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GREGOROVIUS*
HISTORY OF THE CITY OF ROME
IN THE MIDDLE AGES.
VOL. IV.— PART II.
GEORGE BELL & SONS,
LONDON : YORK STREET. COVENT GARDEN,
BOMBAY : 53 ESPLANADE ROAD,
AND NEW YORK : 66, FIFTH AVENUE,
CAMBRIDGE ; DBIGHTON, BELL & Ca
HISTORY
OF
THE CITY OF ROME
IN THE
MIDDLE AGES
BY
FERDINAND GREGOROVIUS
TRANSLATED FROM THE FOURTH GERMAN EDITION
BY
ANNIE HAMILTON
VOL. IV.— PART IL
LONDON
GEORGE BELL & SONS
1896
/-/?;
/ ^
X
CONTENTS.
BOOK VIII.
History of the City of Rome in the Twelfth Century.
CHAPTER I.
1. Paschalis II.—Death of Wibert— New Anti-Popes— The pacb
Rebellious Nobility — Origin of the Colonna Family —
Revolt of the Corsi — Maginolf Anti-Pope — Count
Werner of Ancona advances against Rome — Negotiations
between Paschalis II. and Henry V. — Council in Guas-
talla — The Pope journeys to France — Fresh Rebellion
in the State of the Church, . . • • 317
2. Roman Expedition of Henry V. — Helpless position ot
Paschalis II. — Difficulty of solving the Question of In-
vestiture — The Pope resolves to compel the Bishops to
surrender the Crown-lands^-Negotiations and Treaties
— Entrance of Henry V. into the Leonina and his auda-
cious Coup etiitU^ • . • • • 328
3. The Romans rise to set Paschalis at Liberty — Surprise and
Battle in the Leonina— Henry V. withdraws with his
Prisoners — He Encamps near Tivoli — Forces the Pope
to accord him the Privilege of the Investiture — Imperial
Coronation— Henry V. leaves Rome — Terrible awaken-
ing of Paschalis II. in the Lateran, . • • 344
4. The Bishops revolt against Paschalis— A Council in the
Lateran annuls the Privilegium — The Legates excom-
municate the Emperor — Alexius Comnenus and the
I Romans — ^Investiture of William, Duke of the Normans
— Death of the Countess Matilda — Her Donation, . 355
vi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER 11.
1. Paschalis II. condemns the Privilegium — ^The Romans Re- pack
volt on account of the Election of a City Prefect — Pier
Leone — His Fortress beside the Theatre of Marcellus
— The Dtaconate of S. Niccolo in Carcere — Defection
of the Campagna — Henry V. comes to Rome — Flight of
Paschalis — Burdinus of Braga — Ptolemy of Tusculum —
Return and Death of Paschalis II. — His Monuments in
Rome, .....•• 365
2. Election of Gelasius II. — ^The Fnmgipani attack the Con-
clave — Imprisonment and Rescue of the Pope — Henry
V. comes to Rome — Gelasius flies— The Emperor raises
Burdinus to the Sacred Chair as Gregory VIII. — He
returns to the North — ^Gelasius II. a Suppliant for pro-
tection in Rome — The Frangipani attack him for the
second time — He escapes to France — Death of the un-
fortunate Pope in Cluny, .... 377
3. Calixtus II. — Negotiations with Henry V. — Council at
Rheims — Calixtus comes to Italy — His entry into Rome
— Fall of the Anti-Pope in Sutri — The Concordat of
Worms — Salutary agitation of the World by the Conflict
concerning Investiture — Peaceful Rule of Calixtus II. in
Rome — The end of the great Dispute is commemorated
by Monuments in the LAteran — ^Death of Calixtus II., . 390
4. Election Contest — ^The Family of the Frangipani — Honorius
II. becomes Pope — Death of Henry V. — The Pope
recognises Lothar as German King — The Hohenstaufens
rise in arms — R(^er of Sicily seizes Apulia — Forces
Honorius to invest him — Death of Honorius II., . 403
CHAPTER III.
I. The Pierleoni — Their Jewish Descent— The Jewish Syna-
gogue in Rome in the Twelfth Century—Petrus Leo and
his Son, the Cardinal Petrus — Schism between Innocent
II. and Anadete II. — Innocent escapes to France-
Letter of the Romans to Lothar — ^Anaclete II. bestows
the title of King of Sicily on Roger I., . • . 412
1C-
CONTENTS. vii
2-. & Benuurd.laboun to obtain the Recognition of Innocent II. cacb
in Fiance — Lothar promises to conduct him to Rome —
Journey of the Pope and Lothar to Rome — Courageous
demeanour of Anaclete II. — Lothar crowned Emperor
— His return Home — Innocent excelled for the second
time — Council in Pisa — Roger I^^conquers Apulia —
Lothar's second Journey to Italy — Differences between
the Pope and the Emperor — Return and Death of
Lothar, ••.••.. 427
3. Innocent II. returns to Rome— Death of Anaclete 11. —
Victor IV. Anti-Pope — Rome submits to Innocent II.
— The Cistercian Monastery ad Aquas Salvias — Lateran
Council in I139 — Innocent II. makes War against
Roger I. — He is made Prisoner, and recc^nises the
Sicilian Monarchy — Peaceful activity of the Pope in
Rome — ^War between the Romans and Tivoli — Innocent
takes Tivoli under his protection — The Romans rise,
and install the Senate on the Capitol — Death of Inno*
cent II.,. ...... 439
CHAPTER IV.
1. Internal conditions of the City of Rome — The Burgher
Class — The Companies of the Militia — Burgher Nobility
— Patridan Nobility — Country Nobility — Decay of the
Roman Landgraves — Oligarchy of the ConsuUs Rofnan-
orum — Rise of the Burgher Class — Foundation of the
Civic Commune — ^The great Feudal Nobility remain
£uthful to the Pope, , • . . • 453
2. The Capitol in the dark Centuries — Its gradual Political
Renascence — Glance at its Ruins — Where did the
Temple of Jupiter stand? — S. Maria in Aracoeli —
Legend of Octavian's Vision — ^The Palatium Octaviani
— ^The first Senatorial Palace of the Middle Ages on the
Cftpitol, ••..... 463
3. Arnold of Brescia— His first Appearance — His Relations
with Abelard — His Doctrine concerning the secularisa-
tion of the Ecclesiastical State — His Condemnation by
the Pope — His Flight and Disappearance — Celestine II.
\
VUl CONTENTS.
—Lucius II. — Struggle of the Pope and Consuls with rAcs
the Senate — The Patridus Jordan Pierleone — The
Senatorial iEra^Ludus 11. and Conrad III. — Un-
fortunate end of Ludus II., • • • • 478
4. Eugenius III. — His first Flight from Rome — Abolition of
the Prefecture — Arnold of Bresda in Rome — Institution
of the Order of Knighthood — Influence of events in
Rome on the Provincial Cities — Eugenius III. recog-
nises the Republic — Character of the Roman Municipal
Constitution — Second Flight of Eugenius — War between
the Populace and the Nobility — Rebellion of the inferior
Clergy against the higher Ecclesiastics — ^S. Bernard
writes to the Romans — Rdations of Conrad III. to
Rome — Eugenius III. in Tusculum, • , . 492
5. Letter of the Senate to Conrad III. — Political Ideas of the
Romans — Return of Eugenius III. — His new Eidle —
Proposals of the Romans to Conrad — He prepares to go
to Rome — His Death — Frederick I. ascends the German
Throne— Letter of the Romans to Frederick — Rome,
Roman Law, and the Empire — Stipulations of Con-
stance — Irritation of the Democrats in Rome — Eugenius'
return to the City — His Death, . . . .510
CHAPTER V.
1 . Anastasius IV. — Adrian IV. — He lays the Interdict on Rome
— Bai>ishment of Arnold of Bresda — Frederick I. comes
to be crowned — Imprisonment of Arnold — Dispute con-
cerning the Stirrup— ^The Senators' Address to the
King, and the Royal Answer — Journey to Rome, • 524
2. Coronation of Frederick I. — ^The Romans rise — Battle in
the Leonina — Execution of Arnold of Brescia — His
Character and Significance — Frederick retires to the
Camps^pa — Returns to Germany, • • , 539
3. Adrian makes War on King William — Is forced to accord
him the Investiture— Orvieto becomes Papal — ^Adrian
makes Peace with Rome — Discord between the Pope
and Emperor — The Lombard Cities — ^Adrian negotiates
with them and quarrels with Frederick — The Romans
, CONTENTS. IX
approach the Emperor — Death of Adrian IV. — His fJ^^^
activity — His Lament over his Misfortune in becoming
Pope, . 55*
4. Schism between Victor IV. and Alexander III. — The
Council at Pavia recognises Victor — Couiageoos Resist-
ance of Alexander III. — ^He sails to France — Destruction
of Milan— Death of Victor III., 1164— Paschalis III.^
Christian of Mains — Alexander III. returns to Rome—
Death of William I.— The Greek Emperor— Frederick
comes again to Italy — League of the Lombard Cities
— Rainald of Cologne advances to the neighbourhood
of Rome, .••••• 563
5. Tusculum — ^Decay of the Counts of this House — Rainald of
Cologne enters Tusculum — He is besieged by the
Romans — Christian of Mains comes to his Relief —
Battle of Monte Ponio— Terrible defeat of the Romans
— Frederick besieges the Leonina — Attack on S. Peter's
«*- — Negotiations with the Romans — Alexander III.
escapes to Benevento— Peace between the Emperor and
I' the Roman Republic — Frederick's Army is destroyed by
Pestilence — His departure from Rome, • • • 578
CHAPTER VL
1. War between Frederick and the Lombard Cities— Paschalis
III. in Rome— Calixtus III. — ^Tusculum surrenders to
the Church — The Romans refuse Alexander III. admit-
tance to the City — ^Victory of the Lombards at Legnano
— Frederick's n^otiations with the Pope — Congress and
Peace at Venice — ^Alexander makes Peace with Rome —
His triumphal Entry in the Latenin, • • , 593
2. The Provincial Barons continue the Schism — John the Gty
Prefect upholds Calixtus III. — The Romans make War
on Viterbo — Calixtus HI. yields — Lando of Sezza Anti*
Pope — ^Council in Rome — Death of Alexander III.
(1 181), .•..••• 603
3. Lucius III.— War between Rome and Tusculum — Death of
Christian of Mainz — Lucius III. quarrels with the Em-
peror-^ Dies in Verona — Urban III. — The Sicilian
X CONTENTS.
Marriage — Henry VI. invades the Campagna — Gregory facb
VIII. — Clement III. — Peace with the Roman Republic,
1188 . 608
4« The Crusade — Richard Coeur-de-Lion passes by Rome —
Death of Frederick L^Celestine III.— Henry VI.
requests the Imperial Crown— His Coronation — The
Romans destroy Tusculum — Fall of the Tosculan Counts
— ^Attitude of the Nobles towards the Republic in Rome
— Change in its Constitution — Benedict Carushomo,
Senator — Giovanni Capoccio, Senator — Giovanni Pier-
leone, Senator — Henry VI. destroys the Norman
Dynasty in Sicily — His untimely end — Death of
Celestine III., . • • . • • 622
CHAPTER VII.
1. Absence of Culture in Rome in the Twelfth Century — ^The
Law of Justinian — Canon Law — Collection of Albinus —
The Liber Cemuum of Cendus — The Continuations of
the Book of the Popes — Dearth of Roman Historians
— The description of S. Peter's by Mallius; of the
Lateran by John Diaconus, • • . • 639
2. The Mirabilia Urbis Roma^ . . . • ' 653
3. Legends of Roman Statues — ^Virgil in the Middle Ages —
Virgil as Prophet and Necromancer — ^Virgil the En-
chanter in Rome and Naples — ^Accounts of him at the
end of the Twelfth Century — Description of Rome at
this period by the Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, • . 666
4. The Monuments and their Owners in the Twelfth Century
' — The Roman Senate begins to take Measures for their
Preservation — The Column of Trajan — Column of
Marcus Aurelius — Private Architecture in the Twelfth
Century — The Tower of Nicholas — ^The Towers in
Rome, •..•••• 682
5. Church Architecture — Its Revival in the Twelfth Century —
S. Maria in O^medin-^S. Maria in Trastevete — Paint-
ing in Rome — Beginning of Sculpture — The first Cosmati
— Eugenius III. and Celestine III. begin to Build the
Vatican Palace, .••... 693
BOOK EIGHTH.
HISTORY OF THE CITY OF ROME IN THE
TWELFTH CENTURY. .
v
CHAPTER I.
I. Paschalis II. — Death of Wibert — New Anti-
Popes — ^The Rebellious Nobility — Origin of
the colonna family — revolt of the corsi —
Maginolf Anti-Pope — Count Werner of Ancona
ADVANCES against RoME — NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN
Paschalis II. and Henry V. — Council in Guas-
TALLA — ^The Pope journeys to France — Fresh
Rebellion in the State of the Church.
Rainer from Bleda in Tuscany, a monk of the
Cluniac order, whom Gregory VII. had made Car-
dinal of S. Clemente, became the successor of Urban
II. The election took place in the cardinal's own
church, and on August 14, 1099, the new Pope was
consecrated as Paschalis 11.^ Unusual events were Paschalis
to signalise his tumultuous reign. The schism still I^j^iJ^i
endured, and Clement III., who had survived three
celebrated popes, his opponents, did not hesitate to
attack the fourth. He took up his abode in Albano,
under the protection of the Counts of the Campagna.
But with the aid of Norman troops Paschalis was
soon able to drive him thence.' Wibert escaped to
^ His adversaries unjustly accused Paschalis of simony. The
accusations are found in the Excerpium Epistola directct Heinrico Imp,
a Guamerio principe Anchanitano^ in the Chron, of Siegbert, A.
1 105.
' Life ofPaschaliSf by Petrus Pisanus (Papebroch, Propyl, Maji^ vi.
3l8 HISTORY OF ROME
Death of Civita Castcllana, where he died in the autumn of
iiL^zzoa I lOO. His distinguished qualities, as also his forti-
tude in adversity, compelled recognition even from
his enemies ; his friends bewailed in him a saint, and
schismatic miracles were worked at his grave no less
successfully than Catholic miracles at the grave of
Gregory VII. or Leo IX.^
The imperial party continued to put forward
anti-popes, even in Rome itself, where they retained
S. Peter's. But these idols of a day, Theodore of S.
Rufina, and afterwards the Sabine bishop Albert,
soon fell from the throne they had usurped.*
c. 6, p. 203) : expulit eum ab Alba; defectio Aiba exierruifeum ad
urbe. This was Albano near Rome. In the cathedral there is pre-
served the fragment of an inscription, which records that Paschalis
rewarded the town for its fidelity. (Ricey, Memorie di Albano^ Rome,
. 1787, p. 198 ; Giomi, Storia di Albano^ Rome, 1844, p. 232.) Urban
11. rewarded Velletri in the same way by the confirmation of the
territory of the city. (Bull, Rom, VIII, Id. Juiiiind, XII., A. 1089 ;
in Borgia, Velletri, p. 204.)
^ Documents in the Reg. Farf. indicate the era of Clement III. as
late as January, but no longer in October iioo. Ord. Vitalis
(Duchesne, Histor. Normannor. Script., p^ 762) gives the following
lines on Wibert, by Cardinal Petrus Leo : —
Nee tibi Roma locum, nee deU, Wiberte, Ravenna ;
In neutra positus, nunc ab utrctque vacas.
Qui Suiria tnuens male dictus Papafuisti,
In Ccutellana mortuus urbejaces.
Sed quia namen eras sine re, pro nomine tfano
Cerberus in/emij'am tibi claustra parat.
The cardinal had no idea that he would himself become anti-pope.
Amadesi, CArono/ax., ii. 193. The work, De miraculis IViberti P.
quiet Clemens in the Cod, Udalrici in Ekkard., n. 173. Paschalis II.
later caused Wibert's bones to be thrown into the Tiber in order to
put ah end to his miracles. Dodeckini App,, in Pistorius, i.
* Cod, Vat,, 1984. The Romans, John Octoline and Cardinal
Romanus, first protected Albert in a palace near San Marcello, and
/
I :
\
\
/■»-
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 319^
Paschalis owed his rapid success to Norman swords
and to the irresistible power of gold, but his strength
was dissipated in endless petty wars against petty
tyrants. The popes of this age were forced, like
all other bishops, to do battle for their temporal
dominion against a thousand greedy enemies, and if
Paschalis the gentle-natured monk reflected on the
part played by the sacred overseer of the Church
in the constant struggle for temporal property, he
must have sighed for the apostolic times when the
bishops possessed nothing on earth beyond the
things of heaven.
We shall enumerate neither the various fortresses
nor the barons on whom the Pope waged war. In
Peter Colonna, however, the most celebrated noble The
family of mediaeval Rome makes its first appearance lamUy?^
on the stage of history in the year 11 oi.^ The name
of the family owes its origin not to Trajan's famous
column, which figures in the Colonna coat of arms,
but to a castle in the Latin mountains which still
towers above the Via Labicana.' This little fortress,
then betrayed him. One anti-pope was banished to La Cava, the
other to Aversa.
^ Petrus <U Columna Cavas oppidum de jur$ d, Petri invaserat
(Petnis Pisanus, c 8, p. 203).
* The fortress is first mentioned in a diploma of Henry III. in
1047. A deed of gift of Peter of Tusculum of December 26, io66| is
signed Amaio vir mag. judex de casteUo de la Cohnia (Gattula, Hist,
Cassitt:^ i. 235). On March 13, 1074, Gregory VII. ceded to the
monastery of S. Paul medisiaUm Castelli quod vacatur Odumpna
{Builar, Cassim,^ ii. 108). Nibby believes Colonna to be LaUcum.
Pietro Rosa, however, the most aocorate authority on the topography
ofLatinm, assures me that Rocca Compatri must be Labicum.
Ughelli (t X. 119) brings the bishops of lAbicum from 649 down to
Colonna.
320 HISTORY OF ROME
only five miles distant from Tusculum, had belonged
to the Counts of Tusculum since ancient times, and
had given the name of Columpna or Colonna to a
branch of the family. Peter was apparently a son of
Gregory of Tusculum, the brother of Benedict IX.^
The ancestor of Martin V. obtained notoriety as a
Latin baron, who plundered popes and bishops and
practised highway robbery. The founders of patrician
houses in the Middle Ages acquired fame and power
neither in battle nor on the judicial tribunal, but,
living in towers like falcons, like falcons robbed and
killed ; they also prayed off and on with the monks,
whom they loaded with gifts in order that they might
Peter de not forfeit their chance of Paradise. Peter de
Colonna was further owner of Monte Porzio and
Zagarolo and strove to extend his possessions far
into the fair territory of Latium. Relationship with
the last lords of Palestrina, descendants of the
Senatrix Stephania, might endow him with a claim
over the town ; but the rights of the Pope were of
older date, and these rights their owner knew how
to enforce by arms.*
1 1 1 1 only, and Georgi {De Cathedra EpiscopcUi Settna, p. 18) asserts
that the bishopric was only united with Tusculum in 1231.
^ Coppi proves this satis&ctorily (Mem, Colonn,^ p. 2S) on the
authority of the document of September 24, 1078 (Gattula, i. 236),
by which Petrus fil, Dom, Gregorii nobiHss. Ronumor, Consults pia
mem, bestows a church near Monte Porzio on Monte Casino ; he
shows that Colonna and M. Porzio belonged to the same owner.
This is evidently the same Peter from whom Paschalis took Colonna.
' Dam, Papa Caoas recepit: Columna et Zagarolum oppida juris
iUius{Taim<t\y Petri) prudenter sunt eapta. Petr. Pisan., c. 8. Petrini
(p. Ill) appeals to the deed of 1053 {Reg, Sud/,, fol. 78), where the
Countess Imilia, habitatrix in Palestrina^ bestows estates on Subiaco
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 321
Paschalis thus strove for years to subdue the wild The Coral
nobility. The Corsi, formerly friends, now adversaries
of the Churchy set him at defiance in Rome. They
had ensconced themselves within the ruins on the
Capitol, and when Paschalis caused their tower to be
demolished, Stephen Corso seized the fortress beside
S. Paul's, and hence like a Saracen undertook pillage
ing expeditions against Rome. Finally driven away,
he settled in the Upper Maritima, where he seized the
papal towns. In the Middle Ages a Sallust would
have daily found his Catiline; for Rome was little
else than a dark and ruinous catacomb, where nobles
and peoples conspired to overthrow a State, of which
the most needy military tribune of antiquity would
probably have refused the seigniory.
The defiance of the Corsi was associated with the
elevation of a third anti-pope, who had been elected
by the obstinate followers of Wibert The family
of the Normanni, headed by another Stephen, the
Baruncii and Roman!, the S. Eustachio, the Berizo
of S. Maria in Aquiro, enticed the Margrave Werner,
for the salvation of her dead husband, Donadeus, of the quond,
Jocamis qui vocabaiur de BetudUtOy and of Domina Hetta (formerly
wife of the same Maxgrave John). He holds Imilia (without any
foundation) to have been the sister of John, and makes her the mother
of Peter Colonna by a second husband, a fact doubted by Coppi.
According to a document of Subiaco, Donadeus belonged to the house
of the Prefect Crescentius (A. 1036). With the death of the Margrave
John (prior to 1053) the Pactum of 970 (vol. iii. p. 374) became
extinct Peter Colonna certainly laid claim as relative of Imilia to
Palestrina, which he then seized. Fables of later date represent the
Colonna as coming from Germany to Rome ; a manuscript of the BibL
Chigi (N. ii. 3 1, p. 154) calls the mythical ancestor Ste^EUio ; the
writer says : ia catUessa Emilia donna de Palestrina sello pigltb per
mariic.
VOL. IV. Y
322
HISTORY OF ROME
The
Margrave
Weroer,
Theanti*
Pope
Magindt
then ruler of Spoleto and Ancona, into their schemes.
A Swabian count, formerly captain of Leo IX. at
Civita, had captured a fair domain on the Adriatic
and was able to bequeath the Pentapolis, now called
after him the March of Werner, to his descendants.
Henry IV. favoured his fortune ; and as his ancestors
had founded the power of Tedald, so Henry exalted
the family of Werner, in order to gain the support of
the Swabian in his struggle with Matilda. The
Emperor also invested the son of this, the first.
Margrave of Ancona with the imperial fiefs of
Spoleto and Camerino, which had formerly been
held by the house of the great countess.^
Werner came to Rome with German troops in
November 1 105, summoned by the conspirators, who
had elected Maginolf, an arch-priest, as Pope in the
Pantheon. Paschalis fied to the island in the Tiber.'
^ Nicholas II. had excommunicated the already apostate people of
Ancona ; Damiani interceded for them (Ep. i. vi.). Concerning
Werner, Peruzzi, Storia cP Ancona, i. 267-275. Fatteschi shows
Werner to have been Dux of Spoleto and Margrave of Camerino.
Reg. Faff,, fol. 1177 : ^ ^^' ^' ^^» itnperante ei Guamerio Mar*
chione mensejun, Ind, IV. (should be VII., A. 1 1 14) and foL 1179,
where the Abbot Berold complains to the Dux et Marchio Guamerius
of robbers of the convent property. An edict of Werner follows : his
seal represents him on horseback, carrying a sword and wearing the
Phrygian cap. The seals of the ancient duces of Spoleto represent
them for the most part vdth the banner.
* The Chronicle of Fossa nova says {fld A, 1 105, Ind. XIII,) :
Marchion venit Romam consentientib, quibusd. Romanis, et elegit
Adanulphum in Pap, Sihestrum ad S, M, Roiundam infra Ociao, S,
Martinit sedsine effectu reversus est, Ekkehard (A. 1106) is wrong,
and Siegbert (A. 1 105) hardly agrees, although he gives the fragment of
a letter of Werner, which contains some good details. Most accurate is
Cod. Vat. i<)S4, which is also acquainted with '* Maginulf s " electioa
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 323
The trembling idol, Sylvester IV., was installed by
force of arms in the Lateran, which was attacked by
the papal party under the Prefect Peter, and defended
by the imperialists aided by Werner's troops, who
were led by Berto, captain of militia. The struggle
extended to the Coelian, to the Septizonium, even
to the Circus Maximus.^ Maginolf, however, had no
money, and in the course of a few days found himself
deserted : he escaped to Tivoli, where Werner lay en-
camped, and the unsuccessful margrave, returning
home, took him to Osimo.
Paschalis, disquieted but not harassed by these
events, was able to return to the Lateran at the end
of November 1 105. Part of the nobility had gone
over to his side, nevertheless his position remained
unendurable. If ever a throne were fatal to its occu-
pants, it was the marble chair of Peter, on which sat
the popes, with the cross, which was never to become
a sceptre, in their hands, and from which, amid time-
worn ruins and almost equally venerable churches,
they determined to rule a people, prouder and more
unruly than their ancestors of the times of Sulla and
Marius. The secular history of the Papacy after
Gregory VII. consequently presents a strangely con-
in the Puktfaeon* From Paachalis's letter to the French, from the
lAtenm on September 26 (Cm/, l/dalr,^ n. 239), Jafii6 (2nd ed.) shows
that Maginolf was elected on November 18, and fled on November 19.
^ Berto caput ei rector Romance miiicia^ says Siegbert ; this is the
Beiizo of Cod, Vat.^ 19S4. The templum rotnuly ante domum judicis
Mathilde (probably the basilica of Constantine) is noticed in this
struggle; so, too, arcum aure (according to the Ordo Romanus^ an arch
of entrance to the Forum of Nerva) ; arcum iriumfale (Constantine's) ;
sedem soiis~~<irclo mafore.
324 HISTORY OF HOME
fused and highly tragic picture, in which the furious
outbreaks of the populace, the flight and exile of the
popes, their triumphant homeward procession, their
second tragical falls, and their constant returns are
Paschaiis incessantly repeated. Paschalis left the dreadful city,
Romifc^^ 2ind in order to convene a Council sought the pro-
tection of the Countess Matilda. Events in Germany
made a settlement of the schism probable ; the
Emperor had been dethroned by the rebellion of his
second son, and Henry V. feigned acquiescence in the
papal prohibition of investiture. The Roman legates
consequently supported his rebellion, and the Pope
even absolved him from the oath, which he had pre-
viously taken at Aachen, to remain faithful to his
father, and to forswear ever to aspire, like Conrad,
to the crown.^ In January 1106 the Diet of the
empire at Mainz had invited Paschalis to Germany,
where the division of the Church was to be settled ;
and the death of the unfortunate Henry IV. seemed
to pave the way to a reconciliation. But the firm
The demeanour of the German envoys at the Council of
G^toul^ Guastalla (in October 1106) showed Paschalis that
Oct. 1x06. he would never succeed in obtaining a renunciation
of the right of investiture from the new German King.
No sooner had Henry V. secured the throne than he
unhesitatingly asserted the rights of the crown, and
the Pope, who would not release the Emperor from
the ban, soon reaped, as his merited reward, treat-
1 CaUidus Papa, Henricum adoUscmtem filiuni H, Imp, adversus
patrem concitat, et ut Ecclesia Dei auxilietur admcnet — Herimannus
in narraiiom restaurationis Abbatia S. Martini Tomacensis (Dachery,
Spidkg,, xii. n. 83 ; Pagi, Critica, A. 1 106, n. i).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $25
ment similar to that which Henry IV. had experi-
enced at the hands of his insolent son.
The decrees of Guastalla confirmed the prohibition
of investiture ; the uncanonically elected bishops, the
Wibertists, however, provided they became sincerely
reconciled to the Church, were indulgently rec<^-
nised; and the strict Gregorians could not forgive
such toleration on the part of Paschalis.^ At the
wish of Henry V. the pending dispute concerning
the investiture was to be adjusted at a Christmas
Synod at Augsburg ; the Pope, however, who was to
have attended the Synod, feared treason. He went
to France to appeal to the mediation of King Philip Paschaiis
and his son Lewis. Negotiations with Henry's j^^ ^
envoys, whom the Pope met the following year at
Chalons, were unsuccessful ; the King insisted on his
right of investiture, and in May Paschaiis at the
Council of Troyes renewed the prohibition against
the exercise of the right by lay hands. Dissatisfied
with the results of his journey, he at length resolved
to return to Italy, and as early as September 1 107
was at Fiesole near Florence.
During his absence the Prefect Peter, the Pierleoni
and Frangipani, in conjunction with Walfred his
^ Parma, which had previously set op two anti-popes, also submitted.
In order to weaken the Archbishop of Ravenna, the five bishoprics of
the Emilia, i,e,, Piacenza, Parma, Re^o, Modena, Bologna, were
removed from his jurisdiction. The power of Ravenna fell with
Wibert, although Gelasius II. again abrc^ted the decree of Guastalla
In 1 119 (Rubeus, ffist, Rav., v. 321). A remarkable document of
the year 11 30, in which the Archbishop of Ravenna reappears in
complete supremacy over the Bishop of Bologna, is to be found in
Fantuzd, iv. 247.
326 HISTORY OF ROME
own nephew, had with difficulty maintained a
semblance of authority in the city. The Roman
nobility were acquainted with but one passion, that
of increasing the power of their houses at the
Church's expense ; the same miserable task, therefore,
awaited each pope on his return — ^the task of leading
vassals and mercenaries in battle against the spoilers
of the Church. Scarcely had he returned when
Paschalis was forced to make war on Stephen Corso
in the Tuscan Maritima, where Stephen lay en-
trenched at Montalto ; * the Pope achieved nothing,
and, as his biographer admits, Rome remained the
pit of daily rebellion.
It were a thankless task to accompany Paschalis
through the continued misery of the revolts which
he encountered. On his departure for Benevento in
1 1 08 he made over the government of the city to
the Consuls Pierleone and Leo Frangipani, the
command of the troops to Walfred, the custody of
the Campagna to Ptolemy of Tusculum. And thus,
owing to the stress of the times, the noble families
of Rome, who now formed the ruling oligarchy,
attained possession of political power. They took
advantage of the Pope's absence in Apulia to revolt,
the Sabina and Latium renounced their all^iance,
and the unprincipled Ptolemy, in league with the
Abbot Berald of Farfa and Peter Colonna, hoisted
the flag of rebellion in Tusculum. Paschalis now
arrived with the Norman lances lent him by Richard
^ Petrns Pisanus, c. 11. The towns were PonteCelleand Montalto
(near Corneto) in the Maritima superior* It is altogether a mistake
to look for these towns along the Adriatic coast.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 327
of Aquila, at that time Duke of Gaeta ; he entered
Rome and captured the rebellious fortresses. Even
Tivoli, the ancient stronghold of the Wibertists,
surrendered after an obstinate resistance, while fear
and gold combined to disarm the city of Rome.
Paschalis resorted in person to the Capitol, where
the Senate of nobles was accustomed to assemble,
and demanded that this parliament should proscribe
Stephen Corso; and finally the Roman militia
forced the Corsi in the ruined Montalto to submit.
In August 1 109 Paschalis laid siege to Pontia and
Affile, ancient Roman colonies in the diocese of
Subiaco, and conferred them on the abbey.^ It is
possible that about the same time he may have
taken Nympha near Velletri. The dues of such
places to the Church consisted in stipulated services,
and the obligation of furnishing armed men when-
ever the Pope commanded is more especially
mentioned; for like all other bishops, the popes
only drew their troops from places such as were
l^;ally liable to military duty.*
^ CkroHn Subl. (Muiat., zxiv. 939) writes Effidis^ Concerning
Aifile (in Pliny and Frontinus) see Nibby's AnaUsi, In the Cod.
AUrini^ foL 138, and Ceruii, foL 115, an extract from the Regesta of
Paschalis refers to it : ^' pontie et effides^ 7 Kal. Sept. Witnesses :
Raynaldus Snubaldi, Octcananus, Oddo JiL Johis de Oddane (both
Crescentii, descendants of Octavian and Rogata). Petrus de Rofrido,
Rofridus de Ceperano, Romanus de Scotto. Huguizon fiL Petrus
de Leone, Cincius Johis de Crescentio, The Castra Effide et Pontie
are similarly mentioned in a brief of Innocent IV., Anagni, August 8,
1243 (Elie Berger, Les Registres dC Innocent IV,^ Paris, 1881, L 56).
They were disputed by the Abbot of Subiaco with the lords of castrum
Gewne,
^ Cencins took the pactum cum Ninfesinis^ which has no date, from
328 HISTORY OF ROME
2. Roman Expedition of Henry V. — Helpless position
OF Paschalis II. — Difficulty of solving the
Question of Investiture — The Pope resolves
TO compel the Bishops to surrender the Crown-
lands — Negotiations and Treaties — Entrance
of Henry V. into the Leonina and his auda-
cious Coup o^iTAT,
The interval of peace which Paschalis had gained
only lasted until the arrival of the German King. A
comet which preceded him — a terrible phenomenon
— ^announced to the pious and superstitious war,
pestilence, and ruin. The imperial power, which had
suffered such humiliation, now arose in the son of
Henry IV. to avenge its defeat and to reduce the
Gregorian papacy to subjection. After long negotia-
tions Henry V. had succeeded in obtaining the
the Regesta of Paschalis. , On account of the feudal relations I note
therein : Hec sunt quefacient Ninpkesini, FidelitcUem scii, B, Petro
et Dno, PP, Piischali ejusq, Successorib. Hosiem et parlamenium^
mm Curia preceperit, Serviiium quad eusueti fuerunt fcKsre, et
placitum et bannum f octant B, Petro et PP, They give the Quarfa
according to the Roman Modius ; they pay the G/andaticum (money
for the pasturage of swine) to S. Martin ; to S. Thomas bones bradones
(cakes of grease and £bX). De carrico uniuscujusq, Sandali denarics
VI, Samlaiumy still used for ferry-boat. Fidantiatn (Tribute) in
unoquoq, anno in m, Afadii libr, XXX, de papia bonas. There
follow definitions of the market-dues (plaieaiicum) to be paid by
foreigners to the Curia (of the papal minister) ; also of the Foderum,
The walls of the dty were to be demolished ; new walls must not be
built without permission of the Curia. Witnesses : Petrus Leonis,
Petrus de Franco, Leo de dno petro Leonis, Ubicio, Seniorictus,
Benincasa piscatore, Constantinus dapifer, Zoffo de caiaze, Gisalfo,
Romanus de Ca/vo, Vgizzonius dejohane Tinioso, Paganus, lliis
document is mistakenly not included in Theiner*s Cod, Dipt,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 329
promise of the imperial crown from the sorely
harassed Pope, unfettered by any condition, save
that of reverence towards the Church. Paschalis
could not prevent the journey to Rome which had
been resolved on at a German Diet At a Lateran
Council on March 7, mo, however, he renewed the
prohibition against investitures. It was on this basis
alone that peace could be concluded. He immedi-
ately hastened to Monte Casino, and implored the
Norman princes to come, if necessary, to his aid
against Henry. On his return he even assembled
the Roman nobles and by solemn oath made them
promise to remain by his side in danger.
The Roman expedition of Henry V. was a
splendid exhibition of the power to which Germany
could attain, in spite of tedious civil wars ; but for
Italy and the Papacy it was a severe humiliation.
This formidable army numbered thirty thousand
horsemen, vassals from a hundred provinces of
German, Slavic, and Romance lands, led by bishops
and princes who, with murmurs or willingly, gathered
round the King. Even men versed in law and letters
accompanied Henry to explain his rights and com-
memorate his deeds. The cities of Northern Italy,
which had attained republican constitutions during
the war of investiture, looked with hatred on the
foreign troops, who descended the Alps in the autumn Heniv v.'a
of II 10, and for whom they were obliged to provide ^^ *®
food, quarters, and gifts. Novara expiated its dis-i"o«
obedience in its own ashes, and other fortresses
were destroyed with a like ferocity. This severity
terrified the Lombards. Their consuls came to the
330 HISTORY OF ROME
King with tribute. Milan alone sent neither gifts
nor envoys. Had party hatred not kept the smaller
towns at enmity, these towns might have found the
shield of their common liberty in this flourishing
city.^ Among the Italian vassals of the empire there
was not one who failed to do homage to Henry
during the three weeks that he lay encamped on the
field of Roncaglia. He here held the customary
Diet, and, like a Xerxes, reviewed his splendid
army, filled with contempt towards the cities. The
Countess Matilda herself bowed before his power ;
several princes from Henry's camp visited the illus-
trious woman, the glory of her age, and all left her
filled with admiration. Matilda did not, however^
appear in person before the son of her adversary,
but merely held negotiations with his envoys from
one of her fortresses near Canossa. She took the
oath of vassalage, as far as it concerned the enemies
of the empire with the exception of the Pope, and
the King did not venture to demand that the pro-
tectress of the pontiffs should send her vassals to
join his army in the expedition to Rome.
What could the Pope expect from a young prince
who had inherited the craft of the father whom he
had over-reached, and who, endowed with far gfreater
energy, was resolved to prosecute the same struggle
for the rights of the crown which the fate of Henry
IV. had clearly shown to be the condition necessary
to the continued existence of the empire? Henry
^ Nobilis urhssoJa MediohMum popttlosa
Non servivit ei; nummum ntque contuKt oris,
— Donizo, iL 18.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 33 1
V. approached, as his envoys at Chalons had already
threatened, to assert the right of investiture with the
sword, and to demolish Hildebrand's audacious
structure. The position of Paschalis 11. was more
difficult than that of Gregory had been, for the
Normans were crippled by enervation and fear,
Matilda was old, and remained neutral ; religious
passions, formerly such powerful allies of the hie^
rarchy, had cooled, and Christendom demanded the
settlement of the dispute at almost any cost
Henry wrote to the Romans from Arezzo that,
hitherto prevented from doing honour to the capital
of his empire, he was now approaching, and he
demanded that envoys should t>e sent to meet him.^
His ambassadors went to Rome to make arrange-
ments for the coronation, and met Pier Leone, the
plenipotentiary of the Pope, in S. Maria in Turn.
The coronation was to be the final act of a treaty,
but difficulty was experienced in framing this — ^the
first of all concordats. Henry was obliged to insist
on the right of investiture which all his predecessors
had exercised ; the Pope was obliged to take his
stand on the decrees of his predecessors, which for-
bade investiture by lay hands, and to which he had
himself given his solemn ratification. Could the
King surrender to the Pope the sole right of appoint-
ing bishops, when these bishops received princi-
palities as fiefs from the empire ? If these powerful
bishops and abbots were entirely severed from the
' H, Deigr, J^omofwr, Rex CofuuHb. ei Senatui^ Popuh Romano^
nu^aribus et minondus gratiam suam aim bona voiunteUe, Cod.
Udalr.f s. 257.
332 HISTORY OF ROME
State, and became vassals solely of the Roman
Church, would not their power become illimitable,
and would they not, as Gr^ory VI L desired, swallow
up the State? The consequences of the royal investi-
ture were, on the other hand, ruinous to the Church ;
the Church remained the vassal of the crown. But
this evil, which was undeniable, might be removed
as soon as the bishops renounced the temporal
power and all political position.^
The The question of investiture was, at this time, as
of invSti- difficult as the question of the continued existence
tures. Qf ti^g Dominium Temporale of the popes, the last
remains of the mediaeval body of the Church, has
become to-day within a united Italy. In both
questions we find the same interconnection of
things, moral and political ; both consequently, like
a Gordian knot, were first cut by the sword. It will
ever remain worthy of remark that a pope of the
twelfth century advanced, with lofly resolution, a
principle, the realisation of which would have in-
vested the Church with a higher moral power, a
principle, however, which was too ethereal for a time
when the law of might prevailed. Paschalis II.
recognised the right of the crown, a right which was
as clear as the sun ; he admitted that, after it had
surrendered such immense revenues to the churches,
the empire could not exist without the privilege of
investiture. As the young and faithless son of
Henry IV. approached Rome with a formidable
^ The letter of the Archbishop Frederick of Cologne to Otto of
Bamberg clearly shows the consequences of the investiture. Cod^
Udair.^ n. 277.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 333
army, leaving ruined cities in his rear, he may have
appeared to the trembling Pope like some beast of
prey, whose ferocity might be appeased by booty.
In his direst need, and in order that he might save
her life and her freedom, the Pope threw him the
possessions of the Church. He proposed that the
bishops should restore all their crown property to
the empire, and live henceforward on tithes; that
the King should permanently renounce the right of
investiture, and should consequently, in exchange,
bestow the priceless gift of freedom from the State
upon the Church.^ Had Paschalis II. been able to Paschaiis'
realise this pure and apostolic idea, he would have [hafS*
proved himself a greater man than Gregory VII., <^{«"^
and the true reformer among the popes. The judg- renounce
ment of a virtuous and unworldly monk was forced oHhc'*
to recognise that the corruption of the clergy and the ^^"^
slavery of the Church were merely the consequences
of her unapostolic secularisation ; Paschalis, however,
did not show himself a man of so great a mind that
we can venture to ascribe his scheme to a bold
desire for reform; it was, on the contrary, rather
the suggestion of despair.* The twelfth century was
1 The treaty //. J^Ton. Fedr, in airio B, Petri, in eccL b, Maria in
Turri {Cod. Vat,, 1984) thus defines the royal prerogatives : cwi/a/es,
ducatus, marckias, comiiatus, picm/am, teloneum, niercatum, advo'
caiicLs regni^jura ceniurionum et curies que manifeste regni erant cum
pertineniiis suis, militia et ccuira regni. In like manner, Cod, Udalr,^
n. 262, 263; Chron, Ekkeh.^ A. nil. The Cod, Vat., 1984, took
the Cartula Conoentionii from the register of Paschalis, and Peter
Diaconns repeats them almost word for word. In the same way
Albinos, Cencius, and Cardinal Arragon draw all these instruments
from the register.
* Bishop Rosmini ascribes the ideas of Paschalis solely to a magnanl-
334 HISTORY OF ROME
not ripe for the premature idea of the emancipation
of the Church. The sacred institution, which should
have been merely the incorporeal kingdom of light,
of love, and of virtue, continued to be obscured by
earthly vapours, like a misty sun, whose rays, had
they pierced in all their purity, would perhaps have
worked without effect, or even with destruction, on
the savagery of semi-barbarous times. The feudal
interconnection of secular and spiritual power
weighed for centuries upon society, and not until
the sixteenth century did the idea of Paschalis
(which in him was probably only due to a naive
simplicity) attain a mature and powerful conscious-
ness.
To the clergy, accustomed to power and splendour,
his proposal must have appeared one of unequalled
renunciation : the prelates were called on to surrender
immense estates, cities, taxes, rights of market and
coinage, justice, and the authority of margraves.
Nevertheless they would not have become poor as^
the apostles, since each bishopric still possessed its
private estate, and even tithes and offerings still
remained a lucrative source of wealth.* But with
the loss of princely power the bishops became
moos enlightenment Quefio immortale pontefice ka fatto untire un
Unguaggio^ eke nelia bocca di piolsiasi papa deiT antickiih ncn si
sarebbe potuto irovarg rU piit soHio, fU pih ilevata. These opinions do
honour to the Christuin philosopher ; they have, however, served to
place his book. The Five IVotmds of the Churchy on the Index.
* Dimiilai ecciesias liherascum Matiombus et possessienibuSt qua ad
regnum manifeste nan pertinebant. The Pope at that time conse-
quently demanded a " free " Church beside the State ; we now say,
^ a free Church in a free State." The second Pactum is in Cod, Vat, ,
19S4, and Cod. Udalr., 263.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 335
defenceless against the political power; they were
robbed of their influence in the world, which only
respects the power that gives and takes, and that
can inspire fear by magnificence. Every bishop
would have refused to renounce the illustrious
position of Member of the imperial Parliament, in
order to become a free and virtuous but insignificant
servant of the Lord, and all would have been able to
reproach Paschalis for having acted disinterestedly
at the cost of others, when he himself, the Pope,
never contemplated the renunciation of the sceptre
of the ecclesiastical State. On the contrary, he
expressly stipulated beforehand that Henry should
restore this State according to the limits of the
indent donations^ If worldly splendour were
unseemly in bishops, was it not equally unseemly in
the Pope? If it were unbecoming in an abbot to
mount his war-horse in coat of mail and ride at the
head of his vassals, must not the sight of the Holy
Father in the field of battle have been still more at'
variance with the principles of Christianity ? The
possession of crown fiefs involved the bishops in
constant traffic with the world, but what for centuries
had been the history of the Roman ecclesiastical
State ? At the same time, the existence of such a
State, even in so miserable a form, was now an
essential condition for the spiritual independence of
the Pope. The fatal irony which was attached to
'its principle made the Dominium Temporale at the
^ Pahrimcnia ei passessitmes 3. Petri restituet ti camcedet sicuti a
CarolOf LodcmcOf Hanrico et tUUs imperatoribus factum «r/, // t4n9m
mijuvabii suundum suum posH^ Ibid,
336 HISTORY OF ROME
same time the shield and the Achilles' heel of the
Pope, made him simultaneously a king and a martyr,
the exiled possessor of an estate. The dust of the
little, ever-rebellious clod of Rome hung to the feet
of the high priest of Christianity with sufficient
weight to prevent him from soaring to too lofty
regions, where, as an almost divine being, he would
have been removed beyond the ideas of his time, or
as a tyrant of the moral world, inaccessible to secular
hands, would have withdrawn himself beyond reach
of their demands. Paschalis scarcely asked himself
the question whether the union of priest and king
in his own person was beneficial ; and if a malicious
bishop had expressed doubts as to the principles on
which the State of Peter was founded, he would have
replied with the more reason what Pius IX. replied
to the theoretical and practical usurpers of the
Temporal Dominion in the present day, merely that
the provinces of S. Peter were not fiefs of the empire.
When in 1862 one of the most memorable of revolu-
tions overthrew the ancient and decayed State of the
Church, it was interesting to reflect that the recc^ni-
tion of the renunciation, which Paschalis so vainly
required of the bishops, would have further entailed
the suppression of the papal State. And we have
just cause for surprise in the fact that, 700 years
after Paschalis, this ancient question was discussed
with the like fervour by the whole of Europe.^
^ Count Cavour unawares turned the arguments of Paschalb II.
against Pius IX. " If the Church is once freed from every secular
fetter and severed from the State by definite boundaries, the liberty
of the sacred chair will no longer have to suffer from all the hindrances
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 337
Had Henry V. accepted the proposal of the f ope
he would immediately have doubled the wealth of
the crown ; an avaricious monarch would have hastily
stretched forth his hand, a more prudent one would
have hesitated. The renunciation of the right of
investiture involved the loss of all royal influence on
the Church, the greatest power of the world at that
time. The estates annexed would necessarily have
been bestowed as fiefs on others, and would have
contributed to increase the power of hereditary
nobles ; the cities, which were only loosely allied with
the bishoprics, would have acquired complete inde-
pendence. But above all, could Henry believe that
bishops and princes would have acquiesced in the
proposal of the Pope? Could he believe that it
was possible to confiscate so many estates, which a
thousand vassals held as fiefs from the crown, with-
out causing an inevitable revolution of the relations
of property ?
Henry sincerely longed for peace with the Church ;
he accepted the treaty ; but did not reckon on the
possibility of its execution.
Two treaties were drawn up : the King's renuncia- The
tion of the investiture ; the clergy's renunciation by JJ^*Srawn
papal decree of the estates of the crown. On the up-
exchange of the documents Henry was to receive
the crown. The scrupulous precautions which were
with which it b oppressed by the concordats and the prerogatives of
the civil power, and which alone have hitherto rendered necessary the
temporal possessions of the Roman See. We shall inscribe the
principle of mutual independence of the Church and the State in the
fundamental statute of the Italian kingdom." Speech of March 25,
1861.
VOL. IV. Z
338 HISTORY OF ROME
introduced into the treaties cause King and Pope
to appear like two enemies holding negotiations,
each of whom sees in the other only a traitor or an
assassin. Is it not with justice that we speak of an
age as barbarous when the secular head of the West
was obliged to swear by treaty that he would neither
treacherously seize the high priest of Christendom,
nor mutilate or put him to death ?^ The envoys
hastened to Sutri, whither the King had advanced
He accepted the deeds, though only on condition
that all bishops and princes of the empire would
assent to the renunciation, and the chronicler^ who
informs us of the circumstances, remarks that this
was deemed impossible.^ On February 9, Henry and
his nobles, the dukes and counts of Bavaria, Saxony,
and Carinthia, his chancellor Albert, his nephew
Frederick of Swabia, the Bishop of Speyer guaranteed
to the Pope by oath his personal safety and the
fulfilment of the treaty, if the Pope on his side would
execute the treaty the following Sunday. The army
immediately set forth for Rome, and on Saturday,
February 11, encamped on Monte Mario.
Henry V. Henry V. stood before the Leonine city and that
before '
Rome,
Feb. mx. 1 ^^ ^^ in facto out ccnsilio^ utdom, P, perdat papatum romanum
vel vitam, tml membra^ vel capiatur mala captume-^customairy formula
in treaties with princes, cities, vassals. The Pope's sureties were his
nephew Walfred and the Pierleoni.
* Ptrebuit rex assenswn^ sed eo pacto^ quatinus hoc transmiUatio
fimia et auUniica rations^ consUioque vel concordia toUus accUna ac
regni princip%tm assensu stabiliretur ; quod etiam vix out nullo modo
fieri posse credebatur, Ekkehard, Quod tamen nuUo modo posse fiori
sciebat, said Henry of the Pope in a letter in Cod. Udair.^ n. 261 ;
Dodechini Append, y p. 668w
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 339
fortress of S. Angelo in which the author of this
terrible war had been besieged by his father twenty-
seven years before; the sorrowful shade of Henry
IV. must have haunted his son and have summoned
him to become his avenger. The Emperor's corpse
was still unburied ; it had lain for more than five
years in an unconsecrated chapel of the cathedral of
Speyer, and Paschalis, with Roman harshness, had
refused the request to accord it Christian burial.
We may imagine the sensations of the haughty
German knights at the sight of Rome, the feelings
of the Romans, over whom lay the cloud of approach-
ing ruin, and the thoughts of the Pope, who knew
himself to be within the toils of a perjured enemy,
while his envoys, as erst those of Gregory VIL,scoured
Campania in search of a new Guiscard. The morrow
might witness either a great work of peace or a
fr^htful crash.
Ambassadors from the Romans came to Henry's
camp, and requested him to affirm the laws of Rome ;
the Roman King complied, but contemptuously pro-
nounced his assent in the German language, and the
offended nobles returned to the city. The legates
of the Pope appeared ; hostages were exchanged,
and Henry again swore safety to the Pope and the
preservation of the State of the Church.
The coronation was to take place the following Entry of
day — February 12. The corporations of Rome, the ^^ ^'
colleges of judges, the Scholae of the papal court, ©pronation,
the militia with their insignia, dragons, wolves, mi.
lions, and eagles borne on the shafts of lances, and
the populace, carrying flowers and palm-branches,
340 HISTORY OF ROME
escorted the King from Monte Mario. The son of
Henry IV., accompanied by his magnificent retinue,
advanced on horseback to the Leonina amid the
sincere or hypocritical shouts of thousands: "S.
Peter has chosen Henry as King." According to
traditional usage, he swore, first at a little bridge, and
again at the gate, to observe the laws of Rome ; he
listened to the hymn of the Jews with a contemptu-
ous smile, to the applause of the schola of the Greeks
with condescension. Choirs of monks and nuns,
bearing lighted tapers, and processions of the clergy
received him in the Leonina with the same shout :
^^ Heinricum Regein Sanctus Petrus elegit^ and the
magnificent train slowly advanced to the steps of
S. Peter's. No emperor designate was ever awaited
with greater suspense than the son of Henry IV. ; the
solemn ceremonial of the reception, the homage, the
adoption by the Pope, could but thinly veil the deep
misgiving, and the prudent Henry declined to enter
S. Peter's until his soldiers occupied the basilica.^
Henry v.'s King and Pope had taken their places on the
in*l.^^^' porphyry Rota in the solemn cathedral. Here the
Peter's. great work of peace was to be enacted ; the treaties
were to be sworn to and exchanged. The pactum
of the King and that of the Pope were read aloud ;
the murmurs of bishops and princes, however,
accompanied the papal document, which announced
that the political position of the clergy was uncanoni-
cal, that it was unlawful for priests to serve in the
^ Deliberata est itaque eiecclesia, et omtus muniiMtus cireumquaqtu
sita: Petr. Pisan., c 14. S. Peter's was fortified; S. Angelo
remained garrisoned by papal troops.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 34I
army, since murder and robbery were inseparable
from such service; that the servants of the altar
should not at the same time be servants of the court :
but that as soon as they received estates as fiefs from
the crown they must be courtiers. Hence had
originated the custom that bishops already elected
only received consecration on obtaining the royal
investiture ; a custom which had been prohibited by
the decrees of several councils. He, Paschalis, under
punishment of excommunication, commanded the
bishops to restore all fiefs of the crown to the
Emperor Henry for all time, and as many fie& as
had come into possession of the churches since the
time of Charles the Great^
A storm of indignation broke forth. Were the
bishops to submit to the simple decree of a Pope
and recognise him as the absolute ruler of die
Church ? The worldly ambition of priests, who,
from being the messengers of peace to the people,
had become their barons, revolted against an evan*
gelical principle, and had Christ Himself appeared in
the assembly to support His representative with His
own command, " Render unto Caesar the things that
are Csesar^s," His voice would have been drowned by
angry cries. Can we believe that Paschalis cherished
the conviction that princes and bishops would accept
his decree ? It is impossible. He could only hope
to come to a temporary adjustment with the
Emperor, all else would have become the subject of
n^otiations and synods. King and Pope, seated on
1 Sigbert, A. nil. Dodeckini Append., p. 668. Cod. Udair.,
n. 263 ; PriuiUgium Pascalis Papa* Et diuimt Ugis^ Ac.
342 HISTORY OF ROME
the porphyry rota, each with his pactum in his hand,
in the possibility of the execution of which neither
believed, appear in this celebrated scene like two
actors in a great drama, of whom one plays his part
with violent cunning, the other with the resignation
of despair. But at Paschalis's side stood a premature
reform, while Henry obviously cherished the design
of the coup ditat which he afterwards accomplished,
and which will ever remain one of the most violent
and audacious strokes of the kind recorded in history.
The concession was so great that Henry saw
within it merely a snare of the Pope to obtain
possession of his renunciation, and then to leave him
to face the opposition of the princes and bishops.
While the King again explained in S. Peter's that
the project of robbing the churches of their property
did not originate with him, he made the Pope alone
responsible, and at Sutri he had already made the
execution of his treaty dependent on the consent of
all the princes of the empire. As the Pope now
desired the renunciation of the investiture, the King
retired for consultation with the bishops. His nobles
blustered. They asserted that the Pope's proposi-
tion was heresy and sacrilege and decisively re-
fused to recognise the treaty.* Evening approached.
^ Lectis publice ^rtvilegiiSf iumultuantibus in infinitum principibus
prct ecciesiarum spolioUunu ac per hoc beneficiorum suontm ablatione*
Ekkefaard ; and the lively account in the Chronicle of Reichersherg^
p. 239 (in Ludewig, t. ii.)i which, like Sigbert, Otto of Freising,
Chron,^ vii. 14, Ep, Hoinrici^ Cod. Udalu^ 262, and Dodechinus,
mentions only the bishops : unrversis in faciem ejus resistentibus, et
decreto suo palcun haresim inclamantibus^ scil, episcopis^ abbaHbus^ tam
suis quam nostris et omnibus ecclesiafiliis.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 343
Paschalis demanded that the tedious conference
should be ended; the bishops protested that the
treaty was impracticable; the King desired the
coronation, the Pope refused it A knight, burning
with indignation, sprang forward : " Where is the
necessity," he cried, " for so much talk I My master
desires to be crowned without delay like Lewis and
Charles I" Some terrified cardinals proposed to
crown the King, and to delay the conclusion of the
concordat until the morrow. The prelates would
no more hear of treaties. Some bishops, more
especially Burchard of Munster and the Chancellor
Albert, fanned the rising anger of the young King
and urged him to violate his oath and seize the The Pope
person of the Pope. Armed men surrounded the^^U^^
Pope and the high altar. Scarcely had he ended
mass, when he was forced to take a seat in the
tribune, watched by knights with drawn swords. A
tumult arose. Norbert, Henry's chaplain, threw
himself weeping before the Pope, and Conrad of
Salzburg loudly called to the King that his act was
wicked sacrilege. The brave bishop was menaced
by drawn swords ; the quarrels and shrieks of clergy
and nobles, the clang of arms, cries for aid, the
flight and maltreatment of terrified priests presented
a scene of wildest confusion in the already dark
cathedral. Meanwhile the Pope and the cardinals,
crowded together, trembled under the halberds of
the mercenaries, while throngs of people, anxious for
revenge, filled S. Peter's, and on the other side of the
Tiber the entire city was already in violent commo*
tion.
344 HISTORY OF ROME
As night descended Paschalis and his court were
removed to a building beside S. Peter's, and were
confided to the custody of Udalrich, Patriarch of
Aquileia, The imprisonment of the Pope broke
down all discipline, priests and laity were robbed
without distinction and were cut down by the sword ;
the golden vessels, the ornaments of the Church,
were carried off. All who could escape, fled
shrieking to the city.
3. The Romans rise to set Paschalis at Liberty —
Surprise and Battle in the Leonina — Henry V.
WITHDRAWS with HIS PRISONERS — He ENCAMPS NEAR
TivoLi — Forces the Pope to accord him the
Privilege of the Investiture — Imperial Corona-
tion — Henry V. leaves Rome — Terrible awaken-
ing OF Paschalis II. in the Lateran.
Two cardinal-bishops, John of Tusculum and Leo
of Ostia (the historian of Monte Casino), escaped
in disguise across the bridge of S. Angelo. They
assembled the people. Alarm-bells were rung from
Rome every tower; Rome was filled with the wildest
J^i{J* excitement. Such Germans as unsuspectingly had
entered the city were cut down. This was the
scene into which the festival of a Roman coronation
was again transformed. Since a Byzantine governor
had dragged Pope Martin into exile, the Papacy
had suffered no such violence from the supreme
power in the State. The Romans now foi^ot their
enmity to the popes; they united in a common
feeling of hatred against the foreign imperial power.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 345
With the break of day they burst into the Leonina The battle
to set the Pope at liberty. Haughty contempt had LeSTina.
rendered the King careless, and hence the onslaught
almost cost him both life and empire. Still un-
dressed and with naked feet he sprang on horseback
in the atrium of the basilica, leaped down the marble
steps and plunged into the thick of the fray; five
Romans sank beneath his lance, but he himself fell
wounded from the saddle. The Viscount Otto of
Milan placed at his disposal his horse, and indeed his
life, for the magnanimous rescuer was dragged away
and torn to pieces in the city. The fury of the
Romans was unbounded; the attack became a
battle; Henry's forces, driven from the portico,
seemed ready to succumb.^ The valour of the
Romans, which had never before shone so con-
spicuous, deserved to be rewarded by deliverance
from the empire ; their desire for plunder, however,
snatched the victory out of their hands sooner than
the exertions of the Germans would have done.
They were finally driven back across the bridge with
great slaughter, or were thrown into the river, and
their flight was only covered by sorties from S.
Angelo.
The imperialist losses were great and showed that
a rebellious city was formidable even to disciplined
armies; Henry consequently left the Leonina at
' Habent enim aliqtiid simile cum nivibus suis ; nam statim ut
tacti colore fuerint^ in sudorem convcrsi deficiunt^ et quasi a sole
sohnifUur, says Peter Diacon., iv. c. 39, quite untruthfully, of the
German character. On the contrary, the Germans credit themselves
with the possession of manly endurance.
346 HISTORY OF ROME
night He remained two days longer in the camp
under arms, while the Romans, exhausted and thirst-
ing for revenge, assembled anew. The cardinal of
Tusculum, now vicar of the Pope, besought them
again to take up arms. "Romans, your freedom,
your lives, your honour, and the defence of
your Church are at stake. The Holy Father, the
cardinals, your brothers and sons languish in the
chains of the faithless enemy: a thousand noble
citizens lie stretched in death under the portico ;
the basilica of the apostles, the honoured cathedral
of Christendom, is defiled with corpses and blood ;
the dishonoured Church lies weeping at your feet,
and with upraised arms entreats mercy and protec-
tion from the Roman people who alone can save
it" The whole city swore to fight to the death.^
Departure In the night of February 1$ to i6, however, Henry
V. wUMhc rsiised his tents and, like a defeated man, withdrew
ttiptive to the Sabina. While he carried the Pope and six-
Rome, teen cardinals away with him as prisoners, his
ffii.^^' soldiers dragged Roman consuls and priests tied
with ropes and, themselves seated on horseback,
goaded their captives along the muddy roads with
the shafts of their lances — a spectacle which may
well have recalled Vandal times.* The army
^ Petnis DiacoD., c 39. Mansi, xxL 59. Letter of Cardinal John
(i^ns vicem Domni Paschaiis Papa vincii Jesu Christt) to Richard,
Bishop of Albano : post hac omnes unanimes contra eumjuraverunt,
ufUf ammOf una voiuntafe pugnare,
* Chronicle of Reicktrsberg : citrid tenure educoH funibus traJu-
hantur ab equitibus^ quos illU nt poteranl, sequebantur per plaieas.
Into profundo ac tenaci vix emergettUs, Petr. Diacon. says, with
exaggeration, that the Pope was carried away in chains.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 347
crossed the Tiber at Fiano, and finally encamped
beside the Lucanian bridge below Tivoli. It was
Henry's intention to unite with the Tusculan counts
to cut oflF the Norman relief-party, which Cardinal
John had urgently summoned. He left the Pope
with some cardinals in the fortress of Trebicum,
the remaining prisoners in close custody at Cor-
codilum.^
Thus the son of Henry IV. inflicted on the Church,
which had formerly supported him in his impious
rebellion, an outrage such as the fourth Henry had
never committed. In whatever light we may view
Henry V.'s bold coup (t^taty the nemesis which was
therein accomplished was just. The excess at
Canossa found its reverse in Rome. The heaviest
anathema should have been dealt upon the King,
who, like a Shalmaneser, had carried the represen-
tative of Christ and the Roman Church itself captive ;
but Paschalis sighed and held his peace. We hear
of the disturbance which agitated the ecclesiastical
world, but not of the commotion which shook the
political world when it received the news of the
Pope's imprisonment. The world, however, stirred
itself as little to effect his release as it did 700
years later when Napoleon emulated the example
of Henry V. The Countess Matilda must have felt
the event as her heaviest defeat; but she did not
^ Petr. DiaooxL and Codn Vaf,, 1984; after the register of
Paschalis : a/ud C4utellum Trgdicum, apud Ccrcodilum ; CorcoUo or
Corcarulum (Querquetula, Corootula) in Latiam. Nibby, Anaitsi,
Trebicum is Tribuco^ where a church stood dedicated to S. Getulius.
See £. Stevenson, La Basil, di S. Sinforosa sulia via Tiburtina^ in
vol. L of the Siudi e Docum, di Storia e Diriiio^ Rome, 1880, p. 107.
348 HISTORY OF ROME
move. Messenger after messenger was despatched
to Apulia, but no Guiscard appeared. Robert of
Capua alone sent 300 cavalry into Roman territory,
but finding Latium imperialist and Henry's army
between themselves and Rome, they turned back
at Ferentino. The sudden death of Roger and of
his brother Boemund threw the Norman states into
confusion, a revolt of the Lombard people and
Henry's arrival seemed imminent, and the princes
consequently found themselves compelled to send
ambassadors in haste to do homage to the King.^
Harsh During sixty-one days Henry held cardinals and
ment Pope in strictest imprisonment, first in the above-
S^tbT* named fortress, then in his camp. At the same time,
Pope he daily menaced the city, and by hunger, by laying
cardinals, waste the fields, and by maltreating the prisoners,
he tried to bend every one to his will. The Romans,
however, were now proof even against gold. They
would open their gates only on condition that the
prisoners were set at liberty, and Henry in return
demanded his coronation from the Pope, and the
candid recognition of the right of the crown to
the investiture. The Pope hesitated, and Henry
threatened to put all the prisoners to death unless
he yielded. The chief men of the King's party, the
prisoners, the Romans from the city, the afflicted
^ Peter Diacon. Ord. Vitalis (x. 762) invents the fiction that 2000
Normans came to the aid of the Romans and expelled Henry. The
Norman princes were Robert of Capua (1106-I120), successor of his
brother Richard H. ; William of Apulia, son of Roger, who had died
at Salerno in February iiii. In Sicily the great Count Rogttt
brother of Guiscard, had died in iioi, and had been succeeded by
Roger II.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 349
cardinals threw themselves at the feet of the Pope
and implored him, in view of the universal misery,
in face of the oppressed city and the deserted
Church, to avert the threatened schism. It is in-
teresting to picture Gregory VII. in place of Pas-
chalis II., and to ask ourselves, whether the former
heroic Pope, who replied to the supplications of his
kneeling petitioners in S. Angelo by a tranquil
" No ! " would have remained unmoved in the present
case. " Well," cried the unfortunate Paschalis with a
sigh, ** for the sake of the deliverance of the Church,
I am compelled to yield to measures to which my
consent would not otherwise have been extorted at
the cost of life."^ Fresh treaties were drawn up.
But Count Albert of Blandrate would not hear of any
written condition being attached to the fulfilment
of the oath on the side of the Pope, and Paschalis,
turning to the King with reproachful gentleness
or with a bitter smile, said : " I tender this oath, in The Pope
order that you may fulfil yours." The German camp ^^^
was pitched on the further side of the Anio on the
** Field of the Seven Brothers," the Roman stood on
the side of the Ponte Mammolo nearest the city.^
Here sixteen cardinals swore in the Pope's name to
1 £n cogor—pro EccL pace ac liberatione id perpeti^ quodne pcUerer^
vitam quoque cum sanguiru projundere parattis erasn,
' In agro juxta ponUm Mammeutn^ Cod, Vat,^ I9^« This bridge
was called pans Mammi as early as 1030 (Nibby, AneUisi) ; whether
from Mammea, mother of Alexander Sevenis, is uncertain. Here is
the boundary between Latium and the Sabina. The field Septem
Frairum must be the present Castelf Areione^ nine miles from Rome,
where the church of S. Sinforosa (the mother of seven martyrs in the
time of Hadrian) stood. Eschinardi, Agro Romano^ p. 236 ; Viola,
TvvoHy il 125 ; De Rossi, BtdL d. Arch, crisL, 1878, p. 75 f.
3 so HISTORY OF ROME
forget the past, promised never to excommunicate
the King, promised to crown him Emperor, to
support him in the empire and patriciate, and finally
not to dispute his right to the investiture. Fourteen
of his nobles swore on Henry's side to escort the
Pope, all prisoners and hostages to Trastevere at a
given time ; to refrain from injuring the Pope's
adherents, to give security to the city of Rome,
Trastevere, and the island of the Tiber, and to
restore her property to the Church.^
The King insisted that the privilegium of the
investiture should be executed before he entered the
city. The deed was hurriedly drawn up by a notary
brought from Rome. The following day the army
departed, and since the Milvian bridge was now
destroyed, the troops crossed the Tiber not far from
the mouth of the Anio, and encamped on the
Flaminian Way. Here the memorable deed was
executed and was signed by the unfortunate Pope
with heavy sighs.
The Pope «' It is determined by God's decree, that thy realm
the right should be especially allied with the Church, and thy
ture to*the pf^decessors have acquired the crown of the Roman
Emperor, city and the empire by power and wisdom. To
this dignity of crown and empire, God's majesty,
through our priestly office, our most beloved son
Henry, has also exalted thy person. The rights of
1 Actum 3 Idus Aprilis iftria post Octam Pascha Jnd, IV. Both
formube, from the R^;ister of Paschalis, are to be found in CccL Vat.^
1984, in Cencius, Mon, Germ. Leges^ ii. 71. Among the sureties for
the King is also Guetmerius copus, Et regnum et Imperium officii sui
auxUio tenere bona fide adjuvabit, Petr. Diacon., c. 40, adds patricu
atunt.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 35 1
the empire, which our predecessors accorded to thy
predecessors the Catholic emperors, we therefore
accord to thy highness and confirm them through
the present privilegium as follows : Thou shalt
impart the investiture with ring and staff to the
bishops and abbots of thy empire, who shall be
elected without force and simony ; after their canoni-
cal installation they shall receive consecration from
the bishop whose duty it is to give it But whoever
shall be elected by the clergy and people without
thy consent shall not obtain consecration from any
one until he has received the investiture from thee.
Bishops and archbishops shall be permitted canoni-
cally to consecrate bishops and abbots who have
received investiture from thee. For thy predecessors
have endowed the churches of the empire with so
many benefices of their royal rights, that it is
necessary to secure the empire itself through the
assistance of the bishops and abbots, and to adjust^
by the royal majesty, disputes among the people con-
cerning elections. Thy prudence and thy power must
therefore provide that, under the divine protection,
the greatness of the Roman Church and the welfare
of all churches may be preserved by royal endowment
and favour. Shall any spiritual or secular power or
person, however, dare to despise or subvert this our
privilegium, he shall be entangled within the chains
of the anathema and be deprived of all honours.
May Hie divine mercy protect all who respect it, and
grant thy majesty a happy empire."^
1 **J^^gnum vestrum s, EccUsia nngulariter cohanre, dispontio
divina constituUJ'^—Cod, Udalr.y n. 265 ; Mon, Germ, Leges ^
iitz.
352 HISTORY OF ROME
Henry V. When Hcnrv held in his hands a bull which over-
dismisses .. 11 ^1 1 .« ...
the Pope, threw all the prohibitions agamst investiture pro-
nounced by Gr^ory VII. and his successors, his vic-
tory must have appeared to him well nigh incredible ;
he immediately dismissed the Pope, who gave him
the benediction, and a witty German chronicler
was able to compare the vigorous prince to the
patriarch Jacob, who would not let the angel with
whom he wrestled go until he had received his
blessing.^ On April 13, Henry again made his
Hemy v. entry into the Leonina, but the hurried coronation
bylSr^ was devoid of all signs of joy. All the gates of
Pope in Rome remained barred, so that the Romans as a
S. Peters,
April 13, body took no share in the transaction. Their
deputies, however, were present, and Henry V,, like
his grandfather, was also clad with the insignia of
the patriciate.* The Emperor compelled the Pope
to take back the privilegium from his hand, and then
publicly restore it, as evidence that the transaction
was not compulsory but a voluntary act The clergy
were deeply wounded by the insult. The Pope,
nevertheless, sincerely desired to make peace; he
broke the host for himself and Henry, and while
both partook, he said in a tone of inward conviction,
iL 72. Otto of Freising says that the Privilegium was exiorium per
vim.
^ In exempL patrianha Jacob dicentis ad angeium : ncn dimiUam U
nisi benedixeris mihi: Ekkehard. The comparison seems to have
been taken from the lost history of David Scottus, as we gather from
William of Malmesbury, de Geslts Reg, Angior.^ v. 166, who used
David's accounts. Hemy now extorted permission to give his &ther
Christian burial
* Romani patricii octurrerunt cum aureo circulo, quern imposueruni
imperatori in capiU, William of Malmesbury, v. 167.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 353
"May he, who attempts to violate this treaty, be
thus severed from the kingdom of God/'
Henry V. was the first of all Roman emperors
who received the crown in Rome, without having set
foot in the city itself. From behind their walls the
Romans accompanied the coronation with vindictive
curses ; they might liken Henry to a. thief, who had I
forced his way into S. Peter's, had planted his sword I
at the Pope's breast, and had decamped bearing with
him the crown which he had obtained by force.
Filled with distrust, no sooner was he crowned than
he took hostages, folded his tents and hastened to Heniy v.
Tuscany, along the same road by which his father ^^^
and grandfather had previously withdrawn. He victorious,
turned his back on the city which he had subdued
but not conquered, on the dishonoured and dis-
mayed clergy, and bore in his hands the spoils of his
robbery, the papal parchment — the ratification of the
right of investiture. The audacity of his coup d'itat
stands forth conspicuous against the dark background
of his father's history ; it does not, however, clear him
from perjury. He inverted the parts of Henry IV.
and Gregory VH. ; the son of the monarch who had
cast himself faint-hearted in the dust before a priest,
grasped the Pope with his mailed hand, forced him to
bend to his royal majesty and in a moment attained
what Henry IV. in sixty battles had not been able to
achieve. Accidental though his despotic act appears,
it was nevertheless a logical consequence of historic
causes ; but success of such sudden nature could
not be lasting, and the humiliation which Paschalis
VOL. IV. 2 A
354 HISTORY OF ROME
suflfered was not, like the humiliation of Henry IV.,
of a moral character.
Pitiable The Wretched and bewildered Pope was greeted
PasSuSas ^^ h*s return to the city by the fanatical rejoic-
^^' ing of the people ; the nimbus of martyrdom for
the national cause encompassed his head. In like
manner the Romans received their Pope 700 years
later on his return from imprisonment under a
foreign conqueror. The throng in the streets was
everywhere so great that Faschalis with difficulty
reached the Lateran by the evening.* A decep-
tive show of reconciliation on the part of the
Romans towards papal rule may have comforted
the unfortunate Pope ; * but on recovering from his
stupefaction, he read, in the dismayed or gloomy
countenances of those who surrounded him, the
formidable struggle which he had now to encounter
in the Church itself.
^ The date Actum Id, ApriKs 5 feriaposi ociaoas Pascha^ Ind, IV,
Hac sicut passi sumtis, et oculis nostris vidimus ^ et auribus nostris
audivimuSf mera veritate comcripsimus. Thus from the Register of
Paschalis in Cod, Vat., 19S4, and afterwards in Card. Aragon.,
363.
' Peter Pisan. exaggerates : discedente — Heinrico Romam pax
ridiit — viguit auiem pax annis plus minus rumem^ posteris vix
credenda, quam profecto vidi tantam, quaniam et timidus bubukus
exoptat^ et audax perharrescit iatro^ ut quisque loais depositum tueretur.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 35$
4, The Bishops revolt against Paschalis — A Council
IN THE LaTERAN ANNULS THE PrIVILEGIUM — ThE
Legates excommunicate the Emperor — Alexius
comnenus and the romans — investiture of
Wiluam, Duke of the Normans — Death of the
Countess Matilda — Her Donation.
A storm of indignation arose among the Gr^orian
party. It beheld the great work which Gregory had
achieved amid so many struggles overthrown by the
weakness of a Pope. Those cardinals who had not The
shared Paschalis's imprisonment reviled him for not risef^hm
having chosen a martyr's death in preference to Pa«*a"»-
sqbmission to the Emperor's command; they de-
nounced his conduct, which, however, had only
reference to the province of ecclesiastical discipline,
as rank heresy ; they desired the breach of the
treaty. The Pope saw himself in a position of
tragic discord ; zealots pointed at him as a traitor to
the Lord, and the unfortunate man in despair hid
himself in the solitude of Terracina, and finally with-
drew to the island of Ponza.
The Church found itself in the same position
towards Paschalis as a modern state would find itself
towards the monarch who had violated the constitu-
tion; but seldom has a people fought with such
energy and with such constitutional means against
its ruler's breach of the constitution as the Church
and its parliament fought at the present crisis.
John of Tusculum and Leo of Ostia assembled a
Synod in Rome, where the decrees of Urban and
Gregory were revived and the privilegium of Henry
356 HISTORY OF ROME
V. was pronounced null. Bruno, Bishop of Segni,
at the time also Abbot of Monte Casino, vehemently
assented to this decision.^ Paschalis was asked to
revoke the privilegium and to excommunicate the
Emperor; foreign bishops raised their voices in
indignation. John of Lyons convoked a Gallican
Council; the papal legates assembled synods, and
so great was the irritation that thoughts were even
entertained of deposing the Pope. A schism threat-
ened to break forth, for Paschalis also had defenders,
not only in those cardinals who had supported his
course of action, but among all the adherents of the
Emperor, and finally among such bishops as, although
orthodox, were of moderate views, and at whose head
stood the celebrated Ivo of Chartres.* Paschalis,
weak and timid, was inwardly uncertain ; he wrote
soothing letters to the zealous bishops, censured the
attacks of the fanatical cardinals against the supreme
head of the Church, and penitently acknowledged
that he sought for means to undo the past.
Lateran He assembled a Council in the Lateran on March
MMch^' 1 8, 1 1 12; he described what he had suffered and
!"«• how he had been driven to his compact; he pro-
nounced the privilegium an unjust transaction, but
^ Bruno's violent letter to Paschalis, in Petrus Diacon., c. 42, and
Baronius, ctd A, iiii, n. 30. Here also is given his letter to the
Bishop of Portus. Paschalis compelled him to renounce the dignity
of abbot. Bruno died in 1123 in Segni, where he is buried in the
cathedral.
• The gentle Ivo defended the Pope against John of Lyons : pottus
pudenda patris nostri nudabilis^ dtridenda exp^netis, quam post dorsum
ea velando benedicHonem patemam nobis acqutratis. . . . Sic Petrus
trinam negationem trina confessione purgaoit^ et Apostoiicus mansit.
Cod, Udalr,^ n. 281.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 35/
explained that he must leave the mode of reforming
it to the Council, since he himself would never ex-
communicate the Emperor, or annoy him on account
of the investiture. In the final sitting he even
purged himself from the charge of heresy by a
solemn profession of faith, and by the recognition
of the decrees of his predecessor, whereupon, the
Pope sitting silent, the Synod unanimously pro-
nounced the privilegium null and void as un-
canonical.^
The history of Henry V. and Paschalis II. furnishes
one of the most striking examples of the facility
with which in political life treaties are made and
broken, even although provided with all the seals
of religion. It is only the preponderance of power
that can uphold a treaty prejudicial to one or other
side, and a reciprocal advantage will ever prove
the strongest cement. A severe judgment will ask
which of the Pope's two transactions was the more
blameworthy ; the first, when from motives of fear
or compassion he allowed himself to be forced into
an uncanonical treaty, or the second, where fear and
remorse impelled him to break the treaty. If, in-
stead of committing the latter act, Paschalis had
abdicated, he would have shown himself a lesser
Pope and a greater man. But since he remained
Pope, he followed the more decorous but more
^ Gerhard of Angouleme, who drew up the last clause, pronounced
the privilegium to be a prcanUgium, The Acts in Mansi, xxi. 50.
Fkrentii Wigom, Hist, {Mon, Germ,, vii. 566). Falco says without
shuffling ; P, Paschalis faciens Roma Synodum fregii pactum, qtwd
fecerat cum H, Rege,
358 HISTORY OF ROME <
dangerous path ; he left the decision to the Council,
to whose authority he subjected the Papacy. We
can no longer read his heart to see in what propor-
tion Christian humility, shame and repentance, human
weakness and anger were intermingled. Paschalis,
however, long withstood the provocations of fanati-
cism, to which oaths are not sacred. His demeanour,
free from hatred towards the perjured Henry, both
during and after his imprisonment, gives him claim
to the rare title of a true priest, and we venture to
think that his attitude was due to Christian con-
viction and not alone to fear. The decrees of the
Council were sent to the Emperor with the invitation
It annuls to renounce the investiture. Henry V. declined, and
priviiegium Paschalis long remained in friendly correspondence
of the with him.i
That which he hesitated to do himself was done
by his nuncio. The legates a latere^ whom the popes
sent into all the provinces of the Church as their
alter ego, had acquired, after the days of Nicholas
n. and Gregory VH., a degree of power hitherto,
unheard of Feared by all, by princes as well as
bishops and communities, they became, according to
the candid avowal of S. Bernard, a scourge of the
^ On May 3 he laments that Civita Castellana, Coroollo, Montalto,
Montacuto, and Nami refuse obedience, and he hopes for the restora-
tion of Perugia, Gubbio, Tuder, Orvieto, Bagnorea, Castellum Felici-
tatis, Spoleto, and Fermo (Cod, Udalr,^ n. 266). On October 26,
mi, he complains of his persecutors : intestinis bellis viscera nostra
coUacera$U, et multo faciem nostram rubore per/undunt. He censures
Henry's violence against the churches, and the tyrannical treatment of
the hostages. The letter affords us a glance into the mental struggle
of the Pope. Cod. Udalr., n. 271.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 359
provinces, whose gold they extorted like the pro-
consuls of ancient Rome; they aided the popes,
however, to subjugate royal courts and provincial
councils. Their office became the school of the
subtlest diplomatic art, and they themselves were
the true statesmen of the period. Conon of Praeneste
had barely received in Jerusalem the news of the
occurrences in Rome when he — a papal legate —
venturedtoexcommunicatethe Emperor. The Arch-
bishop Guido of Vienne, Henry's vassal, assembled
a Council in October 11 12, pronounced investiture
by lay hand heretical, hurled the anathema against
the Emperor as a second Judas, and, under the threat
of refusing him obedience, required from Paschalis
the ratification of his decree.^ The clergy's hatred
of Henry, a hatred shared by many Romans, now
encouraged the Greek Emperor to make the attempt
to revive antiquated claims. Alexius Comnenus,
a fortunate and astute monarch, saw his empire
consolidated by the Crusades, which, by founding
the kingdom of Jerusalem and other Syrian states,
had erected a defence against the Turks; he sent
envoys to Rome, bewailed the misfortune of the Pope,
congratulated the Romans on their resistance to a
rapacious usurper, and expressed a desire for the
Roman crown according to ancient right The
Romans uttered a protest against Henry by actually
sending a pompous deputation to Constantinople
^ The Coandl of Vienne called the Pope point-blank a simpleton,
taiptum illud, quod rex a vestra simpliciiate extorsit^ damnavimus.
The Synodal letter reveals all the passionate indignation of the bishops.
Baron., ad A. 1 1 12
36o
HISTORY OF ROME
Paschalis
II. invests
Duke
William
with
Apulia*
Death
of the
Countess
Matilda,
July 24,
HIS-
to treat concerning the coronation : the Pope, how-
ever, had no share in these theatrical proceedings,
and it was merely the Roman nobility who, once
again independent and dominant, embraced the
opportunity to make a noisy display.^
Paschalis from this time enjoyed some tranquil
years in Rome ; he merely went to and fro between
the city and Apulia to look after the rights of the
Church. On October 15, 1114, he held a Council
in Ceprano, and here, where Gregory VI L had once
given his territories in fief to Robert Guiscard,
Paschalis bestowed the investiture of Apulia, Cala-
bria, and Sicily on Roger's successor, Duke William.*
Thus the Roman Church, in her position of ever
increasing difficulty, strove to secure the protection
of Norman Italy, of which she retained the territorial
supremacy, while the death of the great countess
afforded her the prospect of gaining possession of
other estates which she had received in bequest
Matilda died at the age of seventy, on July 24,
I II 5, at her castle, Bondeno de'Roncori near Can-
ossa, leaving the Pope heir to her estates. Her
^ The statement that the Romans sent 600 envoys to Byzantium is
fabulous : the time. May 1 1 12. Petr. Diacon., iv. 46. The letter
in which the Abbot of Farfsi warns Henry of the Pope's artifices also
mentions the embassy. Cod, UdcUr.^ n. 256.
* He first went to Benevento in the winter of 1 1 12, where he made
Landulfus de Graca constable. The title of Comtstabulus is now
heard for the first time in papal territoiy. Concerning the Norman
investiture, see Chron, Fossa Nova, A. 1 1 14 ; Romuald for the year
1 1 15. According to Falco, it extended to the DuccUus Apulia,
Calabria, ei Sicilia: Petr. Diacon., C 49, no longer mentions
Sicily ; the Duke of Apulia, however, probably still regarded the
island as his fief.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 36 1
celebrated donation, one of the most fatal bequests Bequest of
known to history, became the apple of discord of the
time, thrown by a woman between the popes and
emperors. Since the days of Pipin there had been
no other donation of equal importance, and the two
bequests are shrouded in the same darkness. The
true geographical or juridical boundaries of Matilda's
donation have never been defined, and we have just
cause for surprise in the fact that the document
which embodies the bequest does not specify by
name one single place, while in other deeds of gift
of the same period the territories are defined with
painful exactitude.^ Matilda had made an earlier
donation to Gregory VII., but the second document
informs us that the first had been lost and that
Matilda consequently deposited a fresh document
in the hands of Bernard, the cardinal-legate at
Canossa, on November 17, 1102. She herein be-
queathed all her property on both sides of the
mountain to the Roman Church for the redemption
^ The Church had kid daim to Spoleto since the time of Charles.
Roman Tuscany she possessed in Carolingian times ; in sac. x. ,
however, the greater part of it was united with the margravate of
Tuscany. Cometo and Tuscana already belonged to the empire ;
the margraves and even Matilda held placita there. Reg, Farf.y
^ 579i Q* 799* ^'^ castelio et turre de Cargniio infinibus maritimanis
territorii et camiteUus Tt*scanensis, Even Civita Vecchia was
governed by Godfrey of Tuscany ( Annovazd, Sioria di Civita vecchia^
Rome, 1853, c. ii. 224). The name patrimonium was first used for
Roman Tuscany in sac, xiv. , all the country Ijring between Radicofani
and Ceperano had previously been called Patrimonium S, Rom, EccL
Cenni, Monum,, ii. 210. The later so-called patrimonium has
wrongly been derived from Matilda's bequest. Who can say at all in
what this bequest consisted ?
I ' >
362 HISTORY OF ROME
of her soul and the souls of her relatives.^ Thought-
ful criticism has long rejected the opinion that
Matilda could set aside all the legal conceptions of
her age, and invest the Pope with the great imperial
fiefs held by her ancestors, such as the margravates
of Tuscany, Spoleto and Camerino, such as Mantua,
Modena and Reggio, Brescia and Parma.* But if her
donation were solely restricted to her allodial estates,
which lay scattered from the Po to the Liris, it was
now no longer possible to discover the boundaries
between allodium and imperial fiefs, and the Church
was enabled to profit by the uncertainty to give
greater extension to her titles.
The sagacity of Gregory VII. had destined
Matilda's heritage for the popes ; not only could the
decayed State of the Church thereby be restored,
^ No contemporary, except Donizo in verses of general meaning,
and Petr. Diacon. (iii. c 49) in a cursory notice, mentions this
genuine donation. Petr. Diacon. : 1077 — Mathilda comitissa —
Heinrici imp. exercitum timens Uguriam (thus Lombardy was also
called) et Tusciam pravincias Gregoriop. et R. E. devotissime obtulit.
The document containing the donation was first edited by Leibnitz,
Rer. Brttnsv,, i. 687, then best, after Albinus and Cendus, by
Cenni {Monum,^ ii« 238), who accompanied it with a treatise of the
most arid erudition. The original does not exist ; the Vatican
crypts, however, contain a fragment of the marble tablet, on which
the donation was engraved, and which was placed in S. Peter's. This
fragment was restored by Sarti and Settele {App, to Dionysius,
Sacrar, Vat, Bos, Crypiar, Monum,^ Tab. vii.). Sarti holds the
tablet to have served as the original not only to the Ottobonian Codex
of Albinus, but to all other manuscript copies.
' The Bull of Innocent II. of June 8, 1133, which invests Lothar
III. with Matilda's hereditary estates for life, only mentions the
allodium ban. mem, Comitissa Mathilda, quod utiquo ab ea b, Petro
constat esse collatum. And to the allodial possessions alone (called
Terra^ Domus^ Podere, Comilatus) can the donation refer.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 363
but by means of this bequest the Church was able
to establish a broad basis for dominion over Italy.
Had the popes, who made South Italy a fief of S.
Peter, also acquired Matilda's estates, and obtained
the transference of her imperial fiefs, nearly the
whole of Italy would have owed them vassalage,
and the fabulous donation of Constantine would
almost have attained reality. Matilda's bequest, of
whatever nature it may have been, remains a politi-
cal masterpiece of the popes, although several long
years were to elapse before they succeeded in
possessing themselves of the smallest portion of the
heritage. Three pretenders appeared to dispute the
succession ; first, the cities which happily attained
their autonomy. The Tuscan cities of Pisa,
Lucca, Siena, Florence, Arezzo, which were already
in possession of republican constitutions during
Matilda's reign, afterwards attained complete free-
dom, and were never laid claim to by any pope.
Over Modena, Reggio, Mantua, and Parma, however,
the Church advanced pretensions, while Ferrara
remained an actual fief of the Church, the city hav-
ing been conferred on Tedald, Matilda's grandfather.
The other pretenders were Guelf V. of Bavaria, as
husband of Matilda, and Henry V. as Emperor and
a member of the house of Lorraine. And scarcely
had Henry received the tidings of Matilda's death
when he prepared to go to Italy to seize her pro-
perty, while Paschalis never succeeded in acquiring
a single inch of her estates. Between his successors
and the emperors the heritage of the celebrated
countess long remained the practical object of the
364 HISTORY OF ROME
struggle, in which the great battle of the spiritual
and temporal powers ever found fresh nourish-
ment.^
^ Not until later did the popes venture to claim the imperial fiefs.
Werner II. had already received the investiture of Spoleto and
f Camerino from the Emperor. Rabodo iirst received the maxgravate
[ of Tuscany; then it fell to Conrad of Swabia in 1 119 (Cianelli,
Memorie e Documenti cUl Principato Lucckese, i. 159). In 1136 it
was conferred on Henry the Proud, a member of the house of Guelf ;
with the sanction of the Pope, he also received the allodial estates of
Matilda.
4
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 365
CHAPTER II.
I. PaSCHALIS II. CONDEMNS THE PrIVILEGIUM — ThE
Romans Revolt on account of the Election
OF A City Prefect — Pier Leone — His Fortress
beside the Theatre of Marcellus — The Diacon-
ATE OF S. NiCCOLO IN CaRCERE — DEFECTION OF
the Campagna — Henry V. comes to Rome —
Flight of Paschalis — Burdinus of Braga —
Ptolemy of Tusculum — Return and Death of
Paschalis II. — His Monuments in Rome.
Peace was disturbed in Rome as early as 1 1 16 ; Paschalis
Henry came to Lombardy, and Paschalis, urged by hS*^^*
the united opposition of the bishops, was forced at ?^V'
the Council held at the Lateran in March by solemn March'
oath to condemn the Privilegium of the investiture.^ ^" '
The reconciliation which the Emperor had sought to
attain through Pontius, Abbot of Cluny, had failed ;
the Pope undoubtedly refused to sanction Henry's
excommunication by the Council; but he did not
revoke the anathema of his legates ; he permitted
John, Archbishop of Milan, to pronounce the ex-
communication of the Emperor within the cathe-
dral of that city ; he explained that a Council alone
had the power of removing the malison of bishops.
^ Feet autem ut komOf quia sum pulvis et einis I exclaimed the
unfoitonate Pope in the Council. The Acts of the Council in Ekke-
hard.
366 HISTORY OF ROME
While Henry s envoys held negotiations with the
Pope, they came to a secret understanding with the
party in Rome who desired the Emperor's arrival.
The Romans were subject to transient accesses of
cage against the imperium, but their hatred of the
papal power was eternal. The death of the Prefect
now afforded an opportunity for open revolt At
CivUwar this period the Roman nobles strove as eagerly to
in Rome obtain the prefecture as their ancestors had striven
oonoenung *■
the pre- for the consulate, for the criminal judge of Rome
cc^ore, ^^g ^^ influential personage. All eyes were fixed
on the Prefect of the city, when, in solemn proces-
sions, surrounded by his judges, he walked beside
the Pope, clad in fantastic vestments — a wide-sleeved
dalmatic of red silk, a mantle sumptuously trimmed
with gold, a mitre of purple velvet on his head, hose
of gold on one 1^, of red on the other.^ His election,
like the election of the Pope, gave rise to furious
party contests. When the candidate had shown
himself to the people from a pulpit, and had sworn
to the laws of Rome, he was usually conducted in
procession to the Pope, who gave his ratification, and
was finally invested with the imperial eagle and a
naked sword at the hands of an imperial plenipoten-
tiary. For the Emperor regarded him as his vicar
^ Prafectus — induius manto precicso, et cakeatus zanca una aurea^
U4. una caUga^ altera rubea—juxta dom, Papam collateraliter nulla
medio eqtUtante incedit : Ordo Roman, of Cendus in Mabillon, p. 17a
Zanca and caliga are boots and hose at the same time, as we see them
in early Florentine paintings. Concerning the dress of the Prefect,
see Contelorius, De Prafecto urbis^ p. 3. The effigy on the tomb of
Peter de Vico in Viterbo wears a mitre that looks like a truncated
pine cone.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 367
in the city, although the popes also possessed the
right of ratifying his appointment. The popes
wished to wrest the investiture of the most important
civic office from the Emperor, and when times were
favourable they even appointed the Prefect on their
own authority.^
On the death of Peter, Prefect of the city, at the
end of March 11 16, Paschalis wished to bestow the
office on a son of Pier Leone ; the imperialists and
the populace, however, who hated the wealthy noble-
man, put forward as candidate the son of Peter, a
nephew of Ptolemy of Tusculum.* The Pope took
the insignia of the prefecture, and determined to
carry the election. While he was in the Lateran on
the Thursday before Easter, the popular party forced
their way into the church, presented Peter the young
candidate, and noisily demanded his ratification.
The sacred functions were rudely interrupted, and
the centre of the stormy scene was an insolent boy,
clad in deep mourning, who desired the office of
Prefect of Rome. The Pope put off the insurgents
until another day ; they left the Lateran uttering
threats ; Rome divided into two factions, with one
or other of whom the Counts of the Campagna them-
1 Concerning the prefecture Geroh of Reichersberg says : Grandiora
urhis et orhis rugotia — spectant ad Rom. Pont* sim illius vicarios —
iUmqiu ad Rom, Imp, sive illius vicarium urhis Prafectum, qui de
sua digmiaie respicit utrumque, vid, Z>. Papam, cui facU haminium si
Dom. Imp,f a quo accipit sua poiestatis iftsignOf sc, exorium gladium
(Baluz., MisceU»^ v. 64. Geroh wrote about 1150).
' According to Faico and Peter Pisanus, the Prefect died in March ;
only a marginal gloss from an ancient hand in the Cod, Vat,, 1984,
says : A, XVII, Pontif. Paschalis secundi PP. ind. VIII. (more
probably IX.) mense aprilis die II, obiit Petrus prefectus.
368 HISTORY OF ROME
selves took part^ The revolt waxed in strength
during the festival. The Pope on his way to S.
Peter's on Easter Monday was met on the bridge of
S. Angelo by the furious mob, who again presented
the son of the Prefect, and again demanded his
investiture. They angrily attacked the papal retinue ;
the procession returning to the Lateran was followed
from the Capitol onwards with showers of stones.
The youthful candidate assumed the insignia of the
prefecture ; * fighting began in the streets ; towers
and houses were destroyed, churches were sacked,
and excesses of every kind were committed.
The The populace attacked the fortress of Pier Leone,
o7r«^ which was, however, one of the strongest in the city.
Leone. The huge Theatre of Marcellus, in the neighbourhood
of which the tower of the Pierleoni stood, was ad-
mirably adapted to the requirements of a fortress,
and the Tiber, and finally the ruins of immense
porticos, more especially of the Portico of Octavia,
bestowed a still greater strength on the district
lying between the river and the Capitol.' It is
^ Peter Pisanus, c i8. Falco, p. 90: Prcrf, urhis R, m, quid.
Martio obiit^ post cujus mortem civile bellum terribiliter txortum est^
eo quod Romani audierant, quod Petrus jiL Leonis^ Apostolici consilio
filium suum Prctfectum ordinare vellet. Order. Vital., xii. 861, says
that Pierleone was hated {quern iniquiss, Jkneratorem noverunt, more
especially the Franks at the Synod of Rheims).
' At il/e turn amtentus terminc^ ea die Prafecturalia, a quibus
potuity in se compleri fecit ; that is to say, he had himself installed in
his of&ce by magistrates (Petr. Pisan., c. 19) ; and thus we hear of
iaudes prafectoHa^ and applausus comitiorum,
' I have already noted the mention of the Theatre of Marcellus in
documents of the tenth century (voL iii. p. 559) ; the Forum OH-
toriom, even the elephant in bronze or marble which stood there, still
survived.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 369
interesting to note that the Pierleoni, a newly arisen
family of Jewish ancestry, had preserved or made
their abode in the neighbourhood of the ancient
Trasteverine Ghetto and of the island-bridge, which
had previously received its name of Pons Judaeorum
from the Jews, who already dwelt beside it. The
centre of the fortress of the Pierleoni was the theatre,
and their houses, built like towers, stretched along
the river to S. Nicola in Carcere, an ancient diacon-
ate, which had been constructed within the ruins of
a beautiful temple.^ The church still endures, but
the palaces of the Pierleoni have vanished. Their
towers have been converted into lofty dwelling-
houses, within whose ruins we now discover the
slaughter-house for buffaloes, and the rag magazine
belonging to the Jews of the adjacent Ghetto. Thus
the house of a family of haughty senators and consuls
of the Romans reverted by a strange irony to the
conditions of its origin, since on the spot where,
under the protection of Jewish upstarts, the cele-
brated pope who had preached the Crusades breathed
his last, and whence a pope issued from the family
of the Pierleoni themselves, the Jews again store
^ The Temple of Pietas, bnilt in honour of a Roman daughter, who
fed her imprisoned father from her own breast, is sought in these
ruins. Pliny, vii. c 36 : et locus ille eidem consecratus Dea C.
QmtutUy M, Acilio Coss, Templo Pietatis exstructo in iilius carceris
ude ubi nunc Marcelii thecUrum est, Becker, Handbtuh^ p. 603.
The diaconate was called in Carcere from the state prison of the
Decemvir Appius Claudius. As early as the beginning of the twelfth
century, it was called in carcere Tulliano, but wrongly, for the prison
built by Servius Tullius stood on the Capitol. The MS. history of
this diaconate by Crescimbeni (in the custody of the cardinal of this
titular) has afforded me but little help.
VOL. IV, 2 B
370 HISTORY OF ROME
their rags, as did the ancestors of Petrus Leo and of
Anacletus II.*
Paschaiu Pier Leone urgently summoned to his aid the
1 1 6SCSIDCS
from Pope, who, after a severe defeat inflicted on his
Rome. adherents, had fled to Albano. Paschalis, in his
distress, had flung the Church property to the barons,
more especially to Ptolemy, whom he invested with
Aricia,* The papal militia forced its way into
Rome ; the enemy was defeated, the young Prefect
was taken prisoner, and had already been removed
to the fortress of Fumone, when the faithless Ptolemy
suddenly attacked the Pope's adherents by Mount
Algidus, set his nephew at liberty, and even took
papal soldiers prisoners. His defection gave the
Campagna the signal for revolt ; the Romans
attacked the fortress of Pier Leone, and the un-
fortunate Paschalis sought safety in the tower of
^ Grapkia : In dephanto templum Sibilley et tempi, Ciceronis^ ubi
nunc est damus Jilwr. Petri Leonis, Ibi est career Tullicmus, ubi
est EccL s, Nicholai, Qose by is the island-bridge [pons judaorum).
We enter the quarter of the Pierleoni through a passage opposite the
Savelli palace ; the street. Porta Leone, is probably called after the
Pierleoni. The forge situated there (n. VIII, ^ Prioraius del sole is
written on the door) was originally a tower. We recognise traces of
former towers in the surrounding houses, for instance in n. 122, 137,
130, where the Jews now slaughter buffaloes. [Signor Lanciani tells
me that no change has taken place in the quarter of the Pierleoni
since this was written, except that the Jews, having been provided
with a new slaughter-house on the plains of Testaccio, no longer kiU
buffaloes here. — Translator,]
' Petr. Pisan., c. 19. Jaff(6 (n. 3489 a) wrongly attributes the
investiture of the Malabranca with Aricia to Alexander II. It was
Alexander III. who, on June 9, 1178, confirmed to Conrado Gregprio
et Petro fidelibus nostris filiis b, m, Malabrance Arida, which had
already been in the possession of their £ither. Theiner, Cod, Diphm,,
i. n. xxxi.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 3/1
Sezza in the Volscian Mountains. The rebellious
nobles now invited Henry to Rome ; he sent them
letters and presents, in the hope that the Pope's
hardships might render him more yielding. The
revolt was indeed so violent as to afford cause for
wonder why the Romans did not now succeed in
acquiring an independent constitution. With the
summer, however, the civil war came to an end, and
Paschalis, who had arrived with troops from Bene-
vento, was enabled at least to enter Trastevere.^ He re-
Whether he came to terms with the Romans, bySJ^i'j*
recognising Peter as Prefect, is uncertain ; the city,
however, or the nobles who ruled her, had at this
time actually made her independent of the Papacy.
The Emperor himself now came, and the afflicted
Pope, like some sorely hunted animal, was forced
again to flight Henry, irritated by the unsuccessful
efforts of his envoys, determined to force Paschalis
to yield to his will ; for Paschalis wished the Emperor
to submit to the sentence of a Council, while the son
of Henry IV. was too wise to acquiesce in such a
scheme. He arrived about Easter 1 117, not in the
guise of an enemy to the Church, but with the air of
one who sought in all humility for a peaceful settle-
ment of the question of the investiture ; the Pope,
however, instantly fled to Monte Casino and Bene- He flees
vento. Berald, Abbot of Farfa, John Frangipane, ^^'"g^™™
and Ptolemy immediately declared in favour ofPJ«sence
Henry ; he conquered some papal towns, and the Emperor.
Romans opened their gates to their former enemy.
^ Sicqve ApostoHcus ipse tranquUlUaU inoenta Romam secums
habttavit, says Falco of Benevento.
372 HISTORY OF ROME
His adherents prepared a formal triumphal entry;
the Emperor rode with his wife through the city,
garlanded for their reception. He was hailed with
shouts of joy by the pieople, was received by schis-
matic processions, but was greeted by neither cardinal
nor bishop.*
Henry V. He attempted to gain the clergy ; some cardinals,
EasteT^ and Burdinus, Archbishop of Braga, legate of
»ii7. Paschalis, held negotiations with him, but every
attempt at reconciliation failed, on account of his
refusal to renounce the investiture. On Easter
Sunday the Emperor went to S. Peter's, not, how-
ever, by the bridge of Hadrian, where the fortress
was held by the papal party, but making his way
across the Tiber in a boat He assembled a parlia-
ment, at which some cardinals appeared ; he lamented
the absence of the Pope, and expressed his desire
for peace between Church and empire. In a mag-
niloquent discourse he set forth the results which
would follow if harmony were established between
the two heads of Christendom ; the glory of one,
he said, would be the glory of the other, the union
of the two forces would inspire universal dread ;
Senate, consuls, and nobles, all good citizens of
Rome and of the world, would regard them with
satisfaction ; " Goths, Gauls, Spaniards, Africans,
Greeks and Latins, Parthians, Jews and Arabs would
* The account of Peter Pisanus (c 21) is very noteworthy : PUbSj
popuiusque Ront, triumphum sibi instituit, Coronaia urbe Rex et
Regina transvvit per medium : magnus apparatus ^ paroa ghria* Huic
nuilus Pa/rum, nullus Episcoporum^ nullus catholicus sacerdos occuT'
rit ; fit eiprocessiOf emp/a potius^ quam indicia.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 3/3
fear or love us. But ah 1 other are our actions and
other the fruits which we reap." ^
The cardinals answered by a courageous speech,
in which they set forth, in reply to the Emperor, the
actual state of affairs, and his violent acts. They
refused to crown him for the festival ; for it was the
custom for emperors when present in Rome on
occasions of high festival to allow themselves to be
crowned by the Pope, and thus crowned to walk
in procession through the city. The ambitious
Burdinus, however, performed the ceremonial as
papal legate, whereupon Henry celebrated the .
Easter festival with great splendour. He gained
almost the entire city by means of gold ; he con-
firmed the young Prefect in his office ; * he annexed
the most powerful family holding the rank of captain
by the ties of relationship. Ptolemy found himself
highly honoured when the Emperor bestowed his
illegitimate daughter Bertha upon him in marriage.
This count, a son of Ptolemy I. of Tusculum, and Ptolemy of
grandson of the Consul Gregory, looked with pride " "™*
on the two glorious centuries of his family history, a
family which, as his nephew Peter, the deacon of
Monte Casino, asserted, was descended in direct line
from the Julii and Octavii.' Henry confirmed the
^ Peter Pisanus (c. 22) : he borrows phrases from Sallust and Livy.
This is the idea of the empire which was held by Barbarossa.
' Et prafecturani per aquiUim confirnugvii dudum nominato pra*
fecto : Cod, Va/,, 1984. The young Prefect was called Peter like his
father ; he was still in office at Uie time of Honorius 11. {Papa Honorio
et Petro tunc temporis urbis prefecto : Document of 1 148, Galietti, del
Prim. , n. 57). It is curious that so many prefects were called Peter.
' Petrus Diacon., iv. c. 61 : Ptelemao illustr, Octavia stirpe pro-
374 HISTORY OF ROME
count by an imperial parchment in possession of all
the estates inherited from his grandfather; at the
same time he made him immediately dependent on
the empire, and thus menacingly placed the ancient
Tusculan enemy of the Papacy before the Papacy's
very doors. The power of Ptolemy, extending as it
did from the Sabina to the sea, was very great in
relation to the State of the Church, so that this
" Dictator of Tusculum," the Duke and Consul of
all the Romans, formally appears as the Prince of
Latium. The Tusculans made war on their own
account with the citizens of Gaeta, and, like inde-
pendent princes, formed treaties with them, by which
they conceded to the republic security of traffic
within their territories.*
Paschalis meanwhile held a Council in Benevento,
where he excommunicated Burdinus. At his request
genitOt PtcUmH magnific, amstdis Romanor, filio^ Bertram fiiiam
suam in conjugic tradidit. No other chronicler speaks of this marriage,
which Peter, however, cannot have invented. In 1 141 Leo, son of
Petnis Leonis, appears as father-in-law of Ptolemy. Nertni, n. 8,
App. : Dns Tholomtus Curie se representaant cum Dno Leone Petri
Leonis socero ejus, • . . After Bertha's death, Ptolemy must conse-
qnently have married a Pierleoni.
* Deed of Ptolemy I. for Gseta, February 9, 1105 (Federid, p.
463). Ptolemy II. also accorded Monte Casino liberty of traffic in his
possessions. In nom, Dom, a. ab. In. ejus 11 30 m.Jun, Ind. VI IL
Ego Ftolem, dei gr, Romanor, consul JU. q, b, m, Ptolemai — concedo
^-ut cassinenses fratres et res ear, et homines pro utilit, nionasterii
secure — eant atqtu redeant per terram et per mare hiis locis^ in quibus
dominium habeatn^ et in portibus nostris, . . . {Reg, Petri Diaconi,
n. 604, Archives of M, Casino). One of Ptolemy's harbours was
Astura, which he had taken from the monastery of S. Boni&zio in
Rome (Nerini, pp. 190, 394). Concerning Astura, see C Soflfredini,
Storia di Anzio, Satrico, Astura e Nettuno^ Rome, 1879.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 375
the Prince of Capua sent troops into Roman terri-
tory, but although the Emperor had already left for
Tuscany about Whitsuntide, the vassals of Tusculum
and some Germans were sufficient to make them
turn in retreat.^ Not until August was Paschalis
able to leave Benevento with a large army, and to
advance as far as Anagni. The Pope, aged and ill>
celebrated Christmas at Palestrina under the protec-
tion of Peter Colonna, whom, perhaps constrained by
necessity, he ratified in possession of the town. His
party waxed stronger, and some friendly barons led
him back to Rome, where the factions still continued
at furious strife.^ His appearance with fresh troops
in Trastevere terrified the Abbot of Farfa and
Ptolemy ; the Romans deserted to Paschalis, and Paschalis
.« • /• 111*^1 'a. II* TCturns
the engmes of war were already directed against to Rome,
S. Peter's, where the Prefect with several consuls lay ^^j^®^
entrenched, when the Pope's physical powers gave ms.
way.
With his dying words he exhorted the cardinals
to concord, to prudence, and to resistance against
" the usurpation of the Germans," and passed away
in the night of the 2ist January 1118, eight days
after his return, in a building near the bronze gate
^ Three hundred Norman cavalry occupied Pylium (Piglio) ; they
were driven back to the Castrum Acutum (Monte Acuto near Anagni)
and sent home in soriy plight, Petr. Diacon., vL c. 61 ; Petr. Pisan.,
c 24.
' Cod, Vai.^ 1984: fideles dicti pont, insimul cum comiUs sciL
Petro Cotumpna ac RayncUdo Sinebaidi clam revocaver. illum^ sed ncn
fuit ausus mcutere in ctvitcUe, The enemy held the Capitol, whence
they attacked the Ripa (the houses of the Pierleoni on the Tiber) and
S. Peter's, from which they stormed S. Angelo.
21.
3/6 HISTORY OF ROME
of S. Angelo.^ The enemy lay encamped in S.
Peter's, as in a redoubt, and it was therefore found
necessary to bury the dead in the Lateran. The
pontificate of Paschalis II. was wretched and anxious
as but few of the reigns of his predecessors had
been ; it had been passed not only in strife with the
Emperor, but in constant tumult, and he had even
witnessed the entire Church in revolt against him.
No mausoleum now recalls the most unfortunate
of popes, who had been harried to the tomb by
the son of that Emperor whom Gregory VII. had
previously hunted to the grave by his malediction.
Two churches restored by Paschalis are his only
monuments in Rome ; S. Bartolomeo on the island
in the Tiber, S. Adriano in the Forum (still called
in tribus Fatis) ; further S. Maria in Monticelli, and
perhaps also S. Clemente, of which he was cardinal.
This ancient basilica, destroyed by the fire under
Guiscard, was not restored by Cardinal Anastasius
the younger at the beginning of the twelfth century,
but sank into a subterranean crypt. The new
church created above it was built flush with the new
Lateran road.* The best memorial of Paschalis was
the restored church of the Quattro Coronati on
^ Petr. Pisan. , c. 25 : ut caverent doles in exuratione Gutberiinor.
ac enormitatis Teuionica, Cod, Va/., 1 984: octavo die sue reversumis
— obiU aput cast, S, AngeH in domum juxta eream portam et sepuitus
est in das, constantiniana, quia consules mm permiserunt eum in das,
b, Petri sepeUiry — Obiit in vigilia b, VincentU et Anastasii necti
tftnporis^ that is, January 21.
' The bishop's chair in S. Clemente bears the inscription, Anastasius
Presbiter Card, Huius Tituli Hoc Opus Cepit Perfecit, Concerning
the restoration of this building, see De Rossi, Bull,^ 1^70, p. 137 f.
0:
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. J77
the Coelian, which had also been destroyed by the
same Norman fire. This church was consecrated
by the Pope on January 20, a short time previous
to his flight before Henry V., but its present form
is due to a later period.
Thus Paschalis, despite his difficulties, was the
first pope who, after a long interval, undertook
buildings in Rome, at a time when the monuments
of antiquity and the churches were in daily process
of destruction under the influence of party strife.^
2. Election of Gelasius II. — ^The Frangipani attack
THE Conclave — Imprisonment and Rescue of the
Pope — Henry V. comes to Rome, Gelasius flies
— ^The Emperor raises Burdinus to the Sacred
Chair as Gregory VIII. — He returns to the
North — Gelasius II. a Suppliant for protection
IN Rome — The Frangipani attack him for the
second time — He escapes to France — Death of
THE unfortunate PoPE IN ClUNY,
The Cardinal of S. Maria in Cosmedin was
hurriedly summoned from Monte Casino to Rome
to be made Pope. John of Gaeta, bom of illustrious
family, a monk under the Abbot Oderisius, had
acquired such knowledge in this school of the
Benedictines, that he had been taken by Urban II.
as his chancellor to Rome. He became archdeacon
^ Peter Pisanus enumerates some buildings of Paschalis, among
them S» Maria in regione Areola (Arenola^ shore of sand, whence
arose the name Regola, now in Monticelli). The mosaics still remain-
ing in S. Clemente and S. Maria in Monticelli belong to the time of
Paschalis.
378 HISTORY OF ROME
under Paschalis II. His moderation protected the
Pope against the zealots ; and it was perhaps owing
to his influence that the schism and the complete
rupture with the Emperor were averted. Relying
on the firmness of a man educated in the great
times of Gregory VII. and Urban, the Catholic
party could entrust the chancellor to uphold the
principle of free election in the question of the
investiture.^ The conclave was to be held in S.
Maria in Pallara (Palladium) on the Palatine ; this
convent in the neighbourhood of the Frangipani
tower belonged to the Curia, which had bestowed it
on Monte Casino ; and here John Gaetanus dwelt,
as had formerly Frederick of Lorraine, before being
elected to the Papacy.* The election took place in
secret; it was resolved to carry out the decree of
Nicholas II. ; the ceremony was to be the work of
the cardinals and no regard was paid to the
Emperor's right.
Geiasius John was unanimously proclaimed as Gelasius II.
iii8-?H9. on January 24, 11 18. Aged and infirm, he struggled
in vain against the tiara, which, at a time when
almost every pope was forced to play a tragic part,
was not an enviable possession. Neither can he have
been immediately consecrated ; since, being a deacon,
^ Vita Geieuii II, , by Pandulf Pisanus, in Muratori, iii. I, with con-
fused notes by Cajetani, but better edited by Papebroch, Propyl, Maji^
vi According to Cajetani, the Either of Gelasius was Crescentius,
Dux of Fundi ; he traces the family back to Dodbilis of Gaeta, and
successfully still further back to the inevitable AnidL
' Credentes locum tutissimum^ vduti qui Curia cedit^ in nionasterio
qttodam^ quod Pcdladium diciitir, infra domos Leonis tt Cencii Frangi"
pants ^convenerunt, Vita^ c. 5.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 379
it was first necessary that he should be ordained
presbyter, and this ceremony could not be performed
before the Ember-days in March. The newly elected
Pope had scarcely begun his melancholy survey of
the trials which lay before him, when the doors of
the conclave were broken open : infuriated Romans
rushed in with drawn swords, a second Cencius
seized the old man by the throat, threw him down, He is
trod upon him with his spurred feet, and dragged ^J^^
him with curses outside the church, while his vassals «ie^on
bound the fugitive cardinals with cords, or threw fWgi.
them head foremost from their mules. The conclave ^^^^'
had been held in the very lair of th^ beast of prey.
The electors would probably have acted more wisely
had they placed themselves under the protection of
Pier Leone, but since it seemed probable that Pier
Leone already coveted the tiara for his son, they no
longer trusted the powerful consul. No noble family
long remained faithful to one banner. Bitter enemies
of the pope were converted into his most zealous
vassals, and with equal rapidity forgot that they had
ever adopted the latter rS/e, The cardinals had
perhaps promised the imperialist Frangipani to elect
a candidate of the imperial faction ; and the con-
sequence of the deception was the brutal attempt
made by a Roman consular family to imitate the
coup'ditat of Henry V.^
^ Pandulf was a witness of the scene. (Cencius) more draconis
immaniss, sibUans — accinctus tetro gladio — vtUvas ac fores conf regit ^
eccl, furibundus introiity Papam per gulam accepit, distraxit^ pugnis
caicibusque percussit^ et taniquam brutum animal intra iimen eccl^
acriter catcaribus cruentauit ; et latro tantum Dominum per capellos et
380 HISTORY OF ROME
Gelasius found himself loaded with chains in a
tower belonging to Cencius Frangipane. But the
populace arose ; the militia of the twelve regions
of the city proper united with the inhabitants of
Trastevere and the island and rushed to arms. The
Prefect Peter, now reconciled to Pier Leone, Pier
Leone himself, with his numerous family, Stephen
the Norman, and other magnates of papal sympathies
assembled with their clients on the Capitol.* They
demanded the surrender of the Pope ; the brigand
The loosed the fetters of his captive, threw himself at his
re?Kisc* feet and obtained absolution. The wild scene from
Gelasius. Gregory VIL*s life was repeated almost feature for
feature, and with equal rapidity the tragedy was
transformed into a jpyous festival. Rome decorated
herself with garlands ; the Pope, restored to liberty,
was placed on a white mule, and was led amid shouts
of rejoicing to the Lateran, where, with tears of
emotion, he received the homage of the Romans.*
Has history ever recorded, in the case of any other
brachia cUtraxU^ ad domum usque deduxii^ inibi ceUenaoit et clausit
(c. 6). Probably in the iurris cariularia at the Arch of Titus.
^ An important passage : Peir, Prcefecius Urbis, Petr, Leonis cum
suis, Steph. Normannus cum suis^ Stepk, de Petro cum suis, Steph, de
Theobaldo cum suis, Steph, de Berizone cum suts, Steph, QtuUraU cum
suisy Bucca Pecorini cum suis^ Bonesci cum suts, Berizasi cum suis,
Regiones XII, Romance cvoiiatiSy Transiiberini et Insulani arma
arripiunt cum tngenti strepitu Capitolium scandunt ( Vitaf c. 6). A
proof that Trastevere and the island were politically or administra-
tively separated from the urbs romance
' S, Papa levatur, nweum eucendit equum, coronatur, et tota Civitas
coronatur: per viam sacram (the road from the Colosseum to the
LaXeTAu) gradiens, Lateranum ascendit . . . (c 7). Cencius escaped :
pedes ejus amplexans, clamat irremissius : Domine miserere, Etsic —
ut iterum ecci, elatis comibus ventilaret^ emtsit.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 38 1
sovereigns, a union of impotence and omnipotence
such as that displayed by the popes of the Middle
Ages?
After so terrible an entrance on his pontificate
Gelasius II. scarcely found a single month's rest
in Rome. The Frangipani hastened to point out to
the Emperor that a pope had been elected without
their assent and to summon him to the city. Henry
v., whom it immediately behoved to assert the
rights of the crown at this juncture, and to instal a
pope who recognised the privilegium of Paschalis,
with a scanty force, hastily quitted his camp on the
Po, and Gelasius was awakened on the night of
March 2, with the tidings that the dreaded Emperor Henry v.
was in the portico of the Vatican,^ The Curia was fn ^i^e.
seized by panic terror ; the Pope himself had already,
in company with Paschalis, been a prisoner in the
hands of the Emperor ; he was now menaced with
the same fate. He was placed on Jiorseback, and,
escaping from the Lateran, hid himself in the tower
of the Roman Bulgamin, beside S. Maria in the
region of S. Angelo.* Henry's messengers sought
^ Faico, A. 1 1 18. Cod» VaS,^ 1984: cum fesHnatiotu Romam
petit cumpaucis militibus^ die veneris ante quadragesima misit nuntios
ad consules tU exirent obviam ei, Sabbatum vera ante quadragesima
ingressus est porticum S, Petri, The inscriptioD on the tomb of
Gelasius says very justly of the Emperor : —
Sed quia regefuit non pracipiente levaius
Horrendutn fremuit princeps, . . .
— Murat., iii. i. 416.
' The ancient family of the Bulgamini must consequently have
settled in one of the adjacent porticos. Inscriptions on the tombs of
the De VVLGAMINEIS are found as late as the year 1496 in
382 HISTORY OF ROME
him out, but, not trusting their invitation, he resolved
on flight to Gaeta, his native city. He was accom-
panied by his court, his cardinals, his bishops.^ The
fugitives embarked in two vessels on the adjacent
Tiber. But the very elements rose in revolt: a
tempest prevented the vessels from venturing on the
open sea at Portus, and from the shore the Germans
in pursuit shot their arrows on the storm-tossed
galleys, while, amid thunder and lightning, they
shouted imprecations and threatened that they
would set fire to the vessels with rings of pitch unless
the Pope were given up.* Night, however, and the
force of the current prevented Henry V. from effect-
ing a second capture of the Pope. The fugitives
^^®^^"^, landed unperceived : Cardinal Hugo of Alatri, just
escapes to ir > o » j
Gaeta. returned from the Cape of Circe, where he had acted
as Paschalis's castellan, like a second i£neas, lifted
the feeble Gelasius on his broad shoulders, and
carried him through rain and storm to the fortress
of S. Paul near Ardea.' The Germans surrounded
S, Barbara Lihrarioruniy and one of 1530 in the Pantheon (Galletti,
Inscript,, xvi. 8, 48).
^ Also Roman nobles, among whom Petr. Diacon., ir. c. 64, even
mentions the City Prefect I doubt this.
' The description of Pandulf, who accompanied the Pope as
Ostiaritts, -is excellent ; in his fear, he believed the arrows of the
Germans to be poisoned. CcUum et terra et mare ubiqtte — adversum
nos conjuraverunt — mare ac Tiberis — Petri vicario rebel labant —
Alamanorum barbaries tela contra nos mixto ioxico jaciebant : mini/a-
bantur etiam^ nos intra aquas naiantes pinnaci (piceo t) igne cremare.
• Cepit Dom, Hugo Card, — Papam nostrum in colloy et ad castrum
S, Pauli Ardeam de nocte sic portavit. The half of the ancient Ardea
of King Turnus belonged at that time to the abbey of S. Paul. In
1130 Anaclete II. gave it entirely to the ^monastery. Ardea is first
mentioned again in the eleventh centuxy as castellum cum rocca et
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 383
the vessel in the morning, but, finding the Pope
gone, returned to Rome. The galleys again received
the fugitives at night and bore them past Terracina
to Gxta, where Gelasius at length found rest. Here
the scene suddenly changed ; for there hastened to
his side, full of reverence, the bishops and the nobles
of South Italy, William of Apulia, Robert of Capua,
Richard of Gaeta, and many knights and counts, who
had acknowledged Gelasius as feudal lord as soon as
he was ordained Pope on March 10.^
The flight had frustrated Henry's intentions, and
had shattered the prospect of a treaty ; the Emperor
consequently put forward an anti-pope. Gelasius
had refused his invitation to come to terms, and had
declined to be present at Henry's coronation in S.
Peter's, with the explanation that he intended to
convoke a Council in September, to settle the pend-
ing dispute, either in Milan or Cremona. Both these
cities were hostile to the Emperor. When Henry
now pronounced the election of Gelasius null, and
caused a new pope to be elected, he was acting en-
tirely within the rights which then belonged to the
empire. As he now announced the answer of the
fugitive to the Romans assembled in S. Peter's, he
was met by cries of genuine or feigned indignation,
that Gelasius wished to remove the seat of the Papacy
to Milan, and by a demand for a new election.
turre mawn^ in a Bull of Gregory VII., who bestowed half of it on
S. Panrs. G. Tomaasetti, " Delia Campagna Romana " (Arch, d.
Sac. Rom,^ 1880, iii. 139).
^ The flight to Gseta was repeated 729 years later in the history of
Pius IX.
384 HISTORY OF ROME
Jurists, whom Henry had brought with him, among
them the celebrated Imerius of Bologna, explained
from the pulpit the constitutions of the papal election.
Mauritius Burdinus, Archbishop of Braga in Portugal,
Burdinus, was proclaimed Pope, and was led in procession to
fiMtaSedas the Lateran. The following day (March 10) he
Gregory ^j^g consecrated as Gregory VIII. by the schismatic
March lo^ clergy in S. Peter's.^
Thus, on the very scene of their fierce conflict with
Henry V., the Romans accepted a foreign anti-pope
at his hands. If the history of the city in the Middle
Ages appals us by the ferocity of the scenes pre-
sented, still more does it arouse our astonishment by
the unparalleled fickleness of its populace. In the
midst of the ever-varying and excited tide of parties,
the Papacy presents a unique spectacle, and one
which can never be repeated ; since the rock of
Peter, the immobile saxum^ remains eternally firm
and unchangeable. To blame the Romans, how-
ever, for their want of principle, without explaining
the reason of the deficiency, were unjust Con-
sciousness of liberty and of conformity to law can
alone endow a people with dignity of character ; the
republic of Rome — a chimerical thing — was forced
^ According to Landulf, junior (Hist, MedioL^ c 32), Burdinus was
elected on March 9. Gelasius says, in his letter to the bishops of Gaul
(Mansi, xxi. i66), on the forty-fourth day after his own election,
which would make it March I a This day (VL Id, Martit) is
given also by Chron, Fossamrva, Cod, Vat, , 1984 : consecraruni eum
— in die veneris de quatuor Umpora que sunt tie mense martio,
Burdinus was probably a native of Limoges in Aquitaine. See his
Life by Baluzius {MiscelL^ iii. 471), an excellent vindication of an
anti-pope ; he is also praised by William of Malmesbury, v. 169.
»\
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 385
to oscillate to and fro between Papacy and empire.
One principle only remained fixed within the city ;
opposition to the civil power of the Pope.
Burdinus, although ambitious, was a man of intel-
ligence, and of blameless repute ; the Catholic party
wished to represent him as merely a creature of the
Emperor, Gelasius as the chosen of all the cardinals.
The anti-pope, however, was supported by the im-
perial power, and was soon recc^nised by several
provinces of Italy, Germany, and even England.
Gelasius comforted himself with the reflection that
barely three Catholic priests had gone over to
Burdinus ; nevertheless, he saw Rome filled with
Wibertists, and the Church reduced to the same state
of misery as she had endured in the time of Clement
1 11.^ The political principle of this terrible discord
still endured, and the means of the struggle remained
ever the same. Gelasius, who had signed Henry's
privilegium seven years before, now excommunicated
the Emperor at Capua on Palm Sunday. He even
implored the Norman princes to bring him back to
Rome, and to drive away the "barbarians," whose
military forces were insignificant Henry had
already advanced against Ceprano ; he was engaged
in laying siege to the fortress of Torrice near Fro-
sinone, when he heard of the approach of the
Normans.^ He withdrew, left Burdinus in Rome, Departure
of Henry
^ Read the letter of Gelasius to Conon of Prseneste dai» Capua Id, V.
April, Cod, Udtdr,^ 293 ; Mansi, xxi. 173.
' Petr. Diacon. and Pandulf write Turricula (so in Cod, VcU,^ 37^2,
fol. 165) ; it is Torrice near Frosinone, and not Torricella in the
Sabina, or on Lake Trasimene, as Wattenbach (note to the Chron, of
Monte Casino^ Mon, Germ., ix. 792) wrongly conjectures. The
VOL. IV. 2 C
386 HISTORY OF ROME
and went to Lombardy. The Norman princes, how-
ever, who had escorted the Pope to Monte Casino,
left him here, perhaps because he had failed tp
satisfy all their demands.^ Gelasius, who was obliged
to purchase permission for his journey through the
Campagna from the margfraves, traversed his own
territories in the beginning of July like a poor pil-
grim, and having entered Rome, knocked to seek
protection at the doors of some friendly consuls.
He made his abode near S. Maria in Secundicerio,
between the towers of Stephen Normannus, of his
brother Pandulf, and of Peter Latro, of the family
Gelasius of Corsi.* The city, however, awaited a repetition
to' Rome, of the sight of two popes, who invoked curses on
each other's head, who engaged in mutual warfare,
and who (in the uncouth language of the time)
called one another a mere plasma, a statue moulded
by blood-stained hands, an idol of clay, and an
apocalyptic beast^
Emperor's march could only have been directed against Latium, to
strike terror into the Normans.
^ I believe that to these belonged the question of the Circeean
fortress. Gelasius had commanded Cardinal Hugo to restore it to the
people of Terracina. Pandulf, however, says : tunc Papa veUet mul-
turn, quam reddi nimis inconsulto pracepit, Circaam arcem habere,
Igitur dux et principes cum baronibus rediere. Probably the Duke
of Gaeta wished to recover possession of the fortress.
' LtUitU dom. Papa melius quam hospitatus est in ecclesioldquadam^
qua S, Maria in Secundocerio dicitur^ intra domes illustr, viror^
Stephani Nomianni^ Panduiphi fratris ejus, et Petri Latronis
Corsorum (Pandulf, c 12). This church was situated, according to
Panciroli, in the Region Ponte. Galletti {del Prim,, p. 89) transfers it
to the neighbourhood of S. Maria in Gradellis near the Palatine ; a
document in Nerini, n. 27, seems to indicate this.
' The epithets applied to schismatical popes : statua in EceleHa ;
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 387
Burdinus possessed the greater part of the city
and was recognised by more than half of Rome ;
undisturbed, he occupied S. Peter's, the fortress of
schismatical popes; Gelasius, on his side, was able
to venture to S. Paul's, where his adherents stood
in arms. But upon Gelasius misfortune seemed to
deal repeated blows. Invited to the festival of S.
Prassede on July 2 1 by the cardinal of this titular
church, he went, although the building stood close
to the towers of the Frangipani. Stephen the
Norman, and Crescentius Gaetanus, nephew of the
Pope, valiant men, accompanied him with a body of
armed retainers.^ But mass was not ended before
the rude Frangipani burst into the church with a hail The
of stones and arrows ; in a moment the scene was atta<* **"
darkened by the tumult of battle ; the Pope escaped {^g®^"^
unnoticed, while his followers remained in fierce Prassede.
struggle with the imperialists. " What are you doing,
O Frangipani ? " finally cried Stephen. " Where are
you running? The Pope, whom you seek, has
escaped. Do you wish to ruin us? Are we not
Romans like yourselves, and related to one another
by blood? Back! back! that we also, who are
wearied, may return home!" The fierce Cencius
and Leo Frangipane, both sons c^ Donna Bona,
sister of Stephen, yielded to the appeal of their
uncle; swords were sullenly sheathed, and the
parties separated.* Search was made for the Pope
manstrum in cathedra Ptiri; testaceum idolum in crueniis manibus
plasnuUum ; bestia de apocalypsi, . . .
^ According to CajeCani, p. 370, the father of this Crescentius was
Marinns, Dux and Constd of Fundi, and brother of Gelasius.
' Pandulf represents the £sictions fighting round the poor Pope,
388 HISTORY OF ROME
through the entire city, and outside the gates. Some
matrons had seen him escape on horseback, clad
merely in a part of the pontifical vestments, and only
accompanied by the crucifix. He was discovered
in the evening. The unfortunate old man, seated in
a field near S. Paul's, surrounded by compassionate
women, is one of the most touching figures in the
annals of the Papacy.^
" Brothers and sons," said Gelasius the following
day, ** we must leave Rome, where to live longer is
impossible. Let us escape from Sodom and Egypt,
from Babylon, the city of blood. Before God I sigh :
Better one emperor than so many, since one bad
would destroy the worst, until the Emperor of all
the emperors overtakes even him with his judg-
ment" * He appointed Peter of Portus as his vicar,
Cardinal Hugo his legate in Benevento, confirmed
Peter in the prefecture, and made Stephen the
Norman standard-bearer of the Church in Rome.'
He took six cardinals with him, among them the
soon afterwards celebrated son of Pier Leone, some
like the Greeks and Trojans round the dead Patroclus : Papani cupU
iste tenerCt iste tuetur turn ; miks utrumpu cadit^ c. 13.
^ The women had seen the Pope solum^ tanquam scurram, p€r
compos — quantum equus poterat^ fugienUm. — Demum intra compos S.
Pauli Ecclesia adjacent^ fessus iris/ts, et ejutans inventus est et
reductus.
' Baronius remarks with regard to this : si quis dicat^ portum Rom.
Ecclesia Jiuciuantis namcula Petri Galliam esse^ non mentietur,
• Princeps et clypeus omnium pariter Curialium^ Stephanus Nor*
mannusy — Protector et vexillifer—ordinatur^ et od urbis custodiam cum
jam dictis aptotur (c. 15). In such manner had the bitter enemy of
PaschaUs been transformed ; undoubtedly not without acquiring many
possessions of the Church.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 389
consuls, among whom were Peter Latro, and John
Bellus the brother of the Prefect.^ On September
2 he took ship with the intention of going to
France, whither Paschalis and Urban had previously
carried in safety the bark of Peter. The rich com-
mercial city of Pisa accorded him a solemn recep-
tion ; he raised it into a metropolis, to which he
made the bishops of Corsica subject ; he consecrated
the lordly cathedral, and preached within it as elo-
quently " as Origen " ; and his misfortunes had truly
provided him with sufficient food for wise reflections.
In October he sailed for Genoa, and finally landed
not far from the mouth of the Rhone at the convent
of S. Egidius in Occitania.
The bishops and princes of France, and the
ambassadors of King Lewis, greeted the honoured
fugitive at Maguelone, Montpellier, Avignon, and Gdasius in
other cities. Southern France, still warm with the
enthusiasm of the Crusades, flocked to see the Vicar
of Christ, who had been driven from the grave of
Peter, not by Saracens, but by Romans, and volun-
tary offerings and Peter's pence flowed to the
succour of the distressed. The popes of this age
were obliged to leave Rome in order to realise in
foreign countries that they were still actually rever-
enced as representatives of Christ Exiled monarchs,
wherever they may find an asylum, forfeit with the
loss of their own crown the reverence with which it
was allied ; but so marvellous a renown encompassed
the figure of a pope, that flight and abject poverty
^ I find this Bellas again in the Charia pienaria securitatis inter
Cajetanos et Bellum Homanum, A# 1124 ; of this later on.
390 HISTORY OF ROME
only served to lend it additional lustre. The excite-
ment in France, allied to his sufferings in Rome,
combined to shorten an old man's days. Gelasius
Death of died on January 29, 11 19, in the convent of Cluny,
II., Jim, surrounded by monks, cardinals, and bishops,
29, 1X19. stretched in his shabby tunic on the bare ground.
His pontificate had only lasted a year and four days,
and within this span of time the sorrows of a whole
life had been compressed. No sensitive man can
look unmoved by feelings of sympathy on the unfor-
tunate figure of this last sacrifice to the struggle for
investiture.
3. Calixtus II. — Negotiations with Henry V. —
Council at Rheims — Calixtus comes to Italy —
His entry into Rome — Fall of the Anti-Pope
IN SuTRi — The Concordat of Worms — Salutary
AGITATION OF THE WORLD BY THE CONFLICT CON-
CERNING Investiture — Peaceful Rule of Cai^
iXTus II. IN Rome — The end of the great
Dispute is commemorated by Monuments in
the Lateran — Death of Calixtus II.
Gelasius had desired the Cardinal of Palestrina as
his successor, but Conon instead proposed the Arch-
bishop of Vienne. In a time of difficulty, such as
this, no one was better fitted for the Papacy than
this princely prelate. Guido, son of Count William
Testardita, a descendant of the house of Burgundy,
was related to the French king and even to the
Emperor; he was the most prominent bishop in
France, was prudent and determined, and was uni-
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 39I
versally celebrated for his courageous attitude during
the war of investiture. That in France, the asylum
of the fugitive Pope, a Frenchman should be chosen,
was natural ; that such a Pope should find protection
under Lewis VI. was undoubted. A curious thing
happened. The six cardinals who had accompanied
Gelasius and the few remaining Romans in a foreign
country elected a foreigner as Pope. The election
took place in the celebrated convent of Cluny on
February 2. But Guido hesitated to assume the
purple before the cardinals in Rome had ratified the
appointment. The Cardinal Vicar Peter of Portus
received the writ of election from France. He
assembled the Romans first at S. John's on the
island in the Tiber, then on the Capitol ; and the
cardinals, the nobles of the Catholic party, more
especially Pier Leone, whose son had been one of
the electors of the Archbishop Guido, the Prefect,
clei^, and populace unanimously assented. The
great advantages which Guido promised appeased
the feeling of injured pride among the Romans ;
nevertheless, they observe in their reply that the
elections ought to have taken place in their city or
territory, and ought to have been the work of the
Roman cardinals.^
Guido, almost universally recognised, was conse-
' The letters of the Roman clergy are given in Cod, Udal,, 294-
299, and Martene, Veier, Scriptor, Collection i. 644-647. The events
are related in the Vita Calixti of Pandulf (Papebroch, c i) and Falco,
p. 92 : Illico cardinales cum eo (the vicar Peter) manenteSf pluresq,
Romanar, fidelium convocans, Capitolium ascendit^ ibique liieras
missds ostendii, Hugo, cardinal-legate in Benevento, and Landulf,
the archbishop of that place, also sent their adhesion.
392 HISTORY OF ROME
Caiixtus crated as Calixtus II. on February 9 at Vienne.^ He
1119-1124. inimediately appeared with great power in France ;
his object was the settlement of the schism and the
long quarrel for investiture. With a weak or stupid
pope, Henry V. might have had an easy game, but
in Calixtus II., the haughty legate, who -had pre-
viously anathematised him in Vienne, and liad
threatened Pope Paschalis with the withdrawal of
his obedience, the Emperor found his match. Dis-
order reigned in Germany ; the sedition of the
princes and clergy (at whose head stood the Arch-
bishop of Mainz, the ungrateful Albert, Frederick of
Cologne, and Conrad of Salzburg) seemed ready, as
in the time of Henry IV., to assume larger propor-
tions. A second Diet of Tribur was threatened ; an
assembly of princes here recognised Calixtus ; adroit
agents guided the dispute, whose settlement was
anxiously awaited by the world, and Henry showed
himself ready for a practical solution of the strife.
He nevertheless delayed, and failed to appear at the
great Council at Rheims. in October, where, accord-
ing to intention, all disputes were to be adjusted.
The cunning enemy lurking in the neighbourhood
perhaps contemplated another chase of the Pope.
On October 29, in presence of 424 bishops of
Christendom, Calixtus II. ratified the prohibition
Council of investiture ; the following day sentence of ex-
at Rheims, • .• j • ^ tt -wr
Oct. 1119. communication was pronounced against Henry V.
and his pope, upon which 424 burning tapers were
^ Pagi and ]zS6 believe that the consecration took place as early as
February 9, as the chroniclers certainly say ; but how was this
possible, if the messengers were awaited from Rome ?
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 393
thrown upon the ground in anger, resistance, or with
smiles. This was the expiring flame of the world-
famous dispute, which soon after died away,^
Early the following year Calixtus was able to set
forth on his journey to Rome. Advancing through
Provence, and across the Alps to Lombardy, and
onwards through Tuscany, he was greeted with
rejoicing on every side. In Rome the Catholic
party even prepared him a triumph. Gregory VIII.
had with difficulty here defended himself against
the standard-bearer of the Church ; Bruno of Treves
and a band of Germans sent by the Emperor were
his only protectors ; the archbishop, with the aid of
the Frangipani, manfully defended the city against
the Normans under Robert of Capua. Gold, how-
ever, flowed too sparingly into the outstretched
hands of the Romans ; the imperial party was
obliged, after several attacks, to retreat to Traste-
vere, within which Gr^ory VIII.'s power was now
restricted.^ Finally, on the approach of Calixtus, he
quitted the treacherous city, and retired to the forti-
fied town of Sutri. He implored his adherents to
hold the fortress of S. Angelo, and also S. Peter's,
but Pier Leone opened both with a key of gold.^
^ The account of the Council by Hesso Scholasticus has last been
edited in Mon, Gertn,^ xiv. 422.
' Bruno to the Emperor (Bower, Annal, Trevir,^ ii. lib. xiii. 14) :
jam vera cum urbe relicta ad oppida Romani territorii tu anna tranS"
tulistiy et Robert, Capua princ, pro Gelasio armatus Rantam tniisset,
ego cum Dom, meo Maximo (Burdinus) noctes et dies excubans^ in tuo
servitio, sub armor, pondere steti. Robert can only have forced his
way into Rome after the flight of Gelasius.
' Cod, Vat,, 19S4 : accepta pecunia tradiderunt earn [pasilicam S,
I ISO.
394 HISTORY OF ROME
Caiixtus Calixtus 11. made his solemn entry on June 3,
Rome, 1 1 20. Following immediately on the unfortunate
TT^n * figure of the weak Gelasius, was seen the majestic
form of a true king clad in the papal vestments.
Contrasts such as this were only possible in the
Church. The militia went to meet him at three
days' distance from the city ; outside the city he was
greeted by children bearing branches of flowers, and
at the gates by the nobles, people, and clergy. The
Pope, wearing his crown, rode on a white palfrey to
the Lateran, while the streets were decorated with
silken palls, with wreaths and jewels.^ The unusual
reception well befitted the fortunate successor of two
unpretending and humble popes, since in Calixtus
princely descent and wealth lent additional splen-
dour to the papal dignit>'. The new Pope might
well be content ; the party of Burdinus was easily
won by gold, and the nobility eagerly thronged to
do him homage.'
The Pope, however, soon went to the South. It
Peiri) Peiro Leonis^ qui fidelis erat Calixti pape, cum omnibus ejus
mwiitiom'bus. The date is uncertain.
^ The entry is thus described by Egino, Abbot of S. Ulrich in Augs-
burg, who accompanied the Pope from Rosella tp Rome (Canisius,
Antiqua Lection,^ ii. 240). The date is ///. Nonas Junii, as in
the letter of Calixtus to Stephen, his legate in Treves (Bower, ii. 16),
where be briefly describes his reception* Falco also speaks of the
rejoicings in Rome, and Anselm, Cantin, Sigeberti^ sa}^ : ab omni
Smatu et populari turba gloriose excipitur,
^ In the letter already mentioned, Calixtus mentions among those
who did homage to himself and the Church : Petrus Leoms in magnc
hominum omnis ordinis caiUy the Prefect and his brothers, Leo
Frangipani, Stephen Normannus. Neque ab horum sese studiis^
impigra parendi voluntate^ Petrus Columna, cateriqu£ nobiks
Roma»iorum secrevere.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 39$
had long been customary for the newly-elected popes
to visit Apulia, to secure themselves in the possession
» of the valuable Benevento, to obtain the renewal of
the Norman oath of vassalage, and, when necessary,
to return with an army. Calixtus remained two
months at Monte Casino ; he received, on August 8,
the homage of Benevento, and soon after that of the
princes of Apulia.^ He then collected troops, and
returned, in December 1120, to Rome, where he
celebrated the Easter festival the following year
with unwonted splendour. He sent Cardinal John
of Crema to besiege Sutri, and followed in person.
Burdinus, who had lost hope, had maintained a
guerilla war and disturbed the roads leading to
Rome ; he was now only able to defend himself for FaJi of
eight days. This imperial idol was soon abandoned, a^*^'
as Cadalus had been before him. After the first "«»•
attack, he was surrendered by the citizens of Sutri
on April 22, 1 121. The mercenaries of John of
Crema treated the prisoners with harsh brutality,
and the Pope abused an inglorious victory by con-
demning the Archbishop of Braga to appear in
ridiculous guise as an outrider on his entry into
Rome. Gr^ory VHI., clad in a shaggy goat-skin,
and riding backwards on the camel which carried
the papal kitchen utensils, was led like a wild animal
through the city amid a shower of stones and lashes,
• was imprisoned in the Septizonium, was condemned
^ Falco described the entrance of the Pope into Benevento. The
wealthy people of Amalfi had decorated all the streets with draperies ;
infra amamenla vero ihuribula aurea^ et argentea cum odoribus et
cinnamomoposueruni. They played on tympana^ cymbala^ lyras.
396 HISTORY OF ROME
to life-long exile, and was dragged from one tower
in Campania to another, to Passerano, to the fortress
of Janula near S. Germano, afterwards to the convent
of La Cava, until he met his end either at the latter
place or in Fumone. These were the barbarous
triumphal processions of the Middle Ages in Rome.^
The fall of the anti-pope involved the humiliation
of many captains. The Counts of Ceccano and
Segni, men of German race, Lando, Godfrey, and
Raynald yielded subjection, and after Calixtus had
caused the tower of Cencius Frangipane to be thrown
down, a Pope was at length able to call himself ruler
of the city and to dwell within it in peace.* This
rapid success had also an effect in Germany. The
triumph over the imperial pope dealt a blow to the
Emperor and to his claims to install or to ratify
the popes. The dreadful overthrow of Gregory VIII.
was represented to the world as the fall of Simon
Mag^s, and served to hasten the end of the dispute
about investiture.
^ Cod, Vai,, 1984. Falco, A. 1 121 (gives IX, Kal, Majas as the
date). The letter of Calixtus to the bishops of Gaul, which informs
them of the fall of Burdinus, is dated Sutri, April 27. Sugisrti Vita
Lud, Regis (Duchesne, iv. 310). Anon, Cassin, Ckron., A. II2I.
The Vi/a Caiixti ex Card, Aragon. says that Burdinus, mounted on a
camel, rode before the Pope. Honorius IL had him brought from
Janula to Fumone in 1 124. Petrus Diacon., iv. 86.
^ Hie pro servanda pace turres Centii^ domtis tyrannidis et iniqui-
tatiSt diruif et ibidem non reparari pracepit. Vita Caiixti, by
Pandulf, c. 4. Of the Counts of Ceccano, c 5. In a deed concerning
Corsica, between the Genoese envoys and the fideUs damni pape
Caiixti, dated Rome, S, Cosnu et Damiani, June 16, 1 121, Petrus
prof, ^tephan, Normanntis, Leo fit, Petri Leonis, Cencius Fragapane
and his brother Leo are cited as faithful to the Pope (Iter. liai,^ by
Pflugk-Hartung, 1884, ii section, p. 456),
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 397
In order to tranquillise the indignant empire,
Henry, taught by his father's fate, resolved to yield ;
and Calixtus, a man of wider views than his pre-
decessor (whose intellect was limited to the ideas of
monasticism), was equally liberal-minded and equally
inclined to reconciliation. The basis of a peace
between empire and Church was discussed at several
German Diets between the princes and the Cardinal-
l^ates Lambert of Ostia, Gregory, and Sasso. As in ^^
the time of Paschalis, two treaties were prepared : the
Emperor renounced the right of investiture with
ring and crosier; he recognised the freedom of
election and ordination of the clergy, and promised
the restitution of all Church property. The Pope on
his side admitted that within the German empire
the election of bishops should take place in presence
of the Emperor's envoys, that in Germany candidates
should receive the investiture of the crown property
symbolically through the sceptre, that outside
Germany the candidates should first receive conse-
cration, to be followed within six months by investi-
ture with the sceptre.1 The victory of the Church
was more decisive than the advantage gained by
the State, from which a great principle had been
wrested, namely, the free election of the clergy.
The Church, however, no longer impugned the secu-
lar standing of the bishops as subjects ; she installed
* The two celebrated documents, Ego ffenricus — dimitto ; Ego
Callistus^concedOf in the Cod, Udalr,^ 305, 306 ; Chron, Ekkehardi
for 1122, m Baronius (with some variants, though he gives the
imperial document from the Vatican manuscript, from which it has
been last printed by Theiner, Cod, Dipl,^ i. n. xii.) ; and in many
other places.
398 HISTORY OF ROME
them in the spiritual office, and the Emperor placed
the Church in possession of her feudal principality
or lordship.^
The The joy was great when these two documents
of Worms, were read in the presence of a countless multitude
''^* in Worms on September 23, and when Cardinal
Lambert solemnly received the son of the unfortu-
nate Henry back into the communion of the Church.
The wounds of a deadly war were healed, the devas-
tated world found peace. The quarrel for investi-
tures had lasted half a century, and, no less destruc-
tive than the Thirty Years' War, had ravaged
Germany and also Italy, and wasted the flower of
the contemporary generation. A satirist might
perhaps display two sealed parchments to the world
as the result of this destructive war. He might scoff
at mankind, which had had a solution (apparently
so simple) of its difficult problems before its eyes,
but, blinded by passion, had overlooked it until,
after half a century's terrible wandering, it had
come round by a tortuous path to the point whence
it had started. Was it necessary to shed so much
blood in order that ring and crosier should be
exchanged for the sceptre ? or to discover the truth
^ We are forced to say with Hallam : '' It is manifest, from the
events that followed the settlement of this great controversy about
investitures, that the See of Rome had conquered " {Europe during
the Middle Ages^ i. & 7). The history of the quarrel for investitures
has been written by the ex-Jesuit Maimbourg, Histoire de la decadence
de r Empire aprh Charles Magne et des diffdrends des Empereurs avec
les Papes au sujet des Investitures, Paris, 1 679) ; to refute whom
Noris (later cardinal) wrote his Istoria delle Investiture (Mantua,
1741).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 399
that the demands of the State should only refer to
the things of the State, those of the Church to
things spiritual? It is a melancholy truth that
mankind must fight its slow progress by means of
the rude shocks of war, and that the gains of cen-
turies only appear as insignificant fractions in the
human Cosmos. Nevertheless, the parchments of
Worms were not the true results of the quarrel for
investiture. In great and far*reaching struggles the
original object becomes lost to sight and gives place
to a more spiritual and lofty aim. As a struggle
of the two principles which represented the intellect
of mankind, this — the greatest controversy of the
Middle Ages — ^was one of the most salutary move-
ments which Europe had ever experienced. By
means of the power of antagonisms, and by means
of the passion which forced all classes to take sides,
it raised men above the narrow-mindedness or the
stupidity of a barbarous agt, put an end to this age
and, with the Crusades, served to inaugurate a new
civilisation. It was during this struggle that the
philosophic and heretical protestant thought awoke,
that the science of Roman law revived simultaneously
with the love of antiquity, that the republican liberty
of the communes flourished, and that civic society
acquired an independent, a humaner form. And thus
Henry IV. and Gregory VII., as its tragic heroes,
and Henry V. and Calixtus II., as the happier
founders of peace in this ever-memorable war of
principles, have attained their conspicuous places in
the annals of history.
Calixtus caused the peace to be ratified at the
400 HISTORY OF ROME
CEcumeni- first general Lateran Council in March 1 123, when
in the ^ greater crowd than Rome had beheld for centuries
i^^SS"* gathered within her walls. The Council set the seal
"as- to the victory of the Church, and the accomplish-
ment of the Gregorian reform. The Papacy had
attained its legal independence from the empire,
and, resting on the secure foundation of its freedom,
recognised by Europe, could henceforward develop
Its spiritual power into a world power. But after
all the peace of Worms (a fact which scarcely any
one then grasped) was merely a truce between the
powers of the empire and of the Church, which
now for the first time recognised each other as the
cardinal powers of the world.
For centuries no pope had sat on the chair of
Peter who had felt so happy as Calixtus. His suc-
cess was due no less to his sagacity than to his
energy. The landgraves as well as the city obeyed
the peace-maker ; the strife of factions was stilled,
and during his lifetime no battle cry was heard in
the ruined streets of Rome.^ This blissful pause
afforded the Pope leisure to provide for the welfare
of the city ; and after a long interval we again hear
of restored aqueducts and city walls, of the building
and decoration of some churches.' The condition
^ Calixtus II. also undertook military expeditions against the
defiant Counts of the Campagna, and, as early as the summer of 1 121,
adjusted in person the'afiairs of the Church in South Italy. He was
in Tarentum in November of this year and in January 1122. Jafife's
Regesia,
' Hie etiam dervoamt aquam de antiquis F&rmisy et ad portam
Lateran, conduxit^ ibique locum pro adaqtiandis equis fieri fecit. Vita
ex Card, Aragon. The water of the Marrana is intended here ; it
enters the dty near the Porta Metronia.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 40I
of Rome after the struggle for investitures was
sufficiently lamentable ; the city lay half in ruins ;
the violated Temple of Peace, transformed into a
military fortress, had suffered a like fate. At a
Council Calixtus was obliged expressly to prohibit
churches from being fortified like strongholds ; he
forbade the laity to snatch the votive gifts from the
altars, and imposed the sentence of excommunica-
tion on any one guilty of maltreating pilgrims to
Rome.^ He perhaps purified the cathedral of the
Prince of the Apostles from the stain of its terrible
past by a solemn festival ; he adorned it with votive
gifts, paved its floor, restored the high altar, and
provided the basilica with estates.
The Lateran had lain in equally ruinous condition Caiixtus 11.
since the days of Robert Guiscard. After Leo IV. Lateran.
scarcely any pope had touched the building, until
Calixtus II. began to restore it. He here built a
chapel dedicated to S. Nicholas of Bari, in the
tribune of which he caused such of his celebrated
predecessors, from Alexander II. onwards, as had
been champions in the struggle, to be depicted.
This oratory served as a monument to all those
popes who had fought in the great controversy
against the empire. Calixtus, however, also de-
picted the triumph of the Church in a new audience
chamber in the Lateran. Here were painted the
portraits of Calixtus himself, Gelasius, Paschalis,
Urban, Victor III., Gregory VII., and Alexander
II. ; below, the series of anti-popes, who served as
^ Concil, Lateran, /. Canon XIV, (Ecciesias a laicis incastei/art).
Canon XVI, {Si guts Romipetas), Mansi, xxL 285.
VOL. IV. 2 D
402 HISTORY OF ROME
footstools to the popes. Some bad couplets were
appended to the portraits, while the tenor of the
articles of the Concordat of Worms was inscribed
on the walL Not for centuries had Art had the
opportunity of recording so great a subject as the
Fifty Years' War and its settlement The demand
on the art of painting was, however, made too early ;
this art scarcely put forth its first shoot until the
time of Giotto ; and the ostentatious picture only
succeeded in testifying to the barbarism of a period
when the popes felt satisfied in seeing the greatest
actions of the Church portrayed in rude paintings.^
These historic memorials of the Papacy and of
art unfortunately perished in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries.
Death of Fortune was also kind to Calixtus II. in allowing
ijf^^pj^ him to die soon after his victory; since he was
13. »»a4- snatched away by Roman fever in the Lateran
on December 13, 1124. He found a fitting grave
close to Paschalis II., the peace-maker beside the
victim of the war ; and no less appropriate was the
tomb of Henry V. who, five months later, was laid
to rest near his ill-used father in the cathedral of
Speyer.
' They were merely isolated figures. Panvinius {de/, Eceiesiis
CMis, p. 173) calls the painting in this chapel plainly figdisnma pic*
tura. Thus also in his description of the Lateian, Mscr. VoHcom,
61 10. All the notices concerning this chapel are found in Gattula,
Ifisi, Cassin,, i. 362. De Rossi : Esamestorico . . . delt Immagine
di Urbano II. Papa e delle altre antiche pitture nelP oratorio di
S, Nicola entro ii pal, Laieran, (GH studi in Italia ano /F., voL ii.
fasc. L 2, 1 881). The verse under Burdinus runs : —
£ccs Calixtus honor patria^ decus imperiale,
Burdinum nequam damnat, pacemque reformat.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 403
4. Election Contest — ^The Family of the Fran-
GIPANI — HONORIUS 11. BECOMES POPE — DeATH OF
Henry V. — The Pope recognises Lothar as
German King — The Hohenstaufens rise in
arms — Roger of Sicily seizes Apulia — Forces
HoNORius to invest him — Death of Honorius II.
The new election threatened for the moment to
divide Rome; for the Frangipani now sought to
procure the elevation of a cardinal friendly to the
Emperor ; a proceeding not only possible, but even
natural, after the Concordat of Worms. It illus-
trates the state of things in Rome, that the influence
of these audacious captains had been diminished
neither by their earlier outrages, nor by the
chastisement they had endured at the hands of
Calixtus. The popes, who did not possess sufficient
power to send such nobles into exile, waged war
upon them from time to time, destroyed their towers,
and then made peace, and entered into treaties with
them. Within the elective realm of the Papacy, the
hatred which a pope cherished against enemies
who had ill-used him could not be transmitted to
his heirs. The rapid change of the popes, each of
whom followed his own policy, and each of whom
was obliged to win over the noble families, is a
sufficient explanation of this condition of affairs.
The powerful family of the Frangipani encounters The family
us for the. first time in a document in the year 1014. Yrt^a-
Their curious name, " Breadbreakers," was explained pani-
by the legend that in ancient times one of their
ancestors had distributed bread to the poor during
404 HISTORY OF ROME
a time of great famine, and the arms of the family
display on a field g^les two lions rampant opposed,
holding a loaf in their paws.^ Leo's son Cencius was
an influential consul in the time of Gregory VII.,
and John the son of Cencius was married to Donna
Bona, sister of Stephen Normannus. John was the
father of that Cencius who attacked Pope Gelasius,
and mention has also been made of his brothers Leo
and Robert* We have already seen that the towers
and palaces of the Frangipani stood near the Arch
of Titus, the Palatine and the Colosseum.^
^ Thus the fictions in the Mscr. Ottoban,, n. 2570, of the sixteenth
century, which contain a work of Castallus Metallinus de nobilibus
Romanis, The author made use of Panvinius, De GenU Fregepana
(a MS. in the BibL Angelica), Panvinius also wastes time in trying
to prove that the Frangipani were Anicii, and Alberto Cassio has
designed the genealogical tree of the Anidi down to Marius th6 last
Frangipani (1654) : Metnorie di S. Sibna^ cap. vL
' The name was written : Fregapane^ Frayapanus^ Frajapanis^
Frajampane^ PhrigepaniuSy Frangipane^ Frangmspanem, The Dona-
tion of Mathilda says : in pros, Centii Frafapanis ; this is Leo's son.
A tombstone of lOHIS FRAIAPANIS (husband of Donna Bona,
father of the second Cencius) exists in S. Cecilia. Another stone
there (an efiigy of the dead — arms, four lions rampant in four fields,
without the loaQ : HIC lACET GVIDVTIVS FRAYAPANVS (of
the thirteenth century), Panvinius traces the branch de Gradellis firom
Cencius; in Nerini (n. xxviii.), Oddo Frejapanis de Gradelle appCAis
in 1243, and it runs : in particu Gallaicrum ante EccL S. Maria de
Gradellis, The Mirabilia say : Ad Gradellas fitit Templum solis; the
church is to be sought between S. Anastasia at the Porticus and the
Forum olUorium, The Porticus Gallatorum^ which probably belonged
to this Forum, is perhaps the Porticus Galla of Peter Pisanus ( Vita
Pcuchcdis, iL c 16) ; whether the name is derived from the church of
S. Galla is questionable.
' The Region of the Colosseum was commanded by the Frangipani
in the twelfth century. A document in the Lateran archives, of March
10, 1 177, is signed : Bemardus Gregorii de Gregorio^ Petrus Roberti^
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 405
The Frangipani and the Pierleoni were therefore
the two families who disputed between themselves
for the patriciate, and as heads of the papal and
imperial factions ruled the College of Cardinals.
It had been decided to proceed with the election
three days after the death of Calixtus, without
nominating any candidate beforehand. The Frangi- ^
pani, however, had fixed on Lambert of Ostia, while
the people desired Cardinal Saxo of AnagnL Both
these bishops were the men of the Concordat of
Worms. Leo Frangipani succeeded by stratagem Disputed
in procuring the attendance of all the cardinals at ®**^**^"*
the election. Nevertheless, Theobald Boccadipecora
was with one voice proclaimed Pope by the name
of Celestine, such members of the conclave as had
remained neutral giving their assent. Robert Frangi-
pani, however, furiously shouted the name of Lambert,
who was immediately proclaimed by his party and
installed in the Lateran. His opponents made a
vain resistance. Theobald, impelled either by fear
or by magnanimity, doffed the purple, and Lambert
was recc^ised. The consciousness that his eleva-
tion had not been canonical induced him to lay
Joan, MofuinuSf Andreas ScrinariuSy Sasso Oddoms de Saxo^ Joan*
Cincitf Joan, ludex^ Romanus de Bonella^ Joan, AdulterintiS^
Gregorius Levaci, Jordanus Aibertucius, NicoL della Scotta^ Nicok
SarracenuSf Centius VetuluSj SUphanus Pelliparius^ Laurmtius Caput
Vdca, Joan, Capocius^ Nicol, Octaviani, Bovacianus Romani de
RanuciOf Peirus Romania Nicol, Joannis Micini^ Bovo Todorelii,
Joan, Tinessus Gaudens, They then say : nos omnes suprascripti
homines pro nobis et aliis hominHms regionis Colossei — auctoritate
dominor, de Frangenspanibus quicquid juris — habetnus incctnadomini
in obhHombus aitaris mqforis Eccl, Lateran,,^ they cede this to some
canons of the basilica (Mscr, Panvinii, p. 254).
406 HISTORY OF ROME
aside the insignia of the pontificate, but only in
order to obtain its ratification by unanimous consent,
for the hostile cardinals prudently gave way. We
thus see that the decrees of Nicholas II. and his
successors had not removed the papal election
beyond the influence of the civic nobility: the
kings of the Romans surrendered their ancient
right; the Roman consuls, however, continued to
.elect popes either by cunning or by force.^
^ Lambert, who had been made a cardinal in the
time of Faschalis, had accompanied Gelasius in his
exile, and had been the ablest minister of Calixtus
II., was the man who had settled the peace of
\ Worms ; and this great service gave him claims to
HonoriusV^^® Papacy. He was consecrated as Honorius 11.
II., Pope, on December 21, 11 24. But his humble origin in
Fagnano, an insignificant place near Imola, was a
blot in the eyes of those who had honoured the
princely descent of Calixtus. "I do not know,"
said the Abbot of Monte Casino to the envoys of
the new Pope, ^ whose son his holiness is ; I only
know that he is filled with literature from head to
foot"«
The astute Honorius, however, knew how to
acquire respect quickly. No insurrection in Rome
disturbed his five years' pontificate, his close alliance
with the Frangipani ensuring him security. The
^ These events are related by Panduif, an eye-witness, ViUi HoMoriit
c 2 ; see also Card. Aragon. and Petrus Diacon., iv. c. 83.
* Petr. Diacon., iv. 83. Concerning the ancestry and native
coantiy of Honorius 11. , see liverani, LamUrto da Fagnono^ Maceiata,
1859.
IN TH£ MIDDLE AGES. 407
fact that Henry V. died childless further strengthened
the Papacy j the vigorous Salic race was now extinct,
and instead of a member of the Hohenstaufen family
(Henry's heirs) being raised to the throne, the Saxon
Lothar was, owing to Roman influence, elected
King, and was crowned on September 13. It is
true, Conrad and Frederick, sons of Henry's sister
Agnes, rose in arms; but they did not succeed in
enforcing their claims. Honorius himself hastened
to recognise Lothar as King of the Romans, and He
so completely had opinion changed in the course So^^
of time, that the Pope, whose own election had
formerly been subject to the ratification of the
crown, was now able to assume the right of ratifying
the Roman or German king. We thus perceive
how, owing to Gregory VH., the conception of the
Papacy had risen in estimation as that of the
highest moral forum even in the political world.
Honorius n. excommunicated the Hohenstaufens,
in whom he foresaw the renewal of the struggle for
investitures : he repeated the excommunication in
II 28, when Conrad came to Milan as pretender to The
the crown. Many Lombard cities acknowledged suuifeD*
him, and he was even crowned at Monza by Arch- ^2f|^
bishop Anselm on July 29. His kingdom, how-
ever, had no stability, and merely served for a brief
time to perplex the affairs of Northern Italy. The
Romans, whose favour he endeavoured to gain,
repudiated him, and on the contrary united with
Honorius in inviting Lothar to Rome to be crowned
Emperor.^
^ Lothario ilU et ghr. Romanor^ regi^ constiUs rommU et alU prin*
408 HISTORY OF ROME
More important were events in South Italy, where
great changes had taken place. In July 1127
Roger's son William, Duke of Apulia, died at
Salerno, mourned by the entire people, and, like
Henry V., childless. His relative. Count Roger of
Sicily, could now regard himself as the natural heir
of his territories, and in fact maintained that
William had recognised him as heir. The young
and daring prince, who had succeeded his father,
Roger I., while yet a child (in iioi), seized the
opportunity to unite the whole of Southern Italy ;
since of all the former estates Capua, under Jordan
II., and Naples, ruled by Duke Sergius, alone re-
s^^^L ^^^^^ independent^ As Roger now hastened to
upas Duke Apulia to take possession of Salerno and Amalfi,
^" and received the homage of several cities, the Pope
resolved to prevent the foundation of a South Italian
monarchy. To Roger's claims he opposed the
feudal sovereignty of the Papacy : he explained that
William's estates had reverted to the sacred chair.
He hastened to Benevento ; Roger, whom he had
excommunicated, indignant at the Pope's refusal
to invest him with Apulia as a vassal of the Church,
ci^ sahitem et prosperitatem. Nos in seroiHo et fidelUate b, Petri et
doniini P» Honorii persisHmus, et quod placet ei atnamus. It is the
last time that Romans speak thus . . . Nos interim diiigenti studio
operant dabimus^ quatenus—pop, Rom, ad te sicut decet konorifice
suscipiefuium sit paratus. Without a date — Cod, Udalr,^ n. 351.
Conrad had in vain attempted to approach Rome : see Jafii^, Gesch.
des detitschen Reichs unter Lotkar^ Berlin, 1843, p. 71.
1 Giannone IL, x. c 10. For the death of William (K//. ICal,
Aug,y 1 127) see Falco, p. loi, who naively describes Roger's arrival
and the subsequent events. Alexandri Ahbatis Telesini Hist, de reb,
gestis Rogerii SiciUa Re^'s, lib. i. c. 4 (Muratori, v.).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 409
ravaged the province of Benevento. In December
II 27 Honorius convoked bishops and barons to a
parliament in Capua ; he bestowed this principality
in fief on Robert II., son of Jordan, who had just
died, and summoned the assembly to make war on
the usurper.
The bold prince, however, could afford to laugh at
the crusade which Honorius preached against him,
and could calmly wait until the army of the barons
was disbanded.^ The history of Leo IX. repeated
itself. As Roger followed on the heels of the
deserted Pope, he offered peace, and the count
forced the Holy Father to come outside the city, Roger
and, standing on the bridge over the river Calore, to i^l^iion
bestow upon him the feudal lordship of Apulia and H^JJ^^g
Calabria in August 11 28.* n., August
The Church was not able to prevent the founda-
tion of the Neapolitan monarchy. This important
event, as we shall later see, changed the policy of
Italy and that of the popes. From the peace with
Roger, Honorius, however, reaped the immediate
advantage of receiving feudal supremacy over South
Italy.
Such were the events which afforded him inces-
sant occupation, so that he remained in constant
motion between Rome and Apulia, deeply involved
^ Thus the popes already stamped their political wars as holy wars.
Ex auctoritate dvv, et B, M. vtrginis, et Sanctor, Apostclor, meriiis,
talem eis impendit retrilnUionemy eorum vid,^ qui deitctor, suor. pctni-
Uniiam sumpscrint^ si in expedttione ilia morietUur^ peccata remisity
illorum auteniy qui ibi mortui nonfuerinty et confessi sunt, medittatem
remisit, Falco, p. 104.
* Romuald, p. 284 (Murat, vii.).
4IO HISTORY OF ROME
in secular afTairs — a statesman rather than a priest
The Frangipani secured his rule in Rome, and pro-
vided him with the means of holding in check the
captains of the Campagna, more especially the
Counts of Segni and Ceccano.* Honorius II., no
less than Paschalis, proved by experience how heavy
was the burthen of the temporal power for the popes.
We should, however, produce a revolting picture
did we describe the petty wars which he repeatedly
waged against the lords of Latium. In his last ill-
ness he was carried to the fortified monastery of S.
Gregory on the Clivus Scauri : for the popes of this
age ended their days in towers and amid the swords
of their partisans. The pale face of the dying man
looked from the window where he was placed down
on the tumultuous crowd, who already believed him
dead ; he saw the factions quarrel for the papal
crown before it had yet fallen from his head, and
Death of expired during the- night of 13th- 14th February
ii!!'^FSr ^ ^30-' ^^ w^ usual on the death of a pope to delay
14, "3o, the election of his successor until after the funeral,
but the tumults to which an election gave rise fre-
quently did not permit of the delay. The remains
of Honorius were scarcely cold, when they were
hurried into an open grave in the monastery, in
order that the faction here assembled might proceed
^ The Chronicle of Fossanova throws light on these wars in the
Campagna. It mentions the still remaining Volsdan towns : Supino,
Magentia (Msenza), Aqueputia (Torre Aoquapuzza), Roccasecca,
Julianum, S. Stephanum, Prosseum (Prossedi), Tertium (Pisterzo), S.
Laurentum. Honorius conquered them, also Trevi and Segni (CaixL
Aragon).
' MUhlbacher, Die strettige Papstwahl dis Johns 1130, p. lOi.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 4II
with the election. The corpse was further removed
with unseemly haste to S. John's, and the dead and
the newly-elected Pope entered the Lateran at the
same time.^
^ Such is the account in the letter of the followers of Anaclete to
Didacus of Compostella (Florez, BspaHa Sagrada^ xx. 513), and it
can hardlj be wholly untrue : p^r laicorum nuuius nwrtuus misera-
Hliter deferiur stcui vilissima bestia in claustrum trahitur^ et in
viiissimum sepulcrum imniergitur. No monument of Honorius re-
mained in Rome. San Crisogono in Trasterere, rebuilt in 1128, is
the monument of the victor of Burdinus, Cardinal John of Crema,
who took bis title from this church* Sevezano, Memorie^ p. 3i4,
412 HISTORY OF ROME
CHAPTER III.
I. The Pierleoni — Their Jewish Descent — The
Jewish Synagogue in Rome in the Twelfth Cen-
tury — Petrus. Leo and his Son, the Cardinal
Petrus — Schism between Innocent II. and Ana-
CLETE II. — Innocent escapes to France — Letter
of THE Romans to Lothar — Anaclete II. bestows
THE TITLE OF KiNG OF SiCILY ON ROGER I.
A SCHISM of purely civic origin was to prove to
the world that the German kings were not invariably
responsible for ecclesiastical divisions. The wealth
and power of the Pierleoni, and still more the great
services they had rendered the Church, justified the
hope which they cherished of seeing a member of
their house on the papal throne. Their distinguished
family was of Jewish extraction, and this singular
fact induces us to bestow a glance on the synagogue
in Rome.
The Jews The Hebrew colony, established in Trastevere and
round the island bridge since the time of Pompey,
survived through all the storms of history. An
insignificant company of Jews was here tolerated
as a monumental symbol of the manner in which
Christianity was rooted in the Old Testament. The
Jews were consequently treated with more humanity
in Rome than in other cities during the Middle
in Rome.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 413
Ages. They transmitted their blood unmixed with
the blood of Romans or barbarians from generation
to generation ; they beheld the republic of ancient
Rome^ Roman Caesarism, the immense city of
marble, and a second Prankish empire fall to dust
beside them : more indestructible than monuments
of bronze, they survived the frightful Nemesis of the
centuries ; and to this day they continue to pray to
Jehovah, the God of Abraham and Moses, in the
same streets beside the Tiber. Their number, which
in the interval between the Spanish persecution
under Philip II. and present times, has risen to
five thousand souls, in the twelfth century merely
amounted to some hundreds. The Rabbi Benjamin
of Tudela, who visited Rome in the time of Alexander
III., only counted two hundred Jews of the male
sex ; he assures us, however, that among his fellow-
worshippers he discovered many influential persons
even at the papal court, and very wise rabbis such
as Daniel, Jehiel, Joab, Nathan, Menahem, and other
Hebrews in Trastevere.^ We see the Jews issue
^ Benj. of Tudela, Itinerary : hie ducenti fermeJucUti viri Aonorati,
nemini tributum pendentes^ inter quos suos habet magisiros P.
Alexander, He calls the rabbi Jehiel {trans Tiherim habitans)
Papa minister, jttv,formosus^ prudens ac sapiens — in aula Papct-^
ipsius factdtaium administrator. Rabbi Nathan had compiled
Arach, a Talmndic dictionary, in not ; his father Jehiel wrote litur-
gical poems. A. Asher, English translation of Benjamin's Itinerary
(London, 1S40), ii. p. 18, and M. Gtkdemann, Gesch, des Ertiehungs-
wesens und der Cultnr derjuden in ItaHen, Wien, 1884. Benjamin
found 500 Jews in Marseilles, 300 in Capua, 500 in Naples, 600 in
Salerno, 20 in Amalfi, 200 in Benevento, 200 in Melfi, 300 in Tarento,
500 in Otranto, 200 in Messina, 1500 in Palermo, 2000 in Byzantium,
and as great a number in Thebes.
414 HISTORY OF ROME
from the darkness, in which their Schola is involved,
when on festivals of homage they sing their hymns,
and only once is a persecution of the Jews recorded.*
The enslaved race defended itself against its oppres-
sors by cunning, talent, and the power of the gold
which they had amassed in secret The most re-
nowned physicians, the richest money-changers in
Rome were Jews. Dwelling in miserable houses,
they lent money at usury, and among their creditors
they numbered the most illustrious consuls among
the Romans, and even the harassed popes themselves.
The Jewish From this despised synagogue a senatorial family
fMMfy at length issued, which owed both fortune and power
PierieonL to usury. The g^ndfather of that Peter Leonis
who played so prominent a part during the quarrel
for investitures, still remained a Jew in Trastevere;
He had had, however, financial transactions with the
papal court, to whose necessities he had frequently
ministered. He had afterwards consented to be
baptised, and having become a Christian was known
as Benedictus Christianus. Wealth and ability soon
opened the most illustrious career to his ambitious
son Leo, who received his baptismal name from
Pope Leo IX. He became connected by marriage
with the Roman nobility, who coveted the wealthy
daughters of Israel for their sons, or consented to
^ A. I020, in consequence of an earthquake. The Pope ordered
some to be executed : Ademar, Hist,^ iiL c. 52. The Ordo Rom, of
Cendus {sisc, xiL) mentions their schola among the seventeen which
received a gift on days of festival : Judcns viginti solidos prevesinar.
At papal processions they stood juxta palatittm Cromacii^ ubi Judai
faciunt iaudem^ not far from Monte Giordano (Mabillon Mus,,
ii 143).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 415
their own daughters marrying the baptised sons of
Jews.^ With the fanaticism of a ren^ade, Leo
joined the party of Hildebrand and the popes who
advocated reform ; whereupon his more energetic
son Peter Leonis or Pier Leoni acquired the highest Petrva
political influence, and became entirely indispens-
able.2 Besides his fortress at the Theatre of Mar-
^ Arnulfs invective (Af. Germ., zii. 711) against Anadete II. :
cufus avus eum tnastimab, pecimiam muUipUci corrogasset usura —
circunuisUnem hapHsmoHs unda dampneant, — Foetus dignitaU
Romanus — dum genus et formam regma pecunia donate aitemis
tnairinumiis omnes sibi nobiles dvUaiis asertdt, Benzo (ii. c 4) who
knew Leo peisonallj : Leone ^ originaHter procedente de Judaica con-
grtgatione» S. Bemh., Ep. 139 : Judaicam sobolem sedetn Petri occu-
passe. Thus Archbishop Walter of Ravenna (Mansi, zxi 434) speaks
of the schism of Anaclete as Judaiae perfidta heresis. Baron. (A.
till, n. 3) took from the Codex of Monte Casino, which contains the
poems of Alfanas, an epitaph written by this archbishop on the
founder of the house of Pierleone : —
Hicjacet in tumulo Leo vir per eunctafidelis
Sedis Apostolica tempore quo viguit.
Ronue naius^ opum dives ^ probus et satis aito
Sanguine materno nobiiiiatus erat,
Prudens et sapiens , et calopene sub omni
Agnitus et Celebris semper in Urbe manens,
Virgo ier senisjfuerat cum sole diebus
Quando suum vitajinierat spatium,
Leo was probably buried in S. Alessio, and th e insc ription (in
Galletti, vu. n. 4), HIC REQVIESCIT CORPVS DOPNI LEONIS
CONSVL' ROMANORVM, probably belongs to him. The Roths-
child of the Middle Ages, made a Roman baron by the Pope, who
was in his debt.
* Ckron, Maurin, (Duchesne, iv. 376) : Leo a Judaismo pascha
faciens ad Christum^ a Leone baptistariei ejus nomine meruit insigniri.
Hie tnr^-'4n Curia Rom, magnificuSf genuitfiL Petrum, magna /ama,
magnaque potenHa post futurum, Ord. Vitalis (p. 861) jeers at the
Jewish aspect of his grandson Leo at the Synod at Rhdros in 1119 :
nigrum et pallidum adolescentem^ magis Judao vel Agareno^ quam
4l6 HISTORY OF ROME
cellus (which had undoubtedly been already built by
his father Leo), he also ruled over the neighbouring
island in the Tiber. Urban II. even confided S.
Angelo to his keeping, and himself died in the
palace of his creditor and defender. Urban's suc-
cessors also strove to acquire the protection of the
powerful Pierleone. But the Jew was hated as a
usurer by the populace, by the nobles as an upstart,
and we have seen that this influential friend of
Paschalis 11. was unable to acquire the prefecture
for his son. The friendship of the popes, the splen-
dour of their family connections, their gold, and
their power so quickly obscured the Jewish descent
of the Pierleoni, that these upstarts soon gained the
reputation of being the most illustrious of princely
houses in the city. After the time of Leo they bore
the title of " Consul of the Romans" as proudly and
successfully as the oldest patricians.^ They were at
enmity with the Frangipani, who, from motives of
hatred and egotism, were Ghibelline and imperialist,
while the Pierleoni became the leaders of the papal
party. These two hostile families had each been
founded by a Leo, had each risen to power at the
same time. It was later rumoured that both Frangi-
Christiano simUem — a brother of Anaclete, who, accordmg to
Amulf, also looked like a Jew.
^ Not until the son of Pierleone became Pope was his Jewish
ancestry spoken of. The ViUb of the Popes do not mention it.
Anselm, the continuator of Sigbert, calls Peter aUitudine sanguinis
glorians. The Gesta lyezferor, {Man, Germ,^ z. 200) : fations
nobilium Romanor,, guor, ipse propinquiiaU poliebat, Eadmerus,
Hist, Novor.f vi. 137 : erat enim filius Petri praclarissimi ac
potentiss. Principis Romanar. Romuald calls him JU» Petri Leonis
nob. civem Romanum,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 417
pani and Pierleoni were descendants of the Anicii,
and in the fifteenth century it was related how two
brothers of a certain Pierleone Massimo, so-called
Count of the Aventine, had wandered to Germany,
and had there founded the house of Habsburg.
Even the Austrian emperors were gratified in being
accounted relations of the Pierleoni, until they dis-
covered that in this case they had to search for their
ancestors in the Roman Ghetto.^
Peter Leo died covered with honours on June 2, Tomb of
1 128. The tombs of the popes of these times fell to LeoSs.
decay, but accident has preserved the mausoleum of
the Jewish Crassus as carefully as the sarcophagus
of Caecilia Metella, A huge marble coffin of the
worst Roman period, adorned with the figures 'of
Apollo, Marsyas, and the Muses, stands in the
cloisters of S. Paul. This was the tomb of Pierleone,
whom the inscription — truly Jewish — extols as " a
man without an equal, immeasurably rich in money
and children." ^ He left numerous descendants, and
^ The fabulous Ctmiites Montis Aventini became (translated into
German) Counts of Habsburg. These are &bles from the time of
Sansovino, Volaterranus, Crescenzi, Zazzera, Arnold Wion, Panvinius,
Kircher, &c. An inscription in S. Maria della Consolazione of the
year 1852 says : Lucretta de Pierleonibtis Luce de PierUonibtis
J, y, D, Filia nobiiiss. Romanor. et Austria gentis sola relictOy &c.
The last heiress of the house loudly trumpeted the glories of her
ancestry. She placed a' pompous epitaph on the founder of the
£unily in S. Paul's : Sepulcrum Petri Leonis Montis Aventini Comitis
ex Anieia mox Perkonia stirpes &c.
* Te Petrus et Paulus servent Petre Leonis^
Dent aniniam celo quos torn devotus afncutiy
Et quibus est idem tumulus sit gloria tecum,
Ugonio read another inscription of the time, which I cannot find
now : —
VOL. IV. 2 E
4i8
HISTORY OF ROME
His son
Peter a
candidate
for the
Papacy.
SO marvellous was their fortune, that one of his sons
became Pope, another Patrician of the Romans, and
it was said that a daughter married Roger of Sicily.
He had destined his son Peter for an ecclesiastical
office. Could the violet robe of a cardinal be denied
him? Was the thought of the red papal mantle
beyond the daring imagination of a wealthy son of
Pierleone? The youthful Peter was sent to Paris,
where he doubtless became one of Abelard's hearers.
His studies ended, he took the cowl (still the most
desirable garb for a candidate for the Papacy) in
Cluny. At his father's wish Paschalis summoned
him to Rome, and made him Cardinal-deacon of S.
Cosma and Damiano. With one of his brothers
he accompanied Gelasius to France, returned with
Calixtus, and in December 1120 became Cardinal-
Praterit ntjumus princeps seu rex optUentus^
Et nos ut fumus puhfis et ossa sumus.
In Umiisque boms peUem Petrus ecu Leonis^
Respice quam modico nunc tegitur tumulo,
Virfiiit immemus qucm proles^ gloria^ censtts
Susluiit in vifa, non sii ut aiter iUu
lAgum servator^ pairU decus^ urbis amaior^
Bxtruxit celsis turribus astrapoU*
Omnia praclara mors obtenebrtwit amara,
Nommis ergo Dei gratia parcot eL
Junius in mundo fulgebcU sole secundo,
Separat h$inc nobis cum polus Aicpte lapis
The inscription of Lucretia Perleonia (Neiini, p. 395) gives 1128
as the year of her death ; Baronius wrongly XI44, since Anaclete IL
already speaks of his father as b, m. in a letter of 115a The later
burial-place of the family was partly S. Nicola in Carcere, partly
S. Angelo in Pescaria, where, before the destruction of the church, I
saw a stone in front of the door with the arms of the famfly in mosaic :
Party per pale (i) or, a lion rampant loseogy, argent and sable ; (2)
barry of six, gules and argent.
IN THB MIDDLE AGES. 419
priest of S. Mana in the same Trastevere to which
his family owed their origin. He was later legate in
France, where he held synods, and in England, where,
solemnly received by King Henry, he appeared with
princely pomp. The son of the powerfdl Pierleone
lacked neither self-respect, culture, nor intellect, and
if, as his adversaries accused him of doing, he col-
lected vast treasures as nuncio, he only followed the
example of almost every other cardinsd-l^^ate* His
bitter enemies afterwards overwhelmed him with
invectives ; but, even although the reproach of ambi-
tion, avarice, and sensuality may justly be brought
against him, the revolting picture drawn of his
character was, nevertheless, untrue.* Certain it is
that not only by his wealth and family connectionsi
but also in virtue of his highly-gifted personality,
Cardinal Pierleone was the greatest man in Rome.
His adherents hoped to see him wear the papal
crown ; the influence of money assured him the
votes of numerous clients ; Cardinal Peter of Portus
was the leader of his party in the sacred college,
while his opponents, headed by the Chancellor
Haimerich and by John of Crema, and protected by
the Frangipani, placed the name of Gregory of S.
^ Eadmenis, vi. 137 ; Ernald ( Vita S. B&mardi^ Op. ii c. I, 1 107,
ed. MabQlon). Amulf s inyective cvea accused him of incest with his
sister Tropea. The letter of Bishop Manured of Mantua to Lothar
contains similar accusations, Neugart, Cod, Diph AUm.^ iL 63, in
Watterich, iL 275. The respectful letter which Bernard is sedd to
have addressed to Anaclete, while he was yet a cardinal (Jaffi£,
Gesch. des deutschen Rtichs unUr Lothar, p. 89), is addressed to
another Cardinal Peter, so that Bernard has expressed no judgment
in £Eivour of Anaclete.
14, II30.
420 HISTORY OF ROME
Angelo on the election register. It had originally
been decided to leave the election to eight cardinals,
Twofold among whom was Peter. But scarcely was Honorius
inno^t dead when five of the electors met in secret in
AnSete ^* Gregory's on the Clivus Scauri, where the proxi-
II., Feb. mity of the Frangipani fortress afforded them safety.
On February 14 they here proclaimed Cardinal
Gregory as Innocent II., and his party, which
numbered altogether only sixteen of the younger
cardinals, some citizens, and the Frangipani and Corsi,
hailed him Pope.^ The proceeding was entirely con-
trary to law, and Gregory's action was altogether
uncanonicaL His opponents consequently hastened
a few hours later to the church of S. Marco, near
which stood the fortified quarter of the Pierleohi ; and
the greater part of the cardinals, the larger portion
of the citizens, almost the entire nobility, the Tebaldi,
Stefani, Berizo, the S. Eustachii, and the Palatine
judges, under the presidency of the dean of the
cardinals, elected the son of Pierleone as Anaclete
II. in all canonical form.^
The two pretenders to the Papacy, elected on the
same day, stood towards one another like Jacob and
Esau, disputing the rights of primogeniture. The
1 Cod, Udalr.t 346
* Peter of Portus cried to -his opponents : siccitu didicistis Papani
eligere f in angulo — in tenebris, in umbra mortis — contempto canone —
me ituonsulto Priore ves/ro, whereas they had made the election in
luce, in manifesto (Letter to the four suburbican bishops, Baron., n.
ix.). On the other hand, see Cod. Udalr,, n. 346, and the Report of
Election from Innocent's followers to Lothar, n. 352 ; the manifesto
of Innocent himself, n. 353 (Mansi, zxi. 428), in which Anaclete is
represented as a monster.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 42 1
faction of Cardinal Gregory had surreptitiously ob-
tained for their candidate the blessing of the first-
bom, but almost the entire city and district did
homage to Anaclete 11.^ The spectacle presented
by two popes, each of whom seized in turn the
sacred chair the moment it was left vacant by the
other, was nothing new. The people rushed to
arms. Innocent II. was quickly installed in the
Lateran. A few days after his election, however, he
fled to the Palladium, the Frangipani fortress on the
Palatine.* Anaclete II., supported by his brothers,
Leo, Jordan, Roger, Huguizon, and by numerous
clients, marched to S. Peter's, burst open the doors,
had himself consecrated Pope by Peter of Portus,
took the Lateran by assault, seated himself on the
papal chair inside the church, proceeded to S. Maria
Maggiore and seized its treasures. The city re-
sounded with the din of civil war, while a thousand
hands were eagerly stretched forth to grasp the
fortune which was scattered by the golden meteor
^ Anselm, continuator of Sigbert : Gr^gorius privilege eledianis ab
Honoriop, adhuc vivenU e(msensu quarund, cardinal, sibi usurpat ;
Petrus altUudine sangmnis ghrians^ domum Crescentiiinvadit cadilms
— incendils grctssatur. Chron, Maurin. sa]^ of Innocent's party: nimis
festinanter, u/ a gmdusd. iUcitur, ponUficalib. induunt insignib,^
because Peter openly aspired to the Papacy (p. 376). The election
proceedings have been investigated by R. Zdpffel : Die PapstwakUn^
&C., Gottingen, 187 1, and by £. W&iih8ji:\itSt Die StrMige Papstwahl
des fahres 1 1 30, Innsbruck, 1876.
* Palladium {Pailara) ; the cardmals date : t^ud Palladium XII.
Kal. Mart. (February l8)--/wf/ hoc palladium^ in quo Dom. noiter P.
Itmoeentius — residebal, aggreditur, {Cad. Udalr., 352.) He was
consecrated as Pope in S. Maria Nova on February 23. (Pagi, A.
1 130, n. v., and JafG6) ; Anaclete in S. Peter's on the same day.
422 HISTORY OF ROME
Anaclete. And amid the tumultuous procession
that greeted him as Pope, we observe the members of
the Jewish synagc^^ue, ranged beside the legendary
palace of Chromatins, the rabbi with the huge veiled
roll of the Pentateuch at their head ; and we may
imagine that the children of Israel had never hitherto
greeted any pope with hymns of malicious congratu*
lation so sincere.^
Struggle Anaclete had gained Rome, and the adhesion of
the^o ^^ many distinguished cardinals and nobles gave
Popes and jjim full rfght to the Papacy. True, the attack on
adherents, the Palladium had failed ; but Innocent saw the gold
of his enemy work its way through the walls. He
fled to Trastevere in April or May, and there hid
himself within the towers of his family, while
Anaclete calmly celebrated Easter in S. Peter's,
excommunicated his rival, deposed the hostile car-
dinals, and created others in their stead. The final
defection of the Frangipani, who were unable to
resist the gold of Pierleone» left Innocent defenceless.
No choice remained but flight He secretly took
Innocent ship On the Tiber, and, like Gelasius, escaped to
to'^m^ France by way of Pisa and Genoa.*
It now remained to be seen to which of the two
^ The opposite party aaid that Anadete had sacked the churches,
tudLjydaos ajunt esse quasiios^ qui sacra vasa, et imagines deo dicatcs
audttcter commmuerent (Vita S, Bem.^ ii. c. i). The letters of
the opposition. Cod. UdaL, 345, 352, 353, and Cardinal Aiagon.
Such excesses were undoubtedly committed, although Peter of Portus
denies them : depreedatumem iilam st cmdeiiiakm, qmam prmtmditis^
non videmus. Letter to the four cardinal-bishops.
* He had previously announced his elevation to the German King^
and summoned him to come to Rome. Trans lyberim V. Id. Maji.
Cod. Udalr., 353.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 423
pretenders Christendom would award its recognition.
Innocent, like his enemy, was of Trasteverine origin ;
he belonged, however, to the ancient house of the
Papareschi. He had been a cardinal-legate as early
as the time of Urban II., was the mediator of the
peace of Worms, and had learning and sincere piety
in his favour.* The priority of his election — un-
canonical though it may have been — gave him an
advantage over Anaclete; his flight to the asylum
of Catholic popes made him appear an exile, his
opponent a usurper ; Germany, England, and France,
a great part of Italy, all the monastic orders, with
but little delay recognised him as Innocent II. The
world suddenly remembered with scorn the origin of
the Pierleoni, and forgot their services to the Church.
But Jewish features should scarcely have redounded
to the discredit of a pope, had the fact been
remembered that not only Peter and Paul, but
^ The Lives of the Popes call his Ikther John from Trastevere ; his
later epitaph: de dome Paparescorum, A family De Papa or
Paparoni is found as early as the tenth century. A. 975, Johes de
Papa de septem viis ; A. 1079, Odih de Papa^ In the time of
Benedict Vni.,/tfi. qui Paparom vwatt (Galletti, Mscr. Vat,, S042,
concerning this fiEunily ). Panvinius ( ' ' History of the Mattel Family " in
the Arch, of S, Croce) wrongly makes the De Papa derive their name
from Innocent II.; he says this &mily also bore the name of Roman! ;
and after 1500 put forth a branch — the Mattel. Romanus de Papa
was a courtier of Innocent II. (Document of April 4, 11 39, Mansi,
xxi n. 542) ; his son was Cencius Romani de Papa, who had
numerous descendants (Muratori, Ant, It,, ii 809). The towers of
the Papareschi still stood in the fifteenth century near S. Maria in
Trastevere, a church which had been restored l^ Innocent II. A.
1442 : amtrata qua diciiur ii Papareschi in parocchia S, CaUsti
[Mscr. Vat.^ 8051, 125). Tombstones of the fiunily were to be seen
in S. Giacomo de Septimiano.
424 HISTORY OF ROME
Jesus Himself, must have worn a more distinctly
Jewish aspect than Anaclete. Even the adhesion
of Rome (he undoubtedly offered great privileges to
the city) more probably served as a sentence of con-
demnation than a claim to favour. We still read
the urgent, and in part undignified, letters which he
sent to all quarters of the world striving to obtain
recc^nition.^ As early as May i he wrote to
Lothar ; * the King made no reply ; in vain Ana-
clete tried to win him by excommunicating the
rival king, Conrad ; he still remained silent.* The
excited letters of the cardinals and the Romans were
also left unanswered.
The The Romans politely implored the ratification of
Romans
write to
Lothar. ^ The thirty-eight letters of Anadete are contained in the beautiful
parchment Codex of M. Casino, n. 159, sac, xiv. They were edited
from another codex by Christian Lupus, T, viL Oper. Venet., 1724.
With the exception of the first series these fragments (mostly without
a date) are devoid of historic value.
• Dot. Roma a/md S, Petr. Kal, Maji^ thus in the Cod. of M.
Casino. It recalls the ancient friendship of the King, especially
between him et b, m, pairem nieum. — Sans clerus omnis Rom. indU
vidua Tiobis charitaU coharet ; Prafictus Urbis^ Leo Fraiapams cum
filio et Cencio Fraiapane et nobiles omnes ac plebs omnis Romana
consuetam nobis fidelitatem fecerunt. In the letter of the Romans of
May 18, and in Anaclete's second letter, the Prefect is called Hugo.
Peter was still Prefect in the time of Honorius (Galletti, Dei Prim, ^
n. 57). Hugo may, however, have been the brother of Anaclete.
According to a document cited by Contelorius, the Prefect in office
during the first year of Anaclete II. was called Uguccio.
' The second letter {ap, S, Petr, Idib, Maji) says that he possessed
the whole of Rome in peace, and that he had excommunicated Conrad
on Easter Thursday. A letter to the Queen follows, filled with
nauseating unction. At the same time he heaps invectives on
Cardinal Haimerich and John of Crema. Similarly in the letter of
the cardinals.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 425
their Pope, They, however, reproached the King for
not having vouchsafed them a reply, and declared
that they would refuse him the imperial crown did
he longer delay to recognise Anaclete. " If thou,"
they wrote, " wilt receive the glorious fasces of the
Roman empire, thou must conform to the laws of
Rome, and not disturb the harmony of thy citizens.
For thou dost not awaken such sympathy in us that
we attach any great importance to thy coronation :
only since we have known the attachment of the
Pope to thy person, do we wish thee well, and desire
to adorn thy purple with worthy honours." ^ The
Romans felt themselves independent towards a
German king who did not possess the hereditary
right of the Salic house, and who was even opposed
by a rival king. True, they recognised the now
traditional claim of German kings to the imperial
crown, by awarding them the title of " King of the
Romans," but they resolutely maintained that the
crown was dependent on the election of the Roman
people. Their haughty language already breathed
the republican spirit which was in process of vigor-
ous development in the Lombard cities, and had
begun to stir in Rome.
^ Dom, Lothario ^orioso ac triumphatori Romanor. regi Hugo pre»
fectus urdiSf etfratres ejus (thus in the Cod. M. Cadn. and in Lupus,
and not fr<Uer\ Leo Freiapane^ et Ccncius frcUer ejus^ Stepkanus de
Tebaldo, Albertusjohis, de Stephano^ Stepkanus di Berizo, Berhafrater
efus^ Heinricus fil, Heinrici de sco Eustachio^ Octamanus frater ejus^
et reliqui Bom. urbis potentes^ sacri quoque palacii judices et nostri
eonsuUs et plebs otnnis Romana salutem, . . . Acta Roma felicUer
XV, Kal. Junii, I therefore hold that Hugo prefectus urbis etfratres
ejus here signifies the Pierleoni, who would otherwise be omitted in
the enumeration.
426 HISTORY OF ROME
When the silence of the world showed Anaclete
that he was rejected, he looked around in search of
a confederate. The former parties had suffered the
most curious changes after the Concordat of Worms.
The King of Germany and his former adherents in
Italy now stood ranged under the Catholic and
French banner; the Normans, who had formerly
supported this banner, now deserted it, as natural
enemies of the empire. Anaclete, however, followed
the ancient policy of the popes, when he allied him-
self with the Duke of Apulia. Roger's monarchy
lacked nothing but the recognised title of kingdom,
which had already been given it by his parliament
Anaclete Anaclete offered the papal sanction as the price of
Ro^r^r ^® duke's recognition, and Roger accepted the offer.
King of the ideas of the time compelling him to believe in
113a* the necessity of such consecration. Anaclete formed
a defensive and offensive alliance with the duke at
Benevento and Avellino in September; the car-
dinal legate immediately hastened to Palermo and
anointed Roger as King of Sicily on Christmas day
1 1 30, Robert II. of Capua handing him the crown.
Thus was the Sicilian monarchy founded through
the instrumentality of a schismatic pope. Surviving
the most marvellous changes of fortune, the fair
kingdom endured for 730 years, until in our own
days it was overthrown in the same romantic fashion
as that in which it had been created by Norman
heroes.^
^ Falco, A. 1130; Petr. Diaoon., iv. c. 99. The Diploma of
Investiture is dated BsHtvenl. per man^ Saxanis S» R, E, presbyteri
CardinaliSi K KcJ, Octcbr^ Ind, IX. anno Dom, Incam, 11 30, Pont,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 427
2. S. Bernard labours to obtain ths Recognition
OF Innocent II. in France — Lothar promises to^
conduct him to Rome — ^Journey of the Pope
AND Lothar to Rome— Courageous demeanour
OF Anaclete II. — Lothar crowned Emperor —
His return Home — Innocent expelled for the
second time — Council in Pisa — Roger I. conquers
Apulia — Lothar's second Journey to Italy —
Differences between the Pope and the Emperor
— Return and Death of Lothar.
Innocent II. meanwhile remained in France,
where he obtained almost universal recognition.
His protector was a saint of world-wide fame, Bernard,
Abbot of Clairvaux. The Church had reason to be
proud of the wealth of forces which she developed in
succession to complete the laborious structure of the
hierarchy, and Bernard, the genius of his age, belongs
to the ranks of her greatest men. When the Cluniac
period had run its course, monasticism found in
Bernard a new reformer, and this in an age when,
thanks to the knightly orders of Palestine, monasti-
cism had become a political power. Bernard was s. Bernard
bom at Fontaine near Dijon in 109 1 : in 1 1 13 he be- f^^ts
came a monk in the Benedictine convent of Clteaux *o ^^« ,
cause of
Innocent
Dwn. Anacleti II. Papa anno /. (BaroDins, n. lii.). It is signed U.
by brothers and relatives of Anaclete : signum man. Petr, Leonis
Eamanor, Consults . . . Regent fratris ejus . . . Peter UgutccionisfilH
, , , et Petri Leonis de Fundis. Hnguizon was the brother of Anaclete.
According to Ordericus Vital., xiii. p. 898, Roger had even married a
sister of Anaclete : filiam Petri Leonis^ sororem Anacleti Pontificis
uxorem duxit. This, however, may be untrue ; Roger had several
wives. Anaclete boldly invested him also with Capua and Naples.
428
HISTORY OF ROME
Lothar
acknow-
ledges
Innocent
II.
or Cistercium, which had been founded about 1098.
The ascetic austerity of the Cistercians suited the
character of the youth; he aided in founding the
convent of Clairvaux near Chalons-sur-Marne. He
became the abbot of this institution in 11 15, and
was henceforth celebrated as the worker of miracles,
the oracle and the apostle of the strictest monasti-
cism. In the course of time he founded 160
monasteries of his order in every land of Europe.
But his active spirit could not remain buried in
lonely solitudes ; on the contrary, with practical
energy he exercised an influence on all the political
and ecclesiastical affairs of his time.^
Bernard it was, who won Lewis of France to the
cause of Innocent. He also won the German king,
whom the Pope went to meet at Li^ge in March 1 131,
and who after some hesitation gave his adhesion.
A prince endowed with ambition and genius must
necessarily have hesitated before recognising Inno-
cent, since in espousing his cause he became umpire
between two popes and placed the sacred chair in
the position which Gr^ory VI L had formerly pre-
pared for the monarchy. An astute statesman would
have profited by the opportunity to recover the in-
^ The age of Gr^ory VII. and of the Crosades was productive of
monastic orders. Bruno of Cologne, Canon of Rheims, founded the
Carthusians (Chartreuse near Grenoble, 10S4). Norbert founded the
Praemonstratensians (Premontr^ near Laon) about 1120; Berthold, a
Calabrian, the Carmelites on Mount Carmel, about 11 56. — Orders of
chivalry: the Kn^hts of S. John were founded by merchants of
Amalfi, and obtained ratifioition from Paschalis II. in 11 15. The
Templars, founded about 11 18, were ratified by Honorius II. The
German knights were founded about 119a
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 429
vestiture, which Lothar had permitted the German
bishops to reduce even below the limits established
by the articles of Worms. The King did not, how-
ever, accept the traditions of the Prankish house,
which was hostile to him ; he would not venture on
any quarrel with the hierarchy. On the contrary, he
promised to conduct the Pope to Rome. Innocent
in return promised him the title of the imperial
power.i In the Council held at Rheims in October,
he received the recognition of England and Spain,
and here Anaclete was solemnly excommunicated.
Not without murmurs, the churches of Prance pro-
vided the impecunious Pope with means for his
return, and he journeyed to Lombardy in the spring
of 1 132. Almost all the bishops and nobles of this
province acknowledged him at the Council of
Piacenza on April la Milan, however, refused its
recognition. But the approach of Lothar, who,
coming from Augsburg, reached the Lake of Garda
in September 1132, forced the rival King Conrad to
leave Lombardy, where he found himself quickly
abandoned. Lothar's army was insignificant in
numbers; he was accompanied by Saxon bishops
and nobles.^ Innocent awaited him at Piacenza,
and advanced with him along the Via Emilia into
Bolognese territory in November. The Pope went
thence to Pisa, reconciled this city with Genoa, and
^ Pienitvdinem imperii in eadem Romana civitate^ sicut decebat^
offerens, Dodechin in Pistorius, A. 1 131.
' Wilhelm Bemhardi, Lothar von Supplinburg^ Leipzig, 1879,
p. 436 if., where the expedition to Rome is depicted with great care.
See also Giesebrecht, iv. 4.
430 HISTORY OF ROME
induced the two republics to lend him their fleets for
the subjugation of Rome. In the following spring
Lothar Lothar and Innocent advanced from Viterbo to
innoowit Horta and Farfa, while the Pisans and Genoese
Rome in co^^quered Civita Vecchia and subjugated the entire
"33' Maritima,!
Ambassadors from Anaclete had already gone to
the King at Viterbo, to demand that an impartial
Synod should pronounce the validity of election of
one or other pope. The German princes well under-
stood the justice of the demand, and the advantage
which the post of umpire offered the King. Neither
could Lothar have forgotten that his Salic pre-
decessors had first cited rival p<^s before a Council
at Sutri, and, after judgment had been pronounced,
had escorted the pope in whose favour it had
been given to Rome. But Norbert, Archbishop of
Magdebui^, and the cardinals with him, quenched the
scruples of the King, by appealing to the decrees of
Rheims and Piacenza. The perplexed Lothar yielded
to their representations and threw away an oppor-
tunity which might have invested him with formidable
power against the Church.* Anaclete found himself
in no slight danger; his only ally was unable to
^ Pisani et Januenses — c%im naoali txercitu Romam venienies^
CnntaUm veterem^ Turrim de Puherejo, et totam Mamteratam eidem
Pont, mbjugarunt. Card. Aiagon., p. 435. The tota suits the tittle
locality of the Marmorata, which is the name actually given in the
original Codex, Vat, 1437, so ill that I correct to Maritimam,
Puher^o or Putverea^ corrupted perhaps from S, Severe^ or Pcdoi
Civitas veius, also vetu/a {R$g, Fatfa, 1098, A. 1084) as early as
1072 : civitas Veccla (Reg, Farfa^ n. 1097].
* Vita S, Norhtrti (Mon, Germ,, xii. 70} and Lothar's Encyclica,
Mansi, xxi 483 ; Afon, Germ,, iv. 81 ; Pagi, ad A, Ii33i n. vii.
IN THE MIDDLE AGEa 43 1
render him any assistance ; the ally himself being
sore harassed by a successful revolt in Apulia, where
Robert of Capua, Rainulf of Alife, and several other
barons stood in arms and strengthened the party of
Innocent. In such circumstances Anaclete seemed
lost ; he was, however, saved by the fact that he held
nearly all the fortresses of the city and by the
insignificant number of the hostile army. In fact,
Lothar had appeared in Italy with so scanty a force
that the cities had jeered at him, and the retinue
which accompanied him to Rome consisted merely
of 2000 horse.^
At the end of April he encamped near S. Agnese
outside the Nomentan Gate ; some Roman nobles
immediately appeared to do homage. They were
former adherents of Innocent, or betrayers of
Anaclete, the Frangipani, Theobald, Prefect of the
city, and Peter Latro of the family of the Corsi.^
Lothar entered the city unopposed on April 30, 1 133 ;
he conducted Innocent to the Lateran, made his own
dwelling on the Aventine, which had not given
shelter to any emperor since the time of Otto III.,
^ Faico, A. 1 1 33* In manu nan magna — tantillum exerdium^
nys S. Bernard, Ep. 139.
* ApudEeeL S, Agnetis eastrametaii sunt, Oecurrentibus autem ei
Theobaldo UrOs pragficto, ac Petro Latnmis cum a/Us nobili&us : Card.
Aiagon. p. 435. Hugo was consequently dead, or had retired from
office. The Fifa of Norbert : casira primum in monte Latranum—
eoUocamt : this must have been a hill outside the Porta Nomentana,
perhaps where the Mans Sacer is now sought. Besides this, I only
know a Fossa Latroms near S. Paul's, where the army encamped, not
at first, but afterwards. Afterwards : in mante Aventino castrametati
fuimusy says Lothar in his encyeUcal, which reveals the continued
negotiations with Anaclete.
432 HISTORY OF ROME
and caused his troops to pitch their tents beside
S. Paul's. Meanwhile the Pisan vessels made their
way up the Tiber. Innocent was nevertheless de-
ceived in the hope of overcoming the schism, for
Anaclete, who found himself condemned without
having been judged, refused to surrender his fortresses,
and Lothar's Curia consequently placed him under
the ban as an enemy to the empire. Meanwhile,
safe behind the Tiber in S. Angelo, he could laugh
at the feeble attacks of the enemy, and afford to
despise them, since the Grerman king, contrary to the
ritual, was obliged to take the imperial crown in the
Lothar Lateran. The festal procession on this occasion
Emperor, was Only able to move between the Aventine and
June 4, i^g Lateran ; the solemn reception could only be
held on the Lateran steps ; the customary oath could
only be tendered outside the doors of this basilica.
Innocent II. crowned Lothar and his wifeRichenza
on June 4, 11 33, with a limited display of pomp, in
presence of many bishops and nobles of Italy.^ The
new Emperor made some feeble attempts to continue
the quarrel for investitures ; but his peace with the
Church was strengfthened by a treaty concerning the
^ //. Nonas JunU^ according to Cardinal Aiagon. The banquet
took place on the Aventine, probably in Otto's palace beside
S. Bonifmo. The Chronicle of Reichersberg is therefore wrong when
it says of Lothar and Richenza : orcUmUi sunt ab Innocentio P, in eccL
S, Bonifacii. The procession set forth thence. The oath taken in
the presence of Cendus Frangipane, his nephew Otto, and others is
given from Cendus, in Baron., A. 1133, a. ii., and Theiner, Cod.
Dipi,^ L n. xiv. In token of gratitude, Innocent had the scene of the
coronation painted in the Lateran, and furnished with the bold lines : —
Rex sietit ante fores jurans prius urbis honoreSy
Post homo fit Papa^ sumit quo dante coronam.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 433
allodial lands of Matilda. For Innocent invested
Lothar and his son-in-law Henry of Bavaria, a
member of the house of Guelf, with these lands
for life.i
Such were the mes^e results of the Roman expedi-
tion. In vain Robert and Rainulf appeared to de-
mand help against Roger, whom they had only
succeeded in driving back to Sicily. Want of means
forced the Emperor to return to the North, and
after the withdrawal of the Germans in the middle
of June, Innocent and Anaclete recognised that their
position was virtually the same as before.
Roger's landing and victories in Apulia strength- innocent
ened the cause of Anaclete. Innocent fled from ali^^m
Rome in August, and for the second time Pisa^<>"*«»^
accorded him a hospitable reception, since this 1133.
commercial city watched with jealousy the growing
maritime power of Sicily, and like Genoa remained
hostile to the Norman monarchy.' Time passed
without anything decisive taking place. , Rome,
ruled by the nobles with absolute independence,
was chiefly in favour of Anaclete, but the Council
of Pisa in May 1135 ratified Innocent's election,
and even Milan renounced his rival. The peaceful
^ The Pactum is given from Cencius in Mansi, xxi 392. Thelner,
Cod^ Dipiam», i. n. xiii., d€U, LeUerani VI, Id, Junii, The Pope
received the yearly rent of 100 pounds of silver.
* It was customary at this time to say of the popes : pulsus ab Urbe^
ah Orbe excipitur, Bernard wrote to the Pisans in congratulation :
Assumitur Pisa in locum Roma; et de cuncHs nobilibus terra ad
Apostolica sedis culmen eligitur — Tyranni siculi maliiia Pisana
constarUia non cedit (£p. 130). See also Trond, Annali di Pisa for
this year.
VOL. IV. 2 F
434 HISTORY OF ROME
conquest of this Lombard city was Bernard's work
and his most brilliant triumph. The reception here
prepared for him is one of the most remarkable
spectacles of the age, showing as it does the im-
measurable power which religious ideas then exer-
cised upon the world. The sainted diplomat was
received by the entire populace a mile outside the
city. The crowd kissed his feet, tore the threads
from his tunic, stifled him with caresses.^ The
Anaciete whole of Italy north of the Tiber acknowledged
holds Innocent II. ; Rome, the Campagna, and South Italy
alone upheld Anaciete. Not until the power of
Roger was shattered was there any hope of removing
the anti-pope, who still held his own against the
Frangipani in the city. The founder of the Sicilian
monarchy had suppressed the revolt in Apulia with
barbarous energy. Robert of Capua, driven from his
own territories, fled to Pisa, and induced the republic
to equip a fleet against Roger. A short war proved
indecisive. The Pisans, it is true, overcame their
former rival Amalfi as early as 1136, and destroyed
for ever the remains of the prosperity of this cele-
brated commercial city. Robert, however, was
obliged to return unsuccessful to Innocent with his
fleet laden with spoils. Anaciete now appointed
King Roger Advocate of the Church and Patricius
of the Romans, and in his distress conceded him
^ Vita S, Bemardi^ lib. iL c a. No miracle was beyond the
power of a saint who had ezoommunicated a swarm of flies in a
church so successfully that they all dropped down dead. Muscas
dedicationi ecclesia (Fusniaatm) moleslas excammuHtcavit, et omnes
extincta sunt (i. c. zi).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 435
rights which were dangerous to the independence
of the Papacy.^
Innocent II., on the other hand, saw his only
prospect of salvation in another visit of the Emperor,
and Lothar was foolish enough to serve ends which
were not his own. The last Duke of Capua hastened
to Germany with the papal legates to summon the
Emperor against the common enemy, who now
energetically laid siege to Naples itself. The
entreaties of the Pope and of the Apulian princes
were strengthened by the exhortations of Bernard,
who represented to Lothar that it was his duty to
wrest South Italy from a usurper and to reunite the
province with the empire.* The claims of the
empire over Apulia and Calabria were thus recog-
nised by the Church when it suited her, and were
denied when she found it profitable to deny them.
It was resolved to undertake a war of annihilation
against the Sicilian monarchy, and Roger had not
power to resist this terrible league of Emperor and
Pope, the Pisans, the Genoese, and the dynasty of
Apulia. Lothar, now reconciled to the Hohen- Lothar's
staufens, was able to lead a large army across the j^^^
to Rome,
* Imtenta sun/ prwiUgia (in Roger's camp), in qtUbus Peirus 1137,
Leonis ipsam Roniam et ab inde usque Siciliam totam ei terram
concesserat, et advocaium Rom. Ecc»y ei Patricium Romanorum et
Regem ilium statuerat. Cod, Udair,^ n. 360. In Jafr<$, n. 5972, from
Florez, EspaHa Sagrada^ yltu 550, Anaclete's letter written from the
Lateran, April 22, x 134, in which he says that Innocent had fled to
Pisa by night after Lothar's departure, and that with Roger's help
he was preparing to exterminate illos perjuros nostros^ Leo Fraia-
panem, &c.
' Est Casaris propriam vendicare coronam ab usurpatore Siculo,
S. Bernard, Ep. 139.
436 HISTORY OF ROME
Alps in September. Some Lombard cities now felt
the edge of his sword, others were terrified into
all^iance. He advanced along the coast through
the marches to Apulia in the spring of 1137, while
his son-in-law Henry proceeded by Florence to
Viterbo. These two armies, besi^ing or destroying
cities, forcing their way by fire and sword, resembled
(like all such processions to Rome) streams of lava,
which ran crackling over Italy, only quickly to grow
cold. Henry the Proud, now also titular Duke of
Tuscany, conducted Innocent by Sutri to Latium,
invariably laying waste such districts as recog-
nised Anaclete.^ But with surprise the anti-pope
watched, from the battlements of S. Angelo, the
threatening hosts pass by ; his rival, returning after
a four years' exile, could not delay to overcome the
diflSculties which the city presented ; he merely
s. Bernard sent the Abbot Bernard to conquer it by his pious
ome. eloquence, and himself proceeded with Duke Henry
past Albano through Latium, which he subjugated,
and onwards to S. Germano and Benevento, reach-
ing the southern city on May 23.* After a brief
^ This gave occasion to disputes between Henry and the Pope, as,
for example, on account of Viterbo, which held partly to Innocent,
partly to Anaclete. Sutri, the former residence of Wibert and of
Burdinus, was in fieivour of Anaclete. Annal, Saxo^ p. 773, in which
Roman Tuscany is called Romania, and distinguished from Campania.
See, on these relations, W. Bemhardi, Lotkar^ &c., p. 692 £
* Otto of Freising, Chr., vii. 19 : apud Albam stiburbia dvitatis
sibiresisteremtentu^anieexpugnaverai, i.e., Henricusdux, — Rotnam
quidem ingredi noluit, ne in Romanor. negotHs impediretur : Falco,
p. 12a The account of Falco, who was at the time returning to
Benevento after a three years' exile, deserves to be read. Innocent
was again prevented by fear from entering Benevento. It was
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 437
resistance Benevento yielded ; Capua also received
its legitimate ruler, and Henry, Innocent, and
Lothar could joyfully clasp hands in blood-stained
Bari.
In vain Roger offered peace ; his overtures were
rejected, and, since Pisan and Genoese vessels sup-
ported the army on land, he was unable to prevent the
fall of almost all the cities of Apulia, He escaped Lothar
to Sicily, and Lothar's triumphs served to extend Roger out
the imperial power for the first time over the whole ^f Apulia.
of Southern Italy. Robert was restored in Capua,
Rainulf was made Duke of Apulia, and Sergius again
breathed freely in Naples. Nevertheless, since the
German emperors speedily turned homewards and
left no garrison behind, their most triumphant
successes in Italy were necessarily transient ; the
profits of their exertions were generally reaped by
the shrewd popes, as whose armed advocates the
emperors consented to be employed. The valiant
German army impatiently clamoured to return home,
and loudly and frequently denounced the Pope,
whose selfishness had been the cause of this fatal
war. Lothar had done enough for Innocent, and in
Apulia and Salerno (over which the Pope claimed
exclusive feudal supremacy) had already discovered
that no thanks were to be gained, and that the Pope
would merely make use of him as of an obliging
probably at this time that the Counts of Ceccano yielded allegiance.
Count John tendered the oath of vassalage to the Pope [fecit et ligium
hominium) and received investiture by a chalice {cuppa argentea
deauratd). The remarkable deed of investiture is given in the History
of the Frangipani by Panvinius, p. 217 ; but is absent firom the Codex
Diplom, of Theiner.
438 HISTORY OF ROME
general.^ The thought of Roger alone prevented
the breach, but as early as September the Emperor
moved to Farfa by way of Monte Casino, Ceprano,
Palestrina, and TivolL He did not enter Rome.
The imperial party, however, had already brought
him the insignia of the patriciate to San Germano,
and the most powerful nobleman in Latium, Ptolemy
of Tusculum, had done homage to him and the Pope.
In return Ptolemy was acknowledged as a prince
of the empire and obtained the ratification of his
Lothar's possessions. The Emperor left the Pope to his fate
A^'uJ"^"' and continued his march to the north.*
Scarcely had he departed when King Roger
returned from Sicily, burning for revenge ; his
Saracen soldiers fell on Apulia and Calabria and
committed horrible destruction. Capua, Benevento,
Salerno, Naples, several fortresses, surrendered in the
first panic. Robert of Capua fled ; Sergius of Naples
tendered the oath of vassalage. The heroic Rainulf
alone resisted for some time with courage and success,
but in spite of his splendid victory at Ragnano, on
^ The Emperor and Pope remained thirty days in dispute concerning
the investiture of Apulia ; finally, the former holding the banner by
the staff, the latter by the top, handed it to Rainulf ; a scene which
was unworthy of the Emperor. Falco, A. 1137, p. 122; Romuald,
p. 189 ; Otto of Freising, Chr,^ viL 2a
' Ipse in cvoUate (.S. Germant) coronam ctrcuii pahicialis accepturm
remansii, Petr. Diacon., iv. c 119. Rex Lotharius — ab ingressu
abstifiuit urdis JRoma, quia duarum ck sede Apost, coniendentium
prelia et seditioties nequivii c&mpescere : Sigeb., Ccntin, GembLyOdA,
1 137. Innocent was in Tivoli on October 3 ; he then accompanied
Lothar to Farfiei : post kec data et accepta hofiwrijice ab imperatore et
principibus iicentia^ papa remeamt in sua {Anna/, Saxo, A. 1137,
P- 775).
IN TH£ MIDDLE AGES. 439
October 30, he was able to retain nothing more
of his dukedom than a few fortified towns. The
Emperor's glorious campaign consequently passed
by like a hurricane ; the victories so dearly bought
proved to have been all in vain. They merely
served to adorn Lothar's noble old age with fresh
but unprofitable laurels. The Emperor, esteemed
by friend and foe on account of his gentleness,
wisdom, and valour, brought, like so many of his
German predecessors and successors, the seeds of
death back with him from Italy, and died in an Death
of ih^
Alpine hut in the Tyrol on December 3, 11 37. Emperor
Lothar,
Dec. 3,
"37.
3. Innocent II. returns to Rome — Death of Anaclete
II. — ^Victor IV. Anti-Pope — Rome submits to
Innocent II. — The Cistercian Monastery ad
Aquas Salvias — Lateran Council in 1139 —
Innocent II. makes War against Roger I. — He
IS MADE Prisoner, and recognises the Sicilian
Monarchy — Peaceful activity of the Pope in
Rome — ^War between the Romans and Tivoli
— Innocent takes Tivoli under his protection
— The Romans rise, and install the Senate on
THE Capitol — Death of Innocent II.
Owing to Bernard's influence Innocent found
Rome inclined in his favour. Anaclete, it is true,
still held S. Peter's and S. Angelo, but his party
waned in strength. Roger alone refused to recognise
Innocent II. The shrewd prince accepted the
position which Lothar had declined; and in order
to turn to his own advantage the schism, which he
440 HISTORY OF ROME
alone upheld, constituted himself judge over the two
popes. He listened with patience to Bernard's
exhortations in Salerno, and allowed the excited
cardinals of both sides to dispute for whole days in
Death of his presence, but withheld his decision. The death
ii?f Tan? of Anaclete, however, released Innocent from his
25, "38- perplexity. The son of Pierleone died on January
25, 1 138, after having courageously filled S. Peter's
chair for nearly eight years and having bravely re-
sisted two expeditions against Rome, the last of
which had been one of the most splendid triumphs
of the German emperors. The Bemardines rejoiced
at his death ; but during a pontificate passed in the
midst of terror and distress, not a single unprejudiced
voice accuses this man, who, though uncanonically
elected was originally entitled to the chair, of such
sins as dishonoured many a lawful pope.^
Anaclete's party now hastened to entreat Rcger
to give them another pope, and, with the sanction of
the King, they put forward Cardinal Gregory as
Victor IV. in March. The schism, however, had no
^ His memory is preserved in Rome by an inscription in S. Lorenzo
in Ludna; A,D, M,CXXX, a, vero Dompni Amuleti Sedi Pape
Prima Ind, VI I L M, Madio D»XX, quinta dedicata est hac
Ecia, ... To his Bull, concerning the Capitol, I shall refer later.
Another relating to the basilica of the twelve apostles, to which he
ceded the church of S. Abbacjnrus, runs : dai, Roma ap, S. Petrumper
man, Saxonis S. P. E. Prasbr. Card, et Cancellar. VllI, Kal, Maji
in die octavo. A, d. Incam, M,CXXX, Pont, autem AnacUti
Papa II, a, primo. This Bull, agned by seventeen cardinals, is in
the Micr. Vatican, 5560 {History of the Basilica XII, Apostol, by
Volateranus). The chui^ S. Abbacyrus or of SS, Ciro abate e
Giovanni stood under Magnanapoli, and was also called S. Pacera.
AdinoUi, Roma n, e, di Maso, iL 3i«
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 44 1
longer any solid foundation. It merely served the
Romans as a means of obtaining more fi^ourable
conditions of peace, and S. Bernard was able to lead
the cardinal, a repentant sinner, to the feet of his
prot^gi. Anaclete's brothers, like all other Romans,
silenced by large sums of money, acknowledged innocent
Innocent II. as their Pope and ruler at Whitsuntide.* nised^in^
A lasting peace was concluded with the family of ^^""^
the Pierleoni; they retained their power at the
papal court, and Innocent even distinguished them
by honours and offices.* Bernard could now leave
Rome with a mind at ease ; the conquest of the
Pierleone schism (the rabies leonina), and the restora-
tion of the unity of the Church were in great meas-
ure his work, and his devoted admirers called him,
like Cicero, the Father of his country. The once
celebrated and formerly wealthy monastery ad Aquas
Salvias^ behind S. Paul's, may be regarded as a
monument of the saint in Rome ; since, after it had
remained in ruin a considerable time, Innocent II. re-
^ In octams PenUcosies ipsa die complevit Deus desiderium nostrum :
Ecclesia unitatem, et urbi dando pacem. Nam ilia die filU Petri
Leonis omnes simul humiliaverunt se ad pedes D, Papa, &c. S. Bern.
Ep. 320. Vita S, Bern,, ii. c. 7. Falco, p. 125 : fratres Anacleti-^
cum D, Innoc, Papa pads Jirmamentum composuerunt, Aragon,
p. 436. Innoceniius autem immensa infilios Petri Leonis tt in his
qui eis adharebant pecunia profligata iUos ad suam partem attraxit :
Petr. Diacon., iv., last chapter.
' In 1 142 Leo Pierleone and his son Peter were delegates of the
Pope in Sutri, Ego Caccialupus Sutrine civ, dei gr, judex auctor. et
precepio d» Leonis Petri Leonis et Petri fiUi efus civitatis Sutrine
presidiSj a d, Innocentio II, P, dekgatorum, in quor, pres, pop,
Sutrinus causa justitiam fadendi congregatus erat, . . . (Mittarelli,
iii. n. 257). The office of the delegates is here apparent ; the dele-
gates were, however, at this time Roman nobles, not Monsignori.
442 HISTORY OF ROME
built the monastery and installed within it Cistercians
from Clairvaux, under the Abbot Bernard of Pisa,
a pupil of the great mystic.^ Soon afterwards the
Cistercians settled in the Latin Campagna, where
they took possession of the convent of CasamarL*
Lateran During the Lent of 1 1 39 a Lateran Council solemnly
1139?" announced the end of the schism ; Anaclete's acts
were annulled, Roger was again excommunicated,
and the doctrines of Arnold of Brescia (a than who
was soon to make his appearance in Rome) were
condemned.* Meanwhile the peace of the Church
^ VitaS. Bemh,^ ii, c. 7. Manrique, Annal, Cisterc,, A. 1 140,
c. viii. A more recent inscription on the portico of the convent
church calls Innocent II. ex Famiiia Anicia Papia ei Paparesca
nunc Matthaia. The Anicii are the fixed idea of Roman families.
Charles the Great is represented as having presented twelve Tuscan
towns to the abbey ; we may read their names under their obliterated
portraits at the entrance. That this was no fiction is shown, with
reference, at least, to Portercole, by Ag. Chigi's biography of the later
Pope, Alexander VII. (Cugnoni, Agostmo Chigi U Magmfico^ Rome,
1878, p. 39), wherein we learn that Portercole and the surrounding
country belonged to the monastery of S. Anastasio ; in 1286 the
convent invested Count Ildebrandino with the harbour, of which
Siena had then seized possession. The towns of Nemi and Genzano
belonged to the monastery as late as the fourteenth century (Extracts
from the register of S. Anastasio in the Arch, d, Soc, Romana^ vol. i.).
Ughelli, formerly abbot of this monastery, author of liaiia Sacra^ is
buried here.
* This monastery, afterwards celebrated for its Gothic church, was
founded by Verulans about 1036, according to tradition, on property
which had belonged to C. Marius (consequently Casa Marit), It
received Cistercians from Clairvaux. Rondinini, Brevis Histcria
Monaiterii S, Maria et Sanctor, Johis et Pcudide Casamario, 1707.
' Otto of Freisingy CAr., vii. c 23. Among the decrees of the
Council (Mansi, xxL 523) the prohibition of the clergy : leges iemporaks^
et medicinam gracia lucri UmponUis addiscere ; the inviolability of the
clergy through lay hands ; the prohibition of the tournaments which
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 443
remained incomplete so long as it was unratified by
the powerful King of Sicily. No other enemy was left
to trouble Innocent save this astute prince, against
whose obstinacy all n^otiations were shattered. In
order to extort the recognition of his monarchy from
the Pope he still held his sword over Rome; the
hope that a last reaction would ruin his kingdom
was dissolved, for Duke Rainulf, one of the most
prominent men of the time and the King's only rival
of equal birth, died suddenly in Troja, on April
30> II39« As Roger immediately threw himself on
Rainulfs cities, all of which, even Troja and Bari,
surrendered, Innocent resolved on war. He collected
an army, many Romans of position took service^
and, accompanied by the exile Robert of Capua, he
marched to S. Germano, to venture, more thoughtless
than Leo IX. and Honorius II., on an unequal innocent
struggle. The repetition of the same fate is a"^™^^^
remarkable feature in the history of the popes, whose Roger,
temporal enterprises were so justly punished.* From
S. Germano the Pope held negotiations with Roger,
who refused to restore the princes of Capua. The
King determined to put an end to the tedious
discussion by a daring stroke, as Henry V. had
were beginning : detestabiUs auiem ilias nundinas vdferias^ in quibus
miliies e condicto canvemre solent^ ei ad ostentaiiotum virium suarum
€t ttudacia temeraria amgreditiniur^ unde morUs hominum . . .
(n. xiv.). Christian burial was refused to the killed in tournament
(Council at Rheims in 1157, Ctman iv.)*
^ Muratori justly says with regard to this : a ati (Innocensu)) e agii
altri suoi succ$ssori rtolU Dio dare un nuaw ricordo di quel versttto
del Salmo : Hi in curribus et in equis : nos auiem in nomine Dei
nostri invocavimus^
444 HISTORY OF ROME
previously done. While the papal troops laid siege
to Galuzzo, he ordered his son Roger with a thousand
horse to lie in ambush for Innocent The under-
andis taking was quickly and successfully accomplished.
J^nCT. After a wild scene of pillage, flight, and imprison-
ment, the Pope, his chancellor Haimerich, and many
Roman nobles and cardinals were led to Roger's
tent. Robert of Capua was only saved by the
fleetness of his horse.^ The King and his sons, with
true Norman humility, threw themselves at the feet
of their prisoner; they smilingly implored mercy
and peace, and, after a brief struggle between
reluctant shame and eloquent fear, the Pope
released Roger from the ban; at Mignano on
He July 25, 1 1 39, he ratified "the illustrious and cele-
rerognises |j,^|.gj King " and his heirs in the possession of the
the two^ °^ kingdom of Sicily and of all the lands which they
Sicilies, had couquered, with the exception of Benevento.*
11^^^' Thus were Lothar's costly exertions, which had
aimed at the annihilation of this kingdom, denounced
by the Pope as folly. The only act of Anaclete
^ The Chronicle of Fossa Nova also mentions the Prefect : tunc
Papa et prafecius^ et Dux Robertus cum multis venientes apud S.
Germanum — €t facta est redemptio tacenda, Teobaldus is again
mentioned as Prefect on April 4, 1 139, in a document wherein the
Abbot of S. Gr^orio cites Oddo de Poli before the Lateran Comidl
(Mansi, xxi. 542). There, too, the son of the well-known Prefect
of Paschalis's time appears : Oddo misit ad dom. Papam Petrum de
Aniegia, et Petrum Petri prafectifilium.
' Falco ; according to him the Pope was taken X» die stante m.
Ju/ii, therefore by his reckoning July 22 ; the Bull of Investiture
•* Quos dispensatio " is dated IV, Kal, Aug, (Mansi, xxi. 396). Con-
cerning these events, see W. Bembardi, Jahrb, der deutsck, Gesch,
KonradllL^ i. 151 ff.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 445
which he recognised was the foundation of the
Sicilian monarchy. In vain the last I^itimate
Duke of Capua protested ; his beautiful principality
fell to Roger's son Anfusus. Roger, the successor
to the throne, was invested with Apulia, and after
the ancient Byzantine duchy of Naples had sur-
rendered, an enterprising prince, who shrunk from
no crime, ruled over the finest provinces of Italy,
which he united, for the first time since Gothic days,
in one kingdom.* The foundation of this kingdom
produced a profound sensation in the world; the
destruction, accomplished with so much artifice and
energy, of states which had formerly been inde-
pendent, gave rise to suspicions of further designs
on the part of the usurper. Foreign countries
greeted the victorious robber with the wish that
** unhappy Tuscany " might share the good fortune
of being united to the Sicilian monarchy.^ Through-
^ The documents of the Manum, Regit NeapoL Archivii reckon
even to the last, according to the era of the Byzantine emperors.
The last Duke of Naples fell at Ragnano as Roger's vassal in 1137.
In August 1 1 39 the Neapolitan envoys came to Benevento to make
submission to Roger. Falco, A. 11 39. Roger had measurements
taken of the circumference of Naples ; the city was 2363 paces in
circumference (Falco, p. 132). Aiter 1062 Gseta remained subject to
Capua, although it had its own dukes down to Riccardus Bartolomei
about 1 135, when Roger's son Anfusus became duke.
' Utinam, in^uam, miserabilis aique infelicis Tuscia partes felici
vestro imperio cum adjacenlibus prcvinciis adjungerentur^ et res
perditissinuB pacifico regni vesiri carport unirentttr ; the language of
to-day. Thus wrote to Roger the Abbot Peter of Cluny (Baron., A.
1 139, n. 20), indignant at being plundered by robbers near Luni,
when returning from the Council of Pisa in t 134. Roger acquired the
favour of the French religious orders, and even of Bernard, by bringmg
Cistercians to Sicily.
446 HISTORY OF ROME
out the rest of Italy, however, no voice was heard
expressing the desire for union with the government
of a despot If the existence of the Roman ecclesi-
astical State could ever have been a benefit to Italy
and her free cities, it was so now, when it acted as
a bulwark against the lust of conquest of the
Norman kings. Italy, however, presented the curious
spectacle of a harsh political contradiction. While,
after the fall of the ancient maritime republics of
Amalfi, Gseta, Naples, Salerno, and Sorrento, the
South fell a sacrifice for ever to the tyranny of a
feudal monarchy, the city republics in the North
(the ties which bound them to the empire having
fortunately been severed) rose to their full vigour
and bestowed a second civilisation and a second
immortality upon Italy.
Innocent left Benevento on September 29 for
Rome, and here, as formerly Leo IX., was received
with honour, but at the same time with bitter
criticism. Demands were also made urging him to
set aside the treaty which Roger had extorted from
him, but the circumspect Pope comforted himself
with the thought that it had pleased God that the
Church should buy this peace through the papal
disgrace.^ Neither did he issue from this humilia-
tion without advantage, since Sicily henceforward
acknowledged herself a fief not of the Emperor but
of the Pope, to whom the rights of the empire had
^ It was naturally the cardinals who whispered to this effect,
although Faico says it of the Roman people. Benevento had long
been administered through cardinals; thus arose the office of the
cardinal-l^;ates as governors.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 447
been transferred in his one-sided peace with the
usurper.
Innocent II., protected by Roger I., now occupied
himself with the concerns of the city. He strove
to restore the relations of property, to secure the
administration of justice, to maintain the peace of
God, in short, to be the beneficent ruler of Rome,
where belief in the temporal power of the Pope had
been forgotten during the schism.^ The solitary
eulogy on Rome's happy condition was nevertheless
either merely an expression of flattery, or it was
soon enough reversed by events which introduced
a new epoch into the history of the city with
astonishing suddenness.^ The cause was a civic
war.
Little Tivoli, fired by the spirit of liberty and The town
resistance, roused the ire of the Romans ; its bishop ^
had long enjoyed exemption from the jurisdiction
of the count, and, as in Benevento, only a rector
watched over the sovereign rights of the Pope in
what was formerly a county. The Tivolese already
possessed a tolerably free municipal constitution ;
they even made war on their neighbours, more
^ He fixed a salary of 100 pounds for judges and notaries. Card.
Arag. , p. 436. The procedure follows the tzaditional forms. In 1 139
Innocent presided in person at the trial of Oddo de Poll, a robber of
convent property; the judges are bishops, cardinals, Theobald,
Prefect of the city, Cencius, and Oddo Frajapana, Leo Petri Leonis
with his brothers, and others (Mansi, xxi. 542). The monks in
Grotta Ferrata presented a complaint against Ptolemy of Tusculum,
who had seized several of their estates, February 23, December 24,
1140. Studi e Doc. di Storiae DirittOy Roma, 1886, p. 13.
' Rome's happy condition : post muUifarias egestcUes in brevi
civUas opuknta refloret ... is extolled in the VUaS. Bern,, ii. c. 7.
448 HISTORY OF ROME
especially on the Abbot of Subiaco, and it is scarcely
probable that they always acted under the authority
of their bishop.^ During the struggle for inves-
titures we saw the town take the part of the anti-
popes; Paschalis II. had with difficulty reduced it
to subjection, Innocent II. had apparently snatched
it from Anaclete by means of Lothar's forces, but it
soon again revolted. As the sons of Roger marched
against the Abruzzi in 1140, and subjugated the
frontier towns on the Liris, the Tivolese fortified
their town to defend it against a sudden attack.^
Innocent, however, was reassured by Roger, whose
sons did not cross the boundary. But Tivoli found
itself at strife with the Pope as early as 11 39, soon
after in open revolt against him, and at war with
^ TibuT was still called a county ; a John Stephani, Tihurtinus
comes, appears in an act of Christian of Mainz, legate of Italy, Siena,
March 19, 1 1 72 (Bohmer, Acta Imp, Sel, 889). An inscription of
1 140 speaks of publica contio regionum and of the Pop, Tidurtinus,
A treaty of commerce between Gseta and Marinus of Circeum of the
year 1132 shows the autonomy of the country towns in Roman
territory ; Marinus here pledges himself : cum Terradnensibus pacem et
treguam nonfacitmus situ vestra liccnita, et si <iUquando vos GcUani
guerrcun cum Terracin, kadueritis, adjuvabimus vos — cum armis,
equis et personis nostris. No mention is made of the Pope. Giorgi,
De Cathedra EpiscopcUi Setia Civitaiis, Rome, 1727, App. v.
' Chr, Fossa Nova : Ind, III, venit rex Sicilia, et JUii ejus m,
Julio ceperunt Soram^ Arcem et usque Ceperanum. Two inscriptions
from S. Angelo in Valle Arcese, now affixed to the wall of the atrium
of S. Maria in Cosmedin, refer to this. The first : Regis itaque Siculi
Rogeriipotestas immoderate crescens, . . . Tiburtinus cUprendens PP,
ipopulus) valde timuit, Et munire infirmioraloca civitatis, &c., &c.
The second, in which Tebaldus Rector appears, is dated Anno Dni.
MCXL. Anne XL Papatus Dm, Innocentii Sedi PP, M, Aug, D.
Till, Crescimbeni, Storia di S, M, in Cosmedin, pp. 48 and 54 ;
Viola, Storia di Tivoli, u, 160.
X .
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 449
Rome.i The causes of this war are unknown ; the Disastrous
Pope may perhaps have desired to place a Roman Romans
garrison in Tivoli ; he undoubtedly contemplated ^^^.^7*^°"'
curbing its aspirations towards civic freedom, as he
intended curbing the like aspirations in Rome and
in all the cities in the ecclesiastical State.
The civic wars in Lombardy and Tuscany were
now repeated in Rome. It redounded, however, little
to the honour of the capital of the world to find
herself at strife with insignificant Latin towns, as in
her childhood during the days of Coriolanus and
the Decii ; and it was a serious disgrace to suffer a
defeat from the Tivolese, The besieged were pro-
tected by the strong position of the town, situated
over the gorge of the Anio ; a courageous attack on
the Roman camp drove the illustrious consuls, who
had written such haughty letters to the Emperor,
to flight. The Roman militia were thrust back to
the walls of the city by the burghers of Tivoli,^
Ashamed and burning with indignation, the Romans
returned the following year under the command of
the Prefect Theobald, and Innocent himself en-
^ The war with Tivoli b^an as early as 1 140 ; this is shown by the
placitum concerning Oddo de Poli (Mansi, xxi. 542}, the close of
which says : Sed quia inter donu Papam ac Tiburtinos controversia
emerserit,
' That the course of the Anio was diverted at this time, and that
the river was made to flow beside the Roman camp, is a civic legend,
which is improved by Viola. Italian chronicles fail the historian,
and Rome is obliged to rely on a German bishop for information
concerning events so remarkable. Otto of Freising, Chroti,^ vii. c.
27 : dum cum pontifice sua in obsidione prof, civitatis nwrarentur^
cimbus egressis^ et cum ipsis manum conserentibus, muHis amissis
spoliis^ turpiter infugam conversi sunt,
VOL. IV. 2 G
4SO HISTORY OF ROME
couraged their eflforts against the rebellious strong-
hold.i Enclosed and attacked on every side, the
Tivolese at length surrendered, not to the Romans,
Tivoii but to the Pope, as they had formerly surrendered
to the ^^ to Sylvester II. The incidents of Otto III/s time
Pope. were repeated. We still possess the instrument of
peace, in which the citizens of Tivoii swore to keep
faith to S. Peter and to the canonical popes : neither
by counsel or deed to aid in depriving the Pope of
life, limbs, or freedom; to reveal any evil designs
against him; to keep secret the contents of his
embassies ; to help him in upholding the Papacy in
Rome, in the town of Tivoii and its domains, the
fortress at the Pons Lucanus, the fortress of Vico-
varo, S. Polus, Boveranum, Cantalupus, Burdellum,
Cicilianum, and other royalties of S. Peter's ; lastly,
to give the county and rectorate of Tivoii into the
power of the Pope.^
The Romans, hearing of this treaty, were seized
with fierce indignation ; the Pope had deprived
' A Bull of Innocent II., dated May 19, i« Mon/e Tiburiim (Jaffe,
n. 5853) : probably during the second siege. The Chronicle of Sicard
(Murat., vii. 598) says rightly : A. dom, 1142 Jnnocentim — Tiburtwn
obsedit,
* Juramentum Ttburtifiorum, unfortunately without date or signa-
tures, from Cencius in Muratori, Atitiq, It,^ 6, 251 (not given by
Theiner) : Ego Hie ab hoc hora in anteafidelis ero b. Peiro et dno nieo
Pp, Innoc, ejusque successorib, canonice intraniib, Non ero in facto
fteque in consilio out in consensu ut vitam perdant aut membrum vel
capianiur mala captions, . . . Papatum romanum, civitatem Tibter-
tinam, Donnicaturas (Domains) et regalia que romani pantificesy &c.
The places mentioned in the text were tributary to the Curia. Comi-
tatum quoque et rectoriam ejusdem civitatis tiburtine in potestate dni
pp. Innccentiif et successor, ejus libere dimittam. The guarantee on
the part of the Pope has not been preserved.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 45 1
them of a town which they themselves had con-
quered, and which the Roman people claimed the
right to govern ; he had even usurped the power of
the count. They determined to avenge their defeat
by the destruction of Tivoli. They urged Innocent The
to carry out their resolve, but he refused. When, d«nand
143 years earlier, Sylvester II. had rejected theJJ^^^J^"^
same demand of the Romans, the consequence had
been a revolt, to which the imperial and papal
powers had both fallen victims ; the result of Inno-
cent's refusal was a still fiercer insurrection in Rome,
to which the temporal rule of the popes fell a sacri-
fice. At no period of our history do we regret the
poverty of our authorities so deeply as here, where
the question is one of such a memorable revolution.
No Roman annalist has thrown any light upon the
circumstances.^ But some historians casually men-
tion that the Indignant Romans hastened to the
Capitol, restored the long extinct Senate, and re-
newed the war against Tivoli. They relate that the fwd rise ia
Pope, afraid of losing the temporal power for good, tionf^*
lavished threats, entreaties, and gold to quell the
tumult, in the midst of which he was released by
death.2
^ The Hishry of M, Casino breaks off at 1 138, the Chronuh of
Faico at 1 140 ; Romuald and the ChromcU of Fossa Nova are silent.
' Otto of Freising, vii. c. 27 : dum^tam inhumana pttitumi
annuen nollet^ seditionem iidem Romani mwent — in Capitoiio
conveniinieSf antiquam Urbis dignitatem rencvare cupientes^ ordintm
senaiorum^ qm jam per mtdta curricula tetnporum deperierat^ con-
stituuntf et rursus cum Tiburtinis bellum innovant, .Gottfried
Pantheon (Murat., vii. 460) says the same in other words, and so do
Hermanni AUcthensis Annalcs {Mm, Gertn,, xviL 381}, Card.
Aragon : circa finem vero sui ponti/icatus Ftp, Fom, ncvitcUis
452 HISTORY OF ROME
Innocent II., who had spent half of his pontificate
in exile, or, like a general, in military expeditions,
saw the temporal government of S. Peter shattered ;
the sceptre of Rome fell from his dying hand ; and
Death of he passed away on September 24, 1 143, the victim
II., Sept. of sorrow and excitement, while the hoary Capitol
24i "43- re-echoed to the rejoicings of the republicans.
With Innocent the Gregorian age of the city ended,
and a new and memorable period dawned, the char-
acter of which will be described in the following
chapter.^
amator sttd vela/nento utilitatis RespublUa contra ipsius voluntatem
in Capitolium Senatum erexit, Nothiog more.
^ He was buried in the Lateran in amcha porphyretica^ qua fiUt
Adriani Imperatoris sepuitura (Joh. Diacon.; Mabillon, Mus,^ ii.
568). The basilica afterwards fell in and destroyed the monument,
when Innocent's ashes were brought to S. Maria in Trastevere. The
inscription there says : Hie Requiescttnt Vencrabilia Ossa Sanctissimcs
Menwria Domini Innocentii Papa Secundi De Doino Paparescorum
Qui Prasintem Ecclesiam Ad Hofiorem Dei Geniiricis Maria Sicut
Est A. Fundamentis Sumptibus Propriis Renovavit, Galletti,
Inscrp, Class,, n. 46, n. 47. In n. 43 an inscription from S. Thomas
in Parione, a church which the Pope had consecrated on December
21, 1139.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 453
CHAPTER IV.
I, Internal conditions of the City of Rome —
The Burgher Class — The Companies of the
Militia — Burgher Nobility — Patrician Nobility
— Country Nobility — Decay of the Roman
Landgraves — Oligarchy of the Consules
RoMANORUM — Rise of the Burgher Class —
Foundation of the Civic Commune — The great
Feudal Nobility remain faithful to the Pope.
The installation of the Senate was the result noThedvic
less of the already developed freedom of the Lorn- 1^3." "'
bard cities, than of the peculiar conditions of Rome.
From the eleventh century these cities had already
acquired their autonomy under the shadow of the
Church, which had previously held them in tutelage.
The Ottos, and still more the emperors of the Salic
house, had by degrees made over to the bishops the
power of counts, and at the same time had bestowed
many privileges on the cities. The cities gradually
deprived the bishops of their jurisdiction, and be-
came communes with their own magistrates. The
citizens of strongly fortified towns made use of the
struggle between Church and State, which not only
weakened the bishoprics but also dissolved the union
with the empire, to rise to the surface between the
two enfeebled powers as a third and youthful force.
454 HISTORY OF ROME
In the beginning of the twelfth century the greater
number of communes in Lombardy, Tuscany, the
Romagna, and the Marches were governed by con-
suls annually elected, into whose hands the power
formerly wielded by the count, as well as the larger
part of the public revenues, had fallen.^
The sight of free republics irritated the Romans.
At a time when so many other cities had renounced
episcopal authority, their city still remained under
the sovereignty of a bishop. They must now shake
off this sovereignty. But their bishop was the pope.
And the pope's territorial supremacy had not arisen
recently, like that of the bishops, from privilegia of
exemption, but dated at least from the Prankish
Constitution. Civil wars, schism, and long exile had
weakened the papal supremacy like the imperial
power ; nevertheless, in spite of recurring periods of
impotence in temporal matters, the Bishop of Rome
could always advance powerful defenders for his
Dominium Temporale. Such were his sacred
papacy, the expeditions of the emperors to Rome,
the Normans, the revenues of Christendom. Thus
Lombard cities became free and Rome did not,
although earlier than they she had struggled for her
freedom under Alberic and the Crescentii.
We have spoken of the internal hindrances to the
autonomy of the city. Milan, Pisa, Plorence, Genoa
^ Concernmg the Italian democracies we may refer to the often-
quoted works of Savigny, Leo, Hegel, Troya, and Bethmann-Hollw^.
Neither these writers, however, nor the historians of the Roman
Senate, have traced the development of the civic constitution. I have
here made the first comparatively scientific attempt to deal with the
sources of its history.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 455
attained liberty and wealth by means of a patriotic
nobility and by the energy of a great citizen class, Nobility
who obliged the nobles to seek a post of honour©? RSme!
beside them on the Council board. In Rome there
were but two lay classes — the nobility and the
populace. The nobility shared honour and power
with the clergy, and the populace, owing to the
unproductive nature of the city, remained condemned
to take no part in political life. In the twelfth
century no defensive association existed between
the free citizens of Rome, such as existed in other
cities. Documents show us Roman nobles freight-
ing vessels or making commercial contracts, but the
Roman merchant class does not yet come promi-
nently forward ; shopkeepers and money-changers
are alone spoken of in the acts of this period, and
are distinguished by the trivial epithet of " Magnifi-
cus." ^ The scholae and guilds undoubtedly continued
under their ancient forms, but they remained under
the patronage of the great.*
^ I have already noticed the commercial treaty of Ptolemy of
Tuscolum, also that of Bellus with the Consuls of G^ta. Confirmare
facimus tibi Bella Romano — et tuis rebus, vestrisque navidiiSt cum
omnibus bonis vestris, que in ipsis navidiis habebitis, velqtu a Romanis
super vos ad usuras accipietis . . , {Georgii Dissertatio — SetiaCtvii,
AppV.).
* Bonofilium jure viatrificum aurificem^ A. 1035. (Galletti, Del,
prim,, p. 274, explains this. as orefice matricolato\ Bcvo prior
Oleariorum, A. 1029 {Mscr, Vat, of Galletti, n. 7931, p. 42).
Rainerius patronus scole saftdalariorum (sailors) pro Petro de Rosa
priore dicte scole, et pro omnibus scolensibus ; this corporation confirms
Farfa in possession of the harbour of Correse {Reg, Farfa,, fol. 1180).
A barbarous document from S, Maria in Via Lata, A. 103 1, contuns
the Pactum {siipulum obligationis) of a guild of gardeners (oriulani) :
vobis Amatum magnif, virum vite tue diebus eligimus Hbi ad priorem
4S6 HISTORY OF ROME
The only political defensive association of the
Roman citizens was the militia, with its guild*
companies and their captains.^ The burgher class
capable of bearing arms, who were possessed of
independent property and full citizenship, were
divided according to regions, of which twelve were
contained in the city, while Trastevere was still
traditionally designated as the fourteenth region.*
We can only suppose these companies to have been
ftostrum. Id est spondimus — iibi ut vite ttu diebus sicut honum
priorem tihi tenemus et non disrumpimus scolam^ quod teatm facta
Aademus. They appoint him judge of the scolenses under them ; a
superior court is the association of the priors of the remaining
gardener's guilds — Et per singulos anttos singulus unus ex nobis tibi
dare spondimus hopera una vtanuale {Mscr^ Vat, of Galletti, S048,
p. 97).
^ The ancient formula numerus militum seu batidus is still heard,
as also the designations of the presidents. In 1145 a Scola Militwn
leases to the convent of S. Alessio a piece of ground near the Pyramid
(Meta) of C. Cestius : Tholovianis qd, fiL Fault Johannis de Guiniczo^
Prior scole Militum— cum Tedelgario — ejusd, scole secundo^ et Amina-
dab Tertio ejusd. scole (Nerini, App, ix.).
* We remember how the twelve regions of the city, the island and
Trastevere hastened to the rescue of Gelasius on the Capitol. In a
document from S. Maria in Trastevere in 1 037, we find : Regione
quartadecima Transtiberini {Mscr, Vatican, ^ 8051, of Galletti, p. 6).
The city proper had twelve regions. The thirteenth is never men-
tioned ; Trastevere was still traditionally regarded as the fourteenth.
It is scarcely probable that the papal Leonina had the right of
appointing delegates, and the island in the Tiber was too small to form
a region of itself (the thirteenth). In the time of Riena there were
only thirteen oflficial regions, and not until 1586 did the Leonina
appear as the fourteenth (Borgo). I am consequently of opinion that
in the twelfth century also only thirteen official regions existed. For
although the number of the Senators (fifty-six, of whom later) then
seems in favour of fourteen regions, reckoning four representatives for
each region, yet the number of Uie Senators for each region might
be determined by the size and population of the quarters of the city.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 457
}X)ssessed of a vote in public affairs, as when they rhe
took part in the election of the prefect, assented class and
by acclamation to the election of the pope, and were *^® "^"^*"
summoned occasionally by the ruling nobility and
even by the pope to the Capitol to confirm resolu-
tions as the Populus Romanus. In a poor city a
citizen could not acquire respect by his property, but
only by means of arms, and in such a warlike period
even the Roman militia was a force. Through this
association under a banner {pandus\ the citizen class
acquired a political right and the power of resistance
against the feudal rule of the nobility. Moreover,
out of the mass of the free citizens some families
already emerged, who rivalled the nobility both in
long descent and wealth ; these formed an upper
burgher class, and by degrees passed into the aris-
tocracy or became new senatorial families. Since
the Roman nobility never, as in Venice, became a
close corporation, it is as a rule impossible to separate
illustrious burgher houses from the patrician families.
For old houses fell to decay and new houses arose,
and, like the Pierleoni, suddenly entered the ranks
of captains and princes. This remains the case in
Rome to the present day, where tenure made and still
makes the duke and baron.
There were consequently in Rome an older and
a more recent nobility of many families, who, with The
their clients, formed, as it were, clans. These patri- pg^^dan
cians no longer showed their guests the wax masks fa™iMes.
of their illustrious ancestors in their dwelling rooms.
They, nevertheless, claimed descent from the Anicii
and Maximi, from Julius Cxsar and Octavian ; and
458 HISTORY OF ROME
it may have been that a few of them were actually
the degenerate descendants of ancient Roman
families, resembling the marble slabs of the de-
stroyed palaces of antiquity, from which the towers
of these barbarous consuls had been pieced together.
The following are the best known of the patrician
families of Rome in the twelfth century : — The Tus-
culans and Colonna, the Crescentii, the Frangipani,
Pierleoni, Normanni, Sassi, Latroni and Corsi, the
Maximi ; the houses of Sant* Eustachio, among them
the Franchi and Saraceni ; the Astaldi, Senebaldi,
Duranti, the Scotti, Ursini ; the Buccapecora, Curta-
braca, Bulgamini, Boboni, Berardi, Bonfilioli, Bon-
eschi, Berizo, houses long risen from the burgher
class. In Trastevere the Papa, Papazurri and Muti,
Barunzii, and Romani, the Tebaldi and Stefani,
Tiniosi, Franculini, Brazuti, and others.^ Already
the names of many families reveal their descent
from Lombards, Franks, or Saxons who had fol-
lowed the emperors to Italy. Time and a common
^ The Maximi appear for the first time in 1012 with Leo de
Maximus (Nerini, p. 320); the same man in the Chron, Farf,,
p. 560 : Leo Dativus jud, de Maximo. The Sant' Eustachii, from the
quarter close to the church of that name, Brst appear in 987 with
Leo Sancti Stati (Nerini, p. 383). The Saraceni and De Franco are
called de Eustatio. In documents of the eleventh century we
frequently meet Henricus de S. Eustachio. The Scotti and Romani
were connected by marriage with the Papa. The Brazuti (from John
Bracziutus, in the time of Gregory VII.) were also related to the
Scotti. Their towers stood beside the Ponte Sisto. A parte Trans*
tiberim ad pontem Antonini non multum longe a Turre heredum
Jokannis Braxuii (A. 1073, Mscr, Vat,^ 8051, p. '13). A. 1227,
Johannis BraczuH de ScoUo et Comiiisse filie ejus {ibid,, p. 40). The
Tebaldi and Stefani again formed a group. We frequently find
Stefanusde Tebaldo —Stef anus Stefani de Tebaldo,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 459
law had gradually effaced the differences of race, but
the imperial party in Rome was chiefly composed of
this nobility, which was German and immigrant,
while the national and later republican party,
headed in earlier times by the Crescentii, retained
the consciousness of its Roman blood. The ancient
title of Dux was no longer in use, although the
nobles still called themselves " consuls," and precisely
in the twelfth century was this ancient Roman title
borne with distinction. It was now used to denote
the judiciary and ruling magistracy essentially;
although in no way in imitation of Lombard consuls,
since with the suffix Rotnanorum it had always been
common in Rome before it became adopted in
Italian cities. The nobility bestowed it on their
most powerful members, the heads of the aristo-
cratic republic.^ The title " Capitaneus " common iiic
in Northern Italy was also used in Rome for the <*P^^
nobles who had received investiture from the pope.
The captains were the great landed nobility, the
comites and vice-comites in the Campagna, whose
oath of vassalage pledged them to the military
service of the pope.^ The civic nobility also entered
^ The Ep. ix. of Anaclete first mentions the nobles by name, then
reliqui Rom, Urb. potentes^ sacri quoqiu Palaiii Judices, et nostri
amsules, etpkbs. The document of the year 1139 (Mansi, xxL 542)
thus specifies the nobles : prafecio, consuiibusy et majoribus chitaiis.
In the letter to Lothar, Cod, Udalr,^ 351 : Consttles Romania et alii
principes saluiem. Here ** consul*' everywhere indicates high official
positioiu Hegel wrongly holds this genuinely Roman title for an
imitation of the I^mbard ''consul." Rome was, until 1 143, a
(consular) republic of nobles, of which the forms, however, are
unknown to us.
' Ep. xvi. of Anaclete thus distinguishes : nobiles ornnes^ et plebs
milites.
460 HISTORY OF ROME
the ranks of the captains, when the pope gave them
castles in fief. The pope had, moreover, excluded
the provincial nobility, formerly so powerful, from
civic affairs; the Counts of Nepi and Galeria, the
Crescentii in the Sabina, the Counts of the Cam-
pagna of the family of Amatus had fallen into
decadence, or remained banished to their provincial
towns, while newer consular families, such as the
Frangipani and the Pierleoni, who had risen to the
surface in the war of factions, seized the reins of
power.
The Besides the captains there was lastly the class of
smaller feudal tenantry (the milites\ vassals of the
nobles or of the churches. In Rome, and more
especially in the towns of the Campagna, where the
greater part of the freehold had come into the
possession of the Church, they formed a knightly
nobility, which may be compared to the vavasours
in Lombardy and the Romagna.*
Thus the nobility, who, like the patricians in
ancient Rome, had formed themselves into clans, pos-
sessed the reins of government in the city as early
as the eleventh century, and more especially shice
the quarrel for investitures. Cornelii and Claudii
cmnis Romana^ Capitatui et Comites qui extra sunt. In the peace of
Venice in 1177, it is also expressly said : plures etiam de ttobiiibiis
Romanis (civic nobility), et Capitaneis Campanix (country nobility),
hanc pacem finnabunt, — Ep, Petri Porttunsis in Baron., A. 1130,
n. ix., mentions Prituipes, Capitanei^ Barones.
^ Several documents of the middle of the twelfth century mention
such milites ; for instance, civitatis Alatrina^ Frosinonis^ civitatis
Verule, &c. The freemen on the Campagna had, for the most part,
been reduced to become tenants for a time of the churches or captains.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 461
would have gazed in surprise on these men, who,
dwelling in castellated triumphal arches and por-
ticos, called themselves Consuls of the Romans, and
met together as a Senate amid the ruins of the
Capitol. For the nobility assembled on the Capitol
before the new Senate was appointed by the people,
and the Consules Rofnanorum, chosen from their
midst, were the presidents of an oligarchy which,
without fixed constitution, and in a tumultuous
manner, ruled and misruled the city.^ The despotism
of these nobles was finally overthrown by the people,
and in this overthrow lies the significance of the
revolution of 1 143. While in Lombardy the consuls
had risen simultaneously with the communes, in
Rome the commune, which had just been formed,
overthrew the consular rule of the nobility, and
erected the Communal Council in its place, accord-
ing it the Roman name of the Senate {Sacer
Senaius),
Moreover, the revolution had originated with the
nobility themselves after their quarrel with the pope
respecting Tivoli, and the burgher class raised its
head for the first time during this revolt. Sudden
though the rise may have been, it had long been
prepared ; for the scholae of the militia, which had
^ As early as 1 130 we find sixty Senators and a committee of six
nobles, who concede exemption from duty in Roman harbours to Monte
Casino. Nos Leo Ronumor, Consul, et Leo Frangipane et Citicio
Frangip, Peirus Frangipane, Filippus de AlbericOj Henricus de S,
Eustachio una cum sexaginta Sena/oridus, et cuncio poptdo rom, urbis
concedimus inperpei, — ut monachi cum navib, secure pergatti^Temp,
Honoriippe, If. MilUantibus digmtates, hobedientihus pacem^ rebellibus
ancdema. The fragment in the register Petri Diacon., n. 605.
462 HISTORY OF ROME
acquired strength in the wars of the eleventh century,
already formed political corporations, coveted a share
in the government, and meditated the erection of a
democratic republic. The tyranny of factions ren-
dered feudal dominion, which favoured the Papacy,
insupportable to the populace. A party among the
nobles regarded the pope as a territorial lord, and even
the actual head of Rome, to whom belonged the investi-
ture of the imperium. This was the genuine feudal
aristocracy of the popes, their political support in
Rome, and the earthly splendour of their court The
popes conferred on these vassals estates and taxes,
and invested them with prefectures, curial dignities,
judgeships, or consulates in city or province. They
dexterously divided the advantages, however, or
kept their protigh severed by jealousy. They more
gladly endured the faithlessness of these consuls
than the chance that they should look for support
to the burghers, whose public spirit they feared to
awake. For the fate of the popes would in this case
have been the fate of all other bishops, who with the
rise of the communes lost their civic power.
Foundation A spark finally sufficed to kindle the burgher
Roman revolution, which was perhaps associated by secret,
commune and to US Unknown, ties with Northern Italy. In
and of the t» «
Senate 1 143 Romc made the attempt to form an association
Capitol. ^^ ^^ different classes, such as had been formed
in Milan, Pisa, Genoa, and other cities. The lesser
nobility, from jealousy towards the " consuls," united
with the burghers, the new commune seized the
Capitol, declared themselves the actual Senate and
made war against, or banished all such nobles as
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 463
refused to join them. The captains immediately
rose, also the members of the imperial party, and
the company of the pope, and Rome was divided
between two hostile camps, the ancient consular
party of the aristocrats and the new senatorial
commune of the people on the Capitol.
The establishment of a free burgher class deserves
to distinguish a new era in the history of Rome,
and the tranquil spectator of history gazes with
astonishment on the ruins of the now legendary
Capitol, occupied by a rude and ignorant people
who called their leaders Senators. These men knew
nothing of Cicero or Hortensius, of Cato or Caesar,
but like the ancient plebeians made war on a
haughty race of patricians, of wholly or partly
barbarous descent. They deprived the High Priest
of Rome of the temporal crown, demanded that the
emperor of German race should recognise them as
invested with the majesty of the Roman people, and
on the ruins of ancient temples still asserted that
Golden Rome was mistress of the world.
2. The Capitol in the dark Centuries— Its gradual
Political Renascence — Glance at its Ruins —
Where did the Temple of Jupiter stand? —
S. Maria in Aracceli — Legend of Octavian's
Vision — ^Thb Palatium Octaviani — ^The first
Senatorial Palace of the Middle Ages on
the Capitol,
It is well worth while to bestow a glance on the The
tragic world of ruins standing on the Capitol, and to ^^^^?}
pass in rapid review the history of the venerable seat
464 HISTORY OF ROME
of the ancient Roman empire during the dark
centuries. Night, however, veils the most exalted
spot in history for more than five hundred years.
No historian has mentioned the Capitol since the
time of Cassiodorus. The Anonymous of Einsiedeln
merely gives it a cursory glance; tradition and
legend speak confusedly of this wonder of the
world, and in the tenth century the convent of the
Virgin Mary in Capitolio appears among the ruins
of nameless temples. The remains of these various
buildings were never adapted to the uses of any
civic fortress; nor is the ancient Arx with its
Tarpeian rock ever mentioned with the Septizonium
and S. Angelo as a principal fortress. The Capitol
no longer commanded any of the great high roads,
since the surrounding district, especially the ancient
Forum, had become deserted, and the population
retired ever further into the Field of Mars towards
the Tiber, which had become important for strategic
reasons. It was merely the inextinguishable tradition
of all that the Capitol had once signified that now
raised it from its obscurity, and which, as soon as the
spirit of civic freedom was awakened, made it once
more the political head of the city. As early as the
eleventh century the Capitol appears as the centre of
all purely civic affairs. In the time of Otto III. and
of the noble patricians, the recollection of the sacred
spot was revived ; the ruins of the Capitol, reani-
mated by the assemblies of the nobles and people, now
usurped the place of the Tria Fata. In the time of
Benzo, Gregory VII., and Gelasius II. at the disturb-
ances on the election of a prefect, at the acclamation
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 465
of the election of Calixtus II., it was again from
the Capitol that the Romans were summoned to
parliament or to arms. It would also appear that
the City Prefect dwelt on the Capitol, since the
Prefect of Henry IV., by whom Victor III. was driven
from Rome, had his seat there, and a palace on the
hill was used for tribunals, the acts of which were
signed with the formula: Actum civitate Romana
apud Capitolium}
The most vivid imagination is powerless to depict
the melancholy grandeur of these ruins. Sitting on
the prostrate columns of the Temple of Jupiter, or
within the vaults of the office of State Archives, among
mutilated statues and inscriptions, the monk of the
Capitol, the rapacious Consul, or the ignorant Senator
might gaze in wonder at the ruins and meditate on
the capriciousness of fortune. The sight of these
ruins might recall to his mind the lines of Virgil,
where the poet, speaking of the Capitol, says : —
" Now golden, where once throve the tangled wood " ;
and as he now saw the hill returned to its original
condition he must have reversed the line and
exclaimed : —
" Once golden, now with thorns and ruins spread." '
The greater number of the Romans of this age
only knew of Virgil as a magician, who had fled from
^ Document of April 29, 10S4 {Reg, Farf,^ n. 1098). The apttd
Capitolium signifies, I believe, the monastery of Aracoeli.
' Aurea nutu, olim sihestribus horrida dumis, Ui quidem is
versus meritopossii converti: Aurea quondam^ nunc squallida spinetis
vepribusque referta ; thus Po^o on the ruins of the Capitol in 1 43 1
(Hisioria de Varietafe Fortuna^ i. 6).
VOL. IV. 2 II
466 HISTORY OF ROME
Rome to Naples and had enriched both cities with
magic works of art. The Senators who went to and
fro among the ruins, wearing tall mitres and gold-
brocaded mantles, had but a dim idea that here
in former time statesmen had framed laws, orators
had made speeches, triumphs had been celebrated
over foreign nations, and the fate of the world had
been decided. There is no more bitter satire on all
the most exalted things of earth, than the fact that
Rome knew a time when her Capitol was given into
the possession of monks who prayed, sang psalms,
scourged their backs with whips and planted cabbages
Anaciete upon its ruins. Anaclete II. ratified the Abbot of
toe c^ttcJ? S. Maria in Aracoeli in possession of the Capitoline
to the hill; and his Bull throws a passing light on this
convent of «- o o
Aracoeu. labyrinth of grottoes, cells, courts and gardens, houses
or huts, and on the ruinous walls, stones and pillars
with which it was covered.
The ancient Clivus still led to the Capitoline hill,
but other roads also connected the Field of Mars
with the Aracoeli and the Piazza. The ruins of the
Capitol, which were increased under the attacks of
Henry IV., Guiscard, and Paschalis II., lay in the
most utter desolation. As on the Palatine, gardens
^ The Privil^um for S. Maria in Capitolio, which is without a
date, is inserted in a Bull of Innocent IV., in Wadding, Anna/,
Minor, ^ ii. 255, explained by Casimiro, p. 431, after Valesius, in the
collection of Calogera, xx. p. 103 ; also in Fea, StdU Rov,^ p. 358,
and Preller, Pkilol,^ 1846. Of its authenticity I have no doubt ; the
phrase horios quos haredes Johannis di Guinizo ttnnerunt is a
guarantee of that period (see one of the heirs of this Roman, note ^
p. 456). Confimiamus totum Moniem CapitoHi in inttgr. cum casiSy
crypiiSf celliSy curtibus, kortis, arboribus — cum parieiibuSy p€tris et
columpnis.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 467
had been planted and goat-herds already clambered
over the marble ruins ; a part of the Capitol had
even received the degraded name of Goat-hill
(Monte Caprino) in thp same way that the Forum
had been transformed into the Campo Vaccino,
Stalls had been erected on the piazza of the Capitol,
and the Roman people had long held their markets
here.^ Besides the monks in S. Maria and the
priests of SS. Sergius and Bacchus, or the inhabitants
of the towers of the Corsi, the hill numbered but a
scanty population; on the other hand, it was still
surrounded with ancient streets, such as the Clivus
Argentarius {Salita di Mafforio\ probably also the
Vicus Jugarius, at a greater distance the Cannapara
and the Forum Olitorium, the present Piazza Mon-
tanara, while churches and chapels built upon ruins
surrounded the entire mound of marble fragments.^
The ruins of such temples and porticos as covered
the summit of the Capitol have now disappeared.
The last remains of the Temples of Saturn and of
Vespasian, the foundations of the Temple of Con-
cordia, the still undestroyed vaults of the Archives,
the chambers of the school of Xanthus, the remains
of the Rostrum and of the Miliarium Aureum, finally
the Arch of Septimius Severus, which in tranquil
^ Cum terra ante Moftcuterium^ qui locus NufuHnarum vacatur (Bull
of Anadete) and further below argcuteria in Mercaio, The market
covered the Piazza Aracoeli and extended down to S. Venando,
previously called S. Giovanni in Mercaio. It was only in 1477 that
it was removed to the Piazza Navona.
^ We still see many remains of antiquity below the CapitoL In
No. 35 Via della Bufala, a half-buried portico forms the back of a
workshop.
468 HISTORY OF ROME
strength has bid defiance to the changes of time, are
all that remain on the CHviis at the present day. In
the twelfth century these and all other monuments
still presented the spectacle of a deserted acropolis,
out of whose dust a forest of shattered columns
majestically towered. The passing description of
the Mirabilia sheds only a rosy evening light upon
these ruins, and other accounts of this period fail us.
It is worth while to read what the Mirabilia say : —
"Of the Capitol in Rome.
Sa?^^^"* "It is called Capitol because it was the head
Capitol {caput) of the whole world, because the Consuls and
Alitalia, Senators dwelt there to rule the city and the world.
Its face was protected by high and strong walls,
which were everywhere covered with panels of glass
and gold and marvellously inlaid works. Within
the fortress was a palace, in great part made of gold
and adorned with precious stones, which was worth
the third part of the world; there were as many
statues as provinces of the world, and each statue had
a bell at its neck. Magic art had so disposed them,
that when any region in the Roman empire rebelled,
its representative statue immediately turned in its
direction ; the bell at its neck then sounded and the
seers of the Capitol who kept watch gave infor-
mation to the Senate. . . . There were also several
temples, for on the summit of the fortress over the
Porticus Crinorum was the Temple of Jupiter and
Moneta ; on the side of the Forum the Temple of
Vesta and Caesar and the seat of the Pagan
pontifices, to which the Senators raised Julius Caesar
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 469
on the sixth day in the month of March. On the
other side of the Capitol and over the Cannapara
stood the Temple of Juno next the public Forum of
Hercules. Within the Tarpeium was the Temple
of Refuge where Julius Caesar was murdered by the
Senators. Two temples were united with the palace
on the spot where S. Maria now stands, those of
Phoebus and of Carmentis, where the Emperor
Octavian saw the vision in the skies. Near the
Camelaria is the Temple of Janus, who was the
guardian of the Capitol. It was called the golden
Capitol because it outshone all kingdoms of the
world in wisdom and beauty."^
The Bull of Anaclete, an isolated document, stirs
the imagination more than it satisfies the desire for
information.* Antiquaries are still employed in in-
vestigating the darkest of all topographical problems
^ Liber de mirabilibus Ronta. Similarly the Graphia^ which adds :
In Capitolio fuerunt imagitus fusiUs omnium regum trojanorum et
imperaiorum ; and says that it was covered with glass and gold, ut
tsset speculum omnibus gentibus. Even for these books of legend
everything is antiquity and mystery.
* The Bull only describes the boundaries. It mentions the Porti-
cus Cameliaria (not Cancellaria^ as Fea writes it ; other places where
large camera existed, were also thus called) ; the ciivus ArgentarO^
qui nunc descensus Leonis Prothi appellatur ; Templum majus quod
respicit super Alephantum {ElepAanfus herbarius ; the adjacent
quarter was called after it : in the Reg. Sub/cu,, about the year 1003,
I find Lanfrido lanista de alefanto\ Exinde descendit per hortum
S, Sergii usque in horium^ qui est sub Ccunellaria, veniens per gradus
centum usque ad primum affinem. This was the old staircase of a
hundred steps, which Tacitus mentions on the occasion of the attack
made by the followers of Vitellius : qua Tarpeja rupe centum gradibuz
aditur, A cavea in qua est petra versiJiccUa, For the entire docu-
ment, see Ordo Rom,y xi. (Mabillon, Mus, It.^ ii. 143).
470 HISTORY OF ROME
in Rome, namely, the question as to the site of the
Temple of the Capitoline Jupiter. After the time
that the Vandals had plundered the Sanctuary
and had robbed it of its roof, it sank into utter
oblivion. The Mirabilia first recalls the memory
of the Temple, after legend had already sanctified
the Capitol with one of its most suggestive poems.
That the chief temple of Rome, the seat of the cult
of the Pagan religion, had not been transformed
into a basilica of the Christian God at an earlier
date than the Pantheon, will always appear strange,
even although explained by the horror with which
Christians regarded Paganism, and by the proprietary
right claimed by the Byzantine emperor.
We are, however (although only recently), in a
position to point out the site of the lost Temple.
Site of the The Graphia says : " On the summit of the fortress
Jupiter over the Porticus Crinorum stood the Temple of
S^ot Jupiter and Moneta, where the golden statue of
Jupiter sat on a golden throne." We are now able
to show that the portico of that name must have
belonged to the ancient Forum Olitorium.* Other
mediaeval names have supported the view that the
Temple of Jupiter was situated on the western height
(Cafifarelli). The western position of the Tarpeian
rock and the site of the Temple itself were established
with probability by two churches as early as the
fifteenth century .^ And just as the recollection of
^ Jordan, Topogr,^ ii. 353, 460. Remains of this colonnade are
believed to exist in some houses in the Vicoh della Bttfala, Lanciani,
Bull. Com,, ill. 172.
' It was not until after Nardini that the Italians placed it on the
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 471
the Saxum Tarpeium was preserved in the name of
the church S. Catarina sub Tarpeio, the Temple of
Jupiter Maximus was sought above S. Salvatore in
Maximis.i Excavations made in the Caffarelli
Gardens since 1865 have conclusively established
that the Temple of Jupiter stood on this spot.^
The supposition that the church of S. Maria
occupies the site of this Temple consequently falls to
the ground.
This, the only church which the Romans erected
on the Capitoline hill, towers in a commanding
position above the ancient Arx. It is not, however,
mentioned in the minute catalogues of the churches
height of Aracoeli, the Germans (Becker, i. 387, very decidedly) on the
Caffarelli. Is it possible that the position of the Saxum Tarpeium
could have been ahready forgotten in the twelfth century ? We have
still the Via di rupe Tarpea near the Tor d^ Specch\ and there stood
S. Caterina sub Tarpeio (Martinelli, p. 352). Faunas, iii. c. 6 ;
Maurus, c 5, p. 40 ; Gamucci, p. 64. The Vita Paschalis says :
qua CapHolii rupes adibus Petri Leofiis imminet^ and these houses
stood beside the Theatre of Marcellus.
* Anon, Magliab. (time of John XXIII.) : fuit templum Jcvis Opt,
Max, i, e. Supra cortem domna mitima quodadhuc satis de eo apparet :
el introiius vocatur SaJvator in Maxiinis. Blondus, Marliani, and
Martinelli upheld the statement. This church remained on Monte
Caprino against the Montanara until the sixteenth century. The
templum majus, quod respicit super Alephantum is doubtful ; it may
have been the Theatre of Marcellus. The templum Jovis of the
Anonymous of Einsiedein (Inscription, n. 72 : usque ad S, Angel, et
templum Jovis) was not, as Preller believes, the Capitoline Temple,
but the basilica Jovis in the Portico of Octavia {templum Severianum
in the Middle Ages) where S. Angelo stands. This church was
consequenUy called S. Angeli Juxta templum Jovis in the twelfth
century. (Letter of Anaclete's cardinals to Lothar.)
* Shown by R. Lanciani, Bullett, Comm,, 1875, p. 165 £ ; O.
Richter, Topogr, d, Stadt Rom,, 1889, p. 90 t
472 HISTORY OF ROME
and convents made in the time of Leo III, (about
850). It therefore follows, either that it was not built
in the reign of this pope or else that it was regarded
as an insignificant oratory .^
Its surname, " in the Altar of heaven," unknown
before the fourteenth century, is associated with an
ancient legend, originally Greek, which was accepted
in the Roman Mirabilia? When the Senators be-
held the indescribable beauty of Octavian, and the
prosperity of his rule, they said to him, "We are
determined to worship thee, because a divinity is in
thee." Dismayed, he asked them to wait, summoned
the Sibyl of Tibur, and informed her of the resolution
of the Senate. She demanded a delay of three days,
and, the emperor having fasted during the interval,
she prophesied : " There are signs that justice shall
be done, sweat shall soon drip from the earth ; from
' I quoted in vol. iii. p. 546, a document from the Reg, Sublac,, in
which Teuzo, Abbot of the Monasterii S. Dei genitricis virginis
Marie qui ponitur in Capitolio^ cedes a property in Aricia to Bemo
and Stephania. The document is dated Iiid, II, m, Febr, die XII,
a, Dom Marini S, Pont. Primi Pope. Like Fatteschi, I consequently
attributed this document to Marinus I. and to the year 884. I am
now, however, in fevour of Marinus II. and the year 944, since further
on in the text we find Z>. Marini Junioris. The witness Georgius
secundiceritis also appears as secuttdicerius of Marinus II. (JafTi^). See
Reg, Sublac,^ p. 94, where the document is referred to the year 944.
The monastery was simply called Mon, S, M, in Capitolio^ or Mon,
Capitolii ; thus in 1015 : Ego Dominicus Abbas Capitolii ; Casimiro,
p. 7. The term Capiiolium applied to the entire hill ; to sufypose
that from the words in Capitolio, the Temple of Jupiter must be
inferred, is inadmissible. In like manner men spoke of S, Maria in
PaUadio (Palatine) and in Aveniino,
^ It was known to Malalas, Cedrenus, Suidas ; see on this subject
Arturo Gra( Roma mlia Memcria del, rned, evo^ i. 311 f.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 473
heaven shall come the King of the centuries." i As
Octavian attentively listened to the Sibyl, the skies Legend of
Octs.vifl]i
suddenly opened, an overpowering light fell upon and the
him, he saw the radiant Virgin over an altar in^*^^*
heaven, holding the infant Christ in her arms. A
celestial voice cried, " This is the Virgin who will con-
ceive the Saviour of the world " ; another proclaimed,
" This is the altar of the Son of God." Octavian
threw himself on the ground in prayer ; he informed
the Senators of his vision, and another day, when
the people had resolved to call him Lord, he forbade
them both by hand and mouth. For not even from
his own children would he receive the title, saying,
** I am mortal, and hence it does not befit me to
receive the name of Lord."^
^ Jttdicii signum teUus sudore ttiadescct^
E celo rex adveniet per seclafitiurtts,
Scilicet in carncpresens ut iudicet orbem,
^ The Grapkia does not associate this legend with Virgil ; its con-
neciion with the fourth Eclogue was, however, known at this time.
Thus Innocent III. {SertnOy ii.. Op. 88 ; Piper, Virgilius, 1862) refers
to it. The legend is ancient and of Greek origin. It is found in
Suidas, who relates, s.v, "Augustus," that he questioned the Pythia
as to who should rule after him ; cui ilia respottdit : —
Puer Hebratis jubet me, diis becdis imperatis.
Hone adem relinquere, et in orcwn redire.
Jam abiio tcuitus db oris nostris,
Augustus thereupon built an altar on the Capitol with the inscription :
Ilac ara est Primogeniti Dei, The legend was accepted later by
Nicephorus {Hist, Eccl,, i. 17). It is also given by an ancient Latin
Chronicle, the Chrwticon PcdcUinum (Mai, Spicileg, Roman, , iz.).
The editor places it at least as early as the eighth century ; Bethmann
in the seventh (BuUeitinc Arch., 1852, p. 38). Godfrey of Viterbo,
about 1 180, is acquainted with the legend (Pantheon, xv.). Muratori
extracted it from a codex in Modena {AfUiq,, iii. 879). The vision is
474 HISTORY OF ROME
This beautiful legend goes on to relate that
Octavian erected an altar on the Capitol, "To the
first-born Son of God/' In the twelfth century the
words *' ubi est arafilii DeV were accordingly added
as a designation to S. Maria. They appear to have
been corrupted later into Aracoeli.^ But it is very
remarkable that this ancient legend in no way
associates the altar with the Temple of Jupiter. It
merely relates that Octavian had erected the altar
either on the Capitol or on some lofty spot If the
church in Aracoeli had actually usurped the place of
the ancient temple, the fact would assuredly have
been somehow preserved in legend or tradition.*
depicted in a rude relief on the ancient altar in the chapel of S. Helena
in Araceli, which bears the inscription : —
Luminis ham aJtnam mairis qui scandis ad aulcwi^
Cunctarum prima quafuit orbe sita ;
Noscas quod Casar tuttc struxii Octaoianus
Hone. Ara cali sacra proles cum paiet ei.
^ The CcUalogtu of the Roman Abbeys of Peter Mallios and John
Diaconus (end of the twelfth century) says : S, M, in Capitolio^ ubi
est ara Filii Dei. Later Martin Polonus wrote : hoc visio fiat in
Camera Octaviani Imp.^ ubi nunc est Ecch B, M» in Capitolio, Ideo
dicta est Eccl, S. Af, Ara Cccli, Nietiuhr and Becker believe that the
name in Araceli was derived from in Arce, It might more probably
have arisen from Auroccelo {caslo Aureo), a name which other churches
— ^for example, one in Pavia — bore. It is carious that the Temple of
Juno Moneta had received its surname from a divine voice which was
audible within iL Cicero, de divin., i. 45, in Becker, i. 409. The
Italian archaeologists also place the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius oa
Aracoeli, and the Anon, Magliab, says : palaHum Octaxnam fitit, uH
nunc est S, Af, arace/i; et vocatus est locus fetferum^ quia ibifuit
templumjovis Feretrii,
* The legend of the Mirabilia removes the site of the vision to the
Palace of Octavian, not to the Temple of Jupiter. The CAron,
PaUUinum also merely says : Oct. abiit in Capitolium, quod est in
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 47$
The stillness as of the grave which broods over the
Capitol in the Middle Ages is thus only broken by
a convent-bell and a legend. Over the deserted
stage of the deeds and triumphs of the Scipios and
the Gracchi, of Marius and Sulla, of Pompey and
Caesar, now hover the visionary forms of the Virgin
Mary with the child Jesus, the figures of Octavian
and of the aged Sibyl, whose mysterious books had
once been guarded in the Capitol !
That in the eleventh century the legend was The
already associated with the spot, is rendered indis- oSSviaa
putable by the mention of the "Palace of Octavian " ^ the
as Benzo's dwelling-place, since nowhere but on the
Capitol can this dwelling have been situated. It
were important to discover the site and the uses of
this palace, which we may suppose as standing in the
neighbourhood of the convent of Aracoeli. In the
short review given of the palaces by the Mzraii/ia,
no building of the kind is mentioned on the Capitol ;^
r/udio urdiSf where the Pythonia announced quod infans hebraus
jubente Deo e cctlo beator, descendens^ in hocdomicilium stcUim veniet-^
quare exUns inde Aug. Casar a dwinaiione, (edificavii in Capitolio
Oram magnam in sublimiori loco^ in qua et scripsii laiinis Uteris
dicens : Hac arafilii Dei est, Ubi factum est, post tot annos, domi-
ciliuM atque basilica b. et s. virginis Alarice usque in prasetttem diem,
sicut et Timotheus chronographus commemorat (Timotheus in Malalas,
p. 98, only speaks of the am, erected by Augustus). We see how
utter is the silence respecting the Temple of Jupiter, the traces of which
had been lost at the time of the Mirabilia, which only casually mention
the legend : in loco ubi nunc est S. Maria fuerunt duo templa simul
juncta cum palcUio, Phebi et Carmentis, ubi Octavianus imp, vidit
visionem in celo,
^ Its Palatium Octaviani ad S. iMurentium in Lucina is the arcus
Octaviani; the text is well acquainted with the palatium Octaviani
on the Capitol.
476 HISTORY OF ROME
in the sequel, however, it speaks vaguely of a palace
of the Capitol. This palace was inside the fortress,
and was adorned with gold and gems, and in it stood
the sounding statues of the provinces. The Mirabilia
clearly associates the palatium where Octavian saw
the celestial vision with the church of S. Maria, and
it consequently follows that it must have been a
portion of the convent building itself. Finally, " the
Palace of the Senators on the Capitol or Tarpeus "
is specially mentioned in the summary of the hills
of Rome, the writer undoubtedly speaking of it as
existing in his time.^ It is scarcely probable that in
these three palaces, thus severally mentioned, one
and the same building was intended, since several
ruins stood on the Capitol, and in the Middle Ages
the word " palatium " was bestowed on different kinds
of ruins. Did the remains of the Temple of Jupiter
survive until the Middle Ages, it is possible that the
name of palatium may have been applied to them,
but whether this was actually the case, we cannot now
determine. Of the three palaces mentioned in the
Mirabilia^ the Palatium of the Capitol has therefore
perished and become legendary; the Palatium of
Octavian, the dwelling of Benzo, formed a part of
the monastery of Aracoeli, which was built out of the
ruins of the earlier structure ; and finally the Palace
* (i) InfraarcemfuitpakUium^ quod erat pro magna parte aureum —
uhi tot staiua erani etc. (2) Ubi nunc est S, Maria fuerunt duo
tevipla simuljuncia cum Palaiio^ Phoebi et Carmentis^ ubt Octavian,
Imp, vidit visionem in calo, (3) Capitolium vel Tarpem^ ubi est
palatium Senaiorum, What the Arx signified at the time of the
Mirabilia cannot be ascertained, and the same may be said of the
Tarpeus and Capitolium.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 477
of the Senators, the only one of the three that we
are able to determine, is the actual mediseval sena*
tonal palace. Among the ruins of ancient monu-
ments on which the eye rested on the Capitol, there
were none mightier than the ancient office of State
Archives, or the so-called Tabularium, belonging to
republican times, with its gigantic walls of peperino,
its lordly halls, and its vaulted chambers. The author
who described the city in the twelfth century, and, in
his cursory enumeration of the hills, only mentioned
the Palatium of the Senators, must undoubtedly have
thereby understood this mighty building. The popu-
lace, looking on the marvellous work, imagined that
the ancient Consuls or Senators had dwelt within it,
and the nobility of the twelfth century, beyond the
church of Aracoeli, found no more fitting spot for its
meetings ; neither did the populace discover one more
suitable when they determined to reinstate the Senate.
We must consequently suppose that the Tabularium,
which later became the actual Senate-House, had
already been adapted to the uses of a Senate.^ It
was here that the shadow of the Roman republic
reappeared in 1143, hovering fantastically over the
ruins — itself a legend or a vision of the antiquity
whose remembrance gladdened the hearts of its
degenerate descendants.^
^ In CapitoHo in consistorio novo paltUii is written as early as the
year 11 50. Chron, Pisan, in Murat., vi. 171. De Rossi, Piante
Icnograf, , p. 82. This is the first mention of the Palace of the Senate
in the Middle Ages. Camillo del Re, ** II Campidoglio e le sue
adiacenze nel sec. XIV." {Bull, Com,, x., 1882, 96).
' Arnold of Brescia summoned the Romans to restore the Capitol ;
could this mean anything but to restore the greatest ruin, the Tabu*
478 HISTORY OF ROME
3. Arnold of Brescia — His first Appearance — His
Relations with Abelard — His Doctrine con-
cerning The secularisation of the Ecclesi-
astical State — His Condemnation by the Pope —
His Flight and Disappearance— Celestine II.
— Lucius II. — Struggle of the Pope and Con-
suls with the Senate — ^The Patricius Jordan
Pierleone — The Senatorial ^Era — Lucius II.
and Conrad III. — Unfortunate end of Lucius II.
The restoration of the Senate was not entirely an
illusion. It was an actual fact, and redounds as much
to the honour of the Romans of the Middle Ages as
the procession to the sacred hill had redounded to
the honour of their ancestors. A celebrated reformer
of the time, Arnold of Brescia, is erroneously held to
have been the leader of a revolution which was due
instead to the impulses of the time and to the special
conditions of Rome. To wrest the power from the
nobility, to deprive the clergy of their estates, the
larium, as the meeting place of the Senate, and also, perhaps, to
restore the Arx? Was the Tabularium called Cameliaria m the
Middle Ages ? A brief of Innocent III. (Ep. iL loi, A. 1199) speaks
of an upper and a lower story of the Cameliaria on the slope of the
Capitol, the possession of which was shared by the convents of
S. Maria and S. Sergius. Inferioris vero cameliaria parochiam et
ejusd, camell, proprietatem ; ita quod nulla injuria infiraiur habita-
toribus ipsius cameliaria ab habitatoribus susperioris cameliaria. The
Mirabilia mention the cameliaria beside the templum Jani (the Cod,
Pragensis of Hofler actually subtus capitolium) and they know well
the ararium publicum, quod erat, t, SaHtmi, For all these reasons,
I reject the opinion of Bunsen and others, that the CameUaria was
the Tabularium, and rather hold it to have been the Basilica Argen-
laria^ or a building with a portico in its neighbourhood.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 479
pope of the principality, and to transfer his sovereign
rights to the commune, were clear historical aims,
which required no teaching. Since the quarrel for
investitures, the lower class had struggled against
the secular and spiritual feudal system ; the passion
for freedom of the Italian republics destroyed the
feudalism of the old Prankish empire, and the breath
of heretical criticism already penetrated the dead
learning of monasticism. Nothing consequently is
more absurd than to assert that the destruction of
feudalism was the main object of the twelfth century,
or to assume that any demagogue of the time dreamed
of a European federal republic.^
Owing to ignorance of the Middle Ages, these Arnold of
ideas have been ascribed to Arnold of Brescia, who '^^
undoubtedly exercised a great influence on some
departments of civic life. Arnold, Abelard, S.
Bernard are noteworthy contemporaries and the
heroes of a great drama in the history of culture.
As soon as the young democracies, still doubtful
and insecure, and still under the shadow of the
Church and of the empire, reached maturity, a man
such as Arnold, filled with enthusiasm for the
practical liberty of the citizen, must necessarily
' Franke, Arnold v. Brescia und Seine Zeit^ Zurich, 1825, commits
this anachronism. We possess some other monographs : by Federico
Odorici, Amaldo da Brescia (1861) ; by Georges Guibal, Amauld dc
Brescia et Us Hohenstaufen ou la question du pouvoir temporel de la
PapcuUiau nioyen dge^ Paris, 1868. To the fugitive notices of Otto
of Freising has lately been associated the Historia Pontificcdis (written
in 1 162 or 1 163, edited 1868 in t. xx. of the Mon, Gerfn.\ of which
John of Salisbury is acknowledged the author. See Giesebrecht,
Arnold von Brescia^ Munich, 1873 ; and his statement of these circum-
stances in vol. iv. of the Gesch, der deutschen Kcuserzeit,
48o HISTORY OF ROME
have arisen in Lombardy, — a popular tribune in the
habit of the priest, — a man whose earnest spirit
cherished the ideal of the Church purified from the
worldliness and infidelity which had disgraced her.
Abelard the philosophic, and Arnold the political
heretic stood on the common platform of the inde-
pendence of the burgher class. After the gloomy
heroes of dogmatic supremacy, after popes like
Gregory, after emperors like Henry, it is satisfactory
to see martyrs to freedom arise, men bearing in their
hands the banners of a nobler humanity, and the
bloodless but formidable weapons of free thought
and free will.
The circumstances of Arnold's life are very obscure.
He was born at Brescia in the beginning of the
His twelfth century, wandered to France, and studied
oraomSng dialectics and theology under Abelard, whose com-
the secular- panion he probably was for years. Returning to
of the Brescia, he formally became a canon, but plunged
of^*^^ into the struggle which the citizens were waging
Church, against their Bishop Manfred. The movement was
headed by the Consuls Rebald and Persicus, and
Arnold inflamed the popular discontent by speeches
in which he inveighed against the unapostolic
worldliness of the priests. According to his theory,
the possession of any property by the clergy was
contrary to Christianity; he maintained that all
civic power belonged to princes and republics, and
that the tithes alone should be allotted to the clergy.
Brescia was a seat of the Patarines: and it now
became the theatre of scenes such as had been
enacted in Milan; the vigorous popular orator
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 48 1
recalled Ariald, although he did not share Ariald's
aims. The clergy were so utterly corrupt that it
seemed as if Gregory VII. had lived in vain. The
long quarrel for investitures, the schisms and factions,
in which bishops fought now for Rome, now for
Germany, had so entirely demoralised the prelates
that words failed to describe them. A satirist,
listening to the denunciations of a saint of this
period, would laughingly have asked in what the
reforms of an entire century consisted, when in 11 40
S. Bernard or S. Anselm was obliged to depict the
vices of the clergy with the gloomy colours used by
Damian. "Could I," thus sighed the Abbot of
Clairvaux, " but see before my death the Church of
God as she was in ancient days, when the apostles
cast their nets to capture not gold or silver but
souls 1"!
Enlightened opinion had long recognised the
source of these evils ; neither councils nor monastic
orders could cure them; the remedy was, that the
bishops should be deprived of the temporal power.
The recognition of this great principle was one of
the results of the quarrel for investitures : and even
a pope had recognised it in his direst need. Arnold
revived the idea of Paschalis II., and preached it
openly in the streets of free cities, in discourses
^ Qm's mihi det^ antequam mariar, videre Ecclesiam Dei, sicut in
diebus antiquis, qttando apostoli iaxabant retia in capturam, non in
caphiram auri vei argenti, sed — animarum ? £p. 238, to Eugenius
III. A hundred years later Master Freygedank says : —
Roman nets catch
Silver, gold, and land;
This S. Peter knew full well.
VOL. IV. 2 I
482 HISTORY OF ROME
which harmonised with the spirit of the age and
with the needs of the people. This was the practi-
cal result of the ancient struggle, which had passed
beyond the region of royal courts into civic curiae
and the market-place.
The progress which society had made, chiefly
owing to the struggles of the State against the hier-
archy of the Gregorian Church, was immense ; the
political and social movements of races, the revival of
industry, of traffic, of learning, the newly awakened
love of classic antiquity, suddenly brought the world
into bitter antagonism with the Church, and the
Romans who struggled against the Dominium Tem-
porale of the popes in the twelfth century gave vent
to their opinions as clearly and decidedly as their
descendants of the present day.
Arnold's doctrine resounded loudly throughout
Lombardy and Rome ; for the subject of his teach-
ing, the secularisation of the States of the Church,
was the necessity of the time. The people of Brescia,
however, were not always successful in resisting the
combined forces of the clergy and the captains;
Arnold is Manfred denounced Arnold's principles at the
^the '^ Lateran Council of 1139, and Innocent II. under-
™^*^' stood what their consequences would be for Rome,
where the republican party only awaited an oppor-
tunity for effecting a breach. He condemned Arnold
as a schismatic, imposed silence upon him, and
banished him from Italy.^ Exiled from Brescia, he
^ Otto of Freising, De Gestis Fried, , lib. ii. & 21. Otto's account
is embodied in Gunther's poem Ligurmus^ whidi modem criticism
first ascribed to Conrad Celtes or some other humanist, but afterwards
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 483
journeyed to Abelard, who hoped to overcome the
mystic Bernard at a scholastic tournament to be
held at Sens in the spring of 1 140. Arnold openly
defended Abelard, and found himself involved in the
trial which awaited his teacher. The sentence of
the Roman Council had given him celebrity; his
friendship with Abelard made him still more hated
by the clergy, and Bernard now appeared against
him, armed with the weapons of discipline. Never-
theless, there were points in which Bernard was at
union with his abhorred enemy. With no less
vehemence than the demagogue of Brescia did he
scourge the worldly vices of the bishops, and in his
book, De Consideraiione^ he soon after explained
himself to a pope, his pupil, as strongly opposed to
the political position of the clergy. He based his
evangelical demands on the apostolic precept, that
he who served the Lord should not occupy himself
with worldly matters. He reminded the pope that s. Bernard
his dignity was a spiritual office, not a lordship, that Jjg*°**®™°*
he ought to wield the gardener's spade, not the^^^P^
royal sceptre, that his dominion had perhaps a secu- the pope,
lar but never an apostolic right, lordship having
been forbidden to the apostles. Inspired by en-
thusiasm for early Christianity, he sighed that the
pronounced genuine. A. Pannenborg, Forsch, 9, deuisch, Gesch., xi.
(1 871), ziil (1873). S. Bemhard, vol. L ep. 195: accusalus apud
D. Papam schismaie pessimo, HisU Pontificalis, p. 537. Of actual
heresy he was not accused, although his opinions concerning the
eucharist and baptism were not those of the Catholics. This is shown
by his adhesion to the ideas of Berengar, Abelard, the Peterbrusians,
&c. See the nineteenth article of Abeiard's Sctto te ipsum and the
TkeoL chrisHanOy in the Tract. (U Erroribus AbalarcU of S. Bernard.
484 HISTORY OF ROME
bishops and popes went about clothed like secular
courtiers, in silk, purple and gold, raiment such as
Peter had never known ; and he finally told the pope
that, appearing in this worldly guise, he was the suc-
cessor not of Peter but of Constantine.^ If the saint
persecuted a reformer of morals, whose opinions con-
cerning the temporal rule of the clergy he endorsed
instead of condemning, it was simply because Arnold
fought not against moral corruption alone, but also
against the authority of the Roman chair and the
Gregorian hierarchy, and because he was odious to
He Bernard as a heretic. The great abbot sighed that
opposes , -^, - - iM «
Arnold as the Church, the pure lily among thorns, was sur-
a heretic, bounded by sectarians, that she had only escaped
from the lion (Pierleone) to fall a prey to the dragon
(Abelard). He wrote to the pope: he designated
Arnold as the armour-bearer to Goliath Abelard,
and accused both of heresy.* The pope ordered
them to be confined in monasteries; the friend of
Heloise, however, weary of life, found refuge in
reconciliation with the Church, and two years after
ended his days peacefully at Cluny. Arnold, full of
courage and longing for action, continued from the
^ The yerdict of S. Bernard against the Dominium TemporaU does
not admit of dispute. I quote some sentences from his book de Con'
sideraiione: Nemo militans Deo, implicat se negotiis sacularibus* —
Quid fines alienos iwoaditisi — Disce, sarculo tibi opus esse, non
sceptro ; ut opus facias Propheta, — Esto, ut alia quacunque rcUione,
hac tibi vendices ; sed non Apostolico jure, — Planum est : ApostoUs
interdicitur dominaius, — Forma Apostolica hac est : dominatio inter*
dicitur : indicitur minisiratio, — In his successistis non Petro, sed
Constantino. These principles are diametrically opposed to the
hierarchical doctrines of Gregory VII.
" Ep. 189.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 485
hill of S. Genevifeve in Paris to inveigh unhindered
against the worldliness of the clergy, until Bernard
procured his expulsion from France.^ A fugitive,
Arnold journeyed further. Little Zurich received Amoid in
him, and, 400 years before the time of Zwingli,
acquired a right to the gratitude of all the advocates
of liberty of thought He here found adherents
even among the higher nobility.' But the Abbot of
Clairvaux required the Metropolitan of Constance to
secure the heretic, although in his unctuous letter he
was obliged to admit that Arnold was a man of
irreproachable life, one who, as he expressed it,
"neither ate nor drank, but fasted with the devil,
and who only thirsted for the blood of souls."*
The persecuted man found a still more influential
protector in Guido, the highly educated cardinal
who had formerly been his fellow-student in Paris,
and was now legate in Bohemia. Guido extended
his protection to the fugitive in whatever part of
Germany he might be, until the indefatigable man,
who from the rock of Peter kept a watch over
heretics, wrote indigfnantly to Guido: "Arnold of
Brescia, whose speech is honey, but whose teaching
is poison, who bears the head of a dove but the
sting of a scorpion, whom Brescia drove forth, who
is abhorred by Rome, banished by France, denounced
• 1 HUt, Poniif., p. 537.
' Otto of Frei^g, ii. c 21 : in oppido Alemanma Turrego officium
doctoris (usumens, pemiciosum dogma aliquot dieb. seminavU, That
which Johann v. MUller, and after him Franke, say of Arnold's
influence on the Swiss republics, is exaggeration.
' Ep. 195. A formal warrant of arrest, written by a saint* He
also calls Abelard inius Herodes^f oris Johannes, Ep. 193.
486 HISTORY OF ROME
by Germany, and whom Italy refuses to receive, is,
it is said, with you; take care that he does not
injure the respect due to your office ; to favour him
means opposition to the commands of the pope and
of God."^ The effect of this exhortation is un-
known ; whether Arnold journeyed further, perhaps
among the quiet Alpine valleys of the mystic
Catharists, or whether he continued under the pro-
tection of the friendly cardinal, remains uncertain.
To be brief, he vanished from sight for years, until
he suddenly reappeared among the Roman re-
publicans.^
Meanwhile Cardinal Guido, a Tuscan from Castello,
became Pope.* There is no doubt that Guido had
also been a pupil of Abelard's ; that he was a man
of no common d^ree of culture, is proved by the
honourable title of Magister, which he had acquired
in France.* He ascended the sacred chair as
Ceiestine Celestine II. on September 26, 1 143, only two days
^ttIZi^ after the death of his predecessor; his hurried
^ Ep. 196. Giesebrecht shows that this letter was not written after
September 1 143. Otto of Freising himself calls Bernard credulous
and xelotypus {De Gestis^ i. c. 47).
' Surprisingly few of his contemporaries speak of Arnold ; even
Malvezzi's ChronicU of Brescia passes him over in silence, and
S. Bernard henceforward makes no mention of him.
' Giesebrecht {Arnold v, Brescia) shows that this Guido was not
identical with Arnold's protector of the same name.
* Chrm, Mauriniac.y p. 387 : Celestinus qui alio nomine Magister
de Castellis nominatus est (this was the Castrwn FeHcitatis in the State
of the Church) ; three things had made him celebrated : nobilitas
generis, mentis industria in omni statu aqualis, literarum scientia
multiformis, Peter of Cluny's letter testifies to the unanimity of his
election (Baron., A. 1143, n. xlL); and Ep, I, Calestini ad Chmia^
censes (Mansi, xxi. 592).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 487
election being due to the revolution then raging in
Rome. His pontificate, however, only lasted five
months, and the statement that he died at the
Palladium renders it probable that he had been
unable to come to any settlement with the Romans,
but during a fierce conflict had been obliged to
place himself under the protection of the Frangi-
pani.i
Celestine died on March 8, 1 144, and his successor,
Gerard Caccianemici from Bologna, formerly chan-
cellor under Innocent, and l^^te in Germany at
the time of the election of King Lothar, was Ludus 11.,
proclaimed as Lucius II. on March 12. His short 11^x145.
pontificate was unfortunate, and he himself fell a
victim to the revolution. While the new commune
on the Capitol organised itself amid deadly struggles,
the perplexed Pope threw himself into the arms of
his greatest vassal. He sought aid from the King
of Sicily, with whom he had formerly been on
terms of friendship. Roger I., already at variance
with Celestine II. concerning the right of investiture
conferred on him by Innocent II., wished to make
terms with Lucius. They met at Ceprano and
quarrelled ; the King commanded his son to march
into Latium, and the Pope was obliged to conclude
a treaty in which Roger on his side promised to
support him against the Romans.^ With the help
^ With Celestine II. begin the well-known prophecies of Malachy,
Archbishop of Armagh in Ireland (he died 1148), the Sibylline Books
of the Papacy ; probably a bungled work of the year 159a See
Novaes on this Pope.
* lliese obscure events are related by Romuald, p. 192. Ancn»
Cassin, for the year 1 144. Treu^am cum to (x<r. rvgv) compomtmus.
488 HISTORY OF ROME
of Roger and the nobles, Lucius hoped to dissolve
the commune. Nearly all the Consuls took his part,
since with the overthrow of the ecclesiastical State
their fiefs would have reverted to the commune.
The noble families henceforward formed a Guelf
party, opposed to the populace. Even the Frangi-
pani, the ancient heads of the German faction, allied
Luchisii. themselves with the Pope. He allowed them to
aUiance take possession of the Circus Maximus, which they
n^SiitsT included within the boundaries of their Palatine
against the fortress ; and henceforward besides the Circus they
^ ™ * also owned the Colosseum, the Septizonium, the
Arches of Titus and Constantine (already trans-
formed into towers), the Janus Quadrifrons, and
other towers in the city.^
The perplexed commune meanwhile strove to
acquire fresh strength. They made a Patricius head
The of the republic. This was Jordan Pierleone, a
Romans brother of the anti-pope Anaclete, and the sole
jardan member of his family who, from ambition or other
to the motives, had seceded to the popular side. It is thus
Patriciate.
"says the Pope in his letter to Peter of Cluny, dot. Laterani X, KaL
Oct, (September 22, 1 144). Mansi, xxi. 60S.
^ Document of January 31, 1 145 : Lucius diL Ft/it's^ nob, viris
Oddoniet Cencio Frajapanibus frcUrib^—fidelitatem vesiram erga B»
Petrum ei nos ipsos cUtendsntes, custodiam Circi vobis commUtintus —
dot, Roma II, KcU, Febr. (from Cencius in Nerini, App., p. 407).
The authenticity of this document has been disputed, but its spurious-
ness has not been* proved. On March 18, 1145, the Abbot of S.
Andreas let on lease to Cencius Frangipane turrim qua voccUur de
Area — Rome in Caput Circli Maximi — and Trullum unum in
integrum quod vacatur Septem Solia, The document is signed by
Cencius de Area, It was a triumphal arch by the Circus transformed
into a tower (Mittarelli, iii. a. 271), and was consequently in the
possession of the Frangipani.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 489
evident that the Roman commune did not emulate
other cities; they put forward no Consul, for this
title was essentially aristocratic in Rome, and was
still borne by the hostile nobility. There being no
emperor at this time, the Patricius may have been
accounted his representative, and the popular party,
from motives of policy, recognised the supremacy
of a Roman king. The first civic constitution was Formation
formed under Jordan Pierleone in 11 44, and from govem^^*^
him the senatorial era was reckoned/ The commune "*°*» ''44-
now resolved to deprive the Pope of the temporal
power; it required him to surrender his sovereign
rights into the hands of the Patricius, and to live
on the tithes or on a pension from the State,' The
city renewed the attempt, made in the time of
Alberic, to dethrone the Pope, an attempt which
it has frequently repeated down to present times.
^ Non multo auiem post (after the return of the Pope from
Campania). PopuL Roni, contra voluntatem ejusd. Papa Jordanum
fUium Petri Leonis in Patricium promovit, et Senatores de ncvo in
Urbe creavit: Romuald. The new era was reckoned from 1144.
This is shown by documents of the Senate : the first which has been
preserved is dated December 23, 1148, renovationis autem sacri
Senaius cm, V.; January 23, 1160, is reckoned ah, XVI,; March 27,
1 162, ah, XVIII,; March 30, 1188, ah, XLIV,; May 28, 1191, ah,
XL VII, of the Senate. May 1 145 would therefore fall in the first
year, and it consequently follows that the elevation of the patriciate
took place in the autumn of 1 144.
* Otto of Freising, Chron,^ vii. c. 31 : omnia regalia ejus — ad jus
Pairicii reposcunt ; eumque mare antiquorum sacerdotum de decimis
tantum et oblcUionibus sustentari oportere dicentes. And previously
Senatoribtis — Patricium adjidunt — Jordanem Petri Leonis Jilium
eligenies omnes ei. tamquam prineipi stdjiciuntur. Anon, Cassin, :
JordanusJiL Petri Leonis cum Senatoribus et parte totiuspopuli minoris
contra papam rebeliat — ** parte** is to be taken quite in its Italian
signification*
490 HISTORY OF ROME
May not Rome with justice be called the Eternal City,
when its fortunes have remained so immutably the
same ?
In his distress Lucius turned to Conrad III., the
King of the Romans, in whom the great Hohen-
staufen race had ascended the German throne on
March 7, 1138/ The Romans also besought Conrad
to recognise their republic. Still perhaps filled with
resentment against the Italian cities, which had so
shamefully abandoned him, — ^the former rival to
Lothar, — he returned them no answer. He readily
received the envoys of the Pope, who came to
implore his ratification and recognition of the State
of the Church, but he abandoned Italy and Rome
to their fate. The diminution of the papal power
through the Romans, who recognised his authority,
must necessarily be welcome to him.
Rome was filled with tumult The Pope wrote
on January 20, 1145, ^^ the Abbot Peter of Cluny,
that he could not go to S. Saba on the Aventine
to ordain the abbot." The biographer of the Pope
indeed asserts that he succeeded in inducing the
Senators to descend from the Capitol and to abjure
the Senate. But this is a mistake,' for Lucius made
a last despairing effort to wrest his power from the
^ Conrad was desired and selected as Lothar's successor by the
Roman Church. He was crowned at Aachen on March 13. W.
Bemhardi, /. f., i. 15 f.
Letter of January 20, 1145. Ja^^i ^^^' Pon/,, n. 6125.
' This proceeding is very obscure. The Ft/a Lueii transfers it to
the last days of the Pope, and says that on account of his sudden
illness and death Muratio ipsa viribus caruit. This is contradicted
by other accounts.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 49 1
Romans. A pope besieged and attacked the Capitol,
as Brennus or Vitellius had done, but Pierleone and
his Senators, to whose heated imaginations the shades
of antiquity may have appeared from the Tarpeian
ruins, defended it bravely like their forefathers. A Lucius ii.
blow from a stone, it is supposed, struck the Vicar of capitoiand
Christ to the earth, and history associated a pope pJ^J^J^* -^
who fell bleeding on the Clivus Capitolinus with
Manlius and Gracchus.
Lucius II. died a few days after in the convent of
S. Gregory on the Ccelian, whither he had been
removed under the protection of the Frangipani, on
February 15, 1x45.^
* Godfrey of Viterbo, who wrote about 11 80 (Murat., vii. 461):
intcndens Senaium extingere cum ingenti militia Capitoiium Ronta
conscendit — Senatus autem Populusq, Rom^-^Papani — in momenta
repellunt. Ubi Papa {sicut audivimus) lapidibus magnis percussus^
lisque ad obitus sui diem^ qui proxime secuius est, non sedit in sede.
Sicard (Murat., vii. 598): ttrmaia manu ascendit Capitoiium; sed
Rofnani inde ejeceruni eum. Sigbeit, Cont, Pramonstr, : sede inde
(from the Capitol) per Jordanem—perturbatus^ infirmitate correptus^
infra annum — fnoritur. The day of his death is fixed by Cardinal
Aragon., p. 437, who only says : repentina moHe praventus. Otto of
Freising (viL c. 31) says : quotidianis cruciatibui ac tadio vita affectus^
infra anni spatium pontificatus sui diem odiit. The Romans appear
to have made a pasquinade on Lucius, which runs :—
Lucius estpiscis vocitcUus^ raptor aquarumy
A quo discordat Lucius isteparum.
Gloss on ^gid, AureavalL^ iii. 28 {Mon, Germ^^ zxv. loo).
492 HISTORY OF ROME
4. EuGENius III. — His first Flight from Rome —
Abolition of the Prefecture — Arnold of
Brescia in Rome — Institution of the Order
OF Knighthood — Influence of events in Rome
on the Provincial Cities — Eugenius III. recog-
nises the Republic — Character of the Roman
Municipal Constitution — Second Flight of
Eugenius — War between the Populace and the
Nobility — Rebellion of the inferior Clergy
against the higher Ecclesiastics — S. Bernard
WRITES TO the RoMANS — RELATIONS OF CONRAD
III. TO Rome — Eugenius III. in Tusculum.
Eugenius The Cardinals forthwith assembled in the church
ii4S-H^ of S. Cesario on the Via Appia, and unanimously
fixed their choice on Bernard, the Abbot of S.
Anastasius ad Aquas Salvias. And hence through
his pupil the ideas of the saint of Clairvaux obtained
possession of the papal chair. Bernard of Pisa had
no genius ; his own master even felt dismayed that,
at a time so critical, a simple monk should have been
placed on the throne of Christendom. The electors,
however, must have discovered in him sufficient
intelligence and energy of purpose. His friends
asserted that the succouring grace of God endowed
the artless monk with intellect, grace, and eloquence.
The sainted teacher eventually dedicated to his timid
pupil, whose apostolic feet he now kissed in self-
abnegation, his golden book De Consideratione, which
still remains the most useful manual for such popes
as desire to administer their office with humility and
prudence.*
^ Ilwtc cum aniea simplex fmrit^ Deus mirahUi gratia^ et eioquentia
u
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 493
The new Pope was able to take possession of the
Lateran unhindered, but the Senators barred his
way to S. Peter's, where his consecration ought to
have taken place. They demanded his renuncia-
tion of the civil power, and the recognition of the
republic. Rome stood in arms. The Pope fled on
February 17, the third day after his election, to
the Sabine fortress of Monticelli, and was followed
by the dismayed cardinals. They proceeded to
Farfa, where Eugenius III. was consecrated, on
February 18, 1145.
He took up his abode at Viterbo at Easter and He files to
there remained eight months. During the struggles *^ '
between Henry IV. and the Papacy, Viterbo had
attained municipal power, and at the end of the
eleventh century had acquired a municipal constitu-
tion with consuls at its head.^ It nevertheless
remained subject to the popes, who henceforth
frequently found refuge within its walls. Rome
meanwhile remained the scene of wildest uproar.
The palaces and towers of such nobles as belonged
to the papal party, and of the cardinals, were sacked
and destroyed ; the populace abandoned themselves
to violent excesses. Even pilgrims were seized,
perfudU(Bem, Guid,^ Muratori, iii. I, 347). Bernard's embarrassment
at the election of his pupil is shown by Ep. 237 to the electors, £p.
238 to the elected. Dabit tibi dom, intelUctum^ he says to him, and
to the cardinals : quid fecistist sepuUura homitum revocasHs ad
homines. He calls him rustictmum—pannosum honiunctonem. The
fiye books De Consid,^ which Pius V. had read aloud to him every
day, were written by Bernard in the intervals of leisure of many years.
1 Cesare Pinzi, Star, delia cittct di ViUrbo^ Rome, 1887, vol. i.
109 f.
494 HISTORY OF ROME
and S. Peter's was again fortified with engines of
war.^ The popular government now abolished the
city prefecture. The office represented the imperial
power in Rome, and its abolition must therefore be
taken as signifying that the Romans, embittered by
Conrad's disdain, threatened to sever themselves
from the imperium. The Patricius should alone
represent the majesty of the Roman Senate and
people, and all nobles who refused to recognise the
Patricius were banished.*
Eugeniiis Meanwhile Eugenius III. assembled the vassals
war on ^ of the Church in Viterbo ; the greater number of the
VitSbo^*'" Counts of the Campagna were hostile to the city, with
which they were not allied by any tie. In some cities
counts had been established since antiquity; other
cities were governed by papal delegates bearing
the Roman titles of Praesides and Rectors. Rome
determined to subjugate both counts and provincial
cities, as Milan and other republics had subjugated
their neighbours. The papal cities resolved to be
again entirely free, although few were strong enough
to emulate the example of Rome. Among these,
however, was Cometo, the ancient Tarquinium, a
busy mart, which in 1144 stlready owned a muni-
* Otto of Freising, CAr,, vii, c 31 : Ecc/. b. Petri— profanissimt
in castellare turn metuunt, Geroh of Reichersberg {Ub, de corrupio
eccles, statu in Baluz, MiscelL^ v. 114) lamented : quod adkuc in dome
b, Petri — desolaiionis (zbominatumem stare videmus, posUis etiam
propugnacidis et aliis beUor, instrumentis in aititudins sanctuari supra
corpus b, Petri, The cardinals had already beaatifiil palaces in Rome
— m/ Cardinalium diruentur—spiendiiia paiaHa (Otto of Freising, De
Gestis Friday ii. c. 21).
* Prafectura dignitatem adoUntes, omnes principes ac nob» ex civib,
ad subfection. Patricii compellunt. Otto of Freising, vii. c. 31.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 495
cipality with consuls.* The provincial nobility also
sought to attain independence, while the Roman
Senate strove to compel them to receive their feudal
investiture on the Capitol instead of in the Lateran,
and either to live in the city under the laws of the
republic, or to recognise these laws. Eugenius was
soon able to unite several vassals of the Church, who
had done homage to him at Nami, with the Tivolese,
Rome's bitterest enemies, and to send them against
the city, where the papal party was at war with the
Senate.' It is possible that the excommunication
with which he threatened the Patricius Jordan may
have had some effect, and the wearied populace
finally demanded the return of the Pope, whom they
determined to recognise.* The Pope prudently The
agreed to a treaty, perhaps saying to himself that it ^Sde
a treaty
^ Document of Cometo, November 20, 1144 (Cendos, fol. cxiii.). ^ith |he
Nos quid. Gcttofredus de Pinzon et Veto Franconis consults una cum Pope, who
Ept'dio victcomite et Ranutio de Guiltone ex mandato — alter. Consul, recognises
Lfif*if con*
a Pop, Cometance cvvitatis. The Pope already recognised the stitution
municipal constitution in country towns. There were consuls in xz45.
Orvieto in 1157 ; according to Murat, Antiq, It.^ ii. 33?, in Nepi as
early asii3i;inii98, and naturally even earlier, there were twelve
consuls in Nami, where the entire county belonged to the commune.
Namienses Consules universcUes CimtcUis et Comitatus Namue
(Murat., Antiq.^ iv. p. 60). With regard to Cometo and its history,
compare Dasti, Notizie storiche archeoL di Tarquinia e Cometo^ Roma,
1878 ; and Th. WUstenfeid, Regesten der wkktigeren Urk. zur Gesch,
von Cometo vom 10. bis \^,Jahrhundertm Xhit Iter Italicum of Jul. v.
Pflngk-Harttung, 2 Abth., Stuttg., 1884.
' An ancient account of this time (Martinelli, Roma ex EtAn,,
p. 171) says : post hac vero, ipso D, Papa mandcuite^ contra Senatum
et Pop, Rom. quibus modis poterant comites pupusre caperunt. Of the
Senate, Card. Arag., p. 439 : civitatis et castra B. Petri assidtiis
rapinis et gravibus guerris persequi nan cessabant,
' Otto of Freising, viL c. 31 ; Card. Aiagon, p. 439.
496 HISTORY OF ROME
was better to place the Roman republic under the
authority of holy Church, than that the Emperor
should place it under the authority of the empire.
The Romans consequently removed the Patricius,
again appointed a Prefect, and recognised the
supremacy of the Pope, who acknowledged the
existence of the commune under his investiture.
After the conclusion of the treaty with the Roman
people, shortly before Christmas 1145, Eugenius III.
was able to leave Sutri, and make his entry into the
Lateran. His return resembled a triumph.^
The city commune had thus wrung its recognition
from the Pope, and the Pope on his part had
preserved the principle of his government, since from
him the Senate received investiture.* In this curious
phantom of ancient times the name alone was
Roman, the character was new. In the list of
twenty-five Senators given us in the oldest document
preserved of the Acta Senattis of the Middle Ages,
scarcely any names are mentioned but those of
people of the burgher class, names hitherto unknown
to history, and among them is even one of a painter
by profession.' The majority of its members being
^ PcUriciatus dignitatem exfestiuarent^ et prafectum in pristinam
dignitatem reciperent, Senatores vero ex ejus aiutoritaie tenerent.
Otto of Freising, vii. c. 34. Theobald was Prefect in 1 1 39,
Jacobus prafutus urhis probably as early- as 1145 (Bonincontr. ap.
Lamium, vi. 144). The triumphal procession of the Pope is described
by Card. Aragon, p. 439.
' Hence the document of December 23, 1 148, says : Nos Senatores
— a d, n, P» Eugenia totaque veneranda aplica curia et reoerendo pop,
Romano pro regim. urbis atmuat, in Capitolio constituti ; similarly the
treaty between Pisa and Rome in the Chronicle of Afarangone, A. 1 15 1.
' It is signed : Et nos Senatores : Joh Berardi, Petr, plangens
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 49/
of the burgher class gave the Senate a plebeian
stamp, although many nobles had already joined
the commune. A fresh election took place every
year in September or November, probably in the
presence of papal plenipotentiaries. The original Character
number of members is unknown and was afterwards Roman
variable, but since soon after 1144 the number of^jjj^j^^*
fifty-six Senators was accepted as the standard, it
appears that, as in ancient times, so again now,
Rome was divided into fourteen regions, from each
of which four Senators were elected, and that the
Senate was thus drawn from the fourteen companies
of the city.^ The full Senate formed the great
Council or Consistorium and a committee of
Consiliatores or Procuratores of the republic was
placed at its head. Consiliatores are also found in
Genoa and Pisa, in the capacity of assistant
councillors to the consuls. In Rome, however, while
the Senate possessed the l^islative power, they
spaiulam, U^Ulo gentis, Peir. Enrici^ Romanus petri milluli,
Astaldus David, Jordctnus brutii, Gregorius gaudentis, Nicol.
philippic Fetr, romaui sperantis in DEO» Sebcutianus guaUrade,
Stepkan faiconis, Grisoctus Cencii. Greats, Nicol, berizonis,
Dampnicus, Pareniius, Petr, baffolini, Falco carozie, Rtisticus
nicolai rustici, Petr, rabie, Stephan. cinaronis^ Bonum tibi veniat
A, e, betUivenga pictor, Joh, banifilioli, Petrus demetrii pro nobis et
pro omnib, aiiis consencUorib. nostris quor, nomina non sunt hie
descripta (Galletti, Del, Prim,, p. 306, Lawsuit on account of some
property of S. Maria in Via Lata). The Berardl, Astaldi, Berizo,
Rustici, BonifilioU were nobiUs ; Grisoctus Cendi may have belonged
to the Banmzii ; at any rate, Grisottus de Stefano Centii de Baruntio
appears in 1 131 (Mittarelli, iu. n. 224).
^ True, the treaty of peace between Pisa and Rome in 1 151 says nos
quid Senatores numero JL; the figures VI. may, however, have been
accidentally omitted.
VOL. IV. 2 K
498 HISTORY OF ROME
held the executive power as the supreme governing
Council. They were elected from amongst the
Senators, and they frequently changed office during
the year.^ Consiliatores and Consistorium thus
form the Major and Minor Council, and all full
citizens and electors of the Senate compose the
popular parliament, which assembled on the Capitol
to assent to the decrees and to listen to the vin-
dications of the magistrates retiring from office.
CoiM of It IS difficult to say what were the revenues of the
Senate. Senate, and what royalties it appropriated. It must
already have deprived the pope of the right of
coinage ; hence, after an interval of several centuries,
silver pieces again passed through the hands of the
Romans, on which the ancient legend, '^ Senatus
poptdus que Romanus^ was engraved, but which now
bore in addition the portrait of an apostle with the
inscription, " Prince of the Romans."*
* The authors who deal with the Senate — ^Vendettini, Vitale,
Olivieri, and Cnrtius— overlook this change. A document in April
1 191 is signed by different Consiliatores to those who sign in May.
We find now nine, now eleven, twelve, even fourteen of them. They
invariably sign their names before the Senators. The treaty with the
Pope of 1 188 is signed y«jx» Senatorum Consiliaiorum (twelve names
follow) ft Senatorum (the names follow). I believe them to be
Procuratores of the republic, corresponding to the governing consuls of
other cities, and not merely councillors, as Papencordt and Hegel
suppose. Twenty-four Consiliatores were elected in Pisa in 1 164, qui
nee comules nee senatores hoc anno fuerint (Bonaini, Statuti eU Pisa,
i. 25) ; in Rome, however, they were the directing committee of the
Senate.
* The Papal denarii cease with Benedict VII. (who died 9S4). In
the eleventh century only one denarius is attributed to Leo IX. and
another to Paschalis II. The void until Benedict XI. (who died in
1304) is filled (according to Floravante, Antigui Ronumor. Pontif.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 499
Civil justice also devolved on the Senate ; the Justice.
court of justice of the Capitol {Curia Senafus),
composed of Senators and men learned in law,
frequently received Palatine judges and Dativi as
Proctors within its limits, so that in several Placita
senatorial and papal tribunals are found side by side.
The Senate also endeavoured to bring even civil
cases of a spiritual nature, where both accusers and
accused were priests, before her tribunal — the Forum
Senatorium} The popes, however, resisted the
attempt For the papal Curia still survived along-
side of the senatorial, and in ecclesiastical dis-
putes the papal Placita are always independent
of the senatorial decrees. From these decrees the
litigants frequently appealed to the pope, as, on the
other hand, persons judged by the papal tribunal
frequently appealed to the Senate.' Such are the
Denarii) bjr the coins of the Senate. Nevertheless, in documents
subsequent to the installation of the Senate, I find solidi papa distin-
guished from denarii Senatus (Mittarelli, iv. n. 53, n. 98) ; I believe
that the popes at first still struck money. The coins of the Senate
were called soluii benor. prcvisiner, Senaius from Provins in
Champagne) : or the custom of reckoning according to libnB honor, or
parvor, paroemium Senaius still continued. Floravante holds that the
oldest denarii of the Senate are those bearing on one side the legend
ROMAN. PRICIPE round the effigy of S. Peter, and SENAT.
POPUL. Q. R. round S. Paul on the other. Other coins of this
period are called affortiati (strong or pure gold) Scyphati^ Marahotini
(Maravedi), Maieckini (an Arabic name derived from Melech)
RamaneUi (Byzantine), &c. See Ducange.
^ £p. 239, Innocent. III., lib. ii., an important letter for the legal
relations of the time.
* The existence of the two Curiae side by side is shown by several
documents, and in the earliest document of the Senate of the year 1 148
the ancient Palatine judges are mentioned as assistant councillors. See
SCX> HISTORY OF ROME
principal features of the constitution which the
Romans now created for themselves. It does
honour to their civic energy ; since, although recog-
nising in principle the supremacy of the pope, they
retained their political autonomy, and Rome hence-
forward became properly a self-governing republic,
which made war and peace independently of the
pope.
Meanwhile the treaty with Eugenius III. did not
calm the profound disturbance in the city and
territory. Nobles and clergy looked with anger on
the Senate, which strove to extend its authority over
the entire Campagna. Tivoli gave rise to fr&h
tumults. The Romans demanded its destruction,
and the harassed Pope permitted its walls to be
pulled down, a measure, however, which failed to
satisfy the Romans. Eugenius III. fled from his
tormentors at the end of January 1 146 to Trastevere,
or S. Angelo, which the Pierleoni still retained.
Weary of life like Gelasius, he bemoaned his
troubles and sighed, in the words of S. Bernard, that,
instead of the sheep of Peter, the Shepherd tended
wolves, dragons, and scorpions in Rome. He went
Flight of to Sutri in March, to Viterbo in May, and stayed
^ ugemus ^jjgj.g mj^jj ^Q gjj J Qf ^^ y^^ . thence he proceeded
I^r* *^ ^^^^' ^^^ *^ March 1147 through Lombardy to
also the Act of the Senate of 11 60 (Galletti, Dei, Prim., p. 314) :
Actum XVI. a resiaurattonis senatus Ind, VIII, m,Jan, die XXIII,
CapUolii in curia senatus. In a dispute between the churches of
S. Croce in Gerusalemme and S. Prassede concerning the Fundus
Pompeii^ the senatorial delegate Nicholas Johis Gianelli takes into
consultation the Papal Primicerius, prim. Defensor^ the Sacellarius
and some dativi.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 50I
France, where King Lewis was preparing for the
second Crusade.^
Eugenius had fled but had not been driven away
by force of arms, for even after his two years'
absence the Romans continued to recognise the
foundations of the treaty and to regard the Senate
as having been invested in its office by the pontiff.*
Meanwhile they now felt themselves entirely free;
Tivoli was immediately attacked and punished by
the execution of several of its citizens.* Rome
seemed to have reverted to ancient times, as in her
Senate, so in the wars, which she waged now as
then against Latin and Tuscan towns, which again
formed an alliance against her. In order to in-
demnify themselves, the great nobility also attacked
many patrimonies of the Church. Each seized what
he could.* The State of the Church was split into
* The passage of the Ancn, Cassin. : pacem cum Ronianis reformans^
muros TiburtituB civitatis destrui pracepit^ is fittingly explained by
Cartius. Otto of Freising, viL c. 34 : a pop, Rom, pro excidto Tidur-
iinor» in tantum soliicitatur^ ut improbitaUm eor, non sush'nens ad
transtybertnam regionem migrans, &c Bonincontrius (Lamius,
Delicy V. 144) even says that he had been driven out of the city.
' This is shown by the document of December 28, 1148 (already
quoted), when Eugenius was not in the city.
' Chron, Fossa N,^ ad A, 1 146: Romanivener, super Tiburim^ et
multos ex eis decollaveruni. The notice in the Ckron, Sublac, (Murat. ,
Antiq,f iv. 797) : cum Romanitemp, Thebaldi Praf, supra Tiburtinos
venerintf belongs to an earlier year.
* Bonincon., p. 148 : Guido Colonna took Norba and Frosinone ;
Jacobus, the Prefect who had received investiture from the Pope,
Civita Vecchia and Viterbo ; Nicholas of Anguillara, T0I& and S.
Severa ; Peter Frangipane, Tenacina and Sezza. Celestine II. had
only given the Frangipani the revenues of Terracina, but they con-
stituted themselves tyrants of the place. See the notices in Contatore
{Hist, di Terracina^ i. c. 6) taken from the city archives. The
S02
HISTORY OF ROME
Arnold of
Brescia ,
appears
in Rome
petty baronial despotisms, which were hostile alike
to the Papacy and to the Senate, and which weakened
or hindered the autonomy of Rome. The rule of
these noble tyrants was especially strong in Latium,
a poor district where there were no wealthy com-
munes to form a counterpoise such as existed in
Tuscany or Umbria. The energy of the Roman
people was thus dissipated in struggles with towns
and captains, while Rome itself^ where Jordan
Fierleone now appeared as standard-bearer of the
civic power, was torn by internal civic wars, and
stood in violent revolution.
It was at this time that Arnold of Brescia, who
had remained hidden in exile, reappeared as a
demagogue in Rome. The celebrated schismatic
had returned to Italy on the death of Innocent II.,
and, having promised silence and submission, was re-
leased by Eugenius III. in Viterbo from the ban which
had previously been laid upon him. His penance
was to be performed at the holy places in Rome.
Thither, therefore, Arnold went, perhaps at the
same time that Eugenius returned to the city
from Viterbo, and at first lived in concealment.
After the Pope's flight to France, however, he came
forward publicly, and, heedless of the oath which he
had taken to the Curia, loudly preached his old
doctrines to the Romans.*
The revolution in Rome took great hold upon
Frangipani suppressed the commune of TenaciDa; consequently,
we do not find consuls there until the thirteenth century, when
Innocent III. subjugated the barons.
^ Hist, pontifUalis^
\
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 503
him. Friends, whom he had either found in the city
or recently made, encouraged him to dedicate his
talents to the cause of the people. He acquiesced,
filled with the enthusiastic hope of thus accom-
plishing his ecclesiastical and social ideal in the over-
throw of the Dominium Temporale. Nothing could
have been more gratifying to Arnold than the
establishment of the Roman commune. Should the
attempt to deprive the Pope of the civil power
succeed, it would entail the fail of all the remain-
ing ecclesiastical States, and Christian society would
again approach the democratic conditions of the
early unpolitical Church. Arnold's chief work must
consequently be to aid in the formation in Rome
of a republic founded on civic liberty.
The religious sect which he had founded in Brescia
was revived in Rome. His doctrine of apostolic
poverty and purity of morals won him many friends :
women more especially became his enthusiastic
followers. His adherents were known as Lombards
or Amoldists.* The Roman Senate eagerly imbibed
the doctrines of the fiery popular orator on their
political side. A man clad in the monastic habit,
emaciated by fasting, stood like a spectre on the
ruins of the Capitol and addressed the Patres
Conscripti on the same spot where Senators, volup-
tuous rulers over thousands of slaves, had addressed
their ancestors. Arnold's glowing declamations, to
^ HofHinum sectam fecitf que adhuc dUitur heresis Lombardorum.
Habuit enim continenHa tectaiores^ qui propter honest at is speciem et
austeritatem vite placebant populOf sed maxime apud religiosas feminas
iuveniebasU subsidium^ Hist, pontificalis^ p. 538.
504 HISTORY OF ROME
which the Fathers of the Church and Virgil, the law
of Justinian and the Gospel, alike contributed, were
delivered in the corrupt Latin, the " lingua rustical^
or peasant's tongue, to which Varro or Cicero would
have listened in horror, but which, as the tonjue of
Dante, was destined a century later to create a new
literature.
Arnold spoke frequently in pubh'c parliaments. He
described the pride, the avarice, the hypocrisy and
the vices of the cardinals, he called their collie a
table of money-changers and a den of robbers. He
loudly announced that the Pope was not a successor
of the apostles as a shepherd of souls, but an incen-
diary and a murderer, a tyrant over churches and
a corrupter of innocence, who fed his body and his
treasure-chests on the property of others. Neither
obedience nor reverence was due to him. Nor was
any toleration to be shown to such as desired to
reduce Rome, the Seat of the Empire, the Source of
Freedom, the Mistress of the World, to subjection.^
We may imagine how these speeches, uttered by a
reformer of strictly moral life, inflamed the minds of
the Romans, already filled with hatred against the
priestly rule. Arnold was the man of the hour ; the
republic on the Capitol took him formally into its
service : * it also made use of him as Councillor in
^ This is related by the Histor, PofUificcUis, Posterea non esse
homines admittendos^ qui sedem Imperii fontem libertcUis Romam^
mundi dominam volsbant subjicere serviiuti. Otto of Freising thus
sums up Arnold's principles : nihil in dispositione Urbis ad Roman,
pontificem spectare^ suffUere sibi ecclesiasticum judicium*
' Qui honori urbis et reipubl, Romanar, se dicebatur obligasse prestito
juramento* Et ei popuU Roman, vicissim auxilium et consilium contra
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. SOS
matters relating to the civic constitution : for it has
come to pass that in every age in Italy ecclesiastical
reformers have stepped into the domain of politics
and become demagogues. The practical insight of
the Lombard may have been darkened by the ruins
of Rome, and become too deeply steeped in ancient
traditions. The revival of the study of the law of
Justinian combined with the monuments and tradi-
tions of antiquity to hold the Romans within an
enchanted domain. While other democracies
developed in accordance with natural laws, the
Romans strove to restore the ancient forms of their
republic, and lost themselves in enthusiastic dreams
of the world-wide supremacy which was their due.
Arnold himself counselled the people to rebuild the
Capitol and to revive the ancient order of Senators,
even that of the knights. We must not, however,
regard the institution of knighthood simply as a
fantastic whim ; other cities also created knights,
and Arnold probably wished to combine the petty
nobility (who were friendly to the populace), and to
install them as an armed force in opposition to the
aristocracy of consuls and captains.^
As the lower ranks of the nobility entered thexheioweri
commune, so the inferior clergy laid hold of the idea [SS^^i^ly
of the equality of the priesthood. War was made on join the
movement
omtus homin, et nominoHm contra d, Papam promisit. Hist. Pontif.
Arnold's attitude towards the Senate in Rome reminds us of that
later held by Paolo Sarpi towards the Signory of Venice.
^ Circa prindpia pontificaHu Eugenii pestifer AmcUdus Rontam
ingressus^proponem antiquor, Romanor, exempla — reatUficandum
CapitoUuMf renovandam dignitatem Senatoricun, rcfirmandum eques"
trem ordinem docuit. Otto of Freising, ii. c 21 •
S06 HISTORY OF ROME
all sides against the Gregorian hierarchy, which
was contrasted with the long-overthrown likeness of
primitive Christianity. The clergy of the smaller
churches revolted against the caste of cardinals, who
already, like the great nobility (to whose ranks they
for the most part belonged), owned castellated palaces
in the city and were accustomed to live like princes.
Eugenius meanwhile had returned to Italy from
France in June 1 148. He excommunicated Arnold
at a Synod held at Cremona in July. Apprehensive of
a movement among the clergy in Rome, he addressed
them a letter from Brescia, menacing them all with
punishment did they give ear to the sectary.*
While Arnold inflamed the populace with en-
thusiasm for democracy, his old adversary Bernard
was active to quench the brand. The practical
application of his own Christian principles, concern-
ing the illegality of the political rule of the bishops,
the saint himself still owed to the world, and it was
with difficulty that he could think of Rome other-
wise than in the possession of the Pope, even if the
form of government remained a matter of indiffer-
s. Bernard ence. After Eugenius' second flight he wrote to
R^naas^to tl^G Romans ; he implored the indulgence of the
to^h*^^'^ " ^^^1^®^ ^^^ illustrious people," that he, an insigni-
Pope.
^ Fallax et itvuidus hum, generis inimicus per Amaldum schismati"
cum — fffecii^ ut quidcun Capellani unitatem Eccles, — dwidentes^ ipsius
A» sequaniur errarem : et Cardinalib, atque Archipresbyteris mis
obedientiam — amtradiatnt — dai. Brixia Id, Juiii, The movement
among the inferior clergy continued under Adrian IV. and Alexander
III. (Brie6 of these popes in Mansi, xxL 628, 803). The existence
of twenty-eight cardinal titles at this time is evident from Alexander's
letter.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $0/
ficant person, should venture to address them, but he
explained, as every bishop of the present day explains,
that the violence oflfered to the Pope concerned the
entire Catholic world.
" Your fathers rendered the universe subject to
the city, but you would make the city the byword
of the world. You have banished the Papacy,
now beware what will become of Rome; a head-
less trunk, a face without eyes. Scattered sheep !
Return to your Shepherd. Illustrious city of heroes,
reconcile thyself with thy true princes Peter and
Paul."^ The saint spoke with indignation but
with diplomatic reverence for the name of Rome,
but he secretly hated the Romans. He elsewhere
draws a picture of them, and calls this exalted people
proud, covetous, vain and mutinous, unmanly and
false. " Their speech is arrogant but their actions are
mean. They promise everything and perform noth-
ing. They are at the same time honeyed flatterers
and bitter slanderers, in short, worthless traitors." *
^ Ep. 243 : Nobilib, et optimatib, et univ, pop, Romano, frater
Bern, Claravallis vocatus Abbas, decUnare a nuUo, et facere quod
bonum est. — Paires vestri Urbi Orbetn subjugaoerunt, vos Urbeni
properatis orbi facere fabulam — Quid ergo nunc Ronia, nisi sine capiie
truncum corpus, sine ocuiisfrons effossa, fades ienebrosa f Bishops in
every port of the world say the same even now, and Bernard's letter is
as often quoted by the friends of Pius IX. as the opinion taken by the
saint concerning the political position of the clergy is quoted by their
opponents.
^ Quid tarn notum sceculis, quam protervia et fasius Romanor, f
Gens insueta pacis, tumultui assueta ; gens immitis et intractabilis —
impii in Deutn, temerarii in sancta, sediiiosi in invicetn, amu/i in
incinosy inhumani in extraneos. Docuenent Hnguam suam grandia
loqui, cum operereniur exigua. And of the avarice of the Romans :
quem dabis mihi^ vel de tota maxima Urbe^ qui Te in Fapam reuperit.
5o8
HISTORY OF ROME
The
Romans
demand
thepro-
tecuon of
Conrad
III.
Eugenius was not to owe to the saint, whose pupil
he had been, what Innocent II. had once owed
him. Neither in Conrad did he find a Lothan
Both parties summoned the King to Rome; both
made use of the same phrase, that Caesar should
take what belonged to Caesar ; but their sense and
intention differed in each case.^ Conrad III., owing
to his disastrous Crusade, to which he had been
driven by the exhortations and false prophecies of
the holy abbot, was kept far from Italy, but re-
turning by Aquileja in the b^inning of 1149
he determined on the journey to Rome. Roger's
alliance with Guelf, the rebellious Duke of Bavaria,
urgently demanded the journey, while Roger, mind-
ful of Lothar's victory, employed every means to
keep him at a distance.^ Conrad had formed an
alliance with the Greek Emperor Emmanuel, and
the Pisans were again to lend him their fleet On
the other hand, the Pope required the help of the
Sicilians against the Romans, and feared that Conrad
would agree to the treaty which they repeatedly
offered him.
At the end of the year 1148 Eugenius went to
Viterbo, a town with which the Romans were
precio^ seu spe precti non intervenientet De Consid,, iv. c. iu
Bernard wrote the fourth and fifth books of this celebrated treatise
1152-1153. Petrarch later defended Rome against this invective:
Contra galii calumnias^ Op„ ed. Basel, p. 1075.
1 Ep. 244, ad Conradum, And the letter of the friend (Martene,
i. iL 299, £p. 212).
* Concerning this we are informed by the notary John : Ep. 239,
among Wibald's letters (Martene, AmpL Collect, , iL). Martene
wrongly places the letter in the year 1151 ; it fiUls before the battle of
Flochberg, where Guelf was vanquished on February 8, 115a
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 509
already at war. In the beginning of 1149 he
ventured into the neighbourhood of Rome. Count
Ptolemy received him in Tusculum, where he was Ei«eiiius
also greeted by Lewis of France on his return from Tusculum,
the Crusade. The king saw with astonishment the ''^'
helpless position of the Pope in the gloomy fortress ;
he nevertheless went on to Rome, to visit the various
holy places as a pilgrim, and the republicans of the
city received him with all due honour.^ Eugenius,
who had brought the necessary money with him
from France, collected the vassals of the Church and
reinforcements of mercenaries in Tusculum, placed
Cardinal Guido of Puella at the head of these
troops, and in his distress formed an alliance with
King Roger, who lent him soldiers. Rome was now
reduced to the uttermost extremity, but the repub-
licans valiantly repulsed the attacks of the enemy.*
^ Hist, Pontificalis^ c. 29.
* The Bulls given by Jaff6 fix his sojourn in Tusculum between
April 8 and November 7, 1 149. Anon, Cass. Ckron,^ A. 1 148:
Eugenius P. Tusculanum ingressuSf fultus auxilio Rogerii Regis ^
Romanes sibi rebelles expugnat. Similarly Romuald, p. 193.
Robert de Monte : P, Eugenius in ItcUiani regressus^ cum Romanis
vario eventu confiigit. The Hist, Pontificalis says (c. 27) expressly:
infeliciter pugnabatur, Ecclesia namque fecit sumptus maximos et
profectum minimum^
5IO HISTORY OF ROME
5. Letter of the Senate to Conrad III. — Poutical
Ideas of the Romans — Return of Eugenius III. —
His new Exile — Proposals of the Romans to Con-
rad—He prepares to go to Rome — His Death
— Frederick I. ascends the German Throne
— ^Letter of the Romans to Frederick — Rome,
Roman Law, and the Empire — Stipulations of
Constance — Irritation of the Democrats in
Rome — Eugenius' return to the City — His Death.
The Senate at this time wrote repeatedly to King
Conrad, inviting him to come and rule over empire
and city. The citizens, Sixtus, Nicholas, and
Guido, now Councillors of the republic, announced
that they had banished the Frangipani and Fierleoni,
and urged Conrad to take the Roman commune
under his protection.^ But as they received no
answer, and the difficulty increased, the Senate
addressed him another letter in 1 149. Its memor-
able contents show that the chasm which separated
the Romans of the twelfth century from the temporal
power was just as deep, and was explained with as
much certainty, as at the present day, when their
remote and unarmed descendants still assemble
amid the time-worn ruins of the Forum and Capitol, to
protest against the civil power of the Pope, and to
stick by night placards ending with the cry, ** Viva il
Pontefice — non Re," at the corners of the streets.*
^ Ep. 212 (Wibaldi) : Excellent, et Magnif, Dom, Urbis et Orbis
Conrado etc, Sixius, Nicolaus et Guide consiliatores Curia sacri
Senatus et communis scUutis reip, procmatores — ut jam per piures
litieras regia ngnificatum est majestati etc, etc,
' A proclamation during the Carnival of 1862 says : Romans !
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 5 II
673 years had rolled by since the d^raded
Senators had explained to Zeno in Byzantium
that Rome no longer required a Western emperor ;
that she was satisfied that Odoacer should rule over
Italy as Byzantine Patricius. 614 years had passed
since the Senate had addressed its last letter to
Justinian, imploring him not to withdraw his favour
from Rome and the Gothic King Theodat Now
there appeared before the throne of the German
king Romans who, coming from the neglected ruins
of the Capitol, again called themselves Senators,
who announced that they had restored the ancient
Roman Senate, and invited the King of Germany to
be the successor of Constantine and Justinian.
" To the illustrious ruler of the city and of the Letters
world, Conrad, by the Grace of God, King of the Roman*
Romans, always Augustus, from the Senate and ^^
the people of Rome ; health and a prosperous and
glorious rule over the Roman empire. We have al-
ready informed your royal nobility by frequent letters
of that which has happened through our means, have
told you that we remained faithful to you, and that
your crown may increase in splendour is our daily
wish. We are, however, surprised that you have
not vouchsafed us any answer. Our unanimous
endeavour is that we may again restore the empire
He who cares for his own dignity, who is conscious of the greatness of
the destiny which Providence has preserved to Italy and her capital,
finds sufficient satis&ction in the Forum and all such places as recall
her ancient grandeur. There the true citizen of Rome, in the
recollection of the glory of his ancestors, beholds the foundation of
our speedy renascence after so many centuries of disgrace. Vwa ii
PoHisfice mm Re I Rome, February 20, 1862.
512 HISTORY OF ROME
of the Romans, which God has entrusted to your
guidance, to the might that it possessed under Con-
stantine and Justinian, who, empowered by the
Roman Senate and people, governed the world. We
have, therefore, by the help of God, restored the
Senate, and defeated many enemies of your imperial
rule, in order that what belonged to Caesar should be
yours. We have laid a solid foundation. We are
security for justice and peace to all such as shall
desire them. We have conquered the fortresses of
the civic nobility, who, supported by Sicily and
Pope Eugenius, hoped to defy you, and have either
held these towns for you or have destroyed them.
We are, therefore, harried on every side by the Pope,
the Frangipani, the sons of Pierleone (with the excep-
tion of Jordan our standard-bearer), by Ptolemy, and
by many others. They desire to prevent our crowning
you Emperor. Meanwhile we suffer much hardship
out of love to you, since there is nothing too hard
for those who love, and you will give us the recom-
pense due from a father, and merited punishment to
the enemies of the empire. Shut your ears to the
slanderers of the Senate ; they will rejoice at our
discord, in order to ruin you and us. Remember
how much harm the papal court and these our former
fellow-citizens have caused your predecessors, and
how, with Sicilian aid, they have sought to do still
further harm to the city. Nevertheless, with Christ's
help we hold out manfully for you, and we have
already driven several of the empire's worst enemies
out of the city. Hasten to our aid with imperial
power; the city is at your command. You can
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 513
dwell in Rome, the Capital of the world, and, more
absolute than almost any of your predecessors, after
every priestly obstacle is removed, can rule over the
whole of Italy and the German empire. We entreat
you do not delay. Deign to assure your willing
servants of your well-being by letters and messengers.
We are now actively occupied in restoring the
Milvian Bridge, which to the misfortune of the
emperors has long been destroyed, and we hope
soon to complete it with strong masonry. Your
army will therefore be able to cross it, and to sur-
round S. Angek), where the Pierleoni, according to
arrangement with Sicily and the Pope, meditate
your ruin.
Rex valeaty quidquid cupit obiineat super hostes^
Itnperium teneaty Romce sedeat^ regat orbem^
Princeps terrarum, ceu fecit Justinianus.
Casaris ^ucipiat Casar qua sunt^ sua Prasul^
Ut Christus jussit^ Petro solvente tributunu
Finally we entreat you to accord our envoys a good
reception and to put confidence in them, since we
cannot write all that we would. They are noblemen ;
the Senator Guido, James, son of Sixtus, the Procura-
tor and Nicholas their companion." ^
The mag^c influence exercised by the traditions of
1 ExcelL atque pracL Urbis et Orbis totius Domino^ Canrado Dei
grai, Romcmor^ Regi^ semp, Augusto^ S,P,Q,R, salutem et Rom, Imp.
felicem et inciytam gubemationem (Otto of Freising, De gestis^ L c.
28). I assign this letter, not like Martene and Mansi to the year
1 1 50, but to 1 149, when Eugenius still harassed Rome from Tus-
culum. The envoys are called nobiles viri^ which means actual
nobles. The barbarous hexameters well express the programme of
the Romans. The letter is too poor to be ascribed to Arnold.
VOL, IV. 2 L
514 HISTORY OF ROME
/[ the ancient Roman empire is a curious phenomenon
in the history of the Middle Ages. A single great
recollection became a political power; the Roman
emperors on the throne of Germany ; the Roman
popes on the chair of Peter, the Roman senators
on the ruins of the Capitol, all dreamed of their
legitimate right to the sovereignty of the world. We
are not informed as to how the Roman envoys were
received at the German court or how they were dis-
missed. Conrad III. now saw two claimants quarrel
for the right of bestowing the imperial crown, and
he preferred to receive this crown from the hands of
a Roman Pope, rather than from those of a Roman
Senator.^ The Pope had undoubtedly entered into
an alliance with his enemy Roger, and the Romans
therefore already hoped that Conrad would lend them
a willing ear. Conrad himself must have recognised
that since the days of Henry III. no other king had
been offered so favourable an opportunity of restoring
the imperial power in Rome, and (by the destruction
of the Dofninium Temporale) of depriving the Papacy
of the fruit of Gregory V I I.'s victories. He received
letters from the Romans telling him that prudence
commanded him to become the mediator between
the Pope and Rome, and to place the new republic
under the protection of the empire. Did he comply
with their behests, the papal election would in future
depend on him.*
^ Christianiss, princeps hujusm, verbis sive naniis prabere aures
abnuit, says Otto of Freising ^ propos of the letter of the Romans.
' £p. 213 (in Wibald's letters) from iijidelis Senatus senforwn regis
fidelissimus.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 515
Conrad, detained in Germany, where he was at war
with the Guelf party, and devoid of any true insight
into the condition of Rome, paid no heed to the
wishes of the Senators, although he probably rejoiced
in the weakening of the papal power. The influence
of many friends of Roman freedom was counteracted
at his court by the clergy, more especially by the
Abbot Wibald of Stablo and Corvey. This influential
man had been won over to the side of Eugenius, and
he guided the opinions of the King. It thus came
to pass that the sorely harassed Romans were again Eugenius
obliged to receive the Pope into the city at the end Jo^Rome^"*
of the year 1 149.* A new peace was formed between »"«*>
the Senate and the Pope, which was of as short driven into
duration as the former.^ For as early as June 1 150, \^^ ^^^^
Eugenius returned to Latium, where he took up
his abode now in fortified Segni, now in Ferentino.
^ Eugenius P. pacem cum Romanis reformans Romam reversus est.
Anon, Cassm. Ckrou, Romuald, p. 193. A Bull of Eugenius is
dated : Laterani, 28 Nov. 1 149 (Jafi<^).
• Promissa Romanor. {Afim, Germ., iv. 88) : Restitution of all the
rights of the crown ; of the funds of the churches, with the exception
of the expenses of the war with Viterbo ; of all the fortresses outside
the city. Muni/tones S, Gregorii et turrem de Sdaceis dabunt. This
Turris is mentioned in a document of the year 1393, as extra fortam
Appiam et portam Laterani, belonging to the Ctisale Statuarium
(Coppi, Dissertations of the Papal Acad, of Archaology, t. xv.
p. 132). By Munit, S. Gregorii iht fortress on the Coelian, which a
Bull of Honorius III. of 1217 calls clausura in castro S, Gregorii
(Bull, Vat,, i. 100), cannot be intended. Tomassettt ("Camp.
Romana," Arch. d. Soc. R., viil, 1885, p. 56) holds the Turris de
Sclaceis to be the Torre Selce on the Via Appia and the munit,
S. Greg, to be the fortress Statuario. But no fortress could have
been built at Recano or Magliano on the Flaminian Way. The
Romans determined to take the oath of vassalage cum benefcio
quingentar. librar, secund, quod consueverunt Romeuti rurare pon^
Sl6 HISTORY OF ROME
During three years the papal court wandered through
the Campagna, close to Rome and yet in exile.^
Eugenius now feared that Conrad would recognise
the Roman commune, and that the league between
the city, Pisa, and the Greek emperor would over-
throw the temporal throne of the Papacy. Never-
theless, Wibald comforted him with the assurance
that he had nothing to fear.*
The Romans renewed their proposals and offered
Conrad the imperial crown, necessity having forced
them to recognise the historic right of German kings.
Conrad, whose hands had been left free by the defeat
of Guelf in 1 150, now wished to go to Rome to settle
affairs in the city. His journey was resolved on at
two imperial diets in 1151, and he at last con-
descended to reply to the Romans. He was silent
concerning the Senate, but his letter, addressed to
the City Prefect, the Consuls, the Captains, and the
Roman people, politely announced that he would
accept their invitation and come to tranquillise the
cities of Italy, to reward the faithful, and to punish
the rebels.' His envoys were addressed no less to
tifuib. Romanis, Inter predictos jurabunt Nicolaus^ Syxtus^ et Guide
recuperata gratia zfesirOf precibus Senatorum,
^ In 1 151 Eugenius was living in Segni under the protection of the
Counts of Ceccano. He consecrated Casamari near Veroli on October
27 {Chron, Fossa N,, ad A. 1152).
' Ep. 214, Guidonis Cardinali et Cancellariiad JVibaldum Abatem,
Ep. 218, Wibald soothes Eugenius ; written after the defeat of
Guelf VI. Ep. 235, Wibald to Cardinal Guido.
' Conradus dei gr. Rex et sanper Aug, prafecto ttrdis, consu/ibus,
capitaneis et omni pop, Romano tarn minonb,, quam majorib, grat,
suam etbon. votuntatem (excepting the Prefect, the formula is that used
in other cities ; thus Pisa, Ep. 324). Post reditum nostrum ajeroso-
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 51/
the RoiTians than to the Pope, who, filled with pious
hope, received them at Segni, in January 1152. An
understanding was arrived at Eugenius III. aban-
doned the cause of Roger and now even invited the
princes of Germany to aid the Emperor with all their
power in his journey to Rome.^
Accident, however, spared the history of the Hohen-
staufens a sad page, in which the first of the line
would have shown himself an inglorious enemy of
the Roman republic, in the service of the Pope. The
manly prince died in the midst of his preparations Death of
on February 15, 11 5 2, the first German king since peb. 15',
Otto I. who had not worn the imperial crown — a ''5a-
fact which in no way diminished his power. The
thousands of lives which each Roman coronation
usually cost the Fatherland, had this time been sacri-
ficed in the deserts of Syria. And Italian patriots
should therefore for once extol a German king, that,
in spite of the urgent entreaties of Italy (they
usually forget these invitations), he did not descend
the Alps like some destructive Attita. They might
congratulate their country that during fifteen years
it remained untraversed by any progress to Rome
and enjoyed enviable conditions, but that they are
themselves unfortunately obliged to admit that Italy
has never been so disunited, or torn asunder by such
furious civil wars, as during these fifteen years of
purely domestic history.*
iomitana expeditione litieras universUcUU vestra frequenter tuctpimus
(Ep. 322).
^ Ep. 327, dai, Signta V, Id, Januetr. Ep. 339 to the Gennans.
The King's letter to the Pope, Ep. 323.
' Non niai gV Jtaliani furono tanto discordevoliefieramente awersi
5l8 HISTORY OF ROME
On Conrad's death his nephew Frederick, the
immortal hero Barbarossa, who was destined to be
the glory of Germany and the terror of Italy,
Frederick asccnded the German throne on May 5. Eugenius,
Germany^ 2is wcU as the Romans, hastened to secure the friend-
March 5, gjjjp Qf the new ruler ; the republic, however, looked
with jealousy on the royal envoys, whom the Pope
'v^.r' ^ alone received. A letter expresses the ill-humour
/of the Romans and their opinions concerning the
VJTTk" [ judicial relations of the Emperor to the city. " I
rejoice," so wrote a follower of Arnold to Frederick,
" that you have been elected king by your people,
but I regret that you follow the counsel of your priests,
through whose teachings things divine and human
have become confused, and that you did not consult
the sacred city, the Mistress of the World, the Creator
of all Emperors." The writer deplores that Frederick,
like his predecessors, had determined to receive the
imperial crown from the hands of false and heretical
monks, whom he calls Julianists. He proves to him,
from the precepts of S. Peter and from Jerome, that
the clergy had nothing to do with secular rights.
The He derided the Donation of Constantine as an absurd
commend fable, which old wives laughed to scorn ; he showed
republic ^^^ ^® imperium and every magisterial office was
to him. an emanation from the majesty of the Roman people,
to whom therefore alone belonged the right of
creating him emperor. The writer finally required
him to send envoys and lawyers to Rome, in order
tra hro qtumto in quei quindui Ofmi, n^ quaii awMero pohtto
rompere la catena tedesea, e rivendicarH in imUpendema ; ma lo spirito
nazionale non era ancor nato. La Farina, Storia dt Italia*
IN THE MIDDLE AGES, 519
to place the empire on a l^al foundation in accord-
ance with the law of Justinian, and to prevent a
revolution.^ The human mind had happily made
rapid strides in the path of progress.
The Romans of the present day who dispute the
temporal authority of the Pope, derive their argu-
ments from the majesty of the Italian nation, of
which Rome is the capital, and to whose natural
right the merely historical right of the popes must
yield. Like their forefathers, they support their
reasoning with the argument that the Papacy is only
a spiritual office, and corroborate it by the authority
of the Bible and the Fathers of the Church. But
in the time of Arnold the theory of the unity of the
nation was unknown, and the patriots took their stand
on the ground of antiquity. The majesty of the
Roman people was for them the source of all power,
the Roman empire an indestructible conception, and
the emperor the magistrate of the republic, elected
and installed by the people. When they laughed at
the fable of the transference of the imperial power to
the popes through Constantine, and the papal right
^ Carissimc Dei gr, F, JVeizei ad summa anima et corporis lata
undique proficere, Ep. 384 (in Martene II. ). Wetzel was undoubtedly
a German, and had probably come to Rome with Arnold, Ceierum
quod consiiio ciericor, et pumachor.y guor, doctrina divina et humana
confusa sunt : entirely the language of to-day. Even the words spoken
by S. Peter at the ordination of S. Qement, and the sentences of
Jerome, quoted in the letter, have been again used for the same
purpose to-day. That which Wetzel said concerning the Donation of
Constantine (mendacium UUtd et fabuia hcBreticor^ita detecta est^ ut
tntrcenarii et muliercuta quosUbet etiam doctissimos super hoc coH'
cludant) shows how the question of the Dominium TemporcUe was
discussed at that time in the market-place.
S20
HISTORY OF ROME
Frederick
I. holds
negotia-
tions with
the Pope.
of investiture mystically transmitted from Christ or
Peter, they gave expression to the reasonable prin-
ciple that no kingdom existed simply by the grace
of God, but that the authority of the crown emanated
from the people alone. The Romans of the twelfth
century placed the imperium on the — to them —
legitimate foundation of Roman Law. They hit the
humour of an ambitious monarch when they told him
that, according to this Law, the emperor was the
supreme law-giving power in the world; but they
required him to regard his power as committed to
him by the Roman Senate and People. They
mingled the Caesarian despotism of Justinian with the
fundamental laws of democracy.
Frederick I. had therefore to choose between the
Pope and the Roman commune as the sources of his
imperium; he acquiesced in all the arguments of
the Romans against the supreme right of investiture
which the Pope claimed ; he laughed at the assump-
tions of the Senate, which seemed to him absurd ;
and like all his predecessors he also resolved to let
himself be crowned by the Pope ** through the grace
of God." The first steps of his reign were prudent
and conservative. Without taking cognizance of the
new Roman republic, he continued Conrad's nego-
tiations, and, owing to the instrumentality of the
cardinal-legates Gregory and Bernard in Constance,
a treaty highly favourable to his interests was con-
cluded with the Pope in the spring of 1 1 53. Frederick
undertook to make peace neither with Rome nor with
Sicily without the Pope, but to use his influence in
making the city as submissive to the sacred chair as
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 521
it had been a hundred years earlier. He promised
to maintain the Dominium Temporale of the Pope,
and to aid him in the recovery of all that he had lost
Eugenius promised in return to crown him Emperor
and to lend every species of protection to his throne.^
The negotiations between Frederick and the Pope
had meanwhile given rise to a violent revolt in Rome,
The democrats and Amoldists demanded the aboli-
tion of the conditions agreed upon with Eugenius
and the appointment of a hundred Senators with two
Consuls, to be annually elected. Eugenius informed
Frederick of these occurrences and represented them
as tumults of the populace, who now themselves
wished to elect an emperor. The Romans un-
doubtedly threatened to repudiate the German
empire and to set up a national emperor of their
own. Only a letter of Eugenius, however, throws a
passing Ught upon this remarkable occurrence.'
Nevertheless the Pope was able to leave Segni in Etigenius
the autumn of 1152, and at the end of the year to Sroim?**
^ The Pactum (in Wibald, n. 385, in Albinus and Cendus) b dated
Constaniine X. Kl. ApriL Ind. XV. A.D. Incam. MCUL
HegnanU Dno Frederico Ronumor.. Reg$ ghrioso A. tfero regni
ejus /. It is to be assigned to the spring of 1 153 (Pertz, Leges^ ii« 92).
Et pro viribus regni iaborMt Ronianos subjugare domino Papa et
Rom, EccL^ sicut melius unquam fuenmt a centum annis et retro.
With regard to this Pactum, see, in addition to the paragraphs con-
cerning it in Giesebrecht V., Walter Ribbeck, Friedr. /. wtd die
romische Curie in den J, 11 57-1 159, Leipzig, i88i.
* To Wibald, Ep. 383, dot. Signia XII. Kal. Oct. : noHficamus
qua facunte Amaldc hceretico rusticana quadam turba absque
nobilium et majorum scientia nuper est in Urbe molita. Circiter
enim duo millia — sunt secretins conjurati, et in proximis KcUendis
Novembris centum senatores^4t duos amsuks — unum autem, quern
tfolunt Imperatorem dicere^ creare disponunt.
522 HISTORY OF ROME
enter the city, where the overthrow of the democrats
had inclined all the moderates to come to terms.
Senate and people received him with honour after, as
is to be supposed, he had recognised the commune.^
We may also infer that the banished nobility were
permitted to return ; these nobles, however, as Consuls
of the Romans and courtiers of the Pope, continued
in opposition to the Senate.* Eugenius III. was
able to end his days peaceably in Rome, and with
the help of the people even to reduce rebellious
barons in the Campagna to subjection.^ Quiet
subtilty succeeded in achieving what weapons had
not been able to accomplish. "Eugenius laid the
entire populace under such great obligations to him,
•
^ The expression cum Romanis paciscens shows that the Pope
recognised the constitution. Sigeb., Cont, Pratnottstr, ; Romuald ;
Anon, Cassin, Chr., where the year should be altered to 1152.
* Document of May 29, 1153 : the Pope signs a treaty concerning
Radicofani. His witnesses are his supracoquuSf dapifer^ marescaicus
equor. cUbor,^ and before them, Cencius Frajapanis egreg, Romanor^
Consul ; Johes Petri Leonis egreg, Rom. Con,, Odo Frajapanis stren,
Rom, Con, ; Gratianus fit, Ovitionis Petri de Leone Rom, Con. ;
Jokes Frajapanis fit. Dom, Centii Rom. Con, ; Petrus Leonis de
Leone Rom, Con.; Obitio Leonis Petri de Leone Rom. Con.;
Stephanus de Tebaldo, &*c. (Murat., Ani,, iv, 793). Similar signa-
tures to a document of August 39, 1 153 (Galletti, De/ Prim., n. 59),
show that the banished nobility had returned. Vendettini wrongly
holds these courtiers to have been Consiliatorii of the Senate.
' Bonincontr., pp. 14S, 150. As early as November 26, 11 50, the
Pope (probably with Roger's help) had conquered Terracina {Ckrvn.
Fossa N, ). He restored its fortress, the inscription on which is given
by Baronius: quia mira animi virtute et honesti studio praditus
regalia multa longo tempore amissa b, Petro restituit. Cendus gives
several treaties of Ei^enius, which show how shrewd the Pope was
in holding together the property of the Church and in acquiring
fortresses.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 523
by his benefits and gifts, that he ruled the city almost
as he willed, and had he not been removed by death,
he would, with the aid of the people, have deprived
the Senators of their newly acquired dignities." ^ We
need not accept this statement unhesitatingly, since
Eugenius in no wise succeeded in subjugating the
Roman republic, and since Arnold, his most hated
opponent, remained with his followers unpunished
in the city.
Eugenius died at Tivoli on July 8, 1153, and and dies
was buried in S. Peter's with solemn ceremonial. ^xs3. '
The unassuming but astute pupil of S. Bernard
had always continued to wear the coarse habit of
Clairvaux beneath the purple; the stoic virtues of
monasticism accompanied him through his stormy
career, and invested him with that power of passive
resistance which has always remained the most
effectual weapon of the popes.^
^ Romuald, p. 193. So also in the beautiful letter where Hugo of
Ostia announces the death of Eugenius to the Chapter of the
Cistercians, the author says with exaggeration : jam fere Senatum
anmkilaverat (S. Bemhardi, Op. i. ep. 440).
' There is no memorial of Eugenius in Rome. Ptolemy of
Tusculum died, shortly before him, on February 25 {Chron. Fossa,
N.) ; after him, S. Bernard, on August 20.
524 HISTORY OF ROME
CHAPTER V.
I. Anastasius IV. — Adrian IV. — He lays the Inter-
dict ON Rome — Banishment of Arnold of
Brescia — Frederick I. comes to be crowned-
Imprisonment OF Arnold— Dispute concerning
THE Stirrup — The Senators' Address to the
King, and the Royal Answer — ^Journey to Rome.
Anastasius The Cardinal Conrad, a Roman belonging to the
1x54.'*^^" Suburra, mounted the papal throne as Anastasius IV.
on July 12, 1 1 53. His election was unanimous, and
was not disputed by the Senate, for although the
Senators were present at the ceremony of election,
they did not yet interfere in spiritual affairs. The
popes, however, now found themselves opposed by a
new power, which refused recognition to them unless
they on their side recognised it. The aged Anas-
tasius does not seem to have made any encroach-
ments on the Roman constitution. He lived peace-
ably in the city, and died there on December 3,
1154.^
^ Anastasius IV. was buried by his own desire in the porphyry
sarcophagus of S. Helena, which he had had brought from her
mausoleum on the Via Labicana to the Lateran. The dead and
their coffins journeyed about in Rome. Thus Innocent II. destined
the porphyry coffin of the Emperor Hadrian for his own grave.
Pius VI. removed Helena's sarcophagus to the Vatican, where it is
now looked upon as a work of art.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 525
The papal chair was now filled by a man of
unusual energy, Nicholas Breakspear, an English-
man by birth. Thirst for knowledge had driven the
son of a poor priest of S. Alban's to France, where,
after varied fortunes, he became prior of S. Rufus
near Aries. His culture, his eloquence, and his hand-
some presence attracted the attention of Eugenius
III. when Breakspear came to Rome on business
connected with his convent. The Pope made him
Cardinal of Albano, and sent him as legate to
Norway, where he ordered the affairs of the Church
with great circumspection. Nicholas, just returned
from this mission, was unanimously elected, and
ascended the sacred chair as Adrian IV. on Decern- Adrian iv.,
ber 5, II 54. The English have only once seen the fi'^iJ5g.
chair of Peter filled by one of their countrymen,
and this, their only pope, ashamed to solicit alms at
home, had gone when a boy to foreign lands.^ Years
passed, and the beggar of S. Alban's wrote to the
English king that Ireland and other islands belonged
by right to him as Pope.
Adrian IV. at once confronted the Roman com-
mune with an imperious aspect ; the Senate refused
to recognise him, he refused to recognise the Senate.
He determined to overthrow the constitution on
the Capitol, and hoped to accomplish his object by
means of Frederick's arms. The King had already
^ He begged at the monastery of S. Alban's ; bis fiither, ashamed
of him, drove him forth ; UU vero sidi relictus^ et forti necessitate
eUiqmd attdere coactus : GaUicanus a^ regumes^ ifigenue erubescens
in Anglia velfodere vel mendicare. Thus says his countryman and
contemporary, GuUidm Neobrigensis de redus Angiids, iL 6.
526 HISTORY OF ROME
entered Italy in October, and had ratified the treaty
of Constance. Adrian demanded the expulsion of
Arnold, which his predecessors had repeatedly de-
sired, but had never been able to attain. The most
dangerous of all heretics, protected by the Senate
and idolised by the populace, was able to preach his
doctrines for years in the very face of the popes.
With the overthrow of this one demagogue, Adrian
hoped to bury the republic, and the Romans, who
had little to expect from Frederick, turned in secret
to William I., who had succeeded his celebrated
father Roger on the throne of Sicily in February
1 1 54, and had immediately quarrelled with the Pope.
It is possible that he may have been invited to
invade the State of the Church before the German
king came to Rome.i
Adrian IV. could not even take possession of the
Lateran, but was obliged to make his dwelling in
the fortified basilica of S. Peter. The proposal
which Italy makes to the Pope of the present day,
namely, that he should rest satisfied with the Leonina,
where, like a great abbot, he might live in monastic
freedom, was carried into effect by the Romans at
this period, since Adrian IV. was practically re-
stricted within the limits of the Leonina. Mean-
while the growing hatred of the priests, whose resist-
ance frustrated the civic aspirations of the Romans,
soon gave rise to a catastrophe; a cardinal was
stabbed on the Via Sacra, and Adrian represented
^ The harsh beginning of Adrian's rule b noticed in the Annals ^
WUrthurg : Adrianus qui dum post aiiquot menses acupto apostokUu
insolenter in Romanos agent ^ grave odium incurrit.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 52/
the deed as an offence against the majesty of the
Church, and laid the interdict on Rome. Not even He lays
when personally maltreated by the Romans had any under the
pope ever before employed this — the most terrible *'^^®^*^^
of all weapons — against the city.^ The resolute
Englishman did not hesitate to wield it. In order
to compel the people to banish Arnold, he laid Rome
under a curse. We must realise the relation of the
interdict — a species of moral starvation — to the belief
of the age, in order to understand its force. With
the imposition of the interdict, all religious cere-
monies ceased, no mass was read, no sacrament was
celebrated, beyond those of baptism and the com-
munion to the dying, and these only under terrifying
forms. The dead were not buried in consecrated
ground, and marriages only received the benediction
in the churchyard. Never had human ingenuity
devised so bloodless, yet so terrible, an instrument
of force ; nor in a superstitious age could any have
proved more efficacious in reducing great princes to
submission, a word pronounced by a priest having
power to stir their despairing subjects to revolt.
The interdict, which prior to the twelfth century had
been but rarely called into use, was henceforward
employed by the popes to threaten cities and
countries ; but the cruel measure of punishing the
guilty few, at the cost of suffering to the countless
^ Girardum Cardin, tit, S* Pudentiane adprasentiam ipHus Pontic
ficis euntem, quidam ex ipsis hareticis — in via sacra — ad interitum
vulneraverunt : Card. Aragon. Propter vulnertUionetn tmius Car-
dinaiis totam Urbem supposuit ecclesiastico inierdicto^ says Ptolem.
Lucensis, xx. c 20, in reproach.
528 HISTORY OF ROME
innocent, revenged itself on the Church, by diminish-
ing the affection in which she was held, and by
encouraging heresies. The efficacy of the interdict
was finally blunted by its frequent use and by the
growth of education.^
For a short time the Romans bore the interdict
with defiant contempt ; but the pious and weak, the
women and priests, overcame the defiance when the
fourth day of Holy Week had passed without a mass.
On Wednesday the people rose in uproar, and the
Senators were compelled to throw themselves at the
feet of the Pope and implore mercy.* He consented
to remove the interdict on condition that Arnold
was banished. The unfortunate reformer suffered
the fate of all prophets ; the people whom he had so
long held spellbound surrendered him. After having
dedicated his talents for nine years to civic freedom.
The he fled from Rome. Wandering from adherent to
Spei^^ adherent, from fortress to fortress, the outlaw hoped
ArnoW ^Q reach one of the republics of Central Italy, beyond
city. the reach of the papal arm. On Wednesday in
Holy Week (March 23) Adrian removed the inter-
dict ; the moral darkness vanished from Rome, and
for the first time the Pope was conducted in festal
procession to the Lateran.
Meanwhile William I. afflicted the Church with
^ Hurter {Gesch, Innocena II L^ vol. L) has drcamstantially de-
scribed the interdict and its effects. He well says : qtddquid deiiroftt
rtges pkctuntur Achivi; he forgets, however, to place beside the
Agamemnon the frantic Calchas of the Middle Ages.
* Time veropradUH Senatores compuisi a clero et populo rtnnano-^
juraveruHt quod tape dictum hareticum et reliquos ipsius sectatores de
tota urde Roma et ejusjinibus sine mora expellerent: Card. Aragon.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 529
war ; he laid si^e to Benevento, and burnt Ceprano
and other fortresses in Latium ; but as the German
king approached and Rome remained quiet, he
retreated from Frosinone and Aquino, after having
committed fearful devastation. Frederick I. was
already in Tuscany, where he summoned Pisa to
equip her fleet for the war, which, in alliance with
the Pope, the Apulian exiles, and the Emperor
Emmanuel, he now contemplated against the Nor-
mans. The terror of his warlike deeds in Lombardy
preceded him ; he approached by the Via Toscana, Expedition
more formidable than Henry V., while the PopeR^ienli
remained uncertain whether to expect a friend or ^'» '^55.
foe. The fate of Paschalis IL had made an indelible
impression oh the Curia, and no treaty could diminish
the tension which existed between the two powers.
When German kings advanced against Rome, the
defenceless popes trembled, as before enemies who
came to murder them, while the kings themselves
weighed the possibility of meeting their death by
poison or the dagger. Below the silken pallia hung
the whetted swords which the Romans unfailingly
seized to attack the national enemy. If the corona-
tion took place, the popes found themselves in the
position of Daniel in the lion's den. But they
adroitly cast a moral spell over the grim Roman
kings, and once more breathed freely when these
formidable advocates of the Church departed, having
obtained the crown, left parchments behind them,
and fought the accustomed coronation battle.
At the beginning of June Adrian went to Viterbo,
accompanied by the Prefect Peter, by Oddo Frangi-
VOL. IV. 2 M
S30
HISTORY OF ROME
Arnold of
Brescia
taken
prisoner.
pane, and by other nobles of his court Frederick's
rapid march filled him with dismay ; he consequently
sent three cardinals, who met the King at San
Quirico in Tuscany. In order to test his disposi-
tion, the Pope demanded the surrender of the heretic
Arnold. The fugitive had shortly before fallen into
the power of Cardinal Oddo at Bricola, but had been
restored to liberty by the Viscounts of Campaniano,
who brought him in safety to their fortress, and
there honoured him " as a prophet" i Anxious to
remove every hindrance to his coronation, Frederick
did not hesitate to show his good-will. He sent,
troops to the fortress, had one of the counts arrested,
and compelled the surrender of Arnold. The friend
of Abelard was handed over to the papal l^ates to
be judged in Rome at a fitting opportunity.
Negotiations for the coronation were carried on
with anxious circumspection ; the suspicious Adrian
had retired to Civita Castellana, but Frederick re-
assured him by again swearing to fulfil the treaty of
^ RtdeUret eisd, Cardinalib. Arnold, ^areticum, quern vicecomites
de Campaniano abshderant Magistro O, Diaama S. NicoUU apud
BriculaSf uld eum ceperai; queni tamquam Propketam in terra sua
cum honore kabebant. Rex vero — continue, missis apparitoribus,
cepit unum de comitibus it/is, qui vaide perterritus eundem hareticum
in manibus cardinalium statim restituit: Card. Aiagon., p. 442.
Otto of Freising also says: in Tuscia Jinibus captus. After Troya
{Civilth Catiol, Ann,, ii. vol. iv. p. 142), Odorici, and then Giese-
brecht, have sought to prove that Bricola was not Otricoli (as Baronius
holds), but was situated near S. Quirico in the Val d'Orcia, while
they call the viscounts after Campagnatico. The correctness of this
view has been contested by P. Fabre (Ecole Fr, Miianges, 1886, p.
159)1 who tries to show that Bricola was the Castrum Turrii
Campane near OtricolL
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 53 1
Constance. The German army encamped at Campo
Grasso near Sutri, where the Pope was to come from
Nepi, and the meeting between the two potentates
was to take place. As Adrian rode to the royal
tent on July 9, a most curious scene took place
within sight of the army. In order to avoid the
humiliation of holding the papal stirrup, the proud
young monarch had not come to meet the Pope.
The popes had long claimed this service, and many
princes had rendered it In remembrance of Christ's
humility, the pontiffs, it is true, had called themselves
the ** Servants of the servants of God" At the same
time, however, they required the emperors to serve
them as grooms. It is amusing to notice the panic
terror which the omission of this ceremony caused
among the cardinals ; they turned their horses, fled
back to Civita Castellana, and left their Pope in the
lurch. He dismounted in confusion and threw him-
self on a seat Only now did the young hero come Meeting
to greet him. Frederick cast himself at Adrian's FvS^J^k
feet, but the offended Pope refused him the kiss of ??dthe
PODC &t
peace. A stirrup became the subject of long and Nepi.
serious n^otiations between the two highest digni-
taries of Christendom, until the princes who had
previously accompanied Lothar to Rome persuaded
the King to yield in the childish controversy. The
following day the mighty Emperor performed the
part of groom to the Vicar of Christ, walked at the
distance of a stone's throw beside the palfrey of the
former beggar of S. Alban's, and vigorously adjusted
his stirrup.^
^ This comic episode in the midst of a great epic is authentically
532 HISTORY OF ROME
Frederick had not yet heard the voice of the
second power which possessed a legal right over the
imperial election — ^the voice of the Roman people.
Their mutual relations remained doubtful, and it was
uncertain whether Rome would open or shut her
gates. No emperor had been crowned since the
Senate had been constituted on the Capitol. The
envoys of the young republic of the Romans pre-
sented themselves before Frederick on the southern
side of Sutri. Their demands, their address, the
answer of the Hohenstaufen, even in the literary
setting of Otto of Freising, are valuable evidences
of the time.
Speech of "We ambassadors of the city," thus spoke the
envoysTo ** cnvoys from the Capitol, " not insignificant men of
the King. Rome, are sent by the Roman Senate and people to
thy Excellency. Benevolently hear what the illus-
trious mistress of the world, whose sovereigfn thou,
with God's help, wilt soon be, offers thee. Dost thou
come in peace, I rejoice. Thou desirest the empire
of the world, and I gladly rise to hasten forward
with the crown. Why shouldest thou not approach
thy people in peace and mercy, thy people, who,
striving to throw off the unworthy yoke of the
priests, have awaited thy coming so long and
anxiously. May the splendour of ancient times,
recorded by Cendus (in Muratori, Antiqu, Ital,^ i. 117). The place
was beside the Lake of Janula near Nepi. Rex Frid, —in conspectu
exercitus officium stratoris cum jucunditate implevit^ et streugam
foriiter tenuit. The fortiter reveals a scene : Adrian pale, the
Emperor, with an ironical smile, briskly removing the stirrup. The
Byzantines jeered at this act of humiliation on the part of the Emperor
of the West. Cinnamus, ed. Bonn., lib. v, 219.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 533
the freedom of the illustrious city, return. May
Rome under such an Emperor again seize the reins
of supremacy over the rebellious world, and may her
ruler with the name also unite the glory of Augustus.
Thou knowest that, through the wisdom of her Senate
and the bravery of her knighthood, Rome has stretched
forth her arm with might from sea to sea, to the ends
of the world — ^yea, even to the isles beyond the con-
fines of the earth. Neither the waves of the ocean
nor the inaccessible Alps could protect nations :
Roman valour has overcome all. But unfortunately
(thus her own guilt has avenged itself) that glorious
princely nobility of our olden times (I speak of
the Senate), has vanished from us, has degenerated
into unwarlike indolence, and with the decline of
wisdom, power has also decayed. Then I arose;
to restore thy glory and that of the divine republic,
I revived Senate and knightly order, that by the
counsels of the former and the weapons of the latter
the ancient majesty might return, to the Roman
empire and to thee. Shall not this rejoice thy
Highness? Does not a work so glorious and so
advantageous to thy dignity seem deserving of re-
•compense? Then listen, O Prince, with kindly
patience to what I have to say concerning thy duty
and mine, but chiefly thine rather than mine. For
* from Zeus is the beginning ! * Thou wast my
guest ; I have now made thee a citizen. What was
mine by right I have given thee. Thou art, there-
fore, phdged first of all to uphold my good customs
and to swear to the laws, ratified by thy prede-
cessors, so that they may not be injured by the
534 HISTORY OF ROME
fury of the barbarian. Thou shalt pay 5000 pounds
to my officials, whose duty it is to proclaim thee on
the Capitol ; thou shalt avert every injury from the
republic at the cost of thy blood, and thou shalt
confirm this by oath and documents."^ Frederick
indignantly interrupted the pompous orators at this
point They stopped in dismay, while the man who
had been the moving spirit among them awaited in
chains hard by in a tent the fate which had been
hastened by such a discourse.
As the young prince listened to the bombastic
harangue of men, who, issuing from the ruins of
decayed Rome, adopted a tone such as the ancient
Senate had never ventured to use in presence of the
Caesars, he may probably have thought that madmen
stood before him. No contrast could have been
harsher than that in which an Emperor of the
Germans, a Frederick I., found himself in relation to
the Romans. The Hohenstaufen monarch, filled with
a sense of his own power, did not understand the new
spirit of liberty which had inflamed the cities of
Italy. Rome, however, still commanded such rever-
ence that he condescended to reply to the Senators.'
^ The speech is worked np by the German historian, bat in
harmony with the spirit of the time. Ctir emm suum visitatunu
populum nonpacifice adveniret — qui indebUum cUricorum excussurus
jugum, ipsius magna ac diuHna expectatiotu prastolatus est adoetUum f
— Orbis Urhs sub hoc principe recipiat gubemacula, refretnetur hoc
imperatore^ ac ad Urbis reducatur numarchiam orbis insoUnHa^ In
like manner with fantastic exaggeration Helmold, a contemporary
(Ckron. Slaivor,^ L c 79). See also Sigeb., Auctar. Affligjemense^ A.
1155 ; and Frederick's own letter to Otto of Freising, prefixed to the
latter's history.
* Otto of Fretsing draws a picture of the Emperor on this occasion :
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $35
" I have heard much," he answered, ** of the valour, The
still more of the sagacity of the Romans. I am King's
therefore surprised that your speech should beJ^^JJ^
inflated by such foolish arrogance and be so destitute Romans,
of all reason. Thou boldest up before me the nobility
of thy ancient city, thou exaltest the past of thy
republic to the stars. I grant it, and with thy
historian I say ' virtue once dwelt in this republic'
Rome has experienced the change of things under
the moon ; or has perchance this city alone been able
to escape the law of all earthly things ? It is known
throughout the world how the flower of thy nobility
has been transplanted from this our city to Byzantium,
and how for a long time the degenerate Greek has
drained thy precious life-blood. Then came the
Frank, whose noble deeds belied not his name, and
deprived thee of even the last remains of nobility and
independence. Wilt thou know where the ancient
glory of thy Rome, the dignified severity of the
Senate, the valiant chastity of knighthood, the tactics
of the camp and invincible military courage have
gone ? All are now found among us Germans ; all
have been transmitted to us with the empire. With
us are thy Consuls, with us thy Senate ; thy legions
rex^ tarn superbo putm inusitaio orationis tenon justa indignatione
inflammatus^ cursum verborum iUarum — more italico Icnga continua-
tume^ periodorumque circuUibus (as at the present day) sermonem
producturum inUrrupU^ et cum corporis modosHa^ orisque venustate
rtgaUm seroans animum, ex improvise non improvise respondit,
Barbarossa spoke through an interpreter, as he did later at the peace
of Venice. Since the greater number of the Senators were no longer
able to speak Latin, the Emperor of the Romans may have comforted
himself with the thought of their ignorance.
536 HISTORY OF ROME
are here. Thou owest thy preservation to the wisdom
of the Franks and the sword of their chivalry.
History can tell whether our illustrious forefathers,
Charles and Otto, received the city by the grace of
anyone, or whether they wrested it by the sword,
with the remainder of Italy, from the Greeks and
Lombards and then incorporated it with the Prankish
kingdom. This is witnessed by thy tyrants,
Desiderius and Berengar; they died old and grey
in Prankish chains, and our country still preserves
their ashes. But thou sayest the new emperors are
summoned by thee. It is true. But why? Thou
wast oppressed by enemies, and by thine own strength
couldst not deliver thyself from the effeminate Greek.
Thou didst then entreat the aid of the Frank ; misery
summoned fortune, impotence power, anguish self-
conscious strength. Thus summoned, I came. Thy
ruler was my vassal, thou thyself art still my subject,
I am the rightful owner. Who dares to snatch his
club from Hercules ? Perhaps the Sicilian on whom
thou placest thy hopes? Let the past teach him,
for the arm of the German is not yet disabled.
Thou demandest from me a threefold oath. Listen.
Either thy demand is just, or otherwise. Is it unjust ?
Thou oughtest not to make it, nor I to consent Is
is just ? I acknowledge an obligation assumed of
my own free will. It is therefore unnecessary to
confirm it by an oath.^ How should I violate the law
with thee, when I have to preserve it for the most
^ The Emperor himself says in a letter preceding Otto of Freising's
history : Imperium emen noluimus, et sacramenia vulgo prastare nan
debuimus.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 537
insignificant? Wherefore should I not defend the
seat of my empire whose boundaries I am determined
to restore ? That is shown by Denmark, which has
just been subjugated, and other countries also would
prove it, had not my Roman journey interfered.
Finally thou demandest a sworn promise to pay
money. Is Rome not ashamed to traffic with her
Emperor as with a usurer ? Are we to be compelled
to give whatever is asked of us instead of being a
dispenser of favour ? The fulfilment of due services
is expected from lesser men, but the great repay as
a favour only that which has been merited. Why
should I withhold from thy citizens the customs
inherited from my illustrious forefathers? No.
My entrance shall be a festival for the city ; but to
those who unjustly demand what is unjust, I will
justly refuse all."^
Frederick's answer, in the rhetorical form in which
his historian has given it, was the expression of the
German national pride arrived at the zenith of its
three centuries of universal supremacy. Had it
simply had reference to the Senators of Rome it
would have been overstrained ; it was, however, rather
the manifesto of the Hohenstaufefi coronation pro-
gramme. The Hercules struck down the claims of
the pretenders with his club. He even fell upon the
Pope, who claimed to be the sole and true maker of
emperors. No one now ventured to depict the com-
plaisant Lothar in the Lateran, kneeling to receive
^ The speech, which owes its style to Otto of Freising, has a touch
of Virgil, as has that of the Romans themselves. Eripiat quis, si
potest, CUtvam de nianu Herculis,
538 HISTORY OF ROME
the crown from the Pope, or dared to place below
the picture the audacious inscription : —
The king to keep the law hath sworn, and at the gate of Rome
doth stand,
Then swears alliance to the Pope, the crown receiving from
his hand.^
The folly of the Romans in addressing so power-
ful a ruler in this pompous manner corresponded
to their lofty ideas concerning the majesty of the
Eternal City, which, by the institution of a Senate,
they hoped to invest with a new life. But had any
man of enlightenment superior to the level of his age
been found within the imperial tent, he would have
laughed at Frederick, who shared with the Senators
the fantastic ideas of the legitimate authority of the
Roman emperors over the world.*
Return of The Roman envoys rode back in anger. Frederick
to^the^^^* might now expect the republic to close the gates of
defiant the city and to defend it against him. The Pope
advised him to occupy the Leonina with picked
men, who would be admitted by the papal adherents.
He also advised that Cardinal Octavian, a man of
^ Frederick complained of the picture on his arrival in Rome;
Adrian promised to destroy it, but does not seem to have fulfilled his
promise. Radevicus, i. c. lo ; and c i6 the biahops refer to it in
their letter to the Pope in 1156.
' Quomcdo imperii mH sedem^ usque ad periculum capitis non
defenderemj qui et ipsius terminos — quantum est in me^ restaurare
cogitaverim^ Barbarossa later wrote to Saladin: *'Do6t thou not
know that both the £Uhiopias, Mauritania, Persia, Syria, Parthia,
where Crassus our dictator succumbed to destiny, that Judea and
Samaria, Arabia, and other lands without number are subject to our
rule?" The letter of 1188 (in Roger Hoveden, Annat,, p. 650} may
be spurious or &lsified, but its spirit is genuine.
city,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $39
German sympathies, should join this force, in order
that so ambitious a rival might be removed from the
emperor's tent A thousand horsemen were sent,
who occupied the Leonina without opposition in the
dawn of June i8.^
2. Coronation of Frederick I. — The Romans rise —
Battle in the Leonina — Execution of Arnold
OF Brescia — His Character and Significance —
Frederick retires to the Campagna — Returns
TO Germany.
The same day Frederick, who had received no
greeting from the Romans, moved in order of battle
from Monte Mario to the Leonina, where he was
awaited by the Pope, who had preceded him.* The
coronation took place in S. Peter's, the basilica being
occupied by troops. The shouts of triumph of the i. crowned
Germans resounded like thunder in the lofty ^J^^*^*
cathedral, as the young Caesar took the sword, ''S5»
sceptre and crown of empire.' Rome, however, did
not acknowledge him as Emperor; the city gates
^ Pramittimiw^^^ eccL B, Petri^ Leoninumque occupent aistrum
(Otto of Freising and Frederick's letter). This castrum is the Leonina
itself. Farther on we read : summoque diluado Leoninam intrantes
ttrdem, ucL B, Petri, vestibulum et gradus occupaturiy observant,
* The Latin poem of a contemporary, Gesta di Federico I, in Itcdia
(edited from a Vatican Codex by E. Monad in the Fontiper la stor,
Ital, of the Istit, stor. Italiofto, Rome, 1887), p. 611 ff., is mistaken in
the statement that the Romans again demanded the oath from Fred-
erick at Monte Mario (Gaudia), but were repulsed. Concerning this
poem, see Giesebrecht in the Arch. d. Soc, Pomona distor. pair, , vol. ii.
' Statim tarn veAemens et/ortis Teutonicorum vox conctamantiufn'-'
concrepuit, ut horribile toptitruum crederetttr de coslis cecidisse: Card.
Anigon*
540 HISTORY OF ROME
remained barred and the people deliberated on the
Capitol, where the Palace of the Senate had been
rebuilt a short time before. Nothing better illustrates
the shadowy nature of the mediaeval empire in
Rome itself than this coronation performed in the
papal suburb, while it was expected that the Romans,
from whom the emperors derived their title, would
rush across the bridges of the Tiber brandishing their
arms. An impassable chasm of education, of require-
ments, of race separated the emperors of German
origin from the Romans. If they hated the foreigner
Adrian IV. as their territorial ruler, they could
nevertheless reverence him as Pope, but Frederick
must at this time have been utterly insupportable
to them. He had not sworn to the laws of the city,
to which all emperors were accustomed to swear;
he had neither heard the votes of the Romans
nor listened to the usual acclamations; nor had
he repaid them by gifts. The Romans had every
reason to feel offended.^ Their demand that the
Emperor should recognise their constitution was
reasonable, and it was imprudent to refuse it A time
came when the Emperor repented this refusal, and
when he tendered the oath to the despised citizens.
^ Otto of Freisisg, ii. c. 23 : Audientes cuUem imptratorem situ sua
adstipuUUione conmam Imperii accepisse, infurorem versi . . . and
Godfrey of Viterbo, Carmen de Gesiis Frider,^ p. 24 (ed. Ficker,
1853) :-
Romanus populus awHquos expedit ustts.
Rex despexU eum primtUum^ milite tutus.
Nil petit imo/ubetf Roma furore tunut,
Spe male Jrustratus discedit abinde senatus,
Acriter iratus Romanus ad arma paraiur • • .
Roma dolens plorat, rumor in Urbe sonat.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 541
After the popes had ceased to be candidates for the
elective votes of the Romans, the people also found
themselves deprived of all share in the election of
these emperors. At a time, however, when the civic
and political conceptions of law were penetrated
through and through with traditions of antiquity,
the Romans could not be induced to confess that the
Eternal City was anything but the place where pope
and emperor received their highest consecration.
While other cities shone conspicuous by their wealth
and power, Rome's only glory was that she was
Rome. Gregory VII. had assigned the task of re-
presenting the world-monarchy to the Papacy, and the
Romans on their side dreamed that this supremacy
was to be attained by the majesty of the people and
by the imperial office by them established.
Their inherited claims and their struggles against
the popes, who strove to extinguish the political idea
of the city, have impressed for centuries a tragic
character on their history, a history unparalleled in
the annals of mankind. In this stru^le, which has
continued down to our times, and under the influence
of which the present history is written — in this
struggle against one and the same destiny, the only
allies of the Romans were the walls of Aurelian, the
Tiber, the malaria, and the shades and monuments
of their great ancestors. Only now, when the city
of Rome has no other ambition than the desire of
descending to the ordinary rank of capital of a
country, has she found a helper and ally in the
Italian nation.
The Emperor having obtained his crown, retired.
542
HISTORY OF ROME
The
Romans
courage-
ously
attack the
imperial
camp.
Defeat
of the
Romans.
to his camp on the Neronian Field, while the Pope
remained in the Vatican. But early in the afternoon
the angry Romans rushed across the bridges into
the Leonine city. Wherever they encountered the
enemy singly, they cut them down ; they plundered
clergy, cardinals, and adherents of the imperial
party; they finally attacked Frederick's camp,
whence they perhaps hoped to rescue their prophet
Arnold. The Emperor and the army rose from the
coronation banquet ; it was reported that Pope and
cardinals were in the hands of the populace.^ Henry
the Lion entered through the breach in the walls
which had formerly been made by Henry IV., forced
his way to the Leonina, and attacked the Romans
in the rear. It cost the valiant army some trouble,
however, to overcome them. Their courageous con-
duct showed that the constitution of the republic was
not altogether a fantastic whim. A varying struggle,
which lasted until night, took place at the bridge of
S. Angelo, and with the Trasteverines at the ancient
Fishpond, until the citizens were overcome by
superior numbers. "Our soldiers were seen," thus
wrote an ancient German chronicler, ** mowing down
the Romans, as if they would say, * Here, O Rome,
take German iron for Arabian gold ; thus does
Germany buy the empire.'" Nearly one thousand
Romans were slain or drowned in the river; several
were wounded, about two hundred were taken
prisoners; the remainder saved themselves by
^ Otto of Freising and Frederick's letter : RomatU de ponte
lyberino prosiluenint — Cardinalibus spolieUis^ Papam capere in*
iendebant.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 543
flight into the strongly fortified city, while S,
Angelo, in the possession of the Pierleoni, remained
neutral.^
In the morning the Pope appeared in the imperial
camp to implore the release of the prisoners, who
had been given into the custody of the Prefect Peter.
So incomplete, however, had been the bloody victory
that even the great Emperor, who regarded himself
as the lawful ruler of the world, was obliged to depart
without even having entered the city. The Romans
at this period show^ themselves entirely worthy of
their freedom ; they manfully bade defiance to the
Emperor from behind their walls ; they refused to
sell him the necessaries of life, and were ready to
continue the struggle. Frederick consequently broke
up his camp on June 19. He took the Pope and
all the cardinals with him as fugitives and retreated
towards Soracte ; all along his line of march through
the Roman district he ordered the towers which the
^ This is justly admitted by Rob. Dettloff, Der erste Rdmerzug
Kaiser FriedricKs /. (Gottingen, 187 1), p. 37. S. Angelo seems
also to have given shelter to fugitives. Frederick can scarcely have
previously occupied the bridge of the Tiber, but merely have sent
forward troops against the fortress. The Romans pressed over this
bridge, others over the island through Trastevere (Otto Morena,
Murat., vi. 9S7). Card. Aragon. : Populus^ qui clausis portis apud
Ckutrttm Crescentii residebat armaius — at the end of the struggle :
infra portas ipsius casiri se ipsum recepit. Otto of Freising: pugna
amseritttr—juxta castr, Crescentii cum Romanis^ juxta piscinam cum
Transtyherinis (where S. Benedetto in Piscinula now stands). Sigeb. ,
Auctar, Aquicinct.^ ad, A. 1 155, and Helmold, Chrcn, Siavor,, c.
80, ascribe the chief merit to Henry the lion, whom the Pope
rewarded on this account. Thus also AnncU, Palidenses {M(m, Germ. ,
xvi.) and more circumstantially Vincent of Prague [Afon, Germ,, xvii
655).
544 HISTORY OF ROME
Roman nobles had erected on their estates to be
pulled down.^
It is probable that Arnold's execution took place
at this time, and in this same neighbourhood of
Soracte. The end of the celebrated demagogue is
as obscure as the end of Crescentius, his con-
temporaries passing it hastily by as if in awe.
After his surrender he was handed over to the City
Prefect, who with his powerful family owned large
estates in the county of Viterbo, They had long
made war on the Roman commune, had suffered
severe injuries at its hands, and consequently
cherished feelings of bitter indignation against
Arnold.^ After he had been condemned by a spirit-
ual tribunal the Prefect sentenced him (and un-
doubtedly with the Emperor's sanction) to death as
a heretic and rebel. The unfortunate man courage-
ously refused to recant ; he asserted that his teach-
ing was just and salutary, and that he was ready to
^ Gesta dt Federico I, (ed. Monad), v. 754 ff.
' Geroh, De Inuestig, AtUuhr,, L (Gretser, Prolegimi, ad scriptor,
ado, fValdenses, c. 4), expressly ascribes Arnold's death to the
Prefect of the city : a prof. Urbis J?. de sub earum custodia — ereptm
ac pv speciali causa occisus ab ejus servis est, Maximam siquidem
cladem ex occasione ejusdem doctrina idem Praf, a Romams civibus
perpessus fuerat, I explain this passage by a document of July 17,
1 1 58: the Prefect (Peter) and his brothers John and Octavian
certified to Adrian IV. in Viterbo that they had received 1000 marks,
and the revenues of Civita Castellana, &c., as security, de damno
castror,, domor, — occasione guerrcB quam habuimus cum Pop, R.
pro R, EcclesicL, The Pope promised to have their houses in Rome
restored. The Prafectus^ Johannes Prafecti, et Octamanus germani
fratres, Petrus Johannis^ Johannes Caparrone (all landed proprietors
in Viterbo), Petrus de Atteja (in Nepi) constituted the kinsfolk of the
Prefetti of Vico and Viterbo (Murat., Ant,^ iv. 31 ; Theiner, i. xxv.).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 545
die for his principles. He only asked for a brief
respite that he might confess his sins to Christ ; he
knelt with uplifted hands, prayed to heaven and
commended his soul to God. The executioner him-
self was moved to pity. Such is the account given
by a recently discovered poem, written by a Brescian
of imperial sympathies. This author, in common
with other contemporaries, says that Arnold was
hanged and then burned, in order that none of his
remains might fall into possession of the Romans —
a fact which proves to what degree he was idolised
by the people. According to others, his ashes were
thrown into the Tiber. The scene t)f his execution
is nowhere designated with certainty.^
The smoke from Arnold's funeral pyre darkens
the youthful but already blood-stained majesty of
the Emperor, to whose immediate needs he fell
a sacrifice. But avengers already existed in the
^ Otto of Frdsing : principis $xamim reseroatus est , ^ , a prof.
Urbis ligno adactus^ ac rogo in puioerem future redacto, ne a stolida
pUbe corpus efus tfeHertUioni haberetur, in Tyberim sparsus, Godfrey
(Pantheon, Muiatori, vii. 464) : Sirangulat hunc iaqueus, ignis et
unda vehunt, Geroh : suspendio neci traditus , . . crematus atque
in Tyberim proiectus est^ ne Rom. popul, . • • sibi eum martyrem
dedicaret. The Roman Acts in Card. Aragon. are silent. Anna/,
Einsiedl. (Mon, Germ,, v.), A. II55* suspensus est, Palidenses :
preficto iraditur et suspendio adjudicatur, Gesta di Fed, I, : ne cui
reliquie superent fortasse coUnde, v. 860. Sismondi, Leo and
Raumer transfer the execution to the Piazza del Popolo. It oould not,
however, have taken place in Rome, where the gates were barred.
Only one of three things is possible : either Arnold was executed
before Frederick's entrance ; or immediately after the coronation and
the attack ; or after the Emperor had retired to Soracte. The anony-
mous writer of the Gesia di Feder, /. places it in the time inmiediately
following the Emperor's departure.
VOL. IV. 2 N
546 HISTORY OF ROME
burghers of the Lombard cities, who were later to
compel Frederick to recognise the glorious work of
freedom which had been so powerfully influenced
by Arnold's spirit. The hand of the mighty has
often unconsciously shattered the instruments of
great movements, movements which have over-
whelmed the mighty themselves. Frederick did not
see Arnold of Brescia in the light in which he now
appears to us, and the Emperor had perhaps heard
but little of the reformer. Of what importance to
him was the life of a single heretic? And even
were he acquainted with the facts of Arnold's life, he
had been at war with the cities of Northern Italy and
with Rome, and could never, therefore, have been
favourably disposed to the Lombard, — the political
innovator. He thus destroyed a glorious force, which
might later have been of the greatest service to him-
self.^ Frederick showed but little foresight in Rome.
Instead of magnanimously restricting the Roman
democracy within reasonable limits, as he might
easily have done, and then removing it from the
papal influence and placing it under the authority
of the empire, he repelled it with blind contempt,
made enemies of several other cities, and at length
saw all his extravagant schemes fall to ruin.
Arnold of Brescia heads the series of celebrated
martyrs for freedom who died upon the funeral
pyre, but whose ardent genius rose like a phoenix
from the flames to live through centuries. We
^ According to the Gesta di Feder,^ Barbarossa suffered remorse
for Arnold's death when it was too late, v. 850 : Sei doluisse daiur
super h4>c rex sero misertus.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 547
might even call him a prophet, so clearly did he see
into the spirit of his time, so far did he advance
towards the goal, which, not until 700 years after
him, Rome and Italy are hoping to reach. The
already mature consciousness of his age was incarnate
in the gifted person of the reformer, and the first
political heretic of the Middle Ages was the logical
consequence of the quarrel for investitures. The
struggle of the two powers and the transformation
of the cities were the great practical phenomena
which served him as a historical basis.^ An inner
necessity drew him to the spot where the root of all
the evil lay. If Arnold had not gone to Rome, had
not ended his life here, he would have been an in-
complete figure of his age. But Rome, oppressed
at the same time by the weight of her ancient great-
ness, and by the two supreme powers in the world,
could not permanently maintain her civic freedom.
The constitution, to which Arnold may perhaps as
a law-giver have largely contributed, nevertheless
long survived him ; the school of the Amoldists or
politicians never died out. Arnold is the historic Survival
precedent for all the forces, theoretical or practical, id^STof the
which have revolted against the secular character of martyr in
, - . **, , . , . . the history
the clergy ; this so much the more because his aims of Rome
were not sullied by any sordid motives,* For even "*** ^^^^'
1 I maintain this in opposition to Raumer, wlio says : " He did
not tinderstand how to associate his schemes with any of the great
movements of the age, but attacked the State and the Church of his
time with like hostility, while his enthusiasm was dedicated to objects
which had entirely passed away, and for the revival of which he exerted
himself in vain."
' A German, Geroh, Prior of Reichersberg (who died 1169), shared
548 HISTORY OF ROME
his most violent opponents admitted that he was
only influenced by enthusiastic conviction, Arnold
surpasses all his successors in the struggle for Roman
liberty, not only in the greatness of his time, but also
in the loftiness of his aims. Savonarola, with whom
he has been compared, is frequently rendered offensive
to every manly judgment by the monastic character
of his intellect and by his claims to supernatural
powers. But neither miracles or oracles are attri-
buted to the friend of Abelard. He seems to have
been sane, manly, and clear ; whether it is that he
really was so, or that history has withheld many
circumstances of his life. His teaching was of such
enduring vitality, that it is still in harmony with the
spirit of our time, and Arnold of Brescia would now
be the most popular man in Italy. For so obstinate
is the ban of the Middle Ages under which Rome
and Italy are still held, that the soul of a heretic in
the twelfth century has not yet found rest, but must
still haunt Rome.^
Frederick crossed the Tiber at Magliano, and pro-
ceeded by Farfa, as Henry V. had done before him,
to the Lucanian Bridge. Here the festival of SS.
with Arnold the view that the clergy had nothing to do with poli-
tical power. Quern ego vellempro tali doctrina (political maxims) sua
quamvis prava, vel exilio^ vel carcere, out alia paena^ prater mortem,
punUum esse, vel saltern taliUr occisum, ut Rom, Eccl, seu curia
ejus necis quastiofu careret. And he calls Arnold's efibrts pure and
noble — Zelo forte hofw, sed minori scientia ... his execution nex
perperam acta,
^ On February 13, 1862, placards were posted in Loreto, on
which was printed : Viva il Papa nan Re t Viva Amaldo da Brescia !
Viva il Clero liberale I In 1883 the city of Brescia erected a bronze
statue to the fiunous reformer, to which Zttrich also contributed.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $49
Peter and Paul was celebrated with great splendour
under tents, and the Pope absolved the German
troops of all blame for the blood which had been
shed in Rome. The cities of the Campagna hastened
to discharge the oppressive T^^ferww to the Emperor,
other cities to do him homage, or to place themselves
under his protection, and Tivoli, which out of hatred
to Rome had ranged itself under the papal banner,
now even hoped to throw off the authority of the
Pope. Envoys of the commune (which was now
undoubtedly headed by consuls) gave the keys of
the town to the Emperor as overlord, in. revenge
against the Romans, Frederick would have strength-
ened a town which was at enmity with the Senate,
but Adrian advanced the rights of the Church,
and the Emperor released the Tivolese from the
oath of subjection which they had just taken,
and gave them back their town.^ The restitution
of Tivoli was the pitiful compromise enacted by the
Pope, to whom Frederick could not fulfil his promise
to make him sovereign of Rome.
He advanced to Tusculum, and remained with
Adrian in the Alban Mountain until the middle of
July.^ He made an effort to attack Rome, but his
expedition was of no avail : nor could he entertain
William I.'s challenge to fight him in Apulia, his
great German vassals justly refusing to sanction the
^ Sicard, Chron,^ p. 599. The Act of the surrender of Tivoli to the
Pope salvo tamenper omnia jure Imperiali is given in Cendus and
Card. Aragon. ; in Theiner, L n« xxL The date is unfortunately want-
ing.
* The investiture of Jonathan, son of Ptolemy, with the half of
Tusculum by the Church, is dated July 9, 1 155. Theiner, L n. 20.
SSO
HISTORY OF ROME
Return
of the
Bmperor
Frederick
I.
proposal. Neither could he at this season enter on
any undertaking against the Romans. The malaria
now appeared among his discontented troops; he
was obliged to turn and, not without some painful
self-reproach, to abandon the Pope to his fate. He
gave the prisoners into Adrian's hands ; took leave
of him in Tivoli, and set forth on his northern
progress by way of Farfa. With barbarous indigna-
tion he reduced the ancient and celebrated city of
Spoleto to ashes on his route. And like Demetrius
in ancient times the great Hohenstaufen might with
justice have been called " Destroyer of cities." ^
^ Concerning Frederick's retreat, see Otto of Freising, ii. c. 24 :
e Zficinis stagnis^ cavemoHsqtie^ ac ruinosis circa Urbem locis irisHbus
erumpentihus . • . nebulis^ totus vicinus crcusatur air^ ad hauriendum
mortalibus lethifir, ac pesHiens, Urgebaiur h4>c incommodo in Urhe
civisj hoc tempore ad montana conmetus fugere : just as to-day.
With regard to Spoleto, see the note in Papencordt, p. 267. I copied
the following ancient inscription from a stone in the Palazzo del
Comune there : —
ffoc est Spoletum censu poptdoque repUtum
Quod debelkani Fridericus et igne cremamt.
Si gueris quando post partum Virginis anno
MCL V. Tres novies soles Jtdius tunc mensis habebat.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 55!
3. Adrian makbs War on King William — Is forced to
ACCORD him' the INVESTITURE — OrVIETO BECOMES
Papal — Adrian makes Peace with Rome — Discord
BETWEEN THE POPE AND EmPEROR — ^ThE LOMBARD
Cities — Adrian negotiates with them and
QUARRELS WITH FREDERICK — ThE RoMANS AP-
PROACH THE Emperor — Death of Adrian IV. —
His ACTIVITY — His Lament over his Misfortune
IN becoming Pope.
The Pope found his hopes betrayed by the Em-
peror's departure, Rome had not been subjugated
as the treaty of Constance had promised ; he was
still an exile, and the expedition against Sicily had
never taken place. He resolutely collected vassals
and mercenaries and hastened to Capua and
Benevento in the autumn. He had already excom-
municated William and had released the people of
Apulia from their oath. He now came in person to
uphold them in their revolt, and united himself with
the rebellious barons and exiles, who did homage to
him in Benevento. The revolt of all the provinces,
the simultaneous energetic movement of the Greeks,
with whom Adrian had openly allied himself, the
rapid prepress of the barons, the activity of the
enterprising Pope, who was the soul of the insurrec-
tion, and who reaped its fruits, induced Roger's
effeminate son to make favourable proposals to him,
among which was that of reducing Rome to sub-
mission.^ Nevertheless the prospect of peace was
^ The treaty of Constance had bound the Pope as well as Frederick
not to allow the Greeks to make conquests in Italy; in Adrian's
5S2 HISTORY OF ROME
frustrated by the resistance of the imperial party
among the cardinals. William, however, by a sudden
effort succeeded in wresting Calabria and Apulia by
assault from the Greeks and barons, and immediately
advanced on Benevento, where the exiles had sought
shelter with the Pope. Fortune for the third time
smiled on the Normans. The perplexed Adrian was
obliged to abandon his allies and to sue for peace.
Adrian iv. Xhe victor dictated terms in the neighbourhood of
WiWami. Benevento in June 1156, where he received the
Tnd i^cu*** threefold investiture of Sicily, Apulia, and Capua ;
1 156. ' the Church, however, reserving many rights by
stipulation.^ This one-sided peace, by which the
Pope^ deserted by the Emperor, invested the enemy
of the empire with territories of which Frederick
declared himself to be the ruler, irritated the
imperialists, who saw in it a breach of the treaty of
Constance. Other reasons also soon arose to increase
the tension which already existed.^
Adrian returned to the State of the Church in the
summer, without, however, venturing to Rome. He
alliance wiUi the Greeks the imperial party consequently saw a breach
of the treaty.
^ Oddo Frangipane administered the oath to the King (Card.
Aragon ). JJgnis home papa deoenit. For V^lliam's haughty speech,
see the Instrument of peace (Baron., ad, A. 1x56, n. iv.) ; the investi-
ture, n. vii.; Vita Adriani in Watterich, ii. 352. The Kings of
Sicily now first received investiture of Salerno, Amalfi, Naples, and
the Abruzzi (Marsia). The concordat made the Sicilian Church
almost independent of Rome. Romuald, p. 197.
* HostUms imperii presul Romanus adhesit,
Federa dot Siculis^ pariter datfedera Greets^
Fit modo materies mortis et horo necis,
— Godfrey, De Gestis Frid, ed. Ficker, p. 28.
\
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 553
strengthened the papal power by treaties with great
vassals and even with cities, and thus formally took
possession of Orvieto.^ He thence went to Viterbo, He takes
which henceforward became a frequent abode of the ^ode in
popes, and in November he entered the Lateran.* ^^^»
His peace with Rome was the result of the treaty eludes
with Sicily ; King William induced the Romans to ^SScT
yield by means of gold and threats, and out of hatred
to Frederick they came to an agreement But this
peace was also one-sided and calculated to irritate
the Emperor — a result desired by the crafty Romans.
The contents of the treaty are unknown. It was,
however, probably based on the same foundations as
the earlier contract with Eugenius III.
From this time forward the conflict between
imperial, papal, and senatorial claims became the
cause of a serious dissension between the Emperor
and Adrian. Since Otto the Great no stronger man
than Frederick had wielded the sword of empire.
Conscious of the power of Germany, through which
alone, as he asserted, he wore the crown of Constan-
tine, he overthrew the pretensions of the Pope, who
opposed him with the exaggerated ideas of Gregory
VII. The principle of the absolute monarchy ap-
peared in rude opposition to that of the absolute
^ Conventic inter Adr. IV, et Urbevetanos: Murat., Antiq, It,, iv.
36, ^. 1 157 Ind, VI, M. Febr. The Pope is represented by seven
cardinals, the city by one abbot, two consuls, and two nobili. Con-
cerning Adrian's buildings in Orvieto : Monaldo Monaldeschi, C^m-
ment, Historici^ Venet, 1854, 35.
* Ad amcmum et popuhsum VUerbii castrum descendit, et exinde
ad Urbem et Lateran, Cansist^um remeavit. Card. Arag., p. 445.
Jaff6 shows that Adrian was in the Latexan on November 12, 11 56.
554
HISTORY OF ROME
Outbreak
of the
quarrel
between
Frederick
and
Adrian.
Church. The contrast between two strong characters
threatened a renewal of the recent controversy ; a
despotic emperor confronted the arrogance of a
priest, in whom the overstrained ideas of the Papacy
had found their incarnation. Matilda's donation, the
question' of investitures, the peace made by the Pope
with Sicily, the position of Rome in the ecclesiastical
State added to the causes of dissension. Emperor
and Pope had seldom before exchanged such angry
words, and the language used brought out mercilessly
the standpoint of the two parties, defined as it was
by a contest of universal importance. The accidental
robbery of a Swedish bishop by Burgundian knights,
who remained unpunished by the Emperor, gave
Adrian IV. occasion to remind Frederick that he
owed his coronation to the grace of the Pope. The
use of the ambiguous word ** Beneficium " (in its
legal sense a " fief") inflamed the anger of the Em-
peror and of his court It was with difficulty that
the cardinal-legates, the bearers of the papal letters,
escaped death at Besan^on at the hands of the
German knights, and after an insulting dismissal re*
turned to Rome.^ Frederick addressed a manifesto
to his empire, stigmatised the priestly view of the
^ The well-known phrase : st majara hmeficia exceUentia tua de
manu ncstrcLs suscepisut . . . Radevicfa, L c 8. Otto de S. Blasio,
C 8. One of the legates, Cardinal Roland, afterwards Alex-
ander III., said briefly and boldly : a quo ergo habei^ si a dom.
Papa non habet imperium f To the Pope's letter of complaint to the
German bishops (/. r., 15) the latter answered : liberam Imperii nosiri
coronam dwino toMhtm bemficio adscribimus, — In capiU orbis Deus
per Imperium exaliavit Ecclesiam^ in capite orbis BccUsia {non per
Deum ui credimm) nunc demolUur Imperium,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 555
relation of the empire to the Papacy as mendacious
arrogance, and protested that he had received the
imperial power from God alone, and would rather
die than see it humbled beneath the yoke of the
clergy.^ The times of Henry IV. were past, the
entire German empire re-echoed to the imperial
voice ; princes and bishops, filled with patriotism, pro-
nounced unanimously against the Pope, and Adrian,
who found himself opposed by a German party
among the cardinals, was forced to hasten to appease
the anger of the Hohenstaufen. His new l^ates
brought a letter of apology, in which he explained,
like a pedant or grammarian, that he had not used
the word " Beneficium " in the sense of a fief.
These nuncios found Frederick already in Augs-
burg, whither he had gone in June 1158, intending
to return to Italy at the head of a strong force to
reduce the rebellious cities and the entire country to
subjection. Heroic Milan surrendered in September, The
and the empire now celebrated its most decisive ^^'^
but also its last triumph at the Diet of Roncaglia.* Milan,
^ Cu$nque per eiuHonem principum, a solo Deo Regnum et Impiriwn
nostrum sit — ptiamque ttos /mperialem Coronam pro beneficio a D,
Papa suscepisse dixerii^ divina insiUuHoni^ et doctrifUB Petri cott"
irarius est, et mendacii reus erit: Radev., i. c. 10. Ilie popes said
that the emperors were such by the grace of God : the emperors,
that they were by the grace of God {gratia dei or divino beneficio)
throu^ the election of the Parliament. The ''Grace of God " had
no mystic meaning in the Middle Ages, but signified just the same in
the case of an emperor as in that of a dty prefect.
' The celebrated Diet on the Field of Roncaglia near Piacenza was
opened on November 14, 1158. Concerning the transactions there
and the list of regalia, see H. Prutz, Kaiser Friedrich /. (Danzig,
1871), L 168 ff.
SS6 HISTORY OF ROME
The most celebrated jurists of Bologna, filled with
enthusiasm for the ancient imperial law of Rome,
fanned the pride of the powerful Emperor, by in-
vesting the Hohenstaufen imperium with the absolu-
tism of Justinian, and explaining it as the legitimate
supremacy of the world. At this period, when civic
and political affairs sought a firm legal foundation,
the cities as well as the Emperor appealed to Roman
law and consequently came into harsh collision. But
the living present severed the cities (Rome excepted)
from antiquity, while the Emperor reverted now to
the Caesarism of Rome, now to Charles's theocratic
empire, and in his infatuation fondly imagined that
he could divert the democratic current of the century
back into the groove of the absolutism of Justinian.
In the bitter conflict between the burgher class and
the imperial power, it was inevitable that the Papacy
should speedily ally itself with the burghers. The
quarrel for investitures, the conception of feudal law
which governs an entire age, was the connecting link
between them, or rather the ancient dispute was now
(the concordat of Worms having tranquillised it
within the Church) revived with fresh violence in
civic spheres. It was also necessary for the cities to
deprive the Emperor of the crown rights, the ad-
ministration of justice, and the magistracy. Thus
the struggle of Frederick I. with the Lombard cities
was the second war for investitures, but a war with
the burghers, out of which the republics as well as
the Church issued triumphant and attained inde-
pendence in the sphere of political law.
Adrian IV. had already entered into secret nego-
IN TH£ MIDDLE AGES. 557
tiations with the cities, while at the same time he
zealously cultivated the friendship of the Sicilian
feudal monarchy. After so many triumphs Frederick,
like Charles the Great, determined to rule over Rome
and the bishops in his empire as over vassals. He
sent his envoys to Italy, with orders to collect with
unsparing severity the fiscal dues both from the
property bequeathed by Matilda and from the State
of the Church.^ The Pope complained in a letter He renews
that Frederick exacted feudal dues from the bishops, for invSiF-^
and refused the cardinal-legates admission to the '"'cs.
provinces ; the Emperor replied with contempt that
the Church had not owned any principality before
the time of Constantine, that all the property of the
holy chair was the g^ft of kings, that the bishops,
who should only have been heirs of God, nevertheless
held temporal dignities in the State, and consequently
owed feudal obligations to the Emperor, since Christ
had paid tribute to the emperor both for Himself
and Peter.* The bishops must either surrender their
temporal property or give the Emperor what was his
due ; the churches had been closed to the cardinal-
legates, in order that the congr^ations might be pro-
tected against their rapacity. The Pope disgraced
Christian humility when he brought temporal advan-
tages, which had nothing to do with religion, into
the discussion in sight of the world. This he was
1 This already on the ground of the decrees of Roncaglia, by which
the Emperor had been given as regalia : Ducatus, AfarcAia, Cami-
tatus^ Consulatus^ Montia^ Tdonia^ Foderum, Veciigalia^ Portus^
Pedaiica^ Molenditui^ Piscaria, Radev., ii. c 5, c la
' We may remember that this was the phrase used by the Romans
in their letter to Conrad.
558 HISTORY OF ROME
obliged to say, because he saw how the abhorred beast
of arrogance had climbed even to S. Peter's chair.^
Thus Frederick revived the temporal side of the
quarrel for investiture ; he now spoke with the
mouth of the Romans, and seemed transformed into
the figure of the very Arnold whom he had executed
only a few years before. The imperial power (for
the moment at least) had entered on a period of
renascence, the papal had become enfeebled. Adrian
IV., wounded to the heart, sent legates to Frederick
to try what could be effected by negotiations. His
exorbitant demands show that the Papacy had
assumed the same attitude towards the empire as
The Pope that adopted by the cities ; it desired entire freedom
^^^■^ from the imperial power in secular affairs, or the
pcndence transference of the crown rights to itself. The
of the State **
of the Pope demanded that the bishops of Italy should
merely take the oath of fidelity to the Emperor, but
should be under no feudal obligations ; except on
the occasion of his coronation, the Emperor should
not levy " foderum " on the State of the Church ;
the income from Matilda's estates and from all
territory from Aquapendente to Rome, from Spoleto,
Sardinia, and Corsica, from Ferrara and Massa was
to be surrendered to the sacred chair ; the Emperor
^ The two letters are given in Sigeb., C<mtin. Aquicinctin.^ ad A,
1 1 57 {Man, Gemu^ viii. 408). That of the Pope is dated June 24,
1159} from Prseneste. Even the superscription on Frederick's letter
must have wounded him : FrieL Dei Gr, Rom. Imp, Semper* Aug,
Adriano Eccles, Catho/ica Sumtno Pontifici omnibus adhartrti qua
cepit Jesus facere ei docere, Adrian even complained that the Emperor
placed his own name, in letters, before that of the Pope, in quo
insolen/ia, ne dicam arrogantuB not am incurris.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $59
was not to send any envoy to Rome without the
Pope's consent, for the entire magistracy and every
kind of regalia belonged to the holy chair alone.
While Adrian thus endeavoured to exclude the im-
perial authority from the State of the Church, and
demanded recognition of his complete territorial
supremacy, the Emperor replied, " Since, by the will
of God, I am, and call myself, Roman Emperor, I
should only bear an unmeaning title did I allow
the sovereignty over the city of Rome to pass out
of my hands." ^
Ambassadors from the Senate were present during
these negotiations ; the Romans, seeing that the
Emperor employed Arnold's arguments against the
Pope, made approaches to him. In the spring of
II 59 they sent messengers to effect a reconciliation, RecopdUa-
and Frederick having received them favourably in |^^ i^^
public, the Senate sent other distinguished men to ^^y °^
the camp at Crema. The Romans, grown more the
modest, now begged for the imperial favour and an ii™|*^'*
amnesty ; they promised to restore the imperial
power in Rome, and Frederick entered into negotia-
tions with the commune. He now determined to
recognise the Senate, but on conditions to be dictated
by himself, and these conditions were the same as
those already imposed on subjugated Milan. With
the envoys (whom he loaded with presents) he also
sent the Count Palatine Otto of Wittelsbach, Count
^ Niam cum dvv, ordinatume ego Rom, Imp, et duar et sim, speciem
tofUum damifumtis effingo — si Urbis Roma de manu nostra potestas
fuerit excussa. Popes and bishops asked : quid mihi et regif and
the Emperor: quid tibi et possessionif Radev., ii c. 30.
56o HISTORY OF ROME
Guido of Blandrate, the Provost Herbert of Aqui to
Rome, where these nobles were instructed to come
to terms respecting the restoration of the Senate
and the recall of the exiled Prefect, and were, if pos-
sible, to conclude a concordat with the Pope.^ The
envoys were received with honour, but the demands
of the Senate, which now assumed a commanding
attitude, rendered a settlement impossible, and the
death of the Pope raised a further obstacle.
Death of Adrian IV. died at Anagni on September i,
Septi. ''ii59i at open strife with the Emperor, in league
'159* with the Lombards against him, and debating the
question of excommunicating Frederick. This priest
who had risen from the dust confronted the mightiest
of monarchs with so haughty an aspect, as were he
not only this monarch's equal but his superior. His
natural endowments were increased by the greatness
to which his own merits had raised him, by know-
ledge of the world, and by a praiseworthy strength
of character, which, in the midst of all his arrogance,
enabled him to act with prudence at the critical
time. Adrian was shrewd, practical, and unyielding,
as Anglo-Saxons are wont to be. Like Gregory
Vn., he determined to realise the principle of papal
supremacy ; ' but in the midst of his boldest dreams
^ Frederick demanded the recall of the former Prefect of the city,
who had been banished by the Romans as the enemy of Arnold of
Brescia and the cause of his death. The Emperor did not, however,
attain his desire. According to Joann. Saresber., opp. L 63, ep. 59,
in W. Ribbeck, /. r., p. 62.
' The former beggar boy from England wrote to King Henxy IL :
sofu Hibemiam^ €t onmes insulas, qmbus soijusiitia CAristus illuxit'^
ad jus b. Petri €t S.R.B.--non est dubium pertmtn. Mansi, zxL 788.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $6 1
he did not neglect his more immediate duties. He
even refortified cities such as Orte and Radicofani ;
he acquired others, and the acts of the Dominium
Temporale show how careful he was to preserve, or
to found, patrimonies for the sacred chair, to weaken
the dynasties on the Campagna and to make them
serviceable to himself. The provincial nobility had
been brought low by the wars with the emperors as
well as with the civic communes; the barons had
lost their influence in consequence of the democratic
revolution and were impoverished and in debt Many
ceded their fortresses entirely or in part to Adrian,
who then gave them back as fiefs of the Church,
and thus noblemen became tributaries {homines) of
the Pope. Adrian's activity in this respect was very
great.^ He had failed, however, to subdue the Roman
republic. The Senate still existed on the Capitol,
and instead of a complaisant Emperor, Frederick
had become the violent enemy of the Pope. " O
that I had never," an Englishman heard Adrian
sigh, " left my native land, England, or the convent
^ See the Acts of his Chamberlain Boso in Cardinal Aragon.,
p. 445, also in Albinos and Cencius. Oddo de Poli ceded all the
fortresses of which the Church had been despoiled by him, back as
fiefs to the Pope : Poli, Faustiniano, Anticuli, Rocca de Nibli, Monte
Manno, Gadabiolo (Guadagnolo), Sarracinisco, Rocca de Muri, Cas-
tellus novQS. We see of what accumulations of property the barons
had already become possessed at this time (Cencius, foL 107 of
January 7, II57 ; Murat., Aniiq», i. 676; Theiner, i. n. xxii.).
There are similar treaties concerning Tusculum, and in territorio
CampaninOf the Castrum Mons Set Johis (Monte S. Giovanni on the
Liris), which was still held by Lombards of the house of Aquino ;
further Raiano, Sculgola, Cordanum, Orvieto. Of but few popes has
Cencius preserved so many documents.
VOL. fv, 2
562 HISTORY OF ROME
of S. Rufus. Is there elsewhere in the world a man
so miserable as the pope? I have found so much
hardship on the papal throne, that all the bitterness
of my past life seems sweet in comparison. Is the
elected pope as rich as a Croesus to-day, on the
morrow he is poor and oppressed with countless
debts. Truly it is with justice that he is called
Servant of the Servants ; he is enslaved by the
rapacity of the servile souls of the Romans, and
does he fail to satisfy them, he is forced to leave
his throne and Rome as a fugitive." ^ Such is the
avowal of Adrian IV. concerning the Papacy of his
time — the testimony of a sage of ripe experience
who died in exile.
Rome preserves no monument of this vigorous
foreigner beyond his coffin in the crypt of the Vati-
can ; an ancient urn, which owes its preservation to
the indestructibility of its material. This rude in-
artistic sarcophagus of red granite fitly encloses the
only English pope — a man whose nature was as firm
and strong as the granite itself.
^ Thus Adrian sighed to his celebrated countryman, John of Sails*
bniy {De Ntigis CurteUium^ viiL c. 23). In incudiHe^ inquii^ ei
malleo semper dilatavit me Dominus, Concerning the avarice of
spiritual Rome, there was but one opinion in the world : Roma Deus
non est friftus, sed quattrimis*
IN THE MIDDLE AGE& 563
4. Schism between Victor IV. and Alexander III. —
The Council at Pa via recognises Victor — Cour-
ageous Resistance of Alexander III. — He sails
TO France — Destruction of Milan — Death of
Victor III., 11 64 — Paschalis HI. — Christian of
Mainz — Alexander III. returns to Rome— Death
OF William I. — The Greek Emperor — Frederick
comes again to Italy — League of the Lombard
Cities — Rainald of Cologne advances to the
neighbourhood OF Rome.
A schism followed immediately on Adrian's death.
The college of cardinals had long been divided into
a hierarchical and an imperial faction, but the two 1
parties had formed a compact in Anagni to vote for
the same candidate. Nevertheless Adrian's adherents,
headed by Boso, nephew of the Pope, had privately
occupied the fortified palace beside S. Peter^s, and
had there held meetings.^ At the same time the
smaller German party was in eager communication
with the imperial envoys, who were still in Rome,
and acquired adherents in the Senate by means of
gold.
The cardinals, the imperial envoys, the clergy, schism in
nobles, and populace, and also the Senators, wholJ^g^Pf*
had undertaken the care of the cathedral, kept its
doors closed and assembled for the election in S.
» The EpUi. Canomcor, b, Petri pro parte Victoris (Radev., ii.
c. 66) thus represents the matter. Boso had seized the munitio
S, Petri (the fortified Vatican) even in Adrian's lifetime. Roland
himself says mumtic EccUsia (Letter to Genoa in Caf&ro, Annai.
Gen., u 274, and to Bologna, Radev., ii. c 51).
564 HISTORY OF ROME
Cardinal Peter's. Three days passed without any under-
(/UezaDder 'standing having been reached; when the stronger
[^)^^ p^LTty on September 7 proclaimed the chancellor,
Ocuvian Roland Bandinelli, a Siennese, as Pope. But scarcely
ivo!°'^ had they time to clothe the reluctant candidate with
i the mantle, when Cardinal Octavian, head of the
German party, tore the purple from his shoulders.
An unwilling Senator, it is true, took the mantle
from Octavian, but his chaplain ran and brought
^another, which the cardinal in his excitement threw
on wrong side out.^ The tumult was too great for
the assembly to find time to laugh at the figure of a
cardinal so anxious to assume Uie mantle. Troops,
who were already prepared, pressed into S. Peter's,
* sword in hand. Octavian received the acclamations
of his party ; the inferior clergy, more especially the
Chapter of S. Peter's, the populace, the majority of
the Senators and many captains gave him their
placet; the Te Deum was sung, and the cardinal,
assuming the name of Victor IV., was forthwith led
in procession to the Lateran.^
Roland and his followers meanwhile fled to the
' fortified Vatican. They were here kept for nine
^ The chaplain of each cardinal probably brought with him the
mantle destined for his master. The imman/are was the first symbol
of elevation to the Papacy ; and stress was laid upon the fact that the
Immantaiio of Octavian took place before that of Roland (Radev., it
71). The populace afterwards shouted to Octavian : Jili tnaledicU
dismanta ! non eris Papa. Roland's election manifesto (Radevich, ii.
c. 51)1 transcribed by Card. Aragon. Alexander III. announces his
election to the clergy of Paris, Terradna, beginning of October 1 159
(in Pflugk-Hartung, Acta Horn. Font, ifudita^ ii. n. 415).
' Papa Victore santo Putro Veiegge was thereupon shouted in
Italian. Report of the Chapter of S. Peter.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 56$
whole days by the Senators, who had been bribed,
and were then taken into still stricter custody in
Trastevere. After three days they were released by
Oddo Frangipane, who had long been the foremost*
vassal of the Church and an enemy of the republic.
A counter movement took place ; Roland was led ,
in procession through Rome, amid the ringing of
bells and with the banners of the Church ; then,
accompanied by all the clergy who had taken his
part, by many of the populace and nobles in arms,
by the college of the judges and the School of
Singers, he immediately withdrew to the Campagna.
What strange movements on the part of the Romans,
what curious spectacles are presented by the papal
elections of the time !
At the foot of the Volscian Mountains and at the
edge of the Pontine Marshes lies Ninfa, at that time »
a town of considerable importance, now a Christian
Pompeii, with blackened walls, which, with a strong
baronial tower and ruinous churches, still remain
covered and choked by ivy. Here one of the
mightiest of popes, the great opponent of the
Emperor Barbarossa, was consecrated on September Alexander
20 as Alexander III. He repaired to Terracina,*crat^ar
a town on the frontier of the Sicilian kingdom, whose ^>'"|*»
sovereign had hastened to acknowledge him.^ 1x59-
^ He went by way of Cisterna, where, according to tradition, Nero
had hidden himself. The Canons of S. Peter consequently said :
perveneruni ad cistemam Neronis, in qua kUuii Nero fuguns
Romanes insequenies. Justs Cistemam adunmty quia dereHquerunt
fontem aqua viva, et foderwtt sibi cistemas. The followers of Victor
(in Radev., ii. c. 52) : in castro — Cistima, intra Ariciam et Terra*
cinam, Rokmdum Cancellarium immantaverunt, Romuald, p. aoo :
566 HISTORY OF ROME
Octavian was for the time master of a great part
of the city. This cardinal, a Crescentius of the
house of the Counts of Monticelli, was a man of
handsome presence and liberal disposition, and could
reckon on numerous adherents in Rome; Peter,
Prefect of the city, his own nephew, the Tebaldi
and Stefani, some Gsetani, Pierleoni, and other power-
ful nobles adhered to him.^ The interests of the
Senate also seemed to recommend a pope of German
sympathies, and the Roman people never inquired
who was the lawful pope, but only who was most
lavish of his gold. The Romans desired Octavian,
and the inferior clergy, who from Arnold's time had
been at variance with the cardinals who upheld the
ancient system, pronounced almost universally in
his favour. On the other hand, among the higher
clergy, the Bishop of Ferentino, Bishop Ymarus of
Nymphas venit^ H tbiab UbaJdo OsHensi Ep, — soUmniter consecralus^
eg postea Terracinam venit, Rolaad himself speaks of Ninfa as the
place where he was consecrated (Rad., i. c. 51).
^ Witnesses for him at Pavia were: Petrus U, Praf.^ Steph, de
Tebaldo, Steph. Nortmannus^ Johs de S, Stephana^ Johs Cajetanus^
Wolferaminus de Gidocica^ Gimtmdus de domo Peirileotus (Radev., ii.
67). Modern writers make Octavian a Tusculan. The Catalogue df
the Popes in Chron. Riccardi Clun, (Mur., Ant, It., iv. 11 12) says,
however, correctly : Octav,^ natione SaHnensis, Anon, Casinen,, ad,
A. I159 ; Octavianus de Monticelic. Otto was at this time Count of
Monticelli in the Sabina. The fieimily belonged to the Crescentii, and
was related to the house of Palombara, from which Sigeb. , Auctar,
Aquicinct,^ A. 1 158, seems to trace Octavian's descent ; it was also
related to the Prefect of Vico. Angeloni {Bist, de Tendy Rome,
1646) professes to know from a document that Frederick I. bestowed
Temi in fief upon Octavian in 1162, and says that Octavian's
brothers, Otto, Goffired, and Soliman, are mentioned in the deed.
Since the author does not give the document in print, I must give the
statement for what it is worth.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 567
Tusculum, who had abjured Roland, the Abbot of
Subiaco and four cardinals, of whom Guido of
Crema and John had been the main instruments of
his elevation, were alone in his favour.^ The Count
Palatine Otto and Guido of Blandrate had also taken
part in his election. Under the protection of the
two latter, Octavian left the tumultuous city. He Victor iv.
was consecrated as Victor IV. on October 4 at*S^in
Farfa by the Bishop of Tusculum.* He thence ^^^^*-
proceeded to Segni in the Volscian Mountains, and
thus the two popes stood facing one another in the
Campagna; since Anagni, where Alexander HI.
had taken up his abode, can be clearly descried
from the valley where Segni lies.
There was no doubt as to which of the two
pretenders would obtain the Emperor's recognition :
Roland, the zealous champion of papal absolutism,
* Letter of Victor's party in Radev., ii. 52. Roland received the
most votes ; his party claimed to number fourteen cardinals, and
allowed only two (Guido and John) to the opposition ; two of Victor's
party were absent The latter, however, claimed to have given nine
votes. There should have been not more than twenty or twenty-two
cardinals in Rome. Letters in Pertz, Leges^ ii. Letter of the Rolan-
dists, Theiner, Disquisit, eriiica^ n. zziii. Almost all the churches
in Rome acknowledged Octavian. Signatories of the Acts of the
Council of Pavia(Mansi, zzi. 1 113); among them also Magisterfratrum
templi Hierosolytnitani in Monte Aventino cum suis fratribus obedivit.
At this time this order already possessed its dwelling on the Aventine.
' The Decretum Ottonis Comitis Palatini ^o cangruis alimentis
prastandis a Rustico abbati Farfensi^ dr'c,, issued at Farfa in 1 159 (at
the. end of the Chronicle), belongs to this period ; it is signed by
Fetrm Prof. Urbis, Jonathas Comes Tusculanus, Otto C, Monti-
eelUnsis, Octavianus C. Palwnbaria, Rainerius C. Tyburtinus^
Stephan, Tebaldi, Raynerius et Gentilis illustres. We learn from this
which of the Roman landgraves were of imperial sjnnpathies. The
old Count of Tivoli could scarcely have still retained power.
568 HISTORY OF ROME
the imperious cardinal-legate whom the Count Pala-
tine Otto had desired to overthrow, or Octavian the
former rival of Adrian IV. Both appealed to the
Christian world, and Frederick seized the opportunity
to come forward as advocate of the Church. In a
letter from the camp at Crema, he commanded
"Cardinal Roland" to appear in person before a
Council which he summoned in Pavia. The ex-
ample of both ancient and recent emperors afforded
him a precedent for the right of convoking such a
Council. Alexander III., who had already been
excommunicated by Octavian, r^arded himself as
lawful Pope, and rejected the summons as unca-
inonical. The Council assembled in February 1160,
a short time after heroic Crema had been crushed
by Frederick. Octavian arrived, assured of victory.
Many witnesses, more especially the Chapter of the
cathedral of S. Peter, and the greater part of both
spiritual and secular Rome, declared in his favour,
The and the Synod, which was entirely under the imperial
^^P^j influence, decided on February 11 that Victor IV.
Pavia was lawful Pope. The Emperor consequently imme-
election of diately did public homage to him. Roland was
FeS°ii^^'' excommunicated as a conspirator against the empire
"^ and a schismatic, and the close alliance which existed
between his party, Sicily, Milan, Brescia and Piacenza
was easily proved.^
Courageous as Gregory VII., Alexander III.
entered into war with a formidable opponent The
^ Adrian IV. had already formed an alliance with the Lombards in
Anagni : Sir Raul, De Rebus gestis Friderici, p. 1 183. C. — Episiola
ConciUi (Papunsis) to Christendomi in Watterich, ii. 483.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 569
quarrel concerned the independence of the Church,
which Frederick desired to bend to the Councils
of his bishops and under the imperial yoke. The
acquisitions of Gregory and Calixtus were at stake.
In this, the second great conflict of the Papacy
with the empire, many of the old features were
repeated, even those which concerned the city of
Rome, although they assumed an entirely new form.
But if Gr^ory VII. had found his allies in religious
fanaticism, in the rebellion of the Fatarines, in the
influence of a religious woman and the policy of a
usurper, the Papacy now found them in the freedom
which had been fought for by courageous cities.
Alexander thundered the excommunication against Alexander
^the Emperor from the cathedral of Anagni on Holy communi-
Thursday, March 2. True, the excommunication ^^ *^«
now signified nothing more than a declaration of in Anagni,
^ war. He sent l^ates to the kings of Christendom, nSo, "'
in the hope that some, fearing the greatness of
Frederick's power, might recognise himself — a hope
in which he was not deceived. He exhorted the
Lombards to resistance, but his attitude towards the
republics was invariably characterised by shrewdness
and foresight Fortunately for him, the Emperor
was engaged in furious warfare with Milan. While
Victor IV. accompanied Frederick's court, Alex-
ander III. succeeded with the aid of Sicily in con-
quering Latium ; his adherents waxed stronger even
in fickle Rome, since the anti-pope did not enter
the city.^ The newly-elected Senators declared in
^ Ckron, Fossa Nov,^ ad A, 1 160: Hie venii Anagniam, et etc-
quisivU iotam Campamam, The letter of the Rolandists (in Theiner)
570 HISTORY OF ROME
his favour, the Frangipani succeeded in adjusting
matters so that he was enabled to come to Rome in
'June 1161, and here he consecrated S. Maria Nova,
beside the fortresses of the Frangipani family at
the Arch of Titus. He left the insecure city, how-
ever, in about a fortnight, to seek refuge again in
Praeneste or Ferentino.^
Frederick's power crushed the hopes of Alexander,
and Victor IV. was able to hold a numerously
attended Council at Lodi on June 19, where five
Roman Senators were present* Alexander, finding
himself abandoned by almost the entire State of the
Church, had no choice but exile.' He took ship on
board a Sicilian galley at the Cape of Circe about
says that Octavian had bribed the former Senatozs with 200 pounds,
but that the newly-elected Senators forced them to deposit this money
in the Capitol, in CapUolium departeUa^ et qualittr de commumi voct
populi muri urbis exituU repoHantur,
^ He came to the city on June 6, on the 87th he was back at
Prxneste. Mansi, zxi. 1036 : Letter of Alexander to Henry of
Grado : nos — VI I L Id, Junii Urhem ienuisse^ tt a cUro et pop,
Rom, apud eccl, S. M, Nova-^fiusse reeeptos : on the following
Sunday he quietly read Mass in the Lateran : data Roma apud S, M,
Nffoam XVIII, Kal, Junii, Card. Aragon., p. 451: Quia vera
diutius ibidem propter ma^nam schismaiicor, seditionem quiete mm
potuit remanere, precibus P. Romani seductus, ad partes Cantpania
remeavit.
' The Annais of Erfurt (Mon, Germ,, ztL) : de Urbe quinque
Senatores missi a Romanis erant,
' Cum omne patrimon, S, Petri-^ab Aquapendente usque ad
Ceperanum (confines of the State of the Church) per Imper, et-
scMisf notices occupatum tfidisset: Card. Aragon., p. 451. Frederick
himself says : Rollandus^-propler fideles nostras circa Romam nan
habet — ubi caput suum reclinet^ on which account he had escaped ;
he also says that he was deep in debt. Goldast, Constii, Imp,, i.
279.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 57 1
Christmas, reached Genoa on January 21, 1162, and Alexander
went, like his predecessors, to claim the hospitality as ane^e
of France. i^K^?""^'
While he there received the homage of the great
nobles, Frederick celebrated his terrible triumphs in
Lombardy. On March 26 he entered conquered
* Milan, which he ordered to be razed to tiie ground ;
the burghers of Italian cities fell at his nod in exult-
ing revenge on the glorious sacrifice, at whose fall
Italy trembled. Rome also was terrified; the city
recognised the imperial pope; but Frederick, who
advanced as far as Bologna in June, marched by way
of Turin to Burgundy in August, leaving behind him
a devastated country, which knew no more sacred
duty than that of shaking off the yoke of a foreign
despot. In conformity with a treaty with Lewis VII.,
he determined to hold a Council at Besan^on, where
both popes were to appear and receive their sentence.
Alexander's arts, however, and other circumstances
intervened to prevent this. Without having attained
his object, the Emperor was obliged to return to
Germany, and since no respect was there paid to
Victor, Frederick soon sent him back to Italy, and
with him Rainald, Archbishop-elect of Cologne, as
his vicar. This great man, since 11 56 Chancellor of
the Empire, was inspired by different principles from
those with which Wibald had formerly been imbued ;
he was more imperial than the Emperor, and filled
with enthusiasm for the empire of the German
nation, to which he wished to render the Papacy
again subject. The keen intellect and the vigorous
energy of this mail-clad archbishop and minister of
572 HISTORY OF ROME
the empire corresponded entirely to Barbarossa's
ideas.^
While Alexander, secure of the recognition of
France and England, lived chiefly at Sens, Rome
was ruled in peace by the Senate. The acts of this
body, "appointed by the venerable and illustrious
people of the Romans on the Capitol," no longer
took any thought of Pope Alexander, and the judicial
documents of the time were dated with the year of
Victor IV.'s pontificate.* This pope meanwhile died
*on April 20, 1 164, at Lucca, when Rainald immedi-
»ately caused Guido of Crema to be elected as Pas-
Paschaijs chalis III. by the schismatic cardinals. Frederick,
pope^" ' at the time at Pavia, at once gave his sanction to
d^^Usin ^^^ chancellor's despotic act* But neither could
Viterbo. Paschalis make himself master of Rome. The
magnificent Octavian, a Roman of noble birth,
had probably numerous adherents, but Guido could
command no party. On the contrary, a sudden
» revulsion took place in Alexander's favour, the
Romans now realising the loss of all the advantages
offered by the presence of the papal curia, and the
civic government changed its views with its magis-
trates. Fortune, it is true, seemed favourable to
^ J. Ficker: Rctinald von Dassel^ ReichskafuUer und Erzb, zwn
KolHy 1156-1167, Cologne, 185a
' A. 1 162: Nos Senatores pro justUia cuique tribuenda a reoerendo
aique magnifico populo Romano in Capiiolio constituti (Galletti, Del
Prim.y n. Ixi.). On October 14, 1162, there is the date: Anno V,
Pontif. Dompni Victoris IV. pape (Galletti, n. Ixil).
' I note that Frederick gave a charter to Gubbio on November 8,
1 163. DcU. VLyd. Nov. A.D.J. MCLXIIL Ind. XII.— Act. Laud
in d. n. fel. Am. — Ego Rainald^ &»c. The or^nal no longer exists
among the Archives of Gubbio.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES 573
Paschalis in the spring of 1 165, but only to deceive
him. He had taken up his abode in Viterbo. This
town was, according to the Emperor's plan, the basis
of all operations against Rome, and after the decrees
passed at Wiirzburg at Whitsuntide 1165, the ques-
tion was no longer one of half measures ; on the con-
trary, his object from henceforth was the subjugation
of the Papacy to the imperial rule. Christian of
Mainz and Count Gotelin marched into Latium,
and harassed the Romans so severely that the latter
purchased a truce and announced themselves willing
to recognise Paschalis III., provided Alexander,
whom they had invited to return, did not respond
to their invitation. Christian's army sacked Anagni,
but returned to Tuscany, when Sicilian and Roman
troops occupied Latium for a time.^
Meanwhile Cardinal John, Alexander's new vicar Rome in-
in Rome, had worked adroitly in the interests of the fav<^^f
Pope, and had succeeded in bribing the Romans, ^^lerander
angry at the ruin Frederick had inflicted on the
cities and at the ravages committed by Christian's
troops. John had even succeeded in influencing the
new senatorial election; he had gained possession
of S. Peter's and had finally brought the Sabina into
allegiance to the Pope.' Rome was almost unanimous
in favour of Alexander, and swore fealty to him
^ Rome was reduced to severe straits by Christian ; Letter 33 of
John of Salisbury to S. Thomas (Edition of Lupus, Oper., t x. 81).
These events belong to the year 1 165. The Chronicle rf Fossa Nov,
relates these events under Indict, XIV, Sigeb. (Cont, Aquicinct,)
speaks of them in the year 1 165.
' Card. Aragon., p. ^^6—pecunia mm modica mediantc — et Sonaium
iuxta voiunteUom et arbitrittm ejus innmando constituii.
574 HISTORY OF ROME
before his vicar. Messengers had already harried to
France to summon him back, and Alexander had
put to sea in August 1165 at Maguelonne. His
galleys fortunately escaped both the corsairs and the
Pisans and brought him to friendly Messina, whence
King William had him conducted to Rome by
Return to Salemo. He reached the mouth of the Tiber on the
AuSluider festival of S. Cecilia, and, accompanied by the Senate,
III., Nov. made his solemn entry into the Lateran on November
23, xio5«
23, 1165. Contradictory displays of fierce hatred
and glad welcome such as this have been experienced
in Rome by the popes down to our own days.^
The position of the Pope, who was laden with
* debts, nevertheless remained sufficiently sad ; the
alms and loans which he had collected in France,
more particularly from the Archbishop of Rheims,
* scarcely sufficed to maintain him in Rome, among
a people, who, as he himself said, even in peace
looked only to the hands of the pope.* The death
of William I. in May 1 166, and the accession of his
son William (still in his minority), made him doubt-
ful of the protection of Sicily, except that he still
received money from tiie island.' A new ally who
1 Acta sunt Jkac A.D. Inc. MCLXV. Ind. XII L IX. Kal. Dec.
Pontif. vero ipsius Papa ah. VI. So the Acts in Card. Aragon.,
p. 457. Romuald, p. 205, agrees with this sutement : Alexander
gives the same date in his letter to Henry of Rheims, Lateran VIII.
Kal. Dec. (Nov. 24) ; Mansi, xxi. 1042.
* To the Archbishop of Rheims (£p. 96 in Martene, iL 721). He
laments : tanta namque sunt onera debitor, et creditor, instantia^ ut
nisi ecciesia doi a tua fuerit modo Hberalitate su^ventuMy vix out
numquam nobis statum urbis in ea pace^ in qua nunc est, poterimus
conseroart. See also £p. 109 of the Pope to the same archbishop.
* £p. 140 of John of Salisbury sajrs that William, when dying,
I
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 575
presented himself was suspicious ; the Emperor
Manuel, at enmity witii Frederick, offered to form Tiw Greek
an alliance with the Pope. Like so many Greek o^nhlm-
monarchs, he hoped to make use of the schism to iw)^a?|n
restore his dominion in Italy, where he had already ^iiy.
gained a firm footing at Ancona. He held the
prospect of the union between the two Churches
before the eyts of the Pope, promised to reduce the
city and Italy to submission, and desired in return
the Roman crown. Alexander received the imperial
envoy, Sebastos Jordan, son of the unfortunate
Robert of Capua, with respect But if he let it be
supposed that he intended to respond to the wishes
of Comnenus, and if he sent his legates to Con-
stantinople, be only did so to frighten Frederick, and
in any case to hold himself open to form an alliance
with the Greeks.
The city of Rome had recalled tiie Pope, whose
territorial supremacy it recognised ; but it neverthe-
less remained a free and independent republic. Its
constitution had a beneficial influence on the develop-
ment of its civic relations, and its civic militia pro-
cured it respect. A memorable document belonging
to exactly this time has been preserved, which shows
the Roman commune a respected free state. The
Romans formed a treaty with the Genoese in Novem-
ber 1 165, by which they accorded the Genoese re-
public free commerce throughout their entire terri-
tory from Terradna to Corneto, the Genoese ceding
them the like privileges in return. Rome's plenipo-
sent the Pope 40,000 pounds sterling, and that his son sent the same
sum (Lupus, Op., t. X. 150).
576 HISTORY OF ROME
tentiaries were Cencius, son of Obicio Pierleone,
Scriniar of the Church, and Gerardus AlexiL The
two nobles represented the merchants and sailors as
their consuls.^ And precisely because the contract
was of the highest importance for these guilds was
its settlement left in the hands of its consuls. They
undertook that all vice-comites in the harbours of
Tcrracina, Astura, Ostia, Portus, Sancta Severa and
Civita Vecchia should see to the fulfilment of the
articles of the agreement They promised safety to
the Genoese vessels in case of war between their
republic and Pisa, and even promised to provide for
tiie rescue of cargo and crew in case of shipwreck.
The treaty of defence was to last for twenty-nine
years without prejudice to relations of fealty to
either Pope or Emperor. After it had been sworn
to by the consuls of both sides in Grenoa, it was
ratified by the Senate in Rome. Hence it follows
that not the Pope but the commune on the Capitol
held rule over the entire coast of the Roman territory,
and that to the commune the viscounts and bailiffs
of the harbours yielded obedience.^
^ The instrument begins : nos consules nurcatorum et tnariniariorwn
urbh — Cencius then calls himself j. r. e, seriniarius nee mm merca'
forum et marinianorum urbis consul. Either the mercat, and marin-
iarii formed at this time a joint guild, or else each of the two pleni-
potentiaries acted as such for both guilds at once.
' The instrum. in Mon, HisL pair, Chariar,^ ii 997. It is a
transcript by Cencius tncmdato consulum mercator, ei marinariorum
urbis . . . rome a, d, inc. 1 1 66, Ind. XIV, M, Aprili, The treaty
was concluded in Genoa on November 23, Iftd, XIV, (Roman style).
WUstenfeld {Iter, Ital, of Pflugk-Hartung, ii. 539) observes that a
deed still exists in the Archives of Genoa, where the same articles are
ratified by the senatores Urbis: Dai, Rome in condone publica 1166,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $7/
Frederick returned as early as November 1 166 to Fredmck
Italy, where the towns, which he had so imprudently not. xi!^'
enslaved, now formed a permanent league. The
Emperor did not as yet suspect the formidable power
that was growing up against him. His project was
to drive the Greeks from Ancona, the Pope from
Rome, to install Paschalis III. in S. Peter's, to end
everything by a master-stroke, and to fetter the whole
of Italy. While he left Lodi in the beginning of
January 1167, with the intention of first conquering
Ancona, and then marching on Rome, Rainald of
Cologne with a smaller force was to open a way for
Paschalis III. from Tuscany. Rainald advanced
to the neighbourhood of Rome and almost all the
fortresses renounced their allegiance to Alexander.
The Pope exhausted exhortations and treasures in
order to retain the populace, who accepted gold from
both sides.^ The majority of the Romans held to
Alexander, one of the motives for their allegiance
being their childish hatred of the smaller towns in
the neighbourhood, such as Albano, Tivoli, and Tus-
culum, which, refusing to recognise the authority of
the Senate, allied themselves with the imperialists.
A catastrophe consequently followed.
per man, Johis cancellarii sacri ei rever, urbis urbium semUus, stent
prius per suprascr, nobiies et sapientes Urbis legaios et per obttmcs
consuUs communitatis Janue firmata fuere in publica condone Janue,
sicut in eor, scripto in archivio Capitolii signato apparet, sciL 1 165,
Ncv» 23, secund, Januenses. Cendus himself calls himself the son
of Obitio. See these names in the document of May 29, 1153 (voL
iv.).
* Card. Aiag., p. 457.
VOL. IV. 2 P
578 HISTORY OF ROME
S. TuscuLUM — Decay of the Counts of this House —
Rainald of Cologne enters Tusculum — He is
besieged by the Romans — Christian of Mainz
comes to his Relief — Battle of Monte Porzio —
Terrible defeat of the Romans — Frederick
besieges the Leonina — Attack on S. Peter's —
Negotiations with the Romans — Alexander III.
ESCAPES TO BeNEVENTO — PeACE BETWEEN THE EM-
PEROR AND THE ROMAN REPUBLIC — FREDERICK'S
Army is destroyed by Pestilence — His departure
FROM Rome. •
Decay of Raino, son of Ptolemy II., who had died in iiS3>
of^-nS!*^ was now lord of Tusculum.^ The Tusculan house
cuium. already neared its fall ; divisions of property, debts,
feuds, and the Roman commune had combined to
reduce this powerful family. Tusculum no longer
remained in the hands of one master. In the time
of Eugenius III., Oddo Colonna had mortgaged his
share to Oddo Frangipane, Eugenius had bought the
mortgage, and the popes thus acquired rights over a
fortress which had long tyrannised over the sacred
chair. Adrian IV. had given the papal share in fief
to Jonathan, the elder son of Ptolemy II., and had
thus made Jonathan his vassal.^ But the Senate
^ Documents show first- Jonathan and then Rayno as lords of
Tusculum. In Cencius we find Jonathan in 1155 ; and again in 1159
he signs the decree of Otto, Count Palatine in Farfa ; in 1 163 the
Abbot of S. Alessio invests him with Astura (Nerini, n. xiii.); in
1 167 only Rayno is called Count of Tusculum ; and in 1 171 it is
Rayno who cedes Tusculum to the Pope. It follows that Jonathan
had died before 1 167.
' The treaties concerning Tusculum, taken from Cencius, are
given by Muratori, Ant. It,^ iii. 777. That with Oddo de Columpna
"
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $79
was unwilling that the Church should appear as pro-
tectress of the fortress which had refused obedience
to the city, and it was in vain that Alexander III.
had exhorted it to refrain from attacking Tusculum.
Raino, harassed by the Romans, summoned the im-
perialists. The Chancellor Rainald, who, with the Rainaid of
help of the Fisans, had conquered Civita Vecchiaadv^^
on May i8, now advanced with his vassals of^*J^^"
Cologne to Tusculum, where he was besieged by
the Romans. The whole war was thus attracted to
Rome.*
The city militia, and all the vassals in Etruria or
Latium who remained faithful to the Senate or Pope,
were summoned to rise in arms; and citizens and
captains were united for the first time. Rainaid and
Raino sent to request help from the camp at Ancona,
is dated December lo, 1151. On December 28, 1152, Oddo Frangi-
pone signs a receipt for thirty pounds paid by the Pope as security.
On July 9, ii$$,JofuUkas Jil, quond. Ptolemei de Tuscu/ana swears
fidelity to the Pope excepto contra Imperatorem — hanc Jidelitatem
faeio quia dedistis mihi in feudum totam partem vestram supradicte
civitatis Tuscuhna. He surrendered as security to the Pope
Montisfortini and Faiola usque in terminum dttor, annar. incipiendor,
postquam vera pax Juerit facta inter vos et Romcuios (Cencius, fol.
cidL).
^ These fiicts are related by Marangone under Ind, XV. Petrus
Latro lay in Qvita Vecchia with forty Romans ; they were taken
prisoners. Rajmald's letter to the people of Cologne and Duke
Henry of Limburg gives the best explanation of the circumstances :
nos cum sola nostra et d, cancellarii Philippi militia Tusculanum
ingressi sumus, ne cizntas ilia, imperio summe necessarian perdereiur
(Sudendorf, Regist,, n. Ixii.)* Romuald (p. 208) besides Rainaid also
mentions the exiled Andrew of Rupe Canina. See also Otto de S.
Blasio, c. 2a That Ra3rno summoned the imperialists is stated only
by Card. Aragon,
S8o HISTORY OF ROME
Christian and Christian of Mainz collected 1300 German and
comes to Brabantine mercenaries and hastened to the relief of
•^""«^- his friend.^ Christian, a count of Buch, whom the
Emperor had made Archbishop of Mainz in place of
Conrad of Wittelsbach in 1 165, was one of Frederick's
best generals. He prudently encamped beside Monte
Porzio in the neighbourhood of Tusculum, to allow
his soldiers a day's rest, and sent envoys to the
Romans ; they replied with scorn, advanced with all
their troops and attacked the enemy on Whitsun-
Monday with a force estimated at 40,000 strong.
No chronicler informs us who was the leader of the
greatest army which Rome had sent into the field
for centuries; it may possibly have been Oddo
Frangipane, the most esteemed noble of the city at
the period. Although their numbers, compared with
those of the Romans, were as i to ^, the Germans
did not despair ; the battle song beginning '* Christ,
thou who wast bom," encouraged their insignificant
forces ; Christian unfolded the imperial banner, and
the unequal contest began. The Brabantines were
speedily repulsed, but the troops from Cologne, a
closely serried body of cavalry, issued from Tusculum
at the right time. One of Christian's companies
assailed the enemy on the flank, an overpowering
^ Otto de S. Blasio reckons 500 milites et 800 CasariancSy and 300
men in Tusculum. Acerbus Morena heard from fellow-combatants
that the entire German force did not amount to locx) cavalry. He
says that Robert of Bassavilla (exiled from Apulia) and the Count of
the Marsi were with Christian, et BraibefuoneSf qui erant fortissimi
(p. 1143 J^f.)* According to Sigb. {Atutar, Aquicinct,\ Alexander,
Bishop of Li^e, was also present. The Annal, Coloniens, Maximi
(Men, Germ., xvii. 766) give Christian only 500 men.
^«^^«^^P^*^W97"**^B^^^^Vi
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 58 1
charge divided the Roman ranks in the centre ; the
cavalry fled, the infantry dispersed, and the Braban-
tines fell upon the Roman camp. The swords of the
pursuers mowed down the fugitives ; scarcely a third
reached the terrified city, whose strong walls and the
approach of night alone forced the pursuers to desist
The fields and roads were covered with weapons and Severe
corpses ; thousands were taken prisoners to Viterbo, the^
among them a son of Oddo Frangipane, for whom ^^^^ **
his father in vain oflered a large ransom. This Ponio,
memorable battle was fought between Monte Porzio h^.^'
and Tusculum on May 29, 1 167.^
The victors over such overwhelming odds in the
Pope's very presence were, curiously enough, two
German archbishops, men ennobled by birth, by
intellectual g^fts, and courage. Their small force
numbered some of the most valiant soldiers in the
^ Sicard (Ckron,^ p. 599, note 18): Theotonici^~afittd MoHt^m
Portum invadunt, Gottfried {^D$ Gestis /*., p. 41) : in MonU de
Poreu, Chron^ Ursberg,^ p. 224: apud Montem Porcum, Villani :
Monte del Porco. The day, 4 Kai. Junii^ dies luna PentecostiSy
or Feria 2, is confirmed by Rainald's letter, by Marangone, and by
the maiginal notes of the Cod, Farf, Vatican, 6808, the Acta Pontif,
in Cendus, the Annals of Erfurt, Magdeburg, &c The Romans
marched out on Whitsunday. The Magdeburg Annals mention as
taken prisoner filium cujusd, Ottonis Frangtpanis quern rntUtis
pecumis redimere volentibm non recUliderunt, Rainald writes :
Romam miserabiles a Tusculano usque Romam per omnes tfias, tanta
strage jugulati sunt, ut occisor, num. supra IX, astimetur millia.
He and the Archlnshop of Mainz had alone made 5000 prisoners ;
the Romans themselves had said : de XXX, miUibtts vix duo m, in
urbem rediisse. The imperialists (such as Otto de S. Blasio and Sigb.,
Auct, Aquicinct,) exaggerate the number of dead to 15,00a The
more accunte estimates of the Italians Taiy between 6000 and
2000.
582 HISTORY OF ROME
world, who had learnt the arts of war in Lombardy.
The Romans, only accustomed to fight behind walls,
or to effect surprises, lost the first battle which, as
an armed test of their newly-founded power, they
risked in the open field. The thought of their great
forefathers, whose republic on the Capitol they
claimed to have restored, must have made them
blush for shame.^ Legends of their defeat survived
in tradition, but in Rome not a single stone recalls
the fatal day which may be called the Cannae of the
Middle Ages.*
The consternation was indeed as great as in olden
days after Hannibal's victory. Old men and matrons
wailed in the streets, or lamenting awaited the pro-
cession of the dead whose burial was permitted by
the enemy. The Pope wept for grief, and in distrust
sought shelter with the Frangipani at the Colosseum ;
he took measures, however, to provide for guarding
the walls and to procure reinforcements of troops.
^ The Card. Aragon. : Popul, Rom, irrecuperabiliter corruii^ et
per canipestria ita impU contritus est^ qttodcU tanto agmine tertia vix
pars evasit, Gottfried, De Gestt's Frid, : —
RtmuL cadUfugUns^ cecidit pars magna Senaius . • •
Milia his binaper pratajacetU resupina^
Plttraque captiva retinent in carccre viva,
' Ab eo tefHp,f quo Annibai Romanes apud Cannas devici^, tan/am
Romanor, siragem nullus recolit extitissi : Card. Aragon. Villani has
a legend that the battle was lost through the treachery of the soldiery
of Cologne, who were oonsequenUy banished from Rome. Mattel
{Afemoria — di Tusculc) invents the names of the Roman leaders.
That the dead were buried in S. Lorenzo, S. Sebastian, and S. Ste&no
is probable. Sicard (p. 599) says: quorum mulHapudS. SUphanum
(on the Via Laiina) upuJti suni^ et habent hoc ipitapkdum: MiUe
decem decies it sex decies quoque senL
IN THE MIDDLE AGES.
The Germans, already encamped outside the city,
were strengthened by levies from the cities of the
Campagna. It seemed as if the days of Manlius
Torquatus had returned, when Hernici and ^Equi,
Latins and Volscians, advanced against Rome or en-
camped on Algidus. The same ancient cities, Tibur,
Alba, Tusculum and others, again attacked Rome,
now become childish in her old age. These little
towns hoped to fall on the humiliated city, as Pavia
and Cremona had fallen upon Milan. Christian The
urged the Emperor to come and complete the fall of FreSSSc
Rome, and Frederick, who had concluded a capitu- J]^^p*
lation with Ancona, was able to plant his imperial Rome, fuiy
eagle on Monte Mario on July 24} **' ''^*
Alexander III. found himself in the position of
Gregory VI L, but without hope of relief; since a
Sicilian army which the regent had sent against
Frederick had been defeated. The Romans, however,
defended Alexander as they had defended Gregory,
or rather Alexander stood under their protection as ,
long as neither necessity nor advantage compelled «
them to treat with the Emperor. An attack on the The
Porta Viridaria opened the Leonina to Frederick ; attolSs^the
it contained, however, no Romans but only the papal L«onina,
retainers who still held S. Peter's. The cathedral
was surrounded with entrenchments ; its atrium and
the tower of S. Maria in Turri over the chief stair-
case were fortified; catapults stood on its roof.
^ Card. Aragon. notes Frederick's arrival on July 19 ; Morena, an
eye-witness, more definitely : in dte hma^ qua fuit IX, die ante
CaUndas Aug, de Ind, XV. in Monte Gaudio^eastrametatus est,
Marangone, XI, KaL Aug,
584 HISTORY OF ROME
Since S. Angelo, separated by its lateral walls from
the Leonina, served as Ute-de-pont to the city, it
was no longer used ; the actual citadel, S. Peter's,
answering the purpose in its stead.
The Mecca of Christendom held out against the
attack of the German Amoldists and the militia of
Viterbo for eight days. Walls, towers, the portico
which Innocent 11. had restored fell, the entire Borgo
sank to ruin ; the cathedral alone resisted : fire was
thrown into the atrium, S. Maria in Turri went up in
flames, and an eye-witness lamented the destruction
of a splendid mosaic which adorned the wall over
the atrium, while the people of Viterbo removed the
bronze doors to serve at home as a memento of
and their victory.^ Their conduct was in accordance
s. Peters, ^j^ ^j^^ custom of the time ; and the same insolent
Viterbese soon after conquered Corneto and thence
also carried away one of the city gates.* When it
seemed as if S. Peter's itself would perish by fire,
the garrison laid down their arms. Frederick of
Rotenbui^, son of the Emperor Conrad, and the
handsomest knight in the army, ordered the doors
^ The donation of Constantine was recorded on these doors.
MalliuSi Description ofS, Peter^ n. l6o (about 1 180) : Argenteis Uteris
{sicut sapissime legimus) adnotata Juere^ %nd^ Perusium^ Fesukty
Ciusium^ Buisimim^ Assisium^ &*c. A. Morena, p. 1 149 : exarsa est
— mirabilis imaga — in muro ipsius EccL versus ecch S. Petri supra
atrium ipsius EccL S, Petri^ ex aura splenditUssimo duwatOy cujus
similis in ItcUia nunquam fuit amplius visa — it represented Christ
and Peter. Morena calls S, Maria in Turri also- cle Laborario,
Several chroniclers speak of the fire, and Chron, Magni PresHUri
{Mon. Germ,, xviii. 489) throws the blame on the rabble in the
Emperor's army.
' Cronache di Viterbo, ed. Ciampi, p. 6*
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 585
of the cathedral to be cut down with axes during
the assault. The blood of the slain stained the
desecrated altars, and on the artistic pavement of
the temple the mail-clad bodies of the slain lay as
on a field of battle.^ Can we call the Moslems of
the ninth century godless when 300 years later the
Emperor of Christendom and his mail-clad bishops
appeared as conquerors in the same basilica ? The
cathedral was stormed on Saturday, July 29, and
scarcely had the blood been removed when the Te
Deum — a song of derision rather than a prayer —
resounded through its aisles. For on the follow-
ing day the Emperof installed his pope, who had
come from Viterbo, as Henry IV. had done after
the conquest of the Leonina. And now again the
Emperor wore the gold fillet of the Patricius — in
sign of protest both against the Romans and the
Pope. On August i he caused his wife Beatrix
to be crowned as Empress by Paschalis III., and
himself appeared wearing the crown.*
The imperial party among the Romans rallied
round him, but his success remained confined to the
^ Infesta signa usque ad aliare firenies, occisione muUorum
poUuerttnt (Otto de S. Blasio, c 20)1 Et npleuit adsm inUrfectis :
Helmold, Chron» SUawr.j u. c. 10.
* According to Acerb. Morena, the cathedral was taken on Saturday,
since he places August i on Tuesday. The privilegium (apud S,
Petrum\ which Frederick gave to Rainald as reward, is dated Sunday,
July 30 ; he presents him with the reyenues of Andemach quia deo
auctort^ Romanisper invictam ejus et iUustris CoUmiensis eccL militu
virtuiem glariosissime superaiis^ sacraiiss, nostrum imper, inexpU'
cabUiter est exaltaium (Bdhmer, n. 2526). Rainald, who was thus
endowed, died in the course of a few days.
586 HISTORY OF ROME
•
Leonina.^ The Romans, still angry at their defeat,
bravely defended their city and now proved more
formidable than on the field of Tusculum. Alex-
ander III. meanwhile remained, full of anxiety, in
the towers of the Frangipani beside the Arch of
Titus ; two Sicilian galleys came as far as S. Paul's
and lay at his disposal in case he wished to escape ;
he divided the money which they brought among
the Frangipani, the Pierleoni, and the guards at the
gates, but sent back the vessels themselves. The
Romans still held out manfully, but neither Romans
nor Pope dared refuse the offer of negotiations.
The Count Palatine, Conrad of Wittelsbach, a relative
of Frederick and Archbishop of Mainz, was now in
the city. He had come to Rome with Alexander
III. in 1 165, and the irritated Emperor had trans-
ferred his archiepiscopal dignity to Christian of
Buch.s The Pope had made him Cardinal-bishop
of the Sabina, and now sent him as mediator to
Frederick's camp. Like Henry IV., Frederick strove
to gain the Romans to his side, representing the
Pope as the sole hindrance to peace. He proposed to
Conrad that both popes should abdicate and a third
^ Jokes praf, urhis. Comes Remo de AngHillaru Reino tusculan,
Godtfridus de Mantecelio, Oddo de Columfna signed the above-
named privilegium as Frederick's courtiers.
* Cornelius Will, Conrad von Wittelsbach^ Regensburg, i88a He
was son of Otto, Count Palatine, and brother of the celebrated first
Duke Otto of Bavaria of the house of Wittelsbach. The two brothers
had accompanied the Emperor to Italy in 11 63, Conrad as bishop-
elect of Mainz. After the election of Paschalis III., Conrad went
over decidedly to the side of Alexander, whom he secreUy joined in
France after the Diet of Wttrzburg*
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 587
be canonically elected ; he would then restore peace
to the Church and make good their losses to the
Romans. Alexander and his cardinals naturally
declined these proposals, which were, however,
accepted by the Romans. In order to save his
sheep, they said, the pope is bound to make still
greater sacrifices than that of the tiara. A popular
tumult arose; the people called on the Pope to
* abdicate ; he vanished from the city. Three days ^exander
after he was seen at the Cape of Circe, dressed as from Rome.
a pilgrim, and sitting beside a spring to share a
fugitive's meal with his companions. The spring
was henceforward called the Pope's fountain. Alex-
ander resumed the purple at Terracina and went to
Benevento, where he arrived in August
His flight destroyed the Emperor's hopes of a
* compromise with the Church, but facilitated the
prospect of a peace with the city. Frederick scored
a decisive victory; for the same Romans who had
so long defended Alexander III. had now driven
him from Rome.^ The Pisans had entered the
Tiber with eight galleys ; they destroyed the country
houses on the banks, and one of their vessels even
pushed as far as the Ripa Romea.^ The Romans
lost courage, and Frederick, who could do but little
at this time of year and dared not hope to conquer
the fortresses of the nobles, even should the city open
her gates, was inclined to reasonable terms. His
^ Reuter, Gesch, AUx, II I, ^ Leipzig, i860, ii 262.
* Una galea — usque ad rotneof/i ripam prope pontem cum vexiUis
multis erectis applicuU : Mamngone. The ripa romea is the present
Ripagrande^
588 HISTORY OF ROME
envoys, among them the historian Acerbus Morena of
Treaty be- Lodi made peace with Rome on the following terms.
Emperor ^The Senate and people swore fidelity to the Emperor
and Rome, j^j^^j ^.j^^ defence of the Roman crown-rights both
within and without the city ; the Emperor recognised
)the Senate in its existing power, but as invested
with this power by himself; by a golden bull he
confirmed the validity of the testaments of the
Romans, as also of every kind of lease, and finally
^granted them exemption from all tributes and taxes.^
. It thus took bloody wars tQ attain concessions
which Frederick ought to have granted at his coro-
nation ; the Roman republic was subject only to
the imperial government The imperial plenipo-
tentiaries received the Roman oath of vassalage,
but the Emperor himself never entered the city.
For the great captains had taken no share in the
treaty, but remained armed and defiant within their
towers. Frederick restored the Prefecture as an
imperial oflfice and bestowed it on John of Vico,
son of the former Prefect Peter ; he then caused a
new communal council to be elected, and took four
hundred hostages from the Romans.*
^ . . • quod Senaium mm nisi per sum vel per MunthiM suum
crdinadunt, — D. Imp. confirmahit Senahtm perpetuo in eo vigare^ in
quo nunc est, et augehii eum tali tenore, ui Senatus — ei subjecius Jiat^
et faciei inde pnviUgium cum sigiUo auri, in que coniinfontur Aac,
videL confirmatio Senatus^ et quod faciei xaha omnia justa tesiamenta
popuii Rifmctni—taodefridi Monachi Annal,, A. 1167: Goldast, L
293 ; Anna/, Colon. Meueimi (Men. Germ,^ xvii. 781).
' These details are only given in Marangone's ancient chronicle :
CCCC obsideSf quos Imp, antea habere nan poierat, ei dederunl^ el Z.
Senqiores ex pracepio Augusii constiluerunt. Nevertheless there were
prohably fifty-six Senators.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 589
I He stood in these days at the very summit of his
power. He had restored the imperial rights in
Rome, had installed his pope in S. Peter^s, had
overthrown the Gregorian hierarchy, and, with the
complete subjugation of Italy, could re-establish
the Roman world-empire. In the midst, however,
of these brilliant successes the destroying angel of
Roman fever appeared, as the faithful believed, to
save the Pope ; or rather a terrible calamity overtook
the mighty monarch and gave the cities time and
power to break their chains. The hand of Fate
seemed to lay hold of Frederick as it had laid hold
of Xerxes. The priests could rejoice, for Rome was
transformed into Jerusalem, and Frederick into the
dismayed Sennacherib. A heavy rain-cloud burst
over the city on August 2, and was followed by
^scorching sunshine; the malaria — fatal in August —
became a pestilential fever. The flower of the un- The
I conquered army was carried away by an inglorious Smyte^
death; cavalry, infantry, and grooms withered and swept away
sank, often suddenly on horseback or on foot, in
the streets, and it soon became impossible any longer
to bury the dead. Frederick saw his greatest heroes
die within seven days ; Rainald of Cologne, Godfrey
of Speyer, Eberhard of Regensburg, the Counts of
Nassau and of Lippe, Frederick of Rotenburg,
several bishops and lords, countless nobles and
commoners were snatched away. Rome itself
suffered terribly from the pestilence. Thousands
died and were thrown into the river. Not for
centuries had the city suffered a blow so over-
whelming as the defeat at Monte Porzio and
590 HISTORY OF ROME
the fatal outbreak of fever, which immediately
followed.^ The Germans were seized by terror;
they believed that the hand of God was chastening
them for the sufferings of the sacred city, for the
burnt churches and the blood-stained temple of
Christendom.
The The Emperor struck his tents on August 6, and
wShSaws departed in dismay with the remains of his forces,
from^me, which marched onwards like an army of spectres.
1 167. ' He left Paschalis and the Roman hostages at Viterbo
and thence proceeded to Pisa. More than two
thousand men fell by the way ; others, bloodless
and ghost-like, carried death back with them to
Germany, or perished in Italy like Acerbus Morena
and the young Duke Guelf, the last heir of the house
of Este and of the patrimonies of Spoleto, Tuscany,
and Sardinia which had belonged to the Countess
Matilda.
Such was the terrible end of Frederick's war
around Rome, outside whose walls since Gothic
times entire German races had sunk into their un-
known graves. The German, mindful of the terrible
^ Godfrey describes it, and so does Morena. The Chronicle of
Piacenza^ edited by Huillard, Paris, 1856: descendit pltofia^ qua
apptllaiur Basobo m, augusti. Heinrici Hist CcUam, Ecd. Salzb, in
Fez, Thesaur.f ii. 3, p. 210 ff. The malaria appeared to the author
of the AnnaJ, Camercuens, {Mon. Germ,^ xvi.) like a huge black cloud
that suddenly covered the valley by Monte Mario ; there Rainald died
(August 14 ; the AnnaUs Egmundani^ A. 1 167, bestow an excellent
encomium upon him) and 7000 Germans ; in Rome itself 20,000—
probably an exaggeration. The Annal, Palidemes also say: in-
nunuram multitudinem pradpue Romanor, stravit^ quippe muris
incltisi. The dry summer was followed by so severe a winter that the
Lago di Fucino froze {CAron, Fossa N,\
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. $91
suffering of the illustrious city and all the blood of
his forefathers which has watered this spot of earth,
cannot make the circuit of the lofty walls of Aurelian
without pain.^
^ " And the Lord sent an angel which cut off all the mighty men of
valour, and the leaders and captains, in the camp of the King of
Assyria, so he returned with shame of face to his own land"
(2 Chron., xxxii. 21). This passage floated before the mind of
Thomas of Canterbury, when he wrote to congratulate Alexander II L
that Sennacherib had retreated and that the Lord had destroyed his
army, consumpsit eos tnorte famosissima (£p. xxii. lib. ii., in Lupus).
Almost all the chroniclers speak of a divine judgment, with which
priests are always ready to hand. Card. Arag. : Tunc idem Fr,
dvvina se manu perctissum fore intelligens^ cum Romanis utcumque
composuit, et VIII, Id, Aug, non sine manifesta confusione recessit.
The date, August 6, in my opinion is doubtful. On August 6 the
Emperor still dates juxta Rotncun in Monte Gaudii^ Stumpf, ii. 364.
On September 4 he was in Pontremoli. John of Salisbury says
(Ep. 159 in Lupus) : ImfiercUor — quasi torris raplus de incendio,
confusus ab Urbe recessit.
592 HISTORY OF ROME
CHAPTER VI.
I. War between Frederick and the Lombard Cities
— Paschalis III. IN Rome — Calixtus III. —
TUSCULUM SURRENDERS TO THE ChURCH — ThE
Romans refuse Alexander III. admittance to
THE City — ^Victory of the Lombards at Legnano
— Frederick's negotiations with the Pope —
Congress and Peace at Venice — ^Alexander
makes Peace with Rome — His triumphal Entry
IN the Lateran.
If the undaunted courage with which Frederick
continued the war c^ainst the cities after his disaster
before Rome deserves admiration, his infatuation is
nevertheless deplorable. The hero might soon wish,
like Alexander the Great, that he had never seen
Italy, but had rather turned his arms against distant
Asia.* He was forced to leave Lombardy as a fugi-
tive in the spring of 1168. While he exhausted the
^ strength of the empire in the struggle with the
» stronger spirit of the age, the Pope formed an
alliance with this spirit A curious chain of circum-
« stances placed the freedom of the republics under the
protection of the Church, the freedom of the Church
* under the protection of the republics. It would have
^ Beato AlessandrOy che non vide Italia : fdice me, se in Asia
fossi trapassaio. Ricobald of Femura, p. 372 ; quoted by Raumer.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 593
redounded more to the glory of the Church had the
promotion of civic liberty been her own independent
act But while the popes made war on civic liberty
in Rome, where it turned to the Emperor seeking
protection from the Church, they at the same time
favoured it in Lombardy, where the cities found a
support in the Pope against the Emperor. It was,
I however, invariably to the triumph of democracy
I that the Papacy owed its escape from schism and
» imperial dictatorship.^
The struggle of the Lombard league against
Frederick has covered Italy for centuries with a
glorious renown, as it were of the noble Hellenic
spirit After so dark a period the vigorous growth
of civic freedom is the finest phenomenon of the
Middle Ages. The city of Rome alone remained
condemned to roll the stone of Sisyphus and to fight
painfully against a destiny mightier than herself
In face of the heroic struggle of the Lombards, it is
sad to watch the Romans at constant war with the
petty neighbouring cities, on which they wished to
avenge their unforgotten defeat. They destroyed
Albano in April 1168, Christian of Mainz and the
imperial Prefect lending their aid.' In spite of the
^ The Lombard league was fonned in the year 1167. See in-
quiries and documents concerning its history in Cesare Vignati, Storia
diplom. dellaLega Lombarda^ Milano, 1866. H. Prutz, Kaiser Fried-
rich /., vol. ii. 55 seq, Cremona, Mantua, Bergamo, and Brescia
formed a coalition as early as the beginning of March 1 167 : Giese-
brecht, V. (1888) 564 ff,
« Cod. Foffensis Vatican,, 6808 : afi dni MCLXVIIL K Idus
Aprilis Albanensis civitas destructa est a Romanis, The Catalogue
in Cendus: Albanum a Romanis concrematum est VI. Idus
VOL. IV, 2 Q ~
594 HISTORY OF ROME
catastrophe of August these two men remained
leaders of the German party in Rome, whither the
anti-pope had returned from Viterbo. Paschalis III.
was able to dwell for some time in the Vatican,
where the Senators had admitted him, in order to
obtain the release of the hostages. The city, how-
ever, was forbidden him. He was forced to seek
^belter in the Trasteverine towers of Stefano Tebaldi,
in fear of a change of the Senate, the election of
whose members was to take place on November i,
ii68.^ Meanwhile he died in the Vatican, when
c^us John, Abbot of Strumi, succeeded him as Calixtus
in., anU- TTT
pope, zz68. iii*
. The Romans laughed at both popes. Although
they were glad to see Alexander III. in exile, they
tolerated his cardinal-vicar in the city. The latter
exerted himself to win them to his side, and Conrad
of Wittelsbach, as Alexander's general, at the same
time threatened Latium from Benevento.* His
object was Tusculum ; the Romans trembled with
rage at the very name ; they determined to destroy
the fortress as they had destroyed Albano. Conrad,
repulsed by the Counts of Ceccano, could not reach
it, and Raino, the last lord of Tusculum, bartered the
ApriUs. With more exactitude in the Chnm, Foss, Nov,^ ad aH,
1 1 68, and Card. Arag., p. 460.
^ Clausus est in turre Stephani TheobcUdi, nee audet egredi^ timeique
usq, ad mortem innovatumem Senatorum, qui in Co/. Ncvembr, Urbis
regimen accepturi sunt, Ep. 108, lib. ii., of John of Salisbury, in
torn. X. of Lupus. See also Ep. 66.
' ChroH, Fossa Nova, ad A, 1 168. It is strange to see two arch-
bishops of Mainz, Christian and Conrad, opposed to each other in
Latium.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 595
place to the Prefect John, without regard to the
rights of the Pope. John took possession of Tus-
culum, but the Romans attacked the fortress. The
Prefect fled, Raino returned, but was not admitted by
the citizens; they preferred surrender to the Pope,
from whom they hoped for protection. Raino also
renounced his rights in favour of the Church. Thus
^ it came to pass that the renowned Tusculum fell into
the papal possession on August 8, 1170.^
Alexander III., now dwelling in Veroli, found
' himself in fierce controversy with the King of England
respecting the Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury,
The king vainly bribed the Roman nobles to influ-
ence the Pope in his favour, and no less vainly offered
his treasury and his aid towards the subjugation of
Rome.* Alexander received envoys from the Em- Alexander
TTT *
peror, who desired peace, and envoys from the camponia.
Lombard cities, whose aid he had invoked; Greek
envoys also arrived with renewed proposals. Em-
manuel Comnenus demeaned himself so far as to
^ Card. Ara^on., p. 462 ; Romuald, p. 210, who writes Jonathan
by mistake instead of Raino. Raino had received Monte Fiascone
and S. Flaviano in exchange from the Prefect John, to whom they
had been mortgaged by the Pope ; Raino, however, was not received
in these towns. Document of August 8, 11 70, Cencius, fol. 261 : £^
Rayno fil, quond, Tholomei de Tusculana — dimitto vobis dito tnto
Alex. Pp.—et S, R. E.—civiiaiem Tuseulanam cttm arce.—Et ab hoc
kora inantea potestatem habeatis in ea intrandi, /ensndi, possidendi^
&*c. In 1 147 Raino mortgaged Castrum Algidi to the Pope, who had
lent him 200 pounds (Cencius, foL 115). We see how quickly the
house of Tusculum fell to decay.
* Dcmno vera Papa obttUit^ quia data pecunia liberaret eum ab
exacltonibus omnium Romanarum — repulsam passus est, £p. 80,
lib. iL, ia Lupus, torn, x., and further back, Ep. 79.
596 HISTORY OF ROME
marry his own niece to Oddo Frangfipane, the
greatest vassal of the Church. The marriage took
place in Veroli, but nevertheless Alexander III. did
not agree to the proposals of the Greeks.^ His
negotiations with Frederick also failed, but he now
Alexander hoped to obtain admission to Rome. He entered
Tuscuium. Tusculum with a military force on October 17,
* 1 170. For more than two years the great Pope was
forced to dwell on the rocky height in the very face
k of Rome, the Romans refusing to allow him entrance
to the city.2 At Tusculum he received the news of
Becket's murder at Catiterbury, and the sacrilegious
* act soon became the mightiest lever of the papal
power. But while Alexander received the envoys of
the English clergy and those of King Henry in Tus-
culum, and was engaged in revolving the weightiest
matters of the Church, his position in the Latin
fortress was in glaring opposition to his dignity*
He was harassed by Christian of Mainz, whose
retreat was only procured by a large sum of money
paid by the Tusculans ; he was also sorely harassed
by the Romans, indignant that he protected Tus-
culum. They cunningly proposed a treaty, in which
they made the destruction of at least a portion of the
walls of the fortress the condition of his reception
^ Chron, Foss, Nov., ad an. 1170. Alexander came to Veroli on
March 18. For the other negotiations, see Card. Arag., p. 461.
* Cod, Cencii^ fol. 262 : Celebraia nativitate b, Maria cum fratri"
bus suis de Verults exiens — in vigiiia Set, Lucie (j. Luc€^ Jaff6, p. 735)
cum gloria ei horwre civitatem ipsam ( Tuscul, ) intravit^ et in palcUio
ipsius arcis tamquam dominus per XVI, (read with ]zSk XXVI,)
menses resedit,
' Reuter, iii. 1 16.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 597
back to Rome. Eight hundred Roman citizens
swore to the treaty, but in spite of the words of the
document the Romans destroyed the entire fortifi-
cations of the hated city. The defrauded Pope
refused to return to Rome; he remained for the
time in undefended Tusculum, but left in the be-
ginning of 1 173, to continue his hopeless exile in
S^ni.^
Some years thus passed away until a great Lom-
bard victory completely altered the aspect of affairs.
In September 11 74, Frederick returned to fight a
decisive battle against the cities. The heroic defence
of Ancona and of the newly founded Alessandria
inflamed the courage of the brave burghers, until
a battle of immortal fame secured theii^ freedom, victory of
I The day at Legnano, where, on May 29, 1^76, the ^^^^^'
allied civic forces defeated the powerful Emperor, J^^ffnano,
was the Marathon of the Lombard republics. The 1176.
youthful cities celebrated one of the most splendid
triumphs of history ; they obtained their own freedom
and that of their native country. The first result of
this victory, it is true, was the secret understanding
between the Emperor and the . Pope, to whom, in
Anagni, Frederick sent envoys of peace, hoping to
detach him from the cause of the cities. In order to
obtain his object, Frederick renounced the actual
imperial rights, conceding all that he had previously
^ Cencius and Romuald, ad j4, 1171. More correct chronologically
is the Chrofh Foss. Nov,, ad A. 1 172. Ind, V. Aiexand. P, fecit
finem cum Romanis^ qui destruxerunt muros ctvttatis Tusculatia
mense Nov, Vita Alex, in Watterich, ii. 417. Jaff(6 shows that
Alexander went from Tnscalum to Segni at the end of January 1173.
He canonised Thomas here on February 4.
598 HISTORY OF ROME
refused Adrian IV> It thus happened that the im-
perial power in Rome, which had fallen to decadence
since the time of Lothar, was renounced by the same
great Emperor who undertook to restore the boun-
daries of the ancient empire. Alexander hastened to
extract all possible capital for the Church out of the
Lombard victory, and the cities suspected treachery.
After reaching Venice in a Sicilian vessel from
Siponto, he tranquillised the cities at a diet assembled
at Ferrara, giving a solemn promise that he would
not conclude any definite peace without their sanc-
tion. The Lombard consuls might tell him, that
while they made war by deeds he fought the great
enemy with words or bulls. They were forced, how-
ever, to remain satisfied with half the profits of their
heroic exertions.
At the first and most memorable of all congresses,
where diplomatic agents did not as yet take their
place at green tables to decide the fate of nations,
but where envoys of free cities appeared for the first
time beside Emperor and Pope, — at this celebrated
• congress in Venice peace was concluded on August
I, 1 177, between Alexander, Frederick I., the cities,
the Greek Emperor, and William of Sicily.* Calix-
tus III. was deposed, and Alexander III. recogfnised
and secured in the State of the Church. The Em-
I peror, in renouncing the prefecture, admitted that the
Pope henceforth was the independent ruler of Rome
^ Text of the articles of Anagni in Giesebrecht, v. 797 (L
' The peace of Venice, which was sworn to on August I, was con-
finned in S. Mark's on August 1 5 (Murat. , Anti^, It. , iv. 285). Treaty
with the cities at Constance on June 25, 1 183.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 599
and the Patrimonium. The State of the Church,
which now stretched from Aquapendente to Ce-
prano, was restored to him. The Pope on his side
recognised Spoleto, the March of Ancona, and the
Romagna as undoubtedly belonging to the empire.^
To the Lombard league a truce of six years was
granted, to precede the ratification of the recc^ition
of the cities as independent*
The peace of Venice, which also decided the fate
of Rome, forms a great epoch in the history of Italy,
and the burgher class here appears in its perfected
growth. But the attitude in which Rome stood to-
wards the Emperor and Pope placed it on a less
favourable footing than that of the Lombard cities.
I Frederick unhesitatingly sacrificed the republic which
he had recognised, and his general. Christian of
Mainz, even placed his arms at the disposal of the
Church, in conformity with the contract to attain the
subjugation of the city and patrimonium. At a time
when the whole of Italy hailed peace with rejoicings,
the Romans, abandoned to themselves, lost courage
to prolong the struggle with the Pope, who had ac-
knowledged the Emperor as ruler of Rome. Alex-
ander had returned to Anagni about the middle of
* Ficker, Forsch. %ur Reichs- und Kirehengeschichte^ iL 307, &c.,
p. 469. In the Pactum Anagninum (PerU, Leges^ u. 147) the envoys
promise that the Emperor prafecturam Urbis et terram coniitisse
Mathilda restituet to the Pope, (.«., so much of the latter as was then
comprehended in the Patrimonium.
' It was also decided at Venice that Christian was to retain the
Archbishopric of Mainz ; Conrad became Archbishop of Salzburg,
but after Christian's death was made Archbishop of Mainz for the
second time. He died October 25, 1200.
600 HISTORY OF ROME
December; he knew that his exile was at an end.
Seven noble Romans brought him letters from the
clergy, Senate and people, inviting him to return.
Suspicious, and mindful of the insults he had suffered,
he sent cardinals and intermediaries to the city to
make terms with the people. After tedious negotia-
tions they came to an agreement. It was decided
that the Senators, annually elected on September
I, were to take the oath of fidelity to the Pope;
the cathedral of S. Peter and all the revenues of the
Church were to be restored to him ; safety was to be
secured to all travellers journeying to Rome. Roman
1 envoys threw themselves at the feet of Alexander in
Anagni, and swore adherence to the treaty.*
After an exHe of ten years, spent in wandering in
Campania, Alwander finally proceeded by way of
Tusculum to Ronie, escorted by German troops
under the Archbishop Christian. He entered the
Alexander I city on March 12, 1 178, on the feast of S. Gregory,
Rome, suid was received with the greatest pomp. He was
M^h la, greeted by processions of Senators and Magistrates,
of the knighthood and militia, to the sound of trum-
pets, and by the entire populace bearing branches
of olive and singing hymns of praise. Only by slow
degrees could his white palfrey make its way through
the crowd which thronged to kiss the feet of Christ's
representative, and not until evening did he reach
the Lateran gate. Then entering the ancient seat
of the popes, amid the applause of the multitude,
^ Staiuium est^ nt SstuUores quiJUri sohnt^fidilitaiem et hominium
Z>. Papa facereni, et B. Petri EccUsiam^ aique regalia^ qua ab eis
fuer, occupcUa . . . restUuerurU. Card. Aragon., p. 475.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 6oi
he gave the benediction, and the Easter festival
closed one of the most splendid triumphs that a
pope has ever experienced.^
No other spot in the world has witnessed spec-"*
tacles sifch as these, spectacles so tragical in their
bearing on human nature, its needs, its impotence,
its instability, and its permanence. The flight of
popes amid the din of fierce faction warfare alternates
with their triumphant receptions, and the constant
repetition of the papal departures and entries invests
the history of the city with a solemn aspect, like
that of a great epic. And what epic could be
greater ? Rome constantly appears to be transformed
into Jerusalem, and the pope to be making his entry
like the Saviour, whose vicar he called himself. But
the combination of spiritual humility and worldly
arrogance could never remove the impression that
the representative of Christ was reviving the Pagan
triumphal processions of the ancient emperors.*
Trajan or Severus would have looked with surprise
on the altered aspect of the Roman Senate and
' Exurunt obviam sibi in Umgum Clerus Rom,, eum, vexillis et
crucib,^ quod nulli Romanar, PotUifici recolitur factum^ Senatores et
Magistratus Populi cum . . . tubis^t nobiles mm militia in appanUu
decoro^ et pedestris populositas cum ramis olivarum^ laudes Pontifici
consuetas vociferans. Card. Arag. , p. 47 5. Andrea Daiidolo. ( Chron, ,
pars 36) says that the Romans caioe to meet hjm cum tubis argenteis^
et octo vexillis diversorum colorum^ and that the Pope had sent them
to the doge as a memorial;
* Bernard would have said to Alexander what he wrote to Eugenius
HI. : In his successisti^ mm Peiro^ sed Constantino, — Petrus sic est^
qui nescitur processisse aliqucmdot vel gtmmis omatus, vel sericis, non
tectus aurOf non vectus equo aldo ; nee stipaius milite^ nee circumstrep-
entibus septus ministris, De consid.^ iv. c. 3.
602 HISTORY OF ROME
people, who, on March 12, 1 178, greeted a triumphator
seated on a white mule, a triumphator who was only
a priest, clad in the silken robes of a woman and
wearing no sword. And yet this priest was return-
ing like a general from long wars ; the great ones of
the earth had abased themselves at his knees, even
as princes had humbled themselves before the ancient
emperors. At his command a distant king had
submitted to be scourged by monks at the grave of
a murdered bishop, and the Roman Emperor, him-
self a hero like the ancient Caesars, had prostrated
himself on the ground, had kissed his feet, and had
^acknowledged himself conquered by a priest
2. The Provincial Barons continue the Schism —
John the City Prefect upholds Calixtus III. —
The Romans make War on Viterbo — Calixtus
III. yields — Lando of Sezza Anti-Pope — Council
IN Rome — Death of Alexander III. (1181).
The popes might trust in any thing rather than
in the rejoicings of the city. The Romans spread
carpets for their mules to tread on to-day; they
retired in derision within the ruins of antiquity, or
seized the sword in anger on the morrow. People
and Senate had recognised Alexander from motives
of policy, but with the municipal constitution the
ancient dispute between the rights of the republic
and those of its priestly head still survived. The
1 papal power inspired hatred but not fear ; the people
murmured and were ready for a fresh revolt, not in
the city alone, but throughout the entire district
Every town in Roman territory emulated the
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 603
Lombards, each had its own municipality with
consul or other magistrates at the head of the com-
munal council.^ Several schismatic provincial barons The
in Tuscany and the Sabina, by this time almost ^JJJ^
accustomed to independence, assumed an «^ttitude ^"^^|^
of defiance; they would neither recognise the
Senate, whose numbers after the peace were con-
stantly increased by the influx of other nobles, nor
would they yield submission to the Pope. They
therefore continued the schism on their own account
lAbove all, the anti-pope refused obedience to the
decrees of Venice Viterbo, which was at this period,
as Sutri or Tivoli had formerly been, the centre of the
schism, served him as a place of abode, and Calixtus
was protected by the family of the lords of Vico,
of which John the City Prefect was a member. John, The City
who owned valuable property in the neighbourhood, opposes
was at enmity with Alexander III., and from an ^J*"*^*'
imperial wished to become a papal official ; for the
Pope had renounced the investiture of the City
Prefect in the treaty of Anagni. But the popular
^ In 1 164 the Bishop of Anagni complained that the commune
taxed his people ; the Pope replied that he would forbid the measure :
vesira petitio coniinehat^ quod potestas^ consilium^ populus civitcUis
Anagnina familiares et servUntes vestros ad , • , contribuenditm cum
aliis cnfibus Anagn, in datiis^ coUeciiSy angariis, et parangariiSy et
aliis oneribus supradicta civitcUis propria temeritate compelhrnt in
vestrum prejudicium — dot-. Anagn, Id, Juniipont. if. afi, V, (Labb^,
Condi, f zii. col. 252). We thus see the existence in Anagni of the
three civic powers; the appearance of the Podesta here in 1 1 64 is
remarkable. In a document of the year 11 59 the populus Ostiensis
pledge themselves to pay the Pope two p/atra/a of wood annually :
the Procurator of the Commune herein appears with the doni viri dues
Ostienses (Murat, Ant,^ i. 675).
604 HISTORY OF ROME
party in Viterbo was weary of serving the ambition
of the nobles, and pronounced in favour of the peace
of Venice. When Christian of Mainz, the Emperor's
plenipotentiary, received the allegiance of the Viter-
bese in Alexander's name, the nobles, irritated by
the Prefect, resisted. They held negotiations with
Conrad, son of the Margrave of Montferrat, whom
they wished to invest with the custody of Viterbo,
and raised their arms against the people and the
Archbishop of Mainz. Reduced to extremities, the
barons, by the Prefect's advice, asked the aid of the
Roman republic, which had already been frequently
at war with Viterbo, and the Romans, ridiculing the
treaty with the Pope, advanced against the provincial
town which had just done him homage.
Alexander now commanded the Archbishop of
Mainz and the people of Viterbo to avoid battle ;
and in consequence the Romans returned after
having laid waste the fields, and nothing remained
to the Prefect John but to do homage to the Pope
and accept investiture at his hands.^ His prot6g6,
Caiixtus Calixtus III., lost courage, and although he remained
submission, for a time defiant in the fortress of Monte Albano
near Nomentum, Christian's troops finally forced
him to yield. In Tusculum, whither Alexander had
*long since again withdrawn, the anti-pope cast
himself at the feet of his great enemy, who, as
stipulated by the peace of Venice, pardoned him
^ Romuald, ad. A, 1 1 78 (p. 241); time, before August. Ad pedes
Alexctndri P, accedens^ confirmata sibi Preefectura ejus homo devenit.
The restitution of the prefecture through the Emperor to the Pope
took place s<iho omnijure imperiu
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 605
and afterwards gave him the rectorate of Benevento
as indemnification.^
The landgraves nevertheless put forward a new
anti-pope in September — Lando of Sezza, a member
of one of the petty German families who tyrannised
over the Campagna. He called himself Innocent
III. He found first protection and then a. treach-
erous overthrow in Palombara ; for the lords of the
fortress, near relatives of the former anti-pope Victor
IV., betrayed him for gold and he was banished to
the monastery of La Cava.^
As early as March 11 79 Alexander assembled 300 Lateran
bishops at the (Ecumenical Council in the Lateran, M^ch '
to heal the wounds which the long schism had '^79.
inflicted on the Church. It was here decreed that
a majority of two-thirds of the cardinals should *
henceforward suffice to decide the papal election.
The election was thus placed solely in the hands of
the College of Cardinals, and its independence of
every temporal power was again proclaimed as a law
^ Calixtus made submission in Tusculum on August 29. Anon,
Casstnens,y ad A. 1 1 78; Chron, Foss, Nov,; Romuald at the end of
the Chronicle,
' 3 ICal, Oct. quidam de secta schismcUica — Landum Siiinum
elegerunt in Pap, Innoc, Chr, Foss. Nov,^ ad A, 1 178. Sigeb.
(Auciar, Aq,) wrongly holds Lando to be a Frangipani. Anon.
Ccusin.y A. 1180 : apitd PaJumbaricun cum sociis captus. The same
continuator of Sigebert says that Lando's protector in a fortress near
Rome was a brother of Victor IV. The lords of Palombara were
Filippo and Oddo, probably sons of Ociavianus comes Palumbaria,
who is mentioned in an Act of Farfa of 1 159. Concerning Palombara,
see Nibby's AncUisi. The surrender took place at the beginning of
1 180, when Rome was devastated by an inundation of the Tiber and
by pestilence {Chr, Foss, Nov,, ad A. 1 1 80).
6o6 HISTORY OF ROME
of the Church. This independence had been won
for her by Alexander in the war he had successfully
waged against the schism and the Emperor.
/ Thus, after tedious struggles, Alexander III. was
recognised as sole head of the Church, In Rome
and the ecclesiastical State he remained, however,
powerless as before. The captains harassed him
incessantly ; these defiant vassals made war on the
sacred chair, and formed feudal contracts with it no
less than with the Roman republic, which proved
incapable of compelling them to become Roman
citizens and to live under the municipal laws. The
Senate, on the other hand, only nominally received
investiture from the Pope ; it was essentially inde-
pendent and protected by the arms of the militia.
With the militia Christian of Mainz was constantly
at war, fighting on account of Viterbo against
Conrad of Montferrat He had even suffered a
tedious imprisonment at the hands of Conrad.^
Alexander III., to whom fortune had granted such
marvellous victories, never felt himself in Rome
otherwise than in an enemy's country. He left the
I city as early as the summer of 1 179, and hence-
forward lived in different parts of Latium, or resumed
his exile in Tusculum. In June 1181 he went from
Tusculum to Viterbo to seek the protection of his
friend Christian of Mainz, and died soon afterwards
^ Among the Roman nobility the distinguished hardly of Henricus
de S. Eustachio was fiedthiul to the Pope. Alexander III. demanded
satisfaction from Christian of Mainz for a noble of this house who had
been ill-used by Giristian's troops. S. Lowenfeld, Ep. Pont, Rom,
ined,^ 1885, n. 282, of the year 1178.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 607
(on August 30) in Civita Castellana. The Roman Death of
populace, who had strewed flowers on the path of m., Aug.
the living triumphator, now threw stones on the bier ^' '*^'*
of the dead, and it was with difficulty that the
cardinals secured a grave in the Lateran for one of
the greatest of all popes.*
No pope since Adrian I. had filled the sacred
chair so long as Alexander III., but out of the
twenty-two years of his reign, eighteen had been
occupied by the schism, and more than half the
period had been spent in exile.^ His long struggle
with Frederick covered him with glory ; he secured •
and extended the conquests of Gregory VII. and
Calixtus II. ; he weakened still further the decaying
empire, which he beheld prostrate and praying for
peace at his feet in the very person of a hero. After
the Congress of Venice and the penance of Henry
of England the prestige of the Papacy acquired a
hitherto unknown lustre, and a lustre the more
brilliant from the fact that Alexander himself was
endowed with true dignity. The person of the Pope
is also illumined by a ray of the glorious dawn of
Italian civic liberty; this, however, he owed to
fortune, not to merit The necessities of the time
created the unnatural alliance between freedom and
sacerdotalism, but it is at least gratifying to find
^ Sigeb., Cent. Aquicitut,^ ad A, 1181. His mausoleum has
perished.
' Tres tanium pracesstrunt eum in numero annorum, quo Roman,
EccL prafuerunif b, Petrus sed» 25 annis, Silvester L 23, Adrianus
totidem. Roberius de Monte^ ad A, \ 181. After Alexander III., Pius
VII. reigned twenty-three years, Pius IX., however, more than
thirty-one.
6o8 HISTORY OF ROME
that the Church, which necessarily is almost invari-
ably united with despotism, was once (as according
to her ideal she always should be) the pioneer of the
human race in the path of moral freedom and cul-
ture. And only when she has acted this part has
she shone with a celestial radiance. Whenever,
from motives of priestly ambition, she has, on the
contrary, opposed the nobler impulses of the people,
she has received the hatred instead of the love of
mankind. Alexander III. was a man of more
moderate and tranquil nature than Gregory VII.,
and, apart from his dissensions with Roman policy,
jnight be esteemed the most fortunate of popes.^
3. Lucius III. — ^War between Rome and Tusculum
— Death of Christian of Mainz — Lucius III.
QUARRELS WITH THE EmPEROR — DiES IN VeRONA
— Urban III. — The Sicilian Marriage — Henry
VI. INVADES THE CaMPAGNA — GREGORY VIII. —
Clement III. — Peace with the Roman Republic,
1 1 88.
The fact that three of Alexander's successors were
forced to live in exile is sufficient to show the
relations that subsisted between the popes and the
city. The figure of Frederick's great opponent
towers like the figure of a hero over the common-
place forms of these three popes, who died after
having inhaled a few breaths of misfortune. The
ebb succeeded the flow — an ever-recurring law in
the history of the Papacy.
^ The most accurate account of Alexander III.'s pontificate is
given in Reuter's work (Leipzig, 1864}.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 609
Lucius III., Ubaldo Allucingoli, of Lucca, hitherto LudusiiL
Cardinal-bishop of Ostia and Velletri, was not even iSx-xi85.
elected in Rome, but was raised to the Papacy
by the College of Cardinals assembled at Velletri,*
and was ordained on September 6, 1181. After an
agreement with the Romans he came to the city in '
November, and was allowed to remain some months.^
The spirit of Arnold still survived in Rome, and each
pope was obliged to win toleration for himself, or
else to live in exile. Since Lucius refused to con-
cede the privileges accorded by earlier popes, it
would seem that he was already at enmity with the
Romans.' Tusculum remained a permanent source
of strife. The fortress was the object of a hatred
bordering on frenzy to the Romans, as Fiesole was
to the Florentines, until Florence destroyed her
neighbour in 1125. The Tusculans had vainly
sought protection under the banner of the Pope;
with great efforts they rebuilt their walls and made
a desperate resistance to the repeated attacks of the
enemy. When the Romans attacked Tusculum The
with increased force on June 28, 1183, Lucius III., a^^'
who remained shut up in Segni, summoned Christian tusculum.
of Mainz from Tuscany; Christian came, and the
recollection of the battle of Monte Porzio sufficed to
^ Jaff6 shows that he was in the Lateran on November 3, 1181, and
that he remained there until March 11 82. On March 13 he was
again in Velletri
' Ortum est grave disstdiuni inter Romanos et P. Lucium super
eonsueiudinibus quibusdamy quas pradecessores sui facere solebant,
quas supradictus Papa juravit^ se nunquam facturum, Roger
Hoveden, Anna/es, pars, poster., p. 621 (quoted by Curtius, p.
271).
VOL. IV. 2 R
6lO HISTORY OF ROME
drive the Romans back twice.* The warlike arch-
bishop advanced to the walls of the city, but the
August fever, which had formerly killed his cele-
brated companion Rainald, also proved fatal to him-
self At first the fierce enemy of the sacred chair,
afterwards its defender, the brave hero bore the papal
blessing to his grave ; he died in Tusculum, the scene
of his actions, and was buried there.^ Christian, who
was one of the greatest princes of his age, was also
a living satire on every pious effort made to divest
the bishops of the offensive character of worldliness,
since he, the Archbishop of Mainz (for as such he
was recognised after the peace of Venice), remained
a jovial knight until his death, kept a harem of
beautiful girls, and, clad in glittering armour, rode a
splendid horse, swinging the battle axe with which
he shattered the helmet and head of many an enemy.
His death was a severe blow to the Pope, who
now summoned the princes to his aid, but only
received words and some money in answer. The
* Chron, Foss, Nbv,^ ad A, 1183, transfers the siege of Tusculnm to
KaUJuliL A marginal note in the Cod, Vat,^ 19S4, more correctly :
in ingiHa b, Petri ap, A. 2 Lucii IIL papa Ind. /. The same
Codex : inierea Roma a XXV. senaioribus administrabatur,
' R. Hov., p. 662, says that Christian had been killed by drinking
from a fountain which had been poisoned by the Romans. Lucius
invited the German clergy to pray for the dead (Schannat, Vindem.
Uier,, ii 118, Mansi, xxiL 480). The Pope calls him tfir vaide
providus et ntagnificus. Conradi Ep. Chrom, Mogmit.f p. 573, also
speaks of Christian's death. A panegyric of him is given in AnmU,
Stadensss {Mon, Germ,, xvL), A. 11 73: disorfus et facundus^ vir
largus et illustris. He spoke several languages. Nulla civitoi ei
resistere audebat* The asses in his army were more luxuriously cared
for than the servants of the Emperor. Vanrentrap, EmHsckof
Christian von Mains,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 6ll
Romans turned with increased cours^e against all
such places as remained faithful to the Pope. They
devastated the territory of Tusculum in April 1184,
and carried their ravages far into Latium.^ Their
hatred of the clergy was fierce and barbarous ; on
one occasion they seized a company of priests in
the Campagna, put out the eyes of all but one,
placed mitres, inscribed with the names of cardinals,
on their heads, and, setting them on asses, ordered
the one priest whom they had spared to conduct the
sad procession to the Pope.^ Lucius III. fled to the Lucius iii.
Emperor at Verona, whither Frederick, having con- protection
eluded a peace with the cities on April 30, 1183, ^^^j.
had arrived from Constance. The Emperor's meet- at ^^na.
ing with the Pope gave rise to many disputes
concerning the investitures and Matilda's bequest.
Lucius also refused to bestow the imperial crown
on Frederick's son King Henry, by which a Caro-
lingian custom would have been revived. The
request was discussed with great vehemence in
Verona ; and the Emperor parted from the Pope in
anger. He had, however, previously appointed Count
Berthold of Kunsberg as Commandant of Campania
in Christian's place, with orders that he was to
defend Tusculum against the Romans.^ The Romans
^ Chr, Foss, Ncv,^ A. 1 184: 13 Kal, Mafiincendirunt PaHanumt
4t Sirrontni^ Pen^strumf ei sic Homam reversi sunt.
* Sigelx, Auct, Aq*t ad A, 1184: Romani — in amtunuliam car'
dincUium excogitant inauditumJlagitium—QXidi similarly, Anmdes Stad'
4nses, A. 1183, which say, however, that the Romans maltreated
twenty-six Tusculans. This reminds us of the later scenes of the
Albigensian war.
' Chran, Foss. Ncv, : fostea d. Papa ivU in Lombardiam^ et pmit
6l2 HISTORY OF ROME
were even excommunicated by Lucius at the
Council of Verona. For the rebels against the
Dominium Temporale were classed with the heretical
sects of the time, who were ever becoming more
powerful, — the Waldenses, Cathari, Humiliates, the
Poor of Lyons, and others, — as Arnoldists, and were
Death of solemnly cursed.^ Lucius III. died at Verona on
NoT.'^s., November 25, 1 185. The melancholy but ingenious
''^5. lines placed on his grave admirably depict his fate
and that of other popes of the age : —
LuciuSy Luca Hbi dedit ortum^ PontificcUum
OsHa^ Papaium jRoma, Verona mori.
Immo Verona dedit verum Hbi vivere^ jRoma
Ext hum, euros Ostia, Luca tnori.
^ His successor, as melancholy a figure as himself,
remained in exile in Verona. This was Humbert
Crivelli, Archbishop of Milan, a violent and unyield-
ing spirit, and a strong opponent of Frederick. He
Urban iiLji was consecrated as Urban HI. on December 3,
zz8^xz87. 1 185. The tension which existed between him and
Comiicm Bertoldum legatum Imp. F, pro drfensione Tusculana, et ad
recoUigetuUtm Roccam de Papa^ quam ipse collide $xpugnaoU, The
first mention of this place. In order to supplement the regesta of
Frederick, I make note of his privilegium for Foligno, to which he
presented Bevania and Cocoiatittm. Among the witnesses are
Gotefrid. pairiar, Aquih Conradus Archiep. Mogunt. Otto eps*
Babenberg, Gotefridus Imp. aule cancellar. Conradus dux SpoUtan,
Gerardus comes de Hon, Heinr. comes de Altendoff. Olricus de Luce-
linhardt. . . . Dot. Tervisii A.D. J. MCLXXXIIIL Ind. III.
VIII Kak Dec. f el. Amen. The original, without a seal, is in the
city archives of Foligno.
^ The decree of Lucius III. {Ad abolendam diversar. karesiupi
pravitatem) is more severe than the edicts of Alexander III. ; it com-
mands the denunciation and extermination of all heresy by the secular
arm. Mansi, xxii. 476.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 613
the Emperor now developed into open enmity,^ an
enmity largely based on Frederick's refusal to
surrender the disputed estates of Matilda. The
brilliant success which Grerman statesmanship had
attained in Sicily proved a further ground of anxiety
to the Curia. After a brief prime, Roger's dynasty
neared its end ; William 1 1, was childless ; he con>
sequently gave his sanction to the marriage of
Constance, the daughter of Roger, his aunt and
heiress, to Henry, son of Frederick. Without any
regard to the Pope, the feudal lord of Sicily, and
in defiance of his opposition, the ominous union was King
celebrated at Milan, where Frederick formally created m^ISs
his son Caesar. The Pope refused Henry the^[^"<*
imperial crown, and (since he remained Archbishop Jan. 37/
of Milan) the crown of Lombardy also. The
Emperor consequently had the ceremony performed
by the Patriarch of Aquileia. Sicily, the anxiously
guarded fief of the sacred chair, which had so often
served as a protection against the German kings,
must necessarily fall to this very German empire on
William's death. The loss of Sicily was therefore
the heaviest defeat which Roman policy could suffer,
and for the time the most glorious victory on the
side of the German court, which had now attained,
through diplomatic arrangements, the object for
which so many emperors had hitherto fought in vain.
The acquisition of Sicily was to make amends for the
loss of Lombardy, and a Hohenstaufen dynasty was
^ Arnold's Chran, SUtoorum^ iii. c. 10, c 16 seq,^ speaks clearly con*
ceming the causes. See also Scheffer-Boichorst : Kaistr Friedr, L
UtMUr Streit mit der Kurie^ Berlin, 1866.]
6l4 HISTORY OF ROME
founded both in Sicily and in Matilda's territory.
But these immense gains soon became the curse not
only of Italy but of Germany, which had bitterly to
expiate the unpatriotic policy of the Hohenstaufens.
He inmdes, At his father's command Henry entered the State
Suie**^ of the Church as an enemy; the Romans gladly
Church, joined him; the districts of Latium which still
adhered to the sacred chair were ravaged, and the
Pope was deprived of every hope of return.^ Urban
III. meanwhile died in Ferrara, on October 20,
1 187. Jerusalem had but just fallen (on October
2), and the news struck like a thunderbolt the heart
!of a pope who bore the name of the fortunate pre*
decessor during whose pontificate the Holy City
had obtained her freedom. The fall of Jerusalem
shook the whole of Europe with such force as to
thrust into the background the most important
matters in the West, and the energies of Pope and
Emperor, of kings and bishops, were again directed
towards the Blast.
Ot^oiy Albert of Mora, a Beneventan, and chancellor of
Popc,'xi87. the Church, was immediately (October 25, 1 187) con-
( secrated at Ferrara as Gregory VIII. He was old and
of amiable disposition, and desired nothing beyond
^ Rex, H, subfugauit sibi Mam Campamam praUr Fummonem, ei
Castrum F&ntUifmm obsidit per netfem dies, et wit super Guareimtm r
Ckrou, Foss, Ncv.t ad A, 1 186. Henry had come to an under*
standing even with the Frangipani ; one of his diplomas {A, 1 186 Ind,
IV, die Dominico, quijuit Sestus nUranU m, Juiit) is signed by Otta
Frangens pemem as prcrf, Roma. Muiat. , Ant, It, , iv. 47 1 — adwn sub
tempterio Regis H, felicitir^ quasuie erai in absid, Urbis Veteris,
On the other hand, in a pritilegium granted by Henry to the Floren*
tines firom Otriooli, on June 24, 1187, Petrus Urb,prmf, appears as
a witness. (Picker, Urk, zur Reicks- und Rechtsgesch, ItaL, n. 170.)
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 615
peace with the empire and a Crusade to Jerusalem.
The Papacy was' exhausted by its struggles under
Alexander III. Meantime the empire had become
'Stronger ; the peace of Venice and that of Constance
'had put an end to the war with the cities, and the
I alliance with Sicily had suddenly increased the
imperial power. While popes banished from Rome
sighed in exile, not a single enemy appeared against
Frederick throughout the whole of Italy. Urban
III. himself would not have ventured to launch
the anathema against the Emperor, and the gentle-
, natured Gr^ory VIII. hastened to make peace with
King Henry. He promised to advance no opposi-
tion to his claims on Sicily, and moreover to
recognise the rights of the empire in Italy. Henry
VI., therefore, suspended hostilities and sent Count
Anselm with Leo de Monumento, Consul of the
Romans, to treat with the Pope. The two envoys
accompanied Gr^ory to Pisa, where he went to effect
a reconciliation between this republic and Genoa, and
to rouse it to take part in the Crusade. He was here
•overtaken by death on December 17, 1187.^
^ Cod, Vat,, fol. aoo^., gives memoranda of Urban III. and Gregory
VIII.— JKuT diciuspimt* cum Ma curia pracedmUb* Licne Mmamsnti
et Ansilmc ad Pisam, dvitaUtn pervenit* Chron. AlUtudt {Arek,
Si$r», vm, 183) quotes in the list of those present at the peace of
Venice : Leo de Mofmmento, Ramanus PHnceps. On August 34,
1 187, Lavinia Abbatissa S. Cyriaci cedes/ure locationis Leeni de numu-
monto suisque film • • . terram casarinam pos» retro S, Ciriaci in
mofUiceHo juxta eccl, S* Lamrentii {Jacevacci R^ertor, Familiar, in
the Vatican). The Gtsia Inn. Ill,, c. 2^, ceXL Leo de M, % relatiye of
Bishop Octavian of Ostia, who^ according to Ughelli, L 67, belonged
to the house of Poli He is mentioned in IJ07 in the will of Cardinal
Gregorius de Crescentio (Galletti, Prim,, p. 335). A hamlet with an
I
6l6 HISTORY OF ROME \
The cardinals, with the assistance of the Consul
Leo, immediately elected the Bishop of Palestrina
as Pope, and Paolino Scolari, who belonged to the
Clement ^Region della Pigna, was consecrated as Clement III.
IIsV-]^' in the cathedral of Pisa, on December 20, 1187. A
Roman by birth, he succeeded in effecting the peace
with the Capitol for which Gregory VIII. had pre-
He returns pared the way. After successful negotiations, he
to Rome. • returned to Rome, accompanied by the Consul Leo,
in February 1188, and was received with every
honour. During the forty-four years' existence of
the Roman Senate the popes had been almost
incessantly victims of the civic revolution. We
have seen how sorrowfully Innocent II. and Celes-
tine 11. ended their days, how Lucius II. had been
killed by the blow of a stone, how Eugenius, Alex-
ander, Lucius, Urban III., and Gregory VIII. had
spent their lives in exile. Clement III. at length
brought the Papacy back to Rome, but was forced
ancient monument near Roma Vecchia gave the surname to the
family, the oldest member of which, Octavianus de MmumetUo, appears
at Wursburg as witness to a document on January 5, 1 17a Stumpf,
Acta imp. adhuc inedita^ p. 203 seq. In 1226 a Comes Octaviamu de
Mcmtmento, Bull of Honorius III. Laieroft, Non, April, A* X*
{Mscr. Vat,t 6223). In 12 17 Honorius ceded to the monastery of
S. Thomas on the Codian Titrrim qua dicitur Afinmmenium, vbi
dicUur Statuarium (near Sette Bassion the Via Appia) : BuUar. Vaf,,
i. loa Toche (Kaiser IfeinrtcJk,, p. 61), from a diploma of Heniy
VI. in fiivour of Leo di Angnillara, concludes that this Leo was iden-
tical with Leo de Monumento ; documents, however, never confuse
names. The de Monumento were a £Bunily by themselves. Thus in
122 1 we read : Petrus Frajapanis Romanar, Consul Alma Urbis^ et
Maria de Monumonto qttond. Henrici Frajapanis uxor (Borgia,
Velletri, p. 263). As late as 1279 I find Afigelus de Monumeuto
(Archiv., Flor, Rocc, diFiesoU)*
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 617
to make a formal peace with the city as with an
independent power. This was the result not only of
the Lombard victories but also of the energetic re-
sistance of the Romans to Emperor and to Pope.
The establishment of the Roman democracy forms
an important act of the period, for although lacking
the fortune and the foundation of the Lombard and
Tuscan cities, it nevertheless proves the Romans to
have been possessed of praiseworthy enei^ and
prudence.
Generally speaking, Rome assumed the same He reoog-
attitude towards the Pope as that which the Lom* dependent'
bard cities had acquired towards the Emperor, orgJJ^^J^J^^
fell back on the treaties of the times of Eugenius dty of
III. and Alexander III. The Charter which the May iW
Roman Senate compiled and swore to on May
31, 1 188, in the forty-fourth year of its existence,
has fortunately been preserved to us.^ According
to the articles of this peace, decreed in vigorous
langus^e by the authority of the sacred Senate,
the Pope was recognised as over-lord. He invested
the Senate on the Capitol, which was obliged to
take the oath of fidelity to him. He again acquired
the right of coining money, a third part of which fell
to the Senate.^ All revenues which had formerly
^ Sanctiss, Fairi^t Dom* CUmenti dei gr. sum, PotUif, it unwers,
Ppe^ S*P,Q,R* saiutem €t fideU cum mbjteHone siroiHum^ No one
should violate this peace, aUoquin tram ampliss* Seuatus it mitu-
mtU pop, Ramam gramssimi ituurrat it odium. Act XLIJII. oho
Sonaius ItuL VL m, MadU dU ultimo, Jussu Sonatorum; the
signatures follow. Printed by Baronios from the Cendns codex, then
better by Mmatori, Ant. It., iii. 785.
' Adpratins reddimus vo6is Senatum^ it Urbem^ it Mouetam. Never-
6l8 HISTORY OF ROME
been papal returned to the Pope, the Senate merely
retaining the Lucanian Bridge on account of its feud
with Tivoli. The restitution of all that by right
'belonged to the sacred chair was to be settled
by document The Pope further indemnified the
* Romans for their losses in the war ; ^ he undertook
to give the judges and notaries, the Senators and
the officials of the Senate, the customary presents
of money.' He promised one hundred pounds
annually for the restoration of the city walls. It
was also decreed that since the Roman militia was
to be paid by the Pope, the Pope might summon
it to the defence of the patrimony. No article de-
fined whether the republic had the r^ht of making
peace and war with its enemies without regard to
theless we do not possess a single denarius which shows that the
popes exercised the right of coining money in this period.
^ A receipt of October 27, 1188, for the indemnificatioQ of some
Senators (from the Archives of the fortress of S. Angelo) is given by
Vendettini, p. 175, and Vitale, who wrongly attributes it to the year
1187. The Austrian School in Rome has published a series of
documents, which refer to similar contracts of indemnificatioa between
a commission of five cardinals and Romans of diflerent regioDs.
{Stud, e Doc. di Storia e DireHo^ A. 1886.)
' Dabitis S$9uUoribus — beneficia etpresbyUria camueta. According
to the Ordo /Ronton., xii. n. ii., the Prefect recdved 40 SoHdos dm.,
each Senator, judge and advocate tmum ntU^qtiiftum and some Salidu
A mslsfhin was equal to eight grossi, the grossus to six denarii (valua-
tion of the time of Innocent VI., from one of the first pages of the
Cod. Condi in the Riocardi library, n. 228). Instead of daro protby*
toHttm, dart manum was used, from which the present manaa is
derived. Half the Senators dined with the Pope on festivals {ibtd., p.
170). The Pope, however, only gave presents to ttie fifty<4ix
Senators ; if there was a greater number, that wbidk he gave to the
remainder was mora UdoraHtaf. Thb is said by the Senators them*
selves in the Instr. of May 28, 1191. (Muiatori, Ant. Itai., iv. 36.)
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 619
% the Pope ; this liberty, nevertheless, was taken for
granted, since Rome was free. And although titles
and honours of temporal authority were respectfully
awarded him, the Pope found himself in his city
in much the same position as did other bishops
in other free cities. A formal agreement was con<
eluded concerning the now papal towns of Tusculum
and Tibur, the hatred of the Romans towards them
being the actual reason for their treaty with the
Pope. Clement III. unscrupulously sacrificed the
I unfortunate Tusculum, which had sought shelter
under the wings of the Church, as the price of his
peaceful return to Rome. He not only gave the The
Romans permission to make war on the fortress, but ^^J^.
even promised them the aid of his vassals, and*^®^*^
pledged himself to excommunicate the Tusculans
should they fail to surrender to the Romans before
January i. The unfortunate city was to be de-
stroyed, its property and people were to remain in
the hands of the Pope.^
~tfpi: Special treaty with the captains established
their relations with the Roman commune. We have
no precise knowledge of its articles, but the great
nobility were undoubtedly compelled to acknowledge
the Senate, to take their part in the commune as
Cives^ and thus to contribute to the formation of the
commune as a whole.^
^ Concerniiig Tusculum, see Rc^er Hoveden, p. 689; we are
obliged to take our information from an English chronicler, since
Roman auth(xities are silenU
' De CapUamis sit sahmm urH it popuh Romano ^ qmcqmi ab $tt
€9K0twtHm estf et promissHm Roma por scriptum it juramonta^ oc
620 HISTORY OF ROME
The Pope was to choose ten men out of every street
icontrada) of every r^on in Rome, five of whom were
to swear to the peace; the united Senate swore to
the treaty itself^ We gather here that the Senate
was composed of fifty-six members, some of whom
formed the ruling committee of Consiliarii.'
The city itself, which was re-divided after the in-
stitution of the free Roman commune in 1 144, now
consisted of twelve regions. These divisions had no
ordinal numbers, but merely local names, and were
as follows: Mantium et Biberatiu; Trivii et Vie
Late; Columpne et S. Marie in Aquiro; Campi
Mortis et S. Laurentii in Lucina ; Pontis et Scorte-
4:lariorum; S.Eustackiiet Vinea Teudemarii ; Aren^
ule et Caccahariorum ; Parianis et S. Laurentii in
Damaso; Pinee et S. Marci; S, Angeli in Foro
Pisciunt; Ripe et Marmorate ; Campitelli et S.
Adriani. The Leonina remained, as an entirely
papal district, outside the regions ; not so, however,
the Trastevere and the island in the Tiber, which,
pUnarias^ it stqjarias^ acpresanes — ^inexplicable expresaons ; pUnaria
(better so, instod oifkjaria) niay mean plenaiy powers.
^ Of such treaties sworn to by a number of people we find a remark-
able example in the treaty between Pisa and Genoa, February 13,
1 188. (Flaminio dot Borgo DipUmi Pisam^ 1 14. )
* I abide by the number fifty-six, although according to the text
there were fifty-seven or fifty-eight. Owing to the defective punctua-
tion two names may have easily been made out of one. It says first :
jussH Semaforwn C&Hsiliariorum; AngtH Sir Remain di Pima;
Bobonis SUplumi di Octamano; Pitri SUphani di TransHbirim ;
Rimam SimbaUU; Ratmrii Rinaldi di Raancio; Jihanms di
Schhumdo; Cafari Bartkolomii ; Pitri NiakU Fusams di Birta;
Bobonis Donna Siotta, it Ilpirini Donmcu The Senators follow.
There is neither a Pierleone, a Frangipane, nor a Colonna amoog
them ; there is, however, a Petrus LAtronis.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 621
formerly two regions, were afterwards counted as one
— ^the thirteenth.^
The constitution of 1188 showed a marked
advance on the part of the Roman commune. The
, imperial authority of Carolingian times was as com-
pletely set aside as the patrician power of Frankish
times. The rights of the Emperor in particular were
left utterly unheeded. The ties between Rome and
the empire were severed when the popes acquired
the freedom of election. Frederick I. himself had
disdained the votes of the Romans on his own elec*
tion and finally in the treaty of Anagni, and with
the renunciation of the prefecture he also renounced
the exercise of the imperial power in the city. Rome
had advanced beyond her ancient conditions; the
Pope possessed neither governing nor l^slative
power; his secular position, on the contrary, was
limited to the possession of regalia and Church
property and to feudal relations. He was powerful
because he still remained the greatest landowner,
dispensed the greatest fiefs, and could command
numerous " men." His authority as a territorial ruler
consisted, however, merely in the investiture which
he conferred on the freely-elected magistrates of the
republic, or in the alliance of papal with civic justice
^ The names of the regions are to be gathered for the most part
from these treaties of peace of Clement III. They are brought
together by Gimillo Re, /. c. The twelve regions were again divided
into contrade ; a list of the regions found by De Rossi in a Viennese
manuscript Afiradi/ia, written between 1216 and 1228, and printed by
Re, consequently enumerates twenty-six regions or contrade: sic
duodecim princifdUs regumes in urbe sunt ordinate gue divise sunt in
viginti sext
622 HISTORY OF ROME
in cases of a twofold nature. The removal of the
» papal power by the unaided energy of the Roman
• commune is consequently one of the most honour-
able deeds in the history of the mediaeval city, which
could now again lay claim to the esteem of mankind
in civic matters.
4. The Crusade — ^Richard Cosur-de-Lion passes by
Rome — Death of Frederick I. — Celestine III.
— Henry VI. requests the Imperial Crown —
His Coronation — ^The Robians destroy Tus-
cuLUM — Fall of the Tusculan Counts — Atti-
tude OF the Nobles towards the Republic in
Rome — Change in its Constitution — Benedict
Carushomo, Senator — Giovanni Capoccio, Sena-
tor — Giovanni Pierleone, Senator — Henry VI.
destroys the Norman Dynasty in Sicily — His
UNTIMELY END — DeATH OF CeLESTINE III.
Cniaade, , In 1189 Clement III. succeeded in obtaining from
1X89-Z190. fjgjjjy (who acted as his father's representative) the
restitution of all the property belonging to the State
of the Church of which Lucius had been deprived.*
The Pope now concentrated all his attention on
* the great Crusade, in which at first the Emperor
Frederick, and afterwards Philip Augustus, King of
France, and Richard of England, took part. Roman
nobles now also went to the East — a Pierleone and
even the Prefect Theobald, both of whom fought by
the side of Conrad of Montferrat against Saladin at
^ Strassbarg, April 3, 1189, Ficker, Urk. mr Hetchs- und Ruhis-
gtschichU Itaiuns^ p. 216.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 623
Acre.^ None of the crusading armies came near
Rome. And although Richard Cceur-de-Lion, who
sailed from Marseilles in the beginning of August
1 190, landed at Ostia, he dismissed the cardinal
<who in the name of the Pope came with a polite
invitation that he would honour the capital of
Christendom by a visit) with a refusal. In a previous
century no king would have declined the like invita-
tion ; on the contrary, a monarch would have con-
sidered himself fortunate in entering the gates of the
sacred city, habited as a pilgrim, to visit the graves
of the apostles. But times were changed. Richard,
the successor of pious Anglo-Saxon kings, who in
ancient days reached the summit of bliss when they
took the cowl in Rome, contemptuously informed
the cardinal that nothing was to be found at the
papal court but avarice and corruption.^ He passed Richard
the city by, marching along the wooded and marshy uSS"^^
coast to Terracina,* and thence sailed to Messina, ^^^ ^'y
^ See the letter D&mno Papa Theobaldus prafectus et Petrus Leonis
(in Radulf de Diceto, p. 648) which describes the battle of Acre,
October 4, 1189.
' Roger de Wendower, Chronica^ ed. Coxe, iii. 26.
' Richard's journey is given by R. Hoveden, p. 667* From Pisa
to TaUmude (Cape Telamon); Porte Kere (Csere); pest Comet
CivitaUn$ (Cometo) ; Son$s la veUe (in this case Civita Vecchia by
mistake, since thb is the name given to Siena by Villani) ; Lefar de
Rwne (the lighthouse of Rome) ; then to the Tiber. At the mouth
of the river a beautiful solitary tower, and huge ruins of ancient walls
(Ostia and Trajan's harbour). On August 26 through a forest quod
dUiiur Sehe dene (the forest of Ardea), which is traversed for twenty-
four miles via Marmorea ad modum pammenta facta (the Via Ardeatina
which was still preserved). He then continued his journey post the
fortress Lettun (Nettuno and Antium), where was a harbour formerly
covered with copper. Then to the Cap de Cercel (Circello), on
624 HISTORY OF ROME
where he entered into n^otiations with the Sicilians.
On December i6, 1189, William IL» husband of
Richard's sister Johanna, had died, and the national
party in the island had given the crown to Count
Tancred, a natural son of Roger of Apulia, the eldest
son of King Roger. Henry VI, husband of Con-
stance, prepared to overthrow by force of arms the
** usurper,** who had received investiture from the
Pope. He was, however, prevented by troubles in
Germany in the first instance, and by the death of
Death of his father in the second. The aged Frederick, who
Baiba- had formerly wished that fate, instead of sending
j^^j^ him to Italy, had sent him to Asia like Alexander
'iQo- * the Great, met his death in a Syrian river on June
10, iigo.
The immortal hero Barbarossa, the true imperial
Colossus of the Middle Ages, lives in German
history as an object of national pride, in popular
tradition as the symbol of the return of glory to
the German empire. But in Italy, although the
character of the age may afford some mitigation of
his conduct, his ravages and the ruin of noble cities
furnish plentiful grounds for hatred. The obstinate
struggle of the empire against the cities, or the
quarrel for civic investitures, was no less important
and salutary than the contest for the spiritual in-
vestitures waged by the Henries. Had it not been
for Frederick's despotic plans and wars, the freedom
which was a fortress of pirates. On from Tarraoene to GaxiUa (the
fortress Gar^liano), and to the fortress Le Cap del Esfunm (perhaps
Sperlonga). Hie est divisio terrm Romanor, 9t terra rtigis Siciiia in
ilia parte f qua dicitur principalus Capua*
X ' I
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 625'
of the cities would not have attained such rapid
development, nor would these cities have won such
speedy recognition of their political rights. Bar-
barossa, contrary to his intentions, rendered at least
this service to Italy, which resisted him so valiantly.
The long and fatal connection between Germany
and Italy through the empire will be denounced by
such men as judge universal history by the narrow
measure of the prosperity of the Fatherland ; outside
this limited horizon the lament is vain and foolish.
This only may we say, that, after the peace of Venice,
\ Italy and Germany were already fully ripe for sepa-
ration. By the Sicilian marriage, however, Frederick
unfortunately reunited a tie that was already virtually
severed, and the unity and power of Germany were
*thus uselessly sacrificed to the domestic policy of
the imperial dynasty and were condemned afresh to
tedious wars beyond the Alps.
The youthful Henry VI. coveted the imperial
crown ; his envoys hastened to the Pope and even to
the Senate, whose vote again commanded respect, and
the legal standing of which the King promised to
recognise.^ Clement III., troubled by the threats of
Henry, who was irritated with the Pope for having
given Sicily in fief to Tancred, fixed the coronation
for the following Easter, but himself died at the end
of March 1191.
The cardinals immediately elected the aged
* Roger HoTeden, p. 680 : If, — misif nuntios suos ad CUmetUem
Papain^ et ad CardinaUs, et Senatores urbis: petms Romanum
imperium, et promitiens, se in onmibtts leges et digniiates Romarwrtim
servaiurum illasas,
VOL. IV. 2 S
/
•
626 HISTORY OF ROME
Hyacinth, son of Peter Bobo, a Roman of the Orsini
Ceiesiine * family, OS Pope under the name of Celestine II I.^
1191-xz^! Henry was already approaching with a large army,
and Easter was at hand. The new Pope delayed his
ordination in order to defer the coronation, concern-
ing which negotiations were still pending. It was
possible that the hostile attitude of the Senate might
Henry also prove a cause of delay, and Henry VI. used his
pedition to most Urgent entreaties in order that he might forth-
iioT.^ with move against Sicily. The Romans availed
themselves of these accidental circumstances to I
recover possession of Tusculum. The afflicted town
had for three years made a desperate resistance
against the united attacks of the Pope and the
Senate ; in their extremest need they had turned to
Henry, begging for protection, and had accepted the
German garrison which he readily gave them. The
Roman envoys, however, declared that they would
oppose his coronation unless he gave Tusculum into
their hands ; that on the contrary, if he yielded, they
would obtain his immediate coronation from the Pope.
Henry consented to this shameful breach of faith, but
threw the responsibility on the Pope, who allowed
himself to be bound by dishonourable conditions.
The coronation over, Tusculum was to be given by
Henry to the Pope, by the Pope to the Romans.*
' The Fi/ii C/rst\ quond, CcelesHni Papa Nepotes appear in the
Vita Innoc, IIL (Muratori, ArUiq, It,, iii. 784). The connectioti
between the Boboni and Ursmi is also shown by Grimaldi, Cod, Vaf,,
6437, fol. 175.
' Romani suppiicarunt D, CaUstino, ui amfequam R^^^em in Imp,
ungifret, obiineret ab ipso, ut civiU TmculanenHum sibi rtdderei^^-ex
quo Clemens exposuU — illos Romemis, R. Hoveden, p. 69a Code-
w
THE MIDDLE AGE& 627
J
Not until Menry drew near with a great military
force did Clement allow himself to be ordained in
S. Peter's on April 14, in order that he might,
although unwillingly, perform the coronation the
following day.^ The King entered the Leonina from
the Field of Nero. Celestine crowned him and his Henry vi.
'wife Constance in S. Peter's on April 15,* and theJa^^S^
next day the Germans pitched their camp on the^P"^'5
slopes of Tusculum. The unhappy town soon
suffered a tragic fall. It was given back to the Pope
and by him surrendered to its destroyers, and the
* Romans fell on their defenceless victim. Not a single
stone was left upon another in the whole of Tus-
culum, while', contrary to faith and treaty, the inhabi-
tants were strangled or banished into misery. Such
was the wanton caricature of the celebrated destruc-
frid. Monach. (Freher, i. 259) : consecratio procedere non poitdt^ dame
Imp, casirum TusctUanum in potestatem Papa ei Romanorum conira-
didit, Sigeb., Cont, Aqidcifut.^ ad an. 1191. Arnold of Lubeck,
Ckrcn, S/avor., iv. c, 4: The Pope wished to defer the coronation ;
the Romans, however, sent to the King : /ac nobis justitiam de castellis
tuis, qua sunt in Tusculano — et erimus pro te ad D, Papam^ ut
coronam Imperii super caput tuum ponat.
^ On April 2, 1 191, H, VLjuxta locum Anguillarie ratified the oath
of security tendered to the Pope and cardinals by the princes of the
empire, in his presence : Rouleaux de Cluny^ in Notices et Extrcuts
des Manuscrits de la Bibl, Imp,^ t. xxi. 326, communicated by
Huillard-Br^holles.
' Muratori, not to mention later writers, ridicules Hoveden's &ble
of the Pope having first held the crown between his feet, and then
kicked it from the Emperor's head, Roger says: Romani vero
clauserunt portas urbis, et custodierunt ecu in manuforti et armata^
non permittentes eos intrare. The ceremonial of the coronation is
given from Cencius in Mon. Germ, Leges ^ ii. 187, and Watterich, ii.
711. There, as also in Toche, p. 187, it is shown that Emperor and
Pope passed through the entire city to the Lateran.
is crowned
628 HISTORY OF ROME
tions of Lodi, Milan, and Crema — a characteristic
feature of this period of the emancipation and
The destruction of cities. Owing to the twofold treachery
daSw* I of Emperor and Pope, one of the oldest cities of
Tu^um. Latium was destroyed for ever on April I7, iioi.^
April XX91, , . . .«,.,/-, 1 A
In ancient times it had in the Catos bestowed re-
nowned patriots on its much more youthful neigh-
bour; in the Middle Ages it had given it tyrants in
the shape of rude consuls and patricians, the Tus-
culan counts, and popes, who, although for the most
part bad, were some of them men of intellect and
enei^. The name of Tusculum is associated with
the darkest period of mediaeval Rome, and we cannot
survey the melancholy ruins on the sunny heights
without recalling memories of Marozia, the Alberics
and Theophylacts.* The powerful family of the
^ According to Hoveden, Henry gave it to the Pope the second day
after his coronation ; the Pope gave it to the Romans on the third,
tUque a Romanis destrucium ita, quod lapis supra lapidem non
remansit. Bohmer, n. 2761, shows that on April 17 Henry was inter
Urbem ei Tusculanum, On the 19th in silva Libertina (probably near
Ferentino) ; on the 29th in Ceperano, Radulph de Diceto, Ymagines
Histor,y p. 569: paschali feria IK Romani dmt, Tuscul, funditus
diruerunt» Sicard, p. 615. Abbas Ursperg., p. 232: pro qua rt
imperatori improperatum est a muUis. Godfried, Annal,, p. 259 ;
Anon, Cassin, Chron, Mattd, Memorie di Tusculo, p. 194, invents
a story that the Romans restored the Capitol with the stones of
Tusculum: they had indeed stones enough of their own. The
account given by Platina and Blondus is more deserving of belief,
viz., that they brought some remains of Tusculum as trophies to the
CapitoL The keys of the town are said to have been hung up on the
Arch of Gallienus. These and other tales are related by the uncritical
historians of Tivoli (Viola, ii. 173).
' These ruins belong almost entirely to antiquity. No trace
remains of the mediaeval fortress and churches.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 629
Counts of Tusculum disappeared or perhaps survived
in branches in Rome and the Campagna, of which
the Colonna is the most celebrated. These nobles
also obtained possession of the ancient ancestral
palace of the Tusculans beside S. Apostoli in Rome,
where the counts had so frequently held their
tribunals as Consuls of the Romans.^
The property of the ruined city fell, according to
treaty, to the Pope ; ^ the remainder of the inhabi-
tants went to swell the population of the surrounding
district^
The new Emperor marched from Rome to Apulia Henry vi.
to dethrone King Tancred, and the weak Celestine ?ol!^u^,
^ Raino ceded Lariano to the Pope in exchange for Norma and
Vicolo on October 11, 1 179 (Murat., Aniiq. Jt,^ L 141). According to
the terms of a treaty between Cencius Frajapane, his brother Oddo, and
Raino, in 1185, the former and the curia decided to surrender Terra-
cina and Circegium to the latter for Tusculanum and Monte Cavo.
Published by the Austrian School in Rome in Studi e Dcc,^ A. 886,
Doc. per la star, eccL e civile di Rorna^ n. xxx. The Tusculans also
lost Astura, of which the Frangipani were masters in 1 193 (Cencius,
fol. 121). Gigli pretends to have discovered an OttoKnus Domini
Rainoms Tusculani de S. Eustachio Senator 'm 1197. A branch of
the Tusculans, descended from Jordan, a son of Ptolemy, was settled
in Gavignano in Volscian territory (A. 1181, Borgia, ffistor, di
Vellelri, p. 247).
- This was documentarily attested by the Senate on April 19^
1 191. Actum XLVIL A. Senatus Jnd, IX. m, Aprili die XIX.
(Muratori, Antiq» It»^ iii. 788}. The act is signed by Senatores
ConsHarii and twenty-eight Senators.
' Borgia {History of VeUetri^ p. 253) is of opinion that from this
time Molara, Rocca di Papa, Rocca Pergiura (now Priora), and
Castello di S. Cesario became populated. The fiction that Frascati
owed its origin to huts covered with foliage (JrascAe), which sheltered
the roofless Tusculans, has ahready been refuted. Frascati existed as
early as the eighth century.
630 HISTORY OF ROME
offered no opposition to his intention beyond useless
prayers. The union of Sicily with the empire, which
,ran counter to all the traditional principles of the
popes, was a source of trouble, but Celestine was
• powerless to prevent it After rapid victories and
heavy losses in Apulia, Henry VI. was obliged to
return to Germany in 1191, and the Pope, rejoicing
in his departure, ventured the less to infringe the
treaty concluded with the Romans.^ Celestine III.
, was the only Pope who for many years spent the
whole of his pontificate in Rome. AH exterior con-
ditions favoured the continued existence of the
republic, but interior circumstances prevented its
vigorous development Christian Rome was capable
of transient ebullitions in favour of freedom and
greatness, but was deprived of genuine manly civic
virtues through the Papacy. The priest-ridden city
no longer produced a citizen of the heroic stamp of
antiquity. The unfortunate people, who were con*
demned to indolence, and whose year numbered
more festivals than working days, lacked property
because they lacked civic activity, and for this reason
lacked also conscious dignity and force. The causes
of the condition of the Romans are evident, and it
was impossible that any people in the world could
have permanently resisted their influence. The city
guilds, if any survived, were too inconsiderable to
^ In supplement to Bohmer I note the diploma in which Henrf
absolves Gabbio, acta sunt hae A.D. MCXCL Ind. IX, R^. D.
Henrico Sex, invict. A, Reg* ejus XXII, Imp, prime, £>mt* attie
Neapolim per man, magni Henrici prethonet, Nonas Junii. The
original with a gold bull is in the Archives of Gabbio.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 63 1
afford any support to the Roman middle class, which
was poor and weak. It could not vanquish the
patricians and captains, who, either allied with the
Pope, or independent, now weakened, now shattered
the republic.^ Had the nobility been of the same
mould as the nobility of Genoa and Venice, a per-
manent patrician government might have been
formed in opposition to the popes, but the Roman
nobles, engaged neither in commercial nor in s^i-
cultural pursuits, were for the most part illustrious
b^gars or vassals of the popes, of the bishops or the
pious foundations in Rome. The Church had
gradually reduced all these nobles to a state of
vassalage, and had prevented, as far as she was able,
the accumulation or settlement of family property .^
The property of the wealthy was consequently in-
secure and passed from hand to hand. In reading
the contracts of the time our surprise is awakened
by the frequency with which fiefs and fortresses
were bartered and exchanged. Only a few families,
^ The guilds did not form themselves into political bodies until
later ; the guild of merchants probably earlier than, the others. JVos
PcUhjutUx nunatcrum UrHs €t Thomas dd Odiriscis ejus consiliarius
. . . (Mscr, Vatican, of Galletti, n. 8051, p. 35). Galletti places the
instrument, which has no date, at the end of the twelfth century.
Judix is here equivalent to the consul mtrcatorum in other cities.
^ If hereditary nobles remained in possession of fortresses, necessity
soon drove them into vassalage to the Church. On January 11, 1 178,
Adinulf and Landul^ sons of Gregory Pagani, ceded their rights over
Falbateria to the Pope, who invested them with the fortress as
feudum for twenty-nine years for 300 pounds. Noblemen thus became
temporary tenants. Cencius, fol. 113, and from the Vatican original
in Studi e Doc.^ A. 1886, n. xxvi. On January 1 1 Milo ei Rainucius,
sons of Joh. Capparone, ceded Civit^ Castellana and Montdlto^ which
they held in mortgage, to the Curia, n. xxxi.
632 HISTORY OF ROME
such as the Colonna and Orsini^ succeeded in found-
ing actual hereditary lordships in the Campagna.
When, after the peaces of Venice, of Constance and
of Rome, the nobles perceived that the commune
was acquiring stability, they renounced their previous
The system of obstruction. The former consuls entered
nobles the commune to make it aristocratic; members of
comi*^e. ^^^ nobility filled the Senate, where it was easy for
them to obtain election. After 1 143, the majority of
the Senate was entirely plebeian ; nobles entered it
by degrees, and after the time of Clement III. and
^Celestine III.it numbered more patricians of ancient
lineage than burghers or knights.^ The competition
for the Senate was so great that the normal number
of members (fifty-six) was soon overstepped.*
In consequence of these altered conditions a
'revolution took place in 1191 ; the populace revolted
against the aristocracy, overthrew tlie constitution,
and placed, as in ancient times, a single man at the
^ The Acts show that the majority of the Senators at this time were
members of ancient fiunilies: Sassoni, Astaldi, Astolfi, Aniboldi,
Oddi, Tebaldi, Senebaldi, Frenconi, Rainerii, Gul£erani, Farulfi,
Berardi, Roffredi, Gerardi, Bulgamini (all Uiese axe German) :
Mancini, Sarraceni, Romani, Rustic!, Sergii (probably Byzantine),
Boboni, Ursini, Scotti, Ca£Eirelli, Curtebraca, Muti, Tosti, Ottaviani,
Paremdi, Buonfiglioli, Capoccia, Manetti, P&pazorri, Pierleoni,
Frangipani, Stefani, Malebranca, Latroni, Paparoni, Crescencii,
Cencii. Only Corsi, Massimi, Normanni, or Conti do not appear in
the Senate in documents at this period, but this, we believe, b merely
an accident. The Frangipani recognised the Senate from 11 88; in
1 191 Petrus Johannis Fraiapane is found amongst the Consiliatorii.
* SefuUcridus, qui sunt, supra numerum quinquaginta sex Senaiorum,
Qui numerus in fitu pradecessorum ejuseU Calestini summi Pani.
diffiniius cwUimUir, Instrum. of May 28, 1 191 (Muiat, Ant. Jt,^ iv.
3«.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 633
head of the Government This may have been done
in imitation of other cities, which towards the end of
the century had entrusted the authority to a sole
ruler, instead of to the hitherto ruling consuls. The
Romans no longer called the head of their republic
Patricius, nor as in other Italian towns Podestk, but
Senator or Summus Senator. This dignity they be-
, stowed on Benedict Carushomo, a man undoubtedly Benedict
of middle-class origin, who had seized the power ^^"
during a revolt. The government of many hadsummus
shown itself weak ; the rule of the one immediately 1191. '
proved strong, for the Senator Benedict deprived the
Pope of all revenues both inside and outside the city,
and appointed his judges in the provincial districts
also.i The Pope would not at first recognise Bene-
dict, but he afterwards yielded and consented to the
change in the constitution.
Rome perhaps owes to this Senator the first
municipal statute which it issued and which was
ratified by the entire people.^ A few isolated notices
concerning Benedict's activity have come down to us,
' Et status Rom, EccU pessimus eraiproeo^ quod a tempore Bene-
dicii Cariseum (sic I) Senatum Urbis perdiderat^ et idem BenediciuSy se
ipsum faciens Senatorem^ subtraxerat illi Maritimam et Sabiniani^
suosjustictarios in ittis constituens, Gesta Innoc, JIL^ in Baludus,
/. f., 8, Moreover, Ep. Innoc,^ lib. iL n. 239: saprfatus enim B^
cum seipsum intruserit in senatoriam dignitatem^ nee apost, sedis
favarem kabuerit^ ad quam institutio pertinet Senatorum,^atnen ad
eafuit tempore procedente receptus,
^ This is evident, as Vendettini remarks, in the words of the above
quoted letter of Innocent: Dictus autem B, Carosomi^ quoniam
statutum quoddam emiserat, a populo Rom, approbatum . . . the
tenor of the statute, relating to a legal case, follows. It was un-
doubtedly one of a series. Genoa possesses statutes of the year 1143 ;
634
HISTORY OF ROME
Giovanni
CapoociOk
Senator.
Giovanni
Pierleone,
Senator.
And it might perhaps have gratified the eneigetic
Senator to know that his memory is still preserved
in a monumental inscription in Rome. His office
lasted about two years ; he was then overthrown in
a revolt and was long kept a prisoner on the Capitol.^
Giovanni Capoccio was now created sole Senator.^
This Roman belonged to one of the families of the
smaller nobility, who owned towers beside S. Martino
and Silvestro, some of which still remain erect. He
also governed with enei^.^ On his retirement he
was succeeded in office by Giovanni Pierleone.^ A
fresh revolution took place, however, about 1 197 ; tlie
those of Pistoja are perhaps still older. Mon, Hist, ad Ptwindas
Parmensem et Placentinam pertinentia^ Parma, 1855, i., Prefiue, and
Raggi's Pre£Bioe to the Genoese Statutes in Man. Histor, Patrue^
Leggi MunicipaH, p. 236. The first statutes of the consuls of Pisa
date firom 1 162 (Bonaini, Statuti inedtti dclla Citth di Pisa dal XIL
al XIV. secoio^ Flor., 1859, L L and iii : ii. is missing).
^ Ifwidiofn contra se exciiat Ramananun — Mf CapitoUc oisidthtr ei
capitur^ capttuque diu in custodia ttnehtr. {Puueii XVIIL ex Ckro-
nologia Rob. AUissiodorensis^ p. 260.)
' He witnesses an Act of Henry VI. in Monte Fiascone on October
28, 1 196, in which appear Petrus airne urdis Prmf,^Joann€s Capmakeus
(read CapocctHs) Senator Romanm. Muzi, Memorie civiH di Citth di
Castelio, L 19.
' Roger Hov., p. 746 : BemetSctus Camskomo, qui regnmnt super
eos duodus aums, et deinde hadttenmt aUum Senatorem, qui vaeatus
est Johannes Captuhe^ qui • • . regnamt • • • aliis duob^ anms, in
quorum temponb. melius reigebaiur Roma, quam nunc temporib.
56 Ssnatorum. Mscr. Vat., 7934, contains the history of the Capocd
written by Joh. Vincentius Gipoccins in 1623 ; it is of very little use
for the early period. The family, which, according to the author,
came firom Florence, does not appear in Rome before 1073.
^ That Pierleone succeeded Capoccio is shown by £p. n. 239, Inno*
centii IIL, which speaks, in connection with Capoodo, of the tempom
Johanstis Petri Leonis Senatoris UrHs. According to the same letter,
Pierleone was succeeded by several Senators : efus jurisdictio end in
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 635
old constitution of fifty-six Senators and the execu-
tive committee of Consiliatores was restored. And
since the Senate was at this time essentially com-
posed of captains, the change must have been due to
the feudal nobility themselves.^
In the struggle of factions in the commune and in
the mania for novelty, peculiar to all democracies, lay
the Pope's only hope ; he therefore prudently left the
Romans to themselves. The Papacy was severely
threatened, Henry VI. having subjugated Sicily after Hemy vi.
King Tancred's death in 1 194- The perfidy with sSi^fTiS^
which this unscrupulous prince exterminated the last
descendants of the Norman dynasty and the Norman
nobility roused the national feeling of Italy.^ The
Lombards, menaced by a new imperial despotism,
saw the freedom which they had so heroically
acquired threatened with ruin. Henr>% as formerly
his father, bestowed thie public oflices in Italy on
froximc desiiura, supplicaiuni fuU ob eandeni causam stucessoribus
efus Senatoribtis jani electis*
^ Roger Hoveden wrongly places the restoradon of the fifty-stz
Senators in the year 1 194. Another revolution took place immediately
after, and one Senator was appointed ; the Gtsta Imtoe,^ c. viL,
show that when Innocent III. was ordained, there was only one
Senator : comiUmUbus prtrfecto et Sttiatort.
' We may admire the audacity of Henry's schemes, but they do not
alter our moral judgment of his conduct Even Toche cannot ex-
ooemte him from participation in the murder of Bishop Albert, and is
forced to censure his cruel treatment of Salerno (in 1194), as also of
the Sicilians, and his unchi\'alrous conduct towards Richard. Carl
Lohmeyer, De Rickardo Anglia Rege cum in Sicilia commcranU^ turn
in Girmania detente : Konigsbeig, 1857. Ad. Cohen, Heinrich F/.,
Rom. und l/nteritaHen, Ferschunf^, z. Deutsck, GescA., vol. i.
Further the calm judgment of E. Winkelmann, Philipp von Schwaben
und Otto IV. (1873), i., Introduction.
636 HISTORY OF ROME
Germans; he made his brother Philip Duke of
Tuscany and invested him with the estates of
Matilda.^ Conrad of Uerslingen had already re-
ceived Spoleto in fief, and the General Markwald the
Romagna and the Marches. Henry's power encom-
passed the State of the Church like a ring of iron.
Heocca- He occupied the Patrimonium as far as the very
sZeoi gates of Rome.^ With more than youthful intre-
Sd «Sv» P^^**y» ^^ foolish exaggeration, the son of Bar-
to restore barossa conceived the ideal of the empire; he
imperial dreamed of the restoration of imperial universal
nghts. supremacy, of the enslavement of Italy, of the de-
struction of the Gregorian Papacy. He wished to
recover the imperial rights in Rome which his father
had renounced, and, endowed as he was with a spirit
so energetic, he would undoubtedly have succeeded
had he been granted a longer life. The City Prefect
maintained a lasting opposition to the Pope, whose
official he refused to be. His position hitherto, owing
to the imperial investiture, had been too independent
and respected for him calmly to bear the prospect of
its loss. We consequently find the prefects at this
^ On July 31, 1 195, he calls himself PhUippus dux Tuscie et damin,
totius poderis comitisse Matildis: Bohmer, Rtg, Imp,^ ed. Ficker
(1879).
' Gesta Itmoc, III,^ c 8 : H,^-cccupaoerai Mum regnum Sicilian
totumq, patrim, Ecch usque adportas Urbis^ prater solam Campaniam^
in qua tamen plus timebatur ipse quam Papa, Roger Hoveden,
p. 773, knows of a war between the Romans and Markwald in the
Marchia Guamerii (in 1197). As early as 11 85 we find Conradus
Dux Spoleti et Comes Assissi in a document (Fatteschi, Mem. di
Spoleto^ p. 124). An inscription in the cathedral in Temi of 1 187
gives him this title, and speaks of Ccnsuies Terannenses (Angeloni,
Hist, di Temif p. 85).
^
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 637
time constantly in Henry's retinue, which they pur-
posely hastened to join. Henry VI. also drew the
Frangipani to his side. The Frangipani, at this time
the most powerful vassals of the Church, opposed a
permanent defiance to the popes, who were obliged
to leave them in possession of the seaport of Ter-
racina. Here they ruled as despots and frequently
soothed the rebellious commune by treaties.^
In November 1196 the Emperor set forth on his
last expedition to Sicily, accompanied by the Prefect
Peter, by Markwald and Conrad of Spoleto, and
marched through Roman territory to Tivoli, Pales-
trina, and Ferentino.2 He did not touch Rome, but
^ See the peace between them and Terracina, June 28, 1185
(Contatore, ii. c i) ; true, it says salvafidelitate^ et m<tndato D, Papa
et Rom, Curia vid, Cardinalium ; but this was not of much import-
ance. Nos Terracinensess juramis vobis D, Leoni^ et D, Roberto, et
D, Henrico, et D» Manueli et vestris haredibtts, ^uod ad hoc die in
antea erimus vestri recti fideles. That Henry VI. maintained the
Frangipani in their dominion over Terracina is shown by Contatore.
These Consuls of the Romans seem to have been hereditary Counts
Palatine of the Lateran.
* He was in Tivoli on November 16, in Palestrina on November
27, in Ferentino on December 4, Toche, Suppl. i. Peter was Prefect
in 1191 (Mirseus, Op, dipioni,, i. c. 68, where a diploma of Henry VI.
ctnte NeapoUm XV, KcU, Julii is signed Petrus Urhis R, Prof,),
According to Godefrid. Monach., Otto was Prefect in 1192 ; he says
that Constance per Ottonem ill, Rotnanor, praf. Imperatori redditur.
The Prefect Otto Frangipane has already been mentioned in 1186.
We found the Prefect Theobald in the Crusade of 1 189 ; the Pope
had probably invested him with the office in 1188, and Otto remained
rival Prefect in Henry's camp. Peter is again Prefect in 1195
(Murat., Ant, It,, IL 809). He also appears in the diploma of
Henry VI., November i, 11 96, apudFu^neum: Petrus praf, urbis
et Tebaldus frater ejus, et Marquardus dapifer Marchio Ancona
(Memorie LuccAesi, iii. 134). Jordan Petri Leonis fought as captain
on Tancrid's side against Count Bertold ( CAron, Fossa Mov. , A. 1 190).
638 HISTORY OF ROME
from Tivoli held n^otiatiofis with the P<^ concern-
ing the coronation of his little son Frederick, which
ihe anxiously desired^ Rome was suffering from a
famine, and the Pope begged Heniy to relieve it by
supplies of com.* The ill-treated Sicilians rose
against the tyranny of the Emperor, whose own wife
joined the rebels. Henry quenched the insurrection
with an inhumanity unparalleled save in the histCMy
of Asiatic sultans; but after having reduced the
flourishing kingdom to a desert, he was himself
Death €i removed by death. Henry VL, in whom some of the
ix^ ''.great qualities of a ruler were united with unscrupu-
lous want of honour, avarice, and the barbarism of a
despot, died at the age of thirty-two at Messina, on
September 28, ii97- He was followed to the grave
by Celestine HI. on January 8, 1198. The heir of
, the dread power of the empire was a helpless child,
under the guardianship of a bigoted Sicilian mother;
the heir of the impotent Pope, however, was one of
the greatest characters in the annals of the Papacy.
The good fortune of the Church was unbounded.^
" Toche, p. 436.
^ S. Lowenfeld, Ep, Pant, R(m. ined,^ n. 421.
' The gigantic work of the Annals of Baronius ends with the death
of Celestine III. I shall begin VoL V. with Innocent III. It has
been granted me to write every line of this history in the deep silence
of Rome, and I deem myself happy in having been able to pursue the
work during this memorable Present, which has given a new direction
to the fortunes of the illustrious dty. [This volume was b^;un on
November 8, i860, and was finished on April 27, 1862. Victor
Emmanuel entered Naples on November 7, i86a Gseta capitulated
February 13, 1861, and Francis II. and his Queen took refiige in
Rome. Victor Emmanuel was proclaimed King of Italy, March 14,
1861 ; Cavour died June 6, i86i.--Translator.]
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 639
CHAPTER VII.
I. Absence of Culture in Rome in the Twelfth
Century — ^The Law of Justinian — Canon Law —
Collection of Albinus— The Liber Censuum
OF Cencius — The Continuations of the Boojc
OF THE Popes — Dearth of Roman Historians —
The description of S. Peter's by Mallius; of
THE Lateran by John Diaconus.
Throughout the entire course of the twelfth
century the intellectual life of Rome remained half
barbarous as before; a fact which is sufficiently
explained by the continued struggles of the Church
with the emperors, or with the Roman people, the
almost constant exile of the popes^ and a series of
revolutions in the city.
In the twelfth century the sacred chair was
occupied by distinguished men, but among the
sixteen popes who filled it, only four, and these by
no means the greatest, were Romans by birth.
Several of these men had received their education
abroad, more especially in France, where, during the
time of Abelard, Paris had become a celebrated
school of dialectics and theology. We have already
spoken of the close ties which existed between
Rome and France after the time of the Frenchman
Urban II. If in earlier times the order of Cluny
640 HISTORY OF ROME
had been the means of uniting the two countries,
the great reorganisation of monasticism under Ber-
nard of Clairvaux in the twelfth century made this
alliance firmer and more permanent. Political and
ecclesiastical relations closely bound the Papacy to
a country which constantly offered it shelter. The
whole of Italy, at enmity with Germany, maintained
an intellectual intercourse with France, and it is
significant of the period that the greatest genius
among Italians of the age, the scholastic theologian
Peter Lombard, not only taught in Paris, but died
there as bishop in 1 160.
We have seen the influence of the contrary-
doctrines of two celebrated Frenchmen in Rome ; a
pupil of S. Bernard ascended the sacred chair, a
pupil of Abelard imparted his own enthusiasm for
political ideas. If a cardinal had formerly complained
that poverty prevented the Romans from frequent-
ing foreign schools, and had thus explained their
ignorance, things were entirely different in the first
half of the twelfth century. Many noblemen's sons
went to Paris to study.* In Rome itself, however,
neither the presence of the learned Bernard nor the
foundation of his monastery ad Aquas Salvias, nor
the French education of several popes did anything
to promote learning. Neither the Acts of the
Council, nor any other notices throughout the entire
century show that anything was done for the cause
^ Roma tihi sues docendos (ransmiHebat aiumncs, et qua dim
omnium artium scientiam solebat infundere^ sapientiarem te esse
sapiente^ &^c,, thus writes Falco to Abelard (in Tiraboschi, iii, 275).
This applies also to succeeding times.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 64I
of literature ; for a praiseworthy decree of Alexander
III. of the year 11 79, which ordained that every
cathedral church should found free schools for the
clergy and poor scholars, had only a general applica-
tion.^
Calixtus II. found Rome sunk in a state of bar-
barism that must have moved him to despair. Other
learned popes had been prevented from devoting any
permanent attention to educational institutions by
the brevity of their reigns or their disputes with the
commune. Since the time of the reformer-popes,
the holy chair had been surrounded by the best
energies of the Church, and the College of Cardinals
invariably numbered men prominent for theological
attainments. These men, however, seldom belonged
to Rome. In no single department of culture had
Rome produced a citizen of conspicuous ability
during the twelfth century, nor had a school of any
reputation flourished within her walls.
The period is rendered memorable, however, by
the revival of the science of Roman law. That the
Pisans captured in Amalfi the only copy of the
Pandects existing in Italy in 1135, and that the
discovery gave rise to a revival of the study of
jurisprudence, is, it is true, merely a fable. Thejuris-
knowledge of the law of Justinian had never been P™**®"**^
lost in Italy. But during the eleventh, and still
more during the twelfth, century the study of law
received an additional impulse. We have seen
both emperors and republicans appeal to the laws
of Justinian as a foundation for their claims. The
^ C&ncil, Lateran», A. 1 179, Capit. xviii. (Tiraboschi, iii. 248).
VOL. IV. 2 T
642 HISTORY OF ROME
Italian municipal constitution repudiated its historical
beginning, in order to discover its origin in Roman
law. It might have been supposed that Rome would
have been the natural soil for the pursuit of this
study, since the Code of Justinian had never been set
aside in Rome through German invasion. Since
Lothar's Constitution of 824, and since the time
of the Ottos, the foreign national codes became
gradually disr^arded in the city until, under the
Emperor Conrad, Roman law alone prevailed. The
Judex Romanus, which received its name from
Roman law, had been uninterruptedly taught in
schools, by means of compendia, since ancient times.
And if other Italian cities now zealously prosecuted
the study of the law of Justinian, the restored Senate
on the Capitol had surely still greater occasion to
study it. Is it not probable that this study was
revived with vigour in Arnold's time ? The Senators,
who wrote to Conrad, showed themselves well versed
in ancient legal ideas. The monks in the abbey
of Grotta Ferrata also gave evidence of their know-
ledge of the law of Justinian, when in 1140 they laid
their complaint against the house of Tusculum
before the Pope.^ It is consequently impossible to
doubt that Rome produced learned commentators
on the Pandects. No school of law on a laige scale,
however, existed in the city. This honour was left
to the University of Bologna, which in the twelfth
century enjoyed the protection of Frederick I., and
where celebrated jurists, such as Irnerius, Bulgarus,
^ Studi e Docum. tU Storia e Diritto^ 1S86, Alibrandi, OsseroasHoni
giuridieh* sopra il ricorso d^ monaci di GroitaferrtUm . . .
IN THE MIDDLE AGES, 643
Martinus, Jacopus, and Hugo, gathered around them
pupils from eveiy country to found a new science.
The marked division of the city from a legal
standpoint into two bodies, the civil and canonical,
could be explained by the great preponderance of
the ecclesiastical element and by the insignificance
of the Roman School of jurists ; but Canon law
itself was preferably taught at Bologna. About the
year 1 140 Gratian, a Tuscan, here founded a more
complete collection of ecclesiastical laws than had The
hitherto existed. This celebrated law book of the o?^ots
Middle Ages remains, now that criticism has long°^^^*^*"«
exposed the fictions contained within it, the legal
colossus of barbarism and darkness, under whose
spell mankind lay for so many centuries. It falsified
the legal conceptions of Church and State in
order to secure die dominion of the world to the
Papacy.^
Collections of another kind are important for the
fuller understanding of the civil economy of the
Church of that period. Precisely at this time the
need was keenly felt of decisively establishing every
thing that belonged to the regalia of the sacred
chair, whose right to its possessions was disputed
^ Gratian compiled the concordia dUcordantittm canonum in the
monastery of S. Felix at Bologna ; he therein accepts the ancient
fidsehoods concerning Constantine's Donation and the Pseudo-
Isidorian Decretals, as well as other fictions. His predecessors were
Regino, Burkhard of Worms, Ivo of Chartres, and the Gregorians
Deusdedit and Anselm of Lucca. Sarti, de Claris Archigymnas.
Bonon^ professoribus^ i. 247. Bernard of Pavia, under Alexander
III., added the decretalia FrntiJUum, until Gr^^ory IX. completed
the collection.
644 HISTORY OF ROME
on so many diflferent sides. The popes ordered the
collection of all documents that referred to the
Dominium Temporale from the time of its founda-
tion. The Archives of the Lateran and ancient and
modem collections showed great gaps, for many of
the documents had vanished and others had been
falsified. Of the oldest registers of the administra*
tion of the Church domains before Pipin's time
nothing had been preserved. We noticed the first
collection of this kind made by Cardinal Deusdedit
And as the Papacy now beheld its property en-
dangered by the dispute concerning Matilda's patri-
mony and the claims made by the city of Rome to
the regalia of S. Peter, documentary proofs of the
rights of the sacred chair were largely collected.
The task was set on foot by a cleric called Albinus
in the time of Lucius III.*
His comprehensive work was resumed in 1192 by
Cencius, a Roman of the Savelli family and Chamber-
lain under Clement III. and Celestine III. His
surname of Camerarius was frequent after the time
of Honorius III., and shows that the administration
of the papal finances was conducted by the director
of the Apostolic Chamber who bore this title.* Cen-
cius compiled the register of the rents of the Church,
I Gesta pauperis Scholaris Albini. Cod, Oitobon,^ 3057, a beauti-
fill parchment MS. He had ahready collected Canons to complete
Gratian's nine books ; he then came to Rome, where Lucius III.
made him a deacon. Concerning him, see Cenni, Monutn,, L pzae&t.
n. 25, and tom. ii.
' Later called Cardinal Camerlengo. With respect to these matters,
see A. Gottlobi Am der Camera ApostoUca des i^/ahrh,^ Innsbrilck,
1889.
Cftinersi-
rius.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 645
in which the total revenues of the Lateran Camera
from every province were noted. The earlier Liber The u^er
Censuutn of Albinus consequently begins with theofCendus
Provinciaky or gec^aphical review of the provinces ^
and cities of the former Roman empire. The Orbis
Romanus of the Notitia had thus become the Orbis
Ecdesiasticusy and the papal Lateran continued the
geographical registers of ancient imperial Rome.^
We observe that the rents were extraordinarily
small in the Book of RevenueSy although the great
number of people who were obliged to pay tribute
made the total a large one. The bulk of the revenue
was derived from churches and convents in different
parts of the world, which stood under papal patron-
age and law, and which paid an annual '' pension"
for the privilege. Rents were, moreover, received
from bishops, princes, nobles, and castles, from which
tribute was exacted under various titles. The great
register of these taxes is consequently in the highest
degree instructive.*
^ The Codex of Cencias begins : Jncipit liber censuuni Ram. Eccl,
n CtnHo Camerario composUus^ secundum antiquorum patrum Regesta
et memorialia diversa. A. iftcam. dni MCXCIL Pont. CeUstmi Pp.
IIL A. IL The Uher Censuum of Albinus (De redditibus omnium.
Prcvinciarum et Ecciesiar.y qui debentur Rom. EccL) has been
edited by Cenni {A/on,, il) with the Provinciaie; the Liber Censuum
of Cendus by Muratori, Antiq, Ital,y v. 852-908. No complete
edition of Cencius has ever been publi^ed. The Cod, Riccardianus
of the thirteenth century in Florence deserves notice. A second codex
in the same library dates from 1388. Rome possesses several MSS. of
Cencius, the oldest of which is that of the Vatican, 8486 : Paul Fabre,
itude sur un Afscr, du liber Censuum, Ecoie frtm^, de Rome,
Milangesy 1883, p. 328 f. P. Fabre began the edition of Cencius in
1890.
^ England alone annually paid 300 marks de denario b. Petri, Swe-
646 HISTORY OF ROME
The Liber Censuum further contains leases from
the eighth century onwards; donations and privi-
leges since the time of the Carolingians ; ^ the
Norman oath of vassalage; treaties with princes,
nobles, and cities; treaties of the popes with the
emperors and the city of Rome ; formulae of oaths
taken by bishops, judges, senators, and castellans ;
the Ordo Romanus, or the Book of Ritual^ the inven-
tory of all ceremonies and r^^lations belonging to
Church festivals, the election and consecration of
popes and bishops, the coronation of the emperor
and of kings ;^ fragments from the regesta of the
popes ; a papal chronicle ; and even the Mirabilia^ or
the description of the city, are given by Benedict^
Albinus, and Cencius.
den and Norway : singuii lares ^ ptoneiam ejusdem terre.-^Rex Sici/ie
debet pro Apulia^ Calabria et Marsia looo tcifatos, Genoa paid
a pound of gold yearly for Corsica ; Aragon, 500 manctxsi of gold»
The revenues from Rome are insignificant : only the rent of five
churches and a Marabotin from the tower at the pons Judeontm are
registered. From the Canipania Terra Domini Papa die Bishops of
Anagni, Ferentino, Alatri, and Veroli furnished sixty yards of cloth
and 200 porringers (ScttUUas) at every papal coronation. The
manufactures of cloth and pottery are still the only industries of this
district. Ostia furnished two ship-loads of wood ; Anticoli 4*
Scapulas pordnas, et solidos XX, ^ et Z. placentas in festo Nathntatis,
Many Italian churches paid in natura, wax, pepper, cloth, wood,
cakes, incense, oiL The rents from the /euda of the barons are not
noticed ; and they were insignificant.
* They begin with the well-known Hadrianus Papa optinuit a
Karolo rege Francorum et patricio Romanor, The Donation of
Constantine is at the end ; nor is Matilda's bequest absent
' Several books of ritual are edited by Mabillon in his Mns,
Italicum, The Ordo of Benedict, a Canon of S. Peter's under
Innocent II., is specially deserving of notice ; then follow the Ordines
of Albinus and Cencius.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES 647
These works thus contain a wealth of material
badly transcribed and unsystematically compiled.
They are of priceless value in the history of the city ;
for since the papal regesta of these centuries perished,
and since these regesta, as the letters of Gregory VII.
shoWy only referred to ecclesiastical affairs, the rela-
tions of the Papacy to the State of the Church would,
in the absence of these collections, have remained
completely unknown to us. Through their means
alone have we any knowledge of the papal house-
hold, of the system of administration and feudal
relations, and of many other matters of practical
and historical interest. The collections of Albinus
and Cencius are consequently the most important
foundation for a diplomatic codex concerning
the Dominium Temporale of the Popes, and are
therefore of imperishable value.^
Of the actual writing of history in Rome there was ConUnua-
no thought during these centuries. The sole work ^^\^^
of the kind consisted in the official continuation o{^^^-
the recognised Catalogue of the Popes. One-sided^^'
although the character of these biographies in the
twelfth century may be, they are nevertheless highly
valuable on account of their official character, and
^ The collection of Albinus does not extend beyond Adrian IV.
That of Cencius was continued into the fourteenth century, and im-
mensely amplified. The work was resumed by the Cardinal of Aiagon
(who died in 1362). Theiner's Cod. Dipl. Domimi Temporalis S. Sidis
(began in 1861, in three volumes) owed its origin to a similar
necessity. Although incomplete, it possesses the merit of presenting
for the first time a great number of documents collected in chrono-
logical order ; for the similar work undertaken by Platina in the time
of Sixtus IV. remained unpublished.
648 HISTORY OF ROME
from the fact that they were occasionally compiled
by men belonging to the Curia, who had taken part
in the actions which they describe. The writers
were occasionally stirred by great events to forsake
the traditional style of the Catalogues and to give a
greater amplitude to their work. The lives of the
popes from Victor III. to Honorius II. were com-
piled by their contemporaries Peter and Pandulf of
Pisa, men who rise above all\^ previous contributors to
the Liber Pontificalis. The (piographies of Paschalis
II. and Gelasius II. are more 'ipspecially distinguished
by the number of facts, and Tin their simple brevity
are occasionally dramatic. ; They are interesting
from the fact that the authors had taken part in the
events they relate.^
The schism of Anaclete II. put an end to these
biographies, since both authors embraced the cause
of the anti-pope.* The continuation of the Liber
Pontificalis after Innocent II. again assumes its
former character of a catalogue, and only with the
life of Adrian IV. and the important reigfn of Alex-
ander III. (although only until the peace of Venice)
are the biographies given in greater detail by a well
informed contemporary.*
^ See the AU. MonatschrififUr Wiss. und IM. (April 1852), where
Giesebrecht has treated these sources of papal histories.
* Papebroch, A ^.t p. 207. Peter of Pisa was one of the three cardi-
nals who defended Anaclete before Roger. Bernard later effected a
reconciliation between him and Innocent Manrique, AnnaL CisUrCy
A. 1137, 1 138, a I.
^ These Vita were first printed by Baronius as acta vaiicana, {CotL
^^•» 1437)* It ^ the same Book of the Popes which was published
by Muratori under the name of the Cardinal of Aragon (died 1362} ; a
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 649
During the whole of the tumultuous course of the
twelfth century Roman historiography produced
nothing beyond these fragmentary records. Neither
in the convents of the city nor (with the exception
of Fossa Nova and Subiaco) in the convents of
Roman territory was any chronicle compiled at this
period. Godfrey of Viterbo, who sung Frederick's
deeds in a poem, and framed a chronicle of uni-
versal history under the title of Pantheon^ must
be reckoned as belonging to that town, although
the origin of his family is unknown. It is much to
be regretted that while the rest of Italy produced
important historical works, due in part to cultivated
statesmen in the flourishing cities, the revolution in
Rome found no annalist^ While the judge Falco
wrote the chronicle of Benevento in 1 140 ; while the
Consul CafTaro was commissioned by his State to
compile the annals of Genoa; while Bernard Mar-
separate continuation of the History of the Popes from Stephen V. to
Alexander III. A portion of it was transcribed by Cencius as the
Chronica Romanar, PcfUif, Giesebrecht shows that the author was
Boso, an Englishman and the nephew of Adrian IV., whose life and
that of Alexander III. were written by him. He was Cardinal of S.
Cosma and Damiani in 1159 and Magister Camerarius. (Muratori,
Ant,t u 675. ) The Vita /'., under the name of the Cardinal of Aragon,
were^ it is believed, compiled between 1254 and 1265. K Fabre
{icolefr,^ Milangesy 1886, p. 157). The Liber Pontificalis again stops
with the pontificate of Alexander III.
^ The AnnaUs Romani(Cod, Vat,^ 1984, published by Pertz, Mon,
Cerm,^ yii., then by Duchesne in the Lib, Pont^^ vol. ii, 1889), partly
the work of writers of imperial sympathies, are scarcely to be called
annals. The revolution in Rome is not touched upon in them, the
period after Calixtus II., with the exception of a fragment concerning
Barbarossa, remains unnoticed Bethmann, Archiv, der Gesell. fiir
deutsche Gesch,^ xi, 841.
650 HISTORY OF ROME
angone wrote the earliest chronicle of Pisa ; while two
judges of Lodi, Otto and Acerbus Morena, and the
Milanese Sir Raoul described Frederick's deeds, and
Hugo Falcando put together a valuable fragment of
the Norman history of Sicily (from 11 54 to 1169X
there were unfortunately in Rome neither laymen
nor clerics to emulate men such as these.
Priests instead compiled some writings of a docu-
mentary nature about their churches. The ancient
basilicas of the city, like kingdoms, found their
historians in the course of time, and what could
offer more attractive material than S. Peter's and
Peter the Lateran ? Peter Mallius, Canon of S. Peter's,
wrote a description of this basilica, which he dedi-
cated to Alexander III. An accurate account of
the temple in the twelfth century would have been
of great value, but Mallius's document is nothing
more than a meagre, collection of notices. It goes
back to the building under Constantine, and dwells
at length on Charles and his donation of the State
of the Church. Mallius's chief aim was to prove by
documents the foundation of the rights of his
cathedral, and this, as also the enumeration of
buildings and votive gifts, was taken from the Liber
Pantificalis and the papal r^esta. In his little
pamphlet are collected historical and statistical
matters, details of ritual, descriptions, the list of the
papal tombs, the inscriptions of which he has pre^
served ; and even in its imperfection the work is
remarkable and instructive as the first independent
monograph treating of S. Peter's.^
^ Mallius's work was published for the first time by De Angelis as
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 65 X
Its pendant is the oldest description of the Lateran
basilica, by John, a canon of this church. It was
compiled by command of Alexander III., and is of
no slight value for the history of the Lateran, more
especially after the reconstruction of the church by
Sergius 1 11.^
These monographs are based on a twofold species
of literary production of the time, the Ordtnes
Romanty or ritual books of the Church, and the
Mirabtlia. Mallius drew portions from both one
Dtscripiio Basil. VeUris Fa/icana, Rome, 1646; then better by
Janning as ffisf. Basil, AntiquaS. Petri A^st, in Vat, {Acta Sctor,^
vii. Jun., pp. 37-56). See concerning him De Rossi, Inscr, Christ,
Urbis Roma^ voL ii. pars. L (1888) p. 193 f. Not until the fifteenth
century was the description oi S. Peter's continued by Maffeus Vegius
(De Rebus aniiquis memerabil. Basilica S, Petri Roma), The
literature produced concerning the cathedral from this time onwards
would fill a small library.
^ Johannis Diaconi lib, de eccl, Lateran, (Mabillon, Mus, Ital,^ ii.
560). Appendices are added until sac, 13 ; a description is inserted
of S. Maria Maggiore. Alexander III. probably had books of this.
kind compiled for all five basilicas. It agrees with Mallius in many
points. According to him there were eighteen diaoonates: S,
Adrianus, Agatha in Equo Martnoreo, S, Angelus, Costna et
Damianus, Eustachius, Georgius, Lucia in Circojuxta Septa SoUs.
Lucia in capite Subura {Juxta Orphea), Maria Nova ; in Dominica /
in Scola Greca ; in Porticu ; in Aquiro ; in Via Lata. NicoL in
Carcere, Quiricus, Sergius et Bacchus, Theodorus, Twenty abbeys t
Alexius. Agatha in Subura, Anastasius, BasiHus juxta PalaHum
Trajaniimp, Blasiusincantusecuta, Casarius in Palatio, Cosma
et Dam* in Vico Aureo (Trastevere). Gregorius in CHvo Scauri^
Laurentius in Panispema, S, Maria in Pallara ; in Castro Aureo,
PaneratiusinViaAureHi, Saba, Silvester inter duos hortos, Thomas
juxta Formam CUmdiam, Trinitatis Scottorum, Valentinus in Via
Flainmia, There were besides smaller convents which are found in
the Ordo Rom, , xil , according to which at the end of the twelfth century
Rome had about 300 churches and convents.
652 HISTORY OF ROME
and the other. Thus he borrows from them the
following account of the Vatican Borgo and Tomb
of Hadrian. " The grave of Romulus, which is called
Meta, stands in the Naumachia near S. Maria in
Transpontina ; it was panelled with the ms^ificent
stone of which the staircase of S. Peter's is con-
structed. It is surrounded with a travertine pave-
ment of twenty feet, with a cloaca, and with its
flower^arden. The Terebinthus of Nero stands in
its neighbourhood, as high as the fortress of S.
Angelo, and panelled with wondrous stone. This
building was round and formed of two tiers, like the
fortress; its edges were covered with stone plates
wjiich served instead of eaves. The Apostle Peter
was crucified near this building." ^
'* There also is the fortress which was the memorial
of the Emperor Hadrian, as we read in the sermon
of the holy Pope Leo, on the feast of S. Peter, where
he says: *the Memoria of the Emperor Hadrian.'
It is a temple of marvellous size, entirely covered
with stone and adorned with various histories. It is
surrounded by brass rails, with great peacocks and
with a bronze bull ; two of these peacocks are now
found in the fountain of the Paradiso.* Four horses
^ The Terebinihus Neranis of the Mirabilia^ of Mallius, and of the
Ordines refers to the legendary turpentine tree, in the neighbourhood
of which Peter was said to have been buried. Mediaeval legend oat
of this tree constructed a great monument, similar to the Meta Romulu
This fabulous monument appears in many representations of Rome,
for the first time in a view by Cimabue. J. Strigowski, Cimabtu und
Hom.^ 1888, p. 79.
^ The bronze pine-cone and two peacocks belonging to the Canthams
in S. Peter's, destroyed under Paul V., are still to be seen in the
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 653
of gilt bronze stood at the four corners of the temple ;
at each fagade were bronze doors, and in the middle
of the building stood the porphyry tomb, which is
now in the Lateran, and in which Pope Innocent is
buried. Its cover is in the Paradiso of S. Peter's,
over the grave of the Prefect" (viz., Cinthius, the
friend of Gregory VII.).
Mallius copied these fantastic accounts with but
little alteration from the Mirabilia.
2. The Mirabilia Urbis Romm,
The twelfth century favoured the earliest studies
of Roman archaeolc^y. The Senators, who flattered
themselves that they had restored the republic on
the Capitol, calling to mind the monumental splen*
dour of ancient Rome, rebuilt in imagination the city
of wonders of their ancestors. In spite of the ruth-
less destruction of centuries, Rome was the oldest
city in the West, and an antique, if decayed, spirit
still survived, which asserted itself among the people
and came into collision with the Church. At the
time of the restoration of the Senate, the Graphia The
and Mirabilia assumed the form in which they have urHs
come down to us: they were henceforward dis-t^f*^*
seminated in transcripts, but were also reduced to nature of
absurdity by ignorant copyists. The two works, ^'^"8:*"*
which are different recensions of the same substance,
court of the Belvedere. According to tradition, the Pigna once
adorned the summit of the Pantheon, and not the Mausoleum
of Hadrian: Lacoor-Gayet, La Pigna du Vatican (EcoU franf,^
M4langeSt 1881, p. 312 f.). This, however, is merely legend.
654 HISTORY OF ROME
if they do not purposely reject ecclesiastical Rome,
nevertheless turn with decided preference to the
Pagan city. And this preference excited so little
surprise that even the papal archivists, such as
Benedict, Albinus, and Cencius, incorporated the
Mirabilia in their official collections. The mention
of the graves of Innocent II. and Anastasius IV.,
of the towers of the Frangipani and the Pierleoni,
finally of the Palace of the Senators on the Capitol,
shows that this description of the city was completed
in the latter half of the twelfth century. And
although older ingredients, more especially the
Book of Imperial Ceremonies^ of the time of the
Ottos, have been added to the Graphia, its compila-
tion is also due to the same period; nor have we
any Codex of the Mirabilia of older date than the
twelfth century.
Between the Curiosum Urbis^ or at least between
the Anonymous of Einsiedeln and the Mirabilia^
there intervenes a chasm of centuries spanned by no
connecting link. The description of the city, which
was amplified from the account in the Curiosum^
doubtless grew up by degrees : portions of it were
known to the chroniclers of Soracte, and the entire
account may have been pieced tc^ether in the
twelfth century. The piecemeal origin of the Mira-
bilia^ at any rate, cannot be denied; nevertheless,
the original recension is missing. In the second
half of the twelfth century Roman and Italian
authors, the Canon Benedict, Albinus and Cencius,
Godfrey of Viterbo, Peter Mallius, Romuald of
Salerno, and later Martinus Polonus and Signorili,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 655
made use of the Mirabilia^ sometimes made extracts
from it, and occasionally incorporated it and retouched
it in their works.^
In this curious composition, written by an un-
known scholar, concerning The wanders of the City
of Rome, Roman archaeology, which has now
attained such appalling proportions, puts forth its
earliest shoots in a naYve and barbarous form and in
a Latin as ruinous as its subject The good sense
and absurdity, the accurate knowledge and pardon-
able mistakes therein mingled, are not wholly put
to shame by the pretentious learning of later and
present-day archaeologists, whose opinions, if united,
would reduce Rome to a labyrinth utterly offensive
to the historian. It is intensely interesting to picture
the aspect of the city in the twelfth century, when
its majestic ruins stood, not as skeletons and illustra-
tions of a science, skilfully cleansed, railed off and
excavated to their base, but transformed, as they
were at this earlier period, into defensive towers
bristling with the weapons of fierce consuls, or into
picturesque dwellings, or abandoned to nature.
Many ruins which have now disappeared, or which
have lost their marble decoration, stood in the twelfth
^ I do not believe that the MirabiUa are a product of the twelfth
century at the earliest. They must have been planned in the time of
the Ottos. William of Malmesbury (Degestis reg. Anglor.^ iii. c. 2)
does not seem to have known the work. He only quotes an ancient
catalogue of the graves of the martyrs, under the rubric of the four-
teen gates and roads, and these localities were entirely altered at the
time when he wrote in the first half of the twelfth century. The
conception Mirabilia, entirely peculiar to the twelfth century, is
popular ; that of Graphia is scholastic.
656 HISTORY OF ROME
century erect in the midst of streets, and were known
to the people now by correct, now by l^endary,
names. In reading the Mirabilia surprise is awakened
by the number of buildings which remained even
after the Norman fire. For although the description
of the city still enumerates many places and monu*
ments, which had either been altered or had perished
in the twelfth century, it nevertheless frequently
describes and mentions others that actually survived.
We can test its accuracy in many places by
comparing the notices with contemporary books of
Church ritual, which throughout give the same
popular names of the monuments. The ritual books
describe the route taken by the papal procession
through Rome, and clearly determine it by buildings
and streets. On certain festivals, instead of riding
in gilt carriages, the popes performed the distance
barefoot. The wearied and aged men rested at
appointed stations, where couches (lectult) were
prepared in public for their use;^ or they rode,
surrounded by their court and crowned with the
regnunty on a white mule {albus palafredus\ which
had a silver bridle and was covered with purple.
The Ordo of the Canon Benedict of the year 1143,
in the Codex of which we actually find the Mirabilia,
describes the route taken by the procession as
iTie Via foUows : " The Pope proceeds across the (Lateran)
ao^Stog ^^^ ^y S- Gregorius in Martio, passes under the
^HMiia ^^^ ^^ *^^ Aqueduct {Martia, from which S.
^ One of these couches stood on the Bridge of S. Angelo. In some
churches a foot-bath was kept ready for the pope. See the Orda
Homanus,
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 657
Gr^ory receives its name), to the Great Way, goes
to the right past S. Clemente and turns to the left
towards the Coliseum. He goes through the Arcus
AurecEi (an arch which leads to the Forum of
Nerva), past the Forum of Trajan (that is, the Forum
of Nerva) as far as S. Basilius (now delle Annunzia-
tine), ascends the hill near the Militias of Tiberius
{Torre delle Milizie)\ descends by S. Abbacyrus,
passes S. Apostoli, turns to the left to the Via Lata,
turns aside by the Via Quirinalis, passes S. Maria in
Aquiro, proceeds to the Arch of Pietas, then to the
Field of Mars past S. Tryphon near the Posterulae
to the Bridge of Hadrian. He crosses the bridge
and issues through the Porta Collina in front of the
Temple and fortress of Hadrian ; passes the obelisk
of Nero, traverses the portico near the Tomb of
Romulus, and ascends to the Vatican, the Basilica
of the Apostle Peter."
'' As soon as the Mass is finished, he is crowned in
front of the basilica, where he mounts his horse, and
so crowned returns in procession along the Sacred
Way. Having passed through the portico and
crossed the bridge already mentioned, he goes under
the triumphal arches of the Emperors Theodosius,
Valentinian, and Gratian, and approaches the Palace
of Chromatius, where the Jews sing their hymn of
praise. He further proceeds through the Parione
between the Circus of Alexander (now Navona) and
the Theatre of Pompey ; down through the Portico
of Agrippina (at the Pantheon) up through the
Pinea (Region or Piazza della Pigna), near the
Palatina (the ancient site called ad Pallacenas near
VOL. IV. 2 U
658 HISTORY OF ROME
S. Marco), past S. Marco, thence through the Arch
of the Hand of Flesh (Manus Camea\ through the
Ciivus Argentarius between the block of the same
name {Basilica Argentaria) and the Capitol ; ascends
in front of the Mamertine prison {privata Mamertint) \
then proceeds under the triumphal Arch (of Severus),
between the Templum Fatale (Arch of Janus) and
the Temple of Concord, further between the Forum
of Trajan (Nerva) and the Forum of Caesar ; through
the Arch of Nervia, between the Temple of the same
goddess and the Temple of Janus ; ^ upwards past
the Asylum through the paved street where Simon
Magus fell (the ancient Via Sacra) near the Temple
of Romulus (Basilica of Constantine). He then goes
through the triumphal Arch of Titus and Vespasian,
which is called after the Seven-branched Candle-
stick ; descends to the Meta Sudans, in front of the
triumphal Arch of Constantine, turns left in front of
the Amphitheatre and so returns by the Sacred Way
{Sancta Via) past the Colosseum to the Lateran«'' ^
^ Subinirat arcum Nervia inter templum ejusdem Dea et tempium
Jam; the Temple of Minerva in the Forum of Nerva, which had
been begun by Domitian* The mighty ruins of this temple were first
demolished by Paul V. An Arch of Janus built by Domitian, called
by the people Area di Noi^ stood here. Bunsen (Stadtbeschr,^ iii.)
has shown that by the Forum of Trajan the Ordo meant that of
Nerva.
> Ordo Rom, XL auct. Benedicto (MabiU., Mus. Ital., iL 143).
This passage is one of the most valuable notices of mediaeval
archseology. The procession moved in a wavy line through the
Forums, which shows that in many places the way was obstructed by
accumulations of ruins. Thus the part of the Forum adjoining the
Capitol was buried in dust ; close to the ruined base of the G)lttnm of
Phocas stood a tower called del campanarOy or di paUara^ where tax
was levied on cattle. Cam. Re, // Campidoglio elesue adiacetae nei
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 659
Thus a new Via Sacra had arisen for Christian
pomps. The last portion of this route, extending
from the Colosseum to the Lateran, was caJled
Sancta Via; and the papal processions purposely
made their way through the ancient triumphal arches
of Paganism. Along the papal route Christian monu-
ments alternated with Pagan ruins; but even the
books of ritual of the time spoke of the latter with
a decided preference. The book of the MirdbUia
enumerates all; even the palace of the Prefect
Chromatins in the r^ion Parione, where the Jews
stationed themselves, is not forgotten. It describes
this Roman building, which then survived in ruins
near S. Stefano in Piscina, as Templum Olovitrettm^
that is to say, " entirely inlaid with mosaic, entirely
made of glass, crystal, and gold with magic art, and
provided with an astronomy of the heavens." It is
also aware that Sebastian with Tiburtius, son of the
Prefect Chromatins, had destroyed this marvellous
palace.1
sec, XIV, (BuU, Coni,^ x. 98). The Temple of Romulus, which
Becker (i. 377) explains as adts Penatium^ Bunsen as that of Venus
and Rome, can here only be the Basilica Nova of Constantine.
^ Ad S, Stephan, in Piscina palatium ChromtUii prctf, Templum
quod dicebaiur olovitrewn^ tottun factum ex crystallo et auroper arUm
mathemcdicam^ ubi erat asironomia cum omnib, signis ccsli. This is
taken by the Mirabilia {Cod, Vai,, 3973) from the Acta S, Tiburtii
Martir, ac Chromaiii, See Acta Sanctor,^ August 11, t. ii. 622,
February 23, p. 372, where Chromatius says: habeo cubicu/um
Molovitreum, in quo omnis disciplina stellamtn ac mathesis est
mechanica arte constructat in cufus faJbrica pater metis Tarquinius
amplius quam ducenta pondo auri dignoscitur expendisse. Remains
of this ancient palace were discovered when the church of S.
Sebastian on the Via S. Lucia was destroyed. Urlich, in Rom,
Stadtbeschr.f iii, 3, 84.
66o HISTORY OF ROME
The Ordo Romanus thus proves the topographical
accuracy of the Mirabilia ; and in other cases also
this description of the city, in spite of its barbarous
style, repeatedly shows the accuracy of its observa-
tions, which the archaeology of the present day is
obliged to confirm. Its author drew from various
other sources beside local traditions. The Curiosum
and Notitia formed his oldest authorities ; he rejected,
however, their division of regions as being no longer
adapted to his time. He satisfied himself with the
somewhat altered summary of the walls, gates, hills,
and bridges.^ The still important rubrics : palaces,
baths, triumphal arches and theatres, are given by
him without enumeration; he dwells on them by
preference, but presents them very confusedly. For
the benefit and pleasure of the pilgrim he goes on to
enumerate the churchyards and places celebrated in
the history of the martyrs — information which he
derives from the Books of tlie Stations belonging to
the various churches, the Pontificale and the martyro-
logies. One of the ingenuous copyists of the Book
of the Mirabilia, steeped in the study of the Calendar
of the Saints^ confuses the Fasti of Ovid (much em-
ployed by the author of the Mirabilia) with a martyro-
^ Murus cvuUaiis R. habet turres 361, casteUa ^^propugfu 6900,
portas XII, sine trtmstiberim, Posteruie V, (Albinus and QxL Vai^y
3973). A circumference of 22 miles, which is fedse. The numbers,
which differ from those of the Anon, of Einsiedeln and Benedict of
Soracte, agree almost entirely with the Graphia, The later recension
of Prague (printed by Hofler in Papencordt's Gtsch, der Stadt Rcm^)
inserts the survey of the Campiy Basilica^ Via, and the Statues, with
distortions of the Notitia and with additions. The compileis of the
Mirabiiia were well acquainted with the ancient breviaries.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 66 1
logy of Ovidius.^ Then follow some sections in
different order, according to the different recensions ;
of the Pine Cone which stood in Rome; of the
Capitol ; of the Temple of Mars in Rome ; of the
Marble Horses ; of the judges of the Emperors in
Rome ;^ of the Column of Antoninus. Finally with
many repetitions the description is given of the
Vatican and S. Angelo, the Tomb of Augustus,
the Capitol, the Forums, the Palatine and other
hills, and the history of the bronze horse in front
of the Lateran. The building of the Pantheon and
Agrippa's vision are also added.
A few extracts suffice to show the manner of de-
scription in general adopted by the Mirabilia : " Here
(at the side of the Forum) is the Temple of Vesta, in
whose interior the dragon is said to sleep, as we read
in the life of S. Sylvester ; and there is the Temple
of Pallas and the Forum of Caesar and the Temple
of Janus, which, as Ovid says in the FasH^ foresees
the year from the beginning to end. Now, however,
^ Sicut reperitur in marthHogio Ovidii de fastis; in Albinus :
tnarthihgio Ovidii de faustis; in Romuald: marthiplcgio. . . . We
see how a more correct original must lie even behind these the best
recensions. The nonsense in them frequently provokes laughter.
The Porta Septimiana is explained by the Mirabilia: ubi septem
laudesfiterunt facta Octaviano, The Grapkia : septem Naydes juncte
Jano (likewise the Mirabil, of Albimus). The Graphia : In palatio
NeraniSf quod ex latere et rana dicis Lateranum ; a copy adds to
rana: quam latenter peperit Nero, The name Quirinal: quia ibi
stabant Quiritis, A goddess Nervia was created out of Nerva.
' De judicibus Imperatorum in Roma; only a fra^;ment of the
larger diapter of the Graphia. The Mirabilia have rejected, as
antiquated, the last portion of the Graphia, which is a book of imperial
ritual of the time of the Ottos.
662 HISTORY OF ROME
it is called the tower of Cencius Frangapane." The
ruins of the Palatine, also called Palantius Mons^ are
but briefly noticed: "Within the Palatium is the
Temple of Julius ; in the front of the Palatium the
Temple of Sol ; on the same Palatium the Temple
of Jupiter, which is called Casa Major^'^ Of the
Circus Maximus : " The Circus of Priscus Tarquinius
was one of wonderful beauty, and so graduated that
no Roman interfered with the view of another.
Arches inlaid with glass and yellow gold stcod on
the summit; the houses of the Palatium stood
above where the women sat in a circle to watch the
game, when it was given, on May 14, Two Agulia
(obelisks) stood in the centre, the smaller eighty-
seven feet high, the greater one hundred and tw^enty-
two. At the entrance and on the summit of the
triumphal Arch stood a horse of gilt bronze, which
seemed about to rush on the course, as if a warrior
were going to charge with him : on the arch at the
other end a second horse of gilt bronze. The seats
of the Emperor and the Queen, whence the games
^ Palatium majus in Pallanteo monte; and the Graphia: PalatiuHt
magnum monarchia orbis ; in qito seeks et caput totius mundi est, ei
palatium Casarianum in Palanteo, The imperial palaces are aJso
always designated palatium majus in plans of the city in the Middle
Ages. The Palatine is the one of all the hills of Rome which
suffered least from the Middle Ages. Much still remains to be dis-
covered here. The Ex-King Francis II. sold his share of the imperial
palaces (they were held by five different owners) to Napoleon III«,
for whom Pietro Rosa first made excavations. The Ex- Emperor of
the French then sold his portion to the Italian Government in 1S70,
and henceforward Signor Rosa has continued his excavations with
success. The recent discoveries here are consequently connected
with the &11 of two monarchs.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 663
could be seen, were also at the summit of the Pala-
tine." " In front of the Temple of Trajan, where its
doors still remain, was the Temple of Zeus." " Near
the Schola Greca was the Temple of Lentulus ; on
the other side, where the tower of Centius De Origo
now stands, the Temple of Bacchus.^ In Elephantus
stood the Temple of the Sibyl, that of Cicero in Tulli-
ano, and the Temple of Zeus, where was the golden
arbour, and the Templum Severianum."* **In the
Field of Mars was the Temple of Mars, where the
Consuls were chosen on the kalends of July, and re-
mained until the kalends of January ; if the Consul
elect was free from offence, he was confirmed in his
consulate.^ The Roman victors placed in this temple
the rostra of vessels, which formed a spectacle for
all nations." " On the summit of the fagade of the
Pantheon stood two bulls of gilt bronze. In front of
the palace of Alexander were two Temples of Flora
and of Phoebus. Behind the place on the spot now
occupied by the Shell was the Temple of Bellona, on
which was inscribed : —
Roma vetustafui: sednunc nova Roma vocabor:
Eruta ruderibus culmen ad altafero^ *
1 This may be the present so-called Temple of Vesta or that of
Fortmia Virilis. The templum LenMi {Leniis in the Graphia) was
the Arch of Publius Lentulus Scipio between the Tiber and the
Aventine, on which Poggio still read the inscription.
^ The Templum Jovis and Severiimum belonged to the Portico of
Octavia. I have already noticed the ruins of S. Nicola in Carcere
Tulliano in another passage.
' Sipurus erat a crimine iUe qui electus erat Consul, conjirmabaiur
ei Consulaius. The manuscript of Prague adds the remarkable words :
propter quod factum muHi adhuc eonsules romanorum vocantur,
^ Thus also the Graphia, A large ancient basin or conca stood,
664 HISTORY OF ROME
The Mirabtlia frequently designate the monuments
of antiquity by the churches which were built within
their ruins, and we see that they occupied themselves
almost exclusively with such monuments. The
book thus contains nothing more or less than the
archaeological knowledge of Rome, in an age when
Italy made the courageous effort to shake off the bar-
barism of the Middle Ages, the rule of priests, and
the tyranny of the foreigner, at one stroke. The Book
of the Mirabtlia consequently appears the logical
consequence of the archaeological restoration of the
ancient city in the time of the formation of the free
commune. And we may suppose that it was con-
sequently the favourite study of the Senators at the
time. That its compiler could have been other than
a Roman is impossible. He expresses with convic-
tion the essentially archaeological aim of his book
in the following words : " These and many other
temples of the Emperors, Consuls, Senators and
Prefects existed in this golden city in Pagan times,
as we read in ancient annals, and have seen with our
own eyes. How they shone resplendent with gold,
silver, bronze, ivory and precious stones, we have en-
deavoured as far as we were able to describe for the
benefit of posterity in this book,"^
as on other piazze, as an ornament in front of S. Eustachio at this
time. The Conca Parionis in the neighbourhood of the Theatre of
Pompey is also mentioned.
1 This sentence, which is incomplete in the Graphia and other
recensions, runs thus in the Cod, Vat,, 3973 : hac et alia mu&a
templa et palatia imperatorum, comu/um, senaiarufn, prefectorumque
tempore pagatw^m in hac romana ur6e, sicut in priscis annaHhis
iegimus et oculis nostris vidimus, et ab antiquis audivimus : ptemta
PV
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 665
The archaeologist of the present day still owes a
debt of gratitude to the scholar who compiled the
work, and if criticism enable him to separate the true
from the false, may derive much benefit from its
pages. The author was an investigator and the fore*
runner of Flavius Blondus ; and to him belongs the
credit of the first attempt to reconstruct the ruined
city and to trace the plan of its historic monuments.
But the real Roman city is veiled not only in the
MirabUia, but in all other archaeological books as
well, as it were in a troubled moonlight The pro-
gress of time covers all the creations of history, how-
ever great and splendid, with dust. After genera-
tions search with pretentious pains to discover
evidences of the past, in order to arrive at half the
knowledge once possessed by every child^
etiam essent pukhrUudmis auri et argerUi^ heris et eboris pretiosorurn
lapidum^ scriptis ad posterum memonam quanto melius potuimui
reducere urammus. This is not given by Mont&ucon's MirabiUa,
^ The editions of the Mirabilia begin with the Roman ones at the
end of sac» zv. That of Montfancon is of the year 1702. Later
editions are those in the Effemeridi lUerarte di Roma, i. ; of GrSsse ;
Hofler; and Urlichs. The last Roman edition was published in
1864. Then Gustav Parthey's Mirabilia Romtt e codicib, vat.
emendaia^ Berlin, 1869. Since Herr Parthey did me the honour of
dedicating his work to me, I here express my thanks to that scholar.
The best and oldest recension is contained in the codices of Canon
Benedict (Liber Polypticus in the Vallicelliana) ; Cod. Vatican., n.
3973 (Chronicle of Romuald) ; Cod, Ottobon,^ n. 3057 (Albinos, from
which Cencios drew his material). This, according to de Rossi's
opinion, contains the earliest recension ; but this also points to a
better original, which is no longer found, and de Rossi himself agrees
with me in tins view: Roma Sotterran.^ i 158. There are still
several other codices, also outside Italy, more especially of later date
than the thirteenth century. The Anonymous Magliabecchianus of
the fifteenth century, published by L. Merklin, Dorpat, 1852, is a
^S6 HISTORY OF ROME
3. Legends of Roman Statues — Virgil in the
Middle Ages — ^Virgil as Prophet and Necro-
mancer — Virgil the Enchanter in Rome and
Naples — ^Accounts of him at the end of the
Twelfth Century — ^Description of Rome at
this period by the Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela.
The archaeological book of mediaeval Rome gives
rise to some other considerations. It is curious in this
age of romantic fiction to find that the character of
the Mirabilia remained so pronouncedly achaeolc^-
cal, that the legendary element was almost entirely
relegated to the background. While the Churdi
cherished the legends of the mairtyrs, she avoided
profane traditions ; the taste for fable, moreover, is
foreign to the Italian people, whose country — filled to
overflowing with historic figures — and whose dear
skies are unfavourable to the visions of dreamland.
The Mirabilia contain surprisingly few legends :
almost all (and this is characteristic of Rome) refer
to the statues.
At a time when the art of sculpture had perished,
its noble remains within the city must have awakened
admiration ; foreign pilgrims, more especially if
possessed of the culture pf Hildebert of Tours, must
have been roused to an almost Pagan enthusiasm at
the sight of these works, or must have considered
them as the product of magic art. More immediately
and more vividly than all other remains of antiquity,
compilation from the Regionanum^ the MinUnlia^ and other topo-
graphical accounts.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. (£i7
the Statues represented the ideals of the classic The
world to the populace, who had foi^otten and nOandUie
longer understood the poetry of the ancients. No Jj^^
artist was an}nvhere able to fashion a marble figure centre
such as those which remained, like strangers from them,
another world, in the midst of ruins of baths and
temples. The gods of Greece looked out of the eyes
of lonely statues on a barbarous race, which had been
roused by the Crusades and the East, and, at a time
when Roman law and the Roman republic were re-
stored, began to remember the beauties of Paganism.
The precious l^end of the Marble Venus is signifi-
cant of this tone of mind in Rome. A youth play-
fully put a ring on the finger of the goddess, which
she retained as a wedding-ring. This interesting
fable reveals a slumbering consciousness in the
human mind of its indestructible connection with
ancient culture. It heralded a knowledge of a return
to the beautiful forms of Pagan art.^ The legends,
however, which were associated with the statues of
Rome only testify to the fact that these lost works of
Greek genius remained uncomprehended by a race
that had relapsed into barbarism. They could only
be seen in Rome ; in no other place, without making
excavations, were there to be found so many statues
of marble and bronze. The fables of the Roman
statues, although in some cases undoubtedly due to
the excited imagination of Northern pilgrims, may as
probably have been invented by the Romans as by
^ Very pleasingly related by William of Malmesbary (Z^ Gutis reg,
Anghr.^ iL c. 13). This l^end provided the material for the opera
of Zampa or the Marble Bride.
668 HISTORY OF ROXE
fordgners. The curious story of the bronze statue
on the Field of Mars, who pointed with one finger
to the earth, while on his head were inscribed the
words " Strike hne " (Jucptrcute /), and the meaning
of which was discovered by the celebrated Pope
Gerbert, sprang undoubtedly from the brain of some
pilgrim, who dreamed of enchanted treasures in sub-
terranean Rome.^ The legend pointed in truth to the
mysteries of the antique world which lay buried
beneath the soil of the city. How often when walk-
ing through the ruins of the Forum, in the Field of
Mars, or in the deserted baths, might we not halt
and cry ^ hie percuie" I For countless statues still
remain buried waiting for the magic word, or the
accident which will burst the covering of their
graves.
The Mirabilia inform us that Romulus erected his
golden statue in his palace with the motto : ^ It will
not fall until a Virgin gives birth to a child," and
that immediately on the Saviour's birth, the statue
fell to the ground.^ They relate the suggestive
^ William of Malmesbury, c. lo. Gerbert had excavations made
on the spot where the shadow of the finger touched the ground, and
descended into a subterranean enchanted palace.
' PaUUium RotntUi inter S, Mariam Novam et S. Cosmaiem^ ubi
sunt due tdes Pietatis et Concordie, ubi posuii Romulus statuam sueun
auream dicens : Non cadet^ donee virgo pariet* Siatim ut peperit
virgCi stcUua ilia corruit (Mirabilia, ed. Parthey, p. 5). The
Palace of Romulus is in the Mirabilia now the Basilica Nova, as is
here evident from its position ; now the double Temple of Venus
and Rome, which was called odes pietatis et concordiee in the
Middle Ages. Jordan (7<;»^., ii. 508) has rejected my opinion, but
L. Duchesne has acknowledged it as correct {Acole Jr., M4lemg€s,
1M6, p, 3a).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 669
legend of another statue which spoke to the apostate
Emperor Julian and enticed him back to Paganism.^
Even their chief profane legends refer to statues, and
the reader of this history is already acquainted with
the curious anecdotes relating to the equestrian
statue of Marcus Aurelius, the two marble colossi
and the sounding statues on the Capitol.
The ancient fable of the statue of the Campidoglio
was later associated with the cycle of legends which
centred round the " enchanter Virgil," and we may
here express our surprise that the author of the
Mirabilia scorned to reproduce the legends concern-
ing Virgil in his work. The verses of Rome's
greatest poet, which were declaimed by rhetoricians
long after the fall of the empire, were no longer
recited in the ruins of Trajan's Forum. The use of
the Italian language already rendered it difficult to
understand them ; the Latin Muse, even the Muse
of epigram, was almost silent in Rome during the
twelfth century, while she elsewhere put forth fra-
grant blossoms such as the songs of the wandering
scholars. It would be a difficult task to discover the
hidden school of any grammarian who explained the
jEndd or Eclogues to his pupils. Nevertheless, we
have no doubt that the knowledge of Virgil still sur-
vived in Rome ; the writer of the Mirabilia was also
acquainted with Ovid, while Horace, the man of the
^ Ad S, Mariam infantana (on the Esquiline) futi Umplum Fauni^
qiiod simulacrum locutum est Juliano et decepit eum. In the Chronicle
of the Emperors it was the statue of Mercury, which is lying in the
Tiber, that led Julian astray. Massmaun, UTaiserchron., iii. 874.
The Mirabilia in the Cod, Vat,, 4265, contain the legend that the
statue of Veronica spoke to Charles the Great.
6/0 HISTORY OF ROME
world, was less accessible to this rude generation.^
Antiquarian discoveries in Rome were explained
through Virgil, as is shown by the account of
Grave of William of Malmesbury, who relates that the grave
of Pallas, son of Evander, was discovered about
1045. The body of the giant, he informs us, was
found in perfect preservation, with a wound on the
breast four feet long, as it had been inflicted by King
Tumus. A burning taper was also found in the
vault, which could not be extinguished until a fissure
was made below the flame. It was impossible that
the English annalist could have described the grave
in such terms, had he not already received the
account of its recent discovery from Roman anti-
quaries.2
The survival of Virgil in the Middle Ages affords
a favourite subject for study and explanation in our
days. We know that since the time of Constantine
^ Outside Rome anthologies {ftoscolt) were compiled from Viigil,
Ovid| and Horace. See the Specula HistoriaUy lib. vi c. 63, of
Vinoentius Burgundus (about 1240).
' William of Malmesbury, ii. c. 13. Tunc carpus PaUantis fiHi
Evandri^ eU qtto Virgilius narrate Roma repertum est ilUbatum ittgcnii
stupore omnium* They even pretend to have discovered the epitaph : —
Filius Evandri PaUans^ quem lancca Tumi
MilUis occidiif more suojacet hie.
The annalist considered that it had been written by Ennins or some
other poet. We may imagine how great was the multitude of antiq-
uities discovered in Rome at this time, and the injuries they lecdved.
Metal and valuable stone only were not thrown away. In a lease of
S. Maria in Trastevere of 11 75, the custody of certain finds is given
to the tenants : ei si oHquod metaUum sive de me^oribus iapidibms
plus vaitms XI L dtuanas pp. iH imfemem medieMem dicU mcstre
eecUsia^ 6v.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. Cyi
passages of Virgil's poems, the Fourth Eclogue more
especially, were r^arded as Christian prophecies.
The Muse had inspired the poet who lived on the
borderland between two ages with some gifted
verses, which accidentally appeared to prophesy the
birth of Christ,^ and never have the subtle flatteries
of a poet or his ideal longings after a golden age
been more richly rewarded than were those of Virgil,
The unconscious Pagan was elevated to the rank of
a prophet of the Messiah, he became the favourite
poet of the Church and of the credulous Middle
Ages, and for centuries his books were quoted as
the oracle of a sibylline seer, and appeal was
blindly made to them in the same way as it is
now frequently made to the Bible. The l^endary
character of the Virgilian muse is one of the most
interesting phenomena in the history of the human
imagination, linking together, as it does, different
epochs and different modes of thought Thus one
of the most beautiful of all legends, which unite
* These are the well-known lines of the VI. Eclogue : —
Ultima Cumcsi veniijam carminis atas;
Magnus ab itUegro saclarum nasdfur ordo ;
Jam redit et virgo : redeunt Satumia regna^
Jam nova progenies calo demittiiur aito ....
By the virgo Viigil intended Astrea to be understood : the puer was
the son of his patron Asinius PoUio. Even Dante says: Virgo
namque vocabaturjtistiiia^ quam et Astream vocabani (de Monorchia^
i c. lo). Cola di Rienzo also rejected the Messianic interpretation
of the lines : guamquam hoc carmen mmnulH magistrones erronei
Apostolicas propheHas deserentes^ pro virgine matre Dei a Hieronyma
in prcemio super Genesi redargutiy duxerunt fore dictum : Nicolai
Tribu$U Romani ad Guidon, Bonon, Card. Orotic^ in Petrarca, op.
p. 1 126.
672 HISTORY OF ROME
antiquity with Christianity, is the legend of the vision
of Virgil's patron, the Emperor Octavian, to whom
the Sibyl, about to take leave of mankind, shows the
Virgin and the infant Christ^
If the Church honoured Virgil as a species of
Pagan Isaiah, the populace transformed him (and
this at a surprisingly early date) into a philosopher,
mathematician, or enchanter of the first rank. In
such guise was he known to the Romans at the time
of the Mirabilia ; the legend of Virgil, the enchanter,
however, was not native to Roman soil, but had been
transplanted from elsewhere. It is strange that the
Mirabilia, in relating the vision of Octavian, never
refer to Virgil, and that the legend of the sounding
The statues is no way associated with the poet The
Roma.^ Salvatio RomcB on the Capitol, where the bells on
the statues announced any revolt in the provinces,
does not appear in Rome in the form which it later
assumed. The French romance of Virgil, in fact,
relates that the enchanter had built a tower for the
salvation of Rome, which he had provided with such
statues, and another I^end describes the building as
glittering with gold by day and as illumined at night
with a radiant lamp, visible to sailors. It moreover
relates that a mirror within the tower revealed all
that took place in the world and every hostile move-
ment against Rome. This fable of the magic mirror,
which is found in the epics of chivalry, such as Par-
sifal, is not of Roman origin, although it may pos-
sibly have been familiar in Rome at the time of the
^ I am astonished that none of the great painters has depicted this
vision. What a subject for Rafiaelle I
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 673
Mtrabtlia, Antiquaries tell us that the ruined tower
of the Frangipani beside the Arch of Titus, after its
destruction by Gregory IX. in the thirteenth century,
was called by the people "the Tower of Virgil." 1
The so-called Bocca della Veritd also belongs to La Bocca
the wonders or talismans of Virgil. The association, veHtc^,
however, of this l^end (which centres in S. Maria in
Cosmedin) with Virgil is not due to the Romans, and
may not, perhaps, have been even known to them in
the twelfth century. The huge mask of a cloaca still
stands in the atrium of this basilica ; rumour in the
Middle Ages asserted that the ancient Romans, when
taking an oath, were obliged to place one hand
within the open mouth of this mask ; if the witness
were guilty of perjury the hand was bitten off, but
the cunning of an adulteress finally destroyed the
magic powers of the mask.^
^ Marangoni, Anfiteairo Romano^ p. 51. The Sahaiio Ratna is
known through the work of the seven wise masters, or from Virgil
ike Enchanter, The Mirahilia in this connection only give the
legend of the Anon, of Salerno (voL iii. of this history). Helinand
also (SpecuL Histariale^ iv.) abides by the Anonymous ^ and does not
once mention the Capitol. Concerning the legend : Genthe, Leben
und Fortleben des Virgilius als Dichter und Zauberer^ 1S57, p. 72.
Rufini mistakenly associates the Via di Tor di Specchi^ beside the
Capitol, with the Mirror Tower of Virgil. I believe the street to
have received its name irom the fiunily de Spectdo or di Specchi^
whose tower may possibly have stood there. The ancient palace of
thb family still remains in another Via Specchi^ not bx from the
Palace of S. Croce.
' In the French romance Virgiiius the statue becomes a bronze
serpent ; in the Kurvmeiligtn GesprScken^ however (Frankfort, 1503),
the story is told as in the later legend : " Virgil made an image in
stone in Rome, where those who swore an oath were tested. He
who took it had to place his band in the mouth of the statue. Did he
VOL. IV. 2 X
674 HISTORY OF ROME
The Mirabilia are silent concerning these super-
natural powers of Virgil, and only mention the poet
once as follows : " The church of S. Agatha stands
on the Viminal where Virgilius was imprisoned by
the Romans; he assumed invisible form and went
to Naples ; whence is derived the saying, * Vado ad
Napulum' "^ This seems to refer to the fable which
relates that Virgil, imprisoned by the emperor on
account of the curious revenge which he took upon a
disdainful Roman lady, went by an aerial ship to
Apulia ; and the solitary passage in the Mirabilia
proves that the Romans of the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries were acquainted not only with this legend
but also with others relating to Virgil,
virmiias Nevertheless Naples, his favourite city, was the
in NapiS, true home of Virgil the enchanter, and at Naples is
his legendary grave. It is almost surprising to see
the naive belief with which even serious- minded men
related the Neapolitan fables of Virgil at the end of
accord- the twelfth century. The Englishman, Gervasius of
GcTOsius Tilbury, marshal of the kingdom of Aries, in his Otia
of Tilbury, Imperiolta, a work dedicated to the Emperor Otto
IV., instances with special partiality, among the
swear Calsely, his hand was bitten off by the hot " (Genthe, p. 75X
As Virgil was esteemed the maker of various talismans by the Latins,
so was ApoUonius of Tyana by the Byiantines.
^ Viminalis ubi 4st eccUsin S, Aguthes^ ttbi VirgiHus cmpius a
Komams^ invisibiHter exiii^ toUqiu NeapoHm ; tmde dicitur : wiuU
ai NapuhuH, In the Breviary di mctttihus ; possiUy a gloss, which
is only found in Mont&ocon's recension. I have already explained
(voL iiL) the name of the street Magnani^li Viigil was sopposcd
to have lived in this neifi^bonihood, and the gardens of Maecenas
were looked for there.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES, 675
many Mirabilia of the world, the miracles worked
by the poet at Naples. The author of the Roman
national epic might perhaps have been in some
degree gratified at being credited as a magician with
the erection of the Salvatio Romce^ the great imperial
police institution of the empire. In Naples, however,
he sank to the level of a charlatan ; was credited
with having banished flies by means of a bronze fly ;
with having shut up all snakes within the Capuan
gate; with having saved all horses from hollow
backs by means of a bronze horse ; with having kept
all the meat in the market constantly fresh by a
miraculous piece of meat He is also said to have
planted a garden on the hill of the Virgin with
medicinal herbs where the mountain-arnica restored
the sight of blind sheep ; to have been able to arrest
the south wind, or to keep Vesuvius in check by
means of a bronze statue of a. trumpeter or an archer.
Works somewhat more worthy of the poet were the
erection of the Castel dell' Uovo upon eggs, the
making of the tunnel of Posilippo and the establish-
ment of curative baths at Puteoli, the use of which
was neutralised by the envious physicians of Salerno,
who erased the prescription.^
The ingenious Palladium which Virgil inclosed in
^ Gervasins, Otia Imperialia (Leibn., Rer, Brunsvicar.^ i. 963, in
the section Mirabilia unitis aijusque prffoincia^ fix>m which we see
how general was the conception of Mirabilia at this time). Gervasius
wrote about 121 1, and relates that he had seen these miracles in
Naples in the year 1191. Leibnitz, indignant with him, and without
any sympathy for popular legends, says : vixU eo seculo, quodigo cum
proximo cf/tmum secularum post Ckristnm nalum ineptissimum isse
£omperi.
6/6 HISTORY OF ROME
a glass phial failed, however, to protect the walls of
Naples, since Henry VI., heedless of any impediment,
caused these walls to be destroyed in 1196. His
and accord- Chancellor Conrad, Bishop-elect of Hildesheim, who
Conrad of accompanied the Emperor as legate of the kingdom
sheim ^^ Sicily, asserts, with a gravity worthy of belief, that
in spite of the Palladium the walls of Naples were
pulled down by the valiant Germans ; but he ex-
plains, in reverence to the great enchanter, that the
magic flask had suffered a fracture. He also admits
that the Germans had not dared to pull down the
so-called iron gate, for fear of setting free the snakes
which Virgil had subdued by charms.^ This man of
high position assures us with the calmest conviction
— a conviction doubtless shared by the Emperor
himself — that he had seen and examined the
miracles of Virgil ; that, for instance, when the bones
of the poet were exposed to the air the sky immedi-
ately darkened and a storm arose on the sea. His
romantic letter to Herbord of Hildesheim, accepted
as a precious jewel in Arnold's Chronicle of the
Slavs^ opens the interminable series of letters of
travel, extending to our own days, which have been
written from Italy by Germans. It is delightful to
see how the mind of the chancellor, steeped in
classic studies and stirred by the sight of a new and
beautiful world, expanded under the influence of
Southern Italy. He even discovers Parnassus and
Olympus, and rejoices that the inspiring fountain
of Hippocrene now flowed within the confines of
^ Letter of Conrad to the Provost of Hildesheim (in Arnold's Chron^
Skso9r,^ iv. c. xix.).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES, 677
the German empire. With mythological horror he
passed between Scylla and Charybdis^ sailed joyfully
past Scyros, where Thetis had hidden her heroic
son Achilles, beheld the frightful labyrinth of the
Minotaur in the theatre of Taormina, and in Sicily
made the acquaintance of the Saracens, who pos-
sessed the enviable power, bequeathed by the apostle
Paul, of killing poisonous snakes by merely spitting
at them.^
We leave these diverting l^ends, which lend so
vivid a colouring to a superstitious century (a cen-
tury during which chivalrous poetry first appeared
in Germany), and end our review of these Mirabilia
with the account of another traveller, who saw
and briefly described the city before Conrad had
entered it; that is to say before 1173. The Mira-
bilia of Rome were magnified by Benjamin of
Tudela, a Spanish Jew, the predecessor of Sir John
Mandeville, who wrote in Hebrew a partly fabulous
account of his journey to India in the spirit of his
century.*
' Vidimus ibidem saracenos^ qui solo sptUo venenosa interficiunt
animalia. We recognise the age of Turpin's Chranic/d, of the travels
of Duke Ernest, of the Knight Tundalus, Apollonios of Tyre, the
Chronicle of the Emperors, &c. The literature on Virgil in the
Middle Ages already reaches great proportions. Virgilius als Theolog
und Prophet, \ty F. Piper, Berlin, 1862; Zappert, "Virgil's Fortleben
im Mittelalter" {Akademie der Wissensch,, vol. ii., Vienna, 1851} ;
Genthe and L. Roth, Ueber den Zauberer Virgil, Vienna, 1859 ; and
the learned and recent work by Comporetti, Virgilio net medio evo,
Livomo, 1872.
* Benjamini de Tudela Itinerarium, Lugduni, 1633, Elzevir;
Hebrew with a Latin translation. Asher, 7^ Itinerary of /^addi
Benjamin,
678 HISTORY OF ROME
The learned Rabbi saw Rome only with Jewish
eyes, since the circumstance which naturally most
attracted him was the connection of the cosmopolitan
city with Israel, and the fall of Jerusalem under
Titus and Vespasian. We here borrow his descrip-
tion, the only account of a visit to Rome in the
Middle Ages that we possess of this period,
pescrip* " Rome/' says Benjamin, " consists of two parts, the
Romebr Tiber dividing the city in such a manner, that stand-
theRai)bi {nor on One bank we see the other. In the first
Benjamin ^
of Tudeku stands the largest temple, which in Roman language
is called S. Peter's. Here is also the palace of the
great Julius Caesar, with many buildings and works ;
the palace is utterly different from any other in the
world.* The city, here in ruins, there inhabited, is
twenty-four miles in circumference. It contains
eighty palaces of the eighty kings, who are all called
emperors, from the empire of Tarquinius to the
empire of Pipin, father of Charles, who first wrested
Spain from the Ishmaelites and subjugated it. There,
outside Rome, is the palace of Titus, whom the three
hundred senators would not receive, because he had
not obeyed their orders ; for instead of conquering
Jerusalem in two years, he did not overcome it until
the third year. We see besides the palace of King^
Vespasian, a strong and solid building like a
temple.' Further the palace of King Galbinus, in
* Precisely as in the Mirabiiia : palatiumj^ii Casarisn He refers
to the Vatican obelisk, with the sarToaiiding mins of the Circns and
other remains.
* Ihi extra Ramam est palaHum Titi ; that is, the Ciicos of Max-
entius, which b also called ptdatimm Titi el Vespasiam forts Rotmeum
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 679
which are three hundred and sixty halls, as many as
the days of the year, and which measures three miles
in circumference. Once during a war more than one
hundred thousand Edomites were killed in this
palace, where their bones still hang. The king had
all the war-horses and weapons depicted in marble,
so that later generations might have the ancient
battles before their eyes.* There is the subterranean
cave, where the king and queen sit on thrones, with
nearly one hundred princes of the empire round
them, all represented in sculpture, as may still
be seen. By his statue in the sanctuary in the
church of S. Stephen are two bronze columns, the
work of King Solomon, who sleeps in peace. On
each column is inscribed 'Solomon son of David.'
The Jews there told me that on July 9 a liquid
like water flows from these columns. There is also
the cave where Titus, son of Vespasian, deposited
the sacred vessels of the Temple, which he had
brought from Jerusalem. There is moreover another
cave in the hill beside the Tiber, where rest the ten
righteous men (blessed be their memory) who were
put to death under the reign of the tyrants. Further
in front of the temple of the Lateran image Samson
is represented holding a stone globe in his hand;
ad ccttacumbas in a recension of the Mirabilin* The Palatium of
Vespasian is the Colosseum. It is characteristic that the Jew says
nothing of the triumphal arch of Titus.
1 The enigmatic Palatium Galbini (l*3?II in the text) seems rather
to apply to the Baths of Caracalla, beside which the church of S.
Balbina had stood since ancient times, than to the doubtful remains of
the horrea Galbicma at the Emporium (Jordan, Topogr,^ il 68) ; since
Benjamin's description scarcely suits the latter.
68o HISTORY OF ROME
then Absalom son of David, and King Constantine,
who built Constantina, which is called Constant!-
nopolis after him. His statue, and the statue of the
horse are bronze ; they were formerly, however, over-
laid with gold." Benjamin con«equentIy shows that
the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius, called by
the people Caballiis Constantiniy stood at the
Lateran.^
The spirit c f the Mirabilia breathes in Benjamin
of Tudela. It is interesting to picture the rabbi,
accompanied by fellow believers from the Tras-
tevere, wandering through the (to him) unfamiliar
city and listening to the fabulous account of its
wonders. The Roman Ghetto had also its archaeo-
logy, which referred to the fictitious or historical
connection of the city with the people of David. The
legends connected with it were indeed sufficiently
old, for even in the sixth centurj' Zacharias, the
Armenian bishop, asserted that twenty-five statues
^ According to the Graphia the remains of the Colossus of the Sun
from the Amphitheatre were in the Lateran ; cujus capui el wMonus
nunc sunt emie Lateranum ; and the hand and head are also repre-
sented on the ancient plan of the city, Cod, Vat,^ i960, bedde the
equestrian figure of Marcus Aurelius. The Mirabilia printed in 151 1
say Sylvester had had the Colossus of Phoebus destroyed : caput verv
et manus pradicti idoli cum porno ad palatium in Laterano fecil peni
— qua palma et caput Sampsonis false vocatur a vuigo, A colossal
hand may now be seen in the Palace of the Conservatori. Benjamin
does not mention the legend of Noah's coming to Rome, but knows
of his war with Romulus and other legends, which are found in the
spurious Josephus (Gorionides, a Gaulish Jew who lived about the
Carolingian period), according to whose opinion Romulus, in dread of
David's arrival, had walls built round Rome. Josephus Hcbraiats^
&*c,, Lipsia?, 1 7 10, i. c. 4.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 68 1
of Jewish kings had been erected by Vespasian, and
the Graphia relates that the Ark of the Covenant,
the seven-branched candlestick, and the relics of
Moses and Aaron were preserved in the Lateran.
Benjamin does not mention the circumstance, and
the Jewish archaeologists merely showed him a
legendary cave, in which the vessels of the Temple
were said to have been placed. Moreover the rela-
tions with Jerusalem, more especially since the time
of the Crusades, had become so much closer, that
the Mirabilia assert that a large bronze table had
been affixed to the wall of the Forum of Augustus,
near S. Basilius, on which was inscribed, in Greek
and Latin characters, the treaty of friendship which
the Romans had formed with Judas Maccabeus.^
Benjamin left local traditions unheeded, and we
regret that he only paid a brief visit to Rome, and
that he gives a still briefer account of his experiences
there. Had he told us as much about the Rome of
his time as his contemporary Ibn-DjobeYr tells us of
Palermo, his information would probably have been
of the highest value. But the extent of the city and
its ruins oppressed the imagination even of Chris-
tians educated in classic literature, and the Rabbi
^ In muro S. Bcuiliifuit magna tabula erea infixa^ ubi fuit scripta
anticitia in loco bono ct notahili^ qtu fuit inter Romctnos ei Judeos^
tempore Jude Macckabai (Mirab., Cod, Vat.^n, 3973). This is ex-
plained by I. Maccabees, c. 8, v. 22 : |" And this is the copy which
the senate wrote back again in tables of brass and sent to Jerusalem,
that there they might have by them a memorial of peace and con-
federacy." The Roman copies of the documents were undoubtedly
preserved in the city archives. How a bronze copy of the treaty with
the Jews can have reached S. Basilio is incomprehensible to me.
682 HISTORY OF ROME
of Tudela fittingly closes his sketch with the words :
" there are still other buildings and works in Rome,
which no one is able to enumerate.*'^
4. The Monuments and their Owners in the Twelhh
Century — The Roman Senate begins to take
Measures for their Preservation — ^The Column
OF Trajan — Column of Marcus Aurelius—
Private Architecture in the Twelfth Century
— The Tower of Nicholas — ^The Towers in
Rome.
In relating the unfortunate events of the eleventh
century we have described the history of the ruins in
the city. In the twelfth, Rome was so constantly in
a state of tumult that we may easily imagine how
many ancient buildings were destroyed, more par-
ticularly in the time of Henry IV. and Robert Guis-
card. Tranquillity having been restored to the city,
the remains of the ancient buildings provided
materials for her restoration. No official kept
watch over the antiquities, while as before costly
marbles and even statues were thrown into the lime-
kiln. Rome was still regarded even by foreigners as
a mine of valuable materials. And as Desiderius
had once carried columns from Rome to Monte
Casino so were columns now removed by foreign
princes and bishops. Coming to Rome, these men
regarded the splendid works of antiquity with
^ An account of the wonders of Rome, full of legends, is given by
F. Guidi, '' Descrizione di Roma nei geografi arabi,*' Arck, d, Sociei,
Roni,^ vol i 174 ff.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 683
envious eyes, and the neglect in which they were Ruin of
allowed to remain invited the visitor to make them hermonu.
his own. The Abbot Sugerius of S. Denis, the con- ™"^*^'
temporary of S. Bernard, admitted that, surveying
the marvellous columns in the Baths of Diocletian
and other Thermae, he longed to put them on board
a vessel and send them to France, where he was en-
gaged in restoring his abbey. If the difficulty of
transport and other circumstances hindered the exe-
cution of his desire, we may easily imagine that
these obstacles did not stand in the way of other
bishops and towns.^
The public buildings nevertheless belonged by
right to the State, and we have documents of this
period in which popes confer the n^onuments or
churches on private persons. The greater number
of ancient buildings had passed into private hands ;
and were thus saved from the complete destruction
into which they would have fallen as public property.
The uses to which they were adapted by the owners
injured but did not destroy them. An example of
the lot which befell the monuments is given by The
the Triumphal Arch of Septimius Severus. In 1 199 J^^
Innocent III. confirmed the church of S. Sergius Sevems.
and Bacchus in partial possession of this monument.
^ If^ solum mente labora$Utbus et animo superercU, ut ab urbe
{Rama enim in PctkUio Diocleiiani^ et aliis termis sape mirabiUs
conspeximus) et per mare medHerraneum tuta classe — conductu
haberemus, Sugerius, De Camecratione EccL S. Dionysii (Duchesne,
iv. 352), in Jacob Burckhardt : die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien,
Basle, i860. The splendid granite columns, which fortunately were
not carried away by the abbot, now adorn S. Maria degli Angeli in
the Baths of Diocletian.
684 HISTORY OF ROME
" We confirm," so runs the Bull, " the half of the
triumphal arch which consists of three arches, of
which one of the smaller stands nearer to your
church (one of the towers is built over it), and the
half of the entire arch from the middle, with the
rooms near the smaller arch." He adds that the
other half belongs to a certain Ciminus. The arch
consequently belonged to two proprietors; it was
entirely surrounded by buildings, was fortified, and
had a tower on its platform.*
The popes consequently continued to regard
ancient buildings as the property of the State, and
we remember that the Church claimed both S-
Angelo and the Pantheon as her own. When the
Romans acquired their freedom, the city advanced
her claim as owner of the public monuments in
every case where these monuments had not been
converted into towered palaces by Roman families.
The The Senate undertook the care of preserving the
preserves city walls, to which the pope was obliged to con-
waJis!*^ tribute a yearly sum. On the venerable walls of
Aurelian we consequently find the names of mediaeval
Senators belonging to Barbarossa's time alongside
of the names of ancient emperors and consuls. In
1 1 57 the Senate restored a portion of the walls at
the Porta Metrobia, and we still see the monumental
tablet on the tower della Marana, which records the
names of the Senators then in office without any
^ Medidatem circus triumphcUis, qui toius in tribus arcubus conUai^
de quo unus de tninoribus arcubus propinquior est vesira ecclcsia^
supra quern una ex turribus ^ificata esse videiur, Ep. Innoc, III.^
lib. ii. n. loi, dot, VI, Non.Julii A, 1199.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 68$
mention of the pope.* The Marana is a brook which
flows under the tower into the city.
No inscription records that either Senators or
popes restored an aqueduct ; these great works of
ancient Rome remain hidden in profound silence.
The name of a Senator still stands conspicuous
on one of the island bridges. On the Pons Cestius
we read the inscription : " Benedictus, chief Senator
of the illustrious city, restored this almost en-
tirely ruined bridge," It was undoubtedly Benedict
Carushomo who executed the work.^ The Milvian
Bridge also, destroyed by the Romans in the time
of Henry V., was restored by the commune, as
we may remember from the Senate's letter to
Conrad.
Another evidence of the Senate's activity in this
direction is still more praiseworthy. On March 27,
1162, the day after Barbarossa's entry into unfor-
tunate Milan, and perhaps on the very day that the
barbarous destruction of the city was inaugurated,
the Roman Senate chanced to resolve on measures
for the preservation of Trajan's Column : " in order
1 R. .^ . S^AG (obliterated signs) t ANO MCLVII. INCARNS
DNI JhV XPI SPQR HEC MENIA VETVSTATE DILAPSA
KESTAVRAVIT- SENATORES SASSO JOHs_DE AIBERICO
ROIERI BVCCA CANE PINZO FILIPPO JOHs DE PARENZO
PETRVS DS TESALVI CENCIO DE ANSOINO RAINALDO
ROMANO NICOLA MAN ETTO. This inscription of the Senators
is the oldest, and also the only one of its kind, in Rome.
« BENEDICTVS ALME
VRBIS SVMM' SENATO
R. RESTAVRAVIT HVN
C. PONTEM FERE DIRV
TVM
686 HISTORY OF ROME
Preserva- that it should never be mutilated or destroyed, but
Trajan's should remain as it stands to the honour of the
Column. Roman people, as long as the world endures. Any-
one daring to injure it shall be punished by death
and his property shall fall to the treasury/' ^ This
splendid monument, which commemorated Trajan's
greatest military deeds, now belonged to the nuns of
S. Ciriacus, and the Roman Senate, indifferent to the
unworthiness of such a fate, confirmed the convent
in possession of the column and the little church of
S. Niccoli at its base. The Column of Marcus
Aurelius also still belonged to the monks of S.
Silvestro in Capite. An inscription in the atrium
of this convent says : '* Since the Antonine column,
belonging to the convent of S. Sylvester and the
adjacent church of S. Andrew, with the oblations
presented by pilgrims to both the upper and lower
altars, has long passed by lease into other hands, and
in order that this may never again occur, we, by
the authority of the apostolic prince Peter, and
SS. Stephen, Dionysius, and Sylvester, curse and
bind with the bonds of the anathema the abbots and
monks as often as they shall attempt to give column
and church in lease or benefice. Anyone taking the
^ Restituifmts salvo jure parockiali ecciesie SS. Aposiolorum PkA
€t Jacobi et S€Uvo honore publico urbis eidem columne^ ne unquatn per
aliguam personam obtentu investimenti kujus resttlutioms diruaiur
aut minuatur^ sed ut est ad kcncrem ipsius ecclesim el tctius popmH
Romaniinlegra et incorrupta permaneat dum mundus dural^ sic efus
stante figwrcu Qui vero earn minuere temptaverU persona ejus
ultimumpatialur suppHciumet bona ijus omnia fisco appiicentur, . . .
Actum, «. dom, incam, MCLXIL Ind, X,^ &*c, (Document from S,
Mar. in Via Lata, in Galletti, del JMm,^ n. Ixi.).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 68/
column by force from our convent, shall be eternally
damned as a spoiler of the Temple, and shall be en-
compassed by the everlasting anathema. So be it.
This is decreed by the authority of the bishops and
cardinals and of many priests and laymen present.
Peter, by God's Grace humble Abbot of this convent,
with his brethren drew up and ratified this in the
year of the Lord 1119, in the XII. indiction."^
With the growth of freedom grew the love of
antiquity, reverence for its monuments, and the sense
of the renown which Rome derived from the works
of her ancestors. The nobles also desired to acquire
glory for themselves by beautifying the city by
means of buildings. The tower on the Bridge of The Tower
the Senators (Ponte Rotto) was built with this inten- a( ISe^""^
tion : this tower was called Monzone in the later ^^^^
Middle Ages, and is still known to the imaginative
populace as the house of Pilate or of Cola di Rienzo.
This curious tite-de-pont (a tower where the peda-
£tufn was exacted stood on every bridge in Rome)
claimed to have been a sumptuous palace. Its
remains of solid brick are now the most impressive
monument of the curious private architecture of the
Roman Middle Ages. The facade was divided by
cornices and small compartments, and the building
» Qfii. COLVPNA ANTON INI JVRIS M0N_SCI_SILVRI
ET ECCLAS ANDREEQ.: CIRCA EA SITA E CV OBLA-
TIONIBVS .... MALEDICIMVS ET VINCVLO LIGAMVS
ANATHEMATIS ABBATE ET MONACHOS QCVQ. COLVPNA
ET ECCLAM LOCARE VL BENEFICIO DARE PSVPSERIT
.... PETRVS Dl GRA HVMILIS ABBAS HVIVS SCI
CENOBII CV FRIB SVIS FECIT ET CONFIRMAVIT ANN
DNi Mit CXVIIII INDIC XII.
688 HISTORY OF ROME
was entered by a vaulted doorway from the street
The rooms inside had excellent cross-shaped \^uits,
and a stone staircase led to the upper floor. The
exterior was adorned with antique fragments, rude
half-columns of brick supported a patch-work frieze,
in which are seen now marble rosettes, now ara-
besques or small reliefs of mytholc^ical figures. The
bust of the builder (portraits were therefore again
made in Rome) was originally placed in a niche
outside near the entrance. The bust has dis-
appeared, but the pompous couplet which accom-
panied it still remains. Another long inscription in
Leonine verses mentions the builder and his family.
Its bragging lines recall the speeches of the Romans
in presence of Conrad and Frederick, but the melan-
choly sighs over the nothing^ness of all earthly
greatness, in the style of epitaphs, are not without
poetic grace. " Nicholas, to whom this house belongfs,
well knew that the glory of the world was vanity.
He was induced to build this dwelling, less by vanity
than by the desire to restore the splendour of ancient
Rome. Within a beautiful house be mindful of the
grave, and remember that thou hast not long to live
in thy dwelling. Death travels hither on wings.
No man's life is eternal. Our sojourn is brief and
our course light as a feather. Whether Thou mayst
^ Adsum Romani grtmdis honor poptUi
Indicat effigies qui meperfuerit auctor,
Theodor. Ameiden, de Rom, FamiL^ § lOO, Mscr. in the Bibl,
CasofuUens.f n. 283, observed another couplet : —
Vos qui transitis secus optima tecta Quiriies
Hacpensate domo^ quis Nicoicuu homo.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 689
escape from the wind, lock thy door a hundredfold,
and surround thyself with a thousand guards ; death
nevertheless sits beside thy pillow. Even if thou
shuttest thyself in a castle that almost approaches
the stars, death will only the more rapidly carry thee
— its prey — away. The lofty house towers to the
skies. From the foundation to the summit it was
raised by the First among the First, the great
Nicholas — in order to restore the glory of his fathers.
Here stands the name of his father Crescentius and
of his mother Theodora. This famous house was
built for his beloved child, and given to David, by
him who was his father."*
The erection of this house has been attributed
without grounds to one of the Crescentii, and even
to thp renowned Crescentius of Otto III.'s time. No
member of the family to our knowledge bore the
name of Nicholas. The Roman, art which created
so curious a building was as far removed from the
^ Nonfuit iiptarus cujus domus hec Nuolaus
Quod nil momtnti sibi mundi gloria sentil,
Verum quod fecit hanc non tarn vana coegit
Gloria quatn Rome veterem renovare decoreni.
At the end : —
Sttrgit in astra domus sublimis — culmina cujus
Primus de primis magnus Nicholaus ah imis
Erexit Patrum decus ob renovare suorum,
Statpatris Crescens mairKque Theodora nomen.
Hoc culmen clarum caro pro pignere gessiL
Davidi iribuit qui paler exhibuil.
The numerous enigmatic signs round the inscription are to be re-
marked. They have been explained in a ridiculous manner. The
whole inscription is given by Nerini, p. 318, with others.
VOL. IV. 2 Y
690 HISTORY OF ROME
tower of Giotto at Florence as tiie Chromck of
Benedict of Soracte from the Cbr&nide of ViHanL
The date of this erection is uncettain ; but, not to
mention historical circumstances, the inscription
breathes the spirit of the eleventh or twelfth cen-
tury;^ The style of this baronial palace seems the
more barbarous from the contrast of two small well-
preserved Roman temples, which stand in their simple
beauty in its immediate neighbourhood. Although
his structure when finished eclipsed all contempK>rary
buildings in Rome, although it was in no wise
devoid of an aspect of grandiose magnificence, and
was undoubtedly picturesque, the architect must
nevertheless have blushed did he compare his work
♦with these temples. Of this building, furnished by
the Roman Consul with an inscription which would
have befitted ia work of Ramses, only the smallest
fragment, the ruined tower, now remains; and a
stable and a hay-loft established mthin the lofty
house of the First of the First form a satire on the
vanity of the builder.
Did the palaces of the Pierleoni and the Frangipani
still survive, we should have other buildings of the
^ For the sake of brevity I do not refute the opinion of others^
who place the date of this building, some too early, some too late.
Those who decide in favour of the former, may appeal to the still
more ancient custom, according to which &thers dedicated buildii^
to their sons. The Dux John of Gseta built a tower in the ninth cei^
tury, on which he inscribed : hanc venerahiUm tnclilam tlomum
etiavidiu turre dilectofilio meo DocibUi YpcUa dofuxoi (Federici, I>uckx
di Gata, p. 154). Giesebrecht has broi^ht together some very good
arguments concerning the Monzone (Schmidt's All^, Zeitsckrift^ f^
Gesch.f vii. 137),
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 69I
same fantastic nature before us. Towers newly
erected, or built of bricks on ancient monuments,
arose in every part of Rome at this period. Not a
single triumphal arch xemained unsurmounted by a Building o(
tower. The Frangipani alone had turned the Arches
,of Titus and Constantine and several Arches of
Janus into fortresses. A short way from the Arch
x>{ Titus, at the foot of the Palatine and to the right
of the Via Sacra, stood the solid central tower of
their Palatine stronghold, the Turris Cartularia,
.which the Mirabilta assert to have been erected on
the Temple of i£sculapius. A portion of the papal
archives, called the Cartularium juxta Palladium^
was kept in this tower in the eleventh century, and
,the tower was hence called Turris Cartularia.^ The
Circus Maximus also bristled with the towers of
,the Frangipani, an arch there giving the name de
Arco to a branch of the family.
The. passion for building towers prevailed through-
out the whole of Italy. Pisa had so many that Ben-
jamin of Tudela ventured to estimate their number
at ten thousand. The lofty tower of S. Mark's in
Venice, the soaring towers of the Asinella and the
^ -The AftrabHia say Ideo diciiur Chartularium^ qtUafuit ibi biblio-
,theca publica, de qtUbus XXVLfitere in Urbe. John VIJ. had built
znepiscopium there in the beginning of the eighth century. The rar-
tularium iuxta Palladium is mentioned by Cencius. See, concerning
this record-<^ce, De Rossi, d*UH Tesoro di momie Anglo-Sassoni trovate
fifiW airio deile VesieUi (Lincei, NtrHzie degli scavi^ Dec. 1883), and
Za Bibh della Sed. Apostolica^ Koma, 1884, p. 31 f. It b probable
that the regesta of the popes preserved here perished in the attacks
made on the tower, and in its destruction. De Rossi, De Origine
Scriniiet Bibl, S, a/., 1886, p. 98. The remains of the tower existed
until 1829 ; and its foundations may still be seen.
692 HISTORY OF ROME
leaning Garisenda at Bolog^na, and the beautiful
leaning tower at Pisa, still remain as monuments of
this period of municipal freedom and civic warfare.
The towers erected in Rome were seldom so lavishly
or so pretentiously decorated as that of Nicholas.
They were, as a rule, only built for the time, were
easily destroyed and easily restored. The city still
shows partially preserved towers of the Middle Ages
rising for the most part above fortified palaces, all
built of burnt brick, square, undivided, and the same
size from base to summit. If, according to the
estimate of the Mirabilia, the city walls counted more
than three hundred and sixty towers, and to these
we add the innumerable campanili of the churches,
the towers erected by the different families, and the
numerous lofty ruins of antiquity, we, who see the
city with its present magnificent cupolas, may
imagine the sight it must have presented in medi*
aeval times. This forest of towers, rising in dark
and threatening menace, invested it with a defiant
and warlike character, which must have impressed
the mightiest of emperors.
In the twelfth century, however, the city itself pre-
sented a spectacle of chaotic ruin and disorder,
beyond the capacity of the most vivid imagination to
depict. After the Norman fire the hills became more
and more deserted; southern vegetation speedily
covered them with plants ; ancient quarters of the
city soon became fields, and the low-lying places
degenerated into fever stricken marshes.^ The j
' In his Ugurinus^ iv., v. 194 £ (written about I1S6), Gunter
gives the following description of Rome : —
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 693
population crowded together towards the Tiber and
the Field of Mars, at the foot of the Capitol, which
was now again free, and there in labyrinthine lanes,
interrupted by rubbish heaps, by ruins of marble
temples and by monuments, dwelt the rude Romans,
few in number, but sufficiently strong to banish their
popes into exile and to drive back the emperors
from the ancient walls of Aurelian.
5. Church Architecture — Its Revival in the
Twelfth Century — S. Maria in Cosmedin — S.
Maria in Trastevere — Painting in Rome— Be-
ginning OF Sculpture — The first Cosmati —
EUGENIUS III. AND CeLESTINE III. BEGIN TO BUILD
THE Vatican Palace.
The quarrel for investitures ended, the city was
able to rise slowly from her ruin. But the poverty
of the people was deplorable, and the popes occupied
themselves solely with the churches, the restoration
of which was exacted by religion. While mag-
nificent cathedrals, built in the latest style, arose in
the greater number of Italian republics, Roman
architecture was restricted to the restoration and
decoration of the churches which already existed in
such numbers.
That a stronger sense of the beautiful was
Adde quod antiquis horrens incttlta minis ^
Parte sui maiore vacate gemrisque nocentis
Plurima monstriferis animantia Rotna cavemis
OcculU : hie viHdes colubri, nigrique bufones^
Hie sua pennati posturunt lustra dracones.
694 HISTORY OF ROME
awakened in the end of the twelfth century, is shown
s. Maria in by the church of S. Maria in Cosmedm in the
osm UL jjg^j^^ ^f ^g Schola Greca. This Kttle treasur^
house of mediaeval art was restored under Calixtus
II. and was decorated by his chamberlain Alfanus.
It still preserves many evidences of the time, the
works of naive sculptors, who succeeded in ex-
cellently representing a period when, in the midst
of iron barbarism, the muse made her first modest
appearance with the attractive face of childhood.
The beholder seems to inhale a breath of the
time, as he looks on ike vari^ated mosaic of
the pavement, on the ambones, gracefully inlaid
with marble, the jambs of the doors, the episcopal
throne decorated with mosaic in the apse, and
many other works belonging to the days of
Alfanus.1
We have already noticed the buildings erected by
Calixtus II. in S. Peter's and the Lateran, where the
^ The church is rich in inscriptions. On the grave of Alphanos,
a work of this period, in the atrium stands the following :—
* * • . • - *
Virprobus Alpkanus cemens quia ckncta pcrirent^
Hoc sibi sarcofagum statuit ne totus obiret,
Fabrica deUctai pollet quiapenitus extra
Sed monet interius quia post hec tristia nsldnt.
On the plinth of the high altar (a red granite bath) : A.D.
MCXXIIL Ind. I, dedicatumfuU hoc AHare per manus DD. CalixH
Papa Secundi V, sui Pontif, A.M. Maio die VL Al/anc Ca m erar i tu
plurima dona largiente. In those days an arch of the Marcia still
existed in regione scale Grece^ over the ancient Porta Capena, which
was called arcus stUlans, Bull of Paschalis II. for Grotta Fenata in
1 1 15, printed by the Austrian School in Rome : Studie Docum. at
Stor, e Diritto^ 1886, p. 108. See De Rossi, Miscellan. di ncHu
biblio^r. e crUuht (Bull. Com., 1886).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 69J
victories of the Church were represented in painting.
The successors of Calixtus continued his work with
some interruptions, Innocent II. more especially
being conspicuous by his exertions. The true monu- innocent
ment of his pontificate, however, is S. Maria in s.'i5Sn?in
Trastevere. This ancient basilica, which still remains Tirastcvere.
one of the most interesting in Rome, was rebuilt by
Innocent on the death of Anaclete. The Pope was
himself a Trasteverine by birth, and the towers of
his family stood in the neighbourhood of the parish
church. He was unable to complete the church,
which was only finished by Innocent III. In spite
of the many changes introduced in the course of time,
it remains essentially a woric of Innocent II. With
its twenty-four columns of dark granite, which bear
on their capitals so much of classic paganism, sur-
mounted by the antique entablature, with its ancient
pavement, its tabernacle resting on porphyry
columns, and its mosaics, this basilica is still redolent
of that spirit of early Christianity which was peculiar
to the Middle Ages in Rome, Although restored,
many of the mosaics of the apse and arch belong to
this time. They are by no means entirely barbarous,
but while adhering to ancient traditions show some
freedom of movement The figures of the Saviour
and of the Virgin are especially worthy of a temple,
and are not unduly heavy in style. The remaining
pictures are of later date, but the important mosaic
in the niche on the outside of the basilica (represent-
ing the Madonna and ten virgins) belongs to the
middle of the twelfth century and shows that mosaic
art had already received a fresh impulse. It is
696 HISTORY OF ROME
possible that the artists who worked here may have
come from Monte Casino.^
When Desiderius built the beautiful church of his
monastery he undoubtedly brought materials, but
not artists, from Rome. The Chronicle of Monte
Casino expressly says that he summoned mosaic
workers from Byzantium and then established a
^losaic school of mosaic in his monastery, in order that the
art might not perish in Italy, where it had not been
practised for five hundred years.' The survival of
mosaic art in Italy, however, contradicts the ex-
aggeration of the chronicler; but it is probable that
the school of art of Monte Casino -exercised great
influence in Rome, and that in the time of the in-
timate relations with the kings of Sicily, who built
such splendid cathedrals, artists from Palermo may
have worked for the popes. Nevertheless neither
the art of fresco painting nor that of mosaic had
entirely vanished from Rome. Within the church
of the Quattro Coronati (rebuilt by Paschalis 11.)
Mural are found some remarkable frescoes in the chapel
paintings, ^f 5 Silvestro in Porticu, a chapel which belonged
to the confraternity of the sculptors and stone-
masons. A portion of the lower church of S.
Clemente — a basilica undoubtedly restored by
Paschalis II., who had formerly been its cardinal
— was excavated in 1862, when some frescoes were
^ The mosaic in the niche is explained by Matthew, c* 25, 1-33.
Unfortunately it has been greatly restored. Schnaase {Gesckicku
d, bild, KUnsUt iv. 2} also praises the mosaics, especially those in the
apse.
' Chron, Casin,^ c 29 ; a well-known passage.
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 697
discovered which must belong to the eleventh or
twelfth century.^
Painting, in the service of the Church, appears to
have invested its votaries with opulence and position,
since we find a painter called Bentivenga among the
senators in 1148. As early as the middle of the The School
twelfth century, artist families were to be found, cosmati,
whose works in marble had brought them fame not
only in the city itself but outside it The four sons
of an artist named Paul — ^John, Peter, Angelo, and
Sasso— constructed the tabernacle in S. Lorenzo fuori
le mura, and several other similar works.^ At the
same time there flourished in the city another artist's
family, at whose head was the Roman Ranucius, and
who fashioned the mosaic pictures in S. Maria di
Castello in Cometo." About the year 1 180 appeared
^ A fresco, representing saints, bears the inscription : EGO BENO
DE RAPIZA CV MARIA UXORE MEA PRO AMORE DEI
ET BEATI CLEMENTIS PGRFC. Prior Mullooly, who con-
ducted the excavations, holds that the painting belongs to the era of
the Catacombs, but his opinion is refuted by the inscription. The
Lombard name Rapizo (Radpert) is frequently found in the Register
of Farfa of the eleventh and twelfth centuries ; a Rapizo was Comes
of Todi in the time of Gregory VII. Concerning this remarkable
excavation, see J. Mullooly, Notice of the ancient paintings — of
S, Clement in Rome^ Rome, z866.
* The inscription on the tabernacle in S. Lorenzo : Johs^ Petrus
Angelns Et Siisso FiHi Pauli Marmorarii Hujus Operis Magistri
Fusrunt, The same brothers made the Ciborium in S. Marco in
XI 54 (Forcella, IscriM,^ iv. n. 818) ; the eldest brother John, aided by
Angelo and Sasso, wrought the Ciborium in S. Croce in Gerusalemme.
De Rossi, *'Del oosi detto opus alexandrinum e dei marmojarii
romani" • . • Bull, d. Arch, crist,^ 1875, p. iiof.
' These were Peter and Nicholas, the sons of Ranucius ; then John
and Guitto, about 11 68, zsA Joannes Guittonis civ, rom,^ A. 1209,
698 HISTORY OF ROME
the so-called Cosmati, a celebrated family of artists,
who reached their prime in the twelfth century.*'
Such were the beginnings of the new species of
sculpture^ which originated in the so-called Opus
Alexandrinum, that b to say, the mosaic-like decora^
tion for churches in which pieces of coloured marble
were employed. These were architectural sculptures,
and were the work of stone-masons. The sculpture
of this age was restricted to tombs, pulpits or
ambones, marble candelabra for the Easter candles,
and tabernacles. Of these artistic objects Rome can
still show some atkrient specimens, as, for instance, in
S. Clemente, in S. Maria in Cosmedin, in S. Marco^
in S. Croce in Gerusalemme, and in S. Lorenzo fuori
le mura. TI16 ancient equestrian statue of Marcus
Aurelius still stood on the Lateran piazza where it
had been seen by Benjamin of Tudela; Clement III.
had a fountain erected in front of it, and this ga^e
rise to the mistaken opinion that he had caused an
equestrian statue to be cast and erected in the
Lateran. H6w could it have been possible for the
art of the twelfth century to create a bronze statue
in Rome ?^
Thus, in the midst of the tumult of war,^ and in the
first dawn of art, artists sat in their lonely workshops,
who proudly called themselves marble workers (««tfr-
morarii) and Roman masters {dociissimi magistri
Rofftani)^ and who devoted their pious labours to the
who all seem to have belonged to the Ranucci family. De Rossi, tU
' See vol. v., at the end.
* Thib b the erroneous statement of Ricobald (Mnratori, be 178).
IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 699
churches which offered them empldyment Their
skill was handed down from fatlier to son and grand-
son, and- survived m- d^hools. After the middle of
the twelfth century' the work of these Roman masters
was in constantly increasing deniand, since eveiy
pope in turn now restored or adorned churches.
Lucius II. rebuild S. Croce. Eugenius III. re-
stored the basilica of S. Maria Maggiore and pro-
vided it with a portico. Popes acs weH as cardinals
began to erect palaces. Anastasius IV. built a
palace beside the Pantheon, and Eugenius III. a
papal residence at Segni. Eugenius also enlarged Beginnings
the Vatican, where he probably erected a new build- vatiam
ing, which was continued by Celestine III., these twoP*^^-
popes being regarded as the founders of the Vatican
'palace.^
Clement III. and Celestine III. also added to the
Lateran. Bronze doors were placed here by the
latter pope in 1196.* To Clement III. are also pro-
bably due the cloisters of S. Lorenzo, the oldest of
the kind in Rome, and a species of building which
already seems to point to the succeeding century,
when the art of building beautiful cloisters, with rows
of little pillars adorned with mosaics, was under-
stood.'
^ Card. Aragon., p. ^y^oi Eugenius III, : Hie fecit ununt pakUium
apttd S, Petrttm, et Sigma alferum, Platina : VHa Celesiini III,
« Ituam, dom, a. MCXCVL^pont, vero d, Celestini P, III, a. VI.,
Cencio card, S, Lucie camerctrio ministranie^ hoc. fact, est. Inscription
preserved. Iter ItcUicum of Pflugk-Hartung, ii. (1884), 510.
' Platina, Vita Clement, III, : ctaustram S, Laurentii extra
muros adijicauity et Laterani odes mm mediocri impensa r$stituit:
templutnque venniculato opere ac musivo exomavit, Celestine III.
700 THE HISTORY OF ROME.
An active zeal for art thus became evident in
Rome at the end of the twelfth century, a zeal which
was in harmony with the general impulse through-
out Italy. In Rome, however, art never attained a
national splendour. It sought, on the contrary, the
virgin soil of cities where it was not curbed by the
tyrannical laws of ecclesiastical tradition, and the
year 1200 gave birth to Niccolo Pisano, the mar-
vellous genius of a new epoch of culture which was
destined to attain development in the thirteenth
century.
consecrated S. Giovanni a Porta Laiina^ a gate which was also called
Libera^ in 1196, S. Eustachio and S. Lorenzo in Ludna, as the
ancient inscription on the latter church still tells us. The portico of
S. Giovanni and Paolo on the Coelian belongs to the time of Adrian
IV. It is curious that no buildings are mentioned during the long
reign of Alexander III.
ERRATA.
On page 55 Twelfth line from Xxy^for Benedict II. retui Benedict IX.
If II 237 Fifth line of chapter^ 1064 read 1084.
627 Second line from io^for Qement read Celestine.
II II
INDEX TO VOLUMES III. AND IV.
Abdard, iv., 482, 483, 484, 639.
Abbeys in Rome, the twenty, 11 1.,
32.
Adalbert, son of Berengar II.,
becomes co-regent, ill., 335 ; in
Rome, 353 ; last battle with Otto
I., 360, 369.
Adalbert of Ivrea, ill., 272, 276.
Adalbert, Bishop of Prague, ill.,
402-3, 414 ; worship of, 415 ;
churches built in his honour,
482-3 ; his biography, 515.
Adalbert of Tuscany, iii., 178,
194-6, 218, 231, 237 ; supports
Sergius, ill., 244 ; nghts su^nst
the Saracens, 266, 272, 270.
Adam, Abbot of Farfa, ill., 438.
Adelaide, Empress, marries I/Othar,
III., 319 ; escapes, 322 ; marries
Otto I., 323, crowned Empress,
334, 391 ; death, 48a
Adelaide of Susa, iv., 162, 207,
234.
Adelchis of Benevento, takes Lewis
II. prisoner, in., 168; excom-
municated, i69-7a
Adrian II., in., 155 ; issues an
amnesty, 156 ; position in Rome,
159 ; his daughter, 159 ; excom-
municates Anastasius, 160 ; deal-
ings with Lothar, 162-3 ; crowns
Lewis II., 169; releases him
from the oath, 169 ; death,
171.
Adrian III., ill., 206-7.
Adrian IV., iv., 525 ; lays Rome
under the interdict, 527 ; his
attitude towards Frederick L,
530; meets him at Nepi, 531 ;
crowns him Emperor, 539 ; ac-
quures Tivoli, 549 ; at war with
William I., 551; acquires Or-
vieto, and makes peace with the
Romans, 553 ; quarrel with Fre-
derick, 554 ; alliance with the
Lombards, 556-7 ; death, 560 ;
character and administration,
561 ; lament over the Papacy,
561-2.
Agapitus II., Pope, in., 321 ;
summons Otto, 323 ;' death,
329.
Agiltruda, wifeof Guido of Spolelo,
in., 220-2, 236.
Agnes, Empress, iv., 97 ; ratifies
election of Nicholas II., 113 ;
overthrown, 140; in Rome, 152;
in Monte Casino, 164 note ;
at the Lateran Council, 199 ;
death, 212.
Agones Region, in., 561.
Albano, iv., 317 note ; destroyed by
the Romans, 593.
Alberic I., in., 254-5 ; marries
MaroKta, 256, 267 ; advances
against the Saracens, 267 ; his
position in Rome, 271 ; hu end,
274-5.
Alberic II., his birth, 271 ; heads
revolt against Hugo, 289 ; be-
comes Princeps, 292 ; his posi-
tion, 293 ; his coins, 299 note ;
702
INDEX,
his pftlace, yx>, 325; manies
Aldm, 304 ; rehlions to Byzan-
tium, 304-5 ; to Leo VII., 306 ;
his cue for the coovcnts, 312 ;
lefonns Fnih^ 314 ; aoqniies the
Sabina, 316 ; sapnessesa revolt,
317; at war with Hugo, 319;
trcAty with Hogo^ 321 ; attitude
towards Otto I., 324 ; death,
3^5:
Albeiric, Count of Tnscnliim, iv.,
lo^ 16, 21, 31.
Albert of Bremen, iv., 140, 1461
Albeit, ChanceUor, iv., 338, 343.
Albiniis, coUectioQ o^ IV., 644,
647 note.
Alexander II., aee Anselm of Bada-
mo. Pope, IV., 129 ; before
Benio^ 135; treaty with Cadalus,
139 ; enters the Lateran, 141 ;
strangle with Cadalos, 142-4 ;
recopiised as Pope, 147 ; nad
for ceUbaqr. 149; attitude to>
wards Cotta, 153-4 ; his jour-
neys, 155 ; in Monte Casino,
163 ; his death, 167.
•Alexander III., election of, it.,
564 ; consecration, 565 ; his ad-
herents, 567 ; ezconmiunicated
by Victor IV., 568 ; excommuni-
cates Frederick, 569; goes to
France, 570-1 ; returns to Rome,
f74; under protection of the
langipani, 582, 586; negoti-
ates with Byantium, 57c, 595 ;
escapes to Benevento, 587 ; de-
clares in finTour of the Lombards,
593; in exile, 594-^00; makes
peace with Frederick, 598-9 ; in
Rome, 600; Latetan, Council
of II79» 6q5; his death and
cbaiacter, 607-8.
Alexius Comnenus, Emperor, rv.,
226k 232 ; his eokbassy to Rome,
359l
a£uus, S., legend of, in., 389^
Altous, IV., 302, 694.
Alfred the Great, ill., 109.
AU Saints, festival of, ill., 8a
Amalfi, alliance with Rome, in.,
92 ; treaty with the Saracens,
i8d; with John Vin., 184;
constitution in ninth centucy,
184; conquered by Pisa, rv.,
434*
Anagni, treaty of, iv., 597, 603,
621 ; constitution, in twelfth
century, 603 note.
Anadete II., see Petrus Leo^ be-
comes Pope, IV., 420 ; seizes the
Lateran, 421 ; his letters, 424 ;
consecrates Roger I., King of
Sicily, 426 ; excommunicated at
Rheuns, 429'; in S. Aiupdo,
436 ; his death, 440 ; his Bull,
469.
Anastaaus III., Pope, in., 248.
Anastasius IV., IV., 524 ;ihis build-
ings, 699.
Anastasius Bibliothecarius, in.,
148-50; in CoKkStantinopIe, X7a
Anastasius, Cardinal of S. Mar-
cello^ deposed, in., ii5r6 ;
usurps the Papacy, 117; ex-
pelled, 118; amnestied, 156;
excommunicated, 160.
Anfusus, IV., 445.
Angelo, S., fortress of, in tenth
centuiy, 111., 286-7 l conquered
by Otto III., 429 ; in possession
of the Cresccntii, iv., 158 ; re-
fuge of Gregory VII., 242 ; taken
by the Romans^ 274 ; confided
to the Pierleom, 416; Mallxus^
account oC 652.
Anglo - Saxons in Rome, in.,
109.
Anonymous of Einsteddn, Iii. ,517-
20; IV., 654.
Anonymous of Salerno^ in., 145,
513.
Anselm of Badagio, . IV., 109, 128,
see Alexander II.
Anselm of Lucca, n'., 181, 235,
262, ; death, 268, 313.
Anspert, Aichbish<^ of Milan, ni.,
175* 199* summoned to Rome
and excommunicated, 201-2.
INDEX.
703
Aquedacls restored by Gregory
IV., III., 81 ; bv Nkliolas I.,
136 ; in eleventh and twelfth
centuries, iv., 685.
Arabs, see Saracens.
Arch of Sevems, iv., 683.
Arches as fortresses, ill., 542 ; I v.,
278, 488, 691.
Ardiitecture in Carolingian times,
III., 25 ; of wood, 92; private
in twelfth .century, iv., 687, 692 ;
church, 693.
Archives of the Church, ill., 141 ;
in eleventh oenti^iy, iv., 307-8,
693.
Arduin of Ivrea, I v., 4, 7, 16, 1 7,
22,24.
Ariald, Deacon, iv., 128, 153^.
Arnold of Brescia, iv., 442,^478^
condemned by Lateran Council,
482*^ a fugitive, 485*; reappears
in Rome, 502'; excommunicated,
506? expelled from the city, 528 ;
surrendered to the Pope, 530;
his death, 545 ; his teaching and
influence, 546-8.
Amulf, Emperor, ill., 212, 217;
in Italy, 218 ; the second time,
219 ; takes Rome, 220 ; crowned
Emperor, 221 ; returns to Ger-
many, 223 ; his death, 236.
Athanasius of Naples deprives Ser-
gius of si^ht, III., 183 ; forms
alliance with Saracens, 184-5.
Athenulf of Benevento, iii., 259,
269.
Athenulf of Monte Casino, iv.,
29 ; his death, 30.
Attigny, diet of, iii., 43.
Atto, Bishop of Vercelli, ill., 508,
510.
Aurelius, M., Statue, legend of,
III., 362, 398, 548.
Auxerre, battle of, ill., 71.
Aventine, desolation of, IV., 253 ;
palace of Otto, ill., 452, 478.
Bamberg, Bishopric of, IV., 80.
Bandus, iv., 457.
Bftidas, Emperor, ill., 122, 146.
Bari ocmquered by the Saracens,
III., 87, 158 ; by Lewis II., 164 ;
by Basil I., 201.
Bartholomew, S., his. remains, in.,
75, 483.
Basil I., Emperor, in., 124; letter
to Lewis II., 164, 200 ; his wars
in Italy, 201.
Basa IL, ai., 392, 424 ; IV., Z2*
Basilians in Rome, in., 390, 403.
Beatrix of TuBcany, iv., 70 ; mar-
ries Godfrey of Lorraine, 94 ; is
imprisoned, 96; in £ivour of
Alexander II., 133 ; her death,
182 and note.
Benedict III., tumult on yuxount
of his election, in., 115; is
ordained, 118; his relations to
Byzantium, 119; death, laa
Benedict IV., in., 241.
Benedict V.,*Grammaticus, becomes
Pope, III., 352; overthrown,
353 5 exiled, 354-7 ; his death,
357.
Benedict VI., in., 377 ; his death,
384.
Benedict VII., in., 387, 388, 390,
393.
Benedict VIII., becomes Pope, iv.,
14 ; meets the Emperor in Ra-
veima, 17 ; crowns Henry II.,
17 ; his rule, 20-24 1 opposes
the Saracens, 27; in Bamberg,
28 ; his activity, 30 ; death,
31.
Benedict IX., iv., 39, 41 ; con-
spiracy against, 43 ; reinstated,
45 ; his career, 47 ; flight, 48 ;
wishes to marry, 49 ; abdicates,
50 ; deposed, 56 ; returns as
Pope, 69 ; is expeUed, 71 ; his
end, 72.
Benedict X., iv., 112; deposed,
113; flies, 114; besieged, 123 ;
retires to a monastery, 123.
Benedict, Canon, his Oido, iv.,
656.
Benedict Carushomo, iv,, 633-4.
704
INDEX.
Benedict, Count, and rector, iii.,
358-60; trial against Farfa,
43^7.
Benedict Christianus, IV., 414.
Benedict of Soracte, in., 318,
365-6, 425. 5«3» 524.
Benedictines in tenth century, in.,
140; decay of order, 307-8 ; iv.,
99.
Beneficiura, iix., 191 ; iv., 554-5.
Benevento, in., 86 ; becomes pa-
pal, IV., 80-1, 121 note, 218; De-
sired by Robert Guiscard, 217 ;
philosophers in, in., 145.
Benjamin of Tudela, iv., 413 ;
description of Rome, 677-82.
Benzo, Bishop of Alba, iv., 133
and note, 135^,145 ; his poem
on Henry IV., 148 note.
Berald (Berard), Abbot of Farfii,
IV., 229, 307, 326, 371.
Berengar of Friuli, in., 172, 199 ;
treaty with Lambert, 223 ; king
for second time, 236; defeated
by the Hungarians, 237 ; de-
prives Lewis III. of sight, 247 ;
crowned Emperor, 265; war with
Rudolf of Burgundy, 272 ; his
death, 273.
Berengar of Ivrea, marries Willa,
in., 320; defeats Hugo, 320;
King of Italy, 322 ; in An^burg,
t24 ; in Ravenna, 325; his wars
in Lombardy and against John
Ill.f 331; against Otto I., 339;
brought to Bamberg, 350; death,
370 note.
Berizo, iv. , 33.
Bernard of Clarvaux supports In-
nocent II., IV., 427, 434-5 ;
in Rome, 436; opposes Arnold
of Brescia, 483-4 ; De Consi-
deratione, 483, 492; exhorts the
Romans to submission, 506;
death of, 523 note.
Bernard, Abbot of S. Anastasius,
IV., 492. See Eugenius, in.
Bernard, King of Italy, in., 16;
sent to Rome, 23 ; revolts, 39,
41; blinded and pat to death,
41 ; his descendimts, iv., 19
note.
Bern ward of Hildesheim, in.,
484, 489, 49a
Bertha of Susa, wife of Henry IV.,
IV., 162, 206, 240.
Bertharius of M. Casino, III., 145,
186 note.
Bishops, manner of life in ninth
century, in., 209 ; soburbican,
343-4 ; episco^ coUaUruies,
IV., 1 16 note.
Boccadipecora, Theobald of, rv.,
405.
Bocca della veriti, iv.« 673.
Bcemund, iv., 228, 27 1; his cru-
sade, 290; death, 343.
Boris, King of Bulgaria, III., 125.
Boniface VI., in., 224-5.
Boni&ce VII., in., j^i^i driven
to Byzantium, 385 ; again Pop^
396; death, 398.
Boniface of Tuscany, in., 218.
Boniface, Margrave of Tuscany,
IV., 54-5, 70-2 ; death, 94.
Boniface and Alexius SS. monas-
tery, in., 388 ; in lOth century,
403, 416 ; diploma of Otto III. ,
416, 478-9.
Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri, rv., 313.
Book of Revenues, iv., 645.
Borgo, in., 55 ; burning of, in 847,
92 ; in time of Gregory VII.,
see Leonina.
Boso» Duke, in., 175, 178, 198;
becomes King of Provence, 199,
^202-211.
Biazutus, John, iv., 129.
Breakspeare, Nicholas, iv., 525,
see Adrian IV.
Bridges of the Tiber, in., 559-60 ;
IV., 685.
Bruno, Abbot of Monte Casino,
IV., 3"* 356.
Bruno, Chaplain of Otto III., s€€
Gr^ory V.
Bruno of Toul, see Leo IX.
Bucca in names, iv., 11 note*
INDEX.
70S
Bordinus, Archbishop of Braga,
IV., 372-4 ; anti-pope, 384-7 ;
his fall, 394-5 ; imprisonment
and death, 396.
Bulgarians, iii., 124-9
Caballi Marmorei, ill., 378.
Caballus Constantini, ill., 362 ;
IV., 680, 698.
Cadalus, iv., 130, 133 ; takes the
Leonina, 137 ; withdraws, 137 ;
treaty with Alexander II., 139 ;
deposed, 140 ; advances against
Rome, 142 ; flies, 147 ; again
deposed, 147 ; his end, 147.
Caesar, legend concerning his
grave, in., 527-8.
Ca»arius, in,, 93-4.
Calistus II. See Guido of Vienne
as Pope, IV., 392 ; entry into
Rome, 394 ; victory over Bur-
dinns, 394-5 ; ends the Concor-
^U 39^ f holds Lateran Coun-
cil, 400: his buildings, 401;
his death, 402.
Calistus III., anti-pope, iv., 594 ;
deposed, 598 ; makes sulnnis-
sion to Alexander, ill., 604.
Camera Apostolica, in., 455.
■Campagna, in., 458-9 ; Counts of,
300, 301 note ; iv., 19, 150-156,
460, 494.
Campo, Abbot of Farfk, in.,
314-5 ; 438.
Ounpus Agonis, in., 552.
Campus Martius, in., 530.
Canossa, iv., 206-210.
Canute the Great, iv., 35-6.
Capitaneus title, iv., 459.
Capitol, condition in tenth century,
in., 546 ; in eleventh and twelfth
IV., 241, 463-8 ; account in the
Mirabilia, 468-77.
Capocdo, Giovanni, senator, iv.,
034.
Capua promised to the Church by
Charles the Bald, in., 174 note ;
conquered by Richard of Aversa,
IV. , 1 20-1 note ; principality of,
VOL. IV.
120 note ; its amphitheatre, in.,
18^ note.
Cardinals, growth of power of, in.,
108 ; acquire right of papal elec-
tion, IV., II 5-6; position under
Nicholas II., 117; cardinal
bishops, 1 16 note; deacons, 116
note ; presb3rters, 1 16 note ; col-
lege of, 1 1 7-8, 601
Carloman. son of Lewis II., in.,
172 ; desires imperial crown,
I93'~4 f illness of, 201.
Casa de Rienzo, iv., 687.
Casa di Crescendo, ill., 536.
Ceccano, Counts of, iv., 19, 396,
437 note, 594.
S. Cecilia, legend of, in., 48-50 ;
church of, 50-2.
Celestine, II., iv., 486-7.
Celestine III., iv., 626^ 630; his
death, 638 ; his buildings, 699.
Celibacy, iv., 149, 184-5.
Cencius Camerarius, iv., 644-5.
Cencius, son of Stephen, iv., 124,
126 and note, 130 ; protector of
Cadalus, 139, 142, 147; struggles
to obtain the prefecture, 157-9,
181 ; takes Gregory VII. pri-
soner, 191 ; makes submission,
192-3 and note ; goes to Henry
IV., 210; his deaUi, 211,
Cervetri, in., 436.
Charles the Great, character of his
empire, in., 2; sojourn in Rome,
7-9 f negotiates with Irene, 12 ;
receives Leo III., 13; divides
the empire, 14 ; appoints Lewis
co-regent, 16 ; his death, 18 ; his
cosmopolitan position, 18; be-
quests to the Church, 19; pro-
nounced a saint, 20.
Charles the Bald, in., 69; deter-
mines to conquer Italy, 172 ;
crowned Emperor, 173 ; dona-
tions to the Church, 173; be-
comes King of Italy, 175 ;
attitude towards John VIII.,
190 ; towards Italy, 191 ; hb
death, 193-4.
2 Z
7o6
INDEX.
Charles the Fat, iii., 172 ; King<^
Italy and Emperor, 202; meet-
ing with Mannus, 206 ; deposes
Guido of Spoleto, 206 ; pardons
him, 207 ; ratifies Stepnen V.
on papal throne, 208 ; deposed,
211 ; death, 211.
Chivalry, I v., 28S-9.
Christian, Archbishop of Mainz,
IV., 573. 580. 593» 599, 600,
604, 606-^ ; death, 610 note.
Christophorus, Magister Militum,
III., 116.
Chromatins, palace of, iv., 659.
Church, state of, Emperor's supre-
macy over. III., 9, 57; w«dth
. of, 105-6 ; guaranteed by Lam-
bert, 2^4 ; extended by Otto,
III., 476 ; under Alexander XL,
IV., 156.
Cinthius, Prefect of the city, I v.,
158-61, 211.
Circus Agonalis, Ml., 552.
Circus Maximus, in tenth century^,
III., 542; in 1062, IV., 134; m
possession of the Fiangipani,
4$8, 691 ; in the Mirabilia, 662.
Cistercians, iv., 42S note; in the
Campagna, 442; in SicUy, 445
note.
Cittii Leonina, foundation of,
94, 100 ; walls of, destroyed by
Henry IV., iv.,234, 243 ; burnt
by Guiscard, 251; battle in, 345;
attacked by Frederick I., 583-4.
Civiti, battle of, iv., 83-5.
Civita-Vecchia, conquered by the
Saracens, ill., 66; colonised,
102 ; ceded to Farfa, iv., 241
note ; to Tuscany, 361 note ;
name, ill., 103.
Classics, study of, in tenth century,
III., 511-4.
Clement II., IV., 57 ; his first
Councils, 68 ; his death, 69 and
note.
Clement III., iv., 616 ; his treaty
with the Senate, 617-9; death,
625.
Clement I II., anti-pope, j»f Wibeit,
elected, iv., 221, 223, 225,229 :
installed in the Lateran, 240 ; in
the north, 244 ; back in Rome,
266; excommunicated, 267; con-
test with Urban II. , 270 ; sum-
moned back to the city, 274;
expelled by the Crusaders, 290 ;
his final struggles, 291-6 ; his
death, 318.
S. Clemente, church, restored by
John X., III., 281 note; iv.,
376, 696.
Qermont, Council of, i v. , 285.
Clergy, barbarism of, in tenth
century, ill., 145; luxury of,
209-210; under Leo IV., iv.,
108 ; under Gregory VII.,
184.
Cluny, Monastery of, ill., 310.
Codex, Codices in the ninth cen-
tury, III., 142-4 ; in tenth, 500;
in eleventh, iv., 305-8; of Monte
Amiata, III., 142 note ; iv., 308;
Vatican, 308 note.
Coins in ninth century, iii., 109,
144; of Formosus, 218 note;
of John IX., 233 note ; of John
X., 281 note ; of Alberic, 299 ;
absence of, iv., 78 note ; of the
City of Rome, 498-9, after 118S,
617 and note.
Colonna £unily, origin of, iii.,
300; IV., 319-20 and note;
629, 632.
Colonna, Oddo, iv., 578.
Colonna, Peter, iv., 319-20, 326^
375.
Colosseum, fortress of the Frangi-
pani, IV., 488.
Column of M. Aurelius, iii. , 548 ;
IV., 252; decree of 1 119, iv.,
686.
Column of Trajan, in., C47 ; nr..
686.
Comes, comites, in., 450-453 ;
comes sacrosancti PaJaHiy 453.
Concordat of Worms, iv., 39S.
Conon of Praeneste, iv,, 359, 39a.
INDEX.
707
Conrad 11., the Salic, goes to Italy,
iv^-i 33 ; crowned, 35 ; his
rescript, 38 ; has Heribert im*
prisoned, 44 ; again in Rome,
46 ; death, 46.
Conrad III., iv., 273; rival to
Lothar, 407, 429, 490, 508;
letter of Senate to, 510-3 ; his
death, 517.
Conrad, fiishop of Hildesheim,
IV., 676.
Conrad of Wittelsbach, iv., 586
and note, J94, 599 note.
Conrad of Montferrat, iv., 604,
606.
Conrad, son of Henry IV.,- iv.,
270 ; defection of, 276 ; crowned
king, 277 ; marries, 285 ; death,
298.
Constantina, daughter of Gregory
Nomenclator, ill., 177.
Constantine Ducas, iv., 138, 146.
Constantine IX., ill., 392, 424.
Constantine Airicanus, iv., 306.
Constantine, apostle of the Slavs,
HI., 125.
Constance, treaty of, iv., 551 and
note, 598 and note, 615.
Constance of Sicily, iv., 613 ; Em-
press, 627; joins the rebels,
638.
Consul Romanorum, title, iii.,
253 ; IV., 416 ; hereditary in
house of Alberic, 138 and note,
borne by the Pierleoni in twelfth
century, 416, 459, 461.
Consuls under Otto III., in., 450 ;
in Gaeta and Fundi, iv., 18
note ; in other provincial cities,
459.
Consulate, in., 11 note.
Convents in time of Leo III., ill.,
30-2; schools, 140.
Corsi, IV., 239, 241, 321.
Corsican bishops, iv., 389.
Corso, Peter Latro, iv., 386, 389.
Corso, Stephen, iv., 321, 326,
Cosmati, IV., 697-8.
Cotta family, iv., 128 and note.
Cotta Herlembald, iv., 128, 153-
5. 190.
Cotta Landulf, iv., 138-153.
Council of 869, III., 161 ; of
1047, IV., 54 ; of 1074, 182 ;
of 1075, 188 ; of 1076, 198 ; of
1112, 356; of I123, 400; of
1139,442; of 1 1 79, 605.
Counts, IV., 18 note.
Crescentii, fiimily of, ill. , 359, 378,
436 ; their genealogical tree,
IV., 6 ; position in 1002, 6, 28 ;
43 note, 150.
Crescentii, de Caballo Marmoreo,
I".. 344, 35?, 378.
Crescentius, Prelect of the city,
III., 474; IV., 5, 11-15.
Crescentius, son of Benedict, in.,
425, 4j6.
Crescentius, John, III., 399, 400;
banishes John XV., 408 ; his
rule, 409 ; patriciate, 412 ; does
homage to Otto III., 414 ; his
character, 419 ; revolt against
Gregory V., 420-2 ; again
Patncins, 422; raises John XVI.
to the Papacy, 423 ; defies
Otto III., 426 ; besieged, 429 ;
legend concerning him, 429 ;
his death, 431 ; grave, 433-4-
Crescentius de Theodora, in., 383 ;
revolts against Benedict VI., 384 ;
acquires Castrum Vetus, 459 ;
his end, 386.
Crescentius, John, Patricius IV., 5,
lb, II, 12, 13.
S. Croce in Gerusalemme, IV., 99
note ; restored, 698-9.
Crusade, iv., 281-7 5 attitude of
Rome towards, 287, 622-3.
DamasusII. iv., 72, 73.
Damiani, Peter, iv., 51 ; his origin
and character, 102 ; greets Gre-
gory VI., CI ; views on battle
of Civiti, 87, 8 ; becomes car-
dinal-bishop of Ostia, loi ;
7o8
INDEX.
early life, 102 ; his reforms,
103 ; his discipline, 104 ; legate
in Milan, 128 ; in fiiTOur of
Alexander II., 132-7 ; enters a
monastery, 139 ; influence over
Empress, 1^2 ; l^;ate in Worms,
162 ; his death, 162 ; culture,
73 note, 312,
Daniel, Magister Militum, ill.,
109-11.
Decarcones, ill., 361.
Decretals, Pseudo-Isidorian, ill.,
154-5-
Desiderius, Abbot of Monte
Casino, iv., 109, 129 ; builds
the basilica, 163, 696 ; makes
peace between Henry IV. and
the Romans, 233 ; removes
columns, 253 ; his care for the
library, 306 ; becomes Pope,
264 ; see Victor IIL
Deusdedit, Cardinal, iv., 310,
644.
Diaconates under Leo III., ill.,
39i 30 \ ^i^ ^^ twelfth century,
IV., 651 note.
Discipline, penitential, iv., 104-7.
Donizo of Canossa, iv., 302.
Drogo of Metz, IIL, 84, 86.
Ducatus Romanus, ill., 192 and
note.
Duces, their share in episcopal
election, 11 1., 122 note ; their
position after time of Charles
the Great, 445 ; outside Rome,
450.
Emmanuel Comnenus, iv., 508,
595.
Emperors, their revenues, ill.,
454i 5 > ceremonial of their cor-
onation, IV., 58-63 ; their ex-
peditions to Italy, 38.
Empire, decay of, iii., 170, 174;
restored by the Germans, 335-6.
Engelberga, ill., 132, 163, 167,
172, 199, 202.
Ermengaid, ill., 172, 198.
Eite, Margraves of, III., 172, 198.
Eugenius II., iir., 56-64.
Eugenius IIL, su Bernard,, Ab-
bot of S. Anastasius ; becomes
Pope, IV., 492; escapes to
Viterbo, 493 ; at war with Rome,
494-6 ; escapes to France, 501 ;
excommunicates Arnold of Bres-
cia, 506; his death, 623; his
buildmes, 6991
S. Eustachio, Church, foundatioo
of, III., 554 ; lawsuit with Far&,
440; possessions in tenth cen-
tury, 553-4.
S. Eustachio, family of, ill., 556 ;
IV., 420, 458.
Eustachius, S., Legend of, iii.,
554-6.
Excommunication, ill., 161-2 ;
IV., 120 note, 22a
Farfti, privileges of. ili., 44 ; law-
suit with the Pope, 45 ; condition
in ninth and tenth centuries, 260 ;
destroyed by the Saracens, 260 ;
condition in 936, 314; refonn
of, 315 ; under Otto II. ami IIL,
436-40; trial against Count
Benedict, 440-3; with S. Eus-
tachio. 440; with SS. Cosma
and Damiano, 443 note ; under
Lombard law 441-2 ; posses*
sions in Rome, 553 ; hostile to
Gregory VII., 227 ; imperialist,
307 ; r^estae of, 307 ; histoiy
of the Abbey, iv., 308.
Ferrara, diet of, iv., 598.
Feudalism in the Campagna in the
tenth and eleventh centuries, iii.,
458; IV., 19; in Lomfaardy,
43-5.
Fiscus. under Otto IIL, 453-5.
Flagellants, iv., 104-7.
Fleet, Papal, iii., 93, 181 ; Pre-
fect of, 472.
Formosus, Missionary to the Bul-
garians, III., 126-7 ; sent to
Charles the Bald, 173 ; member
of German party, 176; excom-
J
INDEX.
709
municated, 177 ; in France,
198; rehabilitated, 206; be-
comes Pope, 216 ; crowns LAm-
bert of Spoleto, 217 ; summons
Amulf, 218 ; his death, 223 ;
post mortem trial, 225-6 ;
buried, 230 ; vindicated, 232.
Forum Romanum, ill., 377, 543 ;
name, iv., 376.
Foruin Trajanum in tenth century,
IV., 547.
Franco, III., 378, see Boni&ce VII.
Frangipani family, iv., 129-30
note; name and arms, 403-4
and note ; de Arco branch, 691 ;
their fortresses and towers, 278,
488,691; position of their party,
278; protect Urban II., 278;
Honorius II., 410; Ghibelline,
416 ; their descendants, 417 ;
acqmre Terracina, 501 note;
Astura, 629 note.
Frangipani, Cencius, IV., 129.
Frangipani, Cencius John, iv.,
371, 379 note, 380, 387.
Frangipani, Cencius Leonis (Con-
sul), IV., 245, 263, 264, 265.
Frangipani, Donna Bona, iv.,
3871404.
Fxangipani, John Cencius, Consul,
IV., 245, 278.
Frangipani, Leo (about loco), 278.
Frangipani, Leo (about 1 108), 326,
387, 4«6.
Frangipani, Oddo, iv., C22 note
529, 56s, 578, S8i, 596.
Frangipani, Robert, iv., 405, 5.
Fredenck I., iv., 518, 520; his
first expedition to Rome, 529 ;
meeting with the Pope, 531 ;
reply to the Senate, 536; his
battle in the Leonina, 542; he
withdraws, 543 ; quarrels with
Adrian IV,, 554-5 ; second ex-
pedition to Italy, 555 ; recon-
ciliation with the Romans, 559 ;
his Council at Pavia, 568 ; third
expedition to Italy, 577 ; before
Rome, 583 ; makes peace, 588 ;
withdraws, 589 ; his wars with
the Lombards, 577, 572 ; defeat
at Legnano, 597 ; peace of
Venice, 599 ; quarrel for Ma-
tilda's estates, on- 13 ; death*,
624 ; character, 625.
Frederick II., iv., 638.
Frederick of Lorraine, iv., 70, 81,
89, 96 ; becomes Abbot of
Monte Casino, 99 ; Pope, 100 ;
see Stephen IV.
Gaeta concludes treaty with Rome,
III., 92 ; Consuls o^ iv., 18
note ; war with Ptolemy of Tus-
culum, 374 and note.
Garigliano, victory and treaty of,
III., 26S-7a
Gastaldi, iii., 450 note.
Gates of Rome, iii., 98.
Gelasitts II., iv., 378 ; imprisoned
by Cencius Frangipani, 380 ;
released, 380 ; escapes to Gaeta,
382 ; deposed, 383 ; excommu-
nicates Henry v., 38c; in
Rome, 386; attacked by the
Frangipani, 387 ; escapes to
France, 389 ; his death, 390.
Genoa makes treaty with Rome,
IV., 575-^.
Gerard, Count of Galena, iv.,
48, 9, III, 123 and note, 130.
Gerbert, ill., 463 ; becomes Pope,
466 ; see Sylvester II.
Gerhard, Bishop of Florence, see
Nicholas I.
Gervasius, of Tilbury, iv., 674, 5
note.
Ghetto, IV., 369.
Gisulf of Salerno, III., 330 ; iv.,
165, 180, 215-6^ 263, 265.
Godfrey of Lorrame, Margrave of
Tuscany, iv., 81 ; marries Bea-
trix, 94; reconciled to Agnes,
98; acquires Spoleto and Ca-
merino, too; intrigues against
Benedict, 113; against Honor-
ius II., 132, 139; occupies
710
INDEX.
Rome, 139, 141 ; appointed
Missus, 141 ; makes war on
Richard of Capua, 1 50-1 ; death
of, 161.
Godfrey the Hunchback, iv., 161,
181 ; death of, 182 note.
Godfrey of Venddme, iv., 278.
Grammaticus, title, iii., 501.
Graphia, ill., 470, 502, 517, 523 ;
IV.. 653.
Gratian, Superista, ill., 109, ill.
(rratian, collection of, iv., 643.
Greek, knowledge of language in
ninth century, ill.. 140; in
tenth, 470.
Greeks seize the Campagna, iii.,
185 ; possessions in S. Italy,
37 ; found dominion there, i v. .
26-9; settled in Rome, ill.,
52.
Gregory IV., ill., 65 ; founds new
Ostia, 68 ; mediates' between
Lothar and his sons, 69 ; intro-
duces festival of All Saints, 80 ;
his buildings, 81 ; care for the
Campagna, 81.
Gregoi^ v., III., 410 ; crowns
C^o III., 412; holds Council,
413 ; character of his rule, 414-
20 ; flight, 420 ; restored, 425 ;
cedes Comacchio, Cesena, and
Ravenna, 458 ; his death, 462.
Gr^ory VI., iv., 50; abdicates,
55 ; in Germany, 69.
Gregory VII., see Hildebrand, be-
comes Pope, IV., 1 7 1-3 ; re-
ceives homage of the Normans,
174; his claims, 175-^; plans a
crusade, 179, 80 ; his relations
to Matilda, 181, 2 ; his first
Council, 182 ; hostility towards
him. 184 ; second Council, 187,
8 ; taken prisoner by Cencius,
191 ; his Lateran Council, 198 ;
excommunicates Henry IV.,
199 ; in Canossa, 206-10 ; nego-
tiations at Forchheim, 213; again
in Rome, 214 ; at enmity with
the Normans, 215; recognises
Rudolf of Swabia, 220 ; is de-
posed, 220 ; deserted by the
Normans, 224 ; escapes to S.
Angelo, 230 ; November Coun-
cil, 234 ; deposed in Rome, 240 ;
released by Guiscard, 245;
taken to Salerno, 255 ; his dea^
256 ; schools, 304 ; letters, 202,
3. 312.
Gregoiy VIII., iv,, 614, 5.
Gregory, anti-pope, ste Burdinus.
Gregory, anti-pope to Benedict V.,
IV., 14, 15.
Gregory, brother of Benedict IX.,
IV., 41, 47, III, 138 note.
Gregory of Tusculum, ill., 472,
490; IV., 9, 10, 11.32a
Grotta Ferrata, foundation of, 11 1.,
463 note ; iv., 10 ; Greek dur-
acter of, 72 note.
Guaiferius of Salerno, ill., 181, 2.
GuastalLa, Council of, iv., 324.
Guelf (Welf) IV., iv., 205, 272,
273 note, 277, 296.
Guelf (Wdif) V., iv., 273, 276. 295-
296. 363-
Guido of Arezzo, iv.. 302. 3.
Guido of Castello, see Celestinell.
Guido of Crema, iv., 567, 572, sec
Paschalis III.
Guido I., Duke of Spoleto, iii.,
90.
Guido II., Duke of Spoleto, iii.,
181, 203, 206 ; reinstated, 207 ;
victorious over the Saracens,
211 ; his power, 213 ; becomes
King of France, 213 ; of Italy,
213 ; Kmperor, 214 ; appoints
Lunbert co-regent, 217; his
death, 219.
Guido of Tuscany, ill., 276;
marries Marozia, 278, 279, 283.
Guido of Velate, iv., 70, 128, 153,
155-
Guido of Vienne, IV., 359^ 390,
see Calixtus II.
Guido of Crema, see Paschalis II.
Guido, XcffXt in Bohemia, iv.,
485*
INDEX.
7"
Guilds in twelfth century, iv.,
455-7.
Gunther of Cologne, ill., 131,
134 ; is amnestied, 156 note.
lianno of Cologne, iv., 140-2,
146-7.
Henry II., at war with Arduin,
IV., 7 ; recognises Benedict
VIII., 14, 16 ; Patricius of the
Romans, 16; crowned Emperor,
17; his diploma, 19; revolt
against him, 22; returns to
Germany, 23 ; marches against
the Greeks, 29 ; his death, 32.
Henry III., iv.,47; comes to
Italy, 54; attends Council at
Sutri, 54; Synod in Rome, 56;
causes Suidger of Bamberg to
be elected Pope, 56-7 ; his coro-
nation, 58-9 ; Patricius, 64 ;
goes to Campania, 68 ; his rela-
tions towards Boniface of Tus-
cany, 70 ; appoints Damasus, 72;
and Leo IX., 74; ratifies Leo
in possession of Benevento, 80 ;
appoints Victor II., 94; accom-
panies him to Italy, 95 ; his
death, 97,
Henry IV., iv., 97; Patricius,
126, 130; unsuccessful expedi-
tion to Italy, 150 ; marries 162 ;
ratifies election of Gregory VII.,
172 ; his victory on the Unstrut,
189 ; breach with Gregory VII.,
190 ; summons Council at
Worms, 195 ; excommunicated,
199 1 at Tribur, 205 ; at Canossa,
207 ; at Piacenza, 210 ; deposed
at ForchhelRl, 21 3 ; kt war with
Rudolf, 214 ; again excommuni-
cated, 220 ; puts forward anti-
pope, 220 ; goes to Italy, 224 ;
before Rome, 225 ; forms alli-
ance with Alexius, 226; besieges
Rome for third time, 229 ; takes
the Leonina, 231 ; his treaty with
the Romans, 233 ; goes to Cam-
pania, 237 ; enters Rome, 239 ;
crowned, 240; besieges S. An-
gelo, 242 ; leaves Rome, 244 ;
Conrad's defection from, 277;
attitude towards Crusades,
293-4 ; his death, 298, 324 ; his
remains, 339.
Henry V., iv., 298, 324 ; his ex-
pedition to Rome, 329; treaty
with Paschalis II., 237 ; his
coup tP^tatf 340-2; takes the
Pope a prisoner, 343 ; his battle
in the Leonina, 345; leaves
Rome, 346; fresh treaty with
the Pope, 350-1 ; crowned, 352 ;
excommunicated, 359 ; claimant
for Matilda's estates, 363 ; in
Rome in 11 17, 371-2 ; in 11 18,
38 1 ; procures election of Gregory
VIII., 383-4; again excommuni-
cated, 385, 392; rebellion in
Germany, 392 ; Concordat of
Worms, 398 ; his death, 402.
Henry VI., iv., 611 ; married to
Constance, 613 ; ravages La-
tium, 614 ; Emperor, 627 ;
mardies against Tancred, 629 ;
subjugates Sicily, 635 ; his pro-
ceedings in Italy, 636-7 ; his
vassal principalities, 636 ; death,
638.
Henry, Duke of Bavaria, ill., 482,
489, 490 ; IV., 7.
Henry the Lion, iv., 542-3 note.
Henry the Proud, iv., 364 note,
433? 436.
Hereucs condemned by Lucius
III., IV., 612.
Hermits, iv., 101-4.
Heribert of Milan, iv., 33, 35, 44,
45. 46, 70.
Hildebert of Tours, iv., 250.
Hildebrand, iv., 51 ; his origin,
167-8 ; chaplain of Gregory VI.,
51 ; goes to Germany, 69 ; sub-
deacon of Leo IX., 75 ; his pro-
gramme, 93-4 ; puts forward
Gebhard of Eichstadt, 94 ; ruses
Stephen IX. to the Papacy, too ;
712
INDEX.
archdeftcon, loi ; opposed to
Benedict X., II2; alliance with
the Normans, 115, 119, 122;
procures election of Alexander
II., 129; is Chancellor, 132;
growth of his power, i4iS ; be-
comes Pope, 167, su Gregory
VII.
ITildebrand of Farfin, III., 314-5.
Hohenstaufen, family of, iv., 213,
273i 407.
Honorius II., J«f Lambert of Ostia,
becomes Pope, iv., 406 ; invests
Robert with principality of
Capua, 409; Roger II., with
Apulia and Calabria, 409 ; death
of, 410.
Honorius II., anti-pope, see Cad-
alus.
Horta, III., 103 ; marchiones of,
255 note.
Houses in Rome in tenth century,
iHm 535-7.
Hubert, Proctor of Farfa, ill., 441.
Hugh, Bishop of Lyons, iv., 235,
262, 265, 268.
Hugo, Abbot of Farfii, iii., 425,
437, 439-40 ; IV., 22, 307.
Hugo of Alatri, iv., 382, 386 note,
Hugo Candidus, iv., 124, 126,
149 ; envoy in Spain, 177, 189,
Hugo of Provence, iii., 276 ; be-
comes King of Italy, 277 ; his
character, 283-4 > deprives Lam-
bert of Spoleto of sight, 285 ;
marries Marozia, 286 ; escapes
from Rome, 290; besieges Rome,
303-4$ lus relations to Byzan-
tium, 319 ; makes Lothar co-
regent, 319; besieges Rome,
319-20 ; his struggle with Beren-
gar, 320; treaty with Alberic,
321.
Hugo of Tuscany, ill., 480, 482
484.489-90.
Hugo of Vennandois, iv., 290.
Humbert of Subiaco, iv., 309.
Humphrey of Apulia, iv., 84, 90,
119.
Hnneanans invade Italy, iii.,
236-7; conouer Pavia, 272;
conversion ot, 477.
Ignatius, Patriarch of Constanti-
nople, III., 123.
Ignorance in Rome in ninth cen-
tury, 145-7, 498; in eleventh,
IV., 300-2.
Imperium, theory of Lewis II.
concerning, iii., 166-7; signifi-
cation under the Ottos, 334, 5.
Imperial rights restored by John
IX., III., 234.
Imperiola Peter, 11 1., 345 and note.
Ingoald, Abbot of Fairfa, ill., 45.
Innocent II., rv., 420 ; in France,
422 ; recognised, 429 ; crowns
Lothar, 432 ; flies, 433 ; retnnis
439 ; recognised in Rome, mikes
peace with the Pierleoni, 441 :
builds Aquas Salvias, 441 ; his
Lateran Council, 442 ; war with
Roger of Sicily, 443 ; recognises
Roger, 444; war with Tivoli,
448 ; insurrection in Rome,
451 ; condemns Arnold oif
Brescia, 442 ; his death, 452 ;
his buildings, 695.
Innocent III., anti-pope, rv., 605.
Interdict, signification of, iv., p7.
Investiture forbidden to la}rmeo,
IV., 188-9, 325f 332; ratified
to the Emperor by Paschalis II.,
350» 352; revoked by Lateran
Council, 358 ; renounced at
Concordat of Worms, 397-9*
Irene, Empress, III., 12.
Irmengard, wife of Adalbert of
Ivrea, iii., 276-7.
Irmengard, wife of Lothar, ill.,
41-3.
Irmengard, wife of Lewis the
Pious, 34.
Janiculum, legendary foundation
of, III., 525.
INDEX.
713
Jerasalem, fell of, iv. , 614 ; de-
scribed by Benjamin of Tudela,
681.
Jews, their Schola, iv., 414; in
twelfth centuiy, 412-14; num-
bers in different cities, 413.
Joan, Pope, ill., 111-4.
ohn Vfll., Pope, iiL, 171;
crowns Charles the Bald, i/j;
goes to Pavia, 175 ; brings trial
against Formosus, 177 ; seeks
aid against the Saracens, 179 ;
equips a fleet, 181 ; defeats the
Saracens, 182 ; his letters, 186;
buildines, 186-7 ; summons
Council in Rome, 189 ; his
attitude towards Charles the
Bald, 190; holds Synod at
Ravenna, 191 ; receives Charles
the Bald, 193 ; negotiates with
Lambert, 194-5 ; a prisoner in
the Vatican, 196; escapes to
France, 197 ; crowns Lewis the
Stammerer, 198 ; forms treaty
with Boso, 198 ; returns to Italy,
199; recognises Photius, 200;
crowns Charles the Fat, 202 ;
his death, 203.
John IX., III., 231 ; rehabilitates
Formosus, 232 ; ratifies Lam-
bert's election, 233 ; at Synod
of Ravenna, 233; his death,
238.
John X., his youth, iii., 249;
becomes Pope, 259 ; crowns
Berengar, 265 ; his war with the
Saracens, 262-7; league with
princes of South Italy, 268 ;
summons Hugo of Provence,
277 ; his imprisonment, 279 ;
death, 279.
John XL, descent of, iii., 254;
becomes Pope, 283 ; taken pri-
soner by Aiberic, 290 ; ratifies
Theophylact, 305 ; death, 305.
John X:II., III., 328-9 ; becomes
Pope, J29 ; his expedition against
the princes in the South, 330 ;
summons Otto L, 331-2; con-
spires with Berengar, 340; his
dissolute life, 330, 340; dted
before the' synod, 343 ; deposed,
347 ; re-enters Rome, 350 ; his
revenue, 350 ; death, 351.
John XflL, III., 357 ; imprisoned,
359 ; in Ravenna. 368 ; crowns
Otto II., 368 ; gives Palestrina
to Stephania, 374 ; crowns Theo-
pbano, 376 ; fajs death, 377.
John XIV., III., 393, 397.
John XV., 398 ; ms avarice, 407 ;
flight, 408 ; death, 408.
John XVI., III., his early career,
422 ; becomes anti-pope, 423 ;
mutUated, 426 ; his end, 427.
John XVIL, IV., 7.
John XVIIL, IV., 7-10.
John XIX., s€e Romanus, be-
comes Pope, IV., 31 ; summons
Conrad 11. , 33; crowns him, 35 ;
invites Guido of Arezzo, 303 ;
death of, 39.
John, son of Benedict, in., 425,
436 ; IV., 5, 22.
{ohn, son d Crescentius, III., 360.
ohn of Crema, iv., 395, 419.
{ohn Diaconus, in., 148, 508.
ohn of Vico, Prefect of the city,
IV., 59Sf 603-4.
John Cannaparius, in., 515.
John, Duke of Gaeta, in., 268^9.
John, Bishop of Gaeta, iv., 377,
see Gelasius II.
John, Archbishop of Ravenna, in,,
121-3, 135.
John, Bishop of Tusculum, iv., 344,
, 346, 355.
Johannipolis, in., 147, 342.
Jonathan of Tusculum, iv. ,578 note.
Jordan I. of Capua, iv., ici, 165,
218, 224, 228, 232-3, 263, 265,
275.
Jordan II., iv., 408-9.
udices, III., 444 ; dativi, 446 ; Ro-
mani, 448 ; papal, iv., 156 and
note.
Judith, wife of Lewis the Pious,
III., 69.
1
714
INDEX.
Judith, daughter of Charles the
Bald, III., 13a
Lacus Curtius, iii., 545.
Lambert of Okia, iv., 397, 405-^,
see Honorius II.
Lambert, Duke of Spoleto, attacks
Rome, III., 157 ; deposed, 169 ;
reinstated, 181 ; supports John
VIII. against the Saracens, 181 ;
takes part against him, 188, 9 ;
attacks Rome, 196 ; excommu-
nicated, 197 ; his death, 203.
Lambert II. becomes co-regent,
III., 217 ; Emperor, 219 ; at war
with Amulf, 220; takes Pavia,
225 ; attends post-mortem synod,
225 ; his death, 237.
Lambert of Tuscany, ill., 276, 283,
285.
Lando, Pope, lii., 248.
Lando of Sezza, iv., 605.
Landulf, Duke of Capua, ill., 259,
269.
Landulf II., Duke of Capua, ill.,
330.
Landulf V., Duke of Capua, iv.,
120.
I^andulf v., Duke of Benevento,
IV., 29.
Landulf VI., Duke of Benevento,
IV., 80, 165, 174, 217.
Lateran basilica, &I1 of, lit., 226 ;
restored, 247 ; building of Calix-
tus II., IV., 401 ; palace and
building of Nicholas I., ill.,
137 ; M]s to ruin, iv., 297 ;
Oratory, in., 26; gate, iv., 252 ;
archives, iv., 643.
Latin in ninth century, in., 146-9.
Law in ninth century, in., 56-^2 ;
of Justinian, 60; iv., 642 ; Lom-
bard in Far&, in., 441 ; in
eleventh and twelfth centuries,
IV., 38, 216, 496, 641-2; Canon,
643 ; Judex Romanus, 642 ; ad-
ministration of, under Alberic,
III., 300; under Otto III., 444-8;
under Alexander II., rv., 156^
7 ; under Innocent II., 459 ;
af^er 1144, 505 ; lawyers in ninth
century, in., 14a
Lazarus, painter, in., 119-aoiiote.
Learning, decay of, in., 139 ; ab-
sence of, in Rome, iv., 300-1,
640-1.
Legates, papal, after Gregocy VII.,
IV., 186 ; a iatere^ 358.
L^[nano, battle of, iv., 597.
Leo IV., Pope, in., 91 ; forms
alliance with seaports, 92 ;
blesses the fleet, 93 ; bmlds
walls, 95 ; restores Portns, 101 ;
founds Leopolis, 102 ; his build-
ings, 103-4 ; crowns Lewis II.,
icS ; denounces Anastasins,
108 ; is accused to the Emperor,
no; his death, in.
Leo v.. III., 242.
Leo VI., III., 282.
Leo VIL, in., 306, 317.
Leo VIII., beoomes Pope, ni.,
348 ; flies, 350 ; deposed, 352 ;
reinstated, 353 ; his privilegium,
356 ; death, 357.
Leo IX., IV., 74; his first Coun-
cil, 77 ; lus financial distress^
78; his journeys, 77, 79; acquires
Benevento, 80 ; campaign against
the Normans, 81 ; taken prisoner,
83 ; reconciled with the enemy,
89 ; negotiates with Byzantium,
89, 90 ; his death, 90,
Leo de Benedicto Christiano, ia'.,
113.129,137,414.
Leo Simplex, Abbot, in., 403, 464^
Leo de Monumento, iv., 615-6.
Leo Nomenculator, in., 46.
Leo of Ostia, iv., 306, 344, 355-
Leopolis, in., 103.
Leonina. See Citt^ Leonina.
Lewis the Pious, Emperor, in.,
16 ; sends Bernard to Rome, 23 ;
crowned by the Pope, 34 ; ratifies
privileges of the Church, 35-8 ;
appoints Lothar co*emperar, 39 ;
INDEX.
715
ptinishes Bernard, 41 ; at the
Diet of Attigny, 43 ; sends Missi
to Rome, 47 ; another partition
of the empire, 69 ; quarrel with
his sons,69 ; death, 71.
Lewis the German, ill,, 70, 164,
172, 189, 190.
Lewis IL, III., 71 ; sent to Rome,
84 ; crowned, 85 ; treaty with
Siconolf, 86 ; crowned Emperor,
108 ; his tribunal, 1 10 ; attitude,
to Benedict IIL, 118 ; sole Em-
peror, 119; procures election of
Nicholas I., 120 ; appears against
Nicholas, 132 ; in Rome, 132-5 ;
at war with the Saracens, 158 ;
besieges Bari, 162-4; letter to
Basil, 164-5 > taken prisoner by
Adalgisus, 168 ; crowned a sec-
ond time, 169 note ; his death,
171.
Lewis of Provence (the Blind), goes
to Italy, III., 237-^; crowned
Emperor, 241 ; deprired of sight,
247.
Lewis the Stammerer, ill., 198,
201 •
Libellum Libellaria, ill., 191.
Liber Censuum, iv., 645-6.
Liber Pontificalis, ill., 148, 149,
513 ; IV., 647-8.
Libraries, in ninth century, iii.,
141 ; in eleventh, iv., 304.
Lingua Volgare, in ninth century,
III., 168 note; in tenth, 505,
513.
Liutprand of Cremona, ill, 249,
2&^ 287, 343 ; in Constanti-
nople, 370-2 ; his learning, 508.
Ivodi, Council of, iv., 570.
Lombards, position in S. Italy,
III., 40; IV., 26-7; take part
with Henry IV., iv., 206, 227 ;
their colonies in South Italy,
216 ; war with Frederick I., iv.,
577 ; league, 593 and note ; vic-
tory at Lq^ano, 597, 599; cities,
453 ; Lombard names, ill., 61,
254-5 note ; iv., 168 note.
S. Lorenzo fiiori le mura, Church,
IV., 69&-9 ; Abbot as Cardinal,
IV., 116.
Lothar I., co-regent, in., 39; King
of Italy, 42 ; in Italy, 43 ;
crowned, 43 ; decides between
Far& and the Pope, 45 ; his
constitution, 57, 8, 62-4 ; rebels,
69 ; Emperor, 71 ; auarrel with
his brothers, 71 ; sends Lewis II.
to Rome, 83 ; becomes monk,
119; his death, 119; his edict,
139- ^
Lothar II., iv., 407 ; his relations
to Anaclete, 11., 424; recognises
Innocent IL, 428 ; in Italy, 429;
crowned, 432 ; second expedi-
tion to Rome, 436 ; drives Roger
out of Apulia, 437 ; his death,
439.
Lothar, King of Italy, co-regent,
III., 319 ; marries Adelaide,
319 ; becomes King of Italy,
320; his death, ^21-2.
Lothar of Lotharmgia, his mar-
riage, III., 130; annulled by
Nicholas I., 135 ; fresh offences,
161-2 ; dealings with Adrian II. ,
162 ; his death, 164.
Lucius II. , IV., 487; relations
with Roger I. and the Frangi-
pani, 487; with Conrad HI.,
490 ; his death, 491 ; his build-
ings, 699.
Lucius III., IV., 609; seeks the
Emperor's protection, 611; his
death, 612.
Macbeth, iv., 78.
Macel de Corvi, in., 558.
Maginolf, see Sylvester IV.
Mafiius, Peter, iv., 650-3.
Mansionarii Scholk Confessionis,
S. Petri, III., 134; IV., 184.
Mantua, Council of, 1064, iv.,
147.
Manuscripts, see Codices.
S. Marco Gi. rebuilt by Gr^ory
IV., III., 80 ; mosaics in, 8i.
7^6
£«KT^ IT^
ot rr., 121. 122;
Sfmaddi, ui^ 131.
UL, 119, 123,
ni., 104.
nx^ 40; m dewnth centiu^,
rr^ •95- ' >▼- i*7. I53 ; smrrcuAers lo
Tan. IT^ 60^ ^i Ficdenck L, 555 ; destnKtioQ
L.F=«.ti:.,J05,6. S&akfiB. IT. 468. 517, 646.
EL, d^ SxS ; 4kMk of, 653-5 ; dEacnptiao of the nooQ-
jtt. -ms, tti-i 664^^ 66S, 669.
Xjcknki of Riiiw, it., 636c 674-
657- M™, lGnB» m., 9. 5S> 234.
Ser- Mibc. F^)^ i54DoCc;fcrsecflIar
IIL^CL,X4<.«S»»—' " I ofccMk, IT.. 134 note.
MoMstk QvdeR» it., 428 note.
Jofan X.pn9aKr, 279: her »- lloaksm Robc, nu, 312.
a7*» a«5 = Mobs Ai^psbK, m., 55a.
Mobs Gaslii, HI.. 432 ; rv., 591
MacB. Gmss oC nr., 19L M
vMuoBu; fiosSr, it., 45S 1KB m nnui catny, uu, 145,
147 ; bsiBt b^ the ^•■■^ nrfrs
Madkia of Tbobt, i^-. 7°^ 9& ' i^; ilsooloBics 3pS note ; its
9S, 151 ; BUiks Godfrey the . refanntian, 311 ; aoquiies S.
Haachbttck, 161 : iciatiaBi to- Cinioe m GcneadeBme, nr., 99
«uds Gffcgorj VII., iScK-2; a Bofee; mmfttimw m Seventh
vkk>v, 1&2 note ; miaoedes for ccBBny, 163 ; iBsiKca o( 164-
CeBcmsi9o; iB CuKm, 207: 6; fibniy, 306; mowiics,
ManBsa^unstHeni7rV.,234: 696k.
soppoffts Vktor IIL, 266; Moaie Gsi^uMs ni., 462.
auiies Godf v., 273; protects ^ Monte Mano, in., 432.
Comad, 276; 6itociis the Cn- Monte ¥omo, it., 8 note, 320;
fi i4^ ^ 284 ; leaves her propoty battle o^ 581.
to the Own*. a9S ; «paiates MonuMnls^in., 537-^; in twelfth
from Gnelf, a9S ; ***** ^"^ ^ centmy, 687.
T,fMl«y to Hemy v.* 33D; her Mosaic ait in deventh and twelfth
death, 360 ; ho boqiaest, 361-4. centuries, IT., 696.
INDEX.
717
Names in Italy, ill., 61 ; Byzan-
tine, III., 251 ; Arabic, 262
note; Lombard, 254, 5 note;
IV., 168 note, 216 ; Roman, in
tenth century, III., 251, 381,
2 ; in eleventh and tweUfth, iv.,
II note.
Naples in league with Rome, ill.,
92 ; conquered by Rc^er IV.,
438.
Naumachia, iii., 27 and note.
Navona, ill., 552.
Nicephorus, Emperor, in., 12 ;
death o( 125 note.
Nicephorus, Phocas, in., 369-372.
Nicholas I.. Pope, in., 120; dis-
pute with John of Ravenna, 121-
3, condemns Photius, 123-4 ;
sends missionaries to the Bul-
garians, 124 ; his Responsa, 127 ;
correspondence with the Em-
peror Michael, 125-9 ; sum-
mons Synod of Metz, 1 31 ;
quarrel with Lewis, 132 ; effects
reconciliation between Lothar
and his wife, 135 ; his buildings,
136-7 ; encouragement to learn-
ing, 138 ; founder of Papal
monarchy, 153 ; his death,
155.
Nicholas II., iv., 114; his decree
concerning Papal election,
1 15-7 ; excommunicates Robert
Guiscard, 120 ; concedes him
the in vesture, 121 ; his death,
125.
Nicholas, Magister S. Palatii, rv.,
136.
Nicholas of Anagni, in., 115.
Nilus, III., 403, 427 ; visited by
Otto III., 463 ; founds Grotta
Ferrata, 463 note ; IV., la
Ninia (Nympha), IV., 327 and
note, 564.
Noah as founder of Rome, ill.,
525-6.
Nobmty in tenth century, in.,
291 ; in beginning of eleventh, I
IV., 2. 21 ; resume right of >
electing pope, 14 ; under Nicho-
las II., 124, 5 ; in twelfth cen-
tury, 455-61.
Normans invade Italy, iv., 27 ;
receive estates, 30 ; spread over
South Italy, 80; at war with
Leo IX., 81-7; form alliance
with Hildebrand, 119; do
homage to the Pope, 121 ; sup-
port Alexander II., 138; lus-
tory of, IV,, 306.
Notitia, III., 519.
Octavian, Emperor, legend of, iv.,
472 ; palace of, su Palace.
Octavian, son of Alberic, see John
XII.
Octavian, Cardinal, iv., 538, 564,
see Victor IV.
Odo of Cluny, in., 284, 304, 311 ;
reforms the Roman monasteries,
31 1-3; Far&, 315, 319; his
culture, 509.
Optimates as judges, in., 301,
447.
Opus Praxiteles, I v., 143.
Orbis Ecclesiasticus, iv., 645.
Orbis Romanus, iv., 645.
Ordo Coronationis, iv., 59-63 and
notes.
Ordo Romanus, IV., 646, 651, 656-
61.
Ostia, in ninth century, in., 67 ;
rebuilt by Gregory IV., 68;
naval battle of, 94 ; fortified by
Nicholas I., 137 ; constitution
in twelfth century, 603 note.
Otto I. marries Adelaide III.,
323 ; expedition to Italy, 323-4 ;
second expedition, 332; lus
coronation, 334 ; his character,
337; »gain in Rome, 341;
deprives the Romans of the
right of papal election, 342 ;
summons a Synod, 343; Ixittle
with the Romans, 349 ; restores
Leo to the Papal throne, 353;
besieges Rome, 353 ; returns to
7i8
INDEX.
GenoBnyt 357 ; again in Rome,
360 ; sends Liutprand to Con-
stantinople, 369; his death,
378.
Otto II. crowned, ill., 368 ;
marries Theophano, 376; in
Rome, 391 ; wars in South
Italyi 392 ; his death, 394 ; his
grave, 394-5.
Otto III., King of Germany, iii.,
393; comes to Italy, 408;
appoints Bruno to the Papacy,
409 ; crowned Emperor, 412 ;
holds a Council, 413; returns
to Germany, 416; araiin in
Rome, 425 ; boi^^es Crescen-
tins, 428-9 ; treatment of the
rebel, 431-3 ; proceedings
against Count Benedict, 437 ;
court ceremonial, 45;^, 469 ;
pilgrimage to Campania, 461 ;
appoints Gerbert to the Papacy,
463, 466 ; his schemes, 467 ;
his attitude to the Pope, 475 ;
donations to him, 476; his
fortress on the Aventine, 478 ;
his mysticism, 479; goes to
Germany, 480; returns to
Rome, 482 ; builds church
of S. Adalbert, 482-4; war
with Tivoli, 487 ; revolt of the
Romans, 488-9; his flight,
490; in Ravenna and Venice,
491 ; marches against Rome,
492 ; his death, 493 ; his char-
acter, 495; erects monument
to Boethius, 512.
Otto, Bishop of Ostia, tv., 262,
265, 267, 268-9, ^^ Urban II.
Otto of Wittelsbach, Count Pala-
tine. IV., 559, 567, 568, 586
note.
Painting in time of Leo III., iii.,
28; m twelfth century, iv.,
696-7.
Palace, imperial, in tenth century,
III., 7» 45>-3.
Palace of Cromatius, iv., 659.
Palace Monasterium, iii., 478-9
note.
Palace of Octavian, iv., 134,
475-6.
Palace of the Senators, iv., 477.
Palatine, III., 54a
Palatinm, signification of, in tenth
century, 11 1., 524.
Palestrina (Praeneste), in., 373;
given to Stephania, 374; in
eleventh century, iv., 73 ; given
to Colonna family, iv., 320-1
and note, 375 ; bishopric o^
"!•• 374; antiquities, 373-4
note.
Palimpsests, in., 50a
Palladio, iv., 99 note.
Palladium, fortress of the Frangi-
pani, iv., 421.
Pandects, Pisan Code, iv., 641-2.
Fandulf II., Duke of Benevcnto,
III., 330.
Pandulf III., Duke of Benevento,
IV., 80.
Pandulf II. of Capua, 11 1., 185.
Pandulf III. of Capua (the Iron-
head), HI., 368, 385,
Pandulf IV. of Capua, iv., 28 ;
banished, 29 ; reinstated, 45 ;
flies, 46, 80.
Pandulf V. of Capua, iv., 8a
Pandulf of Pisa, iv., 648.
Pantheon, legend concerning, in.,
523.
S. Paolo fuari le mura, destruction
of its roof, III., II note ; pil-
laged by the Saracens, 89 ;
adorned by Leo, IV., 105 ; forti-
fied, 186; abbey of, 311 ; Bible-
codex of, 144 and note ; destruc-
tion of Colonnade, under Henry
IV., IV., 251 ; its bronze doors,
260 note.
Papacy, position of, in ninth cen-
tury, III., 152; invective against.
404-6; at the beginning of
eleventh century, iv., 1-2;
under Benedict IX., 40-2.
INDEX.
719
Papal election, the Emperor claims
light of ratification of, ill., 33,
35, 62 ; decision of Lothar,
61-3; decree of Adrian III.,
207 ; decision of Otto I., 342-3 ;
privilegium of Leo VIII., 3S5-i ;
surrendered by the Romans to
Henry III., iv., 56-7 ; decree
of Nicholas II., 115, 406; de-
cision of 1 1 79, 605-6.
Parione, region, ill., 558.
P&schalis I., III., 35 ; crowns
Lothar, 43 ; quarrel with Far£ai,
44 ; puts ThTOdore and Leo to
death, 46 ; takes oath of purga-
tion, 47 ; his death, 48 ; buud-
Paschalis II., iv., 317; supports
Henry V., 324 ; at Council of
GuasUdla,.324; in France, 32^;
his wars with the barons, 320 ;
renounces claims on Church
property, 333-4; imprisoned,
343; fresh treaty with Henry v.,
350 ; crovms him, 352 ; revolt of
the clergy against, 355 ; Lateran
Council, 356 ; invests William
with Duchy of Apulia, 360 ; re-
vokes the privflegium, 365 ;
revolt against, 368; escapes, 371;
Council of Benevento, 374 ; his
death, 375 ; his buildings,
376-7.
Paschalis III., anti-pope, iv., 572,
577. 585» 590. 594.
Passion plays, ill., 503.
Pateria, Patarines, iv., 127.
Patriciate, Patricius in tenth cen-
tury, III., 292, 400; under Otto
III., 473 ; in eleventh century,
IV., 3, 488-9, 494 ; removed,
496.
Patricius of the Romans, iv., 5
and note ; position under Henry
in. and IV., 56, 65.
Patrimonies of the Church, Hi., 37
note, 191-2, 245 ; transformed
into feudal estates, 457.
Pavia, diet of, in*, 172 ; con-
quered by the Hungarians, 272 ;
Councils at, 421; I v., 225, 568 ;
school of, III., 138.
Pentapolis, march of Werner, iv.,
322.
Pestilence, iv., 589-^.
S. Peter, basilica of, adorned by
Leo III.^ III., 26-7 ; sacked
by the Saracens, 87-8; re*
stored by Leo IV., 104; be-
sieged by Henij IV,, iv., 230 ;
as fortress, 266; residence of
anti-popes, 387; attacked by
Fredenck I., 584.
Peter's pence, 11 1., 109; iv.,
37-
Peter, Prefect of the city, ill., 359,
361, 362, 364.
Peter, Prefect of the dty (about
lies), IV., 323, 325, 367.
Peter, Prefect of the city (about
in6), IV., 367-8, 371, 373» 380,
388.
Peter, Prefect of the city (about
1 1 54). IV., 529, 543, 544 note,
545, 637.
Peter, brother of John X., ill.,
264,278-9.
Peter, Abbot of Farfa, in., 261.
Peter Imperiola, in., 345.
Peter Latro, iv., 386, 389, 431.
Peter Leo, Cardinal, iv., 418,
420, see Anadete II.
Peter Lombard, iv., 64a
Peter Mallius, I v., 650.
Peter of Pisa, iv., 648.
Peter of Portus, I v., 388, 391,
419, 421.
Philagathus, see John XVI.
Photius, Patriarch, in., 123; is
condemned, 124 ; his learning,
145-6 ; recognised as Patriarch
by John VIII., 200 ; condemned
afresh, 206.
Piacenza made an archbishopric,
in., 422; Councils of, iv., 197,
284.
Piazza Navona, ill., 552-3.
Pierleoni, family, origin of, see
720
INDEX.
Leo de Benedicto, iv., 230,
239, 271, 296, 325, 414-7 ; their
fortresses, IV., 368-9, 415, 500.
Pier Leone (Petnis LeoX Consul,
IV., 326, 331, 367, 370, 379, 380,
391 ; death of, 414 ; tomb of,
417.
Pierleoni, Hueuizon, iv., 421,
Pierleoni, Jordieui, iv., 421, 488-^,
495, 502.
Pierleoni, Leo, iv., 414, 415-6,
421.
Pierleoni, Peter, iv., 418-20, see
Anaclete IL
Pilgrims in ninth century, ill., 76 ;
as penitents, 78.
Pipin, son of Charles the Great,
III., II ; attitude towards the
Pope, 14 ; becomes King of
Italy, 14 ; his death, 15.
Pisa burnt by the Saracens, iv., 25;
acquires Sardinia, 25 ; cathedral
off 3^ 9 supports Innocent II.,
422, 433; against Roger of
Sicily, 434 ; against Rome, 587.
Piscina publica, ill., 533.
Pladta, III., 8.
Ponthion, diet of, III., 175, 177
note.
Popes, their position under Charles
the Great, ill., 9, 10; change
their names, 83 note, 329; in-
creased authority of, 151 ; their
rooms sacked, 208-9; l^i^^esse
on their elevation, 210; revenues
in ninth century, 106 ; in tenth,
457 ; in eleventh and twelfth,
IV., 645 ; their regestae, 310.
Portus, decay of, III., 1 01; rebuilt
by Leo IV., loi, 137 ; bishopric
of, 559
Praefeclus Navales, ill., 472.
Prsefectus Urbis, under the Ottos,
III., 359, 474 ; under Alexander
II., IV., 157 ; signification of, in
twelfth century, 366; his resi-
dence, 465 ; office abolished,
494; restored, 496; restored
again by Frederick I., 588 ; pre*
fectnre in 1 191-95, 636; dress
of prefect, 366.
Prseneste, see Palestrina.
Praestaria, III., 191.
S. Prassede, ill., 52-4.
Precaria, ill., 191.
Presbyteria IV., 618 note.
Prussians converted, III., 415.
Primicerius Notariorum, ill.,
444-5.
Princeps, title. III., 292, 303.
Privata Mamertini, ill., 545.
Privil^ia, restoration of; ill.,
35-
Ptolemy IL of Tusculum, iv., 326,
367, 370-1 ; his power, 373^ ;
does homage to Lothar, 438;
protects Eugenius, iv., 509; his
death, 578.
SS. Quattro Coronati, Church of,
rebuilt by Leo IV., iii., 106 ;
burnt, IV., 252 ; restored by
Paschalis II., 376; muial paint-
ing^, 696.
Radelchis of Benevento, III., 86-
7.
Radoald of Portus, III., Il6 ; pro-
nounces in &vour of Photius,
123 ; in Italy, 131.
Rainald, Archbishop of Cologne,
IV., 571, 577, 579. 589-
Raino of Tusculum, I v., 578-9,
594-
Rainulf of Alife, iv., 431, 433,
437-8, 443-
Rainulf of Aversa, iv., 46, 8a
Ravenna, Archbishopric of,acqubnes
Comacchio, Cesena, etc, ill.,
458; loses five bishoprics, iv.,
325 note.
Ravenna, residence of Berengar,
III., 325; palaces of Otto in,
373 note ; ceded to Archbishop,
455; Synod of 877, 192; of
89«, 233-4.
INDEX.
721
Regesla of Farik, iv., 307 ; of
Subiaco, 309; of Gregory VII.,
312 note.
Regionaries, in., 578.
Regions in tenth century, in., 529-
34; in twelfth, iv., 456 note,
620-1 note.
Relics, traffic in, in., 72-6.
Rheims, Synod of 991, in., 404;
of 995, 407 ; of 1119, IV., 392 ;
of II 32, 429.
Richard of Aquila, IV., 327.
l^chard of Aversa» iv., S4 ; con-
quers Capua, 119-20; does
homage to the Church, 121-2 ;
supports Alexander II, 129-30,
142 ; in arms against the Church,
150 ; does homage to Gregory,
174; alliance with Guiscard,
215 : besieges Naples, 217 ; his
death, 217.
Richard of Capua, sec Richard of
Aversa.
Richard Cceur-de-Lion, i v., 622-3.
Richard of Gaeta, iv., 383.
Richilda, wife of Charles the Bald,
I"., 175. 179.
Robert I. of Capua, iv., 348 note,
383. 393.
Robert II. of Capua, iv., 409,
43I1 433-4, 443.
Robert of Flanders, iv., 290.
Robert of England, iv. 273, 290.
Robert Guiscard, iv., 84 ; his con-
quests, 1 19 ; excommunicated,
1 20 ; does homage to the Church,
121, 142 ; breach with Gregoiy
VII., 175 ; excommunicated,
180; growth of his power, 215;
besieges Benevento, 217 ; takes
oath of vassalage to the Pope,
218 ; goes to Durazzo, 225 ;
' supports Gregory, 230, 243;
releases him, 245 ; sacks Rome,
246-7 ; removes columns, 253 ;
in the Campagna, 254-5 ; death
of, 262.
Roffired, Count, in., 359, 360;
IV,, 18 note.
VOL. IV.
Roger of Sicily (First Count), iv.,
27i» 297, 348 note.
Rc^er I., King of Sicily (Second
Count), iv. 348 note, 408;
forces recognition from Honorius
II., 409; crowned, 426; his
war with Pisa, 434 ; advocate
of the Church, 434; defeated
by Lothar, 437 ; reconquers
South Italy, 438 ; puts forward
anti-pope, 440; taxes Innocent
II. a prisoner, 444 ; recognised
as Kmg of the Two Sicilies,
445; ^^ variance with Lucius
II., 487 ; supports Eugenius II.,
509 ; his deatn, 526.
Roger, Duke of Apulia, iv., 264,
265, 271 ; death of, 348 note.
Roland, Cardinal, iv., 564, set
Alexander III.
Roland of Parma, iv., 198.
Rome, position of, in time of
Charles the Great, in., 2-6;
again regarded as capital of the
world, 449 ; as Aurea Urbs^ 525 ;
legend of foundation of, 526-7 ;
position in twelfth century, iv.,
1-4 ; unhealthiness of, 303.
Romanus, Pope, in., 230.
Romanus, Count of Tusculum, iv.,
10, 21, 24 ; becomes Pope, 31,
su John XIX.
Romuald, in., 465-6, 492.
Roncaglia, diets of, i v., 214, 330,
Roswita, in., 502, 507.
Rota porphyretica, iv., 60, 340.
Rudolf of Burgundy, in., 211-2 ;
in Italy, 272, 276, 277.
Rudolf of Swabia, iv., 205, 213,
220, 222.
Sabina, in., 192 and note ; ac-
quired by Alberic, 316; rectors
of, 316 ; comites, 438 note ; iv.,
5 note.
Salerno, principality of, iv., 216
note ; cathedral of, 253-4.
3A
722
INDEX.
Salita di Marforio, in., 348; iv.,
467.
Salvatio Romae, 11 1., 521 note;
IV., 673 note, 675.
Saracens, conquer Sicily, ill., 66-
7; Misenum, 87 ; sack S. Peter's,
87-8 ; S. Paul's, 89 ; defeated,
90, 94 ; their traffic with Rome,
105 ; learning of, 146 ; ravage
Campagna, 178 ; intercourse
with Italy, 180; defeated by
John VIII., 182; negotiations
with him, 184 ; settle on the
Garigliano, 186 ; take Syracuse,
201 ; fresh raids, 259 ; take
FarfisL and Subiaco, 260-1 ; de-
feated by John VIII., 270 ; at
war with Benedict VII., 391 ;
IV., 25.
Sardinia, ostensibly presented to
the Pope, III,, 37, 38 and notes ;
becomes Pisan colony, iv., 25.
Schism, Greek, in., 123-4.
Schola Confessionis S. Petri, iii.,
134; Scholae, iv., 339-40.
Schools in Italy in ninth century,
III., 138, 140 ; in tenth, 506 ; in
eleventh, iv., 301, 304.
Ad Scorticlarios, ill., 533.
Secundicerius Notariorum, in.,
445-
Senate, extinction of, in., 293 ;
under Alexander II., iv., 135-
6; restored, 451, 453; after
1144, 461, 462, 496, 499;
nobles in, 632 ; its letter to
Conrad III., 510-11 ; embassy
to Frederick I., 532-7 ; in time
of Barbarossa, 572 ; treaty with
Clement III., 616-7, 662 ; pre-
serves the walls, 634, 684.
Senator Romanorum, in., 254,
292 ; position of, iv., 21 ; title
after 1191, 633.
Senators, number of, iv., 17, 20 ;
after 1 143, 490, 620, 632.
Senators, Palace of, iv,,-476, 477.
Septizoxdum, in., 541 ; attack-
ed by Henry IV., iv., 241,
251 ; prison of GreTOry VIII.,
395 ; fortress of ther nmgipani,
488.
Sergius II., in., 83; receives
Lewis, II., 84 ; crowns him, 85 ;
his death, 91.
Sergius III., in revolt against For-
mosus, in., 217, 220 ; candidate
for the Papacy, 231 ; over-
throws Christopher, 242 ; be-
comes Pope, 244 ; his character,
244-5 ; rebuilds the Lateran,
245-7 ; his relations with Maro-
zia, 244 ; death, 248.
Sergius IV., iv., 11-13,
Sergius II. of Naples, in., 165,
182-3.
Sergius IV. of Naples, iv„ 408,
437, 438.
Sergius Magister MiHtum, in.,
177.
SS. Se^us and Bacchus, Church,
in., 30, 544; iv. 683.
Sicily, conquered by the Saracens,
in., 667 ; a monarchy, iv., 297
i^ote, 552 note ; under Henry
VI., 635, 638.
Silva Candida, in., 90, 245.
S. Silvestro in Capite Church, iil,
548.
S. Silvestro in Lacu Curtii, in.,
545.
Simony, iv., 68, 77, 185-6,
Slaves, in., 94.
Spoleto, Dukes, right of, during
vacancy of sacred chair, in.» 157:
Missi of Carolingians, iv., 71,
361 note ; town of, destroyed by
Frederick I., iv., 550.
Statues, legends concerning, in.,
521; IV., 666-70; burnt for
lime, in., 539 ; sounding statues,
521 ; IV., 667-8.
Statutes of the Italian Communes,
IV,, 633 note.
Stirrup, quarrel concemxng» iv.,
531.
Stephania, wife of Crescentius^ in.,
433i 493 ; IV., 6 note.
INDEX.
723
Stephania, Senatrix, iii., 358, 374.
Stephen IV., in., 33; goes to
France, 33; anoints Lewis the
Pious, 34 ; ratifies privilegia of
FsltSbl, 45 ; his death, 34.
Stephen V., his election, in., 208;
demands aid against the Sara-
cens, 211 ; crowns Guido of
Spoleto, 214; his death, 215.
Stephen VI., in., 225 ; holds post-
mortem trial on Formosus, 225;
his death, 229.
Stephen VII., in., 282.
Stephen VIII., in., 317.
Stephen IX., see Frederick of
Lorraine, becomes Pope, iv.,
100; his counsellors, 109 ; aims,
no; death, in.
Stephen of Hungary, in., 477.
Stephen, CardiiuU of S. Chrysa-
gonus, IV., 109, 129.
Stephen Normannus, iv., 380,
Stephen, Prefect of the city, iv.,
158.
Stephen, Vestiarius, in., 359, 364.
Stephen, brother of Cencius, iv.,
211.
Stilo, battle of, in., 392.
Streets in tenth century, in., 554.
Sub Capitolio Region, in., 377,
533.
Subiaco, in., 107 ; destroyed by
the Saracens, 261 ; acquires Cas-
trum Sublacense, 312-3 ; Pontia
and Affile, iv., 327 ; consecrated
by Benedict VIL, in., 388;
position in eleventh century, iv.,
309 ; regesta of, 309 note.
Suidger of Bamberg, see Clement II.
Sutri, Council of, 1046, iv., 54;
of 1059, 113.
Sylvester II., see Gerbert, becomes
Pope, in., 466; relations to Otto
III., 475; counsels Tivoli to sub-
mission, 488; present at Otto*s
deathbed, 493 ; his studies, 510-
12; bestows Terracina in fief on
Dauferius '^460; his death, iv., 6.
Sylvester III., iv., 48; banished,
49 ; deposed, 54.
Sylvester IV., iv., 323.
Syracuse^ taken by the Saracens,
in., 201.
Tabularium, IV., 477.
Tammus, Count, in., 430, 493.
Tancred, Crusader, I v., 290.
Tancred of Sicily, iv., 624, 625,
635.
Taxes in Rome, in ninth century,
III., 457; in eleventh and twelfth,
IV., 645.
Temple of Concordia, in., 543.
Temple of Esculapius, in., 483.
Temple of Fortuna Virilis, in.,
5«>-i.
Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, site
of, IV., 465^471.
Temple of Rome and Venus, in.,
543.
Terence, Comedies of, in tenth cen-
tury, in., 502-3.
Terracina, a papal fief, in., 460 ;
under the Frangipani, I v., 501 ;
Council of, 268.
Theatre, in tenth century, in.,
502-4.
Theatre of Marcellus, in., 381 ;
IV., 368.
Theatnim, signification of, in tenth
century, in., 524.
Theobald, Prefect of the city, iv.,
43i» 449-
Theodora, Senatrix, in., 244; raises
John X. to the Papacy, 249 ; her
influence, 250-2, 254.
Theodora, II., in., 254, 258 note.
Theodoranda, in., 358 note ;
IV., 5.
Theodore II., Pope, in., 230.
Theodore, Primicerius, in., 35,
46.
Theophano, in., 372; marries
Otto IL, 376; regent, 396;
comes to Rome, 401 ; her death,
407.
724
INDEX.
Tbeophylact, Consul and Dux, in.,
244, 251, 252, 256; fights
against the Saracens, 267 ; his
descendants, iv., 9-10 notes.
Theo^ylact, Count of Tusculum,
j«^ jBenedict IX.
Theutgaud of Treves, 111., 131 ;
amnestied, 156; his death, 156
note.
Thiutberga, in., 130, 135, 161.
Thomas a Becket, iv,, 595-6.
Thymelici, ill., 503.
Titulars, under Leo III., iii., 29 ;
in time of Otto I., 344,
Tivoli, name, in., 485 ; condition
in tenth century, 48^ ; revolts
against Otto III., 487 ; consti-
tution nn twelfth centiuy, iv.,
447 ; attitude in struggle for in-
vestitures, 447 ; war with Rome,
448-5 1 ; attadced by the Romans,
500; surrendered to Adrian
IV. f 549; Bi^opric of, in.,
487.
Tleuga Dei, iv., 43.
Tribur, diets of, ni., 211; iv.,
205.
Troja, founded, iv., 29, 120,
274.
Troyes, Synods of, in., 198; iv.,
325.
Towers, in tenth century, in., 366
note, 519 note ; in eleventh, iv.,
143-^, 691-2.
Turris Cartularia, iv., 278,
691.
Tusculum, history of, iv., 8;
Counts of, in., 275 note; iv.,
5> 9i 138 ^0^® > ^^ territory,
19 ; decay of house, 578-9 ; its
extinction, 629 ; Bishops of, in.,
344 note; iv., 8 note; town
£ills into papal possession, iv.,
595 ; besi^;ed by the Romans,
609-1 1 ; surrenders to the Pope,
619; seeks protection of the
Emperor, 626 ; betrayed by him,
626; razed to the ground,
627-9,
Urban II., see Otto of Ostia, be-
comes Pope, IV., 269 ; his past,
269-70 ; brought to Rome, 271;
stru^les wiui Clement III.,
271-4 ; under protection of the
Frangipani, 278; in the Lateran,
279; preaches the Crusade,
284-7 ; ^t the Council of 1099,
297; his death, 297.
Urban III., iv., 612, 614.
Valentinus, Pope, In., 65.
Vatican, palace, iv., 699.
Venice, peace q(, iv., 598-9 and
note, 615.
Verdun, partition of, in., 71.
Via Magnanapoli, in., 547.
Via Pa^is, iv., 6s6-«.
Via Pontificalis, in., 534.
Victor IL, Pope, iv., 94 ; goes to
Germany, 96 ; his position after
Henry II. 's death, 97 ; his
death, 99.
Victor III, see Desiderius of Monte
Casino, Pope, iv., 264; returns
to his monastery, 265 ; conse-
crated, 266; holds synod in
Benevento, 267 ; his death, 267.
Victor rV., Pope, iv., 564 ; lus
adherents, 567 ; in Pavia, 568 ;
at Lodi, 570 ; his death, 572.
Victor IV., anti-pope, iv., 44a
Virgil, legends concerning, iv.,
4651 669-76.
Viterbo, iv., 493 ; abode of the
Popes, 553 ; at war with Rome,
603-4.
Waimar IV. of Salerno, iv., 46,
80,81.
Wala, in., 16, 43.
Waldmda, in., 130, 135, 276.
Walfred, IV., 325-6.
Walls, restored by Leo IV., in., 95;
by the Senate, iv., 634, 684.
Welf, see Guelf.
Werner I. of Spoleto, iv,, 322-3.
INDEX.
725
Wibald, Abbot of Stable, iv,, 515-
6.
Wibert, Chancellor, i v., 113, 130;
raises Cadalus to the Papacy,
130, 136; supplanted in his
office, 141 ; Aroibishop of Ra-
venna, 185 ; in fiivour of Henry
IV., 189, 210; becomes Pope,
220, see Clement III.
William, Duke of Apulia, I v.,
348 note; receives investiture
from the Pope, 360, 383 ; his
death, 408.
V^lliam the Conqueror, iv., 319.
William I. of Sicily, iv., 526; makes
war on Adrian IV., 526-9 ;
excommunicated, 551 ; receives
investitures, 552 ; death of, 574.
William II. of Sicily, iv., 574,
613 ; death of, 624.
Willa, wife of Berengar, iii., 320,
331, 340, 350.
Wittelsbach, Otto of, iv., 559,
567, 568.
Wittelsbach, Conrad of, iv., 580,
586.
Worms, Council of, iv., 195 ;
Concordat of, 398.
Ziddet Allah, in., 66.
Ziazo, III., 473, 480, 493.
NBILL AND COMPANTf PKINTBRS, BDINBUKGH.
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