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OF bebuk; of naplbs; of histoby at madbid, bto. 

" ConffMte cumulantar opes, orbUque rapinaa 

Cia.UDiAii, In Baf. lib. i. t. 194. 
" So color de rdlckm 
Tan a boscar piata y oxo 
Del cncnbierto teeoro." 

Lora na VaoA, El NneTo Hondo, Jom. 1. 



VOL. IIL ^^'l'^%:!i^ 



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ArriYal of Vaca de Castro . 4 

Difficulties of his Situation 5 

He assnmes the GoYemment 6 

Ahnagro strengthens himself at Lima ..... 7 

Massacre of Bishop ValYerde 8 

His fanatical Character 8 

Irresolution of Almagro 9 

Death of Juan deBada 11 

Almagro occupies Cuzco 12 

Puts to Death Garda de AlYarado 13 

His energetic Operations 13 

He Yainly attempts to negotiate 15 

His Address to his Troops 15 

Amount of his Forces 16 

Marches against Vaca de Castro r • 17 

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Progress of the Governor 18 

His politic ManBgement 19 

Reaehes Lima 20 

Musters his Army at Xanxa 20 

Declines the aid of Gonzalo Pizarro 22 

Negotiates with Almagro 23 

His Terms rejected 24 

Occupies the Plains of Chupas 24 

Advance of Almagro 25 

The Governor forms in Order of Battle 26 

Addresses the Soldiers 27 

Dispositions of Almagro 28 

Francisco de Carbajal 28 

He leads the Royal Army 28 

Bloody Conflict 30 

Bravery of Carbajal 32 

Night overtakes the Combatants ...... 32 

Ahnagro's Army gives Way 34 

His heroic Effbrts 34 

He is made Prisoner 35 

Number of the Slain 36 

Execution of Almagro 38 

His Character 38 

Gronzalo Pizarro at Cuzco 39 

Laws for the Government of the Colonies . . . .41 

Wise Conduct of Vaca de Castro 41 




Forlorn Condition of the Natives 44 

Brutal Conduct of the Conquerors 45 

Thar riotous Waste 46 

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Remonstrances of Grovemment ,49 

Humane Efforts of Las Casas 50 

Boyal Ordinances 52 

Viceroy and Audience for Peru 53 

Great Commotion in the Colonies 55 

Anxiety of Vaoa de Castro 56 

Colonists apply to Gonzalo Pizarro 56 

Blasco Nunez Vela, the Viceroy 57 

He arrives in the New World 59 

His high-handed Measures . 59 

The Country thrown into Consternation 60 

Gonzalo Pizarro repairs to Cnzco 62 

Assumes the Titie of Procurator 62 

His ambitious Views ...... .62 




Blasco Nufiez, the Viceroy, enters Lima . . . . . 64 

His impolitic Behaviour . • 65 

Discontent of the Colonists 66 

Gonzalo Pizarro assembles an Army 66 

Marches from Cuzco 67 

Death of the Inca Manco 68 

Hesitation of Gonzalo Pizarro . . .... 70 

Re-assured by Popular Favour 70 

Suspicious Temper of the Viceroy ' 71 

He confines Vaca de Castro 72 

He prepares for War 72 

Audience arrive at Lima 73 

Disapprove of the Viceroy's Proceedings 74 

Murder of Suarez de Carbajal 75 

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Till C0VTENT8. 


Rash Design of the Viceroy ... ... 77 

Thwarted by the Audience 77 

Made Prisoner in his Palace .78 

Sent back to Spain .... ... 79 

(jronzalo Pizarro claims the Goyemment 80 

Cruelties of Carbajal ..... ... 81 

Audience granted Pizarro's demands . - . . .82 

His triumphant Entry into Lima 88 

Proclaimed Governor 83 

Rejdcings of the People 83 



GoDzalo Pizarro establishes his Authority .... 85 

Vaca de Castro escapes to Spain 86 

Is there thrown into Confinement 87 

The Viceroy Blasco Nunez set on Shore 88 

Musters a force at San Miguel 89 

Gonzalo marches against him 90 

Surprises him by Night . 91 

Pursues him across the Mountains 92 

Terrible Sufferings of the Armies . . . . .93 

Disaffection among the Viceroy's Followers .... 95 

He puts several Cavaliers to Death 95 

Enters Quito 96 

Driven onward to Popayan 98 

Reinforced by Benalcazar . . .... 98 

Stratagem of Pizarro 99 

Blasco Nunez approaches Quito 100 

Attempts to surprise Gronzalo Pizarro 101 

Determines to give him Battle .... . . 102 

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Addresses his Troops . 103 

Inferiority of his Forces 104 

Battle of Anaquito 104 

The Viceroy defeated 106 

Slain on the Field 108 

Great Slaughter of his Troops 108 

Character of Blasoo Nufiez 109 

Difficulty of his Position . . . . . . 109 

Moderation of Gmizalo Piaarro 110 

His Triumphant Progiress to lima 112 

Undisputed Master of Pera 113 

Carbajal's Pursuit of Centeno 114 

He works the Mines of Potosf 1 15 

State assumed by Pizarro 116 

Urged to shake off his Allegiance 117 

His Hesitation 118 

Critical Notices of Herrera and Gromara 119 

Life and writings of Oviedo 120 

And of Cieza de Leon 122 

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Consternation produced in Spain 127 

Embarrassments of the Government 128 

Conciliatory Measures adopted 130 

Pedro de la GkuMsa 130 

Account of his early Life 130 

Selected for the Peruvian Mission 133 

Receives the Li junctions of Government 1 35 

Demands unlimited Powers 135 

Granted by the Emperor 137 

Refuses a Bishopric 138 

Sails from San Lucar 139 

State of things in Peru 140 

Gasca arrives at Nombre de Dios 141 

His plain and unpretending Demeanour 141 

He gains over Mexia • 142 

Cautious Reception of him by Hinojosa 143 

He distributes Letters through the Country . . . .145 

Communicates with Gonzalo Pizarro 145 

His Letters to him and Cepeda 146 

He is detained at Panama 148 

Refuses to employ violent Measures 148 

Secret Anxiety of Pizarro 149 

He sends Aldana to Spain 150 

Interview of Aldana with Gasca 153 

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He embraces the Royal Canse 153 

Hinojofla surrenden the Fleet to Gasca 154 

6a8ca'8 temperate Policy sacoeeds 155 



Gasca seeks Supplies of Men and Money .... 156 

Aldana sent with a Squadron to Lima 157 

Influence of Gasca's Proclamations 157 

Change of Sentiment in the Country 157 

Letter of Gasca to Pizarro 158 

Different Views of Carbajal and Cepeda 159 

Centeno seizes Cuzco for the Crown 161 

GK)nzalo's active Measures 161 

Splendid Equipment of his Army 162 

He becomes suspidous and violent 164 

Solemn Faroe of Cepeda 165 

Aldana arrives off Lima 166 

Gonzalo's Followers desert to him 168 

Perplexity of that Chief 169 

He marches out of Lima 170 

Tempestuous Voyage of Gasca 171 

He lands at Tumbez 172 

Encamps at Xauxa 173 

Gonzalo resolves to retire to Chili 174 

Centeno intercepts him 174 

Pizarro advances to Lake Titicaca 175 

The two Armies approach Huarina .... 176 

Inferiority of the rebel Army 177 

CarbajaTs Arquebusiers 177 

Battle of Huarina 179 

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Centeno's Cayalxy bear down all before them . . 181 

Critical Situation of Pizarro 182 

Carbajal's Musketeers retrieye the Day 183 

Decisiye Victory of the Rebels 184 

Great Loss on both Sides 185 

Escape of Centeno 186 

Gonzalo Pizarro enters Cuzeo in Triumph 187 



Consternation in the royal Camp 189 

Energetic Measures of the President 190 

He marches to Andaguaylas 191 

Joined by Yaldiria from Chili 191 

Excellent Condition of Gasca's Troops 193 

He sets out for Cuzco 194 

Difficult Passage of the Andes 194 

He throws a Bridge oyer the Aporimac 195 

Great Hazard in crossing the Riyer 197 

Dangerous Ascent of the Sierra 198 

He encamps on the Heights 199 

Gonzalo Pizarro's careless Indifference 199 

Wise Counsel of Carbajal 200 

Rejected by his Commander 201 

Aoosta detached to guard the Passes 208 

Tardy Moyements of that Officer 208 

Valley of Xaquixaguana 204 

Selected as a Battle-ground by Pizarro 205 

Gonzalo takes up a Position there 205 

Approach of the Royal Army 206 

Skirmish on the Heights 207 

The President fears a Night Attack 208 

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The Armies drawn np in Battle-array 
CMvalrous bearing of Gonzalo 
Desertion of Cepeda .... 
His Example followed by others 
▲ Panic seizes the rebel Troops 
They break np and disperse 
Hzarro surrenders himself Prisoner * 
Sternly receiyed by Gasca 
Capture of Carbajal . • . . 




(Gxeat Booty of the Victors 219 



Sentence passed on the Prisoners 221 

Indifference of Carbajal 222 

Wa Execution 223 

His early Life 223 

Atrocities committed by him in Pern 225 

His caustic Repartees 225 

His military Science 226 

Execution of Cronzalo Pizarro 227 

His Conduct on the Scaffold .... . . 228 

Confiscation of his Estates 230 

His early History 231 

His brilliant Exterior 231 

His Want of Education 233 

Fate of Cepeda . . 233 

And of Gonzalo's Officers .' 234 

Gasca occupies Cuzco . • 235 

Gasca*s Difficulty in apportioning Rewards . . .235 

His Letter to the Army 237 

Value of Repartimientos 238 

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Murman of the Soldiery 239 

The Presideiit goes to Liina 240 

His Care for the Natives 242 

He abolishes Slavery in the Colonies 243 

Introduces wholesome Reforms 243 

Tranquillity restored to the Country 244 

He refuses numerous Presents 246 

Embarks for Panama 247 

His narrow Escape there 248 

Sails from Nombre de Dios . . . . . . 248 

Arrives with his Treasure at Seville 248 

Graciously received by the Emperor 249 

Made Bishop of Siguenza . 249 

His Death 250 

His personal Appearance 251 

Admirable Balance of his Qualities 252 

His Common Sense 253 

His Rectitude and Moral Courage 258 

ConcludiDg Reflections . . 254 

Critical Notice of Zarate 257 

Life and Writings of Fernandez 259 

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Description of the Inca's Progresses 265 

Account of the great Peruvian tload 266 

Policy of the Incas in their Conquests 267 

Will of Mancio Sierra Lejesema 270 

Interriew between Pedrarias and Aimagro .... 272 ' 

Contract of Pizarro with Ahnagro and Luque . . 274 

Capitulation of Pizarro with the Queen 279 

Accounts of Atahuallpa's Seizure 286 

Personal Habits of Atahuallpa 291 

Accounts of Atahuallpa's Execution 294 

Contract between Pizarro and Ahnagro 298 

Letter of Aimagro the Younger to the Audience . . .301 

Letter of the Municipality of Arequipa to Charles the Fifth . 304 

Sentence passed on Gonzalo Pizarro 307 

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The first step of the conspirators, after securing possession 
of the capital, was to send to the different cities, proclaiming 
the reyolution which had taken place, and demanding the 
recognition of the young Almagro as governor of Peru. 
Where the summons was accompanied by a military force, 
as at Truzillo and Arequipa, it was obeyed without much 
cayil. But in other cities a colder assent was giyen, and in 
some the requisition was treated with contempt. In Cuzco, 
the place of most importance next to Lima, a considerable 
number of the Almagro faction secured the ascendancy of 
their party ; and such of the magistracy as resisted were 

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ejected from their offices to make room for others of a more 
accommodating temper. But the loyal inhabitants of the 
city, dissatisfied with this proceeding, privately sent to one 
of Pizarro's captains, named Alvarez de Holguin, who lay 
with a considerable force in the neighbom'hood ; and that 
officer, entering the place, soon dispossessed the new digni- 
taries of their honours^ and restored the ancient capital to 
its allegiance. « 

The conspirators experienced a still more determined 
opposition from Alonso de Alvarado, one of the principal 
captains of Pizarro, — defeated, as the reader will remember, 
by the elder Almagro at the bridge of Abancay,-— and now 
lying in the north with a corps of about two hmidred men, 
as good troops as any in the land. That officer, on receiving 
tidings of his general's assassination, instantly wrote to the 
Licentiate Yaca de Castro, advising him of the state of 
affairs in Peru, and urging him to quicken his march towards 
the south.* 

This functionary had been sent out by the Spanish Crown, 
as noticed in a preceding chapter, to co-operate with Pizarro 
in restoring tranquillity to the country, with authority to 
assume the government himself, in case of that commander's 
death. After a long and tempestuous voyage, he had 
landed, in the spring of 1541, at the port of Buena Ventura, 
and, disgusted with the dangers of the sea, preferred to 

• Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xiii. — ^Herrera^ Hist. General, 
dec. vi. lib. x. cap. vii. — Declaracion de Uscategiii, MS. — Carta del 
Maestro, Martin de Arauco, MS. — Carta de Fray Vicente Valverde, desde 
Tumbez, MS. 

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continue his wearisome journey bj land. But so enfeebled 
was he bj the hardships he had undergone, that it was full 
three months before he reached Popayan, where he received 
the astounding tidings of the death of Pizarro. This was 
the contmgency which had been provided for, with such 
judicious forecast, in his instructions. Yet he was sorely 
perplexed by the difficulties of his situation. He was a 
stranger in the land, with a very imperfect knowledge of the 
country, without an armed force to support him, without 
even the military science which might be supposed necessary 
to avail himself of it. He knew nothing of the degree of 
Almagro's influence, or of the extent to which the insurrec- 
tion had spread, — ^nothing, in short, of the dispositions of the 
people among whom he was cast. 

In such an emergency, a feebler spirit might have listened 
to the counsels of those who advised to return to Panama, 
and stay there until he had mustered a sufficient force to 
enable him to take the field against the insurgents with 
advantage. But the courageous heart of Vaca de Castro 
shrunk from a step which would proclaim his incompetency 
to the task ^assigned him. He had confidence in his own 
resources, and in the virtue of the commission under which 
he acted. He relied, too, on the habitual loyalty of the 
Spaniards ; and after mature deliberation, he determined to 
go forward, and trust to events for accomplishing the objects 
of his mission. 

He was confirmed in this purpose by the advices he now 
received from Alvarado ; and without longer delay, he con- 
tinued his march towards Quito. Here he was well received 

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by Gonzalo Pizarro's lieutenant, who had charge of the 
place during hiB commander's absence on his expedition to 
the Amazon. The licentiate was also joined by Benalcazar, 
the conqueror of Quito, who brought a small reinforcement, 
and offered personally to assist him in the prosecution of 
his enterprise. He now displayed the royal commission, 
empowering him, on Pizarro's death, to assume the govern- 
ment. The contingency had arrived, and Vaca de Castro 
declared his purpose to exercise the authority conferred on 
him. At the same time, he sent emissaries to the principal 
cities, requiring their obedience to him as the lawful repre- 
sentative of the Crown, — ^taking care to employ discreet 
persons on the mission, whose character would have weight 
with the citizens. He then continued his march slowly 
towards the south.* 

He was willing by his deliberate movements to give time 
for his summons to take effect, and for the fermentation 
caused by the late extraordinary events to subside. He 
reckoned confidently on the loyalty which made the Spaniard 
unwilling, unless in cases of the last extremity, to come 
into collision with the royal authority ; and, however much 
this popular sentiment might be disturbed by temporary 
gusts of passion, he trusted to the habitual current of their 

* Herrera, Hist. General, dec. tI. lib. x. cap. iv. — Carta de Benalcazar 
al Emperador^ desde Cali, MS.^ 20 Septiembre, 1542. Benalcazar urged 
Vaca de Castro to assume only the title of Judge, and not that of Governor, 
which would conflict with the pretension's of Almagro to that part of the 
country known as New Toledo, and bequeathed to him by his father. 
^ Porque yo le ayise muchas veces no entrase en la tierra como Govemador, 
sino como Juez de Y. M. que venia & desagraviar i, los agrayiados, porque 
todoe lo rescibiiian de buena gana."" — Ubi supra. 

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feelings for giving the people a right direction. In this he 
did not miscalculate ; for so deep-rooted was the principle 
of loyalty in the ancient Spaniard, that ages of oppression 
and misrule could alone have induced him to shake off his 
allegiance. Sad it is, hut not strange, that the length of 
time passed under a had government has not qualified him 
for devising a good one. 

While these events were passing in the north* Almagro's 
faction at Lima was daily receiving new accessions of 
strength. For, in addition to those who, from the first, 
had heen avowedly of his father's party, there were many 
others who, from some cause or other, had conceived a 
disgust for Pizarro, and who now willingly enlisted under 
the hanner of the chief that had overthrown him. 

The first step of the young general, or rather of Kada, 
who directed his movements, was to secure the necessary 
supplies for the troops, most of whom, having long heen in 
indigent circumstances, were wholly unprepared for service. 
Funds to a considerahle amount were raised, hy seizmg on 
the moneys of the Crown in the hands of the treasurer. 
Pizarro's secretary, Picado, was also drawn from his prison, 
and interrogated as to the place where his master's treasures 
were deposited. But, although put to the torture, he would 
not — or, as is prohahle, could not — give information on the 
suhject ; and the conspirators, who had a long arrear of 
injuries to settle with him, closed their proceedings hy 
puhlicly heheading him in the great square of Lima.* 

* Ped. Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. — 
Carta de Fray Vicente Yalverde, desde Tumbez, MS. 

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Yalyerde, Bishop of Cuzco, as he himself assures us, 
vainly interposed in his behalf. It is singular, that, the 
last time this fanatical prelate appears on the stage, it 
should be in the benevolent character of a supplicant for 
mercy.* Soon afterwards he was permitted, with the 
judge, Velasquez, and some other adherents of Pizarro, to 
embark from the port of Lima. We have a letter from 
him, dated Tumbez, in November, 1541 ; almost imme- 
diately after which he fell into the hands of the Indians, 
and, with his companions, was massacred at Punl A 
violent death not unfrequently closed the stormy career of 
the American adventurer. Yalverde was a Dominican friar, 
and, like Father Olmedo in the suite of Cortes, had been by 
his commander's side throughout the whole of his expedition. 
But he did not always, like the good Olmedo, use his 
influence to stay the uplifted hand of the warrior. At least, 
this was not the mild aspect in which he presented himself 
at the terrible massacre of Caxamalca. Yet some contem- 
porary accounts represent him, after he had been installed 
in his episcopal office, as unwearied in his labours to convert 
the natives, and to ameliorate their condition ; and his own 
correspondence with the government, after that period, 
shows great solicitude for these praiseworthy objects. 

* " Siendo informado que andavan ordenando la muerte & Antonio 
Picado secretario del Marques que tenian preso, fui & Don Diego 6 & su 
Capitan General Joan de Herrada € d todos sus capitanes, i les puse delante 
el servicio de Dios i de S. M. i que bastase en lo fecho por respeto de Dios, 
humillandome & sus pies porque no lo matasen : i no bastd que luego dende 
& pocos dias lo sacaron 6, la plaza desta cibdad donde le cortaron la cabeza.** 
— Carta de Fray Vicente de Valverde, desde Tumbez, MS. 

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Trained in the severest school of monastic discipline, whieh 
top often closes the heart against the common charities of 
life, he could not, like the henevolent Las Casas, rise so far 
ahove its fanatical tenets as to regard the heathen as his 
brother, while in the state of infidelity ; and, in the true 
spirit of that school, he doubtless conceived that the sanctity 
of the end justified the means, however revolting in them- 
selves. Yet the same man, who thus freely shed the blood 
of the poor native to secure the triumph of his faith, would 
doubtless have as freely poured out his own in its defence. 
The character was no uncommon one in the sixteenth 

Almagro's followers, having supplied themselves with 
funds, made as little scruple to appropriate to their own 
use such horses and arms of every description, as they could 
find in the city. And this they did with the less reluctance, 
as the inhabitants for the most part testified no good- will to 
their cause. While thus employed, Almagro received intel- 
ligence that Holguin had left Cuzco with a force of near 
three hundred men, with which he was preparing to effect a 
junction with Alvarado in the north. It was important to 
Almagro's success that he should defeat this junction. If 
to procrastinate was the policy of Yaca de Castro, it was 

• ** Quel Senor obispo Fray Vicente de Valverde como persona que 
jamas ha tenido fin ni zelo al servicio de Dies ni de S. M. ni menos en la 
conTenion de lot natnrales en los poner ^ dotrinar en las cosas de nuestra 
santa f^e catholica, ni menos en entender en la paz 6 sosiego destos reynos, 
sine d BUS interescs propios dando mal ejemplo k todos." (Carta de Almagro 
6 la Audiencia de Panam^, MS., 8 de Nov. 1541.) The writer^ it must 
be remembered, was his personal enemy. 

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clearly that of Almagro to quicken operations, and to bring 
matters to as speedy an issue as possible ; to march at once 
against Holguin, whom he might expect easily to orercome 
with his superior numbers ; then to follow up the stroke by 
the still easier defeat of Alvarado, when the new governor 
would be, in a manner, at his mercy. It would be easy to 
beat these several bodies in detail, which, once united, would 
present formidable odds. Almagro and his party had already 
arrayed themselves against the government by a proceeding 
too atrocious, and which struck too directly at the royal 
authority, for its perpetrators to flatter themselves with the 
hopes of pardon. Their only chance was boldly to follow up 
the blow, and, by success, to place themselves in so formi- 
dable an attitude as to excite the apprehensions of govern- 
ment. The dread of its too potent vassal might extort 
terms that would never be conceded to his prayers. 

But Almagro and his followers shrunk from this open 
collision with the Crown. They had taken up rebellion 
because it lay in their path, not because they had wished it. 
They had meant only to avenge their personal wrongs on 
Pizarro, and not to defy the royal authority. When, 
therefore, some of the more resolute, who followed things 
fearlessly to their consequences, proposed to march at once 
against Yaca de Castro, and by striking at the head, settle 
the contest by a blow, it was almost universally rejected ; 
and it -was not till after a long debate that it was finally 
determined to move against Holguin, and cut off his com- 
munication with Alonso de Alvarado. 

Scarcely had Almagro commenced his march on Xauxa, 

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where he proposed to give battle to his enemy, than he met 
with a severe misfortune in the death of Juan de Rada. 
He was a man somewhat advanced in years ; and the late 
exciting scenes, in which he had taken the principal part, 
had been too much for a frame greatly shattered by a life 
of extraordinary hardship. He was thrown into a fever, of 
which he soon after died. By his death Almagro sustained 
an inestimable loss ; for, besides his devoted attachment to 
his young leader, he was, by his large experience, and his 
cautious though courageous character, better qualified than 
any other cavalier in the army to conduct him safely 
through the stormy sea on which he had led him to 

Among the cavaliers of highest consideration after Rada's 
death, the two most aspiring were Ohristoval de Sotelo, 
and Garcia de Alvarado ; both possessed of considerable 
military talent, but the latter marked by a bold, pre- 
sumptuous manner, which might remind one of his illustrious 
namesake, who achieved much higher renown imder the 
banner of Cortes. Unhappily, a jealousy grew up between 
these two officers ; that jealousy, so common among the 
Spaniards, that it may seem a national characteristic ; an 
impatience of equality, founded on a false principle of 
honour, which has ever been the fruitful source of faction 
among them, whether under a monarchy or a republic. 

This was peculiarly unfortimate for Almagro, whose 
inexperience led him to lean for support on others, and 
who, in the present distracted state of his council, knew 
scarcely where to turn for it. In the delay occasioned by 

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these disfiensions, his little army did Dot reach the yallej 
of Xauxa till after the enemy had passed it. Almagro 
followed close, leaving behind his baggage and artillery 
that he might move the lighter. But the golden oppor- 
tunity was lost. The rivers, swollen by autumnal rains, 
impeded his pursuit ; and, though his light troops came 
up with a few stragglers of the rear-guard, Holguin 
succeeded in conducting his forces through the dangerous 
passes of the mountains, and in effecting a junction with 
Alonso de Alvarado, near the northern seaport of Huaura. 

Disappointed in his object, Almagro prepared to march 
on Cuzco, — ^the capital, as he regarded it, of his own juris- 
diction, — ^to get possession of that city, and there make 
preparations to meet his adversary in the field. Sotelo was 
sent forward with a small corps in advance. He expe- 
rienced no opposition from the now defenceless citizens ; 
the government of the place was again restored to the 
hands of the men of Chili, and their young leader soon 
appeared at the head of his battalions, and established his 
winter-quarters in the Inca capital. 

Here, the jealousy of the rival captains broke out into 
an open feud. It was ended by the death of Sotelo, 
treacherously assassinated in his own apartment by Garcia 
de Alvarado. Almagro, greatly outraged by this atrocity, 
was the more indignant, as he felt himself too weak to 
punish the offender. He smothered his resentment for the 
present, affecting to treat the dangerous officer with more 
distinguished favour. But Alvarado was not the dupe of 
this specious behaviour. He felt that he had forfeited the 

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confidence of his commander. In reyenge, he laid a plot to 
betray him ; and Ahnagro, driyen to the necessity of self- 
defence, imitated the example of his officer, by entering 
his house with a party of armed men, who, laying yiolent 
hands on the insurgent, slew him on the spot.* 

This irregular proceeding was followed by the best conse- 
quences. The seditious schemes of Alyarado perished with 
him. The seeds of insubordination were eradicated, and 
from that moment Almagro experienced only implicit 
obedience and the most loyal support from his followers. 
From that hour, too, his own character seemed to be 
changed ; he relied far less on others than on himself, and 
deyeloped resources not to haye been anticipated in one of 
his years, for he had hardly reached the age of twenty- 
two, t From this time he displayed an energy and forecast, 
which proyed him, in despite of his youth, not unequal to 
the trying emergencies of the situation in which it was his 
unhappy lot to be placed. 

He instantly set about proyiding for the wants of his 
men, and strained eyery nerye to get them in good fighting 
order for the approaching campaign. He replenished his 
treasury with a large amount of silyer which he drew from 
the mines of La Plata. Saltpetre, obtained in abundance 
in the neighbourhood of Cuzco, furnished the material for 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zanite, Conq. del Peru, 
lib. iv. cap. x,-xiv. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. czlvii. — Declaracion 
de Uscategrui, MS. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, 
dec. vi. lib. z. cap. xiii. ; dec. vii. lib. iii. cap. i.-T. 

t " Hiqo mas que su edad requeria, porque seria de edad de reinte i 
doB anoB." — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xx. 

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gunpowder. He caused cannon, some of large dimensions, 
to be cast under the superintendence of Pedro de Candia, 
the Greek, who, it may be remembered, had first come into 
the country with Pizarro, and who, with a number of his 
countrymen, — Levantines, as they were called, — was well 
acquainted with this manufacture. Under their care fire- 
arms were made, together with cuirasses and helmets, in 
which silver was mingled with copper,* and of so excellent 
a quality, that they might vie, says an old soldier of the 
time, with those from the workshops of Milan.f Almagro 
received a seasonable supply, moreover, from a source 
scarcely to have been expected. This was from Manco, the 
wandering Inca, who, detesting the memory of Pizarro, 
transferred to the young Almagro the same friendly feelings 
which he had formerly borne to his father ; heightened, it 
may be, by the consideration that Indian blood flowed in 
the veins of the young commander. From this quarter 
Almagro obtained a liberal supply of swords, spears, shields, 
and arms and armour of every description, chiefly taken by 
the Inca at the memorable siege of Cuzco. He also re- 
ceived the gratifying assurance that the latter would support 

* ** Y demas de esto hi90 armas para la gente de 8u real, que no las 
tenia, de pasta deplata i cobre mezclado,de que salen muibuenos coseletes: 
haviendo corregido, demas de esto, todas las armas de la tierra ; de manera, 
que el que menos armas tenia entre su gente, era cota, i coradnas 6 
coselete, i celedas de la misma pasta, que los Indies hacen diestramente, 
por muestras de las de Mil^n/* — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xiv. 

f ^ Hombres de armas con tan buenas celadas borgofiesas como se bacen 
en Milan." — Carta de Ventura Beltran al Emperador^ MS., desde Vilcas, 
8 Octubre, 1542. 

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him with a detachment of native troops when he opened the 

Before making a final appeal to arms, however, Almagro 
resolved to try the efiect of negotiation with the new 
governor. In the spring, or early in the summer of 1542, 
he sent an emhassj to the latter, then at Lima, in which he 
deprecated the necessity of taking arms against an officer 
of the Crown. His only desire, he said, was to vindicate 
his own rights ; to secure the possession of New Toledo, the 
province hequeathed to him by his father, and from which 
he had been most unjustly excluded by Pizarro. He did 
not dispute the governor's authority over New Castile, as 
the country was designated wbich had been assigned to the 
Marquess ; and he concluded by proposing that each party 
should remain within his respective territory until the deter- 
mination of the Court of Castile could be made known to 
them. To this application, couched in respectful terms, 
Almagro received no answer. 

Frustrated in his hopes of a peaceful accommodation, the 
young captain now saw that nothing was left but the 
arbitrement of arms. Assembling his troops, preparatory 
to his departure from the capital, he made them a brief 
address. He protested that the step which he and his 
brave companions were about to take was not an act of 
rebellion against the Crown. It was forced on them by the 
conduct of the governor himself. The commission of that 
officer gave him no authority over the territory of New 
Toledo, settled on Almagro's father, and by his father 
bequeathed to him. If Yaca de Castro, by exceeding the 

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limits of his authority, drove him to hostilities, the hlood 
spilt in the quarrel would lie on the head of that com- 
mander, not on his. " In the assassination of Pizarro," he 
continued, ** we took that justice into our own hands which 
elsewhere was denied us. It is the same now, in our contest 
with the royal governor. We are as true-hearted and loyal 
suhjects of the Crown as he is." And he concluded hy 
invoking his soldiers to stand hy him heart and hand in the 
approaching contest, in which they were all equally interested 
with himself. 

The appeal was not made to an insensihle audience. 
There were few among th^m who did not feel that their 
fortunes were indissoluhly connected with those of their 
commander ; and whUe they had little to expect from the 
austere character of the governor, they were warmly attached 
to the person of their young chief, who, with all the popular 
qualities of his father, excited additional sympathy from the 
circumstances of his age and his forlorn condition. Laying 
their hands on the cross, placed on an altar raised for 
the purpose, the officers and soldiers severally swore to hrave 
every peril with Almagro, and remain true to him to the 

In point of numhers his forces had not greatly strength- 
ened since his departure from Lima. He mustered hut 
little more than five hundred in all ; hut among them were 
his father's veterans, well seasoned hy many an Indian cam- 
paign. He had ahout two hundred horse, many of them 
clad in complete mail, a circumstance not too common in 
these wars, where a stuffed doublet of cotton was often the 

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only panoply of the warrior. His infantry, formed of pike- 
men and arquebusiers, was excellently armed. But his 
strength lay in his heavy ordnance, consisting of sixteen 
pieces, eight large and eight smaller guns, or falconets, as 
they were called, forming, says one who saw it, a beautiful 
park of artillery, that would have made a brave show on the 
citadel of Burgos.* The little army, in short, though not 
imposing from its numbers, was under as good discipline, 
and as well appointed, as any that ever fought on the fields 
of Peru ; much better than any which Almagro*s own father 
or Pizarro ever led into the field and won their conquests 
with. Putting himself at the head of his gallant company, 
the chieftain sallied forth from the walls of Cuzco about 
midsummer, in 1542, and directed his march towards the 
coast, in expectation of meeting the enemy .f 

While the events detailed in the preceding pages were 
passing, Yaca de Castro, whom we left at Quito in the pre- 
ceding year, was advancing slowly towards the south. His 
first act, after leaving that city, showed his resolution to 
enter into no compromise with the assassins of Pizarro« 
Benalcazar, the distinguished officer whom I have mentioned 
as having early given in his adherence to him, had protected 
one of the principal conspirators, his personal friend, who 

* " El artilleria hera suficiente para hazer bateria en el castillo de 
Burgos." — Dicbo del Capitan Francisco de Carvajal sobre la pregunta 38 
de la informacion becba en el Cuzco en 1543, ^ favor de Yaca de^ 
Castro, MS. 

+ Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Declaracion de Uscategui, 
MS. — Garcilasso, Com. ResJ., parte ii. lib. ii. cap. xiii. — Carta del Cabildo; 
de Arequipa al Emperador, San Joan de la Frontera, MS., 24 de Sep. 1642. 
— ^Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vil lib. iii. cap. i. ii. 


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had come into his power, and had facilitated his escape. 
The govenior, indignant at the proceeding, would listen to 
no explanation, hut ordered the offending officer to return 
to his own district of Popajan. It was a hold step, in the 
precarious state of his own fortunes. 

As the governor pursued his march he was well receifed 
hy the people on the way ; and when he entered the cities 
of San Miguel and of Truxillo, he was welcomed with loyal 
enthusiasm hy the inhahitants, who readily acknowledged 
his authority, though they showed little alacrity to take 
their chance with him in the coming struggle* 

After lingering a long time in each of these places, he 
resumed his march and reached the camp of Alonso de 
Alyarado, at Huaura, early in 1542. Holguin had estab- 
lished his quarters at some little distance from his rival ; for 
a jealousy had sprung up, as usual, hetween these two cap- 
tains, who both aspired to the supreme command of Captain- 
General of the army. The office of governor, conferred on 
Yaoa de Castro, might seem to include that of commander- 
in-chief of the forces. But De Castro was a scholar, bred 
to the law ; and, whatever authority he might arrogate to 
himself in civil matters, the two captains imagined that the 
military department he would resign into the hands of 
others. They little knew the character of the man. 

Though possessed of no more military science than 
belonged to every cavalier in that martial age, the governor 
knew that to avow his ignorance, and to resign the manage- 
ment of affairs into the hands of others, would greatly impair 
his authority, if not bring him into contempt with the 

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turbulent spirits among whom he was now thrown. He had 
both sagacity and spirit, and trusted to be able to supply his 
own deficiencies by the experience of others. His position 
placed the services of the ablest men in the country at his 
disposals and with the aid of their counsels he felt quite 
competent to decide on his plan of operations, and to enforce 
the execution of it. He knew, moreover, that the only way 
to aUay the jealousy of the two parties in the present crisis 
was to assume himself the office which was the cause of 
their dissension. 

StUl he approached his ambitious officers with great 
caution ; and the representations, which he made through 
some judicious persons who had the most intimate access to 
them, were so successful, that both were in a short time 
prevailed on to relinquish their pretensions in his favour. 
Holguin, the more unreasonable of the two, then waited on 
him in his rival's quarters, where the governor had the 
further satisfaction to reconcile him to Alonso de Alvarado. 
It required some address, as their jealousy of each other had 
proceeded to such lengths that a challenge had passed 
between them. 

Harmony being thus restored, the licentiate passed over 

to Holguin *s camp, where he was greeted with salvoes of 

artillery, and loud acclamations of '* Viva el Eey ! " from 

the loyal soldiery. Ascending a platform covered with 

velvet, he made 6Xl animated harangue to the troops ; his 

commission was read aloud by the secretary ; and the little 

army tendered their obedience to him as the representative 

of the Crown. 

c 2 

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Yaca de Castxc's next step was to send off the greater 
part of his force in the direction of Xauxa, while, at the 
head of a small corps, he directed his march towards Lima. 
Here he was receired with lively demonstrations of joy hy 
the citizens, who were generally attached to the cause of 
Fizarro, the founder and constant patron of their capital. 
Indeed, the citizens had lost no time after Almagro's depar- 
ture in expelling his creatures from the municipality, and 
reasserting their allegiance. With these fayourable dis- 
positions towards himself, the goyemor found no difficulty in 
obtaining a considerable loan of money from the wealthier 
inhabitants. But he was less successful, at first, in his 
application for horses and arms, since the harvest had been 
too faithfully gleaned, already, by the men of Chili. As, 
however, he prolonged his stay some time in the capital, he 
obtained important supplies, before he left it, both of arms 
and ammunition, while he added to his force by a consider- 
able body of recruits.* , 

As he was thus employed, he received tidings that the 
enemy had left Cuzco, and was on his march towards the 
coast. Quitting Los Reyes, therefore, with his trusty 
followers, Yaca de Castro marched at once to Xauza, the 
appointed place of rendezvous. Here he mustered his 
forces, and found that they amounted to about seven hundred 
men. The cavalry, in which lay his strength, was superior 
in numbers to that of his antagonist, but neither so well 

* Declaracion de Uscategai, MS. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., 
MS. — Herrera, Hist. (General, dec. vii. lib. i. cap. L — Carta de Barrio 
Nuevo, MS. — Carta de Benalcazar al Emperadory MS, 

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mounted nor armed. It included many cavaliers of birth^ 
and well-tried soldiers, besides a number who, having great 
interests at stake, as possessed of large estates in the 
country, had left them at the call of government, to enlist 
under its banners.* His infantry, besides pikes, was indif- 
ferently well supplied with fire-arms ; but he had nothing 
to show in the way of artillery except three or four ill- 
mounted falconets. Yet, notwithstanding these deficiencies, 
the royal army, if so insignificant a force can deserve that 
name, was so far superior in numbers to that of his rival, 
that the one might be thought, on the whole, to be no 
unequal match for the other.f 

The reader, familiar with the large masses employed in 
European warfare, may smile at the paltry forces of the 
Spaniards* But in the New World, where a countless host 
of natives went for little, five hundred well-trained Europeans 
were regarded as a formidable body. No army, up to the 

* The municipality of Arequipo, most of whose memhen were present 
in the army, stoutly urge their claims to a compensation for thus promptly 
leaving their estates, and taking up arms at the call of goyemment. With- 
out such reward, they say, their patriotic example will not often he followed. 
The document, which is important for its historical details, may he found 
in the Castilian, in Appendix, No, 1 3. 

+ Pedro Pizarro, Descuh. y Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, 
lih. iv. cap. xv. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. Carhajal notices the politic 
manner in which his commander hribed recruits into his service, — paying 
them with promises and fair words when ready money failed him. " Dando 
k unos dineros, 6 & otros annas i cahallos, i k otros palabrss, i & otros 
promesas, i i otros graziosas respuestas de lo que con ^1 negoziabau, para 
tenerlos & todos muy conttentos i presttos en el servicio de S. M. quando 
fiiese menestter." — Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carhajal sohre la infer* 
maciou hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, i favor de Yaca de Castro, MS. 

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period before us, had ever risen to a tbousand. Yet it is 
not numbers, as I have already been led to remark, that 
giro importance to a conflict ; but the consequences that 
depend on it— 4he magnitude of the stake, and the skill and 
courage of the players. The more limited the means, eren, 
the greater may be the science shown in the use of them ; 
until, forgetting the poverty of the materials, we fix our 
attention on the conduct of the actors, and the greatness of 
the results. 

While at Xauxa, Yaca de Castro received an embassy 
from Gonzalo Pizarro, returned from his expedition from the 
"Land of Cinnamon," in which that chief made an offer of 
his services in the approaching contest. The governor's 
answer showed that he was not wholly averse to an accom* 
modation with Almagro, provided it could be effected with- 
out compromising the royal authority. He was willing, 
perhaps, to avoid the final trial by battle, when he considered 
that, from the equality of the contending forces, the issue 
must be extremely doubtful. He knew that the presence of 
Pizarro in the camp, the detested enemy of the Almagrians, 
would excite distrust in their bosoms that would probably 
baffle every effort at accommodation. Nor is it likely that 
the governor cared to have so restless a spirit introduced 
into his own councils. He accordingly sent to Gonzalo, 
thanking him for the promptness of his support, but cour- 
teously declined it, while he advised him to remain in his 
province, and repose after the fatigues of his wearisome 
expedition. At the same time, he assured him that he 
would not fail to call for his services when occasion required 

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it. The haughty caralier was greatly disguBted by the 

The goyernor now receiyed such aH account oi Almagro's 
morements as led him to suppose that he was preparing to 
occupy Gnamanga, a fortified place of considerable strength, 
about thirty leagues from Xauxa.t Anxious to seciure this 
post, he broke up his encampment, and by forced marches, 
conducted in so irregular a manner as must have placed him 
in great danger if his enemy had been near to profit by it, 
he succeeded in anticipating Almagro, and threw himself 
into the place while his antagcmist was at Bilcas, some ten 
leagues distant. 

At Guamanga, Vaca de Castro received another embassy 
£rom Almagro, of similar import with the former. 1;he 
young <^iief again deprecated the existence of hostilities 
between brethren of the same family, and proposed an 
accommodation of the quarrel on the same basis as before. 
To these proposals the govemor now condescended to reply* 
It might be thought, from his answer, that he felt some 
compassion for the youth and inexperience of Almagro, and 
that he was willing to distinguish between him and the 
principal conspirators, provided he could detach him from 
their interests. But it is more probable that he intended 
only to amuse his enemy by a show of negotiation, while 
he gained time for tampering with the fidelity of his troops. 

He insisted that Almagro should deliver up to him aU 
those immediately implicated in the death of Pizarro, and 

* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xv. 
f Cieza de Leon^ Cronica, cap. Izzxv. 

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24 crm. wars op the conquerors. 

sliould then disband his forces. On these conditions the 
goyemment would pass over his treasonable practices, and 
he should be reinstated in the royal favour. Together with 
this mission, Vaca de Castro, it is reported, sent a Spaniard, 
disguised as an Indian, who was instructed to communicate 
with certain officers in Almagro's camp, and prevail on them, 
if possible, to abandon his cause and return to their alle- 
giance. Unfortunately, the disguise of the emissary was 
detected. He was seized, put to the torture, and having 
confessed the whole of the transaction, was hanged as a spy. 

Almagro laid the proceeding before his captains. The 
terms proffered by the governor were such as no man with a 
particle of honour in his nature could entertain for a moment ; 
and Almagro 's indignation, as well as that of his compa^ 
nions, was heightened by the duplicity of their enemy, who 
could practise such insidious arts, while ostensibly engaged 
in a fair and open negotiation. Fearful, perhaps, lest the 
tempting offers of their antagonist might yet prevail over 
the constancy of some of the weaker spirits among them, 
they demanded that all negotiation should be broken off» 
and that they should be led at once against the enemy.* 

The governor, meanwhile, finding the broken country 
around Guamanga unfavourable for his cavalry, on which 
he mainly relied, drew off his forces to the neigbbouring 
lowlands, known as the plains of Chupas. It was the tem- 

* Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Car'bajal sobre la informacion hecha 
en el Cnzco en 1643, ^ favor de Vaca de Castro, MS. — Zarate, Conq. del. 
Peru, lib. iv. cap. xvi. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. iii cap. viii.— 
Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. cxlix. 

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pestuous season of the year, and for seyeral days the storm 
raged wildly among the hills, and» sweeping along their 
sides into the valley, poured down rain, sleet, and snow on 
the miserahle hivouacs of the soldiers^ till they were drenched 
to the skin and nearly stiffened hy the cold.* At length, on 
the 16th of September, 1542, the scouts brought in tidings 
that Almagro's troops were advancing, with the intention^ 
apparently, of occupying the highlands around Chupas. 
The war of the elements had at last subsided, and was suc-> 
ceeded by one of those brilliant days which are found only 
in the tropics. The royal camp was early in motion, as 
Yaca de Castro, desirous to secure the heights that com-> 
manded the valley, detached a body of arquebusiers on that 
service, supported by a corps of cavalry, which he soon fol- 
lowed with the rest of the forces. On reaching the eminence, 
news was brought that the enemy had come to a halt, and 
established himself in a strong position at less than a league's 

It was now late in the afternoon, and the sun was not 
more than two hours above the horizon. The governor 
hesitated to begin the action when they must so soon be 
overtaken by night. But Alonso de Alvarado assured him 
that '* now was the time : for the spirits of his men were 
hot for fight, and it was better to take the benefit of it than 
to damp their ardour by delay." The governor acquiesced, 
exclaiming at the same time, '* Oh, for the might of 

* *' Turieron tan gran tempestad de agaa, traenos, i nieve, que pensaron 
perecer ; i amaneciendo con dia claro i sereno." — Herrera, Hist. Genera], 
dec. Tii. lib. iii. cap. viii. 

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Joshaa, to stay the sun in his course ! *** He then drew- 
up his little anny in order of battle, and made his dispositions 
for the attack. 

In the centre he placed his infantry, consisting of arque- 
busiers and pikemen, constituting the battle, as it was called. 
On the flanks he established his cavalry, placing the right 
wing, together with the royal standard, under charge of 
Alonso de Alvarado, and the left under Holguin, supported 
by a gallant body of caraliers. His artillery, too insignifi- 
cant to be of much account, was also in the centre. He 
proposed himself to lead the yan, and to break the first 
lance with the enemy ; but from this chivalrous display he 
was dissuaded by his officers, who reminded him that too 
much depended on his life to have it thus wantonly exposed. 
The governor contented himself, therefore, with heading a 
body of reserve, consisting of forty horse, to act on any 
quarter as occasion might require. This coi^s, comprising 
the flower of his chivalry, was chiefly drawn from Alvarado*s 
troop, greatly to the discontent of that captain. The 
governor himself rode a coal-black charger, and wore a rich 
surcoat of brocade over his mail, through which the habit 
and emblems of the knightly order of St. James, conferred 
on him just before his departure from Castile, were conspi- 
cuous, t It was a point of honour with the chivalry of the 

* " Y asi Yaca de Castro signid su parescer^ temiendo toda via la &lta 
del dia, i dijo, que quisiera tener el poder de Josue, para detener el sol." — 
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xviii. 

*(< << I visto esto por el dicho sefior govemador, mandd dar al arma & 
mui gran priesa, i mando i este testigo que sacase toda la gente al campo, 
i el se entr6 en su tienda & se armar, i dende & poco salid della encima de 

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period to court danger by displaying their rank in the 
splendour of their military attire and the ci^arisons of their 

Before commencing the assault, Vaca de Castro addressed 
a few remarks to his soldiers, in order to remove any hesi- 
tation that some might yet feel, who recollected the dis* 
pleasure shown by the emperor to the yictors as well as the 
vanquished after the battle of Salinas. He told them that 
their enemies were rebels. They were in arms against him, 
the representative of the Crown, and it was his duty to quell 
this rebellion and punish the authors of it. He then caused 
the law to be read aloud, proclaiming the doom of trutors. 
By this law, Almagro and his followers had forfeited their 
lives and property, and the governor promised to distribute 
the latter among such of his men as showed the best claim 
to it by their conduct in the battle. This last pditic promise 
vanquished the scruples of the most fastidious; and, 
having completed his dispositions in the most judicious and 
soldier-like manner, Vaca de Castro gave the order to 

As the forces turned a spur of the hills which had hitherto 

un caYallo morcillo rabicano armado en bianco i con una ropa de brocade 
encima de las armas con el abito de Santiago en los pecbos." — Dicbo del 
Capiton Francisco de Garbajal aobre la informacion becfaa en el Cuxco en 
1543, i favor de Yaea de Castro, MS. 

• The governor's words, says Carbajal, who witnessed their effect, 
stirred the heart of the troops so that they went to the battle as to a ball. 
" En pocas palabras comprehendid tan grandes cosas que la gente de S. M. 
covn5 tan grande animo con ellas, que tan determinadamente se partieron de 
alii para ir & los enemigos como si fueron & fiestas donde estuvieran con- 
Tidados.'* — Ibid., ubi supra. 

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screened them from their enemies, they came in sight of the 
latter, formed along the crest of a gentle eminence, with 
their snow-white hanners, the distinguishing colour of the 
Almagrians, floating above their heads, and their bright 
arms flinging back the broad rays of the evening 8un» 
Almagro's disposition of his troops was not unlike that of 
his adversary. In the centre was his excellent artillery, 
covered by his arquebusiers and spearmen ; while his 
cavalry rode on the flanks. The troops on the left he pro- 
posed to lead in person. He had chosen his position with 
judgment, as the character of the ground gave full play to 
his guns, which opened an effective fire on the assailants as 
they drew near. Shaken by the storm of shot, Yaca de 
Castro saw the difficulty of advancing in open view of the 
hostile battery. He took the council, therefore, of Francisco 
de Carbajal, who undertook to lead the forces by a cir- 
cuituous, but safer, route. This is the first occasion on 
which the name of this veteran appears in these American 
wars, where it was afterwards to acquire a melancholy 

He had come to the country after the campaigns of forty 
years in Europe, where he had studied the art of war under 
the Great Captain, Gonsalvo de Cordova. Though now far 
advanced in age, he possessed all the courage and indo- 
mitable energy of youth, and well exemplified the lessons 
ke had studied under his great commander. 

Taking advantage of a winding route that sloped round 
the declivity of the hills, he conducted the troops in such a 
manner, that, until they approached quite near the enemy 

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they were protected by the interyening ground. While 
thus adyancing they were assailed on the left flank by the 
Indian battalions under PauUo, the Inca Manco's brother ; 
but a corps of musketeers, directing a scattering fire among 
i;hem, soon rid the Spaniards of this annoyance. When, at 
length, the royal troops rising aboye the hill, again came 
into yiew of Almagro's lines, the artillery opened on them 
with fatal effect. It was but for a moment, howeyer, as, 
from some unaccountable cause, the guns were pointed at 
such an angle, that, although presenting an obyious mark, 
by far the greater part of the shot passed oyer their heads. 
Whether this was the result of treachery, or merely of 
awkwardness, is uncertain. The artillery was under the 
charge of the engineer, Pedro de Candia. This man, who, 
it may be remembered, was one of the thirteen that so 
gallantly stood by Pizarro in the island of Gallo, had fought 
side by side with his leader through the whole of the Con- 
quest. He had lately, howeyer, conceiyed some disgust 
with him, and had taken part with the faction of Almagro. 
The death of his old commander, he may perhaps haye 
thought, had settled all their differences, and he waa 
now willing to return to his former allegiance. At least, 
it is said, that, at this yery time, he was in correspond- 
ence with Yaca de Castro. Almagro himself seems to 
haye had no doubt of his treachery. For, after remon- 
strating in yain with him on his present conduct, he ran 
him through the body, and the unfortunate cayaUer fell 
lifeless on the field. Then, throwing himself on one of the 
guns, Almagro gaye it a new direction, and that so success* 

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fully, that, when it was discharged, it struck down Beveral 
of the caraliy,* 

The firing now took better effect, and by one ToUey a 
whole file of the royal infantry was swept off, and though 
others quickjy stept in to fill up the ranks, the men, im« 
patient of their sufferings, loudly called on the troopers, 
who had halted for a moment, to quicken their advance,! 
This delay had been caused by Carbajal's desire to bring 
his own guns to bear on the opposite columns. But the 
design was quickly abandoned ; the clumsy ordnance was 
left on the field, and orders were giyen to the cavaby to 
charge ; the trumpets sounded, and, crying, their war-cries, 
the bold cavaliers struck their spurs into their steeds, and 
rode at full speed against the enemy. 

Well had it been for Almagro if he had remained firm 
on the post which gave him such advantage. But from a 
false point of honour, he thought it derogatory to a brave 
knight passively to await the assault, and ordering his own 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. 
cap. xvii.-xix. — Nabarro, Relacion Sumaria, MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, 
dec. yii. lib. iii. cap. xi. — Dicho del Gapitan Francisco de Garbajal sobre 
la informacion becha en el Guzco en 1543, k favor de Yaca de Gastro, MS. 
— Garta del Gabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, MS. — Garta de Ventura 
Beltran, MS. — Declaracion de Uscategui, MS. — Gomara, Hist, de las 
Ind., cap. cxliz. According to Garcilasso, Trbose guns usually do more 
execution tban those of any otber authority, seventeen men were killed by 
this wonderful shot — See Gom. Real., parte il lib. iii. cap. xvi. 

f The officers drove the men, according to Zarate, at the point of their 
swords, to take the places of their fallen comrades. ** Porque vn tiro Uevo 
toda vna bilera, 6 hi9o abrir el escuadron, i los capitanes pusieron gran 
diligencia en hacerlo cerrar, amena9ando de muerte 6 los soldados^con las 
espadaa desenvainadas, i se cerrd." — Gonq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. i. 

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men to charge, the hostile squadrons, rapidly advancing 
against each other, met midway on the plain. The shock 
was terrible. Horse and rider reeled under the force of it. 
The spears flew into shivers ;* and the cayaliers, drawing 
their swords, or wielding their maces and battle-azes — 
though some of the royal troopers were armed only with a 
common aze — dealt their blows with all the fury of ciyil 
hate. It was a fearful struggle, not merely of man against 
man, but, to use the words of an eye-witness, of brother 
against brother, and friend against friend, t No quarter 
was asked ; for the wrench that had been strong enough 
to tear asunder the dearest ties of kindred, left no hold for 
humanity. The excellent arms of the Almagrians counter- 
balanced the odds of numbers ; but the royal partisans 
gained some advantage by striking at the horses instead of 
the mailed bodies of their antagonists. 

The infantry, meanwhile, on both sides, kept up a sharp 
cross-fire from their arquebuses, which did execution on 
the ranks of the cavaliers, as well as on one another, But 
Almagro's battery of heavy guns, now well directed, mowed 

* ** Se encontraron de suerte, que casi todas las laii9as quebraron, que- 
dando mucbos muertos, i caidos de ambas partes/* (Zarate, Conq. del Peru, 
lib. iv. cap. i.) Zarate writes on tbis occasion vfith tbe spirit and strength 
of Tbucydides. He was not present, but came into tbe country tbe following 
year, wben be gleaned tbe particulars of tbe battle from tbe best-informed 
persons there, to wbom bis position gave bim ready access. 

i* It is tbe language of tbe conquerors tbemselves^ wbo, in tbeir letter to 
the Emperor, compare tbe action to tbe great battle of Ravenna. ** Fue 
tan reiiida i porfiada, que despues de la de Rebena no se ha visto entre tan 
poca gente mas cruel batalla, donde bermanos k bermanos, ni deudos 4 
deudos, ni amigos A amigos no se davan vida uno & otro."" — Carta del 
Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, MS. 

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down the advancing columns of foot. The latter, stagger- 
i^Sf hegan to fall hack from the terrihle fire, when Fran- 
cisco de Carhajal, throwing himself hefore them, cried out, 
<* Shame on you, my men ! Do you give way now ? I am 
twice as good a mark for the enemy as any of you ! " He 
was a very large man, and throwing off his steel helmet and 
cuirasS; that he might have no advantage over his followers, 
he remained lightly attired in his cotton douhlet, when, 
swinging his partisan over his head, he sprang holdly for- 
ward through blinding volumes of smoke and a tempest of 
musket-balls, and, supported by the bravest of his troops, 
overpowered the gunners, and made himself master of their 

The shades of night had now, for some time, been 
coming thicker and thicker over the field. But still the 
deadly struggle went on in the darkness, as the red and 
white badges intimated the respective parties, and their 
war-cries rose above the din, — " Vaca de Castro y el Rey ! '* 
•r— " Almagro y el Rey ! " — while both invoked the aid of 
their military apostle St. James. Holguin, who commanded 
the royalists on the left, pierced through by two musket- 
balls, had been slain early in the action. He had made 
himself conspicuous by a rich sobrevest of white velvet over 
his armour. Still a gallant band of cavaliers maintained 
the fight so valiantly on that quarter, that the Almagrians 
found it diflScult to keep theJr ground.* 

* The battle was so equally contested, says Beltnui, one of Vaca de 
Castro's captains, that, it was long doubtful on which side victory was to 
incline. " I la batalla estuvo mui gran rato en peso sin conoscerse vitoria 
de U una parte & la otra." — Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS. 

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It fared differently on the right, where Alonao de 
Alvarado commanded* He was there encountered hy 
Almagro in person, who fought worthy of his name. By 
repeated charges on his opponent, he endeavoured to hear 
down his squadrons, so much worse mounted and worse 
armed than his own. Alyarado resisted with undiminished 
courage ; hut his numbers had been thinned, as we have 
seen, before the battle, to supply the 6o?emor*s reserve, and, 
fairly overpowered by the superior strength of his adversary, 
who had already won two of the royal banners, he was slowly 
giving ground. ** Take, but kill not ! " shouted the generous 
young chief, who felt himself sure of victory.* 

But at this crisis, Yaca de Castro, who, with his reserve, 
had occupied a rising ground that commanded the field of 
action, was fully aware that the time had now come for 
him to take part in the struggle. He had long strained 
his eyes through the gloom to watch the movements of the 
combatants^ and received constant tidmgs how the fight 
was going. He no longer hesitated, but, calling on his men 
to follow, led off boldly into the thickest of the fnel^e to the 
support of his stout-hearted officer. The arrival of a new 
corps on the field, all fresh for action, gave another turn 
to the tide.f Alvarado's men took heart and rallied. 

♦ "Gritaba 'Victoria!' i decia prenderi no matar," — Herrera, Hiat. 
General, dec. vii. lib. iii. cap. xi. 

+ The letter of the municipality of Arequipa gives the governor 
credit for deciding the fifcte of the day by this movement, and the writers 
ezprets their << admiration of the gallantry and courage he displayed, so 
little to have been expected from his age and profession."— See the original 
in Appendix f No, 13. 


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Almagro'sy thoagh driyen back bj the fury of the assault, 
quickly returned against their assailants. Thirteen of 
Yaca de Castro's cavaliers fell dead from their saddles. 
But it was the last effort of the Almagrians. Their 
strength, though not their spirit, failed them. They gave 
way in all directions, and, mingling together in the dark- 
ness, horse, foot, and artillery, they trampled one another 
down, as they made the best of their way from the press of 
their pursuers. Almagro used every effort to stay them. 
He performed miracles of valour, says one who witnessed 
ihem ; but he was borne along by the tide, and, though he 
seemed to court death, by the . freedom with which he 
exposed his person to danger, yet he escaped without a 

Others there were of his company, and among them a 
young cavalier named Ger6nimo de Alvarado, who obsti- 
nately refused to quit the field ; and shouting out, " We 
slew Pizarro ! we killed the tyrant ! " they threw them- 
selves on the lances of their conquerors, preferring death on 
the battle-field to the ignominious doom of the gibbet.* 

It was nine o'clock when the battle ceased, though the 
firing was heard at intervals over the field at a much later 
hour, as some straggling party of fugitives were overtaken 
by their pursuers. Yet many succeeded in escaping in the 
obscurity of night, while some, it is said, contrived to elude 

* *' Se furrojaron en los enemigos, como deseipendos, hiriendo & todas 
partei, diciendo cada yno por su nombre, * Yo soi Fnlano, que mat^ al 
Marques ! M asi anduvieron hasta que Ics hicieron peda9os.^' — Zarate, 
Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xix. 

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pursuit in a more singular way ; tearing off the badges from 
the corpses of their enemies, they assumed them for them- 
selves, and, mingling in the ranks as followers of Vaca de 
Castro, joined in the pursuit. 

That commander, at length, fearing some untoward 
accident, and that the fugitives, should they rally again 
under cover of the darkness, might inflipt some loss on 
their pursuers, caused his trumpets to sound, and recalled 
his scattered forces under their banners. All night they 
remained under arms on the field, which, so lately the 
scene of noisy strife, was now hushed in silence, broken 
only by the groans of the wounded and the dying. The 
natives, who had hung, during the fight, like a dark cloud, 
round the^ skirts of the mountains, contemplating with 
gloomy satisfaction the destruction of their enemies, now 
availed themselves of the obscurity to descend, like a pack 
of famished wolves, upon the plains, where they stripped 
the bodies of the slain, and even of the living, but disabled 
wretches, who had in vain dragged themselves into the 
bushes for concealment. The following morning, Vaca de 
Castro gave orders that the wounded — those who had not 
perished in the cold damps of the night — should be com- 
mitted to the care of the surgeons, while the priests were 
occupied with administering confession and absolution to the 
dying. Four large graves or pits were dug, in which the 
bodies of the slain — ^the conquerors and the conquered — 
were heaped indiscriminately together. But the remains 
of Alvarez de Holguin and several other cavaliers of dis- 
tinction were transported to Guamanga, where they were 


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buried with the solemnities suited to their rank ; and the 
tattered banners won from their vanquished countrymen 
waved over their monuments, the melancholy trophies of 
their victory. 

The number of killed is variously reported, — from three 
hundred to five hundred on both sides.* The mortality was 
greatest among the conquerors, who suffered more from the 
cannon of the enemy before the action, than the latter 
suffered in the l*out that followed it. The number of 
wounded was still greater ; and full half of the survivors 
of Almagro's party were made prisoners. Many, indeed, 
escaped from the field to the neighbouring town of Guar 
manga, where they took refuge in the churches and mon- 
asteries. But their asylum was not respected, and they 
were dragged forth and thrown into prison. Their brave 
young commander fled with a few followers only to Cuzco, 
where he was instantly arrested by the magistrates whom 
he had himself placed over the city.f 

* Zante estimatefl the number at three hundred. Uscategui, who 
belonged to the Almagrian party, and Garcilaiwo, both rate it as high as 
five hundred. 

f The particulars of the action are gathered from Pedro Pizarro, 
Descub. J Conq., MS. — Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS. — ^Zarate, Conq. 
del Peru, lib. iy. cap. zvii.-xz. — Naharro, Reladon Sumaria, MS. — Dicho 
dd Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la infoAnacion hecha en el Cuzco 
en 1543, 6. fiivor de Yaca de Castro, MS. — ^Carta del Cabildo de Arequipa 
al Emperador, MS. — Carta de Barrio Nueyo, MS« — Goma»^ Hist, de las 
Ind., cap. oodix. — CktrcOasso, Com. Real*, parte ii. lib. iii. cdp. zv.-xviii.-^ 
Dedaracion de Uscategui, MS. Many of these authorities were personally 
present on the field ; and it is rare tliat the details of a battle are drawn 
from more authentic testimony. The student of history will not be 
.surprised that in thepe details there should be the greatest discrepancy. 

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At Goamanga, Yaoa de Castro appointed a commi8sion» 
with the Licentiate de la Gama at its head, for the trial of 
the prisoners ; and justice was not satisfied^ till forty^ had 
been condemned to death, a^d thirty others — some of them 
with the loss of one or more of their members — sent into 
banishment.* Such seyere reprisals have been too common 
with the Spaniards in their civil feuds. Strange that they 
should so blindly plunge into these, with this dreadful doom 
or the vanquished ! 

From the scene of ibis bloody tragedy, the governor pre- 
ceded to Cuzco, which he entered at the head of his 
victorious battalions, with all the pomp and military display 
of a conqueror. He maintained a corresponding state in 
his way of living, at the expense of a sneer from some, who 
sarcastically contrasted this ostentatious profusion with the 
economical reforms he subsequently introduced into the 
finances.! But Yaca de Castro was sensible, of the effect of 
this outward show on the people generally, and disdained no 
means of giving authority to his office. His first act was to 
determine the fate of his prisoner, Almagro. A council of 
war was held. Some were for sparing the unfortunate chief, 
in consideration of his youth and the strong cause of provo- 

* Declancion de Uscategui, MS. — Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS. — 
Zantte, Gonq. del Peru, lib. ir. cap. rri. The loyal burghers of Art qmpa 
■eem to have been well contented with these executions. <* If night had 
not orertaken us,** they say, alluding to the action, in their letter to the 
emperor, *^ your Majesty would have had no reason to complain ; but what 
was omitted then is made up now, since the governor goes on quartering 
every day some one or other of the traitors who escaped from the field.** — 
See the original in Appendix No. 13. 

f Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. L 

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cation he had received. But the majoritj were of opinion 
that such mercy could not be extended to the leader of the 
rebels, and that his death was indispensable to the perma- 
nent tranquillity of the country. 

When led to execution in the great square of Cuzco, — 
the same spot where his father had suffered but a few years 
before, — Almagro exhibited the most perfect composure, 
though, as the herald proclaimed aloud the doom of the 
traitor, he indignantly denied that he was one. He made 
no appeal for mercy to his judges, but simply requested that 
his bones might be laid by the side of his father's. He 
objected to have his eyes bandaged, as was customary on 
such occasions, and, after confession, he devoutly embraced 
the cross, and submitted his neck to the stroke of the exe- 
cutioner. His remains, agreeably to his request, were 
transported to the monastery of La Merced, where they 
were deposited side by side with those of his unfortunate 

There have been few names, indeed, in the page of his- 
tory, more unfortunate than that of Almagro. Yet the fate 
of the son excites a deeper sympathy than that of the 
father ; and this, not merely on account of his youth, and 
the peculiar circumstances of his situation. He possessed 
many of the good qualities of the elder Almagro, with a 
frUnk and manly nature, in which the bearing of the soldier 
was somewhat softened by the refinement of a better educa- 

♦ Pedro Pizarro, Descub. yConq., MS. — ^Zarate, Conq., del Peru, lib. iv. 
cap. zxi. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, MS. — Herrera, Hist; Greneral, 
dec. vii. lib. vi cap. i. 

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tion than is to be found in the license of a camp. His 
career, though short, gave promise of considerable talent, 
which required only a fair field for its development. But he 
was the child of misfortune, and his morning of life was 
overcast by clouds and tempests. If his character, natur- 
ally benignant, sometimes showed the fiery sparkles of the 
vindictive Indian temper, some apology may be found, not 
merely in his blood, but in the circumstances of his situa- 
tion. He was more sinned against than sinning; and, if 
conspiracy could ever find a justification, it must be in a 
case like his, where, borne down by injuries heaped on his 
parent and himself, he could obtain no redress from the 
only quarter whence he had a right to look for it; With 
him the name of Almagro became extinct, and the faction 
of Chili, so long the terror of the land, passed away for 

While these events were occurring in Cuzco, the governor 
learned that Gonzalo Pizarro had arrived at Lima, where he 
showed himself greatly discontented with the state of things 
in Peru. He loudly complained that the government of the 
country, after his brother's death, had not been placed in 
his hands ; and, as reported by some, he was now medi- 
tating schemes for getting possession of it. Yaca de Castro 
well knew that there would be no lack of evil councillors to 
urge Gonzalo to this desperate step ; and, anxious to extin- 
guish the spark of insurrection before it had been fanned by 
these turbulent spirits into a flame, he detached a strong ' 
body to Lima, to secure that capital. At the same time he 
commanded the presence of Gonzalo Pizarro in Cuzco. 

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That chief did not think it pnident to disregard the sum- 
mons ; and shortly after entered the Inca capital, at the 
head of a well-armed body of cavaliers* He was at once 
admitted into the goremor's presence, when the latter dis- 
missed his guard, remarking that he had nothing to fear 
from a hraye and loyal knight like Pizarro. He then 
questioned him as to his late adventures in Canelas, and 
showed great sympathy for his extraordinary sufferings. 
He took care not to alarm his jealousy by any allusion to his 
ambitious schemes, and concluded by recommending him, 
now that the tranquillity of the country was re-established, 
to retire and seek the repose he so much needed, on his 
valuable estates at Charcas. Gonzalo Pizarro, finding no 
ground open for a quarrel with the cool and politic governor, 
and probably feeling that he was not, at least now, in 
sufficient strength to warrant it, thought it prudent to take 
the advice, and withdrew to La Plata, where he busied him- 
self in working those rich mines of silver that soon put him 
in condition for a more momentous enterprise than any he 
had yet attempted.* 

Thus rid of his formidable competitor, Yaca do Castro 
occupied himself with measures for the settlement of the 
country* He began with his army, a part of which he had 
disbanded. But many cavaliers still remained, pressing their 
demands for a suitable recompense for their services. These 
they were not disposed to undervalue, and the governor was 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, 
dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. i. ; lib. tI. cap. iii. — Zarate, Conq. del Pern, lib. iv. 
cap. xxii. 

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happy to rid himself of their importunities by employing 
them on distant expeditions, among vhich was the ezplora- 
lion of the conntiy watered by the great river Rio de la 
Plata. The boiling spirits of the high-mettled cayaliers, 
without some such vent, would soon have thrown the whole 
country again into a state of fermentation. 

His next concern was to proride laws for the better 
gOYomment of the colony. He gaye especial care to the 
state of the Indian population, and established schools for 
teaching them Christianity. By various provimons he endea- 
voured to secure them from the exactions of their conquer- 
ors, and he encouraged th^ poor natives to transfer their 
own residence to the communities of the white men. He 
commanded the caciques to provide supplies for the tamhos, 
or houses for the accommodation of travellers, which lay in 
their neighbourhood ; by which regulation he took away 
from the Spaniards a plausible apology for rapine, and 
greatly promoted facility of intercourse. He was watchful 
over the finances, much dilapidated in the late troubles, and 
in several instances retrenched what he deemed excessive 
repartimientos among the Conquerors. This last act 
exposed him to much odium from the objects of it. But his 
measures were so just and impartial, that he was supported 
by public opinion.* 

Indeed, Yaca de Castro's conduct, from the hour of his 
arrival in the country, had been such as to command respect, 
and prove him competent to the difficult post for which he 

* Pedro Pizairo^ Descub. 7 Conq.^ MS. — ^Herrerny Hist. General, decvii. 
lib. vi cap. ii. 

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had been selected. Without funds, without troops, he had 
found the country, on his landing, in a state of anarchy ; 
yet, by courage and address, he had gradually acquired suf- 
ficient strength to quell the insurrection. Though no 
soldier, he had shown undaunted spirit and presence of mind 
in the hour of action, and made his military preparations 
with a forecast and discretion that excited the admiration of 
the most experienced veterans. 

If he may be thought to have abused the advantages of 
victory, by cruelty towards the conquered, it must be allowed 
that he was not influenced by any motives of a personal 
nature. He was a lawyer, bred in high notions of royal 
prerogative. Rebellion he looked upon as an unpardonable 
crime ; and, if his austere nature was unrelentiDg in the 
exaction of justice, he lived in an iron age, when justice 
was rarely tempered by mercy. 

In his subsequent regulations for the settlement of the 
country, he showed equal impartiality and wisdom. The 
colonists were deeply sensible of the benefits of his admini- 
stration, and afibrded the best commentary on his services 
by petitioniDg the Court of Castile to continue him in the 
government of Peru.* Unfortunately, such was not the 
policy of the Crown. 

* ^^I asi lo escrivieron al Rei la ciudad del Cuzco, la villa de la 
Plata, i otras comunidades, suplicandole, que los dezase por governador & 
Yaca de Castro, como persona que procedia con rectitud, i que i& entendia 
iel goviemo de aquellos reinos." — Herrera^ Hist. General^ dec. yii. lib. vi. 
cap. ii. 

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1543, 1544. 
Before continuing the narratiye of events in Peru, we 
must turn to the mother-country, where important changes 
were in progress in respect to the administration of the 

Since his accession to the crown, Charles Y. had heen 
chiefly engrossed by the politics of Europe, where a theatre 
was opened more stimulating to his ambition than could be 
found in a struggle with the barbarian princes of the New 
World. In this quarter, therefore, an empire almost un- 
heeded, as it were, had been suffered to grow up until it 
had expanded into dimensions greater than those of his 
European dominions, and destined soon to become far more 
opulent. A scheme of goyemment had, it is true, been 
devised, and laws enacted from time to time for the regula- 
tion of the colonies. But these laws were often accom- 
modated less to the interests of the colonies themselves 
than to those of the parent country ; and when contrived in 
a better spirit, they were but imperfectly executed ; for the 

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voice of authority, however loudly proclaimed at home, 
too often died away in feeble echoes before it had crossed 
the waters. 

This state of things, and, indeed, the manner in which 
the Spanish territories in the New World had been originally 
acquired, were most unfortunate both for the conquered 
races and their masters. Had the provinces gained by the 
Spaniards been the fruit of peaceful acquisition, — of barter 
and negotiation, or had their conquest been achieved under 
the immediate direction of government, the interests of the 
natives would have been more carefully protected. From 
the superior civilisation of the Indians in the Spanish 
American colonies, they still continued after the Conquest 
to remain on the ground, and to mingle in the same com- 
munities with the white men ; in this forming an obnous 
contrast to the condition of our own aborigines, who, 
shrinking from the contact of civilisation, have withdrawn, 
as the latter has advanced, deeper and deeper into the 
heart of the wilderness. But the South American Indian 
was qualified by his previous institutions for a more refined 
legislation than could be adapted to the wild hunters of the 
forest ; and, had the sovereign been there in person to 
superintend his conquests, he could never have suffered so 
large a portion of his vassals to be wantonly sacrificed to 
the cupidity and cruelty of the handful of adventurers who 
subdued them. 

But, as it was, the affiair of reducing the coimtry was 
committed to the hands of irresponsible individuals, soldiers 
of fortune, desperate adventurers, who entere<l on conquest 

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as a game which they were to play in the most unscrupulous 
manner, with little care hut to win it. Receiring small 
encouragement from the goyemment, they were indebted to 
their own Talour for success ; and the right of conquest, 
they conceiyed, extinguished eyery existing right in the 
unfortunate natiyes. The lands, the persons of the con- 
quered races, were parcelled out and appropriated by the 
yictors as the legitimate spoils of yictory ; and outrages 
were perpetrated every day, at the contemplation of which 
humanity shudders. 

These outrages, though nowhere perpetrated on so terrific 
a scale as in the islands, where, in a few years, they had 
nearly annihilated the native population, were yet of suffi- 
cient magnitude in Peru to call down the vengeance of 
heaven on the heads of their authors ; and the Indian might 
feel that this vengeance was not long delayed, when he 
beheld his oppressors wrangling over their miserable spoil, 
and turning their swords against each other. Peru, as 
already mentioned, was subdued by adventurers, for the 
most part, of a lower and more ferocious stamp than those 
who followed the banner of Cortes. The character of the 
followers partook, in some measure, of that of the leaders in 
their respective enterprises. It was a sad fatality for the 
Incas ; for the reckless soldiers of Pizarro were better 
suited to contend with the fierce Aztec than with the more 
refined and effeminate Peruvian. Intoxicated by the unac- 
customed possession of power, and without the least notion 
of the responsibilities wliich attached to their situation as 
masters of the land, they too often abandoned themselves 

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to the indulgence of everj whim which cruelty or caprice 
could dictate. Not unfrequentlj, sajB an unsuspicious 
witness, I have seen the Spaniards, long after the Con- 
quest, amuse themselves by hunting down the natives with 
bloodhounds for mere sport, or in order to train their dogs 
to the game ! * The most unbounded scope was given to 
licentiousness. The young maiden was torn without remorse 
from the arms of her family to gratify the passion of her 
brutal conqueror.t The sacred houses of the Virgins of 
the Sun were broken open and violated, and the cavalier 
swelled his harem with a troop of Indian girls, making it 
seem that the crescent would have been a much more fitting 
symbol for his banner than the immaculate Cross.): 

But the dominant passion of the Spaniard was the lust 
of gold. For this he shrunk from no toil himself, and was 
merciless in his exactions of labour from his Indian slave. 
Unfortunately, Peru abounded in mines which too well 
repaid this labour ; and human life was the item of least 
account in the estimate of the Conquerors. Under his 
Incas, the Peruvian was never suffered to be idle ; but the 

* ^^Espanoles bai que crian perros carniceros, i los avezan k matar 
IndioB, lo qual procuran & las veces por pasatiempo, i ret si lo hacen bien 
los perros.** — Reladon que did el Provisor Morales «obre las cosas que 
convenian provarse en el Peru, MS. 

f ** Que los justicias dan eedulas de Anaconas que por otros terminos 
los bacen esclavos 6 vivir contra su voluntad, diciendo : ' Por la presente 
damos licencia & vos Fulano, para que os podais seryir de tal Indio 6 de 
tal India, 6 lo podais tomar € sacar donde quiera que lo ballaredes.* ^ — Rel. 
del Provisor Morales, MS. 

:{: '* Es general el vicio del amancebamiento con Indias, i algunoa tienen 
cantidad dellas como en serndo.** — Ibid., MS. 

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task imposed on him was always proportioned to his 
strength. He had his seasons of rest and refreshment, and 
was well protected against the inclemency of the weather. 
Every care was shown for his personal safety. But the 
Spaniards, while they taxed the strength of the natiye to 
the ntmost, deprived him of the means of repairing it when 
exhausted. They suffered the provident arrangements of 
the Incas to fall into decay. The granaries were emptied ; 
the flocks were wasted in riotous living. They were slaugh- 
tered to gratify a mere epicurean whim, and many a llama 
was destroyed solely for the sake of the hrains, — a dainty 
morsel, much coveted hy the Spaniards.* So reckless was 
the spirit of destruction after the Conquest, says Ondegardo, 
the wise governor of Cuzco, that in four years more of these 
animals perished than in four hundred in the times of the 
Incas.f The flocks, once so numerous over the hroad 
tahle-lands, were now thinned to a scanty numher, that 
sought shelter in the fastnesses of the Andes. The poor 
Indian, without food, without the warm fleece which fur- 
nished him a defence against the cold, now wandered half- 
starved and naked over the plateau. Even those who had 
aided the Spaniards in the Conquest fared no hotter ; and 
many an Inca nohle roamed a mendicant over the lands 
where he once held rule ; and if driven, perchance, hy his 

* '^Muchos Espanoles ban muerto i matan increible cantidad de ovejas 
por comer solo los^sesos, liacer pasteles del tuetano, i candelas de la grasa. 
De ai hambre general." — Rel. del Provisor Morales, MS. 

i* ^ Se puede afirmar, que bicieron mas dano loe Espanoles en solos 
qnatro anos, qu« el Inga en qaatrocientos."< — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. 

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necessities, to purloin something from the superfluity of 
his conquerors, he expiated it bj a miserable death.* 

It is true, there were good men, missionaries, faithful to 
their calling, who wrought hard in the spiritual conversion 
of the native, and who, touched by his misfortunes, would 
gladly have interposed their arm to shield him from his 
oppressors.t But too often the ecclesiastic became infected 
by the general spirit of licentiousness ; and the religious 
fraternities, who led a life of easy indulgence on the lands 
cultivated by their Indian slaves, were apt to think less of 
the salvation of their souls than of profiting by the labour 
of their bodies4 

* ** Abora no Uenen que comer ni donde sembrar, i aai van k bortallo 
como Bolian, delito por qne an aorcado & muchos.** — ^Bel. del Provisor 
Morales, MS. Tbis, and some of tbe precedinp^ citations, as tbe reader will 
see, bave been taken from tbe MS. of tbe Bachelor Luis de Morales, wbo 
lived eighteen or twenty years in Cuzco ; and, in 1541, about tbe time of 
Yaca de Castro's coming to Peru, prepared a Memorial for tbe government, 
embracing a hundred and nine chapters. It treats of tbe condition of tbe 
country^ and tbe remedies which suggested themselves to the benevolent 
mind of its author. The emperor*B notes on tbe margin show that it received 
attention at court. There is no reason, as far as I am aware, to distrust the 
testimony of tbe writer, and Munoz has made some sensible extracts from 
it for bis inestimable collection. 

i< Father Nabarro notices twelve missionaries^ some of bis own order, 
whose zealous labours and miracles for tbe conversion of the Indians be 
deems worthy of comparison with those of the twelve Apostles of Chris- 
tianity. It is a pity that history, while it has commemorated tbe names of 
so many persecutors of the poor heathen, should bave omitted those of 
their benefiEustors. ** Tomd su divina Magestad por instrumento doce solos 
religiosos pobres^ descalzos i desconocidos, — cinquo del orden de la Merced, 
quatro de Predicadores, i tres de San Francisco ; obiaron lo mismo que los 
doce Apostolos en la conversion de todo el universo munda" — Nabarro^ 
Relacion Sumaria^ MS. 

X ** Todos los conventos de Dominioos i Meroenarios tienea reparti- 

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Yet still there were not wanting good and wise men in 
the colonies, who, from time to time, raised the voice of 
remonstrance against these ahuses, and who carried their 
complaints to the foot of the throne. To the credit of the 
goyemment it must also he confessed, that it was solicitons 
to ohtain such information as it could, hoth from its own 
officers, and from commissioners deputed expressly for the 
purpose, whose yoluminous communications throw a flood of 
light on the internal condition of the country, and furnish 
the host materials for the historian.* But it was found 
much easier to get this information than to profit hy it. 

mientos. Niogano dellos ba dotrinado ni convertido un Indio. Procuran 
sacar dellos quanto pueden, trabajarles en grangerias ; con esto i con otras 
limosnas enriquecen. Mai egemplo ! Ademas convendr^ no paeen fifailes 
sino precediendo diligente examen de vida i dotrina.^* (Relacion de las 
coaas que S. M. deve proveer para los reynos del Peru, embiada desde Los 
Reyes i la Corte per el Licenciado Martel Santoyo, de quien va finn^da en 
principios de 1542, MS.) This statement of tbe licentiate shows a dif- 
ferent side of the picture from that above quoted from Father Naharro. 
Yet they are not irreconcilable. Human nature has botb its lights and its 

* I have several of these Memorials or RdacwneSf as they are called, in 
my possession, drawn up by residents in answer to queries propounded by 
government. These queries, while their great object is to ascertain the 
nature of existing abuses, and to invite the suggestion of remedies, are 
often directed to the laws and usages of the ancient Incas. The responses, 
therefore, are of great value to the historical inquirer. The most impor- 
tant of these documents in my possession is that by Ondegardo, governor 
of Cuzco, covering near four hundred folio pages, once forming part of Lord 
Kingsborough's valuable collection. It is impossible to peruse these 
elaborate and conscientious reports, without a deep conviction of the pains 
taken by the Crown to ascertain the nature of the abuses in the domestic 
government of the colonies, and their honest purpose to amend them. 
Unfortunately, in this laudable purpose they were not often seconded by 
the colonists themselves. 

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In 1541, Charles the Fifth, who had been much occupied 
by the affairs of Germany, reyisited his ancestral dominions, 
where his attention was imperatively called to the state of 
the colonies. Several memorials in relation to it were laid 
before him ; but no one pressed the matter so strongly on 
the royal conscience as Las Casas, afterwards Bishop of 
Ohiapa, This good ecclesiastic, whose long life had been 
devoted to those benevolent labours which gained him the 
honourable title of Protector of the Indians, had just com- 
pleted his celebrated treatise on the Destruction of the 
Indies, the most remarkable record, probably, to be found, 
of human wickedness, but which, unfortunately, loses much 
of its effect from the credulity of the writer, and his obvious 
tendency to exaggerate. 

In 1542, Las Gasas placed his manuscript in the hands 
of his royal master. That same year a council was called 
at Yalladolid, composed chiefly of jurists and theologians, 
to devise a system of laws for the regulation of the 
American colonies. 

Las Casas appeared before this body, and made an 
elaborate argument, of which a part only has been given 
to the public. He there assumes, as a fundamental pro- 
position, that the Indians were by the law of nature free ; 
that, as vassals of the Crown, they had a right to its pro- 
tection, and should be declared free from that time, without 
exception and for ever.* He sustains this proposition by a 

* The perpetual emancipation of the Indians is urged in the moet 
emphatic manner by another bishop, also a Dominican, but bearing cer« 
tainly very little resemblance to Las Casas. Fray Yalverde makes titis 

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great yarietj of argumentSi comprehending the substance of 
most that has been since m'ged in the same cause bj the 
friends of humanity. He touches on the ground of expe- 
diency, showing, that, without the interference of govem- 
ment, the Indian race must be gradually exterminated by 
the systematic oppression of the Spaniards. In conclusion, 
he maintains, that, if the Indians, as it was pretended, 
would not labour unless compelled, the white man would 
still find it for his interest to cultivate the soil ; and that, 
if he should not be able to do so, that circumstance would 
give him no right over the Indian, since God does not allow 
evil that good may come of it.* This lofty morality, it 
will be remembered, was from the lips of a Dominican in 
the sixteenth century, one of the order that founded the 
Inquisition, and in the very country where the fiery tribunal 
was then in most active operation If 

one of the prominent topics in a communication, already cited, to the 
government, the general scope of which must be admitted to do more credit 
to his humanity than some of the passages recorded of him in history. 
** A V. M. representardn alia los conquistadores muchos servicios, dandolos 
por causa para que los dexen servir de los Indies como de esclavoe : Y. M.' 
se los tiene mui bien pagados en los provechos que han avido desta tierra, 
y no los ha de pagar con hazer & sus vasallos esclayos." — Carta de Yalverde 
al Emperador, MS. 

* <^ La loi de Dieu defend deifiure le mal pour quMl en resulte du bien.*^ 
— QBuyres de Las Casas, Eyique de Chiapa, trad, par Llorente, (Paris, 1822,) 
tom. i. p. 251. 

i* It is a curious coincidence, that this argument of Las Casas should 
have been first published — ^in a translated form, indeed — by a secretary of 
the Inquisition, Llorente. The original still remains in MS. It is singular 
that these volumes, containing the views of this great philanthropist on 
topics of such interest to humanity, should not have been more freely 
consulted, or at least cited, by those who have since trod in his footsteps. 


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The arguments of Las Casas encountered all the opposi- 
tion naturally to be expected from indifference, selfishness, 
and bigotry. They were also resisted by some persons of 
just and beneyolent yiews in his audience, who, while they 
admitted the general correctness of his reasoning, and felt 
deep sympathy for the wrongs of the natives, yet doubted 
whether his scheme of reform was not fraught with greater 
evils than those it was intended to correct. For Las Casas 
was the uncompromising friend of freedom. He entrenched 
himself strongly on the ground of natural right ; and, like 
some of the reformers of our own day, disdained to calculate 
the consequences of carrying out the principle to its full and 
unqualified extent. His earnest eloquence, instinct with the 
generous We of humanity, and fortified by a host of facts, 
which it was not easy to assail, prevailed over his auditors. 
The result of their deliberations was a code of ordinanoes, 
which, however, far from being limited to the wants of the 
natives, had particular reference to the European popula- 
tion, and the distractions of the country. It was of general 
application to all the American colonies. It will be neces- 
sary here only to point out some of the provisions having 
immediate reference to Peru. 

The Indians were declared true and loyal vassals of the 
Grown, and their freedom as such was fully recognised. 
Tet, to maintain inviolate the guaranty of the government 
to the Conquerors, it was decided, that those lawfully 
possessed of slaves might still retain them ; but, at the 

They are an arsenal from which many a serviceable weapon for the good 
cause might be borrowed. 

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death of the present proprietors, thej were to revert to the 

It was la^yided, however, that slaves, in any event, 
should be forfeited by all those who had shown thomselves 
unworthy to hold them by neglect or ill-usage ; by all public 
functionaries, or such as had held offices under the govern- 
ment ; by ecclesiastics and religious corporations ; and, 
lastly, — a sweeping clause, — by all who had taken a 
criminal part in the feuds of Aimagro and Pizuro. 

It was further ordered, that the Indians should be moder- 
ately taxed ; that they should not be compelled to labour 
where they did not choose, and that where, from particular 
circumstances, this was made necessary, they should receive 
a fair compensation. It was also decreed, that, as the 
repartimientos of land were often excessive, they should in 
such cases be reduced ; and that, where proprietors had 
been guilty of a notorious abuse of their slaves, their 
estates should be forfeited altogether. 

As Peru had always shown a spirit of insubordinati(Hi, 
which required a more vigorous interposition of authority 
than was necessary in the other colonies, it was resolved to 
send a viceroy to that country, who should display a state, 
and be armed with powers, that might make him a more 
fitting representative of the sovereign. He was to be 
accompanied by a Royal Audience, consisting of four 
judges with extensive powers of jurisdiction, both criminal 
and civil, who, besides a court of justice, should constitute a 
sort of council to advise with and aid the viceroy. The 
Audience of Panama was to be dissolved, and the new 

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tribunal, with the yice-king*s court, was to be established at 
Los Reyes or Lima, as it now began to be called, — ^hence- 
forth the metropolis of the Spanish empire on the Pacific* 
Such were some of the principal features of this remark-* 
able code, which, touching on the most delicate relations of 
society, broke up the very foundations of property, and by 
a stroke of the pen, as it were, converted a nation of slaves 
into freemen. It would have required, we may suppose, 
but little forecast to divine, that in the remote regions of 
America, and especially in Peru, where the colonists had 
been hitherto accustomed to unbounded license, a refonn, 
so salutary in essential points, could be enforced thus sum- 
marily only at the price of a revolution. — ^Yet the ordinances 
received the sanction of the emperor that same year, and in 
November, 1543, were published at Madrid. f 

No sooner was their import known, than it was conveyed 
by numerous letters to the colonists from their friends in 
Spain. The tidings flew like wildfire over the land, from 
Mexico to Chili, Men were astounded at the prospect of 
the ruin that awaited them. In Peru, particularly, there 
was scarcely one that could hope to escape the operation of 
the law. Few there were who had not taken part, at some 

* The provisions of this celebrated code are to be found, with more or 
less — generally less — accuracy, in the various contemporary writers. 
Herrera gives them in extemo. — Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. v. 

i* Las Casas pressed the matter home on the royal conscience, by 
representing that the Papal See conceded the right of conquest to the 
Spanish sovereigns on the exclusive condition of converting the heathen, 
and that the Almighty would hold him accountable for the execution of 
this trust. — (Euvres de Las Casas^ Ev^que de Chiapa, trad, par Llorente 
(Paris, 1822,) tom. i. p. 251. 

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time or other, in the civil feuds of Almagro and Pizarro ; 
and Btill fewer of those that remained that would not be 
entangled in some one or other of the insidious clauses 
that seemed spread out, like a web, to ensnare them. 

The whole country was thrown into commotion. Men 
assembled tumultuouslj in the squares and public places, and, 
as the regulations were made known, they were receiyed 
with universal groans and hisses. ** Is this the fruit," they 
cried, " of all our toil ? Is it for this that we have poured 
out our blood like water ? Now that we are broken down by 
hardships and sufferings, to be left at the end of our cam- 
paigns as poor as at the beginning! Is this the way 
government rewards our services in winning for it an 
empire ? The government has done little to aid us in 
making the conquest, and for what we have we may thank 
our own good swords ; and with these same swords," they 
continued, warming into menace, '* we know how to defend 
it." Then, stripping up his sleeve, the war-worn veteran 
bared his arm, or, exposing his naked bosom, pointed to his 
scars, as the best title to his estates.* 

The governor, Vaca de Castro, watched the storm thus 

* Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro & Pedro de Yaldivia, MS., desde Los 
Reyes, 31 de Oct., 1538. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. i. — Herrera, 
Hut. General, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. x. zi. Benalcazar, in a letter to 
Charles the Fifth, indulges in a strain of invective against the ordinances, 
which, by stripping the planters of their Indian slaves, must inevitably reduce 
the country to beggary. Benalcazar was a conqueror, and one of the most 
respectable of his caste. His argument is a good specimen of the reasoning 
of his party on this subject, and presents a decided counterblast to that of 
Las Casas. — Carta de Benalcazar al Emperador, MS., desde Cali, 20 de 
Diciembre^ 1544. 

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gathering from all quarters, with the deepest concern. He 
was himself in the very heart of disaffection ; for Ouzco, 
tenanted by a mixed and lawless population, was so far 
removed into the depths of the mountains, that it had much 
less intercourse with the parent country, and was conse- 
quently much less under her influence, than the great towns 
on the coast. The people now invoked the governor to 
protect them against the tyranny of the Court ; but he 
endeavoured to calm the agitation, by representing that by 
these violent measures they would only defeat their own 
object. He counselled them to name deputies to lay their 
petition before the Crown, stating the impracticability of 
the present scheme of reform, and praying for the repeal of 
it ; and he conjured them to wait patiently for the arrival of 
the viceroy, who might be prevailed on to suspend the 
ordinances till further advices could be received from Castile. 

But it was not easy to still the tempest ; and the people 
now eagerly looked for some one whose interests and sympa- 
thies might lie with theirs, and whose position in the com- 
munity might afford them protection. The person to whom 
they naturally turned in this crisis was Gonzalo Pizarro, the 
last in the land of that family who had led the armies of 
the Conquest, — a cavalier whose gallantry and popular 
manners had made him always a favourite with the people. 
He was now beset with applications to interpose in their 
behalf with the government, and shield them from the 
oppressive ordinances. 

But Gonzalo Pizarro was at Charcas, busily occupied in 
exploring the rich veins of Potosl, whose silver fountains. 

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just brought into light, were soon to pour such streams of 
wealth oyer Europe. Though gratified with this appeal to 
hifl proteetion, the cautious cavalier was more intent on 
providing for the means of enterprise than on plunging 
prematurely into it ; and, while he secretly encouraged the 
malecontents, he did not commit himsdf by taking part in 
any reyolutionary moToment. At the same period he 
received letters from Vaca de Castro, — whose vigilant eye 
watched all the aspects of the time, — cautioning Gonzalo 
and his friends not to be seduced, by any wild schemes of 
reform, from their allegiance. And, to check still further 
these disorderly movements, he ordered his alcaldes to arrest 
every man guilty of seditious language, and bring him at 
once to punishment. By this firm yet temperate conduct 
the minds of the populace were overawed, and there was a 
temporary lull in the troubled waters, while all looked 
anxiously for the coming of the viceroy.* 

The person selected for this critical post was a knight of 
Avila, named Blasco Nu^ez Vela. He was a cavalier of 
ancient family, handsome in person, though now somewhat 
advanced in years, and reputed brave and devout. He had 
filled some offices of responsibility to the satisfaction of 
Charles V., by whom he was now appointed to this post in 
Peru. The selection did no credit to the monarch's 

It may seem strange that this important place should 

* Carta de Benalcazar al Emperador, MS., desde Cali, 20 de Diciembre, 
1544. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. y. cap. i.— Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 
Conq., MS. — Carta de Qonzalo Pizarro & Yaldivia, MS. — Montesinos, 
Annales, MS., ano 1543. 

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not have been bestowed on Yaca de Castro, abeady on 
the spot, and who had shown himself so well qualified to fill 
it. But ever since that officer's mission to Peru, there had 
been a series of assassinations, insurrections, and ciril wars, 
that menaced the wretched colony with ruin ; and, though 
his wise administration had now brought things into order, 
the communication with the Indies was so tardy, that the 
results of his policy were not yet fully disclosed. As it was 
designed, moreoyer, to make important innovations in the 
government, it was thought better to send some one who 
would have no personal prejudices to encounter, from the 
part he had already taken, and who, coming directly from 
the Court, and clothed with extraordinary powers, might 
present himself with greater authority thau could one who 
had become familiar to the people in an inferior capacity. 
The monarch, however, wrote a letter with his own hand to 
Yaca de Castro, in which he thanked that officer for his 
past services, and directed him, after aiding the new viceroy 
with the fruits of his large experience, to return to Castile, 
and take his seat in the Royal Council. Letters of a 
similar complimentary kind were sent to the loyal colonists 
who had stood by the governor in the late troubles of the 
country. Freighted with these testimonials, and with the 
ill-starred ordinances, Blasco Nunez embarked at San 
Lucar, on the 3rd of November, 1543. He was attended 
by the four judges of the Audience, and by a numerous 
retinue, that he might appear in the state befitting his 
distinguished rank."*^ 

* Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro ^ Valdivia, MS.— Herrera, Hist. General, 

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About the middle of the following January, 1544, the 
Ticeroy, after a favourable passage, landed at Nombre de 
DioB. He found there a vessel laden with silver from the 
Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain. His first act was 
to lay an embargo on it for the government, as containing 
the proceeds of slave labour. After this extraordinary mea- 
sure, taken in opposition to the advice of the Audience, he 
crossed the Isthmus to Panam^. Here he gave sure token 
of his future policy, by causing more than three hundred 
Indians, who had been brought by their owners from Peru, 
to be liberated and sent back to their own country. This 
high-handed measure created the greatest sensation in the 
city, and was strongly resisted by the judges of the 
Audience. They besought him not to begin thus precipi- 
tately to execute his commission, but to wait till his arrival 
in the colony, when he should have taken time to acquaint 
himself somewhat with the country and with the temper of 
the people. But Blasco Nufiez coldly replied, that " he had 
come, not to tamper with the laws, nor to discuss their 
merits, but to execute them, — and execute them he 
would, to the letter, whatever might be the consequence."* 
This answer, and the peremptory tone in which it was 
delivered, promptly adjourned the debate ; for the judges 

dec "vii. lib. vi. cap. ix* — Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. vi. 
— Zarate, MS. 

* ^ Estas y otras cosas le dlxo el licenciado Zarate : que no fueron al 
gusto del Virey : antes se enojd mucho por ello, y respondio con alguna 
aspereza, jurando que aula de executar las 0Tdenan9a8 como en ellas se con- 
tenia, sin esperar para ello tenninos algunos, ni dilaciones." — Feraandez, 
Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. vi. 

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saw that debate was useless with one who seemed to con- 
sider all remonstrance as an attempt to turn him from 
his duty, and whose ideas of duty precluded all discre- 
tionary exercise of authority, eren where the public good 
demanded it. 

Leaving the Audience, as one of its body was ill, at 
Panami, the viceroy proceeded on his way, and, coasting 
down the shores of the Pacific, on the 4th of March he dis- 
embarked at Tumbez. He was well received by the loyal 
inhabitants ; his authority was publicly proclaimed, and the 
people were overawed by the display of a magnificence and 
state such as had not till then been seen in Peru. He took 
an early occasion to intimate his future line of policy by 
liberating a number of Indian slaves on the application of 
their caciques. He then proceeded by land towards the 
south, and showed his determination to conform in his own 
person to the strict letter of the ordinances, by causing his 
baggage to be carried by mules, where it was practicable ; 
and where absolutely necessary to make use of Indians, he 
paid them fairly for their services.* 

The whole country was thrown into consternation by 
reports of the proceedings of the viceroy, and of his con- 
versations, most unguarded, which were eagerly circulated, 
and, no doubt, often exaggerated. Meetings were again 
called in the cities. Discussions were held on the expediency 
of resisting his further progress, and a deputation of citizens 

* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. il — Fernandez, Hist, del Pern, 
parte i. lib. i. cap. vi. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro H Yaldivia, MS. — 
Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1544. 

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from CuzcOy wbo were then in Lima, strongly urged the 
pec^le to close the gates of that capital against him. But 
Yaea de Castro had also left Cuzco for the latter city, on 
the earliest intimation of the viceroy's approach, and, with 
gome difficulty he preyailed on the inhahitants not to 
swerve from their loyalty, hut to receive their new ruler with 
suitahle honours, and trust to his calmer judgment for post- 
poning the execution of the law till the case could he laid 
before the throne. 

But the great body of the Spaniards, after what they 
had heard, had slender confidence in the relief to be 
obtained from this quarter. They now turned with more 
eagerness than ever towards Gonzalo Pizarro ; and letters 
and addresses poured in upon him from all parts of the 
country, inviting him to take on himself the office of their 
protector. These applications found a more favourable re- 
sponse than on the former occasion. 

There were, indeed, many motives at work to call Gon- 
zalo into action. It was to his family, mainly, that Spain 
was indebted for this extension of her colonial empire ; and he 
bad felt deeply aggrieved that the government of the colony 
should be trusted to other hands than his. He had felt this 
on the arrival of Vaca de Castro, and much more so when 
the appointment of a viceroy proved it to be the settled 
policy of the Crown to exclude his family from the manage- 
ment of affairs. His brother Hernando still languished in 
prison, and he himself was now to be sacrificed as the prin- 
cipal victim of the fatal ordinances. For who had taken so 
prominent a part in the civil war with the elder Almagro ? 

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And the viceroy was currently reported— it may have been 
scandal — to have intimated that Pizarro would be dealt with 
accordingly.* Yet there was no one in the country who had 
so great a stake, who had so much to lose by the revolution. 
Abandoned thus by the government, he conceived that it 
was now time to take care of himself. 

Assembling together some eighteen or twenty cavaliers in 
whom he most trusted, and taking a large amount of silver, 
drawn from the mines, he accepted the invitation to repair 
to Cuzco. As he approached this capital, he was met by 
a numerous body of the citizens, who came out to welcome 
him, making the air ring with, their shouts, as they saluted 
him with the title of Procurator-General of Peru. The title 
was speedily confirmed by the municipality of the city, who 
invited him to head a deputation to Lima, in order to state 
their grievances to the viceroy, and solicit the present sus* 
pension of the ordinances. 

But the spark of ambition was kindled in the bosom of 
Pizarro. He felt strong in the affections of the people ; 
and, from the more elevated position in which he now stood, 
his desires took a loftier and more unbounded range. Yet, 
if he harboured a criminal ambition in his breast, he skil-> 

* " It was not fair," the viceroy said, " that the country should remain 
longer in the hands of muleteers and swineherds, (alluding to the origin 
of the Pizarros) and he would take measures to restore it to the Crown.** 
** Que asi me la havia de cortar ^ mi i ^ todos los que havian seido nota- 
blemente, como el decia, culpados en la batalla de las Salinas i en las 
diferencias de Almagro, i que una tierra como esta no era justo que estu- 
viese en poder de gente tan vaza que llamava el & los desta tierra porque- 
ros i arrieros, sino que estuviese toda en la Corona real.** — Carta de Gonzalo 
Pizarro 6 Valdivia, MS, 

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fully veiled it from others, — perhaps from himself. The 
only ohject he professed to have in view was the good of the 
people ;* a suspicious phrase, usually meaning the good of 
the individual. He now demanded permission to raise and 
organise an armed force, with the further title of Captain- 
General. His views were entirely pacific ; hut it was not 
safe, unless strongly protected, to urge them on a person of 
the viceroy's impatient and arhitrary temper. It was 
further contended hy Pizarro's friends, that such a force 
was demanded to rid the country of their old enemy, the 
Inca Manco, who hovered in the neighhouriug mountains 
with a hody of warriors', ready, at the first opportunity, to 
descend on the Spaniards. The municipality of Cuzco hesi- 
tated, as well it might, to confer powers so far heyond its 
legitimate authority. But Pizarro avowed his purpose, in 
case of refusal, to decline the office of Procurator ; and the 
efforts of his partisans, hacked by those of the people, at 
length silenced the scruples of the magistrates, who be- 
stowed on the ambitious chief the military command to which 
he aspired. Pizarro accepted it with the modest assurance 
that he did so " purely from regard to the interests of the 
king, of the Indies, and, above all, of Peru" ! t 

* " Diciendo que no queria nada para si, sino para el beneficio universal, 
i que por todos havia de poner todas bus fuer9a8.'* — Herrera, Hist. General, 
dec. vii. lib. vii. cap. 20. 

•j- " Acept^ lo por ver que en ello hacia servicio i Dios i 4 S. M. i gran 
bien k esta tierra i generalmente k todas las Indias." — Carta de Gonzalo 
Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. vii. cap. 
arix, XX. — Zarate^ Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. iv. viii. — Fernandez, Hist 
del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. viii.— Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, 
MS. — Montesinos, Annales^ MS. ano 1544. 

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While the eTents recorded in the preceding pages were in 
progress, Blaseo Nnfiez had been journeying towards Lima. 
But the alienation which his conduct had abready caused in 
the minds of the colonists, was shown in the cold reception 
which he occasionally experienced on the route, and in the 
scanty accommodations provided for him and his retinue. 
In one place where he took up his quarters, he found an 
ominous inscription over the door : — " He that takes my 
property must expect to pay for it with his life/'* Neither 
daunted, nor diverted from his purpose, the inflexible 
viceroy held on his way towards the capital, where the inha- 
bitants, preceded by Yaca de Castro and the municipal 
authorities, came out to receive him. He entered in great 
state, under a canopy of crimson cloth, embroidered with the 
arms of Spain, and supported by stout poles or staves of 
solid silver, which were borne by the members of the muni- 

* '' A quien me Tiniere 6, qui tar mi hacienda, quitarle he la vida.'* 
— Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. vii. cap. xviii. 

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cipality. A cavalier, holding a mace, the emblem of autho- 
rity, rode before him ; and after the oaths of office were 
administered in the council-chamber, the procession 
moved towards the cathedral, where Te Beum was sung, 
and Blasco Nujaez was installed in his new dignity of 
viceroy of Peru.* 

His first act was to proclaim his determination in respect 
to the ordinances. He had no warrant to suspend their 
execution. He should fulfil his commission ; but he offered 
to join the colonists in a memorial to the emperor, soliciting 
the repeal of a code which he now believed would be for the 
interests neither of the country nor of the Crown.t With 
this avowed view of the subject, it may seem strange that 
Blasco Nu£ez should not have taken the responsibility of 
suspending the law until his sovereign could be assured of 

* ** Entrd en la cibdad de Lima d 17 de Majo de 1544 : saliole i. recibir 
todo el pueblo i pie j & caballo dos tiros de ballesta del pueblo, y d la 
entrada de la cibdad estaba un arco triun&l de verde con las Armas de 
FiSpftfia, 7 las de la misma cibdad ; estaban le esperando el Regimiento 
J JuBticia, 7 oficiales del Re7 con ropas largas, hasta en pies de carmesi, j 
un palio del mesmo carmesi aforrado en lo mesmo, con ocbo baras guame- 
cidas de plata 7 tomaronle debajo todos d pie, cada Regidor 7 justicia con 
ana bara del palio, 7 el yirre7 en su caballo con las mazas delante 
tomaronle juramento en un libro misal, 7 jurd de las guardar 7 cumplir 
todas BUS libertades 7 provisiones de S. M. ; 7 luego fuerou desta manera 
hasta la iglesia, salieron los clerigos con la cmz 6, la puerta 7 le metieron 
dentro cantando Te deum IcmdamniSy 7 despues que obo dicho su oracion, 
fn^ con el cabildo 7 toda la ciudad k su palacio donde fii^ recebido 7 hizo 
un parlamento breve en que contentd H toda la gente." — Reladon de los 
Bucesos de Peru desde que entrd el Tirre7 Blasco Nunez acaecidos en mar 7 
tierra, MS. 

'I* " Porque llanamente el confesaba, que asi para su Magestad, come 
para aquellos Reinos, eran perjudiciales." — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. 
cap. V. 


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the inevitable consequeneeB of enforcing it. The pacha of 
a Torkish despot, who had allowed himself this latitude for 
the interests of his master, might, indeed, ha?e reckoned on 
the bowstring. But the example of Mendoza, the prudent 
viceroy of Mexico, who adopted this course in a similar 
crisis, and precisely at the same period, showed its propriety 
under existing circumstances. The ordinances were sus- 
pended by him till the Crown could be warned of the conse- 
quences of enforcing them, — and Mexico was saved from 
revolution.* But Blasco Nu£ez had not the wisdom of 

The public apprehension was now far from being allayed. 
Secret cabals were formed in Lima, and communications 
held with the different towns. No distrust, however, was 
raised in the breast of the viceroy, and, when informed of 
the preparations of Gonzalo Pizarro, he took no other step 
than to send a message to his camp, announcing the extra- 
ordinary powers with which he was himself invested, and 
requiring that chief to disband his forces. He seemed to 
think that a mere word from him would be sufficient to dissi- 
pate rebellion. But it required more than a breath to scatter 
the iron soldiery of Peru. 

Gonzalo Pizarro, meanwhile, was busily occupied in mus- 
tering his army. His first step was to order from Guamanga 
sixteen pieces of artillery, sent there by Yaca de Castro, 
who, in the present state of excitement, was unwilling to 
trust the volatile people of Cuzco with these implements of 

* Fernandez, Hist, del Peni^ parte L lib. i. cap. ii.-7. 

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destruction. Gonzalo, who had no scruples as te Indian 
labour, appropriated six thousand of the natives to the 
service of transporting this train of ordnance across the 

By his exertions and those of his friends, the active chief 
soon mustered a force of nearly four hundred men, which, 
if not very imposing in the outset, he conceived would be 
swelled, in his descent to the coast, by tributary levies from 
the towns and villages on the way. All his own funds were 
expended in equipping his men and providing for the march ; 
and, to supply deficiencies, he made no scruple — since, to 
use his words, it was for the public interest — to appropriate 
the moneys in the royal treasury. With this seasonable aid, 
his troops, well mounted and thoroughly equipped, were put 
in excellent fighting order ; and, after making them a brief 
harangue, in which he was careful to insist on the pacific 
character of his enterprise, somewhat at variance with his 
military preparations, Gonzalo Pizarro sallied forth from the 
gates of the capital 

Before leaving it, he received an important accession of 
strength in the person of Francisco de Carbajal, the veteran 
who performed so conspicuous a part in the battle of Chupas. 
He was at Charcas when the news of the ordinances reached 
Peru ; and he instantly resolved to quit the country and 
return to Spain, convinced that the New World would be no 
longer the land for him, — no longer the golden Indies. 
Turning his efiects into money, he prepared to embark them 
on board the first ship that offered. But no opportunity 

* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. y. cap. viii. 


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68 civn. WARS OF the oonquerobs. 

occurred, and he could have little expectation now of escap- 
ing the vigilant eye of the viceroy. Yet, though solicited 
hj Pizarro to take command under him in the present expe- 
dition, the veteran declined, saying he was eighty years old, 
and had no wish but to return home, and spend his few 
remaining days in quiet.* Well had it been for him, had 
he persisted in his refusal ! But he yielded to the impor- 
tunities of his friend ; and the short space that yet remained 
to him of life proved long enough to brand his memory with 
perpetual infamy. 

Soon after quitting Cuzco, Pizarro learned the death 
of the Inca Manco. He was massacred by a party of Spa- 
niards, of the faction of Almagro, who, on the defeat of 
their young leader, had taken refuge in the Indian camp. 
They, in turn, were all slain by the Peruvians. It is impos- 
sible to determine on whom the blame of the quarrel should 
rest, since no one present at the time has recorded it.f 

The death of Manco Inca, as he was commonly called, is 
an event not to be silently passed over in Peruvian history ; 
for he was the last of his race that may be said to have 
been animated by the heroic spirit of the ancient Incas. 
Though placed on the throne by Pizarro, far from remaining 
a mere puppet in his hands, Manco soon showed that his lot 
was not to be cast with that of his conquerors. With the 
ancient institutions of his country lying a wreck around 
him, he yet struggled bravely, like Guatemozin, the last of 

* Herrera, Hist. Greneial, dec, vii. lib. vii. cap. xxii. 
-I- Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — ^Garcilasso, Com. Real., 
parte ii. lib. iv. cap. vii. 

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the Aztecs, to uphold her tottering fortunes, or to bury his 
oppressors under her ruins. By the assault on his own 
capital of Cuzco, in which so large a portion of it was 
demolished, he gave a check to the arms of Pizarro, and, 
for a season, the fate of the Conquerors trembled in the 
balance. Though foiled in the end by the superior science 
of his adversary, the young barbarian still showed the same 
unconquerable spirit as before. He withdrew into the fast- 
nesses of his native mountains, whence sallying forth as 
occasion offered, he fell on the caravan of the traveller, or 
on some scattered party of the military ; and in the event 
of a civil war, was sure to throw his own weight into the 
weaker scale ; thus prolonging the contest of his enemies, 
and feeding his revenge by the sight of their calamities. 
Moving lightly from spot to spot he eluded pursuit amidst 
the wilds of the Cordilleras ; and hovering in the neigh- 
bourhood of the towns, or lying in ambush on the great 
thoroughfares of the country, the Inca Manco made his 
name a terror to the Spaniards. Often did they hold out 
to him terms of accommodation ; and every succeeding ruler, 
down to Blasco Nufiez, bore instructions from the Crown to 
employ every art to conciliate the formidable warrior. 
But Manco did not trust the promises of the white man ; 
and he chose rather to maintain his savage independence 
in the mountains, with the few brave spirits around him, 
than to live a slave in the land which had once owned the 
sway of his ancestors. 

The death of the Inca removed one of the great pretexts 
for Gonzalo Pizarro's military preparations ; but it had 

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little inflaence on him, as may be readily imagined. He 
was much more sensible to the desertion of some of his 
followers, which took place early on the march. Several of 
the cavaliers of Cuzco, startled by his unceremonious appro- 
priation of the public moneys, and by the belligerent aspect 
of affairs, now for the first time seemed to realise that they 
were in the path of rebellion. A number of these, includ- 
ing some principal men of the city, secretly withdrew from 
the army, and, hastening to Lima, offered their services to 
the viceroy. The troops were disheartened by this deser- 
tion, and even Pizarro for a moment faltered in his purpose, 
and thought of retiring with some fifty followers to Charcas, 
and there making his composition with government. But 
a little reflection, aided by the remonstrances of the 
courageous Carbajal, who never turned his back on an 
enterprise which he had once assumed, convinced him 
that he had gone too far to recede, — that his only safety 
was to advance. 

He was reassured by more decided manifestations which 
he soon after received, of the public opinion. An officer 
named Puelles, who commanded at Guanuco, joined him with 
a body of horse with which he had been intrusted by the 
viceroy. This defection was followed by that of others, 
and Gonzalo, as he descended the sides of the table-land, 
found his numbers gradually swelled to nearly double the 
amount with which he had left the Indian capital. 

As he traversed with a freer step the bloody field of 
Chupas, Carbajal pointed out the various localities of the 
battle-ground, and Pizarro might have found food for 

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anxious reflection, as he meditated on the fortunes of a 
rebel. At Guamanga he was received with open arms 
by the inhabitants, many of whom eagerly enlisted under 
his banner ; for they trembled for their property, as they 
heard from all quarters of the inflexible temper of the 

That functionary began now to be convinced that he was 
in a critical position. Before Puelles's treachery, above 
noticed, had been consummated, the viceroy had received 
some vague intimation of his purpose. Though scarcely 
crediting it, he detached one of his company, named Diaz, 
with a force to intercept him. But although that cavalier 
undertook the mission with alacrity, he was soon after pre- 
vailed on to follow the example of his comrade, and, with 
the greater part of the men under his command, went over 
to the enemy. In the civil feuds of this unhappy land, 
parties changed sides so lightly, that treachery to a com- 
mander had almost ceased to be a stain on the honour of a 
cavalier. Yet all, on whichever side they cast their fortunes, 
loudly proclaimed their loyalty to the Crown. 

Thus betrayed by his own men, by those apparently most 
devoted to his service, Blasco Nunez became suspicious of 
every one around him. Unfortunately his suspicions fell 
on some who were most deserving of his confidence. 
Among these was his predecessor, Vaca de Castro. That 

* Fernandez^ Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. xiv. xvi. — ^Zarate, 
Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. ix. x. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. viii. 
cap. y. ix. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Yaldivia, MS. — Relacion de lo8 
SucesoB del Peru, MS. 

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officer had conducted himself in the delicate situation in 
which he had been placed, with his usual discretion, and 
with perfect integrity and honour. He had frankly com- 
municated with the viceroy, and well had it been for 
Blasco Nufiez, if he had known how to profit by it But 
he was too much puffed up by the arrogance of office, and 
by the conceit of his own superior wisdom, to defer much to 
the counsels of his experienced predecessor. The latter 
was now suspected by the viceroy of maintaining a secret 
correspondence with his enemies at Guzco — a suspicion 
which seems to have had no better foundation than the 
personal friendship which Yaca de Castro was known to 
entertain for these individuals. But, with Blasco Nu£ez, to 
suspect was to be convinced ; and he ordered De Castro to 
be placed under arrest, and confined on board of a vessel 
lying in the harbour. This high-handed measure was 
followed by the arrest and imprisonment of several other 
cavaliers, probably on grounds equally frivolous.* 

He now turned his attention towards the enemy. Not- 
withstanding his former failure, he still did not altogether 
despair of effecting something by negotiation, and he sent 
another embassy, having the bishop of Lima at its head, 
to Gonzalo Pizarro*s camp, with promises of a general 
amnesty, and some proposals of a more tempting character 
to the commander. But this step, while it proclaimed his 
own weakness, had no better success than the preceding.! 

• Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. iii. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 
Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. x. 

i* Loaysa, the bishop, was robbed of his despatches, and not even aUowed 

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The viceroy now vigorously prepared for war. His first 
care was to put the capital in a posture of defence, by 
strengthening his fortifications, and throwing barricades 
across the streets. He ordered a general enrolment of the 
citizens, and called in levies from the neighbouring towns, 
— a call not very promptly answered. A squadron of eight 
or ten vessels was got ready in the port to act in concert 
with the land forces. The bells were taken from the 
churches, and used in the manufacture of muskets ;* and 
funds were procured from the fifths which had accumulated 
in the royal treasury. The most extravagant bounty was 
offered to the soldiers, and prices were paid for mules and 
horses, which showed that gold, or rather silver, was the 
commodity of least value in Peru.f By these efforts, the 
active commander soon assembled a force considerably 
larger than that of his adversary. But how could he 
confide in it ? 

While these preparations were going forward, the judges 
of the Audience arrived at Lima. They had shown, 
throughout their progress, no great respect either for the 

to enter the camp, lest his presence should shake the constancy of the 
soldiers. (See Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, MS.) The account 
occupies more space than it deserves in most of the authorities. 

* ** Hi9o hacer gran Copia de Arcabuces, asi de Hierro, como de Fun- 
dicion, de ciertas Campanas de la Iglesia Maior, que para ello quitd.** — 
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v, cap. vi. 

■f* Blasco Nunez paid, according to Zarate, who had the means of know- 
ing, twelve thousand ducats for thirty-five mules. — ^ El Yisorrei les mand<5 
comprar, de la Hacienda Real, treinta i cinco Machos, en que hiciesen la 
Jornada, que costaron mas de doce mil ducados." (Zarate, Conq. del 
Peru, lib. v, cap. x.) The South American of our day might well be 
surprised at such prices for animals since so abundant in his country. 

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ordinances, or the will of the yiceroj ; for they had taxed 
the poor natiyes as freely and unscrupulously as any of the 
Conquerors. We hare seen the entire want of cordiality 
suhsisting between them and their principal in Panami^. 
It became more apparent on their landing at Lima. They 
disapproved of his proceedings in every particular ; of his 
refusal to suspend the ordinances, — although, in fact, he 
had found no opportunity, of late, to enforce them ; of 
his preparations for defence, declaring that he ought rather 
trust to the effect of negotiation ; and, finally, of his 
imprisonment of so many loyal cavaliers, which they 
pronounced an arbitrary act, altogether beyond the bounds 
of his authority ; and they did not scruple to visit the 
prison in person, and discharge the captives from their 

This bold proceeding, while it conciliated the good-will 
of the people, severed, at once, all relations with the 
viceroy. There was in the Audience a lawyer, named 
Cepeda, a cunning, ambitious man, with considerable 
knowledge in the way of his profession, and with still 
greater talent for intrigue. He did not disdain the low 
arts of a demagogue to gain the favour of the populace, 
and trusted to find his own account in fomenting a mis- 
understanding with Blasco Nunez. The latter, it must 
be confessed, did all in his power to aid his counsellor in 
this laudable design. 

* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte L lib. i. cap. x. — Herrera, Hist. 
General, dec vii. lib. viii. cap. ii. x. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a 
Yaldivia, MS. 

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A certain cavalier in the place, named Saarez de Carbajal, 
who bad long held an office under goyernment, fell under 
the viceroy *s displeasure, on suspicion of conniving at the 
secession of some of his kinsmen, who had lately taken 
part with the malcontents. The viceroy summoned Carbajal 
to attend him at bis palace, late at night ; and when con- 
ducted to his presence, he bluntly charged him with treason. 
The latter stoutly denied the accusation, in tones as haughty 
as those of his accuser. The altercation grew warm, until, 
in the heat of passion, Blasco Nunez struck him with his 
poniard. In an instant, the attendants, taking this as a 
signal, plunged their swords into the body of the unfor- 
tunate man, who fell lifeless on the floor.* 

Greatly alarmed for the consequences of his rash act, — 
for Carbajal was much beloved in Lima, — Blasco Nufiez 
ordered the corpse of the murdered man to be removed by 
a private stairway from the house, and carried to the cathe- 
dral, where, rolled in his bloody cloak, it was laid in a 

* " He struck him in the bosom with his dagger, as some say, but the 
viceroy denies it." — So says Zarate, in the printed copy of his history. 
(Lib. y. cap. xi.) In the original manuscript of this work, still extant at 
Simancas, he states the fact without any qualification at all. '^ Luego el 
dicho Yirrei echd mano ^ una daga, i arremeti6 con el, i le did una 
pufialada, i 4k grandes voces mandd que le metasen." (Zarate, MS.) This 
was doubtless his honest conviction, when on the spot soon after the event 
occurred. The politic historian thought it prudent to qualify his remark 
before publication. — ** They say," says another contemporary, familiar with 
these events and friendly to the viceroy, " that he gave him several 
wounds with his dagger." And he makes no attempt to refute the charge. 
(Reladon de los Sucesos del Peru, MS.) Indeed, this version of the story 
seems to have been generally received at the time by those who had the 
best means of knowing the truth. 

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grave hastily dug to receive it. So tragic a proceeding, 
known to so many witnesses, could not long be kept 
secret. Vague rumours of the fact explained the mysterious 
disappearance of Carbajal. The grave was opened, and the 
mangled remains of the slaughtered cavalier established 
the guilt of the viceroy.* 

From this hour Blasco Nufiez was held in universal 
abhorrence ; and his crime, in this instance, assumed the 
deeper dye of ingratitude, since the deceased was known 
to have had the greatest influence in reconciling the 
citizens early to his government. No one knew where the 
blow would fall next, or how soon he might himself become 
the victim of the ungovernable passions of the viceroy. In 
this state of things, some looked to the Audience, and yet 
more to Gonzalo Pizarro, to protect them. 

That chief was slowly advancing towards Lima, from 
which, indeed, he was removed but a few days' march. 
Greatly perplexed, Blasco Nu£ez now felt the loneliness of 
his condition. Standing aloof, as it were, from his 0¥m 
followers, thwarted by the Audience, betrayed by his soldiers, 
he might well feel the consequences of his misconduct. Yet 
there seemed no other course for him, but either to march 
out and meet the enemy, or to remain in Lima and defend 
it. He had placed the town in a posture of defence, which 
argued this last to have been his original purpose. But 
he felt he could no longer rely on his troops, and he decided 
on a third course, most unexpected. 

* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xi. 

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This was to abandon the capital, and withdraw to Trazillo^ 
about eighty leagues distant. The women would embark on 
board the squadron, and with the effects of the citizens, be 
transported by water. The troops, with the rest of the 
inhabitants, would march by land, laying waste the country 
as they proceeded. Gonzalo Pizarro, when he arrived at 
Lima, would find it without supplies for his army, and, thus 
straitened, he would not care to take a long march across a 
desert in search of his enemy.* 

What the viceroy proposed to effect by this movement is 
not clear, unless it were to gain time ; and yet the more 
time he had gained, thus far, the worse it had proved for 
him. But he was destined to encounter a decided opposition 
from the judges. They contended that he had no warrant 
for such an act, and that the Audience could not lawfully 
hold its sessions out of the capital. Blasco Nufiez per- 
sisted in his determination, menacing that body with force 
if necessary. The judges appealed to the citizens to support 
them in resisting such an arbitrary measure. They mustered 
a force for their own protection, and that same day passed a 
decree that the viceroy should be arrested. 

Late at night, Blasco Nufiez was informed of the hostile 
preparations of the judges. He instantly summoned his 
followers, to the number of more than two hundred, put on 
his armour, and prepared to march out at the head of his 
troops against the Audience. This was the true course ; 
for in a crisis like that in which he was placed, requiring 

* Zarate, Gonq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. zii. — Fernandez, parte i. lib. L 
cap. xviii. 

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promptness and decision, the presence of the leader is 
essential to insure success. But, unluckily, he yielded to 
the remonstrances of his brother and other friends, who 
dissuaded him from rashly exposing his life in such a 

What Blasco Nu^ez neglected to do was done by the 
judges. They sallied forth at the head of their followers, 
whose number, though small at first they felt confident 
would be swelled by volunteers as they advanced. Rushing 
forward, they cried out, — " Liberty ! Liberty ! Jjong live 
the king and the Audience I " It was early dawn, and the 
inhabitants, startled from their slumbers, ran to the windows 
and balconies, and, learning the object of the movement, 
some snatched up their arms and joined in it, while the 
women, waving their scarfs and kerchiefs, cheered on the 

When the mob arrived before the viceroy's palace, they 
halted for a moment, uncertain what to do. Orders were 
given to fire on them from the windows, and a volley 
passed over their heads. No one was injured ; and the 
greater part of the viceroy's men, with most of the 
officers, — including some of those who had been so anxious 
for his personal safety, — now openly joined the populace. 
The palace was then entered, and abandoned to pillage. 
Blasco Nufiez, deserted by all but a few faithful adherents, 
made no resistance. He surrendered to the assailants, was 
led before the judges, and by them was placed in strict 
confinement. The citizens, delighted with the result, pro- 
vided a collation for the soldiers ; and the affair ended 

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without the loss of a single life. Never was there so 
bloodless a revolution.* 

The first business of the judges was to dispose of the 
prisoner. He was sent, under a strong guard, to a neigh- 
bouring island, till some measures could be taken respecting 
him. He was declared to be deposed from his office ; a 
provisional government was established, consisting of their 
own body, with Cepeda at its head, as president ; and its 
first act was to pronounce the detested ordinances suspended, 
till instructions could be received from Court. It was also 
decided to send Blasco Nu^ez back to Spain with one of 
their own body, who should explain to the emperor the 
nature of the late disturbances, and vindicate the measures 
of the Audience. This was soon put in execution. The 
Licentiate Alvarez was the person selected to bear the 
viceroy company ; and the unfortunate commander, after 
passing several days on the desolate island, with scarcely 
any food, and exposed to all the inclemencies of the 
weather, took his departure for Panam^.f 

A more formidable adversary yet remained in Gonzalo 

♦ Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. — ^Relacion Anonima, MS. — 
Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. 
lib. i. cap. xix. — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xi. — Carta de Gonzalo 
Pizarro a Yaldivia, MS. Gonzalo Pizarro devoutly draws a conclusion 
from this, that the revolution was clearly brought about by the hand of God 
for the good of the land. '* E hizdse sin que muriese un hombre, ni fuese 
herido, como obra que Dios la guiava para el bien desta tierra.** — Carta, 
MS., ubi supra. 

*j* Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Yaldivia, MS. — Relacion de los Sucesos 
del Peru, MS. The story of the seizure of the viceroy is well told by the 
writer of the last MS., who seems here, at least, not unduly biassed in 
favour of Blasco Nunez, though a partisan. 

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Puarro, who had now advanced to Xauxa, about ninety 
miles from Lima. Here he halted, while numbers of the 
citizens prepared to join his banner, choosing rather to take 
service under him than to remain under the self-constituted 
authority of the Audience. The judges, meanwhile, who 
had tasted the sweets of office too short a time to be 
content to resign them, after considerable delay sent an 
embassy to the Procurator. They announced to him the 
revolution that had taken place, and the suspension of the 
ordinances. The great object of his mission had been thus 
accomplished ; and, as a new government was now organ- 
ised, they called on him to shew his obedience to it, by 
disbanding his forces, and withdrawing to the unmolested 
enjoyment of his estates. It was a bold demand, — though 
couched in the most courteous and complimentary phrase,*— 
to make of one in Pizarro*s position. It was attempting to 
scare away the eagle just ready to stoop on his prey. If 
the chief had faltered, however, he would have been 
reassured by his lion-hearted lieutenant. ** Never show 
faint heart," exclaimed the latter, <^ when you are so near 
the goal. Success has followed every step of your path. 
You have now only to stretch forth your hand, and seize 
the government. Everything else will follow." — The envoy 
who brought the message from the judges was sent back 
with the. answer, that ** the people had called Gonzalo 
Pizarro to the government of the country, and, if the 
Audience did not at once invest him with it, the city should 
be delivered up to pillage." ♦ 

* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. ▼. cap. ziii. It required some courafe to 

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The bewildered magistrates were thrown into dismay by 
this decisive answer. Yet loth to resign, they took counsel 
in their perplexity of Vaca de Castro, still detained on board 
one of the vessels. But that commander had received too 
little favour at the hands of his successors to think it neces- 
sary to peril his life on their account by thwarting the plans 
of Pizarro. He mamtained a discreet silence, therefore, 
and left the matter to the wisdom of the Audience. 

Meanwhile, Garbajal was sent into the city to quicken 
their deliberations. He came at night, attended only by a 
small party of soldiers, intimating his contempt of the power 
of the judges. His first act was to seize a number of 
cavaliers, whom he dragged from their beds, and placed 
under arrest. They were men of Cuzco^ the same already 
noticed as having left Pizarro's ranks soon after his de- 
parture from that capital While the Audience still hesi- 
tated as to the course they should pursue, Garbajal caused 
three of his prisoners, persons of consideration and property, 
to be placed on the backs of mules, and escorted out of 
town to ihe suburbs, where, with brief space allowed for 
confession, he hung them all on the branches of a tree. 
He superintended the execution himself, and tauntingly 
complimented one of his victims, by teUing him, that, ** in 
consideration of his higher rank, he should have the pri?!- 
lege of selecting the bough on which to be hanged ! *'* 

caiTj the message of the Audience to Gonzalo and his desperate followers. 

The historian Zarate, the royal comptroller, was the envoj ; not much, as 

it appears, to his own satis&ction. He escaped, however, unharmed, and 

has made a full report of the afiEair in his chronicle. 

• « Le queria dar bu muerte con una pre-eminencia senalada, ^ue 

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The ferocious officer would have proceeded still further in 
his executions, it is said^ had it not been for orders received 
from his leadw. But enough was done to quicken the 
perceptions of the Audience as to their course, for thej felt 
their own lives suspended by a thread in such unscrupulous 
hands. Without further delay, therefore, they sent to 
invite Gonzalo Pizarro to enter the city, declaring that the 
security of the country and the general good required the 
government to be placed in his hands.* 

That chief had now advanced within half a league of the 
capital, which soon after, on the 28th of October, 1544, he 
entered in battle array. His whole force was little short of 
twelve hundred Spaniards, besides several thousand Indians, 
who dragged his heavy guns in the advance.! Then came 

escogiese en qual de las ramas de aquel arbol queria que le colgasen." — 
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xiii. — See abo Relacion Anonima, MS. ; 
— Fernandez, parte i. lib. L cap. xxv. 

* According to Gonzalo Pizarro, the Audience gave this invitation in 
obedience to the demands of the representatives of the cities. **Y A esta 
sazon llegu^ 70 & lima ; i todos los procunidores de las cibdades destoa 
reynos suplicaron al Audiencia me hiciesen govemador para resistir los 
robos 6 fuerzas que Blasco Nunez andava faciendo, i para tener la tierra en 
justicia hasta que S. M. proveyese lo que mas & su real servicio convenia. 
Los oydores visto que asi convenia al servicio de Dies i al de S. M., i al 
bien destos reynos," &c. (Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro i Valdivia, MS.) 
But Gonzalo^s account of himself must be received with more than the 
usual grain of allowance. His letter, which is addressed to Valdivia, the 
celebrated conqueror of Chili, contains a full account of the rise and 
progress of his rebellion. It is the best vindication, therefore, to be found 
of himself, and, as a counterpoise to the narratives of his enemies, is of 
inestimable value to the historian. 

f He employed twelve thousand Indians on this service, says the writer 
of the BdacUm Anonima^ MS, But this author, although living in the 
colonies at the time, talks too much at random to gain our implicit 

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the files of spearmen and arquebusiers, making a formidable 
corps of infiastry for a colonial army ; and, lastly, the 
cavalry, at the bead of which rode Pizarro himself, on a 
powerful charger, gaily caparisoned. The rider was in 
complete mail, over which floated a richly-embroidered 
Burcoat, and Ids head was protected by a crimson cap, 
highly ornamented, — his showy livery setting off his hand- 
some, soldier-like person to advantage.* Before him was 
borne the royal standard of Castile ; for every one, royalist 
or rebel, was careful to fight under that sign. This 
emblem of loyalty was supported on the right by a banner, 
emblazoned with the arms of Cuzco, and by another on the 
left, displaying the armorial bearings granted by the Crown 
to the Pizarros. As the martial pageant swept through the 
streets of Lima, the air was rent with acclamations from 
the populace, and from the spectators in the balconies. 
The cannon sounded at intervals, and the bells of the city, 
— those that the viceroy had spared — rang out a joyous 
peal, as if in honour of a victory I 

The oaths of office were duly administered by the judges 
of the Royal Audience, and Gonzalo Pizarro was proclaimed 
Governor and Captain-General of Peru, till his Majesty's 
pleasure could be known in respect to the government. 
The new ruler then took up his quarters in the palace of 
his brother, — where the stains of that brother's blood were 
not yet effaced. Fetes, bull-fights, and tournaments graced 

* *^ Y el armado y con una capa de grana cubierta con mnchas guarniciones 
de oro, e con sayo de brocado sobre laa annas." — Relacion de los Sucesoe 
del Peru, MS. — Also Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xiii. 


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the ceremony of inauguration^ and were prolonged for 
several days, while the giddy populace of the capital ahan- 
doned themselves to jubilee, as if a new and more auspicious 
order of things had commenced for Peru ! * 

* For the preceding pages relating to Gonzalo Pizarro, see Reladon 
Anonima, MS. ; — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, pcurte i. lib. i. cap. xxv. ; 
— Pedro Pizarro, Descub. j Conq., MS. ; — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro H 
Yaldivia, MS. ; — Zarate, Conq. del Peru^ lib. v. cap. ziii. ; — Herrera, Hist. 
General, dec. vii. lib. viii. cap. zvi. zix. ; — Reladon de los Sucesos del 
Peruy MS. ; — Montesinos^ Annales, MS., auo 1544, 

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The first act of Gonzalo Pizarro was to cause those persons 
to be apprehended who had taken the most active part 
against him in the late troubles. Several he condemned to 
death; but afterwards commuted the sentence, and con-> 
tented himself with driving them into banishment and con- 
fiscating their estates.* His next concern was to establish 
his authority on a firm basis. He filled the municipal 
gOFemment of Lima with his own partisans. He sent his 
lieutenants to take charge of the principal cities. He 
caused galleys to be rebuilt at Arequipa, to secure the com- 
mand of the seas ; and brought his forces into the best 
possible condition, to prepare for future emergencies. 

The Royal Audience existed only in name ; for its powers 
were speedily absorbed by the new ruler, who desired to 

• Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Gonq., MS. The honest soldier, who tells 
us this, was more true to his king than to his kindred. At least, he did not 
attach himself to Gonzalo's party, and was among those who barely escaped 
hanging on this occasion. He seems to have had little respect for his 

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place the government on the same footing as under the 
Marquis, his brother. Indeed the Audience necessarily fell 
to pieces, from the position of its several members. Alvarez 
had been sent with the viceroy to Castile. Cepeda, the 
most aspiring of the Court, now that he had failed in his 
own schemes of ambition, was content to become a tool in 
the hands of the military chief who had displaced him. 
Zarate, a third judge, who had, from the £rst, protested 
against the violent measures of his colleagues, was confined 
to his house by a mortal illness ;* and Tepeda, the remain- 
ing magistrate, Gonzalo now proposed to send back to 
Castile, with such an account of the late taransaetions as 
should vindicate his own conduct in the eyes of the emperor. 
This step was opposed by Carbajal, who bluntly told his 
commander that ** he had gone too far to expect favour 
from the Crown ; and that he had better rely for his vindi- 
cation on his pkes and muskets ! " f 

But the ship which was to transport Tepeda was found to 
have suddenly disappeared from the port. It was the same 
in which Yaca de Castro was confined ; and that officer, not 
caring to trust to the forbearance of one whose advances, 
on a former occasion, he had so unceremoniously repulsed, 
and convinced, moreover, that his own presence could profit 
nothing in a land where he held no legitimate authority, 

* Zarate, the judge^ must not be confounded with Zarate, the historian, 
who went out to Peru with the Court of Audience, as conUidor reed, royal 
comptroller, — Shaving before filled the office of secretary of the royal council 
in Spain. 

f Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxxii. — Garcilasso^ Com. Real., 
parte ii. lib. iv. cap. zxi. 

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had prevailed on the captain to sail with him to Panami. 
He then crosBed the Isthmus, and embarked for Spain. 
The rumours of his coming had abeadj preceded him, and 
charges were not wanting agiunst him from some of those 
whom he had offended by his administration. He was 
accused of having carried measures with a high hand, 
regardless of the rights both of the colonist and of the 
native ; and above all, of having embezzled the public 
moneys, and of returning with his coffers richly freighted to 
Castile. This last was an unpardonable crime. 

No sooner had the governor set foot in his own country, 
than he was arrested and hurried to the fortress of Arevalo ; 
and, though he was afterwards removed to better quarters, 
where he was treated with the indulgence due to his rank, 
he was still kept a prisoner of state for twelve years, when 
the tardy tribunals of Castile pronounced a judgment in his 
favour. He was acquitted of every charge that had been 
brought against him, and, so far from peculation, was 
proved to have returned home no richer than he went. He 
was released from confinement, reinstated in his h<mours 
and dignities, took his seat anew in the royal council, and 
Yaca de Castro enjoyed, during the remainder of his days, 
the consideration to which he was entitled by his deserts.* 
The best eulogium on the wisdom of his administration was 
afforded by the troubles brought on the colonies by that of 
his successor. The nation became gradually sensible of the 

* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xv. — Relacion Anonima, MS. — 
Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., 
ano 1545. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte l lib. i. cap. xxviii. 

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value of his serrices ; though the manner in which thej 
were requited by the goyemment must be allowed to form 
a cold commentary on the gratitude of princes. 

Gonzalo Pizarro was doomed to experience a still greater 
disappointment than that caused by the escape of Yaca 
de Castro, in the return of Blasco Nu&ez. The vessel 
which bore him from the country had hardly left the shore, 
when Alvarez, the judge, whether from remorse at the part 
which he had taken, or apprehensive of the consequences of 
carrying back the viceroy to Spain, presented himself before 
that dignitary, and announced that he was no longer a pri- 
soner. At the same time he excused himself for the part he 
had taken, by his desire to save the life of Blasco Nu&ez, 
and extricate him from his perilous situation. He now placed 
the vessel at his disposal, and assured him it should take 
him wherever he chose. 

The viceroy, whatever faith he may have placed in the 
judge's explanation, eagerly availed himself of his offer. 
His proud spirit revolted at the idea of returning home in 
disgrace, foiled, as he had been, in every object of his mis- 
sion. He determined to try his fortune again in the land, 
and his only doubt was, on what point to attempt to rally 
his partisans around him. At Panama he might remain in 
safety, while he invoked assistance from Nicaragua and 
other colonies at the north. But this would be to abandon 
his government at once ; and such a confession of weakness 
would have a bad effect on his followers in Peru. He de- 
termined, therefore, to direct his steps towards Quito, 
which, while it was within his jurisdiction, was still removed 

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far enough from the theatre of the late troubles to give him 
time to rally, and make head Ugainst his enemies. 

In pursuance of this purpose, the viceroj and his suite 
disembarked at Tumbez, about the middle of October, 1544. 
On landing, he issued a manifesto setting forth the violent 
proceedings of Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers, whom he 
denounced as traitors to their prince, and he called on all 
true subjects in the colony to support him in maintaimng 
the royal authority. The call was not imheeded ; and vo- 
lunteers came in, though tardily, from San Miguel, Puerto 
Viejo, and other places on the coast, cheering the heart 
of the viceroy with the conviction that the sentiment 
of loyalty was not yet extinct in the bosoms of the 

But, while thus occupied, he received tidings of the 
arrival of one of Pizarro 's captains on the coast, with a force 
superior to his own. Their number was exaggerated ; but 
Blasco Nufiez, without waiting to ascertain the truth, aban- 
doned his position at Tumbez, and with as much expedition 
as he could make across a wild and mountainous country 
half-buried in snow, he marched to Quito. But this capital, 
situated at the northern extremity of his province, was not a 
favourable point for the rendezvous of his followers; and, 
after prolonging his stay till he had received assurance from 
Benalcazar, the loyal commander at Popayan, that he would 
support him with all his strength in the coming conflict, he 
made a rapid counter-march to the coast, and took up his 
position at the town of San Miguel. This was a spot well 
suited to his purposes, as lying on the great high road along 

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the shores of the Pacific, besides being the chief mart for 
commercial intercourse with Fanam£ and the north. 

Here the Yiceroj erected his standard, and in a few weeks 
found himself at the head of a force amounting to nearly five 
hundred in all, horse and foot, ill provided w:ith arms and 
ammunition, but apparently zealous in the cause. Finding 
himself in sufficient strength to commence active opera- 
tions, he now sallied forth against several of Pizarro's 
captains in the neighbourhood, over whom he obtained some 
decided advantages, which renewed his confidence, and flat- 
tered him with the hopes of re-establishing his ascendancy 
in the country.* 

During this time Gonzalo Pizarro was not idle. He had 
watched with anxiety the viceroy's movements ; and was 
now convinced that it was time to act, and that, if he would 
not be unseated himself, he must dislodge his formidable 
rival. He accordingly placed a strong garrison under a 
faithful officer in Lima, and, after sending forward a force 
of some six hundred men by land to Truxillo, he embarked 
for the same port himself, on the 4th of March, 1545, the 
very day on which the viceroy had marched from Quito. 

At Truxillo Pizarro put himself at the head of his little 

* Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro i^ Valdivia, MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, 
lib. V. cap. xiv. xv. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. viii. cap. xix. 
XX. — Relacion Anonima, MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. 
cap. xxiii. — Relacion de loe Sucesos del Peru, MS. The author of the 
document last cited notices the strong feeling for the Crown existing in se- 
veral of the cities, and mentions also the rumour of a meditated assault on 
Cuzco by the Indians. — The writer belonged to the discomfited party of 
Blasco Nunez, and the facility with which exiles credit reports in their own 
favour is proverbial. 

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army, and moved without loss of time against San Migael. 
His rival, eager to bring their quarrel to an issue, would 
fain have marched out to give him battle ; but hiB soldiers, 
mostly young and inexperienced levies, hastily brought 
together, were intimidated by the name of Pizarro, They 
loudly insisted on being led into the upper country, where 
they would be reinforced by Benalcazar ; and their unfortu- 
nate commander, like the rider of some unmanageable steed, 
to whose humours he is obliged to submit, was hurried away 
in a direction contrary to his wishes. It was the fate of 
Blasco Nuflez to have his purposes baffled alike by his 
Mends and his enemies. 

On arriving before San Miguel, Gonzalo Pizarro found, 
to his great mortification, that his antagonist had left it. 
Without entering the town, he quickened his pace, and, 
after traversing a valley of some extent, reached the skirts 
of a mountain chain, into which Blasco Nu£ez had entered 
but a few hours before. It was late in the evening ; but 
Pizarro, knowing the importance of despatch, sent forward 
Carbajal with a party of light troops to overtake the fugi- 
tives. That captain succeeded in coming up with their 
lonely bivouac among the mountains at midnight, when the 
weary troops were buried in slumber. Startled from their 
repose by the blast of the tnnnpet, which, strange to say, 
their enemy had incautiously sounded,* the viceroy and his 

* " Mas Francisco Caruajal q los yua siguiendo, Uegd qaatro boras de la 
noche k dOde estauan : j eon Tna troinpeta quelle aua les toc<5 anna : j 
sentido por el Virey se leuantd luego el primero." — Fernandez, Hist, del 
Pern, parte i. lib. i. cap. zl. 

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men sprang to their feet, mounted their horses, grasped their 
arquehuses, and poured such a volley into the ranks of their 
assailants, that Carbajal^ disconcerted bj his reception, 
found it prudent, with his inferior force, to retreat. The 
viceroy followed, till, fearing an ambuscade in the darkness 
of the night, he withdrew, and allowed his adversary to 
rejoin the main body of the army under Pizarro. 

This conduct of Oarbajal, by which he allowed the game 
to slip through his hands from mere carelessness, is inex- 
plicable. It forms a singular exception to the habitual cau^ 
tion and vigilance displayed in his military career. Had it 
been the act of any other captain, it would have cost him 
his head. But Pizarro, although greatly incensed, set too 
high a value on the services and well-tried attachment of 
his lieutenant, to quarrel with him. Still it was considered of 
the last importance to overtake the enemy, before he had ad- 
vanced much farther to the north, where the difficulties of the 
ground would greatly embarrass the pursuit. Oarbajal, anxious 
to retrieve his error, was accordingly again placed at the 
head of a corps of light troops, with instructions to harass 
the enemy's march, cut off his stores, and keep him in check 
if possible, till the arrival of Pizarro.* 

But the viceroy had profited by the recent delay to gain 
considerably on his pursuers. His road led across the 
valley of Oaxas, a broad uncultivated district, affording little 
sustenance for man or beast. Day after day his troops held 
on their march through this dreary region, intersected with 

* Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. zl. — Herrera, Hist 
General, dec. vil. lib. ix. cap. xxlu — Garcilasso, Com. Real., lib. iv. cap. zzyi. 

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harranc(is and rocky ravines that added incredibly to their 
toil. Their principal food was the parched com, which 
usually formed the nourishment of the travelling Indians, 
though held of much less account by the Spaniards ; and 
this meagre fare was reinforced by such herbs as they found 
on the way-side, which, for want of better utensils, the 
soldiers were fain to boil in their helmets.* Carbajal, 
meanwhile, pressed on them so close, that their baggage, 
ammunition, and sometimes their mules, fell into his hands. 
The indefatigable warrior was always on their track, by day 
and by night, allowing them scarcely any repose. They 
spread no tent, and lay down in their arms, with their steeds 
standing saddled beside them ; and hardly had the weary 
soldier closed his eyes, when he was startled by the cry that 
the enemy was upon him.f 

At length the harassed followers of Blasco Nu&ez reached 
the depohlado, or desert of Paltos, which stretches towards 
the north for many a dreary league. The ground inter- 
sected by numerous streams, has the character of a great 
quagmire, and men and horses floundered about in the stag- 
nant waters, or with difficulty worked their way over the 
marsh, or opened a passage through the tangled underwood 

* " Caminando, pnes, comiendo algunas jervas, que cocian en las celadas, 
qnando paraban & dar aliento i, los caballos."' — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 
viii. lib. iz. cap. xjdr. 

i* '* I sin qae en todo el camino los vnos ni los otros qnitasen las sillas o 
loB caballos. Aunque en este caso estaba mas alerta la gente del Yisorei, 
porque si algun peqneno rate de la nocbe reposaban, era vestidos i teniendo 
siempre los caballos del cabestro, sin esperar & poner toldos, ni k adereqar 
las otras formas, que se suelen tener para atar los caballos de noche." 
— Zarate, Conq. del Pern, lib. v. cap. zzis. 

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that shot up ia rank luxuriance from the surface. The 
wayworn horsesj without food, except such as they could 
pick up in the wilderness, were often spent with trayel, 
and, hecommg unserviceable, were leffc to die on the road, 
with their hamstrings cut, that they might be of no use to 
the enemy ; though more frequently they were despatched 
to afford a miserable banquet to their masters.* Many of 
the men now fainted by the way from mere exhaustion, or 
loitered in the woods, unable to ke^ up with the march. 
And woe to the straggler who fell into the hands of Carbajal, 
at least if he had once belonged to the party of Pizarro. 
The mere suspicion of treason sealed his doom with the un- 
relenting soldier.f 

The sufferings of Pizarro and his troop were scarcely 
less than those of the viceroy ; though they were some- 
what mitigated by the natives of the country, who, with 
ready instinct, discerned which party was the strongest, 
and, of course, the most to be feared. But, with every 
alleviation, the chieftain's sufferings were terrible. It was 
repeating the dismal scenes of the expedition to the Amazcm. 
The soldiers of the Conquest must be admitted to have 
purchased their triumphs dearly. 

Tet the viceroy had one source of disquietude, greater, 
perhaps, than any arising from physical suffering. This 

* ^ I en cansandose el caballo, le desjarretaba, i le dexaba, poique sos 
contrarios no se apro vecbasen de ^L" — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xzix. 

f ^ Had it not been for Gonzalo Pizarro's interference," says Femandex, 
'^ many more would have been hung up by bis lieutenant, wbo plecuaaUlp 
quoted the old Spanish proverb, — *The fewer of our enemies the better* " 
De lo8 enemigos, loa meTios. — Hist, del Peru, parte I lib. i. cap. xl. 

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was the distrust of his own followers. There were seyeral 
of the principal cavaliers in his suite whom he suspected 
of being in correspondence with the enemy, and eren of 
designing to betray him into their hands. He was so well 
convinced of this, that he caused two of these officers to be 
put to death on the march ; and their dead bodies as they 
lay by the road-side, meeting the eye of the soldier, told 
him that there were others to be feared in these frightful 
solitudes besides the enemy in his rear.* 

Another cavalier, who held the chief command under 
the viceroy, was executed after a more formal investigation 
of his case, at the first place where the army halted. At 
this distance of time, it is impossible to determine how far 
the suspicions of Blasco Nu&ez were founded on truth. 
The judgments of contemporaries are at variance, t In 
times of political ferment, the opinion of the writer is 
generally determined by the complexion of his party. To 
judge from the character of Blasco Nu^ez, jealous and 

* " Lob afligidos soldados, que por el cansaudo de los caballos iban & 
pie con terrible angustia, por la perBecucion de los enemigos, que iban 
oerca, i por la &tiga de la hambre, quando vieron los cuerpos de los dos 
capitaneB miiertOB en aquel camino^ quedaron atonitoB.** — Herrera, Hist 
General^ dec. vii. lib. ix. cap. xxv. 

f Fernandez, who held a loyal pen, and one sufficiently friendly to the 
-viceroy, after stating that the officers, whom the latter put to death, had 
served him to that time with their lives and fortunes, dismisses the afiair 
with the temperate reflection, that men formed different judgments on it. 
** Sobre estas muertes uuo en el Perti varies y contrarios juyzios y opi- 
niones de culpa y de su descargo." (Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. 
zli.) Gomara says, more unequivocally, '* All condemned it.'' (Hist, de 
las Ind., cap. clzvii.) The weight of opinion seems to have been against 
the viceroy. 

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irritable, we might suppose him to have acted without suffi- 
cient cause. But this consideration is counterbalanced bj 
that of the facilitj with which his followers swerved from 
their allegiance to their commander, who seems to have had 
80 light a hold on their affections, that they were shaken off 
by the least reverse of fortune. Whether his suspicions 
were well or ill-founded, the effect was the same on the mind 
of the viceroy. With an enemy in his rear whom he dared 
not fight, and followers whom he dared not trust, the cup of 
his calamities was nearly full. 

At length he issued forth on firm ground, and, passing 
through Tomebamba, Blasco Nufiez re-entered his northern 
capital of Quito. But his reception was not so cordial as 
that which he had before experienced. He now came as a 
fugitive, with a formidable enemy in pursuit ; and he was 
soon made to feel that the surest way to receive support is 
not to need it. 

Shaking from his feet the dust of the disloyal city, whose 
superstitious people were alive to many an omen that boded 
his approaching ruin,* the unfortunate commander held on 
his way towards Pastes, in the jurisdiction of Benalcazar. 
Pizarro and his forces entered Quito not long after, dis- 
appointed, that, with all his diligence, the enemy still eluded 
his pursuit. He halted only to breathe his men, and, 

* Some of these omens recorded by the historian — as the howling of 
dogs — ^were certainly no miracles. ^ En esta lamentable i angustiosa par- 
tida, muchoB afirmaron haver visto por el aire mnchos cometas, i que quad- 
rillas de perros andaban por las calles, dando grandes i temerosos ahuUidos, 
i los hombres andaban asombrpdos i fuera de si'' — Herrera, Hist Greneral^ 
dec. vii. lib. x. cap. iv. 

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declaring that ** he would follow up the viceroy to the 
North Sea, but he would overtake him/'* he resumed his 
march. At Pastes, he nearly accomplished his object. 
His advance-guard came up with Blasco Nu&ez as the 
latter was halting on the opposite bank of a rivulet. 
Fizarro*s men, fainting from toil and heat, staggered feebly 
to the water-side, to slake their burning thirst, and it would 
have been easy for the viceroy's troops, refreshed by repose, 
and superior in number to their foes, to have routed them. 
But Blasco Nu£ez could not bring his soldiers to the 
charge. They had fled so long before their enemy, that 
the mere sight of him filled their hearts with panic, and 
they would have no more thought of turning against him 
than the hare would turn against the hound that pursues her« 
Their safety, they felt, was to fly, not to fight, and they 
profited by the exhaustion of their pursuers only to quicken 
their retreat. 

Gonzalo Pizarro continued the chace some leagues beyond 
Pastes ; when, finding himself carried farther than he 
desired into the territories of Benalcazar, and not caring tq 
encounter this formidable captain at disadvantage, he came 
to a halt, and, notwithstanding his magnificent vaunt about 
the North Sea, ordered a retreat, and made a rapid counter- 
march on Quito. Here he found occupation in repairing 
the wasted spirits of his troops, and in strengthening him- 
self with . fresh reinforcements, which much increased his 
numbers ; though these were again diminished by a body 
that he detached under Carbajal to suppress an insurrec- 

• Herrersy Hist. General, dec. vii. lib x, cap. !▼. 


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tion, which he now learned had broken out in the south. 
It was headed by Diego Centeno, one of his own officers, 
whom he had established in La Plata, the inhabitants of 
which place had joined in the revolt and raised the standard 
for the Crown. With the rest of his forces Pizarro resolved 
to remain at Quito, waiting the hour when the viceroy would 
re-enter his dominions ; as the tiger crouches by some 
spring in the wilderness, patiently waiting the return of 
his victims. 

Meanwhile Blasco Nu&ez had pushed forward his retreat 
to Popayan, the capital of Benalcazar*s province. Here 
he was kindly received by the people ; and his soldiers, 
reduced by desertion and disease to one-fifth of their 
original number, rested from the unparalleled fatigues of a 
march which had contmued for more than two hundred 
leagues.* It was not long before he was joined by Cabrera, 
Benalcazar's lieutenant, with a stout reinforcement, and, 
soon after, by that chieftain himself. His whole force now 
amounted to near four hundred men, most of them in good 
condition, and well trained in the school of American war- 
fare. His own men were sorely deficient both in arms and 
ammunition ; and he set about repairing the want, by 

* This retreat of Blasco Nimez may undoubtedly compare, if not in 
duration, at least in sharpness of suffering, vnth any expedition in the 
New World, — twe, indeed, that of Gonzalo Pizano himself to the 
Amazon. The particulars of it may be found, with more or less ampli- 
fication, in Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. ziz. zxiz. ;— Carta de Gon- 
zalo Pizarro i Yaldiyia, MS. ; — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. Tii. lib. ix. 
cap. jq[.-zxvi.; — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. zL et seq. ; 
— Relacion de los Suoesos del Peru, MS.; — Beladon Anonima, MS.; — 
Montesinos, Annales, MS.^ afio 1545. 

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building furnaces for manufacturing arquebuses and pikes.* 
— One familiar witb tbe bistorj of these times is surprised 
to see the readiness witb which the Spanish adventurers 
turned their hands to various trades and handicrafts usually 
requiring a long apprenticeship. They displayed the dex- 
terity so necessary to settlers in a new country, where every 
man must becope in some degree his own artisan. But 
this state of things, however favourable to the ingenuity of 
the artist, is not very propitious to the advancement of the 
art ; and there can be little doubt that the weapons thus 
made by the soldiers of Blasco Nu£ez were of the most rude 
and imperfect construction. 

As week after week rolled away, Gonzalo Pizarro, though 
fortified with the patience of a Spanish soldier, felt uneasy 
at the protracted stay of Blasco Nunez in the north, and he 
resorted to stratagem to decoy him from his retreat. He 
marched out of Quito with the greater part of his forces, 
pretending that he was going to support his lieutenant in 
the south, while he left a garrison in the city under the 
conmiand of Puelles, the same officer who had formerly 
deserted from the viceroy. These tidings he took care 
should be conveyed to the enemy's camp. The artifice 
succeeded as he wished. Blasco Nufiez and his followers, 
confident in their superiority over Puelles, did not hesitate 
for a moment to profit by the supposed absence of Pizarro. 

* ** Proveid, que se tntgese alii todo el hierro que se pudo haver en la 
provinda, i hnac6 maestros, i hifo adereyar fraguas, i en breve tiempo se 
forjaron en ellas dodentos arcabuceSi con todos bus apirejos/' — Zarate, 
Conq. del Pern, lib. v. cap. zzxiv. 


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Abandooing Popayan, the viceroy, early in January, 1546, 
moved by rapid marches towards the south. But before he 
reached the place of his destination, he became apprised of 
the snare into which he had been drawn. He communicated 
the fact to his officers; but he had ab-eady suffered so 
much from suspense, that his only desire now was, to 
bring his quarrel with Pizarro to the final arbitrament 
of arms. 

That chief, meanwhile, had been well informed, through 
his spies, of the viceroy's movements. On learning the 
departure of the latter from Popayan, he had re-entered 
Quito, joined his forces with those of Puelles, and, issuing 
from the capital, had taken up a strong position about three 
leagues to the north, on a high ground that commanded a 
stream, across which the enemy must pass. It was not 
long before the latter came in sight, and Blasco Nu&ez, as 
night began to fall, established himself on the opposite bank 
of the rivulet. It was so near to the enemies' quarters, that 
the voices of the sentinels could be distinctly heard in the 
opposite camps, and they did not fail to salute one another 
with the epithet of "traitors." In these civil wars, as we 
have seen, each party claimed for itself the exclusive merit 
of loyalty.* 

But Benalcazar soon saw that Pizarro 's position was too 
strong to be assailed with any chance of success. He 

* ^^ Qne 86 llegaron & hablar los corredores de ambas partes, Uamandose 
traidores los vnos a los otros, fandando que cada Tno sustentaba la toz 
del Rei, i asi estuyieron toda aquella noche aguardando.** — Zarate, 
Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xzziv. 

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proposed, therefore, to the viceroy, to draw off his forces 
secretly in the night ; and making a detour round the hills, 
tp fall on the enemy's rear, where he would he least 
prepared to receive them. The counsel was approved ; and 
no sooner were the two hosts shrouded from each other's 
eyes by the darkness, than, leaving his camp fires burning 
to deceive the enemy, Blasco Nu£e2 broke up his quarters, 
and began his circuitous march in the direction of Quito. 
But either he had been misinformed, or his guides misled 
him ; for the roads proved so impracticable, that he was 
compelled to make a circuit of such extent, that dawn 
broke before he drew near the point of attack. Finding 
that he must now abandon the advantage of a surprise, he 
pressed forward to Quito, where he arrived with men and 
horses sorely fatigued by a night-march of eight leagues, 
from a point which, by the direct route, would not have 
exceeded three. It was a fatal error on the eve of an 

* For the preceding pages, see Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. ▼. cap. xxziv. 
xxxT. ; — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxvii. ; — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro 
i Yaldivia, MS.; — Montesinos, Annales,MS.,ano 1546. ; — Fernandez, Hist, 
del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. l.-lii. Herrera, in his account of these 
transactions, has &llen into a strange confusion of dates, fixing the time 
of the viceroy's entry into Quito on the 10th of January, and that of 
his battle iwith Pizarro nine days later. (Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. i. 
ca^. i.) This last event, which, by the testimony of Fernandez, was on 
the 18th of the month, was, by the agreement of such contemporary 
authorities as I have consulted,— as stated in the text, — on the evening 
of the same day in which the viceroy entered Quito. Herrera, though his 
work is arranged on the chronological system of annals, is by no means 
immaculate as to his dates. Quintana has exposed several glaring anachron- 
isms of the historian in the earlier period of the Peruvian conquest — See 
his " Espouoles Celebres," tom. ii. Appendix, No. 7. 

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He found the capital nearly deserted by the men. They 
had all joined the standard of Pizarro ; for they had now 
canght the general spirit of disaffection, and looked upon 
that chief as their protector from the oppressire ordinances. 
Pizarro was the representative of the people. Greatly 
moved at this desertion, the unhappy viceroy, lifting his 
hands to heaven, exclaimed, ''Is it thus. Lord, that thou 
abandonest thy servants ? " The women and children came 
out, and in vain offered him food, of which he stood 
obviously in need, asking him, at the same time, " Why he 
had come there to die ? " His followers, with more indiffer- 
ence than their commander, entered the houses of the 
inhabitants, and unceremoniously appropriated whatever 
they could find to appease the cravings of appetite. 

Benalcazar, who saw the temerity of giving battle in 
their present condition, recommended the viceroy to try 
the effect of negotiation, and offered himself to go to the 
enemy's camp, and arrange, if possible, terms of accommo- 
dation with Pizarro. But Blasco Nu£ez, if he had 
desponded for a moment, had now recovered his wonted 
constancy, and he proudly replied, — '* There is no faith to 
be kept with traitors. We have come to fight, not to 
parley ; and we must do our duty like good and loyal 
cavaliers. I will do mine," he continued, " and be assured 
I will be the first man to break a lance with the enemy."* 

He then called his troops together, and addressed to 

* ^ To OB prometo, que la primera la9a que ae rompa en los 
enemigoB sea la mia (7 asd lo cumplio)."— Fernandez, Hut. del Peru, 
parte i. lib. i. cap. liii. 

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them a few words preparatory to marcliing. '' Ton are 
all brave men/' he said^ *' and loyal to your sovereign. 
For my own part, I hold life as little in comparison with 
my duty to my prince. Yet let us not distrust our 
success. The Spaniard, in a good cause, has often over- 
come greater odds than these. And we are fighting for the 
right; it is the cause of God, — the cause of God,''* he 
concluded, and the soldiers, kindled by his generous ardour, 
answered him with huzzas that went to the heart of the 
unfortunate commander, little accustomed of late to this 
display of enthusiasm. 

It was the 18th of January, 1546, when Blasco Nu&ez 
marched out at the head of his array, from the ancient city 
of Quito. He had proceeded but a milcf when he came in 
view of the enemy, formed along the crest of some high 
lands, which, by a gentle swell, rose gradually from the 
plains of A£aquito. Gonzalo Pizarro, greatly chagrined on 
ascertaining the departure of the viceroy, early in the 
morning, had broken up his camp, and directed his march 
on the capital, fully resolved that his enemy should not 
escape him. 

The viceroy's troops, now coming to a halt, were formed 
in order of battle. A small body of arquebusiers was 
stationed in the advance to begin the fight. The remainder 
of that corps was distributed among the spearmen who 

* << Que de Dios es la causa, de Dio8 es la causa, de Dios es la causa.** — 
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. zxxy. 

+ ** Un quarto de legua de la cludad."— Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro k 
Valdiyia, MS. 

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occupied the centre, protected on the flanks by the horse 
drawn up in two nearly equal squadrons. The cavalry 
amounted to about one hundred and forty, being little 
inferior to that on the other side, though the whole number 
of the viceroy's forces, being less than four hundred, did 
not much exceed the half of his rival's. On the right, and 
in front of the royal banner, Blasco NuJaez, supported by 
thirteen chosen cavaliers, took his station, prepared to head 
the attack. 

Pizarro had formed his troops in a corresponding manner 
with that of his adversary. They mustered about seven 
hundred in all, well appointed, in good condition, and 
officered by the best knights in Peru.* As, notwithstand- 
ing his superiority of numbers, Pizarro did not seem 
inclined to abandon his advantageous position, Blasco Nu£ez 
gave orders to advance. The action conmienced with the 
arquebusiers, and in a few moments the dense clouds of 
smoke, rolling over the field, obscured every object ; for it 
was late in the day when the action began, and the light 
was rapidly fading. 

The infantry, now levelling their pikes, advanced under 
cover of the smoke, and were soon hotly engaged with the 
opposite files of spearmen. Then came the charge of the 

* The amount of the numhers on hoth sides is variously given, as usual, 
making, however, more than the usual difference in the relative proportions, 
since the sum total is so small. 1 have conformed to the statements of 
the best-instructed writers. Pizarro estimates his adversary's force at four 
hundred and fifty men, and his own at only six hundred ; an estimate, it 
may be remarked, that does not make that given in the text any less 

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cavalry, which — notwithstanding they were thrown into 
some disorder by the fire of Pizarro's arquehusiers, far 
superior in number to their own — was conducted with such 
spirit that the enemy's horse were compelled to reel and 
fall back before it. But it was only to recoil with greater 
violence, as, like an overwhelming wave, Pizarro's troopers 
rushed on their foes, driving them along the slope, and 
bearing down man and horse in indiscriminate ruin. Tet 
these, in turn, at length rallied, cheered on by the cries and 
desperate efforts of their officers. The lances were shivered, 
and they fought hand to hand with swords and battle-axes 
mingled together in wild confusion. But the struggle was 
of no long duration ; for, though the numbers were nearly 
equal, the viceroy's cavalry, jaded by the severe march 
of the previous night,* were no match for their antagonists. 
The ground was strewn with the wreck of their bodies ; 
and horses and riders, the dead and the dying, lay heaped 
on one another. Cabrera, the brave lieutenant of Benal- 
cazar, was slain, and that commander was thrown under 
his horse's feet, covered with wounds, and left for dead on 
the field, Alvarez, the judge, was mortally wounded. 
Both he and his colleague Cepeda were in the action, 
though ranged on opposite sides, fighting as if they had 
been bred to arms, not to the peaceful profession of 
the law. 

Yet Blasco Nufiez and his companions maintained a brave 
struggle on the right of the field. The viceroy had kept 
his word by being the first to break his lance against the 

* Zarate^ Conq del Peru, lib. v. cap. xxzy* 

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enemy, and by a well-directed blow had borne a cavalier, 
named Alonso de MontalTO, clean out of his saddle. But 
he was at length orerwhehned by numbers, and, as his 
companions, one after another, fell by his ude, he was left 
nearly unprotected. He was already wounded, when a 
blow on the head from the battle-axe of a soldier struck 
him from his horse, and he fell stunned on the ground. 
Had his person been known, he might hare been taken 
alive, but he wore a sobre-vest of Indian cotton over his 
armour, which concealed the military order of St. James, 
and the other badges of his rank.* 

His person, however, was soon recognised by one of 
Pi2arro*s followers, who, not improbably, had once fol- 
lowed the viceroy's banner. The soldier immediately 
pointed him out to the Licentiate Carbajal. This person 
was the brother of the cavalier, whom, as the reader may 
remember, Blasco Nu£ez had so rashly put to death in his 
palace at Lima. The licentiate had afterwards taken 
service under Pizarro, and, with several of his kindred, was 
pledged to take vengeance on the viceroy. Instantly riding 
up, he taunted the fallen commander with the murder 

* He wore this dress, says Garcilasso de la Vega, that he might fare no 
hetter than a common soldier, but take his chance with the rest. (Com. 
ReaL, parte ii. lib. iy. cap. rxxiv.) Pizarro gives him credit for no such 
magnanimous intent According to him, the viceroy assumed this disguise, 
that, his rank being unknown, he might have the better chance for escape. — 
It must be confessed that this is the general motive for a disguise. '^ I Blasco 
Nufiez puso mucha diligencia por poder huirse si pudiera, porque venia 
vestido con una camiseta de Yndios por no sei' conocido, i no quiso Dios 
porque pagase quantos males por su causa se havian hecho." — Carta de 
Gonzalo Pizarro & Valdivia, MS. 

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of his brother, and was in the act of dismounting to 
despatch him with his own hand, when Puelles remon- 
strating on this, as an act of degradation, commanded one 
of his attendants, a black slave, to cut off the viceroy's 
head. This the fellow executed with a single stroke of 
his sabre, while the wretched man, perhaps then dying 
of his wounds, uttered no word, but with eyes imploringly 
turned up towards heaven, received the fatal blow.* The 
head was then borne aloft on a pike, and some were brutal 
enough to pluck out the grey hairs from the beard and set 
them in their caps, as grisly trophies of their victory, t 
The fate of the day was now decided. Yet still the infantry 
made a brave stand, keeping Fizarro's horse at bay with 
their bristling array of pikes. But their numbers were 
thinned by the arquebusiers ; and, thrown into disorder, 
they could no longer resist the onset of the horse, who 
broke into their column, and soon scattered and drove them 
off the ground. The pursuit was neither long nor bloody ; 
for darkness came on, and Pizarro bade his trumpets sound, 
to call his men together under their banners. 

Though the action lasted but a short time, nearly ono- 

* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. liv. — Zarate, Gonq. del 
Pern, lib. v. cap. zzxv. ^ Mandd & un Negro que traia, que le cortase la 
cabe9a ; i en todo esto no se conocid flaque9a en el Yisorrei, ni habl6 
palabra, ni hi^o mas movimiento, que al^ar los ojos al cielo, dando 
muestras de mucha Christiandad i constancia.** — Herrera, Hist. General, 
dec. viii. lib. i. cap. iii.. 

+ ^ Aviendo algunos capitanes 7 personas arrancado 7 pelado algunas de 
sut blancas 7 leales baruas, para traer por empresa ; 7 Jua de la Torre las 
traxo despues publicamante en la gorra por la ciudad de los Reyes." — 
Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. liv. 

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third of the viceroy's troops had perished. The loss of 
their opponents was inconsiderahle.* Several of the van- 
quished cavaliers took refuge in the churches of Quito. But 
they were dragged from the sanctuary, and some — ^probably 
those who had once espoused the cause of Pizarro— were 
led to execution, and others banished to Chili. The greater 
part were pardoned by the conqueror. Benalcazar, who 
recovered from his wounds, was permitted to return to his 
government, on condition of no more bearing arms against 
Pizarro. His troops were invited to take service under the 
banner of the victor, who, however, never treated them with 
the confidence shown to his ancient partisans. He was 
greatly displeased at the indignities offered to the viceroy, 
whose mangled remains he caused to be buried with the 
honours due to his rank in the cathedral of Quito. Gonzalo 
Pizarro, attired in black, walked as chief mourner in the 
procession. — It was usual with the Pizarros, as we have 
seen, to pay these obituary honours to their victims.f 

* The estimates of killed and wounded in this action are as discordant 
as usuU. Some carry the viceroy's loss to two hundred, while Gonzalo 
Pizarro rates his own at only seven killed and but a few wounded. But 
how iiirely is it that a fiiithful bulletin is issued by the parties engaged in 
the action ! 

f For the accounts of the battle of Anaquito, rather summarily 
despatched by most writers, see Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro & Valdivia, 
MB, ; — Gomara, Hist de las Ind., cap. clxz. ; — Herrera, Hist General, 
dec. viiL lib. L cap. i.-iii. ; — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. ; — ^Zarate, 
Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. zxxv. ; — Montesinos, Annales, MS., auo 1546. ; 
— Gardlasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. iv. cap. xxziii.-zxxv. ; — Fernandez, 
Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. liii.-liv. Gonzalo Pizarro seems to regard 
the battle as a sort of judicial trial by combat, in which Heaven, by the 
result, plainly indicated the right. His remarks are edifying. ^Por 

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Such was the sad end of Blasco Nufiez Vela, first viceroy 
of Peru. It was less than two years since he had set foot 
in the country, a period of unmitigated disaster and dis- 
grace. His misfortunes may he imputed partly to circum- 
stances, and partly to his own character. The minister of 
an odious and oppressive law, he was intrusted with no 
discretionary power in the execution of it.* Yet every man 
may, to a certain extent, claim the right to such a power ; 
since, to execute a commission, which circumstances show 
must certainly defeat the ohject for which it was designed, 
would he ahsurd. But it requires sagacity to determine the 
existence of such a contingency, and moral courage to 
assume the responsihility of acting on it. Such a crisis is 
the severest test of character. To dare to disohey, from a 
paramount sense of duty, is a paradox that a little soul can 
hardly comprehend. Unfortunately, Blasco Nunez was a 
pedantic martinet, a man of narrow views, who could not 
feel himself authorised under any circumstances to swerve 
from the letter of the law. Puffed uphy his hrief authority, 
moreover, he considered opposition to the ordinances as 

donde pareceri claramente que NueBtro Sefior fud servido este se viniese i 
meter en las manos para quitarnos de tantos cuidados, i que pagase quantos 
males havia fecha en la tierra, la qual quedd tan asosegada i tan en paz i 
senricio de S. M. como lo estuvo en tiempo del Marques mi hermano." — 
Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro i, Yaldivia, MS. 

* Garcilasso's reflections on this point are commendably tolerant. " Assi 
acabd este buen cauallero, por querer porfiar tanto en la execucion delo que 
ni & su Rey ni ^ aquel reyno conuenia, donde se causaron tantas muertes y 
danos de Espauoles y de Yndios : aunque no tuuo tanta culpa como se le 
atribuye, porque lleu6 precise mandate de lo que hizd." — Com. Real.^ 
parte ii. lib. iv. cap. xxziv. 

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treason to himself ; and thus, identif jing himself with his 
commission, he was prompted hj personal feelings, quite as 
much as hj those of a public and patriotic nature. 

Neither was the yiceroj's character of a kind that tended 
to mitigate the odium of his measures, and reconcile the 
people to their execution. It afforded a strong contrast to 
that of his riral, Pizarro, whose frank chiralrous bearing, 
and generous confidence in his followers, made him univer- 
sally popular, blinding their judgments, and giving to the 
worse the semblance of the better cause. Blasco Nu^ez, 
on the contrary, irritable and suspicious, placed himself in a 
false position with all whom he approached ; for a suspicious 
temper creates an atmosphere of distrust around it that kills 
every kindly affection. His first step was to alienate the 
members of the Audience, who were sent to act in concert 
with him. But this was their fault as well as his, since 
they were as much too lax, as he was too severe, in the 
interpretation of the law.* He next alienated and outraged 
the people whom he was appointed to govern. And, lastly, 
he disgusted his own friends, and too often turned them 
into enemies ; so that, in his final struggle for power and for 
existence, he was obliged to rely on the arm of the stranger. 
Yet in the catalogue of his qualities we must not pass in 

* Blasco Nunez characterised tbe four judges of the Audience in a 
manner more concise than complimentarj, — a boy, a madman, a booby, and 
a dunce I " Decia muchas veces Blasco Nufiez, que le havian dado el 
Emperador i su consejo de Indias vn mo^o, un loco, un necio, vn tonto 
por oidores, que asi lo havian hecho como ellos eran. M090 era Cepeda, 
i llamaba loco i Juan AWarez, i necio & Tejada, que no sabia Latin."—- 
Gomara, Hist de las Ind., cap. clxxi. 

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silence orer his yirtues. There are two, to the credit of 
which he is undeniahlj entitled, — a loyalty, which shone 
the hrighter amidst the general defection around him, and 
a constancy under misfortune, which might challenge the 
respect even of his enemies. But with the most liheral 
allowance for his merits, it can scarcely be doubted that a 
person more incompetent to the task assigned him could not 
hare been found in Castile.* 

The victory bf Afiaquito was received with general joy in 
the neighbouring capital ; all the cities of Peru looked on 
it as sealing the downfall of the detested ordinances, and 
the name of Gonzalo Pizarro was sounded from one end of 
the country to the other as that of its deliverer. That chief 
contmued to prolong his stay in Quito during the wet season, 
dividing his time between the licentious pleasures of the 
reckless adventurer, and the cares of business that now 
pressed on him as ruler of the state. His administration 
was stained with fewer acts of violence than might have 
been expected from the circumstances of his situation. So 
long as Oarbajal, the counsellor in whom he unfortunately 
placed greatest reliance, was absent, Cronzalo sanctioned no 
execution, it was observed, but according to the forms of 

* The account of Blasco Nufiez Vela rests chiefly on the authority of 
loyal ^ten, some of whom wrote after their return to Castile. They 
would, therefore, more naturally lean to the side of the true representative 
of the Crown, than to that of the rehel. Indeed, the only voice raised 
decidedly in &Tour of Pizarro is his own, — a very suspicious authority. 
Yet, with all the prestiges in his favour, the administration of Blasco 
Nufiez, from universal testimony, was a total fiulure. And there is little 
to interest us in the story of the man, except his unparalleled misfortunes, 
and the firmness with which he bore them. 

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law.* He rewarded his followers by new grants of land, 
and detached several on expeditions, to no greater distance, 
however, than would leave it in his power readily to recall 
them. He made various provisions for the welfare of the 
natives, and some, in particular^ for instructing them in tho 
Christian faith. He paid attention to the faithful collection 
of the royal dues, urging on the colonists that they should 
deport themselves so as to conciliate the good-will of the 
Crown, and induce a revocation of the ordinances. His 
administration, in short, was so conducted, that even the 
austere Gasca, his successor, allowed " it was a good 
government, — ^for a tyrant, "f 

At length, in July, 1546, the new governor bade adieu 
to Quito, and leaving there a sufficient garrison under his 
officer Puelles, began his journey to the south. It was a 
triumphal progress, and everywhere he was received on the 
road with enthusiasm by the people. At Truxillo the 
citizens came out in a body to welcome him, and the clergy 
chanted anthems in his honour, extolling him as the '^ vic-> 
torious prince," and imploring the Almighty to '' lengthen 
his days, and give him honour. "{ At Lima it was proposed 

• ** NuDca Pi9arro, en ausenda de FraDcisco de Carvajal, su maestre de 
campo, matd ni coii8inti6 matar Espanol, sin que todos los mas de su con- 
sejo lo aprobasen ; i entonces con prooeso en forma de derecho, i confesados 
primero.'* — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clzzii. 

f Ibid., ubi supra. — Fernandez gives a less fiiTourable picture of Gron- 
zalo's administration. (Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. liv. ; lib. ii. cap. 
xiil) Fernandez wrote at the instance of the Court ; Gomara, though 
present at court, wrote to please himself. The praise of Gomara is less sus- 
picious than the censure of Fernandez. 

X '^Victorioso Principe, hagate Dios dichoso i bienaventurado, €i te 

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to clear away some of the buildingB, and open a new street 
for his entrance, which might ever after bear the name of 
the victor. But the politic chieftain declined this flattering 
tribute, and modestly preferred to enter the city by the 
usual way* A procession was formed of the citizens, the 
soldiers, and the clergy, and Pizarro made his entry into 
the capital with two oif his principal captains on foot, holding 
the reins of his charger, while the archbishop of Lima, and 
the bishops of Cuzco, Quito, and Bogota, the last of whom 
had lately come to the city to be consecrated, rode by his 
side. The streets were strewn with boughs, the walls of 
the houses hung with showy tapestries, and triumphal 
arches were thrown over the way in honour of the victor. 
Every balcony, veranda, and house-top was crowded with 
spectators, who sent up huzzas, loud and long, saluting the 
victorious soldier with the titles of ** Liberator, and Pro^ 
tector of the people." The bells rang out their joyous peal, 
as on his former entrance into the capital ; and amidst 
strains of enlivening music, and the blithe sounds of jubilee, 
Gonzalo held on his way to the palace of his brother. Peru 
was once more placed under the dynasty of the Pizarros.* 

Deputies came from different parts of the country, ten- 
dering the congratulations of their respective cities ; and 
every one eagerly urged his own claims to consideration for 

mantenga i te conserve/* Herrera, Hist. General^ dec. liii. lib. ii. 
cap. iz. 

* For an account of tbis pageant, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq. 
MS; — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. ix;— Zarate, Conq. del 
Peru, lib. vi cap. v ;— Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro & Valdiria, MS. 
VOL. III. ) 

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the serrices he had rendered in the reyolution. Pizarrd, at 
the eame time, receired the welcome intelligence of the 
success of his arms in the south, Diego Oenteno, as before 
stated, had there raised the standard of reheUion, or rather, 
of lojaltj to his sorereign. He had made himself master of 
La Plata, and the spirit of insurrection had spread oyer the 
broad province of Charcas. Carbajal, who had been semt 
against him from Quito, after repairing to Lima, had passed 
at once to Cuzoo, and there, strengthening his forces, 
had descended by rapid marches on the refractory district. 
Centeno did not trust himself in the field against this 
formidable champion. He retreated with his tro<^s into 
the fastnesses of the sierra. Carbajal pursued, following 
on his track with the pertinacity of a bloodhound ; over 
mountain and moor, through forests and dangerous ravines, 
allowing him no respite, by day or by night. Eating, 
drinking, sleeping in his saddle, the veteran, eighty years 
of age, saw his own followers tire one after another, 
while he urged on the chase, like the wild huntsman of 
Biirger, as if endowed with an unearthly frame, incapable 
of fatigue ! During this terrible pursuit, which continued 
for more than two hundred leagues over a savage country, 
Centeno found himself abandoned by most of his followers. 
Such of them as fell into Carbajars hands were sent to 
speedy execution ; for that inexorable chief had no mercy 
on those who had been false to their party.* At length, 

* Pohlcmdo lo8 arboks con, sus cuerpog, ('< peopling the trees mih 
their bodies,**) sftjs Fernandez, strongly ; alluding to the manner in which 
the ferocious olSicer hung up his captives on the branches. 

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Centeno^ with a handful of men, arrived on the horders of 
the Pacific, and, there, separating from one another, they 
provided, each in the hest way he could, for their own safety. 
Their leader found an asylum in a caye in the mountains, 
where he was secretly fed hy an Indian curaca, till the time 
again came for him to unfurl the standard of revolt.* 

Carhajal, after some further decisive movements, which 
fully established the ascendency of Pizarro over the south, 
returned in trium|^ to La Plata. There he occupied Mm- 
8e]f with working the silver mines of Potosi, in which 
a vein, recently opened, promised to make richer returns 
than any yet discovered in Mexico or Peru ;t and he was 
soon enabled to send large remittances to Lima, deducting 
no stinted commission for himselfy — for the cupidity of the 
lieutenant was equal to his cruelty. 

* For the expedition of Carbajal, see Herrem, Hist General, dec. viii. 
Hb. i. cap. is. et seq.; — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. i.; — Garcilasso, 
Com. Real., pane ii. lib. !▼, cap. zxriii. zxix. zxxri. xzziz. ; — Fernandez, 
Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap, i. et seq. ; — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro k 
ValdiYia, MS. It is impossible to give in a page or two, any adequate idea 
of tbe hairbreadth escapes and perilous risks of Carbajal, not only from the 
enemj, but from his own men, whose strength he overtasked in the chase* 
They rival those of the renowned Scanderbeg, or of the Kentucky hero, 
Colonel Boone. They were, indeed, far more wonderful than theirs, since 
tke Spanish captain had reached an age when the foiling energies usually 
crave repose. But the veteran's body seems to have been as insensible aa 
his soul. 

f The vein now discovered at Potosf was so rich, that the other mines 
were comparatively deserted in order to work this. (Zarate, Conq. del 
Peru, lib. vi. cap iv.) The effect of the sudden influx of wealth was such, 
according to Ghircilasso, that in ten years from this period an iron hotse- 
shoe, in that quarter, came to be worth nearly its weight in silver. — Com. 
Real, parte i. lib. viii. cap. zziv. 


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Oonzalo Pizarro was now undisputed master of Peru. 
From Quito to the northern confines of Chili, the whole 
country acknowledged his authority. His fleet rode 
triumphant on the Pacific, and gave him the command of 
every city and hamlet on its herders. His admiral, Hino- 
josa, a discreet and gallant officer, had secured him Panama, 
and, marching across the Isthmus, had since obtained for 
him the possession of Nombre de Dies, the principal key of 
communication with Europe, His forces were on an excel- 
lent footing, including the flower of the warriors who had 
fought under his brother, and who now eagerly rallied under 
the name of Pizarro ; while the tide of wealth that flowed 
in from the mines of Potosi supplied him with the resources 
of an European monarch. 

The new governor now began to assume a state corres- 
pondent with his full-blown fortunes. He was attended by 
a body-guard of eighty soldiers.. He dined always in public, 
and usually with not less than a hundred guests at table. 
He even affected, it was said, the more decided etiquette of 
royalty, giving his hand to be kissed, and allowing no one, 
of whatever rank, to be seated in his presence.^ But this 
is denied by others. It would not be strange that a vain 
man like Pizarro, with a superficial, undisciplined mind, 
when he saw himself thus raised from an humble condition 
to the highest post in the land, should be somewhat intoxi- 
cated by the possession of power, and treat with super- 

* ** Traia gnarda de ochenta alabarderos, i otros muchos de caballo, que 
le acompanaban, i i& en 8u presenda ninguno Be sentaba, i H mui pocos 
quitaba la gorra." — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. v. 

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ciliousness those whom he had once approached with 
deference. But one who had often seen him in his 
prosperity assures us that it was not so, and that the 
goyemor continued to show the same frank and soldier-like 
bearing as before his elevation, mingling on familiar terms 
with his comrades, and displaying the same qualities which 
had hitherto endeared him to the people.* 

However this may be, it is certain there were not 
wanting those who urged him to throw off his allegiance to 
the Crown, and set up an independent government for him* 
self. Among these was his lieutenant, Carbnjal, whose 
daring spirit never shrunk from following things to their 
consequences. He plainly counselled Pizarro to renounce 
his allegiance at once. '* In fact, you have already done 
BO," he said. ** You have been in arms against a viceroy, 
have driven him from the country, beaten and slain him in 
battle. What favour, or even mercy, can you expect from 
the Crown ? You have gone too far either to halt, or to 
recede. You roust go boldly on, proclaim yourself king ; 
the troops, the people, will support you.*' And he con- 
cluded, it is said, by advising him to marry the Coya, the 
female representative of the Incas, that the two races might 
henceforth repose in quiet under a common sceptre ! t 

* Oarcilasso, Com. Real., parte it lib. iv. cap. xlii. Garcilasso had 
opportunities of personal acquaintance with Gonzalo's manner of living ; 
for, when a boy, he was sometimes admitted, as be tells us, to a place at 
his table. This courtesy, so rare from the Conquerors to any^ of the 
Indian race, was not lost on the historian of the In/*a8, ^vl)o has depicted 
Gonzalo Pizarro in more favourable colours than most of his own 
. t Ibid, parte ii. lib. iv. cap. xl.— Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. cUxii. 

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The advice of the hold counselor was, perhaps, the meet 
politic that could have heen given to Pizarro under existing 
circumstances. For he was like one who had heedlessly 
dimhed far up a dizzy precipice, — ^toofarto descend safely, 
while he had no sure hold where he was. His only chance 
was to climh still higher, till he had gained the suounit. 
But Gonzalo Pizarro shrunk from the attitude, in which 
this placed him, of avowed rebellion. Notwithstanding the 
criminal course into which he had been, of late, seduced, the 
sentiment of loyalty was too deply implanted in his bosom 
to be wholly eradicated. Though in arms against the mea~ 
sures and ministers of his sovereign, he was not prepared to 
raise the sword against that sovereign himself. He, doubt- 
less, had conflicting emotions in his bosom ; like Macbeth, 
and many a less noble nature, 

" Would not play false^ 
And yet would wrongly win." 

And however grateful to his vanity might be the picture of 
the air-drawn sceptre thus painted to his imagination, he 

—Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. il cap. xiii. The poet Molina 
lias worked up this scene between Carbajal and his commander with good 
eflPect, in his Amazonas en las Indiaty where he uses something of a poet*s 
license in the homage he pays to the modest merits of Gonzalo. Jsliua 
CflBflar himself was not more magnanimous. 

** Sepa mi Key, sepa Espana, 
Que muero por no ofenderla, 
Tan fecil de conservarla, 
Que pierdo por no agraviaria, 
Quanto infame en poseerla^ 
Una corona ofrecida.** 

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HEBREBA. — 60HARA. 119 

had not the audacity — we maj, perhaps, saj, the criminal 
ambition to attempt to grasp it. 

Even at this very moment, when urged to this desperate 
extremity, he was preparing a mission to Spain, in order 
to vindicate the course he had taken, and to solicit an 
amnesty for the past, with a full confirmation of his autho- 
rity, as successor to his brother in the government of Peru. 
Pizarro did not read the future with the calm, prophetic eye 
of Carbajal. 

Among the biographical notices of the writers on Spanish colonial 
affairs, the name of Herrera, who has done more for this vast subject 
than any other author, should certainly not be omitted. His account 
of Peru takes its proper place in his great work^ the ffistoria General 
de leu IndioBy according to the chronological plan on which that 
history is arranged, Sut, as it suggests reflections not different in 
character from those suggested by other portions of the work, I shall 
take the liberty to refer the reader to the PostBoript to Book Third 
of the Conqvbest of Mexico^ for a full account of these volumes and 
their learned author. 

Another chronicler, to whom I have been frequently indebted in 
the progress of the narrative, is Francisco Lopez de Gomara. The 
reader will also find a notice of this author in the Conquest of Mexico, 
voL iii. book v. postscript. But, as the remarks on his writings are 
there confined to his Cronica de Niuva Stpaiiciy it may be well to add 
here some reflections on his greater work, Historia de las IndiaSy in 
which the Peruvian story bears a conspicuous part 

The ^ History of the Indies " is intended to give a brief view of 
the whole range of Spanish conquest in the islands and on the 
American continent, as far as had been achieved by the middle of the 
sixteenth century. For this account, Gomara, though it does not 
appear that he ever visited the New World, was in a situation that 

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opened to him the best means of information. He was well ac- 
quainted with the principal men of the time, and gathered the details 
of their history from their own lips ; while, from his residence at 
court, he was in possession of the state of opinion there, and of the 
impression made by pasnng events on those most competent to judge 
of them. He was thus enabled to introduce into his work many in- 
teresting particulars, not to be found in other records of the period. 
His range of inquiry extended beyond the mere doings of the Con- 
querors, and led him to a surrey of the general resources of the 
countries he describes, and especially of their physical aspect and 
productions. The conduct of this work, no less than its diction, 
shows the cultivated scholar, practised in the art of composition. 
Instead of the naivete, engaging, but child-like, of the old military 
chroniclers, Gomara handles his various topics with the shrewd and 
piquant criticism of a man of the world ; while his descriptions are 
managed with a comprehensive brevity that forms the opposite to 
the long-winded and rambling paragraphs of the monkish annalist. 
These literary merits, combined with the knowledge of the writer's 
opportunities for information, secured his productions from the 
oblivion which too often awaits the unpublished manuscript ; and he 
had the satisfaction to see them pass into more than one edition in 
his own day. Yet they do not bear the highest stamp of authenticity. 
The author too readily admits accounts into his pages which are not 
supported by contemporary testimony. This he does, not from 
credulity, for his mind rather leans in an opposite direction, but 
from a want, apparently, of a true spirit of historic conscientiousness. 
The imputation of carelessness in his statements — to use a temperate 
phrase, — was brought against Gomara in his own day ; and Garcilasso 
tells us, that, when called to account by some of the Peruvian cava- 
liers for mis-statements which bore hard on themselves, the historian 
made but an awkward explanation. This is a great blemish on his 
productions, and renders them of far less value to the modem com- 
piler, who seeks for the well of truth undefiled, than many an hum- 
bler but less unscrupulous chronicle. 

There is still another authority used in this work, Gonzalo Fer- 
nandez de Oviedo, of whom I have given an account elsewhere ; and 

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OYIEDO. 121 

the reader curious in the matter will permit me to refer him for a 
critical notice of his life and writingb to the Conquest of Mexico^ 
book iy. postscript. — His accottnt of Peru is incorporated into his 
great work, NcUurtd i Gfeneral Bistoria de las Indias, MS., where it 
forms the forty-sixth and forty-seventh books. It extends from 
Pizarro*s landing at Tumbez to Almagro^s return from Chili, and 
thus covers the entire portion of What may be called the conquest of 
the country. The style of its execution, corresponding with that of 
the residue of the work to which it belongs, affords no ground for 
criticism different from that already passed on the general character 
of Oviedo's writings. 

This eminent person was at once a scholar and a man of the world. 
Living much at court, and familiar with persons of the highest dis- 
tinction in Castile, he yet passed much of his time in the colonies, and 
thus added the fruits of personal experience to what he had gained 
from the reports of others. His curiosity was indefatigable, extend- 
ing to every department of natural science, as well as to the civil and 
personal history of the colonists. He was at once their Pliny and 
their Tacitus. His works abound in portraitures of character, 
sketched with freedom and animation. His reflections are piquant, 
and often rise to a philosophic tone, which discards the usual tram- 
mels of the age ; and the progress of the story is varied by a multi- 
plicity of personal anecdotes, that give a rapid insight into the 
characters of the parties. 

With his eminent qualifications, and with a social position that 
commanded respect, it is strange that so much of his writings — the 
whole of his great Ifistoria de l(u Jnditu, and his curious Quvncva- 
gencu — should be so long suffered to remain in manuscript. This is 
partly chargeable to the caprice of fortune ; for tlie History was 
more than once on the eve of publication, and is even now under- 
stood to be prepared for the press. Yet it has serious defects, which 
may have contributed to keep it in its present form. In its desultory 
and episodical style of composition, it resembles rather notes for a 
great history, than history itself. It may be regarded in the light of 
commentaries, or as illustrations of the times. In that view his 
pages are of high worth, and have been frequently resorted to by 

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writers who have not too scmpnlonsly appropriated the statements of 
the 0I4 chronicler, with slight acknowledgments to their author. 

It is a pity that Oriedo should hare shown more solieitade to tell 
what was new, than to ascertain how much of it was strictly troe. 
Among his merits will scarcely be found that of historical accuracy. 
And yet we may find an apology for this, to some extent, in the fact, 
that his writings, as already intimated, are not so much in the nature 
of finished compositions, as of loose memoranda, where every thing, 
rumour as well as fact^— eyen the most contradictory rumours^ — are 
all set down at random, forming a miscellaneous heap of materials, of 
which the discreet historian may avail himself to rear a symmetrical 
fabric on foundations of greater strength and solidity. 

Another author worthy of particular note is Pedro Cieza de Leon. 
His CrSnica del Peru should more properly be styled an Itinerary, or 
rather Geography, of Peru. It gives a minute topographical view of 
the country at the time of the Conquest ; of its provinces and towns, 
both Indian and Spanish ; its flourishing sea-coast; its forests, valleys, 
and interminable ranges of mountains in the interior ; with many 
interesting particulars of the existing population, — their dress, 
manners, architectural remains, and public works, — while scattered 
here and there may be found notices of their early history and 
social polity. It is, in short, a lively picture of the country in its 
physical and moral relations, as it met the eye at the time of the 
Conquest, and in that transition period when it was first subjected to 
European influences. The conception of a work, at so early a period, 
on this philosophical plan, reminding us of that of Malte-Brun in our 
own time, — ^rva componere magniSf — was, of itself, indicative of 
great comprehensiveness of mind in its author. It was a task of no 
little difficulty, where there was yet no pathway opened by the 
labours of the antiquarian ; no hints from the sketch-book of the 
traveller, or the measurements of the scientific explorer. Yet the 
distances from place to place are all carefully jotted down by the 
industrious compiler, and the bearings of the different places and 
their peculiar features are exhibited with sufficient precision, consi- 
dering the nature of the obstacles he had to encounter. The literary 
execution of the work, moreover, is highly respectable, sometimes 

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eren rich and pietaresqiie ; «ad the «athor describes the grand and 
beantiint scenery of the Gordilleraa with a sensibility to its charms, 
not often found in the tasteless topographer, still less often in the 
rode Conqneror. 

Gieza de Leon came to the New World, as he informs ns, at the 
early age of thirteen. Bat it is not till Gasca's time that we find his 
name enrolled among the actors in the busy scenes of civil strife, 
when he accompanied the president in his campaign agunst GU)nzalo 
Pizarro. His Chronicle, or, at least, the notes for it, was compiled in 
such leisnre as he conld soatch from his more stining avocations, and 
after ten years, from the time he nndertook it, the First Part— all we 
have — was completed in 1550, when the author had reached only the 
age of thirty-two. It appeared at Seville in 1553, and the following 
year at Antwerp ; while an Italian translation, printed at Rome, in 
1 555, attested the rapid celebrity of the work. The edition of Antwerp 
— ^the one used by me in this compilation — ^is in the duodecimo form, 
exceedingly well printed, and garnished with wood-cuts, in which 
Satan,— for the author had a full measure of the ancient credulity, — 
with his usual bugbear accompaniments, frequently appears in bodily 
presence. In the Prefiboe, Cieza announces his purpose to continue 
the work in three other parts, illustrating respectively the ancient 
history of the country under the Incas, its conquest by the Spaniards, 
and the civil wars which ensued. He even gives, with curious 
minuteness, the contents of the several books of the projected 
history. But the First Part, as already noticed, was alone com- 
pleted ; and the author, having returned to Spain, died there, in 
1560, at the premature age of forty-two, without having covered 
any portion of the magnificent ground-plan which he had thus 
eonfidentiy laid out. The deficiency is much to be regretted, con- 
sidering the talent of -the writer, and his opportunities for personal 
observation. But he has done enough to render us grateful for 
his laboura By the vivid delineation of scenes and scenery, as 
they were presented fr^sh to his own eyes, he has furnished us with 
a background to the historic picture, — the landscape, as it were, 
in which the personages of the time might be more fitiy portrayed. 

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It would have been impoaBible to exhibit the ancient topography 
of the Umd so fidthfully at a subsequent period, when old things 
had passed away, and the Conqueror, breaking down the landmarks 
of ancient civilisation, had effaced many of the features eren of the 
physical aspect of ilie country, as it existed under the elaborate 
culture of the Incas. 

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While the important revolution detailed in the preceding 
pages was going forward in Peru, rumours of it, from time 
to time, found their way to the mother country ; hut the 
distance was so great, and opportunities for communication 
so rare, that the tidings were usually very long hehind the 
occurrence of the eyents to which they related. The 
government heard with dismay of the trouhles caused hy 
the ordinances and the intemperate conduct of the viceroy ; 
and it was not long hefore it learned that this functionary 
was deposed and driven from his capital, while the whole 
country, under Gonzalo Pizarro, was arrayed in arms 
against him. All classes were filled with consternation at 
this alarming intelligence ; and many that had hefore 
approved the ordinances now loudly condemned the minis- 
ters, who without considering the inflammahle temper of 
the people, had thus rashly fired a train which menaced a 

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general explosion throughout the colonies.* No such rehel- 
lion, within the memory of man, had occurred in the 
Spanish empire. It was compared with the famous war of 
the comunidcides, in the heginning of Charles the Fifth's 
reign. But the Peruvian insurrection seemed the more 
formidahle of the two. The trouhles of Castile heing under 
the eye of the Court, might he the more easily managed ; 
while it was difficult to make the same power felt on the 
remote shores of the Indies. Lying along the distant 
Pacific, the principle of attraction which held Peru to the 
parent country was so feehle, that this colony might, at any 
time, with a less impulse than that now given to it, fly from 
its political orhit. It seemed as if the fairest of its jewels 
was ahout to fall from the imperial diadem I 

Such was the state of things in the summer of 1545, 
when Charles the Fifth was absent in Germany, occupied 
with the religious troubles of the empire. The government 
was in the hand^ of his son, who, under the name of Philip 
the Second, was soon to sway the sceptre over the largest 
portion of his father's dominions, and who was then holding 
his court at Yalladolid. He called together a council of 
prelates, jurists, and military men of greatest experience, 
to deliberate on the measures to be pursued for restoring 

* ^ Que ftquello era contra una c^dula que tenian del Emperador que 
les daba el repartimiento de los Indios de su yida, j del hijo mayor, 7 no 
teniendo hijos & sua mugeres, con mandarles espresamente que se casasen 
como lo habian ya hecho los mas de ellos ; y que tambien era contra otra 
cedula real que ninguno podia ser despojadd de sus Indios sin ser primero 
oido 4i justicia y condenado.** — Historia de Don Pedro Gasca, Obispo de 
Siguenza, MS. 

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order in the colonies. All agreed in regarding Pizarro's 
movement in the light of an audacious rebellion ; and there 
were few, at first, who were not willing to employ the whole 
strength of goyemment to vindicate the honour of the 
Crown, — ^to quell the insurrection, and bring the authors of 
it to punishment,* 

But, however desirable this might appear, a very little 
reflection showed that it was not easy to be done, if, indeed, 
it were practicable. The great distance of Peru required 
troops to be transported not merely across the ocean, but 
over the broad extent of the great continent. And how was 
this to be effected, when the principal posts, the keys of 
communication with the country, were in the hands of the 
rebels, while their fleet rode in the Pacific, the mistress of 
its waters, cutting off all approach to the coast ? Even if a 
Spanish force could be landed in Peru, what chance would 
it have, unaccustomed as it would be, to the country and 
the climate, of coping with the veterans of Pizarro, trained 
to war in the Indies and warmly attached to the person of 
their commander? The new levies thus sent out might 
become themselves infected with the spirit of insurrection, 
and cast off their own allegiance.f 

* MS. de Caravantes. — Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. One of this 
council was the great Duke of Alva, of such gloomy celebrity afterwards in 
the Netherlands. We may well believe his voice was for coercion. 

i* ^ Yentilose la forma del remedio de tan grave case en que huvo dos 
opiniones ; la una de imbiM* un gran soldado con fuerza de gente H la 
demostradon de este castigo ; la otra que se llevase el negocio por prudentes 
y suaves medios^ por la imposibilidad y Mto de dinero para Uevar gente^ 
cavallos, annas, municiones y vastimentos, y para sustentarlos en tierra 
firme y pasarlos al Pirfi." — MS. de Caravantes. 


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Nothing remained^ therefore, but to try conciliatory 
measures. The government, however mortifying to its 
pride, must retrace its steps. A free grace must be ex- 
tended to those who submitted, and such persuasive argu- 
ments should be used, and such politic concessions made, as 
would convince the refractory colonists that it was their 
interest, as well as their duty, to return to their allegiance. 

But to approach the people in their present state of 
excitement, and to make those coflcessions without too far 
compromising the dignity and permanent authority of the 
Crown, was a delicate matter, for the success of which they 
must rely wholly on the character of the agent. After 
much deliberation, a competent person, as it was thought, 
was found in an ecclesiastic, by the name of Pedro de la 
Gasca, — a name which, brighter by contrast with the gloomy 
times in which it first appeared, still shines with undimin- 
ished splendour after the lapse of ages. 

Pedro de la Gasca was bom, probably, towards the close 
of the fifteenth century, in a small village in Castile, named 
Barco de Avila. He came, both by father and mother's 
side, from an ancient and noble lineage ; ancient, indeed, 
if, as his biographers contend, he derived his descent from 
Casca, one of the conspirators against Julius Csesar ! * 
Having the misfortune to lose his father early in life, he 
was placed by his uncle in the famous seminary of Alcala de 

* <' Pasando i, Espand yinieron k tierra de Avila y qued<5 del nombre 
delloB el lugar j familia de Gasca ; mudandoae por la afinidad de la pro- 
nunciacion, que haj entre las dos letras consonantes e j g, el nombre de 
Casca en Grasca.** — Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. Similarity of name is 
a peg quite strong enough to hang a pedigree upon in Castile. 

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Henares, founded hj the great Xim&ies, Here he made 
rapid proficiency in liberal studies, especially in those con- 
nected with his profession, and at length received the degree 
of Master of Theology. 

The young man, however, discovered other talents than 
those demanded by his sacred calling. The war of the 
comunidades was then raging in the country ; and the 
authorities of his college showed a disposition to take the 
popular side* But Gasca, putting himself at the head of an 
armed force, seized one of the gates of the city, and, with 
assistance from the royal troops, secured the place to the 
interests of the Crown. This early display of loyalty was 
probably not lost on his vigilant sovereign.* 

From Alcaic, Gasca was afterwards removed to Sala- 
manca ; where he distinguished himself by his skill in 
scholastic disputation, and obtained the highest academic 
honours in that ancient university, the fruitful nursery of 
scholarship and genius. He was subsequently intrusted 
with the management of some important affairs of -an ecclesi- 
astical nature, and made a member of the Council of the 

* This account of the early history of Gaaca I have derived chiefly from 
a manuscript biographical notice written in 1465, during the prelate's life. 
The name of the author^ who speaks apparently from personal knowledge, 
is not given ; but it seems to be the work of a scholar, and is written with 
a certain pretension to elegance. The original MS. forms part of the 
valuable collection of Don Pascual de Gayangos of Madrid. It is of much 
value for the light it throws on the early career of Gasca, which has been 
passed over in profound silence by Castilian historians. It is to be regretted 
that the author did not continue his labours beyond the period when the 
subject of them received his appointment to the Peruvian mission. 


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In this latter capacity he was sent to Valencia, ahout 
1540, to ezanune into certain alleged cases of heresy in 
that quarter of the country. These were inyolved in great 
ohscurity ; and, although Gasca had the assistance of 
seyeral eminent jurists in the investigation, it occupied 
him nearly two years. In the conduct of this difficult 
matter, he showed so much penetration, and such perfect 
impartiality, that he was appointed hy the Cortes of Valencia 
to the office of visitador of that kingdom ; a high respon- 
sible post, requiring great discretion in the person who 
fiUed it, since it was his province to inspect the condition of 
the courts of justice and of finance, throughout the land, 
with authority to reform abuses. It was proof of extraordi- 
nary consideration, that it should have been bestowed on 
Gasca ; since it was a departure from the established usage 
— and that in a nation most wedded to usage — to confer 
the office on any but a subject of the Aragonese crown.* 

Gasca executed the task assigned to him with indepen- 
dence and -ability. While he was thus occupied, the people 
of Valencia were thrown into consternation by a meditated 
invasion of the French and the Turks, who, under the 
redoubtable Barbarossa, menaced the coast and the neigh- 
bouring Balearic isles. Fears were generally entertained 
of a rising of the Morisco population ; and the Spanish 

* " Era tanta la opinion que en Valencia tenian de la integridad y pru- 
dencia de Gasca, que en las Cortes de Monzon los Estados de aquel re)mo le 
pidieron por Visitador contra la costumbre 7 fuero de aquel reyno, que no 
puede serlo sine fuere natural de la corona de Araugon, 7 consintiendo que 
aquel fiiero se derogase el Emperador lo concedid & instancia 7 petidon 
dellos."— Hist, de Don Pedro Oasca, MS. 

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OASCa's mission to PERU. 133 

officers who had command in that quarter, being left without 
the protection of a navy, despaired of making head against 
the enemy. In this season of general panic, Gasca alone 
appeared calm and self-possessed. He . remonstrated with 
the Spanish commanders on their unsoldierlike despondency ; 
encouraged them to confide in the loyalty of the Moriscos ; 
and advised the immediate erection of fortifications along 
the shores for their protection. He was, in consequence, 
named one of a commission to superintend these works, and 
to raise levies for defending the sea-coast ; and so faithfully 
was the task performed, that Barbarossa, after some ineffec- 
tual attempts to make good his landing, was baffled at all 
points, and compeUed to abandon the enterprise as hopeless. 
The chief credit of this resistance must be assigned to 
Gasca, who superintended the construction of the defences, 
and who was enabled to contribute a large part of the 
requisite funds by the economical reforms he had introduced 
into the administration of Valencia.* 

It was at this time, the latter part of the year 1545, 
that the council of Philip selected Gasca as the person most 
competent to undertake the perilous mission to Peru.t His 
character, indeed, seemed especially suited to it. His 

* ** Que parece cierto," says his enthusiastic biographer, '^ que por dift- 
posicion Divina vino i hallarse Gasca entdnces en la ciudad de Valencia, 
para remedio de aquel reyno y islas de Mallorca y Menorca 6 Iviza, seguii 
la drden, prevencion y dillgencia que en la defensa contra las armadas del 
TuTco y Francia tuvo, y las provisiones que para ello hizo."— Hist de Don 
Pedro Gasca, MS. 

i* ** Finding alien would not answer, they sent a lamb,** says Gomara. 
** Finalmente, quiso embiar una oyeja, pues un leon no aproyecho ; y asi 
escogid al Licendado Pedro Gasca.** — Hist, de las Ind. cap. clxxiy. 

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loyalty had been shown through his whole life. With great 
suavity of manners he combined the most intrepid resolution. 
Though his demeanour was humble, as beseemed his calling, 
it was far from abject ; for he was sustained by a conscious 
rectitude of purpose, that impressed respect on all with 
whom he had intercourse. He was acute in his perceptions, 
had a shrewd knowledge of character, and, though bred to 
the cloister, possessed an acquaintance with affairs, and 
even with military science, such as was to hare been 
expected only from one reared in courts and camps. 

Without hesitation, therefore, the council unanimously 
recommended him to the Emperor, and requested his appro- 
bation of their proceedings. Charles had not been an 
inattentive observer of Gasca's course. His attention had 
been particularly called to the able manner in which he had 
conducted the judicial process against the heretics of 
Valencia.* The monarch saw, at once, that he was the 
man for the present emergency ; and he immediately wrote 
to him, with his own hand, expressing his entire satisfaction 
at the appointment, and intimating his purpose to testify 
his sense of his worth by preferring him to one of the prin- 
cipal sees then vacant. 

Gasca accepted the important mission now tendered to 

* Gasca made i^hat the anthor calls wna Jyreve y copyom rdacion of 
the proceedings to the emperor in Valencia ; and the monarch was so intent 
on the inquiry, that he devoted the whole afternoon to it, notwithstanding 
his son Philip was waiting for him to attend a fiesta J — ^irrefragahle proofs 
as the writer conceiyes, of his zeal for the faith. ^ Queriendo en tender muy 
de raizo todo lo que pasaha, como principe tan zeloso que era de las < 
de la religion.'' — Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. 

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gasca's mission to pebu. 135 

him without hesitation ; and, repairing to Madrid, received 
the instructions of the goyernment as to the course to be 
pursued. They were expressed in the most benign and 
conciliatory tone, perfectly in accordance with the sugges- 
tions of his own benevolent temper.* But, while he com- 
mended the tone of the instructions, he considered the 
powers with which he was to be intrusted as wholly incom- 
petent to their object. They were conceived in the jealous 
spirit with which the Spanish government usually limited 
the authority of its great colonial officers, whose distance 
from home gave peculiar cause for distrust. On every 
strange and unexpected emergency, Gasca saw that he 
should be obliged to send back for instructions. This must 
cause delay, where promptitude was essential to success. 
The Court, moreover, as he represented to the council, was, 
from its remoteness from the scene of action, utterly incom- 
petent to pronounce as to the expediency of the measures 
to be pursued. Some one should be sent out in whom the 
king could implicitly confide, and who should be invested 
with powers competent to every emergency ; powers not 
merely to decide on what was best, but to carry that decision 
into execution ; and he boldly demanded that he should go 
not only as the representative of the sovereign, but clothed 
with all the authority of the sovereign himself. Less than 
this would defeat the very object for which he was to be 
sent. " For myself," he concluded, " I ask neither salary 

* These instructions, the patriarchal tone of which is highly creditable 
to the government, are given vn txtenao in the MS. of Caravantes, and in 
no other work which I have consulted. 

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nor compensation of any kind. I covet no display of state 
or military array. With my stole and breviary I trust to 
do the work that is committed to me.* Infirm as I am in 
body, the repose of my own home would have been more 
grateful to me than this dangerous mission ; but I will not 
shrink from it at the bidding of my sovereign, and if, as is 
very probable, I may not be permitted again to see my 
native land, I shall, at least, be cheered by the conscious- 
ness of having done my best to serve its interests." t 

The members of the council, while they listened with 
admiration to the disinterested avowal of Gasca, were 
astounded by the boldness of his demands. Not that they 
distrusted the purity of his motives, for these were above 
suspicion. But the powers for which he stipulated were so 
far beyond those hitherto delegated to a colonial viceroy, 
that they felt they had no warrant to grant them. They 
even shrank from soliciting them from the Emperor, and 
required that Gasca himself should address the monarch, 
and state precisely the grounds on which demands so extra- 
ordinary were founded. 

Gasca readily adopted the suggestion, and wrote in the 
most full and explicit manner to his sovereign, who had 

* ^'De Buerte que juzgassen qne la mas fuer9a que lleuaua, era su 
abito de clerico 7 breuiario." — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte I lib. ii. 
cap. xvi. 

+ MS. de Caravantes. — Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. — Fernandez, 
Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. zvi. xvii. — Though not for himself, 
Grasca did solicit one favour of the Emperor, — the appointment of his 
brother, an eminent jurist^ to a vacant place on the bench of one of the 
Castilian tribunals. 

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GASGa's mission to PERU. 137 

then transferred his residence to Flanders* But Charles 
was not so tenacious, or, at least, so jealous, of authority, 
as his ministers. He had heen too long in possession of it 
to feel that jealousy ; and, indeed, many years were not to 
elapse, before, oppressed by its weight, he was to resign it 
altogether into the hands of his son. His sagacious mind, 
moreoyer, readily comprehended the difficulties of Qasca's 
position. He felt that the present extraordinary crisis was 
to be met only by extraordinary measures. He assented to 
the force of his vassal's argimients, and, on the 16th of 
February, 1546, wrote him another letter expressive of his 
approbation, and intimated his willingness to grant him 
powers as absolute as those he had requested. 

Gasca was to be styled President of the Royal Audience. 
But, under this simple title, he was placed at the head of 
every department in the colony, civil, military and judicial. 
He was empowered to make new repariimientos, and to 
confirm those already made. He might declare war, levy 
troops, appoint to all offices, or remove from them, at 
pleasure. He might exercise the royal prerogative of par- 
doning offences, and was especiaUy authorised to grant an 
amnesty to all without exception, implicated in the present 
rebellion. He was, moreover, to proclaim at once the 
revocation of the odious ordinances. These two last pro- 
visions might be said to form the basis of all his operations. 

Since ecclesiastics were not to be reached by the secular 
arm, and yet were often found fomenting troubles in the 
colonies, Gasca was permitted to banish from Peru such as 
he thought fit. He might even send home the viceroy, if 

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the good of the country required it. Agreeahlj to his own 
Buggestion, he was to receiye no specified stipend ; hut he 
had unlimited orders on the treasuries hoth of Panama and 
Peru. He was furnished with letters from the Emperor to 
the principal authorities, not only in Peru, hut in Mexico 
and the neighhouring colonies, requiring their countenance 
and support ; and, lastly, hlank letters, hearing the royal 
signature, were delivered to him, which he was to fill up at 
his pleasure.* 

While the grant of such unhounded powers excited the 
wannest sentiments of gratitude in Gasca towards the soye- 
reign who could repose in him so much confidence, it seems 
— which is more extraordinary — not to have raised cor- 
responding feelings of envy in the courtiers* They knew 
well that it was not for himself that the good ecclesiastic 
had solicited them. On the contrary, some of the council 
were desirous that he should he preferred to the bishopric, 
as already promised him, hefore his departure ; conceiving 
that he would thus go with greater authority* than as an 
humble ecclesiastic, and fearing, moreover, that Gasca 
himself, were it omitted, might feel some natural disappoint- 
ment. But the president hastened to remove these im- 
pressions. '* The honour would avail me little,*' he said, 
*' where I am goiug ; and it would be manifestly wrong to 
appoint me to an office in the Church, while I remain at 

* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. vi. — Herrera, Hist. General, 
dec. viii. lib. i. cap. vi. — MS. de Caravan tes. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, 
parte i. lib. ii. cap. xvii. zviii. — Gomara^ Hist, de las Ind., cap. clzxiv. — 
Hist, de Don Pedro Grasca, MS. 

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GASOa's mission to PERU. 139 

such a distance that I cannot discbarge the duties of it. 
The consciousness of mj insufficiency," he continued, ' 
''should I never return, would lie heavy on my soul in my 
last moments." * The politic reluctance to accept the 
mitre has passed into a proverb. But there was no affec- 
tation here ; and Gasca's friends, yielding to his arguments, 
forbore to urge the matter further. 

The new president now went forward with his prepara- 
tions. They were few and simple ; for he was to be 
accompanied by a slender train of followers, among whom 
the most conspicuous was Alonso de Alvarado, the gallant 
officer who, as the reader may remember, long commanded 
under Francisco Pizarro. He had resided of late years at 
court ; and now at Gasca's request accompanied him to 
Peru, where his presence might facilitate negotiations with 
the insurgents, while his military experience would prove no 
less valuable in case of an appeal to arms.t Some delay 
necessarily occurred in getting ready his little squadron, 
and it was not till the 26th of May, 1546, that the presi- 
dent and his siiite embarked at San Lucar, for the New 

After a prosperous voyage and not a long one for that 
day, he landed, about the middle of July, at the port of 
Santa Martha. Here he received the astounding intelli- 

* ^' Eepecialmente, si alia muriesse 6 le matassen: que entoces de 
nada le podria ser buena, tino para partir desta vida, con mas congoxa j pena 
de la poca cuenta que daua de la prouision que auia aceptado/* — Fernandez, 
Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xviii. 

f From this cavalier descended the noble house of the counts of Yillamor 
in Spain. — MS. de Canvantes. 

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gence of the battle of Maquito, oi the defeat and death 
of the yiceroj, and of the manner in which Gronzalo Pizarro 
had since established his absolute rule over the land. 
Although these events had occurred several months before 
Gasea*s departure from Spain, yet so imperfect was 
the intercourse, no tidings of them had then reached 
that country. 

They now filled the president with great anxiety as he 
reflected that the insurgents, after so atrocious an act as 
the slaughter of the viceroy, might well despair of grace, 
and become reckless of consequences. He was careful, 
therefore, to have it understood, that the date of his com- 
mission was subsequent to that of the fatal battle, and that 
it authorised an entire amnesty of all offences hitherto com* 
mitted against the government.* 

Yet, in some points of view, the death of Blasco Nu£ez 
might be regarded as an auspicious circumstance for the 
settlement of the country. Had he lived till Gasca's 
arrival, the latter would have been greatly embarrassed by 
the necessity of acting in concert with a person so generally 
detested in the colony, or by the unwelcome alternative of 
sendmg him back to Castile, The insurgents, moreover, 
would, in all probability, be now more amenable to reason, 
since all personal animosity might naturally be buried in the 
grave of their enemy. 

The president was much embarrassed by deciding in 
what quarter he should attempt to enter Peru. Every port 
was in the hands of Pizarro, and was placed under the care 

* Fernandez, Hibt. del Peru, parte i. lib ii. cap. xxi. 

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of his officers, with strict charge to intercept any com- 
munications from Spain, and to detain such persons as here 
a commission from that country until his pleasure could be 
known respecting them. Qasca, at length decided on 
crossing oyer to Nomhre de Dios, then held with a strong 
force by Heman Mezia, an officer to whose charge Gonzalo 
had committed this strong gate to his dominions, as to a 
person on whose attachment to his cause he could con- 
fidently rely. 

Had Gasca appeared off this place in a menacing attitude 
with a military array, or, indeed, with any display of official 
pomp that might have awakened distrust in the commander, 
he would doubtless have found it no easy matter to effect a 
landing. But Mezia saw nothing to apprehend in the 
approach of a poor ecclesiastic, without an armed force, 
with hardly even a retinue to support him, coming solely, as 
it seemed, on an errand of mercy. No sooner, therefore, 
was he acquainted with the character of the enyoy and his 
mission, than he prepared to receive him with the honours 
due to his rank, and marched out at the head of his soldiers, 
together with a considerable body of ecclesiastics resident 
in the place. There was nothing in the person of Gasca, 
still less in his humble clerical attire and modest retinue, to 
impress the vulgar spectator with feelings of awe or reve- 
rence. Indeed the poverty-stricken aspect, as it seemed, 
of himself and his followers, so different from the usual 
state affected by the Indian viceroys, excited some merri- 
ment among the rude soldiery^ who did not scruple to break 
their coarse jests on his appearance, in hearing of the 

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president himself.* " If this is the sort of goyernor his 
Majesty sends oyer to us," they exclaimed, '' Pizarro need 
not trouhle his head much ahout it." 

Tet the president, far from heing ruffled hy this ribaldry, 
or from showing resentment to its authors, submitted to it 
with the utmost humility, and only seemed the more grateful 
to his own brethren, who, by their respectful demeanour, 
appeared anxious to do him honour. • 

But, howeyer plain and unpretending the manners of 
Gasca, Mexia, on his first interyiew with him, soon dis- 
coyered that he had no common man to deal with. The 
president, after briefly explaining the nature of his com- 
mission, told him that he had come as a messenger of 
peace ; and that it was on peaceful measures he relied for his 
success. He then stated the general scope of his commis- 
sion, his authority to grant a free pardon to all, without 
exception, who at once submitted to goyemment, and, 
finally, his purpose to proclaim the reyocation of the ordin- 
ances. The objects of the reyolution were thus attained. 
To contend longer would be manifest rebellion, and that 
without a motiye ; and he urged the commander by eyery 
principle of loyalty and patriotism to support him in settling 
the distractions of the country, and bringing it back to its 

The candid and conciliatory language of the president, 

* " Especialmente machos de los soldados, que estaaan desacatados, 7 
decian palabras feas, 7 desuerg09ada& A lo qual el PreBidente (viendo 
que era necessario) hazia las orejas sordas." — Fenumdez, Hist, del Peru, 
parte i. lib. ii. cap. zziii. 

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80 different from the arrogance of Blasco Nunez, and the 
austere demeanour of Yaca de Castro, made a sensible im- 
pression on Mexia. He admitted the force of Gasca's 
reasoning, and flattered himself that Gonzalo Pizarro 
would not be insensible to it. Though attached to the 
fortunes of that leader, he was loyal in heart, and, like 
most of the party, had been led by accident, rather than 
by design, into rebellion ; and now that so good an oppor- 
tunity occurred to do it with safety, he was not unwilling 
to retrace his steps, and secure the royal favour by thus 
early returning to his allegiance. This he signified to the 
president, assuring him of his hearty co-operation in the 
good work of reform.* 

This was an important step for Gasca. It was yet 
more important for him to secure the obedience of Hinojosa, 
the governor of Panama, in the harbour of which city lay 
Pizarro 's navy, consisting of two-and-twenty vessels. But 
it was not easy to approach this officer. He was a person 
of much higher character than was usually found among 
the reckless adventurers in the New World. He was attached 
to the interests of Pizarro, and the latter had requited him 
by placing him in command of his armada and of Panama, 
the key to his territories on the Pacific. 

The president first sent Mexia and Alonso de Alvarado 
to prepare the way for his own coming by advising Hinojosa 
of the purport of his mission. He soon after followed, 

* Femaodez, Hist, del Peru. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Yaldiyia, 
M8. — MonteBinoB, Annales, MS. afio 1546. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, 
lib. vi. cap. yI — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. y. 

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and was received by that commander with every show of 
outward respect. But while the latter listened with defe- 
rence to the representations of Gasca, they failed to work 
the change in him which they had wrought in Mexia ; 
and he concluded by asking the president to show him 
his powers, and by inquiring whether they gave him 
authority to confirm Pizarro in his present post, to which 
he was entitled no less by his own services than by the 
general voice of the people. 

This was an embarrassing question. Such a concession 
would have been altogether too humiliating to the Crown ; 
but to have openly avowed this at the present juncture to 
so staunch an adherent of Pizarro might have precluded 
all further negotiation. The president evaded the ques- 
tion, therefore, by simply stating, that the time had not 
yet come for him to produce his powers, but that Hinojosa 
might be assured that they were such as to secure an 
ample recompense to every loyal servant of his country.* 

Hinojosa was not satisfied ; and he immediately wrote 
to Pizarro, acquainting him with Gasca *s arrival and with 
the object of his mission, at the same time plainly inti- 
mating his own conviction that the president had no authority 
to confirm him in the government. But before the depar- 
ture of the ship, Gasca secured the services of a Dominican 
friar, who had taken his passage on board for one of the 
towns on the coast. This man he intrusted with manifestoes, 
setting forth the purport of his visit, and proclaiming the 

* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru^ parte i. lib. ii. cap. xzv. — Zarate, Conq. 
del Peru, lib. vi. cap. yii. — MS. de Carayantes. 

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gasca's offers to pizarro. 145 

abolition of the ordinances, with a free pardon to all who 
returned to their obedience. He wrote, also, to. the prelates 
and to the corporations of the different cities. .The former 
he requested to co-operate with him in introducing a spirit 
of loyalty and subordination among the people, while he 
intimated to the towns his purpose to confer with them 
hereafter, in order to deyise some effectual measures for 
the welfare of the country. These papers the Dominican 
engaged to distribute himself, among the principal cities of 
the colony ; and he faithfully kept his word, though, as it 
proved at no little hazard of his life. The seeds thus 
scattered mighty many of them, fall on barren ground. 
But the greater part, the president trusted, would take 
root in the hearts of the people ; and he patiently waited 
for the haryest. 

Meanwhile, though he failed to remove the scruples of 
Hinojosa, the courteous manners of Gasca, and his mild, 
persuasive discourse, had a visible effect on other individuals 
with whom he had daily intercourse. Several of these, 
and among them some of the principal cavaliers in Fanam^, 
as well as in the squadron, expressed their willingness to 
join the royal cause, and aid the president in maintain- 
ing it. Gasca profited by their assistance to open a comr 
munication with the authorities of Guatemala and Mexico, 
whom he advised of his mission, while he admonished them 
to allow no intercourse to be carried on with the insurgents 
on the coast of Peru. He, at length, also prevailed on the 
governor of Panam^ to furnish him with the means of enter- 
ing into communicati(m with Gonzalo Pizarro himself ; and 


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a ship was despatched to Lima, bearing a letter from Charles 
the Fifth, addressed to that chief, with an epistle also 
from Oasca. 

The emperor's communication was couched in the most 
condescending and even conciliatory terms. Far from taxing 
Gonsalo with rebellion, his royal master affected to regard 
his conduct as in a manner imposed on him by circum- 
stances, especially by the obduracy of the yiceroy Nu&ez in 
denying the colonists the inalienable right of petition. He 
gave no intimation of an intent to confirm Pizarro in the 
government, or, indeed, to remoye him from it ; but simply 
referred him to Gasca as one who would acquaint him with 
the royal pleasure, and with whom he was to co-operate in 
restoring tranquillity to the country. 

Gasca 's own letter was pitched in the same politic key. 
He remarked, however, that the exigencies which had 
hitherto determined Gonzalo's line of conduct existed no 
longer. All that had been asked was conceded. There 
was nothing now to contend for ; and it only remained for 
Pizarro and his followers to show their loyalty and the 
sincerity of their principles by obedience to the Crown. 
Hitherto, the president said, Pizarro had been in arms 
against the viceroy ; and the people had supported him as 
against a conmion enemy. If he prolonged the contest, 
that enemy must be his sovereign. In such a struggle, the 
people would be sure to desert him ; and Gasca conjured 
him, by his honour as a cavalier, and his duty as a loyal 
vassal, to respect the royal authority, and not rashly pro- 
voke a contest which must prove to the world that his 

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oasca's offers to pizarro. 147 

conduct hitherto had heen dictated less by patriotic motives 
than by selfish ambition. 

This letter, which was conveyed in language the most 
courteous and complimentary to the subject of it, was of 
great length. It was accompanied by another much more 
concise, to Cepeda, the intriguing lawyer, who, as Gasca 
knew, had the greatest influence over Pizarro, in the 
absence of Carbajal, then employed in reaping the silver 
harvest from the newly discovered mines of Potosi.* In 
this epistle, Gasca affected to defer to the cunning politician 
as a member of the Royal Audience, and he conferred with 
him on the best manner of supplying a vacancy in that body. 

These several despatches were committed to a cavalier, 
named Paniagua, a faithful adherent of the president, and 
one of those who had accompanied him from Castile. To 
this same emissary he also gave manifestoes and letters, 
like those intrusted to the Dominican^ with orders secretly 
to distribute them in Lima, before he quitted that capitaLf 

Weeks and months rolled away, while the president still 

• ** El Licenciado Cepeda que tengo yo agora por teniente, de quien 
yo bago mucho caso i le quiero mucho." — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a 
Yaldivia, MS. 

+ The letters noticed in the text may be found in Zarate, Conq. del 
Pern, lib. vi. cap. vii. and Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. 
cap. xxix. zzz. The president's letter coyers several pages. Much of it is 
taken up with historic precedents and illustrations to show the folly, as well 
as wickedness, of a collision with the imperial authority. The benignant 
tone of this homily may be inferred from its concluding sentence : — 
** Nuestro senor por su infinita bfidad alumbre a vuestra merced, y a todos 
loB demas para que acierten a hazer en este negocio lo que couiene a 
sua almas, honras, vidas y haziendas: y guarde en su sancto serricio la 
lUnstre persona de vuestra merced." 

L 2 

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remained at Panam^, where, indeed, as his communications 
were jealously cut off with Peru, he might he said to he 
detained as a sort of prisoner of state. Meanwhile, hoth he 
and Hinojosa were looking with anxiety for the arriyal of 
some messenger from Pizarro, who should indicate the 
manner in which the president* s mission was to he received 
hy that chief. The governor of Panami was not hli^d to 
the perilous position in which he was himself placed, nor to 
the madness of provoking a contest with the Court of Castile. 
But he had a reluctance — not too often shared hy the cava* 
liers of Peru — to ahandon the fortunes of the commander 
who had reposed in him so great confidence. Yet he trusted 
that this commander would emhrace the opportunity now 
offered, of placing himself and the country in a state of 
permanent security. 

Several of the cavaliers who had given in their adhesion 
to Gasca, displeased hy this ohstinacy, as they termed it, of 
Hinojosa, proposed to seize his person and then get posses* 
sion of the armada. But the president at once rejected this 
offer. His mission, he said, was one of peace, and he would 
not stain it at the outset hy an act of violence. He even 
respected the scruples of Hinojosa ; and a cavalier of so 
honourahle a nature, he conceived, if once he could he 
gained hy fair means, would he much more likely to he true 
to his interests, than if overcome either hy force or fraud. 
Gasca thought he might safely ahide his time. There was 
policy, as well as honesty, in this ; indeed, they always go 

Meantime, persons were occasionally arriving from Lima 

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gasca's offers to pizarro. 149 

and the nelghbouriDg places, who gave accounts of Pizarro, 
varying according to the character and situation of the 
parties. Some represented him as winning all hearts by 
his open temper and the politic profusion with which, though 
coyetous of wealth, he distributed repartimientos and favours 
among his followers. Others spoke of him as carrying 
matters with a high hand, while the greatest timidity and 
distrust prevailed among the citizens of Lima. All agreed 
that his power rested on too secure a basis to be shaken ; 
and that, if the president should go to Lima, he must either 
consent to become Pizarro* s instrument and confirm him in . 
the government, or forfeit his own life.* 

It was undoubtedly true, that Gonzalo, while he gave 
attention, as his friends say, to the public business, found 
time for free indulgence in those pleasures which wait on 
the soldier of fortune in his hour of triumph. He was the 
object of flattery and homage ; courted even by those who 
hated him. For such as did not love the successful chieftain 
had good cause to fear him ; and his exploits were commemo* 
rated in romances or ballads, as rivalling — it was not far from 
truth — those of the most doughty paladins of chivalry. f 

Amidst this burst of adulation, the cup of joy commended 
to Pizarro's lips had one drop of bitterness in it that gave 

* Fernandez, Hitt. del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xxvii. — Herrera, Hist. 
Genera], dec. yiii. lib. ii. cap. vii. — MS. de Caravantes. 

f **Y con etto, estaua siempre en fiestas 7 recozijo, holgandose mucho 
que le diessen musicas, cantando, romances, 7 coplas, de todo lo que 
auia hecho ! encaresciendo sus bazafiat, y Tictorias. En lo qual mucbo se 
deleytaua como hombre de gruesso entedimiento." — Fernandez, Hist, dol 
Pern, parte I lib. ii. cap. zzzii. 

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its flaTour to all the rest ; for, notwithstanding his show of 
confidence, he looked with unceasing anxiety to the arrival 
of tidings that might assure him in what light his conduct 
was regarded hj the goyemment at home. This was proved 
by his jealous precautions to guard the approaches to the 
coast, and to detain the persons of the royal emissaries. 
He learned, therefore, with no little uneasiness, from Hino- 
josa, the landing of President Gasca, and the purport of his 
mission. But his discontent was mitigated, when he under- 
stood that the new enyoy had come without military array, 
without any of the ostentatious trappings of office to impose 
on the minds of the vulgar, but alone, as it were, in the 
plain garb of an humble missionary.* Pizarro could not 
discern, that under this modest exterior lay a moral power, 
stronger than his own steel-clad battalions, which, operating 
silently on public opinion, — the more sure that it was silent, 
— was even now undermining his strength, like a subterra- 
neous channel eating away the foundations of some stately 
edifice, that stands secure in its pride of place ! 

But, although Gonzalo Pizarro could not foresee this 
result, he saw enough to satisfy him that it would be safest 
to exclude the president from Peru. The tidings of his 
arrival, moreover, quickened his former purpose of sending 

* Gonzalo, in his letter to Yaldiyia, speaks of Gasca as a clergyman of 
a godly reputation, who, without recompense, in the true spirit of a 
missionary, had come over to settle the afiairs of the country. *' IHcen 
ques mui huen christiano i homhre de huena yida i clerigo, i decen que 
yiene a estas partes con buena intencion i no quiso salario ningnno del 
Rey sino venir para poner paz en estos reynos con sus cristiandades/' — ^Garta 
de Gonzalo PiTarro a Yaldivia, MS. 

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gasca's offers to pizabro. 151 

an embassy to Spain to yindioate bis late proceedings, and 
request tbe royal confirmation of bis autbority. The person 
placed at tbe bead of this mission was Lorenzo de Aldana, 
a cavalier of discretion as well as courage, and high in tbe 
confidence of Pizarro, as one of bis most devoted partisans. 
He bad occupied some important posts under that chief, one 
secret of whose successes was tbe sagacity be showed in 
the selection of bis agents. 

Besides Aldana and one or two cavaliers, tbe bishop of 
Lima was joined in the commission, as likely, from bis 
position, to have a favourable influence on Gonzalo's fortunes 
at court. Together with tbe despatches for tbe government, 
tbe envoys were intrusted with a letter to Gasca from the 
inhabitants of Lima ; in which, after civilly congratulating 
tbe president on bis arrival, they announced their regret 
that be bad come too late. The troubles of tbe country 
were now settled by tbe overthrow of tbe viceroy, and tbe 
nation was reposing in quiet under tbe rule of Pizarro. An 
embassy, they stated, was on its way to Castile, not to solicit 
pardon, for they bad committed no crime,* but to petition 
tbe emperor to confirm their leader in tbe government, as 
the man in Peru best entitled to it by bis virtues.! They 
expressed tbe conviction that Gasca's presence would only 
serve to renew the distractions of tbe country, and they 

* ** Porqne perdo ningano de nosotros Ic pide, porque no entendemos 
que amo8 errado, sino seruido & su Magestad : conseruftdo nuestro derecho ; 
qne por bus leyes reales i bvlb vasalloa cb pennitido.*' — Fernandez, Hist, 
del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xxxiii. 

+ ** Porque el por sus virtudes es muy amado de todos ; j tenido por 
padre del Perfi." — Ibid, ubi supra. 

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darkly intimated that his attempt to land would prohahly 
cost him his life. — The language of this singular document 
was more respectful than might he inferred from its import. 
It was dated the 14th of October, 1546, and was subscribed 
bj seventy of the principal cavaliers in the city. It was 
not improbably dictated by Cepeda, whose hand is visible 
in most of the intrigues of Pizarro's little court. It is also 
said, — the authority is somewhat questionable, — ^that Aldana 
received instructions from Gonzalo secretly to offer a bribe 
of fifty thousand pesos de oro to the president, to prevail on 
him to return to Castile ; and in case of his refusal, some 
darker and more effectual way was to be devised to rid the 
country of his presence.* 

Aldana, fortified with his despatches, sped swiftly on his 
voyage to Panam^. Through him the governor learned 
the actual state of feeling in the councils of Pizarro ; and 
he listened with regret to the envoy's conviction, that no 

* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viiL lib. ii. 
cap. z. — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. viii. — Gomaniy Hist, de las 
Ind. cap. clxxvii. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1546. Pizarro, in 
his letter to Valdivia, notices this remonstrance to Gasca, who, with all his 
reputation as a saint was as deep as any man in Spain, and had now 
come to send him home, as a reward, no doubt, of his faithful services. 
<< But I and the rest of the cavaliers," he concludes, ^* have warned him 
not to set foot here." " Y agora que jo tenia puesta esta tierra en sosiego 
embiava su parte al de la Gasca, que aunque arriba digo que dicen ques an 
santo, es un hombre mas mauoso que havia en toda Espana € mas sabio; ^ 
asi venia por presidente 6 governador, 6 todo quanto el quiera : 6 para 
poderme embiar ^ mi i Espana, i & cabo de dos anos que andavamos fuera 
de nuestras casas queria el Rey darme este pago, mas yo con todos los caval- 
leros deste reyno le embiavamos & decir que se vaya, sino que har^mos con 
el como con Blasco Nunez." — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. 

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oasca's offers to pizarro. 153 

terms would be admitted bj that chief or his companions, 
that did not confirm him in 'the possession of Peru.* 

Aldana was soon admitted to an audience bj the pre 
sident. It was attended with very different results from 
what had followed from the conferences with Hinojosa ; 
for Pizarro 's envoy was not armed by nature with that 
stubborn panoply which had hitherto made the other proof 
against all argument. He now learned with surprise the 
nature of Gasca's powers, and the extent of the royal con- 
cessions to the insurgents. He had embarked with Gonzalo 
Pizarro on a desperate venture, and he found that it had 
proved successful. The colony had nothing more, in 
reason, to demand ; and, though devoted in heart to his 
leader, he did not feel bound by any principle of honour to 
take part with him, solely to gratify his ambition, in a wild 
contest with the Crown that must end in inevitable ruin. 
He consequently abandoned his mission to Castile, probably 
never very palatable to him, and announced his purpose to 
accept the pardon proffered by government, and support the 
president in settling the affairs of Peru* He subsequently 
wrote, it should be added, to his former commander in 
Lima, stating the course he had taken, and earnestly 
recommending the latter to follow his example. 

• With Aldana'g mission to Castile, Gonzalo l^izarro closes the important 
letter, so often cited in these pages, and which may be supposed to fiimish 
the best arguments for his own conduct It is a curious fact, that Valdivia, 
the Conqueror of Chili, to whom the epistle is addressed, soon after this 
openly espoused the cause of Gasca, and his troops formed part of the forces 
who contended with Pizarro, not long afterwards, at Huarina. Such wad 
the friend on whom Gonzalo relied ! 

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The influence of this precedent in go important a person 
as Aldana, aided, douhtless, hj the conriction that no 
change was now to be expected in Pizarro, while delaj 
would be fatal to himself, at length preyailed oyer Hino- 
jo^a's scruples, and he intimated to Gasca his willingness 
to place the fleet under his command. The act was per- 
formed with great pomp and ceremony. Some of Pizarro's 
staunchest partisans were previouslj removed from the 
yessels ; and on the 19th of November, 1546, Hinojosa and 
his captains resigned their commissions into the hands of 
the president. Thej next took the oaths of allegiance to 
Castile ; a free pardon for all past offences was proclaimed 
by the herald from the scaflbld erected in the great square 
of the city ; and the president, greeting them as true and 
loyal vassals of the Crown, restored their several commis- 
sions to the cavaliers. The royal standard of Spain was 
then unfurled on board the squadron, and proclaimed that 
this stronghold of Pizarro's power had passed away from 
him for ever.* 

The return of their commissions to the insurgent captains 
was a politic act in Gasca. It secured the services of the 
ablest oj£cers in the country, and turned agiunst Pizarro 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. 7 Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, 
lib. vi. cap. iz^ — Fernandez, Higt. del Peru, parte L lib. ii. cap. xxxviii. zlii. 
— Gomara, Hist de laa Indias, cap. clxzviii. — MS. de CarnTantes. Gar- 
cilaaso de la Vega, — ^whose partiality for Gonzalo Pizarro forms a wholesome 
counterpoise to the unfayourable views taken of his conduct by most other 
writers, — in his notice of this transaction, seems disposed to allow little 
credit to that loyalty which is shown by the sacrifice of a bene^tor. — 
Com. Real, parte ii. lib. v. cap. iv. 

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the very arm on which he had most leaned for support. 
Thus was this great step achieved, without force or fraud, 
by Gasca's patience and judicious forecast He was 
content to bide his time ; and he now might rely with 
well-grounded confidence on the ultimate success of his 

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No sooner was Gasca placed in possession of Panam^ and 
the fleet, than he entered on a more decisive course of 
policy than he had heen hitherto allowed to pursue. He raised 
levies of men, and drew together supplies from all quarters. 
He took care to discharge the arrears already due to the 
soldiers, and promised liheral pay for the future ; for, 
though mindful that his personal charges should cost little 
to the Crown, he did not stint his expenditure when the 
puhlic good required it. As the funds in the treasury were 
exhausted, he ohtained loans on the credit of the govern- 
ment from the wealthy citizens of Panama, who, relying on 
his good faith, readily made the necessary advances. He 
next sent letters to the authorities of Guatemala and 
Mexico, requiring their assistance in carrying on hostilities, 
if necessary, against the insurgents ; and he despatched 
a summons, in like manner, to Benalcazar, in the provinces 
north of Peru, to meet him on his landing in that country 
with his whole availahle force. 

The greatest enthusiasm was shown by the people of 
Panama in getting the little navy in order for his intended 

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voyage ; and prelates and commanders did not disdain 
to prove their loyalty by taking part in the good work 
along with the soldiers and sailors.* Before his own 
departure, however, Gasca proposed to send a small squadron 
of four ships, under Aldana, to cruise off the port of Lima, 
with instructions to give protection to those well affected to 
the royal cause, and receive them if need be, on board his ves- 
sels. He was also intrusted with authenticated copies of the 
president's commission, to be delivered to Gonzalo Pizarro, 
that the chief might feel there was yet time to return 
before the gates of mercy were closed against him.f 

While these events were going on, Gasca's proclamations 
and letters were doing their work in Peru. It required 
but little sagacity to perceive that the nation at large, 
secured in the protection of person and property, had 
nothing to gain by revolution. Interest and duty, fortu- 
nately, now lay on the same side ; and the ancient 
sentiment of loyalty, smothered for a time, but not extin- 
guished, revived in the breasts of the people. Still this 
was not manifested at once by any overt act ; for, under a 
strong military rule, men dared hardly think for themselves, 
much less communicate their thoughts to one another. But 
changes of public opinion, like changes in the atmosphere, 

* '^Y ponia sua fuer9a8 con tanta llaneza j obediencia, que los obispos y 
derigos 7 los capitanes 7 mas principalea penonas eran los que primero 
echauan mano, 7 tirauan de las gumenas 7 cables de loa nauios, para los 
sacar & la costa." — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. Jl cap. Ixx. 

+ Ibid., nbi supra. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1546. — Gomara, 
Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxxviii. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. ix. — 
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. iii. cap. iii. 

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that come on slowly and imperceptibly, make themselres 
more and more widely felt, till, by a sort of silent sym* 
pathy, they spread to the remotest comers of the land. 
Some intimations of such a change of sentiment at length 
found their way to Lima, although all accounts of the 
president's mission had been jealously ezcluded from that 
capital. Gonzalo Fizarro himself became sensible of these 
symptoms of disaffection, though almost too faint and feeble, 
as yet, for the most experienced eye to descry in them the 
coming tempest. 

Several of the president's proclamations had been for- 
warded to Gonzalo by his faithful partisans ; and Carbajal, 
who had been summoned from Potosf, declared they were 
*' more to be dreaded than the lances of Castile."* Tet 
Fizarro did not, for a moment, lose his confidence in his 
own strength ; and with a uayy like that now in Fanami 
at his command, he felt he might bid defiance to any 
enemy on his coasts. He had implicit confidence in the 
fidelity of Hinojosa. 

It was at this period that Faniagua arrived off the port 
with Gasca's despatches to Fizarro, consisting of the 
Emperor's letter and his own. They were instantly sub* 
mitted by that chieftain to his trusty counsellors, Carbajal 
and Cepeda, and their opinions asked as to the course to be 
pursued. It was the crisis of Fizarro 's fate. 

Carbajal, whose sagacious eye fully comprehended the 
position in which they stood, was in favour of accepting the 

* *' Que eran mas de temer aqnellas cartas que a las la9as del Rej de 
Castilla." — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte L lib. ii. cap. xIy. 

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royal grace on the terms proposed ; and ho intimated his 
sense of their importance by declaring, that, **he would 
pave the way for the bearer of them into the capital with 
ingots of gold and silver."* Cepeda was of a different way 
of thinking. He was a judge of the Royal Audience ; and 
had been sent to Peru as the immediate counseUor of Blasco 
Nunez. But he had turned against the Ticeroy, had 
encountered him in battle, and his garments might be said 
to be yet wet with his blood ! What grace was there, then, 
for him ? Whatever respect might be shown to the letter 
of the royal provisions, in point of fact, he must ever live 
under the Castilian rule a ruined man. He accordingly 
strongly urged the rejection of Gasca's offers. ** They 
will cost you your government," he said to Pizarro ; ''the 
smooth-tongued priest is not so simple a person as you take 
him to be. He \s deep and politic.f He knows well what 
promises to make ; and, once master of the country, he 
will know, too, how to keep them." 

Carbajal was not shaken by the arguments or the sneers 
of his companions ; and as the discussion waxed warm, 
Cepeda taxed his opponent with giving counsel suggested 
by fears for his own safety, — a foolish taunt, sufficiently 
disproved by the whole life of the doughty old warrior. 
Carbajal did not insist further on his own views, however, 
as he found them unwelcome to Pizarro, and contented 

• ** Y le enladrillen loe caminos por do liniere con barras de plata, y 
tejoB de oro." — Grarcilasso, Com. ReaL., parte ii. lib. v. cap. t. 

fj* Que no lo embiauan por hombre sencillo 7 llano, sino de grandes 
cautelas, astudas, fiilsedades 7 enganos.** — Ibid., loc cit. 

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himself with coolly remarking, that ''he had indeed no 
relish for rebellion ; but he had as long a neck for a halter, 
he belieyed, as any of his companions ; and, as he could 
hardly expect to live much longer at any rate, it was, after 
all, of little moment to him." * 

Pizarro, spurred on by a fiery ambition that overleaped 
every obstacle,t did not condescend to count the desperate 
chances of a contest with the Crown. He threw his ovrn 
weight into the scale with Cepeda. The offer of grace 
was rejected ; and he thus cast away the last tie which 
held him to his country, and, by the act, proclaimed himself 
a rebel.} 

It was not long after the departure of Paniagua, that 
Pizarro received tidings of the defection of Aldana and 
Hinojosa, and of the surrender of the fleet, on which he 
had expended an immense sum, as the chief bulwark of 
his power. This unwelcome intelligence was followed by 

* " Por lo demas, quado acaezca otra co8a,ya yo lie viuido muchos anos, 
y tengo tan bue palmo de pe8cue9o para la aoga, como cada uno de vuesas 
mercedes." — Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. y. cap. v. 

f* ** Loca 7 luciferina sobeniia,^ as Fernandez characterises the aspiring 
temper of Gonzalo. — Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib.ii. cap. xv. 

X MS* de Caravantes. According to Garcilasso, Paniagua was furnished 
with secret instructions by the president, empowering him, in case he judged 
it necessary to the preservation of the royal authority, to confirm Pizarro in 
the government, "it being little matter if the Devil ruled there, provided 
the country remained to the Crown ! " The fact was so reported by 
Paniagua, who continued in Peru after these events. (Com. Real., parte ii. 
lib. y. cap. v.) This is possible. But it is more probable that a credulous 
gossip, like Garcilasso, should be in error, than that Charles the Fifth 
should have been prepared to make such an acknowledgment of his imbe- 
cility, or that the man selected for Gasca^s confidence should have so 
indiscreetly betrayed his trust. 

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accounts of the further defection of some of the principal 
towns in the north, and of the assassination of Puelles, the 
faithful lieutenant to whom he had confided the government 
of Quito. It was not very long, also, hefore he found his 
authority assailed in the opposite quarter at Ouzco ; for 
Centeno, the loyal chieftain who, as the reader may remem- 
her, had heen driven hy Carhajal to take refuge in a cave 
near Arequipa, had issued from his concealment after 
remaining there a year, and, on learning the arrival of 
Gasca, had again raised the royal standard. Then collect- 
ing a small hody of followers, and falling on Cuzco hy night, 
he made himself master of that capital, defeated the garri- 
son who held it, and secured it for the Grown. Marching 
soon after into the province of Oharcas, the hold chief allied 
himself with the officer who commanded for Pizarro in 
La Plata ; and their comhined forces, to the number of a 
thousand, took up a position on the borders of Lake 
Titicaca, where the two cavaliers coolly waited an opportu- 
nity to take the field against their ancient commander. 

Gonzalo Pizarro, touched to the heart by the desertion of 
those in whom he most confided, was stunned by the dismal 
tidings of his losses coming so thick upon him. Yet he did 
not waste his time in idle crimination or complaint, but 
immediately set about making preparations to meet the 
storm with all his characteristic energy. He wrote at once 
to such of his captains as he believed still faithful, com- 
manding them to be ready with their troops to march to his 
assistance at the shortest notice. He reminded them of 
their obligations to him, and that their interests were 


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identical with his own. The president's commission, he 
added, had been made out before the news had reached 
Spain of the battle of A£aquito, and ooold neyer cover a 
pardon to those concerned in the death of the yiceroj.* 

Pizarro was equally active in enforcing his levies in the 
capital, and in putting them in the best fighting order. 
He soon saw himself at the head of a thousand men, beauti- 
fully equipped, and complete in all their appointments ; 
"as gallant an array,'* says an old writer, ''though so 
small in number, as ever trod the plains of Italy," display- 
ing in the excellence of their arms, their gorgeous uniforms, 
and the caparisons of their horses, a magnificence that 
could be furnished only by the silver of Peru.t Each 
company was provided with a new stand of colours, embla- 
zoned with its peculiar device. Some bore the initials and 
arms of Pizarro, and one or two of these were audaciously 
surmounted by a crown, as if to intimate the rank to which 
their commander might aspire, j: 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. 
cap. xi. xiii.— Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xlv. lix. — 
MonteBinos, Annales, MS., auo 1547. 

*)* ** Mil hombres tan bien armados i ader^eados, como Be ban visto en 
Italia, en la maior prosperidad, porque ninguno bavia demas de las armas, 
que no llerase cal^as, i jubon de scda, i mucbos de tela de oro, i de brocado, 
i otros borbados, i recamados de oro i plata, con mucba cbaperia de oro por 
lo8 sombreros, i especialmente por frascos i caxas de arcabuces."* — Zarate, 
Conq. del Pern, lib. vi. cap. xi. 

X Ibid., ubi supra. Some writers even assert tbat Pizarro was preparing 
for his coronation at this time, and that he bad actually despatched his 
summons to the diflferent towns to send their deputies to assist at it. 
** Queria apresurar su coronacion, y para ello despachd cartas 6, todae las 
ciudades del Peril." (Montesinos, Annales, MS., auo 1547.) But it is 

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Among the leaders most conspicuous on this occasion was 
Cepeda, ** who," in the words of a writer of his tune, "had 
exchanged the rohe of the licentiate for the plumed casque 
and mailed harness of the warrior.'*'*' But the cavalier to 
whom Pizarro confided the chief care of organising his 
battalions was the veteran Carbajal, who had studied the 
art of war under the best captains in Europe, and whose 
life of adventure had been a practical commentary on their 
early lessons. It was on his arm that Gonzalo ino&t leaned 
in the hour of danger ; and well had it been for him, if he 
had profited by his counsels at an earlier period. 

It gives one some idea of the luxurious accommodations 
of Pizarro 's forces, that he endeavoured to provide each of 
his musketeers with a horse. The expenses incurred by 
him were enormous. The immediate cost of his prepara- 
tions, we are told, was not less than half a million of pesos de 
oro ; and his pay to the cavaliers, and, indeed to the 
common soldiers, in his little army, was on an extravagant 
scale, nowhere to be met with but on the silver soil of Peru.t 

When his own funds were exhausted, he supplied the 
deficiency by fin^s imposed on the rich citizens of Lima as 
the price of exemption from service, by forced loans and 

hardly probable he could have placed so blind a confidence in the colonists 
at this crisis, as to have meditated so rash a step. The loyal Castilian his- 
torians are not slow to receive reports to the discredit of the rebel. 

* ** El qual en este tiempo, oluidado de lo que conuenia a sus letras, y 
profession, y oficio de oydor ; salio en calfas jubon, y cuera, de muchos 
recamados, y gorra con plumas/' — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. 
cap. Izii. 

+ Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, ubi supra. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. 
cap. xi. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec viii. lib. iii. cap. v. — Montesinos, 
Annales, auo 1547. M 2 

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various other Bchemes of military exaction.* From this 
time, it is said, the chieftain's temper underwent a visible 
change, t He became more violent in his passions, more 
impatient of control, and indulged more freely in acts 
of cruelty and license. The desperate cause in which he 
was involved made him reckless of consequences. Though 
naturally frank and confiding, the frequent defection of his 
followers filled him with suspicion. He knew not in whom 
to confide. Every one who showed himself indifferent to 
his cause, or was suspected of being so, was dealt with as 
an open enemy. The greatest distrust prevailed in Lima. 
No man dared confide in his neighbour. Some concealed 
their effects ; others contrived to elude the vigilance of the 
sentinels, and hid themselves in the neighbouring woods 
and mountains.]: No one was allowed to enter or leave the 
city without a license. All commerce, all intercourse, with 
other places was cut off. It was long since the fifths 
belonging to the Crown had been remitted to Castile, as 
Pizarro had appropriated them to his own use. He now 
took possession of the mints, broke up the royal stamps, 
and issued a debased coin, emblazoned with his own cipher. § 
It was the most decisive act of sovereignty. 

• Fernandez, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixii. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., 
ano 1547. 

i' Gomara, Hiet. de las Ind., cap. clzzii. 

:{: '^ Andaba la gente tan asombrada con el temor de la muerte, que no 
fle podian entender, ui tenian animo para huir ; i alganos, que hallaron 
mejor aparejo, se escondieron por los canaverales i cuevas, enterrando sus 
haciendas." — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. xv. 

§ Rel. Anonima, MS. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., auo 1547. ** Assi 
mismo echd GSzalo Pi9arro i toda la plata, que gastaua y destribuya su 

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At this gloomy period, the lawyer Cepeda contrived a 
solemn farce, the intent of which was to give a sort of legal 
sanction to the rehel cause in the eyes of the populace. He 
caused a process to he prepared against Gasca, Hinojosa, 
and Aldana, in which they were accused of treason against 
the existing government of Peru, were convicted, and con- 
demned to death* This instrument he submitted to a 
number of jurists in the capital, requiring their signatures. 
But they had no mind thus inevitably to implicate them- 
selves, by affixing their names to such a paper ; and they 
evaded it by representing, that it would only serve to cut off 
all cbance, should any of the accused be so disposed, of their 
again embracing the cause they had deserted. Cepeda was 
the only man who signed the document. Carbajal treated 
the whole thing with ridicule* " What is the object of your 
process? " said he to Cepeda. ** Its object," replied the 
latter, " is to prevent delay, that, if taken at any time, the 
guilty party may be at once led to execution.'* — ** I cry you 
mercy," retorted Carbajal; " I thought there must be some 
virtue in the instrument that would have killed them outright. 
Let but one of these same traitors fall into my hands, and I 
will march him off to execution^ witbout waiting for the 
sentence of a court, I promise you ! " * 

xnarca, que era una G. rebuelta en una P. ; 7 pregond que so pena de 
muerte todos recibiessen por plata fina la que tuuiesse aquella marca, sin 
ensayo ni otra diligencia alguna. Y desta suerte hizo passar mucha plata 
de ley baja por fina.'* — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixii. 
* " Riose mucho entonccs Caruajal y dixo, que segd auia hecho la 
instancia que auia entendido, que la justicia como rayo auia de yr luego a 
justiciaries. Y dezia que si el los tuuiesse presos, no se le daria yn dauo 

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While this paper war was going on, news was brought 
that Aldana's squadron was off the port of CaUao. That 
commander had sailed from Panam£, the middle of February, 
1547. On his passage down the coast he had landed at 
Truzillo, where the citizens welcomed him with enthusiasm, 
and eagerly proclaimed their submission to the royal 
authority. He received, at tne same time, messages from 
seyeral of Pizarrp's officers in the interior, intimating their 
return to their duty and their readiness to support the 
president. Aldana named Caxamalca as a place of rendez- 
vous, where they should concentrate their forces, and wait 
the landing of Gasca. He then continued his voyage 
towards Lima. 

No sooner was Pizarro informed of his approach, than, 
fearful lest it might have a disastrous effect in seducing his 
followers from their fidelity, he marched them about a 
league out of the city, and there encamped. He was two 
leagues from the coast, and he posted a guard on the shore, 
to intercept all communication with the vessels. Before 
leaving the capital, Cepeda resorted to an expedient for 
securing the inhabitants more firmly, as he conceived, in 
Pizarro's interests. He caused the citizens to be assem- 
bled, and made them a studied harangue, in which he 
expatiated on the services of their governor, and the secu- 
rity which the country had enjoyed under his rule. He then 

por 8U sentScia ni firmas.*^ (Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. 
cap. \v.) Among the jurisiB in Lima who thus independently resisted 
Cepeda's requisition to sign the paper was the Licentiate Polo Ondegardo, 
a man of much discretion, and one of the best authorities for the ancient 
institutions of the Incas. 

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told them that eyerj man was at liberty to choose for himself 
— to remain under the protection of their present ruler, or, 
if they preferred, to transfer their allegiance to his enemy. 
He invited them to speak their mxnds, but required every 
one who would still continue under Pizarro to take an oath 
of fidelity to his cause, with the assurance, that, if any 
should be so false hereafter as to violate this pledge, he 
should pay for it with his life.* There was no one found 
bold enough — with his head thus in the lion's mouth — to 
swerve frOm his obedience to Pizarro ; and eveiy man took 
the oath prescribed, which was administered in the most 
solemn and imposing form by the licentiate. Oarbajal, as 
usual, made a jest of the whole proceeding. '* How long," 
he asked his companion, *' do you think these same oaths 
will stand ? The first wind that blows off the coast after 
we are gone will scatter them in air! " His prediction 
was soon verified* 

Meantime Aldana anchored off the port, where there was 
no vessel of the insurgents- to molest him. By Gepeda's 
advice, some four or five had been burnt a short time 
before, during the absence of Oarbajal, in order to cut off 
all means by which the inhabitants could leave the place. 
This was deeply deplored by the veteran soldier on his 
return. " It was destroying," he said, ** the guardian 
angels of Lima."t And certainly, under such a com- 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. 7 Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, 
parte i lib. ii« cap. bd. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., afio 1547. — Zarate, 
Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. xL xir. 

f ** Entre otras cosas dixo i Gon9alo Pi9arro ' Vuesa Senoria mando 

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mander, they might now have stood Pizarro in good stead ; 
hut his star was on the wane. 

The first act of Aldana was to cause the copy of Gasca's 
powers, with which he had heen intrusted, to he conveyed 
to his ancient commander, hy whom it was indignantly torn 
in pieces. Aldana next contrived, hy means of his agents, 
to circulate among the citizens, and even the soldiers of the 
camp, the president's manifestoes* They were not long in 
producing their effect. Few had heen at all aware of the 
real purport of Gasca's mission, of the extent of his powers, 
or of the generous terms offered hy Government They 
shrunk from the desperate course into which they had heen 
thus unwarily seduced, and they sought only in what way 
they could, with least danger, extricate themselves from 
their present position, and return to their allegiance. Some 
ecaped hy night from the camp, eluded the vigilance of the 
sentinels, and effected their retreat on hoard the vessels. 
Some were taken, and found no quarter at the hands 
of Oarhajal and his merciless ministers. But, where the 
spirit of disaffection was ahroad, means of escape were not 

As the fugitives were cut off from Lima and the neigh- 
houring coast, they secreted themselves in the forests and 
mountains, and watched their opportunity for making their 
way to Truxillo, and other ports at a distance ; and so 
contagious was the example, that it not unfrequently 
happened that the very soldiers sent in pursuit of the 

quemar cinco angeles que tenia en su puerto para guarda y defensa de la 
costa del Peru.' ** — Garcilasso, parte ii. lib. v. cap. vi. 

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deBerters joined with them. Among those that fled was 
the Licentiate Carbajal^ who must not be confounded with 
his military namesake. He was the same cavalier whose 
brother had been put to death in Lima by Blasco Nunez, 
and who revenged himself, as we have seen, by imbruing 
his own hands in the blood of the viceroy. That a person 
thus implicated should trust to the royal pardon, showed 
that no one need despair of it ; and the example proved 
most disastrous to Pizarro.* 

Oarbajal, who made a jest of everything, even of the 
misfortunes which pinched him the sharpest, when told of 
the desertion of his comrades, amused himself by humming 
the words of a popular ditty : — 

** The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother ; 
Two at a time, it blows them away ! '' f 

But the defection of his followers made a deeper impres- 
sion on Pizarro, and he was sorely distressed as he beheld 
the gallant array, to which he had so confidently looked for 
gaining his battles, thus melting away like a morning mist. 
Bewildered by the treachery of those in whom he had most 
trusted, he knew not where to turn, nor what course to 
take. It was evident that he must leave his present 
dangerous quarters without loss of time. But whither 
should he direct his steps ? In the north the great towns 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Gomara, Hiat. de las Ind., 
cap. clxzz. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte 1. lib. ii. cap. Ixiii. Ixv. — 
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. xv. xvi. 

+ " Estos mis cabellicos, madre ; 
Dos & dos me los lleva el aire.*' 
— Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxzx. 

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had abandoned his cause, and the president was already 
marching against him ; while Centeno held the passes of 
the south, with a force double his own. In this emergency, 
he at length resolved to occupy Arequipa, a sea-port still 
true to him, where he might remain till he had decided on 
some future course of operations. 

After a painful but rapid march, Gonzalo arriyed at this 
place, where he was speedily joined by a reinforcement that 
he had detached for the recovery of Cuzco. But so fre- 
quent had been the desertions from both companies, — 
though in Fizarro's corps these had greatly lessened since 
the departure from the neighbourhood of Lima, — that his 
whole number did not exceed five hundred men, less than 
half of the force which he had so recently mustered in the 
capital. To such humble circumstances was the man now 
reduced, who had so lately lorded it over the land with 
unlimited sway ! Still the chief did not despond. He had 
gathered new spirit from the excitement of his march and 
his distance from Lima ; and he seemed to recover his 
former confidence, as he exclaimed, ''It is misfortune that 
teaches us who are our friends. If but ten only remain 
true to me, fear not but I will again be master of Peru ! '* * 

No sooner had the rebel forces withdrawn from the neigh- 
bourhood of Lima, than the inhabitants of that city, little 
troubled, as Carbajal had predicted, by their compulsory 
oaths of allegiance to Pizarro, threw open their gates to 

* '' Aunque siempre dijo, que con diez amigos que le quedasen, havia de 
couaeryane i conquietar de nuevo el Perd ; tanta era su safia 6 su sobervia.** 
— Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxzx. 

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Aldana, who took possession of this importaut place in the 
name of the president. That commander, meanwhile, had 
sailed with his whole fleet from Fanam^, on the 10th of 
April, 1547. The first part of his voyage was prosperous ; 
hut he was soon perplexed hy contrary currents, and the 
weather hecame rough and tempestuous. The violence of 
the storm continuing day after day, the sea was lashed into 
fuiy, and the fleet was tossed ahout on the billows, which 
ran mountain high, as if emulating the wild character of the 
region they bounded. The rain descended in torrents, and 
the lightning was so incessant, that the vessels, to quote the 
lively language of the chronicler, "seemed to be driving 
through seas of flame ! " * The hearts of the stoutest 
mariners were filled with dismay. They considered it 
hopeless to struggle against the elements, and they loudly 
demanded to return to the continent, and postpone the 
voyage till a more favourable season of the year. 

But the president saw in this the ruin of his cause, as 
well as of the loyal vassals who had engaged, on his landing, 
to support it. " I am willing to die," he said, " but not to 
return ;" and, regardless of the remonstrances of his more 
timid followers, he insisted on carrying as much sail as the 
ships could possibly bear, at every interval of the storm.t 

* " Y lo« truenoB j relapagos eran tantos 7 tales, que siempre parecia 
que estauan en llamas, y que sobre ellos Tenian rayos (que en todas aquellas 
partes caen mucbos)." (Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. 
cap. Ixzi.) The yivid colouring of tbe old chronicler shows that he had 
himself been familiar with these tropical tempests on the Pacific. 

f « Y con lo poco que en aquella sazon el presidente estimauala yida si 
no auia de hazer la jomada, y el gran desseo que tenia de hazerla, sa puso 

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Meanwhile, to divert the minds of the seamen from their 
present danger, Gasca amused them by explaining some of 
the strange phenomena exhibited by the ocean in the 
tempest, which had filled their superstitious minds with 
mysterious dread.* 

Signals had been given for the ships to make the best of 
their way, each for itself, to the island of Gorgona. Here 
they arrived, one after another, with but a single exception, 
though all more or less shattered by the weather. The 
president waited only for the fury of the elements to spend 
itself, when he again embarked, and, on smoother waters, 
crossed over to Manta. From this place he soon after con- 
tinued his voyage to Tumbez, and landed at that port on 
the 13th of June. He was everywhere received with enthu- 
siasm, and all seemed anxious to effiace the remembrance of 
the past by professions of future fidelity to the Crown. 
Gasca received, also, numerous letters of congratulation 
from cavaliers in the interior, most of whom had formerly 
taken service under Pizarro. He made courteous acknow- 
ledgments for their offers of assistance, and commanded 
them to repair to Caxamalca, the general place of rendezvous. 

To this same spot he sent Hinojosa^ so soon as that officer 

cotra ellos diziendo, que qual quiera que le tocasse en abazar vela, le eos- 
taria la vida." — Fernandez, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxi. 

* The phosphoric lights, sometimes seen in a storm at sea, were 
observed to hover round the masts and rigging of the president's vessel ; 
and he amused the seamen, according to Fernandez, hy explaining the 
phenomenon, and telling the feibles to which they had given rise in ancient 
mythology. — This little anecdote affords a key to Gasca's popularity with 
even the humblest classes. 

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had disembarked with the land forces from the fleet, order- 
ing him to take command of the levies assembled there, and 
then join him at Xauxa. Here he determined to establish 
his head-quarters. It lay in a rich and abundant territory, 
and by its central position afforded a point for acting with 
greatest adyantage against the enemy. 

He then moyed forward, at the head of a small detach- 
ment of cavalry, along the level road on the coast towards 
Truxillo. After halting for a short time in that loyal city, 
he traversed the mountain range on the south-east, and soon 
entered the fruitful valley of Xauxa- There he was pre- 
sently joined by reinforcements from the north, as well as 
from the principal places on the coast ; and, not long after 
his arrival, received a message from Centeno, informing him 
that he held the passes by which Gonzalo Pizarro was pre- 
paring to make his escape from the country, and that the 
insurgent chief must soon fall into his hands. 

The royal camp was greatly elated by these tidings. The 
war, then, was at length terminated, and that without the 
president having been called upon so much as to lift his 
sword against a Spaniard. Several of his counsellors now 
advised him to disband the greater part of his forces, as 
burdensome and no longer necessary. But the president was 
too wise to weaken his strength before he had secured the 
victory. He consented, however, to countermand the requi- 
sition for levies from Mexico and the adjoining colonies, 
as now feeling sufficiently strong in the general loyalty of 
the country. But, concentrating his forces at Xauxa, he 
established his quarters in that town, as he had first intended. 

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resolved to await there tidings of the operations in the south. 
The result was different from what he had expected.* 

Pizarro, meanwhile, whom we left at Arequipa, had de- 
cided, after much deliberation, to evacuate Peru, and pass 
into Chili. In this territory, beyond the president's juris- 
diction, he might find a safe retreat. The fickle people, he 
thought, would soon weary of their new ruler : and he would 
then rally in sufficient strength to resume active operations 
for the recovery of his domain. Suck were the calculations 
of the rebel chieftain. But how was he to effect his object, 
while the passes among the mountains, where his route lay, 
were held by Centeno with a force more than double his 
own ? He resolved to try negotiation ; for that captain had 
once served under him, and had, indeed, been most active 
in persuading Pizarro to take on himself the office of pro- 
curator. Advancing, accordingly, in the direction of Lake 
Titicaca, in the neighbourhood of which Centeno had pitched 
his camp, Gonzalo despatched an emissary to his quarters to 
open a negotiation. He called to his adversary's recollec- 
tion the friendly relations that had once subsisted between 
them ; and reminded him of one occasion in particular, in 

* For the preceding pages, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. ; — 
Zarate, Gouq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. i. ; — Herrera, Hist General, dec Tiil 
lib. iii. cap. ziv. et seq. ; — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. 
Ixxi. Izxvii. ; — MS. de Caravantes. This last writer, who held an important 
post in the department of colonial finance, had opportunities of information 
which have enabled him to furnish several particulars not to be met with 
elsewhere, respecting the principal actors in these turbulent times. His 
work, still in manuscript, which formerly existed in the archives of the 
University of Salamanca, has been transferred to the King's library at 

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which he had spared his life, when convicted of a conspiracy 
against himself. He harhoured no sentiments of unkind- 
ness, he said, for Centeno*s recent conduct, and had not 
now come to seek a quarrel with him. His purpose was to 
ahandon Pern ; and the only favour he had to request of 
his former associate was to leave him a free passage across 
the mountains. 

To this communication Oenteno made answer in terms as 
courtly as those of Pizarro himself, that he was not un- 
mindful of their ancient friendship.. He was now ready to 
serve his former commander in any way not inconsistent 
with honour, or ohedience to his sovereign. But he was 
there in arms for the royal cause, and he could not swerve 
from his duty. If Pizarro would hut rely on his faith, and 
surrender himself up, he pledged his knightly word to use 
all his interest with the government, to secure as favourahle 
terms for him and hia followers as had heen granted to the 
rest of their countrymen. — Gonzalo listened to the smooth 
promises of his ancient comrade with hitter scorn depicted 
in his countenance, and, snatching the letter from his secre- 
tary, cast it away from him with indignation. There was 
nothing left hut an appeal to armt^.* 

He at once hroke up his encampment, and directed his 
march on the herders of Lake Titicaca, near which lay his 
rival. He resorted, however, to stratagem, that he might 
still, if possihle, avoid an encounter. He seAt forward his 
scoots in a different direction from that which he intended 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., 
parte ii. lib. v. cap. xvi. — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. 

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to take, and then quickened his march on Huarina. This 
was a small town situated on the south-eastern extremity of 
Lake Titicaca, the shores of which, the seat of the primitive 
civilisation of the Incas, were soon to resound with the 
murderous strife of their more civilised conquerors ! 

But Pizarro's movements had been secretly communicated 
to Centeno, and that commander, accordingly changing his 
ground, took up a position not far from Huarina, on the 
same day on which Gonzalo reached this place. The 
videttes of the two camps came in sight of each other that 
evening ; and the rival forces, lying on their arms, prepared 
for action on the following morning. 

It was the 26th of October, 1547, when the two com- 
manders, having formed their troops in order of battle, 
advanced to the encounter on the plains of Huarina. The 
ground, defended on one side by a bold spur of the Andes, 
and not far removed on the other from the waters of Titi- 
caca, was an open and level plain, well suited to military 
manoeuvres. It seemed as if prepared by Nature as the 
lists for an encounter. 

Centeno *s army amounted to about a thousand men. His 
cavalry consisted of nearly two hundred and fifty, well 
equipped and mounted. Among them were several gentle- 
men of family, some of whom had once followed the banners 
of Pizarro ; the whole forming an efficient corps, in which 
rode some ofHhe best lances of Peru. His arquebusiers 
were less numerous, not exceeding a hundred and fifty, 
indifferently provided with ammunition. The remainder, 
and much the larger part of Centeno *s army, consisted of 

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spearmen, irregular levies hastily drawn together, and 
possessed of little discipline.* 

This corps of infantry formed the centre of his line, 
flanked hy the arquehusiers in two nearly equal divisions, 
while his cavalry were also disposed in two hodies on the 
right and left wings. Unfortunately, Centeno had heen for 
the past week ill of a pleurisy, — so ill, indeed, that on the 
preceding day he had heen hied several times. He was 
now too feehle to keep his saddle, hut was carried in a 
litter, and when he had seen his men formed in order, he 
withdrew to a distance from the field, unahle to take part 
in the action. But Solano, the militant hishop of Cuzco, 
who, with several of his followers, took part in the engage- 
ment, — a circumstance, indeed, of no strange occurrence, — 
rode along the ranks with a crucifix in his hand, hestowing 
his henediction on ^h^ soldiers^ and exhorting each man to 
do his duty. 

Pizarro's forces were less than half of his rival^s, not 
amounting to more than four hundred and eighty men. 
The horse did not muster ahove eighty-five in all, and he 
posted them in a single hody on the right of his hattalion. 
The strength of his army lay in his arquehusiers, ahout 
three hundred and fifty in numher. It was an admirahle 
corps, commanded hy Oarhajal, hy whom it had heen care- 
fully drilled. Considering the excellence of its arms, and 

* In the estimate of Centeno^s forces, — ^which raoges, in the dififerent 
aocounts, from seven hundred to twelve hundred, — I have taken the inter- 
mediate number of a thousand adopted by Zarate^ as, on the whole^ mo{9 
probable than either extreme. 

VOL. III. » 

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its thorough discipline, this little hody of infantry might he 
considered as the flower of the Peruvian soldiery, and on it 
Pizarro mainly relied for the success of the day.* The 
remainder of his force consisting of pikemen, not formidahle 
for their numhers, though, like the rest of the infantry, 
imder excellent discipline, he distrihuted on the left of his 
musketeers, so as to repel the enemy's horse. 

Pizarro himself had charge of the cavalry, taking his 
place as usual, in the foremost rank. He was superhly 
accoutred. Over his shining mail he wore a sohre-vest of 
slashed velvet of a rich crimson-colour ; and he rode a high- 
mettled charger, whose gaudy caparisons, with the showy 
livery of his rider, made the fearless commander the most 
conspicuous object in the field. 

His lieutenant, Carbajal, was equipped in a very different 
style. He wore armour of proof of the most homely appear- 
ance, but strong and serviceable ; and his steel bonnet, 
with its closely barred visor of the same material, protected 
his head from more than one desperate blow on that day. 
Over his arms he wore a surcoat of a greenish colour ; and 
he rode an active, strong-boned jennet, which, though 
capable of enduring fatigue, possessed neither grace nor 
beauty. It would not have been easy to distinguish the 
veteran from the most ordinary cavalier. 

The two hosts arrived within six hundred paces of each 

* FUtr de la milicUi del Peru, says Garcilasso de la Vega, who com- 
pares Carbajal to an expert chess-player, disposing his pieces in such a 
manner ae must infallibly secure him the victory. — ^Com. Real., parte, ii 
lib. V. cap. zviii. 

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other, when they both halted. Carbajal preferred to receive 
the attack of the enemy, rather than advance further ; for 
the ground he now occupied afforded a free range for his 
musketry, unobstructed by the trees or bushes that were 
sprinkled over some other parts of the field. There was a 
singular motive, in addition, for retaining his present posi- 
tion* The soldiers were encumbered, some with two, some 
with three arquebuses each, being the arms left by those 
who from time to time had deserted the camp. This 
uncommon supply of muskets, however serious an impedi- 
ment on a march, might afford great advantage to troops 
waiting an assault ; since, from the imperfect knowledge as 
well as construction of fire-arms at that day, much time was 
wasted in loading them.* 

Preferring, therefore, that the enemy should begin the 
attack, Carbajal came to a halt, while the opposite squadron, 
after a short respite, continued their advance a hundred 
paces farther. Seeing that they then remained immovable, 
Carbajal detached a small party of skirmishers to the front, 
in order to provoke them ; but it was soon encountered by a 
similar party of the enemy, and some shots were exchanged, 
though with little damage to either side. Finding this 
manoeuvre fail, the veteran ordered his men to advance a 
few paces, still hoping to provoke his antagonist to the 
charge. This succeeded. ** We lose honour," exclaimed 

* Gh&rcilasso, Com. ReaL, ubi supra. The historian's father — of the 
same name with himself — was one of the few noble cavaliers who remained 
futhfdl to Qonzalo Pizarro in the wane of his fortunes. He was present 
at the battle of Huarina; and the particulars which he gave his son 
enabled the latter to supply many deficiencies in the reports of historians. 

N 2 

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Centeno's soldiers ; who, with a hastard sort of chivalry, 
beloDging to undisciplined troops, felt it a disgrace to await 
an assault. In vain their officers called out to them to 
remain at their post. Their commander was absent, and 
they were urged on by the cries of a frantic friar, named 
Domingo Ruiz, who believing the Philistines werie delivered 
into their hands^ called out, — ''Now is the time I Onward, 
onward, fall on the enemy! "* There needed nothing 
further, and the men rushed forward in tumultuous haste, 
the pikemen carrying their levelled weapons so heedlessly 
as to interfere with one another, and in some instances to 
wound their comrades. The musketeers, at the same time, 
kept up a disorderly fire as they advanced, which from their 
rapid motion and the distance, did no execution. 

Carbajal was well pleased to see his enemies thus wasting 
their ammunition. Though he allowed a few muskets to be 
discharged, in order to stimulate his opponents the more, he 
commanded the great body of his infantry to reserve their 
fire till every shot could take effect. As he knew the 
tendency of marksmen to shoot above the mark, he directed 
his men to aim at the girdle, or even a little below it; 
adding, that a shot that fell short might still do damage, 
while one that passed a hair*s breadth above the head was 

The veteran's company stood calm and unmoved, as 
Centeno's rapidly advanced ; but when the latter had arrived 

* '* A las manos, i las manos : & ellos, & eUos.'* — Fernandez, Hist, del 
Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxix. 

t Garcilasso, Com. ReaL, parte ii. lib. t. cap. zTiii. 

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within one hundred paces of their antagonists, Carbajal 
gave the word to fire. An instantaneous volley ran along 
the line, and a tempest of balls was poured into the ranks 
of the assailants, with such unerring aim, that more than a 
hundred fell dead on the field, while a still greater number 
were wounded. Before they could recover from their dis- 
order, Carbajars men, snatching up their remaining pieces, 
discharged them with the like dreadful effect into the thick 
of the enemy. The confusion of the latter was now com- 
plete. Unable to sustain the incessant shower of balls 
which fell on them from the scattered fire kept up by the 
arquebusiers, they were seized with a panic, and fled, 
scarcely making a show of further fight, from the field. 

But very different was the fortune of the day in the 
cavalry combat. Gonzalo Pizarro had drawn up his troops 
somewhat in the rear of Carbajars right, in order to give 
the latter a freer range for the play of his musketry. When 
the enemy's horse on the left galloped briskly against him, 
Pizarro still favouring Carbajal, — whose fire, moreover, 
inflicted some loss on the assailants, — advanced but a few 
rods to receive the charge. Centeno's squadron, accord- 
ingly, came thundering on in full career, and, notwithstand- 
ing the mischief sustained from their enemy's musketry, 
fell with such fury on their adversaries as to overturn them, 
man and horse, in the dust ; " riding over their prostrate 
bodies;" says the historian, " as if they had been a flock of 
sheep ! " * The latter, with great difficulty, recovering 

* ** Los de Diego Centeno, como yuan con la pujan9a de vna carrera 
larga, lleuaron a los de Gon9alo Pi9arro de encuentro^ j los tropellaron 

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from the first shock, attempted to rally and sustain the 
fight on more equal terms. 

Yet the chief could not regain the ground he had lost. 
His men were driven hack at all points. Many were slain, 
many more wounded, on hoth sides, and the ground was 
covered with the dead hodies of men and horses. But the 
loss fell much the most heavily on Pizarro's troop ; and the 
greater part of those who escaped with life were obliged to 
surrender as prisoners. Gepeda, who fought with the fury 
of despair, received a severe cut from a sabre across the 
face, which disabled him and forced him to yield.* Pizarro, 
after seeing his best and bravest fall around him, was set 
upon by three or four cavaliers at once. Disentangling 
himself from the melee, he put spurs to his horse, and the 
noble animal, bleeding from a severe wound across the 
back, outstripped all his pursuers except one, who stayed 
him by seizing the bridle. It would have gone hard with 
Gonzalo, but, grasping a light battle-aze, which hung by 
his side, he dealt such a blow on the head of his enemy's 
horse that he plunged violently, and compelled his rider to 
release his hold. A number of arquebusiers, in the mean 
time, seeing Pizarro's distress, sprang forward to his rescue, 
slew two of his assailants who had now come up with him, 
and forced the others to fly in their tum.f 

como si fueran ouejas, j cayeron cauallos y caualleroB.^* — Garcilasso, Com. 
Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xix. 

* Cepeda's wound laid open his nose, leaving so hideous a scar that he 
was obliged afterwards to cover it with a patch, as Garcilasso tells us, who 
frequently saw him in Cuzco. 

t According to most authorities, Pizarro's horse was not only wounded 

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The rout of the cskvairj was complete, and Pizarro con- 
sidered the day as lost, as he heard the enemy's trumpet 
sending forth the note of yictory. But the sounds had 
scarcely died away, when they were taken up hy the opposite 
side. Centeno's infantry had been discomfited, as we have 
seen, and driven o£F the ground. But his cavalry on the 
right had charged Carhajal's left, consisting of spearmen 
mingled with arquebusiers. The horse rode straight against 
this formidable phalanx. But they were unable to break 
through the dense array of pikes, held by the steady hands 
of troops who stood firm and fearless on their post ; while, 
at the same time, the assailants were greatly annoyed by 
the galling fire of the arquebusiers in the rear of the spear- 
men. Finding it impracticable to make a breach, the 
horsemen rode round the flanks in much disorder, and 
filially joined themselves with the victorious squadron of 
Centeno's cavalry in the rear. Both parties now attempted 
another charge on Carbajal*s battalion. But his men facing 
about with the promptness and discipline of well-trained 
soldiers, the rear was converted into the front. The same 
forest of spears was presented to the attack, while an inces- 
sant discharge of balls punished the audacity of the cavaliers, 
who, broken and completely dispirited by their ineffectual 

bat slain in the fight, and the loss was supplied by his friend Garcilasso do 
la Vega, who mounted him on his own. This timely aid to the rebel did 
no service to the generous cavalier in after times, but was urged against 
him by his enemies as a crime. The fact is stoutly denied by his son, the 
historian, who seems anxious to relieve his father from this honourable 
imputation^ which threw a cloud over both their fortunes. — Garcilasso, 
Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xxiii. 

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attempt, at length imitated the example of the panic-struck 
foot, and abandoned the field. 

Pizarro and a few of his comrades still fit for action 
followed up the pursuit for a short distance only, as, indeed, 
they were in no condition themselves, nor sufficiently strong 
in numbers, long to continue it. The victory was complete, 
and the insurgent chief took possession of the deserted tents 
of the enemy, where an immense booty was obtained in 
silver ;* and where he also found the tables spread for the 
refreshment of Centeno's soldiers after their return from 
the field. So confident were they of success ! The repast 
now served the necessities of their conquerors. Such is the 
fortune of war ! It was, indeed, a most decisive action ; 
and Gonzalo Pizarro, as he rode over the field strewed with 
the corpses of his enemies, was observed several times to 
cross himself and exclaim, — " Jesu ! what a victory ! " 

No less than three hundred and fifty of Centeno's fol- 
lowers were killed, and the number of wounded was even 
greater. More than a hundred of these are computed to 
have perished from exposure during the following night ; 
for, although the climate in this elevated region is tem- 
perate, yet the night winds blowing over the mountains 
are sharp and piercing, and many a wounded wretch, who 

* The booty amounted to do less than one million four hundred 
thousand pesoSf according to Fernandez. ** El saco que yuo fue grande : 
que se dixo ser de mas de vn millon y quatrocietos mil pesos."* (His^ del 
Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxix.) The amount is, doubtless, grossly 
exaggerated. But we get to be so &miliar with the golden wonders of 
Peru, that, like the reader of the ** Arabian Nights," we become of too 
easy feith to resort to the vulgar standard of probability. 

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might have heen restored hy careful treatment, was chilled 
by the damps, and found a stiffened corpse at sunrise. 
The victory was not purchased without a heavy loss on the 
part of the conquerors, a hundred or more of whom were 
lefit on the field. Their bodies lay thick oq,that part of the 
ground occupied by Pizarro's cavalry, where the fight raged 
hottest. In this narrow space were found, also, the bodies 
of more than a hundred horses, the greater part of which, 
as well as those of their riders, usually slain with them, 
belonged to the victorious army. It was the most fatal 
battle that had yet been fought on the blood-stained soil 
of Peru.* 

The glory of the day — the melancholy glory — must be 
referred almost wholly to Oarbajal and his valiant squadron. 
The judicious arrangements of the old warrior, with the 
thorough discipline and unflinching courage of his followers, 
retrieved the fortunes of the fight, when it was nearly lost 
by the cavalry, and secured the victory. 

Oarbajal, proof against all fatigue, followed up the pursuit 
with those of his men that were in condition to join him. 

* « La mas sangrienta batalla que vuo en el Peril." (Hist, del Per(i| 
parte i. lib. ii. cap. bmx.) In the accounts of this battle there are dis. 
crepancies, as usual, which the historian must reconcile as he can. Bot on 
the whole, there is a general oonformity in the outline and in the prominent 
points. All concur in representing it as the bloodiest fight that had yet 
occurred between the Spaniards in Peru, and all assign to Carbajal the 
credit of the victory. For authorities, besides Oarcilasso and Fernandez, 
repeatedly quoted, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. (He was 
present in the action) ; — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. iii. ; — Herrcra, 
Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. iv. cap. ii. ; — Oomara, Hist, de las Indias, 
cap. cbucri. ; — Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1547. 

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Such of the unhappy fugitives as fell into his hands — most 
of whom had heen traitors to the cause of Pizarro — were 
sent to instant execution. The laurels he had won in the 
field against hrave men in arms, like himself, were tarnished 
by cruelty towards his defenceless captives* Their com- 
mander, Centeno, more fortunate, made his escape. Find- 
ing the battle lost, he quitted his litter, threw himself upon 
his horse, and, notwithstanding his illness, urged on by the 
dreadful doom that awaited him, if taken, he succeeded in 
making his way into the neighbouring sierra. Here he' 
vanished from his pursuers, and, like a wounded stag, with 
the chase close upon his track, he still contrived to elude it, 
by plunging into the depths of the forests, till by a cir- 
cuitous route he miraculously succeeded in effecting his 
escape to Lima. The bishop of Ouzco, who went off in 
a different direction, was no less fortunate. Happy for him 
that he did not fall into the hands of the ruthless Carbajal, 
who, as the bishop had once been a partisan of Pizarro, 
would, to judge from the little respect he usually showed 
those of his cloth, have felt as little compunction in sen- 
tencing him to the gibbet as if he had been the meanest of 
the common file.* 

On the day following the action, Gonzalo Pizarro caused 
the bodies of the soldiers, still lying side by side on the 
field where they had been so lately engaged together in 
mortal strife, to be deposited in a common sepulchre. 

• Pedro Pizarro, Descub. j Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Pern, 
parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxix. — Zarate, lib. vii. cap. iii. — Garcilaaso, Com. 
Real., parte ii. lib. t. cap. xxi, zxii. 

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Those of high rank — for distinctions of rank were not to he 
forgotten in the grave — ^were remoyed to the church of 
the Tillage of Huarina, which gave its name to the hattle. 
There they were interred with all fitting solemnity. But 
in later times they were transported to the cathedral church 
of La Paz, ** The City of Peace," and laid under a mauso* 
leum erected hy general suhscription in that quarter. For 
few there were who had not to mourn the loss of some 
friend or relative on that fatal day. 

The victor now profited hy his success to send detach- 
ments to Arequipa, La Plata, and other cities in that part 
of the country, to raise funds and reinforcements for the 
war. His own losses were more than compensated hy the 
numher of the vanquished party who were content to take 
service under his hanner. Mustering his forces, he directed 
his march to Cuzco, which capital, though occasionally 
seduced into a display of loyalty to the Crown, had early 
manifested an attachment to his cause. 

Here the inhahitants were prepared to receive him in 
triumph, under arches thrown across the streets, with hands 
of music, and minstrelsy commemorating his successes. But 
Pizarro, with more discretion, declined the honours of an 
ovation while the country remained in the hands of his 
enemies. Sending forward the main hody of his troops, he 
followed on foot, attended hy a slender retinue of £riends 
and citizens, and proceeded at once to the cathedral, where 
thanksgivings were offered up, and Te Deum was chanted 
in honour of his victory. He then withdrew to his resi- 

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dence, announcing his purpose to establish his quarters, for 
the present, in the venerable capital of the Incas.* 

All thoughts of a retreat into Chili were abandoned ; for 
his recent success had kindled new hopes in his bosom, and 
reviyed his ancient confidence. He trusted that it would 
have a similar effect on the yacillating temper of those whose 
fidelity had been shaken by fears for their own safety, and 
their distrust of his ability to cope with the president. They 
would now see that his star was still in the ascendant. 
Without further apprehensions for the eyent, he resolved 
to remain in Cuzco, and there quietly await the hour when 
a last appeal to arms should decide which of the two was to 
remain master of Peru. 

• Garcilasso, Com. Real, parte ii. lib. v. cap. xxvii. — Ped. Pizairo, 
Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. iii. GarciLuso 
de la Vega, who was a boy at the time, witnessed Pizanro's entry into Cuzco. 
He writes, therefore, from memory ; though after an interval of many 
years. In consequence of his &ther*s rank, he had easy access to the 
palace of Pizarro ; and this portion of his narrative may claim the consider* 
ation due not merely to a contemporar}', but to an eyewitness. 

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1547, 1548. 
While the events recorded in the preceding chapter were 
passing^ President Gasca had remained at Xauxa, awaiting 
further tidings from Centeno, little douhting that they would 
inform him of the total discomfiture of the rebels. Great 
was his dismay, therefore, on learning the fatal issue of the 
conflict at Huarina, — that the royalists had been scattered 
far and wide before the sword of Pizarro, while their com- 
mander had vanished like an apparition,* leaving the 
greatest uncertainty as to his fate. 

The intelligence spread general consternation among the 
soldiers, proportioned to their former confidence ; and they 
felt it was almost hopeless to contend with a man who 
seemed protected by a charm that made him invincible 
against the greatest odds. The president, however sore 
his disappointment, was careful to conceal it, while he 
endeavoured to restore the spirits of his followers. ** They 

* ^ Y salio a la Ciudad de los Reyes, sin que Garbajal, ni alguno de los 
enTos supiesse por donde fue, sino que parecio encantamiento." — Garcilasso, 
Com. Real., parte ii. lib. y. cap. xxii. 

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had been too sanguine," he said, ** and it was in this way 
that heaven rebuked their presumption. Tet it -was but 
in the usual course of events, that Providence, when it 
designed to humble the guilty, should allow him to reach 
as high an elevation as possible, that his fall might be the 
greater ! " 

But while Gasca thus strove to reassure the superstitious 
and the timid, he bent his mind, with his usual energy, to 
repair the injury which the cause had sustained by the 
defeat at Huarina. He sent a detachment under Alvarado 
to Lima, to collect such of the royalists as had fled thither 
from the field of battle, and to dismantle the ships of their 
cannon, and bring them to the camp. Another body was 
sent to Guamanga, about sixty leagues from Cuzco, for the 
similar purpose of protecting the fugitives and also of pre- 
venting the Indian caciques from forwarding supplies to the 
insurgent army in Cuzco. As his own forces now amounted 
to considerably more than any his opponent could bring 
against him, Gasca determined to break up his camp with- 
out further delay, and march on the Inca capital.* 

Quitting Xauza, December 29, 1547, he passed through 
Guamanga, and after a severe march, rendered particularly 

* Gasca, according to Ondegardo, supported his army, during his stay at 
Xauza, from the Peruvian granaries in the valley, as he found a quantity 
of maize still remaining in them suflBcient for several years' consumption. 
It is passing strange that these depositaries should have heen so long re- 
spected hy the hungry Conquerors. ** Cuando el Senor Presidente Gasca 
passd con la gente de castigo de Gonsalo Pizarro por el Valle de Jauja, 
estuvo alii siete semanas i lo que me acuerdo, se hallaron en deposito maiz 
de cuatro y de tres y de dos anos mas de 15,000 hanegas junto al camino, e 
alii comid la gente." — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. 

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gasca's winter quarters. 191 

fatiguing by the inclement state of the weather and the 
badness of the roads, he entered the province of Anda- 
guaylas. It was a fair and fraitful country, and since the 
road beyond would take him into the depths of a gloomy 
sierra, scarcely passable in the winter snows, Gasca re- 
solved to remain in his present quarters until the severity 
of the season was mitigated. As many of the troops had 
already contracted diseases from exposure to the incessant 
rains^ he established a camp hospital ; and the good presi- 
dent personally visited the quarters of the sick, ministering 
to their wants, and winning their hearts by his sympathy.* 
Meanwhile, the royal camp was strengthened by the con- 
tinual arrival of reinforcements ; for notwithstanding the 
shock that was caused throughout the country by the first 
tidings of Pizarro's victory, a little reflection convinced the 
people that the right was the strongest, and must eventually 
prevail. There came, also, with these levies, several of the 
most distinguished captains in the country. Centeno, burn- 
ing to retrieve his late disgrace, after recovering from his 
illness, joined the camp with his followers from Lima. 
Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, who, as the reader will 
remember, had shared in the defeat of Blasco Nu&ez in the 
north, came with another detachment ; and was soon after 
followed by Valdivia, the famous conqueror of Chili, who, 
having returned to Peru to gather recruits for his expedi- 
tion, had learned the state of the country, and had thrown 

♦ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. ir. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, 
parte i. lib. ii. cap, Ixxxii. Ixxxv, — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS., 
— Cieza de Leon, cap. zc 

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himself, without hesitation, into the same scale with the 
president, though it brought him into colliaion with his old 
friend and comrade, Gonzalo Pizarro. The arrival of this 
last ally was greeted with general rejoicing by the camp ; 
for Yaldivia, schooled in the Italian wars, was esteemed 
the most accomplished soldier in Peru ; and Gasca compli- 
mented him by declaring " he would rather see him than a 
reinforcement of eight hundred men ! '' * 

Besides these warlike auxiliaries, the president was 
attended by a train of ecclesiastics and civilians, Buch as 
was rarely found in the martial fields of Peru. Among 
them were the bishops of Quito, Cuzco, and Lima, the four 
judges of the new Audience, and a considerable number of 
churchmen and monkish missionaries. f However little they 
might serve to stregthen his arm in battle, their presence 
gave authority and something of a sacred character to the 
cause, which had their effect on the minds of the soldiers. 

The wintry season now began to give way before the 
mild influence of spring, which makes itself early felt in 
these tropical, but from their elevation, temperate regions ; 
and Gasca, after nearly three months* detention in Anda- 
guaylas, mustered his levies for the final march upon 
Cuzco. :|: Their whole number fell little short of two thou- 

• At least, so says Valdiviain his letter to the emperor: " I dixo puhlico 
que estimara mas mi persona que k los mejores ochocientos hombres de 
guerra que le pudieran venir aquella hora.** — Carta de Yaldivia, MS. 

+ Zarate, MS. 

X Oieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. zc. The old chronicler, or rather geo- 
grapher, Oieza de Leon, was present in the campaign, he tells us ; so that 
his testimony, always good, becomes for the remaining events of more than 
usual value. 

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sand, — the largest European force yet assembled in Peru. 
Nearly half were proyided with fire-arms ; and infantry 
was more ayailable than horse in the piountain countries 
which they were to traverse. But his cavalry was also 
numerous, and he carried with him a train of eleven heavy 
guns. The equipment and discipline of the troops were 
good ; they were well provided with ammunition and mili- 
tary stores ; and were led by officers whose names were 
associated with the most memorable achievements in the 
new world. All who had any real interest in the weal of 
the country were to be found, in short, under the president's 
banner, making a striking contrast to the wild and reckless 
adventurers who now swelled the ranks of Pizarro. 

Gasca, who did not affect a greater knowledge of military 
affairs than he reaUy possessed, had given the charge of his 
forces to Hinojosa, naming the Marshal Alvarado as second 
in command. Yaldivia, who came after these dispositions 
had been made, accepted a colonel's commission, with the 
understanding that he was to be consulted and employed in 
all matters of moment.* — Having completed his arrange- 

* Yaldivia, indeed, claims to have had the whole command intrusted to 
him by Grasca. ^ Luego me dio el autoridad toda que traia de parte de 
y. M. para en los casos tocantes d la guerra, i me encargd todo el exercito, 
1 le puso baxo de mi mano rogaudo i pidiendo por merced de su parte & 
todos aquellos cahalleros capitanes e gente de guerra, i de la di Y. M. man- 
dandoles me obedesdesen en todo lo que les mandase acerca de la guerra, 
i cumpliesen mis mandamientos como los suyos."* (Carta de Yaldivia, MS.) 
But other authorities state it, with more probability, as given in the text. 
Yaldivia, it must be confessed, loses nothing from modesty. The whole of 
his letter to the Emperor is written in a strain of self-glorification, rarely 
matched even by a Gastilian hidalgo. 

VOL. Ill, O 

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znents, the president broke up his camp in March, 1548, 
and moved upon Cuzco. 

The first obstacle to his progress was the river Abancay, 
the bridge over which had been broken down by the enemy. 
But as there was no force to annoy them on the opposite 
bank, the army was not long in preparing a new bridge, 
and throwing it across the stream, which in this place had 
nothing formidable in its character. The road now struck 
into the heart of a mountain region, where woods, pre- 
cipices, and ravines were mingled together in a sort of 
chaotic confusion, with here and there a green and sheltered 
valley, glittering like an island of verdure amidst the wild 
breakers of a troubled ocean. The bold peaks of the 
Andes, rising far above the clouds, were enveloped in snow, 
which, descending far down their udes, gave a piercing 
coldness to the winds that swept over their surface, until 
men and horses were benumbed and stiffened under their 
influence. The roads, in these regions, were in some places 
so narrow and broken, as to be nearly impracticable for 
cavalry. The cavaliers were compelled to dismount ; and 
the president, with the rest, performed the journey on foot, 
so hazardous, that, even in later times, it has been no un- 
common thing for the sure-footed mule to be precipitated, 
with its cargo of silver, thousands of feet down the sheer 
sides of a precipice.* 

By thesb impediments of the ground, the march was so 
retarded, that the troops seldom accomplished more than 

* Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. zcl. 

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two leagues a day.* Fortunately, the distance was not 
great : and the president looked with more apprehension to 
the passage of the Apurimac, which he was now approach- 
ing. This river, one of the most formidable tributaries of 
the Amazon, rolls its broad waters through the gorges of 
the Cordilleras, that rise up like an immense rampart of 
rock on either side, presenting a natural barrier which it* 
would be easy for an enemy to make good against a force 
much superior to his own. The bridges over this river, as 
Gasca learned before his departure from Andaguaylas, had 
been all destroyed by Pizarro. The president, accordingly, 
had sent to explore the banks of the stream, and determine 
the most eligible spot for re-establishing communications 
with the opposite side. 

The place selected was near the Indian village of Cota- 
pampa, about nine leagues from Cuzco ; for the river, 
though rapid and turbulent from being compressed within 
more narrow limits, was here less than two hundred paces 
in width ; a distance, however, not inconsiderable. Direc* 
tions had been given to collect materials in large quantities 
in the neighbourhood of this spot as soon as possible ; and 
at the same time, in order to perplex the enemy and compel 
him to divide his forces, should he be disposed to resist, 
materials in smaller quantities were assembled on three 
other points of the river. The officer stationed in the 
neighbourhood of Cotapampa was instructed not to begin to 
lay the bridge, till the arrival of a sufficient force should 
accelerate the work, and insure its success. 

* MS. de Caravantes. 

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The structure in question, it should be remembered, was 
one of those suspension bridges formerly employed by the 
Incas, and still used in crossing the deep and turbulent 
rivers of South America. They are made of osier withes^ 
twisted into enormous cables, which, when stretched across 
the water, are attached to heavy blocks of masonry, or, 
where it will serve, to the natural rock. Planks are laid 
transversely across these cables, and a passage is thus 
secured, which, notwithstanding the light and fragile 
appearance of the bridge, as it swings at an elevation 
sometimes of several hundred feet above the abyss, affords 
a tolerably safe means of conveyance for men, and even for 
such heavy burdens as artillery.* 

Notwithstanding the peremptory commands of Gasca, the 
officer entrusted with collecting the materials for the bridge 
was so anxious to have the honour of completing the work 
himself, that he commenced it at once. The president, 
greatly displeased at learning this, quickened his march, in 
order to cover the work with his whole force. But, while 
toiling through the mountain labyrinth, tidings were brought 
him that a party of the enemy had demolished the small 
portion of the bridge already made, by cutting the cables on 
the opposite bank. Valdivia, accordingly, hastened forward 
at the head of two hundred arquebusiers, while the main 
body of the army followed with as much speed as practicable. 

* Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxzvi Ixxxvii. — 
Zarate,Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. v. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., 
MS. — MS. de Caravantes. — Carta de Valdivia, MS. — ^Relacion del Lie. 
Gasca, MS. 

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That officer, on reaching the spot, found that the inter* 
ruption had heen caased by a small party of Pizarro's 
followers, not exceeding twenty in number, assisted by a 
stronger body of Indians. He at once caused hahas, broad 
and clumsy barks, or rather rafts, of the country, to be 
provided, and by this means passed his men over, without 
opposition, to the other side of the river. The enemy, dis- 
concerted by the arrival of such a force, retreated, and 
made the best of their way to report the affair to their 
commander at Cuzco. Meanwhile, Yaldivia, who saw the 
importance of every moment in the present crisis, pushed 
forward the work with the greatest vigour. Through all 
that night his weary troops continued the labour, which was 
already well advanced, when the president and his batta- 
lions, emerging from the passes of the Cordilleras, presented 
themselves at sunrise on the opposite bank. 

Little time was given for repose, as all felt assured that 
the success of their enterprise hung on the short respite now 
given them by the improvident enemy. The president, with 
his principal officers, took part in the labour with the com- 
mon soldiers ;* and before ten o'clock in the evening, Gasca 
had the satisfaction to see the bridge so well secured, that 
the leading files of the army, unencumbered by their bag- 
gage, might venture to cross it. A short time sufficed to 
place several hundred men on the other bank. But here a 
new difficulty, not less formidable than that of the river, 

* ^ La gente que estaua, de la vna parte y de la otra, todos tirauan y 
trabajauan al poner y apretar d^ las criznejas, sin que el Presideute ni 
obispoB, ni otra persona, quisiesse tener preuilegio para dexar de trabajar.^ 
— Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Izzxyii. 

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presented itself to the troops. The ground rose up with an 
ahrupt, almost precipitous, swell from the river-side, till, in 
the highest peaks, it reached an eleyation of several thou- 
sand feet. This steep ascent, though not to its full height, 
indeed, was now to he surmounted. The difficulties of the 
ground, hroken up into fearful chasms and water-courses, 
and tangled with thickets, were greatly increased hy the 
darkness of the night ; and the soldiers, as thej toiled 
slowly upward, were filled with apprehension, akin to fear, 
from the uncertainty whether each successive step might 
not hring them into an amhuscade, for which the ground 
was so favourahle. More than once, the Spaniards were 
thrown into a panic hy false reports that the enemy were 
upon them. But Hinojosa and Yaldivia were at hand to 
rally their men, and cheer them on, until, at length, hefore 
dawn hroke, the hold cavaliers and their followers placed 
themselves on the highest point traversed hy the road, 
where they waited the arrival of the president. This was 
not long delayed ; and in the course of the following morn- 
ing, the royalists were already in sufficient strength to hid 
defiance to their enemy. 

The passage of the river had heen effected with less loss 
than might have heen expected, considering the darkness of 
the night, and the numhers that crowded over the aerial 
causeway. Some few, indeed, fell into the water, and were 
drowned ; and more than sixty horses, in the attempt to 
swim them across the river, were hurried down the current, 
and dashed against the rocks helow.* It still required time 

* ** Aquel dia pasaron mas de quatrocientoa hombreS| llevando loa 

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to bring up the heavy train of ordnance and the military 
waggons ; and the president encamped on the strong ground 
which he now occupied, to await their arrival, and to 
breathe his troops after their extraordinary efforts. In 
these quarters we must leave him, to acquaint the reader 
with the state of things in the insurgent army, and with 
the cause of its strange remissness in guarding the passes 
of the Apurimac* 

From the time of Pizarro's occupation of Cuzco, he had 
lived in careless luxury in the midst of his followers, like a 
soldier of fortune in the hour of prosperity ; enjoying the 
present, with as little concern for the future as if the crown 
of Peru were already fixed irrevocably upon his head. It 
was otherwise with Carbajal. He looked on the victory at 
Huarina as the commencement, not the close, of the 
struggle for empire ; and he was indefatigable in placing 
his troops in the best condition for maintaining their present 
advantage. At the first streak of dawn, the veteran might 
be seen mounted on his mule, with the garb and air of a 
common soldier, riding about in the different quarters of 
the capital, sometimes superintending the manufacture of 
arms or providing military stores, and sometimes drilling 

caballoB & nado, encima de ellos atadas bus armas i arcabuces, caso que se 
perdieron mas de sesenta caballosj'^que con la corriente grande se desataron, 
i loego daban en vnas penas, donde se hacian pedaf os, sin darles lugar el 
impetu del rio & que pudiesen nadar."* — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. 
cap. V. — Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. cbczzir. 

♦ Ibid., ubi supra. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. 
cap. Ixxxvii. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. v. — Pedro Pizarro, 
Descub. y Conq., MS. — MS. de Caravantes. — ^Carta de Valdivia, MS. — 
Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. xci. — Rekcion del Lie. Gasca, MS. 

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Ills men, for he was most careful always to maintain the 
strictest discipline.* His restless spirit seemed to find no 
pleasure but in incessant action ; living, as he had always 
done in the turmoil of military adyenture, he had no relish 
for anything unconnected with war, and in the city saw only 
the materials for a well organised camp. 

With these feelings, he was much dissatisfied at the 
course taken by his younger leader, who now professed his 
intention to abide where he was, and, when the enemy 
advanced, to give him battle. Carbajal advised a very 
different policy. He had not that full confidence, it would 
seem, in the loyalty of Pizarro's partisans, at least, not of 
those who had once followed the banner of Centeno. These 
men, some three hundred in number, had been in a manner 
compelled to take service under Pizarro. They showed no 
heartiness in the cause, and the veteran strongly urged his 
commander to disband them at once ; since it was far 
better to go to battle with a few faithful followers than 
with a host of the false and faint-hearted. 

But Carbajal thought, also, that his leader was not suffi- 
ciently strong in numbers to encounter his opponent, sop- 
ported as he was by the best captains of Peru. He advised, 
accordingly, that he should abandon Cuzco, carrying off all 
the treasure, provisions, and stores of every kind from the 

* ** Andaua Biempre en vna mula crescida de color entre pardo y 
bennejo, y no le vi en otra caualgadura en todo el tiempo que estnuo en 
el Cuzco antes de la batalla de Sacsahuana. Era tan contino y diligete en 
Bolicitar lo que & su exercito conuenia, que & todas horas del dia y de la 
noche le topauan bus soldndos ha2iendo su oficio, y los agenos." — Gkrcilasso, 
Com. Real., parte i. lib. v. cap. xxvii. 

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city, which might, in any way, serve the necessities of the 
royalists. The latter, on their arrival, disappointed hy the 
poverty of a place where they had expected to find so much 
hooty, would hecome disgusted with the service. Pizarro, 
meanwhile, might take refuge with his men in the neigh- 
homing fastnesses, where, familiar with the ground, it would 
he easy to elude the enemy ; and if the latter persevered in 
the pursuit, with numhers diminished hy desertion, it would 
not he difficult in the mountain passes to find an opportunity 
for assailing him at advantage. — Such was the wary counsel 
of the old warrior. But it was not to the taste of his fiery 
commander, who preferred to risk the chances of a hattle, 
rather than turn his hack on a foe. 

Neither did Pizarro show more favour to a proposition, 
said to have heen made hy the Licentiate Cepeda, — that he 
should avail himself of his late success to enter into nego- 
tiations with Gasca. Such advice, from the man who had 
BO recently resisted all overtures of the president, could only 
have proceeded from a conviction, that the late victory 
placed Pizarro on a vantage-ground for demanding terms 
far better than would have heen before conceded to him. It 
may be that subsequent experience had also led him to dis- 
trust the fidelity of Gonzalo's followers, or possibly, the 
capacity of their chief to conduct them through the present 
crisis. Whatever may have been the motives of the slippery 
coimsellor, Pizarro gave little heed to the suggestion, and 
even showed some resentment, as the matter was pressed on 
him. In every contest, with Indian or European, whatever 
had been the odds, he had come off victorious. He was 

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not now for the first time to despond ; and he resolved to 
remain in Cuzco, and hazard all on the chances of a battle. 
There was something in the hazard itself captivating to his 
bold and chivalrous temper. In this, too, he was confirmed 
bj some of the cavaliers who had followed him through all 
his fortunes ; reckless young adventurers, who, like himself, 
would rather risk all on a single throw of the dice, than 
adopt the cautious, and, as it seemed to them, timid policy 
of graver counsellors. It was by such advisers, then, that 
Pizarro's future course was to be shaped.* 

Such was the state of affairs in Cuzco, when Fizarro*s 
soldiers returned with the tidings, that a detachment of the 
enemy had crossed the Apurimac, and were busy in re-esta- 
blishing the bridge. Carbajal saw at once the absolute 
necessity of maintaining this pass. ''It is my affair," he 
said ; *' I claim to be employed on this service. Give me 
but a hundred picked men, and I will engage to defend the 
pass against an army, and bring back the chaplain " — the 
name by which the president was known in the rebel camp 
— ** a prisoner to Cuzco. **t " I cannot spare you, father," 
said Gonzalo, addressing him by this affectionate epithet, 
which he usually applied to his aged follower,} " I cannot 

* Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xxvii, — Gomara, Hist, de 
las Indias, cap. clxzzii. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. 
cap. Ixxxviii. '* Finalmente, Gongalo Pizarro dixo que queria prouar sa 
Ventura : pues sieoipre auia side vencedor, 7 jamas vencido.** — Ibid., 
ubi supra. 

f* ** Paresceme vuestra Seuoria se vaya k la vuelta del collao y me deje 
cien hombres, los que 70 escojiere, que 70 me ir€6, vista deste capellan^ que 
ansi Uamaba kl al presidente." — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. 7 Conq., MS. 
X Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. zxxi. 

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spare you so far from mj own person ;'* and he gave the 
commission to Juan de Acosta, a young cavalier warmly 
attached to his commander, and who had given undoubted 
evidence of his valour on more than one occasion, but who, 
as the event proved, was signally deficient in the qualities 
demanded for so critical an undertaking as the present. 
Acosta, accordingly, was placed at the head of two hundred 
mounted musketeers, and, after much wholesome counsel 
from Carbajal, set out on his expedition. 

But he soon forgot the veteran's advice, and moved at so 
dull a pace over the difficult roads, that, although the 
distance was not more than nine leagues, he found, on his 
arrival, the bridge completed, and so large a body of the 
enemy already crossed, that he was in no strength to attack 
them. Acosta did, indeed, meditate an ambuscade by 
night ; but the design was betrayed by a deserter, and he 
contented himself with retreating to a safe distance, and 
sending for a further reinforcement from Cuzco. Three 
hundred men were promptly detached to his support ; but 
when they arrived, the enemy was already planted in full 
force on the crest of the eminence. The golden opportu- 
nity was irrecoverably lost ; and the disconsolate cavalier 
rode back in all haste to report the failure of his enterprise 
to his commander in Cuzco.* 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, 
parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxxviii. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib.vii. cap. v. — 
Carta de Yaldivia, MS. Yaldivia's letter to the Emperor, dated at Con- 
cepdon, was written about two years afler the events above recorded. It 
is chiefly taken up with his Chilian conquests, to which his campaign 
under Gasca, on his visit to Peru, forms a kind of brilliant episode. This 

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The only qnestion now to be decided was as to the spot 
where Gonzalo Pizarro should give battle to his enemies. 
He determined at once to abandon the capital and wait for 
his opponents in the neighbouring valley of Xaquixaguana. 
It was about five leagues distant, and the reader may 
remember it as the place where Francis Pizarro burned the 
Peruyian general Challcuchima, on his first occupation of 
Cuzco. The valley, fenced round by the lofty rampart of 
the Andes, was, for the most part, green and luxuriant, 
affording many picturesque points of view ; and from the 
genial temperature of the climate, had been a favourite 
summer residence of the Indian nobles, many of whose 
pleasure-houses stiU dotted the sides of the mountains. A 
river, or rather stream, of no great volume, flowed through 
one end of this enclosure, and the neighbouring soil was so 
wet and miry as to have the character of a morass. 

Here the rebel commander arrived, after a tedious march 
over roads not easily traversed by his train of heavy 
waggons and artillery. His forces amounted in all to about 
nine hundred men, with some half dozen pieces of ordnance. 
It was a well-appointed body, and under excellent discipluie, 
for it had been schooled by the strictest martinet in the 

letter, the original of which is preserved in Simancas, covers about seventy 
folio pages in the copy belonging to me. It is one of that class of hiatorieal 
documents, consisting of the despatches and correspondence of the colonial 
governors, which, from the minuteness of the details and the means of 
information possessed by the writers, are of the highest worth. The des- 
patches addressed to the Court, particularly, may compare with the cele- 
brated Rdaaioni made by the Venetian ambassadors to their republic, and 
now happily in the course of publication, at Florence, under the editorial 
auspices of the learned Alberi. 

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Peruvian service. But it was the misfortune of Pizarro 
that his army was composed, in part, at least, of men on 
whose attachment to his cause he could not confidently 
rely. This was a deficiency which no courage nor skill in 
the leader could supply. 

On entering the valley, Pizarro selected the eastern 
quarter of it towards Cuzco, as the most favourable spot for 
his encampment. It was crossed by the stream above 
mentioned, and he stationed his army in such a manner, 
that while one extremity of the camp rested on a natural 
barrier formed by the mountain cliffs that here rose up 
almost perpendicularly, the other was protected by the river. 
While it was scarcely possible, therefore, to assail his flanks, 
the approaches in front were so extremely narrowed by 
diese obstacles, that it would not be easy to overpower him 
by numbers in that direction. In the rear, his communi- 
cations remained open with Cuzco, furnishing a ready 
means for obtaining supplies. Having secured this strong 
position, <he resolved patiently to wait the assault of the 

Meanwhile the royal army had been toiling up the steep 
sides of the CordiUeras, until, at the close of the third day, 
the president had the satisfaction to find himself surrounded 
by his whole force, with their guns and military stores. 
Having now sufficienly refreshed his men, he resumed his 
march, and all went forward with the buoyant confidence of 

* Carta de Valdivia, MS. — Qarcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. 
xzxiii. xxxiv. — Pedro Pizarro/ Descub. y Conq., MS. — Gomara, Hist, de 
las Indias, cap. clxxzv. — FemandeZ| Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. 

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bringing their quarrel with the tyrant, as Pizarro was called^ 
to a speedy issue. 

Their advance was slow, as in the previous part of the 
inarch, for the ground was equally embarrassing. It was 
not long, however, before the president learned that his 
antagonist had pitched his camp in the neighbouring valley 
of Xaquixaguana. Soon afterward, two friars, sent by 
Gronzalo himself, appeared in the army, for the ostensible 
purpose of demanding a sight of the powers with which 
Gasca was intrusted. But as* their conduct gave reason to 
suspect they were spies, the president caused the holy men 
to be seized, and refused to allow them to return to Pizarro. 
By an emissary of his own, whom he despatched to the 
rebel chief, he renewed the assurance of pardon already 
given him, in case he would lay down his arms and submit. 
Such an act of generosity, at this late hour, must be allowed 
to be highly creditable to Gasca, believing, as he probably 
did, that the game was in his own hands. — It is a pity that 
the anecdote does not rest on the best authority.*. 

After a march of a couple of days, the advanced guard of 
the royalists came suddenly on the out-posts of the insur- 
gents, from whom they had been concealed by a thick mist, 
and a slight skirmish took place between them. At length, 
on the morning of the 8th of April, the royal army, turning 

* The fact is not mentioned by anj of the parties present at these 
transactions. It is to be found, with some little discrepancy of circum- 
stances, in Gomara (Hist, de las Indias, cap. clzxxv.) and Zarate (Conq. 
del Peru, lib. vii. cap. vi.) ; and their positive testimony may be thought 
by most readers to outweigh the negative afforded by the silence of other 

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the crest of the lofty range that belts round the lovely valley 
of Xaquixaguana, beheld far below on the opposite side the 
glittering lines of the enemy, with their white pavilions, 
looking like clusters of wild fowl nestling among the cliffs 
of the mountains. And still fui*ther off might be descried 
a host of Indian warriors, showing gaudily in their varie- 
gated costumes ; for the natives, in this part of the country, 
with little perception of their true interests, manifested great 
zeal in the cause of Pizarro. 

Quickening their step, the royal army now hastily de- 
scended the steep sides of the sierra ; and notwithstanding 
every effort of their officers, they moved in so little order^ 
each man picking his way as he could, that the straggling 
column presented many a vulnerable point to the enemy ; 
and the descent would not have been accomplished without 
considerable loss, had Pizarro 's cannon been planted on any 
of the favourable positions which the ground afforded. But 
that commander, far from attempting to check the presi- 
dent's approach, remained doggedly in the strong position 
he had occupied, with the full confidence that his adversa- 
ries would not hesitate to assail it, strong as it was, in the 
same manner as they had done at Huarina.* 

Yet he did not omit to detach a corps of arquebusiers to 
secure a neighbouring eminence or spur of the Cordilleras, 

* ^ Salid i Xaquixaguana con toda su gente 7 allf nos aguardd en un 
llano jnnto H un cerro alto por donde baj^bamos ; 7 cierto nuestro Sefior le 
cegd el entendimiento, porque si nos aguardaran al pie de la bajada, hici- 
eran mncho daiio & nosotros. Retirironse & un llano junto i una ci^naga, 
creyendo que nuestro campo allf les acometiera 7 con la ventaja que nos 
tenian del puesto nos vencieran.** — Pedro Pizzaro, Descub. 7 Conq., MS. 
—Carta de Valdiviay MS.— Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS. 

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which in the hands of the enemy might cause some annoy- 
ance to his own camp, while it commanded still more effec- 
tually the ground soon to he occupied hy the assailants. 
But his manosuvre was noticed by Hinojosa; and he defeated 
it by sending a stronger detachment of the royal musketeers, 
who repulsed the rebels, and, after a short skirmish, got 
possession of the heights. Gasca's general profited by this 
success to plant a small battery of cannon on the eminence, 
from which, although the distance was too great for him to 
do much execution, he threw some shot into the hostile 
camp. One ball, indeed, struck down two men, one of 
them Fizarro's page, killing a horse at the same time, 
which he held by the bridle ; and the chief instantly ordered 
the tents to be struck^ considering that they afforded too 
obvious a mark for the artiUery.* 

Meanwhile the president's forces had descended into the 
valley, and as they came on the plain were formed into line 
by their oflScers. The ground occupied by the army was 
somewhat lower than that of their enemy, whose shot, aa 
discharged, from time' to time, from his batteries, passed 
over their heads. Information was now brought by a 
deserter, one of Centeno's old followers, that Pizarro was 
getting ready for a night attack. The President, in conse- 
quence, commanded his whole force to be drawn up in battle 
array, prepared at any instant, to repulse the assault. But 

* " Porq. muchas pelotas dieron en medio de la gente, y una dellas 
maUS jQto d Gonfalo Pizarro vn criado suyo que se estaua armando, 7 matd 
otro hombre y vn cauallo, que puao grande alteracion €u el campo, y aba- 
tieron todas las tiSdas y toldos." — Fernandez^ Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. 
ii. cap. Ixxxix. — Carta de Valdivia, MS. — Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS. 

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if such were meditated by the insurgent chief, he abandoned 
it, — and, as it is said, from a distrust of the fidelity of some 
of the troops, who, under cover of the darkness, he feared, 
would go over to the opposite side. If this be true, he 
must have felt the full force of Oarbajars admonition, when 
too late to profit by it. The unfortunate commander was in 
the situation of some bold, high-mettled cavalier, rushing to 
battle on a war-horse whose tottering joints threaten to give 
way under him at every step, and leave his rider to the 
mercy of his enemies ! 

The president B troops stood to their arms the greater 
part of the night, although the air from the mountains was 
so keen, that it was with difiiculty they could hold their 
lances in their hands.* But before the rising sun had 
kindled into a glow the highest peaks of the sierra, both 
camps were in mption, and busily engaged in preparations 
for the combat. The royal army was formed into two 
battalions of infantry, one to attack the enemy in front, 
and the other, if possible, to operate on his flank. These 
battalions were protected by squadrons of horse on the 
wings and in the rear, while reserves both of horse and 
arquebusiers were stationed to act as occasion might require. 
The dispositions were made in so masterly a manner, as to 
draw forth a hearty eulogium from old Carbajal, who 
exclaimed, '' Surely the Devil or Yaldivia must be among 
them ! " an undeniable compliment to the latter, since 

* '^ I asi ettuYO el campo toda la noche en arma, desannadas las tiendas, 
padetciendo mm gran frio que no podian tener las lanfas en laa manos.*' 
— ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. vi. 


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the speaker was ignorant of that commander's presence in 
the camp.* 

Gasca, leaving the conduct of the battle to his officers^ 
withdrew to the rear with his train of clergy and licentiates, 
the last of whom did not share in the ambition of their rebel 
brother, Cepeda, to break a lance in the field, 

Gonzalo Pizarro formed his squadron in the same manner 
as he had done on the plains of Huarina ; except that the 
increased number of his horse now enabled him to cover 
both flanks of his infantry. It was still on his fire-arms, 
however, that he chiefly relied. As the ranks were formed, 
he rode among them, encouraging his men to do their duty 
like brave cavaliers, and true soldiers of the Conquest. 
PizaiTO was superbly armed, as usual, and wore a complete 
suit of mail, of the finest manufacture, which, as well as his 
helmet, was richly inlaid with gold.f He rode a chestnut 
horse of great strength and spirit, and as he galloped along 
the line, brandishing his lance, and displaying his easy 
horsemanship, he might be thought to form no bad personi- 
fication of the Genius of Chivalry. To complete his dispo- 

* " Y assi quando vio Francisco de Caruajal el campo real, pareciendole 
que loB esquadrones venian biS ordenados, dizo, * Valdiuia est^ en la tierra 
y rige el campo, 6 el diablo.' " — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. 
cap. Ixxxiz. — Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS. — Carta de Valdivia, MS. — 
Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. clxxxv. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. 
cap. tI. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xsziv. — Pedro Pizarro, 
Descub. y Conq., MS. 

+ *< Iba mui galin i gentil hombre sobre vn poderoso caballo castano, 
armado de cota, i coracinas ricas, con vna sobre ropa de raso bien golpeada, 
i vn capacete de oro en la cabe9a, con su barbote de lo mismo.** — Gomara, 
Hist, de las Indias, cap. dzxxv. 

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sitioDs, he ordered Oepeda to lead up the infantry ; for the 
licentiate seems to have had a larger share in the conduct 
of his affairs of late, or at least in the present military 
arrangements, than Carhajal. The latter, indeed, whether 
from disgust at the course taken hy his leader, or from a 
distrust which, it is said, he did not affect to conceal, of the 
success of the present operations, disclaimed all responsihi* 
lity for them, and chose to serve rather as a prirate cavalier 
than as a commander.* Yet Cepeda, as the event showed, 
was no less shrewd in detecting the coming ruin. 

When he had received his orders from Pizarro, he rode 
forward as if to select the ground for his troops to occupy ; 
and in doing so disappeared for a few moments hehind a 
projecting cliff. He soon reappeared, however, and was 
seen galloping at full speed across the plain. His men 
looked with astonishment, yet not distrusting his motives, 
till, as he continued his course direct towards the enemy's 
lines, his treachery hecame apparent. Several pushed for- 
ward to overtake him, and among them a cavalier, hetter 
mounted than Oepeda. The latter rode a horse of no great 
strength or speed, quite unfit for this critical manoeuvre of 
his master. The animal was moreover encumhered hy the 
weight of the caparisons with which his amhitious rider 
had loaded him, so that, on reaching a piece of miry ground 

* ^ Porqae el maesse de campo, Francisco de Camajal, como hombre 
desdefiado de que Gon9alo Pi9a]T0 no hnuiesse querido seguir su parecer 
J coniejo, (dandose ya por vencido,) no qaiso hazer oficio de maesse de 
campo como solia, 7 assi fiie ^ ponerse en el esquadron con su compafiia^ 
como yno de los capitanes de jnfimteria.'* — Ghirdlasflo^ Com. Real., parte 
ii. lib. V. cap. xzxv. 


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that lay between the armies, his pace was greatly retarded.* 
Cepeda's pursaers rapidly gained on him, and the cavalier 
above noticed came, at length, so near as to throw a lance 
at the fugitive, which wounding him in the thigh, pierced 
his horse's flank, and they both came headlong to the 
ground. It would have fared ill with the licentiate, in this 
emergency, but fortunately a small party of troopers on the 
other side, who had watched the chase, now galloped briskly 
forward to the rescue, and beating off his pursuers, they 
recovered Cepeda from the mire, and bore him to the 
president *s quarters. 

He was received by Gasca with the greatest satisfaction* 
— BO great, that, according to one chronicler he did not 
disdain to show it by saluting the licentiate on the cheek.f 
The anecdote is scarcely reconcilable with the characters 
and relations of the parties, or with the president's subse- 
quent conduct. Gasca, however, recognised the full value 
of his piize, and the effect which his desertion at such a 
time must have on the spirits of the rebels. Cepeda's 
movement, so unexpected by his own party, was the result 
of previous deliberation, as he had secretly given assurance, 
it is said, to the prior of Arequipa, then in the royal camp, 
that if Gonzalo Pizarro could not be induced to accept the 
pardon offered him, he would renounce his cause4 The 

* Gudlaaso, Com. Be&l^ parte ii. lib. ▼. cap. zzxy. 

t '* Gasca abiafd i bead en el carrillo & Cepeda, aunque lo llevaba en- 
cenagado, teniendo por venddo 6 Pi9arT0, con su fidta." — Gbmara, Hist de 
las Indias, cap. clzzzv. 

t ** Ca, Begun parecid, Cepeda le huTo avisado con Fr. Antonio de 
Castro, Prior de Santo Domingo en Arequipa, que si Pizarro no quisiesae 

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time selected by the crafty counseUor for doing so was tliat 
most fatal to the interests of his commander. 

The example of Oepeda was contagious. Grarcilasso de 
la Vega, father of the historian, a cavalier of old family, 
and probably of higher consideration than any other in 
Pizarro's party, put spurs to his horse, at the same time 
with the licentiate, and rode over to the enemy. Ten or a 
dozen of the arquebusiers followed in the same direction, 
and succeeded in placing themselves under the protection of 
the advanced guard of the royalists. 

Pizarro stood aghast at this desertion, in so critical a 
juncture, of those in whom he had most trusted. He 
was for a moment bewildered. The very ground on which 
he stood seemed to be crumbling beneath him. With this 
state of feeling among his soldiers, he saw that every 
minute of delay was fatal. He dared not wait for the 
assault, as he had intended, in his strong position, but instant- 
ly gave the word to advance. Gasca's general, Hinojosa, 
seeing the enemy in motion, gave similar orders to his own 
troops. Instantly the skirmishers and arquebusiers on the 
flanks moved rapidly forward, the artillery prepared to op«i 
their fire, and " the whole army," says the president in his 
own account of the affair, '' advanced with steady step and 
perfect determination.'** 

conderto nioguno, €1 se pasaria al aervicio del Empexador i tiempo que le 
deshidese.*' — QomarayHiat. de laa Indias, cap. dzxzY. 

* " Viato por Gonzalo Pizarro i Car&Tajal au maestre de campo que le 
lea m gente procuraron de caminar en aa orden hacia el campo de SL M., i 
que viendo esto loa lados i sobresalieutes del exerdto real se empezaron & 
llegar i ellos i 4 disparar en ellos, i que lo meamo hizo la artillezia ; i todo 

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But before a shot was fired, a column of arquebusiers, 
composed chiefly of Centeno's followers, abandoned their 
post and marched directly over to the enemy. A squadron 
of horse, sent in pursuit of them, followed their example. 
The president instantly commanded his men to halt, unwill- 
ing to spill blood unnecessarily, as the rebel host was like 
to taJl to pieces of itself. 

Pizarro's faithful adherents were seized with a panic, as 
they saw themselves and their leader thus betrayed into the 
enemy's hands. Further resistance was useless. Some 
threw down their arms, and fled in the direction of Cuzco. 
Others sought to escape to the mountains ; and some 
crossed to the opposite side, and surrendered themselves 
prisoners, hoping it was not too late to profit by the promises 
of grace. The Indian allies, on seeing the Spaniards falter, 
had been the first to go off the ground.* 

Pizarro, amidst the general wreck, found himself left with 
only a few cavaliers who disdained to fly. Stunned by the 
unexpected reverse of fortune, the unhappy chief could 
hardly comprehend his situation. ''What remains for us ? " 
said he to Acosta, one of those who still adhered to him. 
'* Fall on the enemy, since nothing else is left," answered the 

el campo, con paso bien concertado i entera determinacion, se Uegd & ellos.** 
— Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS. 

* '' Los Indies que tenian los enemigos que diz que eran mucha canti- 
dad huyeron mui & furia.*' (Relacion del Lie. Gasca, ]MS.) For the par- 
ticulars of the battle, more or less minute, see Carta de Valdivia, MS. ; — < 
Grarciksso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xxxv. ; — Pedro Pizarro, Descub* 
7 Conq., MS. ; — Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap* cIzzxy. ; — Fernandez^ 
Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xc. ; — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib, vii. 
cap. vii. ; — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. It. cap. xri. 

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Kon-hearted soldier, " and die like Romans ! " " Better to die 
like Christians/' replied his commander ; and, slowly turning 
his horse, he rode off in the direction of the rojal army.* 

He had not proceeded far, when he was met by an officer, 
to whom, after ascertaining his name and rank, Pizarro 
delivered up his sword, and yielded himself prisoner. The 
officer, overjoyed at his prize, conducted him, at once, to the 
president's quarters. Gasca was on horseback, surrounded 
by his captains, some of whom, when they recognised the 
person of the captive, had the grace to withdraw, that they 
might not witness his humiliation.! Even the best of them, 
with a sense of right on their side, may have felt some 
touch of compunction at the thought that their desertion 
had brought their benefactor to this condition. 

Pizarro kept his seat in his saddle, but, as he approached, 
made a respectful obeisance to the president, which the 
latter acknowledged by a cold salute. Then, addressing 
his prisoner in a tone of severity, Gasca abruptly inquired, 
" Why he had thrown the country into such confusion ; — 
raising the banner of revolt ; killing the viceroy ; usurping 
the government ; and obstinately refusing the offers of grace 
that had been repeatedly made him ? " 

Gonzalo attempted to justify himself by referring the fate 

♦ ** Gonzalo Pi9aiTo boluiendo el rostro & Juan de Acosta, que eataua 
cerca del, le dixo, * Que haremoB, hermano Juan T Acosta, prcsumiendo 
mas de valiente que de discreto, respondid, * Senor arremetamos, y mura- 
mofl como los antiguos Romanes I* Gon9alo Pi9arro dixo, ' Mejor es 
morir como Christianos.' '"— Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. 
vi. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. vii. 

t Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra. 

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of the yiceroy to his misconduct, and his own usurpation, as 
it was styled, to the free election of the people, as well as 
that of the Rojal Audience. *^ It was mj family,*' he said, 
." who conquered the country ; and, as their representative 
here, I felt I had a right to the government. " To this Gasca 
replied, in a still severer tone, " Your hrother did, indeed, 
conquer the land ; and for this the^ Emperor was pleased to 
raise hoth him and you from the dust. He lived and died 
a true and loyal subject ; and it only makes your ingratitude 
to your sovereign the more heinous." Then, seeing the 
prisoner about to reply, the president cut short the con- 
ference, ordering him into close confinement. He was 
committed to the charge of Centeno, who had sought the 
office, not from any unworthy desire to gratify his revenge, 
— for he seems to have had a generous nature, — but for the 
honourable purpose of ministering to the comfort of the 
captive. Though held in strict custody by this officer, 
therefore, Pizarro was treated with the deference due to 
his rank, and allowed every indulgence by his keeper, 
except his freedom,* 

In this general wreck of their fortunes, Francisco de Car- 
bajal fared no better than his chief. As he saw the soldiers 
deserting their posts and going over to the enemy, one after 
another, he coolly hummed the words of his favourite old 

^ The wind blows the bairn off my head, mother ! " 

* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i« lib. ii. cap. xc. HistorianB, of 
course, report the dialogue between Gasca and his prisoner with some 
variety. — See Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. clxzxv. ; — Garcilasso, Com. 
Real., parte il lib. v. cap. xxxvu ; — Reladon del Lie Gasca, MS. 


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But when he found the field nearly empty, and his stout- 
hearted followers vanished like a wreath of smoke, he felt 
it was time to provide for his own safety. He knew there 
could be no favour for him ; and putting spurs to his horse, 
he betook himself to flight with all the speed he could 
make. He crossed the stream that flowed, as already 
mentioned, by the camp, but in scaling the opposite bank, 
which was steep and stony, his horse, somewhat old, and 
oppressed by the weight of his rider, who was large and 
corpulent, lost his footing, and fell with him into the water. 
Before he could extricate himself, Carbajal was seized by 
some of his own foUowers, who hoped, by such a prize, to 
make their peace with the victor, and hurried off towards 
the president's quarters. 

The convoy was soon swelled by a number of the common 
file from the royal army, some of whom had long arrears 
to settle with the prisoner ; and, not content with heaping 
reproaches and imprecations on his head, they now 
threatened to proceed to acts of personal violence, which 
Carbajal, far from deprecating, seemed rather to court, as 
the speediest way of ridding himself of life.* When he 
approached the president's quarters, Centeno, who was near, 
rebuked the disorderly rabble, and compelled them to give 
way. Carbajal, on seeing this, with a respectful air 
demanded to whom he was indebted for this courteous 

• « Laego lleyuron antel dicho Licendado Canvajal, maestro de campo 
del dicho Pizarro, i tan cercado de gentes que del havian tido ofendidas que 
le queiian matar, el qual diz que moatraTa que olgara que le mat^ran allL*' 
•— BeUdon del Lie. Gasca, MS. 

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protection. To which his ancient comrade replied, *' Do joa 
not know me ? — Diego Genteno ! *' "I crave your pardon," 
said the veteran, sarcasticallj alluding to his long flight in 
the Charcas, and his recent defeat at Huarina ; '< it is so 
long since I have seen anything but your back, that I had 
forgotten your face ! " * 

Among the president's suite was the martial bishop of 
Ouzco, who, it will be remembered, had shared with Gen- 
teno in the disgrace of his defeat. His brother had been 
taken by Garbajal, in his flight from the field, and instantly 
hung up by that fierce chief, who, as we have had more 
than one occasion to see, was no respecter of persons. The 
bishop now reproached him with his brother's murder, and, 
incensed by his cool replies, was ungenerous enough to 
strike the prisoner on the face. Garbajal made no attempt 
at resistance. Nor would he return a word to the queries 
put to him by Gasca ; but, looking haughtily round on the 
circle, maintained a contemptuous silence. The president, 
seeing that nothing further was to be gained from his 
captive, ordered him, together with Acosta, and the other 
cavaliers who had surrendered, into stiict custody, until their 
fate should be decided.f 

* " Diego Centeoo reprehendia mucho & los que le offendian. Por lo 
qual Caniaj&l le mir<S, y le dizo, ' Senor, quien es vuestra merced que 
tanta merced me haze ? * & lo qual Centeno respondio, ' Que no conoce 
vuestra merced & Diego Centeno ? * Dixo entonces Caruajal, ^ Por Dies, 
Senor, que como . siempre vi & vuestra merced de espaldas, que agora 
teniendo le de cara, no le conocia.*' — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte L 
lib. ii. cap. zc. 

f Ibid., ubi supra. It is but fair to state that Garcilasso, who was 
personally acquainted with the bishop of Cuzco, doubts the fact of the 

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Oasca's next concern was to send an officer to Cuzco, to 
restrain his partisans from committing excesses in conse- 
quence of the late victory, — if victory that could be called, 
where not a blow had been strack. Every thing belonging 
to the vanquished, their tents, arms, ammunition, and 
military stores, became the property of the victors. Their 
camp was well victualled, furnishing a seasonable supply to the 
royalists, who had nearly expended their own stock of pro- 
visions. There was, moreover, considerable booty, in the way 
of plate and money ; for Fizarro's men, as was not uncommon 
in those turbulent times, went, many of them, to the war with 
the whole of their worldly wealth, not knowing of any safe 
place in which to bestow it. An anecdote is told of one of 
Gasca's soldiers, who, seeing a mule running over the field, 
with a large pack on his back, seized the animal, and mounted 
him, having first thrown away the burden, supposing it to 
contain armour, or something of little worth. Another 
soldier, more shrewd, picked up the parcel, as his share of 
the spoil, and found it contained several thousand gold 
ducats ! It was the fortune of war.* 

Thus terminated the battle, or rather rout, of Xaquixa- 
guana. The number of killed and wounded — for some 
few perished in the pursuit — was not great, according to 
most accounts, not exceeding fifteen killed on the rebel side, 
and one only on that of the royalists ! and that one, by the 

indecorous conduct imputed to him by Fernandez, as inconsiBtent with 
the prelate's character. — Com. Real., parte ii. lib. y. cap. xzxiz. 
* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. yii. cap. yiii. 

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carelessness of a comrade.* Neyer was there a cheaper 
victory ; so bloodless a termination of a fierce and bloody 
rebellion ! It was gained not so much by the strength of 
the yictors as by the weakness of the vanquished. They 
fell to pieces of their own accord, because they had no sure 
ground to stand on. The arm, not nerved by the sense of 
right, became powerless in the hour of battle. It was 
better that they should be thus overcome by moral force 
than by a brutal appeal to arms. Such a victory was more 
in harmony with the beneficent character of the conqueror 
and of his cause. It was the triumph of order ; the best 
homage to law and justice. 

* *^ Temidse que en esta batalk muriria mucha gente de ambas 
partes por haver en ellas mill i quatrocientos arcabuceros, i eeiacientos de 
caballo, i mucbo numero de piqueros, i diez i ocho piezas de artilleria ; pero 
plugo 4l Dios que solo murid un bombre del campo de S. M. i quince de 
los contrarios como e8t& dicho." — Relacion del Lie. Gfasca, MS. The MS. 
above referred to is supposed by Munoz to have been \vritten bj Gasca, 
or rather dictated by him to his secretary. The original is preserved at 
Simancas, without date, and in the character of the sixteenth century. It 
is principally taken up with the battle, and the events immediately con- 
nected with it; and although very brief, every sentence is of value as 
coming from so high a source. Alcedo, in his Bihlwteca Am^riccmaf MS, 
gives the title of a work from Gasca's pen, which would seem to be an 
account of his own administration, ffistoria del Peru, ydem Pacification, 
1576, fol. — I have never met with the work, or with any other allu- 
sion to it. 

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It was now necessary to decide on the fate of the prisoners ; 
and Alonso de Alrarado, with the Licentiate Cianca, one of 
the new Royal Audience, was instructed to prepare the 
process. It did not require a long time. The guilt of the 
prisoners was too manifest, taken, as they had heen, with 
arms in their hands. They were all sentenced to he exe- 
cuted, and their estates were confiscated to the use of the 
Crown. Gonzalo Fizarro was to he heheaded, and Carhajal 
to he drawn and quartered. No mercy was shown to him 
who had shown none to others. There was some talk of 
deferring the execution till the arrival of the troops in 
Cuzco ; hut the fear of disturhances from those friendly to 
Fizarro determined the president to carry the sentence into 
effect the following day, on the field of hattle.* 

* The Bentence passed upon Pizairo is given at length in the ma/Min 
8Ctipi cop7 of Zarate's History, to T?hich I have had occasion more than 
once to refer. The historian omitted it in his printed work; hut the 
carious reader may find it entire, cited in the original, in Appendix, 
No. 14. 

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When his doom was communicated to Carbajal, he heard 
it with his usual indifference. ** They can but kill me»" he 
said, as if he had already settled the matter in his own 
mind.* During the day, many came to see him in his con- 
finement ; some to upbraid him with his cruelties ; but 
most, from curiosity to see the fierce warrior who had made 
his name so terrible through the land. He showed no 
unwillingness to talk with them, though it was in those 
sallies of caustic humour in which he usually indulged at 
the expense of his hearer. Among these visitors was a 
cavalier of no note, whose life, it appears, Carbajal had 
formerly spared, when in his power. This person expressed 
to the prisoner his strong desire to serve him ; and as he 
reiterated his profesuons, Carbajal cut them short by ex- 
claiming — '* And what service can you do me ? Can you 
set me free ? If you cannot do that, you can do nothing. 
If I spared your life, as you say, it was probably because I 
did not think it worth while to take it." 

Some piously disposed persons urged him to see a priest, 
if it were only to unburden his conscience before leaving the 
world. *< But of what use would that be 1*' asked Carbajal. 
'< I have nothing that lies heavy on my conscience, unless it 
be, indeed, the debt of half a real to a shopkeeper in Seville, 
which I forgot to pay before leaving the country ! "t 

He was carried to execution on a hurdle, or rather in a 
basket, drawn by two mules. His arms were pinioned, and, 

* ** Basta matar." — Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xci. 

t *' En esso no tengo que confessar : porque jaro k tal, que no tengo 
otro cargo, si no medio real que deuo en Seuilla ^ vna bod^onera 
de la puerta del Arenal, del tiempo que pass^ ^ Indiaa.** — Ibid., ubi supra. 

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as they forced his bulky body into this miserable convey- 
ance, he exclaimed, — '* Cradles for infants, and a cradle for 
the old man too, it seems ! '** Notwithstanding the disin- 
clination he had manifested to a confessor, he was attended 
by several ecclesiastics on his way to the gallows ; and one 
of them repeatedly urged him to give some token of peni- 
tence at this solemn hour, if it were only by repeating the 
Pater Noster and Ave Maria, Carbajal, to rid himself of 
the ghostly father's importunity, replied by coolly repeat- 
ing the words, **Pater Noster,** *^Ave Maria /" He then 
remained obstinately silent. He died, as he had lived, with 
a jest, or rather, a scoff, upon his lips.f 

Francisco de Carbajal was one of the most extraordmary 
characters of these dark and turbulent times ; the more 
extraordinary from his great age ; for, at the period of his 
death, he was in his eighty-fourth year ; — an age when the 
bodily powers, and, fortunately, the passions, are usually 
blunted ; when, in the witty words of the French moralist, 
" We flatter ourselves we are leaving our vices, whereas it 
is our vices that are leaving us."j; But the fires of youth 
glowed fierce and imquenchable in the bosom of Carbajal. 

• ** Nino en cnna, y viejo en cuna." — Fernandez^ Hist, del Peru, parte 
i. lib. ii. cap. xci. 

i* ** Murid como gentil, porque dicen, que yo no le quise ver, que ansi 
le df la palabra de no velle ; mas & la postrer vez que me habld llevandole 
k matar le decia el sacerdote que con ^1 iba, que se encomendase & Dies y 
dijese el ' Pater Noster y el Ave Maria,' y dicen que dijo ' Pater Noster, 
Ave Maiia,' y que no dijo otra palabra." — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 
Conq. MS. 

X I quote firom memory, but believe the reflection may be found in 
tliat admirable digest of worldly wisdom^ " The Characters of La Bruy^re/* 

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The date of his birth carries us back towards the middle 
of the fifteenth century, before the times of Ferdinand and 
Isabella. He was of obscure parentage, and bom, as it is 
said, at Areralo. For forty years he served in the Italian 
wars, under the most illustrious captains of the day, GonsalTO 
de CordoYa, Navarro, and the Colonnas. He was an ensign 
at the battle of Ravenna ; witnessed the capture of Francis 
the First at Favia ; and followed the banner of the ill- 
starred Bourbon at the sack of Rome. He got no gold for 
his share of the booty, on this occasion, but simply the 
papers of a notary's office, which, Carbajal shrewdly thougbty 
would be worth gold to him. And so it proved ; for the 
notary was fain to redeem them at a price which enabled 
the adventurer to cross the seas to Mexico, and seek his 
fortune in the New World. On the insurrection of the Peru- 
vians, he was sent to the support of Francis Pizarro, and 
was rewarded by that chief with a grant of land in Cuzco. 
Here he remained for several years, busily employed in 
increasing his substance ; for the love of lucre was a ruling 
passion in his bosom. On the arrival of Yaca de Castro, we 
find him doing good service under the royal banner ; and 
at the breaking out of the great rebellion under Gonzalo 
Pizarro, he converted his property into gold, and prepared 
to return to Castile. He seemed to have a presentiment 
that to remain where he was would be fatal. But, although 
he made every effort to leave Peru, he was unsuccessful, for 
the viceroy had laid an embargo on the shipping.* He 

* Pedro Pizarro bears testimony to Carbajal's endeavours to leave the 
country in which he was aided, though ineffectually, by the chronicler, who 

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remained in the country, therefore, and took service, as we 
have seen, though reluctantly, under PLearro. It was his 

The tumultuous life on which he now entered roused all 
the slumbering passions of his soul, which lay there, perhaps 
imconsciously to himself; cruelty, avarice, revenge. He 
found ample exercise for them in the war with his country- 
men ; for civil war is provwhially the most sanguinary and 
ferocious of all. The atrocities recorded of Carbajal, in his 
new career, and the number of his victims, are scarcely 
credible. For the honour of humanity, we may trust the 
accounts are greatly exaggerated ; but that he should have 
given rise to them at all is sufficient to consign his name to 

He even took a diabolical pleasure, it is said, in amusing 
himself with the sufferings of his victims, and in the hour of 
execution would give utterance to frightful jests, that made 
them taste more keenly the bitterness of death ! He had 
a sportive vein, if such it could be called, which he freely 
mdulged on every occasion. Many of his sallies were pre- 
served by the soldiery ; but they are for the most part, of a 

'wssy at tbat time, in the most friendlj relations with him. Civil war 
parted these ancient comrades ; hut Carbajal did not forget his ohligations 
to Pedro Pizarro, which he afterwards repaid by exempting him on two dif- 
rent occasions from the general doom of the prisoners who fell into his 

* Oat of three hundred and fortj executions, according to Femandezj 
three hundred were hj Carbajal. (Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xci.) 
Zarate swells the number of these executions to five hundred. (Conq. del 
Peruy lib. vii. cap. i.) The discrepancy shows how little we can confide in 
the accuracy of such estimates, 


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coarse, repulsive character, flowing from a mind familiar 
with the weak and wicked side of hmnanity, and distrusting 
every other. He had his jest for everything, — ^for the mis- 
fortunes of others, and for his own. He looked on life as a 
farce, — though he too often made it a tragedy. 

Carhajal must he allowed one virtue ; that of fidelity to 
his party. This made him less tolerant of perfidy in others. 
He was never known to show mercy to a renegade. This 
undeviating fidelity, though to a had cause, may challenge 
something like a feeling of respect, where fidelity was so 

As a military man, Carhajal takes a high rank among 
the soldiers of the New World. He was strict, even severe, 
in enforcing discipline, so that he was little loved by his 
foUowere. Whether he had the genius for military combina- 
tions requisite for conducting war on an extended scale may 
be doubted ; but in the shifts and turns of guerilla warfare 
he was unrivalled. Prompt, active, and persevering, he was 
insensible to danger or fatigue, and after days spent in the 
saddle, seemed to attach little value to the luxury of a bed.t 

* Fidelity, indeed, is but one of many virtues claimed for Carbajal by 
Garcilasso, who considers most of tbe tales of cruelty and avarice circulated 
of tbe veteran^ as well as the hardened levity imputed to him in his latter 
moments, as inventions of his enemies. The Inca chronicler was a boy 
when Gonzalo and his chivalry occupied Cuzco ; and tbe kind treatment 
lie experienced from them, owing, doubtless, to his father''s position in tbe 
rebel army, he has well repaid by depicting their portraits in the favourable 
colours in which they appeared to his young imagination. But the garru- 
lous old man has recorded several individual instances of atrocity in the 
career of Carbajal, which form but an indifferent commentary on the cor- 
rectness of his general assertions in respect to his character. 

t **Fue maior sufridor de trabajos que requeria su edad, porque & 

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He knew familiarly eyerj mountain pass, and, such were 
the sagacity and the resources displayed in his roving expe- 
ditions, that he was vulgarly helieved to he attended hy a 
famUiar.* With a character so extraordinary, with powers 
prolonged so far heyond the usual term of humanity, and 
passions so fierce in one tottering on the verge of the grave, 
it was not surprising that many fahulous stories should he 
eagerly circulated respecting him, and that Carbajal should 
be clothed with mysterious terrors as a sort of supernatural 
being, — the demon of the Andes ! 

Very different were the circumstances attending the 
closing scene of Gonzalo Fizarro. At his request, no one 
had been allowed to visit him in his confinement. He was 
heard pacing his tent during the greater part of the day, 
and when night came, having ascertained from Centeno 
that his execution was to take place on the following noon, 
he laid himself down to rest. He did not sleep long, however, 
but soon rose, and continued to traverse his apartment, as 
if buried in meditation, till dawn. He then sent for a con- 
fessor, and remained with him till after the hour of noon, 
taking little or no refreshment. The officers of justice 
became impatient ; but their eagerness was sternly rebuked 

nnuravOla se quitaba las Armas de dia ni de noche ; i quando era necesario, 
tampoco se acostaba ni dormia mas de quanto recostado en vna silla, se le 
cansaba la mano en que arrimaba la cabe^a.**— Zaiate, Conq. del Peru, 
lib. ▼. cap. zir. 

* Pedro Pizarro, who seems to have entertained feelings not unfriendly 
to Carbajal, thus sums up his character in a few words. **£ramui len< 
guaz: hablada muy discreptamente y & gusto de los que le oian : era 
hombre sagaz, cruel, bien entendido en la guerra. .... Este Carbajal era 
tan sabio que decian tenia familiar." — Descub. 7 Conq., MS. 

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by the soldiery, many of whom, having served under Gon- 
zaio's banner, were touched with pity for his misfortunes. 

T\lien the chieftain came forth to execution, he showed 
in his dress the same love of magnificence and display as in 
happier days. Over his douUet he wore a superb cloak of 
yellow velvet, stiff with gold embroidery, while his head 
was protected by a cap of the same materials, richly 
decorated, in like manner, with ornaments of gold.* In 
this gaudy attire he mounted his mule, and the sentence 
was so far relaxed that his arms were suffered to renuun 
unshackled. He was escorted by a goodly number of 
piests and friars, who held up the crucifix before his eyes, 
while he carried in his own hand an image of the Yirgm. 
She had ever been the peculiar object of Fizarro's devotion ; 
so much so, that those who knew him best in the hour of 
his prosperity were careful, when they had a petition, to 
prefer it in the name of the blessed Mary, 

Pizarro's lips were frequently pressed to the emblem of 
his divinity, while his eyes were bent on the crucifix in 
appi^ent devotion, heedless of the objects around him. On 
reaching the scaffold, he ascended it with a firm step, 
and asked leave to address a few words to the soldiery 
gathered round it, " There are many among you," said 
he, " who have grown rich on my brother's bounty and my 
own. Tet, of all my riches, nothing remains to me but 

* " Al tiempo que lo mataron, cli<5 al verdugo toda la ropa que trala, 
que era mui rica i de mucho valor, porque tenia yna ropa de armas de tep- 
ciopelo amarillo, casi toda cubierta de chaperia de oro, i vn chapeo de Is 
misma forma." — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. viii. 

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the garments I hare on ; and even these are not mine, hut 
the property of the executioner. I am without means, 
therefore, to purchase a mass for the wel&re of mj soul ; 
and I implore you, hy the rememhrance of past henefits, to 
extend this charity to me when I am gone, that it may he 
well with you in the hour of death. '* A profound silence 
reigned throughout the martial multitude, hroken only hy 
sighii and groans, as they listened to Pizarro's request ; and 
it was faithfully responded to, since, after his death, masses 
were said in many of the towns for the welfare of the 
departed chieftain. 

Then, kneeling down hefore a crudfiz placed on a tahle, 
Pizarro remained for some minutes ahsorbed in prayer; 
affcer which, addressing the soldier who was to act as the 
minister of justice, he calmly hade him " do his duty with a 
steady hand." He refused to have his eyes handaged, and, 
bending forward his neck, submitted it to the sword of the 
executioner, who struck off the head with a smgle blow, so 
true that the body remained for some moments in the some 
erect posture as in life.* The head was taken to Lima, 
where it was set in a cage or frame, and then fixed on a 
gibbet by the side of Carbajal'sJ On it was placed a label, 
bearing, — ** This is the head of the traitor Oonzalo Pizarro, 
who rebelled in Peru against his soyereign, and battled in 

* ^ The ezectttiQiier," nyg GarcilMso, with a naaila more expreinve 
than elegant, *< did his work as cleanly as if he had been slicing off a head 
of lettuce !** ^ De Tn reoes le eertd la cabega eon tanta &cilidad, oomo si 
fdera yna hoja de leohuga, 7 se quedd con ella en la mano, y tardd el 
cnorpo algun espacio ea caer ea el suelo."-<^Garci]a8SO| Cora. B«aL» 
parte li. lib. ▼. cap. zliii. 

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the cauBe of tyrann j and treason against the royal standard 
in the vallej of Xaquixaguana."* His large estates, in- 
cluding the rich mines in Potosi, were confiscated ; his 
mansion in lima was razed to the ground, the place 
strewed with salt, and a stone pillar set up, with an inscrip- 
tion interdicting any one from huilding on a spot which had 
been profaned by the residence of a traitor. 

Gonzalo's remains were not exposed to the indignities 
inflicted on Carbajal's, whose quarters were hung in chains 
on the four great roads leading to Cuzco. Centeno saved 
Pizarro's body from being stripped, by redeeming his cosdy 
raiment from the executioner, and in this sumptuous shroud 
it was laid in the chapel of the conrent of Our Lady of 
Mercy in Cuzco. It was the same spot where, side by side, 
lay the bloody remains of the Almagros, father and son, 
who in like manner had perished by the hand of justice, 
and were indebted to private charity for their burial. All 
these were now consigned " to the same grave," says the 
historian, with some bitterness, " as if Peru could not afford 
land enough for a burial-place to its conquerors, "f 

* *' Esta es la cabeza del traidor de Gonzalo Pizarro,que se hizo justicia 
del en el valle de Aquixaguana, donde did la batalla campal contra el 
estandarte real, queriendo defender su traicion e tirania : ninguno sea osado 
de la quitar de aqui, so pena de muerte natural." — ^Zarate, MS. 

i* ** Y las sepolturas vna sola auiendo de ser tres : que aun la tierra 
parece que les &lt(5 para auer los de cubrir." — Garcilasso, Com. Real., 
parte ii. lib. v. cap. zliii. For the tragic particulars of the preceding pages, 
see Ibid., cap. xxxiz-xliii. ; — Reladon del Lie. Gasca, MS. ; — Carta de 
Yaldivia, MS. ; — MS. de Caravantes ; — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., 
MS. ; — Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. clxxxvi. ; — ^Fernandez, Hist del 
Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. zci. ; — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. viii.; 
— Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. iv. cap. zvi. 

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Gonzalo Fizarro had reached only his forty-second year 
at the time of his death — ^being just half the space allotted 
to his follower Carbajal. He was the youngest of the re- 
markable family to whom Spain was indebted for the acqui- 
sition of Peru, He came over to the country with his 
brother Francisco, on the return of the latter from his visit 
to Castile. Gonzalo was present in all the remarkable pas- 
sages of the Conquest. He witnessed the seizure of Ata- 
huallpa, took an active part in suppressing the insurrection 
of the Incas, and especially in the reduction of Charcas. 
He afterwards led the disastrous expedition to the Amazon ; 
and, finally, headed the memorable rebellion which ended 
so fatally to himself. There are but few men whose lives 
abound in such wild and romantic adventure, and, for the 
most part, crowned with success. .The space which he 
occupies in the page of history is altogether disproportioned 
to his talents. It may be in some measure ascribed to 
fortune, but still more to those showy qualities which form 
a sort of substitute for mental talent, and which secured 
his popularity with the vulgar. 

He had a brilliant exterior ; excelled in all martial exer« 
cises ; rode well, fenced well, managed his lance to perfec« 
tion, was a first-rate marksman with the arquebuse, and 
added the accomplishment of being an excellent draughts- 
man. He was bold and chivalrous, even to temerity; 
courted adventure, and was always in the front of 
danger. He was a knight-errant, in short, in the most 
extravagant sense of the term, and, '* mounted on his 
favourite charger," says one who had often seen him. 

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*' made no more account of a squadron of Indians than d a 
swarm of flies.*'* 

While thus, bj his brilliant exploits and showj manners, 
he captivated the imaginations of his countrymen, he won 
their hearts no less by his soldier-Uke frankness, his trust 
in their fidelity — ^too often abused — and lus liberal largesses ; 
fat Pizarro, though aTaricbus of the property of others, 
was, like the Roman conspirator, prodigal of his own. This 
was his portrait in happier days, when his heart had not 
been corrupted by success ; for that some change was 
wrought on htm by his prosperity is well attested. His 
head was made giddy by his elcTation ; and it is proof of 
a want of talent equal to his success, that he knew not 
how to profit by it. Obeying the dictates of his own rash 
judgment, he rejected the warnings of his wisest coun- 
sellors, and relied with blind confidence on his destiny. 
Garoilasso imputes this to the malignant influence of the 
stars.f But the superstitious chronicler might have better 
explained it by a common principle of human nature ; by 
the presumption nourished by success ; the insanity, as the 
Roman, or rather Grecian, proverb calls it, with which the 
gods afiEUct men when they design to ruin them. I 

* ^ Quando Gonfalo Pizarro, que aya gloria, se veya en su zaynillo, no 
haxia mas caso de esquadrones de Yndioa, que si faeran de moBcaa** — 
Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. y« capt zliii. 

•f* ** Dezian que no era falta de entendimiento, pues lo tenia bastante, 
sine que deuia de ser sobra de indaenda de signos y planetas, que le cegauan 
7 forcauan & que pusiesee la gaiganta al cuchillo.'* — Garcilasso, Com. Real., 
parte ii. lib. v. cap. xzxiii. 

X "Orcuf 8^ Aalficoy iwdpl iropaivrji Koxh^ 
Thv vow ^Aa^6 xp&T6V. 

Eurip, FragmeiUa, 

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Gonzalo was without edocation, except 8ucb as he had 
picked up in the rough school of war. He had little eren 
of that wisdom which springs from natural shrewdness and 
insight into character. In all this he was inferior to his 
elder brothers, although he fully equaUed them in ambition. 
Had he possessed a tithe of their sagacity, be would not 
bare madly persisted in rebellion, after the coming of the 
president. Before this period, be represented the people. 
Their interests and bis were united. He bad their support, 
for be was contending for the redress of their wrongs. 
When these were redressed by the goremment, tb^e was 
nothing to contend for. From that time he was battling 
only for himself. The people bad no part nor interest in 
tbe contest. Without a common sympathy to bind them 
together, was it strauge that they should fall off from him, 
like leaves in winter, and leave him exposed, a bare and 
sapless trunk, to the fury of tbe tempest ? 

Cepeda, more criminal than Flzarro, since be bad both 
superior education and intelligence, which he employed only 
to mislead bis commander, did not long survive him. He 
bad come to the oonntry in an office of high responsibility. 
His first step was to betray tbe viceroy wbc»n be was sent 
to support ; bis next was to betray tbe Audience with whom 
be should have acted ; and lastly, be betrayed tbe leader 
whom be most affected to serve. His whole career was 
treachery to bis own government. Hia life was one long 

After bis surrender, several of the cavaliers, disgusted at 
bis cold-blooded apostasy, would have persuaded Gasca to 

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send him to execution along with his commander ; bat the 
president refused, in consideration of the signal senrice he 
had rendered the Crown by his defection. He was put 
under arrest, however, and sent to Castile. There he was 
arraigned for high treason. He made a plausible defence, 
and as he had friends at Court, it is not improbable he 
would have been acquitted ; but, before the trial was termi- 
nated, he died in prison. It was the retributive justice not 
always to be found in the affairs of this world.* 

Indeed, it so happened, that several of those who had 
been most forward to abandon the cause of Pizarro survived 
their commander but a short time. The gallant Centeno, 
and the Licentiate Carbajal, who deserted him near Lima, 
and bore the royal standard on the field of Xaquizaguana, 
both died within a year after Pizarro'. Hinojosa was assas- 
sinated but two years later in La Plata ; and his old 
comrade, Yaldivia, after a series of brilliant exploits in 
Chili, which furnished her most glorious theme to the Epic 
Muse of Castile, was cut off by the invincible warriors of 
Arauco. The Manes of Pizarro were amply avenged. 

Acosta, and three or four other cavaliers who surrendered 
with Gonzalo, were sent to execution on the same day with 
their chief ; and Gasca, on the morning following the dismal 
tragedy, broke up his quarters and marched with his whole 

* The canning lawyer prepared so plausible an argument in his own 
justification, that Yllesoas, the celebrated historian of the Popes, declares 
that no one who read the paper attentively, but must rise from the perusal 
of it with an entire conviction of the writer s innocence, and of his unshaken 
loyalty to the Crown. See the passage quoted by Garcilasso, Com. Beal.i 
jNurte ii. lib. vi« cap. x. 

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army io Cuzco» where he was receired by tke politic people 
with the same enthusiasm which they had so recently shown 
to his rival. He found there a number of the rebel army 
who had taken refuge in the city after their late defeat, 
where they were immediately placed under arrest. Pro- 
ceedings, by Gasca's command, were instituted against 
them. The principal cavaliers, to the number of ten or 
twelve, were executed ; others were banished or sent to the 
galleys. The same rigorous decrees were passed against 
such as had fled and were not yet taken ; and the estates of 
all were confiscated. The estates of the rebels supplied a 
fund for the recompense of the loyal.* The execution of 
justice may seem to have been severe ; but Gasca was 
willing that the rod should fall heavily on those who had so 
often rejected his proffers of grace. Lenity was wasted on 
a rude licentious soldiery, who hardly recognised the existence 
of government, unless they felt its rigour, 

A new duty now devolved on the president — ^that of re- 
warding his faithful followers — not less difficult, as it proved, 
than that of punishing the guilty. The applicants were 
numerous ; since every one who had raised a finger in behalf 
of the government, claimed his reward. They urged their 
demands with a clamorous importunity which perplexed 
the good president, and consumed every moment of his 

Pisgusted with this unprofitable state of things, Gasca 

• Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hiit. del Peru, 
parte i. lib. ii. cap. xci. — Carta de Valdivia, MS* — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, 
lib. Tii. cap. viii. — ^Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS. 

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resolved to rid himself of the annoyance at once, by retiring 
to the yallej of Guaynarima, about twelve leagues distant 
from the city, and there digesting, in quiet, a scheme of 
compensation, adjusted to the merits of the parties. He 
was accompanied only by his secretary, and by Loaysa, now 
Archbishop of Lima, a man of sense, and well acquainted 
with the affairs of the country. In this sedusion the presi- 
dent remained three months, making a careful examination 
into the conflicting claims, and apportiomng the forfeitures 
among the parties according to their respective services. 
The rqHtrtimientoSf it should be remarked, were usually 
granted only for life, and, on the death of the incumbent, 
reverted to the Crown, to be re-assigned or retained at its 

When his arduous task was completed, Gasca determined 
to withdraw to Lima, leaving the instrument of partition 
with the archbishop^ to be communicated to the army. Not« 
withstanding all the care that had been taken for an 
equitable adjustment, Gasca was aware that it was impos- 
sible to satisfy the demands of a jealous and irritable sol- 
dieiy, where each man would be likely to exaggerate his 
own deserts, while he underrated those of his comrades ; 
and he did not care to expose himself to importunities and 
complaints that could serve no other purpose than to wanoy 

On his departure the troops were caDed together by the 
archbishop in the cathedral, to learn the contents of the 
schedule intrusted to him. A discourse was first preached 
by a worthy Dominican, the prior of Arequipa, in which the 

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rererend father expatiated on the rirtue of contentment, the 
duty of obedience, and the folly, as well as wickedness, of 
an attempt to resist the constituted authorities — ^topics, in 
short, which he conceiyed might best conciliate the good-will 
and conformity of his audience. 

A letter from the president was then read from the pulpit. 
It was addressed to the officers and soldiers of the army. 
The writer began with briefly exposing the difficulties of his 
task, owing to the limited amount of the gratuities, and the 
great number and services of the claimants. He had given 
the matter the most careful consideration, he said, and 
endeavoured to assign to each hb share, according to his 
deserts, without prejudice or partiality. He had, no doubt, 
fallen into errors, but he trusted his followers would excuse 
them, when they reflected that he had done according to 
the best of his poor abilities ; and all, he believed, would do 
him the justice to acknowledge he had not been influenced 
by motives of personal interest. He bore emphatic testi- 
mony to the services they had rendered to the good cause^ 
and concluded with the most afiPectionate wishes for their 
future prosperity and happiness. The letter was dated at 
Guaynarima, August 17, 1548, and bore the simple signature 
of the Licentiate Gasca.* 

The archbishop next read the paper containing the presi- 
dent's awards The annual rent of the estates to be distri- 
buted amounted to a hundred and thirty thousand pesos 

* MS. de Caravantes. — Pedro Pizarro, Descab. 7 Conq., MS. — Zarate, 
Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. iz. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. 
cap. zcii. 

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ensayados;* a large amount, considering the worth of money 
in that day — ^in any other country than Peru, where money 
was a drug.t 

The repartimientos thus distributed yaried in value from 
one hundred to thirty-fire hundred pesos of yearly rent ; all, 
apparently, graduated with the nicest precision to the merits 
of the parties. The number of pensioners was about two 
hundred and fifty ; for the fund would not have sufficed for 

* The peso ensayado, according to Garcilasso, wm one-fifth more in 
talae than the Castilian ducat — Com. Real., parte ii. lib. vi. cap. iii. 

f ** Entre los cavalleros capitanes j soldados que le ayudaron en esta 
ocasion repartid el Presidente Pedro de la Gasca 1 35,000 pesos ensayados 
de renta que estahan vacos, y no un millon j tantos mil pesos, como dize 
Diego Fernandez, que escrivid en Palencia estas alteradones, j de quien lo 
tom6 Antonio de Herrera : 7 porque esta ocasion fue la segunda en que 
los benemeritoB del Pirli fundan con razon los servicios de sus pasados, 
porque mediante esta batalla aseguro la corona de Castilla las provincias 
mas ricas que tiene en America, pondr^ sus nombres para que se conserbe 
con certeza su memoria como pareze en el auto original que proye3r6 en el 
asiento de Guainarima cerca de la dudad del Cuzco en diez 7 siete de 
Agosto de 1548, que esti en los archives del goviemo." — MS. deCaravantes. 
The sum mentioned in the text, as thus divided among the arm7, falls very 
far short of the amount stated hj (xarcilasso, Fernandez, Zarate, and, 
indeed, eYer7 other writer on the subject, none of whom estimate it at 
less than a million of pesos. But Caravantes, from whom I have taken it, 
copies the ori^nal act of partition preserved in the royal archives. Yet 
Garcilasso de la Vega ought to have been well informed of the value of 
these estates, which, according to him, far exceeded the estimate given ia 
the schedule. Thus, for instance, Hinojosa, he sa7s, obtained from the 
share of lands and rich mines assigned to him from the property of Gonzalo 
Pizarro no less than 2PO,000 pesos annuall7, while Aldana, the Licentiate 
Carbajal, and others, had estates which 7ielded them from 10,000 to 50,000 
pesos, (Ibid., ubi supra.) It is impossible to reconcile these monstrous 
discrepancies. No sum seems to have been too large for the credulit7 of 
the ancient chronicler : and the imagination of the reader is so comj^etely 
bewildered b7 the actual riches of this El Dorado, that it is difficult to 
adjust his faith b7 an7 standard of probability. 

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general distribution, nor were the services of the greater 
part deemed worthy of such a mark of consideration.* 

The effect produced bj the document, on men whose 
minds were filled with the most indefinite expectations, was 
just such as had been anticipated bj the president. It was 
received with a general murmur of disapprobation. Even 
those who had got more than thej expected, were discon- 
tented, on comparing their condition with that of their 
comrades, whom they thought still better remunerated in 
proportion to their deserts. Thej especially inveighed 
against the preference shown to the old partisans of Gonzalo 
Pizarro— as Hinojosa, Centeno, and Aldana — over those 
who had always remained loyal to the Crown. There was 
some ground for such a preference ; for none had rendered 
so essential services in crushing the rebellion ; and it was 
these services that Gasca proposed to recompense. To 
reward every man who had proved himself loyal, simply for his 
loyalty, would have frittered away the donative into fractions 
that would be of little value to any.t 

It was in vain, however, that the archbishop, seconded by 
some of the principal cavaliers, endeavoured to Infuse a more 
contented spirit into tke multitude. They insisted that the 
award should be rescinded, and a new one made on more 

* Ganvantefl baa traxiBcribed from the origina] act a fUll catalogue of 
the pensionen, with the amount of the sums set against each of their 

+ The president found an ingenious way of remunerating several of his 
foUowers, by bestowing on them the hands of the rich widows of the 
caTaliers who had perished in the war. The inclinations of the ladies do 
not seem to have been always consulted in this politic arrangement See 
Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. vi. cap. iii. 

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equitable principles ; threatening, moreover, that, if this 
were not done by the president, thej would take the redress 
of the matter into their own hands. Their discontent, fo- 
mented bj some mischievous persons who thought to find 
their account in it, at length proceeded so far as to menace 
a mutiny ; and it was not suppressed till the commander of 
Cuzco sentenced one of the ringleaders to death, and several 
others to banishment. The iron soldiery of the Conquest 
required an iron hand to rule them. 

Meanwhile, the president had continued his journey 
towards Lima ; and on the way was everywhere received 
by the people with an enthusiasm, the more grateful to his 
heart that he felt he had deserved it. As he drew near 
the capital, the loyal inhabitants prepared to give him a 
magnificent reception. The whole population came forth 
from the gates, led by the authorities of the city, with 
Aldana as corregidor at their head. Gasca rode on a mule, 
dressed in his ecclesiastical robes. On his right, borne 
on a horse richly caparisoned, was the royal seal, in a box 
curiously chased and ornamented. A gorgeous canopy of 
brocade was supported above his head by the officers of the 
municipality, who, in their robes of crimson velvet, walked 
bareheaded by his side. Gay troops of dancers, clothed in 
fantastic dresses of gaudy-coloured silk, followed the pro- 
cession, strewing flowers and chanting verses as they went, 
in honour of the president. They were designed as emble- 
matical of the different cities of the colony ; and they bore 
legends or mottoes in rhyme on their caps, intimating their 
loyal devotion to the Crown, and evincing much more 

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loyalty in their compoBition, it may be added, than poetical 
merit.* In this way, without beat of drum, or noise of 
artillery, or any of the rude accompaniments of war, the 
good president made his peaceful entry into the City of the 
Kings, while the air was rent with the acclamations of the 
people, who hailed him as their << Father and Deliverer, the 
Sayiour of their country ! " f 

But, howeyer grateful was this homage to Gasca's hearty 
he was not a man to waste his time in idle vanities. He 
now thought only by what means he could eradicate the 
seeds of disorder which shot up so readily in this fruitful 
soil, and how he could place the authority of the govern- 
ment on a permanent basis. By virtue of his office, he 
presided over the Royal Audience, the great judicial, and, 
indeed, executive tribunal of the colony ; and he gave great 
despatch to the business, which had much accumulated 
during the late disturbances. In the unsettled state of 
property, there was abundant subject for litigation ; but, 
fortunately, the new Audience was composed of able, 
upright judges, who laboured diligently with their chief 
to correct the mischief caused by the misrule of their 

* Fernandez has collected these flowers of colonial poesy, which prove 
that the old Conquerors were much more expert with the sword than with 
the pen. — Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. zciii. 

f ** Fue redhimiento mui solemne, con universal alegria del pueblo, por 
verse libere de tiranos ; i toda la gente, & voces, bendecia al Presidente, i 
le llamaban Padre, Restaurador, i Pacifieador, dando gracias & Dies, por 
haver vengado las injurias heehas i su Divina Majestad.*' — Herrera, Hist. 
General, dec viii. lib. iv. cap. xviL 


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Neither was Gasca unmindful of the nnfortonate natives ; 
and he occupied himself earnestly with that difficult pro« 
blem, — the best means practicable of ameliorating their 
condition. He sent a number of ccMumissioners, as yisitors, 
into difiPerent parts of the country, whose business it was to 
inspect the encomiendas, and. ascertain the manner in which 
the Indians were treated, by conversing not only with the 
proprietors, but with the natives themselves. They were 
also to learn the nature and extent of the tributes paid in 
former times by the vassals of the Incas.* 

In this way, a large amount of valuable information was 
obtained, which enabled Gasca, with the aid of a council of 
ecclesiastics and jurists, to digest a uniform system of 
taxation for the natives, lighter even than that imposed on 
them by the Peruvian princes. The president would gladly 
have relieved the conquered races from the obligations of 
personal service ; but, on mature consideration, this was 
judged impracticable in the present state of the country, 
since the Colonists, more especially in the tropical regions, 
looked to the natives for the performance of labour, and the 
latter, it was found from experience, would not work at all, 
unless compelled to do so. The president, however, limited 

* *' El Presidente Gasca mando visitar todas las provindas j reporti- 
mientos deste reyno, nombrando para ello personas de autoridad, j de quien 
se tenia entendido que teniaa conoscimiento de la tierra que ae les encar- 
gavan, que ha de ser la principal calidad, que se ha buscar en la persona, & 
quien ra compete semejante negocio despues que seaCristiana: lo segundo 
se les dio instruccion de lo que hauian de averiguar, que fiieron muchas 
cosas : el numero, las hadendas, los tratos y grangerias, la calidad de la gente 
J de BUS tierras 7 comarca, 7 lo que davan de tribute." — Oadegardo, BeL 
Prim., MS. 

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the amount of service to be exacted with great precision, so 
that it was in the nature of a moderate personal tax. No 
Peruvian was to be required to change his pkce of resi* 
dence, from the climate to which he had been accustomed, 
to another ; a fruitful source of discomfort, as well as of 
disease, in past times. By these various regulations, the 
condition of the natives, though not such as had been con- 
templated bj the sanguine philanthropy of Las Casas, was 
improved far more than was compatible with the craving 
demands of the colonists ; and all the firmness of the 
Audience was required to enforce provisions so unpalatable 
to the latter. Still they were enforced. Slavery, in its 
most odious sense, was no longer tolerated in Peru. The 
term ** slave " was not recognised as having relation to her 
institutions ; and the historian of the Indies makes the 
proud boast, — ^it should have been qualified by the limita- 
tions I have noticed, — that every Indian vassal might 
aspire to the rank of a freeman.* 

Besides these reforms, Gasca introduced several in the 
municipal government of the cities, and others yet more 
important in the management of the finances, and in the 
mode of keeping the accounts. By these and other changes 
in the internal economy of the colony, he placed the admi* 
nistration on a new basis, and greatly facilitated the way 
for a more sure and orderly government by his successors. 

* ^ El Presidente i el audiencia dieron tales ordenes, que este negocio 
86 asentd, de manera que para adelaote no se platicd mas este jiombre de 
esclavos, sioo que la libertad ue general por todo el reino." — Herrera, Hist. 
Genera], dec. viii. lib. ▼. cap. vii. 


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As a final step, to secure the repose of the country after he 
was gone, he detached some of the more aspiring cavaliers 
on distant expeditions, trusting that they would draw off 
the light and restless spbits, who might otherwise gather 
together and disturh the puhlic tranquillity ; as we some- 
times see the mists which have heen scattered hy the genial 
influence of the sun, hecome condensed, and settled into a 
storm, on his departure.* 

Gasca had heen now more than fifteen months in Lima, 
and nearly three years had elapsed since his first entrance 
into Peru. In that time, he had accomplished the great 
ohjects of his mission. When he landed, he found the 
colony in a state of anarchy, or rather organised rehellion, 
under a powerful and popular chief. He came without 
funds or forces to support him. The former he procured 
through the credit which he estahlished in his good faith ; 
the latter he won over hy argument and persuasion from the 
very persons to whom they had heen confided hy his rival. 
Thus he turned the arms of that rival against himself. Bj 
a calm appeal to reason he wrought a change in the hearts 
of the people ; and without costing a drop of hlood to a 
single loyal suhject, he suppressed a rehellion which had 
menaced Spain with the loss of the wealthiest of her pro- 
vinces. He had punished the guilty, and in their spoils 
found the means to recompense the faithful. He had, 
moreover, so well hushanded the resources of the country, 

* MS. de Caravantes. — Gomara, Hist de las Indias, cap. clxxxvii.— 
Fernandez, Hist, del Peni, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xciii. zcv. — Zarate, Conq. 
del Peru, lib. vii. cap. z. 

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that he was enabled to paj off the large loan he had nego- 
tiated with the merchants of the colony, for the expenses of 
the war, exceeding nine hundred thousand pesos de oro.* 
Naj, more, by his economy he had saved a million and a 
half of ducats for the goremment, which for some years 
had received nothing from Peru ; and he now proposed to 
carry back this acceptable treasure to swell the royal 
coffers.t All this had been accomplished without the cost 
of outfit or salary, or any charge to the Crown except that 
of his own frugal expenditure. J The country was now in 
a state of tranquillity. Gasca felt that his work was done ; 
and that he was free to gratify his natural longing to return 
to his native land. 

Before his departure, he arranged a distribution of those 
repartimientos which had lapsed to the Crown during the 
past year by the death of the incumbents. Life was 
short in Peru ; since those who lived by the sword, if 
they did not die by the sword, too often fell early victims 
to the hardships incident to their adventurous career. 

* ^ Recogi<5 tanta suma de dinero, que pag6 novecientos mil pesos de 
orO) que se halld haver gastado, desde el dia que entrd en Paiiam&, hasta 
que se acabd la guerra, los quales tomd prestados." — Herrera, Hist. General, 
dec viii. lib. v. cap. Tii.— Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. z. 

*)* ** Aviendo pagado el Presideute las costas de la guerra, que fueron 
muchas, remitid &S.'M.,y lo llevd consigo 264,422 marcos de plata, que 
& seis ducados valieron 1,588,332 ducados.*^ — MS. de Caravantes. 

X ** No tubo ni quiso salario el Presidente Gasca sino cedula para que 
£ un mavordomo suyo diosen loS oflciales reales lo necesario de la real 
hacienda, que como pareze de los quademos de su gasto fud muy moderado/* 
(MS. de Caravantes.) Gasca, it appears, was most exact in keeping the 
accounts of his disbursements for the expenses of himself and household, 
from the time he embarked for the colonies. 

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Many were the applicauts for the new hounty of govern- 
ment ; and, as among them were some of those who had 
been discontented with the former partition, Gasca was 
assailed by remonstrances, and sometimes by reproaches 
couched in no very decorous or respectful language. But 
they had no power to disturb his equanimity ; he patiently 
listened, and replied to all in the mild tone of expostulation 
best calculated to turn away wrath ; " by this victory over 
himself,** says an old writer, " acquiring more real glory, 
than by all his victories over his enemies." * 

An incident occurred on the eve of his departure, touch- 
ing in itself, and honourable to the parties concerned. The 
Jndian caciques of the neighbouring country, mindful of the 
great benefits he had rendered their people, presented him 
with a considerable quantity of plate in token of their 
gratitude. But Gasca refused to receive it, though in doing 
so he gave much concern to the Peruvians, who feared they 
had unwittingly fallen imder his displeasure. 

Many of the principal colonists, also, from the same wish 
to show their sense of his important services, sent to him, 
after he had embarked, a magnificent donative of fifty 
thousand gold castellanos. *' As he had taken leave of 
Peru," they said, " there could be no longer any ground for 
declining it." But Gasca was as decided in his rejection of 
this present, as he had been of the other. ** He had come 
to the country," he remarked, " to serve the king, and to 

* " En lo qual hizo mas que en veneer 7 ganar todo aquel ymperio : 
porqae fue vencerse assi proprio." — Garcilaaso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. vi. 
cap. vii. 

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secure the blessings of peace to the inhabitants ; and now 
that, by the favour of Heaven, he had been permitted to 
accomplish this, he would not dishonour the cause by any 
act that might throw suspicion on the purity of his motives.** 
Notwithstanding his refusal, the colonists contrived to secrete 
the sum of twenty thousand castellanos on board of his 
vessel, with the idea, that, once in his own country, with 
his mission concluded, the president's scruples would be 
removed. Gasca did, indeed, accept the donative ; for he 
felt that it would be imgracious to send it back ; but it was 
only till he could ascertain the relatives of the donors, when 
he distributed it among the most needy.* 

Having now settled all his affairs, the president com- 
mitted the government, until the arrival of a viceroy, to his 
faithful partners of the Royal Audience ; and in January, 
1550, he embarked with the royal treasure on board of a 
squadron for Panam£. He was accompanied to the shore 
by a numerou9 crowd of the inhabitants, cavaliers, and 
common people, persons of all ages and conditions, who 
followed to take their last look of their beoefactor, and 
watch with straining eyes the vessel that bore him away 
from their land. 

His voyage was prosperous, and early in March the pre- 
sident reached his destined port. He stayed there only till 
he could muster horses and mules sufficient to carry the 
treasure across the mountains ; for he knew that this part 
of the country abounded in wild, predatory spirits, who 
would be sorely tempted to some act of violence by a 
* Fernandez, Hiet. del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. zcv. 

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knowledge of the wealth which he had with him. Poshing 
forward, therefore, he crossed the x^ged isthmus, and, 
after a painful march, arriyed in safety at Nombre de Dies. 

The event justified his apprehensions. He had been 
gone but three days, when a ruffian horde, after murdering 
the bishop of Guatemala, broke into Panama with the 
design of inflicting the same fate on the president, and of 
seizing the booty. No sooner were the tidings communi- 
cated to Gasca, than, with his usual energy, he leyied a 
force, and prepared to march to the relief of the invaded 
capital. But Fortune — or, to speak more correctly. Provi- 
dence — favoured him here, as usual ; and, on the eve of his 
departure, he learned that the marauders had been met by 
the citizens, and discomfited with great slaughter. Dis- 
banding his forces, therefore, he eqtdpped a fleet of nineteen 
vessels to transport himself and the royal treasure to Spain, 
where he arrived in safety, entering the harbour of Seville 
after a little more than four years from the period when he 
had sailed from the same port.* 

Great was the sensation throughout the country caused 
by his arrival. Men could hardly believe that results so 
momentous had been accomplished in so short a time by a 
single individual, — a poor ecclesiastic, who, unidded by 
government, had, by his own strength, as it were, put 
down a rebellion which had so long set the arms of Spain at 
defiance ! 

* MS. de Caravantes.— Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. dxzziii. — 
Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte ii. lib. i. cap. z. — Zarate, Conq. del 
Peni, lib. Tii. cap. xiii. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. xvii. 

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The emperor was absent in Flanders. He was overjoyed 
^n learning the complete success of Gasca's mission ; and 
&ot less satisfied with the tidings of the treasure he had 
brought with him ; for the exchequer, rarely filled to over- 
flowing, had been exhausted by the recent troubles in 
Germany. Charles instantly wrote to the president, requir- 
ing his presence at Court, that he might learn from his own 
lips the particulars of his expedition. Gasoa, accordingly, 
attended by a numerous retinue of nobles and cavaliers,— 
for who does not pay homage to him whom the king 
delighteth to honour ?— embarked at Barcelona, and, after a 
favourable voyage, joined the Court in Flanders. 

He was received by his royal master, who fully appreci- 
ated his services, in a manner most grateful to his feelings ; 
and not long afterward he was raised to the bishopric of 
Palencia, — a mode of acknowledgment best suited to his 
character and deserts. Here he remained till 1561, when 
he was promoted to the vacant see of Siguenza. The rest 
of his days he passed peacefully in the discharge of his 
episcopal functions ; honoured by his sovereign, and enjoying 
the admiration and respect of his countrymen * 

In his returement he was still consulted by the govern- 
ment in matters of importance relating to the In£es. The 
disturbances of that unhappy land were renewed, though on 
a much smaller scale than before, soon after the president's 
departure. They were chiefly caused by discontent with 

♦ Ibid., ubi supra.— MS. de Caravanteg.— Gomare, Hist, de las Indias, 
cap. clxxxii. — Fomande», Hist, del Peru, parte ii. lib. i. cap. x.— Zarate, 
Conq. del Peru, lib. yii. cap. xiii. 

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the repartimientos, and with the constancy of the Audience 
in enforcing the henevolent restrictions as to the personal 
serrices of the natives. But these troubles subsided, after 
a very few years, under the wise rule of the Mendozas — 
two successive viceroys of that illustrious house which has 
given so many of its sons to the service of Spain. Under 
their rule, the mild yet determined policy was pursued, of 
which Gasca had set the example. The ancient distrac- 
tions of the country were permanently healed. With 
peace, prosperity returned within the borders of Peru ; and 
the consciousness of the beneficent results of his labours 
may have shed a ray of satisfaction, as it did of glory, over 
the evening of the president's life. 

That life was brought to a close in November, 1567, at 
an age, probably, not far from the one fixed by the sacred 
writer as the term of human existence.* He died at Yalla- 
dolid, and was buried in the church of Santa Maria Mag- 
dalena, in that city, which he had built and liberally 
endowed. His monument, surmounted by the sculptured 
effigy of a priest in his sacerdotal robes, is still to be seen 
there, attracting the admiration of the traveller by the 
beauty of its execution. The banners taken from Gonzalo 
Pizarro on the field of Xaquixaguana were suspended over 

* I have met with no account of the year in which Gaaca was horn ; 
hut an inscription on his portrait in the sacristy of St. Mary Magdalene at 
Valladolid, from which the engraving prefixed to this yolume is taken, 
states that he died in 1567, at the age of seventy-one. This is perfectly 
consistent with the time of life at which he had prohably arrived when we 
find him a collegiate at Salamanca, in the year 1 522. 

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bis tomb, as tbe trophieB of bis memorable mission to Peru.* 
Tbe banners bave long since mouldered into dust, witb the 
remains of bim wbo slept beneatb tbem ; but tbe memory 
of bis good deeds will endure for ever.t 

Gasca was plain in person, and bis countenance was far 
from comely. He was awkward and ill-proportioned, for 
his limbs were too long for bis body, — so tbat wben be rode 
bo appeared to be mucb sborter tban be really was.^ His 
dress was bumble, bis manners simple, and tbere was 
notbing imposing in bis presence. But, on a nearer inter- 
course, tbere was a cbarm in bis discourse tbat effaced every 
nnfayourable impression produced by bis exterior, and won 
tbe hearts of bis bearers. 

Tbe president's character may be thought to have been 

* *< Murid en Yalladolid, donde mandd enterrar su cuerpo en la iglesia 
de la advocacion de la Magdalena, qae hizo edificar en aquella ciudad, 
donde se puueron las vanderas que gan6 i. Gonzalo Pizarro."— MS. de 
Caravan tes. 

f The memory of his achievements has not heen left entirely to the care 
of the historian. It is hut a few years since the character and administration 
of Gasca formed the suhject of an elahorate panegyric from one of the most 
distinguished statesmen in the British parliament. (See Lord Brougham*s 
speech on the maltreatment of the North American colonies, Fehniary, 
M38.) The enlightened Spaniard of our day, who contemplates with 
sorrorlr the excesses committed by his countrymen of the sixteenth century 
in the New World, may feel an honest pride, that in this company of dark 
spirits should be found one to whom the present generation may turn as to 
the brightest model of integrity and wisdom. 

X ** Era muy pequefio de cuerpo con estrana hechura, que de la cintura 
ahaxo tenia tanto cuerpo como qualquiera hombre alto, y de la cintura al 
hombro no tenia vna tercia. Andando H cauallo paresda & vn mas 
pequeno de lo que era, porque todo era piemas : de rostro era muy feo : 
pero lo que la naturaleza le nego de las dotes del cuerpo, se los dobld en 
lot del animo.** — Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. ii. 

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sufficiently portrayed in the history abeady given of his life. 
It presented a combination of qnalities, which generally 
serve to neutralise each oiher, but which were mixed in 
such proportions in him as to give it additional strength. 
He was gentle yet resolute ; by nature intrepid, yet pre- 
ferring to rely on the softer arts of policy. He was frugal 
in his personal expenditure, and economical in the public ; 
yet caring nothing for riches on his own account, and never 
stinting his bounty when the public good required it. He 
was benevolent and placable, yet could deal sternly with the 
impenitent offender ; lowly in his deportment, yet with a 
full measure of [that self-respect which springs from con- 
scious rectitude of purpose ; modest and unpretending, yet 
not shrinking from the most difficult enterprises ; deferring 
greatly to others, yet, in the last resort, relying mainly on 
himself; moving with deliberation, — patiently wuting his 
time ; but, when that came, bold, prompt, and decisive. 

Gasca wa^ not a man of genius, in the vulgar sense of 
that term. At least, no one of his intellectual powers seems 
to have received an extraordinary development, beyond 
what is found in others. He was not a great writer, nor a 
great orator, npr a great general. He did not affect to be 
either. He committed the care of his military matters to 
military men ; of eccleuastical, to the clergy ; and his 
civil and judicial concerns he reposed on the members of the 
Audience. He was not one of those little great men who 
aspire to do every thing themselves, under the conviction 
that nothing can be done so well by others. But the pre- 
sident was a keen judge of character. Whatever might be 

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the office, he selected the best man for it. He did more. 
He assured himself of the fidelity of his agents ; pre- 
sided at their deliberations ; dictated a general line of 
policy, and thus infused a spirit of unity into their plans, 
which made all moye in concert to the accomplishment of 
one grand result. 

A distinguishing feature of his mind was his common 
sense, — the best substitute for genius in a ruler who has the 
destinies of his fellow-men at his disposal, and more 
indispensable than genius itself* In Gasca, the different 
qualities were blended in such harmony, that there was no 
room for excess. They seemed to regulate each other. 
While his sympathy with mankind taught him the 
nature of their wants, his reason suggested to what 
extent these were capable of relief, as well as the best 
mode of effecting it. He did not waste his strength on 
illusory schemes of beneyolence, like Las Casas, on the one 
hand : nor did he countenance the selfish policy of the colo- 
nists, on the other. He aimed at the practicable, — the 
greatest good practicable. 

In accomplishing his objects, he disclaimed force equally 
with fraud. . He trusted for success to his power over the 
convictions of his hearers ; and the source of this power was 
the confidence he inspired in his own integrity. Amidst all 
the calumnies of faction, no imputation was ever cast on the 
integrity of Gasca.* No wonder that a virtue so rare should 
be of high price in Peru. 

* *' Fue tan recatado j estremando en esta virtud, que puesto que de 
rouchoB quedd mal quisto, quando del Peril se partio para Espana, por el 

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There are some men whose characters have b^en so won- 
derfully adapted to the peculiar crisis in which they 
appeared, that they seem to hare been specially designed for 
it by Providence. Such was Washington in the United 
States, and Gasca in Peru. We can conceive of individuals 
with higher qualities, at least with higher intellectual 
qualities, than belonged to either of these great men. But 
it was the wonderful conformity of their characters to the 
exigencies of their situation, the perfect adaptation of the 
means to the end, that constituted the secret of their suc- 
cess ; that enabled Gasca so gloriously to crush revolution, 
and Washington still more gloriously to achieve it. 

Gasca 's conduct on his first coming to the colonies affords 
the best illustration of his character. Had he come backed 
by a military array, or even clothed in the paraphernalia of 
authority, every heart and hand would have been closed 
against him. But the humble ecclesiastic excited no appre- 
hension ; and his enemies were already disarmed, before he 
had begun his approaches. Had Gasca, impatient of Hino- 
josa's tardiness, listened to the suggestions of those who 
advised his seizure, he would have brought his cause into 
jeopardy by this early display of violence. But he wisely 
chose to win over his enemy by operating on his conviction. 
In like manner, he waited his time for making his entry 
into Peru. He suffered his communications to do their work 
in the minds of the people, and was careful not to thrust in 

repartimiento que hizo : con todo esBO, jamas nadie dLzo del, ni sospechd 
que en esto ni otra cosa se vuieese mouido por codicia.*' — Fernandez, Hist. 
del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xcr. 

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the sickle before the harvest was ripe. In this way, 
wherever he went, everything was prepared for his coming : 
and when he set foot in Peru, the country was ahready 
his own. 

After the dark and turbulent spirits with which we have 
been hitherto occupied, it is refreshing to dwell on a cha- 
racter like that of Gasca. In the long procession which has 
passed in review before us, we have seen only the mail-clad 
cavalier, brandishing his bloody lance, and mounted on his 
war-horse, riding over the helpless natives, or battling with 
his own friends and brothers ; fierce, arrogant, and cruel, 
urged on by the lust of gold, or the scarce more honourable 
love of a bastard glory. Mingled with these qualities, 
indeed, we have seen sparkles of the chivalrous and romantic 
temper which belongs to the heroic age of Spain. But, 
with some honourable exceptions, it was the scum of her 
chivalry that resorted to Peru, and took service under the 
banner of the Pizarros. At the close of this long array of 
iron warriors, we behold the poor and humble missionary 
coming into the land on an errand of mercy, and everywhere 
proclaiming the glad tidings of peace. No warlike trumpet 
heralds his approach, nor is his course to be tracked by the 
groans of the wounded and the dying. The means he 
employs are in perfect harmony with his end. His weapons 
are argument and mild persuasion* It is the reason he 
would conquer, not the body. He wins his way by convic- 
tion, not by violence. It is a moral victory to which he 
aspires, more potent, and happily more permanent, than 
that of the blood-stained conqueror. As he thus calmly, 

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and imperceptibly, as it wete, comes to his great results, 
he may remind ns of the slow, insensible manner in which 
Nature works out her great changes in the material world, 
that are to endure when the ravages of the hurricane are 
passed away and forgotten. 

With the mission of Gasca terminates the history of the 
Conquest of Peru. The Conquest, indeed, strictly terminates 
with the suppression of the Peruyian revolt, when the 
strength, if not the spirit of the Inca race was crushed for 
ever. The reader, however, might feel a natural curiosity to 
follow to its close the fate of the remarkable family who 
achieved the Conquest. Nor would the story of the invasion 
itself be complete without some account of the civil wars 
which grew out of it ; which serve,' moreover, as a moral 
commentary on preceding events, by showing that the indul- 
gence of fierce, unbridled passions is sure to recoil, sooner 
or later, even in this life, on the heads of the guilty. 

It is true, indeed, that the troubles of the country were 
renewed on the departure of Gasca. The waters had been 
too fearfully agitated to be stilled, at once, into a cakn ; 
but they gradually subsided, under the temperate rule of 
his successors, who wisely profited by his policy and example. 
Thus the influence of the good president remained after he 
was withdrawn from the scene of his labours ; and Peru, 
hitherto so distracted, continued to enjoy as large a share 
of repose as any portion of the colonial empire of Spain. 
With the benevolent mission of Gasca, then, the historian of 
the Conquest may be permitted to terminate his labours, — 
with feelings not unlike those of the traveller, who having 

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S^ABATE« 257 

long journeyed among the dreary forests and dangerous 
defiles of the mountains, at length emerges on some pleasant 
landscape smiling in tranquillity and peace. 

Augustin de Zarato — a highly respectable aathority, frequently 
cited in the latter porticAi of this work — was Contador de Mercedes, 
Comptroller of Accounts, for Castile. This office he filled for fifteen 
years; after which he was sent by the government to Peru to 
examine into the state of the colonial finances, which had been 
greatly deranged by the recent troubles, and to bring them, if pos- 
sible, into order. 

Zarate went out accordingly in the train of the viceroy Blasco 
Nunez, and found himself, through the passions of his imprudent 
leader, entangled, soon after his arrival, in the inextricable meshes 
of civil discord. In the struggle which ensued, he remained with 
the Royal Audience ; and we find him in Lima, on the approach of 
Gonzalo Pizarro to that capital, when Zarate was deputed by the 
judges to wait on the insurgent chief, and require him to disband his 
troops and withdraw to his own estates. The historian executed the 
mission, for which he seems to have had little relish, and which cer- 
tainly was not without danger. From this period, we rarely hear of 
him in the troubled scenes that ensued. He probably took no further 
part in affairs than was absolutely forced on him by circumstances ; 
but the unfavourable bearing of his remarks on Gonzalo Pizarro in- 
timates, that, however he may have been discontented with the con- 
duct of the viceroy, he did not countenance, for a moment, the 
criminal ambition of his rival. The times were certainly unpro- 
pitious to the execution of the financial reforms for which Zarate 
had come to Peru. But he showed so much real devotion to the 
interests of the Crown, that tlie emperor on his return, signified Ins 
satisfaction by making him Superintendent of the Finances in 

Soon after his arrival in Peru, he seems to have conceived the 
idea of making his countrymen at home acquainted with the stirring 

VOL. III. 8 

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258 ZABATE. 

erents pMaing in the «okmyy whkh, moreover, afforded some strikiDg 
pMsagea for the study of the historian. Although he ooUeeted notes 
and diariesy as he tells us, for this purpose, he did not dare to avail 
himself of them tiU his return to Castile. *^ For to have begun the 
history in Peru," he says, ** would have alone been enough to put my 
Ufe in jeopardy ; since a certain conmiander, named Francisco de 
Garbajal, threatened to take vengeance on any one who should be so 
rash as to attempt the relation of his exploits, — ^far less deserving, as; 
they were, to be placed on record, than to be consigned to eternal 
oblivion." In this same commander, the reader will readily recog- 
nise the veteran lieutenant of Gronzalo Pizarro. 

On his return home, Zarate set about the cominlation of his work. 
His first purpose was to confine it to the events that followed the 
arrival of Blasco Nufiez ; but he soon found, that to make these 
intelligible, he must trace the stream of history higher up towards 
its sources. He accordingly enlarged his phm, and, beginning with 
the discovery of Peru, gave an entire view of the conquest and sub- 
sequent occupation of the country, bringing the narrative down to the 
dose of Gasoa's mission. — For the earlier portion of the story, he 
relied on the accounts of persons who took a leading part in the 
events. He disposes more summarily of this portion than of that in 
which he himself was both a spectator and an actor ; where his testi- 
mony, considering the advantages his position gave him for informa- 
tion, is of the highest vahie. 

Alcedo in his Biblioteca Americana^ MS., speaks of Zarate's work 
as *' containing much that is good, but as not entitled to the praise of 
exactnes&" He wrote under the influence of party heat, which neces- 
sarily operates to warp the fairest mind somewhat from its natural 
bent. For this we must make allowance, in perusing accounts of 
conflicting parties. But there is no intention, apparently, to turn 
the truth aside in support of his own cause ; and his access to &e 
best sources of knowledge often supplies us with particulars not 
within the reach of other chroniclers. His narrative is seasoned, 
moreover, with sensible reflections and passing comments, that open 
gleams of light into the dark passages of that eventfol period. Yet 
the style of the author can make but moderate pretensions to the 

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praise of elegance or exactness ; while the sentences nm into that 
tedious, interminable length which belongs to the garrulous composi- 
tions of the regular thoroughbred chronicler of the olden time. 

The personalities necessarily incident, more or less, to such a 
work, led its author to shrink from publication^ at least during his 
life. By the jealous spirit of the Castilian cavalier, ^censure," he 
says, " however light, is regarded with indignation, and even praise 
is rarely dealt out in a measure satisfactory to the subject of it" 
And he expresses his conviction that those do wisely, who allow 
tlieir accounts of their own times to repose in the quiet security of 
manuscript, till the generation that is to be affected by them has 
passed away. His own manuscript, however, was submitted to the 
Emperor : and it received such commendation from this royal autho- 
rity, that Zarate, plucking up a more courageous spirit, consented to 
give it to the press. It accordingly appeared at Antwerp, in 1555, 
in octavo ; and a second edition was printed in folio, at Seville, in 
1577. It has since been incorporated in Barda^s valuable collection; 
and, whatever indignation or displeasure it may have excited among 
contemporaries, who smarted under the author's censure, or felt 
themselves defrauded of their legitimate guerdon, Zarate*s work has 
taken a permanent rank among the most respectable authorities for 
a history of the time. 

The name of Zarate naturally suggests that of Fernandez, for both 
were labourers in the same field of history. Diego Fernandez de 
Palenda, or PcdeniinOy as he is usually called, from the place of his 
birth, came over to Peru, and served as a private in the royal army 
raised to quell the insurrection that broke out after 6asca*s return to 
Castile. Amidst his military occupations, he found leismre to collect 
materials for a history of the period, to which he was further urged 
by the viceroy, Mendoza, Marques de Cafiete, who bestowed on him, 
as he tells us, the post of CSuronider of Pern. This mark of con- 
fidence in his literary capacity intimates higher attainments in Fer« 
nandez than might be inferred from the bumble station that he 
oeenpied. With the fruits of his researches the soldier-chronicler 
returned to Spain, and, after a time^ completed his narrative of the 
insnnrection of Girott. 


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The manuscript was seen by the President of the Council of the 
Indies, and he was so much pleased with its execution, that he urged 
the author to write the account, in like manner, of Gonzalo Pizarro^s 
rebellion, and of the administration of Gasca. The historian was 
further stimulated, as he mentions in his dedication to Philip the 
Second, by the promise of a guerdon from that monarch, on the com- 
pletion of his labours ; a very proper as well as politic, promise, but 
which inevitably suggests the idea of an influence not altogether 
favourable to severe historic impartiality. Nor will such an inference 
be found altogether at variance with truth ; for while the narrative 
of Fernandez studiously exhibits the royal cause in the most favour- 
able aspect to the reader, it does scanty justice to the claims of the 
opposite party. It would not be meet, indeed, that an apology for 
rebelhon should be found in the pages of a royal pensioner ; but there 
are always mitigating circumstances, which, however we may con- 
denm the guilt, may serve to lessen our indignation towards the 
guilty. These circumstances are not to be found in ihe pages of 
Fernandez. It is unfortunate for the historian of such events, that 
it is so difficult to find one disposed to do even justice to the claims 
of the unsuccessful rebel. Yet the Inca Garcilasso has not shrunk 
from this, in the case of Gonzalo Pizarro ; and even Gomara^ though 
living under the shadow, or rather in the sunshine, of the Court, has. 
occasionally ventured a generous protest in his behalf. 

The countenance thus afforded to Fernandez from the highest 
quarter opened to him the best fountains of intelligence, — at least, 
on the government side of the quarrel. Besides personal communi- 
cation with the royalist leaders, he had access to their correspond- 
ence, diaries, and official documents. He industriously profited by 
his opportunities ; and his narrative, taking up the story of the re- 
bellion from its birth, continues it to its final extinction, and the end 
of Gasca*s administration. Thus the First Part of his work, as it 
was now called, was brought down to the commencement of the 
Second, and the whole presented a complete picture of the distrac- 
tions of the nation, till a new order of things was introduced, and 
tranquillity was permanently established throughout the country. 

The diction is sufficiently plain, not aspiring to rhetorical beauties 

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beyond the reach of its author, and out of keeping with the simple 
character of a chronicle. The sentences are arranged with more art 
than in most of the unwieldy compositions of the time ; and, while 
there is no attempt at erudition or philosophic speculation, the cur- 
rent of events flows on in an orderly manner^ tolerably prolix, it is 
true, but leaving a clear and intelligible impression on the mind of 
&e reader. No history of that period compares with it in the 
copiousness of its details ; and it has accordingly been resorted to by 
later compilers, as an inexhaustible reservoir for the supply of iheir 
own pages ; a circumstance that may be thought of itself to bear no 
slight testimony to the general fidelity, as well as fulness of the narra- 
tive. — The Chronicle of Fernandez, thus arranged in two parts, under 
the general title of ffistoria del Peru, was given to the world in the 
author's life-time, at Seville, in 1571, in one volume, folio, being the 
edition used in the preparation of this work. 

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No. I.— See vol. i., p. 26. 


[The original manuscript, which was copied for Lord 
Kingsborough's valuable collection, is in the Library of 
the Escurial.] 

Quando en tiempo de paz salian los Yngas i, visitar sa reyno, 
cuentan que iban por el con gran majestad, sentados en ricas andas 
armadas sobre unos palos lisos largos, de manera escelente, engastadas 
en ore y argenteria ; y de las andas salian dos arcos altos hechos de 
ore, engastados en piedras preciosas. Caian anas manias algo largas 
por todas las andas, de tal manera que las cubrian todas ; y sine era 
queriendo el que iba dentro, no podia ser visto, ni alzaban las mantas 
Bi no era cuando entraba y salia, tanta era su estimacion ; y para que 
le entrase aire, y el pudiese ver el camino, havia en las mantas hechos 
algunos agujeros hechos por todas partes. En estas andas habia 
riqueza, y en algunas estaba esculpido el sol y la luna, y en otras unas 
cnlebras grandes ondadas y unos como bastones que las atravesaban. 
Esto trahian por encima por armas, y estas andas las Uevaban en 
ombros de los sefiores, los mayores y mas principales del reyno, y 
aquel que mas con ellas andaba, aquel se tenia por mas onrado y por 
mas faborecido. £n rededor de las andas, & la ila, iba la guardia del 
Rey con los arqueros y alabarderos, y delante iban cinco mil honderos 
y detras venian otros tantos lanceros con sus capitanes, y por los 
ladoB del camino y por el mesmo camino iban corredores fides, des- 
cubriendo lo que habia, y avisando la ida del Senor ; y acudia tanta 
gente por lo ver, que parecia que todos los cerros y laderas estaba 

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Ueno de eDa, y todos le davan las yendiciones, alzando alaridos, y 
grita grande i. sa usanza, Uamandole, Ancha (Uunapo tndicJUri campa 
capalla apaiuco pacha caniba hailla TuUeyt que en nuestra lengua 
dir£, *^ May grand e y poderoso Senor, hijo del Sol, tu solo eres Senor ! 
todo el mundo te oya en yerdad 1" Y sin esto le decian otras cosas 
mas altas, tanto que poco faltaba para le adorar por Dios. Todo el 
camino iban Yndios Ilimpiandolo, de tal manera que ni yerba ni 
piedra no parecia, sino todo limpio y barrido. Andaba cada dia cuatro 
leguas, o lo que el queria. Paimba lo que era senrido, para entender 
el estado de su reyno ; oia alegremente i los que con quejas le yenian, 
remediando, y castigando i quien hacia injusticias. Los que con ellos 
iban no se desmandaban i nada ni salian un paso del camino. Los 
naturales proyeian & lo necesario, sin lo cual lo hayia tan cumplido 
en los depositos que sobraba, y ningona cosa faltaba. Por donde iba 
salian mnchos hombres y mugeres y mnehachos i seryir personal- 
mente en lo que les era mandado, y para llebar las cargas : los de un 
pueblo las Uebaban hasta otro, de donde los unos las tomaban y los 
otros las dejaban ; y como era un dia, y cuando mncho dos, no lo 
sentian, ni de ello redyian agrayio ninguno. Pnes yendo el Senor 
de esta manera^ oaminaba por su tierra el tiempo que le plada, yieodo 
por sus ojos lo que pasaba, y proyeyendo lo que entendia que con- 
yenia, que todo era oosas grandes e importantes ; lo coal heeho, daba 
la buelta al CuzcO| principal ciudad de todo su imperio. 

No. n.— See vol. i., p. 60. 


Una de las cosas de que yo mas me admii^, contemplando y 
Botando las cosas de estos reynos, fiie pensar como y de que manera 
se pudieron hacer caminos tan grandes y soyeryios como por el vemos, 
y que fuerzas de hombres bastaran li lo bacer, y con que herramientas 
y instrumentos pudieron allanar los monies y quebrantar las pefias 
para haoerlos tan anchos y buenos como estan ; por que me parece 
que fid «1 Emperador quisiese mandar hacer otro camino real como 
el que b4 del Quito al Cnzco, tf sale del Cnzco para ir < ChOe, ciertam** 
ereo, con todo su poder, para ello no ftiese poderoso, ni faerzas de 
hombres lo padiesen hacer, sino fiiese con la orden tan grande que 

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para ello los Yngas mandaron que hubiese : por que a. fuera camino 
de dnquenta legnas, 6 de eiento, 6 de doscientasy es de creer qae 
aunqne la tierta fnera mas aspera, do se tubiera en mucho oon buena 
diligencia haoerlo ; mas estos eran tan largos que hayia algnno que 
tenia mas de mil y cien legnas, todo hechado por sierras tan grandes 
y eepantosas que por algunas partes mirando abajo se quitaba la vista, 
y algunas de estas sierras derechas y Uenas de piedras, tanto que era 
menester oavar por las laderas en pena viva para hacer d camino 
ancho y llano, todo lo qua! hacian con fuego y oon sus picos ; por 
otros Ingares havia subidas tan altas y asperas, que hacian desde lo 
bajo escalones para poder subir por ellos 41o mas idto, haciendo entre 
medias de ellos idgunos descansos anehos para el reposo de la gente ; 
en otros lugares havia montones de nieve que eran mas de temer, y 
estos no en un lugar sino en muchas partes, y no asi oomo quiera sino 
que no b& ponderado ni encareddo como ello es, ni oomo lo bemos, y 
por estas nieves y por donde havia montanas, de arboles y cespedes 
lo badan llano y empedrado si menester fnese. Los que leyeren este 
libro, y hubieren estado en el Peru, miren el camino que h& desde 
Lima A Xauxa por las sierras tan asperas de Guayacoire y por las 
montauas nevadas de Pavacaca, y entenderiin los que i. ellos lo oyeren 
m. es mas lo que ellos vieron que no lo que yo escrivo. 

No. III.— See vol. i., p. 74. 


Una de las cosas de que mas se tiene embidia H estos senores, 6» 
entender quan bien supieron conqnistar tan grandes tierras y ponerlas 
eon sn prudencia en tanta razon oomo los Espafiples las hallaron 
quando por ellos fu6 descubierto este reyno, y de que esto sea asi 
mochas vezes me acuerdo yo estando en alguna provinoia indomita 
fiiera de estos reynos oir luego i los mesmos Espafioles yo aseguro 
que si los Yngas andnvieran por aqui que otra cosa fuera esto, es dedr 
no conqnistaran los Yngas esto oomo lo otro porque supieran servir 
J tributar, por mauera que quanto i esto, conozida esti la ventaja 
que nos hacen pues con su orden, las gentes vivian con ella y creciaa 
en multiplicacion, y de las provincias esteriles hacian fertiles y abun- 
dantes en tanta manera y por tan galana orden como se dim^ siempre 

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procuraron de liacer por bien las cosm y no por mal en el comienzo de 
loB negodos, despnes algunos Yngas hicieron grandes castigos en 
muchas partes, pero antes todos afirman que fue grande con la bene* 
Yolencia y amicicia que procuraban el atraer i su senricio estas gentes* 
Ellos salian del Cuzco con su gente y aparato de guerra, y caminabaa 
con gran concierto haata cerca de donde havian de ir y querian con*- 
quistar, donde muy bastantemente se informaban del poder que tenian 
los enemigos, y de las ayudas que podrian tener, y de que parte les 
podrian venir favores y por que camino ; y esto entendido por ellos, 
procuraban por las vias & ellos posibles estorvar que no f uesen socor- 
ridos ora con dones grandes que hacian ora con resistencias que 
ponian, entendiendo sin esto de mandar hacer sus fuertes, los quales 
eran en oerro 6 ladera hechos en ellos ciertas oercas altas y largas, 
con su puerta c^a una, porque perdida la una pudiesen pasarse & la 
otra, y de la otra hasta lo mas alto ; y embiaban esanchas de los con- 
federados para marcar la tierra y ver los caminos y conocer del 
arte q« estaban aguardando y por donde havia mas mantenimiento, 
sayiendo por el camino que havian de Uevar y la orden con que 
havian de ir, embiabales mensageros propios con los quales les 
embiaba & decir, que el los queria tener por parientes y aliados, por 
tanto que con buen animo y corazon alegre se saliesen & lo recevir y 
recevirlo en su provincia, para que en ella le sea dada la obediencia 
como en las demas, y porq* lo hagan con voluntad, embiaba presentes 
i los senores naturales, y con esto y con otras buenas maneras que 
tenia entraron en muchas tierras sin guerra, en las quales mandaban 
& la gente de guerra que con el iba que no hiciesen dano ni injuria 
ninguna ni robo ni fuerza. Y si en tal provincia no havia manteni- 
miento, mandaba que de otra parte se proveyese, porque & los nueba- 
mente venidos A su servicio no les pareciese desde luego pesado sa 
mando y conocimiento, y el conocerle y aborrecerle fuese en un 
tiempo ; y si en alguna de estas provincias no havia ganado, mandaba 
luego que les diese por quenta tantas mil cavessas, lo qual mandaban 
que mirasen mucho y con ello multiplicasen para proberse de lana 
para sus ropas, y que no fuesen osados de comer ni matar ninguna 
cria por los aaos y tiempo que les senalaba ; y si havia ganado y tenien 
de otra cosa falta, era lo mismo ; y si estaban en coUados y arenales, 
bien les hacian entender con buenas palabras que hiciesen pueblos y. 
casas en lo mas llano de las sierras y laderas ; y como muchos no 
eran diestros en cultibar las tierras, abecavanles como lo havian de 
hacer^ imponiendoles en que supiesen, sacar acequias y regar oon eUas 

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los campoB : en todo los havian de proreer tan concertadamente, que 
qiiando entraba por amistad alguno de los Yngas en provincias de 
estas, en brebe tiempo quedaba tal que parecia otra, y los naturales 
le daban la obediencia, consintiendo que sus delegados quedasen en 
ellos, y lo mismo los mitimaes ; en otras muchas que entraron de 
guerra y por fuerza de armas, mandabase que en los mantenimientos 
y casas de los enemigos se hiciese poco dano, diciendoles el senor, 
'' Presto ser^n estos nuestros como los que ya lo son.'' Como esto 
tenian conocido, procuraban q la guerra fuese la mas liviana que ser 
pudiese, no embargante que en muchos lugares se dieron grandes 
batallas, porque todavia los naturales de ellos querian conservarse en 
la livertad antigua sin perder sus costumbres y religion por tomar 
otras estranas ; mas duraado la guerra siempre havian los Yngas lo 
mejor, y yencidos no los destruian de nuebo, antes mandaban resti- 
tuhir los presos si algunos havia y el despojo y ponerlos en posesion 
de sus haciendas y senorio, amonestandoles que no quieran ser locos 
en tener contra su persona real competencias ni dejar su amistad, 
antes querian ser sus amigos como lo son los comarcanos suyos ; y 
diciendoles esto, dabanles algunas mugeres hermosas y presas ricas 
de lana <5 de metal de oro. Con estas dadivas y buenas palabras havia 
las voluntades de todos, de tal manera que sin ningun temor los huidos 
£ los montes se bolvian d sus casas, y todos dejaban las armas, y el 
que mas veces veia al Ynga se tenia por mas bien aventurado y 
dichoso. Los senorios nunca los tiraban & los naturales, 4 todos man- 
daban unos y otros que por Dios adorasen el sol ; sus demas religiones 
y costumbres no se las prohivian, pero mandabanles que se govemasan 
por las leyesy costumbres que se govemaban en el Cuzco, y que todos 
hablasen en la lengua general, y puesto govemador por el Senior con 
guamiciones de gente de guerra, parten para lo de adelante. Y si 
estas proyincias eran grandes, luego se entendia en edificar un temple 
del sol, y colocar las mugeres que ponian en los demas, y hacer palacios 
para los senores, y cobraban para los tributos que havian de pagar 
sinllevarles nada demasiado ni agraviarles en cosa ninguna, encami- 
nandoles en su policio y en que supiesen hacer edificios y traer ropas 
largas y vivir concertadamente en sus pueblos ; k los quales si algo 
les faltaba de que tubiesen necesidad, eran provehidos y ensenados 
como lo havian de sembrar y beneficiar. De tal manera se hacia esto 
que sabemoa en muchos lugares que no havia maiz, tenello despues 
sobrado, y en todo lo demas andaban como salvages mal vestidos y 
descalsosy y desde que conoderon d estos senores usaron de camisetas 

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Ures y mantas, y las mngeres lo rnismo y de otras baenae cosas, tanto 
que para siempre habra memoria de todo ello. Y en el collas y en 
otras partes mandd pasar mltimaes & la siexra de los Andes para que 
sembrasen maiz y coca y otras frutas y raizes de todos los pueblos la 
cantidad oombeniente, los quales con sus mugeres rivian siempre en 
aqnella parte, donde sembraban y cojian tanto de lo que digo que se 
sentia poco la falta por traer mucho de estas partes, y no hayer pueblo 
ninguno por pequeno que fuese que no tubiese de estos mitimaes. 
Adelante traiaremos quantas suertes havia de estos mitimaes, y 
haoian los unos y entendian los otros. 

No. IV.-See vol. i. p. 162. 


[The following is the preamble of the testament of a 
soldier of the Conquest, named Lejesema. It is in the 
nature of a death-bed confession ; and seems intended to 
relieve the writer's mind, who sought to expiate his own sins 
by this sincere though tardy tribute to the merits of the 
vanquished. As the work in which it appears is rarely 
to be met with, I have extracted the whole of the 

Yerdadera confesion y protestacion eu artieulo de muerte hecha por 
uno de los primeros Espanoles conquistadores del Peru, nombrado 
Mancio Sierra Lejesema, con su testamento otorgado en la ciudad de 
Cuzco, el dia 15 de Setiembre de 1589, ante Geronimo Sanchez 
de Quesada, escribano publico : la qual la trae el P. Fr. Antonio 
Calancha, del orden de hermitanos de San Augustin, en la cro- 
nica de su religion, en el lib. L cap. xv. folio 98, y es del t^ior 
siguiente : — 

^ Primeramente, antes de empezar dicho mi testamento, declaro que 
ha muchos anos que yo he deseado tener orden de advertir 4 la Cato- 
lica Majestad del Rey Don Felipe, nuestro Senor, viendo cuan ca- 
tolico y cristianisimo es, y cuan zeloso del servicio de Dios nuestro 

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Sejior^ por lo que tooa al descargo de mi anima, & causa de haber sido 
yo mneho parte en deseubrimiento, conquista, y poblacion de estos 
wynoBf cuando los quitamoe i los que eran senores Ingas, j los 
poseiaoy y regian como suyos propios, y los pusimos debajo de la real 
eorana, que entienda su Majestad Gatolica, que los dichos Ingas los 
teEiaa goberuados de tal manera, que en todos dlos no habia un 
ladron ni hombre vicioso, ni hombre holgazin, ni una muger addltera 
ni mala ; ni se permitia entre ellos ni gente de mal vivir en lo moral ; 
que los hombres tenian bus oeupaciones honestas y provechosas ; y que 
los monies y minas, pastes, caza y madera, y todo genero de aproTe- 
chamientos, estabagobemado y repartido de suerte que cadauno cono- 
cia y tenia su hacienda sin que otro ninguno se la ocupase 6 tomase, 
ni sobre ello habian pleytos ; y que las cosas de guerra, aunque eran 
muchas, no impedian 4 las del comercio, ni estas & las cosas de la- 
branza <5 cultiTar de las tierras, ni otra cosa alguna ; y que en todo, 
desde lo mayor hasta lo mas menudo, tenia su orden y concierto con 
mucho acierto : y que los Ingas eran tenidos y obecidos y respetados 
de sus subditos como gente muy capaz y de mucho gobiemo, y que 
lo mismo eran sus gobemadores y capitanes ; y que como en estos 
h&llamos la fuerza y el mando y la resistencia para poderlos sugetar 
€ oprimir al servicio de Dios nuestro Sefior, y quitarles su tierra, y 
ponerla debaxo de la real corona, fue necesario quitarles totalmente el 
poder y mando y los bienes, como se los quitamos & fuerza de armas : 
y que mediante haberlo permitido Dios nuestro Senor nos fiie posible 
sujetar este reyno de tanta multitud de gente y riqueza, y de senores 
los hicimos siervos tan sujetos, como se ve : y que entienda su Ma- 
gestad que el intento que me mueve a hacer esta relacion es por 
descargo de mi conciencia, y por hallarme culpado en ello, pues ha- 
bemos destruido con nuestro mal exemplo gente de tanto gobiemo 
eomo eran estos natnrales, y tan quitados de cometer delitos ni excesos 
asi hombres como mugeres, tanto por el Indio que tenia cien mil 
pesos de oro y plata en su casa, y otros Indies dejaban abierta y 
puesta una escoba 6 un palo pequefio atravesado en la puerta para 
m&aX de que no estaba alii su dueno, y con esto segun su costumbre 
no podia entrar nadie adentro, ni tomar oosa de las que alii habia ; y 
cuando ellos Tieron que nosotros poniamos puertas y Uaves en nuestras 
casas, entendieron que era de miedo de dQos, porque no nos nmtasen, 
pero no porque creyesen que ninguno tomase ni burtase i otro su 
hadenda ; y asi cuando yieron que habia entre nosotros ladronea, y 
nombres que incitaban & pecado i tm mugeres y higas, nos tubieroa 

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en poco ; y ban yenido k tal rotura en ofensa de Dies estos natorales 
por el inal exemplo que les hemos dado en todo, que aquel extreme 
de no hacer coea mala se ha convertido en que hoy ninguna 6 pocas 
hacen buenas, y requieren remedio, y esto toca & su Magestad, para 
que descargue 8u conciencia, y se lo adyierte, pues no soy parte para 
mas. Y con esto suplico & mi Dies me perdone ; y mueveme i decirlo 
porque soy el postrero que mueve de todos los descubridores y con- 
quistadores, que como es notorio ya no hay ninguno, sino yo solo en 
este reyno, ni fuera de el, y con esto hago lo que puedo para descargo 
de mi conciencia." 

No. v.— See vol. i. p. 221. 


[This chapter of the gossiping old chronicler descrihes a 
conversation hetween the governor of Tierra Firme and 
Almagro, at which the writer was present. It is told 
with much spirit ; and is altogether so curious, from 
the light it throws on the characters of the parties, 
that I have thought the following translation, which has 
been prepared for me, might not he uninteresting to the 
English reader.] 


In February, 1527, 1 had some accounts to settle with Pedrarias, 
and was frequently at his house for the purpose. While there one 
day, Almagro came in and said to him, << Your Excellency is of 
course aware that you contracted with Francisco Pizarro, Don Fer- 
nando de Luque, the schoolmaster, and myself, to fit out an expe- 
dition for the discovery of Peru. You have contributed nothing for 
the enterprise, while we have sunk both fortune and credit, for our 

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expenses haye already amounted to about fifteen thousand casteUcmos 
de oro, Pizarro and his followers are now m the greatest distress, 
and require a supply of provisions, with a reinforcement of brave 
recruits. Unless these are proi^ptly raised, we shall be wholly 
mined, and our glorious enterprise, &om which the most brilliant 
results have been justly anticipated, will fall to the ground. An 
exact account will be kept of our expenses, that each may share the 
profits of the discovery in proportion to the amount of his contribu- 
tion towards the outfit. You have connected younelf with us in 
the adventure, and, from the terms of our contract, have no right to 
waste our time and involve us in ruin. But if you no longer wish 
to be a member of the partnership, pay down your share of what has 
already been advanced, and leave the affiur to us.*' 

To this proposal Pedrarias replied with indignation : — ^<' One would 
really think from the lofty tone you take, that my power was at an 
end ; but if I have not been degraded from my office, you shall be 
punished for your insolence. You shall be made to answer for the 
lives of the Christians who have perished through Pizarro's obstinacy 
and your own. A day of reckoning will come for all these dis- 
turbances and murders, as you shall see, and that before you leave 

*^I grant," returned Almagro, <^that, as there is an Almighty 
Judge, before whose tribunal we must appear, it is proper that all 
should render account of the Uving as well as the dead. And, sir, I 
shall not shrink from doing so, when I have received an account from 
you, to be immediately sent to Pizarro, of the gratitude which our 
sovereign, the Emperor, has been pleai^d to express for our services. 
Pay, if you wish to enjoy the fruits of this enterprise ; for you 
neither sweat nor toil for them, and have not contributed even a third 
of the sum you promised when the contract was drawn up, — ^your 
whole expenditure not exceeding two or three paltry pesos. But if 
you prefer to leave the partnership at once, we will remit one half of 
what you owe us for our past outlays." 

Pedrarias, with a bitter smile, replied, " It would not ruin you 
if you were to give me four thousand pesos to dissolve our con- 

<< To forward so happy an event," said Almagro, ^ we will release 
you from your whole debt, although it may prove our ruin ; but we 
will trust our fortunes in the hand of God." 

Although Pedrarias found himself relieved from the debt incurred 

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for the outfit of the expedition, which could not be less than four or 
fiye thousand petat, he was not aatisfied, but asked, '^ What more will 
you give me ! " 

Ahnagro, much chagrined, said, '< I will ^ye three hundred pesos, 
though I swear by God I have not so much money in the world ; but 
I will borrow it to be rid of such an incubus." 

** You must give me two thousand.** 

<< Five hundred is the most I will offer.'' 

^ You must pay me more than a thousand." 

^ A thousand petoi, then," cried the captain in a rage, <^ I will give 
you, though I do not own them ; but I will find sufficient security for 
their ftiture payment** 

Pedrarias declared himself satisfied with this arrangement ; and a 
contract was accordingly drawn up, in which it was agreed, that, on 
the receipt of a thousand petos, the governor should abandon the 
partnership, and give up his share in the profits of the expedition. 
I was one of the witnesses who signed this instrument, in which Pe- 
drarias released and assigned over all his interest in Peru to 
Alma^ro and his asociates, — ^by this act deserting the enterprise, 
and by his littleness of soul, forfeiting the rich treasures which it 
is well known he might have acquired from the golden empire of 
the Incas. 

No. VI.— See vol. i. p. 225. 


[This memorable contract between three adventurers, for 
the discovery and partition of an empire, is to be found 
entire in the manuscript history of Montesinos, whose work 
derives more value from the insertion in it of this, and of 
other original documents, than from any merit of its own. 
This instrument, which may be considered as the basis of 
the operations of Pizarro, seems to form a necessary 
appendage to a history of the Conquest of Peru.] 

En el nombre de la santisima Trinidad, Padre, Hijo, y Espiritu 

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Santo, tres personas distintas y un solo Dios verdadero, y de lasanti- 
sima YirgeD nuestra Senora, haoemos esta compania : — 

Sepan cuantos esta carta de compania yieren como yo Don Fer- 
nando de Luque, clerigo presbitero, vicario de la santa iglesia de 
Panama, de la una parte, y de la otra el capitan Francisco Pizarro y 
Diego de Almagro, yecinos que somoe en esta ciudad de Panama, 
decimos, que somos concertados y conyenidos de hacer y formar 
compafiia la cual sea firme y yaledera para siempre jamas en esta 
manera : — Que por cuanto nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y 
Diego de Almagro tenemos licencia del senor gobemador Pedro Arias 
de Ayila para descubrir y conquistar las tierras y proyincias de los 
reinos llamados del Peru, que est4, por noticia que hay, pasado el 
golfo y trayesla del mar de la otra parte ; y porque para hacer la 
dicha conquista y jomada y nayios y gente y bastimento y otras cosas 
que son necesarias, no lo podemos hacer por no tener dinero y posi- 
bilidad tanta cuanta es menester ; y yos el dicho Don Fernando de 
Luque nos los dais porque esta campania la hagamos por iguales 
partes : somos contentos y conyenidos de que todos tres hermanable- 
mente, sin que hagan de haber yentaja ninguna mas el uno que el 
otro, ni el otro que el otro de todo lo que se descubriere, ganare y 
conquistare, y poblar en los dichos reinos y proyincias del Perti. Y 
por cuanto yos el dicho D. Fernando de Luque nos disteis, y poneis 
de puesto por yuestra parte en esta dicha compa&ia para gastos de la 
armada y gente que se hace para la dicha jomada y conquista del 
dicho reino del Perd, yeinte mil pesos en barras de oro, y de £ cua- 
trocientos y dncuenta marayedis el peso, los cuales nos recibimos 
luego en las dichas barras de oro que pasaron de yuestro poder al 
nuestro en presenda del escribano de esta carta, que lo yalid y mont<$; 
y yo Hernando del Castillo doy fe que los yide pesar los dichos yeinte 
mil pesos en las dichas barras de oro, y lo recibieron en mi presencia 
los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, y se dieron 
por contentos y pagados de ella. Y nos los dichos capitan Francisco 
Pizarro y Diego de Almagro ponemos de nuestra parte en esta dicha 
oompafiia la meroed que tenemos del dicho senor gobemador, y que 
la dicha conquista y reino que descubriremos de la tierra del dicho 
Perd, que en nombre de S. M. nos ha hecho, y las demas mercedes 
''que nos hidere y acrescentare S. M., y los de su consejo de las Indias 
de aqui adelante, para que de todo goceis y hayais yuestra teroera 
parte, sin que en cosa alguna hayamos de tener mas parte cada uno 
de nos, el uno que el otro, sine que hayamos de todo ello partes 

T 2 

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ignales. Y mas ponemos en esto dieha compania nnestras penonas 
y el haber de hacer la dicha conquista y descnbrimiento con aaistir 
eon ellaa en la gaerra todo el tiempo que se tardare en conquistar y 
gsnar y poblar el dieho reino del Peril, sin que por ello hayamos de 
Uevar ningnno ventaja y parte mas de la qne vos ^ dicho Don Fer- 
nando de Luque llevaredes, que ha de ser por iguales partes todos 
tres, asi de los aproyeehamientos que con nuestras personas taviere- 
mos, y Tentajas de las partes qne nos cnpieren en la gaerra y en los 
despojos y ganancias y suertes que en la dicha tierra del Perd hubi^ 
remos y goz^remos, y nos cupleren por cualquier yia y forma que 
aea, asi & mi el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro como & mi Diego de 
Almagro, habeis de haber de todo ello, y es vuestro, y os lo daremos 
bien y fiehnente, sin desfrandaros en oosa alguna de ello la tercera 
parte, porque desde ahora en lo que Dios nnestro Senor nos diere, 
decimos y confesamos que es vuestro y de vuestros herederoe y suo- 
cesores, de quien en esta dicha compafiia succediere y lo bubiere de 
haber, en vuestro nombre se lo daremos, y le daremos cuenta de todo 
ello ^ Tos, y ^ vuestros succesores, quieta y padficamente, sin Uevar 
mas parte cada uno de nos que vos el dicho Don Fernando de Luque, 
y quien vuestro poder bubiere y le pretenedere ; y asi de cualquier 
dictado y estado de senorio perpetuo, 6 por tiempo senalado que S. M. 
nos hiciere merced en el dicho reino del Perti, asi il mi el dicho capitan 
Francisco Pizarro, 6 H mi el dicho Diego de Almagro, 6 & cualquien 
de nos, sea vuestro el terdo de toda la renta y estado y vasallos que 
^ cada uno de nos se nos diere y hiciere merced en cualquiera manera 
6 forma que sea en el dicho reino del Per(i por via de estado, 6 renta, 
repartimiento de Indios, situaeiones, vasallos, seals sefior y goceis de 
la terda parte de ello como nosotros mismos, sin adicion ni condidon 
ninguna, y si la bubiere y aleg^bremos, yo el dicho capitan Frandsoo 
Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, y en nuestros nombres nuestros here- 
deros, que no seamos oidos en juido ni fuera dd, y nos damos por 
oondenados en todo y por todo como en esta escriptura se contiene 
para lo pager y que haya efecto. Y yo el dicho D. Fernando de Luque 
hago la dicha compania en la forma y manera que de suso esti deda- 
vado, y doy los veinte mil pesos de buen oro para el dicho diescubii- 
miento y conquista del dichq reino del Per<i, & perdida 6 gananda, 
como Dios nuestro Sefior sea servido, y de lo sucedido en el dicho 
descubrimiento de la dicha gobemadon y tierra he yo de gozar y 
haber la tercera parte, y la otra tercera para el capitan Frandsoo 
Pizarro, y la otra tercera para Diego de Almagro, sin que el uno 

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lleye mas qae el otro, asi de eetado de* senor^ como de repaartimiento 
de Indies perp6taos, como de tierras y solares y heifedades, como de 
tesoros, y escondijos eneabiertos, como de co&lquieif riqneza 6 apro- 
yechamiento de oro, plata^ perlas, esmeraldas, diamantesy y lubfes, y 
de ciialqiiier estado y oondicion que sea, que los dichos capitan Fraii- 
dsoo PizaiTO y Diego de Almagro hayais y tengais en el dicho reino 
del Perti, me habeis de dar la tercera parte. Y nos el dicho capitan 
Francisco Pissarro y Diego de Abnagro dedmos que aceptamos la 
dicfaa compafifa y la baoemos con el dicho Don Fernando de Luque 
de la forma y manera que lo pide ^, y lo declara para que todos por 
igoales partes hayamos en todo y por todo, asi de estados perpetuos 
que S. M. nos faiciese mercedes en vasallos 6 Indios 6 en otras cuales- 
quiera rentas, goce el derecho Don Fernando de Luque, y haya la 
dicba terda parte de todo ello enteramente, y goce de ello como cosa 
snya desde el dia que S. M. nos hiciere cualesquiera mercedes como 
dicho es. Y para mayor yerdad y segurldad de esta escriptnra de 
eompafiia, y de todo lo en elbi contenido, y que os acudir^moe y 
pagar^os nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de 
Almagro & yos el dicho Fernando de Luque con la tercia parte de 
todo lo que se hubiere y descubriere, y nosotros hubi^remos por 
cnalqoiera yia y forma que sea ; para mayor fiierza de que lo cum- 
pliremos como en esta escriptura se contiene, juramos & Dios nuestro 
Senor y & los Santos Eyangelios donde mas largamente son escritos y 
estan en este libro Misal, donde pusieron sus manos el dicho capitan 
Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, hideron la se&il de la cruz 
en semejanza de esta f con sus dedos de la mano en presencia de mi 
el presente escribano, y dijeron que guardar&n y cumplirto esta dicha 
oompa&ia y escriptnra en todo por todo como en ello se contiene, so 
pena de infiunes y males cristianos, y caer en caso de menos yaler, y 
que Dios se lo demande mal y caramente ; y dijeron el dicho capitan 
Frandsco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, amen ; y asi lo juramos y le 
daremos el tercio de todo lo que descubrieremos y conquist&remos y 
pobllunemos en el dicho reino y tierra del Perti, y que goce de ello 
como nuestras personas, de todo aquello en que fuere nuestro y tuyi^ 
remos parte como dicho es en esta dicha escriptura ; y nos obligamos 
de acudir con ello k yos el dicho Don Fernando de Luque, y & quien 
en yuestro nombre le pertenedere y hubiere de haber, y les daremos 
cuenta con pago de todo ello cada y cuando que se nos pidiere, hecho 
el dicho descubrimiento y conquista y pobladon dd dicho reino y 
tierra del Perli ; y prometemos que en la dicha conquista y descubri- 

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miento nos ocnparemos y trabajar^mos con nuestras personas sin 
ocupamoB en otra coea hasta que se conquiste la tierra y se gan&re^ y 
si no lo hicieremos seamos castigados por todo rigor de justicia por 
infames y perjuros, seamos obligados & TolTer i vos el dicho Don 
Fernando de Luque los dichos Teinte mil pesos de oro que de vos 
recibimos. Y para lo cumplir y pagar y haber por firme todo lo en 
esta escriptura contenido, cada uno por lo que le toca, renunciaron 
todas y cualesquier leyes y ordenamientos y pram&ticasy y otras 
cualesquier constituciones, ordenanzas que est^n fedias en sa favor, y 
cualesquiera de ellos para que aunque las pidan y aleguen, que no lea 
valga. Y valga esta escriptura dicha, y todo lo en ella contenido, y 
traiga aparejada y debida ejecucion asi en sus personas como en sus 
bienes, muebles y raices babidos y por haber ; y para lo cumplir y 
pagar, cada uno por lo que le toca, obligaron sus personas y bienes 
habidos y por haber segun dicho es, y dieron poder cumplido k cua- 
lesquier justicias y jueces de S. M. para que por todo rigor y mas 
breve remedio de derecho les compelan y apremien & lo asi cumplir y 
pagar, como si lo que dicho es fuese sentencia difinitiva de juez com- 
petente pasada en cosa juzgada ; y renunciaron cualesquier leyes y 
derechos que en su favor hablan, especialmente la ley que dice Que 
genera] renunciacion de leyes no vala. Que es fecha en la ciudad de 
Panam4 i diez dias del mes de Marzo, ano del nacimiento de nuestra 
Salvador Jesucristo de mil quinientos veinte y seis afios. Testigos 
que fueron presentes & lo que dicho es Juan de Pau^, y Alvaro del 
Quiro y Juan de Vallejo, vecinos de la ciudad de Panamil, y firmd el 
dicho D. Fernando de Luque : y porque no saben firmar el dicho 
capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, firmaron por ellos en 
el registro de esta carta Juan de Pan^s y Alvaro del Quiro, ^ los 
cuales otorgantes yo el presente escribano doy U que conozco. Don 
Fernando de Luque. — A su ruego de Francisco Pizarro — Juan de 
Panes ; y 4 su ruego de Diego de Almagro — Alvaro del Quiro : £ yo 
Hernando del Castillo, escribano de S. M. y escribano publico, y del 
numero de esta ciudad de Panama, presente fui al otorgamiento de 
esta carta, y la fice escribir en estas cuatro fojas con esta, y por ende 
iice aqui este mi signo & tal en testimonio de verdad. Hernando del 
Castillo, escribano publico. 

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No. VII.— See vol. i. pp. 201, 293. 


[For a copy of this document I am indebted to Don 
Martin Fernandez de Nayarrete, late Director of the Royal 
Academy of History at Madrid. Though suflSciently long, 
it is of no less importance than the precedinjg contract, 
forming, like that, the foundation on which the enterprise 
of Pizarro and his associates may be said to have rested.] 

La Rbina. — Per cnanto yds el capitan Francisco Pizarro, vecino 
de tierra firme, Uamada CastiUa del Oro, por tob y en nombre del 
yenerable padre D. Fernando de Luqne, maestro escuela y provisor 
de la iglesia del Darien, sede vaecmte, que es en la dicha Gastilla del 
Oro, y el capitan Diego de Almagro, vecino de la ciudad de Panamii, 
nos hicisteis relacion, que vos e los diehos vuestros companeros, con 
deseo de nos servir e del bien e acrecentamiento de nuestra corona 
real, puede haber cinco afios, poco mas o menos, que con licencia e 
parecer de Pedrarias Divila, nuestro gobemador e capitan general 
que fue de la dicha tierra firme, tomastes cargo de ir a conquistar, 
descubrir, e padficar, e poblar por la costa del mar del Sur, de la 
dicha tierra a la parte de Levante, a vuestra costa e de los diehos 
▼nestros companeros, todo lo mas que por aquella parte pudi^redes, e 
hicisteis para ello dos navios e un bergantin en la dicha costa, en que 
asi esto por se haber de pasar la jarcia e aparejos necesarios al dicho 
viaje e armada desde el Nombre de Dios, que es la costa del Norte, a 
la otra costa del Sur, como con la gente e otras cosas necesarias al 
dicho yiaje, e tomar a rehacer la dicha armada, gasttoteis mucha 
suma de pesos de oro, e fuistes a hacer e hicuteis el dicho descubri- 
miento, donde pasastes muchos peligros e trabajo, a causa de lo cual 
OS dejd toda la gente que con tos iba en una isla despoblada con solos 
trece hombres que no tos quisieron dejar, y que con ellos y con el 
socorro que de navios e gente vos hizo el dicho capitan Diego de 
Almagro, pasastes de la dicha isla e descubristes las tierras e provin- 
cias del Pird e ciudad de Tumbes, en que habeis gastado vos e los 
diehos Tuestros compa&eros mas de treinta mil pesos de oro, e que 

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con el deseo que teneis de nos serrir querrfades eontmnar la dieha 
conquista e poblacion a ynestra ooeta e mision, sin que en ningun 
tiempo seamos obligadoe a tos pagar ni satisfuer los gastos que en 
ello hici^redesymas de lo que en esta eapitulacion vos fiiese otorgado, 
e me suplicasteis e pedistes por merced vos mandase eneomendar la 
conquista de las dichas tierras, e vos concediese e otorgase las mer- 
oedee, e oon las condiciones que de soso serin cotatenidas ; sobre lo 
cual yo mande tomar con vos el asiento y eapitulacion siguiente. 

Piimeramente doy Ucenda y facultad a tos el dicho capitan Fran- 
cisco Pizarro, para que por nos y en nuestro nombre e de la corona 
real de CSastillsy podais continuar el dicho descubrimiento, conquista, 
y poblacion de la dicha provincia del Perfi, fasta ducientas leguas de 
tierra por la misraa costa, las euales dichas ducientas leguas comienzan 
desde el pueblo que en lengua de Indies se dice Tenumpuela, e 
despues le Uamteteis Santiago, hasta Uegar al pueblo de CSiincfaa 
que puede haber las dichas ducientas leguas de costa, poco mas o 

Itbm : Entendiendo ser cumplidero al 8ei*vicio de Dies nuestro 
Sefior y vuestro, y por honrar Tuestra persona, e por tob hacer meroed, 
prometemos de tos hacer nuestro gobemador e capitan general de 
toda la dicha provincia del Peril, e tierras y pueblos que al presente 
hay e adelante hubiere en todas las dichas ducientas leguas, per todoe 
los dias de vuestra yida, con salario de setecientos e veinte y dnco 
mill mararedis cada afio, contados desde el dia que tos hidesedes a 
la vela destos nuestros reinos para continuar la dicha poblacion e com- 
quifita, los euales yos ban de ser pagados de las rentas y derechos a 
nos pertenecientes en la dicha tierra que ansi habeis de poblar ; del 
cual salario habeis de pagar en cada un a&o un alcalde mayor, diez 
escuderos, e treinta peones, e un m^co e un boticario, el cual salario 
Tos ha de ser pagado por los nuestros ofidales de la dicha tierra. 

Otbosi : Yos hacemos merced de tftillo de nuestro adelantado de 
la dicha provincia del Perti, e ansimismo del oficio de alguadl mayor 
della, todo ello por los dias de vuestra vida. 

Otbosi : Yos doy licencia para que con parecer y acuerdo de los 
diehos nuestros oficiales podais hacer en las dichas tierras e provincias 
del Perti hasta cuatro fortalezas, en las partes y lugares que mas 
convengan paresciendo a vos e a los diehos nuestros oficiales ser 
necesarias para guarda e pacificadon de la dicha tierra, a vos har^ 
merced de las tenencias dellas, para vos, e para los herederos e sub- 
cesores vuestros, uno en pos de otro, con salario de setenta y dnco 

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mill maravedis en cada un aSo por cada una de las dichas fortalezas, 
que ansi estuvieren hechas, las ciiales habeis de hacer a Ttiestra costa^ 
sin que nos, ni los reyes qne despues de nos yinieren, seamos obliga- 
dos a Tos lo pagar al tiempo que asi lo gastiredes, salvo dende en 
cinco afios despues de acabada la fortaleza^pagtodoos en cada un afio 
de los dichos cinco afios la quinta parte de lo que se montare el dicho 
las gasto, de los frutos de la dicha tierra. 

Otrosi : Vos hacemos merced para ayuda a -vuestra costa de mill 
ducados en cada un ano por los dias de vuestra vida de las rentas de 
las dichas tierras. 

Otrosi : Es nuestra mereed, acatando la buena vida e doctrina de 
la persona del dicho Don Fernando de Luque, de le presentar a 
nuestro muy Sancto Padre por obispo de la ciudad de Tumbes, que 
es en la dicha provincia y gobemacion del Perd^ con limites e diciones 
que por nos con autoridad apostdlica serin senalados ; y entretanto 
que vienen las bulas del dicho obispado, le hacemos protector univer- 
sal de todos los Indies de dicha provinda, con salario de mill ducados 
en cada un aiLo, pagado de nuestras rentas de la dicha tierra, entre- 
tanto que hay diezmos edesiisticos de que se pueda pagar. 

Or&osi : Por cuanto nos habedes suplicado por vos en el dicho 
nombre vos hiciese merced de algunos vasallos en las dichas tierras, 
e al presente lo dejamos de hacer por no tener entera relacion de ellas, 
es nuestra merced que, entretanto que informados proveamos en ello 
lo que a nuestro servicio e a la enmienda e satisfSEuscion de vuestros 
trabajos e servicios conviene, tengais la veintena parte de los pechos 
que nos tuvi^remos en cada un ano en la dicha tierra, con tanto 
que no exceda de mill y quinientos ducados, los mill para vos el 
dicho capitan Pizarro, e los quinientos para el dicho Diego de 

Ontosi : Hacemos merced al dicho capitan Diego de Almagro de 
la tenencia de la fortaleza que hay u obiere en la dicha ciudad de 
Tutnbes, que es en la dicha provincia del Perti, con salario de den 
mill maravedis cada un ano, con mas dudentos mill maravedlis cada 
un afio de ayuda de costa, todo pagado de las rentas de la dicha 
tierra, de las cuales ha de gozar desde el dia que vos el dicho Fran- 
dsco Pizarro Uegdredes a la dicha tierra, aunque el dicho capitan 
Almi^ro se quede en Panama, e en otra parte que le oonvenga ; e le 
haremos hotne hijodalgo, para que goee de las honras e preminencias 
que los homes hijodalgo pueden y deben gozar en todas his Indias, 
islas e tierra firme del mar Ocdano. 

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Otbosi : MandBmos que las dichas haciendaa, e tiems, e solares 
que teneis en tierra fiime,l]amada CastiUa del Qro, e tos estan dadaa 
como a vecino de ella, las teDgais e goceia, e hagais de ello lo que 
quin^redes e por bien tayi^edes, conforme a lo que tenemos ooncedido 
y otorgado a los yeemos de la dicha tierra firme ; e en lo que toca 
a los Indios e naborias que teneis e tos estan enoomendados, es 
nuestra meroed e voluntad e mandamos que los tengais e goceis e 
sirvais de ellos, e que no tos ser^ quitados ni remoTidos por el 
tiempo que nuestra Toluntad fuere. 

Ot&osi : Concedemos a los que fueren a poblar la dicha tierra que 
en los seis anos primeros siguientes desde el dia de la data de esta en 
adelante, que del oro que se cogiere de las minas nos paguen el 
diezmo, y cumplidos los dichos seis anos paguen el noTeno, e ansi 
decendiendo en cada un ano hasta Uegar al quinto : pero del oro 
e otras oosas que se obieren de rescatar^ o cabalgadas, o en otra 
cualquier manera^ desde luego nos ban de pagar el quinto de todo 

Otrosi : Franqueamos a los Tecinos de la dicba tierra por los 
dicbos seis anos, y mas, y cuanto fiiere nuestra voluntad, de almo- 
jarifazgo de todo lo que Ueyaren para proTeimiento e provision de sos 
casas, con tanto que no se para lo vender ; e de lo que vendieren ellos, 
e otras cualesquier personas, mercaderes e tratantes, ansimesmo los 
franqueamos por dos anos tan solamente. 

Item : Prometemos que por termino de dlez afios, e mas adelante 
hasta que otra cosa mandemos en contrario, no impomemos a los 
Tecinos de las dichas tierras alcabalas ni otro tributo alguno. 

Item : Concedemos a los dichose vecinos e pobladores que les sean 
dados por vos los solares y tierras conTcnientes a sus personas, con- 
forme a lo que se ha hecho e hace en la dicha isla Espanola ; e an^- 
mismo os daremos poder para que en nuestro nombre, durante el 
tiempo de Tuestra gobemadon, hagais la encomienda de los Indios de 
la dicha tierra, guardando en ella las instrucciones e ordenanzas que 
TOS serin dadas. 

Item : A suplicacion vuestra hacemos nuestro piloto mayor de la 
mar del Sur a Bartolomd Ruiz, con setenta y dnco mill maraTodis 
de salario en cada un ano, pagados de la renta de la dicha tierra^ de 
los cuales ha de gozar desde el dia que le fiiere entregado el titulo que 
de ello le mandaremos dar, e en las espaldas se asentari el juramento 
e solenidad que ha de hacer ante tos, e torgado ante escribano. 
Asimismo daremos tftulo de escribano de niimero e del consejo de la 

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dicha ciudad de Tumbes, a un hijo de dicho Bartolome Ruiz, siendo 
habil e suficiente para ello. 

Otbosi : Somos contentos e nos place que vos el dicho capitan 
Pizarro, cuanto nuestra merced e voluntad fuere, tengais la gober- 
nacion e administracion de Iob Indios de la nuestra isla de Flores, que 
es cerca de Panamd, e goceis para yos e para quien tos quisieredes, 
de todos loB aprovechamientos que hobiere en la dicha iala, asi de 
tierras como de solares^e monies, e Wholes, e mineros, e pesqueria de 
perlas, con tanto que seais obligado por razon de ello a dar a nos e a 
los nuestros oiiciales de Gastilla del Oro en cada un ano de los que 
ansi fuere nuestra yoluntad que yos la tengais, ducientos mill mara- 
yedis,e mas el quinto de todo el oro e perlas que en cualquier manera 
e por cualesquier personas se sacare en la dicha isla de Flores, sin 
descuento alguno, con tanto que los dichos Indies de la dicha isla de 
Flores no los podais ocupar en la pesqueria de las perlas, ni en las 
minas del oro, ni en otros metales, sine en las otras granjerias e 
aproyechamientos de la dicha tierra, para proyision e mantenimiento 
de la dicha yuestra armada, e de las que adelante obi^redes de hacer 
para la dicha tierra ; e permitimos que si yos el dicho Francisco 
Pizarro llegado a Castilla del Oro, dentro de dos meses luego siguientes, 
declarades ante el dicho nuestro gobemador e juez de residencia que 
alli estuyiere, que no yos querais encargar de la dicha isU de Flores, 
que en tal caso no seis tenudo e obligado a nos pagar por razon de 
ello las dichas ducientas mill marayedis, e que se quede para nos la 
dicha isla como agora la tenemos. 

Item : Acatando lo mucho que ban seryido en el dicho yiaje e 
descubrimiento Bartolom^ Ruiz, Cristoyal de Peralta, e Pedro de 
Candia, e Domingo de Soria Luce, e Nicohs de Ribera, e Francisco 
de Cuellar, e Alonso de Molina, e Pedro Alcon, e Garcia de Jerez, e 
Anton de Carrion, e Alonso Briceno, e Martin de Paz, e Joan de la 
Torre, e porque yos me lo suplicdsteis e pedistes por merced, es nuestra 
merced e yoluntad de les hacer merced, como por la presente yos la 
hacemos a los que de ellos no son idalgos, que scan idalgos notorios 
de solar conocido en aquellas partes, e que en ellas e en todas las 
nuestras Indias, islas y tierra firme del mar Ocdano, gocen de las pre- 
eminencias e hbertades, e otras cosas de que gozan, y deben ser 
guardadas a los hijosdalgo notorios de solar conocido dentro nuestros 
reinos, e a los que de lod susodichos son idalgos, que sean caballeros 
de espuelas doradas, dando primero la informacion que en tal caao ae 

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Itbh : y OS haeemos meroed de veiiite y cinoo vegnas e otros tantos 
caballoB de los que nos tenemos en la isla de Jamaica, e no las abiendo 
cnando las pidi^redes, no seamos tenndos al preeio de ellas, ni de otra 
eosa por razon de ellas. 

Otbosi : Os haeemos merced de trescientos mill maravedis pagados 
en Gastilla del Ore para el artilleiia e mnnidon qne faabeia de llevar 
a la dicha prorineia del Per6, llevando fe de los nuestros ofidales de 
la casa de Sevilla de las eosas qne ansi oomprastes, e de lo qne ros 
eostd, eontando el interese e cambio de ello, e mas os har^ merced de 
otros dncientoB dneados pagados en Gastilla de Oro para aynda al 
aearreto de la dicha artillerCa e nraniciones e otras cosas yuestras 
desde el Nombre de Dies so la dicha mar del Sur. 

Otrosi : Yos daremos lioencia, como por la presents tos la damos^ 
para que destos nuestros reinos, e del reino de Portugal e islas de 
Gabo Verde, e dende, vos, e quien vuestro poder hubiere, quisieredes 
e por bien tnvi^redes, podais pasar e paseis a la dicha tierra de vuestra 
gobemadon cincuenta esdayos negros en que haya a lo menos el 
tercio de hembras^ libres de todos derechos a nos pertenecientes, con 
tanto que si los dejitredes e parte de ellos en la isla Espanola, San 
Joan, Cuba,, Santiago, e en Gastilla del Oro, e en otra parte alguna los 
que de ellos ansi dejiredes, scan perdidos e aplicados^ e por la presents 
los aplicamos a nuestra c&mara e fisoo. 

Otrosi : Que haeemos merced y limosna al hospital que se hiciese 
en la dicha tierra, para ayuda al remedio delos pobres que alii fueren, 
de cien mill maravedis librados en las penas aplicadas de la c&mara 
de la dicha tierra. Ansimismo a vuestro pedimento e consentimiento 
de los primeros pobladores de la dicha tierra, decimos que haremos 
merced, como por la presente la haeemos, i, los hospitales de la dicha 
tierra de los derechos de la escubilla e relaves que hubiere en las 
fnndiciones que en ella se hicieren, e de ello mandaremos dar nuestra 
proTision en forma. 

Otrosi : Decimos que mandaremos, e por la presente mandamos, 
que hayan e restdan en la ciudad de Pananui, e donde vos fuere man- 
dado, un carpintero e un calafate, e cada uno de ellos tenga de salario 
treinta mill maravedis en cada un afio dende que comenzaren a residir 
en la dicha dudad, o donde, como dicho es, vos les mandiiredes ; a 
los cuales les mandaremos pagar por los nuestros oficiales de la dicha 
tierra de vuestra gobemadon cuando nuestra merced y voluntad 

Item : Que vos mandaremos dar nuestra provision en forma para 

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que en !& dicha oosia del mar del Sur podals tomar cnalesqiiier nayfos 
que hnbi^redea menester, de coiusentiiniento de bos duenos, para los 
yiajes que hobi^redes de hacer a la dicha tierra, pagando a los duefios 
de loe tales uavios el flete que justo sea, no embargante que otras 
personas los tengan fletados para otras partes. 

Ansimismo que mandaremos, e por la presents mandamos e defen- 
demos, que destos nnestros reinos no vayan ni pasen a las dichas 
tierras ningunas personas de las prohibidas que no puedan pasar a 
aquellas partes, so las penas eontenidas en las leyes e ordenanzas e 
cartas nuestras, que cerca de esto por nos e por los reyes catdlicos 
estan dadas ; ni letrados nl procuradores para usar de sus oficios. 

Lo cual que dicho es, e cada cosa e parte de ello vos concedemos, 
con tanto qua vos el dicho capltan Pizarro seals tenudo e obligado de 
salir destos nuestros reinos con los navios e aparejos e manteni- 
mientos e otras cosas que fueren menester para el dicho viaje y pobla- 
don, con dudentos e cincuenta hombres, los ciento y cinouenta destos 
nuestros reinos e otras partes no prohibidas, e los dento restantes 
podais llevar de las islas e tierra firme del mar Oc^ano, con tanto que 
de la dicha tierra firme llamada Castilla del Oro no saqueis mas de 
veinte hombres, sine fuere de los que en el primero e segundo viaje 
que vos hicistds a la dicha tierra del Per6 se hallaron con vos, porque 
a estos damos licencia que puedan ir con vos libremente ; lo cual 
hayais de cumplir desde el dia de la data de esta hasta seis meses 
primeros siguientes : allegado a la dicha Castilla del Oro, e allegado 
a Panami, seais tenudo de pros^guir el dicho viaje, e hacer el 
dicho descubrimiento e pobladon dentro de otros seis meses luego 

Item : Con condidon que cuando sali^redes destos nuestros reinos 
e Uegiiredes a las dichas provindas del Perd, hayais de llevar y tener 
con vos a los oficiales de nuestra hadenda que por nos estan e fueren 
nombrados ; e admismo las personas religiosas o edesilisticas que por 
nos serin senaladas para instruccion de los Indies e naturales de 
aquella provinda a nuestra santa £e Catdlica, con cuyo pareoer e no 
sin ellos habeis de hacer la conquista, descubrimiento, e pobladon de 
la dicha tierra ; a los cuales religiosos habeis de dar e pagar el flete e 
matalotaje, e los otros mantenimientos necesarios oonforme a bus per- 
sonas, todo a vuestra costa, sin por ello les llevar cosa alguna durante 
la dicha navegacion, lo cual mucho vos lo encargamos que and hagais 
e cumplais, como cosa de servido de Dies e nuestrO| porque de lo 
contrario nos tenlamos de vos por deservidos. 

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Otboai : Con condicion que en la dicha pacificacion, conquista, y 
pobladon e tratamiento de los dichos Indios en bos personas y bienes, 
seals tenudos e obligados de guardar en todo e por todo lo contenido 
en las ordenanzas e instrucciones que para esto tenemos fechas, e se 
hicieren, e yob seran dadas en la nuestra carta e provision que tos 
xnandaremos dar para la encomienda de los dichos Indios. £ cum- 
pliendo tos el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro lo contenido en este 
asiento, en todo lo que a tos toca e incnmbe de guardar e cumplir, 
prometemos, e tos aseguramos por nuestra palabra real, que agora e 
de aqui adelante vos mandaremos guardar e tos ser& guardado todo 
lo que ansi tos concedemos, e facemos merced, a tos e a los pobla- 
dores e tratantes en la dicba tierra ; e para ejecucion y cumplimiento 
dello, TOS mandaremos dar nuestras cartas e proTisiones particulares 
que couTcngan e menester scan, oblig&ndoos tos el dicho capitan 
Pizarro primeramente ante escribano ptiblico de guardar e cumplir lo 
contenido en este asiento que a tos toca como dicho es. Fecha en 
Toledo a 26 de JuUo de 1529 anos.— YO LA BEINA.— Por mandado 
de S. M. — Juan Vasquez. 

No. VIII.— See vol. ii. p. 64. 


[As the seizure of the Inca was one of the most memor- 
able, as well as foulest, transactions of the Conquest, I have 
thought it might be well to put on record the testimony, 
fortunately in my possession, of several of the parties pre- 
sent on the occasion.] 
Bdadon del Primer Jkscubrimiento de la Costa y Mar dd Siw, MS. 

A la hora de las cuatro comienzan & caminar por su calzada ade- 
lante derecho & donde nosotros estabamos, y d las dnco 6 poco mas 
llegd i la puerta de la dudad, quedando todos los campos cubiertos 
de gente, y asi comenzaron & entrar por la plaza hasta trescientos 
hombres como mozos despuelas con sus arcos y flechas en las manos, 
cantando un cantar no nada gracioso para los que lo oyamos, antes 
espantoso porque parecia cosa infernal, y dieron una vuelta & aquella 
mezquita amagando al suelo con las manos & limpiar lo que por el 

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estaba, de lo caul faabia poca necesidad, porque los del pueblo le 
tenian bien barrido para cuando entrase. Acabada de dar bu vuelta 
pararon todos juntos, y entrd otro escuadron de hasta mil hombres 
con picas sin yerros tostadas las puntas, todos de una librea de colores, 
digo que la de los primeros era blanca y colorada, como las casas de 
nn axedrez. Entrado el segundo escuadron entrd el tercero de otra 
librea, todos con martillos en las manos de cobre y plata, que es una 
anna que ellos tienen ; y ansi desta manera entraron en la dicha 
plaza muchos senores prindpales, que yenian en medio de los delan- 
teros y de la persona de Atabalipa. Detras destos, en una litera muy 
rica, los cabos de los maderos cubiertos de plata, venia la persona de 
Atabalipa, la cual traian ochenta senores en hombros, todos vestidos 
de una librea azul muy rica, y A vestido su persona muy ricamente, 
con su corona en la cabeza, y al cuoUo un collar de esmeraldas 
grandes, y sentado en la litera en una silla muy pequena con un coxin 
muy rico. Eh llegando al medio de la plaza par<5, llevando descu- 
bierto el medio cuerpo de f uera ; y todo la gente de guerra que estaba 
en la plaza le tenian en medio, estando dentro hasta seis 6 siete mil 
hombres. Como el vid que ninguna persona salia & el ni pareda, 
tnbo creido, y asi lo confesd el despues de preso, que nos habiamos 
escondido de miedo de Ter su poder ; y di6 una toz y dixo, '* Donde 
estan estos ! *' A la coal salio del aposento del dicho Grobemador 
Pizarro el Padre Fray Vicente de Yalverde, de la orden de los Pre- 
dicadores, que despues fu^ obispo de aquella tierra, con la bribia en la 
mano y con d una lengua, y asi juntos Uegaron por entre la gente 6 
poder hablar con Atabalipa, al cual le comenzd & decir cosas de la 
sagrada escriptura, y que nuestro Senor Jesu-Christo mandaba que 
entre los suyos no hubiese guerra ni disoordia, sino todo paz, y que d 
en su nombre ansi se lo pedia y requeria ; pues habia quedado de tra- 
tar della el dia antes, y de venir solo sin gente de guerra. A las cuales 
palabras y otras muchas que el Frayle le dixo, el estubo callando sin 
Yolver respuesta ; y tomandole d decir que mirase lo que Dies man- 
daba, lo cual estaba en aquel libro que lleyaba en la mano escripto, 
admirandose i mi parecer mas de la escriptura, que de lo escripto en 
ella : le pidid el libro, y le abrid y ojed, mirando el molde y la orden 
del ; y despues de yisto, le arrojd por entre la gente con mucha ira, 
el rostro muy encamizado, dieiendo, '* Dedldes & esos que vengan acfi, 
que no pasar^ de aqui hasta que me d^ cuenta y satisfagan y paguen 
lo que ban hecho en la tierra." Yisto esto por el Frayle y lo poco que 
aproTcchaban sus palabras^ tom6 su libro, y abajd su cabeza, y fuese 

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para donde estaba el dicho Pizaxfo, cMi oorriendo, y dijole, ^ No t«s 
lo que pan ! para que estais en eomedimientoe y requerimientoe eon 
este penro Ueno de soberbia, que Tienen loa campoe Uenos de Indioe I 
Salid i el ! Que yo os abaaelTo." Y ana afahadaa de decir estas 
palabraa, que iu^ todo en un instante, tocan las trompetas, y parte de 
an poaada con toda lagente de pie que con €L estaba, diciendo, 
^ Santiago i, elloB 1 " y asi aalimoa todos 4l aqueUa yoz A, una^ porqoe 
todas aquellaa caaaa que aalian & la plaza tenian muchaa poertas, y 
pareoe que se babian fecho i aquel proposito. £n anemetiendo los 
de caballo y rompiendo por elloa todo fue uno, que ain matar sino 
aolo un negro de nuestra parte, iueron todos deabaratadoa y Aiabalipa 
preso, y la gente pueata en huida^ aunque no pudieron huir del tropd, 
porqne la puerta por di5 babian entrado era pequena, y con la turba- 
don no podian aalir ; y visto los izaseros euan lejos tenian la aooxida 
y remedio de huir, arrimaronae dos 6 tres mil delloe i. un lienao de 
pared, y dieron con &. k tierra, el cual salia al camfN), porque por 
aquella parte no babia casaa, y ansi tubieron camino ancho para huir ; 
y loa eseuadrones de gente que babian quedado en el campo ain entrar 
en el pueblo, como vieron huir y dar alaridoe, los maa delloe fueron 
desbaratados y se pusieron en huida, que era oosa barto de ver, que 
un valle de cuatro 6 cinco leguas todo iba cuaxado de gente. £n este 
Tino la noche muy presto, y la gente se reeogid, y Atabaliim se puso 
en una casa de piedra, que era el templo del sol, y asi se pasd aqneUa 
noche con grand regocijo y placer de la vitoria que nuestro Senor nos 
habia dado, poniendo mucho recabdo en haoer guardia k la persona 
de AtabaMpa, para que no volviesen & tomamoele. Cierto fue per- 
mision de Dios y grand acertamiento guiado por su mano, porque si 
este dia no se prendiera, con la soberbia que trahia, aquella noche 
fueramos todos asolados por ser tan pocos, como tengo didio« y ellos 

Ped/ro Pizcuro, IkaciMmienfo y OonquMta de loa Baynoa dd Pem, 

Pues despues de aver comido, que acaTana A bora de missa mayor, 
enpe^o & levantar su gente y i venirse hazia Caxamalca. Hechos sns 
esquadrones, que cubrian los campos, y el metido en vnas indas enpe^o 
ii caminar, viniendo delante del dos mil Yndios que le barrian el ca- 
mino por donde venia caminando, y la gente de guerra la mitad de 
vn lado y la mitad de otro por los campos sin entrar en camino. 
Traia ansi mesmo al senor de Chincha oonsigo en vnas andas, que 

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parescia & los Buyos cossa de admiracioDy porqne ningun YDdio, por 
aenor principal que fiiese, avia de parescer delante del sino fuese con 
yna carga H cuestas y descalzo : pues hera tanta la pateneria que traian 
d* oro y plata, que hera coesa estrana, lo que reluzia con el sol. Venian 
ansi mesmo delante de Atabalipa muchoB Yndios cantando y dan- 
zando. Tardoee ste senor en todar esta media legua que ay dende 
los bafios & donde el estaya hasta Caxamalca, dende ora de missa 
mayor, como digo, hasta tres oras antes que anochesciese. Pues 
Uegada la gente i, la puerta de la plaza, enpe9aron & entrar los esqua- 
drones con grandes cantares, y ansi entrando ocuparon toda la plaza 
por todas partes. Visto el Marquez Don Francisco Pifarro que Ata- 
balipa Tenia ya junto & la plaza, embio al Padre Fr. Vicente de Bal- 
rerde, primero Obispo del Cuzco, y i Hernando de Aldana, vn buen 
soldado, y i Don Martinillo lengua, que fuesen i, hablar & Atabalipa, 
y & requerille de parte de Dios y del Rey se subjetase d la ley de 
nnestro Senor Jesu-Christo y al servicio de S. Mag., y que el Marquez 
le tendria en lugar de hermano, y no consintiria le hiziesen enojo ni 
dano en su tierra. Pues Uegado que fue el padre i, las andas donde 
Atabalipa Tenia, le hablo y le dixo & lo que yra, y le predico cossas 
de nuestra sancta ffee, dedarandoselas la lengua. Llevaya el padre 
Tn breTiario en las nuuios, donde .leya lo que le predicaba : el Ata- 
balipa se lo pidio, y el cerrado se lo dio, y como le tuTO en las manos 
y no sapo abrille arrojole al suelo. Llamo al Aldana que se Uegase 
H el y le diese la espada ; y el Aldana la saco y se la mostro, pero no 
se la quiso dar. Pues pasado lo dicho, el Atabalipa les dixo que se 
fuesen para yellacos ladrones, y que los aTia de matar i todos. Pues 
oydo esto, el padre se bolvio y conto al Marquez lo que le avia 
pasado ; y el Atabalipa entro en la plaza con todo su trono que traya, 
y el senor de Chincha tras del. Desque OTieron entrado y Tieron que 
no parescia Espanol ninguno, pregunto i sus capitanes, *^ Donde estan 
estos Cristianos, que no parescen 1 *' Ellos le dixeron, ^ Senor, estan 
escondidos de miedo." Pues Tisto el Marquez Don Francisco Pifarro 
las dos andas, no conosciendo qual hera la de Atabalipa, mando & 
Joan Pif arro su hermano fuese con los peones que tenia & la vna, y 
el yria & la otra. Pues mandado esto, hizieron la sena al Candia, 
el qual solto el tiro, y en soltandolo tocaron las trompetas, y salieron 
los de acaTallo de tropel, y el Marquez con los de & pie, como esta 
dicho, tras dellos, de manera que, con el estruendo del tiro y las 
trompetas y el tropel de los caTallos con los cascaTeles, los Yndios se 
embararon y se cortaron. Los Espanoles dieron en ellos y empefaron 

TOL. III. u 

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i. matar, y fiie tanto el miedo que los Yndios ovieron, que por huir, 
no pudiendo salir por lapuerta, derribaron vn lienzo de vna pared de 
la 9erca de la plaza, de largo de mas de dos mil passos y de alto de 
mas de vn estado. Los de acayallo fueron en su seguimiento hasta 
los banos, donde hizieron grande estrago, y hizieran mas sino les 
anocbesciera. Pues bolviendo i Don Francisco Pi9arro y i su her- 
mano, salieron, como estaya dicho, con la gente de & pie : el Marquez 
fue i dar con las andas de Atabalipa, y el hermano con el sefior de 
Chincha, al qual mataron alii en las &ndas ; y lo mismo fiiera del 
Atabalipa sino se hallara el Marquez alii, porque no podian derivalle 
de las andas, que aunque matavan los Yndios que las tenian, se 
metiau luego otros de reffresco & sustentallas, y desta manera estu- 
vieron tu gran rrato fiCorcejando y matando Indies, y de cansados vn 
Espanol tiro vna cuchilladaparamatalle, y el Marquez Don Francisco 
Pi9arro se la rreparo, y del rreparo le hirio en la mano al Marquez 
el Espanol, queriendo dar al Atabalipa, i, cuya caussa el Marquez dio 
bozes, diciendo, *' Nadie hiera al Indio, so pena de la vida I" Entendido 
^ esto, aguijaron siete 6 ocho Espauoles y asieron de vn bordo de las 
andas, y haziendo fuer9a las trastomaron a vn lado, y ansi fiie preso el 
Atabalipa, y el Marquez le llevo i su aposento, y alii le puso guardas 
que le guardavan de dia y de noche. Pues venida la noche, los 
Espanoles se recoxieron todos y dieron muchas gracias d nuestro 
Senor por las mercedes que les avia hecho, y muy contentos en tener 
presso al senor, porque & no prendelle no se ganara la tierra como 

Carta de Hernando Pizarro, ap. Oviedo, ffistoria General de las 

Indias, MS., lib. xlvi. cap. xv. 
Yenia en unas handas, e delante de €i hasta trecientos 6 cuatro- 
cientos Yndios, con camisetas de librea, limpiando las pajas del camino 
e cantando, e el en medio de la otra gente, que eran caciques 6 prin- 
cipales, e los mas principaJes caciques le traian en los hombros ; e 
entrando en la plaza subieron doce 6 quince Yndios en una fortaleza 
que alii estaba^ e tomaronla 6. manera de posesion con vandera puesta 
en una lanza. Entrando hasta la mitad de la plaza repard alii ; e salid 
un Fraile Dominico, que estaba con el Gobemador, i hablarle de su 
parte, que el Gobemador le esperaba en su aposento, que le fuese i 
bablar ; e dijole como era sacerdote, € que era embiado por el Empe- 
rador para que le ensenase las cosas de la fe si quisiesen ser Cris- 
tianos ; 6 mostroles un libro que Uevaba en las manos, e dijole que 
aquel libro era de las cosas de Dies ; 4 el Atabaliva pidi6 el libro, e 

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arrojole en el suelo ^ dijo, *^ Yo no pasar^ de aqui hasta que me dels 
todo lo qne habeis tornado en mi tierra, que yo bien se quien sois voso- 
tros, y en lo que andais." £ levantose en las andas, e habld & su gente, 
6 obo murmuUo entre ellos Uamandd & la gente que tenian las armas : 
6 el fraile fue al Gobemador e dijole que que hacia, que ya no estaba 
la cosa en tiempo de esperar mas : el Gobemador me lo embid a decir : 
yo tenia concertado con el capitan de la artilleria, que haciendole una 
sena disparasen los tiros, 4 con la gente que oyendolos saliesen todos i 
nn tiempo ; 6 como asi se hizo, 6 como los Yndios estaban sin armas, 
fUerou desbaratados sin peligro de ningun Cristiano. Los que traian 
las andas, e los caciques que yenian al rededor del, nunca lo desam- 
pararon hasta que todos murieron al rededor del. £1 Gobemador salio 
6 tomd i, Atabaliva, e por defenderle le did un Cristiano una cuchi- 
llada en una mano. La gente siguid el alcance hasta donde estaban 
los Yndios con armas ; no se halld en ellos resistencia alguna, porque 
ya era noche. Recogieronse todos al pueblo, donde el Gobemador 

No. IX.— See vol. ii. p. 101. 


[This minute account of the appearance and habits of the 
captive Inca is of the most authentic character, coming, as 
it does, from the pen of one who had the best opportunities 
of personal observation, during the monarch's imprisonment 
by his conquerors. Pizarro's MS. is among those recently 
given to the world by the learned academicians Salva and 

Este Atabalipa ya dicho hera Indio bien dispuesto, de buena per- 
sona, de medianas cames, no grueso demasiado, hermoso de rosto, y 
grave en el, los ojos encamizados, muy temido de los suyos. (Acu^r- 
dome que el senor de Guaylas le pidid licencia para yr & ver su 
tierra, y se la did, d^ndole tiempo en que fuese y viniese Hmitado. 
Tardose algo mas, y cuando bolvio, estando yo presente, Uegd con vn 
presente de fruta de la tierra, y Uegado que fue & su presencia empe9o 
6, temblar en tanta manera que no se podia toner en los pies. £1 
Atabalipa al90 la caveza vn poquito y sonrriendose le hizo sena que 

u 2 

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86 ffuefie.) Quando le saearon & maiar, toda la gente que avia en la 
plaza de los natoiiileSy que avia harto^ se prostxaron por tierray dexan- 
dofle caer en el suelo como Borracbos. £ste Indio se servia de sua 
mugeres por la borden que tengo ya dieba, suriendde yna hermana 
diez dias d ocbo con mucha cantidad de bijas de senores que 6. estas 
bermanas Servian, mudandose de ocbo 6, ocbo dias. Estas estayan 
siempre con el para serrille, que Yndio no entrava dond' el estaya. 
Tenia mucbos caciques consigo : estos estavan afuera en vn patio, y 
en llamando alguno entrava descalzo y donde el estava ; y si venia de 
fuera parte, avia de entrar descaizo y cargado con vna carga ; y 
quando su capitan Cballicucbima vino con Hernando Pi^arro y le 
entro & ver, entro aa como digo con vna carga y descaizo y se hecho 
a SOS pies, y Uorando se los beso. £1 Atabalipa con rostro sereno le 
dixo, *^ Seas bien venido aUi, Cballicucbima ;" queriendo dezir, ** Seas 
Men venido, Cballicucbima." Este Yndio se ponia en la caveza vnos 
llautos, que son vnas tren9as becbas de lanas de colores, de grosor de 
medio dedo y de ancbor de vno ; becbo desto vna manera de corona 
y no con puntas, sine redonda, de ancbor de vna mano, que encaxava 
en la caveza, y en la frente vna borla cossida en este llauto, de ancbor 
de vna mano, poco mas, de lana muy fiKna de grana, cortada muy 
ygual, metida por vnos canutitos de oro muy sotilmente basta la 
mitad : esta lana bera bilada, y de los cafiutos abaxo destorcida, que 
bera lo que caya en la frente ; que los canutillos de oro bera quanto 
tomavan todo el llauto ya dicbo. Cayale esta borla basta encima de 
las cejas, de vn dedo grosor, que le tomava toda la frente ; y todos 
estos senores andavan tresquilados y los orejoues como 6. sobre peine. 
Yestian ropa muy delgada y muy blanda ellos y sus bermanas que 
tenian por mugeres, y sus deudos, orejones principales, que se la 
davan los senores, y todos los demas vestian ropa basta. Poniase 
este sefior la manta por encima de la cavefa y atabasela debajo de 
la barva, tapandose laa orejas ; esto traia el por tapar vna oreja que 
tenia rompida, que quando le prendieron los de Guascar se la que- 
braron. Bestiase este senor ropas muy delicadas. Estando vn dia 
comiendo, questas senoras ya dicbas Uevavan la comida y se la 
ponian delante en vnos juncos verdes muy delgados y pequenos. 
Estaba sentado este senor en vn duo de madera, de altor de poco mas 
de un palmo : este duo bera de madera colorada muy linda, y tenianle 
siempre . tapado con vna manta muy delgada, aunque stuvlese el 
sentado en el. Estos juncos ya dicbos le tendian siempre delante 
quando queria comer, y alii le ponian todos losmaojares en oro, plata. 

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7 bi^rTO, J el que i el ftpetescia senalava se lo traxeaen, y tomandolo 
vna sefiora destas dichas se lo tenia en la mano mientras comia. 
Pues estando un dia desta manera comiendo y yo preeente, llevando 
vna tajada del manjar i, la boca, le cayo vna gota en el vestido que 
tenia puesto, y dendo de mano A la Yndia se levanto y se entro i su 
apoeento H vestir otro vestido, y buelto saco vestido vna camieeta 
y vna manta (pardo escuro). Llegandome yo pues a el le tente la 
mantay que hera masblanda que sed^, y dixele, ** Ynga, de que es este 
vestido tan blando !" £1 me dixo^'^Es de vnos pajaros que andan 
de noche en Puerto Viejo y en Tumbez, que muerden & los tndios. 
Yenido H aclararse, dixo que hera de pelo de murcielagos. Dizien- 
dole, que de donde se podria juntar tanto murdelago! dixo, ^ Aquel- 
lofl perroe de Tumbez y Puerto Viejo que avian de hazer sine tomar 
destoe para hazer ropa & mi padre ! *^ Y es ansi questos murcielagos 
de aquellas partes muerden de noche i los Indies y A Espanoles y & 
cavallos, y sacan tanta sangre ques cossa de misterio, y ann se 
averiguo ser este vestido de lana de mercielagos, y ansi hera la color 
como dellos del vestido que en Puerto Viejo y en Tumbez y sus 
comarcas ay gran cantidad dellos. Pues acontescio vn dia que 
viniendose i, quexar vn Indio que vn Espauol tomava vnos bestidos 
de Atabalipa, el Marquez me mando fuesse yo k saver quien hera y 
llamar al Espa&ol para castigailo. El Indio me llevo 6. vn buhio, 
donde avia gran cantidad de petacas, por quel Espanol ya hera ydo, 
diciendome que de alii avia tomado vn bestido dssL sefior ; 6 yo pre- 
guntandole que que tenian aquellas petacas, me mostro algunas en 
que tenian todo aquello que Atabalipa avia tocado con las manos, y 
avia estado di pies, y vestidos que el avia deshechado ; en vnas los 
jnnquillos que le hechavan delante ^ los pies quando oomia ; en otras 
los guesses de las cames 6 aves que comia, que el avia tocado con las 
manos ; en otras los maslos de.las mazorcas de mahiz que avia tomado 
«n SOS manos ; en otras las rropas que havia deshechado ; finalmente 
todo aquello que el avia tocado. Preguntelee, que para que tenian 
aquello alii ! Respondieronme, que para queroallo, porque cada ano 
quemavan todo esto, porque lo que toe los sefiores que heran 

faijos del sol, se avia de quemar y hazer seniza y hechallo por el ayre, 
que nadie avia de tocar A eUo. Y en guarda desto estava vn prend- 
pal eon Indies, que lo guardava y rrecoxia de las mugeres que les 
Servian. Estos senores dormian en el suelo en vnos eolchones grandes 
de algodon : tenian vnas ffrecadas grandes de lana con que se cubija- 
ban : y no e visto en todo este Piru Indio semejante & este Atabalipa^ 
ni de sa ferocidad ni autoridad. 

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No. X.— See vol. ii. p. 140. 


[The following notices of the execution of the Inca are 
from the hands of eye-witnesses ; for Oviedo, though not 
present himself, collected his particulars from those who 
were. I give the notices here in the original, as the best 
authority for the account of this dismal tragedy.] 

Pedro Pizarro, Deiciibrimiento y Conquista de Ua Beynot 
dd Peru, MS, 
Aoordaron pues los officiales^y Almagro qae Atabalipa xnnrieBe, 
tratando entre si que muerto Atabalipa se acababa el auto hecho acerca 
del tesoro. Pues dixeron al Marquez Don Francisco Pi9arro que no 
convenia que Atabalipa biviese ; porque d se soltava, S. Mag. per- ' 
deria la tierra y todos loa Espafioles serian muertos ; y Ii la verdad, 
si esto no fuera tratado con malicia, como esta dicho, tenian razon, 
porque hera imposible soltandose poder ganar la tierra. Pues el 
Marquez no quiso yenir en ello. Yisto esto los oficiales hizieronle 
muchos rrequenmientosy poniendole el serricio de S. Mag. por delante. 
Pues estando asi atrayesose yn demonio de yna lengua, que se dezia 
Ffelipillo, yno de los muchachos que el Marquez ayia lleyado £ Espana, 
que al presente hera lengua, y andava enamorado de yna muger de 
Atabalipa^ y por ayella hizo entender al Marquez que Atabalipa hazia 
gran junta de gente para matar los Espanoles en Caxas. Pues sabido 
el Marquez esto prendio i Challicuchima que estava suelto y pregun- 
tandole por esta gente que dizia la lengua se juntayan, aunque 
negaya y dezia que no, el Ffelipillo dezia k la contra trastomando las 
palabras dezian il quien se preguntaya este casso. Pues el Marquez 
Pon Francisco Pizarro acordo embiar 6, Sotd & Caxas & sayer si se 
hazia alii alguna junta de gente, porque cierto el Marquez no quisiera 
matalle. Pues yisto Almagro y los oficiales la yda de Soto apretaron 
al Marquez con muchos rrequirimientos, y la lengua por su parte que 
ayudaya con sus rretruecos, yinieron Ii conyencer al Marquez que 
muriese Atabalipa, porque el Marquez hera muy zeloso del seryicio 
de S. Mag., y ansi le liizieron temer, y contra suyoluntadsentencio i, 
muerte i, Atabalipa mandando le diesen garrote, y despuez de muerto 

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le qnemasen porque tenia las hermanas por mugeres. Gerto poeas 
leyes avian leido estoB sefiores ni entendido, pues al infiel sin aver ddo 
predicado le davan esta sentencia. Pues el Atabalipa Uorava y dezia 
que no le matasen, que no abria Yndio en la tierra que se meneasse 
sin 8U mandado, y que presso le tenian, que de que temian ! y que si 
lo ayian por oro y plata, que el daria dos tanto de lo que avia mandado. 
Yo vide Uorar al Marques de pesar por no podelle dar la yida porque 
cierto temio los requirimientos y el rriezgo que avia en la tierra si se 
Boltava. Este Atabalipa avia hecho entender 6. sus mugeres 4 Yndios 
que si no le quemavan el cuerpo, aunque le matassen avia de bolver & 
eUoSf que el sol su padre le rresucitaria. Pues sacandole i dar garrote 
& la plaza, el Padre Fray Vicente de Balverde ya dicho le predico 
diziendole se tomase Cristiano : y el dixo que si el se tomava Oris- 
tiano, si le quemarian, y dixeronle que no: y dixo que pues no le avian 
de quemar que queria ser baptizado, y ansi Fray Vicente le baptizo y 
le dieron garrote, y otro dia le enterraron en la yglesia que en Caxa- 
malca teniamos los Espanoles. Esto se hizo antes que Soto bolviese & 
dar aviso de lo que le hera mandado ; y quando vino truxo por nueva no 
aver visto nada ni aver nada, de que al Marquez le peso mucho de 
avelle muerto, y al Soto mucho mas, porque dezia el, y tenia rrazon, 
que mejor ffnera embialle & Espana, y que el se obligara 4 ponello en 
la mar : y cierto esto fuera lo mejor que con este Indio se pudiera 
hazer, porque quedar en la tierra no convenia. Tambien se entendio 
que no biviera muchos dias, aunque le embiara, porque el hera muy 
regalado y muy senor. 

JUHacum del Primer Detcubrimiento de la Costa y Mar del SuTy MS. 
Dando forma como se Uevaria Atabalipa de camino, y que guardia 
se le pondria, y consnltando y tratando si seriamos parte para defen- 
derle en aquellos pasos males y rios si nos le quisiesen tomar los suyos. 
Comenz6se & decir y i certificar entre los Indies, que el mandaba venir 
grand multitud de gente sobre nosotros ; esta nueva se fu^ encendiendo 
tanto, que se tomd informadon de muchos senores de la tierra, que to- 
doe ^ una dijeron que era verdad, que el mandaba venir sobre nosotros 
para que le salvasen, y nos matasen si pudiesen, y que estaba toda la 
gente en cierta provincia ayuntada que ya venia de camino. Tomada 
esta informacion, juntar6nse el dicho Gobemador, y Almagro, y los 
oiiciales de S. Mag., no estando ahi Hernando Pizarro, porque ya era 
partido para Espaua con alguna parte del quinto de S. Mag. y & darle 
noticia y nueva de lo acaecido ; y resumieronse, aunque contra volun- 

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ted del dicho Gobeniador, que nnnca estabo bien en eUo, que Ateba- 
lipa, pnes quebnntaba la paz, j queria haoer traidon j traher gentes 
para matar Iob Cristianoe, nrarieflBy porqne eon su maerto oesaria todo, 
y ae allanaria^Ia tierra : i. lo coal hnbo contrarioB pareceres, y la mas 
de la gente se pnso en defender que no mnriese ; al cabo insistiendo 
macho en sn muerte el dicho Gapitan Almagro, y dando muchaB ra- 
Bones por qnd debia morir, el liie mnertOy annque para el no fa^ 
mnerte, sino vida, porqne mnritf Gristiano, y es de creer que se fne al 
eielo. Pttblicado por toda la tierra sn muerte, la gente comun y de 
pueblos yenian donde el didio Gobemador estaba i dar la obedienda 
i S. Mag. ; pero los capitanes y gente de gnerra que estaban en 
Xanxa y en el Cuzco, antes se rehicieron, y no quisieron yenir de paz. 
Aqui acaeci<5 la cosa mas estrana que se ha yisto en el mundo, que yo 
yi por mis ojos, y fne ; que estando en la iglesia cantando los oficios 
de difnntos & Atabalipa, presente el cuerpo, llegaron ciertas senoras 
hermanas y mugeres snyas, y otros' priyados con grand estniendo, tal 
que impidieron el ofido, y dijeron que les hiciesen aquella fiesta muy 
mayor, porque era oostumbre, cuando el grand aenor moria, que todos 
aquellos que bien le querian se enterrasen yiyos con el : £ los coales 
se les respondio, que Atabalipa habia muerto como Cristiano, y como 
tal le hacian aquel oficio, que no se habia de baoer lo que ellos pedian, 
que era may mal hecho y contra Cristianidad ; que se fuesen de alii, 
y no les estorbasen, y se le dejasen enterrar, y anai se fueron & sos 
aposentos, y se ahorcaron todo sellos y ellos. Las cosas que pasaron 
en estos dias, y los extremos y llantos de la gente, son may largas y 
prolijas, y por eso no se dirdn aqui. 

Oviedo, HistoTva OtfMfral de leu Jndias, MS^ lih, xlyi. cap. xxiL 
Cuando el Marques Don Francisco Pizarro tnbo preso al gran Rey 
Atabaliya le aconsejaron hombres faltos de buen entendimiento, que 
le matase, o el obo gana, porque como se yieron cargados de oro pare- 
cioles que maerto aquel senor lo podian poner mas i sn salyo en 
Espana donde qubiesen, 6 dejando la tierra, y que asimismo serian 
mas parte para se sustener en ella sin aquel escrupuloso impedimentOf 
que no conseryandose la yida de un principe tan grande, e tan temido 
6 acatado de sua naturales, y en todas aquellas partes ; 6 la eq>eri- 
encia ha mostrado cuan mal acordado 6 peor fecho fiie todo lo que 
contra Atabaliya se hizo despues de eu prision en le qnitar la yida, 
con la cual demas de deseryirse Dios quitaron al Emperador nnestro 
seuor, e k los mismos Espanoles que en aquellas partes se haUaron, y 

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& los que en Espana quedaron, qne entonces Tiyiaii y i los qne aora 
-viyen 6 nacer4n iiiniimeTables tesoros^ que aquel principe les diera ; 6 
niuguno de sue vasallos se mobiera ni alterara como se alteraron e 
revelaron en faltando su persona. Notorio es que el Gobemador le 
asegurd la yida, y sin que le diese tal seguro el se le tenia, pues ningun 
capitan puede disponer sin lioentia de su Bey y senor de la persona 
del principe que tiene preso, cuyo es de derecho, cuanto mas que 
Atabaliva dijo al Marques, que si algun Cristiano matasen los Yndios, 
6 le hiciesen el menor dano del mundo, que creyese que por su man- 
dado lo hacia, y que cuando eso fuese le matase 6 hiciese del lo que 
quisiese ; 6 que tratandole bien ^1 le chaparia las paredes de plata, e 
le allanaria las sierras 6 los monies, e le daria &el, 6 A los Cristianos 
cuanto oro quisiesen, 6 que desto no tubiese duda alguna : y en pago 
de sus ofrecimientos encendidas pajas se las ponian en los pies ardi- 
endo, porque digese que traieion era la que tenia ordenada contra los 
Cristianos, e inventando e fabricando contra el falsedades, le leyan- 
taron que los queria matar, 6 todo aquello .fue rodeado por malos e 
por la inadvertencia 6 mal consejo del Gobemador, e comenzaron & le 
hacer proceso mal compuesto y peor escrito, seyendo uno de los 
adalides, un inquieto desasosegado, e deshonesto clerigo, y un escri- 
bano falto de condencia e de mala habilidad, y otros tales que en la 
maldad concurrieron 6 asi mal fundado el libelo se concluyo a sabor 
de danados paladares, como se dijo en el capitulo catoroe, no aoordan- 
dose que les habian enchido las casas de oro 6 plata, 6 le habian tomado 
sus mugeres 6 repartidoles en su presencia € usaban de ellas en sus 
adulteries, 6 en lo que les placia d aquellos aquien las dieron ; y como 
les parecid & los culpados que tales ofensas no eran de olvidar, 6 que 
merecian que el Atabaliva les diese la recompensa como sus obras, 
eran, asentosel^ en el animo un temor 6 enemistad con el entraiia- 
ble ; 6 por salir de tal cuidado e sospecha le ordenaron la muerte por 
aquello que el no bizo ni pensd ; y de ver aquesto algunos Espanoles 
comedidos aquien pesaba que tan graude deservicio se hiciese a Dios 
y al Emperador nuestro senor ; y aunque tan grande ingratitud se 
perpetraba, 6 tan senalada maldad se cometia, como matar k un prin- 
cipe tan grande sin culpa. E viendo que le traian & colacion sus 
deUtos e crueldades pasadas, que el habia usado entre sus Yndios y 
enemigos en el tiempo pasado, de lo cual ninguno era juez, sine Dios ; 
queriebdo saber la verdad, 6 por excusar tan notorios dauos como se 
esperaban que habian de proceder matando aquel senor, se ofrecieron 
cinco hidalgos de ir en persona & saber y ver si venia aquella gente 

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de gnem qne loe iklsoB inventores 6 bus menturosas espias publicaban, 
6, dar en los CristiaQOS ; en fin el Gobemador (que tambien se puede* 
creer que era enganado) lo obo por bien ; 6 fueron el Capitan Her- 
nando de Soto, el Capitan Rodrigo Orgais, 6 Pedro Ortiz, 6 Miguel de 
Estete, 6 LopeVelez & ver eaos enemigoe que decian que venian ; € el 
Gobemador lea diiS una guia 6 espia, que decia que sabia donde esta- 
ban ; e 4 doe dias de camino se despeuo la guia de un risco, que lo 
supo muy bien hacer el Diablo para que el dano fuese mayor ; pero 
aquellofi cinco de caballo que he dicho pasaron adelante hasta que 
Uegaron al lugar donde se decian que babian de hallar el egercito 
contntfio, 6 no hallaron hombre de guerra, ni con armas algunasysino 
todoB de paz ; 6 aunque no iban aino esoa pocos Cristianos que es 
dicho, les hicieron mucha fiesta por donde andubieron, 4 les dieron 
todo lo que les pidieron de lo que tenian para ellos ^ sub criados, € 
Yndio de servicio que llevaban ; por manera que viendo que era 
burla, 6 muy notoiia mentira 6 falsedad palpable, se tomaron a Caja- 
malca donde el Gk>bemador estaba, el cual ya habia fecho morir al 
Principe Atabaliva, se que la historia lo ha contado ; e como Uegaron 
al Gobemador hallaronle mostrando mucho sentimiento con un gran 
sombrero de fieltro puesto en la cabeza por luto e muy calado sobre 
los ojos, 6 le digeron, " Sefior, muy mal lo ha fecho V. S*, y fuera 
justo que fueramos atendidos, para que supierades que es muy gran 
traicion la que se le levantd & Atabaliya, porque ninguii hombre de 
guerra hay en el campo, ni le hallamos, sino todo de paz, e muy buen 
tratamiento que no se nos hizo en todo lo que habemos andado.** El 
Gobemador respondid 6 les dijo, '' Ya veo que me ban enganado." 
Desde i pocos dias sabida esta verdad, e murmurandose de la crueldad 
que con aquel principe se usd, vinieron & malas palabras el Gobema- 
dor y Fray Vicente de Valverde, y el tesorero Riquelme, 6 k cada 
uno de ellos decia que el otro lo habia fecho, 6 se desmintieron unos & 
otros muchas veces, oyendo muchos su rencilla. 

No. XL— See vol. ii. p. 199. 


JUNE 12, 1535. 
[This agreement between these two celebrated captains, 
in. which they bind themselves by solemn oaths to the 

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observance of what would seem to be required by the most 
common principles of honesty and honour, is too charac- 
teristic of the men and the times to be omitted. The 
original exists in the archives at Simancas.] 

No8 D^ Francisco Pizarro, Adelantado, Capitan General, y Gover- 
nador per S. M. en estos reynos de la Nueya Castilla, 6 D° Diego do 
Almagro, asimismo Govemador por S. M. en la provincia de Toledo, 
decimos : que por que mediante la intima amistad y compania que 
entre nosotros con tanto amor ha permaneddo, y queriendolo Dios 
nuestro Senor hacer, ha sido parte y cabsa que el Emperador e Rey 
nuestro se:&or haya.recevido seiialados servicios con la conquista, su- 
jecion, 6 pobhicion destas provincias y tierras, e atrayendo a la con- 
version y camino de nuestra santa fee Catolica tanta muchedumbre de 
infieles, e confiando S. M. que durante nuestra amistad y compania su 
real patrimonio sera acrecentado, 6 asi por tener este intento como 
por los servicios pasados, S. M. Catolica tubo por bien de conceder & 
mi el dicho D° Francisco Pizarro la govemacion de estos nuebos 
reynos, y & mi el dicho D° Diego de Almagro la govemacion de la 
provincia de Toledo, de las quales mercedes que de su real liberalidad 
hemos recevido, resulta tan nueba obligacion, que perpetuamente 
nuestras vidas y patrimonies, y de los que de nos decendieren en su 
real servicio, se gasten y consuman ; y para que esto mas seguro y 
mejor efecto haya, y la confianza de S. M. por nuestra parte no fal- 
lezca, renunciando la ley que cerca de los tales juramentos dispone, 
prometemos e juramos, en presencia de Dios nuestro Senor, ante cuyo 
acatamiento estamos, de guardar y cumplir bien y enteramente, y sin 
cabtela ni otro entendimiento alguno, lo espresado y contenido en los 
capitulos siguientes ; 6 suplicamos i su infinita bondad, que i qual- 
quier de nos que fuere en contrario de lo asi convenido, con todo rigor 
de justicia permita la perdicion de su anima, fin y mal acavamiento 
de su vida, destruicion.y perdimiento de su familia, honrras, y haci- 
enda, porque como quebrantador de su fee, la qual el uno al otro y el 
otro nos damos, y no temerosos de su acatamiento, reciva del tal justa 
venganza. Y lo que por parte de cada uno de nosotros juramos y 
prometemos es lo siguiente : — 

Primeramente, que nuestra amistad e compania se conserve man- 
tenga para en adelante con aquel amor y voluntad que hasta el dia 
presente entre nosotros ha habido, no la alterando ni quebrantando 

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por algnnos intereses, oobdicias, ni ambicion de qualesquiera honrras 
e oficios, sino qne hermanablemente entre noeotros se communique e 
seamos parcioneros en todo el bien que Dies nuestro Senor nos quiera 

Otros : Decimos, so cargo del juramento 6 promesa que haeemosy 
que ninguno de nosotros calunmiara ni procurara cosa alguna que en 
dafio 6 menos cabo de su honrra, vida, y hacienda al otro pueda sub- 
ceder ni yenir, ni dello sera cabsa por Tias directas ni indirectas por 
si propio ni por otra persona tacita ni espresamente cabsandolo ni 
permitiendolo^ antes procurar^ todo bien y honrra y trabajar^ de se 
lo llegar y adquirir, y evitando todas perdidas y danos que se le pue- 
dan recrecer, no siendo de la otra parte avisado. 

Otrosi : Juramos de mantener, guardar, y cumplir lo que entre 
nosotros esta capitulado,^ lo qual al presente nos referimos, 6 que por 
via, causa, ni mana alguna ninguno de nosotros vemi en contrario ni 
en quevrantamiento dello, ni har& diligencia, protestacion, ni redam- 
acion alguna, 6 que si alguna oviere fecha, se aparta 6 desiste de ella 
6 la renuncia so cargo del dicho juramento. 

Otrosi : Juramos que juntamente ambos £ dos, y no el uno sin el 
otro, informaremos y escriviremos i S. M. las cosas que segun nuestro 
parecer mejor & su real servicio convengan, suplicandole, informan- 
dole de todo aquello con que mas su Catolica conciencia se descargue, 
y estas provincias y reynos mas y mejor se conserven y goviemen, y 
que no habri relacion particular por ninguno de nosotros hecha en 
fraude e cabtela y con intento de danar y enpecer al otro, procurando 
para si, posponiendo el servicio de nuestro Senor Dies y de S. M. y 
en quebrantamiento de nuestra amistad y compania y asimismo no 
permitira que sea hecho por otra qualquier persona, dicho ni comuni- 
cado,ni lo permita ni consienta, sino que todo se haga manifiestamente 
entre ambos, porque se conozca mejor el celo que de servir & S. M. 
tenemos, pues de nuestra amistad e compaiiia tanta confianza ha 

Yten : Juramos que todos los provechos e intereses que se nos re- 
crecieren asi de los que yo D° Francisco Pizarro oviere y adquiriere 
en esta govemacion por qualquier vias y cabsas, como los otros que yo 
D° Diego de Almagro he de haber en la conquista y descubrimiento 
que en nombre y por mandado de S. M. hago lo traeremos manifies- 
tamente & monton y coUacion, por manera que la compania que en 
este case tenemos hecha permanezca, y en ella no haya fraude, cabtela, 
hi engano alguno, 6 que los gastos que por ambos e qualquier de nos 

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ae obieren de hacer se haga moderada y diBcretamente conforme, y 
proveyendo & la necesidad que se ofreciere, evitando lo escesiyo y 
superfluO) socorriendo y proveyendo & lo necesario. 

Todo lo qual Begun en la forma que dicho esta, es nnestra Toluntad 
de lo aai guardar y cumplir so cargo del juramento que aai tenemos 
fecho^ poniendo & nuestro Sefior Dios por juez y &sa gloriosa Madre 
Santa Maria con todos los santos por testigos ; y por que sea notorio 
& todos los que aqui juramos y prometemos, lo firmamos de nuestroe 
nombres, siendo presentes por testigos el lioenciado Hernando Cal- 
dera^ Teniente General de Govemador en estos reynos per el dicho 
Senor Gx)vemador, 4 Francisco Pineda, capellan de su senoxia^ € 
Antonio Picado, su secretario, € Antonio Tellez de Guzman y el 
Doctor Diego de Loasia ; el qual dicho juramento fue fecho en la gran 
cibdad del Cuzoo en la casa del dicho Grovemador D° Diego Dalmagro, 
estando didendo misa el Padre Bartolome de Segovia, clerigo, des- 
pues de dicho el pater noster, poniendo los dichos Govemadores las 
manos derechas encima del ara consagrada £ 12 de Junio de 1535 anos. 
— Francisco Pizarro. — ^£1 Adelantado Diego Dalmagro. — Testigos, el 
Lioenciado Hernando Caldera — Antonio Tellez de Guzman. 

Yo Antonio Picado, escrivano de S. M., doy fee que fui testigo y 
me hallo presente al dicho juramento 6 solenidad fecho por los dichos 
Groyemadores, y yo saque este traslado del original que queda en mi 
poder como secretario del Sefior Govemador D^^ Francisco Pizarro, 
en fee de lo qual firm^ aqui nombre. Fecho en la gran Cibdad del 
Cuzco & 12 dias del mes de Julio de 1535 afioa — Antonio Picado^ 
eseribano de S. M. 

No. XII.— See vol. ii. p. 334. 


[This document, coming from Almagro himself, is valuable 
as exhibiting the best apology for his conduct, and, with due 
allowance for the writer's position, the best account of his 
proceedings. The original — which was transcribed by 
Mu^oz for his collection — is preserved in the archives at 

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Mui magnificos Sefiores, — ^Ya Y" Mrds. havran sabido el estado en 
qne he estado despues que fu^ desta vida el Adelantado Don Diego de 
Almagro mi padre, que Dios tenga en el cielo, i como quede debajo 
de la vara del Marqu^ Don Francisco Pizarro ; i creo yo que pues 
son notorias las molestias 1 males tratamientos que me hicieron, i la 
necesidad en que me tenian & vn rincon de mi casa, sin tener otro 
remedio sino el de S. M., d quien ocurri que me lo diese como sefior 
agradecido, de quien yo lo esperava pagando los servicios tan grandes 
que mi padre le hizo de tan gran ganancia 6 acrecentamiento para su 
real corona, no hay necesidad de contarlas, i por eso no las contar^, i 
dejar€ lo pasado i vendre & dar & Y* Mrds. cuenta de lo presente, 6 
dire que auuque me Uegava al alma verme tan afligido, acordandome 
del mandamiento que mi padre me dejd que amase el serricio de 
S. M. i questava en poder de mis enemigos ; sufria mas de lo que mi 
juicio bastava, en especial ser cada dia quien k mi padre quit6 la vida, 
i havian escurecido sus servicios por manera que del ni de mi no hayia 
memoria. I como la enemistad quel Marques me tenia 6 i todos mis 
amigos 6 criados fuese tan cruel i mortal, i sobre mi sucediese, quiso 
efetualla, por la medida con que la us6 con mi padre, estando siguro 
en mi casa, gimiendo mi necesidad, esperando el remedio i mercedes 
que de S. M. era razon que yo alcanzase, mui confiado de gozarlas, 
haciendo & S. M. serricios como yo lo deseo, fui informado quel 
Marques trataba mi prendimiento i fin, determinado que no quedase 
en el mundo quien la muerte de mi padre le pidiese, y acordandome 
que para darsela hallaron testigos & su voluntad, asi mismo los halla- 
ron para mi, por manera que padre i hijo fiieran por vn juicio jnzga- 
dos. Por no dejar mi vida en alvedrio tan diabolico i desatinado, 
temiendo la muerte, determinado de morir defendiendo mi vida i 
honra, con los criados de mi padre i amigos, acord^ de entrar en su 
casa i prenderle para escusar mayores da&os pues el juez de S. M. ya 
Tenia i a cada uno hiciera justicia ; i el Marques, como persona cul- 
pada en la defensa de su prision e persona armada, para ello hizo 
tanto que por desdicha suya fue herido de vna herida de que muritf 
luego, i puesto que como hijo de padre H quien el havia muerto lo 
podia recibir por venganza, me pesd tan estrafiamente que todos co- 
noderon en mi mui gran diferencia,i por ver que estava tan poderoeo 
i acatado como era razon no hoYO hombre viendolo en mitad del dia 
que echase mano a espada para ayuda suya ni despues hay hombre 
que por el responda : parece que se hizo por juicio de Dios i por su 
voluntad, porque mi deseo no era tan largo que se estendiese i, mas 

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de coDservar mi vida en tanto aquel juez llegava. E como yi el 
hecho procure antes que la cosa mas se encendiese en el pueblo, i 
que cesasen esecuciou de prisiones de personas que ambas opiniones 
havian siguido, questaban afrontadas, i cesasen crueldades 6 huvlese 
justicia que lo estorvase 6 castigase, 6 se tomase cabeza que en 
nombre de S. M. hiciese justicia 6 goverhase la tierra. Pareciendo & 
la republica 6 comunidad de su x;ibdad e oficiales de S. M. que por 
los servicios de mi padre e por haver d descubierto e ganado esta 
tierra me pertenecia mas justamente que & otro la govemacion della, 
me pidieron por Govemador, i dentro de dos boras consultado 6 nego- 
ciado con el cabildo, fui recibido en amor i conformidad de toda la 
republica. Asi quedd todo en paz, i tan asentados i serenos los 
animos de todos, que no hovo mudanza, i todo est^ pacifico, i los 
pueblos en la misma conformidad 1 justicia que ban estado, i con el 
ayuda de Dios se asentari cada dia la paz tan bien que de todos sea 
obedecida por senora, i S. M. serd tambien servido como es razon, 
como se deve : porque acabadas son las opiniones 6 parcialidades, e 
yo e todos pretendemos la poblacion de la tierra i el descubrimiento 
della, porque los tiempos pasados que se ban gastado tan mal con 
alborotos que se ban ofrecido, 6 descuidos que ha habido, agora se 
ganen 6 se alcancen i cobran, i con este presupuesto esten V" Mrds. 
ciertos que est^ el Perii en sosiego, i que las riquezas se descubrir^n 
^ irin & poder de S. M. mas acrecentadas i multiplicadas que hasta 
aqui, ni havra mas pasion ni movimiento sino toda quietud, amando 
el servido de S. M. i su obidiencia, aprovechando sus reales rentas. 
Suplico & V' Mrds., pues el caso parece que lo hizoDios i no los hom- 
bres, ni yo lo quise asi como Dios lo hizo por su juicio secreto, e 
como tengo dicho la tierra est^ sosegada, i todos en paz, V" Mrds. por 
el presente manden suspender qualquiera novedad, pues la tierra se 
conservar^ como esta, e ser^ S. M. mui servido ; e despues que toda 
la gente que no tienen vecindades las tengan, 6 otros vayan h poblar 
6 descubrir, podrto proveer lo que conviniere, i es tiempo que la 
tierra Espanoles i naturales no reciban mas alteracion, pues no pre- 
tenden sino sosiego i quietud, i poblar la tierra i servir k S. M., porque 
con este deseo todos estamos 1 estaremos, i de otra manera crean V' 
Mrds. que de nuevo la tierra se rebuelve € inquieta, porque de las 
oosas pasadas vnos i otros ban pretendido cada vno su fin, e sino des- 
cansan de los trabajos que ban padecido con tantas persecuciones de 
buena ni de mala perdiendose no tema S. M. della cuenta, e los 
naturales se destruirlan 6 no asentarlm en sus casas e perecer^n mas 

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de lo8 que ban perecido ; 6 conservar estos 6 conserrar la tieira i los 
vednos i moradores della todo es vno. I pues en tanta conformidad 
yo tengo la tierra 6 con voluntad de todos fid eligido per Grovemador, 
porque mas obidienda haya 6 la justicia mas acatada sea, i entienden 
qne me ban de acatar i obedecer en tanto que S. M. otra cosa manda 
porque de lo pasado yo le embio aviso, suplico i. Y* Mrds. manden 
despachar desa Audiencia Real vna cedula, para que todos me obe- 
dezcan i tengan por Govemador, porque ad mas sosegados temto 
todos los animos, i mas i mejor se bar^ el servido de S. M., i tema 
mas paz la tierra^ £ confundirse ban las voluntades que se quideren 
levantar contra esto ; 6 dno lo mandasen Y" Mrds. proveer en tanto 
que S. M. declara su real voluntad, podria ser que por parte de alguna 
gente que por aci nunca faltan mas amigos de padones que de razon, 
que se levantase algun escandalo de que Dios i S. M. fuesen mas de- 
servidos: Nuestro Senor las mui magnificas personas de Y* Mrds. 
guarde tan prosperamente como desean. Destos Reyes a 14 de Julio 
de 1541 afios. Beso las manos de Y' Mrds., Don Diego de Almagro. 

No. XIII.~See vol. iii. p. 21. 


SEPT. 24, 1542. 

[The stout burghers of Arequipa gave efficient aid to the 
royal governor, in his contest with the younger Almagro ; 
and their letter, signed by the municipality, forms one of 
the most authentic documents for a history of this civil war. 
The original is in the archives at Simancas,] 

S. C. C. M. — Aunque de otros mucbos teim& Y. M. aviso de la 
vitoria que en ventura de Y. M. 1 buena deligencia i animo del 
Govemador Yaca de Castro se ovo del tirano Don Diego de Almagro 
6 sus secazes, nosotros el cabildo i vedno' de Arequipa le queremos 
tambien dar, porque como quien se balld en el peligro, podremos 
contar de la verdad como pastf. 

Desde Xauxa hicimos relacion ^ Y. M. de todo lo suoedido haata 
entonses, i de los preparamientos quel Govemador tenia proveidoB 

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para la guerra de alll Salid con toda la gente en orden i se vino & 
esta cibdad de San Joan de la Frontera, donde tuyimos nuevas como 
el traidor de Don Diego de Almagro estava en la provincia de Bilcas, 
que es onze leguas desta cibdad, que Tenia determinado con su 
danada intencion & darnos la batalla. En este comedio vino Lope 
Diaquez del real de los traidores, i did al Govemador una carta de 
Don Diego, i otra de doze capitanes, mui desvergonzados de fieros i 
amenazas; i el Govemador, con zelo de que no oviese tantas muertes 
entre los vasallos de Y. M. como siempre fii^ su intento de ganar el 
juego por mana, acordd de tomarles d enbiar al dicho Lope Ydiaquez 
i & Diego de Mercado Fator de la nueya Toledo, para ver si los podian 
reducir i atraer al servicio de V. M., i fueron tan mal resdbidos que 
quando escaparon con las vidas se tuvieron por bien librados. La 
respuesta que les dieron fue' que no querian obedecer las provisiones 
reales de V. M. sino darle la batalla, i luego alzaron su real i 
caminaron para nosotros. Yisto esto el Govemador sacd su real 
deste pueblo 1 camind contra ellos dos leguas, donde supo que los 
traidores estavan & tres, en un asiento fuerte i comodo para su artilleiia. 
El govemador acordd de los guardar alii, donde le tomd la voz, 
porque era llano i lugar fuerte al nuestro proposito. Como esto 
vieroQ los traidores, sabado que se contaron diez i seis de Setiembre, 
se levantaron de donde estavan, i caminaron por lo alto de la sierra i 
vinieron una legua de nosotros, i sus corredores vinieron & ver 
nuestro asiento. Luego el Govemador provio que por una media loma 
fuese un capitan con cinquenta arcabuceros, i otro con cinquenta 
lanzas & tomar lo alto, i sucedid tarabieu que sin ningun riesgo se tomd, 
i luego todo el exercito de Y. M. lo subid. Yisto esto, los enemigos, que 
estarian tres quartos de legua, procuraron de buscar carapo donde nos 
dar la batalla, i asi le tomaron 6. su proposito i asentaron su artilleria 
i concertaron sus esquadrones, que ei*an ducientos i treinta de cavallo, 
en que venian cinquenta hombres de armas: la infanteria eran ducientos 
arcabuzerosi ciento i cinquenta piqueros, todos tan lucidos € bien 
armados, que de Milan no pudieran salir mejor aderezados: el artilleria 
eran seis medias culebrinas de diez & doze pies de largo, que echavan de 
bateria una naranja: tenian mas otros seis tiros medianos todos de 
fruslera, tan bien aderezados 1 con tanta municion, que mas parecia artil> 
leria de Ytalia que no de Yndias. £1 Govemador vista su desverguenza, 
la gente mui en orden, despues de haver hecho los razonamientos que 
convenian, diciendonos que viesemos la desverguenza que los traidores 
tenian i el gran desacato & la corona real^ camind d ellos, i llegando 4 


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tiro donde sn artiQ^ria podia alcanzar^ jngo Inego en nosotrofiy que la 
nuestra por ser mai pequena i ir caminaado, no nos podimos aprove- 
char della de niognna oosa, i asi la dexamos por popa. Matamos 
hian antes que llegasemos & romper con eUoe mas de 30 hombres, i 
siempre con este dano que rescebiamos, caminamos hasta nos poner & 
tiro de arcabuz, donde de una parte i de obra jugaron i se hizo de a 
mas partes arto dano, i lo mas presto que nos fae podble porqne sa 
artillena aun nos eehaya algunas pelotaa en nuestros esqnadrones, 
oerramos con elloe, donde durd la batalla de lanzas> ponrasy i espadas 
mas de una grande hora; fu^ tan renida i porfiada, que despoes de la 
de Rebena no se ha visto entre tan poca gente mas cruel bataUa, 
donde hermanos & hermanos, ni deudos k dendos, ni amigos & amigos 
no se dayan yida uno & otro. FinaJmente como lleYBsemos la 
justicia de nuestra parte, nuestro Senor en ventura de V. M. nos di6 
vitoria, i en el denuedo con que acometid el Govemador Baca de 
Castro el qual estava sobxesaliente con treinta de caYallo, armado en 
bianco con una ropilla de brocade sobre las armas eon su encomienda 
descubierta en los pechos, contra el qual estavan conjnrados muchos 
de los traidoresy pero el como cavallero se les moetnS 1 defenditf tan 
bien, que para hombre de su edad i profesion^ estamos espantados de 
lo que hizo i trabajo, i como rompid eon sns sobresalientes, laego 
desampararon el campo i conseguimos glorioso vitoria, la qual estuvo 
iuurto dudosa, porque si eramos en numero oiento mas que ello8» en 
escoger el campo i artilleria i hombres de armas 1 arcabuzes *nos 
tenian doblada ventaja. Fu^ bien sangrienta de entramas partes, i si 
la noche no cerrara tan presto, V. M. quedara bien satisfecho destoa 
traidores; pero lo que no se pudo entonses haoer, ahora el GoTer- 
nador lo hace, desqnartizando cada dia IL los que se esoaparon. 
Murieron en la batalla de los nuestros el capitan Per Alvarez Holguin, 
i otros sesenta cavalleros i hidalgos; i estiui eridos de muerte Gomez 
de Tordoya i el Capitan Peranzures, i otros mas de ciento. De los 
traidores murieron ciento e cinquenta, i mas de otros tantos eridos; 
presos estdn mas de ciento i dnquenta. Don Diego i otros tres 
capitanes se escaparon. Cada ora se traen presos: esperamos que 
un dia se habr^ Don Diego & las manos, porque los Yndios como 
yillanos de Ytalia los matan i traen presos. Y. M. tenga esta vitoria 
en gran servicio, porque puede creer que agora se acabd de ganar esta 
tierra i ponerla debaxo del cetro real de Y. M., i que esta ha sido 
verdadera conquista i pacificacion della, i asi es justo qi^e Y. M, como 
gratisimo principe gratifique i haga mercedes & los que se la dieron; 

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▲PFEHBIX* 307 

i al GoveniAdor Baca de Castro perpetaarle en ella en entramas 
^yemadones no dividiendo nada dellas porqne no hai otra batalla ; 
i ^ los soldados i vecinos que en ella se hallaron, remunerarles sua 
trabajos i perdidas que han rescibido per reducir estos xeinoe i la 
corona real de V. M., i mandando castigar i. loa yecinoa que oyendo 
la Yoz real de Y. M. se quedaron en bus casas grangeando sus repar- 
timientos i haciendas, porque gran sin justicia seria, sacra M., que 
bolviendo nosotros H nnestras casas pobres i mancos de guerra de 
mas de nn a&o, haUasemosii los que se quedaron sanoe i salvos i rieos, 
i que IL ellos no se les diese pena ni i nosotros premio ni galardon, i 
esto seria ocasion para que si otra vez oviese otra rebelion en esta 
tierra 6 en otra, no acudiesen al servido de V. M. como seria razon i 
somoe obligados. Todos tenemes por cierto, quel Groremador Baca de 
Castro lo har& asi, 1 que en nombre de V. M IL los que le han senrldo 
harli mercedesy i & los que no acudieron i. servir &Y.'Ml castigard. 
S. C. C. M. Dios todo poderoso acreciente la yida de V. M., dandole 
▼itoria contra sus enemigoe, porque sea aciescentada su santa fee, 
amen. De San Joan de la Frontera & 24 de Septiembre de 1542 
anos. — Besan las manos i pies de V. M. sus leales vasallos, — Her- 
nando de Silva, — Pedro Pi9arro, — Lucas Martinez, — Gomez do 
Leon, — Hernando de Torre, — Lope de Alareon, — Juan de Arves, — 
Juan Flores, — Juan Ramirez, — Alonso Buelte, — Melcfaior de Cer-^ 
▼antes, — Martin Lopez^ — Juan Crespo, — Francisco Pinto, — Alonso 
Rodriguez Picado. 

No. *XIV.— See vol. iii. p. 221. 


[This instrament is taken from the original manuscript 
of Zarate's Chronicle, which is still preserved at Simancas. 
Munoz has made several extracts from this MS., showing 
that Zarate's history, in its printed form, underwent con- 
siderahle alteration, hoth in regard to its facts, and the 
style of its execution. The printed copy is prepared with 
more consideration ; various circumstances, too frankly 

X 2 

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detailed iu the original, are suppressed ; and the style and 
disposition of the work show altogether a more fastidious 
and practised hand. These circumstances have led Munoz 
to suppose that the Chronicle was submitted to the revisioi^ 
of some more experienced writer, before its publication ; 
and a correspondence which the critic afterwards foimd iu 
the Escurial, between Zarate and Florian d'Ocampo, leads 
to the inference that the latter historian did this kind 
office for the former. But whatever the published work 
may have gained as a literary composition, as a book of 
reference and authority it falls behind its predecessor, which 
seems to have come without much premeditation from the 
author, or, at least, without much calculation of conse- 
quences. Indeed, its obvious value for historical uses led 
Muhoz, in a note endorsed on the fragments, to intimate 
his purpose of copying the whole manuscript at some 
future time.] 

Vista e entendida por nos el Mariscal FraiKsisco de Albarada, 
maestre de campo deste real exercito, el Licenciado Andres de 
Cianco, oidor de S. M. destos reinos, e subdelegados por el mui ilus- 
tre senor el Licenciado Pedro de la Gazca, del consejo de S. M. de 
la Santa Inquisicion, Presidente destos reinos 6 provinciajs del Perti, 
para lo infra escripto, la notoriedad de los muchos graves e atroces 
delitos que Gonzalo Pizarro ha cometido 6 consentido cometer & los 
que le ban seguido, despues que 6. estos reinos ha venido el Yisorrey 
Blasco Nunez Vela, en deservicio € desacato de S. M. € de su premi> 
nencia e corona real, € contra la natural obligacion € fidelidad que 
como su vasallo tenia 6 devia & su Rei e sefior natural, e de personas 
particulares, los quales por ser tan notorios del dicho no se requiere 
orden ni tela de juicio, mayormente que muchos de los dichos delitos 
consta por confesion del dicho Gonzalo Pizarro € la notoriedad por 
la informacion que se ha tornado, 6 que combiene para la pacificacion 
destos reinos € exemplo con breyedad hacer justicia del dicho Gonzalo 

Fallamos atento lo susodicho junta la dispusidon del derecho, que 

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devemos declarar e dedaramos el dicho Gonzalo Pizarro hayer come- 
tido crimen laesae majestatis contra la corona real despana en todos 
los grades 6 causae en derecho contenidas despues que £ estos reinos 
vino el Virrey Blasco Nunez Vela, ^ asi le declaramos 6 condenamos 
al dicho Gonzalo Pizarro por traidor, 6 haver incurrido d 6 sus descen- 
dientes nacidos despues quel cometid este dicho crimen ^ traicion los 
por linea masculina hasta la segunda generacion, 6 por la femenina 
hasta la primera, en la infamia 6 inabilidad 6 inabilidades, e como & 
tal condenamos al dicho Gonzalo Pizarro en pena de muerte natural, 
la qual le mandamos que sea dada en la forma siguiente : que sea 
sacado de la prision en quests cavallero en una mula de silla atados 
pies 6 manos^ 6 traido publicamente por este real de S. M. con voz 
de pregonero que maniiieste su delito, sea llevado al tablado que por 
nuestro mandado esta fecho en este real, 6 alii sea apeado 6 cortada la 
cabeza por el pescueso, 6 despues de muerta naturalmente, mandamos 
que la dicha cabeza sea Uevada^ la ciudad de Los Reyes como ciudad 
mas prinpipal destos reinos, 6 sea puesta 6 clavada en el roUo de la 
dicha ciudad con un retulo de letra gruesa que diga, ** Esta es la cabeza 
del traidor de Gonzalo Pizarro, que se hizo justicia del en el valle de 
Aquisaguan, donde did la batalla campal contra el estandarte real, 
queriendo defender su traicion 6 tirania ; ninguno sea osado de la 
quitar de aqui so pena de muerte natural.'' E mandamos que las casas 
quel dicho Pizarro tiene en la cibdad del Cuzco .... sean derribadas 
por los cimientos 6 aradas de sal ; € & donde agora es la puerta sea 
puesto un letrero en un pilar, que diga, ^ Estas casas eran de Gonzalo 
Pizarro, las quales fueron mandadas derrocar por traidor ; 6 ninguna 
persona sea osado dellas tomar & hacer i edificar sin licencia expresa 
de S. M., so pena de muerte natural.'* E condenamosle mas en perdi- 
miento de todos sus bienes, de qualquier calidad que sean 6 le perte- 
nezcan, los quales aplicamos & la camara e fisco de S. M., d en todas 
las otras penas que contra los tales est&n instituidas. E por esta 
nuestra sentencia definitiva juzgamos e asi lo pronunciamos 6 man- 
damos en estos escritos e por ellos. — Alonso de Albarado ; el Lic<*® 

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Abancat^ riyer of, battle with Pe- 
ruvians at,ii. 148; battle between 
Abnagro and Alvarado on, 258; 
passage of, by Gasca^ iii. 195. 

Aborigines of North and South 
America, iii. 44. 

Acosta, i. 77, n, 103, n. 

Adelantado, title of, given to Piz- 
arro, i. 291 ; relinquished by him 
to Ahnagro, 30. . 

Adultery, punished with death by 
Peruvian laws, i, 42, n. 

Adventure, impulse given to, by 
improvements in navigation, i. 
1 79 ; romantic character of, in 
the New World, 181 ; perils at- 
tendant on, 182 ; on the Northern 
and Southern continents of Ame- 
rica, 183, 184. 

Agave americana, t 132. 

Agrarian law perfectly carried out 
in Peru, L 38, 46. 

Agricultural product8,great variety 
of, in Peru, i. 131 ; introduced 
into that country, 135, n. 

Agriculture, importance and excel- 
lence of Peruvian, i. 123—131 ; 
supervised by the Inca himself, 
124 ; in the valleys, 126 ; ii. 15, 
38, 155 ; on sides of the sierra^ 
126, 127 ; ii. 91. 

Aldana, Lorenzo de, iii. 151 ; sent 
on mission to Spain by Gonzalo 
Pizarroy 151 ; takes side with 

Gasca, 153 ; despatched by him 
to Lima, 157 ; his proceedings 
there, 168. 

Almagrian faction, proceedings of, 
iii. 3 ; driven from Cuzco, 4 ; at 
Lima, a 

Almagro, town of, i. 198. 

Almagro, Diego de, i. 198 ; his 
agreement with Pizarro and 
Luque, 199 ; makes preparations 
for a voyage, 200 ; sails from 
Panami, 216 ; loses an eye at 
Pueblo Quemado, ib. ; meets Pi- 
zarro at Chicam^, 217 ; returns 
to Panam&,218 ; has a difficulty 
with Pedrarias, 219, 221 ; his 
interview with him, ib., n.. Ap- 
pendix, No. y . ; his contract with 
Pizarro and Luque, 223, Appen- 
dix, No. VL; unable to sign his 
name, 225 ; sails with Pizarro, 
230 ; is sent back for reinforce- 
ments, 231; rejoins Pizarro, 237; 
sails with hun along the coast, 240; 
quarrels with him, 243 ; returns 
to Panami for recruits, 244; ill 
received there, 247; sends a let- 
ter to Pizarro, 249; exerts him- 
self in his behalf, 254 ; urges his 
mission to Spain, 276; honours 
granted by the Crown to, 291 ; 
Pizarro*s neglect of the interests 
of, 293 ; his dissatisfaction with 
him, 300; frank and generous 
temper of, 198, 276, 301 ; Her- 
nando Pizarro's jealousy of, 301, 

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ii. 110 ; remains at Panam&, to 
send supplies to Pizarro, 302 ; 
joins him in Peru, ii. 104 ; cor- 
dially received by him, 106 ; re- 
ceives np share of the Inca's ran- 
som, 114; urges Atahuallpa's 
death, 123, 137; Felipillo hanged 
by, 140, n.; detached to aid De 
Soto, 151; sent against Quizquiz, 
1 75 ; follows Benalcazar to Quito, 
182 ; negotiates with Pedro de 
Alvarado, 183 ; goes to Cnzco, 
189; powers conferred on, by 
the Crown, 192 ; his elation, 
195; his difficulties with the Pi- 
zarros, 197 ; enters into a solemn 

' compact with Francis, 198, Ap- 
pendix, No. XI. ; sets out for 
Chili, 199 ; difficulties of his 
march, 246, 247 ; traverses the 
desert of Atacama, 250; claims 
jurisdiction over Cuzco, 252 ; 
seizes the city, 254 ; takes 6ron- 
zalo and Hernando Pizarro pri- 
soners, 255; refuses to put them 
to death, 256, 262, 263; battie 
of Abancay, 258 ; leaves Cuzco, 
263 ; has an interview with Pi- 
zarro, 264 ; makes a treaty with 
him, 266 ; retreats towards 
Cuzco, 270 ; his illness, 271, 279, 
282 ; pursued by Hernando 

; Pizarro, 271 ; battle of Las Sa- 
linas, 276 — 278 ; taken prisoner, 
279 ; brought to trial by Her- 
nando Pizarro, 283 ; condemned 
to death, 284 ; begs for his life, 
285 ; is executed in prison, 287 ; 
his character, 288—290. 

Almagro the younger, his birth and 
character, ii. 249, 334, iii. 38 ; 
named his successor by his fa- 
ther, 286 ; Pizarro's treatment 
of, 293 ; proclaimed governor of 
Peru, 343 ; seizes the money of 
the Crown, iii. 7; his reluctance 
to hostilities with the governor, 
10; his difficulties with his fol- 
lowers, 1 1 ; attehipts to negotiate 
with Vaca de Castro, 15 ; ad- 
dresses his troops, 16 ; leaves 

Cuzco, 1 7 ; rejects the governor's 
terms, 24 ; battle of Chupas, 29 
—36; his bravery, 33, 34; taken 
prisoner, 36 ; executed, 38 ; his 
letter to the Royal Audience, Ap- 
pendix, No. XII. 

Alpacas. See Sheep, Pervmom, 

Alva, Duke of, iii. 129, n, 

Alvarado, Alonzo de, ii. 186 ; sent 
to the relief of Cuzco, 256 ; at 
Xauxa, ih, ; highly trusted by 
the Pizarros, i&., n. ; defeated 
and taken prisoner by Almagro, 
258 ; escapes from Cuzco, 263 ; 
at the battle of Las Salinas, 275; 
informs Vaca de Castro of the 
state of Peru, iii. 4 ; at the battie 
of Chupas, 33 ; sent to Panama 
by Gasca, 143 ; leads a force to 
Lima, 190. 

Alvarado, Diego de, brother of 
Pedro, ii. 262 ; befriends Her- 
nando Pizarro, 263 ; maintains 
the cause of Almagro in Spain, 
297—299 ; his death, 299. 

Alvarado, Garcia de, quarrels with 
Sotelo, iii. 11 ; puts him to deatii, 
12 ; killed by Almagro, 13. 

Alvarado, Greronimo de, iii. 34. 

Alvarado, Pedro de, arrival of, in 
Peru, ii. 176; his terrible passage 
of the Puertos Nevados, 177 ; 
letter of, 180, n. ; negotiates with 
Almagro at Quito, 183 ; bonus 
paid to, 184,91.; visits Pizarro at 
Pachacamac, 185 ; his death, 
186, w.; Pizarro's letter to, 232. 

Alvarez, sent with Blasco Nunez 
to Spain, iii. 88 ; liberates the 
viceroy, 4h. 

Amautas, Peruvian teachers, i. 1 1 1. 

Amazon, the river of, reached by 
Gonzalo Pizarro, ii. 320; voyage 
of Orellana down, 321 ; adven- 
tures of Madam Godin upon, 
324, TO. 

America, the name, i. 39, n. ; effects 
of discovery of, 181 ; adventore 
in, 182 ; northern and southern 
sections of, 184 ; rapid explora- 
tion of the eastern coast of, 185. 

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Anaquito, iii. ]03, 104; battle of, 

108, ». 
Andagoya, Pascual de, expeditioi\ 
of, i. 190; memorial of his ad- 
Yentores by, ib., n. ; his accounts 
of the Peruvian empire, 197, n.; 
Pizarro learns his route from, 

Andaguaylis, Gasca encamps at, 
iii. 191. 

Andes, Cordillera of the, i. 5, n,, 6 ; 
cultivation of the sides of, 7, 127, 
ii 91 ; salubrity of plateau of, 1 5 ; 
conjectures respecting the origin 
of the name, 127, n.; Pizarro's 
passage of, ii. 31; Alvarado's 
passage of, ii. 177 — 180. 

Anglo-Saxon race, objects sought 
by, in New World, i. 183 ; 
adapted to the North American 
continent, 184. 

Annals, Peruvian, how kept and 
transmitted, i. 112, 114, 115; 
much tinged with fiction, 117. 

Apostles, the supposed authors of 
American civilisation, i. 103, n, 

Apurimac, passage of, by Gasca's 
army, iii. 197, 198. 

Aqueducts, Peruvian, i. 124, 125 ; 
remains of, 125 ; seen by Spa- 
niards, ii. 23, 38. 

Arch, use of, unknown to Peru- 
vians, i. 150. 

Architecture, illustrates national 
character, i. 147; characteristics 
of Peruvian, 148, 150; inconsis- 
tencies in it, 151. 

Archives, Peruvian, how consti- 
tuted, i. 114. 

Arequipa, Almagro arrives at, ii. 
251; taken possession of by the 
Almagrian faction, iii. 3 ; memo- 
rial of the municipality of, 21, n., 
Appendix, No. XIII.; Gonzalo 
Pizarro builds galleys at, 85 ; 
retires to, from Lima, 170. 

Annour of the Peruvians, i. 69. 

Arms used by Peruvians, i. 69, »., 
ii. 210, fi. ; manufactured at 
Gnzco, by Almagro, iii. 1 4 ; by 
Blasco Nunez, at Popayan, 98. 

Arms, family, of Pizarro, i. 295. 

Army, number of Pizarro*s, ii. 16; 
Gonzalo Pizarro's, iii. 162. 

Arquebuae, astonishment of the 
Peruvians at, i. 263. 

Art, specimens of Peruvian, 1. 142. 

Artillery, park of, possessed by 
young Aunagro, iii. 17. 

Astrology, i. 122. 

Astronomy, Peruvian, i. 119, 123 ; 
inferior to that of other American 
races, 121. 

Atacama, desert of, crossed by 
Almagro, ii. 250. 

Atahuallpa, i. 321 ; receives half 
his father's kingdom, ib, ; his 
restless spirit, 324 ; makes war 
on his brother, 326 ; ravages 
Canaris, ib. ; is victorious at 
Quipaypan, 329 ; takes Huascar 
prisoner, t6.; story of his cruelty, 
B'60 ; sole Inca of Peru, 333 ; 
sends envoys to Pizarro, ii. 19, 
34, 35 ; his reception of Pizarro's 
messengers, 36, 46 ; his camp, 
39 ; interview of Hernando 
Pizarro with, 45, 46 ; visits 
Pizarro at Caxamalca, 56 ; his 
interview with Valverde, 62 ; 
taken prisoner, 68 ; contempo- 
rary narratives of his seizure. 
Appendix, No. VIII. ; in cap- 
tivity, 71, 72, 80, 100 ; his 
personal appearance, 72, 131 ; 
his treatment of tlie Christian 
religion, 63, 81, 130; offers a 
ransom, 78 ; expects to recover 
his freedom, 80, n. ; puts Huas- 
car to death, 83 ; accused of 
causing a rising of his subjects, 
87 ; his interview with Chall- 
cuchima, 98 ; state maintained 
by him, 100 ; his forebodings, 
107; refused his liberty, 119 ; 
brought to trial, 1 25 ; accusa- 
tions against him, ib., n. ; sen- 
tenced to be burned, 126 ; his 
emotion, 128 ; led to execution,' 
129 ; is baptised, 130 ; perishes 
by the garrote, ib, ; different 
accounts of his execution, Ap- 

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pendixy No» X. ; bis oharacter, 
131, 182 ; fbneial obsequies, i&.; 
his remains, 133 ; reflections on 
the treatment of, 135 ; opinions 
of chroniclers respecting it, 140; 
influence of his death in Pern, 
141 ; his successor, 143 ; Pedro 
PizajTo's account of his personal 
habits, Appendix, No. IX. 

Athenians, maniase custom oL i. 
108, «. 

Audience, Royal, first appointment 
and purpose (^, L 188 ; sent to 
Peru with filasoo Nufiez, iil 
53 ; arriye at Lima, 73 ; ^er 
from the yiceroy, 74 ; threatened 
by him, 77 ; take hhn prisoner, 
78 ; send an embas^ to Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, 80 ; resign their 

, power into his hands, 82, 84, 
85 ; judges of, characterised by 
Blasoo Nufiez, 110, n. 

Ayila, Pedro Arias de, i« 188 ; 
founds PanamA, 189; discoveries 
made by, 190; expeditions of, 
196; refuses to aid Almagro, 
219; his interview with him, 
Appendix, No. Y. ; resigns his 
interest in Pizarro's enterprise, 
221 ; subsequent fate of, 223. 

Aztecs, belief of, respecting the 
soul of the warrior, i. 31, n. ; 
contrast between the Peruvians 
and, il 171. 


Balances of eilver used by Peru- 
vians, i. 147; for weighing gold, 
found by Spaniards, 233. 

Balboa, Yasco Nuiiez de, discovers 
the Pacific, i. 186, 196 ; hears 
of the Peruvian empire, 185 ; 
Quintana's account of, 1 88, n. 

Balsas, Indian vesseb, L 61, n. ; 
first seen by the Spaniards, 232, 
233, n.; fleet of, 258. 

Banana, L 131 ; prolific nature of, 
t&. n. 

Banquet given to Pizarro by an 
Indian princess^ 1 272. 

Baroo de Avih^ birthplace of 
Gasca, iil 130. 

Battles of Pizarro with Indians^ 
i 214, 241; on the isle of Puna, 
313; of Ambato,326;'ofQiiipay. 
pan, 328 ; of Gaxamalca, ii. 65 ; 
of the Abancay, 149; with (^uiz- 
quiz, 175 ; on the Yucay, 211, 
212 ; at Cuzeo, 222, 224, 234 ; 
at Tambo, 236 ; of Abancay, 257, 
258 ; of Las Salinas, 276 ; of 
Chupas, iii 30 ; of Anaquito, 
104; of Huarina, 180; of Xaqui- 
xaguana, 208. 

Benueazsr conquers Quito, ii. 1 8 1 ; 
appointed governor of Quito, 
186; goes to Oastile, 295; ioms 
Yaca de Castro, iii. 6 ; his advice 
to him, ih, n.; note sent by him 
to Popayan, 18; writes a letter 
to the Emperor on the ordi- 
nances, 55, n.; takes sides with 
Blasco Nunez, 89; reinforoes 
him, 98 ; advises against a batde 
with Gonzalo Pizarro, 102; 
wounded and taken prisoner, 
105 ; restored to his government 
by Pizarro, 108; joins Gasca's 
army, 191. 

Betel, chewing o^ i 133, «. 

Bilcas, Almagro halts at, IL 271. 

Bir<i river, accounts of Peru ob- 
tained at, i. 197 ; Pizarro enters, 

Body of the Peruvians bdieved in 
the resurrection of, i. 85; em- 
balmed by them, i5. 

Boiardo, quotation from, L 252, «. 

Boundary, dispute respecting, be- 
tween Pizarro and Almagro, ii. 

Bovadilla arbitrates between Al- 
magro and Pizarro,iL 246,266,n. 

Briclu, manufacture and use of, in 
Peru, i. 148. 

Bridges, suspension, i. 60, 61, n.; 
ii. 145, 257; constructed over 
the Apurimac by Gasca^ iii 1 96, 

Buena Yentura, Yaca de Castro 
lands at| iii 4. 

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BttSdings, PeruTian, materials and 
constraction of, i. 148 ; iL 22, 
23, 41, 42, 94, 161; adaptation 
of, to cUmate, 151; remains of, 
152; royal, at Quito, 160. 

Boria^ i. 86 ; of treasure and 
utensils with the dead, ib., n. 

Bomt offerings, a form of sacrifice 
peculiar to the Peruvians, L 88. 


Cacao, i. 239. 

Calatayud, emperor's court at, il 

Calendar, Peruvian, i. lid, 121; 
of Muyscas, 121. 

Canaris, ravage of, i. 327. 

Candia, Pedro de, one of Pizarro's 
thirteen companions, i. 250 ; 
▼isits Tumbez, 263; fable con- 
cerning, 264, 91. ; accompanies 
Pizarro to Spain, 277 ; rewarded 
by Charles, 292; superintends 
the casting of cannon for Ahna- 
gro, iii, 14 ; directs artillery at 
the battle of Chupas, 29 ; put to 
death by Almagro, 29. 

CanelaSt or Land of Cinnamon, 
Gonzalo Pizarro's expedition 
to,ii. 313 ; reached by him, 314. 

Cannibalism not allowed in Peru, 
i. 100; met with by Pizarro, 

Cannon manufactured by young 
Almagro at Cuzoo, iii. 14. 

Capac, Huayna, anecdote of, i. 47, 
n. ; reign of, 31 6, 31 7 ; impresraon 
made on, by arrival of Spaniards, 
318, 319 ; posterity of, 320 ; his 
bequest of the crown, 321 ; his 
death, 322; his Hberality to 
females, 323, n. ; his obsequies, 

Capac, Manco, tradition respecting, 
i. 8, 12 ; meaning of the word, 
9, n. 

Capitulation of Pizarro ^with the 
Crown, i. 291, 293 ; Appends, 
No. YII. ; Almagro's dissatis- 
faction with the, 300. 

Capture of Atahuallpa, iL 68, 69, 
Appendix, No. VIII. 

Caraques, Alvaradolandsat,iil76. 

Garavantes, manuscript of, i. 228, 
n. ; account of Gasca's instruc- 
tions by, iiL 1 35; opportunities of 
information possessed by, 174, n. 

Carbajal, Francisco de, iii. 28 ; 
his early life, 223 ; at the battie 
of Chupas, 32; joins Gonzalo 
Pizarro, 67 ; desires to leave 
Peru, 67, 224, n, ; urges Gonzalo 
Pizarro to rebellion, 70; his 
cruelties at Lima, 81 ; surprises 
Blasco Nunez, 91 ; sent against 
Centeno, 97 ; his influence with 
Pizarro, 11], 163; his fierce 
pursuit of Centeno, 114 ; works 
the mines of Potosi, 115, 147 ; 
his extraordinary adventures, 
115, n, ; urges GUmzalo to cast 
off his allegiance, 117 ; his opi- 
nion of Gasca's letter, 159 ; his 
sayings to Cepeda, 160, 365, 
167; his military skill, 163, 226; 
his practical philosophy, 169, 
216, 222 ; his corps of mus- 
keteers, 177, 181 ; at the battie 
of Huarina, 178 ; gains the vic- 
tory for Pizarro, 183, 185 ; his 
energy and activity, 199; dis- 
satisfied with Pizarro*s conduct, 
200 ; his counsel rejected, 201 ; 
his eulogium on Valdivia, 209 ; 
tiUcen ppsoner at Xaquixaguana, 
217; his sarcasm on Centeno, 
218 ; sentenced to be drawn and 
quartered, 221 ; his indifference, 

222 ; his caustic remarks, 222, 

223 ; executed, ib. ; his remark- 
able character, ib. ; atrocities 
reported of him, 225 ; his hu- 
morous vein, 226. 

Carbajal, Suarez de, assassinated 

by Blasco Nunez, iii. 75. 
Casques used by the Peruvians, i. 

68 ; u. 210. 
Castellano, value of the, ii. 113, n. 
Castes, divisions into, in Peru, i. 

143 ; favourable to dexterity in 

the arts, ib*, n. 

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Cataract of the Napo, ii. 317. 

Causeway on the great Peruvian 
roads, i. 62 ; ii. 155. 

Caxamalca, the Inca encamped at, 
ii. 34, 36 ; hot-water springs at, 
34 ; valley of, 38; the Spaniards 
enter the city of, 41, 42 ; de- 
scription of it, 41 ; Atahuallpa 
enters square of, 61 ; attack on 
the Peruvians at, 65 ; capture, 
trial, and execution of Atahuallpa 
at, 72, 125, 130 ; arrival of Al- 
magro at, 106 ; proceedings of 
Pizarro at, 143 ; he leaves it for 
Cuzco, 144 ; the rendezvous for 
Gasca's forces, iii. 166. 

Caxas, De Soto sent to, ii. 19 ; his 
proceedings at, 22 ; valley of, 
crossed by Blasoo Nunez, iii. 

Cement, of gold, i. 30, n. ; used by 
the Peruvians, 149, n. 

Centeno, Diego, revolts against 
Gonzalo Pizarro, iii. 98, 114 ; 
pursued by Carbajal, 114; hides 
in a cave, 115; seizes Cuzco, 
161 ; intercepts Pizarro, 173; 
narrow escape of, at the battle 
of Huarina, 186 ; Carbajal's 
sarcasm upon, 218 ; his death, 

Cepeda, iii. 74; made head of 
Royal Audience, 79 ; adheres to 
Gonzalo Pizarro, 86 ; dictates 
the letter from Lima to Grasca, 
152 ; urges the rejection of 
Gasca's offers, 159 ; accuses 
Carbajal of cowardice, ib. ; one 
of Pizarro's generals, 163 ; 
his process against Gasca, 1 65 ; 
addresses the citizens -of Lima, 
166 ; deserts his commander at 
Xaquixaguana, 211 ; his recep- 
tion by Gasca, 2]2 ; arnugned 
for high treason in Castile, 234 ; 
dies in prison, ib. 

Chain of gold of Huayna Capac, 
i. 320, n. 

Challcuchima, i. 326 ; at Xauxa, 
ii. 96 ; goes to Caxamalca, 98 ; 
his interview with Atahuallpa, 

99 ; accused by Pizarro, 121, 
153 ; brought to trial, 155 ; 
burnt at the stake, 156, 157. 

Charcas, reduced by Gonzalo Pi- 
zarro, ii. 296 ; he explores the 
silver mines at, iii 56 ; revolts 
from him, 114. 

Charles Y. gives audience to Pi- 
zarro at Toledo, i. 288, 289; 
affected to tears by his narra- 
tive, 290 ; his queen executes 
the capitulation with Pizarro, 
291 ; treasure sent home to, 
ii. 110 ; Hernando Pizarro^s 
interview with, 191 ; his grants 
and letter to the conquerors, 
192 ; his neglect of his trans- 
atlantic possessions, iii. 43 ; 
returns to Spain, 50 ; memorial 
of Las Casas to, ib. ; sanctions 
the Ordinances, 54 ; appoints 
Blasco Nunez viceroy, 57 ; 
writes a letter to Yaca de Castro, 
58 ; in Germany, 128 ; writes 
to Gasca confirming his appoint- 
ment, 134 ; grants his request 
for unlimited powers, 137 ; 
sends for him to come to 
Flanders, 249 ; his gracious re- 
ception of him, ib, 

Chasquis, Peruvian runners, i. 64. 

Chaves, Francisco de, ii. 339. 

Chicama, i. 215. 

Chicha, a Peruvian drink, ii. 36, 
48, 170. 

Chili, Inca Yupanqui penetrates 
to, i. 14, 316 ; Almagro^s expe- 
dition to, ii. 245, 250 ; the men 
of, 297, 331 ; Yaldivia sent to, 
310 ; he returns from, iii. 191. 

Chimborazo, L 5 ; first seen by 
Pizarro, 257 ; battle at the foot 
of, 326. 

Chinese, establishment of posts 
among, i. 65, n. 

Chivahy, order of, in Peru, i. 
20, 22. 

Christianity, resemblance to the 
rites of, in Peruvian customs, i. 
103, 104; attempts to convert 
Atahuallpa to, ii. 63, 64, 130 ; 

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efforts of missionaries to con- 
vert the natives to, 172, 174. 

Chronology of the Peruvians, L 
121 ; indifference of ancient 
chroniclers to, 234, n. 258, n, 

Chupas, plains of, iii. 24 ; battle 
of, ^0 ; Gonzalo Pizarro at, 70. 

Churches erected by the Spaniards 
in Peru, i. 95, ii. 116, 172, 189, 

Cieza de Leon, representations of 
Satan in the book of,i. 103, w. ; 
critical notice of, iii. 122 ; a 
valuable authority, 1 92, n. 

Civilisation, origin of the Peruvian, 
i. 7 ; marks of, in the Peruvian 
institutions, 43, 119, 138 ; Spa- 
niards meet tokens of, 240, 269. 

Climate, great varieties of, in Peru, 
i. 131. 

Cloth manufactured by the Peru- 
vians, i. 142, 233, 289. 

Coaque, Spaniards sack a village 
in, i. 305. 

Coca, i. 133; baneful effects of 
use of, 134, ii. 313, ?». 

Code of laws for the colonies, iii. 
54, n. 

Colonial governments, character of 
the Spanish, i. 186. 

Colonial officers, policy of the 
Crown towards, i. 222. 

Colonies planted by Pizarro, ii. 9, 
189, 308. 

Columbus, error of, as to the 
nature of his discoveries, i. 180 ; 
jurisdiction of, in New World, 

Commerce, not engaged in by the 
Peruvians, i. 137, 147 ; of 
ancient nations, 178 ; of the 
middle ages, 179. 

Condor, i. 139, ii. 33, 180. 

Conquerors of Peru, excesses com- 
mitted by, ii. 204, 343, iii. 46 ; of 
a lower stamp than those of 
Mexico, 45. 

Conquest of Mexico, history of, 
illustrations of coincidences be- 
tween Christian and Pagan rites 
in, i. 104, n. 

Conquests of Huayna Capac, i. 14 ; 
Peruvian mode of dealing with, 
like Roman, 71 ; manner of se- 
curing, employed by Peruvian 
princes, 73, 74 ; account of the 
Inca*s policy towards. Appendix, 
No. II. 

Conspiracy against Pizarro, il 334. 

Contract between Pizarro, Alma- 
gro, and Luque, i. 223, Ap- 
pendix, No. VI. 

Convents of Virgins of the Sun, L 
104, 106 ; at Tumbez, 265 ; at 
Caxamalca, ii. 41 ; at Cuzco, 103, 
204, n» ; escape the conflagra- 
tion of Cuzco, 217 ; broken into 
by the Spaniards, iii. 46. 

Copper, instruments made of, i. 1 45. 

Coricancha, temple of the Sun, i. 91 . 

Cortes, Hernando, prevented from 
accompanying Ojeda, i. 195 ; in 
Spain with Pizarro, 290 ; aids 
Pizarro, 298, ii. 259 ; example 
of, before Pizarro, i. 315, ii. 13, 
52, 352. 

Cotapampa, Gasca crosses the 
Apurimac at, iii. 195. 

Cotopaxi first seen by the Spa- 
niards, i. 257. 

Cotton, tunics of, Q^, iii. 32 ; culti- 
vation of, in Peru, 137 ; sails 
made of, 232. 

Council of the Indies, Pizarro 
eludes the search of, i. 299. 

Couucil, for government of the 
Peruvian provinces, i. 41 ; sum- 
moned by Philip II. to consider 
the state of the colonies, iiL 128. 

Couriers, Peruvian, i. 64, 65, ii. 80. 

Crime, punishment of, by the 
Peruvians, i. 42, 43. 

Crown, Pizarro resolves to apply 
to tiie, i. 275 ; policy of tlie, 
293; efforts of the, to reform 
abuses in the colonies, iii. 49, n. 

Crusader, religion of the, i. 183. 

Cubagua, isle of, Orellana sails to, 
ii. 323. 

Cupay, or evil principle, i. 85. 

Currency, ancient and modem, 
value of, ii. 111. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



Cnzcoy valley of, source of Peru- 
Tian civilisation, i. 7 ; meaning 
of word, 7, n. ; city o^ 14, ii. 1 60 ; 
fortress of, 16, 17, n. ii. 162 ; 
temple of the Sun at, 15, ^0, ii. 
102, 163 ; division of the city 
of, 39 ; the Peruvian Mecca, 96 ; 
obsequies of Hnayna Capac at, 
323; Atahuallpa*s generals take 
possession of, 329 ; Atahuallpa 
orders gold from, ii. 80 ; emis- 
saries sent to, by Pizarro, 88 ; 
their accounts of, 101, 144 ; 
their rapacious conduct at, 103 ; 
treasure obtained at, 103, 166 ; 
Pizarro*8 march to, 144 ; his 
entrance into, 159 ; description 
of, 1 60, 1 61 ; Manco crowned Inca 
at, 169 ; quarrel between Alma- 
gro and the Pizarros at, 197 ; 
compact between Almagro and 
the Pizarros at, 198 ; Manco 
escapes from, 209 ; besieged by 
him, 214 ; conflagration of, 215 ; 
distress of the Spaniards in, 219, 
220 ; they attack the fortress of, 
225 ; chivalrous combats around, 
234 ; Almagro claims jurisdic- 
tion over, 252 ; he seizes, 255 ; 
conceded to him by Pizarro,266 ; 
Almagro seized and imprisoned 
at, 279, 282 ; condemned and 
executed at, 284, 287 ; Pizarro 
enters, 294 ; Almagrian faction 
at, iii. 3 ; young Almagro seizes, 
12 ; marches from, 17 ; Yaca 
de Castro enters, 37 ; Almagro 
executed at, 38 ; Gonzalo Pi- 
zarro enters, 62 ; his proceed- 
ings there, 63 ; musters forces 
at, 66 ; leaves, 67 ; Genteno 
seizes, 161 ; Gonzalo Pizarro 
enters, 187; his careless life at, 
199; leaves for Xaquixaguana, 
204; Gasca takes possession of, 
219 ; executions at, 222, 228, 
234 ; Gasca leaves, 235, 236 ; 
distribution of repartimientosat, 
238 ; mutiny of soldiers at, 239, 

Dancing, a favourite amusement 
of the Peruvians, L 102. 

Dead, embalming of, i. 85 ; burial 
of the, 86. 

Deities worshipped in Peru, i. 87, 

Deluge, tradition respecting the, 
L 84, n. 

Despatches, addressed to the court 
from the colonies, iiL 203, 204, ». 

Despotism, great efficiency of^ in 
Peru, i. 18, 157; its oppressive 
character, 158. 

Discovery, efforts in, by European 
nations, i. 179 ; great object of, 
in fifteenth, century, 180 ; expe- 
ditions of, from Panama, 190; 
impulse given to, by the con- 
quest of Mexico, 191; Pizarro's 
first voyage, 201; uncertainty 
of the objects of, 210. 

Divination by inspection of en- 
trails, i. 101,91. 

Domestic animals, use of, in Peru, 
i. 138. 

Dramatic compositions of the Pe- 
ruvians, i. 118. 

Dress, of the Inca, i. 24, ii. 44, 61, 
100; different races, under the 
Peruvian empire, distinguished 
by, 77, n, ; of the Inca sacred, 
ii. 100. 


Ears, ornaments for, i. 21, n. 

Eating, habits and times of, among 
the Peruvians, i 25, ». 

Eclipses not miderstood by the 
Peruvians, i. 123. 

Education forbidden to the people 
in Peru, i. 110; of the Inca 
blood-royal. 111; schools and 
amautas, ib, ; Pizarro's want of, 
194,ii. 138, 139, 348,357. 

Embalming, Peruvian process of, 
i. 31, 85. 

Emeralds, used by the Peruvians, 
i. 144 ; river of, 240 ; mine^of. 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



i&., n.; region of, 305 ; broken by 
Spaniards, 306. 

Emigration to the New World, 
fever for, in Spain, i. 181, »., ii. 
193 ; encouraged by the Spanish 
government, 292. 

Encampment of Atahuallpa, ii. 43. 

Endso, Bachelor, Pizarro impri- 
soned by, i. 287. 

Epidemic, Spaniards attacked by 
an, i. 308. 

Equinoxes how determined by the 
Peruvians, i. 120; importance of, 
to them, i6. 

Ercilla, the Araucana of, ii. 275, n. 

Escobar, Maria de, first introduced 
wheat into Peru, i. 135, n. 

Escutcheon of the Pizarro family, 
i. 295. 

Espinosa, Caspar de, advances 
money for Pizarro's expedition, 
i. 228 ; his share of the Inca's 
ransom, ii. 117 ; brings aid to 
Pizarro, 258 ; sent on a mission 
to Almagro, 260 ; his death, ib. 
Estete, ii. 92, n, 

Europe, condition of, in the middle 
ages, i. 179 ; effect of the disco- 
very of America upon, 181. 
Evil spirit, believed in by the Peru- 
vians, i. 85. 

Fairs, i. ISO. 

Famine, suffering of the Spaniards 
from, i. 203, 205, 209, 236, 248, 
ii. 246, 315, 327, iii. 92, 93. 

Fanega, i. 46, n, 

Felipillo, Pizarro's interpreter, i. 
273 ; his hostility to Atahuallpa, 
ii, 72, 120 ; intrigue of, ib., n. ; 
perverts the testimony of wit- 
nesses against the Inca, 126 ; 
hanged by Almagro, 1 40, n. 

Fernandez, loyalty of, iii, 95, n, ; re- 
marks upon, 171, 9^. ; critical no- 
tice of, 259. 

Festivals, religions, i. 99 ; feast of 
Baymi, 101, 105. 

Fish, brought' from the Pacific to 
Cuzco by runners, 1. 65, n. 

Forests, Spaniards entangled in, i. 

Fornication, punishment of, inPeru, 

Fortresses, mafinve work of, at 
Cuzco, i. 17, ii. 162 ; a part of 
the Peruvian military policy, 18; 
for the accommodation of the 
Inca's armies, 62, 70, n., ii. 15 ; 
seen by the Spaniards, 32, 42. 

Future life, Peruvian ideas respec- 
ting, i. 85; intended only for the 
higher classes, ib., n. 


Gallo, isle of, Kuiz anchors at, i. 
231 ; Pizarro Lmds at, 238 ; 
Spaniards left on, 244 ; Tafur 
arrives at, 248. 
Garcilasso de la Vega, not trust- 
worthy in his geography, i. 4, n.; 
fulness of, 40, n,; authority of, 
contradicted, 88, n., 100, n.; cri- 
tical notice of, 278; defects of, 
as an historian, 319, n.; probably 
imposed upon, iL 20, n. ; fond of 
romancing, 69, n. ; a Peruvian by 
birth, 141, 91.; is partial to Gron- 
zalo Pizarro, iii. 117, w., 154,%., 
226, n.; the father of, 179, w., 
183, 9»., 213; an eyewitness to 
Gonzalo's proceedings in Lima, 
188,w., 226, TO. 
Gardens of Yucay, i. 29. 
Garrote, il 130,9k; Atahuallpa dies 

by the, 131. 
Gasca, Pedro de la, iii. 130 ; birth 
and early life of, ib., n, ; his able 
conduct at Valencia, 132 ; appoin- 
ted to the Peruvian mission, 134; 
demands unlimited powers, 135 ; 
writes to the emperor, 136 ; his 
request granted, 1 37 ; refuses a 
mitre, 138 ; arrives at Santa 
Martha, 139 ; crosses to Nombre 
de Dies, 141 ; politic conduct of, 
142, 144 ; gains over Mexia, 143; 
sends manifestoes through the 
land, 144, 145 ; sends to (^nzalo 
Pizarro, 145 ; writes to him and 

Digitized by LjOOQ IC 



Cepeda, 146, 147, n. ; refufles to 
seize HiDojosa, 148 ; guns over 
Aldana, 153; receives the fleet 
from Hinojosa, 1 54 ; raises levies, 
156 ; condemned by Cepeda, 
165 ; sails from Panamil, 171 ; 
quiets the apprehension of the 
seamen, 172 ; fixes his head quar- 
ters at Xauxa, 173 ; his vigorous 
proceedings, 190 ; marches to 
Andaguaylas, 191 ; his army, 
192 ; crosses the Abancay and 
Apurimac, 194, 197, 193 ; offers 
terms to Pizarro, 206 ; arrives 
at Xaquixaguana, 207 ; his recep- 
tion of Cepeda, 212 ; of Gonzalo 
Pizarro, 215 ; of Carbajal, 21 8 ; 
Relacion of, 220, n. ; enters Cuzco, 
235 ; his difficulties in maidng 
repartimiento6,236 ; enters Lima, 
240 ; his care of the natives, 242 ; 
his wise reforms, 243 ; his wis- 
dom and economy, 244, 245 ; re- 
fuses presents, 246 ; leaves Peru, 
247 ; arrives in Spain, 248 ; visits 
the emperor, and appointed 
bishop of Siguenza, 249 ; dies, 
250 ; his character, 252, 254. 

Geography, knowledge of, by the 
Peruvians, i. 119 ; causes of the 
slow advance in, 177 ; of ancient 
nations, 178; of middle ages, 

Gnomon, used for determining the 
equinoxes, i. 120 ; in Florence, 
ib., n. 

God, elevated conceptions of, on 
the American continent, -i. 83. 
See Religion. 

Gold, ornaments of, in the royal 
palaces, i. 28 ; monopolised by 
the Inca, 30; cement of, ib., 
n.; in the temple of the Sun, 92 ; 
exclusive use of, in the services 
of the Peruvian religion, 93 ; 
concealed by the Peruvians, 95, 
161,il-95, 142 ; ornaments of, 
at Quito, 1 44, n. ; manner of pro- 
curing, 1 46, 1 47 ; the great object 
sought by the Spaniards, 183, 
208, 211,218, ii. 142, 355, iii. 

46 ; obtained by Pizarro, i. 192 ; 
gained by the Spaniards, 208,210, 
215, 228, 301, ii. 6 ; at Caxamalp 
ca, 76, 86, 109 ; at Pachacamac, 
94 ; at Cuzco, 101, 102 ; division 
of, i. 302, ii. 115, iii. 237 ; sent 
to Panamik by Pizarro, i. 208 ; 
sent to Spain, ii. 110, 190, 297 
profusion of, among the Spani- 
ards, iL 167, 309, iii. 73 ; carried 
home by Gasca, 245. 

Gomara, critical notice of, iii 119. 

Gomera, isle of, i. 299. 

Granite, use of, in Peru, I 145. 

Greeks, skiUed in the art of navi- 
gation, i. 177. 

Guaitara, passes of, ii. 270. 

Guamanga, iii. 23 ; dead interred 
at, 36 ; Almagro's followers 
taken, tried and executed at, 36, 
37 ; inhabitants of, take sides 
with Gonzalo Pizarro, 71. 

Guancabamba, ii. 23. 

Guano, account of,i. 128, 129. 


Haravecs, Peruvian poets, i. 1 17, n. 

Heir-apparent of Incas, education 
of the, 19 ; insignia of the, 22. 

Herrera, value of the testimony of, 
ii. 294, 91.; anachronisms of, ex- 
posed by Quintana, iii. 101, n.; 
critical notice of, 119. 

Hinojosa, governor of Panamfi, iii. 
143 ; suspicious of Gasca, 144 ; 
surrenders the fleet of Pizarro to 
him, 154 ; highly confided in by 
Pizarro, 158 ; commands Gasca's 
army, 193, 208 ; assassinated, 

Holguin, Alvarez de, dispossesses 
the Almagrians of Cuzco, iiL 4 ; 
his jealousy of Alvarado, 18 ; re- 
conciled to him, 19 ; killed at 
Chupas, 32. 

Horse, terror of the Indians at the, 
i. 241. 

Horsemanship, exhibition of, by De 
Soto, ii 47. 

Hoyas,i 127. 

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Huacas, i. 89, n, 

Huanacas. See Sheep, Peravian. 

Huarina, battle at, iiL 179, 183. 

Huascar, meaning of the word, i 
820, n. ; heir of Haayna Capac, 
ib, ; gentle disposition of, 324 ; 
remonstrates with Atahuallpa, 
ib. ; at war with Atahuallpa, 
325 : defeated by him, 326 ; battle 
of Qui pay pan, 328 ; taken pri- 
soner by his brother, 329 ; his 
efforts to procure his liberty, ii. 
82 ; put to death by Atahuallpa, 

Huaura, iii. 12 ; Yaca de Castro 
joins Alvaradoat, 18. 

Uudibras, quotation from,i. 243, n. 

Human sacrifices on the death of 
the Inca, i. 31, «.; e'vidence that 
they existed in Peru, 100, n. 

Humboldt, M. de, excellent de- 
scription of scenery of the Cordil- 
leras by, i. 6, n.; account of 
Peruvian bridges by, 6 1, n. ; ana- 
lyffls of Muysca calendar by, 1 2 1 , 
n, ; analysis of a Peruvian chisel 
by, 145, n. 

Hunts, gieat annual, i. 140. 


lea, Pizarro at, ii. 271. 

Idleness punished as a crime in 
Peru,i. 50. 

Imagination, earlier and later 
works of, L 175. 

Inca, the meaning of the word,i. 9, 
n. ; sceptre of, 18 ; queen of, 19,fi. ; 
heir of, 18, ». ; despotic power of, 
18,23, 109, 157, ii. 141 ; elevated 
character of, 23, ii. 80, 81, 98; 
dress and insignia of, i. 24, ii. 44, 
61, 100 ; royal progre8seaof,i.25. 
Appendix, No. I. ; palaces of, i. 27 ; 
household of, 29, ii. 44 ; wealth 
and revenues of, i. 30, 45 ; obse- 
quies of, 31 ; singular custom re- 
specting the bodies of, 32, 33; 
commanded armies, 69, 79; re- 
verence paid to, 157, ii. 99, 141 ; 
policy of, i. 160; throne of,ii. 61, 
115. SeeAtahtMllpatiXidMartco. 


Inca chief, visits Piisarro, i. 260 ; 
bravery of an, ii. 227. 

Inca nobility, i. 34 ; little spoken 
of by chroniclers, 46, n.; exempt 
from taxation, 56 ; importance 
of, 157. 

Inca race, uncertainty as to the 
origin and annals of, i. 12 ; pro- 
gress of, 13; crania of, 37. 

Indians, Pizarro traffics with, i. 
196; his intercourse with, 226, 
231,ii.59; battles with, 21 3, 214, 
216, 314; conversion of, 223, 292 ; 
met by Ruiz, 231, 233 ; hospi- 
tality of, to the Spaniards, 264, 
267, ii 15 ; theur dread of the 
Spaniards, 308, 309 ; efibrts of 
Las Casas in behalf of the, iii. 50 ; 
ordinances in favour of, 52. 

Inns. See Tanibo. 

Interpreters employed by Pizarro, 

Iron, not known to tlie Peruvians, 
i. 144, 145, 261 ; their substitute 
for, 145; silver used instead of, 
by the Spaniards, ii. 97. 

Irrigation, admirable system of, 
amongthe Peruvians, i. 124,iL 15. 

Irving, Life of Balboa by, i. 189, n. 

Ides of Pearls, i. 201 ; Pizan^o 
sends Montenegro to, 206 ; 
Almagro touches at, 217. 


Jewels, i. 24, 33, 92, 99. 

Judea, laws of property of, com- 
pared with Peruvian, i. 46. 

Justice, provisions for die adminis- 
tration of, in Peru, 1. 42; Mexi- 
can and Peruvian provision for, 
compared, 44 ; its cheap and 
efficient administration, ib., n. 


Knighthood, Peruvian order of, 
i. 20,21. 

Labour, distribution and rotation 
of, in Peru, i. 56, 57. 

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Labouring classes, care for, under 
Pemvian govemment, i. 56, 57. 

lAnds, remarkable division of, in 
Pern, i. 45; cultivation of, 47. 

Language, Quichua dialect, L 75, 

La Plata, foundation of, il 308; 
takes sides with the Crown, 
iii. 98; Carbajal at, 115. 

Las Casas, efforts of, in the behalf 
of Indians, iii. 52, 54, n. 

Las Salinas, Almagro's army takes 
position at, iL 272; battie of, 274 

Lasso used as a weapon by Peru- 
vians, ii. 219. 

Laws, simplicity and severity of 
Peruvian, i. 42; passed by Vaca 
de Castro for the colonies, 
iii. 41. 

Lawyers forbidden to go to the 
New World, I 292. 

liCJesema, panegyric of, on Peru- 
vian institutions, i. 162, n. ; will 
of, quoted in Appendix, No. IV. 

Liberty, the great object sought 
by settiers in North America, 

Lima, foundation of, ii. 188; Pizar- 
ro'szeal in building up, 201, 309, 
329; besieged by the Peruvians, 
220, 230 ; Pizarro marches from, 
against Almagro, 259 ; Hernando 
leaves, for Spain, 298 ; Pizarro 
at, 309; assassination of Pizarro 
340 — 342 ; taken possession of 
by the Almagrians, iii. 3 — 7 ; 
Blasco Nunez arrives at, 64; 
arrival of the Royal Audience at, 
73 ; Blasco Nunez imprisoned 
at, 78 ; entrance of Gonzalo Pi- 
zarro into, 82; his operations 
at, 85; he leaves, 90; his tri- 
umphal entry into, 1 1 2 ; he sends 
Aldana from, 151 ; arrival of 
Paniagua at, 158 ; proceedings 
of Gonzalo at, 159, 161, 164; the 
president's fleet anchors at, 167; 
departure of Pizarro from, 170; 

. taken possession of by Gasca, 
171 ; his entry into, 240 ; his 

proceedings at, 241, 242 ; he 
leaves, 247. 

Linen, substitute for, i 137. 

Litter of the Inca, L 25, iL 61. 

Llamas, L 7; appropriated to the 
Sun and the Inca, 48 ; grants 
ib.y n. ; care of, 49 ; use of, as 
beasts of burden, 137; herds of, 
kept by government, 139; first 
seen by Pizarro, 259; exhibited 
to the emperor, 289; destmctioii 
of, by the Spaniards, ii. 7 6, iiL 47 ; 
immense flocks of, seen by them, 

Llorente, first publisher of Las 
Casas*s argument, iii. 51, n. 

Loaysa, sent on an embassy to Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, iiL 72, ». 

Luque, Hernando de, i. 199; asso- 
ciated with Pizarro and Almagro, 
ih.; infiuences Pedrarias, 220; 
administers the sacrament to his 
associates, 225; epithet applied 
to, 226, 91.; signs the contract 
for Espinosa, 227 ; writes to en- 
courage Pizarro, 249; pleads his 
cause with the governor, 254, 
255 ; distrusts Pizarro, 277 ; 
rewarded by the Crown, 291 ; 
his death, ii. 117. 


Magazines, i. 54, 55; for military 

stores, 70, ii. 23 ; works of art 

found in, 143, 144 ; discovered 

and used by the Spaniards, ii 76, 

92, 146, iiL 190, «. 
Magistrates, Peruvian, stimulus to 

fidelity of, i. 40; their character 

and authority, 41. 
Maize, cultivated and used in Peru, 

i. 132; liquor made from, t5., n.; 

fields of, seen by the Spaniimis, 

239, iL 15,91. 
Mala, interview of Pizarro and 

Almagro at, ii. 264. 
Mama, Oello Huaco, 8 ; meaning 

of word, ib.f n. 
Manco, Inca, i. 332 ; clidms the 

protection of Pizarro, ii. 157 ; 

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crowned Inca by him, 169 ; 
lofty spirit of, 205 ; escapes from 
the Spaniards, 206 ; retaken, 207 ; 
escapes again, 208 ; beleaguers 
Cuzco, 214; attacked at Tambo, 
235; defeated by Almagro, 252; 
pursued by Orgouez, 262 ; his 
hostilities with the Spaniards, 
305, iii. 69 ; Pizarro attempts to 
negotiate with, 306 ; death of, 
iii. 68; his character, 68, 69. 

Manes, wives and domestics sacri- 
ficed to, in Peru, i. 86. 

Manufactures, superintended by 
the Inca government, i. 50 ; of 
cloths for the Inca, ib,, n. ; con- 
nexion between agriculture and, 

136 ; advantages for, in Peru, 

137 ; skill of the Peruvians in 
woollen, 142; stores of, found by 
the Spaniards, ii. 76; specimens 
of, sent to the emperor, 191. 

Manures used by the Peruvians, 
1. 128. 

Marmontel, i. 99, n. 

Marriage, Peruvian provisions for, 
i. 46, n.; of the Incas and nobles, 
106 ; of people, 107; no freedom 
in, 108. 

M'Culloch, error of, i. 11, ». ; on 
proofs of refinement in the Peru- 
vian institutions, 43, n, ; high 
authority of, on American anti- 
quities, 88, n. 

Mechanical arts in Peru, i. 49, 51. 

Memorials of colonial officers to the 
government, iii. 49, n. 

'• Men of Chili " (Almagro's fol- 
lowers),Pizarro cautioned against, 
ii. 297 ; destitute condition of, 
331 ; conspire against Pizarro, 
334 ; assault him, 341 ; put him 
to death, ib. ; proceedings of, 
342, iii. 33 ; attachment of, to 
young Ahnagro, 16 ; severity 
of Yaca de Castro towards, 37. 

Mendoza, releases Hernando Pi- 
zarro, ii. 298 ; prudent conduct 
in respect to ordinances, iii. 66. 

Mexia, Ueman, governor of Nom- 
bre de Dios, iii. 141 ; his inter- 

view with G^ca, 142 ; gives his 

allegiance to him, 143 ; sent by 

Gasca to Hinojosa, ih. 
Mexicans, estabUshed currency 

among, i. 147. 
Middle Ages, geographical science 

in, i. 178. 
Military weapons and tactics of 

Peruvians, i. 68 ; expeditions, 69. 
Milk, use of, not known on the 

American continent, i. 138,n. 
Mines, working of, i. 30, 50, 51, 

w., 53, ». ; exclusive property 

of the Incas, 51; of Potosi, ii. 

296, iii. 55, 115. 
Minstrelsy, Peruvian national, i, 

48, 117. 
Missionaries, ii. 173, ii. 48 ; twelve 

commemorated by Naharro,i5., n. 
Mitimaes, i. 78, t6., n. 
Molina, Alonzo de, visits Tumbez, 

i. 361 ; is left there by Pizarro, 

Money, use of, unknown to Peru- 
vians, i. 147 ; 
Montenegro sent for aid to Panam4, 

i. 206 ; returns to Pizarro, 209 ; 

rescues him from Indians, 215. 
Montesinos, critical notice of, ii. 

241 ; a poor authority, 274, n. 
Monuments of the dead, i. 86 ; 

treasure concealed in, t5., n., 

ii. 164. 
Moon, temple to, i. 93. 
Morales, Luis de, memorial of, iii. 

48, n. 
Morasses crossed by the Spaniards, 

i. 202, 204, 236. 
Morton, work of, on skulls, i 37, n. 
Motupe, Pizarro halts at, ii. 24. 
Mummies of Peruvian princes, i. 

32, n., ii. 164; brought out at the 

coronation of Manco, 170. 
Muskets manufactured from the 

church-bells of Lima, iii 73. 
Muyscas, astronomy of, L 121 ; 

Piedrahita's account of, ib., n. 

Naharro, ii. 63, n. 
Napo, river of, discovered by Gon- 

Digitized by LjOOQ IC 



zalo PijaxTO, n. 316; bis difficult 
pMsage of, 317. 

Nasca, ii. 271. 

Nayigation, improvemento in the 
art of, i. 179 ; of the first dis- 
ooverers, 210. 

New World, emigration to, i. 1 8 1 ,n., 
ii. 193; romantic adyenture in, 
i 181. 

Nombre de Dies, Pizarro sails from, 
L 287 ; returns to, 299 ; suffer- 
ings of Hernando Pizarro's fol- 
lowers at,ii. 194; Blasoo Nniiez 
lands at, iii. 59 ; secured for 
Gonzalo Pizarro, 116. 

Nunez Yeht, Blasco, appointed vice- 
roy of Peru, iii. 57; arrives at 
Nombre de Dies, 59; his high- 
handed measures, ib,; goes to 
Tumbez, 60 ; at Uma, 64 ^ deter- 
mines to enforce the ordinances, 
65 ; confines Yaca de Castro, 72 ; 
prepares for war with Gonzalo 
Pizarro, 73; assassinates Carba- 
jal, 75; his unpopularity, 77; 
nuule prisoner by the Royal Au- 
dience, 78 ; sent to Panama, 79; 
escapes to Tumbez, 89; musters 
an army, 90; pursued by Gon- 
zalo, 91, 94; driven to Popayan, 
98 ; moves south, 101 ; gives 
battle to Pizarro, 103; defeated 
and killed, 104, 107; his charac- 
ter, 110. See Chraalo Pizcuro 
and Garbajal. 


Oieda, Alonzo de, i. 195. 

Olmedo, father, iii. 8. 

Omens, at Feast of Raymi, i. 101 ; 
seen in Peru on the arrival of 
the white men, 318 ; at Quito, 
iii. dQ, 

Ondegardo, ingenious views of, re- 
specting the property laws of 
Peru, i. 58, n.; conscientiousness 
of, 64, n. ; critical notice of^ 169 ; 
notice of, iii. 1 66, n. 

Ordinances, code of, respecting In- 
dians, iii. 52, 53; Blasoo Nunez 
resolves to enforce, 65. 

Ore, Peruvian method of smelting, 
i 146. 

Orejones, i. 21, n. 

OreUana, Francisco de, ii. 319 ; 
sails down the Napo, 320, 321 ; 
his extraordinary expedition 
down the Amazon, 322, 323; his 
death, t5. 

Orgonez, Roderigo de, ii. 248 ; sent 
to seize the Pizarros, 254; urges 
Almagro to behead them, 256, 
262, 266; wounded on the Aban- 
cay, 25 7 ; pursues the Inca Manco, 
261 ; his distrust of the Pizarros, 
267 ; commands Almagro^s army, 
270; at the battle of Las Salinas, 
273 ; his bravery, 277; killed on 
the Beld of battle, 278. 

Oriental nations, resemblance of, 
to the Peruvians, i. 136. 

Outrages perpetrated by the con- 
querors of Peru, ii. 204, iii. 45, 46. 

Oviedo, account of the Pizarros 
by, i. 296, 297; copies Xerez, 
ii. 36, n.; authority of, 135, n.; 
hardness of feeling shown by, 
247, ».; information of, 253^ «.; 
critical notice of, iii. 120. 

Pachamac, Peruvian deity, i. 87; 
meaning of the word, t6., n. ; re- 
mains of the temple of, 11, n., 
87, n., il 89; town of, 88; Her- 
nando Pizarro at, 93; he de- 
stroys idol at, 94 ; festivities of 
Pizarro and Alvarado at, 186. 

Pacific Ocean first discovered, i. 
186, 196; discoveries on the 
coast of, 197. 

Paional, ii. 33. 

Palaces of the Ineas, i. 27; account 
of, by Yelasoo, t5., n. ; at Bilcas, 
28, n.; at Yuca, 30. 

Paltos, desert of, crossed by Blasoo 
Nufiez, iii. 93. 

Panama, founded, i 189; expedi- 
tions fitted out at, 190; Pizarro 
at, ] 92 ; his first voyage from, 
201; Almagro sails from, 216; 

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returns to, 219; Pedro de los 
Rios governor of, 222 ; contract 
for discovery made at, 223 ; Pi- 
zarro's second voyage from, 230 ; 
Almagro returns to, 237, 247; 
Tafur sent from, 248 ; Pizarro 
returns to, 273 ; sails to Spain 
from, 277; his final departure 
from, 304 ; that of Almagro, 230 ; 
followers of Hernando Pizarro 
at, ii. 195; Pizarro sends to, for 
aid, 232 ; Espinosa leaves, 258, 
259; Yaca de Castro sails to, iii. 
86, 87 ; Hinojosa, Pizarro*s go- 
vernor at, 116, 143 ; Gasca at, 
147, 148 ; fleet surrendered to 
him at, 154|; he s^ids Aldana 
from, 157 ; he sails from^ 171 ; 
his narrow escape at, 248. 

Paniagua, sent to Gonzalo Pizarro 
with despatches, iii. 158. 

Papa, use of word, i. 9, n, 

Pastos, Blasco Nunez at, iii. 97. 

Payta, i. 267. 

Pearls, Peruvians not allowed to 
fish for,i. 1 44, ». ; collected by Pi- 
zarro, 196. 

People, Peruvian distribution of, i. 
40, 4] ; burdens laid upon, 56 ; 
condition of, 57, 58, 11 1 ; regard 
for, in the Peruvian laws, 156; 
national character of, 158, 159. 

Peru, extent of, at time of the 
Conquest, i. 4; topographical as- 
pect of, t5.; coast of, 5; probable 
origin of the empire of, 12 ; un- 
certainty of early history of, 
13, n.; the name, 38, 39, tk; di- 
vision of the empire of, 39, 41; 
the Spaniards first hear of, 1 85; 
rumours about, 191, 208, 217, 
218; expedition for the discovery 
of, 1 9 1 ; Pizarro learns of the em- 
pire of, 191, 192, ii. 6, 11, 23, 24; 
ideas about, deemed visionary, 
i. 274 ; history of,previou8 to the 
Conquest, 316; Pizarro marches 
into,ii. 14; state of, on the death 
of the Inca, 1 33 ; the Spaniards 
complete masters of, 170, 204, 
. 302; disorderly state of, 302, 

iii. 45; commotion produced in, 
by the ordinances, 55, 66 ; Gon- 
zalo Pizarro master of, 1 16 ; re- 
duced to a state of tranquillity 
by Gasca, 244 
Peruvian institutions, artificial cha- 
racter of, i. 38 ; adapted to the 
people*s character, 58 ; reflec- 
tions on, 152 ; compared witli 
Aztec, 153 ; resemblance of, to 
those of £a8tem> Asia, 156, 157, 
165, ».; opinions of early Spa- 
niards respecting, 161 ; compared 
with those of United States, 163; 
good results of, 165. 
P^ruvians^ political ct>ndition of, i. 
40, 45, 47, 54, 56, 58 ; military 
proviBi(»s of, 71 ; religion of, 83 ; 
education of, 110; agriculture of, 
123; mechanical skill of, 143; 
refinement of the intellectual 
character of, 119; mind of, imi- 
tative, not inventive, 144; first 
intercourse of, with Spaniards, 
259; Pizarro's policy /towards, 
ii. 8 ; their kind treatment of the 
Spaniards, 15*, massacre o^ at 
Caxamalca, 65, 66, 70 ; excesses 
of, on the Inca^s death, 142 ; 
battle of Soto with, 149 ; mild 
and submissive character of, 170, 
203; outrageous treatment of, by 
the Spaniards, 204, 354, iii. 45, 
46 ; efforts to Christianise, ii. 173, 
iii. 48 ; rise against Pizarro, ii. 
206 ; attack Juan Pizarro, 210 ; 
besiege Cnzco, 212 ; set fire to the 
city, 21 5; use Spanish armB,223; 
cut off supplies from Pizarro, 
231 ; withdraw from Cuzeo, 233; 
chi^roos contests with the 
Spaniards, 234; defeat them at 
Tambo, 236; battle of, with Al- 
magro, 252; watch the battle be- 
tween the Spanish armies, 273 ; 
efforts of Gasca, in behalf of, 
iii. 242. 

Peso de oro, value of, i. 1 1 1. 

Peso ensayado, value of, iii. 238, n. 

Petition of the Indians for immu- 
nities, i. 332, n. 

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Picadoy Pizarro'fl leeretaiy, insults 
the ** Men of ChiU,** ii. 333 ; dis- 
closes their conspiracy tO'Pizarro, 
336 ; thrown into prison, 342 ; 
pat to the torture, iii. 7; be- 
headed, ih. 

Pits employed in PeruTian hus- 
bandry, I 127. 

Pizarro, Frandso,!. 192 ; his birth 
and early life, 193, 194 ; at His- 
paniola, 195; employed by Pe- 
drarias, 196; accompanies him 
to Panam4, ih, ; associates him- 
self with Almagro and Luque, 
198, 199; sails on his first expe- 
dition, 201 • his difficulties, 203; 
his courtesy, 205, 215; encoun- 
ters the natives, 208, 213; his 
dangerous adventure, 214; lands 
at Chicama, 215; distrusts Al- 
magro, 221, 243 ; his fSunous 
contract with Almagro and 
Luque, 223, Appendix, No. VI. ; 
sails on his second voyage, 230; 
lands his forces, 231 ; marches 
into the country, 235; his suffer- 
ings and losses, 236; receives 
brilliant accounts from Ruiz, 
237; sails along the coast, 238; 
sees proofs of wealth and civili- 
sation, 240, 242, 269; quarrels 
with Alma^, 243; on the isle 
of Gallo, 244; ordered to return 
to Panama, 248 ; Bails south, 256 ; 
at Tumbez, 258; his intercourse 
with the natives, 259, 261, 263, 
267, 269; suffers from tempests, 
267; receives distinct accounts 
of the Peruvian empire, 268 ; 
entertained by an Indian prin- 
cess, 272 ; returns to Panamd, 
273; coldly received by the go- 
vernor, 275; sets out for Spain, 
277; his reception there, 287; 
mterview with Charles V., 289; 
capitulation with the Crown, 291 
Appendix, No. VII.; his greedi 
ness of honours, 293; visits his 
family, 296; sails from Seville, 
298 ; arrives at Panami, 299; 
his difficulty with Ahnagro, 300; 

fits out vessels, 303; sails for tiie 
conquest of Peru, 304 ; lands on 
the coast, t5.; plunders an Indian 
town, 305 ; his exhausting march, 
308; reaches Puerto Viejo, 310; 
at the Isle of Puna, 311; re> 
oeive8reinforcements,314; learns 
the state of the Peruvian empire, 
815, ii. 9; crosses to Tumbez, 
ii. 3; marches into the country, 
7; his liberal policy towards the 
natives, 8 ; founds San Miguel, 
9; his designs, 12 ; sets out for 
Caxamalca, 13; his firmness and 
courage, 14, 28, 50; stops disaf- 
fection in his army, 17; receives 
envoys from the Inca, 19, 34, 36 ; 
his message to him, 2 1 ; continues 
his march, 24; his anxieties, 26; 
sends an envoy to Atahuallpa, 
27; his stirring eloquence, 28 ; 
crosses the Andes, 31 ; distrusts 
the Inca's designs, 37; his first 
view of Atahuallpa's camp, 39; 
enters Caxamalca, 41 ; reani- 
mates his followers, 4 9 ; his daring 
plan, 52 ; prepares for Atahuall- 
pa's reception, 55, 56; urges his 
entrance into the town, 58; gives 
the signal of attack, 65; protects 
Atahwdlpa's life, 68 ; takes him 
prisoner, 69 ; entertains him after 
the battie, 71; pays him every 
attention, 72, 80, releases his 
Indian prisoners, 75; sends for 
reinforcements, 77 ; accepts the 
Inca*s offer of ransom, 79; en- 
deavours to convert him, 81; 
sends Hernando to Pachacamac, 
88; hears accounts of Cuzco, 
101; receives a reinforcement 
with Almagro, 105; sends Her- 
nando to Spain with treasure, 
110; melts down the gold, 113; 
divides it, 114 ; equity of his 
division, 117; refuses to Uberate 
Atahuallpa, 119; accuses him of 
treason, 121; apprehensions of 
the Peruvians, 123; brings the 
Inca to trial, 124; consents to 
his execution, 128; goes into 

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moumiog for him, 1 32 ; upbraid- 
ed by de Soto, 134; his responsi- 
bility, 136, 138 ; story of his 
ignorance, 139 ; appoints a new 
Inca, 143 ; sets out for Cuzco, 
144; arrives at Xauxa, 147; 
charges Challcuchima wiUi con- 
spiracy, 153 ; condemns him to 
the stake, 156 ; and executes 
him, ib. ; receives Prince Manoo, 
157; enters Cnzco, 158; forbids 
dwellings to be molested, 164 ; 
is disappointed in the amount of 
treasure, 165 ; crowns Manco, 
169, 170 ; organises a govern- 
ment for Cuzco, 171; attends to 
religious interests, 172, 173 ; 
sends Almagro against Quizquiz, 
175; learns the arrival of Alva- 
rado, 176 ; his interview with 
him at Pachacamac, 185; founds 
Lima, 188 ; grants to him from 
Charles confirmed, 192; checks 
a feud between his brothers and 
Almagro, 1 98 ; enters into a 
compact with Almagro, ib. ; 
Appendix, No. XI. ; establishes 
settlements, 200 ; his treatment 
of Manco, 205 ; repels the Pe- 
ruvians from Lima, 230 ; his 
anxiety about Cuzco, ib. ; his 
letters for aid, 232 ; at Lima, 258 ; 
his controversy with Almagro, 
260 ; negotiates with him, ib., 
264—266; his treachery towards 
him, 262, 291 ; sends Hernando 
against him, 271; hears of his 
death, 293; instructions to his 
brother about it, ib. ; his parti- 
ality to his own family, 296; his 
deference for Hernando, 301 ; 
his unlimited authority in Peru, 
302 ; his troubles with the Indi- 
ans, 305 — 307; his cruelty to 
Manco's wife, 307 ; founds Are- 
quipa, 308 ; appoints Gonzalo 
governor of Quito, 310 ; his 
treatment of the Almagrian fac- 
tion, 330 ; conspiracy against 
him, 334 ; disclosed to him, 336; 
his indifference, U>, ; attacked in 

his house, 338; killed, 341 ; treat- 
ment of his remains, 343, 344 ; 
his descendants, 345; his per- 
sonal appearance, 346; his want 
of education, 348 , 349 ; his 
courage, 350; his inflexibility, 
351; his perfidy, 353; his treat- 
ment of Indians, 354 ; his want 
of religion, 355; his ruling mo- 
tives, t6. 
Pizarro, Gonzalo, i. 296 ; at the 
siege of Cuzco, ii. 222, 237 ; con- 
fined there by Ahnagro, 255,263; 
makes his escape, ib. ; at the battle 
of Las Salinas, 276 ; sent to Char- 
cas, 296 ; early life and charac- 
ter of, 310 ; appointed governor 
of Quito, 312 ; his exp^ition to 
the '< Land of Cinnamon," 313; 
reaches the Amazon, 320; reas- 
sures his followers, 325 ; his 
generous spirit, 326; returns to 
Quito, 327; learns the assassi- 
nation of his brother, 329; offers 
his services to Vaca de Castro, 
iii. 22 ; goes to Lima, 39 ; sum- 
moned to Cuzco, ib. ; withdraws 
to La Plata, 40 ; works the mines 
of Potosi, 56 ; appealed to against 
the viceroy, 56, 61; repairs to 
Cuzco, 62; obtains militiury com- 
mand, 63; musters an army, 67; 
leaves Cuzco, 68; favoured by 
the people, 70 ; approaches Lima, 
80; enforces his demands on the 
Audience, 81 ; his letter to Val- 
divia, 82, n. ; enters Lima in 
triumph, 83; proclaimed gover- 
nor of Peru, ib.; his proceed- 
ings at Lima, 85 ; marches against 
Blasco Nunez, 90; pursues him 
to Quito, 92—96 ; his stratagem, 
99; battle of Afiaquito, 103; his 
clemency to his prisoners, 108; 
his ideas respecting battle, ib., 
n, ; his mild administration. 111; 
his triumphal progress to Lima, 
112; state assumed by him, 
116 ; hesitates to throw off his 
allegiance, 118; communications 
to him f^om Gasca, 146; his 

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anxiety, 150; sends Aldana to 
Spain, 151 ; his opinion of Gasca, 
150, «., 152, ».; his bold self- 
confidence, 158 ; rejects Gasca's 
offers, 160; prepares his forces, 
162; his tmst in Carbajal, 163; 
his change of temper, 1 64 ; leaves 
lima, 166 ; his distress, 169 ; 
marches to Arequipa, 170; re- 
solves to retire into Chili, 174; 
arrives at Hnarina, 176 ; battle 
of Huarina. 180; his dangerous 
situation, 182; his victory, 185; 
marches to Cusco, 187 ; his care- 
less indifference, 199 ; rejects 
Carbajal's advice, 201; takes 
position at Xaqoixagoana, 204; 
sends spies to Gasca*8 camp, 
206; prepares for battle, 210 ; 
his fine appeaianccy ib. ; deser- 
tion of his followers, 211^214; 
sorrenders himself prisoner,2 1 5 ; 
his interview with Gasca, ib.; 
sentenced to death, 221 ; Appen- 
dix, No. XIV. ; his execution, 
227—229; his character, 231. 

Pizarro,Hemando,i.297; character 
of, ib. ; accompanies his brother, 
299; his hostility to Almagro, 
301, ii. 110; is wounded, i. 314; 
rescues Spaniards at Tumbez, 
ii. 4; accounts of Atahuailpa 
obtained by, 26; sent <m an 
embassy to hun, 42; interview 
with him, 45, 46; reconnoitres 
the country, 88; sent to Pacha- 
camac, 90; forces open the tem- 
ple, 93; destroys the idol, 94; 
brings Challcuchima to Pizarro, 
98; sent with treasure to Spain, 
110; kindness towards Atahuail- 
pa, 122; arrives at Seville, 190; 
interview with the emperor, 191 ; 
rewards conferred on him, 192 ; 

. fits out an armament, 194 ; ar- 
rives at Panamii, 195; governor 
of Cuzco, 208; suffers Manco to 
escape, t6.; besieged in Cuzco, 
212, 232 ; attack of the fortress, 
227; repulsed at Tambo, 2:^6; 
taken prisoner by Almagro, 255; 

his danger, 256, 262,263; set at 
liberty, 266; His pursuit of Al- 
magro, 27 1 ; battle of LaaSalinas, 
275 ; takes Almagro prisoner, 
279; his perfidy towards him, 
282, 283 ; his interview with 
him, 284 ; puts him to death, 
287; his warnings to his brother, 
297; embarks for Spain, 298 ; 
coldly received at Court, 299 ; 
imprisoned for twenty years, 
300; his release and death, 301 ; 
his remarkable character, ib. 

Pizarro, Juan, made Regidor of 
Cuaoo, ii. 171 ; sent in pursuit of 
Manco, 209; at the battle of 
Yucay, 210, 211; entangled in 
the mountains, 212 ; leads the 
attack on the fortress of Cuzco, 
225; is killed, 226. 

Pizarro, Pedro, his ignorance of 
Peruvian institutions, i. 164, fk ; 
critical notice of, ii. 237; loyalty 
of, iiL 85, n. ; fife «f, spared by 
Carbajal, 225, «. 

Pizarro y Orellana, Memorial of, 
ii. 345, tb. n. 

Plough, Peruvian substitute for^ 
i. 129. 

Plutarch, I 102, n. 

Poetry and poets in Peru, L 1 17. 

Poor, anecdote respecting the culti- 
vation of the lands of, i. 47, n. ; 
provisions for, under the Peru- 
vian government, 57, n, 

Popayan, Vaca de Castro arrives 
at, iii. 5; Benalcazar governor 
at, 18 ; Blasco Nunez retreats 
to, 98 ; he abandons, 101. 

Porphyry used as a building mate- 
rial by the Peruvians, i. 145. 

Poi^gal, efforts of^ in the cause of 
discovery, i. 180. 

Posts, Peruvian system of, i. 63; 
houses for, 64, n., ii. 146 ; system 
of, in Eastern nations, 65, «. 

Potato, cultivated in Peru, i. 134, 
236, 239; unknown in Mexico, 
134, n. 

Potosi, hills of, given to Gonzalo 
Pizarro, i. 296; discovery of 

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mines of, 297, n. ; mines of, 
worked by Pizarro, liL 56 ; by 
Carbajal, 115; immense riches 
drawn from, ib., )». 

Poverty, unknown in Peru, i. 57, 

Present sent to Pisarro by Atahu- 
allpa, ii. 19, 34. 

Priesthood, t*eruvian, i. 97; how 
composed, ib.; how supported, 
t5., n.; duties of, 98. See Re- 

Progresses, royal, of the Incas, 
L 25, Appendix, No. I. 

Property, regulation and distri- 
bution of, in Peru, i. 44, 45. 

Provinces, Peruvian, i. 35, 41. 

Puelles, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 
iii. 70; left by him at Quito, 99, 

Puerto de la Hambre, i. 210, 216. 

Puerto de Pinas, i.' 202. 

Puerto Viejo, the Spaniards reach, 
i. 310. 

Punii, isle of, Pizarro arrives at, 
t 310; battle with the inhabi- 
tants of, 313; warriors of, check 
Atahuallpa, 327. 

Punta de Pasada, Ruiz reaches, 
i. 234. 

Punta Quemado, i. 216. 

Queen of the Inc% i. 19, n. 

Quichua dialect, i. 117. 

Quintana, account of Balboa by, 
1. 1 88, n.\ impartiality of, 
ii. 140, n. 

Quipaypan, battle of, i. 328. 

Quipucamayus, i. 55, 113. 

Quipus, i. 52, 112; uses of, 112, 
114; defects of, as a s^^mbol of 
thought, 114; skill of the Peru- 
vians in the use of^ 112, 116; 
present use of, 114, ». ; resem- 
blance of, to wampum, 1 1 5, n. 

Quito, elevation of the plains of, 
i. 7, n.; subjection of, 74, n.; 
conquest of, by Huayna Capac, 

209, 91., 316; reached by Pizarro, 
240 ; kingdom of, given to Ata- 
huallpa, 321; Atahuallpa's re- 
mains carried to, ii. 133; Alva- 
rado's march to, 177, 179; Be- 
nalcazar seizes, 181; Almngro 
arrives at, 182; Gonzalo Pizarro 
appointed governor of, 310; he 
arrives at, 312; leaves on his 
expedition to the Amazon, 
314; his return to, 327; Vaca 
de Castro at, iii. 5; Blasco Nu- 
nez marches to, 89; he is pur- 
sued to, by Pizarro, 96; Gon- 
zalo Pizarro at, ih.\ he leaves, 
^9; and re-enters, 100; Blasco 
Nunez at, 103; Pizarro^s pro- 
ceedings at, 108, 111; he leaves, 

Quixos, territory of, ii. 313. 

Quizquiz, I 325 ; his battles with 
Almagro, ii. 175; put to death 
by his own s<^diers, ib. 


Rada, Juan de, heads the conspi- 
racy against Pizarro, ii. 335 ; 
saying of, 338 ; at Pizarro*s 
assassination, 341 ; chief coun- 
sellor of young Almagro, iii 7; 
death of, 11. 

Rainbow, worshipped by the Peru- 
vians, i. 88, 93. 

Ransom of Atahuallpa, ii. 78, 11 1. 

Raymi, feast of, i. 101. 

Registers, statistical, kept by the 
Inca, i. 51, 55, 113. 

Religion, revenues for the support 
of, in Peru, i. 44 ; a pretext for 
war, ^Q ; of foreign nations, how 
treated by the Peruvians, 72, 90 ; 
provisions for, among Indian na- 
tions, 83 ; the basis of the Inca 
government, 84 ; Peruvian ideas 
of God, 87 ; worship of the sun 
and moon, 87, 88 ; inferior dei- 
ties, 89 ; only precious metals 

Digitized by VjOOQ IC 



used for the purpofles of, 93 ; 
temples of, 96 ; ministers of, 97 ; 
festivals of, 98 ; cruelties prac- 
tised in the name of, 183 ; of the 
Conquerors, ii. 55, 63, 73, 77, 
95,129, 156, 173,iiL4l. 

Relisious men, Pizarro bound to 
take with him, i. 292. 

Remains of Peruvian architecture, 
L 27, n. ; 111, n. ; of Peruvian 
industry, 59 ; of aqueducts, 125. 

Repartimientos made by Pizarro, 
iL 200 296; ordinances respect- 
ing, iii. 53 ; distribution of, by 
Gasca, 238, 245. 

Resurrection, Peruvian belief in, 
i. 85. 

Retreat of Blasco Nufiez, iiL 98 ; 
of Diego Centeno, 114. 

Revenues of the Inca from lands, 
L 44 ; from herds and manufac- 
tures, 48, 49; from mines, 51. 

Rios, Don Pedro de los, governor 
of Panami, i. 222 ; favours Al- 
magro, 237 ; orders Pizarro to 
return 248 ; his anger at his 
refusal, 254 ; refuses to aid the 
confederates, 275. 

Roads, in Peru, i. 59 ; from Cuzco 
to Quito, 59, 62, ii. 23, 27, 90 ; 
description of, by a Spaniard, 
60, f». ; care of, 62 ; remains of, 
63 ; nulitary uses of, 66 ; mac- 
adiunised, 150, n. ; Sarmiento's 
account of, Appendix, No. II.; 
traversed by Pizarro, iL 145 ; 
Almagro, 245. 

Robertson, manuscripts of, i. 17, 9i. 

Romans not a maritime nation, i. 

Room where Atuahallpa was con- 
fined, ii. 79, n. 

Ruins on the borders of Lake Titi- 
caca, i. 10, 12, n, 

Ruiz, Bartholomew, i. 230 ; ex- 
ploring voyage of, 231 ; discove- 
ries of, 234; goes with Pizarro, 
250; returns to Panama, 252 ; 
accompanies Pizarro on his 
southern voyage, 256 ; honour 
conferred on, by the crown, 292. 


Saerifioes of wives and domestics 
on the tombs of nobles, L 86, 
ii. 133; of buxnt-o£ferings, 88, 
102; human, rare in Peru, 100; 
at the Feast of Raymi, 101, 102. 

Sancho, Pedro, high authority of, 
ii. 158, iL 

San Juan, Rio de, Spaniards land 
at, i. 230 ; Almagro returns to, 

San Lucar, Gasca embarks at, 
iii. 139. 

San Miguel, origin of the name, i. 
313, ».; founded by Pizarro, ii. 
10; he marches from, against 
Atahuallpa, 1 3 ; Almagro arrives 
at, 104 ; Benalcazar made go- 
vernor of, 181. 

Santa, port of, i. 270; place where 
Peruvian mummies were pre- 
served, ib. 

Santa Clara, isle of, i. 258. 

Santa Cruz, Pizarro visits an In- 
dian princess at, i. 271. 

Santa Martha, i. 299; Gasca lands 
at, iii. 139. 

Santiago, order of, conferred on 
Francisco Pizarro, i. 295 ; on 
Hernando Pizarro, ii. 192. 

Santiago, Rio de, northern limit 
of Ahnagro*s jurisdiction, ii. 253. 

Sarabia, ingenious device of, i. 245. 

Sarmiento, high authority of, i. 
74, n.; critical notice of, 167. 

Satan believed by chroniclers to 
counterfeit rites of Christianity, 
L 103, n. 

Saxon law of hundreds and tithings, 
i. 40, n. 

Science, engrossed by the amautas, 
i. Ill; &e Peruvian mind not 
adapted to, 119; modem, supe- 
rior to ancient, 175; progress of, 
compared with that of the fine 
arts, 176. 

Sculpture, remarkable specimens 
of, i. 145. 

Sechura, desert of, crossed by Pi- 
zarro^ i. 267. 

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Seneca, remarkable prediction of, 
i. 178, ». 

Seville, almost depopulated by emi- 
gration, i. 1 8 1 , 71. ; Pizarro arrives 
at, 287; he sails from, 298; Her- 
nando Pizarro reaches, ii. 190; 
Gasca returns to, iii. 248. 

Sheep, Peruvian, i. 137; the llama, 
ib.; alpacas, 139; huanacas and 
vicunas, ih. ; mode of taking, 
141; wool of, 142. See Llama. 

Silver, exclusively used in worship 
of the moon, i. 93; twelve vases 
of, ib., n.; mines of, at Porco, 
146 ; used for shoeing horses 
instead of iron, ii. 97 ; mines of, 
at Potosi, 296, iii. 56, 115; city 
of, iii. 308; mingled with copper 
in making arms, iii. 14; a vessel 
laden wiUi, sent to Spain, iii. 59. 

Slavery of Indians, laws respecting, 
iii. 53; abolished by Gasca in 
Peru, 243. 

Sora, an intoxicating liquor, i. 
132, n. 

Sotelo, Christoval de, iii. 2; his 
jealousy of Alvarado, 12; assas- 
sinated by him, ib. 

Soto, Hernando de, i. 314; sent to 
Caxas, ii. 19, 22; goes on an 
embassy to Atahuallpa, 42; exhi- 
bition of horsemanship by, 47; 
friendly to Atahuallpa, 119, 124; 
sent to Guamachuco, 124; re- 
proves Pizarro, 134; entangled 
in the sierra, 149 ; his battle 
with the Indians, ib. 

Soul, separate existence of,believed 
in by the Peruvians, i. 85. 

Southey, epitaph on Pizarro by, ii. 
356, n. 

Spain, one of the first nations in 
making discoveries, i. 179; emi- 
gration from, to the New ^orld, 
181 ; colonial domain of, 186 ; 
Pizarro goes to, 287 ; Hernando 
Pizarro in, ii. 190, 298; commo- 
tion produced in, by Gonzalo 
Pizarro's rebellion, iii. 127. 

Spaniards, in the New World, i. 
181^184; hear rumours of Peru, 

185, 191, 217, 274; omens and 
prodigies respecting, 318, 319, 
117; unwillingness of, to engage 
with Pizarro, 200, 229, 247, 298, 
303; sufferings of, 203, 206, 209, 
236, 248, 308, ii. 194, 316, 320, 
326, iii. 94; losses of, i. 207, 229, 
236, ii. 327 ; discontent and mur- 
murs of,i.205,ii. 16,17; battlesof, 
with the natives, i. 2 1 4, 3 1 3,ii. 65, 
148, 175, 209, 219, 223, 226, 233, 
235,252; impressions produced 
by, in Peru, L 258, 268, 314, 31 5 ; 
31 9, division of treasure among, 
2 1 2, ii. 1 1 5, 1 66 ; anxiety of, ii. 6, 
pleasant march of, ii. 1 4, 1 5 ; num- 
ber of, with Pizarro, 1 6 ; their en- 
thusiasm, 28, 29; their severe 
march over the Andes, 30, 31 ; 
their entrance into CaxanuJca, 
41; their gloomy forebodings, 49; 
Pizarro's address to, 50; tiieir 
religious enthusiasm, 50, 55, 153; 
their attack on Atahuallpa, 65 ; 
their rapacity, 102; Atahuallpa's 
impression respecting, 121 ; 
march to Cuzco, 1 44 ; enter Cuzco, 
158, 159; effect of wealth on, 
1 67 ; with Alvarado, 177; cruelty 
of, to the natives, 204, 246, 247, 
iii. 45 ; at the siege of Cuzco, ii. 
215, 219, 229; desire to abandon 
the city, 220; on the Chili expedi- 
tion, 24 6, 250 ; their battles among 
themselves, 276, iii 31, 104, 105, 
180, 181 ; on the Amazon expe- 
dition, ii 314 ; their deep feel- 
ings of loyalty, iii. 7 ; attached 
to young Almagro, 16; their 
passion for gold, 46; their im- • 
providence, 47 ; thrown into 
consternation at the ordinances, 
55,60; appeal to Vaca de Castro 
against tiiem, 56 ; and to Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, 56, 61 ; take sides 
with Gonzalo, 70 ; influence of 
Gasca's proclamation on, 157; 
desert from Gonzalo Pizarro, 
168, 209 ; their discontent with 
iherepartimietUo8,239i. See Gold 
and Peruvians. 

Digitized by 




Spuush eoloniesythe mode of their 
acquisitiony aiifaTOur»ble to the 
interests of the natiyes, iiL 44. 

Springs of warm water at Caxa- 
malca, iL 34. 

Stars, objects of PeruYian worship, 
i. 88, 93. 

Stevenson, deseription of the river 
of Emeralds by, i. 240, n.; of 
Cazamalca, ii 41, ». 

St. Matthew, bay of, Rnix enters, 
i. 231 ; Pizarro reaches, 238; he 
disembarks his forces a^ 304. 

Stone, tools made of, i. 145. 

Sun, tradition respecting, i. 8; 
temple of, at Cazco, 15, 91, ii. 
101, 163; hmds assigned to, 45; 
peculiar sanctity of, 96, ib, ; tem- 
ples of, 91, 92, 95, 96; virgins 
of, 102, 104, 106. See MeUgion 
and Temples, 

Tacamez, i. 239 ; touched at by 

Pizarro, 256. 
Tambo, the royal buildings at, L 

30, n.; the Inca Manco at, ii. 

233; attacked by Hernando 

Pizarro, 235. 
Tangarala, settlement made at, ii. 

9 ; Ahnagro's camp at, 270. 
Tempests suffered by Spaniards, i. 

Temples, to Paduuaunac, i. 87, t&., 

n., ii. 93, 94 ; to Thunder and 

Lightning, i. 88 ; to the Rainbow, 

ib. ; of the Sun, 15, 91, ii 101 ; of 

inferior deities, 96. 
Temaux-Compans, elegance of his 

translations, ii. 242. 
Terraces on the Cordilleras, i. 7, 

Theatrical exhibitions in Peru, L 

Theft, punishment of, in Peru, i 

42, n. 
Thirteen companions of Pizarro, i 

250, 292. 
Thought, symbols for the expres- 
sion of, i. 116. 

Thunder, Peruvian word for, i. 88, 
n. ; an object of worship in Peru, 
88, 93. 

Time, Peruvian method of measur- 
ing, L 119. 

Titieaea lake, i. 8 ; ruins on the 
borders of, 10, 12 ; Centraio en- 
camps on the borders of, iiL 161 ; 
Gronzalo Pizarro approaches, 
175 ; battle of Huarina on, 178. 

Tobacco, cultivation of, i. 133. 

Toledo, Pizano visits the emperor 
at, i. 288. 

Tomebamba, Blasco Nunez passes 
through, iiL 96. 

Tools, of the Peruvians, i. 145, n. 

Torpaca, Inca, crowned by Pizairo, 
ii. 143 ; death of, 154. 

Traditions, respecting the origin of 
the Peruvian empire, i. 8 ; pue- 
rile character of, in Peru, 84 ; 
respecting a hidden treasure at 
Cuzco, 152, n. 

Treachery, conmionness o^ among 
the Ck>nquerors, ii. 71. 

Treasure, found in Peruvian monu- 
ments, L 86, «5., n, ; hidden at 
Cuzco, 152, ft. ; sent by Pizarro 
to Panama, 306 ; relinquished 
by the Spamards, ii. 1 ; division 
of. 111, 115, 116; shown by 
Manco to Hernando Pizarro, 
208. See Gold. 

Tribunals, account of Peruvian, 
very meagre, L 41, 42, n. See 

Trinity, Peruvian knowledge of, 
inferred, i. 88, n. 

Truxillo, Pizarro*s native place, L 
296 ; visited by him, ib. 

Truxillo, in Peru, foundation of, ii. 
200 ; besieged by the Peruvians, 
220 ; Gonado Pizarro musters 
his forces at, iil 90 ; reception 
of Aldana at, 166 ; of Gasca, 

Tumbez, natives of, seen by Ruiz, 
i. 234 ; visited by Pizarro, 258 ; 
his intercourse with the inhabi- 
tants of, 259 ; visit of Molina to, 
261 ; of Pedro de Candia, 263 ; 

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temple at, 264 ; gardens and 
convents of, 269; Luque ap- 
pointed bishop of, 291 ; the 
Spaniards take possession of, ii. 
4 ; deserted and dismantled by 
its inhabitants, ib. ; Pizarro 
leaves a force at^ 7 ; Gasca ar- 
rives at, iii. 172. 
Tumults in Peru occasioned by the 
royal ordinances, iii. 55. 


XJmu, Villac, high-priest of Peru, i. 

97 ; ii. 199 ; urges the rising of 

the Peruvians, 206. 
Urcos, Almagro's army at, ii. 251. 


Yaca de Castro, ii. 303 ; embarks 
for Peru, 304 ; arrives at Buena 
Ventura, iii. 4 ; difficult position 
and boldness of, 5 ; goes to Quito 
and assumes the government, 6 ; 
marches south, 17 ; takes com- 
mand of the army, 19 ; reconciles 
his generals, ib. ; arrives at Lima, 
20 ; his army, 21 ; declines Gon- 
zalo Pizarro^s assistance, 22 ; 
negotiates with Almagro, 23 ; 
advances to Chupas, 24 ; ad- 
dresses his troops, 27 ; battle of 
Chupas, 30 ; decides the action, 
33 ; his severity towards the 
vanquished, 37 ; his mode of life 
at Cuzco, i6. ; puts to death Al- 
magro, 38 ; his treatment of 
Gonzalo Pizarro, 40 ; his judi- 
cious proceedings, 42 ; his efforts 
to quiet discontent with the or- 
dinances, 55, 56 ; letters of the 
emperor to him, 58 ; prevents 
an insurrection at Lima, 61 ; his 
reception of Blasco Nufiez, 64 ; 
suspected and put in confine- 
ment by him, 72 ; returns to 
Spain, 87 ; his subsequent fate, ib. 

Valdivia, Pedro de, ii. 275 ; bravery 
of, at Las Salinas, 276 ; letter of 
Gonzalo Pizarro to, iii. 152, n. ', 

joins Gasca, 192 ; his self-glori- 
fication, 193, Mw ; his letter to the 
emperor, 203, n. ; at tlie passes 
of ihe Apurimac, 1S6 ; killed by 
the Araucans, 234. 

Valencia, Gasca at, iii. 1 32. 

Valverde, Pizarro's chaplain, ii. 
62 ; his interview with Atahu- 
allpa, 63, 65, n. ; his efforts to 
convert Challcuchima, 156 ; 
performs mass at the coronation 
of Manco, 169 ; made bishop of 
Cuzco, 172 ; his letter to the 
emperor, 21 7, w. ; intercedes for 
Almagro, 287, n. ; interposes in 
behalf of Picado, iii. 7, 8 ; his 
death, 8; his fanatical character, 
9 ; his efforts in behalf of the 
Indians, 50, n. 

Vargas, Fray Juan de, L 303. 

Vargas, Sanchez de, opposes Orel- 
lana's voyage, ii. 324. 

Vases of silver in the temple of the 
moon, i. 93, n, 

Vattel on the trial of Atahuallpa, 
ii. 128, ». 

Venus, Peruvian worship of, i. 88. 

Viceroys of the provinces of the 
Peruvian empire, i. 40. 

Vicunas, habits of, i. 139. 

Viracocha, a Peruvian deity, i. 87 ; 
meaning of the word, ib,, n. 

Virgins of the Sun, i. 105, n. ; 
houses of, 97, 265, 269, ii. 173 ; 
chastity of, 173, n. ; outrages 
upon, 204, 205, iii. 46. 


War, Peruvian method of conduct- 
ing, i. 67, 69 ; religious character 
of, among the Peruvians, 80. 

Weights UMd by the Peruvians, i. 

Wheat first introduced into Peru, 
i. 135, ». 

Wives of the Peruvian monarchs, 
i. 18,34,». 

Wool, the distribution and manu- 
facture of, i. 49 ; of llamas, 137 ; 
of huanacos and vicunas^ 139 ; 

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how obtained and used by the 
Peruvians, 142. 


Xaquixagoana, valley of, Francis 
Pizarro halts at, ii. 156 ; Chall- 
cuchima burnt at, 156 ; selected 
as a battle-ground by Gonzalo 
Pizarro, iii. 204 ; arrival of 
Gasca's army at, 208 ; rout of, 

Xauxa, ii. 97 ; the Spaniards ar- 
rive at, 146, 147; they leave 
treasure at, 154 ; letter of muni- 
cipality of, 158, n. ; battles with 
Quizquiz at, 175 ; great Indian 
hunt at, 184 ; besieged by the 
Peruvians, 214 ; Vaco de Castro 
musters forces at,iii. 20 ; Grasca's 
quarters at, 173, 189 ; he leaves, 
193, 194. 

Xerez, mistake of, as to the Inca's 
name, ii. 21, ». ; error in Ter- 
naux*s translation of, 91, n. 

Year, how divided by the Peru- 
vians, i. 119. 

Yucay, valley of, a favourite resi- 
dence of the Incas, i. 29 ; battles 
with the Peruvians at, ii 209, 

Yupanqui, meaning of the term, i. 
9, n. ; conquests by Topa Inca, 
14; his maxim, 110. 


Zaran, ii. 18. 

Zarate, vigour and spirit of, iii 31, 
n, ; royal comptroller to the 
Audience, 86, n. ; critical notice 
of, 257. 



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