Skip to main content

Full text of "History of the conquest of Spain by the Arab-Moors : with a sketch of the civilization which they achieved and imparted to Europe"

See other formats 


Google 


This  is  a  digital  copy  of  a  book  that  was  preserved  for  generations  on  library  shelves  before  it  was  carefully  scanned  by  Google  as  part  of  a  project 

to  make  the  world's  books  discoverable  online. 

It  has  survived  long  enough  for  the  copyright  to  expire  and  the  book  to  enter  the  public  domain.  A  public  domain  book  is  one  that  was  never  subject 

to  copyright  or  whose  legal  copyright  term  has  expired.  Whether  a  book  is  in  the  public  domain  may  vary  country  to  country.  Public  domain  books 

are  our  gateways  to  the  past,  representing  a  wealth  of  history,  culture  and  knowledge  that's  often  difficult  to  discover. 

Marks,  notations  and  other  maiginalia  present  in  the  original  volume  will  appear  in  this  file  -  a  reminder  of  this  book's  long  journey  from  the 

publisher  to  a  library  and  finally  to  you. 

Usage  guidelines 

Google  is  proud  to  partner  with  libraries  to  digitize  public  domain  materials  and  make  them  widely  accessible.  Public  domain  books  belong  to  the 
public  and  we  are  merely  their  custodians.  Nevertheless,  this  work  is  expensive,  so  in  order  to  keep  providing  tliis  resource,  we  liave  taken  steps  to 
prevent  abuse  by  commercial  parties,  including  placing  technical  restrictions  on  automated  querying. 
We  also  ask  that  you: 

+  Make  non-commercial  use  of  the  files  We  designed  Google  Book  Search  for  use  by  individuals,  and  we  request  that  you  use  these  files  for 
personal,  non-commercial  purposes. 

+  Refrain  fivm  automated  querying  Do  not  send  automated  queries  of  any  sort  to  Google's  system:  If  you  are  conducting  research  on  machine 
translation,  optical  character  recognition  or  other  areas  where  access  to  a  large  amount  of  text  is  helpful,  please  contact  us.  We  encourage  the 
use  of  public  domain  materials  for  these  purposes  and  may  be  able  to  help. 

+  Maintain  attributionTht  GoogXt  "watermark"  you  see  on  each  file  is  essential  for  in  forming  people  about  this  project  and  helping  them  find 
additional  materials  through  Google  Book  Search.  Please  do  not  remove  it. 

+  Keep  it  legal  Whatever  your  use,  remember  that  you  are  responsible  for  ensuring  that  what  you  are  doing  is  legal.  Do  not  assume  that  just 
because  we  believe  a  book  is  in  the  public  domain  for  users  in  the  United  States,  that  the  work  is  also  in  the  public  domain  for  users  in  other 
countries.  Whether  a  book  is  still  in  copyright  varies  from  country  to  country,  and  we  can't  offer  guidance  on  whether  any  specific  use  of 
any  specific  book  is  allowed.  Please  do  not  assume  that  a  book's  appearance  in  Google  Book  Search  means  it  can  be  used  in  any  manner 
anywhere  in  the  world.  Copyright  infringement  liabili^  can  be  quite  severe. 

About  Google  Book  Search 

Google's  mission  is  to  organize  the  world's  information  and  to  make  it  universally  accessible  and  useful.   Google  Book  Search  helps  readers 
discover  the  world's  books  while  helping  authors  and  publishers  reach  new  audiences.  You  can  search  through  the  full  text  of  this  book  on  the  web 

at|http: //books  .google  .com/I 


HISTOET 


or 


THE   CONQUEST   OF    SPAIN 


BT 


THE   ARAB-MOORS. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES,  VOL.  IL 


.  .  .  beatis  none  Arabum  invides 

Gazis,  et  acrem  militiam  paras 

Non  ante  devictis  Sabeeie 

Begibus.  | 

HoRAT.  Carm,  Lib.  i.  xxiz.  i 


"  This  book  contains  an  account  fo  the  Conquest  of  Andalus  by  the 
Moslems  .  .  .  and  how  that  countr}*'  became  the  arena  wherein  their 
noble  steeds  raced,  and  the  halting-place  wherein  their  camels  laid  down 
their  burdens  and  grazed;  .  .  .  drawn  from  various  sources,  and  the 
accounts  of  historians  compared  together." 

Al  Makkabi,  Hitt.  Mohamm.  Dyn., 

Vol.  I.,  Book  IV.,  Ch.  I. 


/in'' 


HISTORY 


OF  THB 


CONQUEST    OF    SPAIISI 


J 


BT 


THE  ARAB-MOORS,    i^^i^^^ 


4USi 


"WYHVL 


A  SKETCH  OF  THE  CIVILIZATION  WHICH  THEY 
ACHIEVED,  AND  IMPAKTED  TO  EUROPE. 


BT 

HENRY    COPP^E. 


VOL.  11. 


BOSTON: 
LITTLE,  BROWN,  &  COMPANY. 

188L 


Copyright,  1B61, 
Bt  Hbkst  Corptm. 


OXIVEMITT  Fbfu: 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    H. 


BOOK    VI. 


THB  OHEOK  TO  NORTHERN  ADVANCE,   AND    THE    DISORDERS 

IN    MOSLEM   SPAIN. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  ORBAT  BATTLE  BETWEEN  TOURS  AND  POrTIERS,   OCT.   8,   782. 

Thedasric  fields  of  Toaraine,  1.  — Fonteyranlt  and  Maupertais,  2. 
— The  country  between  Toura  and  Poitiers,  2.  —  Ck>njecture8  as 
to  the  place  of  the  battle,  8.  — The  defence  of  St.  Martin,  4.  — 
The  Arabians  make  ready  for  battle,  5.  —  The  reconnoitring 
party,  5.  —  Partial  conflicts,  6.  —  The  real  battle  begins,  7>  — 
Charges  of  the  Moslem  cavalry,  8.  —  Rumors  of  an  attack  in  the 
rear,  8.  —  Charles  moyes  upon  their  line,  9.  —  Abdu-r-rahm&u  is 
alain,  9.  —  The  Moslem  army  in  full  retreat,  10.  —  The  Franks 
occupy  their  camp,  11.  —  Exaggeration  of  the  chronicles,  12.  — 
The  centenary  of  Mohammed's  death,  14.  — Charles  moves  north- 
ward, 15.  —  The  true  greatness  of  Charles  Martel,  16.  —  His 
iaults  and  fancied  punishment,  17. 

CHAPTER  II. 

COMMENTS  ON  THE  CAMPAIGN. 

Gibbon's  errors,  20.  —  Repeated  by  later  historians,  20.  —  Henri 
Martin,  21.  —  Reasons  for  dissenting  from  these  views,  22.  — 
The  case  stated.  A  struggle  for  territory,  23.  —  The  military  ar- 
gument, 24.  —  The  ethnic  argument  against  Gibbon's  hypothe- 
sis, 25.  —  The  religious  argument  in  theory  and  practice,  26.  — 
A  thousand  miles  in  Europe  and  in  Asia,  27.  —  A  circumcised 
people,  28.  —  "The  Arabian  fleet,"  29.  —  Summary  of  the  argu- 
ments, 80.  —  The  "  sick  man  "  grows  weaker,  81.  —  Guizot's  es- 
timate of  the  struggle,  82. 


VI  CONTENTS   OF  VOLUME  H. 

CHAPTEK   III. 

DISORDERS  IV  THE  AMIRATB. 

Al  Fehii  appointed  Amir  by  the  Wali  of  Africa,  88.  —  Is  deposed 
and  succeeded  by  Okbah,  35.  —  Okbah  crosses  the  Pyrenees  and 
strengthens  Narbonne,  86.  —  Goes  to  Africa,  leaving  Abdu-1- 
malek  again  in  coromandf  37.  —  Tumults  in  Spain  and  Africa, 
88.  —  Abdu-l-malek  sends  for  the  Syrian  troops,  40.  —  The  Amir- 
ate  contended  for  by  rival  chieftains,  41.  —  Tha'lebah  elected 
Amir  by  the  troops,  42.  —  The  coming  of  Al  Kelbi,  44.  —  He 
makes  a  new  assignment  of  territory,  45.  —  Tribal  disputes.  The 
humiliation  of  As-samil,  47.  —  The  Amir  is  released  from  his 
prison,  48.  —  The  election  of  Yiisuf  al  Fehri,  50.  —  His  ambitious 
schemes,  51.  — The  rebellion  of  Az-zahrf,  53.  — Yusufs  divisions 
of  territory,  54.  —  Unsuspected  dangers,  55.  — A  youth  named 
Abdu-r-rahmdn,  56.  —  First  appointment  of  Amirs,  58.  —  Phi- 
losophy of  the  separation  of  Spain  from  the  East,  59. 

CHAPTER    IV. 

THS  OVERTHROW  OF  THE  0MMETADE8  AT  DAMA8GIJ8. 

Back  to  Damascus,  60.  —  Degeneracy  of  the  Beni-Ummeyah  at  Da- 
mascus, 61.  — Meruan  falls  into  disfavor,  62.  —  The  appearance 
of  Abdullah  the  Blood -shedder,  64.  —  The  death  of  the  loyal 
Nasr  Ibn  Eyer,  66.  —  The  Blood-shedder  proclaimed  Khalif,  67. 
—The  battle  at  Turab,  68. —Meruan  killed,  70.  —  Abdullah's 
cruelty,  72.  —  The  rationale  of  the  change,  78.  —  Abdu-r-rah- 
min  escapes,  74.  —  The  banquet  of  blood,  75.  —  The  table  of 
quiyering  bodies,  76. 

CHAPTER   V. 

THE  WBART  WANDERINGS  OF  A  PRINCE  IN  DISQUISS. 

Abdu-r-rahman  is  warned  and  escapes,  78.  —  Swims  across  the  Eu- 
phrates in  sight  of  his  pursuers,  79.  —  Takes  shelter  in  Barca, 
80.  —  His  pursuers  on  a  false  scent,  82.  —  Journeys  westward, 
82.  —  Arrives  at  Tahart,  88.  —  Makes  secret  preparations  to  en- 
ter Spain,  85. —  Sends  his  mauli,  Bedr,  into  Spain,  85.— 
Tidings  of  his  coming  reach  Spain,  87.  —  The  double-dealing 
of  As-samil,  87.  —The  council  of  eighty,  89.  —  The  propositions 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IL  VU 

of  Tem&m  and  Ayub,  90.  —  The  deputation  to  the  prince,  91. — 
His  reception  of  the  embassji  92.  —  The  Berbers  oppose  his  de- 
parture, 94.  —  Landfl  in  Andalus,  95.  —  And  advances  rapidly, 
97. 


BOOK   VII. 

THE  DTNASTT  OF   THE  OMHETADES  IN   SPAIN. 

CHAPTER  I. 

ABDU-R-BAHMXk  I.,   CALLRD  AD-dXkHBL,    OR  THE  OFENEB. 

The  effect  on  Yiiisuf  al  Fehri,  98.  — Ydsuf  and  As-samil  join  forces, 
99.  —  The  banner  of  the  turban,  100.  —  Critical  condition  of  both 
armies,  102.  —  Festival  of  the  Victims,  103.  —  Abdu-r-rahman's 
prudence,  104.  — The  battle,  106.  — Treacherous  purposes  of  Abu- 
8-sabdh,  107.  —  The  prince  enters  Cordova,  and  then  marches  to 
Elvira,  108.  —  Treaty  with  Yiisuf,  109.  --  It  is  broken  by  Yiisuf, 
109.  —  The  death  of  As-samil,  111.  —  The  seat  of  the  Khalif  re- 
moved  from  Damascus  to  Baghdad,  112.  —  Ibn  Mughith  sent  to 
attack  Abdu-r-rahman  in  Spain,  112.  —  Abdu-r-rahmdn's  ven- 
geance, 113.  —  He  prepares  to  invade  the  East,  114.  —  New  re- 
volts, 116. 

CHAPTER  II. 

TROUBLB  FROM  THE  NORTH. 

Vast  projects  of  Charlemagne,  118.  —  The  treachery  of  the  WaU  of 
Saragossa,  119.  —  The  Champ  de  Mai,  120.  —  At  Paderbom, 
121.  — The  true  policy  of  Charlemagne,  122.  —  A  Spanish  march, 
125.  —  The  pass  of  Roncesvalles,  126. — Charlemagne  goes 
through  it  into  Spain,  127.  —  Reaches  Pampeluna  and  Sara- 
gossa, 128.  — The  city  of  Saragossa,  130.  —  Charlemagne's  dis- 
appointment, 131. 

CHAPTER    III. 

THE  "dolorous  ROUT "  OF  RONCESVALLES. 

The  romantic  legend,  133.  — The  return  through  Roncevalles,  134. 
—  Who  opposed  it,  135.  — The  second  division,  186.  — An  un- 


Vlli  CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IL 

«» 

seen  foe,  187.  —  Utter  destruction  of  the  second  corps,  188.  — 
Life  of  Charlemagne  by  Tarpin,  189.  —  Roland,  or  Orlando, 
140.  —  Real  remains  of  this  event,  142.  —  *'  Altabizaren  Gan- 
tua,"  148.  —  The  Spanish  marches  established,  146. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

THE  BUCCESSrUL  ADMIKI8TBATI0N  07    ABDU-B-RAHmXn  I. 

Revolts  in  the  empire,  149. — Abdn-r-rahmin  creates  a  standing 
army,  152.  —  The  sons  of  Yiisnf,  152.  —  The  clemency  of  the 
prince,  156.  —  His  labors  of  peace,  157.  —  A  memento  of  his  old 
home,  158.  —  He  approaches  his  end,  160.  —  Begins  the  con- 
struction of  the  Mezquita  or  Mosque,  161.  —  His  personality, 
162.  —  His  ingratitude  to  early  friends,  168.  —  Arranges  the 
succession,  165.  —  And  dies  at  Merida  in  788,  167. — Com- 
parison with  Charlemagne,  167. 


7 


BOOK  YIII. 

THE  REMAINING  BISTORT  IN  GUTLINB. 
CHAPTER    L 

THS  SUCCESSOBS  OF  ABDU-R-ltAHMXN. 

The  true  date  of  the  conquest,  170.  —  Considerations  to  which  it 
gives  rise,  172. — Distinct  periods  in  the  history,  172. — Hi- 
sham  I.,  174. — Is  succeeded  by  his  son,  Al-hakem,  175. — 
Abdu-r-rahmdn  II.,  175.  —  The  halcyon  days  of  Abdu-r-rahmnn 
III.,  177. —  He  calls  himself  **  Commander  of  the  Faithful," 
178.— Al-hakem  II.,  179.  —His  splendid  library,  180.— Hi- 
sham  II.  a  "sluggard  king,"  181. — Al-mansur,  "the  Victori- 
ous," 181.  —  He  usurps  the  power  and  uses  it  with  vigor,  183. — 
The  death  of  the  great  minister,  184.  —  Who  shall  be  hdjib  T 185. 
—  The  heir-apparent  is  destroyed,  186.  —  Inroads  of  the  Berbers^ 
188.  —  The  end  of  the  dynasty  of  the  Ommeyades,  189. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  It  IX 

CHAPTER  II. 

"the  men  DBYOTED  to  god,"  —  AL-MOKABITH. 

Spain  dissevered  into  petty  kingdoms,  190.)— The  Al-moravidea, 
191.  —  Ydsuf  Ibn  Tashefin  and  Abdullah  Ibn  Yasim,  192.  — 
Character  and  appearance  of  Yiisuf,  193.  —  He  is  called  into 
Spain,  194.  —  Alfonso's  embassy  to  Seville,  195.  —  And  is  re- 
ceived by  the  Moorish  king  of  Seville,  196.  —  The  battle  of  Za- 
lacca,  198.  —  Yusuf  returns  to  Africa,  but  not  to  remain,  199.  — 
Betums  and  besieges  Toledo,  200.  —  The  dominion  of  the  Al- 
moravides  comes  to  on  end,  202. 

CHAPTER    III. 

BODRTOO  DIAZ,  THE  CID   CAlfPKADOR. 

The  Cid  of  the  legends,  203.  —  "  Cronica  del  Cid,"  204.  —  "  Poema 
del  Cid,"  204.  — Accepted  as  a  historic  personage,  205.  — The 
Cid's  family,  206.  —  The  divisions  of  Spanish  territoiy,  206.  — 
His  growing  reputation,  207.  —  The  Christian  empire  of  Fer- 
nando I.  divided,  208.  —  The  division  and  its  results,  208.  — 
Whispers  that  Alfonso  was  privy  to  Sancho's  death,  210.  —  The 
theatre  of  the  Cid's  exploits,  211.  —  The  unhappy  marriages  of 
the  Cid's  daughters,  211.  —  Rodrigo  succors  Castile,  and  is  ban- 
ished for  his  pains,  213.  —  His  noble  opportunity,  218.  —  He 
marches  to  Saragossa,  and  is  recalled  by  Alfonso,  215.  —  But 
again  suspected,  216.  —  They  march  to  Granada,  217.  —  The 
importance  of  Valencia,  217.  —  Ibn  Jehaf  calls  the  Almoravides, 
218.  —  The  Cid  enters  the  city  in  triumph,  219.  —  His  address 
to  the  patricians,  220.  —  Another  address  of  a  different  tenor, 
221.  —  The  manifesto  of  a  ruler,  222.  —  The  vengeance  of  Ibn 
Jehaf,  228.  —  The  death  of  the  Cid,  224.  —  His  remains,  225.  — 
A  peerless  hiero  in  history,  226. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

THE  ALMOHADBS  :  THEI&  ORIGIN,   SUCCESSES,  AND  FINAL  OYER* 

THROW. 

The  new  rising  in  Africa,  228.  —  Abd  Abdillah  Mohammed  goes  to 
Baghdad,  229.  —  He  becomes  El  Mahdi,  the  guide,  230.  —  El 
Hahdi  and  Abdu-l-miunem  at  Morocco,  231.  —  His  people  called 


X  CONTENTS   OF  VOLUME  IL 

Elroehedis  or  Almohades,  232.  —  Vain  attempts  to  take  Morocco, 
232.  —  El  Mahdi'fl  death,  232.  —  Abdu-l-mumen  Emperor,  233. 

—  Fez  and  Morocco  taken,  233.  — The  Christians  advance^  23^1^ 

—  Death  t)f  Abdu-l-muroen,  235.  —  J[he  fieroe  conflict  of  creeds, 

236.  —  A  strange  scene  at  Rome,  236.  -^  The  crusade  preached, 

237.  —  Rendezvous  at  Toledo,  238.  —  The  Algibed,  or  Holy 
War,  238.  —  The  Christian  forces,  239.  —  Calatrava  is  taken, 
239.  —  Capture  of  Castro  Ferral,  240.  —  Las  Navas,  240.  — 
Christians  led  by  a  shepherd  around  the  pass,  241.  — The  forti- 
fied tent  of  Mohammed  An-Naasir,  242.  —  The  battle  begins, 
244.  —  The  intrepid  valor  of  the  king  and  archbbhop,  244.  — 
The  Moorish  king's  camp  pierced,  245.  —  Losses  on  both  sides, 
246.  —  Mohammed  dies  within  the  year,  248.  —  The  death  of 
Alfonso,  248.  —  Chronicles  of  the  event,  249, 

CHAPTER  V. 

THS  NEW  KINGDOM  OF  GRANADA,   FROM  ITS  ESTABLISHMENT  TO 

ITS  EXTINCTION. 

The  decline  and  destruction  of  the  Almohadcs,  250.  —  The  kingdom 
of  Granada,  252.  —  The  Christians  take  the  Balearic  Islands,  252. 

—  Ibnu-1-ahmar  makes  his  entry  into  Granada,  258.  —  His  alli- 
ance with  the  Christians,  254.  —  His  death,  254.  — The  story  of 
Alfonso  de  Guzman,  256.  —  Mohammed  I  If.  and  Nasr,  256.  — 
Mohammed  IV.,  257>  —  Mohammed  YI.  is  assassinated  by  Pedro 
the  Cruel,  258.  —  A  century  of  struggles,  258.  —  The  strength 
and  importance  of  Alhama,  259.  —  The  capture  of  Alhama,  261. 

—  The  Christians  receive  succor,  262.  —  Mohammed  XII.  called 
Boabdil  el  Chico,  263.  — Capture  of  Velez  Malaga,  and  of  Malaga, 
1487,  264.  —  The  disorders  in  Granada,  265.  ~  The  Spanish  forces 
in  the  Vega,  1491,  266.  —  Boabdil's  council  of  war,  267.  —The 
Christian  camp  is  destroyed  by  fire,  268.  —  Is  replaced  by  the 
city  of  Santa  F^,  268.  —The  terms  of  capitulation,  269.  — The 
grants  to  Boabtlil,  270.  —  He  gives  the  keys  to  Ferdinand,  271. 

—  The  final  entrance  on  January  6,  272.  —  The  last  sigh  of  the 
C  Hbor,  '272.  >r-  The  inexorable  logic  of  history,  273.  • 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IL  XI 

BOOK    IX. 

ARABIAN   CIVILIZATION   IN   SPAIN. 

CHAPTER  I. 

LIGHT  FBOM  THE  EAST.  —  HAROUN  AL  BA8CHID. 

Moral  and  mental  development,  275.  —  Back  to  the  East,  277.  — 
The  remoTal  from  Damascus  to  Baghdad,  278.  —  Islam  a  great 
step^  279.  —  Popular  desire  for  greater  knowledge,  279.  —  Schools 
attached  to  mosques,  281.  —  Damascus  peopled  by  warriors,  281. 
— Al-mansnr  makes  Baghdad  a  centre  of  learning,  282. — Progress 
in  medicine,  288.  —  Haroun  al  Raschid,  285.  —  "  The  Arabian 
Nights,"  285.  —  Haroun's  Correspondence  with  Charlemagne, 
287.  —  The  curious  clock,  288.  —  The  holy  places  in  Palestine, 
289.  —  Thrown  open  to  Christiana,  290.  —  Haroun's  treatment 
of  the  Barmecides,  291.  —  Al-mimun  succeeds,  298.  —  Measures 
a  degree  of  latitude  and  the  angle  of  the  ecliptic,  294. 

CHAPTER  n. 

SOCIAL  LIFE  :    HOUSES,   CUSTOMS,  AND  COSTUXES. 

The  spirit  of  emulation,  298.  —  A  moral  conquest,  297.  —  The 
glories  of  Cordova,  298.  —  Its  estimation  by  the  Spanish  Arabs, 

800.  —  The  palaces  ;  Rissafah,  801.  — The  splendors  of  Az-zahr^ 

801.  —  Az-zihirah,  808.  —  Al-mansur's  display,  804.  —  Numer- 
ous buildings,  806.  —  The  sweet-scented  air  of  Cordova,  807.  — 
A  typical  mansion,  808.  —  Baths  and  gardens,  309,  810.  — Eat- 
ing and  drinking,  810. — Costumes  of  the  men,  811. — The 
Spanish  aip<i,  talaynn,  and  anda,  818.  —  The  clothing  of  women, 
814.  —  Arms  and  armor,  815.  —  Peculiar  claims  of  other  cities, 
817. 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  SYSTEM  OF  OOYXBNMXKT. 

Power  of  ihe  Khalif,  819.  —The  Ehalif  Supreme,  820.  —At  first 
elective,  821.— The  Wizfrs,  821.  —  Nayib  and  hagib,  822.-^ 
Katibsi  or  Secretaries^  828.  —  Eadia^  the  scope  of  their  powers, 


J 


XU  CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IL 

824.  — Night  watchmen  in  the  city,  826.  — The  anny  and  the 
throne,  826. — The  treatment  of  Jews  and  ChristianSyC^^ — 
The  Mozarabes,  828.  —  Estimate  of  women,  328.  —  Polygamy 
and  profligacy,  880.  —  Dirorce,  880.  —  Spanish  prejudice,  881. 
— Women  better  treated  in  Spain,  882.  —  The  power  of  the 
Kor4n,  882. 


BOOK  X. 

THE  INTELLBOTUAL  DETELOPMENT  OF  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THS  ARABIC   LAKOUAOE  :    POBT&T. 

/  The  Arabic  language,  885.  —Of  the  Shemitie<.family,  886.  r^^rly 
^  poetry,  887.  —  The  hingnage  in  Spaiii,  839.  —  Writing,  839.  — 
Changes  in  the  spoken  language,  840.  -^  The  origin  of  the  Span- 
ish lan^age,  841. —  What  it  oweTto  the  Arabu^,  842,^  In 
words,  343.  — ^  Honor  to  poets  and  men  of  leamiug,  344.  — 
Spanuh  Arsi^ian  poetry,  845^  —  The  poet  is  the  teacher,  846.  — 
Illustrations,  347. — The  defect  of  Arabian  poetry,  348.  — The 
Ghazele,  348.— The  Kassldah,  349. —The  Divan,  849.  — The 
praise  of  friendship,  350.  —  Of  love,  860.  —  Of  wine,  850.  —  Of 
home,  351.  —  The  earlier  poetiy  the  best,  852.  —  Influence  on 
European  literature,  858.  —  Story-telling,  854.  —  Memory,  855. 
-.  Music,  856. 

CHAPTER  II. 

VETAPHY8IC8,  HIBTORT,   AKD  EXACT  BCIENCS. 

Arabian  metaphysics,  857.  —  Avicenna,  858.  —  Al-Ghazali,  859.  — 
His  doctrine  of  *'  divine  assistance  "or  "  occasional  causes,"  859. 

—  Averroes,  360.  —  His  philosophy,  361.  —  His  so-called  heresy, 
861. — "Emanation"  develops  into  Pantheism,  862.  —  Avem- 
pace,  364.  —  Moses  Maimonides,  364.  — Historical  writings,  365. 

—  The  Book  of  Solidity,  366.  —  Local  and  special  histories,  367. 

—  The  work  of  Miguel  Casiri,  867.  —  Arithmetic  and  matbe- 
matica,  368.  —  The  Arabian  numerals,  869.  —  When  introduced 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  IL  XUl 

into  Europe,  ^70)—  Algebra,  871.  —  Tartaglia  and  Cardana,  371.  ^ 
—  Thebit  Ibn  Korrah,  872. —Chinese  claims,  878.  —  Adelard's 
translation  of  Euclid,  874.  — The  introduction  of  the  sine,  874.  — 
Al  Magest,  875. —  Instruments,  876.  —  The  Arabians  knew  that 
the  earth  was  a  spheroid,  876.  —  They  measure  a  degree  of  lati- 
tude, 877. — Astrology,  878.  — Modem  belief  in  astrology,  879. 

CHAPTER  III. 

OEOOBAPHT,   CHSMI8TBT,   AND  MEDICINE. 

(Geography,  881«  — Their  attainments  in  chemistry,  882.  —  Lapis 
philoBophorum  and  elixir  viUe,  888.  —  Metallurgy  and  mining, 
885.  —  In  the  earlier  times,  886.  —  Arabian  medicine,  887.  — 
Simples  and  tnedioamefUa,  889.  — Ayicenna,  890.  —  Averroes, 
890.  ~  In  danger  of  being  called  Zindik,  891.  —  Optics,  892. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

imrEKTioNs  Ain>  dibooybries. 

Gunpowder,  898.  —  Movable  type8^96^ —  Paper,  895.  —  The  mag-     - 
net  and  the  mariner's  compass,  896.  —  Seeds  and  plants,  897.  — 
Leather,  898.  —  Knives  and  swords,  898.  —  Silk,  898.  — '  Gksa, 
899.  —  Jewelry,  400. 

CHAPTER  V. 

ABABIAN  ABT  IN  SPAIN  :    ABOHITEOTUKB. 

Arabian  architecture,  401.  — The  Escurial,  404.  — The  remains  in 
Toledo,  406. — Cordova,  406. — Art  periods  in  Spain,  407. — 
Arabian  art  distinct,  408.  —  Schools  of  Saracenic  architecture, 
408.  —  Principal  features  of  Arabian  architecture,  410. — The 
horse-shoe  arch,  410.  — A  living  geometry,  411.  — The  Mezquita 
of  Cordova,  412.  —  Begun  by  Abdu-r-rahmin  I.,  418.  —  Pro- 
portions and  detaOs,  414.  —  A  forest  of  columns,  415.  — The 
mihrab,  415.  —  Arches,  417.  — Alterations  in  the  days  of  Charles 
v.,  418. —  The  Moor  not  the  only  ''thief  of  antiquity,"  419. 
— Uigust  criticisms,  420. 


XIV  CONTENTS   OF  VOLUME  11. 

CHAPTER  VL 

XORO-ARABIAN  AST  AVJ)  LIBRARIES  :    OONCLXTDIITO  8TT1CMART. 

Thp  moorish  palace  of  the  Alhambra,  422. — Gardens  planted  bj 
the  Duke  of  Wellington,  423.  —The  palace  of  Charles  V.,  424. 

—  Court  of  Myrtles  or  Blessing,  424.  —  The  Court  of  the  Lions, 
425.  —  Hall  of  the  Ambassadors,  426.  —  Stories  of  its  iKindowa, 
427.  —  The  great  cistern,  427.  —  "  Tocador  de  la  Reina,"  428.  — 

'  The  erection  of  the  buildings,  429.  —  The  philosophic  teachings 
of  the  Alhambra,  430.  —  The  consolidation  of  knowledge,  433.  — 

• 

The  library  of  Al-hakem,  434.  —  Academies  and  colleges,  436. 

—  The  destruction  of  books  by  Al-mansur,  436.  —  Contrast  be- 
tween Moslem  Spain  and  Christian  Europe,  487.  —  Cardinal 
Ximenes,  438.  —  A  retrospective  glance,  440.  —  Effect  of  culture 
upon  the  Arab-Moors,  441.  — The  Arabian  relegated  to  Arabia, 
443.  —  The  perennial  power  of  Isldm,  443.  —  The  empire  of  the 
Ottoman  Turks,  444.  —The  Old  World  and  the  New,  444.  — 
Christopher  Columbus,  445.  — The  moral  unity  of  mankind,  446. 

—  Historic  justice  to  **  my  neighbor,"  447.  —  Religious  fanati- 
cism, 448.  —  The  Inquisition,  448. — The  bsleful  effects  on 
Spain,  448.  —  Hopes  for  the  future,  449. 


APPENDIX. 


I.   Of  the  Mohammedan  Era 451 

II.   The  Surrender  of  Granada 453 

I.  Capitulation  for  the  Surrender  of  Granada  .     .     •  464 

II.  Secret  Capitulation 466 


THE    CONQUEST    OF   SPAIN    BY   THE 

ARAB-MOORS. 


BOOK    VL 

THE    CHECK   TO    NORTHERN   ADVANCE,    AND    THE 
DISORDERS   IN  MOSLEM  SPAIN. 

CHAPTER    I. 

THE   OBBAT  BATTLE   BETWEEN  TOURS   AND   POITIEBfl, 

OCT.  3,  732. 


T 


0  the  student  of  history,  and  especially  to  the 
military  student,  the  province  of  Touraine,  with 
the  circumjacent  temtories  of  Orleannois,  TheciMsio 
Anjou,  and  Poitou,  is  at  once  classic  and  ro-  Tounune. 
mantic  ground.  It  comprises  principally  the  valley 
of  the  Loire,  and  has  been  called  the  "Garden  of 
France."  Within  that  territory  have  been  enacted 
many  of  the  most  interesting  and  some  of  the  most 
tragic  scenes  in  the  wonderful  melodrama  of  French 
history.  Here,  in  the  year  507,  took  place  the  terri- 
ble conflict  between  Clovis  and  the  Visigothic  king, 
Alarik  II.,  which  tried  the  mettle  of  Goths  and 
Franks,  and  which  arrayed  the  Catholic  and  Arian 
creeds  in  hostile  ranks  of  armed  men.  At  Blois,  the 
traveller  has  a  realizing  sense  of  the  cold-blooded 
assassination  of  the  Guises,  at  the  instance  and 
within  the  hearing  of  Henry  III.     Plessis-les- Tours 

VOL.  II.  1 


2  CONQUEST   OF  SPAIN   BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

still  savors  of  the  coward  cruelties  of  Louis  XI,, 
which  sheltered  themselves  behind  man-traps  and 
bristling  port-holes,  Tlie  great  deeds  of  Joan  of  Arc 
were  conceived  at  Ohinon,  and  her  reputed  miracles 
were  wrought  at  Orleans.  The  last  burial-place  of 
Eichard  Coeur  de  Lion,  as  also  that  of  his  father,  is  at 
Fontevrauit  Fonte\Tault.  Maupcrtuis,  five  miles  east  of 
tuu.  Poitiers,  is  distinguished  as  the  spot  where 

the  famous  Black  Prince  routed  the  French  and  cap- 
tured their  King  John  in  1356.* 

In  La  Vendue  some  of  the  most  fearful  scenes  of 
the  French  Revolution  were  enacted.*  But,  interest- 
ing as  are  these  events,  not  one  of  them  surpasses  in 
importance  and  in  romantic  interest  the  great  battle 
between  the  Moslems  and  the  Franks,  which  is  now 
to  be  considered. 

The  city  of  Tours  stands  on  the  southern  bank  of 
the  Loire,  near  its  junction  with  the  Cher.  The  coun- 
Thc  country  ^^y  ^J^^^g  between  it  and  Poitiers  rises  and 
T^unTnd  ^^^^  ^^  gcutlc  uudulatious,  and  was  then 
Poitiers.  dotted  with  forests.  It  is  watered  and  fer- 
tilized by  numerous  small  streams,  among  which  are 
the  Cher,  the  Creuse,  the  Indre,  the  Vienne,  and  the 
Claire,  which,  however,  offer  no  impediments  to  the 
movements  of  armies.  Most  of  the  ground  is  rich 
pasture-land ;  and  here  and  there  a  slight  eminence 
would   be    of   good  service  as  head-quarters   from 

^  The  French  call  the  battle  MauperiuU^  the  English,  Poitiers. 
It  was  fought  at  the  former  place,  —  five  miles  from  the  latter. 

^  Rendered  still  more  horrible  by  the  gloating  pen  of  Victor 
Hugo,  in  that  most  fearful  of  historic  romances,  **  Quatre-yingt- 
treize." 


BATTLE  BETWEEN  TOUltS  AND  POITIERS.  3 

which  to  diTect  and  discern  the  progress  of  a  battle. 
The  nature  of  the  terrain  has  caused  it  to  be  often 
selected  by  armed  hosts  seeking  the  ordeal  of  battle. 
As  to  the  more  exact  and  limited  ground  upon  which 
the  great  battle  between  Charles  and  Abdu-r-rahman 
was  fought,  we  are  left  somewhat,  if  not  entirely,  to 
conjecture.  Conde  says,  "The  battle  was  co^jecturw 
fought  on  the  fields  of  Poitiers  and  on  the  JuJSs  of\he 
banks  of  one  of  the  streams  that  faU  into  **''**• 
the  Loire."  ^  There  is  no  record  in  French  annals 
that  bones  or  relics  of  arms  and  armor  have  ever  been 
found  in  that  locality. 

The  Moslem  host  was  so  large  that  their  encamp- 
ment covered  a  very  extensive  ground  :  the  divisions 
were  somewhat  scattered,  until  the  very  time  of  the 
battle,  for  convenience  of  space  and  water,  and  to 
separate  the  envious  tribes  from  each  other.  I  am 
inclined  to  believe  that  the  conflict  began  on,  or  very 
near,  the  banks  of  the  Cher,  which  would  offer  a 
national  entrenchment  to  the  Franks,  and  that  it 
moved  forward  on  the  part  of  the  Franks,  during  the 
progress  of  the  action,  so  that,  when  it  ended,  the 
Moslems  had  been  thrust  back  to  their  camps,  on 
or  near  the  banks  of  the  Vienne  at  Chatellerault,  on 
the  present  high-road  between  Tours  and  Poitiers. 
The  Moslem  army  had  pushed  forward  rapidly  from 
Poitiers,  after  burning  the  church  of  St.  Hilaire. 
Cond^  says,  "The  Moslemah  had  now  approached 
Medina  Towers  [the  city  of  Tours."]    Charles  Martel 

^  Historia  de  la  Dominacion  (I.  Pt  I.  ch.  xxr.).  Kginhard  snys 
(Vita  Carol!  Magni,  ch.  ii. )  ''in  Aquitaiiia  apud  Pictayium  cItI- 
tatem." 


4  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBa 

must  have  felt^  whatever  his  confidence  in  an  untried 
army,  a  proper  solicitude  for  guarding  the  national 
entrenchments  of  the  Cher  and  the  Loire,  and  protect- 
ing Tours.  Abdu-r-rahman  had  boasted  and  vowed 
that,  as  he  had  pillaged  and  burned  the  church  of  St 
The  defence  Hilairc  at  Poitiers,  he  would  pillage  and 
tin.  "  burn  that  of  St.  Martin,  the  guardian  of 
Tours.  Whatever  he  may  have  felt  for  the  defence 
of  Christendom  at  large,  the  first  duty  of  Charles  was 
the  defence  of  St.  Martin.^ 

A  moi'e  exact  determination  of  the  locality  is  of 
but  little  importance.  So,  too,  the  details  of  the  bat- 
tle have  been  left  to  the  imagination  of  the  chroni- 
clers :  the  real  annals  do  not  supply  them ;  the 
chronicles  exaggerate  and  distort  them.  But  the 
great  features  may  be  readily  discerned ;  and,  even 
beyond  these,  the  imagination,  when  properly  curbed 
by  the  judgment,  may  be  considered  a  safe  and  com* 
fortable  guide. 

The  Arab  chieftain  had  now  collected  all  his  scat- 
tered detachments,  and  their  encampments,  by  tribes, 
upon  the  undulating  terrain,  extending  far  and  wide, 
appeared  to  the  anxious  Franks  like  a  large  city.* 
And  in  this  extemporized  city,  which  was  full  of 
booty,  each  quarter  had  its  special  guard,  not  against 
the  Franks,  but,  because  of  the  suspicions  of  the 
tribes,  against  each  other.     The  enthusiasm  of  the 

^  The  second  continuator  of  Fr^^gaire  tells  us,  "  Aprhs  avoir 
Uvr^  aux  flammes,  la  basilisque  do  Saint  Hilaire,  chose  doaloureuae 
4  rapportcr,  ils  so  pr^par^rent  k  marcher  pour  d^truire  ceUe  de 
Saint  Martin  de  Tours." 

s  "  Qui  ressemblaient  de  loin  k  une  grande  cit^."  —  H.  Mabtik, 
Histoire  dt  France^  II.  205. 


BATTLE  BETWEEN  TjOUBS  AND  POITIERS.  5 

Moslem  troops  bad  now  become  so  greatly  dimin- 
ished  that  many  of  them,  we  are  informed  by  the 
Arabian  chronicles,  would  have  been  glad  to  abandon 
the  further  scheme  of  conquest,  and  to  return  to 
Narbonne  with  their  rich  spoils.  This  waa  no  longer 
possible :  the  eventful  day  had  arrived ;  a  ^he  A»bi- 
terrible  battle  was  inevitable,  and  they  JSSiy  ?» 
nerved  themselves  for  the  conflict.  From  ^ 
their  former  experience,  they  had  little  reason  to  fear 
the  event.  Issuing  from  their  camps  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  Amir,  the  swarm  of  troops  which  came 
into  line  in  front,  seemed  to  the  Christian  host  innu- 
merable. Far  the  greater  part  were  cavalry,  —  that 
cavalry  which  had  so  often  displayed  its  powers,  in 
ready  attack  and  rapid  retreat,  in  pouncing  suddenly 
on  weak  points,  and,  by  the  celerity  of  its  movements, 
in  seeming  to  be  in  many  places  at  once.^ 

When  they  were  formed  in  battle  array,  a  select 
party,  easily  depicted  to  the  fancy,  advanced  from 
the  front :  their  brown  faces  set  off  by  white  turbans 
and  striped  bumus,  or  light,  flowing  sayas,  covering 
chain  mail,  — already  adopted  by  the  Moslem  ofiScers, 
—  their  small  round  shields,  slender  lances,  The  recon- 
and  curved  cimeters,  their  incomparable  p2rt7.°* 
horses,  all  astonished  the  Frankish  soldiers,  as  they 
galloped  swiftly  along  the  front  to  survey  the  line  of 
battle  now  opposed  to  them.  Great,  too,  in  turn  was 
the  amazement  of  the  Moslemah.  They  had  seen  no 
such  enemy  in  Africa  or  in  Spain.  Here  were  northern 
giants  with  streaming  light  hair  beneath  brilliant  hel- 

^  Cond^  HUtoria  de  la  Dominacion,  I.  xxv. 


6  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

mets,  clothed  in  leather  and  in  steel,  protected  by  large 
bucklers,  mounted  on  colossal  horses,  armed  with 
swords  of  great  length  and  with  ponderous  battle-axes ; 
here  were  equal  giants,  clothed  in  skins  like  wild  men 
of  the  woods,  more  rudely  equipped,  but  more  ferocious 
in  appearance.  The  Moslemah  saw  at  once  that  the 
contest  was  to  be  between  weight  and  strength  on 
tlie  one  hand,  and  dexterity  and  dash  on  the  other. 

The  generally  received  account  again  is,  that  the 
battle  lasted  seven  days.  While  there  is  nothing  to 
disprove  this,  it  will  be  remembered  that  this  ap- 
pears to  be  the  stereotyped  duration  for  battles-  of 
that  early  period.  Some  of  the  chroniclers  say  that 
it  culminated  on  the  Sabbath  or  seventh  day,  which 
might  explain  the  matter ;  but  we  may  be  content  to 
think  that  the  early  days  were  spent  in  manoeuvring 
and  skirmishing.^ 

The  field  was  extended,  and  the  forces  unusually 
large.  There  were  numerous  partial  conflicts,  which 
were  not  intended  to  bring  on  at  once  a  general 
Partial  con-  battle.  After  such  skirmishes  or  conflicts, 
^^^^  the  troops  on  both  sides  seem  to  have  re- 

tired at  nightfall  to  their  encampments,  with  little 
fear  of  being  disturbed  until  the  morning.  But  at 
last  everything  was  in  readiness  for  the  crisis.  On  the 
morning  of  the  seventh  day,  the  dawn  disclosed  the 
Moslem  and  the  Christian  hosts  formed  in  ranks  and 
columns,  both  with  determined  purpose  to  end  the 
conflict.    4t  a  given  signal,  in  all  the  dusky  squad- 

^  Guizot  SRys,  "  Les  deux  armies  pass^rent  nne  semaine  Pane 
en  face  d'autre,  tant6t  renfenn^i>8  dans  leurs  camps,  tantdt  ae  deploy- 
ant  sans  s'attaquer."  —  Hiatoire  de  France,  I.  178. 


BATTLE  BETWEEN  TOURS  AND  POITIERS.  7 

Tons  the  men  dismounted,  and,  kneeling  beside  their 
hoises,  invoked  the  aid  of  Allah  in  prayer.  This  rev- 
erent duty  performed,  the  battle  began  with  ^^  ^j  ^^ 
a  cloud  of  arrows  from  the  Moorish  arch-  *^®  *****"•• 
era,  under  cover  of  which  the  flower  of  their  cavalry 
swept  like  a  hurricane  upon  the  Frankish  line.  The 
field  resounded  with  their  favorite  battle-cry,  "  Allah 
acbar,"  Ood  is  victorious  ;  but  the  Christian  wall  of 
steel  remained  unbroken,  and  scattered  them  back  like 
spray.  Isidonis  Pacensis  tells  us  that  he  heard  from 
the  lips  of  an  eye-witness,  a  companion  of  the  Amir, 
in  Arabian  metaphor,  that  the  Frankish  Cavalry  were 
chained  or  frozen  together, — glacialiter  manerU  ad- 
stridi}  The  tall  stature,  the  powerful  arms,  and, 
above  all,  the  menacing  immobility  of  the  enemy, 
appalled  and  confounded  them.  Against  the  ruder 
Frankish  infantry  their  charges  had  some  success ; 
and  the  Christian  losses  were  principally  in  that  con- 
tingent 

1  laidoros  wrote  twenty-two  years  after  the  battle,  and  his  ac- 
count must  contain  yalnable  tmtfa,  especially  when  he  quotes,  as  in 
this  instance,  from  an  eye-witness.  Bat  parts  of  his  work  are  not 
ao  trustworthy ;  they  are  in  rhyme,  or  rather  in  assonant  verses, 
imd  ^vith  the  poetic  form  there  is  always  danger  of  the  poetic  license* 
These  are  his  words,  "  Ubi  dum  per  septem  dies  utrique  de  pugna 
conflictu  excraciant,  sese  postremo  in  aciem  parant,  absque  dam 
acriter  dimlcant  gentes  septentrionales  in  ictn  oculi  ut  paries  immo- 
biles,  permanentes,  sicut  et  zona  rigoris  glacialiter  manent  adstricta 
Arabes,  gladio  enercant."  —  Espafla  Sagrada^  VIII.  trat.  27,  app. 
iL  Notas  sobre  la  chronologia  del  Pacense.  With  regard  to  the 
metaphor,  H.  Martin  corroborates  its  oriental  character  by  stating 
the  enriona  fact  that  at  the  battle  of  the  Pyramids,  in  1798,  the  fiery 
Mamelukes,  when  they  could  not  break  the  French  squares,  ejacu- 
lated, "  lis  ont  enchain^  lea  una  aux  autres.*'  —  Histoire  de  France, 
II.  204,  note. 


8  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

Again  and  again,  the  Moslem  cayalry  rallied,  re- 
formed their  ranks,  and  charged  more  furiously  than 
before;  but  with  no  better  result.  Their  swift  and 
skilful  attacks  were  too  light:  they  were  received 
charees  of  and  retumed  by  those  gigantic  horsemen, 
cavalry.  mouuted  ou  equally  gigantic  steeds,  of 
Norman  breed,  the  like  of  which  still  astonish  the 
traveller  in  the  north  of  France.  The  long  two-edged 
swords  beat  down  their  light  guard,  and  caught  them 
with  terrible  cut  and  thrust,  cleaving  to  the  saddle, 
or  shearing  the  head,  or  passing  a  hand-breadth  out 
through  the  body ;  the  battle-axes  crushed  their 
heads  or  mutilated  their  bodies. 

The  Arab- Moors  still  had,  however,  the  prestige  of 
the  attacking  party,  and  they  might  venture  to  hope 
that  even  northern  proportions  and  northern  endur- 
ance would  eventually  give  way  before  their  stormy 
and  repeated  attacks  ;  that  the  line  might  be  broken 
by  successive  and  concerted  blows ;  that  perhaps,  too, 
the  panic  on  the  plains  of  Sidonia  might  be  repeated 
in  Touraine.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  chance 
of  such  success,  had  they  continued  their  energetic 
RumoTBof    eflTorts,  just  then  a  rumor  came  swelling 

an  attack  in.  .-i-r^i-r^i  .-i 

the  rear.  from  rear  to  front,  that  Duke  Eudes,  with 
a  strong  force  of  Aquitanians  and  Gascons,  was  at- 
tacking their  camp,  thus  at  once  compromising  their 
retreat,  and  endangering  their  fondly  cherished  spoils.^ 

^  This  attack  of  Eudes  is  not  found  in  the  French  Chronicles. 
It  18  an  Arabian  account ;  and,  although  it  might  haye  been  devised 
to  give  a  pla«:sible  cause  for  their  defeat,  in  a  military  point  of  view 
it  seems  natural  and  probable.  It  may  have  been  nothing  more 
than  a  feint  to  disconcert  the  Moslem  army. 


BATTLE  BETWEEN  TOUBS  AND  POITIERS,  9 

There  was  no  panic,  in  the  ordinary  acceptation  of 
the  word ;  but,  with  a  jealous  eye  to  their  darling 
treasures,  and  to  rally  around  their  encampment,  the 
Moslemah  left  their  ranks  in  large  numbers,  and 
galloped  to  the  rear,  notwithstanding  the  energetic 
remonstrances  of  the  Amir  and  his  staff.  Thus  the 
martial  order  was  disturbed,  and  the  line  of  battle 
suddenly  depleted.  It  was  evident  that  Abdu-r- 
rahman  could  not  again  assume  the  offensive  ;  it  was 
soon  as  evident  that  the  Franks  were  preparing  to 
move  down  upon  his  line.  The  entire  aspect  of 
affairs  was  changed.  The  opportune  but  unexpected 
moment  for  Charles  Martel  had  now  arrived.  The 
Moslem  attacks  were  to  have  their  terrible  riposte. 

He  ordered  a  charge  along  his  whole  front.  The 
remaining  troops  of  Abdu-r-rahman  were  soon  in 
confusion  :  the  Franks  were  upon  them.  They  were 
overthrown,  cut  to  pieces,  or  forced  to  flight,  charies 
Pell-meD  they  left  the  field,  and  fell  back  their  line. 
upon  the  encampment  in  panic  and  despair.  The 
unfortunate  Amir,  who  had  been  always  foremost  in 
the  fight,  in  this  decisive  moment  did  all  in  his 
power,  with  word  and  sword,  to  retrieve  the  fatal 
mistake ;  but  nothing  could  now  withstand  the  heavy 
moving  mass.     He  was  killed,  with  most  Abdn-r- 

nhm&D  is 

of  his  staflf  and  body-guard,  and  their  bodies  «i*in- 
were  trampled  under  the  iron  hoofs  of  the  northern 
cavalry. 

With  his  fall  the  day  was  irretrievably  lost.  In 
truth,  it  had  been  a  fatal  mistake.  The  attack  or  the 
feint  of  Duke  Eudes  upon  the  encampment  had  been 
easily  repulsed  by  the  camp  guards.   A  little  forecast, 


10        CONQUEST   OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AKAB-MOOBS. 

and  the  detachment  of  a  small  force  to  strengthen 
these  guards,  would  have  sufficed  to  show  the  exact 
state  of  the  ease,  and  have  saved  the  Moslem  army 
from  the  greatest  disaster  it  had  ever  experienced.  But 
even  this  disaster  was  not  irreparable,  if  they  would 
reorganize  and  again  prepare  for  battle  on  the  morrow. 
Their  losses  had  been  great,  but  they  were  still  su- 
perior in  numbers  to  the  Frankish  host 

The  sun  had  just  set.  With  a  prudence  as  com- 
mendable as  his  valor,  Charles  ordered  tlie  pursuit  to 
cease,  and  awaited,  with  renewed  confidence,  what 
the  morning  should  disclose.  He  did  not  for  a 
moment  doubt,  however,  that  the  enemy  would  still 
present  a  bold  front,  and  that  a  fiercer  battle  was 
yet  to  be  fought.  His  troops,  not  well  satisfied  at 
being  restrained,  rested  on  their  arms,  and  nothing 
was  done  to  disturb  the  Moslem  repose.  But  the 
Moslem  army  had  no  thought  of  rest;  they  had 
already  received  the  coup-de^dce-.  When  they 
reached  the  camp,  the  tribes  began  to  criminate 
each  other,  and  some  of  them  even  came  to  blows. 
Their  leader  could  not  be  found ;  they  did  not  yet 
know  that  he  had  fallen,  but  the  day  was  lost ;  a  curse 
like  that  of  Korah  was  upon  theni.  The  sense  of 
The  Moslem  imminent  peril  caused  them  to  stop  their 
retreat.  quarrel,  and  united  them  in  the  determina- 
tion to  save  themselves  by  immediate  flight 

With  the  earliest  streaks  of  the  morning  lights 
the  Frankish  army  commenced  to  move  forward. 
Pickets  stole  cautiously  in  advance,  watching  for  the 
first  signs  of  motion  in  the  Moslem  army.  The  tents 
were  still  there,  but  unbroken  stillness  and  solitude 


BATTLB  BETWBEN  TOURS  AND  POITIEBS.  11 

leigned  «Still  they  advanced  There  was  neither  sight 
nor  sound  of  living  thing ;  still  at  every  moment  the 
Franks  expected  to  see  the  reinvigorated  army  of 
the  Arab-Moors  issue  forth  to  repeat  with  desperate 
fury  the  charges  of  yesterday.  They  expected  in 
vain:  At  last,  to  settle  the  question,  the  army  of 
Charles  moved  across  the  plain,  covered  with  ghastly 
corpses  and  ghastlier  figures  of  wounded  men.  The 
advancing  troops  shouted  to  the  silent  camp ;  a  flight 
of  arrows  followed  the  unanswered  cry ;  the  nearest 
tents  were  entered;  they  were  empty.  Then  the 
truth  broke  upon  the  Franks  that  the  Moslem  army 
had,  at  the  last,  outwitted  them, — that  they  had 
absconded.  They  had  indeed  been  marching  all 
night,  only  intent  upon  saving  themselves  behind 
the  walls  of  Narbonne.  They  had  abandoned  tents, 
baggage,  and  most  of  their  treasures  which  would 
have  impeded  their  flight,  and,  with  scarcely  more 
than  their  horses  and  arms,  were  already  far  distant 
from  the  fatal  field. 

Once  in  the  charmed  camp,  the  soldiers  of  Charles 
revelled  in  the  treasures  which  had  ruined  the 
Moslemah,  and  became,  like  them,  infected  The  FnmiM 

mi,  occupy  their 

With  the  greed  of  gold.  The  booty  was  camp. 
enormous ;  hard-money,  ingots  of  the  precious  metals, 
melted  from  jewels  and  shrines ;  precious  vases,  rich 
stuffs,  subsistence  stores,  flocks  and  herds  gathered 
and  parked  in  the  camp.  Most  of  this  booty  had 
been  taken  by  the  Moslemah  from  the  Aquitanians, 
who  now  had  the  sorrow  of  seeing  it  greedily  divided 
among  the  Franks,  —  "the  spoils  of  Bordeaux  and 
of  so  many  other  cities  passing  from  the  hands  of 


12        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

their  first  spoilers  into  those  of  their  ferocious  aux- 
iliaries."^ The  number  of  the  killed  and  wounded 
on  the  side  of  the  Arab-Moors  was  enormous,  but  no 
veritable  record  has  been  left.  We  do  not  even  know 
accurately  the  force  of  their  army  before  the  battle. 
Cardonne  says,  with  commendable  qualification,  "  If 
we  may  believe  the  contemporary  historians,  three 
hundred  and  seventy-five  thousand  Arabs  moistened 
with  their  blood  the  fields  of  Touraine."  *  But  this 
exaggeration  is  too  gross  to  need  comment.  In 
the  words  of  Michelet,  "The  imagination  of  the 
Bxaggem-     chroniclcrs  of  the  period  was  excited  by 

tlonofthe  •    ,        5  , 

chronicles,  this  solcmu  trial  of  prowess  between  the 
men  of  the  north  and  those  of  the  south."  Nor  was 
it  only  an  excited  imagination  that  saw  falsely:  it 
was  national  vanity,  combined  with  ecclesiastical 
prejudice,  —  the  desire  of  the  monkish  chroniclers 
to  magnify  in  every  manner  the  victory  of  the  Chris- 
tian. It  was  grand,  at  one  stroke  of  the  pen,  to 
consign  so  many  enemies  of  the  faith  to  everlasting 
flames. 

One  of  the  monkish  historians  declares  that  the 
Moslems  had  their  wives  and  children  and  all  their 
substance  with  them,  as  if  to  remain  and  occupy.^ 
The  Arabs  claimed  to  have  eighty  thousand  men  in  all 
upon  the  field.  Mezerai  says  the  Saracen  army  was 
only  eighty  to  one  hundred  thousand  in  all ;  and  Valois, 
that  no  women  or  children  crossed  the  Pyrenees.* 

^  Henri  Martin's  Histoire  de  France,  II.  206. 
'  Histoire  de  TAfrique,  I.  127. 

*  Lenr  fames  et  leurs  enfants  et  toute  lenr  sa'betanoe  9xan 
comme  si  ils  dussent  touq'ours  les  habitpr  en  Fiunce. 

«  The  Marqnis  de  St.  Aubin-snr-Loire,  in  his  «  Traits  de  TOpi- 


"BATTLE  BETWEEN  TOUBS   AND   POITIERS.  13 

The  exaggeration  is  the  more  absurd,  because  so 
unnecessary  ;  the  defeat  of  the  Arab-Moors  was  entire 
and  ruinous  without  it ;  it  could  not  magnify  the  true 
glory  of  the  Christian  triumph  thus  to  multiply  the 
numbers  of  the' slain. 

As  might  be  expected,  the  Arabian  historians  say 
little  about  the  battle.  Condi's  authority  concedes 
the  defeat,  and  gives  the  reason  already  mentioned 
for  the  disorder  which  preceded  it.^  Ibnu  Khaldun 
accosts  and  dismisses  the  whole  matter  in  these 
words :  "  He  [Abdu-r-rahmdu]  arrived  in  Andalus  in 
the  year  113,  A.H.,  and  made  war  upon  the  Franks, 
with  whom  he  had  several  encounters;  but  in  the 
month  of  Ramadhan  of  the  year  114  (October,  a.d. 
732),  his  army  was  cut  to  pieces  at  a  spot  called 
Balattu-sh-shohada  [the  pavement  of  the  martyrs],  he 
himself  being  in  the  number  of  the  slain.  This  dis- 
astrous battle  is  well  known  among  the  people  of 
Andalus  as  the  battle  of  Balatt."  * 

The  statement  is  far  more  credible,  and  yet  deserv- 
ing of  some  scrutiny,  that  Charles  Martel  lost  only 
fifteen  hundred  men  in  the  battle.     The  Moslemah 

nion"  (Paris,  1735),  cites  this  story  among  numerous  examples 
(to  which  modern  history  could  largely  add)  of  "batailles  qui  pa- 
Toissent  incroiables,"  Vol.  I.  p.  210.  It  is  worth  mentioning  that 
three  hundred  and  seventy-fiye  thousand  Is  a  stereotyped  number  of 
dead  Moslemah  after  a  battle.  They  lost  that  number,  the  reader 
will  remember,  at  the  battle  of  Toulouse.  The  chroniclers  on  whose 
faith  the  statement  was  made  are,  Paul  the  Deacon,  and  Anasta- 
sius  the  Librarian. 

1  Dominacion  de  los  Arabes,  T.  xxv. 

*  The  same  name  (see  ante)  was  given  to  the  battle  of  Toulouse, 
and  is  applied  to  many  other  fields  on  which  the  Moslemah  were 
defeated  :  they  were  always  martyrs  for  the  faith. 


14        CX)NQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

were  slain  principally  in  the  space  between  the  origi- 
nal battle-field  and  their  camp.  Leaving  the  field  of 
conjecture,  the  great  historic  fact  remains :  the  prob- 
The  cento-  ^®°^  ^^  heen  solvcd  ;  the  trial  of  arms  and 
hlmmidi**'  of  purposes  had  been  decided  in  a  single 
death.  ^y     rjxy^Q  great  centenary  of  the  prophet's 

death  ^  had  been  celebrated  by  the  greatest  defeat  of 
his  creed  and  his  policy. 

The  Moslem  had  boasted  that  he  would  conquer 
Gaul  as  he  had  conquered  Spain;  that  he  would 
march  from  Gaul  to  Italy ;  that  he  would  return  to 
the  east  by  way  of  Constantinople ;  and  that  Allah 
should  be  worshipped  and  his  prophet  revered  by  all 
the  nations  of  the  European  world.^ 

After  a  careful  study  of  the  history,  I  find  nothing 
which  leads  me  to  think  it  possible  that  he  could  have 
realized  his  boast.  But  the  assertion  had  been  made, 
and  his  vaunted  purpose  had  been  defeated  by  the 
army  of  Charles  Martel. 

Much  more  might  have  been  done  to  increase  the 
disaster  of  Tours,  if  Charles  had  made  a  vigorous  pur- 
suit.   Some  writers  assert  that  he  did  so,  and  was 

1  In  June,  682. 

^  There  is  a  tradition  that  when  an  army  was  sent  from  Eairwan 
to  the  conquest  of  Andalus,  the  Khalif  had  written  to  its  commander 
that  the  conquest  of  Constantinople  was  to  be  made,  passing  first 
through  Andalus.  —  Al  Makkari,  I.  80.  It  has  been  seen  that  Miisa 
is  said  to  haye  conceiyed  the  project  of  returning  to  the  east  by  way 
of  Constantinople.  —  Ib.  I.  289.  The  Moslems  of  that  day  had  little 
knowledge  of  the  geography  of  £urope,  of  the  distance  to  be  jMissed 
oyer,  and  the  great  obstacles  to  such  a  progress.  The  first  abortive 
crusade  to  Palestine,  three  hundred  years  later,  shows  how  little  had 
been  learned  of  these  difficulties,  even  after  so  great  a  lapse  of  time. 


BATTLE  BETWEEN  TOT7H3   AND  POITIERS.  15 

repulsed  with  great  loss  from  the  siege  of  Narbonne.^ 
There  are  many  reasons  for  doubting  this  statement 
He  was  quite  willing  to  throw  the  burden  of  the  sub- 
sequent defence  upon  Eudes  and  the  Aquitenians,  who 
had  submitted  to  pay  him  tribute.  His  motley  army, 
hastily  collected  to  repel  the  invasion,  could  not  be 
long  kept  in  hand.  They  had  found  their  pay  in  the 
Arab  spoils,  and  soon  separated  into  little  bands, 
seeking  their  homes  in  the  north,  and  leaving  him 
only  his  usual  and  regular  contingent  of  troops.  And, 
besides,  he  was  now  far  more  concerned  with  the 
aspect  of  afiairs  on  his  northern  frontier,  and  cbaries 
was  ready  to  pass  at  once  from  an  averted  northward, 
danger  to  one  which  still  threatened.  "  On  the  one 
side,"  says  Kanke,  "  Mohammedanism  threatened  to 
overspread  Gaul  and  Italy;  and,  on  the  other,  the 
ancient  idolatry  of  Saxony  and  Friesland  once  more 
forced  its  way  across  the  Rhine."  *  He  passed  rapidly 
with  his  hammer  from  the  broken  south  to  the  still 
threatening  north.  The  treaty  of  peace  with  Eudes 
gave  the  Aquitanians  a  breathing  spell,  and  enabled 
them  to  confront  the  Moors.*    Thus  the  relations  of 

• 

^  Isadoras  Pacensis  makes  such  an  assertion,  bat  it  is  not  sup- 
ported by  other  historians ;  and  he  wrote  when  the  viva  voce  ac- 
counts were  confused  and  contradictoTj.  He  may  refer  to  the 
misfortunes  of  the  Aquitanians. 

^  History  of  the  Reformation,  SSI. 

'  La  Fuente,  following  the  authority  of  laidoras,  says  :  "£1  fa- 
moflo  Carlos,  Uamado  despues  Martell,  pone  cerco  i  Narbona,  pero 
los  Ismaelitas  la  defienden."  —  Historia  de  Espafia,  III.  55,  56.  I 
think  it  most  probable  that  this  refers  to  Eudes  and  the  Aquitanians, 
as  Charles  could,  at  that  time,  have  had  little  inclination  to  pursue 
the  victory.  The  presence  of  the  Arab-Moors  was  rather  an  advantage 
to  Charles,  as  it  kppt  Eudes  in  a  proper  condition  of  humility. 


16  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN   BY  THE  AKAB-MOOES. 

the  Franks  and  Aquitanians  were  much  changed  by 
the  battle  in  Touraine. 

We  cannot  let  the  valiant  Charles  disappear  from 
this  humble  record,  as  he  must  now  do,  without  a 
word  as  to  his  brilliant  exploits  recorded  by  his- 
tory and  embalmed  in  stirring  legends.  And  this  is 
especially  important,  because  they  throw  additional 
light  upon  the  determined  character  of  his  victory 
near  Tours.  That  triumph,  so  far  from  exhausting 
his  resources,  left  him  a  large  surplus  of  moral  and 
physical  power.  For  the  time  he  mastered  Saxony, 
and  left  there  the  prestige  of  his  arms  for  the  later 
achievements  of  his  grandson  Charlemagne.  He  pro- 
ceeded to  subdue  Burgundy  entirely :  he  destroyed  the 
Duke  of  Frisia ;  he  returned  again  at  a  later  day  to 
the  conquest  of  Aquitania;  when  its  duke  became 
again  rebellious,  he  occupied  Bordeaux,  took  Aries  and 
Marseilles ;  he  made  head  against  new  invasions  of 
the  Saracens  in  Septiraania,  and  gave  them  another 
overwhelming  defeat  near  Narbonne,  on  the  borders 
of  the  Berre.  He  was  a  great  king  in  all  but  title,  — 
the  master  and  the  tensor  of  western  Europe.  To 
Tiie  true  epitomize,  his  greatness  consists  in  this :  He 
Krie^"  ®'  created  permanent  and  powerful  order  out  of 
Martei.  chaos ;  from  the  combination  of  a  few  German 
conquerors  and  a  Romanized  people  of  Gaulish  race  he 
produced  the  French  nation.  Thus,  great  and  gifted  as 
an  individual,  he  was  besides  an  exponential  man, — 
the  leader  of  a  race,  the  initial  figure  of  a  new  dynasty, 
the  founder  of  a  throne  upon  which  his  greater  grand- 
son was  to  sit;  and,  above  all,  as  far  as  this  history  is 
concerned,  the  champion  of  Christendom  against  the 


BATTLE  BETWEEN  TOURS  AND  POITIERS.  17 

temerity  of  Islam.  I  do  not  give  him  credit  for  great 
virtues.  He  seems  to  have  done  all  for  himself  and  the 
aggrandizement  of  his  family.  Hi3  victory  at  Tours 
has  caused  him  to  be  lauded  as  the  savior  of  the 
Christian  faith.  But  his  terrible  cruelties,  his  policy 
towards  the  church  in  Gaul,  his  rigor  towards  the 
monks,  his  pillage  of  churches  and  monasteries  in  the 
dominion  of  Eudes,  in  order  to  supply  his  armies, 
deserve  the  reprobation  of  history,  even  if  we  accept 
the  moral  standard  of  the  age.  They  were,  in  the 
eyes  of  the  ecclesiastics,  deadly  sins,  and  HisfaaitH 

«      ,  .  •   •  xT_  i.     X    and  fancied 

one  of  them  saw  in  a  vision  the  greatest  punuhment. 
hero  of  Christendom  enduring  his  punishment  in 
eternal  flames.^  Charles  died  in  the  year  741  at  the 
age  of  fifty.  He  had  ruled  for  a  quarter  of  a  century 
without  the  name  of  king,  but  he  received  the  burial 
of  a  king,  with  great  pomp,  in  the  Abbey  of  St. 
Denis.  "The  substitution  of  the  second  race  of 
Franks  for  the  first,"  says  Dumas,  "  begins  with  an 
aristocratic  corpse  which  slides  into  a  royal  tomb."  * 

We  need  not  follow  the  fortunes  of  the  Moslem 
invaders  at  this  time.  Narbonne  remained  their 
principal  stronghold  and  point  cCappui  in  Gaul,  from 
which  they  made  incursions  no  longer  in  Aquitania, 
but  upon  the  Bhone.     In  755,  Narbonne  was  recov- 

^  There  is  something  more  palpable,  if  not  truer,  ''  than  the 
monk's  vision.  On  the  opening  of  his  tomb,"  says  Gibbon  (Decline 
amd  Fallf  V.  189)  '*the  spectators  were  a£frighted  with  a  smell  of 
fire  and  the  aspect  of  a  horrid  dragon."  But,  as  the  letter  contain- 
ing this  statement  was  addressed  by  a  GaUic  synod  to  Louis  le  Ger- 
mannique,  the  grandson  of  Charlemagne,  we  may  suppose  the  miracle 
was  invented  for  a  purpose. 

*  A.  Dumas,  Gaule  et  Fitmce,  57. 

VOL.  II.  2 


18  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ASAB-MOOBS. 

ered  by  Pepin  le  Bref.  Thirty-seven  years  after- 
ward, it  was  again  captured  and  pillaged  by  the 
Spanish  Arabs,  and  the  Christian  captives  taken  at 
that  time  were  carried  to  Cordova,  to  build,  at  hard 
labor,  that  wonderful  mosque,  which  stUl  delights  the 
eye  and  satisfies  the  taste  of  the  contemplative  trav- 
eller. One  of  these  unfortunate  Christian  prisoners 
has  left  a  rude  cross  with  an  inscription  scratched 
upon  one  of  its  thousand  pillars ;  ^  a  memory  of  the 
last  Moslem  success  at  Narbonne.  The  refluent  wave, 
hurled  back  at  Tours,  moved  slowly  into  Spain,  and, 
settling  in  its  long  river-valleys,  was  fain  to  be  con- 
tent, without  further  hope  of  a  northern  progress. 
Once  driven  beyond  the  Pyrenees,  the  Arab-Moors 
could  never  fully  forget  nor  recover  from  the  terrible 
lesson  they  had  received  in  Touraine. 

^  "The  marvel,  however,  of  the  verger  is  a  rude  cross  scratched 
upon  a  pUlar,  and,  according  to  an  inscription,  by  a  Christian  cap- 
tive with  his  nail  [a  nail],  —  *  Hizo  el  cautivo  con  la  ufia.*  '*  —  Fcrd^s 
Handbook,  I.  229.     The  mosque  was  commenced  in  786. 


COMMENTS  ON.  THE  CAMPAIGN.  19 


CHAPTEE  n. 

COMMENTS  ON  THE  CAMPAIGN. 

THE  story  might  stop  here :  it  is  complete ;  the 
statistics  are  simple  and  few;  the  philosophy 
is,  in  the  main,  manifest.  There  remains,  however,  a 
question  to  be  considered, —  a  question  of  historic 
judgment,  upon  which  I  express  myself  with  some 
diffidence,  as  the  opinion  I  have  formed  is  not  in 
accordance  with  that  of  most  modem  historians.  It 
will  be  most  simply  stated  by  quoting  a  well-known 
and  often  repeated  paragraph  from  the  great  work  of 
Gibbon.  In  speaking  of  the  battle  in  Touraine,  he 
says:  *'A  victorious  line  of  march  had  been  pro- 
longed above  a  thousand  miles  from  the  Kock  of 
Gibraltar  to  the  banks  of  the  Loire  ;  the  repetition  of 
an  equal  space  would  have  carried  the  Saracens  to 
the  confines  of  Poland  and  the  Highlands  of  Scot- 
land ;  the  Shine  is  not  more  impassable  than  the 
Nile  or  Euphrates,  and  the  Arabian  fleet  might  have 
sailed  without  a  naval  combat  into  the  mouth  of  the 
Thames.  Perhaps  the  interpretation  of  the  Koran 
would  now  be  taught  in  the  schools  of  Oxford,  and 
her  pulpits  might  demonstrate  to  a  circumcised  peo- 
ple the  sanctity  and  truth  of  the  revelation  of  Mo- 


20        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AKAB-MOORS. 

hammeA  From  such  calamities  was  Christendom 
delivered  by  the  genius  and  fortune  of  one  man."  ^ 

The  rhetorical  point  and  elegant  wit  of  these  sen- 
tences are  certainly  unsurpassed.  They  attract  the 
eye,  the  ear,  and  the  fancy  ;  but  the  hypothesis  they 
suggest  will  not  bear,  in  my  judgment,  the  ordeal  of 
Gibbon's  historfc  philosophy  or  even  the  scrutiny  of 
errors  commou  intelligence.  I  think  it  necessary 
to  point  out  the  errors  they  contain,  because  they 
give  a  false  idea  at  once  of  the  power  and  resources 
of  the  Arab-Moors  and  the  condition  of  western 
Europe,  and  thus  bear  directly  upon  the  subject  of 
this  history.  The  opinion  thus  sententiously  an- 
nounced by  Gibbon,  and  based  upon  the  grand  exag- 
geration of  the  monkish  chroniclers,  has  been  generally 
accepted  by  the  later  historians,'  and  not  critically 
questioned  by  any  one. 

Sir  Edward  Creasy,  who  collates  some  of  these 
opinions  in  his  sketch  of  the  battle  of  Tours,®  says ; 
"  The  great  victoiy  won  by  Charles  Martel  .  .  .  res- 
cued Christendom  from  Islam,  preserved  the  relics  of 
Repeated  by  aucieut  and  the  germs  of  modern  civiliza- 
wia.  tion,  and  re-established  the  old  superiority  of 

the  Indo-European  over  the  Semitic  family  of  man- 
kind/* Schlegel,  in  his  philosophy  of  history,  declares 
that  the  arm  of  Charles  Martel  delivered  the  Christian 

^  Decline  and  Fall,  ch.  lit 

3  Eginhard,  the  contemporery  and  biographer  of  Charlemagne, 
simply  says  :  "  Charles,  qui  ^crasa  les  tyrans  dont  Tambition  mena^U 
toute  la  France  ;  qui,  au  moment  oh  les  Sarasins  envahissalent  toute 
la  Gaule,  les  vainquit  compUtement  dans  deux  grandes  battaillea, 
Tune  en  Aqnitaine,  aupr^  de  la  viUe  de  Poitiers,"  etc.  —  Vitu,  ch.  ii. 

»  The  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles  of  the  World. 


COMMENTS  ON  THE  CAMPAIGN.  21 

nations  of  the  west  from  the  deadly  grasp  of  all- 
destroying  Islam."  Southey,  the  most  historical  of  the 
modern  poets,  in  his  "  Poet's  Pilgrimage,"  ^  says,  — 

"  The  world  hath  seen  the  work  of  war's  debate 
Consummated  in  one  momentous  day 
Tiovce  in  the  course  of  time. 

"  The  second  day  wa/i  that  when  Martel  broke 
The  Mussulmen,  delirering  France,  oppressed,  * 
And,  in  one  mighty  conflict,  from  the  yoke 
Of  misbelieving  Mecca  saved  the  West" 

ft 

Dr.  Arnold  *  considers  this  victory  as  "  among  the 
signal  deliverances  which  for  centuries  have  aflfected 
the  happiness  of  mankind."  The  opinion  of  Henri 
Martin  is  expressed  with  so  much  rhetori-  3^^^  Mar- 
cal  elegance  and  energy  that  I  will  not  spoil  ^^ 
it  hy  translation :  ''  Ce  fut  un  des  moments  les  plus 
solennels  des  fastes  du  genre  humain.  L'Islamisme 
se  trouvait  en  face  du  dernier  boulevard  de  la  Chr^ti- 
ent^.  Aprfes  les  Visigoths,  les  Gallo-Wascons ;  aprfes 
les  Gallo-Wascon,  —  les  Franks ;  aprh  les  Frank  plvs 
Hen  !  ce  n'^taient  pas  les  Anglo-Saxons,  isoMs  au  fond 
de  leur  isle ;  ce  n'^taient  pas  les  Langobards,  faibles 
dominateurs  de  Tltalie  ^puis^e ;  ce  n*^taient  mfime  les 
Gr^co-Bomains  de  I'empire  de  Torient,  qui  pouvaient 
sauver  I'Europe!  Constantinople  avait  assez  de 
peine  k  se  sauver  elle-m6me.  Le  chroniqueur  con- 
temporain,  Isidor  de  B^j^,  ne  s*y  trompe  pas.  II 
appelle  I'arm^e  Franke,  Tannic  des  Europ^ens.  Cette 
arm^e  d^truite,  la  terre  ^tait  k  Mahomet.  .  .  .  Le 

1  Parti.     "The  Journey." 

'  History  of  the  Later  Roman  Commonwealth,  11.  817. 


22        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

sort  du  monde  allait  se  jouer  entre  lea  Franks  et  les 
Arabes."  ^  Only  Sismondi  and  Michelet  are  disposed 
to  question  the  general  judgment.  The  latter  espe- 
cially is  inclined  to  belittle  the  great  battle.  He 
considers  the  danger  to  the  Franks  from  the  north 
greater  than  from  the  south,  and  speaks  of  the  Arab- 
Moors  as  a  set  of  "brigands,  whose  astonishing  ce- 
lerity seemed  to  multiply  them."  The  opinions  of 
historians  might  be  multiplied ;  but  in  citing  these, 
whose  authority  must  always  be  respected,  we  have 
B^j^^go„  fo,  sufficient  upon  which  to  base  oUt  inquiry.' 
ftjj^ufow  I  venture  to  dissent  from  these  concurrent 
▼lews.  judgments,  and  shall  seek  to  give  valid 
reasons  for  so  doing.     I  assert  that  this  was  princi- 

^  Histoire  de  France,  II.  208.  Withont  breaking  the  conti- 
nuity of  the  citation,  I  wish  to^contrast  with  the  opinion  of  Martin 
that  of  Freeman,  the  distinguished  historian  of  the  Norman  con- 
quest :  '*  Let  me  not  for  a  moment  depreciate  the  fame  of  so  glori- 
ous an  exploit.  The  first  total  defeat  of  the  Saracens  by  the 
Christians,  in  a  great  pitched  battle,  was  indeed  an  illustrious 
event,  and  it  may  be  that  Charles  Martel  saved  Gaul  from  the  fate 
of  Spain.  But  let  honor  be  given  where  honor  is  due,  and  honor 
is  not  fairly  assigned  when  Charles  is  magnified  as  the  one  savior 
of  Christendom,  while  Leo,  the  Isaurian,  is  forgotten.  .  .  .  The 
Isaurian  emperor  rescued  the  head  of  Christendom  ;  the  mayors  of 
the  palace  rescued  only  one  of  its  extremities.  One  bora  the  on- 
slaught of  the  whole  force  of  the  caliphate ;  the  other  only  over- 
threw the  power  of  its  most  distant  and  recent  province."  —  Xeo- 
iures  on  the  Conquest  of  the  Saracens,  Lect  v. 

*  Alexandre  Dumas,  p^e,  in  his  "Gaule  et  France,'*  a  work  in 
which  he  invests  history  with  the  charm  of  romance,  makes  the  fol- 
lowing parallel  between  their  first  invasion  of  Spain  and  their  crown- 
ing defeat :  "  Ainsi  TEurope  fut  envahie  parce  qu'un  petit  roi, 
West-Goth,  avait  vioU  je  ne  salt  quelle  Lueriee ;  et,  le  monde 
entier  ^tait  Mahometan,  si  le  fils  d'une  concubine  ne  fut  vena  en 
aide  k  la  religion  Chr^tienne." 


COBOCSNTS  ON  THE  CAMPAIGN.  23 

pally  not  a  contest  of  creeds,  but  one  for  territorial 
possession.  The  soil  which  Borne  had  conquered, 
reclaimed,  and  been  forced  to  abandon,  was  the  true 
ground  of  contention.  The  northern  man,  —  large 
and  strong,  and  capable  of  bearing  winter  ^hecMe 
rigors, —  Vandals,  Alans,  Burgundians,  and  Jt?i^ietor 
Goths,  the  first  three  Pagans  and  the  last  territory. 
Arians,  had  pounced  down  upon  it.  The  Franks, 
Catholics  only  in  name,  had  come,  and  from  their 
hardy  hive  were  still  coming.  The  southern  man  of 
Semitic  race,  light,  hardy,  active,  unhurt  by  tropical 
suns,  had  come  up  to  secure  his  share  in  the  great 
partition.  The  contest  was  between  northern  barba^ 
rians  and  southern  fanatics,  both  eager  for  land  and 
spoils.  The  former  had  a  world  of  rude  but  powerful 
fighting  men  behind  him,  already  occupying  the  con- 
quered lands;  the  latter,  with  a  handful  of  Arabs 
and  a  crowd  of  turbulent  Africans,  had  just  secured  a 
foothold  in  the  Peninsula.  The  causes  which  were 
soon  to  lead  to  the  independence  of  the  Spanish 
Khalifate  were  already  at  work,  and  display  how 
little  of  power  remained  beyond  the  Arab  dominion 
in  Spain,  to  the  south  and  east.  The  insurrection  of 
the  Berbers  immediately  afterwards  shows  how  little 
the  Spanish  Amirs  could  depend  upon  Africa  for 
troops. 

With  these  prefatory  remarks,  and  keeping  the 
great  battle  in  mind, — the  inadequacy  of  the  Moslem 
strength,  the  surplus  of  massy  resistance  and  colossal 
strength  in  the  army  of  Martel,  —  we  may  proceed  to 
a  more  detailed  examination. 

Tho  Arab-Moors  had  conquered  and  subjected  in 


24        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  T^IE   ARAB-MOORS. 

Spain  a  dynasty  and  a  people,  enervated  by  indo- 
lence, licentiousness,  and  irreligion.  From  the  date 
The  military  ^^  ^^®  battle  in  the  plains  of  Sidonia,  large 
ailment  ^j^^  constant  reinforcements,  under  the  first 
enthusiasm,  —  proportionally  small  from  Arabia  and 
Syria,  and  numerous  from  northern  Africa,  —  had 
kept  open  their  communications  with  Africa  and  the 
east,  and  had  constituted  the  Peninsula,  with  its 
grand  wall  of  the  Pyrenees,  a  Saracen  citadel,  a  mag- 
azine of  supplies,  and  a  new  and  strong  base  of  opera- 
tions. There  was  nothing  behind  them  to  alarm  or 
endanger ;  but  every  day's  march  beyond  the  moun- 
tains into  Gaul  converted  their  army  into  a  movable 
column,  more  and  more  isolated  from  its  base,  exposed 
to  failui*e  of  supplies,  and  hostile  attacks  in  front, 
flank,  and  rear.  The  men  of  (xaul,  Gallo-Eomai^s, 
Aquitanians,  Goths,  and  Franks,  were  of  a  different 
temper  from  that  of  the  Spanish  Goths;  they  had 
been  for  a  long  time  constantly  engaged  in  war,  and 
were  quite  as  practised  in  the  military  art  as  the 
Moslemah  themselves.^  N"or  must  we  fail  to  remem- 
ber that  the  Arab-Moors,  when  they  moved  into  Gaul, 
left  behind  them  and  on  their  left  flank  a  small  but 
vigorous  Christian  state  in  the  Asturias,  which,  after 
the  battle  of  Covadonga,  was  spreading  and  increasing 
daily  in  coherence  and  power.     Such  are  suggestions 

*  This  is  confessed  by  the  Arabian  writers.  Al-kardwf,  after 
speaking  of  the  Andalnsians  as  a  "brave  and  warlike  people,"  and 
the  Galicians  as  "brave,  strong,  handsome,  and  well-made,"  goes 
on  to  say  of  the  Franks  that  "  they  are  a  people  still  more  formidable 
than  the  Galicians  on  account  of  the  deadly  wars  in  which  they  are 
continually  engaged  among  themselves,  their  numbers,  the  extent 
and  fertility  of  their  territory,  and  their  great  resources." 


COMMENTS   ON  THE  CAMPAIGN.  25 

oi  the  military  argument  against  Gibbon's  hypoth- 
esis, which  may  be  confidently  commended  to  the 
military  student.  In  the  comparison  of  numbers, 
strength,  and  strategy,  the  odds  were  greatly  in  favor 
of  the  Franks. 

Again,  Charles  Martel  was  but  the  representative  of 
the  superior  mental  and  physical  vigor  of  the  Franks. 
He  was  at  the  head  of  the  new  incursions  of  Germans 
into  GauL  His  race,  known  in  history  as  The  efchnio 
the  Garlovingian,  had,  as  has  been  already  !^?n^t  Gib- 
seen,  conquered  the  sluggish  kings  of  the  pothesis. 
Merovingian  dynasty ;  and  in  their  flush  of  victory 
and  pride  of  power,  they  stood  like  a  wall  of  granite 
against  any  southern  invaders.  The  uncorrupted 
warlike  German  faced  the  Arab-Moor,  who,  however 
warlike,  was  not  the  physical  equal  of  the  Teuton. 
The  Frank  was  a  powerful  man ;  his  horse  was  colos- 
sal ;  his  arms  ponderous  and  crushing ;  he  was  inured 
to  winter  rigors ;  he  was  too  phlegmatic  to  be  fright- 
ened by  the  dash  or  routed  by  the  lelies  of  the  Mos- 
lemah.  The  Goths  had  been  softened  by  inaction ; 
the  Franks  were  hardened  by  constant  action.  The 
races  that  conquered  Eome  were  by  no  means  extinct 
at  the  north.  There  were  new  hordes  of  the  same 
Frankish  type,  ready  to  pour  down  and  crush  the 
lithe  and  active,  but  weaker,  sons  of  the  south.  In 
everything  the  disparity  was  too  great.  Had  the 
Saracens  won  the  battle  between  Tours  and  Poitiers, 
northern  and  central  Europe  would  have  united  to 
destroy  them ;  and  northern  and  central  Europe  were 
far  stronger  in  numbers  and  in  physical  type,  and  in 
the  means  and  appliances  of  war,  than  any  force 


26  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

which  the  Arab*Moors  could  array  against  them. 
These  considerations  present  the  ethnic  reason  against 
Gibbon's  conjecture;  and  all  history  proclaims  its 
cogency,  especially  the  more  modem  history  and 
condition  of  Europe. 

Once  more ;  :while  we  may  concur  in  the  truth  of  the 
maxim  —  certainly  valuable  in  war — that  "Provi- 
dence is  on  the  side  of  the  heavy  battalions,"  we  must 
also  recognize  the  solemn  truth  in  Christian  ethics,  — 
a  truth  so  wonderfully  manifested  in  history,  —  that 
God  will  protect  the  holy  religion  He  has  revealed  to 
man,  and  that  in  the  end  "  no  weapon  formed  against 
it  shall  prosper."  We  have  seen  that  the  Christianity 
which  the  Moors  subjected  in  Spain  was  not  worthy  of 
the  name.  Even  that  they  could  not  destroy.  It  existed 
ThereiigiouB  ^ide  by  side  with  IsMul  Tlie  faith  of  Gaul 
thSo^Tnd  °  was  comparatively  purer  and  more  practical ; 
practfce.       ^  j^.  ^-^  ^^^^  ^^  ^j^^^^  turbulcut  age,  control 

the  actions,  it  sat  in  calm  judgment  upon  the  sins  of 
chiefs  and  people ;  it  drew  strength  from  the  alliance 
of  the  Carlovingian  house  with  Gregory  III.  It  was 
already  a  power  in  Europe.  All  the  energies  of  the 
church  were  exerted  to  resist  the  progress  of  Moslem 
infidelity.  The  absurd  claims  of  the  Koran  gave,  by 
contrast,  new  point  and  force  to  the  divine  assertions 
of  the  Bible.  The  pretensions  of  Isldm  seemed, 
indeed,  the  very  thing  needed,  and  providentially  de- 
vised, to  unite  Christian  Europe:  these  pretensions 
consolidated  a  power  more  irresistible  than  the  force 
of  arms,  and  which  could  most  enthusiastically  sub- 
sidize arms  to  attain  its  purpose;  the  churchman 
inspired  the  soldier,  and  the  soldier's  weapon  became 
the  sword  of  the  Lord. 


COMMENTS  ON  THE  CAMPAIGN.  27 

Gibbon  speaks  of  the  thousand  miles  already  trav- 
ersed "  from  the  rock  of  Gibraltar  to  the  banks  of 
the  Loire,"  as  an  earnest  of  equally  easy  progress  over 
another  thousand,  which  would  have  taken  ^  thousand 
them  to  *'  the  confines  of  Poland  and  the  JjJ^alSi  to" 
Highlands  of  Scotland."  The  falseness  of  ^**' 
this  assertion  has  already  been  exposed  in  speaking 
of  the  military  difficulties  of  the  problem.  When, 
with  no  clear  logical  connection,  he  goes  on  to  say 
that  the  fihine  is  ''not  more  impassable  than  the 
Nile  or  the  Euphrates,"  he  relegates  the  comparison 
to  an  earlier  period  of  the  Mohammedan  conquest, 
without  giving  it  additional  force.  The  great  barrier 
of  consolidated  Christendom  lay  between  the  'Arab- 
Moor  and  the  Bhine ;  and  even  if  they  could  have 
reached  that  stream,  the  fierce  and  hardy  tribes  dwell- 
ing upon  its  banks  were  a  very  different  people  from 
the  oppressed  and  enervate  races  upon  the  Nile  or  the 
Euphrates,  who  had  been  conquered  again  and  again, 
and  who  had  scarcely  raised  a  finger  to  resist  their 
repeated  conquerors.  But  another  element  must  here 
be  considered.  To  the  Oriental  people  the  religion 
of  Mohammed  presented  a  noble  faith  and  a  better 
destiny  than  any  yet  foreshadowed  to  them.  The 
conquest  of  the  east  was  easy,  because  it  gave  prom- 
ise of  good.  Isldm  was  a  step  upward,  and  an 
accessible  step.  It  destroyed  caste  ;  it  restored  man- 
hood ;  it  bestowed  wealth.  It  was  the  harbinger  of 
civilization.  To  the  Christian  of  the  west  it  was  an 
abomination ;  a  descent  from  the  spiritual  and  divine 
to  the  sensuous  and  human.  The  suggestion  of 
Gibbon  is  hardly  more  sensible  than  it  would  be  to 


28  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

compare  a  thousand  miles  of  modem  European  travel 
on  well-constructed  railways  with  an  equal  distance 
of  painful  exploration  with  Livingstone  or  Stanley  in 
the  heart  of  Africa.  And  so,  too,  when  he  speaks  of 
interpreting  the  Koran  in  the  schools  of  Oxford  to  a 
Acircum-  circumcisod  people,  he  is  greatly  and  pur- 
cised  people,  posely  in  crror.  A  perusal  of  the  Kordn, 
and  a  glance  at  its  fortunes  in  history,  will  show  that 
it  is  in  the  main  an  inter-tropical  plant,  which  has 
never  flourished,  save  as  a  sickly  exotic,  in  temperate 
and  northern  climes.  Circumcision,  although  en- 
joined upon  the  Israelites  as  a  sacred  rite,  had  long 
been  practised  in  southeastern  lands  on  grounds  of 
physiology  and  hygiene.  It  would  be  a  monstrosity 
and  an  abuse  in  the  climates  of  Christian  Europe.^ 

His  mention  of  the  schools  of  Oxford  contains  a 
sarcasm  at  once  against  the  University  and  against 
Christianity,  which  loses  its  point  when  we  refer 
to  the  contemptuous  opinion  of  the  former,  expressed 
in  his  autobiography,^  and  to  his  undisguised  scorn  of 
the  latter,  which  is  so  fully  displayed  in  his  history. 
Thus  he  found  a  malicious  pleasure  in  subjecting  a 
conquered  Christianity,  in  what  had  been  the  strong- 
est seat  of  its  power,  to  the  demonstration  of  "  the 
sanctity  and  truth  of  the  revelation  of  Mohammed." 

1  When  Napoleon  was  in  ^gypt  he  convinced  the  Imanms  that 
a  man  ahould  be  permitted  to  embrace  IsUm  without  l)eing  circum- 
cised, or  abandoning  the  use  of  wine.  As  to  circumcision,  he 
told  them,  "  God  has  made  us  unfit  for  that ;  with  respect  to  drink- 
ing wine,  we  are  poor,  cold  people,  inhabitants  of  the  north,  who 
could  not  exist  without  it."  The  doctore  issued  d^fetham^  removing 
both  restrictions. 

*  Miscellaneous  Works,  I.  82,  et  supra. 


COMMENTS  ON  THE  CAMPAIGN.  29 

The  historic  truth  is,  that  Mohammedanisin,  although 
it  has  made  a  few  individual  converts  here  and  there 
among  nominal  Christians ;  although  it  has  some- 
times overrun  Christian  territory  with  the  soldiers  of 
Islam,  who  have  occupied  the  land,  and  oppressed  or 
driven  out  the  inhabitants, — has  never  caused  the 
apostasy  of  a  Christian  nation.  I  have  attempted 
thus  to  give  the  theological  or  religious  answer  to  , 
Gibbon's  epigrammatic  "perhaps."  The  weight  of 
my  argument  will  be  estimated  according  to  the  re- 
ligious views  of  the  reader. 

In  bringing  this  chapter  to  a  close,  let  us  gather 
up  the  ravelled  ends  of  the  tissue.  We  turn  again 
to  the  sonorously  uttered  opinion  of  Henri  Martin, 
and  at  the  outset  we  find  him  unconsciously  opposing 
Gibbon's  introduction  of  the  Koran  into  Oxford.  In 
asking  who  could  stop  the  progress  of  the  Arab- 
Moors,  he  says,  —  "  Not  the  Anglo-Saxons,  isolated 
in  the  depths  of  their  island."  He  evidently  thinks 
that  they  would  have  taken  no  part  in  the  contest. 
Of  this,  had  the  contest  been  possible,  we  can  by  no 
••The  means  be  sure.    "  The  Arabian  fleet "  in  the 

fleet"  English  Channel  was  but  a  rhetorical  fancy 

of  the  great  historian.  In  the  Mediterranean,  it 
served  principally  to  convey  troops  in  small  bodies. 
They  were  smooth-water  sailors,  who  had  never  ven- 
tured with  warlike  purpose  beyond  the  Pillars  of 
Hercules.  If  we  may  for  a  moment  suppose  Gaul 
to  have  been  conquered  by  them,  and  a  squadron  of 
ships  fitted  out  in  the  harbors  of  Picardy  and  Nor- 
mandy, what  would  have  been  the  result  ?  The  Saxon 
English  were  still  in  the  flower  of  their  strength; 


30  CONQITEST   OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOfiS. 

they  were  constantly  engaged  in  wars,  their  ships 
were  swarming  upon  their  coasts,  and  their  sailors 
were  adventurous  and  bold.  At  the  north  they  made 
voyages  of  traflSc  and  discovery;  they  followed  the 
whale  for  the  teeth.  As  early  as  the  seventh  century 
London  was  frequented  by  ships.  Saxon  vessels  sailed 
even  to  Rome.  They  had  already  displayed  that 
fondness  for  the  sea  which  in  later  times  has  led  to 
the  maritime  supremacy  of  England.  In  Saxon  per- 
iphrasis they  called  it  the  "whale's  path,"  and  the 
"  long  snake's  leap."  They  would  have  scattered  the 
fancied  **  Arabian  fleet "  like  the  foam  on  the  crest  of 
the  wave. 

We  pass  to  the  Lombards.  If  they  were,  in  the 
words  of  Martin,  "feeble  dominators  of  exhausted 
Italy,"  they  would  have  roused  in  self-defence,  united 
themselves  to  the  Franks,  supported  the  Pope  in  such 
a  crisis,  and  struck  boldly  for  the  common  salvation. 
Indeed,  the  combination  of  European  people  against 
the  Mohammedans  would  have  been  unanimous. 

I  bring  these  conjectures  to  a  close.  The  groimd  of 
what  may  have  been,  that  is  sometimes  under  other  cir- 
cumstances available,  is  here  neither  clear  nor  safe  for 
the  historian.  I  have  endeavored  to  maintain,  and,  as 
far  as  possible,  to  demonstrate,  that  although  Charles 
Martel  did  paralyze  the  Saracens,  and  drive  them  away 
in  the  most  formidable  invasion  they  had  ever  made, 
the  field  of  Touraine  was  by  no  means  the  "  last 
Summary      boulevard  "  of  Christendom.     It  is  juster  to 

of  the  arsQ* 

ments.  assert  that,  north  of  the  Pyrenees,  it  was 
\h%f/rst  I  have  shown  that  the  material  for  a  larger 
conquest  was  lacking;  that  the  concourse  collected 


COMMENTS  ON  THE  CAMPAIGN.  31 

by  Abdu-T-rahman  for  this  invasion  was  the  last  levy 
en  masse  that  Spain  and  Africa  could  then  afford; 
that  many  myriads  of  northern  warriors,  stouter  men, 
and  equally  inured  to  war,  could  have  been  gathered 
among  many  people,  in  a  very  short  time,  to  oppose 
them ;  that  Christianity  insured  union  and  subsidized 
force  to  beat  them  back ;  and  iSnally,  that,  if  they 
had  been  allowed  to  make  some  progress,  they  would 
have  frozen  or  starved,  or  been  eventually  surrounded 
and  caught  in  an  angry  vortex,  of  which  many  were 
waiting  to  engulf  them.  We  have  seen,  in  the  later 
history,  that  Islam  has  been  nowhere  able,  except 
temporarily  in  Spain,  and  thus  far  in  Turkey,  on  the 
former  seats  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  to  establish  its 
faith  and  power  on  the  domains  of  Christianity.  I 
have  endeavored  to  display  the  philosophy  of  its 
abnormal  successes  in  the  Peninsula.  In  Turkey,  for 
a  long  time  past,  have  been  heard  those  retchings  of 
weakness  which  betoken  **  the  sick  man,"  and  are  not 
the  paroxysms  of  an  intermittent  disease.  The  "sick 

inan  "  grows 

but  the  unmistakable  signs  of  decline  and  weaker. 
death.  Belying  its  etymology,  the  crescent  wanes, 
and  sheds  a  dimmer  and  dimmer  light  I  venture  no 
explicit  prophecy.  Isldm  wounded  Christendom  at 
the  extremities:  it  could  advance  no  farther;  the 
serpent  has  bitten  the  heel.  The  bruise  of  his  head 
will  complete  the  scriptural  prediction,  and,  from  recent 
manifestations,  will  not  tarry.  Fear  of  the  ambition 
of  Russia  has  been  for  some  time  the  only  obstacle  to 
a  European  coalition  to  bring  about  this  result. 

I  have  dwelt  somewhat  at  length  upon  the  defeat 
of  the  Arab-Moors  in  Touraine,  because  I  think  its 


32  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

philosophy  has  been  misconceived  by  many  former 
historians,  and  because  a  clear  understanding  of  it  is 
necessary  to  a  just  and  complete  estimate  of  the 
Arabian  conquest  of  Spain.  Thus,  what  I  have  said 
is  no  digression  from  my  proper  theme.  If  I  have 
not  settled  the  historic  question,  I  hope  it  has  been 
opened  to  a  new  and  fair  discussion.  I  please  myself, 
and  shall  please  my  reader,  by  closing  with  a  quo- 
tation, without  comment,  from  the  charming  history 
of  Guizot,  —  the  last  work  of  his  venerable  and 
skilful  hand,  —  which  seems  to  me  to  place  the  sub- 
ject in  a  clear  light :  —  "  Most,  certainly,  neither  the 
Franks  nor  the  Arabs,  neither  Charles  nor  Abdu-r- 
Guiaot'8  es-    rahmdu  themselves,  fully  understood,  as  we 

timateofthe     ,  ,  ,  .  «      i  i       • 

Btniggie.  do  to-day,  the  gravity  of  the  struggle  in 
which  they  were  about  to  engage.  It  was  the 
struggle  of  the  east  and  the  west,  of  the  south  and 
the  north,  of  Asia  and  Europe,  of  the  Gospel  and 
the  Koran ;  and  we  sajr  now,  in  considering  all  that 
has  happened  among  the  nations  and  in  the  ages^ 
that  the  civilization  of  the  world  depended  upon  it. 
The  generations  which  follow  each  other  upon  the 
earth  do  not  see  from  so  far  and  from  such  an  elevation 
the  chances  and  the  consequences  of  their  own  actions. 
The  Franks  and  the  Arabs,  chiefs  and  soldiers,  did 
not  look  upon  each  other,  twelve  centuries  ago,  as 
called  upon  to  decide  near  Poitiers  such  a  future  prob- 
lem :  but  they  had  a  vague  instinct  of  the  grandeur 
of  the  part  they  were  playing ;  and  they  scrutinized 
each  other  with  that  serious  curiosity  which  precedes 
a  redoubtable  encounter  between  valiant  warriors/'  ^ 

^  Histoire  de  France  racont^e  k  mes  petits  Enfants,  I.  178. 


DISORDERS  IN  THE  AMIRATE.  33 


CHAPTEK  III. 

DISORDERS  IN  THE  AMIRATE. 

T  NOW  proceed,  in  the  chronological  order,  to  con- 
"^  aider  the  succession  and  the  deeds  of  the  remain- 
ing Amirs  who  held  temporary  and  partial  sway 
under  the  Walis  of  Africa,  and  with  the  sanction  of 
the  Khalifs,  until  the  downfall  of  the  dynasty  of  the 
Ommyades,  and  the  accession  of  the  Abbasides  at 
Damascus.  We  shall  see  that  this  change  of  dynasty, 
with  the  troubles  which  preceded  it,  was  all  that  was 
wanting  to  enable  the  Spanish  Arabs  to  throw  off  the 
yoke  of  Damascus,  and  establish  an  independent  state 
in  the  Peninsula;  loyal,  indeed,  to  IsUm  and  the 
Prophet,  but  rejecting  the  secular  claims  which  had 
thus  far  been  successfully  asserted  by  the  imperial 
vicars  at  the  single  seat  of  power,  to  the  injury  of  good 
government  and  firm  rule  in  this  the  most  remote 
province  of  their  theocratic  empire. 

Upon  the  death  of  Abdu-r-rahmdn  Al-Ghafeki  in 
the  great,  battle  of  Tours,  his  troops  were  greatly  de- 
pressed, and  they  sent  a  courier  to  Obeida,  the  Wali 
of  Africa,  with  an  urgent  request  that  he  AiFehn 
would  appoint  a  proper  commander  with-  SSS-by 
out  delay.     In  answer  to  their  solicitation,  AWca. 
he  sent  'Abdu-1-malek  Ibn  Eattan  Al  Fehri,  with 

VOL.  II.  8 


34  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THB  AKAB-MOORS. 

a  small  contingent  of  troops,  to  take  command  of 
the  army  in  Spain,  and  to  act  as  provisional  governor 
until  the  will  of  the  Khalif  shoold  be  known. 
Whether  he  was  ever  confirmed  by  the  supreme 
authority  is  doubtful,^  but,  as  provisional  Amir,  he 
seems  to  have  entered  at  once  and  with  great  spirit 
upon  the  arduous  task  he  had  undertaken.  He  was 
past  the  prime  of  life,  but,  under  hair  whitened  by 
age,  he  preserved  the  vigorous  heart  of  youth  * 

For  two  years  —  from  November,  732,  to  October, 
734  —  his  chief  concern  was  to  repair  the  disasters  of 
the  invasion  of  France,  and  to  establish  the  Moslem 
power  north  of  the  Pyrenees.  He  rekindled  the  ardor 
of  the  troops  by  his  fiery  words  and  by  his  brave  ex- 
ample. He  told  them  "  that  even  the  ambassador  of 
God  himself  had  taken  his  greatest  pride  in  the  fact 
that  he  was  '  a  son  of  the  sword,'  and  had  ever  found 
his  most  welcome  repose  beneath  the  standards  that 
waved  over  his  head  on  the  field  of  battle."  "  War,'* 
he  said,  "  was  the  ladder  of  Paradise."  • 

He  led  them  again  and  again  into  Aquitania,  but 
without  the  hoped-for  success ;  the  Christians  recov- 
ered many  of  the  places  they  had  lost ;  and  at  last,  in 
an  attempted  invasion,  in  734,  through  the  defiles  of 
Oascony,  he  encountered  those  rude  mountaineers, 
who  fought  at  great  advantage ;  they  blocked  him  in 

^  Ck)nd^  says  (Dominacion  de  los  Arabes,  I.  ch.  zxvi.),  that  he 
was  oonfinned  by  the  Ehalif  Hishem  Ibn  Abdu-l-malek,  and  that 
the  Ehalif  **  wrote  himself  to  Abdu-l-malek  Al  Fehri,  exhorting  him 
to  avenge  the  sacrificed  lives  of  his  Moslemah." 

^  **  Bigo  una  cabellera  emblanquecida  por  los  alios  oonservaha  el 
vigoroso  corazon  de  nn  joven."  —  La  Fuente,  Eittoria  Oefural  d« 
Espaila,  III.  71. 

*  Ia  Fuente,  Historia  de  Espa&a,  III.  71. 


DISORDEBS  IN  THE  AMIBATE.  35 

the  passes,  hurled  him  from  the  heights,  and  threw  him 
back  in  confusion  on  the  line  of  the  Eforo.  The  ambi- 
tion of  northern  advance  was  greatly  cooled  by  such 
shocks. 

Disorders  in  Africa  prevented  the  sending,  in  due 
time  and  in  adequate  numbers,  of  reinforcements, 
which  were  indispensable  to  his  further  efforts ;  his 
plans  were  checked  by  th6  jealousy  of  factions  in 
Spain ;  reports  of  his  ill-success  went  to  Africa  and 
Damascus,  accompanied  by  the  statement  that  he  was 
a  man  of  cruel  propensities  and  great  rigor ;  ^  and  that 
he  had  been  bom  under  an  evil  star. 

For  these  combined  reasons,  he  was  ignominiously 
deposed  from  the  Amirate,  at  the  instance  of  his 
troops,  by  the  Khalif  Hisham,  and   the  is  deposed 
authority  was  conferred  upon  Okbah  Ibnu-  S^55*by 
1-hejij  AB-seWH,  by  'ObeyduUah,  the  Wali  ^^^ 
of  Africa,  with  the  sanction  of  the  Khalif,  in  735. 

Tlie  difficulties  which  had  surrounded  the  deposed 
Amir  still  remained  to  confront  his  successor,  but  Ok- 
bah was  better  able  to  meet  them.  He  was  the  brother 
of  the  Wali  of  Africa,  and  might  count  upon  a  support 
which  had  been  refused  to  Abdu-1-malek.  After  his 
appointment,  he  was  for  some  time  detained  in  Africa 
in  quelling  the  constant  insurrections  of  the  Berbers 
and  Jews  against  the  Arabs  of  pure  blood ;  but  when 
partial  quiet  had  been  restored  there,  he  crossed  over 
into  Spain,  and  set  to  work  with  vigor  in  his  new 

^  The  anthoritj  used  by  Cond^  allows  that  the  task  was  almost 
impossible  of  ezecution,  and  brings  the  Moslem  fatalism  to  bear 
with  Bonotous  effect  "  He  does  but  labor  in  yain  who  is  struggling 
against  the  eternal  deciees  of  God."  —  Dominacum  de  los  Arabes,  I. 
ch.  xxvL 


36        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

administratioa  He  showed  himself  at  once  eminently 
and  inflexibly  just  He  deposed  nnwoithy  governors ; 
he  imprisoned  those  who  had  extorted  tribute  im- 
jostly  from  Moslem  or  Christian;  he  equalized  the 
tributes  among  the  towns  and  provinces,  abolishing 
all  odious  distinctions  which  had  grown  up  since  the 
conquest.  In  every  city  and  considerable  town  he 
placed  kadis,  or  judges,  to  hear  causes  and  to  arbitrate 
in  honest  disagreements.  He  sent  mounted  guards 
in  all  directions  to  pursue  the  numerous  bands  of 
robbers  which  infested  the  country.  He  built  mosques 
and  appointed  preachers;  he  established  schools 
for  children^  and  endowed  them  from  the  public 
treasury.^ 

Kor  did  these  numerous  and  important  concerns 
delay  for  a  moment  the  cherished  plan  of  every  true 
Moslem  heart,  —  the  invasion  of  France,  and  aveng- 
ing the  martyrs  of  Islim  who  had  fallen  beneath  the 
Christian  sword  After  a  careful  inquiry  into  the 
charges  brought  against  Abdu-1-malek,  he  was  con- 
vinced of  his  general  innocence,  and  he  appointed  him 
to  a  cavalry  command  on  the  northern  frontier. 

He  crossed  the  Pyrenees  with  a  large  force,  and 
okuh  strengthened  Narbonne,  making  it  a  cita- 
^^IJJ^*  del  and  a  stronghold,  from  which  the  Mos- 
JSJngiheM  lemah  might  sally  forth  and  devastate  the 
Ntrbonne.     gurroimding  country. 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  had  he  not  been 
annoyed  by  the  quarrels  both  in  Spain  and  Africa 
between  the  Berbers  and  the  Arabs,  and  by  the 

^  Condi,  Dominacion  de  los  Anbes,  I.  ch.  xxvii.  Cardonne, 
Histoire  de  TAfriqae,  etc,  1. 182. 


BISOBDEBS  IN  THE  AMIRATE.  37 

factions  of  the  Arabian  tribes  against  each  other,  he 
would  have  rendered  his  name  and  rule  illustrious  in 
the  annals  of  the  period.  Kever  had  the  Spanish 
Arabs  seen  such  vigor,  system,  and  justice  in  the 
administration.  But  in  the  year  734,  while  he  was 
organizing  for  an  invasion  into  Aquitania,  he  received 
despatches  from  the  new  Wali  of  Africa,  announcing 
a  new  rising  of  the  Berbers  in  Mauritania,^  and  or- 
dering him  at  once  to  leave  Spain  in  the  most  com- 
petent hands  and  repair  to  the  scene  of  this  disorder. 
This  was  exceedingly  unfortunate  for  his  ooesto 
government,  but  he  obeyed  at  once,  leaving  jngAhdu-i- 

^  1  All"!  1111T         niftlek  again 

the  command  to  Abdu-1-malek,  the  lately-  in  command. 
deposed  governor,  who  thus  appears  a  second  time  in 
the  list  of  Amirs. 

The  ^meute  in  Africa  was  soon  communicated  to 
Spain,  and  Abdu-1-malek  found  himself  again  called 
upon  to  deal  with  insurrection  at  home.  He  acted 
with  vigor,  and  crushed  the  rising  at  the  North  of  the 
factious  mountaineers,  easily  stirred  into  revolt  and 
ready  to  fight  on  any  quarrel  But  in  the  South  he 
was  not  so  successful. 

At  this  juncture,  Okbah,  who  was  beginning  to 
deal  vigorously  with  the  problem  in  Africa,  received 
orders  to  repair  to  Spain  with  his  forces. 

Upon  his  arrival  there,  he  found  reason  to  blame 
many  of  the  insubordinate  governors,  and  new  cause 
to  praise  the  labors  and  self-devotion  of  Abdu-1- 
malek.  He  wrote  letters  to  the  ELhalif  in  his  favor,  and 
furnished  him  with  money  and  additional  troops  for 

^  This  rising  was  due  to  the  deposition  of  the  Wali  of  Africa, 
Abdn-r-rahmdn  al  FahemL 


38        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

the  defence  of  the  northern  frontier.  Then,  falling 
sick  at  Cordova,  his  mind  overwhelmed  with  a  sea  of 
troubles,  Okbah  died  in  the  same  year,  just  when  his 
judgment  and  valor  were  most  needed  in  the  Penin- 
sula.*   Nothing  could  have  been  so  unfortunate. 

The  condition  of  Spain  at  this  period  may  be  not 
inappositely  compared  to  a  seething  caldron,  filled 
Tumuitein  ^^^^  hcterogeueous  elements,  in  a  violent 
^^=*^'  state  of  ebullition,  surrounded  with  fire  and 
reeking  with  smoka  Another  noxious  ingredieQt 
was  now  to  be  added.  It  came  in  the  likeness  of 
assistance :  it  was  but  a  new  force  of  destruction. 

The  Barbary  people  were  determined  to  resist  the 
Arabian  sway,  and  had  already,  under  their  chosen 
leader,  defeated  the  Arabian  army  on  the  plains  of 
Tunis,  in  the  year  743. 

The  governor  of  Africa,  Kolthum  Al-Kusheyrf,  at 
once  marched  with  all  his  available  troops  to  the 
And  In  scene  of  action  to  reverse  this  defeat,  and 
^^^  to  compel  them  to  submit.  Then  came  the 
most  portentous  rising  that  had  been  seen  in  that 
region  since  the  days  of  Musa  Ibn  Nosseyr.  Every 
tribe  sent  a  strong  contingent ;  and,  at  the  meeting- 

1  In  these  statistics  of  the  actions  of  Okbah,  I  haye  foUowed  the 
Arabian  authorities  of  Cond^,  whose  account  is  clear  and  connected. 
Ibn  Khaldun,  quoted  by  Al  Makkari,  giyes  a  verj  different  state- 
ment. He  says:  "In  the  year  121,  Abdu-l-ma1ek  rose  against 
Okbah,  deposed  him  from  his  government,  and  put  him  to  death, 
or,  according  to  others,  ezpeUed  him  from  the  country/'  This  is 
repeated  by  Ibn  Bashkdwal.  Gayangos  is  inclined  to  accept  these 
statements  ;  but  the  relationship  of  Okbah  with  the  Wali  of  Africa, 
and  the  general  turbulence  in  Africa  and  Spain,  make  his  comings 
and  goings  extremely  probable.  Al-hobhi  says  his  death  was  occa- 
sioned by  poison,  given  at  the  instance  of  A1)du-l-malek. 


DISOBDERS  IN  THE  AMIKATE.  39 

place  on  the  sandy  banks  of  the  river  Masfa,  "  these 
innumerable  hordes  looked  not  unlike  immense  flights 
of  locusts."  ^  Mauritania  was  swarming  with  indige- 
nous people. 

The  adverse  army,  composed  chiefly  of  troops  from 
Arabia  and  Syria,  from  Egypt  and  Barca,  with  a 
contingent,  however,  of  loyal  Berbers,  made  haste  to 
give  them  battle.  The  Arabian  and  Syrian  forces 
were  commanded  by  a  general  named  Tha'lebah  Al- 
Ameli ;  those  of  Egypt  and  Barca,  by  a  nephew  of 
Kolthum,  —  Balj  Ibn  Beshr  Al-Kusheyri  Their  com- 
bined forces  are  called  in  the  history  "the  Syrian 
army." 

The  battle  is  portrayed  in  lurid  colors  by  the 
Arabian  chronicler.*  The  encounter  was  so  fierce 
that  "those  who  fought  there  did  scarcely  seem  te 
be  men  who  were  joined  in  battle,  but  rather  re- 
sembled fierce  lions  and  tigers,  who  were  furiously 
tearing  each  other  to  pieces."  Fate  was  against  the 
Arabian  general.  His  men  were  put  to  flight,  he  was 
himself  wounded,  and  he  and  his  nephew  Balj  only 
contrived  to  escape  and  shut  themselves  up  in  the 
castle  of  Ceuta.'  There  they  were  for  some  time, 
with  the  remnant  of  their  army,  closely  besieged  by 
the  Berbers,  and  were  only  saved  from  starvation 
by  stores  and  provisions  smuggled  into  the  port  from 
Spain,  through  individual  liberality. 

1  Cond^,  Dominacion  do  los  Anbes,  I.  ch.  zxix. 

a  lb. 

*  Al  Makkaii,  II.  40.  Abdn-I-malek  refused  to  assist  in  extri- 
cating them,  for  fear  they  would  come  to  Spain  and  conspire  against 
him.  • 


40        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

This  success  o(  the  Berbers  in  Africa  was  now  to 
play  a  double  part  in  Spain,  to  the  great  injury  of 
the  Arabians.  For,  as  soon  as  their  brethren  in  the 
Peninsula  heard  of  the  victory,  they  were  inflamed 
with  the  desire,  like  them,  to  cast  off  the  Arabian 
yoke.  They  elected  a  leader,  and,  rallying  under  his 
standard,  were  soon  ready  to  advance  against  Abdu- 
l*malek.  In  many  partial  conflicts,  they  were  suc- 
cessful, until  at  length  he  discerned  their  purpose  to 
besiege  him  in  Cordova,  and  take  possession  of  the 
country. 

Thus  threatened,  without  hope  of  succor  in  Spain, 
Abdu-1-malek  had  recourse  to  the  very  men  whom 
AMu-i-  ^®  ^^^  feared.  In  the  new  emergency,  he 
Sr^the  syr^  wroto,  uot  without  reluctauco,  to  Balj  Ibn 
ian  troops.  Bcshr  and  the  remnant  of  his  Syrian  troops 
to  come  over  and  aid  him,  "  thinking  that  they  would 
gladly  embrace  any  opportunity  to  revenge  their  past 
defeats  on  the  Berbers  of  Andalus."  ^ 

Balj  was  but  too  ready  to  coma  His  uncle,  Kol- 
thum,  had  died  at  Geuta,  and,  escaping  from  his 
unfortunate  situation,  Balj  crossed  the  strait  and 
joined  his  brethren  in  Spain.  The  combined  forces 
of  the  Amir,  divided  into  two  corps,  commanded  by 
the  sons  of  Abdu-1-malek,  marched  against  the  Ber- 
bers and  defeated  them  with  great  slaughter.  Ac- 
cording to  an  agreement  made  beforehand,  when  the 
assistance  had  been  rendered,  and  Balj  and  his  men 
should  be  rewarded  from  the  spoils,  they  were  to 
return  to  Africa,  and  leave  Abdu-1-malek  in  sole  and 

1  Al  Makkuri,  II.  41.       • 


DISORDEBS  IN  THE  AMIRATE.  41 

undisputed  possession.^    Such  agreements  are  always 
broken. 

They  had  now  found  a  more  promising  field  for 
their  ambition.  It  was  evident  that  the  Amirate  was 
a  prize  within  reach  of  any  adventurous  leader.  No 
interference  was  to  be  feared  from  Damascus.  Even 
the  power  of  the  Wali  of  Africa  seemed  to  be  de- 
spised. The  most  popular  military  leader  TheAmimte 
in  Spain  found  the  government  of  Spain  fo^S^ri^ai 
within  his  grasp;  not  indeed  to  be  held  <^*«''»^n* 
by  a  certain  and  permanent  tenure,  since  the  strong 
man  armed  was  sure  to  be  dispossessed  when  a 
stronger  than  he  should  rise  against  him  and  take 
his  spoils.^  Balj  was  ambitious ;  his  men  elated  with 
success,  and  spoiled  by  booty.  The  agreement  was 
broken ;  and  a  party,  comprising  all  who  had  cause 
of  complaint  against  the  ruUng  Amir,  placed  them- 
selves  under  the  command  of  Balj,  and  declared  the 
deposition  of  Abdu-1-malek.  The  revolt  gained 
strength  rapidly ;  the  adherents  of  the  unfortunate 
Amir  fell  off,  until,  at  length,  those  who  ostensibly 
remained  delivered  him  up  to  his  enemies. 

Nothing  could  be  more  clearly  illustrative  of  the 
chaos  into  which  public  affairs  had  fallen  than  the 

*  Cardoime,  Histpire  de  I'Afrique,  etc.,  I.  136. 

^  The  relaxation  of  the  Ehalifs  authority  was  in  this  waj  :  At 
first  the  generals  commanding  in  Al  Magreb  or  Western  Africa  were 
either  appointed  by  the  Khalif  or  immediately  sanctioned  by  him. 
Then  the  appointment  lay  in  the  Wali  of  Egypt,  with  the  sanction 
of  the  Khalif.  When  the  Moslemah  had  penetrated  into  Spain,  a 
Wali  of  Africa  was  appointed  besides  the  Wali  of  Egypt ;  and  thua 
we  have  of  men  in  power  the  Amir  of  Spain,  the  Wali  of  Africa, 
the  Wali  of  Egypt,  and  the  Khalif.  The  chain  was  too  long,  the 
linlu  too  numerous,  for  strength.    See  lb. 


42        CONQITEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

fate,  and  the  manner  of  the  fate,  of  the  Amir.  He 
was  ninety  years  old,  tall  and  muscular,  "  resembling 
a  young  ostrich."  His  enemies,  maddened  with  suc- 
cess, raged  and  howled  around  him,  charging  him 
with  his  misdemeanors,  and  the  Syrian  troops,  es- 
pecially, taunted  him  with  his  refusal  to  supply  their 
wants  when  besieged  at  Ceuta.  They  were^  inventive 
in  the  ignominy  and  cruelty  with  which  they  led  him 
to  execution.  He  was  crucified,  With  a  hog  on  his 
right  hand  and  a  dog  on  his  left. 

But  retribution  was  swift.  The  sons  of  the  mur- 
dered Amir  soon  succeeded  in  raising  a  force  among 
a  people  with  some  remnants  of  loyalty,  and  disgusted 
with  the  ingenious  cruelty  of  the  Syrian  leader.  They 
marched  against  him ;  and,  although  they  were  de- 
feated in  a  hard*-fought  battle,  Balj  fell,  mortdQy 
wounded.     This  took  place  in  the  year  742. 

Upon  the  spot  where  Abdu-1-malek  Ibu  Kattan  was 
crucified  (Mosslab  Ibn  Khattan  —  the  place  of  cru- 
cifixion of  Khattan),  his  son,  Umeyyah,  afterwards 
caused  a  mosque  to  be  erected  (Mesjed  Ummeyah), 
and  it  remained  during  the  Moslem  sway  in  Spain,  — 
a  monument  of  filial  affection,  of  faction,  and  of 
revenge. 

The  victory  of  the  Syrians,  notwithstanding  the 
death  of  their  leader,  placed  the  power  in  their  hands, 
Tha'iebah  ^^^  ^^^7  ^*  °^^®  clectcd  as  Amir  Tha'lebah, 
by«w  ^°^*'  called  Al-jodhami,  who  had  come  over  with 
^'^^  Balj.  For  ten  months  he  ruled  without  re- 
ceiving the  Khalif's  sanction;  and,  when  that  was 
reluctantly  given,  he  retained  the  power  for  fourteen 
months  longer.    But  the  same  causes  were  at  work 


DI80BDEB8  IN  THE  AMIRATE.  43 

to  overthrow  his  administration.  Being  himself  of 
the  tribe  of  Yemen,  he  exhibited  a  partiality  for  his 
own  tribe,  which  soon  led  the  first  settlers  to  conspire 
with  the  Berbers  against  him.  So  vigorous  were  their 
movements,  that  he  was  obliged  to  fly  before  them, 
and  to  shut  himself  up  in  Merida.  There,  thinking 
him  in  their  hands,  and  depending  on  their  numbers 
and  prestige,  they  lay,  without  order  or  discipline,  in 
the  plains  around  that  city,  expecting  to  starve  him 
into  capitulation. 

On  the  eve  of  a  great  festival,  and  while  they  were 
making  preparations  for  keeping  it  in  the  usual  man- 
ner,^ Tha'lebah,  taking  advantage  of  their  want  of 
vigilance,  sallied  out  from  the  city  at  the  head  of  his 
army,  defeated  and  routed  them,  killing  great  num- 
bers ;  and  then,  joined  by  other  detachments,  which 
had  been  awaiting  his  signal,  he  marched  to  Cordova 
unimpeded,  and  taking  with  him  the  almost  incredible 
number  of  ten  thousand  prisoners,  captured  by  himself 
and  the  different  divisions  of  the  army  in  all  parts 
of  the  country. 

It  ipwis  on  Thursday  that  he  encamped  outside  the 
walls  of  Cordova  and  besieged  the  place;  and  the 
next  day  — "the  day  of  assembly"  —  it  was  his 
purpose  to  crown  his  thanksgiving  with  the  execu- 
tion of  all  his  captives;  but,  just  as  this  fearful 
purpose  was  about  to  be  carried  out,  banners  of  an 
unexpected  cavalcade  were  descried  fluttering  in  the 

1  Gflyangoe  gathers,  from  the  expression  in  the  Arabic,  that  this 
was  a  pagan  festivity,  —  a  thing  not  improbable,  as  most  of  the 
Berbers  adhered  still  to  their  pagan  rites.  —  Al  Makkart,  II.  412, 
note  17. 


44  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THB  ARAB-MOOBS. 

distance.  It  proved  to  be  Abti-1-Khattir  Al  Kelbi, 
the  new  Amir  appointed  by  the  Wall  of  Africa^  who, 
The  coming  ^^^  ^  thousand  hotse,  had  pushed  forward 
of  Al  KeibL  jj^  gclvance  of  his  main  body,  and  had  arrived 
just  in  time  to  save  ten  thousand  lives,  and  win  favor 
by  doing  so. 

He  had  been  nominated  as  a  competent  person  "  to 
re-establish  public  order,"  and  especially  to  reconcile 
the  differences  between  the  several  Arabian  tribes, 
and  between  the  men  of  Eastern  origin  and  the 
Berbers.^ 

Tha'lebah  at  once  swore  allegiance  to  him,  and 
turned  ,the  prisoners  over  to  his  mercy.  Abii-1- 
Khattar  released  them  immediately,  permitting  them 
the  option  of  returning  to  their  homes  or  of  going 
over  to  Barbaiy.  The  troops  of  Thalebah  joined  the 
force  of  the  new  Amir,  while  their  general  was  con- 
tent to  fall  back  upon  a  military  command  under  him. 
All  parties,  for  the  moment  weary  of  the  confusion  and 
conflict,  were  ready  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  listen 
to  his  gracious  words  of  conciliation.  He  seemed  the 
very  man  for  the  emergency.  He  treated  all  with 
kindness ;  and  in  his  actions,  both  as  governor  and 
general,  he  showed  himself  to  be  brave,  judicious,  and 
liberal 

From  the  time  of  the  first  occupation  of  Spain  by 
the  Arab-Moors,  Cordova  had  been  the  most  favorite 
spot  in  the  whole  territory,  and  the  city  a'hd  its 
comarca  had  now  become  so  crowded  that  they  no 
longer  presented  sufficient  space,  especially  for  the 
fierce  and  jealous  tribes  which,  originally  collected 

1  Al  Makkaii,  II.  45. 


DISORDEBS  IS  THE  AMIBATE.  45 

there  with  haimony  of  purpose,  had  become  domiciled 
tiiere,  and  were  each  claiming  as  against  the  others. 
In  order  to  remedy  this  evil,  Abii-1-Khattdr  proceeded 
te  spread  them  more  evenly  over  the  Moslem  domain ; 
and  this  was  an  excellent  expedient. 

Portions  of  the  people  from  Arabia  and  Syria, 
selected  according  to  their  affinities,  he  sent  to  Elbira, 
—  the  Soman  lUiberis,  —  near  the  site  of  the  pres- 
ent city  of  Granada ;  and  they,  in  memory  of  their 
old  home,  and  from  a  resemblance  in  the  He  makes* 
beauties  of  nature  at  the  West  and  the  East,  Sln"?**^' 
called  it  Sham,  the  Arabic  name  of  Damas-  ♦^^^^'y. 
ens.  The  men  of  Emesa  he  quartered  at  Seville, 
which  thus  received  the  name  Hems.  The  people  of 
Kenesrin  (Quinsarina)  were  placed  around  Jaen,  those 
of  Alurdan  at  MaiagSL.  The  Philistines,  or  settlers 
from  Palestine,  he  fixed  in  the  country  around  Xeres 
and  Medina  Sidonia ;  those  from  Palmyra  were  sent  to 
occupy  Murcia,  and  the  Egyptians  were  domiciled  in 
the  farther  land  on  the  eastern  coast,  called  the  land 
of  Tadmir.^  This  seemed  at  the  moment  a  happy 
expedient  It  gave  to  all  in  equal  division  large  and 
rich  lands,  and  it  removed  the  contending  tribes  from 
the  immediate  temptation  to  quarrel.    Thus  he  left 

1  " The  Berbers cozLtinned for  some  time  to  lead  anomadic  lifei 
shifting  their  quarters  from  one  end  of  the  peninsula  to  the  other, 
and  taking  their  wives  and  children  with  them,  even  when  engaged 
in  military  expeditions."  —  Gayakoos  (Al  Makkari,  II.  412,  note 
is).  "This  occupation  of  the  la^d  of  Tadmir  was  in  contrayention 
of  the  treaty  between  Theodomir  and  Abdu-l-'aziz,  which  was  meant 
to  be  of  perpetual  force.  Abii  l-Ehattdr  declared,  however,  that 
gach  treaties  did  not  bind  the  successors  of  that  Amir."  —  CoKD^ 
Dominaeion  de  lo»  Anibes,  I.,  part  2,  ch.  zxziiL 


46        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

the  earlier  settlers  and  their  descendants  undisturbed ; 
and,  to  supply  the  needed  revenue  to  these  newly 
quartered  people,  he  granted  them  one-third  of  the 
income  from  the  lands  cultivated  by  the  slaves  of 
the  Goths.i 

At  first  it  seemed  that  order  was  fully  and  per- 
manently restored;  but  the  miserable  condition  of 
affairs  was  not  to  be  healed,  even  by  such  wise  rem- 
edies. The  feebleness  of  the  Khalif  s  authority  ex- 
tended to  that  of  his  Amir.  The  generals  were 
impatient  of  a  restraint  that  had  little  sanction. 
Faction  was  loud  around-  the  very  palace  of  the  ruler. 
The  tribes  nearest  together  still  conspired  against 
each  other,  and  the  tribe  of  Yemen  intrigued  for  favor 
with  the  Amir,  because  he  was  of  that  tribe.  An 
incident  occurred,  which,  in  the  dramatic  recital  of 
the  historian,  is  vividly  descriptive  of  the  condition 
of  affairs  and  the  manners  of  the  people. 

The  chief  of  the  tribe  of  Eenanah  was  a  man  named 
As-samil,  whose  history  was  associated  with  one  of 
the  striking  events  in  the  rise  of  Mohammedanism. 
He  was  the  grandson  of  Xami,  one  of  the  assassins 
of  Hosein,  the  sou  of  Ali.  When  that  murderous 
deed  was  done,  Xami  had  fled  to  Africa,  and  his 
family  had  gone  with  the  progress  of  conquest  into 
Spaia  As-samil  was  ignorant,  but  jealous  and  vin- 
dictive, and  had  a  precedent  in  his  family  for  ven- 
geance in  high  places;  but  he  possessed  the  art  of 

^  Cond^  thus  translates  the  "Agemiea."  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  what  had  been  the  semle  class  during  the  Gothic  do- 
minion continued  as  tillers  of  the  soU  and  menial  laborers.  These 
were  indigenous  tribes  and  the  Hispano-Romana. 


DISOfiDERS  IN  THE  AMIRATB.  47 

leading  the  multitude,  and  was  an  important  person- 
age in  the  events  now  about  to  be  related. 

On  one  occasion,  a  dispute  arose  between  one  of 
the  Yemenis,  a  cousin  of  the  Amir,  and  a  man  of 
the  tribe  of  Kenanah;  and,  although  the  xri^^i^,^ 
latter  proved  his  case  clearly,  Abii-l-Khattar,  fSiJniatSf 
influenced  by  his  relationship,  decided  in  o'^«™"- 
favor  of  his  cousin.  The  injured  man  appealed  to 
his  chief,  As-samil,  who,  espousing  his  quarrel  with 
great  warmth,  went  without  delay  to  see  the  Amir 
and  reproached  him  with  intemperate  language  for 
his  injustica  The  Amir  retorted ;  and,  when  violently 
answered  by  As-samil,  he  directed  the  guards  to  put 
him  out  of  the  palace.  This  led  to  a  scuffle.  As-samil 
received  several  blows  on  his  neck.  In  the  effort  to 
expel  him  from  the  palace,  his  turban  was  thrown  on 
one  side  of  his  head ;  and,  as  he  left  the  door  in  that 
disordered  condition,  he  was  asked  by  a  by-stander, 
"  What  is  the  matter  with  thy  turban  ?  By  Allah,  it 
is  all  on  one  side!"  "Thou  art  right,  man,"  he 
answered ;  "  but  I  trust  my  people  will  soon  put  it 
right  for  me."  ^ 

That  night  he  assembled  his  adherents  at  his  house, 
and,  telling  them,  in  inflamed  language,  the  insult  he 
had  received,  he  swore  by  Allah  that  his  revenge 
would  not  be  complete  until  he  should  drive  Abii- 
1-Khattar  from  the  government.  He  lost  no  time  in 
the  pursuit  of  his  vengeance.  The  same  night  he  left 
Cordova,  and,  proceeding  to  Ecija,  he  sought  aid  of 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  46.  '*  By  AUali  1 "  said  As-samil,  "  my  yen- 
geance  shall  not  be  satisfied  with  anything  short  of  taking  the  com- 
mand from  the  hands  of  this  Arab." —  Ih,  47* 


RS. 

isturbed 
le  newlj 
d  of  th< 
slaves  o 


and  per- 
lition  o: 
ise  rem- 
ority  ex- 
ile were 
sanction. 
;he  ruler. 
[  against 
for  favoi 
ibe.  An 
'ecital  of 
condition 

m  named 
li  one  of 
edanism- 
assassins 
urderous 

and   his 
lest  infect, 
and  vi 
for  ve 

te  art    ^ 

n  be  lit%^ 
Gothic  cU^ 

Th€^ 


'i^on: 


V       «i. 


'^;^ 


\ 


■v^'* 


/ 


'*«>- 


»  W 


^»  •» 


-^  '  »  - 


i: 


■^»., 


-i! 


- »  • 


'--,*  ». 





<.  .K 


-> 


I.  - 


t). 


i;. 


j>> 


'i,*.. 


'H^ 


**- 


t. 


V^ 


~  -e.  ^. 


«.  . 


»^' 


I  M., 


J      • 


\« 


:^, 


e^f 


i," 


?rf 


V.'»J  • 


i  - 


»^'- 


^-. 


\». 


4.    • 


<i     . 


-l^ 


«     ^ 


.!> 


>* 


*»•,. 


i  - 


48        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

Abii  Att&,  the  most  influential  Arabian  there.  Thence 
he  marched  with  an  increased  force  to  Moron,  to  join 
hands  with  Thudbah  Al-jodhamt  who,  though  a 
Yemeni,  had  received  some  affront  at  the  hands  of 
the  Amir,  and  was  quite  ready  to  conspire  against 
him.  Thus,  as  the  issue  of  a  private  quarrel,  the 
Beni  Modhar  were  arrayed  against  the  Yemenis,  and 
a  powerful  revolt  was  made  against  the  constituted 
authority. 

Abii-1-Khattdr  was  already  in  the  field,  and  the 
two  armies  met  in  the  plain  of  Sidonia,  near  the  bcuik 
of  the  Guadalete.  The  rebellion  was  successful :  the 
Amir  was  beaten  and  taken  prisoner.  The  first 
counsel  of  the  victorious  generals  was  to  put  him 
to  death ;  but  they  at  last  concluded  to  take  him  in 
irons  to  Cordova,  and  confine  him  in  one  of  its  strong 
towers.  This  was  in  April  or  May  of  the  year  746. 
Once  more,  legal  authority  seemed  at  an  end ;  and  the 
Amir  could  only  prepare  himself  for  that  death  which 
had  only  been  for  a  brief  season  delayed. 

But  his  friends,  the  friends  of  order,  the  men  of 
Yemen,  and  the  tribes  jealous  of  the  Beni  Modhar, 
The  Amir  ^^^  "^^^  sIq^  ^  ™®-  O^^G  night  a  Small 
from  hta^  hody  of  picked  troops,  cavalry  ai^  infantry, 
^'^^^  stormed  the  tower,  massacred  the  guards, 
and,  liberating  the  distinguished  captive,  marched 
rapidly  with  him  to  the  west. 

Preparations  were  now  rapidly  made  on  both  sides 
to  renew  the  conflict,  and  put  an  end  to  the  contro- 
versy. As-samil,  with  a  wise  judgment,  made  good 
use  of  the  fact  that  Thudbah  was  of  the  tribe  of  Yemen, 
although  fighting  on  the  side  of  the  Modharites. 


DISOBDEBS  IK  THE  AMUtATK  49 

Again  the  two  armies  met,  when,  in  the  silence  of 
the  night,  a  loud  voice  was  heard  coming  from  the 
ranks  of  the  Beni  Modhar,  and  addressed  to  the 
opposing  force.  The  substance  of  the  words  uttered 
was,  that  there  was  no  cause  for  further  fighting ;  that 
Abii-1-Khattdr  had  been  spared  when  he  was  in  their 
hands;  that,  if  they  wanted  a  Yemeni  for  Amir, 
Thudbah  was  one^  who  would  protect  their  interests 
and  the  interests  of  all ;  and  that  the  proclamation 
was  made,  not  for  fear  of  the  result,  but  in  the  inter- 
ests of  peace,  and  to  stay  the  flow  of  noble  blood. 
'*  By  Allah,"  said  many  of  the  listening  Yemenis,  "  the 
man  is  right ! "  and,  when  the  morning  dawned,  it 
was  discovered  that  large  numbers,  who  had  no  in- 
clination for  the  fight,  had  left  the  army  of  the  un- 
fortunate Amir,  and  were  already  many  miles  away 
from  the  field. 

The  triumphant  Modharites  at  once  gave  the  chief 
authority  to  Thuabah,  and  wrote  to  the  Wali  of 
Africa  to  confirm  the  election,  which  was  done ;  and 
thus  for  a  brief  space  quiet  seemed  restored. 

The  fate  of  Abii-1-Khattar  is  left  in  obscurity; 
but  all  agree  that  he  met  a  violent  death  in  746,  lest 
his  claims  should  again  disturb  the  realm. 

The  victory  and  elevation  of  Thudbah  might  have 
settled  the  vexed  question,  but,  after  a  short  rule  of 
less  than  two  years,  he  died,  and  then  the  election 
of  a  new  chief  caused  new  turbulence.^ 

In  an  assembly  of  the  principal  generals,  represent- 

1  "  II  p^rit,  quelqnes  moU  apr^  ayeir  pris  possession  da  goayeme- 
ment,  par  la  main  des  rebeUes."  —  Cabdonios,  ffittoire  de  VAfriqiu^ 
4tc.^  I.  145. 

VOL.  n.  4 


50  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORa 

ing  the  army  and  both  parties,  it  was  agreed  that  the 
most  equitable  plan  would  be  that  one  of  the  great 
tribes  should  elect  a  man  who  should  rule  for  one 
year,  and  that  the  other  should  then  choose  an  Amir 
for  the  same  period.  The  Modharites  gained  the  first 
Thedection  choicc,  and  they  elected  Ydsuf  al  Fehri, — 

of  Ytiauf  al  ^  «  t 

Fehri.  a  man  of  prominence  and  power^  astute  and 

skilful,  and  knowing  how  to  manage  men.  He  was, 
further,  a  man  who,  by  lineage,  by  natural  gifts,  and 
by  cunning,  was  better  qualified  to  take  the  govern- 
ment than  any  other  contestants.  Of  the  Kabilah 
of  the  Koreish  and  of  the  pure  Arabian  blood  of  the 
Beni  Modhar,  he  was  a  native  of  Kairwan,  which  gave 
him  influence  with  the  Africans.  He  was,  moreover, 
the  inheritor  of  renown,  for  he  was  the  descendant^ 
of  that  Okbah  who  had  founded  Kairwan,  and  who 
had  made  his  fame  terrible  in  the  regions  watered 
by  the  Sus.  Perhaps  the  ease  with  which  he  was 
elected  was  chiefly  due  to  the  influence  of  As-samil, 
who  seemed  desirous  of  figuring  as  a  king-maker 
rather  than  as  a  king,  with  the  hope  of  retaining 
power.  But  king- makers  first  or  last  come  to  grief. 
For  a  brief  period  all  the  conflicting  parties  seemed 
satisfied;  discontented  governors  of  provinces,  who 
had  been  intriguing  for  power  with  the  various  tribes, 
ceased  their  machinations;  the  partial  claims  of 
Arabians,  Syrians,  and  Egyptians  were  set  at  rest; 
and,  when  the  good  efiects  of  this  temporary  appoint- 
ment reached  the  ears  of  the  Khalif  Meruan,  his  con- 

^  The  great-grandson  of  that  Okbah,  whose  fiery  words,  as  he 
rode  to  his  saddle-girths  in  the  Atlantic,  were  remembered  and  re* 
peated  by  the  Moslemah. 


DISOBDEKS  IN  THE  AMIRATE.  51 

fipination  was  not  delayed.*  This  sanction  of  the 
Khalif  of  the  house  of  Ummeyah,  however,  was  not 
much  more  than  an  idle  form.  The  dynasty  of  the  Beni 
Ummeyah  at  Damascus  was  tottering  to  its  fall ;  the 
black  banner  of  the  Abbasides  was  already  flaunting 
defiance,  and  the  Khalif  only  ratified  an  appointment 
which  he  was  powerless  to  reverse,  and  which  de- 
pended little  upon  his  sanction. 

Yiisuf  was  fifty-seven  years  old  when  he  became 
governor  for  one  year ;  but  he  was  full  of  vigor  and 
ambition ;  and,  when  the  year  came  to  a  close,  he  and 
his  party  broke  the  agreement,  which  was  to  give  the 
new  choice  to  the  Yemenis,  and  refused  to  abandon 
the  authority.  Cordova  became  a  stronghold,  and 
when  the  men  of  Yemen  congregated  at  Shekundah, 
near  that  city,  rather  to  take  counsel  in  the  emer- 
gency than  to  attack  the  town,  the  party  of  Yiisuf 
made  a  night  attack,  and  killed  the  greater  part 
of  them. 

There  seemed  now  no  obstacle  to  the  permanent 
authority  of  the  Amir ;  if  the  sky  was  dark  in  any 
quarter,  it  was  in  the  direction  of  Damascus.  Hinam- 
The  bond  between  Amir  and  Khalif  was  scbemea. 
veiy  weak ;  it  seemed  best  to  break  it  entirely.  Up 
to  this  time  there  had  been  something  more  than  the 
shadow  of  authority ;  and,  besides  the  Amir  proper, 
there  had  been  an  Amir  of  the  Sea,  whose  duty  it  was 

^  This  is  the  statement  of  Cond^,  and  seems  prohable.  Ibnn 
Hayyan,  qnoted  by  Al  Makkari  (II.  54),  says  :  "He  ruled  as  mas- 
ter of  Andalus,  without  acknowledging  any  superior,  since  his 
nomination  did  not  in  any  way  emanate  from  the  Khalif,  but  merely 
from  the  troops."  The  Khalif  may,  notwithstanding,  have  con- 
firmed him.    See  the  note  of  Gayangos,  Al  Makkari,  ii.  416. 


52  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AHAB-MOOES. 

to  see  that  the  line  of  communication  was  kept  open 
between  Spain,  Africa,  and  Syria ;  and  the  post  had 
been  held  by  Ibn  Amiru,  the  great-grandson  of  the 
man  who  had  carried  the  standard  of  the  Prophet  in 
the  battle  of  Bedr.  Yiisuf  suppressed  the  office,  and 
gave  to  Ibn  Amru  instead  the  government  of  Seville  -} 
thus  the  connection  thus  far  maintained  with  the 
Khalifs  in  Spain  was  broken;  for  good  or  evil,  the 
Peninsula  was  independent  of  the  Khalifate,  in  real- 
ity, if  not  yet  in  name. 

The  armistice  of  the  factions  was,  however,  for  all 
this  only  a  temporary  truce ;  the  fires  were  burning 
in  too  many  places  at  once  to  be  easily  trodden  out 
Yiisuf,  the  last  of  the  Amirs,  who  held  sway  for  nine 
years  and  nine  months,  was  during  the  whole  period 
engaged  in  queUing  insurrections,  in  which  service 
indeed  he  displayed  so  much  skill  and  vigor  as  con- 
stantly to  demand  our  praise. 

His  power  was  resisted  by  the  Moslem  governor  of 
Narbonne,  that  Abdu-r-rahman  Ibn  Alkamah  who 
had  given  to  Balj  his  mortal  wound,  and  who  was 
so  renowned  for  his  personal  valor,  great  physical 
strength,  and  feats  of  arms,  that  he  was  called  by  pre- 
eminence the  knight  champion  of  Andalus. 

He  had  made  all  his  preparations  to  attack  the 
Amir,  when  he  was  put  to  death  by  his  own  men,  and 
his  head  sent  to  Yiisuf,  as  the  most  acceptable 
present 

Then  a  portentous  revolt  rose  in  and  around  Beja, 
under  the  auspices  of  'Orwah  Ibnu-l-walid ;  in  this  the 
Christians  took  part  with  the  Moslem  insurgents. 

^  Cond^  Dominacion  de  loe  Arabes^  I.  ch« 


DISORDERS  IN  THE  AHIRATE.  53 

Numbers  from  all  parts  of  the  territory  flocked  to 
this  new  standard :  they  advanced  upon  Seville  and 
stormed  it ;  but  the  Amir  advanced  to  meet  them,  de- 
feated and  routed  them,  and  killed  their  leader. 

A  similar  rising  took  place  under  Amir  Al  'Abdarf 
at  Algesiras ;  but  it  was  soon  crushed  by  Tiisuf,  and 
its  chief  was  compelled  to  reside  under  the  eye  of  the 
Amir  at  Cordova.^ 

The  rumors  which  were  now  constantly  reaching 
Spain  of  the  impotence  of  the  reigning  dynasty  at 
Damascus,  and  the  successes  of  the  Benf  Abbas,  led  to 
an  insurrection  of  a  different  nature.  An  Arabian 
chief  named  Al-habab  Az-zahrf,  gathering  There- 
around  him  a  number  of  troops,  declared  in  Az-sahit 
favor  of  the  Abbasides,  and  at  once  marched  to  be- 
siege Saragossa,  which  was  held  for  Yiisuf  by  As-samil. 
The  besieged  governor  applied  to  the  Amir  for  aid ; 
but  Yiisuf,  who  had  been  offended  by  As-samil, 
refused  the  assistance ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the 
tribe  of  Kays,  who  marched  without  orders,  As-samil 
would  have  been  at  once  overpowered.  As  it  was,  he 
was  only  relieved  sufficiently  to  be  able  to  retreat 
without  loss;  and  Al-habab  afterwards  entered  the 
city ;  but  he  had  not  been  long  in  possession  when, 
as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  Yiisuf  marched  against  him, 
recaptured  the  town,  and  put  the  insurgent  leader  to 
death.* 

Besides  these  exhibitions  of  judgment  and  valor, 
the  administrative  labors  of  Yiisuf  give  us  a  clue  at 

^  Tie  was  afterwards  beheaded  in  755.    Al  Makkari,  II.  54. 
'  Al  Hakkari,  II.  55.    For  all  the  insorrectioiis  the  reader  is 
referred  to  Al  Makkari. 


54         CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  UtAB-MOOBS. 

once  to  his  character  and  his  success.  He  visited  all 
parts  of  his  Amirate,  administering  justice  and  pun- 
ishing extortion,  and  obtaining  the  necessary  knowl- 
edge fbr  a  striot  and  vigorous  government.  He 
restored  the  military  roads  leading  in  all  directions 
from  Cordova ;  he  built  and  repaired  bridges  at  the 
public  expense.  He  had  surveys  of  the  townships 
Tiisuf '8       made,  and,  for  facility  of  government,  he  di- 

divisions  of  J         o  ' 

territory.  vidcd  the  wholc  territory  by  marked  geo- 
graphical lines  into  five  great  provinces,  which  formed 
the  basis  of  later  political  divisions^  and  displayed  his 
right  to  rule  :  *  — 

I.  Andalusia,  corresponding  to  the  ancient  Boetica, 
and  comprising,  besides  the  valley  of  the  Guadal- 
quiver,  the  territory  between  it  and  the  Guadiana ; 
and  on  the  east  extending  to  a  line  touching  the  Med- 
iterranean between  Almeria  and  '  Garthagena.  The 
chief  cities  were  Cordova,  Seville,  Malaga,  Carmona, 
Ecija,  Medina  Sidonia,  Jaen,  Assuna,  and  Granada. 

II.  Toledo,  extending  from  the  eastern  slope  of  the 
mountains  of  Cordova  northward  to  the  upper  Duero, 
including  Segovia,  and  eastward  to  the  sea,  to  include 
Carthagena  and  Valencia.  The  other  chief  cities  were 
Toledo,  Murcia,  Lorca,  Orihuela,  Denia,  Alicante, 
and  Guadalajara. 

III.  Merida  included  all  the  territory  north  and 
west  of  Toledo  and  Andalusia,  with  whaJb  is  now 
known  as  Portugal  and  Galicia.  The  chief  towns 
were  Merida,  Beja  (Badajos),  Lisbon,  Astorga^  and 
Salamanca. 

1  Under  the  Goths  there  had  been  dx. 


\ 


DISOBDERS  IN  THE  AMI&ATE.  55 

rV.  Saragossa,  the  ancient  Celtiberia,  spread  east- 
ward from  the  sources  of  the  Tagus,  including  the  valley 
of  the  Ebro  to  the  Mediterranean ;  it  was  bounded  on 
the  north  by  the  Pyrenees,  and  on  the  west  by  the 
Basque  Mountains.  It  numbered  among  its  cities 
Saragossa,  Huesca,  Lerida,  Tarragona,  Tortosa,  and 
Barcelona. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Christian  kingdom 
in  the  northwest  comprised  the  country  of  the 
Asturias  and  a  portion  of  Galicia,  and  was  already 
encroaching  upon  the  territory  placed  by  Yusuf  in 
the  province  of  Merida. 

V,  Narbonne,  the  fifth  and  last  province,  in- 
cluded the  country  in  and  around  Narbonne;  its 
northern  boundary  fluctuated  with  the  successes  or 
disasters  of  the  Moslemah,  and  had  to  be  laboriously 
maintained  against  the  people  of  Afranj. 

This  division  of  Yiisuf  gave  to  each  province  navi- 
gable rivers  and  a  long  line  of  sea-coast,  and  seems  at 
once  judicious  and  equitable.  Over  each  he  placed 
a  competent  governor  in  his  own  interests. 

But  the  real  danger  to  Yiisuf 's  administration  was 
to  come  from  an  unsuspected  direction  ;  it  was  neither 
the  ambition  of  generals  or  governors,  the  tur-  ^jn^^u^^t- 
bulence  of  a  disaffected  people,  nor  the  power  ^  <i*»8««« 
of  the  Beni  Abbas,  which  was  to  overthrow  him;  he 
was  to  be  struck  by  the  last  arrow  from  the  quiver  of 
the  exhausted  Ommeyades.  Overthrown  at  Damascus, 
they  were  sending  a  vigorous  shoot  to  be  planted  in 
Spain. 

In  the  year  756,  he  had  gone  to  Arragon  to  put 
down  the  insurrection,  already  referred  to,  of  Al-habab 


56  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  AEAB-MOOBS. 

Az-zahri,  and  had  been  as  usual  successful  He 
had  taketi  numerous  prisoners,  whose  lives  he  had 
solemnly  promised  to  spare;  but,  either  from  ne- 
cessity or  cruelty,  he  had  broken  his  promise.  He 
was  just  entering  his  tent,  encamped  at  Guadarrama, 
and  was  resting  after  witnessing  their  execution, 
when  a  courier  arrived,  at  full  speed  of  his  horse, 
bearing  a  letter  from  his  son,  Abdu-r-rahman,  whom 
he  had  left  in  command  at  Cordova.  It  contained 
A  youtii  astonishing  and  perplexing  intelligence :  "  A 
AwSi-  youth  named  Abdu-r-rahman  Ibn  Mu- 
'•*^°**°-  'dwiyah,  had  lately  landed  on  the  shores 
occupied  by  the  Syrian  settlers  [the  shores  south  of 
Granada],  and  had  been  immediately  proclaimed  Amir 
of  Spain  by  the  adherents  and  partisans  of  Meruan, 
who  had  flocked  to  him  from  all  parts."  ^  "  He  rose 
trembling  with  rage,  and  writhing  like  a  trampled 
snake."  ^ 

This  despatch  sounded  the  knell  of  Tiisuf 's  hopes. 
The  veiy  atmosphere  was  full  of  disaffection :  as  the 
news  spread,  the  Amir*s  men  began  to  desert  their 
ranks ;  and  by  the  next  morning  his  army  had  dwindled 
down  to  his  personal  friends  and  mavlis,  and  the 
single  tribe  of  Kays.  He  hurried  back  to  Toledo,  to 
take  counsel  of  As-samiL  What  should  be  done; 
temporize,  fight,  or  submit  at  once  to  the  new  rule  ? 
The  advice  of  As-samil  was  that  they  should  march 

I  Ai  Makkari,  II.  67.  Conde  says  tho  bearer  of  a  first  despatch 
was  As-saroil  himself,  who  said,  when  he  handed  it  to  Yi&suf, 
'*  Thine  empire  is  at  end,  my  lord  1 "  It  was  while  they  were  con- 
ferring npon  this  intelligence  that  the  courier  from  Cordova  ap- 
peared. —  DomincLcioii  de  losArabeSf  etc,  I.  part  iL  ch-  iv. 

>  Al  Makkari,  II.  67. 


DISORDEBS  IK  THB  AMIEATE.  67 

without  a  moment's  halt  with  their  combined  forces 
to  attack  the  invader  before  he  could  gather  new 
strength.  This  was  especially  important,  because,  as 
the  newcomer  was  a  Yemenite,  the  people  of  that 
tribe  would  rally  round  him,  owing  to  the  hatred  they 
bore  to  the  Beni  Modhar,  to  whom  both  Yiisuf  and 
As-samil  belonged  The  Amir  was  dazed  by  the  pros- 
pect, and  could  decide  at  once  upon  neither  of  these 
plans ;  and,  when  still  vacillating  in  purpose,  he  reached 
Cordova  from  the  north,  "  the  youth  named  Abdu-r- 
rahmdn"  was  approaching  with  a  constantly  increas- 
ing force  from  Granada.  The  days  of  the  provisional 
Amirate  were  at  an  end :  the  cable  that  bound  Spain  to 
Damascus  had  been  cut.  It  should  be  said  that,  sus- 
picious of  trouble  from  the  East,  Yiisuf  had  acknowl- 
edged the  authority  of  the  Abbasides,  but  entirely  for 
the  moral  eflfect  of  union  with  those  in  power. 

I  have  greatly  abridged  this  account  of  the  actions 
of  the  later  Amirs,  for  many  reasons.  If  we  attempt 
to  give  details,  we  are  confronted  with  conflicting 
statements,  —  the  great  outlines  being,  indeed,  the 
same,  but  the  minutice  very  different.  To  trace  the 
numerous  causes  which  kept  the  Peninsula  in  a  tur- 
moil during  this  period  would  be  of  little  interest, 
were  it  possible ;  but  it  is  not  possible.  We  have  a 
confused  noise  of  fighting  in  many  quarters  at  the 
same  time ;  blows  and  counter-blows,  rebellions  put 
down,  renewed,  again  and  again ;  Moslem  faith,  falser 
than  Punic  faith ;  cruel  executions,  heads  cut  ofT  and 
embalmed ;  the  victor  of  to-day  crucified  to-morrow ; 
nothing  gained  to  the  cause  of  order  and  progress,  but 
always  a  steady  loss. 


58  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

At  first,  the  appointment  of  the  Amirs  by  the  Kha- 
pirat  ftp-      lifs  was  of  a  military  character,  —  they  were 

polntment       .  ,.  ,  .  , 

of  Ami».  invading  generals  occupying  a  conquered 
territory.  Then,  when  the  struggle  was  ended,  the 
Amirs  combined  with  the  military  government  that 
of  civil  administration.-  Later  still,  they  were  virtu- 
ally viceroys,  surrounded  by  the  pomp  and  circum- 
stance of  a  monarch's  court,  but  still  ruling  for  the 
Khalif,  who  could  only  sanction  their  appointment,  and 
receive  what  revenues  they  chose  to  send  him.  The 
turbulence  of  the  times  made  the  sway  of  any  Amir 
of  short  duration ;  and,  that  authority  might  not  be 
wanting,  what  we  may  call  dnim-head  elections  were 
made  by  the  army,  which  received  little  additional 
force  by  the  confirmation  of  the  Khalif.  Usurpers 
soon  began  to  use  either  form  of  sanction  as  it  might 
be  most  convenient.  When  the  authority  of  the 
Khalif  became  a  nullity,  many  claims  were  set  forth 
and  arrayed  against  each  other.  The  first  settlers  — 
the  conquerors  and  their  families  —  advanced  a  pre- 
scriptive right  to  power ;  the  Arabian  tribes  set  up 
their  hostile  banners ;  the  Berbers  claimed  the  right 
of  propinquity ;  the  Syrians  asserted  the  prestige  of 
Damascus ;  composition  was  tried  in  vain ;  then,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  last  Amir,  the  government  degener- 
ated into  a  cruel  autocracy. 

And  even  when  the  downfall  of  the  Ommeyades  at 
Damascus  was  announced,  no  one  for  a  moment  looked 
to  the  new  dynasty  of  the  Abbasides  with  either 
loyalty  or  fear.  If  ever  in  a  nation's  history  a  new 
order  was  demanded ;  a  monarch  who  should  rule  by 
right  and  without  foreign  control ;  it  was  now  in  the 


DISOBDBRS  IN  THE  AMIBATE.  59 

histoiy  of  the  Moslems  in  Spain.    And  the  monarch 
had  come* 

It  was  the  stoiy  so  often  repeated  in  history,  and 
repeating  itself  to-day,  of  a  province,,  removed  by  dis- 
tance from  moral  or  military  control,  the 
inhabitants  of  which  had  acquired  new  hab-  otti^^jJ 
its  and  lost  old  traditions  which  had  served  Spain  from 

the  Bast 

to  maintain  loyalty,  and  which,  by  the  in- 
exorable logic  of  events,  could  not  continue  to  form 
part  of  a  dissolving  empira  The  philosophy  of  the 
independence  of  Moslem  Spain  is  repeated  in  the 
establishment  of  the  United  States  of  America,  which 
''had  become  a  great  nation  in  the  forests  they  were 
sent  to  inhabit,"  while  yet  nominally  belonging  to 
Great  Britain ;  in  the  South  American  republics  and 
Mexico,  and  in  the  efforts  of  the  Cuban  insurgents  to 
wrest  the  Queen  of  the  Antilles  from  the  Spanish 
grasp.  Would  that  parent  nations  would  learn  the 
historic  lesson,  and  spare  treasure  and  blood  in  fight- 
ing against  the  inevitable  decree  I 


60  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-HOOBa 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE  OYERTHBOW  OF  THE  OMMETADES  AT  DAMASCUS. 

T^HE  clue  of  our  history  leads  us  back  for  a  brief 
''-  space  to  the  East,  to  consider  the  condition  of 
jj^^j^  affairs  at  Damascus,  culminating,  as  they 
^^•"■^^  were  about  to  do,  in  a  historic  event  which 
is  of  surpassing  importance,  and  giving  record  to  a 
story  which,  in  its  clear  historic  connections,  contains 
more  of  romance  and  more  of  pathos  than  all  others 
which  cluster  around  the  always  romantic  and  ofteu 
pathetic  history  of  the  Arabians  in  Spain.  The  change 
of  dynasty  at  Damascus  resulted  in  the  establishment 
of  an  independent  Mohammedan  empire  in  Europe : 
an  empire  which,  while  it  acknowledged  the  Khalif 
as  the  religious  successor  of  the  Prophet,  discarded 
his  civil  supremacy ;  an  empire  which,  apparently  a 
violent  and  impertinent  assault  upon  Christian  civili- 
zation, took  deep  root  and  flourished  for  centuries,  and 
educated  Christian  Europe  in  all  that  was  known  of 
literature  and  science  during  the  period  justly  Icnown 
as  the  Dark  Ages  in  the  modern  history  of  Europe,  — 
dark  throughout  all  the  continent  except  in  the  Pen- 
insula.^   And  it  presents,  besides,  the  curious  coun- 

^  The  wonderful  gifts  of  the  Arabians  to  European  civilization 
will  be  enumerated  in  the  closing  chapters  of  this  history,  when,  in 
the  "dialectic"  language,  the  brilliance  of  Moslem  culture  " burnt 


OYERTHBOW  OF  THE  OMMETADES  AT  DAMASCUS.      61 

terbalance  in  the  great  scale  of  heavenly  justice,  —  of 
a  dynasty  utterly  annihilated  in  the  East,  appearing,  in 
the  very  day  of  that  destruction,  halcyon-like,  in  the 
West,  and  developing  with  astonishing  vigor  from  the 
tender  shoot  of  the  torn  and  uprooted  vine  which  had 
been  so  rudely  transplanted  from  Syria  into  Spain. 

Amid  the  luxuries  and  splendors  of  Damascus,  the 
Khalifs  of  the  house  of  Ummeyah  had  become  degen- 
erate, and  less  able  from  year  to  year  to  Degenenusy 
govern  even  the  people  by  whom  they  were  u'„Sle^iit 
immediately  surrounded,  and  among  whom  ^°**~^°* 
were  jealous  rival  factions  as  old  as  the  first  contest 
of  claims  between  Abu  Bekr  and  Ali.  The  distant 
provinces,  which  in  the  marvellous  spread  of  the  faith 
had  become  numerous,  held  still  more  lightly  to  their 
allegiance.  Such,  we  have  seen,  was  the  case  with 
Spain.  There  were,  indeed,  still  living,  men  whose 
fathers  had  entered  Andalus  with  Tarik  and  Musa ; 
but  a  generation  of  Moslemah  had  grown  up  since 
the  conquest,  to  whom  Spain,  not  Syria  nor  Arabia, 
was  fatherland.  All  alike  looked  indeed  with  venera- 
tion to  the  cities  of  Mohammed  as  holy  shrines  for 
the  pilgrim,  and  to  Damascus  as  the  seat  of  Grod's 
vicegerent  in  the  custody  of  the  faith.  But  in  matters 
of  government  and  administration  they  felt  the  thrills 
of  a  new  nationality,  which  had  little  or  nothing  in 
common  with  the  East ;  which  felt  its  life  in  every 
limb,  and  would  not  be  controlled. 

And   this   feeling   was    greaUy   encouraged   and 
strengthened  by  the  weakness  of  that  distant  gov- 

a  hole  in  the  night  **  which  enshrouded  the  West  and  seemed  to  be 
withoot  promise  of  a  dawn. 


62  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

emment ;  in  view  of  this,  the  right  to  indepeudenoe 
implied  the  duty  to  achieve  it. 

From  the  vigor  and  renown  of  the  first  Muawiyah, 
the  founder  of  the  dynasty,  and  of  the  first  Walid, 
Heruan  folia  uudor  whoso  banners  the  Moslemah  had 
fiivor.  occupied  Spain,  the  Khalifate  had  reached 

a  state  of  imbecility  under  the  last  representative  of 
the  house,  Meruan,  who  was  a  sensualist,  an  infidel,' 
and  a  scoffer.  He  was  called  Al  jadi  because  he 
held  the  doctrine  of  the  Aljadites,  who  declared  that 
the  Koran  and  Destiny  were  the  inventions  of  men, 
— sad  heresy  for  the  Prince  of  Believers  and  the 
successor  of  the  Prophet^  He  was  nicknamed 
Hemar  al  Gjazirah,  the  Mesopotamian  ass.^  He 
appears  but  a  little  less  abject  when  brought  into 
the  company  of  his  immediate  predecessors,  and 
into  the  light  of  that  wretched  period.  Walid  II., 
who  became  Khalif  in  743,  ruled  less  than  a  year, 
and  his  assassination  was  but  the  fearful  recompense 
of  his  loose,  drunken,  and  dishonest  life.^ 

His  successor,  Yezid  III.,  is  called,  in  the  Latin 
translation  of  Abulfeda,  decurtcUoTy  or  the  curtaUer, 
He  alienated  the  troops  and  the  people  by  an  ill- 
advised  reduction  of  pay  and  emoluments,^  which  led 
to  rebellion,  from  the  results  of  whidh  he  escaped  by 

^  Cond6,  Dominacion  de  los  Arabes,  L  ch.  zxzviii. 
'  Abulfeda,  Annales  Mosleraici,  I.  139. 

*  "Caossa  exitii  erat  vita  scurriUbus  nugis  foada,  et  Tolaptatlbas 
diffiuens  inhoneatn  yini  compotationes."  —  Abulfeda,  AnnaUi 
Moslemidt  I.  132. 

*  *'  Quod  copiis  decimus  ab  iuterceasore  indnltas  ademit  et  sti- 
pendia  yeterem  ad  modulTim,  qui  Heachamo  principe  obtinebat^ 
redujdt."  — /&.  I.  188. 


OVERTHROW  OF  THE  OMMETADES  AT  DAMASCUS.    63 

happily  djing  of  the  plague,  after  a  reign  of  five 
months  and  ten  days. 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Ibrahim,  whose 
tenure  was  from  the  first  so  doubtful  that  the  annalist 
does  not  know  whether  to  admit  his  name  .into  the 
list  of  Khalifs.  He  has,  indeed,  the  benefit  of  the 
doubt^  and  is  counted  as  the  thirteenth  and  penulti- 
mate sovereign  of  that  dynasty ;  ^  but  he  was  generally 
called  the  Amir  of  Damascus,  and  not  Ehalif;  and 
enjoyed  the  precarious  authority  of  his  dubious  posi- 
tion, according  to  some  writers,  for  four  months,  and  ac- 
cording to  others  for  but  seventy  days,  in  the  year  744 

Meruan  Ibn  Mohammed  Al-jadi,  the  second  of  that 
name,  had  for  some  time  aspired  to  the  supreme 
power,  and  now,  collecting  without  difficulty  a  large 
force,  he  marched  against  the  army  of  Ibrahim.  A 
battle  was  fought  between  Meruan  and  Suleyman, 
the  son  of  Hisham  and  the  general  of  Ibrahim,  in 
which  the  former  was  entirely  successful :  he  proceeded 
without  opposition  to  Damascus,  and  was  saluted  as 
Khalif,  Ibrahim  himself,  and  Suleyman  Ibn  Hisham, 
with  his  brothers  and  all  his  people,  swearing  alle- 
giance to  him  without  protest  or  demur.^ 

^  "  At  Uli  dignitas  adeo  vacillabat  ut  per  yicea  modo  Amir  ol 
mumenine,  modo  mero  nomine  amiri  [L  e.  of  Damascusji  salutaretor. " 
—  Abulfeda,  Annates  Moslemidj  I.  134. 

*  This  is  noteworthy,  for,  with  the  doubtful  exception  of  Hasan, 
who  offered  to  Muawiyah  the  throne  upon  which  he  never  sat,  no 
Khalif  had  been  deposed.  Abulfeda  says  :  *'Illuc  ad  eum  missis 
primum  legatis  Ibrahim,  jam  privatus  et  latitans,  et  ejus  quondam 
dux,  Solaiman  Heschami  filius  veniam  commissorum  spiritusque  secu- 
ritatem  deprecantur,  promissaque  sui  copiam  ipsi  ambo  faciunt  et 
dominom  agnoscnnt :  Solaiman  quoque,  cum  fratribus  et  tota  gente 
sua,  qui  omnes  Marwano  sacramentum  dixerunt." — lb,  L  135. 


C4  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

But  this  state  of  things  could  not  last  very  long. 
The  house  of  Ummeyah  had  now  numbered  fourteen 
Khalifs,  from  Muawiyah  I.  in  661  to  this  Meruan 
in  744,  and  had  occupied  the  seat  of  power  for  nearly 
ninety  yeara  They  had  long  found  patient  but  con- 
stant rivals  in  the  family  of  the  Beni  Alabas,  who  de- 
scended from  Abbas,  the  uncle  of  Mohammed  and  of 
Ali,  and  who,  if  lineage  were  any  claim,  were  more 
entitled  to  the  Khalifate  than  the  reigning  house,  be- 
cause Abbas  was  the  second  son  of  Abdu-l-MotaUeb, 
the  grandfather  of  both. 

At  the  time  of  the  violent  accession  of  Meruan, 
and  the  deposition  of  Ibrahim,  the  chief  of  this  house 
The  appear,  was  Abdu'-l-'abbas  Abdullah,  whose  after 
dauah  the  Career  was  to  win  for  him  the  title  of  As- 
Bhedder.  seffohy  —  the  sheddcr  of  blood.^  But  if  he 
was  cruel,  he  was  crafty  and  clever.  For  six  years 
he  laid  his  plans  and  mieide  his  preparations,  not 
around  Damascus,  but  in  the  distant  regions  of 
Khorassan.  Bumors  of  rebellion  in  that  quarter 
reached  the  court  of  Meruan,  but  he  closed  his 
ears  and  eyes  to  the  danger,  and  thus  failed  in  the 
promptitude  and  energy  which  alone  could  have 
enabled  him  to  withstand  the  rising  flood.^  Mean- 
while the  fame  and  ambition  of  the  Abbasides  were 
becoming  patent,  while  the  name  of  the  Ommeyades 
was  steadily  sinlcing  into  a  contempt  which  found 

1  "  Sen  cradelis,  yel  sasgainariuB."  —  Abui^eda,  AnnaUt  Mos- 
lemici,  I.  139. 

s  «  Ann.  CXXIX.  (qui  coepit  A.  C.  746,  die  21  Septem.),  palam 
inceperant  Al  Abbasidas,  qnod  ad  earn  diem  clam  fecerant  per  snos 
pararios  ambire  Chorasanicoa,  et  ad  afferendom  sua  genti  debitnm 
chalifatam  inyitare."  —  lb,  I.  186. 


OVERTHBOW  OF  THE  OMMEYADES  AT  DAMASCUS.     65 

vent  in  execrations  and  portentous  menaces  ^  all  over 
the  empire  of  the  Khalif. 

But  Meruan's  governor  in  Khorassan,  Nasr  Ibn 
Eyer,  was  loyal  to  his  trust  He  did  all  in  his  power 
to  quiet,  and  then  to  thwart,  the  insurgents ;  and,  at 
last,  finding  that  they  increased  daily  in  strength,  he 
sent  to  Meruan  a  poetical  epistle,  informing  him  of 
the  increasing  numbers  and  treasures  of  his  enemies, 
and  warning  him  to  strike  before  the  opposition  should 
become  too  formidable  to  be  overthrown.  Among  the 
memorable  and  well-known  verses  preserved  by  tra- 
dition *  are  those  in  which,  in  the  form  of  parable,  the 
writer  sees  beneath  the  ashes  bright  sparks,  ready  to 
burst  into  flame,  unless  at  once  extinguished  by  pru- 
dent hands ;  and  the  fuel  should  be  dead  bodies  and 
severed  heads.  "  Would  that  I  could  discern,"  says 
the  writer,  "  whether  the  Ommeyades  will  be  vigilant 
or  will  sleep ! "  * 

The  greatest  hope  of  Meruan  was  in  this  loyal  gen- 
eral, and  he  did  now  rouse  himself  to  meet  the  issue. 
Just  as  the  rebellion  was  about  to  burst  forth,  Nasr 

^  "Ubiqne  igitar  celebrari  per  Chorasanam  nomen  al  Abbaai- 

dorum,  at  Omajjadarum  horrori  et  exsecrstione  esse."  —  As^lfeda, 

Annales  MosUmici,  I.  137. 

'  Abulfeda  says :  **  PoetsB  nescio  ctgns  versus,  et  notns  in  tuI- 

gam  et  memorabiles." — lb.  I.  137. 

*  "Video  sub  cineribus  micantes  igniculos  carbonum,  qui  parum 

abest  quin  luculentas  in  flammas  erumpant* 

Quos,  nisi  prudentes  ezstinguant,  habebnnt  pabulum  trnncos 

obtruncatorum  et  amputata  sparaaque  capita. 

Halo  huic  celeriter  et  mature  non  succurri  cemens  stupeo,  et 

ipse  penes  medico  :  utinam  scirem,  yigilentne  OmmajjadflB 

an  dormiant !  ** 

lb.  1. 187. 
VOL.  n.  5 


66  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOORS. 

Ibn  Ejer  most  unfortunately  died,  and  left  the  fated 
The  death  of  J^h^lif  helpless,  by  thus  placing  an  insur- 
N^iTta  8®°^  province  in  the  hands  of  the  Abba- 
cy"- sides,  who  had  only  been  kept  in  check  by 
the  loyal  skill  of  the  Khalif 's  general 

Nor  was  this  all  Doubtful  of  the  allegiance  or  of 
the  skill  of  the  Wali  of  Egypt,  Ibn  Sali,  Meruan  had 
deposed  him,  and  replaced  him  by  one  of  his  most 
gifted  generals  and  loyal  friends,  —  Abdullah  Ibn 
Magbara,  —  who  would  watch  and  defeat  the  intrigues 
of  the  Abbasides  in  that  province.  To  accumulate 
disasters,  it  was  just  at  this  juncture  that  Abdullah 
also  died  and  left  Egypt  to  the  machinations  of  the 
children  of  Abbas. 

Nor  was  the  Ehalif  better  represented  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  Africa.  There  the  authority  had  been 
assumed,  without  his  sanction,  by  Abdu-r-rahm&n 
Ibn  Habib ;  ^  and,  unable  to  oppose  him,  Meruan  was 
fain  to  confirm  him  in  that  government. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  condition  of  things 
in  Spain  was  similar,  or  even  worse,  and  the  irr^ular 
appointment  of  Yiisuf  al  Fehri  had  been  sanctioned 
by  the  Khalif,  probably  because  he  was  powerless  to 
reverse  it.^  It  is  true  that  the  condition  of  things  in 
Spain  had  less  to  do  than  that  of  affairs  in  the  East 
with  the  impending  danger  to  the  Ehalifate. 

The  truth  is,  that  in  a  day,  as  it  were,  in  many 

^  Cond6,  Dominacion  de  Iob  Arabes,  I.  ch.  zzzYiiL 
^  lb.  He  says  :  '*  The  Ehalif  also  appointed  and  confirmed  the 
election  of  Yiisuf  al  Fehri  as  Amir  of  Spain,  but  whether  because  he 
really  had  confidence  in  that  governor,  or  that  he  dissembled  his 
displeasure  because  he  had  not  power  to  prevent  what  had  been 
done,  hath  not  appeared." 


OVEBTHBOW   OF  THE  OMMEYADES  AT  DAMASCUS.     67 

parts  of  the  empire  disaffection  was  rife ;  in  some,  re- 
bellion was  active.  The  Mohammedan  world,  stretch- 
ing its  vast  claims  from  the  Atlantic  to  India,  cared 
little  for  the  name,  personality,  or  family  of  the  man 
who  sat  in  the  Khalif 's  seat  at  Damascus.  It  was 
declared  and  believed  throughout  its  borders,  that  the 
government  had  been  badly  administered,  and  that 
the  dynasty  had  lost  its  prestige.  All  were  ready  for 
a  change.  Even  those  provincial  governors  who, 
under  ordinary  circumstances,  would  have  been  loyal 
to  the  Beni  Ummeyah,  now  felt  themselves  powerless 
to  check  the  torrent  of  revolution ;  and  by  the  instinct 
of  seK-preservation,  they  sided  with  the  rebellion, 
and  gave  up  their  towns  to  the  victorious  rebel 
"before  he  had  found  time  to  demand  their  sur- 
render.'* 

The  time  had  now  come.    Abdu'-l-' Abbas  Abdullah, 
the  chief  of  the  Abbasides,  was  proclaimed  Ehalif  at 
Kufah,  by  his  wizir  and  chief  adviser,  Abu  .j.^^^  ^^^^^ 
Salmah ;  ^  and,  collecting  his  adherents  into  JJ^falLed 
an  army  which  soon  grew  large,  he  confided  ^^'^^^ 
the  command  to  his  uncle  and  namesake,  Abdullah. 

Filled  with  powerful  forebodings,  the  ill-fated 
Meruan  marched  to  meet  the  swelling  host ;  and  the 
white  .standard  of  the  Ommeyades  was  for  the  first 
time  confronted  by  the  black  banner  of  the  children  of 

^  Oftyangofl  says  (Al  Makkari,  II.  417,  note  2),  that  the  name  of 
the  wizir  was  Hafss  Ibn  Suleyman  al  Hallal,  and  that  his  kunyd 
was  Aba  Salmah,  and  not  Aba  Moslemah,  as  given  by  Cond^.  He 
was  also  called  Wazira-diu  Mohammed  (the  support  of  the  religion 
of  Mohammed),  and  seems  to  have  been  the  Veus  ex  machina  of  the 
usorpation. 


68        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

Abbas,  —  colors,  says  the  Spanish  historian,  signify- 
ing the  irreconcilable  enmity  of  the  two  factions.^ 

The  assumption  of  the  Khalifate  by  AbduUah  was, 
as  has  been  said,  at  Kufah,  —  then  an  important  town 
on  one  of  the  small  tributaries  of  the  Euphrates  :  the 
short  campaign  which  was  to  decide  the  question  was 
to  begin  in  the  valley  of  that  famous  stream. 

After  several  partial  actions,  the  two  armies  met  at 
Turab,  near  Musul,  in  the  last  days  of  January,  in  the 

The  battle  V^^^  "^^^'^  "^^^  contest  was  fierce  in  the 
atTnrtb.  eKtrcmc  ;*  but  it  resulted  in  the  retreat  of 
Meruan,  although  his  army  was  superior  in  numbers. 
The  retreat  became  a  rout ;  thirty  thousand  men  — 
probably  an  exaggeration — are  said  to  have  fallen  in 
the  battle  and  the  pursuit ;  and  they  were  so  rapidly 
followed  by  the  Abbasides  to  the  Euphrates,  that  large 
numbers  are  said  to  have  been  drowned  in  their  at- 
tempts to  cross  that  sti*eam.  Among  these  died  Ibra- 
him, the  deposed  Ehalif,  who,  true  to  his  oath,  had 
joined  the  army  of  Meruan.  The  Arabian  chronicler 
ejaculates :   "  0   mystery  of  the  eternal  decrees   of 

1  "  En  cuyos  colores  se  significaba  la  irreconciliable  enemistad  de 
lo8  doe  bandos.*' —  La  Fuente,  Eistoria  de  Espafia,  III.  92. 

^  For  the  detailed  morements,  see  Abnlfeda,  Annales  Hos- 
leznici. 

•  "Initio  atrox  fuit  ibi  commissum  prtelium." — Ih,  I.  liO. 
The  conflict  took  place  on  the  banks  of  the  Znb,  a  tributary  stream 
which  empties  into  the  Tigris,  twenty-five  mUes  south  of  Husul. 
The  army  of  Meruan  was  encamped  on  one  bank  of  the  rirer,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  strong ;  that  of  the  Abbasides,  one 
hundred  thousand,  or  less,  on  the  other.  Meruan  built  a  bridge  and 
crossed  to  give  battle.  He  was  beaten,  and  driven  across :  many 
were  lost  in  the  rapid  crossing,  among  whom  was  Ibrahim.  For 
these  and  other  details,  see  Abulfeda,  I.  140. 


OVERTHROW  OF  THE  OMMEYADES  AT  DAMASCUS.      69 

heaven !  Ibrahim  dies  fighting  to  preserve  the  empire 
to  him  by  whom  he  had  himself  been  deposed ! "  ^ 

The  flight  of  Meruan  with  the  remnant  of  his  army, 
after  twenty  days  or  more,  took  him  through  towns 
mentioned  by  the  annalist,  but  which  have  now  faded 
from  the  map,  until  he  reached  Emesa.^  Here  he 
found  a  few  adherents ;  but  the  mass  of  people,  when 
they  discovered  the  signals  of  the  approaching  con- 
querors, displayed  a  great  eagerness  for  his  departure. 
From  Emesa  he  hastened  to  Damascus,  but  such  was 
the  confusion  of  opinions  in  that  capital,  that  he 
could  not  feel  safe,  especially  as  the  victorious  army 
of  Abdullah  was  marching  thither.  With  constantly 
diminishing  forces,  he  wandered  southward  into  Pal- 
estine. There  he  was  overtaken  by  the  usurping 
Khalif,  at  a  place  called  Alardania,*  or  by  a  detach- 
ment, — perhaps  the  vanguard.  He  turned  at  bay,  and, 
with  the  courage  of  despair,  he  repulsed  the  enemy,  and 
broke  away  from  his  toils.  ^  This  so  angered  the  new 
Khalif  that  he  suddenly  relieved  his  uncle,  Abdullah, 
from  the  command,  and  confided  it  to  an  active  and 
tireless  general  named  Saleh.  The  pursuit  was  not 
for  a  moment  discontinued  by  this  change  of  com- 
manders; the  hounded  Meruan   pressed  southward 

1  Cond^  Dominacion  de  los  Arabes,  I.  ch.  xzxviii.  ''  Qui  chali- 
fata  oUm  Marwano  cesserat  ooactus,  et  tunc  sub  ejus  signis  pug- 
nabat."  —  Abtjlfeda,  Annales  MatUmiei,  I.  140. 

?  "  Post  viginti  et  aliquot  mom  dies,  cum  gente  sua  et  equitatu 
omni  Tirinm  suarum  reliquiia,  Emessam  trepidus  aufTugiebat.  .  .  . 
Emesa  porro  Damascum  properabat,  et  Damasco  tandem  in  Pales- 
tinam."  —  lb.     Emesa  is  the  modem  Hems  or  Homs  of  the  Arabic. 

*  So  says  Cond^  (I>ominacion  de  los  Arabes,  I.  ch.  zxxviii.).  I 
have  been  unable  to  find  such  a  place. 


70        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

into  Egypt,  with  the  few  adherents  who  were  willing 
to  follow  his  ruined  fortunes.  He  had  reached  a 
country  palace  near  Saida  called  Busyr,  or  Busyr 
Koridas,  where  he  was  overtaken  by  his  relentless 
foe.  In  despair  he  took  refuge  in  a  Christian  church, 
after  his  remaining  troops  had  been  defeated  in  a 
Mernan  ^"^^  action,  and  there  he  was  killed  with  a 
^^^'  spear  thrust  by  an  unknown  hand.^  Soon 
after,  a  servile  creature,  who  had  been  in  former  days 
a  vender  of  pomegranates  at  Kufah,  ran  in  and  cut  off 
his  head/^  and  sent  it  to  Saleh  for  the  EiiaUf. 

The  triumph  of  Saleh  was  complete :  he  had  accom- 
plished what  his  predecessor  had  failed\to  do.  He 
ordered  the  head,  which  was  to  be  the  ghastly  mes- 
senger of  its  own  disaster,  to  be  embalmed  that  it 
might  be  sent  to  the  Khalif  In  the  process  of  em- 
balming,  the  tongue  had  been  taken  out,  and  as  it  lay 
upon  the  ground,  it  was  snatched  up  and  carried  away 
by  a  cat,*  which  had  been  watching  the  operation, 
and  was  speedily  devoured. 

When  Saleh  sent  the  embalmed  head  to  Abdullah 
As-seffah,  he  varied  his  despatch  with  verses,  in  which 
he  declares  this  incident  as  marking  the  retribution 
visited  by  Allah  upon  the  impieties  so  often  uttered  by 
the  tongue  of  Meruan :  "  God  has  subdued  Egypt,  O 

^  **  Bnsir  dictum,  nescio  qais  in  eccleda,  qun  ibi  loci  Christianis 
erat,  hasta  confodit."  — Abulfeda,  Annates  Moslemiei,  I.  140. 

^  '' AUns  aateni  aliquis  vilis  homo,  qui  olim  al  Cufs  malis  granatia 
vendendis  queestum  fecerat  accurreus,  .  .  .  caput  amputat."  —  Tb. 

*  Abulfeda  (Annales  MoBlemici,  1. 141)  recounts  it  thus  :  "  Con- 
tigit,  ut  exsectam  ejus  lingnam  felis  furto  ablatam  devoraret." 
Cond^  says  it  was  a  ferret  or  weasel. 


OYEBTHBOW  OF  THE  OMMETADES  AT  DAMASCUS.      71 

cIiildTen  of  Abbas,  to  your  conquering  arms,  and  has 
destroyed  the  vile  Al-jadi.  A  cat  has  worried  his 
tongue.  Behold  God's  justice;  thus  he  takes  ven- 
geance upon  those  who  corrupt  the'faith."  ^ 

Thus  ended  a  dynasty  which  had  hardly  in  any 
reign  deserved  its  prosperity,  but  which  had  obsti- 
nately and  diligently  at  the  last  earned  its  destruction. 
With  the  simpler  logic  of  fatalism,  the  Arabian  his- 
torian exclaims :  "  The  unfortunate  can  never  be 
secure,  even  though  he  climb  to  the  nests  of  eagles, 
and  conceal  himself  on  the  summits  of  inaccessible 
rocks ;  neither  shall  he  avoid  the  arrow  of  the  power- 
ful destiny,  although  he  should  rise  to  the  stars." ' 
Meinian  was,  however,  the  best  of  the  later  Khalifs  of 
the  Beni  tJmmeyah,  and  htw  received  the  encomiums 
of  Abulfeda,  who  likewise  attributes  his  downfall  to 
destiny.  He  was,  in  the  opinion  of  that  historian, 
prudent  and  brave,  and,  in  another  period  than  that 
in  which  "  the  eternal  law  of  fate  "  had  decreed  the 
extinction  of  the  Ommeyades,  would  have  been  num- 
bered among  the  noblest  and  most  illustrious  of  the 
princes  of  his  people.  '^  But,  against  fate,  prudence 
and  fortitude  contend  in  vain."  ^ 

^  "  Sabegit  Dens,  0  Abbasidte,  victricibos  restris  annis  .^gyptum 
et  Bcelestnm  Gjaditam  perdidit. 
linguam  ejos  vexavit  felia.    En  jostum  Dei  judicium.     Sic 
ille  fidei  corruptores  ulciscitur." 
^  Conde,  Dominacion  de  los  Arabes,  I.  ch.  zxxyiii. 
*  "  Vir  erat  fortls  et  prndeus,  quern  si  contigissct  alio  tempore 
dominaii  non  illo,  quo  lex  etema  fati  stirpem  et  potestatem  Omaj- 
jadarnm  exscindere   decrererat,  fuisset  profecto  suss  gentis  inter 
optimos  illustriasimosque  principes.     At  contra  fatum  frustra  pug- 
nat  fortitudo  juxta  et  prudentia."  —  Annates  Moslemicit  I.  141. 


72        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

When  the  head  of  his  rival  was  brought  into  the 
presence  of  Abdullah  As-seffah  at  Kufah,  where  he 
still  was,  he  did  not  dissemble  his  joy ;  he  felt  that 
he  was  Khalif '  indeed,  and  his  family  after  him.  In 
a  fervor  of  devotion,  he  fell  prostrate  upon  the  earth, 
and  gave  heartfelt  thanks  to  Allah  for  his  sanguinary 
success.^ 

His  thirst  for  blood  might  have  been  satiated  by 
the  rivers  which  had  thus  been  flowing  at  the  touch 
Abdaiiah'8  ^^  ^^^  sword,  but  his  fcars  rose  as  he  thought 
cruelty.  ^.j^j^^j  there  remained  those  who  would  thence- 
forth live  but  for  revenge.  If  the  former  dynasty 
could  not  revive  in  its  strength,  it  could  punish.  He 
at  first  proscribed,  and  then  soon  got  rid  of  the  sons 
of  Meruan.  The  elder,  Obeydullah,  fled  to  Ethiopia, 
and  was  there  killed  by  the  natives.*  The  other  son, 
Abdullah,  was  captured  and  delivered  to  the  governor 
of  Palestine,  who  sent  him,  as  the  most  welcome 
gift,  to  the  Khalif  He  was  soon  afterwards  put  to 
death. 

The  wives  and  daughters  of  Meruan  found  their 
place  of  exile  in  a  distant  province,  where,  with  un- 
ceasing tears  and  constant  lamentations,  they  bewailed 
a  fate  rendered  far  more  poignant  by  the  remembrance 
of  former  joys  and  vanished  splendor.' 

^  **  Ad  hujus  capitis  conspectam  procidebat  humi,  Deamquo 
gratus  adorabat,  os  Saffah,  turn  al  Cuf»  agens.'*  —  Abulfeda, 
Annates  Moshmicif  I.  141. 

^  *'  At  ibi  quoque  armis  infestis  excepti  fuerunt,  ut  ObaidoUah 
qaidem  caderat;  alter  autem  fratrom,  Abdollah,  egre  cum  saoram 
aliquibos  evaderet."  —  lb. 

s  "In  uberes  lacrymas  acatasqae  lamentationes  erupemnt^ 
procul  splendore  gaudiisqae  pristiniB."  —  76.  L  141. 


OVERTHROW  OF  THE  OMMEYADES  AT  DAMASCUa     73 

The  downfall  of  the  Ommeyades  and  the  succession 
of  the  Abbasides  present  a  historic  philosophy  in 
many  respects  similar  to  the  rise  of  the  The  ratio. 
Carolingians  and  the  deposition  of  the  change. 
Merovingian  dynasty  in  the  Frankish  history;  and 
the  reign  of  the  sons  of  Abbas,  like  that  of  Charle- 
magne, was  soon  to  shed  great  lustre  upon  the  world  by 
their  wonderful  accomplishments  in  arts,  science,  and 
letters.  The  change  from  the  Benf  Ummeyah  to  the 
Benl  Abbas,  however  bloody,  was  to  be  greatly  to  the 
benefit  of  the  Moslem  world.  Bloody  indeed  it  was  to 
be :  not  content  with  the  death  of  the  sons  of  Meruan, 
the  new  Khalif  began  to  feel  that  he  was  not  secure 
in  his  seat  of  power;  as  long  as  a  drop  of  the  blood  of 
Ummeyah  flowed  in  living  veins,  and  so  he  deter- 
mined to  destroy  every  one  around  whom  the  adher- 
ents of  the  Ommeyades  could  rally.  There  were  at 
hifl  court  two  young  men  of  rank  and  talents,  held  in 
high  repute  by  all,  and  up  to  this  time  by  the  Khalif 
himself.  They  were  cousins,  and  both  grandsons  of 
the  Khalif  Hishem,  the  tenth  sovereign  of  the  line 
of  Ummeyah.  One  of  them,  Suleyman,  had  com- 
manded the  army  of  Ibrahim  against  the  usurpation 
of  Meruan.  The  other  was  Abdu-r-rahmdn  Ibn  Mu- 
awiyah.  They  were  of  gentle  manners  and  un- 
blemished character ;  they  had  even  taken  sides  with 
Abdullah  As-seSah  against  Meruan,  whom  they  had 
regarded  as  a  usurper.  But  they  had  the  blood  of 
Ummeyah  in  their  veins,  and,  through  their  grand- 
father Hishem,  might  have  claims  to  the  Khalifate. 
They  must  die.^   Entirely  unsuspicious  of  the  Khalif 's 

1  He  is  said  to  haye  been  specially  incited  to  this  by  the  poetical 


74        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

purpose,  Suleyman  was  arrested  and  killed,  althougli 
he  had  been  promised  security  and  protection ;  but 
Abdu-r-  Abdu-r-rahmdn  happened  to  be  fortunately 
cApefl.  absent  when  the  edict  was  issued,  and,  being 

warned  by  his  friends,  succeeded  in  making  his  escape : 

''AttolenB  humero  famamque,  et  fata  nepotom."  ^ 

For,  in  the  words  of  the  Arabian  historian,  "  on  the 
tablets  reserved  for  the  eternal  decrees  it  was  written 
that  all  the  desire  of  the  Beni-Alabas,  and  all  their 
zeal  for  the  destruction  of  the  Beni-Ommeyas,  should 
be  proved  in  vain.  Despite  their  utmost  endeavors 
to  destroy  and  uproot  the  family  which  they  had  de- 
spoiled of  the  Khalifate,  and  driven  from  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  Mosleman  empire,  a  fruitful  branch  of 
that  illustrious  trunk  had  nevertheless  been  preserved, 
and,  fixed  in  the  West,  was  there  to  take  new  root  and 
flourish/'^ 

Before,  however,  proceeding  to  follow  the  fortunes 
of  Abdu-r-rahman  Ibn  Mu'awiyah,  we  have  yet  to 
record  the  further  cruelties  of  the  Ehalif,  which  con- 
firmed his  title  of  the  Blood-ahedder, 

His  guilty  suspicions  were  not  yet  allayed  by 
the  murder  of  the  sons  of  Meruan  and  the  removal 
of  Suleyman.     He  next  proceeded  against  all  the 

instigationB  of  a  malicious  courtier  named  Sadif,  the  last  verse  of 
whose  poem  is  this  :  — 

"  Tu  eigo  pone  jam  gladium,  et  sums  scuticam,  eamque  tamdia 
exerce,  donee  huic  solo,  quod  omnes  calcamus,  Ommajjadanun 
nemo  inambulet."  —  Abulfeda,  Annales  Modemid,  I.  192. 

1  Virgilii  iEneidos,  Lib.  VIII.  781. 

'  Cond^,  Dominacion  de  los  Arabes,  I.,  part  ii.,  ch.  i. 


OYSBTHBOW  OF  THE  OMMETADES  AT  DAMASCUS.     75 

principal  adherents  of  the  Ommeyan  line,  and^  in 
order  to  accomplish  his  purpose,  he  had  The  banquet 
recourse  to  a  barbarous  stratagem.  Ninety  ^'"*^***^ 
of  these  cavaliers  had  given  in  their  adherence,  and 
taken  refuge  with  his  uncle  Abdullah,  who  seems  to 
have  been  the  governor  of  Damascus.  They  regarded 
all  danger  at  an  end,  and  were  loyal  to  the  new 
dynasty.  On  the  receipt  of  secret  orders  from  the 
Khalif,  Abdullah  invited  these  gentlemen  to  a  ban- 
quet, which  they  might  regard  as  the  sign  and  seal 
of  their  being  taken  into  favor.  They  came  in  all 
security  and  full  of  hope.^  The  feast  was  spread, 
and  they  were  about  to  partake  of  it ;  when,  as  was 
not  unusual  at  the  banquets  of  the  great,  a  poet 
entered  to  sing  salutatory  versea  It  was  Schabil,  a 
mauli,  of  the  family  of  Hisham.^  As  he  chanted, 
the  festive  mood  of  the  guests  was  suddenly  clouded 
with  misgivings,  which  soon  changed  to  a  terrible 
fear.  He  began  by  vaunting  the  power  and  the 
success  of  the  new  dynasty  of  Abbas;  he  placed 
then  in  strong  contrast  the  ever-accursed  brood  of 
false  TTmmeyah,  the  sons  of  Abdu-1-Xamsi  '*  Let 
every  branch  perish ;  and,  if  any  live  who  would 
uphold  the  line,  let  them,  too,  perish.  God  has 
abased  them;  why,  then,  should  not  man  join  in 
God's  work  and  destroy  them?"  In  the  peroration 
of  his  poetical  harangue,  he  presents  to  Abdullah  the 

1  ''Nonagmta  fere  higus  gentis  yiros  ad  se  Yocayerat,  et  venerant 
omnes  secori  pleniqiie  bonse  spei" — Abulfxda,  Annales  Mo9' 
lemiei,  I.  142. 

'  **  Positis  jam  dapibos,  Schabl  accedit,  Abdellahi  filius,  libertoa 
Hascbemidaram.*'  —  lb. 


76  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-M00B3. 

argumentum  ad  vindictam.  He  tells  him  to  remember 
the  cruelties  of  the  Ommeyades,  —  the  fate  of  Huseyn, 
ancestor  of  As-seffah,  who  had  been  put  to  death  hj 
Yezid,  the  second  Kbalif  of  that  line ;  of  Zeyd, 
whose  body  had  been  fastened  to  a  stake  by  the 
Elhalif  Hisham,  and  left  exposed  during  his  reign; 
of  As-seffah's  brother,  who  had  been  killed  by  the 
Ommeyades.^ 

Although  the  scenes  in  this  bloody  drama  had  all 
been  arranged  beforehand,  Abdullah  acted  skilfully  the 
part  of  a  man  who  was  wrought  to  fury  by  the  fren- 
zied appeal  He  quivered  with  well-dissembled  anger, 
and  gave  a  signal.  At  this,  the  guards  who  surrounded 
the  apartment  rushed  in  upon  the  guests  and  beat  them 
to  death  with  clubs  or  tent-poles.^  The  last  act  of 
the  tragedy  was  more  fiendish  still.  The  tables  were 
removed,  leathern  mats  or  carpets  were  spread  upon 
The  table  of  the  dead  and  the  writhing  bodies  of  the 

quivering  , 

bodies.  victims,  and  the  viands  placed  upon  these. 
The  remaining  guests  then  ate  their  dinner  with  a 
greedy  appetite  upon  these  imdulating  tables  of  quiv- 
ering humanity.  The  groans  of  those  who  were  long 
in  dying  furnished  pleasant  music  for  their  repast* 
But  this  climax  of  cruelty  seemed  yet  to  need  a 

^  '*  Memento  cnideliter  occisorum  el  Hosaini,  et  Zaidi  et  confes- 
aoris  ad  latus  el  Mehraai  sepulti, 
Onsique,  qui  in  Harran  leteraum  considet,  peregrino  solo, 
perpetuaqae  oblivione  damnatus." 

Abulfeda,  AnnaUs  Moelemid,  I.  142. 

*  "  Quibus  in  rabiem  actus  AbdoUah  jubet  Omajjadas  longis  fus- 
tibus  aut  contis  (qualibus  effulciri  tentoria  sclent)  contundi."  —  lb, 

•  "  Prostratis  instrati  tapetea  scortei,  quibus  imposit®  dapes  et 
continuatum  convivium  inter  iflebiles  gemitua  et  suspiriis  miztos  sin- 
gnltos  miserorum  sub  ipsia  lancibua  lent©  expirantium."  — lb. 


OVERTHROW  OF  THE  OMMEYADES  AT  DAMASCUS.     77 

capping.  From  the  living  it  passed  to  the  deai  The 
tomhs  of  the  Ommeyan  Khalifs  at  Damascus  were 
broken  open.  The  bones  of  Mu'awiyah,  Yezid,  and 
Abdu4-malek  were  thrown  out.  The  body  of  Hisham, 
which  yet  retained  a  human  semblance^^  was  first 
crucified,  that  it  might  be  derided  by  the  multitude. 
Then  all  the  remains  were  burned,  and  the  ashes 
scattered  to  the  wind. 

Scenes  of  similar  violence  were  enacted  at  Bosrah 
by  Suleyman,  the  brother  of  Abdullah  in  blood  and 
in  sin.  Wherever  the  slightest  consanguinity  or 
adherence  to  the  Ommeyades  could  be  traced,  those 
who  bore  it  were  hunted  down  and  destroyed,  and 
their  bodies  left  to  fatten  the  dogs  of  the  settlements 
or  the  jackals  of  the  open  country.  It  seemed  that 
no  precaution  had  been  neglected  to  insure  the 
extinction  of  the  race. 

But  the  fury  and  the  purpose  of  the  Khalif  were  to 
be  defeated  by  the  escape  of  one  man.  Fate  or  Allah 
had  decreed  that  the  noblest  and  most  dangerous  rep- 
resentative of  the  Beni  Ummeyah  should  evade  the 
destroyer,*  and  carry  the  dynasty  into  Spain,  then 
ready  for  independence. 

'  *'  Quod  integer  inyeniretar." — Abttlfeda,  Annales  Modemid, 
I.  142. 

s  There  is  a  story  (Al  Makkari,  II.  75)  that,  at  the  birth  of 
Ahda-r-rahmdn,  it  had  been  predicted  that  he  would  be  the  avenger 
of  his  family,  and  that  his  grandfather,  Hisham,  was  at  first  troubled 
by  the  prophecy.  But  his  uncle,  Moslemah,  allayed  the  jealousy, 
and  "from  that  time/'  said  Abdu-r-rahmdn,  "my  grandfather 
always  treated  me  with  the  greatest  kindness  and  distinction."  The 
existence  of  such  a  prophecy,  if  known  to  the  usurping  Ehalif, 
would  partially  account  for  his  relentless  pursuit  of  the  fugitive 
prince. 


78  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOB& 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE  WEARY  WANDERINGS  OF  A  PRINCE  IN  DISGUISE. 

nr^HE  only  scion  of  the  fated  line  of  the  Om- 
•^  meyades,  as  we  have  seen,  was  absent  from 
Damascus  when  the  order  for  his  assassination  had 
Abdn-r-  ^©en  issued*  As  soon  as  he  received  friendly 
wSSliiMd  warning  of  the  Khalif s  purpose, he  secreted 
*"**^^'  a  few  jewels  and  a  little  money,  and,  taking 
some  of  his  immediate  family  and  two  faithful  ser- 
vants, Bedr  and  SaHm,  he  fled  for  his  life.  Well 
mounted,  the  little  party  travelled  by  rude  and  unfre- 
quented pathways,  shunning  all  towns  which  he  knew 
or  feared  to  be  in  the  possession  of  the  Abbasides, 
and  not  deeming  himself  even  temporarily  secure 
until  he  had  reached  a  distant  hamlet,  situated  near  a 
dense  forest  on  the  bank  of  the  Euphrates. 

As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  he  had  escaped,  the 
spies  of  the  grand  wizir,  Abu  Salmah,  were  every- 
where sent  upon  his  track,  and  the  acknowledged 
supremacy  of  the  new  Khalif  throughout  most  of  the 
Mohammedan  world  rendered  it  almost  impossible 

1  <<What  rendered  AB-eeffah  particularly  implacable  against 
Abdu-r-rahmin  waa,  that  bis  father,  Ma'awiyah,  on  hia  death'bed, 
had  intrusted  him  to  his  grandfather,  the  Khalif  Hisham,  who  de- 
signed him  as  his  successor,  and  who  allotted  him  the  reyenaes  of 
Andalas  for  hia  maintenance."  —  Al  Maxkart,  II.  92. 


WANDERINGS  OF  A  PRINCE  IN.DISGXnSE.  79 

that  he  should  escape.  A  minute  description  of  his 
person  was  sent  to  the  governors  of  even  the  most 
distant  provinces,  with  instructions  that  he  should 
be  searched  for  and  apprehended ;  and  his  appearance 
was  such  that  it  was  difficult  for  him  to  evade  even 
a  cursory  inspection.  He  was  just  twenty  years  old, 
and,  unlike  his  Arabian  brethren,  he  had  a  fair  com- 
plexion and  a  beaming  blue  eye. 

Ibnu  Hayyan  relates  a  portion  of  his  story  in  his 
own  words.  One  day,  while  he  was  sitting  in  his  tent, 
sheltered  from  the  rain,  his  little  son,  four  years  of  age, 
came  running  in,  crying  so  violently  that  he  could 
not  for  a  time  tell  him  the  cause  of  his  tears.  Abdu- 
T-rahmdn  rushed  out  to  discover  it,  and  found  the 
whole  village  in  commotion,  for  the  black  banner  of 
the  Abbasides  had  been  descried  marching  upon  it 
with  a  considerable  force.*  Collecting  his  remaining 
money  and  jewels,  he  started  off  on  foot  with  his 
child  and  his  younger  brother,  a  lad  of  thirteen,  and 
ran  rapidly  to  place  the  river  between  himself  and  his 
pursuers.  He  had  hardly  left  the  village  before  his  tent 
was  surrounded,  and  the  village  thoroughly  searched. 
This   done,  his  pursuers  were  soon  upon  swimt 

^  ,  Bcroes  the 

his  traces :  and  the  detective  force  arrived  Euphrates  in 

'  sight  of  hlB 

at  the  Euphrates  when  the  fugitives  had  puwuei* 
half  crossed  it  by  swimming ;  Abdu-r-rahman  himself 
supporting  his  son,  and  Bedr  aiding  his  brother. 

The  pursuers  shouted  to  them  from  the  river  bank 
to  come  back,  and  promised  that  if  they  did  so  they 
should  receive  no  harm.     The  unfortunate  brother, 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  59. 


80  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

whose  strength  was  giving  way,  believing  them, 
turned  back  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  Abdu- 
r-rahmdn,  and  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore ;  and, 
when  Abdu-r-rahman  reached  the  opposite  bank,  he 
saw  that  he  was  immediately  killed  and  his  head 
carried  off.^     This  lent  wings  to  his  flight. 

He  determined  to  make  his  way  into  Egypt,  where 
he  expected  to  meet  his  sisters;  and,  to  effect  this 
without  discovery,  he  wandered  westward  through 
desert  tracts.  He  was  the  companion  of  wandering 
Bedouins  and  roving  shepherds,  partaking  of  chance 
and  scanty  fare,  sleeping  lightly  for  fear  of  surprise, 
and,  with  the  early  morning,  bridling  his  horse  and 
summoning  his  few  attendants,  that  they  might  seek 
some  new  and  safer  spot.  Thus  he  reached  Egypt, 
and  wandered  through  it,  still  westward,  for  he  remem- 
bered that  the  governor  of  Barca,  Abdu-r-rahman 
Ibn  Habib  al  Fehri,  had  owed  his  fortunes  and  his 
position  to  the  special  favor  of  the  house  of  Ummeyah. 
There,  then,  he  might  hope  for  protection.  He  en- 
tered the  province  of  Barca  full  of  hope ;  but  he  found 
himself  sadly  mistaken,  for  Ibn  Habib,  like  the  other 
officials,  moved  by  self-interest,  had  given  a  ready 
allegiance  to  the  new  dynasty,  and  now  not  only  sent 
out  emissaries  to  apprehend  him,  but  had  warned  all 
the  authorities  in  his  province  to  be  on  the  watch 
for  him. 

The  stories  of  his  hair-breadth  escapes  in  Barca 
Takes  shei-  ^^'^  numcTOus,  and  at  the  least  suggestive, 
terinBwm  ^f  ^^  ^^^  doubt  their  particulars.  Accord- 
ing to  one  of  these,  he  was  once  actually  in  the  hands 

>  Al  Makkari,  IL  60. 


WANDERINGS   OF  A  PRlkcE  IN  DISGUISE.  81 

of  Ibn  Habib,  and  could  expect  nothing  but  immedi- 
ate  execution.  Before  proceeding  to  this  extremity, 
however,  the  superstitious  governor  consulted  a  Jewish 
astrologer,  who  had  prophesied  that  Abdu-r-rahmdn 
should  reign  in  Andalus,  as  to  the  identity  and 
the  future  fortunes  of  the  disguised  youth  who  had 
been  brought  before  him.  He  answered  the  descrip- 
tion indeed ;  and  the  governor,  feeling  sure  that  he 
was  the  man,  had  said,  "  By  thy  life,  this  is  the  very 
youth  mentioned  in  thy  prophecy :  he  must  die."  The 
answer  of  the  Jew  saved  his  life,  as  it  placed  Ibn 
Habib  in  a  dilemma.  "  If  thou  kill  him,  he  is  not 
the  person  intended ;  if,  on  the  contrary,  thou  spare 
his  life,  he  must  conquer  and  reign.*'  The  question 
was  settled  by  the  release  of  Abdu-r-rahmdn.* 

Another  and  more  likely  story  is  that,  while  living 
in  disguise  at  one  of  the  tent- villages  of  Barca,  where 
he  was  hospitably  sheltered  by  one  of  the  chiefs,  Abu 
Korrah  Wdnesus,  suddenly  a  band  of  the  Abbasides 
surrounded  the  tent,  and  were  about  to  search  it,  when 
the  wife  of  the  chief,  Tekfah,  concealed  him  under 
her  clothes,  and  thus  deceived  his  pursuers.^ 

He  remained  in  the  province  of  Barca  for  about 
five  years,  but  he  did  not  anywhere  disclose  himself. 
He  went  by  the  name  of  Giafar  Almansur ;  but,  exUe 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  61. 

*  "  Abdu-r-Tahm&n  never  foigot  the  signal  service  lie  received  on 
this  occasion  ;  for,  when  he  became  king  of  Andalus,  he  invited 
W^nesos  and  his  wife  to  Cordova,  and  treated  them  kindly,  ad- 
mitting them  to  his  privacy,  and  conferring  on  them  all  sorts  of 
honors  and  distinctions.  He  gave  Tekfah  leave  to  visit  his  palace 
at  all  hours,  and  enter  his  harem  whenever  she  chose."  —  Al  Hak- 
KABI,  II.  62. 

VOL.  II.  6 


82  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB*MOOBS. 

and  fagitive  as  he  was^  he  won  upon  all  men  by  his 
engaging  appearance  and  gentle  manners,  and  caused 
them  to  speculate,  and  shrewdly  suspect/ that  they 
were  entertaining  a  prince  in  disguise.  On  one 
occasion,  the  Aduar,  or  viUage  of  tents,  in  whioh  he 
was  sojourning,  was  thrown  into  confusion  by  the 
appearance  of  a  body  of  horse  in  the  service  of  Ibn 
Habib,  who  had  tracked  him  to  this  hiding-place, 
after  so  protracted  a  delay. 

The  hospitable  tribe  at  once  knew  that  he  was 
probably  the  fugitive  for  whom  they  were  seeking ; 
and,  hastily  concealing  him,  they  contrived  to  put 
Hispnnn*  the  pursucrs  on  a  false  scent.  Such  a  per- 
:^r'^  Bon,  they  said,  was  among  their  tribe,  bat 
was  unfortunately  absent  at  that  moment  He  had 
gone  with  several  other  young  men  to  a  certain 
mountain  valley  on  a  lion  hunt,  and  the  party  would 
not  return  until  the  following  night.*  The  eager 
pursuers  set  out  for  the  valley  they  had  named  The 
hostile  force  being  thus  misdirected,  Abdu-r-rahmdn, 
with  six  devoted  adherents,  pushed  rapidly  westward, 
away  from  immediate  pursuit,  to  encounter  new  hard- 
ships and  dangers  and  to  fulfil  his  brilliant  destiny. 

Between  Barca  and  Western  Africa,  the  Great  Desert 
sends  out  a  promontory  of  sand  to  the  Mediterranean. 
Through  tracts  peopled  only  by  beasts  of  prey,  across 
jouraeyi  thcsc  Unsheltered  plains  of  scorching  ground, 
westward,  uublesscd  by  a  sprig  of  living  verdure,  the 
little  band  journeyed,  until  at  length,  rising  to  the 
table-lands  of  the  Atlas,  after  many  a  weary  day  and 
night  of  vigil,  they  reached  Tahart,  the  principal 

^  Cond^  Dominftcion  de  los  Arabes,  I.,  part  ii.,  ch.  i. 


WANDERINGS  OF  A  PRINCE  IN  DISGUISE.  83 

settlement  in  the  Algarve  Media^and  about  four  days' 
journey  southeast  from  Telemsen.^ 

At  Tahart,  which  was  the  chief  seat  of  the  Beni 
Bustam,  his  reception  was  all  that  he  could  desire, 
aud  far  more  than  he  could  have  expected.  The 
principal  sheik  entertained  him  at  his  house ;  and, 
as  soon  as  the  intelligence  of  this  distinguished  and 
mysterious  arrival  was  spread  abroad,  the  other  sheiks 
came  to  offer  him  service. 

In  that  locality,  he  remembered,  there  had  settled 
an  Arabian  tribe,  the  Nefezah,  now  known  as  one  of 
the  Zenetes,  to  which  his  mother,  Saha,  had  belonged;' 
and  he  might  reasonably  hope  that  the  tie  of  con- 
sanguinity would  insure  the  kind  assistance  which 
he  so  much  needed.  His  most  ardent  desires  were 
fully  realized.  Making  his  headquarters  at  ^^^^  ^^ 
Tahart,  he  spent  his  time  in  visiting  among  Tahart. 
the  Berber  encampments,  and  everywhere  he  received 
assurances  of  a  generous  and  full  protection. 

The  time  had  come  when  he  felt  authorized  to 
disclose  his  name  and  rank  to  his  mother's  relatives, 
and  to  inform  them  of  his  schemes  for  the  future. 
Immediately  they  paid  him  homage,  and  promised  him 
such  assistance  as  they  were  in  condition  to  afford. 

What  had  seemed  before  visionary  in  the  extreme, 

1  The  modern  town  on  or  near  the  site  of  Tahart  is  Toogoort, 
within  the  soathem  limit  of  Algeria.  La  Fuente  says  (Historia  de 
Espalia,  III.  95)  that  Tarik,  the  first  conqueror  of  Spain,  was  bom 
at  Tahart.  This  is  donbtful.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  it  was 
the  birthplace,  in  our  day,  of  the  famous  Abdel-Kader. 

'  His  wanderings  and  sojourns  become  rather  confused,  probably 
by  reason  of  his  so  constantly  changing  his  quarters,  and  keeping 
nothing  but  an  oral  record. 


84        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

now  appeared  feasible  and  foreordained.  They  all 
knew  by  constant  reports  the  condition  of  things  in 
Spain.  The  power  of  the  Khalifs  was  gone  forever. 
Bival  tribes  had  exhausted  and  fatigued  the  people 
with  their  wars.  Ambitious  generals  were  using 
every  sort  of  stratagem  to  climb  into  power.  The 
people  were  forced  to  take  sides  in  quarrels  which 
could  give  them  no  benefit  in  return.  Towns  lay  in 
smoking  ruins ;  everywhere  were  violence  and  exac* 
tions ;  and,  to  cap  the  climax  of  miseiy,  a  famine  had 
been  lately  ravaging  the  country,  already  so  devas- 
tated by  war. 

Even  to  the  Berber  tribes,  so  far  removed  from 
this  theatre  of  commotion,  the  questions  were  signifi- 
cant, — "  Why  not  establish  an  independent  empice 
in  Andalus?  Who  should  be  its  sovereign  but 
Abdu-r-rahmdn,  the  illustrious  heir  of  the  Ommeyan 
house,  persecuted  by  the  Abbasides,  and  miraculously 
preserved,  and  now  ready  to  claim  his  own  ? "  These 
questions  were  soon  to  be  asked  in  Spain,  and  to 
receive  immediate  and  satisfactory  answers. 

Had  there  been  equitable  and  orderly  government 
there,  Abdu-r-rahman  would  have  waited  in  vain  at 
Tahart  for  the  chance  of  succession  to  the  govern- 
ment ;  but  the  anarchy  which  had  usurped  the  place 
of  order,  and  the  utter  hopelessness  of  a  better  state 
of  things,  caused  the  intelligence  of  his  coming  to 
rise  like  a  great  light  upon  this  dismal  darkness, 
Yiisuf  indeed  held  nominal  sway;  but  he  had  only 
the  sanction  of  a  dead  Khalif,  whose  living  successor 
was  at  hand.^    And  besides,  the  conspirators  against 

^  Upon  the  death  of  Heraan,  Ti&Bof  al  Fehri  had  at  once  ae- 


WAKBEBINGS  OF  A  PRINCE  IN  DISGUISE.  85 

his  power  had  conquered  a  strong  vantage-ground  in 
aU  the  North,  and  his  authority  was  not  stable  beyond 
Toledo. 

It  was  of  this  condition  of  things  that  Abdu-r- 
rahmdn  was  now  determined  to  avail  himself;  but, 
even  before  he  took  an  initial  step,  the  news  ^^^ 
of  his  residence  at  Tahart  began  to  work  JJSJnf to*" 
among  the  special  adherents  of  the  Om-  ^^^'Spaiu. 
meyades  in  Spain.  From  the  account  of  Cond4,  the 
reader  is  led  to  think  indeed  that,  as  soon  as  this 
party  in  Spain  heard  of  his  coming,  they  concerted 
measures,  of  which  he  was  in  ignorance,  to  place  him 
on  the  throne,  while  the  prince  himself  had  hoped  for 
nothing  more  than  protection,  and  a  share  of  the 
revenues  befitting  his  rank.  Nothing  can  be  farther 
from  the  truth.  How  long  he  had  cherished  the  pur- 
pose to  reign  in  Spain  cannot  be  known ;  but  it  is 
certain  that  he  had  fully  formed  it  during  his  resi- 
dence at  Tahart,  and  that  he  took  the  initial  step 
towards  its  accomplishment 

From  Tahart,  journeying  along  the  table-land,  he 
crossed  the  great  coast  range  of  the  Atlas  Mountains, 
and  took  up  his  headquarters  ^t  Melilla,  nearer  the 
sea.     Thence  he  despatched  his  mauli  and  ggndghia 
chief  oflScer,  Bedr,  across  the  sea  to  recon-  gJS^into 
noitre,  and  cautiously  to  prepare  the  way  ®p**^ 
for  his  own  coming.     Knowing  that  the  family  of  the 
Ommeyades  had  a  larger  number  of  adherents  in  Spain 
than  elsewhere,  he  had  obtained  the  names  of  a  few 

knowledged  the  authority  of  As-seffah  ;  but  most  of  the  other  ^b- 
ordinate  governors  held  out  for  the  former  house,  and  now  afifected 
to  consider  him  as  a  usurper. 


86        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

of  their  chief  men,  and  to  these  he  gave  Bedr  letters, 
and  oral  messages  to  be  reinforced  by  Bedr's  elo^ 
quence;  and  he  also  committed  to  him  his  signet- 
ring,  to  give  validity  to  orders  and  proclamations  which 
circumstances  should  render  necessary  or  proper. 

He  told  Bedr  to  find  out  these  chiefs,  and  to  inform 
them  that  it  was  his  purpose  to  assert  his  claims  to 
the  Khalifate  of  Spain  as  the  surviving  heir,  by 
lineal  descent,  from  Hisham.  He  had  aright,  he  said, 
to  the  supreme  power  at  Damascus,  the  rulership 
of  the  whole  Mohammedan  world :  he  would  begin 
by  ruling  in  the  most  distant  province,  the  Peninsula. 
He  further  directed  Bedr  to  work  upon  the  feelings 
and  hopes  of  the  discordant  tribes  of  Yemen  and 
Modhar ;  to  play  them  off  against  each  other,  in  order 
to  keep  them  from  rallying  around  Yiisuf. 

Thus  instructed,  Bedr  secretly  entered  Spain,  and 
began  to  conduct  the  negotiations,  with  judgment 
and  due  caution,  by  sounding  the  leaders  and  men  of 
distinction. 

Chief  among  those  who  were  loyal  to  the  house  of 
Ummeyah  and  adherents  of  the  former  Ehalif  Meruan, 
were  Abu  Othraan  ObeyduUah  and  his  son-in-law, 
Abdullah  Ibn  Khaled,  former  maulis  of  th6  family  of 
the  Khalif  Othman;  and  there  were  beside,  among 
the  principal  officers  and  soldiers  in  the  Andalusian 
army,  between  four  and  five  hundred  good  men  and 
true,  who,  in  the  tragical  turn  of  affairs,  had  retained 
their  allegiance  to  the  former  house.  This  was  a 
most  important  miHtary  nucleus. 

It  happened  that,  just  before  the  arrival  of  Bedr  in 
Spain,  Abu  Othman  ObeyduUah  had  received  orders 


WANDERINGS  OF  A  PBINCE  IN  DISGUISE.  87 

from  Yiisuf  to  lepair  with  his  forces  to  Saragossa, 
where,  as  has  been  ah*ead7  seen,  As-samil  had  been 
for  a  time  besieged  by  the  rebellious  chief,  Az-zohri. 
It  was  while  on  this  expedition,  in  which  he  was 
successful,  that  Abu  Othman  received  Tidings  of 
from  his  son,  who  also  bore  the  name  of  reach  spoL. 
Abdu-r-rahman,  the  secret  message  concerning  the 
proposed  landing  of  the  prince.  This  intelligence 
he  at  once  confided  to  Abdullah  Ibn  Khaled ;  and, 
as  soon  as  he  had  relieved  As-samil  from  the  siege 
of  Saragossa,  he  imparted  it  also,  not  without  mis- 
givings, to  As-samiL  This  general  liad  been  the 
chief  supporter  of  Yiisuf;  and  it  might  well  be 
doubted  what  view  he  would  take  of  a  project  to 
supplant  'the  governor,  to  subvert  the  existing  order 
of  government,  and  perhaps,  in  so  doing,  to  endanger 
his  own  authority.  As-samil,  therefore,  rendered 
cautious  by  the  dictates  of  self-interest,  determined  to 
weigh  the  matter  carefully,  and  to  await  the  coui*se 
of  events  before  deciding  which  party  he  would  join.^ 
Yiisuf  was  in  possession,  and  Abdu-r-rahman  was  as 
yet  an  adventurer,  with  good  claims,  indeed,  but 
without  men  or  money.  But  the  power  of  Yiisuf  was 
already  greatly  resisted  and  trammelled ;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  manifesto  of  the  coming  prince  was 
timely  and  attractive.  All  that  he  needed  was  a 
strong  party  to  receive  him  at  his  landing,  and  the 
report  was  that  he  had  already  gained  that.  In  order 
to  gain  time,  As-samil  at  first  said  that  he  The  douNe- 
was  ready  to  receive  the  prince,  and  he  A»-iwuniL 
would  do  everything  in  his  power  to  influence  Yiisuf 

1  AI  Makkari,  II.  64. 


88        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

to  submit  without  an  effort  at  resistance,  by  flattering 
his  lust  of  power  and  catering  to  his  avarice.  "Write 
to  the  youth/'  he  said,  "  and  tell  him  to  cross  over  to 
us :  when  I  have  heard  of  his  landing  I  will  go  to 
Yiisuf  and  advise  him  to  do  him  honor,  admit  him 
to  his  intimacy,  and  give  him  one  of  his  daughters 
in  marriage.  If  he  (Yiisuf)  follow  my  advice,  your 
object  is  gained :  if  he  refuse^  we  shall  strike  his  bald 
head  with  our  swords,  and  take  the  command  of  this 
country  from  him  to  give  it  to  your  friend."  ^ 

But  he  soon  changed  his  mind,  or  at  least  held 
very  different  language.^  His  honor,  he  said,  required 
him  to  unsheathe  his  sword  at  the  first  against  Abdu- 
r-rahmdn ;  he  mtist  make  a  decent  show  of  resistance 
in  behalf  of  the  ruling  Amir ;  but  he  let  'them  see 
that  he  was  not  unalterable,  and  even  went  so  far  as 
to  wish  them  success.  It  was  a  bid  for  position  in 
the  new  dynasty. 

All  this  was  before  the  landing  of  the  prince ;  but^ 
while  in  southern  Andalus,  the  news  of  his  intention 
was  "  spreading  like  fire  among  brushwood ; "  and 
while  as  yet  Yiisuf,  in  the  North,  was  in  profound 
ignoi*ance  of  his  danger. 

This  absence  of  Yiisuf  from  Cordova  gave  a  most 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  63,  64. 

'  Al  Makkari  says  (lb.):  "However,  there  are  not  wanting 
aathore  who  relate  this  affair  differently. "  I  have  ventured  to  think 
that  the  different  statements  of  Aa-aamU's  views  are  reconciled  by 
believing  that  he  gave  expression  to  these  different  views  at  differ^ 
ent  times.  It  agrees  with  his  character  and  the  dilemma  in  which 
he  found  himself,  that  he  should  thus  temporize,  and  evade  opposi- 
tion at  first  by  consenting,  until  he  could  jsonfer  with  Ydsuf  as  to 
modes  of  resistance. 


WAKBEBINGB  OF  A  PRINCE  IN  DISGUISE.  89 

fortunate  opportunity  to  the  rapidly  increasing  party 
of  Abdu-r-rabmdn.  It  had  already  begun  to  take 
shape,  and  was  now  further  strengthened  by  system- 
atic action.  Had  Yiisuf  been  at  home,  it  might  have 
been  delayed  or  entirely  frustrated. 

Eighty  of  the  older  Moslems  of  rank,  chiefly  offi- 
cers of  the  Syrian  party ;  men,  says  the  chronicle,  of 
flowing  white  beards,  who  had,  as  by  a  Thecouncu 
miracle,  escaped  death  in  so  many  civil  <*'«*«*^*y- 
wars,^  met  together  in  council  at  Cordova,  to  deliber- 
ate on  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  to  consylt  with 
regard  to  the  election  of  a  new  Amir,  who  should 
bring  new  skill  and  energy  to  repair,  if  possible,  the 
disorders  of  the  country. 

Fearing  the  return  and  the  vengeance  of  Yiisuf, 
they  lost  little  time  in  debate.  It  was  manifest  to  all 
men  that  something  mast  be  speedily  done.  The 
troubles,  before  great,  had  been  largely  fed  and  ex- 
panded by  the  usurpation  of  the  Abbasides  at  Damas- 
cus. The  Spanish  Moslemah  had  long  since  ceased 
to  feel  any  interest  in  these  rivalries  at  the  seat  of 
the  Khalifate,  and  yet  the  shadow  of  the  name  re- 
mained to  add  one  to  the  many  arguments  of  faction. 
There  were  reasons  for  their  adhering  to  the  traditions 
of  the  house  of  Ummeyah,  which  had  sent  them  to 
conquer  Andalus :  there  were  none  that  could  excite 
a  fervor  of  loyalty  for  the  family  of  Al  Abbas  unless 
they  could  see  a  strong  rally  in  their  favor. 

^  Cond^,  I.,  part  iL,  cb.  ii.  "  CoDgregaron  hastaochentaveneTa- 
biles  Manalmanes  con  sus  largas  7  blancas  barbos,  como  por  milagro 
escapados  de  la  inuerte  en  tantas  gueiras  civiles."  —  La  Fuentb, 
Bistorta  de  EspaHa,  III.  96. 


90  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORa 

Besides,  it  was  said  in  council,  the  distance  between 
Spain  and  Syria  was  so  great  that  the  justest  Eiialif 
that  had  sat  upon  the  throne — even  Abu  Bekr  or  Omar 
—  could  not  gain  full  intelligence  of  the  condition  of 
the  people,  —  the  rights  to  be  sustained,  the  wrongs  to 
be  redressed.  The  accounts  which  reached  Damascus 
were  partial  from  necessity,  and  were  often  colored 
by  prejudice  or  distorted  by  malevolence.  More  than 
that,  where  the  truth  became  really  known,  the 
opportunity  had  already  passed  by  in  the  lapse  of 
time  f6{  prompt  and  effective  action.^  Such,  in  sum- 
mary, were  the  views  presented  in  the  council ;  and 
they  were  true  and  just 

Therefore,  they  said,  let  us  at  once  take  the  matter 
into  our  own  hands.  Let  us  expect  nothing  more 
from  Syria ;  and  let  us  no  longer  consider  as  data  of 
the  problem  the  importunate  demands  of  the  factions 
now  contending  against  each  other  in  Spain.  We 
want  a  flew  departure,  a  new  government,  a  new  man. 
Where  can  the  man  be  found  ? 

"  Even  so,"  said  Temdm  Ibn  'Alkamah.  "  Spain  is 
Thepropoii-  in  itsclf  spacious,  populous,  and  rich  enough 
Twn4m.  to  bc  au  independent  kingdom,  and,  ruled  by 
a  good  prince,  would  be  the  most  fortunate  country  of 
the  world."*  His  words  were  echoed  by  others  in 
the  council 

Then  Ayub  of  Emesa  again  took  up  the  word,  and 
^^  ^^  said :  "  I  propose  the  establishment  of  an  in- 
Ayub.  dependent  Khalifate,  which  will  free  us  at 
once  of  the  nominal  sovereignty  of  Damascus,  and 

1  Cond^,  Dominacion  de los  Arabes,  I.,  part  ii.,  ch.  il.    This  is  the 
substance  of  the  remarks  in  the  council  of  eighty,  of  Ayub  of  Emesa. 
«  lb. 


WANDERINGS  OF  A  PRINCE  IN  BISGUISE.  91 

put  an  end  forever  to  the  intrigues  of  contending 
chieftains/' 

At  this  conjuncture,  the  skilful  preparations  of  Bedr 
came  into  play.  To  the  question,  *'  Where  shall  we  find 
a  proper  prince  to  rule  over  such  a  kingdom  ? "  Wahib 
Ibnu-1- asfar  arose  and  said,  "  Do  not  marvel  if  I  pro- 
pose to  you  a  young  descendant  of  our  ancient  ELhalifs, 
and  one  of  the  same  race  with  our  Ariahi  Mohammed, 
now  wandering  in  Africa  among  barbarous  tribes : 
though  persecuted  and  a  fugitive,  he  is  yet  respected 
and  served  by  those  right-thinking  people  for  the  true 
worth  of  his  nature  and  the  nobleness  of  his  condition. 
I  speak  to  you  of  Abdu-r-rahman,  son  of  Muawiyah, 
who  was  the  son  of  Khalif  Hisham  Ibn  Abdu-1- 
malek ! "  ^ 

Thus  public  expression  was  given  to  what  were  the 
sentiments  of  large  numbers  already.  The  proposal 
was  adopted  with  acclamations.  A  deputa-  Thedepa- 
tion  of  eleven  among  the  pnncipal  men  piince. 
was  appointed,  including  Temam  and  Wahib,  who 
were  to  return  to  Africa  with  Bedr,  to  find  the  exiled 
prince,  and,  in  the  name  of  the  Spanish  elders  and 
chiefs,  to  offer  him  the  throne  of  Spain,  in  entire  inde- 
pendence of  the  Ehalifs,  and  in  subversion  of  the 
claims  and  power  of  the  incumbent  Amir  and  all  his 
provincial  governors.  They  purchased  a  vessel,  and 
the  deputation  sailed  on  their  important  errand,  while 
good  use  was  mtule  by  Abu  Othman  of  the  signet  of 
Abdu-r-rahman  to  issue  letters  and  proclamations  in 

1  Cond^,  Dominadon  de  los  Arabes,  I.,  part  ii.,  ch.  ii.  He  is 
caUed  the  son  of  Uiaham,  as  meaning  a  descendant.  He  was  really 
the  grandson  of  that  Ehalif. 


92        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

all  diiections,  in  order  to  prepare  the  people  for  his 
coming. 

The  chief  of  the  deputation  was  Tem&m  Ibn  'Al- 
kamah,  and  with  him  was  Wahib  Ibnu>l-'Asfar,  who 
htul  already  spoken  and  labored  so  ardently  in  behalf  of 
the  prince.  There  was  no  time  to  lose :  in  secrecy  and 
celerity  lay  their  strength.  In  the  mean  time,  Abdu- 
r-rahmdn,  impatient  for  news,  had,  as  we  have  seen, 
crossed  the  coast  range,  and  encamped,  near  the  sea, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  a  place  then  called  Maghilah, 
in  the  present  province  of  Algeria.^  There,  with  his 
few  attendants,  he  watched  the  white  sails  which 
approached  the  shore,  "  in  a  state  of  great  anxiety," 
and  from  time  to  time  "  fervently  prayed "  for  the 
return  of  Bedr.^ 

At  last,  a  felucca  was  seen  rapidly  speeding  to  the 
shore ;  it  grounded  upon  the  beach  near  Maghilah ; 
and  the  first  person  who  leaped  on  shore  was  Bedr, 
who,  running  to  his  master,  announced  iri4ew  words 
the  success  of  his  expedition.  He  was  soon  followed 
by  Temam,  who  advanced  to  confirm  the  tidings  tJhat 
the  Spanish  Atabs  offered  him  "  the  empire  and  sov- 
ereignty of  Spain/' 

Although  fondly  hoping  for  such  intelligence, 
Abdu-r-rahman  was  so  overpowered  by  it  when  it 
came  that  for  some  time  he  could  not  find  words  with 
which  to  express  his  feelings.  As  soon  as  he  could 
Hi8i«eep-  recover  himself, he  addressed  Temdm:  "What 
embaaty.  is  thy  name  ? "  he  said.  "  Temdm,"  was  the 
answer.     "And  what  thy  surname?"    "Abu  Ghi- 

^  Modem  HeliUa. 
^  Al  Makhaii,  II.  65. 


WANDERINGS  OF  i.  PBINCE  IN  DISGUISIS.  93 

lib*'  (the  father  of  the  victorious).  "Allah  akbar!" 
(God  is  great)  he  replied ;  "  may  his  name  bo  exalted  1 
for  if  that  be  the  case,  we  shall,  through  the  power 
and  interposition  of  the  Almighty,  conquer  that  land 
of  yours  and  reign  over  it."  ^ 

He  then  went  on  to  address  the  assembled  envoys, 
promising  them  to  be  true  to  their  cause,  and  to  be  a 
faithful  brother  and  a  sharer  of  their  perils  or  their 
prosperity.  He  told  them  that  he  feared  neither  labor 
nor  danger ;  for  that,  though  young,  "  the  inconstancy 
of  his  fortunes  had  rendered  him  familiar  with  many 
forms  of  death,  and  taught  him  to  count  his  life  as 
precarious  and  insecure."  ^ 

In  turn,  they  assured  him  of  the  fidelity  of  the 
principal  Moslemah ;  they  told  him  of  the  weakness 
of  Tt!isuf,  and  promised  that  he  should  find  on  his 
landing  a  powerful  party,  commanded  by  skilful 
leaders,  and  a  throne  which  awaited  him,  and  would 
hardly  cosIP  a  struggle  to  secure  it  They  enjoined 
upon  him  the  importance  of  secrecy ;  but  the  great 
kindnesses  which  he  had  received  from  the  Berber 
sheiks  caused  him  to  stipulate  that  they  should  be  in- 
formed of  the  whole  business,  feeling  sure  of  their 
good  wishes  and  assistance.  He  was  right  They  all 
entered  with  ardor  into  his  plans.  The  sheik  of  the 
Zenetes  offered  him  at  once  five  hundred  horse.  The 
chiefs  of  Mecnasa  promised  two  hundred.  The  sheik 
of  Tahart  gave  him  a  select  body-guard  of  fifty  horse- 
men, with  a  following  of  one  hundred  spearmen. 
This  force  was  to  be  in  readiness  as  soon  as  transpor- 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  65. 

'  Cond^,  DominAcion  do  lo8  Arabes,  I.,  part  ii.,  ch.  iii. 


94        CX>NQn£ST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

tation  could  be  provided  for  them.^  But  the  embassy 
was  urgent  that  Abdu-r-rahmdn  should  embark  at 
once.  There  was  but  small  preparation  to  make,  and 
he  was  soon  ready  to  return  in  the  vessel  which  had 
brought  them  over ;  a  king  by  promise,  but  with  every- 
thing to  provide  and  conquer. 

When  he  was  ready  to  step  on  board,  a  troop  of 
Berbers  came  flocking  around  him,  and  made  demon- 
The  Berbers  strations  to  oppose  hls  departure.  Scatter- 
SS^^'  ing  among  them  some  diDars  which  the 
embassy  had  brought  over,  and  making  great  haste 
lest  an  increase  of  numbers  should  really  prevent  the 
embarkation,  he  got  on  board.  It  was  not  a  moment 
too  soon:  another  rapacious  band  eager  for  gold 
rushed  down,  waded  out,  and  clung  to  the  sides  of  the 
boat  and  the  cameFs-hair  cable  by  which  it  was 
anchored.  The  cable  was  cut,  the  crew  and  passen- 
gers could  only  relax  their  hold  by  giving  them  blows 
instead  of  dinars ;  and  one,  more  tenacious  tlian  the 
rest,  lost  his  hand  by  one  blow  of  an  attendant's 
sword.*  The  wind  was  favorable,  the  sail  was  spread, 
and  the  lone  exile  of  the  house  of  Ummeyah  sped  to 
the  opposite  shore,  —  the  verge  of  a  new  and  splendid 
empire  in  the  near  future.' 

^  Cond^,  Dominacion  de  loa  Arabes,  T.,  part  iL,  cb.  iii. 

s  These  details,  which  may  strike  the  reader  as  singularly  cir- 
cumstantial, may  be  found  in  Al  Makkari,  II.  65. 

*  In  the  *' Annales  Moslemici  "  of  Abulfeda,  the  only  notice  of  thia 
important  event,  and  of  ita  sequence,  is  found  in  the  foUowing 
words  :  "Annus,  139  (a.  h.),  novo  dedit  imperio  natales  Omnuj- 
jadarum  illi  in  Andalusia.  Communis  strages  Ommi^adanim  da 
qua  paulo  ante  pluribus  exposuimus  at  ceteros  ejus  gentis  qui  saM 
evaserunt,  abdere  sese  qua  poterant  et  tempestatem  devitare  cogebat ; 


WANl^EBINGS  OF  A  PRINCE  IN  DISGUISE.  95 

• 

A  rapid  passage  took  over  the  new  Caesar  and  his 
fortunes  from  the  coast  of  Mauritania  to  the  beach  of 
Almu&ecar,^  near  Malaga,  where  he  found  Abu 
Othman  and  his  son-in-law,  Ibn  Khaled,  waiting  to 
receive  him  with  the  homage  due  to  a  monarch. 

It  was  evening  when  h^  landed.  They  first  knelt 
upon  the  sand  in  prayer.  Then  the  principal  chiefs 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance;  after  which  they  mounted 
and  rode  to  Torrox,  —  a  small  town  near  the  shore,  a 
few  miles  to  the  west.  It  was  in  the  early  spring  of 
the  year  756,  when  the  beauty  of  Nature  is  most 
charming  in  Southern  Spain.  Abdu-r-rahman  was  in 
Andalus :  for  good  or  for  evil  ?  who  could  tell  ?  He 
might  hope  that  Bedr  and  the  friendly  leaders  had 
judged  justly  of  the  chances  of  success,  and  yet  he 
could  not  shake  off  the  fear  that  their  wish  had  been 
father  to  the  thought.^ 

But  every  hour  brought  proofs  that  dispelled  his 
fears  and  increased  his  confidence.  Men  flocked 
singly  and  in  companies  to  his  standard.  At  ^^^,  ^ 
Torrox  he  was  joined  by  the  maulis  of  his  ^^^^ 
house,  headed  by  their  chief,  and  numbers  of  the 
better  class  of  Arabiems.  Soon  a  representation  from 
Malaga  appeared.     The  adjacent  towns  sent  loyal 

ita  haic  quoqne  Alxlar  Eahmano  ut  Hispaniam  adiret  suaserat,  ubi 
cum  gaudio  'et  gratulatione  a  Moslemis  exceptus  fait."  —  I.  145. 
We  are  led  to  think  that  if  Spain  was  well  rid  of  Damascus, 
Damascus  thought  little  of  the  Peninsula,  and  let  it  go  without 
much  reluctance. 

^  "  De  las  coatas  de  Argel  a  las  playgas  de  Almufiecar."  —  La 
FUEKTE,  III.  98. 

'  The  landing  was  in  May,  750.  Cond^  says  10th  of  first  Bebie, 
A.  B.  138. 


96        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

embassies,  and  opened  their  gates.  The  enthusiasm 
was  unbounded.  The  tribes  of  Syria  and  Egypt  col- 
lected under  their  patriarchal  banners^  and  came  forth 
to  meet  him. 

Following  the  vessel  in  which  he  had  crossed,  a 
thousand  warriors  of  the  friendly  Berber  tribes  were 
traversing  the  narrow  sea  as  fast  as  boats  could  be 
procured,  according  to  their  promise  to  swell  his 
numbers.  Young  men  were  particularly  attracted  to 
him  by  his  youth,  his  adventures,  and  his  noble  pres- 
ence. He  was  their  leau-ideal  of  a  prince,  worthy  to 
be  a  supreme  ruler.  His  slender,  yet  active  and 
manly  form,  his  bright  blue  eye,  his  sweet  smile  and  his 
gracious  manner,  contributed  to  the  general  satisfac- 
tion, and  prepossessed  even  those  who  had  before  been 
unwilling  to  acknowledge  his  claims.  It  was  evident 
that  the  lustre  of  the  Ommeyades  had  not  been  extin- 
guished, but  was  now  shining  more  brightly  than 
ever. 

In  a  few  days  he  found  himself  at  the  head  of  large 
and  constantly  increasing  forces.  Crossing  the  range 
of  the  Alpujarras,  he  proceeded  to  Elvira,^  where  the 
work  of  organization  was  begun.  New  adherents 
joined  him  on  his  march,  which  was  a  continued 
ovation.  At  Elvira  and  in  its  neighborhood,  the 
Syrians  had  been  quartered,  and  the  district  was 
commanded  and  controlled  by  Abu  Othman  and  Ibn 

^  Elvira  was  the  Roman  Illibeiis ;  its  site  is  near  Granada.  The 
latter  town  was  small  and  unimportant  until  the  year  1012.  Before 
that  time,  it  was  considered  a  dependency  of  Elvira ;  but*  little  by 
little,  the  people  of  Elvira  migrated  to  it,  and  as  it  grew  Elvira 
dwindled  into  insignificance.  — Al  Makkari,  I.  860,  note  77. 


WANDERINGS  OF  A  PRINCE  IN  BISGTJISB.  97 

Khaled.  He  was  soon  in  condition  to  march.  Through 
Sidonia  and  Moron  he  proceeded  to  Seville,  And  ad- 
where  his  partisans  had  preceded  him  and  rapidly, 
prepared  his  way.  That  city  flung  open  its  gates, 
amid  wild  shouts  of:  "God  exalt  Abdu-r-i*ahmdn  Ibn 
Mu'awiyah!"  It  was  while  he  was  at  Elvira,  and 
ready  to  march  to  Seville,  that  Yiisuf  received  the 
despatch,  already  referred  to,  that  "  a  youth  named 
Abdu-r-rahman  Ibn  Mu'awiyah  had  lately  landed, 
.  .  .  and  had  been  immediately  proclaimed  by  the 
adherents  and  partisans  of  Meruan,  who  had  flocked 
to  him  from  all  parts." 

I  have  been  thus  minute  in  describing  the  change 
of  dynasty  at  Damascus,  and  the  singular  fortunes  of 
Abdu-r-rahman,  not  because  I  was  tempted  by  the 
interesting  and  very  romantic  story,  but  that  the 
reader  might  know  the  sequence  of  causes  and  events 
resulting  in  the  establishment  of  an  independent 
Khalifate  in  Spain,  which  alone  could  render  the  con- 
quest complete,  and  lay  the  broad  and  deep  founda- 
tions of  an  empire  greater  in  dignity  and  influence 
than  any  which  existed  in  Europe  during  the  Middle 
Ages.  History  abounds  in  epics  far  more  strange 
and  picturesque  than  those  which  shape  themselves 
in  the  minds  of  great  poets.  There  is  none  stranger 
or  more  picturesque  than  that  which  we  have  just 
narrated.  Wonderful  as  it  is,  it  manifests  the  logic 
and  philosophy  of  truth ;  while  without  the  details 
presented  it  would  appear  like  a  legend  full  of  fabu- 
lous miracles. 

VOL,  n.  7 


98  CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 


BOOK    VIL 


THE  DYNASTY  OF  THE  OMMEYADES  IN  SPAIN. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ABDU-B-RAHMAN  I.,   CALLED  AD-DAKHEL,  OR  THE 

OPENER.^ 

TN  a  former  chapter  I  anticipated  the  effect  pro- 
-*•  duced  upon  the  Amir,  Yiisuf  al  Fehri,  by  the 
successful  landing  of  Abdu-r-rahman  Ibn  Mu'awiyah 
on  the  shores  of  Spain.  He  foresaw  the  speedy  ter- 
The  effect  on  miuatiou  of  his  authority.  For  nine  years 
al  Fehri.  he  had  administered  the  government  of  Spain 
with  energy  and  skill  unrivalled  in  the  history  of  the 
Amirate;  and  this  unusually  long  tenure  of  power 
was  a  proof  that  he  had  rare  administrative  gifts. 
He  had  indeed,  all  things  considered,  ruled  with 
remarkable  judgment  and  vigor.  He  was  by  no  means 
disposed  to  abandon  his  authority  without  an  effort 
to  retain  it ;  but  he  now  saw  that  the  struggle  was 
imminent  and  would  be  severe.  And  yet  his  position 
was  worth  a  struggle  like  this, 

^  Cond^  finds  in  thU  wotd  an  opprobrious  sense.  He  calls  him 
"the  intruder."  I  have  foUowed  Gayangos,  who  translates  Ad- 
dikhel,  "  the  enterer,"  **  the  conqueror."  It  will  bear  the  construc- 
tion, that  he  opened  his  own  way  to  power.  "Abdu-r-rahman  was 
sumamed  Ad-dikhel  [i.  e.,  the  enUrer\  because  he  was  the  fitst  of 


THE  KHALIFATE  OF   CORDOVA. 


He  was  in  actual  possession,  and  still  retained  the 
strong  support  of  the  Modharites,  which  nine  years 
before  had  elevated  him  to  power,  against  the  intrigues 
of  the  men  of  Yemen.  He  was  seconded  by  As-samil 
as  wizir,  a  brave  and  wary, chieftain;  and  the  im- 
mediate instruments  of  his  will  were  his  own  warlike 
sons,  who  were  worthy  to  be  the  supporting  pillars  of 
his  government. 

One  of  these  sons,  by  name  Abdu-r-rahmdn,  had 
been  left  in  command  at  Cordova,  while  Ydsuf  was 
endeavoring  to  re-establish  his  authority  at  the  Noi-th, 
imperilled  by  the  factions  which  were  uniting  against 
hioL  As  soon  as  the  governor  of  Cordova  heard  of 
the  landing  of  the  Ommeyan  prince,  he  sent,  as  has 
been  seen,  to  inform  his  father;  and,  without  a 
moment's  delay,  he  set  to  work  to  place  the  city  in 
a  condition  of  defence,  for  he  knew  it  would  at  once 
be  the  objective  point  of  attack  by  the  new  aspirant. 
As-samil,  who  had  also  determined  to  test  his  mettle, 
collected  hastily  all  the  men  he  could  from  among 
the  tribes  settled  principally  in  Merida,  Toledo,  Va- 
lencia, and  Murcia. 

We  return  to  Yiisuf.  When  he  found  his  army 
growing  rapidly  smaller  by  desertions,  he  hastened 
to  Toledo,  where  he  was  before  long  joined  by  As-samil 
and  his  forces.  With  characteristic  ardor,  As-samil 
unred  him  to  march  at  once  with  the  troops  Td«uf  and 
now  in  hand  to  attack  the  adventurer,  be-  i<>^  fo"**- 
fore  he  could  be  largely  recruited  in  numbers,  and 

his  family  who  entered  Acdalus,  and  SaJcr  Koraysh  [the  hawk  of 
Koraysh],  owing  to  the  rapidity  with  which  he  subjected  that  coun- 
try to  hia  rule."  —  Al  Makkari,  II.  93. 


100      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AKAJB-MOOBS. 

have  time  to  organize.  But  Yiisuf  was  more  cautious. 
They  had  not  men  enough,  and  the  question  of  the 
commissariat  was  a  serious  one.  He  decided  that  it 
was  the  wisest  course  to  march  to  Cordova,  where 
they  would  find  a  strong  garrison  and  provisions. 
This  plan  was  adopted.  By  the  time  they  reached 
Cordova,  Abdu-r-rahman,  the  prince,  had  entered 
Seville,  and  was  proceeding  to  Cordova,  for  the  same 
reasons  that  took  Tiisuf  there,  —  it  was  the  great 
magazine  of  supplies  in  Andalus. 

The  prince  had  men,  and  their  number  was  daily 
increasing ;  but  their  very  increase  made  his  want  of 
supplies  more  obvious  and  more  painful  He  must 
conquer  these  supplies  in  the  capital ;  and,  between 
him  and  Cordova,  there  loomed  up  the  gaunt  visage 
of  famine,  and  the  vision  of  a  desperate  battla  By 
his  own  gallant  bearing,  and  by  sharing  their  hard- 
ships, he  kept  up  the  spirits  of  his  men,  and  he  prom- 
ised them  rewards  as  soon  as  he  should  have  con- 
quered the  means  of  rewarding. 

And  under  what  new  banner  should  they  march 
to  certain  victory,  —  a  banner  which  should  be  their 
rallying-point  in  battle,  and  their  symbol  of  success  ? 

It  was  happily  suggested  that  the  simplest,  if  not 
the  most  novel,  —  for  I  fancy  the  expedient  was  not 
The  banner    a  ucw  ouc,  —  would  be  a  tuxban,  unrolled 

or  tbe  ' 

turban.  and  suspcuded  from  the  head  of  a  lance. 
By  many  superstitious  minds  in  the  council,  it  was 
considered  of  evil  omen  that  the  head  of  the  lance 
should  be  lowered  to  receive  the  turban;  but  the 
difBculty  was  removed  by  the  sudden  and  opportune 
appearance   of  a  prophecy.      Two   olive-trees  grew 


THE  KHALIFATE  OF  OORDOYA.        101 
t 

veiy  near  each  other,  and  it  had  been  predicted,  so 
says  the  legend,  that  between  them  "  a  banner  should 
be  erected  for  a  prince  before  whom  no  other  banner 
should  ever  wave  victorions."  ^  So  a  man  climbed 
one  of  the  olive-trees ;  the  lance  was  held  erect  be- 
tween them,  and  the  turban  fastened  to  it,  "  without 
lowering  it  in  the  least." 

We  may  state  its  fortunes  in  a  word.  It  was  held 
80  sacred  that,  when  the  turban  became  ragged,  it 
was  not  removed,  but  simply  covered  over  with  a 
new  one ;  until,  at  a  later  period  in  the  history  of  the 
new  dynasty,  the  old  rags  were  removed  by  an  ig- 
norant or  a  sacrilegious  hand,  and  ''from  that  time 
the  empire  of  the  Beni  Ummeyah  began  visibly  to 
decline."  ' 

Under  this  fluttering  streamer,  Abdu-r-rahmdn 
marched  from  Seville,  and  moved  cautiously  towards 
Cordova;  while  Tiisuf,  with  equal  caution,  was  ad- 
vancing from  another  direction  to  meet  him  there. 
The  sufiTerings  of  his  troops  were  already  great ;  but 
they  inspired  an  advance  far  more  than  they  coun- 
selled retreat.  To  conquer  was  to  revel  in  plenty. 
The  long-continued  famine  —  for  six  consecutive 
years* — had  so  completely  exhausted  the  country, 
that  both  men  and  officers  subsisted  mainly  upon  the 

1  Al  Makkari,  11.  68.  The  name  of  one  of  J;lie  men  who  as- 
cended the  tree  is  even  presexred  in  the  detailed  account.  It  was 
'Abdullah  Ibn  Eh^ed. 

'  This  singular  story  of  Arabian  saperstition  is  related  by  Ibnu 
Hayyan,  whom  Al  Makkari  caUs  '*the  judicions  historian." — lb. 
II.  69. 

*  This  year  was  afterwards  known  as  'Amu-l-JduUaf,  the  year  after 
thefiunine. 


102      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

herbs  aud  plants  which  they  found  on  their  line  of 
march. 

Advancing  by  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  which 
he  had  crossed  at  Seville,  he  at  last  reached  the 
extensive  plain  of  Musdrah,  which  he  found  already 
selected  as  the  field  of  battle  by  Yiisuf,  who  had 
marched  to  meet  him,  and  then  had  slowly  retired 
to  this  position.  It  is  a  tract  of  level  country,  a  short 
distance  west  of  Cordova,  and  seems  formed  by  nature 
as  a  place  of  concourse  and  conflict. 

The  situation  of  the  two  leaders,  although  difTering 
in  many  points,  was  almost  equally  critical  If 
Critical  con-  Yiisuf  should  be  beaten,  it  would  be  a 
both  armieg.  scverc  shock  to  an  already  declining  caus& 
It  would  lend  strength  to  the  insurgents  against  his 
authority  in  the  North.  If  Abdu-r-rahmdn  should  be 
defeated,  it  might  be  utter  annihilation;  or,  if  less 
fatal,  he  would  be  thrown  back,  without  supplies,  and 
in  the  most  adverse  circumstances,  to  begin  his  career 
anew,  and  with  a  terrible  damper  thrown  upon  the 
enthusiasm  of  his  adherents.  For  both,  then,  the 
issue  of  the  war  was  critical  in  the  extreme;  for 
the  fortunes  of  each,  victory  was  a  necessity. 

It  will  not  be  wondered,  then,  that  there  was  great 
caution  on  both  sides,  and  that  the  first  efforts  of  both 
took  the  form  of  negotiation  covering  the  reality  of  a 
temporiafing  policy.  There  was  a  trial  of  wits  before 
there  was  a  trial  of  prowess. 

In  one  respect,  Yiisuf  had  a  decided  advantage. 
His  army  had  been  fully  supplied  vrith  provisions 
at  Cordova,  and  he  could  even  make  a  show  of  a 
great  slaughter  of  sheep,  and  display  their  flesh  to  his 


THE  KHALIFATE  OF  COEDOVA.  103 

famished  foe ;  less,  as  the  historian  suggests,  to  insult 
the  starving  than  to  impress  them  with  his  superior 
condition  in  point  of  the  chief  munitions  of  war.^ 
But,  as  in  the' ancient  vision,  the  lean  kine  were  to 
eat  up  those  that  were  fat  and  well  liking.  The  troops 
of  the  prince  slept  upon  their  arms,  while  he  passed 
the  night  without  sleep,  seeing  that  all  was  in  readi- 
ness for  the  battle. 

In  this  condition  of  things,  the  first  propositions 
for  peace  came  from  Yusuf ;  and,  although  tendered 
with  apparent  frankness,  it  was  manifest  that  they 
were  only  an  expedient  to  gain  time,  and  put  his 
adversary  off  his  guard.  Abdu-r-rahmdn  received 
them  with  a  gravity  which  feigned  to  believe  them 
honest,  but  in  truth  neither  was  deceived. 

It  was  now  the  middle  of  May,  in  the  year  756, 
and  a  great  day  in  the  Mohammedan  calendar  was  at 
hand.  It  was  the  Festival  of  the  Victims,  pegtivai  of 
considered  by  the  Faithful  the  greatest  feast  "^^^  ^^°^ 
of  their  ritual  year.^  It  commemorated  that  sacrifice 
of  animals,  made  during  three  days,  on  the  arrival  of 
a  train  of  pilgrims  at  Mecca,  in  the  valley  of  Mina. 

On  the  eve  of  the  eventful  day,  he  had  secured  the 
person  of  Khdled,  Yiisuf 's  secretary,  who  had  come  as 
a  herald,  and  had  fathomed  the  purpose  and  the  strat- 
agem of  Yiisuf ;  and  he  determined  to  find  some  relig- 
ious sanction  by  making  the  day  of  the  festival  the 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  70. 

•  May  15,  766.  — Al  Makkari,  II.  71.  The  pnnce  gave  orders 
that,  if  he  should  he  defeated,  the  secretary  should  he  put  to  death  ; 
to  the  Ehaled  kept  saying  there  was  nothing  he  wished  for  mors 
aidently  than  that  his  master  should  be  defeated.  — 2b.  XL  70. 


104     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

daj  of  battle.  It  was  not  far  to  seek :  the  slaughter 
of  the  enemy  should  be  the  most  acceptable  sacrifice 
to  Allah. 

The  morning  dawned  with  auspicious  brightness ; 
and  the  gallant  young  prince,  mounted  upon  a  swift  and 
beautiful  steed,  rode  among  his  admiring  troops,  and 
prepared  to  lead  them  to  the  attack.  The  men  of 
Yemen,  the  hereditary  foes  of  the  Modharites,  were 
in  his  ranks,  but  were,  as  the  sequel  shows,  fighting 
more  for  their  own  hand  than  for  him  and  his  for- 
tunes. To  some  of  them  he  was  yet  a  doubtful  char- 
acter, whose  claims  could  be  only  vindicated  by  a 
notable  success.  He  was  indeed  to  many  already  an 
object  of  suspicion ;  and,  when  they  saw  his  splendid 
horse,  they  affected  to  see  in  it  preparation  rather  for 
flight  in  case  of  necessity  than  for  vigor  in  attack. 
"  He  will  turn  back,"  they  said,  "  at  the  first  onset, 
and  leave  us  to  our  fate."  ^  The  quick-witted  prince 
Abda-r-       was  informed  of  their  suspicions :  and,  with 

rahmin's 

pradenoei  a  prudcnce  and  dissimulation  beyond  his 
years ;  and,  far  more,  with  a  moral  courage  which  gives 
us  a  valuable  glimpse  of  his  character,  he  feigned  to  be 
unable  to  manage  his  fiery  charger.  Turning  to  Abii-s- 
sabah,  the  chief  of  the  Yemenis,  the  head  and  front  of 
the  offeuce,  he  begged  him  to  let  him  have  his  mule 
in  exchange.  Thus  the  suspicions  were  allayed,  and 
those  who  had  been  infected  by  them  reassured  or 
silenced.  Then,  on  the  gray  mule  of  Abii-s-sabah, 
called  KavJcab,  or  lightning,  he  rode  in  front  of  his 
troops  and  harangued  them.  He  reminded  them  of 
the  great  festival,  and  of  the  reeking  victims,  so 

1  Al  Makkari,  H.  70. 


THE  KHALIFATE   OF  CORDOVA.  105 

acceptable  to  Allah.  But  there  was  something  much 
more  carious  and  significant  stilL  ''What  day  is 
this  ? "  he  asked  his  men.  They  answered  him, 
"  Thursday,  the  day  of  'Arefah."  He  then  called  their 
attention  to  the  fact  that  it  was  also  the  anniversary 
of  a  former  great  battle  in  the  history  of  the  Beni 
Ummeyah,  and  in  the  annals  of  Islam.  In  Syria, 
years  before,  at  Merj-Sdhitt,  the  Beni  Ummeyah  and 
the  Arabs  of  Yemen,  under  Meruan,  had  fought 
against  the  Beni  Fehr  (Modharites),  and  the  tribe  of 
Kays,  and  a  great  victory  had  been  achieved. 

Similar  were  the  conditions  now.  "The  Beni 
Ummeyah,"  he  went  on  to  say,  "  are  on  the  one  side, 
and  the  Beni  Fehr  on  the  other;  opposed  to  each 
other  are  the  sons  of  Kays,  and  the  tribes  of  Yemen : 
let  this  day  be  a  brother  of  that  of  Merj-Bahitt,  which 
it  so  much  resembles  in  every  respect."^  Whatever 
of  fallacy  there  may  be  in  such  an  argument  will  be 
ranged  under  the  idola  tribus;^  but,  if  the  logic  is 
faulty,  the  inciting  effect  has  always  been  powerful 
It  is  not  logic,  but  magnetism,  that  moves  men  m 
such  contingencies. 

His  fiery  and  persuasive  words  being  finished,  he 
led  his  troops  to  the  attack. 

The  struggle  was  fierce  in  the  extreme,  —  the  pres- 
tige of  advance  for  conquest  and  lineal  right  against 
the  tenacity  of  unsanctioned  possession.    Of  the  two 

1  Al  Hakkari,  II.  71. 

'  The  reader  will  find  more  modem  illustrations  in  Cromwell's 
liftttle  of  Danbar,  his  "crowning  mercy"  fought  on  his  birthday  ; 
and  Kapoleon's  "soleil  d'Austerlitz,"  which  shone  upon  later  rio* 
toiies. 


106      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

■ 

oontingents,  Yiisuf  's  force  was  the  first  to  give  way 
before  the  desperate  chaise  of  Abdu-r-rahman. 

The  veteran  As-samil  could  not  accept  the  thought 
of  defeat.     He  spurred  his  gray  mule  into  the  thick- 
est ranks  of  the  enemy,  seeking  for  the 

The  batUe.  ''  ° 

young  chieftain,  who  was  conspicuous  on 
another  gray  mule.  In  vain  was  As-samil  reminded 
that  he  was  fighting  against  tradition,  that  an  unlucky 
coincidence  had  made  the  result  a  foregone  conclu- 
sion. The  fears  and  misgivings  of  his  followers  could 
not  infect  his  stout  heart  He  was,  although  defeated 
and  routed,  the  individual  hero  of  the  unfortunate 
day,  borne  backward  in  the  tide  of  retreat  which  he 
was  powerless  to  stem.  At  last,  the  forces  of  Yiisuf 
gave  way  at  aU  points,  and  the  victory  of  Musdrah 
was  complete;  the  genius  of  the  new  conquest  had 
achieved  its  first  triumph.  The  field  was  crowded 
with  the  dead ;  and  many  illustrious  prisoners  were 
taken,  among  whom  was  Abdu-r-rahman,  the  son  of 
Yiisuf  al  Fehri.  The  army  of  Yiisuf  melted  into  thin 
air;  the  defeated  generals  fled,  with  small,  detached 
remnants  of  their  troops,  in  difierent  directions,  — 
As-samil  to  the  district  of  Jaen,  and  Yiisuf  towards 
Merida. 

But,  just  as  the  victory  promised  the  first  element 
of  stability  to  the  new  government,  an  event  had 
nearly  happened  which  would  have  put  an  end  to 
the  new  order  at  the  moment  of  its  beginning,  and 
have  thrown  the  Peninsula  into  a  worse  confusion 
than  ever  before.  The  chiefs  of  the  Yemenis,  osten- 
sibly on  the  side  of  the  prince,  were  fighting  for  power 
for  themselves ;  in  field  phrase,  they  had  been  wait- 


THE  KHALIFATE  OF  COBDOYA.  107 

ing  for  their  innings  as  against  the  Beni  Modhar. 
They  had,  indeed,  gratified  their  revenge,  but  the  de- 
feat of  Yiisuf  and  As-samil  promised  them  little  more, 
if  Abdu-r-rahmdn  was  to  reap  the  chief  glory,  and 
rule  them  and  the  Beni  Modhar  alike  with  a  regal 
and  an  iron  sceptre.  Indeed,  as  he  was  a  Modharite, 
he  might,  even  when  all  were  reduced  to  submission, 
be  more  kindly  disposed  to  his  own  kinsmen  than  to 
the  Yemenis.^ 

The  battle  was  hardly  over,  when  Abu-s-sab&h 
turned  to  the  men  of  Yemen  and  said :  ''  0  men !  let 
our  victory  this  day  be  complete.  We  have  Treacherous 
annihilated  the  party  of  Yiisuf  and  As^amil :  ^^^^  °' 
let  us  put.  to  death  this  beardless  youth, —  I  **'**^- 
mean  the  son  of  Mu'awiyah,  our  present  commander. 
If  we  do,  the  empire  is  ours;  and  we  may  then 
appoint  one  of  ourselves  to  the  command  of  this 
country,  and  be  forever  rid  of  the  Beni  Modhar."  ^ 

But  the  bearing  and  the  promises  of  "  the  beardless 
youth'*  had  won  too  strongly  upon  all  the  troops. 
The  treacherous  proposal  of  the  chief  found  no  answer- 
ing echo  from  his  men  :  it  came,  however,  to  the  ears 
of  the  prince,  who  cherished  it  in  silence,  and  after- 
wards made  use  of  it  to  compass  the  death  of  Abii-s- 
sabab. 

There  was  nothing  now  to  impede  the  entrance  of 
Abdu-r-rahmdn  into  Cordova.     Again  he  compelled 

^  Kothing  more  powerfully  illustrates  the  deplorable  and  factious 
coDdition  of  things  in  the  Peninsula  than  this  sudden  purpose  of 
victorious  troops  to  destroy  their  leader,  and  reap  at  once  the  fruits 
of  victory  for  themselves.  It  also  foreshadows  the  difficulties  which 
were  to  beset  the  administration  of  the  prince. 

«  Al  Makkari,  II.  72. 


108      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOKS. 

the  applause  even  of  his  enemies.  For  three  days  he 
The  prince  encamped  outside  the  city,  that  the  family 
dova.  of  Yiisuf  might  have  time  to  leave  it,  without 

"  harm  of  body  or  goods."  There  is  a  story  that  this 
was  at  the  intercession  of  the  wives  and  daughters  of 
Tiisuf,  one  of  whom,  speaking  for  the  rest,  approached 
him,  saying,  "  Be  generous,  0  cousin,  after  thy  vic- 
tory." ^  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  generosity  is  note- 
worthy, and  had  its  reward.  He  further  declared 
a  general  amnesty  to  all  who,  having  taken  up  arms 
against  him,  would  now  lay  them  down. 

Then,  his  men  being  recruited,  he  appointed  Abii 
Othman  governor  of  Cordova,  and  started  to  beat  up 
the  quarters  of  Yiisuf  and  As-samil.  Upon  them  his 
clemency  was  lost :  they  had  too  much  at  stake,  and 
were  too  deeply  involved  to  recognize  any  alternative 
except  success  or  ruin.  Indeed,  their  resources  were 
by  no  means  exhausted,  but  were  te  tempt  them  many 
a  trial  before  the  end  should  come. 

The  principal  gathering  of  the  party  of  Yiisuf  seems 
to  have  been  in  the  neighborhood  of  Elvira,  and 
And  then  thither  Abdu-r-rahmdu  marched.  But  he 
Elvira.  had  hardly  left  the  capital  before  Yiisuf,  by 
forced  marches,  contrived  to  place  himself  between 
him  and  Cordova ;  and  so  inadequate  was  the  power 
of  the  small  garrison  to  resist  him,  that  Yiisuf  entered 
the  city.  But  Abii  Othman,  the  governor,  taking 
refuge  with  his  garrison  in  the  tower  of  the  mosque, 
defied  his  efforts,  refused  compliance  with  his  demand 
for  surrender,  and  bravely  waited  for  succor. 

1  Al  Hakkari,  II.  418,  note  14  of  Gayangos,  quoting  Mohammed 
a-EhcehanL 


THE  KHALIFATB  OF  CORDOVA.        109 

That  succor  came  in  the  form  of  a  treaty  of  peace, 
made  in  July,  756,  on  terms  of  compromise  which  it 
was  manifest  could  not  last  long.  Each  Treaty  with 
party  was  to  keep  that  of  which  he  was  in  ^^"'' 
actual  possession  at  the  time.  Yiisuf  was  to  reside  in 
Cordova  as  a  distinguished  detenu,  A  palace  was 
assigned  as  his  residence,  but  he  was  to  report  in  per- 
son to  Abdu-r-rahmdn  once  a  day;  and  two  of  his 
sons  were  also  to  remain  as  hostages  for  the  honorable 
fulfilment  of  the  conditions.  Thus  there  was  a  tem- 
porary peace,  and  the  armies  so  lately  arrayed  against 
each  other  joined  hands  at  Cordova.^  How  long  could 
this  last  ? 

It  was  not  in  the  nature  of  things  for  Yiisuf  to  con- 
tent himself  with  the  terms  imposed.  If  nothing 
in  the  way  of  a  grievance  should  aiise,  he  would  devise 
means  to  rupture  the  treaty.  But  in  the  narrative  of 
Ibn  Hayyan  we  find  that  something  tangible  at  least 
soon  presented  itself  to  a  mind  constantly  seeking  for 
an  expedient. 

The  treaty  was  made  in  July,  756,  and  it  left  both 
Tnsuf  and  As-samil  in  possession  of  large  estates  in 
land.  Two  years  had  not  elapsed  before  the  cctsua 
faderis  arose  in  the  following  manner.  The  title  to  a 
certain  part  of  Ydsuf 's  land  was  disputed ;  and,  when 
the  case  was  brought  before  the  Kadi,  judgment  was 
given  against  him.  For  this  he  blamed  the  it  u,  broken 
prince,  and  then,  fearing  his  displeasure,  he  ^^  ^^"'• 
secretly  left  Cordova,  and  set  up  a  new  standard  of 

1  I  have  followed  the  account  of  Al  Makkari,  which  is  dear  and 
connected.  There  is  great  confosion  in  that  of  Cond^,  and  the  two 
cannot  be  made  to  agree. 


110        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

revolt  at  Merida.  He  was  soon  at  the  head  of  twenty 
thousand  men,  and  proclaimed  himself  the  only  Amir 
with  authority  from  Damascus.  The  question  of 
possession  was  to  be  fought  all  over  again. 

Abdu-r-rahman  marched  out  of  Cordova  as  far  as 
Almodovar,  with  an  army  of  observation,  but  imposed 
the  task  of  crushing  the  rebellion  upon  Abdu-1- 
malek  Ibn  Omar,^  the  governor  of  Seville.  After  sev- 
eral encounters,  the  son  of  Omar  brought  him  to  bay, 
defeated  him,  and  dispersed  his  army.  Tiisuf  escaped 
and  fled  for  his  life  towards  Toledo,  but,  being  recog- 
nized in  one  of  the  hamlets  near  that  city,  he  was  put 
to  death,  and  his  head  carried  to  the  camp  of  Abdu-r- 
rahman.  The  prince  at  once  ordered  that  the  eldest 
son  of  Yiisuf,  Abdu-r-rahman,  who  had  been  first  a 
prisoner,  and  then  a  hostage  since  the  battle  of 
Musarah,  should  be  beheaded.  The  public  crier  an- 
nounced the  event  in  the  streets  of  Cordova,  and  the 
two  heads,  fi.xed  upon  lances,  were  placed  in  the  gate- 
way of  the  palace,  as  bloody  tokens  of  the  termination 
of  the  dependent  Amirate,  and  the  establishment  of 
the  new  dynasty. 

When  Ydsuf  had  made  his  secret  flight  from  Cor- 
dova, the  person  of  As-samil  had  been  at  once  secured. 
He  was  asked  whither  Yiisuf  had  gone.  If  he  knew 
he  would  not  tell,  but  hastened  his  fate  by  the  decla- 
ration :  '*  Were  Yiisuf  here  under  my  foot,  I  would 

I  The  name  of  this  governor  appears  in  the  Latin  chnmidea  as 
Omaria  filius,  and  was  contracted  or  corrupted  into  MarsUius  or 
Marailio.  **  Contraccion  sin  duda  de  Omaria  JUitu,  como  Uamaron 
loB  ChristianoB  i  Ben  Omar,  y  despnes  por  coimpcion  Marsilins."  — 
La  Fuente,  in.  104. 


THE  XHAUFATE  OP  CORDOVA.  Ill 

not  raise  it,  to  give  thee  the  opportunity  of  seizing  on 
him.'' 

He  was  cast  into  a  dungeon  with  the  two  sons  of 
Tiisuf,  Abii-1-Aswad  and  Abdu-r-rahman.  By  brib- 
ing the  guards,  one  of  the  young  men  succeeded  in 
escaping  to  keep  up  the  family  vendetta  for  seven 
years  longer;  but  the  old  chieftain  As-samil  either 
could  not,  or  certainly  did  not,  leave  his  prison.  The 
other  son  of  Yusuf  failed  to  escape,  and  was,  as  has 
just  been  narrated,  beheaded  as  soon  as  his  father^s 
head  was  presented  to  the  princa 

As-samil's  death  was  not  long  delayed.  According 
to  one  account,  he  was  strangled  in  his  dungeon ; 
according  to  another,  he  drank  a  poisoned  The  death 
cup.^  Cond^  is  quite  as  circumstantial  in  *>'^"»™^ 
saying  that  he  was  arrested,  taken  to  Toledo,  and  ex- 
ecuted there.  Thus,  thrice  slain  by  the  historians, 
he  was  certainly  dead ;  in  what  manner  it  little  con- 
cerns us  to  know. 

There  might  be  revolts,  but  the  two  men  who  could 
give  them  efficiency  were  gone,  and  the  greatest 
obstacle  to  the  new  dynasty  forever  removed. 
"Thus,"  says  Al  Makkari,  "are  the  immutable  de- 
crees of  the  Almighty  irrevocably  fulfilled  on  his 
creatures.  God  is  great  I  God  is  great !  There  is  no 
God  but  Him !  the  Merciful,  the  Compassionate  I "  ^ 

While  the  fortunate  prince  was  thus  experiencing 
the  mercy  and  assistance  of  Allah,  in  the  downfall 
of  his  enemies  in  Andalus,  what  was  the  effect  of 
these  marvellous  successes  upon  the  Eastern  Khalif, 
whose  authority  he  had  so  completely  set  at  defiance  ? 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  80.  '  lb. 


112      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIK  BT  THE  AKAB-HOOBS. 

The  accession  of  the  house  of  Abbas  had  induced 
The  Beat  of  iDaportaut  chauges.  The  seat  of  empire 
remJrod^  had  been  removed  from  Damascus  to  Bagh- 
SSSS^to  ^*d>  ^^d  ^^®  contemporary  Khalif,  Abd  Ja'far 
^^^  Al-mansur  (754-775),  had  conceived  plans 
for  making  the  new  capital  the  magnificent  metropolis 
of  the  world.  It  was  more  central :  it  was  in  the  gar- 
den land  of  Mesopotamia.    It  should  have  no  rival 

He  could  ill  brook  the  defiant  pretensions  and  the 
splendid  successes  of  a  hated  rival  in  the  West.  He 
had  misgivings  lest  the  glories  of  Cordova  might  dis- 
pute the  palm  with  the  wonders  of  Baghdad ;  and  he 
determined  to  make  a  vigorous  effort  to  destroy  the 
prince.  Too  far  from  the  scene  to  deal  personally 
with  the  question,  he  despatched  orders  to  the  Wali 
of  Eastern  Africa,  Al-*ala  Ibn  Mughlth  Al  Tahssobf ,  to 
fit  out  a  fleet,  and,  with  a  force  sufficient  to  be  a 
rallying-point  for  insurgents  who  still  cherished  the 
memory  of  Yiisuf  and  As-samil  and  clung  to  the  sons 
of  Yiisuf,  to  land  on  the  western  coast,  to  summon 
the  inhabitants  to  their  former  allegiance,  to  ravage 
the  land,  and  to  declare  that  there  was  but  one 
Elhalif  who  reigned  supreme  on  earth.  In  a  word, 
the  adventurous  Wali  was  to  reconquer  Spain  to  its 
former  allegiance  and  dependence. 

Ibn  Mughith  lost  no  time  in  carrying  out  his  in- 
structions. Probably  he  took  with  him  to  the  sea  a 
Ibn  Mug-  large  force,  but  he  crossed  with  small  num- 
Jttac?'***"  hers,  and,  marching  rapidly  inland,  advanced 
^u-r-r»h-  1^  BejeL  He  was  not  disappointed.  Large 
Spain,  numbers  of  the  inhabitants  joined  him: 
there  was  influence  in  the  Ehalif 's  commission ;  there 


THE  EHAUFATE  OF  COBDOYA.  US 

was  prestige  in  this  gallant  advance  of  the  black  ban- 
ners of  the  Abbasides.  For  a  brief  space,  it  seemed 
as  if  the  greatest,  the  most  portentous  peril  had  con- 
fronted the  heir  of  the  Ommey  ades.  He  had  conquered 
Spain  from  the  Amir  to  give  it  back  to  the  Khalif. 
The  forces  of  the  invaders  and  insurgents,  growing 
daily  in  numbers,  were  encamped  between  Badajos 
and  Seville,  on  the  borders  of  Estremadura.  But 
they  were  not  prepared  for  the  fury  of  Abdu-r- 
rahmsin's  attack.  With  his  accustomed  impetuosity 
he  fell  upon  them,  threw  them  into  disorder,  and 
routed  them«  The  carnage  was  terrible :  seven  thou- 
sand of  their  number  were  killed ;  among  them  were 
most  of  the  officers  and  the  Wali  himself. 

Then  Abdu-r-rahmdn  published  his  revenge.  The 
conqueror  of  the  West  proclaimed  his  conquests  in 
the  East.  The  head  and  some  of  the  mem-  Abda-r-rah- 
bers  of  the  Wali,  and  the  heads  of  many  of  geanoe. 
the  officers,  who  were  well  known,  were  placed  in 
sealed  bags  with  the  black  banners  that  had  been 
captured^  Papers  giving  their  names  and  titles  were 
fastened  to  the  ears,  and  the  bags  were  sent  by  trusty 
merchants,  as  if  carrying  their  stores,  to  Mecca.  It 
was  known  or  believed  that  the  Ehalif,  Al-mansur, 
was  then  on  a  pilgrimage  in  Mecca.  This  proved  to 
be  true ;  and  the  secret  agent  deposited  these  bags, 
with  the  address  of  the  Khalif  upon  them,  and  a 
caution  as  to  the  value  of  the  treasures  they  contained, 
at  the  door  of  his  tent  during  the  darkness  of  the 
night  In  the  morning,  the  guards  informed  him  of 
the  circumstance ;  he  ordered  the  bags  to  be  brought 

in,  and  opened  them  with  his  own  hand.    The  first 
TOL.  n.  S 


114      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

thing  he  found  was  an  inscription :  "  In  this  manner 
does  Abdn-r-rahmdn,  the  son  of  Mu'awijah,  the  son 
of  Ummeyah,  chastise  rash  men  like  Al-'ala  Ibn 
Mughith,  Wali  of  Kairwan."  Then  came  from  the 
bloody  sack  the  head  of  the  envoy  of  Al-mansur.^ 
The  Khalif  is  reported  to  have  exclaimed  when  he 
saw  it :  *'  This  man  is  Eblis  in  human  form.  Praised 
be  God,  who  has  placed  a  sea  between  him  and  me ! " 
He  also  called  the  prince  Sakru-l-Koraysh  (the  hawk 
of  the  Eoraysh);  and  ever  afterwards  honored  him 
with  an  especial  hatred,  and  took  every  opportunity 
to  sow  the  seeds  of  rebellion  in  Andalus. 

But  the  vengeance  of  Abdu-r-rahm&n  was  not  yet 
satisfied.  In  the  ardor  of  its  pursuit,  he  determined 
to  retaliate  by  leading  in  person  an  expedition  to  in- 
vade Syria,  and  to  restore  the  throne  of  the  Ommey- 
ades  at  Damascus.  To  this  end,  he  directed  his  trusty 
general,  Temdm  Ibn  Alkdmah,  who  commanded  on 
He  prepuw  the  coast,  to  fit  out  a  large  navy  in  several 
th«  sif^t!  seaport  towns.  He  began  to  depress  the 
chiefs  of  tribes,  and  to  appeal  directly  to  the  people ; 

^  La  Faente,  Hiatoria  de  Espafia,  III.  107.  The  account  glTen 
above  is  taken  from  Al  Makkari,  who  also  says,  the  mutilated  bodies 
were  taken  "  to  Kainoan  and  Mekka,  to  be  cast  at  night  into  the 
squares  and  principal  streets  of  those  two  cities."  Cond£  says  they 
were  conveyed  to  Kairwan,  and  the  inscription  was  nailed  to  a  column 
in  the  most  public  spot.  The  scene  at  Mecca  is  described  in  detail 
by  Al  Makkari  ;  but  the  duplication  and  consequent  confusion  in  the 
accounts  seem  at  least  to  verify  the  bloody  vengeance,  without 
certifying  the  exact  mode  and  place.  La  Fuente  expresses  his 
astonishment  that  so  clement  a  prince  should  have  committed'  so 
ferocious  an  act.  Terror-striking  as  it  was,  it  is  entirely  in  accord* 
ance  with  the  moral  strategy  of  the  age  and  people  ;  and  nothing 
could  have  been  more  effective. 


TH£  EHALIFATE  OF  CORDOVA.        115 

he  took  Berbers  into  his  pay,  and  elevated  them  in  the 
social  scale.  Thus  he  had  a  standing  army  of  forty 
thousand  men ;  and  he  might  hope,  by  this  consolidat- 
ing process,  to  be  able  to  pacify  Spain,  and  keep  it  in 
subjection,  and  yet  to  be  able  to  leave  it  in  person 
for  a  reconquest  in  the  East^ 

Sut  notwithstanding  his  skill  and  invincibility,  he 
found  this  scheme  impossible,  and  reluctantly  aban- 
doned it.  Bebellions  were  so  constantly  renewed 
that  he  was  obliged  to  give  his  imdivided  attention  to 
the  home  affairs  of  his  kingdom,  and  never  carried 
out  his  project  of  assaulting  the  Ehalifate  of  the 
East 

It  would  not  repay  us  to  inquire  into  the  circum- 
stances of  all  these  revolts.  Many  of  them  were 
pointless  and  absurd,  but  others  were  not  without  a 
spice  of  philosophy.  "God  was  pleased  "to  render 
him  victorious  over  every  one  of  them/' 

A  Berber  of  the  tribe  of  Meknasah  (Mequinez), 
whose  mother's  name  was  Fdtimah,  considering  that 
fact  as  an  auspicious  omen,  gave  out  that  he  was 
a  descendant  of  Fatimah,  the  daughter  of  the  Prophet. 
Under  this  delusion,  he  gained  such  a  following  when 
he  set  up  his  standard  at  Santa  Maria,  across  the 
bay  from  Cadiz,  that  he  withstood  the  power  of  the 
prince  for  two  years,  at  the  end  of  which  he  was 
slain  by  one  of  his  own  men,  and  his  forces  were 
dispersed. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Abii-s-sabdh,  the  chief 

^  He  sent  people  over  to  enlist  the  Berbers  in  his  service ;  and 
fhoee  who  came  to  him  he  treated  so  well  as  to  make  their  comrades 
desiroos  of  following  them. 


116        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THB  ABAB-MOORS. 

of  the  Yemenis,  had  counselled  the  assassination  of  the 
prince,  immediately  after  the  victory  of  Mu- 
sarah.  Years  had  elapsed,  and  the  treason 
seemed  forgotten ;  but,  in  the  year  766,  Abdu-r-rahmin, 
"  hearing  that  the  Arabian  chief  was  aiming  at  revolt, 
he  laid  a  snare  for  him  and  put  him  to  death."  Then 
Hayydt  Ibn  Mulabis  Al-hadhrami,  the  governor  of 
Seville,  conspired  with  two  other  nobles  of  the  tribe 
of  Yemen,  and  took  up  arms  against  Abdu-r-rahm&n. 
Sut  they  could  not  stand  against  the  fiery  attack  of 
the  prince.  Their  forces  were  routed,  and  they  were 
either  slain  in  battle  or  put  to  death  afterwards.^ 

But  the  rising  which,  more  than  all  others  com- 
bined, interfered  with  his  scheme  for  leading  his  troops 
into  Syria,  was  the  news  of  a  formidable  insurrection 
in  Saragossa,  and  rumors  that  it  was  to  be  assisted 
by  an  army  from  France.  Of  this  and  its  conse- 
quences I  shall  treat  in  the  next  chapter. 

The  career  of  Abdu-r-rahmdn  was  encompassed 
with  troubles  and  embarrassments.  As  the  heir  of 
the  Ommeyades,  he  was  constantly  opposed  by  what 
many  considered  the  legitimate,  or  at  least  the  es- 
tablished, authority  of  the  Abbasides  in  the  Eastern 
Khalifate.  The  various  tribes,  careless  of  this  grand 
distinction,  were  always  fighting  for  their  own  tribal 
interests.  The  personal  adherents  of  Yiisuf  were 
not  all  dead ;  and  there  were  a  few  men  whose 
individual  ambition  caused  disafiection  to  the  prince. 

1  There  is  a  sort  of  inconsequence  in  the  statement :  "  There  an 
not  wanting  historians  who  assert  that  they  oontriyed  to  escape  firoia 
the  slaughter,  and  were  some  time  afterwards  pardoned  by  Abda-r- 
rahmdo."  —  Al  Makkari,  II.  Si. 


THE  KHALIFATE  OF  CORDOVA.  117 

On  the  other  hand,  besides  the  personal  and  attrao* 
tive  gifts  of  the  prince,  it  is  evident  that  his  great 
strength  lay  in  the  fact  that  his  enemies  \¥ere 
opposing,  and  his  friends  vigorously  supporting,  an 
original  and  independent  power,  and  not  a  dele- 
gated power.  If  he  ruled  as  of  the  house  of  Um- 
meyah^  it  was  by  the  claim  of  lineal  right;  if  he  was 
a  successful  revolutionist,  he  had  won  his  kingdom, 
and  rescued  it  from  anarchy  and  chaos.  He  was 
strong  on  either  ground. 

The  disaffection  to  the  government  was  incited  by 
various  causes.  That  in  the  northeast  of  Spain  grew 
nominally  out  of  the  intrigues  of  the  adherents  of 
the  Abbasides,  who  made  Saragossa  the  fertile  land 
of  treason,  and  could,  in  that  distant  city,  plot  their 
treachery  with  greater  impunity  than  in  any  other 
part  of  the  Peninsula.  But  the  scheme  was  long  in 
plotting,  and  Abdu-r-rahman  watched  it  warily,  while 
it  made  no  offensive  movement.^ 

^  It  is  said  that  the  first  Mohammedan  conqaerors  and  settlers  of 
Saragossa  were  chiefly  Berbers,  who  were  jealous  of  the  Arabians, 
and  who  assumed  the  goise  of  loyalty  to  the  house  of  Abbas  to  re- 
strict  the  authority  of  the  Arabian  prince  who  ruled  as  the  heir  of 
the  Ommeyades,  but  was  distasteful  to  them  in  that  he  was  an  Arab 
at  all.  Arabia  might  claim  the  great  motive  and  original  under- 
taking of  the  conquest  of  Spain ;  but  Africa,  with  its  greater_num- 
bera,  was  eager  for  the  power  and  possession. 


118     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  TUB  ARAB-MOOBS. 


CHAPTEK   IL 

TROUBLE  FBOM  THE  NOBTH. 

w 

TN  the  contiguous  kingdom  of  France,  the  Garlo- 
•*•  vingian  power  had  been  fully  established,  by  a 
movement  so  powerful,  and  yet  so  gradual,  that  the 
nation  had  acquiesced  without  a  shadow  of  regret; 
and  a  mighty  potentate  had  now  arisen,  worthy  not 

ciulr?e-  wielded  by  his  father,  Peppin,  but  to  eclipse 
"■*^  the  mighty  deeds  of  his  grandfather,  Charles 
Martel.  After  ages,  perhaps  misconceiving  the  name 
Karloman,^  called  him  in  Latin  Garolus  Magnm.  If 
thus  the  name  great  has  really  been  connected  with 
his  appellative,  he  is  the  only  historical  character  who 
can  claim  this  distinction ;  and  he  is  not  unworthy  of 
it.  He  appears,  indeed,  as  superhuman  in  legend  and 
ballad,  and  is  almost  so  in  veritable  history.  His 
power  ably  seconded  his  ambition,  and  his  ambition 
was  only  limited  to  the  restoration  under  his  own 
sceptre  of  the  Roman  empire  of  the  West.  He  aimed 
to  make  Italy  a  part  of  his  imperial  dominions.    He 

^  See  Thieny,  who  uses  Garolingiana  instead  of  OarlcvingiamB^ 
and  who  makes  Charlemagne  the  corraption  of  Earloman.  The 
French  Charlemagne  is  not  adopted  by  the  Germans,  who  speak  of 
him  as  Karl  der  Qron. 


TBOUBLE  FROM  THE  KOBTH.         119 

had  already^  between  769  and  778,  made  one  cam- 
paign to  the  banks  of  the  Dordogne,  to  compel  the 
Aquitani  to  submission;  three  against  the  Saxons, 
beyond  the  Weser ;  and  three  against  the  Lombards^ 
to  Pavia,  to  Verona,  to  Treviso ;  and  a  journey  in  774 
to  Some. 

While  thus  warring  with  the  Grerman  tribes  at  the 
North,  and  the  Lombards  in  Italy,  ho  was  casting 
covetous  glances  upon  the  Mohammedan  empire  in 
Spain.  The  Prankish  dominions  which  had  recog- 
nized the  authority  of  Charles  Martel  had  been 
further  extended  and  reorganized  by  his  son,  Peppin 
le  Bref,  from  the  Loire  to  the  mountains  of  Gascony ; 
and  now  Charlemagne  was  ready  to  seize  the  earliest 
opportunity  to  cross  the  great  mountain  barrier  of 
the  Pyrenees,  to  march  upon  the  Saracens  in  their 
Spanish  strongholds,  and  to  go  as  far  as  his  fortunes 
would  cany  him.  The  factious  condition  and  the 
unsettled  state  of  the  northeast  of  Spain  presented 
the  coveted  opportunity. 

The  Wali  of  Saragossa  was  Al-huseyn  Ibn  Yahya ; 
but  the  power  behind  him  —  the  chief  in-  Thetwach- 
citer  of  resistance  to  the  authority  of  Abdu-  ^auof ^* 
r-rahmdn  —  was  Suleyman  Ibn  Tokdhan^  saMgoM*. 
Al  Arabi.     The  latter  had  been  the  former  Wali,  and 
retained  much  influence.     These  men  considered  Sar- 

^  Al  Makkari  (II.  85)  makes  the  date  of  this  rebellioii  A.  H.  157, 
A.  D.  773  ;  but  Gayaogos,  in  a  note,  quotes  An-nuwayri  as  fixing  it 
in  779.  The  reader  will  obseire  that  the  deputation  from  Saragossa 
waited  upon  Charlemagne  in  777,  and  that  monarch  undertook  the 
inyasion  in  778.  These  performances  were  secret,  or  intended  to  be 
80.  The  insurrection  proper  was  after  the  affair  of  Roncesvalles, 
in  779,  and  it  was  crushed  by  Abdn-r-iahmdn  in  that  year. 


120     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

agossa  and  the  valley  of  the  Ebro  rich,  spacious,  and 
important  enough,  and,  i^ithal,  sufficiently  marked  by 
geographical  lines  to  become  an  independent  kingdom. 
They  knew  the  temper  of  Abdu-r-rahmdn,  and  that  he 
would  never  consent  to  the  dismemberment  They 
veiled  their  purpose  under  the  show  of  loyalty  to  the 
reigning  dynasty  of  the  house  of  Abbas,  and  they 
thought  —  simple  men  —  that  they  might  obtain  the 
right  measure  of  support  from  the  Frankish  king,  and 
perhaps  no  great  opposition  from  Abdu-r-rahmin. 

I  am  by  no  means  clear  as  to  the  details  of  the 
chronicle ;  but  the  great  facts  are  patent,  even  if  the 
details  of  the  story  be  suppressed.  If  the  chronicle 
may  be  trusted,  a  deputation  from  Saragossa  waited 
upon  Charlemagne  to  ask  his  support  in  this  ambitious 
scheme  of  Al  ArabL 

The  power  of  the  Frankish  monarch  was  virtually 
absolute ;  ^  but  there  was  more  than  a  show  of  popu- 
lar concurrence  in  the  two  councils  held  annually  to 
receive  the  king's  capittUa,  and  to  sanction  his  edicts. 
In  fine  weather,  they  assembled  in  the  open  air ;  the 
lords,  lay  and  ecclesiastical,  met  without  other  lay 
representation.  If  they  always  expected  to  accede  to 
the  wishes  of  the  monarch,  he  convened  them  for 
advice  and  information  upon  which  to  base  his  plans. 
These  were  semi-religious,  semi-military  assemblies. 
The  Champ  ^^^  brought  the  king  and  his  people  into 
deiiAL  intimate  relations.  The  spring  meetings 
were  held  in  the  month  of  May,  and  therefore  are 
known  in  French  history  as  Champs  de  Mai^ 

^  Guizot,  Histoire  de  la  Civilization,  II.  ch.  xx. 

^  "  Nombre  que  daban  los  franceses  a  las  asambleas  temi-xeli* 


TBOUBLS  FBOM  THE  KOBTH.  121 

Only  the  most  important  meetings  are  mentioned 
hj  the  contemporaiy  chroniclers.  In  770,  one  was  held 
at  Worms ;  another  the  next  year  at  Valenciennes ;  the 
succeeding  year  again  at  Worms.  In  773,  the  meet- 
ing was  at  Geneva.  Kone  is  noticed  in  774.  In 
775,  it  was  at  Duren ;  the  next  year  at  Worms. 

In  the  year  776,  Charlemagne  had,  with  wonder- 
ful celerity^  conducted  two  campaigns  in  person, — 
one  against  the  Lombards  as  far  as  Treviso,  and  the 
other  to  punish  the  Saxons,  which  took  him  as  far  as 
the  sources  of  the  Lippe.  To  exhibit  the  results  of 
this  double  campaign,  and  to  coimsel  upon  the  best 
way  of  utilizing  them,  he  convened  his  as-  AtPader- 
sembly,  in  the  year  777,  at  Paderbom,  and  ^™- 
thither  the  Mohammedan  ambassadors  from  Saragossa 
repaired  to  his  court 

There  the  North  and  South  seemed  to  hold  rendez- 
vous. For  the  first  time  Arab  sheiks  stood  beside  Saxon 
sethelings  in  the  train  of  the  great  Charles.^  Among 
the  northern  warriors,  with  long  fair  hair  uncovered  by 
morion  or  cap,  blue  eyes,  and  robust  persons,  the  small 
deputation  of  Arabs  were  distinguished  by  their  dark 
skins  and  sinewy  forms  covered  with  white  turbans 
and  striped  burnous,  or  Oriental  mantles ;  and  it  was 

giosas,  semi-militares  de  la  Germania,  por  haber  Pepino  trasladado  al 
mes  de  Mayo  los  antiguos  campos  de  Marte" — La  Fuente,  III. 
184.  Lt  champ  d$  Mars  ia  nsually  a  field  of  martial  display,  but  it 
originally  meant  a  military  meeting  held  in  Marcb.  Acting  upon 
the  similarity  of  names,  a  temple  consecrated  to  Mars  was  built  on 
the  Campus  Martins  at  Rome. 

^  "  Le  nord  et  le  midi  semblaient  s'^tre  donn^  rendezvous,  et  les 
cheiks  arabes  figuraient  k  cot4  des  ethlings  saxons  dans  le  cort^ 
da  grand  Karle."  —  H.  Martin,  Histoire  de  France,  II.  269. 


122      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  AKAB-MOOBS. 

bruited  about  that  they  had  come  to  offer  Charles  one 
of  the  fairest  provinces  of  Spain,  contiguous  with  his 
own  dominions,  to  be  at  least  a  tributary  domain.  It 
gave  to  the  Frankish  pageant  the  air  of  a  cosmopolitan 
triumph.  It  seemed  the  best  presage  of  a  restored 
empire  of  the  West. 

It  is  asserted  that  in  this  Arabian  embassy  were 
Ibn  Al  Arabi,  the  envoy  of  the  Wali  of  Saragossa,  and 
the  representative  of  the  Abbasides,  and  Kasim,  the 
surviving  son  of  Tiisuf  Al  Fehri,  who  had  joined  the 
deputation  that  he  might  find  the  means  of  avenging 
his  father's  wrongs  and  death.  The  presence  of  other 
Arabians  of  high  rank  gave  token  of  the  dignity  of 
their  cause,  and  the  reality  of  the  proposals  they  were 
about  to  make.^ 

It  may  well  be  conceived  that  the  great  Frankish 
monarch  was  delighted  with  the  appearance  of  such 
an  embassy :  it  formed  an  important  element  in  the 
great  plan  which  he  was  carrying  out  And  yet  it 
would  be,  indeed,  a  very  superficial  view  of  the  purpose 
The  true  ^^  Charlemagne, — a  view  which,  however, 
Sttii?'  has  been  taken  by  many  historians, — that 
"^•^  he  was  simply  engaged  in  a  war  of  conquest 
and  self-aggrandizement,  and  that  he  used  Chris- 
tianity as  a  pretext ;  that,  like  Napoleon,  he  wished 
to  bring  all  of  western  Europe  under  his  sceptre, 
to  gratify  bis  own  ambition  and  give  power  to  his 

^  **  Qnum  enim  per  xzziii.  annos,  bellum  cum  Sazonibus  pro- 
traheret,  yenit  ad  eum  [Carolum]  qnidam  Maurus  Domine  Hibbui 
nazalabi,  qnem  Cesar  Augustano  Regno,  Abderrahman,  Magnus 
Rex  Maurorum  pnefecerat,  spondens  sese  et  omnem  provinciam  sua 
ditioni  subditnrum."  —  Chronicon  SiUnse,  in  Espa/Ra  Sagrada,  17, 
272. 


TBOXTBU:  FROM  THE  NORTH.  123 

family.  The  truth  is  far  different :  it  vas  a  struggle 
for  Ufe  in  which  he  was  engaged.  The  new  empire 
which  had  been  established  by  the  Carlovingians,  and 
which  has  been  called  that  of  the  Boman-Germans,  — 
the  Franks  being  the  strongest  and  most  central 
element,  —  was  really  menaced  from  the  northeast  by 
new  and  powerful  German  and  Slavonian  tribes,  — 
the  Saxons,  the  Huns,  the  Avars,  and  the  Slavonians 
of  Sohemia.  They  were  all  as  ambitious  of  power  and 
territory  as  the  Franks  themselves.  And  now  he  con- 
sidered himself  as  threatened  by  an  invasion  from  the 
south,  as  in  the  days  of  his  grandfather ;  an  invasion 
to  be  prevented  rather  than  met ;  one  which  might 
otherwise  grow  into  larger  proportions  than  the  former, 
along  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean ;  while  to  the  east 
he  must  hold  in  check  the  Lombards  in  Italy.  "Thus," 
in  the  words  of  Guizot,  "  did  the  various  causes  of  war 
variously  combine ;  but,  whatever  might  be  the  com- 
binations, it  was  always  the  German  Christians  and 
Eomans  who  defended  their  nationality,  their  terri- 
tory, and  their  religion,  against  nations  of  another 
origin  or  creed,  who  sought  a  soil  to  conquer.  .  .  . 
Charlemagne  had  in  no  way  reduced  this  necessity 
into  a  general  idea  or  theory  :  but  he  understood  and 
faced  it;  great  men  rarely  do  otherwise.  He  faced 
it  by  conquest:  defensive  war  took  the  offensive 
form;  he  carried  the  struggle  into  the  territory  of 
nations  who  wished  to  invade  his  own,"  ^ 

1  Histoire  de  la  Cirilization,  etc.,  11.  lect.  xx.  I  am  glad  to  quote 
also  a  timilar  expression  of  opinion  from  Thiers :  "II  r^mut  sons 
sa  main  TAnstrasie,  la  Neustrie,  I'Aquitaine,  c'est-ii-dire  la 
France^  puis  refoalant  les  Saxons  an  nord,  les  poursniyant  jusqu'li 


124       CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  AEAB-MOOBS. 

This  view  is  corroborated,  and  his  greatness  set 
forth  in  enviable  contrast,  by  the  sudden  dismember- 
ment, the  aTmost  explosive  dissolution  of  the  empire 
at  his  death. 

But  to  return  to  the  Arabian  embassy.  He  saw  in 
their  proposals  an  opportunity  to  protect  the  Pyrenean 
frontier  by  the  interposition  of  an  ally  of  the  ene- 
my's blood.  He  could  hold  the  passes  on  the  south 
side ;  and  if  invasion  should  be  necessary  or  desirable, 
the  advance  would  be  easy  and  the  return  safe, 
through  a  territory  extending  from  the  mountains  to 
the  Ebro,  which  should  be  held  by  his  Moslem  friends 
and  tributaries.^  From  the  opulent  cities  of  the  North, 
he  might  hope  for  rich  tribute ;  and,  above  all,  if  his 
proselyting  fervor  did  not  expect  to  accomplish  much 
with  the  children  of  Isldm;  if  he  could  not  restore 
the  true  faith  to  a  region  in  which  it  had  been  all  but 
rooted  out,  he  might  in  some  degree  respond  to  the 
prayers  of  the  few  oppressed  and  suffering  Christians, 
who  looked  to  him,  as  the  champion  of  Christendom, 
for  relief.^    Thus,  if  he  could  accomplish  no  more,  he 

ce  qu'il  les  eUt  faits  Chretiens,  senle  mani^re  alors  de  les  ciTiliaer 
et  de  desarmer  leur  firocit^ ;  refoulant  au  Snd  les  Sarrazins  sana 
pretention  de  les  soumettre,  car  il  aurait  fallu  pousser  jnsqu'en 
Afrique  ;  s'arrdtant  sagement  k  TEbre,  il  fonda,  soutint,  gottvema  an 
empire  immense,  sans  qu'on  put  raoouser  d'ambition  d^sordonn^" 
—  Sistoire  du  Contulal  et  de  VEmpire,  XX.  787. 

^  "  Le  roi  des  Franks  voolut  saisir  I'occasion  de  recoler  sa  fion* 
ti^  meridionale  des  Pyi-^n^es  jusqu'k  I'Ebre,  et  d'abriter  ainsi  d^ 
finitiyement  T Aquitaine  et  la  Septimanie  contre  les  invasions  Mosol* 
manes."  —  H.  Martin,  Histoire  de  France,  II.  270. 

^  '*  Les  pri&res  et  les  plaintes  des  Chretiens  qni  ^talent  sous  !• 
joug  des  Sarrazins,  et  qui  ne  cessaient  d'implorer  les  armes  dea 
Franks."  — /&. 


TROUBLE  FROM  THE  NORTH.         125 

could  convert  portions  of  Navarre,  Catalonia,  and 
Arfagon,  as  far  as  the  Ebro,  into  a  Spanish  ASpanUh 
marchf  or  neutral  ground,  occupied  by  his  "*'^ 
own  Arabian  allies,  who  should  be  between  him  and 
the  aspirations  of  the  new  E^halif,  Abdu-r-rahman, 
and  whom  he  would  protect  in  their  loyalty  to  him 
and  their  disloyalty  to  their  prince.  Such  is  the  phi- 
losophy which  may  be  now  evolved  from  the  actions 
of  this  sagacious  ruler. 

The  Champ  de  Mai  at  Paderbom  was  held  in  777. 
The  exact  terms  of  his  contract  with  the  Arab  sheiks 
are  not  known  :  they  were  of  such  a  nature,  however, 
as  to  warrant  his  preparations  to  march  into  Spain 
early  in  the  spring  of  the  next  year,  —  778. 

The  gigantic  barrier  of  the  Pyrenees  is  highest  in 
the  centre,  and  descends  unevenly  towards  the  Med* 
iterranean,  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Bay  of  Biscay  on 
the  other.  Some  of  the  central  peaks,  crowned  most  of 
the  year  with  snow,  are  more  than  eleven  thousand 
feet  in  height.  Towards  France  and  towards  Spais, 
spurs  and  offsets  of  unequal  height,  enclosing  valleys 
of  every  imaginable  shape,  are  like  crooked  ribs  from 
a  dorsal  column.  On  the  French  side,  the  descent  is 
comparatively  gentle :  towards  the  Peninsula  it  is 
more  precipitous.^  The  easiest  routes  from  France  to 
Spain  are  by  the  sea-coast  at  either  end,  through 
Irun,  at  the  west,  and  Figueras  at  the  east;  but  a 
few  passes  along  the  range  are  practicable  for  the 

1  It  18  also  to  be  obeeired  that  as  the  French  have  been  the  rayagen 
of  Spain  in  all  periods,  the  French  commnnications  are  kept  in  good 
order,  while  on  the  Spanish  side  obstacles  rather  than  facHitiea 
have  been  the  rule. 


126        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

movement,  but  not  in  any  sense  for  the  manoeuvres, 
of  armies.  These  are  called  in  French  ports,  and  in 
Spanish  puertos,  or  gates. 

Chief  among  the  western  passes  is  that  of  Ronces- 
valles,  so  called  from  its  Latin  name,  Soscidavallis, — 
The  pus  of  the  moist  or  dewy  valley.  It  is  in  the 
vaues.  ancient  Yasconia  (a  name  now  corrupted 
into  Grascony),  a  part  of  which  even  then  began  to  be 
called  Navfure.^  The  adjacent  mountains  and  valleys 
were  occupied  by  a  fierce,  composite  people,  of  whom 
the  predominating  element  was  the  Basques,  who, 
sheltered  by  their  topography,  acknowledged  neither 
the  sway  of  Frank,  Asturian,  Spaniard,  nor  Arab- 
Moor,  but  made  temporary  alliances,  prompted  by 
their  own  interest^  and  easily  broken  with  a  Punic 
faitL 

The  pass  of  Boncesvalles  has  been  a  favorite  one 
for  advancing  or  retreating  armies  in  modem  history. 
In  the  parish  church  there  hung,  until  the  French 
Bevolution,  the  barrier  chains  which  guarded  the  tent 
of  the  Emperor  of  the  Almohades,  in  the  famous 
battle  of  Las  Navas  de  Tolosa.  Through  it  the  JBlack 
Prince  marched  in  1367  to  the  victory  of  Navarete. 
It  was  the  route  taken  by  Joseph  Bonaparte,  when 
the  French  troops  under  his  command  were  defeated 
at  Vittoria  by  Wellington  in  1813.  It  was  in  this 
valley  that  Don  Carlos  was  proclaimed  king  of  Spain 
by  Erase  in  October,  1833.^  The  approach  to  it  from 
France,  which  Charlemagne  had  determined  upon,  was 
not  difficult. 

^  H.  Martin,  Histoire  de  France,  IT.  270. 
s  Ford's  Handbook  for  Spain,  IL  962. 


TBOUBLE  FROM  THE  NORTH.         127 

Leaving  the  Landes  and  the  Basses  Pyr^n^es,  he 
marched  by  the  valley  of  the  river  Adour.  A  prac- 
ticable mountain  road  leads  through  St.  Jean  Pied-de- 
Port  into  Valcarlos  (the  valley  of  Charles),  in  the 
centre  of  which  "  charming  pastoral  platform  "  is  the 
hamlet  of  Boncesvalles.  The  pass  lies  at  the  foot  of 
Mount  Altabiscar  and  the  Col  de  Ibaneta.  Thence 
the  road,  descending  into  Spain,  strikes  the  valley 
of  the  little  riyer  Chariagne,  and  stretches  on  to  the 
city  of  Pampelona.  The  distance  from  St  Jean 
Pied-de-Port  to  the  hamlet  of  Boncesvalles  is  about 
seventeen  miles. 

Leaving  the  other  portions  of  his  army  to  follow, 
Charlemagne  had  marched  with  one  division  to  Chasse- 
neuil,  or  Casseneuil,  a  small  town  on  the  river  Lot, 
in  the  present  department  of  Charente.  The  place  is 
notable  in  the  domestic  story  of  the  monarch,  because 
he  took  with  him  in  a  litter  his  wife,  Hildegarde, 
who  was  enceinte,  and  who  was  to  await  her  confine- 
ment thera  At  Chasseneuil,  he  celebrated  the  Feast 
of  the  Besurrection,  and  remained  until  he  was 
joined  by  the  other  contingents  from  Neustria  and 
Aquitaine. 

There  he  organized  his  army,  and,,  having  made 
careful  provision  for  the  comfort  of  his  wife,  with  his 
accumulated  forces  he  proceeded  to  cross  c^^„^^ 
the  Pyrenees  by  the  pass  of  Boncesvalles.  JSSSg^ 
Other  small    contingents    crossed  by  the  *°*<>  Spain. 
Eastern  ports,  principally  as  a  precaution  against 
treachery  and  counter-invasion,  and  joined  the  main 
body  on  the  Spanish  sida 

To  Abdu-r-rahnidn,  who  received  partial  reports  of 


128      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

thi?  network  of  treacheiy  on  the  part  of  his  own 
subjects  of  Saragossa,  and  of  invasion  by  the  greatest 
monarch  of  the  age,  the  trouble  from  the  Korth  must 
have  seemed  of  portentous  character.  The  whole 
North  was  thus  strengthened  in  opposition.  The  king- 
dom of  Pelayo  was  extending  its  borders :  inspired  by 
their  success  at  Covadonga,  the  Christians  were  moving 
cautiously  down>  and  had  succeeded  in  capturing  sev- 
eral cities,  among  which  were  Lugo,  Oporto  (Porto  hal), 
Zamora,  Castille,  and  Segovia.  Saragossa  was  in  insur- 
rection, and  there  was  reason  to  fear  that  the  Moslem 
conquest,  not  to  speak  of  his  own  power,  might  be 
speedily  reversed ;  and  that  Isldm,  so  lately  adven- 
turous of  establishment  in  Gaul,  was  destined  to  be 
driven  back  into  Africa  by  the  powerful  Franks,  or  at 
least  held  to  tribute  in  the  seats  of  its  latest  gloiy 
and  strength.  As  yet,  however,  he  made  no  movement, 
but  only  awaited  the  turn  of  events.  Knowing  his 
sagacity,  we  suspect  a  good  reason  for  this  inaction. 

It  is  difficult  to  disentangle  the  true  narrative  from 
the  medley  of  legends  and  fancy.  As  far  as  it  may 
Beaches  ^®  douc,  wc  find  that  Charlemagne  reached 
pampeiuna.  Pampcluna  without  hindrance.  Although 
in  the  hands  of  the  Saracens,  it  was  probably  by  pre- 
arrangement  that  it  opened  its  gates,  and  promised 
allegiance  or  alliance  to  the  Frankish  monarch. 

Marching  thence  to  the  southeast,  he  had  not  far 
And  ^  S^  before,  unimpeded,  he  struck  the  val- 

®*'****^  ley  of  the  Ebro,  everywhere  claiming  alle- 
giance and  tribute  from  the  towns  on  his  route,  and 
thus  he  approached  Saragossa.^ 

^  La  Fuente  says :  **  Talendo  j  deTHstando  sob  campoB,"  bnt  I 
see  no  reason  for  snch  devastation,  unless  it  refers  to  the  nsnal  coarse 


TROUBLE  FBOM  THE  NOBTH.  129 

Having  been  joined  by  all  bis  contingents,  he  de- 
ployed bis  forces  on  botb  banks  of  the  river,  around 
the  city,  and  made  known  his  readiness  to  receive  the 
capitulation  of  the  Wali.^  So  far  from  having  any 
fear  of  resistance,  he  expected  to  be  received  with 
cheerful  alacrity;  but  he  found  himself  grievously 
mistaken.  Between  the  visit  of  Ibn  Al  Arabi  to 
Paderbom  and  the  arrival  of  the  Franks,  many  things 
had  conspired  to  neutralize  the  promises  and  nullify  the 
overtures  which  had  been  made.  That  chieftain  him- 
self seems  to  have  repented  of  his  mission  when  he 
saw  the  Franks  approaching.  The  magnitude  of  the 
expedition,  the  ferocious  appearance  of  the  Franks,  — 
perhaps  their  conduct  at  Pampeluna  and  the  inter- 
vening towns,  —  and,  above  aU,  the  fear  lest,  in  es- 
caping fiom  the  power  of  Abdu-r-rahman,  they  might 
become  the  slaves  of  the  Christians,  had  changed  the 
views  of  the  insurgents :  the  people  called  on  their 
leaders  to  resist,  and  not  to  permit  any  portion  of  the 
realm  conquered  by  IsUm  to  fall  again  into  Christian 
hands.  The  Walis  of  Huesca,  Lerida,  and  other  cities 
which  had  not  given  hostages,  roused  the  inhabitants 
to  repel  the  Franks ;  and,  when  Charlemagne  arrived 
at  Saragossa,  the  people  of  that  city,  joining  in  the 

•f  nv  anny  in  that  day,  whether  friendly  or  hostile.  Erecy  reader 
of  military  histoiy  knows  what  deyastation  is  made,  even  by  friendly 
armies,  in  any  territory  through  which  they  pass.  The  Franks 
were  actuated  by  a  spirit  of  plunder  and  craelty,  and  were  not  likely 
long  to  want  anything  that  fell  in  their  way. 

^  Henri  Hartin,  Histoire  de  France,  II.  271.  He  also  says : 
"Salon  plasieurs  ehroniqnes  frankes,  le  corps  entr^  par  lee  ports 
orientaux  ayait  reyu,  ehemin  faisant,  les  dtages  et  les  sounissions 
des  Walis  de  Oironne  et  de  Baroelonne." 

VOL.  II.  9 


130     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THX  iJtAfi-HOOBS. 

general  dissatisfaction  at  the  presence  of  a  powerful 
alien  army,  closed  the  gates^  and  resolutely  refused  to 
admit  any  of  the  Frankish  troops. 

The  city  of  Saragossa,^  with  its  fertile  valley  of  the 
Ebro,  might  well  asser^  claims  in  that  chaotic  period 
The  city  of  ^o  a  Separate  independence.  It  was  the 
®*'^"***^  centre  where  many  important  roads  met. 
It  was  not  indeed  then  so  great  as  it  was  soon  to 
become ;  but  it  already  had  the  control  of  more  cities, 
towns,  hamlets,  and  castles,  than  any  other  city  of 
the  Peninsula.^  Its  waters  were  plentiful  and  sweet 
It  had  rich  mines  of  pure,  transparent  salt;  and, 
passing  by  the  Arabian  story  that  no  scorpion  could 
exist  in  its  territory,  we  may  believe  that  its  grains 
were  secure  from  mildew,  and  its  wood  from  rot  Its 
capabilities  at  that  time  may  be  inferred  from  what 
it  became  afterwards  in  the  hands  of  the  Moors,  when 
it  was  called  UmmvrUhdr,  the  mother  of  provinces, 
and  included  in  its  dominion  Lerida  (the  Soman 
Ilerda),  Huesca,  Calatrava,  Tudela,  Medina  Celi,  and 
many  other  circumjacent  towns.  For  this  rich  domain, 
at  the  time  of  which  I  am  writing,  three  parties  were 
contending.  Abdu-r-rahman  claimed  it  as  a  part  of 
his  Ehalifate ;  Ibn  Al  Arabi  and  his  party  desired  to 
make  it  an  independent  Mohammedan  kingdom,  with 
some  hope,  doubtless,  of  afterwards  reducing  the 
whole  South  in  the  interest  of  the  Berbers,  if  suc- 
cessful; Charlemagne  desired  to  constitute  it  a 
tributary  province,  in  a  neutral  land,  which  should 

^  The  site  was  that  of  Salaba  of  the  Celtiberians.    It  waa  called 
C€$arM,  Augfusta,  after  Auguatua^  who  rebuilt  it 
s  Al  Makkari,  I.  64,  65. 


TROUBLE  FBOM  THE  NORTH.        131 

Birengthen  his  frontier^  and  enable  him  to  develop 
his  plans  in  Gaul,  Germany^  and  Italy. 

The  change  of  sentiment  which  I  have  mentioned, 
and  which  was  entirely  unexpected,  now  rendered 
the  situation  of  the  Franks  embarrassing  in  the  ex- 
treme. Their  number,  manhood,  and  fierce  valor 
were  indeed  equal  to  the  emergency,  but  it  was  an 
emergency  which  they  had  not  foreseen. 

Expecting,  on  the  contrary,  a  cordial  reception, 
with  ample  supplies,  cheerfully  fumiBhed  to  his  army, 
he  was  in  danger  of  being  without  provisions-;  and, 
however  large  his  force,  he  was  surrounded  by  more 
numerous  enemies,  some  of  them  between  him  and 
his  base  of  operations ;  and  a  mountain  barrier,  too, 
lay  between.  Manifestly,  the  best  thing  was  to  get 
back  to  France  as  soon  as  possible. 

He  did  not  desire  war;  he  could  not  afford  to  lose 
his  troops ;  it  was  humiliating  to  his  pride  to  think 
of  retiring  as  he  came,  without  any  arrange-  ^^j^j^ 
ment.  The  three  alternatives  were,  —  to  ^iSi^^ 
retire,  to  fight,  or  to  compel  a  negotiation.  ™*^'- 
He  attempted  the  last,  and  the  most  that  he  could 
obtain  was  a  subsidy,  and  an  acknowledgment  of 
nominal  protection,  which  meant  nothing  as  soon  as 
he  should  cross  the  Pyrenees  again.  The  Arab-Moors 
were  not  desirous  to  fight  or  crush  him,  but  only 
desirous  to  lay  the  fierce  spirit  they  had  invoked,  and 
still  retain  something  of  his  protection  when  needed. 
Thus,  receiving  their  tribute,  such  as  it  was,  keeping 
tip  a  bold  front  in  this  dangerous  emergency,  and 
even  demanding  and  taking  some  hostages  for  the 
performance  of  their  promises,  he  began  his  retrograde 


132        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-HOOBS. 

march,  which  was  further  hastened  hy  the  intelligence 
of  new  and  portentous  risings  among  the  Saxons. 
The  dangers  at  the  North  were  far  more  serious  than 
any  menaces  which  might  foUow  him  from  Saiagossa.* 
His  tireless  arm  must  deal  at  once  with  these  Saxon 
insurgents. 

Disappointed  in  his  hopes,  he  returned  to  Pampe- 
luna^  and,  either  to  vent  his  spleen  upon  the  un- 
resisting city,  or  to  take  away  all  power  from  a 
stronghold  nearest  to  his  dominions  which  might 
give  him  trouble,  he  razed  its  walls  to  the  ground. 
It  has  been  asserted  that  he  had  not  been  admitted 
into  Fampeluna  without  a  struggle  when  he  entered 
Spain ;  and  there  is  extant  a  medal,  with  the  motto, 
Capta  exeisaqtie  Pampelatia,  This  was  struck  in  the 
same  year,  after  his  return  to  France ;  and  I  prefer  to 
think  that  it  refers  to  the  extinction  of  the  defences 
of  Fampeluna  on  his  return  march,  for  which  the 
reason  has  been  already  given,  and  which  would 
comport  more  causally  with  his  mental  irritation. 

It  may  be  supposed  that  he  sent  some  detachments 
back  into  France  by  other  passes ;  it  is  certain,  however, 
that  the  main  body  set  out  under  his  own  command 
to  cross  the  Pyrenees  by  the  pass  of  Boncesvalles. 

^  He  made  a  campai^  aj^aiiist  the  SaxoDB  in  that  same  year,  778. 


THB  "DOLOSOUS  BOUX"  OF  BONCSSVALLES.     133 


CHAPTER  IIL 

THE  "DOLOROUS  ROUT"  OF  RONCESVALLES. 

TN  accosting  the  event  which  we  have  now  reached 
'^  in  the  narrative,  the  historical  student  finds 
himself  suddenly  entering  a  region  of  ro-  Theroman- 
mance,  so  filled  with  miraculous  stories,  **«J«8«'<*- 
enchanted  personages,  confusing  sounds,  and  impos- 
sible performances,  that  he  starts  back,  in  doubt 
whether  it  contains  any  history  at  alL  If  he  pursue 
his  way,  he  is  in  great  danger  of  sharing,  if  not 
the  madness  of  Don  Quixote,  at  least  the  poetic 
frenzies  of  the  Morgante,  the  Orlando  Innamorato, 
and  the  Orlando  Furioso.  Angelica,  Agramont,  and 
Ganelon  contest  the  field  with  Boland,  Binaldo,  and 
fiemardo  del  Carpio ;  and,  if  he  thinks  he  achieves 
a  victory  in  espousing  the  cause  of  the  latter  group, 
he  soon  finds  to  his  sorrow  that  they  are  all  mythic, 
or  at  the  least  legendary,  alike.  Indeed,  in  one  sense 
las  tagrimas  de  Angelica^  which  could  move  the  good 
curate  in  Don  Quixote  to  tears,  have  a  more  veritable 
power  than  the  Jiazailas  and  ?iecJio8  of  the  invincible 
Bernardo.  She  is  at  least  true  to  nature  in  her 
weeping:  he  is  the  hero  of  magic,  which  has  not 
even  a  foundation  in  nature.^    And  unfortunately 

\  There  is  no  more  fictitious  personage,  even  in  Spanish  fiction. 
See  ''  Historia  de  las  hazafias  y  hechos  del  inyencible  cayallero> 


134     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  A&AB-MOOB& 

Bolaud,  the  nominal  hero  of  Boncesvalles,  is  scarcely 
less  xinreal.  The  truth  is,  that  the  real  personages  have 
been  given  over  by  history  to  legend,  and  have  again 
been  blindly  received  into  history ;  so  that  to  go  back 
beyond  the  false  story  and  the  wild  fable  to  find  what 
still  exists  of  truth  with  regard  to  them  is  an  almost 
hopeless  task.  The  real  men  have  been  spirited  away, 
and  may  not  be  reclaimed ;  but  the  principal  events, 
at  least,  have  left  a  simple  and  une£faceable  record, 
which  may  easUy  be  found  I  shall  present  an  out- 
line of  the  historic  features,  and  gather  what  I  can 
from  the  fables,  fearing  at  every  step  lest  I  may  fall 
into  the  power  of  the  sirens,  as  hundreds  of  those 
who  have  gone  before  me  have  done. 

With  due  precaution,  not  to  burden  the  pass 
with  numbers,  Charlemagne,  on  returning  to  it,  hod 
Thewtum  divided  his  main  body  into  two  corps. 
^^  The  first,  which  he  commanded  in  person, 
▼aUm.  marched  without  impedimenta;  but  the 
second,  a  rear-guard,  smaller  in  numbers,  under  the 
direction  of  the  paladin  Boland,  followed  at  a  con* 
siderable  distance,  —  as  the  sequel  proved,  too  great 
an  interval,  —  and  guarded  the  baggage  and  the  treas* 
ures,  —  "a  great  weight  of  gold,"^  the  tribute  not 
only  of  Saragossa,  but  of  Pampeluna  and  many,  other 
towns,  besides  the  irregular  booty  of  a  fierce  alien 

Bernardo  del  Carpio  ;  par  Agnstin  Alonzo.  Toledo,  1685.  I  should 
perhaps  except  the  episode  of  Bernardo's  snhniission  that  he  might 
release  his  imprisoned  father,  and  his  hopeless  grief  when  he  received 
his  dead  hody.  This  certainly  is  a  glimpse  of  nature  amid  the  lurid 
gleams  of  martial  fiction. 

1  La  Fuente,  Historia  de  Espa&a,  III.  186, 


THE  "DOLOEOIJS  BOUT"  OP  EONCESVALLBS.      135 

army,  whose  training  in  that  respect  had  been  in  the 
often  devastated  fields  of  Aquitania,  and  whose  role 
was  to  plunder  friend  and  foe  alike. 

The  first  division  defiled  slowly  and  without  the 
shadow  of  hinderance  through  the  port  of  Ibafieta^  and 
descended  'into  the  valley  of  the  Nive.  The  second 
was  to  bear  the  brunt  of  a  terrible  disaster,  but  at 
the  hands  of  what  enemy  ? 

Upon  this  point  there  has  been  much  contention ; 
and,  after  it  all,  we  must  rest  more  upon  inference 
than  statistics.  In<some  of  the  legends  we  find  that 
the  attacking  party  was  "the  king 'of  Saragossa  and 
his  men."  We  may  readily  believe  that  a  party  to 
the  ambush  was  composed  of  the  inhabitants  of  Pam* 
peluna,  the  city  eapta  exdsaquty  who  were  taking  their 
revenga  It  cannot  be  positively  known,  but  there 
was  probably  a  contingent  from  the  new  Hispano- 
Oothic  kingdom,  which  Pelayo  had  established  in  the 
Northeast^  who  had  heard  stories  of  an  alliance  be- 
tween the  king  of  the  Franks  and  the  Moslems ;  but 
the  strongest  element  in  the  combination,  if  combina*- 
lion  there  were,  was  that  of  the  Gascons  of  France 
and  Spain,  who  were  constantly  nursing  their  wrath 
against  the  Franks,  and  who  now  found  an  oppor- 
tunity for  vengeance.*  They  were  fierce,  vain,  and 
independent^  and  had  constantly  suffered  from  Frank- 
ish  incursions.  They  all  claimed  nobility:  ^^loop- 
every  man  was  a  hidalgo.  It  does  not  ap-  ^***^  *^ 
pear  that  there  was  any  great  concert  of  action  among 

1  H.  Martin  says  (Histoiro  de  France,  II.  272) :  <*C'^taient  lea 
Gaacona  de  VEapagne  et  de  Ganle.  Toutes  les  haines  amass^ea  dans 
le  00907  des  Eadaldunac  a'^taient  reveill^ea  arec  fnreur,'*  etc. 


136      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  AEAB-MOOBa 

these  dissimilar  elements  and  interests ;  but  the  great 
fact  of  Charlemagne's  march  was  known  to  them  all, 
and  each  party  had  time  to  digest  its  own  scheme  for 
harassing  the  common  enemy.  Such  seems  to  me 
the  truth  of  the  matter,  which  has  been  so  curiously 
contested  in  later  times,  when  the  question  of  to 
whom  the  glory  should  belong  arose  in  history. 
National  vanity  cares  little  for  truth:  if  the  facts 
interfere,  so  much  the  worse  for  the  facts.  The 
Spaniards,  as  a  nation,  have  appropriated  to  them* 
selves  the  honor  of  defeating  the  great  king  at 
Honcesvalles ;  the  Moors  have  always  claimed  it; 
and  a  French  writer,  rudely  setting  both  claims  aside, 
asserts  that  **  the  French  of  the  Seine  were  conquered 
by  the  French  of  the  Adour  and  the  Graronne ! " 

But  whatever  forces  foUowed  and  gathered  upon 
the  rear  of  the  second  division,  there  is  little  doubt 
as  to  the  men  who  prepared  the  ambuscade.  Quietly, 
and  entirely  without  the  knowledge  of  the  advancing 
hosts,  the  Gascons  had  agreed  to  rendezvous  upon  the 
top  and  sides  of  Mont  Altabiscar  and  the  adjacent 
heights,  concealing  themselves  from  tho  enemy.  The 
first  corps,  which  was  lightly  equipped,  they  per- 
mitted to  pass ;  but  the  second  corps,  larger  and  in- 
cumbered with  the  baggage,  was  a  more  desirable  as 
well  as  an  easier  prey,  and  the  treasures  which  they 
guarded  awoke  the  cupidity  of  the  Gascons.  This 
Tbe  second  ^^^^^^  corps  had  entered  the  pass,  and  was 
divMion.  winding  slowly  through  along  the  narrow 
defile  which  skirts  the  foot  of  Mont  Altabiscar,  in  the 
most  careless  security,  entirely  ignorant  of  the  prox- 
imity of  a  single  enemy.    It  was  composed  of  the 


THU  "DOLOROUS  BOUT"  OF  BONCESyALLE&   137 

flower  of  the  Fiankisli  chivalry,  and  officered  by  the 
noblest  of  the  Uudea,  and  those  to  whom  their  station 
in  the  palace  near  the  king  had  given  the  name  of 
paladins,  men  of  family  pride  and  warlike  renown. 
We  may  safely  say  that  they  were  the  stoutest  soldiers 
and  the  best-appointed  men  of  war  of  that  age,  and 
have  presented  a  typical  chivalry  to  the  later  ages. 

Suddenly  a  thousand  horns  ring  out  their  blatant 
peals  from  the  mountain  slopes ;  the  train  halts  with- 
out command ;  the  knights  grasp  lance  and  ^„^^ 
Bword  to  encounter  a  living  foe ;  but  instead  '^ 
of  men  they  see  an  avalanche  pouring  down  upon 
them, — huge  rocks,  torn  from  the  earth-grasp  of 
ages,  trunks  and  branches  of  trees,  — and  clouds  . 
of  arrows,  literally  filling  the  intervening  spaces. 
Those  who  are  not  at  once  crushed  or  pierced  fly 
back  to  the  rear,  and  choke  the  narrow  pass;  but 
they  can  And  no  place  of  safety  or  shelter.  A  few 
escape  to  the  rear  to  find  themselves  fiercely  attacked, 
but  the  men  in  the  great  mass  tread  each  other  down. 
Still  the  terrible  shower  pours  upon  them  from  above ; 
the  unrelenting  storm  comes  furiously  down,  utterly 
defying  human  strength  and  lordly  prowess.  Even 
their  armor,  which  would  insure  victory  in  the  open 
field,  is  here  only  an  element  of  destructioa  The 
heavy,  iron-plated  Northern  horses  cannot  manoeuvre ; 
helmets,  hauberks,  heavy  axes,  long  lances,  are  but  a 
hinderance  and  embarrassment;  strength  in  fetters, 
activity  without  scope.* 

^  "Embarrasses  par  lenrs  heamnes,  leura  bauberts,  leurs  pe- 
•antes  baches  et  leurs  longaea  lances."  —  H.  Maetin,  Hidwn  de 
France,  IL  272. 


138     C0NQX7BST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-UOOBS. 

» 

Wheu  the  consternation  and  destruction  have  made 
them  helpless,  upon  the  bleeding  and  jumbled  mass 
the  Gascon  mountaineers  leap  lightly  down,  and 
pierce  the  falling  and  the  fallen  with  their  sharp  boar- 
spears  and  javelins.  All  fear  of  resistance  being  thus 
removed,  they  pounce  greedily  upon  the  baggage* 
train,  possess  themselves  of  the  treasure,  and  fly  back, 
laden  with  the  coveted  spoils,  to  the  mountain  fieist- 
nesses. 

Their  work  has  been  thoroughly  done.  It  needs 
no  inventive  fancy  to  portray  the  sights  and  sounds 
of  the  gloomy  night  which  is  now  settling  upon  the 
utter  de-  S^^*  ^^^  aTrHre  garde  of  the  Frankish 
S™MMnd'  arnay  lias  l>een  destroyed ;  if  we  may  trust 
«»^-  the  chronicle,  they  have  perished  to  a  man.> 
The  silence  of  the  fatal  field  is  only  broken  by  the 
doleful  music  of  the  dying  groana  (xentle  and  simple 
lie  mingled  without  distinctioiL  It  has  been  called 
the  "  dolorous  rout "  of  Boncesvalles,  but  the  routed 
were  rescued  from  flight  by  death. 

The  only  contemporary  account  is  that  of  Eginhard, 
the  biographer  of  Charlemagne,  and  author  of  the 
"Annales  des  Francs."  In  his  very  brief  reference 
to  the  disaster,  he  enumerates,  as  among  the  many 
distinguished  men  who  fell,  Eggihard,  major-domo  of 
the  king ;  Anselmo,  count  of  the  palace,  and  Boland, 
prefect  of  the  marches  of  Brittany.* 

1  "TJsqne  ad  anum  omnes  interficiant." — OvronUon  Silenae 
JEspafla  SagrcuUi,  17,  272. 

s  Vita  Caroli  Magni,  ch.  iz.  '*  In  quo  pitBlio  I^haitiui  Begis 
menss  prspoaitiis,  Anshelmos  comes  Palatii,  et  Batlandufi  Britanni- 
ci  limitis  pnefectus,  cum  aliis  compluribus,  interficituitar.    Koqae 


THE  "DOLOROUS  BOUT"  OF  BONCBSVALLES.   139 

The  suddeimess  of  the  attack,  and  the  rapidity  of 
the  caiuage,  made  it  impossible  for  Charlemagne  to 
succor  them.  The  Spanish  poems  upbraid  him  for 
not  doing  so :  but,  before  he  could  have  returned,  the 
whole  mischief  had  been  wrought ;  the  rear-guard  was 
annihilated ;  and  the  Gktscons  had  escaped  with  their 
spoils,  and  were  hidden  from  all  hope  of  discovery  in 
their  mountain  retreats.  He  waited  only  long  enough 
to  verify  the  sad  intelligence,  and  then  turned  with  a 
heavy  heart  northward  to  check  the  insurgent  Saxons. 
At  Chasseneuil  he  stopped  for  a  few  days,  where  we 
may  suppose  that  he  found  a  slight  solace  in  the  fact 
that  his  queen  had  been  safely  delivered  of  a  son, 
who  was  to  figure  in  the  later  history  as  Louis  le 
Debonnaire. 

Such  is  a  sketch  of  the  simple  history ;  we  may 
turn  to  consider  very  briefly  the  legendary  aspect  of 
the  story.    The  chief  source  of  these  legends  ^f^  ^f 
in  modem  times  is  a  work  entitled  "De  ^lll^^fiiy 
Vita  Caroli  Magni  et  Eolandi,"  the  author-  '^^*'^ 
ship  of  which  has  been  erroneously  attributed  to 
Turpin,  Archbishop  of  Bheims,  and  is  supposed  to  have 
been  written  during  the  life  of  Charlemagne.    It  is, 
however,  manifestly  of  a  later  day,  —  probably  of  the 

hoc  factum  ad  pnesens  vindicari  poterat,  quia  bostis,  re  perpetiata, 
ita  dispersua  est  ut  no  fama  quidem  remaneret  ubinam  gentium 
quteri  potuisset."  The  Vita  of  Eginhard  is  a  bright  spot  in  the  ob- 
scure legends  of  the  period.  He  was  a  real  character,  as  the  abbot 
of  Seligstadt,  but  there  is  no  proof  whatever  that  he  was  the  son-in- 
law  of  Charlemagne.  The  passage  referred  to  is  the  only  one  found 
in  any  historian  which  mentions  the  celebrated  Roland,  who  plays 
so  dominant  a  part  in  the  Carlovingian  epics.  Roland  1:  •upposed  to 
hare  been  the  son  of  Hilo,  Count  of  Angiers,  and  Bertha,  the  sister 
of  Charlemagne. 


140      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

eleventh  century,  —  and  it  contains  marvels  so  pro- 
digious and  disconnected,  that  they  lose  their  force 
even  as  allegories.^  From  the  legend  sprang  numer* 
ous  ballads  sung  in  court  and  camp  and  village,  tales 
of  romance,  ponderous  heroic  poems.  The  real  plot 
was  striking  enough,  and  the  warrior  of  greatest  name 
became  the  hero.  Everything  centres  around  Boland. 
Roland,  or  ^®  kuights  of  the  Bound  Table  of  Arthur 
oriMida  ^gpg  eclipsed  by  the  twelve  peers  of  Charle- 
magne, of  whom  Boland  was  the  knightliest:  an 
astounding  career  was  created  for  him.  His  love* 
passages  were,  in  a  later  day,  celebrated  by  Bojardo 
in  his  "  Orlando  Innamorato ;"  his  madness,  brought 
on  by  unrequited  affection,  is  the  burden  of  Ariosto'a 
^  Orlando  Furioso,"  with  an  invention  so  original,  in 
the  poet's  opinion,  that  nothing  like  it  had  appeared 
in  prose  or  rhyme  before.* 

His  name  and  fame  are  perpetuated  in  places  and 
in  flowers.    From  his  helmet,  a  flower  of  the  locality  is 

1  *<  De  Vita  Carol!  Magni  et  Rolandi  Hifitoria,  Joaiini  Turpin, 
ArcUepiscopo  Bimensi,  vulgo  tribata."  The  real  archlnabop  died 
in  the  year  800, — fourteen  years  before  Charlemagne.  Literary 
criticism  has  established  the  probable  date  of  the  book  as  between 
1090  and  1120.  This  work  was  first  transkted  from  Latin  into 
French  in  1206,  at  the  instance  of  Benaud,  C'Oont  of  Bonlcigne.  It 
is  short,  containing  only  eighty  pages. 

'  "  Dird  d'  Orlando,  in  on  medesmo  tratto 
Cosa  non  detta  in  prosa  mai  n^  in  rima." 

Orlando  Furio$a,  L  8. 
Fanriel  says  (Histoire  de  la  Po^sie  Proyenfale,  English  Abridge 
ment,  p.  275) :  "  I  cannot  but  regard  the  pretended  chronicle  ol 
Turpin  as  a  sort  of  interpolation  and  monkiah  amplification  ia  bad 
Latin  of  certain  popular  ballads,  in  the  Tulgar  idiom,  on  Charle* 
magne's  descent  on  Spain." 


THE  **  DOLOROUS  EOXJT"  OP  R0NCE8VALLES.   141 

called  la  casque  de  Boland.  The  notes  of  his  wonder- 
ful ivoiy  horn  reverberate  powerfuHy  through  more 
than  a  cycle,  and  the  faint  echoes  may  yet  be  heard 
in  the  Basque  country.  Dante  alludes  to  its  fabled 
power,  and  at  the  same  time  to  the  crusade-like  char- 
acter of  Charlemagne's  march  against  the  infidel, 
when,  speaking  of  the  terrible  sound  in  his ''  Inferno," 
he  uses  it  as  the  most  forcible  illustration  t — 

"Dopo  la  dolorosa  rotta,  quando 
Carlo  Magno  perd^  la  aaiiUa  gesta 
Hon  8oii5  A  terribUmente  Orlando."  ^ 

One  story  is  that  he  sounded  so  loud  a  note  that  he 
burst  the  veins  of  his  neck.  Another  account  tells  how, 
with  his  famous  sword,  Durandart,  or  Durandal,  at 
one  blow  he  severed  a  mountain  in  two,  without 
marring  the  edge,  and  then  he  broke  his  sword  that  it 
might  never  again  be  wielded  by  human  hand.  Ac- 
cording to  still  another  version,  he  threw  Durandart 
with  superhuman  strength,  and  cleft  the  rock  in 
twain.^  Shepherds  still  show  the  ineffaceable  mark 
of  his  horse's  iron  shoes  where  a  horse  could  only 
climb  in  romantic  legend. 

It  has  been  justly  said  that  Charlemagne  is  not 
more  truly  the  greatest  personage  in  the  history  of 
the  age,  than  is  Boland  the  greatest  hero  of  its  ro- 
mance :  it  may  be  added  that  in  a  certain  way  the 
renown  of  the  great  monarch  has  been  somewhat 

1  BWina  Commedia,  Inferno,  81,  6.  I  believe  this  to  be  the 
origin  of  the  phrase  "dolorous  rout" 

'  I  prefer  the  causality  of  the  latter  account,  for  the  Br&che  de 
Roldan  is  more  than  fifty  miles  from  Roncesvalles.  It  lies  near  the 
foot  of  Mount  Perdu,  and  is  reached  in  direct  route  from  Tarbes  by 
the  Gave  de  Pau  and  Gayames. 


142      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIK  B7  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

eclipsed  by  the  popularity  of  his  legendary  nephew. 
The  vivaic^ious  Mediterranean  nature,  from  that  day 
to  this,  has  been  fired  again  and  again  to  deeds  of 
valor  by  the  contemplation  of  his  unearthly  prowes& 
The  wonderful  story  spread  from  south  to  north  all 
over  France.  It  was  a  part  of  the  Norman  training. 
It  was  to  the  song  of  Boland,  written  by  Theroulde 
in  the  eleventh  century,^  that  the  jongleur  Taillefer 
advanced  to  certain  death  on  the  field  of  Senlac,  in 
the  van  of  William  the  Conqueror  * 

The  question  naturally  arises,  whether  nothing 
more  real  than  these  legends  remains  in  that  locality 
Real  n».  to  mark  the  spot  and  scene  of  the  curious 
thuewnt  battle,  and  thus  to  bear  historic  witness  to 
its  reality.  In  the  Collegiata  of  Our  Lady  of  Bon- 
cesvalles,  founded  by  Sancho  Sanchez,  of  Navarre 
(d  Fuerte,  the  Strong),  about  the  year  1200,  there 
were  said  to  be  great  sepulchres  of  stone,  containing 
human  bones,  maces,  lance-beads,  and  other  remains, 

'  Published  among  the  "Chansons  de  Roland,"  by  Frandsqne 
Michel,  to  whom  we  are  also  indebted  for  the  *'  Chronica  Rimada  de 
las  Cosas  de  Espa&a ; "  covering  the  space  from  the  death  of  Pelayo  to 
Ferdinand  the  Great.  See  Ticknor's  History  of  Spanish  literature, 
I.  23.  There  are  many  Spanish  "  Orlandoe,"  —  some  original,  and 
others  versions  of  the  Italian,  —  "  Orlando  el  Amante^"  "  Orlando 
Deteiminado,*'  etc.  —  Ih,  II.  477,  note. 

*  The  fact  is  vouched  for  by  Wace,  WilUam  of  Malmesboiy,  and, 
indeed,  most  of  the  historians.  Guy  of  Amiens  calls  him  **  inoitof 
ferri ;"  and  in  the  Roman  de  Ron  we  have  the  lines :  — 

*'  Devant  li  Dus  alout  cantant 
De  Earlemanie  h  de  Rolant 
£  d*01Iver  &  des  vassals 
Ei  moururent  en  Renchevak.** 


THE  "DOLOROUS  SOUT"  OF  RONCESYALUES.   143 

which  tradition,  not  without  a  decent  show  of  logical 
consistency,  assigns  to  this  fatal  field.^ 

The  great  historic  event,  however,  needs  no  such 
corroboration :  it  is  sufficiently  substantiated  by  un- 
deniable authorities, — French,  Christian,  Spanish,  and 
Arabian.  But,  amid  the  confusion  of  the  legends,  it 
is  very  satisfactory  and  pleasing  to  find,  among  the 
Basque  songs  commemorative  of  the  battle,  one  which, 
for  simple  naturalness,  for  fidelity  to  the  spirit  of  the 
age,  and  to  the  character  and  aniwAu  of  the  contend- 
ing parties^  is  very  striking  and  very  refreshing. 
Beyond  the  middle  realm  of  fable  upon  which  rest 
the  shadows  of  heavy  clouds,  we  are  taken  back  into 
a  region  clearly  disclosed  by  the  sunlight  of  truth. 
If,  as  is  probable,  it  was  written  in  4;he  Basque  lan- 
guage in  the  ninth  century,  it  seems  certain  that  it 
was  a  spontaneous  utterance,  at  the  very  time  of  the 
"  dolorous  rout ; "  and  had  been  sung,  like  the  classical 
poems,  and  transmitted  from  mouth  to  mouth,  until 
it  came  into  its  present  written  form.  It  is  called 
the  ''Altabizaren  Gantua,"  and  stands  distin-  "Aitau- 
guished  from  all  the  other  ballads  and  songs  cantoA." 
by  its  lack  of  miracle  and  its  eminent  air  of  truth.^ 

^  Tiaditioii,  however,  should  be  rigorously  scrutinized.  In  1794, 
E  pillar  which  had  long  stood  to  mark  the  spot  of  Charlemagne's 
defeat,  was  pulled  down  by  commissioners  of  the  French  Republic, 
and  the  parish  church  was  pillaged,  "where  long  had  hung  the 
identical  chains  which  guarded  the  Moorish  chief's  tent  at  Las 
Kavas  de  Tolosa,  and  through  which  Sancho  el  Fuerte  broke."  — 
FordC$  Eand'jBookt  IL  961.  The  military  history  of  Ronoesyalles 
is  so  foil  of  recurrences,  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  identify  the 
exact  period  of  any  remains  found  there. 

*  La  Fnente  gires  the  original  Basque,  and  a  prose  translation  in 
Spanish  ;.  and  Henri  Martin  publishes,  in  the  "  Eclaiicissements  "  of 
his  second  Tolume,  Montglave's  translation  in  French. 


144     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

It  fully  vindicates  the  assertion  of  La  Fuente  that, 
among  the  war-songs  which  have  immortalized  that 
famous  combat,  it  As  notable  for  its  energetic  sim- 
plicity, its  air  of  primitive  rudeness,  its  spirit  of 
impassioned  patriotism,  and  of  rustic  and  fiery  in- 
dependence.^ The  reader  can  hardly  judge  of  its  full 
value^by  the  following  English  translation,  which 
cannot  exhibit  the  singular  verbal  power  of  the  Basque 
chant,  with  its  very  effective  diphthongal  utterances ; 
but  the  dramatic  force  is  easily  preserved.  Indeed, 
no  translation  could  affect  that  It  is  essentially  a 
drama,  in  spirit  and  in  form. 

THE  SONG  OF  ALTABIZAR. 

% 

L 

A  cry  has  gone  forth 
From  the  midst  of  the  moantainB  of  the  EscaldmiaoB, 
And  the  Etcheco-Jaona,^  standing  before  his  door, 
Opens  his  ear  and  says,  "  Who  goes  there  f    What  do  yott  wantt" 
And  the  dog  who  was  sleeping  at  the  feet  of  hiB  master, 
Springs  np  and  makes  the  enrirons  of  Altabizar  resound  with  bis 
barking. 

IL 

From  the  hill  Ibafieta  a  noise  resonnds  ; 

It  approaches  rambling  along  the  rocks  from  the  right  and  from  the 
left. 

1  **  Entre  loe  cantos  de  guerra  que  han  inmortalisado  aqnel  fkmoeo 
combate,  es  notable  por  sn  eneigica  senciUez,  por  sa  aire  de  primi- 
tiva  rudeza,  por  su  espiritu  de  apaaionado  patriotismo,  de  agreste  y 
fogosa  independencia  .  .  .  el  de  '  Altabizaren  Oantaa.' " — Bittoria 
deJStpatla,  III.  189. 

'  Monntain-husbandman,  or  independent  fkimer.  Tiotor  Hugo 
uses  the  term  in  "L'Homme  qni  Bit:"  '* Etcbeoo-Jaona  signifie 
lalouretir  de  la  montagne" 


THE  "DOLOBOUS  fiOUT"   OF  KOi^CESVALLES.      145 

It  is  the  dull  hum  of  an  army  which  is  coming ; 

Our  men  have  heard  it  from  the  summit  of  the  mountain ; 

They  have  sounded  their  horns, 

And  the  Etcheoo- Jaona  sharpens  his  arrows. 

III. 

They  are  coming,  they  are  coming,  what  a  hedge  of  lances  I 

How  the  parti-colored  banners  are  dancing  in  their  midst  1 

What  flai^es  are  glinting  from  their  arms  ! 

How  many  are  they  f    Boy,  count  them  well ; 

One^  two,  three,  four,  five,  six,  seven,  eight,  nine. 

Ten,  eleven,  twelve,  thirteen,  fourteen,  fifteen. 

Sixteen,  seventeen,  eighteen,  nineteen,  twenty. 

IV. 

Ttoenty,  and  still  there  are  thousands  behind  : 

It  is  but  lost  time  to  count  them, 

Let  us  unite  our  strong  arms,  let  us  root  up  the  rocka^ 

Let  us  hurl  them  from  the  mountain-top 

Upon  their  heads  1 

Let  us  crush  them  t  let  us  slay  them  1 

V. 

And  what  business  have  they  in  our  mountains,  those  men  in  the 

North! 
Why  have  they  come  to  disturb  our  peace  ? 
When  God  made  mountains,  they  were  not  for  men  to  cross. 
But  the  rocks  roll  and  fall ;  they  crush  whole  battalions  ; 
Blood  is  spurting,  flesh  is  quivering  ; 
Oh  !  how  many  pounded  bones  1  what  a  sea  of  blood  1 

VI. 

Fly,  fly,  all  ye  who  have  strength  and  a  horse  1 
Fly,  King  Karloman,  with  thy  black  plumes  and  red  cape  1 
Thy  nephew,  thy  bravest,  thy  beloved,  Roland,  lies  dead  below; 
His  valor  could  not  serve  him. 
And  now,  Escaldunac,  leave  the  rocks. 

Let  us  descend  quickly,  pouring  our  arrows  into  those  who  flee. 
VOL.  II.  10 


146        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

YII. 

They  fly  I  they  fly  1  where  is  now  the  hedge  of  lances  ? 
Where  are  the  party-colored  banners  dancing  in  their  midst  ? 
Light  flashes  no  longer  from  their  arrows  soiled  with  blood. 
How  many  are  they  f  boy,  count  them  well  1 
Twenty,  nineteen,  eighteen,  seventeen,  sixteen, 
Fifteen,  fourteen,  thirteen,  twelve,  eleven,  ten. 
Nine,  eight,  seven,  six,  Ave,  four,  three,  two,  one. 

VIII. 

One  !  There  is  not  even  one  ! 

It  is  done  1  Etcheco-Jaona,  you  may  go  in  with  your  dog, 

And  embrace  your  wife  and  children : 

Clean  your  arrows,  lock  them  up  with  your  horn,  and  then  go  to 

bed  and  sleep. 
To-night  the  eagles  will  come  and  eat  the  broken  flesh,   . 
And  all  these  bones  shall  be  whitening  forever. 

Although  the  battle  in  the  pass  of  Soncesvalles 
was  chiefly  between  the  Franks  and  the  Gascons,  it 
has  been  here  described,  because,  as  his  been  said, 
it  is  very  probable  that  a  contingent  of  Saracens  was 
engaged  in  it ;  but  principally  because  of  its  imme- 
diate connection  with  the  fortunes  of  the  Moslemah 
in  the  north  of  Spain.  It  was  conceived  in  rebellion 
and  ended  in  treachery. 

It  had,  however,  foV  indirect  issue,  the  establishment 
of  the  Spanish  march,  which  was  to  put  a  stop  to 
The  Spanish  the  northern  progress  of  the  Arab-Moors, 

marches  -i     i     •      i 

established,  and  cvcu  curtail  their  dominion ;  and  it  was 
a  subject  of  continual  concern  to  Abdu-r-rahman  and 
his  successors,  by  giving  both  direct  and  indirect  aid 
to  the  Christians  in  the  Northwest.  The  name 
"  Spanish  march  "  was  given  by  Charlemagne  to  the 
country  he  had  under  his  partial  control  on  both  sides 


THE  "DOLOBOTJS  BOUT  "   OF  RONCESVALLES.     147 

of  the  Pyrenees.  It  was  divided  into  two  parts,  —  on 
the  west,  the  march  of  Gascony,  with  Pampeluna  as  ita 
capital ;  and  on  the  east,  the  march  of  Gothia  or  Sep- 
timania,  upon  which  were  impressed  the  "  precepts  "  of 
Charlemagne  and  Louis  the  Pious,  and  which  has  thus 
heen  more  French  than  Spanish  in  its  character  ever 
since.^  While  it  secured  the  Franks  from  incursions 
through  the  mountain  passes,  it  left  that  region  a 
theatre  for  the  intrigues  and  quarrels  of  Moslems 
and  Gascons,  and  thus  indirectly  protected  his  south- 
ern frontier,^  which  was,  after  all,  his  chief  concern. 

We  cannot  attach  much  importance  to  the  brief 
and  general  statement  of  Al  Makkari,  that  Charles 
sent  an  embassy  to  Abdu-r-rahman,  offering  him 
peace,  and  soliciting  his  alliance  by  marriage,  which 
the  Amir's  bodily  ailment  rendered  impossible.  One 
thing  seems  certain.  The  lesson  of  Roncesvalles  was 
so  severe,  that  the  Frankish  monarch  did  not  venture, 
if  he  had  intended,  another  expedition  into  Spain, 
until  the  year  796,  eight  years  after  the  death  of 
Abdu-r-rahmdn.' 

^  "  Nataralmente  los  que  con  mayores  fnerzas  y  mas  poder  con« 
cxuiian  &  lanzar  de  aqnella  parte  del  suelo  espa&ol  y  i  libertar  sus  po- 
blaciones  del  dominio  musulman,  babian  de  imprimir  al  nuevo  estado 
franoo-hispano  el  sello  de  sqs  costumbres,  de  sus  leyes,  de  su  organ!- 
zacion  y  de  sa  nomenclatara.  Los  preceptos  de  Carlo  Magno  y  de 
Luis  el  Pio,  si  bien  generoso  y  protectores  de  los  Espafioles,  comu- 
nicaban  4  aquella  marca  6  estado  todo  el  tinto  gallo-franco  de  su 
origen/*  — La  Fuente,  Higtoria  de  Espafla,  IlL  233. 

^  "  Le  roi  des  Franks  voulut  saisir  Toccasion  de  reculer  sa  fron- 
ti^  meridionale  des  Pyr^n^es  ju8qu*2i  TEbre,  et  d'abriter  ainsi 
d^finitiyement  TAquitaine  et  la  Septimanie,  contre  les  invasions 
musulmaneSk" — Henri  Martin,  JEfistoire  de  France,  II.  270. 

'  I  append,  in  the  original  Basque,  the  third  and  eighth  stanzas 


148       CONQUEST   OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

of  the  CdjUua,  as  a  specimen  of  the  rhetorical  power  and  oral 
effects  of  the  language  : — 

IIL 

Herdarida  1  herdurida !  |  Cerlantzazco  sasia 

I  Nola  cemahi  colorezco  banderas  hoi  en  erdian  agertcendiren  t 

I  Cerainuitac  at  herat  oendircn  hoi  en  armetaric  1 

I  Ceubat  dira  f    Haarza,  condait9ac  ongi ! 

Bat,  biia,   hiror,  lau,  bortz,  sei,  zatpi,  sortzi,   bederatzi,  hamar, 

hameca,  hamabi, 
Hamahirur,  hamalaii,  hamabort,  hamasei,  hamazazpi,  heme9ortziy 

hemeretsi  hogoL 

vin. 

I  Bat  1  Ezta  bihiric  ageri  gihiiago, 

I  Akhaboda  I  Etcheco-jaona,  inaiten  ahaltcia  fure  Macarrarekin. 

Znre  emaztiaren,  eta  ^ure  haarren  bezarcat  cerat, 

ZuT^arden  garbitcerat  eta  alchatcerat  fare  tuntekin  etagero  heiien 

gunian  et  fat^at  eta  lociteat, 
Gabaz  arrchanoac  ienendira  haragi  pusca  leherta  horien  latent 
Eta  hezur  horiec  oro  znritu  codira  etemitatean. 

By  reading  this  aloud,  the  strength  of  the  CarUua  will  be  fonnd 
greatly  increased. 


ADMDOSTBATION  OF  ABDU-B-RAHmXn  L        149 


CHAPTEE  IV. 

THE  SUCCESSFUL  ADMINISTRATION  OF  ABDU-R-RAHMAN  I. 

"ITinrE  may  now  return  to  the  events  that. were 
^  ^  occurring  among  Abdu-r-rahmdn's  own  peo- 
ple ;  which  kept  him  in  continual  activity,  and  gave 
him  constant  concern.  No  sooner  was  one  revolt  put 
down  than  another  burst  forth,  taxing  his  judgment 
and  power  to  the  utmost.  There  are  few  of  them  of 
special  importance,  and  most  of  them  need  only  a 
bare  mention,  as  testifying  to  his  greatness  in  putting 
them  down. 

Not  a  year  had  elapsed  since  the  battle  at  Eonces- 
valles,^  when  Suleyman  Ibn  Al  Arabi,  with  Al 
Huseyn  Ibn  Tahya,  —  both  claiming  for  Rcvoiti 
their  own  purposes  to  be  of  the  faction  empire. 
of  the  Abbasides,  —  rose  in  arms  against  Abdu-r- 
rahmdn,  and  declared  Saragossa  and  its  Comarca 
independent.  In  a  quarrel  between  them,  however, 
Ibn  Al  Arabi  was  assassinated,  and  Huseyn  remained 
the  sole  defiant  traitor. 

The  Ehalif  lost  no  time  in  marching  to  find  Huseyn 
in  his  stronghold.    He  first  sent  his  lieutenant  Ghdlib 

1  Al  Makkari  makes  the  mistake  of  placing  this  erent  in  the 
year  157  (a.  d.  778).  It  was  in  779.  See  notes  19  and  20,  Vol. 
II.  pp.  420,  421.  Many  of  these  events  are  related  in  the  manner 
of  a  rtioonUur,  and,  as  to  dates,  are  almost  as  vague  as  the  "once 
upon  a  time  *'  of  modem  story-tellers. 


150      CONQUEST   OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

to  besiege  him  in  Saragossa,  but  the  insurgents  were 
80  vigorous  that  the  war  was  carried  on  for  a  consid- 
erable period  without  decided  results.  When  Huseyn 
sent  a  large  detachment  to  attack  the  Amir  himself, 
the  measure  of  his  impertinence  was  full.  Abdu-r- 
rahman  marched  against  him  in  person,  taking  in 
his  train  thirty-six  manjanik,  or  war-engines,  with 
which  to  batter  the  place. 

He  was  animated  by  a  relentless  and  fiery  spirit. 
This  rebellion  had  frustrated  his  favorite  and  long- 
cherished  plan  of  carrying  the  war  into  Syria,  and 
avenging  the  wrongs  of  his  race  on  the  soil  where 
they  had  been  received.  He  would  drag  the  Abba^ 
sides  from  the  throne  they  had  so  cruelly  usurped, 
and  restore  the  single  Khalifate,  whose  rule  should  be 
over  the  world,  in  his  own  person. 

The  defeat  of  this  plan  he  would  visit  on  the  head 
of  Huseyn,  whose  rebellion  had  made  it,  at  least  for 
the  time,  impracticable.  The  aspect  of  the  war  was 
suddenly  changed  by  the  vigor  of  his  movements.  He 
took  Saragossa  by  storm,  and  put  the  archrebel  to 
death.  As  he  marched,  in  his  anger  he  had  taken  an 
oath  that  he  would  also  expel  all  the  inhabitants  from 
the  city.  He  kept  his  vow,  and  for  a  space  none  but 
his  own  soldiers  occupied  it  A  considerable  time 
afterwards  he  permitted  the  people  to  return.^ 

From  the  storm  of  Saragossa,  he  marched  to  Pam- 
peluna,  and  thence,  with  curious  steps,  to  the  scene 
of  the  rout  of  Eoncesvalles.  He  did  not  pass  the 
mountains,  but  rested  there  for  a  brief  space,  as  if  in 
defiance  of  all  his  northern  neighbors.     He  then  pro- 

1  An-nuwayri,  quoted  by  GayaDgos,  II.  421,  note  20. 


ADMINISTRiLTION   OF  ABDU-R-RAHMAN  I.         151 

ceeded  to  restore,  or  confirm,  his  authority  in  Gerona, 
Barcelona,  and  Tortosa;  and  thus  impressing  and 
pacifying  the  people  and  towns  in  the  valley  of  the 
Ebro,  he  returned  to  Cordovft  in  triumph,  but  only 
to  meet  a  new  emergency.  This  northern  expedition 
did  not  effect,  however,  a  reconquest  of  the  debatable 
land :  he  never  afterwards  could  claim  the  Spanish 
march  as  indisputably  under  his  government.  It  was 
at  best  btkt  a  march  or  neutiul  frontier,  for  both 
France  and  Spain,  the  philosophy  of  which  we  have 
already  considered. 

The  new  emergency  to  which  I  have  just  referred 
was  a  rising  in  AlgcQiras,  the  exact  date  of  which 
cannot  be  fixed,  but  which  was  instigated  by  Hasan 
Ibn  Abdu-1-aziz,  and  threatened  the  southern  com- 
munications of  the  Khalif.  It  was,  however,  speedily 
put  down ;  and  its  ringleader,  fearing  the  vengeance 
of  the  monarch,  took  ship  and  sailed  for  the  East. 

The  confusion  of  the  factions  was  at  its  height. 
Besides  the  still  existing,  but  ever-waning  conflict  be- 
tween the  parties  of  the  white  and  black  banners,  the 
Ohimeyades  and  Abbasides,  there  remained,  among 
the  men  of  station,  the  strife  for  supremacy  between 
the  Modharites,  to  whom  Abdu-r-rahmdn  belonged,  and 
the  men  of  Yemen,  —  tribes,  each  of  which  had  its 
traditions,  both  Arabian  and  Spanish,  and  its  aspira- 
tions for  supreme  power.  The  men  of  Yemen  still 
cherished  the  memory  of  YiSsuf  Al  Fehrl,  and  looked 
with  hope  to  his  sons,  who  were  still  living.^    But 

^  For  the  principal  rebellions  of  the  Yemenites,  from  the  begin- 
ning, see  Al  Makkari,  II.  421,  note  22.  They  were  that  of  Zoreyk 
Al-ghos&ni,  at  Alge9iras,  involving  Sidonia  and  Seville,  in  760  ; 


152      CONQUEST   OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

the  strongest  element  of  disorder  was  found  in  the 
rival  claims  of  the  Ambians  and  Syrians  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  Berbers  on  the  other,  —  the  former  hav- 
ing the  prestige  of  the  original  conquest,  and  being 
boastful  of  their  lineage ;  the  latter  excelling  in  num- 
bers and  in  energy. 

The  policy  of  the  chief  was  admirable.  He  would 
merge  and  neutralize  these  differences  by  collecting 
and  maintaining  a  large  army,  which,  secure 
imhmAn  of  his  favor  and  pay,  would  be  in  readiness 
standing  to  make  head  against  any  faction,  and  rally 
around  his  throne.  To  this  end  he  gradually 
ceased  his  commimications  with  the  Arabian  chiefs, 
and  surrounded  himself  with  slaves  and  clients  from 
among  the  common  people,  whom  he  attached  to  his 
person  by  kind  treatment  and  gifts.  He  sent  officers 
over  into  Africa  to  enlist  Berbers  there,  who  could 
have  little  interest  in  the  traditional  quarrels,  and  so 
well  did  he  treat  them  that  others  were  always  ready 
to  follow.  Thus  he  had  an  effective  force  of  forty 
thousand  men  always  in  hand  to  crush  revolts,  or  to 
be  the  standing  nucleus  of  larger  armies,  for  any  con- 
siderable expedition,  or  in  case  of  foreign  war.  This 
force  he  was  able  later  to  increase  to  one  hundred 
thousand. 

And  here  we  must  pause  for  a  moment  to  present 
The  BODS  ^®^  briefly  the  fortunes  of  the  sons  of  Yiisuf 
of  TtBuL  ^  Fehri,  who  displayed  a  constancy  in  the 
cause  of  their  family  which  is  among  the  most  strik- 

that  of  Hisham,  a  consin  of  Yiiauf,  in  761,  at  Toledo,  which  lasted 
several  years ;  that  of  Sahid  AI  Yahssobi,  in  765,  at  Niebla,  which 
was  continued  after  the  death  of  Sahid. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  ABDU-R-RAHMJCn  I.         153 

ing  and  interesting  considerations  of  these  troublous 
times  and  exceedingly  confused  history.  The  eldest 
son,  we  have  seen,  fell  in  battle,  after  his  father's 
death,  fighting  valiantly  against  Temam  Ibn  Al 
Kdmah,  in  the  Comarca  of  Toledo.^  The  second 
son,  Mohammed  Abul  Aswad,  was  left  behind  when 
his  partisans  escaped  from  the  after  siege  of  Toledo, 
and  was  made  prisoner  by  B^dr,  the  mauli  of  Abdu- 
r-rahmdn,  in  the  year  763.  Through  the  clemency 
of  the  monarch,  his  life  was  spared,  but  he  was  con- 
fined for  many  years  in  one  of  the  towers  of  Cordova. 
Here  his  story  is  so  decked  in  Arabian  romance  that  its 
details  must  be  received  with  the  usual  allowance.* 
By  his  cheerful  and  harmless  deportment,  he  so  gained 
the  good-will  of  his  keepers,  that  they  relaxed  their 
caution,  and  trusted  him  even  to  leave  his  prison,  on 
the  promise  of  return.  Further  to  deceive  his  guar- 
dians, he  feigned  blindness.  It  seems  hardly  credible 
that  for  eighteen  years,  as  is  asserted,  he  maintained 
this  delusion ;  and  that,  in  the  year  781,  when  he  had 
concerted  with  the  still  active  adherents  of  his  father, 
he  escaped  from  his  prison  and  placed  himself  at 
their  head.  The  monarch  seems  to  have  had  mis- 
givings of  this  evasion,  and  expressed  his  fears  as  to 
the  result^  The  b^nd  man  escaped,  swam  across  the 
river,  and  raised  the  standard  of  Al  Fehii,  around 

1  Coxid^  I.,  part  ii.  ch.  xi. 

*  I  have  token  this  account  from  La  Fnente,  who  does  not  give 
his  authority  for  its  details. 

'  '*  Ciumdo  el  emir  supo  la  evasion  del  creido  ciego,  exclamo : 
'  Temo  macho  que  la  faga  de  este  ciego  nos  haya  de  causar  no  poca 
inqnietud  j  efusion  de  sangre.'  "  —  La  Fuentb,  Historiade  EspafU^ 
IIL  H6. 


154      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

which  at  once  rallied  six  thousand  warriors.  With 
this  army  he  took  possession  of  the  sierras  of  Segura 
and  Cazorla.^ 

Synchronous  with  this  movement,  and  in  concert 
with  it,  Kasim,  the  third  son,  who  had  escaped  from 
Toledo,  had  appeared  as  if  by  magic,  and  was  recruit- 
ing a  force  to  aid  his  brother  in  the  Comarca  of  Sonda. 

But  the  energy  and  dash  of  Abdu-r-rahmdn  were 
more  than  equal  to  this  new  emergency.  Directing 
his  Walis  to  gather  their  contingents  in  haste,  he  put 
himself  without  delay  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry,  and 
marched  upon  Abul  Aswad.  But  that  chief  had  so 
entrenched  himself  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  Sierras,  that 
he  could  not  be  reached  or  drawn  out  He  was.  thus 
able  to  weary  the  troops  of  the  Amir  during  three  years 
of  desultory  warfare,  until  famine  began  to  pinch, 
while  a  levy  en  masse  of  the  king^s  troops  shut  them 
up  in  their  mountain  retreat  without  hope  of  escape. 
In  a  council  of  his  leaders,  their  fortunes  were  dis- 
cussed. Many  deserters  had  gone  into  the  king's 
camp,  and  been  kindly  received ;  and  so  some  of  the 
chiefs  proposed  that  they  should  surrender  to  his 
clemency.  The  alternative  was  to  leave  their  position 
and  accept  battle. 

It  was  now  the  year  784 ;  the  undisciplined  bands 
came  down  from  the  mountains,  and  eagerly  rushed 
upon  the  enemy,  but  they  were  soon  cut  to  pieces,  or 
put  to  flight  in  every  direction :  more  than  four  thou- 
sand lay  dead  upon  the  plain. 

Abul  Aswad  again  escaped ;  and  we  have,  from  an 

^  In  the  present  proyince  of  Jaen,  and  about  forty  mileB  east  of 
the  city  of  Jaen. 


JlDMINISTBATION   OF  ABDU-R-RAHMXN  I.         155 

Arabian  writer,  a  touching  narrative  of  his  lonely 
wanderings;  his  adherents  had  almost  all  deserted 
him ;  and  he  moved  about  in  the  Sierra  Morena  by 
day  and  night,  in  thickets  and  in  caves ;  into  Coria, 
thence  to  Alarcon,  "like  a  famished  wolf."^  Thus 
leading  a  concealed  remnant  of  life,  he  died,  soon  after, 
an  obscure  death. 

The  flight  of  Abul  Aswad,  and  the  destruction  of 
bis  army,  left  the  task  of  filial  vengeance  to  Kasim, 
the  third  son  of  Yiisuf,  who  had  fallen  back  to  the 
Serrania  de  Bonda,  and  still  made  head  against  Abdu- 
r-rahman.  Not  to  dwell  upon  the  details,  nor  to 
estimate  his  chances  of  success,  it  is  sufficient  to 
know  that  he  was  suddenly  captured,  with  Hafila, — 
a  bold  rebel  who  had  escaped  with  the  remnant  of 
Cazorla,  —  by  Abdullah,  the  son  of  Marsilius,  who,  if 
the  account  be  true,  had,  many  years  before,  been 
the  chief  instrument  in  the  capture  and  execution  of 
his  father  Yiisuf.  Hafila  was  at  once  put  to  death 
by  his  captor,  but  the  more  illustrious  prisoner  was 
brought  in  chains  to  Abdu-r-rahman  at  Denia,  where 
the  welcome  news  of  his  arrest  found  him. 

Two  years  had  elapsed  since  the  overthrow  of  his 
brother,  and  the  cause  in  which  they  had  strug- 
gled so  long  was  now  dead.  With  no  remains  of  his 
former  boldness,  he  threw  himself  at  the  feet  of 
his  conqueror,  kissing  the  ground  in  token  of  final 
submission.  It  might  have  been  thought  that,  with 
the  last  representative  and  the  last  hope  of  the 
Fehrites  in  his  power,  the  long-injured  monarch  would 

1  "  Corao  hambriento  lobo,  dice  un  autor  arabigo. "  —  La  Fuemtb» 
HisUn-ia  de  Espaila,  III.  US, 


156      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

have  destroyed  the  faction  forever  by  ordering  the 
immediate  execution  of  Kasim ;  but  the  historian  is 
called  upon  to  eulogize  an  act  of  clemency  more 
praiseworthy  than  the  valor  or  the  patience  he  had  so 
long  displayed.  Little  known  as  .it  is,  it  deserves 
to  be  ranked  among  the  great  magnanimities  of 
history. 

He  ordered  his  chains  to  be  removed,  and  gave  him 
lands  and  a  pension  at  Seville  commensurate  with  his 
Theciem-  former  station.  It  is  pleasant  to  record  that, 
the^prince.  ou  this  occasiou  at  least,  the  clemency  was 
not  misplaced.  The  last  remaining  son  of  Yiisuf  be- 
came the  faithfuL  friend  and  adherent  of  his  generous 
conqueror. 

During  the  five  years  of  this  war  against  the  sons 
of  Tiisuf,  Abdu-r-rahman  had  been  almost  constantly 
in  the  field..  He  had  made  tours  of  inspection  through 
Estremadura  and  Lusitania.  In  all  the  principal 
cities,  he  had  established  mosques  and  public  schools. 
He  had  visited  Zamora,  Astorga,  and  Avila,  —  towns 
on  the  border-land  which  had  been  seized  and  then 
abandoned  by  the  rising  Christian  kingdom  in  the 
Northwest,  —  and  had  passed  some  time  at  Toledo, 
where  his  eldest  son  Abdullah  had  been  installed  as 
governor. 

But  when,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  he  entered  Cor- 
dova with  Kdsim  as  his  prisoner,  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  people  knew  no  bounds:  he  seemed  to  have  a 
second  time  conquered  his  kingdom.  The  thirty 
years*  war  against  the  faction  of  Yiisuf  was  at  end, 
and  he  might  hope  for  a  peaceful  time  in  which  he 
could  embellish  his  domain  and  cultivate  the  humaner 


ADMINISTRATION   OF  ABDU-R-RAHMAN  L         157 

studies  which  would  give  lustre  to  his  reign.  For 
this,  however,  he  was  to  have  but  little  remaining 
time  before  he  should  be  summoned  to  his  grave. 
Brief  as  it  was,  however,  it  was  extremely  busy 
and  fruitful  of  results  to  the  later  history  of  his 
dynasty. 

We  have  seen  that  immediately  upon  his  accession 
to  power,  he  had,  like  his  predecessors,  chosen  Cor- 
dova as  his  capital  There  he  established  his  simple 
court ;  and,  in  the  year  767,  he  began  to  build,  or  re- 
build, the  walls  of  his  capital.^ 

It  contained  some  relics  of  Boman  art;  and  the 
stately  buildings  of  the  Gothic  monarchs  had  not  yet 
disappeared.  The  Bcdatt  Zvdheric,  or  palace  ^^^  ^y^^ 
of  Eoderik,  suggested  their  luxurious  living ;  ^'p***^ 
and  the  powerful  prince,  still  sensitive  to  the  memo- 
ries of  a  happy  and  splendid  youth  in  Syria  before 
his  proscription  and  exile,  determined  to  make  his 
capital,  the  seat  of  his  new  dynasty,  —  in  oriental 
splendor,  in  its  mosques,  palaces,  and  gardens, — 
not  only  the  equal,  but  the  successful  rival  of  Da- 
mascus. 

He  had  thus  early  begun  to  build  the  Bissafah,  a 
splendid  palace  to  the  north  of  Cordova,  in  imitation 
of  that  built  by  his  grandfather  Hisham,  at  Damas- 
cus. He  enclosed  it  with  magnificent  gardens,  in 
which   he    planted  exotics  from  every  clime;    he 

1  "  Anno  CL.  qni  coepit,  Annales  Chronicon,  767,  Feb.  5,  struxit 
Abdor  Bahni&n,  Omiyjades,  Moslemorum  in  Andalusia  princeps 
mcenia  Corihobe."  —  Abulfeda,  Annales  AfosUmxci,  I.  149.  The 
bailding  of  these  walls  continued  for  the  greater  part  of  his  reign. 
—  Al  Maxkari,  II.  87. 


158      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  A£AB-MOOBS. 

brought  water  to  it  from  a  distant  mountain,  and 
made  it  an  enchanted  spot,  MunycUu-T-rissd/ah  (the 
pleasure  gardens  of  the  Kissafah).  He  introduced 
for  the  first  time  the  peach  and  the  pomegranate  into 
Spain,  the  latter  of  which  has  curiously  identified 
itself  with  southern  Spain,  as  if  of  indigenous  growth, 
by  figuring  chiefly  in  the  canting  arms  of  Gi-anada, 
to  which  some  persons  think  it  has  given  the  name.* 

Among  his  importations  of  foreign  plants  and  flow- 
ers was  a  single  palm-tree  from  Syria,  which  he  planted 
with  his  own  hands  in  the  garden  of  the  palace  :  it  is 
said  to  have  called  forth  some  touching  and  beautiful 
verses,  which  we  may  fear,  in  passing  through  many 
hands,  have  not  come  to  us  as  he  uttered  them. 
The  palm-tree,  not  indigenous  in  Spain,  was  the 
glory  and  comfort  of  the  East  I 

"  Seeing,  one  day,"  says  Al  Makkari,  "  at  Seville,  a 
solitary  palm-tree,  which  brought  to  his  recollection 
A  memento  the  placc.  of  his  birth  in  Syria,  and  the 
hom^  ^  friends  he  had  left  there,  he  exclaimed,  in 
a  fit  of  irrepressible  sorrow,  — 

1.  " '  0  palm-tree,  like  myself,  thou  art  alone  in  this  land ;  thou 

also  art  away  from  thy  kindred. 

2.  Thou  weepest,  and  closest  the  calix  of  thy  flowers. 

"Why  ?  dost  thou  lament  the  generating  seed 

Scattered  on  the  mountains  f ' 

3.  '  Tes,  I  do  ;  for,  although  they  all  take  root  in  a  congenial 

soil  like  that  Tt'atered  by  the  Euphrates, 

4.  Yet  orphans  aie  they  all ;  since  the  Beni  Abb4s  hare  driven  me 

away  from  my  family.'  " 

^  The  city  arms  are  :  a  pomegranate  stalked  and  proper,  Oranada. 
Mr.  Marsh  refers  it  to  the  ffranun,  or  grain-like  insect  which  give^  a 
crimson  color.  1  find  in  the  Arabic  forms  Oamatha  and  KdmeiUah 
a  more  probable  oriental  origin  for  the  name. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  ABDU-R-RAHMAN  L         159 

The  four  verses  preserved  by  Ibnu  Hajryan  are 
quite  dififerent :  — 

1.  "In  the  centre  of  the  Rissifah  grows  a  palm-tree,  bom  in  the 

West,  away  from  the  country  of  the  pahn-trees. 

2.  I  once  exclaimed :  *  Thou  art  like  mc,  for  thou  resemblest  me 

in  wandering  and  peregrination,  and  the  long  separation 

from  i-elatives  and  friends. 
8.       Thou  (also)  didst  grow  in  a  foreign  soil,  and  like  me  art  far  away 

(from  the  country  of  thy  birth). 
4.       Hay  the  fertilizing  clouds  of  morning  water  thee  in  thy  exile ! 

May  the  beneficent  rains,  which  the  poor  implore,  never 

forsake  thee ! '  " 

The  later  historians,  combining  these  traditional 
poems,  have  composed  a  more  finished  poem,  true 
in  sentiment,  but  undoubtedly  factitious  in  its  ren- 
dering, and  yet  so  ancient  in  its  exact  form,  that  the 
Arab-Moors  have  repeated  it  from  generation  to  gen- 
eration, as  a  revelation  of  the  character  and  senti- 
ments of  the  Ommeyan  prince,  whose  overflowing  cup 
of  prosperity  still  contained  one  bitter  drop  from  the 
cup  of  exile.^    But  the  lament  of  the  palm-tree  was 

1  Abderrahman  era  guerrero  y  poeta,  y  el  mismo  compuso  &  su 
pfilma  aquella  celebre  y  tiema  balada  que  los  Arabes  repetian  de 
raemoria,  y  que  revela  toda  la  dulzura  de  sentimientos  del  joven 
prindpe  Ommiada.  —  La  Fuente,  Historiade  Espatla,  III.  103. 
The  following  is  Conde's  Spanish  version  of  the  poem : — 

"  In  tambien  insigne  palma  ores  oqui  forastera ; 
De  Algarbe  las  dulces  auras  tu  pompa  halagan  y  besan ; 
ISn  fecundo  suelo  arraigas,  y  al  cielo  tu  cima  elevas, 
Trifltes  lagrimas  Uoraras,  si  cual  yo  sentir  pudieras. 
Tu  no  sientes  contra-tiempos  —  como  yo  de  suerto  aviesa; 
A  mi  de  pena  y  dolor  —  continuas  Ihivias  me  anegan  : 
Con  mis  lagrimas  regue  —  las  palmas  que  £1  Forat  riega ; 
Pero  las  palmas  y  el  rio  —  se  olndaron  de  mis  penas, 


160        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

but  a  contemplative  sigh  in  the  midst  of  a  giand  and 
successful  activity. 

We  have  reached  at  'last  the  close  of  this  singular 
and  eventful  career,  —  truly  adventurous  and  truly 
He  ap-  great.  So  little  has  Christian  literature 
his  end.  kuown  of  this  Arabian  hero,  and  so  per- 
sistent has  been  the  hatred  of  the  Spanish  historians, 
that  one  of  the  greatest  governors  and  generals  of 
early  modem  history  has  been  treated  as  a  legendary 
character,  or  stands  at  least  in  that  nebulous  light 
which  destroys  all  definition  of  form  and  feature. 
We  have  presented  authentic  facts  upon  which  to 
base  a  clearer  judgment  If  these  be  true,  it  would 
appear  that  for  thirty  years  he  had  been  a  conquering 
sovereign;  the  founder  of  a  Spanish  djmasty  upon 
the  ruins  of  a  former  one ;  a  monarch  who  ruled  for 
himself  without  confiding  the  labors  of  administration 
to  others. 

When  he  came,  a  penniless  wanderer,  to  the  narrow 
sea,  he  was  sure  of  no  party,  but  rather  of  almost 
universal  opposition.  Arabian  Spain  had  as  yet  few 
elements  out  of  which  to  form  a  new  nation.  There 
was  no  bond  of  patriotism;  there  were  no  national 
manners  and  customs,  but  rather  a  conglomerate  of 
the  manners  and  customs  of  the  nations  still  repre- 
sented there,  —  the  remnants  of  the  old  order,  more 
influential  than  their  numbers  would  indicate,  and 
the    peoples   who  had   joined  in  or  followed    the 

Caando  mis  infaustos  hados  —  y  de  alabas  la  fiereza 
Me  forzaron  a  dejar,  del  alma  las  dulces  prendas 
A  ti  de  mi  patria  amada  ningun  recuerdo  te  queda ; 
Pero  yo  triste  no  puedo  —  dejar  de  llorar  por  ello." 


ADMINISTRATION   OF  ABDU-R-EAHMAN  I.         161 

Arabian  conquest  There  were  Ai^bians.  Syrians. 
Numidians,  Bomanized  Berbers,  mountain  Berbers, 
Hispano-Bomans,  and  Goths.  These  he  was  to 
fashion  in  a  national  mould ;  and  to  this  end  not 
only  did  he  conciliate  and  combine  the  peoples 
m  the  Peninsula,  but  he  invited,  from  every  part 
of  the  Mohammedan  empire,  his  relatives  and 
friends,  the  proscribed  or  secret  adherents  of  the 
Ommeyades.  They  came  flocking  from  their  con- 
cealments in  Syria,  Sg7pt>  and  Africa,  and,  circling 
round  his  throne,  received  his  protection,  while  they 
gave  coherence  and  strength  to  his  government.^ 
This  was  a  truly  herculean  labor,  and  yet  Abdu-r- 
rahmdn  achieved  it. 

Religion,  too,  had  greatly  languished  in  the  midst 
of  revolutions  and  wars.     It  was  one  of  the  chief 
concerns  of  the  Amir  to  restore  it  to  its  ^^j^ 
rightful  authority  and  its  splendor  of  wor-  rtraction 
ship.     The  Mosque  at  Cordova  was  in  a  Me^Siu. 
ruinous  condition,  and  he  set  to  work  to  re-  <^'^<^^«- 
buQd  it  on  the  old  site,  and  to  make  it  rank  in  gran- 
deur and  sanctity  with  Al  Aksa  of  Jerusalem  and  the 
temple  of  Mecca ;  nay,  to  exceed  them  both. 

Upon  this  splendid  structure,  which  will  be  re- 
ferred to  hereafter  in  speaking  of  Arabian  art  in 
Spain,  he  worked  with  his  own  hands  an  hour,  and 
often  more,  daily,  and  spent  large  sums  of  money. 
He  doubtless  hoped  to  see  its  completion,  but  was 
denied  that  pleasure,  leaving  the  pious  task,  at  his 
death,  to  his  son  and  successor,  Hisham.    He  founded 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  87. 

VOL.  II.  11 


162     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARilB-MOOBS. 

the  schools^  and  hospitals  which  surrounded  the 
mosques ;  and  with  him  commenced  that  vital  prog- 
ress in  arts,  in  science,  in  general  literature,  and  in 
social  life,  which  constituted  Mohammedan  Spain, 
from  the  ninth  to  the  eleventh  century,  the  world- 
centre  of  human  culture,  and  the  arbiter  of  national 
manners. 

His  personality  was  as  well  known,  and  has  been 
as  curiously  preserved  as  that  of  the  false  prophet 
g^  himself.     "  He  had,"  says  Ibn  Zeydun,  "  a 

penonauty.  q\qqj>  complcxion  and  reddish  hair,  high 
cheek-bones,  with  a  mole  on  his  face;  he  was  tall 
and  slender  in  body,  wore  his  hair  parted  in  two 
ringlets,  could  only  see  out  of  one  eye,  and  was 
destitute  of  the  sense  of  smelling.  He  left  twenty 
children,  —  eleven  of  whom  were  sons,  the  remainder 
daughters."  "  He  always  dressed  in  white,"  says  Ibnu 
Hayyan,  "  and  wore  a  turban  of  the  same  color,  which 
he  preferred  to  any  other ;  his  countenance  inspired 
with  awe  all  those  who  approached  him,  whether 
friends  or  foes." 

He  was  brave  to  a  fault,  always  seeking  the  van  of 
battle,  and  in  his  anger  he  was  terribla  Never  self- 
indulgent,  he  spent  much  time  in  visiting  the  sick, 
in  attending  funerals,  and  in  reciting  prayers  for  the 
dead.  He  preached  in  the  Minbar  on  Fridays.  He 
mingled  with  the  people  with  great  affability :  hearing 
their  complaints ;  redressing  their  grievances ;  denying 
himself  to  no  one,  however  humble,  until  his  coun- 
sellors found  him  exposed  to  danger  thereby.    "  May 

^  In  these  schools,  besides  theology  and  law,  there  were  tau^t 
mathematics,  physics,  medicine,  and  rhetoric. 


ADMINISTBATION   OF  ABDU-R-BAHKAN  I.         163 

God  preserve  thy  life,  0  Amir!"  was  the  remon- 
strance of  one  of  his  favorites:  "these  continual 
ramblings  do  not  become  a  powerful  sultan  like  thee ; 
for,  if  once  the  eyes  of  the  vulgar  become  accustomed 
to  the  sight  of  thee,  all  salutary  dread  and  respect 
M'ill  vanish  away."  The  advice  was  taken  in  good 
part,  and  he  thenceforth  abstained  from  crowds. 

His  liberality  has  been  greatly  eulogized,  and  was 
principally  displayed  at  the  frequent  gatherings  of 
the  people  in  Cordova  on  great  days  of  assembly, 
or  when  they  came  to  renew  their  allegiance  to  him. 
He  distributed  money,  presents,  and  dresses  with  his 
own  hand,  and  there  were  heard  from  his  gracious 
lips  such  words  as  these,  addressed  to  one  needy  ap- 
plicant, whose  wants  he  supplied :  "  Let  all  who  are 
in  the  same  condition  with  thyself  apply  to  us  for 
help,  and  make  known  to  us  their  poverty  and  mis- 
fortunes, —  either  personally,  or  by  means  of  memo- 
rials placed  in  our  hands,  —  in  order  that  we  may 
alleviate  the  blows  of  fate,  and,  by  remedying  their 
poverty,  avert  the  malignant  rejoicings  of  their  ene- 
mies." ^  We  jnay  be  sure  the  number  of  applications 
to  such  a  philanthropist  was  very  great 

Itendered  suspicious  by  the  numerous  revolts  and 
conspiracies  against  him,  he  cannot  be  exculpated 
from  the  charge  of  cruel  ingratitude  to  the  ^^ 
men  who  aided  him  in  attaining  to   sov-  Jj^jjlj!*^ 
ereignty.    To  Bedr,  the  trusty  mauli,  who  '"•°*^' 
bad  followed  him  in  his  painful  wanderings,  and 
borne  his  secret  message  into  the  Peninsula,  he  was 

1  Al  Makkari,  IL  88. 


164      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

unkind  and  cruel;  on  what  ground  the  historian 
does  not  inform  us.  He  stripped  him  of  his  honors 
and  emoluments ;  first  cast  him  into  prison,  and  then 
sent  him  into  exile,  where  he  languished  in  poverty, 
writing  to  his  relentless  master  reproaches  for  his 
ingratitude.  **  I  verily  think,"  he  said,  "  that>  had  I 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Beni  Abbas,  1  could  not 
have  been  worse  treated  by  them  than  I  have  been 
by  thee."  ^  The  fact  is  given,  but  the  provocation  is 
not  known. 

To  Temam  Ibn  Al-Eamah,  who  had  proposed  his  ac- 
cession, his  conduct  was  similar.  Forgetting  Temam's 
resolution  in  the  council,  which  offered  him  the  mon- 
archy, and  his  mission  to  the  African  shore  to  bring 
him  over,  the  prince  treated  him  likewise  with  cruel 
n^lect,  and  put  his  family  in  such  disfavor  that 
Hisham,  the  succeeding  monarchy  caused  one  of 
Temam's  sons  to  be,  executed,  as  if  carr3ring  out 
his  father's  purpose. 

There  were  two  other  men  to  whom,  as  we  have 
seen,  Abdu-r-rahmdn  owed  much  of  his  original  suc- 
cess. They  were  Abu  Othman  and  Abdullah  Ibn 
Khaled.  He  neglected  them  both,  and  thus  excited  the 
former  to  rebellion,  which  resulted  in  the  death  of  his 
nephew,  and  that  of  the  prince's  own  nephew,  who 
took  part  in  the  revolt ;  and  he  deposed  the  latter  from 
his  place  as  sheik  or  councillor.  Each  case  may  have 
its  specific  palliation,  but  that  all  his  early  and  zealous 
adherents  should  fare  badly  at  his  hands  is  cumula- 
tive evidence  of  his  ingratitude.  "  Indeed,"  says  Ibnu 
Hayydn,  "  if  we  compare  the  fate  of  those  who  were 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  89,  90. 


ADMINISTRATION   OF  ABDU-E-RAHMAN   L         165 

the  principal  instruments  of  Abdu-r-rahman'a  sue- 
cess^  and  who  gave  him  the  empire,  with  that  of  those 
who  resisted  his  authority  and  were  subdued,  we  shsJl 
find  that  the  fate  of  the -former  was  the  more  lament- 
able and  severe  of  the  two." 

Perhaps  it  is  a  platitude  to  say,  but  it  should  be 
remembered,  that  king-makers  feel  their  consequence, 
and  distastefully  proclaim  their  services,  urging  as 
an  obligation  what  should  be  only  loyal  duty,  and 
thus  render  themselves  discordant  and  painful  ele- 
ments in  an  administration.  Monarchs,  as  nearly 
absolute  as  Abdu-r-rahman,  have  in  all  ages  resisted 
such  claims,  and  then  lapsed  into  absolute  ingrati- 
tude. Claimants  for  'gratitude  are  living  witnesses 
to  lasting  obligation. 

When  the  great  prince  found  himself  approaching 
the  term  of  his  life,  he  made  calm  and  serious  prepa- 
ration for  a  fitting  end.  He  summoned  his  Arranges 
hagib,  or  prime  minister,  his  provincial  walisy  Booceflsion. 
the  governors  of  the  six  capUanias,  or  principal  cit- 
ies with  their  comarcas,  and  his  twenty-four  sheiks, 
who  acted  as  privy  councillors,^  and,  in  their  pres- 
ence,  he  declared  his  son  Hisham  his  Wali  al  hadi 
(successor  to  the  throne).  They  all  renewed  their 
allegiance  to  the  Amir  during  his  life,  and  to  Hisham 
as  his  successor.  This  was  the  act  of  a  monarch,  and 
an  arbitrary  one :  for  Hisham  was  his  third  son;  and 
he  thus  excluded  from  the  succession  the  two  elder 

1  "He  had  not  Wizirs,  properly  speaking,  who  administered  the 
goTernment  in  his  name ;  but  he  had  a  certain  number  of  sheiks, 
who  sat  in  council  and  assisted  him  with  their  experience  and 
adrioe."—  Al  Makkari,  II.  91. 


166      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

sons,  Suleyman  and  Abdullah :  but,  if  arbitrary,  it 
was  eminently  judicious;  for  Hisham  was  far  the 
ablest  of  the  three.  Thus,  too,  he  acted,  in  his  new 
dynasty,  with  no  other  precedent  than  thq^t  of  suc- 
cession by  general  lineage.  The  first  Khalifs  had 
been  elected.  At  a  later  period,  the  succession  had 
been  established  in  a  family,  but  not  always  accord- 
ing to  primogeniture.  As  the  founder  of  a  dynasty, 
and  anxious  for  its  perpetuation,  he  assumed  the 
right  to  select,  as  his  successor,  the  son  in  whose 
powers  and  judgment  he  had  the  greatest  confidence.^ 

That,  however,  the  elder  brothers  felt  themselves 
aggrieved  by  this  preference  is  abundantly  proved  by 
their  conduct  during  the  reign  *of  Hisham  and  that  of 
his  successor.  His  brother  Suleyman  took  up  arms 
against  him,  and  was  defeated ;  both  brothers  after- 
wards revolted  against  their  nephew,  Al-hakem,  the 
son  of  Hisham,  and  Suleyman  was  slain  in  an  en- 
counter. But,  until  the  death  of  Abdu-r-rahman, 
they  gave  no  sign  of  their  dissatisfaction.  They  also 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Hisham. 

With  his  little  remaining  vitality,  the  Amir  set  out 
in  a  litter  to  Merida,  accompanied  by  his  favorite  son 
and  successor,  leaving  Abdullah  in  command  at  Cor- 
dova, and  appointing  Suleyman  to  the  government  of 
Toledo.  His  faint  hopes  of  returning  strength  were 
speedily  destroyed.  • 

^  "  When  Abdu-r-rahmdn  inquired  of  hU  courtiers  how  his  sona 
spent  their  time,  the  answer  was :  '  If  thy  son  Hisham  receives 
company,  his  hall  is  thronged  with  learned  men,  poets,  or  histo- 
rians, who  discuss  the  exploits  of  the  brave,  and  converse  about 
military  affairs,  etc.,  whereas  the  hall  of  thy  son  Suleyman  is  always 
filled  with  sycophants,  fools,  and  cowards.'  '*  —  Al  Makkari,  II.  95. 


ADMINISTKATION  OF  ABDU-R-RAHMXn  I.         167 

At  Merida  lie  lingered  for  a  few  months,  and  at 
last  died  on  the  30th  of  September,  788,  at  the  age  of 
fifty-nine  years,  two  months,  and  four  days.^  And  dies  at 
Nothing  seems  to  be  known  of  the  reason  788. 
which  led  him  to  Merida,  and  caused  him  to  linger 
and  die  there.  Perhaps  it  was  that  nervous  desire  to 
move,  which  dying  men  often  display.  We  are,  how- 
ever, told  that  his  body  was  removed  to  Cordova,  and 
buried  with  great  pomp  within  the  palace,  where  his 
eldest  son  Abdullah  recited  the  funeral  services  at 
his  grave ;'  and  the  people  mourned  the  loss  of  a  just 
king  and  a  friend  of  the  poor. 

The  first  and  greatest  monarch  of  the  new  dynasty, 
—  perhaps  through  a  lingering  respect  for  the  ancient 
seat  of  the  Khalifate,  or  perhaps  because  he  had  not 
conquered  his  rights  in  the  East,  —  he  did  not  at  any 
time  call  himself  Khalif,  or  Aminir-l'Moslemin  (Com- 
mander of  the  Moslemah),  or  Ami'Hiir'Umufnenin,  but 
was  known  as  Amir^  Imdm  ;  ^  but  always  indepen- 
dent raler  of  the  Moslemah  in  Spain. 

There  are  not  wanting  historians  who  have  com- 
pared Abdu-r-rahman  with  his  great  contemporary 
Charlemagne,  to  the  advantage  of  the  former,  comparison 
Careful  historical  comparisons  should  never  magne. 
be  odious,  but  it  is  very  difficult  to  conduct  them 
without  prejudice.  Charlemagne  is  a  character  well 
known  to  all.     If /able  has  endeavored  to  shroud  him 

^  This  is  Cond6'8  account.  Al  Makkari  makes  Mm  fifty-seven 
at  the  time  of  his  death,  but  adds,  "some  writeis  make  him  sixty- 
two." 

'  His  example  was  followed  by  his  snecessors  nntil  the  eighth 
monarch  of  his  dynasty  (Abda-r-rdhman  An  nassir),  who  was  led  to 
adopt  the  supreme  title  by  the  decline  of  the  Abbasides  in  the  East. 


168        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS.' 

in  romance,  history  has  stripped  off  the  false  trap- 
pings, and  presented  him  and  his  reign  \vrith  a  statis- 
tical accuracy,  leaving  little  to  be  desired  by  the 
historical  student  We  read  his  capitularies;  we 
have  tables  of  his  councils  and  his  expeditions ;  his 
literary  projects  are  clearly  defined ;  and  we  know,  as 
well  as  any  modern  biography,  that  of  the  men  of 
letters,  science,  and  philosophy,  with  whom  he  liter- 
ally filled  his  court.  Guizot  has  given  us  a  review 
of  his  correspondence  with  Alcuin  and  others.^  His 
greatness  is  manifest  and  acknowledged. 

If  I  have  been  successful  in  my  portraiture  of 
Abdu-r-rahmdn,  surely  his  claims  to  historic  greatness, 
if  less  known  and  less  influential  in  Western  Europe, 
fairly  rival  those  of  the  great  Charles.  His  conquest 
of  Spain  seems  almost  a  miracle.  His  after  admin- 
istration was  a  marvel  of  judgment  and  skill.  The 
revolts  and  conspiracies  which  he  put  down  equal, 
in  labor  and  in  immediate  results,  the  expeditions  of 
the  Frankish  monarch;  the  schools  he  established 
about  the  mosques  bear  comparison  with  the  scho- 
lastic system  of  Charlemagne,  begun  in  the  cathedral 
schools.  His  army  was  larger  and  better  appointed ; 
his  wealth  greater.  He  was  feared  by  the  Eastern 
Khalifs :  he  consoMated  his  own  people  into  a  more 
compact  utility  than  the  Franks  could  boast. 

The  king  of  the  Franks  was  the  heir  of  a  magnifi- 
cent empire.  If  he  achieved  greatness,  it  was  also  first 
thrust  upon  him.  The  Amir  was  a  homeless  wan- 
derer, who  built  his  throne  out  of  nothing. 

^  Histoire  de  la  Civilization  en  France,  lect.  zzii. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  ABDU-B-RAHMAN  I.         169 

He  was  great  in  both  activities,  as  a  soldier  and  a 
civilizer :  the  Christians  of  his  own  time  called  him 
*'  the  great  king  of  the  Moors."  *  Eoderik  of  Toledo 
styles  him  el  Adahid  (the  Just) ;  and  a  sagacious 
contemporary  writer,  stating  the  case  strongly,  says : 
"  Charlemagne,  the  colossal  figure  of  that  age,  is  be- 
littled by  comparison  with  Abdu-r-rahmdn."  ^ 

^  It  seems  to  me  to  savor  of  Teutonic  prejudice  that  Friedrich 
Schlegol,  in  speaking  of  the  cloisters  and  brotherhoods  of  Charle- 
magne, should  write :  "  It  is  to  the  after  extension  of  these  spir- 
itual corporations,  by  whose  exertions  lands  were  rendered  fruitful, 
and  peoples  civilized,  and  sciences  useful,  and  states  secure,  that 
Western  Europe  is  indebted  for  the  superiority  which  she  attained 
over  the  Byzantines,  on  the  one  hand,  who  were  possessed  of  more 
hereditary  knowledge,  and  the  Arabs,  on  the  other,  who  had  every 
advantage  that  external  power  and  proselytizing  enthusiasm  could 
afford  them."  —  Lectures  on  the  History  qf  LiUralure^  lect.  vii 

^  "Carolo  Magno,  dice  un  escritor  contemporaneo,  la  figure 
colossal  en  aquel  siglo,  queda  rebajado  en  comparacion  de  Abder- 
Tahman."  —  Alcantara,  Historia  de  Granaia,  torn.  I.  The  com- 
parison is  drawn  in  the  interests  of  historic  justice  ;  and  whether 
the  reader  accepts  this  conclusion  or  not,  I  hope  I  have  succeeded 
in  showing  that  it  ib  not  im worthy  of  impartial  consideration. 


170      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAfi-MOOBS. 


BOOK    vin. 


THE  REMAINING  HISTORY  IN  OUTLINE. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE  SUCGESSOBS  OF  ABDU-B-RAHMAN. 

npHE  earlier  writers  on  international  law  were 
-*•  puzzled  as  to  the  exact  period  when,  in  mari- 
time warfare,  the  change  of  title  to  a  prize  may  be 
considered  as  complete:  whether  when  the  capture 
is  originally  effected  and  the  flag  hauled  down; 
whether  after  twenty-four  hours  of  unmolested  pos- 
session; whether  when  brought  irrevocably  infra 
promdia;  or  whether  only  when  a  prize  court,  legally 
constituted,  has  adjudicated  the  matter,  and  declared 
the  new  title  a  fixed  fact 

This  discussion  may  be  properly  applied  to  the 
capture  of  a  realm,  and  the  title  of  sovereignty  in 
Thetnie  the  couqucror.  When,  soon  after  his  land- 
conqueat.  iug  in  Spain,  Abdu-r-rahman  had  put  his 
opponents  to  flight,  and,  gathering  a  large  number  of 
adherents,  had  marched  in  the  first  flush  of  victory 
to  Cordova,  the  conquest  was  virtually  concluded. 
Firm  possession  from  day  to  day,  and  from  year  to 
year,  strengthened,  without  absolutely  establishing, 
his  claims.    The  collection  and  organization  of  his 


THE  SUCCESSORS  OF  ABDU-R-RAHMAN.  171 

large  army  placed  his  administratioii  infra  proBsidia  ; 
but  it  was  not  until  he  died  that  the  high  court  of 
European  history  sat  upon  his  claims,  and  declared 
£he  Khalifate  of  Cordova  as  firmly  established  as  the 
Saxon  power  in  England  or  the  empire  of  Charlemagne 
in  France.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  may  we  assert 
that  the  Conquest  of  Spain  was  completed,  and 
assured  against  any  existing  opposition.  New  ene- 
mies might  arise,  and  new  elements  be  educed  to 
attack  it,  but  they  were  not  to  be  discerned  or  an- 
ticipated at  that  time.  With  the  death  and  testa- 
mentary transfer  of  the  kingdom,  the  Conquest  of 
Spain  by  the  Arab-Moors  was  an  accomplished  fact. 

Until  then,  everything  had  been  provisional  The 
rapid  occupancy  of  the  territory  by  Musa  and  Tank 
had  been  the  furious  surge  of  a  tidal  wave,  which  was 
at  any  time  liable  to  a  retrogression.  The  adminis- 
tration of  tlie  early  Amirs  constituted  Spain  a  distant 
colonial  appanage  of  Damascus,  liable  to  be  strength- 
ened or  weakened  by  numerous  causes,  such  as  the 
strength  or  weakness  of  the  Eastern  throne,  the  claims 
and  counter-claims  of  the  invading  tribes — Arabs 
and  Berbers  —  and  the  strifes  of  factions,  kindled 
for  personal  advantage  by  ambitious  and  unprin- 
cipled adventurers. 

But  when  the  allegiance  to  the  Eastern  Khalif  was 
thrown  ofiT,  and  the  Abbaside  Khalif  openly  defied 
by  one  who  bore  the  best  blood  of  an  older  lineage ; 
when  the  Ommeyan  prince  had  been  sustained  in  fact, 
if  not  in  name,  as  Al-mumenin,  a  new  and  supreme 
Commander  of  the  Faithful, —  a  new  and  natioual 
loyalty  was  created,  and  the  world  saw  the  Conquest 


172        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AIIA3-M00ES. 

of  Spain  rendered  complete  by  its  independence  of 
the  very  power  under  which  it  had  grown  to  such 
self-asserting  strength  and  proportions. 

Here,  then,  indeed,  the  history  which  I  have  under- 
taken to  narrate  finds  its  term.  Spain  has  been  con- 
considcra-  ^.^^^red  by  the  Arab-Moors  and  placed  under 
whKt  permanent  and  systematic  government.  But 
gtves  rise,  ^.j^g  conqucst  thus  achieved  has  been  prin- 
cipally one  of  physical  force,  and  there  are  certain 
corollaries  growing  out  of  the  main  proposition  thus 
established,  without  a  consideration  of  which  this 
would  be  too  literal  and  abrupt  a  termination  of  the 
history.  What  were  they  as  a  nation  in  their  new 
home  ?  What  influence  did  they  exert  upon  the 
history  of  Europe,  then  and  afterwards  ?  What  did 
they  contribute  to  the  civilization  of  mankind  ?  In 
a  word,  what  was  the  value  of  the  conquest  ? 

In  order  to  answer  these  questions  correctly,  it  is 
necessary  to  present,  albeit  in  the  merest  outline, 
the  remaining  history  of  the  Mohammedans  as  long 
as  they  remained  masters  of  any  portion  of  the 
Peninsula;  the  culmination  of  their  power;  the  great 
causes  which  were  at  work  to  undermine  and  destroy 
it ;  its  decadence,  and  final  extinction. 

The  dynasties  or  distinct  governmental  systems  of 
Distinet       the  Arab-Moors,  during  their  nearly  eight 

periods  in  .       •  r  •       i.i 

the  history,  ccnturies  of  occupaucy,  are  convemently 
divided  into  four :  — 

I.  From  711,  the  year  of  the  invasion  by  Tarik 
under  Musa's  orders,  to  the  sdvent  of  Abdu-r-rahman 
Ad-diikhel  in  756.     During  this  period,  Spain  was 


THE  SUCCESSORS  OF  ABDU-R-BAHMAN.  173 

governed  by  the  Amirs  of  the  Khalifs,  twenty- two 
in  number,  beginning  with  Tarik  and  Mosa,  and 
ending  with  Tiisuf  al  Fehrl 

II.  From  Abdu-r-rahmdn  I.,  who  established  the 
independent  Khalifate,  to  the  disruption  of  that 
dynasty,  —  including  seventeen  Spanish  Khalifs  of 
the  Ommeyades,  —  from  756  to  1031,  and  ending 
with  the  reign  of  Hisham  III. 

III.  From  1031  to  1235,  during  which  the  Khalifate 
was  divided  into  many  petty  kingdoms,  acknowledging 
no  common  head,  and  displaying  a  weak  front  to  the 
reconquering  Christian  hosts.  It  was  in  this  period 
that,  under  the  guise  of  allies,  new  peoples  who  had 
become  consolidated  in  Africa  came  over,  and,  while 
usurping  the  power,  made  some  attempts  at  union, 
which  might  stay  the  progress  of  the  Christians. 
These  new  invaders  from  the  South  were  first  the 
Almoravides  and  then  the  Almohades. 

IV.  From  1238  to  1492.  During  this  time,  the 
dominion  of  the  Moslems  surely  and  steadily  dwin- 
dled away  until  it  was  limited  to  the  little  kingdom 
of  Granada,  long  tributary  to  the  Christians,  which 
was  overthrown  in  1492  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella. 

The  first  of  these  divisions  I  have  thus  far  endeav- 
ored to  present  in  detail.  I  have  also  given  an  account 
of  the  reign  of  Abdu-r-rahman  I.  somewhat  at  length. 
In  proceeding  to  give  a  brief  account  of  what  was 
done  in  the  succeeding  periods,  I  must  omit  much 
that  is  of  interest,  but  I  shall  endeavor  to  present  all 
that  is  essential  to  the  plan  proposed  in  this  history. 
Such  is  the  checkered  and  often  confused  'current  of 


174     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  JLBAB-MOOKS. 

events,  that  it  would  tax  the  pen  of  a  more  capable 
writer  to  keep  up  the  interest  of  the  story.  It  may  be 
hoped  that,  keeping  the  purpose  in  view,  the  reader 
will  be  willing  to  lose  no  link  in  the  chain  of  destiny 
here  so  clearly  to  be  discerned.  The  slow  decadence 
of  the  Moslem  power  forms  really  a  part  of  the  history 
of  the  reconquest  of  Spain  by  the  Christians,  as  it 
was  due  to  their  vigorous,  constant,  and  unrelenting 
attacks. 

It  has  been  seen  that,  in  prospect  of  death,  Abdu-r- 
rahmdn  I.  had  declared  his  third  son,  Hisham,  his 
successor,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  two  elder 
brothers,  and  that  they  considered  them- 
selves aggrieved  at  being  thus  set  aside.  Basham 
soon  vindicated  the  sagacity  of  his  father  by  bis 
wisdom,  generosity,  and  justice.  He  restored  the  old 
Boman  bridge  at  Cordova,  and  sedulously  furthered 
the  interests  of  all  parts  of  his  dominions ;  but  his 
chief  labors  still  remain  to  astonish  and  gratify  the 
traveller,  in  the  great  mosque  at  Cordova,  begun  by 
his  illustrious  father,  but  completed  by  him  towards 
the  end  of  his  reign,  in  the  year  796.  Additions 
were  made  to  the  building,  and  new  cotirts  enclosed, 
by  his  successors ;  but  the  main  structure,  even  as  it 
is  seen  to-day,  owes  its  existence  to  the  zealous 
thought  of  the  father,  and  the  pious  and  arduous 
labors  of  the  son. 

It  was  also  during  the  reign  of  Hisham  that  the 
first  steps  were  taken  towards  a  change  in  religious 
decisions.  I  have  already  spoken  of  the  four  Orthodox 
sects  among  the  Mohammedans.  Just  as  the  Arabians 
were  about  to  invade  Spain,  there  was  bom  in  Balbek 


THE  SUCCESSOES  OF  ABDU-R-RAHMaN.         175 

a  religious  philosopher  named  Al  auza'ei,  who  became 
profoundly  versed  in  the  traditions  of  the  faith,  and 
whose  doctrines,  after  becoming  established  at  Da- 
mascus, naturally  made  their  way  with  the  Amirs 
into  Spain.  There  they  remained  in  full  vigor  until 
this  reign,  when  the  learned  doctors  of  Andalusia 
began  to  utter  legal  decisions  according  to  the  opin- 
ions of  Malik  Ibn  Ans,  of  Medina,  the  most  re- 
nowned of  their  Imdms.  In  the  succeeding  reign, 
the  change  had  been  fully  made.  The  rites  of  Al 
auza'ei  were  abandoned,  and  those  of  Malik  substi- 
tuted, the  more  readily  that  this  change  constituted 
another  element  in  their  declaration  of  independence. 
Hisham  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Al-hakem  L, 
against  whom  his  uncles,  still  contesting  the  throne, 
revolted,  but  without  success.     His  reign  is  is  succeeded 

by  his  aon, 

marked  by  his  wars  with  Louis,  the  son  of  Ai-hokem, 
Charlemagne,  upon  the  line  of  the  Spanish  march; 
and  he  appears  as  the  first  of  the  new  dynasty  to 
surround  himself  with  oriental  splendors,  and  a  nu- 
merous retinue  of  guards  and  courtiers,  —  mamelukes, 
eunuchs,  and  men  renowned  for  science  and  lit- 
erature. 

The  history  of  Al  Makkari  abounds  with  illustrative 
anecdotes  of  all  these  reigns,  which-  I  reluctantly 
omit.  Al-hakem  died  in  822,  and  was  worthily  suc- 
ceeded by  his  eldest  son,  Abdu-r-rahman  II.  ^i^^.^ 
Under  his  banners,  the  bitter  contest  with  ^^^^  ^^ 
the  North  went  on,  and  he  conducted  it  with  resolute 
vigor.  He  invaded  Castile  and  Galicia ;  defeated  the 
Christian  king,  Alfonso  II.  of  Leon,  capturing  and 
destroying  his  chief  city,  Leon.     So  important  was 


176        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

his  power  considered,  that  he  received  an  embassy 
from  Theophilus,  Emperor  of  the  East,  in  839,  re- 
questing him  to  join  with  his  forces  to  check  the 
aggression  of  the  Abbaside  Khalifs ;  but,  while  thus 
called  upon  for  a  distant  eastern  movement,  he  found 
a  new  and  essential  use  for  his  troops  at  home.  The 
Northmen  (Majus),  who,  as  Danes,  had  invaded  Eng- 
land, and  as  Northmen  had  already  given  cause  of 
grief  to  Charlemagne  in  France,  now  appeared  with 
unwonted  hardihood  upon  the  coast  and  rivers  of 
Spain.  They  entered  and  ravaged  SeviHe,  and  were 
away  before  the  Khalif  could  come  up  with  them. 

According  to  Al  Makkari,  this  Khalif  added  two 
porches  to  the  great  mosque  at  Cordova.  The  death 
of  Abdu-r-rahmdn  II.  occurred  in  852.  The  succeed- 
ing reigns  of  Mohammed,  Al-mundhir,  and  Abdullah 
until  912,  are  marked  by  no  important  events,  except 
the  partial  destruction,  during  the  reign  of  Mohammed, 
of  the  city  of  Cordova  by  an  earthquake,  accompanied 
by  a  severe  storm  of  thunder  and  lightning.  "  The 
mountains  were  rent  asunder ;  the  castles  and  palaces 
were  levelled  with  the  dust ;  the  birds  left  their  nests 
in  the  branches  of  the  trees,  and  the  wild  beasts  for- 
sook their  dens;  the  inhabitants,  fearing  that  they 
might  be  buried  under  the  crumbling  roofs,  fled  to 
the  open  country."^  This  is  specially  worthy  of 
notice,  because,  allowing  for  exaggerations,  it  may 
account  for  the  disappearance  of  some  of  those  splen- 
did palaces,  so  glowingly  described,  of  which  not  a 
trace  now  remains.    Left  in  too  ruinous  a  condition 

1  Al  MakkAri,  II.  12S. 


THE  SUCCESSOBS  OF  ABDU-R-BAHmXn.         177 

to  be  rebuilt^  they  crumbled  away,  and  their  materials 
were  used  for  other  purposes. 

We  come,  in  the  year  912,  to  the  accession  of 
Abdu-r-rahmioi  III.,  the  grandson  of  Abdullah. 
During  this  reign,  we  can  still  observe  at  The  halcyon 
the  first  glance  the  increasing  power  and  Ibda-r- 
splendor  of  the  Spanish  KhaUfate :  while  a  '^^"^  "^• 
second  and  more  penetrating  one  shows  the  increase 
of  enemies  which  compassed  it  on  all  sides,  requiring 
vigilance  and  constant  effort  to  repel  them ;  for  here 
we  are  reaching  the  culminating  point  in  the  Moslem 
fortunes  in  Spain.  With  what  energy  and  success 
this  monarch  conducted  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  is 
manifested  in  the  titles  history  has  accorded  him. 
He  was  called  Art^ndsir  Hdin-illah  (the  Defender  of 
the  true  faith),  and  AMxr-Umotref  (the  Victorious.) 
He  dealt  promptly  with  rebellions  among  his  people, 
and  carried  on  the  war  against  the  encroaching  Chris- 
tians, whom  he  defeated  at  Zamora,  so  completely  as 
to  awaken  their  fears  and  extort  their  respect.^  The 
prestige  of  his  name  and  the  reputed  splendors  of 
his  court  led  distant  nations  to  seek  his  alliance. .  He 
received  an  embassy  from  the  Slavonians,  and  another, 
of  greater  significance,  from  Constantinople. 

The  magnificence  with  which  he  received  the  latter 
is  given  in  detail  by  Al  Makkari,  in  a  quotation  from 
Ibnu  Hayyan.  The  scene  was  the  throne-room  in  the 
palace  of  Az-zahr4.  The  throne  was  "  glittering  with 
gold  and  sparkling  with  gems ; "  the  entrance  court 
was  "  strewn  with  the  richest  carpets  and  most  costly 

^  During  his  zeign,  the  Christian  Spaniards  made  little  or  no 
progress.    See  Al  Makkari,  I.  395,  note  7. 
VOL.  II.  12 


178        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIK  BY  THE  AEiLB-MOOBS. 

rug3 ;  silk  awnings  of  the  most  gorgeous  description 
had  everywhere  been  thrown  over  the  doors  and  arches." 
The  epistle  of  the  emperor^  written  in  letters  of  gold 
on  sky-blue  vellum,  sealed  with  heavy  gold,  and 
enclosed  in  a  bag  of  silver  cloth,  itself  encased  in 
gold,  was  presented.  Two  poets  had  been  selected  to 
address  the  assembly  upon  the  grandeur  of  the  Span- 
ish Kh£difate,  and  of  this  reign  in  particular ;  but  both 
were  struck  dumb  by  the  awe  of  the  presence.  The 
first  fell,  fainting  to  the  ground,  and  the  second,  ''all 
of  a  sudden,  stopped  for  want  of  a  word  which  did 
not  occur  to  him,  and  thus  put  an  end  to  his  per- 
oration." 

It  was  in  this  reign,  too,  that  there  began  such  a 
new  concentration  of  power  in  Africa  as  foreshadowed 
danger  to  the  Khalifate  from  that  quarter,  and  re- 
quired the  Khalif  to  show  himself  there  with  an 
armed  force.  Like  the  elder  Bnitus  and  like  Con- 
stantine,  but  with  better  reason  than  either,  he  exe- 
cuted his  son,  Abdullah,  who  had  conspired  against 
him.  He  was  the  first  of  the  Spanish  Ommeyades 
He  eaiu  ^^^  assumcd  the  insignia  and  title  of  Khalif. 
"S!m'  T^®  Eastern  Abbasides  had  become  im- 
St^pSth-  potent ;  their  Khalif,  Al-Muktadir,  had  been 
^^"  put  to  death  in  929,  and  then  Abdu-r- 

rahmdn  allowed  himself  to  be  called  Amirur-l-Tnu^ 
menin  (Commander  of  the  Faithful). 

But  all  this  grandeur  did  not  bring  him  content- 
ment. After  his  death,  in  961,  it  was  found  that  he 
had  left  a  paper  in  the  elegiac  vein,  in  which  he 
declared  that,  in  all  his  long  life,  he  only  remembered 
to  have  passed  fourteen  happy  days. 


THE  SUCCESSOBS  OF  ABDU-E-RAHMilN.         179 

This  notable  reign  of  Abdu-r-rahmdn  III.  has  not 
received  the  credit  which  is  justly  its  due,  because  of 
its  position  in  the  current  history.  It  commenced 
nothing,  and  ended  nothing ;  but,  in  truth,  it  marks 
the  most  briUiant  point  in  the  career  of  the  Spanish 
Moslems,  as  it  contained  the  vivifying  influence 
which  gave  superior  popularity  among  historians  to 
the  reign  of  his  son,  Al-hakem  II. 

The  accession  of  this  monarch  was  celebrated  with 
great  pomp.  AU  his  subjects  were  required  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  first  prince  ^.hnkem 
who  could  adopt  by  inheritance  the  title  of  '^ 
Commander  of  the  Faithful  The  kingdom  of  Spain 
had  indeed,  from  the  accession  of  the  first  Abdu-r- 
rahmdn,  been  independent,  but  it  had  now  acquired 
additional  prestige  by  title ;  and  thenceforth'he  who 
considered  himself  the  representative  of  the  prophet 
resided,  not  in  Baghdad,  but  in  Spain.  He  retained 
the  ministers  of  his  father,  and  continued  his  policy, 
which  had  worked  so  well  that,  after  a  prosecution  of 
the  war  in  the  North,  he  received  a  visit  from  the 
Christian  king  Ordono  IV.,  of  Galicia,  that  prince 
being  at  war  with  his  cousin  Sancho,  sought  the  aid  of 
Al-hakem,  which  was  granted.  The  Christian  monarch 
was  awed  by  the  guards  and  dazzled  by  the  splendors 
of  the  Moslem  court,  and  abjectly  declared  himself 
"the  slave  of  the  Commander  of  the  Faithful,"  who 
was  ''his  lord  and  master;"  and,  he  added,  "I  am 
come  to  implore  his  favor,  to  witness  his  majesty,  and 
to  place  myself  and  my  people  under  his  protection."  ^ 

^  The  addreases  of  Al-hakem  and  Ordoiio  may  be  read  in  Al 
Hakkaii,  IL  168. 


180      C0NQT7EST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

Again  the  Northmen  came,  landing  at  Lisbon,  but 
were  driven  away  by  the  inhabitants  before  Al-hakem 
could  arrive.  Again,  too,  signs  of  trouble  were  man- 
ifested in  Africa^  and  the  ELhalif  sent  an  army. to 
reduce  the  people  on  the  coast  to  submission.  But 
the  chief  gloiy  of  Al-hakem's  reign  was  not  in  the 
splendor  of  his  court,  or  the  importance  of  his  politi- 
cal achievements.  From  Cairo  and  Baghdad  came 
learned  men  and  skilful  scribes  to  aid  him  in  the 
chief  purpose  of  his  life,  —  the  collection  of  books, 
as  material  for  the, pursuit  of  science  and  letters,  and 
for  the  establishment  of  "  the  golden  age  of  literature 
in  Spain."  He  had  numerous  agents  in  the  East  em- 
HiB  splendid  pl^ycd  lu  purchasing  rare  and  curious  books, 
libraiy.  ffj^^  merchants  found  it  a  profitable  busi- 
ness. The  Khalif  was  lavish  in  his  presents  to 
authors  and  collectors.  He  surrounded  himself  with 
the  best  bookbinders,  the  most  careful  transcribers 
and  those  skilful  in  illuminating  the  manuscripts. 
The  library  was  in  his  palace  at  Cordova;  and,  ac- 
cording to  the  chronicler,  had  no  rival  in  the  world, 
except  that  of  An-nasfr,  the  thirty-fourth  Ehalif  of  the 
house  of  Abbas,  which  was  destroyed  by  the  Moguls 
when  they  took  Baghdad  in  1258.  I  have  reserved 
a  further  reference  to  Al-hakem's  collection  for  a  later 
chapter. 

The  political  power  bequeathed  to  him  by  his  father 
had  been  maintained,  and  he  had  added  to  this,  great 
progress  in  science  and  literature.  If,  when  he  died 
in  976,  a  successor  had  appeared  worthy  to  inherit 
these  great  legacies,  —  a  man  active,  valiant,  and  pru- 
dent, a  lover  of  learning,  and  a  patron  of  authors. 


THE  SUCCBSSOBS  OF  jLBDU-B-RAHmXn.         181 

living  and  dead^ — instead  of  being  called  upon  sadly 
to  relate  the  decadence  of  this  splendid  empire,  the 
historian  might  have  dwelt  with  pleasure  upon  a 
firmer  government,  acquisitions  from  the  enemy,  de- 
cisive victories,  and  a  more  brilliant  civilization.  The 
dynasty  of  the  Ommeyades  would  have  lengthened  out 
into  a  shining  procession,  each  monarch  striving  to 
impallid  the  splendors  of  his  predecessor  by  the 
dazzling  rays  of  his  own  glory ;  but  unfortunately 
this  was  not  to  be. 

When  Al-hakem  died,  in  976,  his  son  and  heir, 
Hisham  II.,  was  but  nine  years  old.  The  minority  of 
a  king,  history  shows  us  by  many  examples,  mshamiLt 
is  a  misfortune  to  the  nation.  The  am-  kki^?^*'*^ 
bitious  nobles  use  a  power  which  they  do  not  nomi- 
nally usurp,  and  yet  it  is  the  worst  sort  of  usurpation, 
because  most  diflBcult  to  define  and  denounce.  Con- 
spiracy was  rife.  A  rebellious  uncle,  Al-Mugheyrah, 
was  taken  and  strangled.  The  air  was  full  of  ques- 
tions and  doubts.  Who  should  exercise  the  power 
which  the  young  king  could  not  wield  ? 

There  was  a  young  Spanish  Arab,  bom  near  Al- 
ge^iras,  drawing  his  lineage  from  an  ancestor  who  had 
entered  Andalus  with  the  invading  force  of  Tarik. 
His  name  was  Mohammed  Ibn  Abdullah;  but  as 
afterwards,  in  his  eventful  career,  he  assumed  the 
title  Al-maTmi/r  (the  Victorious),  the  Ara-  Aimiui>iir, 

"theVIc- 

bian  historians  have  called  him  thus  in  torioot." 
relating  the  story  of  his  life.     There  is,  indeed,  but 
one  Al-mansur  in  Spanish  history.     It  was  he  who 
commanded  the  guards  by  whom  the  uncle  of  Hisham 
was  strangled.    When  a  youth  he  had  travelled  to 


182        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

Cordova,  and  established  himself  in  a  little  shop  near 
the  palace-gate.  A  skilful  scribe,  his  chief  business 
was  to  write  letters  for  those  who  could  not  write, 
and  petitions  for  those  who  entered  the  palace  seeking 
boons  from  the  monarch.  He  was  soon  remarked, 
and  recommended  by  one  of  the  eunuchs  of  the 
palace  to  the  queen  Sobha,  the  mother  of  the 
young  king  Hisham.  By  his  gentle  manners  and 
generosity  he  won  her  heart  and  her  favor,  and  used 
them  to  carry  out  plans  which  his  ambition  had  from 
the  first  been  secretly  devising. 

He  pleased  the  queen  greatly  by  the  present  of  a 
miniature  palace  wrought  in  silver,  and  she  introduced 
him  into  the  presence  of  Al-hakem.  The  stars  were 
propitious  to  his  ambition ;  for  the  Khalif,  who  was 
addicted  to  astrology,  had  found,  among  the  prophecies 
concerning  his  reign,  one  referring  to  a  rising  man, 
whose  hands  were  of  a  tawny  color,  and  who  had  a 
sabre  cut  on  his  head.  Al-mansur  had  the  tawny 
hands,  and  was  later  to  have  the  description  completed 
after  the  death  of  Al-hakem  by  receiving  a  wound  on 
the  head. 

The  story  of  his  intrigues  for  power  is  curious  and 
interesting.  He  curried  favor  with  the  hijib,  Al- 
mus'hdf^.  Then  he  conspired  with  Ghalib  to  unseat 
him ;  when  in  turn  Ghalib  was  made  hdjib,  he  turned 
against  him  with  a  like  success.  The  weak  young 
Khalif  at  first  was  suspicious  of  this  powerful  in- 
triguer, but  soon  folded  his  hands  and  permitted  him 
to  take  the  chaige  of  the  treasures,  and  at  last  to 
wield  the  entire  power.  Al-mansur  then  assumed  great 
state,  took  a  grand  guard  of  Berbers  into  his  pay,  and 


THE  SUCCESSORS  OF  ABDU-R-RAHMiCN.         183 

built  a  powerful  castle,  rivalling  even  that  of  royalty, 
which  he  called  "  Medinat  Az-zdhirah."  He  arrayed 
himself  in  royal  robes,  issued  gold  and  silver  coin  bear- 
ing his  name,  and  required  the  priest  to  read  a  prayer 
for  him  in  the  great  mosque,  immediately  after  the 
Khotbah,  or  prayer  for  the  Ebalif.  It  was  after 
reaching  this  climax  of  arrogance  that  he  assumed 
the  titles  Al-hdjib  (the  Supreme  Minister),  and  Al- 
mansur  (the  Victorious). 

And  what  substantial  reasons  could  he  present  for 
such  unblushing  impertinence  ?  The  very  strongest 
or  he  could  not  have  sustained  himself.   The  „.  „.„^. 

116  Tuturps 

king  was  a  recluse  and  a  dreamer,  unfit  to  ^J  wi^t 
rule ;  Al-mansur  was  a  man  of  the  greatest  ^^^  ^^^'' 
gifts.  His  government  was  just  and  rigorous ;  the 
people  respected,  if  they  did  not  love  him.  He  was 
a  distinguished  warrior,  happiest  when  in  the  field. 
He  fought  fifty-six  pitched  battles  without  losing  a 
single  one.  He  forced  the  Christians  back  at  all  points. 
He  destroyed  Leon.  He  flew  southward  to  defeat 
the  Idrisites  in  Africa;  for  he. foresaw  that  out  of 
Africa  a  new  destroyer  was  to  come,  unless  his  power 
should  be  nipped  in  the  bud.  He  formed  an  alliance 
with  the  Zenetes,  and  crushed  them  when  they  in 
turn  became  treacherous.  He  captured  Barcelona,  the 
chief  city  of  the  Spanish  march ;  invaded  Galicia,  and 
destroyed  Santiago,  its  chief  city. 

Here  was  a  hero  to  whom  the  people  would  grant 
almost  anything :  a  man  to  trust,  a  rock  to  lean 
against;  one  who  might  have  usurped  the  title  of 
Elhalif  with  the  power,  and  did  not.  All  this  time, 
while  Al-mansur  was  acting,  Hisham  lay  concealed  in 


184        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOOBS. 

the  palace ;  and  when  Al-mansur  was  on  his  cam- 
paigns, the  king  was  carefully  watched  bj  others; 
not  with  a  view  to  his  injury,  but  because  Al-mansur 
could  not  afford  to  lose  him.  He  was  not  a  man,  but 
a  name,  and  that  name  was  respected  by  the  people. 

Occasionally,  to  convince  the  multitude  that  the 
king  still  lived,  the  great  minister  brought  him  out^ 
arrayed  in  his  royal  robes,  and  mounted  on  horse- 
beu^k ;  he  held  a  sceptre  in  his  hand,  and  Al-mansur, 
on  foot,  led  his  horse  by  the  bridle. 

Al-mansur  died  on  the  7th  of  August,  1002,  leav- 
The  death  of  ius  the  kingdom  in  an  unfortunate  condi- 
xninbiter.  tiou.  It  was  no  lougcr  an  important 
question,  who  should  be  king,  but  who  should  be 
h&jib ;  and  the  more  unanswerable  inquiry  was,  who 
could  succeed  Al-mansur.  His  hand  had  been  felt 
in  every  department;  he  had  made  additions  to  the 
mosque  at  Cordova;  he  had  built  many  structures 
besides  his  own  castle ;  he  had  constructed  a  bridge 
across  the  Xenil  at  Ecija.  He  had  written  the  com- 
plete text  of  the  Kor&n  with  his  own  hand,  and  car- 
ried it  with  him  in  all  his  campaigns.  His  servants 
were  directed  to  collect  all  the  dust  which  gathered 
in  his  garments  during  his  marches  against  the  in- 
fidels, and  preserve  it  in  a  bag,  to  be  mixed,  when  he 
should  die,  with  the  spices  used  in  embalming  him. 
He  bore,  as  another  memento  Toori,  his  grave-clothes 
always  with  him ;  and  the  winding-sheet  was  made 
of  linen  grown  on  the  land  he  had  inherited  from  his 
father,  and  spun  and  woven  by  his  own  daughters. 
His  constant  prayer  was  that  he  might  die  while 
making  war  against  the  Christians,  and  this  was 


THE  SUCGBS30B3  OF  ABDU-E-BAHICiir.  185 

granted  him.  Thus  he  is  represented  as  very  devout 
and  very  moral  He  had,  it  is  said,  enjoyed  wine  in 
moderation  until  two  years  before  his  death,  when  he 
abandoned  its  use.  Whatever  his  faults,  here  was  a 
real  hero  whose  valiant  exploits  conquered  a  popu- 
larity which  he  did  not  stoop  to  seek. 

Except  Abdu-r-rahman  L,  whose  career  has  so 
many  salient  and  romantic  points,  the  greatest  name 
in  the  annals  of  Moslem  Spain  is  that  of  Al-mansur. 
In  the  words  of  the  risdleh  of  Ash-shakandi :  ''  I  know 
no  other  Moslem  who,  in  his  conquests  of  the  Chris- 
tian territory,  reached,  sword  in  hand,  to  the  very 
shores  washed  by  the  Green  Sea  [Bay  of  Biscay] ; 
who  did  not  leave  in  the  infidel  country  a  single 
Moslem  captive ;  who  surpassed  Herkal  [Heraclius] 
in  the  number  of  his  armies,  Ishkander  [Alexander] 
in  prudence  and  mUitery  talents ;  and  upon  whose 
tomb,  when  his  doom  was  decreed,  the  following 
verses  were  engraved:  — 

"  *  The  traces  he  left  behind  will  tell  who  he  was,  as  if  thou  saw- 
est  him  with  thine  own  eyes. 
By  Allah  1  the  succeeding  generations  will  nerer  prodnce  his 
equal,  nor  one  who  knows  better  how  to  defend  our  fron- 
tiers.' "  * 

Upon  his  death,  which,  notwithstanding  his  ap- 
parent usurpation  of  power,  caused  the  greatest 
sorrow  to  King  Hisham,  Abdu-1-malek,  the  ^^^  ,j,^ 
son  of  Al-mansur,  succeeded  without  ques-  ^^**>' 
tion  to  the  post  of  hdjib,  being  endued  with  the  khU  *ah 
or  robe  of  honor,  and  having  his  commission  signed 
by  the  king  himself.    Thus  the  precedent  was  made 

I  Quoted  by  Al  Makkari,  I.  84. 


186      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

of  a  lineal  succession  of  hdjibs,  parallel  with  the 
lineal  succession  of  kings.  After  following  in  the 
footsteps  of  his  father  for  seven  years,  he  died  in 
1008,  and  his  place  was  occupied  by  his  brother, 
Abdu-r-rahman,  who  felt  himself  so  strong  in  his 
office  that  he  extorted  from  the  Khalif,  Hisham,  who 
was  still  kept  in  seclusion,  the  nomination  as  suc- 
cessor to  the  throne.  Like  causes  produce  similar 
results :  this  was  the  re-enactment  in  Spain  of  the 
maires  du  palais  usurping  the  throne  of  the  sluggish 
kings  in  France ;  with  singular  exactitude  of  persons 
and  order, — Al-mansur,the  Peppin  of  Heristal;  Abdu- 
1-malek,  a  weaker  Martel ;  and  Abdu-r-rahman  a  less 
successful,  but  equally  ambitious,  Peppin  le  Bref. 
There  the  parallel  ends :  the  Carlovingians  in  France 
were  on  the  flood-tide  to  fortune;  the  hajibs  of  Hisham 
were  struggling  against  a  fearful  ebb.  At  this  juncture 
there  was  no  Moorish  Charlemagne. 

Not  only  was  the  Khalif  s  promise  given,  but  in  a 
wordy  and  humiliating  proclamation,  and  with  solemn 
investiture,  the  inheritance  was  bestowed  upon  the 
hdjib  for  "the  generosity  of  his  soul,  the  greatness 
of  his  origin,  the  nobility  of  his  descent ;  his  piety, 
his  prudence,  his  wisdom,  his  talents ;  .  .  .  since,  in 
short,  he  [the  Khalif]  knows  him  to  unite  in  his  own 
person  every  good  quality."  ^ 

But  although  centuries  had  elapsed  since  the  Ara- 
The  hefr  bi*^^  tribes  came  into  Spain,  their  old  jeal- 
jpjarcnt  Qusics  wcrc  uot  yet  laid  to  rest.  The  family 
Btroyed.  ^£  ^j^^  ambitious  hajib  were  Yemenites; 
the  Beni  Ummeyah  and  the  proud  Koreishites,  who 

1  Al  Makkari,  II.  228. 


THB  SUCCESSORS  OF  ABDU-R-RAHmXn.         187 

caied  litde  who  was  king,  would  not  brook  such 
rivalry.  They  revolted  against  Abdu-r-rahmdn, 
seized  him,  and  cut  off  his  head  The  active  chief 
of  the  conspirators,  Mohammed,  great-grandson  of 
Abdu-r-rahmdn  III,  then  confined  the  unfortunate 
king,  Hisham,  more  closely,  gave  out  that  he  was 
dead,  and  declared  himself  Khalif  by  the  immediate 
grace  of  Ood,  AUmvJidirhUlah  (directed  by  the  grace 
of  God). 

But  this  usurpation  of  the  offices  of  hdjib  and  khalif 
was  a  dangerous  business.  This  time  it  was  not  the 
pure  Arabian  blood  alone  that  conspired.  The  Berbers 
and  Zenetes  rose  in  revolt,  while  the  people  of  Cor- 
dova sided  with  the  usurper.  It  was  at  the  instance 
of  the  citizens  that  Al-muhdi  issued  an  edict  expel- 
ling these  African  tribes  from  the  city.  This  was 
the  beginning  of  a  new  and  most  serious  complica- 
tion. After  their  ejectment,  these  tribes  proclaimed 
Suleyman,  Al-musta  '{n-bUlah  (the  implorer  of  God's 
assistance) ;  and  under  his  banner  they  marched  against 
Al-muhdl  There  was  varying  success  until,  after 
being  once  driven  from  Cordova  to  Toledo,  Al-muhdi 
returned,  and  was  compelled  to  resort  to  a  humiliat- 
ing means  of  saving  his  life  and  his  office  as  hajib. 
He  announced  that  Hisham  was  not  dead;  he  fol- 
lowed the  announcement  immediately  by  presenting 
him  to  the  people,  demanding  anew  their  oath  of  alle- 
giance to  him;  and  then,  divesting  himself  of  his  false 
royalty  (as  one  may  say,  newly  directed  by  the  Lord), 
he  reserved  only  his  office  of  high  chamberlain  until, 
perchance,  he  might  again  use  it  as  a  stepping-stone 
to  the  higher  dignity.    But  in  those  days  it  seemed 


N 


188      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

that  for  eveiy  Mjib  Allah  had  foreordained  an  assas- 
sin. Mohammed  Al-muhdi  met  such  a  fate,  and  then 
the  confusion  became  worse  confounded.  Arabian 
Spain  became  a  prey  not  to  foreign  enemies,  but  to 
eveiy  bold  miscreant  within  her  own  borders  who 
wore  a  sword,  and  who  could  inspire  a  party. 

Under  Suleyman,  the  Berbers  captured  Cordova, 
plundered  it,  and  massacred  its  inhabitants,  and 
Inroads  of  thcnceforth  they  renounced  all  authority; 
the  Berben.  ^.j^^y  gppg^d  like  a  plaguc  over  Andalusia, 

taking  towns  and  districts,  and  preparing  for  that 
fatal  segregation  which  was,  after  a  little  space,  to 
give  up  the  entire  country  to  the  successful  inroads 
and  occupation  of  the  victorious  Christians  of  the 
north.  It  was  in  this  desperate  conjuncture  that  the 
Beni  Hammvd  arose.  In  the  time  of  Al-mansur  this 
Hammud  had  appeared  and  asserted  himself  as  a  de- 
scendant at  ten  removes  from  Ali,  the  cousin  and  son- 
in-law  of  the  prophet  By  prudence  and  cunning  he 
had  gained  power  and  adherents,  and  now  his  sons, 
Al-kasim  and  Ali,  were  strong  enough  to  shake  off 
the  usurping  yoke  of  Suleyman  and  to  cause  his 
assassination  after  a  stormy  rule  of  three  years. 

Both  Ali  and  Al-kasim,  in  turn,  were  placed  upon 
the  throne,  but  only  to  perish  by  the  hand  of  the 
assassin;  and  thus,  while  figuring  as  khalifs  in  the 
dynasty  of  the  Ommeyades,  they  were  in  reality  only 
the  founders  of  the  djmasty  of  the  Beni  Hammud, 
who  were  never  more  in  reality  than  kings  of  Cor- 
dova. Al-kasim  was  captured  and  strangled  in  the 
year  1035. 

We  need  not  follow  the  confused,  and  in  many 


THE  8UGCESS0BS  OF  ABDU^B-RAHMiif.         189 

respects  siiDilar,  history  of  the  remaining  khalifs  of 
the  united  empire,  Abda-r-rahmdn  Y.,  Mohammed 
III.,  Yahja  Ibn  Ali,  and  Hisham  III. 

The  last  of  these,  a  man  of  noble  but  mild  dis- 
position, was  king  most  of  the  time  in  name  rather 
than  in  reality;  he  disputed  the  right  to  Theendof 
rule  with  Tahya,  and  died  in  retirement  in  S\^JoS^ 
the  year  1036.  In  the  words  of  Al  Mak-  '"•^ades. 
kari^  ''he  was  the  last  member  of  that  illustrious 
dynasty,  which  had  ruled  over  Andalus  and  a  great 
portion  of  Africa  for  a  period  of  two  hundred  and 
eighty-four  years,  counting  from  the  accession  of 
Abdu-r-rahman  I.,  surnamed  Ad-dakhel,  in  756."^  In 
conventional  phrase,  not  without  a  sigh  of  resignation 
he  adds :  "  There  is  no  God  but  Him  I  He  is  the 
Almighty ! " 

Thus  the  second  period  in  the  Moro-Arabian  occu- 
pancy of  Spain  came  to  its  end,  and  with  its  dose 
there  were  only  gloomy  forebodings  for  the  future ; — 

**  Moz  datnroB 
Progeniem  vitiosiorem.'' 

I  Al  ICakkaii,  IL  244. 


190     CONQUEST  07  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 


CHAPTER  IL 

"THE  MEN  DEVOTED  TO  GOD,"  —  AL-MORABITH. 

TT  is  no  part  of  the  task  which  I  have  assumed  to 
•^  enter  into  the  details  of  the  later  history,  so  fall 
of  historic  interest  and  poetical  romance.  The  dy- 
nasty of  the  undivided  Ehalifate  having  come  to  an 
Spain  ®^^»  Arabian  Spain  fell  literally  to  pieces, 

tato  pet^  the  remaining  history  being  that  of  petty 
kingdoms,  kingdoms.  Each  city  was  a  royal  residence, 
and  every  successful  chief  became  by  courtesy  a 
monarch  and  the  founder  of  a  short-lived  dynasty. 
Thus  we  ha»ve  in  Malaga  the  Beni  Idris,  —  from  Idris, 
the  son  of  Yahya  Ibn  Ali,  —  from  1036  to  1055 ;  the 
kings  of  AlgeQiras,  likewise  Beni  Idris, —  from  Moham- 
med, the  grandson  of  Hamud,  —  from  1040  to  1058  ; 
the  Zeyrites,  in  Granada,  from  1013  to  1090;  the 
Beni  Jehwar,  of  Cordova,  from  1030  to  1058 ;  the 
Beni  'Abba'd  of  Seville,  from  1023  to  1091; 
the  Beni  Dhf-n-niin,  of  Toledo,  from  1012  to  1086 ; 
the  Beni  Tojib  and  Beni  Hud,  in  Saragossa,  from 
1012  to  1146 ;  the  Beni  Al-afbas,  in  Badajos,  from 
1009  to  1094;  the  Beni  Abl  'Amir,  in  Valencia, 
from  1021  to  1092 ;  the  Beni  Tahir,  in  Murcia.  from 
1038  to  1091 ;  and,  no  further  to  specify,  the  little 


"THB  MBN  DEVOTED  TO  GOD."  191 

kingdoms  of  Almeria,  Denia,  the  Balearic  Islands, 
and  As-sahlah  (a  small  district  between  Murcia  and 
Valencia). 

These  petty  kings  were  sometimes  fighting  against 
each  other,  and  sometimes  joining  hands  to  oppose 
the  down-coming  Christians,  until  they  were  startled 
by  a  new  incursion  from  Africa,  from  which  they 
hoped  little  and  feared  much.  It  was,  indeed,  a  new 
Mohammedan  incursion,  which  might  be  efifectual  to 
stay  the  Christians  indeed  for  a  time,  but  which,  in 
consolidating  Isldm,  threatened  destruction  to  the 
existing  kingdoms  by  the  absorption  of  every  one  of 
them  in  this  African  vortex.  I  refer  to  the  coming 
of  the  Almoravides. 

These  Hew  hosts  from  Mauritania  were  soon  to 
march  into  Spain ;  and,  while  they  were  to  trample, 
without  compunction,  upon  the  Moslem  TheAi- 
rights,  and  to  usurp  the  power  of  the  kings,  ^o^^^^ei. 
all  that  could  be  predicted  in  their  favor  was  that 
they  would  stay  for  a  brief  period  the  progress  of  the 
banner  of  the  cross.  The  philosophy  of  their  rise 
and  progress  in  Africa  is  easy  to  explain.  With  the 
contraction  and  consolidation  of  power  at  the  seat  of 
the  Eastern  Elhalifate,  with  far  more  important  in- 
terests in  Asia  than  in  Africa;  and  with  a  like  con- 
traction and  consolidation  in  Spain,  —  which  ended 
in  the  final  disruption  of  the  Ommeyan  dynasty,  — 
Africa  had  been  left  as  an  intermediate  ground,  where, 
neither  power  being  felt,  the  field  was  clear  for  new 
men  to  devise  new  and  ambitious  schemes.  The 
Fatimite  Elhalifs,  founded  by  Al-mahdi  in  the  ninth 
century,  conquered  Egypt  and  held  sway  in  Eastern 


192        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

Africa  until  they  were  finally  destroyed  by  Saladin 
in  the  twelfth  century.  But,  always  looked  upon  by 
the  Abbasides  with  disfavor  as  Shiites  or  heretics, 
they  were  too  weak,  too  much  concerned  for  their 
own  safety,  to  interfere  in  these  new  schemes  which 
were  taking  form  in  the  centre  and  west  of  northern 
Africa. 

In  this  condition  of  affairs,  it  happened  that,  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlas  chain,  there  arose,  in  the  deserts 
Yiiaaf  ibn  ^^  aucicut  G^tuUa,  a  Berber  of  the  family  of 
TMhefln.  Lamtuna,  named  Yiisuf  Ibn  Tashefin.  The 
Lamtunas  were  a  part  of  the  great  tribe  of  the  Zanaga, 
who  —  not  in  the  direct  march  of  the  conquest,  or  of 
later  communications  —  were  roused  from  their  long 
AndAiH  lethargy  by  anew  religious  revival  Abdullah 
Taaim.  Ibu  Yssim,  a  Moromte,  or  man  of  God,  of 
great  sanctity,  beginning  with  the  Lamtunas,  preached 
a  new  crusade,  not  against  the  Infidel,  but  with  pur- 
pose to  reform  the  degenerate  Moslemah.  Such,  at 
least,  was  the  inception  of  what  was  soon  to  prove 
a  formidable  invasion  of  Spain.  Abdullah  was  the 
preacher  and  Tiisuf  the  warrior.  At  the  call  of  Abdul- 
lah, eighty  thousand  of  the  tribe  of  Zanaga  flocked  to 
the  standard  of  Yiisuf.  Their  religious  enthusiasm 
made  them  monks  —  "  wearers  of  the  veil "  — ^as  well 
as  warriors ;  and,  at  the  bidding  of  the  preacher,  they 
assumed  the  name  of  Al-morahith  (men  devoted  to 
God),  which  has  taken  the  form  of  Almoravides  in 
the  languages  of  Europe. 

This  large  and  constantly  increasing  force,  occupy- 
ing fertile  spots  on  the  edge  of  the  desert,  wandered 
hither  and  thither,  gaining  momentum  and  mobility^ 


"THE  MEN  DEVOTED  TO  GOD."       198 

and  at  last,  as  if  at  a  bound,  they  crossed  the  Atlaa 
Mountains,  and  came  like  an  inundation  upon  the 
West.  Thus  growing  in  numbers  and  in  wealth, 
under  the  prudent  but  stem  rule  of  Yiisuf,  they  be- 
came disciplined,  and,  from  a  desultory  horde,  were 
changed  into  a  mighty  host,  marshalled  for  conquest 
and  empire.  It  became  a  dominion  and  a  dynasty  : 
the  political  conditions  rose  superior  to  the  religious 
purpose.  Yiisuf  founded  the  city  of  Morocco,  and 
the  new  Telemsan.  Nothing  in  northern  Africli  could 
resist  the  extension  of  his  sway. 

He  was  already  looking  beyond  Africa  for  fields 
worthy  of  his  powers,  and  was  prudently  devising 
the  best  mode  of  invading  Spain.  He  was  already 
called  by  his  people  Amir  of  the  Modemah  and  D&* 
femder  of  the  Faith ;  he  would  wait  for  a  more  ex- 
tended conquest  before  assuming  the  title  of  Khali£ 
It  was  in  this  conjuncture  of  affairs  that  he  was  called 
upon  to  enter  Spain,  where  the  segregated  Moslemah 
were  waging  the  never-ending  battle  with  the  ad- 
vancing Christians,  and  losing  ground  at  every  shock. 

The  Arabian  chroniclers  have  given  us  the  details 
of  his  personality ;  and,  as  he  was  the  most  prominent 
figure  in  the  events  soon  to  follow,  we  may  charactw 
dwell  for  a  moment  upon  their  portraiture.  SmoP**^ 
Not  noble  by  birth,  nor  honored  by  fortui-  ^^"'• 
tons  station,  he  had  the  gift,  so  rare  in  history,  of 
inciting,  marshalling,  and  governing  vast  numbers  of 
men,  and  leading  them  to  great  achievements.  His 
description  by  eye-witnesses  of  his  exploits  helps  us 
to  understand  the  history.  He  was  a  tall,  thin  man, 
of  clear  brown  complexion  (daro  moreno)^  with  piero- 

YOL.  II.  13 


194       CONQUBST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

ing  black  eyes,  under  arched  brows ;  an  aquiline  nose ; 
thick  black  hair;  very  little  beard;  his  voice  was 
clear  and  ringing.  He  was  valiant  in  war»  prudent 
in  government,  austere  and  grave,  but  very  liberal; 
modest  and  decent  in  dress,  never  wearing  any  but 
woollen  garments ;  moderate  in  pleasures,  affable  in 
manners^  and  very  sparing  in  diet,  living  upon  camel's 
milk  and  flesh,  and  barley  bread.^  Thus  he  was  at 
once  a  leader  and  an  example  to  his  followers. 

Such  was  the  man  who  was  called  into  Spain  at 
the  moment  when,  of  all  things,  he  desired  to  go  there; 
He  i8  called  ^*  happened  in  this  wise.  Alfonso  VI.  had 
intospaia  already  captured  Toledo  on  the  10th  of 
June,  1081,  and  had  set  about  the  task  most  odious 
in  the  eyes  of  the  Moslemah  of  "  converting  them  to 
polytheism."'  With  an  insolence  that  grew  with 
success,  he  had  invaded  the  Moorish  territories  of 
Badajos  and  Seville,  and  compelled  their  kings  to 
compound  for  his  withdrawal  by  paying  tribute.  Al- 
mu'tamed,  king  of  Seville,  being  engaged  in  war 
against  the  king  of  Almerid,  —  a  fact  significant  of  the 
internecine  troubles  among  the  Moslemah,  —  did  not 
pay  the  tribute  when  due,  but  let  the  time  pass,  by 
only  a  few  days.  When  the  tardy  tribute  arrived, 
Alfonso  would  not  receive  it,  but  imposed  certain 
new  conditions.  One  was  that  the  king  of  Seville 
should  cede  to  him  certain  fortresses ;  and  another, 
of  the  most  extraordinary  nature,  was  that  Al- 
fonso's queen  Constanza,  who  was  then  enceinte, 
should  be  allowed  to  reside  during  her  retirement^ 

1  atad  by  La  Fuente,  Historia  de  Espafla,  lY.  865. 

^  The  trinitarian  doctrine  as  opposed  to  the  monotbeism  of  IsUnu 


'^^ 


M 


THB  MBN  DEVOIXD  TO  GOD."  195 


'with  a  proper  retinue,  and  biing  forth  her  ohild  in 
the  great  mosque  of  Cordova,  or  in  the  palaoe  of  Az- 
zahia»  on  account  of  the  sacredness  secured  to  that 
spot,  in  his  eyes,  by  the  fact  that  a  venerable  Christian 
ohuroh  had  stood  to  the  west  of  the  great  mosque. 

The  bearer  of  this  insolent  request  was  a  Jew,  one 
of  Alfonso's  ministers,  who  added  to  the  insult  of 
this  demand  by  the  arrogance  and  pertinacity  ^ifonao's 
with  which  he  preferred  it  The  anger  of  8^ui&^ 
the  Moslem  king  got  the  better'  of  his  prudenca  He 
seized  an  inkstand,  and  threw  it  with  such  force 
^  that  it  lodged  in  the  skull  of  the  Jew,  whose  brain 
feU  down  his  throat,"  and  then,  as  if  to  restore  the 
unfortunate  brain,  and  certainly  to  put  the  greatest 
scorn  upon  the  Christian  king,  he  executed  the  Jew- 
ish ambassador  by  nailing  him  to  a  post  with  his 
head  downward.^ 

The  rage  of  Alfonso  when  he  received  these  tidings 
knew  no  bounds,  and  his  measures  for  revenge  were 
prompt  and  powerfuL  He  at~once  raised  two  armies : 
one  under  the  command  of  an  enterprising  general, 
who,  after  laying  waste  the  territory  of  Beja,  was  to 
proceed  to  Sevilla  Taking  command  of  the  other  in 
person,  he  marched  directly  to  Seville ;  and  when  the 
armies  met  on  the  bank  of  the  Guadalquiver,  he  be» 
sieged  the  town. 

It  was  in  this  critical  emergency  that  the  Moorish 
king  of  Seville  determined  to  ask  the  aid  of  Yiisuf 

1  Al  Makkari,  11.  271.  This  is  followed  by  another  and  slightly 
different  account,  that  the  escort  of  the  Jew^  fire  hundred  in  num- 
ber, were  put  to  death,  all  but  three  ;  and  that  the  king  seized  the 
ambassador  by  the  throat,  and  '*  shook  him  and  beat  him  until  the 
eyes  came  out  of  his  head." — lb.  272. 


196        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THB  ABAB-MOOBa 

and  his  Almoravides.  He  reasoned  with  himself  and 
with  his  counsellors  thus :  ''  If  I  treat  with  Alfonso, 
the  infidel,  I  may  bu;  him  off;  but  this  will  not  be 
agreeable  to  Allah :  if  I  lean  for  support  on  Yiisuf,  I 
do  an  act  agreeable  to  Him ;  and,  as  for  consequences, 
it  is  better  to  be  a  camel-<lriver  [as  Yiisuf 's  prisoner] 
than  a  keeper  of  pigs  [for  Alfonso  in  Castile]." 

Armed  with  tins  logic,  and  not  shrinking  from  the 
singular  result  in  the  near  future  that  he  should  be 
Yiisuf 's  prisoner  in  Africa,  he  announced  his  intention 
to  introduce  the  Almoravides.  This  announcement 
gave  pleasure  to  most  of  the  Moslem  people :  it  was 
only  the  petty  kings  who  were  concerned  at  it ;  they 
could  easily  be  swallowed  up ;  in  their  opinion,  there 
was  no  room  for  such  a  host  in  Spain.  But  Al- 
mu'tamed  lost  no  time  in  carrying  out  his  project. 
He  wrote  to  the  kings  of  Badajos  and  Granada  to  send 
him  their  chief  kadis ;  he  sent  for  the  supreme  judge 
of  Cordova.  To  these  ministers  when  they  arrived  he 
added  his  own  wizir ;  and  the  embassy  of  four  thus 
formed  he  sent  across  the  strait  to  Yi^uf. 

Meantime,  that  far-seeing  leader  had  been  busy  in 
preparation  for  the  very  task  to  which  he  was  now 
summoned.  Berbers  were  constantly  flocking  to  his 
standard,  and  already,  in  a  vague  correspondence  with 
some  of  the  chief  men  of  Andalus,  he  had  intimated 
his  purpose  to  be  their  ally  and  good  friend. 

The  arrival  of  the  embassy  from  Seville  presented 
ab4  Is  re-  the  coveted  opportunity.  He  gave  orders  for 
tfaeMooriih  the  immediate  crossing  of  his  army  from 

king  of  ^  " 

sevTua.        Ceuta,  and  was  met  by  a  fleet  of  boats  fitted 
out  by  the  Sevillians,  and  supplied  with  provisions  in 


"THE  MEN  DEVOTED  TO  GOD."  197 

laige  quantity.  When  all  his  troops  were  landed,  he 
marched  without  delay  to  Seville,  ''army  after  army, 
general  after  general,  and  tribe  after  tribe/'  Alfonao 
hastened  to  meet  him,  with  the  purpose,  according  to 
a  letter  written  to  Al-mu'tamed,  "to  give  him  occupa- 
tion for  the  rest  of  his  days  1 "  Upon  his  arrival,  Yiisuf 
had  marched  to  Badajos ;  and  the  Christian  king,  in- 
stead of  beating  up  his  quarters,  thought  to  crush  the 
king  of  Seville  before  he  could  receive  succor.  The 
battle  between  Al-mu'tamed  and  Alfonso  was  long  and 
bloody.  The  great  number  of  African  camels  fright^ 
ened  the  Sevillian  cavalry  and  threw  them  into  dis- 
order. The  Moorish  king  was  severely  wounded,  and 
his  troops  had  lost  heart ;  but  the  sorely  pressed  mon- 
arch, thinking  of  a  pet  child  at  home,  held  on  hoping 
against  hope.^ 

It  was  then  that  he  received  intelligence  of  the 
arrival  of  Yiisuf  Ibn  Tdshefin,  who  had  been  delayed 
by  the  stratagem  of  Alfonso.  He  had  sent,,  on  Thurs- 
day morning,  to  Al-mu'tamed  this  message :  **  To- 
morrow is  Friday  and  a  holiday  for  the  people  of  thy 
creed ;  so  is  Sunday  for  those  of  ours.  Let  the  battle 
take  place  on  the  intermediate  day,  which  is  Satur- 
day." This  ruse  de  guerre,  although  suspected  by  the 
king  of  Seville,  and  communicated,  with  the  suspicion, 
to  YiiBuf,  came  near  being  fatal  to  the  Moslemah. 
Making  his  preparations,  and  employing  his  scouts  on 

1  The  itoiy  is  toaching:  '<0  Abii  Hifihlmr  ha  exclaimed, 
«<  the  evord  has  fractured  my  bones,  but  God  gaye  me  courage  and 
endurance  during  the  bloody  conflict.  Amidst  the  clouds  of  dust  I 
think  of  thy  pleasant  person,  and  the  pleasant  thought  induces  me 
not  to  flee."  -- Al  Hakkabi,  II.  285. 


198        CONQUEST  OF  SPi^N  BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

Thursday  night,  Alfonso  fell  upon  the  Sevillian  camp 
the  next  morning,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  nearly  anni- 
hilated that  force  before  Yiisuf  could  come  to  their 
assistance.  When  he  did  come  in  the  extreme  mo- 
ment, by  the  fiercest  fighting  he  not  only  extricated 
Al-mu'tamed  from  his  peril,  but  achieved  a  complete 
victory  over  the  Christians.  Alfonso,  wounded  in 
the  thigh,  was  borne  away  in  the  flight ;  his  camp  was 
taken  and  plundered ;  and  thousands  of  his  bravest 
were  killed  or  taken  prisoners. 

Of  this  battle  of  Zalacca,  fought  on  the  23d  of 
October,  1086,  in  the  plains  not  tea  from  Badajos, 
The  battle  Coud^  says,  it  "  was  the  most  fortunate  and 
ofzakccft.  eventful  of  any  fought  since  that  of  Tar- 
muz  and  the  day  of  Cadesia ;  seeing  that  the  battle,  or 
rather  the  infidel  downfall  of  Zalacca,  caused  the  seat 
of  Islam  to  be  made  firm  in  Andalusia ;  and,  whereas 
before  that  time  the  foot  of  the  believer  had  become 
feeble,  and  was  slipping  away  from  the  path  traced 
out  for  him  by  the  hand  at  Grod,  it  now  became  ooih 
finned  in  strength,  and  the  Faithful  returned  to  their 
pristine  constancy  in  the  law."  * 

To  strike  terror  into  the  Christian  hearty  Yiisuf, 
who  now  assumed  the  title  Amir  Al-mumenin,  or 
'*  Commander  of  the  Faithful,"  —  equivalent  to  Efaalif 
or  Sultan,  —  cut  ofiP  the  heads  of  the  Christian  dead 
and  the  prisoners,  and  distributed  them  through  An- 
dalusia. He  sent  to  each  of  the  cities,  —  Seville,  Cor- 
dova, Valencia,  Saragossa,  and  Murcia,  —  ten  thousand 
of  these  ghastly  trophies  of  victory ;  and  ^ad  besides 

^  Cond^  Dominacion  de  los  Arabes,  II.  part  uL  ch.  XTiiL 


'*THB  HEN  DEVOTED  TO  GOD."  199 

forty  thousand  to  despatch  to  Africa,  in  order  to  show 
the  people'What  a  famous  victory  Allah  had  conferred 
upon  the  Moslem  arms.^  If  anything  further  was 
needed  to  crown  the  Moslem  success,  it  was  the 
death  of  Alfonso  of  the  wound  he  had  received  in 
battle. 

After  being  magnificently  entertained  at  Seville, 
Y^uf  made  preparations  to  return  to  Africa ;  but  it 
soon  became  evident  that  the  mighty  host  Ttkanf  m- 
he  had  brought  over  liked  Andalus  better  AfHc*.  but 
than  Africa,  and  had  no  disposition  to  go  main. 
back.    His  movements  were  quickened  when,  in  the 
height  of  the  general  rejoicing,  he  received  inteUi* 
genoe  of  the  death  of  his  son,  Abu  Bekr,  at  Morocco. 
This  gave  him  an  excuse  for  hurrying  over  in  person, 
and  leaving  for  the  time  his  army  in  Spain,  to  pursue 
their  victory  over  the  Christian,  by  vigorous  advance 
and  the  recapture  of  the  towns  on  the  frontiers  of 
Gralicia.    Thus  history  repeated  itself,  and  the  Al- 
moravides  became  masters  of  Moslem  Spain. 

The  narrative  of  the  exploits  and  successes  of  the 
Almoravides  in  Spain  is  long  and  interesting,  but  the 
details  would  be  out  of  place  in  this  history.  They 
form  a  part  of  the  reconquest,  and  present  another 
illustration  that  "  a  house  divided  against  itself  cannot 
stand."  A  few  more  words  will  complete  our  ab- 
'  stract 

When,  after  travelling  through  his  dominions  in 
Africa,  Ttisuf  returned  to  join  his  army  in  Spain,  it 
was  with  the  full  purpose  to  occupy  the  country  and 

^  Cond^,  Dominacion  de  Iob  Arabes,  II.  part  ill.  ch.  ztL 


200        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

exercise  supreme  control  there.  He  would  resist  the 
Christian  advance  by  uniting  and  commanding  the 
Moslemah :  if  the  Moslemah  resisted,  he  would  chas- 
tise them  into  submission.  Meantime  his  armies  had 
been  making  conquests  in  Galicia. 

In  the  year  1090,  he  laid  a  vigorous  siege  to  Toledo, 
the  newly-conquered  capital  and  court  of  the  Chris- 
tian king ;  but  his  efforts  were  unequal  to  its  Betaraiand 
capture.  He  had  sent  word  to  Abdullah  tokSS^ 
Ibn  Balkan,  the  Zeyrite  king  of  Granada,  to  join  him 
with  his  forces ;  and,  on  his  neglect  to  do  so,  Yiisuf 
penetrated  to  his  capital,  made  him  prisoner,  and,  seiz- 
ing his  treasures,  sent  him  in  irons  to  Agmdt.  Then 
the  decree  went  forth,  and  his  generals  set  out  to 
conquer  the  whole  of  Andalus.  Valencia,  Bad%jos, 
and  Cordova  fell  one  by  one  into  his  hands ;  and  at 
last  he  turned  against  Seville,  his  former  ally,  and 
besieged  Al-mu'tamed  in  his  capital  It  is  signifi- 
cant of  the  situation  that  the  king  of  Seville  was  now 
reduced  to  ask  the  aid  of  the  Christian  king  against 
Yiisuf.  In  spite  of  a  diversion  in  his  favor  by 
Alfonso,  which  was  checked  by  a  detachment  sent 
for  that  purpose,  Seville  was  captured,  and  Al-mu- 
'tamed  made  prisoner.  He  was  sent  to  Africa,  where 
he  died  in  captivity  four  years  afterwards:^  and 

^  There  are  many  anecdotes  of  Al-mn'tamed,  as  indeed  of  every 
Andalusian  monarch  of  note.  One,  which  is  not  germane  to  the 
history  indeed,  gives  a  glimpse  of  the  condition  of  woman,  and  the 
seraglio  life  in  Spain.  His  favorite  wife  Romeykiyyih  "hap- 
pened to  meet,  not  far  from  her  palace  in  Seville,  some  country- 
women selling  milk  in  skins  and  walking  up  to  their  ankles  in  mad. 
On  her  return  to  the  palace,  she  said  to  her  royal  spouse,  '  I  wish  I 
and  my  slaves  could  do  what  those  women  are  doing.'    Upon  which 


"THB  KW  DEVOTED  TO  GOD."  201 

when  on  the  Mohammedan  Easter  some  of  his 
friends  penetrated  into  his  prison,  they  found  him 
dressed  in  worn-out  clothing;  while  his  daughters 
were  reduced  to  wander  about  barefooted,  gaining  a 
miserable  pittance  by  spinning.^ 

The  downfall  of  the  petty  but  independent  king- 
dom of  Seville  was  the  seal  of  the  Almoravide  su- 
premacy in  Spain.  But  the  power  thus  gained  was 
to  be  enjoyed  by  others.  Old  age,  with  its  infirmi- 
ties, had  come  upon  Yiisuf.  For  some  time,  he  lived 
in  retirement  at  Ceuta ;  and,  when  he  felt  the  pre- 
monitions of  death,  he  caused  himself  to  be  conveyed 
to  Morocco,  where  he  died,'  in  September,  1106,  at 
the  age  of  a  hundred  years,  after  reigning  forty  years 
in  Africa  and  seventeen  in  Spain.  A  notable  hero 
this,  whose  exploits,  had  he  lived  in  northwestern 
Europe,  would  have  eclipsed  the  fame  of  the  contem- 
porary English  kings  of  Norman  race,  and  the  rising 
family  of  Capet  in  France.  In  that  historic  mist, 
which  has  so  long  enshrouded  the  Peninsula  and 
northern  Africa,  heroes  are  hidden  or  dimly  revealed, 
and  it  is  for  the  future  historian  to  clear  away 
the  fog  and  disclose  them  in  their  colossal  pro- 
portiona 

With  Ytisuf  the  power  of  the  Almoravides  was 

Al-ma'tamed  iraaed  orders  that  the  whole  of  his  palace  shoald  be 
strewn  with  a  thick  paste,  made  of  ambergris,  musk,  and  camphor, 
mixed  together  and  dissolved  in  rose-water.  He  then  commanded 
that  a  number  of  vessels,  slung  from  ropes  of  the  finest  spuq  silk, 
should  be  procured,  and,  thus  arrayed,  the  Udy  and  her  maids 
went  out  of  the  harem  and  splashed  in  that  mud."  —  Al  Max- 
KABI,  II.  299. 

1  Cond^  II.  part  iii  ch. 


202        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

perfected  and  then  culminated.  During  the  thirty-six 
years  of  the  reign  of  his  son,  Ali,  and  the  two  The  domia- 
years  of  Alf  s  son  and  successor,  Tdshefin,  Aimon- 
troubles  accumulated.  The  Christians  still  toa&e&d. 
continued  their  victorious  advance ;  the  Moslemah  in 
Spain  revolted;  again  the  petty  kingdoms  declared 
their  independence:  but  the  great  peril  to  the  Al- 
moravides  was  not  from  these  combined  causes.  It 
was  brewing  at  the  South.  Africans  were  to  conquer 
Africans,  and  struggle  with  each  other  for  the  occu^ 
pancy  of  Moslem  Spain.  From  the  coming  of  Yiisuf 
Ibn  T^he£(n,  in  1092,  there  had  been  four  eommandera 
of  the  Almoravides  in  Spain ;  and  their  dominion  ex* 
tended  to  1147>  a  period  of  fifty-five  years.^ 

^  I.  Ydsuf  Ibn  Tdahefin,  from  1092  to  1106.     II.  'All,  to  1143. 
III.  T^hefin,  to  1145.    IV.  Is'hiik,  to  1147. 


BODBIQO  J>UZ,  THB  CID  OAMFEABOB.  203 


CHAPTER   III. 

BODBIGO  DIAZ,  THE  CID  CAMFEADOB. 

TT  is  neoessaiy  to  the  completeness  of  ttiis  otitline 
•L  to  tarn  aside  from  the  cuirent  of  events  for  a 
brief  space,  in  order  to  present  a  slight  biographical 
notice  of  a  hero  whose  wonderful  and  daring  exploits 
are  curiously  intermingled  with  those  events.  His 
personality  presents  itself  vaguely  indeed,  but  none 
the  less  really,  as  an  exponent  of  the  history  and  as 
the  embodied  genius  of  the  reconquest.  In  the  words 
of  Schlegel :  *'  He  is  worth  a  whole  library  ^he  cw  of 
for  understanding  the  spirit  of  the  age  of  *">«W«>^ 
which  he  was  the  personification/'  His  history  is 
full  of  romance,  which  is  exaggerated  and  disfigured 
in  chronicles,  epic  poems,  and  canciones;  but  even 
this  legendary  romance  is  full  of  the  historic  spirit 
I  speak  of  Bodrigo  Diaz,  the  Cid  Campeadcr,  His 
real  exploits,  as  &r  as  they  can  be  ascertained,  are  a 
golden  clue  to  the  ever-changing  labyrinth ;  his  poetic 
hazaiUis  and  hechoa,  exaggerated  as  they  are,  serve  to 
display  the  estimation  in  which  the  noblest  prowess 
and  the  highest  magnanimity  were  held  by  friends  and 
enemies  alika  Christian  kings  and  Moslem  amirs  sink 
into  insignificance  beside  the  supereminent  glory  of  el 
mio  Cid,—^''mj  Cid."   His  splendid  mailed  figure  on 


204       CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-HOOBS. 

the  matchless  horse  Bavieca,  and  wielding  the  trench- 
ant sword  Tiaanay  attracts  aU  eyes  on-  eveiy  field :  his 
glory  illumines  the  age.  The  envy  of  his  fame  by  the 
Christian  kings,  fostered  by  jealous  nobles,  marks  a 
period  of  disorder  in  which  the  Christian  monarchs 
forgot  that  they  were  fighting  for  Christianity  and 
Spain,  and  were  really  contending  for  personal  power 
,^nd  aggrandizement  His  frequent  banishments  and 
recalls  show  that  any  instrument  would  be  used  by 
these  kings  to  effect  their  purpose,  and  flung  aside 
when  no  longer  needed.  He  beckoned,  and  men  flew 
^  his  standard ;  he  fought  for  the  Christians  against 
the  Moslemah ;  he  fought  for  Moors  against  Moors ; 
he  fought  for  his  own  hand,  and  became  a  king  of 
men  without  the  name. 

It  is  unfortunate  that  the  historian  is  limited  for 
material  to  works  based  upon  truth,  but  enveloped  in 
«« craniM  fiction.  Chief  among  these  is  the  "Chronicle 
^^"  of  the  Cid,"  —  "  Cronica  del  famoso  Ca- 
vallero  Cid  Buy  Diez,"  which  was  used  in  the  compi- 
lation of  the  ''Cronica  Greneral"  ascribed  to  Alonzo  X. 
(eVSabio).i 

Of  equal  value  is  the  "  Poema  del  Cid,**  an  epic  idyl 
of  three  thousand  lines,  of  which  the  date  cannot  be 
"Poenutdd  ^^T^iolj  fixed,  but  which  cannot  be  later 
<^"  than  the  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century, 

and  was  therefore  written  very  soon  after  the  death 
of  the  Cid.  Based  upon  history,  although  without 
dramatic  form,  it  is  essentially  dramatic  in  char- 
acter, and  presents  to  us  the  events  in  the  twelfth 

^  It  was  first  paUiahfid  at  Boigoa  in  1508. 


BODBIGO  DIAZ,  THE  dD  CAMFEADOB.  205 

and  thirteenth  centuries  with  the  rarest  local  coloring. 
By  aid  of  these  documents,  we  discern  the  colossal 
fignre  of  a  warrior  and  a  statesman  who,  although 
noble  by  birth,  like  thousands  of  others,  owed  his 
promotion  and  his  fame  to  his  own  good  sword, 
wielded  mostly  against  the  infidel,  as  a  champion  of 
the  Spanish  king  and  of  Christian  Spedn ;  sometimes 
as  the  ally  of  one  Moorish  chief  against  the  en- 
croachments of  another ;  sometimes  as  an  exile  from 
royal  envy  and  injustice:  striking  out  "for  his  own 
hand  "  and  carving  a  realm  for  himself. 

There  are,  in  this  changing  history,  so  many  dis- 
solving views  that  baffled  historians  have  held  high 
controversy,  not  only  as  to  the  deeds  ascribed  to  him, 
but  as  to  his  very  existence.    The  many  indeed  ac- 
cept the  hero  of  the  chronicle  and  the  poem  with 
large  abatement  of  detail.    A  few  like  Masdeu,^  and   ■ 
minor  writers  like  Galieno,  deny  that  any  such  hero  / 
ever  existed  as  a  historic  character.    The  final  and 
logical  acknowledgment  of  the  Cid  is  prob-  Aoe«pted  as 
ably  due  to  the  decision  of  the  learned  penonage. 
Niebnhr.    The  reader  will  see  in  what  a  cloud'-land 
the  historian  is  obliged  to  work. 

A  bare  historic  outline  of  the  man  and  the  part  he 
played  in  this  eventful  stoiy  is  all  that  I  am  called 
upon  to  giva  This  the  reader  may  fill  in  by  a  care- 
ful study  of  the  chronicle  and  the  poem,,  which  may 
be  divested  of  the  romantic  fiction  by  deeper  re- 

^  He  WM  in  ignorance  of  the  contents  of  a  mannscript  Chronicle 
of  tike  Cid  of  the  thirteenth  century,  cited  by  Rieoo,  which,  stolen 
daring  the  internal  disorders  of  Spain,  was  by  chance  bought  in  Lis- 
bon of  a  French  pedler  in  1846. 


206        COKQUEST  OF  8PAIN  BT  THE  ARAS-'HOORS. 

searches  in  the  works  of  Sandoval,  Riaco,  Qaititana> 
and  later  controversial  writers.^ 

A  few  details  will  suffice  ns.  The  father  of  the 
Cid  was  Diego  Lainez,  a  man  of  good  family;  his 
Thecid*!  inother  was  Teresa  Bodriguez,  daughter  of 
**°^y-  the  governor  of  the  Asturias :  the  hero  was 
bom  about  the  year  1040  ^  —  the  exact  date  cannot 
be  determined — at  a  little  village  near  Burgos  named 
Vibar,  from  which  he  is  often  called  Bodrigo  de  Yibar. 
His  birth  occurred  just  after  the  empire  of  the  Om* 
meyades  had  fallen  to  pieces,  and  Moslem  Spain,  now 
divided  into  petty  kingdoms  of  unequal  strength,  had 
lost  power  by  disunion,  and  presented  a  tempting  a&d 
easy  conquest  to  the  Christian  Spaniards.  Christian 
Spain,  long  in  a  state  of  division,  was  oonsolidattng 
its  power  just  as  Moslem  Spain  was  breaking  into 
fragments. 

Look  for  a  moment  at  the  state  df  these  opposing 
dominions.  Barcelona,  as  a  separate  province,  waa 
governed  by  Bamon  Berenguer  L,  who  ruled  ttom. 
1035  to  1076.  Bamiro  I.  was  king  of  Aragon  (1035- 
Thedi-  1063).  Garcia  Sanchez  II.  ruled  in  Navarre 
sSiSuih*'  (1035-1054).  But  the  greater  portions  of 
tenitoty.  Christian  Spain,  including  Castile,  Leon,  and 
GaUcia,  were  in  the  hands  of  a  powerful  monarchy 
Fernando  L,  who,  having  united  these  provinces  by 
his  own  skill,  had  been  the  first  to  tip  the  balance  of 

1  The  work  of  Pnidencio  Sannoval  is,  ''  Hiatoria  de  los  reyes  da 
Gaatilk  y  Leon  ;"  that  of  Manuel  Riaco  u,  "  HUtoria  del  OOebra 
CasteUano  Rodngo  Diaz, "  kc.   The  opiniona  of  Marden  are  set  forth 
in  hia  "  Hiatoria  Critica  de  Espa&a  y  de  la  oultora  espa&oUu" 
*   Some  writera  make  it  earlier,  even  aa  early  aa  1025. 


BODBIGO  DIAZ,  THE  OID  CAMPEADOB.  207 

power  and  give  a  great  Christian  preponderance  in 
the  Peninsula.  Fernando,  nnfortiinately  for  this  pre- 
ponderance,  died  in  1065,  and  made,  besides,  a  sad 
mistake  in  his  will,  to  which  I  shall  presently  refer. 
'  At  the  time  of  Femando's  death  Bodrigo  Lainez  was, 
if  the  date  of  his  birth  be  accepted,  about  fifteen  years 
old.  Of  good  birth  and  station,  of  acute  intellect, 
great  activity,  and  unrivalled  dexterity  in  arms ;  and 
above  all  a  loyal  Castilian,  Castdlano  d  las  derichas, 
the  youth  was  ready  to  avail  himself  of  every  oppor- 
tunity to  display  his  powers  and  gain  a  warrior's  fame ; 
to  become  a  hero  in  the  sight  of  all  Christian  and 
Moslem  Spain.  Gentle  and  magnanimous,  he  had  the 
highest  estimate  of  honor.  The  chronicle  tells  us  how, 
when  his  aged  father  was  insulted  and  stanck  in  the 
iiEice  by  Count  Gomez,  and  brooded  alone  without 
sleep  or  appetite  upon  the  great  humiliation,  Bodrigo 
avenged  the  wrong  by  slaying  the  count  and  bringing 
his  dripping  head  to  his  disconsolate  father : ''  and  the 
old  man  arose  and  embraced  his  son,  and  placed  him 
above  him  at  the  table,  saying  that  he  who  had 
brought  home  that  head  should  be  the  head  of  the 
house  of  Layn  Calvo."  His  reputation  con-  ^j,  growiiig 
stantly  increased;  and  when,  according  to  wp«»»*^on« 
the  chronicle,  he  had  captured  five  Moorish  kings 
who  had  invaded  Castile,  Ximena,  the  daughter  of 
Count  Gromez,  whom  he  had  slain,  foreseeing  that  he 
would  be  the  greatest  man  in  Spain,  sought  and  ob- 
tained his  hand  in  marriage,  and  was  ever  after  his 
laving  and  only  wife.^ 

^  Chzonide  of  the  Cid,  L  ch.  iii. 


208        CX)NQU1SST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

The  story  of  his  sleeping  with  the  leper  who  was 
shunned  by  his  knights,  and  thereby  gaining  the  good 
will  of  St  Lazarus  and  of  the  holy  Viigin,  is  but  a 
strong  illustration  of  his  Christian  philanthropy,  with 
the  moral  that  ''with  such  sacrifices  God  is  well 
pleased." 

The  Christian  preponderance  in  the  peninsula,  es« 
tablished  by  Fernando  L,  was  greatly  imperilled  when 
TheChTi*.  it  appeared  by  his  last  testament  that  he 
^i^Smdo  ^^  made  a  partition  of  his  kingdom  be- 
I.  divided,  tween  his  three  sons  and  his  two  daughters. 
It  was  not  only  that  this  divided  and  weakened  the 
Christian  power,  but  that  it  was  the  cause  of  conflict 
between  the  inheritors.  To  Sancho  II.  he  bequeathed 
Castile ;  ^  to  Alfonso,  called  the  Sixth,  he  gave  Leon ; 
to  Garcia  he  left  Galicia ;  and  he  provided  for  his 
daughters  by  giving  Dona  Urraca  the  city  of  Toro, 
and  to  her  sister  Elvira  the  city  of  Zamora. 

Fernando  was  hardly  buried  before  war  broke  out 
Sancho,  the  eldest  and  the  strongest,  considering  him- 
The  diTiiioD  self  aggrieved  by  this  partition,  determined 
results.  to  invalidate  the  will,  via  facta,  by  seizing 
aU  the  dominions  which  he  claimed  by  birthright 
In  looking  around  him  for  fitting  instruments  to 
carry  out  this  purpose,  he  was  forcibly  struck  with 
the  martial  bearing  and  initial  exploits  of  the  young 
and  gallant  Bodrigo  de  Yibar. 

He  was  already  called  the  Cid  ;  for  when  the  king 
was  restoring  and  repeopling  Zamora,  which  had  been 
in  ruins  and  desolation  since  its  destruction  by  Al- 
mansur,  Eodrigo,  who  had  accompanied  him,  received 

^  Sancho  Garcia  was  Sancho  I. 


RODBIGO  DIAZ,  THE  CID  CAMPEADOR.  209 

messengers  from  the  five  Moorish  vassal  kings,  bear- 
ing tribute.  They  approached  him  with  great  respect, 
hailing  him  as  Seidy  or  Cid,  which  signifies  Lord ;  and 
the  king,  to  whom  Bodrigo  offered  a  fifth  of  the  tribute, 
then  ordered  that  Buy  Diaz  should  be  called  thence- 
forth the  Cid.  To  this  the  title  Gampmdor, or  champion^ 
was  added  for  his  exploits  in  the  field  as  the  cham- 
pion of  Christianity.  This  sounding  and  significant 
title,  so  well  bestowed  and  so  splendidly  vindicated, 
has  come  down  in  the  history  as  marking  his  person- 
ality far  better  than  his  family  name.  King  Sancho 
at  once  took  him  into  his  counsels ;  knighted  him 
with  his  own  hand,^  and  soon  after  appointed  him 
Al/erez,  or  commander  of  his  troops.  By  his  aid 
Sancho  drove  his  brother  Alfonso  away  from  his 
kingdom  of  Leon,  and  sent  him  flying  in.  exile  and 
humiliation  to  the  Moorish  city  of  Toledo,  where  he 
at  least  acquired  that  knowledge  which  helped  him 
to  capture  this  city  at  a  later  day.  Without  un- 
necessary delay,  Sancho,  having  occupied  Leon,  turned 
his  arms  against  Garcia,  and  ejected  him  from  Galicia. 
With  equal  and  rapid  fortune,  he  despoiled  his  sisters, 
first  of  Toro,  and  then  of  the  newly-restored  Zamora. 
Once  again  the  Christian  power  was  consolidated,  and 
the  unfortunate  testament  of  Fernando  nullified. 

But  the  death  of  Sancho,  in  1072,  put  an  end  to  the 
usurpation,  without  destroying  the  consolidation  of 
power.  As  soon  as  the  tidings  reached  Alfonso,  he  has- 
tened froih  his  exile  in  Toledo,  to  recover  his  own  king- 
dom of  Leon ;  while  Garcia,  with  equal  speed,  resumed 

1  The  "Cionica"em  in  flaying  that  he  was  knighted  by  Fer* 
nando. 

VOL.  n.  14 


210        CONQUEST  OF   SPAIN   BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

the  royal  sway  in  Galicia.  But  the  spirit  of  Sancho, 
as  to  the  rights  of  primogeniture,  had  entered  into  the 
heart  of  Alfonso.  As  soon  as  the  affairs  of  his  king- 
dom were  set  in  order,  he  marched  against  Garcia, 
took  away  his  kingdom,  and  held  him  as  a  prisoner. 
Then  he  was  ready  to  turn  against  Castile,  and  it  was 
to  the  Cid  that  he  desired  to  confide  this  new  enter- 
prise. But  with  regard  to  the  death  of  Sancho  there 
were  suspicions  of  assassination  or  secret  homicide, 
and  rumors  had  come  to  the  ears  of  the  Cid  that 
Alfonso  was  implicated  in  the  crime,  Sancho  had  been 
slain  by  Vellido  Dolfos,  at  the  instance  of  his  sister 
wbiapere      Urraca,  while  hunting :  but,  as  it  was  whis- 

that  AlfoMO  o  *  » 

WM  privy  pered  that  the  king,  Alfonso,  was  in  this 
death.  ^  conspiracy,  the  high-minded  Cid  determined 
to  take  no  part  with  him  in  any  enterprise  until  he 
should  exonerate  himself  from  the  charge  of  fratricide 
by  taking  an  oath  that  "he  neither  slew  him,  nor 
took  counsel  for  his  death."  "  And  my  Cid  repeated 
the  oath  to  him  a  third  time,  and  the  king  and  the 
knights  said  Amen,  But  the  wrath  of  the  king  was 
exceeding  great ;  and  he  said  to  the  Cid, '  Ruy  Diaz, 
why  dost  thou  press  me  so,  man?'"^  The  king  had  no 
option  but  to  swear;  but,  in  the  words  of  the  chronicle, 
"  from  that  day  forward  there  was  no  love  towards 
my  Cid  in  the  heart  of  the  king."  Thus  exonerated, 
with  the  assistance  of  Rodrigo  the  king  effected  the 
conquest  of  Castile ;  and  uniting  it  to  Leon,  Galicia, 
and  Portugal,  Alfonso  VI.  took  the  style  and  title  of 
Emperor  of  all  Spain,  like  his  father  Fernando.    As 

^  Cronica  del  Cid,  lib.  iL 


RODRIGO  DIAZ,  THE  CID  OAMPBADOB.  211 

he  reigned  until  1109,  his  sway  continued  during 
the  entire  Ufe  of  the  Cid,  who  in  the  events  and 
incidents  of  that  reign  played  the  most  prominent 
part. 

Such  were  the  historic  circumstances  which  called 
forth  the  rare  martial  prowess  of  "  my  Cid."  He  was 
the  Adelantado,  the  Lord  of  the  Marches,  The  theatre 
the  military  guardian  of  the  frontier,  where  exploits, 
the  war  ever  raged  most  fiercely.  He  collected  the 
king's  tribute  at  SevUle,  and  other  cities,  the  centres 
of  the  little  Moslem  kingdoms.  He  aided,  in  the 
interests  of  justice,  one  petty  king  against  another. 
Thus,  when  the  kings  of  Seville  and  Cordova  were  at 
war,-  the  army  of  the  latter,  with  some  allies  from 
Granada,  and  with  the  assistance  of  certain  Christian 
condottieri,  were  about  to  overcome  the  former.  Eo- 
drigo  came  to  the  rescue ;  he  commanded  the  Cordo- 
vans to  desist  from  harassing  an  ally  of  his  king. 
When  they  refused,  he  put  himself  and  his  men  at 
the  head  of  the  Sevillian  army,  and  completely  dis- 
comfited the  enemy.  So  grateful  was  the  king  of 
Seville  that,  when  he  next  paid  his  tribute  to  Alfonso, 
he  overburdened  his  deliverer  with  rare  gifts  and 
much  treasure,  not  without  awakening  the  envy  of 
the  suspicious  monarch. 

The  story  of  the  marriage  of  the  Cid's  daughters, 
Elvira  and  Sol,  with  the  two  Infants,  or  Counts,  of 
Carrion,  which,  with  the  consequences,  occupies  so 
important  a  space  in  both  the  "Poema''  and  The 
the  "Cronica,"  is  not  without  historic  signifi-  marSSgL  ^ 
cance.   The  reluctance  of  the  Cid  is  a  touch  daughten. 
of  nature ;  but  the  arbitrary  requirement  of  the  king 


212        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

displays  a  condition  of  royal  wardship,  like  that  in 
the  Anglo-Norman  constitution  of  England,  against 
which  there  was  no  refusal^  These  noble  girls  were 
shamefully  treated  by  their  husbands,'  as  were  many 
others  in  that  time  whose  story  is  not  told.  The 
law  gave  no  redress ;  but  when  the  Cid  claimed  from 
the  king  that  his  brutal  •sons-in-law  should  be  com- 
pelled to  appear  in  the  lists,  to  meet  his  champions, 
they  could  not,  in  that  wild  military  period,  refuse 
without  being  disgraced.  They  did  appear,  and  were 
beaten,  and  thus  disgraced ;  and  the  Cid's  daughters 
were  set  free  to  marry  better  husbands,  as  they  soon 
afterwards  did. 

The  story  of  the  Cid,  even  so  far  as  it  may  appear 
in  the  light  of  history,  is  of  rare  and  romantic  inter- 
est I  cannot  spare  the  space  to  present  even  a  tabu- 
lar list  of  his  valiant  exploits,  but  can  only  give 
enough  to  enable  the  reader  to  discern  his  personality, 
that  we  may  have  grounds  for  a  philosophic  consider- 
ation of  the  real  part  he  played  in  the  great  and 
stormy  drama. 

Once,  when  Alfonso  went  to  lend  assistance  to  cer- 
tain of  his  Moorish  allies,  the  hero  was  ill  and  unable 
to  accompany  him.  It  was  under  these  circumstances 
that,  taking  advantage  of  the  king's  absence  and  the 

^  The  words  of  the  chronicle  are  simple  and  nataral,  and  display 
a  loyalty  which  never  faltered,  in  evil  or  in  good  report:  '*  Then  the 
Cid  said  [to  the  king]  :  'Sir,  I  begat  them,  and  yon  gave  them  in 
marriage.  Both  I  and  they  are  yonrs ;  give  them  to  whom  yoia 
please,  and  I  am  pleased  therewith.' " —  Oroniea  del  CSd,  lib.  tiL 
ch.  29. 

*  lb.  lib.  viii.  chj  14. —  They  were  stripped  and  beaten  nearly 
to  death  —  left  for  dead  —  on  their  marriage  journey. 


BODRIGO  DIAZ,  THE  CIB  GAMPEADOB.  213 

Oid's  illness,  a  party  of  Moors,  occupying  a  portion 
of  Arragon,  entered  the  province  of  Castile,  Bodrigo 
and,  by  a  cowp  de  main,  overpowered  the  outue. 
fortress  of  Gomaz.  Eodrigo,  weak  and  almost  help- 
less as  he  was,  rose  from  his  sick-bed,  pursued  them 
with  great  celerity,  routed  and  scattered  them  in  the 
territories  of  Toledo,  relieved  Gomaz,  took  away  their 
spoils,  and  captured  seven  thousand  prisoners.  ''0 
my  Cid ! "  But  he  was  to  suffer  for  his  exploit.  The 
Moorish  king  of  Toledo,  affecting  to  resent  this  inva- 
sion of  his  neutral  territory  by  making  it  a  seat  of 
war,  complained  of  it  to  his  suzerain  and  ally,  Al- 
fonso. The  Spanish  monarch,  always  secretly  nourish- 
ing his  envy  and  ill-will  towards  the  Cid,  made  it 
the  pretext  for  banishing  him,  as  a  breaker,  of  the 
laws  of  war.  "Alas,  my  Cid!"  Sad  as  it  AndisiMii- 
seemed  at  the  time,  it  gave  the  Cid  his  pains.  "^^ 
golden  opportunity.  It  sent  him  forth  a  knight- 
errant  with  a  great  name,  and  a  few  adherents,  con- 
stantly, however,  increasing  in  numbers,  to  seek  his 
fortunes.  This  was  in  1076.  Never  had  knight- 
errantry  a  nobler  champion  or  a  grander  field. 

A  valiant  man,  of  great  forecast  and  cool  head, 
invincible  in  action,  of  magnetic  influence  over  men, 
and  a  large  knowledge  of  existing  conditions,  he  found 
in  this  banishment  a  roving  commission  to  fight  for 
Christianity  and  a  new  Spain,  untrammelled  ^^  ^^^^ 
even  by  royal  instructions.  The  once  power-  opportunity. 
ful  sceptre  of  the  Arab-Moors  in  Spain  was  falling 
from  their  paralyzed  hand.  The  dynasty  of  the  Beni 
Ummeyah  had  expired,  beyond  hope  of  resuscitation. 
The  whole  territory  had  been  dissevered  into  prov- 


214       CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-HOORS. 

inces,  cities,  and  even  isolated  castles,  occupied  as 
strongholds  and  safe  retreats  by  many  ambitious  and 
crafty  chieftains.  They  had  become  debilitated  by 
climate  and  by  inaction,  and  their  faith  had  lost  its 
first  fervor  and  incitement.  This  was  the  specious 
argument  of  the  Almoravides,  whose  crusade  was 
against  irreligion  among  the  Moslemah,  —  a  protestant 
reformation.  They  were  declared  to  be  effeminate 
and  unbelieving  descendants  of  the  ardent  and  pious 
warriors  who  had,  in  one  generation  jfrom  their  origin, 
invaded  Spain  more  than  three  centuries  before. 

And  while  they  were  invaded  from  the  south  by 
the  locust-like  hordes  of  the  Almoravides  claiming 
to  be  of  their  own  regenerated  faith,  the  Christian 
Spaniards,  ever  marching  down  from  the  north,  were 
becoming  daily  stronger  and  improving  the  prestige 
of  advance :  the  reconquest  was  in  full  and  inundat- 
ing tide.  To  the  wonder  of  Don  Manuel  Quintana, 
that  the  Peninsula  was  not  sooner  wrested  from  the 
Moslems,  it  can  only  be  answered  that  the  Christian 
progress  was  delayed  by  the  fatal  buttress  of  the 
African  invaders. 

In  this  condition  of  things,  it  will  readily  be  seen 
what  "  ample  room  and  verge  "  there  was  for  irregular 
soldiers,  led  by  brilliant  condottieri,  to  achieve  great 
conquests,  in  the  name  of  Spain,  but  for  their  own 
behoof.  **  Such,"  says  Quintana,  "  was  probably  the 
Cid  in  his  time,  but  with  more  glory,  and  perhaps 
with  greater  virtues."  ^ 

Thus,  for  a  period  expatriated,  the  Cid  looked 
around  him  for  hazalias  and  fortune.    He  had  not 

^  Vidas  de  Espafioles  c^lebres,  p.  6. 


BODRIGO  DIAZ,  THE  CID   CAMPEADOB.  213 

loBg  or  far  to  look  After  his  expulsion  from  Cas* 
tile,  he  marched  to  Barcelona,  and  thence  g^  marohet 
to  Saragossa,  in  search  of  adventures.  The  *os*w6o»»*- 
Moorish  king  of  the  latter  city,  Ahmed  I.,  received 
him  with  pleasure,  and  employed  his  arms  against 
his  enemies  until  his  death  in  1082,  giving  the  Gid 
great  authority  in  the  little  realm. 

In  the  year  1081,  Alfonso  VI.  had  succeeded  in 
capturing  Toledo,  and  making  it  his  couit  and  cap- 
ital The  sordid  monarch  once  more  put  aside  his 
envy  when  he  found  that  he  needed  the  ig,ec*ued 
services  of  the  Cid  against  the  Almoravides ;  ^^  Alfonso. 
and  so  a  truce  was  patched  up  between  them,  which 
would  last  as  long  as  royal  self-interest  prompted. 
But  the  Cid  was  no  longer  available  as  a  simple 
subordinate.  The  best  terms  which  the  king  could 
make  were  to  continue  to  the  champion  the  roving 
commission  he  had  already  taken  in  his  time  of 
exile,  and  to  permit  him  to  attack  the  Moslemah, 
petty  kings,  and  invaders  alike ;  to  capture  their 
cities,  and  rule  them  with  an  authority  which  they 
at  least  could  not  dispute.  The  Cid  made  haste 
to  avail  himself  to  the  utmost  of  such  latitude. 
Hearing  that  Bamon  Berenguer,  not  content  with 
his  domain  of  Barcelona,  had  laid  siege  to  Valencia, 
he  sped  thither  with  a  rapidly-recruited  army  of 
seven  thousand  men,  relieved  the  siege,  and  entered 
Valencia,  which  he  made  the  seat  of  his  government, 
tributary  only' to  King  Alfonso. 

Alfonso  had  married  the  daughter  of  the  Moorish 
king  of  Seville,  who,  as  has  been  seen,  had  invited 
the  Almoravides  to  come  over  into  Spain.    These,  with 


216        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

their  first  successes,  had  turned  against  their  Moorish 
ally,  who  was  soon  obliged  to  apply  to  his  Christian 
son-in-law  for  assistance.  When  the  Spanish  monarch, 
espousing  this  quarrel,  marched  against  Yiisuf,  he 
sent  letters  to  the  Cid  to  join  him.  Affecting  to  be 
angry  at  the  Cid*s  delay,  he  once  more  put  him  under 
But  again  scntcnce  of  banishment;  confiscating  his  es- 
•uBpected.  tatcs  again,  and  even  going  so  far  as  to  seize 
and  imprison  his  wife  and  children.  Eodrigo  ex- 
plained his  tardiness,  but  could  gain  nothing  more 
from  the  monarch  than  the  release  of  his  family. 
The  anger  of  .Alfonso  emboldened  his  other  rivals 
and  enemies.  Again  Count  Ramon  took  the  field 
against  him;  but  the  energetic  Cid  marched  at  once 
to  meet  him,  and  defeated  him  after  a  furious  battle, 
taking  all  his  spoils  and  making  the  Count  prisoner. 
In  this  action,  the  Cid  was  severely  wounded,  and  lay 
in  his  tent.  The  captured  Count  was  brought  to  him; 
but,  when  he  might  have  expected  in  his  own  person 
the  rigor  of  war,  he  was  surprised  by  the  magnanimity 
of  the  wounded  hero,  who  generously  released  him 
without  conditions. 

Still  once  more  is  repeated  the  sordid  selfishness 
of  Alfonso  and  the  grand  importance  of  the  Cid« 
It  was  now  in  the  year  1092.  The  Almoravides  had 
spread  themselves  all  over  Andalusia,  and  so  great 
was  their  power  that  they  seemed  to  threaten  the 
Christian  dominions.  The  Cid  received  a  letter  from 
Queen  Constanta,  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  Seville 
and  wife  of  Alfonso,  directing  him  to  join  the  Span- 
ish monarch  with  all  speed.  This  time  there  was  no 
delay.     The  Cid  was  just  laying  siege  to  liria  with 


RODSIGO  DIAZ,  THE  CID  CAMFEADOB.  217 

an  assurance  of  an  easy  capture ;  he  raised  the  siege 
in  obedience  to  the  order,  and  was  received  by  the 
king  with  great  honor.  Everything  promised  well 
for  the  permanence  of  this  new  alliance.  Joining 
their  forces,  they  marched  to  Granada;  and,  They  march 
upon  their  arrival  before  that  town,  all  un-  ***  0™°*^*- 
conscious  of  evil,  the  Cid  encamped  his  troops  in  the 
vega,  or  plain,  while  those  of  Alfonso  occupied  a  less 
comfortable  position  on  the  hillsida  Envious  cour- 
tiers pointed  this  out  to  the  king  as  an  intended  dis- 
courtesy, and  the  jealous  monarch  echoed  their  words : 
''See  how  Bodrigo  affronts  us:  yesterday  he  lagged 
behind  us  as  if  fatigued ;  to-day  he  goes  ahead  of  us  as 
if  he  claimed  precedence."  ^  "  Was  it,"  says  the  Span- 
ish biographer, — **  was  it  envy  or  prejudice  or  revenge  ? 
The  obscurity  of  the  times  does  not  permit  an  answer; 
but  the  circumstances  with  which  this  aversion  comes 
to  us  mark  it  as  unjust,  and  it  is  an  indelible  stain 
upon  the  fame  of  that  monarch." 

Considering  himself  in  danger,  the  Cid  withdrew 
from  the  royal  host  secretly  at  night,  leaving  some  of 
his  troops  behind  him. 

Meantime  Valencia  had  exchanged  masters  more 
than  once.  This  fine  city,  situated  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Guadalaviar,  was  founded  by  Junius  The  {mpor- 

.-^  1  <»  tance  of  Vft- 

Brutus  as  a  settlement  of  veterans,  on  an  lencia. 
old  Phoenician  site,  in  the  year  136  B.c.   Its  name  is  the 
Latin  synonym  for  the  Greek  'Pwfirj :  it  was  destined 
to  be  a  Spanish  Eome.   Destroyed  by  Pompey,  in  his 

1  «  Ved  oomo  nos  afrenta  Rodrigo :  ayer  iba  detras  do  nosotros, 
eomo  si  estUTieae  cansado,  y  ahora  se  pone  delante  como  si  se  le  de- 
biese  la  preferencia."  —  Qciktana,  Espafloles  OUebres^  p.  10. 


218        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

Spanish  campaign,  it  was  rebuilt  and  occupied  by  the 
Goths  early  in  the  fifth  century.  It  became  a  favorite 
city  of  the  Arab-Moors  from  the  date  of  its  capture 
by  Abdu-l-'aziz  in  712,  and  for  a  long  time  was 
included  in  the  province  of  Cordova.  When  the 
Ommeyan  dynasty  fell  to  pieces,  or  was  about  to 
break  up,  Valencia  became  an  independent  kingdom 
under  the  dynasty  of  the  Benf  Abl  'Amir,^  and  remained 
80  until  its  final  occupancy  by  the  Cid.  When  Al- 
fonso YI.  had  taken  Toledo  from  its  Moorish  king 
in  1085,  he  had  compromised  by  placing  the  de- 
throned monarch,  Al-kadir  Yahya,  upon  the  tributary 
throne  of  Valencia,  and  surrounded  him  with  Spanish 
troops. 

But  treason  soon  reared  its  head  in  Valencia,  — 
treason  against  the  Christian  king  by  scorning  the  au- 
nmJehaf  thorfty  of  Ms  tributary.  A  certain  Ibn  Jehaf, 
^^  trusting  the  prestige  of  the  Almoravides, 
^^^  called  them  to  Valencia,  and,  to  aid  their 

entrance,  raised  a  revolt  in  the  city,  which  was  suc- 
cessful Yahya  sought  to  escape  through  the  tumult 
in  the  dress  of  a  woman,  but  was  discovered  by  Ibn 
Jehaf,  who  without  pity  cut  off  his  head.  Here  was 
work  for  el  mio  Oidf —  work  for  Christian  Spain,  to 
avenge  cruel  injustice,  and  which  offered  a  kingdom  for 
himself.  For  the  space  of  twenty  months  he  besieged 
Valencia,  which  Ibn  Jehaf  defended  with  the  energy  of 
despair.  But  the  result  could  not  be  resisted.  The 
besieged  were  starving.  The  Almoravides  did  not 
come  to  succor  them;  the  elements  conspired;  the 

1  Gayangos,  Al  Makkari,  Chronological  Tables  at  the  end  of  yoL 
ii..  Table  XIL 


RODRIGO  DIAZ,  THE  CID  CAMPEADOR.  219 

rains  descended  and  the  floods  came ;  men  did  not 
remember  such  a  down-pour;  the  roads  were  de- 
stroyed; the  bridges  swept  away :  it  was  announced 
that  the  Almoravides  had  retreated,  and  even  gone 
back  to  Africa;  and  so  the  city  surrendered  while 
a  Yalencian  poet  was  chanting  its  dirge.^ 

On  the  fifteenth  of  June,  1094,  the  Cid  made  his 
entry  into  the  captured  place,  and,  ascending  the 
highest  tower,  he  surveyed  with  new  joy  the  The  cid  en- 
possession  which  was  to  be  his  during  his  in  triumph. 
life,  and  which  he  owed  neither  to  Spanish  kindness 
nor  Moorish  alliance;  his  by  his  own  good  sword. 
He  received  the  hoipage  of  the  principal  men ;  but 
refused  the  large  treasure  offered  him  by  the  insur- 
gent, Ibn  Jehaf,  because  with  him  he  was  to  have 
sterner  dealings.  I  dwell  for  a  moment  on  the  details, 
because  they  mark  both  the  man  and  the  condition  of 
affairs. 

By  the  voice  of  a  herald  the  Cid  issued  an  invitation 
to  all  the  patricians  to  meet  him  in  the  garden  of  Yil- 
lanueva.  In  a  hall  covered  with  mats  and  hung  with 
tapestry  he  caused  them  to  sit  before  him,  and  ad- 
dressed them  in  words  which  the  chroniclers  have 
ventured  to  reproduce.  As  presenting  a  portraiture 
of  the  man,  and  his  motives  and  purposes,  the  address 
given  in  the  "  Cronica  General "  is  thus  valuable  to  the 
historian.  Perhaps  it  gives  us,  at  this  crowning  mo- 
ment, a  juster  judgment  of  his  personality  and  his 
place  in  the  confused  movements  of  the  day  than  all 

^  Preseryed  in  the  "Cronica  Genera},"  and  the  Spanish yeraion 
giTen  by  La  Fuente,  Historia  de  Espa&a,  lY.  409.  Qaintana,  Espa- 
Aoles  C^lebres,  18. 


220        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

the  legends,  full  as  they  are  of  philosophy.  "  I  am  a 
Hiaaddrew  man/'  he  began,  ''who  never  possessed  a 
cians.  ki'ugdom,  although  I  am  of  royal  lineage.^ 

When  I  first  saw  this  city,  it  pleased  me,  and  I  de- 
sired it ;  and  I  besought  the  Lord  to  make  me  master 
of  it  See  how  great  is  the  power  of  the  Lord  ]  On 
the  day  when  I  reached  Cebolla  I  had  no  more  than 
four  loaves,  and  now  Grod  has  been  so  merciful  as  to 
give  me  Valencia,  and  I  am  lord  of  the  city.  If  I 
act  justly  in  it,  God  will  retain  me  in  possession ;  if 
I  do  injustice,  he  will  turn  me  out.  So,  let  every  one 
recover  his  estates  and  enjoy  them  as  before ;  he  who 
finds  his  lands  ploughed,  let  him  take  possession; 
let  him  who  finds  them  sowed  and  cultivated  pay  for 
the  seed  and  the  labor.  I  desire,  likewise,  that  the 
collectors  of  imposts  shall  demand  only  a  tenth,  ac- 
cording to  your  custom.  I  have  determined  to  hear 
you  in  judgment  two  days  in  every  week,  —  Mon- 
days and  Thursdays :  but,  if  you  have  any  ui^nt 
business,  come  when  you  please,  and  I  will  hear  you ; 
as  I  am  not  a  man  to  shut  myself  up  with  women,  to 
eat  and  drink,  like  your  nobles,  who  can  rarely  be 
seen:  I  shall  attend  to  your  business  myself,  as 
your  companion,  and  protect  you  as  a  friend  and 
father." 

Then  he  added:  "Much  has  been  told  me  con- 
cerning the  evil  deeds  of  Ibn  Jehaf  towards  some  of 
you ;  that  he  has  seized  your  goods  to  present  them 

1  This  "  royal  lineage  "  may  be  found  in  Qnintana,  Appendices  i 
la  yida  del  Cid,  p.  16.  "  Diaz  Lamez  (the  Cid's  father),  priao  per 
mnlier  filU  de  Roy  Alvarez  de  Astuiias,  .  .  .  ^hohoeneUaaBodrio 
Diaz." 


BODBIOO  DIAZ,  THE  CID  CAMPBADOB.  221 

to  me.  T  have  refused  to  receive  them ;  for,  if  I  de- 
sired your  possessions,  I  could  take  them  without 
asking  any  one:  but  God  preserve  me  from  doing 
violence  to  any  person  to  secure  what  does  not  belong 
to  me ;  .  .  .  what  Ibn  Jeliaf  has  taken  shall  be  re- 
stored without  delay.  I  require  you  to  swear  that 
you  will  comply  with  my  instructions  without  reser- 
vation. Obey  me,  and  do  not  break  the  compact  we 
are  making.  .  .  .  Finally,  you  are  now  tranquil  and 
safe ;  for  I  have  forbidden  my  people  to  enter  your 
city  for  traffic.  I  have  designated  as  a  market  the 
Alcudia,  out  of  consideration  for  you.  I  have  ordered 
that  nothing  shall  be  taken  from  any  one  within  the 
city.  If  any  one  contravenes  this  order,  slay  him 
without  fear.  I  do  not  wish  to  enter  Valencia  my- 
self, nor  to  live  in  it.  I  desire  to  establish  on  the 
bridge  of  Alcantara  a  residence  {cam  de  reerS),  a 
place  to  which  I  shall  sometimes  resort  for  repose 
{un  logar  en  que  vaya  dfolgar  d  las  veces)" 

These  gracious  words  were  received  by  the  con- 
qnered  people  with  great  relief  and  pleasure ;  but  the 
Gid  soon  found  reason  to  change  his  plans.  He  first 
proceeded  against  Ibn  Jehaf,  and,  after  putting  him 
in  close  confinement,  he  discovered,  by  the  revelation 
of  a  slave,  his  immense  concealed  treasures  of  gold 
and  precious  stones.  Contrary  to  the  prom-  Another 
ise  made  in  his  address,  he  took  up  his  quar-  Jj^^t^'  * 
ters  in  the  palace  of  Valencia,  and  again  **^'- 
summoning  the  principal  men  of  the  city,  he  ad- 
dressed tiiem  in  this  wise:  "You  well  know,  chief 
men  of  the  Alhama  of  Valencia,  how  I  served  and 
aided  your  king,  and  what  toil  I  underwent  before 


222        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

gaining  this  cify.  Now  that  God  has  made  me  its 
master,  I  desire  it  for  myself  and  those  who  have 
aided  me  in  taking  it,  saving  only  the  sovereignty  of 
my  lord,  King  Alfonso.  You  are  here  to  execute  my 
pleasure.  I  could  seize  all  that  you  possess  in  the 
world,  —  yourselves, your  children,  your  wives;  but  I 
will  not  do  it.  It  pleases  me  and  I  ordain  that  the 
honorable  men  among  you,  those  who  have  always 
been  loyal,  shall  live  in  Valencia  in  their  houses  with 
their  families ;  but  not  one  of  you  shall  have  a  mule 
or  a  servant,  not  one  shall  use  or  keep  arms,  except 
in  cases  of  necessity,  and  with  my  permission.  The 
remainder  of  the  people  shall  leave  the  city,  and  live 
in  the  Alcudia,  where  I  was  before.  You  shall  have 
mosques  in  Valencia  and  in  the  Alcudia ;  .  .  .  you 
shall  live,  under  your  own  law,  with  your  alcaldes 
and  algiumls,  whom  I  shall  appoint ;  you  shall  pos- 
sess your  heritages^  but  shall  give  me  lordship  over 
all  your  rents.  I  will  administer  justice  and  coin  my 
own  money.  Let  those  remain  who  choose  to  live 
under  my  government  Those  who  do  not,  let  them 
go  freely,  but  their  persons  alone:  they  may  take 
nothing  with  them.     I  will  give  them  safe  conducts." 

"This  discourse,"  says  the  historian,  "left  the 
Moors  as  sad  as  the  former  had  made  them  glad." 
Th«  mani-  It  was  the  manifesto,  not  of  the  conqueror 
ruler.  on  the  morrow  of  his  conquest,  but  of  a  ruler 

who  had  come  into  his  kingdom.  He  at  once  pro- 
ceeded to  execute  judgment  upon  Ibn  Jehaf,  for  his 
murder  of  Yahya,  and  his  usurpation  of  power. 

The  Arabian  authority  of  Cond4  displays  the  con- 
duct of  the  Cid  in  this  transaction  as  cruel  and  false 


RODRIGO  DIAZ,  THE  CID  CAMPEABOR.  223 

in  the  extreme ;  to  the  Moslem  he  was  the  tyrant 
"  Cambitur,"  ^  the  accursed  Cambitur,  who  violated  all 
compacts  and  was  without  humanity.  He  had  prom- 
ised to  Ibn  Jehaf  not  only  safety  for  himself,  his 
family,  and  the  citizens  of  Valencia,  but  even  that  he 
should  be  retained  in  the  ^government ;  and  now  he 
broke  his  word,  and  prepared  to  execute  the  unfortu- 
nate wali  with  most  terrible  tortures.  On  one  of  the 
last  days  of  May,  1095,  a  vast  pile  was  kindled  in  the 
great  square  of  the  city ;  and  the  flames  were  so  fierce 
that,  like  the  furnace  of  "  the  three  children,*'  it 
destroyed  even  the  nearest  spectators.  Into  this  the 
children  and  wives  of  the  fallen  governor  were  to  be 
cast ;  but  at  the  universal  cry  for  mercy  the  Cid  re- 
lented concerning  them  at  the  last  moment  But  for 
Ibn  Jehaf  there  was  no  reprieve.  Within  The  ven- 
a  short  distance  of  this  great  fire  a  pit  was  ^  Jehaf. 
dug,  and  he  was  placed  in  it,  "  even  to  the  girdle." 
Then  he  was  surrounded  with  a  wall  of  dry  wood 
which,  soon  taking  fire  from  the  surging  flame,  con- 
sumed him  even  as  he  was  ejaculating,  '*  In  the  name 
of  Allah,  the  Pitying,  the  Merciful ! "  « 

Notwithstanding  the  famous  efforts  of  the  Almora- 
vides  to  recover  Valencia,  it  remained  in  the  hands 
of  the  Cid  until  his  death,  and  was  the  strong  base 
of  his  operations  against  the  enemy's  posts  on  the 
Mediterranean.     With  impaired  health,  his  own  ener- 

1  Their  corrnption  of  Campeador, 

*  Cond^  Dommadon  de  lo8  Arabes,  Yol.  IL  part  iii.  ch.  zzii. 
I  see  no  Decessity  to  attempt  the  exoneration  of  the  Cid.  Such  ac- 
tions as  this  were  part  of  the  fe&rful  system  of  vengeance  practised  on 
both  and  on  all  sides  at  this  period  in  the  history  of  the  Peninsula. 


224        CONQUEST  OF  .SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

gies  were  somewhat  relaxed,  bat  it  is  hard  to  believe 
that  when  his  colleague,  Alvar  Fanez,  was  routed  near 
The  death  of  ^^^ira,  in  1099,  he  was  so  affected  that  he 
the  Old.        ^jgj  Qf  gpj^f  (depesary  Whatever  the  cause, 

his  noble  and  valiant  career  came  to  an  end  in  July 
of  that  year.  His  heroic  wife,  Ximena,  continued  to 
hold  the  city  against  the  attacks  of  the  Almoravides 
for  two  years,  until  1101.  In  that  year  King  Alfonso 
entered  it,  aud  finding  that  he  could  not  retain  it, 
burned  the  principal  buildings,  and  left  it  to  be  again 
occupied  by  the  forces  of  the  Almoravides.  A  word 
more  will  conclude  its  story.  It  remained  in  Moor- 
ish hands  till  the  year  1228,  when  it  was  recaptured 
by  King  Jaime  of  Aragon,  and  held  by  that  kingdom 
until,  by  the  union  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  it 
became  part  of  the  Spanish  dominion. 

Upon  its  evacuation  by  Alfonso,  the  body  of  the 
dead  Cid  was  mounted  upon  his  st^ed,  Babieca,  —  a 
usual  custom  in  the  removal  of  warriors  for  burial,  — 
and  by  slow  journeys  was  taken  to  the  cloister  of 
the  monastery  of  Cardena.  There,  placed  upon  a 
throne  with  Tisona  in  his  hand,  the  story  is  told 
that  a  coward  Jew  plucked  the  dead  hero  by  the 
beard :  the  insult  lent  momentary  vigor  to  the  corpse, 
which,  with  one  blow,  felled  him  to  the  earth.  The 
miracle  may  be  explained  by  considering  how  the 
majesty  of  death  enhanced  the  majesty  of  the  hero, 
and  caused  the  offender  to  fall  back  in  a  panic  of 
awe. 

His 'faithful  Ximena  followed  him  to  the  tomb 
in  1104,  and  her  remains  were  placed  with  his  to 
share  their  changing  fortune.      First  moved  to  a 


B0DBI60  DIAZ,  THE  CID  CAMFEADOB.  225 

chapel,  near  the  high  altar  in  the  monastery,  they  were 
taken  to  the  sacristy  in  1447 ;  thence  back  to  the 
chapel :  whence,  in  1736,  they  were  removed 
to  the  chapel  of  San  Sisebuto.  In  July, 
1826,  they  were  carried  back  to  the  monastery  of 
Cardefia,  but,  soon  after,  they  were  taken  to  Burgos, 
and  placed  as  a  final  resting-place,  let  us  hope,  in  the 
Casas  Consistoriales.^  In  the  Sala  Capitular  of  the 
Cathedral  may  be  seen  d  cofre  del  Cid,  that  chest 
which  he  filled  with  sand,  simulating  treasure,  upon 
the  weight  of  which  he  raised  a  loan  from  the  Jews. 
But  the  dissimulation  went  no  farther:  he  paid  it 
back ! 

In  the  cathedral  at  Salamanca  is  his  well-authenti- 
cated crucifix  which  was  borne  in  the  van  of  his  bat- 
ties,  —  el  crudfijo  de  las  batallas.  It  was  brought  to 
Salamanca  by  his  own  bishop,  Geronimo;  who  built 
the  old  cathedral  in  1102.  In  the  Calle  Alta,  or  high 
street  of  Burgos,  is  pointed  out  the  site  of  his  house, 
which  was  cleared  away  and  the  spot  marked  by 
pillars  in  1771. 

These  are  authentic  remains:  La  Colada,  which 
the  visitor  may  see  in  the  Armeria  at  Madrid,  is 
doubtful ;  it  is  ascribed  also  to  Hernan  Cortez.  The 
true  one  and  Tisoua  were  both  taken  from  the 
Moors, — Damascus  blades  of  rarest  temper,  which  he 
called  his  queridas  prendaSy  dearest  of  all  things  after 
his  wife  and  children ;  petted  and  talked  to  like  the 

1  In  the  "  Apeodices  i  la  Yida  del  Cid,'*  Qnintana,  p.  17,  will  be 
found  :  "  Proyision  del  Emperador,  Carlos  Y.,  al  Monasterio  de  Car- 
defia,  oon  motivo  de  la  traslacion,  que  se  habia  hecho  de  Iob  cuerpoa 
del  Cid  y  Dofia  Ximena." 

YOU  II.  15 


226        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

"  brain^biter  "  of  Saxon  Here  ward,  —  bread-winner  as 
well.^ 

I  declare  that,  in  my  judgment,  tliere  is  no  finer 
hero  of  romantic  history  than  the  Cid  Campeador. 
A  peerless     Well  may  the  Spaniard  be  proud  of  him! 

hero  in  his-      ai^i  t  I'l  i- 

tory.  A  devoted  son,  he  avenges  the  insult  to  his 

father's  gray  hairs ;  a  model  husband,  he  presents  his 
faithful  ^rnena  to  history  as  the  partner  of  his  fame ; 
and  she,  more  loyal  than  Aithur's  Guinever,  finds  no 
Lancelot  du  Lac  to  seduce  her  from  her  hero.  He  pro- 
tects his  daughters  and  redresses  their  wrongs.  In  spite 
of  royal  ingratitude  and  injustice,  whether  at  court 
or  in  exile,  he  is  true  to  his  king  and  country,  —  Cos- 
tellano  d  las  der4chas  ;  bearing  always  in  the  front  of 
his  host  the  symbol  of  our  redemption,  he  was  a 
crusader  and  a  Christian. 

And  so,  in  that  lurid  picture  of  the  embattled  Pen- 
insula at  this  period,  we  discern  as  distinct  elements, 
—  Alonzo  and  Christian  Spain;  the  petty  Moorish 
kings  struggling  in  the  grasp  of  the  serpents  of  Lao- 
coon  ;  the  Almoravide  host  glooming  in  the  south,  and 
one  man, ''  solo  un  Eodrigo,*'  distinct  from  all,  mounted 
on  Babieca,  with  Tisona  in  hand,  —  a  truer  Arthur, 

"  From  spur  to  plume  a  star  of  tournament,'* 

and  crying  with  magnificent  egotism, "  Soy  el  Cid,honra 
de  Espana  ;"2  and  the  people  respond,  "  El  mio  Cid, 

^  Swords  spoke  in  their  inscriptions,  which  were  epigrammatic. 
On  one  of  these  was  the  instruction,  "No  me  saqnes  sin  razon  ;  no 
me  envaines  sin  honor"  (Do  not  draw  me  without  good  cause ;  do 
not  sheathe  me  without  honor). 

3  The  opposite  delineation  is  found  in  the  Arabian  writers  who 
call  him  "  cruel,  rapacious,  fierce,  perfidious,  merciless." 


BODBIGO  DIAZ,  THE  CID  GAMFEABOB.  227 

nacio  en  buena  hora."  On  the  still-existing  tomb, 
erected  by  Alfonso  el  Sabio  in  1272,  at  San  Pedro  de 
Gardena,  over  the  gate  of  whose  convent  may  be 
seen  a  mutilated  figure  of  the  Cid  on  horseback 
riding  over  prostrate  Moors,  is  the  epitaph, — 

"  Belliger  inyictiis,  famoaas  Marte  triumphisy 
Clauditur  hoc  tamalo  magnus  Didaci  Bodericos."^ 

^  AroTUid  him  are  the  effigies  of  Ximena,  of  Do&a  Elylra,  Queen 
of  Kayarre,  and  Do&a  Sol,  Queen  of  Aragon.  Beneath  a  mound, 
buried  deep,  lie  the  remains  of  Babieca,  his  matchless  steed.  The 
Gid's  only  son,  Rodrigo,  was  killed  at  Consuena.  The  marriage  of 
his  daughter  with  the  King  of  Navarre  sent  his  blood  through  many 
alliances  into  the  present  royal  house  of  Bourbon. 


228        CONQUEST  Of  SPAIN  BY  THS  ARAB-MOOBa 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE  ALMOHADES  t  THEIR  ORIGIN,  SUCCESSES,  AND  FINAL 

OVERTHROW. 

WE  reach,  in  tbe  current  of  the  bistoiy,  what  is 
called  by  the  Mohammedan  writers  the 
"second  civil  war,"  which  grew  out  of  the  sudden 
rise  and  rapid  spread  of  a  new  party  or  people  in 
Africa,  announcing  new  views  in  religion,  and  in- 
tending hj  their  dissemination  to  prepare  the  way 
for  military  conquest.  Similar  causes  to  those  which 
had  produced  the  dynasty  and  dominion  of  the 
The  new  Almoravidcs  in  Africa  and  Spain  gave  spirit 
AiH^  and  form  to  the  rising  of  the  Almohades* 
It  was  a  war  of  Africans  against  Africans ;  and  the 
new-comers  proclaimed  themselves  as  enemies  at 
once  to  the  Christian  infidels,  and  to  the  perverted 
doctrine  and  evil  lives  of  the  Moslemah  who  pre- 
ceded them.  In  the  seething  hive  of  Africa  a  new 
swarm  had  been  bom,  and  were  ready  to  seek  the 
brightest  and  richest  land  in  which  to  build  their 
cells. 

It  was  now  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century, 
and  Ali  Ibn  Yiisuf  was  emperor  of  Morocco  and  king 
of  the  Spanish  Almoravides.  His  empire  had  all  the 
promise  and  token  of  permanent  prosperity,  even 


THE  ALMOHADES.  229 

when  the  child  had  been  bom  who  was  to  overthrow  it 
There  was,  in  Cordova,  an  obscure  youth  named  Abd 
Abdillah  Mohammed,  of  the  lineage  of  the  Berber  tribe 
of  Mac  Mouda,  whose  father  was  a  lamplighter,  or 
burner  of  tapers  at  the  shrines  of  saints  in  the  great 
Aljama.  In  that  famous  seat  of  religion  and  learn- 
ing, this  youth  had  made  the  study  of  the  Koran 
his  favorite  occupation,  and  had  been  taught  much, 
and  had  speculated  much,  concerning  the  diversities 
of  Mohammedan  doctrine,  and  the  condition  of  the 
Moslem  world.  He  travelled  to  the  East  in  search 
of  further  knowledge,  and  at  last  reached  Baghdad 
while  the  first  crusade  was  in  progress,  which  resulted 
in  placing  Godfrey  de  Bouillon  on  the  throne  of 
Jerusalem. 

Baghdad,  thus  severed  from  the  West,  had  lost 
much  of  that  loyalty  to  the  faith  which  had  char- 
acterized its  Moslem  founders.    The  youth  found, 
teaching  in  the  academies,  and  in  high  repute,  a 
philosopher  named  Abii  Hamed  Algazali,  am 
and  well  knew  the  doctrines  he  taught  Mohammed 
were  heresies  in  the  eyes  of  the  Spanish  &«hdAd. 
Moslems.    "  Who  are  you,  and  whence  come  you  ? " 
asked  the  teacher.    **  From  Al  Aksa,"  was  the  reply. 
"Have  you  been  to  Cordova?"     "I  have."     "Do 
they  know  my  work,  '  On  the  Regeneration  of  the 
Sciences  and  the  Law'?"*    "Yes,  they  know  it; 
and  have  burned  it,  with  your  other  writings,  by 
direction  of  the  academies,  in  Cordova^  in  Fez,  Mo- 
rocco, and  elsewhere  I " 

1  "  £1  Benadmieiito  de  Us  ScienciM  j  del  Ley." 


230      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

I  have  recited  this  colloquy  between  an  itinerant 
youth  from  the  West  and  a  heretic  teacher  at  Bagh- 
dad, because  out  of  it  grew  a  great  dynasty,  and  a 
powerful  element  in  the  Mohammedan  dominion  of 
Spain.  It  was  the  seed  of  which  the  Almohades 
were  the  full  and  baleful  growth ;  and  this  growth 
was  marvellously  rapid. 

The  philosopher  became  pale  with  rage,  and  sug- 
gested to  Abd  Abdillah,  what  had  already  entered 
into  his  thought,  to  undertake  a  new  revolution  among 
the  teeming  peoples  of  Africa;  to  overthrow  the 
fools  who  could  think  thus  ill  of  his  doctrine;  to 
reform  the  Almoravide  reformation;  and — such  was 
the  conclusion  —  to  wrest  the  empire  of  Morocco  and 
Spain  from  the  unworthy  hands  of  the  Almoravides, 
to  whom,  for  their  sins,  God  would  not  permit  further 
conquests  for  the  faith. 

Abii^  Abdillah  lost  no  time.  He  took  upon  him- 
self the  title  and  office  of  M  Mahdi,  the  conductor 
And  be-  ^^  guidc.  The  next  thing  was  to  find  a 
mSS,^6  Bailitary  leader  with  whom  he  could  work, 
*"**^*"  and  whom  he  could  controL     He  selected 

a  good,  earnest,  and  handsome  youth,  whom  he  called 
Abdu-1-mumen  (servant  of  God).  He  instructed  him 
in  the  faith,  and  as  to  his  own  designs,  and  then  took 
him,  preaching  as  he  went,  to  Bougie,  where  the 
inhabitants  drove  them  away ;  to  Tlemsen,  where  El 
Mahdi  was  honored  as  a  saint ;  and  at  last,  to  Morocco. 

There  he  preached  fearlessly  against  the  corrup- 
tions of  the  court  and  the  people.  One  Friday,  at 
the  time  of  assembly,  he  went  into  the  mosque,  and 
took  the  king's  seat.     When,  on  the  king^s  entrance, 


THE  ALMOHADES.  231 

he  was  directed  to  vacate  it,  lie  replied,  "This  temple 
belongs  to  God  alone."    Then,  reciting  some  verses 
of  the  Koran,  he  addressed  a  vehement  EiMa^di 
admonition  to  the  Prince  of  the  Faithful.^  i-mum^'" 
The  first  wonder  of  the  congregation  in-  •*  Morocco, 
creased  as  they  saw  that  the  monarch  was  abashed,  and 
did  not  resent  this  presumption.     He  proceeded  to 
ruder  actions.    A   few  days  later,  the  king's  sister, 
Soura,  was  riding  in  the  street  without  a  veil,  —  a 
common  and  not  improper  practice  in  the  West  *    He 
rebuked  her,  and  so  rudely  struck  her  mule  that  she 
was  thrown  to  the  ground.    Even  her  tearful  recital 
of  this  insult  could  not  move  the  "  pious  and  feeble 
Ali"  to  punish  the  reformer. 

To  gain  th«  odor  of  sanctity,  El  Mahdi  established 
himself  in  a  hut  built  in  the  cemetery;  and,  to  the  im- 
mense crowds  who  came  to  this  hermitage,  he  preached 
from  the  tombs  against  the  impiety  and  corruptions  of 
the  Almoravides.  But  theiffe  was  a  grain  of  worldly 
wisdom  left.  When  at  last  the  anger  of  Ali  was  fully 
awakened,  the  new  prophet  absconded  to  Tinmal, 
bearing  in  his  train  numerous  proselytes,  and  leaving 
a  great  fame  behind  him.  Tinmal  he  took  for  his 
temporary  capital.  From  its  rocky  site,  defended  by 
precipices,  he  proclaimed  himself  the  new  Messiah, 
the  evangelist  of  peace  and  good- will ;  and  he  declared 
Abdu-1-mumen  his  Amir  and  general. 

The  gathering  tribes  and  people  he  divided  into 

^  La  Fiieute,  Historia  de  EspaAa.  Dozy,  Hiittoire  de  rialamiBme^ 
trenslated  into  French  by  Victor  Chauvin  (1879),  p.  S71. 

*  **  L'nsage  de  se  Toiler  n'arait  pas  ^t^  adopts  par  lea  femmea 
Almoravides.'*  —  Dozt,  Histoire  de  rislamisnu. 


232    cx)NQnEST  of  spain  by  thb  abab-moors. 

nine  classes,  and  strengthened  his  authority  by  cre- 
HiB  people  *ting  two  advisory  councils, —  one  of  fifty, 
hSdil?or  *"  ^^^  ^^®  other  of  seventy,  men.  The  new 
Aimoiuuies.   y^^^^  q^  nation  took  its  title  from  that  of  his 

office,  el-mehedi  or  d-Toahdi.  They  were  thenceforth 
to  be  known  in  history  as  Elnuhedis  or  Almohades, 

In  the  year  1121,  when  Ali  was  returning  to 
Morocco,  from  a  visit  to  his  Spanish  dominions,  the 
prophet  and  Amir  of  the  Almoravides  had  collected 
.ten  thousand  cavalry,  and  had  marched  to  Agmat. 
With  this  begins  their  career  of  military  conquest 
We  cannot  enter  into  details.  They  encountered  Ali 
and  defeated  him  in  three  battles ;  and  then,  return- 
ing to  the  stronghold  of  Tinmal,  they  made  it  a  base 
from  which  they  could  rush  down  and  «devastate  the 
plains. 

Four  years  were  occupied  in  enlarging  their  num- 
bers, and  gathering  wealth  and  the  sinews  of  war. 
In  1125,  £1  Mahdi  thought  himself  strong  enough  to 
attack  the  capital  of  the  Almoravide  dominions.  With 
thirty  thousand  men,  his  general  marched  to  Morocco ; 
Vain  at-  ^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  couutcd  without  his  host.  The 
temputo  emperor,  in  a  successful  sortie,  drove  him 
Moroeoo.  away  in  entire  discomfiture.  Again  and 
again  this  attempt  was  renewed  without  success ;  but 
in  the  meantime,  £1  Mahdi,  tempted  by  the  condition 
of  affairs  in  Spain,  was  preparing  to  invade  the 
El  Mfthdi's  Almoravides  there.  His  projects  were  frus- 
death.  tratcd  by  his    death,   which    occurred   in 

December,  1129;^  but  he  left  the  grand  scheme  in 
energetic  and  skilful  hands,  which  carried  it  to  an 

^  Dozy  aayi  1128. 


THE  ALMOHADES.  233 

early  completion.  His  Amir,  Abdu-1-mumen,  at  once 
declared  himself  emperor  of  the  Almohades.  He 
assembled  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  people,  and 
proclaimed  his  elevation  as  the  last  will  of  El  Mahdi. 
The  religious  principle  had  been  established :  there 
was  only  needed  now  a  conqueror.  To  give  a  bizarre 
character  to  his  accession,  he  had  instructed  a  bird 
to  say  in  Arabic  and  in  the  Berber  dialects  Abdn-i- 
the  words,  "  Abdu-l*mumen  is  the  defender  Emperor. 
and  bulwark  of  the  state."  After  his  harangue,  these 
words  came  upon  the  silence  of  the  assembly  like  a 
voice  from  heaven ;  and,  at  the  same  moment,  from 
a  secret  door,  bounded  a  young  lion,  which,  to  the 
astonishment  of  the  terrified  multitude,  crouched  at 
the  feet  of  the  new  emperor,  and  licked  his  hands.^ 

With  unremitted  warfare  for  the  space  of  three 
years,  he  reduced  the  limits  of  the  Almoravides  in 
Africa,  and  so  occupied  the  attention  of  their  emperor 
Ali  and  his  son  Tdsheffn  that  they  were  obliged  to 
leave  their  Spanish  dominions  in  a  state  of  great  cen- 
fusion.  Their  principal  treasures  were  at  Oran,  and 
when  Tasheffn  in  his  flight  had  been  killed  h^  a  fall 
over  a  precipice,  Abdu-1-mumen  entered  Oran  and 
made  himself  master  of  these  rich  resources  in  1145. 

But  Fez  and  Morocco  were  still  strong,  and  these 
he  must  gain  before  it  would  be  safe  to  venture  into 
Spain.     The  former  city  fell  before  an  engi-  re«and 
neering  stratagem :  he  dammed  the  waters  uken. 
of  a  river  which  traversed  the  place,  and  turned  it,  in 
an  inundation,  against  the  walls ;  they  fell,  and  his 

1  This  story,  on  the  authority  of  the  Ehitab  el  Moluk,  is  giyen 
by  La  Fuente,  Historia  de  Espa&a,  Vol.  Y.,  note  to  page  98. 


234      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

army  entered  and  occupied  the  town  with  great 
slaughter. 

Morocco  alone  remained.  Taking  its  reduction  for 
his  own  task,  Abdu-1-mumen  despatched  his  general, 
Ibn-Kusai,  into  Spain  with  ten  thousand  cavalry  and 
twenty  thousand  infantry,  fresh  from  the  edge  of  the 
desert  and  the  table-la^ids.  His  white  banner  was 
borne  forward  with  uninterrupted  success,  overrunning 
Alge^iras,  Gibraltar,  Seville,  Cordova,  and  Malaga. 

The  task  of  the  emperor  at  Morocco  was  rendered 
easy  by  a  grievous  famine  in  the  city.  When  sum- 
moned it  could  not  refuse  to  surrender,  but  opened  its 
gates  after  a  feeble  show  of  resistance.  It  is  to  the 
disgrace  of  the  conqueror  that  when  the  starving  garri- 
son were  at  his  mercy  he  murdered  its  chief;  and  this 
act  was  a  signal  for  indiscriminate  slaughter. 

Established  in  Morocco,  the  African  empire  of  the 
Almoravides  was  at  an  end  ;  they  were  to  have  but  a 
short  and  precarious  tenure  in  Spain.  Abdu-l-mumeu 
anticipated  their  final  destruction  by  taking  the  full 
title  of  universal  dominion,  —  Amir  Al  Mumenin, 
(Commander  of  the  Faithful). 

Meanwhile  this  internecine  war  was  of  great  aid  to 
the  advancing  Christians  in  Spain;  they  captured 
The  Chris,  citv  after  city,  while  the  despairing  Almo- 
VRQco.  ravides,  sometimes  resisting,  sometimes  im- 
ploring their  aid,  found  themselves  between  two  fires, 
and  were  soon  destroyed  root  and  branch. 

Thus,  in  the  year  1157,  when  Alfonso  VIL,  king 
of  the  united  realms  of  Leon  and  Castile,  died,  the 
Almohades  were  masters  of  Moslem  Spain  and  prom- 
ised trouble  to  the  Christian  conquerors. 


THE  ALHOHADES.  285 

It  is  not  within  the  scope  of  this  history  to  follow 
their  fortunes  in  detail.^  For  the  original  Arabian 
settlers  and  their  principles  of  government  this  was 
the  worst  of  all  the  invasions.  There  was  no  longer 
place  for  the  Arabians  in  the  title  of  the  Arab- 
Moors  ;  it  was  a  Moorish  dominion^  pure  and  simple. 
With  the  Almoravides,  although  stem  conquerors, 
there  had  been  something  in  common.  At  first  their 
allies  against  the  Christians,  they  never  forgot  that 
their  ancestors  had  sprung  from  Yemen;  but  the 
Almohades,  pure  Africans,  so  far  from  sympathizing 
with  the  Arabians,  made  of  the  very  name  a  title  of 
proscription.* 

While  preparing  for  his  greatest  invasion,  the  em- 
peror Abdu-1-mumen  was  called  by  Allah  Death  of  Ab- 

to  his  account  in  1163.  du-l-mumen. 

With  varying  fortunes,  their  power  lasted  in  the 
Peninsula  seventy  years  longer,  to  the  reign  of  Idris 
Al-mamiin  in  1232,  but  was  to  receive  its  greatest 
shock  in  1213,  in  the  famous  battle  called  Las  Navas 
de  Tolosa,  which  remains  to  be  briefly  described. 
After  the  death  of  Idris  the  remaining  kings  of  the 
Almohades  ruled  only  in  Africa,  the  last  of  these 
being  Idris  II. 

I  propose  to  describe  the  battle  of  Las  Navas  de 
Tolosa,  because  it  was  the  greatest  event  in  the  phi- 

^  These  may  be  foand  in  most  desultory  fashion  in  the  pages  of 
Cond^,  part  iii,  from  the  26th  to  the  44th  chapter. 

s  <<Lo8  Almoravides  no  habian  podido  olvidar  que  bus  mayores 
eran  originarios  de  Yemen,  y  aun  conserrahan  con  los  Arabes  algu- 
nas  atenciones,  bien  que  los  tratasen  como  &  un  pueblo  vencido.  Los 
Almohades,  Africanos  pnros,  hacfan  del  orfgen  arabe  un  titulo  de 
pposcripcion."  — La  Fuente,  Historia  de  Eapafia^  V.  101. 


236      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOES. 

losophy  of  the  period ;  it  was  the  mortal  blow  to  the 
Almohades^  and  with  them  to  the  Moslem  dominion. 
It  gave  new  and  wonderful  momentum  to  the  Chris- 
tian reconquest.    The  fieiy  ^an  of  the  Almohades  and 
their  astonishing  successes  had  alarmed  not  only  the 
Spanish  Christians  but  the  whole  Christian  worid. 
A  united  effort  must  be  made  to  check  their  momen- 
The  fierce     tum  :   Spain  was  again  considered  the  bul- 
creadB.         wark  of  European   Christianity.     Alfonso 
VIII.  was  on  the  throne  of  Castile,  which  had  again 
been  separated  from  Leon,  but  was  before  long  to  be 
reunited  to  it.     His  long,  reign  of  fifty-six  years  was 
drawing  to  a  close.    The  splendid  contumacy  of  the 
Albigenses  in  France  h£ul  awakened  a  spirit  of  hot 
religious  intolerance;^  the  bitter  contests  of  creeds 
caused  the  sovereign  to  call  the  church  to  his  aid  in 
punishing  infidelity  and  heresy;  and  thus,  in  this 
reign,  the  comer-stones  of  the  Inquisition  were  laid, 
upon  which  the  fearful  structure  was  to  rise  rapidly 
and  continue  long,  and  enact  within  its  walls  the 
most  terrible  scenes  of  cruelty  and  injustice  ;  to  con- 
stitute free  Spain  —  as  its  charters  decreed  it  to  be 
—  a  devil's  den  of  despotism  a  thousand  times  worse 
than  the  worst  autocracies  of  the  East. 

With  this  preface,  let  us  turn  aside  to  consider  a 
most  unusual  and  exciting  scene  at  Borne.  Pope 
A  etrange      Innoccut  III.  has  decreed  a  three  days'  fast 

•cene  at 

Borne.         for  men,  women,  and  children  to  begin  on  the 
Wednesday  after  Trinity,  May  23, 1213.    A  doleful 

^  Immediately  after  his  accession,  Innocent  III.  sent  l^tes  to 
Tonlouae  to  suppress  them.  The  crosade  against  them  was  in 
1208-9,  only  five  years  hefore  the  hatUe  of  Las  Naras  de  Tolosa. 


THE  ALMOHADBS.  287 

procession  of  women,  habited  in  mourning  and  headed 
by  orders  of  nuns,  are  wending  their  way  to  the  church 
of  Santa  Maria  la  Mayor.  Thence,  after  fervent 
prayers  and  beatiDg  of  breasts,  they  proceed  to  the 
piazza  of  St  John  Lateran.  In  another  part  of  the 
city  have  assembled  the  monks,  regular  canons,  and 
parish  priests;  they  form  and  proceed  through  the 
Arch  of  Constantine  to  the  same  rendezvous.  Follow- 
ing the  holy  cross  of  St  Peter,  the  multitude  of  the 
faithful  come  to  swell  the  numbers,  and  in  the  great 
square  they  find  the  Holy  Father,  with  the  college  of 
cardinals,  the  bishops,  and  archbishops,  and  all  the 
dignitaries  of  the  pontifical  court  With  great  solem- 
nity the  Pope  takes  from  the  church  of  St  John  — 
its  ancient  repository  —  the  wood  of  the  true  cross 
(lignum  cruds).  Then  he  goes,  the  multitude  follow- 
ing, to  the  palace  of  the  Cardinal  Alberani,  from  the 
balcony  of  which  he  addresses  the  throng  in  impas- 
sioned and  fervent  words.^ 

What  has  given  rise  to  this  display  of  grief,  solem- 
nity, and  devotion  ?  An  embassy  from  Alfonso  ex- 
hibiting the  condition  of  things  in  Spain  and  the 
imminent  danger  to  Christendom.  It  had  been  re- 
ceived with  great  favor,  and  these  exciting  scenes 
were  the  result  The  Pope  earnestly  entreated  the 
alliance  and  aid  of  all  Christian  people ;  ,j^^  cnwade 
he  issued  a  plenary  indulgence  to  all  who  p"^*»<^ 
should  take  up  arms  in  this  holy  cause :  many  high 
masses  were  said  for  the  court  and  for  the  people,  and 
a  great  crusade  was  preached  against  the  infidel  in 
Spain. 

^  La  Fnente,  Historia  de  EspalLa,  Vol.  T.  p.  202. 


238        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOB& 

The  city  of  Toledo,  the  capital  of  Alfonso,  was 
announced  as  the  rendezvous  of  the  crusaders,  and 
Rendezvous  thither  in  corps,  in  bands,  and  as  individuals, 
at  Toledo.  |^jjgy  g^^  began  to  present  themselves.  In 
token  of  humiliation,  and  to  guaid  against  extrava- 
gance, orders  were  issued  that  there  should  be  no  lux- 
ury in  dress,  equipment,  or  living.  As  the  numbers 
increased,  it  became  a  difficult  problem  to  feed  them, 
but  Alfonso  was  able  to  meet  it ;  he  distributed  the 
allies  as  they  came  in  the  rich  fields  within  easy  dis- 
tance of  Toledo,  and  thus  too  prevented  the  contro- 
versies which  might  have  arisen  between  the  different 
nationalities. 

To  make  head  against  this  crusade  was  the  task  of 
Mohammed  An-Nassir,  the  son  of  Yakub  Al-mansur» 
now  chief  or  emperor  of  the  Almohades.  There  was 
special  significance  in  his  title,  An-ndsir  lidini-Uah 
(Defender  of  the  Faith).  His  father,  Al-mansur, 
had  already  done  much  to  strengthen  the  army,  but 
the  emergency  demanded  much  mora  Mohammed 
ieft  Morocco  in  June,  1212,  and  repaired  at  once  to 
Seville.^  Before  his  departure  he  had  proclaimed  the 
TheAigihed,  Algthed,  or  Holy  War,  which  called  on  every 
War.  Moslem  to  take  the  field ;  he  ordered  a  mas- 

sacre of  the  Christians  who  were  found  in  Morocco, 
in  the  Zahara,  in  Ethiopia  and  elsewhere  in  his  domin- 
ions, who  might  form  a  nidus  for  revolution ;  and  then 
hosts  of  the  faithful,  fresh  from  this  slaughter,  set  out 
to  swell  his  numbers  in  Andalusia.  Thus  the  war 
was,  on  both  sides,  a  holy  war,  and  the  conflict  of 
creeds  was  the  motive  of  the  two  hosts. 

1  Al  Makkari,  Mohammedan  Dynasties,  II.  app.  Izviii. 


THE  ALMOHADES.  239 

King  Alfonso  lost  not  a  moment  in  delay.  His  army, 
in  splendid  array,  was  put  in  motion  on  the  twenty-first 
of  June  to  meet  the  African  swarms :  it  was  headed  by 
archbishops  and  bishops.  Seventy  thousand  wagons 
carried  his  supplies.  The  van  was  led  by  Don  Diego 
Lopez  de  Haro,  and  consisted  of  ten  thou-  .j,^^  ^^^ 
sand  cavalry  and  forty  thousand  infantry,  t^^^'o^c^' 
Then  followed  the  troops  of  the  kings  of  Aragon  and 
Castile,  forming  distinct  camps ;  and  with  the  con- 
tingent of  Castile  rode  Eodrigo  Ximenes,  the  arch- 
bishop of  Toledo,  who  was  to  be  the  historian  of  the 
war.  Next  in  the  train  came  the  religious  orders  of 
kniglithood  of  the  temple  of  St.  John,  of  Calatrava, 
and  of  Santiago,  headed  by  their  grand-masters ;  after 
which  followed  many  other  contingents,  —  nobles  and 
simple  gentlemen,  with  troops  from  Italy  and  Ger- 
many. Besides  these  forces,  a  sufl&cient  number  of 
troops  had  been  left  to  guard  the  frontiers. 

The  third  day  after  they  were  put  in  motion,  that 
is,  on  the  twenty-third  of  June,  they  had  advanced 
to  Calatrava,  moving  cautiously  to  avoid  the  caltrops 
with  which  the  enemy  had  sown  their  pathway. 
The  town  wa9  taken  by  assault,  and  the  Moorish 
garrison,  only  a  handful  of  men,  taking  refuge  in  the 
citadel,  sent  an  earnest  request  to  Mohammed  for  aid. 
This  he  did  not  or  could  not  heed ;  and  so  the  cai^tj^va  u 
Christians  scored  their  first  success  in  the  ***'®°" 
capitulation  of  this  town.  The  Moorish  garrison  was 
allowed  to  go  out  free ;  and  when  the  foreigners  wished 
to  break  the  compact  and  slay  them,  the  Christian 
Eang  refused  and  kept  his  faith. 

The  first  check  to  the  hopes  of  the  Christians  was 


240        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

found  in  the  waning  ardor  of  these  foreigners  (pmes 
de  uUra  puertos)  whQ  began  to  complain  of  the 
heat.  Many  deserted,  but  when  in  their  retreat 
the  deserters  came  to  Toledo,  the  city  refused  to 
open  its  gates;  and,  as  they  marched  by,  the  gar- 
rison reviled  them  from  the  walls  as  traitors  and 
cowards. 

But  the  fervor  of  the  Spanish  troops,  although 
this  made  a  great  break  in  their  ranks,  was  not 
at  all  abated ;  and  the  gaps  were  soon  filled  by  the 
unexpected  arrival  of  the  king  of  Navarre  with  an 
army.  The  joy  thus  occasioned  was  great,  for  they 
had  given  over  all  hope  of  his  joining  in  the  contest. 
Thus  reinforced,  the  van  of  the  Christians  moved 
to  the  pass  of  Muradal,  which  they  forced,  notwith- 
standing the  stem  resistance  of  the>  enemy ;  thence 
Capture  of  they  advauccd  to  the  capture  of  Ceistro 
rai  FeiTal,,  which  is  situated  near  the  eastern 

extremity  of  Las  Navas  de  Tolosa.  It  was  now  the 
twelfth  of  July. 

'  We  must  pause  for  a  moment  to  glance  at  the 
ground  upon  which  the  great  battle  was  to  be 
fought.  The  word  navas  means  plains.  On  a 
sloping  spur  of  the  Sierra  Morena,  about 
seventy  miles  east  of  Cordova,  and  forty-five 
north  of  Jaen,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Guadal- 
quiver,  there  is  an  extended  and  somewhat  sloping 
table-land.  It  lies,  more  exactly,  about  five  miles 
to  the  right  of  the  little  modem  hamlet  called 
La  Carolina.  In  order  to  reach  this  magnificent 
plateau,  where  simple  battle-tactics  would  take  the 
place  of  strategic  movements,  it  seemed  necessary 


THE  ALMOHADE&  241 

that  the  Christians  should  force  their  way  through 
the  pass  of  Losa,  which  was  strong  by  nature,  and 
was  defended  by  great  numbers  of  the  Moslem  troops. 
What  should  be  done  ?  They  must  either  force  the 
pass,  —  a  most  difficult  undertaking;  or  retire, — 
which  would  inspirit  the  enemy  and  discourage  their 
own  men;  or  find  some  way  to  avoid  the  pass, — 
of  which  they  had  no  knowledge.  From  thia  serious 
quandary  they  were  rescued  by  aid,  which  in  the 
belief  of  the  contemporary  writers,  was  due  to  mir- 
aculous interposition.  A  shepherd,  whose  name 
has  been  preserved,  —  Martin  Halaja,  —  was  brought 
to  the  kipg,  who,  from  having  grazed  his  flocks  for 
many  years  in  that  locality,  knew-  the  ground  thor- 
oughly. He  told  Alfonso  of  another  pass,  unknown 
to  the  enemy,  by  which  the  army  might  move  unper- 
ceived  to  occupy  the  table-land.  The  ad-  chrintiAns 
venturous  chief,  Diego  Lopez  de  Haro,  with  shepherd 
one  companion,  followed  the  shepherd  to  pass. 
test  the  truth  of  his  story,  and  found  it  true.  No 
time  was  lost  in  taking  the  army  through  this  un- 
})erceived  path ;  and  on  the  fourteenth  of  July  the 
entire  Christian  host  found  themselves  on  the  im- 
mense plateau,  ten  miles  in  extent,  and  risuig  gently 
to  its  hill  borders  like  an  amphitheatre,  thenceforth 
to  be  immortalized  as  Las  Kavas  de  Tolosa.  Every 
soldier  was  ready  to  believe  that  the  shepherd  was 
an  angel,  sent  by  the  Almighty  to  minister  to  his 
chosen  people ;  and  thus  faith  nerved  every  man  with 
xmwonted  strength.  ' 

The  army  of  Mohammed,  on  the  first  breaking  up 
of  the  Christian  encampment,  rejoiced  to  think  that 

VOL.  II.  16 


242      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

the  host  of  Alfonso  was  retreating ;  when  to  their  great 
astonishment  they  saw  the  Christian  troops  defile 
corps  after  corps  upon  the  plain,  and  range  them- 
selves imder  their  various  banners  in  order  of  battle. 
But  what  were  these  few  Christians  in  comparison 
with  the  Moorish  forces  who  occupied  the  plain  and 
hill-sideS|  like  ''  countless  swarms  of  locusts  "  ?  ^ 

The  Spanish  king  resisted  the  first  efforts  of  Mo- 
hammed to  bring  on  the  conflict  Still  regarding 
them  as  trembling  for  the  result,  the  Moslem  troops 
riding  up  to  their  ranks  taunted  them  as  cowards ; 
and  Mohammed  wrote  letters  to  Baeza  and  Jaen, 
declaring  that  the  Christians  would  not  fight 

The  array  of  the  Moslem  chief  was  of  unusual 
splendor.  The  imperial  tent,  which  was  pitched  upon 
an  eminence  commanding  the  entire  field,  was  of  three- 
Thefortifled  P^y  crimsou  vclvct  (teTciopelo,  carvMsi  con 
SSim^**'  fi^^^  ^  ^^^)  flecked  with  gold;  and  its 
An-Naasir.     purpje  fringes  were  ornamented  with  rows 

of  pearls.  To  guard  it  there  were  towards  the  enemy 
rows  of  iron  chains,  and  a  line  of  three  thousand 
camels;  in  front  of  which,  with  lances  planted  up- 
right in  the  sand,  was  a  living  wall  of  ten  thousand 
hideous  negroes,  in  African  costumes. 

In  the  centre  of  this  strange  fortress  stood  the 
Moslem  leader,  with  his  horse  and  shield  beside  him, 
wearing  the  green  dress  and  turban  of  his  ancestor 
Abdu-1-mumen,  the  founder  of  his  dominion,  which 
gave  him,  in  the  Christian  ranks,  the  name  d  rey 
verde.     In  one  hand  he  held  his  scimitar,  and  in  the 


1  Cond4,  Dominacion  do  los  Arabes,  III.  ch.  iv. 


THE   ALMOHADES.  243 

other  the  Eoiin,  from  which  he  read  in  a  sonorous 
voice  those  passages  which  promised  the  rewards  of 
Paradise  to  those  who  should  fall  in  battle  for  the 
defence  of  Islam,  and  the  pains  of  Hell  to  those  who 
should  shun  their  duty.^ 

On  Sunday,  June  the  fifteenth,  the  Moslem  host 
was  in  line,  impatient  to  join  battle ;  but  again  the 
Christians  refused  to  accept  the  Moslem  defiance. 
Slowly  the  different  corps  took  up  their  position 
during  the  day,  and  night  came  on  without  even  a 
skirmish.  It  was  impossible  to  pass  another  day  in 
such  close  proximity  without  a  battle.  At  midnight 
the  voices  of  heralds  were  heard  in  the  Christian 
camps,  bidding  the  soldiers  to  confession,  prayer,  and 
mass ;  priests  were  busy  in  every  commani  Thus 
came  Monday  morning,  the  sixteenth ;  and  as  the 
sun  was  just  beginning  to  gild  the  highest  points  of 
the  Sierra  Morena,  it  disclosed  both  hosts  ready  for 
the  fray.  The  Moorish  army,  consisting  of  three 
hundred  thousand  regular  levies  and  seventy  thou- 
sand irregulars,  was  disposed  in  the  form  of  a  crescent 
in  front  of  Mohammed's  fortified  tent :  the  Almobades 
in  the  centre;  the  desert  tribes  on  the  wings,  and 
as  light-armed  troops  in  front 

The  Christian  force  was  arranged  in  four  legions ; 
in  the  centre  vbeing  King  Alfonso,  with  a  banner 
bearing  an  eflSgy  of  the  Virgin.  With  him  rode  the 
Archbishop  Rodrigo,  with  many  other  prelates.  The 
entire  Christian  army  was  less  than  one  hundred 
thousand,  or  one  fourth  the  number  of  the  enemy. 

^  Cond^,  Dominacion  de  los  Arabes,  III.  ch.  ir. 


244       CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AKAB-MOOBS. 

Zeal  and  prowess  were  needed  to  conquer  this  dis- 
parity. 

When  the  sound  of  a  thousand  cUabals  and  answer- 
ing clarions  gave  signal  for  onset,  the  centres  of  the  two 
Thebftttto  forces  met  in  mid-career;  backward  and 
begin*.  forward  surged  the  battle;  until,  at  last. 
King  Alfonso,  turning  to  the  Archbishop  Bodrigo,  ex- 
claimed, "Archbishop,  you  and  I  must  die  here." 
"  Not  so,"  was  the  intrepid  answer  of  the  churchman ; 
"  we  must  triumph  here  over  our  enemies.*'  "  Then," 
said  the  king,  ''  let  us  fly  to  the  van,  where  we  are 
sorely  needed  and  most  eagerly  expected,"  ^  for  the 
foremost  Moslemah  were  jeering  the  king  and  the 
prelate. 

The  immediate  action  corresponding  to  these  words 
turned  the  tide  and  saved  the  day.  In  vain  one  of  his 
Theintnpid  cavalicrs,  Fcman  Garcia,  tried  to  stop  the 
wnlg' and  ^^^g*  urging  him  to  wait  for  succor.  Becom- 
archbuhop.  mending  themselves  to  God  and  the  Vii^n, 
the  king  and  the  archbishop  —  the  latter  wearii^  his 
chasuble,  and  cross  in  hand — put  spurs  to  their 
horses,  and  plunged  into  the  thickest  of  the  fight;  the 
inspirited  troops  followed  them  with  new  ardor ;  the 
Moors,  who  had  been  jeering  at  the  retreating  king 
and  the  cross-bearing  prelate,  were  driven  back  in  wild 
confusion ;  and  the  battle  became  general 

Just  then,  too,  treason  began  to  work  in  the  Moor- 
ish ranks.  Some  of  the  contingents' who  had  brooded 
over  Mohammed's  cruelty  on  a  former  occasion,  "  in 

^  La  Faente,  Historia  de  Espa&a,  Y.  219.  "  Que  asfse  burlaban 
de  sa  pnsilanimidad  como  denostaban  al  sagrado  signo  que  en  su 
mano  traia,  y  le  apedreaban/'  etc. 


THE  ALMOHADES.  245 

the  unjustly  inflicted  death  of  that  brave  and  noble 
captain,  Ibn  Kadis/'  turned  their  bridles  and  fled  the 
fielAi 

But  the  great  centre  —  the  chief's  tent  with  its  liv- 
ing wall  —  was  as  yet  untouched.  Upon  this  the 
Christians  now  directed  all  their  strength ;  the  cavalry 
could  not  break  it ;  they  even  turned  their  horses  and 
tried  to  back  them  in,  but  without  results.  What 
the  mass  could  not,  however,  do,  was  possible  to  in- 
dividual effort  A  single  cavalier,  Alvar  Nunez  de 
Lara,  stol^  through,  winding  between  ne-  TheMooriah 
groes  and  camels,  and  either  broke  or  passed  piensed. 
under  the  chains ;  and,  as  he  waved  his  banner,  a  loud 
shout  announced  to  the  Christian  advance  that  an 
entrance  had  been  effected ;  another  was  soon  in,  and 
a  third ;  the  gaps  widened  ;  many  rushed  to  join  their 
adventurous  comrades ;  and  thus  the  charmed  circle 
was  broken.  The  camels  were  dispersed,  and  the  negro 
guard  put  to  the  sword  or  to  flight. 

Mohammed's  reading  of  the  Kordn  was  interrupted: 
he  was  like  one  dazed,  repeating,  *'  God  alone  is  true, 
and  Satan  is  a  betrayer."  An  Arab,  on  a  swift  mare, 
came  up.  "  Mounts"  he  exclaimed,  "  and  flee  !  not 
thy  steed,  0  king,  but  my  mare  of  a  noble  race,  who 
knoweth  not  how  to  fail  her  rider  in  hh  need."  ^  It 
was  not  a  moment  too  soon  :  the  king  mounted  and 
set  off  at  a  gallop,  followed  by  his  panic-stricken 
troops ;  and  succeeded  in  reaching  Jaen,  to  contradict 
in  person  his  vainglorious  letters  of  two  days  before. 
The  rout  was  complete ;  the  pursuit  lasted  till  night- 

^  Cond^  Dominacion  de  lOe  Arabea,  III.  ch.  Ixr.  ^  lb. 


246        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

fall,  and  was  only  impeded  by  the  Moslem  corpses, 
which  lay  so  thick  that  the  pursuing  force  could  not 
find  room  to  pass. 

On  the  field,  just  in  front  of  the  tent  of  the  fugitive 
Moslem  chief,  the  Archbishop  Eodrigo,  first  enjoin- 
ing the  king  to  give  thanks  to  God  and  to  his  gallant 
army,  intoned,  in  a  loud  voice,  the  Tt  Deum  Zatida- 
mtts,  the  soldiers  reverently  and  joyfully  uniting  in 
the  holy  chant  of  victory. 

Again  the  historian  doubts  as  he  endeavors  to 
estimate  the  losses  in  the  two  armies.  With  a  nat- 
ural exaggeration,  the  archbishop  would  increase  the 
glory  of  the  triumph  by  claiming  '*  bis  centum  milia 
interfecta," — two  hundred  thousand  Moslem  slain. 
We  are  morally  sure  of  the  over-estimate,  but  can 
ijo^^oj^  make  no  certain  abatement  Twenty-five 
bothsidoa.  Christians  are  said  to  have  fallen.^  For 
those  who  remained,  the  spoils  were  rich  and  splen- 
did,—  gold,  silver,  vases,  wagons,  camels,  horses,  and 
beasts  of  burden ;  immense  quantities  of  commis- 
sary stores,  arms  of  all  kinds.  The  number  of  lances 
was  so  great  that  the  conquering  army  burned  no 
wood  but  these  while  in  that  locality,  and  did  not 
consume  the  half  of  them. 

Strict  orders,  with  the  threat  of  excommunication 
by  the  church,  were  issued  against  pillage;  and  as 
soon  as  a  proper  inventory  and  systematic  division 

1  In  the  letter  of  Alfonso  to  the  Pope,  the  nmnher  of  ChristiAns 
is  stated  through  miraculous  intervention  to  have  heen  only  twenty- 
five  or  thirty.  The  Archbishop  of  Narbonne  says  —  not  fifty.  The 
fancy  of  La  Fuente  that  the  words  of  Rodrigo,  "  Do  nostris  antem 
viz  defuere  viginti  quinque,"  imply  milia,  and  that  the  Christiana 
lost  twenty-five  thousand,  is  scarcely  tenable. 


THE  ALMOHADES.  247 

could  be  made,  the  king  distributed  the  captured 
property  among  his  troops  and  allies;  leaving  for 
himself  only  the  great  glory  of  the  victory.  The 
splendid  marquee  of  Mohammed  was  sent  to  Borne  to 
adorn  the  Basilica  of  St  Peter;  and  the  captured 
banners  were  forwarded  to  Burgos,  Toledo,  and  other 
cities,  as  waving  proofs  of  the  great  conquest.  The 
creeds  had  met,  and  the  Cross  was  triumphant ;  and, 
ever  since,  the  sixteenth  of  July  has  been  kept  as  a 
holy  festival  to  celebrate  "el  triunfo  de  la  Cruz," 
when  the  captured  banners  are  displayed  in  a  grand 
procession. 

The  king  preserved  an  emerald  from  among  the 
spoils,  and  placed  it  in  the  centre  of  his  shield. 

It  was  to  be  expected,  in  that  credulous  age,  that 
the  victory  of  the  Christians  would  be  ascribed  to 
miraculous  agency.  During  the  battle,  it  was  said 
that  a  red  cross  like  that  of  Calatrava  was  seen  in  the 
sky,  to  the  joy  of  the  Christians  and  the  confusion  of 
the  Moslems ;  that  the  latter  were  struck  with  torpor 
at  the  sight  of  the  Virgin  banner ;  that  the  shepherd 
guide  was  an  angel  of  the  Loixl:  all  which  things 
were  readily  believed  both  by  Christians  and  Moors. 

The  Christian  army  marched  forward,  taking  and 
destroying  towns,  as  far  as  Baeza  and  Ubeda ;  but, 
being  then  struck  with  general  debility,  and  affected 
by  a  camp  malady,  owing  to  the  heat  and  the  malaria 
which  it  engendered,  they  retired  from  Andalusia, 
leaving  behind  them  chiefly  the  moral  effect  of  the 
great,  victory,  from  which  the  Moors  never  recovered. 
The  Moslem  emperor,  rendered  cruel  and  sullen  by 
his  defeat,  stopped  only  long  enough  in  Seville  to  ex- 


248        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  A£AB-MOORS. 

ecute  the  principal  traitors  who  had  contributed  to 
his  defeat  by  deserting  his  ranks ;  and  then,  leaving 
Mohammed  his  son  in  Command  in  Spain,  hastened  to 
the  year.  Morocco,  where  he  shut  himself  up  with  his 
own  gloomy  thoughts ;  he  died,  it  was  thought  by 
poison,  in  the  same  year. 

His  royal  rival,  Alfonso,  while  prosecuting  his  war 
against  the  king  of  Portugal,  was  seized  with  fever  at 
The  death  *^®  hamlet  of  Gutierro  Munoz;  and,  after 
ofAifoMa  receiving  the  last  sacraments  from  the 
hands  of  the  faithful  Archbishop  Bodrigo,  died  on  the 
sixth  of  October,  1214,  being  fifty-sevenyears  old,  and 
having  nominally  reigned  fifty-five  years.  "  As,  when 
Alfonso  VI.  is  named,  it  is  added,  'el  que  gano 
Toledo,'  so  the  name  of  Alfonso  VIII.  is  always  ac- 
companied with  the  phrase,  '  el  de  Las  Navas,' —  the 
two  great  triumphs  which  decided  the  fate  of  Spain, 
and  laid  the  foundations  of  its  liberty."  ^ 

Doubtless,  this  truly  important  victory  has  been 
exaggerated  by  Christian  writers;  but  the  Arabian 
chroniclers  concede  a  great  defeat.  There  was  still 
very  much  for  the  Spaniards  to  do  in  the  work  of  eject- 
ing the  Moslems ;  a  work  which  was  still  to  go  on  with 
checkered  fortunes  for  two  hundred  and  eighty  years ; 
but  which,  however  slow  in  execution,  was  certain 
of  final  accomplishment,  for  "from  that  day  com- 
menced the  decay  of  the  Moslemah  power  in  Spain." 
The  son  of  Mohammed  and  his  immediate  successors 
"  raised  the  minarets  once  again,  and,  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent, succeeded  in  subjugating  the  Christian  infidel, 

^  La  Fuente,  Histoiia  de  Espafia,  Y.  235 ;  Cond^,  Dominacion  dt 
Io8  Arabes,  III.  ch.  Iv, 


THE  ALMOHADES.  249 

of  whose  territories  he  occupied  a  considerable  por- 
tion,  which  he  had  conquered  by  might  of  arms.*'^ 
But  the  Christian  kings,  unhurt  by  the  curse  of 
Allah,  pursued  their  conquests  in  Andalusia  "  until  it 
pleased  Allah  to  place  it  in  the  hands  of  the  Beni 
Merine  sovereigns,  —  to  whom,"  prays  the  chronicler, 
"  may  he  grant  prosperity ! "  * 

The  principal  events  in  the  battle  of  Las  Navas  — 
called  by  the  Moors  AVdkdh,  or  the  Ai'fl-«ide— were 
recited  by  Alfonso  VIII.,  in  his  letter  to  chroniciae 
Pope  Innocent  III.,  announcing  the  vie-  of  the  event 
tory.  They  are  also  related  by  the  Archbishop 
Eodrigo,  in  his  history,  and  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Narbonne.  These  two  prelates  were  eye-witnesses 
and  actors  in  the  great  event;  it  is  likewise  told 
in  various  chronicles,  chiefly  in  that  of  Alfonso  el 
Sabio  ("Cr6nica  General'  de  EspaM**).  Condi's 
Arabian  authorities  give  a  full  account,  with  interest- 
ing details;  Al  Makkari  is  very  short, — less  than 
half  a  page ;  but  I  have  dwelt  upon  this  battle,  be- 
cause it  was  one  of  the  few  great  decisive  events  in  the 
decline  of  Moslem  power,  and  because  in  the  midst  of 
the  darkness  and  confusion  it  shines  forth  in  the  clear 
light  of  historic  truth;  it  is  described  in  detail  by 
several  eye-witnesses,  by  the  collation  of  whose  nar- 
ratives a  well-defined  picture  may  be  obtained. 

^  La  Faente,  Historia  de  Espafiay  Y.  286 ;  Cond^  Damioaoioii 
de  loe  Aiabee,  III.  ch.  Iv. 
Mb. 


250       COKQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 


CHAPTER  V. 

TEE    NEW    EINGDOH    OF    6BANADA,    FBOM   ITS    ESTAB- 
LISHMENT TO  ITS  EXTINCTION. 

'T^O  complete  the  sketch  of  the  Moslem  dominion 
-*-  in  Spain,  I  shall  only  present,  in  an  almost 
tabulated  form,  and  with  small  citation  of  authorities, 
the  principal  well-known  events  in  the  remaining 
history,  from  the  decline  of  the  Almohades  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  to  the  extinction  of  the  kingdom 
of  Granada,  in  the  last  years  of  the  fifteenth.  It  is 
a  period  of  disorder  and  confusion,  full  of  cross  lights, 
burning  brightly  or  dimly,  and  disclosing  jostling 
figures,  which  remain  upon  the  scene  too  short  a  time 
to  be  clearly  discerned,  if  it  were  our  purpose  to  in- 
dividualize them,  which  it  is  not.  All  this  forms  a  most 
interesting  part  of  the  history  of  the  reconquest 

The  battle  of  Las  Navas  de  Tolosa,  which  was 
fought  in  1213,  gave  true  token  of  the  end.  Idris 
The  decline  (Al-mamiiu)  was  their  last  emperor  of  the 
Sraoft^^'  Almohades  in  the  peninsula.  The  people 
Aimohadei.  p^g^  agaiust  him,^  and  drove  him  into  Africa 
in  1232,  and  from  that  time  their  dominion  was 
limited  to  Africa,  where  four  Khalifs  —  one,  Abdu-1- 
wahed  II.  being  twice  upon  the  throne  —  made  head 

^  Al  Makkari,  Mohammedaii  Dynasties,  II.  336. 


THE  NEW  EIKODOM  OF  GRANADA.  251 

against  the  Beni  Merines ;  and  then  the  Almohades 
succumbed  to  the  decree  of  AllaL 

Both  invading  hosts — the  Almoravides  and  Almo- 
hades—  had  conquered  the  petty  kings  and  held  the 
South  in  subjection ;  but,  as  soon'  as  the  Almohades 
disappeared,  one  of  these  little  kingdoms  sprang  again 
into  new  life  and  consequence,  and  upon  its  fortunes 
the  entire  interest  of  the  remaining  history  is  concen- 
trated. It  was  the  kingdom  of  Granada,  whose  strug- 
gles and  fate  are  vividly  ahd  romantically  described 
in  the  chronicle  of  Washington  Irving,^  and  more 
exactly  and  seriously  in  the  excellent  history  of 
Prescott 

When  Idris  and  the  gloiy  of  the  Almohades  de- 
parted in  1232,  it  was  to  resist  the  assaults  of  the 
Beni  Merines  in  Africa,  and  the  ambition  of  Ibn 
Hiid,  setting  forth  to  occupy  the  abandoned  seats  in 
Andalusia.  There  the  latter  proclaimed  Al-Mostasem 
the  Khalif  of  Baghdad,  at  this  time  the  shadow  of  a 
name,  for  that  khalif  was  then  besieged  in  his  capi- 
tal, and  within  a  few  years  Baghdad  was  to  be 
destroyed,  and  with  it  the  great  dynasty  of  the  Abba- 
sides  in  the  East  ^  was  to  come  to  an  end.  But  Ibn 
Hiid  lost  his  power  and  was  assassinated. 

A  new  element  of  strength  now  presented  itself  in 

^  La  Fnente,  Historia  de  Espafia,  IX.  405.  Nothing  could  be 
joster  than  the  criticisin  of  "an  illustrious  writer,"  —  " pero  como 
dice  un  ilustrado  escritor — estrangero  tambien,  haciendo  justicia  i 
la  brillantez  de  bus  descripciones  y  i  su  habilidad  diamdtica,  no  so 
•abe  en  qui  dase  6  categoria  colocar  su  libro,  pues  para  romance 
hay  en  el  demasiada  realidad,  y  para  cronica  no  hay  bastante !" 

*  Ockley's  History  of  the  Saracens,  p.  505. 


252      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

the  rise  of  the  Beni  'Saav,  a  family  of  station  and 
The  king-  powcT,  wMch  occupied,  in  the  person  of 
nada.  Mohammed   I.,   Ibnu-1-hamar^  the  throne 

of  Granada,  and  this  family  was  to  reign  with  varied 
fortunes  for  two. hundred  and  sixty  years. 

During  the  usurpation,  if  so  it  may  be  called,  of 
Ibn  Hiid,  the  Christians  had  advanced  to  Merida  and 
Badajos ;  and  had  sent  an  expedition  in  1230,  which 
was  successful  in  capturing  Majorca  from  a  certain 
captain,  Ibn  Musa,  who,  protected  by  its  insular 
position,  had  held  it  for  the  Almohades  against  aU 
TheChrii-  comcrs  since  the  year  1209.  The  other 
Jjj^^jjjjj^g  Balearic  Islands  soon  fell  into  the  Christian 
lauodi.  hands.  Valencia,  which,  as  we  have  seen, 
was  the  stronghold  of  the  Cid,  and  was  reoccupied 
after  his  death  by  the  Almoravides,  remained  in 
Moslem  hands,  the  Almohades  succeeding,  until 
1238,  when  it  was  captured  by  King  Jaime  of 
Aragon.^ 

Step  by  step  the  relentless  Christians  advanced. 
The  capture  of  Cordova  by  Ferdinand  IIL  of  Castile 
was  a  terrible  blow  to  the  Moslemah.  Al  Makkari, 
writing  long  after  the  event,  says  :  "After  a  siege  of 
several  months  he  reduced  Cordova,  and  on  Sunday, 
the  twenty-third  of  Shawwdl  of  the  year  636  (May 
29,  1239),  that  seat  of  the  Western  Khalifate,  the  re- 
pository of  the  theological  sciences  and  abode  of  Islfim, 
passed  into  the  hands  of  the  accursed  Christians ! "' 
Almerfa  next  capitulated,  and  W£ts  united  to  the 
territories  of  Cordova,  and  so  the  reconquest  marched 

1  Dominacion  de  los  Arabea,  III.  ch.  ir. 
*  Mohammedan  DynastiMi  II.  880. 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM  OF  GRANADA*  253 

on,  —  a  long  march,  but  with  the  goal  and  prize 
always  distinctly  in  view. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  has  been  told,  Mohammed 
Ibnu-l-ahmar  had  prepared  to  restore  the  kingdom 
of  Granada,  and  began  to  fortify  its  chief  city.  He 
was  at  once  resisted  by  the  son  of  Ibn  Hiid,  Ytisof, 
who  in  the  eastern  provinces  again  proclaimed  the 
Abbaside  Eiialif,  while  Mohammed  declared  himself 
Sultan  of  Andalusia,  with  tributary  allegiance  to  the 
Sultan^  of  eastern  Africa,. in  the  hope  of  obtaining 
his  assistance  He  did  not  satisfy  himself  with  proc- 
lamations He  felt  himself  to  be  the  founder  of  a 
great  dynasty,  and  he  determined  to  achieve  his 
greatness.  Marching  to  Jaen,  from  his  native  town, 
Arjona,  he  sent  before  him  secret  emissaries,  through 
whose  intrigues  he  was  proclaimed  king  at  Granada. 
It  was  in  May,  1238,  that  he  arrived  at  that  ibQa-i-«h- 
city  in  the  evening  and  encamped  without  hn  entry 
the  walls.  At  dawn  of  the  next  day,  he  luuift. 
made  his  entry,  remaining  in  the  town  until  even- 
ing. As  at  sunset  he  was  about  to  proceed  to  the 
castle,  and  had  reached  the  gate  of  the  kassdbah,  or 
palace,  he  heard  the  voice  of  the  muezzin  calling  the 
people  to  evening  prayer ;  upon  which,  without  going 
any  farther,  Ibnu-l-ahmar  entered  the  mihrdb  of  the 
mosque,  and  recited  the  first  chapter  of  the  Kordn, 
and  then  proceeded  to  the  Castle  of  Bddis,  preceded 
by  men  bearing  wax  tapers.^    Thus  the  great  Gra- 

1  The  title  Sultdn  was  first  taken  \sj  Mohammed  Ibn  Saboh 
Ikeen  in  the  eleventh  century ;  and  was  thenceforth  used  in  Spain. 
—  Lank,  Arahian  NighUy  L.  274. 

^  Al  Makkari,  Mohammedan  Dynasties,  II.  844. 


254        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

nadine  dynasty  was  inaugurated  with  prayer  and  self- 
devotion. 

At  first,  with  the  purpose  to  extort  the  respect  of  the 
Christians,  he  made  furious  sorties,  and  defeated  them 
in  several  encounters ;  and  then,  that  he  might  have 
time,  and  relief  from  a  constant  necessity  of  defence, 
he  made  a  treaty  with  them ;  by  which  he  became 
their  ally,  and  gave  them  vigorous  aid  in  their  ezpe- 
His  auiance  ditious  agaiust  Carmoua,  Seville,  and  other 
chrutianB.  towns,  held  by  men  of  his  own  faith.  He 
thus  participated  in  the  two  years'  siege  of  Seville, 
and  when,  on  its  capture,  he  was  congratulated  upon 
^  his  share  in  the  success,  and  saluted  as  ghalih  (con- 
queror), he  sadly  replied, "  Le  ghalib  ilia  Allah,"  ("  There 
is  no  conqueror  but  God!**)  —  a  sentence  which  is 
on  his  coat  of  arms,  and  may  be  found  incorporated 
with  many  of  the  arabesques  of  the  Alhambra,  of 
which  the  main  structures  are  by  his  hand. 

But  his  alliance  with  the  Christians  did  not  pre- 
vent him  from  cultivating  friendly  relations  with  the 
Beni  Merines  of  Africa,  who  could  help  him  to  make 
head  against  their  later  encroachments.  Very  soon 
the  Christian  bond  was  loosened,  and  he  began  to 
invade  their  territory,  Ibnu-1-ahmar  was  a  truly 
great  man,  and  the  Moslems  in  Spain  suffered  a  great 
loss  when  he  died,  on  the  tenth  of  Septem- 

^  His  death. 

ber,  1272.  He  was  on  an  expedition  to 
drive  back  a  foraging  party  of  Christians,  when  he 
stumbled  and  felL  The  injury  seemed  slight,  but 
was  mortal ;  and  he  had  only  time  to  enjoin  upon 
his  son  and  successor,  Abii  Abdillah,  to  keep  up  the 
war  and  carry  out  his  plans,  when  death  overtook  him. 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM  OF  GRANADA.  255 

The  energy  of  Ibnu-1-ahmar  was  displayed  in 
many  activities.  Valiant  and  skilful  in  war,  he  built 
a  palace  on  the  Alhambra,  and  surrounded  it  with 
hospitals^  mosques,  and  colleges;  he  laid  out  its 
beautiful  gardens,  erected  aqueducts,  and  filled  the 
city  with  fountains.  The  waters  of  the  Darro  and 
Xenil  were  tapped  near  their  source,  and  to-day 
Granada  enjoys  the  great  luxury  in  that  climate  of 
an  inexhaustible  water-supply.^ 

But  we  may  not  stop  upon  these  details.  The  way 
is  long,  and  must  be  rapidly  traversed.  Ibnu-1-ahmar 
was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Abii  Abdillah,  known  as 
Mohammed  II.  Obeying  his  father's  injunctions,  he 
called  upon  Yahiib,  the  Sultdn  of  the  Beni  Merines, 
at  Fez,  to  come  to  his  aid,  and  captured  Algeqiras,  to 
serve  as  a  receptacle  and  magazine  for  these  African 
allies.  He  also  presented  Tarifa  to  Yahdb.  The  two 
allied  forces  then  went  out  to  meet  NuiLo  de  Lara  with 
the  Christian  frontier  troops,  and  routed  him.  But 
Mohammed  was  sooti  prevailed  upon  by  his  fears  to 
renew  the  Christian  alliance ;  and  the  Christian  troops, 
thus  freed  from  one  enemy,  soon  wrested  Alge9iras, 
Tarifa,  Ronda,  and  other  towns  frorb  the  Beni  Merines, 
who  were,  all  but  a  small  remnant,  driven  back  into 
Africa.  The  detailed  history  of  these  adventures  is 
full  of  romance,  with  here  and  there  a  touch  of  true 
pathos.  After  the  successful  siege  of  Tarifa  in  12*91 
by  King  Sancho  of  Castile,  a  noble  knight,  Don 
Alfonso  de  Guzman,^  was  appointed  governor  of  the 

« 

^  Ford's  Handbook  for  Spain,  original  edition,  I.  801. 
*  The  name  is  a  cormption  of  the  German  Out  Mann;  and,  tis- 
gnlarly  enough,  the  Spanish  chroniclers  add  to  it  «2  BtiffM, 


256        COI7QUE3T  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

place.  The  recreant  Don  Juan,  brother  of  the  Cas- 
tilian  king,  joined  with  him  troops  from  Morocco  to 
The  fltory      retake  it     In  the  service  of  Bon  Juan,  or, 

of  Alfonso  ^         .^  111 

daGaiman.  as  some  wnters  say,  held  as  a  prisoner,  was 
a  son  —  probably  illegitimate  —  of  Alfonso  de  Guz- 
man. Him  the  besieger  loaded  with  chains,  and, 
displaying  him  under  the  wall,  cried  out  to  the  gov- 
ernor that,  if  he  did  not  surrender,  his  son  should  be 
put  to  death  before  his  eyes.  "  He  [the  governor] 
silently  unbound  the  sword  from  his  girdle,  threw  it 
down  to  the  prince  for  the  fulfilment  of  his  threat, 
and  retired  from  the  walL  Then  the  Moslemah,  ren- 
dered furious  by  the  contempt  expressed  in  this  reply, 
struck  ofif  the  head  of  the  youth,  and,  placing  it  on 
one  of  their  machines,  they  cast  it  over  the  walls, 
that  the  father  might  not  be  able  to  doubt  of  his 
loss."  ^  With  stoic  fortitude,  when  de  Guzman  heard 
the  cry  of  horror  which  followed  the  tragic  deed,  and 
was  told  its  meaning,  he  replied,  "I  thought  the 
enemy  had  succeeded  in  entering  our  works." 

We  pass  rapidly  over  the  succeeding  events.  Mo- 
hammed II.  died  in  1302,  and  was  succeeded  by  a 
Mohammed  greater  king,  —  Mohammed  III.,  another 
Nasr.  Abii  Abdillah.      In  a  brief   period  from 

1309,  he  was  dethroned  by  a  revolt  of  his  brother, 
Nasr ;  but  when,  in  1312,  Nasr  in  turn  was  forced  to 
abdicate,  he  was  succeeded  by  Isma'fl  AbA-l- Waled, 
after  whom  came  Mohammed  IV.,  in  1315. 

Meantime  the  Christian  monarchs  were  always 
pressing  the  Moorish  frontier.     In  1309,  Ferdinand 

^  Cond^,  Dominacion  de  los  Arabea,  part  iy.  ch.  IS.  Another 
Tcrsion  is  that  Don  Jaan  plunged  his  poniaid  into  the  yonth's  heart. 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM  OF  GBANADA.  257 

rV.  of  Castile  succeeded  in  taking  Gibraltar,  while 
the  troops  of  Aragon  besieged  Almeria,  and  thus  the 
ciide  was  ever  narrowing,  but  not  without  bloody 
dispute.  When  Don  Pedro,  Infante  of  Castile,  made 
his  great  effort  against  Granada  in  1319,  he  was 
wofully  defeated  in  the  battle  of  Elvira,  and  his  rich 
camp  despoiled  by  the  Moors. 

Mohammed  lY.  succeeded  in  retaking  Gibraltar 
from  the  Christians,  and  was  again  enabled  to  secure 
the  assistance  of  the  Beni  Merines  of  Mo-  Mohammed 
rocco.  But  he  thus  brought  about  his  own  '^* 
destruction;  for  he  was  assassinated  by  his  African 
allies,  and  succeeded  by  his  brother  Yiisuf  in  1333. 
Prompted  purely  by  self-interest,  Abu-1-has,  another 
leader,  with  sizty  thousand  men,  beside  the  contingent 
from  Granada,  encountered  the  Christians  near  Tarifa 
in  the  year  1340,  and  was  defeated  with  immense 
loss.^ 

Yiisuf  was  assassinated  by  a  madman  in  1354,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Mohammed  Y.,  who  bore  the  title 
of  Al-ghani-billah  (the  man  contented  with  God).  But 
with  men  he  had  no  reason  to  be  contented.  Driven 
from  his  throne  by  a  revolt  of  his  half-brother, 
Isma'fl,  he  first  fied  for  his  life  to  Guadix,  and  then 
to  Africa,  in  the  year  1359.  And  all  these  intestine 
quarrels  were  playing  into  the  Christians'  hands. 
Isma'fl,  the  usurper,  held  the  nominal  power  less 
than  a  year,  when  he  was  dethroned  and  put  to 

^  Al  Makkari,  Mohammedan  Dynasties,  LI.  356.    Ck>n<l^,  Do- 
minacion  de  loe  Arabes,  part  iv.  ch.  xxii    He  calls  it  the  battle  of 
tiie  Gnadacelito,  a  small  stream  running  between  the  two  comps. 
It  is  the  Salade  of  the  Christians. 
VOL.  n.  17 


258        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

death.  His  successor,  Mohammed  VI.,  surrounded 
by  difficulties,  came  to  the  strange  detenninatiou  to 
place  himself  and  his  kingdom  under  the  protection 
Mohammed    of  that  Elius:  Pcdro  of  Castilo  whom  history 

VI.  is  assas* 

sin'ated  by     has  named  d  crud,  but  whom  his  adherents 

Pedro  the 

cmeL  called  el  Jtcstidero,  the  doer  of  justice.     The 

Castilian  king  vindicated  his  claim  to  the  historic 
title  by  putting  Mohammed  to  death,  and  seizing 
*'  the  countless  treasures  which  he  and  the  chiefs  who 
composed  his  suite  brought  with  them." 

To  the  throne,  thus  once  more  vacant  by  as- 
sassination, Mohammed  Y.  returned,  and  ruled  a 
second  time,  from  1362  to  1391.  The  length  of  this 
reign  is  due  in  part  to  the  skill  of  the  king,  but 
chiefly  to  the  truces  made  with  the  kings  of  Castile. 
Then  came  the  reigns  of  Yiisuf  II.  and  Mohammed 
.  VII.,  uneventful,  except  that,  in  the  words  of  the 
Arabian  chronicler,  ''the  Mohammedan  empire  still 
went  on  decaying,  until  it  became  an  easy  prey  to 
the  infidels,  who  surrounded  it  on  every  side,  like  a 
pack  of  hungry  wolves."^  Many  portents  of  ruin 
were  displayed,  and  the  public  mind  was  already 
contemplating  the  entire  success  of  the  Christians. 

I  pass  over  a  long  period  in  which  this  disintegra- 
tion was  going  on,  accompanied  by  great  confusion. 
Conde,  depending  but  little  for  this  later  period  upon 
Arabian  authorities,  has  given  a  long,  doubtful,  and 
A  century  of  somcwhat  dcsultory  account  of  men  and 
struggles,  events,  so  like  each  other,  from  year  to  year, 
that  the  student  imagines  the  later  pictures  but  repro- 

^  Al  Makkari,  Mohammedan  Dynasties,  II.  868.  Oond^  Domi- 
naclon  de  los  Arabes,  part  ir.  ch.  zztxL 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM  OP  GKANADA.  259 

ductions  of  the  earlier.  It  was  a  century  of  struggles,  in 
which  the.  Moors  were  being  more  and  more  restricted 
to  their  little  kingdom  of  Granada,  and  the  Christians 
were  strengthening  to  dislodge  and  expel  them.  And 
thus,  for  all  the  purposes  of  this  history,  we  may 
pass  at  one  long  step  from  the  death  of  Ydsuf  II.,  in 
1395,  to  the  spring  of  1478,  when  one  Abu-1-hasan, 
a  man  of  great  and  famous  valor,  then  reigning  at 
Granada,  reviewed  his  troops  for  an  entire  month 
from  the  Alhambra ;  and,  as  they  defiled  before  him, 
gloried  in  what  seemed  an  impregnable  defence. 

We  have  now  reached  literally  the  beginning  of 
the  end.  Failing  to  make  an  advantageous  treaty 
with  the  Christians,  the  Moorish  king  surprised  and 
occupied  Zahara,  and  destroyed  its  houses  and  walls  to 
such  an  extent,  that  a  Moorish  santon  oracularly  de- 
clared that  the  ruins  would  fall  on  their  own  heads. 
The  fulfilment  was  not  long  wanting,  for  the  Moslems 
were  to  receive  a  blow  more  ruinous  than  any  yet 
struck.  Looking  about  him  for  the  best  method  of 
vengeance,  Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  who,  by  his  mar- 
riage with  Isabella  of  Castile,  had  united  the  two 
crowns,  was  informed  that  the  impoilant  strategic 
town  of  Alhama, — "the  land -key  to  Gra-  The  strength 
nada, "  —  in  the  very  heart  of  the  territory,  Snce  ofAi- 
depending  upon  its  natural  defences,  was,  ^"*^ 
in  one  part,  carelessly  guarded,  and  might  be  taken  by 
surprise.  Nothing  but  the  fall  of  Granada  itself 
could  be  more  destructive  to  the  Moslem  ^cause. 
"  The  town  is  perched  on  the  edge  of  a  deep  rent 
in  the  hills,  round  which  the  river  Marchan  sweeps, 
and  backed  by  its  own  sierra,  in  which  the  Tezdda 


260        CONQUEST  0?  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOORS. 

rises  eight  thousand  feet  above  the  sea."^  Besides 
its  natural  strength,  Alhama  was  important  to  Gra- 
nada in  many  other  respects.  Situated  only  twenty 
miles  away  from  the  capital,  it  had  valuable  cloth- 
factories  and  other  industries,  but  was  chiefly  noted 
for  the  warm  baths,  which  gave  it  its  name,  Al-ham- 
mam,^  which  were  a  great  resort  of  the  court  and 
gentry  of  the  capital.  To  reach  it  the  Christians 
must  cross  the  Xenil  and  the  mountain  range,  through 
a  country  thickly  peopled  with  the  most  enthusiastic 
of  all  the  Moslemah  in  Spain. 

The  Marquis  of  Cadiz  undertook  the  task  of  cap- 
turing Alhama  with  three  thousand  cavalry  and  four 
thousand  foot ;  marching  around  Loja,  still  strongly 
occupied  by  the  Moors,  through  Archidona  and  Ante- 
quera;  concealing  his  forces  as  much  as  possible  by 
day,  and  proceeding  by  night,  on  the  third  day  he 
debouched  into  the  valley  below  the  town.  Up  to  that 
time  the  troops  even  were  ignorant  of  their  destination. 
It  was  now  divulged,  and  excited  a  great  enthusiasm. 

With  scaling  ladders  they  mounted  the  walls; 
killing  the  sentinels,  and  before  the  inhabitants  were 
aware,  three  hundred  men  were  within  the  place,  and, 
announcing  the  fact  by  the  sound  of  trumpets,  they 
opened  a  gate  through  which  the  Christians  rushed  to 
take  possession.  There  was  much  hand-to-hand  fight- 
ing in  the  streets,^  but  the  capture  was  soon  complete. 

Great,  indeed,  was  the  consternation  in  Granada 

^  FoTd*6  Handbook  for  Spain,  I.  290. 

*  lb.  The  name  is  also  found  in  the  Hbammam  of  Cairo ; 
and  in  the  corruption,  the  Hammums  of  Covent  Garden  in  London. 

'  "  Palmo  a  palmo  iban  estos  forzando  y  ganando  las  trincheru  y 
empal^zadas,"  etc  —  La  Fuents,  ffiatoria  de  EspaHa^  IX.  252. 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM  OF  GRANADA.  261 

when  the  tidings  were  received.  Ay  !  de  mi  Alhama  ! 
("Alas  for  my  Alhama!")  was  on  every  Thecaptuw 
tongue ;  and  echoes  in  our  ears  to-day  in  the  o'^***™^ 
sad  chant  — patetico  romance —  of  a  Granadine  poet, 
who  describes  the  king's  grief  and  rago  when  a  mes- 
senger arrived  with  the  news.^  The  bearer  of  the  ill- 
tidings,  if  we  may  trust  the  ballad,  was  at  once  put  to 
death.  But  the  king  acted  as  well :  a  force  was  at 
once  despatched  from  Granada  to  recapture  the  place ; 
on  their  arrival  they  were  shocked  by  the  spectacle 
of  dogs  eating  the  Moorish  bodies  which  had  been 
thrown  from  the  walls.    They  were  infuriated  beyond 

1  **  Pafieavase  el  Key  moro 
For  la  ciudad  de  Granada, 
Desde  las  puertas  de  Elvira 
Hasta  las  de  Yiya  RambUu 
Ay  1  de  mi  Alhama  I 

"  Cartas  les  fueron  Yenidas, 
Que  Alhama  eran  ganada. 
Las  cartas  ech6  en  el  fnego 
T  a  mensangero  matava. 

Ay  !  de  mi  Alhama  I 

"  Hombres,  nifios  y  mugeres 
'Lloran  tan  grande  perdida. 

Lloravan  todas  las  damas 

Quantas  en  Granada  avia. 

Ay  !  de  mi  Alhama ! 

"  For  las  calles  y  ventanas 
Mucho  luto  Parecia ; 
Llora  el  Key  oomo  fembra, 
Qu'es  mucho  lo  que  perdia. 

Ay  I  de  mi  Alhama  1 " 

In  his  excellent  yerslon  of  these  stanzas,  Lord  Bjrron  fell  into  the 
error  of  translating  "  Ay  !  de  mi  Alhama  !  "  by  **  Wo  is  me,  Al- 
hama ! "  whereas  it  means,  "  Wo  to  my  Alhama  I "  or,  "  Alas  for 
my  Alhama ! " 


262   CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARA.B-MOORS. 

measiire,  and  inspired  with  a  determination  to  avenge 
their  slaughtered  brethren.  They  were,  however, 
without  artillery ;  and  so,  with  unsuccessful  attempts 
to  undermine  the  natural  wall,  they  resorted  to  the 
plan  of  cutting  off  the  water,  by  placing  troops  under 
shelter  to  shoot  down  every  one  who  should  attempt 
to  procure  water  from  the  river.  The  Christians 
were  in  great  straits.  Messenger  after  messenger  was 
dropped  from  the  wall,  under  cover  of  night,  and  sped 
away  to  bring  succor.  At  last  it  came.  The  despair- 
ing Christians  observed  an  unusual  motion  in  the 
The  Chris-     besieffiuff  army,  and  soon  saw  that  a  reliev- 

tians  receive  ^     ^  '" 

Buccor.  mg  force,  under  the  Duke  of  Medina 
Sidonia,  had  arrived  and  raised  the  siege.  Between 
this  nobleman  and  the  Marquis  of  Cadiz  there  had 
been  a  deadly  feud,  but  the  happy  occasion  brought 
them  together.  They  embraced  in  sight  of  the  whole 
army,  and  the  new  compact  of  friendship  was  the 
crown  of  the  permanent  possession  of  Alhama  on 
the  29th  of  March,  1482.  The  doubts  as  to  its  main- 
tenance were  set  at  rest  by  the  queen,  Isabel,  and  it 
was  put  in  a  condition  of  impregnable  defence. 

The  capture  of  Alhama  may  be  regarded  as  the  sure 
promise  of  the  conquest  of  Granada.  It  was,  indeed, 
the  key  with  which,  ten  years  later,  the  gates  of  the 
capital  were  opened.  Not  many  words  are  now 
needed  to  complete  the  story  of  the  expulsion  of  the 
Moors  from  Andalusia,  called  by  La  Fuente  "  la  tienti 
clasica  del  Christianismo,"  in  which,  with  the  desire  of 
possession,  the  Spaniards  were  fighting  for  the  Faith. 

The  first  attempt  to  take  Loja  was  unsuccessful. 
Strong  in  natural  position,  encircled  by  hills,  and 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM  OF  GRANADA.  263 

circumscribed  by  the  Xenil,  as  a  natural  fosse,  forti- 
fied by  art,  and,  standing  at  the  entrance  of  the 
magnificent  Vega  ^  of  Granada,  it  was  defended  by 
Ali  'Atar,  a  valiant  and  veteran  chief,  whose  deeds 
have  been  material  for  romance,  but  who  appears  with 
historic  truth  as  the  heroic  defender  of  this  town  : 
when  the  attack  of  the  Christians  led  by  the  king 
was  repulsed,  and  his  intended  retreat  was  mistaken 
by  his  troops  for  flight,  Ali  'Atar  made  a  sortie  which 
drove  them  away  in  rapid  rout. 

This  success  of  the  veteran  Ali  'Atar  was  followed 
by  a  greater  and  more  influential  triumph.  Alfonso 
de  Cardenas,  the  Grand  Master  of  Santiago,  led  by 
personal  ambition,  made  a  descent  upon  Malaga, 
through  the  defiles  of  the  wild  sierra  known  as  the 
Axarguia.  Waiting  until  the  Christian  force  was 
entangled  in  the  passes,  Abii-1-hasan,  aided  by  his 
younger  brother,  suniamed  El  zagul,  the  valiant, 
hemmed  them  in,  cut  them  up,  and  rolled  missiles 
upon  them  from  the  heights,  slaying  eight  hundred 
and  taking  sixteen  hundred  prisoners.^ 

In  the  year  1482,  the  throne  of  Abii-1-hasan  had 
been  usurped  by  his  eldest  son,  Abii  Abdillah,  whose 
name  is  corrupted  in  the  Christian  annals  ^,,,_,, 
into  Boabdil,  called  d  chico,  the  little   or  i^tdulf 
younger,  to  distinguish  him  from  the  elder  ^^**^**' 
king  of  the  same  name;  and  who  was  to  have  tlie 
evil  fortune  to  surrender  the  entire  Moorish  power  in 
Spain  to  the  Christians.     In  the  list  of  Moorish  sov- 

1  Arabic^  Bek£h,  —  a  watered  valley  between  hills.  —  ForcCs 
Handbook  for  Spain,  p.  291. 

*  See  Prescott's  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  I.  cb.  x. 


264        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

ereigns  he  appears  as  Mohammed  XII.  The  discord 
in  Granada  gave  greater  facility  to  the  projects  of 
Ferdinand.  The  wives  of  the  old  king  were  jealous 
of  each  other,  and  factions  were  thereby  formed. 
The  tribes  and  families  fought  against  each  other; 
and  feuds  like  those  mentioned  in  the  romantic  storj 
of  the  Abencerrages  and  the  Zegris,  divested  of 
their  romantic  character,  were  really  taking  place 
within  the  walls  of  Granada.  Nor  was  the  contro- 
versy confined  to  the^  nobility :  the  illegal  power  of 
Boabdil  was  contested  by  his  uncle  Az-Zagal  (El 
Zagal),  who  held  a  precarious  sway  for  four  years, 
until  1487,  when  Boabdil  again  came  to  the  throna 
This  was  rendered  more  easy  by  the  fact  that,  in  a 
battle  between  the  Moors  and  Christians  in  the  ter- 
ritory of  Lucena,  not  long  after  his  accession,  Boabdil 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Christian  forces.  By  a 
stroke  of  policy,  the  Christian  king  released  his 
royal  prisoner,  in  the  hope  that  through  him  he  might 
make  a  treaty.  Boabdil  went  to  Loja,  which  was  at 
once  besieged  by  Ferdinand,  and  this  time  captured, 
and  with  it  the  Moorish  king  again  fell  into  the 
Christian  hands.  Again  released,  after  many  di£B- 
culties,  he  came  into  power. 

The  Christian  conquests  were  not  stayed  by  these 
circumstances.  In  1487,  they  captured  Velez  Malaga, 
Capture  of    ou  the  coast  a  short  distance  east  of  Malaga, 

Velex  Mala- 

gi^of  and  received  the  submission  of  many  neigh- 
1487.  '  boring  towns.  In  the  same  year  Malaga 
was  besieged  and  taken.  In  1489,  Baeza  followed; 
then  the  important  city  of  Almeria,  and  at  last  the 
city  of  Granada  stood  alone  to  represent  the  Moham- 
medan dominion  in  the  Peninsula. 


THE  N£W  KINGDOM  OF  GRANABA.  265 

The  strife  between  Boabdil  and  El  Zagal  now 
came  to  an  end;  and  the  latter,  perhaps  foreseeing  the 
fatal  issae,  embarked  for  Africa,  leaving  the  nominal 
rule  and  the  inevitable  surrender  to  his  rival.  Only 
ten  years  had  passed  since  the  fall  of  Alhama.  That 
important  fortress,  Loja^  Yelez  Malaga,  Baeza,  Alme- 
ria,  Guadix,  were  in  Christian  hands;  the  circle  of 
fire  was  complete.  The  army  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella was  in  splendid  condition,  and  reinforcements 
were  arriving  from  day  to  day.  System  and  order 
prevailed,  and  the  troops,  elated  with  victory,  ac- 
knowledged no  possibility  of  failure. 

Very  different  was  the  condition  of  things  and  very 
depressed  the  spirit  of  the  people  in  Granada.  Besides 
its  own  disordered  population,  it  was  crowded  with 
disheartened  fugitives,  anxious  for  peace  on  any  terms. 
The  more  warlike  and  ambitious  representatives  of  the 
tribes  were  still  quarrelling  in  the  face  of  The  disor. 
common  ruin,  but  all  parties  joined  in  bitter  Gnmada. 
denunciations  of  their  king.  When  he  had  been 
released  by  Ferdinand  after  the  capture  of  Loja,  he 
had  promised  that  when  Guadix  should  be  taken  and 
the  power  of  El  Zagal  destroyed,  he  would  surrender 
Granada  to  the  Christian  king,  and  retire  to  some 
seignory,  as  duke  or  marquis.  But  now  that  the 
eastis  had  arrived,  he  found  not  only  that  the  people 
would  not  permit  him  to  keep  his  promise,  but  that  the 
very  fact  of  his  having  made  it  constituted  him  an  im- 
pious traitor,  —  "  Llamaba  impio,  traidor  y  rebelde." 

So  far  from  being  troubled  at  his  refusal  to  per- 
form his  promise,  Ferdinand  was  rejoiced  at  it.  He 
indeed  denounced  El  Chico  as  perfidious;  but  he 


266        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

preferred  to  signalize  by  force  of  arms  a  conquest 
which  would  have  lost  historic  value  if  only  the  result 
of  submission.  Nay,  more,  he  was  to  have  a  new  claim 
to  right  on  his  side.  The  only  way  in  which  Boabdil 
could  appease  the  people  was  by  an  immediate  dec- 
laration of  war  against  the  Christians.  This  was  in 
the  year  1490.  When  this  was  made  known,  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella  were  at  Seville,  celebrating  the 
marriage  of  the  Infanta  Isabel  with  Alfonso,  crown 
prince  of  Portugal.  The  omen  was  a  happy  one. 
The  armies  of  Spain  and  Portugal  were  immediately 
joined  to  put  an  end  to  the  crusade.  With  five 
thousand  cavalry  and  twenty  thousand  foot,  the 
Spanish  king  advanced  to  the  Sierra  Elvira,  overlook- 
ing the  original  site  of  the  Granadine  capital 

The  epic  and  romantic  details  of  the  conquest  may 
be  read  elsewhere.  Within  sight  of  the  Moors,  who 
lined  the  wcdls  and  looked  from  the  towers  of  Gra- 
nada, Eling  Ferdinand  made  a  grand  display  in  con- 
ferring the  honor  of  knighthood  upon  his  son  Juan, 
who  was  then  but  twelve  years  of  age.  There  were 
sorties  on  the  part  of  the  Moors,  and  chivalrous  duels 
between  individuals,  until  the  coming  of  winter, 
when,  leaving  proper  guards  and  garrisons,  the  princi- 
ped  Christian  force  retired  to  Cordova,  to  make  ready 
for  the  spring.  El  Zagal  had  returned  from  Africa 
and  was  now  fighting  in  the  Christian  ranks. 

It  was  an  imposing  array  which  was  reviewed  by 
Ferdinand  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  April,  1491,  in  the 
The  Spanish  beautiful  Ycga,  about  six  miles  from  the 
Vega.  H91.  city  of  Granada ;  the  force  consisted  of  ten 
thousand  horse  and  forty  thousand  foot,  ready  to  take 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM  OF  GRANADA.  267 

position  in  the  final  siege.     If  more  should  be  needed 
more  were  ready  to  come. 

As  they  manoeuvred  in  full  view  of  the  walls,  Boab- 
dil  called  a  council  of  war  in  his  palace,  and  stated 
the  case.  What  should  be  done?  There  BoabdU's 
were  in  the  city  two  hundred  thousand  souls,  war. 
and  of  these  at  least  twenty  thousand  men  capable 
of  bearing  arms ;  a  fair  proportion  as  against  the  be- 
siegers. The  provisions  were  ample  for  a  long  siege  ; 
there  was  plenty  of  water  from  the  rivers  Darro  and 
Xenil ;  to  the  south  at  least  were  the  mountain  bar- 
riers and  passes  of  the  Sierra  Nevada ;  the  citadel  of 
the  Alhambra  was  almost  impregnable  with  its  contin- 
uous wall  and  numerous  towers.  The  entire  city  was 
nearly  nine  miles  in  circuit,  with  twelve  secure  gates. 
It  did  seem  as  if  they  might  make  a  successful  re- 
sistance, and  hope  for  African  aid  to  give  them  a 
new  lease  of  life.  But  these  hopes  were  soon  blasted. 
It  was  no  part  of  the  Spanish  king's  purpose  to  as- 
sault the  place.  The  capture  of  the  lower  town  of 
Granada  would  expose  him  to  the  artillery  of  the 
Alhambra.  And  so  he  laid  his  siege  in  the  Vega, 
but  used  his  troops  in  devastating  the  surrounding 
country,  taking  prisoners,  and  capturing  cattle,  so  as 
to  leave  the  besiegers  no  hope  of  supply  when  their 
ample  provision  should  begin  to  fail. 

Meantime  the  Christian  camp  grew  like  a  city,  and 
when  Queen  Isabella  came  with  her  train  of  beauty 
and  grace,  it  was  also  a  court  city  in  miniature.  Her 
splendid  silken  teut  became  the  palace,  in  front  of 
which  f^tes  champetres  were  intermingled  with  bloody 
tournaments,  which  were  the  delight  of  the  period. 


268        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

Ouce,  in  inspecting  some  fortification,  she  was  nearly 
taken  prisoner ;  blood  was  spilt,  and  the  more  adven- 
turous of  her  defenders  made  a  momentary  entrance 
within  one  of  the  gates,  but,  not  being  supported, 
retired  again  to  the  camp.  Another  circumstance 
which  at  first  seemed  injurious  and  ominous  to  the 
Spanish  fortunes  was  turned  into  positive  advantage. 
The  Chris-  ^^  *'^®  fourteenth  of  July  one  of  the  maidens 
isdeSroyed  ^^  ^^^  quccu's  houschold  carclcssly  placed 
by  fire.  ^  lighted  taper  near  a  curtain,  which  was 
blown  by  the  wind  against  it,  and  a  conflagration  took 
place  which  destroyed  the  entire  encampment  The 
Vega  and  the  towers  of  the  Alhambra  were  lighted  up 
by  the  flames,  and  for  a  short  time  the  Moors  might 
rejoice  in  a  disaster  which  seemed  to  paralyze  the 
Christian  labors.  Not  so;  no  one  had  been  hurt;  all 
set  to  work,  noble  commanders  and  private  soldiers 
alike,  with  equal  ardor,  and  soon  in  the  place  of  the 
camp,  rose  a  quadrangular  city  of  wood,  with  two  main 
streets  crossing  in  the  centre,  where  a  lofty  cross  was 
erected :  it  was  surrounded  with  palisades  and  had  four 
i«  replaced    gatcs.     The  army,  devoted  to  their  queen, 

bv  the  citv 

of  Santa  P6.  would  havc  Called  it  Isabel;  but  she,  with  a 
piety  which  was  also  excellent  policy,  disclaimed  the 
honor,  and  named  it  SanUa  F4,  —  the  holy  faithy  for 
which  more  than  all  else  they  were  now  in  arms.  The 
momentary  elation  of  the  Moors  gave  way  to  profound 
depression,  and  this  induced  them  to  capitulate.  The 
last  hour  had  indeed  struck  on  the  great  horologe  of 
history;  and  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  November  the 
armistice  was  announced  for  making  a  treaty  of 
peace  and  occupancy.      Inevitable  as  it  was,  the 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM  OF  GRANADA.  269 

people  were  still  further  enraged  against  Boabdil  for 
this  compliance  with  fate.  A  crazy  santon  rushed 
about  the  streets  denouncing  him  as  a  mean  coward 
and  impious  traitor,  and  he  was  obliged  to  shut  him- 
self up  to  escape  the  public  fury. 

A  tinice  was  made  and  terms  of  surrender  agreed 
upon.  There  were  two  instruments,  —  one  public, 
in  which  all  matters  affecting  the  surrender  Theteniuiof 
were  arranged,  and  the  other  private,  which  ^ap^*"^**®'*- 
contained  the  special  terms  made  with  Boabdil  and 
his  family.^  An  examination  of  both  leads  us  to 
consider  the  concessions  of  the  Christians  as  more 
liberal  than  might  under  the  circumstances  have 
been  expected  According  to  the  firat,  the  city  was 
to  be  surrendered  within  seventy-five  days  from  the 
promulgation  of  the  treaty.  The  people  were  to  be 
secured  in  all  their  rights,  under  the  authority  of 
their  own  laws  and  judges ;  their  religion  and  their 
schools  were  to  be  respected.  There  should  be  no 
tribute  demanded  for  three  years,  and  after  that  it 
should  not  be  excessive.  The  party  of  El  Zagal  only 
was  excluded,  and,  if  the  terms  should  be  respected, 
Granada  in  Christian  hands  might  be  even  more 

^  The  origiDals  of  these  docnmcnts  are  preserved  in  the  archives 
of  Simancas.  Exact  translations  in  modem  Spanish  may  be  found  in 
thd  Appendix  to  the  ninth  volume  of  La  Fuente  (Historia  de  Espafia) : 
a  summary  is  also  given  in  the  text  of  La  Fuente.  I  have  not 
thought  it  necessary  for  the  purposes  of  this  history  to  dwell  in  this 
place  upon  the  details  of  the  capitulation :  there  are  forty-seven  articles 
or  items  in  the  first  treaty,  and  sixteen  in  the  second.  The  first  is  en- 
titled,  "  Capitulacion  para  la  entrega  de  Granada,  fecha  en  el  real 
de  la  Yega  de  Granada  A  25  dias  del  mes  de  Noviembre  de  1491 
afioB."  The  second  is  called  "  Capitulacion  S^eta."  An  English 
translation  will  be  found  in  the  appendix. 


270        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

peaceful  and  prosperous  than  it  liad  been  under  the 
Moorish  dominion.  There  should  be  an  exchange  of 
Moorish  and  Christian  captives  on  equal  terms,  and 
five  hundred  hostages,  who  were  demanded  until  the 
capitulation  should  be  completed,  were  to  be  returned 
when  the  Christian  troops  should  occupy  the  fortress 
of  the  Alhambra.  The  secret  capitulation  secured  to 
ThegnwtB  Boabdil,  his  family,  heirs  and  assigns,  aU 
toBoabdii.  ^j^^jp  patrimonial  possessions;  it  ceded  to 
him,  in  seignory  and  heredity,  a  certain  territory  in 
the  Alpujarras,  with  a  dozen  towns  (una  docena  de 
pueblos)y  which  were  specially  mentioned,  excepting 
the  fortress  of  Adra ;  and  there  was  to  be  given  him 
on  the  day  of  the  royal  entrance  into  the  citadel 
thirty  thousand  pieces'of  gold,^  for  which  the  discon- 
tented people  thought  he  had  sold  his  honor. 

The  entrance  into  Granada  had  been  fixed  for  the 
second  of  January,  1492,  but  was  postponed  to  the 
sixth.  On  the  second,  however,  as  the  morning  sun 
began  to  gild  the  towers  of  the  Alhambra,  the  troops 
were  in  line  and  awaiting  the  signaL  Three  cannon- 
shots  from  a  Moorish  battery  burst  upon  the  ears  of 
the  expectant  besiegers.  A  select  party  headed  by 
Mendoza,  the  Grand  Cardinal  of  Spain,  marched  slowly 
up  the  cuesta  de  las  molinaa  to  the  right  of  the  Al- 

^  Item  IV.  ''Eb  ascntado  que  hagun  bus  Altezas  merced  al 
dicho  rey  Mulej  Baaudili  de  treinta  mil  Castellanos  de  cro  en  que 
montan  14  caentos  i  550,000  maravedis."  —  La  Fusnte,  Histcria 
de  EspafUt,  Vol.  IX  App.  p.  559.  The  cuento  is  a  milium.  The 
modern  marcwed%  a  word  which  shows  its  Almoravide  origin,  is  less 
than  a  third  of  a  cent,  which  would  make  the  sum  less  than  fifty 
thousand  dollars  of  our  money,  representing  of  course  a  far  greater 
value  at  that  time. 


THE  NEW  KINGDOM  OF  GRANADA.  271 

bambra,  until  they  reached  the  esplanade  of  Ababut, 
while  Boabdil,  issuing  through  the  gate  of  the  Siete 
SueloSj  with  fifty  Moorish  nobles,  went  to  meet  him. 
With  respectful  salutations,  the  king  said  in  a  loud 
voice  and  sad  accents,  "  Go,  sir,  in  a  fortunate  hour, 
go  and  occupy  my  palaces  in  the  name  of  the  puis-sant 
king  to  whom  God,  to  whom  all  things  are  possible, 
has  given  them,  on  account  of  their  great  merits,  and 
for  the  sins  of  the  Moslemah."  ^ 

He  then  proceeded  to  the  bank  of  the  Xenil,  near 
a  small  mosque,  where  the  royal  party  awaited  him. 
Ferdinand  gracefully  declined  the  hand-  HegiyMtiie 
kissing  in  sign  of  homage,  and  Boabdil,  dinaiui. 
presenting  the  keys  of  the  city,  exclaimed :  "  We  are 
thine,  0  powerful  and  exalted  king;  these  are  the 
keys  of  that  paradise.  We  deliver  into  thy  hands 
this  city  and  kingdom,  for  such  is  the  will  of  Allah ; 
and  we  trust  that  thou  wilt  use  thy  triumph  with 
generosity  and  clemency."  ^ 

Ferdinand  embraced  him,  and  claimed  his  friend- 
ship. Boabdil  then  drew  from  his  finger  a  seal  ring, 
and  offered  it  to  the  Count  of  TendiUa,  who  had 
been  named  governor  of  the  conquered  city,  with  the 
words :  "With  this  seal  Granada  has  been  governed; 
tak^it  for  your  government,  and  God  give  you  better 
fortune  than  mine."  * 

Thus  the  great  and  final  expulsion  of  the  Moslems 
was  accomplished,  as  the  consummation  of  the  re- 
conquest     Boabdil  with  his  family  was  conducted 

1  La  Fuento,  Historia  de  Espafia,  IX.  896. 

s  lb.  897.    Cond^  Dominadon  de  los  Arabes,  part  iy.  ch.  zliii 

»Ib. 


272        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOfiS. 

with  due  honor,  and  with  a  view  to  his  present 
safety,  to  the  cardinal's  tent  at  Santa  F4  to  which 
improvised  city  the  sovereigns  returned,  to  await  the 
grand  entrance  on  the  sixth.  As  soon  as  they  got 
back  to  Santa  ¥&,  Isabella,  when  she  saw  the  sil- 
ver cross  which  Ferdinand  carried  in  his  campaigns 
shining  from  that  turret  which  has  since  been  called 
La  Torre  de  la  Yela,  could  not  restrain  her  pious 
enthusiasm.  She  threw  herself  upon  her  knees ;  her 
example  was  followed  by  the  whole  army,  while  the 
prelates  and  priests  and  chanters  of  the  Chapel  royal 
intoned  the  '*  Te  Deum  Laudamus,"  "  which,"  says  the 
historian,  "  was  never  sung  with  more  devotion  and 
fervor,  nor  on  a  grander  or  more  solenm  occasion.^  ^ 

The  formal  entrance  of  the  king  and  queen  took 
place  on  the  sixth  of  January.'  We  need  not  linger 
Theflnaien-  upou  a  thricc-told  talc.  Boabdil  retired  to 
jftnoaryd  his  sciguiory  lu  the  Alpujarras;  tummg  at 
the  point  where  a  hill  began  to  shut  out  the  view  of 
his  beloved  Granada,  —  "  his  paradise,"  —  with  sighs 
and  tears  he  ejaculated,  ''Allah  Hu  Akhar"  ("God 
alone  is  great "),  and  again,  in  answer  to  the  consola- 
tions of  his  wizir,  "  Where  then  shall  be  found  a  mis- 
fortune to  be  compared  with  mine ! "  The  spot,  which 
The  last  is  Still  poi&tcd  out  to  the  traveller,«was 
Moor.  called  by  the  Moors  Fey  Allah  Hu  Akbar, 

but  by  the  Spaniards  Za  cuesta  de  las  lagrimas, 
the  place  of  tears,  where  was  given  forth  d  uUimo 
svspiro  del  Moro. 

^  La  Faente,  Histoiia  de  Espafis,  IS.  898. 

*  I  foUow  La  Fuente,  who  cites  autores  eonUmpordMOS,  He 
says  in  a  note  (IX.  400),  that  Prescott  is  unwilling  to  believe  thii^ 
notwithstanding  the  attestation  of  contemporaiy  authors. 


THE  KEW  KINGDOM  07  GRANADA.  273 

The  epigrammatic  rebuke  of  his  mother  Ayesha — 
"Thou  dost  well,  my  son,  to  weep  like  a  woman, 
since  thou  hadst  not  the  valor  to  defend  thyself  like  a 
man  '*  *  —  has  done  more  than  the  events  themselves  to 
stamp  Boabdil  el  Chico  —  el  ZogoyMy  the  unlucky  — 
with  impotence  and  dishonor.  They  would  make  us 
think  that  he  might,  with  proper  vigor  and  manly 
purpose,  have  driven  back  the  monarchs  of  Castile 
and  Aragon,  and  transmitted  the  garden  of  Andalus 
to  a  long  line  of  powerful  successors.  The  story  has 
been  told  to  little  purpose  if  the  reader  is  ready  to 
share  this  delusion. 

Slowly,  step  by  step,  we  have  seen  the  Christians, 
who,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  had  fled  into  the 
Asturias,  making  there  a  feeble  stand,  rout-  The  inexom- 

,  ,  ,  .    1  .  1  blelogicof 

mg  those  who  came  thinking  to  destroy  ^latory. 
them  root  and  branch,  conquering  province  after 
province,  and  gathering  strength  with  their  progress. 
By  the  year  850,  they  had  advanced  to  the  Douro 
and  the  Ebro,  and  buUt  those  castles  along  the  banks 
of  the  former  stream  which  gave  the  name  to  Old 
Castile,  Costilla  la  Vieja.  By  the  year  1100,  they 
had  seen  the  famous  dynasty  of  the  Beni  Ummeyah 
broken  into  fragments,  and  had  followed  the  person 
and  the  shadow  of  the  Cid  from  the  Tagus  to  Valencia. 
African  adventurers  and  usurpers  had  fared  no  better 
than  the  first  Khalifs.  The  Christians  had  snatched  a 
decisive  victory  from  the  Almohades  at  Las  Navas  de 
Tolosa.  They  had  risen  in  civilization  and  in  military 
skill,  slowly  but  steadily,  while  the  Moors  had  been 

^  La  Fuente,  Historia  de  Espafia,  IX.  402.  Cond^  Dominacion 
de  los  Arabea,  part  iv.  ch.  zliii. 

VOL.  II.  IS 


274     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

steadily  falling  from  their  first  estate,  exchanging 
Moorish  virtues  for  Spanish  vices,  and  Moorish  activ- 
ity for  Spanish  indolence.  Thus  the  momentum  in- 
creased, until  it  was  written  in  the  hook  of  Fate,  that 
the  Moorish  dominion  must  come  to  an  end ;  and  when 
the  inevitable  day  arrived,  Boabdil  "  the  Unlucky  " 
happened  to  occupy  the  throne  of  Granada.  Thus  the 
Moslem  might  find  consolation  and  the  Christian  a 
call  to  thanksgiving,  in  the  closing  words  of  Cond4 : 
"  Praised  be  Grod  !  who  exalteth  kings  and  who  cast- 
eth  them  low;  who  giveth  power  and  greatness  at 
his  pleasure ;  who  inflicteth  poverty  and  humiliation 
according  to  his  holy  will; — the  fulfilment  of  that 
will  is  Eternal  Justice,  which  regulates  all  human 
events."  ^ 

^  The  concluding  sentence  in  Condi's  Dominadon  de  los  Ara1)es. 


LIGHT  FBOM  THE  EAST.  275 


BOOK    IX. 


ABABIAN  CIVILIZATION  IN  SPAIN. 


CHAPTER  I. 

UGHT  FROM  THE  EAST. — ^HABOUN  AL  BASCHID. 

TTAVING  thus  presented,  for  the  earlier  portion 
"*■  •*■  more  fully  and  for  the  later  in  brief  statis- 
tics, an  outline  of  the  Hispano- Arabian  history  from 
the  establishment  of  the  independent  Khalifate  of 
Abdu-r-rahman  Ad-d&khel  in  756,  to  the  expulsion 
of  Abu  Abdillah,  or  Boabdil  el  Chico,  from  the  last 
halting-place  in  Granada,  in  January,  1492,  we  may 
now  turn  to  the  second  portion  of  our  inquiries ;  a 
consideration  of  the  civilization  which  they  achieved 
during  this  checkered  occupancy  of  the  Peninsula  for 
nearly  eight  hundred  years,  and  which  as  a  great 
boon  they  imparted  to  western  Europe.. 

This  inquiry  will  give  us  a  glimpse  of  their  social 
system,  including  their  domestic  life ;  the  develop- 
ment of    administration    and  laws;    their  Xonaand 
intellectual  progress  as  displayed    in    the  Teiopment. 
works  of  their  great  writers;  their  inventions  and 
discoveries  in  science,  their  military  organization,  and 
their  achievements  in  art- 
Such  questions  as  these  involve  that  real  historic 
philosophy,   which    alone    gives   value   to    history, 


276       CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AKAB-MOORS. 

and  if  they  could  be  fully  answered,  would  throw 
a  brilliant  light  upon  Spanish  annals,  and  clear 
away  mists  tliat  have  huug  over  them,  thick  and 
malarious,  from  the  earliest  day  even  to  our  own. 
*  Difficult  as  is  this  task,  it  appears  at  first  sight  more 
difficult  than  it  really  is.  Their  progress  was  not  with 
uniform  velocity  during  this  extended  period.  It 
was  magically  rapid  at  the  first,  and  soon  reached  its 
culminating  point  in  the  reign  of  Al-hakem  II.,  in  the 
first  half  of  the  tenth  century, — known  as  "the 
golden  age  of  Arabian  literature  in  Spaiit"  ^  From 
that  time  their  progress  was  slackened,  then  soon 
stopped,  and  their  power  began  to  decline.  And 
even  of  that  brilliant  reign  it  must  be  said  that  its 
chief  glory  was  that  in  it  there  were  collected  and 
subsidized  the  splendid  works  of  the  earlier  time, 
which  form  the  renown  of  Haroun  Al  Saschid  and  his 
immediate  successors.  In  the  great  library  of  Al- 
hakem  is  to  be  found  the  record  of  their  earlier 
achievements.  The  most  that  can  be  attempted  in 
a  work  like  this  is  to  present,  in  a  synoptical  view, 
the  principal  facts  and  events  which  elucidate  these 
topics,  each  of  which  is  worthy  of  a  history  for  itself. 
No  subject  excels  them  in  interest  to  the  student  of 
European  history,  for  they  contain  the  best  elements 
of  European  civilization,  and  lie  at  the  foundation  of 
philosophic  history. 

As  a  necessary  preliminary  to  our  study  of  the 
civilization  achieved  by  the  Arab-Moors  in  Spain,  we 
must  now  leave,  for  a  brief  space,  the  soil  of  the 
Peninsula,  and  retrace  our  steps  to  the  new  seat  of 

1  Al  ^lakkari,  Mohanunedan  Dynasties,  I.  il8,  note  1. 


LIGHT  FROM  THE  EAST.  277 

the  Eastern  Khalifate.  It  is  important  to  inquire 
what  the  Khalifs  of  Damascus  and  Baghdad  had 
been  doing  for  humane  culture.  We  shall  Back  to  the 
find,  in  seeking  for  the  answer  to  this  ques-  ^^^ 
tion,  that  the  Spanish  Arabs  received  both  impetus 
and  material  from  their  oriental  brethren,  who  had 
themselves  received  these  in  greater  part  from  de- 
generate Greece  and  from  the  countries  they  had 
conquered  in  the  farther  East  They  at  first  aspired 
to  be  only  the  receivers  and  collectors  of  the  existing 
treasures  of  literature,  science,  and  art,  which  lay  in 
torpid  hands  or  were  buried  in  dead  letter.  These  they 
classified  and  edited  and  combined,  and  sent  them 
on  a  new  mission  of  instruction  to  the  world.  Some 
were  intelligently  transmitted ;  others  were  sent  with 
little  knowledge  of  their  value. 

The  Spanish  Arabs  eagerly  grasped  the  golden 
talent ;  and  they  were  not  the  men  to  tie  it  up  in 
a  napkin;  they  determined  to  make  it  pay  usury. 
They  were  of  the  same  race,  language,  and  creed ; 
they  had  the  same  traditions  and  aspirations ;  and, 
by  reason  of  their  independent  nationality,  they  were 
stirred  by  a  spirit  of  emulation.  Subsidizing  the 
new  knowledge  of  the  East,  they  would  make  Cor- 
dova, Toledo,  and  Seville  more  brilliant  than  the 
glorious  seats  of  the  Oriental  Khalifs.  And  with  the 
national  ambition  we  may  believe  they  were  not  en- 
tirely without  a  philanthropic  purpose.  They  would 
gamer  for  Europe  and  the  world  these  treasures  in 
the  Spanish  capitals,  and  all  should  be  welcome  to 
come  and  profit  by  them. 

When  in  the  eighth  century  the  family  of  Al  Abbas 


278     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

had  overthrown  and  usurped  the  power  of  the  Om- 
meyades,  they  had  wisely  sought,  as  we  have  seen,  a 
new  locality,  where,  shaking  oflF  uncomfortable  tradi- 
tions, they  might  centralize  their  power,  and  render 
ThewrooTU  ^^^  dynasty  illustrious.  Such  was  their 
cSto^SaSJl  purpose  in  moving  from  Damascus  to  Bagh- 
^^  dad.    With  a  true  Asiatic  instinct   they 

moved  eastward,  into  the  midst  of  their  most  perma- 
nent  conquests.  Abu  eJa'far  Al-mansur,  the  brother 
and  successor  of  Abdullah  As-seffah,  ^the  blood- 
shedder,"  and  thus  the  second  Khalif  of  the  Abba* 
sides,  fixed  upon  Baghdad  as  the  new  seat  of  the 
Khalifate  in  the  year  762,  and  began  to  build  on  a 
magnificent  scale,  finding  considerable  material  for 
his  structures  in  the  ruins  of  Ctesiphon  and  Seleu- 
cia.^  One  of  the  mosques  which  he  built  is  still 
standing,  in  part  at  least,  a  venerable  relic  of  his  pro- 
ject and  its  success;  as  is  also  the  octagonal  brick 
tomb  of  Zobeide,  the  Sultana  of  Haroun  Al  Baschid.' 
With  this  removal  from  Damascus  came  the  be- 
ginnings of  a  new  era  in  Mohammedan  history,  —  the 
beginnings  of  intellectual  activity  and  of  humane 
culture.  Scarcely  anything  had  been  accomplished  in 
this  direction  before  that  time. 

^  Of  thU  change  Abulfeda  says  :  "  Idem  annus  (a.  d.  762)  nas 
centem  vidit  Bagdadum,  al  Manaari  aofipiciis."  The  next  year  (763) 
**  Transferebat  al  Mansur  lares  en  urbe  Ibn  Hobairuh  Bagdadam, 
quo  prsesens  ipse  nrbi  recent!  colophonem  imponeret.  Cui  conquirens 
ornamenta  arcessebat  Wasetha  portaa,  pariterqae  meditabatur  totaia 
Cosrois  lllud  album  dictum  palatiam,  ex  al  Modayna  in  alumnam 
Buam  transferre :  ea  de  re  cum  oonsiliariis  deUberabat."  —  AnnaU$ 
Moslemici,  1. 147, 148. 

*  The  discovery  of  Sir  H.  Rawlinson,  of  a  brick  wall  with  inscrip- 
tions below  low- water  mark,  makes  Baghdad  the  nU  of  a  city  of  the 
time  of  Kebachadnezzar.  —  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  voce  Baghdad. 


LIGHT  FROM  THB  EAST.  279 

The  first  short  step  in  Arabian  development  had 
indeed  been  taken  by  Mohammed,  and  this  was  one 
of  the  brightest  elements  of  his  glory.  From  the 
"  Age  of  Ignorance,"  which  was  also  the  age  of  super- 
stition and  idolatry,  he  had  opened*  to  the  people  an 
age  of  faith  and  of  partial  knowledge.  The  ^u^  a 
work  of  the  Ommeyades  seems  to  have  been  *****  ■**^* 
to  systematize  and  extend  this  partial  knowledge.  It 
was  found  in  the  Kordn,  which  served  them  then,  and 
until  the  present  day,  not  only  as  gospel  but  as  law.^ 
They  made  it  their  chief  duty  to  assert  and  impose  its 
claims.  They  lived  by  it,  and  governed  by  it ;  it  was 
their  chief  incentive  to  deeds  of  valor  and  conquest 
Nothing  beyond  it  was  needed  or  desired.  And  yet, 
paradoxical  as  it  appears,  it  was  the  Kordn  itself,  so 
far  in  advance  of  all  their  former  knowledge,  which,  in 
arousing  the  Arabian  mind,  was  soon  to  lead  them  to 
desire  more.  It  was  a  means,  and  not  an  end ;  and, 
while  nominally  sacred,  it  was  to  be  virtually  set  aside 
by  scientific  discoveries. 

The  accession  of  the  Abbasides,  cruel  and  bloody 
though  it  was,  was  the  beginning  of  a  new  p^p^^ 
era  of  intellectual  development.    The  pop-  SjiS/°^ 
ular  longing  for  knowledge,  which  had  been  "»°^*«^- 
repressed  by  the  sovereigns  of  the  Ommeyades  and 

^  It  seems  astonishing  that  the  Kordn  should  hare  been  retained 
as  a  practical  code  of  civil  law  into  the  nineteenth  centniy.  A  de- 
cree of  the  Khedive  of  'Rgypt  in  November,  1875,  set  it  aside  as  a 
juridical  code,  and  with  it  the  host  of  kadis  who  have  administered 
it,  each  according  to  his  own  priyate  interpretation,  and  substituted 
for  it  a  municipal  system  founded  upon  the  Code  Napoleon.  This  was 
the  grandest  of  the  many  steps  taken  by  that  enlightened  potentate 
during  his  power.  Recent  events  (1880)  wiU  lead  through  trouble 
to  a  more  rational  and  liberal  goyemment  still. 


280         CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES.     ^ 

by  the  limitations  of  the  Koran,  was  in  direct  accord 
with  the  ambition  of  the  new  dynasty.  They  would 
be  patrons  of  learning ;  they  would  train  the  quick 
and  receptive  Arabian  mind,  thus  far  only  incited  by 
the  hope  of  conquest ;  and  they  would  achieve  their 
greatest  glory  by  leading  the  movement  which  they 
saw  was  inevitable. 

We  may  estimate  their  ardor,  when  we  find  the 
change  so  rapidly  produced  that  little  more  than  a 
century  intervenes  between  the  ruthless  and  ignorant 
destruction  of  the  Alexandrian  Library  by  Amru  and 
the  eager  cultivation  by  the  Arabians  of  all  branches 
of  human  knowledge.  Physical  strength  and  animal 
courage  had  been  the  chief  virtues  of  the  Arabian 
chiefs ;  a  blind  adherence  to  the  new  faith  had  been 
at  once  their  incentive  and  their  reward.  But^  in  the 
marvellous  and  rapid  change,  the  scholar's  pen  soon 
took  rank  with  the  soldier's  prowess ;  and  the  learn- 
ing of  the  sage  was  esteemed  of  equal  value  with  the 
prayers  of  the  good  and  the  valor  of  the  brave.^  We 
shall  see  that  the  glory  of  the  sword  was  to  be  in 
time  endangered  by  the  power  of  the  pea 

The  steps  in  this  progress,  although  at  a  first  glance 
astonishing,  are  in  reality  simple  and  logical.  From 
the  outset,  victorious  generals  were  enjoined,  as  the 
first  duty  after  conquest,  to  build  mosques,  in  which 
Allah  might  be  adored  and  his  prophet  revered,  and 
to  which  the  conquered  people  might  be  attracted. 
Attached  to   every  mosque  was  a  school,  in  which, 

^  They  found  or  fabricated  a  tradition  that  Mohammed  had  said  : 
"The  ink  of  the  doctor  and  the  blood  of  the  martyr  are  of  equal 
price."  — D'Herbelot,  Bibliographia  Orientalis,  L  630. 


LIGHT  FROM  THE  EAST.  281 

indeed,  the  first  duty  was  to  teach  the  Kordn;  the 
pupils  were  taught  to  read  it,  to  commit  it  sciioois 
to  memory,  and  to  copy  it ;  but  when  they  moaquea. 
had  learned  to  read  and  write,  they  were  in  posses- 
sion of  a  powerful  instrument,  which  could  not  be 
content  to  expend  its  power  upon  the  study  of  the 
Koran.  It  sought  exercise  in  literature,  science,  and 
art,  with  an  eagerness  that  could  not  be  restrained,  — 
an  appetite  that  grew  by  what  it  fed  on.  In  these 
applications  it  found  a  healthful  pleasure,  which  the 
solemnity  of  the  Koran  failed  to  afford. 

Thus,  naturally,  came  the  desire  to  collect  all  the 
existing  treasures  of  thought;  and,  after  a  careful 
study  of  the  best  models,  attempts  to  imitate  and  to 
create.  In  the  first  they  were  to  be  eminently  suc- 
cessful. 

It  has  been  seen  that^  as  long  as  the  seat  of  the 
Khalifate  was  at  Damascus,  the  Moslemah  had  been 
chiefly  employed  in  conquest.  Every  man  was  a 
warrior,  who  had  little  time  for  study.     The  DamMcus 

jieopled  by 

diverging  lines  of  victory  constituted  the  wairiom. 
capital  a  grand  citadel,  or  centre  of  armies ;  and  many 
were  valiant  soldiers  who  in  more  peaceful  times 
would  have  become  learned  doctors  and  profound 
scientists.  But  at  last  the  spirit  of  conquest  began 
to  slacken.  The  notion  of  unlimited  extension  be- 
came distasteful  from  the  increasing  obstacles  in  its 
way.  Spain  had  asserted,  and  it  was  manifest  that 
she  could  maintain,  her  Moslem  independence.  The 
nations  of  the  farther  East  had  bowed  supinely  before 
the  victorious  banners  of  Islam,  and  their  people 
had   been  Islamized.     Europe  was  intrenched  and 


282        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

fortified  on  all  her  frontiers,  to  bar  all  further  Moslem 
progress.  It  was  in  this  condition  of  things  that 
Baghdad  rose  in  beauty  and  splendor,  — 

'*  After  the  fashion  of  the  time, 
And  humor  of  the  golden  prime 

Of  good  Haroan  Al  Raschid."  ^ 

Then  men  of  all  classes  tnmed  with  enthusiasm  to 
culture,  —  to  history,  to  poetry,  to  natural  and  experi- 
mental science ;  to  all  that  they  could  hope  to  acquire 
of  human  learning.  Then  they  had  becomje  aware 
that  there  was  a  new  and  beautiful  world  inviting 
them  to  nobler  conquests  even  than  those  for  the 
propagation  of  the  Faith. 

The  "  blood-shedder  "  had  gone  to  his  own  place ; 
and  his  successor,  Abu  Ja'far  Al-mansur,  the  founder 
of  Baghdad,  stands  in  history  as  the  usher  of  this 
auspicious  era,  this  great  second  period  in  the  history 
of  Isldm.  Upon  his  accession  to  the  Khalifate,  in 
754,  among  his  first  acts  was  to  invite  learned  men  to 
his  court,  without  regard  to  nation  or  creed,  and  to 
treat  them  with  special  distinction.  Indeed  he  found 
Ai-mansar     this  ncccssary,  as  his  people  were  ignorant, 

I11a1C68 

Baghdad  a  and  the  wealth  of  human  knowledge  lay  in 
learning.  heretical  hands.  Chief  among  these  were 
the  Jews  and  Nestorian  Christians,  the  latter  of  whom 
had  a  shadow  of  claim  to  his  sympathy,  in  that  they 
were  under  the  condemnation  of  the  Church  for  their 
heresy.  By  their  aid  he  began  assiduously  to  collect 
the  works  of  the  standard 'Greek  writers,  and  caused 
several  of  them  to  be  translated  into  the  Arabic  of 

1  Tennyson,  ReooUeetions  of  the  Arabian  Nights. 


LIGHT  FROM  THE  EAST.  283 

the  Kor&n.  He  made  little  of  the  orators,  poets,  and 
historians,^  for  he  valued  little  what  they  taught,  as 
compared  with  what  he  could  himself  achieve  in 
these  departments  of  study.  If  he  failed  to  cultivate 
other  languages,  and  especially  the  Greek,  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  it  was  because  he  set  a  greater  value 
upon  his  own.  I  shall  speak  more  at  length  upon 
this  subject  hereafter.  But  here  let  me  say  that 
he  recognized  the  study  of  practical  science  as  sup- 
plying the  chief  need  of  his  people ;  and  he  was 
right.  ^ 

Thus  the  famous  medical  treatises  of  the  Greek 
physicians  and  those  of  the  Lower  Empire  were 
brought  into  the  Arabian  schools,  in  the  skil-  progress  in 
ful  versions  of  George  Backtischwah ;  and  ™«iic»°«- 
the  art  of  healing  among  the  Saracens,  already  prac- 
tised with  enthusiasm,  was  based  upon  the  best  and 
surest  foundations,  if  they  did  not  equal  the  Greeks 
in  this  art  He  established  a  medical  college,  to 
which  he  attached  hospitals,  that  the  clinical  in- 
struction might  be  full  and  varied;  and  he  erected 
laboratories  for  the  study  of  chemistry,  in  which 
iatro-chemistry — the  most  useful  of  that  day  —  was 
especially  considered.  It  is  recorded  that  at  one  time 
there  were  six  thousand  students  of  chemistry  and 
medicine  assembled  at  Baghdad.  / 

The  personal  example  of  the  Khalif  was  even  more 

1  Oibbon's  assertion  that  they  made  no  translation  of  any  Greek 
orator,  historian,  or  poet,  is  a  mistake.  According  to  Reinesins, 
Homer  and  Pindar  were  translated  into  Arabic,  in  the  eighth  cen- 
tury ;  and,  although  we  know  of  no  others,  we  may  fairly  belieye 
that  they  did  not  limit  themselves  to  these. 


284     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN   BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

influential  than  his  liberality.  He  was  an  eager 
student  and  an  apt  scholar,  working  daily  in  many 
branches  of  science  and  art  with  his  learned  men  in 
their  investigations.  His  zeal  for  Islam,  indeed,  be- 
came so  far  secondary  to  his  enthusiasm  for  science, 
that  he  was  looked  upon  with  suspicion  by  many  of 
the  Faithful,  who  feared  for  the  waning  authority  of 
the  Koran.  Perhaps  he  may  have,  in  such  eyes, 
atoned  for  his  error  by  dying  on  a  pilgrimage,  in 
September,  775.^ 

The  two  succeeding  reigns,  if  they  did  not  retard, 
do  not  seem  to  have  accomplished  much  in  this  sci- 
entific progress.  During  that  of  Al  Mahdi,  which 
lasted  for  ten  years,  —  from  775  to  785,  —  the  chief 
event  worthy  of  note  was  the  appearance  of  Haroun 
Al  Baschid,  as  an  energetic  and  successful  general 
of  the  Khalif,  who  gave  an  earnest  of  his  future 
greatness  by  carrying  the  Moslem  banners  into  Nic- 
omedia,  and  to  the  Sea  of  Marmora,  and  compelling 
the  Empress  Irene  of  the  Byzantine  dominion  to 
pay  an  annual  tribute  of  seventy  thousand  gold 
dinars. 

Upon  the  death  of  Al  Mahdi,  in  785,  his  son,  Musa 
Al  Hadi,  reigned  for  a  single  year,  and  was  succeeded 
in  786  by  his  cousin,^  the  already  famous  Haroun, 
who  applied  himself  with  equal  ardor  and  eneigy  to 
the  noble  work  wliich  had  been  inaugurated  and  im- 
pelled by  his  grandfather  Al-mansur. 

1  ''Sacro  in  itinere." — Abxtlfeda,  Annalea  Moalemici,  I,  152. 
It  must  be  obsenred  that  those  who  were  saspicious  of  the  encroach^ 
ments  of  science  upon  the  Eordn  were  tlie  intentionaUy  ignorant. 

2  "Gennanusfrater."  — /&.  169. 


LIGHT  FBOM  THE  EAST.  285 

This  illustrious  man,  known  to  all  languages  by  his 
Arabian  name,  Haroun  Al  Baschid  (Haroon  er-Ka- 
sheed),  well  deserves  his  name,  which  means  HaroanAi 
Aaron  the  Wise.  He  was  bom  in  the  year  ^''"chid. 
765,  —  only  half  a  century  after  the  first  irruption  of 
the  Arab-Moors  into  Spain  ;  and  his  accession  to  the 
Eastern  Khalifate  was  only  one  or  two  years  before 
the  death  of  Abdu-r-rahman  I.,  the  founder  of  the 
Ommeyan  dynasty  in  Spain.  Thus  the  brightest 
days  of  Eastern  progress  were  synchronous  with  the 
firm  establishment  of  the  Moslem  power  in  the  Pen- 
insula, which  prepared  them  to  receive  whatever 
good  things  might  come  from  the  East  It  is  Haroun 
who,  with  his  favorite  wife  Zobeide,  and  his  faithful 
servant  the  eunuch  Mezrour,  figures  so  largely  in  that 
marvellous  chain-work  of  stories,  nominally  occupy- 
ing a  thousand  and  one  nightSy  called  "The  "TheAra. 
Arabian  Nights'  Entertainments:"  stories  Nighta." 
which  display  the  supremacy  of  mind  over  brute-force 
and  passion,  —  of  the  brilliant  Sultana  over  a  brutal 
Sultan ;  stories  which  make  the  old  young  again,  and 
the  learned  child-like ;  stories  which  give  illustrations 
to-day  to  the  rostrum,  the  sanctum,  and  the  household 
circle,  and  which  remain  the  only  real  popular  record 
—  in  spite  of  their  fable  —  of  the  Mohammedan  life 
in  the  East  at  that  period.^  There  is  real  justice 
in  making  Haroun  the  grand  personage  of  their  plan  ; 
because,  notwithstanding  the  romantic  fiction  of  the 

^  No  one  who  lias  read  them  in  the  original  language  can  doubt 
their  purely  Arabian  character.  They  do  not  describe  the  people, 
dresses,  buildings,  etc.,  of  Persia,  Turkey,  or  India,  but  those  of  the 
Arabs  as  seen  in  Egypt.  —  Lane,  Arabian  Nights,  Preface,  z. 


286        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB  MOOBS. 

enshrinement,  he  was  in  reality  one  of  the  grandest 
men  of  his  epoch,  the  worthy  companion  of  Charle- 
magne and  'Abdu-r-rahman  Ad-dakhel,  the  new  Ehalif 
of  Spain.  Great  in  his  administration,  he  completed 
the  glory  of  his  capital,  making  Baghdad,  in  the  words 
of  Ibnu  Said,  "  the  capital  of  the  world  and  the  mine 
of  every  excellence."  He  was  great,  too,  as  a  gen- 
eral and  a  conqueror,  —  bold  in  conception,  and  like 
lightning  in  his  attacks.  To  the  Byzantine  Nicepho- 
rus,  who  refused  the  tribute^  and  wrote  him  an  in- 
solent letter,  he  answered :  "  I  have  read  your  letter, 
0  son  of  an  infidel  mother  I  to  which  the  answer  is 
what  you  shall  see,  not  hear." 

But  he  warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  science  and 
general  culture :  there  was  no  part  of  the  great  field 
too  large  or  too  little,  too  diJQQcult  or  too  modest,  for 
his  interest  and  support.  llis  favorite  ministers  and 
councillors  in  the  powerful  family  of  the  Barmecides 
were  the  ready  agents  of  his  power,  and  the  emulous 
rivals  of  his  zeal  in  this  cause,  and  aided  largely  in 
rendering  his  reign  illustrious.  Mathematics  and 
astronomy,  chemistry  and  medicine,  jurisprudence. 
history,  and  poetry,  the  natural  sciences,  —  all  found 
favor,  assistance,  and  reward.  ^ 

It  was  the  custom,  of  Haroun  to  take  on  his  numer- 
ous journeys  and  expeditions,  whether  on  a  pilgrim- 
age, a  campaign,  or  a  royal  progress  through  the 
different  parts  of  his  empire,  a  hundred  men,  of 
various  learning,  in  his^  train,  who  profited  by  all 
that  they  saw,  collected  all  they  could,  and  re- 
ceived at  his  hands  the  treatment  of  distinguished 
courtiers. 


LIGHT  FROM  THE  EAST.  287 

Eveiywhere  he  caused  mosques  to  be  built;  but 
eveiywhere,  also,  it  was  his  chief  concern  to  establish 
academies  and  colleges.  Thus  to  all  seeming,  re- 
ligion and  science  went  hand-in-hand,  but  in  reality 
science  was  outstripping  religion.  It  was  the  noiseless 
conflict  of  the  true  and  the  developing  with  the  false 
and  unprogressive,  which  was  still,  however,  envel- 
oped in  the  mysterious  atmosphere  of  superstitious 
reverenca 

His  fame  was  not  confined,  even  at  that  period,  to 
the  East  His  correspondence  with  the  West  in- 
ci*eased  it  greatly ;  and,  more  than  any  other  ^^^ 
sovereign,  he  divided  the  admiration  of  SJJS^JJSo- 
Europe  with  his  great  western  contempo-  "*^*' 
rary  Charlemagne.  The  "Annals  of  the  Franks  **  call 
him  "  king  of  Persia." 

To  his  imperial  brother  in  the  West  he  sent  a 
splendid  embassy,  with  presents  which  astonished  the 
western  world  by  their  value,  their  rarity,  and  the 
ingenuity  displayed  in  their  construction.  We  may 
allow  something  for  the  tendency  to  exaggeration  of 
the  early  records,  and  yet  the  principal  details  re- 
main as  historic  facts.  Among  the  gifts  was  an 
elephant,^  said  to  have  been  the  first  ever  seen  in 
France ;  and  a  linen  tent,  of  such  fineness  of  texture 
that  it  could  be  folded  into  a  very  small  compass, 
and  yet  when  pitched  it  rose  so  high  in  air  that 

1  The  name  of  the  elephant  has  been  preseired  :  it  was  Abi\-1- 
abbas.  It  was  landed  near  Spezzia,  in  October,  801  ;  bat  as  it  coold 
not  cross  the  Alps  for  the  snow,  it  wintered  at  Yercelli,  and  was  pre- 
sented to  the  Emperor  at  Aiz  the  following  year.  —  Eginhard, 
AnnaUs  dea  Francs,  Charles,  ann.  801. 


•  •   ^*^  <  <  • 

•  »   .  -  • 


288      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

an  arrow  shot  by  the  strongest  arm  could  not  pass 
over  its  summit :  it  was  adorned  with  a  variety  of 
colors,  and  "  the  interior  was  of  such  magnitude  that 
few  palaces  could  present  a  greater  number  of  apart- 
ments." ^  There  were,  with  this,  numerous  silk  vest- 
ures, perfumes,  balms,  and  aromatic  herbs  peculiar  to 
the  East. 

The  third  gift  was  more  curious  and  valuable  still, 
and  indicated  the  great  progress  already  made  at  the 

The  curious  ^^^  ^°  dclicate  and  complicated  mechan- 
clock.  jgjjj     j|.  ^Q^  ^  clepsydra,  or  water-clock  of 

metal,  of  singular  construction.  It  had  twelve  gates, 
corresponding  to  the  twelve  hours.  "  When  the  hour 
was  striking  on  the  clock,  one  of  the  gates  opened 
itself,  from  which  proceeded  a  regular  number  of  small 
brass  balls ;  and  these,  by  falling  in  turn  on  a  brazen 
vessel,  marked  the  hour  by  the  noise  which  they 
thus  caused :  the  eye  perceived  the  hour  by  the  num- 
ber of  opened  gates,  and  the  ear  by  the  number  of 
falling  balls.  At  the  twelfth  hour,  twelve  small 
horsemen  issued  out,  each  through  its  gate,  and  closed 
them  all  by  their  momentum  in  their  course  round 
the  dial"  *  The  terms  of  admiration  in  which  con- 
temporary writers  speak  of  this  clock  would  lead  us 
to  infer  that  the  construction  of  the  Eoman  clepsydra, 
borrowed  from  the  Chaldseans  and  Greeks,  was  a  lost 
art  to  the  western  people,  or  that  the  peculiar  mech- 
anism of  this  one,  displaying  the  time  to  eye  and  ear 
in  so  pleasant  a  manner,  rendered  the  machine  an 

1  Card's  Charlemagne,  60. 

'  lb.  61 ;  Eginhard,  Annales  des  Francs,  Charles,  ann.  807. 


LIGHT  FBOM  THE  EAST.  289 

individual  curiosity;^   as,  in  the  older  models,  the 
flow  of  water  alone  had  marked  the  time.^ 

But  if  the  record  of  the  event  I  am  ahout  to  relate 
could  be  fully  substantiated,  the  character  of  Haroun 
is  presented  to  us  in  a  still  more  pleasing  light  by  a 
gift  more  thoughtful,  more  deUcate,  and  far  more 
magnanimous;  a  gift  denoting  a  great  mind  and 
worthy  of  a  powerful  prince,  unshackled  by  religious 
bigotry.* 

Within  his  extensive  dominions  lay  Palestine,  the 
scene  of  momentous  struggles  and  a  marvellous  his- 
tory, a  Holy  Land, — to  Jew,  to  Saracen,  Theboiy 
and  to  Christian.  Its  central  point,  sacred  Hiesune. 
to  all,  was  Jerusalem,  the  urbs  mncta  of  the  Jewish 
past ;  the  earthly  type  of  the  urbs  ccsUstis  of  Chris- 
tian vision;  to  the  Mohammedans  alike  the  throne 
of  David  Ibn  Suleyman,  and  the  tomb  of  Jesus, 
son  of  Mary,  the  greatest  of  the  prophets  except 
Mohammed. 

1  Al  Makkari  quotes  Ibna  Sa'id  in  mention  of  two  water^clocks 
constructed  by  the  astronomer  Az-Zark41  in  Toledo,  as  late  as  tlie 
fifth  century  of  the  Hgra.  They  consisted  of  two  basins,  which 
filled  with  water  or  emptied,  according  to  the  waxing  and  waning 
of  the  moon.  "These  clocks,"  he  adds,  "were  undoubtedly  a 
greater  work  of  science  than  the  Indian  talisman  (at  Ann);  for  this 
latter  is  placed  in  a  country  under  the  equinoctial  line,  where  the 
days  and  nights  are  of  the  same  length,  while  in  Andalas,  which  is 
in  the  temperate  zone,  it  does  not  happen  thus."  This  ruder  con- 
struction, at  a  so  much  later  period  in  Spain,  illustrates  the  value 
of  Haroun's  gift. 

*  The  name  dqfaydra  means  waier-siecUer  {Kkirretp  and  0^p). 
The  Romans  used  it  to  limit  time  in  courts  —  as  aquam  dare  and 
eiquam  perdere.  That  of  Ctesilaus  of  Alexandria,  B.  c.  185,  had  a 
little  figure  which  rose  with  the  water  and  pointed  out  the  hours. 

VOL.  IK  19 


290        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOORS 

To  the  Christians,  it  had  a  peculiar  importance, 
because  it  contained  the  rock  sepulchre,  in  which  for 
three  days  the  human  body  of  Christ-  had  lain,  and 
the  ten  other  "  holy  places." 

It  was  well  known  to  Haroun  Al  Saschid  that  the 
Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  knowing  the  intimate  rela- 
tions subsisting  between  Charlemagne  and  himself, 
had  implored  the  Frankish  monarch  to  interpose  for 
the  protection  of  the  churches  of  the  East,  and  for  the 
security  of  pilgrims  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  To  this 
end  the  patriarch  had  sent  to  Charlemagne  a  monk 
named  Zachary,  with  a  piece  of  the  true  cross,  the 
holiest  of  all  the  relics  in  the  eyes  of  Christians  of 
that  day.  It  can  never  be  known  to  what  extent 
Haroun  granted  the  favors  thus  requested ;  but,  if 
contemporary  historians  may  be  believed,  it  is  to  the 
great  honor  of  the  Eastern  Ehalif,  that  hearing  of 
the  mission  he  anticipated  the  request,  and  sent  un- 
Thrown  Solicited  the  keys  of  the  holy  sepulchre  and 
SErtrtUM.  of  Calvary,  and  the  standard  of  the  city  of 
Jerusalem.  Whether  the  grant  was  in  thia  form,  and 
gave  uncontrolled  authority  in  the  Holy  City  or  not, 
it  seems  certain  that,  in  all  matters  concerning  the 
security  of  the  Christian  Church,  the  safety  of  pil- 
grims, and  free  access  to  the  venerated  monuments 
of  Jerusalem,  there  was  a  decided  improvement* 

In  the  rapid  changes  of  dynasty,  of  kingdoms,  and 
of  foreign  polity,  this  sunny  spot  in  the  history  was 
soon  clouded  over;  and  it  may  be  said  that  after 
this  intercourse  between  Charlemagne  and  Haroun, 

1  Card's  Charlemagne,  68. 


LIGHT  FROM  THE  EAST.  291 

friendly  communication  between  the  Christian  west 
and  the  Moslem  east  came  to  an  end,  and  was  not 
resumed  until  a  much  later  period. 

The  splendid  reign  of  Haroun  was  stained  with 
acts  of  cruelty :  it  could  hardly  have  been  otherwise. 
The  Mohammedan  Khalif  had  become  an  Oriental 
despot ;  and  with  autocratic  power  always  comes  the 
strong  temptation  to  abuse  it  He  de-  Haroun't 
stroyed  the  Barmecides  to  whom  he  had  Sft^Sr. 
owed  so  much,  and  who  had  cordially  joined  ™«^^<*««- 
him  in  fostering  literature  and  science.  History  fails 
to  give  us  clearly  the  causes  of  this  cruel  procedure.^ 
Among  those  that  have  been  suggested  are  the  fol- 
lowing: Ja'far,  the  chief  representative  of  that  ill- 
fated  family,  had  married  the  sister  of  the  Khalif,  and 
she  had  borne  him  a  son.  When  this  new  scion  of 
the  royal  house  appeared,  Haroun  took  his  sister 
away,  that  mother  and  son  might  be  always  under 
his  eye  and  control  This  angered  Ja'far,  and  caused 
him  to  become  disaffected.  Others  say  that  the 
Khalif  had  confided  to  his  care  Yahya,  the  remaining 
descendant  of  Ali,  the  fourth  Khalif,  and  he  had  per- 
mitted him  to  escape.  Others  still  ascribe  the  cruelty 
of  Haroun  to  a  general  jealousy  of  so  powerful  a 
family.    This  is,  after  all,  the  most  cogent  reason. 

^  In  speaking  of  the  Barmecides,  Abdulfeda  says  :  "...  qnsein 
aula  Bagdadica  maximis  gestis  dignitatibus  summa  potentia  et  fama 
clam,  de  repente  deleta  fiiit.  Cigos  rei  cansss  mults  sunt  preditse, 
omnes  pariter  obscoro  atque  dubiad."  —  I.  165.  The  fact  that  the 
Banneeide  family  were  accustomed  to  keep  open  house  during  meals, 
every  one  having  access  to  their  table,  presents  a  better  meaning  of 
the  "  Barmecide  feast,"  than  the  purely  visionary  one  given  to  the 
beggar. 


292      CONQUEST  07  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

The  Barmecides  had  \)ecome  too  great  Be  the  cause 
what  it  may,  Ja'far  was  killed,  by  order  of  Haroun,  at 
Amhara  in  the  year  802,  and  this  was  the  signal  for 
a  general  proscription  of  the  Barmecides.^ 

The  fate  of  this  family  has  apparently  little  to  do 
with  the  current  of  this  history,  but  I  wish  to  present 
the  reader  with  a  portrait  of  the  Great  Khalif,  whose 
reign  had  so  powerful  and  lasting  an  influence  on 
Arabian  civilization  in  Spain;  and  this  oudine  would 
be  incomplete  without  the  mention  of  his  faults, 
which  no  doubt  were  great.^  Despite  his  ill-doings,  his 
reign  must  be  always  held  in  high  estimation,  for  the 
great  progress  made  under  his  auspices,  for  the  unex- 
ampled splendors  of  the  court  of  Baghdad,  for  his 
liberality  to  the  learned  of  all  creeds,  and  especially 
for  his  benefactions  to  the  Christian  Church,  what- 
ever their  motive  may  have  been. 

The  death  of  Haroun,  in  the  year  809,  threatened 
for  a  time  to  produce  great  trouble  in  the  Eastern 
Khalifate:  the  never-settled  question  of  a  successor 
was  the  immediate  cause. 

Al-mamiin,  the  eldest  son,  and  the  worthiest,  was 
the  offspring  of  an  obscure  concubine;  while  Al- 
amin,  the  younger  and  the  weaker,  was  the  son  of  the 
favorite  sultana  Zobeide,  the  heroine  of  the  Arabian 
Nights,  made  famous  for  all  time  by  that  enchanting 
work.    Haroun  was  too  just  to  change  the  succession. 

1  Alnilfeda,  Ann.  Mod.  I.  1C5. 

*  Emil  Qossweller,  the  Arabic  scholar  of  Basle,  in  a  recent  lect- 
ure, mokes  him  oat  a  rery  bad  character.  He  was  an  Oriental 
despot,  and  no  doabt  somewhat  of  an  Asiatic  barbarian  in  temper ; 
bnt  he  at  least  did  the  good  things  that  have  been  recorded. 


LIGHT  FROM  THE  EAST.  293 

The  result  may  be  anticipated.  He  bequeathed  the 
Khalifate  to  Al-amin,  and  left  to  the  elder  brother, 
as  an  appanage,  the  province  of  Eliorassan.  There 
were  jealousy  and  hatred  between  the  half-brothers 
for  four  years,  when,  after  an  attempt  on  the  part  of 
Al-amin  to  wrest  Khorassan  from  Al-mdmiin,  a  civil 
war  broke  out,  which  ended  in  the  deposition  ^.m^^in 
of  the  Khalif,and  the  accession  of  Al-mamiin,  »»*<^'^®®<^- 
in  the  year  813.  The  successful  competitor,  who  had 
been  set  aside  by  the  assertion  of  lawful  primogen- 
iture, soon  vindicated  his  superior  claims  to  the 
throne. 

I  have  brought  the  Eastern  history  thus  far,  because 
it  was  necessary  to  add  another  and  a  last  name  to 
the  list  of  those  Eastern  Khalifs  who,  in  this  dark 
age  of  European  civilization,  and  in  the  formative 
period  of  oriental  culture,  still  fuHher  advanced  the 
progress  of  science,  and  transmitted  treasures  of 
learning  and  of  art  to  the  West.  It  is  the  name  of 
this  Al-m&miin,  the  son  of  Haroun,  and  the  seventh 
Khalif  of  the  house  of  Abbas. 

Thoroughly  educated  in  his  youth  by  the  learned 
professors  and  scholars  at  his  father's  court,  it  was  his 
chief  pleasure,  when  he  became  monarch,  to  surround 
his  throne  with  the  concurrent  wisdom  of  the  world, 
irrespective  of  race  and  creed.  The  royalty  which  he 
had  conquered,  he  would  render  illustrious.  Among 
his  most  distinguished  savans  were  Jews.  A  Nes- 
torian  Christian  was  his  superintendent  of  public 
instruction,  bequeathed  to  him  by  his  father. 

He  issued  an  edict  to  his  government  officials  in 
all  parts  of  his  extensive  dominions  to  collect  every- 


294     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AfiAB-MOO£S. 

thing  pertaining  to  literature,  science,  and  art;  and 
thus,  during  his  entire  reign  of  twenty  years,  caravans 
of  solid  learning  —  books,  pictures,  maps,  specimens 
in  the  field  of  natural  history — were  seen  converging 
to.  the  great  repository  at  Baghdad,  where  hundreds 
of  skilful  hands  were  busy  in  analyzing,  classifying, 
and  arranging  them. 

From  a  single  but  important  instance,  it  would 
seem  that  he  was  particularly  interested  in  mathemat- 
Measnresa  ^^  ^"^  astrouomical  studics.  He  placed 
kStSde'  *'^o  parties  in  the  field  to  measure  a  degree 
S'eVf'ti»r  of  latitude  on  the  shore  of  the  Red  Sea,  and 
ecuptia  thus,  assuming  the  spheroidal  form  of  the 
earth,  to  determine  its  circumference  approximately. 
Incident  to  this,  his  astronomers  also  calculated  the 
angle  of  the  ecliptic,  making  it  with  tolerable  accu- 
racy 23**  35'  52".  Under  his  auspices,  Al-fagami 
wrote  a  work  called  the  Elements  of  Astronomy,  and 
Al-merwasi  produced  an  invaluable  set  of  astronom- 
ical tables. 

We  shall  hold  the  labors  of  Al-mamiin  in  greater 
esteem  from  the  fact  that  his  liberality  to  learning, 
and  his  zeal  in  the  cause  of  science,  caused  him  to  be 
suspected  by  his  people  of  infidelity  to  the  Koran. 
The  truth  is  that  in  this  Augustan  age  the  astounding 
developments  of  science  did  indeed  begin  to  expose 
the  bald  absurdities  of  the  revelation  of  Mohammed ; 
and  progress  in  science  rendered  a  man  liable  to  the 
charge  of  heresy  for  the  best  of  reasons,  —  it  made 
him  a  heretic.  And  here  it  is  sad  to  observe  that  the 
safety  of  the  Kor&n,  so  greatly  imperilled  at  this 
epoch,  was  principally  due  to  the  gradual  but  steady 


LIGHT  FBOM  THE  EAST.  295 

decline  of  learning  in  the  East,  which  with  the  de- 
cline of  the  Khalifate  began  in  the  next  reign,  that 
of  Al-motassem,  a  third  son  of  Haroun.  Twenty 
years  later,  a  degenerate  successor,  Al-motawakkel 
was  persecuting  the  Christians  and  Jews  in  the  inter- 
ests of  Islam.  Here  we  must  leave  the  Eastern  Kha- 
lifs  and  their  achievements  and  return  to  Spain, 
which  was  already  receiving  in  full  tide  the  grateful 
and  irrigating  current,  and  which  under  the  earlier 
Ommeyades  was  worthy  to  receive  and  able  to  uti- 
lize it 


296     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THB  ABAB-liOOBS. 


CHAPTEE  IL 

SOCIAL  LIFE:   HOUSES^  CUSTOMS,  AND  COSTUME& 

A  S  in  the  phenomenon  of  the  tide  wave,  the  high 
•^^'  water  does  not  occur  until  hours  after  die 
moon  has  passed  the  meridian,  so  we  shall  see,  in  the 
Western  flow  of  scientific  progress,  it  was  high  tide 
at  Baghdad  when  the  great  motor  had  for  some  time 
passed  by,  and  had  already  been  at  its  powerful  work 
in  Spain.  And  when  letters  were  already  declining 
in  the  East,  the  succeeding  century  was  the  most 
brilliant  period  among  the  Spanish  Arabs,  who  could 
indeed  give  some  return  to  the  East  for  its  splendid 
gifts. 

They  could  not  have  been  in  a.  more  fortunate 
condition  to  receive  the  gracious  boon ;  for  the  firm 
establishment  of  the  independent  Khalifate  under 
Abdu-r-rahman  I.  had  created  such  a  unity  of  sen- 
timent and  such  a  community  of  interest  in  the 
Peninsula,  that  systematic  culture  was  for  the  first 
The  spirit  of  *"^®  ^  practicable  thing ;  and,  besides,  a  po- 
emuiauon.  ^j^^  spirit  of  emulation  had  arisen,  which 
impelled  them  to  rival  and  to  exceed  their  Eastern 
brethren,  f  Thus  it  was  that  the  enthusiasm  for 
polite  and  useful  learning  exhibited  at  B3ghdad 
spread  lupidly  along  the   western  line  of  original 


SOCIAL  LIFE.  297 

conquest  Incident  to  the  great  rupture  between  the 
East  and  West^  independent  governments  had  also 
sprung  up  in  Africa,  especially  that  of  the  Aglabites 
at  Kairwan  and  Tunis,  around  the  ruins  of  Carthage, 
and  that  of  the  Edrisites  at  Fez.  In  these,  too,  the 
impulsion  was  felt :  schools  and  libraries  were  soon 
established  at  Fez,  and  were  to  quicken  the  establish- 
ment and  growth  of  Morocco ;  ^  and,  if  these  regions 
did  not  profit  to  the  full  extent  from  the  Eastern  tide, 
they  formed,  as  it  were,  the  necessary  conduit  through 
which  the  pellucid  waters  might  flow  to  the  Pen- 
insula. 

To  leave  the  figure,  a  new  band  of  moreU  con- 
querors now  followed  in  the  track  so  thoroughly 
established  and  so  constantly  beaten  by  the  achievers 
of  the  physical  conquest ;  intent  to  show  that,  if  the 
direct  conquest  of  all  Europe  by  force  of  arms  had  been 
impossible,  these  Arabian  adventurers  were  to  achieve 
a  moral  triumph  far  nobler,  —  to  make  an  a  mona 
intellectual  incursion,  which  was  to  be  <^®°*i"**** 
acknowledged  with  gratitude  in  the  schools  of  Ox- 
ford, and  to  be  permanently  felt  "as  far  as  the 
confines  of  Poland  and  the  Highlands  of  Scotland."^ 

^  Morocco  was  foanded  by  Ydsuf  Ibn  T^e£(n,  the  leader  of  tke 
Almoravides,  in  1092. 

'  Most  Christian  writers  have  been  inclined  to  deny,  ignore,  or 
yery  grudgingly  admit  onr  obligations  to  the  Arabians.  In  a  very 
interesting  chapter  of  his  "  Intellectaal  Development  of  Europei" 
Dr.  Draper  not  only  acknowledges,  but  demonstrates,  the  truth,  and 
adds :  "  I  have  to  deplore  the  systematic  manner  in  which  the  liter- 
ature of  Europe  has  contrived  to  put  out  of  sight  our  scientific 
obligations  to  the  Mohammedans.  Surely  they  cannot  be  much 
longer  hidden.  Injustice,  founded  on  religious  rancor  and  national 
conceit^  cannot  be  perpetuated  forever."  —  p.  856. 


\ 


298      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOOBS. 

They  were  now  to  throw  a  flood  of  light  upon  the 
darkness  of  western  Europe;  and  while,  directly, 
they  were  imparting  secular  knowledge,  they  were, 
as  has  been  already  shown,  indirectly  to  rouse  Chris- 
tendom, and  bind  all  its  components  together  in  a 
grand  rally  for  the  Christian  faith,  —  positively  to 
instruct,  and  thus  negatively  to  strengthen.  Such 
are  the  chief  factors  in  the  civilization  which  the 
Arab-Moors  were  now  ready  to  impart  to  western 
Europe,  and  which  western  Europe  had  made  but 
poor  preparation  to  receive.  The  first  step  in  this 
movement  had  already  been  taken  when  Abdu-r- 
rahman  Ad-dakhel  had  chosen  Cordova  as  his  capital, 
and  had  determined  to  make  it  in  all  respects  the 
rival  of  Baghdad. 

In  situation  and  topography,  it  was  equal,  if  not 
superior,  to  the  Eastern  capital.  Upon  the  gentle 
Guadalquivir,  in  the  midst  of  an  extensive  plain 
The  glories  suTTounded  by  mountains  filled  with  water- 
ofCoPdoT*.  springs,  which  irrigate  and  fertilize  the 
neighboring  fields  and  farms,  and  containing  the  best 
building  materials,  it  had  been  a  settlement  of  the 
most  ancient  inhabitants.  It  had  been  occupied  by 
Rome,  first  as  a  garrison,  and  then  as  a  strong  city. 
Caesar  found  it  worth  sacking  after  his  quarrel  with 
Fompey,  and  it  had  been  one  of  the  royal  residences 
of  the  Gothic  monarchs.  During  the  dependent 
Amirate  of  the  Arab-Moors,  little  had  been  done  to 
improve  it;  but,  when  it  was  chosen  by  the  first 
Spanish  Khalif  as  his  seat  of  empire,  its  glory  fairly 
began.     It  became  in  that  early  period  the  lai^gest 


SOCIAL  LIFE.  299 

and  most  splendid  city  in  the  world.^  For  three 
centuries,  from  the  ninth  to  the  twelfth,  it  gloried  in 
this  distinction.  It  witnessed  the  truly  magnificent 
reigns  of  the  three  Abdu-r-rahmans  and  of  Al- 
hakem  II. 

Its  numerous  long  and  winding  streets,  wider  than 
those  of  the  Eastern  cities,  were  brilliantly  lighted  at 
night,  and  swarming  with  people,  who  were  protected 
by  the  friendly  glare,  at  a  time  when  the  profound 
darkness  of  London  rendered  the  night-walker  in- 
secure in  his  steps  and  uncertain  of  his  safety ;  and 
it  was  completely  paved  and  scrupulously  clean,  when 
Paris  richly  deserved  its  name,  —  LtUetia,  or  the 
muddy. 

In  the  words  of  an  Arabian  author,  "  Cordova, 
under  the  sultans  of  the  family  of  Umeyyah,  became 
the  tent  of  Islam ;  the  place  of  refuge  for  the  learned ; 
the  foundation  of  the  throne  of  the  Benl  Meruan ;  the 
place  of  resort  of  the  noblest  families  among  the  tribes 
of  Ma'd  and  Yemen.  To  it  came,  from  all  parts  of 
the  world,  students  anxious  to  cultivate  poetry,  to 
study  the  sciences,  or  to  be  instructed  in  divinity  or 
the  law ;  so  that  it  became  the  meeting-place  of  the 
eminent  in  all  matters,  the  abode  of  the  learned,  and 
the  place  of  resort  for  the  studious ;  its  interior  was 
always  filled  with  the  eminent  and  the  noble  of  all 
countries ;  its  literary  men  and  soldiers  were  contin- 
ually vying  with  each  other  to  gain  distinction,  and 

1  Sanken,  as  it  now  is,  into  a  little,  dead,  white  city,  with  a 
population  in  1860  of  less  than  forty-two  thousand,  it  contains  bat 
few  relics  of  the  day  when  it  was  the  splendor  of  the  world.  Among 
these  is  the  Mezquita,  or  Mosque,  now  a  Christian  cathedral. 


300      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOOBS. 

ita  precincts  never  ceased  to  be  the  arena  of  the  dis- 
its  mUdm-  tinguished,  the  hippodrome  of  the  foremost, 
sJLiteh^*  the  halting-place  of  the  noble,  and  the  re- 
^"***  pository  of  the  true  and  virtuous.  Cordova 
was  to  Andalus  what  the  head  is  to  the  body,  or  what 
the  breast  is  to  the  lion." 

And  a  poet  of  a  later  time,  not  content  to  limit  its 
claims  to  the  Peninsula,  regales  us  with  the  following 
couplet :  — 

«  Do  not  talk  of  the  Court  of  Baghdad  and  its  glittering  magnifi- 
cence ;  do  not  praise  Persia  and  China  and  their  manifold 
advantages ; 
For  there  is  no  spot  on  earth  like  Cordova,  nor  in  the  whole  world 
men  like  the  Beni  Hamdin."  ^ 

Cordova  had  its  Kassdbah,  or  palace  citadel,  rendered 
very  strong  by  a  wall  and  moat.  The  exterior  walls 
of  the  city  extended  in  periphery  twenty-four  miles  ;* 
and  beyond  these  there  were  twenty-one  suburbs, 
each  provided  with  its  mosques,  market-places,  and 
public  baths,  and  surrounded  by  a  moat^  A  splendid 
aqueduct  from  a  neighboring  mountain  supplied  pure 
water  to  all  this  vast  extent  of  habitations.  It  was 
built  by  Abdu-r-rahmdn  III. 

The  city  had  seven  gates,  named  from  other  cities 

^  This  was  written  of  a  later  period,  during  the  war  between  the 
Almonivides  and  the  Almohades,  when  the  chief  of  the  Beni  Ham- 
din  ruled  in  Cordova  as  Al-mansiir  Billah ;  but  it  is  even  more  true 
of  the  earlier  time. 

«  Al  Makkari,  I.  207. 

s  Al  Makkari  gives  the  picturesque  names  of  the  moeques,  mar- 
kets, and  baths,  such  as  *'The  Garden  of  Wonders,"  ''The  Shops 
of  the  SeUers  of  Sweet  Basil,*'  ''The  Mosque  of  R^oicings,'*  etc 
I.  206. 


SOCIAL  LIFK  301 

towards  which  they  opened,  —  as  the  gate  of  Toledo, 
of  Saragossa,  etc.;  or  from  their  locality, — the  gate 
of  the  bridge,  and  the  gate  of  the  river. 

Of  the  palaces,  I  have  already  mentioned  the 
Rissdfah}  which  took  its  name  from  its  magnificent 
garden,  built  by  Abdu-r-rahm4n  L  On  the  The  palaces; 
site  of  this  garden  is  at  the  present  time  a  ^■»^*» 
convent  which  partially  retains  the  name,  —  San 
Fraricisco  de  la  Arriaafa. 

But  around  the  city  were  other  royal  residences  or 
villa  retreats,  famous  either  for  the  elegance  of  their 
construction  or  for  the  picturesqueness  of  their  situ- 
ation. They  bore  such  romantic  names  as  "the 
palace  of  the  garden,"  "of  lovers,"  "of  contentment," 
"of  the  diadem,"  "of  flowers,"  "of  the  fortunate," 
"  of  novelties."  Distinct  mention,  however,  must  be 
made  of  two  which  seemed  to  excel  all  others  in 
extent  and  magnificence,  —  that  of  Az-zahrd,  and  that 
of  Az-zd-hirah, 

The  former  grew  out  of  the  reversion  of  a  fund 
which  had  been  set  apart  for  the  redemption  of 
Moslems  captive  in  France.  When  it  was  found 
that  there  were  none,  the  monarch,  Abdu-r-rahmdn 
III.  (An-ndsir)  listened  to  the  solicitation  of  a  favorite 
mistress,  who  said :  "  Build  with  that  money  a  city 
that  may  take  my  name  and  be  mine."  The  enamoured 
monarch  complied  with  her  request.  No  expense 
was  spared  in  its  erection ;  the  original  fund  was  but 
a  drop  in  the  ocean.    Of  the  vast  revenue  The  apien- 

don  of 

obtained  from  all  sources,  one-third  was  ap-  A«-»hrA. 
propriated  annually  to  the  continued  erection  of  this 

^  Bifls&fah  means  a  spot  paved  with  flags,  or  made  leveL 


302     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AKAB-MOORS. 

palace  and  city.^  Its  beauties  are  described  with 
great  enthusiasm;  among  them  were  its  splendid 
fountains,  one  with  human  figures  of  gilt-bronze, 
brought  from  Constantinople,  —  the  other  of  green 
marble,  /rom  Syria,  surmounted  by  statues  of  gold 
set  with  precious  stones;*  the  hall  of  the  E[halifs, 
with  its  walls  of  marble,  and  its  roof  of*  tranqnirent 
marble  and  gold.  The  mosque  was  worthy  the  rest 
of  the  buildings.  If  these  are  exaggerations,  they 
cannot  be  disproved,  for  every  trace  of  the  structure 
has  disappeared. 

We  have  not  space,  nor  is  it  proper  in  this  history, 
to  go  into  the  details  of  these  astonishing  construc- 
tions, and  we  may,  for  that  reason,  avoid  those  which 
are  probably  couched  in  the  language  of  hyperbole, 
for  when  the  Arabian  chroniclers  enter  upon  such  a 
subject  they  seem  to  vie  with  each  other  to  produce 
the  most  marvellous  recital.  We  may  believe  that 
in  the  day  of  its  builder  and  his  immediate  succes- 
sors, the  palace  of  Az-zahm  was  the  chief  royal  resi- 
dence, judging  from  the  multitude  of  persons  who 
were  on  duty  there.  The  number  of  male  servants 
was  nearly  four  thousand;  the  women,  including 
those  of  the  harem  and  their  attendants,  numbered 
six  thousand  three  hundred  and  fourteen ;  the  Scla- 
vonian  pages  and  eunuchs  were  over  three  thousand. 
The  garden  terraces  were  of  polished  marble.  There 
were  a  golden  hall  and  a  circular  pavilion  in  front  of 

^  The  details  of  expenditure,  labor,  and  materialfi,  are  given  in 
Al  Makkari,  and  are  principally  of  value  because  of  the  truthful  air 
they  impart  to  the  story,  which  is  otherwise  redundant,  and  seems 
exaggerated.  ~  I.  288,  234. 

«  lb.  286. 


SOCIAL  LIFE.  303 

which  were  splendid  fountains,  to  which  the  greater 
liberality  of  a  later  period  permitted  the  ornaments 
of  human  and  animal  figures.^  The  numerous  cylin- 
drical columns,  amounting  in  all  to  four  thousand, 
says  the  chronicler,  were  so  smooth  and  symmetrical, 
that  they  appeared  to  have  been  fashioned  in  a  turning- 
machine.  Many  of  them  came  from  Eome,  Constan- 
tinople, Gaul,  Italy,  and  Africa.  This  splendid  palace 
was  situated  about  four  miles  from  Cordova,  and  was 
the  favorite  retreat  of  the  Khalif  from  the  cares  and 
distractions  of  the  capital. 

The  Arabian  writers  dwell  with  great  fondness  of 
expression,  and  doubtless  with  the  hyperbole  of  affec- 
tion, upon  another  magnificent  structure,  erected  by 
the  imbecile  Hisham  II.,  at  the  instance  of  his  hajib, 
Al-mansur,  who  seems  to  have  been  possessed  of  a  pas- 
sion for  buildin<^.  He  called  it  Az-zdhirah, 
and  exhausted  as  much  wealth  and  ingenu- 
ity upon  it,  as  he  had  upon  that  of  Az-zahrd.  It  was 
begun  in  978,  two  years  after  the  accession  of  Hisham, 
and  was  for  some  time  the  residence  of  the  great 
minister,  Al-mansur,  who  surpassed  royalty  in  power 
and  authority.  The  details  of  the  construction  and 
the  beauties  of  both  these  structures  are  so  minutely 
given,  by  writers  not  far  removed  from  the  period  of 
their  splendor,  that  we  cannot  doubt  the  reality  of 
their  existence,  but  the  traveller  of  to-day  seeks  in 
vain  for  the  slightest  vestige'  of  them.     However 

1  AI  Makkari,  I.  239.  He  giy«s  a  glowing  description  of  the 
two  fountains,  with  their  twelve  figures  of  red  gold,  surrounded  by 
curious  animals  ornamented  with  jewels,  and  the  splendid  hall  of 
the  Khalifs,  with  its  large  basin  of  quicksUrer. 


304     C0NQX7EST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB>MOOBS. 

superficial  the  search  for  their  site  and  remainiDg 
fragments,  it  can  hardly  be  hoped  that  a  greater 
scrutiny  would  have  had  better  success.  Al-mansur 
is  said  to  have  predicted  the  ruin  of  Az-zihirah  with 
tears.^  Nor  was  the  portent  without  reason,  for  the 
decline  of  the  Ehalifate  was  already  rapid,  and  before 
the  short  reign  of  one  year  of  Suleyman,  the  dynasty 
of  Idris,  already  marshalling  the  Berbers  to  form  the 
independent  sovereignties  of  Malaga  and  AlgeQiras, 
had  captured  and  repeatedly  plundered  the  city  of 
Cordova,  and  begun  the  destruction  of  its  suburban 
palaces.* 

One  circumstantial  story  of  Al-mansur's  life  at  Az- 
zahirah  I  abridge  from  the  chronicle,  because  it  gives 
a  slight  glimpse  of  the  manners  and  sentiments  of 
the  Arabian  magnates,  —  a  love  of  splendor,  a  vanity 
which  pleased  itself  with  dramatic  effects,  and  a 
shrewdness  in  giving  a  lesson  in  diplomacy  to  foreign 
ambassadors.^ 

In  a  lake  within  the  palace  grounds,  Al-mansur  had 
caused  water-lilies  to  be  planted.  When  an  embassy 
Ai-maniur'i  from  the  "Christian  kings  of  Andalus,"  who, 
^P^y-  rising  from  their  weakness,  had  now  gained 
great  power  and  much  territory,  came  to  his  palace,  it 
was  manifest  to  him  that  they  had  been  sent  to  spy 
out  the  strength  and  system  of  the  Moslems.  To 
convince  them  at  least  that  he  had  plenty  of  money, 

^  See  the  note  of  Gayangos,  Al  Makkari,  L  244. 

*  rb.  506,  note  8. 

'  This  story  is  given  on  the  anthority  of  an  anonymons  woik,  or, 
rather,  a  work  the  author  of  which  is  not  now  known,  called  "  The 
Flowers  and  the  Lights."  Al  Makkari  says  he  saw  it  in  the  lihraiy 
of  Fez. 


SOCIAL  UFE.  305 

he  had  a  gold  or  silver  coin  placed  in  the  cup  of  each 
lily,  and  then  gave  the  ambassadors  a  reception  at 
day-dawn  in  the  splendid  hall,  the  balcony  of  which 
hung  over  the  lake.  Eichly  attired  slaves — one  thou- 
sand Sclavonians  — appeared,  five  hundred  bearing 
golden,  and  five  hundred  silver  trays,  and  as  the  first 
rays  of  the  sun  beamed  upon  the  lake,  at  a  given  signal, 
they  marched  out  and  plucked  the  water-lilies,  in  view 
of  the  astonished  Christians.  The  flowers  bearing  gold 
pieces  were  placed  in  the  silver  trays,  and  those  bear- 
ing silver  in  the  golden  trays ;  and  the  coins  were 
then  deposited  at  the  feet  of  Al-mansur,  "  raising  a 
mountain  of  silver  and  gold  before  his  throne." 
There  was  thus  no  question  as  to  his  resources ;  and 
the  embassy,  asking  for  a  truce,  went  back  to  say  to 
their  sovereigns,  —  "Do  not  make  war  upon  these 
people;  for,  by  Allah,  we  have  seen  the  earth  yielding 
them  its  hidden  treasures." 

Were  there  unanimity  of  statement  as  to  the 
buildings  of  Cordova,  we  should  still  with  reason 
accuse  the  chroniclers  of  exaggeration ;  but  Al  Mak- 
kari  acknowledges " great  historical  discrepancy"  in 
the  number  of  mosques  in  Cordova.  It  ranges,  ac- 
cording to  different  authorities,  from  three  hundred 
to  more  than  eight  hundred.  I  shall  reserve  a  con- 
sideration of  the  principal  one  to  a  later  chapter. 
There  were  also  numerous  Christian  churches,  toler- 
ated by  the  Moslems,  —  one  of  which  was  a  great 
resort  for  pilgrims  from  abroad.  It  was  called  Santa 
Maria;  and  a  Moorish  poet,  describing  one  of  the 
festivals,  when  the  church  was  **  strewed  with  green 
branches  of  myrtle,  and  planted  with  cypress-trees," 

VOL.  II.  20 


306        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOORS. 

tells  US :  "  It  was  to  a  girl  (the  Virgin  Mary)  that 
their  prayers  were  addressed;  it  was  for  her  that  they 
put  on  their  gay  tunics,  instead  of  humiliating  them- 
selves before  the  Almighty." 

We  are  told,  what  it  is  hard  to  believe,  that  there 
were  in  Cordova,  six  hundred  inns,^  five  thousand 
Numerous  '^^^t  ^ud  highly  Cultivated  plantations, 
buudingt.  gardens  and  orchards,  lying  for  a  long  dis- 
tance on  the  river  banks.  The  reader  will  hardly  be 
more  inclined  to  accept  the  account  of  "a  trustworthy 
writer,'*  that  there  were  two  hundred  thousand  sev- 
enty-seven common  houses,  sixty  thousand  three 
hundred  public  buildings,  —  palaces,  hospitals,  col- 
leges, barracks,  etc.;  eighty  thousand  four  hundred 
and  fifty-five  shops,  and  four  thousand  three  hundred 
markets.^ 

But,  however  large  the  abatement  we  may  be  in- 
clined to  make,  we  must  still  admire  that  magnificent' 
concourse  of  buildings  and  people  collected  in  the 
city  of  Cordova,  and  the  suburban  palaces  of  Az-zahra 
and  Az-zahirah,  which  "together  covered,  at  one  time, 
a  piece  of  ground  measuring  ten  miles  in  length, 
which  distance  might  be  traversed  at  night  by  the 
light  of  lamps,  placed  close  to  each  other." 

1  It  may  be  sappoeed  that  every  com  de  hueapedes,  or  private 
lodging-house,  was  counted  an  inn,  and  yet  the  number  is  incred- 
ible.    Of  real  taverns  or  hotels  there  are  juno  but  two  in  Ck)rdova  ' 
of  any  note,  and  lodging-houses  are  not  in  demand. 

*  Gayangos  (Al  Makkari,-!.  492,  note  59)  is  disposed  to  accept 
the  count  of  houses,  because  the  houses  were  small,  and  eveiy  hut 
and  every  booth  was  counted.  He  regards  sixty  thousand  as  the  entire 
number  of  houses  built  of  masonry.  The  dowan,  or  encampments 
of  tribes,  drawn  from  Africa  by  Al-mansur,  were  aU  counted.  But  I 
have  purposely  avoided  any  critical  inquiry,  as  the  result  seemed 
hopeless. 


SOCIAL  LIFE.  307 

What  this  favored  place  was  to  its  native  children 
when  absent  from  it,  its  present  jolaims  will  not  inform 
the  tourist  I  have  already  indicated  the  praises  of 
its  poets;  but  a  single  anecdote  is  more  significant,  for 
it  has  the  air  of  simple  truth :  A  certain  Abu-Bekr 
journeyed  from  Cordova  to  Toledo,  where  he  encoun- 
tered his  friend,  Almak-h-zu-mi  "  Whence  comest 
thou?"  asked  the  latter.  "  From  Cordova."  "When?" 
"Just  now."  "Then,"  said  the  Sheik,  "come  nearer 
to  me,  that  I  may  smell  the  air  of  Cordova  The  swmu 
on  thy  garments."  With  that,  he  began  to  of  Cordova, 
smell  the  traveller's  head,  and  to  kiss  it  all  over,  and 
hen  he  broke  out  in  tearful,  impromptu  verses  in 
praise  of  his  native  city: — 

**  O  my  beloved  Cordova,  when  shaU  I  see  thee  again  f 
Thon  art  like  an  enchanted  spot ; 
Thy  fielda  are  laxuriant  gardens  ; 

Thy  earth  of  yarioiu  colors  resembles  a  block  of  rose-colored 
amber." 

The  Arabian  muse  is  not  always  content  with  such 
simple  and  beautiful  pathos,  because  not  so  often  in- 
spired by  natural  sentiment. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  numerous  palaces :  it  remains 
for  me  to  describe  a  typical  mansion  such  as  those  in- 
habited by  the  rich  and  noble  of  the  most  prosperous 
period  of  the  Arab-Moors  in  Spain.  They  were  of 
great  luxury  in  interior  construction  and  furniture. 
For  exterior  appearance  they  cared  little.  Except 
from  axotea  or  mirador  —  house-top  or  extended  pi- 
azza —  they  shut  nature  out ;  but  they  made  amends 
hy  constituting  each  mansion  a  temple  of  taste  and 
pleasure,  where  luxurious  rest  should  follow  even 


308       CONQUEST    OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOORS. 

moderate  toil,  and  where,  in  courts  and  gardens,  na- 
ture should  be  embellished  by  the  hand  of  art  For- 
tunately for  our  ideal  picture,  a  few  of  the  palaces  of 
the  later  period  of  Moslem  dominion  still  remain  as 
representatives  of  the  thousands  of  that  halcyon  day, 
and  greatly  aid  the  traveller  to  form  some  conception 
of  the  time  when  the  chronicler  claimed  sixty  thou- 
sand similar  edifices.  Instead  of  attempting  to  de- 
scribe any  one  of  them,  or  to  draw  upon  the  special 
eulogiums  of  the  chroniclers,  I  shall  endeavor  to 
present  to  the  reader  the  common  features  which 
marked  them,  and  which  may  be  still  seen'  in  many 
modem  houses,  especially  in  Seville.  Climate  and 
traditional  custom  have  retained  these  to  a  greater  or 
less  degree.^ 

Let  the  reader  fancy  a  massive  porte-cochire, 
opening  into  a  well-paved  court-yard,  in  the  centre 
Atypical  ^^  which  riscs  the  never-failing  fountain-jet, 
miuiBion.  diffusing  coolness,  and  making  a  pleasant 
patter  of  the  falling  drops  into  the  basin.  The  peri- 
style of  the  galleiy  running  around  this  court  is  sup- 
ported by  slender  columns,  sometimes  grouped,  of 
alabaster  or  polished  marble,  from  which  spring  num- 
bers of  graceful  horse-shoe  arches ;  above  these  are 
the  latticed  or  grated  windows  which  light  the  se- 
raglio, or  apartments  of  the  women.     These  columns 

^  I  might  add  that  there  is  also  a  modem  sesthetio  element  to 
he  taken  into  consideration.  I  saw,  a  few  years  ago,  in  Seville,  a 
splendid  mansion  hnilt  and  finished  in  the  Moorish  style,  as  ex- 
hibited in  the  halls  of  the  Al-cazar  and  the  courts  of  the  Alhambra. 
The  projector  and  owner  was  a  wealthy  Spaniard,  long  resident  in 
Cuba.  It  is  a  striking  anachronism,  and  transports  the  trayeller 
to  the  twelfth  century.     It  stands  in  the  Plaza  del  Duque. 


80aAL  LIFE.  309 

are  partly  or  wholly  gilded,  and  the  interspaces 
above  the  arches  filled  with  arabesques,  iiiterwreath- 
ing  striking  texts  from  the  Koran,  are  radiant  with 
rainbow  effect  of  red  and  blue  and  gold.  The  flat  or 
terraced  roof — sotah — now  called  in  Spanish  azotea, 
is  used  as  a  cool  lounging-place  and  look-out  in  the 
evening.  Over  the  entire  court  is  drawn,  to  shut  out 
the  mid-day  heat,  a  costly  awning,  the  modern  veto, 
and  here  the  members  of  the  household  gather  for 
that  charming  siestay  —  still  retained  as  one  of  the 
cosas  de  Sspafia,  —  lulled  rather  than  disturbed  by 
the  patter  and  plash  of  the  fountain  waters.  Luxuri- 
ant tropical  plants,  in  huge  jardinieres  of  wood  and 
earthenware,  containing  tropical  fruits  as  well  as 
flowers,  lend  a  grace  of  sylvan  nature  to  the  scene. 

There  were  many  such  fairy  dwellings  in  the 
rich  towns  and  beautiful  vegas  of  Andalusia.  But 
the  picture  is  not  yet  completed.  Let  us  pass  from 
the  centre  of  this  luxurious  court,  through  a  double 
archway,  into  another  patio  similar  in  proportions  and 
surroundings,  and  usually  lying  at  right  angles  to 
the  first,  in  the  centre  of  which  is  a  ^eat  estanque,  or 
oblong  basin,  seventy-five  feet  long  by  thirty  in 
width,  and  six  feet  in  depth  in  its  deepest  part,  sup- 
plied with  limpid  waters,  raised  to  a  pleasant  tem- 
perature by  heated  metallic  pipes.  Here  the 
indolent,  the  warm,  the  weary,  may  bathe  in 
luxurious  languor.  Here  the  women  meet  to  disport 
themselves,  while  the  entrances  are  guarded  by 
eunuchs  against  intrusion. 

The  contented  bather  may  then  leave  the  court  by 
a  postern  in  the  gallery,  which  opens  into  a  beauti- 


310      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIK  BY  THE  AEAB-MOOBa 

ful  garden^  with  mazy  walks  and  blooming  parterres, 
redolent  with  roses,  violets,  and  the  faghiijeh,  or 
Egyptian  privet,^  and  fountains  and  aitificial  grot- 
^^  tos,  and  kiosks  of  stained  glass.    The  garden 

9^^^*^'  terraces  are  of  polished  marble  and  the  bal- 
ustrades are  supported  by  gilded  columns.  There  are 
ponds  filled  with  gold  and  silver  fishes.  Water  is  every- 
where; one  garden-house  is  ingeniously  walled  in 
with  fountain  columns,  meant  to  bid  defiance  to  the 
fiercest  heats  and  droughts  of  summer. 

With  the  Arab-Moor  water  was  less  a  luxury  than 
a  necessary  of  life ;  ablution  was  not  more  a  religious 
ceremony  than  a  domestic  enactment.  Kor  was  this 
confined  to  the  higher  classes ;  we  are  informed  that 
among  the  poor  many  spent  their  last  dirhem-  for  soap^ 
preferring  rather  to  be  dinnerless  than  dirty.» 

As  everywhere,  eating  and  drinking  formed  an  im- 
portant element  in  their  social  economy,  but  the  special 
customs  of  the  Spanish  Arabs  in  this  matter  are  not 
easy  to  find.  It  may  be  supposed  that  they  continued 
£atingaiid  ^  foUow  the  Eastom  customs  which  they 
drinking,  brought  with  them.  After  the  morning 
prayer,  they  had  a  light  breakfast,  chiefly  of  eggs  and 
fruit ;  after  the  noonday  devotion,  a  light  dinner  or 
luncheon.    The  chief  meal  was  just  after  their  vespers, 

^  The  ro0e  is  the  chief  favorite  of  the  orientals,  and  came  with 
them  to  Spain.  Of  it  one  of  the  EhaUfs  said :  "  I  am  the  king  of 
sult&ns,  and  the  rose  is  the  king  of  sweet-scented  floweis ;  therefore, 
each  of  ns  is  most  worthy  of  the  other  for  a  companion." 

'  For  a  description  of  the  pubUc  baths,  with  their  tessellated 
pavements  of  black  and  white  marble,  their  domed  apartments, 
their  hot  and  cold  water,  etc.,  see  Lane's  ''Arabian  Nights  "  (Poole), 
note  to  ch.  ii. 


SOCIAL  LIFE.  ^311 

at  sunset  The  man  of  the  house  ate  alone^  and  the 
women  and  children  after  he  had  finished  his  meaL 
An  embroidered  cloth  or  rug  was  spread  upon  the 
floor;  and  upon  it  was  placed  a  low  tray,  set  with 
silver  and  fine  earthenware,  and  provided  with  bread 
and  limes.  The  diner  sat  on  his  low  cushion  with 
legs  crossed.  A  servant  ^poured  water  on  his  hands 
before  eating  from  a  basin  and  ewer,  which  formed  a 
necessary  part  of  the  table-furniture.  The  meal  then 
began  with  Bismillah,  for  grace ;  —  "In  the  name  of 
the  most  merciful  God : "  ^  the  right  hand  only  was 
used  in  eating,  and  with  it  the  host,  if  he  had  guests, 
transferred  choice  pieces  from  his  own  plate  to  theirs ; 
and  sometimes,  as  a  mark  of  greater  favor,  to  their 
very  mouths.  Ordinarily  there  were  soups,  boiled 
meats,  stufTed  lambs,  and  all  meats  not  forbidden. 
Very  little  water  was  taken  during  the  meal :  in  it$ 
place,  and  especially  after  the  meal,  sherbets  were 
drunk,  those  flavored  with  violet  and  made  very 
sweet  being  preferred. 

It  is  easy  to  givd>  these  details  of  domestic  archi- 
tecture and  modes  of  life;  for,  as  I  have  said,  such 
residences  remain,  and  modem  houses  are  built  upon 
the  ancient  models :  but  it  is  not  so  easy  to  coDJure 
up  in  exact  costume  the  figures  of  those  who  occu- 
pied these  houses,  lounged  in  the  courts,  and  sauntered 
in  the  gardens.  In  the  early  times  of  Is-  co^tnineB  of 
lam,  the  art  of  the  tailor  was  almost  un-  *^«™°- 
known :  the  costumes  changed  somewhat  in  the  lapse 

1  When  they  killed  an  animal  for  food,  Biamillah  was  said  first 
"by  way  of  consecration,  and  as  a  spell  against  idolatry. 


312      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

of  centuries,  and  by  contact  with  the  people  who 
were  conquered  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe;^  but^ 
as  it  was  forbidden  to  the  devout  Mohammedan  to 
depict  the  human  figure,  pictorial  art  has  left  us  little 
of  real  value  in  this  regard.  In  their  Western  move- 
ments, the  Arabs  adopted  forms  of  clothing  from  the 
Moots  and  Berbers,  and  later  in  Spain  from  the  Chris- 
tians. The  general  eflFect  was  that  of  many  folds  of 
cloth  gathered  loosely  about  the  person.  On  one  of 
the  ceilings  in  the  Alhambra  is  a  rude  picture,  prob- 
ably drawn  by  a  Christian  prisoner,  of  an  Arabian 
council  or  divan.  There  are  three  principal  figures : 
the  central  one  is  covered  by  a  turban,  formed  by 
making  the  long  cloth  into  a  roll,  and  then  twisting 
it,  and  putting  it  in  layers  around  the  head,  upon  an 
under  cloth,  with  bands  falling  at  the  sides,  which 
might  be  fastened  under  the  chin.  Over  a  long,  straight 
robe  of  light  cloth,  is  a  shorter  tunic,  and  upon  that 
a  cape  is  worn ;  there  are  fringes  upon  the  tunic  in 
several  rows,  and  one  row  at  the  bottom  of  the  cape. 
A  baldric  and  short  sword  complete  the  official  dress ; 
boots  without  heels  cover  the  feet ;  and  the  figures  sit 
upon  fringed  cushions  placed  upon  a  low  elevation 
running  around  the  room. 

For  the  common  people,  the  ordinary  dress  was 
a  gown  or  long  sack,  gathered  with  a  belt  at  the  waist ; 
beneath  were  loose  drawers  gathered  at  the  ankle; 
and  the  over-dress  was  a  large-sleeved  mantle  open 
in  front.  For  the  street  or  the  field,  sandals  were 
usually  worn ;  but  these  were  replaced  in  the  house  by 

^  See  Dozy*8  "  Dictionnaire  des  Noma  daa  YStements  chez  les 
Arabes,"  Introduction. 


SOCIAL  LIFE.  '    31Sr<^H!q:m 

heelless  slippers,  such  as  are  still  found  in  the  bazaars 
of  Tangiers  and  Morocco.  Upon  the  cloth  covering, 
falling  upon  the  back  and  sides  of  the  head  at  the  time 
of  the  conquest,  the  turban  was  adjusted,  —  white 
for  the  common  people,  green  for  the  nobles,  —  and 
continued  to  be  used,  as  we  have  seen,  for  an  official 
costume ;  but,  for  the  people  at  large,  no  long  time 
elapsed  before  the  turban  fell  into  disuse  in  Spain, 
and  a  woollen  cap  of  cylindrical  form  was  adopted  in 
its  place :  this  was  called  the  tarboosh  or  fez,  from  the 
place  of  its  origin;  tlie  favorite  colors  were  red  or 
green  for  the  Moslemah,  with  blue  tassel ;  white  was 
prescribed  for  the  Muzarabs,  and  the  Jews  were  only 
permitted  to  wear  yellow.  So  essentially  had  the 
turban  disappeared  from  Spain  in  the  lapse  of  a  cen- 
tury, that,  we  are  informed  by  Ibnu  Sa'id,  "  when  an 
Eastern  Arab  happens  to  come  among  them,  wearing 
a  turban  in  the  Syrian  or  Hejazi  fashion,  .  .  .  they 
will  burst  out  laughing  and  jest  at  the  expense  of 
the  wearer."  ^ 

The  famous  Spanish  capa,  or  cloak  of  the  present 
day,  owes  its  origin  to  no  single  .people.  Something 
like  it  was  worn  in  the  East :  the  Spanish  ,^^  Spanish 
Goths  had  it  beffare  the  Conquest.  The  ^^^^^ 
Boman  toga,  semicircular  in  form,  and  flung  *^^  ^'^^ 
over  the  left  shoulder,  was  one  of  its  types;  the 
Arab-Moors  called  it  avda,  and  used  it,  not  only  for 
comfort,  but  they  made  it,  like  the  modern  Spaniards, 
a  concealment  of  disordered  under  dress,  and  of  arms.^ 

1  AlMakkari,  L  116. 

'  As  worn  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centariea,  it  was  called 
tataynUf  a  short  doak,  which  was  expanded  into  the  capa  of  the 


314     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS.. 

According  to  Abii  Zeyd  Ibn  Khaldun^  persons  of 
royal  families  were  accustomed  to  interweave  their 
names  and  surnames  in  the  skirts  of  their  robes; 
while  the  rich  and  noble  ornamented  theirs  with  pray- 
ers and  passages  from  the  Koran,  and  were  thus 
enveloped  in  sanctity.  Unlike  the  Franks,  who  were 
proud  of  their  long  hair,  the  people  of  Andalus  wore 
their  hair  short,  with  the  exception  of  the  Kadis  and 
Ulemahs,  whose  official  dignity  was  proclaimed  by 
their  long  locks  gathered  over  the  left  ear. 

The  costume  of  the  women  was  simple,  and  similar 
to  that  of  the  men.  They  wore  their  hair  braided, 
and  a  light  cap  or  coronet  adorned  with  gems  formed 
The  clothing  ^^®  covcring  foT  the  head.  The  hair  was 
of  women,  ^om  long  on  the  sides  and  with  a  bang  in 
front.  The  side-locks  were  entwined  with  coral 
beads  and  pearls,  hung  loosely  to  chink  with  every 
movement.  There  was  a  curse  against  those  "  who 
joined  another's  hair  to  their  own."  To  send  a  person 
hair  or  the  silken  strings  that  bound  it,  was  a  token  of 
submission.  They  wore  two  long  robes, — an  inner  and 
an  outer  one,  —  the  former  only  confined  at  the  waist ; 
the  inner  robe  close-fitting,  with  sleeves,  and  the  outer 
a  saya,  or  mantle ;  they  had,  ^side,  full  drawers  and 
heelless  slippers.  These  robes  were  frequently  striped, 
and  embroidered  with  gold  and  silver.  The  long 
oblong  shawl,  or  outer  veil,  called  izdr,  —  a  covering 

present  time,  the  roost  distinctive  featare  of  modern  Spanish  costnme, 
BO  dear  to  the  native  that  '*  he  would  rather  part  with  his  skin  than 
his  cloak."  Its  form  and  dimensions  are  rigorously  prescribed ;  a 
full  circle  measuring  awen  yards  all  but  three  inches  and  a  half.  It 
is  of  sober  color,  and  is  lined  on  the  front  edges  with  black  or  green 
Telret    The  hood  of  the  talaysin  has  been  generally  dropped. 


SOCIAL  LIFE.  315 

for  concealment,  now  knoMm  and  generally  used  in 
Spain  as  the  mantilla, — ^^was  probably  adopted  from 
the  Goths  and  Hispano-Romans ;  it  was  fastened  at 
the  back  of  the  head,  and  easily  drawn  over  the  face 
and  bosom,  like  the  Eastern  veil.  It  is  the  perfection 
of  the  graceful  in  woman's  costume ;  under  this  they 
wore  the  kinda,  or  face  veil,  which  only  left  the  eyes 
visible.^  Their  ornaments  were  chiefly  necklaces  and 
braceleta  The  handkerchief  was  of  fine  stuff,  —  a  long 
oblong,  embroidered  at  the  ends  with  silk  and  gold. 

Of  the  costumes  and  weapons  of  the  army,  it  must 
be  observed  that  they  differed  much  at  different 
periods  of  the  Moslem  dominion  in  Spain,  j^^^  ^^ 
In  the  earlier  times,  and  during  their  wars  •™*"' 
with  the  Franks,  they  adopted  the  dress  and  accoutre- 
ments of  their  enemies,  —  complete  mail,  steel  hel- 
mets, and  huge  spears:'  but  later,  much  of  this 
cumbrous  armor  was  thrown  off;  and  in  their  civil 
strifes,  and  their  wars  with  the  Africans,  they  wore 
slender  breastplates,  light  head-pieces,  slim  lances, 
and  leather  bucklers.  They  had  the  long-bow  and 
the  mace ;  the  long  and  slender  spear  they  managed 
with  great  dexterity,  using  it  as  a  lance  in  rest,  or 
casting  it  as  a  javelin. 

Once  again,  when  the  Gothic  Christians,  gathering 
strength  and  courage,  began  that  movement  which 
was  to  end  in  the  entire  reconquest,  the  Moslemah 

1  Lane's  Arabian  Nights  (Poole's  edition),  I.  191.  But  this 
concealment  was  soon  abandoned  among  the  Spanish  Arabs,  whose 
treatment  of  women  greatly  abated  the  rigors  of  the  East,  still 
observed  in  Egypt. 

'  Ibna-1-Ehat{b,  History  of  Granada ;  quoted  by  Qayangos,  I. 
407. 


316      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

imitated  them  for  a  while  by  the  adoption  of  heavier 
armor,  but  threw  it  off  at  last  as  impeding  their 
celerity  of  movement.  On  the  ceiling  of  the  recess 
at  the  extremity  of  the  Patio  de  los  Leones  in  the 
Alhambra,  is  a  picture^  of  a  Moorish  battle-piece, 
painted  by  captive  Christians,  probably  of  the  twelfth 
century,  in  which  a  knight  is  represented  in  half- 
costume.  In  his  hand  is  a  spear  seven  feet  long ;  the 
shield  is  double,  —  two  ovals  joined  longitudinally ; 
the  stirrup  is  broad  and  flat,  to  rest  the  foot ;  the  bit, 
a  curb  with  a  single  rein ;  the  saddle  only  a  tree 
covered  with  cloths ;  the  housings  of  a  checked  pat- 
tern ;  the  half-armor  consists  of  a  corselet,  and  gorget 
running  round  the  shoulders,  and  the  head-covering 
is  only  a  turban,  but  with  doubtless  an  iron  lining, 
making  it  really  a  helmet.  Their  swords  were  of 
various  patterns,  —  the  short  Roman  gladivs,  for 
hacking ;  the  long  cut-and-thrust ;  and  the  sharp 
curved,  flexible  cimeter.  These  were  all  of  excellent 
workmanship:  the  secret,  no  doubt,  was  brought 
from  Damascus  ;  but  those  manufactured  at  Bordeaux, 
Seville,  and  Toledo,  were  soon  as  highly  prized  as  the 
Eastern  blades.'  The  light  bucklers  were  made  of 
antelope's  skin,  which  is  noted  for  its  toughness  and 
durability.  In  their  later  warfare,  the  cross-bow 
largely  supplanted  the  long-bow.  But  their  armor, 
offensive  and  defensive,  was  never  equal  in  strength 
and  protection  to  that  of  the  Christians.    The  intro- 

^  Plates  42  and  43  of  Murphy's  Arabian  Antiquities  of  Spain. 
London,  1818. 

a  Al  Makkari,  I.  94. 

''It  is  a  sword  of  Spain ;  the  ice-brook's  temper." 

—  Othello,  V.  2. 


SOCIAL  LIFE.  317 

duction  of  gunpowder  made  little  modification  of 
their  arms  and  armor,  as  it  had  not  begun  to  play  a 
very  important  part  before  they  were  expelled  from 
the  Peninsula. 

I  have  chosen  to  speak  more  at  length  of  Cordova, 
because  its  customs  and  manners  were  eminently  repre- 
sentative :  it  was  the  Moslem  capital,  and  held  highest 
in  the  estimation  of  the  Faithful  in  Spain.  But  each 
of  the  other  cities  had  its  peculiar  claims  to  Peoniiar 

''  claims  of 

consideration.  Toledo  was  renowned  for  other  cities, 
its  Boman  remains  and  the  twilight  of  Gothic  splen- 
dors, and  for  the  strength  of  the  Muzarabic  element 
In  Granada  the  Jewish  remnant  was  strong.  Cadiz 
contained  the  oldest  relics  of  ante-Boman  times. 
Jaen  and  the  comarca  of  Ubeda  were  famed  for  their 
dancing-girls;  and  Seville  was  known  everywhere 
for  its  excellence  in  music,  as  Cordova  was  for  its 
libraries.  Abu-1-Walid  Ibn  Boschd,  the  famous 
Averroes,  once  said,  and  doubtless  he  spoke  of  a 
notoriety  of  long  standing :  "  If  a  learned  man  dies 
at  Seville,  and  his  heirs  wish  to  sell  his  library, 
they  generally  send  it  to  Cordova  to  be  disposed  of; 
and  when,  on  the  contrary,  a  musician  dies  at  Cor- 
dova, and  his  instruments  are  to  be  sold,  the  custom 
is  to  send  them  to  Seville."^ 

The  local  literature  of  these  cities  is  very  rich,  but 
the  details  concern  rather  the  enthusiastic  traveller 
than  the  philosophic  historian. 

Note. — Dozy  has  given,  in  his  '*  Dictionnaire  des  Noms  des  Y^te- 
;v  ments  chez  les  Arabea,"  the  Arabic  names,  with  some  descriptions 

of  the  Arabian  costumes:  the  work  is  full  of  the  desultory  information 

1  Al  Makkari,  I.  42. 


318      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORa 

which  a  lexicon  affords.  In  it  he  says  that  the  Arabians  in  their 
mov^ements,  having  little  care  for  the  tailor's  art,  adopted  to  some 
extent  the  clothing  of  the  peoples  whom  they  conquered.  Thus 
from  the  Persians,  and  the  court  of  Baghdad,  they  learned  splendor 
and  luxury  in  dress.  In  the  West,  on  the  contrary,  they  adopted  the 
simple  and  coarser  dress  of  the  Moolrs  and  Berbers.  "  En  Espagne, 
surtout  pendant  la  demi&re  ^poque  de  leur  Empire  ils  tir^rent  un 
tr^  grand  parti  du  costume  des  chevaliers  Chretiens."  (Intro- 
duction, p.  2. )  In  the  twelfth  century,  they  adopted  "  the  fashion 
of  the  Christians  for  their  clothing,  arms,  bridles,  and  saddles." 
(lb.  8.)  '*  When  Philip  IL  forbade  the  Spanish  Moors  ~  Moriscoes 
—  to  wear  their  national  costume,  a  Moor  .  .  .  expressed  himself 
thus  :  '  The  costume  of  our  women  is  not  Moorish  :  it  is  provincial, 
as  in  Castile.  In  other  countries,  the  Moslem  people  differ  in  head- 
dress, in  clothes,  in  shoes ;  ...  for  that  of  Fez  is  not  like  that  of 
Tlemoen,  nor  that  of  Tunis  like  that  of  Morocco  ;  it  lb  not  the  same 
for  Turkey  and  other  empires.'"  (lb.  8,  4.)  Silk  was  permitted 
to  women,  but  forbidden  to  men,  except  a  slight  border  of  it  to 
their  robes.  The  approved  colors  were  white  and  black.  "God," 
said  the  prophet,  "loves  white  clothing,  and  created  Paradise 
white." 

The  first  dress  consisted  of  shirt  and  drawers,  then  came  a 
woollen  robe  (djobbah),  which  was  varied  afterwards  in  shape  and 
size.  This  is  called  in  the  East  a  Jba/lan,  Black  was  at  first  the 
sign  of  mourning  ;  but  the  Ehalifs  of  the  Ommeyades  in  Spain 
adopted  white  instead  ;  red  in  the  East  and  yellow  in  Morocco  were 
called  angry  or  vengeance  clothing  ("Thabillement  de  la  colore"). 
Albomoz,  or  humous^  was  a  cloak  with  hood,  used  chiefly  in  Africa, 
of  various  colors  :  it  corresponds  to  the  Egyptian  kaftan.  It  was 
somewhat  used  in  Spain  as  a  vnUer-proof,  As  a  coyering  for  the 
feet,  the  avarca^^  or  fial  boatSf  were  wide  sandals  of  untanned 
leather,  used  in  rain  and  snow.  As  in  Bible  narratives,  presents  of 
clothing,  changes  of  garments,  were  received  with  special  favor,  not 
only  for  their  intrinsic  value,  but  becanse  they  had  been  worn  by 
the  lord  or  lady  bountiful  who  presented  thenu 


THE  STSTEM  07  GOVERNMEirr.  319 


CHAPTER  in. 

THE   SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT. 

npHE  Khalif  (Khaleffeh)  was,  by  the  meaning  of 
-*■  the  word,  the  successor  or  vicar  of  the  Prophet ; 
but  this  acceptation  was  soon  extended  to  imply  that 
he  was  also  the  vicar  of  God  or  God's  vicegerent  on 
the  earth.  In  the  palmiest  days  of  the  Mohammedan 
dominion,  the  government  was  carefully  administered, 
and  with  good  results.  Of  the  earlier  times,  the  times 
of  conquest  and  invasion,  there  is  little  political  record : 
the  Khalif  appointed  viceroys  in  Egypt  and  Africa ; 
and  the  viceroys  appointed  Amirs  in  the  po^^rofthe 
western  provinces,  subject  to  the  Khalif's  ^^^^ 
sanction.  When  Spain  became  a  distinct  Ehalifate, 
throwing  off  the  Eastern  yoke  of  the  Abbasides,  and 
becoming  independent  under  Abdu-r-rahmdn,  the  new 
monarch  and  his  immediate  successors,  while  main- 
taining the  same  general  system,  called  themselves, 
until  the  accession  of  Abdu-r-rahman  III.,  Amirs,  sons 
of  the  Khalif  (Benu-1-khalayif).  That  sovereign  was 
the  first  of  the  new  dynasty  in  Spain  who  assumed 
the  title.  Prince  of  the  Believers  and  Vicar  of  Allah. 

The  dominion  of  the  Khalif  was  eminently  theo- 
cratic, and  this  was  what  preserved  it  from  being  en- 
tirely autocratic.     Of  civil  and  municipal  law  there 


320        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THK  AfiAB-MOOBS. 

were  no  special  codes ;  and,  without  a  code,  there  can 
be,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  term,  no  nationality  and 
no  patriotism.  The  Khalif  ruled  by  the  precepts, 
sometimes  vague  and  often  contradictory,  of  the  Koran, 
which  served  in  all  Mohammedan  countries  for  law 
and  for  gospel  botL  The  Arabian  annalists  take  great 
pleasure  in  recording  brilliant  acts  of  justice,  gener- 
osity, and  forgiveness  in  the  administration  of  various 
Khalifs ;  but  these  shine  as  the  voluntary  actions  of  an 
autocrat,  who,  had  he  chosen,  might  have  left  them 
undone,  or  might  have  been  guilty  of  injustice  with 
impunity.* 

He  was  indeed  supreme  in  practice ;  as  fixed 
groilkids  of  administration  were  wanting,  the  opinions 
TheKhAiif  ^^^  caprices  of  one  man  took  the  place  of 
•upreme.  ^^w,  uutil  his  intolerable  oppression,  rousing 
the  people  to  fury,  caused  them  to  depose  the  tyrant, 
and  rally  under  the  revolutionary  banner  of  some 
adventurer  who  became  a  tyrant  in  his  turn.  And 
yet,  under  the  great  expounders  of  the  Koran,  a  sys- 
tem of  political  ethics  was  attempted :  and  that  can 
hardly  be  called  an  absolute  dominion  which  in  prac- 
tice must  govern  itself  by  religious  laws  read  in 
every  mosque ;  expounded  by  the  Friday  preachers ; 
taught  in  the  schools ;  and,  by  divine  authority,  made 
quite  as  binding  upon  the  governors  as  upon  the 
governed.  If  the  monarch  governed  within  the  limits 
set  by  the  Kordn  and  the  Sunneh,  loyalty  was  implic- 
itly demanded  by  these ;  if  he  overstepped  these  limits, 
he  forfeited  his  throne. 

^  See  the  stories  of  Al-mansdr  and  Al-mn'ataBsem  :  Al  Makkari, 
I.  188. 


THE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT.  321 

After  the  death  of  the  Prophet,  and  until  the  ac- 
cession of  Mu'awiyah,  the  Khalif  was  elected  by  the 
people,  or  by  their  representatives.  Mu'dwiyah  made 
it  hereditary;  and  without  distinct  enactment,  the 
custom  obtained  that  the  Khalif  chose  his  AtiiMteieo- 
successor,  from  among  his  own  sons,  not  **^*- 
necessarily  by  primogeniture,  but  by  a  consideration 
of  fitness.  These  sons  were  carefully  educated  to  make 
the  choice  easy  and  just  This  is  exactly  analogous 
to  the  growth  of  English  monarchy  before  the  Con- 
quest The  kings  were  elected  by  the  Witenagemot, 
but  the  choice,  at  first  entirely  free,  was  soon  limited 
to  the  royal  family,  and  by  custom  the  eldest  son :  by 
tradition  it  has  remained  so  ever  since. 

Starting  with  this  supremacy  of  the  Elhalif  as 
absolute  monarch  and  high  pontiff,  —  "the  vicar  of 
God,"  "the  shadow  of  God," — we  find  the  system 
of  government  taking  form  in  the  appointment  of 
Dlemas,^  or  wise  men, — the  Moslem  Witenagemot, 
— a  body  which  in  later  days  contained  three  classes, 
—  the  Imdms,  who  were  the  chief  ministers  of  re- 
ligion ;  the  Muftis,  who  expounded  the  law ;  and  the 
Khadia,  or  dispensers  of  justice. 

From  a  work  by  Ibnu  Sa'id,  written  in  the  thirteenth 
century,  entitled  "  Shining  Stars  in  the  Just  and  Par- 
tial Descriptions  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  Govern- 
ments," we  may  gather  the  special  offices  and  methods 
of  administration.  "The  title  of  WizCr," 
says  Ibnu  Khaldun,  under  the  Sultans  of 
Cordova,  was  given  to  certain  functionaries,  in  whose 

^  Vlemah  ia  a  noun  of  multitnde,  or  plural  form,  from  Alim^ 
wiae,  like  the  mUna  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 
VOL.  II.  21 


322      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

hands  rested  the  management  of  public  affairs  and 
each  of  whom  had  under  his  care  one  branch  of  the  ad- 
ministration :  thus  there  were  Wizks  at  the  heads  of  the 
financial  department,  the  foreign  relations,  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  and  redress  of  injuries :  lastly,  the  care 
of  the  frontiers,  and  the  provision  and  equipment  of 
the  troops,  would  each  constitute  a  separate  and  inde- 
pendent office  under  the  special  care  of  a  wizlr.^  These 
were  generally  chosen  from  noble  families,  and  after  a 
time  the  title  became  more  or  less  hereditary,  like  that 
of  the  Khalif ;  and  at  last  included  all  those  who  were 
admitted  to  the  monarch's  privacy,  or  sat  in  his  council 
Thus  the  title  became  honorary.^  The  general  charge 
of  affairs  was  confided  to  a  Grand  Wizir,  or  prime 
minister  (often  created  viceroy),  known  as  the  nayib, 
Nayib  and  ^  ^^^^®  borrowcd  from  Egypt  j  and  some  of 
^^^'  the  other  ministers,  wizirs  at  the  head  of 
departments,  were  called  hagibs, —  men  who  screened 
or  curtained  the  Khalif,  shutting  or  opening  his  door  at 
appointed  times,  and  standing  with  him  when  he  gave 
audiences.*  The  appointment  or  the  family  succession 
in  the  wizlrate  was  of  course  always  subject  to  the 
approval  of  the  Khalif.  The  nayib  and  hagibs  were  of 
his  own  appointment ;  but  it  will  be  readily  seen  that> 

^  The  word  vnzdrah  means  the  act  of  supporting  a  weight ;  i.  e., 
easing  the  Ehalifs  burden.  Other  deriyations  have  been  proposed 
from  wezer,  a  refuge,  uzr,  back  or  strength.  The  general  meaning  is 
the  same. 

^  From  the  Arabic  AUwaziVf  the  Spaniards  have  made  Alguazil» 
^  Gayangos,  I.  app.  xzix.     The  titles  hagib  and  wizir  became 
somewhat  interchangeable  ;  but  originally  the  hagib  had  the  more 
important  functions,  and  stood  as  an  intermediary  between  the  Kha- 
lif and  all  others,  including  the  ¥dziT8. 


THE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT.  323 

as  in  other  countries,  weak  monaichs  would  be  con* 
trolled  by  their  ministers ;  and  in  later  reigns,  more 
than  once,  the  hagib  became  a  maire  du  palais,  as  in 
the  Merovingian  times  in  France,  and,  deposing  the 
monarch,  seated  himself  upon  the  throne.  It  is  re- 
corded of  Abdu-r-rahman  III.  that  he  was  so  pleased 
with  one  of  his  ministers,  Ibn  Shoheyd,  that  he  doubled 
his  functions  and  salary,  making  him  Dkiirl-nnzarateyn 
(holder  of  the  double  wizirate),  the  first  functionary 
of  Andalus  upon  whom  that  title  was  conferred.^ 

In  considering  the  authority  of  the  monarch  and  the 
strength  of  his  administration,  we  must  not  fail  to 
give  due  weight  to  the  popular  element  in  the  politi- 
cal problem.  During  the  rule  of  the  Ommeyades  in 
Spain,  it  was  not  of  infrequent  occurrence  that  gov- 
ernors and  judges  were  pelted  and  itisulted  when  the 
people  thought  their  decisions  unjust ;  and  so  jealous 
was  the  mob  for  the  faith  of  Islam,  that  if  the  Khalif 
or  any  of  his  favorites  had  displayed  heretical  ten- 
dencies, the  populace  would  have  stormed  the  palace 
in  spite  of  the  body-guard,  and  torn  the  guilty  person 
to  pieces.* 

Thus  autocracy  and  democracy  met  on  the  common 
ground  of  a  creed  which  made  the  Khalif  and  the 
meanest  of  his  people  equal  in  the  eyes  of  Allah  and 
in  their  own  estimation. 

Under  the  hagibs,  the  official  correspondence  was 
conducted  by  hatibs^  or  under-secretaries ;  j^^xm  or 
and,  as  much  of  this  was  of  a  secret  nature,  secretaries 
—  especially  that  of  a  diplomatic  character,  that  con- 

^  Al  Makkari,  Moliammedan  Dynasties,  II.  150. 
2  lb.  I.  112. 


324     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

ceming  the  residence  and  protection  of  Christians 
and  Jews,  and  that  with  the  provincial  governors,  — 
the  katibs  were  important  and  confidential  servants 
of  the  government. 

The  whole  subject  of  the  assessment  and  collection 
of  the  revenues  was  placed,  under  the  ministers,  in 
the  hands  of  the  sdhUm-l-ashgal  (master  of  the  occu- 
pations), who  ranked  among  the  wizirs,  and  con- 
ducted this  department  with  great  exactitude^  His 
financial  importance  was  from  the  first  a  develop- 
ment, as  originally  the  duty  was  confided  to  clever, 
liberated  slaves.  It  rose  with  the  Almohades,  and 
again  sank,  under  the  growing  power  of  the  Aagibs.^ 
The  revenues  from  taxes  were  all  included  under  the 
generic  nvkme  sazakah,  ''that  which  every  true  believer 
offers  to  God/'^  The  remaining  revenues  included 
special  tributes,  and  the  lai^e  sums  paid  by  Christians 
and  Jews  in  exchange  for  permission  to  live  and 
retain  their  religions. 

The  executive  cabinet  being  thus  formed,  we  turn 
next  to  the  department  of  justice,  which  was  confided 
Kddii,ui«  wilder  the  special  wizlr,  to  numerous  judges,  or 
thSP  **'  kddis,  who  were  possessed  of  extraordinary 
powers.  powers.  Law  courts  and  juries,  as  we  now 
know  them,  did  not  exist ;  but  there  were  two  tribu- 
nals, the  great  and  the  small  shartah,  the  head  of  each 
being  called  sdhHyii,  and  the  sdhibu  of  the  great  shortah 
could  investigate  and  punish  offences  committed  by 

^  Gayangos,  I.  App.  XXXII. 

'  Thisinclnded  a  tenth  of  the  products  of  land ;  one  out  of  forty 
cattle,  sheep,  etc.  ;  a  tax  of  two  and  one  half  per  cent  on  imports 
and  exports.    Ornaments  and  books  were  not  taxed. 


THE  STSTEM  OF  GOYEBNMENT.  325 

people  of  the  highest  degree,  including  princes  of  the 
blood.  The  head  of  the  small  shortah  only  had  cog- 
nizance of  crimes  and  misdemeanors  committed  by  the 
lower  classes.  Thus  justice  was  administered  "in  the 
gates,"  upon  an  elevated  seat,  surrounded  by  guards. 
Each  party  to  any  suit  could  plead  his  own  cause 
before  the  kddi  or  sahib,  but  the  head  of  the  house- 
hold was  supreme  in  cases  affecting  wives  and  children. 
The  power  of  the  judges  grew  to  be  fixed  and  irrever- 
sible, and  Ibnii  Sa'id  tells  us  that ''  whenever  a  judge 
summoned  the  Khalif,  his  son,  or  any  of  his  beloved 
favorites,  to  appear  in  his  presence  as  a  witness  in  a 
judicial  case,  whoever  was  the  individual  summoned 
would  attend  in  person,  —  if  the  Khalif,  out  of  respect 
for  the  law ;  and  if  a  subject,  for  fear  of  incurring  his 
master's  displeasure."  ^ 

The  authority  of  the  kddis  took  cognizance  of  all 
offences  against  morality,  and  they  could  punish  any 
offender  with  death.  Among  the  Eastern  Arabs, 
and  probably  in  Spain,  a  first  theft  was  punished  by 
the  loss  of  the  left  hand,  and  plunging  the  stump 
into  boiling  tar  or  oil ;  a  second,  by  cutting  off  the 
left  foot ;  a  third,  the  right  hand ;  a  fourth,  the  right 
foot ;  at  last  by  death  I 

Among  these  officers  of  justice  was  one  in  each 
town  called  the  mohtesib,  whose  duty  it  was,  like 
a  similar  functionary  in  Turkey  at  the  present  day 
(mohtesib  ago),  to  ride  through  the  shops  and  markets 
daily,  with  an  attendant  carrying  a  pair  of  scales ; 
he  fixed  weights,  measures,  and  prices,  and  punished 

1  Eit4bii-l-mugh'rab,  "Shining  Stars,"  etc.,  quoted  by  Al 
Makkari. 


326      CONQUEST   OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOKS. 

false  weights  aud  measures^  and  attempts  at  extor- 
tion, with  great  severity. 

•To  guard  against  the  entrance  of  robbers,  who  in- 
fested the  environs  of  cities,  at  each  gate  were  watch- 
Night  men  with    dark    lanterns,   who    patrolled 

watchmen  In        ..  ,  i         .,i        .  j 

the  city.  Within  and  without,  and  were  m  easy 
communication  with  a  main  guard.  To  proclaim  their 
vigilance,  they  cried  from  time  to  time,  "Allah-il- 
Allah,"  or  varied  this  with  sentences  from  the  Koran, 
or  called  upon  the  Faithful  to  "  attest  the  Unity  "  (of 
God). 

The  provinces,  generally  seven  in  number,  were 
intrusted  to  the  care  of  walis,  or  governors,  who  re- 
ported at  stated  times  to  the  central  government,  but 
who  often,  like  the  Boman  proconsuls,  aspired  to 
independent  authority,  and  thus  gave  a  momentum 
to  the  decline  of  Arabian  power  in  the  Peninsula. 

In  order  to  give  greater  importance  to  the  autocratic 
Khalif  in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  he  was  enthroned  in 
great  and  costly  splendor,  and  surrounded  by  a  very 
numerous  body-guard,  chosen  from  the  laige  armies 
which  were  kept  on  foot  for  foreign  wars,  and  to 
guard  against  invasions.  In  this  the  Spanish  Khalifa 
The  army  vicd  with  the  orientals.  In  the  palmy  days 
throne.  of  the  Spanish  Khalifate,  when  a  review  of 
six  hundred  thousand  foot  and  three  hundred  thou- 
sand horse  is  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the  plains 
of  Cordova,  this  guard  of  picked  soldiers,  splendidly 
equipped,  numbered  twelve  thousand  men,  one  third 
Christians :  they  were  oflScered  by  members  of  the  royal 
family,  and  were  in  that  day  what  the  garde  imp4riaU 
was  to  the  first  Napoleon.    To  keep  up  such  a  force 


THE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVEKNMENT.  327 

and  such  a  court,  it  was  "  necessary  for  the  Khalifs  to 
impose  new  tributes  on  their  Moslem  subjects,  although 
every  exaction  of  the  kind  is  expressly  forbidden  by 
the  text  of  the  law."^  In  the  days  of  Abdu-r- 
rahman  I.  this  sum  was  about  seven  millions  of 
dollars  (300,000  dinars) ;  it  had  increased  in  the  days 
of  Abdu-r-rahman  III.  to  more  than  fifteen  millions  of 
dollars.  The  stories  of  the  luxurious  splendor  in 
which  the  Spanish  Khalifs  indulged  read  like  those 
in  the  Arabian  Nights. 

I  have  already  referred,  somewhat  at  length,  to  the 
treatment  of  the  Jews  and  Christians.  Abstractly 
considered,  the  problem  was  not  a  difficult  j,,^  ^^^^ 
one,  but  practically  it  was  rendered  troub-  Jiwsand 
lesome  by  religious  rancor  and  prejudice,  christians. 
Eigorous  in  obeying  the  requirements  of  their  own 
creed,  and  believing  all  others  to  be  imperfect  and 
false,  it  is  still  to  be  observed  that  the  Moslemah 
were  far  more  tolerant  to  unbelievers  of  every  relig- 
ion, than  Christian  sects  have  been  in  later  periods 
to  each  other,  and  than  Christians  have  been  in  all 
ages  to  the  Jews.  This  partial  toleration  has  been 
one  strong  reason  for  the  comparative  ease  with  which 
they  have  fastened  their  yoke  upon  conquered  na- 
tions. Apostates  only  were  punished  with  death. 
Those  who  paid  the  required  tribute  were  free  in  the 
exercise  of  their  religion.  And  this  toleration  was  a 
generous  thought,  as  well  as  a  politic  enactment  of 
their  Prophet ;  for  it  would  seem  that  the  very  genius 
of  their  faith  gave  them  the  abstract  right  to  destroy 
all  unbelievers. 

»  Al  Makkari,  I.  110. 


328        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 


• 


.  All  the  Christians  in  Cordova,  Seville,  Toledo,  and 
other  large  cities  under  Moslem  dominion,  adopted 
the  language  and  manners  of  their  conquerors,  and 
The  Mo*.  ^^^  therefore  called  Mozarabes,  or  Mus- 
*"*^  arabs,  or  "  such  as  imitated  the  Arabs."  To 
meet  their  religious  needs,  the  Scriptures  and  the 
Visigothic  liturgy  of  the  church  were  translated  into 
Arabic.  This  service,  long  sung  in  the  land  of  their 
captivity,  became  greatly  endeared  to  them;  and 
when,  in  the  ever-progfessing  march  of  the  Spanish 
monarchs,  the  Christians  of  Toledo  were  redeemed 
from  their  bondage  by  Alfonso  VI.,  they  were  un- 
willing to  give  up  their  liturgy  for  the  newer  form 
of  the  Spanish  Gregorian ;  it  was  translated  into  the 
modem  tongue,  and  long  kept  as  el  oficio  muzarahe} 
The  reciprocal  eflfect  of  these  translations  was  seen 
in  the  growing  familiarity  of  both  Christians  and 
Arabians  with  the  literature  and  language  of  each 
other. 

I  have  already  referred  briefly  to  the  treatment  of 
women  by  the  Mohammedans :  it  was  an  immense 
Btumatoof  i™provement  upon  what  the  Prophet  found 
women.  whcu  he  was  excogitating  his  system ;  but 
the  more  benign  inculcations  of  the  Koran  could  not 
avert  the  petty  tyranny  of  their  lords  and  the  strong 
prejudice  against  them.  It  was  asserted  by  tradition 
that  the  Prophet  had  declared, ''  I  stood  at  the  gate 

^  The  attempt  to  deriye  Momrah^  from  Jfuaa-Arab,  as  if  they 
owed  their  priyileges  to  Muza  Ibn  Nossejr,  fails;  for  the  city  suiren- 
dered  not  to  Musa,  but  to  Tarik,  and  if  it  had  surrendered  to  Musa, 
the  word  should  be,  not  J^usa-Ardb,  but  Musa-Gothi.  —  Al  Mak- 
KARi,  I.  420.  El  oficio  Muzarabe  may  be  found  in  full,  in  "Espa&a 
Sagrada,"  vol.  ill.,  Appendix. 


THE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVERNMENT.  329 

of  Paradise,  and  lo !  most  of  its  inmates  were  the 
poor;  and  I  stood  at  the  gate  of  Hell,  and  lo  !  most  of 
its 'inmates  were  women."  So  cunning  and  wicked 
were  they  esteemed  that  it  had  passed  into  a  proverb : 
"  Consult  a  woman,  and  then  do  just  the  opposite  of 
what  she  tells  thee."  The  Arabian  gave  them  no  place 
in  the  moral  and  spiritual  world.  They  were  only  of 
value  from  their  physical  and  animal  points,  which 
were  tabulated  in  a  standard  of  fours,  A  woman 
should  have  four  things  hlaclc,  namely,  hair,  eyebrows, 
eyelashes,  and  the  dark  part  of  the  eyes ;  four  things 
vihiJU^  namely,  the  skin,  the  white  of  the  eyes,  the 
teeth,  and  the  legs ;  four  red,  namely,  the  tongue,  the 
lips,  the  middle  of  the  cheek,  and  the  gams ;  four 
Townd^  namely,  the  head,  the  neck,  the  fore-arm,  and 
the  ankle ;  four  l(nvg,  —  the  back,  the  fingers,  the  arms, 
and  the  legs ;  four  wOe,  —  the  forehead,  the  eyes, 
the  bosom,  and  the  hips ;  four  (hicky  —  the  lower 
part  of  the  back,  the  thighs,  the  calves,  and  the 
knees ;  four  dmall^  — the  ears,  the  breast,  the  hands, 
and  the  'feet. 

Intelligence  she  could  only  need  to  amuse  her  mas- 
ter. Her  chastity,  concealed  by  a  veil  in  public,  was 
shut  up  in  a  seraglio  and  guarded  by  eunuchs.^  For 
the  pleasure  of  their  masters  slaves  were  taught  to 
sing  and  play  upon  the  lute  —  d  'ood  —  and  to  dance 
lasciviously.  Thus  woman  was  at  once  the  slave  of 
man's  power  and  the  goddess  of  his  lust 

.  ^  These  eunuchs  were  Northern  giants,  taken  prisoners  by  the 
Franks,  mutilate^,  and  sold  at  the  frontier  to  Andalusian  mer- 
chants ;  but,  Al  Makkari  adds  (I.  76),  some  of  the  Moslems  "have 
already  learnt  that  art  from  the  Franks,  and  now  exercise  it  quite  as 
well  as  they  do." 


330      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THB  ABAB-MOORS. 

Such  was  the  vicious,  underlying  principle  from 
which  no  scheme  of  real  advancement  for  women 
i^jiyg^  could  spring :  but  although  the  uncommon 
gacy.  passions   of   the  Prophet  caused    him  to 

amend  the  Kordn  by  direct  revelation,  allowing  him 
any  number  of  wives,^  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that 
his  system,  bad  as  it  was,  was  better  than  the  pro- 
miscuous concubinage  which  it  superseded ;  it  rather 
restrained  an  existing  polygamy  than  established  it 
as  a  new  custom  for  his  people.  The  number  of 
wivQS  permitted  to  a  Moslem  by  the  Koran  was  four, 
—  whereas  before  most  of  them  had  eight  or  nine,  — 
and  they  might  be  of  his  own  faith,  or  Christians  or 
Jewesses ;  but  no  Mohammedan  woman  might  many 
any  one  but  a  Mohammedan.  While  most  men  con- 
sidered themselves  at  liberty  to  have  as  many  concu- 
bines and  slaves  as  they  pleased  besides  their  wives, 
the  more  strictly  religious  were  of  the  opinion  that 
they  were  limited  to  four  women,  whether  wives  or 
concubines.^ 

A  wife  might  be  twice  divorced  and  twice  taken  back 
with  or  without  consulting  her  wishes;  but  if  divorced 
a  third  time  she  could  not  be  taken  again  without 
her  consent.  Thus,  a  man  having  four  wives  might 
divorce  one  every  month,  and  give  great  va- 
^^^^  riety  to  his  household.  The  Koran  and  the 
Sunneh  prescribe  a  table  of  kindred  and  affinity  with- 
in which  a  man  may  not  marry,  not  unlike  that  pre- 
scribed by  the  Church  of  England  ;  it  was,  however, 

1  "  No  crime  is  to  be  charged  on  the  Prophet  as  to  what  God  hath 
allowed  him."  —  Kordn,  ch.  xzxiii. 

^  Laho's  Arabian  Nights,  notes  to  ch.  ir. 


THE  STSTEM  OF  GOYEENMENT.  331 

common  to  choose  as  a  wife  a  cousin,  the  daughter 
of  a  paternal  uncle,  because  there  was  already  a  tie 
of  blood,  and,  in  many  cases,  an  affection  conbeived  in 
early  life.  As  girls  arrive  at  maturity  in  the  East  at 
an  early  age,  they  were  often  married  at  ten  or  twelve 
years,  —  the  Prophet's  wife,  Ayesha,  was  only  nine, 
—  a  custom  somewhat  modified  by  climate  in  Spain. 
The  marriage  contract  might  be  only  verbal ;  but  the 
better  classes  confirmed  it  before  the  Kddi,  and  for 
them  the  ceremonies  of  betrothal  and  espousal  were 
elaborate  and  splendid.  The  Mohammedans  claim 
that  their  system  of  polygamy  does  away  with  the 
profligacy  so  rife  among  Christian  people :  in  point 
of  fact  it  only  legalizes  a  profligacy  which  is  acknowl- 
edged to  be  criminal  among  Christians. 

The  permission  granted  to  the  believers  to  marry 
Christian  women  led  to  much  admixture  of  blood  in 
southern  Spain ;  and  thus,  while  statistics  are  entirely 
wanting  for  determining  the  contingent  of  Moorish 
blood  at  the  present  day,  and  while  the  pride  spaninh 
of  the  Spanish  nation  vaunts  th§  mngre  azvl  p"^"^^®** 
of  the  Goths,  and  despises  the  Moor,  who  taught  him 
so  much,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  Moorish  polyg- 
amy has  left  its  permanent  impression,  as  every  trav- 
eller who  sees  the  dark-eyed  beauties  of  Cadiz,  with 
their  raven  hair  adorned  with  a  single  flower,  and 
their  swimming  gait — an  Arabian  fashion,  and  a  very 
pretty  one  —  will  be  ready  to  admit.  The  reaction 
against  this  false  pride  has  already  begun  in  Seville ; 
and  the  more  the  wonders  of  their  Mohammedan 
period  are  studied,  the  sooner  will  it  entirely  disap- 
pear.    I  am  disposed  to  think  that  the  system  of 


332      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABA.B-MOORS. 

polygamy^  repulsive  as  it  always  is,  is  less  so  as 
exhibited  among  the  Arab-Moors  in  Spain  than  else- 
where. The  intuitive  warmth  and  poetic  imagina- 
tion of  the  ardent  Arabian  nature  were  moulded  and 
tempered  by  their  contact  with  the  Christians.  Ro- 
mantic love  adventures,  in  which  Christian  knights 
wooed  Moorish  maidens,  or  valiant  sheyks  fascinated 
Christian  damsels,  displayed  a  spirit  less  sensuous 
than  that  of  the  Eastern  harem,  and  an  atmosphere 
more  favorable  to  real  conjugal  attachment  than  was 
to  be  found  among  the  degraded  races  of  the  East 
womim  be!r  In  Spain,  the  condition  of  woman  was  con- 

ter  treated  ^ 

in  Spain.  stautly  improving,  while  the  counter  process 
of  degradation  has  been  constantly  going  on  in  the 
first  seats  of  Mohammedan  power.  The  poets  among 
Spanish  Arabs  sang  the  charms  of  woman's  loveliness 
in  as  witching  and  tender  strains  as  Moore,  in  **  The 
light  of  the  Harem ; "  while  from  the  seraglio  itself 
have  come  forth  from  woman's  lips  notes  of  true 
poetry,  showing  her  culture  and  the  elevation  of  her 
mind,  and  claiming  loyal  respect  and  affection  as  her 
right. 

With  this  brief  summary  of  the  system  of  govern- 
ment and  of  social  and  domestic  life  among  the 
Spanish  Arabs,  I  wish  to  call  attention  once  more  to 
the  important  fact  that  the  practical  administration 
of  such  a  system,  political  and  social,  was  founded 
The  power     upou  the  iuculcatious  of  the  Kor&n,  which 

of  the  *  ' 

KorAn.  controlled  alike  the  governor  and  the  gov- 
erned in  all  the  circumstances  of  life.  The  Khalif 
was  amenable  to  its  decrees,  and  his  every  act  was 
scrutinized  by  the  people,  who  could  judge,  if  they 


THE  SYSTEM  OF  GOVEBNMENT.  333 

could  not  punish.  His  appointments  to  ofBice  were 
not  the  result  of  favoritism,  but  of  a  desire  to  secure 
the  best  men,  suited  to  their  several  positions  hj 
their  learning,  energy,  and  probity.  As  they  received 
neither  salary  nor  fees,  the  selections  were  made  among 
the  rich,  or  the  appointees  were  made  rich,  so  that 
there  might  be  no  temptation  to  dishonesty,  *'lest 
their  poverty  should  induce  them  to  covet  the  prop- 
erty of  others,  and  sell  justice  to  the  pleaders."  ^  Thus 
the  great  desire  of  all  public  officers  was  to  gain 
an  extended  reputation  for  wisdom,  dignity,  and 
probity. 

1  Al  liakkari,  1. 108. 


334     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBa 


BOOK    X 

THE  INTELLECTUAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE 

ARAB-MOORS. 


CHAPTER  L 

THE  ABABIC  LANGUAGE:   POETRY. 

T  PROPOSE  now  to  consider  very  briefly  the  intel- 
-*•  lectual  culture  and  development  of  the  Arabians 
in  Spain,  which,  finding  their  source  in  the  East,  and 
fostered  by  emulation  and  national  ambition,  were 
to  be  felt  and  imitated  by  western  Europe,  which, 
while  Cordova  was  the  shining  seat  of  science  and 
learning,  was  yet  lying  in  comparative  darkness  and 
bartarism.  Nothing  further  can  be  attempted  in  the 
limits  of  this  work  than  a  slight  synoptical  sketch  of 
their  progress  in  literature,  in  art,  in  the  mathemati- 
cal and  physical  sciences,  and  in  philosophy,  with 
such  references  to  authorities  as  will  enable  the 
reader  to  enter  upon  a  more  extended  study  for  him- 
self. Instead  of  giving  details,  I  can  only  mention 
the  principal  steps  and  the  great  results  of  their 
intelligence  and  industry.  For  this  extended  study, 
the  achievements  of  the  Mohammedans  at  the  East, 
the  glorious  civilization  of  Baghdad,  to  which  I  have 
already  referred,  must  be  passed  in  review.     I  can 


THE  ABABIC  LANGUAGE.  335 

only  mention  in  brief  what  was  achieved  in  the 
Peninsula. 

The  foremost  topic  in  this  inquiry  is  the  Arabic 
language.  It  was  a  full,  powerful,  and  flexible  in- 
strument, singularly  distinct  from  those  of  the  sur- 
rounding nations.  As  early  as  the  middle  j^^  j^^^^  j 
of  the  sixth  century  of  our  era,  only  eighteen  ^»°p»«««' 
years  after  the  death  of  the  Prophet,  it  had  a  com- 
plete grammar.  Of  the  Shemitic  or  oriental  family 
of  languages,  it  is  known  as  the  sovihem  branch,  the 
Aramaic  being  the  northern,  and  the  Hebrew  the 
middle ;  such  were  its  relationships.  It  has  no  al- 
liance, yet  discovered,  with  the  Indo-European  lan- 
guages, which  are  all  of  the  Aryan  family.  The 
chief  feature  in  it  to  be  observed  is  what  may  be 
called  its  concerUrcUion.  In  a  country  kept  singularly 
distinct  from  its  neighbors,  patriarchal  and  primitive, 
free  from  foreign  incursions,  it  remained  almost  the 
same  in  the  lapse  of  time,  and  suffered  less  than  most 
other  languages  from  dialectic  differences. 

The  Aramaic,  itself  a  corrupted  speech,  owing  its 
origin  to  the  Hebrew,  was  formerly  spoken  in  the 
countries  lying  between  the  Mediterranean  and  Per- 
sia on  the  one  side,  and  bounded  by  Asia  Minor 
or  Armenia  on  the  other.  Divided  into  the  East 
Aramaic,  improperly  called  Chaldaic,  and  the  West 
Aramaic  or  Syriac,  it  partook  in  the  former  of  the 
Hebrew  and  Babylonian,  and  in  the  latter  branch  it 
became  tinctured  with  Greek,  Latin,  Persian,  and 
Arabic.^ 

The  Hebrew,  the  vehicle  of  the  ancient  Scriptures, 

^  Herzog's  Ecclesiastical  Encyclopeedia :  Aramaic. 


336        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

long  but  erroneously  considered  the  original  language 
of  mankind,  though  scattered  in  the  numerous  dis- 
persions and  final  conquest^  has  retained  its  identity 
by  reason  of  its  sacred  character,  and  has  been^  al- 
though called  a  dead  language,  a  half-living  language 
in  all  parts  of  the  world. 

The  Arabic,  indigenous  in  Arabia,  }^B3,  by  reason  of 
the  concentration  of  which  I  have  spoken,  a  very 
Of  the  marked  and  powerful  individuality;  its 
fiimuy.  structure  is  strong  and  its  vocabulary  full 
Among  its  older  documents,  and  before  its  adoption 
of  the  present  alphabet,  it  is  found  in  the  Himyaritic 
inscriptions,  which  tell  us  of  a  legendary  king  of 
Yemen  named  Himyar,  and  of  a  dynasty,  steadily 
emerging  into  the  light  of  true  history,  from  about  a 
century  and  a  half  before  Christ  until  several  centu- 
ries after.  It  was  early  divided  into  two  principal 
dialects,  the  northern  and  southern,  of  which  the 
former  is  the  purer,  —  the  language  of  the  Koran. 
With  the  adoption  of  an  alphabet  it  became  fixed 
before  the  days  of  Mohammed,  and  was  kept  in  its 
purity  by  the  Koreish,  whose  central  residence  was 
at  Mecca,  and  who  had  the  charge  of  the  Kaaba. 
The  fiwt  set  of  characters  used  in  writing  was  the 
Kufic,  which  was  soon  superseded  by  those  at  present 
in  use,  called  the  Neskhi,  Like  the  other  Shemitic 
languages  it  is  read  from  right  to  left,  and  each  letter 
of  the  alphabet  has  four  forms,  —  the  iBolated,  the 
initial,  the  medial,  and  the  finaL^    There  are  seven 

^  The  change  made  in  European  languages,  reading  from  left  to 
right,  was  a  progressive  improvement  of  the  Greeks ;  they  read  the 
first  line  from  right  to  left,  and  the  second  from  left  to  right,  and 


THE  ARABIC  LANGUAGK  337 

styles  of  writing,  but  we  have  as  many,  —  the  Anglo- 
Saxon,  Old  English,  Boman  capitals  and  small  letters, 
Italics,  etc.  We  have  already  seen  that  before  the 
advent  of  Mohammed  they  were  not  without  literary 
enterprise.  like  the  Greeks  at  the  Olympic  and 
Isthmian  games,  and  perhaps  in  imitation  of  them, 
they  recited  poems  on  the  occasion  of  great  public 
festivities,  the  most  successful  of  which  won  prizes 
and  were  carefully  preserved  among  the  national 
treasures.  Seven  of  the  most  celebrated  of  these, 
called  the  Arabian  Pleiades,  were  engrossed  in  letters 
of  gold,  on  cloth  of  a  fine  texture  made  of  flax 
or  silk,  called  bt/ss^is,  and  hung  upon  the  j.^^,y 
walls  of  the  holy  house  at  Mecca :  hence  p<^*^- 
they  were  called  MoaUakfit,  the  suspended,  and  Mod- 
hahabat,  the  golden  verses.  These  poems,  presented  to 
English  readers  in  the  accurate  translations  of  Sir 
William  Jones,  and  standing  as  the  earliest  models 
of  Arabian  verse,  describe  the  nomadic  life  of  the 
primitive  Bedouins ;  the  praise  of  woman,  —  with  a 
neck  like  the  gazelle,  with  long  black  locks,  waving 
like  the  fronded  palm,  with  a  figure  slender  and 
flexible;  the  joys,  pains,  and  rhapsodies  of  love, 
intermingled  with  mythological  romances  and  heroic 
adventures,  and  with  pictures  of  the  chase  and  the 
splendor  of  festivals.  Fresnel,  in  his  "Lettres  sur 
THistoire  des  Arabes  avant  Tlslamisme,"  says :  "  It  was 
in  this  congress  of  Arabian  poets  (and  almost  every 
warrior  was  a  poet  in  the  age  I  am  considering)  that 
the  dialects  of  Arabia  became  fused  into  a  magic 

80  on ;  they  called  this  pownpo<prii6iif,  or  turning  like  ploughing 
oxen,  in  alternate  furrows. 

VOL.  II.  22 


fl 


338        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AKAB-MOORS. 

language,  the  language  of  Hejaz,  which  Mohammed 
made  use  of  to  subvert  the  world ;  for  the  triumph 
of  Mohammedanism  is  nothing  else  than  the  triumph 
of  speech."^ 

Such  was  the  feeble  dawn  of  Arabian  literature ; 
the  trial  of  callow  wings  which  were  soon  to  essay  a 
higher  flight ;  the  entrance  from  the  age  of  ignorance 
to  its  fird  great  period,  at  the  threshold  of  which 
stands  Mohammed  holding  aloft  the  Koran,  as  the 
universal  teacher.  As  the  vehicle  of  this  new  scrip- 
ture, the  language  has  from  that  time  to  this  retained 
its  vitality.  Its  sisters,  the  Hebrew  and  the  Ara- 
maic, are  for  all  oral  purposes  dead:  it  remains  a 
living  language.  Ali,  the  cousin  and  son-in-law  of 
Mohammed,  was  the  first  to  cherish  letters,  writing 
much  himself  especially  in  the  way  of  proverbial  phi- 
losophy; while  to  Mu'awiyah,  the  first  of  the  Om- 
meyades  in  the  East,  is  due  the  introduction  of  Greek 
literature  and  the  liberal  protection  of  men  of  letters. 

Wherever  the  conquerors  marched  and  subdued, 
they  presented  their  language  to  the  conquered,  either 
supplanting  or  greatly  modifying  other  tongues.  The 
Koran  was  everywhere  the  great  teacher  both  of  re- 
ligion and  grammar.  Commentaries  were  written; 
traditions  collected  in  works  like  the  Sunneh ;  doc- 
trinal expositions  and  schemes  of  civil  law  were  ex- 
cogitated ;  schools  sprang  up  around  the  mosques ; 
Arabic  versions  of  works  existing  in  other  languages 
were  made;  and  soon  original  Arabian  authorship 
was  encouraged,  in  history,  science,  and  poetry;  so 
that  we  find  bibliographers  at  work^  making  lists  and 

^  Lane's  Arabian  Nigbts,  cb.  i.  note  18. 


THE   ARABIC  LANGUAGE.  339 

giving  sketches  of  authors   in  the   chief  cities,— 
divided  according  to  special  subjects  of  study. 

When  the  Arabic  language  came  into  Spain,  it 
soon  reigned, almost  supreme,  too  nervous  and  self- 
reliant,  too  strongly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of~'the 
conguesLto  re-ceive  much  from  its  contact  with  the 
Yascongada  of  the  Basque  provinces,  the  Theun- 
jargon  of  the  Celtibenan  tribes,  the  Latin  of  ipSS. 
their  first  conquerors,  or  the  German  Creole  of  the 
Groths. 

The  written  language  was  not  essentially  altered 
in  its  transit  from  east  to  west,^  either  in  its  char- 
acters or  the  spelling  of  words ;  huLpenmanship  jegms 
to  have  beeBLAP_i™portant  art,  as  the  peculiar  form 
andjunctipn  of  letters,  and  the  somewhat  arbitrary  use 
of  points,  gave  rinn  tn  niimnroui  nnijous  errors.  The 
proverbial  penman  of  the  Arabians  in  Spain  was  Ibn 
Moklah,^  who  served  three  dynasties  as  wizir,  and 
thrice  copied  the  Koran  in  so  beautiful  a  hand  that 
all  good  writing  was  eulogized  as  "  Ibn  Mok- 
lah's  hand."  The^Spanish^Arabs.  however, 
adopted  a  peculiar  mode  of  forming  the  letters,  which, 

1  Ibna  Sa*id,  referring  to  the  looseness  of  the  Arabic  in  conver- 
sation, -says :  "  What  I  have  stated  about  the  language  used  in 
Andalus  must  be  applied  only  to  the  Arabic  as  used  in  conversation, 
and  by  no  means  to  their  writings,  for  they  are  the  most  strict  and 
rigid  of  men  in  observing  the  grammatical  rules  in  their  writings." 
—  Al  Makkari,  I.  143. 

*  Al  Makkari,  Vol.  I.  note  5  to  book  ii.  ch.  iv.  At  the  time, 
probably  a  protracted  period,  when  the  Eufic  characters  were  -being 
superseded  by  the  Neskhi,  the  penman  was  obliged  often  to  use  his 
judgment,  and  became  an  important  instrument  in  the  gradual 
change  ;  but,  the  new  alphabet  once  established,  he  became  only  a 
transcriber. 


^J 


340        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN   BY  THE  AKAB-MOORS. 

to  judge  from  existing  manuscripts,  was  quite  equal, 
if  not  superior,  in  clearness  and  beauty  to  the  writing 
of  the  East. 

But  it  will  readily  be  seen  that  the  spoken  language 
would  undergo  great  changes  in  its  wide  diffusion~in 
Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe.  To  show  how  early  this 
was  the  case,  it  is  said  that  the  Blhalif  Al  Walid,  son 
of  Abdu-1-malek,  spoke  so  badly  that  he  could  not 
be  understood  by  the  Bedouins.  New  words  and 
modes  of  expression  would  be  introduced,  corrup- 
tions would  creep  in,  inflections  would  be  lost,  and 
thus  the  Arabic  spoken  at  Cordova  would  differ  ma- 
terially from  that  of  Baghdad,  while  yet  the  literary 
language  would  remain  substantially  the  same.  Such 
was  indeed  the  case ;  and  it  is  pithily  expressed  by 
Changes  In     Ibuu  Sa'id :  "  Should  an  Eastern  Ai-ab  hear 

the  spoken 

language.  evcn  the  prince  of  Andalusian  grammarians, 
Shalubin,^  conversing  with  another  man,  he  would 
burst  out  laughing  to  hear  the  blunders  he  made  in 
speaking."     The  period  referred  to  is  at  the  close  of 

'  the.  twelfth  century;  but  the  process  of  change  and 
corruption  had  been  going  on  in  the  spoken  language 
from  the  beginning.     In  process  of  time,  this  laxity 

/     of  speech  reacted  upon  the  written  language. 

The  Koran  indeed  went  everywhere  with  the  con- 
querors, but  it  became  an  archaic  volume ;  and,  so 
far  have  the  Arabians  of  to-day  departed  from  the 
language  in  which  it  was  written,  that  it  is  now 
taught  in  their  colleges  almost  as  a  dead  language, 

»  "  Shalubin  (Abu  *Ali  Ash-shaliibinf)  was  born  in  1166,  and  died 
in  1247.  He  is  chiefly  known  as  a  lecturer  on  Grammar." — Ai 
Makkari,  I.  142,  479. 


THE  ARABIC  LANGUAGE.  341 

while  the  Arabic  of  Algiers  is  quite  a  different 
tongue,  for  which  the  French  conquerors  have  pro- 
vided grammar,  dictionary,  and  phrase-books.  In 
the  introduction  to  one  of  these,^  the  author  says : 
"When  the  interpreters  of  the  expedition  axrived  in 
Africa,  although  they  had  zealously  pursued  at  Paris 
the  lessons  of  the  niost  learned  professors  of  Oriental 
languages,  they  found,  to  their  great  disappointment, 
that  they  could  not  make  themselves  intelligible  to 
the  Arabs,  and  succeeded  no  better  in  understanding 
them." 

Wliile  such  changes  were  going  on  in  the  Arabic 
ofSpain,  the  Spanish  language  was  being  gradually 
formed  among  the  Christians  of  the  North.  The  basis 
of  this  was  the  corrupted_Latin  which,  before  the 
Visigothic  invasion,  had  been  spoken  throughout 
Spain,  and  had  been  largely  adopted  by  these  con- 
querors. First,  a  Roman  Rustic,  like  that  of  Southern 
France,  was  formed.  It  owed  little  to  the  The  origin 
original  dialects,  somewhat  to  the  German  liVj^.®^^" 
of  the  Goths,  not  much  to  the  Basque,  but  *"***' 
received  words  from  the  numerous  peoples  who  had  at 
any  time  dwelt  in  Spain."  The  little  band  of  Pelayo 
had  taken  with  it  into  the  Asturias  their  religion,  laws, 
customs,  and  modified  Latin.     There  are  no  literary 

^  C!ouT8  de  la  Langae  Arabe,  ou  les  Dialectea  Yulgaire  d'Algers, 
de  Maroc,  de  Tunis  etd'Egypte.  Par  J.  F.  Bled  de  Braine,  ex-Direc- 
teur  des  Ecoles  Arabes  d*  Alger. 

^  "Al  Latin  raiz  principal  y  elemento  dominanto  siempre  se 
agreiarian  voces  c^lticaa,  euskaras,  fenicias,  pilnicas,  griegas  y 
hebreas,  y  que  alterando  su  sintaids,  y  modificandole  en  sus  casos, 
desinenciaa  i  inflexioues  dieron  nacimiento  &  la  lengua  mixta,  que 
perfeccionada  y  enriquecida  babia  de  scr  la  que  despues  habl&ron  lo6 
Espafioles."  —  La  Fuente,  Uistoria  de  ExpaflUf  III.  394. 


342        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

remains  of  the  Hispano-Gk)thic  speech.  The  chron- 
icles are  in  Latin ;  and  this,  by  the  loss  of  inflections 
and  the  aboundiug  corruptions,  became  thejpanish. 
The  first  fair  specimen  of  the  new  language  is  found 
in  the  "  Poema  del  Cid,"  which  was  probably  written 
in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  about  fifty  years 
after  the  death  of  its  hero ;  and  this  has  been  char- 
acterized as  very  barbarous  in  description  and  in 
language.^ 

The  question  has  often  been  asked.  To  what  extent 
has  the  Spanish,  in  its  formation  and  development, 
been  influenced  by  the  Arabic  ?  The  data  of  this 
problem  are  so  numerous  and  diversified,  that  its 
solution  is  extremely  diflBcult  under  the  best  con- 
ditions; butthe^atred  of  the  Christian  Spaniards 
J  towards  their  Arabian  conquerors,  and_  theirjealousy 
of  Moorish  merit  in  every  direction,,  have  rendered 
such  an  investigation  so  unpalatable  to  Spanish  schol- 
ars,  that  it  remains  for  future  and  foreign  hands. 
CflJid^*  who  was  disposed  to  do  the  invaders  more 
What  it  justice,  and  who  was  coldly  regarded  for  his 
Arabia  liberal  opinions,  says  :  "  Our  rich  lanjgusge 
owes  much  to  the  Arabian,  not  in  isolated  words  only, 
but  even  in  idioms,  terms  of  expression,jnetaphoric 
y  forms  and  phrases,  all  of  which  serve  to  justify  the 
remark  that  the  Spanish  is  in  so  far^but  a  cor- 
rupted  dialect  of  the  Arabian."  ^  This  is  strong  lan- 
guage; and  with  it,  as  in  the  strongest  contrast,  I 
cite  the  opinion  of  Ticknor,  who,  speaking  of  the 

^  The  "  Poema  del  Cid**  may  be  fouDd  in  the  collection  of  andent 
Castilian  poets,  by  D.  Tomas  Antonio  Sanchez,  1779. 
3  Preface  to  '*  Dominacion  de  loe  Arabes,"  etc 


c^' 


\J 


THB  ABABIC  LANGUAGK  343 

charter  of  Avil^s  in  the  Asturias,  bearing  date  of 
1155,  and  thus  of  the  same  period  as  the  "Poem  of 
the  Cid,"  remarks,  "  that  the  new  dialect  just  emerg-      . 
ing  from  the  corrupted  Latin  is  little^r  nofat'all    v   \ 
affected  by  the  Arabic  infused  into  if  in  the  Southexn     y' 
provinces."    We  may  believe  that,  as  the  Arab-Moors 
retained  their  foothold  in  Spain  for  three  hundred 
years  later,  the  infusion  spread,  and  the  Noiihern 
speech  became  more  and  more  affected  by  the  Arabic. 
To  the  Arabic  the  Spanish  language  certainly  owes 
its  syllabic  accent. 

The  Arabians  have  left  ^few)  names  of  places,  and 
these  generally  are  called  after  men,  —  as,  Tarifa, 
Gibraltar,  perhaps  Granada.  They  adopted 
and  corrupted  the  existing  names,  as  Ish- 
bilia,  Kortuba,  Andalus,  etc.  But  a  great  many  words 
of  Arabian  origin  have  been  received  into  the  Span- 
ish, and  some  of  them,  such  as  camisa,  azucar,  ar- 
senal, escarlata,  sierra  (from  Sahra,  a  desert  mountain), 
have  been  adopted  by  many  European  languages. 
D.  Pascual  de  Gayangos  has  given,  at  the  close  of  his 
second  volume,^  a  list  of  Spanish  words  of  Arabic 
derivation,  which  are  used  in  his  translation  of  Al 
Makkari,  to  the  number  of  about  two  hundred,  which 
could  of  course  be  greatly  enlarged.    Among  them 

^  Marina,  in  his  Memoir  on  the  Origin  and  Progress  of  the  Span- 
ish  Language  (Academia  de  la  Historia,  YoL  lY.),  giyes  great  influ- 
ence to  the  Arabic  ;  and  Joseph  Scaliger  says  that  there  are  so  many 
Arabic  words  in  the  language,  that  they  would  form  a  lexicon  by 
themselves.  Quoted  by  La  Fuente,  IIL  395.  Among  the  names  of 
articles  of  clothing,  Dozy  gives,  burnous  (albomos),  babouche  (Gr. 
TdirovTffi),  jupe  and  jupon  (djobba,  chupa),  sash  (sch^h),  toque^ 
zapato  and  zapatero.    (Dictiomudre,  List  at  end.) 


L  *' 


> 


344       CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN   BT  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

the  majority  begin  with  the  article  al,  which  in 
almost  every  case  denotes  an  Arabian  ori^n:  such 
are  algebra,  alchemy,  alembic,  alcalde,  alcantara_(the 
bridge),  alcazar,  alhamra,  alameda^^  alfaqui r,  and  a 
thousand  others.  How  much  the  provincial  and 
local  dialects  of  the  Moors  and  Berbers  contributed, 
by  indigenous  or  coiTupted  words,  is  a  distinct  and 
difficult  question.  But  besides  these  lexical  tributes 
we  must  include  the  forms  of  thought  and  modes  of 
proverbial  expression  of  which  the  Spanish  is  full, 
and  which_are  the  vehicle  of  the  **  wit  and  wisdom" 
of  Don  Quixote.  The  traveller in^Spaii^  as  h<;».  listen^ 
to  the  proverbs  in  the  mouth  of  every  peasant^  seems 
transported  to  the  land  and  period  of  the  Arabian 
Nights. 

Endowed  with  such  a  noble  language,  the  Spanish 
Arabs  in  the  great  centres  were  ardent  lovers  of  knowl- 
edge, and  displayed  a  general  enthusiasm  for  study. 
Foolish  and  ignorant  men  were  everywhere  regarded 
with  contempt,  while  the  learned,  whether  noble  or 
plebeian,  were  consulted  and  honored  by  all.  AbA 
Honor  to  Hayyau,  a  celebrated  grammarian  who  lived 
meiM)?"  in  the  thirteenth  century,  relates  the  fol- 
earnmg.  Jowiug  auccdote  of  Ibu  Bajch  of  Granada, 
who,  on  entering  the  great  mosque,  found  a  teacher 
of  grammar  and  rhetoric  surrounded  by  his  pupils. 
They  rose  on  his  entrance,  and  asked  him  what  he 
would  do  for  science,  and  what  he  carried  under  his 
arm  ?  "I  carry,"  he  answered,  " twelve  thousand 
dinars  in  the  form  of  twelve  splendid  rubies,  each 
worth  a  thousand,  but  they  are  of  less  value  than 
twelve  ardent  youths  studying  our  language."     He 


THE  ABABIG  LANGUAGK  345 

tlien  drew  lots  among  them,  and  gave  them  the  best 
of  his  rubies.* 

It  may  be  added,  in  speaking  of  the  best  period  of 
Spanish- Arabian  culture,  that  while  they  had  shown 
themselves  equal  ^^  the  Christians  in  adventurous 
valor,  they  far  elHIeded  them  in  civilization,  in 
science,  and  in  literature.^ 

We  come  now  to  consider  briefly  the  nature  of 
their  achievements  in  the  special  departments  of 
literature  and  science,  and  are  attracted  first  to  their 
poetry. 

This  was  a  branch  of  literary  effort  for  the  culti- 
vation of  which  they  had,  by  instinct  and  language, 
peculiar  facilities :  and,  in  consequence,  they  Spanish 
displayed  in  it  great  enthusiasm  and  assi-  poetry, 
duity ;  especitdly  at  Baghdad  in  the  reigns  of  Haroun 
and  Al  Mamun.  The  Arabic  language  gives  great 
ease  in  passing  from  prose  to  poetry.  By  nature, 
like  all  Eastern  peoples,  they  delighted  in  metaphor 
and  apologue :  they  were  as  euphuistic  as  Lyly ;  from 
title  to  colophon  they  strained  after  hf^py  illustra- 
tions ;  plain  speech  was  water,  metaphor  and  allegory 
were  the  wine  of  Shiraz.  Thus  the  epic  was  beyond 
their  flight;  their  poems  are  languishing  idyls  or 
passionate  lyrics,  very  easily  distinguished  from  the 
romaunts  of  Christian  chivalry.  With  such  tastes  it 
may  be  readily  understood  that  they  could  not  sym- 
pathize with  the  cold  stateliness  of  the  Greek  poetry. 

X  Al  Makkari,  I.  139,  146. 

*  On  this  subject  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  learned  •  work  of 
Ton  Hammer  Purgstall,  **  Litteraturgeschichte  der  Araber,"  Vols.  I. 
andV. 


346        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  A&AB-MOOKS. 

Poetiy  with  them  was  an  art  which  every  man  might 
attempt,  and  there  were  many  children  who,  like 
Pope,  "lisped  in  numbers,"  to  the  great  delight  of 
their  parents.  We  have,  according  to  Al  Makkari,  a 
biographical  account  of  poets  bom  iu  Andalus.  The 
works  referred  to  in  it  bear  fiJRitive  titles,  rather 
confusing  than  suggestive,  not  perhaps  without  in- 
tention. Thus,  a  collection  of  verses  by  Ibn  Faraj  is 
called  kitdbu-Uhadayciky  ''the  book  of  the  enclosed 
gardens."  Of  another  book  of  poems  by  Ali  Ibn 
Musa  Abd-1-Hasan  Al-jayy^ni,  who  lived  in  the 
tenth  century,  Ibnu  Sa'id  says :  "  Had  the  Andalu- 
sians  no  other  work  to  boast  of .  than  that  entitled 
Shodh'^/ru-l-dhahai  (gold  particles),  this  alone  would 
be  sufficient  to  prove  their  eloquence  and  establish 
their  fame  as  poets."  ^ 

The  latter  contains  a  poem  on  Alchemy,  which 
was  so  highly  esteemed,  that  it  was  commonly  said 
of  the  author,  "  If  Abii-l-Hasan's  poem  cannot  teach 
thee  how  to  make  gold,  it  wiU  at  least  teach  thee 
how  to  write  verses ; "  and  again,  "  Abii-1-Hasan's  gold 
may  be  surpassed,  but  his  science  cannot."  Poetic 
eloquence  was  considered  "  lawful  magic." 

As  the  Arabian  nature  was  of  quick  perception, 
fertile  fancy,  and  remarkable  command  of  language, 
there  were  many  more  poets  than  among  the  colder 
and  more  prosaic  nations  of  the  North;  and  those 
who  were  not  ready  writers  were  ardent  and  appre- 
The  poet  It  ciativc  hcarcrs.  The  poet  became  thus  the 
the  teacher,  ^jivcrsal  tcachcr,  —  from  the  singer  on  the 
highway  to  the  bard  who  chanted  before  kings.     An 

1  Al  Makkari,  L  185. 


THE  ABABIC  LANQUAGE.  347 

honored  guest  among  the  greats  his  versatile  art  at 
the  same  time  touched  the  sensibilities,  and  con- 
veyed instmction  to  the  mind  By  it  he  taught 
grammar,  rhetoric,  biography,  history,^  theology,  medi- 
cine, chemistry,  —  all  the  training  of  the  schools. 

This  was  in  part  due,  as  I  have  said,  to  the  peculiar 
conditions  of  the  language, — it  is  eminently  poetic,  — 
and  although  every  scholar  knows  in  a  general  way 
the  great  inadequacy  of  translations,  I  am  inclined 
to  think  that  no  poetry  suffers  more  in  the  tran- 
scription than  the  Arabia 

The  following  will  serve  as  an  illustration  of  the 
impossibility  of  judging  of  their  rhythmic  j^ivstn- 
effects.    Ibnu-1-monkhol  and  his  little  son  ^^^ 
in  an  afternoon  walk  came  up  to  a  pool  in  their  road, 
and  began  to  cap  verses  thus:  "Go  on,"  said  the 
father,  — 

'*  The  frogs  are  croaking  in  that  pod," 
"  Tee,  and  with  no  sweet  melody,  troth." 
"  Their  language  was  hoisteroos  — 
When  they  caUed  the  Beni  Al-MaUah." 

As  they  approached  the  frogs  became  silent,  and 
the  father  said,  — 

"  Thou  hast  become  mute  like  these  frogs," 
"  When  they  collected  for  scandaL" 
"  There  is  no  help  for  the  oppressed," 
''And  no  rain  for  those  who  want  it." 

Of  this  singular  verse- making,  doubtless  not  with- 
out rhetorical  harmony  in  the  original,  the  historian 

^  There  is  an  entertaining  "  History  of  Andalus,"  in  Terse,  by  Al 
Qhazal,  the  philosopher  and  poet. 


348        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

says :  "  Certainly  no  one  can  doubt  that  this  finish- 
ing of  hemistichs  is  highly  deserving  of  praise  :  had 
it  been  executed  by  a  learned  man  advanced  in  life, 
it  would  have  commanded  the  greatest  attention ;  but 
being,  as  it  was,  the  work  of  a  mere  boy,  it  was  a 
wonderful  performance,  and  well  worthy  of  remark."  * 
Thoroughly  satisfied  as  I  am  of  the  superior  gen- 
eral culture  of  the  Arabians,  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  the  excellence  of  their  poetry,  as  tried  either  by 
classical  canons  or  modern  taste,  has  been  greatly 
Tbedefecte    Overrated.     It  is  sweet,  but  turgid:  from 

of  Arabian       .  .  . 

po«try.  its  almost  universal  application  its  afflatus 
is  lost ;  it  gilds  commonplaces.  It  reacts  upon  and 
injures  prose,  and  is  itself  injured  in  the  contact.  It 
labors  to  find  conceits,  and  thus  is  forced  in  senti- 
ment and  superlative  in  expression.  And  yet  doubt- 
less there  is  a  great  charm  in  the  variety  of  its 
cadenced  sounds,  a  rhetorical  harmony  which  is  to- 
tally lost  in  translation ;  a  melange  of  the  hum  of 
bees,  the  twitter  of  swallows,  and  the  note  of  the 
whippoorwill ;  a  charm  of  nature's  chorus  in  changing 
melodies,  constantly  returning  to  the  key-note;  for 
the  Arabian  poetry  was  always  in  recitative;  they 
chanted  their  verses  in  rhythmic  divisions. 

The  most  favorite  forms  of  poetry  were,  —  the 
Ghazele,  the  Kassidah,  and  the  Divan. 

The  Ghazele  was  a  love-song  or  short  ode,  some- 
thing like  what  we  call  a  canzonet  or  sonnet,  con- 
The  Gh».  taining  from  fourteen  to  twenty-six  lines, 
'*^*-  alternately  rhyming.    The  Kassidah  is  a 

longer  and  more  pretentious  piece,  at  once  descrip- 

1  Al  Makkari,  I.  157. 


THE  ARABIC  LANGUAGE.  349 

live  and  epic ;  sometimes  a  scrap  of  history  poetically 
treated,  sometimes  a  tale  in  verse.   It  gener-  ^^  g^^^. 
ally  contains  from  forty  to  two  hundred  lines.  ***^* 
The  Divan  is  a  collection  of  the  smaller  poems,  gen- 
erally  Ghazeles,   compiled  and   connected 
according  to  arbitrary  rules.    Among  these 
rules  or  rather  poetical  customs  was  the  use  of  asso- 
nances or  imperfect  rhymes,  a  feature  adopted  and 
permanently  embodied  in  Spanish  poetry.     In  much 
of  the  Arabian  verse  the  second  line  of  each  couplet 
ends  with  the  same  word.     It  was  considered  a  great 
feat  to  have  all  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  system- 
atically recognized  in  a  poem,  somewhat  like  our 
writing  of  acrostics. 

But  the  poetic  tendencies  of  the  Arabians  are  not 
best  displayed  in  these  more  important  forms  :  some 
of  the  sweetest  and  most  effective  lines  are  found  in 
impromptu  verses, — a  couplet  or  two, — and  in  happy 
repartees,  often,  we  may  suppose,  carefully  prepared, 
but  having  an  extemporaneous  appearance,  which 
won  from  the  rich  and  great  large  rewards  to  the 
happy  poet.  The  Arabian  Nights  are  full  of  such 
detached  jewels  of  poetry,  which  add  greatly  to  their 
charms.  Sultan  and  slave,  priest  and  merchant, 
traveller  and  soldier,  vie  with  each  other  in  poetic 
conceits  which  bear  largely  upon  the  fortunes  of 
alL 

Extended  specimens  of  Arabian  poetry  in  English 
translation  would  be  out  of  place  in  such  a  digest  as 
this.  A  few  examples  from  the  works  of  the  Spanish 
Arabians  will  illustrate  the  genre. 

Thus,  in  praise  of  friendship,  Ibn  Zeydun,  in  the 


350      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOOBa 

eleventh  century,  sings :  "  We  passed  the  night 
The  praise  alone  with  no  other  companion  but  friend* 
ship.  ship  and  union ;  and,  while  happiness  and 

slumber  fled  from  the  eyelids  of  our  detractors,  the 
shadows  of  night  retained  us  in  the  secret  bonds  of 
pleasure,  until  the  tongue  of  morning  began  to  herald 
our  names."  ^ 

"*  Name  to  me,"  says  an  Andalusian,  speaking  of  the 
Sherlf  At-talik,  "  one  of  your  poets  who  has  described 
the  color  which  a  draught  of  pure  wine  imparts  to 
the  cheek  of  the  drinker  in  verses  equal  to  these :  — 

*'  The  wine  has  colored  his  cheeks  like  a  rising  sun  shining  npon  h\a 
face  :  the  west  is  his  mouth,  and  the  east  is  the  lively  cup- 
bearer's hand. 
When  the  sun  has  set  behind  his  month,  it  leayes  upon  his  cheeks 
a  rosy  twilight" 

In  praise  of  love,  the  flowers  are  pressed 
into  the  service :  — 

'*The  gardens  shine  with  anemones,  and  the  light  fresh  gales  are 

perfumed  with  their  scent. 
When  I  visited  them,  the  clouds  had  just  been  beating  the  flowers, 

and  making  them  as  deeply  tinged  as  the  best  wine. 
What  is  their  crime,  said  I ;  and  I  was  told  in  answer,  they  stole 

from  the  cheeks  of  the  fair  their  beauty." 

Ibnu-1-Faraj  writes  to  a  friend  for  a  gift  of 
some  old  wine,  and  his  letter  is  in  verse :  — 

'*  Send  me  some  of  that  wine,  sweet  as  thy  lore  and  more  transparent 
than  the  tears  which  faU  down  thy  cheeks.  Send  me,  0  my 
son !  some  of  that  liquor,  the  soul's  own  sister,  that  I  may 
comfort  my  debilitated  stomach." 

An  amusing  anti-climax. 

1  Al  Kakkari,  I.  $9. 


THE  ARABIC  LANGUAGK  351 

The  love  of  local  homes  is  constantly  set  forth  in 
poetic  hyberbole.  Cordova,  Seville,  Granada,  Toledo, 
Cadiz,  is  each  in  turn  the  fairest  and  dearest 

,  ,  .        ,        •  ,    Of  home. 

spot  on  elfirth ;  each  a  nuracle  of  nature  and 
art.    I  select  in  illustration  a  few  lines  of  Abii-1-hasan 
Ibn  Nasr,  a  poet  of  Granada  in  the  twelfth  century, 
in  praise  of  Guadix  and  its  river :  — 

**0  WAdin-l-eshitl  my  soul  falls  into  ecstasies  whenever  I  think  of 
the  favora  the  Almighty  has  lavished  upon  thee. 

"  By  Allah,  thy  shade  at  noon,  when  the  rays  of  the  sun  are  the 
hottest,  is  so  fresh  that  those  who  walk  on  thy  banks  cannot 
stop  to  converse  together. 

"  The  sun  itself,  seeking  a  remedy  for  its  own  ardor,  directs  its 
course  through  thy  shadowy  bed. 

"Thy  current  smiles  through  the  prismatic  bubbles  of  the  waters 
like  the  skin  of  a  variegated  snake.  The  trees  that  hang 
over  thy  soft  inclined  banks  are  so  many  steps  to  descend  to 
thy  bed,  while  their  boughs  covered  with  blossoms,  and 
devoured  by  burning  thirst,  are  perpetually  drinking  of  thy 
waters." 

The  story  is  told  of  an  African  poet,  Bekr  Ibn 
Hamad  El  Taharti,  that  when  the  Sultan  Ibrahim 
had  shut  himself  up  in  his  seraglio,  in  luxurious  ease, 
with  his  female  slaves,  and  forbidden  any  one  to 
approach  him,  the  poet  having  a  petition  to  present 
wrote  on  the  flowers  which  were  to  be  taken  in,  the 
following  verses :  — 

**  The  fair,  the  enchanting  fair  t 
Who,  even  though  slaves, 
Do  rule  their  Lord,  and  render  him  their  slave  ; 
They  work  the  bane  of  man;  seek  we  for  roses 
When  neither  fields  nor  gardens  furnish  them  f 
The  lovely  flower  1  on  their  bright  cheeks  we  find  them. 
Sweeter  and  thomless  too.    This  then,  my  plaint. 


352      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOORS. 

Being  on  roses  written,  I  do  look 
To  hare  received  with  favor  since  't  is  formed 
Of  that  which  is  the  image  of  their  cheeks,  — 
The  fair,  the  enchanting  fair  1 "  ^ 

The  poet's  supplication  was  granted,  and  he  re- 
ceived an  additional  bounty  of  one  hundred  dinars. 

It  would  exhaust  the  i-eader's  patience,  without,  as 
these  specimens  will  suffice  to  show,  affording  a 
compensating  instruction,  were  I  to  offer  numerous 
extracts,  which,  after  all,  can  give  no  fair  notion  of 
Arabian  poetry.  Whatever  estimate  we  may  now 
form  of  its  taste  and  power,  its  influence  upon  the  peo- 
ple who  heard  the  verses  chanted  can  hardly  be  exag- 
gerated. When  a  popular  poet  appeared,  and  intoned 
his  love-songs  to  the  multitude,  it  was  a  common 
saying  that  "  all  men's  ears  grew  to  his  tunes,  as  if 
they  had  eaten  ballads." 

As  might  be  expected,  in  the  long  period  of  the 
Arabian  dominion  in  Spain,  there  were  great  changes 
in  the  spirit  and  language  of  their  poetry,  which  in  a 
more  extended  inquiry  would  claim  some  detail  of 
illustration;  but  what  they  called  poetic  progress 
The  earlier  was  uot  improvement.  At  first  their  utter- 
W.  ances   were  simple  and  natural:   they  at- 

tempted in  their  new  and  beautiful  seats  to  photograph 
what  they  saw,  and  just  as  they  saw  it ;  afterwards 
their  descriptions  became  turgid  and  cloying,  and 
created  a  false  taste  among  the  hearers ;  they  resorted 
to  stratagems  to  excite  a  satiated  fancy ;  and  the  at- 
tempts of  women  in  verse  still  further  lowered  the 

^  Yefrslon  from  English  translation  of  Cond^ 


THE  ABABIC  LANGUAGE.  353 

poetic  standard.  Many  of  these  women  became  fa* 
mous :  they  were  representatives  of  all  social  classes, 
—  nobles,  freed  slaves,  wives  and  concubines.  Chris- 
tians and  Jewesses.^ 

I  must  not  leave  this  subject  without  calling  at- 
tention to  the  singular  and  potent  influence  which 
Arabian  poetry  exercised  over  the  literature  of  south- 
em  and  western  Europe.  It  can  be  traced  in  the 
reproduction  of  many  of  the  stories  as  well  as  in  the 
structure  of  the  YTench  fdblictttx  and  chanscms  de  geste 
of  the  jongleurs  and  trouvires  of  the  Nortb ;  and  is  more 
particularly  to  be  observed  in  h  gai  saber  influence  on 
of  the  Provencal  troubadours.  It  extended  utentux«. 
into  Italy,  and  is  found  in  the  charming  stanzas  of 
Ariosto,  both  as  to  matter  and  manner,  and  in  the 
"twice-told  tales"  of  Boccaccio's- Decameron.  In  a 
word,  the  entire  southern  literature  of  Europe,  up  to 
the  Eenaissance,  owes  as  much  to  the  Spanish  Ara- 
bians for  matter  and  form  as  it  does  to  the  Latin  for 
language.*  And  more  than  this,  when  we  remem- 
ber that  our  English  Chaucer  borrowed  the  scheme 

^  Al  Makkari,  I.  166.  The  Dames  and  writings  of  some  of  these 
poetesses  are  given. 

*  Fanriel,  in  speaking  of  the  legend  of  Raimond  of  Bosqnet, 
says  :  "  I  do  not  hesitate  to  cite  this  fiction  as  a  new  proof  of  the 
influence  which  the  Andalnsian  Arahs  exercised  directly  or  indi- 
rectly on  the  imagination  of  the  French."  — Histoire  de  la  Poisie 
Proven^le,  ch.  xiii. 

Sismondi  (Histoire  de  la  litt^ratare  dn  Midi,  etc.),  oses  these 
words:  **  Les  r^its  euz-mdmes  ont  p^n^tr^  dans  notre  po^sie  long- 
temps  avant  la  traduction  des  '  Mille  et  une  Nuits.'  On  en  retrouve 
plusienrs  dans  nos  Tieuz  fabliaux,  dans  Boccace,  dans  TArioste  .  .  . 
et  se  tronvent  li^  k  present  a  tous  les  souyenirs,  et  k  toutes  les 
jooissances  des  habitants  de  la  moiti^  du  globe." 
VOL.  II.  23 


354       CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

of  his  Canterbury  Tales,  and  several  of  the  stories 
from  Boccaccio,  we  may  well  claim  that  the  Arabian 
idea  has  penetrated  into  the  North,  and  left  its  pro- 
found impression  in  the  plastic  English  literature  of 
the  fourteenth  century.^ 

Closely  connected  with  their  taste  in  poetry  and 
their  use  of  it  was  their  fondness  for  story-telling, 
which  marks  the  social  life  of  the  oriental  people. 
With  them  it  took  the  place  of  theatrical  repre- 
story.  sentations;  frqm  the  munshid,  or  poet  who 
tolling.  recited  his  compositions  at  the  courts  of 
princes,  to  the  humble  improvisoUore,  who  gathered 
his  little  crowd  around  him,  and  satisfied  their  won- 
der with  his  grotesque  legends  of  genii  and  the  super- 
natural. 

The  men  frequented  the  bazaars  to  hear  such  tales; 
the  women  gathered  at  the  baths  to  exchange  or 
repeat  them,  and  there  were  improvisatrices  of  the 
seraglio.  "  Physicians  often  ordered  story-telling  as 
a  prescription  for  their  patients,  to  mitigate  their 
sufferings,  to  calm  their  agitation,  to  give  sleep  after 
protracted  insomnia,  and  these  raconteurs,  accustomed 
to  deal  with  sickness,  knew  how  to  modulate  their 
voices,  to  soften  the  tone,  and  to  give  way  by  still 
gentler  utterances  to  the  approach  of  sleep." '  This 
kind  of  eloquence  with  them  was  classed  as  "lawful 
magic,"  and  was  not  considered  beneath  the  cultiva- 
tion of  men  who  prided  themselves  upon  their  lit- 
erary eminence.     They  boasted  of  the  number  of 

^  Not  to  mention  others,  the  ''Knight's  Tale,"  and  the  "TroUus'* 
are  versions  of  the  *'  Theseida'*  and  **  Filostrato  "  of  Boccaccio. 
'  Sismondi,  Histoire  de  la  Litt^rature,  etc. 


THE  ARABIC  LANGUAGK      *  355 

entertaining  tales  they  had  learned  or  invented^  and 
the  ready  language  and  dramatic  skill  they  displayed 
in  telling  them.  Such  men  were  eagerly  sought  out 
by  the  Khalifs  and  the  grandees  to  beguile  their 
ennui,  or  to  recreate  them  after  their  fatigues.  Such 
is  the  simple  philosophy  of  the  "Arabian  Nights* 
Entertainments/'  stories  about  stories,  told  by  all 
sorts  of  people  to  Haroun  Al  Easchid  and  his  vizier, 
who  wandered  in  disguise  to  find  them.  The  trav- 
eller in  the  East  to-day  may  find  the  original  type  little 
changed,  except  in  the  necessaiy  accompaniments  of 
coffee  and  tobacco,  which  seem  so  very  oriental  that 
we  can  scarcely  believe  that  the  former  was^  not 
used  tiU  the  sixteenth,  nor  the  latter  till  the  seven- 
teenth century. 

Naturally  gifted  with  memory,  of  which  Al  Mak- 
kari  says :  "  Memory  is  among  the  gifts  which  the 
Almighty  poured  most  profusely  upon  the 
Andalusians,"  these  story-tellers  did  not  *"**^* 
rely  implicitly  upon  it ;  they  not  only  heightened 
the  interest  of  their  stories  by  mimetic  and  histrionic 
effects;  but  they  often  improvised,  while  in  the  very 
fervor  of  narration,  charming  plots  of  episodical  ad- 
venture, like  those  in  the  "Thousand  and  one  Nights." 
Once  improvised,  they  became  part  of  the  chanter's 
future  stores,  a  broader  foundation  for  new  successes. 
These  were  sometimes  collected  into  volumes,  and 
one  of  these  Andalusian  collections  would,  if  we  may 
accept  the  eulogium  of  bibliographers,  were  it  trans- 
lated, divide  our  interest  with  the  "Arabian  Nights." 
Its  author  was  a  very  facetious  man  who  knew  by  heart 
a  prodigious  number  of  stories,  and  gave  them  to  the 


356        CONCJUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

Spanish  Arabs  as  "  The  Book  of  Eoutes  and  Stations 
in  the  Adventures  of  Abu-1-halyi"  ^  They  had  one 
great  advantage  to  which  I  have  already  referred; 
they  were  not  limited  to  the  truth,  but  would  have 
been  tame  had  they  not  been  full  of  h3q>erbole  in 
their  descriptions. 

Their  musical  powers  are  vaunted  by  the  historian, 
but  little  is  known  of  their  attainments  in  this  art 
They  sang  to  the  lute  (el-'ood),  as  the  modern  Span- 
iards do  to  the  guitar,  with  the  same  gestic- 
ulation, using  the  instrument  as  a  fan,  and  as 
if  it  were  alive,  and  joining  the  ballad  with  personal 
movements, — se  cantan  iailando;^  sometimes  exe- 
cuting a  pas  sevi  to  the  rhythm  they  were  producing, 
and  subsiding  again  into  a  state  of  quiescenca 

We  pass  to  a  more  serious  topic. 

1  Al  Makkaii,  L  143.    Abu-l-hal}d  died  in  1015. 
s  Ford's  Handbook,  I.  139. 


UBTAPHTSICS/mSTOBT^  AlO)  SXACT  SCIENCE.    357 


CHAPTER  IL 

METAPHTSICS,  HISTORY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE. 

IT  would  be  of  great  interest  to  consider  at  length 
the  achievements  of  the  Spanish  Arabs  in  the  do- 
main of  psychology,  and  materials  are  not  wanting  for 
a  thorough  investigation  of  this  subject;  but  Arabian 
the  scope  of  this  work  will  not  permit  me  ica. 
to  do  more  than  indicate  to  the  reader  the  great 
names  which  have  adorned  this  department  of  human 
science,  and  to  give  a  bare  statement  of  the  conclu- 
sions or  theories  which  they  propounded. 

As  in  other  branches  of  learning,  the  Arabians 
began  by  accepting  the  tenets  or  proposita  of  the 
Greek  philosophy,  so  that  Arabian  psychology  has 
been  justly  called  an  advanced  chapter  in  the  modem 
progress  of  Aristotelianism.  It  was  this,  but  not 
this  only.  In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries, 
armed  with  the  philosophy  of  Aristotle,  they  en- 
deavored, if  I  may  so  speak,  to  cultivate  originality: 
but  in  this  endeavor  the  Semitic  mind  was  too  quiet 
and  receptive  to  accomplish  much ;  most  of  them  could 
only  borrow  from  others,  and  closely  imitate  ;^  a  few 

^  "  La  philoflophie,  chez  les  Semites,  n'a  jamais  M  qa*iin  empnint 
parement  ezUrieur  et  sans  grande  f^condit^ ;  une  imitation  de  la 
philoaophie  grecqae." —  K  Kenan,  Averroea  el  Averroisme,  TriStuoe, 
viu. 


358        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

of  their  philosophers,  however,  accompKshed  some- 
thing more.  As  we  have  seen,  the  tenth  century  in 
Spain  was  the  golden  age  of  letters,  but  it  was  not 
the  halcyon  day  of  philosophy.  Whatever  fell  under 
the  suspicion  of  invalidating  the  Kordn,  in  any  de- 
gree or  manner,  was  placed  under  the  ban  of  the 
orthodox  government;  and  thus  metaphysics  could 
only  enjoy  favor  and  receive  incitements  at  spas- 
modic intervals,  when  orthodoxy  seemed  to  sleep. 
Cordova  was  sacked,  and  large  numbers  of  books  were 
destroyed,  in  the  eleventh  century.  What  at  first, 
however,  seemed  fatal  to  the  philosophers  of  Spain 
was  providentially  advantageous :  they  were  driven 
away  from  their  inhospitable  homes,  but  carried  their 
doctrines  with  them  to  larger  fields  and  more  eager 
and  scholarly  hearers.  "Avempace,  Abubacer,  and 
Averroes  are,"  says  R^nan,  "  of  no  renown  in  Islam- 
ism:"  their  real  fame  is  due  to  the  acceptance  of 
their  doctrines  by  Christian  Europe.^ 

First  among  the  "giants  of  those  days,"  but  belong- 
ing to  the  Eastern  school,  was  Avicenna  (Ibn  Sina), 
who  was  born  in  the  district  of  Bokhara 

AviceniUL 

about  the  year  980.  Much  more  famous  as 
a  physician  than  as  a  metaphysician,  he  had  read  the 
philosophy  of  Aristotle  forty  times  before  he  was 
seventeen  years  old,  and  before  he  received  any  light 
to  guide  him  in  understanding  it.  This  light  came 
at  last  from  the  little  commentary  of  Alfarabius ;  and 
his  joy  was  so  great  for  this  boon  that  he  made  a 
special  thanksgiving  to  God,  and  bestowed  alms  upon 
the  poor.     He  was  the  first  to  enunciate  to  the  Mos- 

1  Ayerroes  et  rAyerroisme,  87. 


METAPHYSICS,   HISTORY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.    359 

lem  world  that  the  subjects  of  human  knowledge 
{intdHgibUia)  are  to  be  regarded, — Tnetaphysi^ly,  in 
themselves;  physically,  as  embodied  in  sense;  logi- 
colly,  as  expressing  the  process  of  thought;  and  that 
the  active  intellect  is  the  universal  establisher  of 
forms  in  the  world —  (Jntellectus  informis  agit  univer- 
sitatem).  God  is  the  moral  governor,  and  theology — 
the  Kordn  —  is  a  corollary  from  belief  in  God ;  but 
"  God,  being  absolute  unity,  cannot  have  immediate 
action  upon  the  world."  ^ 

The  next  name  claiming  mention  is  that  of  Al- 
Ghazali,  who  was  born  in  1058,  and  who  appeared 
very  early  in  life  among  the  ardent  students 
of  philosophy.     At  the  age  of  thirty-three, 
he  became  a  professor  of  metaphysics  at  Baghdad, 
where,  by  his  enthusiasm  and  eloquence,  he  attracted 
large  crowds  to  hear  him,  among  whom  were  the 
most    distinguished    men.      Disturbed  in  his   own 
mind  by  the  fierce  conflict  between  creed  and  science, 
and  under  the  pretext  of  making  the  pilgrimage  to 
Mecca,  he  visited  the  principal  cities,  lecturing  to 
interested  audiences  at  Damascus,  Jerusalem,  and 
Alexandria.    The  chief  conflict  was  in  his  own  soul. 
Sensation  and  perception  were  uncertain,  reason  could 
not  be  depended  on,  and  so  he  fell  back  upon  a 
destructive  dilemma.     The  intellectual  sys-  ^^  doctrine 
tem  of  Aristotle,  which  had  been  accepted  JJa'iatoncT- 
by  the  Arabian  philosophers,  he  attacked  rionai*^' 
in  a  work  since  famous,  entitled  "Destructio  "'***•" 
Philosophorum,"  aimed  especially  against  the  teach- 

^  In  Avicenna,  according  to  R^nan,  is  found  the  most  complete 
expression  of  Arabian  philoeophy.  —  Averroe^  et  fAverroisme,  p.  95. 


360        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

ings  of  Avicenna.  He  denied  what  we  call  eau- 
sality,  but  admitted  the  reality  of  causation,  and 
asserted  that ''  God  is  the  onlj  efficient  cause  in  nat- 
ure, and  that  second  causes  are  not  properly  causes, 
but  only  occasions,  of  the  eflfect."  ^  Thus  he  is  con- 
sidered as  having  first  propounded  the  doctrine  of 
"divine  assistance  or  of  occasional  causes,"  which 
made  its  way  afterwards  into  the  schools  of  the  west 
His  fame  was  so  great  that  he  was  called  'Hhe 
Imaum  of  the  world."  In  the  opinion  of  the  his- 
torian, his  fame  is  eclipsed  by  the  renown,  as  his 
opinions  were  successfully  attacked  by  the  philoso* 
pher  now  to  be  mentioned. 

Like  the  other  sciences,  metaphysics  had  received 
its  first  culture  in  Arabian  schools  at  the  East ;  but 
the  great  names  thus  mentioned  produced  at  once  an 
enthusiastic  spirit  of  inquiry  in  the  western 
khalifate ;  and  this  brings  us  to  the  consid- 
eration of  a  writer,  who  stands  facile  princeps  as  a 
metaphysician  of  his  own  time,  and  as  the  founder 
of  a  school  in  Christian  Europe  which  advocated  and 
mutilated  his  doctrines  long  after  he  had  passed  away. 
I  speak  of  the  honored  name  of  Averroes.  He  was  a 
Spanish  Arab,  and  with  him  Arabian  metaphysics 
reached  its  culminating  point.  This  man  of  many 
characters  and  many  vocations  was  born  at  Cordova 
in  the  year  1126 ;  and  when  he  died  at  Morocco  in 
1198,  Arabian  philosophy  lost  its  last  and  greatest 
representative,  and  the  triumph  of  the  Korin  over 


^  Sir   William   Hamilton,    Lectures   on    Metaphysics,     Lect. 
XXXIX. 


METAPHYSICS,  HISTORY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.    361 

free  thought  was  assured  for  at  least  six  hundred 
years.^ 

The  political  reaction  upon  this  "free  thought" 
was  vexing  and  discouraging :  Averroes  lived  in  the 
dark  days  just  after  the  fall  of  the  Oiumeyan  g,g  ^^^ 
dynasty ;  a  period  which  was  succeeded  by  **^^^- 
the  tumult  of  petty  kings,  in  constant  strife,  until 
there  was  a  temporary  consolidation  of  power  in  the 
hands  of  the  Almoravides.  His  full  name  was  Abii- 
1-walid  Mohammed  Ibn  Ahmed  Ibn  Mohammed 
Ibn  Boschd,  The  latter  part  of  this  name,  or  patro- 
nymic, has  been  corrupted  in  Spanish  into  Averroes.* 
He  studied  theology  (according  to  the  doctrines  of 
the  Malekites),  logic,  medicine,  jurisprudence,  and 
philosophy;  and  became  early  known  as  a  distin- 
guished canonist.  He  turned  his  attention  to  educa- 
tion, and  first  gave  instruction  by  lectures  in  the 
schools  attached  to  the  mosques:  he  was  sent  to 
Morocco,  where  he  aided  in  founding  colleges.  He 
devoted  himself  to  astronomy,  and  wrote  a  work  sug- 
gested by  the  Almagest,  which  was  entitled  **  De 
Substantia  Orbis,"  or  "De  Compositione  Corporis 
Coelestis."  He  made  also  an  abridgment  of  the 
Alma^^est.  Averroes  was  the  instructor  of  hisbo- 
kings;  but  his  so-called  heresies  were  too  htnaj. 
daring  to  be  protected  even  by  royal  authority :  he 
denounced  a  prophecy  which  had  gained  large  credit, 

^  "Qu&nd  Averroes  moamt  en  1198,  la  philosophie  arabe  perdit 
en  Ini  son  dernier  repr^ntant  et  le  triomphe  du  Coran  snr  la  libre 
pens^  fat  aaswri  poor  au  nioins  six  cents  aus.'*  —  R]£nan,  Averroes, 
etc,  2. 

*  It  appears  also  as  Aben  Haasad,  Ben  HotU,  and  Aben  Hoes, 


362        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

that  a  hurricane  would  come  at  a  specified  time  and 
destroy  the  human  race ;  and  when  it  was  called  to 
his  attention  that  there  was  in  the  Koran  the  record 
of  such  a  tempest  which  destroyed  the  rebellious 
tribe  of  Ad,^  he  declared  that  to  be  also  a  fabia 
Quoting  in  one  of  his  commentaries  from  a  classic 
author  the  words,  "  The  planet  Venus  is  a  divinity," 
his  enemies  took  them  as  an  extract  from  his  work, 
and  showed  them  to  Al-mansur,  who  was  made  thus 
to  believe  the  philosopher  a  polytheist^  The  result 
was  that  he  was  banished,  and  orders  were  given  in 
the  provinces  of  the  empire  to  burn  his  writings,  ex- 
cept .  those  on  medicine,  arithmetic,  and  elementary 
astronomy,  —  "as  far  as  those  were  necessary  to  know 
how  to  calculate  the  length  of  days  and  nights  and 
to  determine  the  direction  of  the  Kiblah"  It  seemed 
that  he  had  fallen  a  victim  to  his  learning  and  wis- 
dom ;  but  his  fame  had  become  so  great  that  he  was 
soon  restored  to  favor.  He  asserted  the  eternal  and 
imiversal  nature  of  true  intellectual  life,  and  with  his 
fellow-workers,  especially  Avicenna,  set  forth  that 
"BmanA-  doctriuc  of  emanation,  the  master  principle 
opTinto*^*^"  ^f  ^^  school;  a  theory  of  cosmogony,  ac- 
Pantheism.  (jQjding  to  which  the  matter  and  form  of 
the  world  spring  from  God,  and  flow  out  of  Him : 
this  theory  is  in  some  respects  the  equivalent  or  at 
least  the  half-thought  of  pantheism.'  It  was  a  vigor- 
ous resistance  against  the  cast-iron  system  of  Moslem 

^  Eor&n,  ch.  yii.,  xxiii.    Allusions  are  made  to  this  deatnictioii 
in  other  chapters. 

'  R^nan,  Averroes  et  rAyerroisme,  p.  22. 

'  Lecky  (Rationalism  in  Europe,  II.  284)  refers  to  the  influence 


METAPHYSICS,  HISTORY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.    363 

theology;  it  still  sought,  but  sought  in  vain,  to  keep 
creed  and  science  apart ;  it  could  do  no  more  than  put 
a  fortress  round  the  Deity,  and  while  it  conceded  that 
intelligence  asserts  itself  from  the  opposite  direction, 
it  claimed  that  in  all  things  God  is  the  only  real 
agent,  whether  he  uses  a  medium  or  acts  immediately, 
—  "Est  Deus  gloriosus  mediantibus  angelis,  aut  im- 
mediate." 

Averroes  died  in  11 98,  not  long  after  his  restoration 
to  favor,  and  was  buried  at  Morocco ;  but  his  country- 
men petitioned  to  have  his  remains,  which  were  re- 
moved and  reburied  at  Cordova.  His  tenets,  however, 
did  not  die  with  him.  Adopted  by  the  Jews,  who  made 
Hebrew  translations  of  his  works ;  rendered  into  Latin 
by  the  schoolmen,  who  fought  vigorously  over  his 
doctrines ;  studied  in  the  University  of  Paris,  and  de- 
clared to  be  the  representative  of  scepticism, — Aver- 
roism  found  its  more  abiding  home  in  the  school  of 
Padua,  where  it  had  the  honor  of  being  denounced  by 
Petrarch ;  and  at  last  it  took  its  place  in  the  history 
among  systems  which  have  played  their  part,  and  are 
.  now,  in  form  at  least,  things  of  the  past.  He  was 
the  first  of  the  Arabian  philosophers  to  deny  that 
virtue  is  only  a  means  of  arriving  at  happiness,  —  a 
common  and  selfish  view,  which  seems  the  practical 
basis  of  many  popular  religions.^ 
I  can  only  refer  very  briefly  to  the  distinguished 

of  "those  pantheistic  speculations  about  the  aU-pervasiFe  soul  of 
the  Uniyerse  '*  upon  "  some  of  the  most  eminent  Christian  writings 
long  after  the  dawn  of  the  Reformation." 

^  I  qnote  his  words  from  B^nan  ("Averroes,"  etc.,  p.  156): 
'*  Parmi  lea  fictions  dangereoses,  il  faut  compter  celles  qui  tendent 
2k  ne  faire  enyisager  la  vertn  que  comme  un  moyen  d'arriver  au  bon* 


364     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

name  of  Ibn  B&dja,  known  to  the  Western  world  as 
Avempace,  who  was  bom  at  Saragossa  in 
the  year  1138.  His  views,  which  were 
something  more  than  a  modification  of  existing  sys- 
tems, are  to  be  found  in  his  "  Eepublic  of  the  Soli- 
tary" {Regime  du  Solvtaire).  The  Solitary  is  the 
philosopher  who  would  seek  to  rise  above  his  mere 
animal  nature,  his  a&fia  -^xr/LKov,  and  above  sur- 
rounding nature,  to  the  realms  of  pure  intellectuality. 
Thus  intellect  gains  a  certain  supremacy  in  a  philo- 
sophical heaven,  where  it,  in  the  person  of  the  Deity, 
controls  everything.  Among  the  critical  treatises  of 
Averroes  is  one  on  Avempace's  letter  concerning  the 
\mion  of  the  intellect  with  man,^  which  accepted 
much,  but  also  questioned  much,  in  that  work. 

The  intimate  association  between  the  Arabians  and 
the  Jews  gave  rise  to  many  speculations  of  the  latter 
Moses  Mai-  upou  philosopMcal  qucstious.  Among  these 
monidea.      ^^^  ^^^^  famous  thinker  was  Moses  Mai- 

monides  (Ben  Maimon),  who  was  the  immediate  con- 
tinuator  of  the  philosophy  of  Averroes.  He  was  bom 
in  Cordova,  in  1135,  of  a  distinguished  family,  and 
was  an  adept  in  many  sciences.  He  wrote  upon  many 
subjects,  and  his  works  were  greatly  esteemed ;  but, 
when  he  entered  upon  metaphysical  speculations, 
partly  for  his  opinions  and  partly  because  he  was  a 

heur.  D^  lors  la  vertu  n'est  plus  rien,  puisqu'on  ne  s'alietient  de 
la  volupt^  qae  dans  Tespoir  d'en  6tre  d^ommag^  avec  usurs.  Le 
brave  n'ira  clieicher  la  mort  qae  pour  ^yiter  nil  plus  grand  mal.  Le 
juste  ne  respectera  le  bien  d*autrui  que  pour  acqu^rir  le  double." 
The  reader  will  find  a  complete  list  of  the  worka  of  Ayerroes  in 
E^nan,  p.  65  et  seq. 

^  R^nan,  Averroes  et  rAverroisme,  p.  67. 


METAPHYSICS,  HISTOBY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.    365 

Jew,  he  fell  under  the  ban  of  intolerant  orthodoxy 
and  was  accused  of  making  his  brethren  atheists. 
He  fled  to  northern  Africa,  and  died  at  Cairo,  in 
1204.  His  real  opinions  were  vindicated  by  his 
gifted  son,  Abraham  Ben  Moses. 

In  this  brief  and  somewhat  desultory  reference  to 
Arabian  philosophy,  I  have  been  obliged  to  omit 
many  names,  which  in  a  larger  treatment  would  find 
honorable  place.  Here,  as  in  presenting  the  other 
elements  of  Moslem  culture,  I  have  only  space  to 
indicate  to  the  reader  men  and  opinions  whose  sys- 
tems demand  careful  study  by  all  those  who  are 
interested  in  the  important  but  perplexing  study  of 
psychology. 

Under  the  head  of  History  we  enter  upon  the 
most  important  and  voluminous  labors  of  the  Spanish 
Arabians.  It  was  almost  entirely  chronicle  Hutoricia 
history.  Indeed,  with  their  essential  doc-  ^^*'^8s. 
trine  of  fatalism,  there  was  little  place  for  pliilosophy. 
All  things  moved  in  an  iron-bound  order.  And  the 
chronicle  was  concerned  about  the  deeds  of  Khalifs 
and  Amirs,  and  so  generally  abounds  in  fulsome 
eulogy. 

But  they  were  industrious  in  collecting  facts; 
indeed,  they  were  statistical  before  all.  They  en- 
wreathed  these  statistics,  which  otherwise  would  have 
been  dry  detail,  with  allegory  and  imagery,  and  dis- 
played great  accuracy  and  elegance  in  composition. 
They  were  accomplished  grammarians,  and  were  bound 
to  correct  rules  by  numerous  and  famous  treatises  on 
grammar.  - 

Among  many  elaborate  historical  works,  we  have 


366   •     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN   BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

mention  of  a  royal  history  of  his  times  by  Ibn 
Al-aftlas,  king  of  Badajos^  which  has  not  survived 
the  civil  wars  of  the  eleventh  century  and  later 
times. 

Al  Krazraji  of  Cordova  wrote  "  The  Book  of  Suf- 
ficiency on  the  History  of  the  Khalifs,"  beginning 
with  the  establishment  of  the  Khalifate,  and  ending 
with  the  reign  of  Abdu-1-mdmen,  the  first  of  the 
Almohades.  This  is  a  general  history,  giving  both 
the  events  in  the  East  and  those  in  Spain. 

Not  to  dwell  upon  works  which  are  of  little  interest 
to  the  general  scholar,  as  they  have  not  been  trans- 
lated, I  must  mention  one  of  these  reproductions  of 
the  past  by  Ibnu  Hayyan,  of  Cordova,  which  has 
been  more  particularly  consulted  by  Arabic  scholars, 
and  is  frequently  referred  to  in  these  pages.  It  is  in 
The  Book  of  ^ixty  volumcs,  and  bears  the  appropriate 
Solidity.  title,  Kitdbu'l-matin  (the  "  Book  of  Solid- 
ity " ).  This,  with  another  work  by  the  same  author, 
called  Kitdbu-l-muktabis  (the  *'  Book  of  those  desir- 
ous of  Information  "),  gives  to  the  reader  the  details  of 
historical  events  which  occurred  in  the  author's  time, 
and  of  some  of  which  he  was  an  eye-witness.  Another 
work  is  named  "  The  Embroidery  of  the  Bride  on  the 
History  of  the  Khalifs  who  reigned  in  Andalus ;  * 
and  there  is  a  supplement,  entitled  "  The  Book  of  the 
Sphere,"  divided  into  two  parts,  —  one  entitled  "The 
Light  of  the  Rising  Sun  on  the  Beauties  of  the  East," 
and  the  other,  "  The  Eloquent  Speaker  on  the  Beauties 
of  the  West." 

There  are  histories  of  cities,  and  elaborate  biog- 
raphies of  eminent   men;  biographical  dictionaries 


METAPHYSICS,  HISTORY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.      367 

like  that  of  Abu-1-kasim  Ibn  Bash  Kiirvdl,  from  the 
conquest  to  his  own  days.    There  are  his-  Local  and 

special 

tories  in  verse,  like  that  of  Andalus,  by  Al  hutoriei. 
Ghazz&l.     There  is  a  history  of  horses   by  Abii-l- 
Monder  of  Valencia,  and  a  Historical  Dictionary  of  the 
Sciences  by  Mohammed-Abu- Abdillah,  of  Granada 

A  few  of  these  works  are  still  within  the  reach 
of  Arabic  scholars;  but  this  is  not  the  place  for  a 
bibliographical  list  Most  of  them  are  beyond  our 
reach  and  use,  both  on  account  of  the  language  in 
which  they  are  still  concealed  from  the  general  reader, 
and  the  rareness  of  the  copies ;  and  because  of  the 
almost  impossibility  of  consulting  with  any  degree 
of  system  those  which  are  in  the  library  of  the 
EscuriaL  There  are  in  that  gloomy  retreat  six  thou- 
sand Arabic  manuscripts  lying  boxed  in  the  basement, 
which  are  not  generally,  if  ever,  consulted.*  These 
form  but  a  small  portion  of  those  treasures,  thousands 
of  which  were  destroyed  by  an  accidental  fire  in  the 
Escurial  in  1671,  constituting  three-fourths  of  the 
entire  collection. 

The  task  of  cataloguing  the  remainder  was  as- 
signed to  a  learned  Syrian,  Miguel  Casiri,  a  Maronite 
of  Mount  Lebanon,  in  the  middle  of  the  The  work  of 
eighteenth  century,  who  was  industrious  and  caairt 
devoted,  but  whose  work,  by  reason  of  his  nationality, 
'Contains  many  errors.  It  is  entitled  "Bit)liotheca 
Arabico-Hispana  Escurialensis,'*  and  is  the  foundation 

^  Cardinal  Ximenes  thought  to  do  the  church  good  serrioe  by 
destroying  eighty  thousand  Arabic  MSS.  at  a  literary  auio  da  fi  in 
the  public  squares  of  Granada,  in  the  year  1500.  He  made  some 
amends  by  founding  the  University  of  Alcala. 


368        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

of  the  "Historia  Critica"  of  Masden,  the  first  really 
critical  history  of  Spain.  The  number  of  works  cat- 
alogued was  eighteen  hundred  and  fifty,  and  the  task 
was  accomplished  between  1760  and  1770. 

I  may  be  permitted  to  say,  after  reading  the  ex- 
perience of  Don  Pascual  de  Grayangos,  of  obstacles 
and  cold  treatment  which  he  met  from  the  Spanish 
authorities  in  his  attempts  to  consult  these  ^orks,^ 
that,  when  Spanish  scholars  cast  off  their  sloth  and 
their  false  pride  of  blood;  when  they  are  ready  to 
do  simple  justice  to  the  Arab-Moors,  whom  they  have 
tried  In  vain  to  ignore,  —  such  books  as  these  will  shed 
rare  light  upon  the  Mohammedan  dominion,  and  give 
the  historian  of  the  Conquest  what  thus  far  he  has 
not  had,  —  adequate  materials  with  which  to  work. 

In  considering  the  knowledge,  and  the  extension 
of  that  knowledge,  which  the  Arab-Moors  contrib- 
uted to  exact  science  we  must  go  back  to  the  East 
to  find  those  numeral  symbols,  called  Arabic,  which 
we  use  in  Arithmetic,  the  simple  but  magical  cpen 
sesame  to  the  treasure-house  of  calculation.  Simple 
Arithmotie    as  thesc  figUTCs  are,  and  easy  as  it  may 

and  mathe-  •^  ^ 

maucB.  now  Seem  to  have  invented  them,  they 
are  not  of  Arabian  invention,  nor  did  the  Arabians 
claim  that  they  were.  They  are  of  Hin4u  device, 
and  were  thus  called  Mash'heb  Sind  Hind  (the  school 

^  He  petitioned  the  goyemment  for  permission  to  visit  the  col- 
lection in  the  Escnrial ;  "but,"  he  says,  "notwithstanding  repeated 
applications  on  mj  part,  and  the  interference  of  peTsons  high  both 
in  rank  and  infldence ;  notwithstanding  the  ntility,  not  to  say 
necessity,  of  the  work  I  contemplated,  —  my  request  was,  as  often  as 
made,  positively  denied."  —  Translator's  Pre/ace  to  Al  Ifakkari, 
I.  xix. 


METAPHYSICS,  mSTORY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.      369 

of  Sind  Hind).  They  were  probably  brought  from 
-India  to  Baghdad,  among  the  spoils  of  conquest,  in 
the  days  of  Al-mansur  or  Haroun  Al  Raschid.^  The 
Arabians  may  have  improved;  they  certainly  named 
them,  and  at  once  employed  them  in  new  calcula- 
tions. To  them  we  owe  our  name  for  the  cipher, 
.that  potent  genius  of  the  decimal  system,  —  that 
nothing  which  disproves  the  rule.  Ex  nikilo  nihil  fit. 
They  called  it  Tsaphara,  the  hlarik  or  void. 

Woepcke  proposes  two  sources  for  these  figures  as 
used  in  Maghreb  and  Spain,  —  the  Gobar,  or  "  dust " 
introduced  to  the  West  before  the  coming  of  the 
Arabs,  by  the  neo-Pythagoreans  and  Boethius ;  *  and 
the  other  brought  to  the  Khalif  Al-mamiin  of  Bagh- 
dad in  the  ninth  century,  and  soon  afterwards  into 
Spain.  The  former  vehicle  is  very  doubt-  ^^  AmbUn 
ful;  for,  though  some  of  the  initiated  might  ^^^^'^^^ 
have  heard  of  them,  there  is  no  record  of  their  use  by 
the  Arabs  on  their  arrival  in  Spain.  Both  systems, 
however,  seem  to  have  been  of  Indian  origin. 

"  It  would  be  curious,"  says  Max  Miiller,  "  to  find 
out  at  what  time  the  naught  occurs  for  the  first  time 
in  the  Indian  inscriptions:  .  .  .  from  it  would  date  in 
reality  the  beginning  of  true  mathematical  science, — 
impossible  without  the  naught,  —  nay,  the  beginning 
of  all  exact  sciences,  to  which  we  owe  the  discovery 

1  Their  Indian  origin  is  doubted  by  Sedillot  (Des  Connaissances 
Scientifiques  des  Orientanx), — quoted  by  Hoefer,  Histoire  des  Math^« 
matiques,  pp.  304,  305.     Paris,  1874. 

'  In  the  ingenious  article  on  "  Our  Figures,'*  in  the  second  yol- 
nme  of  Max  Mul1er*s  "  Chips  from  a  German  Work-shop,"  the  reader 
is  referred  to  Woepcke's  '*  M6moire  snr  la  Propagation  des  Chiifres 
Indiens,"  in  the  "Journal  Asiatique." 
VOL.  II.  24 


370      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 


99 


of  telescopes,  steam-engines  and  electric  telegraphs: 
The  mode  of  forming  the  numerals  is  very  simple ; 
and  one  is  inclined,  by  finding  them  among  the  Ara- 
besques in  the  Alhambra,  constructed  in  circles,  by 
using  diameters  and  chords,  to  believe  that  such  was 
their  original  construction.  What  an  immense  im- 
provement in  calculation  they  introduced  may  be 
seen  by  comparing  their  decimal  system  with  the 
cumbrous  sexagesimal  arithmetic  of  the  Greeks,^  the 
mode  of  computing  by  sixties ;  or  with  the  Eoman 
system  of  numeral  letters. 

The  Arabic  figures  were  introduced  into  Spain 
about  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century.  It  has 
been  asserted — and  the  assertion,  if  not  exact,  is  sig- 
nificant —  that  Pope  Sylvester  II.,  who  was  the  first 
to  present  a  knowledge  of  these  symbols  to  Christian 
Europe  in  the  same  century,  had  le^irned  them  while 
When  Intro-  Studying,  as  the  priest  Gerbert,  among  many 
Europe.  other  Christian  students,  at  the  University 
of  Cordova.^  When  we  remember  that  these  Arabic 
numerals  from  1  to  10,  including  the  naughty  were 
not  in  general  use  in  Germany  until  the  beginning  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  nor  in  England  until  some  time 
later,  we  are  ready  to  give  most  thankful  praise  to 
those  to  whom  Europe  owes  so  magnificent  a  boon. 

1  They  formed  their  system  by  dividing  the  circle  into  three  hun- 
dred and  sixty  degrees  ;  each  side  of  the  inscribed  hexagon  sub- 
tended an  arc  of  60%  each  degree  contained  60',  and  each  minute  60*. 
They  applied  this  also  to  rectilinear  measurements. 

^  Sylvester  composed  works  on  arithmetic  and  geometry,  and 
made  some  mathematical  instruments  with  his  own  hand.  It  was 
chiefly  due  to  his  new  arithmetic  that  he  was  considered  by  many 
as  a  necromancer.     He  died  in  1003. 


METAPHYSICS,  HISTORY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.      371 

Their  introduction  was  the  starting-point  of  a  new 
progress ;  by  their  use  the  Arabians  led  the  world  in 
mathematics,  analytical  mechanics,  and  astronomy. 

To  algebra,  the  science  of  numbers  and  quantity, 
they  gave  its  modem  name,  from  'jabara^  to  hind 
parts  together.  Of  its  antiquity  they  had  no  knowl- 
edge, although  one  of  their  writers  ascribes 

^  '  °  Algebra. 

a  treatise  on  the  science  to  Adam.  The  un- 
known quantity  x  they  called  s*di,  the  thing  (to  be 
discovered)  ;  and  this  name  has  been  adopted  by  the 
Italians,  who  call  it  scienza  della  cosa,  —  translated  by 
the  earlier  French  authors  into  L'art  de  coss.  As  far 
as  we  know  the  Arabians  derived  their  knowledge 
from  the  Greeks ;  and  there  is  in  the  Bodleian  library 
at  Oxford  a  manuscript  copy  of  a  treatise  on  Algebra 
by  Mohammed  Ibn  Musa,  of  the  ninth  century.^ 

Diophantus,  the  Alexandrian,  had  written  upon 
algebra  in  the  sixth  century;  and,  although  the  sciema 
della  com,  was  a  favorite  study  with  the  Italians,  little 
was  known  of  it  by  general  scholars,  until  the  famous 
tournament  and  bitter  quarrel  between  their  cham- 
pion Tartaglia  and  Cardan.  This  grew  out  of  the 
enthusiasm  of  Scipion  Ferro  (1490-1525)  and  An- 
tonio Fiore;  the  latter  of  whom,  while  the  Arabians 
were  engaged  in  the  same  inquiries,  had  found  the 
methods  for  solvin^r  equations  of  the  third  de-  TarUgiu 

and  Car- 

gree.    Fiore  challenged  Tartaglia  to  a  general  dana. 
mathematical  tournament,  in  1535,  and  propounded 

1  Hoefer,  Histoire  dee  Math^matiqaes,  pp.  296,  297.  The  work 
was  written  during  the  reign  of  the  Ehalif  Al-m&nidn,  but  the  copy 
referred  to  bears  date  of  1342.  The  Arabians  also  presented  the 
word  gidTf  which  has  been  adopted  in  aU  hinguages,  —  root,  racine, 
iourzel,  etc. 


372      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THS  ARAB-MOORS. 

thirty  questions  on  cubic  equations.  These  Tartaglia 
immediately  answered ;  and  Cardan,  himself  an  Ital- 
ian, but  whose  residence  in  France  and  England  has 
given  a  French  form  to  his  name,  wrote  to  the  suc- 
cessful champion  for  his  methods,  with  the  promise 
of  secrecy.  Tartaglia  was  very  reluctant  to  impart 
liis  knowledge,  but  eventually  did  so,  requiring  Car- 
dan to  swear  on  the  Holy  Evangelists  and  his  honor 
as  a  gentleman,  that  he  would  not  disclose  them;^ 
and  that  he  would  commit  them  to  cipher,  so  that 
they  might  not  be  read  after  his  death.  By  develop- 
ing and  modifying  them.  Cardan  seemed  to  think 
himself  absolved  from  his  oath,  and  he  published 
them  to  the  world,  greatly  to  the  anger  of  Tartaglia^ 
in  his  "Ars  Magna,"  in  1545. 

In  the  mean  time,  and  quite  outside  of  this  Euro- 
pean quarrel,  the  Arabians  were  at  work  on  the 
Thebitn)n  s^^ieucc.  They  were  also  solving  cubic 
Korrah.  equatious,  and  Thebit  Ibn  Korrah,  who  died 
in  the  year  900,  has  the  great  credit  of  having  first 
applied  Algebra  to  Geometry,'  and  thus  laid  the 
foundations  of  Analytical  Geometry. 

Geometry,  the  science  of  measurements,  they  found 
already  in  an  advanced  stage  of  cultivation.  From 
the  earliest  time,  when  men  began  to  measure  the 
surface  of  the  earth  and  the  contents  of  bodies^  on 

^  Tartaglia  made  a  poetic  Bummary  of  his  method,  of  which  the 
following  are  the  closing  lines:  — 

'*  £1  residue  poi  tno  generale 
Delli  lor  lati  cubi  ben  soltrato 
Yerra  la  tua  cosa  principale." 

See  Hoefer,  Histoire  des  Mathematiqnes,  p.  844. 
^  Hoefer,  Histoire  des  Math^matiques,  p.  297. 


METAPHYSICS,  HISTOBT,  AND   EXACT  SCIENCE.      373 

the  principle  of  personal  possession  and  self-interest, 
geometiy  was  a  practical  art;  and  thus  the  inventions 
of  Pythagoras  and  the  system  of  Euclid,  the  latter 
being  still  used  in  academies  and  colleges,  must  find 
their  origin  in  an  earlier  period  In  a  Chinese  work 
of  mathematical  detail,  we  are  presented  with  a  dia- 
logue between  the  Emperor  Tchan-kong,  who  lived 
about  eleven  hundred  years  before  Christ,  —  if  we 
may  credit  their  chronology, — and  a  learned  man  of  the 
time  named  Schang-kaow.  If,  says  the  philosopher, 
we  andyze  a  right  angle,  the  line  which  joins  the  ex- 
tremities of  the  base  and  altitude  is  equal  to  five^  when 
the  one  equals  three  and  the  other  four.  The  square 
of  five  is  equal  to  the  sum  of  the  squares  of  three  and 
four.  And  thus  the  little  mandarins  puz-  ^,^^ 
zled  over  the  proposition  which  we  know  ®^*""" 
as  the  47th  of  Euclid,  nearly  six  hundred  years 
before  Pythagoras  is  said  to  have  enunciated  it,  and 
eight  hundred  before  it  found  its  place  in  the  system 
of  Euclid.  This  may  be  the  boast  of  a  "  celestial " 
fancy ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Arabians 
received  geometry  in  a  very  advanced  condition,  and 
presented  to  the  western  world,  in  translation  from 
the  Greek,  the  treatises  of  Euclid  on  the  properties 
of  plane  figures,  on  the  theory  of  ratios,  and  on  the 
elements  of  solid  figures.  If  they  added  little  that 
was  new,  they  collected  and  annotated  all  that  was 
known.  The  works  of  Euclid,  let  it  be  remembered, 
were  not  translated  into  the  modern  languages  of 
Europe  until  the  sixteenth  century,  after  the  influx 
of  Greek  learning,  incident  to  the  fall  of  Constanti- 
nople.   The  first  Latin  dress  in  which  'they  appeared 


374        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOORS. 

in  the  West  was  in  a  translation  made  by  Adelard, 
Adeiard't      of  Bath,  from  an  Arabic  version  which  he 

translation 

of  Euclid,  found  in  common  use  in  Spain  in  the  twelfth 
century.  So,  too,  the  famous  work  of  Appolonius  of 
Perga,  — "  the  great  geometer,"  on  conic  sections, 
written  in  the  early  part  of  the  third  century  of  our  era, 
was  translated  by  the  Arabians,  and  thus  presented  to 
the  west.  To  be  more  exact,  there  were  eight  books ; 
the  first  seven  were  translated  into  Arabic;  the  first 
four  were  afterwards  recovered  in  the  Greek;  the 
eighth  is  lost.^ 

Towards  the  end  of  the  ninth  century,  Ibn  Musa  Ibn 
Geber  Al  Batani  greatly  facilitated  the  applications 
of  trigonometry  by  the  use  of  the  sine,  or  half-chord 
The  intpo-     of  the  doublc  arc,  instead  of  the  arc  itselE 

auction  of 

the  tine.  It  was  immediately  applied  in  geodetical 
and  astronomical  calculations*  And  Abu-1-Wefah 
presented  to  the  world  the  formulae  of  tangents  and 
cotangents,  and  also  of  secants  and  co-secants,  and 
made  tables  of  the  former  set,  of  all  which  the 
scientific  historian  says,  "  Fersonne  n'avait  encore 
parl6."  8 

1  Michel  Cbasles,  Aperpu  Hifltorique  des  M6thodes  en  G^om^trie, 
p.  21.     Paris,  1876. 

2  The  words  of  Al  Batanf,  as  given  by  Delambre  (Histoire  de 
VAstronomie  du  Moyen  Age),  are :  **  C*est  de  ces  demichordes,  que 
nous  entendons  nous  servlr  dans  nos  calculs,  oh  il  est  bien  intilo 
de  doubler  lea  arcs."  —  pp.  11,  12. 

*  M.  Michel  Chasles,  speaking  of  the  great  change  which  had 
come  over  them  since  they  burned  the  Alexandrian  Library, 
says :  "  Cependant,  ces  memes  Arabes,  apr^  un  ou  deux  si^leSt 
reconnurent  leur  ignorance,  et  entreprirent  euz-m£mes  la  restaura* 
tion  des  sciences.  Ce  sont  eux  qui  nous  transmirent  soit  le  texte^ 
soit  la  traduction  dans  leur  langue,  —  les  manuscrits  qui  avaient 
^chapp^  k  leur  fureur  fanatique.     Mais  c'es$t  1&  a  peu  pr^  la  seule 


METAPHYSICS,  HISTORY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.      375 

These  improvements  found  their  way  into  Spain, 
and  from  Spain  passed  into  Italy,  the  growing  centre 
of  a  commerce  and  an  extending  navigation,  which 
were  ready  to  subsidize  all  mathematical  learning. 

Thus  it  would  seem  that,  in  the  palmy  days  of  the 
Arabian  dominion  in  Spain,  the  young  student  in  their 
colleges  had  almost  as  complete  a  course  in  elementary 
mathematicsas  is  taught  in  our  colleges  to-day. 

If  we  pass  from  pure  mathematics  to  astronomy, 
we  shall  find  the  Arabians  industriously  studying  and 
systematizing  what  was  known  before,  and  adding 
greatly  to  the  former  knowledge  by  observation  and 
computation.  They  used  the  Egyptian  calendar  of 
days  in  the  year,  and  the  tables  of  the  Greeks; 
they  translated  the  works  of  Ptolemy,  containing  his 
digest  of  ancient  astronomy,  his  theory  of  the  plan- 
etary system,  the  moon's  evection,  —  an  inequality 
depending  upon  the  position  of  the  sun  with  ref- 
erence to  the  major  axis  of  the  moon's  orbit,  —  and 
his  treatise  on  the  phenomena  of  the  fixed  stars.  His 
great  work,  which  he  called  MeydXrj  SvpTa^i<:  t^9 
^Aa-Tpopofiiaf;  (the  great  syntaxis)  they  called  fieylarrf 
(the  greatest),  to  distinguish  it  from  his  other  works ; 
and  it  has  become,  with  the  article  prefixed, 

*  Al'inagQst. 

the  Al-magest.      Great  observatories  were 

erected  in  the  eastern  cities,  and  at  Seville  and  Cor- 

obligation  qne  nous  lear  ayons.  Car  la  g^om^trie  entre  leun  mains, 
k  Texception  toutefois  du  calcul  des  triangles  sph^riqnes  resta 
stationaire  entre  leurs  mains  ;  leurs  travaux  se  bomant  k  admirer  et 
k  commenter  les  oavrages  grecs ;  comma  s'ils  marquaient  le  tenne 
le  plus  ^lev^  et  le  plus  sublime  de  cett«  science."  —  Aper^  His^ 
tarique,  p.  50.  I  find  the  praise  rather  scanty,  after  eiren  a  cursory 
examination  of  their  labors. 


376      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

dova,  always  emulous  of  Baghdad.  They  computed 
time  by  the  oscillations  of  the  pendulum ;  they  took 
the  altitudes  of  the  heavenly  bodies  by  means  of  the 
astrolabe,  —  a  circular  plate  with  a  graduated  rim, 
within  which  fit  several  thinner  plates,  and  a  limb 
instru-  moving  on  a  central  pivot  with  two  sights, 
ment*  They  used  armillary  spheres,  made  not  with 
a  spherical,  continuous  surface,  but  with  rings.  Thus 
they  calculated  the  conditions  of  Aldebaran,  Eigel 
Algol,  and  other  stars.  There  are  in  our  lists  four 
hundred  stars  with  Arabic  names.  To  them  we  owe 
our  common  word,  azimuth,  —  the  arc  of  the  horizon 
included  between  the  meridian  and  a  vertical  circle 
passing  through  the  centre  of  a  star.  The  point 
where  a  normal  to  the  surface  pierces  upper  space, 
they  called  semt,  a  place,  whence  we  have  our  zenith  ; 
the  similar  point  beneath  was  Tuidir  (the  opposite.)  ^ 
To  the  Spanish  Arabs  we  owe  the  name  and  form 
of  the  calendar  which  we  call  Almanac  (mandh, 
measure). 

According  to  Al  Kazwinf,  they  not  only  knew  the 
spheroidal  form  of  the  earth,  but  approximately  its 
The  Am-      diameter  and  circumference,  computed  from 

bian«  knew  o      rwn        •      i  •         • 

that  the       eclipscs  of  the  moon.'    The  inclination  of 

earth  was  a  ^ 

spheroid,  the  ccliptic  was  computed  by  Geber  Al 
Batanf  following  the  Greek  method.  By  means  of 
a  colossal  gnomon,  he  measured  the  length  of  the 
shadow,  at  the  summer  and  at  the  winter  solstice, 
the  angular  difierence  being  twice  the  quantity  sought. 

^  Montuda,  Histoire  des  Math^matiques,  vol.  I.  p.  371.  Paris. 
An.  viiL 

'^  Lane,  Arabian  Nights,  note  2  to  the  Introdnction. 


MBTAPHTSICS,  HISTOKY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.      377 

This  was  done,  both  at  Damascus  and  at  Baghdad, 
during  the  reign  of  Al-mamiin.  At  the  former  place 
it  was  made  23**  33',  and  at  the  latter  23**  33'  52'. 
Our  methods  make  it  at  that  time  23°  35'  56".^ 

To  them  is  due  the  discovery  of  the  motion  of  the 
sun's  apogee ;  and  that  of  the  third  inequality  of  the 
moon  is  ascribed  by  Sedillot  to  Abu-1-Wefah,  but  this 
is  doubted  by  Biot 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  measure- 
ment of  a  degree  of  latitude  on  the  earth's  surface  in 
the  ninth  century.  To  go  a  little  more  into  detail : 
On  an  extended  plain  in  Mesopotamia,  called  Singiar, 
two  parties  were  organized,  of  which,  starting  from 
the  same  point,  one  moved  north  and  the  other 
south,  and  each  measured  a  degree.     Their  They  meas- 

,  ,  .         «     ,  ^'^  *  degree 

unit  of  measure  was  the  cubit,  of  the  exact  of  latitude, 
length  of  which  we  are  not  certain.     SuflBce  it  to  say 
that,  while  modern  science  has  fixed  the  degree  at 
about  sixty-nine  and  a  half  statute  miles  for  that 
locality,  they  made  it  nearly  seventy-seven.^ 

Az-zharkal,  a  famous  Spanish  astronomer  of  the 
twelfth  century,  proposed  an  hypothesis  to  account 
for  the  diminution  of  the  sun's  eccentricity  since  the 
days  of  Ptolemy ;  *  and  Alfonso  X.  (el  sabio),  whose 
astronomical  tables  —  known  as  the  Alphonsine  tables 
—  were  of  great  value,  composed  them,  with  the 
assistance  of  Arabian  astronomers.  He  was  indeed 
wise  in  his  own  conceit ;  for  he  said,  "  that,  if  God  had 

^  Moedler,  Geschichte  der  Himmelskaiide,  p.  89.  Branswick, 
1878. 

*  See  Montacla,  Histoire  des  Math^matiques,  I.  858. 
'  Al  Makkari,  Mohammedan  Dynasties,  I.  888,  note  18. 


378        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

called  him  into  His  councils  when  He  created  the 
universe,  things  would  have  been  in  a  better  and 
simpler  order."  ^ 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  remind  the  reader  that  all 
their  tables  and  computations  were  based  upon  the 
views  of  Ptolemy  as  to  the  correlations  of  the  solar 
system,  which  used  apparent  instead  of  real  motions, 
and  which  did  not  disappear  until  the  time  of  Co- 
pernicus. The  metaphysician,  Averroes,  wrote  an 
abridgment  of  the  Al-niagest,  a  treatise  on  the  mo- 
tion of  the  celestial  sphere,  and  announced  his  in- 
tention, if  God  should  permit,  to  compose  a  work  on 
astronomy  as  it  was  in  the  time  of  Aiistotle,  —  "to 
destroy  the  theory  of  epicycles  and  eccentrics,  and 
to  make  a  harmony  between  the  Astronomy  and  the 
Physics  of  Aristotla"  ^ 

It  should  not  be  forgotten  that,  from  the  beginning, 
with  the  progress  of  astronomy,  or  exact  star-science, 
astrology,  the  science  of  star  influences  and 
star  prophecies,  kept  pace  in  Spain,  as  well 
as  in  the  East.  Dividing  magic,  or  the  supernatural, 
into  spiritual  and  natural,  they  made  astrology  a 
branch  of  the  latter.  Thus,  to  give  a  striking  illus- 
tration, they  arranged  marriage  by  these  star  predic- 
tions. They  not  only  calculated  the  character  and 
conditions  of  each  of  the  parties  by  the  signs  of  the 
zodiac,  but  the  effect  to  be  produced  by  their  combi- 
nation on  their  future  lives.  The  twelve  signs  cor- 
responded to  the  elements  of  fire,  earth,  air,  water, 
etc. :  and  if  for  the  man  and  woman  the  signs  agreed, 

^  Montucla,  Histoire  des  Math^matiqnes,  I.  511. 

2  R^nan's  Averroes  et  rAverroismo,  p.  76.    Paris,  1867. 


METAPHYSICS,  HISTORY,  AND  EXACT  SCIENCE.      379 

there  would  be  concord ;  but,  if  the  element  of  the 
woman  was  water,  and  that  of  the  man  was  fire,  she 
would  put  him  out!  —  he  would  be  subject  to  her 
rule.  The  Spanish  Arabs  seem  to  have  been  less 
under  the  sway  of  this  natural  magic  than  their 
Eastern  brethren.  As  they  lived  in  a  credulous  age, 
they  were,  however,  not  free  from  it ;  but  always,  in 
their  superstitions  even,  they  were  groping  for  light, 
they  were  working  for  science.  Thus,  great  Khalifs 
undesignedly  did  good  service  to  astronomy  by  col- 
lecting and  reproducing  astronomical  tables  mainly 
designed  for  the  purpose  of  astrological  consultation. 
To  a  very  recent  period,  and  even  among  great  piinds, 
there  have  been  honest  believers  in  astrology.  Napo- 
leon believed  in  his  star  and  in  lucky  days.  Joseph 
de  Maistre,  a  nobleman,  a  statesman,  and  a  Modem 

Ik.       12       ^     J 

distinguished  philosophic  writer,  declared  astrology, 
that  "divination  by  astrology  is  not  an  absolutely 
chimerical  science."  Such,  too,  was  the  opinion  of 
Groethe,  who  begins  his  egotistical  biography  with  a 
serious  statement  of  the  planetary  influences  under 
which  he  was  born,  and  which  he  believed  to  have 
influenced  his  life.^    But  there  have  also  been  in  all 

^  As  illnstrating  this  curious  subject  I  am  tempted  to  give  the 
passage  :  "  Am  2S  August,  1749,  Mittags  mit  dem  Glockenschlage 
zwblf  kam  ich  in  Frankfort  am  Main  auf  die  Welt.  Die  Constella- 
tion war  gliicklich  ;  die  Sonne  stand  in  Zeichen  der  Jungfrau,  und 
culminirte  fur  den  Tag  ;  Jupiter  und  Venus  blickten  sie  freundlich 
an,  Mercur  nicht  widerwartig ;  Saturn  und  Mars  verhielten  sich 
gleichgiiltig  ;  nur  der  Mon^,  der  so  eben  vol!  ward,  iibte  die  Kraft 
seines  Gegenscheins  um  so  mehr  als  zugleich  seine  Planetenstunde 
eingetreten  war.  £r  widersetzte  sich  daher,  meiner  Geburt,  die 
nicht  eher  erfolgen  konnte,  als  bis  diese  yoriibergegangen.  Diese 
guten  Aspecten,  welche  mir  die  Astrologen  in  der  Folgezeit  sehr  hoch 


380      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ARAB-M00B8. 

times,  and  are  at  present,  charlatans,  who  ^  tell  for- 
tunes/' and  construct  schemes  of  nativity  and  prophe- 
cies of  destiny,  far  more  absurd  than  those  of  the 
Arabians  in  the  middle  ages.  Ibnu  Ghalib  spoke  the 
common  belief  when  he  attributed  the  lively  imagi- 
nation, the  elegance,  and  the  taste  of  the  Andalusians 
to  the  influence  of  Venus ;  their  judgment,  intellec- 
tuality, and  fondness  for  learning,  and  social  economy, 
to  that  of  Mercury.^ 

anzurechnen  wuasten,  mogen  die^Unache  an  meiner  Erhaltong 
gewesen  sein." —  Wakrheit  und  Dichiung  ;  odor,  Aui  vieintm  Leben^ 
ch.  L 

^  Al  Makkari,  I.  121. 

Note.  —  The  best  connected  account  of  Arabian  metaphysics  is 
to  be  found  in  the  work  to  which  I  have  frequently  referred  in  the 
foregoing  sketch,  —  "Averroes  et  rAyerroisme,"  essai  historique, 
par  Ernest  R^nan.  Third  edition.  Paris :  1867.  Important  refer- 
ences to  the  subject  will  be  found  in  many  more  general  worka. 
Among  these  are  HegeFs  "  Geschichte  der  Philosophie,"  III.  110- 
120  ;  Tennemann's  "Geschichte,"  1810,  VIII.  1.  862  ;  Tiedemann'a 
"  Geist  der  Speculatinschen  Philosophie,"  IV.  108,  et  9upm;  Ucbe- 
weg's  "  Geschichte  (in  heo).  Among  English  works,  consult  Blakey, 
"  History  of  the  Philosophy  of  Mind,"  I.  ch.  xxxii..  xxxiiL 

A  clear,  separate  work  in  English  on  this  subject  Vi  a  great 
desideratum. 


OEOOBAFHT,  CHEHI8TBT,  AND  MEDICINE.        381 


CHAPTER  III. 

GEOGRAPHY,  CHEMISTBT,  AND  MEDICINIL 

T^HE  Arabians  were  also  accurate  and  practical 
-*•  geographers;  but  upon  their  labors  and  studies  in 
this  department  of  knowledge  it  is  not  my  purpose  to 
dwell.  In  connection  with  their  geographi-  ^^ 
cal  explorations  and  compilations  they  made 
good  use  of  their  mathematical  and  astronomical 
knowledge.  Their  original  momentum  had  made 
them  great  travellers.  I  need  not  dwell  upon  their 
vague  and  absurd  opinions  and  statements  in  their 
earlier  cosmography,  which  were  sanctioned  by  the 
Kordn,  and  which  speak  of  seven  heavens  and  seven 
earths,  with  their  impossible  supports  and  the  Hell 
below.^  Their  location  and  collocation  of  the  coun- 
tries known  at  that  time  are  marked  by  great  ignor- 
ance ;  but  I  refer  now  to  that  new  knowledge  which 
came  with  their  travels  for  conquest.  Thus  they 
explored  eastern  Asia  and  northern  Africa,  and  soon 
learned,  from  contiguity,  the  true  character  of  Euro- 
pean geography.  Their  writings  on  this  subject  were 
commensurate  with  their  knowledge.  They  con- 
structed globes  for  the  use  of  schools,  and  wrote  text- 

^  See  note  2  to  Introduction  Lane's  Arabian  Nights,  in  which 
the  Arabian  system  of  cosmography  is  given  at  length. 


382      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN   BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

books.  There  is  one  very  voluminous  work  of  Alon6bf 
entitled  "The  Book  of  Eoutes  and  Kingdoms,"  a 
geographical  dictionary,  containing  the  names  of  all 
the  existing  kingdoms  and  principal  cities  of  the 
world.  The  Mas'hdb  of  Al  Higdrl  specially  treats  of 
the  geography  of  Spain,  and  the  topography  of  its 
chief  cities.  To  these  Ibnu  Sa'id  adds  his  own  history, 
a  history  of  the  races  of  men,  which  contains  much 
valuable  geographical  information.  It  was  at  a  later 
day,  in  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  that 
Al  Hasan  of  Granada,  known  as  Leo  Afiicanus,  made 
those  remarkable  travels  in  Africa,  Turkey,  Egypt, 
and  Persia,  which  still  astonish  and  instruct  the 
modem  reader. 

"The  geographer,"  by  pre-eminence,  is  Ahun^ahdillah 
Edrid  called  al  Sfiarif,  who  wrote  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  twelfth  century  an  Arabic  work,  which  has 
been  translated  into  Spanish  and  annotated  by  Cond^, 
—  as  "  Descripcion  de  Espana."  This  book  gives  the 
best  information  to  be  obtained  at  that  day  on  the 
subject  of  Spanish  geography. 

When  we  come  to  consider  the  attainments  of  the 
Arabiahs  in  the  science  of  chemistry,^  we  must  bear  in 
mind  that,  as  we  know  it  to-day,  chemistry  is  a  very 
Their  at-       modcm  scicncc,  differing  even  in  essential 

tainments  in  ^ 

chemistry,  points  from  what  it  was  a  hundred  years 
ago.  At  the  home  and  grave  of  Priestley  in  Northum- 
berland, Pennsylvania,  the  centenary  of  his  discovery 
of  oxygen  was  celebrated  in  1874,  and  every  day 
since  marks  new  progress  and  new  discoveries.     But 

'  The  statistics  here  given  are  chiefly  derired  from  Prof.  Thomas 
Thomson's  History  of  Chemistry,  1880.    Two  vols. 


GEOGRAPHY,  CHEMISTRY,  AND   MEDICINE.        383 

the  analytical  study  of  elements  and  agents  was 
ardently  pursued  by  the  Arabians,  and  to  them  are 
due  many  important  and  progressive  improvements. 
The  name  chemistry  (Al-kimi&)  is  probably  derived 
from  Cham  or  Chemia,  one  of  the  names  for  Egypt, 
and  with  the  Arabic  prefix  would  mean  the  Egyp- 
tian science,  from  its  having  been  eagerly  studied 
there ;  but  it  was  introduced  in  its  most  advanced 
state  to  western  Europe  by  the  Arabians,  and  was 
cultivated  and  taught  by  them  in  Spain.  They  were, 
like  all  the  chemists  of  their  day,  alchemists,  who 
were  struggling  to  be  chemists.  They  shared  as  the 
European  chemists  of  a  later  date  did,  the  fond 
hopes  of  those  who  believed  in  the  philos-  ^^^^  ^^^^^ 
opher's  stone ;  and  they  gave  us  the  name  J^*2Sir 
of  that  elixiT  vitce  (El  Iksir,  the  breaker),  '^^^ 
which,  when  found,  should  break  the  powers  of  age 
and  pain  and  death.  The  most  renowned  of  the 
Arabian  chemists,  and  the  one  who  is  best  known 
to  our  time,  was  Abu  Musa  Ja'far  As-soli  of  Harran, 
who  lived  in  the  eighth  century,  and  who  is  known  to 
ns  as  Geber :  his  record  has  been  somewhat  confused 
with  that  of  another  celebrated  philosopher  of  Seville 
named  Geber,  who  flourished  in  the  eleventh  century. 
His  original  works  were  first  translated  into  Latin, 
and  have  since  been  rendered  into  English. 

He  gives  us  a  clear  view  of  the  early  search  for  the 
philosopher's  stone.  He  knew  the  chemical  affinities 
of  gold,  silver,  copper,  iron,  tin,  lead,  and  quicksilver; 
to  each  of  which  he  gave  or  adopted  the  name  of  the 
planet  which  had  a  special  influence  over  it.  Thus, 
gold  was  named  for  the  Sun,  silver  for  the  Moon, 


384       CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

copper  for  Venus,  iron  for  Vulcan,  tin  for  Jupiter, 
lead  for  Saturn,  and  quicksilver  for  Mercury.  Their 
"precious  influences"  upon  each  other  were  similar 
to  those  exercised  by  the  heavenly  bodies  upon  men, 
which  render  a  man  jovial,  or  satumiiu,  or  mercurieU 
accordingly.  All  these  metals,  he  says,  are  composed 
of  mercury  and  sulphur  in  varying  proportions ;  by 
delicately  altering  these,  one  metal  may  be  transformed 
into  another;  the  lapis  phUosophorum  was  such  a  me- 
dium of  transformation,  a  medicine  of  metals,  called 
by  him  the  medicine  of  the  third  doss.  Qeber  was 
acquainted  with  the  calcining  and  oxidizing  processes, 
and  with  distillation.  He  knew  the  methods  of  ob- 
taining potash  and^oda,  and  the  properties  of  saltpetre. 
Nitric  acid  he  obtained  from  nitrate  of  potassa,  and 
called  it  dissolviriff  waier} 

Abdullah  Ibn  Sina,  whose  name  is  corrupted  into 
Avicenna,  already  referred  to  as  a  metaphysician, 
has  left  a  valuable  treatise  on  Alchemy,  divided  into 
ten  dictions :  four  of  these  he  devotes  to  a  consid- 
eration of  the  philosopher's  stone  and  the  elixir  vitts, 
—  still  in  their  combination  the  summum  bonum  for  ^ 
humanity.  The  remaining  six  dictions  contain  a 
more  sensible  investigation  of  the  metals.  But  it 
should  be  observed  that  Avicenna  was  far  more  re- 
nowned as  a  mental  philosopher  than  as  a  chemist 

Always  connected  with  chemistry  as  a  practical 
application  of  its  powers  are  metallurgy  and  mining; 
and  we  know  that  in  these  departments  the  Spanish 
Arabs  made  great  and  useM  progress.    Spain  was  and 

^  From  the  cabalistic  words  used  by  Qeber  in  connection  witb 
tbese  studies  we  have  the  word  gibberish. 


GEOGRAPHT,  CH£mSTRT,  ANI>  MEDICmE.         885 

is  a  richly  metalliferous  country.  Her  mineral  treasures 
had  been  known  from  a  remote  antiquity,  netauurgy 
and  the  mines  nearer  the  sea-coast  had  been  "***  ™in*n«- 
successfully  worked  by  her  generations  of  conquerors, 
Phoenicians,  Carthaginians,  and  Somans.  Spain  was 
the  great  metallic  treasure-house  of  the  ancient  world. 
There  were  three  places,  according  to  Al  Makkari,^ 
from  T^hich,  during  the  Moslem  occupancy,  gold  was 
extracted  in  great  quantities.  "One  was  the  river 
Darro;  the  other  a  spot  on  the  western  coast  close  to 
Lisbon  and  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tagus,  and  a  third  in 
the  river  of  Lerida,  that  which  falls. into  the  Ebro ;" 
and  perhaps  it  was  a  longing  fancy  of  Ibnu  Sa'id,  which 
led  him  to  declare  that  the  precious  metals  were  abun- 
dant in  the  north  and  northwest,  "  in  those  countries 
which  were  in  the  hands  of  the  infidels,"  —  the  richest 
gold  mine  being  in  Galicia.  Of  the  value  of  these, 
however,  he  could  know  but  little. 

Silver  lay,  in  large  quantity  and  extent,  in  the 
mountains  of  Alhama,  and  in  the  district  of  Cordova. 
Tin  abounded  in  Portugal,  in  the  Pyrenees,  and  in 
"France. 

In  Almeria  were  mines  of  lead,^  and  near  Cordova 
was  great  store  of  quicksilver.  There  were  also  copper 
and  iron  and  alum,  red  and  yellow  ochre,  and  tutty, 
which  was  used  to  color  copper. 

Precious  stones  also  were  in  great  abundance,  — 
the  beryl,  ruby,  golden  marcasite,  agates^  garnets, 

^  Ifohammedan  Dynasties,  I.  89. 

'  "In  the  time  of  Abdu-r-rahm&n  II.,  we  are  told,  litharge  was 
used  to  take  away  the  fetid  smell  of  armpits.*'  —  Al  Makkabi, 
MofMtMMdan,  Dynasties^  II.  120. 
VOL.  II.  25 


386        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

and  the  "  gilding-stone,"  or  blood-stone,  of  Cordova. 
Pearls  were  found  on  the  coast  near  Barcelona ;  and 
building-stones,  marbles  and  jaspers  of  all  colors,  — 
spotted,  red,  yellow,  the  color  of  wine,  as  well  as 
pure  white,  —  were  cheaply  quarried  in  the  mountains 
of  Cordova  and  in  the  Alpuxarras.  These  mineral 
treasures,  I  have  said,  had  been  long  known.  The 
In  the       gold  and  silver  of  Solomon's  temple  came 

earlier  °  * 

times.  through  Hiram  of  Tyre  from  Tarshish,  which 
was  southern  Spain.  The  Phoenician  traders  found 
them  so  abundant  that,  when  their  ships  could  cariy 
no  more,  they  made  their  anchors  of  silver. 

The  Carthaginians  continued  the  mining  operations 
with  the  oriental  system,  working  large  gangs  of  men 
to  death,  and  replacing  them  by  new  victims;  and 
the  Bomans,  in  their  long  occupancy  of  the  Peninsula^ 
found  great  treasures  of  mineral  products,  which, 
when  the  Goths  came,  lay  almost  useless  upon  their 
idle  and  luxurious  hands.  And,  when  the  more 
industrious  Arab-Moors  entered  Spain,  the  ancient 
mines  had  been  either  abandoned  or  were  most  inad- 
equately worked. 

When  the  Moorish  invasion  occurred,  for  a  time,  of 
course,  the  mining,  such  as  it  was,  was  at  an  end ; 
and  little  was  probably  done  during  the  time  of  the 
Amirs,  or  until  the  completion  of  the  conquest  by 
the  establishment  of  the  independent  khalifate.  Then 
the  work  began;  and  in  Murcia  the  shafts  of  the 
Arab-Moors  may  be  distinguished  from  those  of  the 
former  workers  by  being  square  instead  of  round. 
Five  thousand  such  excavations  are  to  be  found  in 
the  district  of  Jaen  alone. 


GEOGRAPHY,  CHEMISTBY,  AND  MEDICINE.         387 

To  the  great  deposit  of  mercury,  occurring  both  in 
virgin  form  and  in  an  inexhaustible  vein  of  cinnabar 
twenty-five  feet  thick,  they  gave  the  name,  Al  mculen 
del  Azog^ie  (the  mine  of  quicksilver},  They  worked  it 
with  great  profit,  and  left  it,  as  they  found  it,  the 
largest  deposit  in  the  world :  it  yields  now,  by  a  recent 
estimate,  one-half  the  quicksilver  now  in  use.^ 

The  general  subject  of  mineralogy  engaged  their 
attention ;  and  one  of  their  philosophers,  Al-Biroum, 
travelled,  with  few  intervals  of  rest,  for  forty  years, 
in  the  study  of  this  branch  of  science,  at  the  end  of 
which  time  he  published  an  account  of  his  labors  aud 
discoveries. 

The  progress  of  the  Arabians  in  medicine  was 
limited  to  the  diagnosis  of  disease  and  to  materia 
medica;  but  in  these  they  were  very  successful. 
As  in  art  they  were  not  permitted  to  depict  the 
forms  of  men  and  animals,  so  they  could  not  in 
pathology  avail  themselves  of  anatomy ;  ^^1,1^11 
and  their  surgery  was  therefore  nide  and  °<^»«^«- 
unskilful  Dissection,  the  very  alphabet  of  surgery 
and  of  phyjsiology,  was  prohibited ;  but  in  iatro- 
chemistry  and  the  use  of  simples  they  were  sensible 
and  practical,  and  their  physicians  became  renowned 
throughout  the  world.  They  rose  superior  to  their 
fatalism,  and  did  their  utmost  to  assist  Providence  in 
carrying  out  the  immutable  decrees.  Their  cures, 
Mohammed  had  said,  were  "  by  the  order  of  God,'* 
as  their  skill  and  ardor  were  his  gift;  their  better 
judgment  was  in  conflict  with   their  superstition. 

1  It  is  now  a  goYernment  monopoly,  producing  to  the  revenue  a 
million  and  a  quarter  of  dollars  annually. 


388        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

Although  they  consulted  the  stars,  and  eagerly  sought 
for  the  elixir  of  life,  and  other  panaceas,  they  brought 
to  the  study  of  clinical  medicine  great  interest,  rare 
learning,  and  a  cool  head ;  and  thus  they  led  the  world 
in  the  healing  art  Spain  abounds  in  healing  plants, 
which  they  investigated  botanically,  and  numerous 
natural  drugs,  which  they  used  as  medicaments.  They 
paid  great  attention  to  diet ;  and  Abii-l-Motref  gave 
a  lesson  to  the  modern  faculty  by  declaring  "  that 
diseases  could  be  more  eflFectually  checked  by  diet 
than  by  medicine,  and.  that,  when  medicine  became 
necessary,  simples  were  far  preferable  to  compound 
medicaments ;  and,  when  these  latter  were  required, 
as  few  drugs  as  possible  ought  to  enter  into  their 
composition."  ^ 

In  the  social  order  the  physician  became  a  power. 
As  the  science  became  popular,  the  practitioners  threw 
off  the  trammels  of  an  earlier  day ;  the  Spanish  Arabs 
refused  obedience  to  the  silly  prohibition  to  dismem- 
ber the  human  body,  and  the  dissecting-room  came,  in 
time,  to  form  an  important  part  of  their  medical  estab- 
lishments. If  they  still  adhered  to  the  elixir  vUce,  and 
other  magical  cures,  it  certainly  is  not  our  nineteenth 
century  that  should  ridicule  and  condemn  thent  A 
stranger  to  the  earth  and  its  follies  would  characterize 
this  age  as  eminently  superstitious  and  gullible,  if  he 
should  read  in  our  newspapers  columns  of  advertise- 
ments displaying  catholicons,  buttressed  by  the  record 
of  miraculous  cures.  There  are  thousands  now  who 
would  hail,  without  question,  the  announcement  of 

1  Al  Makkari,  I.  151. 


GEOGBAPHY,  CHEMIBTKT,  AND  MEDICINE.         389 

some  nostrum  of  which,  if  a  man  should  take,  he 
would  never  die.  Tlie  only  difTerence  between  us  and 
them  is  that,  while  the  Arabian  philosophers  believed 
in  the  eltxir,  the  men  who  concoct  the  quack  medi- 
cines of  to-day  are  charlatans.  But  they  succeed  in 
misleading  many  who  should  be  above  their  base 
influences. 

Abu  Mohammed,  of  Malaga,  composed  a  valuable 
treatise  on  simples  and  medicaineTUa,  which  he  ar- 
ranged alphabetically,  and  which  thus  furnishes  an 
excellent  index  to  their  general  knowledge  simuies  and 
of  these  branches.  Yahya,  a  wlzir  of  menta.' 
Abdu-r-rahman  III.,  who  was  the  son  of  a  Christian, 
was  an  eminent  physician,  and  composed  a  work  on 
simples  in  five  books,  according  to  the  practice  of  the 
Greek  physicians.^  Abu-1-kasim,  in  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, issued  a  popular  work  or  hand-book,  entitled 
"The  Substitute  for  those  who  cannot  procure  Works 
on  Medicine.*'* 

But  perhaps  the  most  valuable  medical  works  to 
be  consulted  by  the  student  of  medical  history  are 
those  of  Abdu-1-malek  Ibn  Zohr,  corrupted  in  Chris- 
tian Europe,  and  known  thus  to  modern  days,  as 
Avenzoar.  He  was  remarkable  as  a  physician  for 
his  diagnosis ;  his  works  embrace  a  wide  scope,  and 
treat  of  many  special  diseases,  such  as  various  fevers, 
leprosy,  etc.,  and  he  gives  distinct  medical  treatment 
and  hygienic  rules  for  diet  and  conduct^ 

1  M  Makkari,  I.  464,  note  1S2. 
*  lb.  note  184. 

'  There  are  seven  physicians  of  this  name,  who  are  sometimes 
confonnded.    See  table  in  Al  Makkari,  I.  836. 


390        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

I  have  already  referred  to  Ibn  Sina,  corrupted  into 
Avicenna,  as  an  alchemist  and  a  metaphysician ;  but 
^_  he  was  also  an  eminent  student  of  medi- 
cine from  the  early  age  of  sixteen ;  and  his 
work,  translated  into  Latin,  and  presenting  the  "  Canon 
Medicinse,"  was  regarded  for  five  centuries  as  distin- 
guished authority  in  the  schools  of  Europe. 

Of  Averroes  (Ibn-Eoschid),  the  great  metaphysical 
scholar,  we  have  numerous  works  on  many  subjects. 
He  wrote  upon  philosophy,  theology,  jurisprudence, 
astronomy,  grammar,  and  medicine.     Next 
to  philosophy,  medicine  received  his  enthu- 
siastic attention ;  and  the  list  of  his  medical  works 
'  surprises  us,  by  the  number  and  curious  character  of 
the  topics  he  considers.^ 

When  Chaucer,  writing  of  English  practice  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  would  make  his  dodaure  of  phisike 
learned  in  medical  works,  he  gives  prominence  to  the 
Arabian  physicians,  whose  treatises,  translated  from 
Arabic  into  Latin,  were  known  in  every  medical 
school  and  hospital  in  Western  Europe:  — 

"  Well  knew  he  the  old  iEsculapius, 
And  Dioscorides  and  eke  Bufus  : 

•  •        .  •  •  • 

Seiapion,  Basis,  and  Avicen, 

Averrois,  Damascene,  and  Constantin."  ' 

^  The  list  may  be  found  in  R^nan's  "  Ayerroes  et  rArerroisme," 
p.  76.  Passing  from  "  Generalities/'  he  makes  his  comments  upon 
the  "  Ar^juza,**  a  medical  poem  of  Ayicenna.  He  has  a  treatise  on 
diarrhoea,  one  on  feyers,  one  on  the  causes  and  symptoms  of  diseases, 
on  diagnosis,  on  simples,  on  therapeutics,  on  laxatiye  medicines,  on 
intermittent  and  putrid  feyers,  and  numerous  others, 

«  Prologue  to  the  "Canterbury  Tales," 


GEOGRAPHT,  CHEHISTKT,  AND  MEDICINE.         391 

I  cannot  enter  more  at  length  upon  the  studies  of 
the  Arabians,  and  their  progress  in  general  science. 
The  subject  is  a  large  one,  and  of  exceeding  interest ; 
for,  from  what  has  been  already  so  briefly  said,  it  will 
be  seen  that  there  were  few  avenues  of  human  inves- 
tigation which  had  not  been  trodden  by  the  eager  feet 
of  their  philosophers.  In  mental  science  ardent  in- 
quirers, they  were  also  in  all  departments  of  physical 
science  eager  observers,  —  so  devoted,  indeed,  that 
many  of  them,  who  had  no  reason  to  fear  the  attribu- 
tion of  dealing  in  magic,  were  in  danger,  in  their 
application  of  the  laws  of  science  to  the  silly  stories  of 
the  Kordn,  of  being  branded  as  Zindik,  or  in  danger  of 
heretic.  The  seven  heavens  and  seven  zindik. 
earths  and  seven  hells  melted  into  thin  air.  They 
laid  the  basis  of  the  mechanical  system  of  statics  and 
dynamics,  as  applied  to  solids,  liquids,  and  gases. 
They  determined  the  weight  of  the  air  and  the  pres- 
sure of  the  atmosphere.  They  fixed  the  height  of 
the  atmosphere  at  fifty-eight  miles  and  a  half  It  is 
yet  undetermined,  but  modem  science  makes  it  about 
forty-five.  They  understood  capillary  attraction  and 
the  law  of  specific  gravities.  They  studied  the  phe- 
nomena of  optics,  and  determined  many  of  ita  laws.^ 
They  understood  the  eflTect  of  refraction  in  producing 
twilight  They  enounced  the  general  law  of  gravita- 
tion as  it  concerned  bodies  on  the  earth's  surface,  but 
their  application  of  it  did  not  extend  to  the  systems 

^  ''  Al  Hazen  published  an  original  theory  of  refraction,  and  showed 
that  the  diameters  of  the  snn  and  moon  must  diminish  at  the  hori- 
xon,  with  the  true  reason." — Maedleb,  Oeschiehte  der  ffimmelS" 
InmcUf  Brunswick,  1878,  p.  89. 


392        CX)NQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

in  space.  The  airy  bonds  of  planets  and  stars  re- 
opucfc  mained  to  them  a  mystery ;  but  they  were  a 
mystery  to  the  whole  world  of  science,  until 
Kewton  discovered  the  law  of  that  Being  who  alone 
can  ''bind  the  sweet  influences  of  the  Pleiades,  or 
loose  the  bands  of  Orion."  ^  It  has  been  said  that  Al 
Hazen  anticipated  Darwin,  in  the  theory  of  evolution 
by  natural  selection  and  the  survival  of  the  fittest,  as 
early  as  the  eleventh  century. 

In  their  mechanical  applications  of  the  laws  of 
physics,  they  had  the  Boman  remains  to  aid  them. 
They  built  bridges  and  aqueducts  and  causeways 
upon  these  models. 

^  Job  zxzrii.  81. 

KoTS.  —  I  cannot  better  close  this  chapter  than  by  giving  tbe  con- 
clusion arrived  at  by  Maedler  ("  Qeschichte  der  Himmelsknnde,*'  I. 
91).  After  considering  the  progress  of  the  Arabians  in  science,  he  says : 
"  Das  heilige  Feuer  der  Wissenscfaaft  war  in  Erloschen  begriSen : 
die  Araber  haben  den  schwach  glimmenden  Funkeu,  treu  and  nn- 
yerdrossen  gehiitet,  dass  er  nicht  ersterbe.  Ihre  Fiirsten  beschiitz- 
ten  nnd  pflegten  die  Wissenschaft,  die  sonst  iibendl  vemachliissigt, 
ja  geachtet  und  verfolgt  wurde.  So  haben  sie  sich  nnveigang- 
lichen  Ruhm  erworben,  und  alio  Zeiten  werden  es  ibnen  danken 
dass  sie,  und  sie  aUein,  die  Rettungsbriicke  bildeten,  velche  die  alte 
Cultur  mit  der  gegenwartigen  verbindet,  dass  sie  das  dero  Abend- 
lande  verloren  gegangene  Yerstandniss  deralten  Vermittelten  und  es 
vieder  erschlossen,  und  dass  sie  nicht  eiferstichtig  in  Tempeln  and 
verborgenen  Heiligthumem  sich  isolirten,  sondem  in  Zahlreichen 
Werken  ihr  Wissen  und  Wirken  Tor  dem  Auge  der  Welt  nieder- 
legte." 

1  am  indebted  for  some  of  the  illustrations,  and  the  references  to 
authorities  tm  the  subjects  of  mathematics  and  astronomy,  to  the 
superior  knowledge  and  kind  aid  of  my  friends  and  colleagues  in  the 
Lehigh  University,  Professor  Charles  L.  Doolittle,  C.E.,  of  the  de- 
partment  of  Mathematics  and  Astronomy,  and  Professor  William  A* 
Lamberton,  M.A.,  of  the  department  of  Ancient  Langoages. 


BfYENTIONS  AND  DISCOYEBIES.  393 


CHAPTER  IV. 

INVENTIONS  AND  DISCOVEKIES. 

•^  I  "0  the  Arab-Moors  belongs  the  glory  of  having 
^  brought  out  of  the  mysterious  treasure-houses 
of  the  East  —  from  India  and  China  —  many  of  the 
great  inventions  and  discoveries  which  have  had  their 
full  development  and  world-wide  utility  in  the  West. 
Thus  that  great  leveller  of  individual  distinctions  and 
moral  regenerator  of  the  science  of  war,  which  has 
transformed  the  classic  ten  years'  siege  of  a  city  into 
a  modem  battle  of  Sedan,  which  has  liberated  moral 
courage  from  the  thraldom  of  brute  force  and  even  of 
manual  skill,  which  has  veiled  danger  in  a  cloud  and 
made  homicide  impersonal, — Gunpowder, — was  their 
gift  to  Europe. 

The  English  may  pride  themselves  upon  the  chance 
discovery  of  Friar  Bacon,  in  the  middle  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  of  a  mixture  salts  petrce  et 
siUphuris,  the  restdt  of  which  was  tonitrum 
et  ccruscaiianemy  si  sdes  artifidum, — a  happy  qualifi- 
cation. But  it  was  not  from  this  source  that  gun- 
powder went  out  to  serve  in  the  science  of  war. 
According  to  Loloos,  who  wrote  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  there  was  a  Chinese  claim  to 
this  discovery  three  thousand  years  ago.   "We  may  well 


394        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOORS. 

consider  this  a  Chinese  boast;  but  Gonzales  de 
Mendoza,  in  his  "  History  of  China,"  places  it  three 
hundred  years  before  Christ  Amiot^  a  missionary  to 
China,  declares  the  history  of  its  origin  as  two  hun- 
dred years  before  the  Christian  era,  and  specifies  the 
mixture,  and  proportions  of  sulphur,  saltpetre,  and 
charcoal  The  Arabs  are  said  to  have  used  it  at  a 
siege  of  Mecca,  in  the  year  A.  D.  690.  There  is  an 
Oriental  manuscript,  quoted  by  a  writer  in  the  "  Jour- 
nal de  rinstitut  Historique,"  in  which  it  is  declared 
that  gunpowder  came  from  China  to  Persia,  and  fvora 
Persia  to  Arabia.  Thence  it  was  brought  into  Spain./ 
The  Arabs  called  it  "  Indian  snow,"  and  the  Persians 
"  Chinese  salt"  We  may  grant  that  tubes  for  using 
it  to  send  projectiles  were  slow  in  their  development 
and  improvement ;  but  they,  in  their  rude  condition, 
were  brought  into  Spain  by  the  Oriental  invaders. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  it  was  used  in  machines  by  the 
Arab-Moors  in  their  battles  with  the  Spanish  Chris- 
tians as  early  as  1249,  and  afterwards  by  the  Moorish 
king  of  Granada  at  the  sieges  of  Baeza,  in  1312  and 
1325.  Its  first  recorded  use  by  Christians  was  at  the 
battle  of  Crecy,  in  1346.  Muratori,  in  writing  of  its 
use  in  1344,  uses  the  very  significant  words :  Nuper 
rara,  nunc  communis}  Greek  fire,  which  contained 
other  ingredients,  and  carried  its  ravages  afar  by 
ignition  of  the  objects  aimed  at,  was  also  ^  imported 
into  Greece  and  the  Byzantine  Empire  by  the  com- 

^  See  Bardiiif  '*  Dictionnaire  de  VArm^  de  Terra,"  8  vola.,  PariSp 
voce  Poudre  k  feu.  The  discovery  might  well  hare  been  by  several 
persons  in  different  localities ;  but  it  had  been  made  in  the  East,  be- 
fore there  was  any  Western  civilization  at  alL 


INVENTIONS  AND  DISCOVEEIES.  395 

merce  of  caravans;"  and  won  its  great  renown  as 
the  preserver  of  Constantinople,  in  its  extreme  peril 
when  besieged  by  the  Saracens,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  eighth  century. 

Much  has  been  said  of  the  claimants  to  the  gloiy 
of  having  invented  printing  by  movable  types,  and 
the  invention  has  indeed  revolutionized  the  ^o^^i^i, 
world;  but  it  has  hot  been  sufficiently  *^^*^ 
noticed  that  what  retarded  the  printing-press,  and 
greatly  restricted  its  usefulness  when  it  appeared,  was 
the  want  of  paper.  It  was  not  so  much  the  stolidity 
of  man  that  kept  the  art  back  so  long,  as  the  cloth, 
the  papyrus  leaf,  the  sheep-skin  called  pergamina,  or 
parchment,  and  the  calf-skin  called  vellum.  And 
this  great  boon  of  paper  came  through  the  Arabians 
into  Spain.  The  Chinese  had  early  manufactured 
a  paper  from  their  universal  silk:  this  idea  was 
adopted  by  the  Arabians,  who  are  said  to 
have  made  cotton  paper  at.  Mecca  as  early 
as  the  eighth  century.  The  methods  of  manufacture 
they  introduced  into  Spain.  The  flax  of  Valencia 
and  Murcia,  which  was  more  abundant  than  cotton, 
and  made  a  stronger  paper,  was  substituted  for  it. 
Authorities  are  wanted  to  tell  us  of  the  paper  made 
during  the  earlier  occupancy ;  but  we  know  that  in 
the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and  probably 
long  before  that,  paper-mills  were  numerous  and  lu- 
crative in  Spain,  and  that  the  paper  and  the  invention 
had  travelled  with  the  other  beneficent  gifts  of  the 
Arabians  into  the  North;  then  the  printing-press 
came  because  there  was  good  reason  for  its  coming. 
''There  can  remain  no  doubt,"  says  the  accurate 


396        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  AEAB-MOOBS. 

Hallam,  "  that  the  Saracens  of  the  Peninsula  were 
acquainted  with  that  species  of  paper  made  ex 
rasuris  veterum  pannorum,  though  perhaps  it  was 
unknown  in  any  other  country."^  These  "rags  of 
old  clothes"  were  doubtless  linen  rags.  This  first 
linen  paper  was  of  so  excellent  a  quality,  that  we 
may  assert  the  great  progress  to  be  rather  in  the 
modes  and  cheapness  of  the  manufacture,  than  in 
the  excellence  of  the  article  itself.  Several  of  the 
manuscripts  of  1009,  catalogued  by  Casiri,  were  on 
cotton  paper,  and  some  of  1106  on  linen  paper. 

It  is  in  part  due  to  patriotism,  often  another  name 
for  national  vanity,  and  in  part  to  a  pardonable  igno- 
rance, that  the  appearance  of  a  new  instrument  or 
The  magnet  i^^veution  amoug  a  people  is  mistaken  for 
^5^"^  its  origin.  Such  has  been  the  case  with 
compass,  ^y^^  mariner's  compass,  embodying  the  mys- 
terious power  of  the  magnet  The  magnet  has  been 
longer  known  than  this  practical  application  of  it 

The  Chinese,  who  knew  how  to  discover  and  hoard 
better  than  how  to  apply  and  use,  claim  a  knowledge 
of  the  loadstone  and  the  magnetizing  of  iron  from  a 
remote  antiquity.  The  needle  is  claimed  as  the  in- 
vention of  the  Italian  Flavio  Gioja  in  the  beginning 
of  the  fourteenth  century.  The  French  contest  this 
claim,  declaring  it  to  have  been  in  their  possession  in 

1  Introdnction  to  the  literature  of  Europe  (Harpers,  1841,  2 
Yola.),  I.  51.  He  says  that  down  to  the  seventh  century  all  in- 
fitruments  in  France  were  written  on  papyrus.  Parchment,  when 
it  took  the  place  of  this,  was  so  expensive  that  the  bad  habit  waa 
adopted  of  erasing  one  manuscript  to  use  the  same  material  for 
another,  —  the  palimpsest. 


mVENTIONS  AND  DISCOVERIES.  397 

the  preceding  century.  Later  investigations  have 
established  proof  that  the  Arabians,  finding  it  in  their 
eastern  conquests  among  the  treasures  of  natural 
magic,  brought  it  into  Spain  certainly  as  early  as  the 
eleventh  century,  and  used  it  very  generally  there  in 
the  twelfth.  It  was  the  building  of  larger  ships  ca- 
pable of  bearing  ocean  strains,  under  the  impulse  of 
an  adventurous  spirit  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and 
the  prosecution  of  more  perilous  voyages,  that  gave  it 
its  greater  utility.  Short  voyages  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean, from  headland  to  headland,  did  not  require 
it;  and  therefore  the  invention  languished,  because 
no  imperious  necessity  called  for  its  application. 

In  all  the  practical  arts  of  general  utility,  the  Arab- 
Moors  were  apt,  skilful,  and  systematic.  As  we  have 
seen,  the  knowledge,  handiwork,  commodities,  and 
luxuries  of  the  East  were  brought  by  caravans  from 
the  farther  East,  and  came  by  shipping  from  the 
Levant  to  the  Mediterranean  ports  of  Spain,  g^^^  ^^^ 
Seeds  and  plants  were  thus  transported;  9^^ 
thus  came  rice  and  cotton  and  the  sugar-cane.' 
Thence  at  a  later  day  they  passed  over  to  this  new 
world  of  ours,  and  have  played  a  very  important  part 
in  our  political  history.  Eice,  the  great  cereal  of 
Valencia,  and  "  the  pest  of  the  province "  from  the 
malaria  produced  by  its  culture,  owes  not  only  its 
entrance  to  the  Moors,  but  also  the  hydraulic  science 
used  in  modes  of  irrigation. 

1  Gayangos  quotes  "  Banqueri  Agricultura,"  I.  892,  as  to  the 
introduction  of  the  sugar-cane,  which  is  cultiyated  on  the  coast  of 
Granada.  The  sugar-cane  was  known  before  the  cultivation  was 
introduced  by  the  Moors.  It  was  sent  from  Spain  to  Hispaniola  in 
1506.  —  Ford's  Handbook  /or  Spain,  I.  289. 


398        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AKAB-MOORS. 

The  best  of  leather  was  made  by  the  Arab-Moors  in 

Cordova,  and  hence  Spanish  leather  is  called  Cordovan, 

which  has  given  to  English  shoemakers  their 

Leather. 

name  of  cordwairurs.  The  secret  of  their  tan- 
neries was  carried  to  Morocco,  and  thus  the  Spanish 
leather  made  in  that  country  bears  its  name,  morocco. 
They  carried  with  them  to  Spain  the  secret  of 
making  sword-blades,  which  they  found  or  originated 
in  Damascus :  these  were  of  exquisite  temper,  and 
60  polished  that  the  wearer  used  his  weapon  as  a 
looking-glass  to  adjust  his  turban.  Quite  as  famous 
as  these,  and  better  known  to  western  Europe,  were 
the  swords  of  Toledo,  of  the  "ice- brook's  temi)er." 
The  manufacture  went  northward  to  Bordeaux,  which 
was  soon  renowned  for  its  rival  workmanship.  Nor 
has  the  fabrication  left  the   Peninsula  even   down 

Kniveeand  ^  ^^^  prcscut  day  I  it  is  a  curious  connec- 
sworde.        ^^^^  ^j^^j^  ^j^^  oldeu  time  which  is  found  in 

the  daggers  and  knife-blades  of  Albacete,  that  they 
bear  Arabic  inscriptions  still,  as  if  to  boast  their  ori- 
gin, and  perhaps  to  secure  a  talisman  ^  for  success  in 
their  deadly  use. 

Silk,  first  made  in  China,  where  the  worms  fed 
upon  the  leaves  of  the  white-mulberry  tree  {Moras 
miUticaulis),  was  carried  by  the  routes  of 
commerce  to  the  West,  and  was  for  a  long 
time  a  very  costly  luxury.  It  remained  so  until 
Monkish  missionaries  brought  the  eggs,  concealed  in 
a  hollow  cane,  to  the  Eastern  Empire.     Until  the 

^  Al  Makkari,  I.  9i  and  S93.  The  traveller  is  beset  in  Albacete 
witb  knife-sellers,  whose  wares,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  are  not  "  trusty," 
or  of  ''the  ice-brook*s  temper,"  bat  catch-penny  to  the  last  degree. 


INVENTIONS  AND  DISCOVERIES.  399 

twelfth  century  the  manufacture  was  not  known  to 
the  Christian  countries  of  the  West  "But,"  says 
Gibbon,  "the  secret  had  been  stolen  by  the  dexterity 
and  diligence  of  the  Arabs.  The  Khalifs  of  the  East 
and  West  scorned  to  borrow  from  the  unbelievers 
their  furniture  and  apparel,  and  two  cities  of  Spain, 
Almeria  and  Lisbon,  were  famous  for  the  manufac- 
ture, the  use,  and  perhaps  the  exportation  of  silk."  ^ 
In  the  former  of  these  places,  silks  of  a  very  superior 
quality  and  of  great  variety  were  made ;  and  the  silk 
patterns  of  the  fabric  made  in  Murcia  in  the  sixteenth 
century  were  those  left  there  by  the  Moors.*  During 
the  Middle  Ages,  raw  silk  was  largely  exported  from 
Almeria,  a  town  the  commerce  of  which  had  consid- 
erable connection  with  the  commercisd  success  of  the 
Italian  seaports.' 

Ibn  Fimas,  a  physician  who  died  in  the  year  889, 
made  glass  out  of  a  silicious  clay,  and  used  it  for 
fashioning  vessels,  and  also  in  glazing  those 
beautiful  tiles  called  azulyos  (pUeichi  a  var- 
nished tile)  which  are  employed  in  embellishing 
the  floors  and  wainscoting  (dado)  of  the  Moorish  in- 
teriors. Valencia  is  still  famous  for  the  manufacture 
of  asndefos.  The  inventive  genius  of.  Ibn  Firnas  was 
not  quite  so  fortunate  in  another  project  He  made 
experiments  in  flying,  feathering  himself  and  putting 
oxx  wings  like  a  bird:  ''but,  in  alighting  again  on  the 
place  whence  he  had  started,  his  back  was  very  much 
hurt;  for,  not  knowing  that  birds  when  they  alight 

1  Milmaii'B  Gibbon,  V.  238. 

*  Al  Makkari,  I.  61  and  377,  note  20. 

»  lb.  860,  note  126. 


400      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THB  ARAB-MOORS. 

come  down  upon  their  tails,  he  forgot  to  provide 
himself  with  one."  ^ 

The  Arab-Moors  of  Cordova  were  also  very  skilful 
in  the  fabrics  of  the  jeweller  and  goldsmith,  the  art 
of  which  they  brought  from  Damascus,  and 
to-day  shops  differing  veiy  slightly  from 
those  of  the  Moorish  period  may  be  seen  in  that  city, 
where  curious  and  delicate  patterns  of  filigree-work 
in  gold  and  silver  attract  a  populace  very  fond  of 
rather  glaring  ornaments ;  among  the  joyas^  brilliant 
earrings  and  curiously  wrought  necklaces  always  find 
a  prominent  place.^ 

1  Al  Makkari,  I.  148. 

*  Ford's  Handbook  for  Spain,  I.  225. 


ASABIAN  ART  IN  SPAIN.  401 


CHAPTER  V. 

ARABIAN  ART  IN  SPAIN:   ARCHITECTURE. 

TT7E  reach  now  a  subject  which  is  worthy  of  a 
^  '  much  larger  consideration  than  can  be  giveu 
it  in  these  pages;  one  upon  which  many  volumes 
have  been  written,  and  which  deserves  more  attention 
in  detail,  and  especially  from  the  student  of  history, 
who  seeks  to  identify  a  people  by  the  works  which 
they  have  produced.  I  mean  Moro- Arabian  ^^y^y^^ 
ait.  Its  chief,  almost  sole,  form  is  archi-  *«^wtcctnw. 
tecture.  With  this  art  they  have  written  their  annals 
in  southern  Spain,  and  told  us  much  of  their  social 
tastes  and  customs. 

To  the  eye  of  the  rapid  traveller  in  Spain,  from 
the  Pyrenees  to  Gibraltar,  eastward  to  Lisbon  and 
westward  to  Catalonia,  Spain  presents  a  curious  con- 
glomerate of  architecture, — Eoman  remains,  Gothic 
ruins,  cathedrals  of  the  Benaissance,  modern  French 
palaces,  Tuscan  enormities,  Arabian  alcazars  and 
mosques;  and  he  wonders  if  there  be  any  historic 
clue  or  system  to  the  intricacies  of  the  labyrinth.  As 
he  journeys  from  north  to  south,  he  passes  from 
modem  France  over  to  what  we  may  call  modern 
France  on   Spanish  soil  —  so  largely  have  French 

modes  and  customs  overflowed  —  without  catching 
VOL.  II.  26 


402        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

a  glimpse  of  Moro-Arabian  art,  until  he  approaches 
Toledo. 

At  Burgos  he  is  delighted  with  the  great  Gothic 
cathedral,  with  its  filigree  pinnacles,  begun  by  an 
Englishman,  Bishop  Maurfcio,  in  1221,  and  contain- 
ing the  "  Cofre  del  Cid,"  the  worm-eaten  chest  of  that 
famous  campeador,  Don  Rodrigo  de  Vivar,  who  won 
his  matchless  renown  by  fighting,  sometimes  against 
the  Moors,  sometimes  against  his  own  king.  But 
this  cathedral  was  the  work  of  Christian  art,  long  after 
(he  Moors  had  been  driven  southward  in  the  progress 
of  the  reconquest. 

In  the  church  of  Miraflores,  near  Buigos,  is  that 
remarkable  alabaster  monument,  in  the  form  of  a 
star,  in  honor  of  Juan  II.  and  his  queen  Isabella^ 
which  marks  the  incoming  of  Italian  taste  and  skill 
at  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  centurj,  with  its  exquisite 
details  and  marble  embroideries,  of  which  the  Span- 
iards say  eyes  are  wanting  to  see  them,  — fcdtan  ojos 
para  mirarlos. 

At  Valladolid  and  Segovia,  where  the  traveller  is 
on  the  look-out  for  glimpses  of  our  simple  friend  Gil 
Bias,  and  for  souvenirs  of  the  Hapsburgs,  there  is 
nothing  to  repay  the  search  for  oriental  art.  Little 
more  than  two  leagues  from  the  former  city,  he  may 
revel  in  the  lately  opened  archives  at  Simancas,  and 
verify  the  ignorance  and  falsehood  of  former  history ; 
but  the  archives,  beginning  late  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  have  no  relation  to  the  Moorish  dominion, 
except  in  the  few  years  before  their  expulsion.  If 
he « expects  to  see  in  Madrid  a  Spanish  city,  he 
will  be  disappointed.     He  will  find  it  a  second-rate 


ARABIAN  ART  IK  SPAIN.  403 

French  city,  which,  long  after  Toledo  fell  into  Moslem 
hands,  was  only  a  sort  of  outlying  picket  to  that 
capital.  It  only  became  the  royal  residence  of  Charles 
V.  and  the  court  of  his  son,  Philip  II.,  in  the  six- 
teenth century.  The  palace  is  a  vast  modem  struc- 
ture, built  in  the  middle  of  the  last  century.  There 
is  nothing  oriental  about  Madrid,  nor  anything  that 
takes  us  back  to  the  days  of  the  conquest,  except  a 
few  doubtful  relics  in  the  Armeria,  or  armory,  which 
have  at  least  an  air  of  the  antiquity  that  is  claimed  for 
them.  There  one  is  shown  the  gold  votive  crown, 
weighing  over  forty-six  ounces,  and  adorned  with 
precious  stones,  of  Swintillic,  a  Visigothic  king,  who 
reigned  from  621  to  631  A.D.,  and  which  declares  its 
authenticity  by  the  inscription,  "  SvinthUanos  offeret*' 
There  are  fragments  of  other  Gothic  crowns.  There  one 
may  believe  or  not  that  he  sees  a  bridle-bit  of  Witiza 
the  Wicked.  A  sword  is  exhibited,  which  is  said  to 
have  been  worn  by  Pelayo;  and  another,  perhaps 
more  authentic,  which  belonged  to  Boabdil  el  Chico, 
"  the  last  of  the  Moors ; "  but  the  inscription  is  illegible. 
Still  another  sword,  formerly  believed  to  have  belonged 
to  Herman  Cortez,  the  conqueror  of  Mexico,  has  been 
more  lately  transferred  to  the  Cid:  it  is  the  one 
known  in  his  romantic  history  as  La  Colada} 

All  that  is  Arabian  in  that  gloomy  pile,  the  Es- 
curial,  built  by  Philip  IL  as  a  church,  convent,  and 

i  His  other  sword  was  Tiaon  or  TizonA,  the  brand,  — 

"Las  espadas  taiadores 
Colada  y  Tizon."  —Poema  da  CHd, 

He  had  captared  both  from  the  Moors,  and  called  them  his 
qtieridaa  prendoB,  —  loved  better  than  his  wife  and  daughters. 


404     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

palace,  is  boxed  up  and  concealed  from  public  ejes, 
^0  and  even  from  the  perusal  of  scholars,  in 

Escuriai  ^^^  {otjh  of  thousauds  of  Arabic  manu- 
scripts^ containing  rare  treasures  of  history  if  they 
could  only  be  opened  to  the  world  of  history. 

The  traveller  journeys  on  towards  Cordova,  and, 
when  he  crosses  the  frontier  of  Andalusia,  he  has 
exchanged  the  dry,  unwholesome,  stony,  treeless 
country  of  the  higher  table-land,  scourged  by  the 
chilly  winds  from  the  north  which  sweep  over  the 
snows  of  the  Guadarrama,^  for  orange-groves,  square 
leagues  upon  leagues  of  olive-trees,  and  a  laughing 
light  of  nature  upon  vegetation  and  irrigating  canal, 
upon  man  and  beast.  Then,  too,  he  finds  himself  for 
the  first  time  unmistakably  in  the  old  seats  of  the 
Arab-Moors,  but  little  changed  since  the  days  of  their 
residence. 

But,  before  proceeding  southward,  the  traveller 
must  leave  the  maiti  line  at  Castillejo,  and  visit 
Toledo,  for  there  are  a  few  real  Moorish  remains. 
There  is  the  rock-perched  Alcazar,  built  by  Alfonso  VI., 

^  Spain,  which  presents  a  checker-board  surface  of  moontain 
ranges  and  valleys,  is,  on  the  average,  the  highest  land  in  Europe. 
Some  of  the  more  elevated  valleys  are  between  six  and  seVen  thou- 
sand feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea ;  and  a  great  central  table-land, 
comprising  ninety  thousand  square  miles,  has  an  average  height  of 
between  two  thousand  and  three  thousand  feet.  The  timber  from 
most  of  this  was  cut  down  long  ago ;  and,  what  with  no  forestry 
laws  and  no  replanting,  the  countr}"^  suffers  in  many  ways  for  want 
of  trees.  The  sun  scorches  and  the  wind  scourges  its  bare  back 
continually.  I  never  suffered  more  from  cold  than  when  crosaing 
the  Guadarrama  range'at  night  in  April ;  nor  more  from  heat  than 
when  travelling  in  Andalusia.  The  great  heats  of  Seville  are  pro- 
verbial, but  healthy. 


ARABIAN  ABT  IK  SPAIN.  405 

after  Moorish  models,  when  he  captured  the  city  from 
the  infideL  The  city  itself,  a  veritable  acropolis, 
belted  by  the  Tagus,  with  its  low  houses  and  narrow 
winding  streets,  is  a  Moorish  city ;  and  the  public 
structures  were  most  of  them  built,  not  by  the  Moors, 
but,  soon  after  their  times,  in  Moorish  style. 

Upon  or  very  near  the  site  of  the  older  Gothic 
church  of  Santa  Maria,  tlie  Arab- Moors  had  built  a 
splendid  mosque,  in  the  year  1032  ;  and  this  mosque 
was  converted  into  a  Christian   cathedral  The 

reiDAiiii  In 

after  the  recapture  of  the  city,  in  1086.  Toledo. 
This  gave  way  in  turn  to  the  present  splendid  Gothic 
structure,  the  first  stone  of  which  was  laid  in  the 
year  1227,  when  there  were  yet  apprehensions  of 
Moorish  invasion,  and  the  completion  of  which  was 
delayed  until  1493,  the  year  after  the  Arab-Moors 
had  departed  from  Spanish  soil,  never  to  return. 

Among  the  other  objects  of  peculiar  interest  are 
the  Moorish  bridge  called  Alcantara,  a  half-ruined 
Moorish  castle,  and  the  remains  of  what  was  not  — 
although  long  so  considered  —  el  bafio  de  la  cava, 
the  fatal  bath  of  Florinda,  in  which  the  sensual 
Hoderick  spied  her  from  behind  his  lattice-window, 
as  she  bathed  with  her  lady  companions,^  and  was 
fired  with  lust  at  the  sight. 

Coming  back  to  the  main  road,  the  traveller  is  soon 
in  Cordova,  a  city  which,  in  its  entire  aspect,  shows 
the  Moorish  modes  of  social  life.  The  remains  are 
not  numerous  ;  but  there  is  one  which  challenges  the 

^  "  It  has  heen  shown  to  be  a  fragment  of  a  bridge  house.  The 
submerged  foundations  of  the  piers  of  the  bridge  may  be  seen."  — 
N.  A.  Wells,  Picturesque  AntiquUies  of  Spain,  letter  viii. 


406       COKQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

admiration  of  the  world,  as  the  most  unique  of  all  the 
traces  of  the  Arabian  in  Spain.  It  is  the 
Mezquita,  or  Mosque ;  and  it  stands  alone  in 
a  striking  individuality.  In  the  consideration  of 
Arabian  art,  it  demands  at  least  a  general  descrip- 
tion. More  need  not  be  attempted,  as  the  reader 
will  know  where  to  find  fuller  details. 

Before,  however,  undertaking  this,  and  referring  to 
some  other  remarkable  remains,  it  will  be  necessary 
to  clear  the  way  by  laying  down  a  few  principles  and 
some  historic  facts,  leading  to  a  classification  in  out- 
line of  architectural  works  in  the  Peninsula.  De- 
barred, as  has  been  said,  by  the  Korin  — .which  not 
only  thundered  spiritual  terrors,  but  gave  strength  to 
the  arm  of  civil  law  —  from  representing  images  of 
animal  life,  and  thus  shut  out  from  the  attractive 
pursuit  of  the  pictorial  and  plastic  arts,  the  Arab- 
Moors  turned  with  the  greater  assiduity  to  architec- 
ture ;  and,  with  little  concern  as  to  the  appearance 
of  the  exteriors  of  their  edifices,  they  bestowed  all 
their  taste  and  care  upon  the  proportions,  purposes, 
and  ornaments  of  the  interiors.  The  few  rude  pictures 
on  the  ceilings  and  walls  of  the  palace  of  the  Al- 
hambra  — notably  those  at  the  extremity  of  the  Court 
of  lions,  at  a  later  age  —  are  probably  not  of  Moorish 
workmanship,  but  are  the  production  of  Christian 
captives,  as  the  rude,  heraldic  lions  supporting  the 
fountain  in  that  court  are  also  supposed  to  be.  It 
must  be  believed,  however,  from  the  fact  that  this 
work  was  done  for  the  Moslem  masters,  that  the 
Spanish  Arabs  were  disposed  to  be  less  literal  in 
adhering  to  the  prohibition  of  the  Koran,  especiallj 


ARABIAN  ABT  IN   SPAIN.  407 

as  we  know  that  Abdu-r-rahiuan  III.  placed  a  statue 
of  his  favorite  wife  over  the  portal  of  his  psdace,  and 
human  heads  in  relief  on  his  coins.  But  these  were 
exceptions  to  a  rule  which  was  generally  obeyed  with 
rigor. 

From  what  has  been  said,  it  is  manifest  that  one 
who  would  study  architecture  in  Spain  encounters  so 
many  styles  and  specimens,  that  he  must  have  some 
system  of  classification,  to  enable  him  to  separate 
that  which  is  essentially  Moro-Arabian  from  the 
schools  of  Roman  and  of  Christian  art.^ 

Thus,  in  endeavoring,  first,  to  set  aside  that  which 
is  not  connected  with   the  Moslem  occu-  ^rt  periods 
pancy,  he  will  find  the  following  styles  and  *°  ®p**^ 
periods :  — 

1.  The  Boman  Architecture,  introduced  during  the 
long  dominion  of  the  Western  Empire,  and  extend- 
ing to  the  fourth  century,  with  some  influence  be- 
yond it. 

2.  The  Boinan-Oothic^  from  the  fourth  to  the  eighth 
century,  having  a  distinct  character  in  the  North. 

3.  The  Asturian-Gothic,  which  eliminated  much  of 
the  Boman  element,  from  the  eighth  to  the  eleventh 
centuiy. 

4  Then,  over  northern  routes,  there  came  into  the 
growing  Christian  kingdoms  the  JRoman-Byzantine, 
under  the  influence  of  the  Eastei-n  Empire,  from  the 
eleventh  to  the  thirteenth  century.  This  was  also 
called  the  Bomatusque. 

^  Ford,  who  knew  Spain  better  than  any  Englishman  and  than 
most  Spaniards,  is  particularly  valuable  to  the  tourist  in  his  criti- 
cisms on  Moro-Arabian  art. 


408      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-HOORS. 

5.  With  the  progress  of  the  reconquest^  there  sprang 
into  being  the  first  native  school,  which  has  been 
called  the  JSupano-Catholie,  which  flourished  till  the 
sixteenth  century.     This  was  followed  by 

6  and  7.  The  BevivcU  or  Plateresque,  and  the  Qtobco- 
liaman,  until  the  eighteenth  century. 

These  are  all  Christian  styles.  The  division  is  not, 
of  course,  quite  exact,  but  sufficiently  so  to  mark 
clearly  what  was  not  Arabian.  They  overlapped  and 
grew  into  each  other,  and  thus  the  classification  might 
be  made  much  more  numerous. 

Entirely  apart  from  these,  but  somewhat  affected 
by  the  Boman  Byzantine,  is  the  Arabian  architecture 
of  the  Peninsula.  It  was  oriental  in  origin  ;  it  bor- 
Arabun  art  ^owed  somcwhat  from  the  Persian ;  it  was 
distinct  affected  by  its  contact  with  Egyptian  forms ; 
and  it  was  decidedly  influenced  by  the  tastes  and 
needs  of  thi^^Ioors  and  Berbers,  through  whose  coun- 
try it  passed  on  its  way  to  Spain. 

Side  by  side  with  the  Christian  schools  from  the 
eighth  to  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  it  erected 
its  palaces  and  churches,  plain  without  and  exquisite 
within ;  and  had  its  distinct  periods,  three  in  number, 
which  are  illustrated  by  splendid  and  curious  re- 
mains. 

1.  Under  the  sway  of  the  Ommeyades,  from  the 
eighth  to  the  eleventh  century,  when  the  Khalifate 
BchooiB  of     of  Cordova  was  integral  and  powerful,  the 

Saracenio  , 

architecture.  Byzantine- AroMc  appears.  The  Byzantine 
element  is  chiefly  due  to  the  fact  that  Christian 
architects   were  most  frequently  employed  by  the 


ARABIAN  AKT  IN  SPAIN.  409 

Khalifa  Of  this  period^  the  best  specimen  —  the 
finest  in  the  world  —  is  the  Mosque  of  Cordova.^ 

2.  The  next  period  is  from  the  eleventh  to  the 
thirteenth  century,  in  which  we  find  a  more  unmixed 
Arabian  character.  This  is  illustrated  in  exterior  by 
a  portion  of  the  Giralda,  or  Moorish  belfry  of  the 
Cathedral  at  Seville,  and,  in  interior,  by  the  Sala  de 
lo8  Enbajadores  in  the  Alcazar  of  Seville,  which  many 
regard  as  the  successful  rival  of  the  Hall  of  the 
Ambassadors  in  the  Alhambra  at  Granada.  This 
Sala  retains,  amid  the  great  modifications  of  the 
Alcazar  at  later  periods,  almost  its  original  character, 
form,  and  materials.  A  square  chamber,  thirty«three 
feet  wide,  with  a  "half-orange"  {media  naranja), 
ceiling,  sixty  feet  high,  it  has  four  vestibules,  each 
opening  into  the  apartment  by  porphyry  columns, 
supporting,  with  exquisite,  flaring  gilded  capitals, 
three  horse-shoe  arches,  —  three-quarters  of  a  circle ; 
while  a  great  blind  arch,  surmounting  the  three, 
is  filled  with  ornaments, — vines,  birds,  bosses,  and 
Arabic  inscriptions.  The  dados  are  of  the  finest 
azulejos. 

.  3.  The  third  and  last  period  of  Mohammedan  art 
is  more  oriental,  and  less  influenced  by  Christian 
taste.  In  the  former  period  there  was  a  draw  game 
between  the  conquest*  and  reconquest  The  Arab- 
Moors  had  not  yet  given  up  their  hopes  of  retrieving 
all  their  losses.  There  were  truces,  and  even  high 
courtesies,  between  the  contestants.    Not  so  in  the 

^  The  minaret  was  a  later  de7ice,  bat  when  introduced  is  not 
known.  At  first  the  call  to  prayer  was  made  from  the  roof  of  the 
mosqae. 


410        COKQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THB  AJLAB-MOOBS. 

present  ona  The  tramp  of  the  Christian  Spaniards 
grew  louder  and  came  nearer;  friendly  communica- 
tions became  rarer,  and  neither  of  the  hostile  nations 
would  borrow  from  the  other.  This  is  the  philosophy 
of  the  purely  oriental  character  of  Moslem  architec- 
ture from  the  eleventh  century  to  the  end  of  their 
dominion.  To  this  period  belong  the  remaining 
Moorish  parts  of  the  Alcazar  of  Seville;  but  the 
finest  specimens  are  to  be  found  in  the  palace  of  the 
Alhambra  and  the  Generalife  at  Granada,  the  principal 
foundations  of  which  were  laid  by  Ibnu-1-ahmar,  and 
the  principal  parts  of  which  were  erected  after  Gra- 
nada became  the  sole  remaining  Moorish  kingdom, 
and  was  tributary  to  the  Christiana 

The  principal  features  of  Moro-Arabian  architec- 
ture are  few  and  simple.  It  is  to  their  excellent 
PrinciiMd  combination  that  the  beautiful  results  are 
Sibum^'  due.  There  is  much  open  space,  arranged 
arowtocture.  jj^  pcUios^  QT  oourts,  with  cstanqtiss,  or  foun- 
tains ;  numerous  light  pillars,  with  large,  square, 
ornamented  capitals,  forming  peristyles,  single  or 
clustered,  and  frequently  gilded.  These  support  a  pro- 
The  Lome-  ^ ^^siou  of  Small  horsc-shoc  arches, — a  beauti- 
•hoevch.     f^j^  |j^{.  j^Q^  powerful  peculiarity  in  Arabian 

architecture.  The  general  rejection  of  this  arch  by 
Christian  builders  is  dae  no  doubt  in  a  great  degree 
to  its  want  of  supporting  power;  but  in  lighter  struc- 
tures, where  beauty  rather  than  strength  is  the  desire, 
we  may  believe  that  the  Christian  Spaniards  refused 
to  employ  it  on  account  of  their  jealous  hatred  of  the 
infidel  invaders. 

The  ceilings  were  high,  and  concave  or  arched, 


ARABIAN  ABT  IN  SPAIN.  411 

sometimes  indented  by  miniature  cupolas,  sometimes 
bristling  with  stalactites  of  stucco-work,  and  en- 
wreathed  with  arabesques  and  inscriptions  from  the 
Kordn.  .  In  lieu  of  animal  forms,  which  he  was  for- 
bidden to  depict,  the  decorator  was  thrown  for  his 
resources  upon  vegetable  nature  and  geometrical 
figures ;  and  thus  we  find  on  ceilings,  waUs,  arches, 
and  capitals  traceries  of  vines  and  ferns  and  flowers, 
enwreathed,  twisted,  disappearing  and  reappearing, 
which  constitute  the  chief  beauty  of  what  has  been 
called  the  Arabesque.  I  venture  to  call  it  Aiiving 
a  living  geometry,  —  innumerable  polygons  ^^°^^^' 
and  circles  and  stars  and  radiations  blossoming  out 
of  ferns  and  vines  and  fronded  palms.^  The  inter- 
stices are  delicately  filled  in  with  texts  from  the 
Kordn,  which  seem  also  to  grow  out  of  the  exquisite 
tangle;  and  the  whole  plan  is  pencilled  with  the 
primitive  colors,  red  and  blue,  picked  out  with  gold. 

The  dados  must  not  be  forgotten.  They  were 
high  wainscots  of  azulejos,  varied  in  color  and  device, 
but  usually  of  distinct  mathematical  patterns,  and 
forming  a  pleasing  contrast  tp  the  arabesque  traceries 
already  described.  More  than  once  in  the  changing 
fietshions  of  Christian  interiors  these  have  been  imi- 
tated in  wall-papers. 

Among  the  More- Arabian  remains,  I  shall  first 
attempt  a  general  description  of  the  oldest,  the  best 

^  A  study  of  these  traceries  leads  to  the  opinion  that  the  fashion- 
ing of  objects  from  nature  was  an  afterthonght  of  the  artist.  The 
mathematical  figures  are  the  essential  part ;  the  rounding  or  expand- 
ing these  into  leayea,  flowers,  etc.,  grew  out  of  the  figures  them- 
■elyes. 


412      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THB  ARAB-MOORS. 

preserved,  and  the  most  striking,  which  is  found  in 
the  first  period  of  their  art  in  Spain, — the  Mezquita 
(masegad,  to  worship  prostrate),  or  Mosque  a^t  Cor* 
The  Mec-  dova.  It  was  their  grand  initial  manifesto, 
^ova.  and  the  Khalifs  who  built  it  had  for  their 

purpose  to  detach  the  Spanish  Moslems  from  moral 
as  well  as  political  dependence  on  the  Eastern  Kha- 
lifate;  and,  while  they  preserved  their  faith  in  the 
Koran,  and  consequently  their  veneration  for  Mecca 
as  the  Holy  City  of  Mohammed,  they  thus  consti- 
tuted Cordova  a  new  and  splendid  centre  of  the 
Moslem  religion.^  Such  rivalry  was  bold;  for  the 
mosque  at  Damascus  was,  to  the  Arabian  eye,  "a 
building  uniting  in  itself  more  beauties  than  the  most 
fanciful  imagination  could  conceive."  * 

The  rival  mosque  of  Cordova  owes  its  erection  to 
Abdu-r-rahmdn  I.  (Ad-dakhel),  and  his  son,  Hishim  I., 
but.  it  was  augmented  and  embellished  by  the  eight 
succeeding  Khalifs  of  that  dynasty. 

During  the  early  Boman  occupancy,  there  had  been 
erected  in  Cordova  a  temple  dedicated  to  Janus 
Bifrons.  Of  this,  Vandal  and  Goth  had  left  but  little 
except  the  foundation.  The  site  was  well  chosen. 
Just  below  it  flowed  the  Guadalquivir,  crossed  by  a 
Boman  bridge,  which  served  as  a  causeway  to  the 

^  '' .  •  .  de  apartar  mas  y  mas  4  Iob  musulmanes  espalloles  de  la 
dependencia  moral  de  Oriente,  .  .  .  los  conservaba  la  veneFacion  de 
Meca,  haciendo  i  Cordova  un  nuevo  centro  de  la  religion  musUmica." 
—  La  Fuente,  Historia  de  Espafia,  III.  152. 

^  Al  Makkari,  I.  7,  217.  Cond^,  Dominacion  de  los  Arabes, 
I.  49.  It  was  called  Al-amdwi,  and  was  built  by  Walid,  the  sixth 
^  Ommeyan  Ehalif  of  Damascus,  before  the  invasion  of  Spain. 


ARABIAN  AKT  IN  SPAIN.  413 

temple.     Upon  its  ruins,  therefore,  the  Goths  erected 
the  Christian  church  dedicated  to  Saint  Vincent 

When  the  Arab-Moors  conquered  the  city,  they 
acted  in  i^ccordance  with  a  tolerant  custom  which 
they  had  instituted,  beginning  at  Damascus.  They 
divided  this  Christian  temple,  permitting  the  con- 
quered Christians  to  retain  one-half  for  their  wor- 
ship, while  they  used  the  other  half  as  a  mosque, 
adding  to  it  sanctuaries  and  open  courts  as  early  as 
the  year  745. 

Thus  they  worshipped  side  by  side,  a  scandal  to 
each  other,  until  the  year  784,  when  Abdu-r-rah- 
man  I.  purchased  the  Christian  half  for  what  was 
equivalent  to  two  hundred  thousand  dollars;  and, 
rapidly  demolishing  the  entire  church,  began  the 
construction  of  a  mosque,  which  he  deter-  Begtm  by 
mined  should  rival,  in  extent,  beauty,  and  m&n  l 
rich  adornments,  those  of  Damascus  and  Baghdad.^ 
His  fervor  and  enthusiasm,  and  his  wish  to  inspire 
others  in  the  work,  caused  him  to  labor  in  the  build- 
ing with  his  own  hands,  at  least  one  hour  every  day ; 
but  he  did  not  live  to  complete  it  This  good  fortune 
was  reserved  for  his  son,  Hishdm  I.,  who  died  in  796, 
leaving  the  splendid  inheritance  to  his  successors. 
Much  of  the  early  work  was  done  by  Christians  cap- 
tured at  Narbonne.  The  plan  was  magnificent,  and 
covers,  with  its  buildings  and  courts,  more  space  than 
any  other  temple  in  Christendom.     Like  all  Arabian 

^  *'  Baghdad  was  founded  by  Al-mansur,  the  second  Ehalif  of  the 
Abhasides,  for  his  residence,  and  a  splendid  mosqae  was  built  about 
760.  The  oldest  remains  in  the  modem  city  are  those  of  a  mosque, 
erected  in  785,  one  of  the  minarets  of  which  is  left."  —  Charles 
Eniqht's  English  Encydopcedia  of  Geography^  voce  Baghdad. 


414        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

ezterioTS,  the  outward  appearance  is  only  noticeable 
for  its  plain  wall,  with  tiirreted  counterforts  or  but- 
tresses, and  its  battlements,  with  flame-shaped  ere- 
nates  {creriates  flamboyarUes),  triangular,  with  steps  cut 
from  the  base  to  the  vertex.  In  the  earlier  days, 
thei*e  was  a  tower  seventy-two  cubits  in  height,  and 
an  open  dome,  surmounted  by  apples  of  gold  and  sil- 
ver, and,  above  all,  a  golden  pomegranate,  "rising 
about  a  cubit  above  the  top  of  the  dome,  which  is 
considered  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world."  ^ 

A  few  details  only  are  necessary  to  give  a  general 
idea  of  the  structure,  as  it  presented  itself  in  novel 
splendor  to  the  subjects  of  the  first  Ommeyan  Khalifs 
proportioM  ^  ^^®  reconstructed  capital.  It  was,  when 
and  details,  completed,  six  hundred  and  forty-two  feet 
long,  and,  including  the  court,  four  hundred  and  forty 
in  width ;  the  length  of  the  court  was  two  hundred 
and  twenty  feet.^  At  first,  it  was  laid  out  in  eleven 
aisles,  by  columns  at  equal  distances.  This  number 
Hisham  II.  increased  to  nineteen.  These  nineteen 
aisles  remain  to  show  us  the  exact  structure,  so  that 
no  eflfort  of  the  fancy  is  necessary  to  realize  fully 
its  ancient  glory.  They  are  marked  by  columns 
of  jasper,  beryl,  verd-antique,  and  porphyiy,  and  the 
pleasing  effect  of  the  variety  in  their  colors  does  not 
detract  from  a  unity  in  the  general  effect  The  pres- 
ent number  of  these  pillars,  including  the  pilasters 
in  the  walls,  is  eight  hundred  and  fifty.  They  are  of 
nearly  uniform  dinrensions,  — nine  feet  from  base  to 
capital,  eighteen  inches  in  diameter,  —  with  a  resem- 
blance to  Corinthian  capitals.     Besides  these,  square 

1  Al  Makkari,  L  224.  >  lb.  495,  note  12. 


ABABUN  ABT  IN  SPAIN.  415 

pillars  support  the  timber-work  of  the  roof.    The  en- 
trance to  the  mosque  was  by  massive  bronze  doors. 

They  thus  form  a  vast  grove  of  stone  trees,  which, 
seen  in  a  "  dim  religious  light/'  give  great  and  novel 
pleasure  to  the  beholder,  and  induce  serious  ^  ^^^^  ^^ 
emotions,  not  unlike  those,  we  may  believe,  ^^^°^^ 
which  the  dense  living  forests  excited  in  the  ancient 
Druids.  On  one  of  these  columns  there  is  now  a 
little  iron  grating,  with  a  lamp,  that,  like  a  vestal  fire, 
illuminates  a  rude  etching  of  Christ  on  the  cross, 
which  a  Christian  captive,  chained  to  the  pillar, 
scratched  on  it  with  a  nail, — a  dim  but  tender 
memory  of  an  unknown  martyr^s  hope.  The  effect 
of  this  interior  is  indescribable.  It  stands  alone  in 
the  world.  The  traveller  returns  to  it  again  and  again, 
not  to  see,  but  to  feel. 

The  great  court  or  garden  was  surrounded  on  three 
sides  by  a  portico,  divided  into  four  equal  platen- 
bandes,  furnished  with  three  reservoirs,  and  refreshed 
with  six  fountains,  two  for  men  and  two  for  women,  fdr 
their  preparatory  ablutions.  The  sexes  entered  these 
courts  by  different  gates.  The  wat«r  in  the  reservoirs 
and  fountains  was  brought  by  an  aqueduct  from  a 
neighboring  mountain.  Planted  with  orange-trees,  it 
formed  a  pleasant  promenade,  between  the  hours  of 
devotion,  and  remains  to-day  as  one  of  the  most 
charming  spots  in  Cordova. 

Entering  at  the  great  gate  (Puerta  de  perdon),  and 
walking  up  the  principal  aisle,  the  visitor  passes 
through  a  beautiful  portal  into  the  mihrah, 
at  the  kiUah  end  of  the  mosque.    This  is  a 
room  of  octagonal  plan,  about  fifteen  feet  in  diameter. 


416        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOBS. 

the  ceiling  of  which  is  fonned  like  a  shell,  out  of  a 
single  block  of  white  marble ;  it  is  twenty-seven  feet 
high.^  Here,  for  centuries,  was  kept  one  of  the  origi- 
nal copies  of  the  Kor&n,  said  to  be  that  which  lay 
upon  the  lap  of  Othinan,  the  third  E^halif  in  succes- 
sion from  the  Prophet,  when  he  was  assassinated,  and 
stained  with  his  life-blood.  We  need  not  scrutinize 
the  story ;  if  it  was  not  that  copy,  it  was  certainly 
one  of  comparatively  few  made,  probably  at  his  direc- 
tion, by  an  asJidb  or  companion  of  the  Prophet*  and 
therefore  of  assured  sanctity.  The  box  or  case  con- 
taining this  priceless  book  was  oovered  with  gold- 
tissue,  embroidered  with  pearls  and  rubies,  and  was 
placed  upon  a  lectern  of  aloe-wood,  put  together  with 
golden  nails. 

The  marble  floor  of  the  mihrab  was  worn  in  a  circle, 
as  it  may  still  be  seen,  by  the  seven  circuits  which 
each  pQgrim  was  required  to  make  around  it 

Occupying  a  considerable  space  in  front  of  the 
door,  and  serving  as  a  screen  to  the  holy  chamber, 
was  the  maksurah,  and  connected  with  it  were  the 
Khalif 's  seat  and  the  pulpit  It  was  inlaid  with  gold 
and  silver  and  lapis  lazuli,  and  exquisitely  carved ; 
the  doors  in  it  were  of  pure  gold,  and  the  enclosed 
pavement  was  of  silver.  The  pulpit,  the  gift  of  Al- 
hakem  II.,  was  made  of  costly  woods,  inlaid  vnth. 
ivory  and  enriched  with  jewels ;  the  nails  joining  its 
parts  were  of  gold  and  silver.  Its  cost  at  that  day 
was  over  a  million  of  dollars. 

^  "  The  mihrab  is  now  St.  Peter's  Chapel,  called  Oapilla  del  Zan' 
carron  (the  chapel  of  the  chin-bone),  from  a  belief  that  Mohammed's 
ohin-bone  was  preserved  there."  —  Al  Maxkabt,  I.  496,  note  IS. 


ARABIAN  AET  IN  SPAIN.  417 

The  height  of  the  ceiling  of  the  mosque  seems 
inadequate  in  proportion  to  its  plan ;  it  is  only  thirty- 
live  feet  But,  in  point  of  fact,  this  does  not  inter- 
fere with  the  architectural  effect;  it  only  densifies 
the  thick  growth,  coming  low  upon  the  forest  of 
columns.  It  was  filled  with  ovals,  bearing  appro- 
priate  inscriptions,  "and  calling  the  mind  of  the 
Faithful  to  contemplation  and  devotion."  ^  The  col- 
umns support  in  two  directions  double 
arches,  one  above  the  other, — those  spring- 
ing from  the  capitals  being  horse-shoe  arches,  very 
little  more  than  semicircular,  and  the  upper  ones 
representing  small  arcs  of  circles.  The  voussoirs  of 
both  were  alternately  white  and  red,  with  gilded 
edges.  For  a  time,  Christian  barbarism  covered  them 
with  whitewash,  but  they  have,  in  later  times,  been 
scraped,  and  the  original  effect  is  restored. 

The  wonders  of  this  mosque  are  given  in  delightful 
detail  by  the  Arabian  chroniclers.  Words  fail  them 
to  express  their  admiration.  It  ranked  in  sanctity, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  Spanish-Arabs,  just  after  Al- 
aJcsa  of  Jerusalem  and  the  Temple  of  Mecca.  At, 
the  seasons  of  the  Passover,  the  new  year,  Moham- 
med's birthday,  and  other  high  festivals,  it  presented 
a  blaze  of  light  from  two  hundred  and  eighty  chande- 
liers, constructed  from  captured  Christian  bells ;  there 
were  upwards  of  ten  thousand  lights  in  the  building. 
Fifteen  hundred  tapers  lighted  the  mihrab  alone,  and 
clouds  of  illuminated  incense  from  burning  ambergris 
and  aloe-wood,  anticipated  for  the  materialistic  Mos- 

^  Al  Makkaii,  I.  281.  These  inscriptions  were  erased  by  the 
GhristianB.  Fortunately,  those  in  the  mihrab  were  permitted  to 
remain. 

VOL.  IL  27 


418       CONQUEST   OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

lem  the  gorgeous  sheen  and  the  delicious  perfumes  of 
Paradise. 

West  of  the  mosque  was  a  casa  de  caridad,  espe- 
cially intended  for  indigent  scholars  visiting  the 
capital  for  instruction ;  and>  besides  this,  poor-houses 
for  the  paupers  of  the  city. 

Such,  in  its  material  features,  was  the  Mezquita  of 
Cordova,  even  when  Charles  V.  came  upon  the  his- 
toric scene.  Chapels  had  been  added,  and  minor 
changes  made.  Even  before  it  fell  permanently  into 
Christian  hands,  it  had  suffered  from  their  hatred. 
Ibnu-1-Khatl(b  relates  that,  when  a  general  of  the 
Almoravides  took  possession  of  the  city,  in  1156,  his 
Christian  auxiliaries  tied  their  horses  to  the  mak- 
surah,  and  profaned  the  sacred  Koran  of  the  mihrab. 
which  was  afterwards  carried  about  in  great  state  by 
Abdu-1-mumen,  in  his  military  expeditions,^  to  pre* 
serve  it  from  a  similar  profanation. 

During  the  reign  of  Charles  V.,  the  archbishop 
applied  to  him  to  add  lateral  chapels,  transepts,  and 
AiteraUont    a  choir.    Whou  the  work  was  completed. 

In  the  days      , ,  >  -rr  i 

ofChAriesV.  the  emperor  went  to  see  it  He  was  thor- 
oughly disgusted.  The  new  additions  were  not  in 
keeping  with  the  old  structure.  The  beautiful  double 
arches  were  resplendent  with  whitewash,  and  he  ex- 
claimed :  "  T  was  not  aware  of  this.  Had  I  known 
you  intended  to  touch  the  ancient  portion,  I  would 
not  have  permitted  it.  You  have  built  here  what 
can  be  built  anywhere  else,  but  you  have  destroyed 
what  was  unique  in  the  world.'' 

^  See  Cond^,  Dominacion  de  los  Ambes,  II.  ch.  xliv. 


ARABIilN  ABT  IN  BPAIN.  419 

Ford»  in  his  epigrammatic  style,  calls  the  Moor 
"  the  thief  of  antiquity/'  and  in  the  building  of  the 
Mezquita  he  certainly  stole  to  some  purpose.  Some 
of  the  pillars  came  from  the  ruined  temples  of  Rome; 
some  from  Soman  buildings  at  Narbonne,  pillaged 
by  Hishdm  II.;  one  hundred  and  forty,  it  is  said, 
were  presented  by  the  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  in 
honor  of  a  western  khalifate  which  weakened  while 
it  rivalled  his  nearer  neighbors  of  Damascus  and 
Baghdad;  a  few  were  found  among  the  ruins  of 
Carthage;  some  came  from  the  quarries  of  Tarragona; 
and  the  remainder  were  quarried  in  the  mountains 
near  Cordova.^  It  is  due  to  this  diversity  of  supply 
that  they  were  of  different  lengths ;  those  that  were 
too  long  were  cut  off  to  meet  the  floor ;  to  those  that 
were  too  short  a  slight  pedestal  was  given,  or  the 
capital  was  enlarged.  It  is  strange,  but  true,  that  this 
disparity  does  not  detract  from  the  picturesqueness 
of  the  interior;  indeed,  it  may  be  said  that  in  the 
grandeur  of  the  ensemble  it  is  hardly  noticed. 

The  Moor  was  "the  thief  of  antiquity,*'  but  it  must 
be  observed  that  he  was  no  worse  than  his  neighbors ; 
he  finds  guilty  company  in  the  person  of  ^heMoor 
Charlemagne.  When  the  great  emperor  "*Sitof*of*^^ 
was  about  to  build  the  church  which  was  "**^<^*x" 
to  give  its  cognomen  to  Aix-la-Chapelle,  he  found 
great  difficulty  in  procuring  proper  columns  and  stat- 
uary. Workmen  were  wanting  who  could  carve  a 
capital,  and  even  chisel  a  monolithic  column.  So 
completely  was  he  hampered  in  this  respect  that  he 

1  Al  Makkari,  I.  284^  602,  note  5. 


420      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

had  recourse  to  the  most  ordinary  custom,  which  was 
to  strip  ancient  temples,  in  order  to  decorate  the 
modem  churches.  He  caused  granite  columns  to  be 
transported  from  Ravenna,  and  his  architects  did  not 
know  enough  to  use  them  to  good  purpose  when  they 
came,^  as  the  reputed  remains  of  the  old  cathedral 
testify. 

It  is  certainly  unnecessary,  as  it  is  almost  impossi- 
ble, to  offer  any  technical  criticism  upon  the  Mosque 
Ui^ngt  ^f  Cordova.  Unique  as  it  is,  it  retires  from 
eridcisms.  g^^|^  ^  criticism.  I  must  be  permitted  to 
express  my  astonishment  at  those  referred  to  by 
Prescott,  who  find  it  "heavy  and  barbarous,"  "a  park 
rather  than  a  temple,"  "  grotesque  and  incongruous  " 
—  "in  its  parti-colored  columns  of  different  lengths 
and  its  crowded  arches  of  different  chords."  ^  To  my 
mind  it  evades  the  rules  of  technical  sesthetics  :  it  is 
superior  to  them  -,  it  stands  forth  as  a  grand  and  in- 
teresting teacher  of  history;  it  is  to  be  judged  by  the 
majesty  and  solemnity  of  its  lesson  and  its  mysterious 
sway  over  the  emotions.  It  goes  back  to  the  very 
century  of  the  conquest,  and  in  its  antecedents,  its 
additions  and  alterations,  it  is  a  compendium  of  the 
four  great  periods  of  Spanish  history,  —  the  Eoman, 
the  Gothic,  the  Arabian,  and  the  Restoration.*  He 
must  indeed  be  a  phlegmatic  traveller,  of  the  nil 
admirari  school,  who  does  not  find  himself  lulled 

1  Le  F&vre,  Lea  Merveilles  de  rArcliitectixre. 

>  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  I.  279. 

*  "  La  actual  Catedral  de  Cordoba  compendia  en  si  la  historia  de 
loB  quatro  grandes  x>eriodoa  de  Espafia,  —  romana,  gotica,  arabiga, 
y  restaurada."  — La  Fuektb,  Bidoria  da  JSspafia,  IIL  152,  note. 


ARABIAN  ART  IN  SPAIN.  421 

into  a  serious  but  pleasing  contemplation  in  tUs 
mysterious  forest  of  stone ;  and  he  must  be  a  super- 
ficial student  of  history  who  does  not  here,  learn 
maT>y  most  valuable  lessons  of  human  fortune^  with 
the  inevitable  moral  that  if  life  is  brief,  art  is  long, 
and  is  the  best  interpreter  of  history.  The  Spaniard 
of  to-day  is  an  anachronism,  entirely  out  of  place  in 
the  Mosque  of  Cordova :  the  fancy  of  the  historian 
who  visits  it  peoples  its  aisles  with  its  proper  deni* 
zens,  turbaned  and  robed,  prostrating  themselves  to 
the  Kiblah,  and  ejaculating,  "Bismillah  —  in  the 
name  of  the  most  merciful  Allah." 


422        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 


CHAPTER  VL 

HORO-ARABUN  ABT  AND  LIBEABIES:   CONCLUDINa 

SUMMART. 

"DUT  the  most  remarkable  of  the  More-Arabian 
-*-^  remains,  built  in  the  third  and  latest  period,  is 
the  Moorish  palace  of  the  Alhambra  of  Granada,  with 
its  humbler  companion,  the  Generalife.^  It  has  no 
spice  of  Christian  art,  but  rather  testifies  to  the  more 
complete  separation  of  the  contestants  —  Christians 
and  Moors — in  this,  the  last  stronghold  of  the  Moor- 
ish dominion  in  Spain. 

The  eminence  upon  which  it  stands,  the  higher  of 
two  which  form  the  site  of  the  city  of  Granada,  is 
about  twenty-three  hundred  feet  long  by  six  hundred 
The  Moorish  broad,  —  au  irregular,  elongated  oval,  form- 
Aihambnu  ing  a  platcau.  Ford  says,  "  it  is  shaped  like 
a  grand  piano,  with  the  point  towards  the  Torre  de  la 
Vela."  The  name  Alhambra,  which  is  given  to  this 
fortified  plateau,  includes  the  palace  and  numerous 
other  structures,  standing  in  the  open  space,  and 
necessary  to  the  comfort  and  completeness  of  the 

^  A  fall  description  of  the  Alhambra,  with  splendid  illustrations 
in  detail,  will  be  found  in  the  sumptuous  work  of  Owen  Jones,  two 
volumes,  folio,  entitled  "  Illustrations  of  the  Palace  of  the  Alham- 
bra." Also  consult,  for  its  fine- drawings,  James  Cavanah  Murphy's 
"Arabian  Antiquities  of  Spain." 


HORO-ARABIAN  ABT  AND  LIBRARIES.  423 

lojal  residence.    The  hill  plain  is  capable  of  contain- 
ing forty  thousand  men. 

Separated  from  these  grounds  by  a  slight  ravine  is 
the  Generalife.  There  are  two  principal  and  impressive 
views  of  the  Alhambra, — the  one  from  below,  with 
the  snowy  summits  of  the  Sierra  Nevada  behind  it, 
which  presents  it  geographically;  and  the  other  from 
the  mirador,  or  veranda,  of  the  Generalife,  from  which 
we  are  impressed  with  its  topographical  strength  and 
comeliness,  as  it  commands  the  beautiful  and  lux- 
uriant vega^  ot  extended  plain,  watered  by  the  Xenil 
and  the  Darro.  Never  were  strength  and  comeliness 
more  happily  combined.  The  contour  of  the  emi- 
nence is  enclosed  by  a  high  wall  of  tapia^  pierced  by 
gateways,  and  buttressed  and  defended,  at  irregular 
distances,  by  strong  towers  jutting  out  beyond  the 
wall.  They  stand  to-day  as  they  were  constructed 
by  the  Moors. 

The  principal  entrance  at  the  northwest  is  by  the 
Calle  de  los  Gomeles,  over  the  portal  of  which  is  the 
inscription,  "There  is  no  conqueror  but  God."^  It 
opens  upon  the  walks  and  groves  on  the  0^^^^, 
southern  slope,  and  at  the  foot  of  the  hill,  [Jj^^keof 
called  the  Oardens  of  the  AlhaTribra.  These  ^«»ii»8ton. 
gardens  were  planted,  after  the  Peninsular  War,  with 
feathering  elms  by  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  —  to 
whom  the  Spanish  government  had  given  the  estate 
of  Soto  de  Soma,  —  and  they  present  to  the  eye 

^  The  nnfortnnate  Ibna-1-hamar,  who   was   tribataiy  to  the. 
Christian  king,  was  obliged  to  go  to  war,  as  his  ally,  against  a  neigh- 
boring Mohammedan  kingdom.    When  complimented  on  his  sac- 
he  exclaimed  sadly,  "  There  is  no  conqueror  but  God! " 


424     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

a  beauty  of  foliage  which  comports  well  with  the 
curious  structures  above.  At  the  foot  of  the  north* 
em  slope,  which  is  more  precipitous,  the  Darro 
sweeps  to  the  west  and  south,  like  a  great  natural 
fosse  to  the  stronghold,  which  seems,  however,  scarcely 
to  need  this  protection. 

The  palace  rises  a  little  to  the  west  of  the  centre 
on  the  northern  slope,  and  thus  has  a  bird's-eye  view 
from  the  Tower  of  Comares  of  the  river  and  the  plain 
beyond. 

And  here  is  the  place  to  repeat  the  world-protest 
against  the  great  Tuscan  palace,  projected  and  partially 
The  palace     built  by  Charlcs  V.     Its  circular  court  was 

of  Charles 

V.  intended  for  a  Plaza  de  Toros,  and  has  never 

been  used.  Fortunately  the  structure  was  never  com- 
pleted, but  in  its  unfinished  state  it  blocks  and  hides 
the  palace  from  the  southern  approach,  and  impresses 
the  world  of  visitors  with  a  perennial  disgust  The 
entrance  to  the  Moorish  structure  is  by  a  low  door, 
around  the  corner  of  this  new  edifice,  and  is  thus  en- 
tirely  hidden.  Admission  to  the  precincts  is  through 
the  Court  of  JtLstice, 

Plain  and  unnoteworthy  from  without,  the  Moorish 
palace  bursts  upon  the  stranger  as  a  revelation  of 
Court  of  Eastern  beauty  as  unexpected  as  it  is  unique. 
Blessing.  whcn  he  enters  the  first  court,  called  by  sev- 
eral names,  —  Patio  del  Agua,  Patio  de  los  Arrayanes 
(of  the  Myrtles)  ;  de  la  Alberca  (of  the  Fish-pond, — 
albeerkahy  pond) ;  or,  according  to  others,  the  Court  of 
the  Blessing  (berkdh,  blessing). 

This  patio,  or  court,  is  one  hundred  and  forty  feet 
long  by  seventy-four  feet  broad,  with  a  long  marble 


MOBO-ARABIAN  ABT  AND  UBRABIES.  425 

estanque  in  the  centre,  stocked  with  goldfish,  and 
along  the  borders  are  rows  of  square-clipped  myrtle 
in  hedges.^  Six  beautiful  columns  at  each  extremity, 
with  high  and  elaborated  capitals,  support,  with  the 
walls,  seven  horse-shoe  arches  ;  and  enclose  or  mark 
out  covered  galleries.  The  long  side  walls  are  bare, 
save  of  doors  and  grated  windows,  which  indicate  the 
apartments  of  the  women ;  four  sentry-boxes  at  the 
comers  were  the  places  of  the  eunuchs,  who  guarded 
the  privacy  of  the  women  of  the  seraglio  when  they 
came  to  bathe  in  the  pond. 

I  cannot  linger  on  the  details  of  description. 
From  this  court,  through  an  unostentatious  door, 
one  enters  the  Patio  de  los  Leones  (the  Court  The  coartof 
of  the  Lions),  which  is  far  more  graceful  and  *^®^^"' 
expressive  than  that  of  the  Myi-tles.  Beautiful  peri- 
styles and  galleries,  formed  by  arches  and  slender 
columns,  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  in  number, 
enclose  it  on  all  sides.  At  the  extremities,  these 
open  into  chambers,  with  pointed  arches  supporting 
groined  ceilings;  while,  in  the  centre  of  the  court, 
twelve  rude  marble  lions,  radiating  from  a  centre, — 
the  work  of  Christian  captives,  —  support  an  alabas- 
ter basin,  dodecagon  in  shape,  which  receives  the 
waters  from  a  fountain  jet  above.  The  columns  are 
nine  feet  high,  including  the  capital  and  base.  Some 
stand  single,  while  others  are  close-clustered,  present- 
ing thus  a  pleasing  variety.  The  upper  space  between 
the  arches  is  decorated  with  perforations  and  indenta- 

^  The  name  Ckmrt  of  the  Myrtles  is  probably  modem ;  as  the 
fancy  of  haviDg  a  green  hedge  on  the  long  aidee  woold  at  any  time 
have  given  such  an  appellation. 


426      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

tions,  called  "the  honeycomb,"  and  from  these  numer- 
ously pierced  spaces  are  pendentives,  —  a  peculiar 
feature  in  Saracenic  architecture,  —  elongated  drops 
of  exuberance  from  the  overflowing  cells. 

Separated  only  by  rows  of  columns  from  the 
Patio  de  los  Zeanes  is  the  delightful  hall  known  as 
Ifa  Sola  de  las  dos  Hermanas  (of  the  Two  Sisters),  very 
improbably  considered  as  owing  its  name  to  two  fine 
marble  slabs  in  the  pavement.  A  Moorish  imagina- 
tion ought  to  have  devised  a  more  romantic  story  for 
such  a  name.  The  traveller,  inspired  by  the  genius 
loci,  is  tempted  to  invent  one. 

And  for  another  adjoining  sola  there  is  a  better 
one.  That  which  is  called  the  Hall  of  the  Aben- 
cerrages  is  honored  by  the  legend,  resting  upon  little 
authority  indeed,  that  a  number,  —  Murphy  says 
eighty -six,  —  of  the  warriors  of  this  family,  who  were 
at  feud  with  the  Zegris,  were  murdered  there.  As 
they  entered  it  by  invitation,  totally  unwarned  of 
their  danger,  and  made  their  obeisance,  their  heads 
were  struck  off.  There  are  spots  upon  the  pavement 
which  the  cicerone  calls  blood.  They  look  like  iron- 
rust  from  a  flaw  in  the  marble.^ 

But  the  glory  of  the  Alhambra  is  the  Sala  de  los 
ETribajadores  (the  Hall  of  the  Ambassadors),  in  the 
Hall  of  the    Tower  of  Comarcs,  overlooking  the  Darro. 

AlDOBBSa- 

dors.  The  inhabitants  call  it  the  "  proud  saloon  " 

and  the  "gilded  saloon."     It  is  entered  by  an  aiU^- 

^  The  trayeller  recalls  many  similar  blood-stains  in  different  parts 
of  Europe,  where  men  were  reaUy  murdered.  As  the  murder  of  the 
Abencerrages  is  not  substantiated,  the  raiaon  dkr*  is  wanting  for 
our  belief  in  these  stains. 


MOBO-ABABIAK  ABT  AND  LIBRABIES.  427 

eamaray  which  has  a  star-bespangled  roof,  rich  dados 
of  azulejos,  and  high  and  wide  recesses  on  either  side, 
supported  by  beautiful  columns.  This  antechamber 
is  a  fitting  usher  to  the  great  hall. 

The  hall  itself  thus  thresholded  is  thirty-seven 
feet  square.  The  ceiling  is  a  dome,  media  naranja 
(half  orange),  the  centre  of  which  is  seventy-five 
feet  from  the  floor.  It  is  inlaid  with  curious  work  of 
white,  blue,  red,  and  gold,  and  stucco  stalactites  de- 
scend from  it. 

The  seven  deep  cabinet-windows,  with  balconies, 
look  out  upon  the  Vega.  From  one  of  these  it  is  said 
that  Boabdil  el  Zogoybi  (the  Unlucky)  was,  when  a 
child,  let  down  in  a  basket,  to  save  him  from  the 
cruelty  of  a  favorite,  who  rivalled  his  mother  in  in- 
fluence over  his  father.  And  the  story  is  stories  of  lu 
told  that  Charies  V.,  leaning  from  another,  ''^***'"- 
and  alluding  to  the  stipulation  of  Boabdil  at  his  sur- 
render that  he  should  retain  a  residence  in  the  Alpu- 
jarras,  exclaimed,  "  I  would  rather  have  this  place  for 
a  sepulchre  than  the  Alpujarras  for  an  inheritance." 
But,  as  has  been  seen,  even  that  mountain  residence 
was  not  long  secured  to  the  unlucky  Moorish  king, 
who  was  soon  politely  requested  to  remove  himself 
and  his  misfortunes  into  Africa. 

The  supply  of  water  was  amply  provided  for. 
The  principal  cistern  was  in  the  Plaza  de  los  Al^ibes, 
just  west  of  the  palace.  It  furnished  water  The  great 
for  the  baths  and  the  conduits  for  drinking.  ®*"*®"*- 
It  was  one  hundred  and  two  feet  long  by  fifty-six 
wide.  The  wall  was  six  feet  thick.  It  was  arched 
over,  and  the  centre  of  the  arch  was  forty-seven  feet 


428      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  AEAB-MOOBS. 

and  seven  inclies  from  the  bottom.  Seventeen  feet 
and  five  inches  of  this  depth  was  below  the  surface 
of  the  ground,  and  thus  the  water  was  kept  cool. 

The  baths  were  constructed  of  variegated  marbles, 
with  azidejos  and  mosaic  work,  and  were  used  for 
purposes  of  cleanliness,  comfort,  and  religious  purifi- 
cation. The  water  was  heated  in  copper  vessels.  In 
the  great  bathing-hall  there  were  seventy-five  open- 
ings in  the  ceiling,  serving  for  light  and  ventilation. 
These  were  glazed  with  green;  and  a  concert-room 
was  attached  to  lull  the  senses  of  the  royal  bathers, 
and  thus  enhance  the  pleasure  of  the  bath. 

Connected  with  the  queen's  apartments  was  a  little 
room,  oidy  six  feet  square,  with  a  balcony  attached, 
"Tocadorde  Called  El  TocodoT  de  la  Beina  (the  Boudoir 
la  Reina.-     ^f  ^j^^  Quecu),  which  prescuts  the  siiigular 

contrivance  of  numerous  orifices  in  the  floor,  through 
which  perfumes  and  incense  from  below  penetrated 
her  robes  and  skirts,  when  she  was  dressed  for  the 
day.  Thus  decorated  and  perfumed,  she  attended  the 
king. 

I  need  not  dwell  upon  the  other  parts  and  appli- 
ances of  this  royal  Moorish  residence,  —  the  Square 
of  the  Alcazaba,  the  Mosque,  the  House  of  Justice, 
the  Torre  de  la  Vela,  or  chief  watch-tower.  These 
have  been  all  fully  described,  with  numerous  pictorial 
illustrations,  and  are  within  the  reach  of  every  reader. 
Descriptions  are  numerous,  but  they  can  only  be 
realized  by  an  actual  sight.^ 

^  It  is  fortunate  that  most  of  the  rooms  and  contriYanees  here 
described  remain  in  such  a  state  of  presenration  that  they  may  be 
seen  now  as  they  were  in  the  earlier  day. 


M0B0-AKA.6IAN  ABT  AND   LIBRARIES.  429 

One  word  must  be  said  concerning  the  beautiful 
jarron,  or  two-handled  vase,  enamelled  in  blue,  white, 
and  gold.  It  was  made  in  1320,  and  is  particularly 
to  be  observed,  because  it  marks  the  first  period  of 
Moorish  porcelain  manufacture  in  such  forms  and 
proportions. 

Begun  by  Ibnu-l-'Ahmar,  in  1248,  upon  the  mea- 
gre nucleus  of  a  rude  building,  the  Alhambra  was 
added  to  by  his  immediate  successors,  and  finished 
by  his  grandson,  Mohammed  III.,  Nasr,  The  erection 
and  Isma'il  L,  in  the  early  part  of  the  four-  ings. 
teenth  century.  Yiisuf  I.,  who  began  his  reign  in 
1333,  regilded  and  painted  it,  and  caused  it  to  shine 
forth  in  its  latest  splendor.  "  Time  and  the  dry  air 
of  Spain,"  says  Ford,  "  have  used  it  gently ; "  ^  but, 
as  to  the  conquerors,  it  was  '^  a  Moorish  abomination, 
it  has  received  no  attention  since,  save  a  desecrating 
.coat  of  whitewash,  which  a  very  modem  taste  is 
attempting  to  remove."* 

The  historic  significance  of  the  Alhambra  is  our 
chief  concern.  Built  by  degrees,  and  developing  thus 
from  the  single  "  Red  Oastle  "  {KaVat  Al-Tiamrd),  in 
the  middle  of  the  ninth  century;  very  largely  in- 
creased in  the  thirteenth  by  Ibnu-l-'Ahmar,  and  com- 
pleted in  the  fourteenth  by  Yiisuf  I.,  it  suggests  many 
things  to  the  student  of  art  and  history.    First  of  all, 

1  Ford's  Hand-Book  for  Spain,  I.  298. 

*  Queen  laabella  II.,  who  yisited  it  in  1862,  directed  the  restora- 
tion, which  has  heen  undertaken  by  Sefior  Contr^ras,  a  native  of 
Granada,  thoroughly  acquainted  with  Moorish  art  Many  of  the 
ptUloa  and  halls  have  been  restored  to  their  original  splendor,  as  I 
had  the  pleasure  of  observing  in  1870. 


430      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAfi-MOOBS. 

it  presents  the  perfection  of  Moro- Arabian  art  The 
visitor  in  its  courts  finds  himself  not  in  Europe,  but 
in  the  Orient ;  not  in  Granada,  but  in  Damascus.  It 
realizes  the  fancies  awakened  by  the  memory  of  the 
"  Arabian  Nights."  It  is  an  anachronism,  —  a  bit  of 
the  period  of  Haroun  Al  Baschid  thrust  into  the 
modem  age  and  into  a  distant  country.  It  links  the 
glories  of  Baghdad  to  the  civilizing  conquest  of  Spain 
by  the  Arab-Moors. 

It  speaks  of  concentration.  As  Granada  was  the 
last  kingdom  retained  by  the  Moors  before  their  final 
The  phQo-  cxpulsiou,  SO  iu  its  citsdel,  the  Alhambra» 
teachings  of  Wealth,  tastc,  po  wer,  were  contracted  in  space 
hn.  but  consolidated  in  form  and  substance.    All 

the  remaining  vitality  of  the  conquest,  all  the  progress 
in  art,  all  the  glory  of  the  past,  all  the  hopes  of  the 
future,  clustered  in  strength  and  beauty  within  the 
Alhambra  of  Granada. 

It  was  a  stronghold ;  lying  between  the  Darro  and 
the  Xenil,  it  was  by  nature  a  fortification,  and  its 
thick  walls  and  strong  out-thrusting  towers  seemed 
to  render  it  impregnable  to  any  assault  before  the 
days  of  gunpowder.  It  defended  the  city,  and  it  was 
the  last  bulwark  of  the  kingdom.  To  fortify  it  to 
the  extreme  of  possibility  was  the  Moorish  duty ;  to 
take  it,  the  difficult  Christian  task. 

It  was  also  a  palace  of  delights:  it  catered  to  every 
desire,  and  gratified  every  taste.  Every  foot  of  room 
was  utilized,  —  in  patios,  salas,  courts,  baths,  gardens, 
mosques,  hospitals,  schools,  and  prisons ;  and,  when  it 
was  arranged  for  winter  use,  the  Generalife  was  its 
beautiful  summer-house.    To  the  women   it  was  a 


MOBO-ABABIAN  ABT  AND  LIBBABIES.  431 

pleasure  and  a  retreat,  a  barem  from  which  they 
could  hardly  desire  to  be  released. 

I  have  thus  briefly  described  the  Mezquita  of  Cor- 
dova and  the  Alhambra  at  Granada,  in  order  to  present 
the  beginning  and  the  end  of  Moorish  art  in  Spain ; 
and  it  is  fortunate  that  both  these  structures  remain 
very  much  as  they  were  originally  built,  —  the  one  the 
first  work  of  their  oriental  fancy,  to  enshrine  the  glory 
of  Allah  and  the  manifesto  of  IsUm ;  the  other,  the 
last  labor  of  their  cunning  hands  to  guard  their  little 
remaining  power  in  Spain.  Taken  together,  they 
enable  us  to  form  a  critical  judgment  They  are  ex- 
ceedingly unlike.  The  former  tells  of  boldness  and 
strength  and  progress ;  the  latter,  of  a  lightness,  grace, 
and  epicurean  luxuriousness,  which  mark  the  period 
of  decline  in  strength,  and  abandonment  to  torpid 
pleasures.  The  Khalif  who  sat  upon  the  maksurah 
of  the  mosque  was  of  a  very  different  type  from  the 
king  who  lounged  in  the  lion  Court,  or  languidly 
gazed  from  the  Tower  of  Comares  on  the  Vega,  which 
almost  limited  his  contracted  inheritance. 

Not  many  years  passed  before  Christian  architec- 
ture marked  the  final  expulsion  from  Granada.  The 
first  architectural  work  of  the  Benaissance  in  Spain 
was  the  Cathedral  at  Granada,  a  building  that  stands 
in  the  boldest  contrast  to  the  Moorish  palace  of  the 
Alhambra;  the  contrast  is  eminently  historic.  It 
wap  begun  in  1529,  only  thirty-seven  years  after  the 
Moorish  capital  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella.  Their  grandson,  Charles  V.  of 
Germany,  was  on  the  throne  of  Spain,  the  church  hero 
at  once  of  the  conquest  over  Islam  and  of  the  anti- 


432      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOORS. 

reformation.  The  cathedral  is  a  noble  structure,  four 
hundred  feet  long  and  two  hundred  and  thirty  wide, 
with  side  chapels,  that  of  the  king  being  of  special  his- 
torical interest.  Poetic  justice  built  it  on  the  site  of 
a  great  mosque,  and  made  this  royal  chapel,  Capilla 
de  lo8  Reyes,  the  burial-place  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella, of  Philip  and  Joanna  The  chapel  had  been 
built  before  the  cathedral,  by  order  of  the  joint  sov- 
ereigns, who,  as  the  inscription  informs  us,  "  crushed 
heresy,  expelled  the  Moors  and  Jews  from  these 
realms,  arid  reformed  religion^  In  it  there  may  be 
seen  the  splendid  Itfdian  tombs,  with  reclining  eflSgies 
of  the  great  monarchs,  and  in  a  small  vault  below 
are  the  rude  leaden  cof&ns,  with  simple  initial  letters, 
containing  their  remains.  As  the  awe-struck  visitor 
lays  his  hand  upon  them,  he  feels  nearer  to  the  his- 
tory than  ever  before,  —  to  the  romantic  conquest  of 
Granada,  to  Columbus  and  his  great  discovery ;  and 
the  feeling  is  intensified  when,  passing  from  the  place 
of  tombs,  he  is  shown,  in  the  adjoining  sacristy,  the 
plain  sword  which  Ferdinand  wore  in  his  last  cam- 
paign against  the  Moors,  and  the  box  which  had  once 
contained  the  jewels  pawned  by  Isabella  to  fit  out 
the  expedition  of  the  great  admiral.  The  Cathedral 
of  Granada  may  be  thus  said  to  form  the  architectural 
link  between  the  expulsion  of  the  Arab-Moors  by  the 
Catholic  sovereigns  and  the  momentous  voyage  of 
Columbus,  which  "  gave  a  new  world  to  Castile  and 
Leon." 

Of  the  historical  statistics  of  this  later  period  I  have 
spoken  in  a  former  chapter.  The  contracted  limits 
of  the  kingdom  of  Granada,  and  its  peaceful  con- 


MORO'ABABIAN  ART  AND  LIBRARIES.  433 

dition  as  a  tributary  to  the  reconquest,  had  consolidated 
its  municipal  power,  and  given  point  and  xheconsou- 

m  it'j^*  'A-i  i»j  datlon  of 

elegance  and  historic  meaning  to  its  architec-  knowledge, 
ture ;  and  what  the  Arab-Moors  achieved  had  not  been 
without  a  reflex  influence  upon  the  Spanish  conquerors 
themselves.  The  learning  which  they  had  brought 
from  the  East  had  been  diffused  throughout  Spain. 
What  had  been  collected,  by  the  liberality  of  the  ear- 
lier Khalifs  of  the  house  of  Abbas,  had  been  fostered  in 
colleges  and  collected  in  libraries;  and  although  there 
was  always  a  party,  composed  of  the  ignorantly  devout, 
which  looked  with  concern  upon  the  increase  of  secular 
knowledge,  and  especially  upon  the  investigations  in 
natural  philosophy,  the  humanists,  as  in  a  later  Chris- 
tian age,  carried  the  day.  It  was  to  no  purpose 
that  the  Koran  seemed  to  utter  a  threatening  voice, 
and  that  a  professor  in  advance  of  his  age  was  in 
danger  of  being  branded  as  a  Zindii,  or  dangerous 
heretic.^ 

Spain  swung  by  long  and  light  cables  to  her  eccle- 
siastical moorings.  Her  ulemah  and  muftis  were 
soon  emancipated  from  such  thraldom,  and  had  no 
abject  fear  of  the  conflict  of  religious  truth  with  the 
science  of  nature ;  they  sought  for  pure  truth,  even 
when  threatened  with  exile  and  martyrdom. 

Connected  with  the  free  schools,  originally  attached 
to  the  mosques  wherever  the  Arabians  conquered, 

^  A  Yerj  general  term.  "  Soob  le  nom  de  Zendik  se  confondaient 
lea  fleeted  infsUnes  et  commnnistes  ...  et  lea  libres-pensenrs.  .  .  . 
Le  people  ne  fait  ga^  de  difii^rence  entre  cenx  qui  ne  croient  pas 
oomme  Ini.  Qnelquefois  mime  on  rattachait  lea  Zendiks  an  Sabinne 
et  k  ridoiatrie."  — Renan's  Avtrroes,  p.  103. 
VOL.  II.  28 


434     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOKS. 

and  intended  primarily  to  instruct  in  the  faith  of  the 
Kordn,  and  of  which  there  were  eighty  in  Cordova, 
were  professors  of  the  new  arts  and  sciences,  skilled 
and  eloquent,  who  had  fixed  salaries,  and  regular  lec- 
ture-courses. These  acquired  power  at  home,  and 
soon  achieved  a  European  renown.  At  Cordova  in 
the  tenth  century,  besides  these  schools,  Al-hakem 
founded  an  academy,  which  was  soon  multiplied  into 
fifteen,  for  special  sciences,  —  not  confederated  into 
what  we  call  a  university,  but  forming  in  reality,  for 
several  centuries,  the  most  celebrated  educational 
institution  in  the  world.^  The  religious  tenets  upon 
which  it  was  founded  were  indeed  those  of  Islam, 
but  natural  and  exact  sciences  are  independent  of 
creeds,  and  these  did  not  hinder  Christian  students 
from  flocking  in  great  numbers  to  this  centre  of  phi- 
losophic inquiry.  While  the  Christian  Church  was 
becoming  intolerant  in  the  extreme,  and  the  Inquisi- 
tion was  being  established  to  punish  heresy  and 
strangle  science,  the  humaner  system  of  the  Mos- 
lems —  violated  sometimes,  indeed,  by  special  intol- 
erance—  left  men  to  their  own  religious  opinions, 
and  science  prospered. 

All  the  other  works  of  Al-ICakem  are  eclipsed  by 
the  greatness  and  excellence  of  his  library,  which, 
TheUbniry  accordiug  to  Csisiri,  Contained  six  hundred 
of  Al-hakem.  tllQ^ga^u^  volumos,  and  required  forty-four 

volumes  for  its  catalogue  alone ;  each  volume  contain- 
ing twenty  sheets  of  paper,  devoted  entirely  to  the  titles 

^  For  a  coBsideTatioii  of  the  part  played  by  these  professors,  and 
the  opposition  in  spite  of  which  they  accomplished  their  phiUn- 
tliropic  work,  see  Al  Makkari,  T.  141. 


MOBO-ARABIAN  ABX  AND  LIBRARIES.  435 

and  descriptions  of  the  books.^  He  sent  his  agents  in 
every  direction  to  purchase  books,  without  regard  to 
expense,  and  his  library  was  the  largest  and  most 
valuable  thus  far  formed  in  the  world.  It  was  not 
only  thus  a  great  repertory  for  scholars,  whom  it 
attracted  from  all  countries,  but  it  incited  others  to 
collect  I  so  that,  in  computing  the  book-treasures  of 
Cordova,  we  must  not  fail  to  take  into  the  account  that 
"  there  were  in  the  capital  many  other  libraries  in 
the  hands  of  wealthy  individuals,  where  the  studious 
could  dive  into  the  fathomless  sea  of  knowledge  and 
bring  up  its  inestimable  pearls."  ^  "  To  such  an  extent 
did  this  rage  for  collection  increase,"  says  Ibnu  Said, 
''  that  any  man  in  power,  or  holding  a  situation  under 
the  government,  considered  himself  obliged  to  have  a 
library  of  his  own,  and  would  spare  no  trouble  or 
expense  in  collecting  books,  merely  in  order  that 
people  might  say, '  Such  a  one  has  a  very  fine  library, 
or  he  possesses  a  unique  copy  of  such  a  book,  or  he 
has  a  copy  of  such  a  work  in  the  handwriting  of  such 
a  one.*  "  ^  As  an  illustration  of  the  Khalif  Al-hakem*s 
enthusiasm  for  books,  it  is  said  that  he  sent  a  thou- 
sand dinars  of  pure  gold  to  Abul-faradj-el  Isfahani,  a 
Persian  author,  for  the  first  copy  of  his  celebrated 
"  Anthology,"  so  that  it  was  read  in  Andalusia  before 
it  was  read  in  Persia.* 
Such  academies  as  those  of  Cordova  were  imitated 

^  Bibliotheca  Escnrialensis,  IL  202.    Dozy,  Notices  snr  qnelqaefl 
Manuscrits  Arabes,  p.  103. 

*  Al  Makkari,  1. 189. 

>  Cited  by  Al  Makkari,  I.  140. 

*  R^nan's  AveiToes,  p.  3. 


436      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BT  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

in  the  other  cities  of  Spain,  and  thej  form  the  origin 
Academies  ^^  those  famous  Spanish  universities,  fos- 
andcouegea.  ^j^^  jjj^  power  and  fame  by  the  Saracens, 

at  Cordova,  Toledo,  Seville,  Salamanca,^  and  Alcala, 
which  came  into  the  hands  of  the  reconquering  Chris- 
tians with  all  their  forms  and  appliances.  They  were 
re-established  by  the  conquerors,  but  soon  began  that 
downward  career,  fedling  into  a  state  of  torpor,  in 
which  they  may  now  be  said  scarcely  to  exist 

One  word  more  concerning  the  library  of  Al-hakem. 
He  died  in  the  year  976,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
effeminate  son,  Hisham  II.  It  has  been  seen  thaty 
taking  advantage  of  Hisham's  weakness,  his  wizir, 
Al-mansur,  usuiped  the  royal  power,  but,  in  the 
main,  used  it  right  royally ;  like  a  true  Mohammedan, 
with  an  ardent  faith,  and  no  taste  for  books,  he  de- 
termined to  undo  the  great  work  of  Al-hakem.  He 
caused  to  be  carefully  selected  from  the  great  collection 
all  the  works  on  philosophy,  physics,  and  astronomy, 
with  all  others  pertaining  to  science ;  and  he  ordered 
them  to  be  burnt,  re-enacting  the  barbarous  destruc- 
tion of  the  Alexandrian  library  in  the  seventh  cen- 
Thedcstroc  ^^^7'  ^^  achicvcd  the  purpose  he  had  in 
^kJ'by  view,  for  this  wholesale  destruction  of  secular 
Ai-manBur.  learning  was  very  popular  with  the  ignorant 
multitude.  He  only  spared  the  works  on  rhetoric^ 
poetry,  history,  medicine,  law,  and  theology.  This 
left  indeed  a  large  number  of  valuable  books,  which 
were  added  to  in  later  reigns ;  but,  when  the  Ommeyan 
dynasty  was  approaching  its  end,  in  one  of  the  civil 

^  The  Uniyersity  of  Salamanca  was  re-established  bj  Alfonm 
VIII.  (El  Baeno)  of  CastUe  ;  that  of  Alcald  by  Caidinal  Ximenea. 


MOBO-ABABIAN  ABT  AND  LIBRARIES.  437 

commotions  which  rent  the  kingdom,  Cordova  was 
sacked;  the  library  was  broken  up,  scattered,  and 
sold;  and  yet,  iu  this  irregular  dissemination,  the 
good  seed  of  knowledge  was  borne  to  other  lands  and 
brought  forth  fruit.^ 

The  records  are  not  sufi&ciently  exact  to  enable  us 
to  mark  all  the  steps  of  Arabian  culture  in  Spain, 
nor  would  such  a  statistical  inquiry  be  of  interest  to 
the  reader.   I  have  preferred  to  take  it  at  its  best.   The 
period  of  progress  in  which  I  have  found  my  prin- 
cipal illustrations  is,  for  science  and  philosophy,  the 
palmy  day  of  the  Moorish  dominion  under  the  Om- 
meyan  monarchs,  from  the  eighth  to  the  eleventh 
century,  when  the  whole  of  southern  and  central 
Spain  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Arab-Moors.    It  was 
a  day  of  great  light  and  pride  and  glory  within  their 
Spanish  kingdom ;  a  day  in  which  the  highest  knowl- 
edge overflowed  the  mountain  barriers,  and  contrast 
went  on,  widely  irrigating  the  arid  fields  of  ^^em 
Europe,  —  a  day  of  wonderful  contrasts  be-  chJiSuS? 
tween  Arabian    Spain   and  the   Christian  ^"^p*- 
West     In   Christian  Europe,  such  limited  knowl- 
edge as  there  was  was  confined  to  the  cloister  and 
cathedral;   many  of  the  priests  and  monks  recited, 

^  Accepting  the  nnmber  of  Tolnmes  collected  by  Al-hakem,  we 
are  hardly  called  upon  to  believe  the  assertion  of  Ibnu-l-abbar,  that 
not  one  book  was  to  be  found  in  it  which  the  Khalif  had  not  pe- 
rused, "  writing  on  the  fly-leaf  the  name,  sumanie,  and  patronymic 
of  the  author ;  that  of  the  tribe  or  family  to  which  he  belonged, 
the  year  of  his  birth  and  death;  after  which  followed  such  interest- 
ing anecdotes  about  the  author  or  his  work  as  through  his  immense 
reading  he  had  derived  from  other  writers."  This  seems  a  dear 
case  of  "  qui  facit  per  alium  facit  per  se." 


438      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

like  parrots,  a  Latin  service  which  they  could  not 
translate  into  the  vernacular ;  kings  repudiated  book- 
learning  as  unworthy  of  the  crown,  and  warlike  nobles 
despised  it  as  unworthy  of  the  sword.  It  was  a -rare 
thing,  and  not  considered  an  accomplishment,  to  find 
a  layman  who  could  read  or  write.  To  suppose  that 
he  could  was  to  insult  him,  by  mistaking  him  for  an 
ecclesiastic.  To  documents  of  importance  which  they 
could  not  read  they  "  signed  their  names,"  as  ignorant 
laborers  do  at  the  present  day,  with  the  sign  of  the 
cross,  or  a  rude  arrow-head,  as  "  their  mark."  No 
less  a  personage  than  Philippe  le  Bel  of  France,  who 
conducted  foreign  wars,  and  exterminated  the  Tem- 
plars, made  "his  mark"  as  late  as  the  thirteenth 
century,  nearly  three  hundred  years  after  Al-hakem 
was  reading  the  books  in  his  great  library,  and  writing 
a  digest  of  each  on  its  fly-leaves. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  dwell  more  at  length 
upon  the  contrast,  for  it  is  by  such  comparisons  as 
these  that  we  are  led  to  appreciate  the  true  character 
and  full  value  of  the  culture  which  the  Arab-Moora 
achieved  in  Spain  and  imparted  by  slow  degrees  to 
Christian  Europe.  The  slowness  of  this  impartation 
was  due  not  to  them,  but  to  those  to  whom  they 
offered  their  treasures.  The  Christian  Spaniards  sus- 
pected everything  which  the  Infidel  presented,  and 
the  Christian  historians  in  later  periods  have  done  all 
they  could  to  belittle  or  ignore  this  Arabian  civiliza- 
tion. A  typical  illustration  is  found  in  the  super- 
CMdhud  stitious  and  intolerant  proceeding  of  Cardinal 
ximeuef.  ximeucs,  the  bold  and  sagacious*  Eichelieu 
of  Spain  in  the  fifteenth  century,  who  bumt^  in  the 


MORO-ARABIAN  AET  AND  LIBRARIES.  439 

plazas  of  Granada,  an  immense  number  of  Arabic 
volumes,  variously  computed  at  from  eighty  thousand 
to  over  a  million,^  "  on  the  pretence  that  they  con- 
tained doctrines  adverse  to  the  diflfusion  of  the  gospel 
among  the  vanquished  people."^  What  an  irrepa- 
rable loss  to  history ! 

Nor  is  it  astonishing  that,  as  most  of  the  later  his- 
torians have  drawn  their  facts  and  opinions  from 
these  polluted  sources,  the  Arabians  have  not  received 
their  due  meed  of  praise,  even  from  those  who  have 
no  bias  of  blood  or  of  faith,  but  who  simply  believe 
what  they  have  been  told. 

Their  beneficent  learning  spread  in  every  direction. 
In  imitation  of  Cordova,  Morocco  became  the  Baghdad 
of  western  Africa.  Mosques,  palaces,  gardens,  and 
vineyards  were  designed  by  Andalusian  architects,  and 
were  mere  copies  of  similar  buildings  in  Spain.* 

Not  gifted  with  great  individual  genius,  but  of  rare 
receptivity,  the  Arab-Moors  caught  upon  their  mirror- 
like  minds  the  light  which  was  shining  with  scattered 
and  diffused  radiance  in  the  East,  —  the  original  pro- 
ductions of  Chinese  and  Hindoo ;  the  uncertain  glim- 
mer of  the  Nabatean  culture,  the  rare  adaptations 
and  skilful  modifications  of  the  Greeks.  They  had 
drawn  all  these  pencils  of  light  to  a  focus,  and  had 
reflected  the  concentrated  radiance  into  the  dark 
and  cloudy  Northwest    To  leave  the  figure,  they  had 

^  Oayangos  considers  the  laiger  number  "  a  monstrons  exagger- 
ation'"of  Robles,  the  biographer,  "to  increase  the  merits  of  his 
hero." 

*  Preface  to  Al  Makkari,  I.  viii. 

s  Al  Makkari,  I.  120. 


440      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

thus  prepared  Christian  Europe^  reclaiming  it  from 
'its  besotted  ignorance,  to  receive  the  overwhelming 
tide  of  Greek  learning  which,  after  the  downfall  of 
Constantinople,  was  to  come  pouring  westward  by 
the  more  direct  route  across  Europe.  Homer  and 
Plato,  -^schylus  and  Sophocles  and  Aristotle,  Euclid 
and  ApoUonius,  until  then  read  in  Latin  translations 
of  Arabic  versions,  were  for  the  first  time  to  be 
studied  at  Oxford  in  the  original  Greek;  and  thus 
the  high  value  of  the  Arabian  work  was  made 
manifest 

The  termination  of  the  Mohammedan  dominion  in 
Spain  is  the  point  of  view  from  which  the  historian 
A  retiospec-  1^^^  ^^^^  to  take  in  at  one  glance  the  full 
tive  glance,  xneaniug  of  this  extraordinary  history.  Great 
events  stand  as  landmarks  in  the  receding  landscape  ; 
great  principles  are  evolved  from  their  combination. 
The  East  contained  in  its  mysterious  treasure-houses 
vast  stores  of  knowledge  and  wisdom  ;  the  West  was 
the  abode  of  ignorance  and  mental  torpor.  Attempts 
to  transport  these  stores  had  been  long  frustrated  by 
the  fall  of  western  Rome,  the  chaos  which  succeeded, 
and  the  steady  decline  of  the  Eastern  Empire.  Much 
of  this  knowledge  had  been  massed  and  grown  motion- 
less in  Egypt,  concealed  in  hieroglyphs,  owing  to  the 
esoteric  system  of  the  priesthood,  the  guardians  of 
knowledge;  Greece  was  left  stationary,  the  custodian, 
but  no  longer  the  producer,  of  the  grandest  literature 
in  the  world.  How  should  all  this  be  roused  into  a 
new  vitality  and  communicated  to  western  Europe  ? 

It  was  in  this  condition  of  things  that  a  false 
prophet,  but  a  mighty  man,  arose  amid  the  deserts 


MOBO-AKABIAN  ABT  AND  LIBHARIES.  441 

of  Arabia,  among  a  quick-witted,  light-footed,  brave- 
hearted  people.  They  had  no  claims  to  culture.  The 
passage  from  "  the  age  of  ignorance  "  to  that  of  faith 
was  a  leap,  but  it  gave  momentum.  From  the  dec- 
laration of  the  faith  the  progress  was  steady  and 
rapid  to  higher  learning.  They  seem  thus  to  have 
been  chosen  by  Providence  to  bear  the  torch  of  learn- 
ing, by  rugged  and  bloody  pathways,  through  Moorish 
darknesses,  over  the  African  route,  —  an  improvised, 
provisional  route,  —  across  the  strait  into  Europe. 

Unconsciously,  in  the  main,  the  Arab-Moor  accom- 
plished his  work.  He  thought  he  was  laboring  for 
himself;  he  meant  little  more;  in  reality,  he  W£is 
working  for  the  progress  of  humanity.  With  a  com- 
bination of  religious  zeal  and  military  ardor,  he  drew 
the  sword  for  the  advancement  of  the  faith  and  for 
the  conquest  of  territory ;  ^  but,  when  the  faith  was 
established,  and  the  land  acquired  for  settlement,  his 
aroused  intelligence  sought  aliment  and  pleasure  in 
the  noblest  studies,  and  he  became  eager  for  pupils 
and  co-workers,  who  would  extend  the  fame  of  his 
achievements. 

But  in  these  milder  employments  he  was  sowing 
the  seed  of  his  own  destruction.  Like  the  Goth,  he 
became  enervated  when  he  became  station-  j.^^^  ^^ 
ary ;  his  progress  in  science  and  letters  the^lraS?**'* 
unfitted  him  for  war,  —  the  never-ending  ^*^"- 
war  against  the  reconquest.  "  These  symptoms  went 
on  increasing  until  populous  cities  and  extensive  dis- 
tricts became  the  prey  of  the  Christians,  and  whole 
kingdoms  were  snatched  from  the  hands  of  the  Mos- 

^  See  Goizot,  Histoiie  de  la  CiTilization,  lect  ill. 


442        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

lems."^  We  have  here  another  curious  illustration 
of  a  national  decline,  due  to  learning,  luxury,  and 
languor,  and  a  powerful  plea  for  "muscular  Chris- 
tianity/* In  the  words  of  Gibbon,  "  the  sword  of  the 
Saracens  became  less  formidable  when  their  youth 
were  drawn  away  from  the  camp  to  the  college ;  when 
the  armies  of  the  Faithful  presumed  to  read  and  re- 
flect." The  splendors  of  Cordova  were  to  be  the 
mausoleum  of  Moro- Arabian  greatness.  For  with 
their  torpor  came  many  vices,  destructive  of  national 
strength.  "  Satan  resolved  to  accomplish  the  ruin  of 
truth,  and  he  obtained  his  purpose,  for  the  Deceiver 
ceased  not  tempting  and  inciting  the  inhabitants 
until  he  succeeded  in  implanting  in  Cordova  some  of 
the  appendages  of  idolatry,  such  as  lamentations  for 
the  dead,  false  pride,  arrogance,  incredulity,  slander, 
vanity,  divination,  astrology,  chiromancy, .  .  .  swear- 
ing of  oaths,  the  telling  of  lies,  and  the  committing 
every  description  of  sins."  * 

And  yet,  with  all  this  loss  of  power,  the  Spanish 
Moslem  was  not  at  once  shorn  of  his  strength.  Ex- 
posed to  many  furious  attacks  of  the  Christians,  he 
was  obliged  to  fight  constantly;  and  we  must  not 
underrate  the  fierceness  of  that  long  struggle  to 
retain  his  hold  upon  Spain,  —  eight  centuries,  foot 
to  foot  and  hand  to  hand,  with  a  powerful  and  de- 
termined foe  who  had  sworn  his  expulsion  or  ex- 
tirpation. 

As  long  as  the  Ommeyan  dynasty  ruled  over  an 
undivided   realm,  their  hopes  were  strong;    when 

1  Ibnu  Sa'id,  EiUbu-l-mngh'rab^  cited  by  Al  Hakkari,  I.  95. 
*  Al  Makkari,  I.  97. 


MOfiO-ARABIAN  ABT  AND   LIBRARIES.  443 

Mohammedan  Spain  was  broken  into  petty  kingdoms, 
the  decline  was  rapid.  What  conduced  most  to  their 
original  power  was  union  ;  what  hastened  their  down- 
fall was  division,  dissension,  segregation.  The  task 
and  the  tenure  of  the  Mohammedan  in  Spain  were 
completed,  long  before  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  drove 
the  unlucky  Boabdil  from  his  throne  at  Granada  in 
1492.  These  Christian  morarchs  only  ejected  a  ten- 
ant whose  lease  had  already  expired,  but  who,  with 
impotent  insistance,  had  refused  to  go,  because  his 
long  tenancy  had  in  his  eyes  established  a  right  of 
property.  With  all  the  consolidation  of  Mohammedan 
power  at  the  East,  and  with  this  paralysis  at  the 
West,  the  Arabian  has  disappeared  as  an  ethnic 
type,  or  at  least  has  been  remanded  to  his  original 
seats,  where  he  has  returned  at  this  day  to  The  Arabian 

,,       .         ..  J   '      '       'c  r  i.1.  T        relegated  to 

the  inaction  and  insignificance  of  the  earlier  Arabia. 
times.  ITowhere  else,  among  the  millions  of  Mo- 
hammedans, does  he  any  longer  represent  himself; 
but  he  may  still  boast  that  he  is  represented  in  the 
sacred  peraon  and  the  scripture  of  his  mighty  prophet, 
Mohammed.  The  triumphs  of  the  Moslem  faith  were 
not  to  cease  because  the  dominion  of  the  Theperen. 
Arab-Moors^  in  Spain  had  come  to  an  end.  of  laUm. 
There  was  compensation  at  the  East  for  the  losses 
at  the  West.  More  than  two  hundred  years  before, 
the  dynasty  of  the  Abbasides  had  been  destroyed 
with  the  fall  of  Baghdad  under  the  assault  of  Hou- 
lahou,  the  grandson  of  Zinghis  Khan,  with  his  fierce 
Mogulsj  but  the  faith  of  Mohammed  had  inspired 
the  Ottoman  Turks  to  conquest ;  and  in  the  midst  of 
a  chaos  of  wars,  Moguls  and  Turks  contested  a  su- 


444     CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ABAB-MOOBS. 

premacy,  the  aim  of  which  was  the  capture  of  the 
great  Christian  capital  of  the  Eastern  Empire,  Con- 
stantinople. In  that  stormy  period  from  the  thirteenth 
to  the  fifteenth  century  are  found  the  great  martial 
deeds  of  Amurath  I. ;  of  Bajazet,  sumamed  Ilderim^  or 
the  Lightning,  who  was  confronted  by  the  wild  heroism 
of  Tamerlane ;  and  of  Mohammed  II.,  who  achieved 
The  empire  the  great  purposc.  Only  forty  years  before 
manTuriu.  Boabdil  cl  Chico  left  the  Alhambra,  wth 
unavailing  sighs  and  tears,  the  Turkish  sultan,  after 
the  most  memorable  siege  in  history,  was  reigning  in 
the  capital  of  the  East,  and  the  Te  Deums  of  the 
Spanish  conquerors  found  a  discordant  echo  in  the 
muezzins'  caU  to  prayer  from  the  improvised  min- 
arets  of .  St.  Sophia.  There  the  successor  of  the 
Sultan  still  prays  to  Allah  to  avert  the  inevitable, 
the  coming  of  the  day  when  the  last  sigh  of  the  Turk, 
as  he  crosses  the  Bosphorus  to  return  to  his  original 
seat  in  Asia,  shall  be  the  historic  answer,  delayed  for 
five  hundred  years,  to  el  ultimo  suspiro  del  Moro^  as 
he  turned  the  rocky  corner  which  shut  out  his  beloved 
Alhambra,  and,  after  a  short  delay  in  the  Alpujarras, 
moved  on  to  exile  and  death  in  Africa. 

In  conclusion,  the  long  wars  which  resulted  in  the 
conquest  of  Granada  had  given  the  Spanish  Christians 
a  momentum  which  could  not  be  checked ;  and  the 
ensuing  peace  gave  them  leisure  to  direct  it  with 
judgment.  Thus  there  is  a  link  of  great  intei'est 
The  Old       connecting  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors  with 

World  and  ^  * 

the  New.  the  discovery  and  fortunes  of  this  Western 
world.  The  joint  monarchs  entered  Granada  on  the 
6th  of  January,  1492 ;  on  the  11th  of  October,  in  the 


MOBO-ARABIAN  ART  AND  LIBRARIES.  445 

same  year,  Columbus  descried  "  the  moving  light  '*  on 
the  shore  of  Guanahani,  and  the  next  day,  chrutopher 
in  sight  of  the  astonished  natives,  unrolled  ^*>^""^'"- 
the  banner,  the  F  and  Y  upon  which  proclaimed  the 
supremacy  of  the  Spanish  monarchs,  Ferdinand  and 
Ysabel.  Here  let  us  observe  a  moral  application  of 
mechanical  forces  in  history.  The  tide  of  men  that 
had  poured  down  to  the  conquest  of  Granada,  now  at 
last  unchecked  by  obstacles  within  the  kingdom, 
rushed  across  the  Atlantic  in  the  wake  of  Columbus 
to  San  Salvador  and  Hispaniola ;  with  Ponce  de  Leon 
and  Fernando  de  Soto,  to  Florida  and  the  Mississippi ; 
with  Cortez,  to  Mexico  ;  with  Pizarro  and  Almagro  to 
Peru ;  with  Balboa,  to  the  infinite  vista  of  the  Pacific. 
It  was  the  reconquest  stiU,  which  could  not  ajjate  its 
momentum. 

Christopher  Columbus  found  in  his  name  the  claim 
of  his  first  great  duty.  Loyal  to  his  sovereigns, 
he  was  the  Christ-bearer  and  the  dove,  —  the  car- 
rier dove  of  Christianity  to  the  uttermost  parts  of 
the  earth.  But  from  Christian  Spain  he  brought, 
without  intending  it,  only  evil  to  the  Aliorigines.  It 
was  the  inquisition  of  a  fierce  propaganda;  it  was 
grinding  labor ;  it  was  cruelty,  which  could  only  end 
in  extermination  of  the  natives.  What  he  dispensed  of 
Moorish  civilization  was  only  good,  —  the  inventions 
and  discoveries  they  had  introduced  His  vessel  was 
fitted  out  in  that  little  port  of  Palos,  which  had  lately 
been  a  Moorish  port ;  his  sailors  were  many  of  them 
men  with  Moorish  blood  in  their  veins.  It  has  been 
asserted  that,  when  the  Moors  were  driven  out,  thou- 
sands took  refuge  in  the  south  of  France,  who,  after- 


446      CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOORS. 

wards  abhorring  the  Roman  Catholic  persecutiona, 
became  Huguenots,  and  that  of  these  many  emigrated 
at  a  later  day  to  South  Carolina.  Be  that  as  it  may, 
the  Spaniards  had  found  for  the  world  a  virgin  land, 
in  which  to  introduce  Spanish  errors,  and  especially 
Spanish  bigotry;  and  the  great  tide  rushed  in  from 
Protestant  Europe  to  occupy  it. 

Here  I  lay  down  my  pen,  leaving  to  the  intelligent 
reader  the  easy  and  pleasant  task  of  further  tracing 
the  philosophy  and  pointing  the  moral  of  this  *'  strange, 
eventful  history."  It  may  indeed  seem  far  removed 
by  distance  and  time  from  present  interests  and  the 
great  social  problems  of  our  day  and  country.  But 
it  deserves  special  consideration  as  a  striking  illus- 
tration of  the  important  historic  principle  that  hu- 
The  moral  mauity  is  the  same  in  all  ages ;  that  the 
mankind.  moral  uuity  of  mankind  is  the  first,  last,  and 
best  lesson  of  human  annals,  whether  we  look  under 
the  homed  helmet  and  cuirass  of  the  Goth,  under 
the  twisted  turban  of  the  Arab,  or  the  fez  of  the 
Moor  and  Berber.  Whether  in  the  marts  of  Cor- 
dova, on  the  'Change  of  London,  or  in  Wall  Street 
of  New  York,  —  in  the  eighth  century  or  the  nine- 
teenth, the  feeling  heart  and  busy  brain  of  man 
work  from  the  same  causes,  by  the  same  data,  to 
the  same  ends.  Love  and  hate,  religious  fanaticism, 
self-interest,  the  greed  of  wealth  and  the  lust  of 
power,  are  springs  of  action  which  the  moral  standard 
of  conscience  cannot  fully  control,  but  never  ceases 
to  judge.  And  to  the  student  of  history  it  is  most 
interesting  to  observe  that  the  golden  rule  applies 


MOBO-ARABIAN  ABT  AND  LIBRARIES.  447 


in  all  ages  and  to  all  conditions  of  humanity.     "  My 
neighbor"  is  not  alone  the  living  man,  any-  HiBtoriejiw- 

tice  to  '•  my 

where  in  the  world,  with  whom  I  may  come  neighbor. 


»» 


in  contact  to-day,  but  the  Arab-Moor  of  this  history, 
who  requires  at  my  hands  a  just  judgment  and  a  for- 
giving spirit.  Thus  the  spirit  of  enlightened  historic 
criticism  must  rise  superior  to  the  prejudices  of  race 
and  creed  and  nationality,  which  the  Spaniards  have 
not  done.  In  their  historic  judgment  of  the  Moors, 
they  have  perpetuated  the  reconquest ;  they  thrice 
slay  the  slain.  They  have  been  unjust,  unmanly,  and 
unchristian. 

The  last  lesson  to  which  I  shall  refer  is  taught  as 
freshly  by  this  history  as  though  the  story  was  of 
yesterday,  —  the  long-continued  influence  of  human 
action.  As  from  a  stone  thrown  into  a  lake,  the  ripples 
would  go  on  forever,  were  they  not  limited  by  the 
shore  ;  and  even  then  they  receive  from  this  restraint 
a  resurgence  which,  while  it  complicates  the  problem, 
demands  recognition. 

I  have,  in  the  course  of  this  work,  found  occasion 
to  present  certain  remarkable  parallels.  The  careful 
reader  of  Spanish  history  will  find  all  the  elements 
of  the  earlier  days  at  work  in  the  later  times,  and 
still  influential  in  Spain.  In  the  North,  the  Goth 
still  displays  his  blue  blood  and  white  skin,  and  with 
them  his  Teutonic  independence.  The  isolated  valleys 
of  Castile  and  Aragon  are  still  swayed  by  the  His- 
pano-Eoman  and  the  yet  vital  Celtiberian.  In  the 
South,  in  spite  of  Spanish  disclaimers,  the  Moorish 
blood  still  shows  itself  beneath  a  swarthy  complexion 
and  under  crisp,  curling  black  hair. 


448        CONQUEST  OF  SPAIN  BY  THE  ARAB-MOOES. 

The  long  and  fierce  struggle  between  the  Christians 
and  the  Moslems  had  given  rise  to  a  bitter  fanaticism 
Religions  *"^  *  blinding  bigotry  on  the  part  of  the 
Tblfia-""*'  fornier,  first  against  the  Infidel,  and  then 
quiaiuon.  against  heresy  in  all  its  forms.  Then  the 
Inquisition  sprang  into  hideous  being.  Moriscoes, 
Jews,  and  halting  Christians  were  brought  before  its 
terrible  tribunal  The  Church  would  not  cany  out 
its  own  sentence,  but  *'  released  the  condemned  to  the 
secular  arm  ; "  and  thus  Spain,  which  would  have  been 
free  and  safe  under  its  secular  government,  one  of 
the  most  liberal  in  the  world,  became,  at  the  bidding 
of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities,  a  blind  and  grind- 
ing despotism,  where  life  and  property  had  no  guar- 
antee. The  Church  and  the  State  played  into  each 
other's  hands,  —  a  person  who  offended  the  crown 
was  dealt  with  by  the  Church;  a  person  suspected 
of  heresy  was  burned  by  the  Stata  This  constant 
peril  of  life  has  demoralized  the  Spanish  people.  It 
has  led  to  torpor  in  religious  belief,  or  to  hypocrisy  as 
a  defence  against  injustice.  The  world  is  not  made 
up  of  martyrs.  With  this  torpor  and  hjrpocrisy 
came  weakness,  where  a  nation  only  can  be  strong, 
—  in  its  people.  With  the  weakness  came  intrigues 
The  baleful    and  couspiracics  and  assassinations.     Thus 

effects  on  *■ 

Spain.  shut  up  withiu  themselves,  they  became  sus- 
picious. They  hated  strangers ;  they  assumed  a 
haughtiness  of  sentiment  and  demeanor.  They  ceased 
to  work,  because  labor  brought  no  security.  And  so 
the  manufactures  and  public  works  have  fallen  into 
foreign  hands,  which  has  made  them  unpopitlar.  There 
has  never  been  a  nation  so  abused  and  injured  as  the 
Spanish  nation. 


MOBO-ARABIAN  ART  AND  LIBBABIES.  449 

The  Spanish  people  present  to-day,  in  all  parts  of 
the  Peninsula,  excellent  types  of  manhood  and  wo- 
manhood, who  only  require  time  to  unlearn  the  lessons 
of  centuries,  and  to  live  a  new  life  under  a  liberal 
rule,  and  with  incentives  to  exertion.  Even  in  this- 
generation  much  has  been  done.  The  deposition  of 
Isabella,  the  Second,  the  provisional  regency  of  Ser- 
rano, the  great  mistake  of  crowning  Amadeus,  the 
rage  of  the  red  republicans,  have  all  been  steps  to  a 
constitutional  government  under  a  liberal  and  young 
Spanish  monarch,  whose  happy  fortune  it  Hopes  for 
may  be  to  inaugurate  the  new  era,  and  make  ****  '^*^^- 
the  Spanish  cities  once  more  what  they  were  in  the 
palmy  days  of  the  Moslem  dominion, — the  centres  of 
light,  learning,  and  energy.  The  great  secret  is,  work 
for  the  masses ;  for  the  worst  thing  among  the  Cosas 
de  Espalia  is  an  indolence,  so  ingrained  in  the  Span- 
ish nature  that  it  has  become  an  organic  disease, 
which  time  and  the  pressure  of  a  progressive  world 
only  can  cure.  One  generation  may  pass  without 
effecting  this  regeneration ;  one  generation  may  even 
retard  it:  but  the  historian  finds  in  the  annals  of 
Spain  a  philosophy  which  leads  him  to  hope  and  to 
expect  the  coming  of  a  brighter  day.  When  that  day 
shall  dawn,  Spanish  scholars  will  review  the  hidden 
records  of  their  past  with  conscientious  industry  and 
honest  judgment ;  and,  while  they  dwell  with  proper 
pride  and  pleasure  upon  the  glories  of  the  reconquest, 
they  will  not  be  ashamed  to  acknowledge  the  real 
merits  of  their  Moslem  conquerors,  and  the  lasting 
benefits  which  have  accrued  to  Europe  from  the  Con- 
quest OF  Spain  by  the  Ara^-Moors. 

VOL,  IL  29 


APPENDIX. 


I. 


OF  THE  MOHAMMEDAN  ERA. 

THE  Mohammedan  year  of  the  Hijra  is  used  in  Turkey, 
Arabia,  Persia,  and  other  countries  which  have  ac- 
cepted Islim.  It  is  a  lunar  year,  its  commencement  being 
computed  from  the  nearest  new  moon.  The  Mohammedan 
era  is  divided  into  cycles  of  30  years  each  ;  in  every  cycle 
there  are  19  years  of  354  days,  and  11  years  of  355  days, 
an  intercalary  day  being  added  ip  these  years  at  the  end 
of  the  last  month.  Thus  the  mean  length  of  the  year  is 
35id,  Sh.  48m.,  or  354^^  days.  This,  divided  by  12, 
will  give  us  the  moan  lunation  as  29 Jf^,  or  29  <^.  12 h, 
44  m.  The  difference  between  this  and  the  astronomical 
mean  lunation  is  only  2.8  seconds,  or  a  difference  of  1 
day  in  2,400  years. 

To  pass  from  the  Mohammedan  to  the  Christian  calen- 
dar, neglecting  the  slight  differences  of  intercalation,  be- 
cause it  is  nearly  the  same  for  both,  we  have  the  formula 

Mohammedan  Year,  a.  h.  _     354 JJ    -aqtaooa 
Christian  Year,  a.  d.       "  36572422 ""  *^-^7^224. 

The  first  Mohammedan  year  b^gan  on  the  19th  of  July, 
622  (O.  S.),  or  the  19th  of  July  (N.  S.).   This  latter  day  is 


452  APPENDIX. 

the  200th  day  of  the  solar  year,  or,  in  arithmetical  terma, 
0.5476  of  the  year.  Representing  the  number  of  years  as 
Y  -  ly  and  the  first  year  in  our  era  as  622.5476,  we  shall 
have,  as  the  date  of  the  commencement  of  the  year  a.  h., 
afl  expressed  in  our  calendar,  — 

0,970224  (y  - 1)  +  622.5476, 
or  0.970224  XY  + 621.5774. 

Thus,  to  find  the  commencement  of  any  year  of  the  Hijra 
in  the  Gregorian  calendar,  we  multiply  .970224  by  that 
year,  and  add  621.5774. 

Take  as  an  example  the  year  95  a.  h.  :  — 

.970224 
95 


4851120 
8732016 

92.171280 
621.5774 

713.7486,80 

or  the  year  92  a.  h.  corresponds  with  the  year  713  a.d. 
To  find  the  exact  date  of  its  commencement,  multiply  the 
decimal  figures  by  365. 

.7486 
365 

.  37430 
44916 
22458 

273.2390 

Or  it  began  on  the  273d  day,  the  last  day  of  September. 
The  following  are  the  names  of  the  Mohammedan 
months,  with  the  number  of  days  in  each  :  — 


I 


APPENDIX.  453 

Moharram 30 

Safar 29 

Rabi,  1 30 

Rabi,  II 29 

Jum£da  1 30 

Jum£da  II 29 

Sha'b&n 29 

Ramadh&n 30 

Shawwia 29 

Dh«-ka'dah 30 

Dhl-1-hajjah     .   29,  and  in  intercalary  years  30 

A  further  calculation  will  show  that  the  1st  of  Mohar- 
ram, 1298,  will  correspond  with  the  4th  of  December, 
1880.  I  have  thought  it  best  in  the  history  to  give  the 
dates  according  to  the  Christian  calendar. 


n. 

THE  SURRENDER  OF  GRANADA. 

Although  the  capitulation  of  Granada  is  only  of  sec- 
ondary interest  in  this  history,  I  have  been  led  to  present 
the  text  of  the  treaties,  for  the  following  reason.  La 
Fuente,  in  the  ninth  volume  of  his  "  Historia  de  Espana," 
p.  392,  note,  says :  "  Mr.  William  Prescott,  who  is  the 
last  historian  of  the  Catholic  kings  (Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella), seems  not  to  have  been  acquainted  with  the  text 
of  these  capitulations,  which,  moreover,  no  other  historian 
before  him  hoe  given  us  in  the  exact  words.  This  has 
prompted  us  to  give  in  an  appendix  the  text  of  this  impor- 
tant document,  copied  from  the  original,  which  exists  in 
the  Archives  of  Simancas.'* 


454  APPENDIX. 

I  believe  this  to  be  the  first  time  it  has  been  translated 
into  English.  It  cannot  fail  to  interest  the  reader,  as  the 
rude,  redundant,  but  exceedingly  clear,  manifesto  of  the 
final  defeat  and  expulsion  of  the  Arab-Moors  from  Spain, 
and  the  completion  of  the  reconquest. 

There  is  an  occasional  hiatus  in  the  manuscript,  where 
words  have  become  dim  or  illegible  by  time.  In  the  orig- 
inal the  articles  are  not  numbered ;  but  the  enumeration 
in  the  present  copy  makes  the  sense  easier  to  be  under- 
stood. 


CAPITULATION 
FOR    THE    SURRENDER   OF   GRANADA. 

Madb  ^t  TnE  Royal  Hbaoquartbrs  in  thb  Yeoa  of  Geakaba, 

ON  THB  25th  day  OF  NOVBICBEB,    1491. 


" jEsua 


n 


The  terms  which,  by  order  of  the  very  high  and  most 
powerful  and  most  illustrious  princes,  the  King  and 
Queen,  our  lords,  have  been  agreed  upon  with  the  Alcaide 
Bulcacin  el  Muley,  in  the  name  of  Muley  Baaudili,  king 
of  Granada,  and,  by  virtue  of  his  power,  the  said  king 
having  signed  with  his  name  and  sealed  with  his  signet, 
are  the  following  :  — 

1.  First,  it  is  agreed  upon  and  settled  that  the  said 
king  of  Granada  and  the  Alcaldes  and  Alfaquies,  Alcadis, 
Alguaziltf,  the  learned  and  sage,  old  and  good  men,  and 
the  community,  small  and  great,  of  the  said  city  of  Gra- 
nada and  of  the  Albaicin  and  its  suburbs,  are  to  deliver 
up  and  do  deliver  to  their  Highnesses,  or  to  their  qnalified 
agent,  peacefully  and  with  concord,  truly  and  effectively. 


APPENDEL  455 

within  seventy  days,  counting  from  the  twenty-fifth  day  of 
the  month  of  November,  which  is  the  day  of  agreement  of 
this  capitulation,  the  fortresses  of  the  Alhambra  and  the 
Alhaizan,  and  the  gates  and  towers  of  the  said  Alhambra 
and  Alhaizan,  and  the  gates  of  the  said  city  and  of  the 
Albaicin,  and  of  its  suburbs^  and  the  towers  of  said 
gates  and  the  other  gates  of  the  said  city,  putting  them 
into  the  power  of  their  Highnesses,  or  their  accredited 
agents,  from  top  to  bottom  entirely,  and  at  their  free, 
entire,  and  royal  wilL  And  that  their  Highnesses  give 
order  to  their  justices  that  they  do  not  permit  any  Chris- 
tian to  go  up  on  the  wall  which  lies  between  the  Alcazaba 
and  the  Albaicin,  to  discover  the  houses  of  the  Moors, 
imder  penalty  of  being  punished.  And  also  that  within 
that  boundary  they  shall  give  and  maintain  to  their  High- 
nesses their  obedience  of  loyalty  and  fidelity,  and  shall 
do  and  fulfil  all  that  good  and  loyal- vassals  owe  and  are 
obligated  to  offer  their  king  and  queen  and  native  lords ; 
and  for  the  security  of  said  surrender  they  will  receive 
from  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  and  the  said  Alcaides, 
and  other  persons  to  be  mentioned  by  their  Highnesses, 
one  day  before  the  delivery  of  the  said  Alhambra^  at  these 
headquarters,  to  be  in  the  power  of  their  Highnesses,  five 
hundred  persons,  with  the  Alguazil  Yuzaf  Aben  Oomirga, 
from  among  the  sons  and  brothers  of  the  chief  persons  of 
the  said  city,  the  Albaicin  and  its  suburbs,  that  they  may 
remain  in  their  Highnesses'  power  as  hostages  for  ten 
days,  while  the  fortresses  of  the  Alhambra  and  Alhaizan 
are  being  repaired  and  victualled  and  strengthened. 

And  whea  these  terms  shall  be  complied  with,  their 
Highnesses  are  to  give  up  and  will  give  up  freely  the  said 
hostages  to  the  said  king  of  Granada,  and  to  the  said 
city  and  its  Albaicin  and  suburbs.  And  during  the  time 
that  the  said  hostages  shall  be  in  the  power  of  their  High- 


456  APPENDIX. 

nesses,  it  shall  be  ordered  that  they  be  well  treated,  and 
that  they  shall  have  all  things  necessary  for  their  main- 
tenance. 

And  when  the  terms  to  be  mentioned,  and  each  of  them 
according  to  the  manner  herein  contained,  shall  be  com- 
plied with,  their  Highnesses  and  the  Prince  Don  Jaan, 
their  son,  and  their  descendants,  shall  take  and  receive 
from  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  and  from  the  said 
Alcaides,  etc.,  males  and  females  and  denizens  of  the  said 
city  of  Granada  and  of  the  said  Albaicin  and  its  suburbs 
and  towns  and  territories,  and  of  the  Alpcgarras,  and  of 
other  lands  which  enter  into  this  agreement  and  capitular 
tion,  of  whatever  state  or  condition  they  may  be,  as  their 
▼assals  and  subjects  and  natives  (riaturaUs)^  under  their 
favor  and  security  and  royal  defence.  And  they  shall 
leave  them,  and  order  to  be  left  in  their  houses  and  farms 
goods,  furniture,  and  people,  now  and  in  all  time  forever, 
without  any  one's  receiving  evil  nor  injustice  contrary  to 
law,  without  having  anything  taken  from  them ;  and  they 
shall  be  by  their  Highnesses  and  people,  honored  and 
favored  and  well  entreated,  as  their  servants  and  vassals. 

2.  Item,  It  is  agreed  upon  and  settled  that,  when  their 
Highnesses  give  order  to  receive,  and  shall  receive,  the 
said  Alhambra,  they  shall  command  that  their  people  enter 
through  the  gates  of  the  Bib  Alachar  and  Bignedi,  and 
through  the  field  outside  the  said  city,  wherever  their 
Highnesses  may  deem  proper,  and  that  there  shall  not  enter 
within  the  said  city  the  persons  who  are  to  go  and  receive 
the  said  Alhambra  at  the  time  of  said  surrender. 

3.  Item,  On  the  day  that  there  shall  be  surrendered  to 
their  Highnesses  the  said  Alhambra  and  Alhaizan,  and  the 
gates  and  towers  of  the  said  Alhambra  and  Albaicin,  and 
their  suburbs,  and  the  towers  of  said  gates  and  the  other 
gates  of  the  land  of  said  city,  it  is  understood  *that  their 


APPEin>nL  457 

Highnesses  shall  command  the  restoration  of  the  king's 
son,  who  is  in  their  Highnesses'  power  at  Moclin  ;  and  on 
the  said  day  they  will  release  to  full  liberty,  into  the  hands 
of  the  said  king,  the  other  Moorish  hostages  who  were 
given  with  the  said  king's  son  (infarUi),  and  are  in  the 
power  of  their  Highnesses,  and  with  them  the  serving-men 
and  serving-women  who  went  with  them,  and  who  have 
not  become  Christians. 

4.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  and  their  descendants,  for- 
ever, shall  permit  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  and  the 
said  Alcaides,  etc.,  great  and  small,  to  live,  and  shall  not 
require  them  to  leave  their  residences  or  estates  or  plan- 
tations, and  the  towers  of  such  dwelling-places,  so  that 
they  may  gather  their  fruits ;  and  they  shall  order  that 
the  rents  and  belongings  of  said  estates  shall  remain  as 
they  are  held  to-day,  and  that  they  shall  be  judged  by 
their  own  Saracenic  law,  with  counsel  of  their  Alcadis, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  Moors,  and  that  they  shall 
be  secured  in  their  goods  and  customs. 

5.  litm.  They  shall  retain  their  arms  and  horses,  and 
all  other  property,  forever,  except  all  fire-arms,  great  and 
small,  which  must  be  surrendered  to  their  Highi^esscs. 

6.  Jten^  AH  the  said  persons,  men,  women,  and  children 
of  the  said  city,  of  the  said  Albaicin  and  its  suburbs,  and 
the  territory  of  the  said  Alpujarras,  and  of  all  other  ter- 
ritory included  in  the  terms  of  this  capitulation,  who  may 
desire  to  go  and  live  elsewhere,  wherever  they  please,  may 
sell  their  plantations  and  furniture  and  crops  to  whom- 
ever they  please;  and  their  Highnesses  and  their  de- 
scendants, now  and  forever,  will  not  prohibit  any  one 
from  buying  them;  but,  if  their  Highnesses  desire  to 
purchase,  they  shall  have  the  prior  right  to  do  so. 

7.  lUm,  To  the  said  persons  who  thus  wish  to  go  and 
live  elsewhere,  there  shall  be  ordered  to  be  freighted  from 


458  APPENDIX. 

the  present  date  for  the  next  seventy  days,  ten  large  ves- 
sels in  the  ports  of  their  Highnesses,  for  those  who  wish 
to  depart  at  once;  and  they  shall  be  taken  freely  and 
safely  to  such  foreign  ports  as  those  in  which  merchants 
are  in  the  habit  of  shipping  their  goods ;  and,  for  the 
space  of  three  years  following,  those  who  desire,  during 
that  time,  to  go  away,  shall  have  ships  provided  which 
shall  take  them  from  such  ports  of  their  Highnesses  as 
they  may  desire  ;  such  persons  always  giving  their  High- 
nesses fifty  days'  notice  of  their  wish  to  depart.  And 
thus  also,  they  shall  be  taken  safely  to  such  ports  as  the 
merchants  are  accustomed  to  visit  with  their  goods; 
and,  at  the  termination  of  the  said  three  years,  their 
Highnesses  will  not  order  the  freight  or  passage  of  such 
ships,  in  any  manner  whatever.  But  if,  after  the  three 
years  have  been  completed,  any  one  at  any  time  should 
desire  to  go  abroad,  their  Highnesses  will  permit  them 
to  do  so,  and  will  require  payment  of  only  one  dobla 
(doubloon)  per  head.  And  if  such  property  as  may  be 
owned  by  such  persons  in  the  said  city  of  Granada,  its 
Albaicin,  its  suburbs,  and  lands,  and  in  the  said  Alpujarras, 
and  elsewhere,  included  in  the  terms  of  this  capitulation, 
cannot  be  sold,  such  persons  may  give  it  in  chai^  to  their 
agents,  who  may  collect  the  just  rents,  and  remit  them 
without  any  hindrance  to  the  principal,  wherever  he  may 
be. 

8.  Item,  Neither  now  nor  at  any  time  shall  their  High- 
nesses, or  the  said  Lord  Prince,  or  their  descendants,  use 
any  coercion  upon  the  Moors  living  to-day,  or  those  who 
shall  succeed  them,  to  retain  or  convert  them  (d  que  traigan 
sefUdei), 

9.  Item.  Their  Highnesses,  in  order  to  make  generous 
and  gracious  grants  (per  faeer  bien  4  mereed)  to  the  said 
king,  Muley  Baaudili,  and  to  the  people  of  the  said  city 


APPBNDEC  459 

of  Oranada,  of  the  Albaicin  and  its  suburbs,  shall  exempt 
them  for  the  first  three  years,  from  the  date  of  this  capitu- 
lation, from  all  taxes  which  they  have  been  accustomed 
to  pay  for  their  houses  and  possessions,  except  that  they 
shall  pay  to  their  Highnesses  the  tenth  of  their  bread- 
stuffs,  and  the  tenth  of  their  cattle  on  the  dayd  of  tithing, 
in  the  months  of  April  and  May. 

10.  Item,  The  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  and  the  other 
persons  to  be  mentioned,  of  the  said  city  and  Albaicin  and 
suburbs,  and  the  lands  in  the  Alpujarras  and  elsewhere, 
included  in  this  capitulation,  shall  give  up,  and  do  give 
up,  to  their  Highnesses  at  once,  freely,  without  cost,  all 
the  Christian  captives,  male  and  female,  now  in  their  own 
hands,  or  held  by  them  in  other  countries. 

11.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  will  not  take  from  the 
said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  or  from  the  other  said  per- 
sons, men  nor  beasts  for  any  service,  except  such  as  are 
themselves  willing,  who  shall  be  paid  their  just  daily 
wages. 

12.  It^m.  No  Christian  shall  make  bold  (sea  osado)  to 
enter  a  house  of  prayer  of  the  said  Moors,  without  per- 
mission of  the  Alfaquies ;  and,  if  he  enter,  he  shall  be 
punished  by  their  Highnesses. 

13.  Item.  No  Jew  shall  be  an  agent  or  receiver,  nor 
shall  have  any  command  or  jurisdiction  over  them  [the 
Moors]. 

14.  Item,  The  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  and  the  said 
Alcaides,  etc.,  of  the  said  city  of  Granada,  of  the  Albaicin, 
its  suburbs,  and  lands,  and  of  the  said  Alpujarras,  and 
other  portions  included  in  this  capitulation,  shall  be  hon- 
ored and  respected  by  their  Highnesses  and  their  agents, 
and  shall  be  heard,  and  their  good  usages  and  customs 
protected;  and  there  shall  be  secured  to  the  Alcaides 
and  Alfaquies  their  salaries  and  dues  and  franchises,  and 


460  APPENDIX. 

all  other  things,  and  each  of  them,  according  to  the  manner 
in  which  they  enjoy  them  at  the  present  time. 

15.  Item,  If  controversy  or  qaestion  shall  arise  among 
the  said  Moors,  they  shall  be  adjudicated  according  to 
their  Saracenic  law,  and  by  their  Alcaides,  according  to 
the  custom  of  the  Moors. 

16.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  shall  not  have  guests  turned 
out,  nor  clothing  taken  away,  nor  birds  nor  beasts,  from 
the  houses  of  the  said  Moors ;  nor  shall  their  Highnesses 
or  their  people  take  from  them  against  their  will,  nor  as- 
sume possession  of  their  -rooms  or  guests  or  provisions, 
or  commit  any  other  acts  of  injustice. 

17.  Item.  If  any  Christian  shall  forcibly  enter  the 
house  of  any  Moor,  their  Highnesses  shall  order  him  to 
be  proceeded  against  by  the  judges. 

18.  Item^  Concerning  inheritance  among  the  Moors, 
the  order  shall  be  followed  and  the  cases  adjudged  acooiti- 
ing  to  the  custom  of  the  said  Moors. 

19.  Item.  All  the  people  and  inhabitants  of  the  towns 
and  places  in  the  said  city  and  the  said  Alpujarras,  and 
the  other  territory  included  in  this  capitulation,  and  in  all 
other  lands  which  shall  come  under  the  control  and  obedi- 
ence of  their  Highnesses  within  thirty  days  after  the  said 
surrender,  shall  profit  by  this  agreement  and  capitulation, 
except  as  to  the  before-mentioned  three  years  of  exemption. 

20.  Item^  The  reyenues  of  the  said  possessions  or  treas- 
ures and  other  things  given  for  charity,  and  the  revenues 
of  the  primary  schools  for  boys,  shall  remain  under  the 
governments  of  the  Alfaquies,  and  that  they  may  spend 
and  distribute  the  said  charities  as  the  said  Alfaquies  shall 
see  to  be  proper  and  convenient;  and  their  Highnesses 
shall  not  interfere  in  any  manner  with  the  said  charities, 
nor  place  any  embargo  upon  them  now  or  at  any  time 
whatever. 


APPENDIX.  ,  461 

21.  Item,  No  judicial  action  shall  take  place  against 
the  person  of  any  Moor  for  evil  done  by  another;  the 
father  shall  not  suffer  for  the  son,  nor  the  son  for  the 
father,  nor  brother  for  brother,  nor  cousin  for  cousin, 
but  eyery  one  shall  suffer  only  for  his  own  wrong-doing. 

22.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  shall  cause  to  be  pardoned 
and  shall  pardon  the  Moors  bf  those  places  which  were 
taken  by  the  Alcaide  Hamet  Abouli,  for  the  Christians 
and  Moors  that  were  slain  there,  and  the  things  captured 
there  shall  never  be  reclaimed  at  any  time. 

23.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  shall  cause  to  be  pardoned 
to  the  Moors  of  Alcabdyl  everything  they  have  done  and 
committed  contrary  to  the  service  of  their  Highnesses,  on 
account  of  the  necessities  of  the  men,  of  whatever  char- 
acter. 

24.  Item,  If  any  Moor  being  a  captive  shall  have  fled 
to  the  said  city  of  Granada,  its  Abaicin  and  suburbs,  and 
to  the  other  places  mentioned  in  this  treaty,  he  shall  be 
free;  and  neither  the  justices  nor  his  master  may  pro- 
ceed agsdnst  him,  unless  he  be  from  the  Islands  or  the 
Canaries. 

25.  Item,  The  said  Moors  shall  not  be  required  to 
^ve  or  pay  to  their  Highnesses  more  taxes  than  those 
they  were  accustomed  to  give  and  pay  to  the  Moorish 
kings. 

26.  Item^  If  any  one  of  the  native-bom  people  of  the 
said  city,  its  Albaicin,  its  suburbs,  the  lands  of  the  Alpu- 
jarras,  and  the  other  parts  included  in  this  treaty,  have 
gone  abroad,  he  shall  be  allowed  the  limit  of  the  first  three 
following  years  to  come  and  enjoy  everything  set  down 
in  this  capitulation. 

27.  Item^  If  any  Christian  captives  shall  have  been  sold, 
or  placed  beyond  their  power,  they  shall  not  be  obliged  to 
retake  them,  nor  to  return  what  they  received  for  them. 


462  APPENDIX. 

28.  Item,  If  the  said  king  Muley  Baaudili,  or  the  said 
Alcaides,  or  any  of  the  natives  of  the  city  of  Granada,  its 
Albaicin,  its  suburbs,  the  Alpujarras,  and  the  other-men- 
tioned parts,  shall  go  abroad,  they  shall  not  enjoy  these 
conditions  there,  unless  they  return  within  the  three  years 
to  carry  out  the  terms  of  this  capitulation. 

29.  Item.   All  the  merchants  of  the  said  city,  eta,  may 
go  and  come,  and  make  their  commercial  contracts  freely 
and  safely  throughout  the  lands  and  seigniories  of  their  ^ 
Highnesses  without  paying  any  more  taxes,  excises,  or 
tolls  than  those  paid  by  the  Christians. 

30.  Item,  If  any  Moor  shall  have  taken  a  Christian 
woman  to  wifb  who  has  turned  Moor,  she  may  not  be 
forced  to  become  a  Christian  against  her  wilL  It  shall 
be  asked,  in  the  presence  of  Christians  and  Moors,  if  she 
wishes  to  become  a  Christian.  And,  in  the  matter  of  sons 
and  daughters  bom  to  such  a  union,  the  existing  terms 
of  the  law  shall  be  obeyed. 

31.  Item,  If  any  Christian  man  or  woman  shall  haye 
become  a  Moor  in  past  times,  no  person  shall  dare  to  taunt 
or  resile  them  in  any  way.  Those  who  do  so  shall  be 
punished  by  their  Highnesses. 

32.  Item,  No  Moorish  man  nor  woman  shall  be  coerced 
to  become  a  Christian. 

33.  Item,  If  any  Moorish  woman,  wife,  widow,  or  maid, 
should  wish  to  become  Christian  on  account  of  affection 
(por  amores\  such  shall  not  be  received  until  she  is 
questioned  and  warned  as  to  the  terms  of  the  law.  If 
any  jewels  or  other  things  shall  have  been  forcibly  taken 
from  the  house  of  her  father,  relations,  or  other  persona, 
they  shall  be  returned  and  restored  to  the  power  of  those 
to  whom  they  belong,  and  the  magistrates  shall  proceed 
against  the  person  who  took  them  according  to  the  law. 

34.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  and  their  descendants  for* 


APPENDIX  463 

ever  shall  not  ask  nor  consent  that  it  be  asked,  nor  shall 
they  order,  that  there  be  taken  from  or  returned,  by  the 
said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  or  by  his  servants  and  slaves,  or 
by  the  other  persons  of  the  said  city,  its  Albaicin,  etc, 
whatever  they  took  in  time  of  the  wars,  of  horses,  beasts 
of  burden,  clothing,  cattle,  greater  or  less  silver,  gold,  or 
anything  else,  whether  belonging  to  Moors  or  to  Christians, 
nor  the  hereditaments  which  the  said  Moors  have  taken  ; 
and  if  any  one  recognizes  certain  things  of  his  that  have 
been  thus  taken,  he  shall  not  demand  them ;  if  he  demand 
them  he  shall  be  punished. 

35.  lUin,  If,  up  to  this  time,  any  Moor  shall  have 
robbed  or  wounded  or  reviled  any  Christian  captive,  man 
or  woman,  whom  he  had  in  his  power,  he  shall  not  be  in- 
quired of  concerning  it  now  or  at  any  time  hereafter. 

36.  Item,  The  royal  lands  and  estates  shall  not  pay 
more  imposts  after  the  completion  of  the  three  years  of 
the  said  exemption  than  what  their  just  value  would 
require  them  to  pay  as  common  lands. 

37.  Item.  This  same  order  shall  be  observed  as  to  the 
inheritances  of  the  Moorish  gentlemen  and  Alcaides.  They 
shall  not  pay  more  taxes  than  those  deemed  just  and  right 
for  the  common  lands. 

38.  Item.  The  native-bom  Jews  of  the  city  of  Granada, 
etc.,  shall  profit  by  this  same  treaty  and  these  capitulations, 
and  the  Jews  who  before  were  Christians  are  allowed^  the 
time  of  one  month  to  leave  the  country  {se  pasar  aUende), 

39.  Item,  Governors,  Alcaides,  and  justices  whom  their 
Highnesses  shall  order  to  be  placed  in  the  said  city,  etc., 
shall  be  such  as  they  are  confident  will  carry  out  honor- 
ably the  terms  of  this  entire  capitulation.  And  if  any 
one  of  them  should  do  what  he  ought  not  to  do,  their 
Highnesses  will  order  him  to  be  punished,  and  place  another 
in  his  position  who  will  do  his  duty. 


464  APPENDIX. 

40.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  and  their  descendants  for- 
ever will  not  ask  or  demand  of  the  said  king,  Mulej 
Baaudiliy  nor  of  any  of  the  said  Moors,  concerning  any- 
thing they  have  done  in  any  manner  up  to  the  day  of  the 
completion  of  the  said  treaty  of  the  said  surrender  of  the 
said  Alhambra ;  that  is,  during  the  said  time  of  the  said 
seventy  days  within  which  the  said  Alhambra  and  other 
strongholds  are  to  be  delivered  up. 

41.  Item,  No  gentleman  nor  Alcaide  nor  servant  of 
those  belonging  to  the  king  who  was  of  Guadixy  shall  have 
any  authority  or  command. 

42.'  Item.  If  there  should  be  any  quarrel  between  a 
Christian  man  or  woman  and  a  Moorish  man  or  woman, 
the  said  quarrel  shall  be  settled  in  the  presence  of  a 
Christian  Alcaide  and  a  Moorish  Alcadi,  so  that  no  one 
may  complain  of  want  of  justice  between  them. 

43.  Item,  All  that  has  been  herein  said,  their  High- 
nesses will  order  to  be  made  good  to  the  said  king,  Muley 
Baaudili,  at  the  said  city  of  Granada,  on  the  day  when 
the  said  city,  etc.,  shall  be  surrendered  to  their  Highnesses, 
as  set  forth  in  their  letters  of  privilege,  signed,  and  sealed 
with  their  leaden  seal  attached  by  silken  strings,  and  con- 
firmed by  the  Lord  Prince,  their  son,  the  Very  Reverend 
Cardinal  of  Spain,  the  Masters  of  Orders,  the  prelates, 
archbishops,  and  bishops,  the  grandees,  dukes,  marquises, 
military  governors  {adelantados)^  and  prothonotaries,  in 
token  that  every  stipulation  herein  contained  is  and  shall 
be  valid  and  operative,  now  and  forever. 

44.  Item,  Their  Highnesses,  in  order  to  deal  £BLirly  and 
mercifully  with  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  and  tlie 
other  said  persons,  natives  and  dwellers  in  the  said  city 
of  Granada^  its  Albaicin  and  suburbs,  etc.,  are  pleased  to 
release  the  Moorish  captives,  men  and  women  of  the  said 
city,  Albaicin,  and  suburbs,  freely,  without  any  cost  and 


APPENDIX.  465 

without  their  paying  duty  for  the  said  captives  or  imposts 
at  the  gates,  or  elsewhere.  Their  Highnesses  will  order  the 
delivery  in  the  following/  manner :  The  captive  Moors, 
men  and  women,  of  the  said  city,  etc.,  in  Andalusia,  shall 
be  surrendered  within  the  following  five  months ;  and  the 
captive  Moors  who  are  in  Castile  within  the  following 
eight  months  ;  and  two  days  after  the  Christian  captives 
have  been  delivered  up,  their  Highnesses  shall  give  up 
two  hundred  Moorish  captives  of  both  sexes,  — -  the  hun- 
dred who  are  held  as  hostages,  and  another  hundred  who 
are  not. 

45.  Item.  At  th6  time  when  their  Highnesses  shall 
order  the  surrender  in  the  said  city  and  Albaicin  of  the 
hundred  captives  and  the  hundred  Moorish  hostages,  their 
Highnesses  shall  also  order  to  be  delivered  up  the  son  of 
Albadramyn,  who  is  in  the  power  of  Gonzalo  Fernandez ; 
and  Hormin,  who  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Count  of  Ten- 
dilla ;  and  Ben  Reduan,  who  is  in  the  power  of  the  Count 
of  Cabra ;  and  the  son  of  El  Modim  and  the  son  of  the 
Alfaqui  Hadem,  and  the  five  squires  (esctuifros)  who  were 
lost  by  the  Abencerraje  Abraen,  if  they  can  be  found. 

46.  Item,  Every  place  in  the  Alpujarras  which  shall 
be  taken  by  their  Highnesses  shall  be  obliged  to  deliver 
up  all  Christian  captives,  men  and  women,  who  may  be 
there,  without  their  Highnesses  paying  anything  as  ransom 
within  fifteen  days  of  such  occupancy  by  their  Highnesses ; 
and  if  any  Christian  captives  are  held  as  hostages,  they 
shall  be  delivered  up  within  that  term ;  and  their  High- 
nesses will  issue  orders  that  Moorish  hostages  shall  be 
exchanged  for  these  Christians,  man  for  man. 

47.  Item.  Their  Highnesses  give  security  for  all  the 
foreign  ships  at  present  in  the  seaports  of  the  kingdom  of 
Granada,  that  they  may  depart  in  safety,  neither  taking 
nor  sending  away,  from  the  present  moment,  any  Chria- 

YOL.  II.  80 


466  APPENDIX. 

tian  captive,  man  or  woman.  No  person  shall  work  them 
ill  or  offence,  nor  take  anything  from  them ;  and  if  such 
ships  shall  take  or  send  any  Christian  captive,  the  said 
security  shall  not  be  valid.  At  the  time  they  are  abont 
to  sail,  their  Highnesses  order  that  one  or  two  Christians 
shall  enter  each  vessel  and  find  out  whether  they  are  car- 
rying away  any  Christian. 

We,  the  king  and  the  queen  of  Castile,  Leon,  Aragon, 
Sicily,  etc.,  by  these  presents,  secure  and  promise  to  hold 
and  guard  and  fulfil  all  that  is  contained  in  this  capitula- 
tion, in  what  touches  and  is  incumbent  upon  us,  royally 
and  effectually,  as  to  places,  terms,  and  dates,  and  ac- 
cording to  the  manner  specified  in  this  capitulation, — 
each  part  and  item  of  it  without  any  fraud.  And  as 
security  for  this,  we  order  the  issue  of  this  document, 
signed  with  our  names  aud  sealed  with  our  seal.  Executed 
in  our  royal  camp  in  the  Vega  of  Granada,  the  25th  day 

of  the  month  of  November,  1491. 

I,  THE  King. 

I,  THE  Queen. 

I,  Fernando  de  Zafra,  Secretary  of  the  king  and  queen, 
our  sovereigns,  have  caused  it  to  be  written  by  their 
order. 


11. 
SECRET  CAPITULATION. 

EZEOTTTED  AT  THE  ROYAL  HEADQUARTERS  IN  THE  YrOA  OF 

Granada,  the  25th  dat  of  Kovember,  1491. 

The  terms  which,  by  order  of  the  very  high  and  most 
powerful  and  most  illustrious  princes,  the  King  and  Queen, 
our  Lords,  were  agreed  upon  and  settled  with  the  Alcaido 


APPENDIX.  467 

Bulcacin  el  Mulej,  in  the  name  of  Muley  Baandili,  king 
of  Granada,  and  by  virtue  of  his  power  signed  by  the 
said  king  with  his  name  and  sealed  with  his  signet, 
besides  iho$e  agreed  upon  and  settled  by  the  articles  of 
agreement  and  capitulation  of  the  city  of  Granada,  are  the 
following :  — 

[The  first  item  is  exactly  the  same  as  that  in  the  capitulation  for 
the  surrender.] 

2.  Item,  It  is  agreed  upon  and  settled  that,  on  the  day 
when  the  said  Alhambra,  etc.,  shall  be  surrendered  to 
their  Highnesses,  they  shall  order  the  delivery  to  the  said 
king,  Muley  Baaudili,  of  his  son,  who  is  in  their  High- 
nesses' power,  and  of  his  servants,  male  and  female,  except 
those  who  have  become  Christians. 

3.  Item.  It  is  agreed  upon  and  settled  that,  when  the 
said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  shall  have  complied  with  the 
above-mentioned  terms,  their  Highnesses  shall  make  over 
to  him,  in  right  of  inheritance  forever,  for  himself,  his 
children,  their  descendants,  heirs,  and  successors,  the 
towns  and  places  in  the  districts  of  Verja,  Dalia,  Marxena, 
Bolloduf  and  Luchar,  Andarax  and  Subilis,  Uxixar,  Orgiba, 
£1  Jubeyel,  and  Poqueyra,  with  the  revenues  and  rents 
pertaining,  in  whatever  manner,  to  their  Highnesses  in  the 
said  districts,  places,  etc.,  and  whatever  other  things  be- 
long to  them  in  the  said  districts,  inhabited  or  uninhabited ; 
so  that  they  shall  be  the  property  of  the  said  king,  his 
children,  descendants,  heirs,  and  successors,  in  right  of 
inheritance  forever,  to  enjoy  the  said  rents  and  revenues 
and  tithes,  and  the  magistracy  of  the  said  towns  and  places 
as  their  Lord  (but  always  as  loyal  vassal  and  subject  of 
their  Highnesses,  now  and  forever),  so  that  no  one  may 
take  them,  but  that  they  shall  entirely  belong  to  the  said 
king ;  and  that  he  may  sell,  mortgage,  improve,  or  destroy 


468  APPENDIX. 

them  in  any  way  he  pleases ;  <m  the  eoThdiiion  that,  when 
he  wishes  to  sell  or  alienate  them,  it  shall  first  be  inquired 
of  their  Highnesses  whether  they  desire  to  purchase; 
and,  if  they  do,  they  shall  give  whatever  sum  shall  be 
agreed  upon  between  their  Highnesses  and  the  said  king ; 
and  if  their  Highnesses  shall  not  desire  to  purchase,  he 
may  sell  to  whomsoever  and  on  whatsoever  terms  he 
chooses. 

Their  Highnesses  shall  be  at  liberty  to  build  and  bold 
the  fortress  of  Adra,  and  whatever  other  forts  on  the  sea- 
coast  wherever  they  may  see  fit.  If  their  Highnesses  see 
fit  to  construct  the  said  fortress  of  Adra,  on  the  sea,  in 
the  port  of  Adra,  the  said  fortress  of  Adra  shall  belong 
to  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  after  its  construction 
and  occupancy ;  and  in  the  construction  and  armament 
of  said  fortress,  for  the  labor  and  expense  of  the  work, 
and  the  occupancy  and  garrison  of  the  plaee,  the  said  king 
shall  not  be  required  to  pay  anything,  but  the  entire 
revenue  of  the  said  districts  and  lands  shall  remain  intact 
with  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili.  And  if,  affecting  these 
grants,  their  Highnesses  shall  have  granted  to  other  per- 
sons similar  grants,  these  latter  shall  not  be  valid,  but  are 
revoked  by  their  Highnesses,  as  of  none  effect ;  but  their 
Highnesses  will  satisfy  at  their  pleasure  such  persons  as 
hold  those  grants  or  claims,  which  are  hereby  revoked. 
These  grants,  made  by  their  Highnesses  to  the  said  king, 
shall  be  valid  now  and  forever,  according  to  the  manner 
herein  set  forth,  without  embargo  or  contradiction. 

4.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  grant  to  the  said  king, 
Muley  Baaudili,  thirty  thousand  castellanos  of  gold,  which 
amount  to  fourteen  cuentos,  fifty  thousand  maravedis^ 
which  their  Highnesses  will  direct  to  be  paid,  as  soon  as 
the  Alhambra  and  the  other  ports  of  the  city  of  Granada 
are  surrendered,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty. 


APPENDIX.  469 

5.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  grant  also  to  the  said  king, 
Muley  Baaudiliy  all  the  inheritances  and  oil-mills  and 
gardens  {huericu)  and  lands  and  estates  which  the  said 
king  has  held  in  possession  from  the  time  of  King  Muley 
Abulhacen,  his  father,  that  he  may  keep  them  within  the 
limits  of  the  city  of  Granada,  as  well  as  in  the  Alpuj arras, 
to  pertain  to  him,  his  sons,  descendants,  heirs,  and  suc- 
cessors, by  right  of  inheritance  forever,  to  sell  or  dispose 
of,  provided  that  they  did  not  belong  to  the  kings  of 
Granada  as  kings,  but  as  private  holders. 

6.  Item.  Their  Highnesses  make  the  same  grants  to 
the  queens,  his  mother  and  sisters,  to  the  queen,  his  wife, 
and  to  the  wife  of  Muley  Bulnazar^  of  all  'their  gardens 
and  lands  and  mills  and  baths  and  hereditaments  which 
they  hold  within  the  limits  of  the  said  city  of  Granada 
and  in  the  A'lpuj arras  for  them  and  their  heirs  and  suc- 
cessors, by  right  of  inheritance  forever.  And  they  may 
sell  and  bequeath  and  enjoy  them  according  to  the  form 
and  number  of  the  hereditaments  of  the  said  king. 

7.  Item,  All  the  said  property  of  the  said  king  and 
the  said  queens,  and  of  the  wife  of  Muley  Bulnazar,  shall 
be  free  from  all  taxes  and  duties,  now  and  forever. 

8.  Item,  There  shall  be  given  to  the  said  kings  and 
queens  the  plantations  which  they  hold  in  Motril,  and  also 
there  shall  be  given  to  Alhaje  Komayne  the  plantation 
which  he  holds  in  the  said  Motril,  to  be  protected  forever, 
like  the  other  above-mentioned  grants. 

9.  Item,  From  the  signing  of  this  instrument,  any  of 
the  said  towns  and  places  which  shall  be  given  or  delivered 
up  to  their  Highnesses  before  the  time  of  the  surrender 
of  the  said  Alhambra,  shall  be  returned  freely  by  their 
Highnesses  to  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  and  shall  be 
properly  treated  by  the  said  king. 

10.  Item,  Their  Highnesses  and  their  descendants  for- 


470  APPENDIX. 

ever  shall  not  reqntre  the  return  by  the  king  of  Granada 
or  his  servants  of  what  they  have  taken  in  his  time,  from 
Christians  or  from  Moors,  personal  property  as  well  aa 
real  estate ;  and  if  any  such  property  is  already  subject 
to  any  former  agreement  or  capitulation  made  between 
their  Highnesses  and  other  persons,  their  Highnesses  may 
at  their  pleasure  pay  the  persons  holding  such  claims. 
They  order  that  no  one,  Christian  or  Moor,  high  or  low, 
shall  have  any  power  over  this  act,  under  penalty  of  being 
punished  by  their  Highnesses.  No  such  question  shall  be 
adjudged  by  either  Christian  or  Moorish  law. 

11.  Item,  If  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  and  the 
said  queens,  and  the  wife  of  Bulnazar,  their  children  and 
descendants,  their  Alcaides,  their  children  and  wives,  their 
knights,  squires,  and  other  persons,  small  and  great,  of 
their  households,  shall  desire  to  leave  the  country,  their 
Highnesses  will  order  them  to  have  passage  now  and 
hereafter  at  any  time,  that  the  said  persons,  male  and 
female,  may  go  abroad  in  two  Genoese  carracks,  and  shall 
order  that  these  carracks  shall  be  free  from  all  freight  and 
export-duties,  and  to  take  on  board  their  persons  and  all 
their  goods,  clothing,  and  merchandise,  gold,  silver,  jewels, 
mules,  and  arms  (except  fire-arms,  great  and  small).  Both 
in  embarking  and  disembarking,  their  Highnesses  will  not 
demand  duties  and  freight,  but  will  order  them  to  be  taken 
securely  and  honorably  and  well  treated  to  any  port  west 
of  Alexandria,  —  to  the  city  of  Tunis  or  Gran,  or  to  the 
ports  of  Fez,  wheresoever  they  may  desire  to  disembark. 

12.  Item,  If,  at  the  time  of  their  departure,  the  above- 
mentioned  persons  shall  not  be  able  to  sell  any  of  their 
property,  they  may  leave  it,  and  leave  agents  to  take  care 
of  it,  —  to  collect  the  rents,  and  to  remit  them  freely  to 
the  places  of  their  new  residence,  without  any  embargo. 

13.  Item,  If  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  should  wish 


APPENDIX.  471 

to  send  any  of  his  servants  or  Alcaides  abroad  with  mer- 
chandise, he  may  send  them  freely,  without  any  scrutiny 
as  to  their  going  and  returning. 

14.  Item,  The  said  king  may  send  to  any  part  of  the 
kingdoms  of  their  Highnesses  six  mule  convoys  for  such 
things  as  are  necessary  for  his  maintenance  and  subsist- 
ence, which  shall  be  free  in  all  places  where  they  procure 
and  buy  such  provision ;  and  no  duties  shall  be  exacted 
in  the  said  towns,  cities,  places,  and  gates. 

15.  Item.  When  the  said  king,  Muley  Baaudili,  shall 
leave  the  said  city  of  Granada,  he  may  take  up  his  resi- 
dence wherever  he  pleases  in  the  said  lands  granted  by 
their  Highnesses,  and  take  with  him  his  servants,  Alcaides 
and  councillors,  judges  and  knights,  and  whoever  may 
wish  to  go  with  him,  with  their  horses  and  mules,  and 
arms  in  their  hands,  if  they  wish,  and  also  their  wives 
and  domestics,  great  and  smalL  Nothing  shall  be  taken 
from  them  except  fire-arms,  which  must  be  left  with  their 
Highnesses.  Neither  now  nor  at  any  time  may  they  or 
their  descendants  place  royal  marks  upon  their  robes  ;  but 
they  shall  profit  by  all  the  stipulations  contained  in  tlfe 
capitulation  of  the  said  city  of  Granada. 

16.  Item,  Everything  that  has  been  agreed  upon  their 
Highnesses  will  make  good  to  the  said  king,  Muley 
Baaudili,  and  to  the  said  queens,  and  to  the  wife  of  Muley 
Bulnazar,  on  the  day  that  the  said  Alhambra  and  the  forts 
shall  be  delivered  up  to  their  Highnesses,  by  their  letters 
of  privilege,  signed  and  sealed  with  their  leaden  seal,  at- 
tached by  silken  threads,  and  confirmed  by  the  said  Lord 
Prince  Don  Juan,  their  son,  by  the  Most  Reverend  Cardinal 
of  Spain,  the  Masters  of  Orders,  the  prelates,  archbishops, 
and  bishops,  the  grandees,  marquises,  and  counts,  the 
miUtary  governors  (addantados),  and  prothonotaries,  as 
to  everything  herein  contained,  and  also  by  the  {^hiattu] 


472  APPENDIX. 

king,  Mul^  Baaudili,  as  well  as  the  said  queeiusy  and 
whoever  their  Highuesses  shall  require  to  add  their  sig- 
natures and  affirmations. 

We,  the  king  and  queen  of  Castile,  Leon,  Aragon, 
Sioilj,  etc.,  by  these  presents  promise,  on  our  royal  faith 
and  word,  to  hold,  guard,  and  fulfil  everything  contained 
in  this  capitulation,  in  what  touches  and  is  incumbent 
upon  us,  as  regards  places,  terms,  and  dates,  and  according 
to  the  manner  set  forth  in  this  capitulation  ■—  each  thing 
and  part  without  any  fraud.  And  for  security  we  set 
forth^s  present  ins^meut,  signed  with  our  Jaes.  and 
sealed  with  our  seal.  Executed  at  our  r^yal  camp  in  the 
Vega  of  Granada,  the  23d  day  of  the  month  of  Novem- 
ber, U91. 

I,  THE  Kmo. 

I,  THE  Queen. 

I,  Fernando  de  Zafra,  Secretary  of  the  king  and  queen, 
our  sovereigns,  have  caused  this  to  be  written  by  their 
order. 


INDEX. 


-V 


INDEX. 


A. 

Abbabibbs,  EhaliiB  of  Ba^j^hdad, 
i.  17  ;  the  patrons  of  learning, 
ii.  280  ;  destiotction  of,  448. 

Abd-al  Motalleb,  paternal  grand- 
father of  Mohammed,  i.  17. 

Abda-l-'ala,  fourth  son  of  Musa, 
i.  76 ;  accompanies  his  father 
to  Damascus,  850. 

Abdu-l-'aziz,  the  brother  of  Khalif 
Abdu-1-roalek,  i.  62,  68;  vice- 
roy of  Africa,  62,  64  ;  his  death, 
76. 

Abdn-l-'aziz,  second  son  of  Musa, 
i.  69 ;  recruits  the  besieging 
force  at  Merida,  814 ;  quells 
the  revolt  at  Seville,  819; 
makes  Seville  his  head-cynarters, 
819,  346  ;  his  ex})edition  into 
Mnrcia,  826-832  ;  strengthens 
Granada  and  Malaga,  888 ;  made 
Amir  of  all  Spain,  346  ;  a  wise 
and  enterprising  military  leader, 
867,  868;  his  equitable  j^ov- 
emment,  868  ;  charges  agamst 
him  based  upon  his  marriage 
with  Egilona,  the  widow  of 
Roderik,  369,  370;  reported 
that  through  his  wife's  influ- 
ence he  was  going  over  to  Chris- 
tianity and  aspiring  to  royalty, 
871,  872 ;  envoys  sent  by  the 
Khalif  to  slay  him,  873 ;  is 
slain  at  Eenisa-Rebina,  and  his 
head  sent  to  the  Khalif,  876, 
878  ;  the  dissatisfaction  of  the 
Spanish  Moslemah  at  his  death 
their  first  feeble  step  towards 
independence,  876,  877,  881, 
882. 


Abdullah,  father  of  Mohammed,  L 
17. 

Abdullah,  oldest  son  of  Musa,  i 
69,  76;  successful  expedition 
against  Sicily,  76. 

Aboullah,  viceroy  of  Arabia  proper 
and  Africa,  i  847. 

Abdullah,  eldest  son  of  Abdu-r- 
rahm4n,  iL  156. 

Abdullah  Athic,  known  as  Aba 
Bekr,  father-in-law  of  Moham- 
med, i.  89. 

Abdnllah-al-Ghafekf,  his  constan- 
cy to  Abdu-l-'aziz,  i874;  pro- 
claimed Amir  of  Spain  by  the 
people,  887. 

Abdullah  Ibn  Khaled,  adherent  of 
Abdu-r-rahman,  ii.  86. 

Abdullah  Ibn  Yasim,  the  colleague 
of  Yiisuf  Ibn  Tashefin  in  found- 
ing the  Almoravides,  ii.   192. 

Abdu-1-malek,  fourth  Khalif  of 
the  Ommeyades,  i  61  ;  his 
death,  75. 

Abdu-l-malek  placed  in  command 
of  Western  Africa,  i.  847. 

Abdu-l-'abbas  Abdulhih  (the 
Blood-shedder),  his  plans  of 
rebellion,  ii.  64 ;  proclaimed 
Khalif  at  Knfa,  67. 

Abdullah,  brotherof  Khalif  Abdu- 
l-malek,  accedes  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Egypt,  i.  75. 

Abdullah  Ibn  Magbara,  Wall  of 
Egypt,  ii.  66. 

Abdullah,  commander  of  Abdn*-1- 
'abbas  Abdullah's  army,  defeats 
Meruan  at  Turab,  ii.  68. 

Abdullah  As-sefah  resolves  on  the 
extirpation  of  the  Ommeyades, 
ii  73 ;  the  banquet  of  blood. 


476 


INDEX. 


75,  76  ;  desecration  of  the  tombs 
of  the  Ommeyan  Khalifs,  77. 

Abdu-1-malek,  fifth  sou  of  Musa, 
i.  76  and  note. 

Abdu-1-malek  succeeds  his  father 
Al-mansur,  as  hajib,  iL  185 ; 
gets  the  Khalif  to  nominate  him 
as  his  successor,  185  ;  is  killed, 
185. 

Abdu-l-malek  Ibn  Omar,  governor 
of  Seville,  defeats  Ydsuf-al 
Fehri  and  disperses  his  army, 
\L  110. 

Abdu-l-malek  Ibn  Rattan  Al  Fehri 
appointed  Amir  of  Spain,  ii. 
83 ;  discomfited  in  Gascony,  35 ; 
deposed,  35 ;  again  leads  against 
the  insurgents,  37  ;  asks  Balj 
to  come  with  his  Syrian  troops 
to  his  assistance,  40  ;  is  cru- 
cified, 42. 

Abdu-1-mumen,  military  associate 
of  El-Mahdi,  iL  230  ;  on  the 
death  of  his  colleague,  declares 
himself  emperor  of  the  Almo- 
hades,  233  ;  takes  Oran,  Fez, 
and  Morocco,  233,  234  ;  sends 
an  anny  into  Spain,  234 ;  as- 
sumes the  title  of  Commander 
of  the  Faithful,  234  ;  while  pre- 
paring for  his  greatest  invasion 
IS  called  by  Allah  to  his  ac- 
count, 235. 

Abdu-r-rahman,  voungest  son  of 
Musa,  i.  76  and  note. 

Abdu-r-rahm4n  al-Ghafeki,  tem- 
porary Amir,  i.  422  ;  accedes  to 
the  Amirate  of  Spain,  427 ;  his 
brilliant  antecedents,  428  ;  pre- 
pares to  invade  France,  429  ; 
enters  France,  433  ;  captures 
Bordeaux,  434  ;  routs  the  army 
of  Eudes,  434  ;  advances  to  at- 
tack the  Franks,  453  ;  his  army 
corrupted  by  the  spoils,  454  ; 
defeated  and  slain  at  the  battle 
of  Tours,  ii.  9. 

Abdu-r-rahmdn  Ibn  Habib,  gov- 
ernor of  Africa,  ii.  66. 

Abdu-r-rahmdn  Ibn  Mu'awiyah 
(Ad-dak  hel,  or  the  Opener)  pro- 


claimed Amir  of  Spain  by  the 
adherents  of  Meman,  iL  56  ;  his 
escape,  74  ;  grandson  of  Khalif 
Hisnam,  who  designed  him  as 
his  successor,  73,  74  and  note  ; 
swims  with  his  infant  son  across 
the  Euphrates,  79  ;  his  brother 
beheaded  in  his  sight,  80  ;  dan- 
ger in  Egypt,  80  ;  hairbreadth 
escapes  in  Barca,  80-82  ;  arrives 
at  Tahart,  83  ;  makes  secret 
preparations  to  enter  Spain,  85 ; 
tidings  of  his  cominf  reach 
Spain,  87 ;  the  coupcQ  of  eighty, 
89-91  ;  a  deputation  sent  to 
him,  91,  92  ;  his  reception  of 
the  embassy,  92, 93  ;  the  Berber 
sheiks  sympathize  with  and  as- 
sist him,  93  ;  lands  in  Andalua, 
and  meets  with  an  enthusiastic 
reception,  95*97  ;  his  banner 
a  turban,  100,  101  ;  battle  of 
Musarah,  102-107  ;  escapes  the 
treachery  of  Abu-s-sabdh,  107  ; 
enters  Cordova,  108  ;  dread 
consignmoit  to  Khalif  Al-man> 
sur,  113, 114  ;  he  prenares  to  in- 
vade the  East,  114  ;  his  project 
thwarted  by  rebellions,  115 ;  his 
troubles,  116, 117  ;  his  strength, 
116  ;  creates  a  standing  army, 
152  ;  his  labors  in  peace,  157, 
158  ;  affection  for  his  father- 
land, 158,  159  and  note  ;  a^ 
preaches  his  end,  160  ;  his 
success  in  uniting  the  hetero- 
geneous races  of  toe  Peninsula, 
161 ;  begins  the  construction  of 
the  mosque  at  Cordova,  161  ; 
his  personality,  162  ;  his  kind- 
ness to  the  needy,  163  ;  ingrati- 
tude to  early  friends,  163-165  ; 
declares  his  third  son  Hisbam 
his  successor,  165  ;  dies  at  Me- 
rida,  167  ;  compared  with  Char- 
lemagne, 167-169  and  notes. 

Abdu-F-i'ahmin,  eldest  son  of 
Yiisuf  al  Fehri.  beheaded,  iL 
110. 

Abdu-r-rahman  II.,  his  successes 
in  the  Northern  war,  iL  175 ; 


DTOXZ. 


477 


receives  an  emlxusy  from  tbe 
emperor  of  the  East,  176  ;  adds 
two  porches  to  the  mosque  at 
Cordova,  176. 

Abdu-r>rabindn  III.,  the  halcyon 
days  of,  iL  177 ;  his  magnifi- 
cent receT)tion  of  embassy  from 
Constantmople,  177,  178  ;  exe- 
cutes his  rebellious  son  Ab- 
dullah, 178  ;  the  first  of  the 
Spanish  Ommeyades  to  assume 
the  title  and  insignia  of  Khali f, 
178  ;  is  styled  "  Commander  of 
the  Faithful,"  178. 

Abu-'abdillah  £drisi  (al  Sharif), 
his  "  Description  of  Spain,"  ii. 
382. 

Abo  Abdillah  Mohammed,  his 
origin,  ii.  289  ;  interview  with 
Abu  Hamed  Algazali  at  Bagh- 
dad, 229  ;  determines  to  be- 
come the  reformer  of  the  Almo- 
ravides,  229  ;  assumes  the  title 
and  office  of  El  Mahdit  the  con- 
ductor or  guide,  230  ;  takes 
with  him  Abdu-1-mumen  as  mil- 
itary leader,  230  ;  at  Morocco, 

231  ;  makes  Tinmal  his  tempo- 
rary capital,  231  ;  his  people 
called  Elmaiudis  or  Almokcuiesy 
232 ;  he  and  his  Amir  defeat 
Ali  in  three  battles,  232  ;  fails 
in  his  attempts  to  take  Morocco, 

232  ;  his  project  of  invading 
Spain  frustrated  by  death,  232. 

Abu  AbdUlah  Mohammed  II.,  son 
and  successor  of  Mohammed  I., 
ii.  254  ;  invokes  assistance  from 
the  B^i  Merines,  254  ;  with 
their  aid,  he  wrests  several 
towns  from  the  Christians, 
which  are  recaptured,  255  ;  his 
death,  246. 

Abd  Abdillah  (Mohammed  III.), 
Moorish  king  of  Orauada,  de- 
throned by  his  brother,  ii.  526. 

Abu  Bekr,  Mohammed's  first  suc- 
cessor, i.  24,  note,  44  ;  efforts 
made  by  him  to  arrange  the  Ko- 
r4n,  24,  note  ;  father  of  Ayesha, 
the  favorite  ¥rife  of  Mohammed, 


39  ;  undertakes  war  against 
Syria,  44  ;  his  instructions  to 
the  army,  45,  46,  47  and  note ; 
his  death,  50. 

Abu  Bekr,  son  of  Ynsuf  Al- 
Tashefin,  dies  at  Morocco,  ii. 
199. 

Abii  Hamed  Algazali,  a  Moslem 
philosopher,  ii.  229,.  230. 

Abu  Horaira,  his  admiration  of 
Mohammed,  i.  19. 

Abii  Ja'far  Al-mansur,  Khalif, 
changes  the  seat  of  the  Khalifats 
from  Damascus  to  Baghdad,  ii. 
112,  278. 

Abii-1-Aswad,  son  of  Yiisuf  al 
Fehri,  escapes  from  prison  at 
Toledo,  u.  111. 

Abu-1-halyi,  ii  356. 

Abii-l-hasan,  king  of  Granada, 
takes  Zahara,  ii.  259  ;  his  suc- 
cess over  the  Christians,  263. 

Abu-1-hasdn  Ibn  Nasr,  a  poet  of 
Granada,  iL  351. 

Abii-l-kasim,  historian,  ii.  867 ; 
medical  author,  389. 

Abu-1-Khattir  Al  Kelbi  appointed 
Amir,  ii.  44  ;  he  sets  at  liberty 
Tha'lebeh's  ten  thousand  pris- 
oners, 44 ;  his  administration, 
44-46. 

Abii-l-Monder,  author,  ii.  367. 

Abu-1-Motref,  physician,  ii.  388. 

Abu-1-Wefah,  Arabian  mathema- 
tician, ii.  874. 

Abu  Mohammed,  medical  writer, 
ii.  389. 

Abu  Othman  Obeydallah,  adherent 
of  Abdu-r-rahmdn,  ii.  86. 

Abii-s-sabdh  revolts  and  is  put  to 
death,  ii.  116. 

Abu  Sufyan,  kinsman  of  Moham- 
med and  his  mortal  foe,  i.  39, 
40. 

Abu  Taleb,  uncle  of  Mohammed, 
and  the  most  valiant  champion 
of  his  doctrines,  i.  17. 

Acre,  port  of  Damascus,  L  59. 

Adelard,  his  translation  of  Euclid, 
iL  374. 

-fitius,  L  97,  101. 


478 


INDEX. 


Africa,  divisions  of  northern  coast, 
L  61. 

Al  Abbas,  uncle  of  Mohammed, 
and  progenitor  of  the  Abbasi- 
des,  1.  17  ;  his  house  accedes  to 
the  Khalifate,  59. 

Al-aftlas,  king  of  Badajos,  his- 
torian, iL  S66. 

Al-amin,  the  younger  son  of  Ha- 
roun  al  Raschid,  succeeds  to  the 
Khalifate,  ii.  293  ;  is  dethroned 
by  his  elder  but  illegitimate 
brother,  who  succeeds  him,  293. 

Alans,  i.  87,  94,  98. 

Al  auztf'ei,  a  Mohammedan  phi- 
losopher, ii.  175. 

Alaric,  the  Goth,  i.  93. 

Alarik  II.,  king  of  the  Goths,  i. 
109  ;  slain  at  the  battle  of  Vou- 
lon,  112. 

Albi^enses,  ii.  236,  and  note. 

Al-Biroum,  minemlogist,  ii.  387. 

Alcaldes,  or  Alkaides,  i.  368. 

Alexandrian  Library,  destruction 
of,  i.  62. 

Alfonso  I.,  king  of  Astnrias,  i. 
413. 

Alfonso  YL,  king  of  Castile,  his 
embassy  to  the  Moorish  king  of 
Seville,  ii.  195,  196,  and  note  ; 
is  defeated  and  mortally  wound- 
ed in  the  battle  of  Zalacca,  198, 
199. 

Alfonso  YL,  ii.  208 ;  whispers 
that  he  was  privy  to  his  brother 
Sancho's  murder,  210 ;  takes 
the  title  of  £mperor  of  all  Spain, 
210. 

Alfonso  YIII.,  king  of  Castile,  ii. 
236  ;  the  army  with  which  he 
confronts  the  Moors,  239  ;  takes 
Calatrava,  239 ;  reinforced  by 
the  king  of  Navarre,  240  ;  cap- 
tures Castro  Ferral,  240 ;  his 
forces  led  by  a  shepherd  round 
the  pass  of  Losa  into  the  Navas 
de  Tolosa,  241 ;  defeats  the 
Moslemah,  inflicting  upon  them 
their  death -wound,  at  the  Navas 
de  Tolosa,  243-247  ;  his  death, 
248. 


Alfonso  X.  (el  Sabio),  his  astro* 
nomical  tables,  iL  377. 

Algarbe,  i.  98. 

Algebra  and  the  Arabians,  iL  371, 
872. 

Algeciras,  L  164,  and  note. 

Al-Ghazali,  Arabian  metaphysi- 
cian, iL  359,  360. 

Al-habab  Az-zahri,  the  leader  of  a 
rebellion  against  Yiisuf  al-Fehri, 
u.  53. 

Al-hakem  I.  succeeds  Hisham  I., 
ii.  175 ;  his  uncle's  revolt  against 
him  without  sacoess,  175 ;  his 
wars  with  Iiouis,  son  of  Charle> 
magne,  175 ;  splendor  of  his 
court,  175. 

Al'hakem  II.,  pomp  of  his  acces- 
sion, iL  179  ;  is  visited  by  the 
Christian  king  Ordo&o  iV.  of 
Galicia,  179  ;  his  splendid  libra- 
ry, 180,  435-437  ;  an  enthusias- 
tic student  and  annotator,  437 ; 
destruction  of  books  by  Al- 
mansur,  436  ;  his  library  broken 
up,  scattered,  and  sold,  437. 

Alhama,  description  o(  ii.  259, 
260. 

Alhambra,  the  description  of,  iu 
422-429  ;  its  philosophic  teach- 
ings, 430. 

Al  Hasan,  of  Granada  (Leo  Afri- 
canus),  his  travels,  ii.  382. 

Al  Haytham  Ibn  Obeid  Al-EeUU 
appointed  Amir,  L  426  ;  is  de- 
posed for  cruelty,  427. 

Al  Hazen,  Arabian  physicist,  iu 
391,  note. 

Al  Hy4ri,  Arabian  geographer, 
u.  882. 

Al  Kamah,  general  of  the  Moslem 
force  at  the  battle  of  Covadonga, 
i.  406. 

Al  Horr  Ibn  Abdi-r-rahm&n-Al- 
Thafeki  succeeds  to  the  Amirate 
of  Spain,  L  388  ;  his  cruelty  and 
avarice,  389  ;  Ls  deposed,  389. 

Al-huseyn    Ibn   Yahva,  Wali  of 
Saragossa,  his  treachery,  ii.  II99 
120 ;   his  rebellion  quelled  b^ 
Abdu-r-rahmdn,  iL  151. 


INDEX. 


479 


AH,  aon-in-law  of  Mohammed,  i. 
17 ;  zeal  for  Mohammed,  87  ; 
personates  the  prophet^  .  38  ; 
elected  Ehallf,  65 ;  soldier, 
statesman,  and  philosopher,  56, 
and  note ;  assassinated,  56  ;  the 
first  of  a  dynasty,  57. 

AH,  king  of  Morocco,  ii.  231-283, 
234. 

Ali,  son  and  successor  of  Yusuf  al 
Tashefin,  u.  202. 

Ali  'Atar,  the  Taliant  defender  of 
Loja,  ii.  263. 

Al-kadir  Yahya  placed  hy  Alfonso 
YI.  upon  the  tributary  throne 
of  Yalencia,  ii  218  ;  is  slain  by 
Ibn  Yehaf,  228. 

Al-krazraji,  of  Cordova,  historian, 
ii.  366. 

Al-m&miin,  natural  son  of  Ha- 
ronn  al  Raschid,  dethrones  his 
brother  Al-amin  and  succeeds 
to  the  Khalifate,  ii.  298 ;  en- 
courages every  branch  of  science, 
literature,  and  art,  293,  294; 
measures  a  degree  of  latitude 
and  the  angle  of  the  ecliptic, 
294 ;  suspected  of  infidelity,  294. 

Al-mdmtin,  Idris,  last  Khalif  of 
the  Almohades  in  the  Penin- 
sula, ii.  285,  250. 

Al-mausur  makes  Baghdad  a  cen- 
tre of  leaniing,  ii.  282  ;  an  eager 
student  and  apt  scholar,  284; 
he  dies  on  a  pilgrimage,  284 
and  note  ;  story  of  his  display, 
804,  805. 

Almohades,  the,  ii.  228 ;  masters 
of  Moslem  Spain,  284. 

Al-Montarem,  poet  and  Khalif  of 
Andalus,  ii.  251,  253. 

Al-moravides,  philosophy  of  their 
rise  and  progress,  li.  191,  192; 
monks,  ''wearers  of  the  veil," 
as  well  as  warriors,  192  ;  had 
four  commanders  in  Spain, 
whose  dominion  extended  over 
a  period  of  fifty-five  years,  192  ; 
destroyed  root  and  branch,  284. 

Al-motassem,  third  son  of  Haroun 
al  Baschld  accedes  to  the  Khalif- 


ate, ii.  295 ;  with  his  reign  dates 
the  decline  of  learning  in  the 
East,  295. 

Al-motawakkel,  a  degenerate  suc- 
cessor of  Haroun  al  Baachid,  iL 
295 ;  persecutes  the  Jews  and 
Christians  in  the  interests  of 
Islim,  295. 

Al-Mugheyrah,  uncle  of  Hisham 
II.,  put  to  death  for  rebellion^ 
ii.  181. 

Al-Muktedir,  Khalif,  put  to  death, 
ii  178. 

Al-mu'  temed,  king  of  Seville,  ii 
194-197 ;  dies  m  Africa,  the 
captive  of  Yiisuf,  200  and  note, 
201. 

Alon6bl,  Arabian  geographer,  ii. 
882. 

Alonzo  the  Wise,  author  of  "£1 
Llanto  de  Espafia,"  i.  893. 

''Altabizaren  Cantua,"  ii  143, 
146,  147,  note. 

Al  Walid  succeeds  his  father  Ab« 
du-1-malek  as  Khalif,  i.  75. 

Al- Walid,  Khalif  at  Damascus,  i. 
843. 

Amadeus,  ii.  449. 

Amalarik,  king  of  the  Goths,  i 
118. 

Amina,  mother  of  Mohammed,  i. 
17. 

Amiot,  missionary  to  China,  ii. 
894. 

Amir  of  Spain,  how  appointed,  i 
887. 

Amirs,  first  appointment  of,  ii 
58;  provisional  appointed  by 
the  Aloslem  troops,  416. 

Amru  Ibn  Al-As,  Omar's  lieuten- 
ant in  command  of  the  Egyptian 
army,  i  50. 

Amurath  I.,  11.  444. 

Anbassah  Ibn  Sohaym  Al-Kelbi 
appointed  Amir,  i.  422  ;  his  in- 
ternal administration,  428 ;  takes 
Carcassone  1^  storm,  423;  his 
successes  in  Provence,  423  ;  his 
death,  424. 

Apollonius,  of  Per^  ii  374. 

Arabia,  ite  age  of  ignorance,  i  4 ; 


480 


IXDEX. 


design  of  Alexander  the  Great 
regarding  it,  5 ;  its  geography 
and  independence,  5. 

Arabians,  their  motive  in  conqnest 
of  Spain,  i.  1 ;  their  doable  ori- 
gin, 8 ;  mingling  of  the  two 
streams,  4  ;  how  affected  by  the 
teaching  of  Mohammed,  4 ;  their 
language  and  poetry,  6 ;  division 
into  tribes,  6 ;  hospitality,  6  ; 
town-people  and  tent-people,  7  ; 
food  and  physique,  8  ;  skilful  in 
use  of  martial  weapons,  8  ;  men- 
tal gifts,  8  ;  their  pallaidium, 
10 ;  early  religion,  11 ;  lapsed 
into  idolatry,  11 ;  their  lares  and 
penaUs,  12 ;  barbarous  treat- 
ment of  women,  18  ;  their  relig- 
ious creed  tinctured  with  Juda- 
ism, 14  ;  Christianity  not  un- 
known or  inoperative  among 
them,  14  ;  how  far  iniluenced 
by  Magiau  tenets,  15 ;  their 
western  movements,  60,  62 ; 
overrun  Persia,  60 ;  take  Cairo, 
50  ;  the  license  allowed  by  them 
to  poets  and  narrators,  51,  note ; 
they  reopen  in  six  months  the 
canal  between  the  Nile  and  the 
Bed  Sea,  51,  52  ;  strifes  between 
and  Berbers,  425,  426;  their 
metaphysics,  ii.  357-363. 

Arabic  language,  the,  ii.  884-344  ; 
kindred  languages,  the  Hebrew 
and  Aramaic,  335,  836 ;  found 
in  the  Himyaritic  inscriptions, 
886  ;  written  characters,  886  ; 
early  poetry,  837  ;  written  lan- 
guage, 839  and  note ;  writing, 
889  ;  changes  in  the  spoken  lan- 
guage, 840,  841  ;  the  modem 
Arabic  of  Algiers,  841. 

Arab-Moors,  generic  name  of  the 
Mauri  or  Moors  after  their  com- 
bination with  the  Arabs,  i.  78  ; 
their  readiness  for  the  invasion 
of  Spain,  79-81 ;  prepare  £uro|>e 
for  the  revival  of  literature,  li. 
439-441 ;  effect  of  culture  upon, 
441,  442 ;  their  downfall  nas- 
teaed  by  segi'egation,  443 ;  rele- 


gated to  Africa,  443 ;  lessons  of 
their  history,  446  ;  historic  jus- 
tice to  "my  neighbor,"  447. 

Arabs,  Spanish,  tneir  moral  and 
mental  development,  ii  275  ; 
their  civilization  reached  its 
culminating  point  in  the  reign 
of  Alhakem  II.,  276 ;  their  as- 
pirations, 277  ;  story-tellings 
354,  355  ;  memory,  855  ;  musiCy 
856. 

Architecture,  Spanish  Arabian,  iL 
401-421 ;  art  periods,  407-410  ; 
principal  features,  410,  411. 

Aristocracy,  Gothic  and  Prankish, 
i.  119,  120. 

Arts  and  manufactures,  Arab,  iL 
897-400 ;  steds  and  plants,  397  ; 
leather,  898 ;  knives  and  swords, 
898  ;  silk,  398,  899  ;  glass,  899  ; 
jewdry,  400. 

Assamah  succeeds  Al  Horr  in  tbe 
Amirate,  i.  417  ;  captures  Kar- 
bonne,  418 ;  defeated  and  slain 
at  the  battle  of  Toulouse,  420 ; 
was  a  brave  soldier  and  able 
adminbtrator,  422. 

As-samil,  leader  of  a  conspiracy 
against  Abu-1-Khattar,  iL  46- 
48  ;  double-dealing  of,  87,  88  ; 
arrested  and  slain  at  Toledo, 
110,  111. 

Astrology,  Arabian,  ii.  878-880. 

Astronomy,  Arabian  knowledge  o( 
ii.  875-378. 

Asturias,  principality  of  the,  L 
404. 

Ataulpho,  Gothic  chief,  i.  94. 

Athalarik,  king  of  lUly,  i.  118. 

Athanagild,  a  chief  of  the  fugitive 
Christians,  L  896. 

Athanagild  usurps  the  Gothic 
throne,  i.  115  ;  his  daughters 
and  their  marriages,  115-118. 

Attila,  the  Scoui^  of  God,  i.  101 
and  note  ;  defeated  at  Chalons, 
102. 

Avenzoar,  medical  author,  iL  889. 

Averroes,  Spanish  Arabian  meta- 
physician, ii.  860-863 ;  his 
abridgment  of  the  Al-magest^ 


F"- 


INDEX. 


481 


378  ;  a  volaminous  medical  au- 
thor, 390. 

AvicenDa,  Arabian  metaphysician, 
ii.  358,  359  ;  his  treatise  on  al- 
chemy, 384  ;  a  distin^ruished 
medical  author,  390. 

Ayesha,  a  wife  of  Mohammed,  i. 
39  ;  raises  an  army  to  oppose 
Ali,  i.  55. 

Ayub,  nephew  of  Musa,  appointed 
lieutenant  of  Abdu-1-aziz  in 
Spain,  i  346  ;  joins  the  con- 
spiracy to  slay  Abdu-l-'aziz, 
374  ;  temporary  Amir  of  Spain, 
B87 ;  a  pnident  and  success- 
ful governor,  388 ;  transfers  the 
seat  of  government  from  Seville 
to  Cordova,  388  ;  is  superseded 
after  ruling  six  months,  388. 

Ayi\b  of  Emesa,  his  proposition  in 
the  council  of  eignty,  ii.  90. 

Az-zagal  (Kl  Zagat)  contests  the 
throne  of  Granada  with  his 
nephew,  Boabdil,  and  reigns  for 
four  years,  ii.  264 ;  embarks  for 
Africa,  265 ;  fights  in  the 
Christian  ranks  at  the  siege  of 
Granada,  265. 

Az-zharkal,  astronomer,  ii.  377. 


B 


Backtisghah,  George,  his  Ara- 
bic versions  of  medical  works, 
ii.  283. 

Baghdad,  its  trade  with  Damas- 
cus, i.  59. 

Bajazet  {Tlderim),  ii.  444. 

BalaU  Ludheric,  the,  ii  157. 

Balboa,  ii.  445. 

Balearic  Islands,  taken  by  the 
Christians,  ii.  252. 

Balj  Ibn  Beshr  Al-Kusheyrf,  Ara- 
bian general  in  Africa,  iL  39  ; 
chosen  Amir  bv  a  party  of  mal- 
contents, 41 ;  slain  in  liattle,  42. 

Barbary  revolts  from  Obah,  i.  61. 

Barmecides,  the  powerful  auxil- 
iaries and  rivals  of  Haroun  al 
Baschid  in  his  \forks  of  social 

VOL.  II.  31 


amelioration,  ii.  286  ;  are  pro- 
scribed by  Haroun  al  Baschid, 
292. 

Basques,  i.  94,  note. 

Bedr,  mauli  of  Abdu-r-i-ahmdn  1., 
his  negotiations  in  Spain  on  ac- 
count of  his  master,  ii.  86. 

Beirut,  port  of  Damascus,  i.  59. 

Bekr  Ibn  Hamad  El  Taharti, 
African  poet,  ii.  351. 

Belisarius,  i.  98. 

Beni  Hammud,  Ali  and  Al-kas- 
sim,  Khalifs,  ii. .]  88  ;  perish  by 
the  hand  of  the  assassin,  188. 

Beni  Merines,  ii.  249,  251,  255. 

Beni  Nasr,  rise  of,  ii.  252. 

Berbers,  theirorigin,  i.  70 ;  change 
of  rulers,  71  ;  ready  amalgama- 
tion with  the  Arabs,  71,  72. 

Betica,  i.  98. 

Bizacene,  division  of  Northern 
Africa,  i.  61. 

Blood,  prejudice  of,  el  sangre  azul, 
ii.  331. 

Boabdil  el  Chico.  See  Mohammed 
XII. 

Boccaccio,  his  Decameron,  ii.  353 
and  note. 

Boniface,  Count,  i.  97. 

Braga,  it«  Roman  origin,  i.  84. 


0. 


Cadiz,  Marqais  of,  captures  Al- 
hama,  ii.  260,  261  and  note. 

Cahina,  queen  of  Barbary,  i.  61. 

Cairo,  the  ancient  Memphis,  i.  50  ; 
taken  by  Amru,  50  ;  the  cap- 
ital of  the  Fatimite  Khalifs  of 
Egypt,  50  and  note. 

Cangas  de  Onis,  the  rendezvous  of 
the  band  of  Pelayo,  i.  403. 

Cardan,  Italian  algebraist,  ii.  871. 

Carrion,  Infants  or  Counts  of, 
married  to  the  Cid's  daughters, 
ii.  212. 

Carthage,  ruins  of,  i.  60,  61. 

Casiri,  collection  of,  i.  330,  note, 
ii.  867. 

Celtiberians,  L  94. 


482 


INDEX. 


Ceuta,  or  Septa,  stronghold  on  the 
Moorish  side  of  the  Strait  of 
Gibraltar,  i.  79. 

Champs  de  Mai,  ii.  120. 

Charlemagne,  his  vast  projects, 
ii.  118,  119  ;  his  policy,  122, 
128  and  note  ;  his  inducements 
to  invade  Spain,  124  and  notes, 
125  ;  preparations  for  the  in- 
vasion, 125  ;  goes  through  the 
pass  of  Roncesvalles  into  Spain, 
li.  127  ;  his  disappointment  on 
reaching  Saragossa,  129,  181  ; 
failure  of  his'expedition,  ii.  181. 

Charles  Martel,  hostile  relations 
with  Count  Eudes,  i.  422  ;  his 
policy  and  campaiji^s  previous 
to  encountering  the  Moslems, 
447-461  ;  the  peraonnel  of  his 
army,  452  ;  unites  with  Eudes, 
452 ;  his  great  victory  over  the 
Moslemah  in  Touraine,  ii.  1-14  ; 
his  brilliant  exploits,  16  ;  his 
true  greatness,  16 ;  his  deatii, 
17. 

Chaucer,  ii.  858 ;  prominence 
given  by  to  Arabian  physicians, 
390. 

Chemistry,  Arabian,  ii.  882-384. 

Childebert,  king  of  Paris,  i.  114; 
in  conjunction  with  Clothaire, 
he  invades  Spain,  114;  his 
sieffe  of  Saragossa,  114,  115. 

Chinuasuinto,  king  of  the  Goths, 
i.  139. 

Chlodowig  or  Clovis,  chief  of  the 
Salian  Franks,  i.  109  ;  natural 
son  of  Childerik,  110  ;  extends 
his  territory  to  the  Loire,  110  ; 
his  invocation  of  Christ  at  the 
battle  of  Tolbiac,  111,  note  ; 
embraces  Christianity,  111  ;  de- 
feats the  Gothic  army  at  Youlon, 
112;  his  death,  112. 

Cid,  The.    See  Kodrigo  Diaz. 

Clothilde,  wife  of  Clovis,  L  111. 

Columbus,  iL  445. 

Compass,  mariner's,  Arabs  first 
inventors  of,  ii.  896. 

Coud^,  his  translation  of  the  work 
of  Al  Sharif,  u.  382. 


Conquest  of  Spain  by  the  Arab- 
Moors,  true  date  of,  iL  170, 
171 ;  considerations  to  which  it 
^ves  rise,  172 ;  distinct  periods 
in  the  history,  172, 173  ;  causes 
of  the,  181. 

Constanta,  dauffhter  of  the  Moor^ 
ish  king  of  &ville  and  wife  of 
Alfonso  VI.,  u.  215.  216. 

Copts,  the  best  types  of  the  ancient 
Egyptians,  L  52  ;  their  dislike 
of  European  hierarchs,  52. 

Cordova,  its  glories,  ii.  298,  300  ; 
how.  estimated  by  the  Spanish 
Arabs,  300 ;  its  palaces,  801  ; 
the  splendors  of  the  suburban 
Az-zanrd,  801-808  ;  its  numer- 
ous buildings,  806,  807  ;  sweet- 
scented  air,  807. 

Covadonga,  the  cave  of,  the  head- 
quarters  of  Pelayo,  i  405  ;  the 
battle  of,  407-409  and  notes. 

"  Cronica  del  Cid,"  iL  204,  205, 
note. 


D. 

Damascus,  the  oldest  and  most 
beautiful  city  in  the  world,  L 
45  ;  scat  of  the  Khalifate,  58  ; 
an  earthly  paradise,  58,  59  ;  its 
antiquity,  58,  note ;  advantage, 
59  ;  peopled  by  warriors,  iL 
281. 

Diophantus,  the  Alexandrian,  iL 
871. 

Don  Pedro,  Infante  of  Castile, 
defeated  by  the  Moors  in  the 
battle  of  Elvira,  ii.  257. 

Dozy,  "Dictionnaire  de  VStements 

_  et  Costumes,"  u.  317,  318. 


E. 

Eastern  Empire,  decUne  of,  i. 
487,  438. 

Eggihard,  major-domo  of  Charle- 
magne, slain  in  the  pass  of 
Roncesvalles,  ii.  138  and  note. 


1^ 


mDEX. 


483 


Efiica,  king  of  the  Groths,  i.  145  ; 

nis  casuistiy,  146. 
E^pt,  Khedive  of,  set  aside  the 

Kordn   as  a  judicud  code,  ii. 

279,  note. 
EHvira,  daughter  of  Fernando  I., 

ii.  208. 
Elvira,  daughter  of  the  Cid,  ii. 

211   212. 
Elvira,  hattle  of,  ii  257. 
England,  condition  and  prospects 

of  in  the  eighth  century,  L  4S9, 

440. 
Ervigio,   king  of  the  Goths,  his 

stratagem,  L  148  ;  his  policy, 

143. 
Euclid,  ii  873. 
Eudes  conquers  the  Moslemah  at 

the  hattle  of  Toulouse,  i  420. 
Eurik,  king  of  the  Goths,  L  107  ; 

he  suhdues  Gaul,  107  ;  subju- 
gates Spain,  108  ;  extent  of  his 

empire,  108. 
Europe,  condition  of  in  the  eighth 

century,  i.  436-455. 
Exilona,   wife  of   Don   Roderik, 

i.   160,  161  and  note  ;  makes 

Cordova  the  capital,  161. 


F. 


Favila,  son  and  successor  of  Pe- 
layo,  i.  412. 

Fehr,  ancestor  of  Mohammed,  L 
16  and  note. 

Fernando  1.  the  first  to  give  a 
great  Christian  preponderance 
in  the  Peninsula,  ii.  206,  207  ; 
his  death,  207. 

Ferdinand  III.,  king  of  Castile, 
captures  Cordova  and  Almeria 
from  the  Moslemah,  ii.  253. 

Ferdinand,  king  of  Aragon,  ii. 
259  ;  his  general,  the  Marquis 
of  Cadiz,  captures  Alhama,  260, 
261  and  note  ;  captures  Mala^ 
Braza,  and  Almeria,  264 ;  be- 
sieges Granada,  266,  268  ;  takes 
Granada  by  capitulation,  268- 
272. 


Ferro,  Scipion,  Italian  algebraist, 
u.  371. 

Filioque,  a  bone  of  theological 
contention,  i.  129,  130. 

Fiore,  Antonio,  Italian  algebra- 
ist, ii.  371. 

Florinda,  la  Cava,  daughter  of 
Count  Ilyan,  i.  182 ;  maid  of 
honor  at  court  of  Roderik,  196  ; 
her  ruin,  197  ;  appeals  to  her 
father,  198  ;  «^  bafio  de  la  Cava, 
198  ;  to  pueria  de  la  Cava,  199. 

Fontevrault,  ii.  2. 

Ford's  **thief  of  antiquity,"  ii. 
419. 

Frankish  dominion,  divisions  of, 
i.  442,  443. 

Fredegonda,  her  wiles,  i.  118. 

Friday,  Yawn  Al  Joma,  i  2  and 
note. 


G. 

GALiOfA,  i.  98. 

Gallo- Romans,  ihit  people,  i.  119, 
120. 

Garcia,  son  of  Fernando  I.,  ii.  208. 

Gaudiosa,  wife  of  Pelavo,  i.  412. 

Gayangos,  Don  Pascual  de,  ii.  368. 

Geber,  Arabian  chemist,  his  works, 
ii.  288,  284. 

Genserik,  chief  of  the  Yandals, 
i.  97  ;  invades  Africa,  97  ;  pil- 
lages Rome,  102. 

GeoCTsphy,  Arabian,  ii.  881. 

Ghedhi  Ibn  Zeyyaii  quells  the  re- 
bellion of  Munuza,  i.  431,  432. 

Gibbon,  his  errors  regarding  the 
battle  of  Tours,  ii.  20-32. 

Gibraltar,  geography  of  strait, 
L  162,  163  ;  the  Rock,  164. 

Gioja,  Flavio,  ii.  396. 

Gbthe  and  astrology,  ii.  379  and 
note. 

Gomez,  Coxmt,  slain  by  the  Cid, 
ii.  207. 

Gossweller,  Emil,  his  portraiture 
of  Uaroun  al  Raschid,  ii.  292, 
note. 

I  Gothic  Kingdom,  degenerate  con- 
dition of,  prior  to  the  invasion, 


484 


INDEX. 


.i.  159  ;    chnrcli  and  state,  168, 
169. 

Goths  occupy  Spain  for  three  cen- 
turies, i.  82;  their  invasion  of 
the  Roman  £mpire,  90,  91 ;  su- 
periority to  the  other  North- 
em  nations,  91 ;  Arian  Chris- 
tians, 92 ;  their  warriors,  93, 
94  ;  make  their  way  into  Aqui- 
tania,  94 ;  allies  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  95  ;  extent  of  their 
dominion,  96 ;  their  empire  in 
Gaul  and  Spain,  100 ;  their 
civilization,  133-135  and  note  ; 
their  decline,  135  ;  connection 
of  church  with  secular  affairs, 
169  ;  composition  of  their  eccle- 
siastical councils,  170,  171  ; 
codes  of  civil  law,  172-174 ; 
criminal  punishments,  175, 176 ; 
their  protection  of  navigation 
and  the  useful  arts,  176  ;  feu- 
dalism, 176  ;  intellectual  devel- 
opment, 177  ;  historiaus,  177, 
178  ;  medical  art,  178,  179  ;  art 
and  manufactures,  179,  180  ; 
weakness  of,  in  Africa,  189 ; 
children  of  grandees  brought  up 
at  court,  195,  196. 

Government  of  the  Moslemah,  ii. 
319-333  ;  the  Khalif  supreiAe, 
but  subject  to  the  Koran  and 
Sunneh,  320;  the  Khalifate  at 
first  elective,  321  ;  Ulemcu,  or 
wise  men,  consisted  of  I  mams. 
Muftis  and  Ehadis,  321 ;  Wizirs, 

321,  322  ;    Nayib  and  Haiib, 

322,  323  ;  Eatibs  or  secretaries, 

323,  324  ;  sdhibu-l-ashgal  (mas- 
ter of  tlie  occupations),  324  ; 
Kadis,  the  scope  of  their  powers, 

324,  325  ;  two  tribunals,  —  the 
great  and  the  small  skortah,  324, 
325 ;    punishments    of   crime, 

325,  326 ;  the  army  and  the 
throne,  326,  327  ;  qualifications 
for  office,  833. 

Granada,  new  kingdom  of,  ii.  250- 

274. 
Granada,  cathedral  of,  ii.  431,  432. 
Greek  fire,  ii.  894,  895.  I 


Guadalete,  L  battle  of,  253-280 ; 
Medina  Sidonia  prohfible  site  of 
the  battle,  250;  the  Gothic 
army,  253,  254 ;  the  Moslem 
host,  255  ;  the  battle  in  array, 
257-259  ;  the  Christians  have 
the  advantage  on  the  first  day 
of  the  battle,  261 ;  Roderik's 
address  to  his  troops,  259  ;  Ta- 
rik's  fiery  harangue,  262-264 ; 
rumor  of  Roderik's  death,  265  ; 
the  shock  of  battle  and  the  rout 
of  the  Christians,  266 ;  esti- 
mated loss  on  both  sides,  267- 
269  ;  Tarik's*  despatch  to  Musa, 
269  ;  the  philosophy  of  the  sit- 
uation, 275-277 ;  the  prestige 
of  the  Moslems,  277  ;  parallel 
between  the  conquest  of  Eng- 
land and  that  of  Spain,  278-280 
and  note. 

Guizot,  his  estimate  of  the  strug- 
gle between  the  Franks  and 
Arabs  at  Tours,  ii.  32. 

Gunpowder,  its  discovery,  ii.  393, 
394  ;  early  use  of,  in  war  by  the 
Arabs,  394. 

Guzman,  Don  Alfonso  de,  governor 
of  Tarifa,  ii.  255,  256. 


H. 

Habib  Ibn  Abi  Obbtdah  Al- 
Fehri,  a  Moslem  general,  i. 
368  and  note  ;  succeeds  to  the 
command  of  Tank's  army,  346 ; 
commissioned  by  Suleyman  to 
slay  Abdu-l-'aziz,  373. 

Hafila,  a  rebel  against  Abdu-r- 
rahman,  capturra  and  slain,  n. 
155. 

Hafsa,  one  of  the  wives  of  Mo- 
hammed, left  in  charge  of  the 
Kordn,  i.  24,  note. 

Halaja,  Martin,  shepherd  who  led 
the  Christian  army  into  the 
Naves  de  Tolosa,  ii.  241. 

Hallam  on  the  primitive  manufac- 
ture of  paper,  ii.  396  and  note. 

Haro,    Lopez  de,  led  the  van  of 


INDEX. 


485 


Alfonso*8  army  in  the  battle  of 
Navas  de  Tolosa,  ii.  239. 

Haroun  al  Raschid,  general  of  Al- 
Mahdi,  U.  284  ;  Eis  successes, 
284  ;  succeeds  bis  cousin  in  the 
Khalifate,  284 ;  the  hero  of 
"The  Arabian  Nights,"  284; 
made  Baghdad  the  capital  of 
the  world,  286  ;  bold  in  concep- 
tion, like  lightning  in  execu- 
tion, 286 ;  warmly  espoused 
the  cause  of  science  and  general 
culture,  286  ;  everywhere  es- 
tablished mosques,  academies, 
and  colleges,  287  ;  correspond- 
ence with  his  contemporary 
Charlemagne,  287  ;  presents 
to  Charlemagne,  287-289  and 
notes ;  gives  to  the  Christians 
free  access  to  the  **  holy  places," 
290  ;  his  cruelty  towards  the 
Barmecides,  291,  292  and  notes. 

Harran,  place  of  Arab  pilgrimage 
and  sacrifice,  i.  13. 

Hashem,  one  of  the  principal  fami- 
lies of  the  Koreish,  from  whom 
Mohammed  was  descended,  i. 
16. 

Hassan,  son  of  All,  and  sixth 
Khalif,  i.  57  and  note  ;  Moslem 
governor  in  Africa,  61 ;  deposed, 
62,  64. 

Hayyit  Ibn  Mulabis  Al-hadhrami 
reoels  against  Abdu-r-rahrodn 
and  is  slain,  ii.  116. 

Heraclius,  Eastern  emperor,  his 
superstition,  i.  137. 

Hennanrik,  king  of  the  Suevi,  i. 
98. 

Hermengild,  his  martyrdom,  i. 
124. 

Hyra,  el,  i.  2  ;  its  momentous  con- 
sequences, 3 ;  significance,  38. 

Hildegarde,  wife  of  Charlemagne, 
iL  127,  189. 

Hilperik  and  Galesuinda,  i.  117. 

Hisham  I.  succeeds  his  father 
Abdn-r-rahman I.,  ii.  174 ;  justi- 
fies his  father's  choice,  174. 

Hisham  II.,  a  "sluggish  king," 
ii.  181. 


Hispano- Romans,  L  94. 
Historical  writings  of  the  Spanish 

Arabians,  ii.  365-368. 
Hodheyfah    Al    Kaysi,   Amir  of 

Spain,  i.  426. 
Honorius,  Roman  Emperor,  i.  95, 

97. 
Horse,  Arabian,  i.  36,  37  and  note. 
Hosein,  youngest  son  of  AH,  i.  57. 
Houlahou  captures  Baghdad,  ii. 

443. 
Huns,  their  peculiar  mission,  i.  87. 


I. 


Ibk  Al-Akabi,  at  Paderbom,  ii. 
122  and  note. 

Ibn  Amru,  Amir  of  the  Sea,  ii. 
52  ; '  the  office  suppressed,  62  ; 
he  receives  the  government  of 
Seville,  52. 

Ibn  Fimas,  physician  and  invent- 
or, ii.  399,  400. 

Ibn  Kadis,  ii.  245. 

Ibn  Moklah,  his  kalligraphy,  ii. 
339. 

Ibn  Mughith,  Wall  of  East  Africa, 
invades  Spain  with  a  large  force, 
at  the  command  of  the  Khalif, 
ii.  112  ;  is  defeated  and  slain  by 
Abdu-r-rahmin  I.,  113. 

Ibn  Masa  Ibn  Geber  Al  Batani, 
Arabian  mathematician,  ii.  374. 

Ibn  Hud,  his  ambition  and  assas- 
sination, ii.  251. 

Ibn  Sali.  Wali  of  Egypt,  iL  66. 

Ibuu  Ghalib,  iL  380. 

Ibnu-1-ahniar  (Mohammed  I.),  iL 
252  ;  declares  himself  Snltan  of 
Andalus,  253  ;  makes  his  entry 
into  Granada,  253  ;  his  alliance 
with  the  Christians,  254 ;  dis- 
solves the  alliance,  254 ;  his 
additions  to  the  Alhambra  and 
other  works,  255  ;  his  death, 
254. 

Ibrahim,  his  doubtful  tenure  of 
the  Khalifate,  iL  63  ;  defeated 
and  deposed  by  Meruan,  63  ; 
dies  in  the  battle  of  Turab,  68. 


486 


INDEX. 


Ibrahim,  grandson  of  Khalif  Hi- 
sham,  skiin  by  Abdullah  As^sef- 
fah,  ii.  7S. 

Ilyan,  governor  of  Ceuta,  i.  182  ; 
the  mail  of  a  party,  184 ;  his  mo- 
tives for  favoring  the  invasion, 
185,  192,  193, 1%  ;  personality, 
185,  186 ;  how  noticed  by  the 
chroniclers,  186 ;  by  Arabian 
historians,  187 ;  uncertain  na- 
tionality, 187  ;  indignation  on 
receiving  Florinda's  letter  dis- 
closing ner  ruin,  199  ;  his  un- 
expected appearance  at  Toledo, 
199,  200  ;  liis  insidious  advice 
to  Roderik,  209,  210  ;  his  secret 
alliance  with  Musa,  210,  211  ; 
further  consideration  of  his  con- 
duct, 222-226  and  note ;  his  re- 
connoissance,  231. 

Innocent  III.,  Pope,  preaches  a 
crusade  against  the  Moslemah 
in  the  Peninsula,  ii.  236,  287. 

Irving,  Washington,  his  "Con- 
quest of  Granada,"  iL  251  and 
note. 

Inquisition,  origin  of,  ii.  236 ; 
baleful  effects,  448. 

Isabella  of  Castile,  her  marriage 
with  Ferdinand,  king  of  Ara- 
gon,  ii.  259 ;  celebrates  the 
marriage  of  the  Infanta  Isabel 
with  the  crown  prince  of  Portu- 
gal, 266 ;  at  the  siege  of  Gra- 
nada, 267,  268.      ^ 

Isabella  II.,  ii.  449. 

IslAm,  the  creed  of  Mohammed,  i. 
22  ;  set  forth  in  the  Kordn,  22, 
28  ;  combined  the  systems  of 
religion  already  existing  in  Ara- 
bia in  a  harmonious  and  logical 
system,  23  ;  great  and  perme- 
ating doctrine,  the  unity  and 
personality  of  God,  23,  25  ;  not 
the  work  of  a  scholar,  but  a 
thinker,  24  ;  how  taught  by  its 
founder,  24  ;  word  IsUim  means 
"self-devotion"  or  "resigna- 
tion to  God,"  24,  25  ;  antiquity 
claimed  for  it  by  Mohammed, 
25 ;  consists  of  two  parts,  25  ; 


six  articles  of  faith,  25;  de- 
nounces idolatry,  26 ;  opposed 
the  Christian  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity,  26  ;  belief  in  angels, 
27 ;  kblis,  the  devil,  whose 
name  means  "despair,'*  27  and 
note  ;  genii,  27  ;  predestination, 
27,  28  ;  Allah  himself  subject 
to  fate,  30  and  note ;  rewards 
and  punishments  in  a  future 
state,  30,  31 ;  prayer  (Es-saleh), 
81,  32  and  note  ;  alms-giving, 

32,  33  ;  fasting  (Es-siy&m),  33 ; 
pilgrimage  (El-hajjj) ;  promo- 
tion of  commerce  by  pilgrimage, 
33  and  note  ;  things  forbidden, 

33,  34  ;  circumcision,  34  ;  pros- 

Eects  at  the  inception  of  Mo- 
ammedanismof  its  success,  35  ; 
its  transforming  effects  on  the 
Arabs,  35,  36,  37  ;  religions  ob- 
servances, 73,  74;  perennial 
power  of,  ii.  443. 

Is'mail  usurps  the  throne  of  Gra- 
nada, is  deposed  and  put  to 
death,  ii  257,  258. 

Isma'il  Abii-1- Waled,  king  of  Gra- 
nada, ii.  256. 

Italy,  condition  of,  in  the  eighth 
century,  i.  438,  439. 

Iberians,  i.  94. 

J. 

Jafar,  chief  of  the  Barmecides, 
killed  by  order  of  the  Khalif,  iL 
292. 

Jaime,  king  of  Aragon,  captures 
Valencia,  ii.  252. 

Jews,  their  attitude  in  regard  to 
the  invasion  of  the  Peninsula, 
i.  203,  204  ;  how  and  when 
they  came  to  Spain,  204  ;  their 
persecution  in  Spain,  205  and 
note  ;  how  oppressed  by  ecclesi- 
astical decrees,  205,  206  ;  how 
regarded  by  tlie  Arab-Moors, 
207,  208 ;  their  importance  in 
the  struggle  between  the  Mos- 
lems and  Christians,  208. 

Justinian,  the  policy  of,  1.  437. 


INDEX. 


487 


K. 

Kaabah,  the,  i.  10. 

Kadijah,  a  w^e  of  Mohammed,  i 
87 

Kaled  Ibn  Al  Walid  gains  the 
title  of  •*  The  Sword  of  God,"  i. 
49. 

Kasim  (third  son  of  Ydsuf  al 
Fehri),  present  at  the  assembly 
at  Paderborn,  ii.  122  ;  joins  in 
his  brother  Mohammed's  re- 
bellion against  Abdu-r-rahm&n 
I.,  154  ;  he  is  captured,  par- 
doned, and  taken  into  favor  by 
Abdn-r-rahman,  155,  156. 

Eelab,  ancestor  of  Mohammed,  i. 
17. 

Kenisa-Rebina,  site  of  a  mosque 
built  by  Abdu-l-'asiz,  where  he 
was  slain,  i.  375,  376. 

Ehalifate,  rival  claimants  for  on 
the  death  of  Mohammed,  i  43, 
44  ;  etfect  of  this  rivalry  on  the 
Moslem  world,  44  ;  Khalif  ap- 
pointed by  six  electors,  43 ; 
power  of  the  Khalif,  ii.  819, 
820. 

Khattar,  Abd-l-,  taken  prisoner 
by  the  rebels  under  As-samil, 
IL  48  ;  is  released,  48  ;  deposed, 
49  ;  fate  uncertain,  49. 

Eolthum,  Al-Kusheyri,  governor 
of  Africa,  ii  38-40. 

Korin,  its  contents,  1.  22-84,  and 
not4» ;  opening  formula  of  every 
chapter  save  one,  — Bismillah, 
24  and  note  ;  how  left  by  Mo- 
hammed, 24,  note ;  augmented 
and  reduced  to  system  by  his 
successors,  24  and  note ;  word 
Kordn  defined,  28 ;  affirmations 
concerning  Christ,  22  and  note  ; 
a  means  of  intellectual  develop- 
ment, iL  279  ;  retained  as  a 
practical  code  of  civil  law  into 
the  nineteenth  century,  279, 
note  ;  its  safety  due  to  the  de- 
cline of  learning  in  the  East, 
294,  295  ;  law  and  gospel  in  all 
Mohammedan  countries,   820  ; 


Khalif  amenahle  to  its  decrees^ 
832,  883. 
Koreish,  the  most  elevated  of  the 
Arab  tribes,  i.  10  ;  guardians  of 
the  Kaaba,  10  ;  the  tribe  of  Mo- 
hammed, 16  ;  the  chief  oppo- 
nents of  the  prophet  on  nis 
announcing  his  religion,  38. 


L. 

Lainrz,  Diroo,  father  of  the  Cid, 
ii.  206. 

Lampegia,  the  Fair,  also  called 
Menina  and  Numerancia,  the 
daughter  of  Count  Eudes,  and 
wife  of  Munuza,  i.  430  and 
note  ;  sent  to  the  Khalif,  433. 

Lara,  Alvar  Nu&ez,  Spanish  cava- 
lier, first  to  break  into  the 
Moorish  king's  camp  at  the 
Navas  de  Tolosa,  ii.  245. 

Lara,  Nufio  de,  routed  by  the 
Moslemah,  ii.  256. 

La  Vendee,  ii.  2  and  note. 

Legends,  their  importance,  i.  212 ; 
that  of  the  Grecian  king  and 
his  wise  daughter,  212-216  ; 
that  of  Don  l^lerick  and  the 
enchanted  cavern,  216-221. 

Leon,  Ponce  de,  ii.  445. 

Leovigild,  king  of  the  Goths,  i. 
121  ;  imperial  aspirations,  122  ; 
convenes  the  Council  of  Toledo, 
128 ;  embraces  Catholicism,  125. 

Litorius,  i.  101. 

Liuva  I.,  king  of  the  Goths,  i.  121. 

Liuva  II.,  L  136  ;  his  persecution 
of  the  Jews,  137. 

Louis  le  Debonnaire,  birth  of,  ii. 
139. 

Lusitania,  i  98. 


M. 

Maires  du  PALAIS,  their  parallel 

in  Spain,  ii.  185. 
M&lik,  Ibn  Ans,  of  Medina,  ii. 

175. 


488 


INDEX. 


Maupertais,  ii.  2. 

Mayors  of  the  palace,  i.  445  aud 
note,  446. 

Mecca  (Mekkeb),  its  oriein,  L  9  ; 
place  of  concourse,  9  ;  uie  birth- 
place of  Mohammed,  17  ;  taken 
by  Mohammed,  40. 

Medicine,  Arabian,  ii.  387-890. 

Medina,  t?ie  cUy^  i.  2  ;  Yathreb 
before  el  Hijra,  2 ;  successfully 
defended  by  Mohammed,  40 ; 
the  prophet  dies  there,  40. 

Meknasah  (Mequinez),  his  re- 
bellion, death,  and  dispersion 
of  his  forces,  ii.  115. 

Merida,  its  Roman  origin,  i.  84 ; 
its  first  inhabitants  the  £meriti 
of  the  fifth  and  tenth  legions, 
811,  note ;  as  it  was  when  it 
surrendered  to  Musa,  311. 

Merovingian  dynasty,  i.  444,  445. 

Meruan,  third  son  of  Musa,  L  76  ; 
accompanies  his  father  to  Da- 
mascus, 350. 

Meruan,  Khalif,  his  infidelity,  ii. 
62  ;  flight,  69  ;  is  killed,  70  ; 
his  sons  killed,  72. 

Metallurgy  and  mining,  Arabian, 
ii.  884-387. 

Metaphysicians,  Arabian,  ii.  380, 
note. 

Mezquita  of  Cordova,  description 
of,  ii.  412-421. 

Mineral  riches  of  Spain,  ii.  385, 
386. 

Mohammed,  name  means  '* greatly 
praised,"  i.  17;  stories  of  mir- 
acles accompanying  his  birth 
and  infancy,  17  and  note ;  the 
only  son  of  his  father,  17  and 
note  ;  left  an  orphan  at  an  early 
age,  '17  ;  his  personality,  18  ; 
private  habits,  18  ;  denounced 
caste,  18  ;  the  friend  of  the  poor 
and  needy,  18  and  note  ;  "pro- 
phetic light,"  19 ;  amorous,  19 ; 
opposed  to  idolatiy,  but  idolized 
by  his  followers,  19,  20  ;  his 
inspiration,  20  and  note  ;  not  a 
prophet  in  the  Christian  sense 
of  Uie  word,  20,  21  ;  magnitude 


of  his  designs,  21 ;  and  miracles, 
29  and  note  ;  his  marriage,  87 ; 
flees  from  Mecca,  2  ;  ivceived 
at  Medina,  2  ;  at  the  age  of 
forty  announces  his  religion, 
88  ;  how  it  was  received,  38  ; 
marries  Ayesha,  89  ;  permitted 
to  use  the  sword,  39  ;  number  of 
his  engagements,  40,  note  ;  his 
defence  of  the  weaker  sex,  14  ; 
comprehends  thoroughly  the 
condition  of  his  countiymen, 
16  ;  repels  the  attack  on  Me- 
dina in  the  fifth  year  of  the 
Hgra,  40 ;  takes  Mecca,  which 
becomes  the  Kiblah  of  the  Mos- 
lemah,  40  ;  dies  at  Medina, 
40-42  ;  first  step  in  Arabian 
development  taken  by,  iL  279. 

Mohammed  Abul  Aswad  (Yiisuf 
al  Fehri's  second  son),  made 
prisoner  by  Bedr,  iL  153 ;  feigns 
blindness,  158  ;  escapes  and 
places  himself  at  the  head  of 
his  father's  adherents,  154  ;  de- 
struction of  his  army  by  Abdu- 
r-rahmdn,  154;  he  wanders  in 
thickets  and  caves  like  a  "fam- 
ished wolf "  and  dies  in  obscu- 
rity, 155. 

Mohammed  Ibn  Abdillah,  envoj 
plenipotentiary  of  Khalif  Ui- 
sham,'i.  427. 

Mohammed  an-Nassir  (Defender 
of  the  Faith),  emperor  of  the 
Almohades,  ii.  238  ;  proclaims 
the  AJgihed,  or  Holy  War, 
238  ;  orders  a  massacre  of  the 
Christians  found  in  his  domin- 
ions, 238 ;  sots  out  for  Seville 
to  fight  the  Christians,  238; 
totally  defeated  at  the  Navas 
de  Tolosa,  243-247  ;  his  death, 
248. 

Mohammed,  Khalif,  in  his  reign 
Cordova  destroyed  by  an  earw- 
quake^  ii.  176. 

Mohammed  Ibn  Abdullah  assumes 
the  title  of  Al-manswr^  the  Vic- 
torious, ii.  181  ;  through  his 
intrigues  for  jrawer  he  obtaina 


INDEX. 


489 


the  office  of  hijib,  182  ;  his 
government  just  and  rigorous, 
182 ;  was  a  successful  warrior, 
182  ;  his  conquests  of  Christian 
territory,  185 ;  except  that  of 
Abdu-r-rahmin  I.,  his  name  the 
greatest  in  the  annals  of  Mos^' 
lem  Spain,  185 ;  his  death, 
184. 

Mohammed,  great-grandson  of  Ab- 
du-r-rahman  III.,  usurps  the 
Khalifate,  and  declares  himself 
directed  by  the  grace  of  God, 
Al'mahdi-hUlaK,  ii.  187 ;  revolt 
against  him  and  his  humiliating 
expedient  to  save  his  life,  187  ; 
his  assassination,  188. 

Mohammed  II.,  son  and  successor 
3f  Mohammed  Ibnu-1-ahmar, 
ii.  255  ;  invokes  assistance  from 
the  Beni  Merines,  254  ;  with 
their  aid,  he  wrests  several 
towns  from  the  Christians, 
which  are  recaptured,  255  ;  his 
death,  256. 

Mohammed  IV.,  king  of  Granada, 
ii.  256 ;  recaptures  Gibraltar 
from  the  Christians,  257  ;  assas- 
sinated, 257. 

Mohammed  Y.,  king  of  Granada, 
dethroned,  iL  257 ;  returns  to 
his  kingdom,  258. 

Mohammed  VI.,  king  of  Granada, 
places  himself  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  king  of  Castile,  who 
puts  him  to  death,  ii.  258. 

Mohammed  VII.,  king  of  Gra- 
nada, ii.  258. 

Mohammed  XII.  (Boabdil  el 
Chico),  usurps  the  throne  of 
GranadA,  ii.  263 ;  dethroned 
by  his  uncle,  but  recovers  the 
kingdom,  264  ;  taken  prisoner 
by  the  Christians  and  released, 
264  ;  obliged  by  his  people  to 
decUre  war  against  the  Chris- 
tians, 265,  266  ;  besieged  by 
Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  266,  268 ; 
he  capitulates,  268  ;  terms  of 
the  capitulation,  269,  270 ;  re- 
tires to  his  seignory,  272;  el 


ultimo  sospiro  del  Mora,  272 ; 
exiled  to  Africa,  427. 

Mohammed  II.,  capture  of  Con- 
stantinople by,  ii.  444. 

Mohammeoan  civil  law  compiled 

■  from  the  Kordn  and  Sunna,  L 
49. 

Morocco,  a  city  of  Mauritania  Tin- 
gitania,  i.  61  ;  the  Baghdad  of 
Western  Africa,  iL  439. 

Moses  Maimonides,  Jewish  meta- 
physician, ii.  364,  365. 

Moslems  and  Franks,  philosophy 
of  the  contest  between,  i.  441 . 

Moslem  Spain,  contest  between 
and  Christian  Europe,  ii.  437, 
438. 

Mozarabes,  or  Musarabs,  ii.  828  ; 
their  liturgy  endeared  to  them, 
328  ;  their  service  translated 
into  the  modem  tongue,  el  oficio 
muzarabef  328. 

Muawiyah,  son  of  Abu  Sufyan, 
the  first  to  advance  the  hered- 
itary claim  to  the  Khalifate,  1. 
44,  ii.  321  ;  seventh  Khalif, 
i.  57  ;  founds  the  dynasty  of 
Umnieyah,  or  the  Ommeyades, 
44,  57;  removes  the  Khalifate 
to  Damascus,  58. 

Muller  Max,  on  the  origin  of  the 
cipher,  ii.  369. 

Mugheyth  supersedes  Tarik,  i. 
324. 

Mugheyth  Ar-rumf  accompanies 
Musa  to  Damascus,  i.  350 ;  his 
opposition  to  Musa,  360  and 
note  ;  his  uncertain  end,  384. 

Munuza,  temporary  Amir,  i.  425, 
426  ;  intrigues,  429,  430 ;  trea- 
son, 431  ;  slain  in  one  of  the 
Pyrenean  passes,  432. 

Muratori,  on  the  use  of  gunpow- 
der, ii.  894. 

Musa  Ibn  Nosseyr,  the  Moslem 
general  who  first  invaded  Spain, 
1.  63 ;  his  origin,  63  ;  Wizir 
of  Besher,  64  ;  suspected  of  de- 
falcation, 64 ;  flees  to  Damas- 
cus, and  puts  himself  under 
the  protection  of  Abdu-I-'aziz, 


490 


INDEX. 


64 ;  appointed  military  com- 
mander in  Northern  Africa, 
65  ;  his  command,  65 ;  procla- 
mation to  his  army,  66  and 
note  ;  his  personality,  66  and 
note  ;  his  enthusiasm,  66,  67  ; 
his  effectual  prayer,  67  ;  other 
omens  of  his  success,  68  ;  he 
I'eaches  the  Atlantic,  69  ;  his 
diplomacy,  69  ;  skill  in  concili- 
ating conquered  tribes,  70 ;  his 
successful  propagandism,  72 ; 
his  piety,  73 ;  appointed  su- 
preme Commander  of  the  Mos- 
lemah  in  the  West,  and  Amir 
of  Africa,  75  ;  his  sons,  76  ; 
his  reception  of  Ilyan,  228  ;  ob- 
tains from  the  Khalif  permission 
to  invade  Spain,  229 ;  nis  prayers 
on  the  embarkation  of  the  in- 
Taders,  235  ;  arrogates  to  him- 
self the  honor  of  Tarik's  suc- 
cesses, 284 ;  preparations  for 
crossing  4he  strait,  806  ;  lauds 
with  his  army  at  Algeciras, 
807  ;  his  jealousy  of  Tank,  808, 
309  ;  after  taking  various  cities, 
he  besieges  Merida,  811-317  ; 
valor  of  its  inhabitants,  313  ; 
they  are  forced  to  capitulate, 
814-317  ;  did  Musa  cross  the 
Pyrenees  ?  339 ;  his  meeting 
with  Tarik  at  Toledo,  322; 
treats  Tarik  with  indignity, 
822-325  ;  limit  of  his  advance, 
341  ;  recalled  by  the  KKalif, 
842,  343  ;  procrastinates,  844  ; 
obeys  a  second  order,  345 ; 
leaves  the  conduct  of  affairs  in 
the  hands  of  his  sons,  346  ; 
embarks  at  Gibraltar,  347 ; 
journeys  with  a  great  train, 
847,  351  ;  disreganis  the  de- 
spatch of  Suleyman,  853;  ap- 
pears before  Al-Walid,  355  ;  his 
reception,  356  ;  interviews  .with 
Sule}inan,  857-859  ;  charges 
a^inst  him,  860  ;  confronted 
with  Tarik,  860  ;  convicted  of 
falsehood  by  the  table  of  Solo- 
mon,  861y   362 ;  his  exposure 


and  humiliation,  868  ;  his  enor- 
mous fine,  864,  865  ;  ruin,  366  ; 
obtains  the  head  of  Abdu-l-'aziz 
from  Suleyman,  878-380 ;  his 
death,  380. 


N. 

Nahtb  Ibnu-l-*asfar,  his  prop- 
osition in  the  council  of  eighty, 
iL  91  ;  one  of  the  deputation 
to  Abdu-r-rahmdn  I.,  91. 

Napoleon  and  astrology,  ii.  879. 

Narbonne,  Moslem  point  dappui 
in  Gaul,  iL  17  ;  recovered  by 
Peppin  le  Bref,  18  ;  again  cap- 
tured and  pillaged  by  the  Span- 
ish Araba,  18 ;  its  strategic 
importance,  418. 

Nasr,  Moorish  king  of  Granada, 
forced  to  abdicate,  ii.  256. 

Nasr  Ibn  Eyer,  governor  of  Kho- 
rassan,  his  loyalty  to  Meruan, 
ii.  65  and  note,  66. 

Noah,  his  preaching,  L  12. 

Northern  Barbarians,  their  incur- 
sions into  the  Roman  Empire,  i. 
84-86. 

Northmen  enter  and  ravage  Se- 
ville, ii.  176  ;  are  driven  from 
Lisbon,  180. 

Numerals,  Arabic,  iL  368-871t 
and  notes. 

Numidia,  division  of  Northern 
Africa,  L  61. 


O. 

Odoacbr,  king  of  the  Hemli,  L 
108  ;  subverts  Rome,  108,  and 
becomes  king  of  Italy,  109. 

Odrah  Ibn  Abdillah  al  Fehri  tem- 
porary Amir,  i.  424. 

Ok  bah,  Moslem  governor  in  Af- 
rica, i.  60  ;  his  conquests,  60. 

Okbah-Ibnu-1-hej^'  As-seliili  ap- 
pointed Amir  of  Spain,  iL  85— 
88. 


INDEX. 


491 


Old  Castile  (Castilla  la  Yieja),  ii. 
278. 

Olphiles,  Gothic  bishop  of  Moesia 
and  Thrace,  i  91. 

Omar,  the  second  Khalif,  1.  50  ; 
his  decision  concerning  the 
Alexandrian  Library,  i.  52 ; 
stabbed,  53  and  note. 

Omar,  Khalif,  his  generous  pity 
of  Musa,  i.  863  and  note  ;  views 
of  regarding  the  conquests  in 
Spain,  421,  422  ;  death  by  poi- 
son, 417. 

Ommeyades,  degeneracy  of,  ii.  61 ; 
the  end  of  the  dynasty  of  the, 
189  ;  their  work  in  civilization, 
279. 

Oppas,  archbishop,  prepared  the 
way  for  treason  m  Spain,  L 
225. 

Ordo&o  IV.,  king  of  Oalicia,  ab- 
ject behavior  of,  ii.  179. 

Oriental  Arabs,  their  progress  in 
medicine,  ii.  283. 

Oriental  Khalifs  and  civilization, 
ii.  277  ;  with  the  removal  of  the 
seat  of  the  Khalifate  began  their 
intellectual  activity  and  hu- 
mane culture,  278  ;  their  esti- 
mate of  scholarship,  280. 

Ostro-Goths,  the  eastern  Goths,  L 
91. 

Othman  succeeds  Omar  in  the 
Khalifate,  i.  58  ;  in  his  reign, 
Alexandria  falls  affain  for  a  brief 
space  into  the  hands  of  the 
Greek  emperors,  58  ;  promul- 
gates  the  only  authentic  version 
of  the  Korin,  24,  note,  54  and 
note  ;  assassinated,  54  and  note. 

Othman  Ibn  Abu  Neza  (Munuza), 
ffovemor  of  the  coast  region, 
L  394  ;  his  duplicity,  400  ;  am- 
bition, 400 ;  seat  of  govern- 
ment,  400,  401  and  note  ;  alli- 
ance with  the  Christians,  401. 

Othman  Ibn  Abi  Nesah,  Amir,  i. 
424. 

Ottoman  Turks,  empire  of,  ii. 
444. 


P. 


Padebbobx,  the  assembly  at,  iL 
121,  122. 

Pampeluna  ravaged  by  Charle- 
magne, ii.  132. 

Pedro,  the  Cruel,  king  of  Castile, 
assassinates  the  Moorish  kins 
of  Granada,  who  had  placed 
himself  under  Pedro's  protec- 
tion, ii.  258. 

Pelayo,  i.  158  ;  his  little  band  in- 
creases, but  is  despised  by  the 
Moslemah,  398  ;  his  name  and 
character  a  rallying  point,  402  ; 
question  as  to  the  personality  of, 
396-399  ;  annihilates  the  Mos- 
lem force  at  Covadonga,  407- 
409  and  notes  ;  king  in  reality 
as  well  as  in  name,  411  ;  his 
death  and  establishment  of  the 
succession,  412  ;  his  burial- 
place,  412;  relics  of,  414  and 
notes. 

Feppin  of  Ijsnden,  mayor  of  the 
palace  to  Dasobert,  and  ancestor 
of  Charles  Martel,  i.  446. 

Peppin,  sumamed  Heristal,  father 
of  Charles  Martel,  i.  446. 

Peppin,  son  of  Charles  Martel, 
1.  448. 

Pharpar,  one  of  the  Scripture 
rivers  of  Damascus,  the  modem 
Phege,  i.  58. 

Philippe  le  Bel,  ii  438. 

Philoponus,  John,  intercedes  for 
the  Alexandrian  Library,  i.  52. 

Placidia,  sister  of  the  mnperor 
Honorius,  i.  97. 

•*  Poema  del  Cid,"  ii.  204. 

Poetry,  Spanish  Arabian,  ii.  845, 
846  ;  illustrations  of,  347,  850  ; 
its  defects,  348 ;  favorite  forms 
of, — the  Ghazele,  the  Eas- 
sidah,  and  the  Divan,  848, 
849  ;  impromptu  verses,  849  ; 
of  home,  351  ;  the  earlier  poe- 
try the  best,  852 ;  influence  on 
European  literature,  853  and 
notes. 

Poets  and  men  of  learning  highly 


492 


INDEX. 


esteemed  by  the  Spanish  ^rabs, 
iL  844. 

Prescott,  his  history  of  Spain,  ii. 
251  ;  unjust  critics  of  Moslem 
architecture  referred  to  by, 
420. 

Priestley,  ii.  882. 

Ptolemy,  Arabian  translations  of 
his  works,  iL  875  ;  the  astron- 
omy of  the  Arabs  based  upon 
his  system,  878. 

Pyrenees,  descrilied,  ii.  125,  126. 

Pythagoras,  iL  878. 


B. 

Raha,  mother  of  Abdu-r-rahm&n, 
ii.  83. 

Recaredo,  king  of  the  Ooths,  L 125 ; 
defeats  the  Franks,  126 ;  con- 
vokes the  third  Council  of  To- 
ledo, 127  and  note  ;  embraces 
the  Catholic  faith,  and  becomes 
the  first  Catholic  monarch  of 
S{>ain,  127,128  and  note;  his 
letter  to  the  Pope  and  the  pon- 
tiffs reply,  131  ;  his  great  work, 
132  ;  his  pen-portmit  by  Isidor, 
133. 

Recciario,  king  of  the  Suevi,  i. 
99. 

Recesuinto,  king  of  the  Goths, 
annuls  the  law  prohibiting  in- 
termarriages, L  140. 

Rising  of  the  Christians  in  the 
Asturias,  i.  889 ;  condition  of  the 
Christian  fugitives,  392,  898; 
el  pensamiento  grande,  394  and 
note ;  nebulous  account  of,  i. 
895  ;  effects  of  the  combination, 
410 ;  the  Christians  advance 
slowly  but  surely,  41 2. 

Roderik,  Bon,  usurps  the  Gothic 
throne,  i.  154 ;  doubtful  lineage, 
155  and  notes ;  circumstances 
of  his  accession,  156  ;  his  per- 
sonality and  character,  157,  158 
and  note  ;  his  torpor,  158  ;  his 
plans  and  views  regarding  the 


impending  invasion,  209 ;  un- 
prepared to  meet  the  invaders^ 
245  ;  his  active  measures  for  de- 
fence, 246,  248  ;  his  army  vari- 
ously estimated,  246,  247  and 
notes  ;  his  uncertain  fate,  270- 
275  and  notes. 

Rodrigo  Diaz,  the  Cid  Campeador, 
legends  concerning,  iL  203,  204 ; 
accepted  as  a  historic  person- 
age, 205  ;  his  {larentage,  206  ; 
avenges  the  insult  done  to  his 
father,  207  ;  his  growing  repu- 
tation, 207  ;  receives  the  title 
of  Cid  at  Zamora,  208,  209 ;  as- 
sists Sancho  in  consolidating 
the  Christian  power,  209  ;  puts 
king  Alfonso  upon  his  oath, 
210  ;  the  theatre  of  his  exploits, 
211,  212  and  note ;  succors  Cas- 
tile, and  is  banished  for  his  pains, 
218 ;  his  golden  opportunity, 
218,  214 ;  marches  to  Saragos- 
sa,  215  ;  recalled  by  Alfonso, 
215 ;  is  again  sus{)ected,  215  ; 
his  generous  treatment  of  Connt 
Ramon,  215  ;  incurs  the  jeal- 
ousy of  Alfonso,  217  and  note; 
captures  Valencia,  219 ;  his 
treatment  of  the  inhabitants, 
219-222  ;  his  vengeance  on  the 
rebel  Ibn  Jehaf;  223  ;  his  death, 
224  ;  his  remains,  225  ;  a  peer- 
less hero  in  history,  226  ;  oojre 
del  Cid,  402. 

Bois  fainiantSy  L  446  and  note. 

Roland,  slain  in  the  pass  of  Ron- 
cesvalles,  iL  188  and  note; 
legends  concerning^  140-142 
and  notes. 

Roman  names,  L  108. 

Romulus  Augustulus,  last  Roman 
emperor,  i.  109. 

Roncesvalles,  the  pass  of,  iL  126^ 
127;  the  "dolorous  rout"  of, 
188-138  and  notes  ;  the  roman- 
tic legend,  133,  134  ;  r^  re- 
mains of  the  event,  142,  143 
and  note ;  its  results,  146, 
147. 

Riim  (Romanos),  i.  98. 


INDEX. 


493 


s. 


Sahra,  a  district  of  Western 
Africa,  i.  69. 

Saleh,  Moslem  general,  captures 
Meruan,  i.  70. 

Saliau  Franks,  L  109  ;  they  occu- 
py Burgundy,  114. 

SuLcho  II. ,  eldest  son  of  Fernando 
I.,  despite  his  father's  testa- 
ment succeeds  in  consolidating 
the  Christian  empire,  ii.  208, 
209  ;  murdered  at  the  instance 
of  his  sister  Urraca,  210. 

Sangiar,  plain  of,  ii.  377. 

Santa  Fe,  the  city  of,  ii.  268. 

Saragossa,  its  Koman  origin,  i.  84 ; 
siege  and  capture  hy  Musa  and 
Tank,  337,  338  ;  ii  130. 

Schang-kaow,  Chinese  mathema- 
tician, ii.  373. 

Schools  attached  to  mosques,  ii. 
281. 

Science  successfully  cultivated  in 
every  de^mrtmeut  by  the  Arabs, 
ii.  391,  392  and  notes. 

Separation  of  Moslem  Spain  from 
the  £ast»  philosophy  of,  ii. 
59. 

Serrano,  ii.  449. 

Seville,  its  revolt  and  fate,  i.  319. 

Shalubin,  Andalusian grammarian, 
iL  340. 

Shiites  (Shiy  a  ^es),  general  ap- 
pellation of  Moslem  heretical 
seots,  i.  48  and  note  ;  55. 

Sidonius  ApoUinaris,  L  103  and 
note. 

Sigerico,  a  Gothic  chief,  i.  94. 

Sighebert  and  Brunehilda,  i.  116. 

Sinderedo,  Archbishop  of  Toledo, 
1.  150,  151  and  notes. 

Social  customs  of  the  Spanish 
Arabs,  ii.  296-318  ;  a  typical 
mansion,  308-31 0  ;  eating  and 
drinking,  310  ;  costumes  of  the 
men,  311-314;  the  clothing 
of  women,  314,  315;  arms  and 
armor,  315-317;  peculiar  claims 
of  some  of  their  cities,  317  ; 
their  treatment  of  Jews   and 


Christians,  ii.  327  ;  estimate  of 
women,  328. 

Sol,  daughter  of  the  Cid,  ii.  212. 

Sonnites,  the  generic  name  of  the 
orthodox  sects  of  Mohamme- 
dans, i.  48,  55. 

Soto,  Fernando  de,  ii.  445. 

Spain  as  a  Koman  province,  i.  88  ; 
condition  of,  under  Moslem  rule, 
385,  386 ;  colonists  pour  into, 
from  Arabia  and  Syria,  387  ;  dis- 
severed into  petty  kingdoms,  ii. 
190,  191. 

Spain,  Christian,  divisions  of  in  the 
eleventh  century,  ii.  206  ;  di- 
vided and  weakened  by  the  tes- 
tament of  Fernando  1.,  208; 
hopes  for  the  future  of,  449. 

Spanish  Arab  schools  and  profes- 
sorships, ii.  433,  434. 

Spanish  Arabs,  spirit  of  emulation 
which  impelled  them  to  rival  if 
not  excel  the  East,  ii.  296  ;  the 
moral  conquest  they  achieved  in 
Europe,  297  and  note. 

Spanish  language,  its  origin,  i.  410, 
ii.  341,  342 ;  indebted  to  the 
Arabic,  842-344. 

Suevi,  i.  88,  94  ;  in  Portugal,  98 ; 
embrace  Christianity,  99. 

Suleyman  succeeds  Al-Walid  in 
the  Ehalifate,  i.  357 ;  his  jeal- 
ousy of  Musa  and  revenge,  359, 
360  ;  his  death,  382,  383. 

Suleyman,  leader  of  the  revolt 
against  Al-muhdi,  ii.  187 ;  un- 
der him  the  Berbers  capture 
Cordova,  plunder  it,  and  mas- 
sacre the  inhabitants,  188  ;  he 
is  assassinated,  188, 

Suleyman  Ibn  al  Arabi,  his  revolt 
and  assassination,  ii.  149. 

Suleyman,  second  son  of  Abdu-r- 
rahmdn  I.,  ii.  166  and  note ;  re- 
bels against  Al-hakem  and  is 
slain,  166. 

Suleyman  Ibn  Yokdhan  Al  Arabi 
conspires  against  Abdu-r-rah- 
nian  L,  ii.  119,  120. 

Sus  al-Adani,  eastern  portion  of 
Western  Africa,  i.  68. 


494 


INDEX. 


Sua  al-Aksa,  western  portion  of 

Western  Africa,  i.  68. 
Swintila  elected  king  of  the  Gotha, 

i,  138. 
Sylvester  II.,  Pope,  and  the  Ara- 

bic  numerals,  ii.  370  and  note. 


T. 

Tamerlane,  ii.  iH. 

Tangiers,  threatened  by  Okbah,  i. 
61  ;  captured  by  Meruan,  77  ; 
described,  77. 

Tarif,  his  expedition,  i.  232.      «, 

Tank  el  Tuerto,  his  personality, 
i.  78  and  note  ;  appointed  to 
the  command  of  Tttngiers,  78  ; 
first  attack  on  Ceuta  repulsed, 
79  ;  appointed  to  command  the 
invading  army,  234  ;  his  omi- 
nous  dream,  235  ;  spot  of  his 
landing,  236  ^,  the  old  woman's 
prophecy,  238  ;  the  embarca- 
tion  and  landing  of  his  troops 
described,  238-241  ;  lands  his 
army  at  Dschebel-Tarik,  242  ; 
after  the  victory  at  Medina  Si- 
donia,  occupies  the  adjacent 
towns,  281,  282  ;  Muaa  orders 
him  to  remain  where  he  is,  282, 
283 ;  he  ventures  to  disobey, 
285,  286  ;  his  generals  concur, 
286  ;  movements  of  the  three  di- 
visions of  his  army,  288,  299  ; 
captures  Toledo,  293  ;  resolves 
to  leave  a  garrison  at  Toledo, 
801  ;  finds  the  table  of  Solo- 
mon, 301  ;  stratagem  to  guard 
his  claim  as  finder,  304  ;  makes 
Toledo  his  head-quarters,  305  ; 
is  ignominiously  treated  by  Mu- 
sa,  322--325  ;  is  superseded  and 
placed  in  arrest,  324,  325  ;  re- 
stored by  the  Khalif  to  his  com- 
mand, 326  ;  recalled  by  the 
Khalif,  342,  343;  arrives  be- 
fore Musa  at  Damascus,  and  is 
kindly  received  by  the  Khalif^ 
348  ;  his  address  and  acquittal, 
349 ;   hia  popularity  with  the 


Moslems,  361  and  note  ; 
into  obscuritv,  384. 

Tarraconensia,  i.  94. 

Tartaglia,  Italian  algebraist,  iL 
371. 

Tashefin  II.,  ii  202. 

Tishefin,  son  of  the  king  of  Mo- 
rocco, iL  233. 

Tchan-kong,  Chinese  emperor,  ii. 
878. 

Temam  Ibn  Alkamah,  his  propo- 
sition in  the  council  of  eighty, 
ii.  90  ;  chief  of  the  deputation 
to  Abdu-r-rahmdn,  91. 

Tendilla,  Count  of,  GoFemor  of 
Granada,  iL  271. 

Tha'lebah  elected  Amir,  ii.  42 ; 
Berber  conspiracy  against  him, 
43;  he  captures  ten  thousand 
of  the  insurgents,  43. 

Thebit  Ibn  Korr&h,  Arabian  alge- 
braist, laid  the  foundations  of 
Analjrtical  Geometry,  ii.  872. 

Theodomir  opposes  the  landing  of 
tiie  Moslem  invaders,  i.  244, 
245 ;  his  despatch  to  Roderik, 
245  ;  a  chief  of  the  fugitive 
Christians,  396. 

Theodoredo,  king  of  the  Visigoths, 
i.  102,  103. 

Theodorik,  king  of  the  Goths,  L 
103  ;  hia  pen-portrait,  104  ;  di- 
vision of  time,  104  ;  habits  of 
life,  105,  106 ;  death,  107. 

Theodoaia,  L  123. 

Thuabah,  Amir  of  Spain,  iL 
49. 

Tha'lebah  AliAmeli,  Arabian  gen- 
eral in  Africa,  iL  39. 

Toledo,  third  Council  of,  ita  pro- 
ceedinffs,  L  129  ;  as  itwaswneu 
taken  by  Tarik,  299,  300 ;  the 
rendezvous  of  the  crusaders 
against  the  Moslemah  in  Spain, 
iL  288. 

Tolosa,  Navas  de,  battle  of,  iL 
243-247 ;  chronicles  of  the 
event,  249. 

Torismund,  king  of  the  Groths,  L 
103  ;  habits  of  life,  105. 

Toulouse,  battle  o^  L  420. 


INDEX. 


495 


Touraine,  the  classic  fields  of,  ii. 

1,2. 
Tribes,  contendine,  ii.  151,  152. 
Turpin,  life  of  Charlemagne  by, 

iL  139,  140andDote. 


U. 

Ummetah,  ancestor  of  the  dy- 
nasty named  from  him,  i.  44, 
67. 

Urraca,  daughter  of  Fernando  I. 
u.  208,  210. 


V. 

Yalenoia,  its  importance,  ii. 
217 ;  strongholdof  the  Cid,  223, 
252  ;  reoccupied  after  his  death 
by  the  Almoravides,  252  ;' cap- 
tared  by  King  Jaime  of  Aragon, 
252. 

Vandols,  i.  89,  90,  94  ;  their 
origin,  90  and  note;  denai't 
from  Spain  into  Africa,  96  ;  tneir 
dominion  in  Africa,  98  ;  cross 
the  sea  from  Africa,  under  Gen- 
serik,  and  pillage  Rome,  i.  102. 

Yibar,  birthplace  of  the  Cid,  ii. 
206. 

Yisigoths,  the  Western  Goths,  i. 
91,  94. 


W. 

Waltd,  Gothic  chief,  L  94,  95. 

Walid  II. ,  Khalif,  his  immorality 
and  assassination,  ii.  62. 

Wamba  (the  Good),  king  of  the 
Goths,  i.  140  ;  his  election  to 
the  throne,  141,  142  and  note  ; 
his  visor  and  clemency,  142, 
143  ;  his  retirement,  144. 

Witiza,  king  of  the  Goths,  L  147, 
148 ;  his  licentiousness,   150 
recalls  the  Jews,  150  and  note 
defies  the  pope,  150  and  note 
his  impious  edicty  151  and  note 


attempts  to  extirpate  the  family 
of  Chindasuinto,  152  ;  disman- 
tles the  fortresses,  153  and 
note  ;  mysteriously  disappears, 
154  ;  duplicity  of  his  sons,  161, 
162;  his  defence,  165-167. 

Women,  Mohammedan  estimate 
of,  ii.  828,  829  ;  polygamy  and 
profligacy,  330  ;  divorce,  330  ; 
women  better  treated  in  Moslem 
Spain  than  in  other  Moham- 
medan countries,  332. 

World,  the  Old,  and  the  New,  ii. 
444,  445. 


X. 

XiM£NA,  wife  of  the  Cid,  iL  207  ; 
her  heroism,  224. 

Ximenes,  Rodrigo,  Archbishop  of 
Toledo,  historian  of  the  Holy 
War,  ii.  239  ;  valor  at  the  battle 
of  the  Navas  de  Tolosa,  244. 

Ximenes,  Cardinal,  iL  367)  note ; 
his  destruction  of  Arabic  books, 
iL  438,  439. 


Y. 

YahFyah  Ibn  Salmam  Al-Zelbi 
succeeds  Anbassah  in  the  Amir- 
ate,  i.  424  ;  after  a  rule  of  six 
months,  is  dejposed,  424. 

Ydhub,  sultan  of  the  Beni  Merines, 
ii.  255. 

Yahya  (wizir  of  Abdu-r-rahm&n 
III.),  medical  author,  iL  389. 

Yezid,  a  son  of  Abu  Sufyan,  ap- 
pointed to  lead  the  Moslemah 
a^inst  Damascus,  i.  45. 

Yezid,  son  of  Mumerayah,  be- 
sieges Constantinople,  i.  60. 

Yezid,  Khalif,  L  417. 

Yezid  III.  (the  Curtailer),  Khalif, 
alienates  the  troops  and  people, 
iL  62  ;  dies  of  the  plagne,  63. 

Yusuf  al-Fehri  chosen  Amir  for 
one  year,  ii.  60  ;  refuses  to  re- 
sign   the    authority,    51 ;   his