in PctkUio Diocleiiani^ et aliis termis sape mirabiUs 
conspeximus) et per mare medHerraneum tuta classe — conductu 
haberemus, Sugerius, De Camecratione EccL S. Dionysii (Duchesne, 
iv. 352), in Jacob Burckhardt : die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien, 
Basle, i860. The splendid granite columns, which fortunately were 
not carried away by the abbot, now adorn S. Maria degli Angeli in 
the Baths of Diocletian. 


" We confirm," so runs the Bull, " the half of the 
triumphal arch which consists of three arches, of 
which one of the smaller stands nearer to your 
church (one of the towers is built over it), and the 
half of the entire arch from the middle, with the 
rooms near the smaller arch." He adds that the 
other half belongs to a certain Ciminus. The arch 
consequently belonged to two proprietors; it was 
entirely surrounded by buildings, was fortified, and 
had a tower on its platform.* 

The popes consequently continued to regard 
ancient buildings as the property of the State, and 
we remember that the Church claimed both S- 
Angelo and the Pantheon as her own. When the 
Romans acquired their freedom, the city advanced 
her claim as owner of the public monuments in 
every case where these monuments had not been 
converted into towered palaces by Roman families. 
The The Senate undertook the care of preserving the 

preserves city walls, to which the pope was obliged to con- 
waJis!*^ tribute a yearly sum. On the venerable walls of 
Aurelian we consequently find the names of mediaeval 
Senators belonging to Barbarossa's time alongside 
of the names of ancient emperors and consuls. In 
1 1 57 the Senate restored a portion of the walls at 
the Porta Metrobia, and we still see the monumental 
tablet on the tower della Marana, which records the 
names of the Senators then in office without any 

^ Medidatem circus triumphcUis, qui toius in tribus arcubus conUai^ 
de quo unus de tninoribus arcubus propinquior est vesira ecclcsia^ 
supra quern una ex turribus ^ificata esse videiur, Ep. Innoc, III.^ 
lib. ii. n. loi, dot, VI, Non.Julii A, 1199. 


mention of the pope.* The Marana is a brook which 
flows under the tower into the city. 

No inscription records that either Senators or 
popes restored an aqueduct ; these great works of 
ancient Rome remain hidden in profound silence. 
The name of a Senator still stands conspicuous 
on one of the island bridges. On the Pons Cestius 
we read the inscription : " Benedictus, chief Senator 
of the illustrious city, restored this almost en- 
tirely ruined bridge," It was undoubtedly Benedict 
Carushomo who executed the work.^ The Milvian 
Bridge also, destroyed by the Romans in the time 
of Henry V., was restored by the commune, as 
we may remember from the Senate's letter to 

Another evidence of the Senate's activity in this 
direction is still more praiseworthy. On March 27, 
1162, the day after Barbarossa's entry into unfor- 
tunate Milan, and perhaps on the very day that the 
barbarous destruction of the city was inaugurated, 
the Roman Senate chanced to resolve on measures 
for the preservation of Trajan's Column : " in order 

1 R. .^ . S^AG (obliterated signs) t ANO MCLVII. INCARNS 
ROMANO NICOLA MAN ETTO. This inscription of the Senators 
is the oldest, and also the only one of its kind, in Rome. 



Preserva- that it should never be mutilated or destroyed, but 
Trajan's should remain as it stands to the honour of the 
Column. Roman people, as long as the world endures. Any- 
one daring to injure it shall be punished by death 
and his property shall fall to the treasury/' ^ This 
splendid monument, which commemorated Trajan's 
greatest military deeds, now belonged to the nuns of 
S. Ciriacus, and the Roman Senate, indifferent to the 
unworthiness of such a fate, confirmed the convent 
in possession of the column and the little church of 
S. Niccoli at its base. The Column of Marcus 
Aurelius also still belonged to the monks of S. 
Silvestro in Capite. An inscription in the atrium 
of this convent says : '* Since the Antonine column, 
belonging to the convent of S. Sylvester and the 
adjacent church of S. Andrew, with the oblations 
presented by pilgrims to both the upper and lower 
altars, has long passed by lease into other hands, and 
in order that this may never again occur, we, by 
the authority of the apostolic prince Peter, and 
SS. Stephen, Dionysius, and Sylvester, curse and 
bind with the bonds of the anathema the abbots and 
monks as often as they shall attempt to give column 
and church in lease or benefice. Anyone taking the 

^ Restituifmts salvo jure parockiali ecciesie SS. Aposiolorum PkA 
€t Jacobi et S€Uvo honore publico urbis eidem columne^ ne unquatn per 
aliguam personam obtentu investimenti kujus resttlutioms diruaiur 
aut minuatur^ sed ut est ad kcncrem ipsius ecclesim el tctius popmH 
Romaniinlegra et incorrupta permaneat dum mundus dural^ sic efus 
stante figwrcu Qui vero earn minuere temptaverU persona ejus 
ultimumpatialur suppHciumet bona ijus omnia fisco appiicentur, . . . 
Actum, «. dom, incam, MCLXIL Ind, X,^ &*c, (Document from S, 
Mar. in Via Lata, in Galletti, del JMm,^ n. Ixi.). 


column by force from our convent, shall be eternally 
damned as a spoiler of the Temple, and shall be en- 
compassed by the everlasting anathema. So be it. 
This is decreed by the authority of the bishops and 
cardinals and of many priests and laymen present. 
Peter, by God's Grace humble Abbot of this convent, 
with his brethren drew up and ratified this in the 
year of the Lord 1119, in the XII. indiction."^ 

With the growth of freedom grew the love of 
antiquity, reverence for its monuments, and the sense 
of the renown which Rome derived from the works 
of her ancestors. The nobles also desired to acquire 
glory for themselves by beautifying the city by 
means of buildings. The tower on the Bridge of The Tower 
the Senators (Ponte Rotto) was built with this inten- a( ISe^""^ 
tion : this tower was called Monzone in the later ^^^^ 
Middle Ages, and is still known to the imaginative 
populace as the house of Pilate or of Cola di Rienzo. 
This curious tite-de-pont (a tower where the peda- 
£tufn was exacted stood on every bridge in Rome) 
claimed to have been a sumptuous palace. Its 
remains of solid brick are now the most impressive 
monument of the curious private architecture of the 
Roman Middle Ages. The facade was divided by 
cornices and small compartments, and the building 



was entered by a vaulted doorway from the street 
The rooms inside had excellent cross-shaped \^uits, 
and a stone staircase led to the upper floor. The 
exterior was adorned with antique fragments, rude 
half-columns of brick supported a patch-work frieze, 
in which are seen now marble rosettes, now ara- 
besques or small reliefs of mytholc^ical figures. The 
bust of the builder (portraits were therefore again 
made in Rome) was originally placed in a niche 
outside near the entrance. The bust has dis- 
appeared, but the pompous couplet which accom- 
panied it still remains. Another long inscription in 
Leonine verses mentions the builder and his family. 
Its bragging lines recall the speeches of the Romans 
in presence of Conrad and Frederick, but the melan- 
choly sighs over the nothing^ness of all earthly 
greatness, in the style of epitaphs, are not without 
poetic grace. " Nicholas, to whom this house belongfs, 
well knew that the glory of the world was vanity. 
He was induced to build this dwelling, less by vanity 
than by the desire to restore the splendour of ancient 
Rome. Within a beautiful house be mindful of the 
grave, and remember that thou hast not long to live 
in thy dwelling. Death travels hither on wings. 
No man's life is eternal. Our sojourn is brief and 
our course light as a feather. Whether Thou mayst 

^ Adsum Romani grtmdis honor poptUi 
Indicat effigies qui meperfuerit auctor, 

Theodor. Ameiden, de Rom, FamiL^ § lOO, Mscr. in the Bibl, 
CasofuUens.f n. 283, observed another couplet : — 

Vos qui transitis secus optima tecta Quiriies 
Hacpensate domo^ quis Nicoicuu homo. 


escape from the wind, lock thy door a hundredfold, 
and surround thyself with a thousand guards ; death 
nevertheless sits beside thy pillow. Even if thou 
shuttest thyself in a castle that almost approaches 
the stars, death will only the more rapidly carry thee 
— its prey — away. The lofty house towers to the 
skies. From the foundation to the summit it was 
raised by the First among the First, the great 
Nicholas — in order to restore the glory of his fathers. 
Here stands the name of his father Crescentius and 
of his mother Theodora. This famous house was 
built for his beloved child, and given to David, by 
him who was his father."* 

The erection of this house has been attributed 
without grounds to one of the Crescentii, and even 
to thp renowned Crescentius of Otto III.'s time. No 
member of the family to our knowledge bore the 
name of Nicholas. The Roman, art which created 
so curious a building was as far removed from the 

^ Nonfuit iiptarus cujus domus hec Nuolaus 
Quod nil momtnti sibi mundi gloria sentil, 
Verum quod fecit hanc non tarn vana coegit 
Gloria quatn Rome veterem renovare decoreni. 

At the end : — 

Sttrgit in astra domus sublimis — culmina cujus 
Primus de primis magnus Nicholaus ah imis 
Erexit Patrum decus ob renovare suorum, 
Statpatris Crescens mairKque Theodora nomen. 

Hoc culmen clarum caro pro pignere gessiL 
Davidi iribuit qui paler exhibuil. 

The numerous enigmatic signs round the inscription are to be re- 
marked. They have been explained in a ridiculous manner. The 
whole inscription is given by Nerini, p. 318, with others. 
VOL. IV. 2 Y 


tower of Giotto at Florence as tiie Chromck of 
Benedict of Soracte from the Cbr&nide of ViHanL 
The date of this erection is uncettain ; but, not to 
mention historical circumstances, the inscription 
breathes the spirit of the eleventh or twelfth cen- 
tury;^ The style of this baronial palace seems the 
more barbarous from the contrast of two small well- 
preserved Roman temples, which stand in their simple 
beauty in its immediate neighbourhood. Although 
his structure when finished eclipsed all contempK>rary 
buildings in Rome, although it was in no wise 
devoid of an aspect of grandiose magnificence, and 
was undoubtedly picturesque, the architect must 
nevertheless have blushed did he compare his work 
♦with these temples. Of this building, furnished by 
the Roman Consul with an inscription which would 
have befitted ia work of Ramses, only the smallest 
fragment, the ruined tower, now remains; and a 
stable and a hay-loft established mthin the lofty 
house of the First of the First form a satire on the 
vanity of the builder. 

Did the palaces of the Pierleoni and the Frangipani 
still survive, we should have other buildings of the 

^ For the sake of brevity I do not refute the opinion of others^ 
who place the date of this building, some too early, some too late. 
Those who decide in favour of the former, may appeal to the still 
more ancient custom, according to which &thers dedicated buildii^ 
to their sons. The Dux John of Gseta built a tower in the ninth cei^ 
tury, on which he inscribed : hanc venerahiUm tnclilam tlomum 
etiavidiu turre dilectofilio meo DocibUi YpcUa dofuxoi (Federici, I>uckx 
di Gata, p. 154). Giesebrecht has broi^ht together some very good 
arguments concerning the Monzone (Schmidt's All^, Zeitsckrift^ f^ 
Gesch.f vii. 137), 


same fantastic nature before us. Towers newly 
erected, or built of bricks on ancient monuments, 
arose in every part of Rome at this period. Not a 
single triumphal arch xemained unsurmounted by a Building o( 
tower. The Frangipani alone had turned the Arches 
,of Titus and Constantine and several Arches of 
Janus into fortresses. A short way from the Arch 
x>{ Titus, at the foot of the Palatine and to the right 
of the Via Sacra, stood the solid central tower of 
their Palatine stronghold, the Turris Cartularia, 
.which the Mirabilta assert to have been erected on 
the Temple of i£sculapius. A portion of the papal 
archives, called the Cartularium juxta Palladium^ 
was kept in this tower in the eleventh century, and 
,the tower was hence called Turris Cartularia.^ The 
Circus Maximus also bristled with the towers of 
,the Frangipani, an arch there giving the name de 
Arco to a branch of the family. 

The. passion for building towers prevailed through- 
out the whole of Italy. Pisa had so many that Ben- 
jamin of Tudela ventured to estimate their number 
at ten thousand. The lofty tower of S. Mark's in 
Venice, the soaring towers of the Asinella and the 

^ -The AftrabHia say Ideo diciiur Chartularium^ qtUafuit ibi biblio- 
,theca publica, de qtUbus XXVLfitere in Urbe. John VIJ. had built 
znepiscopium there in the beginning of the eighth century. The rar- 
tularium iuxta Palladium is mentioned by Cencius. See, concerning 
this record-<^ce, De Rossi, d*UH Tesoro di momie Anglo-Sassoni trovate 
fifiW airio deile VesieUi (Lincei, NtrHzie degli scavi^ Dec. 1883), and 
Za Bibh della Sed. Apostolica^ Koma, 1884, p. 31 f. It b probable 
that the regesta of the popes preserved here perished in the attacks 
made on the tower, and in its destruction. De Rossi, De Origine 
Scriniiet Bibl, S, a/., 1886, p. 98. The remains of the tower existed 
until 1829 ; and its foundations may still be seen. 


leaning Garisenda at Bolog^na, and the beautiful 
leaning tower at Pisa, still remain as monuments of 
this period of municipal freedom and civic warfare. 
The towers erected in Rome were seldom so lavishly 
or so pretentiously decorated as that of Nicholas. 
They were, as a rule, only built for the time, were 
easily destroyed and easily restored. The city still 
shows partially preserved towers of the Middle Ages 
rising for the most part above fortified palaces, all 
built of burnt brick, square, undivided, and the same 
size from base to summit. If, according to the 
estimate of the Mirabilia, the city walls counted more 
than three hundred and sixty towers, and to these 
we add the innumerable campanili of the churches, 
the towers erected by the different families, and the 
numerous lofty ruins of antiquity, we, who see the 
city with its present magnificent cupolas, may 
imagine the sight it must have presented in medi* 
aeval times. This forest of towers, rising in dark 
and threatening menace, invested it with a defiant 
and warlike character, which must have impressed 
the mightiest of emperors. 

In the twelfth century, however, the city itself pre- 
sented a spectacle of chaotic ruin and disorder, 
beyond the capacity of the most vivid imagination to 
depict. After the Norman fire the hills became more 
and more deserted; southern vegetation speedily 
covered them with plants ; ancient quarters of the 
city soon became fields, and the low-lying places 
degenerated into fever stricken marshes.^ The j 

' In his Ugurinus^ iv., v. 194 £ (written about I1S6), Gunter 
gives the following description of Rome : — 


population crowded together towards the Tiber and 
the Field of Mars, at the foot of the Capitol, which 
was now again free, and there in labyrinthine lanes, 
interrupted by rubbish heaps, by ruins of marble 
temples and by monuments, dwelt the rude Romans, 
few in number, but sufficiently strong to banish their 
popes into exile and to drive back the emperors 
from the ancient walls of Aurelian. 

5. Church Architecture — Its Revival in the 
Twelfth Century — S. Maria in Cosmedin — S. 
Maria in Trastevere — Painting in Rome— Be- 
ginning OF Sculpture — The first Cosmati — 


THE Vatican Palace. 

The quarrel for investitures ended, the city was 
able to rise slowly from her ruin. But the poverty 
of the people was deplorable, and the popes occupied 
themselves solely with the churches, the restoration 
of which was exacted by religion. While mag- 
nificent cathedrals, built in the latest style, arose in 
the greater number of Italian republics, Roman 
architecture was restricted to the restoration and 
decoration of the churches which already existed in 
such numbers. 

That a stronger sense of the beautiful was 

Adde quod antiquis horrens incttlta minis ^ 
Parte sui maiore vacate gemrisque nocentis 
Plurima monstriferis animantia Rotna cavemis 
OcculU : hie viHdes colubri, nigrique bufones^ 
Hie sua pennati posturunt lustra dracones. 


awakened in the end of the twelfth century, is shown 
s. Maria in by the church of S. Maria in Cosmedm in the 
osm UL jjg^j^^ ^f ^g Schola Greca. This Kttle treasur^ 
house of mediaeval art was restored under Calixtus 
II. and was decorated by his chamberlain Alfanus. 
It still preserves many evidences of the time, the 
works of naive sculptors, who succeeded in ex- 
cellently representing a period when, in the midst 
of iron barbarism, the muse made her first modest 
appearance with the attractive face of childhood. 
The beholder seems to inhale a breath of the 
time, as he looks on ike vari^ated mosaic of 
the pavement, on the ambones, gracefully inlaid 
with marble, the jambs of the doors, the episcopal 
throne decorated with mosaic in the apse, and 
many other works belonging to the days of 

We have already noticed the buildings erected by 
Calixtus II. in S. Peter's and the Lateran, where the 

^ The church is rich in inscriptions. On the grave of Alphanos, 
a work of this period, in the atrium stands the following :— 

* * • . • - * 

Virprobus Alpkanus cemens quia ckncta pcrirent^ 
Hoc sibi sarcofagum statuit ne totus obiret, 
Fabrica deUctai pollet quiapenitus extra 
Sed monet interius quia post hec tristia nsldnt. 

On the plinth of the high altar (a red granite bath) : A.D. 
MCXXIIL Ind. I, dedicatumfuU hoc AHare per manus DD. CalixH 
Papa Secundi V, sui Pontif, A.M. Maio die VL Al/anc Ca m erar i tu 
plurima dona largiente. In those days an arch of the Marcia still 
existed in regione scale Grece^ over the ancient Porta Capena, which 
was called arcus stUlans, Bull of Paschalis II. for Grotta Fenata in 
1 1 15, printed by the Austrian School in Rome : Studie Docum. at 
Stor, e Diritto^ 1886, p. 108. See De Rossi, Miscellan. di ncHu 
biblio^r. e crUuht (Bull. Com., 1886). 


victories of the Church were represented in painting. 
The successors of Calixtus continued his work with 
some interruptions, Innocent II. more especially 
being conspicuous by his exertions. The true monu- innocent 
ment of his pontificate, however, is S. Maria in s.'i5Sn?in 
Trastevere. This ancient basilica, which still remains Tirastcvere. 
one of the most interesting in Rome, was rebuilt by 
Innocent on the death of Anaclete. The Pope was 
himself a Trasteverine by birth, and the towers of 
his family stood in the neighbourhood of the parish 
church. He was unable to complete the church, 
which was only finished by Innocent III. In spite 
of the many changes introduced in the course of time, 
it remains essentially a woric of Innocent II. With 
its twenty-four columns of dark granite, which bear 
on their capitals so much of classic paganism, sur- 
mounted by the antique entablature, with its ancient 
pavement, its tabernacle resting on porphyry 
columns, and its mosaics, this basilica is still redolent 
of that spirit of early Christianity which was peculiar 
to the Middle Ages in Rome, Although restored, 
many of the mosaics of the apse and arch belong to 
this time. They are by no means entirely barbarous, 
but while adhering to ancient traditions show some 
freedom of movement The figures of the Saviour 
and of the Virgin are especially worthy of a temple, 
and are not unduly heavy in style. The remaining 
pictures are of later date, but the important mosaic 
in the niche on the outside of the basilica (represent- 
ing the Madonna and ten virgins) belongs to the 
middle of the twelfth century and shows that mosaic 
art had already received a fresh impulse. It is 


possible that the artists who worked here may have 
come from Monte Casino.^ 

When Desiderius built the beautiful church of his 
monastery he undoubtedly brought materials, but 
not artists, from Rome. The Chronicle of Monte 
Casino expressly says that he summoned mosaic 
workers from Byzantium and then established a 
^losaic school of mosaic in his monastery, in order that the 
art might not perish in Italy, where it had not been 
practised for five hundred years.' The survival of 
mosaic art in Italy, however, contradicts the ex- 
aggeration of the chronicler; but it is probable that 
the school of art of Monte Casino -exercised great 
influence in Rome, and that in the time of the in- 
timate relations with the kings of Sicily, who built 
such splendid cathedrals, artists from Palermo may 
have worked for the popes. Nevertheless neither 
the art of fresco painting nor that of mosaic had 
entirely vanished from Rome. Within the church 
of the Quattro Coronati (rebuilt by Paschalis 11.) 
Mural are found some remarkable frescoes in the chapel 
paintings, ^f 5 Silvestro in Porticu, a chapel which belonged 
to the confraternity of the sculptors and stone- 
masons. A portion of the lower church of S. 
Clemente — a basilica undoubtedly restored by 
Paschalis II., who had formerly been its cardinal 
— was excavated in 1862, when some frescoes were 

^ The mosaic in the niche is explained by Matthew, c* 25, 1-33. 
Unfortunately it has been greatly restored. Schnaase {Gesckicku 
d, bild, KUnsUt iv. 2} also praises the mosaics, especially those in the 

' Chron, Casin,^ c 29 ; a well-known passage. 


discovered which must belong to the eleventh or 
twelfth century.^ 

Painting, in the service of the Church, appears to 
have invested its votaries with opulence and position, 
since we find a painter called Bentivenga among the 
senators in 1148. As early as the middle of the The School 
twelfth century, artist families were to be found, cosmati, 
whose works in marble had brought them fame not 
only in the city itself but outside it The four sons 
of an artist named Paul — ^John, Peter, Angelo, and 
Sasso— constructed the tabernacle in S. Lorenzo fuori 
le mura, and several other similar works.^ At the 
same time there flourished in the city another artist's 
family, at whose head was the Roman Ranucius, and 
who fashioned the mosaic pictures in S. Maria di 
Castello in Cometo." About the year 1 180 appeared 

^ A fresco, representing saints, bears the inscription : EGO BENO 
ET BEATI CLEMENTIS PGRFC. Prior Mullooly, who con- 
ducted the excavations, holds that the painting belongs to the era of 
the Catacombs, but his opinion is refuted by the inscription. The 
Lombard name Rapizo (Radpert) is frequently found in the Register 
of Farfa of the eleventh and twelfth centuries ; a Rapizo was Comes 
of Todi in the time of Gregory VII. Concerning this remarkable 
excavation, see J. Mullooly, Notice of the ancient paintings — of 
S, Clement in Rome^ Rome, z866. 

* The inscription on the tabernacle in S. Lorenzo : Johs^ Petrus 
Angelns Et Siisso FiHi Pauli Marmorarii Hujus Operis Magistri 
Fusrunt, The same brothers made the Ciborium in S. Marco in 
XI 54 (Forcella, IscriM,^ iv. n. 818) ; the eldest brother John, aided by 
Angelo and Sasso, wrought the Ciborium in S. Croce in Gerusalemme. 
De Rossi, *'Del oosi detto opus alexandrinum e dei marmojarii 
romani" • . • Bull, d. Arch, crist,^ 1875, p. iiof. 

' These were Peter and Nicholas, the sons of Ranucius ; then John 
and Guitto, about 11 68, zsA Joannes Guittonis civ, rom,^ A. 1209, 


the so-called Cosmati, a celebrated family of artists, 
who reached their prime in the twelfth century.*' 
Such were the beginnings of the new species of 
sculpture^ which originated in the so-called Opus 
Alexandrinum, that b to say, the mosaic-like decora^ 
tion for churches in which pieces of coloured marble 
were employed. These were architectural sculptures, 
and were the work of stone-masons. The sculpture 
of this age was restricted to tombs, pulpits or 
ambones, marble candelabra for the Easter candles, 
and tabernacles. Of these artistic objects Rome can 
still show some atkrient specimens, as, for instance, in 
S. Clemente, in S. Maria in Cosmedin, in S. Marco^ 
in S. Croce in Gerusalemme, and in S. Lorenzo fuori 
le mura. TI16 ancient equestrian statue of Marcus 
Aurelius still stood on the Lateran piazza where it 
had been seen by Benjamin of Tudela; Clement III. 
had a fountain erected in front of it, and this ga^e 
rise to the mistaken opinion that he had caused an 
equestrian statue to be cast and erected in the 
Lateran. H6w could it have been possible for the 
art of the twelfth century to create a bronze statue 
in Rome ?^ 

Thus, in the midst of the tumult of war,^ and in the 
first dawn of art, artists sat in their lonely workshops, 
who proudly called themselves marble workers (««tfr- 
morarii) and Roman masters {dociissimi magistri 
Rofftani)^ and who devoted their pious labours to the 

who all seem to have belonged to the Ranucci family. De Rossi, tU 

' See vol. v., at the end. 

* Thib b the erroneous statement of Ricobald (Mnratori, be 178). 


churches which offered them empldyment Their 
skill was handed down from fatlier to son and grand- 
son, and- survived m- d^hools. After the middle of 
the twelfth century' the work of these Roman masters 
was in constantly increasing deniand, since eveiy 
pope in turn now restored or adorned churches. 

Lucius II. rebuild S. Croce. Eugenius III. re- 
stored the basilica of S. Maria Maggiore and pro- 
vided it with a portico. Popes acs weH as cardinals 
began to erect palaces. Anastasius IV. built a 
palace beside the Pantheon, and Eugenius III. a 
papal residence at Segni. Eugenius also enlarged Beginnings 
the Vatican, where he probably erected a new build- vatiam 
ing, which was continued by Celestine III., these twoP*^^- 
popes being regarded as the founders of the Vatican 

Clement III. and Celestine III. also added to the 
Lateran. Bronze doors were placed here by the 
latter pope in 1196.* To Clement III. are also pro- 
bably due the cloisters of S. Lorenzo, the oldest of 
the kind in Rome, and a species of building which 
already seems to point to the succeeding century, 
when the art of building beautiful cloisters, with rows 
of little pillars adorned with mosaics, was under- 

^ Card. Aragon., p. ^y^oi Eugenius III, : Hie fecit ununt pakUium 
apttd S, Petrttm, et Sigma alferum, Platina : VHa Celesiini III, 

« Ituam, dom, a. MCXCVL^pont, vero d, Celestini P, III, a. VI., 
Cencio card, S, Lucie camerctrio ministranie^ hoc. fact, est. Inscription 
preserved. Iter ItcUicum of Pflugk-Hartung, ii. (1884), 510. 

' Platina, Vita Clement, III, : ctaustram S, Laurentii extra 
muros adijicauity et Laterani odes mm mediocri impensa r$stituit: 
templutnque venniculato opere ac musivo exomavit, Celestine III. 


An active zeal for art thus became evident in 
Rome at the end of the twelfth century, a zeal which 
was in harmony with the general impulse through- 
out Italy. In Rome, however, art never attained a 
national splendour. It sought, on the contrary, the 
virgin soil of cities where it was not curbed by the 
tyrannical laws of ecclesiastical tradition, and the 
year 1200 gave birth to Niccolo Pisano, the mar- 
vellous genius of a new epoch of culture which was 
destined to attain development in the thirteenth 

consecrated S. Giovanni a Porta Laiina^ a gate which was also called 
Libera^ in 1196, S. Eustachio and S. Lorenzo in Ludna, as the 
ancient inscription on the latter church still tells us. The portico of 
S. Giovanni and Paolo on the Coelian belongs to the time of Adrian 
IV. It is curious that no buildings are mentioned during the long 
reign of Alexander III. 

On page 55 Twelfth line from Xxy^for Benedict II. retui Benedict IX. 
If II 237 Fifth line of chapter^ 1064 read 1084. 

627 Second line from io^for Qement read Celestine. 



Abdard, iv., 482, 483, 484, 639. 
Abbeys in Rome, the twenty, 11 1., 


Adalbert, son of Berengar II., 
becomes co-regent, ill., 335 ; in 
Rome, 353 ; last battle with Otto 
I., 360, 369. 

Adalbert of Ivrea, ill., 272, 276. 

Adalbert, Bishop of Prague, ill., 
402-3, 414 ; worship of, 415 ; 
churches built in his honour, 
482-3 ; his biography, 515. 

Adalbert of Tuscany, iii., 178, 
194-6, 218, 231, 237 ; supports 
Sergius, ill., 244 ; nghts su^nst 
the Saracens, 266, 272, 270. 

Adam, Abbot of Farfa, ill., 438. 

Adelaide, Empress, marries I/Othar, 
III., 319 ; escapes, 322 ; marries 
Otto I., 323, crowned Empress, 
334, 391 ; death, 48a 

Adelaide of Susa, iv., 162, 207, 

Adelchis of Benevento, takes Lewis 

II. prisoner, in., 168; excom- 
municated, i69-7a 
Adrian II., in., 155 ; issues an 
amnesty, 156 ; position in Rome, 
159 ; his daughter, 159 ; excom- 
municates Anastasius, 160 ; deal- 
ings with Lothar, 162-3 ; crowns 
Lewis II., 169; releases him 
from the oath, 169 ; death, 

Adrian III., ill., 206-7. 
Adrian IV., iv., 525 ; lays Rome 

under the interdict, 527 ; his 
attitude towards Frederick L, 
530; meets him at Nepi, 531 ; 
crowns him Emperor, 539 ; ac- 
quures Tivoli, 549 ; at war with 
William I., 551; acquires Or- 
vieto, and makes peace with the 
Romans, 553 ; quarrel with Fre- 
derick, 554 ; alliance with the 
Lombards, 556-7 ; death, 560 ; 
character and administration, 
561 ; lament over the Papacy, 
Agapitus II., Pope, in., 321 ; 
summons Otto, 323 ;' death, 


Agiltruda, wifeof Guido of Spolelo, 
in., 220-2, 236. 

Agnes, Empress, iv., 97 ; ratifies 
election of Nicholas II., 113 ; 
overthrown, 140; in Rome, 152; 
in Monte Casino, 164 note ; 
at the Lateran Council, 199 ; 
death, 212. 

Agones Region, in., 561. 

Albano, iv., 317 note ; destroyed by 
the Romans, 593. 

Alberic I., in., 254-5 ; marries 
MaroKta, 256, 267 ; advances 
against the Saracens, 267 ; his 
position in Rome, 271 ; hu end, 

Alberic II., his birth, 271 ; heads 
revolt against Hugo, 289 ; be- 
comes Princeps, 292 ; his posi- 
tion, 293 ; his coins, 299 note ; 



his pftlace, yx>, 325; manies 
Aldm, 304 ; rehlions to Byzan- 
tium, 304-5 ; to Leo VII., 306 ; 
his cue for the coovcnts, 312 ; 
lefonns Fnih^ 314 ; aoqniies the 
Sabina, 316 ; sapnessesa revolt, 
317; at war with Hugo, 319; 
trcAty with Hogo^ 321 ; attitude 
towards Otto I., 324 ; death, 

Albeiric, Count of Tnscnliim, iv., 

lo^ 16, 21, 31. 
Albert of Bremen, iv., 140, 1461 
Albeit, ChanceUor, iv., 338, 343. 
Albiniis, coUectioQ o^ IV., 644, 

647 note. 
Alexander II., aee Anselm of Bada- 

mo. Pope, IV., 129 ; before 

Benio^ 135; treaty with Cadalus, 

139 ; enters the Lateran, 141 ; 
strangle with Cadalos, 142-4 ; 
recopiised as Pope, 147 ; nad 
for ceUbaqr. 149; attitude to> 
wards Cotta, 153-4 ; his jour- 
neys, 155 ; in Monte Casino, 
163 ; his death, 167. 
•Alexander III., election of, it., 
564 ; consecration, 565 ; his ad- 
herents, 567 ; ezconmiunicated 
by Victor IV., 568 ; excommuni- 
cates Frederick, 569; goes to 
France, 570-1 ; returns to Rome, 

f74; under protection of the 
langipani, 582, 586; negoti- 
ates with Byantium, 57c, 595 ; 
escapes to Benevento, 587 ; de- 
clares in finTour of the Lombards, 
593; in exile, 594-^00; makes 
peace with Frederick, 598-9 ; in 
Rome, 600; Latetan, Council 
of II79» 6q5; his death and 
cbaiacter, 607-8. 

Alexius Comnenus, Emperor, rv., 
226k 232 ; his eokbassy to Rome, 

a£uus, S., legend of, in., 389^ 

Altous, IV., 302, 694. 

Alfred the Great, ill., 109. 

AU Saints, festival of, ill., 8a 

Amalfi, alliance with Rome, in., 
92 ; treaty with the Saracens, 
i8d; with John Vin., 184; 
constitution in ninth centucy, 
184; conquered by Pisa, rv., 

Anagni, treaty of, iv., 597, 603, 

621 ; constitution, in twelfth 
century, 603 note. 
Anadete II., see Petrus Leo^ be- 
comes Pope, IV., 420 ; seizes the 
Lateran, 421 ; his letters, 424 ; 
consecrates Roger I., King of 
Sicily, 426 ; excommunicated at 
Rheuns, 429'; in S. Aiupdo, 
436 ; his death, 440 ; his Bull, 

Anastaaus III., Pope, in., 248. 

Anastasius IV., IV., 524 ;ihis build- 
ings, 699. 

Anastasius Bibliothecarius, in., 
148-50; in CoKkStantinopIe, X7a 

Anastasius, Cardinal of S. Mar- 
cello^ deposed, in., ii5r6 ; 
usurps the Papacy, 117; ex- 
pelled, 118; amnestied, 156; 
excommunicated, 160. 

Anfusus, IV., 445. 

Angelo, S., fortress of, in tenth 
centuiy, 111., 286-7 l conquered 
by Otto III., 429 ; in possession 
of the Cresccntii, iv., 158 ; re- 
fuge of Gregory VII., 242 ; taken 
by the Romans^ 274 ; confided 
to the Pierleom, 416; Mallxus^ 
account oC 652. 

Anglo - Saxons in Rome, in., 

Anonymous of Einsteddn, Iii. ,517- 

20; IV., 654. 
Anonymous of Salerno^ in., 145, 

Anselm of Badagio, . IV., 109, 128, 

see Alexander II. 
Anselm of Lucca, n'., 181, 235, 

262, ; death, 268, 313. 
Anspert, Aichbish<^ of Milan, ni., 

175* 199* summoned to Rome 

and excommunicated, 201-2. 



Aquedacls restored by Gregory 
IV., III., 81 ; bv Nkliolas I., 
136 ; in eleventh and twelfth 
centuries, iv., 685. 

Arabs, see Saracens. 

Arch of Sevems, iv., 683. 

Arches as fortresses, ill., 542 ; I v., 
278, 488, 691. 

Ardiitecture in Carolingian times, 
III., 25 ; of wood, 92; private 
in twelfth .century, iv., 687, 692 ; 
church, 693. 

Archives of the Church, ill., 141 ; 
in eleventh oenti^iy, iv., 307-8, 

Arduin of Ivrea, I v., 4, 7, 16, 1 7, 


Ariald, Deacon, iv., 128, 153^. 

Arnold of Brescia, iv., 442,^478^ 
condemned by Lateran Council, 
482*^ a fugitive, 485*; reappears 
in Rome, 502'; excommunicated, 
506? expelled from the city, 528 ; 
surrendered to the Pope, 530; 
his death, 545 ; his teaching and 
influence, 546-8. 

Amulf, Emperor, ill., 212, 217; 
in Italy, 218 ; the second time, 
219 ; takes Rome, 220 ; crowned 
Emperor, 221 ; returns to Ger- 
many, 223 ; his death, 236. 

Athanasius of Naples deprives Ser- 
gius of si^ht, III., 183 ; forms 
alliance with Saracens, 184-5. 

Athenulf of Benevento, iii., 259, 

Athenulf of Monte Casino, iv., 
29 ; his death, 30. 

Attigny, diet of, iii., 43. 

Atto, Bishop of Vercelli, ill., 508, 

Aurelius, M., Statue, legend of, 
III., 362, 398, 548. 

Auxerre, battle of, ill., 71. 

Aventine, desolation of, IV., 253 ; 
palace of Otto, ill., 452, 478. 

Bamberg, Bishopric of, IV., 80. 
Bandus, iv., 457. 

Bftidas, Emperor, ill., 122, 146. 
Bari ocmquered by the Saracens, 

III., 87, 158 ; by Lewis II., 164 ; 

by Basil I., 201. 
Bartholomew, S., his. remains, in., 

75, 483. 
Basil I., Emperor, in., 124; letter 

to Lewis II., 164, 200 ; his wars 

in Italy, 201. 

Basa IL, ai., 392, 424 ; IV., Z2* 

Basilians in Rome, in., 390, 403. 

Beatrix of TuBcany, iv., 70 ; mar- 
ries Godfrey of Lorraine, 94 ; is 
imprisoned, 96; in £ivour of 
Alexander II., 133 ; her death, 
182 and note. 

Benedict III., tumult on yuxount 
of his election, in., 115; is 
ordained, 118; his relations to 
Byzantium, 119; death, laa 

Benedict IV., in., 241. 

Benedict V.,*Grammaticus, becomes 
Pope, III., 352; overthrown, 
353 5 exiled, 354-7 ; his death, 

Benedict VI., in., 377 ; his death, 


Benedict VII., in., 387, 388, 390, 

Benedict VIII., becomes Pope, iv., 

14 ; meets the Emperor in Ra- 

veima, 17 ; crowns Henry II., 

17 ; his rule, 20-24 1 opposes 

the Saracens, 27; in Bamberg, 

28 ; his activity, 30 ; death, 


Benedict IX., iv., 39, 41 ; con- 
spiracy against, 43 ; reinstated, 
45 ; his career, 47 ; flight, 48 ; 
wishes to marry, 49 ; abdicates, 
50 ; deposed, 56 ; returns as 
Pope, 69 ; is expeUed, 71 ; his 
end, 72. 

Benedict X., iv., 112; deposed, 
113; flies, 114; besieged, 123 ; 
retires to a monastery, 123. 

Benedict, Canon, his Oido, iv., 

Benedict Carushomo, iv,, 633-4. 



Benedict, Count, and rector, iii., 
358-60; trial against Farfa, 

Benedict Christianus, IV., 414. 

Benedict of Soracte, in., 318, 

365-6, 425. 5«3» 524. 
Benedictines in tenth century, in., 
140; decay of order, 307-8 ; iv., 


Beneficiura, iix., 191 ; iv., 554-5. 

Benevento, in., 86 ; becomes pa- 
pal, IV., 80-1, 121 note, 218; De- 
sired by Robert Guiscard, 217 ; 
philosophers in, in., 145. 

Benjamin of Tudela, iv., 413 ; 
description of Rome, 677-82. 

Benzo, Bishop of Alba, iv., 133 
and note, 135^,145 ; his poem 
on Henry IV., 148 note. 

Berald (Berard), Abbot of Farfii, 
IV., 229, 307, 326, 371. 

Berengar of Friuli, in., 172, 199 ; 
treaty with Lambert, 223 ; king 
for second time, 236; defeated 
by the Hungarians, 237 ; de- 
prives Lewis III. of sight, 247 ; 
crowned Emperor, 265; war with 
Rudolf of Burgundy, 272 ; his 
death, 273. 

Berengar of Ivrea, marries Willa, 
in., 320; defeats Hugo, 320; 
King of Italy, 322 ; in An^burg, 
t24 ; in Ravenna, 325; his wars 
in Lombardy and against John 
Ill.f 331; against Otto I., 339; 
brought to Bamberg, 350; death, 
370 note. 

Berizo, iv. , 33. 

Bernard of Clarvaux supports In- 
nocent II., IV., 427, 434-5 ; 

in Rome, 436; opposes Arnold 
of Brescia, 483-4 ; De Consi- 
deratione, 483, 492; exhorts the 
Romans to submission, 506; 
death of, 523 note. 

Bernard, Abbot of S. Anastasius, 
IV., 492. See Eugenius, in. 

Bernard, King of Italy, in., 16; 
sent to Rome, 23 ; revolts, 39, 

41; blinded and pat to death, 

41 ; his descendimts, iv., 19 

Bern ward of Hildesheim, in., 

484, 489, 49a 
Bertha of Susa, wife of Henry IV., 

IV., 162, 206, 240. 
Bertharius of M. Casino, III., 145, 

186 note. 
Bishops, manner of life in ninth 

century, in., 209 ; soburbican, 

343-4 ; episco^ coUaUruies, 

IV., 1 16 note. 
Boccadipecora, Theobald of, rv., 

Bocca della veriti, iv.« 673. 
Bcemund, iv., 228, 27 1; his cru- 
sade, 290; death, 343. 
Boris, King of Bulgaria, III., 125. 
Boniface VI., in., 224-5. 
Boni&ce VII., in., j^i^i driven 

to Byzantium, 385 ; again Pop^ 

396; death, 398. 
Boniface of Tuscany, in., 218. 
Boniface, Margrave of Tuscany, 

IV., 54-5, 70-2 ; death, 94. 
Boniface and Alexius SS. monas- 
tery, in., 388 ; in lOth century, 

403, 416 ; diploma of Otto III. , 

416, 478-9. 
Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri, rv., 313. 
Book of Revenues, iv., 645. 
Borgo, in., 55 ; burning of, in 847, 

92 ; in time of Gregory VII., 

see Leonina. 
Boso» Duke, in., 175, 178, 198; 

becomes King of Provence, 199, 
Biazutus, John, iv., 129. 
Breakspeare, Nicholas, iv., 525, 

see Adrian IV. 
Bridges of the Tiber, in., 559-60 ; 

IV., 685. 
Bruno, Abbot of Monte Casino, 

IV., 3"* 356. 
Bruno, Chaplain of Otto III., s€€ 

Gr^ory V. 
Bruno of Toul, see Leo IX. 
Bucca in names, iv., 11 note* 



Bordinus, Archbishop of Braga, 
IV., 372-4 ; anti-pope, 384-7 ; 
his fall, 394-5 ; imprisonment 
and death, 396. 

Bulgarians, iii., 124-9 

Caballi Marmorei, ill., 378. 

Caballus Constantini, ill., 362 ; 
IV., 680, 698. 

Cadalus, iv., 130, 133 ; takes the 
Leonina, 137 ; withdraws, 137 ; 
treaty with Alexander II., 139 ; 
deposed, 140 ; advances against 
Rome, 142 ; flies, 147 ; again 
deposed, 147 ; his end, 147. 

Caesar, legend concerning his 
grave, in., 527-8. 

Ca»arius, in,, 93-4. 

Calistus II. See Guido of Vienne 
as Pope, IV., 392 ; entry into 
Rome, 394 ; victory over Bur- 
dinns, 394-5 ; ends the Concor- 
^U 39^ f holds Lateran Coun- 
cil, 400: his buildings, 401; 
his death, 402. 

Calistus III., anti-pope, iv., 594 ; 
deposed, 598 ; makes sulnnis- 
sion to Alexander, ill., 604. 

Camera Apostolica, in., 455. 

■Campagna, in., 458-9 ; Counts of, 
300, 301 note ; iv., 19, 150-156, 
460, 494. 

Campo, Abbot of Farfk, in., 
314-5 ; 438. 

Ounpus Agonis, in., 552. 

Campus Martius, in., 530. 

Canossa, iv., 206-210. 

Canute the Great, iv., 35-6. 

Capitaneus title, iv., 459. 

Capitol, condition in tenth century, 
in., 546 ; in eleventh and twelfth 
IV., 241, 463-8 ; account in the 
Mirabilia, 468-77. 

Capocdo, Giovanni, senator, iv., 


Capua promised to the Church by 

Charles the Bald, in., 174 note ; 
conquered by Richard of Aversa, 
IV. , 1 20-1 note ; principality of, 


120 note ; its amphitheatre, in., 
18^ note. 

Cardinals, growth of power of, in., 
108 ; acquire right of papal elec- 
tion, IV., II 5-6; position under 
Nicholas II., 117; cardinal 
bishops, 1 16 note; deacons, 116 
note ; presb3rters, 1 16 note ; col- 
lege of, 1 1 7-8, 601 

Carloman. son of Lewis II., in., 
172 ; desires imperial crown, 
I93'~4 f illness of, 201. 

Casa de Rienzo, iv., 687. 

Casa di Crescendo, ill., 536. 

Ceccano, Counts of, iv., 19, 396, 
437 note, 594. 

S. Cecilia, legend of, in., 48-50 ; 
church of, 50-2. 

Celestine, II., iv., 486-7. 

Celestine III., iv., 626^ 630; his 
death, 638 ; his buildings, 699. 

Celibacy, iv., 149, 184-5. 

Cencius Camerarius, iv., 644-5. 

Cencius, son of Stephen, iv., 124, 
126 and note, 130 ; protector of 
Cadalus, 139, 142, 147; struggles 
to obtain the prefecture, 157-9, 
181 ; takes Gregory VII. pri- 
soner, 191 ; makes submission, 
192-3 and note ; goes to Henry 
IV., 210; his deaUi, 211, 

Cervetri, in., 436. 

Charles the Great, character of his 
empire, in., 2; sojourn in Rome, 
7-9 f negotiates with Irene, 12 ; 
receives Leo III., 13; divides 
the empire, 14 ; appoints Lewis 
co-regent, 16 ; his death, 18 ; his 
cosmopolitan position, 18; be- 
quests to the Church, 19; pro- 
nounced a saint, 20. 

Charles the Bald, in., 69; deter- 
mines to conquer Italy, 172 ; 
crowned Emperor, 173 ; dona- 
tions to the Church, 173; be- 
comes King of Italy, 175 ; 
attitude towards John VIII., 
190 ; towards Italy, 191 ; hb 
death, 193-4. 

2 Z 



Charles the Fat, iii., 172 ; King<^ 
Italy and Emperor, 202; meet- 
ing with Mannus, 206 ; deposes 
Guido of Spoleto, 206 ; pardons 
him, 207 ; ratifies Stepnen V. 
on papal throne, 208 ; deposed, 
211 ; death, 211. 

Chivalry, I v., 28S-9. 

Christian, Archbishop of Mainz, 

IV., 573. 580. 593» 599, 600, 
604, 606-^ ; death, 610 note. 

Christophorus, Magister Militum, 
III., 116. 

Chromatins, palace of, iv., 659. 

Church, state of, Emperor's supre- 
macy over. III., 9, 57; w«dth 

. of, 105-6 ; guaranteed by Lam- 
bert, 2^4 ; extended by Otto, 
III., 476 ; under Alexander XL, 
IV., 156. 

Cinthius, Prefect of the city, I v., 
158-61, 211. 

Circus Agonalis, Ml., 552. 

Circus Maximus, in tenth century^, 
III., 542; in 1062, IV., 134; m 
possession of the Fiangipani, 
4$8, 691 ; in the Mirabilia, 662. 

Cistercians, iv., 42S note; in the 
Campagna, 442; in SicUy, 445 

Cittii Leonina, foundation of, 
94, 100 ; walls of, destroyed by 
Henry IV., iv.,234, 243 ; burnt 
by Guiscard, 251; battle in, 345; 
attacked by Frederick I., 583-4. 

Civiti, battle of, iv., 83-5. 

Civita-Vecchia, conquered by the 
Saracens, ill., 66; colonised, 
102 ; ceded to Farfa, iv., 241 
note ; to Tuscany, 361 note ; 
name, ill., 103. 

Classics, study of, in tenth century, 
III., 511-4. 

Clement II., IV., 57 ; his first 
Councils, 68 ; his death, 69 and 

Clement III., iv., 616 ; his treaty 
with the Senate, 617-9; death, 

Clement I II., anti-pope, j»f Wibeit, 
elected, iv., 221, 223, 225,229 : 
installed in the Lateran, 240 ; in 
the north, 244 ; back in Rome, 
266; excommunicated, 267; con- 
test with Urban II. , 270 ; sum- 
moned back to the city, 274; 
expelled by the Crusaders, 290 ; 
his final struggles, 291-6 ; his 
death, 318. 

S. Clemente, church, restored by 
John X., III., 281 note; iv., 
376, 696. 

Qermont, Council of, i v. , 285. 

Clergy, barbarism of, in tenth 
century, ill., 145; luxury of, 
209-210; under Leo IV., iv., 
108 ; under Gregory VII., 

Cluny, Monastery of, ill., 310. 

Codex, Codices in the ninth cen- 
tury, III., 142-4 ; in tenth, 500; 
in eleventh, iv., 305-8; of Monte 
Amiata, III., 142 note ; iv., 308; 
Vatican, 308 note. 

Coins in ninth century, iii., 109, 
144; of Formosus, 218 note; 
of John IX., 233 note ; of John 
X., 281 note ; of Alberic, 299 ; 
absence of, iv., 78 note ; of the 
City of Rome, 498-9, after 118S, 
617 and note. 

Colonna £unily, origin of, iii., 
300; IV., 319-20 and note; 
629, 632. 

Colonna, Oddo, iv., 578. 

Colonna, Peter, iv., 319-20, 326^ 

Colosseum, fortress of the Frangi- 

pani, IV., 488. 
Column of M. Aurelius, iii. , 548 ; 

IV., 252; decree of 1 119, iv., 

Column of Trajan, in., C47 ; nr.. 

Comes, comites, in., 450-453 ; 

comes sacrosancti PaJaHiy 453. 
Concordat of Worms, iv., 39S. 
Conon of Praeneste, iv,, 359, 39a. 



Conrad 11., the Salic, goes to Italy, 
iv^-i 33 ; crowned, 35 ; his 
rescript, 38 ; has Heribert im* 
prisoned, 44 ; again in Rome, 
46 ; death, 46. 
Conrad III., iv., 273; rival to 
Lothar, 407, 429, 490, 508; 
letter of Senate to, 510-3 ; his 
death, 517. 

Conrad, fiishop of Hildesheim, 
IV., 676. 

Conrad of Wittelsbach, iv., 586 
and note, J94, 599 note. 

Conrad of Montferrat, iv., 604, 

Conrad, son of Henry IV.,- iv., 
270 ; defection of, 276 ; crowned 
king, 277 ; marries, 285 ; death, 

Constantina, daughter of Gregory 
Nomenclator, ill., 177. 

Constantine Ducas, iv., 138, 146. 

Constantine IX., ill., 392, 424. 

Constantine Airicanus, iv., 306. 

Constantine, apostle of the Slavs, 
HI., 125. 

Constance, treaty of, iv., 551 and 
note, 598 and note, 615. 

Constance of Sicily, iv., 613 ; Em- 
press, 627; joins the rebels, 

Consul Romanorum, title, iii., 
253 ; IV., 416 ; hereditary in 
house of Alberic, 138 and note, 
borne by the Pierleoni in twelfth 
century, 416, 459, 461. 

Consuls under Otto III., in., 450 ; 
in Gaeta and Fundi, iv., 18 
note ; in other provincial cities, 

Consulate, in., 11 note. 

Convents in time of Leo III., ill., 

30-2; schools, 140. 

Corsi, IV., 239, 241, 321. 

Corsican bishops, iv., 389. 

Corso, Peter Latro, iv., 386, 389. 

Corso, Stephen, iv., 321, 326, 

Cosmati, IV., 697-8. 

Cotta family, iv., 128 and note. 
Cotta Herlembald, iv., 128, 153- 

5. 190. 
Cotta Landulf, iv., 138-153. 

Council of 869, III., 161 ; of 
1047, IV., 54 ; of 1074, 182 ; 
of 1075, 188 ; of 1076, 198 ; of 
1112, 356; of I123, 400; of 
1139,442; of 1 1 79, 605. 

Counts, IV., 18 note. 

Crescentii, fiimily of, ill. , 359, 378, 
436 ; their genealogical tree, 
IV., 6 ; position in 1002, 6, 28 ; 
43 note, 150. 

Crescentii, de Caballo Marmoreo, 

I".. 344, 35?, 378. 
Crescentius, Prelect of the city, 

III., 474; IV., 5, 11-15. 

Crescentius, son of Benedict, in., 

425, 4j6. 

Crescentius, John, III., 399, 400; 
banishes John XV., 408 ; his 
rule, 409 ; patriciate, 412 ; does 
homage to Otto III., 414 ; his 
character, 419 ; revolt against 
Gregory V., 420-2 ; again 
Patncins, 422; raises John XVI. 
to the Papacy, 423 ; defies 
Otto III., 426 ; besieged, 429 ; 
legend concerning him, 429 ; 
his death, 431 ; grave, 433-4- 

Crescentius de Theodora, in., 383 ; 
revolts against Benedict VI., 384 ; 
acquires Castrum Vetus, 459 ; 
his end, 386. 

Crescentius, John, Patricius IV., 5, 
lb, II, 12, 13. 

S. Croce in Gerusalemme, IV., 99 
note ; restored, 698-9. 

Crusade, iv., 281-7 5 attitude of 
Rome towards, 287, 622-3. 

DamasusII. iv., 72, 73. 

Damiani, Peter, iv., 51 ; his origin 
and character, 102 ; greets Gre- 
gory VI., CI ; views on battle 
of Civiti, 87, 8 ; becomes car- 
dinal-bishop of Ostia, loi ; 



early life, 102 ; his reforms, 
103 ; his discipline, 104 ; legate 
in Milan, 128 ; in fiiTOur of 
Alexander II., 132-7 ; enters a 
monastery, 139 ; influence over 
Empress, 1^2 ; l^;ate in Worms, 
162 ; his death, 162 ; culture, 
73 note, 312, 

Daniel, Magister Militum, ill., 

Decarcones, ill., 361. 

Decretals, Pseudo-Isidorian, ill., 

Desiderius, Abbot of Monte 

Casino, iv., 109, 129 ; builds 

the basilica, 163, 696 ; makes 

peace between Henry IV. and 

the Romans, 233 ; removes 

columns, 253 ; his care for the 

library, 306 ; becomes Pope, 

264 ; see Victor IIL 

Deusdedit, Cardinal, iv., 310, 

Diaconates under Leo III., ill., 
39i 30 \ ^i^ ^^ twelfth century, 
IV., 651 note. 

Discipline, penitential, iv., 104-7. 

Donizo of Canossa, iv., 302. 

Drogo of Metz, IIL, 84, 86. 

Ducatus Romanus, ill., 192 and 

Duces, their share in episcopal 
election, 11 1., 122 note ; their 
position after time of Charles 
the Great, 445 ; outside Rome, 

Emmanuel Comnenus, iv., 508, 

Emperors, their revenues, ill., 

454i 5 > ceremonial of their cor- 
onation, IV., 58-63 ; their ex- 
peditions to Italy, 38. 

Empire, decay of, iii., 170, 174; 
restored by the Germans, 335-6. 

Engelberga, ill., 132, 163, 167, 
172, 199, 202. 

Ermengaid, ill., 172, 198. 

Eite, Margraves of, III., 172, 198. 

Eugenius II., iir., 56-64. 

Eugenius IIL, su Bernard,, Ab- 
bot of S. Anastasius ; becomes 
Pope, IV., 492; escapes to 
Viterbo, 493 ; at war with Rome, 
494-6 ; escapes to France, 501 ; 
excommunicates Arnold of Bres- 
cia, 506; his death, 623; his 
buildmes, 6991 

S. Eustachio, Church, foundatioo 
of, III., 554 ; lawsuit with Far&, 
440; possessions in tenth cen- 
tury, 553-4. 

S. Eustachio, family of, ill., 556 ; 
IV., 420, 458. 

Eustachius, S., Legend of, iii., 

Excommunication, ill., 161-2 ; 
IV., 120 note, 22a 

Farfti, privileges of. ili., 44 ; law- 
suit with the Pope, 45 ; condition 
in ninth and tenth centuries, 260 ; 
destroyed by the Saracens, 260 ; 
condition in 936, 314; refonn 
of, 315 ; under Otto II. ami IIL, 
436-40; trial against Count 
Benedict, 440-3; with S. Eus- 
tachio. 440; with SS. Cosma 
and Damiano, 443 note ; under 
Lombard law 441-2 ; posses* 
sions in Rome, 553 ; hostile to 
Gregory VII., 227 ; imperialist, 
307 ; r^estae of, 307 ; histoiy 
of the Abbey, iv., 308. 

Ferrara, diet of, iv., 598. 

Feudalism in the Campagna in the 
tenth and eleventh centuries, iii., 
458; IV., 19; in Lomfaardy, 


Fiscus. under Otto IIL, 453-5. 

Flagellants, iv., 104-7. 

Fleet, Papal, iii., 93, 181 ; Pre- 
fect of, 472. 

Formosus, Missionary to the Bul- 
garians, III., 126-7 ; sent to 
Charles the Bald, 173 ; member 
of German party, 176; excom- 




municated, 177 ; in France, 
198; rehabilitated, 206; be- 
comes Pope, 216 ; crowns LAm- 
bert of Spoleto, 217 ; summons 
Amulf, 218 ; his death, 223 ; 
post mortem trial, 225-6 ; 
buried, 230 ; vindicated, 232. 

Forum Romanum, ill., 377, 543 ; 
name, iv., 376. 

Foruin Trajanum in tenth century, 
IV., 547. 

Franco, III., 378, see Boni&ce VII. 

Frangipani family, iv., 129-30 
note; name and arms, 403-4 
and note ; de Arco branch, 691 ; 
their fortresses and towers, 278, 
488,691; position of their party, 
278; protect Urban II., 278; 
Honorius II., 410; Ghibelline, 
416 ; their descendants, 417 ; 
acqmre Terracina, 501 note; 
Astura, 629 note. 

Frangipani, Cencius, IV., 129. 

Frangipani, Cencius John, iv., 
371, 379 note, 380, 387. 

Frangipani, Cencius Leonis (Con- 
sul), IV., 245, 263, 264, 265. 

Frangipani, Donna Bona, iv., 

Fxangipani, John Cencius, Consul, 

IV., 245, 278. 
Frangipani, Leo (about loco), 278. 
Frangipani, Leo (about 1 108), 326, 

387, 4«6. 
Frangipani, Oddo, iv., C22 note 

529, 56s, 578, S8i, 596. 
Frangipani, Robert, iv., 405, 5. 

Fredenck I., iv., 518, 520; his 
first expedition to Rome, 529 ; 
meeting with the Pope, 531 ; 
reply to the Senate, 536; his 
battle in the Leonina, 542; he 
withdraws, 543 ; quarrels with 
Adrian IV,, 554-5 ; second ex- 
pedition to Italy, 555 ; recon- 
ciliation with the Romans, 559 ; 
his Council at Pavia, 568 ; third 
expedition to Italy, 577 ; before 
Rome, 583 ; makes peace, 588 ; 

withdraws, 589 ; his wars with 
the Lombards, 577, 572 ; defeat 
at Legnano, 597 ; peace of 
Venice, 599 ; quarrel for Ma- 
tilda's estates, on- 13 ; death*, 
624 ; character, 625. 

Frederick II., iv., 638. 

Frederick of Lorraine, iv., 70, 81, 
89, 96 ; becomes Abbot of 
Monte Casino, 99 ; Pope, 100 ; 
see Stephen IV. 

Gaeta concludes treaty with Rome, 
III., 92 ; Consuls o^ iv., 18 
note ; war with Ptolemy of Tus- 
culum, 374 and note. 

Garigliano, victory and treaty of, 
III., 26S-7a 

Gastaldi, iii., 450 note. 

Gates of Rome, iii., 98. 

Gelasitts II., iv., 378 ; imprisoned 
by Cencius Frangipani, 380 ; 
released, 380 ; escapes to Gaeta, 
382 ; deposed, 383 ; excommu- 
nicates Henry v., 38c; in 
Rome, 386; attacked by the 
Frangipani, 387 ; escapes to 
France, 389 ; his death, 390. 

Genoa makes treaty with Rome, 

IV., 575-^. 

Gerard, Count of Galena, iv., 
48, 9, III, 123 and note, 130. 

Gerbert, ill., 463 ; becomes Pope, 
466 ; see Sylvester II. 

Gerhard, Bishop of Florence, see 
Nicholas I. 

Gervasius, of Tilbury, iv., 674, 5 

Ghetto, IV., 369. 

Gisulf of Salerno, III., 330 ; iv., 
165, 180, 215-6^ 263, 265. 

Godfrey of Lorrame, Margrave of 
Tuscany, iv., 81 ; marries Bea- 
trix, 94; reconciled to Agnes, 
98; acquires Spoleto and Ca- 
merino, too; intrigues against 
Benedict, 113; against Honor- 
ius II., 132, 139; occupies 



Rome, 139, 141 ; appointed 
Missus, 141 ; makes war on 
Richard of Capua, 1 50-1 ; death 
of, 161. 

Godfrey the Hunchback, iv., 161, 
181 ; death of, 182 note. 

Godfrey of Venddme, iv., 278. 

Grammaticus, title, iii., 501. 

Graphia, ill., 470, 502, 517, 523 ; 
IV.. 653. 

Gratian, Superista, ill., 109, ill. 

(rratian, collection of, iv., 643. 

Greek, knowledge of language in 
ninth century, ill.. 140; in 
tenth, 470. 

Greeks seize the Campagna, iii., 
185 ; possessions in S. Italy, 
37 ; found dominion there, i v. . 
26-9; settled in Rome, ill., 

Gregory IV., ill., 65 ; founds new 
Ostia, 68 ; mediates' between 
Lothar and his sons, 69 ; intro- 
duces festival of All Saints, 80 ; 
his buildings, 81 ; care for the 
Campagna, 81. 

Gregoi^ v., III., 410 ; crowns 
C^o III., 412; holds Council, 
413 ; character of his rule, 414- 
20 ; flight, 420 ; restored, 425 ; 
cedes Comacchio, Cesena, and 
Ravenna, 458 ; his death, 462. 

Gr^ory VI., iv., 50; abdicates, 
55 ; in Germany, 69. 

Gregory VII., see Hildebrand, be- 
comes Pope, IV., 1 7 1-3 ; re- 
ceives homage of the Normans, 
174; his claims, 175-^; plans a 
crusade, 179, 80 ; his relations 
to Matilda, 181, 2 ; his first 
Council, 182 ; hostility towards 
him. 184 ; second Council, 187, 
8 ; taken prisoner by Cencius, 
191 ; his Lateran Council, 198 ; 
excommunicates Henry IV., 
199 ; in Canossa, 206-10 ; nego- 
tiations at Forchheim, 213; again 
in Rome, 214 ; at enmity with 
the Normans, 215; recognises 

Rudolf of Swabia, 220 ; is de- 
posed, 220 ; deserted by the 
Normans, 224 ; escapes to S. 
Angelo, 230 ; November Coun- 
cil, 234 ; deposed in Rome, 240 ; 
released by Guiscard, 245; 
taken to Salerno, 255 ; his dea^ 
256 ; schools, 304 ; letters, 202, 

3. 312. 
Gregoiy VIII., iv,, 614, 5. 

Gregory, anti-pope, ste Burdinus. 

Gregory, anti-pope to Benedict V., 

IV., 14, 15. 
Gregory, brother of Benedict IX., 

IV., 41, 47, III, 138 note. 
Gregory of Tusculum, ill., 472, 

490; IV., 9, 10, 11.32a 
Grotta Ferrata, foundation of, 11 1., 

463 note ; iv., 10 ; Greek dur- 

acter of, 72 note. 
Guaiferius of Salerno, ill., 181, 2. 
GuastalLa, Council of, iv., 324. 
Guelf (Welf) IV., iv., 205, 272, 

273 note, 277, 296. 
Guelf (Wdif) V., iv., 273, 276. 295- 

296. 363- 
Guido of Arezzo, iv.. 302. 3. 
Guido of Castello, see Celestinell. 
Guido of Crema, iv., 567, 572, sec 

Paschalis III. 
Guido I., Duke of Spoleto, iii., 


Guido II., Duke of Spoleto, iii., 
181, 203, 206 ; reinstated, 207 ; 
victorious over the Saracens, 
211 ; his power, 213 ; becomes 
King of France, 213 ; of Italy, 
213 ; Kmperor, 214 ; appoints 
Lunbert co-regent, 217; his 
death, 219. 

Guido of Tuscany, ill., 276; 
marries Marozia, 278, 279, 283. 

Guido of Velate, iv., 70, 128, 153, 

Guido of Vienne, IV., 359^ 390, 

see Calixtus II. 

Guido of Crema, see Paschalis II. 

Guido, XcffXt in Bohemia, iv., 




Guilds in twelfth century, iv., 

Gunther of Cologne, ill., 131, 

134 ; is amnestied, 156 note. 

lianno of Cologne, iv., 140-2, 

Henry II., at war with Arduin, 

IV., 7 ; recognises Benedict 

VIII., 14, 16 ; Patricius of the 

Romans, 16; crowned Emperor, 

17; his diploma, 19; revolt 

against him, 22; returns to 

Germany, 23 ; marches against 

the Greeks, 29 ; his death, 32. 

Henry III., iv.,47; comes to 
Italy, 54; attends Council at 
Sutri, 54; Synod in Rome, 56; 
causes Suidger of Bamberg to 
be elected Pope, 56-7 ; his coro- 
nation, 58-9 ; Patricius, 64 ; 
goes to Campania, 68 ; his rela- 
tions towards Boniface of Tus- 
cany, 70 ; appoints Damasus, 72; 
and Leo IX., 74; ratifies Leo 
in possession of Benevento, 80 ; 
appoints Victor II., 94; accom- 
panies him to Italy, 95 ; his 
death, 97, 

Henry IV., iv., 97; Patricius, 
126, 130; unsuccessful expedi- 
tion to Italy, 150 ; marries 162 ; 
ratifies election of Gregory VII., 
172 ; his victory on the Unstrut, 
189 ; breach with Gregory VII., 
190 ; summons Council at 
Worms, 195 ; excommunicated, 
199 1 at Tribur, 205 ; at Canossa, 
207 ; at Piacenza, 210 ; deposed 
at ForchhelRl, 21 3 ; kt war with 
Rudolf, 214 ; again excommuni- 
cated, 220 ; puts forward anti- 
pope, 220 ; goes to Italy, 224 ; 
before Rome, 225 ; forms alli- 
ance with Alexius, 226; besieges 
Rome for third time, 229 ; takes 
the Leonina, 231 ; his treaty with 
the Romans, 233 ; goes to Cam- 

pania, 237 ; enters Rome, 239 ; 
crowned, 240; besieges S. An- 
gelo, 242 ; leaves Rome, 244 ; 
Conrad's defection from, 277; 
attitude towards Crusades, 
293-4 ; his death, 298, 324 ; his 
remains, 339. 

Henry V., iv., 298, 324 ; his ex- 
pedition to Rome, 329; treaty 
with Paschalis II., 237 ; his 
coup tP^tatf 340-2; takes the 
Pope a prisoner, 343 ; his battle 
in the Leonina, 345; leaves 
Rome, 346; fresh treaty with 
the Pope, 350-1 ; crowned, 352 ; 
excommunicated, 359 ; claimant 
for Matilda's estates, 363 ; in 
Rome in 11 17, 371-2 ; in 11 18, 
38 1 ; procures election of Gregory 
VIII., 383-4; again excommuni- 
cated, 385, 392; rebellion in 
Germany, 392 ; Concordat of 
Worms, 398 ; his death, 402. 

Henry VI., iv., 611 ; married to 
Constance, 613 ; ravages La- 
tium, 614 ; Emperor, 627 ; 
mardies against Tancred, 629 ; 
subjugates Sicily, 635 ; his pro- 
ceedings in Italy, 636-7 ; his 
vassal principalities, 636 ; death, 

Henry, Duke of Bavaria, ill., 482, 
489, 490 ; IV., 7. 

Henry the Lion, iv., 542-3 note. 

Henry the Proud, iv., 364 note, 

433? 436. 
Hereucs condemned by Lucius 

III., IV., 612. 
Hermits, iv., 101-4. 
Heribert of Milan, iv., 33, 35, 44, 

45. 46, 70. 

Hildebert of Tours, iv., 250. 

Hildebrand, iv., 51 ; his origin, 
167-8 ; chaplain of Gregory VI., 
51 ; goes to Germany, 69 ; sub- 
deacon of Leo IX., 75 ; his pro- 
gramme, 93-4 ; puts forward 
Gebhard of Eichstadt, 94 ; ruses 
Stephen IX. to the Papacy, too ; 



archdeftcon, loi ; opposed to 
Benedict X., II2; alliance with 
the Normans, 115, 119, 122; 
procures election of Alexander 
II., 129; is Chancellor, 132; 
growth of his power, i4iS ; be- 
comes Pope, 167, su Gregory 

ITildebrand of Farfin, III., 314-5. 

Hohenstaufen, family of, iv., 213, 

273i 407. 
Honorius II., J«f Lambert of Ostia, 

becomes Pope, iv., 406 ; invests 

Robert with principality of 

Capua, 409; Roger II., with 

Apulia and Calabria, 409 ; death 

of, 410. 

Honorius II., anti-pope, see Cad- 

Horta, III., 103 ; marchiones of, 
255 note. 

Houses in Rome in tenth century, 

iHm 535-7. 
Hubert, Proctor of Farfa, ill., 441. 

Hugh, Bishop of Lyons, iv., 235, 

262, 265, 268. 
Hugo, Abbot of Farfii, iii., 425, 

437, 439-40 ; IV., 22, 307. 
Hugo of Alatri, iv., 382, 386 note, 

Hugo Candidus, iv., 124, 126, 
149 ; envoy in Spain, 177, 189, 

Hugo of Provence, iii., 276 ; be- 
comes King of Italy, 277 ; his 
character, 283-4 > deprives Lam- 
bert of Spoleto of sight, 285 ; 
marries Marozia, 286 ; escapes 
from Rome, 290; besieges Rome, 
303-4$ lus relations to Byzan- 
tium, 319 ; makes Lothar co- 
regent, 319; besieges Rome, 
319-20 ; his struggle with Beren- 
gar, 320; treaty with Alberic, 

Hugo of Tuscany, ill., 480, 482 

Hugo of Vennandois, iv., 290. 

Humbert of Subiaco, iv., 309. 

Humphrey of Apulia, iv., 84, 90, 

Hnneanans invade Italy, iii., 

236-7; conouer Pavia, 272; 

conversion ot, 477. 

Ignatius, Patriarch of Constanti- 
nople, III., 123. 

Ignorance in Rome in ninth cen- 
tury, 145-7, 498; in eleventh, 
IV., 300-2. 

Imperium, theory of Lewis II. 
concerning, iii., 166-7; signifi- 
cation under the Ottos, 334, 5. 

Imperial rights restored by John 
IX., III., 234. 

Imperiola Peter, 11 1., 345 and note. 

Ingoald, Abbot of Fairfa, ill., 45. 

Innocent II., rv., 420 ; in France, 
422 ; recognised, 429 ; crowns 
Lothar, 432 ; flies, 433 ; retnnis 
439 ; recognised in Rome, mikes 
peace with the Pierleoni, 441 : 
builds Aquas Salvias, 441 ; his 
Lateran Council, 442 ; war with 
Roger of Sicily, 443 ; recognises 
Roger, 444; war with Tivoli, 
448 ; insurrection in Rome, 
451 ; condemns Arnold oif 
Brescia, 442 ; his death, 452 ; 
his buildings, 695. 

Innocent III., anti-pope, rv., 605. 

Interdict, signification of, iv., p7. 

Investiture forbidden to la}rmeo, 
IV., 188-9, 325f 332; ratified 
to the Emperor by Paschalis II., 
350» 352; revoked by Lateran 
Council, 358 ; renounced at 
Concordat of Worms, 397-9* 

Irene, Empress, III., 12. 

Irmengard, wife of Adalbert of 
Ivrea, iii., 276-7. 

Irmengard, wife of Lothar, ill., 

Irmengard, wife of Lewis the 

Pious, 34. 

Janiculum, legendary foundation 
of, III., 525. 



Jerasalem, fell of, iv. , 614 ; de- 
scribed by Benjamin of Tudela, 

Jews, their Schola, iv., 414; in 
twelfth centuiy, 412-14; num- 
bers in different cities, 413. 
Joan, Pope, ill., 111-4. 
ohn Vfll., Pope, iiL, 171; 
crowns Charles the Bald, i/j; 
goes to Pavia, 175 ; brings trial 
against Formosus, 177 ; seeks 
aid against the Saracens, 179 ; 
equips a fleet, 181 ; defeats the 
Saracens, 182 ; his letters, 186; 
buildines, 186-7 ; summons 
Council in Rome, 189 ; his 
attitude towards Charles the 
Bald, 190; holds Synod at 
Ravenna, 191 ; receives Charles 
the Bald, 193 ; negotiates with 
Lambert, 194-5 ; a prisoner in 
the Vatican, 196; escapes to 
France, 197 ; crowns Lewis the 
Stammerer, 198 ; forms treaty 
with Boso, 198 ; returns to Italy, 
199; recognises Photius, 200; 
crowns Charles the Fat, 202 ; 
his death, 203. 

John IX., III., 231 ; rehabilitates 
Formosus, 232 ; ratifies Lam- 
bert's election, 233 ; at Synod 
of Ravenna, 233; his death, 

John X., his youth, iii., 249; 
becomes Pope, 259 ; crowns 
Berengar, 265 ; his war with the 
Saracens, 262-7; league with 
princes of South Italy, 268 ; 
summons Hugo of Provence, 
277 ; his imprisonment, 279 ; 
death, 279. 
John XL, descent of, iii., 254; 
becomes Pope, 283 ; taken pri- 
soner by Aiberic, 290 ; ratifies 
Theophylact, 305 ; death, 305. 
John X:II., III., 328-9 ; becomes 
Pope, J29 ; his expedition against 
the princes in the South, 330 ; 
summons Otto L, 331-2; con- 

spires with Berengar, 340; his 
dissolute life, 330, 340; dted 
before the' synod, 343 ; deposed, 
347 ; re-enters Rome, 350 ; his 
revenue, 350 ; death, 351. 

John XflL, III., 357 ; imprisoned, 
359 ; in Ravenna. 368 ; crowns 
Otto II., 368 ; gives Palestrina 
to Stephania, 374 ; crowns Theo- 
pbano, 376 ; fajs death, 377. 

John XIV., III., 393, 397. 

John XV., 398 ; ms avarice, 407 ; 
flight, 408 ; death, 408. 

John XVI., III., his early career, 
422 ; becomes anti-pope, 423 ; 
mutUated, 426 ; his end, 427. 

John XVIL, IV., 7. 

John XVIIL, IV., 7-10. 

John XIX., s€e Romanus, be- 
comes Pope, IV., 31 ; summons 
Conrad 11. , 33; crowns him, 35 ; 
invites Guido of Arezzo, 303 ; 
death of, 39. 

John, son of Benedict, in., 425, 
436 ; IV., 5, 22. 

{ohn, son d Crescentius, III., 360. 
ohn of Crema, iv., 395, 419. 
{ohn Diaconus, in., 148, 508. 
ohn of Vico, Prefect of the city, 
IV., 59Sf 603-4. 
John Cannaparius, in., 515. 
John, Duke of Gaeta, in., 268^9. 
John, Bishop of Gaeta, iv., 377, 

see Gelasius II. 
John, Archbishop of Ravenna, in,, 

121-3, 135. 
John, Bishop of Tusculum, iv., 344, 

, 346, 355. 

Johannipolis, in., 147, 342. 
Jonathan of Tusculum, iv. ,578 note. 
Jordan I. of Capua, iv., ici, 165, 
218, 224, 228, 232-3, 263, 265, 


Jordan II., iv., 408-9. 
udices, III., 444 ; dativi, 446 ; Ro- 
mani, 448 ; papal, iv., 156 and 
Judith, wife of Lewis the Pious, 
III., 69. 




Judith, daughter of Charles the 
Bald, III., 13a 

Lacus Curtius, iii., 545. 

Lambert of Okia, iv., 397, 405-^, 
see Honorius II. 

Lambert, Duke of Spoleto, attacks 
Rome, III., 157 ; deposed, 169 ; 
reinstated, 181 ; supports John 
VIII. against the Saracens, 181 ; 
takes part against him, 188, 9 ; 
attacks Rome, 196 ; excommu- 
nicated, 197 ; his death, 203. 

Lambert II. becomes co-regent, 
III., 217 ; Emperor, 219 ; at war 
with Amulf, 220; takes Pavia, 
225 ; attends post-mortem synod, 
225 ; his death, 237. 

Lambert of Tuscany, ill., 276, 283, 

Lando, Pope, lii., 248. 

Lando of Sezza, iv., 605. 

Landulf, Duke of Capua, ill., 259, 

Landulf II., Duke of Capua, ill., 


Landulf V., Duke of Capua, iv., 

I^andulf v., Duke of Benevento, 
IV., 29. 

Landulf VI., Duke of Benevento, 
IV., 80, 165, 174, 217. 

Lateran basilica, &I1 of, lit., 226 ; 
restored, 247 ; building of Calix- 
tus II., IV., 401 ; palace and 
building of Nicholas I., ill., 
137 ; M]s to ruin, iv., 297 ; 
Oratory, in., 26; gate, iv., 252 ; 
archives, iv., 643. 

Latin in ninth century, in., 146-9. 

Law in ninth century, in., 56-^2 ; 
of Justinian, 60; iv., 642 ; Lom- 
bard in Far&, in., 441 ; in 
eleventh and twelfth centuries, 
IV., 38, 216, 496, 641-2; Canon, 
643 ; Judex Romanus, 642 ; ad- 
ministration of, under Alberic, 
III., 300; under Otto III., 444-8; 

under Alexander II., rv., 156^ 
7 ; under Innocent II., 459 ; 
af^er 1144, 505 ; lawyers in ninth 
century, in., 14a 

Lazarus, painter, in., 119-aoiiote. 

Learning, decay of, in., 139 ; ab- 
sence of, in Rome, iv., 300-1, 

Legates, papal, after Gregocy VII., 
IV., 186 ; a iatere^ 358. 

L^[nano, battle of, iv., 597. 

Leo IV., Pope, in., 91 ; forms 
alliance with seaports, 92 ; 
blesses the fleet, 93 ; bmlds 
walls, 95 ; restores Portns, 101 ; 
founds Leopolis, 102 ; his build- 
ings, 103-4 ; crowns Lewis II., 
icS ; denounces Anastasins, 
108 ; is accused to the Emperor, 
no; his death, in. 

Leo v.. III., 242. 

Leo VI., III., 282. 

Leo VIL, in., 306, 317. 

Leo VIII., beoomes Pope, ni., 
348 ; flies, 350 ; deposed, 352 ; 
reinstated, 353 ; his privilegium, 
356 ; death, 357. 

Leo IX., IV., 74; his first Coun- 
cil, 77 ; lus financial distress^ 
78; his journeys, 77, 79; acquires 
Benevento, 80 ; campaign against 
the Normans, 81 ; taken prisoner, 
83 ; reconciled with the enemy, 
89 ; negotiates with Byzantium, 
89, 90 ; his death, 90, 

Leo de Benedicto Christiano, ia'., 

Leo Simplex, Abbot, in., 403, 464^ 

Leo de Monumento, iv., 615-6. 
Leo Nomenculator, in., 46. 
Leo of Ostia, iv., 306, 344, 355- 
Leopolis, in., 103. 
Leonina. See Citt^ Leonina. 
Lewis the Pious, Emperor, in., 

16 ; sends Bernard to Rome, 23 ; 

crowned by the Pope, 34 ; ratifies 

privileges of the Church, 35-8 ; 

appoints Lothar co*emperar, 39 ; 



ptinishes Bernard, 41 ; at the 
Diet of Attigny, 43 ; sends Missi 
to Rome, 47 ; another partition 
of the empire, 69 ; quarrel with 
his sons,69 ; death, 71. 

Lewis the German, ill,, 70, 164, 
172, 189, 190. 

Lewis IL, III., 71 ; sent to Rome, 
84 ; crowned, 85 ; treaty with 
Siconolf, 86 ; crowned Emperor, 
108 ; his tribunal, 1 10 ; attitude, 
to Benedict IIL, 118 ; sole Em- 
peror, 119; procures election of 
Nicholas I., 120 ; appears against 
Nicholas, 132 ; in Rome, 132-5 ; 
at war with the Saracens, 158 ; 
besieges Bari, 162-4; letter to 
Basil, 164-5 > taken prisoner by 
Adalgisus, 168 ; crowned a sec- 
ond time, 169 note ; his death, 

Lewis of Provence (the Blind), goes 
to Italy, III., 237-^; crowned 
Emperor, 241 ; deprired of sight, 

Lewis the Stammerer, ill., 198, 

201 • 
Libellum Libellaria, ill., 191. 
Liber Censuum, iv., 645-6. 
Liber Pontificalis, ill., 148, 149, 

513 ; IV., 647-8. 
Libraries, in ninth century, iii., 

141 ; in eleventh, iv., 304. 
Lingua Volgare, in ninth century, 

III., 168 note; in tenth, 505, 

Liutprand of Cremona, ill, 249, 

2&^ 287, 343 ; in Constanti- 
nople, 370-2 ; his learning, 508. 

Ivodi, Council of, iv., 570. 

Lombards, position in S. Italy, 
III., 40; IV., 26-7; take part 
with Henry IV., iv., 206, 227 ; 
their colonies in South Italy, 
216 ; war with Frederick I., iv., 
577 ; league, 593 and note ; vic- 
tory at Lq^ano, 597, 599; cities, 
453 ; Lombard names, ill., 61, 
254-5 note ; iv., 168 note. 

S. Lorenzo fiiori le mura, Church, 
IV., 69&-9 ; Abbot as Cardinal, 
IV., 116. 

Lothar I., co-regent, in., 39; King 
of Italy, 42 ; in Italy, 43 ; 
crowned, 43 ; decides between 
Far& and the Pope, 45 ; his 
constitution, 57, 8, 62-4 ; rebels, 
69 ; Emperor, 71 ; auarrel with 
his brothers, 71 ; sends Lewis II. 
to Rome, 83 ; becomes monk, 
119; his death, 119; his edict, 

139- ^ 
Lothar II., iv., 407 ; his relations 

to Anaclete, 11., 424; recognises 
Innocent IL, 428 ; in Italy, 429; 
crowned, 432 ; second expedi- 
tion to Rome, 436 ; drives Roger 
out of Apulia, 437 ; his death, 

Lothar, King of Italy, co-regent, 

III., 319 ; marries Adelaide, 

319 ; becomes King of Italy, 

320; his death, ^21-2. 

Lothar of Lotharmgia, his mar- 
riage, III., 130; annulled by 
Nicholas I., 135 ; fresh offences, 
161-2 ; dealings with Adrian II. , 
162 ; his death, 164. 

Lucius II. , IV., 487; relations 
with Roger I. and the Frangi- 
pani, 487; with Conrad HI., 
490 ; his death, 491 ; his build- 
ings, 699. 

Lucius III., IV., 609; seeks the 
Emperor's protection, 611; his 
death, 612. 

Macbeth, iv., 78. 
Macel de Corvi, in., 558. 
Maginolf, see Sylvester IV. 
Mafiius, Peter, iv., 650-3. 
Mansionarii Scholk Confessionis, 

S. Petri, III., 134; IV., 184. 
Mantua, Council of, 1064, iv., 

Manuscripts, see Codices. 

S. Marco Gi. rebuilt by Gr^ory 

IV., III., 80 ; mosaics in, 8i. 


£«KT^ IT^ 

ot rr., 121. 122; 

Sfmaddi, ui^ 131. 

UL, 119, 123, 

ni., 104. 

nx^ 40; m dewnth centiu^, 

rr^ •95- ' >▼- i*7. I53 ; smrrcuAers lo 
Tan. IT^ 60^ ^i Ficdenck L, 555 ; destnKtioQ 

L.F=«.ti:.,J05,6. S&akfiB. IT. 468. 517, 646. 

EL, d^ SxS ; 4kMk of, 653-5 ; dEacnptiao of the nooQ- 
jtt. -ms, tti-i 664^^ 66S, 669. 

Xjcknki of Riiiw, it., 636c 674- 
657- M™, lGnB» m., 9. 5S> 234. 

Ser- Mibc. F^)^ i54DoCc;fcrsecflIar 
IIL^CL,X4<.«S»»—' " I ofccMk, IT.. 134 note. 

MoMstk QvdeR» it., 428 note. 
Jofan X.pn9aKr, 279: her »- lloaksm Robc, nu, 312. 

a7*» a«5 = Mobs Ai^psbK, m., 55a. 

Mobs Gaslii, HI.. 432 ; rv., 591 

MacB. Gmss oC nr., 19L M 

vMuoBu; fiosSr, it., 45S 1KB m nnui catny, uu, 145, 

147 ; bsiBt b^ the ^•■■^ nrfrs 

Madkia of Tbobt, i^-. 7°^ 9& ' i^; ilsooloBics 3pS note ; its 

9S, 151 ; BUiks Godfrey the . refanntian, 311 ; aoquiies S. 

Haachbttck, 161 : iciatiaBi to- Cinioe m GcneadeBme, nr., 99 

«uds Gffcgorj VII., iScK-2; a Bofee; mmfttimw m Seventh 

vkk>v, 1&2 note ; miaoedes for ccBBny, 163 ; iBsiKca o( 164- 

CeBcmsi9o; iB CuKm, 207: 6; fibniy, 306; mowiics, 

ManBsa^unstHeni7rV.,234: 696k. 

soppoffts Vktor IIL, 266; Moaie Gsi^uMs ni., 462. 
auiies Godf v., 273; protects ^ Monte Mano, in., 432. 

Comad, 276; 6itociis the Cn- Monte ¥omo, it., 8 note, 320; 

fi i4^ ^ 284 ; leaves her propoty battle o^ 581. 

to the Own*. a9S ; «paiates MonuMnls^in., 537-^; in twelfth 

from Gnelf, a9S ; ***** ^"^ ^ centmy, 687. 

T,fMl«y to Hemy v.* 33D; her Mosaic ait in deventh and twelfth 

death, 360 ; ho boqiaest, 361-4. centuries, IT., 696. 



Names in Italy, ill., 61 ; Byzan- 
tine, III., 251 ; Arabic, 262 
note; Lombard, 254, 5 note; 
IV., 168 note, 216 ; Roman, in 
tenth century, III., 251, 381, 
2 ; in eleventh and tweUfth, iv., 
II note. 

Naples in league with Rome, ill., 
92 ; conquered by Rc^er IV., 

Naumachia, iii., 27 and note. 

Navona, ill., 552. 

Nicephorus, Emperor, in., 12 ; 
death o( 125 note. 

Nicephorus, Phocas, in., 369-372. 

Nicholas I.. Pope, in., 120; dis- 
pute with John of Ravenna, 121- 
3, condemns Photius, 123-4 ; 
sends missionaries to the Bul- 
garians, 124 ; his Responsa, 127 ; 
correspondence with the Em- 
peror Michael, 125-9 ; sum- 
mons Synod of Metz, 1 31 ; 
quarrel with Lewis, 132 ; effects 
reconciliation between Lothar 
and his wife, 135 ; his buildings, 
136-7 ; encouragement to learn- 
ing, 138 ; founder of Papal 
monarchy, 153 ; his death, 

Nicholas II., iv., 114; his decree 

concerning Papal election, 

1 15-7 ; excommunicates Robert 

Guiscard, 120 ; concedes him 

the in vesture, 121 ; his death, 


Nicholas, Magister S. Palatii, rv., 

Nicholas of Anagni, in., 115. 
Nilus, III., 403, 427 ; visited by 

Otto III., 463 ; founds Grotta 

Ferrata, 463 note ; IV., la 
Ninia (Nympha), IV., 327 and 

note, 564. 
Noah as founder of Rome, ill., 

Nobmty in tenth century, in., 

291 ; in beginning of eleventh, I 

IV., 2. 21 ; resume right of > 

electing pope, 14 ; under Nicho- 
las II., 124, 5 ; in twelfth cen- 
tury, 455-61. 

Normans invade Italy, iv., 27 ; 
receive estates, 30 ; spread over 
South Italy, 80; at war with 
Leo IX., 81-7; form alliance 
with Hildebrand, 119; do 
homage to the Pope, 121 ; sup- 
port Alexander II., 138; lus- 
tory of, IV,, 306. 

Notitia, III., 519. 

Octavian, Emperor, legend of, iv., 
472 ; palace of, su Palace. 

Octavian, son of Alberic, see John 

Octavian, Cardinal, iv., 538, 564, 
see Victor IV. 

Odo of Cluny, in., 284, 304, 311 ; 
reforms the Roman monasteries, 
31 1-3; Far&, 315, 319; his 
culture, 509. 

Optimates as judges, in., 301, 

Opus Praxiteles, I v., 143. 

Orbis Ecclesiasticus, iv., 645. 

Orbis Romanus, iv., 645. 

Ordo Coronationis, iv., 59-63 and 

Ordo Romanus, IV., 646, 651, 656- 

Ostia, in ninth century, in., 67 ; 
rebuilt by Gregory IV., 68; 
naval battle of, 94 ; fortified by 
Nicholas I., 137 ; constitution 
in twelfth century, 603 note. 

Otto I. marries Adelaide III., 
323 ; expedition to Italy, 323-4 ; 
second expedition, 332; lus 
coronation, 334 ; his character, 
337; »gain in Rome, 341; 
deprives the Romans of the 
right of papal election, 342 ; 
summons a Synod, 343; Ixittle 
with the Romans, 349 ; restores 
Leo to the Papal throne, 353; 
besieges Rome, 353 ; returns to 



GenoBnyt 357 ; again in Rome, 
360 ; sends Liutprand to Con- 
stantinople, 369; his death, 

Otto II. crowned, ill., 368 ; 

marries Theophano, 376; in 

Rome, 391 ; wars in South 

Italyi 392 ; his death, 394 ; his 

grave, 394-5. 

Otto III., King of Germany, iii., 
393; comes to Italy, 408; 
appoints Bruno to the Papacy, 
409 ; crowned Emperor, 412 ; 
holds a Council, 413; returns 
to Germany, 416; araiin in 
Rome, 425 ; boi^^es Crescen- 
tins, 428-9 ; treatment of the 
rebel, 431-3 ; proceedings 
against Count Benedict, 437 ; 
court ceremonial, 45;^, 469 ; 
pilgrimage to Campania, 461 ; 
appoints Gerbert to the Papacy, 
463, 466 ; his schemes, 467 ; 
his attitude to the Pope, 475 ; 
donations to him, 476; his 
fortress on the Aventine, 478 ; 
his mysticism, 479; goes to 
Germany, 480; returns to 
Rome, 482 ; builds church 
of S. Adalbert, 482-4; war 
with Tivoli, 487 ; revolt of the 
Romans, 488-9; his flight, 
490; in Ravenna and Venice, 
491 ; marches against Rome, 
492 ; his death, 493 ; his char- 
acter, 495; erects monument 
to Boethius, 512. 

Otto, Bishop of Ostia, tv., 262, 
265, 267, 268-9, ^^ Urban II. 

Otto of Wittelsbach, Count Pala- 
tine. IV., 559, 567, 568, 586 

Painting in time of Leo III., iii., 
28; m twelfth century, iv., 

Palace, imperial, in tenth century, 

III., 7» 45>-3. 

Palace of Cromatius, iv., 659. 

Palace Monasterium, iii., 478-9 

Palace of Octavian, iv., 134, 

Palace of the Senators, iv., 477. 

Palatine, III., 54a 

Palatinm, signification of, in tenth 
century, 11 1., 524. 

Palestrina (Praeneste), in., 373; 
given to Stephania, 374; in 
eleventh century, iv., 73 ; given 
to Colonna family, iv., 320-1 
and note, 375 ; bishopric o^ 
"!•• 374; antiquities, 373-4 

Palimpsests, in., 50a 

Palladio, iv., 99 note. 

Palladium, fortress of the Frangi- 
pani, iv., 421. 

Pandects, Pisan Code, iv., 641-2. 

Fandulf II., Duke of Benevcnto, 
III., 330. 

Pandulf III., Duke of Benevento, 
IV., 80. 

Pandulf II. of Capua, 11 1., 185. 

Pandulf III. of Capua (the Iron- 
head), HI., 368, 385, 

Pandulf IV. of Capua, iv., 28 ; 
banished, 29 ; reinstated, 45 ; 
flies, 46, 80. 

Pandulf V. of Capua, iv., 8a 

Pandulf of Pisa, iv., 648. 

Pantheon, legend concerning, in., 


S. Paolo fuari le mura, destruction 

of its roof, III., II note ; pil- 
laged by the Saracens, 89 ; 
adorned by Leo, IV., 105 ; forti- 
fied, 186; abbey of, 311 ; Bible- 
codex of, 144 and note ; destruc- 
tion of Colonnade, under Henry 
IV., IV., 251 ; its bronze doors, 
260 note. 
Papacy, position of, in ninth cen- 
tury, III., 152; invective against. 
404-6; at the beginning of 
eleventh century, iv., 1-2; 
under Benedict IX., 40-2. 



Papal election, the Emperor claims 
light of ratification of, ill., 33, 
35, 62 ; decision of Lothar, 
61-3; decree of Adrian III., 
207 ; decision of Otto I., 342-3 ; 
privilegium of Leo VIII., 3S5-i ; 
surrendered by the Romans to 
Henry III., iv., 56-7 ; decree 
of Nicholas II., 115, 406; de- 
cision of 1 1 79, 605-6. 

Parione, region, ill., 558. 

P&schalis I., III., 35 ; crowns 
Lothar, 43 ; quarrel with Far£ai, 
44 ; puts ThTOdore and Leo to 
death, 46 ; takes oath of purga- 
tion, 47 ; his death, 48 ; buud- 

Paschalis II., iv., 317; supports 
Henry V., 324 ; at Council of 
GuasUdla,.324; in France, 32^; 
his wars with the barons, 320 ; 
renounces claims on Church 
property, 333-4; imprisoned, 
343; fresh treaty with Henry v., 
350 ; crovms him, 352 ; revolt of 
the clergy against, 355 ; Lateran 
Council, 356 ; invests William 
with Duchy of Apulia, 360 ; re- 
vokes the privflegium, 365 ; 
revolt against, 368; escapes, 371; 
Council of Benevento, 374 ; his 
death, 375 ; his buildings, 

Paschalis III., anti-pope, iv., 572, 

577. 585» 590. 594. 
Passion plays, ill., 503. 

Pateria, Patarines, iv., 127. 

Patriciate, Patricius in tenth cen- 
tury, III., 292, 400; under Otto 
III., 473 ; in eleventh century, 
IV., 3, 488-9, 494 ; removed, 

Patricius of the Romans, iv., 5 

and note ; position under Henry 

in. and IV., 56, 65. 
Patrimonies of the Church, Hi., 37 

note, 191-2, 245 ; transformed 

into feudal estates, 457. 
Pavia, diet of, in*, 172 ; con- 

quered by the Hungarians, 272 ; 
Councils at, 421; I v., 225, 568 ; 
school of, III., 138. 

Pentapolis, march of Werner, iv., 

Pestilence, iv., 589-^. 

S. Peter, basilica of, adorned by 
Leo III.^ III., 26-7 ; sacked 
by the Saracens, 87-8; re* 
stored by Leo IV., 104; be- 
sieged by Henij IV,, iv., 230 ; 
as fortress, 266; residence of 
anti-popes, 387; attacked by 
Fredenck I., 584. 

Peter's pence, 11 1., 109; iv., 

Peter, Prefect of the city, ill., 359, 

361, 362, 364. 
Peter, Prefect of the dty (about 

lies), IV., 323, 325, 367. 
Peter, Prefect of the city (about 

in6), IV., 367-8, 371, 373» 380, 

Peter, Prefect of the city (about 

1 1 54). IV., 529, 543, 544 note, 

545, 637. 
Peter, brother of John X., ill., 

Peter, Abbot of Farfa, in., 261. 
Peter Imperiola, in., 345. 
Peter Latro, iv., 386, 389, 431. 
Peter Leo, Cardinal, iv., 418, 

420, see Anadete II. 
Peter Lombard, iv., 64a 
Peter Mallius, I v., 650. 
Peter of Pisa, iv., 648. 
Peter of Portus, I v., 388, 391, 

419, 421. 
Philagathus, see John XVI. 
Photius, Patriarch, in., 123; is 

condemned, 124 ; his learning, 

145-6 ; recognised as Patriarch 

by John VIII., 200 ; condemned 

afresh, 206. 
Piacenza made an archbishopric, 

in., 422; Councils of, iv., 197, 

Piazza Navona, ill., 552-3. 
Pierleoni, family, origin of, see 



Leo de Benedicto, iv., 230, 

239, 271, 296, 325, 414-7 ; their 

fortresses, IV., 368-9, 415, 500. 

Pier Leone (Petnis LeoX Consul, 

IV., 326, 331, 367, 370, 379, 380, 
391 ; death of, 414 ; tomb of, 

Pierleoni, Hueuizon, iv., 421, 

Pierleoni, Jordieui, iv., 421, 488-^, 

495, 502. 
Pierleoni, Leo, iv., 414, 415-6, 


Pierleoni, Peter, iv., 418-20, see 
Anaclete IL 

Pilgrims in ninth century, ill., 76 ; 
as penitents, 78. 

Pipin, son of Charles the Great, 
III., II ; attitude towards the 
Pope, 14 ; becomes King of 
Italy, 14 ; his death, 15. 

Pisa burnt by the Saracens, iv., 25; 
acquires Sardinia, 25 ; cathedral 
off 3^ 9 supports Innocent II., 
422, 433; against Roger of 
Sicily, 434 ; against Rome, 587. 

Piscina publica, ill., 533. 

Pladta, III., 8. 

Ponthion, diet of, III., 175, 177 

Popes, their position under Charles 
the Great, ill., 9, 10; change 
their names, 83 note, 329; in- 
creased authority of, 151 ; their 
rooms sacked, 208-9; l^i^^esse 
on their elevation, 210; revenues 
in ninth century, 106 ; in tenth, 
457 ; in eleventh and twelfth, 
IV., 645 ; their regestae, 310. 

Portus, decay of, III., 1 01; rebuilt 
by Leo IV., loi, 137 ; bishopric 

of, 559 
Praefeclus Navales, ill., 472. 

Prsefectus Urbis, under the Ottos, 
III., 359, 474 ; under Alexander 
II., IV., 157 ; signification of, in 
twelfth century, 366; his resi- 
dence, 465 ; office abolished, 
494; restored, 496; restored 
again by Frederick I., 588 ; pre* 

fectnre in 1 191-95, 636; dress 

of prefect, 366. 
Prseneste, see Palestrina. 
Praestaria, III., 191. 
S. Prassede, ill., 52-4. 
Precaria, ill., 191. 
Presbyteria IV., 618 note. 
Prussians converted, III., 415. 
Primicerius Notariorum, ill., 

Princeps, title. III., 292, 303. 
Privata Mamertini, ill., 545. 
Privil^ia, restoration of; ill., 

Ptolemy IL of Tusculum, iv., 326, 

367, 370-1 ; his power, 373^ ; 

does homage to Lothar, 438; 

protects Eugenius, iv., 509; his 

death, 578. 

SS. Quattro Coronati, Church of, 
rebuilt by Leo IV., iii., 106 ; 
burnt, IV., 252 ; restored by 
Paschalis II., 376; muial paint- 
ing^, 696. 

Radelchis of Benevento, III., 86- 


Radoald of Portus, III., Il6 ; pro- 
nounces in &vour of Photius, 
123 ; in Italy, 131. 

Rainald, Archbishop of Cologne, 

IV., 571, 577, 579. 589- 
Raino of Tusculum, I v., 578-9, 

Rainulf of Alife, iv., 431, 433, 

437-8, 443- 
Rainulf of Aversa, iv., 46, 8a 

Ravenna, Archbishopric of,acqubnes 
Comacchio, Cesena, etc, ill., 
458; loses five bishoprics, iv., 
325 note. 

Ravenna, residence of Berengar, 
III., 325; palaces of Otto in, 
373 note ; ceded to Archbishop, 
455; Synod of 877, 192; of 

89«, 233-4. 



Regesla of Farik, iv., 307 ; of 
Subiaco, 309; of Gregory VII., 
312 note. 

Regionaries, in., 578. 

Regions in tenth century, in., 529- 
34; in twelfth, iv., 456 note, 
620-1 note. 

Relics, traffic in, in., 72-6. 

Rheims, Synod of 991, in., 404; 
of 995, 407 ; of 1119, IV., 392 ; 
of II 32, 429. 

Richard of Aquila, IV., 327. 

l^chard of Aversa» iv., S4 ; con- 
quers Capua, 119-20; does 
homage to the Church, 121-2 ; 
supports Alexander II, 129-30, 
142 ; in arms against the Church, 
150 ; does homage to Gregory, 
174; alliance with Guiscard, 
215 : besieges Naples, 217 ; his 
death, 217. 

Richard of Capua, sec Richard of 

Richard Cceur-de-Lion, i v., 622-3. 

Richard of Gaeta, iv., 383. 

Richilda, wife of Charles the Bald, 

I"., 175. 179. 
Robert I. of Capua, iv., 348 note, 

383. 393. 
Robert II. of Capua, iv., 409, 

43I1 433-4, 443. 
Robert of Flanders, iv., 290. 

Robert of England, iv. 273, 290. 

Robert Guiscard, iv., 84 ; his con- 
quests, 1 19 ; excommunicated, 
1 20 ; does homage to the Church, 
121, 142 ; breach with Gregoiy 
VII., 175 ; excommunicated, 
180; growth of his power, 215; 
besieges Benevento, 217 ; takes 
oath of vassalage to the Pope, 
218 ; goes to Durazzo, 225 ; 

' supports Gregory, 230, 243; 
releases him, 245 ; sacks Rome, 
246-7 ; removes columns, 253 ; 
in the Campagna, 254-5 ; death 
of, 262. 

Roffired, Count, in., 359, 360; 
IV,, 18 note. 


Roger of Sicily (First Count), iv., 
27i» 297, 348 note. 

Rc^er I., King of Sicily (Second 
Count), iv. 348 note, 408; 
forces recognition from Honorius 
II., 409; crowned, 426; his 
war with Pisa, 434 ; advocate 
of the Church, 434; defeated 
by Lothar, 437 ; reconquers 
South Italy, 438 ; puts forward 
anti-pope, 440; taxes Innocent 
II. a prisoner, 444 ; recognised 
as Kmg of the Two Sicilies, 
445; ^^ variance with Lucius 
II., 487 ; supports Eugenius II., 
509 ; his deatn, 526. 

Roger, Duke of Apulia, iv., 264, 
265, 271 ; death of, 348 note. 

Roland, Cardinal, iv., 564, set 
Alexander III. 

Roland of Parma, iv., 198. 

Rome, position of, in time of 
Charles the Great, in., 2-6; 
again regarded as capital of the 
world, 449 ; as Aurea Urbs^ 525 ; 
legend of foundation of, 526-7 ; 
position in twelfth century, iv., 
1-4 ; unhealthiness of, 303. 

Romanus, Pope, in., 230. 

Romanus, Count of Tusculum, iv., 
10, 21, 24 ; becomes Pope, 31, 
su John XIX. 

Romuald, in., 465-6, 492. 

Roncaglia, diets of, i v., 214, 330, 

Roswita, in., 502, 507. 

Rota porphyretica, iv., 60, 340. 

Rudolf of Burgundy, in., 211-2 ; 

in Italy, 272, 276, 277. 
Rudolf of Swabia, iv., 205, 213, 

220, 222. 

Sabina, in., 192 and note ; ac- 
quired by Alberic, 316; rectors 
of, 316 ; comites, 438 note ; iv., 
5 note. 

Salerno, principality of, iv., 216 
note ; cathedral of, 253-4. 




Salita di Marforio, in., 348; iv., 

Salvatio Romae, 11 1., 521 note; 
IV., 673 note, 675. 

Saracens, conquer Sicily, ill., 66- 
7; Misenum, 87 ; sack S. Peter's, 
87-8 ; S. Paul's, 89 ; defeated, 
90, 94 ; their traffic with Rome, 
105 ; learning of, 146 ; ravage 
Campagna, 178 ; intercourse 
with Italy, 180; defeated by 
John VIII., 182; negotiations 
with him, 184 ; settle on the 
Garigliano, 186 ; take Syracuse, 
201 ; fresh raids, 259 ; take 
FarfisL and Subiaco, 260-1 ; de- 
feated by John VIII., 270 ; at 
war with Benedict VII., 391 ; 
IV., 25. 

Sardinia, ostensibly presented to 
the Pope, III,, 37, 38 and notes ; 
becomes Pisan colony, iv., 25. 

Schism, Greek, in., 123-4. 

Schola Confessionis S. Petri, iii., 
134; Scholae, iv., 339-40. 

Schools in Italy in ninth century, 
III., 138, 140 ; in tenth, 506 ; in 
eleventh, iv., 301, 304. 

Ad Scorticlarios, ill., 533. 

Secundicerius Notariorum, in., 

Senate, extinction of, in., 293 ; 

under Alexander II., iv., 135- 
6; restored, 451, 453; after 
1144, 461, 462, 496, 499; 
nobles in, 632 ; its letter to 
Conrad III., 510-11 ; embassy 
to Frederick I., 532-7 ; in time 
of Barbarossa, 572 ; treaty with 
Clement III., 616-7, 662 ; pre- 
serves the walls, 634, 684. 

Senator Romanorum, in., 254, 
292 ; position of, iv., 21 ; title 
after 1191, 633. 

Senators, number of, iv., 17, 20 ; 
after 1 143, 490, 620, 632. 

Senators, Palace of, iv,,-476, 477. 

Septizoxdum, in., 541 ; attack- 
ed by Henry IV., iv., 241, 

251 ; prison of GreTOry VIII., 
395 ; fortress of ther nmgipani, 

Sergius II., in., 83; receives 
Lewis, II., 84 ; crowns him, 85 ; 
his death, 91. 

Sergius III., in revolt against For- 
mosus, in., 217, 220 ; candidate 
for the Papacy, 231 ; over- 
throws Christopher, 242 ; be- 
comes Pope, 244 ; his character, 
244-5 ; rebuilds the Lateran, 
245-7 ; his relations with Maro- 
zia, 244 ; death, 248. 

Sergius IV., iv., 11-13, 

Sergius II. of Naples, in., 165, 

Sergius IV. of Naples, iv„ 408, 

437, 438. 
Sergius Magister MiHtum, in., 


SS. Se^us and Bacchus, Church, 

in., 30, 544; iv. 683. 
Sicily, conquered by the Saracens, 

in., 667 ; a monarchy, iv., 297 

i^ote, 552 note ; under Henry 

VI., 635, 638. 
Silva Candida, in., 90, 245. 
S. Silvestro in Capite Church, iil, 

S. Silvestro in Lacu Curtii, in., 

Simony, iv., 68, 77, 185-6, 

Slaves, in., 94. 

Spoleto, Dukes, right of, during 
vacancy of sacred chair, in.» 157: 
Missi of Carolingians, iv., 71, 
361 note ; town of, destroyed by 
Frederick I., iv., 550. 

Statues, legends concerning, in., 
521; IV., 666-70; burnt for 
lime, in., 539 ; sounding statues, 
521 ; IV., 667-8. 

Statutes of the Italian Communes, 
IV,, 633 note. 

Stirrup, quarrel concemxng» iv., 

Stephania, wife of Crescentius^ in., 

433i 493 ; IV., 6 note. 



Stephania, Senatrix, iii., 358, 374. 

Stephen IV., in., 33; goes to 
France, 33; anoints Lewis the 
Pious, 34 ; ratifies privilegia of 
FsltSbl, 45 ; his death, 34. 

Stephen V., his election, in., 208; 
demands aid against the Sara- 
cens, 211 ; crowns Guido of 
Spoleto, 214; his death, 215. 

Stephen VI., in., 225 ; holds post- 
mortem trial on Formosus, 225; 
his death, 229. 

Stephen VII., in., 282. 

Stephen VIII., in., 317. 

Stephen IX., see Frederick of 
Lorraine, becomes Pope, iv., 
100; his counsellors, 109 ; aims, 
no; death, in. 

Stephen of Hungary, in., 477. 

Stephen, CardiiuU of S. Chrysa- 
gonus, IV., 109, 129. 

Stephen Normannus, iv., 380, 

Stephen, Prefect of the city, iv., 

Stephen, Vestiarius, in., 359, 364. 
Stephen, brother of Cencius, iv., 

Stilo, battle of, in., 392. 
Streets in tenth century, in., 554. 
Sub Capitolio Region, in., 377, 

Subiaco, in., 107 ; destroyed by 

the Saracens, 261 ; acquires Cas- 

trum Sublacense, 312-3 ; Pontia 

and Affile, iv., 327 ; consecrated 

by Benedict VIL, in., 388; 

position in eleventh century, iv., 

309 ; regesta of, 309 note. 

Suidger of Bamberg, see Clement II. 

Sutri, Council of, 1046, iv., 54; 
of 1059, 113. 

Sylvester II., see Gerbert, becomes 
Pope, in., 466; relations to Otto 
III., 475; counsels Tivoli to sub- 
mission, 488; present at Otto*s 
deathbed, 493 ; his studies, 510- 
12; bestows Terracina in fief on 
Dauferius '^460; his death, iv., 6. 

Sylvester III., iv., 48; banished, 

49 ; deposed, 54. 
Sylvester IV., iv., 323. 
Syracuse^ taken by the Saracens, 

in., 201. 

Tabularium, IV., 477. 
Tammus, Count, in., 430, 493. 
Tancred, Crusader, I v., 290. 
Tancred of Sicily, iv., 624, 625, 

Taxes in Rome, in ninth century, 

III., 457; in eleventh and twelfth, 

IV., 645. 
Temple of Concordia, in., 543. 
Temple of Esculapius, in., 483. 
Temple of Fortuna Virilis, in., 

Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, site 

of, IV., 465^471. 
Temple of Rome and Venus, in., 

Terence, Comedies of, in tenth cen- 
tury, in., 502-3. 
Terracina, a papal fief, in., 460 ; 

under the Frangipani, I v., 501 ; 

Council of, 268. 
Theatre, in tenth century, in., 

Theatre of Marcellus, in., 381 ; 

IV., 368. 
Theatnim, signification of, in tenth 

century, in., 524. 
Theobald, Prefect of the city, iv., 

43i» 449- 
Theodora, Senatrix, in., 244; raises 

John X. to the Papacy, 249 ; her 

influence, 250-2, 254. 
Theodora, II., in., 254, 258 note. 
Theodoranda, in., 358 note ; 

IV., 5. 
Theodore II., Pope, in., 230. 
Theodore, Primicerius, in., 35, 

Theophano, in., 372; marries 

Otto IL, 376; regent, 396; 

comes to Rome, 401 ; her death, 




Tbeophylact, Consul and Dux, in., 
244, 251, 252, 256; fights 
against the Saracens, 267 ; his 
descendants, iv., 9-10 notes. 

Theo^ylact, Count of Tusculum, 
j«^ jBenedict IX. 

Theutgaud of Treves, 111., 131 ; 
amnestied, 156; his death, 156 

Thiutberga, in., 130, 135, 161. 

Thomas a Becket, iv,, 595-6. 

Thymelici, ill., 503. 

Titulars, under Leo III., iii., 29 ; 
in time of Otto I., 344, 

Tivoli, name, in., 485 ; condition 
in tenth century, 48^ ; revolts 
against Otto III., 487 ; consti- 
tution nn twelfth centiuy, iv., 
447 ; attitude in struggle for in- 
vestitures, 447 ; war with Rome, 
448-5 1 ; attadced by the Romans, 
500; surrendered to Adrian 
IV. f 549; Bi^opric of, in., 

Tleuga Dei, iv., 43. 
Tribur, diets of, ni., 211; iv., 

Troja, founded, iv., 29, 120, 

Troyes, Synods of, in., 198; iv., 

Towers, in tenth century, in., 366 

note, 519 note ; in eleventh, iv., 

143-^, 691-2. 
Turris Cartularia, iv., 278, 

Tusculum, history of, iv., 8; 

Counts of, in., 275 note; iv., 

5> 9i 138 ^0^® > ^^ territory, 
19 ; decay of house, 578-9 ; its 
extinction, 629 ; Bishops of, in., 
344 note; iv., 8 note; town 
£ills into papal possession, iv., 
595 ; besi^;ed by the Romans, 
609-1 1 ; surrenders to the Pope, 
619; seeks protection of the 
Emperor, 626 ; betrayed by him, 
626; razed to the ground, 

Urban II., see Otto of Ostia, be- 
comes Pope, IV., 269 ; his past, 
269-70 ; brought to Rome, 271; 
stru^les wiui Clement III., 
271-4 ; under protection of the 
Frangipani, 278; in the Lateran, 
279; preaches the Crusade, 
284-7 ; ^t the Council of 1099, 
297; his death, 297. 

Urban III., iv., 612, 614. 

Valentinus, Pope, In., 65. 

Vatican, palace, iv., 699. 

Venice, peace q(, iv., 598-9 and 
note, 615. 

Verdun, partition of, in., 71. 

Via Magnanapoli, in., 547. 

Via Pa^is, iv., 6s6-«. 

Via Pontificalis, in., 534. 

Victor IL, Pope, iv., 94 ; goes to 
Germany, 96 ; his position after 
Henry II. 's death, 97 ; his 
death, 99. 

Victor III, see Desiderius of Monte 
Casino, Pope, iv., 264; returns 
to his monastery, 265 ; conse- 
crated, 266; holds synod in 
Benevento, 267 ; his death, 267. 

Victor rV., Pope, iv., 564 ; lus 
adherents, 567 ; in Pavia, 568 ; 
at Lodi, 570 ; his death, 572. 

Victor IV., anti-pope, iv., 44a 

Virgil, legends concerning, iv., 
4651 669-76. 

Viterbo, iv., 493 ; abode of the 
Popes, 553 ; at war with Rome, 

Waimar IV. of Salerno, iv., 46, 

Wala, in., 16, 43. 
Waldmda, in., 130, 135, 276. 
Walfred, IV., 325-6. 
Walls, restored by Leo IV., in., 95; 

by the Senate, iv., 634, 684. 
Welf, see Guelf. 
Werner I. of Spoleto, iv,, 322-3. 



Wibald, Abbot of Stable, iv,, 515- 

Wibert, Chancellor, i v., 113, 130; 
raises Cadalus to the Papacy, 
130, 136; supplanted in his 
office, 141 ; Aroibishop of Ra- 
venna, 185 ; in fiivour of Henry 
IV., 189, 210; becomes Pope, 
220, see Clement III. 

William, Duke of Apulia, I v., 
348 note; receives investiture 
from the Pope, 360, 383 ; his 
death, 408. 

V^lliam the Conqueror, iv., 319. 

William I. of Sicily, iv., 526; makes 
war on Adrian IV., 526-9 ; 

excommunicated, 551 ; receives 

investitures, 552 ; death of, 574. 
William II. of Sicily, iv., 574, 

613 ; death of, 624. 
Willa, wife of Berengar, iii., 320, 

331, 340, 350. 
Wittelsbach, Otto of, iv., 559, 

567, 568. 
Wittelsbach, Conrad of, iv., 580, 

Worms, Council of, iv., 195 ; 

Concordat of, 398. 

Ziddet Allah, in., 66. 
Ziazo, III., 473, 480, 493. 



1\ ''J. '^ 


Tft^ ^ 202 AAoin Library 






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Books moy bo Ronowod by coHIng Ul-UOS 


OCT 1 2 1993 

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