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HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
I
MEMOIRS OF PRINCE RUPERT AND THE CAVALIERS. By
Eliot Warburton. Numerous fine Portraits. 3 vols., 8vo.. 42s.
THE CONQUEST OF CANADA. By the Author of " Hochelaga." 2
vols., 8vo., 28s.
CORRESPONDENCE OF SCHILLER WITH KORNER. From the
German. By Leonard Simpsok. 3 vols., 31s. 6d.
THE FAIRFAX CORRESPONDENCE: Memoirs of Chaeles the
First.— -Part II. Thb Grbat Civil War. By Robert Bell. 4 vols
8vo., 608. Either Part may be had separate^.
A HISTORY OF THE ROYAL NAVY. By Sir Harris Nicolas,
G.C.M.G. 2 vols., 8vo., 288.
A HISTORY OF THE JESUITS, ibom the Foundation of theib
SociETT. By Andrew Stbinmetz. 3 vols., 8vo., 458.
LOUIS XIV., AND THE Court of France in the Seventeenth
Century. By Miss Julia Pardoe. Third Edition. 3 vols., 8vo., 428.
THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OP FERDINAND AND ISABELLA
THE CATHOLICS OF SPAIN. By W. H. Prescott. Second Edition,
3 vols., 8vo., 42s.
HISTORY OF THE CONaUEST OF MEXICO, with, the Life of
THE Conqueror, Hernandez Cortes. By W. H. Presc^xj. Fourth Edition.
2 vols., 8vo., 828.
THE CONQUEST OF PERU. By W. H. Prescott. 2 vols., 8vo.,
32s.
BIOGRAPHICAL AND LITERARY ESSAYS. By W. H. Prescott.
8vo.. 14s.
MEMOIRS OF THE REIGNS OF EDWARD VI. AND MARY. By
Patrick Fraser Tytleu. 2 vols., 8vo., 24s.
NAVAJi HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, with a Continuation of
THE History to the Present Time. By W. Jambs. Numerous Portraits,
&c. 6 vols., 8vo., 548.
MEMOIRS OF THE REIGN OF GEORGE THE THIRD. By
Horatio Lokd Orford. Edited, with Notes, Ijy- Sir Dents Le Marchant,
Bart. 4 vols., 8vo., 568.
BSNTLEY'S COLLECTIVE EDITION OF THE LETTERS OF
HORACE WALPOLE. 6 vols., 638.
IJSTTERS TO SIR HORACE MANN. By Horace Walpole. Second
Series. 4 vols., 8vo., 56s.
JBARACTERISTIC SKETCHES OF ENGLISH SOCIETY, POLITICS,
AND LITERATURE, comprised in a Series o;' Letters to the Coun-
'/X8S OF OssoRY. By Horace Walpole. Edited by the Right Hon. R.
<^ERNON Smith, M.P. 2 vols., 8vo., 308.
MEMOIRS OF THE COURT OF ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN
OF THE STUARTS.' By J. Bene age Jessk. 4 vols., 8to., 568.
MEMOIRS OF THE COURT OF ENGLAND UNDER THE HOUSES
OF NASSAU AND HANOVER. By J. Meneaoe Jesse. 3 vols., 8vo., 42s.
MEMOIRS OF THE CHEVALIER AND PRINCE CHARLES ED-
WARD; OR THE Pretenders and their Adherents. By J. Hbvbaoe
Jesse. 2 vols., 8vo., 288.
V Burlington Street.
gt^bypDOgle
HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY.
GEORGE SELWYN AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES ; with Memofm
AND Notes. By J. Heneaoe Jesse. 4 vols., 8Vo., 56s.
MEMOIRS OF EXTRAORDINARY POPULAR DELUSIONS. By
Charles Mackay, LL.D. 3 vols., 8vo., 428.
MEMOIRS OF KING HENRY V. By J. Endeli^ B.D. 2 vols., 8vo.,
218.
A HISTORY OF HIS OWN TIME; Comprising Memoies of the
Courts of Elizabeth avd James I. By Dr. Ooodman, Bishop of Glov
CE8TSR. Edited by J. S. Br^wba, M.A. 2 vols., 8vo., ISs.
MARSH'S ROMANTIC HISTORY OF THE HUGUENOTS; or, the
Protestant Reformation in France. 2 vols., Svo., SOfi.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF ENGLISH HISTORY IN A NEW SERIES
OF ORIGINAT/ LETTERS; now first publismeb from the original
MSS. IN THE British? Musevm, State Paper Office, &c. By Sir Henry
Ellis. 4 vols., post 8vo., 24s.
MEMOIRS OF THE TWO REBELLIONS IN SCOTLAND IN 1715
AND 1745; OR tIie Adherents of the Stuarts. By Mrs. Thomson. S
vols., 8to., 428.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE KINGDOM OF CAUBUL AND ITS DEPEN-
DENCIES III PERSIA, TARTARY, AND INDIA. By the Right Honour-
able MouNTBTtTART Elphinstone. 2 vols., 8vo., 28s.
A CENTURY OF CABICATURES ; or, England under the House
OF Hanover. By Thomas Wright. 2 vols., 8vo., 30s.
SOCUL LIFE IN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. By Miss Berry. 2
vols., small 8vo., 2l8.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF MAGIC, PRODIGIES, AND APPARENT
MIRACLES. From the French. Edited and Illustrated with Notes by A. T.
Thomson, M.D. 2 vols., Svo., 28s.
AN ANTIQUARIAN RAMBLE IN THE STREETS OF LONDON,
with anecimtei! of tukir most celebrated Residents. By John Thomas
Smith. Second Edition. 2 vol«., 8vo., 28s.
DIARIES AND CORRESPONDENCE OF JAMES HARRIS, FIRST
'■' EARL OF MALMESBURY. Edited by his Grandson, the Third Earl
4 vols., 8vo., 60s.
'MEMOIRS OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON; to which are now
ADDED A History OF the Hundred Days, ok the Battle of Waterloo,
AND OP Napoleon's Exile and Death at St. Helena. By M. Bour-
RiENNE. Numerous Portraits, 4 vols., 8vo., SOs.
MEMOIRS OF THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR CHRISTOPHER
HATTON, K.G. By Sir Harris Nicolas, G.C.M.G. 8vo., 15s.
H0WITT:S HOMES AND HAUNTS OF THE BRITISH POETS.
Numerous fine Engravings. 2 vols. 8vo., 21s.
THE PROSE WRITERS OP AMERICA, with a Survey op the
History, Condition, and Prospects of American Litekatuke. By R.
W. Griswold. 1 vol., 8vo., 188.
THE LIFE AND REMAINS OF THEODORE HOOK. By the Rev. R.
D. Barham. Second Edition. 2 vols., post 8vo., 2l8.
ROLLO AND HIS RACE; or, Footsteps op the Normans. By
Acton Warburton. Second Edition. 2 vols., 2l8.
RICHARD BENTLEY, New Burlington St beet.
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f
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HISTOET
CONQUEST OF PERU.
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HISTORY
THE CONQUEST OF PERU,
WITH A PRBLIMINABT VIEW OF
THE CIVILISATION OF THE INCAS.
By WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT,
COBBBSPOKDINO MBMBEB OF THE FBBNGH INSTITUTB; OF THB BOTAL AOADEVY
OF bebuk; of naplbs; of histoby at madbid, bto.
" ConffMte cumulantar opes, orbUque rapinaa
Cia.UDiAii, In Baf. lib. i. t. 194.
" So color de rdlckm
Tan a boscar piata y oxo
Del cncnbierto teeoro."
Lora na VaoA, El NneTo Hondo, Jom. 1.
FOURTH EDITION.
IN THBBB VOLUMES.
VOL. IIL ^^'l'^%:!i^
LONDON:
RICHARD BENTLEY,
1850.
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LOKSOSrt
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CONTENTS.
BOOK IV.
CIVIL WARS OP THE CONqUEROES.
CHAPTER L
HOYBMBNTS OF THE C0N8PI&AT0BS. — ^ADYANCB OF YACA DB CASTBO. —
PBOCEBDINGS OF ALMAGRO. — PB06RESS OF THE OOYEBNOB. — ^THE
FOBCES APPBOACH BACH OTHEBd — BLOODY PLAINS OF CHVPAS. —
CONDUCT OF YACA DB CASTRO.
PAOB
ArriYal of Vaca de Castro . 4
Difficulties of his Situation 5
He assnmes the GoYemment 6
Ahnagro strengthens himself at Lima ..... 7
Massacre of Bishop ValYerde 8
His fanatical Character 8
Irresolution of Almagro 9
Death of Juan deBada 11
Almagro occupies Cuzco 12
Puts to Death Garda de AlYarado 13
His energetic Operations 13
He Yainly attempts to negotiate 15
His Address to his Troops 15
Amount of his Forces 16
Marches against Vaca de Castro r • 17
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VI CONTENTS.
PAOK
Progress of the Governor 18
His politic ManBgement 19
Reaehes Lima 20
Musters his Army at Xanxa 20
Declines the aid of Gonzalo Pizarro 22
Negotiates with Almagro 23
His Terms rejected 24
Occupies the Plains of Chupas 24
Advance of Almagro 25
The Governor forms in Order of Battle 26
Addresses the Soldiers 27
Dispositions of Almagro 28
Francisco de Carbajal 28
He leads the Royal Army 28
Bloody Conflict 30
Bravery of Carbajal 32
Night overtakes the Combatants ...... 32
Ahnagro's Army gives Way 34
His heroic Effbrts 34
He is made Prisoner 35
Number of the Slain 36
Execution of Almagro 38
His Character 38
Gronzalo Pizarro at Cuzco 39
Laws for the Government of the Colonies . . . .41
Wise Conduct of Vaca de Castro 41
CHAPTER 11.
ABUSES BT THE CONQUEROBS. CODE FOR THE COLONIES. — GREAT
EXCITEMENT IN PERU. — ^BLASCO NUNEZ THE VICEROY. — HIS SEVERE
POLICT. OPPOSED BT GONZALO PIZARRO
Forlorn Condition of the Natives 44
Brutal Conduct of the Conquerors 45
Thar riotous Waste 46
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CONTENTS. Vll
PAGR
Remonstrances of Grovemment ,49
Humane Efforts of Las Casas 50
Boyal Ordinances 52
Viceroy and Audience for Peru 53
Great Commotion in the Colonies 55
Anxiety of Vaoa de Castro 56
Colonists apply to Gonzalo Pizarro 56
Blasco Nunez Vela, the Viceroy 57
He arrives in the New World 59
His high-handed Measures . 59
The Country thrown into Consternation 60
Gonzalo Pizarro repairs to Cnzco 62
Assumes the Titie of Procurator 62
His ambitious Views ...... .62
CHAPTER in.
THB VICEROY ABRIVES AT LIMA. — OONZALO PIZAREO MARCHES FROM
CVZCO. — DEATH OF THB IKCA MANCO. — RASH CONDUCT OF THE
VICBROT. — SEIZED AND DEPOSED BY THE AUDIENCE.— GONZAI.O
PROCLAIMED GOVERNOR OF PERU.
Blasco Nufiez, the Viceroy, enters Lima . . . . . 64
His impolitic Behaviour . • 65
Discontent of the Colonists 66
Gonzalo Pizarro assembles an Army 66
Marches from Cuzco 67
Death of the Inca Manco 68
Hesitation of Gonzalo Pizarro . . .... 70
Re-assured by Popular Favour 70
Suspicious Temper of the Viceroy ' 71
He confines Vaca de Castro 72
He prepares for War 72
Audience arrive at Lima 73
Disapprove of the Viceroy's Proceedings 74
Murder of Suarez de Carbajal 75
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Till C0VTENT8.
PAOK
Rash Design of the Viceroy ... ... 77
Thwarted by the Audience 77
Made Prisoner in his Palace .78
Sent back to Spain .... ... 79
(jronzalo Pizarro claims the Goyemment 80
Cruelties of Carbajal ..... ... 81
Audience granted Pizarro's demands . - . . .82
His triumphant Entry into Lima 88
Proclaimed Governor 83
Rejdcings of the People 83
CHAPTER IV.
MEASUBBS OF eONZALO PIZAKRO. — ESCAPE OF YACA DE CASTBO. —
BE- APPEARANCE OF THE VICEBOY. — HIS DISASTBOUS BETBBAT. —
DEFEAT AND DEATH OF THE TICEBOY. — OOKZALO PIZABBO LOBD
OF PEBU.
GoDzalo Pizarro establishes his Authority .... 85
Vaca de Castro escapes to Spain 86
Is there thrown into Confinement 87
The Viceroy Blasco Nunez set on Shore 88
Musters a force at San Miguel 89
Gonzalo marches against him 90
Surprises him by Night . 91
Pursues him across the Mountains 92
Terrible Sufferings of the Armies . . . . .93
Disaffection among the Viceroy's Followers .... 95
He puts several Cavaliers to Death 95
Enters Quito 96
Driven onward to Popayan 98
Reinforced by Benalcazar . . .... 98
Stratagem of Pizarro 99
Blasco Nunez approaches Quito 100
Attempts to surprise Gronzalo Pizarro 101
Determines to give him Battle .... . . 102
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0ONTBVT8. IZ
PAOB
Addresses his Troops . 103
Inferiority of his Forces 104
Battle of Anaquito 104
The Viceroy defeated 106
Slain on the Field 108
Great Slaughter of his Troops 108
Character of Blasoo Nufiez 109
Difficulty of his Position . . . . . . 109
Moderation of Gmizalo Piaarro 110
His Triumphant Progiress to lima 112
Undisputed Master of Pera 113
Carbajal's Pursuit of Centeno 114
He works the Mines of Potosf 1 15
State assumed by Pizarro 116
Urged to shake off his Allegiance 117
His Hesitation 118
Critical Notices of Herrera and Gromara 119
Life and writings of Oviedo 120
And of Cieza de Leon 122
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CONTENTS.
BOOK V.
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
CHAPTER I.
GREAT SENSATION IN SPAIN.— PEDBO DB LA GASCA.— HIS EARLY LIFE. —
HIS MISSION TO PERU. — HIS POLITIC CONDUCT. — HIS OFFERS TO
PIZARRO. — GAINS THE FLEET.
PAOB
Consternation produced in Spain 127
Embarrassments of the Government 128
Conciliatory Measures adopted 130
Pedro de la GkuMsa 130
Account of his early Life 130
Selected for the Peruvian Mission 133
Receives the Li junctions of Government 1 35
Demands unlimited Powers 135
Granted by the Emperor 137
Refuses a Bishopric 138
Sails from San Lucar 139
State of things in Peru 140
Gasca arrives at Nombre de Dios 141
His plain and unpretending Demeanour 141
He gains over Mexia • 142
Cautious Reception of him by Hinojosa 143
He distributes Letters through the Country . . . .145
Communicates with Gonzalo Pizarro 145
His Letters to him and Cepeda 146
He is detained at Panama 148
Refuses to employ violent Measures 148
Secret Anxiety of Pizarro 149
He sends Aldana to Spain 150
Interview of Aldana with Gasca 153
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. CONTENTS. XI
PAGK
He embraces the Royal Canse 153
Hinojofla surrenden the Fleet to Gasca 154
6a8ca'8 temperate Policy sacoeeds 155
CHAPTER II.
GASCA ISSBMBLBS HIS FO]LCBS.»D]BFECTION OF PIZAB&O'S FOLLOWEBS —
HE MUSIEBS HIS LBTIBS. — AGITATION IN LIMA. — HB ABANDONS
THE CITY. — GASCA SAILS FBOM PANAMA. — BLOODY BATTLE OF
HUABINA.
Gasca seeks Supplies of Men and Money .... 156
Aldana sent with a Squadron to Lima 157
Influence of Gasca's Proclamations 157
Change of Sentiment in the Country 157
Letter of Gasca to Pizarro 158
Different Views of Carbajal and Cepeda 159
Centeno seizes Cuzco for the Crown 161
GK)nzalo's active Measures 161
Splendid Equipment of his Army 162
He becomes suspidous and violent 164
Solemn Faroe of Cepeda 165
Aldana arrives off Lima 166
Gonzalo's Followers desert to him 168
Perplexity of that Chief 169
He marches out of Lima 170
Tempestuous Voyage of Gasca 171
He lands at Tumbez 172
Encamps at Xauxa 173
Gonzalo resolves to retire to Chili 174
Centeno intercepts him 174
Pizarro advances to Lake Titicaca 175
The two Armies approach Huarina .... 176
Inferiority of the rebel Army 177
CarbajaTs Arquebusiers 177
Battle of Huarina 179
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-4
Zll OONTBNTS.
Centeno's Cayalxy bear down all before them . . 181
Critical Situation of Pizarro 182
Carbajal's Musketeers retrieye the Day 183
Decisiye Victory of the Rebels 184
Great Loss on both Sides 185
Escape of Centeno 186
Gonzalo Pizarro enters Cuzeo in Triumph 187
CHAPTER III.
DISMAY IN OASCA's CAMP. — HIS WINTSB QUARTBHS. — RBSVMBS HIS
MARCH.— CROSSES THB APURIKAC—PIZARBO'S CONDUCT IN CUZOQ.
— HK ENCAMPS NEAR THE CITT. — ROUT OF ZAQUIXAOUANA.
Consternation in the royal Camp 189
Energetic Measures of the President 190
He marches to Andaguaylas 191
Joined by Yaldiria from Chili 191
Excellent Condition of Gasca's Troops 193
He sets out for Cuzco 194
Difficult Passage of the Andes 194
He throws a Bridge oyer the Aporimac 195
Great Hazard in crossing the Riyer 197
Dangerous Ascent of the Sierra 198
He encamps on the Heights 199
Gonzalo Pizarro's careless Indifference 199
Wise Counsel of Carbajal 200
Rejected by his Commander 201
Aoosta detached to guard the Passes 208
Tardy Moyements of that Officer 208
Valley of Xaquixaguana 204
Selected as a Battle-ground by Pizarro 205
Gonzalo takes up a Position there 205
Approach of the Royal Army 206
Skirmish on the Heights 207
The President fears a Night Attack 208
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CONTSNTS.
The Armies drawn np in Battle-array
CMvalrous bearing of Gonzalo
Desertion of Cepeda ....
His Example followed by others
▲ Panic seizes the rebel Troops
They break np and disperse
Hzarro surrenders himself Prisoner *
Sternly receiyed by Gasca
Capture of Carbajal . • . .
ziu
PAON
209
210
211
213
214
214
215
215
216
(Gxeat Booty of the Victors 219
CHAPTER IV.
EXECUTION OF CIBBAJAL. — OONZALO PIZABRO BEHEADED. — SPOILS OV
VICTORY. — WISE REFORMS BY OASCA. — HE RETURNS TO SPAIN. —
HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER.
Sentence passed on the Prisoners 221
Indifference of Carbajal 222
Wa Execution 223
His early Life 223
Atrocities committed by him in Pern 225
His caustic Repartees 225
His military Science 226
Execution of Cronzalo Pizarro 227
His Conduct on the Scaffold .... . . 228
Confiscation of his Estates 230
His early History 231
His brilliant Exterior 231
His Want of Education 233
Fate of Cepeda . . 233
And of Gonzalo's Officers .' 234
Gasca occupies Cuzco . • 235
Gasca*s Difficulty in apportioning Rewards . . .235
His Letter to the Army 237
Value of Repartimientos 238
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Xiy CONTENTS.
PAO>
Murman of the Soldiery 239
The Presideiit goes to Liina 240
His Care for the Natives 242
He abolishes Slavery in the Colonies 243
Introduces wholesome Reforms 243
Tranquillity restored to the Country 244
He refuses numerous Presents 246
Embarks for Panama 247
His narrow Escape there 248
Sails from Nombre de Dios . . . . . . 248
Arrives with his Treasure at Seville 248
Graciously received by the Emperor 249
Made Bishop of Siguenza . 249
His Death 250
His personal Appearance 251
Admirable Balance of his Qualities 252
His Common Sense 253
His Rectitude and Moral Courage 258
ConcludiDg Reflections . . 254
Critical Notice of Zarate 257
Life and Writings of Fernandez 259
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CONTENTS.
APPENDIX.
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
PAOB
Description of the Inca's Progresses 265
Account of the great Peruvian tload 266
Policy of the Incas in their Conquests 267
Will of Mancio Sierra Lejesema 270
Interriew between Pedrarias and Aimagro .... 272 '
Contract of Pizarro with Ahnagro and Luque . . 274
Capitulation of Pizarro with the Queen 279
Accounts of Atahuallpa's Seizure 286
Personal Habits of Atahuallpa 291
Accounts of Atahuallpa's Execution 294
Contract between Pizarro and Ahnagro 298
Letter of Aimagro the Younger to the Audience . . .301
Letter of the Municipality of Arequipa to Charles the Fifth . 304
Sentence passed on Gonzalo Pizarro 307
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BOOK FOURTH.
CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
YOL. III.
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CONQUEST OF PERU.
BOOK IV.
aVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
CHAPTEE I.
MOVSMKNTS OP THB COMSPIRATOBS. — ADYANCB OP VACA DE CA8TE0. —
PROCEEDINGS OP ALMAORO. — PROORESS OF THE OOTERNOR. — ^THE
FORCES APPROACH EACH OTHER. — BLOODY PLAINS OF CHUPAS. —
CONDUCT OF TACA DE CASTRO.
1541—1543.
The first step of the conspirators, after securing possession
of the capital, was to send to the different cities, proclaiming
the reyolution which had taken place, and demanding the
recognition of the young Almagro as governor of Peru.
Where the summons was accompanied by a military force,
as at Truzillo and Arequipa, it was obeyed without much
cayil. But in other cities a colder assent was giyen, and in
some the requisition was treated with contempt. In Cuzco,
the place of most importance next to Lima, a considerable
number of the Almagro faction secured the ascendancy of
their party ; and such of the magistracy as resisted were
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4 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
ejected from their offices to make room for others of a more
accommodating temper. But the loyal inhabitants of the
city, dissatisfied with this proceeding, privately sent to one
of Pizarro's captains, named Alvarez de Holguin, who lay
with a considerable force in the neighbom'hood ; and that
officer, entering the place, soon dispossessed the new digni-
taries of their honours^ and restored the ancient capital to
its allegiance. «
The conspirators experienced a still more determined
opposition from Alonso de Alvarado, one of the principal
captains of Pizarro, — defeated, as the reader will remember,
by the elder Almagro at the bridge of Abancay,-— and now
lying in the north with a corps of about two hmidred men,
as good troops as any in the land. That officer, on receiving
tidings of his general's assassination, instantly wrote to the
Licentiate Yaca de Castro, advising him of the state of
affairs in Peru, and urging him to quicken his march towards
the south.*
This functionary had been sent out by the Spanish Crown,
as noticed in a preceding chapter, to co-operate with Pizarro
in restoring tranquillity to the country, with authority to
assume the government himself, in case of that commander's
death. After a long and tempestuous voyage, he had
landed, in the spring of 1541, at the port of Buena Ventura,
and, disgusted with the dangers of the sea, preferred to
• Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xiii. — ^Herrera^ Hist. General,
dec. vi. lib. x. cap. vii. — Declaracion de Uscategiii, MS. — Carta del
Maestro, Martin de Arauco, MS. — Carta de Fray Vicente Valverde, desde
Tumbez, MS.
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ADVANCE OP VACA DE CASTRO. O
continue his wearisome journey bj land. But so enfeebled
was he bj the hardships he had undergone, that it was full
three months before he reached Popayan, where he received
the astounding tidings of the death of Pizarro. This was
the contmgency which had been provided for, with such
judicious forecast, in his instructions. Yet he was sorely
perplexed by the difficulties of his situation. He was a
stranger in the land, with a very imperfect knowledge of the
country, without an armed force to support him, without
even the military science which might be supposed necessary
to avail himself of it. He knew nothing of the degree of
Almagro's influence, or of the extent to which the insurrec-
tion had spread, — ^nothing, in short, of the dispositions of the
people among whom he was cast.
In such an emergency, a feebler spirit might have listened
to the counsels of those who advised to return to Panama,
and stay there until he had mustered a sufficient force to
enable him to take the field against the insurgents with
advantage. But the courageous heart of Vaca de Castro
shrunk from a step which would proclaim his incompetency
to the task ^assigned him. He had confidence in his own
resources, and in the virtue of the commission under which
he acted. He relied, too, on the habitual loyalty of the
Spaniards ; and after mature deliberation, he determined to
go forward, and trust to events for accomplishing the objects
of his mission.
He was confirmed in this purpose by the advices he now
received from Alvarado ; and without longer delay, he con-
tinued his march towards Quito. Here he was well received
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6 CIYIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
by Gonzalo Pizarro's lieutenant, who had charge of the
place during hiB commander's absence on his expedition to
the Amazon. The licentiate was also joined by Benalcazar,
the conqueror of Quito, who brought a small reinforcement,
and offered personally to assist him in the prosecution of
his enterprise. He now displayed the royal commission,
empowering him, on Pizarro's death, to assume the govern-
ment. The contingency had arrived, and Vaca de Castro
declared his purpose to exercise the authority conferred on
him. At the same time, he sent emissaries to the principal
cities, requiring their obedience to him as the lawful repre-
sentative of the Crown, — ^taking care to employ discreet
persons on the mission, whose character would have weight
with the citizens. He then continued his march slowly
towards the south.*
He was willing by his deliberate movements to give time
for his summons to take effect, and for the fermentation
caused by the late extraordinary events to subside. He
reckoned confidently on the loyalty which made the Spaniard
unwilling, unless in cases of the last extremity, to come
into collision with the royal authority ; and, however much
this popular sentiment might be disturbed by temporary
gusts of passion, he trusted to the habitual current of their
* Herrera, Hist. General, dec. tI. lib. x. cap. iv. — Carta de Benalcazar
al Emperador^ desde Cali, MS.^ 20 Septiembre, 1542. Benalcazar urged
Vaca de Castro to assume only the title of Judge, and not that of Governor,
which would conflict with the pretension's of Almagro to that part of the
country known as New Toledo, and bequeathed to him by his father.
^ Porque yo le ayise muchas veces no entrase en la tierra como Govemador,
sino como Juez de Y. M. que venia & desagraviar i, los agrayiados, porque
todoe lo rescibiiian de buena gana."" — Ubi supra.
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PROCEEDINGS OF ALMA6R0. 7
feelings for giving the people a right direction. In this he
did not miscalculate ; for so deep-rooted was the principle
of loyalty in the ancient Spaniard, that ages of oppression
and misrule could alone have induced him to shake off his
allegiance. Sad it is, hut not strange, that the length of
time passed under a had government has not qualified him
for devising a good one.
While these events were passing in the north* Almagro's
faction at Lima was daily receiving new accessions of
strength. For, in addition to those who, from the first,
had heen avowedly of his father's party, there were many
others who, from some cause or other, had conceived a
disgust for Pizarro, and who now willingly enlisted under
the hanner of the chief that had overthrown him.
The first step of the young general, or rather of Kada,
who directed his movements, was to secure the necessary
supplies for the troops, most of whom, having long heen in
indigent circumstances, were wholly unprepared for service.
Funds to a considerahle amount were raised, hy seizmg on
the moneys of the Crown in the hands of the treasurer.
Pizarro's secretary, Picado, was also drawn from his prison,
and interrogated as to the place where his master's treasures
were deposited. But, although put to the torture, he would
not — or, as is prohahle, could not — give information on the
suhject ; and the conspirators, who had a long arrear of
injuries to settle with him, closed their proceedings hy
puhlicly heheading him in the great square of Lima.*
* Ped. Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. —
Carta de Fray Vicente Yalverde, desde Tumbez, MS.
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8 CIVIL WABS OF THE CONQUERORS.
Yalyerde, Bishop of Cuzco, as he himself assures us,
vainly interposed in his behalf. It is singular, that, the
last time this fanatical prelate appears on the stage, it
should be in the benevolent character of a supplicant for
mercy.* Soon afterwards he was permitted, with the
judge, Velasquez, and some other adherents of Pizarro, to
embark from the port of Lima. We have a letter from
him, dated Tumbez, in November, 1541 ; almost imme-
diately after which he fell into the hands of the Indians,
and, with his companions, was massacred at Punl A
violent death not unfrequently closed the stormy career of
the American adventurer. Yalverde was a Dominican friar,
and, like Father Olmedo in the suite of Cortes, had been by
his commander's side throughout the whole of his expedition.
But he did not always, like the good Olmedo, use his
influence to stay the uplifted hand of the warrior. At least,
this was not the mild aspect in which he presented himself
at the terrible massacre of Caxamalca. Yet some contem-
porary accounts represent him, after he had been installed
in his episcopal office, as unwearied in his labours to convert
the natives, and to ameliorate their condition ; and his own
correspondence with the government, after that period,
shows great solicitude for these praiseworthy objects.
* " Siendo informado que andavan ordenando la muerte & Antonio
Picado secretario del Marques que tenian preso, fui & Don Diego 6 & su
Capitan General Joan de Herrada € d todos sus capitanes, i les puse delante
el servicio de Dios i de S. M. i que bastase en lo fecho por respeto de Dios,
humillandome & sus pies porque no lo matasen : i no bastd que luego dende
& pocos dias lo sacaron 6, la plaza desta cibdad donde le cortaron la cabeza.**
— Carta de Fray Vicente de Valverde, desde Tumbez, MS.
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PROCEEDINGS OP ALMAORO. 9
Trained in the severest school of monastic discipline, whieh
top often closes the heart against the common charities of
life, he could not, like the henevolent Las Casas, rise so far
ahove its fanatical tenets as to regard the heathen as his
brother, while in the state of infidelity ; and, in the true
spirit of that school, he doubtless conceived that the sanctity
of the end justified the means, however revolting in them-
selves. Yet the same man, who thus freely shed the blood
of the poor native to secure the triumph of his faith, would
doubtless have as freely poured out his own in its defence.
The character was no uncommon one in the sixteenth
century.*
Almagro's followers, having supplied themselves with
funds, made as little scruple to appropriate to their own
use such horses and arms of every description, as they could
find in the city. And this they did with the less reluctance,
as the inhabitants for the most part testified no good- will to
their cause. While thus employed, Almagro received intel-
ligence that Holguin had left Cuzco with a force of near
three hundred men, with which he was preparing to effect a
junction with Alvarado in the north. It was important to
Almagro's success that he should defeat this junction. If
to procrastinate was the policy of Yaca de Castro, it was
• ** Quel Senor obispo Fray Vicente de Valverde como persona que
jamas ha tenido fin ni zelo al servicio de Dies ni de S. M. ni menos en la
conTenion de lot natnrales en los poner ^ dotrinar en las cosas de nuestra
santa f^e catholica, ni menos en entender en la paz 6 sosiego destos reynos,
sine d BUS interescs propios dando mal ejemplo k todos." (Carta de Almagro
6 la Audiencia de Panam^, MS., 8 de Nov. 1541.) The writer^ it must
be remembered, was his personal enemy.
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10 CIVIL WABS OF THE CONQUERORS.
clearly that of Almagro to quicken operations, and to bring
matters to as speedy an issue as possible ; to march at once
against Holguin, whom he might expect easily to orercome
with his superior numbers ; then to follow up the stroke by
the still easier defeat of Alvarado, when the new governor
would be, in a manner, at his mercy. It would be easy to
beat these several bodies in detail, which, once united, would
present formidable odds. Almagro and his party had already
arrayed themselves against the government by a proceeding
too atrocious, and which struck too directly at the royal
authority, for its perpetrators to flatter themselves with the
hopes of pardon. Their only chance was boldly to follow up
the blow, and, by success, to place themselves in so formi-
dable an attitude as to excite the apprehensions of govern-
ment. The dread of its too potent vassal might extort
terms that would never be conceded to his prayers.
But Almagro and his followers shrunk from this open
collision with the Crown. They had taken up rebellion
because it lay in their path, not because they had wished it.
They had meant only to avenge their personal wrongs on
Pizarro, and not to defy the royal authority. When,
therefore, some of the more resolute, who followed things
fearlessly to their consequences, proposed to march at once
against Yaca de Castro, and by striking at the head, settle
the contest by a blow, it was almost universally rejected ;
and it -was not till after a long debate that it was finally
determined to move against Holguin, and cut off his com-
munication with Alonso de Alvarado.
Scarcely had Almagro commenced his march on Xauxa,
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PROCEEDINGS OF ALMAGBO. 11
where he proposed to give battle to his enemy, than he met
with a severe misfortune in the death of Juan de Rada.
He was a man somewhat advanced in years ; and the late
exciting scenes, in which he had taken the principal part,
had been too much for a frame greatly shattered by a life
of extraordinary hardship. He was thrown into a fever, of
which he soon after died. By his death Almagro sustained
an inestimable loss ; for, besides his devoted attachment to
his young leader, he was, by his large experience, and his
cautious though courageous character, better qualified than
any other cavalier in the army to conduct him safely
through the stormy sea on which he had led him to
embark.
Among the cavaliers of highest consideration after Rada's
death, the two most aspiring were Ohristoval de Sotelo,
and Garcia de Alvarado ; both possessed of considerable
military talent, but the latter marked by a bold, pre-
sumptuous manner, which might remind one of his illustrious
namesake, who achieved much higher renown imder the
banner of Cortes. Unhappily, a jealousy grew up between
these two officers ; that jealousy, so common among the
Spaniards, that it may seem a national characteristic ; an
impatience of equality, founded on a false principle of
honour, which has ever been the fruitful source of faction
among them, whether under a monarchy or a republic.
This was peculiarly unfortimate for Almagro, whose
inexperience led him to lean for support on others, and
who, in the present distracted state of his council, knew
scarcely where to turn for it. In the delay occasioned by
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12 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
these disfiensions, his little army did Dot reach the yallej
of Xauxa till after the enemy had passed it. Almagro
followed close, leaving behind his baggage and artillery
that he might move the lighter. But the golden oppor-
tunity was lost. The rivers, swollen by autumnal rains,
impeded his pursuit ; and, though his light troops came
up with a few stragglers of the rear-guard, Holguin
succeeded in conducting his forces through the dangerous
passes of the mountains, and in effecting a junction with
Alonso de Alvarado, near the northern seaport of Huaura.
Disappointed in his object, Almagro prepared to march
on Cuzco, — ^the capital, as he regarded it, of his own juris-
diction, — ^to get possession of that city, and there make
preparations to meet his adversary in the field. Sotelo was
sent forward with a small corps in advance. He expe-
rienced no opposition from the now defenceless citizens ;
the government of the place was again restored to the
hands of the men of Chili, and their young leader soon
appeared at the head of his battalions, and established his
winter-quarters in the Inca capital.
Here, the jealousy of the rival captains broke out into
an open feud. It was ended by the death of Sotelo,
treacherously assassinated in his own apartment by Garcia
de Alvarado. Almagro, greatly outraged by this atrocity,
was the more indignant, as he felt himself too weak to
punish the offender. He smothered his resentment for the
present, affecting to treat the dangerous officer with more
distinguished favour. But Alvarado was not the dupe of
this specious behaviour. He felt that he had forfeited the
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PROCEEDINGS OF ALMAGRO. 13
confidence of his commander. In reyenge, he laid a plot to
betray him ; and Ahnagro, driyen to the necessity of self-
defence, imitated the example of his officer, by entering
his house with a party of armed men, who, laying yiolent
hands on the insurgent, slew him on the spot.*
This irregular proceeding was followed by the best conse-
quences. The seditious schemes of Alyarado perished with
him. The seeds of insubordination were eradicated, and
from that moment Almagro experienced only implicit
obedience and the most loyal support from his followers.
From that hour, too, his own character seemed to be
changed ; he relied far less on others than on himself, and
deyeloped resources not to haye been anticipated in one of
his years, for he had hardly reached the age of twenty-
two, t From this time he displayed an energy and forecast,
which proyed him, in despite of his youth, not unequal to
the trying emergencies of the situation in which it was his
unhappy lot to be placed.
He instantly set about proyiding for the wants of his
men, and strained eyery nerye to get them in good fighting
order for the approaching campaign. He replenished his
treasury with a large amount of silyer which he drew from
the mines of La Plata. Saltpetre, obtained in abundance
in the neighbourhood of Cuzco, furnished the material for
* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zanite, Conq. del Peru,
lib. iv. cap. x,-xiv. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. czlvii. — Declaracion
de Uscategrui, MS. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. — Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. vi. lib. z. cap. xiii. ; dec. vii. lib. iii. cap. i.-T.
t " Hiqo mas que su edad requeria, porque seria de edad de reinte i
doB anoB." — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xx.
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14 CIYIL WARS OF THE CONQUEBOBS.
gunpowder. He caused cannon, some of large dimensions,
to be cast under the superintendence of Pedro de Candia,
the Greek, who, it may be remembered, had first come into
the country with Pizarro, and who, with a number of his
countrymen, — Levantines, as they were called, — was well
acquainted with this manufacture. Under their care fire-
arms were made, together with cuirasses and helmets, in
which silver was mingled with copper,* and of so excellent
a quality, that they might vie, says an old soldier of the
time, with those from the workshops of Milan.f Almagro
received a seasonable supply, moreover, from a source
scarcely to have been expected. This was from Manco, the
wandering Inca, who, detesting the memory of Pizarro,
transferred to the young Almagro the same friendly feelings
which he had formerly borne to his father ; heightened, it
may be, by the consideration that Indian blood flowed in
the veins of the young commander. From this quarter
Almagro obtained a liberal supply of swords, spears, shields,
and arms and armour of every description, chiefly taken by
the Inca at the memorable siege of Cuzco. He also re-
ceived the gratifying assurance that the latter would support
* ** Y demas de esto hi90 armas para la gente de 8u real, que no las
tenia, de pasta deplata i cobre mezclado,de que salen muibuenos coseletes:
haviendo corregido, demas de esto, todas las armas de la tierra ; de manera,
que el que menos armas tenia entre su gente, era cota, i coradnas 6
coselete, i celedas de la misma pasta, que los Indies hacen diestramente,
por muestras de las de Mil^n/* — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xiv.
f ^ Hombres de armas con tan buenas celadas borgofiesas como se bacen
en Milan." — Carta de Ventura Beltran al Emperador^ MS., desde Vilcas,
8 Octubre, 1542.
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PROCEEDINGS OF ALMA6B0. 15
him with a detachment of native troops when he opened the
campaign.
Before making a final appeal to arms, however, Almagro
resolved to try the efiect of negotiation with the new
governor. In the spring, or early in the summer of 1542,
he sent an emhassj to the latter, then at Lima, in which he
deprecated the necessity of taking arms against an officer
of the Crown. His only desire, he said, was to vindicate
his own rights ; to secure the possession of New Toledo, the
province hequeathed to him by his father, and from which
he had been most unjustly excluded by Pizarro. He did
not dispute the governor's authority over New Castile, as
the country was designated wbich had been assigned to the
Marquess ; and he concluded by proposing that each party
should remain within his respective territory until the deter-
mination of the Court of Castile could be made known to
them. To this application, couched in respectful terms,
Almagro received no answer.
Frustrated in his hopes of a peaceful accommodation, the
young captain now saw that nothing was left but the
arbitrement of arms. Assembling his troops, preparatory
to his departure from the capital, he made them a brief
address. He protested that the step which he and his
brave companions were about to take was not an act of
rebellion against the Crown. It was forced on them by the
conduct of the governor himself. The commission of that
officer gave him no authority over the territory of New
Toledo, settled on Almagro's father, and by his father
bequeathed to him. If Yaca de Castro, by exceeding the
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16 CITIL WARS OF THE COKQUEBORS.
limits of his authority, drove him to hostilities, the hlood
spilt in the quarrel would lie on the head of that com-
mander, not on his. " In the assassination of Pizarro," he
continued, ** we took that justice into our own hands which
elsewhere was denied us. It is the same now, in our contest
with the royal governor. We are as true-hearted and loyal
suhjects of the Crown as he is." And he concluded hy
invoking his soldiers to stand hy him heart and hand in the
approaching contest, in which they were all equally interested
with himself.
The appeal was not made to an insensihle audience.
There were few among th^m who did not feel that their
fortunes were indissoluhly connected with those of their
commander ; and whUe they had little to expect from the
austere character of the governor, they were warmly attached
to the person of their young chief, who, with all the popular
qualities of his father, excited additional sympathy from the
circumstances of his age and his forlorn condition. Laying
their hands on the cross, placed on an altar raised for
the purpose, the officers and soldiers severally swore to hrave
every peril with Almagro, and remain true to him to the
last.
In point of numhers his forces had not greatly strength-
ened since his departure from Lima. He mustered hut
little more than five hundred in all ; hut among them were
his father's veterans, well seasoned hy many an Indian cam-
paign. He had ahout two hundred horse, many of them
clad in complete mail, a circumstance not too common in
these wars, where a stuffed doublet of cotton was often the
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PROGRESS OF THE GOVERNOR. 17
only panoply of the warrior. His infantry, formed of pike-
men and arquebusiers, was excellently armed. But his
strength lay in his heavy ordnance, consisting of sixteen
pieces, eight large and eight smaller guns, or falconets, as
they were called, forming, says one who saw it, a beautiful
park of artillery, that would have made a brave show on the
citadel of Burgos.* The little army, in short, though not
imposing from its numbers, was under as good discipline,
and as well appointed, as any that ever fought on the fields
of Peru ; much better than any which Almagro*s own father
or Pizarro ever led into the field and won their conquests
with. Putting himself at the head of his gallant company,
the chieftain sallied forth from the walls of Cuzco about
midsummer, in 1542, and directed his march towards the
coast, in expectation of meeting the enemy .f
While the events detailed in the preceding pages were
passing, Yaca de Castro, whom we left at Quito in the pre-
ceding year, was advancing slowly towards the south. His
first act, after leaving that city, showed his resolution to
enter into no compromise with the assassins of Pizarro«
Benalcazar, the distinguished officer whom I have mentioned
as having early given in his adherence to him, had protected
one of the principal conspirators, his personal friend, who
* " El artilleria hera suficiente para hazer bateria en el castillo de
Burgos." — Dicbo del Capitan Francisco de Carvajal sobre la pregunta 38
de la informacion becba en el Cuzco en 1543, ^ favor de Yaca de^
Castro, MS.
+ Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Declaracion de Uscategui,
MS. — Garcilasso, Com. ResJ., parte ii. lib. ii. cap. xiii. — Carta del Cabildo;
de Arequipa al Emperador, San Joan de la Frontera, MS., 24 de Sep. 1642.
— ^Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vil lib. iii. cap. i. ii.
VOL. III. C
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18 CIVIL WABS OF THB COKQUERORS.
had come into his power, and had facilitated his escape.
The govenior, indignant at the proceeding, would listen to
no explanation, hut ordered the offending officer to return
to his own district of Popajan. It was a hold step, in the
precarious state of his own fortunes.
As the governor pursued his march he was well receifed
hy the people on the way ; and when he entered the cities
of San Miguel and of Truxillo, he was welcomed with loyal
enthusiasm hy the inhahitants, who readily acknowledged
his authority, though they showed little alacrity to take
their chance with him in the coming struggle*
After lingering a long time in each of these places, he
resumed his march and reached the camp of Alonso de
Alyarado, at Huaura, early in 1542. Holguin had estab-
lished his quarters at some little distance from his rival ; for
a jealousy had sprung up, as usual, hetween these two cap-
tains, who both aspired to the supreme command of Captain-
General of the army. The office of governor, conferred on
Yaoa de Castro, might seem to include that of commander-
in-chief of the forces. But De Castro was a scholar, bred
to the law ; and, whatever authority he might arrogate to
himself in civil matters, the two captains imagined that the
military department he would resign into the hands of
others. They little knew the character of the man.
Though possessed of no more military science than
belonged to every cavalier in that martial age, the governor
knew that to avow his ignorance, and to resign the manage-
ment of affairs into the hands of others, would greatly impair
his authority, if not bring him into contempt with the
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. PROGRESS OF THE GOVERNOR. 19
turbulent spirits among whom he was now thrown. He had
both sagacity and spirit, and trusted to be able to supply his
own deficiencies by the experience of others. His position
placed the services of the ablest men in the country at his
disposals and with the aid of their counsels he felt quite
competent to decide on his plan of operations, and to enforce
the execution of it. He knew, moreover, that the only way
to aUay the jealousy of the two parties in the present crisis
was to assume himself the office which was the cause of
their dissension.
StUl he approached his ambitious officers with great
caution ; and the representations, which he made through
some judicious persons who had the most intimate access to
them, were so successful, that both were in a short time
prevailed on to relinquish their pretensions in his favour.
Holguin, the more unreasonable of the two, then waited on
him in his rival's quarters, where the governor had the
further satisfaction to reconcile him to Alonso de Alvarado.
It required some address, as their jealousy of each other had
proceeded to such lengths that a challenge had passed
between them.
Harmony being thus restored, the licentiate passed over
to Holguin *s camp, where he was greeted with salvoes of
artillery, and loud acclamations of '* Viva el Eey ! " from
the loyal soldiery. Ascending a platform covered with
velvet, he made 6Xl animated harangue to the troops ; his
commission was read aloud by the secretary ; and the little
army tendered their obedience to him as the representative
of the Crown.
c 2
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20 CIYIL WARS OF THB CONQUERORS.
Yaca de Castxc's next step was to send off the greater
part of his force in the direction of Xauxa, while, at the
head of a small corps, he directed his march towards Lima.
Here he was receired with lively demonstrations of joy hy
the citizens, who were generally attached to the cause of
Fizarro, the founder and constant patron of their capital.
Indeed, the citizens had lost no time after Almagro's depar-
ture in expelling his creatures from the municipality, and
reasserting their allegiance. With these fayourable dis-
positions towards himself, the goyemor found no difficulty in
obtaining a considerable loan of money from the wealthier
inhabitants. But he was less successful, at first, in his
application for horses and arms, since the harvest had been
too faithfully gleaned, already, by the men of Chili. As,
however, he prolonged his stay some time in the capital, he
obtained important supplies, before he left it, both of arms
and ammunition, while he added to his force by a consider-
able body of recruits.* ,
As he was thus employed, he received tidings that the
enemy had left Cuzco, and was on his march towards the
coast. Quitting Los Reyes, therefore, with his trusty
followers, Yaca de Castro marched at once to Xauza, the
appointed place of rendezvous. Here he mustered his
forces, and found that they amounted to about seven hundred
men. The cavalry, in which lay his strength, was superior
in numbers to that of his antagonist, but neither so well
* Declaracion de Uscategai, MS. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq.,
MS. — Herrera, Hist. (General, dec. vii. lib. i. cap. L — Carta de Barrio
Nuevo, MS. — Carta de Benalcazar al Emperadory MS,
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THE FORCES APPROACH EACH OTHER. 21
mounted nor armed. It included many cavaliers of birth^
and well-tried soldiers, besides a number who, having great
interests at stake, as possessed of large estates in the
country, had left them at the call of government, to enlist
under its banners.* His infantry, besides pikes, was indif-
ferently well supplied with fire-arms ; but he had nothing
to show in the way of artillery except three or four ill-
mounted falconets. Yet, notwithstanding these deficiencies,
the royal army, if so insignificant a force can deserve that
name, was so far superior in numbers to that of his rival,
that the one might be thought, on the whole, to be no
unequal match for the other.f
The reader, familiar with the large masses employed in
European warfare, may smile at the paltry forces of the
Spaniards* But in the New World, where a countless host
of natives went for little, five hundred well-trained Europeans
were regarded as a formidable body. No army, up to the
* The municipality of Arequipo, most of whose memhen were present
in the army, stoutly urge their claims to a compensation for thus promptly
leaving their estates, and taking up arms at the call of goyemment. With-
out such reward, they say, their patriotic example will not often he followed.
The document, which is important for its historical details, may he found
in the Castilian, in Appendix, No, 1 3.
+ Pedro Pizarro, Descuh. y Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru,
lih. iv. cap. xv. — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. Carhajal notices the politic
manner in which his commander hribed recruits into his service, — paying
them with promises and fair words when ready money failed him. " Dando
k unos dineros, 6 & otros annas i cahallos, i k otros palabrss, i & otros
promesas, i i otros graziosas respuestas de lo que con ^1 negoziabau, para
tenerlos & todos muy conttentos i presttos en el servicio de S. M. quando
fiiese menestter." — Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Carhajal sohre la infer*
maciou hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, i favor de Yaca de Castro, MS.
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22 CITIL WARS OF THE C0NQUER0E8.
period before us, had ever risen to a tbousand. Yet it is
not numbers, as I have already been led to remark, that
giro importance to a conflict ; but the consequences that
depend on it— 4he magnitude of the stake, and the skill and
courage of the players. The more limited the means, eren,
the greater may be the science shown in the use of them ;
until, forgetting the poverty of the materials, we fix our
attention on the conduct of the actors, and the greatness of
the results.
While at Xauxa, Yaca de Castro received an embassy
from Gonzalo Pizarro, returned from his expedition from the
"Land of Cinnamon," in which that chief made an offer of
his services in the approaching contest. The governor's
answer showed that he was not wholly averse to an accom*
modation with Almagro, provided it could be effected with-
out compromising the royal authority. He was willing,
perhaps, to avoid the final trial by battle, when he considered
that, from the equality of the contending forces, the issue
must be extremely doubtful. He knew that the presence of
Pizarro in the camp, the detested enemy of the Almagrians,
would excite distrust in their bosoms that would probably
baffle every effort at accommodation. Nor is it likely that
the governor cared to have so restless a spirit introduced
into his own councils. He accordingly sent to Gonzalo,
thanking him for the promptness of his support, but cour-
teously declined it, while he advised him to remain in his
province, and repose after the fatigues of his wearisome
expedition. At the same time, he assured him that he
would not fail to call for his services when occasion required
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THE FOBCES APPBOAGH EACH OTHEB. 23
it. The haughty caralier was greatly disguBted by the
repolse.*
The goyernor now receiyed such aH account oi Almagro's
morements as led him to suppose that he was preparing to
occupy Gnamanga, a fortified place of considerable strength,
about thirty leagues from Xauxa.t Anxious to seciure this
post, he broke up his encampment, and by forced marches,
conducted in so irregular a manner as must have placed him
in great danger if his enemy had been near to profit by it,
he succeeded in anticipating Almagro, and threw himself
into the place while his antagcmist was at Bilcas, some ten
leagues distant.
At Guamanga, Vaca de Castro received another embassy
£rom Almagro, of similar import with the former. 1;he
young <^iief again deprecated the existence of hostilities
between brethren of the same family, and proposed an
accommodation of the quarrel on the same basis as before.
To these proposals the govemor now condescended to reply*
It might be thought, from his answer, that he felt some
compassion for the youth and inexperience of Almagro, and
that he was willing to distinguish between him and the
principal conspirators, provided he could detach him from
their interests. But it is more probable that he intended
only to amuse his enemy by a show of negotiation, while
he gained time for tampering with the fidelity of his troops.
He insisted that Almagro should deliver up to him aU
those immediately implicated in the death of Pizarro, and
* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xv.
f Cieza de Leon^ Cronica, cap. Izzxv.
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24 crm. wars op the conquerors.
sliould then disband his forces. On these conditions the
goyemment would pass over his treasonable practices, and
he should be reinstated in the royal favour. Together with
this mission, Vaca de Castro, it is reported, sent a Spaniard,
disguised as an Indian, who was instructed to communicate
with certain officers in Almagro's camp, and prevail on them,
if possible, to abandon his cause and return to their alle-
giance. Unfortunately, the disguise of the emissary was
detected. He was seized, put to the torture, and having
confessed the whole of the transaction, was hanged as a spy.
Almagro laid the proceeding before his captains. The
terms proffered by the governor were such as no man with a
particle of honour in his nature could entertain for a moment ;
and Almagro 's indignation, as well as that of his compa^
nions, was heightened by the duplicity of their enemy, who
could practise such insidious arts, while ostensibly engaged
in a fair and open negotiation. Fearful, perhaps, lest the
tempting offers of their antagonist might yet prevail over
the constancy of some of the weaker spirits among them,
they demanded that all negotiation should be broken off»
and that they should be led at once against the enemy.*
The governor, meanwhile, finding the broken country
around Guamanga unfavourable for his cavalry, on which
he mainly relied, drew off his forces to the neigbbouring
lowlands, known as the plains of Chupas. It was the tem-
* Dicho del Capitan Francisco de Car'bajal sobre la informacion hecha
en el Cnzco en 1643, ^ favor de Vaca de Castro, MS. — Zarate, Conq. del.
Peru, lib. iv. cap. xvi. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. iii cap. viii.—
Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. cxlix.
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BLOODY PLAINS OP CHUPAS. 25
pestuous season of the year, and for seyeral days the storm
raged wildly among the hills, and» sweeping along their
sides into the valley, poured down rain, sleet, and snow on
the miserahle hivouacs of the soldiers^ till they were drenched
to the skin and nearly stiffened hy the cold.* At length, on
the 16th of September, 1542, the scouts brought in tidings
that Almagro's troops were advancing, with the intention^
apparently, of occupying the highlands around Chupas.
The war of the elements had at last subsided, and was suc->
ceeded by one of those brilliant days which are found only
in the tropics. The royal camp was early in motion, as
Yaca de Castro, desirous to secure the heights that com->
manded the valley, detached a body of arquebusiers on that
service, supported by a corps of cavalry, which he soon fol-
lowed with the rest of the forces. On reaching the eminence,
news was brought that the enemy had come to a halt, and
established himself in a strong position at less than a league's
distance.
It was now late in the afternoon, and the sun was not
more than two hours above the horizon. The governor
hesitated to begin the action when they must so soon be
overtaken by night. But Alonso de Alvarado assured him
that '* now was the time : for the spirits of his men were
hot for fight, and it was better to take the benefit of it than
to damp their ardour by delay." The governor acquiesced,
exclaiming at the same time, '* Oh, for the might of
* *' Turieron tan gran tempestad de agaa, traenos, i nieve, que pensaron
perecer ; i amaneciendo con dia claro i sereno." — Herrera, Hist. Genera],
dec. Tii. lib. iii. cap. viii.
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26 CITIL WARS OF THB CONQUERORS.
Joshaa, to stay the sun in his course ! *** He then drew-
up his little anny in order of battle, and made his dispositions
for the attack.
In the centre he placed his infantry, consisting of arque-
busiers and pikemen, constituting the battle, as it was called.
On the flanks he established his cavalry, placing the right
wing, together with the royal standard, under charge of
Alonso de Alvarado, and the left under Holguin, supported
by a gallant body of caraliers. His artillery, too insignifi-
cant to be of much account, was also in the centre. He
proposed himself to lead the yan, and to break the first
lance with the enemy ; but from this chivalrous display he
was dissuaded by his officers, who reminded him that too
much depended on his life to have it thus wantonly exposed.
The governor contented himself, therefore, with heading a
body of reserve, consisting of forty horse, to act on any
quarter as occasion might require. This coi^s, comprising
the flower of his chivalry, was chiefly drawn from Alvarado*s
troop, greatly to the discontent of that captain. The
governor himself rode a coal-black charger, and wore a rich
surcoat of brocade over his mail, through which the habit
and emblems of the knightly order of St. James, conferred
on him just before his departure from Castile, were conspi-
cuous, t It was a point of honour with the chivalry of the
* " Y asi Yaca de Castro signid su parescer^ temiendo toda via la <a
del dia, i dijo, que quisiera tener el poder de Josue, para detener el sol." —
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xviii.
*(< << I visto esto por el dicho sefior govemador, mandd dar al arma &
mui gran priesa, i mando i este testigo que sacase toda la gente al campo,
i el se entr6 en su tienda & se armar, i dende & poco salid della encima de
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BLOODY PLAINS OF OHUFAS. 27
period to court danger by displaying their rank in the
splendour of their military attire and the ci^arisons of their
horses.
Before commencing the assault, Vaca de Castro addressed
a few remarks to his soldiers, in order to remove any hesi-
tation that some might yet feel, who recollected the dis*
pleasure shown by the emperor to the yictors as well as the
vanquished after the battle of Salinas. He told them that
their enemies were rebels. They were in arms against him,
the representative of the Crown, and it was his duty to quell
this rebellion and punish the authors of it. He then caused
the law to be read aloud, proclaiming the doom of trutors.
By this law, Almagro and his followers had forfeited their
lives and property, and the governor promised to distribute
the latter among such of his men as showed the best claim
to it by their conduct in the battle. This last pditic promise
vanquished the scruples of the most fastidious; and,
having completed his dispositions in the most judicious and
soldier-like manner, Vaca de Castro gave the order to
advance.*
As the forces turned a spur of the hills which had hitherto
un caYallo morcillo rabicano armado en bianco i con una ropa de brocade
encima de las armas con el abito de Santiago en los pecbos." — Dicbo del
Capiton Francisco de Garbajal aobre la informacion becfaa en el Cuxco en
1543, i favor de Yaea de Castro, MS.
• The governor's words, says Carbajal, who witnessed their effect,
stirred the heart of the troops so that they went to the battle as to a ball.
" En pocas palabras comprehendid tan grandes cosas que la gente de S. M.
covn5 tan grande animo con ellas, que tan determinadamente se partieron de
alii para ir & los enemigos como si fueron & fiestas donde estuvieran con-
Tidados.'* — Ibid., ubi supra.
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28 CIVIL WABS OF THE CONaUERORS.
screened them from their enemies, they came in sight of the
latter, formed along the crest of a gentle eminence, with
their snow-white hanners, the distinguishing colour of the
Almagrians, floating above their heads, and their bright
arms flinging back the broad rays of the evening 8un»
Almagro's disposition of his troops was not unlike that of
his adversary. In the centre was his excellent artillery,
covered by his arquebusiers and spearmen ; while his
cavalry rode on the flanks. The troops on the left he pro-
posed to lead in person. He had chosen his position with
judgment, as the character of the ground gave full play to
his guns, which opened an effective fire on the assailants as
they drew near. Shaken by the storm of shot, Yaca de
Castro saw the difficulty of advancing in open view of the
hostile battery. He took the council, therefore, of Francisco
de Carbajal, who undertook to lead the forces by a cir-
cuituous, but safer, route. This is the first occasion on
which the name of this veteran appears in these American
wars, where it was afterwards to acquire a melancholy
notoriety.
He had come to the country after the campaigns of forty
years in Europe, where he had studied the art of war under
the Great Captain, Gonsalvo de Cordova. Though now far
advanced in age, he possessed all the courage and indo-
mitable energy of youth, and well exemplified the lessons
ke had studied under his great commander.
Taking advantage of a winding route that sloped round
the declivity of the hills, he conducted the troops in such a
manner, that, until they approached quite near the enemy
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BLOODT PLAINS OF CHUPAS. 29
they were protected by the interyening ground. While
thus adyancing they were assailed on the left flank by the
Indian battalions under PauUo, the Inca Manco's brother ;
but a corps of musketeers, directing a scattering fire among
i;hem, soon rid the Spaniards of this annoyance. When, at
length, the royal troops rising aboye the hill, again came
into yiew of Almagro's lines, the artillery opened on them
with fatal effect. It was but for a moment, howeyer, as,
from some unaccountable cause, the guns were pointed at
such an angle, that, although presenting an obyious mark,
by far the greater part of the shot passed oyer their heads.
Whether this was the result of treachery, or merely of
awkwardness, is uncertain. The artillery was under the
charge of the engineer, Pedro de Candia. This man, who,
it may be remembered, was one of the thirteen that so
gallantly stood by Pizarro in the island of Gallo, had fought
side by side with his leader through the whole of the Con-
quest. He had lately, howeyer, conceiyed some disgust
with him, and had taken part with the faction of Almagro.
The death of his old commander, he may perhaps haye
thought, had settled all their differences, and he waa
now willing to return to his former allegiance. At least,
it is said, that, at this yery time, he was in correspond-
ence with Yaca de Castro. Almagro himself seems to
haye had no doubt of his treachery. For, after remon-
strating in yain with him on his present conduct, he ran
him through the body, and the unfortunate cayaUer fell
lifeless on the field. Then, throwing himself on one of the
guns, Almagro gaye it a new direction, and that so success*
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30 CIYIL WAB8 OF THE C0NQU2B0RS.
fully, that, when it was discharged, it struck down Beveral
of the caraliy,*
The firing now took better effect, and by one ToUey a
whole file of the royal infantry was swept off, and though
others quickjy stept in to fill up the ranks, the men, im«
patient of their sufferings, loudly called on the troopers,
who had halted for a moment, to quicken their advance,!
This delay had been caused by Carbajal's desire to bring
his own guns to bear on the opposite columns. But the
design was quickly abandoned ; the clumsy ordnance was
left on the field, and orders were giyen to the cavaby to
charge ; the trumpets sounded, and, crying, their war-cries,
the bold cavaliers struck their spurs into their steeds, and
rode at full speed against the enemy.
Well had it been for Almagro if he had remained firm
on the post which gave him such advantage. But from a
false point of honour, he thought it derogatory to a brave
knight passively to await the assault, and ordering his own
* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. iv.
cap. xvii.-xix. — Nabarro, Relacion Sumaria, MS. — Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. yii. lib. iii. cap. xi. — Dicho del Gapitan Francisco de Garbajal sobre
la informacion becha en el Guzco en 1543, k favor de Yaca de Gastro, MS.
— Garta del Gabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, MS. — Garta de Ventura
Beltran, MS. — Declaracion de Uscategui, MS. — Gomara, Hist, de las
Ind., cap. cxliz. According to Garcilasso, Trbose guns usually do more
execution tban those of any otber authority, seventeen men were killed by
this wonderful shot — See Gom. Real., parte il lib. iii. cap. xvi.
f The officers drove the men, according to Zarate, at the point of their
swords, to take the places of their fallen comrades. ** Porque vn tiro Uevo
toda vna bilera, 6 hi9o abrir el escuadron, i los capitanes pusieron gran
diligencia en hacerlo cerrar, amena9ando de muerte 6 los soldados^con las
espadaa desenvainadas, i se cerrd." — Gonq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. i.
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BLOODY PLAINS OP GHDPAS. 31
men to charge, the hostile squadrons, rapidly advancing
against each other, met midway on the plain. The shock
was terrible. Horse and rider reeled under the force of it.
The spears flew into shivers ;* and the cayaliers, drawing
their swords, or wielding their maces and battle-azes —
though some of the royal troopers were armed only with a
common aze — dealt their blows with all the fury of ciyil
hate. It was a fearful struggle, not merely of man against
man, but, to use the words of an eye-witness, of brother
against brother, and friend against friend, t No quarter
was asked ; for the wrench that had been strong enough
to tear asunder the dearest ties of kindred, left no hold for
humanity. The excellent arms of the Almagrians counter-
balanced the odds of numbers ; but the royal partisans
gained some advantage by striking at the horses instead of
the mailed bodies of their antagonists.
The infantry, meanwhile, on both sides, kept up a sharp
cross-fire from their arquebuses, which did execution on
the ranks of the cavaliers, as well as on one another, But
Almagro's battery of heavy guns, now well directed, mowed
* ** Se encontraron de suerte, que casi todas las laii9as quebraron, que-
dando mucbos muertos, i caidos de ambas partes/* (Zarate, Conq. del Peru,
lib. iv. cap. i.) Zarate writes on tbis occasion vfith tbe spirit and strength
of Tbucydides. He was not present, but came into tbe country tbe following
year, wben be gleaned tbe particulars of tbe battle from tbe best-informed
persons there, to wbom bis position gave bim ready access.
i* It is tbe language of tbe conquerors tbemselves^ wbo, in tbeir letter to
the Emperor, compare tbe action to tbe great battle of Ravenna. ** Fue
tan reiiida i porfiada, que despues de la de Rebena no se ha visto entre tan
poca gente mas cruel batalla, donde bermanos k bermanos, ni deudos 4
deudos, ni amigos A amigos no se davan vida uno & otro."" — Carta del
Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, MS.
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32 CIVIL WABS OF THE CONaUEROBS.
down the advancing columns of foot. The latter, stagger-
i^Sf hegan to fall hack from the terrihle fire, when Fran-
cisco de Carhajal, throwing himself hefore them, cried out,
<* Shame on you, my men ! Do you give way now ? I am
twice as good a mark for the enemy as any of you ! " He
was a very large man, and throwing off his steel helmet and
cuirasS; that he might have no advantage over his followers,
he remained lightly attired in his cotton douhlet, when,
swinging his partisan over his head, he sprang holdly for-
ward through blinding volumes of smoke and a tempest of
musket-balls, and, supported by the bravest of his troops,
overpowered the gunners, and made himself master of their
pieces.
The shades of night had now, for some time, been
coming thicker and thicker over the field. But still the
deadly struggle went on in the darkness, as the red and
white badges intimated the respective parties, and their
war-cries rose above the din, — " Vaca de Castro y el Rey ! '*
•r— " Almagro y el Rey ! " — while both invoked the aid of
their military apostle St. James. Holguin, who commanded
the royalists on the left, pierced through by two musket-
balls, had been slain early in the action. He had made
himself conspicuous by a rich sobrevest of white velvet over
his armour. Still a gallant band of cavaliers maintained
the fight so valiantly on that quarter, that the Almagrians
found it diflScult to keep theJr ground.*
* The battle was so equally contested, says Beltnui, one of Vaca de
Castro's captains, that, it was long doubtful on which side victory was to
incline. " I la batalla estuvo mui gran rato en peso sin conoscerse vitoria
de U una parte & la otra." — Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS.
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BLOQDT PLAINS OF CHUPAS. 33
It fared differently on the right, where Alonao de
Alvarado commanded* He was there encountered hy
Almagro in person, who fought worthy of his name. By
repeated charges on his opponent, he endeavoured to hear
down his squadrons, so much worse mounted and worse
armed than his own. Alyarado resisted with undiminished
courage ; hut his numbers had been thinned, as we have
seen, before the battle, to supply the 6o?emor*s reserve, and,
fairly overpowered by the superior strength of his adversary,
who had already won two of the royal banners, he was slowly
giving ground. ** Take, but kill not ! " shouted the generous
young chief, who felt himself sure of victory.*
But at this crisis, Yaca de Castro, who, with his reserve,
had occupied a rising ground that commanded the field of
action, was fully aware that the time had now come for
him to take part in the struggle. He had long strained
his eyes through the gloom to watch the movements of the
combatants^ and received constant tidmgs how the fight
was going. He no longer hesitated, but, calling on his men
to follow, led off boldly into the thickest of the fnel^e to the
support of his stout-hearted officer. The arrival of a new
corps on the field, all fresh for action, gave another turn
to the tide.f Alvarado's men took heart and rallied.
♦ "Gritaba 'Victoria!' i decia prenderi no matar," — Herrera, Hiat.
General, dec. vii. lib. iii. cap. xi.
+ The letter of the municipality of Arequipa gives the governor
credit for deciding the fifcte of the day by this movement, and the writers
ezprets their << admiration of the gallantry and courage he displayed, so
little to have been expected from his age and profession."— See the original
in Appendix f No, 13.
VOL. III. D
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34 CIYIL WABS OF THE CONQUERORS.
Almagro'sy thoagh driyen back bj the fury of the assault,
quickly returned against their assailants. Thirteen of
Yaca de Castro's cavaliers fell dead from their saddles.
But it was the last effort of the Almagrians. Their
strength, though not their spirit, failed them. They gave
way in all directions, and, mingling together in the dark-
ness, horse, foot, and artillery, they trampled one another
down, as they made the best of their way from the press of
their pursuers. Almagro used every effort to stay them.
He performed miracles of valour, says one who witnessed
ihem ; but he was borne along by the tide, and, though he
seemed to court death, by the . freedom with which he
exposed his person to danger, yet he escaped without a
wound.
Others there were of his company, and among them a
young cavalier named Ger6nimo de Alvarado, who obsti-
nately refused to quit the field ; and shouting out, " We
slew Pizarro ! we killed the tyrant ! " they threw them-
selves on the lances of their conquerors, preferring death on
the battle-field to the ignominious doom of the gibbet.*
It was nine o'clock when the battle ceased, though the
firing was heard at intervals over the field at a much later
hour, as some straggling party of fugitives were overtaken
by their pursuers. Yet many succeeded in escaping in the
obscurity of night, while some, it is said, contrived to elude
* *' Se furrojaron en los enemigos, como deseipendos, hiriendo & todas
partei, diciendo cada yno por su nombre, * Yo soi Fnlano, que mat^ al
Marques ! M asi anduvieron hasta que Ics hicieron peda9os.^' — Zarate,
Conq. del Peru, lib. iv. cap. xix.
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BLOODY PLAINS OP CHUPAS. . 35
pursuit in a more singular way ; tearing off the badges from
the corpses of their enemies, they assumed them for them-
selves, and, mingling in the ranks as followers of Vaca de
Castro, joined in the pursuit.
That commander, at length, fearing some untoward
accident, and that the fugitives, should they rally again
under cover of the darkness, might inflipt some loss on
their pursuers, caused his trumpets to sound, and recalled
his scattered forces under their banners. All night they
remained under arms on the field, which, so lately the
scene of noisy strife, was now hushed in silence, broken
only by the groans of the wounded and the dying. The
natives, who had hung, during the fight, like a dark cloud,
round the^ skirts of the mountains, contemplating with
gloomy satisfaction the destruction of their enemies, now
availed themselves of the obscurity to descend, like a pack
of famished wolves, upon the plains, where they stripped
the bodies of the slain, and even of the living, but disabled
wretches, who had in vain dragged themselves into the
bushes for concealment. The following morning, Vaca de
Castro gave orders that the wounded — those who had not
perished in the cold damps of the night — should be com-
mitted to the care of the surgeons, while the priests were
occupied with administering confession and absolution to the
dying. Four large graves or pits were dug, in which the
bodies of the slain — ^the conquerors and the conquered —
were heaped indiscriminately together. But the remains
of Alvarez de Holguin and several other cavaliers of dis-
tinction were transported to Guamanga, where they were
d2
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36 CIYIL WARS OF THE C0NQT7EB0BS.
buried with the solemnities suited to their rank ; and the
tattered banners won from their vanquished countrymen
waved over their monuments, the melancholy trophies of
their victory.
The number of killed is variously reported, — from three
hundred to five hundred on both sides.* The mortality was
greatest among the conquerors, who suffered more from the
cannon of the enemy before the action, than the latter
suffered in the l*out that followed it. The number of
wounded was still greater ; and full half of the survivors
of Almagro's party were made prisoners. Many, indeed,
escaped from the field to the neighbouring town of Guar
manga, where they took refuge in the churches and mon-
asteries. But their asylum was not respected, and they
were dragged forth and thrown into prison. Their brave
young commander fled with a few followers only to Cuzco,
where he was instantly arrested by the magistrates whom
he had himself placed over the city.f
* Zante estimatefl the number at three hundred. Uscategui, who
belonged to the Almagrian party, and Garcilaiwo, both rate it as high as
five hundred.
f The particulars of the action are gathered from Pedro Pizarro,
Descub. J Conq., MS. — Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS. — ^Zarate, Conq.
del Peru, lib. iy. cap. zvii.-xz. — Naharro, Reladon Sumaria, MS. — Dicho
dd Capitan Francisco de Carbajal sobre la infoAnacion hecha en el Cuzco
en 1543, 6. fiivor de Yaca de Castro, MS. — ^Carta del Cabildo de Arequipa
al Emperador, MS. — Carta de Barrio Nueyo, MS« — Goma»^ Hist, de las
Ind., cap. oodix. — CktrcOasso, Com. Real*, parte ii. lib. iii. cdp. zv.-xviii.-^
Dedaracion de Uscategui, MS. Many of these authorities were personally
present on the field ; and it is rare tliat the details of a battle are drawn
from more authentic testimony. The student of history will not be
.surprised that in thepe details there should be the greatest discrepancy.
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CONDUCT OF YACA DE CASTRO. 37
At Goamanga, Yaoa de Castro appointed a commi8sion»
with the Licentiate de la Gama at its head, for the trial of
the prisoners ; and justice was not satisfied^ till forty^ had
been condemned to death, a^d thirty others — some of them
with the loss of one or more of their members — sent into
banishment.* Such seyere reprisals have been too common
with the Spaniards in their civil feuds. Strange that they
should so blindly plunge into these, with this dreadful doom
or the vanquished !
From the scene of ibis bloody tragedy, the governor pre-
ceded to Cuzco, which he entered at the head of his
victorious battalions, with all the pomp and military display
of a conqueror. He maintained a corresponding state in
his way of living, at the expense of a sneer from some, who
sarcastically contrasted this ostentatious profusion with the
economical reforms he subsequently introduced into the
finances.! But Yaca de Castro was sensible, of the effect of
this outward show on the people generally, and disdained no
means of giving authority to his office. His first act was to
determine the fate of his prisoner, Almagro. A council of
war was held. Some were for sparing the unfortunate chief,
in consideration of his youth and the strong cause of provo-
* Declancion de Uscategui, MS. — Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS. —
Zantte, Gonq. del Peru, lib. ir. cap. rri. The loyal burghers of Art qmpa
■eem to have been well contented with these executions. <* If night had
not orertaken us,** they say, alluding to the action, in their letter to the
emperor, *^ your Majesty would have had no reason to complain ; but what
was omitted then is made up now, since the governor goes on quartering
every day some one or other of the traitors who escaped from the field.** —
See the original in Appendix No. 13.
f Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. L
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38 CITIL WABS OF THE CONQUEBORS.
cation he had received. But the majoritj were of opinion
that such mercy could not be extended to the leader of the
rebels, and that his death was indispensable to the perma-
nent tranquillity of the country.
When led to execution in the great square of Cuzco, —
the same spot where his father had suffered but a few years
before, — Almagro exhibited the most perfect composure,
though, as the herald proclaimed aloud the doom of the
traitor, he indignantly denied that he was one. He made
no appeal for mercy to his judges, but simply requested that
his bones might be laid by the side of his father's. He
objected to have his eyes bandaged, as was customary on
such occasions, and, after confession, he devoutly embraced
the cross, and submitted his neck to the stroke of the exe-
cutioner. His remains, agreeably to his request, were
transported to the monastery of La Merced, where they
were deposited side by side with those of his unfortunate
parent.*
There have been few names, indeed, in the page of his-
tory, more unfortunate than that of Almagro. Yet the fate
of the son excites a deeper sympathy than that of the
father ; and this, not merely on account of his youth, and
the peculiar circumstances of his situation. He possessed
many of the good qualities of the elder Almagro, with a
frUnk and manly nature, in which the bearing of the soldier
was somewhat softened by the refinement of a better educa-
♦ Pedro Pizarro, Descub. yConq., MS. — ^Zarate, Conq., del Peru, lib. iv.
cap. zxi. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, MS. — Herrera, Hist; Greneral,
dec. vii. lib. vi cap. i.
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CONDUCT OP YACA DB CASTBO. 39
tion than is to be found in the license of a camp. His
career, though short, gave promise of considerable talent,
which required only a fair field for its development. But he
was the child of misfortune, and his morning of life was
overcast by clouds and tempests. If his character, natur-
ally benignant, sometimes showed the fiery sparkles of the
vindictive Indian temper, some apology may be found, not
merely in his blood, but in the circumstances of his situa-
tion. He was more sinned against than sinning; and, if
conspiracy could ever find a justification, it must be in a
case like his, where, borne down by injuries heaped on his
parent and himself, he could obtain no redress from the
only quarter whence he had a right to look for it; With
him the name of Almagro became extinct, and the faction
of Chili, so long the terror of the land, passed away for
ever.
While these events were occurring in Cuzco, the governor
learned that Gonzalo Pizarro had arrived at Lima, where he
showed himself greatly discontented with the state of things
in Peru. He loudly complained that the government of the
country, after his brother's death, had not been placed in
his hands ; and, as reported by some, he was now medi-
tating schemes for getting possession of it. Yaca de Castro
well knew that there would be no lack of evil councillors to
urge Gonzalo to this desperate step ; and, anxious to extin-
guish the spark of insurrection before it had been fanned by
these turbulent spirits into a flame, he detached a strong '
body to Lima, to secure that capital. At the same time he
commanded the presence of Gonzalo Pizarro in Cuzco.
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40 CIYIL WARS OF THE CONQTJEROBS.
That chief did not think it pnident to disregard the sum-
mons ; and shortly after entered the Inca capital, at the
head of a well-armed body of cavaliers* He was at once
admitted into the goremor's presence, when the latter dis-
missed his guard, remarking that he had nothing to fear
from a hraye and loyal knight like Pizarro. He then
questioned him as to his late adventures in Canelas, and
showed great sympathy for his extraordinary sufferings.
He took care not to alarm his jealousy by any allusion to his
ambitious schemes, and concluded by recommending him,
now that the tranquillity of the country was re-established,
to retire and seek the repose he so much needed, on his
valuable estates at Charcas. Gonzalo Pizarro, finding no
ground open for a quarrel with the cool and politic governor,
and probably feeling that he was not, at least now, in
sufficient strength to warrant it, thought it prudent to take
the advice, and withdrew to La Plata, where he busied him-
self in working those rich mines of silver that soon put him
in condition for a more momentous enterprise than any he
had yet attempted.*
Thus rid of his formidable competitor, Yaca do Castro
occupied himself with measures for the settlement of the
country* He began with his army, a part of which he had
disbanded. But many cavaliers still remained, pressing their
demands for a suitable recompense for their services. These
they were not disposed to undervalue, and the governor was
* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. i. ; lib. tI. cap. iii. — Zarate, Conq. del Pern, lib. iv.
cap. xxii.
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CONBUOT OF TACA DE CASTRO. 41
happy to rid himself of their importunities by employing
them on distant expeditions, among vhich was the ezplora-
lion of the conntiy watered by the great river Rio de la
Plata. The boiling spirits of the high-mettled cayaliers,
without some such vent, would soon have thrown the whole
country again into a state of fermentation.
His next concern was to proride laws for the better
gOYomment of the colony. He gaye especial care to the
state of the Indian population, and established schools for
teaching them Christianity. By various provimons he endea-
voured to secure them from the exactions of their conquer-
ors, and he encouraged th^ poor natives to transfer their
own residence to the communities of the white men. He
commanded the caciques to provide supplies for the tamhos,
or houses for the accommodation of travellers, which lay in
their neighbourhood ; by which regulation he took away
from the Spaniards a plausible apology for rapine, and
greatly promoted facility of intercourse. He was watchful
over the finances, much dilapidated in the late troubles, and
in several instances retrenched what he deemed excessive
repartimientos among the Conquerors. This last act
exposed him to much odium from the objects of it. But his
measures were so just and impartial, that he was supported
by public opinion.*
Indeed, Yaca de Castro's conduct, from the hour of his
arrival in the country, had been such as to command respect,
and prove him competent to the difficult post for which he
* Pedro Pizairo^ Descub. 7 Conq.^ MS. — ^Herrerny Hist. General, decvii.
lib. vi cap. ii.
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42 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS*
had been selected. Without funds, without troops, he had
found the country, on his landing, in a state of anarchy ;
yet, by courage and address, he had gradually acquired suf-
ficient strength to quell the insurrection. Though no
soldier, he had shown undaunted spirit and presence of mind
in the hour of action, and made his military preparations
with a forecast and discretion that excited the admiration of
the most experienced veterans.
If he may be thought to have abused the advantages of
victory, by cruelty towards the conquered, it must be allowed
that he was not influenced by any motives of a personal
nature. He was a lawyer, bred in high notions of royal
prerogative. Rebellion he looked upon as an unpardonable
crime ; and, if his austere nature was unrelentiDg in the
exaction of justice, he lived in an iron age, when justice
was rarely tempered by mercy.
In his subsequent regulations for the settlement of the
country, he showed equal impartiality and wisdom. The
colonists were deeply sensible of the benefits of his admini-
stration, and afibrded the best commentary on his services
by petitioniDg the Court of Castile to continue him in the
government of Peru.* Unfortunately, such was not the
policy of the Crown.
* ^^I asi lo escrivieron al Rei la ciudad del Cuzco, la villa de la
Plata, i otras comunidades, suplicandole, que los dezase por governador &
Yaca de Castro, como persona que procedia con rectitud, i que i& entendia
iel goviemo de aquellos reinos." — Herrera^ Hist. General^ dec. yii. lib. vi.
cap. ii.
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43
CHAPTEE II.
ABUSES BT THE CONQUEROBS.— OODE FOB THE COLONIES.— GREAT
EXCITEMENT IN PERU. — BLASCO NUFtEZ THE YICBROY. — HIS SEYERE
POLICY. — OPPOSED BY GONZALO PIZARRO.
1543, 1544.
Before continuing the narratiye of events in Peru, we
must turn to the mother-country, where important changes
were in progress in respect to the administration of the
colonies.
Since his accession to the crown, Charles Y. had heen
chiefly engrossed by the politics of Europe, where a theatre
was opened more stimulating to his ambition than could be
found in a struggle with the barbarian princes of the New
World. In this quarter, therefore, an empire almost un-
heeded, as it were, had been suffered to grow up until it
had expanded into dimensions greater than those of his
European dominions, and destined soon to become far more
opulent. A scheme of goyemment had, it is true, been
devised, and laws enacted from time to time for the regula-
tion of the colonies. But these laws were often accom-
modated less to the interests of the colonies themselves
than to those of the parent country ; and when contrived in
a better spirit, they were but imperfectly executed ; for the
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44 OITIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
voice of authority, however loudly proclaimed at home,
too often died away in feeble echoes before it had crossed
the waters.
This state of things, and, indeed, the manner in which
the Spanish territories in the New World had been originally
acquired, were most unfortunate both for the conquered
races and their masters. Had the provinces gained by the
Spaniards been the fruit of peaceful acquisition, — of barter
and negotiation, or had their conquest been achieved under
the immediate direction of government, the interests of the
natives would have been more carefully protected. From
the superior civilisation of the Indians in the Spanish
American colonies, they still continued after the Conquest
to remain on the ground, and to mingle in the same com-
munities with the white men ; in this forming an obnous
contrast to the condition of our own aborigines, who,
shrinking from the contact of civilisation, have withdrawn,
as the latter has advanced, deeper and deeper into the
heart of the wilderness. But the South American Indian
was qualified by his previous institutions for a more refined
legislation than could be adapted to the wild hunters of the
forest ; and, had the sovereign been there in person to
superintend his conquests, he could never have suffered so
large a portion of his vassals to be wantonly sacrificed to
the cupidity and cruelty of the handful of adventurers who
subdued them.
But, as it was, the affiair of reducing the coimtry was
committed to the hands of irresponsible individuals, soldiers
of fortune, desperate adventurers, who entere<l on conquest
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ABT7SBS BT THE CONQUEBORS. 45
as a game which they were to play in the most unscrupulous
manner, with little care hut to win it. Receiring small
encouragement from the goyemment, they were indebted to
their own Talour for success ; and the right of conquest,
they conceiyed, extinguished eyery existing right in the
unfortunate natiyes. The lands, the persons of the con-
quered races, were parcelled out and appropriated by the
yictors as the legitimate spoils of yictory ; and outrages
were perpetrated every day, at the contemplation of which
humanity shudders.
These outrages, though nowhere perpetrated on so terrific
a scale as in the islands, where, in a few years, they had
nearly annihilated the native population, were yet of suffi-
cient magnitude in Peru to call down the vengeance of
heaven on the heads of their authors ; and the Indian might
feel that this vengeance was not long delayed, when he
beheld his oppressors wrangling over their miserable spoil,
and turning their swords against each other. Peru, as
already mentioned, was subdued by adventurers, for the
most part, of a lower and more ferocious stamp than those
who followed the banner of Cortes. The character of the
followers partook, in some measure, of that of the leaders in
their respective enterprises. It was a sad fatality for the
Incas ; for the reckless soldiers of Pizarro were better
suited to contend with the fierce Aztec than with the more
refined and effeminate Peruvian. Intoxicated by the unac-
customed possession of power, and without the least notion
of the responsibilities wliich attached to their situation as
masters of the land, they too often abandoned themselves
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46 CITIL WAB8 OF THE CONQUEBOBS.
to the indulgence of everj whim which cruelty or caprice
could dictate. Not unfrequentlj, sajB an unsuspicious
witness, I have seen the Spaniards, long after the Con-
quest, amuse themselves by hunting down the natives with
bloodhounds for mere sport, or in order to train their dogs
to the game ! * The most unbounded scope was given to
licentiousness. The young maiden was torn without remorse
from the arms of her family to gratify the passion of her
brutal conqueror.t The sacred houses of the Virgins of
the Sun were broken open and violated, and the cavalier
swelled his harem with a troop of Indian girls, making it
seem that the crescent would have been a much more fitting
symbol for his banner than the immaculate Cross.):
But the dominant passion of the Spaniard was the lust
of gold. For this he shrunk from no toil himself, and was
merciless in his exactions of labour from his Indian slave.
Unfortunately, Peru abounded in mines which too well
repaid this labour ; and human life was the item of least
account in the estimate of the Conquerors. Under his
Incas, the Peruvian was never suffered to be idle ; but the
* ^^Espanoles bai que crian perros carniceros, i los avezan k matar
IndioB, lo qual procuran & las veces por pasatiempo, i ret si lo hacen bien
los perros.** — Reladon que did el Provisor Morales «obre las cosas que
convenian provarse en el Peru, MS.
f ** Que los justicias dan eedulas de Anaconas que por otros terminos
los bacen esclavos 6 vivir contra su voluntad, diciendo : ' Por la presente
damos licencia & vos Fulano, para que os podais seryir de tal Indio 6 de
tal India, 6 lo podais tomar € sacar donde quiera que lo ballaredes.* ^ — Rel.
del Provisor Morales, MS.
:{: '* Es general el vicio del amancebamiento con Indias, i algunoa tienen
cantidad dellas como en serndo.** — Ibid., MS.
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ABUSES BT THE CONQUERORS. 47
task imposed on him was always proportioned to his
strength. He had his seasons of rest and refreshment, and
was well protected against the inclemency of the weather.
Every care was shown for his personal safety. But the
Spaniards, while they taxed the strength of the natiye to
the ntmost, deprived him of the means of repairing it when
exhausted. They suffered the provident arrangements of
the Incas to fall into decay. The granaries were emptied ;
the flocks were wasted in riotous living. They were slaugh-
tered to gratify a mere epicurean whim, and many a llama
was destroyed solely for the sake of the hrains, — a dainty
morsel, much coveted hy the Spaniards.* So reckless was
the spirit of destruction after the Conquest, says Ondegardo,
the wise governor of Cuzco, that in four years more of these
animals perished than in four hundred in the times of the
Incas.f The flocks, once so numerous over the hroad
tahle-lands, were now thinned to a scanty numher, that
sought shelter in the fastnesses of the Andes. The poor
Indian, without food, without the warm fleece which fur-
nished him a defence against the cold, now wandered half-
starved and naked over the plateau. Even those who had
aided the Spaniards in the Conquest fared no hotter ; and
many an Inca nohle roamed a mendicant over the lands
where he once held rule ; and if driven, perchance, hy his
* '^Muchos Espanoles ban muerto i matan increible cantidad de ovejas
por comer solo los^sesos, liacer pasteles del tuetano, i candelas de la grasa.
De ai hambre general." — Rel. del Provisor Morales, MS.
i* ^ Se puede afirmar, que bicieron mas dano loe Espanoles en solos
qnatro anos, qu« el Inga en qaatrocientos."< — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS.
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48 CIVIL WAB8 OF THB CONQUXBOBS.
necessities, to purloin something from the superfluity of
his conquerors, he expiated it bj a miserable death.*
It is true, there were good men, missionaries, faithful to
their calling, who wrought hard in the spiritual conversion
of the native, and who, touched by his misfortunes, would
gladly have interposed their arm to shield him from his
oppressors.t But too often the ecclesiastic became infected
by the general spirit of licentiousness ; and the religious
fraternities, who led a life of easy indulgence on the lands
cultivated by their Indian slaves, were apt to think less of
the salvation of their souls than of profiting by the labour
of their bodies4
* ** Abora no Uenen que comer ni donde sembrar, i aai van k bortallo
como Bolian, delito por qne an aorcado & muchos.** — ^Bel. del Provisor
Morales, MS. Tbis, and some of tbe precedinp^ citations, as tbe reader will
see, bave been taken from tbe MS. of tbe Bachelor Luis de Morales, wbo
lived eighteen or twenty years in Cuzco ; and, in 1541, about tbe time of
Yaca de Castro's coming to Peru, prepared a Memorial for tbe government,
embracing a hundred and nine chapters. It treats of tbe condition of tbe
country^ and tbe remedies which suggested themselves to the benevolent
mind of its author. The emperor*B notes on tbe margin show that it received
attention at court. There is no reason, as far as I am aware, to distrust the
testimony of tbe writer, and Munoz has made some sensible extracts from
it for bis inestimable collection.
i< Father Nabarro notices twelve missionaries^ some of bis own order,
whose zealous labours and miracles for tbe conversion of the Indians be
deems worthy of comparison with those of the twelve Apostles of Chris-
tianity. It is a pity that history, while it has commemorated tbe names of
so many persecutors of the poor heathen, should bave omitted those of
their benefiEustors. ** Tomd su divina Magestad por instrumento doce solos
religiosos pobres^ descalzos i desconocidos, — cinquo del orden de la Merced,
quatro de Predicadores, i tres de San Francisco ; obiaron lo mismo que los
doce Apostolos en la conversion de todo el universo munda" — Nabarro^
Relacion Sumaria^ MS.
X ** Todos los conventos de Dominioos i Meroenarios tienea reparti-
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CODE FOB THE COLONIES. 49
Yet still there were not wanting good and wise men in
the colonies, who, from time to time, raised the voice of
remonstrance against these ahuses, and who carried their
complaints to the foot of the throne. To the credit of the
goyemment it must also he confessed, that it was solicitons
to ohtain such information as it could, hoth from its own
officers, and from commissioners deputed expressly for the
purpose, whose yoluminous communications throw a flood of
light on the internal condition of the country, and furnish
the host materials for the historian.* But it was found
much easier to get this information than to profit hy it.
mientos. Niogano dellos ba dotrinado ni convertido un Indio. Procuran
sacar dellos quanto pueden, trabajarles en grangerias ; con esto i con otras
limosnas enriquecen. Mai egemplo ! Ademas convendr^ no paeen fifailes
sino precediendo diligente examen de vida i dotrina.^* (Relacion de las
coaas que S. M. deve proveer para los reynos del Peru, embiada desde Los
Reyes i la Corte per el Licenciado Martel Santoyo, de quien va finn^da en
principios de 1542, MS.) This statement of tbe licentiate shows a dif-
ferent side of the picture from that above quoted from Father Naharro.
Yet they are not irreconcilable. Human nature has botb its lights and its
shadows.
* I have several of these Memorials or RdacwneSf as they are called, in
my possession, drawn up by residents in answer to queries propounded by
government. These queries, while their great object is to ascertain the
nature of existing abuses, and to invite the suggestion of remedies, are
often directed to the laws and usages of the ancient Incas. The responses,
therefore, are of great value to the historical inquirer. The most impor-
tant of these documents in my possession is that by Ondegardo, governor
of Cuzco, covering near four hundred folio pages, once forming part of Lord
Kingsborough's valuable collection. It is impossible to peruse these
elaborate and conscientious reports, without a deep conviction of the pains
taken by the Crown to ascertain the nature of the abuses in the domestic
government of the colonies, and their honest purpose to amend them.
Unfortunately, in this laudable purpose they were not often seconded by
the colonists themselves.
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50 CIVIL WARS OF THE COKQUEBORS.
In 1541, Charles the Fifth, who had been much occupied
by the affairs of Germany, reyisited his ancestral dominions,
where his attention was imperatively called to the state of
the colonies. Several memorials in relation to it were laid
before him ; but no one pressed the matter so strongly on
the royal conscience as Las Casas, afterwards Bishop of
Ohiapa, This good ecclesiastic, whose long life had been
devoted to those benevolent labours which gained him the
honourable title of Protector of the Indians, had just com-
pleted his celebrated treatise on the Destruction of the
Indies, the most remarkable record, probably, to be found,
of human wickedness, but which, unfortunately, loses much
of its effect from the credulity of the writer, and his obvious
tendency to exaggerate.
In 1542, Las Gasas placed his manuscript in the hands
of his royal master. That same year a council was called
at Yalladolid, composed chiefly of jurists and theologians,
to devise a system of laws for the regulation of the
American colonies.
Las Casas appeared before this body, and made an
elaborate argument, of which a part only has been given
to the public. He there assumes, as a fundamental pro-
position, that the Indians were by the law of nature free ;
that, as vassals of the Crown, they had a right to its pro-
tection, and should be declared free from that time, without
exception and for ever.* He sustains this proposition by a
* The perpetual emancipation of the Indians is urged in the moet
emphatic manner by another bishop, also a Dominican, but bearing cer«
tainly very little resemblance to Las Casas. Fray Yalverde makes titis
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CODE FOR THE COLONIES. 51
great yarietj of argumentSi comprehending the substance of
most that has been since m'ged in the same cause bj the
friends of humanity. He touches on the ground of expe-
diency, showing, that, without the interference of govem-
ment, the Indian race must be gradually exterminated by
the systematic oppression of the Spaniards. In conclusion,
he maintains, that, if the Indians, as it was pretended,
would not labour unless compelled, the white man would
still find it for his interest to cultivate the soil ; and that,
if he should not be able to do so, that circumstance would
give him no right over the Indian, since God does not allow
evil that good may come of it.* This lofty morality, it
will be remembered, was from the lips of a Dominican in
the sixteenth century, one of the order that founded the
Inquisition, and in the very country where the fiery tribunal
was then in most active operation If
one of the prominent topics in a communication, already cited, to the
government, the general scope of which must be admitted to do more credit
to his humanity than some of the passages recorded of him in history.
** A V. M. representardn alia los conquistadores muchos servicios, dandolos
por causa para que los dexen servir de los Indies como de esclavoe : Y. M.'
se los tiene mui bien pagados en los provechos que han avido desta tierra,
y no los ha de pagar con hazer & sus vasallos esclayos." — Carta de Yalverde
al Emperador, MS.
* <^ La loi de Dieu defend deifiure le mal pour quMl en resulte du bien.*^
— QBuyres de Las Casas, Eyique de Chiapa, trad, par Llorente, (Paris, 1822,)
tom. i. p. 251.
i* It is a curious coincidence, that this argument of Las Casas should
have been first published — ^in a translated form, indeed — by a secretary of
the Inquisition, Llorente. The original still remains in MS. It is singular
that these volumes, containing the views of this great philanthropist on
topics of such interest to humanity, should not have been more freely
consulted, or at least cited, by those who have since trod in his footsteps.
b2
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52 CIYIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
The arguments of Las Casas encountered all the opposi-
tion naturally to be expected from indifference, selfishness,
and bigotry. They were also resisted by some persons of
just and beneyolent yiews in his audience, who, while they
admitted the general correctness of his reasoning, and felt
deep sympathy for the wrongs of the natives, yet doubted
whether his scheme of reform was not fraught with greater
evils than those it was intended to correct. For Las Casas
was the uncompromising friend of freedom. He entrenched
himself strongly on the ground of natural right ; and, like
some of the reformers of our own day, disdained to calculate
the consequences of carrying out the principle to its full and
unqualified extent. His earnest eloquence, instinct with the
generous We of humanity, and fortified by a host of facts,
which it was not easy to assail, prevailed over his auditors.
The result of their deliberations was a code of ordinanoes,
which, however, far from being limited to the wants of the
natives, had particular reference to the European popula-
tion, and the distractions of the country. It was of general
application to all the American colonies. It will be neces-
sary here only to point out some of the provisions having
immediate reference to Peru.
The Indians were declared true and loyal vassals of the
Grown, and their freedom as such was fully recognised.
Tet, to maintain inviolate the guaranty of the government
to the Conquerors, it was decided, that those lawfully
possessed of slaves might still retain them ; but, at the
They are an arsenal from which many a serviceable weapon for the good
cause might be borrowed.
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CODE FOR THE COLONIES. 53
death of the present proprietors, thej were to revert to the
Crown.
It was la^yided, however, that slaves, in any event,
should be forfeited by all those who had shown thomselves
unworthy to hold them by neglect or ill-usage ; by all public
functionaries, or such as had held offices under the govern-
ment ; by ecclesiastics and religious corporations ; and,
lastly, — a sweeping clause, — by all who had taken a
criminal part in the feuds of Aimagro and Pizuro.
It was further ordered, that the Indians should be moder-
ately taxed ; that they should not be compelled to labour
where they did not choose, and that where, from particular
circumstances, this was made necessary, they should receive
a fair compensation. It was also decreed, that, as the
repartimientos of land were often excessive, they should in
such cases be reduced ; and that, where proprietors had
been guilty of a notorious abuse of their slaves, their
estates should be forfeited altogether.
As Peru had always shown a spirit of insubordinati(Hi,
which required a more vigorous interposition of authority
than was necessary in the other colonies, it was resolved to
send a viceroy to that country, who should display a state,
and be armed with powers, that might make him a more
fitting representative of the sovereign. He was to be
accompanied by a Royal Audience, consisting of four
judges with extensive powers of jurisdiction, both criminal
and civil, who, besides a court of justice, should constitute a
sort of council to advise with and aid the viceroy. The
Audience of Panama was to be dissolved, and the new
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54 CIYIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
tribunal, with the yice-king*s court, was to be established at
Los Reyes or Lima, as it now began to be called, — ^hence-
forth the metropolis of the Spanish empire on the Pacific*
Such were some of the principal features of this remark-*
able code, which, touching on the most delicate relations of
society, broke up the very foundations of property, and by
a stroke of the pen, as it were, converted a nation of slaves
into freemen. It would have required, we may suppose,
but little forecast to divine, that in the remote regions of
America, and especially in Peru, where the colonists had
been hitherto accustomed to unbounded license, a refonn,
so salutary in essential points, could be enforced thus sum-
marily only at the price of a revolution. — ^Yet the ordinances
received the sanction of the emperor that same year, and in
November, 1543, were published at Madrid. f
No sooner was their import known, than it was conveyed
by numerous letters to the colonists from their friends in
Spain. The tidings flew like wildfire over the land, from
Mexico to Chili, Men were astounded at the prospect of
the ruin that awaited them. In Peru, particularly, there
was scarcely one that could hope to escape the operation of
the law. Few there were who had not taken part, at some
* The provisions of this celebrated code are to be found, with more or
less — generally less — accuracy, in the various contemporary writers.
Herrera gives them in extemo. — Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. v.
i* Las Casas pressed the matter home on the royal conscience, by
representing that the Papal See conceded the right of conquest to the
Spanish sovereigns on the exclusive condition of converting the heathen,
and that the Almighty would hold him accountable for the execution of
this trust. — (Euvres de Las Casas^ Ev^que de Chiapa, trad, par Llorente
(Paris, 1822,) tom. i. p. 251.
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OREAT EXCITEMENT IN PERU. 55
time or other, in the civil feuds of Almagro and Pizarro ;
and Btill fewer of those that remained that would not be
entangled in some one or other of the insidious clauses
that seemed spread out, like a web, to ensnare them.
The whole country was thrown into commotion. Men
assembled tumultuouslj in the squares and public places, and,
as the regulations were made known, they were receiyed
with universal groans and hisses. ** Is this the fruit," they
cried, " of all our toil ? Is it for this that we have poured
out our blood like water ? Now that we are broken down by
hardships and sufferings, to be left at the end of our cam-
paigns as poor as at the beginning! Is this the way
government rewards our services in winning for it an
empire ? The government has done little to aid us in
making the conquest, and for what we have we may thank
our own good swords ; and with these same swords," they
continued, warming into menace, '* we know how to defend
it." Then, stripping up his sleeve, the war-worn veteran
bared his arm, or, exposing his naked bosom, pointed to his
scars, as the best title to his estates.*
The governor, Vaca de Castro, watched the storm thus
* Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro & Pedro de Yaldivia, MS., desde Los
Reyes, 31 de Oct., 1538. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. i. — Herrera,
Hut. General, dec. vii. lib. vi. cap. x. zi. Benalcazar, in a letter to
Charles the Fifth, indulges in a strain of invective against the ordinances,
which, by stripping the planters of their Indian slaves, must inevitably reduce
the country to beggary. Benalcazar was a conqueror, and one of the most
respectable of his caste. His argument is a good specimen of the reasoning
of his party on this subject, and presents a decided counterblast to that of
Las Casas. — Carta de Benalcazar al Emperador, MS., desde Cali, 20 de
Diciembre^ 1544.
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56 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUEBORS.
gathering from all quarters, with the deepest concern. He
was himself in the very heart of disaffection ; for Ouzco,
tenanted by a mixed and lawless population, was so far
removed into the depths of the mountains, that it had much
less intercourse with the parent country, and was conse-
quently much less under her influence, than the great towns
on the coast. The people now invoked the governor to
protect them against the tyranny of the Court ; but he
endeavoured to calm the agitation, by representing that by
these violent measures they would only defeat their own
object. He counselled them to name deputies to lay their
petition before the Crown, stating the impracticability of
the present scheme of reform, and praying for the repeal of
it ; and he conjured them to wait patiently for the arrival of
the viceroy, who might be prevailed on to suspend the
ordinances till further advices could be received from Castile.
But it was not easy to still the tempest ; and the people
now eagerly looked for some one whose interests and sympa-
thies might lie with theirs, and whose position in the com-
munity might afford them protection. The person to whom
they naturally turned in this crisis was Gonzalo Pizarro, the
last in the land of that family who had led the armies of
the Conquest, — a cavalier whose gallantry and popular
manners had made him always a favourite with the people.
He was now beset with applications to interpose in their
behalf with the government, and shield them from the
oppressive ordinances.
But Gonzalo Pizarro was at Charcas, busily occupied in
exploring the rich veins of Potosl, whose silver fountains.
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BLASGO NUKEZ THE TIGEBOT. 57
just brought into light, were soon to pour such streams of
wealth oyer Europe. Though gratified with this appeal to
hifl proteetion, the cautious cavalier was more intent on
providing for the means of enterprise than on plunging
prematurely into it ; and, while he secretly encouraged the
malecontents, he did not commit himsdf by taking part in
any reyolutionary moToment. At the same period he
received letters from Vaca de Castro, — whose vigilant eye
watched all the aspects of the time, — cautioning Gonzalo
and his friends not to be seduced, by any wild schemes of
reform, from their allegiance. And, to check still further
these disorderly movements, he ordered his alcaldes to arrest
every man guilty of seditious language, and bring him at
once to punishment. By this firm yet temperate conduct
the minds of the populace were overawed, and there was a
temporary lull in the troubled waters, while all looked
anxiously for the coming of the viceroy.*
The person selected for this critical post was a knight of
Avila, named Blasco Nu^ez Vela. He was a cavalier of
ancient family, handsome in person, though now somewhat
advanced in years, and reputed brave and devout. He had
filled some offices of responsibility to the satisfaction of
Charles V., by whom he was now appointed to this post in
Peru. The selection did no credit to the monarch's
discernment.
It may seem strange that this important place should
* Carta de Benalcazar al Emperador, MS., desde Cali, 20 de Diciembre,
1544. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. y. cap. i.— Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y
Conq., MS. — Carta de Qonzalo Pizarro & Yaldivia, MS. — Montesinos,
Annales, MS., ano 1543.
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58 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUEROtlS.
not have been bestowed on Yaca de Castro, abeady on
the spot, and who had shown himself so well qualified to fill
it. But ever since that officer's mission to Peru, there had
been a series of assassinations, insurrections, and ciril wars,
that menaced the wretched colony with ruin ; and, though
his wise administration had now brought things into order,
the communication with the Indies was so tardy, that the
results of his policy were not yet fully disclosed. As it was
designed, moreoyer, to make important innovations in the
government, it was thought better to send some one who
would have no personal prejudices to encounter, from the
part he had already taken, and who, coming directly from
the Court, and clothed with extraordinary powers, might
present himself with greater authority thau could one who
had become familiar to the people in an inferior capacity.
The monarch, however, wrote a letter with his own hand to
Yaca de Castro, in which he thanked that officer for his
past services, and directed him, after aiding the new viceroy
with the fruits of his large experience, to return to Castile,
and take his seat in the Royal Council. Letters of a
similar complimentary kind were sent to the loyal colonists
who had stood by the governor in the late troubles of the
country. Freighted with these testimonials, and with the
ill-starred ordinances, Blasco Nunez embarked at San
Lucar, on the 3rd of November, 1543. He was attended
by the four judges of the Audience, and by a numerous
retinue, that he might appear in the state befitting his
distinguished rank."*^
* Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro ^ Valdivia, MS.— Herrera, Hist. General,
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BLASCO NUfra:Z*S SETERE POLICY. 59
About the middle of the following January, 1544, the
Ticeroy, after a favourable passage, landed at Nombre de
DioB. He found there a vessel laden with silver from the
Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain. His first act was
to lay an embargo on it for the government, as containing
the proceeds of slave labour. After this extraordinary mea-
sure, taken in opposition to the advice of the Audience, he
crossed the Isthmus to Panam^. Here he gave sure token
of his future policy, by causing more than three hundred
Indians, who had been brought by their owners from Peru,
to be liberated and sent back to their own country. This
high-handed measure created the greatest sensation in the
city, and was strongly resisted by the judges of the
Audience. They besought him not to begin thus precipi-
tately to execute his commission, but to wait till his arrival
in the colony, when he should have taken time to acquaint
himself somewhat with the country and with the temper of
the people. But Blasco Nufiez coldly replied, that " he had
come, not to tamper with the laws, nor to discuss their
merits, but to execute them, — and execute them he
would, to the letter, whatever might be the consequence."*
This answer, and the peremptory tone in which it was
delivered, promptly adjourned the debate ; for the judges
dec "vii. lib. vi. cap. ix* — Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. vi.
— Zarate, MS.
* ^ Estas y otras cosas le dlxo el licenciado Zarate : que no fueron al
gusto del Virey : antes se enojd mucho por ello, y respondio con alguna
aspereza, jurando que aula de executar las 0Tdenan9a8 como en ellas se con-
tenia, sin esperar para ello tenninos algunos, ni dilaciones." — Feraandez,
Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. vi.
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60 CIVIL WABS OF THE CONQUERORS.
saw that debate was useless with one who seemed to con-
sider all remonstrance as an attempt to turn him from
his duty, and whose ideas of duty precluded all discre-
tionary exercise of authority, eren where the public good
demanded it.
Leaving the Audience, as one of its body was ill, at
Panami, the viceroy proceeded on his way, and, coasting
down the shores of the Pacific, on the 4th of March he dis-
embarked at Tumbez. He was well received by the loyal
inhabitants ; his authority was publicly proclaimed, and the
people were overawed by the display of a magnificence and
state such as had not till then been seen in Peru. He took
an early occasion to intimate his future line of policy by
liberating a number of Indian slaves on the application of
their caciques. He then proceeded by land towards the
south, and showed his determination to conform in his own
person to the strict letter of the ordinances, by causing his
baggage to be carried by mules, where it was practicable ;
and where absolutely necessary to make use of Indians, he
paid them fairly for their services.*
The whole country was thrown into consternation by
reports of the proceedings of the viceroy, and of his con-
versations, most unguarded, which were eagerly circulated,
and, no doubt, often exaggerated. Meetings were again
called in the cities. Discussions were held on the expediency
of resisting his further progress, and a deputation of citizens
* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. il — Fernandez, Hist, del Pern,
parte i. lib. i. cap. vi. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro H Yaldivia, MS. —
Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1544.
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OPPOSED BT GONZALO PIZARRO. 61
from CuzcOy wbo were then in Lima, strongly urged the
pec^le to close the gates of that capital against him. But
Yaea de Castro had also left Cuzco for the latter city, on
the earliest intimation of the viceroy's approach, and, with
gome difficulty he preyailed on the inhahitants not to
swerve from their loyalty, hut to receive their new ruler with
suitahle honours, and trust to his calmer judgment for post-
poning the execution of the law till the case could he laid
before the throne.
But the great body of the Spaniards, after what they
had heard, had slender confidence in the relief to be
obtained from this quarter. They now turned with more
eagerness than ever towards Gonzalo Pizarro ; and letters
and addresses poured in upon him from all parts of the
country, inviting him to take on himself the office of their
protector. These applications found a more favourable re-
sponse than on the former occasion.
There were, indeed, many motives at work to call Gon-
zalo into action. It was to his family, mainly, that Spain
was indebted for this extension of her colonial empire ; and he
bad felt deeply aggrieved that the government of the colony
should be trusted to other hands than his. He had felt this
on the arrival of Vaca de Castro, and much more so when
the appointment of a viceroy proved it to be the settled
policy of the Crown to exclude his family from the manage-
ment of affairs. His brother Hernando still languished in
prison, and he himself was now to be sacrificed as the prin-
cipal victim of the fatal ordinances. For who had taken so
prominent a part in the civil war with the elder Almagro ?
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62 CIVIL WARS OF THX CONQUERORS.
And the viceroy was currently reported— it may have been
scandal — to have intimated that Pizarro would be dealt with
accordingly.* Yet there was no one in the country who had
so great a stake, who had so much to lose by the revolution.
Abandoned thus by the government, he conceived that it
was now time to take care of himself.
Assembling together some eighteen or twenty cavaliers in
whom he most trusted, and taking a large amount of silver,
drawn from the mines, he accepted the invitation to repair
to Cuzco. As he approached this capital, he was met by
a numerous body of the citizens, who came out to welcome
him, making the air ring with, their shouts, as they saluted
him with the title of Procurator-General of Peru. The title
was speedily confirmed by the municipality of the city, who
invited him to head a deputation to Lima, in order to state
their grievances to the viceroy, and solicit the present sus*
pension of the ordinances.
But the spark of ambition was kindled in the bosom of
Pizarro. He felt strong in the affections of the people ;
and, from the more elevated position in which he now stood,
his desires took a loftier and more unbounded range. Yet,
if he harboured a criminal ambition in his breast, he skil->
* " It was not fair," the viceroy said, " that the country should remain
longer in the hands of muleteers and swineherds, (alluding to the origin
of the Pizarros) and he would take measures to restore it to the Crown.**
** Que asi me la havia de cortar ^ mi i ^ todos los que havian seido nota-
blemente, como el decia, culpados en la batalla de las Salinas i en las
diferencias de Almagro, i que una tierra como esta no era justo que estu-
viese en poder de gente tan vaza que llamava el & los desta tierra porque-
ros i arrieros, sino que estuviese toda en la Corona real.** — Carta de Gonzalo
Pizarro 6 Valdivia, MS,
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OPPOSED BT GQNZALO PIZARRO. 63
fully veiled it from others, — perhaps from himself. The
only ohject he professed to have in view was the good of the
people ;* a suspicious phrase, usually meaning the good of
the individual. He now demanded permission to raise and
organise an armed force, with the further title of Captain-
General. His views were entirely pacific ; hut it was not
safe, unless strongly protected, to urge them on a person of
the viceroy's impatient and arhitrary temper. It was
further contended hy Pizarro's friends, that such a force
was demanded to rid the country of their old enemy, the
Inca Manco, who hovered in the neighhouriug mountains
with a hody of warriors', ready, at the first opportunity, to
descend on the Spaniards. The municipality of Cuzco hesi-
tated, as well it might, to confer powers so far heyond its
legitimate authority. But Pizarro avowed his purpose, in
case of refusal, to decline the office of Procurator ; and the
efforts of his partisans, hacked by those of the people, at
length silenced the scruples of the magistrates, who be-
stowed on the ambitious chief the military command to which
he aspired. Pizarro accepted it with the modest assurance
that he did so " purely from regard to the interests of the
king, of the Indies, and, above all, of Peru" ! t
* " Diciendo que no queria nada para si, sino para el beneficio universal,
i que por todos havia de poner todas bus fuer9a8.'* — Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. vii. lib. vii. cap. 20.
•j- " Acept^ lo por ver que en ello hacia servicio i Dios i 4 S. M. i gran
bien k esta tierra i generalmente k todas las Indias." — Carta de Gonzalo
Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. vii. cap.
arix, XX. — Zarate^ Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. iv. viii. — Fernandez, Hist
del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. viii.— Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia,
MS. — Montesinos, Annales^ MS. ano 1544.
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64
CHAPTER m.
THE TICEROT ARRIVES AT LIMA. — GONZALO PIZARRO MARCHES FROM
CUZCO.— DEATH OF THE INCA MANCO. — RASH CONDUCT OP THE
TICEROT. — SEIZED AND DEPOSED BT THE AUDIENCE. — GONZALO
PROCLAIMED GOTERNOR OF PERU.
1544.
While the eTents recorded in the preceding pages were in
progress, Blaseo Nnfiez had been journeying towards Lima.
But the alienation which his conduct had abready caused in
the minds of the colonists, was shown in the cold reception
which he occasionally experienced on the route, and in the
scanty accommodations provided for him and his retinue.
In one place where he took up his quarters, he found an
ominous inscription over the door : — " He that takes my
property must expect to pay for it with his life/'* Neither
daunted, nor diverted from his purpose, the inflexible
viceroy held on his way towards the capital, where the inha-
bitants, preceded by Yaca de Castro and the municipal
authorities, came out to receive him. He entered in great
state, under a canopy of crimson cloth, embroidered with the
arms of Spain, and supported by stout poles or staves of
solid silver, which were borne by the members of the muni-
* '' A quien me Tiniere 6, qui tar mi hacienda, quitarle he la vida.'*
— Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. vii. cap. xviii.
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THE VICEROY ARRIVES AT LIMA. 65
cipality. A cavalier, holding a mace, the emblem of autho-
rity, rode before him ; and after the oaths of office were
administered in the council-chamber, the procession
moved towards the cathedral, where Te Beum was sung,
and Blasco Nujaez was installed in his new dignity of
viceroy of Peru.*
His first act was to proclaim his determination in respect
to the ordinances. He had no warrant to suspend their
execution. He should fulfil his commission ; but he offered
to join the colonists in a memorial to the emperor, soliciting
the repeal of a code which he now believed would be for the
interests neither of the country nor of the Crown.t With
this avowed view of the subject, it may seem strange that
Blasco Nu£ez should not have taken the responsibility of
suspending the law until his sovereign could be assured of
* ** Entrd en la cibdad de Lima d 17 de Majo de 1544 : saliole i. recibir
todo el pueblo i pie j & caballo dos tiros de ballesta del pueblo, y d la
entrada de la cibdad estaba un arco triun&l de verde con las Armas de
FiSpftfia, 7 las de la misma cibdad ; estaban le esperando el Regimiento
J JuBticia, 7 oficiales del Re7 con ropas largas, hasta en pies de carmesi, j
un palio del mesmo carmesi aforrado en lo mesmo, con ocbo baras guame-
cidas de plata 7 tomaronle debajo todos d pie, cada Regidor 7 justicia con
ana bara del palio, 7 el yirre7 en su caballo con las mazas delante
tomaronle juramento en un libro misal, 7 jurd de las guardar 7 cumplir
todas BUS libertades 7 provisiones de S. M. ; 7 luego fuerou desta manera
hasta la iglesia, salieron los clerigos con la cmz 6, la puerta 7 le metieron
dentro cantando Te deum IcmdamniSy 7 despues que obo dicho su oracion,
fn^ con el cabildo 7 toda la ciudad k su palacio donde fii^ recebido 7 hizo
un parlamento breve en que contentd H toda la gente." — Reladon de los
Bucesos de Peru desde que entrd el Tirre7 Blasco Nunez acaecidos en mar 7
tierra, MS.
'I* " Porque llanamente el confesaba, que asi para su Magestad, come
para aquellos Reinos, eran perjudiciales." — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v.
cap. V.
TOL. III. F
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66 CIVIL WARS OP THE CONQUERORS.
the inevitable consequeneeB of enforcing it. The pacha of
a Torkish despot, who had allowed himself this latitude for
the interests of his master, might, indeed, ha?e reckoned on
the bowstring. But the example of Mendoza, the prudent
viceroy of Mexico, who adopted this course in a similar
crisis, and precisely at the same period, showed its propriety
under existing circumstances. The ordinances were sus-
pended by him till the Crown could be warned of the conse-
quences of enforcing them, — and Mexico was saved from
revolution.* But Blasco Nu£ez had not the wisdom of
Mendoza.
The public apprehension was now far from being allayed.
Secret cabals were formed in Lima, and communications
held with the different towns. No distrust, however, was
raised in the breast of the viceroy, and, when informed of
the preparations of Gonzalo Pizarro, he took no other step
than to send a message to his camp, announcing the extra-
ordinary powers with which he was himself invested, and
requiring that chief to disband his forces. He seemed to
think that a mere word from him would be sufficient to dissi-
pate rebellion. But it required more than a breath to scatter
the iron soldiery of Peru.
Gonzalo Pizarro, meanwhile, was busily occupied in mus-
tering his army. His first step was to order from Guamanga
sixteen pieces of artillery, sent there by Yaca de Castro,
who, in the present state of excitement, was unwilling to
trust the volatile people of Cuzco with these implements of
* Fernandez, Hist, del Peni^ parte L lib. i. cap. ii.-7.
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GONZALO PIZARBO MARCHES FROM CUZCO. 67
destruction. Gonzalo, who had no scruples as te Indian
labour, appropriated six thousand of the natives to the
service of transporting this train of ordnance across the
mountains.*
By his exertions and those of his friends, the active chief
soon mustered a force of nearly four hundred men, which,
if not very imposing in the outset, he conceived would be
swelled, in his descent to the coast, by tributary levies from
the towns and villages on the way. All his own funds were
expended in equipping his men and providing for the march ;
and, to supply deficiencies, he made no scruple — since, to
use his words, it was for the public interest — to appropriate
the moneys in the royal treasury. With this seasonable aid,
his troops, well mounted and thoroughly equipped, were put
in excellent fighting order ; and, after making them a brief
harangue, in which he was careful to insist on the pacific
character of his enterprise, somewhat at variance with his
military preparations, Gonzalo Pizarro sallied forth from the
gates of the capital
Before leaving it, he received an important accession of
strength in the person of Francisco de Carbajal, the veteran
who performed so conspicuous a part in the battle of Chupas.
He was at Charcas when the news of the ordinances reached
Peru ; and he instantly resolved to quit the country and
return to Spain, convinced that the New World would be no
longer the land for him, — no longer the golden Indies.
Turning his efiects into money, he prepared to embark them
on board the first ship that offered. But no opportunity
* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. y. cap. viii.
p2
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68 civn. WARS OF the oonquerobs.
occurred, and he could have little expectation now of escap-
ing the vigilant eye of the viceroy. Yet, though solicited
hj Pizarro to take command under him in the present expe-
dition, the veteran declined, saying he was eighty years old,
and had no wish but to return home, and spend his few
remaining days in quiet.* Well had it been for him, had
he persisted in his refusal ! But he yielded to the impor-
tunities of his friend ; and the short space that yet remained
to him of life proved long enough to brand his memory with
perpetual infamy.
Soon after quitting Cuzco, Pizarro learned the death
of the Inca Manco. He was massacred by a party of Spa-
niards, of the faction of Almagro, who, on the defeat of
their young leader, had taken refuge in the Indian camp.
They, in turn, were all slain by the Peruvians. It is impos-
sible to determine on whom the blame of the quarrel should
rest, since no one present at the time has recorded it.f
The death of Manco Inca, as he was commonly called, is
an event not to be silently passed over in Peruvian history ;
for he was the last of his race that may be said to have
been animated by the heroic spirit of the ancient Incas.
Though placed on the throne by Pizarro, far from remaining
a mere puppet in his hands, Manco soon showed that his lot
was not to be cast with that of his conquerors. With the
ancient institutions of his country lying a wreck around
him, he yet struggled bravely, like Guatemozin, the last of
* Herrera, Hist. Greneial, dec, vii. lib. vii. cap. xxii.
-I- Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — ^Garcilasso, Com. Real.,
parte ii. lib. iv. cap. vii.
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DEATH OP THE INCA MANOO. 69
the Aztecs, to uphold her tottering fortunes, or to bury his
oppressors under her ruins. By the assault on his own
capital of Cuzco, in which so large a portion of it was
demolished, he gave a check to the arms of Pizarro, and,
for a season, the fate of the Conquerors trembled in the
balance. Though foiled in the end by the superior science
of his adversary, the young barbarian still showed the same
unconquerable spirit as before. He withdrew into the fast-
nesses of his native mountains, whence sallying forth as
occasion offered, he fell on the caravan of the traveller, or
on some scattered party of the military ; and in the event
of a civil war, was sure to throw his own weight into the
weaker scale ; thus prolonging the contest of his enemies,
and feeding his revenge by the sight of their calamities.
Moving lightly from spot to spot he eluded pursuit amidst
the wilds of the Cordilleras ; and hovering in the neigh-
bourhood of the towns, or lying in ambush on the great
thoroughfares of the country, the Inca Manco made his
name a terror to the Spaniards. Often did they hold out
to him terms of accommodation ; and every succeeding ruler,
down to Blasco Nufiez, bore instructions from the Crown to
employ every art to conciliate the formidable warrior.
But Manco did not trust the promises of the white man ;
and he chose rather to maintain his savage independence
in the mountains, with the few brave spirits around him,
than to live a slave in the land which had once owned the
sway of his ancestors.
The death of the Inca removed one of the great pretexts
for Gonzalo Pizarro's military preparations ; but it had
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70 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
little inflaence on him, as may be readily imagined. He
was much more sensible to the desertion of some of his
followers, which took place early on the march. Several of
the cavaliers of Cuzco, startled by his unceremonious appro-
priation of the public moneys, and by the belligerent aspect
of affairs, now for the first time seemed to realise that they
were in the path of rebellion. A number of these, includ-
ing some principal men of the city, secretly withdrew from
the army, and, hastening to Lima, offered their services to
the viceroy. The troops were disheartened by this deser-
tion, and even Pizarro for a moment faltered in his purpose,
and thought of retiring with some fifty followers to Charcas,
and there making his composition with government. But
a little reflection, aided by the remonstrances of the
courageous Carbajal, who never turned his back on an
enterprise which he had once assumed, convinced him
that he had gone too far to recede, — that his only safety
was to advance.
He was reassured by more decided manifestations which
he soon after received, of the public opinion. An officer
named Puelles, who commanded at Guanuco, joined him with
a body of horse with which he had been intrusted by the
viceroy. This defection was followed by that of others,
and Gonzalo, as he descended the sides of the table-land,
found his numbers gradually swelled to nearly double the
amount with which he had left the Indian capital.
As he traversed with a freer step the bloody field of
Chupas, Carbajal pointed out the various localities of the
battle-ground, and Pizarro might have found food for
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BASH CONDUCT OP THE VICEROY. 71
anxious reflection, as he meditated on the fortunes of a
rebel. At Guamanga he was received with open arms
by the inhabitants, many of whom eagerly enlisted under
his banner ; for they trembled for their property, as they
heard from all quarters of the inflexible temper of the
viceroy.*
That functionary began now to be convinced that he was
in a critical position. Before Puelles's treachery, above
noticed, had been consummated, the viceroy had received
some vague intimation of his purpose. Though scarcely
crediting it, he detached one of his company, named Diaz,
with a force to intercept him. But although that cavalier
undertook the mission with alacrity, he was soon after pre-
vailed on to follow the example of his comrade, and, with
the greater part of the men under his command, went over
to the enemy. In the civil feuds of this unhappy land,
parties changed sides so lightly, that treachery to a com-
mander had almost ceased to be a stain on the honour of a
cavalier. Yet all, on whichever side they cast their fortunes,
loudly proclaimed their loyalty to the Crown.
Thus betrayed by his own men, by those apparently most
devoted to his service, Blasco Nunez became suspicious of
every one around him. Unfortunately his suspicions fell
on some who were most deserving of his confidence.
Among these was his predecessor, Vaca de Castro. That
* Fernandez^ Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. xiv. xvi. — ^Zarate,
Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. ix. x. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. viii.
cap. y. ix. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Yaldivia, MS. — Relacion de lo8
SucesoB del Peru, MS.
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72 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
officer had conducted himself in the delicate situation in
which he had been placed, with his usual discretion, and
with perfect integrity and honour. He had frankly com-
municated with the viceroy, and well had it been for
Blasco Nufiez, if he had known how to profit by it But
he was too much puffed up by the arrogance of office, and
by the conceit of his own superior wisdom, to defer much to
the counsels of his experienced predecessor. The latter
was now suspected by the viceroy of maintaining a secret
correspondence with his enemies at Guzco — a suspicion
which seems to have had no better foundation than the
personal friendship which Yaca de Castro was known to
entertain for these individuals. But, with Blasco Nu£ez, to
suspect was to be convinced ; and he ordered De Castro to
be placed under arrest, and confined on board of a vessel
lying in the harbour. This high-handed measure was
followed by the arrest and imprisonment of several other
cavaliers, probably on grounds equally frivolous.*
He now turned his attention towards the enemy. Not-
withstanding his former failure, he still did not altogether
despair of effecting something by negotiation, and he sent
another embassy, having the bishop of Lima at its head,
to Gonzalo Pizarro*s camp, with promises of a general
amnesty, and some proposals of a more tempting character
to the commander. But this step, while it proclaimed his
own weakness, had no better success than the preceding.!
• Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. iii. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y
Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. x.
i* Loaysa, the bishop, was robbed of his despatches, and not even aUowed
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RASH CONDUCT OF THE VICEROY. 73
The viceroy now vigorously prepared for war. His first
care was to put the capital in a posture of defence, by
strengthening his fortifications, and throwing barricades
across the streets. He ordered a general enrolment of the
citizens, and called in levies from the neighbouring towns,
— a call not very promptly answered. A squadron of eight
or ten vessels was got ready in the port to act in concert
with the land forces. The bells were taken from the
churches, and used in the manufacture of muskets ;* and
funds were procured from the fifths which had accumulated
in the royal treasury. The most extravagant bounty was
offered to the soldiers, and prices were paid for mules and
horses, which showed that gold, or rather silver, was the
commodity of least value in Peru.f By these efforts, the
active commander soon assembled a force considerably
larger than that of his adversary. But how could he
confide in it ?
While these preparations were going forward, the judges
of the Audience arrived at Lima. They had shown,
throughout their progress, no great respect either for the
to enter the camp, lest his presence should shake the constancy of the
soldiers. (See Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, MS.) The account
occupies more space than it deserves in most of the authorities.
* ** Hi9o hacer gran Copia de Arcabuces, asi de Hierro, como de Fun-
dicion, de ciertas Campanas de la Iglesia Maior, que para ello quitd.** —
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v, cap. vi.
■f* Blasco Nunez paid, according to Zarate, who had the means of know-
ing, twelve thousand ducats for thirty-five mules. — ^ El Yisorrei les mand<5
comprar, de la Hacienda Real, treinta i cinco Machos, en que hiciesen la
Jornada, que costaron mas de doce mil ducados." (Zarate, Conq. del
Peru, lib. v, cap. x.) The South American of our day might well be
surprised at such prices for animals since so abundant in his country.
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74 CIVIL WARS OF THE GONQUEBOBS.
ordinances, or the will of the yiceroj ; for they had taxed
the poor natiyes as freely and unscrupulously as any of the
Conquerors. We hare seen the entire want of cordiality
suhsisting between them and their principal in Panami^.
It became more apparent on their landing at Lima. They
disapproved of his proceedings in every particular ; of his
refusal to suspend the ordinances, — although, in fact, he
had found no opportunity, of late, to enforce them ; of
his preparations for defence, declaring that he ought rather
trust to the effect of negotiation ; and, finally, of his
imprisonment of so many loyal cavaliers, which they
pronounced an arbitrary act, altogether beyond the bounds
of his authority ; and they did not scruple to visit the
prison in person, and discharge the captives from their
confinement.*
This bold proceeding, while it conciliated the good-will
of the people, severed, at once, all relations with the
viceroy. There was in the Audience a lawyer, named
Cepeda, a cunning, ambitious man, with considerable
knowledge in the way of his profession, and with still
greater talent for intrigue. He did not disdain the low
arts of a demagogue to gain the favour of the populace,
and trusted to find his own account in fomenting a mis-
understanding with Blasco Nunez. The latter, it must
be confessed, did all in his power to aid his counsellor in
this laudable design.
* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte L lib. i. cap. x. — Herrera, Hist.
General, dec vii. lib. viii. cap. ii. x. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a
Yaldivia, MS.
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RASH CONDUCT OF THE VICEROY. 75
A certain cavalier in the place, named Saarez de Carbajal,
who bad long held an office under goyernment, fell under
the viceroy *s displeasure, on suspicion of conniving at the
secession of some of his kinsmen, who had lately taken
part with the malcontents. The viceroy summoned Carbajal
to attend him at bis palace, late at night ; and when con-
ducted to his presence, he bluntly charged him with treason.
The latter stoutly denied the accusation, in tones as haughty
as those of his accuser. The altercation grew warm, until,
in the heat of passion, Blasco Nunez struck him with his
poniard. In an instant, the attendants, taking this as a
signal, plunged their swords into the body of the unfor-
tunate man, who fell lifeless on the floor.*
Greatly alarmed for the consequences of his rash act, —
for Carbajal was much beloved in Lima, — Blasco Nufiez
ordered the corpse of the murdered man to be removed by
a private stairway from the house, and carried to the cathe-
dral, where, rolled in his bloody cloak, it was laid in a
* " He struck him in the bosom with his dagger, as some say, but the
viceroy denies it." — So says Zarate, in the printed copy of his history.
(Lib. y. cap. xi.) In the original manuscript of this work, still extant at
Simancas, he states the fact without any qualification at all. '^ Luego el
dicho Yirrei echd mano ^ una daga, i arremeti6 con el, i le did una
pufialada, i 4k grandes voces mandd que le metasen." (Zarate, MS.) This
was doubtless his honest conviction, when on the spot soon after the event
occurred. The politic historian thought it prudent to qualify his remark
before publication. — ** They say," says another contemporary, familiar with
these events and friendly to the viceroy, " that he gave him several
wounds with his dagger." And he makes no attempt to refute the charge.
(Reladon de los Sucesos del Peru, MS.) Indeed, this version of the story
seems to have been generally received at the time by those who had the
best means of knowing the truth.
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76 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
grave hastily dug to receive it. So tragic a proceeding,
known to so many witnesses, could not long be kept
secret. Vague rumours of the fact explained the mysterious
disappearance of Carbajal. The grave was opened, and the
mangled remains of the slaughtered cavalier established
the guilt of the viceroy.*
From this hour Blasco Nufiez was held in universal
abhorrence ; and his crime, in this instance, assumed the
deeper dye of ingratitude, since the deceased was known
to have had the greatest influence in reconciling the
citizens early to his government. No one knew where the
blow would fall next, or how soon he might himself become
the victim of the ungovernable passions of the viceroy. In
this state of things, some looked to the Audience, and yet
more to Gonzalo Pizarro, to protect them.
That chief was slowly advancing towards Lima, from
which, indeed, he was removed but a few days' march.
Greatly perplexed, Blasco Nu£ez now felt the loneliness of
his condition. Standing aloof, as it were, from his 0¥m
followers, thwarted by the Audience, betrayed by his soldiers,
he might well feel the consequences of his misconduct. Yet
there seemed no other course for him, but either to march
out and meet the enemy, or to remain in Lima and defend
it. He had placed the town in a posture of defence, which
argued this last to have been his original purpose. But
he felt he could no longer rely on his troops, and he decided
on a third course, most unexpected.
* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xi.
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BASH CONDUCT OP THE VICEROT. 77
This was to abandon the capital, and withdraw to Trazillo^
about eighty leagues distant. The women would embark on
board the squadron, and with the effects of the citizens, be
transported by water. The troops, with the rest of the
inhabitants, would march by land, laying waste the country
as they proceeded. Gonzalo Pizarro, when he arrived at
Lima, would find it without supplies for his army, and, thus
straitened, he would not care to take a long march across a
desert in search of his enemy.*
What the viceroy proposed to effect by this movement is
not clear, unless it were to gain time ; and yet the more
time he had gained, thus far, the worse it had proved for
him. But he was destined to encounter a decided opposition
from the judges. They contended that he had no warrant
for such an act, and that the Audience could not lawfully
hold its sessions out of the capital. Blasco Nufiez per-
sisted in his determination, menacing that body with force
if necessary. The judges appealed to the citizens to support
them in resisting such an arbitrary measure. They mustered
a force for their own protection, and that same day passed a
decree that the viceroy should be arrested.
Late at night, Blasco Nufiez was informed of the hostile
preparations of the judges. He instantly summoned his
followers, to the number of more than two hundred, put on
his armour, and prepared to march out at the head of his
troops against the Audience. This was the true course ;
for in a crisis like that in which he was placed, requiring
* Zarate, Gonq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. zii. — Fernandez, parte i. lib. L
cap. xviii.
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78 CIVIL WARS OF THB GONQUBRORS.
promptness and decision, the presence of the leader is
essential to insure success. But, unluckily, he yielded to
the remonstrances of his brother and other friends, who
dissuaded him from rashly exposing his life in such a
venture.
What Blasco Nu^ez neglected to do was done by the
judges. They sallied forth at the head of their followers,
whose number, though small at first they felt confident
would be swelled by volunteers as they advanced. Rushing
forward, they cried out, — " Liberty ! Liberty ! Jjong live
the king and the Audience I " It was early dawn, and the
inhabitants, startled from their slumbers, ran to the windows
and balconies, and, learning the object of the movement,
some snatched up their arms and joined in it, while the
women, waving their scarfs and kerchiefs, cheered on the
assault.
When the mob arrived before the viceroy's palace, they
halted for a moment, uncertain what to do. Orders were
given to fire on them from the windows, and a volley
passed over their heads. No one was injured ; and the
greater part of the viceroy's men, with most of the
officers, — including some of those who had been so anxious
for his personal safety, — now openly joined the populace.
The palace was then entered, and abandoned to pillage.
Blasco Nufiez, deserted by all but a few faithful adherents,
made no resistance. He surrendered to the assailants, was
led before the judges, and by them was placed in strict
confinement. The citizens, delighted with the result, pro-
vided a collation for the soldiers ; and the affair ended
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♦ GONZALO'S ADVANCE ON LIMA, 79
without the loss of a single life. Never was there so
bloodless a revolution.*
The first business of the judges was to dispose of the
prisoner. He was sent, under a strong guard, to a neigh-
bouring island, till some measures could be taken respecting
him. He was declared to be deposed from his office ; a
provisional government was established, consisting of their
own body, with Cepeda at its head, as president ; and its
first act was to pronounce the detested ordinances suspended,
till instructions could be received from Court. It was also
decided to send Blasco Nu^ez back to Spain with one of
their own body, who should explain to the emperor the
nature of the late disturbances, and vindicate the measures
of the Audience. This was soon put in execution. The
Licentiate Alvarez was the person selected to bear the
viceroy company ; and the unfortunate commander, after
passing several days on the desolate island, with scarcely
any food, and exposed to all the inclemencies of the
weather, took his departure for Panam^.f
A more formidable adversary yet remained in Gonzalo
♦ Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. — ^Relacion Anonima, MS. —
Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i.
lib. i. cap. xix. — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xi. — Carta de Gonzalo
Pizarro a Yaldivia, MS. Gonzalo Pizarro devoutly draws a conclusion
from this, that the revolution was clearly brought about by the hand of God
for the good of the land. '* E hizdse sin que muriese un hombre, ni fuese
herido, como obra que Dios la guiava para el bien desta tierra.** — Carta,
MS., ubi supra.
*j* Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Yaldivia, MS. — Relacion de los Sucesos
del Peru, MS. The story of the seizure of the viceroy is well told by the
writer of the last MS., who seems here, at least, not unduly biassed in
favour of Blasco Nunez, though a partisan.
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80 CITIL WARS OF THE CONQXnSBOBS«
Puarro, who had now advanced to Xauxa, about ninety
miles from Lima. Here he halted, while numbers of the
citizens prepared to join his banner, choosing rather to take
service under him than to remain under the self-constituted
authority of the Audience. The judges, meanwhile, who
had tasted the sweets of office too short a time to be
content to resign them, after considerable delay sent an
embassy to the Procurator. They announced to him the
revolution that had taken place, and the suspension of the
ordinances. The great object of his mission had been thus
accomplished ; and, as a new government was now organ-
ised, they called on him to shew his obedience to it, by
disbanding his forces, and withdrawing to the unmolested
enjoyment of his estates. It was a bold demand, — though
couched in the most courteous and complimentary phrase,*—
to make of one in Pizarro*s position. It was attempting to
scare away the eagle just ready to stoop on his prey. If
the chief had faltered, however, he would have been
reassured by his lion-hearted lieutenant. ** Never show
faint heart," exclaimed the latter, <^ when you are so near
the goal. Success has followed every step of your path.
You have now only to stretch forth your hand, and seize
the government. Everything else will follow." — The envoy
who brought the message from the judges was sent back
with the. answer, that ** the people had called Gonzalo
Pizarro to the government of the country, and, if the
Audience did not at once invest him with it, the city should
be delivered up to pillage." ♦
* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. ▼. cap. ziii. It required some courafe to
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60NZAL0 PIZARRO ENTERS LIMA. 81
The bewildered magistrates were thrown into dismay by
this decisive answer. Yet loth to resign, they took counsel
in their perplexity of Vaca de Castro, still detained on board
one of the vessels. But that commander had received too
little favour at the hands of his successors to think it neces-
sary to peril his life on their account by thwarting the plans
of Pizarro. He mamtained a discreet silence, therefore,
and left the matter to the wisdom of the Audience.
Meanwhile, Garbajal was sent into the city to quicken
their deliberations. He came at night, attended only by a
small party of soldiers, intimating his contempt of the power
of the judges. His first act was to seize a number of
cavaliers, whom he dragged from their beds, and placed
under arrest. They were men of Cuzco^ the same already
noticed as having left Pizarro's ranks soon after his de-
parture from that capital While the Audience still hesi-
tated as to the course they should pursue, Garbajal caused
three of his prisoners, persons of consideration and property,
to be placed on the backs of mules, and escorted out of
town to ihe suburbs, where, with brief space allowed for
confession, he hung them all on the branches of a tree.
He superintended the execution himself, and tauntingly
complimented one of his victims, by teUing him, that, ** in
consideration of his higher rank, he should have the pri?!-
lege of selecting the bough on which to be hanged ! *'*
caiTj the message of the Audience to Gonzalo and his desperate followers.
The historian Zarate, the royal comptroller, was the envoj ; not much, as
it appears, to his own satis&ction. He escaped, however, unharmed, and
has made a full report of the afiEair in his chronicle.
• « Le queria dar bu muerte con una pre-eminencia senalada, ^ue
VOL. III. G^ T
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82 CITIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
The ferocious officer would have proceeded still further in
his executions, it is said^ had it not been for orders received
from his leadw. But enough was done to quicken the
perceptions of the Audience as to their course, for thej felt
their own lives suspended by a thread in such unscrupulous
hands. Without further delay, therefore, they sent to
invite Gonzalo Pizarro to enter the city, declaring that the
security of the country and the general good required the
government to be placed in his hands.*
That chief had now advanced within half a league of the
capital, which soon after, on the 28th of October, 1544, he
entered in battle array. His whole force was little short of
twelve hundred Spaniards, besides several thousand Indians,
who dragged his heavy guns in the advance.! Then came
escogiese en qual de las ramas de aquel arbol queria que le colgasen." —
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xiii. — See abo Relacion Anonima, MS. ;
— Fernandez, parte i. lib. L cap. xxv.
* According to Gonzalo Pizarro, the Audience gave this invitation in
obedience to the demands of the representatives of the cities. **Y A esta
sazon llegu^ 70 & lima ; i todos los procunidores de las cibdades destoa
reynos suplicaron al Audiencia me hiciesen govemador para resistir los
robos 6 fuerzas que Blasco Nunez andava faciendo, i para tener la tierra en
justicia hasta que S. M. proveyese lo que mas & su real servicio convenia.
Los oydores visto que asi convenia al servicio de Dies i al de S. M., i al
bien destos reynos," &c. (Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro i Valdivia, MS.)
But Gonzalo^s account of himself must be received with more than the
usual grain of allowance. His letter, which is addressed to Valdivia, the
celebrated conqueror of Chili, contains a full account of the rise and
progress of his rebellion. It is the best vindication, therefore, to be found
of himself, and, as a counterpoise to the narratives of his enemies, is of
inestimable value to the historian.
f He employed twelve thousand Indians on this service, says the writer
of the BdacUm Anonima^ MS, But this author, although living in the
colonies at the time, talks too much at random to gain our implicit
confidence.
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GONZALO PROCLAIMED GOYEBNOR OF PERU. 83
the files of spearmen and arquebusiers, making a formidable
corps of infiastry for a colonial army ; and, lastly, the
cavalry, at the bead of which rode Pizarro himself, on a
powerful charger, gaily caparisoned. The rider was in
complete mail, over which floated a richly-embroidered
Burcoat, and Ids head was protected by a crimson cap,
highly ornamented, — his showy livery setting off his hand-
some, soldier-like person to advantage.* Before him was
borne the royal standard of Castile ; for every one, royalist
or rebel, was careful to fight under that sign. This
emblem of loyalty was supported on the right by a banner,
emblazoned with the arms of Cuzco, and by another on the
left, displaying the armorial bearings granted by the Crown
to the Pizarros. As the martial pageant swept through the
streets of Lima, the air was rent with acclamations from
the populace, and from the spectators in the balconies.
The cannon sounded at intervals, and the bells of the city,
— those that the viceroy had spared — rang out a joyous
peal, as if in honour of a victory I
The oaths of office were duly administered by the judges
of the Royal Audience, and Gonzalo Pizarro was proclaimed
Governor and Captain-General of Peru, till his Majesty's
pleasure could be known in respect to the government.
The new ruler then took up his quarters in the palace of
his brother, — where the stains of that brother's blood were
not yet effaced. Fetes, bull-fights, and tournaments graced
* *^ Y el armado y con una capa de grana cubierta con mnchas guarniciones
de oro, e con sayo de brocado sobre laa annas." — Relacion de los Sucesoe
del Peru, MS. — Also Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xiii.
g2
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84 CIVIL WARS OP THE CONQUEBOBS.
the ceremony of inauguration^ and were prolonged for
several days, while the giddy populace of the capital ahan-
doned themselves to jubilee, as if a new and more auspicious
order of things had commenced for Peru ! *
* For the preceding pages relating to Gonzalo Pizarro, see Reladon
Anonima, MS. ; — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, pcurte i. lib. i. cap. xxv. ;
— Pedro Pizarro, Descub. j Conq., MS. ; — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro H
Yaldivia, MS. ; — Zarate, Conq. del Peru^ lib. v. cap. ziii. ; — Herrera, Hist.
General, dec. vii. lib. viii. cap. zvi. zix. ; — Reladon de los Sucesos del
Peruy MS. ; — Montesinos^ Annales, MS., auo 1544,
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85
CHAPTER IV.
MBASUKES OF 60NZAL0 PIZABBO. — ^ESCAPE OF VACA DE CASTRO. —
RE-APPEARANCE OF THE VICEROY. — HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT. —
DEFEAT AND DEATH OF THE YICEROT. — GONZALO PIZARRO LORD
OF PERU.
1544—1546.
The first act of Gonzalo Pizarro was to cause those persons
to be apprehended who had taken the most active part
against him in the late troubles. Several he condemned to
death; but afterwards commuted the sentence, and con->
tented himself with driving them into banishment and con-
fiscating their estates.* His next concern was to establish
his authority on a firm basis. He filled the municipal
gOFemment of Lima with his own partisans. He sent his
lieutenants to take charge of the principal cities. He
caused galleys to be rebuilt at Arequipa, to secure the com-
mand of the seas ; and brought his forces into the best
possible condition, to prepare for future emergencies.
The Royal Audience existed only in name ; for its powers
were speedily absorbed by the new ruler, who desired to
• Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Gonq., MS. The honest soldier, who tells
us this, was more true to his king than to his kindred. At least, he did not
attach himself to Gonzalo's party, and was among those who barely escaped
hanging on this occasion. He seems to have had little respect for his
namesake.
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86 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
place the government on the same footing as under the
Marquis, his brother. Indeed the Audience necessarily fell
to pieces, from the position of its several members. Alvarez
had been sent with the viceroy to Castile. Cepeda, the
most aspiring of the Court, now that he had failed in his
own schemes of ambition, was content to become a tool in
the hands of the military chief who had displaced him.
Zarate, a third judge, who had, from the £rst, protested
against the violent measures of his colleagues, was confined
to his house by a mortal illness ;* and Tepeda, the remain-
ing magistrate, Gonzalo now proposed to send back to
Castile, with such an account of the late taransaetions as
should vindicate his own conduct in the eyes of the emperor.
This step was opposed by Carbajal, who bluntly told his
commander that ** he had gone too far to expect favour
from the Crown ; and that he had better rely for his vindi-
cation on his pkes and muskets ! " f
But the ship which was to transport Tepeda was found to
have suddenly disappeared from the port. It was the same
in which Yaca de Castro was confined ; and that officer, not
caring to trust to the forbearance of one whose advances,
on a former occasion, he had so unceremoniously repulsed,
and convinced, moreover, that his own presence could profit
nothing in a land where he held no legitimate authority,
* Zarate, the judge^ must not be confounded with Zarate, the historian,
who went out to Peru with the Court of Audience, as conUidor reed, royal
comptroller, — Shaving before filled the office of secretary of the royal council
in Spain.
f Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxxii. — Garcilasso^ Com. Real.,
parte ii. lib. iv. cap. zxi.
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ESCAPE OF YACA DE CASTRO. 87
had prevailed on the captain to sail with him to Panami.
He then crosBed the Isthmus, and embarked for Spain.
The rumours of his coming had abeadj preceded him, and
charges were not wanting agiunst him from some of those
whom he had offended by his administration. He was
accused of having carried measures with a high hand,
regardless of the rights both of the colonist and of the
native ; and above all, of having embezzled the public
moneys, and of returning with his coffers richly freighted to
Castile. This last was an unpardonable crime.
No sooner had the governor set foot in his own country,
than he was arrested and hurried to the fortress of Arevalo ;
and, though he was afterwards removed to better quarters,
where he was treated with the indulgence due to his rank,
he was still kept a prisoner of state for twelve years, when
the tardy tribunals of Castile pronounced a judgment in his
favour. He was acquitted of every charge that had been
brought against him, and, so far from peculation, was
proved to have returned home no richer than he went. He
was released from confinement, reinstated in his h<mours
and dignities, took his seat anew in the royal council, and
Yaca de Castro enjoyed, during the remainder of his days,
the consideration to which he was entitled by his deserts.*
The best eulogium on the wisdom of his administration was
afforded by the troubles brought on the colonies by that of
his successor. The nation became gradually sensible of the
* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xv. — Relacion Anonima, MS. —
Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. — Montesinos, Annales, MS.,
ano 1545. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte l lib. i. cap. xxviii.
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88 ^ITIL WARS OF THE OONQUEBORS.
value of his serrices ; though the manner in which thej
were requited by the goyemment must be allowed to form
a cold commentary on the gratitude of princes.
Gonzalo Pizarro was doomed to experience a still greater
disappointment than that caused by the escape of Yaca
de Castro, in the return of Blasco Nu&ez. The vessel
which bore him from the country had hardly left the shore,
when Alvarez, the judge, whether from remorse at the part
which he had taken, or apprehensive of the consequences of
carrying back the viceroy to Spain, presented himself before
that dignitary, and announced that he was no longer a pri-
soner. At the same time he excused himself for the part he
had taken, by his desire to save the life of Blasco Nu&ez,
and extricate him from his perilous situation. He now placed
the vessel at his disposal, and assured him it should take
him wherever he chose.
The viceroy, whatever faith he may have placed in the
judge's explanation, eagerly availed himself of his offer.
His proud spirit revolted at the idea of returning home in
disgrace, foiled, as he had been, in every object of his mis-
sion. He determined to try his fortune again in the land,
and his only doubt was, on what point to attempt to rally
his partisans around him. At Panama he might remain in
safety, while he invoked assistance from Nicaragua and
other colonies at the north. But this would be to abandon
his government at once ; and such a confession of weakness
would have a bad effect on his followers in Peru. He de-
termined, therefore, to direct his steps towards Quito,
which, while it was within his jurisdiction, was still removed
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KE-AFFEAIUKCX OP THl YICEROt. 89
far enough from the theatre of the late troubles to give him
time to rally, and make head Ugainst his enemies.
In pursuance of this purpose, the viceroj and his suite
disembarked at Tumbez, about the middle of October, 1544.
On landing, he issued a manifesto setting forth the violent
proceedings of Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers, whom he
denounced as traitors to their prince, and he called on all
true subjects in the colony to support him in maintaimng
the royal authority. The call was not imheeded ; and vo-
lunteers came in, though tardily, from San Miguel, Puerto
Viejo, and other places on the coast, cheering the heart
of the viceroy with the conviction that the sentiment
of loyalty was not yet extinct in the bosoms of the
Spaniards.
But, while thus occupied, he received tidings of the
arrival of one of Pizarro 's captains on the coast, with a force
superior to his own. Their number was exaggerated ; but
Blasco Nufiez, without waiting to ascertain the truth, aban-
doned his position at Tumbez, and with as much expedition
as he could make across a wild and mountainous country
half-buried in snow, he marched to Quito. But this capital,
situated at the northern extremity of his province, was not a
favourable point for the rendezvous of his followers; and,
after prolonging his stay till he had received assurance from
Benalcazar, the loyal commander at Popayan, that he would
support him with all his strength in the coming conflict, he
made a rapid counter-march to the coast, and took up his
position at the town of San Miguel. This was a spot well
suited to his purposes, as lying on the great high road along
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90 CIVIL WABS OF THE COVQXTEBORS.
the shores of the Pacific, besides being the chief mart for
commercial intercourse with Fanam£ and the north.
Here the Yiceroj erected his standard, and in a few weeks
found himself at the head of a force amounting to nearly five
hundred in all, horse and foot, ill provided w:ith arms and
ammunition, but apparently zealous in the cause. Finding
himself in sufficient strength to commence active opera-
tions, he now sallied forth against several of Pizarro's
captains in the neighbourhood, over whom he obtained some
decided advantages, which renewed his confidence, and flat-
tered him with the hopes of re-establishing his ascendancy
in the country.*
During this time Gonzalo Pizarro was not idle. He had
watched with anxiety the viceroy's movements ; and was
now convinced that it was time to act, and that, if he would
not be unseated himself, he must dislodge his formidable
rival. He accordingly placed a strong garrison under a
faithful officer in Lima, and, after sending forward a force
of some six hundred men by land to Truxillo, he embarked
for the same port himself, on the 4th of March, 1545, the
very day on which the viceroy had marched from Quito.
At Truxillo Pizarro put himself at the head of his little
* Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro i^ Valdivia, MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru,
lib. V. cap. xiv. xv. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. vii. lib. viii. cap. xix.
XX. — Relacion Anonima, MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i.
cap. xxiii. — Relacion de loe Sucesos del Peru, MS. The author of the
document last cited notices the strong feeling for the Crown existing in se-
veral of the cities, and mentions also the rumour of a meditated assault on
Cuzco by the Indians. — The writer belonged to the discomfited party of
Blasco Nunez, and the facility with which exiles credit reports in their own
favour is proverbial.
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BB-APPEARANCE OF THE VICEROY. 91
army, and moved without loss of time against San Migael.
His rival, eager to bring their quarrel to an issue, would
fain have marched out to give him battle ; but hiB soldiers,
mostly young and inexperienced levies, hastily brought
together, were intimidated by the name of Pizarro, They
loudly insisted on being led into the upper country, where
they would be reinforced by Benalcazar ; and their unfortu-
nate commander, like the rider of some unmanageable steed,
to whose humours he is obliged to submit, was hurried away
in a direction contrary to his wishes. It was the fate of
Blasco Nuflez to have his purposes baffled alike by his
Mends and his enemies.
On arriving before San Miguel, Gonzalo Pizarro found,
to his great mortification, that his antagonist had left it.
Without entering the town, he quickened his pace, and,
after traversing a valley of some extent, reached the skirts
of a mountain chain, into which Blasco Nu£ez had entered
but a few hours before. It was late in the evening ; but
Pizarro, knowing the importance of despatch, sent forward
Carbajal with a party of light troops to overtake the fugi-
tives. That captain succeeded in coming up with their
lonely bivouac among the mountains at midnight, when the
weary troops were buried in slumber. Startled from their
repose by the blast of the tnnnpet, which, strange to say,
their enemy had incautiously sounded,* the viceroy and his
* " Mas Francisco Caruajal q los yua siguiendo, Uegd qaatro boras de la
noche k dOde estauan : j eon Tna troinpeta quelle aua les toc<5 anna : j
sentido por el Virey se leuantd luego el primero." — Fernandez, Hist, del
Pern, parte i. lib. i. cap. zl.
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92 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
men sprang to their feet, mounted their horses, grasped their
arquehuses, and poured such a volley into the ranks of their
assailants, that Carbajal^ disconcerted bj his reception,
found it prudent, with his inferior force, to retreat. The
viceroy followed, till, fearing an ambuscade in the darkness
of the night, he withdrew, and allowed his adversary to
rejoin the main body of the army under Pizarro.
This conduct of Oarbajal, by which he allowed the game
to slip through his hands from mere carelessness, is inex-
plicable. It forms a singular exception to the habitual cau^
tion and vigilance displayed in his military career. Had it
been the act of any other captain, it would have cost him
his head. But Pizarro, although greatly incensed, set too
high a value on the services and well-tried attachment of
his lieutenant, to quarrel with him. Still it was considered of
the last importance to overtake the enemy, before he had ad-
vanced much farther to the north, where the difficulties of the
ground would greatly embarrass the pursuit. Oarbajal, anxious
to retrieve his error, was accordingly again placed at the
head of a corps of light troops, with instructions to harass
the enemy's march, cut off his stores, and keep him in check
if possible, till the arrival of Pizarro.*
But the viceroy had profited by the recent delay to gain
considerably on his pursuers. His road led across the
valley of Oaxas, a broad uncultivated district, affording little
sustenance for man or beast. Day after day his troops held
on their march through this dreary region, intersected with
* Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. zl. — Herrera, Hist
General, dec. vil. lib. ix. cap. xxlu — Garcilasso, Com. Real., lib. iv. cap. zzyi.
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HIS DISASTROUS SETREAT. 93
harranc(is and rocky ravines that added incredibly to their
toil. Their principal food was the parched com, which
usually formed the nourishment of the travelling Indians,
though held of much less account by the Spaniards ; and
this meagre fare was reinforced by such herbs as they found
on the way-side, which, for want of better utensils, the
soldiers were fain to boil in their helmets.* Carbajal,
meanwhile, pressed on them so close, that their baggage,
ammunition, and sometimes their mules, fell into his hands.
The indefatigable warrior was always on their track, by day
and by night, allowing them scarcely any repose. They
spread no tent, and lay down in their arms, with their steeds
standing saddled beside them ; and hardly had the weary
soldier closed his eyes, when he was startled by the cry that
the enemy was upon him.f
At length the harassed followers of Blasco Nu&ez reached
the depohlado, or desert of Paltos, which stretches towards
the north for many a dreary league. The ground inter-
sected by numerous streams, has the character of a great
quagmire, and men and horses floundered about in the stag-
nant waters, or with difficulty worked their way over the
marsh, or opened a passage through the tangled underwood
* " Caminando, pnes, comiendo algunas jervas, que cocian en las celadas,
qnando paraban & dar aliento i, los caballos."' — Herrera, Hist. General, dec.
viii. lib. iz. cap. xjdr.
i* '* I sin qae en todo el camino los vnos ni los otros qnitasen las sillas o
loB caballos. Aunque en este caso estaba mas alerta la gente del Yisorei,
porque si algun peqneno rate de la nocbe reposaban, era vestidos i teniendo
siempre los caballos del cabestro, sin esperar & poner toldos, ni k adereqar
las otras formas, que se suelen tener para atar los caballos de noche."
— Zarate, Conq. del Pern, lib. v. cap. zzis.
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94 CIYIL WARS OF THE CONQUEBOBS.
that shot up ia rank luxuriance from the surface. The
wayworn horsesj without food, except such as they could
pick up in the wilderness, were often spent with trayel,
and, hecommg unserviceable, were leffc to die on the road,
with their hamstrings cut, that they might be of no use to
the enemy ; though more frequently they were despatched
to afford a miserable banquet to their masters.* Many of
the men now fainted by the way from mere exhaustion, or
loitered in the woods, unable to ke^ up with the march.
And woe to the straggler who fell into the hands of Carbajal,
at least if he had once belonged to the party of Pizarro.
The mere suspicion of treason sealed his doom with the un-
relenting soldier.f
The sufferings of Pizarro and his troop were scarcely
less than those of the viceroy ; though they were some-
what mitigated by the natives of the country, who, with
ready instinct, discerned which party was the strongest,
and, of course, the most to be feared. But, with every
alleviation, the chieftain's sufferings were terrible. It was
repeating the dismal scenes of the expedition to the Amazcm.
The soldiers of the Conquest must be admitted to have
purchased their triumphs dearly.
Tet the viceroy had one source of disquietude, greater,
perhaps, than any arising from physical suffering. This
* ^ I en cansandose el caballo, le desjarretaba, i le dexaba, poique sos
contrarios no se apro vecbasen de ^L" — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xzix.
f ^ Had it not been for Gonzalo Pizarro's interference," says Femandex,
'^ many more would have been hung up by bis lieutenant, wbo plecuaaUlp
quoted the old Spanish proverb, — *The fewer of our enemies the better* "
De lo8 enemigos, loa meTios. — Hist, del Peru, parte I lib. i. cap. xl.
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HIS DISASTBOUS BETKEAT. 95
was the distrust of his own followers. There were seyeral
of the principal cavaliers in his suite whom he suspected
of being in correspondence with the enemy, and eren of
designing to betray him into their hands. He was so well
convinced of this, that he caused two of these officers to be
put to death on the march ; and their dead bodies as they
lay by the road-side, meeting the eye of the soldier, told
him that there were others to be feared in these frightful
solitudes besides the enemy in his rear.*
Another cavalier, who held the chief command under
the viceroy, was executed after a more formal investigation
of his case, at the first place where the army halted. At
this distance of time, it is impossible to determine how far
the suspicions of Blasco Nu&ez were founded on truth.
The judgments of contemporaries are at variance, t In
times of political ferment, the opinion of the writer is
generally determined by the complexion of his party. To
judge from the character of Blasco Nu^ez, jealous and
* " Lob afligidos soldados, que por el cansaudo de los caballos iban &
pie con terrible angustia, por la perBecucion de los enemigos, que iban
oerca, i por la &tiga de la hambre, quando vieron los cuerpos de los dos
capitaneB miiertOB en aquel camino^ quedaron atonitoB.** — Herrera, Hist
General^ dec. vii. lib. ix. cap. xxv.
f Fernandez, who held a loyal pen, and one sufficiently friendly to the
-viceroy, after stating that the officers, whom the latter put to death, had
served him to that time with their lives and fortunes, dismisses the afiair
with the temperate reflection, that men formed different judgments on it.
** Sobre estas muertes uuo en el Perti varies y contrarios juyzios y opi-
niones de culpa y de su descargo." (Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap.
zli.) Gomara says, more unequivocally, '* All condemned it.'' (Hist, de
las Ind., cap. clzvii.) The weight of opinion seems to have been against
the viceroy.
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96 CIYIL WARS OF TflE GONQUEBORS.
irritable, we might suppose him to have acted without suffi-
cient cause. But this consideration is counterbalanced bj
that of the facilitj with which his followers swerved from
their allegiance to their commander, who seems to have had
80 light a hold on their affections, that they were shaken off
by the least reverse of fortune. Whether his suspicions
were well or ill-founded, the effect was the same on the mind
of the viceroy. With an enemy in his rear whom he dared
not fight, and followers whom he dared not trust, the cup of
his calamities was nearly full.
At length he issued forth on firm ground, and, passing
through Tomebamba, Blasco Nufiez re-entered his northern
capital of Quito. But his reception was not so cordial as
that which he had before experienced. He now came as a
fugitive, with a formidable enemy in pursuit ; and he was
soon made to feel that the surest way to receive support is
not to need it.
Shaking from his feet the dust of the disloyal city, whose
superstitious people were alive to many an omen that boded
his approaching ruin,* the unfortunate commander held on
his way towards Pastes, in the jurisdiction of Benalcazar.
Pizarro and his forces entered Quito not long after, dis-
appointed, that, with all his diligence, the enemy still eluded
his pursuit. He halted only to breathe his men, and,
* Some of these omens recorded by the historian — as the howling of
dogs — ^were certainly no miracles. ^ En esta lamentable i angustiosa par-
tida, muchoB afirmaron haver visto por el aire mnchos cometas, i que quad-
rillas de perros andaban por las calles, dando grandes i temerosos ahuUidos,
i los hombres andaban asombrpdos i fuera de si'' — Herrera, Hist Greneral^
dec. vii. lib. x. cap. iv.
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HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT, 97
declaring that ** he would follow up the viceroy to the
North Sea, but he would overtake him/'* he resumed his
march. At Pastes, he nearly accomplished his object.
His advance-guard came up with Blasco Nu&ez as the
latter was halting on the opposite bank of a rivulet.
Fizarro*s men, fainting from toil and heat, staggered feebly
to the water-side, to slake their burning thirst, and it would
have been easy for the viceroy's troops, refreshed by repose,
and superior in number to their foes, to have routed them.
But Blasco Nu£ez could not bring his soldiers to the
charge. They had fled so long before their enemy, that
the mere sight of him filled their hearts with panic, and
they would have no more thought of turning against him
than the hare would turn against the hound that pursues her«
Their safety, they felt, was to fly, not to fight, and they
profited by the exhaustion of their pursuers only to quicken
their retreat.
Gonzalo Pizarro continued the chace some leagues beyond
Pastes ; when, finding himself carried farther than he
desired into the territories of Benalcazar, and not caring tq
encounter this formidable captain at disadvantage, he came
to a halt, and, notwithstanding his magnificent vaunt about
the North Sea, ordered a retreat, and made a rapid counter-
march on Quito. Here he found occupation in repairing
the wasted spirits of his troops, and in strengthening him-
self with . fresh reinforcements, which much increased his
numbers ; though these were again diminished by a body
that he detached under Carbajal to suppress an insurrec-
• Herrersy Hist. General, dec. vii. lib x, cap. !▼.
VOL. III. H
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98 CITIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
tion, which he now learned had broken out in the south.
It was headed by Diego Centeno, one of his own officers,
whom he had established in La Plata, the inhabitants of
which place had joined in the revolt and raised the standard
for the Crown. With the rest of his forces Pizarro resolved
to remain at Quito, waiting the hour when the viceroy would
re-enter his dominions ; as the tiger crouches by some
spring in the wilderness, patiently waiting the return of
his victims.
Meanwhile Blasco Nu&ez had pushed forward his retreat
to Popayan, the capital of Benalcazar*s province. Here
he was kindly received by the people ; and his soldiers,
reduced by desertion and disease to one-fifth of their
original number, rested from the unparalleled fatigues of a
march which had contmued for more than two hundred
leagues.* It was not long before he was joined by Cabrera,
Benalcazar's lieutenant, with a stout reinforcement, and,
soon after, by that chieftain himself. His whole force now
amounted to near four hundred men, most of them in good
condition, and well trained in the school of American war-
fare. His own men were sorely deficient both in arms and
ammunition ; and he set about repairing the want, by
* This retreat of Blasco Nimez may undoubtedly compare, if not in
duration, at least in sharpness of suffering, vnth any expedition in the
New World, — twe, indeed, that of Gonzalo Pizano himself to the
Amazon. The particulars of it may be found, with more or less ampli-
fication, in Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. ziz. zxiz. ;— Carta de Gon-
zalo Pizarro i Yaldiyia, MS. ; — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. Tii. lib. ix.
cap. jq[.-zxvi.; — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. zL et seq. ;
— Relacion de los Suoesos del Peru, MS.; — Beladon Anonima, MS.; —
Montesinos, Annales, MS.^ afio 1545.
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HIS DISASTBOUS RETREAT. 99
building furnaces for manufacturing arquebuses and pikes.*
— One familiar witb tbe bistorj of these times is surprised
to see the readiness witb which the Spanish adventurers
turned their hands to various trades and handicrafts usually
requiring a long apprenticeship. They displayed the dex-
terity so necessary to settlers in a new country, where every
man must becope in some degree his own artisan. But
this state of things, however favourable to the ingenuity of
the artist, is not very propitious to the advancement of the
art ; and there can be little doubt that the weapons thus
made by the soldiers of Blasco Nu£ez were of the most rude
and imperfect construction.
As week after week rolled away, Gonzalo Pizarro, though
fortified with the patience of a Spanish soldier, felt uneasy
at the protracted stay of Blasco Nunez in the north, and he
resorted to stratagem to decoy him from his retreat. He
marched out of Quito with the greater part of his forces,
pretending that he was going to support his lieutenant in
the south, while he left a garrison in the city under the
conmiand of Puelles, the same officer who had formerly
deserted from the viceroy. These tidings he took care
should be conveyed to the enemy's camp. The artifice
succeeded as he wished. Blasco Nufiez and his followers,
confident in their superiority over Puelles, did not hesitate
for a moment to profit by the supposed absence of Pizarro.
* ** Proveid, que se tntgese alii todo el hierro que se pudo haver en la
provinda, i hnac6 maestros, i hifo adereyar fraguas, i en breve tiempo se
forjaron en ellas dodentos arcabuceSi con todos bus apirejos/' — Zarate,
Conq. del Pern, lib. v. cap. zzxiv.
h2
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100 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUEBOKS.
Abandooing Popayan, the viceroy, early in January, 1546,
moved by rapid marches towards the south. But before he
reached the place of his destination, he became apprised of
the snare into which he had been drawn. He communicated
the fact to his officers; but he had ab-eady suffered so
much from suspense, that his only desire now was, to
bring his quarrel with Pizarro to the final arbitrament
of arms.
That chief, meanwhile, had been well informed, through
his spies, of the viceroy's movements. On learning the
departure of the latter from Popayan, he had re-entered
Quito, joined his forces with those of Puelles, and, issuing
from the capital, had taken up a strong position about three
leagues to the north, on a high ground that commanded a
stream, across which the enemy must pass. It was not
long before the latter came in sight, and Blasco Nu&ez, as
night began to fall, established himself on the opposite bank
of the rivulet. It was so near to the enemies' quarters, that
the voices of the sentinels could be distinctly heard in the
opposite camps, and they did not fail to salute one another
with the epithet of "traitors." In these civil wars, as we
have seen, each party claimed for itself the exclusive merit
of loyalty.*
But Benalcazar soon saw that Pizarro 's position was too
strong to be assailed with any chance of success. He
* ^^ Qne 86 llegaron & hablar los corredores de ambas partes, Uamandose
traidores los vnos a los otros, fandando que cada Tno sustentaba la toz
del Rei, i asi estuyieron toda aquella noche aguardando.** — Zarate,
Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. xzziv.
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HIS DISASTROUS BETREAT. 101
proposed, therefore, to the viceroy, to draw off his forces
secretly in the night ; and making a detour round the hills,
tp fall on the enemy's rear, where he would he least
prepared to receive them. The counsel was approved ; and
no sooner were the two hosts shrouded from each other's
eyes by the darkness, than, leaving his camp fires burning
to deceive the enemy, Blasco Nu£e2 broke up his quarters,
and began his circuitous march in the direction of Quito.
But either he had been misinformed, or his guides misled
him ; for the roads proved so impracticable, that he was
compelled to make a circuit of such extent, that dawn
broke before he drew near the point of attack. Finding
that he must now abandon the advantage of a surprise, he
pressed forward to Quito, where he arrived with men and
horses sorely fatigued by a night-march of eight leagues,
from a point which, by the direct route, would not have
exceeded three. It was a fatal error on the eve of an
engagement.*
* For the preceding pages, see Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. ▼. cap. xxziv.
xxxT. ; — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxvii. ; — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro
i Yaldivia, MS.; — Montesinos, Annales,MS.,ano 1546. ; — Fernandez, Hist,
del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. l.-lii. Herrera, in his account of these
transactions, has &llen into a strange confusion of dates, fixing the time
of the viceroy's entry into Quito on the 10th of January, and that of
his battle iwith Pizarro nine days later. (Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. i.
ca^. i.) This last event, which, by the testimony of Fernandez, was on
the 18th of the month, was, by the agreement of such contemporary
authorities as I have consulted,— as stated in the text, — on the evening
of the same day in which the viceroy entered Quito. Herrera, though his
work is arranged on the chronological system of annals, is by no means
immaculate as to his dates. Quintana has exposed several glaring anachron-
isms of the historian in the earlier period of the Peruvian conquest — See
his " Espouoles Celebres," tom. ii. Appendix, No. 7.
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102 CIVIL WARS OF THE GOKQUERORS.
He found the capital nearly deserted by the men. They
had all joined the standard of Pizarro ; for they had now
canght the general spirit of disaffection, and looked upon
that chief as their protector from the oppressire ordinances.
Pizarro was the representative of the people. Greatly
moved at this desertion, the unhappy viceroy, lifting his
hands to heaven, exclaimed, ''Is it thus. Lord, that thou
abandonest thy servants ? " The women and children came
out, and in vain offered him food, of which he stood
obviously in need, asking him, at the same time, " Why he
had come there to die ? " His followers, with more indiffer-
ence than their commander, entered the houses of the
inhabitants, and unceremoniously appropriated whatever
they could find to appease the cravings of appetite.
Benalcazar, who saw the temerity of giving battle in
their present condition, recommended the viceroy to try
the effect of negotiation, and offered himself to go to the
enemy's camp, and arrange, if possible, terms of accommo-
dation with Pizarro. But Blasco Nu£ez, if he had
desponded for a moment, had now recovered his wonted
constancy, and he proudly replied, — '* There is no faith to
be kept with traitors. We have come to fight, not to
parley ; and we must do our duty like good and loyal
cavaliers. I will do mine," he continued, " and be assured
I will be the first man to break a lance with the enemy."*
He then called his troops together, and addressed to
* ^ To OB prometo, que la primera la9a que ae rompa en los
enemigoB sea la mia (7 asd lo cumplio)."— Fernandez, Hut. del Peru,
parte i. lib. i. cap. liii.
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HIS DISASTROUS AETBBAT. 103
them a few words preparatory to marcliing. '' Ton are
all brave men/' he said^ *' and loyal to your sovereign.
For my own part, I hold life as little in comparison with
my duty to my prince. Yet let us not distrust our
success. The Spaniard, in a good cause, has often over-
come greater odds than these. And we are fighting for the
right; it is the cause of God, — the cause of God,''* he
concluded, and the soldiers, kindled by his generous ardour,
answered him with huzzas that went to the heart of the
unfortunate commander, little accustomed of late to this
display of enthusiasm.
It was the 18th of January, 1546, when Blasco Nu&ez
marched out at the head of his array, from the ancient city
of Quito. He had proceeded but a milcf when he came in
view of the enemy, formed along the crest of some high
lands, which, by a gentle swell, rose gradually from the
plains of A£aquito. Gonzalo Pizarro, greatly chagrined on
ascertaining the departure of the viceroy, early in the
morning, had broken up his camp, and directed his march
on the capital, fully resolved that his enemy should not
escape him.
The viceroy's troops, now coming to a halt, were formed
in order of battle. A small body of arquebusiers was
stationed in the advance to begin the fight. The remainder
of that corps was distributed among the spearmen who
* << Que de Dios es la causa, de Dio8 es la causa, de Dios es la causa.** —
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. zxxy.
+ ** Un quarto de legua de la cludad."— Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro k
Valdiyia, MS.
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104 CIYIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
occupied the centre, protected on the flanks by the horse
drawn up in two nearly equal squadrons. The cavalry
amounted to about one hundred and forty, being little
inferior to that on the other side, though the whole number
of the viceroy's forces, being less than four hundred, did
not much exceed the half of his rival's. On the right, and
in front of the royal banner, Blasco NuJaez, supported by
thirteen chosen cavaliers, took his station, prepared to head
the attack.
Pizarro had formed his troops in a corresponding manner
with that of his adversary. They mustered about seven
hundred in all, well appointed, in good condition, and
officered by the best knights in Peru.* As, notwithstand-
ing his superiority of numbers, Pizarro did not seem
inclined to abandon his advantageous position, Blasco Nu£ez
gave orders to advance. The action conmienced with the
arquebusiers, and in a few moments the dense clouds of
smoke, rolling over the field, obscured every object ; for it
was late in the day when the action began, and the light
was rapidly fading.
The infantry, now levelling their pikes, advanced under
cover of the smoke, and were soon hotly engaged with the
opposite files of spearmen. Then came the charge of the
* The amount of the numhers on hoth sides is variously given, as usual,
making, however, more than the usual difference in the relative proportions,
since the sum total is so small. 1 have conformed to the statements of
the best-instructed writers. Pizarro estimates his adversary's force at four
hundred and fifty men, and his own at only six hundred ; an estimate, it
may be remarked, that does not make that given in the text any less
credible.
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DEF£AT AND DEATH OF THE YICEBOT. 105
cavalry, which — notwithstanding they were thrown into
some disorder by the fire of Pizarro's arquehusiers, far
superior in number to their own — was conducted with such
spirit that the enemy's horse were compelled to reel and
fall back before it. But it was only to recoil with greater
violence, as, like an overwhelming wave, Pizarro's troopers
rushed on their foes, driving them along the slope, and
bearing down man and horse in indiscriminate ruin. Tet
these, in turn, at length rallied, cheered on by the cries and
desperate efforts of their officers. The lances were shivered,
and they fought hand to hand with swords and battle-axes
mingled together in wild confusion. But the struggle was
of no long duration ; for, though the numbers were nearly
equal, the viceroy's cavalry, jaded by the severe march
of the previous night,* were no match for their antagonists.
The ground was strewn with the wreck of their bodies ;
and horses and riders, the dead and the dying, lay heaped
on one another. Cabrera, the brave lieutenant of Benal-
cazar, was slain, and that commander was thrown under
his horse's feet, covered with wounds, and left for dead on
the field, Alvarez, the judge, was mortally wounded.
Both he and his colleague Cepeda were in the action,
though ranged on opposite sides, fighting as if they had
been bred to arms, not to the peaceful profession of
the law.
Yet Blasco Nufiez and his companions maintained a brave
struggle on the right of the field. The viceroy had kept
his word by being the first to break his lance against the
* Zarate^ Conq del Peru, lib. v. cap. xxzy*
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106 CIYIL WABS OF THE CONQUEBOBS.
enemy, and by a well-directed blow had borne a cavalier,
named Alonso de MontalTO, clean out of his saddle. But
he was at length orerwhehned by numbers, and, as his
companions, one after another, fell by his ude, he was left
nearly unprotected. He was already wounded, when a
blow on the head from the battle-axe of a soldier struck
him from his horse, and he fell stunned on the ground.
Had his person been known, he might hare been taken
alive, but he wore a sobre-vest of Indian cotton over his
armour, which concealed the military order of St. James,
and the other badges of his rank.*
His person, however, was soon recognised by one of
Pi2arro*s followers, who, not improbably, had once fol-
lowed the viceroy's banner. The soldier immediately
pointed him out to the Licentiate Carbajal. This person
was the brother of the cavalier, whom, as the reader may
remember, Blasco Nu£ez had so rashly put to death in his
palace at Lima. The licentiate had afterwards taken
service under Pizarro, and, with several of his kindred, was
pledged to take vengeance on the viceroy. Instantly riding
up, he taunted the fallen commander with the murder
* He wore this dress, says Garcilasso de la Vega, that he might fare no
hetter than a common soldier, but take his chance with the rest. (Com.
ReaL, parte ii. lib. iy. cap. rxxiv.) Pizarro gives him credit for no such
magnanimous intent According to him, the viceroy assumed this disguise,
that, his rank being unknown, he might have the better chance for escape. —
It must be confessed that this is the general motive for a disguise. '^ I Blasco
Nufiez puso mucha diligencia por poder huirse si pudiera, porque venia
vestido con una camiseta de Yndios por no sei' conocido, i no quiso Dios
porque pagase quantos males por su causa se havian hecho." — Carta de
Gonzalo Pizarro & Valdivia, MS.
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DEFEAT AND DEATH OF THE YICEROT. 107
of his brother, and was in the act of dismounting to
despatch him with his own hand, when Puelles remon-
strating on this, as an act of degradation, commanded one
of his attendants, a black slave, to cut off the viceroy's
head. This the fellow executed with a single stroke of
his sabre, while the wretched man, perhaps then dying
of his wounds, uttered no word, but with eyes imploringly
turned up towards heaven, received the fatal blow.* The
head was then borne aloft on a pike, and some were brutal
enough to pluck out the grey hairs from the beard and set
them in their caps, as grisly trophies of their victory, t
The fate of the day was now decided. Yet still the infantry
made a brave stand, keeping Fizarro's horse at bay with
their bristling array of pikes. But their numbers were
thinned by the arquebusiers ; and, thrown into disorder,
they could no longer resist the onset of the horse, who
broke into their column, and soon scattered and drove them
off the ground. The pursuit was neither long nor bloody ;
for darkness came on, and Pizarro bade his trumpets sound,
to call his men together under their banners.
Though the action lasted but a short time, nearly ono-
* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. liv. — Zarate, Gonq. del
Pern, lib. v. cap. zzxv. ^ Mandd & un Negro que traia, que le cortase la
cabe9a ; i en todo esto no se conocid flaque9a en el Yisorrei, ni habl6
palabra, ni hi^o mas movimiento, que al^ar los ojos al cielo, dando
muestras de mucha Christiandad i constancia.** — Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. viii. lib. i. cap. iii..
+ ^ Aviendo algunos capitanes 7 personas arrancado 7 pelado algunas de
sut blancas 7 leales baruas, para traer por empresa ; 7 Jua de la Torre las
traxo despues publicamante en la gorra por la ciudad de los Reyes." —
Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. liv.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
. 108 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
third of the viceroy's troops had perished. The loss of
their opponents was inconsiderahle.* Several of the van-
quished cavaliers took refuge in the churches of Quito. But
they were dragged from the sanctuary, and some — ^probably
those who had once espoused the cause of Pizarro— were
led to execution, and others banished to Chili. The greater
part were pardoned by the conqueror. Benalcazar, who
recovered from his wounds, was permitted to return to his
government, on condition of no more bearing arms against
Pizarro. His troops were invited to take service under the
banner of the victor, who, however, never treated them with
the confidence shown to his ancient partisans. He was
greatly displeased at the indignities offered to the viceroy,
whose mangled remains he caused to be buried with the
honours due to his rank in the cathedral of Quito. Gonzalo
Pizarro, attired in black, walked as chief mourner in the
procession. — It was usual with the Pizarros, as we have
seen, to pay these obituary honours to their victims.f
* The estimates of killed and wounded in this action are as discordant
as usuU. Some carry the viceroy's loss to two hundred, while Gonzalo
Pizarro rates his own at only seven killed and but a few wounded. But
how iiirely is it that a fiiithful bulletin is issued by the parties engaged in
the action !
f For the accounts of the battle of Anaquito, rather summarily
despatched by most writers, see Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro & Valdivia,
MB, ; — Gomara, Hist de las Ind., cap. clxz. ; — Herrera, Hist General,
dec. viiL lib. L cap. i.-iii. ; — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. ; — ^Zarate,
Conq. del Peru, lib. v. cap. zxxv. ; — Montesinos, Annales, MS., auo 1546. ;
— Gardlasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. iv. cap. xxziii.-zxxv. ; — Fernandez,
Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. liii.-liv. Gonzalo Pizarro seems to regard
the battle as a sort of judicial trial by combat, in which Heaven, by the
result, plainly indicated the right. His remarks are edifying. ^Por
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DBPEAT AND DEATH OP THE TICEROT, 109
Such was the sad end of Blasco Nufiez Vela, first viceroy
of Peru. It was less than two years since he had set foot
in the country, a period of unmitigated disaster and dis-
grace. His misfortunes may he imputed partly to circum-
stances, and partly to his own character. The minister of
an odious and oppressive law, he was intrusted with no
discretionary power in the execution of it.* Yet every man
may, to a certain extent, claim the right to such a power ;
since, to execute a commission, which circumstances show
must certainly defeat the ohject for which it was designed,
would he ahsurd. But it requires sagacity to determine the
existence of such a contingency, and moral courage to
assume the responsihility of acting on it. Such a crisis is
the severest test of character. To dare to disohey, from a
paramount sense of duty, is a paradox that a little soul can
hardly comprehend. Unfortunately, Blasco Nunez was a
pedantic martinet, a man of narrow views, who could not
feel himself authorised under any circumstances to swerve
from the letter of the law. Puffed uphy his hrief authority,
moreover, he considered opposition to the ordinances as
donde pareceri claramente que NueBtro Sefior fud servido este se viniese i
meter en las manos para quitarnos de tantos cuidados, i que pagase quantos
males havia fecha en la tierra, la qual quedd tan asosegada i tan en paz i
senricio de S. M. como lo estuvo en tiempo del Marques mi hermano." —
Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro i, Yaldivia, MS.
* Garcilasso's reflections on this point are commendably tolerant. " Assi
acabd este buen cauallero, por querer porfiar tanto en la execucion delo que
ni & su Rey ni ^ aquel reyno conuenia, donde se causaron tantas muertes y
danos de Espauoles y de Yndios : aunque no tuuo tanta culpa como se le
atribuye, porque lleu6 precise mandate de lo que hizd." — Com. Real.^
parte ii. lib. iv. cap. xxziv.
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110 CIVIL WARS OF THB CONQUERORS.
treason to himself ; and thus, identif jing himself with his
commission, he was prompted hj personal feelings, quite as
much as hj those of a public and patriotic nature.
Neither was the yiceroj's character of a kind that tended
to mitigate the odium of his measures, and reconcile the
people to their execution. It afforded a strong contrast to
that of his riral, Pizarro, whose frank chiralrous bearing,
and generous confidence in his followers, made him univer-
sally popular, blinding their judgments, and giving to the
worse the semblance of the better cause. Blasco Nu^ez,
on the contrary, irritable and suspicious, placed himself in a
false position with all whom he approached ; for a suspicious
temper creates an atmosphere of distrust around it that kills
every kindly affection. His first step was to alienate the
members of the Audience, who were sent to act in concert
with him. But this was their fault as well as his, since
they were as much too lax, as he was too severe, in the
interpretation of the law.* He next alienated and outraged
the people whom he was appointed to govern. And, lastly,
he disgusted his own friends, and too often turned them
into enemies ; so that, in his final struggle for power and for
existence, he was obliged to rely on the arm of the stranger.
Yet in the catalogue of his qualities we must not pass in
* Blasco Nunez characterised tbe four judges of the Audience in a
manner more concise than complimentarj, — a boy, a madman, a booby, and
a dunce I " Decia muchas veces Blasco Nufiez, que le havian dado el
Emperador i su consejo de Indias vn mo^o, un loco, un necio, vn tonto
por oidores, que asi lo havian hecho como ellos eran. M090 era Cepeda,
i llamaba loco i Juan AWarez, i necio & Tejada, que no sabia Latin."—-
Gomara, Hist de las Ind., cap. clxxi.
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DEFEAT AND DEATH OP THE VICEKOY. Ill
silence orer his yirtues. There are two, to the credit of
which he is undeniahlj entitled, — a loyalty, which shone
the hrighter amidst the general defection around him, and
a constancy under misfortune, which might challenge the
respect even of his enemies. But with the most liheral
allowance for his merits, it can scarcely be doubted that a
person more incompetent to the task assigned him could not
hare been found in Castile.*
The victory bf Afiaquito was received with general joy in
the neighbouring capital ; all the cities of Peru looked on
it as sealing the downfall of the detested ordinances, and
the name of Gonzalo Pizarro was sounded from one end of
the country to the other as that of its deliverer. That chief
contmued to prolong his stay in Quito during the wet season,
dividing his time between the licentious pleasures of the
reckless adventurer, and the cares of business that now
pressed on him as ruler of the state. His administration
was stained with fewer acts of violence than might have
been expected from the circumstances of his situation. So
long as Oarbajal, the counsellor in whom he unfortunately
placed greatest reliance, was absent, Cronzalo sanctioned no
execution, it was observed, but according to the forms of
* The account of Blasco Nufiez Vela rests chiefly on the authority of
loyal ^ten, some of whom wrote after their return to Castile. They
would, therefore, more naturally lean to the side of the true representative
of the Crown, than to that of the rehel. Indeed, the only voice raised
decidedly in &Tour of Pizarro is his own, — a very suspicious authority.
Yet, with all the prestiges in his favour, the administration of Blasco
Nufiez, from universal testimony, was a total fiulure. And there is little
to interest us in the story of the man, except his unparalleled misfortunes,
and the firmness with which he bore them.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
112 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS.
law.* He rewarded his followers by new grants of land,
and detached several on expeditions, to no greater distance,
however, than would leave it in his power readily to recall
them. He made various provisions for the welfare of the
natives, and some, in particular^ for instructing them in tho
Christian faith. He paid attention to the faithful collection
of the royal dues, urging on the colonists that they should
deport themselves so as to conciliate the good-will of the
Crown, and induce a revocation of the ordinances. His
administration, in short, was so conducted, that even the
austere Gasca, his successor, allowed " it was a good
government, — ^for a tyrant, "f
At length, in July, 1546, the new governor bade adieu
to Quito, and leaving there a sufficient garrison under his
officer Puelles, began his journey to the south. It was a
triumphal progress, and everywhere he was received on the
road with enthusiasm by the people. At Truxillo the
citizens came out in a body to welcome him, and the clergy
chanted anthems in his honour, extolling him as the '^ vic->
torious prince," and imploring the Almighty to '' lengthen
his days, and give him honour. "{ At Lima it was proposed
• ** NuDca Pi9arro, en ausenda de FraDcisco de Carvajal, su maestre de
campo, matd ni coii8inti6 matar Espanol, sin que todos los mas de su con-
sejo lo aprobasen ; i entonces con prooeso en forma de derecho, i confesados
primero.'* — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clzzii.
f Ibid., ubi supra. — Fernandez gives a less fiiTourable picture of Gron-
zalo's administration. (Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. i. cap. liv. ; lib. ii. cap.
xiil) Fernandez wrote at the instance of the Court ; Gomara, though
present at court, wrote to please himself. The praise of Gomara is less sus-
picious than the censure of Fernandez.
X '^Victorioso Principe, hagate Dios dichoso i bienaventurado, €i te
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60NZAL0 PIZARRO LORD OF PERU. 113
to clear away some of the buildingB, and open a new street
for his entrance, which might ever after bear the name of
the victor. But the politic chieftain declined this flattering
tribute, and modestly preferred to enter the city by the
usual way* A procession was formed of the citizens, the
soldiers, and the clergy, and Pizarro made his entry into
the capital with two oif his principal captains on foot, holding
the reins of his charger, while the archbishop of Lima, and
the bishops of Cuzco, Quito, and Bogota, the last of whom
had lately come to the city to be consecrated, rode by his
side. The streets were strewn with boughs, the walls of
the houses hung with showy tapestries, and triumphal
arches were thrown over the way in honour of the victor.
Every balcony, veranda, and house-top was crowded with
spectators, who sent up huzzas, loud and long, saluting the
victorious soldier with the titles of ** Liberator, and Pro^
tector of the people." The bells rang out their joyous peal,
as on his former entrance into the capital ; and amidst
strains of enlivening music, and the blithe sounds of jubilee,
Gonzalo held on his way to the palace of his brother. Peru
was once more placed under the dynasty of the Pizarros.*
Deputies came from different parts of the country, ten-
dering the congratulations of their respective cities ; and
every one eagerly urged his own claims to consideration for
mantenga i te conserve/* Herrera, Hist. General^ dec. liii. lib. ii.
cap. iz.
* For an account of tbis pageant, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq.
MS; — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. ix;— Zarate, Conq. del
Peru, lib. vi cap. v ;— Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro & Valdiria, MS.
VOL. III. )
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114 OIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUEBOBS.
the serrices he had rendered in the reyolution. Pizarrd, at
the eame time, receired the welcome intelligence of the
success of his arms in the south, Diego Oenteno, as before
stated, had there raised the standard of reheUion, or rather,
of lojaltj to his sorereign. He had made himself master of
La Plata, and the spirit of insurrection had spread oyer the
broad province of Charcas. Carbajal, who had been semt
against him from Quito, after repairing to Lima, had passed
at once to Cuzoo, and there, strengthening his forces,
had descended by rapid marches on the refractory district.
Centeno did not trust himself in the field against this
formidable champion. He retreated with his tro<^s into
the fastnesses of the sierra. Carbajal pursued, following
on his track with the pertinacity of a bloodhound ; over
mountain and moor, through forests and dangerous ravines,
allowing him no respite, by day or by night. Eating,
drinking, sleeping in his saddle, the veteran, eighty years
of age, saw his own followers tire one after another,
while he urged on the chase, like the wild huntsman of
Biirger, as if endowed with an unearthly frame, incapable
of fatigue ! During this terrible pursuit, which continued
for more than two hundred leagues over a savage country,
Centeno found himself abandoned by most of his followers.
Such of them as fell into Carbajars hands were sent to
speedy execution ; for that inexorable chief had no mercy
on those who had been false to their party.* At length,
* Pohlcmdo lo8 arboks con, sus cuerpog, ('< peopling the trees mih
their bodies,**) sftjs Fernandez, strongly ; alluding to the manner in which
the ferocious olSicer hung up his captives on the branches.
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GONZALO PI2ABB0 LORD OF PERU. 115
Centeno^ with a handful of men, arrived on the horders of
the Pacific, and, there, separating from one another, they
provided, each in the hest way he could, for their own safety.
Their leader found an asylum in a caye in the mountains,
where he was secretly fed hy an Indian curaca, till the time
again came for him to unfurl the standard of revolt.*
Carhajal, after some further decisive movements, which
fully established the ascendency of Pizarro over the south,
returned in trium|^ to La Plata. There he occupied Mm-
8e]f with working the silver mines of Potosi, in which
a vein, recently opened, promised to make richer returns
than any yet discovered in Mexico or Peru ;t and he was
soon enabled to send large remittances to Lima, deducting
no stinted commission for himselfy — for the cupidity of the
lieutenant was equal to his cruelty.
* For the expedition of Carbajal, see Herrem, Hist General, dec. viii.
Hb. i. cap. is. et seq.; — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. i.; — Garcilasso,
Com. Real., pane ii. lib. !▼, cap. zxriii. zxix. zxxri. xzziz. ; — Fernandez,
Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap, i. et seq. ; — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro k
ValdiYia, MS. It is impossible to give in a page or two, any adequate idea
of tbe hairbreadth escapes and perilous risks of Carbajal, not only from the
enemj, but from his own men, whose strength he overtasked in the chase*
They rival those of the renowned Scanderbeg, or of the Kentucky hero,
Colonel Boone. They were, indeed, far more wonderful than theirs, since
tke Spanish captain had reached an age when the foiling energies usually
crave repose. But the veteran's body seems to have been as insensible aa
his soul.
f The vein now discovered at Potosf was so rich, that the other mines
were comparatively deserted in order to work this. (Zarate, Conq. del
Peru, lib. vi. cap iv.) The effect of the sudden influx of wealth was such,
according to Ghircilasso, that in ten years from this period an iron hotse-
shoe, in that quarter, came to be worth nearly its weight in silver. — Com.
Real, parte i. lib. viii. cap. zziv.
i2
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
116 CIVIL WABS OF THE CONQUERORS.
Oonzalo Pizarro was now undisputed master of Peru.
From Quito to the northern confines of Chili, the whole
country acknowledged his authority. His fleet rode
triumphant on the Pacific, and gave him the command of
every city and hamlet on its herders. His admiral, Hino-
josa, a discreet and gallant officer, had secured him Panama,
and, marching across the Isthmus, had since obtained for
him the possession of Nombre de Dies, the principal key of
communication with Europe, His forces were on an excel-
lent footing, including the flower of the warriors who had
fought under his brother, and who now eagerly rallied under
the name of Pizarro ; while the tide of wealth that flowed
in from the mines of Potosi supplied him with the resources
of an European monarch.
The new governor now began to assume a state corres-
pondent with his full-blown fortunes. He was attended by
a body-guard of eighty soldiers.. He dined always in public,
and usually with not less than a hundred guests at table.
He even affected, it was said, the more decided etiquette of
royalty, giving his hand to be kissed, and allowing no one,
of whatever rank, to be seated in his presence.^ But this
is denied by others. It would not be strange that a vain
man like Pizarro, with a superficial, undisciplined mind,
when he saw himself thus raised from an humble condition
to the highest post in the land, should be somewhat intoxi-
cated by the possession of power, and treat with super-
* ** Traia gnarda de ochenta alabarderos, i otros muchos de caballo, que
le acompanaban, i i& en 8u presenda ninguno Be sentaba, i H mui pocos
quitaba la gorra." — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. v.
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OONZALO PIZARRO LOBD OF PERU. Il7
ciliousness those whom he had once approached with
deference. But one who had often seen him in his
prosperity assures us that it was not so, and that the
goyemor continued to show the same frank and soldier-like
bearing as before his elevation, mingling on familiar terms
with his comrades, and displaying the same qualities which
had hitherto endeared him to the people.*
However this may be, it is certain there were not
wanting those who urged him to throw off his allegiance to
the Crown, and set up an independent government for him*
self. Among these was his lieutenant, Carbnjal, whose
daring spirit never shrunk from following things to their
consequences. He plainly counselled Pizarro to renounce
his allegiance at once. '* In fact, you have already done
BO," he said. ** You have been in arms against a viceroy,
have driven him from the country, beaten and slain him in
battle. What favour, or even mercy, can you expect from
the Crown ? You have gone too far either to halt, or to
recede. You roust go boldly on, proclaim yourself king ;
the troops, the people, will support you.*' And he con-
cluded, it is said, by advising him to marry the Coya, the
female representative of the Incas, that the two races might
henceforth repose in quiet under a common sceptre ! t
* Oarcilasso, Com. Real., parte it lib. iv. cap. xlii. Garcilasso had
opportunities of personal acquaintance with Gonzalo's manner of living ;
for, when a boy, he was sometimes admitted, as be tells us, to a place at
his table. This courtesy, so rare from the Conquerors to any^ of the
Indian race, was not lost on the historian of the In/*a8, ^vl)o has depicted
Gonzalo Pizarro in more favourable colours than most of his own
countrymen.
. t Ibid, parte ii. lib. iv. cap. xl.— Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. cUxii.
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118 OIYIL WAB8 OF THE CONQUERORS.
The advice of the hold counselor was, perhaps, the meet
politic that could have heen given to Pizarro under existing
circumstances. For he was like one who had heedlessly
dimhed far up a dizzy precipice, — ^toofarto descend safely,
while he had no sure hold where he was. His only chance
was to climh still higher, till he had gained the suounit.
But Gonzalo Pizarro shrunk from the attitude, in which
this placed him, of avowed rebellion. Notwithstanding the
criminal course into which he had been, of late, seduced, the
sentiment of loyalty was too deply implanted in his bosom
to be wholly eradicated. Though in arms against the mea~
sures and ministers of his sovereign, he was not prepared to
raise the sword against that sovereign himself. He, doubt-
less, had conflicting emotions in his bosom ; like Macbeth,
and many a less noble nature,
" Would not play false^
And yet would wrongly win."
And however grateful to his vanity might be the picture of
the air-drawn sceptre thus painted to his imagination, he
—Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. il cap. xiii. The poet Molina
lias worked up this scene between Carbajal and his commander with good
eflPect, in his Amazonas en las Indiaty where he uses something of a poet*s
license in the homage he pays to the modest merits of Gonzalo. Jsliua
CflBflar himself was not more magnanimous.
** Sepa mi Key, sepa Espana,
Que muero por no ofenderla,
Tan fecil de conservarla,
Que pierdo por no agraviaria,
Quanto infame en poseerla^
Una corona ofrecida.**
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HEBREBA. — 60HARA. 119
had not the audacity — we maj, perhaps, saj, the criminal
ambition to attempt to grasp it.
Even at this very moment, when urged to this desperate
extremity, he was preparing a mission to Spain, in order
to vindicate the course he had taken, and to solicit an
amnesty for the past, with a full confirmation of his autho-
rity, as successor to his brother in the government of Peru.
Pizarro did not read the future with the calm, prophetic eye
of Carbajal.
Among the biographical notices of the writers on Spanish colonial
affairs, the name of Herrera, who has done more for this vast subject
than any other author, should certainly not be omitted. His account
of Peru takes its proper place in his great work^ the ffistoria General
de leu IndioBy according to the chronological plan on which that
history is arranged, Sut, as it suggests reflections not different in
character from those suggested by other portions of the work, I shall
take the liberty to refer the reader to the PostBoript to Book Third
of the Conqvbest of Mexico^ for a full account of these volumes and
their learned author.
Another chronicler, to whom I have been frequently indebted in
the progress of the narrative, is Francisco Lopez de Gomara. The
reader will also find a notice of this author in the Conquest of Mexico,
voL iii. book v. postscript. But, as the remarks on his writings are
there confined to his Cronica de Niuva Stpaiiciy it may be well to add
here some reflections on his greater work, Historia de las IndiaSy in
which the Peruvian story bears a conspicuous part
The ^ History of the Indies " is intended to give a brief view of
the whole range of Spanish conquest in the islands and on the
American continent, as far as had been achieved by the middle of the
sixteenth century. For this account, Gomara, though it does not
appear that he ever visited the New World, was in a situation that
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120 OOHARA. — OVIBDO.
opened to him the best means of information. He was well ac-
quainted with the principal men of the time, and gathered the details
of their history from their own lips ; while, from his residence at
court, he was in possession of the state of opinion there, and of the
impression made by pasnng events on those most competent to judge
of them. He was thus enabled to introduce into his work many in-
teresting particulars, not to be found in other records of the period.
His range of inquiry extended beyond the mere doings of the Con-
querors, and led him to a surrey of the general resources of the
countries he describes, and especially of their physical aspect and
productions. The conduct of this work, no less than its diction,
shows the cultivated scholar, practised in the art of composition.
Instead of the naivete, engaging, but child-like, of the old military
chroniclers, Gomara handles his various topics with the shrewd and
piquant criticism of a man of the world ; while his descriptions are
managed with a comprehensive brevity that forms the opposite to
the long-winded and rambling paragraphs of the monkish annalist.
These literary merits, combined with the knowledge of the writer's
opportunities for information, secured his productions from the
oblivion which too often awaits the unpublished manuscript ; and he
had the satisfaction to see them pass into more than one edition in
his own day. Yet they do not bear the highest stamp of authenticity.
The author too readily admits accounts into his pages which are not
supported by contemporary testimony. This he does, not from
credulity, for his mind rather leans in an opposite direction, but
from a want, apparently, of a true spirit of historic conscientiousness.
The imputation of carelessness in his statements — to use a temperate
phrase, — was brought against Gomara in his own day ; and Garcilasso
tells us, that, when called to account by some of the Peruvian cava-
liers for mis-statements which bore hard on themselves, the historian
made but an awkward explanation. This is a great blemish on his
productions, and renders them of far less value to the modem com-
piler, who seeks for the well of truth undefiled, than many an hum-
bler but less unscrupulous chronicle.
There is still another authority used in this work, Gonzalo Fer-
nandez de Oviedo, of whom I have given an account elsewhere ; and
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OYIEDO. 121
the reader curious in the matter will permit me to refer him for a
critical notice of his life and writingb to the Conquest of Mexico^
book iy. postscript. — His accottnt of Peru is incorporated into his
great work, NcUurtd i Gfeneral Bistoria de las Indias, MS., where it
forms the forty-sixth and forty-seventh books. It extends from
Pizarro*s landing at Tumbez to Almagro^s return from Chili, and
thus covers the entire portion of What may be called the conquest of
the country. The style of its execution, corresponding with that of
the residue of the work to which it belongs, affords no ground for
criticism different from that already passed on the general character
of Oviedo's writings.
This eminent person was at once a scholar and a man of the world.
Living much at court, and familiar with persons of the highest dis-
tinction in Castile, he yet passed much of his time in the colonies, and
thus added the fruits of personal experience to what he had gained
from the reports of others. His curiosity was indefatigable, extend-
ing to every department of natural science, as well as to the civil and
personal history of the colonists. He was at once their Pliny and
their Tacitus. His works abound in portraitures of character,
sketched with freedom and animation. His reflections are piquant,
and often rise to a philosophic tone, which discards the usual tram-
mels of the age ; and the progress of the story is varied by a multi-
plicity of personal anecdotes, that give a rapid insight into the
characters of the parties.
With his eminent qualifications, and with a social position that
commanded respect, it is strange that so much of his writings — the
whole of his great Ifistoria de l(u Jnditu, and his curious Quvncva-
gencu — should be so long suffered to remain in manuscript. This is
partly chargeable to the caprice of fortune ; for tlie History was
more than once on the eve of publication, and is even now under-
stood to be prepared for the press. Yet it has serious defects, which
may have contributed to keep it in its present form. In its desultory
and episodical style of composition, it resembles rather notes for a
great history, than history itself. It may be regarded in the light of
commentaries, or as illustrations of the times. In that view his
pages are of high worth, and have been frequently resorted to by
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122 OTIEDO. — CIEZA DB LEON.
writers who have not too scmpnlonsly appropriated the statements of
the 0I4 chronicler, with slight acknowledgments to their author.
It is a pity that Oriedo should hare shown more solieitade to tell
what was new, than to ascertain how much of it was strictly troe.
Among his merits will scarcely be found that of historical accuracy.
And yet we may find an apology for this, to some extent, in the fact,
that his writings, as already intimated, are not so much in the nature
of finished compositions, as of loose memoranda, where every thing,
rumour as well as fact^— eyen the most contradictory rumours^ — are
all set down at random, forming a miscellaneous heap of materials, of
which the discreet historian may avail himself to rear a symmetrical
fabric on foundations of greater strength and solidity.
Another author worthy of particular note is Pedro Cieza de Leon.
His CrSnica del Peru should more properly be styled an Itinerary, or
rather Geography, of Peru. It gives a minute topographical view of
the country at the time of the Conquest ; of its provinces and towns,
both Indian and Spanish ; its flourishing sea-coast; its forests, valleys,
and interminable ranges of mountains in the interior ; with many
interesting particulars of the existing population, — their dress,
manners, architectural remains, and public works, — while scattered
here and there may be found notices of their early history and
social polity. It is, in short, a lively picture of the country in its
physical and moral relations, as it met the eye at the time of the
Conquest, and in that transition period when it was first subjected to
European influences. The conception of a work, at so early a period,
on this philosophical plan, reminding us of that of Malte-Brun in our
own time, — ^rva componere magniSf — was, of itself, indicative of
great comprehensiveness of mind in its author. It was a task of no
little difficulty, where there was yet no pathway opened by the
labours of the antiquarian ; no hints from the sketch-book of the
traveller, or the measurements of the scientific explorer. Yet the
distances from place to place are all carefully jotted down by the
industrious compiler, and the bearings of the different places and
their peculiar features are exhibited with sufficient precision, consi-
dering the nature of the obstacles he had to encounter. The literary
execution of the work, moreover, is highly respectable, sometimes
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CISZA D£ LEON. 123
eren rich and pietaresqiie ; «ad the «athor describes the grand and
beantiint scenery of the Gordilleraa with a sensibility to its charms,
not often found in the tasteless topographer, still less often in the
rode Conqneror.
Gieza de Leon came to the New World, as he informs ns, at the
early age of thirteen. Bat it is not till Gasca's time that we find his
name enrolled among the actors in the busy scenes of civil strife,
when he accompanied the president in his campaign agunst GU)nzalo
Pizarro. His Chronicle, or, at least, the notes for it, was compiled in
such leisnre as he conld soatch from his more stining avocations, and
after ten years, from the time he nndertook it, the First Part— all we
have — was completed in 1550, when the author had reached only the
age of thirty-two. It appeared at Seville in 1553, and the following
year at Antwerp ; while an Italian translation, printed at Rome, in
1 555, attested the rapid celebrity of the work. The edition of Antwerp
— ^the one used by me in this compilation — ^is in the duodecimo form,
exceedingly well printed, and garnished with wood-cuts, in which
Satan,— for the author had a full measure of the ancient credulity, —
with his usual bugbear accompaniments, frequently appears in bodily
presence. In the Prefiboe, Cieza announces his purpose to continue
the work in three other parts, illustrating respectively the ancient
history of the country under the Incas, its conquest by the Spaniards,
and the civil wars which ensued. He even gives, with curious
minuteness, the contents of the several books of the projected
history. But the First Part, as already noticed, was alone com-
pleted ; and the author, having returned to Spain, died there, in
1560, at the premature age of forty-two, without having covered
any portion of the magnificent ground-plan which he had thus
eonfidentiy laid out. The deficiency is much to be regretted, con-
sidering the talent of -the writer, and his opportunities for personal
observation. But he has done enough to render us grateful for
his laboura By the vivid delineation of scenes and scenery, as
they were presented fr^sh to his own eyes, he has furnished us with
a background to the historic picture, — the landscape, as it were,
in which the personages of the time might be more fitiy portrayed.
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124 CIEZA DB LBOK.
It would have been impoaBible to exhibit the ancient topography
of the Umd so fidthfully at a subsequent period, when old things
had passed away, and the Conqueror, breaking down the landmarks
of ancient civilisation, had effaced many of the features eren of the
physical aspect of ilie country, as it existed under the elaborate
culture of the Incas.
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BOOK FIFTH.
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
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127
BOOK V.
SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
CHAPTEE I.
GREAT SENSATION IN SPAIN. — PEDRO DE LA GASCA. — HIS EARLT LIFE.
— ^HIS MISSION TO PERU. — HIS POLITIC CONDUCT. — HIS OFFERS TO
PIZARRO. — GAINS THE FLEET.
1545—1547.
While the important revolution detailed in the preceding
pages was going forward in Peru, rumours of it, from time
to time, found their way to the mother country ; hut the
distance was so great, and opportunities for communication
so rare, that the tidings were usually very long hehind the
occurrence of the eyents to which they related. The
government heard with dismay of the trouhles caused hy
the ordinances and the intemperate conduct of the viceroy ;
and it was not long hefore it learned that this functionary
was deposed and driven from his capital, while the whole
country, under Gonzalo Pizarro, was arrayed in arms
against him. All classes were filled with consternation at
this alarming intelligence ; and many that had hefore
approved the ordinances now loudly condemned the minis-
ters, who without considering the inflammahle temper of
the people, had thus rashly fired a train which menaced a
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128 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
general explosion throughout the colonies.* No such rehel-
lion, within the memory of man, had occurred in the
Spanish empire. It was compared with the famous war of
the comunidcides, in the heginning of Charles the Fifth's
reign. But the Peruvian insurrection seemed the more
formidahle of the two. The trouhles of Castile heing under
the eye of the Court, might he the more easily managed ;
while it was difficult to make the same power felt on the
remote shores of the Indies. Lying along the distant
Pacific, the principle of attraction which held Peru to the
parent country was so feehle, that this colony might, at any
time, with a less impulse than that now given to it, fly from
its political orhit. It seemed as if the fairest of its jewels
was ahout to fall from the imperial diadem I
Such was the state of things in the summer of 1545,
when Charles the Fifth was absent in Germany, occupied
with the religious troubles of the empire. The government
was in the hand^ of his son, who, under the name of Philip
the Second, was soon to sway the sceptre over the largest
portion of his father's dominions, and who was then holding
his court at Yalladolid. He called together a council of
prelates, jurists, and military men of greatest experience,
to deliberate on the measures to be pursued for restoring
* ^ Que ftquello era contra una c^dula que tenian del Emperador que
les daba el repartimiento de los Indios de su yida, j del hijo mayor, 7 no
teniendo hijos & sua mugeres, con mandarles espresamente que se casasen
como lo habian ya hecho los mas de ellos ; y que tambien era contra otra
cedula real que ninguno podia ser despojadd de sus Indios sin ser primero
oido 4i justicia y condenado.** — Historia de Don Pedro Gasca, Obispo de
Siguenza, MS.
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GREAT SENSATION IN SPAIN. 129
order in the colonies. All agreed in regarding Pizarro's
movement in the light of an audacious rebellion ; and there
were few, at first, who were not willing to employ the whole
strength of goyemment to vindicate the honour of the
Crown, — ^to quell the insurrection, and bring the authors of
it to punishment,*
But, however desirable this might appear, a very little
reflection showed that it was not easy to be done, if, indeed,
it were practicable. The great distance of Peru required
troops to be transported not merely across the ocean, but
over the broad extent of the great continent. And how was
this to be effected, when the principal posts, the keys of
communication with the country, were in the hands of the
rebels, while their fleet rode in the Pacific, the mistress of
its waters, cutting off all approach to the coast ? Even if a
Spanish force could be landed in Peru, what chance would
it have, unaccustomed as it would be, to the country and
the climate, of coping with the veterans of Pizarro, trained
to war in the Indies and warmly attached to the person of
their commander? The new levies thus sent out might
become themselves infected with the spirit of insurrection,
and cast off their own allegiance.f
* MS. de Caravantes. — Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. One of this
council was the great Duke of Alva, of such gloomy celebrity afterwards in
the Netherlands. We may well believe his voice was for coercion.
i* ^ Yentilose la forma del remedio de tan grave case en que huvo dos
opiniones ; la una de imbiM* un gran soldado con fuerza de gente H la
demostradon de este castigo ; la otra que se llevase el negocio por prudentes
y suaves medios^ por la imposibilidad y Mto de dinero para Uevar gente^
cavallos, annas, municiones y vastimentos, y para sustentarlos en tierra
firme y pasarlos al Pirfi." — MS. de Caravantes.
VOL. III. K
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130 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
Nothing remained^ therefore, but to try conciliatory
measures. The government, however mortifying to its
pride, must retrace its steps. A free grace must be ex-
tended to those who submitted, and such persuasive argu-
ments should be used, and such politic concessions made, as
would convince the refractory colonists that it was their
interest, as well as their duty, to return to their allegiance.
But to approach the people in their present state of
excitement, and to make those coflcessions without too far
compromising the dignity and permanent authority of the
Crown, was a delicate matter, for the success of which they
must rely wholly on the character of the agent. After
much deliberation, a competent person, as it was thought,
was found in an ecclesiastic, by the name of Pedro de la
Gasca, — a name which, brighter by contrast with the gloomy
times in which it first appeared, still shines with undimin-
ished splendour after the lapse of ages.
Pedro de la Gasca was bom, probably, towards the close
of the fifteenth century, in a small village in Castile, named
Barco de Avila. He came, both by father and mother's
side, from an ancient and noble lineage ; ancient, indeed,
if, as his biographers contend, he derived his descent from
Casca, one of the conspirators against Julius Csesar ! *
Having the misfortune to lose his father early in life, he
was placed by his uncle in the famous seminary of Alcala de
* <' Pasando i, Espand yinieron k tierra de Avila y qued<5 del nombre
delloB el lugar j familia de Gasca ; mudandoae por la afinidad de la pro-
nunciacion, que haj entre las dos letras consonantes e j g, el nombre de
Casca en Grasca.** — Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. Similarity of name is
a peg quite strong enough to hang a pedigree upon in Castile.
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PEDRO DE LA 6ASGA, 131
Henares, founded hj the great Xim&ies, Here he made
rapid proficiency in liberal studies, especially in those con-
nected with his profession, and at length received the degree
of Master of Theology.
The young man, however, discovered other talents than
those demanded by his sacred calling. The war of the
comunidades was then raging in the country ; and the
authorities of his college showed a disposition to take the
popular side* But Gasca, putting himself at the head of an
armed force, seized one of the gates of the city, and, with
assistance from the royal troops, secured the place to the
interests of the Crown. This early display of loyalty was
probably not lost on his vigilant sovereign.*
From Alcaic, Gasca was afterwards removed to Sala-
manca ; where he distinguished himself by his skill in
scholastic disputation, and obtained the highest academic
honours in that ancient university, the fruitful nursery of
scholarship and genius. He was subsequently intrusted
with the management of some important affairs of -an ecclesi-
astical nature, and made a member of the Council of the
Inquisition.
* This account of the early history of Gaaca I have derived chiefly from
a manuscript biographical notice written in 1465, during the prelate's life.
The name of the author^ who speaks apparently from personal knowledge,
is not given ; but it seems to be the work of a scholar, and is written with
a certain pretension to elegance. The original MS. forms part of the
valuable collection of Don Pascual de Gayangos of Madrid. It is of much
value for the light it throws on the early career of Gasca, which has been
passed over in profound silence by Castilian historians. It is to be regretted
that the author did not continue his labours beyond the period when the
subject of them received his appointment to the Peruvian mission.
k2
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132 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
In this latter capacity he was sent to Valencia, ahout
1540, to ezanune into certain alleged cases of heresy in
that quarter of the country. These were inyolved in great
ohscurity ; and, although Gasca had the assistance of
seyeral eminent jurists in the investigation, it occupied
him nearly two years. In the conduct of this difficult
matter, he showed so much penetration, and such perfect
impartiality, that he was appointed hy the Cortes of Valencia
to the office of visitador of that kingdom ; a high respon-
sible post, requiring great discretion in the person who
fiUed it, since it was his province to inspect the condition of
the courts of justice and of finance, throughout the land,
with authority to reform abuses. It was proof of extraordi-
nary consideration, that it should have been bestowed on
Gasca ; since it was a departure from the established usage
— and that in a nation most wedded to usage — to confer
the office on any but a subject of the Aragonese crown.*
Gasca executed the task assigned to him with indepen-
dence and -ability. While he was thus occupied, the people
of Valencia were thrown into consternation by a meditated
invasion of the French and the Turks, who, under the
redoubtable Barbarossa, menaced the coast and the neigh-
bouring Balearic isles. Fears were generally entertained
of a rising of the Morisco population ; and the Spanish
* " Era tanta la opinion que en Valencia tenian de la integridad y pru-
dencia de Gasca, que en las Cortes de Monzon los Estados de aquel re)mo le
pidieron por Visitador contra la costumbre 7 fuero de aquel reyno, que no
puede serlo sine fuere natural de la corona de Araugon, 7 consintiendo que
aquel fiiero se derogase el Emperador lo concedid & instancia 7 petidon
dellos."— Hist, de Don Pedro Oasca, MS.
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OASCa's mission to PERU. 133
officers who had command in that quarter, being left without
the protection of a navy, despaired of making head against
the enemy. In this season of general panic, Gasca alone
appeared calm and self-possessed. He . remonstrated with
the Spanish commanders on their unsoldierlike despondency ;
encouraged them to confide in the loyalty of the Moriscos ;
and advised the immediate erection of fortifications along
the shores for their protection. He was, in consequence,
named one of a commission to superintend these works, and
to raise levies for defending the sea-coast ; and so faithfully
was the task performed, that Barbarossa, after some ineffec-
tual attempts to make good his landing, was baffled at all
points, and compeUed to abandon the enterprise as hopeless.
The chief credit of this resistance must be assigned to
Gasca, who superintended the construction of the defences,
and who was enabled to contribute a large part of the
requisite funds by the economical reforms he had introduced
into the administration of Valencia.*
It was at this time, the latter part of the year 1545,
that the council of Philip selected Gasca as the person most
competent to undertake the perilous mission to Peru.t His
character, indeed, seemed especially suited to it. His
* ** Que parece cierto," says his enthusiastic biographer, '^ que por dift-
posicion Divina vino i hallarse Gasca entdnces en la ciudad de Valencia,
para remedio de aquel reyno y islas de Mallorca y Menorca 6 Iviza, seguii
la drden, prevencion y dillgencia que en la defensa contra las armadas del
TuTco y Francia tuvo, y las provisiones que para ello hizo."— Hist de Don
Pedro Gasca, MS.
i* ** Finding alien would not answer, they sent a lamb,** says Gomara.
** Finalmente, quiso embiar una oyeja, pues un leon no aproyecho ; y asi
escogid al Licendado Pedro Gasca.** — Hist, de las Ind. cap. clxxiy.
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134 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRT.
loyalty had been shown through his whole life. With great
suavity of manners he combined the most intrepid resolution.
Though his demeanour was humble, as beseemed his calling,
it was far from abject ; for he was sustained by a conscious
rectitude of purpose, that impressed respect on all with
whom he had intercourse. He was acute in his perceptions,
had a shrewd knowledge of character, and, though bred to
the cloister, possessed an acquaintance with affairs, and
even with military science, such as was to hare been
expected only from one reared in courts and camps.
Without hesitation, therefore, the council unanimously
recommended him to the Emperor, and requested his appro-
bation of their proceedings. Charles had not been an
inattentive observer of Gasca's course. His attention had
been particularly called to the able manner in which he had
conducted the judicial process against the heretics of
Valencia.* The monarch saw, at once, that he was the
man for the present emergency ; and he immediately wrote
to him, with his own hand, expressing his entire satisfaction
at the appointment, and intimating his purpose to testify
his sense of his worth by preferring him to one of the prin-
cipal sees then vacant.
Gasca accepted the important mission now tendered to
* Gasca made i^hat the anthor calls wna Jyreve y copyom rdacion of
the proceedings to the emperor in Valencia ; and the monarch was so intent
on the inquiry, that he devoted the whole afternoon to it, notwithstanding
his son Philip was waiting for him to attend a fiesta J — ^irrefragahle proofs
as the writer conceiyes, of his zeal for the faith. ^ Queriendo en tender muy
de raizo todo lo que pasaha, como principe tan zeloso que era de las <
de la religion.'' — Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, MS.
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gasca's mission to pebu. 135
him without hesitation ; and, repairing to Madrid, received
the instructions of the goyernment as to the course to be
pursued. They were expressed in the most benign and
conciliatory tone, perfectly in accordance with the sugges-
tions of his own benevolent temper.* But, while he com-
mended the tone of the instructions, he considered the
powers with which he was to be intrusted as wholly incom-
petent to their object. They were conceived in the jealous
spirit with which the Spanish government usually limited
the authority of its great colonial officers, whose distance
from home gave peculiar cause for distrust. On every
strange and unexpected emergency, Gasca saw that he
should be obliged to send back for instructions. This must
cause delay, where promptitude was essential to success.
The Court, moreover, as he represented to the council, was,
from its remoteness from the scene of action, utterly incom-
petent to pronounce as to the expediency of the measures
to be pursued. Some one should be sent out in whom the
king could implicitly confide, and who should be invested
with powers competent to every emergency ; powers not
merely to decide on what was best, but to carry that decision
into execution ; and he boldly demanded that he should go
not only as the representative of the sovereign, but clothed
with all the authority of the sovereign himself. Less than
this would defeat the very object for which he was to be
sent. " For myself," he concluded, " I ask neither salary
* These instructions, the patriarchal tone of which is highly creditable
to the government, are given vn txtenao in the MS. of Caravantes, and in
no other work which I have consulted.
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136 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUKTRT.
nor compensation of any kind. I covet no display of state
or military array. With my stole and breviary I trust to
do the work that is committed to me.* Infirm as I am in
body, the repose of my own home would have been more
grateful to me than this dangerous mission ; but I will not
shrink from it at the bidding of my sovereign, and if, as is
very probable, I may not be permitted again to see my
native land, I shall, at least, be cheered by the conscious-
ness of having done my best to serve its interests." t
The members of the council, while they listened with
admiration to the disinterested avowal of Gasca, were
astounded by the boldness of his demands. Not that they
distrusted the purity of his motives, for these were above
suspicion. But the powers for which he stipulated were so
far beyond those hitherto delegated to a colonial viceroy,
that they felt they had no warrant to grant them. They
even shrank from soliciting them from the Emperor, and
required that Gasca himself should address the monarch,
and state precisely the grounds on which demands so extra-
ordinary were founded.
Gasca readily adopted the suggestion, and wrote in the
most full and explicit manner to his sovereign, who had
* ^'De Buerte que juzgassen qne la mas fuer9a que lleuaua, era su
abito de clerico 7 breuiario." — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte I lib. ii.
cap. xvi.
+ MS. de Caravantes. — Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. — Fernandez,
Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. zvi. xvii. — Though not for himself,
Grasca did solicit one favour of the Emperor, — the appointment of his
brother, an eminent jurist^ to a vacant place on the bench of one of the
Castilian tribunals.
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GASGa's mission to PERU. 137
then transferred his residence to Flanders* But Charles
was not so tenacious, or, at least, so jealous, of authority,
as his ministers. He had heen too long in possession of it
to feel that jealousy ; and, indeed, many years were not to
elapse, before, oppressed by its weight, he was to resign it
altogether into the hands of his son. His sagacious mind,
moreoyer, readily comprehended the difficulties of Qasca's
position. He felt that the present extraordinary crisis was
to be met only by extraordinary measures. He assented to
the force of his vassal's argimients, and, on the 16th of
February, 1546, wrote him another letter expressive of his
approbation, and intimated his willingness to grant him
powers as absolute as those he had requested.
Gasca was to be styled President of the Royal Audience.
But, under this simple title, he was placed at the head of
every department in the colony, civil, military and judicial.
He was empowered to make new repariimientos, and to
confirm those already made. He might declare war, levy
troops, appoint to all offices, or remove from them, at
pleasure. He might exercise the royal prerogative of par-
doning offences, and was especiaUy authorised to grant an
amnesty to all without exception, implicated in the present
rebellion. He was, moreover, to proclaim at once the
revocation of the odious ordinances. These two last pro-
visions might be said to form the basis of all his operations.
Since ecclesiastics were not to be reached by the secular
arm, and yet were often found fomenting troubles in the
colonies, Gasca was permitted to banish from Peru such as
he thought fit. He might even send home the viceroy, if
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138 SBTTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
the good of the country required it. Agreeahlj to his own
Buggestion, he was to receiye no specified stipend ; hut he
had unlimited orders on the treasuries hoth of Panama and
Peru. He was furnished with letters from the Emperor to
the principal authorities, not only in Peru, hut in Mexico
and the neighhouring colonies, requiring their countenance
and support ; and, lastly, hlank letters, hearing the royal
signature, were delivered to him, which he was to fill up at
his pleasure.*
While the grant of such unhounded powers excited the
wannest sentiments of gratitude in Gasca towards the soye-
reign who could repose in him so much confidence, it seems
— which is more extraordinary — not to have raised cor-
responding feelings of envy in the courtiers* They knew
well that it was not for himself that the good ecclesiastic
had solicited them. On the contrary, some of the council
were desirous that he should he preferred to the bishopric,
as already promised him, hefore his departure ; conceiving
that he would thus go with greater authority* than as an
humble ecclesiastic, and fearing, moreover, that Gasca
himself, were it omitted, might feel some natural disappoint-
ment. But the president hastened to remove these im-
pressions. '* The honour would avail me little,*' he said,
*' where I am goiug ; and it would be manifestly wrong to
appoint me to an office in the Church, while I remain at
* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. vi. — Herrera, Hist. General,
dec. viii. lib. i. cap. vi. — MS. de Caravan tes. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru,
parte i. lib. ii. cap. xvii. zviii. — Gomara^ Hist, de las Ind., cap. clzxiv. —
Hist, de Don Pedro Grasca, MS.
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GASOa's mission to PERU. 139
such a distance that I cannot discbarge the duties of it.
The consciousness of mj insufficiency," he continued, '
''should I never return, would lie heavy on my soul in my
last moments." * The politic reluctance to accept the
mitre has passed into a proverb. But there was no affec-
tation here ; and Gasca's friends, yielding to his arguments,
forbore to urge the matter further.
The new president now went forward with his prepara-
tions. They were few and simple ; for he was to be
accompanied by a slender train of followers, among whom
the most conspicuous was Alonso de Alvarado, the gallant
officer who, as the reader may remember, long commanded
under Francisco Pizarro. He had resided of late years at
court ; and now at Gasca's request accompanied him to
Peru, where his presence might facilitate negotiations with
the insurgents, while his military experience would prove no
less valuable in case of an appeal to arms.t Some delay
necessarily occurred in getting ready his little squadron,
and it was not till the 26th of May, 1546, that the presi-
dent and his siiite embarked at San Lucar, for the New
World.
After a prosperous voyage and not a long one for that
day, he landed, about the middle of July, at the port of
Santa Martha. Here he received the astounding intelli-
* ^' Eepecialmente, si alia muriesse 6 le matassen: que entoces de
nada le podria ser buena, tino para partir desta vida, con mas congoxa j pena
de la poca cuenta que daua de la prouision que auia aceptado/* — Fernandez,
Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xviii.
f From this cavalier descended the noble house of the counts of Yillamor
in Spain. — MS. de Canvantes.
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140 SETTLEMENT OF THE OOUNTRT.
gence of the battle of Maquito, oi the defeat and death
of the yiceroj, and of the manner in which Gronzalo Pizarro
had since established his absolute rule over the land.
Although these events had occurred several months before
Gasea*s departure from Spain, yet so imperfect was
the intercourse, no tidings of them had then reached
that country.
They now filled the president with great anxiety as he
reflected that the insurgents, after so atrocious an act as
the slaughter of the viceroy, might well despair of grace,
and become reckless of consequences. He was careful,
therefore, to have it understood, that the date of his com-
mission was subsequent to that of the fatal battle, and that
it authorised an entire amnesty of all offences hitherto com*
mitted against the government.*
Yet, in some points of view, the death of Blasco Nu£ez
might be regarded as an auspicious circumstance for the
settlement of the country. Had he lived till Gasca's
arrival, the latter would have been greatly embarrassed by
the necessity of acting in concert with a person so generally
detested in the colony, or by the unwelcome alternative of
sendmg him back to Castile, The insurgents, moreover,
would, in all probability, be now more amenable to reason,
since all personal animosity might naturally be buried in the
grave of their enemy.
The president was much embarrassed by deciding in
what quarter he should attempt to enter Peru. Every port
was in the hands of Pizarro, and was placed under the care
* Fernandez, Hibt. del Peru, parte i. lib ii. cap. xxi.
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POLITIC COHDUCT OP GASCA. 141
of his officers, with strict charge to intercept any com-
munications from Spain, and to detain such persons as here
a commission from that country until his pleasure could be
known respecting them. Qasca, at length decided on
crossing oyer to Nomhre de Dios, then held with a strong
force by Heman Mezia, an officer to whose charge Gonzalo
had committed this strong gate to his dominions, as to a
person on whose attachment to his cause he could con-
fidently rely.
Had Gasca appeared off this place in a menacing attitude
with a military array, or, indeed, with any display of official
pomp that might have awakened distrust in the commander,
he would doubtless have found it no easy matter to effect a
landing. But Mezia saw nothing to apprehend in the
approach of a poor ecclesiastic, without an armed force,
with hardly even a retinue to support him, coming solely, as
it seemed, on an errand of mercy. No sooner, therefore,
was he acquainted with the character of the enyoy and his
mission, than he prepared to receive him with the honours
due to his rank, and marched out at the head of his soldiers,
together with a considerable body of ecclesiastics resident
in the place. There was nothing in the person of Gasca,
still less in his humble clerical attire and modest retinue, to
impress the vulgar spectator with feelings of awe or reve-
rence. Indeed the poverty-stricken aspect, as it seemed,
of himself and his followers, so different from the usual
state affected by the Indian viceroys, excited some merri-
ment among the rude soldiery^ who did not scruple to break
their coarse jests on his appearance, in hearing of the
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142 SETTLEMENT OF THE OOUNTRT.
president himself.* " If this is the sort of goyernor his
Majesty sends oyer to us," they exclaimed, '' Pizarro need
not trouhle his head much ahout it."
Tet the president, far from heing ruffled hy this ribaldry,
or from showing resentment to its authors, submitted to it
with the utmost humility, and only seemed the more grateful
to his own brethren, who, by their respectful demeanour,
appeared anxious to do him honour. •
But, howeyer plain and unpretending the manners of
Gasca, Mexia, on his first interyiew with him, soon dis-
coyered that he had no common man to deal with. The
president, after briefly explaining the nature of his com-
mission, told him that he had come as a messenger of
peace ; and that it was on peaceful measures he relied for his
success. He then stated the general scope of his commis-
sion, his authority to grant a free pardon to all, without
exception, who at once submitted to goyemment, and,
finally, his purpose to proclaim the reyocation of the ordin-
ances. The objects of the reyolution were thus attained.
To contend longer would be manifest rebellion, and that
without a motiye ; and he urged the commander by eyery
principle of loyalty and patriotism to support him in settling
the distractions of the country, and bringing it back to its
allegiance.
The candid and conciliatory language of the president,
* " Especialmente machos de los soldados, que estaaan desacatados, 7
decian palabras feas, 7 desuerg09ada& A lo qual el PreBidente (viendo
que era necessario) hazia las orejas sordas." — Fenumdez, Hist, del Peru,
parte i. lib. ii. cap. zziii.
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POMTIO CONDUCT OP OASOA. 143
80 different from the arrogance of Blasco Nunez, and the
austere demeanour of Yaca de Castro, made a sensible im-
pression on Mexia. He admitted the force of Gasca's
reasoning, and flattered himself that Gonzalo Pizarro
would not be insensible to it. Though attached to the
fortunes of that leader, he was loyal in heart, and, like
most of the party, had been led by accident, rather than
by design, into rebellion ; and now that so good an oppor-
tunity occurred to do it with safety, he was not unwilling
to retrace his steps, and secure the royal favour by thus
early returning to his allegiance. This he signified to the
president, assuring him of his hearty co-operation in the
good work of reform.*
This was an important step for Gasca. It was yet
more important for him to secure the obedience of Hinojosa,
the governor of Panama, in the harbour of which city lay
Pizarro 's navy, consisting of two-and-twenty vessels. But
it was not easy to approach this officer. He was a person
of much higher character than was usually found among
the reckless adventurers in the New World. He was attached
to the interests of Pizarro, and the latter had requited him
by placing him in command of his armada and of Panama,
the key to his territories on the Pacific.
The president first sent Mexia and Alonso de Alvarado
to prepare the way for his own coming by advising Hinojosa
of the purport of his mission. He soon after followed,
* Femaodez, Hist, del Peru. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Yaldiyia,
M8. — MonteBinoB, Annales, MS. afio 1546. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru,
lib. vi. cap. yI — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. ii. cap. y.
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144 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
and was received by that commander with every show of
outward respect. But while the latter listened with defe-
rence to the representations of Gasca, they failed to work
the change in him which they had wrought in Mexia ;
and he concluded by asking the president to show him
his powers, and by inquiring whether they gave him
authority to confirm Pizarro in his present post, to which
he was entitled no less by his own services than by the
general voice of the people.
This was an embarrassing question. Such a concession
would have been altogether too humiliating to the Crown ;
but to have openly avowed this at the present juncture to
so staunch an adherent of Pizarro might have precluded
all further negotiation. The president evaded the ques-
tion, therefore, by simply stating, that the time had not
yet come for him to produce his powers, but that Hinojosa
might be assured that they were such as to secure an
ample recompense to every loyal servant of his country.*
Hinojosa was not satisfied ; and he immediately wrote
to Pizarro, acquainting him with Gasca *s arrival and with
the object of his mission, at the same time plainly inti-
mating his own conviction that the president had no authority
to confirm him in the government. But before the depar-
ture of the ship, Gasca secured the services of a Dominican
friar, who had taken his passage on board for one of the
towns on the coast. This man he intrusted with manifestoes,
setting forth the purport of his visit, and proclaiming the
* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru^ parte i. lib. ii. cap. xzv. — Zarate, Conq.
del Peru, lib. vi. cap. yii. — MS. de Carayantes.
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Google
gasca's offers to pizarro. 145
abolition of the ordinances, with a free pardon to all who
returned to their obedience. He wrote, also, to. the prelates
and to the corporations of the different cities. .The former
he requested to co-operate with him in introducing a spirit
of loyalty and subordination among the people, while he
intimated to the towns his purpose to confer with them
hereafter, in order to deyise some effectual measures for
the welfare of the country. These papers the Dominican
engaged to distribute himself, among the principal cities of
the colony ; and he faithfully kept his word, though, as it
proved at no little hazard of his life. The seeds thus
scattered mighty many of them, fall on barren ground.
But the greater part, the president trusted, would take
root in the hearts of the people ; and he patiently waited
for the haryest.
Meanwhile, though he failed to remove the scruples of
Hinojosa, the courteous manners of Gasca, and his mild,
persuasive discourse, had a visible effect on other individuals
with whom he had daily intercourse. Several of these,
and among them some of the principal cavaliers in Fanam^,
as well as in the squadron, expressed their willingness to
join the royal cause, and aid the president in maintain-
ing it. Gasca profited by their assistance to open a comr
munication with the authorities of Guatemala and Mexico,
whom he advised of his mission, while he admonished them
to allow no intercourse to be carried on with the insurgents
on the coast of Peru. He, at length, also prevailed on the
governor of Panam^ to furnish him with the means of enter-
ing into communicati(m with Gonzalo Pizarro himself ; and
VOL. III. L
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146 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTBT.
a ship was despatched to Lima, bearing a letter from Charles
the Fifth, addressed to that chief, with an epistle also
from Oasca.
The emperor's communication was couched in the most
condescending and even conciliatory terms. Far from taxing
Gonsalo with rebellion, his royal master affected to regard
his conduct as in a manner imposed on him by circum-
stances, especially by the obduracy of the yiceroy Nu&ez in
denying the colonists the inalienable right of petition. He
gave no intimation of an intent to confirm Pizarro in the
government, or, indeed, to remoye him from it ; but simply
referred him to Gasca as one who would acquaint him with
the royal pleasure, and with whom he was to co-operate in
restoring tranquillity to the country.
Gasca 's own letter was pitched in the same politic key.
He remarked, however, that the exigencies which had
hitherto determined Gonzalo's line of conduct existed no
longer. All that had been asked was conceded. There
was nothing now to contend for ; and it only remained for
Pizarro and his followers to show their loyalty and the
sincerity of their principles by obedience to the Crown.
Hitherto, the president said, Pizarro had been in arms
against the viceroy ; and the people had supported him as
against a conmion enemy. If he prolonged the contest,
that enemy must be his sovereign. In such a struggle, the
people would be sure to desert him ; and Gasca conjured
him, by his honour as a cavalier, and his duty as a loyal
vassal, to respect the royal authority, and not rashly pro-
voke a contest which must prove to the world that his
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oasca's offers to pizarro. 147
conduct hitherto had heen dictated less by patriotic motives
than by selfish ambition.
This letter, which was conveyed in language the most
courteous and complimentary to the subject of it, was of
great length. It was accompanied by another much more
concise, to Cepeda, the intriguing lawyer, who, as Gasca
knew, had the greatest influence over Pizarro, in the
absence of Carbajal, then employed in reaping the silver
harvest from the newly discovered mines of Potosi.* In
this epistle, Gasca affected to defer to the cunning politician
as a member of the Royal Audience, and he conferred with
him on the best manner of supplying a vacancy in that body.
These several despatches were committed to a cavalier,
named Paniagua, a faithful adherent of the president, and
one of those who had accompanied him from Castile. To
this same emissary he also gave manifestoes and letters,
like those intrusted to the Dominican^ with orders secretly
to distribute them in Lima, before he quitted that capitaLf
Weeks and months rolled away, while the president still
• ** El Licenciado Cepeda que tengo yo agora por teniente, de quien
yo bago mucho caso i le quiero mucho." — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a
Yaldivia, MS.
+ The letters noticed in the text may be found in Zarate, Conq. del
Pern, lib. vi. cap. vii. and Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii.
cap. xxix. zzz. The president's letter coyers several pages. Much of it is
taken up with historic precedents and illustrations to show the folly, as well
as wickedness, of a collision with the imperial authority. The benignant
tone of this homily may be inferred from its concluding sentence : —
** Nuestro senor por su infinita bfidad alumbre a vuestra merced, y a todos
loB demas para que acierten a hazer en este negocio lo que couiene a
sua almas, honras, vidas y haziendas: y guarde en su sancto serricio la
lUnstre persona de vuestra merced."
L 2
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148 SETTLEKENT OF THE COUNTRY.
remained at Panam^, where, indeed, as his communications
were jealously cut off with Peru, he might he said to he
detained as a sort of prisoner of state. Meanwhile, hoth he
and Hinojosa were looking with anxiety for the arriyal of
some messenger from Pizarro, who should indicate the
manner in which the president* s mission was to he received
hy that chief. The governor of Panami was not hli^d to
the perilous position in which he was himself placed, nor to
the madness of provoking a contest with the Court of Castile.
But he had a reluctance — not too often shared hy the cava*
liers of Peru — to ahandon the fortunes of the commander
who had reposed in him so great confidence. Yet he trusted
that this commander would emhrace the opportunity now
offered, of placing himself and the country in a state of
permanent security.
Several of the cavaliers who had given in their adhesion
to Gasca, displeased hy this ohstinacy, as they termed it, of
Hinojosa, proposed to seize his person and then get posses*
sion of the armada. But the president at once rejected this
offer. His mission, he said, was one of peace, and he would
not stain it at the outset hy an act of violence. He even
respected the scruples of Hinojosa ; and a cavalier of so
honourahle a nature, he conceived, if once he could he
gained hy fair means, would he much more likely to he true
to his interests, than if overcome either hy force or fraud.
Gasca thought he might safely ahide his time. There was
policy, as well as honesty, in this ; indeed, they always go
together.
Meantime, persons were occasionally arriving from Lima
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gasca's offers to pizarro. 149
and the nelghbouriDg places, who gave accounts of Pizarro,
varying according to the character and situation of the
parties. Some represented him as winning all hearts by
his open temper and the politic profusion with which, though
coyetous of wealth, he distributed repartimientos and favours
among his followers. Others spoke of him as carrying
matters with a high hand, while the greatest timidity and
distrust prevailed among the citizens of Lima. All agreed
that his power rested on too secure a basis to be shaken ;
and that, if the president should go to Lima, he must either
consent to become Pizarro* s instrument and confirm him in .
the government, or forfeit his own life.*
It was undoubtedly true, that Gonzalo, while he gave
attention, as his friends say, to the public business, found
time for free indulgence in those pleasures which wait on
the soldier of fortune in his hour of triumph. He was the
object of flattery and homage ; courted even by those who
hated him. For such as did not love the successful chieftain
had good cause to fear him ; and his exploits were commemo*
rated in romances or ballads, as rivalling — it was not far from
truth — those of the most doughty paladins of chivalry. f
Amidst this burst of adulation, the cup of joy commended
to Pizarro's lips had one drop of bitterness in it that gave
* Fernandez, Hitt. del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xxvii. — Herrera, Hist.
Genera], dec. yiii. lib. ii. cap. vii. — MS. de Caravantes.
f **Y con etto, estaua siempre en fiestas 7 recozijo, holgandose mucho
que le diessen musicas, cantando, romances, 7 coplas, de todo lo que
auia hecho ! encaresciendo sus bazafiat, y Tictorias. En lo qual mucbo se
deleytaua como hombre de gruesso entedimiento." — Fernandez, Hist, dol
Pern, parte I lib. ii. cap. zzzii.
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150 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTBY.
its flaTour to all the rest ; for, notwithstanding his show of
confidence, he looked with unceasing anxiety to the arrival
of tidings that might assure him in what light his conduct
was regarded hj the goyemment at home. This was proved
by his jealous precautions to guard the approaches to the
coast, and to detain the persons of the royal emissaries.
He learned, therefore, with no little uneasiness, from Hino-
josa, the landing of President Gasca, and the purport of his
mission. But his discontent was mitigated, when he under-
stood that the new enyoy had come without military array,
without any of the ostentatious trappings of office to impose
on the minds of the vulgar, but alone, as it were, in the
plain garb of an humble missionary.* Pizarro could not
discern, that under this modest exterior lay a moral power,
stronger than his own steel-clad battalions, which, operating
silently on public opinion, — the more sure that it was silent,
— was even now undermining his strength, like a subterra-
neous channel eating away the foundations of some stately
edifice, that stands secure in its pride of place !
But, although Gonzalo Pizarro could not foresee this
result, he saw enough to satisfy him that it would be safest
to exclude the president from Peru. The tidings of his
arrival, moreover, quickened his former purpose of sending
* Gonzalo, in his letter to Yaldiyia, speaks of Gasca as a clergyman of
a godly reputation, who, without recompense, in the true spirit of a
missionary, had come over to settle the afiairs of the country. *' IHcen
ques mui huen christiano i homhre de huena yida i clerigo, i decen que
yiene a estas partes con buena intencion i no quiso salario ningnno del
Rey sino venir para poner paz en estos reynos con sus cristiandades/' — ^Garta
de Gonzalo PiTarro a Yaldivia, MS.
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gasca's offers to pizabro. 151
an embassy to Spain to yindioate bis late proceedings, and
request tbe royal confirmation of bis autbority. The person
placed at tbe bead of this mission was Lorenzo de Aldana,
a cavalier of discretion as well as courage, and high in tbe
confidence of Pizarro, as one of bis most devoted partisans.
He bad occupied some important posts under that chief, one
secret of whose successes was tbe sagacity be showed in
the selection of bis agents.
Besides Aldana and one or two cavaliers, tbe bishop of
Lima was joined in the commission, as likely, from bis
position, to have a favourable influence on Gonzalo's fortunes
at court. Together with tbe despatches for tbe government,
tbe envoys were intrusted with a letter to Gasca from the
inhabitants of Lima ; in which, after civilly congratulating
tbe president on bis arrival, they announced their regret
that be bad come too late. The troubles of tbe country
were now settled by tbe overthrow of tbe viceroy, and tbe
nation was reposing in quiet under tbe rule of Pizarro. An
embassy, they stated, was on its way to Castile, not to solicit
pardon, for they bad committed no crime,* but to petition
tbe emperor to confirm their leader in tbe government, as
the man in Peru best entitled to it by bis virtues.! They
expressed tbe conviction that Gasca's presence would only
serve to renew the distractions of tbe country, and they
* ** Porqne perdo ningano de nosotros Ic pide, porque no entendemos
que amo8 errado, sino seruido & su Magestad : conseruftdo nuestro derecho ;
qne por bus leyes reales i bvlb vasalloa cb pennitido.*' — Fernandez, Hist,
del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xxxiii.
+ ** Porque el por sus virtudes es muy amado de todos ; j tenido por
padre del Perfi." — Ibid, ubi supra.
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152 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRT.
darkly intimated that his attempt to land would prohahly
cost him his life. — The language of this singular document
was more respectful than might he inferred from its import.
It was dated the 14th of October, 1546, and was subscribed
bj seventy of the principal cavaliers in the city. It was
not improbably dictated by Cepeda, whose hand is visible
in most of the intrigues of Pizarro's little court. It is also
said, — the authority is somewhat questionable, — ^that Aldana
received instructions from Gonzalo secretly to offer a bribe
of fifty thousand pesos de oro to the president, to prevail on
him to return to Castile ; and in case of his refusal, some
darker and more effectual way was to be devised to rid the
country of his presence.*
Aldana, fortified with his despatches, sped swiftly on his
voyage to Panam^. Through him the governor learned
the actual state of feeling in the councils of Pizarro ; and
he listened with regret to the envoy's conviction, that no
* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viiL lib. ii.
cap. z. — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. viii. — Gomaniy Hist, de las
Ind. cap. clxxvii. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1546. Pizarro, in
his letter to Valdivia, notices this remonstrance to Gasca, who, with all his
reputation as a saint was as deep as any man in Spain, and had now
come to send him home, as a reward, no doubt, of his faithful services.
<< But I and the rest of the cavaliers," he concludes, ^* have warned him
not to set foot here." " Y agora que jo tenia puesta esta tierra en sosiego
embiava su parte al de la Gasca, que aunque arriba digo que dicen ques an
santo, es un hombre mas mauoso que havia en toda Espana € mas sabio; ^
asi venia por presidente 6 governador, 6 todo quanto el quiera : 6 para
poderme embiar ^ mi i Espana, i & cabo de dos anos que andavamos fuera
de nuestras casas queria el Rey darme este pago, mas yo con todos los caval-
leros deste reyno le embiavamos & decir que se vaya, sino que har^mos con
el como con Blasco Nunez." — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS.
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oasca's offers to pizarro. 153
terms would be admitted bj that chief or his companions,
that did not confirm him in 'the possession of Peru.*
Aldana was soon admitted to an audience bj the pre
sident. It was attended with very different results from
what had followed from the conferences with Hinojosa ;
for Pizarro 's envoy was not armed by nature with that
stubborn panoply which had hitherto made the other proof
against all argument. He now learned with surprise the
nature of Gasca's powers, and the extent of the royal con-
cessions to the insurgents. He had embarked with Gonzalo
Pizarro on a desperate venture, and he found that it had
proved successful. The colony had nothing more, in
reason, to demand ; and, though devoted in heart to his
leader, he did not feel bound by any principle of honour to
take part with him, solely to gratify his ambition, in a wild
contest with the Crown that must end in inevitable ruin.
He consequently abandoned his mission to Castile, probably
never very palatable to him, and announced his purpose to
accept the pardon proffered by government, and support the
president in settling the affairs of Peru* He subsequently
wrote, it should be added, to his former commander in
Lima, stating the course he had taken, and earnestly
recommending the latter to follow his example.
• With Aldana'g mission to Castile, Gonzalo l^izarro closes the important
letter, so often cited in these pages, and which may be supposed to fiimish
the best arguments for his own conduct It is a curious fact, that Valdivia,
the Conqueror of Chili, to whom the epistle is addressed, soon after this
openly espoused the cause of Gasca, and his troops formed part of the forces
who contended with Pizarro, not long afterwards, at Huarina. Such wad
the friend on whom Gonzalo relied !
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154 SETTIiEMBNT OF THE COUNTRY.
The influence of this precedent in go important a person
as Aldana, aided, douhtless, hj the conriction that no
change was now to be expected in Pizarro, while delaj
would be fatal to himself, at length preyailed oyer Hino-
jo^a's scruples, and he intimated to Gasca his willingness
to place the fleet under his command. The act was per-
formed with great pomp and ceremony. Some of Pizarro's
staunchest partisans were previouslj removed from the
yessels ; and on the 19th of November, 1546, Hinojosa and
his captains resigned their commissions into the hands of
the president. Thej next took the oaths of allegiance to
Castile ; a free pardon for all past offences was proclaimed
by the herald from the scaflbld erected in the great square
of the city ; and the president, greeting them as true and
loyal vassals of the Crown, restored their several commis-
sions to the cavaliers. The royal standard of Spain was
then unfurled on board the squadron, and proclaimed that
this stronghold of Pizarro's power had passed away from
him for ever.*
The return of their commissions to the insurgent captains
was a politic act in Gasca. It secured the services of the
ablest oj£cers in the country, and turned agiunst Pizarro
* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. 7 Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru,
lib. vi. cap. iz^ — Fernandez, Higt. del Peru, parte L lib. ii. cap. xxxviii. zlii.
— Gomara, Hist de laa Indias, cap. clxzviii. — MS. de CarnTantes. Gar-
cilaaso de la Vega, — ^whose partiality for Gonzalo Pizarro forms a wholesome
counterpoise to the unfayourable views taken of his conduct by most other
writers, — in his notice of this transaction, seems disposed to allow little
credit to that loyalty which is shown by the sacrifice of a bene^tor. —
Com. Real, parte ii. lib. v. cap. iv.
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6ASCA GAINS THE FLEET. 155
the very arm on which he had most leaned for support.
Thus was this great step achieved, without force or fraud,
by Gasca's patience and judicious forecast He was
content to bide his time ; and he now might rely with
well-grounded confidence on the ultimate success of his
mission.
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156
CHAPTER n.
GASCA ASSEMBLES HIS FORCES. — DEFECTION OF PIZARRO*S FOtLOWEBS.
— HE MUSTERS HIS LEVIES. — AGITATION IN LIMA. — HE ABANDONS
THE CITY. — GASCA SAILS FROM PANAMI. — BLOODT BATTLE OF
HUARINA.
1547.
No sooner was Gasca placed in possession of Panam^ and
the fleet, than he entered on a more decisive course of
policy than he had heen hitherto allowed to pursue. He raised
levies of men, and drew together supplies from all quarters.
He took care to discharge the arrears already due to the
soldiers, and promised liheral pay for the future ; for,
though mindful that his personal charges should cost little
to the Crown, he did not stint his expenditure when the
puhlic good required it. As the funds in the treasury were
exhausted, he ohtained loans on the credit of the govern-
ment from the wealthy citizens of Panama, who, relying on
his good faith, readily made the necessary advances. He
next sent letters to the authorities of Guatemala and
Mexico, requiring their assistance in carrying on hostilities,
if necessary, against the insurgents ; and he despatched
a summons, in like manner, to Benalcazar, in the provinces
north of Peru, to meet him on his landing in that country
with his whole availahle force.
The greatest enthusiasm was shown by the people of
Panama in getting the little navy in order for his intended
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6ASGA ASSEMBLES HIS FORGES. 157
voyage ; and prelates and commanders did not disdain
to prove their loyalty by taking part in the good work
along with the soldiers and sailors.* Before his own
departure, however, Gasca proposed to send a small squadron
of four ships, under Aldana, to cruise off the port of Lima,
with instructions to give protection to those well affected to
the royal cause, and receive them if need be, on board his ves-
sels. He was also intrusted with authenticated copies of the
president's commission, to be delivered to Gonzalo Pizarro,
that the chief might feel there was yet time to return
before the gates of mercy were closed against him.f
While these events were going on, Gasca's proclamations
and letters were doing their work in Peru. It required
but little sagacity to perceive that the nation at large,
secured in the protection of person and property, had
nothing to gain by revolution. Interest and duty, fortu-
nately, now lay on the same side ; and the ancient
sentiment of loyalty, smothered for a time, but not extin-
guished, revived in the breasts of the people. Still this
was not manifested at once by any overt act ; for, under a
strong military rule, men dared hardly think for themselves,
much less communicate their thoughts to one another. But
changes of public opinion, like changes in the atmosphere,
* '^Y ponia sua fuer9a8 con tanta llaneza j obediencia, que los obispos y
derigos 7 los capitanes 7 mas principalea penonas eran los que primero
echauan mano, 7 tirauan de las gumenas 7 cables de loa nauios, para los
sacar & la costa." — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. Jl cap. Ixx.
+ Ibid., nbi supra. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1546. — Gomara,
Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxxviii. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. ix. —
Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. iii. cap. iii.
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158 SETTLElfElffT OF THE COUNTRY.
that come on slowly and imperceptibly, make themselres
more and more widely felt, till, by a sort of silent sym*
pathy, they spread to the remotest comers of the land.
Some intimations of such a change of sentiment at length
found their way to Lima, although all accounts of the
president's mission had been jealously ezcluded from that
capital. Gonzalo Fizarro himself became sensible of these
symptoms of disaffection, though almost too faint and feeble,
as yet, for the most experienced eye to descry in them the
coming tempest.
Several of the president's proclamations had been for-
warded to Gonzalo by his faithful partisans ; and Carbajal,
who had been summoned from Potosf, declared they were
*' more to be dreaded than the lances of Castile."* Tet
Fizarro did not, for a moment, lose his confidence in his
own strength ; and with a uayy like that now in Fanami
at his command, he felt he might bid defiance to any
enemy on his coasts. He had implicit confidence in the
fidelity of Hinojosa.
It was at this period that Faniagua arrived off the port
with Gasca's despatches to Fizarro, consisting of the
Emperor's letter and his own. They were instantly sub*
mitted by that chieftain to his trusty counsellors, Carbajal
and Cepeda, and their opinions asked as to the course to be
pursued. It was the crisis of Fizarro 's fate.
Carbajal, whose sagacious eye fully comprehended the
position in which they stood, was in favour of accepting the
* *' Que eran mas de temer aqnellas cartas que a las la9as del Rej de
Castilla." — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte L lib. ii. cap. xIy.
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6ASCA S OFFERS TO PIZARRO.
159
royal grace on the terms proposed ; and ho intimated his
sense of their importance by declaring, that, **he would
pave the way for the bearer of them into the capital with
ingots of gold and silver."* Cepeda was of a different way
of thinking. He was a judge of the Royal Audience ; and
had been sent to Peru as the immediate counseUor of Blasco
Nunez. But he had turned against the Ticeroy, had
encountered him in battle, and his garments might be said
to be yet wet with his blood ! What grace was there, then,
for him ? Whatever respect might be shown to the letter
of the royal provisions, in point of fact, he must ever live
under the Castilian rule a ruined man. He accordingly
strongly urged the rejection of Gasca's offers. ** They
will cost you your government," he said to Pizarro ; ''the
smooth-tongued priest is not so simple a person as you take
him to be. He \s deep and politic.f He knows well what
promises to make ; and, once master of the country, he
will know, too, how to keep them."
Carbajal was not shaken by the arguments or the sneers
of his companions ; and as the discussion waxed warm,
Cepeda taxed his opponent with giving counsel suggested
by fears for his own safety, — a foolish taunt, sufficiently
disproved by the whole life of the doughty old warrior.
Carbajal did not insist further on his own views, however,
as he found them unwelcome to Pizarro, and contented
• ** Y le enladrillen loe caminos por do liniere con barras de plata, y
tejoB de oro." — Grarcilasso, Com. ReaL., parte ii. lib. v. cap. t.
fj* Que no lo embiauan por hombre sencillo 7 llano, sino de grandes
cautelas, astudas, fiilsedades 7 enganos.** — Ibid., loc cit.
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160 SETTLEMENT OF THE GOUNTBT.
himself with coolly remarking, that ''he had indeed no
relish for rebellion ; but he had as long a neck for a halter,
he belieyed, as any of his companions ; and, as he could
hardly expect to live much longer at any rate, it was, after
all, of little moment to him." *
Pizarro, spurred on by a fiery ambition that overleaped
every obstacle,t did not condescend to count the desperate
chances of a contest with the Crown. He threw his ovrn
weight into the scale with Cepeda. The offer of grace
was rejected ; and he thus cast away the last tie which
held him to his country, and, by the act, proclaimed himself
a rebel.}
It was not long after the departure of Paniagua, that
Pizarro received tidings of the defection of Aldana and
Hinojosa, and of the surrender of the fleet, on which he
had expended an immense sum, as the chief bulwark of
his power. This unwelcome intelligence was followed by
* " Por lo demas, quado acaezca otra co8a,ya yo lie viuido muchos anos,
y tengo tan bue palmo de pe8cue9o para la aoga, como cada uno de vuesas
mercedes." — Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. y. cap. v.
f* ** Loca 7 luciferina sobeniia,^ as Fernandez characterises the aspiring
temper of Gonzalo. — Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib.ii. cap. xv.
X MS* de Caravantes. According to Garcilasso, Paniagua was furnished
with secret instructions by the president, empowering him, in case he judged
it necessary to the preservation of the royal authority, to confirm Pizarro in
the government, "it being little matter if the Devil ruled there, provided
the country remained to the Crown ! " The fact was so reported by
Paniagua, who continued in Peru after these events. (Com. Real., parte ii.
lib. y. cap. v.) This is possible. But it is more probable that a credulous
gossip, like Garcilasso, should be in error, than that Charles the Fifth
should have been prepared to make such an acknowledgment of his imbe-
cility, or that the man selected for Gasca^s confidence should have so
indiscreetly betrayed his trust.
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DEFECTION OF PIZABKO's FOLLOWERS. 161
accounts of the further defection of some of the principal
towns in the north, and of the assassination of Puelles, the
faithful lieutenant to whom he had confided the government
of Quito. It was not very long, also, hefore he found his
authority assailed in the opposite quarter at Ouzco ; for
Centeno, the loyal chieftain who, as the reader may remem-
her, had heen driven hy Carhajal to take refuge in a cave
near Arequipa, had issued from his concealment after
remaining there a year, and, on learning the arrival of
Gasca, had again raised the royal standard. Then collect-
ing a small hody of followers, and falling on Cuzco hy night,
he made himself master of that capital, defeated the garri-
son who held it, and secured it for the Grown. Marching
soon after into the province of Oharcas, the hold chief allied
himself with the officer who commanded for Pizarro in
La Plata ; and their comhined forces, to the number of a
thousand, took up a position on the borders of Lake
Titicaca, where the two cavaliers coolly waited an opportu-
nity to take the field against their ancient commander.
Gonzalo Pizarro, touched to the heart by the desertion of
those in whom he most confided, was stunned by the dismal
tidings of his losses coming so thick upon him. Yet he did
not waste his time in idle crimination or complaint, but
immediately set about making preparations to meet the
storm with all his characteristic energy. He wrote at once
to such of his captains as he believed still faithful, com-
manding them to be ready with their troops to march to his
assistance at the shortest notice. He reminded them of
their obligations to him, and that their interests were
VOL. III. M
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162 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
identical with his own. The president's commission, he
added, had been made out before the news had reached
Spain of the battle of A£aquito, and ooold neyer cover a
pardon to those concerned in the death of the yiceroj.*
Pizarro was equally active in enforcing his levies in the
capital, and in putting them in the best fighting order.
He soon saw himself at the head of a thousand men, beauti-
fully equipped, and complete in all their appointments ;
"as gallant an array,'* says an old writer, ''though so
small in number, as ever trod the plains of Italy," display-
ing in the excellence of their arms, their gorgeous uniforms,
and the caparisons of their horses, a magnificence that
could be furnished only by the silver of Peru.t Each
company was provided with a new stand of colours, embla-
zoned with its peculiar device. Some bore the initials and
arms of Pizarro, and one or two of these were audaciously
surmounted by a crown, as if to intimate the rank to which
their commander might aspire, j:
* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi.
cap. xi. xiii.— Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xlv. lix. —
MonteBinos, Annales, MS., auo 1547.
*)* ** Mil hombres tan bien armados i ader^eados, como Be ban visto en
Italia, en la maior prosperidad, porque ninguno bavia demas de las armas,
que no llerase cal^as, i jubon de scda, i mucbos de tela de oro, i de brocado,
i otros borbados, i recamados de oro i plata, con mucba cbaperia de oro por
lo8 sombreros, i especialmente por frascos i caxas de arcabuces."* — Zarate,
Conq. del Pern, lib. vi. cap. xi.
X Ibid., ubi supra. Some writers even assert tbat Pizarro was preparing
for his coronation at this time, and that he bad actually despatched his
summons to the diflferent towns to send their deputies to assist at it.
** Queria apresurar su coronacion, y para ello despachd cartas 6, todae las
ciudades del Peril." (Montesinos, Annales, MS., auo 1547.) But it is
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PIZARRO MUSTERS HIS LEVIES. 163
Among the leaders most conspicuous on this occasion was
Cepeda, ** who," in the words of a writer of his tune, "had
exchanged the rohe of the licentiate for the plumed casque
and mailed harness of the warrior.'*'*' But the cavalier to
whom Pizarro confided the chief care of organising his
battalions was the veteran Carbajal, who had studied the
art of war under the best captains in Europe, and whose
life of adventure had been a practical commentary on their
early lessons. It was on his arm that Gonzalo ino&t leaned
in the hour of danger ; and well had it been for him, if he
had profited by his counsels at an earlier period.
It gives one some idea of the luxurious accommodations
of Pizarro 's forces, that he endeavoured to provide each of
his musketeers with a horse. The expenses incurred by
him were enormous. The immediate cost of his prepara-
tions, we are told, was not less than half a million of pesos de
oro ; and his pay to the cavaliers, and, indeed to the
common soldiers, in his little army, was on an extravagant
scale, nowhere to be met with but on the silver soil of Peru.t
When his own funds were exhausted, he supplied the
deficiency by fin^s imposed on the rich citizens of Lima as
the price of exemption from service, by forced loans and
hardly probable he could have placed so blind a confidence in the colonists
at this crisis, as to have meditated so rash a step. The loyal Castilian his-
torians are not slow to receive reports to the discredit of the rebel.
* ** El qual en este tiempo, oluidado de lo que conuenia a sus letras, y
profession, y oficio de oydor ; salio en calfas jubon, y cuera, de muchos
recamados, y gorra con plumas/' — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii.
cap. Izii.
+ Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, ubi supra. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi.
cap. xi. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec viii. lib. iii. cap. v. — Montesinos,
Annales, auo 1547. M 2
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164 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
various other Bchemes of military exaction.* From this
time, it is said, the chieftain's temper underwent a visible
change, t He became more violent in his passions, more
impatient of control, and indulged more freely in acts
of cruelty and license. The desperate cause in which he
was involved made him reckless of consequences. Though
naturally frank and confiding, the frequent defection of his
followers filled him with suspicion. He knew not in whom
to confide. Every one who showed himself indifferent to
his cause, or was suspected of being so, was dealt with as
an open enemy. The greatest distrust prevailed in Lima.
No man dared confide in his neighbour. Some concealed
their effects ; others contrived to elude the vigilance of the
sentinels, and hid themselves in the neighbouring woods
and mountains.]: No one was allowed to enter or leave the
city without a license. All commerce, all intercourse, with
other places was cut off. It was long since the fifths
belonging to the Crown had been remitted to Castile, as
Pizarro had appropriated them to his own use. He now
took possession of the mints, broke up the royal stamps,
and issued a debased coin, emblazoned with his own cipher. §
It was the most decisive act of sovereignty.
• Fernandez, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixii. — Montesinos, Annales, MS.,
ano 1547.
i' Gomara, Hiet. de las Ind., cap. clzzii.
:{: '^ Andaba la gente tan asombrada con el temor de la muerte, que no
fle podian entender, ui tenian animo para huir ; i alganos, que hallaron
mejor aparejo, se escondieron por los canaverales i cuevas, enterrando sus
haciendas." — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. xv.
§ Rel. Anonima, MS. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., auo 1547. ** Assi
mismo echd GSzalo Pi9arro i toda la plata, que gastaua y destribuya su
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AGITATION IN LIMA. 165
At this gloomy period, the lawyer Cepeda contrived a
solemn farce, the intent of which was to give a sort of legal
sanction to the rehel cause in the eyes of the populace. He
caused a process to he prepared against Gasca, Hinojosa,
and Aldana, in which they were accused of treason against
the existing government of Peru, were convicted, and con-
demned to death* This instrument he submitted to a
number of jurists in the capital, requiring their signatures.
But they had no mind thus inevitably to implicate them-
selves, by affixing their names to such a paper ; and they
evaded it by representing, that it would only serve to cut off
all cbance, should any of the accused be so disposed, of their
again embracing the cause they had deserted. Cepeda was
the only man who signed the document. Carbajal treated
the whole thing with ridicule* " What is the object of your
process? " said he to Cepeda. ** Its object," replied the
latter, " is to prevent delay, that, if taken at any time, the
guilty party may be at once led to execution.'* — ** I cry you
mercy," retorted Carbajal; " I thought there must be some
virtue in the instrument that would have killed them outright.
Let but one of these same traitors fall into my hands, and I
will march him off to execution^ witbout waiting for the
sentence of a court, I promise you ! " *
xnarca, que era una G. rebuelta en una P. ; 7 pregond que so pena de
muerte todos recibiessen por plata fina la que tuuiesse aquella marca, sin
ensayo ni otra diligencia alguna. Y desta suerte hizo passar mucha plata
de ley baja por fina.'* — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixii.
* " Riose mucho entonccs Caruajal y dixo, que segd auia hecho la
instancia que auia entendido, que la justicia como rayo auia de yr luego a
justiciaries. Y dezia que si el los tuuiesse presos, no se le daria yn dauo
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166 SETTLEMEKT OF THE COUNTRT.
While this paper war was going on, news was brought
that Aldana's squadron was off the port of CaUao. That
commander had sailed from Panam£, the middle of February,
1547. On his passage down the coast he had landed at
Truzillo, where the citizens welcomed him with enthusiasm,
and eagerly proclaimed their submission to the royal
authority. He received, at tne same time, messages from
seyeral of Pizarrp's officers in the interior, intimating their
return to their duty and their readiness to support the
president. Aldana named Caxamalca as a place of rendez-
vous, where they should concentrate their forces, and wait
the landing of Gasca. He then continued his voyage
towards Lima.
No sooner was Pizarro informed of his approach, than,
fearful lest it might have a disastrous effect in seducing his
followers from their fidelity, he marched them about a
league out of the city, and there encamped. He was two
leagues from the coast, and he posted a guard on the shore,
to intercept all communication with the vessels. Before
leaving the capital, Cepeda resorted to an expedient for
securing the inhabitants more firmly, as he conceived, in
Pizarro's interests. He caused the citizens to be assem-
bled, and made them a studied harangue, in which he
expatiated on the services of their governor, and the secu-
rity which the country had enjoyed under his rule. He then
por 8U sentScia ni firmas.*^ (Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii.
cap. \v.) Among the jurisiB in Lima who thus independently resisted
Cepeda's requisition to sign the paper was the Licentiate Polo Ondegardo,
a man of much discretion, and one of the best authorities for the ancient
institutions of the Incas.
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PIZARBO ABANDONS THE CITT. 167
told them that eyerj man was at liberty to choose for himself
— to remain under the protection of their present ruler, or,
if they preferred, to transfer their allegiance to his enemy.
He invited them to speak their mxnds, but required every
one who would still continue under Pizarro to take an oath
of fidelity to his cause, with the assurance, that, if any
should be so false hereafter as to violate this pledge, he
should pay for it with his life.* There was no one found
bold enough — with his head thus in the lion's mouth — to
swerve frOm his obedience to Pizarro ; and eveiy man took
the oath prescribed, which was administered in the most
solemn and imposing form by the licentiate. Oarbajal, as
usual, made a jest of the whole proceeding. '* How long,"
he asked his companion, *' do you think these same oaths
will stand ? The first wind that blows off the coast after
we are gone will scatter them in air! " His prediction
was soon verified*
Meantime Aldana anchored off the port, where there was
no vessel of the insurgents- to molest him. By Gepeda's
advice, some four or five had been burnt a short time
before, during the absence of Oarbajal, in order to cut off
all means by which the inhabitants could leave the place.
This was deeply deplored by the veteran soldier on his
return. " It was destroying," he said, ** the guardian
angels of Lima."t And certainly, under such a com-
* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. 7 Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru,
parte i lib. ii« cap. bd. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., afio 1547. — Zarate,
Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. xL xir.
f ** Entre otras cosas dixo i Gon9alo Pi9arro ' Vuesa Senoria mando
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168 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY-
mander, they might now have stood Pizarro in good stead ;
hut his star was on the wane.
The first act of Aldana was to cause the copy of Gasca's
powers, with which he had heen intrusted, to he conveyed
to his ancient commander, hy whom it was indignantly torn
in pieces. Aldana next contrived, hy means of his agents,
to circulate among the citizens, and even the soldiers of the
camp, the president's manifestoes* They were not long in
producing their effect. Few had heen at all aware of the
real purport of Gasca's mission, of the extent of his powers,
or of the generous terms offered hy Government They
shrunk from the desperate course into which they had heen
thus unwarily seduced, and they sought only in what way
they could, with least danger, extricate themselves from
their present position, and return to their allegiance. Some
ecaped hy night from the camp, eluded the vigilance of the
sentinels, and effected their retreat on hoard the vessels.
Some were taken, and found no quarter at the hands
of Oarhajal and his merciless ministers. But, where the
spirit of disaffection was ahroad, means of escape were not
wanting.
As the fugitives were cut off from Lima and the neigh-
houring coast, they secreted themselves in the forests and
mountains, and watched their opportunity for making their
way to Truxillo, and other ports at a distance ; and so
contagious was the example, that it not unfrequently
happened that the very soldiers sent in pursuit of the
quemar cinco angeles que tenia en su puerto para guarda y defensa de la
costa del Peru.' ** — Garcilasso, parte ii. lib. v. cap. vi.
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FIZARRO ABANDONS THE CITT* 169
deBerters joined with them. Among those that fled was
the Licentiate Carbajal^ who must not be confounded with
his military namesake. He was the same cavalier whose
brother had been put to death in Lima by Blasco Nunez,
and who revenged himself, as we have seen, by imbruing
his own hands in the blood of the viceroy. That a person
thus implicated should trust to the royal pardon, showed
that no one need despair of it ; and the example proved
most disastrous to Pizarro.*
Oarbajal, who made a jest of everything, even of the
misfortunes which pinched him the sharpest, when told of
the desertion of his comrades, amused himself by humming
the words of a popular ditty : —
** The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother ;
Two at a time, it blows them away ! '' f
But the defection of his followers made a deeper impres-
sion on Pizarro, and he was sorely distressed as he beheld
the gallant array, to which he had so confidently looked for
gaining his battles, thus melting away like a morning mist.
Bewildered by the treachery of those in whom he had most
trusted, he knew not where to turn, nor what course to
take. It was evident that he must leave his present
dangerous quarters without loss of time. But whither
should he direct his steps ? In the north the great towns
* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Gomara, Hiat. de las Ind.,
cap. clxzz. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte 1. lib. ii. cap. Ixiii. Ixv. —
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vi. cap. xv. xvi.
+ " Estos mis cabellicos, madre ;
Dos & dos me los lleva el aire.*'
— Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxzx.
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170 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
had abandoned his cause, and the president was already
marching against him ; while Centeno held the passes of
the south, with a force double his own. In this emergency,
he at length resolved to occupy Arequipa, a sea-port still
true to him, where he might remain till he had decided on
some future course of operations.
After a painful but rapid march, Gonzalo arriyed at this
place, where he was speedily joined by a reinforcement that
he had detached for the recovery of Cuzco. But so fre-
quent had been the desertions from both companies, —
though in Fizarro's corps these had greatly lessened since
the departure from the neighbourhood of Lima, — that his
whole number did not exceed five hundred men, less than
half of the force which he had so recently mustered in the
capital. To such humble circumstances was the man now
reduced, who had so lately lorded it over the land with
unlimited sway ! Still the chief did not despond. He had
gathered new spirit from the excitement of his march and
his distance from Lima ; and he seemed to recover his
former confidence, as he exclaimed, ''It is misfortune that
teaches us who are our friends. If but ten only remain
true to me, fear not but I will again be master of Peru ! '* *
No sooner had the rebel forces withdrawn from the neigh-
bourhood of Lima, than the inhabitants of that city, little
troubled, as Carbajal had predicted, by their compulsory
oaths of allegiance to Pizarro, threw open their gates to
* '' Aunque siempre dijo, que con diez amigos que le quedasen, havia de
couaeryane i conquietar de nuevo el Perd ; tanta era su safia 6 su sobervia.**
— Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. clxzx.
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GASCA SAILS FROM PANAMA. 171
Aldana, who took possession of this importaut place in the
name of the president. That commander, meanwhile, had
sailed with his whole fleet from Fanam^, on the 10th of
April, 1547. The first part of his voyage was prosperous ;
hut he was soon perplexed hy contrary currents, and the
weather hecame rough and tempestuous. The violence of
the storm continuing day after day, the sea was lashed into
fuiy, and the fleet was tossed ahout on the billows, which
ran mountain high, as if emulating the wild character of the
region they bounded. The rain descended in torrents, and
the lightning was so incessant, that the vessels, to quote the
lively language of the chronicler, "seemed to be driving
through seas of flame ! " * The hearts of the stoutest
mariners were filled with dismay. They considered it
hopeless to struggle against the elements, and they loudly
demanded to return to the continent, and postpone the
voyage till a more favourable season of the year.
But the president saw in this the ruin of his cause, as
well as of the loyal vassals who had engaged, on his landing,
to support it. " I am willing to die," he said, " but not to
return ;" and, regardless of the remonstrances of his more
timid followers, he insisted on carrying as much sail as the
ships could possibly bear, at every interval of the storm.t
* " Y lo« truenoB j relapagos eran tantos 7 tales, que siempre parecia
que estauan en llamas, y que sobre ellos Tenian rayos (que en todas aquellas
partes caen mucbos)." (Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii.
cap. Ixzi.) The yivid colouring of tbe old chronicler shows that he had
himself been familiar with these tropical tempests on the Pacific.
f « Y con lo poco que en aquella sazon el presidente estimauala yida si
no auia de hazer la jomada, y el gran desseo que tenia de hazerla, sa puso
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172 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
Meanwhile, to divert the minds of the seamen from their
present danger, Gasca amused them by explaining some of
the strange phenomena exhibited by the ocean in the
tempest, which had filled their superstitious minds with
mysterious dread.*
Signals had been given for the ships to make the best of
their way, each for itself, to the island of Gorgona. Here
they arrived, one after another, with but a single exception,
though all more or less shattered by the weather. The
president waited only for the fury of the elements to spend
itself, when he again embarked, and, on smoother waters,
crossed over to Manta. From this place he soon after con-
tinued his voyage to Tumbez, and landed at that port on
the 13th of June. He was everywhere received with enthu-
siasm, and all seemed anxious to effiace the remembrance of
the past by professions of future fidelity to the Crown.
Gasca received, also, numerous letters of congratulation
from cavaliers in the interior, most of whom had formerly
taken service under Pizarro. He made courteous acknow-
ledgments for their offers of assistance, and commanded
them to repair to Caxamalca, the general place of rendezvous.
To this same spot he sent Hinojosa^ so soon as that officer
cotra ellos diziendo, que qual quiera que le tocasse en abazar vela, le eos-
taria la vida." — Fernandez, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxi.
* The phosphoric lights, sometimes seen in a storm at sea, were
observed to hover round the masts and rigging of the president's vessel ;
and he amused the seamen, according to Fernandez, hy explaining the
phenomenon, and telling the feibles to which they had given rise in ancient
mythology. — This little anecdote affords a key to Gasca's popularity with
even the humblest classes.
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BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA. 173
had disembarked with the land forces from the fleet, order-
ing him to take command of the levies assembled there, and
then join him at Xauxa. Here he determined to establish
his head-quarters. It lay in a rich and abundant territory,
and by its central position afforded a point for acting with
greatest adyantage against the enemy.
He then moyed forward, at the head of a small detach-
ment of cavalry, along the level road on the coast towards
Truxillo. After halting for a short time in that loyal city,
he traversed the mountain range on the south-east, and soon
entered the fruitful valley of Xauxa- There he was pre-
sently joined by reinforcements from the north, as well as
from the principal places on the coast ; and, not long after
his arrival, received a message from Centeno, informing him
that he held the passes by which Gonzalo Pizarro was pre-
paring to make his escape from the country, and that the
insurgent chief must soon fall into his hands.
The royal camp was greatly elated by these tidings. The
war, then, was at length terminated, and that without the
president having been called upon so much as to lift his
sword against a Spaniard. Several of his counsellors now
advised him to disband the greater part of his forces, as
burdensome and no longer necessary. But the president was
too wise to weaken his strength before he had secured the
victory. He consented, however, to countermand the requi-
sition for levies from Mexico and the adjoining colonies,
as now feeling sufficiently strong in the general loyalty of
the country. But, concentrating his forces at Xauxa, he
established his quarters in that town, as he had first intended.
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174 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUHTRT.
resolved to await there tidings of the operations in the south.
The result was different from what he had expected.*
Pizarro, meanwhile, whom we left at Arequipa, had de-
cided, after much deliberation, to evacuate Peru, and pass
into Chili. In this territory, beyond the president's juris-
diction, he might find a safe retreat. The fickle people, he
thought, would soon weary of their new ruler : and he would
then rally in sufficient strength to resume active operations
for the recovery of his domain. Suck were the calculations
of the rebel chieftain. But how was he to effect his object,
while the passes among the mountains, where his route lay,
were held by Centeno with a force more than double his
own ? He resolved to try negotiation ; for that captain had
once served under him, and had, indeed, been most active
in persuading Pizarro to take on himself the office of pro-
curator. Advancing, accordingly, in the direction of Lake
Titicaca, in the neighbourhood of which Centeno had pitched
his camp, Gonzalo despatched an emissary to his quarters to
open a negotiation. He called to his adversary's recollec-
tion the friendly relations that had once subsisted between
them ; and reminded him of one occasion in particular, in
* For the preceding pages, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. ; —
Zarate, Gouq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. i. ; — Herrera, Hist General, dec Tiil
lib. iii. cap. ziv. et seq. ; — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap.
Ixxi. Izxvii. ; — MS. de Caravantes. This last writer, who held an important
post in the department of colonial finance, had opportunities of information
which have enabled him to furnish several particulars not to be met with
elsewhere, respecting the principal actors in these turbulent times. His
work, still in manuscript, which formerly existed in the archives of the
University of Salamanca, has been transferred to the King's library at
Madrid.
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BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA. 175
which he had spared his life, when convicted of a conspiracy
against himself. He harhoured no sentiments of unkind-
ness, he said, for Centeno*s recent conduct, and had not
now come to seek a quarrel with him. His purpose was to
ahandon Pern ; and the only favour he had to request of
his former associate was to leave him a free passage across
the mountains.
To this communication Oenteno made answer in terms as
courtly as those of Pizarro himself, that he was not un-
mindful of their ancient friendship.. He was now ready to
serve his former commander in any way not inconsistent
with honour, or ohedience to his sovereign. But he was
there in arms for the royal cause, and he could not swerve
from his duty. If Pizarro would hut rely on his faith, and
surrender himself up, he pledged his knightly word to use
all his interest with the government, to secure as favourahle
terms for him and hia followers as had heen granted to the
rest of their countrymen. — Gonzalo listened to the smooth
promises of his ancient comrade with hitter scorn depicted
in his countenance, and, snatching the letter from his secre-
tary, cast it away from him with indignation. There was
nothing left hut an appeal to armt^.*
He at once hroke up his encampment, and directed his
march on the herders of Lake Titicaca, near which lay his
rival. He resorted, however, to stratagem, that he might
still, if possihle, avoid an encounter. He seAt forward his
scoots in a different direction from that which he intended
* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Real.,
parte ii. lib. v. cap. xvi. — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii.
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176 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTBT.
to take, and then quickened his march on Huarina. This
was a small town situated on the south-eastern extremity of
Lake Titicaca, the shores of which, the seat of the primitive
civilisation of the Incas, were soon to resound with the
murderous strife of their more civilised conquerors !
But Pizarro's movements had been secretly communicated
to Centeno, and that commander, accordingly changing his
ground, took up a position not far from Huarina, on the
same day on which Gonzalo reached this place. The
videttes of the two camps came in sight of each other that
evening ; and the rival forces, lying on their arms, prepared
for action on the following morning.
It was the 26th of October, 1547, when the two com-
manders, having formed their troops in order of battle,
advanced to the encounter on the plains of Huarina. The
ground, defended on one side by a bold spur of the Andes,
and not far removed on the other from the waters of Titi-
caca, was an open and level plain, well suited to military
manoeuvres. It seemed as if prepared by Nature as the
lists for an encounter.
Centeno *s army amounted to about a thousand men. His
cavalry consisted of nearly two hundred and fifty, well
equipped and mounted. Among them were several gentle-
men of family, some of whom had once followed the banners
of Pizarro ; the whole forming an efficient corps, in which
rode some ofHhe best lances of Peru. His arquebusiers
were less numerous, not exceeding a hundred and fifty,
indifferently provided with ammunition. The remainder,
and much the larger part of Centeno *s army, consisted of
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BLOODY BATTLE OF HUABINA. 177
spearmen, irregular levies hastily drawn together, and
possessed of little discipline.*
This corps of infantry formed the centre of his line,
flanked hy the arquehusiers in two nearly equal divisions,
while his cavalry were also disposed in two hodies on the
right and left wings. Unfortunately, Centeno had heen for
the past week ill of a pleurisy, — so ill, indeed, that on the
preceding day he had heen hied several times. He was
now too feehle to keep his saddle, hut was carried in a
litter, and when he had seen his men formed in order, he
withdrew to a distance from the field, unahle to take part
in the action. But Solano, the militant hishop of Cuzco,
who, with several of his followers, took part in the engage-
ment, — a circumstance, indeed, of no strange occurrence, —
rode along the ranks with a crucifix in his hand, hestowing
his henediction on ^h^ soldiers^ and exhorting each man to
do his duty.
Pizarro's forces were less than half of his rival^s, not
amounting to more than four hundred and eighty men.
The horse did not muster ahove eighty-five in all, and he
posted them in a single hody on the right of his hattalion.
The strength of his army lay in his arquehusiers, ahout
three hundred and fifty in numher. It was an admirahle
corps, commanded hy Oarhajal, hy whom it had heen care-
fully drilled. Considering the excellence of its arms, and
* In the estimate of Centeno^s forces, — ^which raoges, in the dififerent
aocounts, from seven hundred to twelve hundred, — I have taken the inter-
mediate number of a thousand adopted by Zarate^ as, on the whole^ mo{9
probable than either extreme.
VOL. III. »
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178 8BTTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
its thorough discipline, this little hody of infantry might he
considered as the flower of the Peruvian soldiery, and on it
Pizarro mainly relied for the success of the day.* The
remainder of his force consisting of pikemen, not formidahle
for their numhers, though, like the rest of the infantry,
imder excellent discipline, he distrihuted on the left of his
musketeers, so as to repel the enemy's horse.
Pizarro himself had charge of the cavalry, taking his
place as usual, in the foremost rank. He was superhly
accoutred. Over his shining mail he wore a sohre-vest of
slashed velvet of a rich crimson-colour ; and he rode a high-
mettled charger, whose gaudy caparisons, with the showy
livery of his rider, made the fearless commander the most
conspicuous object in the field.
His lieutenant, Carbajal, was equipped in a very different
style. He wore armour of proof of the most homely appear-
ance, but strong and serviceable ; and his steel bonnet,
with its closely barred visor of the same material, protected
his head from more than one desperate blow on that day.
Over his arms he wore a surcoat of a greenish colour ; and
he rode an active, strong-boned jennet, which, though
capable of enduring fatigue, possessed neither grace nor
beauty. It would not have been easy to distinguish the
veteran from the most ordinary cavalier.
The two hosts arrived within six hundred paces of each
* FUtr de la milicUi del Peru, says Garcilasso de la Vega, who com-
pares Carbajal to an expert chess-player, disposing his pieces in such a
manner ae must infallibly secure him the victory. — ^Com. Real., parte, ii
lib. V. cap. zviii.
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BLOODY BATTLE OP HUABINA, 179
other, when they both halted. Carbajal preferred to receive
the attack of the enemy, rather than advance further ; for
the ground he now occupied afforded a free range for his
musketry, unobstructed by the trees or bushes that were
sprinkled over some other parts of the field. There was a
singular motive, in addition, for retaining his present posi-
tion* The soldiers were encumbered, some with two, some
with three arquebuses each, being the arms left by those
who from time to time had deserted the camp. This
uncommon supply of muskets, however serious an impedi-
ment on a march, might afford great advantage to troops
waiting an assault ; since, from the imperfect knowledge as
well as construction of fire-arms at that day, much time was
wasted in loading them.*
Preferring, therefore, that the enemy should begin the
attack, Carbajal came to a halt, while the opposite squadron,
after a short respite, continued their advance a hundred
paces farther. Seeing that they then remained immovable,
Carbajal detached a small party of skirmishers to the front,
in order to provoke them ; but it was soon encountered by a
similar party of the enemy, and some shots were exchanged,
though with little damage to either side. Finding this
manoeuvre fail, the veteran ordered his men to advance a
few paces, still hoping to provoke his antagonist to the
charge. This succeeded. ** We lose honour," exclaimed
* Gh&rcilasso, Com. ReaL, ubi supra. The historian's father — of the
same name with himself — was one of the few noble cavaliers who remained
futhfdl to Qonzalo Pizarro in the wane of his fortunes. He was present
at the battle of Huarina; and the particulars which he gave his son
enabled the latter to supply many deficiencies in the reports of historians.
N 2
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180 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
Centeno's soldiers ; who, with a hastard sort of chivalry,
beloDging to undisciplined troops, felt it a disgrace to await
an assault. In vain their officers called out to them to
remain at their post. Their commander was absent, and
they were urged on by the cries of a frantic friar, named
Domingo Ruiz, who believing the Philistines werie delivered
into their hands^ called out, — ''Now is the time I Onward,
onward, fall on the enemy! "* There needed nothing
further, and the men rushed forward in tumultuous haste,
the pikemen carrying their levelled weapons so heedlessly
as to interfere with one another, and in some instances to
wound their comrades. The musketeers, at the same time,
kept up a disorderly fire as they advanced, which from their
rapid motion and the distance, did no execution.
Carbajal was well pleased to see his enemies thus wasting
their ammunition. Though he allowed a few muskets to be
discharged, in order to stimulate his opponents the more, he
commanded the great body of his infantry to reserve their
fire till every shot could take effect. As he knew the
tendency of marksmen to shoot above the mark, he directed
his men to aim at the girdle, or even a little below it;
adding, that a shot that fell short might still do damage,
while one that passed a hair*s breadth above the head was
wasted.!
The veteran's company stood calm and unmoved, as
Centeno's rapidly advanced ; but when the latter had arrived
* '* A las manos, i las manos : & ellos, & eUos.'* — Fernandez, Hist, del
Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxix.
t Garcilasso, Com. ReaL, parte ii. lib. t. cap. zTiii.
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BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARIXA. 181
within one hundred paces of their antagonists, Carbajal
gave the word to fire. An instantaneous volley ran along
the line, and a tempest of balls was poured into the ranks
of the assailants, with such unerring aim, that more than a
hundred fell dead on the field, while a still greater number
were wounded. Before they could recover from their dis-
order, Carbajars men, snatching up their remaining pieces,
discharged them with the like dreadful effect into the thick
of the enemy. The confusion of the latter was now com-
plete. Unable to sustain the incessant shower of balls
which fell on them from the scattered fire kept up by the
arquebusiers, they were seized with a panic, and fled,
scarcely making a show of further fight, from the field.
But very different was the fortune of the day in the
cavalry combat. Gonzalo Pizarro had drawn up his troops
somewhat in the rear of Carbajars right, in order to give
the latter a freer range for the play of his musketry. When
the enemy's horse on the left galloped briskly against him,
Pizarro still favouring Carbajal, — whose fire, moreover,
inflicted some loss on the assailants, — advanced but a few
rods to receive the charge. Centeno's squadron, accord-
ingly, came thundering on in full career, and, notwithstand-
ing the mischief sustained from their enemy's musketry,
fell with such fury on their adversaries as to overturn them,
man and horse, in the dust ; " riding over their prostrate
bodies;" says the historian, " as if they had been a flock of
sheep ! " * The latter, with great difficulty, recovering
* ** Los de Diego Centeno, como yuan con la pujan9a de vna carrera
larga, lleuaron a los de Gon9alo Pi9arro de encuentro^ j los tropellaron
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182 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
from the first shock, attempted to rally and sustain the
fight on more equal terms.
Yet the chief could not regain the ground he had lost.
His men were driven hack at all points. Many were slain,
many more wounded, on hoth sides, and the ground was
covered with the dead hodies of men and horses. But the
loss fell much the most heavily on Pizarro's troop ; and the
greater part of those who escaped with life were obliged to
surrender as prisoners. Gepeda, who fought with the fury
of despair, received a severe cut from a sabre across the
face, which disabled him and forced him to yield.* Pizarro,
after seeing his best and bravest fall around him, was set
upon by three or four cavaliers at once. Disentangling
himself from the melee, he put spurs to his horse, and the
noble animal, bleeding from a severe wound across the
back, outstripped all his pursuers except one, who stayed
him by seizing the bridle. It would have gone hard with
Gonzalo, but, grasping a light battle-aze, which hung by
his side, he dealt such a blow on the head of his enemy's
horse that he plunged violently, and compelled his rider to
release his hold. A number of arquebusiers, in the mean
time, seeing Pizarro's distress, sprang forward to his rescue,
slew two of his assailants who had now come up with him,
and forced the others to fly in their tum.f
como si fueran ouejas, j cayeron cauallos y caualleroB.^* — Garcilasso, Com.
Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xix.
* Cepeda's wound laid open his nose, leaving so hideous a scar that he
was obliged afterwards to cover it with a patch, as Garcilasso tells us, who
frequently saw him in Cuzco.
t According to most authorities, Pizarro's horse was not only wounded
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BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA* 185
The rout of the cskvairj was complete, and Pizarro con-
sidered the day as lost, as he heard the enemy's trumpet
sending forth the note of yictory. But the sounds had
scarcely died away, when they were taken up hy the opposite
side. Centeno's infantry had been discomfited, as we have
seen, and driven o£F the ground. But his cavalry on the
right had charged Carhajal's left, consisting of spearmen
mingled with arquebusiers. The horse rode straight against
this formidable phalanx. But they were unable to break
through the dense array of pikes, held by the steady hands
of troops who stood firm and fearless on their post ; while,
at the same time, the assailants were greatly annoyed by
the galling fire of the arquebusiers in the rear of the spear-
men. Finding it impracticable to make a breach, the
horsemen rode round the flanks in much disorder, and
filially joined themselves with the victorious squadron of
Centeno's cavalry in the rear. Both parties now attempted
another charge on Carbajal*s battalion. But his men facing
about with the promptness and discipline of well-trained
soldiers, the rear was converted into the front. The same
forest of spears was presented to the attack, while an inces-
sant discharge of balls punished the audacity of the cavaliers,
who, broken and completely dispirited by their ineffectual
bat slain in the fight, and the loss was supplied by his friend Garcilasso do
la Vega, who mounted him on his own. This timely aid to the rebel did
no service to the generous cavalier in after times, but was urged against
him by his enemies as a crime. The fact is stoutly denied by his son, the
historian, who seems anxious to relieve his father from this honourable
imputation^ which threw a cloud over both their fortunes. — Garcilasso,
Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xxiii.
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184 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
attempt, at length imitated the example of the panic-struck
foot, and abandoned the field.
Pizarro and a few of his comrades still fit for action
followed up the pursuit for a short distance only, as, indeed,
they were in no condition themselves, nor sufficiently strong
in numbers, long to continue it. The victory was complete,
and the insurgent chief took possession of the deserted tents
of the enemy, where an immense booty was obtained in
silver ;* and where he also found the tables spread for the
refreshment of Centeno's soldiers after their return from
the field. So confident were they of success ! The repast
now served the necessities of their conquerors. Such is the
fortune of war ! It was, indeed, a most decisive action ;
and Gonzalo Pizarro, as he rode over the field strewed with
the corpses of his enemies, was observed several times to
cross himself and exclaim, — " Jesu ! what a victory ! "
No less than three hundred and fifty of Centeno's fol-
lowers were killed, and the number of wounded was even
greater. More than a hundred of these are computed to
have perished from exposure during the following night ;
for, although the climate in this elevated region is tem-
perate, yet the night winds blowing over the mountains
are sharp and piercing, and many a wounded wretch, who
* The booty amounted to do less than one million four hundred
thousand pesoSf according to Fernandez. ** El saco que yuo fue grande :
que se dixo ser de mas de vn millon y quatrocietos mil pesos."* (His^ del
Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxix.) The amount is, doubtless, grossly
exaggerated. But we get to be so &miliar with the golden wonders of
Peru, that, like the reader of the ** Arabian Nights," we become of too
easy feith to resort to the vulgar standard of probability.
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BLOODY BATTLE OF HUABINA. 185
might have heen restored hy careful treatment, was chilled
by the damps, and found a stiffened corpse at sunrise.
The victory was not purchased without a heavy loss on the
part of the conquerors, a hundred or more of whom were
lefit on the field. Their bodies lay thick oq,that part of the
ground occupied by Pizarro's cavalry, where the fight raged
hottest. In this narrow space were found, also, the bodies
of more than a hundred horses, the greater part of which,
as well as those of their riders, usually slain with them,
belonged to the victorious army. It was the most fatal
battle that had yet been fought on the blood-stained soil
of Peru.*
The glory of the day — the melancholy glory — must be
referred almost wholly to Oarbajal and his valiant squadron.
The judicious arrangements of the old warrior, with the
thorough discipline and unflinching courage of his followers,
retrieved the fortunes of the fight, when it was nearly lost
by the cavalry, and secured the victory.
Oarbajal, proof against all fatigue, followed up the pursuit
with those of his men that were in condition to join him.
* « La mas sangrienta batalla que vuo en el Peril." (Hist, del Per(i|
parte i. lib. ii. cap. bmx.) In the accounts of this battle there are dis.
crepancies, as usual, which the historian must reconcile as he can. Bot on
the whole, there is a general oonformity in the outline and in the prominent
points. All concur in representing it as the bloodiest fight that had yet
occurred between the Spaniards in Peru, and all assign to Carbajal the
credit of the victory. For authorities, besides Oarcilasso and Fernandez,
repeatedly quoted, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. (He was
present in the action) ; — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. iii. ; — Herrcra,
Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. iv. cap. ii. ; — Oomara, Hist, de las Indias,
cap. cbucri. ; — Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1547.
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186 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
Such of the unhappy fugitives as fell into his hands — most
of whom had heen traitors to the cause of Pizarro — were
sent to instant execution. The laurels he had won in the
field against hrave men in arms, like himself, were tarnished
by cruelty towards his defenceless captives* Their com-
mander, Centeno, more fortunate, made his escape. Find-
ing the battle lost, he quitted his litter, threw himself upon
his horse, and, notwithstanding his illness, urged on by the
dreadful doom that awaited him, if taken, he succeeded in
making his way into the neighbouring sierra. Here he'
vanished from his pursuers, and, like a wounded stag, with
the chase close upon his track, he still contrived to elude it,
by plunging into the depths of the forests, till by a cir-
cuitous route he miraculously succeeded in effecting his
escape to Lima. The bishop of Ouzco, who went off in
a different direction, was no less fortunate. Happy for him
that he did not fall into the hands of the ruthless Carbajal,
who, as the bishop had once been a partisan of Pizarro,
would, to judge from the little respect he usually showed
those of his cloth, have felt as little compunction in sen-
tencing him to the gibbet as if he had been the meanest of
the common file.*
On the day following the action, Gonzalo Pizarro caused
the bodies of the soldiers, still lying side by side on the
field where they had been so lately engaged together in
mortal strife, to be deposited in a common sepulchre.
• Pedro Pizarro, Descub. j Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Pern,
parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxix. — Zarate, lib. vii. cap. iii. — Garcilaaso, Com.
Real., parte ii. lib. t. cap. xxi, zxii.
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BLOODY BATTLE OP HUARINA. 187
Those of high rank — for distinctions of rank were not to he
forgotten in the grave — ^were remoyed to the church of
the Tillage of Huarina, which gave its name to the hattle.
There they were interred with all fitting solemnity. But
in later times they were transported to the cathedral church
of La Paz, ** The City of Peace," and laid under a mauso*
leum erected hy general suhscription in that quarter. For
few there were who had not to mourn the loss of some
friend or relative on that fatal day.
The victor now profited hy his success to send detach-
ments to Arequipa, La Plata, and other cities in that part
of the country, to raise funds and reinforcements for the
war. His own losses were more than compensated hy the
numher of the vanquished party who were content to take
service under his hanner. Mustering his forces, he directed
his march to Cuzco, which capital, though occasionally
seduced into a display of loyalty to the Crown, had early
manifested an attachment to his cause.
Here the inhahitants were prepared to receive him in
triumph, under arches thrown across the streets, with hands
of music, and minstrelsy commemorating his successes. But
Pizarro, with more discretion, declined the honours of an
ovation while the country remained in the hands of his
enemies. Sending forward the main hody of his troops, he
followed on foot, attended hy a slender retinue of £riends
and citizens, and proceeded at once to the cathedral, where
thanksgivings were offered up, and Te Deum was chanted
in honour of his victory. He then withdrew to his resi-
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188 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
dence, announcing his purpose to establish his quarters, for
the present, in the venerable capital of the Incas.*
All thoughts of a retreat into Chili were abandoned ; for
his recent success had kindled new hopes in his bosom, and
reviyed his ancient confidence. He trusted that it would
have a similar effect on the yacillating temper of those whose
fidelity had been shaken by fears for their own safety, and
their distrust of his ability to cope with the president. They
would now see that his star was still in the ascendant.
Without further apprehensions for the eyent, he resolved
to remain in Cuzco, and there quietly await the hour when
a last appeal to arms should decide which of the two was to
remain master of Peru.
• Garcilasso, Com. Real, parte ii. lib. v. cap. xxvii. — Ped. Pizairo,
Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. iii. GarciLuso
de la Vega, who was a boy at the time, witnessed Pizanro's entry into Cuzco.
He writes, therefore, from memory ; though after an interval of many
years. In consequence of his &ther*s rank, he had easy access to the
palace of Pizarro ; and this portion of his narrative may claim the consider*
ation due not merely to a contemporar}', but to an eyewitness.
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189
CHAFFEE III.
DISMAY IN GASCA's CAMP. — HIS WINTER QUARTERS. — RBSUMBS HIS
MARCH. — CROSSES THE APURIMAC. — PIZARRO's CONDUCT IN CUZCO.
— HE ENCAMPS NEAR THE CITY. — ROUT OF XAi^UIXAOUANA.
1547, 1548.
While the events recorded in the preceding chapter were
passing^ President Gasca had remained at Xauxa, awaiting
further tidings from Centeno, little douhting that they would
inform him of the total discomfiture of the rebels. Great
was his dismay, therefore, on learning the fatal issue of the
conflict at Huarina, — that the royalists had been scattered
far and wide before the sword of Pizarro, while their com-
mander had vanished like an apparition,* leaving the
greatest uncertainty as to his fate.
The intelligence spread general consternation among the
soldiers, proportioned to their former confidence ; and they
felt it was almost hopeless to contend with a man who
seemed protected by a charm that made him invincible
against the greatest odds. The president, however sore
his disappointment, was careful to conceal it, while he
endeavoured to restore the spirits of his followers. ** They
* ^ Y salio a la Ciudad de los Reyes, sin que Garbajal, ni alguno de los
enTos supiesse por donde fue, sino que parecio encantamiento." — Garcilasso,
Com. Real., parte ii. lib. y. cap. xxii.
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190 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
had been too sanguine," he said, ** and it was in this way
that heaven rebuked their presumption. Tet it -was but
in the usual course of events, that Providence, when it
designed to humble the guilty, should allow him to reach
as high an elevation as possible, that his fall might be the
greater ! "
But while Gasca thus strove to reassure the superstitious
and the timid, he bent his mind, with his usual energy, to
repair the injury which the cause had sustained by the
defeat at Huarina. He sent a detachment under Alvarado
to Lima, to collect such of the royalists as had fled thither
from the field of battle, and to dismantle the ships of their
cannon, and bring them to the camp. Another body was
sent to Guamanga, about sixty leagues from Cuzco, for the
similar purpose of protecting the fugitives and also of pre-
venting the Indian caciques from forwarding supplies to the
insurgent army in Cuzco. As his own forces now amounted
to considerably more than any his opponent could bring
against him, Gasca determined to break up his camp with-
out further delay, and march on the Inca capital.*
Quitting Xauza, December 29, 1547, he passed through
Guamanga, and after a severe march, rendered particularly
* Gasca, according to Ondegardo, supported his army, during his stay at
Xauza, from the Peruvian granaries in the valley, as he found a quantity
of maize still remaining in them suflBcient for several years' consumption.
It is passing strange that these depositaries should have heen so long re-
spected hy the hungry Conquerors. ** Cuando el Senor Presidente Gasca
passd con la gente de castigo de Gonsalo Pizarro por el Valle de Jauja,
estuvo alii siete semanas i lo que me acuerdo, se hallaron en deposito maiz
de cuatro y de tres y de dos anos mas de 15,000 hanegas junto al camino, e
alii comid la gente." — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS.
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gasca's winter quarters. 191
fatiguing by the inclement state of the weather and the
badness of the roads, he entered the province of Anda-
guaylas. It was a fair and fraitful country, and since the
road beyond would take him into the depths of a gloomy
sierra, scarcely passable in the winter snows, Gasca re-
solved to remain in his present quarters until the severity
of the season was mitigated. As many of the troops had
already contracted diseases from exposure to the incessant
rains^ he established a camp hospital ; and the good presi-
dent personally visited the quarters of the sick, ministering
to their wants, and winning their hearts by his sympathy.*
Meanwhile, the royal camp was strengthened by the con-
tinual arrival of reinforcements ; for notwithstanding the
shock that was caused throughout the country by the first
tidings of Pizarro's victory, a little reflection convinced the
people that the right was the strongest, and must eventually
prevail. There came, also, with these levies, several of the
most distinguished captains in the country. Centeno, burn-
ing to retrieve his late disgrace, after recovering from his
illness, joined the camp with his followers from Lima.
Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, who, as the reader will
remember, had shared in the defeat of Blasco Nu&ez in the
north, came with another detachment ; and was soon after
followed by Valdivia, the famous conqueror of Chili, who,
having returned to Peru to gather recruits for his expedi-
tion, had learned the state of the country, and had thrown
♦ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. ir. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru,
parte i. lib. ii. cap, Ixxxii. Ixxxv, — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS.,
— Cieza de Leon, cap. zc
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192 SBTTLEMENT OP THE COUNTEY.
himself, without hesitation, into the same scale with the
president, though it brought him into colliaion with his old
friend and comrade, Gonzalo Pizarro. The arrival of this
last ally was greeted with general rejoicing by the camp ;
for Yaldivia, schooled in the Italian wars, was esteemed
the most accomplished soldier in Peru ; and Gasca compli-
mented him by declaring " he would rather see him than a
reinforcement of eight hundred men ! '' *
Besides these warlike auxiliaries, the president was
attended by a train of ecclesiastics and civilians, Buch as
was rarely found in the martial fields of Peru. Among
them were the bishops of Quito, Cuzco, and Lima, the four
judges of the new Audience, and a considerable number of
churchmen and monkish missionaries. f However little they
might serve to stregthen his arm in battle, their presence
gave authority and something of a sacred character to the
cause, which had their effect on the minds of the soldiers.
The wintry season now began to give way before the
mild influence of spring, which makes itself early felt in
these tropical, but from their elevation, temperate regions ;
and Gasca, after nearly three months* detention in Anda-
guaylas, mustered his levies for the final march upon
Cuzco. :|: Their whole number fell little short of two thou-
• At least, so says Valdiviain his letter to the emperor: " I dixo puhlico
que estimara mas mi persona que k los mejores ochocientos hombres de
guerra que le pudieran venir aquella hora.** — Carta de Yaldivia, MS.
+ Zarate, MS.
X Oieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. zc. The old chronicler, or rather geo-
grapher, Oieza de Leon, was present in the campaign, he tells us ; so that
his testimony, always good, becomes for the remaining events of more than
usual value.
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GASCA RESUMES HIS MARCH, 193
sand, — the largest European force yet assembled in Peru.
Nearly half were proyided with fire-arms ; and infantry
was more ayailable than horse in the piountain countries
which they were to traverse. But his cavalry was also
numerous, and he carried with him a train of eleven heavy
guns. The equipment and discipline of the troops were
good ; they were well provided with ammunition and mili-
tary stores ; and were led by officers whose names were
associated with the most memorable achievements in the
new world. All who had any real interest in the weal of
the country were to be found, in short, under the president's
banner, making a striking contrast to the wild and reckless
adventurers who now swelled the ranks of Pizarro.
Gasca, who did not affect a greater knowledge of military
affairs than he reaUy possessed, had given the charge of his
forces to Hinojosa, naming the Marshal Alvarado as second
in command. Yaldivia, who came after these dispositions
had been made, accepted a colonel's commission, with the
understanding that he was to be consulted and employed in
all matters of moment.* — Having completed his arrange-
* Yaldivia, indeed, claims to have had the whole command intrusted to
him by Grasca. ^ Luego me dio el autoridad toda que traia de parte de
y. M. para en los casos tocantes d la guerra, i me encargd todo el exercito,
1 le puso baxo de mi mano rogaudo i pidiendo por merced de su parte &
todos aquellos cahalleros capitanes e gente de guerra, i de la di Y. M. man-
dandoles me obedesdesen en todo lo que les mandase acerca de la guerra,
i cumpliesen mis mandamientos como los suyos."* (Carta de Yaldivia, MS.)
But other authorities state it, with more probability, as given in the text.
Yaldivia, it must be confessed, loses nothing from modesty. The whole of
his letter to the Emperor is written in a strain of self-glorification, rarely
matched even by a Gastilian hidalgo.
VOL. Ill, O
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194 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
znents, the president broke up his camp in March, 1548,
and moved upon Cuzco.
The first obstacle to his progress was the river Abancay,
the bridge over which had been broken down by the enemy.
But as there was no force to annoy them on the opposite
bank, the army was not long in preparing a new bridge,
and throwing it across the stream, which in this place had
nothing formidable in its character. The road now struck
into the heart of a mountain region, where woods, pre-
cipices, and ravines were mingled together in a sort of
chaotic confusion, with here and there a green and sheltered
valley, glittering like an island of verdure amidst the wild
breakers of a troubled ocean. The bold peaks of the
Andes, rising far above the clouds, were enveloped in snow,
which, descending far down their udes, gave a piercing
coldness to the winds that swept over their surface, until
men and horses were benumbed and stiffened under their
influence. The roads, in these regions, were in some places
so narrow and broken, as to be nearly impracticable for
cavalry. The cavaliers were compelled to dismount ; and
the president, with the rest, performed the journey on foot,
so hazardous, that, even in later times, it has been no un-
common thing for the sure-footed mule to be precipitated,
with its cargo of silver, thousands of feet down the sheer
sides of a precipice.*
By thesb impediments of the ground, the march was so
retarded, that the troops seldom accomplished more than
* Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. zcl.
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6ASCA GROSSES THE APURIHAG. 195
two leagues a day.* Fortunately, the distance was not
great : and the president looked with more apprehension to
the passage of the Apurimac, which he was now approach-
ing. This river, one of the most formidable tributaries of
the Amazon, rolls its broad waters through the gorges of
the Cordilleras, that rise up like an immense rampart of
rock on either side, presenting a natural barrier which it*
would be easy for an enemy to make good against a force
much superior to his own. The bridges over this river, as
Gasca learned before his departure from Andaguaylas, had
been all destroyed by Pizarro. The president, accordingly,
had sent to explore the banks of the stream, and determine
the most eligible spot for re-establishing communications
with the opposite side.
The place selected was near the Indian village of Cota-
pampa, about nine leagues from Cuzco ; for the river,
though rapid and turbulent from being compressed within
more narrow limits, was here less than two hundred paces
in width ; a distance, however, not inconsiderable. Direc*
tions had been given to collect materials in large quantities
in the neighbourhood of this spot as soon as possible ; and
at the same time, in order to perplex the enemy and compel
him to divide his forces, should he be disposed to resist,
materials in smaller quantities were assembled on three
other points of the river. The officer stationed in the
neighbourhood of Cotapampa was instructed not to begin to
lay the bridge, till the arrival of a sufficient force should
accelerate the work, and insure its success.
* MS. de Caravantes.
Digitized by"
y^oogle
196 SETTLEMEUT OF THE COUNTRY.
The structure in question, it should be remembered, was
one of those suspension bridges formerly employed by the
Incas, and still used in crossing the deep and turbulent
rivers of South America. They are made of osier withes^
twisted into enormous cables, which, when stretched across
the water, are attached to heavy blocks of masonry, or,
where it will serve, to the natural rock. Planks are laid
transversely across these cables, and a passage is thus
secured, which, notwithstanding the light and fragile
appearance of the bridge, as it swings at an elevation
sometimes of several hundred feet above the abyss, affords
a tolerably safe means of conveyance for men, and even for
such heavy burdens as artillery.*
Notwithstanding the peremptory commands of Gasca, the
officer entrusted with collecting the materials for the bridge
was so anxious to have the honour of completing the work
himself, that he commenced it at once. The president,
greatly displeased at learning this, quickened his march, in
order to cover the work with his whole force. But, while
toiling through the mountain labyrinth, tidings were brought
him that a party of the enemy had demolished the small
portion of the bridge already made, by cutting the cables on
the opposite bank. Valdivia, accordingly, hastened forward
at the head of two hundred arquebusiers, while the main
body of the army followed with as much speed as practicable.
* Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxzvi Ixxxvii. —
Zarate,Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. v. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq.,
MS. — MS. de Caravantes. — Carta de Valdivia, MS. — ^Relacion del Lie.
Gasca, MS.
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QASCA CROSSES THE APUBIMAO. 197
That officer, on reaching the spot, found that the inter*
ruption had heen caased by a small party of Pizarro's
followers, not exceeding twenty in number, assisted by a
stronger body of Indians. He at once caused hahas, broad
and clumsy barks, or rather rafts, of the country, to be
provided, and by this means passed his men over, without
opposition, to the other side of the river. The enemy, dis-
concerted by the arrival of such a force, retreated, and
made the best of their way to report the affair to their
commander at Cuzco. Meanwhile, Yaldivia, who saw the
importance of every moment in the present crisis, pushed
forward the work with the greatest vigour. Through all
that night his weary troops continued the labour, which was
already well advanced, when the president and his batta-
lions, emerging from the passes of the Cordilleras, presented
themselves at sunrise on the opposite bank.
Little time was given for repose, as all felt assured that
the success of their enterprise hung on the short respite now
given them by the improvident enemy. The president, with
his principal officers, took part in the labour with the com-
mon soldiers ;* and before ten o'clock in the evening, Gasca
had the satisfaction to see the bridge so well secured, that
the leading files of the army, unencumbered by their bag-
gage, might venture to cross it. A short time sufficed to
place several hundred men on the other bank. But here a
new difficulty, not less formidable than that of the river,
* ^ La gente que estaua, de la vna parte y de la otra, todos tirauan y
trabajauan al poner y apretar d^ las criznejas, sin que el Presideute ni
obispoB, ni otra persona, quisiesse tener preuilegio para dexar de trabajar.^
— Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. Izzxyii.
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198 SETTLEMEXT OF THE GOUXTRY.
presented itself to the troops. The ground rose up with an
ahrupt, almost precipitous, swell from the river-side, till, in
the highest peaks, it reached an eleyation of several thou-
sand feet. This steep ascent, though not to its full height,
indeed, was now to he surmounted. The difficulties of the
ground, hroken up into fearful chasms and water-courses,
and tangled with thickets, were greatly increased hy the
darkness of the night ; and the soldiers, as thej toiled
slowly upward, were filled with apprehension, akin to fear,
from the uncertainty whether each successive step might
not hring them into an amhuscade, for which the ground
was so favourahle. More than once, the Spaniards were
thrown into a panic hy false reports that the enemy were
upon them. But Hinojosa and Yaldivia were at hand to
rally their men, and cheer them on, until, at length, hefore
dawn hroke, the hold cavaliers and their followers placed
themselves on the highest point traversed hy the road,
where they waited the arrival of the president. This was
not long delayed ; and in the course of the following morn-
ing, the royalists were already in sufficient strength to hid
defiance to their enemy.
The passage of the river had heen effected with less loss
than might have heen expected, considering the darkness of
the night, and the numhers that crowded over the aerial
causeway. Some few, indeed, fell into the water, and were
drowned ; and more than sixty horses, in the attempt to
swim them across the river, were hurried down the current,
and dashed against the rocks helow.* It still required time
* ** Aquel dia pasaron mas de quatrocientoa hombreS| llevando loa
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GASCA GROSSES THE AFUBIMAO. 199
to bring up the heavy train of ordnance and the military
waggons ; and the president encamped on the strong ground
which he now occupied, to await their arrival, and to
breathe his troops after their extraordinary efforts. In
these quarters we must leave him, to acquaint the reader
with the state of things in the insurgent army, and with
the cause of its strange remissness in guarding the passes
of the Apurimac*
From the time of Pizarro's occupation of Cuzco, he had
lived in careless luxury in the midst of his followers, like a
soldier of fortune in the hour of prosperity ; enjoying the
present, with as little concern for the future as if the crown
of Peru were already fixed irrevocably upon his head. It
was otherwise with Carbajal. He looked on the victory at
Huarina as the commencement, not the close, of the
struggle for empire ; and he was indefatigable in placing
his troops in the best condition for maintaining their present
advantage. At the first streak of dawn, the veteran might
be seen mounted on his mule, with the garb and air of a
common soldier, riding about in the different quarters of
the capital, sometimes superintending the manufacture of
arms or providing military stores, and sometimes drilling
caballoB & nado, encima de ellos atadas bus armas i arcabuces, caso que se
perdieron mas de sesenta caballosj'^que con la corriente grande se desataron,
i loego daban en vnas penas, donde se hacian pedaf os, sin darles lugar el
impetu del rio & que pudiesen nadar."* — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii.
cap. V. — Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. cbczzir.
♦ Ibid., ubi supra. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii.
cap. Ixxxvii. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. v. — Pedro Pizarro,
Descub. y Conq., MS. — MS. de Caravantes. — ^Carta de Valdivia, MS. —
Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. xci. — Rekcion del Lie. Gasca, MS.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
200 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
Ills men, for he was most careful always to maintain the
strictest discipline.* His restless spirit seemed to find no
pleasure but in incessant action ; living, as he had always
done in the turmoil of military adyenture, he had no relish
for anything unconnected with war, and in the city saw only
the materials for a well organised camp.
With these feelings, he was much dissatisfied at the
course taken by his younger leader, who now professed his
intention to abide where he was, and, when the enemy
advanced, to give him battle. Carbajal advised a very
different policy. He had not that full confidence, it would
seem, in the loyalty of Pizarro's partisans, at least, not of
those who had once followed the banner of Centeno. These
men, some three hundred in number, had been in a manner
compelled to take service under Pizarro. They showed no
heartiness in the cause, and the veteran strongly urged his
commander to disband them at once ; since it was far
better to go to battle with a few faithful followers than
with a host of the false and faint-hearted.
But Carbajal thought, also, that his leader was not suffi-
ciently strong in numbers to encounter his opponent, sop-
ported as he was by the best captains of Peru. He advised,
accordingly, that he should abandon Cuzco, carrying off all
the treasure, provisions, and stores of every kind from the
* ** Andaua Biempre en vna mula crescida de color entre pardo y
bennejo, y no le vi en otra caualgadura en todo el tiempo que estnuo en
el Cuzco antes de la batalla de Sacsahuana. Era tan contino y diligete en
Bolicitar lo que & su exercito conuenia, que & todas horas del dia y de la
noche le topauan bus soldndos ha2iendo su oficio, y los agenos." — Gkrcilasso,
Com. Real., parte i. lib. v. cap. xxvii.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PIZARRO'S CONDUCT DT CUZCO. 201
city, which might, in any way, serve the necessities of the
royalists. The latter, on their arrival, disappointed hy the
poverty of a place where they had expected to find so much
hooty, would hecome disgusted with the service. Pizarro,
meanwhile, might take refuge with his men in the neigh-
homing fastnesses, where, familiar with the ground, it would
he easy to elude the enemy ; and if the latter persevered in
the pursuit, with numhers diminished hy desertion, it would
not he difficult in the mountain passes to find an opportunity
for assailing him at advantage. — Such was the wary counsel
of the old warrior. But it was not to the taste of his fiery
commander, who preferred to risk the chances of a hattle,
rather than turn his hack on a foe.
Neither did Pizarro show more favour to a proposition,
said to have heen made hy the Licentiate Cepeda, — that he
should avail himself of his late success to enter into nego-
tiations with Gasca. Such advice, from the man who had
BO recently resisted all overtures of the president, could only
have proceeded from a conviction, that the late victory
placed Pizarro on a vantage-ground for demanding terms
far better than would have heen before conceded to him. It
may be that subsequent experience had also led him to dis-
trust the fidelity of Gonzalo's followers, or possibly, the
capacity of their chief to conduct them through the present
crisis. Whatever may have been the motives of the slippery
coimsellor, Pizarro gave little heed to the suggestion, and
even showed some resentment, as the matter was pressed on
him. In every contest, with Indian or European, whatever
had been the odds, he had come off victorious. He was
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
202 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTBT.
not now for the first time to despond ; and he resolved to
remain in Cuzco, and hazard all on the chances of a battle.
There was something in the hazard itself captivating to his
bold and chivalrous temper. In this, too, he was confirmed
bj some of the cavaliers who had followed him through all
his fortunes ; reckless young adventurers, who, like himself,
would rather risk all on a single throw of the dice, than
adopt the cautious, and, as it seemed to them, timid policy
of graver counsellors. It was by such advisers, then, that
Pizarro's future course was to be shaped.*
Such was the state of affairs in Cuzco, when Fizarro*s
soldiers returned with the tidings, that a detachment of the
enemy had crossed the Apurimac, and were busy in re-esta-
blishing the bridge. Carbajal saw at once the absolute
necessity of maintaining this pass. ''It is my affair," he
said ; *' I claim to be employed on this service. Give me
but a hundred picked men, and I will engage to defend the
pass against an army, and bring back the chaplain " — the
name by which the president was known in the rebel camp
— ** a prisoner to Cuzco. **t " I cannot spare you, father,"
said Gonzalo, addressing him by this affectionate epithet,
which he usually applied to his aged follower,} " I cannot
* Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xxvii, — Gomara, Hist, de
las Indias, cap. clxzzii. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii.
cap. Ixxxviii. '* Finalmente, Gongalo Pizarro dixo que queria prouar sa
Ventura : pues sieoipre auia side vencedor, 7 jamas vencido.** — Ibid.,
ubi supra.
f* ** Paresceme vuestra Seuoria se vaya k la vuelta del collao y me deje
cien hombres, los que 70 escojiere, que 70 me ir€6, vista deste capellan^ que
ansi Uamaba kl al presidente." — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. 7 Conq., MS.
X Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. zxxi.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PIZARRO'S CONDUCT IN CUZCO. 203
spare you so far from mj own person ;'* and he gave the
commission to Juan de Acosta, a young cavalier warmly
attached to his commander, and who had given undoubted
evidence of his valour on more than one occasion, but who,
as the event proved, was signally deficient in the qualities
demanded for so critical an undertaking as the present.
Acosta, accordingly, was placed at the head of two hundred
mounted musketeers, and, after much wholesome counsel
from Carbajal, set out on his expedition.
But he soon forgot the veteran's advice, and moved at so
dull a pace over the difficult roads, that, although the
distance was not more than nine leagues, he found, on his
arrival, the bridge completed, and so large a body of the
enemy already crossed, that he was in no strength to attack
them. Acosta did, indeed, meditate an ambuscade by
night ; but the design was betrayed by a deserter, and he
contented himself with retreating to a safe distance, and
sending for a further reinforcement from Cuzco. Three
hundred men were promptly detached to his support ; but
when they arrived, the enemy was already planted in full
force on the crest of the eminence. The golden opportu-
nity was irrecoverably lost ; and the disconsolate cavalier
rode back in all haste to report the failure of his enterprise
to his commander in Cuzco.*
* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru,
parte i. lib. ii. cap. Ixxxviii. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib.vii. cap. v. —
Carta de Yaldivia, MS. Yaldivia's letter to the Emperor, dated at Con-
cepdon, was written about two years afler the events above recorded. It
is chiefly taken up with his Chilian conquests, to which his campaign
under Gasca, on his visit to Peru, forms a kind of brilliant episode. This
Digitized by VjOOQIC ^""^
204 8BTTLBMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
The only qnestion now to be decided was as to the spot
where Gonzalo Pizarro should give battle to his enemies.
He determined at once to abandon the capital and wait for
his opponents in the neighbouring valley of Xaquixaguana.
It was about five leagues distant, and the reader may
remember it as the place where Francis Pizarro burned the
Peruyian general Challcuchima, on his first occupation of
Cuzco. The valley, fenced round by the lofty rampart of
the Andes, was, for the most part, green and luxuriant,
affording many picturesque points of view ; and from the
genial temperature of the climate, had been a favourite
summer residence of the Indian nobles, many of whose
pleasure-houses stiU dotted the sides of the mountains. A
river, or rather stream, of no great volume, flowed through
one end of this enclosure, and the neighbouring soil was so
wet and miry as to have the character of a morass.
Here the rebel commander arrived, after a tedious march
over roads not easily traversed by his train of heavy
waggons and artillery. His forces amounted in all to about
nine hundred men, with some half dozen pieces of ordnance.
It was a well-appointed body, and under excellent discipluie,
for it had been schooled by the strictest martinet in the
letter, the original of which is preserved in Simancas, covers about seventy
folio pages in the copy belonging to me. It is one of that class of hiatorieal
documents, consisting of the despatches and correspondence of the colonial
governors, which, from the minuteness of the details and the means of
information possessed by the writers, are of the highest worth. The des-
patches addressed to the Court, particularly, may compare with the cele-
brated Rdaaioni made by the Venetian ambassadors to their republic, and
now happily in the course of publication, at Florence, under the editorial
auspices of the learned Alberi.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PIZARRO ENCAMPS NEAR THE CITY. 205
Peruvian service. But it was the misfortune of Pizarro
that his army was composed, in part, at least, of men on
whose attachment to his cause he could not confidently
rely. This was a deficiency which no courage nor skill in
the leader could supply.
On entering the valley, Pizarro selected the eastern
quarter of it towards Cuzco, as the most favourable spot for
his encampment. It was crossed by the stream above
mentioned, and he stationed his army in such a manner,
that while one extremity of the camp rested on a natural
barrier formed by the mountain cliffs that here rose up
almost perpendicularly, the other was protected by the river.
While it was scarcely possible, therefore, to assail his flanks,
the approaches in front were so extremely narrowed by
diese obstacles, that it would not be easy to overpower him
by numbers in that direction. In the rear, his communi-
cations remained open with Cuzco, furnishing a ready
means for obtaining supplies. Having secured this strong
position, <he resolved patiently to wait the assault of the
Meanwhile the royal army had been toiling up the steep
sides of the CordiUeras, until, at the close of the third day,
the president had the satisfaction to find himself surrounded
by his whole force, with their guns and military stores.
Having now sufficienly refreshed his men, he resumed his
march, and all went forward with the buoyant confidence of
* Carta de Valdivia, MS. — Qarcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap.
xzxiii. xxxiv. — Pedro Pizarro/ Descub. y Conq., MS. — Gomara, Hist, de
las Indias, cap. clxxzv. — FemandeZ| Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap.
IzzxTiiU
Digitized by VjOOQIC '
206 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
bringing their quarrel with the tyrant, as Pizarro was called^
to a speedy issue.
Their advance was slow, as in the previous part of the
inarch, for the ground was equally embarrassing. It was
not long, however, before the president learned that his
antagonist had pitched his camp in the neighbouring valley
of Xaquixaguana. Soon afterward, two friars, sent by
Gronzalo himself, appeared in the army, for the ostensible
purpose of demanding a sight of the powers with which
Gasca was intrusted. But as* their conduct gave reason to
suspect they were spies, the president caused the holy men
to be seized, and refused to allow them to return to Pizarro.
By an emissary of his own, whom he despatched to the
rebel chief, he renewed the assurance of pardon already
given him, in case he would lay down his arms and submit.
Such an act of generosity, at this late hour, must be allowed
to be highly creditable to Gasca, believing, as he probably
did, that the game was in his own hands. — It is a pity that
the anecdote does not rest on the best authority.*.
After a march of a couple of days, the advanced guard of
the royalists came suddenly on the out-posts of the insur-
gents, from whom they had been concealed by a thick mist,
and a slight skirmish took place between them. At length,
on the morning of the 8th of April, the royal army, turning
* The fact is not mentioned by anj of the parties present at these
transactions. It is to be found, with some little discrepancy of circum-
stances, in Gomara (Hist, de las Indias, cap. clzxxv.) and Zarate (Conq.
del Peru, lib. vii. cap. vi.) ; and their positive testimony may be thought
by most readers to outweigh the negative afforded by the silence of other
contemporaries.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
PIZARRO ENCAMPS NEAB THE CITY. 207
the crest of the lofty range that belts round the lovely valley
of Xaquixaguana, beheld far below on the opposite side the
glittering lines of the enemy, with their white pavilions,
looking like clusters of wild fowl nestling among the cliffs
of the mountains. And still fui*ther off might be descried
a host of Indian warriors, showing gaudily in their varie-
gated costumes ; for the natives, in this part of the country,
with little perception of their true interests, manifested great
zeal in the cause of Pizarro.
Quickening their step, the royal army now hastily de-
scended the steep sides of the sierra ; and notwithstanding
every effort of their officers, they moved in so little order^
each man picking his way as he could, that the straggling
column presented many a vulnerable point to the enemy ;
and the descent would not have been accomplished without
considerable loss, had Pizarro 's cannon been planted on any
of the favourable positions which the ground afforded. But
that commander, far from attempting to check the presi-
dent's approach, remained doggedly in the strong position
he had occupied, with the full confidence that his adversa-
ries would not hesitate to assail it, strong as it was, in the
same manner as they had done at Huarina.*
Yet he did not omit to detach a corps of arquebusiers to
secure a neighbouring eminence or spur of the Cordilleras,
* ^ Salid i Xaquixaguana con toda su gente 7 allf nos aguardd en un
llano jnnto H un cerro alto por donde baj^bamos ; 7 cierto nuestro Sefior le
cegd el entendimiento, porque si nos aguardaran al pie de la bajada, hici-
eran mncho daiio & nosotros. Retirironse & un llano junto i una ci^naga,
creyendo que nuestro campo allf les acometiera 7 con la ventaja que nos
tenian del puesto nos vencieran.** — Pedro Pizzaro, Descub. 7 Conq., MS.
—Carta de Valdiviay MS.— Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
208 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
which in the hands of the enemy might cause some annoy-
ance to his own camp, while it commanded still more effec-
tually the ground soon to he occupied hy the assailants.
But his manosuvre was noticed by Hinojosa; and he defeated
it by sending a stronger detachment of the royal musketeers,
who repulsed the rebels, and, after a short skirmish, got
possession of the heights. Gasca's general profited by this
success to plant a small battery of cannon on the eminence,
from which, although the distance was too great for him to
do much execution, he threw some shot into the hostile
camp. One ball, indeed, struck down two men, one of
them Fizarro's page, killing a horse at the same time,
which he held by the bridle ; and the chief instantly ordered
the tents to be struck^ considering that they afforded too
obvious a mark for the artiUery.*
Meanwhile the president's forces had descended into the
valley, and as they came on the plain were formed into line
by their oflScers. The ground occupied by the army was
somewhat lower than that of their enemy, whose shot, aa
discharged, from time' to time, from his batteries, passed
over their heads. Information was now brought by a
deserter, one of Centeno's old followers, that Pizarro was
getting ready for a night attack. The President, in conse-
quence, commanded his whole force to be drawn up in battle
array, prepared at any instant, to repulse the assault. But
* " Porq. muchas pelotas dieron en medio de la gente, y una dellas
maUS jQto d Gonfalo Pizarro vn criado suyo que se estaua armando, 7 matd
otro hombre y vn cauallo, que puao grande alteracion €u el campo, y aba-
tieron todas las tiSdas y toldos." — Fernandez^ Hist del Peru, parte i. lib.
ii. cap. Ixxxix. — Carta de Valdivia, MS. — Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
. BOUT OP XIQUIXAGUANA, 209
if such were meditated by the insurgent chief, he abandoned
it, — and, as it is said, from a distrust of the fidelity of some
of the troops, who, under cover of the darkness, he feared,
would go over to the opposite side. If this be true, he
must have felt the full force of Oarbajars admonition, when
too late to profit by it. The unfortunate commander was in
the situation of some bold, high-mettled cavalier, rushing to
battle on a war-horse whose tottering joints threaten to give
way under him at every step, and leave his rider to the
mercy of his enemies !
The president B troops stood to their arms the greater
part of the night, although the air from the mountains was
so keen, that it was with difiiculty they could hold their
lances in their hands.* But before the rising sun had
kindled into a glow the highest peaks of the sierra, both
camps were in mption, and busily engaged in preparations
for the combat. The royal army was formed into two
battalions of infantry, one to attack the enemy in front,
and the other, if possible, to operate on his flank. These
battalions were protected by squadrons of horse on the
wings and in the rear, while reserves both of horse and
arquebusiers were stationed to act as occasion might require.
The dispositions were made in so masterly a manner, as to
draw forth a hearty eulogium from old Carbajal, who
exclaimed, '' Surely the Devil or Yaldivia must be among
them ! " an undeniable compliment to the latter, since
* '^ I asi ettuYO el campo toda la noche en arma, desannadas las tiendas,
padetciendo mm gran frio que no podian tener las lanfas en laa manos.*'
— ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. vi.
VOL. III. P
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
210 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUKTRT,
the speaker was ignorant of that commander's presence in
the camp.*
Gasca, leaving the conduct of the battle to his officers^
withdrew to the rear with his train of clergy and licentiates,
the last of whom did not share in the ambition of their rebel
brother, Cepeda, to break a lance in the field,
Gonzalo Pizarro formed his squadron in the same manner
as he had done on the plains of Huarina ; except that the
increased number of his horse now enabled him to cover
both flanks of his infantry. It was still on his fire-arms,
however, that he chiefly relied. As the ranks were formed,
he rode among them, encouraging his men to do their duty
like brave cavaliers, and true soldiers of the Conquest.
PizaiTO was superbly armed, as usual, and wore a complete
suit of mail, of the finest manufacture, which, as well as his
helmet, was richly inlaid with gold.f He rode a chestnut
horse of great strength and spirit, and as he galloped along
the line, brandishing his lance, and displaying his easy
horsemanship, he might be thought to form no bad personi-
fication of the Genius of Chivalry. To complete his dispo-
* " Y assi quando vio Francisco de Caruajal el campo real, pareciendole
que loB esquadrones venian biS ordenados, dizo, * Valdiuia est^ en la tierra
y rige el campo, 6 el diablo.' " — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii.
cap. Ixxxiz. — Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS. — Carta de Valdivia, MS. —
Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. clxxxv. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii.
cap. tI. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xsziv. — Pedro Pizarro,
Descub. y Conq., MS.
+ *< Iba mui galin i gentil hombre sobre vn poderoso caballo castano,
armado de cota, i coracinas ricas, con vna sobre ropa de raso bien golpeada,
i vn capacete de oro en la cabe9a, con su barbote de lo mismo.** — Gomara,
Hist, de las Indias, cap. dzxxv.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
BOUT OP XAQUIXAGUANA. 211
sitioDs, he ordered Oepeda to lead up the infantry ; for the
licentiate seems to have had a larger share in the conduct
of his affairs of late, or at least in the present military
arrangements, than Carhajal. The latter, indeed, whether
from disgust at the course taken hy his leader, or from a
distrust which, it is said, he did not affect to conceal, of the
success of the present operations, disclaimed all responsihi*
lity for them, and chose to serve rather as a prirate cavalier
than as a commander.* Yet Cepeda, as the event showed,
was no less shrewd in detecting the coming ruin.
When he had received his orders from Pizarro, he rode
forward as if to select the ground for his troops to occupy ;
and in doing so disappeared for a few moments hehind a
projecting cliff. He soon reappeared, however, and was
seen galloping at full speed across the plain. His men
looked with astonishment, yet not distrusting his motives,
till, as he continued his course direct towards the enemy's
lines, his treachery hecame apparent. Several pushed for-
ward to overtake him, and among them a cavalier, hetter
mounted than Oepeda. The latter rode a horse of no great
strength or speed, quite unfit for this critical manoeuvre of
his master. The animal was moreover encumhered hy the
weight of the caparisons with which his amhitious rider
had loaded him, so that, on reaching a piece of miry ground
* ^ Porqae el maesse de campo, Francisco de Camajal, como hombre
desdefiado de que Gon9alo Pi9a]T0 no hnuiesse querido seguir su parecer
J coniejo, (dandose ya por vencido,) no qaiso hazer oficio de maesse de
campo como solia, 7 assi fiie ^ ponerse en el esquadron con su compafiia^
como yno de los capitanes de jnfimteria.'* — Ghirdlasflo^ Com. Real., parte
ii. lib. V. cap. xzxv.
p2
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
212 SETTLEMENT OF THE GOUNTBT.
that lay between the armies, his pace was greatly retarded.*
Cepeda's pursaers rapidly gained on him, and the cavalier
above noticed came, at length, so near as to throw a lance
at the fugitive, which wounding him in the thigh, pierced
his horse's flank, and they both came headlong to the
ground. It would have fared ill with the licentiate, in this
emergency, but fortunately a small party of troopers on the
other side, who had watched the chase, now galloped briskly
forward to the rescue, and beating off his pursuers, they
recovered Cepeda from the mire, and bore him to the
president *s quarters.
He was received by Gasca with the greatest satisfaction*
— BO great, that, according to one chronicler he did not
disdain to show it by saluting the licentiate on the cheek.f
The anecdote is scarcely reconcilable with the characters
and relations of the parties, or with the president's subse-
quent conduct. Gasca, however, recognised the full value
of his piize, and the effect which his desertion at such a
time must have on the spirits of the rebels. Cepeda's
movement, so unexpected by his own party, was the result
of previous deliberation, as he had secretly given assurance,
it is said, to the prior of Arequipa, then in the royal camp,
that if Gonzalo Pizarro could not be induced to accept the
pardon offered him, he would renounce his cause4 The
* Gudlaaso, Com. Be&l^ parte ii. lib. ▼. cap. zzxy.
t '* Gasca abiafd i bead en el carrillo & Cepeda, aunque lo llevaba en-
cenagado, teniendo por venddo 6 Pi9arT0, con su fidta." — Gbmara, Hist de
las Indias, cap. clzzzv.
t ** Ca, Begun parecid, Cepeda le huTo avisado con Fr. Antonio de
Castro, Prior de Santo Domingo en Arequipa, que si Pizarro no quisiesae
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
BOUT OF ZAQUIXAOUANA. 213
time selected by the crafty counseUor for doing so was tliat
most fatal to the interests of his commander.
The example of Oepeda was contagious. Grarcilasso de
la Vega, father of the historian, a cavalier of old family,
and probably of higher consideration than any other in
Pizarro's party, put spurs to his horse, at the same time
with the licentiate, and rode over to the enemy. Ten or a
dozen of the arquebusiers followed in the same direction,
and succeeded in placing themselves under the protection of
the advanced guard of the royalists.
Pizarro stood aghast at this desertion, in so critical a
juncture, of those in whom he had most trusted. He
was for a moment bewildered. The very ground on which
he stood seemed to be crumbling beneath him. With this
state of feeling among his soldiers, he saw that every
minute of delay was fatal. He dared not wait for the
assault, as he had intended, in his strong position, but instant-
ly gave the word to advance. Gasca's general, Hinojosa,
seeing the enemy in motion, gave similar orders to his own
troops. Instantly the skirmishers and arquebusiers on the
flanks moved rapidly forward, the artillery prepared to op«i
their fire, and " the whole army," says the president in his
own account of the affair, '' advanced with steady step and
perfect determination.'**
conderto nioguno, €1 se pasaria al aervicio del Empexador i tiempo que le
deshidese.*' — QomarayHiat. de laa Indias, cap. dzxzY.
* " Viato por Gonzalo Pizarro i Car&Tajal au maestre de campo que le
lea m gente procuraron de caminar en aa orden hacia el campo de SL M., i
que viendo esto loa lados i sobresalieutes del exerdto real se empezaron &
llegar i ellos i 4 disparar en ellos, i que lo meamo hizo la artillezia ; i todo
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
214 SETTLEMENT OF THE GOTTNTBT.
But before a shot was fired, a column of arquebusiers,
composed chiefly of Centeno's followers, abandoned their
post and marched directly over to the enemy. A squadron
of horse, sent in pursuit of them, followed their example.
The president instantly commanded his men to halt, unwill-
ing to spill blood unnecessarily, as the rebel host was like
to taJl to pieces of itself.
Pizarro's faithful adherents were seized with a panic, as
they saw themselves and their leader thus betrayed into the
enemy's hands. Further resistance was useless. Some
threw down their arms, and fled in the direction of Cuzco.
Others sought to escape to the mountains ; and some
crossed to the opposite side, and surrendered themselves
prisoners, hoping it was not too late to profit by the promises
of grace. The Indian allies, on seeing the Spaniards falter,
had been the first to go off the ground.*
Pizarro, amidst the general wreck, found himself left with
only a few cavaliers who disdained to fly. Stunned by the
unexpected reverse of fortune, the unhappy chief could
hardly comprehend his situation. ''What remains for us ? "
said he to Acosta, one of those who still adhered to him.
'* Fall on the enemy, since nothing else is left," answered the
el campo, con paso bien concertado i entera determinacion, se Uegd & ellos.**
— Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS.
* '' Los Indies que tenian los enemigos que diz que eran mucha canti-
dad huyeron mui & furia.*' (Relacion del Lie. Gasca, ]MS.) For the par-
ticulars of the battle, more or less minute, see Carta de Valdivia, MS. ; — <
Grarciksso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. xxxv. ; — Pedro Pizarro, Descub*
7 Conq., MS. ; — Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap* cIzzxy. ; — Fernandez^
Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xc. ; — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib, vii.
cap. vii. ; — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. It. cap. xri.
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BOUT OP XAaUIXAGUANA. 215
Kon-hearted soldier, " and die like Romans ! " " Better to die
like Christians/' replied his commander ; and, slowly turning
his horse, he rode off in the direction of the rojal army.*
He had not proceeded far, when he was met by an officer,
to whom, after ascertaining his name and rank, Pizarro
delivered up his sword, and yielded himself prisoner. The
officer, overjoyed at his prize, conducted him, at once, to the
president's quarters. Gasca was on horseback, surrounded
by his captains, some of whom, when they recognised the
person of the captive, had the grace to withdraw, that they
might not witness his humiliation.! Even the best of them,
with a sense of right on their side, may have felt some
touch of compunction at the thought that their desertion
had brought their benefactor to this condition.
Pizarro kept his seat in his saddle, but, as he approached,
made a respectful obeisance to the president, which the
latter acknowledged by a cold salute. Then, addressing
his prisoner in a tone of severity, Gasca abruptly inquired,
" Why he had thrown the country into such confusion ; —
raising the banner of revolt ; killing the viceroy ; usurping
the government ; and obstinately refusing the offers of grace
that had been repeatedly made him ? "
Gonzalo attempted to justify himself by referring the fate
♦ ** Gonzalo Pi9aiTo boluiendo el rostro & Juan de Acosta, que eataua
cerca del, le dixo, * Que haremoB, hermano Juan T Acosta, prcsumiendo
mas de valiente que de discreto, respondid, * Senor arremetamos, y mura-
mofl como los antiguos Romanes I* Gon9alo Pi9arro dixo, ' Mejor es
morir como Christianos.' '"— Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap.
vi. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. vii.
t Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.
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216 SETTLEHENT OF THE GOUNTBT.
of the yiceroy to his misconduct, and his own usurpation, as
it was styled, to the free election of the people, as well as
that of the Rojal Audience. *^ It was mj family,*' he said,
." who conquered the country ; and, as their representative
here, I felt I had a right to the government. " To this Gasca
replied, in a still severer tone, " Your hrother did, indeed,
conquer the land ; and for this the^ Emperor was pleased to
raise hoth him and you from the dust. He lived and died
a true and loyal subject ; and it only makes your ingratitude
to your sovereign the more heinous." Then, seeing the
prisoner about to reply, the president cut short the con-
ference, ordering him into close confinement. He was
committed to the charge of Centeno, who had sought the
office, not from any unworthy desire to gratify his revenge,
— for he seems to have had a generous nature, — but for the
honourable purpose of ministering to the comfort of the
captive. Though held in strict custody by this officer,
therefore, Pizarro was treated with the deference due to
his rank, and allowed every indulgence by his keeper,
except his freedom,*
In this general wreck of their fortunes, Francisco de Car-
bajal fared no better than his chief. As he saw the soldiers
deserting their posts and going over to the enemy, one after
another, he coolly hummed the words of his favourite old
ballad,—
^ The wind blows the bairn off my head, mother ! "
* Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i« lib. ii. cap. xc. HistorianB, of
course, report the dialogue between Gasca and his prisoner with some
variety. — See Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. clxzxv. ; — Garcilasso, Com.
Real., parte il lib. v. cap. xxxvu ; — Reladon del Lie Gasca, MS.
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BOUT OF XAQUIXAOU^NA. . 217
But when he found the field nearly empty, and his stout-
hearted followers vanished like a wreath of smoke, he felt
it was time to provide for his own safety. He knew there
could be no favour for him ; and putting spurs to his horse,
he betook himself to flight with all the speed he could
make. He crossed the stream that flowed, as already
mentioned, by the camp, but in scaling the opposite bank,
which was steep and stony, his horse, somewhat old, and
oppressed by the weight of his rider, who was large and
corpulent, lost his footing, and fell with him into the water.
Before he could extricate himself, Carbajal was seized by
some of his own foUowers, who hoped, by such a prize, to
make their peace with the victor, and hurried off towards
the president's quarters.
The convoy was soon swelled by a number of the common
file from the royal army, some of whom had long arrears
to settle with the prisoner ; and, not content with heaping
reproaches and imprecations on his head, they now
threatened to proceed to acts of personal violence, which
Carbajal, far from deprecating, seemed rather to court, as
the speediest way of ridding himself of life.* When he
approached the president's quarters, Centeno, who was near,
rebuked the disorderly rabble, and compelled them to give
way. Carbajal, on seeing this, with a respectful air
demanded to whom he was indebted for this courteous
• « Laego lleyuron antel dicho Licendado Canvajal, maestro de campo
del dicho Pizarro, i tan cercado de gentes que del havian tido ofendidas que
le queiian matar, el qual diz que moatraTa que olgara que le mat^ran allL*'
•— BeUdon del Lie. Gasca, MS.
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218 . SETTLEMEKT OF THE GOUlTrBY.
protection. To which his ancient comrade replied, *' Do joa
not know me ? — Diego Genteno ! *' "I crave your pardon,"
said the veteran, sarcasticallj alluding to his long flight in
the Charcas, and his recent defeat at Huarina ; '< it is so
long since I have seen anything but your back, that I had
forgotten your face ! " *
Among the president's suite was the martial bishop of
Ouzco, who, it will be remembered, had shared with Gen-
teno in the disgrace of his defeat. His brother had been
taken by Garbajal, in his flight from the field, and instantly
hung up by that fierce chief, who, as we have had more
than one occasion to see, was no respecter of persons. The
bishop now reproached him with his brother's murder, and,
incensed by his cool replies, was ungenerous enough to
strike the prisoner on the face. Garbajal made no attempt
at resistance. Nor would he return a word to the queries
put to him by Gasca ; but, looking haughtily round on the
circle, maintained a contemptuous silence. The president,
seeing that nothing further was to be gained from his
captive, ordered him, together with Acosta, and the other
cavaliers who had surrendered, into stiict custody, until their
fate should be decided.f
* " Diego Centeoo reprehendia mucho & los que le offendian. Por lo
qual Caniaj&l le mir<S, y le dizo, ' Senor, quien es vuestra merced que
tanta merced me haze ? * & lo qual Centeno respondio, ' Que no conoce
vuestra merced & Diego Centeno ? * Dixo entonces Caruajal, ^ Por Dies,
Senor, que como . siempre vi & vuestra merced de espaldas, que agora
teniendo le de cara, no le conocia.*' — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte L
lib. ii. cap. zc.
f Ibid., ubi supra. It is but fair to state that Garcilasso, who was
personally acquainted with the bishop of Cuzco, doubts the fact of the
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BOUT OF XAQUIXAGUANA. 219
Oasca's next concern was to send an officer to Cuzco, to
restrain his partisans from committing excesses in conse-
quence of the late victory, — if victory that could be called,
where not a blow had been strack. Every thing belonging
to the vanquished, their tents, arms, ammunition, and
military stores, became the property of the victors. Their
camp was well victualled, furnishing a seasonable supply to the
royalists, who had nearly expended their own stock of pro-
visions. There was, moreover, considerable booty, in the way
of plate and money ; for Fizarro's men, as was not uncommon
in those turbulent times, went, many of them, to the war with
the whole of their worldly wealth, not knowing of any safe
place in which to bestow it. An anecdote is told of one of
Gasca's soldiers, who, seeing a mule running over the field,
with a large pack on his back, seized the animal, and mounted
him, having first thrown away the burden, supposing it to
contain armour, or something of little worth. Another
soldier, more shrewd, picked up the parcel, as his share of
the spoil, and found it contained several thousand gold
ducats ! It was the fortune of war.*
Thus terminated the battle, or rather rout, of Xaquixa-
guana. The number of killed and wounded — for some
few perished in the pursuit — was not great, according to
most accounts, not exceeding fifteen killed on the rebel side,
and one only on that of the royalists ! and that one, by the
indecorous conduct imputed to him by Fernandez, as inconsiBtent with
the prelate's character. — Com. Real., parte ii. lib. y. cap. xzxiz.
* Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. yii. cap. yiii.
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220 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRT«
carelessness of a comrade.* Neyer was there a cheaper
victory ; so bloodless a termination of a fierce and bloody
rebellion ! It was gained not so much by the strength of
the yictors as by the weakness of the vanquished. They
fell to pieces of their own accord, because they had no sure
ground to stand on. The arm, not nerved by the sense of
right, became powerless in the hour of battle. It was
better that they should be thus overcome by moral force
than by a brutal appeal to arms. Such a victory was more
in harmony with the beneficent character of the conqueror
and of his cause. It was the triumph of order ; the best
homage to law and justice.
* *^ Temidse que en esta batalk muriria mucha gente de ambas
partes por haver en ellas mill i quatrocientos arcabuceros, i eeiacientos de
caballo, i mucbo numero de piqueros, i diez i ocho piezas de artilleria ; pero
plugo 4l Dios que solo murid un bombre del campo de S. M. i quince de
los contrarios como e8t& dicho." — Relacion del Lie. Gfasca, MS. The MS.
above referred to is supposed by Munoz to have been \vritten bj Gasca,
or rather dictated by him to his secretary. The original is preserved at
Simancas, without date, and in the character of the sixteenth century. It
is principally taken up with the battle, and the events immediately con-
nected with it; and although very brief, every sentence is of value as
coming from so high a source. Alcedo, in his Bihlwteca Am^riccmaf MS,
gives the title of a work from Gasca's pen, which would seem to be an
account of his own administration, ffistoria del Peru, ydem Pacification,
1576, fol. — I have never met with the work, or with any other allu-
sion to it.
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221
CHAPTER IV.
EXECUTION OF CARBAJAL. — OONZALO PIZARBO BEHEADED. — SPOILS OF
VIC?rORT. — ^WISE REFORMS BY 6ASCA. — HE RETURNS TO SPAIN. —
HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER.
1548—1550.
It was now necessary to decide on the fate of the prisoners ;
and Alonso de Alrarado, with the Licentiate Cianca, one of
the new Royal Audience, was instructed to prepare the
process. It did not require a long time. The guilt of the
prisoners was too manifest, taken, as they had heen, with
arms in their hands. They were all sentenced to he exe-
cuted, and their estates were confiscated to the use of the
Crown. Gonzalo Fizarro was to he heheaded, and Carhajal
to he drawn and quartered. No mercy was shown to him
who had shown none to others. There was some talk of
deferring the execution till the arrival of the troops in
Cuzco ; hut the fear of disturhances from those friendly to
Fizarro determined the president to carry the sentence into
effect the following day, on the field of hattle.*
* The Bentence passed upon Pizairo is given at length in the ma/Min
8Ctipi cop7 of Zarate's History, to T?hich I have had occasion more than
once to refer. The historian omitted it in his printed work; hut the
carious reader may find it entire, cited in the original, in Appendix,
No. 14.
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222 BETTLEMXNT OF THE COUNTBT.
When his doom was communicated to Carbajal, he heard
it with his usual indifference. ** They can but kill me»" he
said, as if he had already settled the matter in his own
mind.* During the day, many came to see him in his con-
finement ; some to upbraid him with his cruelties ; but
most, from curiosity to see the fierce warrior who had made
his name so terrible through the land. He showed no
unwillingness to talk with them, though it was in those
sallies of caustic humour in which he usually indulged at
the expense of his hearer. Among these visitors was a
cavalier of no note, whose life, it appears, Carbajal had
formerly spared, when in his power. This person expressed
to the prisoner his strong desire to serve him ; and as he
reiterated his profesuons, Carbajal cut them short by ex-
claiming — '* And what service can you do me ? Can you
set me free ? If you cannot do that, you can do nothing.
If I spared your life, as you say, it was probably because I
did not think it worth while to take it."
Some piously disposed persons urged him to see a priest,
if it were only to unburden his conscience before leaving the
world. *< But of what use would that be 1*' asked Carbajal.
'< I have nothing that lies heavy on my conscience, unless it
be, indeed, the debt of half a real to a shopkeeper in Seville,
which I forgot to pay before leaving the country ! "t
He was carried to execution on a hurdle, or rather in a
basket, drawn by two mules. His arms were pinioned, and,
* ** Basta matar." — Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xci.
t *' En esso no tengo que confessar : porque jaro k tal, que no tengo
otro cargo, si no medio real que deuo en Seuilla ^ vna bod^onera
de la puerta del Arenal, del tiempo que pass^ ^ Indiaa.** — Ibid., ubi supra.
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EXEGUnOK OF GARBAJAL. 223
as they forced his bulky body into this miserable convey-
ance, he exclaimed, — '* Cradles for infants, and a cradle for
the old man too, it seems ! '** Notwithstanding the disin-
clination he had manifested to a confessor, he was attended
by several ecclesiastics on his way to the gallows ; and one
of them repeatedly urged him to give some token of peni-
tence at this solemn hour, if it were only by repeating the
Pater Noster and Ave Maria, Carbajal, to rid himself of
the ghostly father's importunity, replied by coolly repeat-
ing the words, **Pater Noster,** *^Ave Maria /" He then
remained obstinately silent. He died, as he had lived, with
a jest, or rather, a scoff, upon his lips.f
Francisco de Carbajal was one of the most extraordmary
characters of these dark and turbulent times ; the more
extraordinary from his great age ; for, at the period of his
death, he was in his eighty-fourth year ; — an age when the
bodily powers, and, fortunately, the passions, are usually
blunted ; when, in the witty words of the French moralist,
" We flatter ourselves we are leaving our vices, whereas it
is our vices that are leaving us."j; But the fires of youth
glowed fierce and imquenchable in the bosom of Carbajal.
• ** Nino en cnna, y viejo en cuna." — Fernandez^ Hist, del Peru, parte
i. lib. ii. cap. xci.
i* ** Murid como gentil, porque dicen, que yo no le quise ver, que ansi
le df la palabra de no velle ; mas & la postrer vez que me habld llevandole
k matar le decia el sacerdote que con ^1 iba, que se encomendase & Dies y
dijese el ' Pater Noster y el Ave Maria,' y dicen que dijo ' Pater Noster,
Ave Maiia,' y que no dijo otra palabra." — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y
Conq. MS.
X I quote firom memory, but believe the reflection may be found in
tliat admirable digest of worldly wisdom^ " The Characters of La Bruy^re/*
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224 SETTLEMENT OF THE OOVinnT.
The date of his birth carries us back towards the middle
of the fifteenth century, before the times of Ferdinand and
Isabella. He was of obscure parentage, and bom, as it is
said, at Areralo. For forty years he served in the Italian
wars, under the most illustrious captains of the day, GonsalTO
de CordoYa, Navarro, and the Colonnas. He was an ensign
at the battle of Ravenna ; witnessed the capture of Francis
the First at Favia ; and followed the banner of the ill-
starred Bourbon at the sack of Rome. He got no gold for
his share of the booty, on this occasion, but simply the
papers of a notary's office, which, Carbajal shrewdly thougbty
would be worth gold to him. And so it proved ; for the
notary was fain to redeem them at a price which enabled
the adventurer to cross the seas to Mexico, and seek his
fortune in the New World. On the insurrection of the Peru-
vians, he was sent to the support of Francis Pizarro, and
was rewarded by that chief with a grant of land in Cuzco.
Here he remained for several years, busily employed in
increasing his substance ; for the love of lucre was a ruling
passion in his bosom. On the arrival of Yaca de Castro, we
find him doing good service under the royal banner ; and
at the breaking out of the great rebellion under Gonzalo
Pizarro, he converted his property into gold, and prepared
to return to Castile. He seemed to have a presentiment
that to remain where he was would be fatal. But, although
he made every effort to leave Peru, he was unsuccessful, for
the viceroy had laid an embargo on the shipping.* He
* Pedro Pizarro bears testimony to Carbajal's endeavours to leave the
country in which he was aided, though ineffectually, by the chronicler, who
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EXEGUnOir OF CIRBAJAL. 225
remained in the country, therefore, and took service, as we
have seen, though reluctantly, under PLearro. It was his
The tumultuous life on which he now entered roused all
the slumbering passions of his soul, which lay there, perhaps
imconsciously to himself; cruelty, avarice, revenge. He
found ample exercise for them in the war with his country-
men ; for civil war is provwhially the most sanguinary and
ferocious of all. The atrocities recorded of Carbajal, in his
new career, and the number of his victims, are scarcely
credible. For the honour of humanity, we may trust the
accounts are greatly exaggerated ; but that he should have
given rise to them at all is sufficient to consign his name to
infamy.*
He even took a diabolical pleasure, it is said, in amusing
himself with the sufferings of his victims, and in the hour of
execution would give utterance to frightful jests, that made
them taste more keenly the bitterness of death ! He had
a sportive vein, if such it could be called, which he freely
mdulged on every occasion. Many of his sallies were pre-
served by the soldiery ; but they are for the most part, of a
'wssy at tbat time, in the most friendlj relations with him. Civil war
parted these ancient comrades ; hut Carbajal did not forget his ohligations
to Pedro Pizarro, which he afterwards repaid by exempting him on two dif-
rent occasions from the general doom of the prisoners who fell into his
hands.
* Oat of three hundred and fortj executions, according to Femandezj
three hundred were hj Carbajal. (Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xci.)
Zarate swells the number of these executions to five hundred. (Conq. del
Peruy lib. vii. cap. i.) The discrepancy shows how little we can confide in
the accuracy of such estimates,
VOL. III. Q
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226 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRT.
coarse, repulsive character, flowing from a mind familiar
with the weak and wicked side of hmnanity, and distrusting
every other. He had his jest for everything, — ^for the mis-
fortunes of others, and for his own. He looked on life as a
farce, — though he too often made it a tragedy.
Carhajal must he allowed one virtue ; that of fidelity to
his party. This made him less tolerant of perfidy in others.
He was never known to show mercy to a renegade. This
undeviating fidelity, though to a had cause, may challenge
something like a feeling of respect, where fidelity was so
rare.*
As a military man, Carhajal takes a high rank among
the soldiers of the New World. He was strict, even severe,
in enforcing discipline, so that he was little loved by his
foUowere. Whether he had the genius for military combina-
tions requisite for conducting war on an extended scale may
be doubted ; but in the shifts and turns of guerilla warfare
he was unrivalled. Prompt, active, and persevering, he was
insensible to danger or fatigue, and after days spent in the
saddle, seemed to attach little value to the luxury of a bed.t
* Fidelity, indeed, is but one of many virtues claimed for Carbajal by
Garcilasso, who considers most of tbe tales of cruelty and avarice circulated
of tbe veteran^ as well as the hardened levity imputed to him in his latter
moments, as inventions of his enemies. The Inca chronicler was a boy
when Gonzalo and his chivalry occupied Cuzco ; and tbe kind treatment
lie experienced from them, owing, doubtless, to his father''s position in tbe
rebel army, he has well repaid by depicting their portraits in the favourable
colours in which they appeared to his young imagination. But the garru-
lous old man has recorded several individual instances of atrocity in the
career of Carbajal, which form but an indifferent commentary on the cor-
rectness of his general assertions in respect to his character.
t **Fue maior sufridor de trabajos que requeria su edad, porque &
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OONZALO PIZABBO BEHEADED* 227
He knew familiarly eyerj mountain pass, and, such were
the sagacity and the resources displayed in his roving expe-
ditions, that he was vulgarly helieved to he attended hy a
famUiar.* With a character so extraordinary, with powers
prolonged so far heyond the usual term of humanity, and
passions so fierce in one tottering on the verge of the grave,
it was not surprising that many fahulous stories should he
eagerly circulated respecting him, and that Carbajal should
be clothed with mysterious terrors as a sort of supernatural
being, — the demon of the Andes !
Very different were the circumstances attending the
closing scene of Gonzalo Fizarro. At his request, no one
had been allowed to visit him in his confinement. He was
heard pacing his tent during the greater part of the day,
and when night came, having ascertained from Centeno
that his execution was to take place on the following noon,
he laid himself down to rest. He did not sleep long, however,
but soon rose, and continued to traverse his apartment, as
if buried in meditation, till dawn. He then sent for a con-
fessor, and remained with him till after the hour of noon,
taking little or no refreshment. The officers of justice
became impatient ; but their eagerness was sternly rebuked
nnuravOla se quitaba las Armas de dia ni de noche ; i quando era necesario,
tampoco se acostaba ni dormia mas de quanto recostado en vna silla, se le
cansaba la mano en que arrimaba la cabe^a.**— Zaiate, Conq. del Peru,
lib. ▼. cap. zir.
* Pedro Pizarro, who seems to have entertained feelings not unfriendly
to Carbajal, thus sums up his character in a few words. **£ramui len<
guaz: hablada muy discreptamente y & gusto de los que le oian : era
hombre sagaz, cruel, bien entendido en la guerra. .... Este Carbajal era
tan sabio que decian tenia familiar." — Descub. 7 Conq., MS.
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228 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUITTBT.
by the soldiery, many of whom, having served under Gon-
zaio's banner, were touched with pity for his misfortunes.
T\lien the chieftain came forth to execution, he showed
in his dress the same love of magnificence and display as in
happier days. Over his douUet he wore a superb cloak of
yellow velvet, stiff with gold embroidery, while his head
was protected by a cap of the same materials, richly
decorated, in like manner, with ornaments of gold.* In
this gaudy attire he mounted his mule, and the sentence
was so far relaxed that his arms were suffered to renuun
unshackled. He was escorted by a goodly number of
piests and friars, who held up the crucifix before his eyes,
while he carried in his own hand an image of the Yirgm.
She had ever been the peculiar object of Fizarro's devotion ;
so much so, that those who knew him best in the hour of
his prosperity were careful, when they had a petition, to
prefer it in the name of the blessed Mary,
Pizarro's lips were frequently pressed to the emblem of
his divinity, while his eyes were bent on the crucifix in
appi^ent devotion, heedless of the objects around him. On
reaching the scaffold, he ascended it with a firm step,
and asked leave to address a few words to the soldiery
gathered round it, " There are many among you," said
he, " who have grown rich on my brother's bounty and my
own. Tet, of all my riches, nothing remains to me but
* " Al tiempo que lo mataron, cli<5 al verdugo toda la ropa que trala,
que era mui rica i de mucho valor, porque tenia yna ropa de armas de tep-
ciopelo amarillo, casi toda cubierta de chaperia de oro, i vn chapeo de Is
misma forma." — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. viii.
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GONZALO PIZABRO BEHEADED. 229
the garments I hare on ; and even these are not mine, hut
the property of the executioner. I am without means,
therefore, to purchase a mass for the wel&re of mj soul ;
and I implore you, hy the rememhrance of past henefits, to
extend this charity to me when I am gone, that it may he
well with you in the hour of death. '* A profound silence
reigned throughout the martial multitude, hroken only hy
sighii and groans, as they listened to Pizarro's request ; and
it was faithfully responded to, since, after his death, masses
were said in many of the towns for the welfare of the
departed chieftain.
Then, kneeling down hefore a crudfiz placed on a tahle,
Pizarro remained for some minutes ahsorbed in prayer;
affcer which, addressing the soldier who was to act as the
minister of justice, he calmly hade him " do his duty with a
steady hand." He refused to have his eyes handaged, and,
bending forward his neck, submitted it to the sword of the
executioner, who struck off the head with a smgle blow, so
true that the body remained for some moments in the some
erect posture as in life.* The head was taken to Lima,
where it was set in a cage or frame, and then fixed on a
gibbet by the side of Carbajal'sJ On it was placed a label,
bearing, — ** This is the head of the traitor Oonzalo Pizarro,
who rebelled in Peru against his soyereign, and battled in
* ^ The ezectttiQiier," nyg GarcilMso, with a naaila more expreinve
than elegant, *< did his work as cleanly as if he had been slicing off a head
of lettuce !** ^ De Tn reoes le eertd la cabega eon tanta &cilidad, oomo si
fdera yna hoja de leohuga, 7 se quedd con ella en la mano, y tardd el
cnorpo algun espacio ea caer ea el suelo."-<^Garci]a8SO| Cora. B«aL»
parte li. lib. ▼. cap. zliii.
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230 SETTLEMENT OF THE GOUKTBT«
the cauBe of tyrann j and treason against the royal standard
in the vallej of Xaquixaguana."* His large estates, in-
cluding the rich mines in Potosi, were confiscated ; his
mansion in lima was razed to the ground, the place
strewed with salt, and a stone pillar set up, with an inscrip-
tion interdicting any one from huilding on a spot which had
been profaned by the residence of a traitor.
Gonzalo's remains were not exposed to the indignities
inflicted on Carbajal's, whose quarters were hung in chains
on the four great roads leading to Cuzco. Centeno saved
Pizarro's body from being stripped, by redeeming his cosdy
raiment from the executioner, and in this sumptuous shroud
it was laid in the chapel of the conrent of Our Lady of
Mercy in Cuzco. It was the same spot where, side by side,
lay the bloody remains of the Almagros, father and son,
who in like manner had perished by the hand of justice,
and were indebted to private charity for their burial. All
these were now consigned " to the same grave," says the
historian, with some bitterness, " as if Peru could not afford
land enough for a burial-place to its conquerors, "f
* *' Esta es la cabeza del traidor de Gonzalo Pizarro,que se hizo justicia
del en el valle de Aquixaguana, donde did la batalla campal contra el
estandarte real, queriendo defender su traicion e tirania : ninguno sea osado
de la quitar de aqui, so pena de muerte natural." — ^Zarate, MS.
i* ** Y las sepolturas vna sola auiendo de ser tres : que aun la tierra
parece que les <(5 para auer los de cubrir." — Garcilasso, Com. Real.,
parte ii. lib. v. cap. zliii. For the tragic particulars of the preceding pages,
see Ibid., cap. xxxiz-xliii. ; — Reladon del Lie. Gasca, MS. ; — Carta de
Yaldivia, MS. ; — MS. de Caravantes ; — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq.,
MS. ; — Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. clxxxvi. ; — ^Fernandez, Hist del
Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. zci. ; — ^Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. viii.;
— Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. iv. cap. zvi.
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GONZALO PIZABRO BEHEADED. 231
Gonzalo Fizarro had reached only his forty-second year
at the time of his death — ^being just half the space allotted
to his follower Carbajal. He was the youngest of the re-
markable family to whom Spain was indebted for the acqui-
sition of Peru, He came over to the country with his
brother Francisco, on the return of the latter from his visit
to Castile. Gonzalo was present in all the remarkable pas-
sages of the Conquest. He witnessed the seizure of Ata-
huallpa, took an active part in suppressing the insurrection
of the Incas, and especially in the reduction of Charcas.
He afterwards led the disastrous expedition to the Amazon ;
and, finally, headed the memorable rebellion which ended
so fatally to himself. There are but few men whose lives
abound in such wild and romantic adventure, and, for the
most part, crowned with success. .The space which he
occupies in the page of history is altogether disproportioned
to his talents. It may be in some measure ascribed to
fortune, but still more to those showy qualities which form
a sort of substitute for mental talent, and which secured
his popularity with the vulgar.
He had a brilliant exterior ; excelled in all martial exer«
cises ; rode well, fenced well, managed his lance to perfec«
tion, was a first-rate marksman with the arquebuse, and
added the accomplishment of being an excellent draughts-
man. He was bold and chivalrous, even to temerity;
courted adventure, and was always in the front of
danger. He was a knight-errant, in short, in the most
extravagant sense of the term, and, '* mounted on his
favourite charger," says one who had often seen him.
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233 BETTUUfKIlT OF THE GOITKTBT.
*' made no more account of a squadron of Indians than d a
swarm of flies.*'*
While thus, bj his brilliant exploits and showj manners,
he captivated the imaginations of his countrymen, he won
their hearts no less by his soldier-Uke frankness, his trust
in their fidelity — ^too often abused — and lus liberal largesses ;
fat Pizarro, though aTaricbus of the property of others,
was, like the Roman conspirator, prodigal of his own. This
was his portrait in happier days, when his heart had not
been corrupted by success ; for that some change was
wrought on htm by his prosperity is well attested. His
head was made giddy by his elcTation ; and it is proof of
a want of talent equal to his success, that he knew not
how to profit by it. Obeying the dictates of his own rash
judgment, he rejected the warnings of his wisest coun-
sellors, and relied with blind confidence on his destiny.
Garoilasso imputes this to the malignant influence of the
stars.f But the superstitious chronicler might have better
explained it by a common principle of human nature ; by
the presumption nourished by success ; the insanity, as the
Roman, or rather Grecian, proverb calls it, with which the
gods afiEUct men when they design to ruin them. I
* ^ Quando Gonfalo Pizarro, que aya gloria, se veya en su zaynillo, no
haxia mas caso de esquadrones de Yndioa, que si faeran de moBcaa** —
Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. y« capt zliii.
•f* ** Dezian que no era falta de entendimiento, pues lo tenia bastante,
sine que deuia de ser sobra de indaenda de signos y planetas, que le cegauan
7 forcauan & que pusiesee la gaiganta al cuchillo.'* — Garcilasso, Com. Real.,
parte ii. lib. v. cap. xzxiii.
X "Orcuf 8^ Aalficoy iwdpl iropaivrji Koxh^
Thv vow ^Aa^6 xp&T6V.
Eurip, FragmeiUa,
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GONZALO PIZARRO BEHEADED. 233
Gonzalo was without edocation, except 8ucb as he had
picked up in the rough school of war. He had little eren
of that wisdom which springs from natural shrewdness and
insight into character. In all this he was inferior to his
elder brothers, although he fully equaUed them in ambition.
Had he possessed a tithe of their sagacity, be would not
bare madly persisted in rebellion, after the coming of the
president. Before this period, be represented the people.
Their interests and bis were united. He bad their support,
for be was contending for the redress of their wrongs.
When these were redressed by the goremment, tb^e was
nothing to contend for. From that time he was battling
only for himself. The people bad no part nor interest in
tbe contest. Without a common sympathy to bind them
together, was it strauge that they should fall off from him,
like leaves in winter, and leave him exposed, a bare and
sapless trunk, to the fury of tbe tempest ?
Cepeda, more criminal than Flzarro, since be bad both
superior education and intelligence, which he employed only
to mislead bis commander, did not long survive him. He
bad come to the oonntry in an office of high responsibility.
His first step was to betray tbe viceroy wbc»n be was sent
to support ; bis next was to betray tbe Audience with whom
be should have acted ; and lastly, be betrayed tbe leader
whom be most affected to serve. His whole career was
treachery to bis own government. Hia life was one long
perfidy.
After bis surrender, several of the cavaliers, disgusted at
bis cold-blooded apostasy, would have persuaded Gasca to
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234 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY^
send him to execution along with his commander ; bat the
president refused, in consideration of the signal senrice he
had rendered the Crown by his defection. He was put
under arrest, however, and sent to Castile. There he was
arraigned for high treason. He made a plausible defence,
and as he had friends at Court, it is not improbable he
would have been acquitted ; but, before the trial was termi-
nated, he died in prison. It was the retributive justice not
always to be found in the affairs of this world.*
Indeed, it so happened, that several of those who had
been most forward to abandon the cause of Pizarro survived
their commander but a short time. The gallant Centeno,
and the Licentiate Carbajal, who deserted him near Lima,
and bore the royal standard on the field of Xaquizaguana,
both died within a year after Pizarro'. Hinojosa was assas-
sinated but two years later in La Plata ; and his old
comrade, Yaldivia, after a series of brilliant exploits in
Chili, which furnished her most glorious theme to the Epic
Muse of Castile, was cut off by the invincible warriors of
Arauco. The Manes of Pizarro were amply avenged.
Acosta, and three or four other cavaliers who surrendered
with Gonzalo, were sent to execution on the same day with
their chief ; and Gasca, on the morning following the dismal
tragedy, broke up his quarters and marched with his whole
* The canning lawyer prepared so plausible an argument in his own
justification, that Yllesoas, the celebrated historian of the Popes, declares
that no one who read the paper attentively, but must rise from the perusal
of it with an entire conviction of the writer s innocence, and of his unshaken
loyalty to the Crown. See the passage quoted by Garcilasso, Com. Beal.i
jNurte ii. lib. vi« cap. x.
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SPOILS OP VICTORY. 235
army io Cuzco» where he was receired by tke politic people
with the same enthusiasm which they had so recently shown
to his rival. He found there a number of the rebel army
who had taken refuge in the city after their late defeat,
where they were immediately placed under arrest. Pro-
ceedings, by Gasca's command, were instituted against
them. The principal cavaliers, to the number of ten or
twelve, were executed ; others were banished or sent to the
galleys. The same rigorous decrees were passed against
such as had fled and were not yet taken ; and the estates of
all were confiscated. The estates of the rebels supplied a
fund for the recompense of the loyal.* The execution of
justice may seem to have been severe ; but Gasca was
willing that the rod should fall heavily on those who had so
often rejected his proffers of grace. Lenity was wasted on
a rude licentious soldiery, who hardly recognised the existence
of government, unless they felt its rigour,
A new duty now devolved on the president — ^that of re-
warding his faithful followers — not less difficult, as it proved,
than that of punishing the guilty. The applicants were
numerous ; since every one who had raised a finger in behalf
of the government, claimed his reward. They urged their
demands with a clamorous importunity which perplexed
the good president, and consumed every moment of his
time.
Pisgusted with this unprofitable state of things, Gasca
• Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hiit. del Peru,
parte i. lib. ii. cap. xci. — Carta de Valdivia, MS* — Zarate, Conq. del Peru,
lib. Tii. cap. viii. — ^Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS.
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236 SBTTLEMKKT OP THE COUNTRY.
resolved to rid himself of the annoyance at once, by retiring
to the yallej of Guaynarima, about twelve leagues distant
from the city, and there digesting, in quiet, a scheme of
compensation, adjusted to the merits of the parties. He
was accompanied only by his secretary, and by Loaysa, now
Archbishop of Lima, a man of sense, and well acquainted
with the affairs of the country. In this sedusion the presi-
dent remained three months, making a careful examination
into the conflicting claims, and apportiomng the forfeitures
among the parties according to their respective services.
The rqHtrtimientoSf it should be remarked, were usually
granted only for life, and, on the death of the incumbent,
reverted to the Crown, to be re-assigned or retained at its
When his arduous task was completed, Gasca determined
to withdraw to Lima, leaving the instrument of partition
with the archbishop^ to be communicated to the army. Not«
withstanding all the care that had been taken for an
equitable adjustment, Gasca was aware that it was impos-
sible to satisfy the demands of a jealous and irritable sol-
dieiy, where each man would be likely to exaggerate his
own deserts, while he underrated those of his comrades ;
and he did not care to expose himself to importunities and
complaints that could serve no other purpose than to wanoy
him.
On his departure the troops were caDed together by the
archbishop in the cathedral, to learn the contents of the
schedule intrusted to him. A discourse was first preached
by a worthy Dominican, the prior of Arequipa, in which the
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SPOILS OP VICTORY, 237
rererend father expatiated on the rirtue of contentment, the
duty of obedience, and the folly, as well as wickedness, of
an attempt to resist the constituted authorities — ^topics, in
short, which he conceiyed might best conciliate the good-will
and conformity of his audience.
A letter from the president was then read from the pulpit.
It was addressed to the officers and soldiers of the army.
The writer began with briefly exposing the difficulties of his
task, owing to the limited amount of the gratuities, and the
great number and services of the claimants. He had given
the matter the most careful consideration, he said, and
endeavoured to assign to each hb share, according to his
deserts, without prejudice or partiality. He had, no doubt,
fallen into errors, but he trusted his followers would excuse
them, when they reflected that he had done according to
the best of his poor abilities ; and all, he believed, would do
him the justice to acknowledge he had not been influenced
by motives of personal interest. He bore emphatic testi-
mony to the services they had rendered to the good cause^
and concluded with the most afiPectionate wishes for their
future prosperity and happiness. The letter was dated at
Guaynarima, August 17, 1548, and bore the simple signature
of the Licentiate Gasca.*
The archbishop next read the paper containing the presi-
dent's awards The annual rent of the estates to be distri-
buted amounted to a hundred and thirty thousand pesos
* MS. de Caravantes. — Pedro Pizarro, Descab. 7 Conq., MS. — Zarate,
Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. iz. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii.
cap. zcii.
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238 SETTLEMENT OF THE COITNTRT.
ensayados;* a large amount, considering the worth of money
in that day — ^in any other country than Peru, where money
was a drug.t
The repartimientos thus distributed yaried in value from
one hundred to thirty-fire hundred pesos of yearly rent ; all,
apparently, graduated with the nicest precision to the merits
of the parties. The number of pensioners was about two
hundred and fifty ; for the fund would not have sufficed for
* The peso ensayado, according to Garcilasso, wm one-fifth more in
talae than the Castilian ducat — Com. Real., parte ii. lib. vi. cap. iii.
f ** Entre los cavalleros capitanes j soldados que le ayudaron en esta
ocasion repartid el Presidente Pedro de la Gasca 1 35,000 pesos ensayados
de renta que estahan vacos, y no un millon j tantos mil pesos, como dize
Diego Fernandez, que escrivid en Palencia estas alteradones, j de quien lo
tom6 Antonio de Herrera : 7 porque esta ocasion fue la segunda en que
los benemeritoB del Pirli fundan con razon los servicios de sus pasados,
porque mediante esta batalla aseguro la corona de Castilla las provincias
mas ricas que tiene en America, pondr^ sus nombres para que se conserbe
con certeza su memoria como pareze en el auto original que proye3r6 en el
asiento de Guainarima cerca de la dudad del Cuzco en diez 7 siete de
Agosto de 1548, que esti en los archives del goviemo." — MS. deCaravantes.
The sum mentioned in the text, as thus divided among the arm7, falls very
far short of the amount stated hj (xarcilasso, Fernandez, Zarate, and,
indeed, eYer7 other writer on the subject, none of whom estimate it at
less than a million of pesos. But Caravantes, from whom I have taken it,
copies the ori^nal act of partition preserved in the royal archives. Yet
Garcilasso de la Vega ought to have been well informed of the value of
these estates, which, according to him, far exceeded the estimate given ia
the schedule. Thus, for instance, Hinojosa, he sa7s, obtained from the
share of lands and rich mines assigned to him from the property of Gonzalo
Pizarro no less than 2PO,000 pesos annuall7, while Aldana, the Licentiate
Carbajal, and others, had estates which 7ielded them from 10,000 to 50,000
pesos, (Ibid., ubi supra.) It is impossible to reconcile these monstrous
discrepancies. No sum seems to have been too large for the credulit7 of
the ancient chronicler : and the imagination of the reader is so comj^etely
bewildered b7 the actual riches of this El Dorado, that it is difficult to
adjust his faith b7 an7 standard of probability.
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SPOILS OF VICTORY^ 239
general distribution, nor were the services of the greater
part deemed worthy of such a mark of consideration.*
The effect produced bj the document, on men whose
minds were filled with the most indefinite expectations, was
just such as had been anticipated bj the president. It was
received with a general murmur of disapprobation. Even
those who had got more than thej expected, were discon-
tented, on comparing their condition with that of their
comrades, whom they thought still better remunerated in
proportion to their deserts. Thej especially inveighed
against the preference shown to the old partisans of Gonzalo
Pizarro— as Hinojosa, Centeno, and Aldana — over those
who had always remained loyal to the Crown. There was
some ground for such a preference ; for none had rendered
so essential services in crushing the rebellion ; and it was
these services that Gasca proposed to recompense. To
reward every man who had proved himself loyal, simply for his
loyalty, would have frittered away the donative into fractions
that would be of little value to any.t
It was in vain, however, that the archbishop, seconded by
some of the principal cavaliers, endeavoured to Infuse a more
contented spirit into tke multitude. They insisted that the
award should be rescinded, and a new one made on more
* Ganvantefl baa traxiBcribed from the origina] act a fUll catalogue of
the pensionen, with the amount of the sums set against each of their
names.
+ The president found an ingenious way of remunerating several of his
foUowers, by bestowing on them the hands of the rich widows of the
caTaliers who had perished in the war. The inclinations of the ladies do
not seem to have been always consulted in this politic arrangement See
Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. vi. cap. iii.
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240 8ETTLBMENT OP THB COUNTRT,
equitable principles ; threatening, moreover, that, if this
were not done by the president, thej would take the redress
of the matter into their own hands. Their discontent, fo-
mented bj some mischievous persons who thought to find
their account in it, at length proceeded so far as to menace
a mutiny ; and it was not suppressed till the commander of
Cuzco sentenced one of the ringleaders to death, and several
others to banishment. The iron soldiery of the Conquest
required an iron hand to rule them.
Meanwhile, the president had continued his journey
towards Lima ; and on the way was everywhere received
by the people with an enthusiasm, the more grateful to his
heart that he felt he had deserved it. As he drew near
the capital, the loyal inhabitants prepared to give him a
magnificent reception. The whole population came forth
from the gates, led by the authorities of the city, with
Aldana as corregidor at their head. Gasca rode on a mule,
dressed in his ecclesiastical robes. On his right, borne
on a horse richly caparisoned, was the royal seal, in a box
curiously chased and ornamented. A gorgeous canopy of
brocade was supported above his head by the officers of the
municipality, who, in their robes of crimson velvet, walked
bareheaded by his side. Gay troops of dancers, clothed in
fantastic dresses of gaudy-coloured silk, followed the pro-
cession, strewing flowers and chanting verses as they went,
in honour of the president. They were designed as emble-
matical of the different cities of the colony ; and they bore
legends or mottoes in rhyme on their caps, intimating their
loyal devotion to the Crown, and evincing much more
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WISE REFORMS BY GASGA. 241
loyalty in their compoBition, it may be added, than poetical
merit.* In this way, without beat of drum, or noise of
artillery, or any of the rude accompaniments of war, the
good president made his peaceful entry into the City of the
Kings, while the air was rent with the acclamations of the
people, who hailed him as their << Father and Deliverer, the
Sayiour of their country ! " f
But, howeyer grateful was this homage to Gasca's hearty
he was not a man to waste his time in idle vanities. He
now thought only by what means he could eradicate the
seeds of disorder which shot up so readily in this fruitful
soil, and how he could place the authority of the govern-
ment on a permanent basis. By virtue of his office, he
presided over the Royal Audience, the great judicial, and,
indeed, executive tribunal of the colony ; and he gave great
despatch to the business, which had much accumulated
during the late disturbances. In the unsettled state of
property, there was abundant subject for litigation ; but,
fortunately, the new Audience was composed of able,
upright judges, who laboured diligently with their chief
to correct the mischief caused by the misrule of their
predecessors.
* Fernandez has collected these flowers of colonial poesy, which prove
that the old Conquerors were much more expert with the sword than with
the pen. — Hist, del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. zciii.
f ** Fue redhimiento mui solemne, con universal alegria del pueblo, por
verse libere de tiranos ; i toda la gente, & voces, bendecia al Presidente, i
le llamaban Padre, Restaurador, i Pacifieador, dando gracias & Dies, por
haver vengado las injurias heehas i su Divina Majestad.*' — Herrera, Hist.
General, dec viii. lib. iv. cap. xviL
VOL. III. T.
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242 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY.
Neither was Gasca unmindful of the nnfortonate natives ;
and he occupied himself earnestly with that difficult pro«
blem, — the best means practicable of ameliorating their
condition. He sent a number of ccMumissioners, as yisitors,
into difiPerent parts of the country, whose business it was to
inspect the encomiendas, and. ascertain the manner in which
the Indians were treated, by conversing not only with the
proprietors, but with the natives themselves. They were
also to learn the nature and extent of the tributes paid in
former times by the vassals of the Incas.*
In this way, a large amount of valuable information was
obtained, which enabled Gasca, with the aid of a council of
ecclesiastics and jurists, to digest a uniform system of
taxation for the natives, lighter even than that imposed on
them by the Peruvian princes. The president would gladly
have relieved the conquered races from the obligations of
personal service ; but, on mature consideration, this was
judged impracticable in the present state of the country,
since the Colonists, more especially in the tropical regions,
looked to the natives for the performance of labour, and the
latter, it was found from experience, would not work at all,
unless compelled to do so. The president, however, limited
* *' El Presidente Gasca mando visitar todas las provindas j reporti-
mientos deste reyno, nombrando para ello personas de autoridad, j de quien
se tenia entendido que teniaa conoscimiento de la tierra que ae les encar-
gavan, que ha de ser la principal calidad, que se ha buscar en la persona, &
quien ra compete semejante negocio despues que seaCristiana: lo segundo
se les dio instruccion de lo que hauian de averiguar, que fiieron muchas
cosas : el numero, las hadendas, los tratos y grangerias, la calidad de la gente
J de BUS tierras 7 comarca, 7 lo que davan de tribute." — Oadegardo, BeL
Prim., MS.
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. WISE REFORMS BT GA80A. 243
the amount of service to be exacted with great precision, so
that it was in the nature of a moderate personal tax. No
Peruvian was to be required to change his pkce of resi*
dence, from the climate to which he had been accustomed,
to another ; a fruitful source of discomfort, as well as of
disease, in past times. By these various regulations, the
condition of the natives, though not such as had been con-
templated bj the sanguine philanthropy of Las Casas, was
improved far more than was compatible with the craving
demands of the colonists ; and all the firmness of the
Audience was required to enforce provisions so unpalatable
to the latter. Still they were enforced. Slavery, in its
most odious sense, was no longer tolerated in Peru. The
term ** slave " was not recognised as having relation to her
institutions ; and the historian of the Indies makes the
proud boast, — ^it should have been qualified by the limita-
tions I have noticed, — that every Indian vassal might
aspire to the rank of a freeman.*
Besides these reforms, Gasca introduced several in the
municipal government of the cities, and others yet more
important in the management of the finances, and in the
mode of keeping the accounts. By these and other changes
in the internal economy of the colony, he placed the admi*
nistration on a new basis, and greatly facilitated the way
for a more sure and orderly government by his successors.
* ^ El Presidente i el audiencia dieron tales ordenes, que este negocio
86 asentd, de manera que para adelaote no se platicd mas este jiombre de
esclavos, sioo que la libertad ue general por todo el reino." — Herrera, Hist.
Genera], dec. viii. lib. ▼. cap. vii.
a2
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244 SETTLEMEKT OF THE OOITNTBT.
As a final step, to secure the repose of the country after he
was gone, he detached some of the more aspiring cavaliers
on distant expeditions, trusting that they would draw off
the light and restless spbits, who might otherwise gather
together and disturh the puhlic tranquillity ; as we some-
times see the mists which have heen scattered hy the genial
influence of the sun, hecome condensed, and settled into a
storm, on his departure.*
Gasca had heen now more than fifteen months in Lima,
and nearly three years had elapsed since his first entrance
into Peru. In that time, he had accomplished the great
ohjects of his mission. When he landed, he found the
colony in a state of anarchy, or rather organised rehellion,
under a powerful and popular chief. He came without
funds or forces to support him. The former he procured
through the credit which he estahlished in his good faith ;
the latter he won over hy argument and persuasion from the
very persons to whom they had heen confided hy his rival.
Thus he turned the arms of that rival against himself. Bj
a calm appeal to reason he wrought a change in the hearts
of the people ; and without costing a drop of hlood to a
single loyal suhject, he suppressed a rehellion which had
menaced Spain with the loss of the wealthiest of her pro-
vinces. He had punished the guilty, and in their spoils
found the means to recompense the faithful. He had,
moreover, so well hushanded the resources of the country,
* MS. de Caravantes. — Gomara, Hist de las Indias, cap. clxxxvii.—
Fernandez, Hist, del Peni, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xciii. zcv. — Zarate, Conq.
del Peru, lib. vii. cap. z.
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6ASCA RETURNS TO SPAIN. 245
that he was enabled to paj off the large loan he had nego-
tiated with the merchants of the colony, for the expenses of
the war, exceeding nine hundred thousand pesos de oro.*
Naj, more, by his economy he had saved a million and a
half of ducats for the goremment, which for some years
had received nothing from Peru ; and he now proposed to
carry back this acceptable treasure to swell the royal
coffers.t All this had been accomplished without the cost
of outfit or salary, or any charge to the Crown except that
of his own frugal expenditure. J The country was now in
a state of tranquillity. Gasca felt that his work was done ;
and that he was free to gratify his natural longing to return
to his native land.
Before his departure, he arranged a distribution of those
repartimientos which had lapsed to the Crown during the
past year by the death of the incumbents. Life was
short in Peru ; since those who lived by the sword, if
they did not die by the sword, too often fell early victims
to the hardships incident to their adventurous career.
* ^ Recogi<5 tanta suma de dinero, que pag6 novecientos mil pesos de
orO) que se halld haver gastado, desde el dia que entrd en Paiiam&, hasta
que se acabd la guerra, los quales tomd prestados." — Herrera, Hist. General,
dec viii. lib. v. cap. Tii.— Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. vii. cap. z.
*)* ** Aviendo pagado el Presideute las costas de la guerra, que fueron
muchas, remitid &S.'M.,y lo llevd consigo 264,422 marcos de plata, que
& seis ducados valieron 1,588,332 ducados.*^ — MS. de Caravantes.
X ** No tubo ni quiso salario el Presidente Gasca sino cedula para que
£ un mavordomo suyo diosen loS oflciales reales lo necesario de la real
hacienda, que como pareze de los quademos de su gasto fud muy moderado/*
(MS. de Caravantes.) Gasca, it appears, was most exact in keeping the
accounts of his disbursements for the expenses of himself and household,
from the time he embarked for the colonies.
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246 SETTLBMBNT OF THE COUNTEY.
Many were the applicauts for the new hounty of govern-
ment ; and, as among them were some of those who had
been discontented with the former partition, Gasca was
assailed by remonstrances, and sometimes by reproaches
couched in no very decorous or respectful language. But
they had no power to disturb his equanimity ; he patiently
listened, and replied to all in the mild tone of expostulation
best calculated to turn away wrath ; " by this victory over
himself,** says an old writer, " acquiring more real glory,
than by all his victories over his enemies." *
An incident occurred on the eve of his departure, touch-
ing in itself, and honourable to the parties concerned. The
Jndian caciques of the neighbouring country, mindful of the
great benefits he had rendered their people, presented him
with a considerable quantity of plate in token of their
gratitude. But Gasca refused to receive it, though in doing
so he gave much concern to the Peruvians, who feared they
had unwittingly fallen imder his displeasure.
Many of the principal colonists, also, from the same wish
to show their sense of his important services, sent to him,
after he had embarked, a magnificent donative of fifty
thousand gold castellanos. *' As he had taken leave of
Peru," they said, " there could be no longer any ground for
declining it." But Gasca was as decided in his rejection of
this present, as he had been of the other. ** He had come
to the country," he remarked, " to serve the king, and to
* " En lo qual hizo mas que en veneer 7 ganar todo aquel ymperio :
porqae fue vencerse assi proprio." — Garcilaaso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. vi.
cap. vii.
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DEATH OF GASGA. 247
secure the blessings of peace to the inhabitants ; and now
that, by the favour of Heaven, he had been permitted to
accomplish this, he would not dishonour the cause by any
act that might throw suspicion on the purity of his motives.**
Notwithstanding his refusal, the colonists contrived to secrete
the sum of twenty thousand castellanos on board of his
vessel, with the idea, that, once in his own country, with
his mission concluded, the president's scruples would be
removed. Gasca did, indeed, accept the donative ; for he
felt that it would be imgracious to send it back ; but it was
only till he could ascertain the relatives of the donors, when
he distributed it among the most needy.*
Having now settled all his affairs, the president com-
mitted the government, until the arrival of a viceroy, to his
faithful partners of the Royal Audience ; and in January,
1550, he embarked with the royal treasure on board of a
squadron for Panam£. He was accompanied to the shore
by a numerou9 crowd of the inhabitants, cavaliers, and
common people, persons of all ages and conditions, who
followed to take their last look of their beoefactor, and
watch with straining eyes the vessel that bore him away
from their land.
His voyage was prosperous, and early in March the pre-
sident reached his destined port. He stayed there only till
he could muster horses and mules sufficient to carry the
treasure across the mountains ; for he knew that this part
of the country abounded in wild, predatory spirits, who
would be sorely tempted to some act of violence by a
* Fernandez, Hiet. del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. zcv.
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248 SBTTLEMBHT OP THE COUNTBT.
knowledge of the wealth which he had with him. Poshing
forward, therefore, he crossed the x^ged isthmus, and,
after a painful march, arriyed in safety at Nombre de Dies.
The event justified his apprehensions. He had been
gone but three days, when a ruffian horde, after murdering
the bishop of Guatemala, broke into Panama with the
design of inflicting the same fate on the president, and of
seizing the booty. No sooner were the tidings communi-
cated to Gasca, than, with his usual energy, he leyied a
force, and prepared to march to the relief of the invaded
capital. But Fortune — or, to speak more correctly. Provi-
dence — favoured him here, as usual ; and, on the eve of his
departure, he learned that the marauders had been met by
the citizens, and discomfited with great slaughter. Dis-
banding his forces, therefore, he eqtdpped a fleet of nineteen
vessels to transport himself and the royal treasure to Spain,
where he arrived in safety, entering the harbour of Seville
after a little more than four years from the period when he
had sailed from the same port.*
Great was the sensation throughout the country caused
by his arrival. Men could hardly believe that results so
momentous had been accomplished in so short a time by a
single individual, — a poor ecclesiastic, who, unidded by
government, had, by his own strength, as it were, put
down a rebellion which had so long set the arms of Spain at
defiance !
* MS. de Caravantes.— Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. dxzziii. —
Fernandez, Hist del Peru, parte ii. lib. i. cap. z. — Zarate, Conq. del
Peni, lib. Tii. cap. xiii. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. viii. lib. vi. cap. xvii.
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DEATH OF GASCA. 249
The emperor was absent in Flanders. He was overjoyed
^n learning the complete success of Gasca's mission ; and
&ot less satisfied with the tidings of the treasure he had
brought with him ; for the exchequer, rarely filled to over-
flowing, had been exhausted by the recent troubles in
Germany. Charles instantly wrote to the president, requir-
ing his presence at Court, that he might learn from his own
lips the particulars of his expedition. Gasoa, accordingly,
attended by a numerous retinue of nobles and cavaliers,—
for who does not pay homage to him whom the king
delighteth to honour ?— embarked at Barcelona, and, after a
favourable voyage, joined the Court in Flanders.
He was received by his royal master, who fully appreci-
ated his services, in a manner most grateful to his feelings ;
and not long afterward he was raised to the bishopric of
Palencia, — a mode of acknowledgment best suited to his
character and deserts. Here he remained till 1561, when
he was promoted to the vacant see of Siguenza. The rest
of his days he passed peacefully in the discharge of his
episcopal functions ; honoured by his sovereign, and enjoying
the admiration and respect of his countrymen *
In his returement he was still consulted by the govern-
ment in matters of importance relating to the In£es. The
disturbances of that unhappy land were renewed, though on
a much smaller scale than before, soon after the president's
departure. They were chiefly caused by discontent with
♦ Ibid., ubi supra.— MS. de Caravanteg.— Gomare, Hist, de las Indias,
cap. clxxxii. — Fomande», Hist, del Peru, parte ii. lib. i. cap. x.— Zarate,
Conq. del Peru, lib. yii. cap. xiii.
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250 SETTLEMENT OP THE COUNTRY.
the repartimientos, and with the constancy of the Audience
in enforcing the henevolent restrictions as to the personal
serrices of the natives. But these troubles subsided, after
a very few years, under the wise rule of the Mendozas —
two successive viceroys of that illustrious house which has
given so many of its sons to the service of Spain. Under
their rule, the mild yet determined policy was pursued, of
which Gasca had set the example. The ancient distrac-
tions of the country were permanently healed. With
peace, prosperity returned within the borders of Peru ; and
the consciousness of the beneficent results of his labours
may have shed a ray of satisfaction, as it did of glory, over
the evening of the president's life.
That life was brought to a close in November, 1567, at
an age, probably, not far from the one fixed by the sacred
writer as the term of human existence.* He died at Yalla-
dolid, and was buried in the church of Santa Maria Mag-
dalena, in that city, which he had built and liberally
endowed. His monument, surmounted by the sculptured
effigy of a priest in his sacerdotal robes, is still to be seen
there, attracting the admiration of the traveller by the
beauty of its execution. The banners taken from Gonzalo
Pizarro on the field of Xaquixaguana were suspended over
* I have met with no account of the year in which Gaaca was horn ;
hut an inscription on his portrait in the sacristy of St. Mary Magdalene at
Valladolid, from which the engraving prefixed to this yolume is taken,
states that he died in 1567, at the age of seventy-one. This is perfectly
consistent with the time of life at which he had prohably arrived when we
find him a collegiate at Salamanca, in the year 1 522.
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CHARACTER OF GASCA. 251
bis tomb, as tbe trophieB of bis memorable mission to Peru.*
Tbe banners bave long since mouldered into dust, witb the
remains of bim wbo slept beneatb tbem ; but tbe memory
of bis good deeds will endure for ever.t
Gasca was plain in person, and bis countenance was far
from comely. He was awkward and ill-proportioned, for
his limbs were too long for bis body, — so tbat wben be rode
bo appeared to be mucb sborter tban be really was.^ His
dress was bumble, bis manners simple, and tbere was
notbing imposing in bis presence. But, on a nearer inter-
course, tbere was a cbarm in bis discourse tbat effaced every
nnfayourable impression produced by bis exterior, and won
tbe hearts of bis bearers.
Tbe president's character may be thought to have been
* *< Murid en Yalladolid, donde mandd enterrar su cuerpo en la iglesia
de la advocacion de la Magdalena, qae hizo edificar en aquella ciudad,
donde se puueron las vanderas que gan6 i. Gonzalo Pizarro."— MS. de
Caravan tes.
f The memory of his achievements has not heen left entirely to the care
of the historian. It is hut a few years since the character and administration
of Gasca formed the suhject of an elahorate panegyric from one of the most
distinguished statesmen in the British parliament. (See Lord Brougham*s
speech on the maltreatment of the North American colonies, Fehniary,
M38.) The enlightened Spaniard of our day, who contemplates with
sorrorlr the excesses committed by his countrymen of the sixteenth century
in the New World, may feel an honest pride, that in this company of dark
spirits should be found one to whom the present generation may turn as to
the brightest model of integrity and wisdom.
X ** Era muy pequefio de cuerpo con estrana hechura, que de la cintura
ahaxo tenia tanto cuerpo como qualquiera hombre alto, y de la cintura al
hombro no tenia vna tercia. Andando H cauallo paresda & vn mas
pequeno de lo que era, porque todo era piemas : de rostro era muy feo :
pero lo que la naturaleza le nego de las dotes del cuerpo, se los dobld en
lot del animo.** — Garcilasso, Com. Real., parte ii. lib. v. cap. ii.
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252 SETTLEMENT OF THE GOUNTBT.
sufficiently portrayed in the history abeady given of his life.
It presented a combination of qnalities, which generally
serve to neutralise each oiher, but which were mixed in
such proportions in him as to give it additional strength.
He was gentle yet resolute ; by nature intrepid, yet pre-
ferring to rely on the softer arts of policy. He was frugal
in his personal expenditure, and economical in the public ;
yet caring nothing for riches on his own account, and never
stinting his bounty when the public good required it. He
was benevolent and placable, yet could deal sternly with the
impenitent offender ; lowly in his deportment, yet with a
full measure of [that self-respect which springs from con-
scious rectitude of purpose ; modest and unpretending, yet
not shrinking from the most difficult enterprises ; deferring
greatly to others, yet, in the last resort, relying mainly on
himself; moving with deliberation, — patiently wuting his
time ; but, when that came, bold, prompt, and decisive.
Gasca wa^ not a man of genius, in the vulgar sense of
that term. At least, no one of his intellectual powers seems
to have received an extraordinary development, beyond
what is found in others. He was not a great writer, nor a
great orator, npr a great general. He did not affect to be
either. He committed the care of his military matters to
military men ; of eccleuastical, to the clergy ; and his
civil and judicial concerns he reposed on the members of the
Audience. He was not one of those little great men who
aspire to do every thing themselves, under the conviction
that nothing can be done so well by others. But the pre-
sident was a keen judge of character. Whatever might be
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CHARACTER OF 6ASCA. 253
the office, he selected the best man for it. He did more.
He assured himself of the fidelity of his agents ; pre-
sided at their deliberations ; dictated a general line of
policy, and thus infused a spirit of unity into their plans,
which made all moye in concert to the accomplishment of
one grand result.
A distinguishing feature of his mind was his common
sense, — the best substitute for genius in a ruler who has the
destinies of his fellow-men at his disposal, and more
indispensable than genius itself* In Gasca, the different
qualities were blended in such harmony, that there was no
room for excess. They seemed to regulate each other.
While his sympathy with mankind taught him the
nature of their wants, his reason suggested to what
extent these were capable of relief, as well as the best
mode of effecting it. He did not waste his strength on
illusory schemes of beneyolence, like Las Casas, on the one
hand : nor did he countenance the selfish policy of the colo-
nists, on the other. He aimed at the practicable, — the
greatest good practicable.
In accomplishing his objects, he disclaimed force equally
with fraud. . He trusted for success to his power over the
convictions of his hearers ; and the source of this power was
the confidence he inspired in his own integrity. Amidst all
the calumnies of faction, no imputation was ever cast on the
integrity of Gasca.* No wonder that a virtue so rare should
be of high price in Peru.
* *' Fue tan recatado j estremando en esta virtud, que puesto que de
rouchoB quedd mal quisto, quando del Peril se partio para Espana, por el
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254 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRT.
There are some men whose characters have b^en so won-
derfully adapted to the peculiar crisis in which they
appeared, that they seem to hare been specially designed for
it by Providence. Such was Washington in the United
States, and Gasca in Peru. We can conceive of individuals
with higher qualities, at least with higher intellectual
qualities, than belonged to either of these great men. But
it was the wonderful conformity of their characters to the
exigencies of their situation, the perfect adaptation of the
means to the end, that constituted the secret of their suc-
cess ; that enabled Gasca so gloriously to crush revolution,
and Washington still more gloriously to achieve it.
Gasca 's conduct on his first coming to the colonies affords
the best illustration of his character. Had he come backed
by a military array, or even clothed in the paraphernalia of
authority, every heart and hand would have been closed
against him. But the humble ecclesiastic excited no appre-
hension ; and his enemies were already disarmed, before he
had begun his approaches. Had Gasca, impatient of Hino-
josa's tardiness, listened to the suggestions of those who
advised his seizure, he would have brought his cause into
jeopardy by this early display of violence. But he wisely
chose to win over his enemy by operating on his conviction.
In like manner, he waited his time for making his entry
into Peru. He suffered his communications to do their work
in the minds of the people, and was careful not to thrust in
repartimiento que hizo : con todo esBO, jamas nadie dLzo del, ni sospechd
que en esto ni otra cosa se vuieese mouido por codicia.*' — Fernandez, Hist.
del Peru, parte i. lib. ii. cap. xcr.
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CHARACTER OF GASCA. 255
the sickle before the harvest was ripe. In this way,
wherever he went, everything was prepared for his coming :
and when he set foot in Peru, the country was ahready
his own.
After the dark and turbulent spirits with which we have
been hitherto occupied, it is refreshing to dwell on a cha-
racter like that of Gasca. In the long procession which has
passed in review before us, we have seen only the mail-clad
cavalier, brandishing his bloody lance, and mounted on his
war-horse, riding over the helpless natives, or battling with
his own friends and brothers ; fierce, arrogant, and cruel,
urged on by the lust of gold, or the scarce more honourable
love of a bastard glory. Mingled with these qualities,
indeed, we have seen sparkles of the chivalrous and romantic
temper which belongs to the heroic age of Spain. But,
with some honourable exceptions, it was the scum of her
chivalry that resorted to Peru, and took service under the
banner of the Pizarros. At the close of this long array of
iron warriors, we behold the poor and humble missionary
coming into the land on an errand of mercy, and everywhere
proclaiming the glad tidings of peace. No warlike trumpet
heralds his approach, nor is his course to be tracked by the
groans of the wounded and the dying. The means he
employs are in perfect harmony with his end. His weapons
are argument and mild persuasion* It is the reason he
would conquer, not the body. He wins his way by convic-
tion, not by violence. It is a moral victory to which he
aspires, more potent, and happily more permanent, than
that of the blood-stained conqueror. As he thus calmly,
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256 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTBT.
and imperceptibly, as it wete, comes to his great results,
he may remind ns of the slow, insensible manner in which
Nature works out her great changes in the material world,
that are to endure when the ravages of the hurricane are
passed away and forgotten.
With the mission of Gasca terminates the history of the
Conquest of Peru. The Conquest, indeed, strictly terminates
with the suppression of the Peruyian revolt, when the
strength, if not the spirit of the Inca race was crushed for
ever. The reader, however, might feel a natural curiosity to
follow to its close the fate of the remarkable family who
achieved the Conquest. Nor would the story of the invasion
itself be complete without some account of the civil wars
which grew out of it ; which serve,' moreover, as a moral
commentary on preceding events, by showing that the indul-
gence of fierce, unbridled passions is sure to recoil, sooner
or later, even in this life, on the heads of the guilty.
It is true, indeed, that the troubles of the country were
renewed on the departure of Gasca. The waters had been
too fearfully agitated to be stilled, at once, into a cakn ;
but they gradually subsided, under the temperate rule of
his successors, who wisely profited by his policy and example.
Thus the influence of the good president remained after he
was withdrawn from the scene of his labours ; and Peru,
hitherto so distracted, continued to enjoy as large a share
of repose as any portion of the colonial empire of Spain.
With the benevolent mission of Gasca, then, the historian of
the Conquest may be permitted to terminate his labours, —
with feelings not unlike those of the traveller, who having
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S^ABATE« 257
long journeyed among the dreary forests and dangerous
defiles of the mountains, at length emerges on some pleasant
landscape smiling in tranquillity and peace.
Augustin de Zarato — a highly respectable aathority, frequently
cited in the latter porticAi of this work — was Contador de Mercedes,
Comptroller of Accounts, for Castile. This office he filled for fifteen
years; after which he was sent by the government to Peru to
examine into the state of the colonial finances, which had been
greatly deranged by the recent troubles, and to bring them, if pos-
sible, into order.
Zarate went out accordingly in the train of the viceroy Blasco
Nunez, and found himself, through the passions of his imprudent
leader, entangled, soon after his arrival, in the inextricable meshes
of civil discord. In the struggle which ensued, he remained with
the Royal Audience ; and we find him in Lima, on the approach of
Gonzalo Pizarro to that capital, when Zarate was deputed by the
judges to wait on the insurgent chief, and require him to disband his
troops and withdraw to his own estates. The historian executed the
mission, for which he seems to have had little relish, and which cer-
tainly was not without danger. From this period, we rarely hear of
him in the troubled scenes that ensued. He probably took no further
part in affairs than was absolutely forced on him by circumstances ;
but the unfavourable bearing of his remarks on Gonzalo Pizarro in-
timates, that, however he may have been discontented with the con-
duct of the viceroy, he did not countenance, for a moment, the
criminal ambition of his rival. The times were certainly unpro-
pitious to the execution of the financial reforms for which Zarate
had come to Peru. But he showed so much real devotion to the
interests of the Crown, that tlie emperor on his return, signified Ins
satisfaction by making him Superintendent of the Finances in
Flanders.
Soon after his arrival in Peru, he seems to have conceived the
idea of making his countrymen at home acquainted with the stirring
VOL. III. 8
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
258 ZABATE.
erents pMaing in the «okmyy whkh, moreover, afforded some strikiDg
pMsagea for the study of the historian. Although he ooUeeted notes
and diariesy as he tells us, for this purpose, he did not dare to avail
himself of them tiU his return to Castile. *^ For to have begun the
history in Peru," he says, ** would have alone been enough to put my
Ufe in jeopardy ; since a certain conmiander, named Francisco de
Garbajal, threatened to take vengeance on any one who should be so
rash as to attempt the relation of his exploits, — ^far less deserving, as;
they were, to be placed on record, than to be consigned to eternal
oblivion." In this same commander, the reader will readily recog-
nise the veteran lieutenant of Gronzalo Pizarro.
On his return home, Zarate set about the cominlation of his work.
His first purpose was to confine it to the events that followed the
arrival of Blasco Nufiez ; but he soon found, that to make these
intelligible, he must trace the stream of history higher up towards
its sources. He accordingly enlarged his phm, and, beginning with
the discovery of Peru, gave an entire view of the conquest and sub-
sequent occupation of the country, bringing the narrative down to the
dose of Gasoa's mission. — For the earlier portion of the story, he
relied on the accounts of persons who took a leading part in the
events. He disposes more summarily of this portion than of that in
which he himself was both a spectator and an actor ; where his testi-
mony, considering the advantages his position gave him for informa-
tion, is of the highest vahie.
Alcedo in his Biblioteca Americana^ MS., speaks of Zarate's work
as *' containing much that is good, but as not entitled to the praise of
exactnes&" He wrote under the influence of party heat, which neces-
sarily operates to warp the fairest mind somewhat from its natural
bent. For this we must make allowance, in perusing accounts of
conflicting parties. But there is no intention, apparently, to turn
the truth aside in support of his own cause ; and his access to &e
best sources of knowledge often supplies us with particulars not
within the reach of other chroniclers. His narrative is seasoned,
moreover, with sensible reflections and passing comments, that open
gleams of light into the dark passages of that eventfol period. Yet
the style of the author can make but moderate pretensions to the
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
FERNANDEZ. 259
praise of elegance or exactness ; while the sentences nm into that
tedious, interminable length which belongs to the garrulous composi-
tions of the regular thoroughbred chronicler of the olden time.
The personalities necessarily incident, more or less, to such a
work, led its author to shrink from publication^ at least during his
life. By the jealous spirit of the Castilian cavalier, ^censure," he
says, " however light, is regarded with indignation, and even praise
is rarely dealt out in a measure satisfactory to the subject of it"
And he expresses his conviction that those do wisely, who allow
tlieir accounts of their own times to repose in the quiet security of
manuscript, till the generation that is to be affected by them has
passed away. His own manuscript, however, was submitted to the
Emperor : and it received such commendation from this royal autho-
rity, that Zarate, plucking up a more courageous spirit, consented to
give it to the press. It accordingly appeared at Antwerp, in 1555,
in octavo ; and a second edition was printed in folio, at Seville, in
1577. It has since been incorporated in Barda^s valuable collection;
and, whatever indignation or displeasure it may have excited among
contemporaries, who smarted under the author's censure, or felt
themselves defrauded of their legitimate guerdon, Zarate*s work has
taken a permanent rank among the most respectable authorities for
a history of the time.
The name of Zarate naturally suggests that of Fernandez, for both
were labourers in the same field of history. Diego Fernandez de
Palenda, or PcdeniinOy as he is usually called, from the place of his
birth, came over to Peru, and served as a private in the royal army
raised to quell the insurrection that broke out after 6asca*s return to
Castile. Amidst his military occupations, he found leismre to collect
materials for a history of the period, to which he was further urged
by the viceroy, Mendoza, Marques de Cafiete, who bestowed on him,
as he tells us, the post of CSuronider of Pern. This mark of con-
fidence in his literary capacity intimates higher attainments in Fer«
nandez than might be inferred from the bumble station that he
oeenpied. With the fruits of his researches the soldier-chronicler
returned to Spain, and, after a time^ completed his narrative of the
insnnrection of Girott.
s2
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
260 PERNANDEZ.
The manuscript was seen by the President of the Council of the
Indies, and he was so much pleased with its execution, that he urged
the author to write the account, in like manner, of Gonzalo Pizarro^s
rebellion, and of the administration of Gasca. The historian was
further stimulated, as he mentions in his dedication to Philip the
Second, by the promise of a guerdon from that monarch, on the com-
pletion of his labours ; a very proper as well as politic, promise, but
which inevitably suggests the idea of an influence not altogether
favourable to severe historic impartiality. Nor will such an inference
be found altogether at variance with truth ; for while the narrative
of Fernandez studiously exhibits the royal cause in the most favour-
able aspect to the reader, it does scanty justice to the claims of the
opposite party. It would not be meet, indeed, that an apology for
rebelhon should be found in the pages of a royal pensioner ; but there
are always mitigating circumstances, which, however we may con-
denm the guilt, may serve to lessen our indignation towards the
guilty. These circumstances are not to be found in ihe pages of
Fernandez. It is unfortunate for the historian of such events, that
it is so difficult to find one disposed to do even justice to the claims
of the unsuccessful rebel. Yet the Inca Garcilasso has not shrunk
from this, in the case of Gonzalo Pizarro ; and even Gomara^ though
living under the shadow, or rather in the sunshine, of the Court, has.
occasionally ventured a generous protest in his behalf.
The countenance thus afforded to Fernandez from the highest
quarter opened to him the best fountains of intelligence, — at least,
on the government side of the quarrel. Besides personal communi-
cation with the royalist leaders, he had access to their correspond-
ence, diaries, and official documents. He industriously profited by
his opportunities ; and his narrative, taking up the story of the re-
bellion from its birth, continues it to its final extinction, and the end
of Gasca*s administration. Thus the First Part of his work, as it
was now called, was brought down to the commencement of the
Second, and the whole presented a complete picture of the distrac-
tions of the nation, till a new order of things was introduced, and
tranquillity was permanently established throughout the country.
The diction is sufficiently plain, not aspiring to rhetorical beauties
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FERNANDEZ. 261
beyond the reach of its author, and out of keeping with the simple
character of a chronicle. The sentences are arranged with more art
than in most of the unwieldy compositions of the time ; and, while
there is no attempt at erudition or philosophic speculation, the cur-
rent of events flows on in an orderly manner^ tolerably prolix, it is
true, but leaving a clear and intelligible impression on the mind of
&e reader. No history of that period compares with it in the
copiousness of its details ; and it has accordingly been resorted to by
later compilers, as an inexhaustible reservoir for the supply of iheir
own pages ; a circumstance that may be thought of itself to bear no
slight testimony to the general fidelity, as well as fulness of the narra-
tive. — The Chronicle of Fernandez, thus arranged in two parts, under
the general title of ffistoria del Peru, was given to the world in the
author's life-time, at Seville, in 1571, in one volume, folio, being the
edition used in the preparation of this work.
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APPENDIX.
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APPENDIX.
No. I.— See vol. i., p. 26.
DBSC&IPTION OF THE ROTAL PROGRESSES OF THE INCAS ; EXTRACTED
FROM SARMI£NTO*S RELACION, MS.
[The original manuscript, which was copied for Lord
Kingsborough's valuable collection, is in the Library of
the Escurial.]
Quando en tiempo de paz salian los Yngas i, visitar sa reyno,
cuentan que iban por el con gran majestad, sentados en ricas andas
armadas sobre unos palos lisos largos, de manera escelente, engastadas
en ore y argenteria ; y de las andas salian dos arcos altos hechos de
ore, engastados en piedras preciosas. Caian anas manias algo largas
por todas las andas, de tal manera que las cubrian todas ; y sine era
queriendo el que iba dentro, no podia ser visto, ni alzaban las mantas
Bi no era cuando entraba y salia, tanta era su estimacion ; y para que
le entrase aire, y el pudiese ver el camino, havia en las mantas hechos
algunos agujeros hechos por todas partes. En estas andas habia
riqueza, y en algunas estaba esculpido el sol y la luna, y en otras unas
cnlebras grandes ondadas y unos como bastones que las atravesaban.
Esto trahian por encima por armas, y estas andas las Uevaban en
ombros de los sefiores, los mayores y mas principales del reyno, y
aquel que mas con ellas andaba, aquel se tenia por mas onrado y por
mas faborecido. £n rededor de las andas, & la ila, iba la guardia del
Rey con los arqueros y alabarderos, y delante iban cinco mil honderos
y detras venian otros tantos lanceros con sus capitanes, y por los
ladoB del camino y por el mesmo camino iban corredores fides, des-
cubriendo lo que habia, y avisando la ida del Senor ; y acudia tanta
gente por lo ver, que parecia que todos los cerros y laderas estaba
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266 APPENDIX.
Ueno de eDa, y todos le davan las yendiciones, alzando alaridos, y
grita grande i. sa usanza, Uamandole, Ancha (Uunapo tndicJUri campa
capalla apaiuco pacha caniba hailla TuUeyt que en nuestra lengua
dir£, *^ May grand e y poderoso Senor, hijo del Sol, tu solo eres Senor !
todo el mundo te oya en yerdad 1" Y sin esto le decian otras cosas
mas altas, tanto que poco faltaba para le adorar por Dios. Todo el
camino iban Yndios Ilimpiandolo, de tal manera que ni yerba ni
piedra no parecia, sino todo limpio y barrido. Andaba cada dia cuatro
leguas, o lo que el queria. Paimba lo que era senrido, para entender
el estado de su reyno ; oia alegremente i los que con quejas le yenian,
remediando, y castigando i quien hacia injusticias. Los que con ellos
iban no se desmandaban i nada ni salian un paso del camino. Los
naturales proyeian & lo necesario, sin lo cual lo hayia tan cumplido
en los depositos que sobraba, y ningona cosa faltaba. Por donde iba
salian mnchos hombres y mugeres y mnehachos i seryir personal-
mente en lo que les era mandado, y para llebar las cargas : los de un
pueblo las Uebaban hasta otro, de donde los unos las tomaban y los
otros las dejaban ; y como era un dia, y cuando mncho dos, no lo
sentian, ni de ello redyian agrayio ninguno. Pnes yendo el Senor
de esta manera^ oaminaba por su tierra el tiempo que le plada, yieodo
por sus ojos lo que pasaba, y proyeyendo lo que entendia que con-
yenia, que todo era oosas grandes e importantes ; lo coal heeho, daba
la buelta al CuzcO| principal ciudad de todo su imperio.
No. n.— See vol. i., p. 60.
ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT ROAD MADE BT THE TNCAS OyEB THE PLATE4U,
FBOM QUITO TO CUZCO ( EXTBACTED F&OM SABMIENTO'S EELACION, lf&
Una de las cosas de que yo mas me admii^, contemplando y
Botando las cosas de estos reynos, fiie pensar como y de que manera
se pudieron hacer caminos tan grandes y soyeryios como por el vemos,
y que fuerzas de hombres bastaran li lo bacer, y con que herramientas
y instrumentos pudieron allanar los monies y quebrantar las pefias
para haoerlos tan anchos y buenos como estan ; por que me parece
que fid «1 Emperador quisiese mandar hacer otro camino real como
el que b4 del Quito al Cnzco, tf sale del Cnzco para ir < ChOe, ciertam**
ereo, con todo su poder, para ello no ftiese poderoso, ni faerzas de
hombres lo padiesen hacer, sino fiiese con la orden tan grande que
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APPENDIX. 267
para ello los Yngas mandaron que hubiese : por que a. fuera camino
de dnquenta legnas, 6 de eiento, 6 de doscientasy es de creer qae
aunqne la tierta fnera mas aspera, do se tubiera en mucho oon buena
diligencia haoerlo ; mas estos eran tan largos que hayia algnno que
tenia mas de mil y cien legnas, todo hechado por sierras tan grandes
y eepantosas que por algunas partes mirando abajo se quitaba la vista,
y algunas de estas sierras derechas y Uenas de piedras, tanto que era
menester oavar por las laderas en pena viva para hacer d camino
ancho y llano, todo lo qua! hacian con fuego y oon sus picos ; por
otros Ingares havia subidas tan altas y asperas, que hacian desde lo
bajo escalones para poder subir por ellos 41o mas idto, haciendo entre
medias de ellos idgunos descansos anehos para el reposo de la gente ;
en otros lugares havia montones de nieve que eran mas de temer, y
estos no en un lugar sino en muchas partes, y no asi oomo quiera sino
que no b& ponderado ni encareddo como ello es, ni oomo lo bemos, y
por estas nieves y por donde havia montanas, de arboles y cespedes
lo badan llano y empedrado si menester fnese. Los que leyeren este
libro, y hubieren estado en el Peru, miren el camino que h& desde
Lima A Xauxa por las sierras tan asperas de Guayacoire y por las
montauas nevadas de Pavacaca, y entenderiin los que i. ellos lo oyeren
m. es mas lo que ellos vieron que no lo que yo escrivo.
No. III.— See vol. i., p. 74.
FOLICT OBSERVED BT THE INCAS IN THEIR CONQUESTS J TAKEN FROM
SARMIENTO'S RELAClON, MS.
Una de las cosas de que mas se tiene embidia H estos senores, 6»
entender quan bien supieron conqnistar tan grandes tierras y ponerlas
eon sn prudencia en tanta razon oomo los Espafiples las hallaron
quando por ellos fu6 descubierto este reyno, y de que esto sea asi
mochas vezes me acuerdo yo estando en alguna provinoia indomita
fiiera de estos reynos oir luego i los mesmos Espafioles yo aseguro
que si los Yngas andnvieran por aqui que otra cosa fuera esto, es dedr
no conqnistaran los Yngas esto oomo lo otro porque supieran servir
J tributar, por mauera que quanto i esto, conozida esti la ventaja
que nos hacen pues con su orden, las gentes vivian con ella y creciaa
en multiplicacion, y de las provincias esteriles hacian fertiles y abun-
dantes en tanta manera y por tan galana orden como se dim^ siempre
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268 APPENDIX.
procuraron de liacer por bien las cosm y no por mal en el comienzo de
loB negodos, despnes algunos Yngas hicieron grandes castigos en
muchas partes, pero antes todos afirman que fue grande con la bene*
Yolencia y amicicia que procuraban el atraer i su senricio estas gentes*
Ellos salian del Cuzco con su gente y aparato de guerra, y caminabaa
con gran concierto haata cerca de donde havian de ir y querian con*-
quistar, donde muy bastantemente se informaban del poder que tenian
los enemigos, y de las ayudas que podrian tener, y de que parte les
podrian venir favores y por que camino ; y esto entendido por ellos,
procuraban por las vias & ellos posibles estorvar que no f uesen socor-
ridos ora con dones grandes que hacian ora con resistencias que
ponian, entendiendo sin esto de mandar hacer sus fuertes, los quales
eran en oerro 6 ladera hechos en ellos ciertas oercas altas y largas,
con su puerta c^a una, porque perdida la una pudiesen pasarse & la
otra, y de la otra hasta lo mas alto ; y embiaban esanchas de los con-
federados para marcar la tierra y ver los caminos y conocer del
arte q« estaban aguardando y por donde havia mas mantenimiento,
sayiendo por el camino que havian de Uevar y la orden con que
havian de ir, embiabales mensageros propios con los quales les
embiaba & decir, que el los queria tener por parientes y aliados, por
tanto que con buen animo y corazon alegre se saliesen & lo recevir y
recevirlo en su provincia, para que en ella le sea dada la obediencia
como en las demas, y porq* lo hagan con voluntad, embiaba presentes
i los senores naturales, y con esto y con otras buenas maneras que
tenia entraron en muchas tierras sin guerra, en las quales mandaban
& la gente de guerra que con el iba que no hiciesen dano ni injuria
ninguna ni robo ni fuerza. Y si en tal provincia no havia manteni-
miento, mandaba que de otra parte se proveyese, porque & los nueba-
mente venidos A su servicio no les pareciese desde luego pesado sa
mando y conocimiento, y el conocerle y aborrecerle fuese en un
tiempo ; y si en alguna de estas provincias no havia ganado, mandaba
luego que les diese por quenta tantas mil cavessas, lo qual mandaban
que mirasen mucho y con ello multiplicasen para proberse de lana
para sus ropas, y que no fuesen osados de comer ni matar ninguna
cria por los aaos y tiempo que les senalaba ; y si havia ganado y tenien
de otra cosa falta, era lo mismo ; y si estaban en coUados y arenales,
bien les hacian entender con buenas palabras que hiciesen pueblos y.
casas en lo mas llano de las sierras y laderas ; y como muchos no
eran diestros en cultibar las tierras, abecavanles como lo havian de
hacer^ imponiendoles en que supiesen, sacar acequias y regar oon eUas
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APPENDIX. 269
los campoB : en todo los havian de proreer tan concertadamente, que
qiiando entraba por amistad alguno de los Yngas en provincias de
estas, en brebe tiempo quedaba tal que parecia otra, y los naturales
le daban la obediencia, consintiendo que sus delegados quedasen en
ellos, y lo mismo los mitimaes ; en otras muchas que entraron de
guerra y por fuerza de armas, mandabase que en los mantenimientos
y casas de los enemigos se hiciese poco dano, diciendoles el senor,
'' Presto ser^n estos nuestros como los que ya lo son.'' Como esto
tenian conocido, procuraban q la guerra fuese la mas liviana que ser
pudiese, no embargante que en muchos lugares se dieron grandes
batallas, porque todavia los naturales de ellos querian conservarse en
la livertad antigua sin perder sus costumbres y religion por tomar
otras estranas ; mas duraado la guerra siempre havian los Yngas lo
mejor, y yencidos no los destruian de nuebo, antes mandaban resti-
tuhir los presos si algunos havia y el despojo y ponerlos en posesion
de sus haciendas y senorio, amonestandoles que no quieran ser locos
en tener contra su persona real competencias ni dejar su amistad,
antes querian ser sus amigos como lo son los comarcanos suyos ; y
diciendoles esto, dabanles algunas mugeres hermosas y presas ricas
de lana <5 de metal de oro. Con estas dadivas y buenas palabras havia
las voluntades de todos, de tal manera que sin ningun temor los huidos
£ los montes se bolvian d sus casas, y todos dejaban las armas, y el
que mas veces veia al Ynga se tenia por mas bien aventurado y
dichoso. Los senorios nunca los tiraban & los naturales, 4 todos man-
daban unos y otros que por Dios adorasen el sol ; sus demas religiones
y costumbres no se las prohivian, pero mandabanles que se govemasan
por las leyesy costumbres que se govemaban en el Cuzco, y que todos
hablasen en la lengua general, y puesto govemador por el Senior con
guamiciones de gente de guerra, parten para lo de adelante. Y si
estas proyincias eran grandes, luego se entendia en edificar un temple
del sol, y colocar las mugeres que ponian en los demas, y hacer palacios
para los senores, y cobraban para los tributos que havian de pagar
sinllevarles nada demasiado ni agraviarles en cosa ninguna, encami-
nandoles en su policio y en que supiesen hacer edificios y traer ropas
largas y vivir concertadamente en sus pueblos ; k los quales si algo
les faltaba de que tubiesen necesidad, eran provehidos y ensenados
como lo havian de sembrar y beneficiar. De tal manera se hacia esto
que sabemoa en muchos lugares que no havia maiz, tenello despues
sobrado, y en todo lo demas andaban como salvages mal vestidos y
descalsosy y desde que conoderon d estos senores usaron de camisetas
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270 APPENDIX.
Ures y mantas, y las mngeres lo rnismo y de otras baenae cosas, tanto
que para siempre habra memoria de todo ello. Y en el collas y en
otras partes mandd pasar mltimaes & la siexra de los Andes para que
sembrasen maiz y coca y otras frutas y raizes de todos los pueblos la
cantidad oombeniente, los quales con sus mugeres rivian siempre en
aqnella parte, donde sembraban y cojian tanto de lo que digo que se
sentia poco la falta por traer mucho de estas partes, y no hayer pueblo
ninguno por pequeno que fuese que no tubiese de estos mitimaes.
Adelante traiaremos quantas suertes havia de estos mitimaes, y
haoian los unos y entendian los otros.
No. IV.-See vol. i. p. 162.
EXTKACT FROM THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF HANCIO SIERRA
LEJESEHA, MS.
[The following is the preamble of the testament of a
soldier of the Conquest, named Lejesema. It is in the
nature of a death-bed confession ; and seems intended to
relieve the writer's mind, who sought to expiate his own sins
by this sincere though tardy tribute to the merits of the
vanquished. As the work in which it appears is rarely
to be met with, I have extracted the whole of the
preamble.]
Yerdadera confesion y protestacion eu artieulo de muerte hecha por
uno de los primeros Espanoles conquistadores del Peru, nombrado
Mancio Sierra Lejesema, con su testamento otorgado en la ciudad de
Cuzco, el dia 15 de Setiembre de 1589, ante Geronimo Sanchez
de Quesada, escribano publico : la qual la trae el P. Fr. Antonio
Calancha, del orden de hermitanos de San Augustin, en la cro-
nica de su religion, en el lib. L cap. xv. folio 98, y es del t^ior
siguiente : —
^ Primeramente, antes de empezar dicho mi testamento, declaro que
ha muchos anos que yo he deseado tener orden de advertir 4 la Cato-
lica Majestad del Rey Don Felipe, nuestro Senor, viendo cuan ca-
tolico y cristianisimo es, y cuan zeloso del servicio de Dios nuestro
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APPBNBIX. 271
Sejior^ por lo que tooa al descargo de mi anima, & causa de haber sido
yo mneho parte en deseubrimiento, conquista, y poblacion de estos
wynoBf cuando los quitamoe i los que eran senores Ingas, j los
poseiaoy y regian como suyos propios, y los pusimos debajo de la real
eorana, que entienda su Majestad Gatolica, que los dichos Ingas los
teEiaa goberuados de tal manera, que en todos dlos no habia un
ladron ni hombre vicioso, ni hombre holgazin, ni una muger addltera
ni mala ; ni se permitia entre ellos ni gente de mal vivir en lo moral ;
que los hombres tenian bus oeupaciones honestas y provechosas ; y que
los monies y minas, pastes, caza y madera, y todo genero de aproTe-
chamientos, estabagobemado y repartido de suerte que cadauno cono-
cia y tenia su hacienda sin que otro ninguno se la ocupase 6 tomase,
ni sobre ello habian pleytos ; y que las cosas de guerra, aunque eran
muchas, no impedian 4 las del comercio, ni estas & las cosas de la-
branza <5 cultiTar de las tierras, ni otra cosa alguna ; y que en todo,
desde lo mayor hasta lo mas menudo, tenia su orden y concierto con
mucho acierto : y que los Ingas eran tenidos y obecidos y respetados
de sus subditos como gente muy capaz y de mucho gobiemo, y que
lo mismo eran sus gobemadores y capitanes ; y que como en estos
h&llamos la fuerza y el mando y la resistencia para poderlos sugetar
€ oprimir al servicio de Dios nuestro Sefior, y quitarles su tierra, y
ponerla debaxo de la real corona, fue necesario quitarles totalmente el
poder y mando y los bienes, como se los quitamos & fuerza de armas :
y que mediante haberlo permitido Dios nuestro Senor nos fiie posible
sujetar este reyno de tanta multitud de gente y riqueza, y de senores
los hicimos siervos tan sujetos, como se ve : y que entienda su Ma-
gestad que el intento que me mueve a hacer esta relacion es por
descargo de mi conciencia, y por hallarme culpado en ello, pues ha-
bemos destruido con nuestro mal exemplo gente de tanto gobiemo
eomo eran estos natnrales, y tan quitados de cometer delitos ni excesos
asi hombres como mugeres, tanto por el Indio que tenia cien mil
pesos de oro y plata en su casa, y otros Indies dejaban abierta y
puesta una escoba 6 un palo pequefio atravesado en la puerta para
m&aX de que no estaba alii su dueno, y con esto segun su costumbre
no podia entrar nadie adentro, ni tomar oosa de las que alii habia ; y
cuando ellos Tieron que nosotros poniamos puertas y Uaves en nuestras
casas, entendieron que era de miedo de dQos, porque no nos nmtasen,
pero no porque creyesen que ninguno tomase ni burtase i otro su
hadenda ; y asi cuando yieron que habia entre nosotros ladronea, y
nombres que incitaban & pecado i tm mugeres y higas, nos tubieroa
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272 APPENDIX.
en poco ; y ban yenido k tal rotura en ofensa de Dies estos natorales
por el inal exemplo que les hemos dado en todo, que aquel extreme
de no hacer coea mala se ha convertido en que hoy ninguna 6 pocas
hacen buenas, y requieren remedio, y esto toca & su Magestad, para
que descargue 8u conciencia, y se lo adyierte, pues no soy parte para
mas. Y con esto suplico & mi Dies me perdone ; y mueveme i decirlo
porque soy el postrero que mueve de todos los descubridores y con-
quistadores, que como es notorio ya no hay ninguno, sino yo solo en
este reyno, ni fuera de el, y con esto hago lo que puedo para descargo
de mi conciencia."
No. v.— See vol. i. p. 221.
TRANSLATION FROM OVIEDO's HISTORIA GENERAL DE LAS INDIAS, MS.,
PARTE II. CAP. XXIII.
[This chapter of the gossiping old chronicler descrihes a
conversation hetween the governor of Tierra Firme and
Almagro, at which the writer was present. It is told
with much spirit ; and is altogether so curious, from
the light it throws on the characters of the parties,
that I have thought the following translation, which has
been prepared for me, might not he uninteresting to the
English reader.]
THE INTERVIEW BETWEEN ALMAGRO AND PBDRARIA8, IN WHICH THE
LATTER RELINQUISHED HIS SHARE OF THE PROFITS ARISING FROM
THE DISCOVERT OF PERU. TRANSLATED FROM OVIEDO, HISTORIA
GENERAL, MS., PARTE II. CAP. XXIIl.
In February, 1527, 1 had some accounts to settle with Pedrarias,
and was frequently at his house for the purpose. While there one
day, Almagro came in and said to him, << Your Excellency is of
course aware that you contracted with Francisco Pizarro, Don Fer-
nando de Luque, the schoolmaster, and myself, to fit out an expe-
dition for the discovery of Peru. You have contributed nothing for
the enterprise, while we have sunk both fortune and credit, for our
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APPENDIX. 273
expenses haye already amounted to about fifteen thousand casteUcmos
de oro, Pizarro and his followers are now m the greatest distress,
and require a supply of provisions, with a reinforcement of brave
recruits. Unless these are proi^ptly raised, we shall be wholly
mined, and our glorious enterprise, &om which the most brilliant
results have been justly anticipated, will fall to the ground. An
exact account will be kept of our expenses, that each may share the
profits of the discovery in proportion to the amount of his contribu-
tion towards the outfit. You have connected younelf with us in
the adventure, and, from the terms of our contract, have no right to
waste our time and involve us in ruin. But if you no longer wish
to be a member of the partnership, pay down your share of what has
already been advanced, and leave the affiur to us.*'
To this proposal Pedrarias replied with indignation : — ^<' One would
really think from the lofty tone you take, that my power was at an
end ; but if I have not been degraded from my office, you shall be
punished for your insolence. You shall be made to answer for the
lives of the Christians who have perished through Pizarro's obstinacy
and your own. A day of reckoning will come for all these dis-
turbances and murders, as you shall see, and that before you leave
Panama."
*^I grant," returned Almagro, <^that, as there is an Almighty
Judge, before whose tribunal we must appear, it is proper that all
should render account of the Uving as well as the dead. And, sir, I
shall not shrink from doing so, when I have received an account from
you, to be immediately sent to Pizarro, of the gratitude which our
sovereign, the Emperor, has been pleai^d to express for our services.
Pay, if you wish to enjoy the fruits of this enterprise ; for you
neither sweat nor toil for them, and have not contributed even a third
of the sum you promised when the contract was drawn up, — ^your
whole expenditure not exceeding two or three paltry pesos. But if
you prefer to leave the partnership at once, we will remit one half of
what you owe us for our past outlays."
Pedrarias, with a bitter smile, replied, " It would not ruin you
if you were to give me four thousand pesos to dissolve our con-
nection."
<< To forward so happy an event," said Almagro, ^ we will release
you from your whole debt, although it may prove our ruin ; but we
will trust our fortunes in the hand of God."
Although Pedrarias found himself relieved from the debt incurred
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274 APPENDS.
for the outfit of the expedition, which could not be less than four or
fiye thousand petat, he was not aatisfied, but asked, '^ What more will
you give me ! "
Ahnagro, much chagrined, said, '< I will ^ye three hundred pesos,
though I swear by God I have not so much money in the world ; but
I will borrow it to be rid of such an incubus."
** You must give me two thousand.**
<< Five hundred is the most I will offer.''
^ You must pay me more than a thousand."
^ A thousand petoi, then," cried the captain in a rage, <^ I will give
you, though I do not own them ; but I will find sufficient security for
their ftiture payment**
Pedrarias declared himself satisfied with this arrangement ; and a
contract was accordingly drawn up, in which it was agreed, that, on
the receipt of a thousand petos, the governor should abandon the
partnership, and give up his share in the profits of the expedition.
I was one of the witnesses who signed this instrument, in which Pe-
drarias released and assigned over all his interest in Peru to
Alma^ro and his asociates, — ^by this act deserting the enterprise,
and by his littleness of soul, forfeiting the rich treasures which it
is well known he might have acquired from the golden empire of
the Incas.
No. VI.— See vol. i. p. 225.
CONTRACT BBTWBRN PIZARBO, ALHAOBO, AND LU^UB ; EXTRACTED
FROM MONTESINOS, ANNALBS, MS., ANO 1526.
[This memorable contract between three adventurers, for
the discovery and partition of an empire, is to be found
entire in the manuscript history of Montesinos, whose work
derives more value from the insertion in it of this, and of
other original documents, than from any merit of its own.
This instrument, which may be considered as the basis of
the operations of Pizarro, seems to form a necessary
appendage to a history of the Conquest of Peru.]
En el nombre de la santisima Trinidad, Padre, Hijo, y Espiritu
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APPENDIX. 275
Santo, tres personas distintas y un solo Dios verdadero, y de lasanti-
sima YirgeD nuestra Senora, haoemos esta compania : —
Sepan cuantos esta carta de compania yieren como yo Don Fer-
nando de Luque, clerigo presbitero, vicario de la santa iglesia de
Panama, de la una parte, y de la otra el capitan Francisco Pizarro y
Diego de Almagro, yecinos que somoe en esta ciudad de Panama,
decimos, que somos concertados y conyenidos de hacer y formar
compafiia la cual sea firme y yaledera para siempre jamas en esta
manera : — Que por cuanto nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y
Diego de Almagro tenemos licencia del senor gobemador Pedro Arias
de Ayila para descubrir y conquistar las tierras y proyincias de los
reinos llamados del Peru, que est4, por noticia que hay, pasado el
golfo y trayesla del mar de la otra parte ; y porque para hacer la
dicha conquista y jomada y nayios y gente y bastimento y otras cosas
que son necesarias, no lo podemos hacer por no tener dinero y posi-
bilidad tanta cuanta es menester ; y yos el dicho Don Fernando de
Luque nos los dais porque esta campania la hagamos por iguales
partes : somos contentos y conyenidos de que todos tres hermanable-
mente, sin que hagan de haber yentaja ninguna mas el uno que el
otro, ni el otro que el otro de todo lo que se descubriere, ganare y
conquistare, y poblar en los dichos reinos y proyincias del Perti. Y
por cuanto yos el dicho D. Fernando de Luque nos disteis, y poneis
de puesto por yuestra parte en esta dicha compa&ia para gastos de la
armada y gente que se hace para la dicha jomada y conquista del
dicho reino del Perd, yeinte mil pesos en barras de oro, y de £ cua-
trocientos y dncuenta marayedis el peso, los cuales nos recibimos
luego en las dichas barras de oro que pasaron de yuestro poder al
nuestro en presenda del escribano de esta carta, que lo yalid y mont<$;
y yo Hernando del Castillo doy fe que los yide pesar los dichos yeinte
mil pesos en las dichas barras de oro, y lo recibieron en mi presencia
los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, y se dieron
por contentos y pagados de ella. Y nos los dichos capitan Francisco
Pizarro y Diego de Almagro ponemos de nuestra parte en esta dicha
oompafiia la meroed que tenemos del dicho senor gobemador, y que
la dicha conquista y reino que descubriremos de la tierra del dicho
Perd, que en nombre de S. M. nos ha hecho, y las demas mercedes
''que nos hidere y acrescentare S. M., y los de su consejo de las Indias
de aqui adelante, para que de todo goceis y hayais yuestra teroera
parte, sin que en cosa alguna hayamos de tener mas parte cada uno
de nos, el uno que el otro, sine que hayamos de todo ello partes
T 2
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276 APPENDIX.
ignales. Y mas ponemos en esto dieha compania nnestras penonas
y el haber de hacer la dicha conquista y descnbrimiento con aaistir
eon ellaa en la gaerra todo el tiempo que se tardare en conquistar y
gsnar y poblar el dieho reino del Peril, sin que por ello hayamos de
Uevar ningnno ventaja y parte mas de la qne vos ^ dicho Don Fer-
nando de Luque llevaredes, que ha de ser por iguales partes todos
tres, asi de los aproyeehamientos que con nuestras personas taviere-
mos, y Tentajas de las partes qne nos cnpieren en la gaerra y en los
despojos y ganancias y suertes que en la dicha tierra del Perd hubi^
remos y goz^remos, y nos cupleren por cualquier yia y forma que
aea, asi & mi el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro como & mi Diego de
Almagro, habeis de haber de todo ello, y es vuestro, y os lo daremos
bien y fiehnente, sin desfrandaros en oosa alguna de ello la tercera
parte, porque desde ahora en lo que Dios nnestro Senor nos diere,
decimos y confesamos que es vuestro y de vuestros herederoe y suo-
cesores, de quien en esta dicha compafiia succediere y lo bubiere de
haber, en vuestro nombre se lo daremos, y le daremos cuenta de todo
ello ^ Tos, y ^ vuestros succesores, quieta y padficamente, sin Uevar
mas parte cada uno de nos que vos el dicho Don Fernando de Luque,
y quien vuestro poder bubiere y le pretenedere ; y asi de cualquier
dictado y estado de senorio perpetuo, 6 por tiempo senalado que S. M.
nos hiciere merced en el dicho reino del Perti, asi il mi el dicho capitan
Francisco Pizarro, 6 H mi el dicho Diego de Almagro, 6 & cualquien
de nos, sea vuestro el terdo de toda la renta y estado y vasallos que
^ cada uno de nos se nos diere y hiciere merced en cualquiera manera
6 forma que sea en el dicho reino del Per(i por via de estado, 6 renta,
repartimiento de Indios, situaeiones, vasallos, seals sefior y goceis de
la terda parte de ello como nosotros mismos, sin adicion ni condidon
ninguna, y si la bubiere y aleg^bremos, yo el dicho capitan Frandsoo
Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, y en nuestros nombres nuestros here-
deros, que no seamos oidos en juido ni fuera dd, y nos damos por
oondenados en todo y por todo como en esta escriptura se contiene
para lo pager y que haya efecto. Y yo el dicho D. Fernando de Luque
hago la dicha compania en la forma y manera que de suso esti deda-
vado, y doy los veinte mil pesos de buen oro para el dicho diescubii-
miento y conquista del dichq reino del Per<i, & perdida 6 gananda,
como Dios nuestro Sefior sea servido, y de lo sucedido en el dicho
descubrimiento de la dicha gobemadon y tierra he yo de gozar y
haber la tercera parte, y la otra tercera para el capitan Frandsoo
Pizarro, y la otra tercera para Diego de Almagro, sin que el uno
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APPENDIX. 277
lleye mas qae el otro, asi de eetado de* senor^ como de repaartimiento
de Indies perp6taos, como de tierras y solares y heifedades, como de
tesoros, y escondijos eneabiertos, como de co&lquieif riqneza 6 apro-
yechamiento de oro, plata^ perlas, esmeraldas, diamantesy y lubfes, y
de ciialqiiier estado y oondicion que sea, que los dichos capitan Fraii-
dsoo PizaiTO y Diego de Almagro hayais y tengais en el dicho reino
del Perti, me habeis de dar la tercera parte. Y nos el dicho capitan
Francisco Pissarro y Diego de Abnagro dedmos que aceptamos la
dicfaa compafifa y la baoemos con el dicho Don Fernando de Luque
de la forma y manera que lo pide ^, y lo declara para que todos por
igoales partes hayamos en todo y por todo, asi de estados perpetuos
que S. M. nos faiciese mercedes en vasallos 6 Indios 6 en otras cuales-
quiera rentas, goce el derecho Don Fernando de Luque, y haya la
dicba terda parte de todo ello enteramente, y goce de ello como cosa
snya desde el dia que S. M. nos hiciere cualesquiera mercedes como
dicho es. Y para mayor yerdad y segurldad de esta escriptnra de
eompafiia, y de todo lo en elbi contenido, y que os acudir^moe y
pagar^os nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de
Almagro & yos el dicho Fernando de Luque con la tercia parte de
todo lo que se hubiere y descubriere, y nosotros hubi^remos por
cnalqoiera yia y forma que sea ; para mayor fiierza de que lo cum-
pliremos como en esta escriptura se contiene, juramos & Dios nuestro
Senor y & los Santos Eyangelios donde mas largamente son escritos y
estan en este libro Misal, donde pusieron sus manos el dicho capitan
Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, hideron la se&il de la cruz
en semejanza de esta f con sus dedos de la mano en presencia de mi
el presente escribano, y dijeron que guardar&n y cumplirto esta dicha
oompa&ia y escriptnra en todo por todo como en ello se contiene, so
pena de infiunes y males cristianos, y caer en caso de menos yaler, y
que Dios se lo demande mal y caramente ; y dijeron el dicho capitan
Frandsco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, amen ; y asi lo juramos y le
daremos el tercio de todo lo que descubrieremos y conquist&remos y
pobllunemos en el dicho reino y tierra del Perti, y que goce de ello
como nuestras personas, de todo aquello en que fuere nuestro y tuyi^
remos parte como dicho es en esta dicha escriptura ; y nos obligamos
de acudir con ello k yos el dicho Don Fernando de Luque, y & quien
en yuestro nombre le pertenedere y hubiere de haber, y les daremos
cuenta con pago de todo ello cada y cuando que se nos pidiere, hecho
el dicho descubrimiento y conquista y pobladon dd dicho reino y
tierra del Perli ; y prometemos que en la dicha conquista y descubri-
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278 APPENDIX.
miento nos ocnparemos y trabajar^mos con nuestras personas sin
ocupamoB en otra coea hasta que se conquiste la tierra y se gan&re^ y
si no lo hicieremos seamos castigados por todo rigor de justicia por
infames y perjuros, seamos obligados & TolTer i vos el dicho Don
Fernando de Luque los dichos Teinte mil pesos de oro que de vos
recibimos. Y para lo cumplir y pagar y haber por firme todo lo en
esta escriptura contenido, cada uno por lo que le toca, renunciaron
todas y cualesquier leyes y ordenamientos y pram&ticasy y otras
cualesquier constituciones, ordenanzas que est^n fedias en sa favor, y
cualesquiera de ellos para que aunque las pidan y aleguen, que no lea
valga. Y valga esta escriptura dicha, y todo lo en ella contenido, y
traiga aparejada y debida ejecucion asi en sus personas como en sus
bienes, muebles y raices babidos y por haber ; y para lo cumplir y
pagar, cada uno por lo que le toca, obligaron sus personas y bienes
habidos y por haber segun dicho es, y dieron poder cumplido k cua-
lesquier justicias y jueces de S. M. para que por todo rigor y mas
breve remedio de derecho les compelan y apremien & lo asi cumplir y
pagar, como si lo que dicho es fuese sentencia difinitiva de juez com-
petente pasada en cosa juzgada ; y renunciaron cualesquier leyes y
derechos que en su favor hablan, especialmente la ley que dice Que
genera] renunciacion de leyes no vala. Que es fecha en la ciudad de
Panam4 i diez dias del mes de Marzo, ano del nacimiento de nuestra
Salvador Jesucristo de mil quinientos veinte y seis afios. Testigos
que fueron presentes & lo que dicho es Juan de Pau^, y Alvaro del
Quiro y Juan de Vallejo, vecinos de la ciudad de Panamil, y firmd el
dicho D. Fernando de Luque : y porque no saben firmar el dicho
capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, firmaron por ellos en
el registro de esta carta Juan de Pan^s y Alvaro del Quiro, ^ los
cuales otorgantes yo el presente escribano doy U que conozco. Don
Fernando de Luque. — A su ruego de Francisco Pizarro — Juan de
Panes ; y 4 su ruego de Diego de Almagro — Alvaro del Quiro : £ yo
Hernando del Castillo, escribano de S. M. y escribano publico, y del
numero de esta ciudad de Panama, presente fui al otorgamiento de
esta carta, y la fice escribir en estas cuatro fojas con esta, y por ende
iice aqui este mi signo & tal en testimonio de verdad. Hernando del
Castillo, escribano publico.
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APPENDIX. *279
No. VII.— See vol. i. pp. 201, 293.
CAPITULATION MADE BT FRANCIS PIZABAO WITH THB QUBEN, MS.,
DATED TOLEDO, JULT 26, 1529.
[For a copy of this document I am indebted to Don
Martin Fernandez de Nayarrete, late Director of the Royal
Academy of History at Madrid. Though suflSciently long,
it is of no less importance than the precedinjg contract,
forming, like that, the foundation on which the enterprise
of Pizarro and his associates may be said to have rested.]
La Rbina. — Per cnanto yds el capitan Francisco Pizarro, vecino
de tierra firme, Uamada CastiUa del Oro, por tob y en nombre del
yenerable padre D. Fernando de Luqne, maestro escuela y provisor
de la iglesia del Darien, sede vaecmte, que es en la dicha Gastilla del
Oro, y el capitan Diego de Almagro, vecino de la ciudad de Panamii,
nos hicisteis relacion, que vos e los diehos vuestros companeros, con
deseo de nos servir e del bien e acrecentamiento de nuestra corona
real, puede haber cinco afios, poco mas o menos, que con licencia e
parecer de Pedrarias Divila, nuestro gobemador e capitan general
que fue de la dicha tierra firme, tomastes cargo de ir a conquistar,
descubrir, e padficar, e poblar por la costa del mar del Sur, de la
dicha tierra a la parte de Levante, a vuestra costa e de los diehos
▼nestros companeros, todo lo mas que por aquella parte pudi^redes, e
hicisteis para ello dos navios e un bergantin en la dicha costa, en que
asi esto por se haber de pasar la jarcia e aparejos necesarios al dicho
viaje e armada desde el Nombre de Dios, que es la costa del Norte, a
la otra costa del Sur, como con la gente e otras cosas necesarias al
dicho yiaje, e tomar a rehacer la dicha armada, gasttoteis mucha
suma de pesos de oro, e fuistes a hacer e hicuteis el dicho descubri-
miento, donde pasastes muchos peligros e trabajo, a causa de lo cual
OS dejd toda la gente que con tos iba en una isla despoblada con solos
trece hombres que no tos quisieron dejar, y que con ellos y con el
socorro que de navios e gente vos hizo el dicho capitan Diego de
Almagro, pasastes de la dicha isla e descubristes las tierras e provin-
cias del Pird e ciudad de Tumbes, en que habeis gastado vos e los
diehos Tuestros compa&eros mas de treinta mil pesos de oro, e que
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280 APPENDIX.
con el deseo que teneis de nos serrir querrfades eontmnar la dieha
conquista e poblacion a ynestra ooeta e mision, sin que en ningun
tiempo seamos obligadoe a tos pagar ni satisfuer los gastos que en
ello hici^redesymas de lo que en esta eapitulacion vos fiiese otorgado,
e me suplicasteis e pedistes por merced vos mandase eneomendar la
conquista de las dichas tierras, e vos concediese e otorgase las mer-
oedee, e oon las condiciones que de soso serin cotatenidas ; sobre lo
cual yo mande tomar con vos el asiento y eapitulacion siguiente.
Piimeramente doy Ucenda y facultad a tos el dicho capitan Fran-
cisco Pizarro, para que por nos y en nuestro nombre e de la corona
real de CSastillsy podais continuar el dicho descubrimiento, conquista,
y poblacion de la dicha provincia del Perfi, fasta ducientas leguas de
tierra por la misraa costa, las euales dichas ducientas leguas comienzan
desde el pueblo que en lengua de Indies se dice Tenumpuela, e
despues le Uamteteis Santiago, hasta Uegar al pueblo de CSiincfaa
que puede haber las dichas ducientas leguas de costa, poco mas o
menos.
Itbm : Entendiendo ser cumplidero al 8ei*vicio de Dies nuestro
Sefior y vuestro, y por honrar Tuestra persona, e por tob hacer meroed,
prometemos de tos hacer nuestro gobemador e capitan general de
toda la dicha provincia del Peril, e tierras y pueblos que al presente
hay e adelante hubiere en todas las dichas ducientas leguas, per todoe
los dias de vuestra yida, con salario de setecientos e veinte y dnco
mill mararedis cada afio, contados desde el dia que tos hidesedes a
la vela destos nuestros reinos para continuar la dicha poblacion e com-
quifita, los euales yos ban de ser pagados de las rentas y derechos a
nos pertenecientes en la dicha tierra que ansi habeis de poblar ; del
cual salario habeis de pagar en cada un a&o un alcalde mayor, diez
escuderos, e treinta peones, e un m^co e un boticario, el cual salario
Tos ha de ser pagado por los nuestros ofidales de la dicha tierra.
Otbosi : Yos hacemos merced de tftillo de nuestro adelantado de
la dicha provincia del Perti, e ansimismo del oficio de alguadl mayor
della, todo ello por los dias de vuestra vida.
Otbosi : Yos doy licencia para que con parecer y acuerdo de los
diehos nuestros oficiales podais hacer en las dichas tierras e provincias
del Perti hasta cuatro fortalezas, en las partes y lugares que mas
convengan paresciendo a vos e a los diehos nuestros oficiales ser
necesarias para guarda e pacificadon de la dicha tierra, a vos har^
merced de las tenencias dellas, para vos, e para los herederos e sub-
cesores vuestros, uno en pos de otro, con salario de setenta y dnco
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APPENDIX. 281
mill maravedis en cada un aSo por cada una de las dichas fortalezas,
que ansi estuvieren hechas, las ciiales habeis de hacer a Ttiestra costa^
sin que nos, ni los reyes qne despues de nos yinieren, seamos obliga-
dos a Tos lo pagar al tiempo que asi lo gastiredes, salvo dende en
cinco afios despues de acabada la fortaleza^pagtodoos en cada un afio
de los dichos cinco afios la quinta parte de lo que se montare el dicho
las gasto, de los frutos de la dicha tierra.
Otrosi : Vos hacemos merced para ayuda a -vuestra costa de mill
ducados en cada un ano por los dias de vuestra vida de las rentas de
las dichas tierras.
Otrosi : Es nuestra mereed, acatando la buena vida e doctrina de
la persona del dicho Don Fernando de Luque, de le presentar a
nuestro muy Sancto Padre por obispo de la ciudad de Tumbes, que
es en la dicha provincia y gobemacion del Perd^ con limites e diciones
que por nos con autoridad apostdlica serin senalados ; y entretanto
que vienen las bulas del dicho obispado, le hacemos protector univer-
sal de todos los Indies de dicha provinda, con salario de mill ducados
en cada un aiLo, pagado de nuestras rentas de la dicha tierra, entre-
tanto que hay diezmos edesiisticos de que se pueda pagar.
Or&osi : Por cuanto nos habedes suplicado por vos en el dicho
nombre vos hiciese merced de algunos vasallos en las dichas tierras,
e al presente lo dejamos de hacer por no tener entera relacion de ellas,
es nuestra merced que, entretanto que informados proveamos en ello
lo que a nuestro servicio e a la enmienda e satisfSEuscion de vuestros
trabajos e servicios conviene, tengais la veintena parte de los pechos
que nos tuvi^remos en cada un ano en la dicha tierra, con tanto
que no exceda de mill y quinientos ducados, los mill para vos el
dicho capitan Pizarro, e los quinientos para el dicho Diego de
Almagro.
Ontosi : Hacemos merced al dicho capitan Diego de Almagro de
la tenencia de la fortaleza que hay u obiere en la dicha ciudad de
Tutnbes, que es en la dicha provincia del Perti, con salario de den
mill maravedis cada un ano, con mas dudentos mill maravedlis cada
un afio de ayuda de costa, todo pagado de las rentas de la dicha
tierra, de las cuales ha de gozar desde el dia que vos el dicho Fran-
dsco Pizarro Uegdredes a la dicha tierra, aunque el dicho capitan
Almi^ro se quede en Panama, e en otra parte que le oonvenga ; e le
haremos hotne hijodalgo, para que goee de las honras e preminencias
que los homes hijodalgo pueden y deben gozar en todas his Indias,
islas e tierra firme del mar Ocdano.
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282 APPENDIX.
Otbosi : MandBmos que las dichas haciendaa, e tiems, e solares
que teneis en tierra fiime,l]amada CastiUa del Qro, e tos estan dadaa
como a vecino de ella, las teDgais e goceia, e hagais de ello lo que
quin^redes e por bien tayi^edes, conforme a lo que tenemos ooncedido
y otorgado a los yeemos de la dicha tierra firme ; e en lo que toca
a los Indios e naborias que teneis e tos estan enoomendados, es
nuestra meroed e voluntad e mandamos que los tengais e goceis e
sirvais de ellos, e que no tos ser^ quitados ni remoTidos por el
tiempo que nuestra Toluntad fuere.
Ot&osi : Concedemos a los que fueren a poblar la dicha tierra que
en los seis anos primeros siguientes desde el dia de la data de esta en
adelante, que del oro que se cogiere de las minas nos paguen el
diezmo, y cumplidos los dichos seis anos paguen el noTeno, e ansi
decendiendo en cada un ano hasta Uegar al quinto : pero del oro
e otras oosas que se obieren de rescatar^ o cabalgadas, o en otra
cualquier manera^ desde luego nos ban de pagar el quinto de todo
eUo.
Otrosi : Franqueamos a los Tecinos de la dicba tierra por los
dicbos seis anos, y mas, y cuanto fiiere nuestra voluntad, de almo-
jarifazgo de todo lo que Ueyaren para proTeimiento e provision de sos
casas, con tanto que no se para lo vender ; e de lo que vendieren ellos,
e otras cualesquier personas, mercaderes e tratantes, ansimesmo los
franqueamos por dos anos tan solamente.
Item : Prometemos que por termino de dlez afios, e mas adelante
hasta que otra cosa mandemos en contrario, no impomemos a los
Tecinos de las dichas tierras alcabalas ni otro tributo alguno.
Item : Concedemos a los dichose vecinos e pobladores que les sean
dados por vos los solares y tierras conTcnientes a sus personas, con-
forme a lo que se ha hecho e hace en la dicha isla Espanola ; e an^-
mismo os daremos poder para que en nuestro nombre, durante el
tiempo de Tuestra gobemadon, hagais la encomienda de los Indios de
la dicha tierra, guardando en ella las instrucciones e ordenanzas que
TOS serin dadas.
Item : A suplicacion vuestra hacemos nuestro piloto mayor de la
mar del Sur a Bartolomd Ruiz, con setenta y dnco mill maraTodis
de salario en cada un ano, pagados de la renta de la dicha tierra^ de
los cuales ha de gozar desde el dia que le fiiere entregado el titulo que
de ello le mandaremos dar, e en las espaldas se asentari el juramento
e solenidad que ha de hacer ante tos, e torgado ante escribano.
Asimismo daremos tftulo de escribano de niimero e del consejo de la
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APPENDIX. 283
dicha ciudad de Tumbes, a un hijo de dicho Bartolome Ruiz, siendo
habil e suficiente para ello.
Otbosi : Somos contentos e nos place que vos el dicho capitan
Pizarro, cuanto nuestra merced e voluntad fuere, tengais la gober-
nacion e administracion de Iob Indios de la nuestra isla de Flores, que
es cerca de Panamd, e goceis para yos e para quien tos quisieredes,
de todos loB aprovechamientos que hobiere en la dicha iala, asi de
tierras como de solares^e monies, e Wholes, e mineros, e pesqueria de
perlas, con tanto que seais obligado por razon de ello a dar a nos e a
los nuestros oiiciales de Gastilla del Oro en cada un ano de los que
ansi fuere nuestra yoluntad que yos la tengais, ducientos mill mara-
yedis,e mas el quinto de todo el oro e perlas que en cualquier manera
e por cualesquier personas se sacare en la dicha isla de Flores, sin
descuento alguno, con tanto que los dichos Indies de la dicha isla de
Flores no los podais ocupar en la pesqueria de las perlas, ni en las
minas del oro, ni en otros metales, sine en las otras granjerias e
aproyechamientos de la dicha tierra, para proyision e mantenimiento
de la dicha yuestra armada, e de las que adelante obi^redes de hacer
para la dicha tierra ; e permitimos que si yos el dicho Francisco
Pizarro llegado a Castilla del Oro, dentro de dos meses luego siguientes,
declarades ante el dicho nuestro gobemador e juez de residencia que
alli estuyiere, que no yos querais encargar de la dicha isU de Flores,
que en tal caso no seis tenudo e obligado a nos pagar por razon de
ello las dichas ducientas mill marayedis, e que se quede para nos la
dicha isla como agora la tenemos.
Item : Acatando lo mucho que ban seryido en el dicho yiaje e
descubrimiento Bartolom^ Ruiz, Cristoyal de Peralta, e Pedro de
Candia, e Domingo de Soria Luce, e Nicohs de Ribera, e Francisco
de Cuellar, e Alonso de Molina, e Pedro Alcon, e Garcia de Jerez, e
Anton de Carrion, e Alonso Briceno, e Martin de Paz, e Joan de la
Torre, e porque yos me lo suplicdsteis e pedistes por merced, es nuestra
merced e yoluntad de les hacer merced, como por la presente yos la
hacemos a los que de ellos no son idalgos, que scan idalgos notorios
de solar conocido en aquellas partes, e que en ellas e en todas las
nuestras Indias, islas y tierra firme del mar Ocdano, gocen de las pre-
eminencias e hbertades, e otras cosas de que gozan, y deben ser
guardadas a los hijosdalgo notorios de solar conocido dentro nuestros
reinos, e a los que de lod susodichos son idalgos, que sean caballeros
de espuelas doradas, dando primero la informacion que en tal caao ae
requiere.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
28i APPENDIX.
Itbh : y OS haeemos meroed de veiiite y cinoo vegnas e otros tantos
caballoB de los que nos tenemos en la isla de Jamaica, e no las abiendo
cnando las pidi^redes, no seamos tenndos al preeio de ellas, ni de otra
eosa por razon de ellas.
Otbosi : Os haeemos merced de trescientos mill maravedis pagados
en Gastilla del Ore para el artilleiia e mnnidon qne faabeia de llevar
a la dicha prorineia del Per6, llevando fe de los nuestros ofidales de
la casa de Sevilla de las eosas qne ansi oomprastes, e de lo qne ros
eostd, eontando el interese e cambio de ello, e mas os har^ merced de
otros dncientoB dneados pagados en Gastilla de Oro para aynda al
aearreto de la dicha artillerCa e nraniciones e otras cosas yuestras
desde el Nombre de Dies so la dicha mar del Sur.
Otrosi : Yos daremos lioencia, como por la presents tos la damos^
para que destos nuestros reinos, e del reino de Portugal e islas de
Gabo Verde, e dende, vos, e quien vuestro poder hubiere, quisieredes
e por bien tnvi^redes, podais pasar e paseis a la dicha tierra de vuestra
gobemadon cincuenta esdayos negros en que haya a lo menos el
tercio de hembras^ libres de todos derechos a nos pertenecientes, con
tanto que si los dejitredes e parte de ellos en la isla Espanola, San
Joan, Cuba,, Santiago, e en Gastilla del Oro, e en otra parte alguna los
que de ellos ansi dejiredes, scan perdidos e aplicados^ e por la presents
los aplicamos a nuestra c&mara e fisoo.
Otrosi : Que haeemos merced y limosna al hospital que se hiciese
en la dicha tierra, para ayuda al remedio delos pobres que alii fueren,
de cien mill maravedis librados en las penas aplicadas de la c&mara
de la dicha tierra. Ansimismo a vuestro pedimento e consentimiento
de los primeros pobladores de la dicha tierra, decimos que haremos
merced, como por la presente la haeemos, i, los hospitales de la dicha
tierra de los derechos de la escubilla e relaves que hubiere en las
fnndiciones que en ella se hicieren, e de ello mandaremos dar nuestra
proTision en forma.
Otrosi : Decimos que mandaremos, e por la presente mandamos,
que hayan e restdan en la ciudad de Pananui, e donde vos fuere man-
dado, un carpintero e un calafate, e cada uno de ellos tenga de salario
treinta mill maravedis en cada un afio dende que comenzaren a residir
en la dicha dudad, o donde, como dicho es, vos les mandiiredes ; a
los cuales les mandaremos pagar por los nuestros oficiales de la dicha
tierra de vuestra gobemadon cuando nuestra merced y voluntad
fuere.
Item : Que vos mandaremos dar nuestra provision en forma para
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX. 285
que en !& dicha oosia del mar del Sur podals tomar cnalesqiiier nayfos
que hnbi^redea menester, de coiusentiiniento de bos duenos, para los
yiajes que hobi^redes de hacer a la dicha tierra, pagando a los duefios
de loe tales uavios el flete que justo sea, no embargante que otras
personas los tengan fletados para otras partes.
Ansimismo que mandaremos, e por la presents mandamos e defen-
demos, que destos nnestros reinos no vayan ni pasen a las dichas
tierras ningunas personas de las prohibidas que no puedan pasar a
aquellas partes, so las penas eontenidas en las leyes e ordenanzas e
cartas nuestras, que cerca de esto por nos e por los reyes catdlicos
estan dadas ; ni letrados nl procuradores para usar de sus oficios.
Lo cual que dicho es, e cada cosa e parte de ello vos concedemos,
con tanto qua vos el dicho capltan Pizarro seals tenudo e obligado de
salir destos nuestros reinos con los navios e aparejos e manteni-
mientos e otras cosas que fueren menester para el dicho viaje y pobla-
don, con dudentos e cincuenta hombres, los ciento y cinouenta destos
nuestros reinos e otras partes no prohibidas, e los dento restantes
podais llevar de las islas e tierra firme del mar Oc^ano, con tanto que
de la dicha tierra firme llamada Castilla del Oro no saqueis mas de
veinte hombres, sine fuere de los que en el primero e segundo viaje
que vos hicistds a la dicha tierra del Per6 se hallaron con vos, porque
a estos damos licencia que puedan ir con vos libremente ; lo cual
hayais de cumplir desde el dia de la data de esta hasta seis meses
primeros siguientes : allegado a la dicha Castilla del Oro, e allegado
a Panami, seais tenudo de pros^guir el dicho viaje, e hacer el
dicho descubrimiento e pobladon dentro de otros seis meses luego
siguiente&
Item : Con condidon que cuando sali^redes destos nuestros reinos
e Uegiiredes a las dichas provindas del Perd, hayais de llevar y tener
con vos a los oficiales de nuestra hadenda que por nos estan e fueren
nombrados ; e admismo las personas religiosas o edesilisticas que por
nos serin senaladas para instruccion de los Indies e naturales de
aquella provinda a nuestra santa £e Catdlica, con cuyo pareoer e no
sin ellos habeis de hacer la conquista, descubrimiento, e pobladon de
la dicha tierra ; a los cuales religiosos habeis de dar e pagar el flete e
matalotaje, e los otros mantenimientos necesarios oonforme a bus per-
sonas, todo a vuestra costa, sin por ello les llevar cosa alguna durante
la dicha navegacion, lo cual mucho vos lo encargamos que and hagais
e cumplais, como cosa de servido de Dies e nuestrO| porque de lo
contrario nos tenlamos de vos por deservidos.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
286 APPENDIX,
Otboai : Con condicion que en la dicha pacificacion, conquista, y
pobladon e tratamiento de los dichos Indios en bos personas y bienes,
seals tenudos e obligados de guardar en todo e por todo lo contenido
en las ordenanzas e instrucciones que para esto tenemos fechas, e se
hicieren, e yob seran dadas en la nuestra carta e provision que tos
xnandaremos dar para la encomienda de los dichos Indios. £ cum-
pliendo tos el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro lo contenido en este
asiento, en todo lo que a tos toca e incnmbe de guardar e cumplir,
prometemos, e tos aseguramos por nuestra palabra real, que agora e
de aqui adelante vos mandaremos guardar e tos ser& guardado todo
lo que ansi tos concedemos, e facemos merced, a tos e a los pobla-
dores e tratantes en la dicba tierra ; e para ejecucion y cumplimiento
dello, TOS mandaremos dar nuestras cartas e proTisiones particulares
que couTcngan e menester scan, oblig&ndoos tos el dicho capitan
Pizarro primeramente ante escribano ptiblico de guardar e cumplir lo
contenido en este asiento que a tos toca como dicho es. Fecha en
Toledo a 26 de JuUo de 1529 anos.— YO LA BEINA.— Por mandado
de S. M. — Juan Vasquez.
No. VIII.— See vol. ii. p. 64.
CONTEMPO&ABT ACCOUNTS OP ATAHUALLPA'S SEIZURE.
[As the seizure of the Inca was one of the most memor-
able, as well as foulest, transactions of the Conquest, I have
thought it might be well to put on record the testimony,
fortunately in my possession, of several of the parties pre-
sent on the occasion.]
Bdadon del Primer Jkscubrimiento de la Costa y Mar dd Siw, MS.
A la hora de las cuatro comienzan & caminar por su calzada ade-
lante derecho & donde nosotros estabamos, y d las dnco 6 poco mas
llegd i la puerta de la dudad, quedando todos los campos cubiertos
de gente, y asi comenzaron & entrar por la plaza hasta trescientos
hombres como mozos despuelas con sus arcos y flechas en las manos,
cantando un cantar no nada gracioso para los que lo oyamos, antes
espantoso porque parecia cosa infernal, y dieron una vuelta & aquella
mezquita amagando al suelo con las manos & limpiar lo que por el
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX. 287
estaba, de lo caul faabia poca necesidad, porque los del pueblo le
tenian bien barrido para cuando entrase. Acabada de dar bu vuelta
pararon todos juntos, y entrd otro escuadron de hasta mil hombres
con picas sin yerros tostadas las puntas, todos de una librea de colores,
digo que la de los primeros era blanca y colorada, como las casas de
nn axedrez. Entrado el segundo escuadron entrd el tercero de otra
librea, todos con martillos en las manos de cobre y plata, que es una
anna que ellos tienen ; y ansi desta manera entraron en la dicha
plaza muchos senores prindpales, que yenian en medio de los delan-
teros y de la persona de Atabalipa. Detras destos, en una litera muy
rica, los cabos de los maderos cubiertos de plata, venia la persona de
Atabalipa, la cual traian ochenta senores en hombros, todos vestidos
de una librea azul muy rica, y A vestido su persona muy ricamente,
con su corona en la cabeza, y al cuoUo un collar de esmeraldas
grandes, y sentado en la litera en una silla muy pequena con un coxin
muy rico. Eh llegando al medio de la plaza par<5, llevando descu-
bierto el medio cuerpo de f uera ; y todo la gente de guerra que estaba
en la plaza le tenian en medio, estando dentro hasta seis 6 siete mil
hombres. Como el vid que ninguna persona salia & el ni pareda,
tnbo creido, y asi lo confesd el despues de preso, que nos habiamos
escondido de miedo de Ter su poder ; y di6 una toz y dixo, '* Donde
estan estos ! *' A la coal salio del aposento del dicho Grobemador
Pizarro el Padre Fray Vicente de Yalverde, de la orden de los Pre-
dicadores, que despues fu^ obispo de aquella tierra, con la bribia en la
mano y con d una lengua, y asi juntos Uegaron por entre la gente 6
poder hablar con Atabalipa, al cual le comenzd & decir cosas de la
sagrada escriptura, y que nuestro Senor Jesu-Christo mandaba que
entre los suyos no hubiese guerra ni disoordia, sino todo paz, y que d
en su nombre ansi se lo pedia y requeria ; pues habia quedado de tra-
tar della el dia antes, y de venir solo sin gente de guerra. A las cuales
palabras y otras muchas que el Frayle le dixo, el estubo callando sin
Yolver respuesta ; y tomandole d decir que mirase lo que Dies man-
daba, lo cual estaba en aquel libro que lleyaba en la mano escripto,
admirandose i mi parecer mas de la escriptura, que de lo escripto en
ella : le pidid el libro, y le abrid y ojed, mirando el molde y la orden
del ; y despues de yisto, le arrojd por entre la gente con mucha ira,
el rostro muy encamizado, dieiendo, '* Dedldes & esos que vengan acfi,
que no pasar^ de aqui hasta que me d^ cuenta y satisfagan y paguen
lo que ban hecho en la tierra." Yisto esto por el Frayle y lo poco que
aproTcchaban sus palabras^ tom6 su libro, y abajd su cabeza, y fuese
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
288 APPENDIX.
para donde estaba el dicho Pizaxfo, cMi oorriendo, y dijole, ^ No t«s
lo que pan ! para que estais en eomedimientoe y requerimientoe eon
este penro Ueno de soberbia, que Tienen loa campoe Uenos de Indioe I
Salid i el ! Que yo os abaaelTo." Y ana afahadaa de decir estas
palabraa, que iu^ todo en un instante, tocan las trompetas, y parte de
an poaada con toda lagente de pie que con €L estaba, diciendo,
^ Santiago i, elloB 1 " y asi aalimoa todos 4l aqueUa yoz A, una^ porqoe
todas aquellaa caaaa que aalian & la plaza tenian muchaa poertas, y
pareoe que se babian fecho i aquel proposito. £n anemetiendo los
de caballo y rompiendo por elloa todo fue uno, que ain matar sino
aolo un negro de nuestra parte, iueron todos deabaratadoa y Aiabalipa
preso, y la gente pueata en huida^ aunque no pudieron huir del tropd,
porqne la puerta por di5 babian entrado era pequena, y con la turba-
don no podian aalir ; y visto los izaseros euan lejos tenian la aooxida
y remedio de huir, arrimaronae dos 6 tres mil delloe i. un lienao de
pared, y dieron con &. k tierra, el cual salia al camfN), porque por
aquella parte no babia casaa, y ansi tubieron camino ancho para huir ;
y loa eseuadrones de gente que babian quedado en el campo ain entrar
en el pueblo, como vieron huir y dar alaridoe, los maa delloe fueron
desbaratados y se pusieron en huida, que era oosa barto de ver, que
un valle de cuatro 6 cinco leguas todo iba cuaxado de gente. £n este
Tino la noche muy presto, y la gente se reeogid, y Atabaliim se puso
en una casa de piedra, que era el templo del sol, y asi se pasd aqneUa
noche con grand regocijo y placer de la vitoria que nuestro Senor nos
habia dado, poniendo mucho recabdo en haoer guardia k la persona
de AtabaMpa, para que no volviesen & tomamoele. Cierto fue per-
mision de Dios y grand acertamiento guiado por su mano, porque si
este dia no se prendiera, con la soberbia que trahia, aquella noche
fueramos todos asolados por ser tan pocos, como tengo didio« y ellos
tantos.
Ped/ro Pizcuro, IkaciMmienfo y OonquMta de loa Baynoa dd Pem,
MS.
Pues despues de aver comido, que acaTana A bora de missa mayor,
enpe^o & levantar su gente y i venirse hazia Caxamalca. Hechos sns
esquadrones, que cubrian los campos, y el metido en vnas indas enpe^o
ii caminar, viniendo delante del dos mil Yndios que le barrian el ca-
mino por donde venia caminando, y la gente de guerra la mitad de
vn lado y la mitad de otro por los campos sin entrar en camino.
Traia ansi mesmo al senor de Chincha oonsigo en vnas andas, que
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX. 289
parescia & los Buyos cossa de admiracioDy porqne ningun YDdio, por
aenor principal que fiiese, avia de parescer delante del sino fuese con
yna carga H cuestas y descalzo : pues hera tanta la pateneria que traian
d* oro y plata, que hera coesa estrana, lo que reluzia con el sol. Venian
ansi mesmo delante de Atabalipa muchoB Yndios cantando y dan-
zando. Tardoee ste senor en todar esta media legua que ay dende
los bafios & donde el estaya hasta Caxamalca, dende ora de missa
mayor, como digo, hasta tres oras antes que anochesciese. Pues
Uegada la gente i, la puerta de la plaza, enpe9aron & entrar los esqua-
drones con grandes cantares, y ansi entrando ocuparon toda la plaza
por todas partes. Visto el Marquez Don Francisco Pifarro que Ata-
balipa Tenia ya junto & la plaza, embio al Padre Fr. Vicente de Bal-
rerde, primero Obispo del Cuzco, y i Hernando de Aldana, vn buen
soldado, y i Don Martinillo lengua, que fuesen i, hablar & Atabalipa,
y & requerille de parte de Dios y del Rey se subjetase d la ley de
nnestro Senor Jesu-Christo y al servicio de S. Mag., y que el Marquez
le tendria en lugar de hermano, y no consintiria le hiziesen enojo ni
dano en su tierra. Pues Uegado que fue el padre i, las andas donde
Atabalipa Tenia, le hablo y le dixo & lo que yra, y le predico cossas
de nuestra sancta ffee, dedarandoselas la lengua. Llevaya el padre
Tn breTiario en las nuuios, donde .leya lo que le predicaba : el Ata-
balipa se lo pidio, y el cerrado se lo dio, y como le tuTO en las manos
y no sapo abrille arrojole al suelo. Llamo al Aldana que se Uegase
H el y le diese la espada ; y el Aldana la saco y se la mostro, pero no
se la quiso dar. Pues pasado lo dicho, el Atabalipa les dixo que se
fuesen para yellacos ladrones, y que los aTia de matar i todos. Pues
oydo esto, el padre se bolvio y conto al Marquez lo que le avia
pasado ; y el Atabalipa entro en la plaza con todo su trono que traya,
y el senor de Chincha tras del. Desque OTieron entrado y Tieron que
no parescia Espanol ninguno, pregunto i sus capitanes, *^ Donde estan
estos Cristianos, que no parescen 1 *' Ellos le dixeron, ^ Senor, estan
escondidos de miedo." Pues Tisto el Marquez Don Francisco Pifarro
las dos andas, no conosciendo qual hera la de Atabalipa, mando &
Joan Pif arro su hermano fuese con los peones que tenia & la vna, y
el yria & la otra. Pues mandado esto, hizieron la sena al Candia,
el qual solto el tiro, y en soltandolo tocaron las trompetas, y salieron
los de acaTallo de tropel, y el Marquez con los de & pie, como esta
dicho, tras dellos, de manera que, con el estruendo del tiro y las
trompetas y el tropel de los caTallos con los cascaTeles, los Yndios se
embararon y se cortaron. Los Espanoles dieron en ellos y empefaron
TOL. III. u
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
290 APPENDIX.
i. matar, y fiie tanto el miedo que los Yndios ovieron, que por huir,
no pudiendo salir por lapuerta, derribaron vn lienzo de vna pared de
la 9erca de la plaza, de largo de mas de dos mil passos y de alto de
mas de vn estado. Los de acayallo fueron en su seguimiento hasta
los banos, donde hizieron grande estrago, y hizieran mas sino les
anocbesciera. Pues bolviendo i Don Francisco Pi9arro y i su her-
mano, salieron, como estaya dicho, con la gente de & pie : el Marquez
fue i dar con las andas de Atabalipa, y el hermano con el sefior de
Chincha, al qual mataron alii en las &ndas ; y lo mismo fiiera del
Atabalipa sino se hallara el Marquez alii, porque no podian derivalle
de las andas, que aunque matavan los Yndios que las tenian, se
metiau luego otros de reffresco & sustentallas, y desta manera estu-
vieron tu gran rrato fiCorcejando y matando Indies, y de cansados vn
Espanol tiro vna cuchilladaparamatalle, y el Marquez Don Francisco
Pi9arro se la rreparo, y del rreparo le hirio en la mano al Marquez
el Espanol, queriendo dar al Atabalipa, i, cuya caussa el Marquez dio
bozes, diciendo, *' Nadie hiera al Indio, so pena de la vida I" Entendido
^ esto, aguijaron siete 6 ocho Espauoles y asieron de vn bordo de las
andas, y haziendo fuer9a las trastomaron a vn lado, y ansi fiie preso el
Atabalipa, y el Marquez le llevo i su aposento, y alii le puso guardas
que le guardavan de dia y de noche. Pues venida la noche, los
Espanoles se recoxieron todos y dieron muchas gracias d nuestro
Senor por las mercedes que les avia hecho, y muy contentos en tener
presso al senor, porque & no prendelle no se ganara la tierra como
segano.
Carta de Hernando Pizarro, ap. Oviedo, ffistoria General de las
Indias, MS., lib. xlvi. cap. xv.
Yenia en unas handas, e delante de €i hasta trecientos 6 cuatro-
cientos Yndios, con camisetas de librea, limpiando las pajas del camino
e cantando, e el en medio de la otra gente, que eran caciques 6 prin-
cipales, e los mas principaJes caciques le traian en los hombros ; e
entrando en la plaza subieron doce 6 quince Yndios en una fortaleza
que alii estaba^ e tomaronla 6. manera de posesion con vandera puesta
en una lanza. Entrando hasta la mitad de la plaza repard alii ; e salid
un Fraile Dominico, que estaba con el Gobemador, i hablarle de su
parte, que el Gobemador le esperaba en su aposento, que le fuese i
bablar ; e dijole como era sacerdote, € que era embiado por el Empe-
rador para que le ensenase las cosas de la fe si quisiesen ser Cris-
tianos ; 6 mostroles un libro que Uevaba en las manos, e dijole que
aquel libro era de las cosas de Dies ; 4 el Atabaliva pidi6 el libro, e
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX. 291
arrojole en el suelo ^ dijo, *^ Yo no pasar^ de aqui hasta que me dels
todo lo qne habeis tornado en mi tierra, que yo bien se quien sois voso-
tros, y en lo que andais." £ levantose en las andas, e habld & su gente,
6 obo murmuUo entre ellos Uamandd & la gente que tenian las armas :
6 el fraile fue al Gobemador e dijole que que hacia, que ya no estaba
la cosa en tiempo de esperar mas : el Gobemador me lo embid a decir :
yo tenia concertado con el capitan de la artilleria, que haciendole una
sena disparasen los tiros, 4 con la gente que oyendolos saliesen todos i
nn tiempo ; 6 como asi se hizo, 6 como los Yndios estaban sin armas,
fUerou desbaratados sin peligro de ningun Cristiano. Los que traian
las andas, e los caciques que yenian al rededor del, nunca lo desam-
pararon hasta que todos murieron al rededor del. £1 Gobemador salio
6 tomd i, Atabaliva, e por defenderle le did un Cristiano una cuchi-
llada en una mano. La gente siguid el alcance hasta donde estaban
los Yndios con armas ; no se halld en ellos resistencia alguna, porque
ya era noche. Recogieronse todos al pueblo, donde el Gobemador
quedaba.
No. IX.— See vol. ii. p. 101.
ACCOUNT OF THE PERSONAL HABITS OF ATAHUALLPA ; EXTRACTED
FROM THE MS. OF PEDRO PIZARRO.
[This minute account of the appearance and habits of the
captive Inca is of the most authentic character, coming, as
it does, from the pen of one who had the best opportunities
of personal observation, during the monarch's imprisonment
by his conquerors. Pizarro's MS. is among those recently
given to the world by the learned academicians Salva and
Baranda.]
Este Atabalipa ya dicho hera Indio bien dispuesto, de buena per-
sona, de medianas cames, no grueso demasiado, hermoso de rosto, y
grave en el, los ojos encamizados, muy temido de los suyos. (Acu^r-
dome que el senor de Guaylas le pidid licencia para yr & ver su
tierra, y se la did, d^ndole tiempo en que fuese y viniese Hmitado.
Tardose algo mas, y cuando bolvio, estando yo presente, Uegd con vn
presente de fruta de la tierra, y Uegado que fue & su presencia empe9o
6, temblar en tanta manera que no se podia toner en los pies. £1
Atabalipa al90 la caveza vn poquito y sonrriendose le hizo sena que
u 2
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
292 APPEKDIZ.
86 ffuefie.) Quando le saearon & maiar, toda la gente que avia en la
plaza de los natoiiileSy que avia harto^ se prostxaron por tierray dexan-
dofle caer en el suelo como Borracbos. £ste Indio se servia de sua
mugeres por la borden que tengo ya dieba, suriendde yna hermana
diez dias d ocbo con mucha cantidad de bijas de senores que 6. estas
bermanas Servian, mudandose de ocbo 6, ocbo dias. Estas estayan
siempre con el para serrille, que Yndio no entrava dond' el estaya.
Tenia mucbos caciques consigo : estos estavan afuera en vn patio, y
en llamando alguno entrava descalzo y donde el estava ; y si venia de
fuera parte, avia de entrar descaizo y cargado con vna carga ; y
quando su capitan Cballicucbima vino con Hernando Pi^arro y le
entro & ver, entro aa como digo con vna carga y descaizo y se hecho
a SOS pies, y Uorando se los beso. £1 Atabalipa con rostro sereno le
dixo, *^ Seas bien venido aUi, Cballicucbima ;" queriendo dezir, ** Seas
Men venido, Cballicucbima." Este Yndio se ponia en la caveza vnos
llautos, que son vnas tren9as becbas de lanas de colores, de grosor de
medio dedo y de ancbor de vno ; becbo desto vna manera de corona
y no con puntas, sine redonda, de ancbor de vna mano, que encaxava
en la caveza, y en la frente vna borla cossida en este llauto, de ancbor
de vna mano, poco mas, de lana muy fiKna de grana, cortada muy
ygual, metida por vnos canutitos de oro muy sotilmente basta la
mitad : esta lana bera bilada, y de los cafiutos abaxo destorcida, que
bera lo que caya en la frente ; que los canutillos de oro bera quanto
tomavan todo el llauto ya dicbo. Cayale esta borla basta encima de
las cejas, de vn dedo grosor, que le tomava toda la frente ; y todos
estos senores andavan tresquilados y los orejoues como 6. sobre peine.
Yestian ropa muy delgada y muy blanda ellos y sus bermanas que
tenian por mugeres, y sus deudos, orejones principales, que se la
davan los senores, y todos los demas vestian ropa basta. Poniase
este sefior la manta por encima de la cavefa y atabasela debajo de
la barva, tapandose laa orejas ; esto traia el por tapar vna oreja que
tenia rompida, que quando le prendieron los de Guascar se la que-
braron. Bestiase este senor ropas muy delicadas. Estando vn dia
comiendo, questas senoras ya dicbas Uevavan la comida y se la
ponian delante en vnos juncos verdes muy delgados y pequenos.
Estaba sentado este senor en vn duo de madera, de altor de poco mas
de un palmo : este duo bera de madera colorada muy linda, y tenianle
siempre . tapado con vna manta muy delgada, aunque stuvlese el
sentado en el. Estos juncos ya dicbos le tendian siempre delante
quando queria comer, y alii le ponian todos losmaojares en oro, plata.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX. 293
7 bi^rTO, J el que i el ftpetescia senalava se lo traxeaen, y tomandolo
vna sefiora destas dichas se lo tenia en la mano mientras comia.
Pues estando un dia desta manera comiendo y yo preeente, llevando
vna tajada del manjar i, la boca, le cayo vna gota en el vestido que
tenia puesto, y dendo de mano A la Yndia se levanto y se entro i su
apoeento H vestir otro vestido, y buelto saco vestido vna camieeta
y vna manta (pardo escuro). Llegandome yo pues a el le tente la
mantay que hera masblanda que sed^, y dixele, ** Ynga, de que es este
vestido tan blando !" £1 me dixo^'^Es de vnos pajaros que andan
de noche en Puerto Viejo y en Tumbez, que muerden & los tndios.
Yenido H aclararse, dixo que hera de pelo de murcielagos. Dizien-
dole, que de donde se podria juntar tanto murdelago! dixo, ^ Aquel-
lofl perroe de Tumbez y Puerto Viejo que avian de hazer sine tomar
destoe para hazer ropa & mi padre ! *^ Y es ansi questos murcielagos
de aquellas partes muerden de noche i los Indies y A Espanoles y &
cavallos, y sacan tanta sangre ques cossa de misterio, y ann se
averiguo ser este vestido de lana de mercielagos, y ansi hera la color
como dellos del vestido que en Puerto Viejo y en Tumbez y sus
comarcas ay gran cantidad dellos. Pues acontescio vn dia que
viniendose i, quexar vn Indio que vn Espauol tomava vnos bestidos
de Atabalipa, el Marquez me mando fuesse yo k saver quien hera y
llamar al Espa&ol para castigailo. El Indio me llevo 6. vn buhio,
donde avia gran cantidad de petacas, por quel Espanol ya hera ydo,
diciendome que de alii avia tomado vn bestido dssL sefior ; 6 yo pre-
guntandole que que tenian aquellas petacas, me mostro algunas en
que tenian todo aquello que Atabalipa avia tocado con las manos, y
avia estado di pies, y vestidos que el avia deshechado ; en vnas los
jnnquillos que le hechavan delante ^ los pies quando oomia ; en otras
los guesses de las cames 6 aves que comia, que el avia tocado con las
manos ; en otras los maslos de.las mazorcas de mahiz que avia tomado
«n SOS manos ; en otras las rropas que havia deshechado ; finalmente
todo aquello que el avia tocado. Preguntelee, que para que tenian
aquello alii ! Respondieronme, que para queroallo, porque cada ano
quemavan todo esto, porque lo que toe los sefiores que heran
faijos del sol, se avia de quemar y hazer seniza y hechallo por el ayre,
que nadie avia de tocar A eUo. Y en guarda desto estava vn prend-
pal eon Indies, que lo guardava y rrecoxia de las mugeres que les
Servian. Estos senores dormian en el suelo en vnos eolchones grandes
de algodon : tenian vnas ffrecadas grandes de lana con que se cubija-
ban : y no e visto en todo este Piru Indio semejante & este Atabalipa^
ni de sa ferocidad ni autoridad.
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294 APPENDIX.
No. X.— See vol. ii. p. 140.
CX>ICTElfP01URT ACCOVMTS OF THB BX£GDnON OF ATAHVALLPA.
[The following notices of the execution of the Inca are
from the hands of eye-witnesses ; for Oviedo, though not
present himself, collected his particulars from those who
were. I give the notices here in the original, as the best
authority for the account of this dismal tragedy.]
Pedro Pizarro, Deiciibrimiento y Conquista de Ua Beynot
dd Peru, MS,
Aoordaron pues los officiales^y Almagro qae Atabalipa xnnrieBe,
tratando entre si que muerto Atabalipa se acababa el auto hecho acerca
del tesoro. Pues dixeron al Marquez Don Francisco Pi9arro que no
convenia que Atabalipa biviese ; porque d se soltava, S. Mag. per- '
deria la tierra y todos loa Espafioles serian muertos ; y Ii la verdad,
si esto no fuera tratado con malicia, como esta dicho, tenian razon,
porque hera imposible soltandose poder ganar la tierra. Pues el
Marquez no quiso yenir en ello. Yisto esto los oficiales hizieronle
muchos rrequenmientosy poniendole el serricio de S. Mag. por delante.
Pues estando asi atrayesose yn demonio de yna lengua, que se dezia
Ffelipillo, yno de los muchachos que el Marquez ayia lleyado £ Espana,
que al presente hera lengua, y andava enamorado de yna muger de
Atabalipa^ y por ayella hizo entender al Marquez que Atabalipa hazia
gran junta de gente para matar los Espanoles en Caxas. Pues sabido
el Marquez esto prendio i Challicuchima que estava suelto y pregun-
tandole por esta gente que dizia la lengua se juntayan, aunque
negaya y dezia que no, el Ffelipillo dezia k la contra trastomando las
palabras dezian il quien se preguntaya este casso. Pues el Marquez
Pon Francisco Pizarro acordo embiar 6, Sotd & Caxas & sayer si se
hazia alii alguna junta de gente, porque cierto el Marquez no quisiera
matalle. Pues yisto Almagro y los oficiales la yda de Soto apretaron
al Marquez con muchos rrequirimientos, y la lengua por su parte que
ayudaya con sus rretruecos, yinieron Ii conyencer al Marquez que
muriese Atabalipa, porque el Marquez hera muy zeloso del seryicio
de S. Mag., y ansi le liizieron temer, y contra suyoluntadsentencio i,
muerte i, Atabalipa mandando le diesen garrote, y despuez de muerto
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX. 295
le qnemasen porque tenia las hermanas por mugeres. Gerto poeas
leyes avian leido estoB sefiores ni entendido, pues al infiel sin aver ddo
predicado le davan esta sentencia. Pues el Atabalipa Uorava y dezia
que no le matasen, que no abria Yndio en la tierra que se meneasse
sin 8U mandado, y que presso le tenian, que de que temian ! y que si
lo ayian por oro y plata, que el daria dos tanto de lo que avia mandado.
Yo vide Uorar al Marques de pesar por no podelle dar la yida porque
cierto temio los requirimientos y el rriezgo que avia en la tierra si se
Boltava. Este Atabalipa avia hecho entender 6. sus mugeres 4 Yndios
que si no le quemavan el cuerpo, aunque le matassen avia de bolver &
eUoSf que el sol su padre le rresucitaria. Pues sacandole i dar garrote
& la plaza, el Padre Fray Vicente de Balverde ya dicho le predico
diziendole se tomase Cristiano : y el dixo que si el se tomava Oris-
tiano, si le quemarian, y dixeronle que no: y dixo que pues no le avian
de quemar que queria ser baptizado, y ansi Fray Vicente le baptizo y
le dieron garrote, y otro dia le enterraron en la yglesia que en Caxa-
malca teniamos los Espanoles. Esto se hizo antes que Soto bolviese &
dar aviso de lo que le hera mandado ; y quando vino truxo por nueva no
aver visto nada ni aver nada, de que al Marquez le peso mucho de
avelle muerto, y al Soto mucho mas, porque dezia el, y tenia rrazon,
que mejor ffnera embialle & Espana, y que el se obligara 4 ponello en
la mar : y cierto esto fuera lo mejor que con este Indio se pudiera
hazer, porque quedar en la tierra no convenia. Tambien se entendio
que no biviera muchos dias, aunque le embiara, porque el hera muy
regalado y muy senor.
JUHacum del Primer Detcubrimiento de la Costa y Mar del SuTy MS.
Dando forma como se Uevaria Atabalipa de camino, y que guardia
se le pondria, y consnltando y tratando si seriamos parte para defen-
derle en aquellos pasos males y rios si nos le quisiesen tomar los suyos.
Comenz6se & decir y i certificar entre los Indies, que el mandaba venir
grand multitud de gente sobre nosotros ; esta nueva se fu^ encendiendo
tanto, que se tomd informadon de muchos senores de la tierra, que to-
doe ^ una dijeron que era verdad, que el mandaba venir sobre nosotros
para que le salvasen, y nos matasen si pudiesen, y que estaba toda la
gente en cierta provincia ayuntada que ya venia de camino. Tomada
esta informacion, juntar6nse el dicho Gobemador, y Almagro, y los
oiiciales de S. Mag., no estando ahi Hernando Pizarro, porque ya era
partido para Espaua con alguna parte del quinto de S. Mag. y & darle
noticia y nueva de lo acaecido ; y resumieronse, aunque contra volun-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
296 APPENDIX.
ted del dicho Gobeniador, que nnnca estabo bien en eUo, que Ateba-
lipa, pnes quebnntaba la paz, j queria haoer traidon j traher gentes
para matar Iob Cristianoe, nrarieflBy porqne eon su maerto oesaria todo,
y ae allanaria^Ia tierra : i. lo coal hnbo contrarioB pareceres, y la mas
de la gente se pnso en defender que no mnriese ; al cabo insistiendo
macho en sn muerte el dicho Gapitan Almagro, y dando muchaB ra-
Bones por qnd debia morir, el liie mnertOy annque para el no fa^
mnerte, sino vida, porqne mnritf Gristiano, y es de creer que se fne al
eielo. Pttblicado por toda la tierra sn muerte, la gente comun y de
pueblos yenian donde el didio Gobemador estaba i dar la obedienda
i S. Mag. ; pero los capitanes y gente de gnerra que estaban en
Xanxa y en el Cuzco, antes se rehicieron, y no quisieron yenir de paz.
Aqui acaeci<5 la cosa mas estrana que se ha yisto en el mundo, que yo
yi por mis ojos, y fne ; que estando en la iglesia cantando los oficios
de difnntos & Atabalipa, presente el cuerpo, llegaron ciertas senoras
hermanas y mugeres snyas, y otros' priyados con grand estniendo, tal
que impidieron el ofido, y dijeron que les hiciesen aquella fiesta muy
mayor, porque era oostumbre, cuando el grand aenor moria, que todos
aquellos que bien le querian se enterrasen yiyos con el : £ los coales
se les respondio, que Atabalipa habia muerto como Cristiano, y como
tal le hacian aquel oficio, que no se habia de baoer lo que ellos pedian,
que era may mal hecho y contra Cristianidad ; que se fuesen de alii,
y no les estorbasen, y se le dejasen enterrar, y anai se fueron & sos
aposentos, y se ahorcaron todo sellos y ellos. Las cosas que pasaron
en estos dias, y los extremos y llantos de la gente, son may largas y
prolijas, y por eso no se dirdn aqui.
Oviedo, HistoTva OtfMfral de leu Jndias, MS^ lih, xlyi. cap. xxiL
Cuando el Marques Don Francisco Pizarro tnbo preso al gran Rey
Atabaliya le aconsejaron hombres faltos de buen entendimiento, que
le matase, o el obo gana, porque como se yieron cargados de oro pare-
cioles que maerto aquel senor lo podian poner mas i sn salyo en
Espana donde qubiesen, 6 dejando la tierra, y que asimismo serian
mas parte para se sustener en ella sin aquel escrupuloso impedimentOf
que no conseryandose la yida de un principe tan grande, e tan temido
6 acatado de sua naturales, y en todas aquellas partes ; 6 la eq>eri-
encia ha mostrado cuan mal acordado 6 peor fecho fiie todo lo que
contra Atabaliya se hizo despues de eu prision en le qnitar la yida,
con la cual demas de deseryirse Dios quitaron al Emperador nnestro
seuor, e k los mismos Espanoles que en aquellas partes se haUaron, y
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX. 297
& los que en Espana quedaron, qne entonces Tiyiaii y i los qne aora
-viyen 6 nacer4n iiiniimeTables tesoros^ que aquel principe les diera ; 6
niuguno de sue vasallos se mobiera ni alterara como se alteraron e
revelaron en faltando su persona. Notorio es que el Gobemador le
asegurd la yida, y sin que le diese tal seguro el se le tenia, pues ningun
capitan puede disponer sin lioentia de su Bey y senor de la persona
del principe que tiene preso, cuyo es de derecho, cuanto mas que
Atabaliva dijo al Marques, que si algun Cristiano matasen los Yndios,
6 le hiciesen el menor dano del mundo, que creyese que por su man-
dado lo hacia, y que cuando eso fuese le matase 6 hiciese del lo que
quisiese ; 6 que tratandole bien ^1 le chaparia las paredes de plata, e
le allanaria las sierras 6 los monies, e le daria &el, 6 A los Cristianos
cuanto oro quisiesen, 6 que desto no tubiese duda alguna : y en pago
de sus ofrecimientos encendidas pajas se las ponian en los pies ardi-
endo, porque digese que traieion era la que tenia ordenada contra los
Cristianos, e inventando e fabricando contra el falsedades, le leyan-
taron que los queria matar, 6 todo aquello .fue rodeado por malos e
por la inadvertencia 6 mal consejo del Gobemador, e comenzaron & le
hacer proceso mal compuesto y peor escrito, seyendo uno de los
adalides, un inquieto desasosegado, e deshonesto clerigo, y un escri-
bano falto de condencia e de mala habilidad, y otros tales que en la
maldad concurrieron 6 asi mal fundado el libelo se concluyo a sabor
de danados paladares, como se dijo en el capitulo catoroe, no aoordan-
dose que les habian enchido las casas de oro 6 plata, 6 le habian tomado
sus mugeres 6 repartidoles en su presencia € usaban de ellas en sus
adulteries, 6 en lo que les placia d aquellos aquien las dieron ; y como
les parecid & los culpados que tales ofensas no eran de olvidar, 6 que
merecian que el Atabaliva les diese la recompensa como sus obras,
eran, asentosel^ en el animo un temor 6 enemistad con el entraiia-
ble ; 6 por salir de tal cuidado e sospecha le ordenaron la muerte por
aquello que el no bizo ni pensd ; y de ver aquesto algunos Espanoles
comedidos aquien pesaba que tan graude deservicio se hiciese a Dios
y al Emperador nuestro senor ; y aunque tan grande ingratitud se
perpetraba, 6 tan senalada maldad se cometia, como matar k un prin-
cipe tan grande sin culpa. E viendo que le traian & colacion sus
deUtos e crueldades pasadas, que el habia usado entre sus Yndios y
enemigos en el tiempo pasado, de lo cual ninguno era juez, sine Dios ;
queriebdo saber la verdad, 6 por excusar tan notorios dauos como se
esperaban que habian de proceder matando aquel senor, se ofrecieron
cinco hidalgos de ir en persona & saber y ver si venia aquella gente
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
298 APPENDIX.
de gnem qne loe iklsoB inventores 6 bus menturosas espias publicaban,
6, dar en los CristiaQOS ; en fin el Gobemador (que tambien se puede*
creer que era enganado) lo obo por bien ; 6 fueron el Capitan Her-
nando de Soto, el Capitan Rodrigo Orgais, 6 Pedro Ortiz, 6 Miguel de
Estete, 6 LopeVelez & ver eaos enemigoe que decian que venian ; € el
Gobemador lea diiS una guia 6 espia, que decia que sabia donde esta-
ban ; e 4 doe dias de camino se despeuo la guia de un risco, que lo
supo muy bien hacer el Diablo para que el dano fuese mayor ; pero
aquellofi cinco de caballo que he dicho pasaron adelante hasta que
Uegaron al lugar donde se decian que babian de hallar el egercito
contntfio, 6 no hallaron hombre de guerra, ni con armas algunasysino
todoB de paz ; 6 aunque no iban aino esoa pocos Cristianos que es
dicho, les hicieron mucha fiesta por donde andubieron, 4 les dieron
todo lo que les pidieron de lo que tenian para ellos ^ sub criados, €
Yndio de servicio que llevaban ; por manera que viendo que era
burla, 6 muy notoiia mentira 6 falsedad palpable, se tomaron a Caja-
malca donde el Gk>bemador estaba, el cual ya habia fecho morir al
Principe Atabaliva, se que la historia lo ha contado ; e como Uegaron
al Gobemador hallaronle mostrando mucho sentimiento con un gran
sombrero de fieltro puesto en la cabeza por luto e muy calado sobre
los ojos, 6 le digeron, " Sefior, muy mal lo ha fecho V. S*, y fuera
justo que fueramos atendidos, para que supierades que es muy gran
traicion la que se le levantd & Atabaliya, porque ninguii hombre de
guerra hay en el campo, ni le hallamos, sino todo de paz, e muy buen
tratamiento que no se nos hizo en todo lo que habemos andado.** El
Gobemador respondid 6 les dijo, '' Ya veo que me ban enganado."
Desde i pocos dias sabida esta verdad, e murmurandose de la crueldad
que con aquel principe se usd, vinieron & malas palabras el Gobema-
dor y Fray Vicente de Valverde, y el tesorero Riquelme, 6 k cada
uno de ellos decia que el otro lo habia fecho, 6 se desmintieron unos &
otros muchas veces, oyendo muchos su rencilla.
No. XL— See vol. ii. p. 199.
COIfT&ACT BETWEEN PIZARBO AND ALMAGRO, MS.; DATED AT CUZOO,
JUNE 12, 1535.
[This agreement between these two celebrated captains,
in. which they bind themselves by solemn oaths to the
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX. 299
observance of what would seem to be required by the most
common principles of honesty and honour, is too charac-
teristic of the men and the times to be omitted. The
original exists in the archives at Simancas.]
No8 D^ Francisco Pizarro, Adelantado, Capitan General, y Gover-
nador per S. M. en estos reynos de la Nueya Castilla, 6 D° Diego do
Almagro, asimismo Govemador por S. M. en la provincia de Toledo,
decimos : que por que mediante la intima amistad y compania que
entre nosotros con tanto amor ha permaneddo, y queriendolo Dios
nuestro Senor hacer, ha sido parte y cabsa que el Emperador e Rey
nuestro se:&or haya.recevido seiialados servicios con la conquista, su-
jecion, 6 pobhicion destas provincias y tierras, e atrayendo a la con-
version y camino de nuestra santa fee Catolica tanta muchedumbre de
infieles, e confiando S. M. que durante nuestra amistad y compania su
real patrimonio sera acrecentado, 6 asi por tener este intento como
por los servicios pasados, S. M. Catolica tubo por bien de conceder &
mi el dicho D° Francisco Pizarro la govemacion de estos nuebos
reynos, y & mi el dicho D° Diego de Almagro la govemacion de la
provincia de Toledo, de las quales mercedes que de su real liberalidad
hemos recevido, resulta tan nueba obligacion, que perpetuamente
nuestras vidas y patrimonies, y de los que de nos decendieren en su
real servicio, se gasten y consuman ; y para que esto mas seguro y
mejor efecto haya, y la confianza de S. M. por nuestra parte no fal-
lezca, renunciando la ley que cerca de los tales juramentos dispone,
prometemos e juramos, en presencia de Dios nuestro Senor, ante cuyo
acatamiento estamos, de guardar y cumplir bien y enteramente, y sin
cabtela ni otro entendimiento alguno, lo espresado y contenido en los
capitulos siguientes ; 6 suplicamos i su infinita bondad, que i qual-
quier de nos que fuere en contrario de lo asi convenido, con todo rigor
de justicia permita la perdicion de su anima, fin y mal acavamiento
de su vida, destruicion.y perdimiento de su familia, honrras, y haci-
enda, porque como quebrantador de su fee, la qual el uno al otro y el
otro nos damos, y no temerosos de su acatamiento, reciva del tal justa
venganza. Y lo que por parte de cada uno de nosotros juramos y
prometemos es lo siguiente : —
Primeramente, que nuestra amistad e compania se conserve man-
tenga para en adelante con aquel amor y voluntad que hasta el dia
presente entre nosotros ha habido, no la alterando ni quebrantando
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
300 APPENDIX.
por algnnos intereses, oobdicias, ni ambicion de qualesquiera honrras
e oficios, sino qne hermanablemente entre noeotros se communique e
seamos parcioneros en todo el bien que Dies nuestro Senor nos quiera
hacer.
Otros : Decimos, so cargo del juramento 6 promesa que haeemosy
que ninguno de nosotros calunmiara ni procurara cosa alguna que en
dafio 6 menos cabo de su honrra, vida, y hacienda al otro pueda sub-
ceder ni yenir, ni dello sera cabsa por Tias directas ni indirectas por
si propio ni por otra persona tacita ni espresamente cabsandolo ni
permitiendolo^ antes procurar^ todo bien y honrra y trabajar^ de se
lo llegar y adquirir, y evitando todas perdidas y danos que se le pue-
dan recrecer, no siendo de la otra parte avisado.
Otrosi : Juramos de mantener, guardar, y cumplir lo que entre
nosotros esta capitulado,^ lo qual al presente nos referimos, 6 que por
via, causa, ni mana alguna ninguno de nosotros vemi en contrario ni
en quevrantamiento dello, ni har& diligencia, protestacion, ni redam-
acion alguna, 6 que si alguna oviere fecha, se aparta 6 desiste de ella
6 la renuncia so cargo del dicho juramento.
Otrosi : Juramos que juntamente ambos £ dos, y no el uno sin el
otro, informaremos y escriviremos i S. M. las cosas que segun nuestro
parecer mejor & su real servicio convengan, suplicandole, informan-
dole de todo aquello con que mas su Catolica conciencia se descargue,
y estas provincias y reynos mas y mejor se conserven y goviemen, y
que no habri relacion particular por ninguno de nosotros hecha en
fraude e cabtela y con intento de danar y enpecer al otro, procurando
para si, posponiendo el servicio de nuestro Senor Dies y de S. M. y
en quebrantamiento de nuestra amistad y compania y asimismo no
permitira que sea hecho por otra qualquier persona, dicho ni comuni-
cado,ni lo permita ni consienta, sino que todo se haga manifiestamente
entre ambos, porque se conozca mejor el celo que de servir & S. M.
tenemos, pues de nuestra amistad e compaiiia tanta confianza ha
mostrado.
Yten : Juramos que todos los provechos e intereses que se nos re-
crecieren asi de los que yo D° Francisco Pizarro oviere y adquiriere
en esta govemacion por qualquier vias y cabsas, como los otros que yo
D° Diego de Almagro he de haber en la conquista y descubrimiento
que en nombre y por mandado de S. M. hago lo traeremos manifies-
tamente & monton y coUacion, por manera que la compania que en
este case tenemos hecha permanezca, y en ella no haya fraude, cabtela,
hi engano alguno, 6 que los gastos que por ambos e qualquier de nos
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX. 301
ae obieren de hacer se haga moderada y diBcretamente conforme, y
proveyendo & la necesidad que se ofreciere, evitando lo escesiyo y
superfluO) socorriendo y proveyendo & lo necesario.
Todo lo qual Begun en la forma que dicho esta, es nnestra Toluntad
de lo aai guardar y cumplir so cargo del juramento que aai tenemos
fecho^ poniendo & nuestro Sefior Dios por juez y &sa gloriosa Madre
Santa Maria con todos los santos por testigos ; y por que sea notorio
& todos los que aqui juramos y prometemos, lo firmamos de nuestroe
nombres, siendo presentes por testigos el lioenciado Hernando Cal-
dera^ Teniente General de Govemador en estos reynos per el dicho
Senor Gx)vemador, 4 Francisco Pineda, capellan de su senoxia^ €
Antonio Picado, su secretario, € Antonio Tellez de Guzman y el
Doctor Diego de Loasia ; el qual dicho juramento fue fecho en la gran
cibdad del Cuzoo en la casa del dicho Grovemador D° Diego Dalmagro,
estando didendo misa el Padre Bartolome de Segovia, clerigo, des-
pues de dicho el pater noster, poniendo los dichos Govemadores las
manos derechas encima del ara consagrada £ 12 de Junio de 1535 anos.
— Francisco Pizarro. — ^£1 Adelantado Diego Dalmagro. — Testigos, el
Lioenciado Hernando Caldera — Antonio Tellez de Guzman.
Yo Antonio Picado, escrivano de S. M., doy fee que fui testigo y
me hallo presente al dicho juramento 6 solenidad fecho por los dichos
Groyemadores, y yo saque este traslado del original que queda en mi
poder como secretario del Sefior Govemador D^^ Francisco Pizarro,
en fee de lo qual firm^ aqui nombre. Fecho en la gran Cibdad del
Cuzco & 12 dias del mes de Julio de 1535 afioa — Antonio Picado^
eseribano de S. M.
No. XII.— See vol. ii. p. 334.
LETTER PROM THE TOUNGBB ALMAGBO TO THE BOTAL AUDIENCE OF
PANAMA, MS. 5 DATBD AT LOS EETBS [LIMA], JULY 14, 1541.
[This document, coming from Almagro himself, is valuable
as exhibiting the best apology for his conduct, and, with due
allowance for the writer's position, the best account of his
proceedings. The original — which was transcribed by
Mu^oz for his collection — is preserved in the archives at
Simancas.]
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
302 APPENDIX.
Mui magnificos Sefiores, — ^Ya Y" Mrds. havran sabido el estado en
qne he estado despues que fu^ desta vida el Adelantado Don Diego de
Almagro mi padre, que Dios tenga en el cielo, i como quede debajo
de la vara del Marqu^ Don Francisco Pizarro ; i creo yo que pues
son notorias las molestias 1 males tratamientos que me hicieron, i la
necesidad en que me tenian & vn rincon de mi casa, sin tener otro
remedio sino el de S. M., d quien ocurri que me lo diese como sefior
agradecido, de quien yo lo esperava pagando los servicios tan grandes
que mi padre le hizo de tan gran ganancia 6 acrecentamiento para su
real corona, no hay necesidad de contarlas, i por eso no las contar^, i
dejar€ lo pasado i vendre & dar & Y* Mrds. cuenta de lo presente, 6
dire que auuque me Uegava al alma verme tan afligido, acordandome
del mandamiento que mi padre me dejd que amase el serricio de
S. M. i questava en poder de mis enemigos ; sufria mas de lo que mi
juicio bastava, en especial ser cada dia quien k mi padre quit6 la vida,
i havian escurecido sus servicios por manera que del ni de mi no hayia
memoria. I como la enemistad quel Marques me tenia 6 i todos mis
amigos 6 criados fuese tan cruel i mortal, i sobre mi sucediese, quiso
efetualla, por la medida con que la us6 con mi padre, estando siguro
en mi casa, gimiendo mi necesidad, esperando el remedio i mercedes
que de S. M. era razon que yo alcanzase, mui confiado de gozarlas,
haciendo & S. M. serricios como yo lo deseo, fui informado quel
Marques trataba mi prendimiento i fin, determinado que no quedase
en el mundo quien la muerte de mi padre le pidiese, y acordandome
que para darsela hallaron testigos & su voluntad, asi mismo los halla-
ron para mi, por manera que padre i hijo fiieran por vn juicio jnzga-
dos. Por no dejar mi vida en alvedrio tan diabolico i desatinado,
temiendo la muerte, determinado de morir defendiendo mi vida i
honra, con los criados de mi padre i amigos, acord^ de entrar en su
casa i prenderle para escusar mayores da&os pues el juez de S. M. ya
Tenia i a cada uno hiciera justicia ; i el Marques, como persona cul-
pada en la defensa de su prision e persona armada, para ello hizo
tanto que por desdicha suya fue herido de vna herida de que muritf
luego, i puesto que como hijo de padre H quien el havia muerto lo
podia recibir por venganza, me pesd tan estrafiamente que todos co-
noderon en mi mui gran diferencia,i por ver que estava tan poderoeo
i acatado como era razon no hoYO hombre viendolo en mitad del dia
que echase mano a espada para ayuda suya ni despues hay hombre
que por el responda : parece que se hizo por juicio de Dios i por su
voluntad, porque mi deseo no era tan largo que se estendiese i, mas
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APPENDIX. 303
de coDservar mi vida en tanto aquel juez llegava. E como yi el
hecho procure antes que la cosa mas se encendiese en el pueblo, i
que cesasen esecuciou de prisiones de personas que ambas opiniones
havian siguido, questaban afrontadas, i cesasen crueldades 6 huvlese
justicia que lo estorvase 6 castigase, 6 se tomase cabeza que en
nombre de S. M. hiciese justicia 6 goverhase la tierra. Pareciendo &
la republica 6 comunidad de su x;ibdad e oficiales de S. M. que por
los servicios de mi padre e por haver d descubierto e ganado esta
tierra me pertenecia mas justamente que & otro la govemacion della,
me pidieron por Govemador, i dentro de dos boras consultado 6 nego-
ciado con el cabildo, fui recibido en amor i conformidad de toda la
republica. Asi quedd todo en paz, i tan asentados i serenos los
animos de todos, que no hovo mudanza, i todo est^ pacifico, i los
pueblos en la misma conformidad 1 justicia que ban estado, i con el
ayuda de Dios se asentari cada dia la paz tan bien que de todos sea
obedecida por senora, i S. M. serd tambien servido como es razon,
como se deve : porque acabadas son las opiniones 6 parcialidades, e
yo e todos pretendemos la poblacion de la tierra i el descubrimiento
della, porque los tiempos pasados que se ban gastado tan mal con
alborotos que se ban ofrecido, 6 descuidos que ha habido, agora se
ganen 6 se alcancen i cobran, i con este presupuesto esten V" Mrds.
ciertos que est^ el Perii en sosiego, i que las riquezas se descubrir^n
^ irin & poder de S. M. mas acrecentadas i multiplicadas que hasta
aqui, ni havra mas pasion ni movimiento sino toda quietud, amando
el servido de S. M. i su obidiencia, aprovechando sus reales rentas.
Suplico & V' Mrds., pues el caso parece que lo hizoDios i no los hom-
bres, ni yo lo quise asi como Dios lo hizo por su juicio secreto, e
como tengo dicho la tierra est^ sosegada, i todos en paz, V" Mrds. por
el presente manden suspender qualquiera novedad, pues la tierra se
conservar^ como esta, e ser^ S. M. mui servido ; e despues que toda
la gente que no tienen vecindades las tengan, 6 otros vayan h poblar
6 descubrir, podrto proveer lo que conviniere, i es tiempo que la
tierra Espanoles i naturales no reciban mas alteracion, pues no pre-
tenden sino sosiego i quietud, i poblar la tierra i servir k S. M., porque
con este deseo todos estamos 1 estaremos, i de otra manera crean V'
Mrds. que de nuevo la tierra se rebuelve € inquieta, porque de las
oosas pasadas vnos i otros ban pretendido cada vno su fin, e sino des-
cansan de los trabajos que ban padecido con tantas persecuciones de
buena ni de mala perdiendose no tema S. M. della cuenta, e los
naturales se destruirlan 6 no asentarlm en sus casas e perecer^n mas
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304 APPENDIX.
de lo8 que ban perecido ; 6 conservar estos 6 conserrar la tieira i los
vednos i moradores della todo es vno. I pues en tanta conformidad
yo tengo la tierra 6 con voluntad de todos fid eligido per Grovemador,
porque mas obidienda haya 6 la justicia mas acatada sea, i entienden
qne me ban de acatar i obedecer en tanto que S. M. otra cosa manda
porque de lo pasado yo le embio aviso, suplico i. Y* Mrds. manden
despachar desa Audiencia Real vna cedula, para que todos me obe-
dezcan i tengan por Govemador, porque ad mas sosegados temto
todos los animos, i mas i mejor se bar^ el servido de S. M., i tema
mas paz la tierra^ £ confundirse ban las voluntades que se quideren
levantar contra esto ; 6 dno lo mandasen Y" Mrds. proveer en tanto
que S. M. declara su real voluntad, podria ser que por parte de alguna
gente que por aci nunca faltan mas amigos de padones que de razon,
que se levantase algun escandalo de que Dios i S. M. fuesen mas de-
servidos: Nuestro Senor las mui magnificas personas de Y* Mrds.
guarde tan prosperamente como desean. Destos Reyes a 14 de Julio
de 1541 afios. Beso las manos de Y' Mrds., Don Diego de Almagro.
No. XIII.~See vol. iii. p. 21.
LETTER FROM THE MUNICIPALITT OF AREi^UIPA TO THE EMPEROR
CHARLES THE FIFTH, MS.; DATED AT SAN JUAN DE LA FRONTBRA,
SEPT. 24, 1542.
[The stout burghers of Arequipa gave efficient aid to the
royal governor, in his contest with the younger Almagro ;
and their letter, signed by the municipality, forms one of
the most authentic documents for a history of this civil war.
The original is in the archives at Simancas,]
S. C. C. M. — Aunque de otros mucbos teim& Y. M. aviso de la
vitoria que en ventura de Y. M. 1 buena deligencia i animo del
Govemador Yaca de Castro se ovo del tirano Don Diego de Almagro
6 sus secazes, nosotros el cabildo i vedno' de Arequipa le queremos
tambien dar, porque como quien se balld en el peligro, podremos
contar de la verdad como pastf.
Desde Xauxa hicimos relacion ^ Y. M. de todo lo suoedido haata
entonses, i de los preparamientos quel Govemador tenia proveidoB
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APPENDIX. 305
para la guerra de alll Salid con toda la gente en orden i se vino &
esta cibdad de San Joan de la Frontera, donde tuyimos nuevas como
el traidor de Don Diego de Almagro estava en la provincia de Bilcas,
que es onze leguas desta cibdad, que Tenia determinado con su
danada intencion & darnos la batalla. En este comedio vino Lope
Diaquez del real de los traidores, i did al Govemador una carta de
Don Diego, i otra de doze capitanes, mui desvergonzados de fieros i
amenazas; i el Govemador, con zelo de que no oviese tantas muertes
entre los vasallos de Y. M. como siempre fii^ su intento de ganar el
juego por mana, acordd de tomarles d enbiar al dicho Lope Ydiaquez
i & Diego de Mercado Fator de la nueya Toledo, para ver si los podian
reducir i atraer al servicio de V. M., i fueron tan mal resdbidos que
quando escaparon con las vidas se tuvieron por bien librados. La
respuesta que les dieron fue' que no querian obedecer las provisiones
reales de V. M. sino darle la batalla, i luego alzaron su real i
caminaron para nosotros. Yisto esto el Govemador sacd su real
deste pueblo 1 camind contra ellos dos leguas, donde supo que los
traidores estavan & tres, en un asiento fuerte i comodo para su artilleiia.
El govemador acordd de los guardar alii, donde le tomd la voz,
porque era llano i lugar fuerte al nuestro proposito. Como esto
vieroQ los traidores, sabado que se contaron diez i seis de Setiembre,
se levantaron de donde estavan, i caminaron por lo alto de la sierra i
vinieron una legua de nosotros, i sus corredores vinieron & ver
nuestro asiento. Luego el Govemador provio que por una media loma
fuese un capitan con cinquenta arcabuceros, i otro con cinquenta
lanzas & tomar lo alto, i sucedid tarabieu que sin ningun riesgo se tomd,
i luego todo el exercito de Y. M. lo subid. Yisto esto, los enemigos, que
estarian tres quartos de legua, procuraron de buscar carapo donde nos
dar la batalla, i asi le tomaron 6. su proposito i asentaron su artilleria
i concertaron sus esquadrones, que ei*an ducientos i treinta de cavallo,
en que venian cinquenta hombres de armas: la infanteria eran ducientos
arcabuzerosi ciento i cinquenta piqueros, todos tan lucidos € bien
armados, que de Milan no pudieran salir mejor aderezados: el artilleria
eran seis medias culebrinas de diez & doze pies de largo, que echavan de
bateria una naranja: tenian mas otros seis tiros medianos todos de
fruslera, tan bien aderezados 1 con tanta municion, que mas parecia artil>
leria de Ytalia que no de Yndias. £1 Govemador vista su desverguenza,
la gente mui en orden, despues de haver hecho los razonamientos que
convenian, diciendonos que viesemos la desverguenza que los traidores
tenian i el gran desacato & la corona real^ camind d ellos, i llegando 4
VOL. III. X
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306 APPENDIX.
tiro donde sn artiQ^ria podia alcanzar^ jngo Inego en nosotrofiy que la
nuestra por ser mai pequena i ir caminaado, no nos podimos aprove-
char della de niognna oosa, i asi la dexamos por popa. Matamos
hian antes que llegasemos & romper con eUoe mas de 30 hombres, i
siempre con este dano que rescebiamos, caminamos hasta nos poner &
tiro de arcabuz, donde de una parte i de obra jugaron i se hizo de a
mas partes arto dano, i lo mas presto que nos fae podble porqne sa
artillena aun nos eehaya algunas pelotaa en nuestros esqnadrones,
oerramos con elloe, donde durd la batalla de lanzas> ponrasy i espadas
mas de una grande hora; fu^ tan renida i porfiada, que despoes de la
de Rebena no se ha visto entre tan poca gente mas cruel bataUa,
donde hermanos & hermanos, ni deudos k dendos, ni amigos & amigos
no se dayan yida uno & otro. FinaJmente como lleYBsemos la
justicia de nuestra parte, nuestro Senor en ventura de V. M. nos di6
vitoria, i en el denuedo con que acometid el Govemador Baca de
Castro el qual estava sobxesaliente con treinta de caYallo, armado en
bianco con una ropilla de brocade sobre las armas eon su encomienda
descubierta en los pechos, contra el qual estavan conjnrados muchos
de los traidoresy pero el como cavallero se les moetnS 1 defenditf tan
bien, que para hombre de su edad i profesion^ estamos espantados de
lo que hizo i trabajo, i como rompid eon sns sobresalientes, laego
desampararon el campo i conseguimos glorioso vitoria, la qual estuvo
iuurto dudosa, porque si eramos en numero oiento mas que ello8» en
escoger el campo i artilleria i hombres de armas 1 arcabuzes *nos
tenian doblada ventaja. Fu^ bien sangrienta de entramas partes, i si
la noche no cerrara tan presto, V. M. quedara bien satisfecho destoa
traidores; pero lo que no se pudo entonses haoer, ahora el GoTer-
nador lo hace, desqnartizando cada dia IL los que se esoaparon.
Murieron en la batalla de los nuestros el capitan Per Alvarez Holguin,
i otros sesenta cavalleros i hidalgos; i estiui eridos de muerte Gomez
de Tordoya i el Capitan Peranzures, i otros mas de ciento. De los
traidores murieron ciento e cinquenta, i mas de otros tantos eridos;
presos estdn mas de ciento i dnquenta. Don Diego i otros tres
capitanes se escaparon. Cada ora se traen presos: esperamos que
un dia se habr^ Don Diego & las manos, porque los Yndios como
yillanos de Ytalia los matan i traen presos. Y. M. tenga esta vitoria
en gran servicio, porque puede creer que agora se acabd de ganar esta
tierra i ponerla debaxo del cetro real de Y. M., i que esta ha sido
verdadera conquista i pacificacion della, i asi es justo qi^e Y. M, como
gratisimo principe gratifique i haga mercedes & los que se la dieron;
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▲PFEHBIX* 307
i al GoveniAdor Baca de Castro perpetaarle en ella en entramas
^yemadones no dividiendo nada dellas porqne no hai otra batalla ;
i ^ los soldados i vecinos que en ella se hallaron, remunerarles sua
trabajos i perdidas que han rescibido per reducir estos xeinoe i la
corona real de V. M., i mandando castigar i. loa yecinoa que oyendo
la Yoz real de Y. M. se quedaron en bus casas grangeando sus repar-
timientos i haciendas, porque gran sin justicia seria, sacra M., que
bolviendo nosotros H nnestras casas pobres i mancos de guerra de
mas de nn a&o, haUasemosii los que se quedaron sanoe i salvos i rieos,
i que IL ellos no se les diese pena ni i nosotros premio ni galardon, i
esto seria ocasion para que si otra vez oviese otra rebelion en esta
tierra 6 en otra, no acudiesen al servido de V. M. como seria razon i
somoe obligados. Todos tenemes por cierto, quel Groremador Baca de
Castro lo har& asi, 1 que en nombre de V. M IL los que le han senrldo
harli mercedesy i & los que no acudieron i. servir &Y.'Ml castigard.
S. C. C. M. Dios todo poderoso acreciente la yida de V. M., dandole
▼itoria contra sus enemigoe, porque sea aciescentada su santa fee,
amen. De San Joan de la Frontera & 24 de Septiembre de 1542
anos. — Besan las manos i pies de V. M. sus leales vasallos, — Her-
nando de Silva, — Pedro Pi9arro, — Lucas Martinez, — Gomez do
Leon, — Hernando de Torre, — Lope de Alareon, — Juan de Arves, —
Juan Flores, — Juan Ramirez, — Alonso Buelte, — Melcfaior de Cer-^
▼antes, — Martin Lopez^ — Juan Crespo, — Francisco Pinto, — Alonso
Rodriguez Picado.
No. *XIV.— See vol. iii. p. 221.
PllOCBSS COIVTAININQ THE SBNTEIfCE OF DEATH PASSED ON GOIfZALO
PIZABRO, AT XAqniXAGUANA, APRIL 9, 1548.
[This instrament is taken from the original manuscript
of Zarate's Chronicle, which is still preserved at Simancas.
Munoz has made several extracts from this MS., showing
that Zarate's history, in its printed form, underwent con-
siderahle alteration, hoth in regard to its facts, and the
style of its execution. The printed copy is prepared with
more consideration ; various circumstances, too frankly
X 2
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
308 APPENBU.
detailed iu the original, are suppressed ; and the style and
disposition of the work show altogether a more fastidious
and practised hand. These circumstances have led Munoz
to suppose that the Chronicle was submitted to the revisioi^
of some more experienced writer, before its publication ;
and a correspondence which the critic afterwards foimd iu
the Escurial, between Zarate and Florian d'Ocampo, leads
to the inference that the latter historian did this kind
office for the former. But whatever the published work
may have gained as a literary composition, as a book of
reference and authority it falls behind its predecessor, which
seems to have come without much premeditation from the
author, or, at least, without much calculation of conse-
quences. Indeed, its obvious value for historical uses led
Muhoz, in a note endorsed on the fragments, to intimate
his purpose of copying the whole manuscript at some
future time.]
Vista e entendida por nos el Mariscal FraiKsisco de Albarada,
maestre de campo deste real exercito, el Licenciado Andres de
Cianco, oidor de S. M. destos reinos, e subdelegados por el mui ilus-
tre senor el Licenciado Pedro de la Gazca, del consejo de S. M. de
la Santa Inquisicion, Presidente destos reinos 6 provinciajs del Perti,
para lo infra escripto, la notoriedad de los muchos graves e atroces
delitos que Gonzalo Pizarro ha cometido 6 consentido cometer & los
que le ban seguido, despues que 6. estos reinos ha venido el Yisorrey
Blasco Nunez Vela, en deservicio € desacato de S. M. € de su premi>
nencia e corona real, € contra la natural obligacion € fidelidad que
como su vasallo tenia 6 devia & su Rei e sefior natural, e de personas
particulares, los quales por ser tan notorios del dicho no se requiere
orden ni tela de juicio, mayormente que muchos de los dichos delitos
consta por confesion del dicho Gonzalo Pizarro € la notoriedad por
la informacion que se ha tornado, 6 que combiene para la pacificacion
destos reinos € exemplo con breyedad hacer justicia del dicho Gonzalo
Pizarro.
Fallamos atento lo susodicho junta la dispusidon del derecho, que
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APPENDIX. 309
devemos declarar e dedaramos el dicho Gonzalo Pizarro hayer come-
tido crimen laesae majestatis contra la corona real despana en todos
los grades 6 causae en derecho contenidas despues que £ estos reinos
vino el Virrey Blasco Nunez Vela, ^ asi le declaramos 6 condenamos
al dicho Gonzalo Pizarro por traidor, 6 haver incurrido d 6 sus descen-
dientes nacidos despues quel cometid este dicho crimen ^ traicion los
por linea masculina hasta la segunda generacion, 6 por la femenina
hasta la primera, en la infamia 6 inabilidad 6 inabilidades, e como &
tal condenamos al dicho Gonzalo Pizarro en pena de muerte natural,
la qual le mandamos que sea dada en la forma siguiente : que sea
sacado de la prision en quests cavallero en una mula de silla atados
pies 6 manos^ 6 traido publicamente por este real de S. M. con voz
de pregonero que maniiieste su delito, sea llevado al tablado que por
nuestro mandado esta fecho en este real, 6 alii sea apeado 6 cortada la
cabeza por el pescueso, 6 despues de muerta naturalmente, mandamos
que la dicha cabeza sea Uevada^ la ciudad de Los Reyes como ciudad
mas prinpipal destos reinos, 6 sea puesta 6 clavada en el roUo de la
dicha ciudad con un retulo de letra gruesa que diga, ** Esta es la cabeza
del traidor de Gonzalo Pizarro, que se hizo justicia del en el valle de
Aquisaguan, donde did la batalla campal contra el estandarte real,
queriendo defender su traicion 6 tirania ; ninguno sea osado de la
quitar de aqui so pena de muerte natural.'' E mandamos que las casas
quel dicho Pizarro tiene en la cibdad del Cuzco .... sean derribadas
por los cimientos 6 aradas de sal ; € & donde agora es la puerta sea
puesto un letrero en un pilar, que diga, ^ Estas casas eran de Gonzalo
Pizarro, las quales fueron mandadas derrocar por traidor ; 6 ninguna
persona sea osado dellas tomar & hacer i edificar sin licencia expresa
de S. M., so pena de muerte natural.'* E condenamosle mas en perdi-
miento de todos sus bienes, de qualquier calidad que sean 6 le perte-
nezcan, los quales aplicamos & la camara e fisco de S. M., d en todas
las otras penas que contra los tales est&n instituidas. E por esta
nuestra sentencia definitiva juzgamos e asi lo pronunciamos 6 man-
damos en estos escritos e por ellos. — Alonso de Albarado ; el Lic<*®
Ganca.
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311
INDEX.
Abancat^ riyer of, battle with Pe-
ruvians at,ii. 148; battle between
Abnagro and Alvarado on, 258;
passage of, by Gasca^ iii. 195.
Aborigines of North and South
America, iii. 44.
Acosta, i. 77, n, 103, n.
Adelantado, title of, given to Piz-
arro, i. 291 ; relinquished by him
to Ahnagro, 30. .
Adultery, punished with death by
Peruvian laws, i, 42, n.
Adventure, impulse given to, by
improvements in navigation, i.
1 79 ; romantic character of, in
the New World, 181 ; perils at-
tendant on, 182 ; on the Northern
and Southern continents of Ame-
rica, 183, 184.
Agave americana, t 132.
Agrarian law perfectly carried out
in Peru, L 38, 46.
Agricultural product8,great variety
of, in Peru, i. 131 ; introduced
into that country, 135, n.
Agriculture, importance and excel-
lence of Peruvian, i. 123—131 ;
supervised by the Inca himself,
124 ; in the valleys, 126 ; ii. 15,
38, 155 ; on sides of the sierra^
126, 127 ; ii. 91.
Aldana, Lorenzo de, iii. 151 ; sent
on mission to Spain by Gonzalo
Pizarroy 151 ; takes side with
Gasca, 153 ; despatched by him
to Lima, 157 ; his proceedings
there, 168.
Almagrian faction, proceedings of,
iii. 3 ; driven from Cuzco, 4 ; at
Lima, a
Almagro, town of, i. 198.
Almagro, Diego de, i. 198 ; his
agreement with Pizarro and
Luque, 199 ; makes preparations
for a voyage, 200 ; sails from
Panami, 216 ; loses an eye at
Pueblo Quemado, ib. ; meets Pi-
zarro at Chicam^, 217 ; returns
to Panam&,218 ; has a difficulty
with Pedrarias, 219, 221 ; his
interview with him, ib., n.. Ap-
pendix, No. y . ; his contract with
Pizarro and Luque, 223, Appen-
dix, No. VL; unable to sign his
name, 225 ; sails with Pizarro,
230 ; is sent back for reinforce-
ments, 231; rejoins Pizarro, 237;
sails with hun along the coast, 240;
quarrels with him, 243 ; returns
to Panami for recruits, 244; ill
received there, 247; sends a let-
ter to Pizarro, 249; exerts him-
self in his behalf, 254 ; urges his
mission to Spain, 276; honours
granted by the Crown to, 291 ;
Pizarro*s neglect of the interests
of, 293 ; his dissatisfaction with
him, 300; frank and generous
temper of, 198, 276, 301 ; Her-
nando Pizarro's jealousy of, 301,
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
312
INDEX.
ii. 110 ; remains at Panam&, to
send supplies to Pizarro, 302 ;
joins him in Peru, ii. 104 ; cor-
dially received by him, 106 ; re-
ceives np share of the Inca's ran-
som, 114; urges Atahuallpa's
death, 123, 137; Felipillo hanged
by, 140, n.; detached to aid De
Soto, 151; sent against Quizquiz,
1 75 ; follows Benalcazar to Quito,
182 ; negotiates with Pedro de
Alvarado, 183 ; goes to Cnzco,
189; powers conferred on, by
the Crown, 192 ; his elation,
195; his difficulties with the Pi-
zarros, 197 ; enters into a solemn
' compact with Francis, 198, Ap-
pendix, No. XI. ; sets out for
Chili, 199 ; difficulties of his
march, 246, 247 ; traverses the
desert of Atacama, 250; claims
jurisdiction over Cuzco, 252 ;
seizes the city, 254 ; takes 6ron-
zalo and Hernando Pizarro pri-
soners, 255; refuses to put them
to death, 256, 262, 263; battie
of Abancay, 258 ; leaves Cuzco,
263 ; has an interview with Pi-
zarro, 264 ; makes a treaty with
him, 266 ; retreats towards
Cuzco, 270 ; his illness, 271, 279,
282 ; pursued by Hernando
; Pizarro, 271 ; battle of Las Sa-
linas, 276 — 278 ; taken prisoner,
279 ; brought to trial by Her-
nando Pizarro, 283 ; condemned
to death, 284 ; begs for his life,
285 ; is executed in prison, 287 ;
his character, 288—290.
Almagro the younger, his birth and
character, ii. 249, 334, iii. 38 ;
named his successor by his fa-
ther, 286 ; Pizarro's treatment
of, 293 ; proclaimed governor of
Peru, 343 ; seizes the money of
the Crown, iii. 7; his reluctance
to hostilities with the governor,
10; his difficulties with his fol-
lowers, 1 1 ; attehipts to negotiate
with Vaca de Castro, 15 ; ad-
dresses his troops, 16 ; leaves
Cuzco, 1 7 ; rejects the governor's
terms, 24 ; battle of Chupas, 29
—36; his bravery, 33, 34; taken
prisoner, 36 ; executed, 38 ; his
letter to the Royal Audience, Ap-
pendix, No. XII.
Alpacas. See Sheep, Pervmom,
Alva, Duke of, iii. 129, n,
Alvarado, Alonzo de, ii. 186 ; sent
to the relief of Cuzco, 256 ; at
Xauxa, ih, ; highly trusted by
the Pizarros, i&., n. ; defeated
and taken prisoner by Almagro,
258 ; escapes from Cuzco, 263 ;
at the battle of Las Salinas, 275;
informs Vaca de Castro of the
state of Peru, iii. 4 ; at the battie
of Chupas, 33 ; sent to Panama
by Gasca, 143 ; leads a force to
Lima, 190.
Alvarado, Diego de, brother of
Pedro, ii. 262 ; befriends Her-
nando Pizarro, 263 ; maintains
the cause of Almagro in Spain,
297—299 ; his death, 299.
Alvarado, Garcia de, quarrels with
Sotelo, iii. 11 ; puts him to deatii,
12 ; killed by Almagro, 13.
Alvarado, Greronimo de, iii. 34.
Alvarado, Pedro de, arrival of, in
Peru, ii. 176; his terrible passage
of the Puertos Nevados, 177 ;
letter of, 180, n. ; negotiates with
Almagro at Quito, 183 ; bonus
paid to, 184,91.; visits Pizarro at
Pachacamac, 185 ; his death,
186, w.; Pizarro's letter to, 232.
Alvarez, sent with Blasco Nunez
to Spain, iii. 88 ; liberates the
viceroy, 4h.
Amautas, Peruvian teachers, i. 1 1 1.
Amazon, the river of, reached by
Gonzalo Pizarro, ii. 320; voyage
of Orellana down, 321 ; adven-
tures of Madam Godin upon,
324, TO.
America, the name, i. 39, n. ; effects
of discovery of, 181 ; adventore
in, 182 ; northern and southern
sections of, 184 ; rapid explora-
tion of the eastern coast of, 185.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDEX.
313
Anaquito, iii. ]03, 104; battle of,
108, ».
Andagoya, Pascual de, expeditioi\
of, i. 190; memorial of his ad-
Yentores by, ib., n. ; his accounts
of the Peruvian empire, 197, n.;
Pizarro learns his route from,
201.
Andaguaylis, Gasca encamps at,
iii. 191.
Andes, Cordillera of the, i. 5, n,, 6 ;
cultivation of the sides of, 7, 127,
ii 91 ; salubrity of plateau of, 1 5 ;
conjectures respecting the origin
of the name, 127, n.; Pizarro's
passage of, ii. 31; Alvarado's
passage of, ii. 177 — 180.
Anglo-Saxon race, objects sought
by, in New World, i. 183 ;
adapted to the North American
continent, 184.
Annals, Peruvian, how kept and
transmitted, i. 112, 114, 115;
much tinged with fiction, 117.
Apostles, the supposed authors of
American civilisation, i. 103, n,
Apurimac, passage of, by Gasca's
army, iii. 197, 198.
Aqueducts, Peruvian, i. 124, 125 ;
remains of, 125 ; seen by Spa-
niards, ii. 23, 38.
Arch, use of, unknown to Peru-
vians, i. 150.
Architecture, illustrates national
character, i. 147; characteristics
of Peruvian, 148, 150; inconsis-
tencies in it, 151.
Archives, Peruvian, how consti-
tuted, i. 114.
Arequipa, Almagro arrives at, ii.
251; taken possession of by the
Almagrian faction, iii. 3 ; memo-
rial of the municipality of, 21, n.,
Appendix, No. XIII.; Gonzalo
Pizarro builds galleys at, 85 ;
retires to, from Lima, 170.
Annour of the Peruvians, i. 69.
Arms used by Peruvians, i. 69, ».,
ii. 210, fi. ; manufactured at
Gnzco, by Almagro, iii. 1 4 ; by
Blasco Nunez, at Popayan, 98.
Arms, family, of Pizarro, i. 295.
Army, number of Pizarro*s, ii. 16;
Gonzalo Pizarro's, iii. 162.
Arquebuae, astonishment of the
Peruvians at, i. 263.
Art, specimens of Peruvian, 1. 142.
Artillery, park of, possessed by
young Aunagro, iii. 17.
Astrology, i. 122.
Astronomy, Peruvian, i. 119, 123 ;
inferior to that of other American
races, 121.
Atacama, desert of, crossed by
Almagro, ii. 250.
Atahuallpa, i. 321 ; receives half
his father's kingdom, ib, ; his
restless spirit, 324 ; makes war
on his brother, 326 ; ravages
Canaris, ib. ; is victorious at
Quipaypan, 329 ; takes Huascar
prisoner, t6.; story of his cruelty,
B'60 ; sole Inca of Peru, 333 ;
sends envoys to Pizarro, ii. 19,
34, 35 ; his reception of Pizarro's
messengers, 36, 46 ; his camp,
39 ; interview of Hernando
Pizarro with, 45, 46 ; visits
Pizarro at Caxamalca, 56 ; his
interview with Valverde, 62 ;
taken prisoner, 68 ; contempo-
rary narratives of his seizure.
Appendix, No. VIII. ; in cap-
tivity, 71, 72, 80, 100 ; his
personal appearance, 72, 131 ;
his treatment of tlie Christian
religion, 63, 81, 130; offers a
ransom, 78 ; expects to recover
his freedom, 80, n. ; puts Huas-
car to death, 83 ; accused of
causing a rising of his subjects,
87 ; his interview with Chall-
cuchima, 98 ; state maintained
by him, 100 ; his forebodings,
107; refused his liberty, 119 ;
brought to trial, 1 25 ; accusa-
tions against him, ib., n. ; sen-
tenced to be burned, 126 ; his
emotion, 128 ; led to execution,'
129 ; is baptised, 130 ; perishes
by the garrote, ib, ; different
accounts of his execution, Ap-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
814
IKDSX.
pendixy No» X. ; bis oharacter,
131, 182 ; fbneial obsequies, i&.;
his remains, 133 ; reflections on
the treatment of, 135 ; opinions
of chroniclers respecting it, 140;
influence of his death in Pern,
141 ; his successor, 143 ; Pedro
PizajTo's account of his personal
habits, Appendix, No. IX.
Athenians, maniase custom oL i.
108, «.
Audience, Royal, first appointment
and purpose (^, L 188 ; sent to
Peru with filasoo Nufiez, iil
53 ; arriye at Lima, 73 ; ^er
from the yiceroy, 74 ; threatened
by him, 77 ; take hhn prisoner,
78 ; send an embas^ to Gon-
zalo Pizarro, 80 ; resign their
, power into his hands, 82, 84,
85 ; judges of, characterised by
Blasoo Nufiez, 110, n.
Ayila, Pedro Arias de, i« 188 ;
founds PanamA, 189; discoveries
made by, 190; expeditions of,
196; refuses to aid Almagro,
219; his interview with him,
Appendix, No. Y. ; resigns his
interest in Pizarro's enterprise,
221 ; subsequent fate of, 223.
Aztecs, belief of, respecting the
soul of the warrior, i. 31, n. ;
contrast between the Peruvians
and, il 171.
B.
Balances of eilver used by Peru-
vians, i. 147; for weighing gold,
found by Spaniards, 233.
Balboa, Yasco Nuiiez de, discovers
the Pacific, i. 186, 196 ; hears
of the Peruvian empire, 185 ;
Quintana's account of, 1 88, n.
Balsas, Indian vesseb, L 61, n. ;
first seen by the Spaniards, 232,
233, n.; fleet of, 258.
Banana, L 131 ; prolific nature of,
t&. n.
Banquet given to Pizarro by an
Indian princess^ 1 272.
Baroo de Avih^ birthplace of
Gasca, iil 130.
Battles of Pizarro with Indians^
i 214, 241; on the isle of Puna,
313; of Ambato,326;'ofQiiipay.
pan, 328 ; of Gaxamalca, ii. 65 ;
of the Abancay, 149; with (^uiz-
quiz, 175 ; on the Yucay, 211,
212 ; at Cuzeo, 222, 224, 234 ;
at Tambo, 236 ; of Abancay, 257,
258 ; of Las Salinas, 276 ; of
Chupas, iii 30 ; of Anaquito,
104; of Huarina, 180; of Xaqui-
xaguana, 208.
Benueazsr conquers Quito, ii. 1 8 1 ;
appointed governor of Quito,
186; goes to Oastile, 295; ioms
Yaca de Castro, iii. 6 ; his advice
to him, ih, n.; note sent by him
to Popayan, 18; writes a letter
to the Emperor on the ordi-
nances, 55, n.; takes sides with
Blasco Nunez, 89; reinforoes
him, 98 ; advises against a batde
with Gonzalo Pizarro, 102;
wounded and taken prisoner,
105 ; restored to his government
by Pizarro, 108; joins Gasca's
army, 191.
Betel, chewing o^ i 133, «.
Bilcas, Almagro halts at, IL 271.
Bir<i river, accounts of Peru ob-
tained at, i. 197 ; Pizarro enters,
202.
Body of the Peruvians bdieved in
the resurrection of, i. 85; em-
balmed by them, i5.
Boiardo, quotation from, L 252, «.
Boundary, dispute respecting, be-
tween Pizarro and Almagro, ii.
253,91.
Bovadilla arbitrates between Al-
magro and Pizarro,iL 246,266,n.
Briclu, manufacture and use of, in
Peru, i. 148.
Bridges, suspension, i. 60, 61, n.;
ii. 145, 257; constructed over
the Apurimac by Gasca^ iii 1 96,
197.
Buena Yentura, Yaca de Castro
lands at| iii 4.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
JSCDIEXm
315
BttSdings, PeruTian, materials and
constraction of, i. 148 ; iL 22,
23, 41, 42, 94, 161; adaptation
of, to cUmate, 151; remains of,
152; royal, at Quito, 160.
Boria^ i. 86 ; of treasure and
utensils with the dead, ib., n.
Bomt offerings, a form of sacrifice
peculiar to the Peruvians, L 88.
C.
Cacao, i. 239.
Calatayud, emperor's court at, il
191.
Calendar, Peruvian, i. lid, 121;
of Muyscas, 121.
Canaris, ravage of, i. 327.
Candia, Pedro de, one of Pizarro's
thirteen companions, i. 250 ;
▼isits Tumbez, 263; fable con-
cerning, 264, 91. ; accompanies
Pizarro to Spain, 277 ; rewarded
by Charles, 292; superintends
the casting of cannon for Ahna-
gro, iii, 14 ; directs artillery at
the battle of Chupas, 29 ; put to
death by Almagro, 29.
CanelaSt or Land of Cinnamon,
Gonzalo Pizarro's expedition
to,ii. 313 ; reached by him, 314.
Cannibalism not allowed in Peru,
i. 100; met with by Pizarro,
211.
Cannon manufactured by young
Almagro at Cuzoo, iii. 14.
Capac, Huayna, anecdote of, i. 47,
n. ; reign of, 31 6, 31 7 ; impresraon
made on, by arrival of Spaniards,
318, 319 ; posterity of, 320 ; his
bequest of the crown, 321 ; his
death, 322; his Hberality to
females, 323, n. ; his obsequies,
ib,
Capac, Manco, tradition respecting,
i. 8, 12 ; meaning of the word,
9, n.
Capitulation of Pizarro ^with the
Crown, i. 291, 293 ; Appends,
No. YII. ; Almagro's dissatis-
faction with the, 300.
Capture of Atahuallpa, iL 68, 69,
Appendix, No. VIII.
Caraques, Alvaradolandsat,iil76.
Garavantes, manuscript of, i. 228,
n. ; account of Gasca's instruc-
tions by, iiL 1 35; opportunities of
information possessed by, 174, n.
Carbajal, Francisco de, iii. 28 ;
his early life, 223 ; at the battie
of Chupas, 32; joins Gonzalo
Pizarro, 67 ; desires to leave
Peru, 67, 224, n, ; urges Gonzalo
Pizarro to rebellion, 70; his
cruelties at Lima, 81 ; surprises
Blasco Nunez, 91 ; sent against
Centeno, 97 ; his influence with
Pizarro, 11], 163; his fierce
pursuit of Centeno, 114 ; works
the mines of Potosi, 115, 147 ;
his extraordinary adventures,
115, n, ; urges GUmzalo to cast
off his allegiance, 117 ; his opi-
nion of Gasca's letter, 159 ; his
sayings to Cepeda, 160, 365,
167; his military skill, 163, 226;
his practical philosophy, 169,
216, 222 ; his corps of mus-
keteers, 177, 181 ; at the battie
of Huarina, 178 ; gains the vic-
tory for Pizarro, 183, 185 ; his
energy and activity, 199; dis-
satisfied with Pizarro*s conduct,
200 ; his counsel rejected, 201 ;
his eulogium on Valdivia, 209 ;
tiUcen ppsoner at Xaquixaguana,
217; his sarcasm on Centeno,
218 ; sentenced to be drawn and
quartered, 221 ; his indifference,
222 ; his caustic remarks, 222,
223 ; executed, ib. ; his remark-
able character, ib. ; atrocities
reported of him, 225 ; his hu-
morous vein, 226.
Carbajal, Suarez de, assassinated
by Blasco Nunez, iii. 75.
Casques used by the Peruvians, i.
68 ; u. 210.
Castellano, value of the, ii. 113, n.
Castes, divisions into, in Peru, i.
143 ; favourable to dexterity in
the arts, ib*, n.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
316
INDEX.
Cataract of the Napo, ii. 317.
Causeway on the great Peruvian
roads, i. 62 ; ii. 155.
Caxamalca, the Inca encamped at,
ii. 34, 36 ; hot-water springs at,
34 ; valley of, 38; the Spaniards
enter the city of, 41, 42 ; de-
scription of it, 41 ; Atahuallpa
enters square of, 61 ; attack on
the Peruvians at, 65 ; capture,
trial, and execution of Atahuallpa
at, 72, 125, 130 ; arrival of Al-
magro at, 106 ; proceedings of
Pizarro at, 143 ; he leaves it for
Cuzco, 144 ; the rendezvous for
Gasca's forces, iii. 166.
Caxas, De Soto sent to, ii. 19 ; his
proceedings at, 22 ; valley of,
crossed by Blasoo Nunez, iii.
92.
Cement, of gold, i. 30, n. ; used by
the Peruvians, 149, n.
Centeno, Diego, revolts against
Gonzalo Pizarro, iii. 98, 114 ;
pursued by Carbajal, 114; hides
in a cave, 115; seizes Cuzco,
161 ; intercepts Pizarro, 173;
narrow escape of, at the battle
of Huarina, 186 ; Carbajal's
sarcasm upon, 218 ; his death,
234.
Cepeda, iii. 74; made head of
Royal Audience, 79 ; adheres to
Gonzalo Pizarro, 86 ; dictates
the letter from Lima to Grasca,
152 ; urges the rejection of
Gasca's offers, 159 ; accuses
Carbajal of cowardice, ib. ; one
of Pizarro's generals, 163 ;
his process against Gasca, 1 65 ;
addresses the citizens -of Lima,
166 ; deserts his commander at
Xaquixaguana, 211 ; his recep-
tion by Gasca, 2]2 ; arnugned
for high treason in Castile, 234 ;
dies in prison, ib.
Chain of gold of Huayna Capac,
i. 320, n.
Challcuchima, i. 326 ; at Xauxa,
ii. 96 ; goes to Caxamalca, 98 ;
his interview with Atahuallpa,
99 ; accused by Pizarro, 121,
153 ; brought to trial, 155 ;
burnt at the stake, 156, 157.
Charcas, reduced by Gonzalo Pi-
zarro, ii. 296 ; he explores the
silver mines at, iii 56 ; revolts
from him, 114.
Charles Y. gives audience to Pi-
zarro at Toledo, i. 288, 289;
affected to tears by his narra-
tive, 290 ; his queen executes
the capitulation with Pizarro,
291 ; treasure sent home to,
ii. 110 ; Hernando Pizarro^s
interview with, 191 ; his grants
and letter to the conquerors,
192 ; his neglect of his trans-
atlantic possessions, iii. 43 ;
returns to Spain, 50 ; memorial
of Las Casas to, ib. ; sanctions
the Ordinances, 54 ; appoints
Blasco Nunez viceroy, 57 ;
writes a letter to Yaca de Castro,
58 ; in Germany, 128 ; writes
to Gasca confirming his appoint-
ment, 134 ; grants his request
for unlimited powers, 137 ;
sends for him to come to
Flanders, 249 ; his gracious re-
ception of him, ib,
Chasquis, Peruvian runners, i. 64.
Chaves, Francisco de, ii. 339.
Chicama, i. 215.
Chicha, a Peruvian drink, ii. 36,
48, 170.
Chili, Inca Yupanqui penetrates
to, i. 14, 316 ; Almagro^s expe-
dition to, ii. 245, 250 ; the men
of, 297, 331 ; Yaldivia sent to,
310 ; he returns from, iii. 191.
Chimborazo, L 5 ; first seen by
Pizarro, 257 ; battle at the foot
of, 326.
Chinese, establishment of posts
among, i. 65, n.
Chivahy, order of, in Peru, i.
20, 22.
Christianity, resemblance to the
rites of, in Peruvian customs, i.
103, 104; attempts to convert
Atahuallpa to, ii. 63, 64, 130 ;
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDEX.
317
efforts of missionaries to con-
vert the natives to, 172, 174.
Chronology of the Peruvians, L
121 ; indifference of ancient
chroniclers to, 234, n. 258, n,
Chupas, plains of, iii. 24 ; battle
of, ^0 ; Gonzalo Pizarro at, 70.
Churches erected by the Spaniards
in Peru, i. 95, ii. 116, 172, 189,
274.
Cieza de Leon, representations of
Satan in the book of,i. 103, w. ;
critical notice of, iii. 122 ; a
valuable authority, 1 92, n.
Civilisation, origin of the Peruvian,
i. 7 ; marks of, in the Peruvian
institutions, 43, 119, 138 ; Spa-
niards meet tokens of, 240, 269.
Climate, great varieties of, in Peru,
i. 131.
Cloth manufactured by the Peru-
vians, i. 142, 233, 289.
Coaque, Spaniards sack a village
in, i. 305.
Coca, i. 133; baneful effects of
use of, 134, ii. 313, ?».
Code of laws for the colonies, iii.
54, n.
Colonial governments, character of
the Spanish, i. 186.
Colonial officers, policy of the
Crown towards, i. 222.
Colonies planted by Pizarro, ii. 9,
189, 308.
Columbus, error of, as to the
nature of his discoveries, i. 180 ;
jurisdiction of, in New World,
186,187.
Commerce, not engaged in by the
Peruvians, i. 137, 147 ; of
ancient nations, 178 ; of the
middle ages, 179.
Condor, i. 139, ii. 33, 180.
Conquerors of Peru, excesses com-
mitted by, ii. 204, 343, iii. 46 ; of
a lower stamp than those of
Mexico, 45.
Conquest of Mexico, history of,
illustrations of coincidences be-
tween Christian and Pagan rites
in, i. 104, n.
Conquests of Huayna Capac, i. 14 ;
Peruvian mode of dealing with,
like Roman, 71 ; manner of se-
curing, employed by Peruvian
princes, 73, 74 ; account of the
Inca*s policy towards. Appendix,
No. II.
Conspiracy against Pizarro, il 334.
Contract between Pizarro, Alma-
gro, and Luque, i. 223, Ap-
pendix, No. VI.
Convents of Virgins of the Sun, L
104, 106 ; at Tumbez, 265 ; at
Caxamalca, ii. 41 ; at Cuzco, 103,
204, n» ; escape the conflagra-
tion of Cuzco, 217 ; broken into
by the Spaniards, iii. 46.
Copper, instruments made of, i. 1 45.
Coricancha, temple of the Sun, i. 91 .
Cortes, Hernando, prevented from
accompanying Ojeda, i. 195 ; in
Spain with Pizarro, 290 ; aids
Pizarro, 298, ii. 259 ; example
of, before Pizarro, i. 315, ii. 13,
52, 352.
Cotapampa, Gasca crosses the
Apurimac at, iii. 195.
Cotopaxi first seen by the Spa-
niards, i. 257.
Cotton, tunics of, Q^, iii. 32 ; culti-
vation of, in Peru, 137 ; sails
made of, 232.
Council of the Indies, Pizarro
eludes the search of, i. 299.
Couucil, for government of the
Peruvian provinces, i. 41 ; sum-
moned by Philip II. to consider
the state of the colonies, iiL 128.
Couriers, Peruvian, i. 64, 65, ii. 80.
Crime, punishment of, by the
Peruvians, i. 42, 43.
Crown, Pizarro resolves to apply
to tiie, i. 275 ; policy of tlie,
293; efforts of the, to reform
abuses in the colonies, iii. 49, n.
Crusader, religion of the, i. 183.
Cubagua, isle of, Orellana sails to,
ii. 323.
Cupay, or evil principle, i. 85.
Currency, ancient and modem,
value of, ii. 111.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
31S
INBEX*
Cnzcoy valley of, source of Peru-
Tian civilisation, i. 7 ; meaning
of word, 7, n. ; city o^ 14, ii. 1 60 ;
fortress of, 16, 17, n. ii. 162 ;
temple of the Sun at, 15, ^0, ii.
102, 163 ; division of the city
of, 39 ; the Peruvian Mecca, 96 ;
obsequies of Hnayna Capac at,
323; Atahuallpa*s generals take
possession of, 329 ; Atahuallpa
orders gold from, ii. 80 ; emis-
saries sent to, by Pizarro, 88 ;
their accounts of, 101, 144 ;
their rapacious conduct at, 103 ;
treasure obtained at, 103, 166 ;
Pizarro*8 march to, 144 ; his
entrance into, 159 ; description
of, 1 60, 1 61 ; Manco crowned Inca
at, 169 ; quarrel between Alma-
gro and the Pizarros at, 197 ;
compact between Almagro and
the Pizarros at, 198 ; Manco
escapes from, 209 ; besieged by
him, 214 ; conflagration of, 215 ;
distress of the Spaniards in, 219,
220 ; they attack the fortress of,
225 ; chivalrous combats around,
234 ; Almagro claims jurisdic-
tion over, 252 ; he seizes, 255 ;
conceded to him by Pizarro,266 ;
Almagro seized and imprisoned
at, 279, 282 ; condemned and
executed at, 284, 287 ; Pizarro
enters, 294 ; Almagrian faction
at, iii. 3 ; young Almagro seizes,
12 ; marches from, 17 ; Yaca
de Castro enters, 37 ; Almagro
executed at, 38 ; Gonzalo Pi-
zarro enters, 62 ; his proceed-
ings there, 63 ; musters forces
at, 66 ; leaves, 67 ; Genteno
seizes, 161 ; Gonzalo Pizarro
enters, 187; his careless life at,
199; leaves for Xaquixaguana,
204; Gasca takes possession of,
219 ; executions at, 222, 228,
234 ; Gasca leaves, 235, 236 ;
distribution of repartimientosat,
238 ; mutiny of soldiers at, 239,
240.
Dancing, a favourite amusement
of the Peruvians, L 102.
Dead, embalming of, i. 85 ; burial
of the, 86.
Deities worshipped in Peru, i. 87,
93.
Deluge, tradition respecting the,
L 84, n.
Despatches, addressed to the court
from the colonies, iiL 203, 204, ».
Despotism, great efficiency of^ in
Peru, i. 18, 157; its oppressive
character, 158.
Discovery, efforts in, by European
nations, i. 179 ; great object of,
in fifteenth, century, 180 ; expe-
ditions of, from Panama, 190;
impulse given to, by the con-
quest of Mexico, 191; Pizarro's
first voyage, 201; uncertainty
of the objects of, 210.
Divination by inspection of en-
trails, i. 101,91.
Domestic animals, use of, in Peru,
i. 138.
Dramatic compositions of the Pe-
ruvians, i. 118.
Dress, of the Inca, i. 24, ii. 44, 61,
100; different races, under the
Peruvian empire, distinguished
by, 77, n, ; of the Inca sacred,
ii. 100.
E.
Ears, ornaments for, i. 21, n.
Eating, habits and times of, among
the Peruvians, i 25, ».
Eclipses not miderstood by the
Peruvians, i. 123.
Education forbidden to the people
in Peru, i. 110; of the Inca
blood-royal. 111; schools and
amautas, ib, ; Pizarro's want of,
194,ii. 138, 139, 348,357.
Embalming, Peruvian process of,
i. 31, 85.
Emeralds, used by the Peruvians,
i. 144 ; river of, 240 ; mine^of.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
I]9DEX«
319
i&., n.; region of, 305 ; broken by
Spaniards, 306.
Emigration to the New World,
fever for, in Spain, i. 181, »., ii.
193 ; encouraged by the Spanish
government, 292.
Encampment of Atahuallpa, ii. 43.
Endso, Bachelor, Pizarro impri-
soned by, i. 287.
Epidemic, Spaniards attacked by
an, i. 308.
Equinoxes how determined by the
Peruvians, i. 120; importance of,
to them, i6.
Ercilla, the Araucana of, ii. 275, n.
Escobar, Maria de, first introduced
wheat into Peru, i. 135, n.
Escutcheon of the Pizarro family,
i. 295.
Espinosa, Caspar de, advances
money for Pizarro's expedition,
i. 228 ; his share of the Inca's
ransom, ii. 117 ; brings aid to
Pizarro, 258 ; sent on a mission
to Almagro, 260 ; his death, ib.
Estete, ii. 92, n,
Europe, condition of, in the middle
ages, i. 179 ; effect of the disco-
very of America upon, 181.
Evil spirit, believed in by the Peru-
vians, i. 85.
Fairs, i. ISO.
Famine, suffering of the Spaniards
from, i. 203, 205, 209, 236, 248,
ii. 246, 315, 327, iii. 92, 93.
Fanega, i. 46, n,
Felipillo, Pizarro's interpreter, i.
273 ; his hostility to Atahuallpa,
ii, 72, 120 ; intrigue of, ib., n. ;
perverts the testimony of wit-
nesses against the Inca, 126 ;
hanged by Almagro, 1 40, n.
Fernandez, loyalty of, iii, 95, n, ; re-
marks upon, 171, 9^. ; critical no-
tice of, 259.
Festivals, religions, i. 99 ; feast of
Baymi, 101, 105.
Fish, brought' from the Pacific to
Cuzco by runners, 1. 65, n.
Forests, Spaniards entangled in, i.
202,204,235.
Fornication, punishment of, inPeru,
i.42,w.
Fortresses, mafinve work of, at
Cuzco, i. 17, ii. 162 ; a part of
the Peruvian military policy, 18;
for the accommodation of the
Inca's armies, 62, 70, n., ii. 15 ;
seen by the Spaniards, 32, 42.
Future life, Peruvian ideas respec-
ting, i. 85; intended only for the
higher classes, ib., n.
G.
Gallo, isle of, Kuiz anchors at, i.
231 ; Pizarro Lmds at, 238 ;
Spaniards left on, 244 ; Tafur
arrives at, 248.
Garcilasso de la Vega, not trust-
worthy in his geography, i. 4, n.;
fulness of, 40, n,; authority of,
contradicted, 88, n., 100, n.; cri-
tical notice of, 278; defects of,
as an historian, 319, n.; probably
imposed upon, iL 20, n. ; fond of
romancing, 69, n. ; a Peruvian by
birth, 141, 91.; is partial to Gron-
zalo Pizarro, iii. 117, w., 154,%.,
226, n.; the father of, 179, w.,
183, 9»., 213; an eyewitness to
Gonzalo's proceedings in Lima,
188,w., 226, TO.
Gardens of Yucay, i. 29.
Garrote, il 130,9k; Atahuallpa dies
by the, 131.
Gasca, Pedro de la, iii. 130 ; birth
and early life of, ib., n, ; his able
conduct at Valencia, 132 ; appoin-
ted to the Peruvian mission, 134;
demands unlimited powers, 135 ;
writes to the emperor, 136 ; his
request granted, 1 37 ; refuses a
mitre, 138 ; arrives at Santa
Martha, 139 ; crosses to Nombre
de Dies, 141 ; politic conduct of,
142, 144 ; gains over Mexia, 143;
sends manifestoes through the
land, 144, 145 ; sends to (^nzalo
Pizarro, 145 ; writes to him and
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
320
INDEX,
Cepeda, 146, 147, n. ; refufles to
seize HiDojosa, 148 ; guns over
Aldana, 153; receives the fleet
from Hinojosa, 1 54 ; raises levies,
156 ; condemned by Cepeda,
165 ; sails from Panamil, 171 ;
quiets the apprehension of the
seamen, 172 ; fixes his head quar-
ters at Xauxa, 173 ; his vigorous
proceedings, 190 ; marches to
Andaguaylas, 191 ; his army,
192 ; crosses the Abancay and
Apurimac, 194, 197, 193 ; offers
terms to Pizarro, 206 ; arrives
at Xaquixaguana, 207 ; his recep-
tion of Cepeda, 212 ; of Gonzalo
Pizarro, 215 ; of Carbajal, 21 8 ;
Relacion of, 220, n. ; enters Cuzco,
235 ; his difficulties in maidng
repartimiento6,236 ; enters Lima,
240 ; his care of the natives, 242 ;
his wise reforms, 243 ; his wis-
dom and economy, 244, 245 ; re-
fuses presents, 246 ; leaves Peru,
247 ; arrives in Spain, 248 ; visits
the emperor, and appointed
bishop of Siguenza, 249 ; dies,
250 ; his character, 252, 254.
Geography, knowledge of, by the
Peruvians, i. 119 ; causes of the
slow advance in, 177 ; of ancient
nations, 178; of middle ages,
179.
Gnomon, used for determining the
equinoxes, i. 120 ; in Florence,
ib., n.
God, elevated conceptions of, on
the American continent, -i. 83.
See Religion.
Gold, ornaments of, in the royal
palaces, i. 28 ; monopolised by
the Inca, 30; cement of, ib.,
n.; in the temple of the Sun, 92 ;
exclusive use of, in the services
of the Peruvian religion, 93 ;
concealed by the Peruvians, 95,
161,il-95, 142 ; ornaments of,
at Quito, 1 44, n. ; manner of pro-
curing, 1 46, 1 47 ; the great object
sought by the Spaniards, 183,
208, 211,218, ii. 142, 355, iii.
46 ; obtained by Pizarro, i. 192 ;
gained by the Spaniards, 208,210,
215, 228, 301, ii. 6 ; at Caxamalp
ca, 76, 86, 109 ; at Pachacamac,
94 ; at Cuzco, 101, 102 ; division
of, i. 302, ii. 115, iii. 237 ; sent
to Panamik by Pizarro, i. 208 ;
sent to Spain, ii. 110, 190, 297
profusion of, among the Spani-
ards, iL 167, 309, iii. 73 ; carried
home by Gasca, 245.
Gomara, critical notice of, iii 119.
Gomera, isle of, i. 299.
Granite, use of, in Peru, I 145.
Greeks, skiUed in the art of navi-
gation, i. 177.
Guaitara, passes of, ii. 270.
Guamanga, iii. 23 ; dead interred
at, 36 ; Almagro's followers
taken, tried and executed at, 36,
37 ; inhabitants of, take sides
with Gonzalo Pizarro, 71.
Guancabamba, ii. 23.
Guano, account of,i. 128, 129.
H.
Haravecs, Peruvian poets, i. 1 17, n.
Heir-apparent of Incas, education
of the, 19 ; insignia of the, 22.
Herrera, value of the testimony of,
ii. 294, 91.; anachronisms of, ex-
posed by Quintana, iii. 101, n.;
critical notice of, 119.
Hinojosa, governor of Panamfi, iii.
143 ; suspicious of Gasca, 144 ;
surrenders the fleet of Pizarro to
him, 154 ; highly confided in by
Pizarro, 158 ; commands Gasca's
army, 193, 208 ; assassinated,
234.
Holguin, Alvarez de, dispossesses
the Almagrians of Cuzco, iiL 4 ;
his jealousy of Alvarado, 18 ; re-
conciled to him, 19 ; killed at
Chupas, 32.
Horse, terror of the Indians at the,
i. 241.
Horsemanship, exhibition of, by De
Soto, ii 47.
Hoyas,i 127.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDEX.
321
Huacas, i. 89, n,
Huanacas. See Sheep, Peravian.
Huarina, battle at, iiL 179, 183.
Huascar, meaning of the word, i
820, n. ; heir of Haayna Capac,
ib, ; gentle disposition of, 324 ;
remonstrates with Atahuallpa,
ib. ; at war with Atahuallpa,
325 : defeated by him, 326 ; battle
of Qui pay pan, 328 ; taken pri-
soner by his brother, 329 ; his
efforts to procure his liberty, ii.
82 ; put to death by Atahuallpa,
83.
Huaura, iii. 12 ; Yaca de Castro
joins Alvaradoat, 18.
Uudibras, quotation from,i. 243, n.
Human sacrifices on the death of
the Inca, i. 31, «.; e'vidence that
they existed in Peru, 100, n.
Humboldt, M. de, excellent de-
scription of scenery of the Cordil-
leras by, i. 6, n.; account of
Peruvian bridges by, 6 1, n. ; ana-
lyffls of Muysca calendar by, 1 2 1 ,
n, ; analysis of a Peruvian chisel
by, 145, n.
Hunts, gieat annual, i. 140.
I.
lea, Pizarro at, ii. 271.
Idleness punished as a crime in
Peru,i. 50.
Imagination, earlier and later
works of, L 175.
Inca, the meaning of the word,i. 9,
n. ; sceptre of, 18 ; queen of, 19,fi. ;
heir of, 18, ». ; despotic power of,
18,23, 109, 157, ii. 141 ; elevated
character of, 23, ii. 80, 81, 98;
dress and insignia of, i. 24, ii. 44,
61, 100 ; royal progre8seaof,i.25.
Appendix, No. I. ; palaces of, i. 27 ;
household of, 29, ii. 44 ; wealth
and revenues of, i. 30, 45 ; obse-
quies of, 31 ; singular custom re-
specting the bodies of, 32, 33;
commanded armies, 69, 79; re-
verence paid to, 157, ii. 99, 141 ;
policy of, i. 160; throne of,ii. 61,
115. SeeAtahtMllpatiXidMartco.
VOL. III.
Inca chief, visits Piisarro, i. 260 ;
bravery of an, ii. 227.
Inca nobility, i. 34 ; little spoken
of by chroniclers, 46, n.; exempt
from taxation, 56 ; importance
of, 157.
Inca race, uncertainty as to the
origin and annals of, i. 12 ; pro-
gress of, 13; crania of, 37.
Indians, Pizarro traffics with, i.
196; his intercourse with, 226,
231,ii.59; battles with, 21 3, 214,
216, 314; conversion of, 223, 292 ;
met by Ruiz, 231, 233 ; hospi-
tality of, to the Spaniards, 264,
267, ii 15 ; theur dread of the
Spaniards, 308, 309 ; efibrts of
Las Casas in behalf of the, iii. 50 ;
ordinances in favour of, 52.
Inns. See Tanibo.
Interpreters employed by Pizarro,
u.21,46.
Iron, not known to tlie Peruvians,
i. 144, 145, 261 ; their substitute
for, 145; silver used instead of,
by the Spaniards, ii. 97.
Irrigation, admirable system of,
amongthe Peruvians, i. 124,iL 15.
Irving, Life of Balboa by, i. 189, n.
Ides of Pearls, i. 201 ; Pizan^o
sends Montenegro to, 206 ;
Almagro touches at, 217.
J.
Jewels, i. 24, 33, 92, 99.
Judea, laws of property of, com-
pared with Peruvian, i. 46.
Justice, provisions for die adminis-
tration of, in Peru, 1. 42; Mexi-
can and Peruvian provision for,
compared, 44 ; its cheap and
efficient administration, ib., n.
K.
Knighthood, Peruvian order of,
i. 20,21.
Labour, distribution and rotation
of, in Peru, i. 56, 57.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
522
INDEX.
Labouring classes, care for, under
Pemvian govemment, i. 56, 57.
lAnds, remarkable division of, in
Pern, i. 45; cultivation of, 47.
Language, Quichua dialect, L 75,
117.
La Plata, foundation of, il 308;
takes sides with the Crown,
iii. 98; Carbajal at, 115.
Las Casas, efforts of, in the behalf
of Indians, iii. 52, 54, n.
Las Salinas, Almagro's army takes
position at, iL 272; battie of, 274
—279.
Lasso used as a weapon by Peru-
vians, ii. 219.
Laws, simplicity and severity of
Peruvian, i. 42; passed by Vaca
de Castro for the colonies,
iii. 41.
Lawyers forbidden to go to the
New World, I 292.
liCJesema, panegyric of, on Peru-
vian institutions, i. 162, n. ; will
of, quoted in Appendix, No. IV.
Liberty, the great object sought
by settiers in North America,
i.184.
Lima, foundation of, ii. 188; Pizar-
ro'szeal in building up, 201, 309,
329; besieged by the Peruvians,
220, 230 ; Pizarro marches from,
against Almagro, 259 ; Hernando
leaves, for Spain, 298 ; Pizarro
at, 309; assassination of Pizarro
340 — 342 ; taken possession of
by the Almagrians, iii. 3 — 7 ;
Blasco Nunez arrives at, 64;
arrival of the Royal Audience at,
73 ; Blasco Nunez imprisoned
at, 78 ; entrance of Gonzalo Pi-
zarro into, 82; his operations
at, 85; he leaves, 90; his tri-
umphal entry into, 1 1 2 ; he sends
Aldana from, 151 ; arrival of
Paniagua at, 158 ; proceedings
of Gonzalo at, 159, 161, 164; the
president's fleet anchors at, 167;
departure of Pizarro from, 170;
. taken possession of by Gasca,
171 ; his entry into, 240 ; his
proceedings at, 241, 242 ; he
leaves, 247.
Linen, substitute for, i 137.
Litter of the Inca, L 25, iL 61.
Llamas, L 7; appropriated to the
Sun and the Inca, 48 ; grants
ib.y n. ; care of, 49 ; use of, as
beasts of burden, 137; herds of,
kept by government, 139; first
seen by Pizarro, 259; exhibited
to the emperor, 289; destmctioii
of, by the Spaniards, ii. 7 6, iiL 47 ;
immense flocks of, seen by them,
u.76,91.
Llorente, first publisher of Las
Casas*s argument, iii. 51, n.
Loaysa, sent on an embassy to Gon-
zalo Pizarro, iiL 72, ».
Luque, Hernando de, i. 199; asso-
ciated with Pizarro and Almagro,
ih.; infiuences Pedrarias, 220;
administers the sacrament to his
associates, 225; epithet applied
to, 226, 91.; signs the contract
for Espinosa, 227 ; writes to en-
courage Pizarro, 249; pleads his
cause with the governor, 254,
255 ; distrusts Pizarro, 277 ;
rewarded by the Crown, 291 ;
his death, ii. 117.
M.
Magazines, i. 54, 55; for military
stores, 70, ii. 23 ; works of art
found in, 143, 144 ; discovered
and used by the Spaniards, ii 76,
92, 146, iiL 190, «.
Magistrates, Peruvian, stimulus to
fidelity of, i. 40; their character
and authority, 41.
Maize, cultivated and used in Peru,
i. 132; liquor made from, t5., n.;
fields of, seen by the Spaniimis,
239, iL 15,91.
Mala, interview of Pizarro and
Almagro at, ii. 264.
Mama, Oello Huaco, 8 ; meaning
of word, ib.f n.
Manco, Inca, i. 332 ; clidms the
protection of Pizarro, ii. 157 ;
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDEX.
323
crowned Inca by him, 169 ;
lofty spirit of, 205 ; escapes from
the Spaniards, 206 ; retaken, 207 ;
escapes again, 208 ; beleaguers
Cuzco, 214; attacked at Tambo,
235; defeated by Almagro, 252;
pursued by Orgouez, 262 ; his
hostilities with the Spaniards,
305, iii. 69 ; Pizarro attempts to
negotiate with, 306 ; death of,
iii. 68; his character, 68, 69.
Manes, wives and domestics sacri-
ficed to, in Peru, i. 86.
Manufactures, superintended by
the Inca government, i. 50 ; of
cloths for the Inca, ib,, n. ; con-
nexion between agriculture and,
136 ; advantages for, in Peru,
137 ; skill of the Peruvians in
woollen, 142; stores of, found by
the Spaniards, ii. 76; specimens
of, sent to the emperor, 191.
Manures used by the Peruvians,
1. 128.
Marmontel, i. 99, n.
Marriage, Peruvian provisions for,
i. 46, n.; of the Incas and nobles,
106 ; of people, 107; no freedom
in, 108.
M'Culloch, error of, i. 11, ». ; on
proofs of refinement in the Peru-
vian institutions, 43, n, ; high
authority of, on American anti-
quities, 88, n.
Mechanical arts in Peru, i. 49, 51.
Memorials of colonial officers to the
government, iii. 49, n.
'• Men of Chili " (Almagro's fol-
lowers),Pizarro cautioned against,
ii. 297 ; destitute condition of,
331 ; conspire against Pizarro,
334 ; assault him, 341 ; put him
to death, ib. ; proceedings of,
342, iii. 33 ; attachment of, to
young Ahnagro, 16 ; severity
of Yaca de Castro towards, 37.
Mendoza, releases Hernando Pi-
zarro, ii. 298 ; prudent conduct
in respect to ordinances, iii. 66.
Mexia, Ueman, governor of Nom-
bre de Dios, iii. 141 ; his inter-
view with G^ca, 142 ; gives his
allegiance to him, 143 ; sent by
Gasca to Hinojosa, ih.
Mexicans, estabUshed currency
among, i. 147.
Middle Ages, geographical science
in, i. 178.
Military weapons and tactics of
Peruvians, i. 68 ; expeditions, 69.
Milk, use of, not known on the
American continent, i. 138,n.
Mines, working of, i. 30, 50, 51,
w., 53, ». ; exclusive property
of the Incas, 51; of Potosi, ii.
296, iii. 55, 115.
Minstrelsy, Peruvian national, i,
48, 117.
Missionaries, ii. 173, ii. 48 ; twelve
commemorated by Naharro,i5., n.
Mitimaes, i. 78, t6., n.
Molina, Alonzo de, visits Tumbez,
i. 361 ; is left there by Pizarro,
273.
Money, use of, unknown to Peru-
vians, i. 147 ;
Montenegro sent for aid to Panam4,
i. 206 ; returns to Pizarro, 209 ;
rescues him from Indians, 215.
Montesinos, critical notice of, ii.
241 ; a poor authority, 274, n.
Monuments of the dead, i. 86 ;
treasure concealed in, t5., n.,
ii. 164.
Moon, temple to, i. 93.
Morales, Luis de, memorial of, iii.
48, n.
Morasses crossed by the Spaniards,
i. 202, 204, 236.
Morton, work of, on skulls, i 37, n.
Motupe, Pizarro halts at, ii. 24.
Mummies of Peruvian princes, i.
32, n., ii. 164; brought out at the
coronation of Manco, 170.
Muskets manufactured from the
church-bells of Lima, iii 73.
Muyscas, astronomy of, L 121 ;
Piedrahita's account of, ib., n.
N.
Naharro, ii. 63, n.
Napo, river of, discovered by Gon-
t2
Digitized by LjOOQ IC
324
INDEX.
zalo PijaxTO, n. 316; bis difficult
pMsage of, 317.
Nasca, ii. 271.
Nayigation, improvemento in the
art of, i. 179 ; of the first dis-
ooverers, 210.
New World, emigration to, i. 1 8 1 ,n.,
ii. 193; romantic adyenture in,
i 181.
Nombre de Dies, Pizarro sails from,
L 287 ; returns to, 299 ; suffer-
ings of Hernando Pizarro's fol-
lowers at,ii. 194; Blasoo Nniiez
lands at, iii. 59 ; secured for
Gonzalo Pizarro, 116.
Nunez Yeht, Blasco, appointed vice-
roy of Peru, iii. 57; arrives at
Nombre de Dies, 59; his high-
handed measures, ib,; goes to
Tumbez, 60 ; at Uma, 64 ^ deter-
mines to enforce the ordinances,
65 ; confines Yaca de Castro, 72 ;
prepares for war with Gonzalo
Pizarro, 73; assassinates Carba-
jal, 75; his unpopularity, 77;
nuule prisoner by the Royal Au-
dience, 78 ; sent to Panama, 79;
escapes to Tumbez, 89; musters
an army, 90; pursued by Gon-
zalo, 91, 94; driven to Popayan,
98 ; moves south, 101 ; gives
battle to Pizarro, 103; defeated
and killed, 104, 107; his charac-
ter, 110. See Chraalo Pizcuro
and Garbajal.
O.
Oieda, Alonzo de, i. 195.
Olmedo, father, iii. 8.
Omens, at Feast of Raymi, i. 101 ;
seen in Peru on the arrival of
the white men, 318 ; at Quito,
iii. dQ,
Ondegardo, ingenious views of, re-
specting the property laws of
Peru, i. 58, n.; conscientiousness
of, 64, n. ; critical notice of^ 169 ;
notice of, iii. 1 66, n.
Ordinances, code of, respecting In-
dians, iii. 52, 53; Blasoo Nunez
resolves to enforce, 65.
Ore, Peruvian method of smelting,
i 146.
Orejones, i. 21, n.
OreUana, Francisco de, ii. 319 ;
sails down the Napo, 320, 321 ;
his extraordinary expedition
down the Amazon, 322, 323; his
death, t5.
Orgonez, Roderigo de, ii. 248 ; sent
to seize the Pizarros, 254; urges
Almagro to behead them, 256,
262, 266; wounded on the Aban-
cay, 25 7 ; pursues the Inca Manco,
261 ; his distrust of the Pizarros,
267 ; commands Almagro^s army,
270; at the battle of Las Salinas,
273 ; his bravery, 277; killed on
the Beld of battle, 278.
Oriental nations, resemblance of,
to the Peruvians, i. 136.
Outrages perpetrated by the con-
querors of Peru, ii. 204, iii. 45, 46.
Oviedo, account of the Pizarros
by, i. 296, 297; copies Xerez,
ii. 36, n.; authority of, 135, n.;
hardness of feeling shown by,
247, ».; information of, 253^ «.;
critical notice of, iii. 120.
Pachamac, Peruvian deity, i. 87;
meaning of the word, t6., n. ; re-
mains of the temple of, 11, n.,
87, n., il 89; town of, 88; Her-
nando Pizarro at, 93; he de-
stroys idol at, 94 ; festivities of
Pizarro and Alvarado at, 186.
Pacific Ocean first discovered, i.
186, 196; discoveries on the
coast of, 197.
Paional, ii. 33.
Palaces of the Ineas, i. 27; account
of, by Yelasoo, t5., n. ; at Bilcas,
28, n.; at Yuca, 30.
Paltos, desert of, crossed by Blasoo
Nufiez, iii. 93.
Panama, founded, i 189; expedi-
tions fitted out at, 190; Pizarro
at, ] 92 ; his first voyage from,
201; Almagro sails from, 216;
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDEX.
325
returns to, 219; Pedro de los
Rios governor of, 222 ; contract
for discovery made at, 223 ; Pi-
zarro's second voyage from, 230 ;
Almagro returns to, 237, 247;
Tafur sent from, 248 ; Pizarro
returns to, 273 ; sails to Spain
from, 277; his final departure
from, 304 ; that of Almagro, 230 ;
followers of Hernando Pizarro
at, ii. 195; Pizarro sends to, for
aid, 232 ; Espinosa leaves, 258,
259; Yaca de Castro sails to, iii.
86, 87 ; Hinojosa, Pizarro*s go-
vernor at, 116, 143 ; Gasca at,
147, 148 ; fleet surrendered to
him at, 154|; he s^ids Aldana
from, 157 ; he sails from^ 171 ;
his narrow escape at, 248.
Paniagua, sent to Gonzalo Pizarro
with despatches, iii. 158.
Papa, use of word, i. 9, n,
Pastos, Blasco Nunez at, iii. 97.
Payta, i. 267.
Pearls, Peruvians not allowed to
fish for,i. 1 44, ». ; collected by Pi-
zarro, 196.
People, Peruvian distribution of, i.
40, 4] ; burdens laid upon, 56 ;
condition of, 57, 58, 11 1 ; regard
for, in the Peruvian laws, 156;
national character of, 158, 159.
Peru, extent of, at time of the
Conquest, i. 4; topographical as-
pect of, t5.; coast of, 5; probable
origin of the empire of, 12 ; un-
certainty of early history of,
13, n.; the name, 38, 39, tk; di-
vision of the empire of, 39, 41;
the Spaniards first hear of, 1 85;
rumours about, 191, 208, 217,
218; expedition for the discovery
of, 1 9 1 ; Pizarro learns of the em-
pire of, 191, 192, ii. 6, 11, 23, 24;
ideas about, deemed visionary,
i. 274 ; history of,previou8 to the
Conquest, 316; Pizarro marches
into,ii. 14; state of, on the death
of the Inca, 1 33 ; the Spaniards
complete masters of, 170, 204,
. 302; disorderly state of, 302,
iii. 45; commotion produced in,
by the ordinances, 55, 66 ; Gon-
zalo Pizarro master of, 1 16 ; re-
duced to a state of tranquillity
by Gasca, 244
Peruvian institutions, artificial cha-
racter of, i. 38 ; adapted to the
people*s character, 58 ; reflec-
tions on, 152 ; compared witli
Aztec, 153 ; resemblance of, to
those of £a8tem> Asia, 156, 157,
165, ».; opinions of early Spa-
niards respecting, 161 ; compared
with those of United States, 163;
good results of, 165.
P^ruvians^ political ct>ndition of, i.
40, 45, 47, 54, 56, 58 ; military
proviBi(»s of, 71 ; religion of, 83 ;
education of, 110; agriculture of,
123; mechanical skill of, 143;
refinement of the intellectual
character of, 119; mind of, imi-
tative, not inventive, 144; first
intercourse of, with Spaniards,
259; Pizarro's policy /towards,
ii. 8 ; their kind treatment of the
Spaniards, 15*, massacre o^ at
Caxamalca, 65, 66, 70 ; excesses
of, on the Inca^s death, 142 ;
battle of Soto with, 149 ; mild
and submissive character of, 170,
203; outrageous treatment of, by
the Spaniards, 204, 354, iii. 45,
46 ; efforts to Christianise, ii. 173,
iii. 48 ; rise against Pizarro, ii.
206 ; attack Juan Pizarro, 210 ;
besiege Cnzco, 212 ; set fire to the
city, 21 5; use Spanish armB,223;
cut off supplies from Pizarro,
231 ; withdraw from Cuzeo, 233;
chi^roos contests with the
Spaniards, 234; defeat them at
Tambo, 236; battle of, with Al-
magro, 252; watch the battle be-
tween the Spanish armies, 273 ;
efforts of Gasca, in behalf of,
iii. 242.
Peso de oro, value of, i. 1 1 1.
Peso ensayado, value of, iii. 238, n.
Petition of the Indians for immu-
nities, i. 332, n.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
326
IKBEX.
Picadoy Pizarro'fl leeretaiy, insults
the ** Men of ChiU,** ii. 333 ; dis-
closes their conspiracy tO'Pizarro,
336 ; thrown into prison, 342 ;
pat to the torture, iii. 7; be-
headed, ih.
Pits employed in PeruTian hus-
bandry, I 127.
Pizarro, Frandso,!. 192 ; his birth
and early life, 193, 194 ; at His-
paniola, 195; employed by Pe-
drarias, 196; accompanies him
to Panam4, ih, ; associates him-
self with Almagro and Luque,
198, 199; sails on his first expe-
dition, 201 • his difficulties, 203;
his courtesy, 205, 215; encoun-
ters the natives, 208, 213; his
dangerous adventure, 214; lands
at Chicama, 215; distrusts Al-
magro, 221, 243 ; his fSunous
contract with Almagro and
Luque, 223, Appendix, No. VI. ;
sails on his second voyage, 230;
lands his forces, 231 ; marches
into the country, 235; his suffer-
ings and losses, 236; receives
brilliant accounts from Ruiz,
237; sails along the coast, 238;
sees proofs of wealth and civili-
sation, 240, 242, 269; quarrels
with Alma^, 243; on the isle
of Gallo, 244; ordered to return
to Panama, 248 ; Bails south, 256 ;
at Tumbez, 258; his intercourse
with the natives, 259, 261, 263,
267, 269; suffers from tempests,
267; receives distinct accounts
of the Peruvian empire, 268 ;
entertained by an Indian prin-
cess, 272 ; returns to Panamd,
273; coldly received by the go-
vernor, 275; sets out for Spain,
277; his reception there, 287;
mterview with Charles V., 289;
capitulation with the Crown, 291
Appendix, No. VII.; his greedi
ness of honours, 293; visits his
family, 296; sails from Seville,
298 ; arrives at Panami, 299;
his difficulty with Ahnagro, 300;
fits out vessels, 303; sails for tiie
conquest of Peru, 304 ; lands on
the coast, t5.; plunders an Indian
town, 305 ; his exhausting march,
308; reaches Puerto Viejo, 310;
at the Isle of Puna, 311; re>
oeive8reinforcements,314; learns
the state of the Peruvian empire,
815, ii. 9; crosses to Tumbez,
ii. 3; marches into the country,
7; his liberal policy towards the
natives, 8 ; founds San Miguel,
9; his designs, 12 ; sets out for
Caxamalca, 13; his firmness and
courage, 14, 28, 50; stops disaf-
fection in his army, 17; receives
envoys from the Inca, 19, 34, 36 ;
his message to him, 2 1 ; continues
his march, 24; his anxieties, 26;
sends an envoy to Atahuallpa,
27; his stirring eloquence, 28 ;
crosses the Andes, 31 ; distrusts
the Inca's designs, 37; his first
view of Atahuallpa's camp, 39;
enters Caxamalca, 41 ; reani-
mates his followers, 4 9 ; his daring
plan, 52 ; prepares for Atahuall-
pa's reception, 55, 56; urges his
entrance into the town, 58; gives
the signal of attack, 65; protects
Atahwdlpa's life, 68 ; takes him
prisoner, 69 ; entertains him after
the battie, 71; pays him every
attention, 72, 80, releases his
Indian prisoners, 75; sends for
reinforcements, 77 ; accepts the
Inca*s offer of ransom, 79; en-
deavours to convert him, 81;
sends Hernando to Pachacamac,
88; hears accounts of Cuzco,
101; receives a reinforcement
with Almagro, 105; sends Her-
nando to Spain with treasure,
110; melts down the gold, 113;
divides it, 114 ; equity of his
division, 117; refuses to Uberate
Atahuallpa, 119; accuses him of
treason, 121; apprehensions of
the Peruvians, 123; brings the
Inca to trial, 124; consents to
his execution, 128; goes into
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDEX.
327
moumiog for him, 1 32 ; upbraid-
ed by de Soto, 134; his responsi-
bility, 136, 138 ; story of his
ignorance, 139 ; appoints a new
Inca, 143 ; sets out for Cuzco,
144; arrives at Xauxa, 147;
charges Challcuchima wiUi con-
spiracy, 153 ; condemns him to
the stake, 156 ; and executes
him, ib. ; receives Prince Manoo,
157; enters Cnzco, 158; forbids
dwellings to be molested, 164 ;
is disappointed in the amount of
treasure, 165 ; crowns Manco,
169, 170 ; organises a govern-
ment for Cuzco, 171; attends to
religious interests, 172, 173 ;
sends Almagro against Quizquiz,
175; learns the arrival of Alva-
rado, 176 ; his interview with
him at Pachacamac, 185; founds
Lima, 188 ; grants to him from
Charles confirmed, 192; checks
a feud between his brothers and
Almagro, 1 98 ; enters into a
compact with Almagro, ib. ;
Appendix, No. XI. ; establishes
settlements, 200 ; his treatment
of Manco, 205 ; repels the Pe-
ruvians from Lima, 230 ; his
anxiety about Cuzco, ib. ; his
letters for aid, 232 ; at Lima, 258 ;
his controversy with Almagro,
260 ; negotiates with him, ib.,
264—266; his treachery towards
him, 262, 291 ; sends Hernando
against him, 271; hears of his
death, 293; instructions to his
brother about it, ib. ; his parti-
ality to his own family, 296; his
deference for Hernando, 301 ;
his unlimited authority in Peru,
302 ; his troubles with the Indi-
ans, 305 — 307; his cruelty to
Manco's wife, 307 ; founds Are-
quipa, 308 ; appoints Gonzalo
governor of Quito, 310 ; his
treatment of the Almagrian fac-
tion, 330 ; conspiracy against
him, 334 ; disclosed to him, 336;
his indifference, U>, ; attacked in
his house, 338; killed, 341 ; treat-
ment of his remains, 343, 344 ;
his descendants, 345; his per-
sonal appearance, 346; his want
of education, 348 , 349 ; his
courage, 350; his inflexibility,
351; his perfidy, 353; his treat-
ment of Indians, 354 ; his want
of religion, 355; his ruling mo-
tives, t6.
Pizarro, Gonzalo, i. 296 ; at the
siege of Cuzco, ii. 222, 237 ; con-
fined there by Ahnagro, 255,263;
makes his escape, ib. ; at the battle
of Las Salinas, 276 ; sent to Char-
cas, 296 ; early life and charac-
ter of, 310 ; appointed governor
of Quito, 312 ; his exp^ition to
the '< Land of Cinnamon," 313;
reaches the Amazon, 320; reas-
sures his followers, 325 ; his
generous spirit, 326; returns to
Quito, 327; learns the assassi-
nation of his brother, 329; offers
his services to Vaca de Castro,
iii. 22 ; goes to Lima, 39 ; sum-
moned to Cuzco, ib. ; withdraws
to La Plata, 40 ; works the mines
of Potosi, 56 ; appealed to against
the viceroy, 56, 61; repairs to
Cuzco, 62; obtains militiury com-
mand, 63; musters an army, 67;
leaves Cuzco, 68; favoured by
the people, 70 ; approaches Lima,
80; enforces his demands on the
Audience, 81 ; his letter to Val-
divia, 82, n. ; enters Lima in
triumph, 83; proclaimed gover-
nor of Peru, ib.; his proceed-
ings at Lima, 85 ; marches against
Blasco Nunez, 90; pursues him
to Quito, 92—96 ; his stratagem,
99; battle of Afiaquito, 103; his
clemency to his prisoners, 108;
his ideas respecting battle, ib.,
n, ; his mild administration. 111;
his triumphal progress to Lima,
112; state assumed by him,
116 ; hesitates to throw off his
allegiance, 118; communications
to him f^om Gasca, 146; his
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
328
niDEX.
anxiety, 150; sends Aldana to
Spain, 151 ; his opinion of Gasca,
150, «., 152, ».; his bold self-
confidence, 158 ; rejects Gasca's
offers, 160; prepares his forces,
162; his tmst in Carbajal, 163;
his change of temper, 1 64 ; leaves
lima, 166 ; his distress, 169 ;
marches to Arequipa, 170; re-
solves to retire into Chili, 174;
arrives at Hnarina, 176 ; battle
of Huarina. 180; his dangerous
situation, 182; his victory, 185;
marches to Cusco, 187 ; his care-
less indifference, 199 ; rejects
Carbajal's advice, 201; takes
position at Xaqoixagoana, 204;
sends spies to Gasca*8 camp,
206; prepares for battle, 210 ;
his fine appeaianccy ib. ; deser-
tion of his followers, 211^214;
sorrenders himself prisoner,2 1 5 ;
his interview with Gasca, ib.;
sentenced to death, 221 ; Appen-
dix, No. XIV. ; his execution,
227—229; his character, 231.
Pizarro,Hemando,i.297; character
of, ib. ; accompanies his brother,
299; his hostility to Almagro,
301, ii. 110; is wounded, i. 314;
rescues Spaniards at Tumbez,
ii. 4; accounts of Atahuailpa
obtained by, 26; sent <m an
embassy to hun, 42; interview
with him, 45, 46; reconnoitres
the country, 88; sent to Pacha-
camac, 90; forces open the tem-
ple, 93; destroys the idol, 94;
brings Challcuchima to Pizarro,
98; sent with treasure to Spain,
110; kindness towards Atahuail-
pa, 122; arrives at Seville, 190;
interview with the emperor, 191 ;
rewards conferred on him, 192 ;
. fits out an armament, 194 ; ar-
rives at Panamii, 195; governor
of Cuzco, 208; suffers Manco to
escape, t6.; besieged in Cuzco,
212, 232 ; attack of the fortress,
227; repulsed at Tambo, 2:^6;
taken prisoner by Almagro, 255;
his danger, 256, 262,263; set at
liberty, 266; His pursuit of Al-
magro, 27 1 ; battle of LaaSalinas,
275 ; takes Almagro prisoner,
279; his perfidy towards him,
282, 283 ; his interview with
him, 284 ; puts him to death,
287; his warnings to his brother,
297; embarks for Spain, 298 ;
coldly received at Court, 299 ;
imprisoned for twenty years,
300; his release and death, 301 ;
his remarkable character, ib.
Pizarro, Juan, made Regidor of
Cuaoo, ii. 171 ; sent in pursuit of
Manco, 209; at the battle of
Yucay, 210, 211; entangled in
the mountains, 212 ; leads the
attack on the fortress of Cuzco,
225; is killed, 226.
Pizarro, Pedro, his ignorance of
Peruvian institutions, i. 164, fk ;
critical notice of, ii. 237; loyalty
of, iiL 85, n. ; fife «f, spared by
Carbajal, 225, «.
Pizarro y Orellana, Memorial of,
ii. 345, tb. n.
Plough, Peruvian substitute for^
i. 129.
Plutarch, I 102, n.
Poetry and poets in Peru, L 1 17.
Poor, anecdote respecting the culti-
vation of the lands of, i. 47, n. ;
provisions for, under the Peru-
vian government, 57, n,
Popayan, Vaca de Castro arrives
at, iii. 5; Benalcazar governor
at, 18 ; Blasco Nunez retreats
to, 98 ; he abandons, 101.
Porphyry used as a building mate-
rial by the Peruvians, i. 145.
Poi^gal, efforts of^ in the cause of
discovery, i. 180.
Posts, Peruvian system of, i. 63;
houses for, 64, n., ii. 146 ; system
of, in Eastern nations, 65, «.
Potato, cultivated in Peru, i. 134,
236, 239; unknown in Mexico,
134, n.
Potosi, hills of, given to Gonzalo
Pizarro, i. 296; discovery of
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
IHDEX.
329
mines of, 297, n. ; mines of,
worked by Pizarro, liL 56 ; by
Carbajal, 115; immense riches
drawn from, ib., )».
Poverty, unknown in Peru, i. 57,
159.
Present sent to Pisarro by Atahu-
allpa, ii. 19, 34.
Priesthood, t*eruvian, i. 97; how
composed, ib.; how supported,
t5., n.; duties of, 98. See Re-
ligion.
Progresses, royal, of the Incas,
L 25, Appendix, No. I.
Property, regulation and distri-
bution of, in Peru, i. 44, 45.
Provinces, Peruvian, i. 35, 41.
Puelles, joins Gonzalo Pizarro,
iii. 70; left by him at Quito, 99,
112.
Puerto de la Hambre, i. 210, 216.
Puerto de Pinas, i.' 202.
Puerto Viejo, the Spaniards reach,
i. 310.
Punii, isle of, Pizarro arrives at,
t 310; battle with the inhabi-
tants of, 313; warriors of, check
Atahuallpa, 327.
Punta de Pasada, Ruiz reaches,
i. 234.
Punta Quemado, i. 216.
Queen of the Inc% i. 19, n.
Quichua dialect, i. 117.
Quintana, account of Balboa by,
1. 1 88, n.\ impartiality of,
ii. 140, n.
Quipaypan, battle of, i. 328.
Quipucamayus, i. 55, 113.
Quipus, i. 52, 112; uses of, 112,
114; defects of, as a s^^mbol of
thought, 114; skill of the Peru-
vians in the use of^ 112, 116;
present use of, 114, ». ; resem-
blance of, to wampum, 1 1 5, n.
Quito, elevation of the plains of,
i. 7, n.; subjection of, 74, n.;
conquest of, by Huayna Capac,
209, 91., 316; reached by Pizarro,
240 ; kingdom of, given to Ata-
huallpa, 321; Atahuallpa's re-
mains carried to, ii. 133; Alva-
rado's march to, 177, 179; Be-
nalcazar seizes, 181; Almngro
arrives at, 182; Gonzalo Pizarro
appointed governor of, 310; he
arrives at, 312; leaves on his
expedition to the Amazon,
314; his return to, 327; Vaca
de Castro at, iii. 5; Blasco Nu-
nez marches to, 89; he is pur-
sued to, by Pizarro, 96; Gon-
zalo Pizarro at, ih.\ he leaves,
^9; and re-enters, 100; Blasco
Nunez at, 103; Pizarro^s pro-
ceedings at, 108, 111; he leaves,
112.
Quixos, territory of, ii. 313.
Quizquiz, I 325 ; his battles with
Almagro, ii. 175; put to death
by his own s<^diers, ib.
R.
Rada, Juan de, heads the conspi-
racy against Pizarro, ii. 335 ;
saying of, 338 ; at Pizarro*s
assassination, 341 ; chief coun-
sellor of young Almagro, iii 7;
death of, 11.
Rainbow, worshipped by the Peru-
vians, i. 88, 93.
Ransom of Atahuallpa, ii. 78, 11 1.
Raymi, feast of, i. 101.
Registers, statistical, kept by the
Inca, i. 51, 55, 113.
Religion, revenues for the support
of, in Peru, i. 44 ; a pretext for
war, ^Q ; of foreign nations, how
treated by the Peruvians, 72, 90 ;
provisions for, among Indian na-
tions, 83 ; the basis of the Inca
government, 84 ; Peruvian ideas
of God, 87 ; worship of the sun
and moon, 87, 88 ; inferior dei-
ties, 89 ; only precious metals
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
330
INDEX.
used for the purpofles of, 93 ;
temples of, 96 ; ministers of, 97 ;
festivals of, 98 ; cruelties prac-
tised in the name of, 183 ; of the
Conquerors, ii. 55, 63, 73, 77,
95,129, 156, 173,iiL4l.
Relisious men, Pizarro bound to
take with him, i. 292.
Remains of Peruvian architecture,
L 27, n. ; 111, n. ; of Peruvian
industry, 59 ; of aqueducts, 125.
Repartimientos made by Pizarro,
iL 200 296; ordinances respect-
ing, iii. 53 ; distribution of, by
Gasca, 238, 245.
Resurrection, Peruvian belief in,
i. 85.
Retreat of Blasco Nufiez, iiL 98 ;
of Diego Centeno, 114.
Revenues of the Inca from lands,
L 44 ; from herds and manufac-
tures, 48, 49; from mines, 51.
Rios, Don Pedro de los, governor
of Panami, i. 222 ; favours Al-
magro, 237 ; orders Pizarro to
return 248 ; his anger at his
refusal, 254 ; refuses to aid the
confederates, 275.
Roads, in Peru, i. 59 ; from Cuzco
to Quito, 59, 62, ii. 23, 27, 90 ;
description of, by a Spaniard,
60, f». ; care of, 62 ; remains of,
63 ; nulitary uses of, 66 ; mac-
adiunised, 150, n. ; Sarmiento's
account of, Appendix, No. II.;
traversed by Pizarro, iL 145 ;
Almagro, 245.
Robertson, manuscripts of, i. 17, 9i.
Romans not a maritime nation, i.
178.
Room where Atuahallpa was con-
fined, ii. 79, n.
Ruins on the borders of Lake Titi-
caca, i. 10, 12, n,
Ruiz, Bartholomew, i. 230 ; ex-
ploring voyage of, 231 ; discove-
ries of, 234; goes with Pizarro,
250; returns to Panama, 252 ;
accompanies Pizarro on his
southern voyage, 256 ; honour
conferred on, by the crown, 292.
S.
Saerifioes of wives and domestics
on the tombs of nobles, L 86,
ii. 133; of buxnt-o£ferings, 88,
102; human, rare in Peru, 100;
at the Feast of Raymi, 101, 102.
Sancho, Pedro, high authority of,
ii. 158, iL
San Juan, Rio de, Spaniards land
at, i. 230 ; Almagro returns to,
237.
San Lucar, Gasca embarks at,
iii. 139.
San Miguel, origin of the name, i.
313, ».; founded by Pizarro, ii.
10; he marches from, against
Atahuallpa, 1 3 ; Almagro arrives
at, 104 ; Benalcazar made go-
vernor of, 181.
Santa, port of, i. 270; place where
Peruvian mummies were pre-
served, ib.
Santa Clara, isle of, i. 258.
Santa Cruz, Pizarro visits an In-
dian princess at, i. 271.
Santa Martha, i. 299; Gasca lands
at, iii. 139.
Santiago, order of, conferred on
Francisco Pizarro, i. 295 ; on
Hernando Pizarro, ii. 192.
Santiago, Rio de, northern limit
of Ahnagro*s jurisdiction, ii. 253.
Sarabia, ingenious device of, i. 245.
Sarmiento, high authority of, i.
74, n.; critical notice of, 167.
Satan believed by chroniclers to
counterfeit rites of Christianity,
L 103, n.
Saxon law of hundreds and tithings,
i. 40, n.
Science, engrossed by the amautas,
i. Ill; &e Peruvian mind not
adapted to, 119; modem, supe-
rior to ancient, 175; progress of,
compared with that of the fine
arts, 176.
Sculpture, remarkable specimens
of, i. 145.
Sechura, desert of, crossed by Pi-
zarro^ i. 267.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDEX.
331"
Seneca, remarkable prediction of,
i. 178, ».
Seville, almost depopulated by emi-
gration, i. 1 8 1 , 71. ; Pizarro arrives
at, 287; he sails from, 298; Her-
nando Pizarro reaches, ii. 190;
Gasca returns to, iii. 248.
Sheep, Peruvian, i. 137; the llama,
ib.; alpacas, 139; huanacas and
vicunas, ih. ; mode of taking,
141; wool of, 142. See Llama.
Silver, exclusively used in worship
of the moon, i. 93; twelve vases
of, ib., n.; mines of, at Porco,
146 ; used for shoeing horses
instead of iron, ii. 97 ; mines of,
at Potosi, 296, iii. 56, 115; city
of, iii. 308; mingled with copper
in making arms, iii. 14; a vessel
laden wiUi, sent to Spain, iii. 59.
Slavery of Indians, laws respecting,
iii. 53; abolished by Gasca in
Peru, 243.
Sora, an intoxicating liquor, i.
132, n.
Sotelo, Christoval de, iii. 2; his
jealousy of Alvarado, 12; assas-
sinated by him, ib.
Soto, Hernando de, i. 314; sent to
Caxas, ii. 19, 22; goes on an
embassy to Atahuallpa, 42; exhi-
bition of horsemanship by, 47;
friendly to Atahuallpa, 119, 124;
sent to Guamachuco, 124; re-
proves Pizarro, 134; entangled
in the sierra, 149 ; his battle
with the Indians, ib.
Soul, separate existence of,believed
in by the Peruvians, i. 85.
Southey, epitaph on Pizarro by, ii.
356, n.
Spain, one of the first nations in
making discoveries, i. 179; emi-
gration from, to the New ^orld,
181 ; colonial domain of, 186 ;
Pizarro goes to, 287 ; Hernando
Pizarro in, ii. 190, 298; commo-
tion produced in, by Gonzalo
Pizarro's rebellion, iii. 127.
Spaniards, in the New World, i.
181^184; hear rumours of Peru,
185, 191, 217, 274; omens and
prodigies respecting, 318, 319,
117; unwillingness of, to engage
with Pizarro, 200, 229, 247, 298,
303; sufferings of, 203, 206, 209,
236, 248, 308, ii. 194, 316, 320,
326, iii. 94; losses of, i. 207, 229,
236, ii. 327 ; discontent and mur-
murs of,i.205,ii. 16,17; battlesof,
with the natives, i. 2 1 4, 3 1 3,ii. 65,
148, 175, 209, 219, 223, 226, 233,
235,252; impressions produced
by, in Peru, L 258, 268, 314, 31 5 ;
31 9, division of treasure among,
2 1 2, ii. 1 1 5, 1 66 ; anxiety of, ii. 6,
pleasant march of, ii. 1 4, 1 5 ; num-
ber of, with Pizarro, 1 6 ; their en-
thusiasm, 28, 29; their severe
march over the Andes, 30, 31 ;
their entrance into CaxanuJca,
41; their gloomy forebodings, 49;
Pizarro's address to, 50; tiieir
religious enthusiasm, 50, 55, 153;
their attack on Atahuallpa, 65 ;
their rapacity, 102; Atahuallpa's
impression respecting, 121 ;
march to Cuzco, 1 44 ; enter Cuzco,
158, 159; effect of wealth on,
1 67 ; with Alvarado, 177; cruelty
of, to the natives, 204, 246, 247,
iii. 45 ; at the siege of Cuzco, ii.
215, 219, 229; desire to abandon
the city, 220; on the Chili expedi-
tion, 24 6, 250 ; their battles among
themselves, 276, iii 31, 104, 105,
180, 181 ; on the Amazon expe-
dition, ii 314 ; their deep feel-
ings of loyalty, iii. 7 ; attached
to young Almagro, 16; their
passion for gold, 46; their im- •
providence, 47 ; thrown into
consternation at the ordinances,
55,60; appeal to Vaca de Castro
against tiiem, 56 ; and to Gon-
zalo Pizarro, 56, 61 ; take sides
with Gonzalo, 70 ; influence of
Gasca's proclamation on, 157;
desert from Gonzalo Pizarro,
168, 209 ; their discontent with
iherepartimietUo8,239i. See Gold
and Peruvians.
Digitized by
Google
332
IXDSX.
Spuush eoloniesythe mode of their
acquisitiony aiifaTOur»ble to the
interests of the natiyes, iiL 44.
Springs of warm water at Caxa-
malca, iL 34.
Stars, objects of PeruYian worship,
i. 88, 93.
Stevenson, deseription of the river
of Emeralds by, i. 240, n.; of
Cazamalca, ii 41, ».
St. Matthew, bay of, Rnix enters,
i. 231 ; Pizarro reaches, 238; he
disembarks his forces a^ 304.
Stone, tools made of, i. 145.
Sun, tradition respecting, i. 8;
temple of, at Cazco, 15, 91, ii.
101, 163; hmds assigned to, 45;
peculiar sanctity of, 96, ib, ; tem-
ples of, 91, 92, 95, 96; virgins
of, 102, 104, 106. See MeUgion
and Temples,
Tacamez, i. 239 ; touched at by
Pizarro, 256.
Tambo, the royal buildings at, L
30, n.; the Inca Manco at, ii.
233; attacked by Hernando
Pizarro, 235.
Tangarala, settlement made at, ii.
9 ; Ahnagro's camp at, 270.
Tempests suffered by Spaniards, i.
203,212,238,267.
Temples, to Paduuaunac, i. 87, t&.,
n., ii. 93, 94 ; to Thunder and
Lightning, i. 88 ; to the Rainbow,
ib. ; of the Sun, 15, 91, ii 101 ; of
inferior deities, 96.
Temaux-Compans, elegance of his
translations, ii. 242.
Terraces on the Cordilleras, i. 7,
126.
Theatrical exhibitions in Peru, L
118.
Theft, punishment of, in Peru, i
42, n.
Thirteen companions of Pizarro, i
250, 292.
Thought, symbols for the expres-
sion of, i. 116.
Thunder, Peruvian word for, i. 88,
n. ; an object of worship in Peru,
88, 93.
Time, Peruvian method of measur-
ing, L 119.
Titieaea lake, i. 8 ; ruins on the
borders of, 10, 12 ; Centraio en-
camps on the borders of, iiL 161 ;
Gronzalo Pizarro approaches,
175 ; battle of Huarina on, 178.
Tobacco, cultivation of, i. 133.
Toledo, Pizano visits the emperor
at, i. 288.
Tomebamba, Blasco Nunez passes
through, iiL 96.
Tools, of the Peruvians, i. 145, n.
Torpaca, Inca, crowned by Pizairo,
ii. 143 ; death of, 154.
Traditions, respecting the origin of
the Peruvian empire, i. 8 ; pue-
rile character of, in Peru, 84 ;
respecting a hidden treasure at
Cuzco, 152, n.
Treachery, conmionness o^ among
the Ck>nquerors, ii. 71.
Treasure, found in Peruvian monu-
ments, L 86, «5., n, ; hidden at
Cuzco, 152, ft. ; sent by Pizarro
to Panama, 306 ; relinquished
by the Spamards, ii. 1 ; division
of. 111, 115, 116; shown by
Manco to Hernando Pizarro,
208. See Gold.
Tribunals, account of Peruvian,
very meagre, L 41, 42, n. See
Jftttiee,
Trinity, Peruvian knowledge of,
inferred, i. 88, n.
Truxillo, Pizarro*s native place, L
296 ; visited by him, ib.
Truxillo, in Peru, foundation of, ii.
200 ; besieged by the Peruvians,
220 ; Gonado Pizarro musters
his forces at, iil 90 ; reception
of Aldana at, 166 ; of Gasca,
173.
Tumbez, natives of, seen by Ruiz,
i. 234 ; visited by Pizarro, 258 ;
his intercourse with the inhabi-
tants of, 259 ; visit of Molina to,
261 ; of Pedro de Candia, 263 ;
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDEX.
333
temple at, 264 ; gardens and
convents of, 269; Luque ap-
pointed bishop of, 291 ; the
Spaniards take possession of, ii.
4 ; deserted and dismantled by
its inhabitants, ib. ; Pizarro
leaves a force at^ 7 ; Gasca ar-
rives at, iii. 172.
Tumults in Peru occasioned by the
royal ordinances, iii. 55.
U.
XJmu, Villac, high-priest of Peru, i.
97 ; ii. 199 ; urges the rising of
the Peruvians, 206.
Urcos, Almagro's army at, ii. 251.
V.
Yaca de Castro, ii. 303 ; embarks
for Peru, 304 ; arrives at Buena
Ventura, iii. 4 ; difficult position
and boldness of, 5 ; goes to Quito
and assumes the government, 6 ;
marches south, 17 ; takes com-
mand of the army, 19 ; reconciles
his generals, ib. ; arrives at Lima,
20 ; his army, 21 ; declines Gon-
zalo Pizarro^s assistance, 22 ;
negotiates with Almagro, 23 ;
advances to Chupas, 24 ; ad-
dresses his troops, 27 ; battle of
Chupas, 30 ; decides the action,
33 ; his severity towards the
vanquished, 37 ; his mode of life
at Cuzco, i6. ; puts to death Al-
magro, 38 ; his treatment of
Gonzalo Pizarro, 40 ; his judi-
cious proceedings, 42 ; his efforts
to quiet discontent with the or-
dinances, 55, 56 ; letters of the
emperor to him, 58 ; prevents
an insurrection at Lima, 61 ; his
reception of Blasco Nufiez, 64 ;
suspected and put in confine-
ment by him, 72 ; returns to
Spain, 87 ; his subsequent fate, ib.
Valdivia, Pedro de, ii. 275 ; bravery
of, at Las Salinas, 276 ; letter of
Gonzalo Pizarro to, iii. 152, n. ',
joins Gasca, 192 ; his self-glori-
fication, 193, Mw ; his letter to the
emperor, 203, n. ; at tlie passes
of ihe Apurimac, 1S6 ; killed by
the Araucans, 234.
Valencia, Gasca at, iii. 1 32.
Valverde, Pizarro's chaplain, ii.
62 ; his interview with Atahu-
allpa, 63, 65, n. ; his efforts to
convert Challcuchima, 156 ;
performs mass at the coronation
of Manco, 169 ; made bishop of
Cuzco, 172 ; his letter to the
emperor, 21 7, w. ; intercedes for
Almagro, 287, n. ; interposes in
behalf of Picado, iii. 7, 8 ; his
death, 8; his fanatical character,
9 ; his efforts in behalf of the
Indians, 50, n.
Vargas, Fray Juan de, L 303.
Vargas, Sanchez de, opposes Orel-
lana's voyage, ii. 324.
Vases of silver in the temple of the
moon, i. 93, n,
Vattel on the trial of Atahuallpa,
ii. 128, ».
Venus, Peruvian worship of, i. 88.
Viceroys of the provinces of the
Peruvian empire, i. 40.
Vicunas, habits of, i. 139.
Viracocha, a Peruvian deity, i. 87 ;
meaning of the word, ib,, n.
Virgins of the Sun, i. 105, n. ;
houses of, 97, 265, 269, ii. 173 ;
chastity of, 173, n. ; outrages
upon, 204, 205, iii. 46.
W.
War, Peruvian method of conduct-
ing, i. 67, 69 ; religious character
of, among the Peruvians, 80.
Weights UMd by the Peruvians, i.
147.
Wheat first introduced into Peru,
i. 135, ».
Wives of the Peruvian monarchs,
i. 18,34,».
Wool, the distribution and manu-
facture of, i. 49 ; of llamas, 137 ;
of huanacos and vicunas^ 139 ;
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
334
INDEX.
how obtained and used by the
Peruvians, 142.
X.
Xaquixagoana, valley of, Francis
Pizarro halts at, ii. 156 ; Chall-
cuchima burnt at, 156 ; selected
as a battle-ground by Gonzalo
Pizarro, iii. 204 ; arrival of
Gasca's army at, 208 ; rout of,
214.
Xauxa, ii. 97 ; the Spaniards ar-
rive at, 146, 147; they leave
treasure at, 154 ; letter of muni-
cipality of, 158, n. ; battles with
Quizquiz at, 175 ; great Indian
hunt at, 184 ; besieged by the
Peruvians, 214 ; Vaco de Castro
musters forces at,iii. 20 ; Grasca's
quarters at, 173, 189 ; he leaves,
193, 194.
Xerez, mistake of, as to the Inca's
name, ii. 21, ». ; error in Ter-
naux*s translation of, 91, n.
Year, how divided by the Peru-
vians, i. 119.
Yucay, valley of, a favourite resi-
dence of the Incas, i. 29 ; battles
with the Peruvians at, ii 209,
251.
Yupanqui, meaning of the term, i.
9, n. ; conquests by Topa Inca,
14; his maxim, 110.
Z.
Zaran, ii. 18.
Zarate, vigour and spirit of, iii 31,
n, ; royal comptroller to the
Audience, 86, n. ; critical notice
of, 257.
THE END.
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