Skip to main content

Full text of "History of the conquest of Peru, with a preliminary view of the civilization of the Incas"

See other formats

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 
to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 
publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 

We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http : //books . google . com/ 


or THE 




or THE 






i w rmm fkbhok vmtnwan\ or ram sotal aoad« 


" OoofasUB cmnnlantur ope«, orbisqua impinat 

Clauoiaic, In Ruf., lib. i., r. 194. 

"So color de raligioa 
Van a boaear plau j oro 
Dal eocubiano teaoio." 

Lora »■ Vboa, El Noaro MoikIo, Jom. I. 








R 1916 L 

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1847, by 

William H. Prxscott, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massachusetts. 






Niw Inca crowned. — Municipal Regulations. — Terrible 
March of Alvarado. — Interview with Pizarro. — 
Foundation or Lima. — Hernando Pizarro reaches 
Spain. — Sensation at Court. — Feuds op Almagro and 

the Pizarros 3 

Inca Manco crowned 4 

Spanish GoTcrnment in Cuzco 5 

Chribtian Churches founded 7 

Labors uf the Missionaries 8 

Sharp Encounters with the Natives 9 

Landing of Pedro de Alvarado 10 

His March to Quito 11 

Terrible Passage of the Puertos Nevados .... 13 

Sufierings from Cold and Starvation 13 

Eruption of Cotopaxi 14 

Alvarado reaches the Table-land 15 

Benalcazar's Expedition 16 

Almagro's Pursuit 17 

Aprrecment between Alvarado and Almagro .... 18 

Pizarro at Xauxa 20 

His Meeting with Alvarado 21 

Site for a new Capital 23 

Foundation of Jjima 24 

Alni2Lgro goes to Cuzco 25 

Uemando Pizarro sent to Spain 26 


Admitted to an Audience by the Emperor .... 37 

Royal Grants to the Conqnenns 28 

Sensation produced by his Aocoonts 29 

Returns with a large Armament 30 

His Sufferings at Nombre de Dios 31 

EHation of Almagro 32 

Difficulty between him and Pizarro 33 

Reconciliation effected 34 

Singular Compact 35 

Ahnagro*s Expedition to Chili 36 

Pizarro embellishes his Capital 37 

His tranquil Occupations 38 


Escape or the Inca. — Return or Hernando Pizarro. — 
Rising or the Peruvians. — Siege and Burning or Cuz- 
co. — Distresses or the Spaniards. — Storming or the 
Fortress. — Pizarro^s Dismat. — The Inca raises the 

Siege 39 

Condition of the conquered Country 40 

Inca Manco 41 

Conspiracy of the Peruvians 42 

Escape and Recapture of the Inca 43 

Kindly treated by Hernando Pizarro ..... 44 

The Inca*8 final Escape 45 

Hotly pursued by Juan Pizarro 40 

Defeated on the Yucay 47 

Juan Pizarro entangled in the Mountains .... 48 

Summoned back to Cuzoo 48 

The Indians besiege it 49 

Anxiety of the Spaniards 50 

Firing of the City 51 

Terrible Conflagration 52 

Perilous Condition of the Spaniards 53 

Desperate Combats 55 

Distress of the Besieged 50 

Their resolute Determination 58 

Furious Sally 59 

Discipline of the Natives 00 

Terrible Slaughter of tliem 01 


Tlie Spaniaids storm the Citadel 63 

Death of Joan Pizarro 64 

Heroism of an Inca Noble 65 

The Fortress taken 66 

Scarcity of Provisions 67 

Reinforcements cut off* 68 

Consternation of the Spaniards .69 

Pizarro seeks Supplies from the North .... 70 

The Inca withdraws his Forces . . ^ . . . 71 

Chivalrous Encounters 73 

Attempt to seize the Inca .73 

Attack on his Quarters at Tambo 74 

The Spaniards compelled to retreat 75 

Biographical Notice of Pedro Pizarro 76 

Notice of Montcsinos 78 




Almagro's March to Chili. — Sufferings or the Troops. 

— He returns and seizes Cuzco. — Action of Abancat. 

— Caspar de Espinosa. — Almagro leaves Cuzco.— Ne- 
gotiations with Pizarro 83 

Almapro sets out for Chili 83 

Wild Scenery of the Andes 84 

Numbers perish of Cold and Famine 84 

Horrible Sufferings of his Army 85 

Cruelty towards his Indian Allies 86 

Overtaken by Rodrigo de Orgonez 87 

Receives bad Tidings from the South 88 

Returns by the Desert of Atacama 89 

Many perish among the Sands 89 

Arrives near Cuzco 90 

Battle with the Inca's Troops 91 

Claims Jurisdiction over Cuzco 98 

Takes Possession of the Place 93 



Captures Hernando and Gonzalo Pizairo 94 

. Orgofiez advises their Death 95 

Marches against Alonso de Alvarado 95 

Battle of Abancay 96 

Almago defeats and takes him Prisoner • • • • .97 

Returns to Cuzco 97 

Pizarro greatly alarmed 98 

Sends Espinosa to negotiate 99 

Death of his Emissary 100 

Critical Situation of the Brothers Pizarro .... 102 

Almagro leaves Cuzco for the Coast 103 

Stormy Conference with Francis Pizarro . . . *. 104 

Bitter Feelings of Almagro 105 

Politic Concessions of Pizarro .•«... 106 

Treaty concluded between them 106 

Hernando set at Liberty • . 107 


First Civil War. — Almagro retreats to Cuzco. — Battle 
OF Las Salinas. — Crueltit of the Conquerors. — 

Trial and Execution of Almagro. — His Character . 108 

Pizarro prepares for War . • 108 

Perfidiously breaks the Treaty 109 

Almagro disabled by Illness 1 10 

He retreats to Cuzco 110 

Orgoiiez takes Command of the Forces . . . . Ill 

Hernando Pizarro marches against him 112 

Composition of the Army 113 

His Order of Battle 114 

Attacks Orgofiez 115 

Bloody Battle of Las Salinas 116 

Heroism and Death of Orgofiez 117 

Rout of the Army 118 

Almagro taken Prisoner 119 

Assassination of Pedro de Lerma 120 

Hernando occupies Cuzco 121 

Illness and Distress of Almagro • 122 

He is brought to Trial 123 

Sentenced to Death 124 

Earnestly sues for Life 125 



Appoints his Son his Successor 126 

Is strangled in Prison 137 

His Character 128 

His free and liberal Temper 120 

Unfortunate Connection with Pizarro 130 



— His long Imprisonment. — Commissioner sent to 
Peru. — Hostilities with the Inca. — Pizarro's active 
Administration. — Gonzalo Pizarro .... 132 

Pixarro inarches towards Cuzco 132 

Learns Almagro^s Death 133 

His own Agency in it 134 

His arrogant Conduct 135 

Gross Partiality to his Family 136 

Hernando returns with much Gold to Spain . . .137 

His Warning to his Brother 138 

Coldly received at Court 130 

Is thrown into Prison 140 

Detained there for many Years ....... 141 

His Character 142 

Disorderly State of Peru 143 

Commissioner sent out by the Crown 144 

Vaca de Castro arrives in Peru 145 

War with the Inca Manco 146 

Cruelty of Pizarro to one of his Wives 147 

Pizarro establishes Settlements in Peru .... 148 

His Journey to Lima 140 

His efficient Administration 150 

Gonzalo Pizarro sent to Quito 151 

Character of that Chief 152 


Gonzalo Pizarro*s Expedition. — Passage across the Moun- 
tains. — Discovers the Napo. — Incredible Sufferings. 

— Orellana sails down the Amazon. — Despair of the 
Spaniards. — The Survivors return to Quito . 153 

Expedition to the Land of Cinnamon . . « . . 153 

VOL. 11. B 


Gonialo leads it 154 

Tempestuous Weather on the March .... 155 

Forests of enormous Growth 156 

Miseries and Sufferings of the Spaniards .... 157 

They arrive on the Borders of the Napo .... 158 

Stupendous Cataract 158 

Perilous Passage of the River 159 

They construct a Brigantine 160 

Orcllana takes Command of it 161 

They reach the Banks of the Amazon .... 163 

Orcllana's wonderful Voyage 164 

Ills subsequent Fate 165 

Dismal Situation of the Spaniards 166 

Courageous Spirit of Gonzalo 167 

Their Uotum through the Wilderness 168 

Frightful Mortality 169 

Survivors reenter Quito 170 


Till Almagro Faction. — Tueir Desperate Condition. — 
(conspiracy against Francisco Pizarro. — Assassination 
OF Pizarro. — Acts of the Conspirators. — Pizarro*s 
C'llARACTER 171 

Pizarro's Policy towards the Men of Chili 

Their destitute Condition 

PiKarro*N contemptuous Treatment of them 

Their DiHaflfection .... 

(conspiracy against Pizarro 

Betrayed to him ^ . 

His strange Insensibility . 

Assaulted in his Palace 

Is deserted by his Friends 

His Coolness and Intrepidity 

His desperate Defence 

Ilis Death . . .• . 

Proceedings of the Conspirators 

Fate of Pizarro*s Remains . 

His Family .... 

His Personal Appearance 

His Liberality 



His Want of Education 191 

His Courage and Constancy 193 

His inflexible Spirit 194 

Compared with Cortes 196 

His Treatment of the Indians 197 

Want of Religion 198 

His Avarice and Ambition 199 

Elxtenuating Circumstances 200 



Castro. — Proceedings of Almagro. — Progress of the 
Governor. — The Forces approach each other. —Bloody 

Plains of Chupas. — Conduct of Vaca db Castro . . 201 

Arrival of Vaca de Castro 209 

Difficulties of his Situation 203 

He assumes the Goyemment 204 

Almagro strengthens himself at Lima . . . 20& 

Massacre of Bishop Yalyerde 206 

His fanatical Character . . 207 

Irresolution of Almagro 206 

Death of Juan de Rada 209 

Almagro occupies Cuzco 210 

Puts to Death Garcia de Alvarado 211 

His energetic Operations 219 

He Tainly attempts to negotiate 213 

His Address to his Troops 214 

Amount of his Forces 215 

Marches against Vaca de Castro 216 

Progress of the Governor 217 

His politic Management 218 

Reaches Lima 219 

Musters his Army at Xauxa 220 

Declines the Aid of Gonzalo Pizarro 221 

Negotiates with Almagro . . ' . 5222 

His Terms rejected 223 

Occupies the Plains of Chupas 224 

Advance of Almagro 224 

The Governor forms in Order of Battle .... 225 

Addresses the Soldiers 226 


Dispositions of Almagro 827 

Francisco de Carbajal 828 

, He leads the Royal Army 229 

Bloody Conflict . • 230 

Bravery of Carbajal 231 

Night overtakes the Combatants 232 

Almagro's Army give way 233 

His heroic EflTorts 234 

He is made Prisoner 235 

Nmnber of the Slain 237 

Execution of Almagro 238 

His Character 239 

Gonzalo Pizarro at Cozco 240 

Laws for the Government of the Colonies . . . .241 

Wise Conduct of Vaca de Castro 242 


Abuses by the Conqukrors. — Code for the Colonies. — 
Great Excitement in Peru. — Blasco Nunez the Vice- 
roy. — His severe Policy. — Opposed by Gonzalo Pi- 
zarro 244 

Forlorn Condition of the Natives .... 246 

Brutal Conduct of the Conquerors 247 

Their riotous Waste . 248 

Remonstrances of Government 250 

Humane EflTorts of Las Casas 253 

Royal Ordinances 254 

Viceroy and Audience for Peru 255 

- Great Commotion in the Colonies 256 

Anxiety of Vaca de Castro 257 

Colonists apply to Gonzalo Pizarro 258 

Blasco Nufiez Vela, the Viceroy ... . 259 

He arrives in the New World 260 

His high-handed Measures 261 

The Country thrown into Consternation . . . . 262 

Gonzalo Pizarro repairs to Cuzco 264 

Assumes the Title of Procurator 265 

His ambitious Views .... ... 266 



The Viceroy arrives at Lima. — Gonzalo Pizarro marches 
FROM Cuzco. — Death of the Inca Manco. — Rash Con- 
duct OF the Viceroy. — Seized and peposed by the Au- 
dience. — Gonzalo proclaimed Governor of Peru . 267 

Blasco Nufiez, the Viceroy, enters Lima .... 268 

His impolitic Behaviour 269 

Discontent of the Colonists 269 

Gonzalo Pizarro assembles an Army 270 

Marches from Cuzco 271 

Death of the Inca Manco 272 

Hesitation of Gonzalo Pizarro 273 

Reassured by popular Favor 274 

Suspicious Temper of the Viceroy 275 

He confines Vaca de Castro 275 

He prepares for War 276 

Audience arrive at Lima 277 

Disapprove the Viceroy's Proceedings .... 278 

Murder of Suarez de Carbajal 279 

Rash Desig^n of the Viceroy 280 

Thwarted by the Audience 281 

Made Prisoner in his Palace 282 

Sent hack to Spain 283 

Gonzalo Pizarro claims the Government .... 284 

Cruelties of Carbajal , . 286 

Audience grant Pizarro 's Demands 286 

His triumphant Entry into Lima 287 

Proclaimed Governor 288 

Rejoicings of the People 288 


Measures of Gonzalo Pizarro. — Escape of Vaca de Cas- 
tro. — Reappearance of the Viceroy. — His disastrous 
Retreat. — Defeat and Death of the Viceroy. — Gon- 
zalo Pizarro Lord of Peru 289 

Gonzalo Pizarro establishes his Authority .... 290 

Vaca de Castro escapes to Spain 291 

la there throvrn into Confinement 292 


The Viceroy Blaaoo Nufiez aet on Shore .... 293 

Masters a Force at San Bftigoel ... . .. 8d4 

Gronzalo marches against him 295 

Surprises him hy Night 296 

Pursues him across the Mountains 297 

Terrible Suflferings of the Armies 298 

Disaffection among the Viceroy*8 Followers .... 299 

He puts several CaTaliers to Death 300 

Enters Quito r • • • .301 

Driven onward to Popayan 302 

Reinforced by Benalcazar . . ^ *.<•..' '. . 303 

Stratagem of Pizarro 304 

Blasco Nufiez approaches Quito 305 

Attempts to surprise Gonzalo Pizarro .... 306 

Determines to give him Battle 307 

. Addresses his Troops 308 

Inferiority of his Forces 309 

Battle of Afiaquito 310 

The Viceroy defeated 311 

Slain on the Field 312 

Great Slaughter of his Troops 313 

Character of Blasco Nufiez 315 

Difficulty of his Position 316 

Moderation of Gonzalo Pizarro 317 

His Triumphant Progress to Lima 318 

Undisputed Master of Peru 319 

Carbajal's Pursuit of Centeno 320 

He works the Mines of Potosi 321 

State assumed by Pizarro 322 

Urged to shake off his Allegiance 323 

His Hesitation 324 

Critical Notices of Herrera and Gomara .... 325 

Life and Writings of Oviedo 327 

And of Cieza de Leon 328 





Gaiat Sensation in Spain. — Pedro de la Gasca. — His 
Early Life. — His Mission to Peru. — His Politic 

Conduct. — His Offers to Pizarro. — Gains the Fleet 333 

Consternation produced in Spain 334 

Embarrassments of the Government 335 

Conciliatory Measure adopted 336 

Pedro de la Gasca 337 

Account of his early Life 338 

Selected for the Peruvian Mission 340 

Receives the Injunctions of Government . . .341 

Demands unlimited Powers-' 349 

Granted by the Emperor 343 

Refuses a Bishopric 345 

Sails from San Lucar 346 

State of Things in Peru 347 

Gasca arrives at Nombre de Dios 348 

His plain and unpretending Demeanour ... . 349 

He gains over Mexia 350 

Cautious Reception of him by Hinojosa . 351 

He distributes Letters through the Country .... 359 

Communicates with Gonzalo Pizarro 353 

His Letters to him and Ccpeda 354 

He is detained at Panama 355 

Refuses to employ violent Measures 356 

Secret Anxiety of Pizarro 357 

He sends Aldana to Spain 358 

Interview of Aldana with Gasca 361 

He embraces the Royal Cause 361 

Hinojosa surrenders the Fleet to Gasca 369 

Gisca*s temperate Policy succeeds .... 363 



Gasca assembles his Forces. — Defection op Gonzalo Pi- 
ZARRo's Followers. — He musters bis Levies. — Agita- 
tion IN Lima. — He abandons the City. — Gasca sails 

FROM PanamI. — Bloody Battle of Huarina 364 

Gasca seeks Supplies of Men and Money .... 364 

Aldana sent with a Squadron to Lima 365 

Influen(» of Gasca^s Proclamations . • . . . 366 

Change of Sentiment in the Country 366 

Letter of Gasca to Pizarro ....... 367 

Different Views of Carbajal and Cepeda 368 

Centeno seizes Cuzco for the Crown 369 

Gonzalo's active Measures 370 

Splendid Equipment of his Army 371 

He becomes suspicious and yiolent 373 

Solemn Farce of Cepeda 374 

Aldana arrives off Lima 375 

Gonzalo^s Followers desert to him 377 

Perplexity of that Chief 378 

He marches out of Lima 379 

Tempestuous Voyage of Gasca 380 

He lands at Tumbez 381 

Encamps at Xauxa 383 

Gonzalo resolves to retire to Chili 383 

Centeno intercepts him 384 

Pizarro advances to Lake Titicaca 385 

The two Armies approach Huarina 386 

Inferiority of the rebel Army 387 

CarbajaPs Arquebusiers 388 

Battle of Huarina 389 

Centeno's Cavalry bear down all before them .... 390 

Critical Situation of Pizarro 391 

CarbajaVs Musketeers retrieve the Day 393 

Decisive Victory of the Rebels 394 

Great Loss on both Sides 395 

Escape of Centeno 396 

Gonzalo Pizarro enters Cuzco in Triumph . * . . . 397 



DisMAT IN Gasca's Cajcp. — His Winter Quartsrs. — Re- 
sumes HIS March. — Crosses the Apurdiac. — Pizarro's 
Conduct in Cuzco. — He encamps near the City. — 

Rout op Xaquixaguana 399 

CoDstemation in the Royal Camp 399 

Energetic Measures of the President 400 

He marches to Andaguaylas 401 

Joined by Valdivia from Chili 402 

Excellent Condition of Gasca's Troops .... 403 

He sets out for Cuzco 404 

Difficult Passage of the Andes 405 

He throws a Bridge over the Apurimac 406 

Great Hazard in crossing the River 407 

Dangerous Ascent of the Sierra 408 

He encamps on the Heights 409 

Gonzalo Pizarro^s careless Indifierence 410 

Wise Counsel of Carbajal 411 

Rejected by his Commander 412 

Acosta detached to guard the Passes 413 

Tardy Movements of that Officer 414 

Valley of Xaquixaguana 415 

Selected as a Battle-ground by Pizarro '416 

Gonzalo takes up a Position there 417 

Approach of the Royal Army 418 

Skirmish on the Heights 419 

The President fears a Night Attack 420 

The Armies drawn up in Battle-array . . . 421 

Chivalrous Bearing of Gonzalo 422 

Desertion of Cepeda 423 

His Example followed by others 424 

A Panic seizes the rebel Troops 425 

They break up and disperse 426 

Pizarro surrenders himself Prisoner 427 

Sternly received by Grasca 428 

Capture of Carbajal 429 

Great Booty of the Victors 430 




Execution of Carbajal. — Gonzalo Pizabro bchbadkd. — 
Spoils op Victory. — Wise Reforms by Gasca. — Hb 


Sentence passed on the Prisoners 433 

Indifierence of Carbajal 434 

His Execution 435 

His early l^fe 436 

Auocities committed by him in Peru 437 

His caustic Repartees 438 

His Military Science 439 

Execution of Gonzalo Pizarro 440 

His Conduct on the Scaffold 441 

Confiscation of his Estates 442 

His early History 443 

His brilliant Exterior 444 

His Want of Education ...... 445 

FateofCepeda 440 

And of Gonzalo's Officers 447 

Gasca occupies Cuzco 447 

Gasca's Difficulty in apportioning Rewards .... 446 

His Letter to the Army 450 

Value of Repartimientos 451 

Murmurs of the Soldiery 452 

The President goes to Lima 453 

His Care for the Natives 455 

He abolishes Slavery in the Colonies 456 

Introduces wholesome Reforms 457 

Tranquillity restored to the Country 458 

He refuses numerous Presents 460 

Embarks for Panam& 461 

His narrow Escape there 461 

Sails from Nombre de Dios 462 

Arrives with his Treasure at Seville 462 

Graciously received by the Emperor 463 

Made Bishop of Siguenza 463 

His Death 464 

His personal Appearance 465 

Admirable Balance of his Qualities 466 



Ilia Common Sense 467 

His Rectitude and Moral Cooxage 468 

Concluding Reflections 470 

Critical Notice of Zarate 471 

Life and Writings of Femandes 472 



Ueacription of the Inca's Progresses 477 

Account of the great Peruvian Road 478 

Policy of the Incas in their Conquests 479 

Will of Mando Sierra Lejesema 483 

Interriew between Pedrarias and Almagro .... 484 

Contract of Pizarro with Almagro and Luque 486 

Capitulation of Pizarro with the Queen 490 

Accounts of Atahuallpa's Seizure 497 

Personal Hahits of Atahuallpa 502 

Accounts of Atahuallpa*s Execution 504 

Contract between Pizarro and Almagro 509 

Letter of Almagro the Younger to the Audience 511 

Letter of the Municipality of Arequipa to Charles the Fifth . 514 

^Dtence passed on Gonzalo Pizarro 517 



• h 

* !k. 


C > V ■ V 

J s.^ ^^ \^ 

> ^ J : 

1 s t 




i ^ ^^\ 

> r 

^ 5 "^ ell 


N^ ^ 

^ \W 









Niw Inca crowned. — Municipal Regulations. — Terrible BIarch 
OF Altarado. — Interview with Pizarro. — Foundation or Li- 
ma. — Hernando Pizarro reaches Spain. — Sensation at Court. 
— Fecds op Almagro and the Pizarros. 

1534 — 1535. 

The first care of the Spanish general, after the 
di\ision of the booty, was to place Manco on the 
throne, and to obtain for him the recognition of his 
countrymen. He, accordingly, presented the young 
prince to them as their fiiture sovereign, the le- 
gitimate son of Huayna Capac, and the true heir 
of the Peruvian sceptre. The annunciation was 
received with enthusiasm by the people, attached 
to the memory of his illustrious father, and pleased 
that they were still to have a monarch rule over 
them of the ancient line of Cuzco. 

Every thing was done to maintain the illusion 
with the Indian population. The ceremonies of a 


coronation were studiously observed. The young 
priuce kept the prescribed fasts and vigils ; and on 
the appointed day, the nobles and the people, with 
the whole Spanish soldiery, assembled in the great 
square of Cuzco to witness the concluding cere- 
mony. Mass was publicly performed by Father 
Valverdc, and the Inca Manco received the fringed 
diadem of Peru, not from the hand of the high- 
priest of his nation, but from his Conqueror, Pizarro, 
The Indian lords then tendered their obeisance in 
the customary form; after which the royal notary 
read aloud the instrument asserting the supremacy 
of the Castilian Crown, and requiring the homage 
of all present to its authority. This address was 
explained by an interpreter, and the ceremony of 
homage was performed by each one of the parties 
waving the royal banner of Castile twice or thrice 
with his hands. Manco then pledged the Spanish 
commander in a golden goblet of the sparkling chi- 
cha; and, the latter having cordially embraced the 
new monarch, the trumpets announced the conclu- 
sion of the ceremony.^ But it was not the note of 
triumph, but of humiliation ; for it proclaimed that 
the armed foot of the stranger was in the halls of 
the Peruvian Incas ; that the ceremony of corona- 
tion was a miserable pageant; that their prince 
himself was but a puppet in the hands of his Con- 
queror ; and that the glory of the Children of the 
Sun had departed for ever ! 

1 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Ped. Sancho, Rd., i^. 
Ranrano, torn. m. fd. 407. 


Yet the people readily gave in to the illusion, and 
seemed willing to accept this image of their ancient 
independence. The accession of the young mon- 
arch was greeted by all the usual feteB and rejoic- 
ings. The mummies of his royal ancestors, with 
such ornaments as were still left to them, were 
paraded in the great square. They were attended 
each by his own numerous retinue, who performed 
all the menial offices, as if the object of them were 
alive and could feel their import. Each ghostly 
form took its seat at the banquet-table — now, alas ! 
stripped of the magnificent service with which it 
was wont to blaze at these high festivals — and the 
guests drank deep to the illustrious dead. Dancing 
succeeded the carousal, and the festivities, prolonged 
to a late hour, were continued night after night by 
the giddy population, as if their conquerors had not 
been intrenched in the capital ! ^ — What a contrast 
to the Aztecs in the conquest of Mexico ! 

Pizarro's next concern was to organize a munici- 
pal government for Cuzco, like those in the cities 
of the parent country. Two alcaldes were appoint- 
ed, and eight regidores^ among which last func- 
tionaries were his brothers Gonzalo and Juan. 
The oaths of office were administered with great 

* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y todos por orden loe sacahan de alii 

CoDq., MS. y lo6 trahian 4 la ciudad, teniendo 

'* Luego por la m*>^ft"«^ iba al cada uno su litera, y hombres con 

enterramicnto donde estaban cada su librea, que le trujesen, y ansi 

uno por orden embalsamados como desta manera todo el scrvicio y 

es dicho, y asentados en sua aillas, aderezoa como si eatubiera yivo." 

y ooo nnicha Teneradon y reapeto, Relackm del Primer. Descub., MS. 


solemnity, on the twenty-fourth of March, 1534, in 
presence both of Spaniards and Peruvians, in the 
public square ; as if the general were willing by 
this ceremony to intimate to the latter, that, while 
they retained the semblance of their ancient institu- 
tions, the real power was henceforth vested in their 
conquerors.^ He invited Spaniards to settle in the 
place by liberal grants of land and houses, for which 
means were afforded by the numerous palaces and 
public buildings of the Incas ; and many a cavalier, 
who had been too poor in his own country to find a 
place to rest in, now saw himself the proprietor of a 
spacious mansion that might have entertained the 
retiuue of a prince.^ From this time, says an old 
chronicler, Pizarro, who had hitherto been distin- 
guished by his military title of " Captain-General," 
was addressed by that of " Governor." ^ Both had 
been bestowed on him by the royal grant. 

Nor did the chief neglect the interests of religion. 
Father Valverde, whose nomination as Bishop of 

3 Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ra- ReaL, Parte 1, lib. 7, cap. 9, et 

musio, torn. III. fol. 409. — Mon- acq. 

tcsinos, Annales, MS., aSo 1534. When a building was of im- 

— Actto de la fundacion del Cuzco, menae size, as happened with some 

MS. of the temples and palaces, it was 

This instrument, which belongs assigned to two or even three of 

to the collection of Mufioz, records the Conquerors, who each took 

not only the names of the magis- his share of it. Garcilasso, who 

tiates, but of the oeniiof who formed describes the city as it was soon 

the first population of the Christian afler the Conquest, commemorates 

capital. with sufficient prolixity the names 

^ Actto de la fundacion del Cuz- of the cavaliers among whom the 

CO, MS. — Pedro Pizarro, Descob. buildings were distributed. 

y Conq., MS. — Gazdlasao, Com. ^ Monteainos, Amiales, alio 1534. 


Cusco not long afterwards received the Papal sanc- 
tion, prepared to enter on the duties of his ofiSce. 
A place was selected for the cathedral of his dio- 
cese, £Eicing the jdaza. A spacious monastery subse- 
({uently rose on the ruins of the gorgeous House of 
die Sun ; its walls were constructed of the ancient 
stones; the altar was raised on the spot where 
shone the bright image of the Peruvian deity, and 
the cloisters of the Indian temple were trodden by 
the friars of St. Dominic.^ To make the meta- 
morphosis more complete, the House of the Virgins 
of the Sun was replaced by a Roman Catholic nun- 
nery/ Christian churches and monasteries gradual- 
ly supplanted the ancient edifices, and such of the 
latter as were suffered to remain, despoiled of their 
heathen insignia, were placed under the protection 
of the Cross. 

The Fathers of St. Dominic, the Brethren of the 
Order of Mercy, and other missionaries, now busied 
themselves in the good work of conversion. We 
have seen that Pizarro was required by the Crown 
to bring out a certain number of these holy men 
in his own vessels; and every succeeding vessel 
brought an additional reinforcement of ecclesiastics. 

* Gamlaaso, Com. Real., Parte tity was all a feint," says Pedro 

I, lib. 3, cap. 20; lib. 6, cap. 31. Pkarro, ** for they had constant 

— Naharro, Reladon Sanuuria, MS. amours with the attendants on the 

7 UUoa, Voyage to S. America, temple." (Descub. y Conq., MS.) 

book 7, cfa. 13. — What is truth? — In statements 

*'The Indian nuns," says the so contradictory, wo may accept 

inthor of the Reladon del Primer, the most &Torable to the PeruTian. 

Deaeob., ''lived chastely and in The prejudices of the Conqueroir 

a hdy manner." — ** Their eha»- certainly did not lie on thai side. 


They were not all like the Bishop of Cuzco, with 
hearts so seared by fanaticism as to be closed 
against sympathy with the unfortunate natives.® 
They were, many of them, men of singular humili- 
ty, who followed in the track of the conqueror to 
scatter the seeds of spiritual truth, and, with disin- 
terested zeal, devoted themselves to the propagation 
of the Gospel. Thus did their pious labors prove 
them the true soldiers of the Cross, and showed that 
the object so ostentatiously avowed of carrying its 
banner among the heathen nations was not an 
empty vaunt. 

The effort to Christianize the heathen is an hon- 
orable characteristic of the Spanish conquests. The 
Puritan, with equal religious zeal, did comparatively 
little fur the conversion of the Indian, content, as it 
would seem, with having secured to himself the 
inestimable privilege of worshipping God in his o^vn 
way. Other adventurers who have occupied the 
New World have often had too little regard for re- 
ligion themselves, to be very solicitous about spread- 
ing it among the savages. But the Spanish mis- 
sionary, from first to last, has shown a keen interest 
in the spiritual welfare of the natives. Under his 

8 Such, however, it is but fair his countrymen. " £s persona de 

to Valverde to state, is not the macho exemplo i Doctrina i con 

language applied to him by the quien todos los Espafioles an te- 

rude soldiers of the Conquest. The nido mucho consuelo." (Carta de 

municipality of Xauxa, in a com- la Just, y Reg. de Xauxa, MS.) 

munication to the Court, extol the And yet this is not incompatible 

Dominican as an exemplary and with a high degree of insensibility 

learned divine, who had afforded to the natural rights of the nar 
much serviceable consolalioo to 


auspices, churches on a magnificent scale have been 
erected, schools for elementary instruction founded, 
and every rational means taken to spread the knowl- 
edge of religious truth, while he has carried his 
solitary mission into remote and almost inacces- 
sible regions, or gathered his Indian disciples into 
communities, like the good Las Casas. in Cuma- 
n^, or the Jesuits in California and Paraguay. 
At all times, the courageous ecclesiastic has been 
ready to lift his voice against the cruelty of the 
conqueror, and the no less wasting cupidity of the 
colonist ; and when his remonstrances, as was too 
often the case, have proved unavailing, he has still 
fcdlowed to bind up the broken-hearted, to teach the 
poor Indian resignation under his lot, and light up 
his dark intellect with the revelation of a holier and 
happier existence. — In reviewing the blood-stained 
records of Spanish colonial history, it is but fair, 
and at the same time cheering, to reflect, that the 
same nation which sent forth the hard-hearted con- 
queror from its bosom sent forth the missionary to 
do the work of beneficence, and spread the light 
of Christian civilization over the farthest regions of 
the New World. 

While the governor, as we are henceforth to style 
him, lay at Cuzco, he received repeated accounts 
of a considerable force in the neighbourhood, under 
the command of Atahuallpa's ofiicer, Quizquiz. He 
accordingly detached Almagro, with a small body of 
horse and a large Indian force under the Inca Man- 
co, to disperse the enemy, and, if possible, to cap- 

VOL. II. 2 


ture their leader. Manco was the more ready to 
take part in the expedition, as the enemy were sol- 
diers of Quito, who, with their commander, bore no 
good-will to himself. 

Almagro, moving with his characteristic rapidity, 
was not long in coming up with the Indian chief- 
tain. Several sharp encounters followed, as the 
army of Quito fell back on Xauxa, near which a 
general engagement decided the fate of the war by 
the total discomfiture of the natives. Quizquiz fled 
to the elevated plains of Quito, where he still held 
out with undaunted spirit against a Spanish force in 
that quarter, till at length his own soldiers, wearied 
by these long and ineffectual hostilities, massacred 
their commander in cold blood.^ Thus fell the last 
of the two great officers of Atahuallpa, who, if 
their nation had been animated by a spirit equal 
to their own, might long have successfully main- 
tained their soil against the invader. 

Some time before this occurrence, the Spanish 
governor, while in Cuzco, received tidings of an 
event much more alarming to him than any Indian 
hostilities. This was the arrival on the coast of 
a strong Spanish force, under command of Don 
Pedro de Alvarado, the gallant officer who had 
served under Cort6s with such renown in the war 
of Mexico. That cavalier, after forming a bril- 

' Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y cip. 20. — Ped. Sancho, KeL, ap. 

Conq.y MS. — Naharro, Reladon Ramusio, torn. III. fol. 408. — Re- 

Sumariay MS. — Oviedo, Hist, de laden del Primer. Deacub., MS. 
ha Indiaa, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, 


liant alliance in Spain, to which he was entitled by 
his birth and militaij rank, had returned to his gov- 
ernment of Guatemala, where his avarice had been 
roused by the magnificent reports he daily received 
of Pizarro's conquests. These conquests, he learn- 
ed, had been confined to Peru ; while the northern 
kingdom of Quito, the ancient residence of Atahu- 
allpa, and, no doubt, the principal depository of his 
treasures, yet remained untouched. Aflfecting to 
consider this country as falling without the goverur 
or's jurisdiction, he immediately turned a large fleet| 
which he had intended for the Spice Islands, in the 
direction of South America ; and in March, 1534^ 
he landed in the bay of Caraques, with five hundred 
followers, of whom half were mounted, and all adr 
mirably provided with arms and ammunition. It 
was the best equipped and most formidable array 
that had yet appeared in the southern seas.^^ 

Although manifestly an invasion of the territory 
conceded to Pizarro by the Crown, the reckless 
cavalier determined to march at once on Quito. 
With the assistance of an Indian guide, he proposed 
to take the direct route across the mountains, a pas- 
sage of exceeding difficulty, even at the most favor- 
able season. 

After crossing the Rio Dable, Alvarado's guide 
deserted him, so that he was soon entangled in the 

1* The number b Tarioualy le- force amounted to 500, of which 

ported by historians. But from a S30 veie cavalry. — Infonnacion 

legal investigation made in Guate- echa en Santiago, Set. 15, 1536, 

luJa, it appears that the whole MS. 


intricate mazes of the sierra ; and, as he rose higher 
and higher into the regions of winter, he became 
surrounded with ice and snow, for which his men, 
taken from the warm countries of Guatemala, were 
but ill prepared. As the cold grew more intense, 
many of them were so benumbed, that it was with 
difficulty they could proceed. The infantry, com- 
pelled to make exertions, fared best. Many of the 
troopers were frozen stiff in their saddles. The 
Indians, still more sensible to the cold, perished by 
hundreds. As the Spaniards huddled round their 
wretched bivouacs, with such scanty fuel as they 
could glean, and almost without food, they waited 
in gloomy silence the approach of morning. Yet 
the morning light, which gleamed coldly on the 
cheerless waste, brought no joy to them. It only 
revealed more clearly the extent of their wretched- 
ness. Still struggling on through the winding Pu- 
ertos Nevados, or Snowy Passes, their track was 
dismally marked by fragments of dress, broken har- 
ness, golden ornaments, and other valuables plun- 
dered on their march, — by the dead bodies of men, 
or by those less fortunate, who were left to die 
alone in the wilderness. As for the horses, their 
carcasses were not suffered long to cumber tlie 
ground, as they were quickly seized and devoured 
half raw by the starving soldiers, who, like the fam- 
ished condors, now hovering in troops above their 
beads, greedily banqueted on the most offensive 
offal to satisfy the gnawings of hunger. 

Alvarado, anxious to secure the booty which had 


fallen into his hands at an earlier part of his 
march, encouraged every man to take what gold he 
wanted from the common heap, reserving only the 
royal fifth. But they only answered, with a ghastly 
smile of derision, ^^ that food was the only gold for 
them.'' Yet in this extremity, which might seem 
to have dissolved the very ties of nature, there are 
some affecting instances recorded of self-devotion ; 
of comrades who lost their lives in assisting others, 
and of parents and husbands (for some of the 
cavaliers were accompanied by their wives) who, 
instead of seeking their own safety, chose to re- 
main and perish in the snows with the objects of 
their love. 

To add to their distress, the air was filled for 
several days with thick clouds of earthy particles 
and cinders, which blinded the men, and made 
respiration exceedingly diflScult." This phenome- 
non, it seems probable, was caused by an erup- 
tion of the distant Cotopaxi, which, about t\^'elve 
leagues southeast of Quito, rears up its colossal 
and perfectly symmetrical cone far above the limits 
of eternal snow, — the most beautiful and the most 
terrible of the American volcanoes.'* At the time 

n «• It began to rain earthy par- Qoito." (Com. Real., Parte 3, 

tidea from the heaTens," says lib. 3, cap. 3.) Cieza de Leon 

Oriedo, " that blinded the men and only says from one of the Tokar 

hones, no that the trees and bushes noes in that region. (Cronica, 

were full of dirt." Hist, de las cap. 41.) Neither of them specify 

Indias, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. the name. Humboldt accepts the 

fO. common opinion, that Cotopaxi 

B Gareilaaso says the shower of was intended. Researches, I. 133. 
from the " Tokano of 


of Alvarado's expedition, it was in a state of erap- 
tion, the earliest instance of the kind on record, 
though doubtless not the earliest.^^ Since that pe- 
riod, it has been in frequent commotion, sending 
up its sheets of flame to the height of half a mile, 
spouting forth cataracts of lava that have over- 
whelmed towns and villages in their career, and 
shaking the earth with subterraneous thunders, that, 
at the distance of more than a hundred leagues, 
sounded like the reports of artillery ! ** Alvarado's 
followers, unacquainted with the cause of the phe- 
nomenon, as they wandered over tracts buried in 
snow, — the sight of which was strange to them, 
— in an atmosphere laden with ashes, became be- 
wildered by this confusion of the elements, which 
Nature seemed to have contrived purposly for their 
destruction. Some of these men were the soldiers 
of Cortes, steeled by many a painful march, and 
many a sharp encounter with the Aztecs. But this 
war of the elements, they now confessed, was 
mightier than all. 

At length, Alvarado, after sufferings, which even 
the most hardy, probably, could have endured bat 

13 A popular tradition among M. de Humboldt, (Reaearches, I. 
the natiTes states, that a large frag- 118, et seq.,) and more circniii- 
ment of porphyry near the base of stantially by Condamine. (Voy- 
the cone was thrown out in an age k TEquateur, pp. 48-56, 
eruption, which occurred at the 156 - 160.) The latter phikwo- 
moment of Atahaallpa's death. — pher would haxe attempted to scale 
But such tradition will hardly pass the almost perpendicular walb of 
lor history. the Tolcano, but no one was haidy 

14 A minute account of this enough to second him. 
formidable mountain is giTcn by 


a few days longer, emerged firom the Snowy Pass, 
and came on the elevated table-land, which spreads 
out, at the height of more than nine thousand feet 
above the ocean, in the neighbourhood of Riobam- 
ba. But one fourth of his gallant army had been 
left to feed the condor in the wilderness, besides 
the greater part, at least two thousand, of his 
Indian auxiliaries. A great number of his horses, 
too, had perished ; and the men and horses that 
escaped were all of them more or less injured 
by the cdd and the extremity of suffering. — Such 
was the terrible passage of the Puertos Nevados, 
which I have only briefly noticed as an episode to 
the Peruvian conquest, but the account of which, 
in all its details, though it occupied but a few 
weeks in duration, would give one a better idea 
6[ the diffik:ulties encountered by the Spanish cav- 
aliers, than volumes of ordinary narrative.^^ 

As Alvarado, after halting some time to restore 
his exhausted troops, began his march across the 
broad plateau, he was astonished by seeing the 

1^ Bj &r the most spirited and Alvarado, in the letter aboTe 

dKHOugh record of Alvarado's cited, which is preserred in the 

■arch is given by Herrera, who MaRox collection, explains to the 

has b o rrowed the pen of Livy Emperor the grounds of his expe- 

describing the Alpine march of dition, with no little effrontery. 

Hannibal. (Hist. General, dec. 5, In this docmnent he touches ver}' 

lik. 6, cap. 1, 9, 7, 8, 9.) See briefly on the march, being chiefly 

ilso Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y occupied by the negotiations with 

Conq., MS., — Oriedo, Hist, de Almagro, and aocompan3ring lus 

ks Lidias, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, remarks with many ^k sugges- 

cap. SO, — and Carta de Pedro de tions as to the policy pursued by 

Aharado al Elmperador, San Mi- the Conquerors. 
Cid, 15 de Enero, 1535, MS. 


prints of horses' hoofs on the soil. Spaniards, then, 
had been there before him, and, after all his toil and 
suffering, others had forestalled him in the enter- 
prise against Quito ! It is necessary to say a few 
words in explanation of this. 

When Pizarro quitted Caxamalca, being sensible 
of the growing importance of San Miguel, the only 
port of entry then in the country, he despatched a 
person in whom he had great confidence to take 
charge of it. This person was Sebastian Benalca- 
zar, a cavalier who afterwards placed his name in 
the first rank of the South American conquerors, for 
courage, capacity, — and cruelty. But this cavalier 
had hardly reached his government, when, like 
Alvarado, he received such accounts of the riches 
of Quito, that he determined, with the force at his 
command, though without orders, to undertake its 

At the head of about a hundred and forty sol- 
diers, horse and foot, and a stout body of Indian 
auxiliaries, he marched up the broad range of the 
Andes, to where it spreads out into the table-land 
of Quito, by a road safer and more expeditious than 
that taken by Alvarado. On the plains of Rio- 
bamba, he encountered the Indian general Rumina- 
vi. Several engagements followed, with doubtful 
success, when, in the end, science prevailed where 
courage was well matched, and the victorious Ben- 
alcazar planted the standard of Castile on the an- 
cient towers of Atahuallpa. The city, in honor of 
his general, Francis Pizarro, he named San Fran- 


CISCO del Quito. But great was his mortificatioa 
on finding that either the stories of its riches had 
been fabricated, or that these riches were secreted 
by the natives. The city was all that he gained by 
his victories, — the shell without the pearl of price 
which gave it its value. While devouring his cha- 
grin, as he best c(Hild, the Spanish captain received 
tidings of the approach of his superior, Almagro.^^ 

No sooner had the news of Alvarado's expedition 
reached Cuzco, than Almagro left the place with a 
small force for San Miguel, proposing to strengthen 
himself by a reinforcement from that quarter, and 
to march at once against the invaders. Gready 
was he astonished, on his arrival in that city, to 
learn the departure of its commander. Doubting 
the loyalty of his motives, Almagro, with the buoy- 
ancy of spirit which belongs to youth, though in 
truth somewhat enfeebled by the infirmities of age, 
did not hesitate to follow Benalcazar at once across 
the mountains. 

With his wonted energy, the intrepid veteran, 
overcoming all the difiiculties of his march, in a 
few weeks placed himself and his little company 
on the lofty plains which spread around the Ind- 
ian city of Riobamba ; though in his progress 
he had more than one hot encounter with the na- 
tives, whose courage and perseverance formed a 

^ Pedro Piarro, Deacub. y de las IndiaB, MS., Parte 3, Ub. 8, 

Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- cap. 19. — Carta de Benalcaiar, 

Knl,dee. 5, lib. 4, cap. 11, 18; MS. 
fib. 6, cap. 5, 6. — Ofiedo, Hiat. 

VOL. II. 3 


contrast sufficiently striking to the apathy of the 
Peruvians. But the fire only slumbered in the 
bosom of the Peruvian. His hour had not yet 

At Riobamba, Almagro was soon joined by the 
commander of San Miguel, who disclaimed, per- 
haps sincerely, any disloyal intent in his unau- 
thorized expedition. Thus reinforced, the Spanish 
captain coolly awaited the coming of Alvarado. 
The forces of the latter, though in a less serviceable 
condition, were much superior in number and ap- 
pointments to those of his rival. As they con- 
fronted each other on the broad plains of Riobamba, 
it seemed probable that a fierce struggle must im- 
mediately follow, and the natives of the country 
have the satisfaction to see their wrongs avenged 
by the very hands that inflicted them. But it was 
Almagro's policy to avoid such an issue. 

Negotiations were set on foot, in which each 
party stated his claims to the country. Meanwhile 
Alvarado's men mingled freely with their country- 
men in the opposite army, and heard there such 
magnificent reports of the wealth and wonders of 
Cuzco, that many of them were inclined to change 
their present service for that of Pizarro. Their 
own leader, too, satisfied that Quito held out no 
recompense worth the sacrifices he had made, and 
was like to make, by insisting on his claim, became 
now more sensible of the rashness of a course which 
must doubtless incur the censure of his sovereign. 
In this temper, it was not difficult for them to efiect 


an adjustment of difficulties ; and it was agreed, as 
the basis of it, that the governor should pajr one 
hundred thousand pesos de aro to Alvarado, in con* 
sideration of which the latter was to reagn to him 
his fleet, his forces, and all his stwes and munitions. 
His vessels, great and small, amounted to twelve in 
number, and the sum he received, though large, did 
not cover his expenses. This treaty being settled, 
Alvarado proposed, before leaving the country, to 
have an interview with Pizarro.^ 

The govem(Nr, meanwhile, had quitted the Peru- 
vian capital for the sea-coast, from his desire to repel 
any invasion that might be attempted in that direct 
tion by Alvarado, with whose real movements he 
was still unacquainted. He left Cu2co in charge 
of his brother Juan, a cavalier whose manners were 
such as, he thought, would be likely to gain the 
good-will of the native population. Pizarro also left 
ninety of his troops, as the garrison of the capital, 

1'' Cooq. i Fob. del Pini, MS. choice but to take it, although it 

— Naharro, RelaeioQ Sumaria, was greatly to his own loss, and, 

IIS. — Pedro Piiano, Descub. y by defeating his espedition, as ha 

Cooq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- modestly intimates, to the loss of 

neral, dee. 5, lib. 6, cap. 8- 10.— the Crown. (Carta de Alrarado 

Onedo, Hist, de las Indias, MS., al Emperador, MS.) — Ahnagro, 

Pane 3. lib. 8, cap. 90. — Carta however, states that the sum paid 

de Beaalenar, MS. was three times as much as the 

The SBoant of the ftomcs paid to armament was worth ; *' a aacri- 

Ahrarado is stated very diflferently fioe," he adds, ^' which he made 

by writers. Bat both that cavalier to preserve peace, never dear at 

ud Abaagro, in their letters te any price." — Strange sentiment 

the Emperor, which have hitherto for a CastiUan conqueror ! Carta 

been nnknown to historians, agree de Diego de Almagro al Empera^ 

m the sum given in the text. Al- dor, MS., Oct. 15, 15S4. 
TBido complains that he had no 




and the nucleus of his future cdxmj. Then, tak« 
ing the Inca Manco with him, he proceeded as 
far as Xauxa. At this |dace he was entertained 
by the Indian prince with the exhilntion of a great 
national hunt, — such as has been alreadj described 
in these pages, — in which immense numbers of 
wild animals were slaughtered, and the yicoHas, 
and other races of Perurian sheep, which roam over 
the mountains, driven into inclosures and relieved 
of their delicate fleeces.*® 

The Spanish governor then proceeded to Pa- 
chacamac, where he received the grateful intelli- 
gence of the accommodation with Alvarado; and 

M Carta de la Just, y Reg. de 
Xaaja, MS. — Relacion del Pri- 
mer. Descub., MS. — Ilerrera, 
Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 
16. — MontesiDOs, Annales, MS., 
iflo 1534. 

At this place, the author of the 
Relacion del Primer Descubrirmen- 
to del Peru, the MS. so ofVen 
quoted in these pages, abruptly 
terminates his labors. He is a 
writer of sense and observation; 
and, though he has his share of the 
national tendency to exaggerate 
and overcolor, he writes like one 
who means to be honest, and who 
has seen what he describes. 

At Xauxa, also, the notary Pe- 
dro Sancho ends his Peladan, 
which embraces a much shorter 
period than the preceding narra- 
tive, but which is equally authen- 
tic. Coming from the secretary 
of Pizarro, and countersigned by 

that general himself, this RelatioD, 
indeed, may be regarded as of the 
Tery highest authority. And yet 
large deductions must obvioualy be 
made for the aoorce whence it 
springs; for it may be taken as 
Pizarro's own account of his do- 
ings, some of which stood mncfa 
in need of apology. It must be 
added, in justice both to the gen- 
eral and to his secretary, that the 
Relation does not differ substan- 
tially from other contemporary ac- 
counts, and that the attempt to 
varnish over the exceptionaUe 
passages in the conduct of the 
Conquerors is not obtrusiTe. 

For the publication of this jour- 
nal, we are indebted to Ramnsio, 
whose enli^itened labors hsre pro- 
served to us more than one con- 
temporary production of value, 
though in the form of translation* 


not long afterward he was visited by tbat cavalier 
himself, previously to his embarkation. 

The meeting was conducted with courtesy and a 
show, at least, of good-will, on both sides, as there 
was no longer real cause for jealousy between the 
parties ; and each, as may be imagined, looked on 
the other with no litde interest, as having achieved 
such distinction in the bold path of adventure. In 
the comparison, Alvarado had somewhat the advan- 
tage ; for Pizarro, though of commanding presence, 
had not the brilliant exterior, the free and joyous 
manner, which, no less than his fresh complexion 
and sunny locks, had won for the conqueror of 
Guatemala, in his campaigns against the Aztecs, the 
wbriguet of Tanatiuhj or '' Child of the Sun.'' 

Blithe were the revels that now rang through the 
ancient city of Pachacamac; where, instead of 
songs, and of the sacrifices so often seen there in 
honor of the Indian deity, the walls echoed to the 
noise of tourneys and Moorish tilts of reeds, with 
which the martial adventurers loved to recall the 
sports of their native land. When these were con- 
cluded, Alvarado reembarked for his government 
of Guatemala, where his restless spirit soon in- 
volved him in other enterprises that cut short his 
adventurous career. His expedition to Peru was 
eminently characteristic of the man. It was found- 
ed in injustice, conducted with rashness, and ended 
m disaster.^' 

^ NahazTO, RehcioD Smmuria, Conq., MS.^CirU de FraneiMo 
MS.— Pedro Pinuno, DeKub. y Pinno al Se&or da Motina, MS. 



The reduction of Peru might now be considered 
as, in a manner, accomplished. Some barbarous 
tribes in the interior, it is true, still held out, and 
Alonso de Alvarado, a prudent and able officer, was 
employed to bring them into suljection. Benal- 
cazar was still at Quito, of which he was subse- 
quently appointed governor by the Crown. There 
he was laying deeper the foundation of the Spanish 
power, while he advanced the line of conquest stiH 
higher towards the north. But Cuzco, the ancient 
capital of the Indian monarchy, had submitted. 
The armies of Atahuallpa had been beaten and 
scattered. The empire of the Incas was dissolved ; 
and the prince who now wore the Peruvian diadem 
was but the shadow of a king, who held his com- 
mission from his conqueror. 

The first act of the governor was to determine on 
the site of the future capital of this vast colonial 
empire. Cuzco, withdrawn among the mountains, 
was altogether too far removed from the sea-coast 
for a commercial people. The little settlement of 
San Miguel lay too far to the north. It was desira- 
ble to select some more central position, which could 
be easily found in one of the fruitful valleys that 
bordered the Pacific. Such was that of Pachaca- 
mac, which Pizarro now occupied. But, on further 

Alrarado died in 1541, of an year, by a mngular coincidenoe, 

injury received from a horse which perished his beautiful wife, at her 

rolled down on him as be was own residence in Guatemala, whidi 

•tMmptiitg to soak a precipitoiis was orerwhelnied by a torrent from 

hill IB New Galida. In the saoM the adjacent monntains. 

ol ul] foundation of uma. 23 

ezammatioBy he preferred the neighbouring vaUey 
of Rimac, which lay to the north, and which took 
its name, signifying in the Quichua tongue ^^one 
who speaks," from a celebrated idol, whose shrine 
was much frequented by the Indians for the oracles 
it delirered. Through the valley flowed a broad 
stream, which, like a great artery, was made, as 
usual by the natives, to supply a thousand finer veins 
that meandered through the beautiful meadows. 

On this river Pizarro fixed the site of his new 
capital, at somewhat less than two leagues' distance 
from its DKNith, which expanded into a commodious 
haven for the commerce that the prophetic eye of 
the founder saw would one day — and no very dis- 
tant one — float on its waters. The central situa^ 
tion of the spot recommended it as a suitaUe resi^ 
dence for the Peruvian viceroy, whence he might 
hold easy communication with the difierent parts of 
the country, and keep vigilant watch over his Indian 
vassals. The climate was delightful, and, though 
only twelve degrees south of the line, was so fat 
tempered by the cool breezes that generally blow 
from the Pacific, or from the opposite quarter down 
the frozen sides of the Cordilleras, that the heat 
was less than in corresponding latitudes on the con- 
tinent. It never rained on the coast ; but this dry- 
ness was corrected by a vaporous cloud, which, 
through the summer months, hung like a curtain 
o?er the valley, sheltering it from the rays of a trop- 
ical sun, and imperceptibly distilling a refreshing 
moisture, that clothed the fields in the brightest 


The name bestowed on the infant capital was 
Ciudad de los Reyes, or City of the Kings, in honor 
of the day, being the sixth of January, 1635, — the 
festival of Epiphany, — when it was said to have 
been founded, or more probably when its site was 
determined, as its actual foundation seems to have 
been twelve days later.** But the Castilian name 
ceased to be used even within the first generatioui 
and was supplanted by that of Lima, into which the 
original Indian name of Rimac was corrupted by the 

The city was laid out on a very regular [Jan. 
The streets were to be much wider than usual in 
Spanish towns, and perfecdy straight, crossing one 
another at right angles, and so far asunder as to af- 
ford ample space for gardens to the dwellings, and 
for public squares. It was arranged in a triangular 
form, having the river for its base, the waters of 
which were to be carried, by means of stone con- 
duits, through all the principal streets, affording 
facilities for irrigating the grounds around the 

No sooner had the governor decided on the site 

V So sajB Qoiotana, who followB marqnez so pasao k Lima y fbndo 

in this what he pronounces a sure la ciudad de los rreyes que agon 

authority, Father Beraabe Cobo, es." (Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 

in his book entitled Fundaaon de Conq.,MS.) *' Asimismo ordenar 

JAma. Espanoles CelebicB, torn, ton que se pasasen el pueblo qua 

n. p. 250, nota. tenian en Xauxa poblado k esta 

Si The MSS. of the old Con- Valle de Lima donde agora es etia 

qiieion show how, from the Tory ciudad de loe i aqui se poblo.^ 

fiiit, the name of Lima superseded Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. 
Ilio origbial Indian title. «« T el 


and on the plan of the city, than he commenced 
operations with his characteristic energy. The 
Indians were collected from the distance of more 
than a hundred miles to aid in the work. The 
Spaniards ap{died themselves with vigor to the task, 
under the eye of their chief. The sword was ex- 
dianged for the tool of the artisan. The camp 
was converted into a hive of diligent laborers ; and 
the sounds of war were succeeded by the peace- 
ful hum of a busy population. The plaza^ which 
was extensive, was to be surrounded by the cathe- 
dral, the palace of the viceroy, that of the munici- 
pality, and other public buildings; and their foun- 
dations were laid on a scale, and with a solidity, 
which defied the assaults of time, and, in some in- 
stances, even the more formidaUe shock of earth- 
quakes, that^ at different periods, have laid portions 
of the fair capital in ruins.^ 

While these events were going on, Almagro, 
the Marshal, as he is usually termed by chroniclers 
of the time, had gone to Cuzco, whither he was 
sent by Pizarro to take command of that capital 
He received also instructions to undertake, either 
by himself or by his captains, the conquest of the 
countries towards the south, forming part of ChilL 
Almagro, since his arrival at Caxamalca, had seemed 

* BIoQtesuuM, Amulet, BiS., who gives the best account of Lima 

aSo 1535. — Conq. i Pob. del to be found in any modem book 

Pint, MS. of trsTels which I have consulted. 

The remains of Pizarro's palace Residence in South America, toI. 

■ay still be diseeined in the Cdlle* U. chap. 8. 
/Ml de PetaUroMf says Sterenson, 

VOL. II. 4 


willing to smother his ancient feelings of resentment 
towards his associate, or, at least, to conceal the 
expression of them, and had consented to take 
command under him in obedience to the royal man- 
date. He had even, in his despatches, the mag* 
nanimity to make honorable mention of Pizarro, 
as one anxious to promote the interests of govern^* 
ment. Yet he did not so far trust his companion, 
as to neglect the precaution of sending a confident* 
tial agent to represent his own services, when Her- 
nando Pizarro undertook his mission to the mother- 

That cavalier, after touching at St. Domingo, had 
arrived without accident at Seville, in January, 1534i 
Besides the royal fifth, he took with him gold, to 
the value of half a million of pesoSj together with a 
large quantity of silver, the property of private ad- 
venturers, some of whom, satisfied with their gains, 
had returned to Spain in the same vessel with him- 
self. The custom-house was filled with solid ingots, 
and with vases of different forms, imitations of ani- 
mals, flowers, fountains, and other objects, executed 
with more or less skill, and all of pure gold, to the 
astonishment of the spectators, who flocked fr(Hn 
the neighbouring country to gaze on these mar- 
vellous productions of Indian art.^ Most of the 
manufactured articles were the property of the 
Crown ; and Hernando Pizarro, after a short stay at 
Seville, selected some of the most gorgeous speci- 
es Herrera, Hist. Genenl, dee. lo que Hernando Pizarro trajo del 
5, lib. 6, cap. 13. ^ lirta de todo Ptorn, ap. MSS. de Mnlloi. 


mens, and crossed the country to Calatayud, where 
the emperor was holding the cortes of Aragon. 

Hernando was instantly admitted to the royal 
presence, and obtained a gracious audience. He 
was mote conversant with courts than either of his 
brothers, and his manners, when in situations that 
imposed a restraint on the natural arrogance of his 
temper, were graceful and even attractive. In a re- 
spectful tone, he now recited the stirring adventures 
of his brother and his little troop of followers, the 
fatigues they had endured, the difficulties they had 
overcome, their capture of the Peruvian Inca, and 
hb magnificent ransom. He had not to tell of the 
massacre of the unfortunate prince, for that tragic 
event, which had occurred since his departure from 
the country, was still unknown to him. The cava- 
lier expatiated on the productiveness of the soil, and 
on the civilization of the people, evinced by their 
proficiency in various mechanic arts ; in proof of 
which he displayed the manufactures of wool and 
cotton, and the rich ornaments of gold and silver* 
The monarch's eyes sparkled with delight as he 
gazed on these last. He was too sagacious not to 
appreciate the advantages of a conquest which se- 
cured to him a country so rich in agricultural re- 
sources. But the returns from these must neces- 
sarily be gradual and long deferred ; and he may be 
excused for listening with still greater satisfaction to 
Pizarro's tales of its mineral stores ; for his ambitious 
projects had drained the imperial treasury, and he 
saw in the golden tide thus unexpectedly poured in 
upon him the immediate means of replenishing it. 


Charles made no difficulty, therefore, in granting 
the petitions of the fortunate adventurer. All the 
previous grants to Francis Pizarro and his associ- 
ates were confirmed in the fullest manner ; and the 
boundaries of the governor's jurisdiction were ex- 
tended seventy leagues further towards the south. 
Nor did Almagro's services, this time, go unrequited. 
He was empowered to discover and occupy the 
country for the distance of two hundred leagues, 
beginning at the southern limit of Pizarro's terri- 
tory.^ Charles, in proof, still fiirther, of his satis- 
faction, was graciously pleased to address a letter 
to the two commanders, in which he complimented 
them on their prowess, and thanked them for their 
services. This act of justice to Almagro would 
have been highly honorable to Hernando Pizarro, 
considering the unfriendly relations in which they 
stood to each other, had it not been made neces- 
sary by the presence of the marshal's own agents 
at court, who, as already noticed, stood ready to 
supply any deficiency in the statements of the em- 

In this display of the royal bounty, the envoy, as 
will readily be believed, did not go without his re- 
ward. He was lodged as an attendant of the 
Court; was made a knight of Santiago, the most 

94 The country to be occupied name was aa inefiectual aa the for- 

reoeived the name of New Toledo, mer, and the ancient title of Chili 

in the royal grant, aa the conqueata atill deaignatea that narrow atrip 

of Piaarro had been deaignated by of fruitful land between tho Andea 

that of New Castile. But the prea- and the ocean, which atretchea to 

ent attempt to change the Indian the south of the great continent. 


prized of the chiyalric orders in Spain; was em«- 
powered to equip an annament, and to take com- 
mand of it ; and the royal officers at Seville were 
required to aid him in his views and facilitate his 
embarkation for the Indies.^ 

The arrival of Hernando Pizarro in the country, 
and the reports spread by him and his followers, 
created a sensation among the Spaniards such as 
had not been felt since the first voyage of Colum- 
bus. The discovery of the New World had filled 
the minds of men with indefinite expectations of 
wealth, of which almost every succeeding expedition 
had proved the fallacy. The conquest of Mexico, 
though caUing forth general admiration as a brilliant 
and wonderful exploit, had as yet failed to produce 
those golden results which had been so fondly an- 
ticipated. The splendid promises held out by Fran- 
cis Pizarro on his recent visit to the country had not 
revived the confidence of his countrymen, made in- 
credulous by repeated disappointment. All that 
they were assured of was the difficulties of the en- 
terprise ; and their distrust of its results was suffi- 
ciently shown by the small number of followers, and 
those only of the most desperate stamp, who were 
frilling to take their chance in the adventure. 

But now these promises were realized. It was 
00 longer the golden reports that they were to trust ; 
but the gold itself, which was displayed in such pro- 
fusion before them. All eyes were now turned 
towards the West. The broken spendthrift saw in 

* Ibid., loe. at. 


it the quarter where he was to repair his fortunes as 
speedily as he had ruined them. The merchant, 
instead of seeking the precious conunodities of the 
East, looked in the opposite direction, and counted 
on far higher gains, where the most common articles 
of life commanded so exorbitant prices. The cava- 
lier, eager to win both gold and glory at the point 
of his lance, thought to find a fair field for his prow- 
ess on the mountain plains of the Andes. Ferdi- 
nand Pizarro found that his brother had judged 
rightly in allowing as many of his company as 
chose to return home, confident that the display of 
their wealth would draw ten to his banner for every 
one that quitted it. 

In a short time that cavalier saw himself at the 
head of one of the most numerous and well-appoint- 
ed armaments, probably, that had left the shores of 
Spain since the great fleet of Ovando, in the time 
of Ferdinand and Isabella. It was scarcely more 
fortunate than this. Hardly had Ferdinand put to 
sea, when a violent tempest fell on the squadron, 
and compelled him to return to port and refit. At 
length he crossed the ocean, and reached the litde 
harbour of Nombre de Dios in safety. But no prep- 
arations had been made for his coming, and, as he 
was detained here some time before he could pass 
the mountains, his company suffered greatly from 
scarcity of food. In their extremity, the most un- 
wholesome articles were greedily devoured, and 
many a cavalier spent his little savings to procure 
himself a miserable subsbtcnce. Disease, as usuali 


trod closely in the track of famine, and niunbers of 
the onfortonate adventurers, sinking under the un* 
accustomed heats of the climate, perished on the 
very threshold of discovery. 

It was the tale often repeated in the history of 
Spanish enterprise. A few, more lucky than the 
rest, stumble on some unexpected prize, and hun« 
dieds, attracted by their success, press forward in 
the same path. But the rich spoil which lay on the 
nrface has been already swept away by the first 
comers, and those who follow are to win their 
treasure by long-protracted and painful exertion. — 
Broken in spirit and in fortune, many returned in 
disgust to their native shores, while others remained 
where they were, to die in despair. They thought 
to dig for gdd ; but they dug only their graves.' 

Yet it fared not thus with all Pizarro's company. 
Many of them, crossing the Isthmus with him to 
Panama, came iji time to Peru, where, in the despe- 
rate chances of its revolutionary struggles, some few 
arrived at posts of profit and distinction. Among 
those who first reached the Peruvian shore was an 
emissary sent by Almagro's agents to inform him of 
the important grant made to him by the Crown. 
The tidings reached him just as he was making his 
entry into Cuzco, where he was received with all 
respect by Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro, who, in obe- 
dience to their brother's commands, instantly re- 
signed the government of the capital into the mar- 
shal's hands. But Almagro was greatly elated on 
finding himself now placed by his sovereign in a 


command that made him independent of the man 
who had so deeply wronged him ; and he indmated 
that in the exercise of his present authority he ac- 
knowledged no superior. In this lordly humor be 
was confirmed by several of his followers, who in- 
sisted that Cuzco fell to the south of the territoij 
ceded to Pizarro, and consequently came within that 
now granted to the marshal. Among these follow- 
ers were several of Alvarado's men, who, though of 
better condition than the soldiers of Pizarro, were 
under much worse discipline, and had acquired, in- 
deed, a spirit of unbridled license under that un- 
scrupulous chief.^ They now evinced litde concern 
for the native population of Cuzco; and, not content 
mth the public edifices, seized on the dwellings of 
individuals, where it suited their convenience, appro- 
priating their contents without ceremony, — show- 
ing as litde respect, in short, for person or proper- 
ty, as if the place had been taken by storm.*' 

* In point of discipline, they pre- ha via de dentro llenas las casaa de 

sented a remarkable contrast to the mucha ropa i algunas ore i plata i 

ConquerorsofPeni, if wemay take otras muchas cosas, i las qoe no 

the word of Pedro Pizarro, who as- cstaban bien llenas las enchian de 

tares us that his comrades would lo que tomaban de las demas casas 

not have plucked so much as an de la dicha ciudad, sin pensar que 

ear of com without leave from their en ello hacian ofensa alguna Diriim 

oommander. " Que los que pasar ni humana, i porquesta es una cost 

mos con el Marquez & la conquista larga i casi incomprehensible, fai 

no ovo hombre que osase tomar dexase al juicio de quien mas cn- 

vna maiorca de mahiz sin licenda." tiende aunque en el dafio rescebido 

Descub. y Conq., MS. por parte de los naturales ceica 

a^ «• Se entraron de pax en k desle articiilo yo a6 harto por nm 

ciudad del Cuzco i los salieron pecados que no quisieia saber m 

todoe los naturales k reaabir i les haver visto." Conq. i Fob. del 

tomaron la Ciodad con todo quanto Pirn, MS. 


While these events were passing in the ancient 
Peruvian capitali the governor was still at Lima, 
where he was greatly disturbed by the accounts he 
received of the new honors conferred on his asso- 
ciate. He did not know that his own jurisdiction 
had been extended seventy leagues further to the 
south, and he entertained the same sus[»cion with 
Almagro, that the capital of the Incas did not rights 
ly come within his present limits. He saw all the 
mischief likely to result from this opulent city falling 
into the hands of his rival, who would thus have an 
almost indefinite means of gratifying his own cu- 
pidity, and that of his followers. He felt, that^ 
under the present circumstances, it was not safe to 
allow Almagro to anticipate the possession of power, 
to which, as yet, he had no legitimate right ; for the 
despatches containing the warrant for it still re- 
mained vnih Hernando Pizarro, at Panami, and all 
diat had reached Peru was a copy of a garbled 

Without loss of time, therefore, he sent instruc- 
tions to Cuzco for his brothers to resume the gov- 
ernment, while he defended the measure to Alma- 
gro on the ground, that, when he should hereafter 
receive his credentials, it would be unbecoming to 
be found already in possession of the post. He 
concluded by urging him to go forward without 
delay in his expedition to the south. 

But neither the marshal nor his friends were 
pleased with the idea of so soon relinquisliing the 
authority which they now considered as his right. 

VOL. II. 5 


The Pizarros, on the other hand, were pertmacious 
in reclaiming it. The dispute grew warmer and 
warmer. Each party had its supporters; the city 
was split into factions ; and the municipality, the 
soldiers, and even the Indian population, took sides 
in the struggle for power. Matters were proceed- 
ing to extremity, menacing the capital with violence 
and bloodshed, when Pizarro himself appeared 
among them.^ 

On receiving tidings of the fatal consequences of 
his mandates, he had posted in all haste to Cuzco, 
where he was greeted with undisguised joy by the 
natives, as well as by the more temperate Spaniards, 
anxious to avert the impending storm. The gov- 
ernor's first interview was with Almagro, whom he 
embraced with a seeming cordiality in his manner ; 
and, without any show of resentment, inquired into 
the cause of the present disturbances. To this the 
marshal replied, by throwing the blame on Pizarro's 
brothers ; but, although the governor reprimanded 
them with some asperity for their violence, it was 
soon evident that his sympathies were on their side, 
and the dangers of a feud between the two asso- 
ciates seemed greater than ever. Happily, it was 
postponed by the intervention of some common 
friends, who showed more discretion than their 
leaders. With their aid a reconciliation was at 
length effected, on the grounds substantially of 
their ancient compact. 

» Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y nenJ, dec. 5, lib. 7, cap. 6.— 
Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hiat. Ge- Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. 


It was agreed that their friendship should be 
maintained inviolate; and, by a stipulation that 
reflects no great credit on the parties, it was pro- 
vided that neither should malign nor disparage the 
other, especially in their despatches to the emperor; 
and that neither should hold communication with 
the government without the knowledge of his con- 
federate ; lastly, that both the expenditures and the 
profits of future discovery should be shared equally 
by the associates. The wrath of Heaven was in- 
voked by the most solemn imprecations on the head 
of whichever should violate this compact, and the 
Alnughty was implored to visit the offender with 
loss of property and of life in this world, and with 
eternal perdition in that to come!^ The parties 
further bound themselves to the observance of this 
contract by a solemn oath taken on the sacrament, 
as it was held in the hands of Father Bartolom6 de 
Segovia, who concluded the ceremony by perform- 
ing mass. The whole proceeding, and the articles 
of agreement, were carefully recorded by the notary, 
in an instrument bearing date June 12, 1535, and 
attested by a long list of witnesses.*^ 

Thus did these two ancient comrades, after 

'^ " E saplicamos i su infinita pitulacion entre Pizarro y Almagro, 

bondad que a qualquier de nos que 12 de Junio, 1535, MS. 

fnere en contrario de lo aai con- ^ This remarkable document, 

Teoido, con todo rig^r de justicia the original of which is preserred 

pennita la perdicion de sa anima, in the archiTes of Simancas, may 

fin y mal acavamiento de su vida, be found entire in the Castilian, in 

destniicion y perdimientos de su Appendix, No. 11. 
fitmilia, hooiias y hacienda." Ca- 


txainpling on the ties of friendship and honor, hope 
to knit themselves to each other by the holy bands 
of religion. That it should have been necessary 
to resort to so extraordinary a measure might have 
furnished them with the best proof of its inefficacy. 

Not long after this accommodation of their dif- 
ferences, the marshal raised his standard for Chili ; 
and numbers, won by his popular manners, and by 
his liberal largesses, — liberal to prodigality, — ea- 
gerly joined in the enterprise, which they fondly 
trusted would lead even to greater riches than they 
had found in Peru. Two Indians, Paullo Topa^ a 
brother of the Inca Manco, and Villac Umu, the 
high-priest of the nation, were sent in advancey 
with three Spaniards, to prepare the way for the litde 
army. A detachment of a hundred and fifty men, 
under an officer named Saavedra, next followed. 
Almagro remained behind to collect further recruits ; 
but before his levies were completed, he began his 
march, feeling himself insecure, with his diminished 
strength, in the neighbourhood of Pizarro ! ^^ The 
remainder of his forces, when mustered, were to 
follow him. 

Thus relieved of the presence of his rival, the 
governor returned without further delay to the coast, 
to resume his labors in the settlement of the coun- 

3^ ** £1 Adelantado Almigro hemot dicho, i dicen que por aer 

despues que se vide en el Cmoo ansado dello tom6 la poeta i se fue 

descamado de su jente temio al al pueblo de Paria donde estara bu 

Maiquet no le piendieae por las Capitan Saavedra.*' Conq. i Fob. 

alteracionea pasadas que havia te- del Piru, MS. 
nido con bus bermanos como ya 


try. Besides the principal city of "The Kings,'' 
he established others along the Pacific, destined 
to become hereafter the flourishing marts of com- 
merce. The most important of these, in honor 
of his Urthplace, he named Truxillo, planting it 
on a site already indicated by Almagro.^ He made 
also numerous repartimientos both of lands and Ind- 
ians among his followers, in the usual manner of 
the Spanish Conquerors;^ — though here the ig- 
norance of the real resources of the country led to 
Tery different results from what he had intended, as 
the territory smallest in extent, not unfrequently, 
from the hidden treasures in its bosom, turned out 
greatest in value.^ 

But nothing claimed so much of Pizarro's care as 
the rising metropolis of Lima; and, so eagerly did he 
press forward the work, and so well was he second- 
ed by the multitude of laborers at his command, 
that he had the satisfaction to see his young capita], 

* Carta de F. Pizarro a Molina, the Indians, equally disastrous to 

MS. body and soul of both the master 

^ I hare before me two copies and the slave." (Conq. i Pob. del 

of grants of encomiendaa by Pi- Piru, MS.) This honest burst of 

zarro, the one dated at Xauxa, indignation, not to have been ex- 

1534, the other at Cuzco, 1539. pected in the rude Conqueror, 

— They emphatically enjoin on the came probably from an ecclesiastic, 
colonist the religious instruction of 3^ '< El Marques hizo encomien- 

thc natives under his care, as well das en los EspaHoles, las quales 

as kind and considerate usage, fueron por noticias que ni el sabia 

How ineffectual were the recom- lo que dava ni nadie lo que rescebia 

mendations may be inferred from sino a ticnto ya poco mas 6 menos, 

the lament of the anonymous con- y asi muchos que pensaron que sc 

temporary often cited, that " from les dava pocos se hallaron con 

this time forth, the pest of personal mucho y al contrario." Ondegar- 

•enritade was established among do, Rel. Prim., MS. 


with its Stately edifices and its pomp of gardens, 
rapidly advancing towards completion. It is pleas- 
ing to contemplate the softer features in the charac- 
ter of the rude soldier, as he was thus occupied with 
healing up the ravages of war, and laying broad the 
foundations of an empire more civilized than that 
which he had overthrown. This peaceful occupa- 
tion formed a contrast to the life of incessant tur- 
moil in which he had been hitherto engaged. It 
seemed, too, better suited to his own advancing age, 
which naturally invited to repose. And, if we may 
trust his chroniclers, there was no part of his ca- 
reer in which he took greater satisfaction. It is 
certain there is no part which has been viewed with 
greater satisfaction by posterity; and, amidst the 
woe and desolation which Pizarro and his followers 
brought on the devoted land of the Incas, Lima, 
the beautiful City of the Kings, still survives as the 
most glorious work of his creation, the fairest gem 
on the shores of the Pacific. 


Escape of thi Inca. — Return or Hernando Pizarro. — Rising 

ES OP THE Spaniards. — Storming op the Fortress. — Pi- 
XARRo's DnMAT. — The Inca raises the Siege. 

1636 — 1636. 

While the absence of his rival Almagro relieved 
Pizarro from all immediate disquietude from that 
quarter, his authority was menaced in another, 
where he had least expected it. This was from 
the native population of the country. Hitherto the 
Peruvians had shown only a tame and submissive 
temper, that inspired their conquerors with too much 
contempt to leave room for apprehension. They 
had passively acquiesced in the usurpation of the 
invaders ; had seen one monarch butchered, another 
placed on the vacant throne, their temples despoiled 
of their treasures, their capital and country appro- 
priated and parcelled out among the Spaniards; 
but, with the exception of an occasional skirmish 
in the mountain passes, not a blow had been struck 
m defence of their rights. Yet this was the warlike 
nation which had spread its conquests over so large 
a part of the continent ! 

In his career, Pizarro, though he scrupled at 


nothing to efTcct his object, had not usually coun^ 
tenanced such superfluous acts of cruelty as had 
too often stained the arms of his countrymen in 
other parts of the continent, and which, in the 
course of a few years, had exterminated nearly a 
whole population in Hispaniola. He had struck one 
astounding blow, by the seizure of Atahuallpa ; and 
he seemed willing to rely on this to strike terror into 
the natives. He even affected some respect for the 
institutions of the country, and had replaced the 
monarch he had murdered by another of the legiti- 
mate line. Yet this was but a pretext. The king- 
dom had experienced a revolution of the most de- 
cisive kind. Its ancient institutions were subverted. 
Its heaven-descended aristocracy was levelled almost 
to the condition of the peasant. The people be- 
came the serfs of the Conquerors. Their dwellings 
in the capital — at least, after the arrival of Al- 
varado's officers — were seized and appropriated. 
The temples were turned into stables; the royal 
residences into barracks for the troops. The sanc- 
tity of the religious houses was violated. Thou- 
sands of matrons and maidens, who, however erro- 
neous their faith, lived in chaste seclusion in the 
conventual establishments, were now turned abroad, 
and became the prey of a licentious soldiery.^ A 

1 So says the author of the Con- the honest indignation he expreasei 

quista t Poblacion del Piru, a con- at the excesses of the Conqoeron, 

temporary writer, who describes lead one to suppose he may haTe 

what he saw himself as well as been an ecclesiastic, one of the 

what he gathered from others, good men who attended the cruel 

Several ciroumstances, especially expedition on an errand of love and 

Cb. X.] 



favorite wife of the young Inca was debauched by 
the Castilian officers. The Inca, himself treated 
with contemptuous indifference, found that he was 
a poor dependant, if not a tool, in the hands of his 

Yet the Inca Manco was a man of a lofty spirit 
and a courageous heart ; such a one as might have 
challenged cmnparison with the bravest of his an- 
cestors in the prouder days of the empire. Stung 
to the quick by the humiliations to which he was 
exposed, he repeatedly urged Pizarro to restore him 
to the real exercise of power, as well as to the show 
of it. But Pizarro evaded a request so incompatible 

BMfcy. It is to be lioped that his 
endalttjr leads him to exaggerate 
the misfeeds of his coontiymen. 

Aeoording to him, there were 
fell six thoasaad women of rank, 
hfing in the oonvents of Cuzco, 
serred each by fifteen or twenty 
Iboiale attendants, most of whom, 
that did not perish in the war, 
sviffcred a more melancholy fate, 
as the Tictims of prostitution. — 
The passage is so remarkable, and 
the MS. so rare, that I will cite 
it in the original. 

*' De estas sefioras del Caxoo es 
cierto de tener grande sentimiento 
el qne tnriese alguna hnmanidad 
en el pecho, que en tiempo de la 
prosperidad del Cuaoo quando loe 
EspaJloles entraron en el havia 
grand cantidad de seRoras qne te- 
uan sns casas i sns asientos mui 
qnictas i sosegadas i vivian mui 
politicamenta i como mui bnenas 

mngezes, cada sefiora acompafiada 
con quince o veinte mugeres que 
tenia de servicio en su casa bien 
traidas i aderezadas, i no salian 
menos desto i con grand onestidad 
i gravedad i atavio a su usanza, i 
68 a la cantidad destas sefioras prin- 

cipalea creo yo que en el 

que ayia mas de seis mil sin las 
de servicio que creo yo que eran 
mas de veinte mil mugeres sin las 
de servicio i mamaconas que eran 
las que andavan como beatas i 
dende & dos afios cari no se allava 
en el Cuzco i su tierra sino cada 
qual i qual porque muchas murie- 
ron en la guerra que huvo i las 
otras vinieron las mas a ser malas 
mugeres. Sefior perdone a quien 
fue la causa desto i aquien no lo 
remedia pudiendo." Conq. i Pob. 
del Pirn, MS. 
s Ibid., ubi supra. 




with his own ambitious schemes, or, indeed, with 
the policy of Spain, and the young Inca and his 
nobles were left to brood over their injuries in 
secret, and await patiently the hour of vengeance. 

The dissensions among the Spaniards themselves 
seemed to afford a favorable opportunity for this. 
The Peruvian chiefs held many conferences together 
on the subject, and the high-priest Villac Umu urged 
the necessity of a rising so soon as Almagro had 
withdrawn his forces from the city. It would then 
be comparatively easy, by assaulting the invaders 
on their several posts, scattered as they were over 
the country, to overpower them by superior num- 
bers, and shake off their detested yoke before the 
arrival of fresh reinforcements should rivet it for 
ever on the necks of his countrymen. A plan for a 
general rising was formed, and it was in conformity 
to it that the priest was selected by the Inca to bear 
Almagro company on the march, that he might se- 
cure the cooperation of the natives in the country, 
and then secretly return — as in fact he did — to 
take a part in the insurrection. 

To carry their plans into effect, it became neces- 
sary that the Inca Manco should leave the city and 
present himself among his people. He found no 
difficulty in withdrawing from Cuzco, where his 
presence was scarcely heeded by the Spaniards, as 
his nominal power was held in little deference by 
the haughty and confident Conquerors. But in the 
capital there was a body of Indian allies more jealous 
of his movements. These were from the tribe of 


the Ca&ares, a warlike race of the north, too recent- 
ly reduced by the Incas to have much sympathy 
with them or their institutions. There were about 
a thousand of this people in the place, and, as they 
had conceived some suspicion of the Inca's purposes, 
they kept an eye on his movements, and speedily 
reported his absence to Juan Pizarro. 

That cavalier, at the head of a small body of 
horse, instantly marched in pursuit of the fugitive, 
whom he was so fortunate as to discover in a thicket 
of reeds, in which he sought to conceal himself, at 
no great distance from the city. Manco was arrest- 
ed, brought back a prisoner to Cuzco, and placed 
under a strong guard in the fortress. The conspira- 
cy seemed now at an end; and nothing was left to 
the unfortunate Peruvians but to bewail their ru- 
ined hopes, and to give utterance to their disap- 
pointment in doleful ballads, which rehearsed the 
captivity of their Inca, and the downfall of his royal 

While these things were in progress, Hernando 
Pizarro returned to Ciudad de los Reyes, bear- 
ing with him the royal commission for the exten- 
sion of his brother's powers, as well as of those 
conceded to Almagro. The envoy also brought the 
royal patent conferring on Francisco Pizarro the 
title of Marques de los Atamllos^ — a province in 
Peru. Thus was the fortunate adventurer placed in 

» Pedro Piiarro, Descub. y Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS.— 
Cooq., MS. — Hcrrera, Hist. Ge- 2^arate, Conq. del Peru, lib. S, 
nenl, dee. 5, lib. 8, cap. 1, 9. — cap. 3. 


the ranks of the proud aristocracy of Castile, few 
of whose members could boast — if they had the 
courage to boast — their elevation from so humble 
an origin, as still fewer could Justify it by a show of 
greater services to the Crown. 

The new marquess resolved not to forward the 
commission, at present, to the marshal, whom he 
designed to engage still deeper in the conquest of 
Chili, that his attention might be diverted from 
Cuzco, which, however, his brother assured him, 
now fell, without doubt, within the newly extended 
limits of his own territory. To make more sure of 
this important prize, he despatched Hernando to 
take the government of the capital into his own 
hands, as the one of his brothers on whose talents 
and practical experience he placed greatest reliance. 

Hernando, notwithstanding his arrogant bearing 
towards his countrymen, had ever manifested a more 
than ordinary sympathy ^Wth the Indians. He had 
boon the friend of Atahuallpa; to such a degree, 
indood, that it was said, if he had been in the camp 
at tho time, the fate of that unhappy monarch would 
pn>lKiWy have been averted. He now showed a 
similar friendly disposition toTi*ards his successor, 
Manoo. He caused the Peruvian prince to be lib- 
erated from confinement, and gradually admitted 
him into si>mc intimacy with himself. The crafty 
Indian availed himself of his freedom to mature his 
plans for tho rising, but with so much caution, that 
no suspicion of them crossed the mind of Her- 
nando. SiM^rocv and silence are characteristic of 


die American, almost as invariably as the peculiar 
color of his skin. Manco disclosed to his conqueror 
the existence of several heaps of treasure, and the 
places where they had been secreted ; and, when he 
had thus won his confidence, he stimulated his cu- 
pidity still further by an account of a statue of pure 
gold of his father Huayna Capac, which the wily 
Peruvian requested leave to bring from a secret 
cave in which it was deposited, among the neigh- 
bouring Andes. Hernando, blinded by his avarice, 
consented to the Inca's departure. 

He sent with him two Spanish soldiers, less as 
a guard than to aid him in the object of his expe- 
dition. A week elapsed, and yet he did not re- 
turn, nor were there any tidings to be gathered 
of him. Hernando now saw his error, especially 
as his own suspicions were confirmed by the unfa- 
vorable reports of his Indian allies. Without fur- 
ther delay, he despatched his brother Juan, at the 
head of sixty horse, in quest of the Peruvian prince, 
with orders to bring him back once more a prisoner 
to his capital. 

That cavalier, with his well-armed troops, soon 
traversed the environs of Cuzco without discover- 
ing any vestige of the fiigitive. The country was 
remarkably silent and deserted, until, as he ap- 
proached the mountain range that hems in the 
valley of Yucay, about six leagues from the city, he 
was met by the two Spaniards who had accompa- 
nied Manco. They informed Pizarro that it was 
only at the point of the sword be could recover 


the Inca, for the country was all in arms, and the 
Peruvian chief at its head was preparing to march 
on the capital. Yet he had offered no violence to 
their persons, but had allowed them to return in 

The Spanish captain found this story fully con- 
firmed when he arrived at the river Yucay, on the 
opposite bank of which were drawn up the Indian 
battalions to the number of many thousand men, 
who, with their young monarch at their head, pre- 
pared to dispute his passage. It seemed that they 
could not feel their position sufficiently strong, 
without placing a river, as usual, between them 
and their enemy. The Spaniards were not checked 
by this obstacle. The stream, though deep, was 
narrow ; and plunging in, they swam their horses 
boldly across, amidst a tempest of stones and arrows 
that rattled thick as hail on their harness, finding 
occasionally some crevice or vulnerable point, — 
although the wounds thus received only goaded 
them to more desperate efforts. The barbarians 
fell back as the cavaliers made good their landing ; 
but, without allowing the latter time to form, they 
returned with a spirit which they had hitherto sel- 
dom displayed, and enveloped them on all sides 
with their greatly superior numbers. The fight 
now raged fiercely. Many of the Indians were 
armed with lances headed with copper tempered 
almost to the hardness of steel, and with huge 
maces and battle-axes of the same metal. Their 
defensive armour, also, was in many respects excel- 


lent, consisting of stout doublets of quilted cot- 
ton, shields covered with skins, and casques richly 
ornamented with gold and jewels, or sometimes 
made like those of the Mexicans, in the fantastic 
shape of the heads of wild animals, garnished with 
rows of teeth that grinned horribly above the vis- 
age of the warrior.* The whole army wore an as- 
pect of martial ferocity, under the control of much 
higher military discipline than the Spaniards had 
before seen in the country. 

The little band of cavaliers, shaken by the fury 
of the Indian assault, were thrown at first into 
some disorder, but at length, cheering on one an- 
other with the old war-cry of " St. Jago," they 
formed in solid column, and charged boldly into 
the thick of the enemy. The latter, incapable of 
withstanding the shock, gave way, or were trampled 
down under the feet of the horses, or pierced by 
the lances of the riders. Yet their flight was con- 
ducted with some order ; and they turned at in- 
tervals, to let off* a volley of arrows, or to deal 
fiirious blows Avith their pole-axes and war-clubs. 
They fought as if conscious that they were under 
the eye of their Inca. 

* ** Es gente," says Oviedo, ther Velasco has added consider- 

** muy belicoea 4 muy dicstra ; sus ably to this cataloj^e. According 

vma^ K>n picas, 6 ondas, porras e to him they used copper swords, 

Abbordas de Plata o oro 4 cobre." poniards, and other European wcap- 

(Hist. de las Indias, MS., Parte 3, ons. (Hist, de Quito, torn. I. pp. 

lib. 8, cap. 17.) Xerez has made 178-180.) He does not insist on 

t good enumeration of the native their knowledge of firo-arms be- 

PeruTian arms. (Conq. del Peru, fore the Conquest ! 
ip. Baida, torn. HI. p. 200.) Fa- 


It was evening before they had entirely quitted 
the level ground, and withdrawn into the fastnesses 
of the lofty range of hills which belt round the 
beautiful valley of Yucay. Juan Pizarro and his 
little troop encamped on the level at the base of 
the mountains. He had gained a victory, as usual, 
over immense odds ; but he had never seen a field 
so well disputed, and his victory had cost him the 
lives of several men and horses, while many more 
had been wounded, and were nearly disaUed by 
the fatigues of the day. But he trusted the severe 
lesson he had inflicted on the enemy, whose slaugh- 
ter was great, would crush the spirit of resistance. 
He was deceived. 

The following morning, great was his dismay to 
see the passes of the mountains filled up with dark 
lines of warriors, stretching as far as the eye could 
penetrate into the depths of the sierra, while dense 
masses of the enemy were gathered like thunder- 
clouds along the sk)pes and summits, as if ready to 
pour down in fury on the assailants. The ground, 
altogether unfavorable to the manoeuvres of cavalry, 
gave every advantage to the Peruvians, who rolled 
down huge rocks from their elevated position, and 
sent off incessant showers of missiles on the heads 
of the Spaniards. Juan Pizarro did not care to 
entangle himself further in the perilous defile ; and, 
though he repeatedly charged the enemy, and drove 
them back with considerable loss, the second night 
found him with men and horses wearied and wound- 
ed, and as little advanced in the object of his ex- 


peditioQ as on the preceding evening. From this 
embarrassing position, after a day or two more 
spent in unprofitable hostilities, he was surprised 
by a summons from his brother to return with all 
expedition to Cuzco, which was now besieged by 
the enemy! 

Without delay, he began his retreat, recrossed 
the valley, the recent scene of slaughter, swam the 
river Yucay, and, by a rapid countermarch, closely 
followed by the victorious enemy, who celebrated 
their success with songs or rather yells of triumph, 
he arrived before nightfall in sight of the capital. 

But very different was the sight which there met 
his eye from what he had beheld on leaving it a 
few days before. The extensive environs, as far as 
the eye could reach, were occupied by a mighty 
host, which an indefinite computation swelled to the 
number of two hundred thousand warriors.^ The 
dusky lines of the Indian battalions stretched out to 
die very verge of the mountains ; while, all around^ 
the eye saw only the crests and waving banners of 
chieftains, mingled with rich panoplies of feather- 
work, which reminded some few who had served 
under Cortes of the military costume of the Aztecs. 
Above all rose a forest of long lances and battle- 
axes edged with copper, which, tossed to and fro 
b wild confusion, glittered in the rays of the setting 

^ ** Pues junta toda la gente indioe de guerra lo8 que vinieron 
fMl ynga aria embiado 4 juntar k poner este cerco.'' Pedro Pi- 
que & lo que se entendio y loe in- xarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. 
£oB dizeron fueron dozientoe mil 

VOL. II. 7 


sun, like light playing on the surface of a dark and 
troubled ocean. It was the first time that the 
Spaniards had beheld an Indian army in all its ter- 
rors ; such an army as the Incas led to battle, when 
the banner of the Sun was borne triumphant over 
the land. 

Yet the bold hearts of the cavaliers, if for a mo- 
ment dismayed by the sight, soon gathered courage 
as they closed up their files, and prepared to open a 
way for themselves through the beleaguering host. 
But the enemy seemed to shun the encounter ; and, 
falling back at their approach, left a firee entrance 
into the capital. The Peruvians were, probably, 
not unwilling to draw as many victims as they could 
into the toils, conscious that, the greater the num- 
ber, the sooner they would become sensible to the 
approaches of famine.* 

Hernando Pizarro greeted his brother with no 
little satisfaction ; for he brought an important ad- 
dition to his force, which now, when all were united, 
did not exceed two hundred, horse and foot,^ be- 
sides a thousand Indian auxiliaries ; an insignificant 
number, in comparison with the countless multitudes 
that were swarming at the gates. That night was 
passed by the Spaniards with feelings of the deepest 
anxiety, as they looked forward with natural appre- 

• Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y "^ ** Y los pocos Espafioles que 

Conq., MS. — Conq. i Pob. del heramoe aim no dozientos todoe.'* 

Piru, MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- Pedro Pizano, Deecub. j Conq., 

neral, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 4. — MS. 
Gomaia, Hist, de lasliid.,cap. 133. 


hensioQ to the morrow. It was early in February, 
1536. when the siege of Cuzco commenced; a 
siege menunrable as calling out the most heroic dis- 
plays of Indian and European valor, and bringing 
the two races in deadlier conflict with each other 
than had yet occurred in the conquest of Peru. 

The numbers of the enemy seemed no less for- 
midaUe during the night than by the light of day ; 
br and wide their watch-fires were to be seen 
gleaming over valley and hill-top, as thickly scat- 
tered, says an eyewitness, as << the stars of heaven 
in a cloudless summer night." ^ Before these fires 
had become pale in the light of the morning, the 
Spaniards were roused by the hideous clamor of 
conch, trumpet, and atabal, mingled with the fierce 
war-cries of the barbarians, as they let off* volleys of 
missiles of every description, most of which fell 
harmless within the city. But others did more se- 
rious execution. These were burning arrows, and 
red-hot stones wrapped in cotton that had been 
steeped in some bituminous substance, which, scat- 
tering long trains of light through the air, fell on the 
roofs of the buildings, and speedily set them on fire.' 
These roofs, even of the better sort of edifices. 

* *' Paes de noche heran tantoe dones y poniendolas en hondas las 

loe fucgoe que no parecia sino Tn tiravan a las cassas donde no al- 

nelomujserenollenodeestiellas." canzaTan k poner faego con las 

Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., manoe, y aosi nos quemavan las 

MS. cassas sin entendcllo. Otras Teces 

t *« Unis piedras rredondas y con flechas encendidas tirandolas a 

hnrhallas en el foego y hazellas las casas que oomo heran de paja 

asqus embolrianlas en vnoe algo- luego se enoendian." Ibid., MS. 


were uniformly of thatch, and were ignitqd as 
easily as tinder. In a moment the flames burst 
forth from the most opposite quarters of the ci^. 
They quickly communicated to the wood-work in 
the interior of the buildings, and broad sheets of 
flame mingled with smoke rose up towards the 
heavens, throwing a fearful glare over every object 
The rarefied atmosphere heightened the previous 
impetuosity of the wmd, which, fanning the rising 
flames, they rapidly spread from dwelling to dwell- 
ing, till the whole fiery mass, swayed to and fro by 
the tempest, surged and roared with the fury of a 
volcano. The heat became intense, and clouds of 
smoke, gathering like a dark pall over the' city, pro- 
duced a sense of sufibcation and almost Uindnest 
in those quarters where it was driven by tbe 

The Spaniards were encamped in the great 
square, partly under awnings, and partly in the 
hall of the Inca Viracocha, on the ground since 
covered by the cathedral. Three times in the 
course of that dreadful day, the roof of the building 
was on fire ; but, although no efforts were made to 
extinguish it, the flames went out without doing 
much injury. This miracle was ascribed to the 
Blessed Virgin, who was distinctly seen by several 

^<^ '' I era Unto el humo que cast todaB partes lea diera el hnino i el 

loe oriera de aogar i pasaron grand calor aiendo tan grande pMUon 

traTajo por esta cansa i aino faera trayajo, pero la divina prorideooii 

porque de la una parte de la plaza lo estorrd." Conq. i Fob. del 

no havia casaa i eatava deaeonorado Pirn, MS. 
BO pudieran eacapar poiqne ai por 


of the Christian combatants, hovering oyer the spot 
(m which was to be raised the temple dedicated to 
her worship." 

Fortunately, the open space around Hernando's 
litde company separated them from the immediate 
scene of conflagration. It afforded a means of pres- 
ervation similar to that employed by the American 
hunter, who endeavours to surround himself with a 
belt of wasted land, when overtaken by a conflagra- 
tion in the prairies. All day the fire continued to 
rage, and at night the effect was even more appall- 
ing ; for by the lurid flafnes the unfortunate Span- 
iards could read the consternation depicted in each 
others' ghastiy countenances, while in the suburbs, 
along the slopes of the surrounding hills, might be 
seen the throng of besiegers, gazing with fiendish 
exultation on the work of destruction. High 
above the town to the north, rose the gray fortress, 
which now showed ruddy in the glare, looking 
grimly down on the ruins of the fair city which it 
was no longer able to protect ; and in the distance 
were to be discerned the shadowy forms of the An- 

n Tba temple was dedicated to event, (lib. 7, cap. 37.) Both 

Our Bleoaed Lady of the Aaaump- writen testify to the seaaonabto 

tioiL The apparition of the Vir- aid rendered by St. James, who 

gin was manifest not only to Chris- with his buckler, displaying the 

yan but to Indian waniors, many dcTioe of his Military Order, and 

of whom leported it to Garcilasso armed with his flaming sword, rode 

de la Vega, in whose hands the his white charger into the thick of 

■arvelloos rarely loses any of its the enemy. The patron Saint of 

gioss. (Com. Real., Parte S, lib. Spain might always be relied on 

9, cap. S5.) It is further attested when his presence was needed ; 

by Father Acosta, who came into digmu vmdke nodus, 
the country forty years after the 



[Book HI. 

des, soaring up in solitary grandeur into the regions 
of eternal sifence, ki beyond the wild tumult that 
raged so fearfully at their base. 

Such was the extent of the city, that it was se?- 
eral days before the fury of the fire was spent 
Tower and temple, hut, palace, and hall, went down 
before it. Fortunately, among the buildings that 
escaped were the magnificent House of the Sun and 
the neighbouring Convent of the Virgins. Their 
insulated position afforded the means, of which the 
Indians from motives of piety were vrilling ty avail 
themselves, for their preservation.^^ Full one half 
of the capital, so long the chosen seat of Western 

^ Gaicilasso, Com. Real., Parte 
2, lib. 2, cap. 24. 

Father Valverde, Bishop of Cutr 
00, who took 80 signal a part in 
the seizure of Atahuallpa, was ab- 
sent from the country at this period, 
but returned the following year. 
In a letter to the emperor, he 
contrasts the flourishing condition 
of the capital when he left it, and 
tliat in which he now found it, 
despoiled, as well as its beautiful 
suburbs, of its ancient glories. 
** If I had not known the site of 
the city,'' he says, " I should not 
have recognized it as the same." 
The passage is too remarkable to 
be omitted. The original letter 
exists in the archives of Simancas. 
-» " Certiiico 4 V . M. que si no me 
aooidara del sitio desta Ciudad yo 
DO la conosciera, a lo menos por los 
ediik^ios y Pueblos della; porque 
quando el Gobemador D. Franzisco 
Piiarro entr6 aqui y entre yo oon 

€1 estava este valle tan bennoeo en 
edificios y poblazion qne en toniD 
tenia que era cosa de admiradon 
Telle, porque aunque la Ciudad n 
si no temia mas de 3 o 4000 caaas, 
temia en tomo quasi a vista 19 o 
20,000; la fortaleza que estava 
sobre la Ciudad paresda desde k 
parte una mui gran fortaleza de ha 
de Espafia : agora la mayor parte 
de la Ciudad esta toda derivada y 
quemada ; la fortaleza no tiene quasi 
nada enhiesso ; todos los pueblos de 
alderredor no tien6 sine las paredes 
que por maravilla ai casa cubierta! 
La cosaque mas contentamiento me 
dio en esta Ciudad fue la Iglesia, 
que para en Indias es harto buena 
ooea, aunque segun la riqueza a 
havido en esta tierra pudiera ser 
mas semejante al Temple de Salo- 
mon." Carta del Obispo F. Vi- 
cente de Valverde al Emperador, 
MS., 20 de Mano, 1539. 


dvilization, the pride of the Incas, and the bright 
abode of their tutelar deity, was laid in ashes by the 
hands of his own children. It was some consola- 
tion for them to reflect, that it burned over the 
heads of its conquerors, — their trophy and their 

During the long period of the conflagration, 
the Spaniards made no attempt to extinguish the 
flames. Such an attempt would have availed noth- 
ing. Yet they did not tamely submit to the as- 
saults of the enemy, and they sallied forth from 
tune to time to repel them. But the fallen timbers 
and scattered rubbish of the houses presented serious 
impediments to the movements of horse ; and, when 
these were partially cleared away by the efibrts of 
the in£mtry and the Indian allies, the Peruvians 
planted stakes and threw barricades across the path, 
which proved equally embarrassing.'^ To remove 
them was a work of time and no little danger, as 
the pioneers were exposed to the whole brunt of 
the enemy's archery, and the aim of the Peruvian 
was sure. When at length the obstacles were 
cleared away, and a free course was opened to the 
cavalry, they rushed with irresistible impetuosity on 
their foes, who, falling back in confusion, were 
cut to pieces by the riders, or pierced through with 
their lances. The slaughter on these occasions was 

O Pedro Piiaiio, Deseab. y nando la calle kivan haciendo una 

Cooq., MS. pared para que los cavalloe ni loe 

** Los Indies ganaron el Cmoo EspaOoles no los pndiesen rom- 

eam todo desta mameim que engar per." Conq. i P6b. del Pirn, MS. 

56 00NQUE8T OF PERU. [Book m 

great ; but the Indians, nothing disheartenad^ usu- 
ally returned with renewed courage to the attack, 
and, while fresh reinforcements met the Spaniards 
m front, others, lying in ambush among the ruins, 
threw the troops into disorder by assailing them on 
the flanks. The Peruvians were expert both with 
bow and sling ; and these encounters, notwithstand- 
ing the superiority of their arms, cost the Spaniards 
more lives than in their crippled condition they 
could afibrd to spare, -^ a loss poorly compensated 
by that of tenfold the number of the enemy. One 
weapon, peculiar to South American warfare, was 
used with some effect by the Peruvians. This was 
the lasso J — a long rope with a noose at the end, 
which they adroitly threw over the rider, or entan- 
gled with it the legs of his horse, so as to bring 
them both to the ground. More than one Span- 
iard fell into the hands of the enemy by this ex- 

Thus harassed, sleeping on their arms, with their 
horses picketed by their side, ready for action at 
any and every hour, the Spaniards had no rest by 
night or by day. To add to their trouUes, the for- 
tress which overlooked the city, and completely 
commanded the great square in which they were 
quartered, had been so feebly garrisoned in their 
false sense of security, that, on the approach of the 
Peruvians, it had been abandoned without a blow 
in its defence. It was now occupied by a strong 
body of the enemy, who, from his elevated position, 

M n>i<L, MS. — Henera, Hist Gonenl, dec. 5, Ub. 8, cap. 4. 


sent down showers of missiles, firom time to time, 
which added gready to the annoyance of the be- 
sieged. Bitterly did their captain now repent the 
improvident security which had led him to neglect a 
post so important. 

Their distresses were still further aggravated by 
die rumors, which continually reached their ears, of 
die state of the country. The rising, it was said, 
was general throughout the land ; the Spaniards liv- 
ing on their insulated plantations had all been mas- 
sacred ; Lima and Tnudllo and the principal cities 
were besieged, and must soon fall into the enemy's 
hands; the Peruvians were in possession of the 
passes, and all communications were cut off, so that 
no relief was to be expected from their countrymen 
on the coast. Such were the dismal stories, (which, 
however exaggerated, had too much foundation in 
fact,) that now found their way into the city from 
die camp of the besiegers. And to give greater 
credit to the rumors, eight or ten human heads were 
rolled into the plaza, in whose blood-stained visages 
the Spaniards recognized with horror the linea- 
ments of their companions, who they knew had 
been dwelling in solitude on their estates ! ^^ 

Overcome by these horrors, many were for aban- 
doning the place at once, as no longer tenable, and 
for opening a passage for themselves to the coast 
with their own good swords. There was a daring 
in the enterprise which had a charm for the adven- 

u Ibki., ubi mipra. — Conq. i Fob. ddPixa, MS. 
VOL. II. 8 

68 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Boos in. 

turous spirit of the Castilian. Better, they saud, to 
perish in a manly struggle for life, than to die thus 
ignominiously, pent up like foxes in their holes, to 
be suffocated by the hunter ! 

But the Pizarros, De Bojas, and some other of 
the principal cavaliers, refused to acquiesce in a 
measure which, they said, must cover them with 
dishonor.^^ Cuzco had been the great prize for 
which they had contended ; it was the ancient seat 
of empire, and, though now in ashes, would again 
rise from its ruins as glorious as before. All eyes 
would be turned on them, as its defenders, and 
their failure, by giving confidence to the enemy, 
might decide the fate of their countrymen throu^ 
out the land. They were placed in that post as 
the post of honor, and better would it be to die 
there than to desert it. 

There seemed, indeed, no alternative ; for every 
avenue to escape was cut off by an enemy who had 
perfect knowledge of the country, and possession 
of all its passes. But this state of things could not 
last long. The Indian could not, in the long run, 
contend with the white man. The spirit of insur- 
rection would die out of itself. Their great army 
would melt away, unaccustomed as the natives were 
to the privations incident to a protracted campaign. 

^ " Paes Hernando Pi^arro Pi^arro y bob heimanoB, Gnmel 

nunca estuvo en ello y lea respon- de Rojas, Hernan Pooce de Leon, 

dia que todos ayiamos de morir y el Thesorero Riquelme." Pedro 

no desamparar el cnzoo. Juntar Pizarro, Descab. y Conq., MS. 
yanae k estas ooDSoltas Hernando 


Reiiiforcements would be daily coming in from the 
colonies ; and, if the Castilians would be but true 
to themselves for a season, they would be relieved 
by their own countrymen, who would never suffer 
them to die like outcasts among the mountains. 

The cheering words and courageous bearing of 
the cavaliers went to the hearts of their followers ; 
for the soul of the Spaniard readily responded to 
the call of honor, if not of humanity. All now 
agreed to stand by their leader to the last. But, 
if they would remain longer in their present posi- 
tion, it was absolutely necessary to dislodge the 
enemy from the fortress ; and, before venturing on 
this dangerous service, Hernando Pizarro resolved 
to strike such a blow as should intimidate the be- 
siegers from further attempt to molest his present 

He communicated his plan of attack to his oflfi- 
cers ; and, forming his little troop into three divis- 
bns, he placed them under command of his brother 
Gonzalo, of Gabriel de Rojas, an officer in whom he 
reposed great confidence, and Hernan Ponce de 
Leon. The Indian pioneers were sent forward to 
dear away the rubbish, and the several divisions 
moved simultaneously up the principal avenues to- 
wards the camp of the besiegers. Such stragglers 
as they met in their way were easily cut to pieces, 
and the three bodies, bursting impetuously on the 
disordered lines of the Peruvians, took them com- 
pletely by surprise. For some moments there was 
little resistance, and the slaughter was terrible. 

60 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book lit. 

But the Indians gradually rallied, and, coming into 
something like order, returned to the fight with 
the courage of men who had long been familiar 
with danger. They fought hand to hand with 
their copper-headed war-clubs and pole-axes, while 
a storm of darts, stones, and arrows rained on the 
well-defended bodies of the Christians. 

The barbarians showed more discipline than was 
to have been expected ; for which, it is said, they 
were indebted to some Spanish prisoners, from 
several of whom, the Inca, having generously spared 
their lives, took occasional lessons in the art of i¥ar. 
The Peruvians had, also, learned to manage with 
some degree of skill the weapons of their conquer- 
ors ; and they were seen armed with bucklers, hel- 
mets, and swords of European workmanship, and 
even, in a few instances, mounted on the horses 
which they had taken firom the white men.^^ The 
young Inca, in particular, accoutred in the European 
fashion, rode a war-horse which he managed with 
considerable address, and, with a long lance in 
his hand, led on his followers to the attack. — This 
readiness to adopt the superior arms and tactics of 
the Conquerors intimates a higher civilization than 
that which belonged to the Aztec, who, in his long 
collision with the Spaniards, was never so far di- 
vested of his terrors for the horse as to venture to 
mount him. 

17 Herrera assmes us, thai the the muakets in order, and mann&i^ 

Peruvians even turned the fire-amie tnre powder for them. Hist. G^ 

of their Conquerois against them, neral, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 5, 6. 
compelling their prisoners to put 


But a few days or weeks of training were not 
enough to give £aimiliarity with weapons, still less 
with tactics, so unlike those to which the Peruvians 
had been hitherto accustomed. The fight, on the 
present occasion, though hotly contested, was not 
of long duration. After a gallant struggle, in which 
the natives threw themselves fearlessly on the horse- 
men, endeavouring to tear them firom their saddles, 
they were obliged to give way before the repeated 
shock of their charges. Many were trampled under 
foot, others cut down by the Spanish broadswords, 
while the arquebusiers, supporting the cavalry, kept 
up a running fire that did terrible execution on the 
flanks and rear of tha fugitives. At length, sated 
with slaughter, and trusting that the chastisement 
he had inflicted on the enemy would secure him 
fiom further annoyance for the present, the Cas- 
tilian general drew back his forces to their quarters 
in the cajntal.'^ 

His next step was the recovery of the citadel. 
It was an enterprise of danger. The fortress, 
which overlooked the northern section of the city, 
stood high on a rocky eminence, so steep as to be 
inaccessible on this quarter, where it was defended 
only by a single wall. Towards the open coun- 
try, it was more easy of approach; but there it 
was protected by two semicircular walls, each about 
twelve hundred feet in length, and of great thick- 
ness. They were built of massive stones, or rather 

** Pedro PizaiTO, Descub. y Pirn, MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- 
Conq., MS. — Conq. i Pob. del nenl, dee. 5, lib. 8, cap. 4, 5. 


rocks, put together without cement, so as to form a 
kind of rustic-work. The level of the ground be- 
tween these lines of defence was raised up so as to 
enable the garrison to discharge its arrows at the 
assailants, while their own persons were protected 
by the parapet. Within the interior wall was the 
fortress, consisting of three strong towers, one of 
great height, which, with a smaller one, was now 
held by the enemy, under the command of an Inca 
noble, a warrior of well-tried valor, prepared to de- 
fend it to the last extremity. 

The perilous enterprise was intrusted by Hernan- 
do Pizarro to his brother Juan, a cavalier in whose 
bosom burned the adventurous spirit of a knight- 
errant of romance. As the fortress was to be ap- 
proached through the mountain passes, it became 
necessary to divert the enemy's attention to another 
quarter. A little while before sunset Juan Pizarro 
left the city with a picked corps of horsemen, and 
took a direction opposite to that of the fortress, that 
the besieging army might suppose the object was a 
foraging expedition. But secretly countermarching 
in the night, he fortunately found the passes unpro- 
tected, and arrived before the outer wall of the for- 
tress, without giving the alarm to the garrison.'^ 

The entrance was through a narrow opening in 
the centre of the rampart ; but this was now closed 
up with heavy stones, that seemed to form one solid 
work with the rest of the masonry. It was an affiur 
of time to dislodge these huge masses, in such a 

^ Conq. i Fob. del Pira, MS. 


manner as not to rouse the garrison. The Indian 
nations, who rarely attacked in the night, were not 
sufficiendj acquainted with the art of war even to 
provide against surprise by posting sentinels. When 
die task was accomplbhed, Juan Pizarro and his 
gallant troop rode through the gateviray, and ad- 
vanced towards the second parapet. 

But their movements had not been conducted so 
secretly as to escape notice, and they now found 
the interior court swarming with warriors, who, as 
the Spaniards drew near, let off clouds of missiles 
that compeUed them to come to a halt. Juan Pi- 
zarro, aware that no time was to be lost, ordered 
one half of his corps to dismount, and, putting him- 
self at their head, prepared to make a breach as 
before in the fortifications. He had been wounded 
some days jnreviously in the jaw, so that, finding his 
helmet caused him pain, he rashly dispensed with 
it, and trusted for protection to his buckler.^ Lead- 
ing on his men, he encouraged them in the work of 
demolition, in the face of such a storm of stones, 
javelins, and arrows, as might have made the stout- 
est heart shrink from encountering it. The good 
mail of the Spaniards did not always protect them ; 
but others took the place of such as fell, until a 
lireach ^^-as made, and the cavalry, pouring in, rode 
down all who opposed them. 

The parapet was now abandoned, and the enemy, 
hurrying with disorderly flight across the inclosure, 

30 Pedro Pizarro, Dcscub. y Coiki-, MS, 


took refuge on a kind of platform or terrace, com^ 
manded by the principal tower. Here railjring, 
they shot off fresh volleys of missiles against the 
Spaniards, while the garrison in the fortress hurled 
down fragments of rock and timber on their heads. 
Juan Pizarro, still among the foremost, sprang for- 
ward on the terrace, cheering on his men by his 
voice and example; but at this moment he was 
struck by a large stone on the head, not then pro- 
tected by his buckler, and was stretched on the 
ground. The dauntless chief still continued to ani- 
mate his followers by his voice, till the terrace was 
carried, and its miserable defenders were put to the 
sword. His sufferings were then too much for him, 
and he was removed to the town below, where, 
notwithstanding every exertion to save him, he 
survived the injury but a fortnight, and died in 
great agony .^^ — To say that he was a Pizarro is 
enough to attest his claim to valor. But it is his 
praise, that his valor was tempered by courtesy. 
His own nature appeared mild by contrast with 
the haughty temper of his brothers, and his man- 
ners made him a favorite of the army. He had 
served in the conquest of Peru from the first, and 
no name on the roll of its conquerors is less tar- 
si *^ Y estando batallando con quince dias murio desta herida y 
ellos para echallos de alii Joan ansi herido estuvo forcejando oon 
Pizarro se descuido descubriise la loe yndios y espafiolea hasta que 
cabe^a con la adarga y oon las se gano este terrado y ganado k 
muchas pedradas que tiravan le abaxaron al Cuzco." Pedro Fi- 
acertaron vna en la caTO^a que le zarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. 
quebraron los caacos y dende k 


oished by the reproach of cruelty, or stands higher 
in all the attributes of a true and valiant knight.^ 
Though deeply sensible to his brother's disaster, 
Hernando Pizarro saw that no time was to be lost in 
profiting by the advantages already gained. Com- 
mitting the charge of the town to Gonzalo, he put 
himself at the head of the assailants, and laid vigor- 
ous siege to the fortresses. One surrendered after a 
short resistance. The other and more formidable 
of the two still held out under the brave Inca noble 
who commanded it. He was a man of an athletic 
frame, and might be seen striding along the battle- 
ments, armed with a Spanish buckler and cuirass, 
and in his hand wielding a formidable mace, gar- 
nished with points or knobs of copper. With this 
terrible weapon he struck down all who attempted 
to force a passage into the fortress. Some of his 
own followers who proposed a surrender he is said 
to have slain with his own hand. Hernando pre- 
pared to carry the place by escalade. Ladders were 
planted against the walls, but no sooner did a Span- 
iard gain the topmost round, than he was hurled to 
the ground by the strong arm of the Indian warrior. 
His activity was equal to his strength; and he 
seemed to be at every point the moment that his 
presence was needed. 

* ** Hera Taliente,'* says Pedro Tiem, porqne era Joan Pi^anro 

Pixvro, '^7 muy animoso, gentil mui valiente, i experimentado en 

iMmbre, magnanimo 7 afable." las Gaerras de los Indioe, i bien 

(Descab. y Conq., MS.) Zarate quisto, i amado de todos." Conq. 

I him with this brief pane- del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 3. 
frrrie : — ** Fue gran pdrdida en la 

VOL. II. 9 


The Spanish commander was filled with admira- 
tion at this display of valor ; for he could admire 
valor even in an enemy. He gave orders that the 
chief should not be injured, but be taken alive, if 
possible.^ This was not easy. At length, numer- 
ous ladders having been planted against the tower, 
the Spaniards scaled it on several quarters at the 
same time, and, leaping into the place, overpowered 
the few combatants who still made a show of re- 
sistance. But the Inca chieftain was not to be 
taken ; and, finding further resistance ineffectual, he 
sprang to the edge of the battlements, and, casting 
away his war-club, wrapped his mantle around him 
and threw himself headlong from the summit.^ 
He died like an ancient Roman. He had struck his 
last stroke for the freedom of his country, and he 
scorned to survive her dishonor. — The Castilian 
commander left a small force in garrison to secure 
his conquest, and returned in triumph to his quarters. 

Week after week rolled away, and no relief came 
to the beleaguered Spaniards. They had long since 
begun to feel the approaches of famine. Fortunate- 
ly, they were provided with water from the streams 
which flowed through the city. But, though they 

23 *< Y mando hernando pigarro le avian tornado por dos 6 tree 

d los Espafioles que subian que no partes el fuerte, arrojando las annas 

matasen k este yndio sino que se se tapo la cave^a y el rrostro con 

lo tomasen k vida, jnrando de no la manta y se arrojo del cubo abajo 

matalle si lo avia bivo." Pedro mas de cien estados, y ansi se hiio 

Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. pedazos. A hernando Pi^arro le 

94 a Visto este orejon que se lo peso mucho por no tomalle a Yida." 

avian ganado y le avian ganado y Ibid., MS. 


had well husbanded their resources, their provisions 
were exhausted, and they had for some time de- 
pended on such scanty supplies of grain as they 
could gather from the ruined magazines and dwell- 
ings, mosdy consumed by the fire, or from the 
produce of some successful foray .^ This latter re- 
source was attended with no little difficulty; for 
every expedition led to a fierce encounter with the 
enemy, which usually cost the lives of several Span- 
iards, and inflicted a much heavier injury on the 
Indian allies. Yet it was at least one good result 
of such loss, that it left fewer to provide for. But 
the whole number of the besieged was so small, that 
any loss greatly increased the difficulties of defence 
by the remainder. 

As months passed away without bringing any 
tidings of their countrymen, their minds were* haunt- 
ed with still gloomier apprehensions as to their fate. 
They well knew that the governor would make 
every effort to rescue them from their desperate 
condition. That he had not succeeded in this made 
it probable, that his own situation was no better 
than theirs, or, perhaps, he and his followers had 
already fallen victims to the fury of the insurgents. 
It was a dismal thought, that they alone were left 
in the land, far from all human succour, to perish 
miserably by the hands of the barbarians among 
the mountains. 

Yet the actual state of things, though gloomy in 

» Garcilaaao, Com. Real., Parte 9, lib. 3, cap. 24. 


the extreme, was not quite so desperate as their im- 
aginations had painted it. The insurrection, it is 
true, had been general throughout the country, at 
least that portion of it occupied by the Spaniards. 
It had been so well concerted, that it broke out 
almost simultaneously, and the Conquerors, who 
were living in careless security on their estates, had 
been massacred to the number of several hundreds. 
An Indian force had sat down before Xauxa, and a 
considerable army had occupied the valley of Rimac 
and laid siege to Lima. But the country around 
that capital was of an open, level character, veiy 
favorable to the action of cavalry. Pizarro no soon- 
er saw himself menaced by the hostile array, than 
he sent such a force against the Peruvians as speed* 
ily put them to flight ; and, following up his advan- 
tage, he inflicted on them such a severe chastise- 
ment, that, although they still continued to hover in 
the distance and cut off his communications with 
the interior, they did not care to trust themselves 
on the other side of the Rimac. 

The accounts that the Spanish commander now 
received of the state of the country filled him with 
the most serious alarm. He was particularly so- 
licitous for the fate of the garrison at Cuzco, and 
he made repeated efforts to relieve that capital. 
Four several detachments, amounting to more than 
four hundred men in all, half of them cavalry, were 
sent by him at different times, under some of his 
bravest officers. But none of them reached their 
place of destination. The wily natives permitted 


them to inarch into the interior of the country, until 
they were fairly entangled in the passes of the Cor- 
dilleras. They then enveloped them with greatly 
superior numbers, and, occupying the heights, show- 
ered down their fatal missiles on the heads of the 
Spaniards, or crushed them under the weight of 
fragments of rock which they rolled on them from 
the mountains. In some instances, the whole de- 
tachment was cut off to a man. In others, a few 
stragglers only survived to return and tell the bloody 
tale to their countrymen at Lima.^ 

Pizarro was now filled with consternation. He 
had the most dismal forebodings of the fate of the 
Spaniards dispersed throughout the country, and 
even doubted the possibility of maintaining his own 
foothold in it without assistance firom abroad. He 
despatched a vessel to the neighbouring colony at 
TruxiUo, urging them to abandon the place, with all 
their effects, and to repair to him at Lima. The 
measure was, fortunately, not adopted. Many of 
his men were for availing themselves of the vessels 
which rode at anchor in the port to make their es- 
cape firom the country at once, and take refuge in 

* Zante, Conq. del Peru, lib. putes the whole number of Chris- 

4, cap. 5. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- tians who periahed in this insur- 

neral, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap 5. — rection at seven hundred, many of 

Gaidlaaso, Com. Real., Parte 2, them, he adds, under circumstances 

lib. 2, cap. 28. of great cruelty. (Cronica, cap. 

According to the historian of the 82.) The estimate, considering 

locas, there fell in these expedi- the spread and spirit of the insur- 

tions four hundred and seventy rection, does not seem extravagant 
Spaniards. Cieza de Leon com- 


Panama. Pizarro would not hearken to so dastard- 
ly a counsel, which involved the desertion of the 
brave men in the interior who still looked to him for 
protection. He cut off the hopes of these timid 
spirits by despatching all the vessels then in port on 
a very different mission. He sent letters by them 
to the governors of Panama, Nicaragua, Guatemala, 
and Mexico, representing the gloomy state of his 
affairs, and invoking their aid. His epistle to Al- 
varado, then established at Guatemala, is preserved. 
He conjures him by every sentiment of honor and 
patriotism to come to his assistance, and this before 
it was too. late. Without assistance, the Spaniards 
could no longer maintain their footing in Peru, and 
that great empire would be lost to the Castilian 
Crown. He finally engages to share with him such 
conquests as they may make with their united 
arms.^^ — Such concessions, to the very man whose 
absence from the country, but a few months before, 
Pizarro would have been willing to secure at al- 
most any price, are sufficient evidence of the extrem- 
ity of his distress. The succours thus earnestly so- 
licited arrived in time, not to quell the Indian insur- 
rection, but to aid him in a struggle quite as formi- 
dable with his own countrymen. 

It was now August. More than five months had 

^ << ]£ crea Y. S* sine somos mos pocas annas, 4 los Indiot 

socorridos se perder4 el Cusco, estan atrevidos." Carta de Fran- 

ques la cosa mas sefialada 6 de cisco Pizarro A D. Pedro de Aha- 

mas importancia que se puede de- rado, desde la Ciudad le los Rejes, 

scubrir, 4 luego nos perder^mos 29 de julio, 1536, MS. 
todos ; porque somos pocoe 6 tene- 


elapsed since the commencement of the siege of 
Cuzco, yet the Peruvian legions still lay encamped 
around the city. The siege had been protracted 
much beyond what was usual in Indian warfare, 
and showed the resolution of the natives to exter- 
minate the white men. But the Peruvians them- 
selves had for some time been straitened by the 
want of provisions. It was no easy matter to feed 
90 numerous a host; and the obvious resource of 
the magazines of grain, so providently prepared by 
die Incas, did them but little service, since their 
contents had been most prodigally used, and even 
dissipated, by the Spaniards, on their first occupa- 
tion of the country.^ The season for planting had 
now arrived, and the Inca well knew, that, if his 
followers were to neglect it, they would be visited 
by a scourge even more formidable than their in- 
vaders. Disbanding the greater part of his forces, 
therefore, he ordered them to withdraw to their 
homes, and, after the labors of the field were over, 
to return and resume the blockade of the capital. 
The Inca reserved a considerable force to attend on 
his own person, with which he retired to Tambo, a 
strongly fortified place south of the valley of Yucay, 
the favorite residence of his ancestors. He also 
posted a large body as a corps of observation in the 
environs of Cuzco, to watch the movements of the 
enemy, and to intercept supplies. 
The Spaniards beheld with joy the mighty host, 

« Ondegaido, Rel. Prim, y Seg., MS. 


which had so long encompassed the city, now melt- 
ing away. They were not slow in profiting by the 
circumstance, and Hernando Pizarro took advantage 
of the temporary absence to send out foraging par- 
ties to scour the country, and bring back supplies to 
his famishing soldiers. In this he was so successful 
that on one occasion no less than two thousand 
head of catde — the Peruvian sheep — were swept 
away from the Indian plantations and brought safely 
to Cuzco.^ This placed the army above all appre- 
hensions on the score of want for the present. 

Yet these forays were made at the point of the 
lance, and many a desperate contest ensued, in 
which the best blood of the Spanish chivahry was 
shed. The contests, indeed, were not confined to 
large bodies of troops, but skirmishes took place 
between smaller parties, which sometimes took the 
form of personal combats. Nor were the parties so 
unequally matched as might have been supposed in 
these single rencontres; and the Peruvian warrior, 
widi his sling, his bow, and his lassOj proved no con- 
temptible antagonist for the mailed horseman, whom 
he sometimes even ventured to encounter, hand to 
hand, with his formidable battle-axe. The ground 
around Cuzco became a battle-field, like the vega 
of Granada, in which Christian and Pagan displayed 
the characteristics of their peculiar warfare; and 
many a deed of heroism was performed, which 
wanted only the song of the minstrel to shed around 

99 << Recoximos hasUi dos mil cavezas de ganado." Pedro PizairOy 
Deacub. j Cooq., MS. 


it a glory like that which rested on the last days of 
the Moslem of Spain.* 

But Hernando Pizarro was not content to act 
wholly on the defensive ; and he meditated a bold 
stroke, by which at once to pat an end to the war. 
This was the capture of the Inca Manco, whom he 
hoped to surprise in his quarters at Tambo. 

For this service he selected about eighty of his 
best-mounted cavalry, with a small body of foot; 
and, making a large detour through the less fre- 
quented mountain defiles, he arrived before Tambo 
without alarm to the enemy. He found the place 
more strongly fortified than he had imagined. The 
palace, or rather fortress, of the Incas stood on a 
lofty eminence, the steep sides of which, on the 
quarter where the Spaniards approached, were 
cut into terraces, defended by strong walls of 
stone and sunburnt brick.^^ The place was impreg- 
nable on this side. On the opposite, it looked 
towards the Yucay, and the ground descended by a 
gradual declivity towards the plain through which 

30 Pedro Pizarro recounts sereral MS.) Such atrocities are not 

of these deeds of arms, in some of often noticed hy the chroniclers ; 

which his own prowess is made and we may hope they were ez- 

qoite apparent. One piece of ceptions to the general policy of 

cruelty recorded by him is little to the Conquerors in this invasion, 
the credit of his commander, Her- 3^ '* Tambo tan fortalescido que 

naado Pizarro, who, he says, after hera cosa de grima, porquel aasien- 

a desperate rencontre, caused the to donde Tambo estaesmuyfuertc, 

right hands of his prisoners to be de andenes muy altos y do muy 

struck off, and sent them in this gran canterias fortalescidoe." Pe- 

mutilated condition back to their dro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., 

countrymen! (Descub. y Conq., MS. 

VOL. II. 10 


rolled its deep but narrow current.^ This was the 
quarter on which to make the assault. 

Crossing the stream without much difficulty, the 
Spanish commander advanced up the smooth glacis 
with as little noise as possible. The morning light 
had hardly broken on the mountains ; and Pizarro, 
as he drew near the outer defences, which, as in the 
fortress of Cuzco, consisted of a stone parapet of 
great strength drawn round the inclosure, moved 
quickly fonvard, confident that the garrison were 
still buried in sleep. But thousands of eyes were 
upon him ; and as the Spaniards came within bow- 
shot, a multitude of dark forms suddenly rose above 
the rampart, while the Inca, with his lance in hand, 
was seen on horseback in the inclosure, directing 
the operations of his troops.^ At the same moment 
the air was darkened with innumerable missiles, 
stones, javelins, and arrows, which fell like a hurri- 
cane on the troops, and the mountains rang to the 
wild war-whoop of the enemy. The Spaniards, 
taken by surprise, and many of them sorely wound- 
ed, were staggered ; and, though they quickly ral- 
lied, and made two attempts to renew the assault, 
they were at length obliged to fall back, unable 
to endure the violence of the storm. To add to 
their confusion, the lower level in their rear was 
flooded by the waters, which the natives, by open- 

33 " El rio de yucay qoes grande cnlre su gente, con su langa en la 

por aqucUa parte ya muy angosto y mano." Ilerrera, Hist. General, 

hondo." Ibid., MS. dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 7. 

33 << Parecia el Inga k caballo 


ing the sluices, bad diverted from the bed of the 
river, so that their position was no longer tena- 
ble.^ A council of war was then held, and it was 
decided to abandon the attack as desjM^rate, and to 
retreat in as good order as possible. 

The day had been consumed in these ineflfectual 
operations; and Hernando, under cover of the friend- 
ly darkness, sent forward his infantry and baggage, 
taking command of the centre himself, and trusting 
the rear to his brother Gonzalo. The river was 
happily recrossed without accident, although the 
enemy, now confident in their strength, rushed out 
of their defences, and followed up the retreating 
Spaniards, whom they annoyed with repeated dis- 
charges of arrows. More than once they pressed 
so closely on the fugitives, that Gonzalo and his 
chivalry were compelled to turn and make one of 
those desperate charges that effectually punished 
their audacity, and stayed the tide of pursuit. Yet 
the victorious foe still hung on the rear of the dis- 
comfited cavaliers, till they had emerged from the 
mountain passes, and come within sight of the 
blackened walls of the capital. It was the last 
triumph of the Inca.^ 

3* " Pu68 hechos dos 6 tres Tan el rrio en el Ikno donde esta- 

aoometimientos d tomar este pueblo ramoe, y aj^ardar mas pcrcsciera- 

tantas Tezea nOB hizieron bolver mosaqui todos." Pedro Pizarro, 

dando de manoa. Ansi estuvimos Descub. y Conq., MS. 

todoeste dia hasta poesta de sol ; ^ Ibid., MS. — Heirera, Hist 

los indioe sin enlendello nos hecha- General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 7. 


Among the manuBcripts for which 1 am indebted to the liberality €i 
that illustrious Spanish scholar, the lamented NaTarrete, the most re- 
markable, in connection with this histoiy, is the work of Pedro Pi- 
zarro ; Eeladanes del DescubrimierUo y Qmquista de los Reynos del Peru. 
But a single copy of this important document appears to have been 
preserved, the existence of which was but little known till it came into 
the hands of Sefior de Navarrete ; though it did not escape the indo* 
fatigable researches of Herreia, as is evident from the mention of 
several incidents, some of them having personal relation to Pedro 
Pizanro himself, which the historian of the Indies could have derifed 
through no other channel The manuscript has lately been given to 
the public as part of the inestimable collection of historical docnments 
now in process of publication at Madrid, under auspices which, we may 
trust, will insure its success. As the printed work did not reach me 
till my present labors were far advanced, I have prefeired to rely on the 
manuscript copy for the brief remainder of my narrative, as I had been 
compelled to do for the previous portion of it. 

Nothing, that I am aware of, is knovm respecting the anthor, bat 
what is to be gleaned from incidental notices of himself in his ovni histoiy. 
He was bom at Toledo in Estremadura, the fruitful province of adrenlnr- 
ers to the New World, whence the family of Francis Pizarro, to "wtaeh 
Pedro was allied, also emigrated. When that chief came over to 
undertake the conquest of Peru, after receiving his commission from the 
emperor in 1529, Pedro Pizarro, then only fifteen years of age, ac 
companied him in quality of page. For three years he remained at- 
tached to the household of his commander, and afterwards continued to 
follow his banner as a soldier of fortune. He was present at most of 
the memorable events of the Conquest, and seems to have possessed in 
a great degree the confidence of his leader, who employed him on some 
difficult missions, in which he displayed coolness and gallantry. It if 
true, we must take the author's own word for all this. But he tells his 
exploits with an air of honesty, and without any extraordinary effort 
to set them ofif in undue relief. He speaks of himself in the third per- 
son, and, as his manuscript was not intended solely for posterity, he 
would hardly have ventured on great misrepresentation, where fraud 
could so easily have been exposed. 

After the Conquest, our author still remained attached to the f<n^ 
tunes of his commander, and stood by him through all the troubles 
which ensued ; and on the assassination of that chief, he withdrew to 
Arequipa, to enjoy in quiet the repartimiento of lands and Indians, whidi 
had been bestowed on him as the recompense of his services. He was 
there on the breaking out of the great rebellion under Gonzalo Piiano. 


But he was true to his allegiance, and choae rather, as he tells us, to 
be hke to his name and his lineage than to his loyalty. Gonzalo, in 
retahatioQ, seised his estates, and would have proceeded to still further 
eureaiities against him, when Pedro Pizarro had fallen into his hands 
It lima, hot for the interposition of his lieutenant, the famous Fran- 
daoo de Carbajal, to whom the chronicler had once the good fortune 
to lender an important senrioe. This, Carbajal requited by sparing 
his hfii on two occasions, — but on the second coolly remarked, *< No 
aaa fans a right to a brace of lives ; and if you fall into my hands a 
ihifd lime, God only can giant you another.*' Happily, Pizarro did 
■Bt ind occasion to put this menace to the test. After the pacification 
of the eonntry, he again retired to Arequipa ; but, from the querulous 
tone of his remarks, it would seem he was not fuUy reinstated in the 
pfw anions he had sacrificed by his loyal devotion to government. 
T\e last we hear of him is in 1571, the date which he assigns as that 
of the eompletion of his history. 

PediD Piano's narrative covers the whole ground of the Conquest, 
ham the date of the first expedition that sallied out from Panama, to the 
troaUes that ensued on the departure of President Gasca. The first part 
of the work was gathered from the testimony of others, and, of course, 
OMol elatm the distinction of rising to the highest class of evidence. 
But afl that foDows the return of Francis Pizarro from Castile, all, in 
Aoit, which oQOStttutes the conquest of the country, may be said to 
be reported on his own observation, as an eyewitness and an actor. 
Has gives to his narrative a value to which it could have no pretensions 
00 the score of its literary execution. Pizarro was a soldier, with as 
little education, probably, as usually falls to those who have been 
tiiined from youth in this rough school, — the most unpropitious in the 
worid to both mental and moral progress. He had the good sense, more- 
over, not to aspire to an excellence which he could not reach. There 
ii no ambition of fine writing in his chronicle ; there are none of those 
affectations of ornament which only make more glaring the beggarly 
condition of him who assumes them. His object was simply to tell the 
story of the Conquest, as he had seen it. He was to deal with facts, 
Dot with words, which he wisely lef^ to those who came into the field 
after the laborers had quitted it, to gamer up what they could at second 

Pizarro 's situation may be thought to have necessarily exposed him 
to party influences, and thus given an undue bias to his narrative. It 
is not difficult, indeed, to determine under whose banner he had en- 
listed. He writes like a partisan, and yet like an honest one, who is 
no further warped from a correct judgment of passing affairs than must 
ily come from preconceived opinions. There is no management 


to work a conviction in his reader on this side or the other, still leas any 
obvious perversion of fisu;t. He evidently believes what he saya, and 
this is the great point to be desired. We can make allowance for the 
natural influences of his position. Were he more impartial than this, 
the critic of the present day, by making allowance for a greater amonnt 
of prejudice and partiality, might only be led into error. 

Pizarro Lb not only independent, hut occasionally caustic in his coo- 
demnation of those under whom he acted. This is particolarly the 
case where their measures bear too unfavorably on his own interests, or 
those of the army. As to the unfortunate natives, he no more regards 
their suflferings than the Jews of old did those of the Philistines, wham 
they considered as delivered up to their swords, and whose lands they 
regarded as their lawful heritage. There lb no mercy shown by the 
hard Conqueror in his treatment of the infidel. 

Pizarro was the representative of the age in which he liyed. Tet 
it is too much to cast such obloquy on the age. He represented mine 
truly the spirit of the fierce warriors who overturned the dynasty of the 
Incas. He was not merely a crusader, fighting to extend the empiie 
of the Cross over the darkened heathen. Gold was his great object ; 
the estimate by which he judged of the value of the Conquest ; the 
recompense that he asked for a life of toil and danger. It was with 
these golden visions, far more than with visions of gloiy, aboye all, of 
celestial glory, that the Peruvian adventurer fed his gross and woildly 
imagination. Pizarro did not rise above his caste. Neither did be dk 
above it in a mental view, any more than in a moral. His history dis- 
plays no great penetration, or vigor and comprehension of thought. 
It is the work of a soldier, telling simply hiB tale of blood. Its value 
is, that it is told by him who acted it. And this, to the modem com- 
piler, renders it of higher worth than far abler productions at second 
hand. It is the rude ore, which, submitted to the regular process of 
purification and refinement, may receive the current stamp that fits it 
for general circulation. 

Another authority, to whom I have occasionally referred, and whose 
writings still slumber in manuscript, is the Licentiate Fernando Moo- 
tesinos. He is, in every respect, the opposite of the military chroni- 
cler who has just come under our notice. He flourished about a cen- 
tury after the Conquest. Of course, the value of his writings as an 
authority for historical facts must depend on his superior opportunities 
for consulting original documents. For this his advantages were great 
He was twice sent in an oflScial capacity to Peru, which required him 
to visit the different parts of the country. These two missions occupied 
fifteen years ; so that, while his position gave him access to the colonial 
archives and literary repositories, he was enabled to verify his re- 
searches, to some extent, by actual observation of the country. 


The result was his two historical works, Memorias Antiguas Htsto- 
riaks del Peru, and his Annales, sometimes cited in these pages. The 
fimner is taken up Mrith the early history of the country, — very early, 
it must be admitted, since it goes back to the deluge. The first part 
of this treatise is chiefly occupied with an argument to show the iden- 
tity of Peru with the golden Ophir of Solomon's time ! This hy- 
pothesis, by no means original with the author, may give no unfidr 
notion of the character of his mind. In the progress of his work he 
ibUowB down the line of Inca princes, whose exploits, and names even, 
hj no means coincide with Garcilasso's catalogue ; a circumstance, 
howefer, &r from establishing their inaccuracy. But one will have 
little doubt of the writer*s title to this reproach, that reads the absurd 
legends told in the grave tone of reliance by Montesinos, who shared 
largely in the credulity and the love of the marvellous which belong to 
in earlier and less enlightened age. 

These same traits are visible in his Annals, which are devoted ex- 
dosively to the Conquest. Here, indeed, the author, afler his cloudy 
flight, has descended on firm ground, where gross violations of truth, 
or, at least, of probability, are not to be expected. But any one who 
hai occasion to compare his narrative with that of contemporary writers 
will find frequent cause to distrust it. Yet Montesinos has one merit. 
Li his extensive researches, he became acquainted with original instru- 
ments, which he has occasionally transferred to his own pages, and 
wkich it would be now difficult to meet elsewhere. 

His writings have been commended by some of his learned country- 
men, as showing diligent research and information. My own expe- 
nenoe would not assign -them a high rank as historical vouchers. They 
leem to me entitled to little praise, either for the accuracy of their 
statements, or the sagacity of their reflections. The spirit of cold 
indiflference which they manifest to the suficrings of the natives is an 
odious feature, for which there is less apology in a writer of the seven- 
teenth century than in one of the primitive Conquerors, whose passions 
had been inflamed by long-protracted hostility. M. Temaux-Compans 
has translated the Memorias Antiguas with his usual elegance and 
precision, for his collection of original documents relating to the New 
World. He speaks in the Preface of doing the same kind office to the 
Anruiles, at a future time. 1 am not aware that he has done this ; and 
1 cannot but think that the excellent translator may find a better subject 
for his labors in some of the rich collection of the MuQoz manuscripts in 
his possession. 



^OL ij. n 




Almaoeo's March to Chili. — Sufterino or the Troops. — He 


DE EspiNOSA. — Almaoro leates Cuzco. — Negotiations with 


While the events recorded in the preceding 
chapter were passing, the Marshal Ahnagro was en- 
gaged in his memorable expedition to Chili. He 
had set out, as we have seen, with only part of his 
forces, leaving his lieutenant to follow him with the 
remainder. During the first part of the way, he 
profited by the great military road of the Incas, 
which stretched across the table-land far towards 
the south. But as he drew near to Chili, the Span- 
ish commander became entangled in the defiles of 
the mountains, where no vestige of a road was to 
be discerned. Here his progress was impeded by 
all the obstacles which belong to the wild scenery 
of the Cordilleras ; deep and ragged ravines, round 


whose sides a slender sheep-path wound up to a 
dizzy height over the precipices below ; rivers rush- 
ing in fury down the slopes of the mountains, and 
throwing themselves in stupendous cataracts into 
the yawning abyss; dark forests of pine that seemed 
to have no end, and then again long reaches of 
desolate table-land, without so much as a bush or 
shrub to shelter the shivering traveller from the blast 
that swept down from the frozen summits of the 

The cold was so intense, that many lost the nails 
of their fingers, their fingers themselves, and some- 
times their limbs. Others were blinded by the 
dazzling waste of snow, reflecting the rays of a sun 
made intolerably brilliant in the thin atmosphere of 
these elevated regions. Hunger came, as usual, in 
the train of woes ; for in these dismal solitudes no 
vegetation that would suffice for the food of man 
was visible, and no living thing, except only the 
great bird of the Andes, hovering over their heads 
in expectation of his banquet. This was too fre- 
quently afforded by the number of wretched Indians, 
who, unable, from the scantiness of their clothing, 
to encounter the severity of the climate, perished by 
the way. Such was the pressure of hunger, that 
the miserable survivors fed on the dead bodies of 
their countrymen, and the Spaniards forced a similar 
sustenance from the carcasses of their horses, literal- 
ly frozen to death in the mountain passes.^ — Such 

I Herrerai Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 10, cap. 1-3.— OriedOt 


were the terrible penalties which Nature imposed 
OD those who rashly intruded on these her solitary 
and most savage haunts. 

Yet their own sufferings do not seem to have 
touched the hearts of the Spaniards with any feel- 
ing of compassion for the weaker natives. Their 
path was everywhere marked by burnt and deso- 
lated hamlets, the inhabitants of which were com- 
pelled to do them service as beasts of burden. 
They were chained together in gangs of ten or 
twelve, and no infirmity or feebleness of body ex- 
cused the unfortunate captive from his fuU share of 
the common toil, till he sometimes dropped dead, 
m his very chains, firom mere exhaustion ! ^ Alva- 
rado's company are accused of having been more 
crael than Pizarro's ; and many of Almagro's men, 
it may be remembered, were recruited from that 
source. The commander looked with displeasure, 
it is said, on these enormities, and did what he 
could to repress them. Yet he did not set a good 
example in his own conduct, if it be true that he 

Hist, de las Indias, MS., Parte 3, buen hombre i en grand reputacion 

lib. 9, cap. 4. — Conq. i Fob. del i el que era inclinado k hacer bien 

Pirn, MS. i a hacer buenoB tratainientos a los 

* Conq. i Pob. del Pirn, MS. natoralea i los favorecia no era 

The writer most have made one tenido en tan buena estima, he 

on this expedition, as he speaks apuntado esto que vi con mis ojos i 

from personal observation. The en que por mis pecados anduv>e por- 

poor natives had at least one friend que entiendan los que esto leyeren 

IB the Christian camp. *' I si en que de la manera que aqui digo i 

el Real havia algun EspaOol que con mayores crueldades harto se 

en buen rancheador i cruel i ma- hizo esta jomada i descubrimiento 

IftTi muchoe IndioB tenianle por de Chile." 


caused no less than thirty Indian chiefs to be burnt 
alive, for the massacre of three of his followers!' 
The heart sickens at the recital of such atrocities 
perpetrated on an unoffending people, or, at least, 
guilty of no other crime than that of defending 
their own soil too well. 

There is something in the possession of superior 
strength most dangerous, in a moral view, to its pos- 
sessor. Brought in contact with semi-civilized man, 
the European, with his endowments and effective 
force so immeasurably superior, holds him as little 
higher than the brute, and as born equally for his 
service. He feels that he has a natural right, as it 
were, to his obedience, and that this obedience is to 
be measured, not by the powers of the barbarian, but 
by the will of his conqueror. Resistance becomes a 
crime to be washed out only in the blood of the vic- 
tim. The tale of such atrocities is not confined to 
the Spaniard. Wherever the civilized man and the 
savage have come in contact, in the East or in the 
West, the story has been too often written in Uood. 

From the wild chaos of mountain scenery the 
Spaniards emerged on the green vale of Coquimbo, 

3 '^ I para castigarloB per la Pira, MS.) Qyiedo, who alwaji 

mucrtc destos tres Espandes jun- ahows the hard feeling of the cok>- 

tolos en UD aposento donde eatava niat, excoaes thia on the old plea 

apoeentado i mando cavalgar la of neceaaity, — fut neoesario ed$ 

jente de cavallo i la de apie que castigo^ — and adda, that after thia 

gnardaaen laa pucrtaa i todoa eatu- a Spaniard might aend a 

vieaen apercividoa i loe prendio i ger from one end of the conntij to 

en concluaion hizo qaemar maa de the other, without feai of injury. 

30 aefiorea y'vroa atadoe cada uno Hist, de las Indiaa, MS., Parte 3, 

a au palo " (Conq. i Pob. del lib. 9, c^i. 4. 


aboat the thirtieth degree of south latitude. Here 
they halted to refresh themselves in its abundant 
[dains, after their unexampled sufferings and fatigues. 
Meanwhile Almagro despatched an officer with a 
strong party in advance, to ascertain the character 
of the country towards the south. Not long after, 
he was cheered by the arrival of the remainder of 
his forces under his lieutenant Rodrigo de OrgoQez. 
This was a remarkable person, and intimately con- 
nected with the subsequent fortunes of Almagro. 

He was a native of Oropesa, had been trained in 
the Italian wars, and held the rank of ensign in the 
army of the Constable of Bourbon at the famous 
sack of Rome. It was a good school in which to 
learn his iron trade, and to steel the heart against 
any too ready sensibility to human suffering. Or- 
goBez was an excellent soldier; true to his com- 
mander, prompt, fearless, and unflinching in the ex- 
ecution of his orders. His services attracted the 
notice of the Crown, and, shortly after this period, 
he was raised to the rank of Marshal of New Tole- 
do. Yet it may be doubted whether his character 
did not qualify him for an executive and subordinate 
station rather than for one of higher responsibility. 

Almagro received also the royal warrant, confer- 
ring on him his new powers and territorial jurisdic- 
tion. The instrument had been detained by the 
Pizarros to the very last moment. His troops, long 
since disgusted with their toilsome and unprofitable 
march, were now clamorous to return. Cuzco, they 
said, undoubtedly fell within the limits of his gov* 


eminent, and it was better to take possession of its 
comfortable quarters than to wander like outcasts 
in this dreary wilderness. They reminded their 
commander that thus only could he provide for the 
interests of bis son Diego. This was an illegit- 
imate son of AlmagrOy on whom his father doated 
with extravagant fondness, justified more than usual 
by the promising character of the youth. 

After an absence of about two months, the offi- 
cer sent on the exploring expedition returned, twing- 
ing unpromising accounts of the southern regions of 
Chili. The only land of promise for the Castilian 
was one that teemed with gold.^ He had pene- 
trated to the distance of a hundred leagues, to 
the limits, probably, of the conquests of the Incas 
on the river Maule.^ The Spaniards had fortu- 
nately stopped short of the land of Arauco, where 
the blood of their countrymen was soon after to be 
poured out like water, and which still maintains a 
proud independence amidst the general humiliation 
of the Indian races around it. 

Almagro now yielded, with little reluctance, to the 
renewed importunities of the soldiers, and turned 
his face towards the North. It is unnecessary to 
follow his march in detail. Disheartened by the 

* It is the language of a Span- of the world ; cerca del fin dei 

iard; ** i como no le parecio bien mundo, (Hist, de las Indias, BiS., 

la tierra por no ser quajada do Parte 3, lib. 9, cap. 5.) One most 

oro." Conq. i Fob. del Pirn, MS. not expect to meet with yeiy to- 

s According to Oriedo, a bun- curate notions of geography in the 

dred and fifty leagues, and Tcry rude soldiers of America, 
near, as they told him, to the end 


difficulty of the mountain passage, he took the road 
along the coast, which led him across the great des- 
ert of Atacama. In crossing this dreary waste, 
which stretches for nearly a hundred leagues to the 
northern borders of Chili, "with hardly a green spot 
in its expanse to relieve the fainting traveUer, AI- 
magro and his men experienced as great sufferings, 
though not of the same kind, as those which they 
had encountered in the passes of the Cordilleras. 
Indeed, the captain would not easily be found at 
this day, who would venture to lead his army across 
this dreary region. But the Spaniard of the six- 
teenth century had a strength of limb and a buoy- 
ancy of spirit which raised him to a contempt of ob- 
stacles, almost justifying the boast of the historian, 
that ^' he contended indifferently, at the same time, 
with man, with the elements, and with famine ! " ^ 

After traversing the terrible desert, Almagro 
reached the ancient town of Arequipa, about sixty 
leagues from Cuzco. Here he learned with aston- 
ishment the insurrection of the Peruvians, and fur- 
ther, that the young Inca Manco still lay with a for- 
midable force at no great distance from the capital. 
He had once been on friendly terms with the Peru- 
vian prince, and he now resolved, before proceed- 
ing farther, to send an embassy to his camp, and 
arrange an interview with him in the neighbour- 
hood of Cuzco 

Almagro's emissaries were well received by the 

* '* Peleando en on tiempo con i con la Hambre." Herrera, Hist. 
kit Eoemigos, coo k» EHementos, General, dec. 5, lib. 10, cap. 8. 
VOL. II. 12 


laca, who alleged his grounds of complaint against 
the Pizarros, and named the vale of Yucay as the 
place where he would confer with the marshal. The 
Spani^ commander accordingly resumed his march, 
and, taking one half of his force, whose whole num- 
ber fell somewhat short of five hundred meil( he 
repaired in person to the place of rendezvous; 
while the remainder of his army established their 
quarters at Urcos, about six leagues from the cap- 

The Spaniards in Cuzco, startled by the appear- 
ance of this fresh body of troops in their neigh- 
bourhood, doubted, when they learned the quarter 
whence they came, whether it betided them good Oi 
evil. Hernando Pizarro marched out of the city 
with a small force, and, drawing near to Urcos, 
heard with no little uneasiness of Almagro's purpose 
to insist on his pretensions to Cuzco. Though much 
inferior in strength to his rival, he determined to re- 
sist him. 

Meanwhile, the Peruvians, who had witnessed 
the conference between the soldiers of the opposite 
camps, suspected some secret understanding be- 
tween the parties, which would compromise the 
safety of the Inca. They communicated their dis- 
trust to Manco, and the latter, adopting the same 
sentiments, or perhaps, from the first, meditating a 
surprise of the Spaniards, suddenly fell upon the 
latter in the valley of Yucay with a body of fif- 

7 Pedro PizaxTo, Descub. y Pirn, MS. — Qyiedo, Hi«t. de las 
Cooq., MS.— CoDq. i Pob. del India8,MS.,P&ite3, lib.9, oiip.6. 


teen thousand men. But the veterans of Chili 
were too familiar with Indian tactics to be taken by 
surprise. And though a sharp engagement ensued, 
which lasted more than an hour, in which OrgoQez 
had a horse killed under him, the natives were final- 
ly driven back with great slaughter, and the Inca 
was so hi crippled by the blow, that he was not 
likely for the present to give further molestation.^ 

Almagro, now joining the division left at Urcos, 
saw no further impediment to his operations on 
Cuzco. He sent, at once, an embassy to the mu- 
nicipality of the place, requiring the recognition of 
him as its lawful governor, and presenting at the 
same time a copy of his credentials from the Crown» 
But the question of jurisdiction was not one easy to 
be settled, depending, as it did, on a knowledge of 
the true parallels of latitude, not very likely to be 
possessed by the rude followers of Pizarro. The 
royal grant had placed under his jurisdiction all the 
country extending two hundred and seventy leagues 
south of the river of Santiago, situated one degree 
and twenty minutes north of the equator. Two 
hundred and seventy leagues on the meridian, by 
our measurement, would fall more than a degree 
short of Cuzco, and, indeed, would barely include 
the city of Lima itself. But the Spanish leagues, 
of only seventeen and a half to a degree,* would 
remove the southern boundary to nearly half a de-p 

* Zante, Coiiq. del Peru, lib. 3, ^ ** Contando dies i siete \eguam 
e^). 4. — Conq. i Pob. del Piro, i media por grade/' Herrera, 
MS., Pazte 3, lib. 8, cap. 81. Hist. General, dec. 0, lib. 3, cap. 6. 


gree beyond tbe cajntal of the Incas, which would 
thus fall within the jurisdiction of Pizanro.^^ Yet 
the division-line ran so close to the disputed ground, 
that the true result might reasonaUy be doubted, 
where no careful scientific observations had been 
made to obtain it; and each party was prcnnpt to as- 
sert, as they always are in such cases, that its own 
claim was clear and unquestionable.^^ 

Thus summoned by Almagro, the authorities of 
Cuzco, unwilling to give umbrage to either of the 
contending chiefs, decided that they must wait until 
they could take counsel — which they promised to 
do at once — with certain pilots better instructed 
than themselves in the position of the Sandago* 
Meanwhile, a truce was arranged between the par- 
ties, each solenmly engaging to abstain from hos- 
tile measures, and to remain quiet in their present 

The weather now set in cold and rainy. Alma- 

10 The govemment had endeav- gaged Almagro in his Chili ezpe- 

oured early to provide against any dition, did not care to leriTe tbe 

dispute in regard to the limits of question, and the Bishop retained, 

tbe respective jurisdictions. The re in/ecfd, to his diocese, with strong 

language of the original grants feelings of disgust towards the gor- 

gave room to some misunderstand- emor. Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 3, cap. 1. 
ing ; and, as early as 1536, Fray ^^ " AU say," says Oiedo, in 

Jomas de Berlanga, Bishop of a letter to the emperor, ** that 

Tierra Firme, had been sent to Cuzco falls within the territory of 

Lima with full powers to determine Almagro." Oviedo was, prob^ly, 

the question of boundary, by fixing the best-informed man in the cok>- 

the latitude of the river of Santiago, nies. Yet this was an error. Car- 

and measuring two hundred and ta desde Sto. Domingo, MS., 25 

seventy leagues south on the me- de Oct. 1539. 
ridian. But Pizarro, having en- 


gro's soldiers, greatly discontented with their po- 
sition, flooded as it was by the waters, were quick 
to discover that Hernando Pizarro was busily em- 
ployed in strengthening himself in the city, contrary 
to agreement. They also learned with dismay, that 
a large body of men, sent by the governor from 
Lima, under command of Alonso de Alvarado, was 
on the march to relieve Cuzco. They exclaimed 
that they were betrayed, and that the truce had been 
only an artifice to secure their inactivity until the 
arrival of the expected succours^ In this state of 
excitement, it was not very difficult to persuade 
their commander — too ready to surrender his own 
judgment to the rash advisers around him — to vio- 
late the treaty, and take possession of the capital.** 

Under cover of a dark and stormy night (April 
8th, 1537), he entered the place without opposition, 
made himself master of the principal church, estab- 
lished strong parties of cavalry at the head of the 
great avenues to prevent surprise, and detached Or- 
gofiez with a body of infantry to force the dwelling 
of Hernando Pizarro. That captain was lodged 
with his brother Gonzalo in one of the large halls 
built by the Incas for public diversions, with im- 
mense doors of entrance that opened on the plaza. 
It was garrisoned by about twenty soldiers, who, as 
the gates were burst open, stood stoutly to the de- 

is Aooording to Zarate, Almar that *' he had been deceived." 

irro, on entering the capital, found (Conq. del Peni, lib. 3, cap. 4.) 

no appeaianoe of the designs im- He was probably easy of faith in 

puted to Hernando, and exclaimed the matter. 

94 ciTiL WAB or THE caKQUDEmomL Bmk it. 

tence tH xheir leader. A smart strnegfe 
wtiich nmie iifcs were lost, till at length OrgoBez, 
pTOTo&ed by the ofasdnate reastance, set fire to the 
kTomousnbie nooi ai die buildiiiff. It was speedSy 
in dames, ind the bonuiig rafters falfin^ on the 
headi or the Lnmates. they forced thek rdnctant 
leader to an unconditioiial surrender. Scaicelj had 
the Spaniards left the buildmet when the whole roof 
fell in with a tremendous crash. ^^ 

AIma«no was now master of Cozco. He ordered 
the PizaiTOs« with fifteen or twenty of the prisd- 
pal cavaliers* to be secured and placed m confine- 
ment. £.Tcept so iar as required for securing his 
authority'* he cfoes not seem to have been guilty (^ 
acts of violence to die inhabitants,'^ and he installed 
one oi Pizarro's most able officers, Gabriel de Rqas, 
in the ^vemmeut of the city. The municipality, 
whose eves were now open to the validity of Alma- 
gro*5 pretensions, made no further scruple to recc^- 
nize his title to Cuzco. 

The marshal*s first step was to send a message 
to Alonso de Alvarado's camp, advising that officer 
of his occupation of the city, and requiring his obe- 
dience to him, as its legitimate master. Alvarado 
was lying, with a body of five hundred men, horse 

13 Carta de EspinaU, Tesorero general testimony; yet Pedro Pi- 

dc N. Toledo, 15 dc Junio, 1539. sarro, one of the opposite faction, 

— Conq. i Fob. del Pirn, MS. — and among those imprisoned by 

Pfdro Pizarro, Deacub. y Conq., Almagro, complains that that chief 

MS. — Ovicdo, Hist, de las Li- plundered them of their hones and 

diaii, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 21. other property. Descnb. y Cooq., 

'* Ho it would appear from the BfS. 


and foot, at Xauxa, about thirteen leagues from the 
capital. He had been detached seveial months pro- 
Tiously for the relief of Cuzco ; but had, most unac- 
countaUy, and, as it proved, most unfortunately for 
the Peruvian capital, remained at Xauxa with the 
alleged motive of protecting that setdement and the 
surrounding country against the insurgents.'^ He 
now showed himself loyal to his commander ; and, 
when Almagro's ambassadors reached his camp, he 
put them in irons, and sent advice of what had 
been done to the governor at Lima. 

Almagro, offended by the detention of his emis- 
saries, prepared at once to march against Alonso de 
Alvarado, and take more effectual means to bring 
him to submission. His lieutenant, Orgoiiez, strong- 
ly urged him before his departure to strike off the 
heads o[ the Pizarros, alleging, ^< that, while they 
lived, his commander's life would never be safe " ; 
and concluding with the Spanish proverb, << Dead 
men never bite." '^ But the marshal, though he 
detested Hernando in his heart, shrunk from so vi- 
olent a measure ; and, independently of other con- 
siderations, he had still an attachment for his old 
associate, Francis Pizarro, and was unwilling to 

^ PizmiTo's secretary Picado largely trusted, both l)efore and 

M an enanmemdia in that neigh- after, by the Piiarros ; and we 

boQihood, and Alrarado, who was may presume there was some ex- 

loder penonal obligations to him, planation of his conduct, of which 

nnained there, it is said, at his we are not possessed. 
iMigation. (Herrera, Hist. Ge- l^ " E\ muerto no mordia." 

■Bol, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 7.) Al- Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 2, cap. 8. 
mads was a good oiBoer, and 


sever the lies between them for ever. Contenting 
himselfy therefore, with placing his prisoners under 
strong guard in one of the stone buildings belonging 
to the House of the Sun, he put himself at the 
head of his forces, and left the capital in quest of 

That officer had now taken up a position on the 
farther side of the Rio de Abancajfj where he lay, 
with the strength of his little army, in front of a 
bridge, by which its rapid waters are traversed, while 
a strong detachment occupied a spot commanding a 
ford lower down the river. But in this detachment 
was a cavalier of much consideration in the army, 
Pedro de Lerma, who, from some pique against his 
commander, had entered into treasonable correspond- 
ence with the opposite party. By his advice, Al- 
magro, on reaching the border of the river, estaUish- 
ed himself against the bridge in face of Alvarado, as 
if prepared to force a passage, thus concentrating 
his adversary's attention on that point. But, when 
darkness had set in, he detached a large body under 
Orgoilez to pass the ford, and operate in concert 
with Lerma. Orgoflez executed this commission 
with his usual promptness. The ford was crossed, 
though the current ran so swiftly, that several of his 
men were swept away by it, and perished in the 
waters. Their leader received a severe wound him- 
self in the mouth, as he was gaining the opposite 
bank, but, nothing daunted, he cheered on his men, 
and fell with fury on the enemy. He was speedily 
joined by Lerma, and such of the soldiers as he 


had gained over, and, unable to distinguish friend 
from foe, the enemy's confusion was complete. 

Meanwhile, Alvarado, roused by the noise of the 
attack on this quarter, hastened to the support of 
his officer, when Almagro, seizing the occasion, 
pushed across the bridge, dispersed the small body 
left to defend it, and, falling on Alvarado's rear, that 
general saw himself hemmed in on all sides. The 
stmg^e did not last long; and the unfortunate 
chief, uncertain on whom he could rely, surren- 
dered with all his force, — those only excepted 
who had already deserted to the enemy. Such 
was the battle of Abancay, as it was called, from 
the rirer on whose banks it was fought, on the 
twelfth of July, 1637. Never was a victory more 
complete, or achieved with less cost of life; and 
Almagro marched back, with an array of prisoners 
scarcely inferior to his own army in number, in tri- 
um|rfi to Cuzco.^' 

While the events related in the preceding pages 
were passing, Francisco Pizarro had remained at 
Lima, anxiously awaiting the arrival of the re* 
inforcements which he had requested, to enable 
him to march to the relief of the beleaguered capital 
of the Incas. His appeal had not been unanswered. 
Among the rest was a corps of two hundred and 
fifty men, led by the Licentiate Caspar de Espinosa, 

^'^ Carts de FranciBCo Pizarro al Hist, de las Indias, MS., ubi supra. 

OUbPO de Tierra Furme, MS., 38 — Conq. i Pob. del Pini, MS.— 

de AjToeto, 1539. — Pedro Pixarro, Carta de Espina]], MS. 
I>eKub. y Conq., MS. — Oviedo, 

VOL. II. 13 


one of the three original associates, it may be re- 
membered, who engaged in the conquest of Peru. 
He had now left his own residence at Panami, and 
came in person, for the first time, it would seem, to 
revive the drooping fortunes of his confederates. 
Pizarrp received also a vessel laden with provisions, 
military stores, and other necessary supplies, be- 
sides a rich wardrobe for himself, from Cort6s, the 
Conqueror of Mexico, who generously stretched 
forth his hand to aid his kinsman in the hour of 

With a force amounting to four hundred and fifty 
men, half of them cavalry, the governor quitted 
Lima, and began his march on the Inca capital. 
He had not advanced far, when he received tidings 
of the return of Almagro, the seizure of Cuzco, 
and the imprisonment of his brothers ; and, before 
he had time to recover from this astounding intelU- 
gence, he learned the total defeat and capture of 
Alvarado. Filled with consternation at these rapid 
successes of his rival, he now returned in all haste 
to Lima, which he put in the best posture of de- 
fence, to secure it against the hostile movements, not 
unlikely, as he thought, to be directed against that 
capital itself. Meanwhile, far from indulging in im- 
potent sallies of resentment, or in complaints of his 
ancient comrade, he only lamented that Almagro 

*8 << Fernando Cort^ embi6 con reijos, Yestidos de Seda, i mi 

Rodrigo de Grijalva en vn proprio Ropa de Martas." Gomara, ffirt. 

Navio suio, desde la Nueya Eapofia, de las Ind. , cap. 136. 
muchas Armas, Tiros, Jaeces, Ade- 


should have resorted to these violent measures for 
the settlement of their dispute, and this less — if 
we may take his word for it — from personal consid- 
erations than from the prejudice it might do to the 
interests of the Crown.'® 

But, while busily occupied with warlike prepara- 
tions, he did not omit to try the effect of negotiation. 
He sent an embassy to Cuzco, consisting of several 
persons in whose discretion he placed the greatest 
confidence, with Espinosa at their head, as the party 
most interested in an amicable arrangement. 

The licentiate, on his arrival, did not find Al- 
magro in as favorable a mood for an accommo- 
dation as he could have wished. Elated by his 
recent successes, he now aspired not only to the 
possession of Cuzco, but of Lima itself, as falling 
within the limits of his jurisdiction. It was in vain 
that Espinosa urged the propriety, by every argu- 
ment which prudence could suggest, of moderating 
his demands. His claims upon Cuzco, at least, 
were not io be shaken, and he declared himself 
ready to peril his life in maintaining them. The 
licentiate coolly replied by quoting the pithy Castil- 
ian proverb, El vencido vencidoj y el venddor per- 
dido ; ^^ The vanquished vanquished, and the victor 

What influence the temperate arguments of the 
licentiate might eventually have had on the heated 
imagination of the soldier is doubtfid ; but unfortu- 

^ Henen, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 2, cap. 7. 



nately for the negotiation, it was almiptly tenninated 
by the death of Espinosa himself, which took place 
most unexpectedly, though, strange to say, in those 
times, without the imputation of poison.^ He was a 
great loss to the parties in the existing fermentatkn 
of their minds ; for he had the weight of character 
which belongs to wise and moderate counselsi and 
a deeper interest than any other man in recommend* 
ing them. 

The name of Espinosa is memoraUe in Mstoiy 
from his early connection with the expedition to 
Peru, which, but for the seasonable, though secret, 
application of his funds, could not then have be^ 
compassed. He had long been a resident in the 
Spanish colonies of Tierra Firme and Panami^ 
where he had served in various capacities, some* 
times as a legal functionary presiding in the ooorts 
of justice,^^ and not unfrequently as an efficient 
leader in the early expeditions of conquest and dis- 
covery. In these manifold vocations he acquired 
high reputation for probity, intelligence, and cour- 
age, and his death at the present crisis was un- 
doubtedly the most unfortunate event that could 
befall the country. 

All attempt at negotiation was now abandoned; 

90 Carta de Pizarro al Obi^ Vasco Nunez de Balboa. But it 

de Tierra Firme, MS. — Herrera, must be allowed, that he made gieil 

Hist. Genera], dec. 6, lib. 3, cap. efforts to resist the tyramiieal pio- 

13. — Carta de Espinall, MS. oeedings of Pedrarias, and he «■»• 

3^ He incurred some odium as nestly recommended the piiaoiier to 

presiding ofEcer in the trial and mercy. See Herrera, Hist. Ge- 

condemnation of the unfortunate neral, dec. 2, lib. 8, cap. 81, 89. 


and Almagro announced his purpose to descend to 
the sea-coast, where he could plant a colony and es- 
tablish a port for himself. This would secure him 
the means, so essential, of communication with the 
mother-country, and here he would resume negotia- 
tions for the settlement of his dispute with Pizarro. 
Before quitting Cuzco, he sent Orgoiiez with a 
strong force against the Inca, not caring to leave the 
capital exposed in his absence to further annoyance 
bom that quarter. 

But the Inca, discouraged by his late discomfiture, 
and unable, perhaps, to rally in sufficient strength 
for resistance, abandoned his strong-hold at Tambo, 
and retreated across the mountains. He was hotly 
pursued by Orgoiiez over hill and valley, till, desert- 
ed by his followers, and with only one of his wives 
to bear him company, the royal fugitive took shelter 
in the remote fastnesses of the Andes.^ 

Before leaving the capital, Orgoiiez again urged 
his commander to strike off the heads of the Pizar- 
los, and then march at once upon Lima. By this 
decisive step he would bring the war to an issue, 
and for ever secure himself from the insidious machi- 
nations of his enemies. But, in the mean time, a 
new friend had risen up to the captive brothers. 
This was Diego de Alvarado, brother of that Pedro, 
who, as mentioned in a preceding chapter, had con- 
ducted the unfortunate expedition to Quito. After 
his brother's departure, Diego had attached himself 

■ Pedro PizaiTo, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Conq. i Fob. del 
Fini, MS. 


to the fortunes of Almagro, had accompamed him to 
Chilly and, as he was a cavalier of birth, and pos- 
sessed of some truly noble qualities, he had gained 
deserved ascendency over his commander. Alvara- 
do had frequently visited Hernando Pizarro in his 
confinement, where, to beguile the tediousness of 
captivity, he amused himself with gaming, — the 
passion of the Spaniard. They played deep, and 
Alvarado lost the enormous sum of eighty thousand 
gold castellanos. He was prompt in paying the 
debt, but Hernando Pizarro peremptorily declined to 
receive the money. By this politic generosity, he 
secured an important advocate in the council of Al- 
magro. It stood him now in good stead. Alvarado 
represented to the marshal, that such a measure as 
that urged by OrgoSez would not only outrage the 
feelings of his followers, but would ruin his fortunes 
by the indignation it must excite at court. When 
Almagro acquiesced in these views, as in truth most 
grateful to his own nature, OrgoBez, chagrined at 
his determination, declared that the day would come 
when he would repent this mistaken lenity. " A 
Pizarro," he said, " was never known to forget an 
injury; and that which they had already received 
from Almagro was too deep for them to forgive.^ 
Prophetic words ! 

On leaving Cuzco, the marshal gave orders that 
Gonzalo Pizarro and the other prisoners should be 
detained in strict custody. Hernando he took with 
him, closely guarded, on his march. Descending 
rapidly towards the coast, he reached the pleasant 


vale of Chincha in the latter part of August. 
Here he occupied himself with laying the founda- 
tions of a town bearing his own name, which might 
serve as a counterpart to the City of the Kings, — 
thus bidding defiance, as it were, to his rival on his 
own borders. While occupied in this manner, he 
received the unwelcome tidings, that Gonzalo Pi- 
zarro, Alonso de Alvarado, and the other prisoners, 
having tampered vnth their guards, had effected 
their escape from Cuzco, and he soon after heard 
of their safe arrival in the camp of Pizarro. 

Chafed by this intelligence, the marshal was not 
soothed by the insinuations of Orgoiiez, that it was 
owing to his ill-advised lenity ; and it might have 
gone hard vnth Hernando, but that Almagro's atten- 
tion was diverted by the negotiation which Fran- 
cisco Pizarro now proposed to resume. 

After some correspondence between the parties, 
it was agreed to submit the arbitration of the dis- 
pute to a single individual, Fray Francisco de Bo- 
vadilla, a Brother of the Order of Mercy. Though 
living in Lima, and, as might be supposed, under 
the influence of Pizarro, he had a reputation for in- 
tegrity that disposed Almagro to confide the settle- 
ment of the question exclusively to him. In this 
implicit confidence in the friar's impartiality, Orgo- 
Bez, of a less sanguine temper than his chief, did 
not participate.*^ 

* Carta de Gutierrez al Empe- Hist, de ha Ind., MS., ubi supra. 
ndor, MS., 10 de Feb. 1539.— — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, 
CaitadeEsj^naU, MS. — Oriedo, lib. S, cap. 8-14. — Pedro Pi- 

lOi CITIL WAS8 or THE C0NQUEB0R8. [Boos IT. 

An interview was arranged between the rival 
chiefs. It took place at Mala, November ISth, 
1537 ; but very different was the deportment of the 
two commanders towards each other finom that 
which they had exhibited at their former meetings. 
Almagro, indeed, doffing his bonnet, advanced in fats 
usual open manner to salute his ancient comrade; 
but Pizarro, hardly condescending to return the sa« 
lute, haughtily demanded why the marshal had seized 
upon his city of Cusco, and imprisoned his fatothen* 
This led to a recrimination on the part of his asso- 
ciate. The discussion assumed the tone of an angiy 
altercation, till Almagro, taking a hint — or what 
he conceived to be such — from an attendant, tittl 
some treachery was intended, abruptly quitted die 
apartment, mounted his hcnrse, and gaUoped back to 
his quarters at Chincha.^ The conference dosed, 
as might have been anticipated from the heated 
temper of their minds when they began it, by 
widening the breach it was intended to heal. The 

zuro, Deacab. y Conq., MS.— (Herrera, Hist. General, dec. S, 
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, lib. 3, cap. 4.) Pedro Piairo ad- 
cap. 8. — Naharro, Relacion Su- mits the truth of the deeigii im* 
maria, MS. puted to Gonzalo, whidi lie was 
^ It was said that Ctonxalo Pi- prevented from putting into eaasoh 
zarro lay in ambush with a strong tioa by the commands of the gof^ 
force in the neighbourhood to in- emor, who, the chronicler, with 
teroept the marshal, and that the edifying simplicity, or 

latter was warned of his danger informs us, was a man that scraps-, 

by an honorable cavalier of the lously kept lus word. '* Porqne el 

opposite party, who repeated a dis- marquez don Francisco Pi^azro heim 

tich of an old ballad, hombre ijue guardava mndio an 

"Tiempoes el Caban«ro palabra." Descub. y Conq., MS. 
Tiempo M dt uidar dt Mpii." 


fiiar, now left wholly to himself, after some de- 
liberation, gave his award. He decided that a 
vessel, with a skilfiil pilot on board, should be 
sent to determine the exact latitude of the river 
of Santiago, the northern boundary of Pizarro's 
territory, by which all the measurements were to be 
regulated. In the mean time, Cuzco was to be 
delivered up by Almagro, and Hernando Pizarro to 
be set at liberty, on condition of his leaving the 
eoontry in six weeks for Spain. Both parties were 
to retire within their undisputed territories, and to 
abandon all further hostilities.^ 

This award, as may be supposed, highly satisfac- 
tory to Pizarro, was received by Almagro's men 
widi mdignation and scorn. They had been sold, 
diey cried, by their general, broken, as he was, by 
age and infirmities. Their enemies were to occu- 
py Cuzco and its pleasant places, while they were 
to be turned over to the barren wilderness of Char- 
cas. Little did they dream that under this poor 
exterior were hidden the rich treasures of Potosi. 
They denounced the umpire as a hireling of the 
governor, and murmurs were heard among the 
troops, stimulated by OrgoQez, demanding the head 
of Hernando. Never was that cavalier in greater 
danger. But his good genius in the form of Alva- 
rado again interposed to protect him. His life in 
captivity was a succession of reprieves.^ 

* Pedro Pkarroy Deanib. j * EspinaD, Almagio's tieaa* 

Conq., MS. — Carta de FiWpinal], urer, denoonoes the ficiar "at 

US. proTing himaelf a Teiy deril " bf 
▼OL. II. 14 


Yet his brother, the governor, was not disposed 
to abandon him to his fate. On the contrary, he 
was now prepared to make every concession to se- 
cure his freedom. Concessions, that politic chief 
well knew, cost little to those who are not con- 
cerned to abide by them. After some preliminary 
negotiation, another award, more equitable, or, at all 
events, more to the satisfaction of the discontented 
party, was given. The principal articles of it were, 
that, until the arrival of some definitive instructioiis 
on the point from Castile, the city of Cuzco, with its 
territory, should remain in the hands of Almagro; 
and that Hernando Pizarro should be set at liber^, 
on the condition, above stipulated, of leaving the 
country in six weeks. — When the terms of this 
agreement were communicated to Orgofiez, that 
officer intimated his opinion of them, by passing his 
finger across his throat, and exclaiming, "What 
has my fidelity to my conmiander cost me ! '' *^ 

Almagro, in order to do greater honor to his pris- 
oner, visited him in person, and announced to him 
that he was from that moment firee. He expressed 
a hope, at the same time, that " all past differences 
would be buried in oblivion, and that henceforth 

this award. (Carta al flmperador, 87 « i tomando la baiba oon h 
MS.) And Oviedo, a more dis- mano izquierda, oon la derecha hi^o 

passionate judge, quotes, without sefial de cortaise la cabe^a, 

condemning, a cavalier who told do : Orgofiez, OrgoDea, per el 

the father, that *' a sentence so amistad de Don Diego de Almagxo 

unjust had not been pronounced te han de cortar esta.'* Herreia, 

since the time of Pontius Pilate " ! Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 3, 

Hist, de las Indias, MS., Parte 3, cap. 0. 
lib. 8, cap. 21. 


they should live only in the recollection of their 
ancient friendship." Hernando replied, with ap- 
parent cordiality, that "he desired nothing better 
for himself." He then swore in the most solemn 
manner, and pledged his knightly honor, — the lat- 
ter, perhaps, a pledge of quite as much weight in his 
own mind as the former, — that he would faithfully 
comply with the terms stipulated in the treaty. He 
was next conducted by the marshal to his quar- 
ters, where he partook of a collation in company 
with the principal officers ; several of whom, to- 
gether with Diego Almagro, the general's son, after- 
ward escorted the cavalier to his brother's camp, 
which had been transferred to the neighbouring 
town of Mala. Here the party received a most 
cordial greeting from the governor, who entertained 
them with a courtly hospitality, and lavished many 
attentions, in particular, on the son of his ancient 
associate. In short, such, on their return, was the 
account of their reception, that it left no doubt in 
the mind of Almagro that all was at length amicably 
settled.* — He did not know Pizarro. 

* Hud., loo. cit. — Carta de Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zarate, 
GntieRcs, BiS. — Pedro Pizarro, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 0. 


First Civil Was. — Axmaoro retreats to Citico. — Battle or 
Las Salinas. — Cruelty or the Conquerors. — Trial and Ei' 
ecution of Almagro. — His Character. 

1537 — 1538. 

ScA&cELT had Almagro's officers left the govern* 
or's quarters, when the latter, calling his little army 
together, brieflj recapitulated the many wrongs 
which had been done him by his rival, the seizure of 
his capital, the imprisonment of his brothers, die 
assault and defeat of his troops; and he concluded 
with the declaration, — heartily echoed back by his 
military audience, — that the time had now come 
for revenge. All the while that the negotiations 
were pending, Pizarro had been busily occupied 
with military preparations. He had mustered a force 
considerably larger than that of his rival, drawn from 
various quarters, but most of them familiar with 
service. He now declared, that, as he was too old 
to take charge of the campaign himself, he should 
devolve that duty on his brothers ; and he released 
Hernando from all his engagements to Almagro, as 
a measure justified by necessity. That cavalier, 
with graceful pertinacity, intimated his design to 
abide by the pledges he had given, but, at length. 


yielded a reluctant assent to the commands of his 
brother, as to a measure imperatirelj demanded by 
his duty to the Crown.^ 

The governor's next step was to advise Alma* 
gro that the treaty was at an end. At the same 
time, he warned him to relinquish his pretensions to 
Cuzco, and withdraw into his own territory, or the 
responsibility of the consequences would lie on his 
own head. 

Reposing in his false security, Almagro was now 
fiilly awakened to the consciousness of the error he 
had committed ; and the warning voice of his lieu- 
tenant may have risen to his recdlection. The 
first part of the prediction was fulfilled. And what 
should prevent the latter from being so ? To add 
to his distress, he was laboring at this time under a 
grievous malady, the result of early excesses, which 
shattered his constitution, and made him incapaUe 
alike of mental and bodily exertion.^ 

In this forlorn condition, he confided the manage- 
ment of his afiairs to OrgoQez, on whose loyalty and 
courage he knew he might imjdicitly rely. The first 
step was to secure the passes of the Guaitara, a 
chain of hills that hemmed in the valley of Zanga- 
lla, where Almagro was at present established. But, 
by some miscalculation, the passes were not secured 
in season ; and the active enemy, threading the dan* 

^ Herrera, Hist. General, dec. It was a hard penalty, oocurring at 

6, lib. 3f cap. 10. this crisis, for the sins, perhaps, 

> *' Cay6 enfermo i estuTo malo of earlier days ; hot 

a punto do muerte de bubas i dolo- «Th.fod.«wj-i,«idafa«rplt-«*no« 

res." (Carta de EspinaD, MS.) MakeiiMinioMnutoaGourjettfl." 


gerous defiles, effected a passage across the sierra, 
where a much inferior force to his own might have 
taken him at advantage. The fortunes of Almagro 
were on the wane. 

His thoughts were now turned towards Cuzco, 
and he was anxious to get possession of this cap- 
ital before the arrival of the enemy. Too feeUe to 
sit on horseback, he was obliged to be carried in a 
litter ; and, when he reached the ancient town of 
Bilcas, not far from Guamanga, his indisposition was 
so severe that he was compelled to halt and remain 
there three weeks before resuming his march. 

The governor and his brothers, in the mean time, 
after traversing the pass of Guaitara, descended into 
the valley of lea, where Pizarro remained a consid- 
erable while, to get his troops into order and com- 
plete his preparations for the campaign. Then, tak- 
ing leave of the army, he returned to Lima, com- 
mitting the prosecution of the war, as he had before 
announced, to his younger and more active brothers. 
Hernando, soon after quitting lea, kept along the 
coast as far as Nasca, proposing to penetrate the 
country by a circuitous route in order to elude the 
enemy, who might have greatly embarrassed him in 
some of the passes of the Cordilleras. But unhap- 
pily for him, this plan of operations, which would 
have given him such manifest advantage, was not 
adopted by Almagro ; and his adversary, without 
any other impediment than that arising from the 
natural difficulties of the march, arrived, in the latter 
part of April, 1638, in the neighbourhood of Cuzco. 


But Almagro was already in possession of that 
capital, which he had reached ten days before. A 
council of war was held bj him respecting the course 
to be pursued. Some were for making good the de- 
fence of the city. Almagro would have tried what 
could be done by negotiation. But OrgoQez bluntly 
replied, — ^^ It is too late ; you have liberated Her- 
nando Pizarro, and nothing remains but to fight 
him." The opinion of OrgoBez finally prevailed, to 
march out and give the enemy battle on the plains. 
The marshal, stUl disabled by illness from taking the 
command, devolved it on his trusty lieutenant, who, 
mustering his forces, left the city, and took up a 
position at Las Salinas, less than a league distant 
from Cuzco. The place received its name from 
certain pits or vats in the ground, used for the prep- 
aration of salt, that was obtained from a natural 
spring in the neighbourhood. It was an injudicious 
choice of ground, since its broken character was 
most unfavorable to the free action of cavalry, in 
which the strength of Almagro's force consisted. 
But, although repeatedly urged by the officers to 
advance into the open country, OrgoBez persisted 
in his position, as the most favorable for defence, 
since the front was protected by a marsh, and by 
a: little stream that flowed over the plain. His 
forces amounted in all to about five hundred, more 
than half of them horse. His infantry was deficient 
in fire-arms, the place of which was supplied by the 
long pike. He had also six small cannon, or fal- 
conets, as they were called, which, with his cavalry. 



formed into two equal divisions, he disposed on the 
flanks of his infantry. Thus prepared, he calmly 
awaited the approach of the enemy. 

It was not long before the bright arms and ban- 
ners of the Spaniards under Hernando Pizarro were 
seen emerging from the mountain passes. The 
troops came forward in good order, and like men 
whose steady step showed that they had been spared 
in the march, and were now fresh for action. They 
advanced slowly across the plain, and halted on the 
opposite border of the little stream which covered 
the front of OrgoQez. Here Hernando, as the sun 
had set, took up his quarters for the night, proposing 
to defer the engagement till daylight.^ 

The rumors of the approaching battle bad spread 
far and wide over the country ; and the mountains 
and rocky heights around were thronged with multi- 
tudes of natives, eager to feast their eyes on a spec- 
tacle, where, whichever side were victorious, the 
defeat would fall on their enemies-^ The Castilian 
women and children, too, with still deeper anxiety, 
had thronged out from Cuzco to witness the deadly 
strife in which brethren and kindred were to con- 
tend for mastery.^ The whole number of the com- 
batants was insignificant; though not as compared 
with those usually engaged in these American wais. 

3 Carta de Gutierrez, MS.— Grarcilasso, Com. ReaL, Pane 9, 

Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., lib. 2, cap. 36, 37. 

MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, ^ Herrera, Hist. Genenl, dee. 

dec. G, lib. 4, cap. 1-5. — Carta 6, lib. 4, cap. 5, 6. 

de EspinaU, MS. — Zarate, Conq. ^ Ibid., ubi supra, 
del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 10, 11. — 


It is not, howerer, the number of the players, but 
the magnitude of the stake, that gives importance 
and interest to the game ; and in this bloody game, 
they were to play for the possession of an empire. 

The night passed away in silence, unbroken by 
the vast assembly which covered the surrounding 
hill-tops. Nor did the soldiers of the hostile camps, 
although keeping watch within hearing of one an- 
other, and with the same blood flowing in their 
veins, attempt any communication. So deadly was 
die hate in their bosoms ! ® 

The sun rose bright, as usual in this beautiful 
climate, on Saturday, the twenty-sixth day of April, 
1538.^ But long before his beams were on the 
plain, the trumpet of Hernando Pizarro had called 
his men to arms. His forces amounted in all to 
about seven hundred. They were drawn from va- 
rious quarters, the veterans of Pizarro, the follow- 
ers of Alonso de Alvarado, — many of whom, since 
their defeat, had found their way back to Lima, 
— and the late reinforcement from the isles, most 
of them seasoned by many a toilsome march in 

* '* I fue COM de notar, fine se circumfltanoe leads Garalaseo to 

tttorieioo toda la Noche, sin que suppose that the battle took placo 

i^xiie de la Tna i otra parte pen- on Saturday, the sixth, — the day 

■UK en morer tratoe de Paz : tanta after the Feast of Saint Lazarus, 

^ fat iia i aborredmiento de am- — and not on the twenty-sixth 

^ptrtes.*' Ibid., cap. 6. of April, as commonly reported. 

^ A church dedicated to Saint Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. S, cap. 

^^■ttos was afterwards erected on 38. See also Montesinoe, (An- 

^ battle-ground, and the bodies nales, MS., afio 1538,) — an in- 

^ thoee slain in the action were different authority for any thing. 
""«ted within its wtfUs. This 

VOL. II. 15 


the Indian campaigns, and many a hard-fought 
field. His mounted troops were inferior to those 
of Almagro ; but this was more than compensated 
by the strength of his infantry, comprehending a 
well-trained corps of arquebusiers, sent from St 
Domingo, whose weapons were of the improved 
construction recently introduced from Flanden. 
They were of a large calibre, and threw douUe- 
headed shot, consisting of bullets linked together by 
an iron chain. It was doubtless a clumsy weapon 
compared with modem fire-arms, but, in hands ac- 
customed to wield it, proved a destructive instru- 

Hernando Pizarro drew up his men in the same 
order of battle as that presented by the enemy, — 
throwing his infantry into the centre, and dispoang 
his horse on the flanks ; one corps of which he 
placed under command of Alonso de Alvarado, and 
took charge of the other himself. The infantry was 
headed by his brother Gonzalo, supported by Pedro 
dc Valdivia, the future hero of Arauco, whose dis- 
astrous story forms the burden of romance as well 
as of chronicle.* 

Mass was said, as if the Spaniards were about to 
fight what they deemed the good fight of the faith, 

^ Zarau>« Conq. del Pera, lib. 3, never did the Mnae Tentme od audi 

r»p. 8. — GairiUso, Com. Real., a specification of details, not menly 

Pano ':>, lib. H, cap. 96. poetical, bat political, geogn|iliical, 

^ The Araucana of Ercilla may and Matistieal, as in this eelefanted 

cl.^m the merit, indeed,— if it be Castilian epic It k a militaij 

a nK^rii, — of combining both ro- jounal done into ihyme. 
manee and historr in one. Sniely 

Ch. U.] battle of las SALINAS. 115 

instead of imbruing their hands in the blood of 
their countrymen. Hernando Pizarro then made a 
brief address to his soldiers. He touched on the 
personal injuries he and his family had received from 
Almagro ; reminded his brother's veterans that Cuz- 
co had been wrested from their possession ; called up 
the glow of shame on the brows of Alvarado's men 
as he talked of the rout of Abancay, and, pointing 
out the Inca metropolis that sparkled in the morning 
sunshine, he told them that there was the prize of 
the victor. They answered his appeal with accla- 
mations; and the si^al being given, Gonzalo Pizar- 
ro, heading his battalion of infantry, led it straight 
across the river. The water was neither broad nor 
deep, and the soldiers found no difficulty in gain- 
mg a landing, as the enemy's horse was prevented 
by the marshy ground from approaching the borders. 
But, as they worked their way across the morass, 
the heavy guns of Orgoftez played with effect on 
the leading files, and threw them into disorder. 
Gonzalo and Valdivia threw themselves into the 
midst of their followers, menacing some, encour- 
aging others, and at length led them gallantly for- 
ward to the firm ground. Here the arquebusiers, 
detaching themselves from the rest of the infantry, 
gained a small eminence, whence, in their turn, 
they opened a galling fire on OrgoQez, scattering 
his array of spearmen, and sorely annoying the cav- 
alry on the flanks. 

Meanwhile, Hernando, forming his two squadrons 
of horse into one column, crossed under cover of 


this well-sustained fire, and, reaching the firm 
ground, rode at once against the enemy. OrgcAez, 
whose infantry was already much crippled, advanc- 
ing his horse, formed the two squadrons into one 
body, like his antagonist, and spurred at fiiU gallop 
against the assailants. The shock was terriUe; 
and it was hailed by the swarms of Indian spec- 
tators on the surrounding heights with a fiendidi 
yell of triumph, that rose far above the din of bat- 
tle, till it was lost in distant echoes among the 

The struggle was desperate. For it was not 
that of the white man against the defenceless Ind- 
ian, but of Spaniard against Spaniard ; both par- 
ties cheering on their comrades with their batde- 
cries of " El Rey y Almagro^'^^ or " El Rey y Pizar- 
roj^^ — while they fought with a hate, to which 
national antipathy was as nothing ; a hate strong 
in proportion to the strength of the ties that had 
been rent asunder. 

In this bloody field well did Orgoliez do hb du- 
ty, fighting like one to whom battle was the natural 
element. Singling out a cavalier, whom, from the 
color of the sobre-vest on his armour, he erroneously 

1® Herrera, Hist. General, dec. mode of attack, are told as Tan- 

6, lib. 4, cap. 6. — Pedro Pizarro, oualy and confusedly, as if it kad 

Descub. y Conq., MS.— Carta de been a contest between two great 

Espinall, MS. — Zarate, Conq. del armies, instead of a handful of men 

Peru, lib. 3, cap. 11. on either side. It would seem that 

Every thing relating to this bat- truth is nowhere so difficult to 

de, — the disposition of the forces, come at, as on the battle-field, 
the character of the ground, the 


supposed to be Hernando Pizarro, he charged him 
in full career, and overthrew him with his lance. 
Another he ran through in like manner, and a third 
he struck down with his sword, as he was prema- 
turely shouting "Victory!" But while thus doing 
the deeds of a paladin of romance, he was hit by 
a chain-shot from an arquebuse, which, penetrating 
die bars of his visor, grazed his forehead, and de- 
prived him for a moment of reason. Before he 
had fully recovered, his horse was killed under him, 
and though the fallen cavalier succeeded in extricat- 
ing himself from the stirrups, he was surrounded, 
and soon overpowered by numbers. Still refusing 
to deliver up his sword, he asked " if there was no 
knight to whom he could surrender." One Fu- 
entes, a menial of Pizarro, presenting himself as 
such, QrgoQez gave his sword into his hands, — 
and the dastard, drawing his dagger, stabbed his 
defenceless |»isoner to the heart! His head, then 
struck off, was stuck on a pike, and disjdayed, a 
Uoody trophy, in the great square of Cuzco, as the 
head of a traitor." Thus perished as loyal a cava- 
lier, as decided in council, and as bold in action, as 
ever crossed to the shores of America. 

The fight had now lasted more than an hour, 
and the fortune of the day was turning against the 
fidUowers of Almagro. OrgoBez being down, their 
confusion increased. The infantry, unable to en- 
dure the fire of the arquebusiers, scattered and took 

^^ Pedro Pizarro, Descnb. y nenl, nbi supra. — Zante, Conq. 
Cooq., BIS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- del Pent, nbi sopn. 


refiige behind the stone-walls, that here and there 
straggled across the country. Pedro de Lenna, 
vainly striving to rally the cavalry, spurred his horse 
against Hernando Pizarro, with whom he had a 
personal feud. Pizarro did not shrink from the en- 
counter. The lances of both the knights took ef- 
fect. That of Hernando penetrated the thi^ of 
his opponent, while Lerma's weapon, glandng by 
his adversary's saddle-bow, struck him with such 
force above the groin, that it pierced the joints of 
his mail, slightly wounding the cavalier, and forcing 
his horse back on his haunches. But the press of 
the fight soon parted the combatants, and, in the 
turmoil that ensued, Lerma was unhcMTsed, and left 
on the field covered with wounds.** 

There was no longer order, and scarcely redst- 
ance, among the followers of Almagro. They fled, 
making the best of their way to Cuzco, and happy 
was the man who obtained quarter when he asked 
it. Almagro himself, too feeble to sit so long on his 
horse, reclined on a litter, and from a neighbour- 
ing eminence surveyed the battle, watching its fluc- 
tuations with all the interest of one who felt that 
honor, fortune, life itself, hung on the issue. With 
agony not to be described, he had seen his faithful 

^ Herrera, Hist. General, ubi of it to Orgofiex, that the ! 

supra. — Gardlasso, Com. Real., might distinguish him in the mdfif. 

Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 36. But a knight in Henumdo's soile 

Hernando Pizarro wore a but- also wore the same colon, it a^ 

coat of orange-colored Telvet over pears, which led OrgoBes into 

his armour, according to Grardlasso, error, 
and before the batUe sent notice 


followers, after their hard struggle, borne down by 
their opponents, till, convinced that all was lost, he 
succeeded in mounting a mule, and rode off for a 
temporary refuge to the fortress of Cuzco. Thither 
he was speedily followed, taken, and brought in 
triumph to the capital, where, ill as he was, he 
was thrown into irons, and confined in the same 
apartment of the stone building in which he had 
imjNrisoned the Pizarros. 

The action lasted not quite two hours. The 
number of killed, variously stated, was probably not 
less than a hundred and fifty, — one of the com- 
batants calls it two hundred,^^ — a great number, 
considering the shortness of the time, and the small 
amount of forces engaged. No account is given of 
the wounded. Wounds were the portion of the 
cavalier. Pedro de Lerma is said to have received 
seventeen, and yet was taken alive fi-om the field ! 
The loss fell chiefly on the followers of Almagro. 
But the slaughter was not confined to the heat 
of the action. Such was the deadly animosity of 
the parties, that several were murdered in cold 
blood, like Orgonez, after they had surrendered. 

^ " Mnrieion en esta Batalla de que en el mundo se ha visto, porque 
ha Salinas casi dozientoe hombres matavan a los hombres rendidos e 
de TD^ parte y de otra." (Pedro desarmadoe, e por les quitar las 
Pizano, Descub. y Conq., MS.) annas los mataban si presto no se 
Most authorities rate the loss at las quitaban, e trayendo k las ancas 
less. The treasurer Espinall, a de un caballo a un Ruy Diaz yi- 
partisan of Almagro, says they niendo rendido e desannado le ma- 
massacred a hundred and fifty aAer taron, i desta manera mataron mas 
the fight, in cold blood. *' Siguie- de ciento d cinquenta hombres." 
TOQ el alcame U mas cmelmente Carta, MS. 


Pedro de Lerma himself, while lying on his sick 
couch in the quarters of a friend in Cussco, was 
visited by a soldier, named Samaniego, whom he 
had once struck for an act of disobedience. This 
person entered the sditary chamber of the wounded 
man, took his place by his bed-side, and then, up- 
braiding him for the insult, told him that he had 
come to wash it a>vay in his blood ! Lerma in vain 
assured him, that, when restored to health, he would 
give him the satisfaction he desired. The miscre- 
ant, exclaiming ^^Now is the hour!" plunged his 
sword into his bosom. He lived several years to 
vaunt this atrocious exploit, which he proclaimed as 
a reparation to his honor. It is some satisfaction 
to know that the insolence of this vaunt cost him 
his life.^^ — Such anecdotes, revolting as they are, 
illustrate not merely the spirit of the times, but that 
peculiarly ferocious spirit which is engendered by 
civil wars, — the most unforgi\ing in their character 
of any, but wars of religion. 

In the hurry of the flight of one party, and the 
pursuit by the other, all pouring towards Cuzco, the 
field of battle had been deserted. But it soon 
swarmed with plunderers, as the Indians, descend- 
ing like vultures from the mountains, took posses- 
sion of the bloody ground, and, despoiling the dead, 

1^ Carta de Eq>iiiaU, MS. — time, ktTing oatragedthe feeliagt 

Gircilasso, Com. Red., Parte 2, of that officer and the oommunhy 

lib. 2, cap. 3d. by the insolent and open manner 

He was hanged lor this Terr in which he boasted of his atroekmi 

crime by the govenor of Puerto exploit. 
Yiejo, about fire 3rearB after this 


even to the minutest article of dress, left their 
corpses naked on the plain.^^ It has been thought 
sU'ange that the natives should not have availed them- 
selves of their superior numbers to fall on the victors 
after they had been exhausted bj the battle. But 
the scattered bodies of the Peruvians were without a 
leader ; they were broken in spirits, moreover, by re- 
cent reverses, and the Castilians, although weakened 
kx the moment by the struggle, were in far greater 
strength in Cuzco than they had ever been before. 

Indeed, the number of troops now assembled 
within its walls, amounting to full thirteen hundred, 
composed, as they were, of the most discordant 
materials, gave great uneasiness to Hernando Pi- 
zarro. For there were enemies glaring on each 
other and on him with deadly though smothered 
rancor, and friends, if not so dangerous, not the 
less troublesome from their craving and unreasona- 
ble demands. He had given the capital up to pil- 
lage, and his followers found good booty in the 
quarters of Almagro's officers. But this did not 
suffice the more ambitious cavaliers ; and they clam- 
orously urged their services, and demanded to be 
placed in charge of some expedition, nothing doubt- 
ing that it must prove a golden one. All were in 
quest of an El Dorado. Hernando Pizarro acqui- 

^ " Los IndioB nendo la Batalla fender, porque como pa85 el tropel 

feiKacida, ellos tambien se dejaron de la Gente, sigoiendo la Victoria, 

de la soia, iendo Iob Tnoe i los no huTo quien se lo impidieae ; de 

ocroa k desnndar los Eapafioles manera que dexanm en caeros k 

t, i aon algnnos yItos, qne todos loe caidoa." Zarate, Coiiq. 
por sua heridaa no ae podian de- del Pern, lib. 3, cap. U. 

VOL. II. 16 


esced as far as possible in these desires, most wil- 
ling to relieve himself of such importunate creditors. 
The expeditions, it is true, usually ended in disaster; 
but the country was explored by them. It was the 
lottery of adventure ; the prizes were few, but 
they were splendid ; and in the excitement of the 
game, few Spaniards paused to calculate the chances 
of success. 

Among those who left the capital was Diego, the 
son of Almagro. Hernando was mindful to send 
him, with a careful escort, to his brother the go:?- 
emor, desirous to remove him at this crisis from die 
neighbourhood of his father. Meanwhile the mar- 
shal himself was pining away in prison under the 
combined influence of bodily illness and distress of 
mind. Before the battle of Salinas, it had been 
told to Hernando Pizarro that Almagro was like to 
die. " Heaven forbid," he exclaimed, " that this 
should come to pass before he falls into my hands !"** 
Yet the gods seemed now disposed to grant faot 
half of this pious prayer, since his captive seemed 
about to escape him just as he had come into his 
power. To console the unfortunate chief, Hernan- 
do paid him a visit in his prison, and cheered him 
with the assurance that he only waited for the gov- 
ernor's arrival to set him at liberty ; adding, << that, 
if Pizarro did not come soon to the capital, he him- 
self would assume the responsibility of releasing 

i<^ " Respondia Hernando Pi- sin que le hniieae 4 las mmoB.'' 
zarro, que no le haria Dioe tan Henera, Hist. GeDeral, dee. 6, 
gran mal, que le dezaae mori?, lib. 4, ci^. 5. 


him, and would furnish him with a conveyance to 
his brother's quarters." At the same time, with con- 
siderate attention to his comfort, he inquired of the 
marshal ^^ what mode of conveyance would be best 
suited to his state of health." After this he con- 
doned to send him delicacies from his own table to 
revive his faded appetite. Almagro, cheered by 
these kind attentions, and by the speedy prospect 
of freedom, gradually mended in health and spirits.^^ 

He little dreamed that all this while a process was 
industriously preparing against him. It had been in- 
stituted immediately on his capture, and every one, 
however humble, who had any cause of complaint 
against the unfortunate prisoner, was invited to pre- 
sent it. The summons was readily answered ; and 
many an enemy now appeared in the hour of his 
fallen fortunes, like the base reptiles crawling into 
light amidst the ruins of some noble edifice ; and 
more than one, who had received benefits from his 
hands, were willing to court the favor of his enemy 
by turning on their benefactor. From these loath- 
some sources a mass of accusations was collected 
which spread over two thousand folio pages ! Yet 
Almagio was the idol of his soldiers ! '® 

Having completed the process, (July 8th, 1538,) 
it was not difficult to obtain a verdict against the 

17 Ibid., dee. 6, Ub. 4, cap. 0. Naharro, Reladon Sumaria^MS. 

IS « De tal manera que kM — Conq. i Pob. del Pini, MS.— 

Eaexmnos no se daTan manos, i vk Carta de Gutierrez, MS. — Pedro 

I eaerhas maa de doe mil bo- Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — 

JM." Ibid., dee. e, lib. 4, cap. 7. Carte de EspinaU, MS. 


prisoner. The principal charges on which he was 
pronounced guilty were those of levying war against 
the Crown, and thereby occasioning the death of 
many of his Majesty's subjects; of entering into 
conspiracy with the Inca ; and finally, of dispossess- 
ing the royal governor of the city of Cuzco. On 
these charges he was condemned to suffer death as 
a traitor, by being publicly beheaded in the great 
square of the city. Who were the judges, or what 
was the tribunal that condemned him, we are not 
informed. Indeed, the whole trial was a mockery; 
if that can be called a trial, where the accused him- 
self is not even aware of the accusation. 

The sentence was communicated by a friar de- 
puted for the purpose to Almagro. The unhappy 
man, who all the while had been unconscioadj 
slumbering on the brink of a precipice, could not 
at first comprehend the nature of his situation. Re- 
covering from the first shock, ^^ It was impossible,'* 
he said, ^^ that such wrong could be done him, — - he 
would not believe it." He then besought Hernando 
Pizarro to grant him an interview. That cavalier, 
not unwilling, it would seem, to witness the agony 
of his captive, consented ; and Almagro was so 
humbled by his misfortunes, that he condescended to 
beg for his life with the most piteous sup{dications. 
He reminded Hernando of his ancient relations 
with his brother, and the good offices he had ren- 
dered him and his family in the earlier part of their 
career. He touched on his acknowledged services 
to his country, and besought his enemy << to spare 


Ills gray hairs, and not to deprive him of the short 
remnant of an existence from which he had now 
nothing more to fear.'' — To this the other coldly 
replied, that <^ he was surprised to see Almagro de- 
mean himself in a manner so unbecoming a brave 
cavalier ; that his fate was no worse than had befall- 
en many a soldier before him ; and that, since God 
had given him the grace to be a Christian, he should 
employ his remaining moments in making up his 
account with Heaven ! " ^® 

But Almagro was not to be silenced. He urged 
the service he had rendered Hernando himself. 
** This was a hard requital," he said, " for having 
spared his life so recently under similar circum- 
stances, and that, too, when he had been urged 
again and again by those around him to take it 
away." And he concluded by menacing his enemy 
with the vengeance of the emperor, who would 
never suffer this outrage on one who had rendered 
such signal services to the Crown to go unrequited. 
It was all in vain ; and Hernando abruptly closed 
the conference by repeating, that " his doom was in- 
evitable, and he must prepare to meet it." ^ 

19 «( I que poes tuvo tanta gracia letter to the emperor,) in terms 

de T>io0, que lo hi^o Christiano, that would have touched the heart 

ofdenaae so Alma, i temieee & of an infidel. ** De la qua! el 

Dios."^ Herrera, Hist. General, dicho Adelantado apelo para ante 

dec. 6, lib. 5, cap. 1. V. M. i le rogo que por amor de 

* Ibid., ubi supra. Dies hincado de rodillas le otor- 

The maTBhml appealed from the gaae el apelacion, diciendole que 

MOteooe of his judges to the mirase 8us canas e vejez e quanto 

Crown, supplicating his conqueror, havia senrido & V. M. i q* el havia 

(says the treasurer Espinall, in his sido el primer eacalon paia que €l 


Almagro, finding that no impression was to be 
made on his iron-hearted conqueror, now seriously 
addressed himself to the settlement of his afiairs. 
By the terms of the royal grant he was empowered 
to name his successor. He accordingly devciwed 
his office on his son, appointing Diego de Alvarado, 
on whose integrity he had great reliance, administra- 
tor of the province during his minority. All his 
property and possessions in Peru, of whatever kind, 
he devised to his master the emperor, assuring him 
that a large balance was still due to him in his un- 
settled accounts with Pizarro. By this politic be- 
quest, he hoped to secure the monarch's protection 
for his son, as well as a strict scrutiny into the afiaiis 
of his enemy. 

The knowledge of Almagro's sentence produced 
a deep sensation in the community of Cuzco. All 
were amazed at the presumption with which one, 
armed with a little brief authority, ventured to 
sit in judgment on a person of Almagro's station. 
There were few who did not call to mind some 
generous or good-natured act of the unfortunate 
veteran. Even those who had furnished materials 
for the accusation, now startled by the tragic result 
to which it was to lead, were heard to denounce 
Hernando's conduct as that of a tyrant. Some 
of the principal cavaliers, and among them Diego 

i BUS hermanos subiesen en el esta- supe que dixo, que 4 qualqniei 

do en que estavan, i diciendole hombre, aunque fuera infiel, m»> 

otzas rouchaa palabras de dolor e viera k piedad." Carta, MS. 
compasion que despuea de muerto 


de Alvarado, to whose intercession, as we have seen, 
Hernando Pizarro, when a captive, had owed his 
own life, waited on that commander, and endeav- 
oured to dissuade him from so high-handed and 
atrocious a proceeding. It was in vain. But it had 
the effect of changing the mode of execution, which, 
instead of the public square, was now to take place 
in prison.'^ 

On the day appointed, a strong corps of arque- 
twsiers was drawn up in the plaza. The guards 
were doubled over the houses where dwelt the prin- 
cipal partisans of Almagro. The executioner, at- 
tended by a priest, stealthily entered his prison ; and 
the unhappy man, after confessing and receiving the 
sacrament, submitted without resistance to the gar- 
roie. Thus obscurely, in the gloomy silence of a 
dungeon, perished the hero of a hundred battles! 
His corpse was removed to the great square of the 
city, where, in obedience to the sentence, the head 
was severed from the body. A herald proclaimed 
aloud the nature of the crimes for which he had suf- 
fered ; and his remains, rolled in their bloody shroud, 
were borne to the house of his friend Heman Ponce 
de Leon, and the next day laid with all due solem- 

» Ctrta de EBpinall, MS. — to Cozco, and set him at liberty. 

MontesboSy Annales, MS., alio **Itwa8 too graye a matter," he 

1538. rightly added, ** to trust to a third 

Bishop Vaherde, as he assures party." (Carta al Emperador, 
the emperor, remonstrated with MS.) The treasurer Espinall, 
Francisoo Piiarro in Lima, against then in Cuzoo, made a similar 
allowing Tiolence towards the mar- ineffectual attempt to turn Her- 
nial ; urging it on him, as an im- nando from his purpose, 
pentrre duty, to go himself at onoe 


nity in the church of Our Lady of Mercy. The 
Pizarros appeared among the principal mourners. 
It was remarked, that their brother had paid similar 
honors to the memory of Atahuallpa.^ 

Almagro, at the time of his death, was probably 
not far from seventy years of age. But this is 
somewhat uncertain ; for Almagro was a foundling, 
and his early history is lost in obscurity.*' He had 
many excellent qualities by nature ; and his defects, 
which were not few, may reasonably be palliated by 
the circumstances of his situation. For what ex- 
tenuation is not authorized by the position of a 
foundlings — without parents, or early friends, or 
teacher to direct him, — his little bark set adrift on 
the ocean of life, to take its chance among the rude 
billows and breakers, without one friendly hand 
stretched forth to steer or to save it! The name 
of " foundling " comprehends an apology for much^ 
very much, that is wrong in after life.^ 

He was a man of strong passions, and not too 
well used to control them.^ But he was neither 

22 Carta de Espinall, MS. — »* Montesinos, for want of a bct- 

Herrera, Hist. General, loc. cit. — ter pedigree, says, — " He was the 

Carta de Valverde al Emperador, son of his own great deeds, and 

MS. — Carta de Gutierrez, MS. — such has been the parentage of 

Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., many a famous hero ! " (Annales, 

MS. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., MS., aHo 1638.) It would go 

afio 1538. hard with a Castilian, if he ooold 

The date of Almagro's execu- not make out somethmg like a 

tion is not given ; a strange omis- genealogy, — however ahadowy. 

sion ; but of little moment, as that ^ '* Hera vn hombre may pfo- 

event must have followed soon on fano, de muy mala lengoa, que en 

the condemnation. enojandoee tratara muy mal k todot 

^ Ante, vol. L p. 207. loe que ooa el aadavBii mimqiia 


vindictive nor habitually cruel. I have mentioned 
one atrocious outrage which he committed on the 
natives. But insensibility to the rights of the Ind- 
ian he shared with many a better-instructed Span- 
iard. Yet the Indians, after his conviction, bore 
testimony to his general humanity, by declaring that 
they had no such friend among the white men.^ 
Indeed, far from being vindictive, he was placable, 
and easily yielded to otiiers. The facility with 
which he yielded, the result of good-natured credu- 
lity, made him too often the dupe of the crafty ; and 
it showed, certainly, a want of that self-reliance 
which belongs to great strength of character. Yet 
his facility of temper, and the generosity of his na- 
ture, made him popular with his followers. No com- 
mander was ever more beloved by his soldiers. His 
generosity was often carried to prodigality. When 
he entered on the campaign of Chili, he lent a hun- 
dred thousand gold ducats to the poorer cavaliers to 
equip themselves, and afterwards gave them up the 
debt.*' He was profuse to ostentation. But his 
extravagance did him no harm among the roving 

fuesen caTalleros." (Descub. y among his followers ! *' Mand5 

<'^oDq., MS.) It is the portrait sacar de su Posada mas de ciento 

drawn hj an enemy. i ochenta cartas de Plata i veinte 

* ** Los Indies lloraban amar- de Oro, i las reparti6." (Dec. 5, 

ffamente, dictendo, que de ^1 nunca lib. 7, cap. 9.) A load was what 

recibienMi mal tratamiento.'" Her- a man could easily carry. Such a 

ma. Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 5, statement taxes our credulity, but 

cap. 1. it is difficult to set the proper limits 

*^ If we may credit Herrcra, he to one's credulity, in what relates 

<luuibuted a hundred and eighty to this land of gold. 

t«di of sihrer and twenty of gold 

TOL. II. 17 



spirits of the camp, with whom prodigaUtj is apt to 
gain more favor than a strict and well-regulated 

He was a good soldier, careful and judicious in his 
plans, patient and intrepid iu their execution. His 
body was covered with the scars of his battles^ tiU 
the natural plainness of his person* was converted 
almost into deformity. He must not be judged by 
his closing campaign, when, depressed by disease, 
he yielded to the superior genius of his rival ; but 
by his numerous expeditions by land and by water 
for the conquest of Peru and the remote Chili« 
Yet it may be doubted whether he possessed those 
uncommon qualities, either as a warrior or as a man, 
that, in ordinary circumstances, would have raised 
him to distinction. He was one of the three, or, to 
speak more strictly, of the two associates, who had 
the good fortune and the glory to make one of the 
most splendid discoveries in the Western World. 
He shares largely in the credit of this with Pizarro; 
for, when he did not accompany that leader in his 
perilous expeditions, he contributed no less to their 
success by his exertions in the colonies. 

Yet his connection with that chief can hardly be 
considered a fortunate circumstance in his career. 
A partnership between individuals for discovery and 
conquest is not likely to be very scrupulously ob- 
served, especially by men more accustomed to gov- 
ern others than to govern themselves. If causes 
for discord do not arise before, they will be sure ta 
spring up on division of the spoU. But this asso- 


ciation was particularly ill-assorted. For the free, 
sanguine, and confiding temper of Almagro was no 
match for the cool and crafty policy of Pizarro; 
and he was invariably circumvented by his com- 
panion, whenever their respective interests came 
in collision. 

Still the final ruin of Almagro may be fairly im- 
puted to himself. He made two capital blunders. 
The first was his appeal to arms by the seizure of 
Cuzco. The determination of a boundary-line was 
not to be settled by arms. It was a subject for 
arbitration ; and, if arbitrators could not be trusted, 
h should have been referred to the decision of the 
Crown. But, having once appealed to arms, he 
should not then have resorted to negotiation,-— 
above all, to negotiation with Pizarro. This was 
his second and greatest error. He had seen enough 
of Pizarro to know that he was not to be trusted* 
Almagro did trust him, and he paid for it with 
his life. 



LONG Imprisonment. — Commissioner sent to Peru. — Hostili- 


On the departure of his brother in pursuit of 
Almagro, the Marquess Francisco Pizarro, as we 
have seen, returned to Lima. There he anxiously 
awaited the result of the campaign ; and on receiv- 
ing the welcome tidings of the victory of Las Sali- 
nas, he instantly made preparations for his march to 
Cuzco. At Xauxa, however, he was long detained 
by the distracted state of the country, and still 
longer, as it would seem, by a reluctance to enter 
the Peruvian capital while the trial of Almagro was 

He was met at Xauxa by the marshal's son Di- 
ego, who had been sent to the coast by Hernando 
Pizarro. The young man was filled with the most 
gloomy apprehensions respecting his father's fate, 
and he besought the governor not to allow his 
brother to do him any violence, Pizarro, who re- 
ceived Diego with much apparent kindness, bade 
him take heart, as no harm should come to his 


father ; ' adding, that he trusted their ancient friend- 
ship would scx)n be renewed. The youth, com- 
forted by these assurances, took his way to Lima, 
where, by Pizarro's orders, he was received into his 
bouse, and treated as a son. 

The same assurances respecting the marshal's 
safety were given by the governor to Bishop Val- 
verde, and some of the principal cavaliers who in- 
terested themselves in behalf of the prisoner.* Still 
Pizarro delayed his march to the capital ; and when 
he resumed it, he had advanced no farther than the 
Rio de Abancay when he received tidings of the 
death of his rival. He appeared greatly shocked by 
the intelligence, his whole frame was agitated, and 
he remained for some time with his eyes bent on 
the ground, showing signs of strong emotion.^ 

Such is the account given by his friends. A 
more probable version of the matter represents 
him to have been perfectly aware of tlie state of 
things at Cuzco. When the trial was concluded, 
it is said he received a message from Hernando, 
inquiring what was to be done with the prisoner. 
He answered in a few words : — " Deal with him 

1 " I dixo, que no tuviese ningu- el antigaa amistad con dL" Ibid., 

na pena, porque no consentiria, que dec. 6, lib. 4, cap. 9. 
mi Padre fue«e muerto." Her- 3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 

rera. Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, Conq., MS. 
cap. 3. He even shed many tears, dennt- 

9 «i Que lo haria asi como lo m6 muchas iagrimaSf according to 

decia, i que su de seo no era otro, Hcrrera, who evidently gives him 

sino ver el Reino en paz ; i que en small credit for them. Ibid., dec. 

lo que tocaba al Adelantado, per- 6, lib. 6, ctLp, 7. — Conf. lib. 5, 

dieae cuidado, que bolTeria k tener cap. 1. 


SO that he shall give us no more ttouble."^ It 
is also stated that Hernando, afterwards, when 
laboring under the obloqay caused by Almagro's 
death, shielded himself under instrncticms afiinned 
to have been received from the governor.* It is 
quite certain, that, during his long residence at 
Xauxa, the latter was in constant communication 
with Cuzco ; and that had he, as Valterde te- 
peatcdly urged him,® quickened his nuurch to that 
capital, he might easily have prevented the con- 
sumtnation of the tragedy. As commander-in-chief^ 
Almagro's fate was in his hands ; and, whatever his 
own partisans may affirm of his innocence, the 
impartial judgment of history must hold him equally 
accountable with Hernando for the death of his as- 

Neither did bis subsequent conduct show any re- 
morse for these proceedings. He entered Cueco, 
says one who was present there to witness it, 
amidst the flourish of clarions and trumpets, at the 
head of his martial cavalcade, and dressed in the 
rich suit presented him by Cortes, with the proud 
bearing and joyous mien of a conqueror.^ When 

* ** RespondiA, que hiciese de Herrera*s testimony is little short 

mancra, que el Adelantado no loe of that of a contemporary, ainoe it 

pusiese en mas alborotos." (Ibid., was derived, he telb ns, from the 

dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 7.) " De todo correspondence of the Conquerors, 

esto," says Espinall, " fue sabidor and the accounts given him by their 

el dicho Grovernador Pizarro k lo own sons. Lib. 6, cap. 7. 

que mi juicio i el de otros que ^ Carta de Valverde al £mpef»- 

en ello quisieron mirar alcanzo." dor, MS. 

Carta de Espinall, MS. 7 « £,j ^^ medio tiempo Tino k 

^ Ibid., dec. 6, hb. 5, cap. 1. la dicfaa cibdad del Cuboo el Go- 


Diego de Alvarado applied to him for the goveriii> 
ment of the southern provinces, in the name of the 
joung AJmagro, whom his father, as we have seeuy 
bad consigned to his protection, Pizarro answered, 
that <^ the marshal, by his rebellion, had forfeited all 
claims to the government;" And, when he was stiU 
further urged by the cavalier, he bluntlj broke off 
the conversation by declaring that " his own terrir 
UMy covered til on this side of Flanders " !®— inti- 
mating, no doubt, by tJiis magnificent vaunt, that 
he wcNild endure no rival on this side of the water. 
In the same spirit, he had recently sent to sup^- 
sede Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, who, he 
was infcmned, aspired to an independent government. 
Pizarro's emissary had orders to send the offending 
captain to Lima ; but Benalcazar, after pushing his 
victorious career far into the north, had returned to 
Castile to solicit his guerdon from the emperor. 

To the complaints of the injured natives, who 
invoked his protection, he showed himself strangely 
insensible, while the followers of Almagro he treated 
with undisguised contempt. The estates of the 
leaders were confiscated, and transferred without 
ceremony to his own partisans. Hernando had 
made attempts to conciliate some of the opposite 
faction by acts of liberality, but they had refused to 

**nttdor D. Fran«> Pizarro, el qnal " Mui asperamente le respondid 

eotro ooo tionpetas i ehirimias el Governador, didendo, que an 

^^Bitido con lopa de martas que fue Governacion no tenia Termino, i que 

^ Into con quo entro/' Carta de llegaba haeta Flandes." Herrera, 

^inill, MS. • Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, 

'CutmdeEapinallyMS. «ap. 7. 


accept any thing from the man whose hands were 
stained with the blood of their conmiander.^ The 
governor held to them no such encouragement ; and 
many were reduced to such abject poverty, that, too 
proud to expose their wretchedness to the eyes of 
their conquerors, they withdrew from the city, and 
sought a retreat among the neighbouring moun- 

For his own brothers he provided by such ample 
repartimientosj as excited the murmurs of his ad- 
herents. He appointed Gonzalo to the command 
of a strong force destined to act against the natives 
of Charcas, a hardy people occupying the territory 
assigned by the Crown to Almagro. Gronzalo met 
with a sturdy resistance, but, after some severe 
fighting, succeeded in reducing the province to obe- 
dience. He was recompensed, together with Her- 
nando, who aided him in the conquest, by a large 
grant in the neighbourhood of Porco, the productive 
mines of which had been partially wrought under 
the Incas. The territory, thus situated, embraced 
part of those silver hills of Potosi which have since 
supplied Europe with such stores of the precious 
metals. Hernando comprehended the capabilities 
of the ground, and he began working the mines on 

9 '^ Avia querido hazer amigos de ambre, fechos pedazos e adea- 
de lo8 principales de Chile, y ofre- dados, andando por loe monteB 
cidoles daria rrepartimientos y no desesperados por no parecer ante 
lo avian aceptado ni querido." gentes, porque no tienen otra coea 
Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., que Be vestir sino ropa de loe In- 
MS. dios, ni din^ros con que lo oom- 

10 It Viendolas oy en dia, muertos prar." Carta de Espinall, MS. 


a more extensive scale than that hitherto adopted, 
though it does not appear that any attempt was 
then made to penetrate the rich crust of Potosi.^' 
A few years more were to elapse before the Span- 
iards were to bring to light the silver quarries that 
lay hidden in the bosom of its mountains.^^ 

It was now the great business of Hernando to 
collect a sufficient quantity of treasure to take with 
him to Castile. Nearly a year had elapsed since 
Almagro's death ; and it was full time that he 
should return and present himself at court, where 
Diego de Alvarado and other friends of the marshal, 
who had long since left Peru, were industriously 
maintaining the claims of the younger Almagro, as 
well as demanding redress for the wrongs done to 
his father. But Hernando looked confidently to 
his gold to dispel the accusations against him. 

Before his departure, he counselled his brother to 
beware of the " men of Chili," as Almagro's fol- 
lowers were called ; desperate men, who would 
stick at nothing, he said, for revenge. He besought 

" "Con la quietud," writes 1639. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 

Hernando Pizarro to the emperor, Conq., MS. — Monteainoe, Anna- 

"qaesta tierra aj^ora tiene ban les, MS., aflo 1539. 

descubierto i deacubren cada dia The story is well known of the 

los Tecinoe muchas minas ricas de manner in which the mines of Po- 

oro i plata, de que los quintos i ren- Xoei were discovered by an Indian, 

tts reales de V. M. cada dia se le who pulled a bush out of the 

ofrecen i hacer casa a todo el Mun- ground to the fibres of which a 

do.** Carta al Empcrador, MS., quantity of silver globules was 

de Puerto Viejo, 6 de Julii, 1539. attached. The mine was not reg- 

1* Carta de Carbajal al Empera- istered till 15-15. The account is 

dor, MS., del Cuzco, 3 de Not. given by Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 6. 

VOL. II. 18 


tlie governor not to allow them to consort togetiier 
in any number within £fty miles of his person ; if 
he did, it would be fatal to him. And he concluded 
by recommending a strong body-guard ; *^ for I," 
he added, ^ shall not be here to watch over yoa.^' 
But the governor laughed at the idle fears, as he 
termed them, of his brother, bidding the latter take 
no thought of him, << as every hair in the heads of 
Almagro's followers was a guaranty for his safe^ 
ty," ^ He did not know the character of his ene- 
mies so well as Hernando. 

The latter soon after embarked at Lima in the 
summer of 1539. He did not take the route of 
Panama, for he had heard that it was the intention 
of the authorities there to detain him. He made a 
circuitous passage, therefore, by way of Mexico, land- 
ed in the Bay of Tecoantepec, and was maldng his 
way across the narrow strip that divides the great 
oceans, when he was arrested and taken to the 
capital. But the Viceroy Mendoza did not con- 
sider that he had a right to detain him, and he 
was suffered to embark at Vera Cruz, and to pro- 
ceed on his voyage. Still he did not deem it safe 
to trust himself in Spain without further advices. 

13 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. si los dexa juntar le an de matar. 

6, lib. 6, cap. 10. — Zarate, Conq. Si k Vuestra Sefioria mmtan, yo 

del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 12. — Go- negociare mal y de yuestn aefioria 

mara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 142. no quedara memoria. EatM pabk 

'* No consienta yuestra sefioria bras dixo Hernando Pi9aiT0 altas 

qne se jnnten diez juntos en dn- que todos le oymos. Y abra^aodo 

quenta leguas alrrededor de adonde al maiquez se partio y se fiie." Pe- 

Yuestra sefioria esturiere, porque dro Pizarro, Descub. yC<mq.,MS. 


He accordingly put in at one of the Azores, where 
he remained until he could communicate with hoHie. 
He had some powerful friends at court, and by 
them be was encouraged to present himself before 
the emperor. He took their advice, and, shortly 
after, reached the Spanish coast in safety J^ 

The Court was at Valladolid ; but Hernando, who 
made his entrance into that city, with great pomp 
and a display of his Indian riches, met with a re- 
ception colder than he had anticipated.^^ For this 
he was mainly indebted to Diego de Alvarado, who 
was then residing there, and who, as a cavalier of 
honorable standing, and of high connections, had 
considerable influence. He had formerly, as we 
have seen, by his timely interposition, more than 
once saved the life of Hernando ; and he had con- 
sented to receive a pecuniary obKgation from him 
to a large amount. But all were now forgotten in 
the recollection of the wrong done to his com- 
mander ; and, true to the trust reposed in him by 
that chief in his dying hour, he had come to Spain 
to vindicate the claims of the young Almagro. 

But although coldly received at first, Hernando's 
pesence, and his own version of the dispute with 
Almagro, aided by the golden arguments which he 
dealt with no stinted hand, checked the current of 
indignation, and the opinion of his judges seemed for 

1^ Carta de Hernando Pizarm al ^ Gomara, Hiat. de las Ind., 
Emperador, MS. — Hcrrcra, Hist. cap. 143. 
General, dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 10. -— 
Montesiiios, Annalcs, MS., alio 


a time suspended. Alvarado, a cavalier more accus- 
tomed to the prompt and decisive action of a camp 
than to the tortuous intrigues of a court, chafed at 
the delay, and challenged Hernando to settle tiieir 
quarrel by single combat. But his prudent adversa- 
ry had no desire to leave the issue to such an ordeal; 
and the affair was speedily terminated by the death 
of Alvarado himself, which happened five days after 
the challenge. An event so opportune naturally 
suggested the suspicion of poison.** 

But his accusations had not wholly fallen to the 
ground ; and Hernando Pizarro had carried meas- 
ures with too high a hand, and too grossly outraged 
public sentiment, to be permitted to escape. He re- 
ceived no formal sentence, but he was imprisoned in 
the strong fortress of Medina del Campo, where he 
was allowed to remain for twenty years, when in 
1560, after a generation had nearly passed away, 
and time had, in some measure, thrown its softening 
veil over the past, he was suffered to regain his lib- 
erty.*^ But he came forth an aged man, bent down 
with infirmities and broken in spirit, — an object of 
pity, rather than indignation. Rarely has retribu- 
tive justice been meted out in fuller measure to 
offenders so high in authority, — most rarely in 

16 <* Pero todo lo ataj6 la repen- ^"^ This date is established by 

tina mucrtc de Diego de Alvarado, Quintana, from a legal process is- 

que 8ucedi6 luego en cinco diss, no stituted by Hernando^s grandson, in 

sin sospecha de veneno. " Herre- vindication of the title of Marquess, 

ra, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 8, in the year 1625. 

cap. 9. 18 Naharro, Relacion Sumuia, 


Yet Hernando bore this long imprisonment with 
an equanimity which, had it been founded on prin- 
ciple, might command our respect. He saw broth- 
ers and kindred, all on whom he leaned for support, 
cut off one after another ; his fortune, in part, con- 
fiscated, while he was involved in expensive litiga- 
ticm for the remainder ; ^^ his fame blighted, his 
career closed in an untimely hour, himself an exile 
in the heart of his own country ; — yet he bore it all 
with the constancy of a courageous spirit. Though 
very old when released, he still survived several 
years, and continued to the extraordinary age of a 
handred.^ He lived long enough to see friends, 
rivals, and foes all called away to their account 
before him. 

Hernando Pizarro was in many respects a re- 
markable character. He was the eldest of the 
brothers, to whom he was related only by the 
father's side , for he was born in wedlock, of hon- 

MS. — PiuiTO y Orellana, Varones pensioD from government. Pizarro 

nustres p 341. — Montesinos, y Orellana, Varones Ilustres, p. 

Annales, M ., ado 1539. — Go- 342, and Discurso, p. 72. 
man, Htrt. de las Ind., cap. 142. 90 " MuUm da, Jupiter, annoa " ; 

*• Caro de Torres gives a royal the greatest boon, in Pizarro y 

tidida in reference to the working Orellana's opinion, that Heaven 

of the silyer mines of Porco, still can confer ! " Diole Dios, por 

owned by Hernando Pizarro, in todo, el premio mayor desta vida, 

1555 ; and another document of pues fue tan larga, que excedio de 

oetrly the same date, noticing his cien aHos." (Varones Ilustres, p. 

receipt of ten thousand ducats by 342 ) According to the same 

the fleet from Peru. (Historia de somewhat partial authority, Her- 

1m Ordenes Militares Madrid, nando died, as he had lived, in 

1039, p. 144.) Hernando's grand- the odor of sanctity ! '* Viviendo 

•on was created by Philip IV. aprender a morir, y saber morir, 

BCarqiieaB of the Conquest, Mar- quando lleg6 la muerte. 
fmHela Qfnquisia, with a liberal 

142 civile WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IT. 

orable parentage on both sides of his bousQ. In 
his early years, he received a good educatkun, — 
good for the time. He was taken by his father, 
while quite young, to Italy, and there learned the 
art of war under the Great Captain. Little is 
known of his history after his return to Spain ; but, 
when his brother had struck out for himself his 
brilliant career of discovery in Peru, Hernando ooa- 
sented to take part in his adventures. 

He was much deferred to by Francisco, not only 
as his elder brother, but from his superior educatkn 
and his knowledge of affairs. He was ready 'm Hb 
perceptions, fruitftil in resources, and possessed of 
great vigor in action. Though courageous, he was 
cautious ; and his counsels, when not warped by 
passion, were wise and wary. But he had other 
qualities, which more than counterbalanced the good 
resulting from excellent parts and attainments, fib 
ambition and avarice were insatiable. He was su* 
percilious even to his equals ; and he had a vin- 
dictive temper, which nothing could appease. Thus, 
instead of aiding his brother in the Conquest, he 
was the evil genius tliat blighted his path. He ccm- 
ceived from the first an unwarrantable contempt for 
Almagro, whom he regarded as his brother's rival, 
instead of what he then was, the faithful partner of 
his fortunes. He treated him with personal indig- 
nity, and, by his intrigues at court, had the means 
of doing him sensible injury. He fell into Alma- 
gro's hands, and had nearly paid for these wrongs 
with his life. This was not to be forgiven by Her- 


fiando, and he coolly waited for the hour of revenge. 
Yet the execution of Almagro was a most impditic 
act ; for an evil passion can rarely be gratified with 
impunity. Hernando thought to buy off justice with 
the gold of Peru. He had studied human nature 
on its weak and wicked side, and he expected to 
profit by it. Fortunately, he was deceived* He 
had, indeed, his revenge; but the hour of his re- 
venge was that of his ruin. 

The disorderly state of Peru was such as to de- 
mand the immediate interposition of governmenL 
In the general license that prevailed there, the rights 
of the Indian and of the Spaniard were equally 
trampled under foot. Yet the subject was one of 
great difficulty; for Pizarro's authority was now 
firmly established over the country, which itself was 
too remote from Castile to be readily controlled at 
home. Pizarro, moreover, was a man not easy to 
be approached, confident in his own strength, jeal- 
ous of interference, and possessed of a fiery temper, 
which would kindle into a flame at the least distrust 
<^ the government. It would not answer to send 
out a commission to suspend him from the exercise 
of his authority until his conduct could be investi- 
gated, as was done with Cortes, and other great 
cdonial officers, on whose rooted loyalty the Crown 
could confidently rely. Pizarro's loyalty sat, it was 
feared, too lightly on him to be a powerful restraint 
on his movements ; and there were not wanting 
those among his reckless followers, who, in case of 
extremity, would be prompt to urge him to throw ofl* 


his allegiance altogether, and set up an independent 
government for himself. 

Some one was to be sent out, therefore, who 
should possess, in some sort, a controlling, or, at 
least, concurrent power with the dangerous chief, 
while ostensibly he should act only in subordinatioD 
to him. The person selected for this delicate mis- 
sion, was the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, a member 
of the Royal Audience of Valladdid. He was a 
learned judge, a man of integrity and wisdom, and, 
though not bred to arms, had so much address, and 
such knowledge of character, as would enable him 
readily to turn the resources of others to his own 

His commission was guarded in a way which 
showed the embarrassment of the government. He 
was to appear before Pizarro in the capacity of a 
royal judge ; to consult with him on the redress of 
grievances, especially with reference to the unfortu- 
nate natives ; to concert measures for the prevention 
of future evils ; and above all, to possess himself 
faithfully of the condition of the country in all its de- 
tails, and to transmit intelligence of it to the Court 
of Castile. But, in case of Pizarro's death, he 
was to produce his warrant as royal governor, and 
as such to claim the obedience of the authorities 
throughout the land. — Events showed the wisdom 
of providing for this latter contingency.** 

21 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 
Gonq., MS. — Gomara, Hist, de 9. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., 
las Ind., cap. 146. — Herrera, afSo 1540. 

Ch. UI.] commissioner sent to PERU. 145 

The licentiate, thus commissionedy quitted liis 
qmet residence at Valladolid, embarked at Seville, 
in the autumn of 1540, and, after a tedious voyago 
across the Atlantic, he traversed the Isthmus, and, 
encountering a succession of tempests on the Pacific, 
that had nearly sent his frail bark to the bottom, put 
in with her, a mere wreck, at the northerly port of 
Buenaventura.^ The afiairs of the country were 
in a state to require his presence. 

The civil war which had lately distracted the land 
had left it in so unsettled a state, that the agi- 
tation continued long after the immediate cause had 
ceased. This was especially the case among the na- 
tives. In the violent transfer of repariimientosy the 
poor Indian hardly knew to whom he was to look 
as hb master. The fierce struggles between the 
rival chieftains left him equally in doubt whom he 
was to regard as the rulers of the land. As to the 
authority of a common sovereign, across the waters, 
paramount over all, he held that in still greater dis- 
trast ; for what was the authority which could not 
command the obedience even of its own vassals ? ^ 

This latter writer sees nothing tnra, annque yo la llamo Mala." 

short of a ** divino mystery" in Descub. y Conq., MS. 

this forecast of government, so ^ << Piensan que les mienten loa 

singularly sustained by events, que aca les dizen que ai un gran 

•• Prerencion del gran espiritu del Sefior en Castilla, viendo que aca 

Rey, DO sin misterio." Ubi supra, pelean unos capitanes contra otros ; 

" Or, as the port should rather y piensan que no ai otro Rei sino 

be called, Mala Ventura^ as Pedro aquel que venze al otro, porque aca 

Pinrro punningly remarks. ** Tu- entrellos no se acostumbra que un 

TO tan mal viaje en la mar que vbo capitan pelee contra otro, cstando 

de deseinbarcar en la Buena Yen- entrambos debaxo de un Sefior.'' 

VOL. II. 19 


The Inca Manco was not slow in taking advantage 
of this state of feeling. He left his cJbocure fast- 
nesses in the depths of the Andes, and established 
himself with a strong body of fdUoweis in the 
mountain country lying between Cuzco and the 
coast. From this retveat, he made descents on the 
neighbouring plantations, destroying liie houses, 
sweeping off the cattle, and massacring the peojde. 
He fell on travellers, as they were journeying sin- 
gly or in caravans fjeom the ooast, and put them 
to death— * it is told by his enemies <*— with cniel 
tortures. Single detachments were sent against 
him, from time to time, but without efiect. Some 
he eluded, odiers he defeated ; ^and, on one occar 
sion, cut off a party of thirty troopers, to a man.^ 

At length, Pizarro found it necessary to send a 
considerable force under his brother Gonzalo against 
the Inca. The hardy Indian encountered his enemy 
several times in the rough passes of the Cordilleras. 
He was usually beaten, and sometimes with heavy 
loss, which he repaired with astonishing facility ; for 
he alwap contrived to make his escape, and so true 
were his followers, that, in defiance of pursuit and 
ambuscade, he found a safe shelter in the secret 
haunts of the sierra. 

Thus baffled, Pizarro determined to try the effect 
of pacific overtures. He sent to the Inca, both in 

Ctm de Vah€i^ il Empendor, Jkaaak. x Cooq., MS. — Outede 

MS. Espmall, MS. — Cvta de Vahwie 

M Heirei^ Hist. Geoeral, dec a) Empmdor, MS. 
6, lib. 6, c^. 7. — Pedio PiniTa, 


his own name, and in that of the Bishop of Cuzco, 
whom the Peravian prince held in reverence, to in- 
vite him to enter into negotiation.^ Manco acqui- 
esced, and indicated, as he had fi>rmerly done with 
Almagro, the valley of Yucay, as the scene of it. 
The governor repaired thither, at the appointed 
time, well guarded, and, to propitiate the barbarian 
monarch, sent him a rich {vesent by the hands of 
an African slave. The slave was met on the route 
by a party of the Inca's men, who, whether with or 
without their master's orders, cruelly murdered him, 
md bore off the spoil to their quarters. Pizarro 
reseniedl diis outrage by another yet more atrocious. 
AmoBg the Indian {visoners was one of the Inca's 
wives, a young and beautiful woman, to whom he 
was said to be fondly attached. The governor or- 
dered her to be stripped naked, bound to a tree, 
and, in presence of the camp, to be scourged with 
rods, and then shot to death with arrows. The 
wretched victim bore the execution of the sentence 

* The Laca dedined the inter- guntado que porqne no ee benia i 

▼icw with the bishop, on the mi de pax, dixo el indio que dexia 

ground that he had seen him pay el inca que porque yo quando vine 

obeiaaBoe by taking off his cap to hise la mocha al gobemador, que 

PiBrTO. It proTod his inferiority quiere dezir que lequit^ el Bonete; 

to the latter, he said, and that he que no queria venir a mi do paz, 

eoold nerer protect him against the que ^1 que no hayia de Tenir de 

gofemor. The passage in which pax sine 4 uno que viniese de 

it is related is curious. '* Pre- castilla que no hixiese la mocha al 

gontando a indios del inca que gobemador, porque le paresxe i 6\ 

aada alxado que si sahe el inca que este lo podi4 defender por lo 

<|iie yo soi Tenido a la tierra en que ha hecho y no otro." Carta 

■ombre de S. M. para defendelloa, de Valverde al Empcrador, MS. 
dixo que mui bien lo sabia ; y pie- 


with surprising fortitude. She did not beg for mer- 
cy, where none was to be found. Not a complaint, 
scarcely a groan, escaped her under the inlSiction of 
these terrible torments. The iron Conquerors were 
amazed at this power of endurance in a delicate 
woman, and they expressed their admiration, while 
they condemned the cruelty of their commander, — 
in their hearts.^ Yet constancy under the most ex- 
cruciating tortures that human cruelty can inflict is 
almost the universal characterbtic of the American 

Pizarro now prepared, as the most eflfectual means 
of checking these disorders among the natives, to 
establish settlements in the heart of the disafiected 
country. These settlements, which received the 
dignified name of cities, might be regarded in the 
light of military colonies. The houses were usually 
built of stone, to which were added the various pub- 
lic offices, and sometimes a fortress. A municipal 
corporation was organized. Settlers were invited 
by the distribution of large tracts of land in the 
neighbourhood, with a stipulated number of Indian 

% At least, we may presame cay, haziendola varear con Tansy 

they did so, since ihey openly con- flechar con flechas por ana bark 

demn him in their accounts of the que mangx) ynga le hizo que aqoi 

transaction. I quote Pedro Pizarro, contare, y entiendo yo qae por esta 

not disposed to criticise the con- crueldad y otra hennana del ynga 

duct of his ireneral too severely, que mando matar en lima qaando 

'* So tomo una muger de man^ los yndios pusieron ceroo sobreUa 

ynca que le queria mucho y se que se llamava A^arpmy. me p«^ 

ffuardo, creyendo que por ella sal- nesce a mi que nuestro sellor fe 

dria de pax. Esta muger mando castigo en el fin que tuTo.*' D^ 

matar al miiF^uez despues en Yn- acab. j Conq., MS. 


Tassals to each. The soldiers then gathered there, 
sometimes accompanied by their wives and families ; 
for the women of Castile seem to have disdained 
the impediments of sex, in the ardor of conjugal at- 
tachment, or, it may be, of romantic adventure. A 
populous settlement rapidly grew up in the wilder- 
ness, afibrding protection to the surrounding territo- 
ry, and furnishing a commercial dSpot for the coun- 
try, and an armed force ready at all times to main- 
tain public order. 

Such a settlement was that now made at Gua- 
manga, midway between Cuzco and Lima, which 
efiectually answered its purpose by guarding the 
(XMnmunications with the coast.^ Another town 
was founded in the mining district of Charcas, un- 
der the appropriate name of the Villa de la Plata, 
the " City of Silver." And Pizarro, as he jour- 
neyed by a circuitous route along the shores of the 
southern sea towards Lima, planted there the city of 
Arequipa, since arisen to such commercial celebrity. 

Once more in his favorite capital of Lima, the 
governor found abundant occupation in attending 
to its municipal concerns, and in providing for the 
expansive growth of its population. Nor was he 
unmindful of the other rising settlements on the 
Pacific. He encouraged commerce with the re- 

s' Ciea de Leon notices the Peru, todas de piedra, ladrillo, y 

nneommon beauty and solidity of teja, con grandes torres : de ma- 

the bofldings at Guamanga. *' La nera que no falta aposentos. La 

qnal han edificado las mayores y pla^a esta liana y bien grande." 

asas que ay en todo el Cronica, cap. 87. 


moter colonies north of Peru, and took measures 
for facilitating internal intercourse. He stimulated 
industry in all its branches, paying great attention 
to husbandry, and importing seeds of the different 
European grains, which he had the satisfaction, in a 
short time, to see thriving luxuriantly in a coontiy 
where the variety of soil and climate afiorded a 
home for almost every product.^ Above all, he pro- 
moted the working of the mines, which already 
began to make such returns, that the most coin- 
mon articles of life rose to exorbitant prices, while 
the precious metals themselves seemed the only 
things of little value. But they soon changed hands, 
and found their way to the mother-country, where 
they rose to their true level as they mingled with 
the general currency of Europe. The Spaniards 
found that they Had at length reached the land of 
which they had been so long in search, — the land 
of gold and silver. Emigrants came in greater 
numbers to the country, and, spreading over its 
surface, formed in the increasing population the 
most efTectual barrier against the rightful owners 
of the soil.** 

Pizarro, strengthened by the arrival of fresh ad- 
venturers, now turned his attention to the remoter 
quarters of the country. Pedro de Valdivia was sent 

5» "I con que ik comen9aba k rador,MS. — Montesinoe, Annales, 

hayer en aquellas Tierras cosecha MS., aHos 1539 et 1541. — Pedro 

de Tripo, Cevada, i otras muchas Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — 

cosasdeCaslilla." Herrera, Hist. Herrera, Hist. General, dee. S, 

General, dec. 0, lib. 10, cap. 2. lib. 7, cap. 1. — Cieza de 

» Carta de Carvajal al Empe- Cronica, cap. 76 et alibi. 


OQ his memorable expedition to Chili; and to his 
own brother Gonzalo the governor assigned the 
territory of Quito, with instructions to explore the 
unknown country towards the east, where, as report 
said, grew the cinnamon. As this chief, who had 
hitherto acted but a subordinate part in the Con- 
quest, is henceforth to take the most conspicuous, 
it may be well to give some account of him. 

Little is known of his early life, for he sprang 
from the same obscure origin with Francisco, and 
seems to have been as little indebted as his elder 
brother to the fostering care of his parents. He 
entered early on the career of a soldier ; a career to 
which every man in that iron age, whether cavalier 
or vagabond, seems, if left to himself, to have most 
readily inclined. Here he soon distinguished him- 
self by his skill in martial exercises, was an excel- 
lent horseman, and, when he came to the New 
Worid, was esteemed the best lance in Peru.* 

In talent and in expansion of views, he was in- 
ferior to his brothers. Neither did he discover the 
same cool and crafty policy; but he was equally 
courageous, and in the execution of his measures 
quite as unscrupulous. He had a handsome person, 
with open, engaging features, a free, soldier-like ad- 
dress, and a confiding temper, which endeared him 
to his followers. His spirit was high and adventur- 

* The caTalier Pizarro y Orella- blood of the Pizarros flowed in the 

u has given biographical notices veins of the writer to his fingers' 

of each of the brothers. It requires ends. Yet his facts aie less sus- 

no witcbcraA to detect that the picious than his inferences. 


0US9 and, what was equaUy important, he could in- 
spke others with the same spirit, and thus do much 
to insure the success of his enterprises. He was 
an excellent captain in grieriUa warfare, an admira- 
ble leader in doubtful and difficult expeditions ; but 
he had not the enlarged capacity for a great mili- 
tary chief, still less for a civil ruler. It was his mis- 
fortune to be called to fiU both situations. 


TAINS. — Discovers the Napo. — Incredible Sufferings. — Ore- 


— The Surviyors return to Quito. 

GoifZALO PiZARRO received the news of his ap- 
pointment to the government of Quito with undis- 
guised pleasure ; not so much for the possession that 
it gave him of this ancient Indian province, as for 
the field that it opened for discovery towards the 
east, — the fabled land of Oriental" spices, which had 
long captivated the imagination of the Conquerors. 
He repaired to his government without delay, and 
found no difficulty in awakening a kindred enthusi- 
asm to his own in the bosoms of his followers. In 
a short time, he mustered three hundred and fifty 
Spaniards, and four thousand Indians. One hun- 
dred and fifty of his company were mounted, and 
all were equipped in the most thorough manner for 
the undertaking. He provided, moreover, against 
famine by a large stock of provisions, and an im- 
mense drove of swine which followed in the rear.* 

^ Ilerrera, Hist. General, dec. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 2. 
*f lib. a. cap. 6, 7. — Garcilasso, — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, 
VOL. II. 20 


It was the beginning of 1540, when he set out 
on this celebrated expedition. The first part of the 
journey was attended with comparatively little dif- 
ficulty, while the Spaniards were yet in the land of 
the Incas ; for the distractions of Peru had not been 
felt in this distant province, where the simple people 
still lived as under the primitive sway of the Chil- 
dren of the Sun. But the scene changed as they 
entered the territory of Quixos, where the character 
of the inhabit2uits, as well as of the climate, seemed 
to be of another description. The country was 
traversed by lofty ramges of the Andes, and the 
adventurers were soon entangled in their deep and 
intricate passes. As they rose into the more ele- 
vated regions, the icy winds that swept down the 
sides of the Cordilleras benumbed theur limbs, and 
many of the natives found a wintry grave in the 
wilderness. While crossing this formidable barrier, 
they experienced one of those tremendous earth- 
quakes which, in these volcanic regions, so often 
shake the mountains to their base. In one place, 
the earth was rent asunder by the terrible throes of 
Nature, while streams of sulphurous vapor issued 
from the cavity, and a village with some hundreds 
of houses was precipitated into the fiightful abyss ! * 

cap. 1, 2. — Gomara, Hist, de las a goodly supply of bacon for so 
Ind., cap. 143. — Montesinos, An- small a troop, since the Indians, 
naks, afio 1539. doubtless, lived on parched corn, 
Historians differ as to the nmn- coca, which usually formed their 
ber of Gonzalo's forces, — of his only support on the longest jour- 
men, his horses, and his hogs. ne3rs. 

The last, according to Herrera, « Zarate states the number with 

amoonted to no less than 5000; precision at frre hundred hooset. 


On descending the eastern slopes, the climate 
changed ; and, as they came on the lower level, the 
fierce cold was succeeded by a sufTocating heat^ 
while tempests of thunder and lightning, rushing 
from out the gorges of the sierra, poured on their 
heads with scarcely any intermission day or nighty 
as if the offended deities of the j^e were willing 
to take vengeance on the invaders of their moun- 
tain solitudes. For more than six weeks the del- 
uge continued unabated, and the forlorn wanderers^ 
wet, and weary with incessant toil, were scarcely 
aUe to drag their limbs along the soil broken up 
and saturated with the moisture. After some 
months of toilsome travel, in which they had to 
cross many a morass and mountain i^eam, they at 
length reached Canelas, the Land of Cinnamon.^ 
They saw the trees bearing the precious bark, 
spreading out into broad forests ; yet, however valu* 
able an article for commerce it might have proved in 
accessible situations, in these remote regions it was 
of little worth to them. But, from the wandering 
tribes of savages whom they had occasionally met 
in their path, they learned that at ten days' distance 
was a rich and fruitful land abounding with gold, 
and inhabited by populous nations. Gonzalo Pi- 

^^Sobrerino m tan gran Terre- is nothing so satisfactory to the 

ooto, eon temUor, i tempestad de mind of the reader as precise num- 

Agm, i Relampagoa, i Raioe, i beia ; and nothing so little deaerr- 

enndca Tmenos, qae abricndoee la ing of hia confidence. 

Tierra por roochaa partes, se hnn- ' Canda is the Spanish for cin- 

<iieron quinientas Casas." (Conq. namon. 

^\ Pern, lib. 4, cap. 3.) There 


zarro had already reached the limits originally [pro- 
posed for the expedition. But this intelligence 
renewed his hopes, and he resolved to push the 
adventure farther. It would have been well for 
him and his followers, had they been content to 
return on their footsteps. 

Continuing their march, the country now spread 
out into broad savannas terminated by forests, 
which, as they drew near, seemed to stretch on 
every side to the very verge of the horizon. Here 
they beheld trees of that stupendous growth seen 
only in the equinoctial regions. Some were so 
large, that sixteen men could hardly encompass 
them with extended arms ! * The wood was thickly 
matted with creepers and parasitical vines, which 
hung in gaudy-colored festoons from tree to tree, 
clothing them in a drapery beautiful to the eye, 
but forming an impenetrable network. At every 
step of their way, they were obliged to hew open a 
passage with their axes, while their garments, rotting 
from the effects of the drenching rains to which 
they had been exposed, caught in every bush and 

^ This, allowing six feet for the traveller in 1839, \vas found to be 
spread of a man's arms, would be a hundred and twelve feet in w 
about ninety-six feet in circum- cumference at the height of four 
fercncc, or thirty-two feet in diam- feet from the ground. This height 
etcr ; larger, probably, than the may correspond with that of 4he 
largest tree known in Europe, measurement taken by the Sptn- 
Yet it falls short of that famous iards. Sec a curious and learned 
giant of the forests mentioned by article on Forest-trees in No. 
M. de Humboldt as still flourishing 124 of the North American Re- 
in the intendancy of Oaxaca, which, view. 
by the exact measurement of a 


bramble, and hung about them in shreds/ Their 
provisions, spoiled by the weather, had long since 
failed, and the live stock which they had taken with 
them had either been consumed or made their es- 
cape in the woods and mountain passes. They had 
set out with nearly a thousand dogs, many of them 
of the ferocious breed used in hunting down the 
unfortunate natives. These they now gladly killed, 
but their miserable carcasses furnished a lean ban- 
quet for the famishing travellers ; and, when these 
were gone, they had only such herbs and dangerous 
roots as they could gather in the forest.® 

At length the way-worn company came on a 
broad expanse of water formed by the Napo, one 
q{ the great tributaries of the Amazon, and which, 
though only a third or fourth rate river in America, 
would pass for one of the first magnitude in the 
Old World. The sight gladdened their hearts, as, 

5 The dztmatist Molina, in his Cayeron loa mas enfermos, 

pUv of "L« Amazonas en las Porque la. «,« podrida. 

llUfMU, DBS devoted some dozen Sm dex6 en laa carnea vlraa." 

columns of rtdondiUas to an ac- e CapitulacionconOreUana,MS. 

count of the sufferings of his coun- __ y^^^ Pizairo, Descub. y Conq. , 

tryroen in the expedition to the MS.-.Gomara, Hist, do las Ind., 

Amaion. The poet reckoned con- ^^ 143. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, 

fidwiUy on the patience of his au- jji,. 4, cap. 2. — Herrera, Hist. 

dience. The following verses de- General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 6, 7. 

icribc the miserable condition to _«GaTcilasso, Com. Real., Part€« 

which the Spaniards were reduced g ij^, 3 ^^^ 2. 

by the incessant rains. ^Yie last writer obtained his in- 

••5snq«eelSolene.ieiieinpo formation, as he tells US, from 

Su can T«r nos pennita. several who were present in the 

Ni laa aubM tabernera:! expedition. The reader may be 

Que haata tl alma no9 bautixtm. OOming through his hands. 


by winding along its banks, they hoped to find a 
safer and more practicable route. After traversing 
its borders for a considerable distance, closely beset 
with thickets which it taxed their strength to the 
utmost to overcome, Gonzalo and his party came 
within hearing of a rushing noise that sounded like 
subterranean thunder. The river, lashed into fiuy, 
tumbled along over rapids with frightful velocity, 
and conducted them to the brink of a magnificent 
cataract, which, to their wondering fancies, rushed 
down in one vast volume of foam to the depth of 
twelve hundred feet ! ^ The appalling sounds which 
they had heard for the distance of six leagues were 
rendered yet more oppressive to the spirits by the 
gloomy stillness of the surrounding forests. The 
rude warriors were filled with sentiments of awe. 
Not a bark dimpled the waters. No living thing 
was to be seen but the wild tenants of the wilder- 
ness, the unwieldy boa, and the loathsome alligator 
basking on the borders of the stream. The trees 
towering in wide-spread magnificence towards the 

7 << Al cabo de este largo camino the great cataract of the Tequeii- 
hallaron que el rio hazia vn salto dama in the Bogota, as meaanied 

de una pefia de mas de dozientas by Humboldt, usuaDy 

bra^as de alto : que hazia tan gran the highest in America, is not m 

ruydo, que lo oyeron mas de seys great as that of some of the €•■- 

leguas antes que Uegassen a el." cades thrown over the predpioes in 

(Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 3, Switzerland. Yet the estimatei 

Ub. 3, cap. 3.) I find nothing to of the Spaaiurds, who, in the 

confirm or to confute the account gloomy state of their feelings, 

of this stupendous cataract in later were doubtless keenly alire to im- 

trayellers, not very numerous in pressions of the sublime and the 

these wild regions. The alleged terrible, cannot safely be relied on. 
height of the falls, twice that of 


heayens, the river rolling on in its rocky bed as it 
had rolled for ages, the solitude and silence of the 
scene, broken only by the hoarse fall of waters, or 
the faint rustling of the woods^ — all seemed to 
spread out around them in the same wild and primi- 
tiye state as when they oame from the hands of the 

For some distance above and below the falls, the \ 

bed of the river contracted so that its width did not 
exceed twenty feet. Sorely pressed by hunger, the 
a^veaUirers determined, at all hazards, to cross to 
the opposite ade, in hopes <^ finding a country that 
might albrd them sustenance, A frail bridge was 
constructed by throwing the huge trunks of trees 
aeooss the chasm, where the cliffs, as if split asunder 
by some convulsion of nature, descended sheer down 
a perpendicular depth of seyerai hundred feet. 
Over this airy causeway the men and horses suc- 
ceeded in effecting their passage with the loss of a 
smgle Spaniard, who, made giddy by heedlessly 
looking down, lost his footing and fell into the boil- 
ing surges below. 

Yet they gained little by the exchange. The 
oowitry wore the same unpromising aspect, and the 
liver-banks were studded with gigantic trees, or 
iiinged with impenetrable thickets. The tribes of 
Indians, whom they occasionally met in the pathless 
wilderness, were fierce and unfriendly, and they 
were engaged in perpetual skirmishes with them. 
From these they learned that a fruitful country was 
lo be found down the river at the distance of only a 


few days' journey, and the Spaniards held on their 
weary way, atill hoping and still deceived, as the 
promised land flitted before them, like the rain- 
bow, receding as they advanced. 

At length, spent with toil and suffering, Gonzalo 
resolved to construct a bark large enough to trans- 
port the weaker part of his company and his bag- 
gage. The forests furnished him with timber ; the 
shoes of the horses which had died on the road or 
been slaughtered for food, were converted into nails; 
gum distilled from the trees took the place of pitch ; 
and the tattered garments of the soldiers supplied a 
substitute for oakum. It was a work of difficulty ; 
but Gonzalo cheered his men in the task, and set an 
example by taking part in their labors. At the end 
of two months a brigantine was completed, rudely 
put together, but strong and of sufficient burden to 
carry half the company, — the first European ves- 
sel that ever floated on these inland waters. 

Gonzalo gave the command to Francisco de Ore- 
Uana, a cavalier from Truxillo, on whose courage and 
devotion to himself he thought he could rely. The 
troops now moved forward, still following the de- 
scending course of the river, while the brigantine 
kept alongside ; and when a bold promontory or 
more impracticable country intervened, it furnished 
timely aid by the transportation of the feebler sol- 
diers. In this way they journeyed, for many a wea- 
risome week, through the dreary wilderness on the 
borders of the Napo. Every scrap of provisions had 
been long since consumed. The last of their horses 

cb. iv.] incbedible sufferings. 161 

had been deToured. To appease the gnawings of 
hunger, thej were fain to eat the leather of their 
saddles and belts. The woods supjdied them with 
scanty sustenance, and they greedily fed upon toads, 
serpents, and such other reptiles as they occasional- 
ly found.® 

They were now told of a rich district, inhabited 
by a populous nation, where the Napo emptied into 
a still greater river that flowed towards the east. It 
was, as usual, at the distance of several days' jour- 
ney ; and Gonzalo Pizarro resolved to halt where he 
was and send Orellana down in his brigantine to the 
confluence of the waters to procure a stock of pro- 
visions, with which he might return and put them in 
condition to resume their march. That cavalier, 
accordingly, taking with him fifty of the adventurers, 
pushed off* into the middle of the river, where the 
stream ran swifdy, and his bark, taken by the cur- 
rent, shot forward with the speed of an arrow, and 
was soon out of sight. 

Days and weeks passed away, yet the vessel did 
not return ; and no speck was to be seen on the 
waters, as the Spaniards strained their eyes to the 
farthest point, where the line of light faded away in 
the dark shadows of the foliage on the borders. De- 

* " TeniM y njoea, y fruta Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 4. 

aloestre, sapos, y colebraa, y otraa — Capitulacion con Orellana, MS. 

nabs sauandijas, d las auia por — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, 

aqoeOas tnontaAas que todo les lib. 8, cap. 7. — 2^aiate, Conq. del 

^a buen estomago a los EspaRo- Peru, lib. 4, cap. 3, 4. — Gomaia, 

^; que peor les yua con la falta Hist, de las Ind., cap. 143. 
fc cons tan Tiles." Garcilaaso, 

VOL. II. 21 


tachments were sent out, and, though absent several 
days, came back without intelligence of their com- 
rades. Unable longer to endure this suspense, or, 
indeed, to maintain themselves in their present quar- 
ters, Gonzalo and his famishing followers now deter- 
mined to proceed towards the junction of the rivers. 
Two months elapsed before they accomplished this 
terrible journey, — those of them who did not per- 
ish on the way, — although the distance probably 
did not exceed two hundred leagues ; and they at 
length reached the spot so long desired, where the 
Napo pours its tide into the Amazon, that mighty 
stream, which, fed by its thousand tributaries, rolls 
on towards the ocean, for many hundred miles, 
through the heart of the great continent, — the most 
majestic of American rivers. 

But the Spaniards gathered no tidings of Ore- 
Uana, while the country, though more populous than 
the region they had left, was as little inviting in its 
aspect, and was tenanted by a race yet more fero- 
cious. They now abandoned the hope of recover- 
ing their comrades, who they supposed must have 
miserably perished by famine or by the hands of the 
natives. But their doubts were at length dispelled 
by the appearance of a white man wandering half- 
naked in the woods, in whose famine-stricken coun- 
tenance they recognized the features of one of their 
countrymen. It was Sanchez de Vargas, a cavalier 
of good descent, and much esteemed in the army. 
He had a dismal tale to tell. 

Orellana, borne swiftly down the current of the 

Cb. it.] ORELLANA sails down the AMAZON. 163 

Napo, had reached the point of its confluence with 
the Amazon in less than three days ; accomplishing 
in this brief space of time what had cost Pizarro 
and his company two months. He had found the 
country altogether different from what had been rep- 
resented ; and, so far from supplies for his country- 
men, he could barely obtain sustenance for himself. 
Nor was it possible for him to return as he had 
come, and make head against the current of the 
rirer ; while the attempt to journey by land was an 
alternative scarcely less formidable. In this dilem- 
ma, an idea flashed across his mind. It was to 
launch his bark at once on the bosom of the Ama- 
zon, and descend its waters to its mouth. He 
would then visit the rich and populous nations that, 
as report said, lined its borders, sail out on the great 
ocean, cross to the neighbouring isles, and return to 
Spain to claim the glory and the guerdon of discov- 
ery. The suggestion was eagerly taken up by his 
reckless companions, welcoming any course that 
would rescue them from the wretchedness of their 
present existence, and fired with the prospect of new 
and stirring adventure, — for the love of adventure 
was the last feeling to become extinct in the bosom 
of the Castilian cavalier. They heeded little their 
unfortunate comrades, whom they were to abandon 
in the wilderness ! ^ 

* This statement of De Vargas on his return to Cantile. The 

was oonfirmed by Orellana, as ap- docoment is presenred entire in the 

petn from the language of the Mufioz collection of MSS. 

foTil grant made to that cavalier " Haviendo vos ido con ciertos 


This is not the place to record the circumstances 
of Orellana's extraordinary expedition. He suc- 
ceeded in his enterprise. But it is marvellous that 
he should have escaped shipwreck in the perilous 
and unknown navigation of that river. Many times 
his vessel was nearly dashed to pieces on its rocks 
and in its furious rapids ;^° and he was in still greater 
peril from the warlike tribes on its borders, who fell 
on his little troop whenever he attempted to land, 
and followed in his wake for miles in their canoes. 
He at length emerged from the great river; and, 
once upon the sea, Orellana made for the ide cS 
Cubagua ; thence passing over to Spain, he repaired 
to court, and told the circumstances of his voyage, 
— of the nations of Amazons whom he had found 
on the banks of the river, the El Dorado which re- 
port assured him existed in the neighbourhood, and 
other marvels, — the exaggeration rather than the 
coinage of a credulous fancy. His audience listened 
with willing ears to the tales of the traveller ; and 

compaficTos un no abajo k buscar ^^ Condamine, who, in 1743, 

comida, con la corriente fuistes went down the Amazon, has often 

metidos per cl dicho rio mas de occasion to notice the perils and 

800 leguas donde no pudistes dar perplexities in which he was in- 

la buelta e por esta necesidad 6 vohed in the navigation of this 

por la mucha noticia que tuvistes river, too difficult, as he sajs, tt» 

dc la grandeza e riqueza de la be undertaken without the gnid- 

ticrra, posponiendo vuestro pcligro, ance of a skilful pilot. See his 

sin interea ninguno por servir k Relation Abreg^e d'un Voyage 

S. M. OS aventurastes k saber lo fait dans rinterieur de TAm^nqne 

que haVia en aquellas prdvincias, 6 M€ridionale. (Maestricht, 1778.) 
ansi descubristes 6 hallastes gran- 
dee poblaciones. ' ' Capitulacion oon 
Orellana, MS. 

Cb. it.] ORELLANA sails down the AMAZON. 165 

in an age of wonders, when the mysteries of the 
East and the West were hourly coming to light, 
they might be excused for not discerning the true 
line between romance and reality.^^ 

He found no difficulty in obtaining a commission 
to conquer and colonize the realms he had discov- 
ered. He soon saw himself at the head of five 
hundred followers, prepared to share the perils and 
the profits of his expedition. But neither he, nor 
his country, was destined to realize these profits. 
He died on his outward passage, and the lands 
washed by the Amazon fell within the territories of 
Portugal. The unfortunate navigator did not even 
enjoy the undivided honor of giving his name to the 
waters he had discovered. He enjoyed only the 
barren glory of the discovery, surely not balanced by 
tlie iniquitous circumstances which attended it.'^ 

n It has not been easy to discern ing yentured npon a navigation of 
tke exact line in later times, with near two thousand leagues, through 
an the lights of modem discoyery. unknown nations, in a yeasel hastily 
Condamine, aAer a careful inyes- constructed, with green timber, and 
tigation,eoii8ideTS that there is good by yery unskilful hands, without 
ground for beiiering in the exist- proTisions, without a compass, or a 
enee of a community of armed pilot.'' (Robertson, America, (ed. 
women, once liring somewhere in London, 1706,) vol. III. p. 84.) 
tiie neighbourfaood of the Amazon, The ^historian of America does not 
though they have now disappeared, hold the moral balance with as un- 
it would be hard to disprove the erring a hand as usual, in his judg- 
fiict, but still harder, considering ment of Orellana's splendid enter- 
the embarrassments in perpetuatr prise. No success, however splen- 
iog such a community, to believe did, in the language of one, not 
it. Voyage dans TAm^rique M^ too severe a moralist, 
ridioiiale, p. ©9, et seq. ncn blmna erll 6mA§ or cooMente a 

IS •< His crime is, in some meas- crioM." 
ure, balanced by the glory of hav- 


One of Orellana's party maintained a stout oppo- 
sition to his proceedings, as repugnant both to hu- 
manity and honor. This was Sanchez de Vargas ; 
and the cruel commander was revenged on him by 
abandoning him to his fate in the desolate region 
where he was now found by his countrymen.^^ 

The Spaniards Ibtened with horror to the recital 
of Vargas, and their blood almost froze in their 
veins as they saw themselves thus deserted in the 
heart of this remote wilderness, and deprived of 
their only means of escape from it. They made an 
effort to prosecute their journey along the banks, 
but, after some toilsome days, strength and sjmts 
failed, and they gave up in despair ! 

Then it was that the qualities of Gonzalo PizanOf 
as a fit leader in the hour of despondency and dan- 
ger, shone out conspicuous. To advance ferthflf 
was hopeless. To stay where they were, withoQt 

13 An expedition more remark- Still, like Milton^s lady in Comas, 
able than that of Orellana was she was permitted to oome atfely 
performed by a delicate female, out of all these perils, and, after 
Madame Godin, who, in 1769, at- unparalleled sufferings, faUing in 
tempted to descend the Amazon in with some friendly Indians, ahe was 
an open boat to its mouth. She conducted by them to a IVench set- 
was attended by seven persons, tlement. Though a young woman, 
two of them her brothers, and two it will not be surprising that the 
her female domestics. The boat hardships and terrors she endured 
was wrecked, and Madame Godin, turned her hair perfectly white, 
narrowly escaping with her life, The details of the extraordinaiy 
endeayoured with her party to story are given in a letter to M. de 
accomplish the remainder of her la Condamine by her husband, wko 
journey on foot. She saw them tells them in an earnest, unaffected 
perish, one after another, of hun- way that angagea our confidence, 
ger and disease, till she was left Voyage dans TAm^rique M<ri- 
alone in the howling wilderness, dionale, p. 329, et seq. 

Ch. IY.] despair of the SPANIARDS. 167 

hod or raiment) without defence from the fierce ani- 
mals of the forest and the fiercer natives, was im- 
possible. One only course remained ; it was to 
return to Quito. But this brought with it the recol- 
lection of the past, of sufferings which they could 
too well estimate, — hardly to be endured even in 
imagination. They were now at least four hundred 
leagues from Quito, and more than a year had 
elapsed since they bad set out on their painful 
pilgrimage. How could they encounter these perils 
again ! " 

Yet there was no alternative. Gronzalo endeav- 
oured to reassure his followers by dwelling on the 
invincible constancy they had hitherto displayed; 
adjuring them to show themselves still worthy of 
the name of Castilians. He reminded them of the 
glory they would for ever acquire by their heroic 
achievement, when they should reach their own 
country. He would lead them back, he said, by 
another route, and it could not be but that they 
should meet somewhere with those abundant re- 
gbns of which they had so often heard. It was 
something, at least, that every step would take them 
nearer home ; and as, at all events, it was clearly 
the only course now left, they should prepare to 
meet it like men. The spirit would sustain the 

M GarcUaaso, Com. Real., Parte One must not expect from these 

9, lib. 3, cap. 6. — Herrera, Hist, wanderers in the wilderness any 

General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 8. — exact computation of time or dis- 

Zuate, Cooq. del Peru, lib. 4, tance, destitute, as they were, of 

flap. 5. — Gomara, Hist, de las the means of making a correct ob- 

Iiid., cap. 143. serration of either. 


body ; and difficulties encountered in the right sjnrit 
were half vanquished ahready ! 

The soldiers listened eagerly to his words of 
promise and encouragement. The confidence of 
their leader gave life to the desponding. They felt 
the force of his reasoning, and, as they lent a wil- 
ling ear to his assurances, the pride of the old Cas- 
tilian honor revived in their bosoms, and every one 
caught somewhat of the generous enthusiasm . of 
their commander. He was, in truth, entitled to 
their devotion. From the first hour of the expe- 
dition, he had fireely borne his part in its privations. 
Far from claiming the advantage of his position, he 
had taken his lot with the poorest soldier ; minister- 
ing to the wants of the sick, cheering up the spirits 
of the desponding, sharing his stinted allowance 
with his famished followers, bearing his fiill part in 
tiie toil and burden of the march, ever showing 
himself their faithful comrade, no less than their 
captain. He found the benefit of this conduct in a 
trying hour like the present. 

I will spare the reader the recapitulation of the 
sufferings endured by the Spaniards on their retro- 
grade march to Quito. They took a more northerly 
route than that by which they had approached the 
Amazon ; and, if it was attended with fewer diffi- 
culties, they experienced yet greater distresses firom 
their greater inability to overcome them. Their 
only nourishment was such scanty fare as they could 
pick up in the forest, or happily meet with in some 
forsaken Indian settiement, or wring by violence 

Ch. it.] the survivors return to QUITO. 169 

from the natives. Some sickened and sank down by 
the way, for there was none to help them. Intense 
misery had made them selfish ; and many a poor 
wretch was abandoned to his fate, to die alone in 
the wilderness, or, more probably, to be devoured, 
while living, by the wild animals which roamed 
over it. 

At length, in June, 154^, after somewhat more 
than a year consumed in their homeward march, the 
way-worn company came on the elevated plains in 
the neighbourhood of Quito. But how different 
their aspect from that which they had exhibited on 
issuing from the gates of the same capital, two years 
and a half before, with high romantic hope and in all 
the pride of military array ! Their horses gone, theur 
arms Inroken and rusted, the skins of wild animals 
instead of clothes hanging loosely about their limbs, 
their long and matted locks streaming wildly down 
their shoulders, their faces burned and blackened by 
the tropical sun, their bodies wasted by famine and 
sorely disfigured by scars, — it seemed as if the 
charnel-house had given up its dead, as, with uncer- 
tain step, they glided slowly onwards like a troop of 
dismal spectres ! More than half of the four thou- 
sand Indians who had accompanied the expedition 
had perished, and of the Spaniards only eighty, 
and many of these irretrievably broken in consti- 
tution, returned to Quito.*^ 

^ Pedro Piarro, Descub. y Peru, lib. 4, cap. 6.— Gomara, 
Co»i., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Hiat. de laa Ind., cap. 143. — Ga]^ 

VOL. II. 22 


The few Christian inhabitants of the place, with 
their wives and children, came out to welcome their 
comitrymen. They ministered to them all the re- 
lief and refreshment in their power ; and, as they 
listened to the sad recital of their sufferings, they 
mingled their tears with those of the wanderers. 
The whole company then entered the capital, where 
their first act — to their credit be it mentioned — 
was to go in a body to the church, and offer up 
thanksgivings to the Almighty for their miraculous 
preservation through their long and perilous pilgrim- 
age.^® Such was the end of the expedition to the 
Amazon ; an expedition which, for its dangers 
and hardships, the length of their duration, and the 
constancy with which they were endured, stands, 
perhaps, unmatched in the annals of American dis- 

cilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. entr6 en el Quito, triunfando del 

3, cap. 15. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- valor, i sufrimiento, i de la coo- 

neral, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. 14. stancia, recto, 6 immutable vigor 

The last historian, in dismissing del animo, pues Hombres Huma- 

his account of the expedition, nos no se hallan haver tanto sofrido, 

passes a paneg-yric on the courage ni padecido tantaa desventuias." 

and constancy of his countrymen. Ibid., ubi supra, 
which we must admit to be well ^^ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, Kb. 

deserved. 4, cap. 5. 

'' Finalmente, Gongalo Pigarro 


The Almaoro Faction. — Their desperate Condition. — Con- 
vntACT AOAHisT Francisco Pizarro. — Assassination of Pi- 
XAiRO. — Acts of the Conspirators. — Pizarro's Character. 


When Gronzalo Pizarro reached Quito, he re- 
ceived ddmgs of an event which showed that his 
expedition to the Amazon had been even more fatal 
to his interests than he had imagined. A revolution 
had taken place during his absence, which had 
changed the whole condition of things in Peru. 

In a preceding chapter we have seen, that, when 
Hernando Pizarro returned to Spain, his brother the 
marquess repaired to Lima, where he continued to 
occupy himself with building up his infent capital, 
and watching over the general interests of the coun- 
try. While thus employed, he gave little heed to a 
danger that hourly beset his path, and this, too, 
in despite of repeated warnings from more circum- 
spect friends. 

After the execution of Almagro, his followers, to 
the number of several hundred, remained scattered 
through the country ; but, however scattered, still 
united by a common sentiment of indignation 
against the Pizarros, the murderers, as they re- 


garded them, of their leader. The governor was 
less the object of these feelings than his brother 
Hernando, as having been less instrumental in the 
perpetration of the deed. Under these circum- 
stances, it was clearly Pizarro's policy to do one of 
two things ; to treat the opposite faction either as 
friends, or as open enemies. He might conciliate 
the most factious by acts of kindness, efface the 
remembrance of past injury, if he could, by pres- 
ent benefits; in short, prove to them that his 
quarrel had been with their leader, not with them- 
selves, and that it was plainly for their interest to 
come again under his banner. This would have 
been the most politic, as well as the most magnani- 
mous course ; and, by augmenting the number of his 
adherents, would have greatly strengthened his 
power in the land. But, unhappily, he had not the 
magnanimity to pursue it. It was not in the nature 
of a Pizarro to forgive an injury, or the man whom 
he had injured. As he would not, therefore, try to 
conciliate Almagro's adherents, it was clearly the 
governor's policy to regard them as enemies, — not 
the less so for being in disguise, — and to take such 
measures as should disqualify them for doing mis- 
chief. He should have followed the counsel of his 
more prudent brother Hernando, and distributed 
them in different quarters, taking care that no great 
number should assemble at any one point, or, above 
all, in the neighbourhood of his own residence. 

But the governor despised the broken followers 
of Almagro too heartily to stoop to precautionary 

Cb. y.] the almagro faction. 173 

measures. He suffered the son of his rival to re- 
main in Lima, where his quarters soon became the 
resort of the disaffected cavaliers. The young man 
was well known to most of Almagro's soldiers, hav- 
ing been trained along with them in the camp 
under his father's eye, and, now that his parent was 
removed, they naturally transferred their allegiance 
to the son who survived him. 

That the young Almagro, however, might be less 
able to maintain this retinue of unprofitable follow- 
ers, he was deprived by Pizarro of a great part of 
lus Indians and lands, while he was excluded from 
the government of New Toledo, which had been 
settled on him by his father's testament.^ Stripped 
oi all means of support, without office or employ- 
ment of any kind, the men of Chili, for so Alma- 
gro's adherents continued to be called, were re- 
duced to the utmost distress. So poor were they, 
as is the story of the time, that twelve cavaliers, who 
lodged in the same house, could muster only one 
cloak among them all ; and, with the usual feeling 
of pride that belongs to the poor hidalgo, unwilling 
to expose their poverty, they wore this cloak by 
turns, those who had no right to it remaining at 
bome.^ Whether true or not, the anecdote well illus- 
trates the extremity to which Almagro's faction was 
reduced. And this distress was rendered yet more 
galling by the effit)ntery of their enemies, who, en- 

I Cftita de Almagro, MS. 

s Herren, Hist. GenenJ, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 6. 


riched by their forfeitures, displayed before their 
eyes all the insolent bravery of equipage and apparel 
that could annoy their feelings. 

Men thus goaded by insult and injury were too 
dangerous to be lightly regarded. But, although 
Pizarro received various intimations intended to put 
him on his guard, he gave no heed to them. " Poot 
devils ! '' he would exclaim, speaking with contempt- 
uous pity of the men of Chili ; " they have had 
bad luck enough. We will not trouble them fiir- 
ther."^ And so little did he consider them, that he 
went freely about, as usual, riding without attend- 
ants to all parts of the town and to its immediate 

News now reached the colony of the appointment 
of a judge by the Crown to take cognizance of the 
affairs of Peru. Pizarro, although alarmed by the 
intelligence, sent orders to have him well entertained 
on his landing, and suitable accommodations pre- 
pared for him on the route. The spirits of Alma- 
gro's followers were greatly raised by the tidings. 
They confidently looked to this high functionary for 
the redress of their wrongs ; and two of their body, 
clad in suits of mourning, were chosen to go to the 
north, where the judge was expected to land, and 
to lay their grievances before him. 

But months elapsed, and no tidings came of his 
arrival, till, at length, a vessel, coming into port, an- 

' Gomaia, Hist, de las Ind., < Garcilaseo, Com. Real., Parte 
»P- 144. 2, lib. 3, cap. 6. 


nounced that most of the squadron had foundered m 
the heavy storms on the coast, and that the commis- 
sioner had probably perished with them. This was 
disheartening intelligence to the men of Chili, 
whose " miseries," to use the words of their young 
leader, " had become too grievous to be borne." ^ 
Symptoms of disaffection had already begun openly 
to manifest themselves. The haughty cavaliers did 
not always doff their bonnets, on meeting the gov- 
ernor in the street; and on one occasion, three ropes 
were found suspended from the public gallows, vnth 
labels attached to them, bearing the names of Pi- 
zarro, Velasquez the judge, and Picado the govern- 
or's secretary.® This last functionary was peculiarly 
odious to Ahnagro and his followers. As his master 
knew neither how to read nor write, all his commu- 
nicatioiis passed through Picado's hands; and, as 
the latter was of a hard and arrogant nature, gready 
elated by the consequence which his position gave 
him, he exercised a mischievous influence on the 

^ ** My sufieringB," says Alma- luntad sirviendole aunque tuyieae 

gTo, io his letter to the Royal Au- meritos le destniya y este Picado 

dienoe of Psnami, <* were enough fue causa de que los de Chile to- 

to unsettle my reason." See his mascn mas odio al marquez por 

Letter in the original, Appendix, donde le mataron. Porque queria 

So. 19. este que todos lo reverenciasen, y 

* ** Hizo Picado el secreptario los de chile no hazian case d^l, y 

del Marquez mucho dailo a muchos, por esta causa los perscguia este 

porque el marquez don Francisco mucho, y ansi yinieron k hazer lo 

Pi^arro como no savia ler ni escrivir que hizieron los de Chile. " Pedro 

fiavase del y no hacia mas de lo Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — • 

que el le aoonscjava y ansi hizo Also Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 

este mucho mal en cstos rreinos, 4, cap. 6. 
potzque el que no andava a su to- 


governor's measures. Almagro's poverty-stricken 
followers were the objects of his open ridicule^ and 
he revenged the insult now offered him by riding 
before their young leader's residence, displaying a 
tawdry magnificence in his dress, sparkling with 
gold and silver, and with the inscription, << Fen* the 
Men of Chili," set in his bonnet. It was a foolish 
taunt ; but the poor cavaliers who were the olject 
of it, made morbidly sensitive by their suffisrings, 
had not the philosophy to despise it.^ 

At length, disheartened by the long protracted 
coming of Vaca de Castro, and still more by the re- 
cent reports of his loss, Almagro^s faction, despairing 
of redress from a legitimate authority, determined to 
take it into their own hands. They came to the 
desperate resolution of assassinating Pizarro. The 
day named for this was Sunday, the twenty-sixth of 
June, 1541. The conspirators, eighteen or twenty 
in number, were to assemble in Almagro's house, 
which stood in the great square next to the cathe- 
dral, and, when the governor was returning from 
mass, they were to issue forth and fall on him in 
the street. A white flag, unfurled at the same time 
from an upper window in the house, was to be the 
signal for the rest of their comrades to move to the 
support of those immediately engaged in the execu- 
tion of the deed.'' 

7 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 8 Pedro Pizarro, Bescub. y 

Conq., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Conq., MS. — MontesinoB, Aih 

Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 6.— nales, MS., arto 1541. — Zuate,' 

Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 6. 
lib. 10, cap. 2. 


These arrangements could hardly have been con- 
cealed from Almagro, since his own quarters were 
to 1)e the place of rendezvous. Yet there is no 
good evidence of his having taken part in the con- 
spiracy.* He was, indeed, too young to make it 
probaUe that he took a leading part in it. He is 
represented by contemporary writers to have given 
promise of many good qualities, though, unhappily, 
he was not placed in a situation favorable for their 
development. He was the son of an Indian woman 
of Panama ; but from early years had followed the 
troubled fortunes of his father, to whom he bore 
much resemblance in his free and generous nature, 
as well as in the violence of his passions. His 
youth and inexperience disqualified him from taking 
the lead in the perplexing circumstances in which 
he was placed, and made him little more than a 
puppet in the hands of others.'^ 

* Yet this would seem to be to have taken part in it, with the 
contradicted by Almagro's own further declaration, that it was aim- 
letter to the audience of Panamft, ply to seize, not to slay, Pizano; 
in which he states, that, galled by — a declaration that no one who 
intoIermUe injaries, he and his fol- reads the history of the transaction 
loii'erB bad resolred to take the will be very ready to credit. 
remedy into their own hands, by ^o ** Mancebo Tirtuoso, i dfi 
entering the goremor^s house and grande Animo, i bien enseffado : i 
seizing his person. (See the orig^ especialmente se haria exercitado 
inal in Appendix, No, 12.) It is mucho en cayalgar a Caballo, dfi 
certain, however, that in the full ambas sillas, lo qual hacia con 
socounts we have of the afiair by mucha gracia, i destre^a, i tambien 
writers who had the best means of en escrevir, i leer, lo qual hacta 
iofonnation, we do not find Alma- mas liberalmente, i mejor de lo que 
grD*s name mentioned as one who requeria su Profesion. Do este 
took an active part in the tragic tenia cargo, como Aio, Juan de 
drama. His own letter merely Herrada." Zarate, Ck)nq. del Pe» 
expresses that it was his purpose m, lib. 4» cap. 6. 
VOL. II. 38 


The most conspicuous of his advisers was Juan 
de Herrada, or Rada, as his name is more usually 
spelt, — a cavalier of respectable family, but jvho, 
having early enlisted as a common soldier, had 
gradually risen to the highest posts in the army 
by his military talents. At this time, he was well 
advanced in years ; but the fires of youth were not 
quenched in his bosom, and he burned with desire 
to avenge the wrongs done to his ancient command- 
er. The attachment which he had ever felt for 
the elder Almagro he seems to have transferred in 
full measure to his son ; and it was apparently with 
reference to him, even more than to himself, that 
he devised this audacious plot, and prepared to take 
the lead in the execution of it. 

There was one, however, in the band of con- 
spirators who felt some compunctions of conscience 
at the part he was acting, and who relieved his 
bosom by revealing the whole plot to his. confes- 
sor. The latter lost no time in reporting it to 
Picado, by whom in turn it was communicated to 
Pizarro. But, strange to say, it made little more 
impression on the governor's mind than the vague 
warnings he had so frequently received. " It is 
device of the priest," said he; "he wants a mitre." ^' 

11 ** Pues un dia antes un sacer- amigos. Esto me a dicho mo es 

dote clerigo llamado Benao fue de oonfiBion para que os yenga 4 sr-a 

noche y avisso a Picado el secrep- ear. Pues savido esto Picado r 

tario y dixole mafiana Domingo fue luego y lo conto al maiques y ^ 

quando cl marquez saliero a misa le rrespondio. Ese clerigo obisj 

lienen concertado los do Chile de do quiere." Pedro Pizarro, 

matar al marquez y & yob y & bus scub. y Conq., MS. 


ch. y.] conspiracy against pizarro. 179 

Yet he repeated the story to the judge Velasquez, 
who, instead of ordering the conspirators to be seiz- 
ed, and the proper steps taken for learning the truth 
of the accusation, seemed to be possessed with the 
same infatuation as Pizarro ; and he bade the goY- 
emar be under no apprehension, ^< for no harm 
should come to him, while the rod of justice," not 
a metaphorical badge of authority in Castile, ^^ was 
in his . hands." ^^ Still, to obviate cYery possibility 
o( danger, it was deemed prudent for Pizarro to 
abstain from going to mass on Sunday, and to re- 
main at home on pretence of illness. 

On the day appointed, Rada and his companions 
met in Almagro's house, and waited with anxiety 
for the hour when the governor should issue from the 
church. But great was their consternation, when 
they learned that he was not there, but was de- 
tained at home, as currently, reported, by illness. 
Little doubting that their design was discovered, 
they felt their own ruin to be the inevitable conse- 
quence, and that, too, without enjoying the melan- 
choly consolation of having struck the blow for 
which they had incurred it. Greatly perplexed, 
some were for disbanding, in the hope that Pizarro 
might, after all, be ignorant of their design. But 
most were for carrjdng it into execution at once, by 
assaulting him in his own house. The question 
was summarily decided by one of the party, who 

I* " El Juan Yelazqnex le dixo. nadic se atreyera." Pedro Pizano, 
No tema -raeatn aeOoria que mien- Deacub. y Ck>nq., MS. 
tns yo tunoreesu Tan en la nano 


felt that in this latter course lay their only chance 
of safety. Throwing open the doors, he rushed out, 
calling on his comrades ^^ to follow him, or he would 
proclaim the purpose for which they had met." 
There was no longer hesitation, and the cavaliers 
issued forth, with Rada at their head, shouting, as 
they went, <*Long live the king! Death to the 
tyrant !"^« 

It was the hour of dinner, which, in this primitive 
age of the Spanish colonies, was at noon. Yet 
numbers, roused by the cries of the assailants, came 
out into the square to inquire the cause. " They 
are going to kill the marquess," some said veiy 
coolly ; others replied, " It is Picado." No one 
stirred in their defence. The power of Pizarro was 
not seated in the hearts of his people. 

As the conspirators traversed the plaza^ one of 
the party made a circuit to avoid a little pool of 
water that lay in their path. " What ! " exclaimed 
Rada, " afraid of wetting your feet, when you are 
to wade up to your knees in blood ! " And he or- 
dered the man to give up the enterprise and go home 
to his quarters. The anecdote is characteristic.^* 

The governor's palace stood on the opposite side 

13 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. rodeo algun tanto por no mojane ; 
6, lib. 10, cap. 6. — Pedro Pizarro, repar6 en ello Juan de Rada, y 
Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zaiate, entrandose atrevido por el agua le 
Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 8. — dijo : ^ Bamos a bafiamos en aangie 
Naharro, Rel. Sumaria, MS. — humana, y rehusais mojaros loa 
Carta del Maestro, Martin de Arau- pies en agua ? £a volveos. hixolo 
eo, MS., 15 de Julio, 1541. Yoher y no asistio al hecho.'* 

14 ** Gromez Perez por barer alii Montesinos, Annales, MS., afio 
agua derramada de una acequia, 1541. 


of the square. It was approached hj two court- 
yards. The entrance to the outer one was pro- 
tected by a massive gate, capable of being made 
good against a hundred men or more. But it was 
left open, and the assailants, hurrying through to 
the inner court, still shouting their fearful battle- 
cry, were met by two domestics loitering in the 
yard. One of these they struck down. The other, 
flying in all haste towards the house, called out, 
*<Help, help! the men of Chili are all coming to 
murder the marquess ! " 

Pizarro at this time was at dinner, or, more 
probably, had just dined. He was surrounded by 
a party of friends, who had dropped in, it seems, 
after mass, to inquire after the state of his health, 
some of whom had remained to partake of his re- 
past. Among these was Don Martinez de Alcan- 
tara, Pizarro's half-brother by the mother's side, 
the judge Velasquez, the bishop elect of Quito, 
and several of the principal cavaliers in the place, 
to the number of fifteen or twenty. Some of them, 
alarmed by the uproar in the court-yard, left the 
saloon, and, running down to the first landing on 
the stairway, inquired into the cause of the dis- 
turbance. No sooner were they informed of it by 
the cries of the servant, than they retreated with 
precifHtation into the house ; and, as they had no 
mind to abide the storm unarmed, or at best imper- 
fectly armed, as most of them were, they made their 
way to a corridor that overlooked the gardens, into 
which they easily let themselves down without in- 


jury. Velasquez, the judge, the better to have 
the use of his hands in the descent, held his rod 
of office in his mouth, thus taking care, says a caus- 
tic old chronicler, not to falsify his assurance, that 
" no harm should come to Pizarro while the rod of 
justice was in his hands " ! ^* 

Meanwhile, the marquess, learning the nature of 
the tumult, called out to Francisco de Chaves, an 
officer high in his confidence, and who was in the 
outer apartment opening on the staircase, to secure 
the door, while he and his brother Alcantara buckled 
on their armour. Had this order, codly given, been 
as coolly obeyed, it would have saved them all, 
since the entrance could easily have been maintained 
against a much larger force, till the report of the 
cavaliers who had fled had brought support to Pi- 
zarro. But unfortunately, Chaves, disobejdng his 
commander, half opened the door, and attempted to 
enter into a parley with the conspirators. The 
latter had now reached the head of the stairs, and 
cut short the debate by running Chaves through the 
body, and tumbling his corpse down into the area 
below. For a moment they were kept at bay by 
the attendants of the slaughtered cavalier, but these. 

^ '* En 1o qual no paresce hayer Pedro Pizarro, Descnb. j Conq., 
quebrantado su palabra, porque MS. — Naharro, ReladoD 

despues huiendo (como adelante se ria, MS. — Carta del M nwUu , 

dira) al liempo, que quisieron ma- Martin de Arauco, MS. — Carta 

tar al Marques, se hecho de Tiia de Fray Vicente de Valyerde a li 

Ventana abajo, k la Huerta, Ue- Audiencia de Panama, MS., deade 

yando la Vara en la boca." Za- Tumbez, 15 Noy. 1541. — Goma- 

rate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 7. ra. Hist, de las Ind., cap. 145. 


too, were quickly despatched; and Rada and his 
companions, entering the apartment, hurried across 
it, shouting out, << Where is the marquess ? Death 
to the tyrant ! " 

Martinez de Alcantara, who in the adjoining room 
was assisting his brother to buckle on his mail, 
no sooner saw that the entrance to the antecham- 
ber had been gained, than he sprang to the door- 
way of the apartment, and, assisted by two young 
men, pages of Pizarro, and by one or two cava- 
liers in attendance, endeavoured to resist the ap- 
proach of the assailants. A desperate struggle now 
ensued. Blows were given on both sides, some of 
which proved fatal, and two of the conspirators 
were slain, while Alcantara and his brave compan- 
ions were repeatedly wounded. 

At length, Pizarro, unable, in the hurry of the 
moment, to adjust the fastenings of his cuirass, 
threw it away, and, enveloping one arm in his cloak, 
with the other seized his sword, and sprang to his 
brother's assistance. It was too late ; for Alcantara 
was already staggering under the loss of blood, and 
soon fell to the ground. Pizarro threw himself on 
his invaders, like a lion roused in his lair, and dealt 
his blows with as much rapidity and force, as if age 
had no power to stiffen his limbs. ^< What ho ! " he 
cried, " traitors ! have you come to kill me in my 
own house?" The conspirators drew back for a 
moment, as two of their body fell under Pizarro's 
sword ; but they quickly rallied, and, from their su- 
perior numbers, fought at great advantage by reliev- 

184 CIVIL WAB8 OF THE CONQU£E0R8. [Boos lY. 

ing one another in the assault. Still the passage 
was narrow, and the struggle lasted for some min- 
utes, till both of Pizarro's pages were stretched by 
his side, when Rada, impatient of the delay, called 
out, " Why are we so long about it ? Down with 
the tyrant!" and taking one of his companions, 
Narvaez, in his arms, he thrust him against the mar^ 
quess. Pizarro, instantly grappling with his oppo- 
nent, ran him through with his sword. But at that 
moment he received a wound in the throat, and 
reeling, he sank on the floor, while the swcmis of 
Rada and several of the conspirators were plunged 
into his body. ^< Jesu ! " exclaimed the dying man, 
and, tracing a cross with his finger on the bloody 
floor, he bent down his head to kiss it, when a 
stroke, more friendly than the rest, put an end to 
his existence.'® 

16 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. Cesar Espafiol, estando tan en « 

4, cap. 8. — Naharro, Relacion que pidiendo confession con gna 

Sumaria, MS. — Pedro Pizarro, acto de contricioo, haziendo h 

Descub. y Conq., MS. — Herrera, sefial de la Cruz con su misma 

Hist. Greneral, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. sangre, y besandola muri^.*' Va- 

6. — Carta de la Justicia y Regi- rones Ilustres, p. 186. 

miento de la Ciudad de los Reyes, According to one authority, the 

MS. , 15 de Julio, 1541 . » Carta del mortal blow was given by a soldier 

Maestro, Martin de Arauco, MS. named Borregan, who, when Pi- 

— Carta de Fray Vicente Valverde, zarro was down, struck him on the 

desde Tumbez, MS. — Gomara, back of the head with a water-jar, 

Hist, de las Ind., ubi supra. — which he had snatched fitym the 

Montesinos, Annales, MS., alio table. (Herrera, Hist. Genenl, 

1541. dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 6.) Con- 

Pizarro y Orellana seems to have sideiing the hurry and concision of 

BO doubt that his slaughteied kins- the scene, the different naixativei 

man died in the odor of sanctity. — of the catastrophe, though 

^* Alii le acabaron los traidores sarily difiering in minute details, 

enemigoe, dandole crneliasimas have a remarkable agreement with 

heridas, con que acab6 el Julio one another. 


The conspirators, havmg accomplished theix 
bloody deed, rushed into the street, and, brandish- 
ing their dripping weapons, shouted out, " The ty- 
rant is dead ! The laws are restored ! Long live our 
master the emperor, and his governor, Almagro ! " 
The men of Chili, roused by the cheering cry, now 
flocked in from every side to join the banner of 
Rada, who soon found himself at the head of nearly 
three hundred followers, all armed and prepared to 
support his authority. A guard was placed over the 
houses of the principal partisans of the late gov- 
ernor, and their persons were taken into custody. 
Pizarro's house, and that of his secretary Picado, 
were delivered up to pillage, and a large booty in 
gold and silver was found in the former. Picado 
himself took refuge in the dwelling of Riquelme, the 
treasurer ; but his hiding-place was detected, — be- 
trayed, according to some accounts, by the looks, 
thou^ not the words, of the treasurer himself, — 
and he was dragged forth and committed to a secure 
prison.^' The whole city was thrown into conster- 
nation, as armed bodies hurried to and fro on their 
several errands, and all who were not in the faction 
of Almagro trembled lest they should be involved 

^7 ** No M olndaron de bnscar k We find Riquelme's name, soon 

Antonio Picado, i iendo en casa aAer this, enrolled among the mu« 

del Teaorero Alonao Riquelme, il nidpality of Lima, showing that 

» iba didendo : No sd adonde he found it oonTenient to give in 

9tA el Seftor Picado, i con loe ojoa hit tempomy adhesion, at least, 

k moitraba, i le hallaron debazo to Almagro. Carta de la Justicia 

(lela cama." Herrera, Hist. Ge- y Regimiento de la Ciudad de los 

ftoil, dee. 6, lib. 10, cap. 7. Reyee, MS. 

VOL. n. 24 


iu the proscription of their enemies. So great was 
the disorder, that the Brothers of Mercy, turning 
out in a body, paraded the streets in solemn pro- 
cession, with the host elevated in the air, in hopes 
by the presence of the sacred symbol to calm the 
passions of the multitude. 

But no other violence was offered by Rada and 
his followers than to apprehend a few suspecte^d per- 
sons, and to seize upon horses and arms wherever 
they were to be found. The municipality was then 
summoned to recognize the authority of Alraagro; 
the refractory were ejected without ceremony from 
their offices, and others of the Chili faction were 
substituted. The claims of the new aspirant were 
fully recognized ; and young Almagro, parading the 
streets on horseback, and escorted by a well-armed 
body of cavaliers, was proclaimed by sound rf 
trumpet governor and captain-general of Peru. 

Meanwhile, the mangled bodies of Pizarro and his 
faithful adherents were left weltering in their blood- 
Some were for dragging forth the governor's corpse 
to the market-place, and fixing his head upon a gib- 
bet. But Almagro was secretly prevailed on to 
grant the entreaties of Pizarro's friends, and allow 
his interment. This was stealthily and hastily per- 
formed, in the fear of momentary interruption. A 
faithful attendant and his wife, with a few black 
domestics, wrapped the body in a cotton cloth and 
removed it to the cathedral. A grave was hastily 
dug in an obscure corner, the services were hurried 
through, and, in secrecy, and in darkness dispelled 


only by the feeble glimmering of a few tapers fur- 
nished by these humble menials, the remains of Pi- 
zarro, rolled in their bloody shroud, were consigned 
to their kindred dust. Such was the miserable 
end of the Conqueror of Peru, — of the man who 
but a few hours before had lorded it over the land 
with as absolute a sway as was possessed by its he- 
reditary Incas. Cut off in the broad light of day, 
in the heart of his own capital, in the very midst of 
those who had been his companions in arms and 
shared with him his triumphs and his spoils, he per- 
ished like a wretched outcast. " There was none, 
even," in the expressive language of the chronicler, 
" to say, Gfod forgive him ! ''*® 

A few years later, when tranquillity was restored 
to the country, Pizarro's remains were placed in a 
sumptuous coffin and deposited under a monument 
in a conspicuous part of the cathedral. And in 
1607, when time had thrown its friendly mantle 
over the past, and the memory of his errors and his 
crimes was merged in the consideration of the great 
services he had rendered to the Crown by the ex- 
tension of her colonial empire, his bones were re- 
moved to the new cathedral, and allowed to repose 
side by side with those of Mendoza, the wise and 
good viceroy of Peru.*® 

^ " Miiii6 pidiendo confesion, i Carta del Maestro, Martin de 

hadeiido la Crux, sin que nadie Arauco, MS. — Carta de Fray 

dijeae, Dios te peidone." Groma- Vicente Valverde, deade Tumbez, 

la, Hiat. de las Ind., cap. 144. MS. 

MS. de CaiaTantes. — Zarate, i' '' Sua huesos engerrados en 

Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 8. — una caza guamecida de terdopelo 


Pizarro was, probaUy, not far from sixty-five 
years of age at the time of his death ; though this, 
it must be added, is but loose conjecture, since there 
exists no authentic record of the date of his Inrth.* 
He was never married ; but by an Indian princess 
of the Inca blood, daughter of Atahualipa and 
granddaughter of the great Huayna Capac, he had 
two children, a son and a daughter. Both surviired 
him ; but the son did not live to manhood. Th^ 
mother, after Pizarro's death, wedded a Spanish 
cavalier, named Ampuero, and removed with him to 
Spain. Her daughter Francisca accompanied her, 
and was there subsequently married to her mide 
Hernando Pizarro, then a prisoner in the Mota del 
Medina. Neither the title nor estates of the Mar- 
quess Francisco descended to his illegitimate off* 
spring. But in the third generation, in the rdgn 
of Philip the Fourth, the title was revived in fii- 
vor of Don Juan Hernando Pizarro, who, out of 
gratitude for the services of his ancestor, was created 
Marquess of the Conquest, Marques de la Con* 
quista^ with a liberal pension from government 
His descendants, bearing the same title of nobility, 
are still to be found, it is said, at Tnudllo, in the 
ancient province of Estremadura, the original birth- 
place of the Pizarros.^^ 

morsdo con pawwmMKw de oio que See alao the DitewrwOf Legfdy 

yo he Tisto." MS. de CaraTuiteB. Politico j annexed by Pinno y 

V Ante, Book 2, chap. 2, note 1. Orellana to hie hoUEy tome, IB 

91 MS. de Caravantes. — Quin- which that cavalier urges the duns 

tana, Espafioles Celebres, torn. U., of Pizarro. It ia in the Bituv of 

p. 417. a memozial to Philip IV. k beUf 




Pisarro's person has been already described. He 
was tall in stature, well-proportioned, and with a 
countenance not unpleasing. Bred in camps, with 
nothing of the polish of a court, he had a soldier- 
like bearing, and the air of one accustomed to com- 
mand. But though not polished, there was no em- 
barrassment or rusticity in his address, which, where 
it served his purpose, could be plausible and even 
infflnuating. The proof of it is the favorable im- 
pression made by him, on presenting himself, after 
his second expedition — stranger as he was to all 
its forms and usages — at the punctilious court of 

Unlike many of his countrymen, he had no pas- 
81011 for ostentatious dress, which he regarded as an 
incumbrance. The costume which he most affected 
on public occasions was a black cloak, with a white 
hat, and shoes of the same color ; the last, it is 
said, being in imitation of the Great Captain, whose 
character he had early learned to admire in Italy, 
but to which his own, certainly, bore very faint 

of Pizirro*8 descendants, in which 
the writer, after setting forth the 
manifold serrioes of the Conqueror, 
■hows how little his posterity had 
profited by the magnificent grants 
eooferred on him by the Crown. 
The argument of the Rojral Coun- 
ieDor was not without its eflfect. 

B GoDiara, Hist, de las Ind., 
cap. 144. — Zarate, Conq. del Pern, 
lib. 4, cap. 9. 

The portrait of Pizarro, in the 

yioeregal palace at Lima, repre- 
sents him in a citizen's dress, with 
a sable cloak, — the cajpa y espada 
of a Spanish gentleman. Each 
panel in the spacious sola de hs 
Yrreyes was reserved for the por- 
trait of a Ticeroy. The long file 
is complete, from Pizarro to Pezue- 
la ; and it b a curious fact, noticed 
by Stevenson, that the last panel 
was exactly filled when the reign 
of the Yiceroys was abruptly ter- 


He was temperate in eating, drank sparingly, and 
usually rose an hour before dawn. He was punctu- 
al in attendance to business, and shrunk from no 
toil. He had, indeed, great powers of patient en- 
durance. Like most of his nation, he was fond of 
play, and cared little for the quality of those with 
whom he played ; though, when his antagonist could 
not afford to lose, he would allow himself, it is said, 
to be the loser ; a mode of conferring an obligadcm 
much commended by a Castilian writer, for its del- 

Though avaricious, it was in order to spend 
and not to hoard. His ample treasures, more am- 
ple than those, probably, that ever before fell to 
the lot of an adventurer,^ were mostly dissipated 
in his enterprises, his architectural works, and 
schemes of public improvement, which, in a coun- 
try where gold and silver might be said to have 
lost their value from their abundance, absorbed an 
incredible amount of money. While he regarded 
the whole country, in a manner, as his own, and 
distributed it freely among his captains, it is certain 
that the princely grant of a territory with twenty 
thousand vassals, made to him by the Crown, was 

minated by the Revolution. (Resi- 93 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Pule 

dence in South America, toI. I. 2, lib. 3, cap. 9. 

p. 228.) It is a singular coinci- ^ "Hallo, i tovo mas Oro, i 

dence that the same thing should Plata, que otro ningon Eiqpallol de 

have occurred at Venice, y^here, qnantos han paaado 4 loiliafi, wk 

if my memory serves me, the last que ninguno de quantos Capttaaes 

niche reserved for the effigies of its han side por el Mmidb." Gromaim, 

doges was just filled, when the Hist, de las Ind., cap. 144. 
ancient aristocracy was overturned. 

cb. v.] pizarro's character. 191 

never carried into effect; nor did his heirs ever 
reap the benefit of it.*^ 

To a man possessed of the active energies of Pi- 
zarro, sloth was the greatest evil. The excitement 
oi plaj was in a manner necessary to a spirit accus- 
tomed to the habitual stimulants of war and adven- 
ture. His uneducated mind had no relish for more 
refined, intellectual recreation. The deserted found- 
ling had neither been taught to read nor write. 
This has been disputed by some, but it is attested 
by unexceptionable authorities.* Montesinos says, 
indeed, that Pizarro, on his first voyage, tried to 
learn to read ; but the impatience of his temper 
prevented it, and he contented himself with learn- 
ing to sign his name.^ But Montesinos was not a 
contemporary historian. Pedro Pizarro, his com- 
panion in arms, expressly tells us he could neither 
read nor write ; ^ and Zarate, another contempo- 

* MS. de CaiaTantes. — Pi- dsco Pixarro^ su letra i buena 
BRO y OreHma, Discurso Leg. y ietra, 

Pol., ap. Yirones Bust. Gonzalo s^ << En este viage trat6 Pizarro 

Pizarro, wben taken prisoner by de aprender k leer; no le dio su 

President Gaaca, challenged him to Tiveza logar 4 ello ; contentoee 

point oat any quarter of the coun- solo con saber fiimar, de lo que se 

try in which the royal grant had Teia Almagro, y decia, que firmar 

been carried into effect by a specific sin saber leer era lo mismo quo 

aasigniiient of land to his brother, recibir herida, sin poder darla. En 

See Gaxcilaaso, Com. Real., Parte adelante firm6 siemprc. Pizarro por 

9, lib. 5, ci^. 36. si, y por Almagro su Secretario." 

* Eren 80 experienced a person Montesinos, Annales, MS., afio 
as Mnfios seems to have fallen into 1525. 

this error. On one of Pizarro's % *' Porque el marqucz don 

lettera 1 find the following copy of Francisco Pizarro como no savia 

aa autograph memorandum by this ler ni escrivir." Pedro Pizarro, 

eminent scholar : — Carta de Fran- Descub. y Conq. , MS. 


rary, well acquainted with the Conquerors, confirms 
this statement, and adds, that Pizarro could not so 
much as sign his name.^ This was done by his 
secretary — Picado, in his latter years — while the 
governor merely made the customary rubrica or 
flourish at the sides of his name. This is the case 
with the instruments I have examined, in which his 
signature, written probably by his secretary, or his 
title of Marques, in later life substituted for Us 
name, is garnished with a flourish at the ends, exe- 
cuted in as bungling a manner as if done by the 
hand of a ploughman. Yet we must not estimate 
this deficiency as we should in this period of general 
illumination, — general, at least, in our own fortu- 
nate country. Reading and writing, so univeraal 
now, in the beginning of the sixteenth centmy 
might be regarded in the light of accomplishments ; 
and all who have occasion to consult the autograph 
memorials of that time will find the execution of 
them, even by persons of the highest rank, too often 
such as would do little credit to a schoolboy of the 
present day. 

Though bold in action and not easily turned from 
his purpose, Pizarro was slow in arriving at a decis- 

29 << Siendo personas," says the todos los Despachos, que hadi, 

author, speaking both of Pizarro asi de Govemacion, como de Be 

and Almagro, '*no solamente, no paitimientoB de Indioe, libraba h*" 

leidas, pero que de todo punto no ciendo ^1 doe sefiales, en medio 

Babian leer, ni aun flrmar, que en de las quales Antonio Picado, iQ 

ellos fue cosa de gran defecto. Secretario, firmaba el noinbre de 

Fue el Marques tan con- Frant^isco Pizarro." Zante,C(Nil. 

fiado de sus Ciiados, i Amigos, que del Peru, lib. ^, cap. 9. 


ioD. This gave him an appearance of irresolution 
foreign to his character.^ Perhaps the conscious- 
ness of this led him to adopt the custom of saying 
**No,'' at first, to applicants for favor; and after- 
wards, at leisure, to revise his judgment, and grant 
what seemed to him expedient. He took the op- 
posite course from his comrade Almagro, who, it 
was observed, generally said " Yes,'' but too often 
£suled to keep his promise. This was characteristic 
of the careless and easy nature of the latter, gov- 
erned by impulse rather than principle.^^ 

It is hardly necessary to speak of the courage of 
a man pledged to such a career as that of Pizarro. 
Courage, indeed, was a cheap quality among the 
Spanish adventurers, for danger was their element. 
But be possessed something higher than mere animal 
courage, in that constancy of purpose which was 
rooted too deeply in his nature to be shaken by the 
wildest storms of fortune. It was this inflexible 
constancy which formed the key to his character, 
and constituted the secret of his success. A re- 
markable evidence of it was given in his first expe- 
dition, among the mangroves and dreary marshes of 

> This taxdinees of reeolye has do algo le pedisn dezir siempre de 

even led Hexxerm to doabt his reso- no. esto dezia el que hazia por no 

Intioa altogether ; a judgment cer- faltar su palabra, y no obstante que 

tndy contradicted by the whole dezia no, coirespondia con hazer lo 

of his history. *' Porque que le pedian no aviendo inconve- 

aoDqiie en astoto, i recatado, por nimente Don Diego de Al- 
ia maior parte foe de animo sns- magro hera i la contra que k todoo 
psoeo, i DO iBiii resoluto." Hist, dezia si, y con pocos lo cmnplia/' 
General, dec. 5, lib. 7, cap. 13. Pedro Pizarro, Descnb. y Conq., 
^ ** Tenia por coetnmbre de quan- MS. 

VOL. II. 25 


Choco. He saw his followers pining around him 
under the blighting malaria, wasting before an invb- 
ible enemy, and unable to strike a stroke in their 
own defence. Yet his spirit did not yield, nor ^d 
he falter in his enterprise. 

There is something oppressive to the imagination 
in this war against nature. In the struggle of man 
against man, the spirits are raised by a contest con- 
ducted on equal terms ; but in a war with the ele- 
ments, we feel, that, however bravely we may con- 
tend, we can have no power to control. Nor are 
we cheered on by the prospect of glory in such a 
contest ; for, in the capricious estimate of human 
glory, the silent endurance of privations, however 
painful, is little, in comparison with the ostentatious 
trophies of victory. The laurel of the hero — alas 
for humanity that it should be so ! — grows best on 
the batde-field. 

This inflexible spirit of Pizarro was shown still 
more strongly, when, in the little island of Gallo, he 
drew the line on the sand, which was to separate 
him and his handful of followers from their country 
and from civilized man. He trusted that his own 
constancy would give strength to the feeble, and 
rally brave hearts around him for the prosecution 
of his enterprise. He looked with confidence to 
the future, and he did not miscalculate. This was 
heroic, and wanted only a nobler motive for its 
object to constitute the true moral sublime. 

Yet the same feature in his character was dis- 
played in a manner scarcely less remarkable, when, 

Cii. y.] PIZARRO'8 CHARACTER. 195 

landing on the coast and ascertaining the real 
strength and civilization of the Incas, he persisted 
in marching into the interior at the head of a force 
of less than two hundred men. In this he undoubt- 
edly proposed to himself the example of Cort6s, so 
contagious to the adventurous spirits of that day, 
and especially to Pizarro, engaged, as he was, in 
a similar enterprise. Yet the hazard assumed by 
Pizarro was for greater than that of the Conqueror 
of Mexico, whose force was nearly three times as 
large, while the terrors of the Inca name — how- 
ever justified by the result — were as widely spread 
as those of the Aztecs. 

It was doubdess in imitation of the same capti- 
vating model, that Pizarro planned the seizure of 
Atahuallpa. But the situations of the two Spanish 
captains were as dissimilar as the manner in which 
their acts of violence were conducted. The wanton 
massacre of the Peruvians resembled that perpe- 
trated by Alvarado in Mexico, and might have been 
attended with consequences as disastrous, if the 
Peruvian character had been as fierce as that of the 
Aztecs." But the blow which roused the latter to 
madness broke the tamer spirits of the Peruvians. 
It was a bold stroke, which left so much to chance, 
that it scarcely merits the name of policy. 

When Pizarro landed in the country, he found it 
distracted by a contest for the crown. It would 
seem to have been for his interest to play ofi" one 

^ See Ckniqaest ci Mexico, Book 4, chap 8. 


party against the other, throwing his own weight into 
the scale that suited him. Instead of this, he resort* 
ed to an act of audacious violence which crushed 
them both at a blow. His subsequent career affil- 
ed no scope for the profound policy displayed by 
Cortes, when he gathered conflicting nations under 
his banner, and directed them against a common 
foe. Still less did he have the opportunity of dis- 
playing the tactics and admirable strategy of his ri- 
val. Cortes conducted his military operaUons on 
the scientific principles of a great captain at the 
head of a powerful host. Pizarro appears only as 
an adventurer, a fortunate knight-errant. By one 
bold stroke, he broke the spell which had so long 
held the land under the dominion of the Incas. 
The spell was broken, and the airy fabric of their 
empire, built on the superstition of ages, vanished 
at a touch. This was good fortune, rather than 
the result of policy. 

Pizarro was eminently perfidious. Yet nothing is 
more opposed to sound policy. One act of perfidy 
fully established becomes the ruin of its authcx'. The 
man who relinquishes confidence in his good faith 
gives up the best basis for future operations. Who 
will knowingly build on a quicksand ? By his per- 
fidious treatment of Almagro, Pizarro alienated the 
minds of the Spaniards. By his perfidious treat- 
ment of Atahuallpa, and subsequently of the Inca 
Manco, he disgusted the Peruvians. The name 
of Pizarro became a by-word for perfidy. Alma- 
gro took his revenge in a civil war ; Manco in an 

cb. y.] pizarro's character. 197 

insairection which nearly cost Pizarro his domin- 
ioD. The civil war terminated in a conspiracy 
which cost him his life. Such were the fruits of his 
policy. Pizarro may be regarded as a cunning man ; 
but not, as he has been often eulogized by his coun- 
trymen, as a politic one. 

When Pizarro obtained possession of Cuzco, he 
found a country well advanced in the arts of civili-> 
zation; institutions under which the people lived 
in tranquillity and personal safety; the mountains 
and the uplands whitened with flocks ; the vallejrs 
teeming with the fruits of a scientific husbandry; 
the granaries and warehouses filled to overflowing ; 
the whole land rejoicing in its abundance ; and the 
character of the nation, softened under the influence 
ci the mildest and most innocent form of supersti- 
tion, well prepared for the reception of a higher and 
a Christian civilization. But, far from introducing 
this, Pizarro delivered up the conquered races to his 
brutal sddiery ; the sacred cloisters were abandoned 
to their hist ; the towns and villages were given up 
to pillage ; the wretched natives were parcelled out 
like slaves, to toil for their conquerors in the mines ; 
the flocks were scattered, and wantonly destroyed ; 
the granaries were dissipated; the beautiful con- 
trivances for the more perfect culture of the soil 
were sufiered to fall into decay ; the paradise was 
converted into a desert. Instead of profiting by the 
ancient forms of civilization, Pizarro peferred to 
efl&ce every vestige of them from the land, and on 
their ruin to erect the institutions o£ his own coun- 


try. Yet these institutions did little for the poor 
Indian, held in iron bondage. It was little to him 
that the shores of the Pacific were studded with 
rising communities and cities, the marts of a flour- 
ishing commerce. He had no share in the goodlj 
heritage. He was an alien in the land of his 

The religion of the Peruvian, which directed him 
to the worship of that glorious luminary which is 
the best representative of the might and beneficence 
of the Creator, is perhaps the purest form of super- 
stition that has existed among men. Yet it was 
much, that, under the new order of things, and 
through the benevolent zeal of the missionaries, 
some glimmerings of a nobler faith were permitted 
to dawn on his darkened soul. Pizarro, himself, 
cannot be charged with manifesting any overween- 
ing solicitude for the propagation of the Faith. He 
was no bigot, like Cort6s. Bigotry is the perver- 
sion of the religious principle ; but the principle itself 
was wanting in Pizarro. The conversion of the 
heathen was a predominant motive with Cort6s in 
his expedition. It was not a vain boast. He would 
have sacrificed his life for it at any time ; and more 
than once, by his indiscreet zeal, he actually did 
place his life and the success of his enterprise in 
jeopardy. It was his great purpose to purify the 
land from the brutish abominations of the Az- 
tecs, by substituting the religion of Jesus. This 
gave to his expedition the character of a crusade. 
It furnished the best apology for the Conquest, 


and does more than all other considerations towards 
enlisting our sympathies on the side of the con- 

But Pizarro's ruling motives, so far as they 
can be scanned by human judgment, were avarice 
and amUtion. The good missionaries, indeed, fol- 
lowed in his train to scatter the seeds of spiritual 
truth, and the Spanish government, as usual, di- 
rected its beneficent legislation to the conversion of 
the natives. But the moving power with Pizarro 
and his followers was the lust of gold. This was 
the real stimulus to their toil, the price of perfidy, 
the true guerdon of their victories. This gave a 
base and mercenary character to their enterprise; 
and when we contrast the ferocious cupidity of the 
ocmquerors with the mild and inofiensive manners 
of the conquered, our sympathies, the sympathies 
even of the Spaniard, are necessarily thrown into 
the scale of the Indian.^ 

But as no picture is without its lights, we must 
not, in justice to Pizarro, dwell exclusively on the 
darker features of his portrait. There was no one 

^ Hm following vigorous lines Not to be wwuiad, not to ba deterred, 

of Soother condense, in a smaU Not to be orercome. a mighty redm 

ui KfvuuMcj wuuctuw, Mu « o.^^ Ho oTerTwi, Mid wIth releotIe« aTin 

, Uie most remarkable traits Sew or eneUred its unoflboding eons, 

of PinZTO. The poet's epitaph And wealth end power end fiune were hie 

nuycertminly bo acquitted Of the The« "I^ worid, beyond the g^r., 

mipOtatlOII, generally well deserved, According to their deeds where men an 
of flattery towards the subject of it. judged. 

O Beeder! if thy daily bread be earned 

-wtmA 00U71OI AT nuznxo. By daily labor, — yee, howerer low, 

" Plaano bera was bora *, e greater name Howerer wretched, be thy lot assigned, 

Tbe Ital of Glory boaau not. Toil and Pain, Thankthoa, with deepeet gratitude, the God 

Famine, and hoetile Elements, and Hdeie Who made thee^ that thou art not such m 
Sntauted, Idled to check him in htocovn^ he.*' 


of her sons to whom Spain was under larger obli- 
gations for extent of empire ; for his hand won for 
her the richest of the Indian jewels that once spar- 
kled in her imperial diadem. When we contemplate 
the perils he braved, the sufferings he patiently 
endured, the incredible obstacles he overcame, the 
magnificent results he effected with his single arm, 
as it were, unaided by the government, -^ though 
neither a good, nor a great man in the highest 
sense of that term, it is impossible not to regard 
him as a very extraordinary one. 

Nor can we fairly omit to notice, in extenuation 
of his errors, the circumstances of his early life; 
for, like Almagro, he was the son of sin and sor- 
row, early cast upon the world to seek his fortunes 
as he might. In his young and tender age he was 
to take the impression of those into whose sodely 
he was thrown. And when was it the lot of the 
needy outcast to fall into that of the wise and the 
virtuous ? His lot was cast among the licentious 
inmates of a camp, the school of rapine, whose only 
law was the sword, and who looked on the wretched 
Indian and his heritage as their rightful spoil. 

Who does not shudder at the thought of what his 
own fate might have been, trained in such a school? 
The amount of crime does not necessarily show the 
criminality of the agent. History, indeed, is con- 
cerned with the former, that it may be recorded as 
a warning to mankind ; but it is He alcme who 
knoweth the heart, the strength of the temptation, 
and the means of resisting it, that can determine 
the measure of the guilt. 



— Proceedings op Almaoro. — Progress op the Governor. — 
The Forces approach each other. — Bloody Plains of Chu- 
fas. — Conduct op Vaca de Castro. 

1541 — 1543. 

The first step of the conspirators, after securing 
possession of the capital, was to send to the dif- 
ferent cities, proclaiming the revolution which had 
taken [dace, and demanding the recognition of the 
youDg Almagro as governor of Peru. Where the 
summons was accompanied by a military force, as at 
Tnmilo and Arequipa, it was obeyed without much 
cavil. But in other cities a colder assent was given, 
and in some the requisition was treated with con- 
tempt. In Cuzco, the place of most importance 
next to Lima, a considerable number of the Alma- 
gro faction secured the ascendency of their party ; 
and such of the magistracy as resisted were ejected 
firom their o&ces to make room for others of a more 
accommodating temper. But the loyal inhabitants 
of the city, dissatisfied with this proceeding, privately 
sent to one of Pizarro's captains, named Alvarez de 
Holguin, who lay with a considerable force in the 
neighbourhood ; and that oflicer, entering the place, 

VOL. II. 26 


soon dispossessed the new dignitaries of their hon- 
ors, and restored the ancient capital to its alle- 

The conspirators experienced a still more deter- 
mined opposition from Alonso de Alvarado, one ci 
the principal captains of Pizarro, — defeated, as the 
reader will remember, by the elder Almagro at the 
bridge of Abancay, — and now lying in the north 
with a corps of about two hmidred men, as good 
troops as any in the land. That officer, on receiving 
tidings of his general's assassination, instantly wrote 
to the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, advising him of 
the state of affairs in Peru, and urging him to quick- 
en his march towards the south.* 

This functionary had been sent out by the Span- 
ish Crown, as noticed in a preceding chapter, to 
cooperate with Pizarro in restoring tranquUli^r to 
the country, with authority to assume the govern- 
ment himself, in case of that commander's death. 
After a long and tempestuous voyage, he had land- 
ed, in the spring of 1541, at the port of Buena 
Ventura, and, disgusted with the dangers of the sea, 
preferred to continue his wearisome journey by land. 
But so enfeebled was he by the hardships he had 
undergone, that it was full three months before be 
reached Popayan, where he received the astounding 
tidings of the death of Pizarro. This was the 

I Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, del Maestro, Martin de AxaiKO, 

cap. 13. — Herrera, Hist. General, MS. — Carta de Fray Vicente Vil- 

dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 7. — Declara- verde, desde Tumbea, MS. 
don de Uscategui, MS. — Carta 


contingency which had been provided for, with 
such judicious forecast, in his instructions. Yet 
he was sorely perplexed by the difficulties of his 
situation. He was a stranger in the land, with a 
very imperfect knowledge of the country, without 
an armed force to support him, without even the 
military science which might be supposed necessary 
to avail himself of it. He knew nothing of the 
degree of Almagro's influence, or of the extent to 
which the insurrection had spread, — nothing, in 
short, of the dispositions of the people among whom 
he was cast. 

In such an emergency, a feebler spirit might 
have listened to the counsels of those who advised to 
return to Panam^, and stay there until he had mus- 
tered a sufficient force to enable him to take the 
field against the insurgents with advantage. But the 
courageous heart of Vaca de Castro shrunk bom a 
step which would proclaim his incompetency to the 
task assigned him. He had confidence in his own 
resources, and in the virtue of the commission 
under which he acted. He relied, too, on the ha- 
bitual loyalty of the Spaniards ; and, after mature 
deliberation, he determined to go forward, and trust 
to events for accomplishing the objects of his mis- 

He was confirmed in this purpose by the advices 
he now received from Alvarado ; and without longer 
delay, he continued his march towards Quito. Here 
he was well received by Gronzalo Pizarro's lieuten- 
ant, who had charge of the place during his com- 


mander's absence on his expedition to the AmascHi. 
The licentiate was also joined by Benalcazar, the 
conqueror of Quito, who brought a small reinforce- 
ment, and offered personally to assist him m the 
prosecution of his enterprise. He now displayed 
the royal commission, empowering him, on Pizairo's 
death, to assume the government. That contingen- 
cy had arrived, and Vaca de Castro declared Im 
purpose to exercise the authority conferred on him. 
At the same time, he sent emissaries to the princi- 
pal cities, requiring their obedience to him a3 the 
lawful representative of the Crown, -— taking care 
to employ discreet persons on the mission, whose 
character would have weight with the citizeiu. 
He then continued his march slowly towards the 

He was willing by his deliberate movements to 
give time for his summons to take effect, and for 
the fermentation caused by the late extraordinary 
events to subside. He reckoned confidently on die 
loyalty which made the Spaniard unwilling, unless 
in cases of the last extremity, to come into collision 
with the royal authority; and, however much dus 

9 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. country known as New Toledo, 

6, lib. 10, cap. 4. — Carta de Ben- and bequeathed to him by his fiBther 

alcazar al Emperador, desde Cali, << Porque yo le avis^ muchas Teeea 

MS., 20 Septiembre, 1542. no entraae en la tierra oomo Go- 

Benalcazar urged Vaca de Castro vemador, sine como Jnez de V. M. 

to assume only the title of Judge, que venia k desagraviar 4 loa agn- 

and not that of Groyemor, which Tiados, porque todos lo reacibinaii 

would conflict with the pretensions de buena gana." Ufai aupta. 
of Almagro to that part of the 


popular sentiment might be disturbed by temporary 
gusts of passion, he trusted to the habitual current 
of their feelings for giving the people a right di- 
rection. In this he did not miscalculate; for so 
deep-rooted was the principle of loyalty in the an- 
cient Spaniard, that ages of oppression and misrule 
could alone have induced him to shake off his alle- 
giance. Sad it is, but not strange, that the length 
of time passed under a bad government has not 
qualified him for devising a good one. 

While these events were passing in the north, 
Almagro's faction at Lima was daily receiving new 
accessions of strength. For, in addition to those 
who, from the first, had been avowedly of his fa- 
ther's party, there were many others who, from 
some cause or other, had conceived a disgust for 
Kzarro, and who now willingly enlisted under the 
banner of the chief that had overthrown him. 

The first step of the young general, or rather of 
Rada, who directed his movements, was to secure 
the necessary supplies for the troops, most of whom, 
having long been in indigent circumstances, were 
wholly unprepared for service. Funds to a consider- 
able amount were raised, by seizing on the moneys 
of the Crown in the hands of the treasurer. Pi- 
zarro's secretary, Picado, was also drawn from his 
prison, and interrogated as to the place where his 
master's treasures were deposited. But, although 
put to the torture, he would not — or, as is probable, 
could not — give information on the subject; and the 
conspirators, who had a long arrear of injuries to 


settle with him, closed their proceedings by poUidy 
beheading him in the great square of Lima.' 

Valverde, Bishop of Cuzco, as he himself assures 
us, vainly interposed in his behalf. It is singular, 
that, the last time this fanatical prelate appears od 
the stage, it should be in the benevolent character 
of a supplicant for mercy.* Soon afterwards, he 
was permitted, with the judge, Velasquez, and smiie 
other adherents of Pizarro, to embark from the port 
of Lima. We have a letter from him, dated tf 
Tumbez, in November, 1641 ; almost immediatdj 
after which he fell into the hands of the Indians, 
and with his companions was massacred at Puna. 
A violent death not unfrequently closed the stonny 
career of the American adventurer. Valverde was 
a Dominican friar, and, like Father Olmedo in the 
suite of Cortes, had been by his commander's side 
throughout the whole of his expedition. But he 
did not always, like the good Olmedo, use his in- 
fluence to stay the uplifted hand of the warrior. 
At least, this was not the mild aspect in which be 
presented himself at the terrible massacre of Caia- 
malca. Yet some contemporary accounts represent 

3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y da ^ a todos sua capitanes, i !» 

Conq., MS. — Carta de Barrio puae delante el aervicio de Dkiii 

Nuevo, MS. — Carta de Fray de S. M. i que bastase en lo fed» 

Vicente Valverde, desde Tumbez, por reapeto de Dios, huniillandoiiB 

MS. k BUS pies porque no lo mataaen: 

^ *' Siendo informado que anda- i no ba8t6 que luego dende i poooi 

van ordenando la muerte k Antonio dias lo aacaron k la plaza derti 

Picado secretario del Marquee que cibdad donde le cortaroo b ei^ 

tenian preso, fui k Don Diego € a beza." Carta de Fray Vicente de 

8u Capitan Greneral Joan de Herra- Valverde, desde Tnmbies, BIS. 


him, after he had been installed in his episcopal 
oflke, as unwearied in his labors to convert the 
natives, and to ameliorate their condition ; and his 
own correspondence with the government, after that 
period, shows great solicitude for these praiseworthy 
objects. Trained in the severest school of monastic 
discipline, which too often closes the heart against 
the common charities of life, he could not, like the 
benevolent Las Casas, rise so far above its fanatical 
tenets as to regard the heathen as his brother, while 
in the state of infidelity ; and, in the true spirit of 
that school, he doubtless conceived that the sanctity 
of the end justified the means, however revolting in 
themselves. Yet the same man, who thus freely 
shed the blood of the poor native to secure the 
triumph of his faith, would doubdess have as freely 
poured out his own in its defence. The character 
was no uncommon one in the sixteenth century.^ 

Almagro's followers, having supplied themselves 
with funds, made as litde scruple to appropriate to 
their own use such horses and arms, of every de- 
scription, as they could find in the city. And this 
they did with the less reluctance, as the inhabitants 
for the most part testified no good-will to their 

^ " Quel SeHor obispo Fray pax 6 soeiego destos reynos, sine k 

Tieoite de Bilveide oomo penooa sub intereaes propioa dando mal 

que jamaa ha tenido fin ni zelo al ejemplo a todoa." (Carta de Al- 

Krricio de Dioa ni de S. M. ni magro k la Audiencia de Panama, 

■enos en la cooveraion de loa na- MS.,8deNoT. 1541.) The writer, 

tQiales en los poner 4 dotrinar en it moat be remembered, was hia 

ht ooaaa de nneatra santa fee ca- personal enemy, 
tholica, ni menos en entender en Im 


cause. While thus employed, Almagro received in- 
telligence that Holguin had left Cuzco with a foice 
of near three hundred men, with which he was 
preparing to effect a junction with Alvarado in the 
north. It was important to Almagro's success that 
he should defeat this junction. If to procrastinate 
was the policy of Vaca de Castro, it was cleailj 
that of Almagro to quicken operations, and to Mng 
matters to as speedy an issue as possible ; to 
march at once against Holguin, whom he might ex- 
pect easily to overcome with his superior numbers; 
then to follow up the stroke by the still easier defeat 
of Alvarado, when the new governor would be, in 
a manner, at his mercy. It would be easj to beat 
these several bodies in detail, which, once muted, 
would present formidable odds. Almagro and his 
party had already arrayed themselves against the 
government by a proceeding too atrocious, and 
which struck too directly at the lojdl authority, for 
its perpetrators to flatter themselves with the hopes 
of pardon. Their only chance was boldly to follow 
up the blow, and, by success, to place themselves in 
so formidable an attitude as to excite the apprehen- 
sions of government. The dread of its too potent 
vassal might extort terms that would never be con- 
ceded to his prayers. 

But Almagro and his followers shrunk from this 
open collision wth the Crown. They had taken 
up rebellion because it lay in their path, not be- 
cause they had wished it. They had meant only to— 
avenge their personal wrongs on Pizarro, and not 


defy the royal authority. When, therefore, some of 
the more resolute, who followed thmgs fearlessly 
to their consequences, proposed to march at once 
against Vaca de Castro, and, by striking at the 
head, settle the contest by a blow, it was almost 
universally rejected ; and it was not till after 
long debate that it was finally determined to move 
against Holguin, and cut off his communication 
with Alonso de Alvarado. 

Scarcely had Almagro commenced his march on 
Xaaxa, where he proposed to give batde to his ene- 
my, than he met with a severe misfortune in the 
death of Juan dc Rada. He was a man somewhat 
advanced in years ; and the late exciting scenes, in 
which he had taken the principal part, had been too 
much for a frame greatly shattered by a life of ex- 
traordinary hardship. He was thrown into a fever, 
of which he soon after died. By his death, Alma- 
gro sustained an inestimable loss; for, besides his 
devoted attachment to his young leader, he was, by 
his large experience, and his cautious though cour- 
ageous character, better qualified than any other 
cavalier in the army to conduct him safely through 
the stormy sea on which he had led him to embark. 
Among the cavaliers of highest consideration af- 
ter Rada's death, the two most aspiring were Chris- 
toval de Sotelo, and Garcia de Alvarado ; both pos- 
sessed of considerable military talent, but the latter 
marked by a bold, presumptuous manner, which 
might remind one of his illustrious namesake, who 
achieved much higher renown under the banner of 
VOL. II. 27 


Cortes. Unhappily, a jealousy grew up between 
these two officers ; that jealousy, so common among 
the Spaniards, that it may seem a national chanio 
teristic ; an impatience of equality, founded oa a 
false principle of honor, which has ever been the 
fruitful source of faction among them, whether under 
a monarchy or a republic. 

This was peculiarly unfortunate for Almagio, 
whose inexperience led him to lean for support cm 
others, and who, in the present distracted state of 
his council, knew scarcely where to turn for it. In 
the delay occasioned by these dissensions, his litde 
army did not reach the valley of Xauxa till after the 
enemy had passed it. Almagro followed close, leaf- 
ing behind his baggage and artillery that he mig^t 
move the lighter. But the golden opportunity wbs 
lost. The rivers, swollen by autumnal rains, im- 
peded his pursuit ; and, though his light troops came 
up with a few stragglers of the rear-guard, Holguin 
succeeded in conducting his forces through the dan- 
gerous passes of the mountains, and in effectiDga 
Junction with Alonso de Alvarado, near the northern 
seaport of Huaura. 

Disappointed in his object, Almagro prepared to 
march on Cuzco, — the capital, as he regarded it, 
of his own jurisdiction, — to get possession of that 
city, and there make preparations to meet his adver- 
sary in the field. Sotelo was sent forward with a 
small corps in advance. He experienced no oppo- 
sition from the now defenceless citizens; the go^' 
ernment of the place was again restored to the 


bands of the men of Chili^ and their young leader 
BOon appeared at the head of his battalions, and 
established his winter-quarters in the Inca capital. 

Here, the jealousy of the rival captains broke out 
into an open feud. It was ended by the death of 
Sotelo, treacherously assassinated in his own apart- 
ment by Garcia de Alvarado. Almagro, greatly out- 
raged by this atrocity, was the more indignant, as 
lie felt himself too weak to punish the offender. He 
nnothered his resentment for the present, affecting to 
tieat the dangerous officer with more distinguished 
favor. But Alvarado was not the dupe of this spe- 
cious behaviour. He felt that he had forfeited the 
ocmfidence of his commander. In revenge, he laid 
a I^ot to betray him ; and Almagro, driven to the 
necessity of self-defence, imitated the example of 
his officer, by entering his house witli a party of 
armed men, who, laying violent hands on the in- 
surgent, slew him on the spot.^ 

This irregular proceeding was followed by the 
best consequences. The seditious schemes of Alva- 
rado perished with him. The seeds of insubordina- 
tion were eradicated, and from that moment Alma- 
gro experienced only implicit obedience and the 
most loyal support from his followers. From that 
hour, too, his own character seemed to be changed ; 
he relied far less on others than on himself, and de- 

• Pedro Pixarro, Descub. y — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. — 

Coaq., BiS. — Zarate, Conq. del Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, 

fen, lib. 4, cap. 10-14. — Go- lib. 10, cap. 13; dec. 7, lib. 3, 

Wi, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 147. cap. 1, 5, 
**I>edaracioD de Uacategui, MS. 


veloped resources not to have been anticipated in 
one of his years ; for he had hardly reached the age 
of twenty-two/ From this time he displayed an 
energy and forecast, which proved him, in despite of 
his youth, not unequal to the trying emergencies of 
the situation in which it was his unhappy lot to be 

He instantly set about providing for the wants of 
his men, and strained every nerve to get them in 
good fighting order for the approaching campaign. 
He replenished his treasury with a large amount of 
silver which he drew from the mines of La Plata. 
Saltpetre, obtained in abundance in the neighbour- 
hood of Cuzco, furnished the material for gun- 
powder. He caused cannon, some of large dimen- 
sions, to be cast under the superintendence of Pedro 
de Candia, the Greek, who, it may be remembered, 
had first come into the country with Pizarro, and 
who, with a number of his countrymen, — Levan- 
tines, as they were called, — was well acquainted 
with this manufacture. Under their care, fire-arms 
were made, together with cuirasses and helmets, in 
which silver was mingled with copper,® and of so 
excellent a quality, that they might vie, says an dA 

7 <* Higo mas que su edad re- regido, demdis de esto, todis Itf 

queria, porque seria de edad dc armas de la Tierra; de iniii0*! 

veinte i dos afios.'* Zarate, Conq. que el que menos Annas leo» 

del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 20. entre su Gente, era Cota, i C««' 

® *' Y demas de esto hi^o armas cinas, 6 Coselete, i Celadat de ^ 

para la Gente de su Real, que no mesma Pasta, que los Indios btf^B 

las tenia, de pasta de Plata, i Co- diestramente, por muestns de l0 

bre, mezclado, de que salen mui de Mil^." Zarate, Conq* ^ 

buenos Coseletes : liaviendo cor- Peru, lib. 4, cap. 14. 


soldier of the time, with those from the workshops 
of Milan.^ Almagro received a seasonable supply, 
moreover, from a source scarcely to have been ex- 
pected. This was from Manco, the wandering Inca, 
who, detesting the memory of Pizarro, transferred 
to the young Almagro the same friendly feelings 
which he had formerly borne to his father ; height- 
ened, it may be, by the consideration that Indian 
blood flowed in the veins of the young commander. 
From this quarter Almagro obtained a liberal supply 
of swords, spears, shields, and arms and armour of 
every description, chiefly taken by the Inca at the 
'memorable siege of Cuzco. He also received the 
gratifying assurance, that the latter would support 
him with a detachment of native troops when he 
opened the campaign. 

Before making a final appeal to arms, however, 
Almagro resolved to try the effect of negotiation 
with the new governor. In the spring, or early in 
the summer, of 1542, he sent an embassy to the lat- 
ter, then at Lima, in which he deprecated the ne- 
cessity of taking arms against an officer of the 
Crown. His only desire, he said, was to vindicate 
his own rights ; to secure the possession of New 
Toledo, the province bequeathed to him by his 
&ther, and from which he had been most unjustly 
excluded by Pizarro. He did not dispute the gov- 
ernor's authority over New Castile, as the country 

9 *' Hombres de annas con tan Una Beltran al Eniperador, MS., 
boenaB celadas borgonesas como ee desde Vilcaa, 8 Octubre, 1542. 
haeen en Milan." Carta de Yen- 


was designated which had been assigned to the 
marquess ; and he concluded by proposing that each 
party should remain within his respective territory 
until the determination of the Court of Castile couU 
be made known to them. To this application, 
couched in respectful terms, Almagro received no 

Frustrated in his hopes of a peaceful accommoda- 
tion, the young captain now saw that nothing was 
left but the arbitrament of arms. Assembling his 
troops, preparatory to his departure from the capital, 
he made them a brief address. He protested that 
the step which he and his brave companions were 
about to take was not an act of rebeUion against 
the Crown. It was forced on them by the conduct 
of the governor himself. The commission of diat 
officer gave him no authority over the territoiyof 
New Toledo, settled on Almagro's father, and by his 
father bequeathed to him. If Vaca de Castro, by 
exceeding the limits of his authority, drove him to 
hostilities, the blood spilt in the quarrel would lie 
on the head of that commander, not on his. " In 
the assassination of Pizarro," he continued, "we 
took that justice into our own hands which elsewhere 
was denied us. It is the same now, in our contest 
with the royal governor. We are as true-hearted 
and loyal subjects of the Crown as he is.'' And he 
concluded by invoking his soldiers to stand by him 
heart and hand in the approaching contest, in which 
they were all equally interested with himself. 

The appeal was not made to an insensible 


ence. There were few among them who did not 
feel that their fortunes were indissolubly connected 
with those of their commander ; and while they had 
little to expect from the austere character of the 
governor, they were warmly attached to the per- 
son of their young chief, who, with all the popu- 
lar qualities of his father, excited additional sympa- 
thy from the circumstances of hb age and his for- 
lorn condition. Laying their hands on the cross, 
jdaced on an altar raised for the purpose, the officers 
and soldiers severally swore to brave every peril 
with Almagro, and remain true to him to the last. 

In point of numbers, his forces had not greatly 
strengthened since his departure from Lima. He 
mustered but little more than five hundred in all ; 
but among them were his father's veterans, well 
seasoned by many an Indian campaign. He had 
about two hundred horse, many of them clad in 
complete mail, a circumstance not too common in 
these wars, where a stuffed doublet of cotton was 
often the only panoply of die warrior. His infantry, 
formed of pikemen and arquebusiers, was excellently 
armed. But his strength lay in his heavy ordnance, 
consisting of sixteen pieces, eight large and eight 
smaller guns, or falconets, as they were called, 
forming, says one who saw it, a beautiful park of ar- 
tillery, that would have made a brave show on the 
citadel of BurgosJ^ The little army, in short, 

^ ** El artilleria hcra suficiente 38 de la informacion hecha en cl 

pmra haier bateria en el caBtillo de Cuzco en 1543, 4 favor de Vaca de 

Borgoe." Dicho del Capitan Fran- Castro, MS. 
eboo de Camjal sobre la pregnnta 


though not imposing from its numbers, was under 
as good discipline, and as well appointed, as any 
that ever fought on the fields of Peru ; much better 
than any which Almagro's own father or Pizarro 
ever led into the field and won their conquests with. 
Putting himself at the head of his gallant company, 
the chieftain sallied forth from the walls of Cuzoo 
about midsummer, in 1542, and directed has maith 
towards the coast in expectation of meeting the 

While the events detailed in the preceding pages 
were passing, Vaca de Castro, whom we left at 
Quito in the preceding year, was advancing slowly 
towards the south. His first act, after leaving that 
city, showed his resolution to enter into no compro- 
mise with the assassins of Pizarro. Benalcazar, 
the distinguished officer whom I have menticmed as 
having early given in his adherence to him, had pro- 
tected one of the principal conspirators, his personal 
friend, who had come into his power, and had facili- 
tated his escape. The governor, indignant at the 
proceeding, would listen to no explanation, hot 
ordered the offending officer to return to his own 
district of Popayan. It was a bold step, in the pre- 
carious state of his own fortunes. 

As the governor pursued his march, he was well 
received by the people on the way ; and when he 

11 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Emperador, San Joan de la Tvnr 

Conq.jMS. — Declaracion de Usca- tera, MS., 24 de Sep. 1549.— 

tegui, MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Herrera, Hist. General, dee. ^t 

Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 13.— lib. 3, cap. 1, 2. 
Carta del Cabildo de Arequipa al 


entered the cities of San Miguel and of Tnixillo, he 
was welcomed with loyal enthusiasm by the inhabi- 
tants, who readily acknowledged his authority, 
though they showed little alacrity to take their 
chance with him in the coming struggle. 

After lingering a long time in each of these 
places, he resumed his march and reached the camp 
cf Alonso de Alvarado at Huaura, early in 1542. 
Holgnin had established his quarters at some little 
distance from his rival ; for a jealousy had sprung 
up, as usual, between these two captains, who both 
aspired to the supreme command of Captain-Gen- 
eral of the army. The office of governor, conferred 
on Vaca de Castro, might seem to include that of 
commander-in-chief of the forces. But De Castro 
was a scholar, bred to the law ; and, whatever au- 
thority he might arrogate to himself in civil matters, 
the two captains imagined that the military depart- 
ment he would resign into the hands of others. 
They little knew the character of the man. 

Though possessed of no more military science 
than belonged to every cavalier in that martial age, 
the governor knew that to avow his ignorance, and 
to resign the management of affairs into the hands 
of others, would greatly impair his authority, if not 
bring him into contempt with tlie turbulent spirits 
among whom he was now thrown. He had both 
sagacity and spirit, and trusted to be able to supply 
his own deficiencies by the experience of others. 
His position placed the services of the ablest men in 
the country at his disposal, and with the aid of their 

VOL. IK 28 


counsels he felt quite competent to decide on his 
plan of operations, and to enforce the execution 
of it. He knew, moreover, that the only way to 
allay the jealousy of the two parties in the pres- 
ent crisis was to assume himself the office which 
was the cause of their dissension. 

Still he approached his ambitious officers with 
great caution ; and the representations, which be 
made through some judicious persons who had the 
most intimate access to them, were so successful, 
that both were in a short time prevailed on to relin- 
quish their pretensions in his favor. Holguin, the 
more unreasonable of the two, then waited on him 
in his rival's quarters, where the governor had the 
further satisfaction to reconcile him to Akuiso de 
Alvarado. It required some address, as their Jeal- 
ousy of each other had proceeded to such lengths 
that a challenge had passed between them. 

Harmony being thus restored, the licentiate passed 
over to Holguin's camp, where he was greeted with 
salvoes of artillery, and loud acclamations of " Viva 
el Rey '' from the loyal soldiery. Ascending a plat- 
form covered with velvet, he made an animated 
harangue to the troops ; his commission was read 
aloud by the secretary ; and the little army tendered 
tlieir obedience to him as the representative of the 

Vaca de Castro's next step was to send off the 
greater part of his force, in the direction of Xauxa, 
while, at the head of a small corps, he directed his 
march towards Lima. Here he was received with 


livelj demonstrations of joy by the citizens, who 
irere generally attached to the cause of Pizarro, the 
rounder and constant patron of their capital. In- 
deed, the citizens had lost no time after Almagro's 
departure in expelling his creatures from the munici- 
pality, and reasserting their allegiance. With these 
&vorabIe dispositions towards himself, the governor 
found no difficulty in obtaining a considerable loan 
of money from the wealthier inhabitants. But he 
was less successful, at first, in his application for 
horses and arms, since the harvest had been too 
fidthfully gleaned, already, by the men of Chili. As, 
bowever, he prolonged his stay some time in the 
capital, he obtained important supplies, before he 
left it, both of arms and ammunition, while he added 
to hb force by a considerable body of recruits.^* 

As he was thus employed, he received tidings that 
the enemy had left Cuzco, and was on his march 
towards the coast. Quitting Los Reyes, therefore, 
with his trusty followers, Vaca de Castro marched at 
once to Xauxa, the appointed place of rendezvous. 
Here he mustered his forces, and found that they 
amounted to about seven hundred men. The caval- 
ry, in which lay his strength, was superior in num- 
bers to that of his antagonist, but neither so well 
mounted or armed. It included many cavaliers of 
birth, and well-tried soldiers, besides a number who. 

^ Declancion de Uscate^, Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. — 

MS. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y CarU de Benalcazar al Emperador, 

Cooq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- MS. 

Qeial, dec 7, lib. 1, cap. 1. — •. 


having great interests at stake, as possessed rf large 
estates in the country, had left them at the call of 
government, to enlist under its banners**^ His in- 
fantry, besides pikes, was indifferently well supj^ed 
with fire-arms ; but he had nothing to show in tbe 
way of artillery except three or four iU-mounted fel- 
conets. Yet, notwithstanding these deficiencies, the 
royal army, if so insignificant a fofce can deserye 
that name, was so far superior in numbers to that 
of his rival, that the one might be thought, oo the 
whole, to be no unequal match for the other." 

The reader, familiar with the large masses enh 
ployed in European warfare, may smile at the pal* 
try forces of the Spaniards. But in the New Worid, 
where a countless host of natives went for little, 
five hundred well-trained Europeans were regarded 
as a formidable body. No army, up to the period 
before us, had ever risen to a thousand. Yet it is 

13 The Municipality of Arcqui- Carbajal notices the politic i 

pa, most of whose members were ner in which his commander bribed 

present in the army, stoutly urge recruits into lus service, — paying 

their claims to a compensation for them with promises and fair words 

thus promptly leaving their estates, when ready money failed luB. 

and taking up arms at the call of <* Dando a unos dineros, 6 a otroi 

government. Without such re- armas i caballos, i k otros palabraa, 

ward, they say, their patriotic ex- i a otros promesas, i & otros gn- 

ample will not often be followed, ziosas respuestas de lo que odd fi 

The document, which is important negoziaban para tenerlos a todoi 

for its historical details, may be muy conttentos i presttoa en el ter- 

found in the Castilian, in Appendix, vicio de S. M. quando fueae meoM* 

No, 13. tter." Dicho del Capitan Fiaii- 

1^ Pedro Pizarro, Deacub. y eiaco de Carbajal sobre k infonna- 

Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del cion hecha en el Cuzeo en 1543, 1 

Peru, lib. 4, cap. 15. — Carta de feTor de Vaea de Castro, MS. 
Barrio Nuevo, MS. 


not numbers, as I hare already been led to remark, 
that give importance to a conflict ; but thei conse- 
quences that depend on it, — the magnitude of the 
stake, and the skill and courage of the players. 
The m(^e limited the means, even, the greater 
may be the science shown in the use of them ; 
undl, fimrgetting the poverty of the materials, we 
fix our attention on the conduct of the actors, and 
the greatness of the results. 

While at Xauxa, Vaca de Castro received an 
embassy from Gonzalo Pizarro, returned from his 
expedition from the ^^ Land of Cinnamon," in which 
that chief made an offer of his services in the ap- 
proaching contest. The governor's answer showed 
that he was not wholly averse to an accommodation 
with Almagro, provided it could be effected without 
ONnpromising the royal authority. He was willing, 
perhaps, to avoid the final trial by battle, when he 
considered, that, firom the equality of the contending 
forces, the issue must he extremely doubtful. He 
knew that the presence of Pizarro in the camp, the 
detested enemy of the Almagrians, would excite 
distrust in their bosoms that would probably baffle 
every efibrt at accommodation. Nor is it likely that 
the governor cared to have so restless a spirit intro- 
duced into his own councils. He accordingly sent 
to Gonzalo, thanking him for the promptness of his 
support, but courteously declined it, while he advised 
him to remain in his province, and repose after the 
fatigues of his wearisome expedition. At the same 
time, he assured him that he would not fail to call for 


his services when occasion required it. — The haugh- 
ty cavalier was greatly disgusted by the repulse." 

The governor now received such an account of 
Almagro's movements as led him to suppose that he 
was preparing to occupy Guamanga, a fortified place 
of considerable strength, about thirty leagues firom 
Xauxa." Anxious to secure this post, he broke ap 
his encampment, and by forced marches, conducted 
in so irregular a manner as must have placed him in 
great danger if his enemy had been near to jMiofit 
by it, he succeeded in anticipating Almagro, and 
threw himself into the place while his antagonist 
was at Bilcas, some ten leagues distant. 

At Guamanga, Vaca de Castro received another 
embassy from Almagro, of similar import with the 
former. The young chief again deprecated the ex- 
istence of hostilities between brethren of the same 
family, and proposed an accommodation of the quar- 
rel on the same basis as before. To these proposals 
the governor now condescended to reply. It might 
be thought, from his answer, that he felt some 
compassion for the youth and inexperience of Alma- 
gro, and that he was willing to distinguish between 
him and the principal conspirators, provided he 
could detach him from their interests. But it is 
more probable that he intended only to amuse his 
enemy by a show of negotiation, while he gained 
time for tampering with the fidelity of his troops. 

He insisted that Almagro should deliver up to 

15 2iarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. ^^ Cieza de Leon, Cronki, c»p. 
4, cap. 15. 85. 


Iiiin all those immediately implicated in the death of 
Pizarro, and should then disband his forces. On 
these conditions the government would pass over his 
treasonable practices, and he should be reinstated in 
the royal favor. Together with this mission, Vaca 
de Castro, it is reported, sent a Spaniard, disguised 
as an Indian, who was instructed to communicate 
with certain officers in Almagro's camp, and prevail 
on them, if possible, to abandon his cause and re- 
turn to their allegiance. Unfortunately, the disguise 
of the emissary was detected. He was seized, put 
to the torture, and, having confessed the whole 
of the transaction, was hanged as a spy. 

Almagro laid the proceeding before his captains. 
The terms proffered by the governor were such 
as no man with a particle of honor in his nature 
could entertain for a moment ; and Almagro's in- 
dignation, as well as that of his companions, was 
heightened by the duplicity of their enemy, who 
could practise such insidious arts, while ostensibly 
engaged in a fair and open negotiation. Fearful, 
perhaps, lest the tempting offers of their antagonist 
might yet prevail over the constancy of some of the 
M^eaker spirits among them, they demanded that all 
negotiation should be broken off, and that they 
should be led at otice against the enemy.^^ 

17 Dicho del Capitan Francisco Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, 

^ Carbajal sobre la informacion lib. 3, cap. 8. — Carta de Ventura 

liecha en el Cuzco en 1543, k favor Beltran, MS. — Gomara, Hist, de 

4e Vaca de Castro, MS. — Zarate, las Ind., cap. 149. 
Conq. del Pern, lib. 4, cap. 16. — 


The governor, meanwhile, finding the broken 
country around Guamanga unfavorable for his caval- 
ry, on which he mainly relied, drew off his forces to 
the neighbouring lowlands, known as the Plains of 
Chupas. It was the tempestuous season of the 
year, and for several days the storm raged wildly 
among the hills, and, sweeping along their sides into 
the valley, poured downfall, sleet, and snow on 
the miserable bivouacs of the soldiers, till they were 
drenched to the skin and nearly stiffened by the 
cold.^® At length, on the sixteenth of September, 
1542, the scouts brought in tidings that Almagro's 
troops were advancing, with the intention, apparent- 
ly, of occupying the highlands around Chupas. Hie 
war of the elements had at last subsided, and was 
succeeded by one of those brilliant days which are 
found only in the tropics. The royal camp was 
early in motion, as Vaca de Castro, desirous to se- 
cure the heights that commanded the valley, detach- 
ed a body of arquebusiers on that service, supported 
by a corps of cavalry, which he soon followed with 
the rest of the forces. On reaching the eminence, 
news was brought that the enemy had come to a 
halt, and established himself in a strong position at 
less than a league's distance. 

It was now late in the afternoon, and the sun was 
not more than two hours above the horizon. The= 
governor hesitated to begin the action when they^ 

18 " Tuvieron tan gran tempe- ciendo con dia claio, i 
stad de agua, Tnienos, i Nieve, Heneia, Hist. Grcneral, dec. 7, lilp - 
que pensaron perecer ; i amane- 3, cap. S. 


must so soon be overtaken by night. But Alonso 
de Alvarado assured him that " now was the time ; 
for the spirits of his men were hot for fight, and it 
was better to take the benefit of it than to damp 
their ardor by delay." The governor acquiesced, 
exclaiming at the same time, — ^< O for the might 
of Joshua, to stay the sun in his course ! " ^^ He 
then drew up his little army in order of battle, and 
made his dispositions for the attack. 

In the centre he placed his infantry, consisting of 
arquebusiers and pikemen, constituting the battlej as 
it was called. On the flanks, he established his 
cavaLry, placing the right wing, together with the 
royal standard, under charge of Alonso de Alvarado, 
and the left under Holguin, supported by a gallant 
body of cavaliers. His artillery, too insignificant to 
be of much account, was also in the centre. He 
proposed himself to lead the van, and to break the 
first lance with the enemy ; but from this chival- 
rous display he was dissuaded by his officers, who 
reminded him that too much depended on his life to 
have it thus wantonly exposed. The governor con- 
tented himself, therefore, with heading a body of 
reser^'e, consisting of forty horse, to act on any 
quarter as occasion might require. This corps, 
comprising the flower of his chivalry, was chiefly 
drawn from Alvarado's troop, greatly to the discon- 
tent of that captain. The governor himself rode a 

J' " Y a»i Vaca de Castro sifrni^ tencr el poder de Josae, para dete- 
nu parp:4cer, tcmu^ndo toda via la ner el Sol." Zarate, Conq. del 
falta del Dia, i dijo, que quisicra Peru, lib. 4, cap. 18. 

VOL. !I. 29 


coal-black charger, and wore a rich surcoat of bro- 
cade over his mail, through which the habit and em- 
blems of the knightly order of St. James, conferred 
on him just before his departure from Castile, were 
conspicuous.^ It was a point of honor with the 
chivalry of the period to court danger by displaying 
their rank in the splendor of their military atdie 
and the caparisons of their horses. 

Before commencing the assault, Vaca de Castro 
addressed a few remarks to his soldiers, in order to 
remove any hesitation that some might yet feel, who 
recollected the displeasure shown by the emperor to 
the victors as well as the vanquished after the batde 
of Salinas. He told them that their enemies were 
rebels. They were in arms against him, the repre- 
sentative of the Crown, and it was his duty to quell 
this rebellion and punish the authors of it. He then 
caused the law to be read aloud, proclaiming the 
doom of traitors. By this law, Almagro and his 
followers had forfeited their lives and property, and 
the governor promised to distribute the latter among 
such of his men as showed the best claim to it bj 
their conduct in the battle. This last politic prom- 
ise vanquished the scruples of the most fastidious; 

30 ** I visto esto por el dicho i con una ropa de brocado encimi 

seHor Governador, mando dar al de las armas con el abito de Santr 

arma k mui gran priesa, i mando d iago en los pechos." Dicho del 

este testigo que sacase toda la Capitan Francisco de Carbajal iO- 

gente al campo, i el se entrd en su bre la informacion hecha en el 

tienda a so armar, i dende a poco Cuzco en 1543, d favor de Vacade 

salio della encima de un cavallo Castro, MS. 
morcillo rabicano annado en bianco 


and, having completed his dispositions in the most 
judicious and soldier-like manner, Vaca de Castro 
gave the order to advance.^* 

As the forces turned a spur of the hills which had 
hitherto screened them from their enemies, they 
came in sight of the latter, formed along the crest 
of a gentle eminence, with their snow-white ban- 
ners, the distinguishing color of the Almagrians, 
floating above their heads, and their bright arms 
flinging back the broad rays of the evening sun. 
Ahnagro's disposition of his troops was not unlike 
that of his adversary. In the centre was his ex- 
cellent artillery, covered by his arquebusiers and 
spearmen; while his cavalry rode on the flanks. 
The troops on the left he proposed to lead in per- 
son. He had chosen his position with judgment, as 
the character of the ground gave full play to his 
guns, which opened an effective fire on the assailants 
as they drew near. Shaken by the storm of shot, 
Vaca de Castro saw the diflSculty of advancing m 
open view of the hostile battery. He took the 
counsel, therefore, of Francisco de Carbajal, who un- 
dertook to lead the forces by a circuitous, but safer, 
route. This is the first occasion on which the name 

u The governor's words, says determinadamente se partieron de 

Carbajal, who witnessed their ef- alii para ir a los enemigos como si 

ieet, stirred the heart of the troops, fueron d fiestas donde estuvieran 

ao that they went to the battle as convidados." Dicho del Capitan 

to a ball. '' En pocas palabras Francisco de Carbajal, sobre la in- 

comprehendi6 tan grandes cosas formacion hecha en el Cuzco en 

que la gente de S. M. covrtS tan 1543, k favor de Vaca de Cajstro,. 

giaode animo oon ellas, que tin MS. 


of this veteran appears in these American wars, 
where it was afterwards to acquire a melancholy 
notoriety. He had come to the country after the 
campaigns of forty years in Europe, where he had 
studied the art of war under the Great CaptaiBi 
Gonsalvo de Cordova. Though now far advanced 
in age, he possessed all the courage and indomitable 
energy of youth, and well exemplified the lessons he 
had studied under his great commander* 

Taking advantage of a winding route that sloped 
round the declivity of the hills, he conducted the 
troops in such a manner, that, until they approached 
quite near the enemy, they were protected by the 
intervening ground. While thus advancing, thej 
were assailed on the left flank by the Indian battal- 
ions under Paullo, the Inca Manco's brother; but 
a corps of musketeers, directing a scattering fire 
among them, soon rid the Spaniards of this annoy- 
ance. When, at length, the royal troops, rising 
above the hill, again came into view of Almagro's 
lines, the artillery opened on them with fatal efiect 
It was but for a moment, however, as, from some 
unaccountable cause, the guns were pointed at such 
an angle, that, although presenting an obvious mark, 
by far the greater part of the shot passed over their 
heads. Whether this was the result of treachery, or 
merely of awkwardness, is uncertain. The artillery 
was under charge of the engineer, Pedro de Can- 
dia. This man, who, it may be remembered, was 
one of the thirteen that so gallantly stood by Pizar- 
ro in the island of Gallo, had fought side by side 


with his leader through the whole of the Conquest. 
He had lately, however, conceived some disgust 
with him, and had taken part with the faction of 
Almagro. The death of his old commander, he 
may perhaps have thought, had setded all their 
differences, and he was now willing to return to his 
former allegiance. At least, it is said, that, at this 
very time, he was in correspondence with Vaca de 
Castro* Almagro himself seems to have had no 
doubt of his treachery. For, after remonstrating in 
vain with him on his present conduct, he ran him 
through the body, and the unfortunate cavalier fell 
lifeless on the field. Then, throwing himself on one 
of the guns, Almagro gave it a new direction, and 
that so successfully, that, when it was discharged, 
it struck down several of the cavalry.^ 

The firing now took better effect, and by one 
volley a whole file of the royal infantry was swept 
off, and though others quickly stepped in to fill up 
the ranks, the men, impatient of their sufferings, 
kmdly called on the troopers, who had halted for a 
moment, to quicken their advance.^ This delay 

» Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y de Ventura Beltran, MS. — De- 

Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del claracion de Uscatcgui, MS. — 

Peru, lib. 4, cap. 17-19. — Na- Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 

hano, Rekcion Sumaria, MS.-— 149. 

Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, Accordinf? to Garcilasso, whose 

lib. 3, cap. 1 1. — Dicho del Capitan guns usually do more execution 

Fnmctsoo de Carbajal sobre la in- than those of any other authority, 

fomiacion hecha en el Cuzco en seventeen men were killed by this 

1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, wonderful shot. .Sec Com. Real., 

MS. —Carta del Cabildo de Are- Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 16. 

quipa al Emperador, MS. — CarU ^ The officers drove the men, 


had been caused by Carbajal's desire to bring his 
own guns to bear on the opposite columns. But the 
design was quickly abandoned ; the clumsy ord- 
nance was left on the field, and orders were given 
to the cavalry to charge ; the trumpets sounded, and, 
crying their war-cries, the bold cavaliers struck their 
spurs into their steeds, and rode at full speed against 
the enemy. 

Well had it been for Almagro, if he had remained 
firm on the post which gave him such advantage. 
But from a false point of honor, he thought it de- 
rogatory to a brave knight passively to await the 
assault, and, ordering his own men to charge, the 
hostile squadrons, rapidly advancing against each 
other, met midway on the plain. The shock was 
terrible. Horse and rider reeled under the force of 
it. The spears flew into shivers ; ^ and the ca?a- 
liers, drawing their swords, or wielding their maces 
and battle-axes, — though some of the royal troopers 
were armed only with a common axe, — dealt their 
blows with all the fury of civil hate. It was a 
fearful struggle, not merely of man against man, 

according to Zarate, at the point qnedando machos muertos, i caidos 

of their swords, to take the places de amhas partes." (Ibid., nbi 

of their fallen comrades. ** Porque supra.) Zarate writes on this o^ 

vn tiro llevo toda Tna hilera, d higo casion with the spirit and strength 

abrir el Escuadron, i los Capitanes of Thucydides. He was not pr»- 

pusieron gran diligencia en hacerlo ent, but came into the country the 

cerrar, amena5ando de muerte k following year, when he glexo^ 

los Soldados, con las Espadas des- the particulars of the battle fr*" 

envainadas, i se cerrd.'* Conq. the best informed persons there, to 

del Peru, hb. 4, cap. 1. whom his position gave him ready 

** " Se encontraron de suerte, 
que casi todas las Ian9a8 quebraron, 


but, to use the words of an eyewitness, of brother 
against brother, and friend against friend.^ No 
quarter was asked ; for the wrench that had been 
strong enough to tear asunder the dearest ties of 
kindred left no hold for humanity. The excellent 
arms of the Almagrians counterbalanced the odds of 
numbers; but the royal partisans gained some ad- 
vantage by striking at the horses instead of the 
mailed bodies of their antagonists. 

The infantry, meanwhile, on both sides, kept up 
a sharp cross-fire from their arquebuses, which did 
execution on the ranks of the cavaliers, as well as on 
one another. But Almagro's battery of heavy guns, 
now well directed, mowed down the advancing col- 
umns of foot. The latter, staggering, began to 
fall back from the terrible fire, when Francisco de 
Carbajal, throwing himself before them, cried out, 
" Shame on you, my men ! Do you give way now ? 
I am twice as good a mark for the enemy as any of 
you ! " He was a very large man ; and, throwing 
off his steel helmet and cuirass, that he might have 
no advantage over his followers, he remained lightly 
attired in his cotton doublet, when, swinging his 
partisan over his head, he sprang boldly forward 
through blinding volumes of smoke and a tempest 

s It is the language of the gente mas cruel batalla, donde her- 

Conquerors themseWes, who, in manos a hcrmanos, ni deudos a 

their letter to the Emperor, com- deudos, ni amigoe k amigos no se 

pare the action to the great battle davan vida uno k otro." Carta del 

of Ravenna. '* Fuo tan rcnida i Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, 

poriiada, que despues de la de Re- MS. 
bena, no se ha visto entre tan poca 


of musket-balls, and, supported by the bravest of 
his troops, overpowered the gunners, and made 
hunself master of their pieces. 

The shades of night had now, for some time, 
been coming thicker and thicker over the field. 
But still the deadly struggle went on in the dark- 
ness, as the red and white badges intimated the 
respective parties, and their war-cries rose above the 
din, — " Vaca de Castro y el Rey," — " Almagro y 
el Rey,'' — while both invoked the aid of their miU- 
tary apostle St. James. Holguin, who commanded 
the royalists on the left, pierced through by two 
musket-balls, had been slain early in the action. 
He had made himself conspicuous by a rich sobre- 
vest of white velvet over his armour. Still a gallant 
band of cavaliers maintained the fight so valiandj 
on that quarter, that the Almagrians found it diffi* 
cult to keep their ground.* 

It fared differently on the right, where Alonso 
de Alvarado commanded. He was there encoun- 
tered by Almagro in person, who fought worthy of 
his name. By repeated charges on his opponent, 
he endeavoured to bear down his squadrons, so 
much worse mounted and worse armed than his 
own. Alvarado resisted with undiminished cour- 
age ; but his numbers had been thinned, as we have 

* The battle was so equally talla estuTO mui gran rate en pe«o 

contested, says Beltran, one of sin conoscerse Titoria de la ont 

Vaca de Castro's captains, that it parte a la otra." Carta de Veil- 

was long doubtful on which side tura Beltran, MS. 
victory was to incline. " I la ba- 


seeD, before the battle, to supply the governor's 
reserve, and, fairly overpowered by the superior 
strength of his adversary, who had already won 
two of the royal banners, he was slowly giving 
ground. " Take, but kill not ! " shouted the gener- 
ous young chief, who felt himself sure of victory.^ 

But at this crisis, Vaca de Castro, who, with 
his reserve, had occupied a rising ground that com- 
manded the field of action, was fully aware that 
the time had now come for him to take part in the 
struggle. He had long strained his eyes through 
the gloom to watch the movements of the com- 
batants, and received constant tidings how the 
fight was going. He no longer hesitated, but, call- 
ing on his men to follow, led off boldly into the 
thickest of the melee to the support of his stouts 
hearted officer. The arrival of a new corps on the 
field, all fresh for action, gave another turn to the 
tide.^ Alvarado's men took heart and rallied. Al- 
magro's, though driven back by the fiiry of the 
assault, quickly returned against their assailants. 
Thirteen of Vaca de Castro's cavaliers fell dead 
from their saddles. But it was the last efibrt of the 
Almagrians. Their strength, though not their spirit, 
failed them. They gave way in all directions, and, 

^ *' Gritaba, Victoria ; i decia, day by this movement, and the 

Prender i no matar." Herrera, writers express their " admiration 

Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. of the gallantry and courage he 

11. displayed, so little to have been 

^ The letter of the municipality expected from his age and profes- 

of Arequipa frives the governor sion." See the original in Apperi' 

credit for deciding the fate of the dvp. No. 13. 

VOL. II. 30 


mingling together in the darkness, horse, foot, and 
artillery, they trampled one another down, as they 
•made the best of their way from the press of their 
pursuers. Almagro used every effort to stay them. 
He performed miracles of valor, says one who wit- 
nessed them ; but he was borne along by the tide, 
and, though he seemed to court death, by the free- 
dom with which he exposed his person to danger, 
yet he escaped without a wound. 

Others there were of his company, and among 
them a young cavalier named Ger6nimo de Alvarado, 
who obstinately refused to quit the field ; and shoot- 
ing out, — "We slew Pizarro! we killed the ty- 
rant ! " they threw themselves on the lances of their 
conquerors, preferring death on the battle-field to 
the ignominious doom of the gibbet.^ 

It was nine o'clock when the battle ceased, 
though the firing was heard at intervals over the 
field at a much later hour, as some straggling party 
of fugitives were overtaken by their pursuers. Yet 
many succeeded in escaping in the obscurity of 
night, while some, it is said, contrived to elude pur- 
suit in a more singular way; tearing off the badges 
from the corpses of their enemies, they assumed 
them for themselves, and, mingling in the ranks as 
followers of Vaca de Castro, joined in the pursuit. 

That commander, at length, fearing some un- 

® " Se arrojaron en los Enemi- mat^ al Marques ; i asi andtnrieroo 
gos, como desesperados, hiriendo k hasta, que los hicieron pedajoi." 
todas partes, diciendo cada vno por , Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. *i 
8u nombre : Yo soi Fulano, que cap. 19. 


toward accident, and that the fugitives, should they 
rally again under cover of the darkness, might inflict 
iome loss on their pursuers, caused his trumpets to 
sound, and recalled his scattered forces under their 
banners. All night they remained under arms on 
the field, which, so lately the scene of noisy strife, 
was now hushed in silence, broken only by the 
groans of the wounded and the dying. The natives, 
who had hung, during the fight, like a dark cloud, 
round the skirts of the mountains, contemplating 
with gloomy satisfaction the destruction of their ene- 
mies, now availed themselves of the obscurity to 
descend, like a pack of famished wolves, upon the 
plains, where they stripped the bodies of the slain, 
and even of the living, but disabled wretches, who 
had in vain dragged themselves into the bushes for 
concealment. The following morning, Vaca de Cas- 
tro gave orders that the wounded — those who had 
not perished in the cold damps of the night — should 
be committed to the care of the surgeons, while the 
priests were occupied with administering confession 
and absolution to the dying. Four large graves or 
pits were dug, in which the bodies of the slain — 
the conquerors and the conquered — were heaped in- 
discriminately together. But the remains of Alvarez 
de Holguin and several other cavaliers of distinction 
were transported to Guamanga, where they were 
buried with the solemnities suited to their rank ; 
and the tattered banners won from their vanquished 
countrymen waved over their monuments, the mel- 
ancholy trophies of their victory. 


The number of killed is variously reported, — 
from three hundred to five hundred on both sides,^ 
The mortality was greatest among the conquerors, 
who suffered more from the cannon of the enemy 
before the action, than the latter suffered in the 
rout that followed it. The number of wounded was 
still greater ; and full half of the survivors of Alma- 
gro's party were made prisoners. Many, indeed, 
escaped from the field to the neighbouring town 
of Guamanga, where they took refuge in the 
churches and monasteries. But their asylum was 
not respected, and they were dragged forth and 
thrown into prison. Their brave young commander 
fled with a few followers only to Cuzco, where he 
was instantly arrested by the magistrates whom he 
had himself placed over the city.'^ 

At Guamanga, Vaca de Castro appointed a com- 
mission, with the Licentiate de la Gama at its head, 
for the trial of the prisoners ; and justice was not 

^ Zarate estimates the number MS. — Carta del Cabildo de Are- 

at three hundred. Uscategui, who quipa al Emperador, MS. — Ctrt* 

belonged to the Almagrian party, de Barrio Nuevo, MS. — GomaAi 

and Garcilasso, both rate it as high Hist, de las Ind., cap. 149. — Ga^ 

as five hundred. cilasso, Com. Real., Parted, lib. 

31 The particulars of the ac- 3, cap. 15-18. — Declaracioa ^ 

tion are gathered from Pedro Pi- Uscategui, MS. 

zarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Many of these authorities were 

Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS. — personally present on the fieWj 

Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. and it is rare that the details of » 

17-20. — Naharro, Relacion Su- battle are drawn from more *0" 

maria, MS. — Dicho del Capitan thentic testimony. The student of 

Francisco de Carbajal sobre la in- history will not be surprised that 

formacion hecha en el Cuzco en in these details there should be the 

1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, greatest discrepancy. 


satisfied, till forty had been condemned to death, 
and thirty others — some of them with the loss of 
(me or more of their members — sent into banish- 
ment." Such severe reprisals have been too com- 
mon with the Spaniards in their civil feuds. Strange 
that they should so blindly plunge into these, with 
this dreadful doom for the vanquished ! 

From the scene of this bloody tragedy, the gov- 
ernor proceeded to Cuzco, which he entered at the 
head of his victorious battalions, with all the pomp 
kni military display of a conqueror. He main- 
tained a corresponding state in his way of living, 
at the expense of a sneer from some, who sarcasti- 
cally contrasted this ostentatious profusion with the 
economical reforms he subsequendy introduced into 
the finances.^ But Vaca de Castro was sensible 
of the effect of this outward show on the people 
generally, and disdained no means of giving au- 
thority to his office. His first act was to determine 
the fate of his prisoner, Almagro. A council of 
war was held. Some were for sparing the unfortu- 
nate chief, in consideration of his youth, and the 
strong cause of provocation he had received. But 

39 Declaracion de Uscate^i, would have had no reason to com- 

MS. — Carta de Ventura Heltran, plain ; but what was omitted then is 

MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, made up now, since the governor 

lib. 4, cap. 21. goes on quartering every day some 

The loyal burghers of Arequipa one or other of the traitors who 

•eem to have been well contented escaped from the field." See the 

with these executions. ** If night original in Appendix, No. 13. 

hid not overtaken us," they say, 33 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 

dloding to the action, in their let- 7, lib. 4, cap. 1. 
ter to the emperor, " your Majesty 


the majority were of opinion that such mercj could 
not be extended to the leader of the rebels, and 
that his death was indispensable to the permanent 
tranquillity of the country. 

When led to execution in the great square of 
Cuzco, — the same spot where his father had suffer- 
ed but a few years before, — Almagro exhibited the 
most perfect composure, though, as the herald pro- 
claimed aloud the doom of the traitor, he indignant- 
ly denied that he was one. He made no appeal for 
mercy to his judges, but simply requested that his 
bones might be laid by the side of his father's. He 
objected to having his eyes bandaged, as was cus- 
tomary on such occasions, and, after confession, he 
devoutly embraced the cross, and submitted his neci 
to the stroke of the executioner. His remain^ 
agreeably to his request, were transported to the 
monastery of La Merced, where they were deposited 
side by side with those of his unfortunate parent,^ 

There have been few names, indeed, in the page 
of history, more unfortunate than that of Almagro. j 
Yet the fate of the son excites a deeper sympathy 
than that of the father ; and this, not merely on ac- 
count of his youth, and the peculiar circumstances 
of his situation. He possessed many of the good 
qualities of the elder Almagro, with a frank and 
manly nature, in which the bearing of the soldier 
was somewhat softened by the refinement of a bet- 

34 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Relacion Sumaria, MS. — Hen«- 
Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del ra, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib- ^ 
Peru, lib. 4, cap. 21. — Naharro, cap. 1. 


ter education than is to be found in the license of a 
camp. His career, though short, gave promise of 
considerable talent, which required only a fair field 
for its development. But he was the child of mis- 
fortune, and his morning of life was overcast by 
clouds and tempests. If his character, naturally 
benignant, sometimes showed the fiery sparkles of 
tbe vindictive Indian temper, some apology may be 
fi)and, not merely in his blood, but in the circum- 
stances of his situation. He was more sinned 
Against than sinning ; and, if conspiracy could ever 
find a justification, it must be in a case like his, 
where, borne down by injuries heaped on his parent 
and himself, he could obtain no redress from the 
only quarter whence he had a right to look for it 
With him, the name of Almagro became extinct, 
and the faction of Chili, so long the terror of the 
land, passed away for ever. 

While these events were occurring in Cuzco, the 
governor learned that Gonzalo Pizarro had arrived at 
Liima, where he showed himself greatly discontented 
with the state of things in Peru. He loudly com- 
plained that the government of the country, after 
lus brother's death, had not been placed in his 
hands ; and, as reported by some, he was now medi- 
tating schemes for getting possession of it. Yaca 
de Castro well knew that there would be no lack of 
evil counsellors to urge Gonzalo to this desperate 
step ; and, anxious to extinguish the spark of insur- 
rection before it had been fanned by these turbulent 
spirits into a flame, he detached a strong body to 


Lima to secure that cajntaL At the same time he 
commanded the presence of Gonzalo Pizarro in 

That chief did not think it prudent to disregard 
the summons ; and shortly after entered the Inca 
capital, at the head of a well-armed body of cara- 
tiers. He was at once admitted into the govemor's 
presence, when the latter dismissed his guard, re- 
marking that he had nothing to fearfrompa hcawe 
and loyal knight like Pizarro. He then questiimed 
him as to his late adventures in Canelas, and showed 
great sympathy for his extraordinary sufierings. He 
took care not to alarm his jealousy by any alio 
to his ambitious schemes, and concluded by ] 
mending him, now that the tranquillity of the 
try was reestablished, to retire and seek the re{ 
he so much needed, on his valuable estates at Cliac^> 
cas. Gonzalo Pizarro, finding no ground opene^^ 
for a quarrel with the cool and pditic governor, Bs^mi 
probably feeling that he was, at least not now, ^5o 
sufficient strength to warrant it, thought it prude ^nt 

to take the advice, and withdrew to La Plata, wh e fe 

he busied himself in working those rich mines -of 
silver that soon put him in condition for a mmziffe 
momentous enterprise than any he had yet at- 

Thus rid of his formidable competitor, Vaca de 
Castro occupied himself with measures for the set- 

35 Pedro Pizarro, Dcscub. y cap. 3. — Zarate, Conq. del Pen, 
Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- lib. 4, cap. 22. 
neral, dec. 7, lib. 4, cap. 1 ; lib. 6, 


dement of the country. He began with his army, a 
|iart of which he had disbanded. But many cava- 
liers still remained, pressing their demands for a 
suitable recompense for their services. These they 
were not disposed to undervalue, and the governor 
was happy to rid himself of their importunities by 
employing them on distant expeditions, among 
which was the exploration of the country watered 
by the great Rio de la Plata. The boiling spirits 
of the high-mettled cavaliers, without some such 
vent, would soon have thrown the whole country 
again into a state of fermentation. 

His next concern was to provide laws for the bet- 
ter government of the colony. He gave especial 
care to the state of the Indian population ; and 
established schools for teaching them Christianity. 
By various provisions, he endeavoured to secure 
them from the exactions of their conquerors, and he 
encouraged the poor natives to transfer their own 
residence to the communities of the white men. 
He commanded tlie caciques to provide supplies for 
the tambaSy or houses for the accommodation of trav- 
ellers, which lay in their neighbourhood, by which 
regulation he took away from the Spaniards a plau- 
sible apology for rapine, and greatly promoted fa- 
cility of intercourse. He was watchful over the 
finances, much dilapidated in the late troubles, and 
in several instances retrenched what he deemed 
excessive repartimientos among the Conquerors. 
Tliis last act exposed him to much odium from 
the objects of it. But his measures were so Just 

VOL. II. 31 


and impartial, that he was supported bj public 

Indeed, Yaca de Castro's conduct, from the hour 
of his arrival in the country, had been such as to 
command respect, and prove him competent to the 
difficult post for which he had been selected. With- 
out funds, without troops, he had found the country, 
on his landing, in a state of anarchy ; yet, by cour- 
age and address, he had gradually acquired sufficient 
strength to quell the insurrection. Though no sol- 
dier, he had shown undaunted spirit and presence 
of mind in the hour of action, and made his military 
preparations with a forecast and discretion that 
excited the admiration of the most experienced 

If he may be thought to have abused the advan- 
tages of victory by cruelty towards the conquered, 
it must be allowed that he was not influenced by 
any motives of a personal nature. He was a law- 
yer, bred in high notions of royal prerogative. Re- 
bellion he looked upon as an unpardonable crime ; 
and, if his austere nature was unrelenting in the 
exaction of justice, he lived in an iron age, when 
justice was rarely tempered by mercy. 

In his subsequent regulations for the settlement 
of the country, he showed equal impartiality and 
wisdom. The colonists were deeply sensible of the 
benefits of his administration, and afforded the best 
commentary on his services by petitioning the Court 

9B n>id., ubi supra. — Herrera, Hist. Genera], dec. 7, lib. 6, cap. 9. 


of Castile to continue him in the government of 
Peru.'' Unfortunately, such was not the policy of 
the Crown. 

" '* I isi lo escriTieron al Rei la sona, qae prooedia con rectitud, i 

Ciudad del Cuaoo, la Villa de la qae ik entendia el Grovieroo de 

Plmta, i otraa Comunidades, supli- aqueUoeReinoe." Heirera, Ibid., 

emdole, que loe dezaae por Gover- loc. cit. 
k Vaca de Castro, como Per- 


Abuses bt the Conquerors. — Code for the Colonies.— Grb4T 
Excitement in Peru. — Blasco Nunez the Viceroy. — His se- 
vere Policy. — Opposed by Gonzalo Pizarro. 


Before continuing the narrative of events in 
Peru, we must turn to the mother-countrj, where 
important changes were in progress in respect to the 
administration of the colonies. 

Since his accession to the Crown, Charles the 
Fifth had been chiefly engrossed by the politics of 
Europe, where a theatre was opened more stimu- 
lating to his ambition than could be found in a 
struggle with the barbarian princes of the New 
World. In this quarter, therefore, an empire almost 
unheeded, as it were, had been suffered to grow 
up, until it had expanded into dimensions greater 
than those of his European dominions, and destined 
soon to become far more opulent. A scheme of 
government had, it is true, been devised, and laws 
enacted from time to time for the regulation of the 
colonics. But these laws were often accommodated 
less to the interests of the colonies themselves, than 
to those of the parent country ; and, when contrived 
in a better spirit, they were but imperfectly execut- 


ed ; for the voice of authority, however loudly pro- 
claimed at home, too often died away in feeble 
echoes before it had crossed the waters. 

This state of things, and, indeed, the manner in 
which the Spanish territories in the New World had 
been originally acquired, were most unfortunate both 
for the conquered races and their masters. Had 
the provinces gained by the Spaniards been the fruit 
of peaceful acquisition, — of barter and negotiation, 
— or had their conquest been achieved under the 
immediate direction of government, the interests of 
the natives would have been more carefully protect- 
ed. From the superior civilization of the Indians in 
the Spanish American colonies, they still continued 
after the Conquest to remain on the ground, and to 
mingle in the same communities, with the white 
men; in this forming an obvious contrast to the 
condition of our own aborigines, who, shrinking 
from the contact of civilization, have withdrawn, 
as the latter has advanced, deeper and deeper into 
the heart of the wilderness. But the South Ameri- 
can Indian was qualified by his previous institutions 
for a more refined legislation than could be adapted 
to the wild hunters of the forest ; and, had the sov- 
ereign been there in person to superintend his con- 
quests, he could never have suffered so large a 
portion of his vassals to be wantonly sacrificed to 
the cupidity and cruelty of the handful of adven- 
turers who subdued them. 

But, as it was, the affair of reducing the country 
was committed to the hands of irresponsible indi- 


vidualsy soldiers of fortune, desperate adventareis, 
who entered on conquest as a game, which they 
were to play in the most unscrupulous maimer, with 
little care but to win it. Receiving small encour- 
agement from the government, they were indebted 
to their own valor for success ; and the right of ccm- 
quest, they conceived, extinguished every ezbting 
right in the unfortunate natives. The lands, the 
persons, of the conquered races were parcelled out 
and appropriated by the victors as the legitimate 
spoils of victory; and outrages were perpetrated 
every day, at the ccmtemplation of which humani^ 

These outrages, though nowhere perpetrated on 
so terrific a scale as in the islands, where, in a few 
years, they had nearly annihilated the native popula- 
tion, were yet of sufficient magnitude in Peru to 
call down the vengeance of Heaven on the heads 
of their authors; and the Indian might feel that 
this vengeance was not long delayed, when he be- 
held his oppressors, wrangling over their miseraUe 
spoil, and turning their swords against each other, 
Peru, as already mentioned, was subdued by ad- 
venturers, for the most part, of a lower and more 
ferocious stamp than those who followed the banner 
of Cortes. The character of the followers partook, 
in some measure, of that of the leaders in their re- 
spective enterprises. It was a sad fatality for the 
Incas ; for the reckless soldiers of Pizarro were bet- 
ter suited to contend with the fierce Aztec than with 
the more refined and effeminate Peruvian. Intoxi- 


cated by the unaccustomed possession of power, 
and without the least notion of the responsibilities 
which attached to their situation as masters of the 
land, they too often abandoned themselves to the 
indulgence of every whim which cruelty or caprice 
could dictate. Not unfrequendy, says an unsuspi- 
CKMis witness, I have seen the Spaniards, long after 
the Conquest, amuse themselves by hunting down 
the natives with bloodhounds for mere sport, or in 
Ofder to train their dogs to the game ! ^ The most 
unbounded scope was given to licentiousness. The 
young maiden was torn without remorse from the 
arms of her family to gratify the passion of her brutal 
conqueror.^ The sacred houses of the Virgins of 
the Sun were broken open and violated, and the 
cavalier swelled his harem with a troop of Indian 
girls, making it seem that the Crescent would have 
been a much more fitting symbol for his banner than 
the immaculate Cross.^ 

But the dominant passion of the Spaniard was 
the lust of gold. For this he shrunk from no toil 
himself, and was merciless in his exactions of labor 

1 ** Eqmfioles hai qae crian tra su Toluntad, diciendo : For la 

perroa camioeros i loa avezan k presente damos licencia a vos Fa- 

matar IndiiM, lo qua! procuran 4 lano, para que os podais servir de 

)aa reecB por pasatiempo, i ver si tal Indio 6 de tal India 6 lo podais 

lo haoen bien los perros." Rela- tomar 6 sacar donde quiera que lo 

eioo qoe di6 el ProTisor Morales hallaredes." Rel. del Provisor 

aobre las coaas que convenian pro- Morales, MS. 

\ en el Peru, MS. 3 *' Es general el vicio del 

t « Que los Justicias dan cedulas anuinccbamiento con Indias, i algo- 
de Anaoonas que por otros termi- nos tienen cantidad dellas como eo 
BOS los haoen esclsvos 6 viiii con- aerrallo/' Ibid., MS. 


from his Indian slave. Unfortunately, Peru abound- 
ed in mines which too well repaid this labor ; and 
human life was the item of least account in the 
estimate of the Conquerors. Under his Incas, the 
Peruvian was never suffered to be idle ; but the 
task imposed on him was always proportioned to his 
strength. He had his seasons of rest and refresh- 
ment, and was well protected against the inclem- 
ency of the weather. Every care was shown for 
his personal safety. But the Spaniards, while they 
taxed the strength of the native to the utmost, de- 
prived him of the means of repairing it, when ex- 
hausted. They suffered the provident arrangements 
of the Incas to fall into decay. The granaries 
were emptied ; the flocks were wasted in riotous 
living. They were slaughtered to gratify a mere 
epicurean whim, and many a llama was destroyed 
solely for the sake of the brains, — a dainty morsel, 
much coveted by the Spaniards.* So reckless was 
the spirit of destruction after the Conquest, says 
Ondegardo, the wise governor of Cuzco, that in 
four years more of these animals perished than in 
four hundred, in the times of the Incas.^ The 
flocks, once so numerous over the broad table-lands, 
were now thinned to a scanty number, that sought 
shelter in the fastnesses of the Andes. The poor 

4 *' Muchos Espafloles han muer- ^ *' Se puede afinnar que hide- 
to i matan increiblc cantidad de ron mas dafio los Eepafiolce en 
ovejas per corner solo los seaos, solos quatro afios que el Inga en 
hacer pasteles del tuctano i cande- ' quatrocientos." Oodegaido, Rel. 
las de la grasa. De ai hambre Seg., MS. 
general." Ibid., MS. 

cii. yn.] 



Indian, without foodj without the warm fleece which 
furnished him a defence against the cold, now 
wandered half-starved and naked over the plateau. 
Even those who had aided the Spaniards in the 
conquest fared no better ; and many an Inca noble 
roamed a mendicant over the lands where he once 
held rule, and if driven, perchance, by his necessi- 
ties, to purloin something from the superfluity of his 
conquerors, he expiated it by a miserable death.^ 

It is true, there were good men, missionaries, 
£authful to their calling, who wrought hard in the 
sfHTitual conversion of the native, and who, touched 
by his misfortunes, would gladly have interposed 
their arm to shield him from his oppressors/ But 

* ** Ahora no tienen que coiner 
ni doode sembrar, i asi Tan k hur- 
taDo eomo solian, delito por que 
han aovcado 4 machos/' Rel. del 
Proriaor Morales, MS. 

Thia, and some of the preceding 
citations, as the reader will see, 
hare been taken from the MS. of 
the Bachelor Lois de Morales, who 
lived eighteen or twenty years in 
Cuzco; and, in 1541, about the 
time of Vaca de Castro*s coming to 
Pern, prepared a Memorial for the 
goTcmment, embracing a hundred 
and nine chapters. It treats of the 
condition of the country, and the 
remedies which suggested them- 
selTcs to the benevolent mind of its 
author. The emperor *s notes on the 
margin show that it received atten- 
tion at court. There is no reason, 
as &r as I am aware, to distrust the 
testimony of the writer, and Mufioz 

VOL. II. 32 

has made some sensible extracts 
from it for his inestimable collection. 

7 Father Naharro notices twelve 
missionaries, some of his own or- 
der, whose zealous labors and mir- 
acles for the conversion of the Ind- 
ians he deems worthy of com- 
parison with those of the twelve 
Apostles of Christianity. It is a 
pity that history, while it has com- 
memorated the names of so many 
persecutors of the poor heathen, 
should have omitted those of their 

'* Tom6 su divina Magestad por 
instrumento 12 solos religiosos po- 
bres, descalzos i desconocidos, 5 
del orden de la Merced, 4 de Pre- 
dicadores, i 3 de San Francisco, 
obraron Ibtmismo que los 12 apo- 
stolos en la conversion de todo el 
universe mundo/' Naharro, Re- 
lacion Sumaria, MS. 


too often the ecclesiastic became infected by the 
genera] spirit of licentiousness ; and the religious 
fraternities, who led a life of easy indulgence on the 
lands cultivated by their Indian slaves, were apt to 
think less of the salvation of their souls than of 
profiting by the labor of their bodies.^ 

Yet still there were not wanting good and wise 
men in the colonies, who, from time to time, raised 
the voice of remonstrance against these abuses, and 
who carried their complaints to the foot 6i the 
throne. To the credit of the government, it must 
also be confessed, that it was solicitous to obtain 
such information as it could, both finom its own 
o£Scers, and from commissioners deputed expressly 
for the purpose, whose voluminous communicatioos 
throw a flood of light on the internal condition of 
the country, and furnish the best materials for the 
historian.^ But it was found much easier to get this 
information than to profit by it. 

8 « Todos los conventos de Do- This statement of the 

minicos i Mercenarios tienen re- shows a difierent side of the pio- 

partimientos. Ningnno dellos ha ture from that above quoted from 

dotrinado ni convertido un Indio. Father Naharro. Yet thej an 

Procuran sacar dcUos quanto pue- not irreconcilable. Human natoie 

den, trabajarles en grangerias ; con has both its lights and its shadowi. 
csto i con otras limosnas enrique- ^ I have several of these Me- 

cen. Mai egemplo. Ademas con- morials or Reladones, as thej are 

vendr^ no pasen frailes sino prece- called, in my possession, drawn np 

diendo diligente examen de vida i by residents in answer to queries 

dotrina." (Relacion de las cosas propounded by government. These 

que S. M. deve proveer para los queries, while their great object is 

reynos del Peru, embiada desde los to ascertain the nature of eTisting 

Reyes a la Corte por el Liccnciado abuses, and to invite the soggestioo 

Martel Santoyo, de quien va firma- of remedies, are often directed te 

da en pzincipios de 1542, MS.) the laws and usages of the i 


In 1541, Charles the Fifth, who had been much 
occupied by the affairs of Germany, revisited his an- 
cestral dominions, where his attention was impera- 
tively called to the state of the colonies. Several 
memorials in relation to it were laid before him; 
but no one pressed the matter so strongly on the 
royal conscience as Las Casas, afterwards Bish- 
op of Chiapa. This good ecclesiastic, whose long 
Yd^ had been devoted to those benevolent labors 
which gained him the honorable title of Protector 
of the Indians, had just completed his celebrated 
treatise on the Destruction of the Indies, the most 
lemarkaUe record, probably, to be found, of human 
fnckedness, but which, unfortunately, loses much of 
its effect from the credulity of the writer, and his 
obvious tendency to exaggerate. 

In 1542, Las Casas placed his manuscript in the 
hands of his royal master. That same year, a coun- 
cil was called at Valladolid, composed chiefly of 
jurists and theologians, to devise a system of laws 
for the regulation of the American colonies. 

Las Casas appeared before this body, and made 
an elaborate argument, of which a part only has 

ham, Tlie lesponses, therefore, reports without a deep conviction 

ire of grest Talne to the historical of the pains taken by the Crown 

■qnirer. The most important of to ascertain the nature of the abuses 

diese documents in my possession in the domestic government of the 

m that by Oodcgardo, governor of colonies, and their honest purpose 

Coaco, covering near four hundred to amend them. Unfortunately, 

Mio pages, once forming part of in this laudable purpose they were 

Lnd Kingsborougb's valuable col- not often seconded by the colonists 

Mion. It is impossible to pemse themsdves. 

theie elaborate and conscientioos 


l)een given to the public. He there assumes, as a 
fundamental proposition, that the Indians were by 
the law of nature firee; that, as vassals of the 
Crown, they had a right to its protection, and should 
be declared free from that time, without exception 
and for ever.^" He sustains this proposition by a 
great variety of arguments, comprehending the sub- 
stance of most that has been since urged in the 
same cause by the friends of humanity. He touch- 
es on the ground of expediency, showing, that, 
without the interference of government, the Indian 
race must be gradually exterminated by the syste- 
matic oppression of the Spaniards. In conclusion, 
he maintains, that, if the Indians, as it was jve- 
tended, would not labor unless compelled, the white 
man would still find it for his interest to cultivate 
the soil ; and that if he should not be able to do 
so, that circumstance would give him no right over 
the Indian, since God does not allow evil that good 
may come ofiO^ — This lofty morality, it will be re- 

^^ The perpetual emancipation servicios, dandolos per causa pan 

of the Indians is urged in the most que los dexen senrir de loo indios 

emphatic manner by another bishop, como de esclaTOS : V. M. se ks 

also a Dominican, but bearing cer- tiene mui bien pagados en los pro- 

tainly very little resemblance to Las yechos que ban avido desta tiena, 

Casas. Fray Valverde makes this y no los ha de pagar con hsier t 

one of the prominent topics in a sus yasallos esclayos." Carta de 

communication, already cited, to the Valverde al Emperador, MS. 

government, the general scope of ^^ '' La loi de Dien defend de 

which must be admitted to do more faire le mal pour qu'il en r&nlte 

credit to his humanity than some du bien." CEuvres de Las Casw, 

of the passages recorded of him in eveque de Chiapa, trad, par Llo- 

history. — "A V. M. representa- rente, (Paris, 1822,) lorn. 1. p. 

ran alia los conquistadores muchos 25 L 


membered, was from the lips of a Dominican, in 
the sixteenth century, one of the order that founded 
the Inquisition, and in the very country where the 
fiery tribunal was then in most active operation ! ^^ 

The arguments of Las Casas encountered all the 
opposition naturally to be expected from indifier- 
eace, selfishness, and bigotry. They were also re- 
sisted by some persons of just and benevolent views 
in his audience, who, while they admitted the gen- 
eral correctness of his reasoning, and felt deep sym- 
pathy for the wrongs of the natives, yet doubted 
whether his scheme of reform was not fraught with 
greater evils than those it was intended to correct. 
For Las Casas was the uncompromising friend of 
freedom.. He intrenched himself strongly on the 
ground of natural right ; and, like some of the re- 
formers of our own day, disdained to calculate the 
consequences of carrying out the principle to its full 
and unqualified extent. His earnest eloquence, in- 
stinct with the generous love of humanity, and for- 
tified by a host of facts, which it was not easy to 
assail, prevailed over his auditors. The result of 
their deliberations was a code of ordinances, which, 
however, far from being limited to the wants of the 

^ It ifl a curious coincidence, ics of such interest to humanity, 

that this argument of Las Casas should not have been more freely 

ihoiikl haTe been first published — consulted, or at least cited, by 

in a tnuislated form, indeed — by those who have since trod in his 

I secretary of the Inquisition, footsteps. They are an arsenal 

Uorente. The original still re- from which many a serviceable 

mains in MS. It is singular that weapon for the good cause might 

these volumes, containing the views be borrowed, 
of this great philanthropist on top- 


natives, had particular reference to the European 
population, and the distractions of the countij. 
It was of general application to all the American' 
colonies. It will be necessary here only to point 
out some of the provisions having immediate refer- 
ence to Peru. 

The Indians were declared true and loyal vassals 
of the Crown, and their freedom as such was folly 
recognized. Yet, to maintain inviolate the guaran- 
ty of the government to the Conquerors, it was de« 
cided, that those lawfully possessed of slaves might 
still retain them ; but, at the death of the present 
proprietors, they were to revert to the Crown. 

It was provided, however, that slaves, in any 
event, should be forfeited by all those who had 
shown themselves unworthy to hold them by ne^ect 
or ill-usage ; by all public functionaries, or such as 
had held offices under the government ; by eccle- 
siastics and religious corporations; and lastly, — a 
sweeping clause, — by all who had taken a criminal 
part in the feuds of Almagro and Pizarro. 

It was further ordered, that the Indians should be 
moderately taxed ; that they should not be compelled 
to labor where they did not choose, and that where, 
from particular circumstances, this was made neces- 
sary, they should receive a fair compensation. It 
was also decreed, that, as the repartimientos of land 
were often excessive, they should in such cases be 
reduced ; and that, where proprietors had been guilty 
of a notorious abuse of their slaves, their estates 
should be forfeited altogether. 

ch. yu.] code for the colonies. 255 

As Peru had always shown a spirit of insubordi- 
nation, which required a more vigorous interposition 
of authority than was necessary in the other colo- 
nies, it was resolved to send a viceroy to that coun- 
try, who should display a state, and be armed with 
powers, that might make him a more fitting repre* 
sentative of the sovereign. He was to be accom- 
panied by a Royal Audience, consisting of four 
judges, with extensive powers of jurisdiction, both 
criminal and civil, who, besides a court of justice, 
should constitute a sort of council to advise with and 
aid the viceroy. The Audience of Panam4 was to 
be dissolved, and the new tribunal, with the vice- 
king's court, was to be established at Los Reyes, or 
Lima, as it now began to be called, — henceforth the 
metropolis of the Spanish empire on the Pacific.^^ 

Such were some of the principal features of this 
remarkable code, which, touching on the most del- 
icate relations of society, broke up the very founda- 
tions of property, and, by a stroke of the pen, as it 
were, converted a nation of slaves into freemen. 
It wodd have required, we may suppose, but little 
forecast to divine, that in the remote regions of 
America, and especially in Peru, where the colo- 
nists had been hitherto accustomed to unbounded 
license, a reform, so salutary in essential points, 
could be enforced thus summarily only at the price 

^ The pTorinoos of this cele- writen. Herren gives them m 

bnisd code are to be found, with extenso. Hist. General, dec. 7, 

■oreorless — generally less — ac- lib. 6, cap. 5. 
cuicy, in the Ttrious contemporary 


of a revolution. — Yet the ordinances received the 
sanction of the emperor that same year, and in 
November, 1543, were published at Madrid.^* 

No sooner was their import known than it was 
conveyed by numerous letters to the colonists, from 
their friends in Spain. The tidings flew like wild- 
fire over the land, from Mexico to Chili. Men were 
astounded at the prospect of the ruin that awaited 
them. In Peru, particularly, there was scarcely one 
that could hope to escape the operation of the law. 
Few there were who had not taken part, at some 
time or other, in the civil feuds of Almagro and 
Pizarro ; and still fewer of those that remained that 
would not be entangled in some one or other di 
the insidious clauses that seemed spread out, like a 
web, to ensnare them. 

The whole country was thrown into commiotiQn. 
Men assembled tumultuously in the squares and 
public places, and, as the regulations were made 
known, they were received with universal groans 
and hisses. " Is this the fruit," they cried, " of all 
our toil? Is it for this that we have poured out 
our blood like water? Now that we are broken 
down by hardships and sufferings, to be left at the 
end of our campaigns as poor as at the beginning ! 
Is this the way government rewards our services in 

i'^ Las Casas pressed the matter elusive condition of conyerting the 

home on the royal conscience, by heathen, and that the Almighty 

representing that the Papal See would hold him accowitable for the 

conceded the right of conquest to execution of this trust. CEnTici 

the Spanish sovereigns on the ex- de Las Casas, ubi supra. 


winning for it an empire ? The government has done 
Httle to aid us in making the conquest^ and for what 
we have we may thank our own good swords ; and 
with these same swords," they continued, warming 
into menace, " we know how to defond it.'^ Then, 
stripping up his sleeve, the war-worn veteran bared 
his arm, or, exposing his naked bosom, pointed to 
his scars, as the best title to his estates.^^ 

The governor, Vaca de Castro, watched the storm 
thus gathering from all quarters, with the deepest 
concern. He was himself in the very heart of dis* 
affection ; for Cuzco, tenanted by a mixed and law- 
less population, was so far removed into the depths 
of the mountains, that it had much less intercourse 
with the parent country, and was consequently 
much less under her influence, than the great towns 
on the coast. The people now invoked the govern- 
or to protect them against the tyranny of the Court ; 
but he endeavoured to calm the agitation by repre- 
senting, that by these violent measures they would 
only defeat their own object. He counselled them 
to name deputies to lay their petition before the 

U Carta de Gonzalo Pizanro a leduce the eountrj to beggary. 

Pfedro de Valdivia, MS., desde Lob Benalcazar was a conqueror, and 

Reyes, 31 de Oct., 1538. — Zarate, one of the most respectable of his 

Coiq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 1. — caste. His argument is a good 

Henera, HiaL Greneral, dec. 7, specimen of the reasoning of his 

lib. 6, cap. 10, 11. party on this subject, and presents 

Benalcaxar, in a letter to Charles a decided counterblast to that of 

^ Fifth, indulges in a strain of Las Casas. Carta de Benalcazar al 

i>veetiTe against the ordinances, Emperador, MS., desde Cali, SO 

^Hich, by stripping the planters of de Diciembre, 1544. 
^^ bdian alsTes, must inevitably 

voL« II. as 


Crown, stating the impracticability of the present 
scheme of reform, and praying for the repeal of it ; 
and he conjm'ed them to wait patiently for the ar- 
rival of the viceroy, who might be prevailed on to 
suspend the ordinances till further advices could be 
received from Castile. 

But it was not easy to still the tempest; and the 
people now eagerly looked for some one whose in- 
terests and sympathies might lie with theirs, and 
whose position in the community might afiford them 
protection. The person to whom they naturally 
turned in thb crisis was Gonzalo Pizarro, the last 
in the land of that family who had led the armies of 
the Conquest, — a cavalier whose gallantry and pop- 
ular manners had made him always a favoiite widi 
the people. He was now beset with applications 
to interpose in their behalf with the government, 
and shield them from the oppressive ordinances. 

But Gonzalo Pizarro was at Charcas, busily occu- 
pied in exploring the rich veins of Potosi, whose 
silver fountains, just brought into light, were soon 
to pour such streams of wealth over Europe. 
Though gratified with this appeal to his protection, 
the cautious cavalier was more intent on providing 
for the means of enterprise than on plunging jwe- 
maturely into it ; and, while he secredy encouraged 
the malecontents, he did not commit himself by tak- 
ing part in any revolutionary movement. At the 
same period, he received letters from Vaca de Cas- 
tro, — whose vigilant eye watched all the aspects of 
the time, — cautioning Gonzalo and his friends not 


to be seduced, by any wild schemes of reform, from 
their aUegiance. And, to check still further these 
disorderly movements, he ordered his alcaldes to 
arrest every man guilty of seditious language, and 
bring him at once to punishment. By this firm 
yet temperate conduct the minds of the populace 
were overawed, and there was a temporary lull in 
the troubled waters, while all looked anxiously for 
the coming of the viceroy.^* 

The person selected for this critical post was a 
knight of Avila, named Blasco NuHez Vela. He 
was a cavalier of ancient family, handsome in per- 
son, though now somewhat advanced in years, and 
reputed brave and devout. He had filled some 
offices of responsibility to the satisfaction of Charles 
the fifth, by whom he was now appointed to this 
post in Peru. The selection did no credit to the 
monarch's discernment. 

It may seem strange that this important place 

should not have been bestowed on Vaca de Castro, 

already on the spot, and who had shown himself 

so well qualified to fill it. But ever since that 

oflBcer's mission to Peru, there had been a series 

of assassinations, insurrections, and civil wars, that 

menaced the wretched colony with ruin ; and, 

though his wise administration had now brought 

tlungs into order, the communication with the In- 

^ was so tardy, that the results of his policy were 

* JM.^ M supra. — Zarate, Carta de Gonxalo Pizarro a Val- 
^^. del Peru, ubi supra. — Pedro diTia, MS. — Montesinos, Annales, 
IWo, Descub. y Conq., MS. — MS., afio 1543. 


not yet fully disclosed. As it was designed, moie- 
over, to make important innovations in the govern- 
ment, it was thought better to send some one who 
would have no personal prejudices to encounter, 
from the part he had already taken, and who, 
coming directly from the Court, and clothed widi 
extraordinary powers, might present himself with 
greater authority than could one who had become 
familiar to the people in an inferior capacity. The 
monarch, however, wrote a letter with his own 
hand to Vaca de Castro, in which he thanked that 
o£Scer for his past services, and directed him, after 
aiding the new viceroy with the fruits of his Iai]ge 
experience, to return to Castile, and take his seat 
in the Royal Council. Letters of a sunilar compK* 
mentary kind were sent to the loyal ccdonists who 
had stood by the governor in the late trouUes of 
the country. Freighted with these testimonials, and 
with the ill-starred ordinances, Blasco Nuiiez em- 
barked at San Lucar, on the 3d of November, 1643. 
He was attended by the four judges of the Au- 
dience, and by a numerous retinue, that he might 
appear in the state befitting his distinguished rank**' 
About the middle of the following January, 1544, 
the viceroy, after a favorable passage, landed at 
Nombre de Dios. He found there a vessel laden 
with silver firom the Peruvian mines, ready to sail 
for Spam. His first act was to lay an embargo on 

^7 Carta de Gonxalo Pizairo a Fernandez, Hist, del Pen, Puts 
Valdivia, MS. — Herrera, Hist. 1, lib. 1, cap. 6. — Zante^ liS. 
General, dec. 7, lib. 6, cap. 0. — 


it for the govemment, as containing the proceeds 
of slave labor. After this extraordinary measure, 
taken in opposition to the advice of the Audience, 
he crossed the Isthmus to Panami. Here he gave 
sure token of his future policy, by causing more 
than three hundred Indians, who had been brought 
by their owners from Peru, to be liberated and sent 
back to their own country. This high-handed 
measure created the greatest sensation in the city, 
and was strongly resisted by the judges of the Audi- 
ence. They besought him not to begin thus precipi- 
tately to execute his commission, but to wait till his 
airival in the colony, when he should have taken 
time to acquaint himself somewhat with the country, 
and with the temper of the people. But Blasco 
Nollez coldly replied, that << he had come, not to 
tamper with the laws, nor to discuss their merits, 
but to execute them, — and execute them he would, 
to the letter, whatever might be the consequence.'*^ ^ 
This answer, and the peremptory tone in which it 
was delivered, promptly adjourned the debate ; for 
the judges saw that debate was useless with one 
who seemed to consider all remonstrance as an at- 
tempt to turn him from his duty, and whose ideas 
ij{ duty precluded all discretionary exercise of au- 
tboriQr, even where the public good demanded it. 

> '* Ettas J otns cobbm le dizo de exeentar las ordenan^as como 

d Lieeneiado Carafe : qae no fueron en ellas se contenia : sin esperar 

a] fiiilo del Virey : antes se enoj& para ello terminos algunos, ni dila- 

■Bcho por elio, j respondio con dones." Femandex, Hist, del 

•Igima aspeiea : juraodo, qne anim Pen, Parte 1» lib. 1, cap. 6. 


Leaving the Audience, as one of its body was ill, 
at Panamd, the viceroy proceeded on his way, and, 
coasting down the shores of the Pacific, on the fourth 
of March he disembarked at Tumbez. He was 
well received by the loyal inhabitants ; his authority 
was publicly proclaimed, and the peojde were over" 
awed by the display of a magnificence and state 
such as had not till then been seen in Peru. He 
took an early occasion to intimate his future line cS 
policy by liberating a number of Indian slaves on 
the application of their caciques. He then proceed- 
ed by land towards the south, and showed his deter- 
mination to conform in his own person to the strict 
letter of the ordinances, by causing his baggage to 
be carried by mules, where it was practicable ; and 
where absolutely necessary to make use of Indians, 
he paid them fairly for their services.*' 

The whole country was thrown into constematioD 
by reports of the proceedings of the viceroy, and 
of his conversations, most unguarded, which were 
eagerly circulated, and, no doubt, often exagger- 
ated. Meetings were again called in the cities. 
Discussions were held on the expediency of resisting 
his further progress, and a deputation of citizens 
from Cuzco, who were then in Lima, strongly uiged 
the people to close the gates of that capital against 
him. But Vaca de Castro had also left Cuzco for 
the latter city, on the earliest intimation of the vice- 

18 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. zaio Pizarro a Valdiyia, MS. — 
5, cap. 2. — Fernandez, Hist, del Montesinoe, AnnaleB, MS., 
Peru, nbi supra. — Carta de Gron- 1544. 


loy's approach, and, with some difficulty, he pre- 
Tailed on the inhabitants not to swerve from their 
loyalty, but to receive their new ruler with suitable 
honors, and trust to his calmer judgment for post- 
poning the execution of the law till the case could 
be laid before the throne. 

But the great body of the Spaniards, after what 
they had heard, had slender confidence in the relief 
to be obtained from this quarter. They now turned 
with more eagerness than ever towards Gonzalo Pi- 
zarro ; and letters and addresses poured in upon him 
fixmi all parts of the country, inviting him to take on 
himself the office of their protector. These applica- 
tions found a more favorable response than on the 
fonner occasion. 

There were, indeed, many motives at work to 
call Gonzalo into action. It was to his family, 
mainly, that Spain was indebted for this extension 
of her colonial empire ; and he had felt deeply ag- 
grieved that the government of the colony should be 
trusted to other hands than his. He had felt this on 
the arrival of Vaca de Castro, and much more so 
when the appointment of a viceroy proved it to 
be the settled policy of the Crown to exclude his 
&mily from the management of affairs. His brother 
Hernando still languished in prison, and he himself 
was now to be sacrificed as the principal victim of 
the fatal ordinances. For who had taken so promi- 
nent a part in the civil war with the elder Almagro ? 
And the viceroy was currently reported — it may 
liave been scandal — to have intimated that Pizarro 


would be dealt with accordingly.^ Yet there was 
no one in the country who had so great a stake, ^dio 
had so much to lose by the revolution. Abandoned 
thus by the government, he conceived that it was 
now time to take care of himself. 

Assembling together some eighteen ix twenty 
cavaliers in whom he most trusted, and taking a 
large amount of silver, drawn from the imne9» he 
accepted the invitation to repair to Cuzco. As he 
approached thb capital, he was met by a numer- 
ous body of the citizens, who came out to weloome 
him, making the air ring with their shouts, as they 
saluted him with the tide of Procurator-General of 
Peru. The tide was speedily confirmed by the mu- 
nicipality of the city, who invited him to head a 
deputation to Lima, in curder to statfe their griev- 
ances to the viceroy, and sdicit the present sispen- 
sion of the ordinances. 

But the spark of ambition was kindled in the 
bosom of Pizarro. He felt strong in the affections 
of the people ; and, from the more elevated position 
in which he now stood, his desires took a loftier and 

>B <* It was not fair," the viceroy dos ea la bataDa de las Salinas i a 

said, '* that the country should re- las diferendas de Almagro, iqne 

main longer in the hands of mulet- una tierra como esta no era juato 

eers and swineherds, (alluding to que estuviese en poder de gente 

the origin of the Pizarros,) and he tan vaxa que llamava el A loa data 

would take measures to restore it tierra porqueros i anieros, aioo qae 

to the Crown/' estuviese toda en la Corona reil." 

'< Que asi me la havia de cortar Carta de Gronzalo Pizarro a Valdi- 

& mi i a todos los que havian seido via, MS. 
notablemente, como el decia, culpa- 


more unbounded range. Yet, if be barboured a 
criminal ambition in bis breast, be skilfully veiled it 
from otbers, — perbaps from bimself. The only ob- 
ject be professed to bave in view was tbe good of 
tbe people ; ^^ a suspicious pbrase, usually meaning 
the good of the individual. He now demanded 
permission to raise and organize an armed force, 
with the further title of Captain-General. His 
views were entirely pacific ; but it was not safe, un- 
less strongly protected, to urge them on a person 
of the viceroy's impatient and arbitrary temper. It 
was further contended by Pizarro's friends, that 
such a force was demanded, to rid the country of 
their old enemy, the Inca Manco, who hovered in 
the neighbouring mountains with a body of warriors, 
ready, at the first opportunity, to descend on the 
Spaniards. The municipality of Cuzco hesitated, 
as well it might, to confer powers so far beyond its 
le^timate authority. But Pizarro avowed his pur- 
pose, in case of refusal, to decline the office of Pro- 
curator ; and the efforts of his partisans, backed by 
those of the people, at length silenced the scruples 
of the magistrates, who bestowed on the ambitious 
chief the military command to which he aspired. 
Pizarro accepted it with the modest assurance, 
that be did so " purely from regard to the inter- 
ests of the king, of the Indies, and, above all, of 

** " Diciendo que no queria nar rera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 7, 

da para si, sino para cl beneficio cap. 20. 

anirersa], i que por todos havia de ^9 « Acepti6 1o por rer que en 

poner todas sua fuer^as." Her- ello hacia aerricio a Dios i & S. M. 
VOL. II. 84 



i gran bien k esta tieiia i general- 
mente 4 todas las Indias." Cai^ 
ta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, 

Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, 
lib. 7, cap. 10, 20.— Zarate, Ckmq. 

del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 4, 8. — F^-^ 
nandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte ^ 
lib. 1, cap. 8. — Carta de Gom^^ 
Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. — Mc^^^. 
tesinoB, Annales, MS., afio 154^ , 



Cuzco. — Death or the Inca Mango. — Rash Conduct or 
THE Viceroy. — Seized and deposed bt the Audience. — Gon- 



While the events recorded in the preceding 
pages were in progress, Blasco NuQez had been 
journeying towards Lima. But the alienation which 
his conduct had ahready caused in the minds of the 
colonists was shown in the cold reception which he 
occasionally experienced on the route, and in the 
scanty accommodations provided for him and his 
retinue. In one place where he took up his quar- 
ters, he found an ominous inscription over the door : 
— " He that takes my property must expect to pay 
for it with his life." ^ Neither daunted, nor diverted 
from his purpose, the inflexible viceroy held on his 
way towards the capital, where the inhabitants, pre- 
ceded by Vaca de Castro and the municipal authori- 
ties, came out to receive him. He entered in great 
state, under a canopy of crimson cloth, embroidered 
with the arms of Spain, and supported by stout poles 

^ *' A qaien me Timere k quitar Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, 
BU hacaenda, quitarie he la ^ida." lib. 7, cap. 18. 


or Staves of solid silver, which were borne by the 
members of the municipaUty. A cavalier, holding 
a mace, the emblem of authority, rode before him ; 
and after the oaths of office were administered in 
the council-chamber, the procession moved towards 
the cathedral, where Te Deum was sung, and Blasco 
Nuflez was installed in his new dignity of viceroy 
of Peru.* 

His first act was to proclaim his determination in 
respect to the ordinances. He had no warrant to 
suspend their execution. He should fulfil his com- 
mission; but he ofiered to join the colonists in a 
memorial to the emperor, soliciting the repeal of a 
code which he now believed would be for the in* 
terests neither of the country nor of the Crown.' 
With this avowed view of the subject, it may seem 
strange that Blasco Nuilez should not have taken 

9 '* Entro en la cibdad de Lima de las guardar y cumplir todas was 
4 17 de Mayo de 1544 : saliole 4 libertades y provisiones de S. M. ; 

reeihir todo el pueblo 4 pie y 4 y luego fueron desta manera 

caballo dos tiros de ballesta del la iglesia, salieron los clerigoe ooo 

pueblo, y a la entrada de la cibdad la cniz a la puerta y le metieron 

estaba un arco triunfal de verde dentro cantando Te deum i 

con las Armas de EspaQa, y las y despues que obo dicho su oracioii, 

de la misma cibdad ; estaban le fue con el cabildo y toda la dodad 

esperando el Regimiento y Justi- 4 su palacio donde fu^ recebido y 

cia, y oficiales del Rey con ropas hizo un parlamento breTo en q«e 

largas, hasta en pies de carmesi, contents 4 toda la gente." Rda- 

y un palio del mesmo carmesi cion de los sucesos del Pern < 

aforrado en lo mesmo, con ocho que entr6 el Tiney Blaaco Naliei 

haras guarnecidas de plata y toma- acaecidos en mar y tierra, MS. 
ronle debajo todos a pie, cada Re- 3 a Porque llanamente el confe> 

gidor y justicia con una bara del saba, que asi para su Magestad, 

palio, y el Virrey en su caballo como para aquellos Reinos, eran 

oon las mazas delante tomaronle perjudiciales." Zarate, Conq. del 

juramento en un libro miaal, y jux6 Pern, lib. 5, cap. 5. 


the responsibility of suspending the law until his 
sovereign could be assured of the inevitable conse- 
quences of enforcing it. The pacha of a Turkish 
despot, who had allowed himself this latitude for the 
interests of his master, might, indeed, have reckoned 
on the bowstring. But the example of Mendoza, 
the prudent viceroy of Mexico, who adopted this 
course in a similar crisis, and precisely at the same 
period, showed its propriety under existing circum- 
stances. The ordinances were suspended by him 
till the Crown could be warned of the consequences 
of enforcing them, — and Mexico was saved from 
revolution.^ But Blasco NuBez had not the wisdom 
of Mendoza. 

The public apprehension was now far from being 
allayed. Secret cabals were formed in Lima, and 
communications held with the different towns. No 
distrust, however, was raised in the breast of the 
viceroy, and, when informed of the preparations of 
Gonzalo Pizarro, he took no other step than to send 
a message to his camp, announcing the extraordinary 
powers with which he was himself invested, and 
requiring that chief to disband his forces. He 
seemed to think that a mere word from him would 
be sufficient to dissipate rebellion. But it required 
more than a breath to scatter the iron soldiery 
of Peru. 

(jronzalo Pizarro, meanwhile, was busily occu- 
pied in mustering his army. His first step was to 

4 Fenumdex, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 3-5. 

270 cnriL wars of the conquerors, tbook it. 

order from Guamanga sixteen pieces of artillery, 
sent there by Vaca de Castro, who, in the present 
state of excitement, was unwilling to trust the vola- 
tile people of Cuzco with these implements of de- 
struction. Gonzalo, who had no scruples as to 
Indian labor, appropriated six thousand of the na- 
tives to the service of transporting this train of 
ordnance across the mountains.^ 

By his exertions and those of his friends, the 
active chief soon mustered a force of nearly four 
hundred men, which, if not very imposing in the 
outset, he conceived would be swelled, in his descent 
to the coast, by tributary levies from the towns and 
villages on the way. All his own funds were ex- 
pended in equipping his men and providing for the 
march; and, to supply deficiencies, he made no 
scruple — since, to use his words, it was for the 
public interest — to appropriate the moneys in the 
royal treasury. With this seasonable aid, his troops, 
well mounted and thoroughly equipped, were put in 
excellent fighting order ; and, after making them a 
brief harangue, in which he was carefiil to insist 
on the pacific character of his enterprise, somewhat 
at variance with its military preparations, Gonzalo 
Pizarro sallied forth from the gates of the capital. 

Before leaving it, he received an important acces- 
sion of strength in the person of Francisco de Car- 
bajal, the veteran who performed so conspicuous a 
part in the battle of Chupas. He was at Charcas 

^ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap.' 8. 



when the news of the ordmances reached Peru ; 
and he instantly resolved to quit the country and re- 
turn to Spain, convinced that tlie New World would 
be no longer the land for him, — no longer the 
golden Indies. Turning his effects into money, he 
prepared to embark them on board the first ship that 
offered. But no opportunity occurred, and he could 
have little expectation now of escaping the vigilant 
eye of the viceroy. Yet, though solicited by Pizar- 
ro to take command under him in the present expe- 
dition, the veteran declined, saying, he was eighty 
years old, and had no wish but to return home, and 
spend his few remaining days in quiet.^ Well had 
it been for him, had he persisted in his refusal. But 
he yielded to the importunities of his friend ; and 
the short space that yet remained to him of life 
proved long enough to brand his memory with per- 
petual infamy. 

Soon after quitting Cuzco, Pizarro learned the 
death of the Inca Manco. He was massacred by a 
party of Spaniards, of the faction of Almagro, who, 
on the defeat of their young leader, had taken ref- 
uge in the Indian camp. They, in turn, were all 
slain by the Peruvians. It is impossible to deter- 
mine on whom the blame of the quarrel should rest, 
since no one present at the time has recorded it.^ 

The death of Manco Inca, as he was com- 
monly called, is an event not to be silently passed 

* Heneia, Hist. General, dec. Conq., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. 
7, lib. 7, cap. 22. Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 7. 

7 Pedro Pizarro, Descob. y 


over in Peruvian history ; for he was the last of 
his race that may be said to have been animated 
by the heroic spirit of the ancient Incas. Though 
placed on the throne by Pizarro, far from remaining 
a mere puppet in his hands, Manco soon showed 
that his lot was not to be cast with that of his 
conquerors. With the ancient institutions . of his 
country lying a wreck around him, he yet straggled 
bravely, like Guatemozin, the last of the Aztecs, to 
uphold her tottering fortunes, or to bury his oppies* 
sors under her ruins. By the assault on his own 
capital of Cuzco, in which so large a portion of it 
was demolished, he gave a check to the aims of 
Pizarro, and, for a season, the fate of the Con- 
querors trembled in the balance. Though fmled, in 
the end, by the superior science of his adversary, 
the young barbarian still showed the same mieon- 
querable spirit as before. He withdrew into the 
fastnesses of his native mountains, whence sallying 
forth as occasion offered, he fell on the caravan of 
the traveller, or on some scattered party of the mili- 
tary ; and, in the event of a civil war, was sure to 
throw his own weight into the weaker scale, thus 
prolonging the contest of his enemies, and feeding 
his revenge by the sight of their calamities. Mov- 
ing lightly from spot to spot, he eluded pursuit 
amidst the wilds of the Cordilleras; and, hovering 
in the neighbourhood of the towns, or lying in am- 
bush on the great thoroughfares of the country, 
the Inca Manco made his name a terror to the 
Spaniards. Often did they hold out to him terms 


ei acoommodation ; and every succeeding ruler, 
down to Blasco NuQez, bore instructions from the 
Crown to emjdoy eveiy art to conciliate the formi- 
dable warrior. But Manco did not trust die promises 
of die white man ; and he chose rather to maintain 
his savage independence in the mountains, with the 
few brave spirits around him, than to live a slave in 
die land which had once owned the sway of his 

The death of the Inca removed one of the great 
pretexts for Gonzalo Pizarro's military preparations ; 
but it had litde influence on him, as may be readily 
imagined. He was much more sensible to the de- 
sertion of some of his followers, which took place 
early on the march. Several of the cavaliers of 
Cnzco, startled by his unceremonious appropriation 
of the public moneys, and by the belligerent aspect 
of affairs, now for the first time seemed to realize 
diat they were in the path of rebellion. A number 
of these, including some principal men of the city, 
seeredy withdrew from the army, and, hasten- 
ing to Lima, ofiered their services to the viceroy. 
The troops were disheartened by this desertion, and 
even Pizarro for a moment faltered in his purpose, 
and thought of retiring with some fifty followers to 
Charcas, and there making his composition vnth 
government. But a litde reflection, aided by the re- 
monstrances of the courageous Carbajal, who never 
turned his back on an enterprise which he had once 
assumed, convinced him that he had gone too far 
to recede, — that his only safety was to advance. 

VOL. II. 35 


He was reassured by more decided manifesta- 
tions, which he soon after received, of the public 
opinion. An officer named Puelles, who command- 
ed at Guanuco, joined him, with a body of horse 
with which he had been intrusted by the viceroy. 
This defection was followed by that of others, and 
Gonzalo, as he descended the sides of the taUe-land, 
found his numbers gradually swelled to nearly dou- 
ble the amount with which he had left the Indian 

As he traversed with a freer step the bloody field 
of Chupas, Carbajal pointed out the various locali- 
ties of the battle-ground, and Pizarro might have 
found food for anxious reflection, as he meditated 
on the fortunes of a rebel. At Guamanga he was 
received with open arms by the inhabitants, many 
of whom eagerly enlisted under his banner ; kn 
they trembled for their property, as they heard from 
all quarters of the inflexible temper of the viceroy.^ 

That functionary began now to be convinced that 
he was in a critical position. Before Puelles's 
treachery, above noticed, had been consummated, 
the viceroy had received some vague intimation of his 
purpose. Though scarcely crediting it, he detached 
one of his company, named Diaz, with a force to in- 
tercept him. But, although that cavalier undertook 
the mission with alacrity, he was soon after pre- 

8 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 5-9. — Carta 

Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 14, 16. —Za- de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdhia, 

rate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. MS. — Relacion de los Suceooe 

9, 10. — Heirera, Hist. General, del Peru, MS. 


vailed on to follow the example of his comrade, and, 
with the greater part of the men under his com- 
mand, went over to the enemy. In the civil feuds 
of this unhappy land, parties changed sides so light- 
ly, that treachery to a commander had almost ceased 
to be a stain on the honor of a cavalier. Yet all, 
on whichever side they cast their fortunes, loudly 
proclaimed their loyalty to the Crown. 

Thus betrayed by his own men, by those ap- 
parendy most devoted to his service, Blasco Nidez 
became suspicious of every one around him. Unfor- 
tunately, his suspicions fell on some who were most 
deserving of his confidence. Among these was his 
predecessor, Vaca de Castro. That officer had con- 
ducted himself, in the delicate situation in T(4iich he 
had been placed, with his usual discretion, and with 
perfect integrity and honor. He had frankly com- 
municated with the viceroy, and well had it been 
for Blasco Nuflez, if he had known how to profit by 
it. But he was too much puffed up by the arro- 
gance of office, and by the conceit of his own su- 
perior wisdom, to defer much to the counsels of his 
experienced predecessor. The latter was now sus- 
pected by the viceroy of maintaining a secret cor- 
respondence with his enemies at Cuzco, — a sus- 
picion which seems to have had no better foundation 
than the personal friendship which Vaca de Castro 
was known to entertain for these individuals. But, 
with Blasco Nuttez, to suspect was to be convinced ; 
and he ordered De Castro to be placed under ar- 
rest, and confined on board of a vessel lying in 

276 GlYIi. WAW or TBM OONWSMm. [Book IT. 

the harbour. Hik hi^Ji^handed qoeaaure was fot 
lowed hy th^ syn^t wd impviaoiiiiieiil oi sevenil 
^er cavatien, probably on gronnda eqtuiBy firifo* 

He now tamed hia attention towards diie eaemy* 
Notwithstandii^ his formic failure, he ^11 did not 
altogether despair of effectmg somethiiig 1^ nego- 
tiation, and he sent anoAer embassy^ baidng the 
bishop of Linia at Ha heaid^ to ©onzalo PizaRo's 
eamp^ wilh promises oi a g^ieral amnesty^ and 
some proposals (tf a mote tempting cbaractep to the 
Gommanderk Bist ikis step, while it proclaimed his 
own weakness, had no better success than ii» p»» 

The yicen^ now idgoroiiri{f pcepared fbp ww. 
His first care waa to put 4ie capital in a postme 
of defence, by strengthening hs fortifications^ and 
throwing barricades across the streets. He ord&tei 
a general enrolment of the citizens, and called ia 
levies ftom the neighbouring towns, — a call not 
very promptly answered. A sqpiadron of eight or 
ten vessels was got ready in the^ poet to act in coih 
cert wdth the land forces. The bells were taken 
from the churches, and used in the manufactnie 
of muskets ; ^^ and fimds were procured from the 

9 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, lest hin presenoe should afaske the 
cap. 3. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. constancy of the aoldieis. (Sae 
y Conq., MS. —Fernandez, Hist. Relacion de los Sucesos del Fan, 
del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 10. MS.) The account oooupies nan 

10 Loaysa, the bishop, was space than it deserves in most <if 
robbed of his despatches, and not the authorities. 

eren allowed to enter the camp, n " Hi9o haoer gran Gopit dt 

Cft. Tin.] BASA <X»90tJCT OF tHB YtCtillOT. Ittl 

fifths whidi had accumulated in the royal treasury. 
The molt extravagant bounty was offered to the sd- 
diert, aad prices were paid for lAules and horses, 
^^ich showed diat gold, or rather silver^ was the 
commodi^ of least value in Peru.^^ By these ef- 
forts, the active commander soon assembled a force 
considerably larger than that of his adversary* But 
faoiw could he confide in it ? 

While these preparations were going forward, the 
jttdges of the Audience lamrived at Lima. They 
knd shown, throughout their pn^ess, no great re- 
spect either for the ordinances, or the will of the 
viceroy ; for they had taxed die poor natives as free- 
ly and unscrupulously as any of the Conquerors. 
We have seen the entire want of cordiality subsist- 
ing between them and their principal in Panam&. 
It became more apparent, on their landing at Lima. 
They disapproved of his proceedings in every par- 
ticttlar ; of his refusal to suspend the ordinances, — 
although, in fact, he had found no opportunity, of 
late, to enforce them; of his preparations for de- 
fence, declaring that he ought rather trust to the 
nfiect of negotiation ; and, finally^ of his imprison- 

Aictbooes, aa de Hierro, tomo de Hacienda Real, treinia i oineo Mfr- 

Fandicion, de dertas Campanaa de choe, en que hideaen la Jornada, 

la Igleiia Maior, que paia ello que coetaron mas de doce mil do- 

4Ut6.*' Zaiate, Conq. del PlBra» oadoa." (Zaxmte, Conq. del Pern, 

Eb.5, cap. 6. lib. 5, cap. 10.) The South- 

M Blaaeo Nufiei paid, acocxrdin|( American of oar day might well 

to Zarate, who had the means of be surprised at such prices for ani- 

kaowing, twehe thousand dncats aula sioee ss ilRmdaiit in his oomi- 

fcr thirty-five moles.— ** El Yi- try* 
somi lea mand6 oomprar, da la 


ment of so many loyal cavaliers, which they pro- 
nounced an arbitrary act, altogether beyond the 
bounds of his authority ; and they did not scruple 
to visit the prison in person, and discharge the cap- 
tives from their confinement.^^ 

This bold proceeding, while it conciliated the 
good-will of the people, severed, at once, all rela- 
tions with the viceroy. There was in the Au- 
dience a lawyer, named Cepeda, a cunning, am- 
bitious man, with considerable knowledge in the 
way of his profession, and with still greater talent 
for intrigue. He did not disdain the low arts of a 
demagogue to gain the favor of the populace, and 
trusted to find his own account in fomenting a mis- 
understanding with Blasco NuSez. The latter, it 
must be confessed, did all in his power to aid his 
counsellor in this laudable design. 

A certain cavalier in the place, named Suarez de 
Carbajal, who had long held an ofiice under gov- 
ernment, fell under the viceroy's displeasure, on 
suspicion of conniving at the secession of some of 
his kinsmen, who had lately taken part with the 
malecontents. The viceroy summoned Carbajal to 
attend him at his palace, late at night ; and when 
conducted to his presence, he bluntly charged him 
with treason. The latter stoutly denied the ac- 
cusation, in tones as haughty as those of his ac- 
cuser. The altercation grew warm, until, in the 

13 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, 2, 10. — Carta de Gonzalo Piano 
Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 10. — Herrera, a Valdivia, MS. 
Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 


heat of passion, Blasco NuSez strack him with his 
poniard. In an instant, the attendants, taking 
this as a signal, plunged their swords into the 
body of the unfortunate man, who fell lifeless on 
the floon^^ 

Greatly alarmed for the consequences of his rash 
act, — for Carbajal was much beloved in Lima, — 
Blasco NuSez ordered the corpse of the murdered 
man to be removed by a private stairway from the 
house, and carried to the cathedral, where, rolled in 
his bloody cloak, it was laid in a grave hastily dug 
to receive it. So tragic a proceeding, known to so 
many witnesses, could not long be kept secret. 
Vague rumors of the fact explained the mysterious 
disappearance of Carbajal. The grave was opened, 
and the mangled remains of the slaughtered cavalier 
established the guilt of the viceroy.^^ 

From this hour Blasco NuQez was held in univer- 
sal abhorrence ; and his crime, in this instance, 

^^ " He strack him in the boeom prudent to qaalify his remark be- 

with his dagger, as some say, but fore publication. — " They say," 

the Tioeroy denies it." — So says says another contemporary, familiar 

Zarate, in the printed copy of his with these events and friendly to 

history. (lib. 5, cap. 11.) In the the Tioeroy, << that he gave him 

original manuscript of this work, still several wounds with his dagger. ' ' 

exunt at Simancas, he states the And he makes no attempt to refute 

fret without any qualification at all. the charge. (Relacion de los Su- 

" Luego el dicho Virrei ech6 mano cesoe del Peru, MS.) Indeed, this 

4 una dmga, i arremeti6 con ^I, i le Torsion of the story seems to hsTO 

di6 una pufialada, i k grandes vooes been generally received at the time 

mandb que le matasen." (Zarate, by those who had the best means 

MS.) This was doubtless his of knowing the truth. 
honest conviction, when on the ^^ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, ubi 

spot soon aAer the event occurred, supra. 
The politie historian thought it 

1280 OfTOi WAI9 OF THE OmqunOBB. JSmk iV. 

assumed the deeper .dye ci isgratitiidev siiioe the 
deceased was kmovm ito imv^ had the greatest in- 
fluence in leccmciluig the citizens eaiijr to kb gpv- 
ernment. No one knew w^iere the blow woold fiD 
next, or how soon he might himself become the Ho- 
tim <^ the ungoFernaUe passions of the vioeioy. 
In this state of things, some looked to i^ Aodi^ 
fence, and yet more to Gonzak) Pizano, to fieCect 

That chief was slowly adFancing towasds Lima, 
j&om wbich, indeed, he was removed hot a few days' 
march^ Gready perplexed, Blasco NuiLez now fek 
tjbe k)neliness of lus condition. Standing aloaf^ as 
it were, from lus own fdlowers, thwarted by the 
Audience, betrayed t)y his soldiers, he oii^t wc9 
feel the consequences of his misconduct. If et there 
seemed no other course for him, but either to 
march out and meet the enemy, or to remain in 
Lima and defend it. He had placed the town in a 
posture of defence, which argued this last to have 
been his original purpose. But he felt he could no 
longer rely on his troops, and he decided on a thiid 
course, most unexpected. 

This was to abandon the capital, and withdraw to 
Truxillo, about eighty leagues distant. The women 
would embark on board the squadron, and, with the 
effects of the citizens, be transported by water. 
The troops, with the rest of the inhabitants, would 
march by land, laying waste the country as they pro- 
ceeded- Gonzalo Pizarro, when he arrived at Lima, 
would find it without supplies for his army, and, 


thus stradti^ied, he wodd not can to take a long 
march acrosi a desert in aeaich of his enemy .^ 

Whai the riceroy proposed to effect by ttds move- 
ment is not clear, miless it were Id gain time ; and 
yet the more time he had gained, dMis &r, the worse 
it had pioved for him. Bot he was destinad to 
eacountsT a decided opposition from the jodges. 
They contended that he had no wanant for such an 
act, and that the Aodienoe could not lawfully hold 
its semioBs oot of the capitaL Blasco Nullez per- 
sisted in his determination, moniacing that body with 
foDcey if necessary. The judges appealed to the citi- 
aoas to support them in resisting such an arbitrary 
measure* They mustered a force for their own pro^ 
tectioB, and that same day passed a decree that the 
fieeroy should be arrested. 

Late at night, Blasco NuSez was informed of the 
hostile preparations of the judges. He instantly 
gammoned his followers, to the number of more than 
two hundred, put on his armour, and prepared to 
march out at the head of his troops against the Au* 
dience* This was the true course ; for in a crisis 
like that in which he was placed, requiring prompt- 
ness and decision, the presence of the leader is es« 
sential to insure success. But, unluckily, he yield- 
ed to the remonstrances of his brother and other 
friends, who dissuaded him from rashly exposing his 
life in such a venture. 

What Blasco Nuilez neglected to do was done by 

M Ibid., lib. 5, cap. 13. — FemaiidM, Ftoto 1, Ub. 1, esp. 18. 
VOL. II. 36 


the judges. They sallied forth at the head of their 
foUowers, whose number, though small at first, they 
felt confident would be swelled by volunteers as 
they advanced. Rushing forward, they cried ool^ 
— ^^ Liberty ! Liberty ! Long live the king and the 
Audience ! " It was early dawn, and the inhabi- 
tants, startled fix>m their slumbers, ran to the win- 
dows and balconies, and, learning the olgect of the 
movement, some snatched up their arms and joined 
in it, while the women, waving their scarfe and 
kerchiefs, cheered on the assault. 

When the mob arrived before the viceroy's palace, 
they halted for a moment, uncertain what to do. 
Orders were given to fire on them firom the wffl- 
dows, and a volley passed over their heads. No ODe 
was injured ; and the greater part of the viceroy^ 
men, with most of the officers, — including some 
of those who had been so anxious for his personal 
safety, — now openly joined the populace. The 
palace was then entered, and abandoned to pillage. 
Blasco Nuilez, deserted by all but a few faithful 
adherents, made no resistance. He surrendered to 
the assailants, was led before the judges, and by 
them was placed in strict confinement. The citi- 
zens, delighted with the result, provided a colIatioB 
for the soldiers ; and the affair ended without the 
loss of a single life. Never was there so bloodless 
a revolution.'^ 

17 Relacion de los Sacesos del MS. — Pedro Pizano, DcBeob. y 
Peru, MS. — Relacion Anonima, Conq., MS. — Fernandes, Hi*. 


The first business of the judges was to dispose 
of the prisoner. He was sent, under a strong 
guard, to a neighbouring island, till some measures 
could be taken respecting him. He was declared to 
be deposed from his o&ce ; a provisional government 
was established, consisting of their own body, with 
Cepeda at its head, as president ; and its first act 
was to pronounce the detested ordinances sus- 
pended, till instructions could be received fix>m 
Court It was also decided to send Blasco NuBez 
back to Spain with one of their own body, who 
should explain to the emperor the nature of the late 
disturbances, and vindicate the measures of the Au- 
dience. This was soon put in execution. The 
Licentiate Alvarez was the person selected to bear 
the viceroy company; and the unfortunate com- 
mander, after passing several days on the desolate 
island, with scarcely any food, and exposed to all 
the inclemencies of the weather, took his departure 
for Panam^.^^ 

A more formidable adversary yet remained in 

M Peni, Pirte 1, lib. 1, cap. 19. el Men de8ta tiem." Carta, MS., 

— Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, ubi supra. 

cap. 11. — Carta de Gonzalo Pi- i^ Carta de Gomalo Pizarro a 

nno a Valdiria, MS. ValdiTia, MS. — Relacioa de loe 

Gonzalo Pizarro deroutly draws Suoesos del Peru, MS. 

a conelasion from this, that the rey- The story of the seizure of the 

ohitioa was clearly brought about Ticeroy is well told by the writer 

by the hand of God for the good of the last MS., who seems here, 

of the land. " E hiz6ee sin que at least, not unduly biased in favor 

s un hombre, ni fuese herido, of Blasco NuOes, though a par- 
nkn que Dice la guiava para 


Gonzalo Pizarro, wbo had now advanced to Xauia, 
about ninety miles from Lima. Here he lialtedi 
while numbers of the cidzeiis prepared to join Us 
banner, choosing rather to take service ttnder hifil 
than to remain under the Mlf-constitutod withoikjr 
of the Audience. The judges, meanwhile) who had 
tasted the sweets ol office too short a time to be 
content to resign ibem^ after oonsideraUe delaj, sent 
an embassy to the PtocuratM. They annouttced to 
him the revoluticMi that had taken plac^ and At 
suspension of the ordinances The great object of 
his missbn had been thus Mcomplished; and) tts i 
new government was now oiganisced) they Cdlled Oi 
him to show his obedience to it, by distNanding hh 
forces, and withdrawing to the unmolested ei^oj^ 
ment of his estates. It was a bcdd demand,—- 
though couched in the most courteous and cotn]ili» 
mcntary phrase, — to make of one in Piaarro's p(K 
sition. It was attempting to scare away die eagle 
just ready to stoop on his prey. If the chief bsd 
faltered, however, he would have been reassured by 
his lion-hearted lieutenant. "Never show faint 
heart," exclaimed the latter, " when you are so near 
the goal. Success has followed every step of your 
path. You have now only to stretch forth yow 
hand, and seize the government. Every thing else 
will follow.'^ — The envoy who brought the message 
from the judges was sent back with the answer^ 
that " the people had called Gonzalo Pizarro to die 
government of the country, and, if the Audience did 

Cl tul] seiskd and pepossd bt thk audiknce. 285 

not at once invest him with it^ the city should be 
delivered up lo pillage.'' ^^ 

The bewildered magistrates were thrown into 
disioay by this decisive answer^ Yet loth to resign, 
thej took cowisel in their perplexity of Vaca de 
Castro, stilt detained on board of one of the vessels. 
Bftt that commander had received too little favor 
9t the hands of his successocs to think it necessary 
to peril hb life on their account by thwarting tl^ 
jybns of Pizano* He mamtained a discreet silence, 
tfecefidce^ and left the matter to the wisdom of the 

Bfeanwhile, Carbajal was sent into the city to 
fMcken their deliberations^ He came at night, 
attended only by a small party of soldiers, intimat- 
ing his contempt of the power of the judges. His 
frst act was to seize a number of cavaliers, whom 
he dragged from their beds, and placed under ar- 
rest.. They were men of Cuzco, the same already 
noticed as having left Pizarro's ranks soon after his 
departure from that capital. While the Audience 
stiU hesitated as to the course they should pursue, 
Carbajal caused three of his prisoners, persons of 
consideration and property, to be placed on the 
backs of mules, and escorted out of town to the 
suburbs, where, with brief space allowed for con- 

^ Zmte, Cooq. del Pen, lib. royal comptroller, was the en- 

•9 cap. 13. yoj ; not much, as it appears, to 

It reqoiiedsome oouTage to carry his own satis&ctioii. He escaped, 

the uicsssgn of the Audience to howerer, nnhaimed, and has made 

Gonalo and his desperate follow- a full report of the aAir in his 

en. The historian Zarate» the ehronkie. 

286 CnriL wars of the GONQUEBOBS. [Book iy. 

fession, he hung them all on the branches of a tree. 
He superintended the execution himself, and taunt- 
ingly complimented one of his victims, by tellmg 
him, that, ^^ in consideration of his higher rank, he 
should have the privilege of selecting the bough oi 
which to be hanged!''" The ferocious office 
would have proceeded still further in his execatioiis, 
it is said, had it not been for orders received from 
his leader. But enough was done to quicken the 
perceptions of the Audience as to their course, fiir 
they felt their own lives suspended by a thread id 
such unscrupulous hands. Without fiirtha delay, 
therefore, they sent to invite Gonzalo Pizarro tD 
enter the city, declaring that the security of the 
country and the general good required the goveni-- 
ment to be placed in his hands.^^ 

That chief had now advanced within half a 

^ *' Le qaeria dar 8U muerte justicia hasta que S. M. piu i ejf W i 

con una preeminencia sefialada, lo que mas a su real serricio eoD- 

que escogiese en qual de las Ramas venia. Los Oydores visto que as 

de aqiiel Arbol queria que le col- convenia al servicio de Dice i al 

gasen." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, de S. M. i al bien destos rejnoi,'' 

lib. 5, cap. 13. — See also Rela- &c. (Carta de Gonzalo Pizanoa 

cion Anonima, MS. — Fernandez, Valdivia, MS.) But Goioalo^ 

Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 25. account of himself must be » 

SI According to Gonzalo Pizarro, ceived with more than the oaoal 

the Audience gave this invitation grain of allowance. His letter, 

in obedience to the demands of the which is addressed to Valdiria, tta 

representatives of the cities. — celebrated conqueror of Chili, eon* 

** Y a esta sazon llegu€ yo a Lima, tains a full account of the rise and 

i todos los procuradores de las progress of his rebellion. It > 

cibdades destos reynos suplicaron the best vindication, therefore, to 

al Audiencia me hiciesen Gover- be found of himself, and, as a 

nador para resistir los robos 6 fuer- counterpoise to the nairaliTea oi 

zas que Blasco NuOez andava fa- his enemies, is of inestimaUe fahie 

ciendo, i para tener la tierra en to the historian. 


league of the capital, which soon after, on the 
twenty-eighth of October, 1544, he entered in bat- 
de-array. His whole force was little short of twelve 
hundred Spaniards, besides several thousand Ind- 
ians, who dragged his heavy guns in the advance.^ 
Then came the files of spearmen and arquebusiers, 
making a formidable corps of infantry for a colonial 
army ; and lastly, the cavalry, at the head of which 
rode Pizarro himself, on a powerful charger, gayly 
caparisoned. The rider was in complete mail, over 
which floated a richly embroidered surcoat, and his 
head was protected by a crimson cap, highly orna- 
mented, — his showy livery setting off his handsome, 
sddierlike person to advantage.^ Before him was 
borne the royal standard of Castile ; for every one, 
rojralist or rebel, was careful to fight under that sign. 
This emblem of loyalty was supported on the right 
by a banner, emblazoned with the arms of Cuzco, 
and by another on the left, displaying the armorial 
bearings granted by the Crown to the Pizarros. 
As the martial pageant swept through the streets 
of Lima, the air was rent with acclamations from 
the populace, and from the spectators in the bal- 
conies. The cannon sounded at intervals, and the 
bells of the city — those that the viceroy had spared 

« He employed twelve thousand ^3 " Y el armado y con una capa 

Indians on this service, says the de grana cubierta con muchas guar- 

writer of the Relacion AnSnimaf niciones de oro 6 con sayo do bro- 

MS. But this author, although cado sobre las annas." Relacion 

living in the colonies at the time, de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. — 

talks too much at random to gain Also Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 

our implicit eoBftdence. 5, cap. 13. 


— rang out a jayous peal, as if ia honor of a vic- 
tory L 

The oaths of office were duly administered by the 
judges of the Royal Audience, and Gonzalo Pizano 
was proclaimed Governor and Captain-Geneial of 
Peru, till his Msyesty's jdeasure could be known io 
respect to the government. The new ruler thai 
took up his quarters in the palace o£ his brother,.— 
where the stains of that hcother's blood wese not 
yet effaced. Fetesj bull-fights, and toonaments 
graced the ceremony of inauguration, and were pio- 
longed for several days, while the giddy populace 
of the capital abandoned themselves to jululee,. as 
if a new and more auspicious ordec of tlungs. had 
commenced for Peru ! ^ 

M For the preceding pages re- Gonzalo Piano aVaUhift,MS.-' 

lating to Gonzalo Pizarro, see Re- ToLnXe, loc. cit. — Herreza, Hirt. 

lacion Anonima, MS. — Feman- General, dec. 7, lib. 8, c^. 16^18. 

dez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. — Relacion de Iob Sucesos dd 

1, cap. 25. — Pedro Pizarro, De- Peru, MS. — Monteainoe, Arnniei, 

scub. y Conq., MS. — Carta de MS., afio 1544. 



Defeat avd Death of the Viceroy. — Gonzalo Pizarro Lord 
or PsBV. 

1544— 1546. 

The first act of Gonzalo Pizarro was to cause 
those persons to be apprehended who had taken the 
most active part against him in the late troubles. 
Several he condemned to death ; but afterwards 
commuted the sentence, and contented himself with 
driving them into banishment and confiscating their 
estates.^ His next concern was to establish his 
authority on a firm basis. He filled the municipal 
government of Lima with his own partisans. He 
sent his lieutenants to take charge of the principal 
cities. He caused galleys to be built at Arequipa 
to secure the command of tlie seas; and brought 
Kis forces into the best possible condition, to prepare 
for future emergencies. 

^ Pedro Pizarro, Dcscub. y did not attach himself to Gonzalo^s 

Oonq., MS. P&rty, and was among those who 

The honest soldier, who tells barely escaped hanging on this 

*^ this, was more true to his king occasion. Ho seems to Iiave had 

tluQ to his kindred. At least, he little respect for his namesake. 

VOL, II. 37 

290 CnriL W ABS of the OONVnOKHUL [Bow IT. 

The Royal Aadience existed only in name ; ibr 
its powers were speedily absorbed by the new rokr, 
who desired to place the government on the same 
footing as under the marquess, his brother. Indeed, 
the Audience necessarily fell to pieces, from the po- 
sition of its several members. Alvarez had beea 
sent with the viceroy to Castile. Cepeda, the moit 
aspiring of the court, now that he had failed in hii 
ovm schemes of ambition, was content to become a 
tool in the hands of the military chief who had dii- 
^laced him. Zarate, a third judge, who hady from 
the first, protested against the vblent measures cf 
his colleagues, was confined to his house by a mor- 
tal illness ; * and Tepeda, the remaining magislnte, 
Gonzalo now proposed to send back to Castile with 
such an account of the late transacticms as shmdd 
vindicate his own conduct in the eyes of the eift- 
peror. This step was opposed by Carbajal, who 
Muntly told his commander that ^< he had gone loo 
far to expect favor from the Crown ; and that lie 
had better rely for his vindication on his pikes and 
muskets ! " ^ 

But the ship which was to transport Tepeda wai 
found to have suddenly disappeared from the port 
It was the same in which Vaca de Castro was oob- 
fined ; and that officer, not caring to trust to the 

9 Zarate, the judge, mast not secretuy of the xojbI eooeO ■ 

be oonfonnded with Zante, the Spain. 

hiatorian, who went out to Peru 3 Goman, Hist, da kf W^ 

with the Court of Audience, as cap. 179.— GarcilaaBO,CoB.Bi*^> 

contador real, royal comptroller, — Parte 8, lib. 4, cap. SI. 
having before filled ^ office of 


fOTbearance of one whose adyances, on a former oc- 
casion, he had so unceremoniously repulsed, and 
convinced, moreover, that his own presence could 
profit nothing in a land where he held no legiti- 
mate authority, had prevailed on the captain to sail 
with him to Panama. He then crossed the Isth- 
mus, and embarked for Spain. The rumors of 
his coming had already preceded him, and charges 
were not wanting against him from some of those 
whom he had offended by his administration. He 
was accused of having carried measures with a high 
hand, regardless of the rights, both of the colonist 
and of the native ; and, above all, of having em})ez- 
ded the public moneys, and of returning with his 
coffers richly freighted to Castile. This last was an 
unpardonable crime. 

No sooner had the governor set foot in his own 
country than he was arrested, and hurried to the 
fortress of Arevalo ; and, though he was afterwards 
removed to better quarters, where he was treated 
with the indulgence due to his rank, he was still 
kept a prisoner of state for twelve years, when the 
tardy tribunals of Castile pronounced a judgment 
in his favor. He was acquitted of every charge 
that had been brought against him, and, so far from 
peculation, was proved to have returned home no 
richer than he went. He was released from con- 
finement, reinstated in his honors and dignities, took 
his seat anew in the royal council, and Vaca de 
Castro enjoyed, during the remainder of his days, 
the consideration to which he was entided by his 


deserts.^ The best eulogium on the wisdom of his 
administration was afforded by the troubles brought 
on the colonies by that of his successor. The na- 
tion became gradually sensible of the value of his 
services ; though the manner in which they were 
requited by the government must be allowed to form 
a cold commentary on the gratitude of princes. 

Gonzalo Pizarro was doomed to experience a still 
greater disappointment than that caused by the es- 
cape of Vaca de Castro, in the return of Blasco 
Nuiiez. The vessel which bore him from the coun- 
try had hardly left the shore, when Alvarez, the 
judge, whether from remorse at the part which he 
had taken, or apprehensive of the consequences of 
carrying back the viceroy to Spain, presented him- 
self before that dignitary, and announced that he 
was no longer a prisoner. At the same time he 
excused himself for the part he had taken, by his 
desire to save the life of Blasco Nuiiez, and extri- 
cate him from his perilous situation. He now placed 
the vessel at his disposal, and assured him it should 
take him wherever he chose. 

The viceroy, whatever faith he may have placed 
in the judge's explanation, eagerly availed himself 
of his offer. His proud spirit revolted at the idea 
of returning home in disgrace, foiled, as he had 
been, in every object of his mission. He deter- 
mined to try his fortune again in the land, and his 

^ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, Peru, MS. — Montesinos, Ana^ 
cap. 15. — Relacion Anonima, MS. MS., alio 1545. — FernaodeXiHist- 
— Relacion de los Succsos del del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 88- 


only doubt was, on what point to attempt to rally 
his partisans around him. At Panama he might 
remain in safety, while he invoked assistance from 
Nicaragua, and other colonies at the north. But 
this would be to abandon his government at once ; 
and such a confession of weakness would have a 
bad effect on his followers in Peru. He determined, 
therefore, to direct his steps towards Quito, which, 
while it was within his jurisdiction, was still re- 
moved far enough from the theatre of the late 
troubles to give him time to rally, and make head 
against his enemies. 

In pursuance of this purpose, the viceroy and his 
suite disembarked at Tumbez, about the middle of 
October, 1544. Ou landing, he issued a manifesto 
setting forth the violent proceedings of Gonzalo 
Pizarro and his followers, whom he denounced as 
traitors to their prince, and he called on all true sub- 
jects in the colony to support him in maintaining 
the royal authority. The call was not unheeded ; 
and volunteers came in, though tardily, from San 
Miguel, Puerto Viejo, and other places on the coast, 
cheering the heart of the viceroy with the convic- 
tion that the sentiment of loyalty was not yet ex- 
tinct in the bosoms of the Spaniards. 

But, while thus occupied, he received tidings of 
the arrival of one of Pizarro's captains on the coast, 
with a force superior to his own. Their number 
was exaggerated ; but Blasco NuHez, without wait- 
ing to ascertain the truth, abandoned his position at 
Tumbez, and, with as much expedition as he could 


make across a wild and mountainous countiy half- 
buried in snow, he marched to Quito. But this 
capital, situated at the northern extremity of bis 
province, was not a favorable point for the rendez- 
vous of his followers ; and, after prolonging his staj 
till he had received assurance from Benalcazar, 
the loyal commander at Popayan, that he would 
support him with all his strength in the coming 
conflict, he made a rapid countermarch to the coast, 
and took up his position at the town of San ACgoel. 
This was a spot well suited to his purposes, as lying 
on the great high road along the shores of the Pa- 
cific, besides being the chief mart for commeicial 
intercourse with Panamd and the north. 

Here the viceroy erected his standard, and in a 
few weeks found himself at the head of a fixoe 
amounting to nearly five hundred in all, horse and 
foot, ill provided with arms and ammunition, hot 
apparently zealous in the cause. Finding himself in 
sufficient strength to commence active operations, 
he now sallied forth against several of Pizarro's cap- 
tains in the neighbourhood, over whom he obtained 
some decided advantages, which renewed his confi- 
dence, and flattered him with the hopes of regstab- 
lishing his ascendency in the country.^ 

5 Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Parte 1, lib. I, cap. 23.— Relaooo 

Valdivia, MS. — Zarate, Conq. del de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. 

Peru, lib. 5, cap. 14, 15. — Her- The author of the docoment bit 

rera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cited Dotices the strong feeling ^ 

cap. 19, 20. — Relacion Anonima, the Crown existing in sennl of 

MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, the cities ; and mentions abo tli« 


During this time, Gonzalo Pizano was not idle. 
He bad watched with anxiety the viceroy's move- 
ments ; and was now convinced that it was time to 
act, and that, if he would not be unseated himself, 
he most dislodge his formidable rival. He accord- 
ingly placed a strong garrison under a faithful officer 
in Lima, and, after sending forward a force of some 
six hundred men by land to Truxillo, he embarked 
for the same port himself, on the 4th of March, 1545, 
the very day on which the viceroy had marched from 

At Truxillo, Pizarro put himself at the head of his 
little army, and moved without loss of time against 
San Miguel. His rival, eager to bring their quarrel 
lo an issue, would fain have marched out to give 
him battle ; but his soldiers, mostly young and in- 
experienced levies, hastily brought together, were 
intimidated by the name of Pizarro. They loudly 
insisted on being led into the upper country, where 
they would be reinforced by Beualcazar ; and their 
unfortunate commander, like the rider of some un- 
manageable steed, to whose humors he is obliged to 
submit, was hurried away in a direction contrary to his 
wishes. It was the fate of Blasco Nu&ez to have his 
purposes baffled alike by his friends and his enemies. 

On arriv'mg before San Miguel, Gonzalo Pizarro 
found, to his great mortification, that his antagonist 
had left it. Without entering the town, he quick- 

lunor of a meditated assault on of Blasco Nufles ; and the facility 
dneo by tlie Indians. — The writer with which exiles credit reports in 
bekMiged to the discomfited party their own &Tar is proTerfoial. 


ened his pace, and, after traversing a valley of some 
extent, reached the skirts of a mountain chain, into 
which Blasco NuHez had entered but a few hours 
before. It was late in the evening; but Pizarro, 
knowing the importance of despatch, sent forward 
Carbajal with a party of light troops to overtake the 
fugitives. That captain succeeded in coming up 
with their lonely bivouac among the mountains at 
midnight, when the weary troops were buried in 
slumber. Startled from their repose by the blast 
of the trumpet, which, strange to say, their enemy 
had incautiously sounded,^ the viceroy and his men 
sprang to their feet, mounted their horses, grasped 
their arquebuses, and poured such a volley into the 
ranks of their assailants, that Carbajal, disconcerted 
by his reception, found it prudent, with his inferior 
force, to retreat. The viceroy followed, till, fearing 
an ambuscade in the darkness of the night, he with- 
drew, and allowed his adversary to rejoin the main 
body of the army under Pizarro. 

This conduct of Carbajal, by which he allowed 
the game to slip through his hands, from mere 
carelessness, is inexplicable. It forms a singular ex- 
ception to the habitual caution and vigilance dis- 
played in his military career. Had it been the act 
of any other captain, it would have cost him his 
head. But Pizarro, although greatly incensed, set 

8 " Mas Francisco Caniajal q los anna : y sentido per el Virey ee 

Tua siguiendo, lleg6 quatro horas leuant6 lucgo el primero." ^e^ 

de la noche k dode estauan : y con nandez. Hist, del Peru, Parte 1| 

vna Trompeta que lleuaua les toc6 lib. 1, cap. 40. 


too high a value on the services and well-tried at- 
tachment of his lieutenant, to quarrel with him. 
Still it was considered of the last importance to 
overtake the enemy, before he had advanced much 
farther to the north, where the difiiculties of the 
ground would greatly embarrass the pursuit. Car- 
bajal, anxious to retrieve his error, was accordingly 
again placed at the head of a corps of light troops, 
with instructions to harass the enemy's march, cut 
off his stores, and keep him in check, if possible, 
till the arrival of Pizarro/ 

But the viceroy had profited by the recent delay 
to gain considerably on his pursuers. His road led 
across the valley of Caxas, a broad, uncultivated dis- 
trict, affording little sustenance for man or beast. 
Day after day, his troops held on their march 
through this dreary region, intersected with barran- 
cas and rocky ravines that added incredibly to their 
toil. Their principal food was the parched com, 
which usually formed the nourishment of the travel- 
ling Indians, though held of much less account by 
the Spaniards ; and this meagre fare was reinforced 
by such herbs as they found on the way-side, 
which, for want of better utensils, the soldiers 
were fain to boil in their helmets.® Carbajal, mean- 
while, pressed on them so close, that their baggage. 

^ Ibid., ubi supra. — Herrera, algunas Jervas, que cocian en las 

Hiat. General, dec. 7, lib. 9, cap. Celadaa, quando paraban k dar 

tt.-^Garcilaaao, Com. Real., lib. aliento a los Caballos." Herrera, 

4, cap. 26. Hist. General, dee. 7, lib. 9, cap. 

* " Caminando, pues, comiendo S4. 
VOL. II. 38 


ammimitioii, and sometiiiies their nudes, fell inlo Us 
hands. The indefatigable wairior was always on 
their track, by day and by nig^t, allowing them 
scarcely any repose. They spread no tent, and 
lay down in their arms, with their steeds standing 
saddled beside them; and hardly had the weaiy 
sddier closed his eyes, when he was starded by the 
cry that the enemy was upon him.* 

At length, the harassed fidbwers of Blasoo Nn- 
lles reached the depotiada^ or desert of Pahos^ 
which stretches towards the north for many a 
dreary league. The ground, intersected by numer- 
ous streams, has the character of a great quagnme^ 
and men and horses floundered about in the stag- 
nant waters, or with difficulty worked their way 
over the marsh, or opened a passage tbroag|i*Ae 
tangled underwood that shot up in rank luxuriance 
from the surface. The wayworn hcMses, without 
food, except such as they could pick up in the 
wilderness, were often spent with travel, and, be- 
coming unserviceable, were left to die on the road, 
with their hamstrings cut, that they might be of m 
use to the enemy; though more frequently they 
were despatched to afford a miserable banquet to 
their masters.^^ Many of the men now fainted bf 

' << I sin que en todo el cammo Caballos del Cabestio, am eapov 

loe Tno8, ni loa otros, quitaaen laa k poner ToMoa, ni k adeie$ar hi 

SiUaailoaCabaUo8,aiuiqii6eDe8te otiaa fonnaa, que ae auelfln torn 

etao eataba maa alerta k Gente del para star ke CafaaDos da NodK.** 

Viaorei, porqne ai algnn pequefio Zarate, Conq. del i^ni, lib. S, 

lato da k Noehe ropoaaban, era cap. S9. 
▼eatidoe, i teniendo aiempre ke i* " I en <^i*ftviimtf al GWbaDDi 


the way from mere exhaustion, or loitered in the 
woods, unable to keep up with the march. And 
woe to the straggler who fell into the hands of 
Carbajal, at least if he had once belonged to the 
party of Pizarro. The mere suspicion of treason 
sealed his doom with the unrelenting soldier.^^ 

The sufferings of Pizarro and his troop were 
scarcely less than those of the viceroy; though 
they were somewhat mitigated by the natives of 
the country, who, with ready instinct, discerned 
which party was the strongest, and, of course, the 
most to be feared. But, with every alleviation, the 
chieftain's sufferings were terrible. It was repeat- 
ing the dismal scenes of the expedition to the 
Amazon. The soldiers of the Conquest must be 
admitted to have purchased their triumphs dearly. 

Yet the viceroy had one source of disquietude, 
greater, perhaps, than any arising from physical 
suffering. This was the distrust of his own fol- 
lowers. There were several of the principal cava- 
liers in his suite whom he suspected of being in 
correspondence with the enemy, and even of de- 
signing to betray him into their hands. He was so 
well convinced of this, that he caused two of these 
officers to be put to death on the march ; and their 
dead bodies, as they lay by the roadside, meeting 

k desjuretiba, i le dexaba, porqoe been himg up by his lieutenant, 

fos oontnrios no ae aprorechaaen whop&ason/iy quoted the old Span- 

de il.** Ibid., loc. cit. iah proYerb, — • The fewer of our 

II •< Had it not been for Gonaab enemies the better.' " De los ene- 

Piano's interference," says Fer- migos, los menos. Hist, del Pern, 

' many more would have Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 40. 


the eye of the soldier, told him that there were 
others to be feared in these frightful solhodes he- 
sides the enemy in his rear.^ 

Another cavalier, who held the chief commaiiil 
mider the viceroy, was executed, after a more fa- 
mal investigation of his case, at the first place wheie 
the army halted. At this distance of time, it is 
impossible to determine how far the suspdixis of 
Blasco Nuilez were founded on truth. The judg- 
ments of contemporaries are at variance." In timet 
of political ferment, the opinion of* the writer is 
generally determined by the comptezion of his poorty 
To judge from the character of Blasco NiAeii 
jealous and irritaUe, we might suppose him to haie 
acted without sufficient cause. But thb amsideia- 
tion is counterbalanced by that of the fecility with 
which his followers swerved from their allegiance to 
their commander, who seems to have had so light a 
hold on their affections, that they were shaken off 
by the least reverse of fortune. Whether his 

^ ** Lo6 ailigidos Soldados, que death, had serred bim to that tiM 

por el cansancio de loa CabaUoa with their livea and fbrtanes, dit- 

iban k pie con terrible angustia, por ndases the affair with the t 

la persecacion de loa Enemigoe, reflectioD, that men fonned < 

que iban oerca, i por la fiitiga de ent judgmentB on it. ** SobmeUM 

la hambre, quando Tieron loa Cner- mnertea nuo en el PerO ywnm J 

po6 de loa doa Capitanea mnertos contnirioa jayaoa y opinionea, dB 

en aqael camino qaedaron atoni- cnlpa y de an deaeargo." (Hiit 

toa." Herrera, IliaL Genera], del Pern, Pttte 1, lib. 1, oqp. 41.) 

dec. 7, lib. 9, cap. 85. Gomara aays, mora unequifoeiDyi 

13 Fernandez, who held a loyal '< All oondemned it." (HkL dB 

pen, and one aufficiently friendly to laa Ind., eap. 1S7.) Tba veig^ 

the viceroy, aAer atating that the of opinion aeema to haro htm 

officers, whom the latter put to against the meioy. 


incions were well or ill founded, the effect was the 
same on the mind of the viceroy. With an enemy 
in his rear whom he dared not fight, and followers 
whom he dared not trust, the cup of his calamities 
was nearly full. 

At length, he issued forth on firm ground, and, 
passing through Tomebamba, Blasco Nuilez reen- 
tered his northern capital of Quito. But his recep- 
tion was not so cordial as that which he had before 
experienced. He now came as a fiigitive, with a 
formidable enemy in pursuit; and he was soon 
made to feel that the surest way to receive sup- 
port is not to need it. 

Shaking from his feet the dust of the disloyal 
city, whose superstitious people were alive to many 
an omen that boded his approaching ruin,^^ the 
unfortunate commander held on his way towards 
Pastos, in the jurisdiction of Benalcazar. Pizarro 
and his forces entered Quito not long after, disap- 
pointed, that, with all his diligence, the enemy still 
eluded his pursuit. He halted only to breathe his 
men, and, declaring that " he would follow up the 
viceroy to the North Sea but he would overtake 
him," ''* he resumed his march. At Pastos, he 
nearly accomplished his object. His advance-guard 

J* Some of these omens recorded Perroe andaban por las Calles, 

bj the historian — as the howling dando frrandes i temeroeos ahulli- 

of dogs — were certainly no mira- dos, i los Homhres andaban asom- 

cles. •• En esta lamentable, i an- brados, i fuera de si." Herrera, 

pustiosa partida, miirhos afirma- Hist. Genera], dec. 7, lib. 10, 

ron. haver visto por el Aire mu- cap. 4. 
eho8 Cometas, i que quadrillas de ^ Riid., ubi rapra. 

902 ciTiL WAM or THE omnnnEMMn. [Bmk it. 

came up with Blaioo NuBes as tbe latter was halt- 
wg on the opposite bank of a rivalet« PizainA 
men, fainting from toil and heat, sta^ered feebly to 
the water-side, to slake their burning thirst, and k 
would buvo been easy for the viceroy's troops, n- 
freshod by repose, and superior in number to tbek 
foes, to have routed them'. But Blasco NuBes could 
not bring his scddiers to the charge. They had 
fled so long before their enemy, that the mem sight 
of him filled their hearts with panic, and they would 
have no more thought of turning against hun than 
the hare would turn against the hound that pmmei 
her. Their safety, they felt, was to flj, not to fight, 
aiH) thry profited by the exhaustioD of thenr ponn- 
iMTS only to quieken their retreat. 

tHmaalo Pixarro continued the chase some leagues 
hey^^iul Ihistos; iNiiien> finding himself carried fir* 
ther than hc^ desirtH) into the territories of Benal- 
e4M4r« <kwi not caring to encomiter this formidahle 
^NApi^iiu M disSMlYantu^^ he came to a halt^ and, 
tHklwithcM-fftiHlin^ kb aw^nifitent Taunt about die 
Nv^iHh S«^ iwkwd a letnfgil* and made a rapid 
v\Hiui^r««KMvii <iitt 4^i«x Here he feimd octupatioB 
iM r\ (KAmii^ the wjtsti^ $(wm of hb troops^ and in 
»ivvH^tilKiak»^ kaoisii^Iir wTch tinfsk remfeiireiiienB, 
\^Ut\'bi tjUAK^ bcr^<j^:$i!rii b^b aumbeirs: cIknii^ these 
>MVYc ^^oitt ilkrtiUK^d by a hodj that he 

Ik" iK>w IkMirth^ hinil bcok^Q! mit ni the somIl h 
^^ biCitti^ b;v l^^ CeirCKfiiiiX COM of hb emm oft- 
sv<s ^bMft Ihr hwl ^Ktabfitfiiieii as L«a FuiOL die in- 


habitants of which place had joined in the revolt and 
raised the standard for the Crown. With the rest 
of his forces, Pizarro resolved to remain at Quito, 
waiting the hour when the viceroy would reenter 
his dominions ; as the tiger crouches by some spring 
in the wilderness, patiently waiting the return of 
his victims. 

Meanwhile Blasco Nufiez had pushed forward his 
retreat to Popayan, the capital of Benalcazar's prov- 
ince. Here he was kindly received by the people ; 
and his soldiers, reduced by desertion and disease 
to one fifth of their original number, rested from the 
unparalleled fatigues of a march which had con- 
tbued for more than two hundred leagues.'^ It 
was not long before he was joined by Cabrera, 
Benalcazar's lieutenant, with a stout reinforcement, 
and, soon after, by that chieftain himself. His 
whde force now amounted to near four hundred 
men, most of them in good condition, and well 
trained in the school of American warfare. His 
own men were sorely deficient both in arms and 
ammunition ; and he set about repairing the want by 
building furnaces for manufacturing arquebuses and 

Id This Tetreat of Blasco NuHez Conq. del Peni, lib. 5, cap. 19, 

may undoubtedly compare, if not 29. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a 

m duration, at least in sharpness Valdivia, MS. — Herrera, Hist, 

of suffering, with any expedition Genera], dec. 7, lib. 9, cap. 20-26. 

in the New World, — save, in- —Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 

deed, thai of Gronzalo Pizarro him- 1, lib. 1, cap. 40, et seq. — Rela- 

lelf to the Amazon. The particu- cion de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. 

hn of it may be found, with more — Relacion Anonima, MS. — Mon- 

or leas amplification, in Zarate, tesinos, Annalea, MS., alio 1545. 


pikes.^' — One femiliar with the histDry of these 
times is surprised to see the readiness with wUch 
the Spanish adventurers turned their hands to n- 
rious trades and handicrafts usually requiring a 
long apprenticeship. They displayed the dezCeiitf 
so necessary to setders in a new country, when 
every man must become in some degree his owi 
artisan. But this state of things, however fiivoiaUe 
to the ingenui^ of the artist, is not very propitioos 
to the advancement of the art; and there can be 
litde doubt that the weapons thus made by the sol- 
diers of Blasco NuBez were of the most rode and 
imperfect construction. 

As week after week rolled away, Gonzalo Kbu- 
ro, though fortified with the patience of a SpaniA 
soldier, felt uneasy at the protracted stay of Blasoo 
NuHez in the north, and he resorted to stratagem to 
decoy him from his retreat He marched out d 
Quito with the greater part of his forces, pretending 
that he was going to support his lieutenant in the 
south, while he left a garrison in the city under the 
command of Puelles, the same officer who had f(v- 
merly deserted from the viceroy. These tidings he 
took care should be conveyed to the enemy's camp. 
The artifice succeeded as he wished. Blasco NuBes 
and his followers, confident in their superiority over 
Puelles, did not hesitate for a moment to profit by 

17 « ProYei6, que se tngeae alii uempo se forjaion en eUas i 

todo el hienx) que ae pndo haver toa Aicabnoes, oon todoe raa apnt- 

en la ProTincia, i buao6 Maeatroe, joa." Zaiate, Conq. del Fani 

i hi^o adere^ar Fragnaa, i en bie?e lib. 6, cap. 34. 


the supposed absence of Pizarro. Abandoning Po* 
payan, the viceroy, early in January, 1546, moved 
by rapid marches towards the south. But before he 
reached the place of his destination, he became ap- 
prised of the snare into which he had been drawn. 
He cominuniccited the fact to his officers ; but he 
had already suffered so much from suspense, that his 
only desire now was, to bring his quarrel with Pi- 
zarro to the final arbitrament of arms. 

That chief, meanwhile, had been wejl informed, 
through his spies, of the viceroy's. movements. On 
learning the departure of the latter from Popayan, 
he had reentered Quito, joined his forces with those 
of Puelles, and, issuing from the capital, had taken 
ap a strong position about three leagues to the 
north, on a high ground that commanded a stream, 
across which the enemy must pass. It was not long 
before the latter came in sight, and Blasco Nullez, 
as night began to fall, established himself on the 
opposite bank of the rivulet. It was so near to the 
enemy's quarters, that the voices of the sentinels 
could be distinctly heard in the opposite camps, and 
they did not fail to salute one another with the 
epithet of " traitors." In these civil wars, as we 
have seen, each party claimed for itself the exclu- 
sive merit of loyalty.^® 

But Benalcazar soon saw that Pizarro's position 

18 «( Que 86 Uegaron k hablar los tentaba la toz del Rei, i asi eatu- 

Conedorea de ambas partea, 11a- Tieron toda aquella noche agoax^ 

Mandoae Traidorea loa rnos k los dando." Ibid., obi supra. 
ados, fundando, que cada too soa- 

VOL. II. 39 


was too Strong to be assailed with any chance of 
success. He proposed, therefore, to the viceroy, to 
draw off his forces secretly in the night ; and, mak- 
ing a detour round the hills, to fall on the enemj's 
rear, where he would be least prepared to receive 
them. The counsel was approved ; and, no sooner 
were the two hosts shrouded from each other's eyes 
by the darkness, than, leaving his camp-fires burning 
to deceive the enemy, Blasco Nuiiez broke up his 
quarters, and began his circuitous march in the di- 
rection of Quito. But either he had been mis- 
informed, or his guides misled him; for the roads 
proved so impracticable, that he was compelled to 
make a circuit of such extent, that dawn broke 
before he drew near the point of attack. Finding 
that he must now abandon the advantage of a sur- 
prise, he pressed forward to Quito, where he arrived 
with men and horses sorely fatigued by a night- 
march of eight leagues, from a point which, by the 
direct route, would not have exceeded three. It 
was a fatal error on the eve of an engagement." 

19 For the preceding pages, see battle with Pizarro nine days later. 

Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, (Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 

cap. 34, 35. — Gomara, Hist, de 1.) This last event, which, by the 

las Ind., cap. 167. — Carta de testimony of Fernandez, y^fV oi 

Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. the eighteenth of the raonth, «». 

— Montesinos, Annales, MS., ailo by the agreement of such contcm- 

1546. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, porary authorities as 1 haTC con- 

Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 50-52. suited, — as stated in the text,- 

Herrera, in his account of these on the evening of the same day in 
transactions, has fallen into a strange whioh the viceroy entered Quito- 
confusion of dates, fixing the time Herrera, though his work is ar- 
of the viceroy's entry into Quito on ranged on the chronological system 
the 10th of January, and that of his of annals, is by no means immi^ 


He found the capital nearly deserted by the men. 
They had all joined the standard of Pizarro ; for 
they had now caught the general spirit of disaffec- 
tion, and looked upon that chief as their protector 
irom the oppressive ordinances. Pizarro was the 
representative of the people. Greatly moved at this 
desertion, the unhappy viceroy, lifting his hands to 
heaven, exclaimed, — ^^ Is it thus. Lord, that thou 
abandonest thy servants ? " The women and chil^ 
dren came out, and in vain offered him food, of 
which he stood obviously in need, asking him, at the 
same time, " Why he had come there to die ? " 
His followers, with more indifference than their com- 
mander, entered the houses of the inhabitants, and 
unceremoniously appropriated whatever they could 
find to appease the cravings of appetite. 

Benalcazar, who saw the temerity of giving bat- 
tle, in their present condition, recommended the 
viceroy to try the effect of negotiation, and of- 
fered himself to go to the enemy's camp, and ar- 
range, if possible, terms of accommodation with 
Pizarro. But Blasco Nuilez, if he had desponded 
for a moment, had now recovered his wonted con- 
stancy, and he proudly replied, — " There is no faith 
to be kept with traitors. We have come to fight, 
not to parley ; and we must do our duty like good 
and loyal cavaliers. I will do mine,'' he continued, 

nhte as to his dates. Quintana lier period of the PeruTian con- 
kas exposed sereral glaring anach- qaest. See his Espafioles Cels- 
I of the historian in the eai^ bres, torn. 11. Appendix, No, 7. 


^^and be assured I will be the first man to break 
a lance with the enemy." ^ 

He then called his troops together, and addressed 
to them a few words preparatory to marching. 
"You are all brave men,'' he said, "and loyal to 
your sovereign. For my own part, I hold life as 
little in comparison with my duty to my prince. 
Yet let us not distrust our success ; the Spaniard, io 
a good cause, has often overcome greater odds than 
these. And we are fighting for the right ; it is the 
cause of God, — the cause of God,''** he ccmcluded, 
and the soldiers, kindled by his generous ardor, an- 
swered him with huzzas that went to the heart of 
the unfortunate commander, little accustomed of 
late to this display of enthusiasm. 

It was the eighteenth of January, 1546, when 
Blasco Nuflez marched out at the head of his array, 
from the ancient city of Quito. He had proceeded 
but a mile,® when he came in view of the enemy, 
formed along the crest of some high lands, which, 
by a gentle swell, rose gradually from the plains of 
Afiaquito. Gonzalo Pizarro, greatly chagrined on 
ascertaining the departure of the viceroy, early in 
the morning, had broken up his camp, and directed 
his march on the capital, fully resolved that his 
enemy should not escape him. 

20 *» Yo 08 prometo, que la pri- Dios es la causa, de Dios cs U 

mera laga que se rompa en los ene- causa." Zarate, Conq. del Peni« 

migoe, sea la mia (y assi lo cum- lib. 5, cap. 35. 

plio)." Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, sa «< Un quarto de legua dc h 

Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 53. ciudad." Carta de Goimlo ^ 

s^ '* Que de Dios es la causa, de zarro a Yaldim, MS. 


The viceroy's troops, now coming to a halt, were 
formed in order of batde. A small body of arquebu- 
siers was stadoned in the advance to begin the fight. 
The remainder of that corps was distributed among 
the spearmen, who occupied the centre, protected 
on the flanks by the horse drawn up in two nearly 
equal squadrons. The cavalry amounted to about 
one hundred and forty, being litde inferior to that 
on the other side, though the whole number of the 
viceroy's forces, being less than four hundred, did 
not much exceed the half of his rival's. On the 
right, and in front of the royal banner, Blasco Nu- 
fiez, supported by thirteen chosen cavaliers, took his 
station, prepared to head the attack. 

Pizarro had formed his troops in a corresponding 
manner with that of his adversary. They mustered 
about seven hundred in all, well appointed, in good 
condition, and officered by the best knights in Pe- 
ru.*' As, notwithstanding his superiority of num- 
bers, Pizarro did not seem inclined to abandon 
his advantageous position, Blasco Nufiez gave or- 
ders to advance. The action commenced with 
the arquebusiers, and in a few moments the dense 
clouds of smoke, rolling over the field, obscured 
every object ; for it was late in the day when 

9 The aoMRmt of the nambers writers. Pizarro estimates his ad- 

on both sides is yariously given, as versary's force at four hundred and 

usual, making, however, more than fifty men, and his own at only six 

the usual diflerence in the relative hundred ; an estimate, it mKy be 

proportions, since the sum total is remarked, that does not make that 

so small. I have conformed to the given in the text any less cred- 

tiatemeots of the best-instructed ible. 


the action began, and the light was rapidly fad- 

The infantry, now levelling their pikes, advanced 
under cover of the smoke, and were soon hotly en- 
gaged with the opposite files of spearmen. Then 
came the charge of the cavalry, which — notwith' 
standing they were thrown into some disorder by 
the fire of Pizarro's arquebusiers, far superior in 
number to their own — was conducted with such 
spirit that the enemy's horse were compelled to reel 
and fall back before it But it was only to recoil 
with greater violence, as, like an overwhelming wave, 
Pizarro's troopers rushed on their foes, driving them ^ 
along the slope, and bearing down man and horse 
in indiscriminate ruin. Yet these, in turn, at lengdi 
rallied, cheered on by the cries and desperate efiorts 
of their officers. The lances were shivered, and 
they fought hand to hand with swords and battle- 
axes mingled together in wild confusion. But the 
struggle was of no long duration ; for, though the 
numbers were nearly equal, the ^ceroy's cavalry, 
jaded by the severe march of the previous night,** 
were no match for their antagonists. The ground 
was strewn with the wreck of their bodies ; and 
horses and riders, the dead and the dying, lay heaped 
on one another. Cabrera, the brave lieutenant of 
Benalcazar, was slain, and that commander was 
thrown under his horse's feet, covered with wounds, 
and left for dead on the field. Alvarez, the judge, 

^ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, o^. 35. 


w^s mortally wounded. Both he and his colleague 
Cepeda were in the action, though ranged on oppo- 
site sides, fighting as if they had been bred to arms, 
not to the peaceful profession of the law. 

Yet Blasco NuQez and his companions maintained 
a brave struggle on the right of the field. The 
viceroy had kept his word by being the first to 
break his lance against the enemy, and by a well- 
directed blow had borne a cavalier, named Alonso 
de Montalvo, clean out of his saddle. But he was 
at length overwhelmed by numbers, and, as his com- 
panions, one after another, fell by his side, he was 
left nearly unprotected. He was already wounded, 
when a blow on the head from the battle-axe of a 
soldier struck him from his horse, and he fell stun- 
ned on the ground. Had his person been known, 
he might have been taken alive, but he wore a 
sobre-vest of Indian cotton over his armour, which 
concealed the military order of St. James, and the 
other badges of his rank.*^ 

Hb person, however, was soon recognized by 
one of Pizarro's followers, who, not improbably, 

* He wore this dress, says Gar- — It most be confessed that this is 
eilisao de la Vega, that he might the general motive for a disguise. 
&re no better than a common sol- " I Blasco Nufiez puso mucha 
dicr, but take his chance with the diligencia por poder huirse si pu- 
rest. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. diera, porquc venia Testido con una 
4, cap. 34.) Pizarro gives him camiseta de Yndioe por no ser co- 
credit for no such magnanimous in- nocido, i no quiso Dios porque 
tent. According to him, the vice- pagase quantos males por su causa 
roy assumed this disguise, that, his se havian hecho.** Carta de Gon- 
iink being unknown, he might lalo Piiarro a Valdivia, MS. 
hftTe the better chance for escape. 


had once followed the viceroy's banner. The sol- 
dier immediately pointed him out to the Licentiate 
Carbajal. lliis person was the brother of the ca?- 
alier whom, as the reader may remember, Blasoo 
NuQez had so rashly put to death in his palace at 
Lima* The licentiate had afterwards taken ser- 
vice under Pizarro, and, with several of his kindred, 
was pledged to take vengeance on the viceroy. 
Instantly riding up, he taunted the fallen command- 
er with the murder of his brother, and was in the 
act of dismounting to despatch him with his own 
hand, when Puelles remonstrating on this, as an act 
of degradation, commanded one of his attendants, 
a black slave, to cut off the viceroy's head. This 
the fellow executed with a single stroke of his 
sabre, while the wretched man, perhaps then dying 
of his wounds, uttered no word, but with eyes 
imploringly turned up towards heaven, received the 
fatal blow.^ The head was then borne aloft on 
a pike, and some were brutal enough to pluck oat 
the grey hairs from the beard and set them in 
their caps, as grisly trophies of their victory.*^ The 
fate of the day was now decided. Yet still the 

» Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, rera. Hist. General, dec. 8, Kb. 

Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54. — Zarate, 1, cap. 3. 
Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35. « " Aviendo algunos capitaiies 

" Mandd k un Negro que traia, y personas arrancado y pelade al- 
que le cortase la Cabe^a, i en todo gnnas de sua blancas y leales bar- 
est© no se conocid flaque^a en el uas, para traer por empresa, y Jai 
Visorrei, ni habld palabra, ni higo de la Torre las traxo despues publi- 
mas movimiento, que algar los ojos camente en la gom por la dadad 
al Cielo, dando muestras de mucha de los Reyes." Femandes, Hist. 
Christiandad, i constancia." Her- del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 5#. 


infantry made a brave stand, keeping Pizarro's 
horse at bay with their bristling array of pikes. 
But their numbers were thinned by the arque- 
busiers; and, thrown into disorder, they could no 
longer resist the onset of the horse, who broke 
into their column, and soon scattered and drove 
them off the ground. The pursuit was neither 
bng nor bloody; for darkness came on, and Pi- 
zarro bade his trumpets sound, to call his men 
together under their banners. 

Though the action lasted but a short time, nearly 
one third of the viceroy's troops had perished. The 
ki68 of their opponents was inconsiderable.^ Sev- 
eral c^ the vanquished cavaliers took refuge in the 
churches of Quito. But they were dragged from 
the sanctuary, and some — probably those who had 
once espoused the cause of Pizarro — were led to 
execution, and others banished to Chili. The great- 
er part were pardoned by the conqueror. Benal- 
cazar, who recovered from his wounds, was per- 
mitted to return to his government, on condition of 
no more bearing arms against Pizarro. His troops 
were invited to tike service under the banner of 
the victor, who, however, never treated them with 
the confidence shown to his ancient partisans. He 
was greatly displeased at the indignities offered to 

* The estimates of killed and own at only seren killed and but a 

wovnded in this action are as di»- few wounded. But how rarely is 

oardant as usual. Some carry the it that a faithful bulletin is issued 

viceroy*s loss to two hundred, by the parties engaged in the ao- 

while Gonxalo Pizarro rates his tion! 
VOL. II. 40 


the viceroy; whose mangled remains he caused to 
be buried with the honors due to his rank in the 
cathedral of Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro, attired in 
black, walked as chief mourner in the processicHi. 

— It was usual with the Pizarros, as we have seen, 
to pay these obituary honors to their victims.** 

Such was the sad end of Blasco Nu&ez Vela, first 
viceroy of Peru. It was less than two years since he 
had set foot in the country, a period of unmitigated 
disaster and disgrace. His misfortunes may be im- 
puted partly to circumstances, and partly to lus own 
character. The minister of an odious and oppres- 
sive law, he was intrusted with no discretionary 
power in the execution of it.** Yet every man may, 
to a certain extent, claim the right to such a power; 

^ For the accounts of the battle se viniese 4 meter en las mamB 

of Anaquito, rather summarily de- para quitamos de tantos cuidadoSf 

spatched by most writers, see Carta i que pagase quantos males ham 

de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. fecho en la tierra, la qual quedd 

— Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. tan asosegada i tan en paz i serricio 
170. — Herrera, Hist. General, de S. M. como lo estuvo en tierapo 
dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 1 -3. — Pedro del Marques mi hermano." Cula 
Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — de Gonzalo Pizarro a ValdiTia, MS. 
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. ^ G^arcilasso's reflections on this 
35. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., point are commendably tolerant 
afio 1546. — Garcilasso, Com. ** Assi acab6 este buen cauallero, 
Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 33-35. por querer porfiar tanto en laexe- 

— Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, cucion de lo que ni a mi Rcy ni t 
Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 53, 54. aquel Re3nno conuenia: doode se 

Gonzalo Pizarro seems to regard causaron tantas muertcs y dafioa de 
the battle as a sort of judicial trial E^pafloles, y de Yndios : aanqae 
by combat, in which Heaven, by no tuuo tanta culpa oomo ae le 
the result, plainly indicated the atribuye, porque lleu6 pieciao man- 
right. His remarks are edif3ring. dato de lo que hizo." Com. Real., 
'' Por donde parecer^ claramente Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 34. 
que Nuestro Seflor fud senrido este 


since, to execute a commissiouy which circumstances 
show must certainly defeat the object for which it 
was designed, would be absurd. But it requires 
sagacity to determine the existence of such a con- 
tingency, and moral courage to assume the respon- 
sibility of acting on it. Such a crisis is the se- 
verest test of character. To dare to disobey from 
a paramount sense of duty, is a paradox that a little 
soul can hardly comprehend. Unfortunately, Blasco 
NuQez was a pedantic martinet, a man of narrow 
views, who could not feel himself authorized under 
any circumstances to swerve from the letter of the 
law. Puffed up by his brief authority, moreover, 
he considered opposition to the ordinances as trea- 
son to himself; and thus, identifying himself with 
his commission, he was prompted by personal feel- 
ings, quite as much as by those of a public and 
patriotic nature. 

Neither was the viceroy's character of a kind 
that tended to mitigate the odium of his measures, 
and reconcile the people to their execution. It af- 
forded a strong contrast to that of his rival, Pizarro, 
whose frank, chivalrous bearing, and generous con- 
fidence in his followers, made him universally popu- 
lar, blinding their judgments, and giving to the worse 
the semblance of the better cause. Blasco Nuilez, 
on the contrary, irritable and suspicious, placed him- 
self in a false position with all whom he approached ; 
for a suspicious temper creates an atmosphere of 
distrust around it that kills every kindly affection. 
His first step was to alienate the members of the 


Audience who were sent to act in concert with lum. 
But this was their fault as well as his, since thej 
were as much too lax, as he w^as too severe, in the 
interpretation of the law.^ He next alienated and 
outraged the. people whom he was appointed to 
govern. And, lastly, he disgusted his own friends, 
and too often turned them into enemies ; so that, in 
his final struggle for power and Ibr existence, he 
was obliged to rely on the arm of the stranger. 
Vet in the catalogue of his qualities we must not 
pass in silence over his virtues. There are two to 
the credit of which he is undeniaUy entitled, — a 
loyalty, which shone the brighter amidst the general 
defection around him, and a constancy under mis- 
fortune, which might challenge the respect even 
of his enemies. But with the most liberal allow- 
ance for his merits, it can scarcely be doubted that 
a person more incompetent to the task assigned 
him could not have been found in Castile.^ 

31 Blasco Nullez characterized Vela rests chiefly on the anthoritj 
the four judges of the Audience in of loyal writers, some of whom 
a manner more concise than com- wrote after their return to Castile, 
plimentary, — a boy, a madman, a They would, therefore, more nato- 
booby, and a dunce ! '* Decia mu- rally lean to the side of the true 
chas veces Blasco NuHcz, que le representatiTe of the Crown, than 
havian dado el Emperador, i su to that of the rebel. Indeed, the 
Consejo de Indias vn M090, un only voice raised decidedly in &Tor 
Loco, un Necio, vn Tonto por Oi- of Pizarro is his own, — a Tcnr 
dorcs, que asi lo havian hecho suspicious authority. Yet, with all 
como ellos eran. M090 era Cepe- the prestiges in his favor, the ad- 
da, i llamaba Loco a Juan Alvarez, ministration of Blasco Nufiex, from 
i Necio k Tejada, qne no sabia universal testimony, was a total 
Latin/' Gomara, Hist, de las failure. And there is little to in- 
Ind., cap. 171. terest us in the story of the man, 

33 The account of Blasco Nufiez except his onpaiaHeled misfortniiMy 


The victory of Aflaquito was received vrith gen- 
eral joy in the neighbouring capital ; all the cities 
of Peru looked on it as sealing the downfall of the 
detested ordinances, and the name of Gonzalo Pi- 
zarro was sounded from one end of the country to 
the other as that of its deliverer. That chief con- 
tinued to prolong his stay in Quito during the wet 
season, dividing his time between the licentious 
pleasures of the reckless adventurer and the cares 
of business that now pressed on him as ruler of the 
state. His administration was stained with fewer 
acts of violence than might have been expected 
from the circumstances of his situation. So long 
as Carbajal, the counsellor in whom he unfortunately 
placed greatest reliance, was absent, Gonzalo sanc- 
tioned no execution, it was observed, but accord- 
ing to the forms of law.^ He rewarded his follow- 
ers by new grants of land, and detached several on 
expeditions, to no greater distance, however, than 
would leave it in his power readily to recall them. 
He made various provisions for the welfare of the 
natives, and some, in particular, for instructing them 
in the Christian faith. He paid attention to the 
faithful collection of the royal dues, urging on the 
colonists that they should deport themselves so as to 
conciliate the good-will of the Crown, and induce 

and the finnneas with which he maa de sa Consejo, lo aprobii- 

bore them. sen: i entonoes con Proceso en 

^ *' Nunca Pi^arro, en anaencia forma de Derecho, i confesadoe 

de Franciaco de Carrajal, an Maea- primero." Gromara, Hiat. de bs 

tre de Campo, matd, ni conainti6 Ind., cap. 172. 
£apanol, sin que todoa, IO0 

318 CIYIL WAB8 OF THE 00NQUEB0B8. [Boos IT. 

a revocatioii of the OTdinances. His admimstiatioiii 
in short, was so conducted, that even the austere 
Gasca, his successor, allowed << it was a good gor- 
emment, — for a tyrant"** 

At length, in July, 1646, the new govemor bade 
adieu to Quito, and, leaving there a su£Scient garri- 
son under his officer Puelles, began his journey to 
the south. It was a triumphal progress, and evaty- 
where he was received on the road with enthusjasm 
by the people. At Truxillo, the citizens came out in 
a body to welcome him, and the clergy chanted an- 
thems in his honor, extolling him as the '< victorious 
prince," and imjdoring the Almighty << to lengthen 
his days, and give him honcMr."* At Lima, it was 
proposed to clear away some of the buildings, and 
open a new street for his entrance, which mi^ 
ever after bear the name of the victor. But the 
politic chieftain declined this flattering tribute, and 
modestly preferred to enter the city by the usual 
way. A procession was formed of the citizens, the 
soldiers, and the clergy, and Pizarro made his entry 
into the capital with two of his principal captains 
on foot, holding the reins of his charger, while the 
archbishop of Lima, and the bishops of Cuzco, 

34 Ibid., ubi Bopra. — Fernandez praise of Gomara is leas aaqpidoa 

gives a less favorable picture of than the cennre of FemandeB. 
Gonzalo's administration. (Hist. 36 «< Victorioao Principe, bagats 

del Pern, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54 ; Dioa dichoao, i bienaTeotmado, ti 

lib. 2, cap. 13.) Femandea wrote te mantenga, i te oonserre.*' Hflg^ 

at the instance of the Conrt ; rera. Hist Genera], dee. S, 13>. % 

Gomara, though present at conrt, cap. 9. 
wrote to please himself. The 


Quito, and Bogotd, the last of whom had lately 
come to the city to be consecrated, rode by his side. 
The streets were strewn with boughs, the walls 
of the houses hung with showy tapestries, and 
triumphal arches were thrown over the way in honor 
of the victor. Every balcony, veranda, and house- 
top was crowded with spectators, who sent up huz- 
zas, loud and long, saluting the victorious soldier 
with the titles of " Liberator, and Protector of the 
peojde." The bells rang out their joyous peal, as 
on bis former entrance into the capital ; and amidst 
strains of enlivening music, and the blithe sounds 
of jubilee, Gonzalo held on his way to the palace 
of his brother. Peru was once more placed under 
the djmasty of the Pizarros.^ 

Deputies came from different parts of the country, 
tendering the congratulations of their respective 
cities ; and every one eagerly urged his own claims 
to consideration for the services he had rendered in 
the revolution. Pizarro, at the same time, received 
the welcome intelligence of the success of his arms 
in the south. Diego Centeno, as before stated, had 
there raised the standard of rebellion, or rather, 
of loyalty to his sovereign. He had made himself 
master of La Plata, and the spirit of insurrection 
had spread over the broad province of Charcas. 
Carbajal, who had been sent against him from 

* For an account of this pa- Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 

geant, see Pedro Pizarro, Descnb. 5. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a 

y Conq., MS. — Hcrrcra, Hist. Valdivia, MS. 
GeDeral, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. 0. — 


Quito, after repairing to Lima, had passed at once 
to Cuzcoy and there, strengthening his forces, had 
descended by rapid inarches on the refractory dis- 
trict. Centeno did not trust himself in the field 
against this formidable champion. He retreated 
with his troops into the fastnesses of the sierra. 
Carbajal pursued, following on his track with the 
pertinacity of a bloodhound; over mountain and 
moor, through forests and dangerous ravines, allow- 
ing him no respite, by day or by night. Eating, 
drinking, sleeping in his saddle, the veteran, eighty 
years of age, saw his own followers tire one after 
another, while he urged on the chase, like the wiU 
huntsman of Burger, as if endowed with an un- 
earthly frame, incapable of fatigue ! During this 
terrible pursuit, which continued for more than two 
hundred leagues over a savage country, Centeno 
found himself abandoned by most of his followers. 
Such of them as fell into Carbajal's hands were 
sent to speedy execution ; for that inexorable chief 
had no mercy on those who had been false to their 
party .^ At length, Centeno, with a handful of meo, 
arrived on the borders of the Pacific, and there, 
separating from one another, they provided, each ia 
the best way he could, for tiieir own safety. Their 
leader found an asylum in a cave in the mountains, 
where he was secretiy fed by an Indian curaca, tiD 

37 Pohlando los arboks con sus strongly ; alluding to the i 
cuerjMs, *' peopling the trees with which the ferocious officer hong 
their bodies," says Fernandez, up his captives on the bnncheB. 


die time again came for him to unfurl the standard 
of re?olt.* 

Carbajal, after some further decisive movements, 
which fully established the ascendency of Pizarro 
over the south, returned in triumph to La Plata. 
There he occupied himself with working the silver 
mines <^ Potosi, in which a vein, recently opened, 
promised to make richer returns than any yet dis- 
covered in Mexico or Peru ; ^ and he was soon en- 
aUed to send large remittances to Lima, deducting 
no stinted commission for himself, — for the cupidity 
of the lieutenant was equal to his cruelty. 

Gronzalo Pizarro was now undisputed master of 
Peru. From Quito to the northern confines of 
Chili, the whole country acknowledged his authori- 
ty. His fleet rode triumphant on the Pacific, and 
gave him the command of every city and hamlet on 

* For the expedition of Carba- derful than theirs, since the Span- 

jal, see Uerrera, Hiat. General, ish captain had reached an age 

dee. 8, lib. 1, cap. 0, et seq. — when the failing energies usually 

Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, crave repose. But the veteran^s 

cap. 1. — GarcilasBo, Com. Real., body seems to hare been as in- 

Parte 9, lib. 4, cap. 28, 29, 36, 30. sensible as his soul. 
— Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte ® The vein now discovered at 

I, lib. 2, cap. 1, et seq. — Carta Potosi was so rich, that the otlier 

4e Gooxalo Piiarro a Valdivia, MS. mines were comparatively deserted 

It is impossible to give, in a page in order to work this. (Zarate, 

m two, any adequate idea of the Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 4.) 

hairbreadth escapes and perilous The eflfect of the sudden influx of 

of Carbajal, not only from wealth was such, according to Gar- 

the enemy, but from liis own men, cilasso, that in ten years from this 

wlioee strength he overtasked in period an iron horseshoe, in that 

the rhiw. They rival those of the quarter, eame to be worth nearly 

rvaowned Scanderbeg, or our own its weight in silver. Com. Real.. 

Kentucky hero. Colonel Boone. Pute 1, lib. 8, cap. 24. 
They wen, indeed, &r more won- 
TOL. II. 41 


its borders. His admiral, Hinojosa, a discreet and 
gallant officer, had secured him Panam^, and, march- 
ing across the Isthmus, had since obtained for him 
the possession of Nombre de Dios, — the principal 
key of communication with Europe. His ffoca 
were on an excellent footing, including the flower of 
the warriors who had fought under his brother, and 
who now eagerly rallied under the name of Pizarro; 
while the tide of wealth that flowed in fiom tiie 
mines of Potosi supplied him with the resources 
of an European monarch. 

The new governor now began to assume a state 
correspondent with his full-blown fortunes. He 
was attended by a body-guard of eighty soldiers. 
He dined always in public, and usually with not leas 
than a hundred guests at table. He even afiected, 
it was said, the more decided etiquette of royalty, 
giving his hand to be kissed, and allowing no ooe, 
of whatever rank, to be seated in his presence* 
But this is denied by others. It would not be 
strange that a vain man like Pizarro, with a su- 
perficial, undisciplined mind, when he saw himself 
thus raised from an humble condition to the highest 
I)ost in the land, should be somewhat intoxicated by 
the possession of power, and treat with supercilious- 
ness those whom he had once approached with 
deference. But one who had often seen him in 

^ ** Traia Guarda de ochcnta ba, i k mui pocoa quiuba h G<»Tt.'* 

Alabarderos, i otros muchos de Zarate, Cooq. del Peru, lib. 6, 

Caballo, que le acompafiaban, i ia cap. 5. 
en 8u prcsenf ia ninguno se scnta* 


liis prosperity assures us, that it was not so, and 
that the governor continued to show the same frank 
and soldierlike bearing as before his elevation, min- 
ting on familiar terms with his comrades, and dis- 
playing the same qualities which had hitherto en- 
deared him to th^ people.^^ 

However this may be, it is certain there were 
not wanting those who urged him to throw off his 
allegiance to the Crown, and set up an independent 
government for himself. Among these was his lieu- 
tenant, Carbajal, whose daring spirit never shrunk 
from following things to their consequences. He 
plainly counselled Pizarro to renounce his allegiance 
at once. ^^ In fact, you have already done so," he 
said. '< You have been in arms against a viceroy, 
have driven him from the country, beaten and slain 
him in battle. What favor, or even mercy, can you 
expect from the Crown ? You have gone too far 
either to halt, or to recede. You must go boldly on, 
proclaim yourself king ; the troops, the people, will 
support you." And he concluded, it is said, by ad- 
vising him to marry the Coya, the female represent- 
ative of the Incas, that the two races might hence- 
forth repose in quiet under a common sceptre ! ^ 

*^ GardliMO, Com. Real., Parte race, was not lost on the historian 

t, Ub. 4, cap. 49. of the Incas, who has depicted 

GairilsMn had opportunities of Gonalo Pizarro m more fiiTorabla 

penonal aoquaintaoee with Gob- colors than most of his own ooun- 

ak>*s maaner of living ; for, when trymen. 
a boy, he wis sometimes admitted, ^ n>id., Parte S, lib. 4, cap. 

as be tells os, to a place at his 40. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., 

table. This eoiirtesjr, so rare from cap. 172. ~ Femandes, Hist, del 

ibe CooqfMnns to any of the Indian F^, Parte 1, lib. 9, cap. 13. 


The advice of the bold counsellor viras, perhaps, 
the most politic that could have been given to Pi- 
zarro under existing circumstances. For he was 
like one who had heedlessly climbed far up a dizzy 
precipice, — too far to descend safely, while he had 
no sure hold where he was. His*only chance was 
to climb still higher, till he had gained the summit 
But Gonzalo Pizarro shrunk from the attitude, in 
which this placed him, of avowed rebellion. Not- 
withstanding the criminal course into which he had 
been, of late, seduced, the sentiment of loyalty was 
too deeply implanted in his bosom to be wbdij 
eradicated. Though in arms against the measoies 
and ministers of his sovereign, he was not prepared 
to raise the sword against that sovereign him- 
self. He, doubtless, had conflicting emotions ia 
his bosom ; like Macbeth, and many a less noHe 

" Would not play false, 
And yel would wrongly win." 

And however grateful to his vanity might be the 
picture of the air-drawn sceptre thus painted to his 
imagination, he had not the audacity — we may, 
perhaps, say, the criminal ambition — to attempt to 
grasp it. 

The poet Molina has worke^l zalo. Julius Ciraar himeeif w 

op this scene between Carbajal and not more magnanimous, 
his commander with good effect, « Sep* mi Rej, wps E^ait, 

in his Amazonas en las Indias, Q"« muero por no oftDderiHi 

where he uses something of a T»n fijcii d« coo^rrwi., 

^- ,. • .1 . , Que plerdo por no tfr»Ttori». 

poet's hceose m the homage he QoMito infcmt « powwh, 

pays to the modest merits of Gon- Una Corona ofreclda." 

Cik IX.] HERRERA. — GOMARA. 325 

Even at this very moment, when urged to this 
desperate extremity, he was preparing a mission 
to Spain, in order to vindicate the course he had 
taken, and to solicit an amnesty for the past, with 
a fiill confirmation of his authority, as successor to 
his brother in the government of Peru. — Pizarro 
did not read the future with the calm, prophetic eye 
of Carbajal. 

Among the biognphie&l notices of the writers on Spanish colonial 
aftifSy the name of Henera, who has done more for this Tsst suhject 
than any other author, shoald certainly not he omitted. His aoconnt 
«f Pern takes its proper place in his great work, the Hisioria General 
dir Isf htduUf according to the chronological plan on which that history 
ii anaiifed. Bat as it suggests reflections not diflSnent in character 
from those suggested hy other portions of the work, I shall take the 
Ifterty to refer the reader to the Postscript to Book Third of the On- 
fanr rfMuko, for a full account of these Tolumes and their learned 

Another chronicler, to whom I ha^e heen frequently indebted in the 
p iogr e e a of the narrative, is Francisco Lopez de Gomara. The reader 
will also find a notice of this author in the Conquest of Mexico^ VoL 
IILt Book 5, Postscript. But as the remarks on his writings are there 
*^***^ to his Or6nica de Nueva Eeptffia, it may be well to add here 
aoow leiectionB on his greater worir, IBstoria de las Indias, in which 
the Penman story bears a conspicuous part. 

The ** History of the Indies " is intended to give a brief riew of the 
whole range of Spanish conquest in the islands and on the American 
aa ftr as had been achieved by the middle of the sixteenth 
For this account, Gomara, though it does not appear that he 
r Tisited the New World, was in a situation that opened to him the 
hm ■wans of information. He was well acquamted with the principal 
■m of the time, and gathered the details of their history from their 
•WB lips ; while, from his residence si oourt, he was in possession of the 
Hate of opinion there, and of the impression made by passing events on 
ihoee nest eompetent to judge of them. He was thus enabled to intro- 
dnee into hia work many interesting partionlars, not to be found in other 

326 GOMARA.— OYIEDO. [Book IT. 

noords of the period. Hu range of inqvixy citended beyond the 
doings of the Conqueron, and led him to a Borr ey of ibe general re- 
sources of the eountriea he describes, and especially of their physiBiI 
uipeci and produetions. The oondnot of his woric, no k 
tkm, shows the caltirated scholar, practised in the art of ( 
Instead of the neSveti, engaging, but childlike, of the old military t 
icleiB, Gomara handles his Tarions topics with the riirewd and ] 
eritidsm of a man of the world ; while his descriptions are \ 
with a comprehensive brevity that forms the oj^ooite to the ]oiig> 
winded and rambling paragraphs of the monkish annalist. These lita^ 
ary merits, combbed with the knowledge of the writer's oppoiUuitiss 
for information, secured his productions from the oblivioa whidi too 
often awaits the unpublished manuscript ; and he had the watisfcftiw 
to see them pass into more than one edition in his own day. Yet 
they do not bear the highest stamp of authenticity. Tlie anthor too 
readily admits accounts into his pages which are not supported by con- 
temporary testimony. This he does, not from orednlity, te his mini 
rather leans in an opposite direction, but from a want, apparently, of the 
true spirit of historic conscientiousness. The imputatioii of oaiele»- 
ness in his statements— to use a temperate phiase— waa branghl 
against Gomara in his own day ; and Garcilasso tells us, that, whoi 
called to account by some of the Peruvian cavaliera for miwlatem e n ii 
which bore hard on themselves, the historian made but an awkward 
explanation. This is a great blemish on his productions, and lenden 
them of far less value to the modem compiler, who seeks for the 
well of truth undefiled, than many an humbler but less unscrupoloos 

There is still another authority used in this work, Gonxalo Femandei 
de Oviedo, of whom I have given an account elsewhere ; and the reader 
curious in the matter vrill permit me to refer him for a critical notiee 
of his life and writings to Uie Conquest of Mexico^ Book 4, Postscript 
— His account of Peru is incorporated into his great work, Ashtfs/ < 
General Kisioria de las Indias, AfiS., where it forms the forty-sixth and 
forty-seventh books. It extends from Pizarro*s landing at Tumbei to 
Almagro's return from Chili, and thus covers the entire portioa of 
what may be called the conquest of the country. The style of iti 
execution, corresponding with that of the residue of the work to whiek 
it belongs, aflbrds no ground for criticism different from that alresdj 
passed on the general character of Oviedo's writings. 

This eminent person was at once a scholar and a man of the worid. 
Living much at court, and familiar with persons of the highest diBtiD^ 
tion in Castile, he yet passed much of his time in the colonies, and thai 
added the fruits of personal experience to what he had gained from tbe 

Ch. IX.] CIEZA DE LEON. 327 

leporti of others. His curiosity wss indefiBOigsble, extending to oTery 
dspaitment of nstunl scienoe, as well ss to the ciril and personal his- 
tory of the colonists. He was, at once, their Pliny and their Tacitus. 
ifii works abound in portraitures of character, sketched with freedom 
sad animation. His reflections are piquant, and often rise to a philo- 
•ophic tone, which discards the usual trammels of the age ; and the 
IMUgi e w of the story is varied by a multiplicity of personal anecdotes, 
tkat gire a rapid insight into the characters of the parties. 

With his eminent qualifications, and with a social position that com* 
M*^**^ respect, it is strange that so much of his writings<»-the whde 
of his great Astoria de ias Indka, and his curious Qiancua^maf — 
sboold be so long suffered to remain in manuscript. This is partly 
ehargeable to the caprice of fortune ; for the History was more than 
once on the eve of publication, and is even now understood to be pro- 
pued for the press. Yet it has serious defects, which may hsYe con- 
tributed to keep it in its present form. In its desultory and episodical 
■tyle of eompoeition, it resembles rather notes for a great history, than 
iMtory itself. It may be regarded in the light of commentaries, or as 
ffloatntions of the times. In that view his pages are of high worth, 
aad have been frequently resorted to by writers who have not too sem- 
folously appropriated the statements of the old chronicler, with slight 
■ ekaowledgments to their author. 

It ii a pity that Oriedo should have shown more solicitude to tell 
what was new, than to ascertain how much of it was strictly true. 
Among his merits will scarcely be found that of historical accuracy. 
And yet we may find an apology for this, to some extent, in the fact, 
that his writings, as already intimated, are not so much in the nature 
ef £n iBbed compositions, as of looee memoranda, where erery thing, 
r as well as fact, — eron the most contradictory rumors, — are all set 
at random, forming a miscellaneous heap of materials, of which 
the disereet historian may avail himself to rear a symmetrical fabric on 
feoadations of greater strength and solidity. 

Another author worthy of particular note is Pedro Ciexa de Leon. 
His Chhuca dd Peru should more properly be styled an Itinerary, 
or rather Geography, of Peru. It gives a minute topographical view 
of the country at the time of the Conquest ; of iu provinces and towns, 
both Indian and Spanish ; its flourishing sea-coast ; its forests, valleys, 
aad interminable ranges of mountains in the interior ; with many inter- 
eoting portieolars of the existing population, — their dress, manners, 
Mchilectu ral remains, and public works, while, scattered here and there, 
any be foond notices of their early history and social polity. It is, in 
abort, a lively picture of the coomry in its physical and moral relations, 
■■ it met the eye at the time of the Conquest, and in that transition 

328 CIBZA D£ LEON. [Book IT. 

period when it was first subjected to European inflnenoes. The ooe- 
oeption of a work, at so early a period, on this philosophical plan, le- 
nunding us of that of Mahe-Bnm in oar own time, — parva eompomn 
magnis, — was, of itself, indicatiTe of great oomprehensiTeness of mind 
in its author. It was a task of no little diflfeultj, where there was 
yet no pathway opened by the labora of the antiquarian ; no hints 
from the sketch-book of the trayeller, or the measarements of the se»- 
entific explorer. Yet the distances from place to place are all care- 
fully jotted down by the industrious compiler, and the hearings of the 
different places and their peculiar features are exhibited with suffideot 
precision, considering the nature of the obstacles he had to encounter. 
The literary execution of the work, moreorer, is highly respectable, 
sometimes even rich and picturesque ; and the author describes the 
grand and beautiful scenery of the Cordilleras with a sensibility to its 
cjiarms, not oflen found in the tasteless topographer, still less often in 
the rude Conqueror. 

Cieza de Leon came to the New World, as he informs ns, at the 
early age of thirteen. But it is not till Gasca's time that we find his 
name enrolled among the actors in the busy scenes of eiyil strife, when 
he accompanied the president in his campaign against GSonxalo PiiaiTO. 
His Chronicle, or, at least, the notes fox it, was compiled in sudi 
leisure as he could snatch from his more stirring SYOcations ; and after 
ten years from the time he undertook it, the First Part — all we hare — 
was completed in 1550, when the author had reached only the age of 
thirty-two. It appeared at Seville in 1553, and the following year at 
Antwerp ; while an Italian translation, printed at Rome, in 1555, attest- 
ed the rapid celebrity of the work. The edition of Antwerp — the one 
used by me in this compilation — is in the duodecimo form, exceedingly 
well printed, and garnished with wood-cuts, in which Satan, — for the 
author had a full measure of the ancient credulity, — with his usaal 
bugbear accompaniments, frequently appears in bodily presence. In 
the Preface, Cieza announces his purpose to continue the work in three 
other parts, illustrating respectively the ancient history of the country 
under the Incas, its conquest by the Spaniards, and the civil wan 
which ensued. He even gives, with curious minuteness, the contents 
of the several books of the projected history. But the First Part, is 
already noticed, was alone completed ; and the author, having retuined 
to Spain, died there in 15G0, at the premature age of forty-two, without 
having covered any portion of the magnificent ground-plan which he 
had thus confidently laid out. The deficiency is much to be regretted, 
considering the talent of the writer, and his opportunities for personal 
observation. But he has done enough to render us grateful for his 
labors. By the vivid delineation of scenes and scenery, as they wero 

Cb. IX.] CI£ZA DE LEON. 329 

[ fresh to hia own eyes, he has famished us with a hockgroand 
Id tke historic picture, — the landscape, as it were, in which the pei^ 
weag es of the time might he more fitly portrayed. It would have 
heea impossible to exhibit the ancient topography of the land so faith- 
loDy at a subsequent period, when old things had passed away, and the 
Conqoeior, breaking down the landmarks of ancient ciYilization, had 
eflboed many of the features even of the physical aspect of the country, 
as it existed under the elaborate culture of the Incas. 

VOL. II. 42 






Gkkat Sensation in Spain. — Pedro de la Gasca. — Uu Eaely 
Life. — His Mission to Peru. — His Politic Conduct. — Hw 
OrrsRs to Pizarro. — Gains the Fleet. 

1645 — 1647. 

While the important revolution detailed in the 
preceding pages was going forward in Peru, rumors 
of it, from time to time, found their way to the 
mother-country ; but the distance was so great, and 
opportunities for communication so rare, that the ti- 
dings were usually very long behind the occurrence 
of the events to which they related. The govern- 
ment heard with dismay of the troubles caused by the 
ordinances and the intemperate conduct of the vice- 
roy ; and it was not long before it learned that this 
functionary was deposed and driven from his capi- 
tal, while the whole country, under Gonzalo Pizarro, 
was arrayed in arms against him. All classes were 
filled with consternation at this alarming intelli- 


gence; and many that had befiwe approred d» 
ordinances now loudly condemned the nuniste^ 
who, without considering the infladimalde tempor 
of the peoplci had thus rashly fired a train wluch 
menaced a general explosion tbroagliout the colo- 
nies.^ No such rebellion, within the memory of 
man, had occurred in the Spanish empre. It was 
compared mth the famous war of the eowi m tifa ife i, 
in the be^ning of Charles the Fifth's reign. Bot 
the Peruvian insurrection seemed the more finrnuda- 
ble of the two. The troubles of Castile, being 
under the eye of the Court, might be the mon 
easily managed ; while it was difficult to make tl|; 
same power felt on the remote shores of the Indies. 
Lying along the dbtant Pacific, the principle of 
attraction which held Peru to the parent countiy 
was so feeble, that this colony might, at any time, 
with a less impulse than that now given to it, fly 
from its political orlnt. It seemed as if the £aureit 
of its jewels was about to fall from the imperial 
diadem ! 

Such was the state of things in the summer of 
1546, when Charles the Fifth was absent in Ge^ 
many, occupied with the religious troubles of the 
empire. The government was in the hands of Ui 

1 « Que aquello era oontn una ke mas de dloe ; y qua tusMm 

c^dola que tenian del Emperador era contra otra o^dnla zeal fVI 

que lea daba el repartimiento de loa ninguno po£a aer deipojado de tm 

indioa de aa Tida, 7 del hijo mayor, indiM ain aer primato oido i joatMl 

y no teniendo h^oa a aua mugerea, y condenado." Ifialaria de D« 

" -ilea eapreaamente que Pedro Gaaca, OU^fio de Signoniy 

lakhafaianyaheclio MS. 



Gkkat Sensation in Spain. — Pedro de la Gasca. — Uu Eamly 
Life. — His Mission to Peru. — His Politio Conduct. -^ Hw 
OrPBRs to Pizarro. — Gains the Fleet. 

1645 — 1647. 

While the important revolution detailed in the 
{HToceding pages was going forward in Peru, rumors 
of it, from time to time, found their way to the 
mother-country ; but the distance was so great, and 
opportunities for communication so rare, that the ti- 
dings were usually very long behind the occurrence 
of the events to which they related. The govern- 
ment heard with dismay of the troubles caused by the 
ordinances and the intemperate conduct of the vice- 
roy ; and it was not long before it learned that this 
functionary was deposed and driven from his capi- 
tal, while the whole country, under Gonzalo Pizarro, 
was arrayed in arms against him. All classes were 
fiDed with consternation at this alarming intelli- 


to war in the Indies and warmly attached to the 
person of their commander ? The new levies thus 
sent out might become themselves infected with die 
spirit of insurrection, and cast off their own al- 

Nothing remained, therefore, but to try concilia- 
tory measures. The government, however morti- 
fying to its pride, must retrace its steps. A free 
grace must be extended to those who submitted, and 
such persuasive arguments should be used, and suA 
politic concessions made, as would convince the re- 
fractory colonists that it was their interest, as weD 
as their duty, to return to their allegiance. 

But to approach the people in their present state 
of excitement, and to make those concessions with- 
out too far compromising the dignity and permanent 
authority of the Crown, was a delicate matter, for 
the success of which they must rely wholly on the 
character of the agent. After much deliberation, a 
competent person, as it was thought, was found in 
an ecclesiastic, by the name of Pedro de la Gasca, 
— a name which, brighter by contrast with the 
gloomy times in which it first appeared, still shines 
with undiminished splendor after the lapse of ages. 

Pedro de la Gasca was bom, probably, towards 

3 " Ventilose la forma del remc- la imposibilidad y falto de diaero 
dio de tan grave caso en que huvo para lleTar gente, cavalloe, ann», 
dos opiniones ; la una de imbiar un municiones y Tastimentoe, y pM> 
gran soldado con fuerza de gentc i sustentarlos en tierra firme j pi- 
la demostracion de este castigo; sarlos al PiitJ.'' MS. de Cart- 
la otra que se Ilevase el negocio vantes. 
por pnidcntes y Buaves nicdios, por 

Cb. I.] PEDRO DE LA GA6CA. 337 

the close of the fifteenth century, in a small village 
in Castile, named Barco de Avila. He came, both 
by father and mother's side, from an ancient and 
noble lineage ; ancient indeed, if, as his biographers 
contend, he derived his descent from Casca, one of 
the conspirators against Julius Caesar!^ Having the 
misfortune to lose his father early in life, he was 
placed by his uncle in the famous seminary of Al- 
caic de Henares, founded by the great Ximenes. 
Here he made rapid proficiency in liberal studies, 
especially in those connected with his profession, 
and at length received the degree of Master of 

The young man, however, discovered other tal- 
ents than those demanded by his sacred calling. 
The war of the comunidades was then raging in the 
country ; and the authorities of his college showed 
a disposition to take the popular side. But Gasca, 
patting himself at the head of an armed force, 
seized one of the gates of the city, and, with assist- 
ance from the royal troops, secured the place to the 
interests of the Crown. This early display of loy- 
Ay was probably not lost on his vigilant sovereign.^ 

4 *' Paaando a EspaRa vinieron strong: enoufrh to hang a pedigree 
k tieira de Avila y qued6 del nom- upon in Castile. 
In dellos el lufrar y familia de ^ This aroonnt of the early his- 
Cti ; mudandosc por la afinidad tory of Grasca I have derived chief- 
do U pronunciacion, que hay cntro ly from a manuscript hiographical 
Im dos letras ronsnnantcs c. y. f^. notice written in 1165, during the 
il Dombre de Casca en Gasca.'* prelate's life. The name of the 
HnI. de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. author, who speaks apparently fioro 

Similarity of name is a peg quite personal knowledge, is not given ; 

▼OL. II. 43 


From Alcala, Gasca was afterwards removed to 
Salamanca ; where he distinguished himself by his 
skill in scholastic disputation, and obtained the higli- 
est academic honors in that ancient university, the 
fruitful nursery of scholarship and genius. He was 
subsequently intrusted with the management of 
some important affairs of an ecclesiastical nature, 
and made a member of the Council of the In- 

In this latter capacity he was sent to Valencia, 
about 1540, to examine into certain alleged cases 
of heresy in that quarter of the country. These 
were involved in great obscurity ; and, although 
Gasca had the assistance of several eminent jurists 
in the investigation, it occupied him nearly two 
years. In the conduct of this difficult matter, he 
showed so much penetration, and such perfect im- 
partiality, that he was appointed by the Cortes of 
Valencia to the office of visitador of that kingdom ; 
a highly responsible post, requiring great discretion 
in the person who filled it, since it was his province 
to inspect the condition of the courts of justice and 
of finance, throughout the land, with authority to 
reform abuses. It was proof of extraordinary con- 
but it seems to be the work of a which has been passed over in pro- 
scholar, and is written with a cer- found silence by Castihan histo- 
tain pretension to elepance. The nans. It is to be regretted thit 
original MS. forms j)art of the the author did not continue Iw 
valuable collection of Don Pascual labors beyond the period wb« 
de Gayangos of Madrid. It is of the subject of them received hi» 
much value for the light it throws appointment to the Peruvian ini»- 
on the eariy career of Gasca, sion. • 

Cb. I.] HIS EARLY LIFE. 339 

sideration, that it should have been bestowed on 
Gasca ; since it was a departure from the established 
usage — and that in a nation most wedded to usage 
— to confer the office on any but a subject of the 
Aragonese crown.^ 

Gasca executed the task assigned to him with in- 
dependence and ability. While he was thus occu- 
jried, the people of Valencia were thrown into con- 
sternation by a meditated invasion of the French and 
the Turks, who, under the redoubtable Barbarossa, 
menaced the coast and the neighbouring Balearic 
isles. Fears were generally entertained of a rising 
of the Morisco population ; and the Spanish officers 
who had command in that quarter, being left without 
the protection of a navy, despaired of making head 
against the enemy. In this season of general panic, 
Gasca alone appeared calm and self-possessed. He 
remonstrated with the Spanish commanders on their 
unsoldierlike despondency ; encouraged them to 
confide in the loyalty of the Moriscos ; and advised 
the immediate erection of fortifications along the 
shores for their protection. He was, in conse- 
quence, named one of a commission to superintend 
these works, and to raise levies for defending the 
sea-coast ; and so faithfully was the task performed, 

• « En tmnta la opinion que en sino fuerc natural dc la Corona de 

Valencia tenian de la integridad y Araugon, y consintiendo que aquel 

pmdencia do Gasca, que en las fuero se derogase el Empcrador lo 

Cortet de Monxon los Estados de concedi6 d inatancia y peticion do- 

aipiel Reyno le pidieron por Visi- llos/' Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, 

Udor contra la costumbre y fuero MS. 
de aqnel Reyno, que no puede serlo 


that Barbarossa, after some ineffectual attempts to 
make good his landing, was baffled at all points, and 
compelled to abandon the enterprise as hopeless. 
The chief credit of this resistance must be assigned 
to Gasca, who superintended the construction of die 
defences, and who was enabled to contribute a large 
part of the requisite funds bj the economical re- 
forms he had introduced into the administration of 

It was at this time, the latter part of the year 
1545, that the council of Philip selected Gasca as 
the person most competent to undertake the perikxis 
mission to Peru.^ His character, indeed, seemed 
especially suited to it. His loyalty had been shown 
through his whole life. With great suavity of man- 
ners he combined the most intrepid resolution. 
Though his demeanour was humble, as beseemed 
his calling, it was far from abject ; for he was sus- 
tained by a conscious rectitude of purpose, that im- 
pressed respect on all with whom he had inter- 
course. He was acute in his perceptions, had a 
shrewd knowledge of character, and, though bred to 
the cloister, possessed an acquaintance with affairs, 

7 " Que parece cierlo," says his que para ello hizo." Hist, de Don 

enthusiastic biographer, " que por Pedro Gasca, MS. 

disposicion Divina vino a hallarse 8 «« Finding a lion would nd 

Gasca ent6nce8 en la Ciudad de answer, they sent a lamb," njs 

Valencia, para remedio de aquel Gomara ; — " Finalmente, qrmo 

Reyno y Islas dc Mallorca y Me- embiar una Oveja, pues un Leon no 

norca 6 Iviza, segun la 6rden, pre- aprovecho ; y asi escogid al Lioen- 

vencion y diligencia que en la de- ciado Pedro Gasca." Hist, de lit 

fensa contra las armadas del Turco Ind., cap. 174. 
y Francia tuvo, y las provisiones 


and eTen with military science, such as was to have 
been expected only from one reared in courts and 

Without hesitation, therefore, the council unani- 
mously recommended him to the emperor, and 
requested his approbation of their proceedings. 
Charles had not been an inattentive observer of 
Gasca's course. His attention had been particu- 
lariy called to the able manner in which he had 
conducted the Judicial process against the here- 
tics of Valencia.* The monarch saw, at once, that 
he was the man for the present emergency; and he 
immediately wrote to him, with his own hand, ex- 
pressing his entire satisfaction at the appointment, 
and intimating his purpose to testify his sense of 
fab worth by preferring him to one of the principal 
tees then vacant. 

Gasca accepted the important mission now ten- 
dered to him without hesitation ; and, repairing to 
Madrid, received the instructions of the government 
as to the course to be pursued. They were express- 
ed in the most benign and conciliatory tone, perfect- 
ly in accordance with the suggestions of his own be- 
nevolent temper.^^ But, while he commended the 

* Gaaea mtde what the author ccives, of his zeal for the faith. — 

edb una breve y coyyosa rtladon ** Queriendo entender muy de raizo 

«f the proceedingB to the emperor todo lo que pasaha, eomo Principe 

in Valencia ; and the monarch was tan zeloeo que era de las coeas de 

to intent on the inquiry, that he la religion.'' Hist, de Don Pedro 

4tfoled the whole afternoon to it, Gasca, MS. 

■otwithetandxng his son Philip was lo These instructions, the patri- 

waitingfor him to attend a>Sesta.' archal tone of which is highly 

ineiiagable proof, M the writer eon- enditable to the goTemment, are 


tone of the instructioiis, he considered the powen 
with which he was to be intrusted as whoUj inconi' 
petent to their object They were conceiyed in the 
jealous spirit with which the Spanish govemnileBt 
usually limited the authority of its great colonial offi- 
cers, whose distance from home gave peculiar cause 
for distrust. On every strange and unexpected 
emergencyi Gasca saw that he should be oUiged to 
send back for instructions. This must cause delayi 
vdiere promptitude was essential to success. The 
Court, moreover, as he represented to the coondl, 
was, from its remoteness from the scene of actiai, utr 
terly incompetent to pronounce as to the ezpediencj 
of the measures to be pursued. Some one shoidd 
be sent out in whom the lung could im{d]cidy < 
fide, and who should be invested with powers 
petent to every emergency ; powers not merely to 
decide on what was best, but to carry that decisioo 
into execution; and he boldly demanded that he 
should go not only as the representative of die 
sovereign, but clothed vnth all the authority of the 
sovereign himself. Less than this would defeat the 
very object for which he was to be sent. " For mj- 
self," he concluded, " I ask neither salary nor com- 
pensation of any kind, I covet no display of state or ' 
military array. With my stole and breviary I trust 
to do the work that is committed to me." Infirm as 

gnren in exUnso in the MS. of que la mas faer^ que Ileuani, at 

Caravantes, and in no other work su abito de clerigo 7 hreuiario.'' 

which I have conanlted. Fernandez, Hiat. del Pern, Ftote 

u " De saerte que jugaaaen 1, lib. 9, cap. 16. 


I am in body, the repose of my own home would 
have been more grateful to me than this dangerous 
mission; but I will not shrink from it at the bid- 
ding of my sovereign, and if, as is very probable, 
I may not be permitted again to see my native land, 
I shall, at least, be cheered by the consciousness of 
having done my best to serve its interests." ^^ 

The members of the council, while they listened 
with admiration to the disinterested avowal of Gas- 
ca, were astounded by the boldness of his demands. 
Not that they distrusted the purity of his motives, 
for these were above suspicion. But the powers for 
which he stipulated were so far beyond those hith- 
erto delegated to a colonial viceroy, that they felt 
they had no warrant to grant them. They even 
shrank from soliciting them from the emperor, and 
required that Gasca himself should address the mon- 
arch, and state precisely the grounds on which de- 
mands so extraordinary were founded. 

Gasca readily adopted the suggestion, and wrote 
in the most full and explicit manner to his sovereign, 
who had then transferred his residence to Flanders. 
But Charles was not so tenacious, or, at least, so 
jealous, of authority, as his ministers. He had been 
too long in possession of it to feel that jealousy ; 
and, indeed, many years were not to elapse, before, 
oppressed by its weight, he was to resign it alto- 

w MS. de Caravantes. — Hist, did solicit one favor of the em- 

de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. — Fer- peror, — the appointment of his 

Bandcv, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, brother, an eminent jurist, to a 

lib. 2, cap. 16, 17. vacant place on the bench of one 

Though not for himself, Gasca of the Castilian tribunals. 


gether kto the hands^ of hia soa* Hit 
miiid^ moreover^ readily oompiefaended the diflfasri* 
ties of Gaada's pontkMu He felt that the 
extraordinary ciiais was to be met oslj bj < 
dinarj measures. He assented to the font dim 
vassal's argoments, and, on the sixteenth of Fefan» 
ry, 1546, wrote him another letter exjptesai re of Ui 
approbation, and intimated his wiHingaeas to giant 
Mm powers as abeohite as those he had reqoerted^ 

Gasca was to be styled Piendent of the Bofd 
Audience^ But, under this simple title, he was 
placed at the head of every department in the oob- 
ny, civil, military, and judicial. He was enpoiF 
imd to make new rqi errfs i ig frito, and to oonfim 
those already made. He mi^ dedare war, ksy 
troops, appmnt to all offices, or remove fina dieni,at 
pleasure. He might exercise the royal prerogatife 
of pardoning offences, and was especially authorized 
to grant an amnesty to all, without exception, im- 
plicated in the present rebellion. He was, more- 
over, to proclaim at once the revocation of the 
odious ordinances. These two last provisions might 
be said to form the basis of all his operations. 

Since ecclesiastics were not to be reached by the 
secular arm, and yet were often found fomenting 
troubles in the cdionies, Gasca was permitted to 
banish from Peru such as he thought fit. He might 
even send home the viceroy, if the good of the 
country required it. Agreeably to his own sugges- 
tion, he was to receive no specified stipend ; hot 
he had unlimited orders on the treasuries both oS 

Cb. L] his mission to PERU. 345 

Panami and Penu He was furnished with letters 
from the emperor to the principal authorities, not 
only in Peru, but in Mexico and the neighbouring 
oolonieSy requiring their countenance and support; 
and, lastly, blank letters, bearing the royal signa- 
ture, were delivered to him, which he was to fill up 
at his pleasure.^^ 

While the grant of such unbounded powers ex- 
cited the wannest sentiments of gratitude in Gasca 
towards the sovereign who could repose in him so 
much confidence, it seems — which is more extra- 
ddinary — not to have raised corresponding feel- 
ings of envy in the courtiers. They knew well 
that it was not for himself that the good ecclesiastic 
had solicited them. On the contrary, some of the 
council were desirous that he should be preferred to 
the bishopric, as already promised him, before his 
departure ; conceiving that he would thus go with 
greater authority than as an humble ecclesiastic, 
and fearing, moreover, that Gasca himself, were it 
omitted, might feel some natural disappointment. 
Bat the president hastened to remove these im- 
pressbns. <^ The honor would avail me little," he 
said, ^^ where I am going ; and it would be mani- 
festly wrong to appoint me to an office in the 
Church, wbile 1 remain at such a distance that I 
cannot discharge the duties of it. The conscious- 
ly Zante, Coaq. del Peni, Ub. del Peru, Parte 1, fib. 9, cap. 17, 
6, CAp. 6. — Herrera, Hist. Gene- 18. — Gomara, Hist de las Ind., 
lal, dee. 8, lib. 1, cap. 6. — MS. cap. 174. — Hist, de Don Pedro 
de CaxiTantee. — Fernandei, Hist. Gasca, MS. 

VOL. II. 44 


ness of my insufficiency^'' he continuedy ^ shodld I 
never retorn, would lie heavy on my soul in my 
last moments." ^^ The pditic reluctance to aoo^ 
the mitre has passed into a provwb. But then 
was no affectation here ; ^nd Gasca's iriendsi yield- 
ing to his arguments, fiirbore to urge the matter 

The new president now went forward with ik 
preparations. They were few and simpte ; fx he 
was to be accompanied by a slender train of foDofw* 
ers, among whom the most conspicuous was Akoso 
de Alvaiado, the gallant officer who, as the reader 
may remember, limg commanded under Frandsoo 
Kzarro. He had resided of late years at court; 
and now atijj^asca's request accompanied Urn to 
Peru, where his presence might facilitate aegodi- 
tions with the insurgents, while his military expeii- 
ence would prove no less valuable in case of an 
appeal to arms.^^ Some delay necessarily occurred 
in getting ready his little squadron, and it was not 
till the 26th of May, 1546, that the president and 
his suite embarked at San Lucar for the New World. 

After a prosperous voyage, and not a long one for 
that day, he landed, about the middle of July, at the 
port of Santa Martha. Here he received the as- 
tounding intelligence of the battle of Aaaquito, d 

1^ ** Especialmente, si alia mu- aceptado." Fernandex, Hist, de 

riesse 6 le matassen : que entoces Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 18. 
de nada le podria ser buena, sino ^ From this caralier deseendei 

para partir desta vida, con mas the noble house of the counts of 

congoxa y pena de la poca cuenta Villamor in Spain. BfS. de Cut- 

que dana de la proninon que aula Tantes. 


the defeat and death of the viceroy, and of the man- 
ner in which Gonzalo Pizarro had since established 
his absolute rule over the land. Although these 
events had occurred several months before Gasca's 
departure from Spain, yet, so imperfect was the in- 
tercourse, no tidings of them had then reached that 

They now filled the president with great anxiety ; 
as he reflected that the insurgents, after so atrocious 
an act as the slaughter of the viceroy, might well 
despair of grace, and become reckless of conse- 
quences. He was careful, therefore, to have it un- 
derstood, that the date of his commission was subse- 
quent to that of the fatal battle, and that it author- 
ised an entire amnesty of all offences hitherto 
committed against the government.^^ 

Yet, in some points of view, the death of Blasco 
NuBez might be regarded as an auspicious circum- 
stance for the settlement of the country. Had he 
lived tiU Gasca's arrival, the latter would have been 
greatly embarrassed by the necessity of acting in 
concert with a person so generally detested in the 
colony, or by the unwelcome alternative of sending 
him back to Castile. The insurgents, moreover, 
would, in all probability, be now more amenable to 
reason, since all personal animosity might naturally 
be buried in the grave of their enemy. 

The president was much embarrassed by deciding 
in what quarter he should attempt to enter Peru. 

^ Fenumdei, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 9, cap. SI. 

S48 sETTuaiEBrr of thb ooramr. f bmk t. 

£▼07 port was in the hands of KsEsno, aad wm 
phcdl under the care of his officecs, wiA ataet 
charge to intercept any commBBiralions firam 
and to detain soch persons as bore a 
from that country until liis pleasure could be knona 
respectmg them. Gasca, at length, decadsd oa 
crossing over to Nombre de Dies, then held vidi 
a strong fixce by Heman Mexia, an offieec to iriiose 
charge Gonzalo had committed dns Strang gale to 
his dominions, as to a person on whan attacfameat 
to his cause he could confidently rely« 

Had Gasca appeared off this jdace injn nwMcin g 
attitude, with a militaiy array, or, indee4^ with a^ 
disjday of official pomp that might haw awakensd 
distrust in the commander, he would diaJjlkas Isn 
^fbund it no easy matter to eflfect a laniiwig', Bel 
Mexia saw nothing to apprehend in the ap proach of 
a poor ecclesiastic, without an armed force^ witb 
hardly even a retinue to support him, coming solely, 
as it seemed, on an errand of mercy. No sooner, 
therefore, was he acquainted with the character of 
the envoy and his mission, than he pepared to re- 
ceive him with the honors due to hb rank, and 
marched out at the head of his soldiers, together 
with a considerable body of ecclesiastics readent is 
the place. There was nothing in the person of 
Gasca, still less in his humUe clerical attire and 
modest retinue, to impress the vulgar spectator with 
feelings of awe or reverence. Indeed, the poverty- 
stricken aspect, as it seemed, of himself and hb fol- 
lowers, so different from the usual state aflected by 


the Indian viceroys, excited some merriment among 
the rude soldiery, who did not scruple to break their 
coarse jests on his appearance, in hearing of the 
president himself.^^ ^^ If this is the sort of governor 
his Majesty sends over to us," they exclaimed, 
^ Pizano need not trouble his head much about it." 

Yet the president, far from being ruffled by this 
ribaldry, or from showing resentment to its author^ 
submitted to it with the utmost humility, and only 
seemed the more grateful to his own brethren, who, 
by their respectful demeanour, appeared anxious to 
do him honor. 

But, however plain and unpretending the manners 
of Gasca, Mexia, on his jfirst interview with him, 
soon discovered that he had no common man to deal 
with. The president, after briefly explaining the 
nature of his commission, told him that he had come 
as a messenger of peace; and that it was on peace- 
ful measures he relied for his success. He then 
stated the general scope of his commission, his au- 
thority to grant a free pardon to all, without excep- 
tion, who at once submitted to government, and, 
finaUy, his purpose to proclaim the revocation of 
the (ordinances. The objects of the revolution were 
duis attained. To contend longer would be mani- 
fest rebellion, and that without a motive ; and he 
urged the commander by every principle of loyalty 

^"^ " EspecialmeDte muchoe de sidente (viendo que era necessario) 

1m aoldidoe, que esUuan detacar hazia las orejas aordas/' Ibid., 

tadoa, 7 dedan palabras feas, y Paxte I, lib. 3, cap. 23. 
teuorgo^idaa. A lo qual el Pre- 


and patriotism to sapport liim in settling tlie A* 
tractkmsof the oonatiy, and bringing it back to ill 

Hie candid and conciliatory language of Ik 
president, so different from the anoganoe of Bbtm 
Nidiez, and the anstere demeanour erf* Yaca de 
Castro, made a senriUe impression on Merii. 
fie admitted the force ci Gasca's reasoning sad 
flattered himself that Gonsalo Pizarro woM not 
be insensible to it. Though attached to the fo- 
tones oi that leader, he was loyal in hearty and, 
like most oi the party, had been led by accident, 
rather than by design, into rebellicm; and noir 
that so good an oppcvtunity occurred to do it wA 
safety, he was not unwilling to retrace ins stefi^ 
and secure the royal favor by thus eariy retnnmig 
to his allegiance. This he signified to the pres^ 
dent, assuring him of his hearty cooperation in die 
good work of reform.^® 

This was an important step for Gasca. It ivas 
yet more important for him to secure the obedience 
of Hinojosa, the governor of Panam4, in the har- 
bour of which city lay Pizarro's navy, consisting of 
two-and-twenty vessels; But it was not easy to 
approach this officer. He was a person of mod 
higher character than was usually found among the 
reckless adventurers in the New World. He was 
attached to the interests of Pizarro, and the latter 

^ Ibid., ubi supra. — Carta de 1546. — Zazate, Conq. dd Poit 
Gonzalo Pizairo a ValdiTia, MS. lih, 6, cap. 0. — Hertera, BJ0L 
— Montesiiioa, Annalea, MS., afio General, dec. 8, lib. 8, cap. 5. 


had requited him by placing him in command of his 
armada and of Panam^, the key to his territories on 
the Pacific. 

The president first sent Mexia and Alonso de 
Alvarado to prepare the way for his own coming, by 
advising Hinojosa of the purport of his mission. 
He soon after followed, and was received by that 
commander with every show of outward respecf. 
But while the latter listened with deference to the 
representations of Gasca, they failed to work the 
change in him which they had wrought in Mexia ; 
and he concluded by asking the president to show 
him his powers, and by inquiring whether they 
gave him authority to confirm Pizarro in his present 
post, to which he was entitled no less by his own 
services than by the general voice of the people. 

This was an embarrassing question. Such a con- 
cession would have been altogether too humiliating 
to the Crown ; but to have openly avowed this at 
the present juncture to so stanch an adherent of 
Pizarro might have precluded all fiirther negotiation. 
The president evaded the question, therefore, by 
simfdy stating, that the time had not yet come 
for him to produce his powers, but that Hinojosa 
might be assured they were such as to secure an 
ample recompense to every loyal servant of his 

Hinojosa was not satisfied ; and he immediately 

>• Fernandex, Hist, del Peru, Conq. del Peru, Ub. 6, cap. 7. — 
Fine I, lib. 8, cap. 25. -^ Zante, MS. de Caravantea. 


wiote to Pisano, aa|Baintiag him with GaicaViv- 
rival and with the olgect of hit numon, at the an 
time plainly iiitunating hb own convictioA that Ad 
president had no authorkj to coofinn Um in 4e 
government But before thci depaituo ^ die lUf^ 
Gasca secured the services of a Dowiiicaa fiin^ 
who had taken his passi|p oft faoaid ior one nf lb 
towns on the coast. This naa he intiurtid vidi 
manifestoes, setting forth the porport of lus viati 
and proclaiming the abolition of the erijaanfrij 
with a firee pardon to aU who letumed to their ohs 
dience. He wrote, also, io the fmbtes and to the 
corporations of the different cities. The fooKihs 
requested to cottperatb with him in introdncing a 
^nrit of loyalty and subordination among the peofki 
while he intimated to the towns his purpose to am 
fer with them hereafteri in older to devise some e^ 
factual measures for the wel£u« d the countij* 
These papers the Dominican engaged to distribatet 
himself, among the principal cities of the oolooy; 
and he faithfoUy kept his word, though, as it provodf 
at no little hazard of his life. The seeds tints sett- 
tered might many of them fall on barren grooad. 
But the greater part, the president trusted, would 
take root in the hearts of the people; and he pa- 
tiently waited for the harvest. 

Meanwhile, though he failed to remove die 
scruples of Hinojosa, the courteous manners of 
Gasca, and his mild, persuasive discourse, had a vis- 
ible effect on other individuals vnth whom he had 
daily intercourse. Several of these, and arnoDg 

cb. l] his offers to pizarro. 363 

them some of the principal cavaliers in Panama, as 
well as in the squadron^ expressed their willingness 
to join the royal cause, and aid the president in 
maintaining it. Gasca profited by their assistance 
to open a communication with the authorities of 
Guatemala and Mexico, whom he advised of his 
mission, while he admonished them to allow no in- 
tercourse to be carried on with the insurgents on the 
coast of Peru. He, at length, also prevailed on the 
governor of Panama to furnish him with the means 
of entering into communication with Gonzalo Pi- 
xarro himself; and a ship was despatched to Lima, 
bearing a letter from Charles the Fifth, addressed to 
that chief, with an epistle also from Gasca. 

The emperor's communication was couched in the 
Bi06t condescending and even conciliatory terms. 
Far from taxing Gonzalo with rebellion, his royal 
master affected to regard his conduct as in a manner 
imposed on him by circumstances, especially by the 
obduracy of the viceroy Nuflez in denying the colo- 
nists the inalienable right of petition. He gave no 
intimation of an intent to confirm Pizarro in the 
government, or, indeed, to remove him from it ; but 
simply referred him to Gasca as one who would ac- 
quaint him with the royal pleasure, and with whom 
he was to cooperate in restoring tranquillity to the 

Gasca's own letter was pitched on the same pol- 
itic key. He remarked, however, that the exi- 
gencies which had hitherto determined Gonzalo's 
line of conduct existed no longer. All that had 

VOL. II. 45 


been asked was conceded. There was nothing now 
to contend for; and it only remained fiir Pizano 
and hb followers to show their loyal^ and the ai 
cerity of their principles by obedience to the Cnmtu 
Hitherto, the president said, Pizarro had been is 
arms against the viceroy ; and the people had mfr 
ported him as against a common enemy. If he 
prolonged the contest, that enemy must he Ik 
sovereign. In such a struggle, the peojde would be 
sure to desert him ; and GsacB, conjured Mm, by Ik 
honor as a cavalier, and his duty as a loyal vassal, to 
respect the royal authority, and not rashly provoke a 
eontest which must prove to the woAd that Us cob- 
duct hitherto had been dictated less by palriolie 
motives than by selfish amlntimi. 

This letter, which was conveyed in language the 
most courteous and complimentary to the sulgect of 
it, was of great length. It was accompanied by 
another much more concise, to Cepeda, the in- 
triguing lawyer, who, as Gasca knew, had Ae 
greatest influence over Pizarro, in the absence of 
Carbajal, then employed in reaping the silver ha^ 
vest from the newly discovered mines of Potosi." 
In this epistle, Gasca affected to defer to the cask- 
ning politician as a member of the Royal Audience, 
and he conferred with him on the best manner of 
supplying a vacancy in that body. These several 
despatches were committed to a cavalier, named 

SI* '* El licenciado Cepeda que quiero mtKho." GaiU de Gflonk 
tengo yo agora por teniente, de Pizarro a ValdiTta, MS. 
qtuen yo hago mucho caao i le 


Paniagua, a faithful adherent of the president, and 
one of those who had accompanied him from Castile. 
To this same emissary he also gave manifestoes and 
letters, like those intrusted to the Dominican, with 
orders secretly to distribute them in Lima, before he 
quitted that capital.^^ 

Weeks and months rolled away, while the presi- 
dent still remained at Panama, where, indeed, as 
his communications were jealously cut off with 
Peru, he might be said to be detained as a sort of 
prisoner of state. Meanwhile, both he and Hino- 
josa were looking with anxiety for the arrival of 
some messenger from Pizarro, who should indicate 
the manner in which the president's mission was to 
be received by that chief. The governor of Panamd 
was not blind to the perilous position in which he 
was himself placed, nor to the madness of provok- 
ing a contest with the Court of Castile. But he 
had a reluctance — not too often shared by the cav- 
aliers of Peru — to abandon the fortunes of the 
commander who had reposed in him so great confi- 
dence. Yet he trusted that this commander would 

^ The letters noticed in the text The benignant tone of this homily 

Buy be found in Zarate, Conq. del may be inferred from its concluding 

Pern, lib. 6, cap. 7, and Fernandez, sentence ; ** Nuestro sefior por su 

Hist, del Peru, Parte l,lib. 2, cap. infinita bodad alumbre a vuestra 

89, 30. The president's letter merced, y a todos los demas para 

eorers sereral pages. Much of it que acierten a hazer en este nego- 

ii taken up with historic precedents cio lo que oduiene a sus almas, 

and illustrations, to show the folly, honras, vidas y haziendas : y guarde 

as well as wickedness, of a col- en su sancto scnricio la Illustre per- 

Uaion with the imperial authority, aona do vuestra merced." 

366 SETTUnnEHT OF TBS QWmitT. [BmT. 

embrace the opportunity now ofibredt of jfaciBg 
hinuielf and the coimtiy in a state of pennanent » 

Several of the cavalien ifdio had given in Aor 
adhesbn to Gaaca^ dbpleaaed fay tbia obetinai^yai 
they termed it, of Hincgosa, proposed to seise Ui 
person and then get possession of the annada. But 
the president at once r^ected this oflfer. His nkh 
mm he said, was one of peace, and he woidd aot 
stain it at the outset by an act of violence. He eica 
respected the scruples of Hinqjosa; and a cane 
fier of so honoraUe a nature, be conceived, if oace 
he could be gained by &ir means, would be msdi 
more likely to be true to his interests, than if Ofw* 
come either by force or firaud. Gasca dioog^t he 
might safely abide hb time. There was policy, si 
well as honesty, in this ; indeed, they always gs 

' Meantime, persons were occasionally arriving fiooi 
Lima and the neighbouring places, who gave ac- 
counts of Pizarro, varying according to the character 
and situation of the parties. Some represented him 
as winning all hearts by his open temper and the 
politic profusion with which, though covetous of 
wealth, he distributed repartimienias and &viis 
among his followers. Others spoke of him as ca^ 
lying matters with a high hand, while the greatest 
timidity and distrust prevailed among the citizens of 
Lima. All agreed that his power rested on too se- 
cure a basis to be shaken ; and that, if the presideat 
should go to Lima, he must either consent to be- 


come Pizarro's instrument and confirm him in the 
government, or forfeit his own life.^ 

It was undoubtedly true, that Gonzalo, while he 
gare attention, as his friends saj, to the public 
business, found time for free indulgence in those 
pleasures which wait on the soldier of fortune in his 
boor of triumph. He was the object of flattery and 
homage ; courted even by those who hated him. 
For such as did not love the successful chieftain had 
good cause to fear him ; and his exploits were com- 
nemorated in romances or ballads, as rivalling — it 
iras not far from truth — those of the most doughty 
paladins of chivalry.^ 

Amidst this burst of adulation, the cup of joy 
X)mmended to Pizarro's lips had one drop of bitter- 
iess in it that gave its flavor to all the rest; for, 
iotwithstanding his show of confidence, he looked 
jvith unceasing anxiety to the arrival of tidings that 
night assure him in what light his conduct was re- 
garded by the government at home. This was 
proved by his jealous precautions to guard the ap- 
[m>aches to the coast, and to detain the persons of 
the royal emissaries. He learned, therefore, with 
no little uneasiness, from Hinojosa, the landing of 
President Gasca, and the purport of his mission. 

* Femandex, Hist, del Peru, tando romanees, y coplas, de todo 

Pntc 1, lib. 2, cap. 27. — Herrera, lo qu6 aula hecho : cncarcsciendo 

Hilt. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. sua hazaHas, y victoriaa. En lo 

r. — MS. dc Caravantea. qua! mucho ac delcyuua como 

■ •• Y con csto, eataua sirmpre hombre de larnieaao ent<^dimirnto." 

m fiestas y rccoaijo, holprandoee Fernandez, Hist, del Pern, Parte 

midio que le diesaen muaicaa, can- 1, lib. 9, cap. 32. 


But his discontent was mitigated, when he under- 
stood that the new envoy had come without mit 
tary array, without any of the ostentatious trappings 
of office to impose on the minds of the vulgar, but 
alone, as it were, in the plain garb of an fanmUe 
missionary.^ Pizarro could not discern, that under 
this modest exterior lay a moral power, sbooger 
than his own steel-clad battalions, which, operating 
silently on public opinion, — the more sure that 
it was silent, — was even now undermining \m 
strength, like a subterraneous channel eating away 
the foundations of some stately edifice, that stands 
secure in its pride of place ! 

But, although Gonzalo Pizarro could not foresee 
this result, he saw enough to satisfy him that it 
would be safest to exclude the president from Penu 
The tidings of his arrival, moreover, quickened hb 
former purpose of sending an embassy to Spain to 
vindicate his late proceedings, and request the rojal 
confirmation of his authority. The person placed 
at the head of this mission was Lorenzo de Aldana, 
a cavalier of discretion as well as courage, and hig^ 
in the confidence of Pizarro, as one of his most de- 
voted partisans. He had occupied some impc»tant 
posts under that chief, one secret of whose sac- 

M Gronzalo, in his letter to Val- christiano i hombre de baena tidi 

divia, speaks of Gasca as a clergy- i clerigo, i dicen que Tiene a ertw 

man of a godly reputation, who, partes con bnena intendon i n» 

without recompense, in the true quiso salario ninguno del Rey no 

spirit of a missionary, had come yenir para poner pas en estos ny* 

over to settle the afiairs of the noe con sua cristiaiidades." Cvti 

oountiy. '* Dicen quea moi huen de6oiiialoPiBnoaValdiTii,lIS. 


cesses was the sagacity he showed in the selection 
of his agents. 

Besides Aldana and one or two cavaliers, the 
bbhop of Lima was joined in the commission, as 
likely, from his position, to have a favorable influence 
on Gonzalo's fortunes at court. Together with the 
despatches for the government, the envoys were in- 
trusted with a letter to Gasca from the inhabitants 
of Lima ; in which, after civilly congratulating the 
president on his arrival, they announce their regret 
that he had come too late. The troubles of the 
country were now settled by the overthrow of the 
viceroy, and the nation was reposing in quiet under 
the rule of Pizarro. An embassy, they stated, was 
on its way to Castile, not to solicit pardon^ for they 
had committed no crime,^ but to petition the em- 
peror to confirm their leader in the government, as 
the man in Peru best entitled to it by his virtues.* 
They expressed the conviction that Gasca's presence 
would only serve to renew the distractions of the 
country, and they darkly intimated that his attempt 
to land would probably cost him his life. — The 
language of this singular document was more re- 
spectful than might be inferred from its import. It 
was dated the 14th of October, 1546, and was 
subscribed by seventy of the principal cavaliers in 

* " Porque pcrdo ninguno de Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 

ooeotros lo pide, porque no cnten- 1, lib. 2, cap. 33. 

demos que emo6 errado, sino semi- * n Porque el por sus Tirtudes 

do ik 8u Magcstad : conseniado cs muy amado dc todoo : y tenido 

Duestro derccho ; quo por sua leyes por padre del Pern." Ibid., ubi 

Retles a bus Tasallos es permitido. * ' supra. 


the city. It was not improbably dictated by Ce- 
peda, whose hand is visible in most of the intrigues 
of Pizarro's little court. It is also said, — the au- 
thority is somewhat questionable, — that Aldana 
received instructions from Gonzalo secretly to offer 
a bribe of fifty thousand pesos de oro to the presi- 
dent, to prevail on him to return to Castile ; and 
in case of his refusal, some darker and more effec- 
tual way was to be devised to rid the country of his 

Aldana, fortified with his despatches, sped swiftly 
on his voyage to Panama. Through him the gov- 
ernor learned the actual state of feeling in the coun- 
cils of Pizarro ; and he listened with regret to the 
envoy's conviction, that no terms would be admitted 
by that chief or his companions, that did not con- 
firm him in the possession of Peru.^ 

^ Ibid., loc. cit. — Herrera, que aunque arriba digo que dioen 

Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. ques un santo, es un hombre mu 

10. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. manoso que havia en toda Espafia 

6, cap. 8. — Gomara, Hist, de las 6 nias sabio ; e asi venia por pre- 

Ind., cap. 177. — Montesinos, An- sidente e Govemador, e todo quanto 

nales, MS., aHo 1546. el quiera ; e para poderme embiar 

Pizarro, in his letter to Valdivia, a mi a Espana, i a cabo de dos 
notices this remonstrance to Gasca, afios que andavamos fuera de nuee- 
who, with all his reputation as a tras casas queria el Rey darme 
saint^ was as deep as any man in este page, mas yo con todos loe 
Spain y and had now come to send cavalleros deste Reyno le embia- 
him home, as a reward, no doubt, of vamos a decir que se vaya, sino 
his faithful services. " But I and que haremos con el como con 
the rest of the cavaliers," he con- Blasco Nufiez." Carta de Con- 
cludes, ** have warned him not to zalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. 
set foot here."" " Y agora que yo ^ With Aldana's mission to 
tenia puesta esta tierra en sosiego Castile Gonzalo Pizarro closes the 
embiava su parte al de la Gasca, important letter, so often cited in 


Aldana was soon admitted to an audience by 
tbe president. It was attended with very different 
results from what had followed from the conferences 
with Hinojosa ; for Pizarro's envoy was not armed 
by nature with that stubborn panoply which had 
hitherto made the other proof against all argument. 
He now learned with surprise the nature of Gasca's 
powers, and the extent of the royal concessions to 
the insurgents. He had embarked with Gonzalo 
Kzarro on a desperate venture, and he found that 
h had proved successful. The colony had noth- 
ing more, in reason, to demand ; and, though de- 
voted in heart to his leader, he did not feel bound 
by any principle of honor to take part with him, 
solely to gratify his ambition, in a wild contest with 
die Crown that must end in inevitable ruin. He 
consequently abandoned his mission to Castile, prob- 
ably never very palatable to him, and announced his 
purpose to accept the pardon proffered by govern- 
ment, and support the president in setding the affairs 
of Peru. He subsequendy wrote, it should be add- 
ed, to his former commander in Lima, stating the 
course he had taken, and earnestly recommending 
the latter to follow his example. 

The influence of this precedent in so important a 
person as Aldana, aided, doubtless, by the conviction 

tiKse pagfes, and wliich may be openlyespoused the cause of Gasca, 
■ippoaed to furnish the best argn- and his troops formed part of the 

for his own conduct. It is forces who contended with Pizarro, 

a curious fact, that Valdivia^ the not long aAen^'ards, at Iluarina. 

eonqucror of Chili, to whom the Such was the friend on whom Gon- 

epistle is addressed, soon after this lalo relied ! 

VOL. II. 46 


that no change was now to be expected in Pizano, 
while delay would be fatal to himself, at length pre- 
vailed over Hinojosa's scruples, and he intimated to 
Gasca his willingness to place the fleet under hb 
command. The act was performed with great pomp 
and ceremony. Some of Pizarro's stanchest parti- 
sans were previously removed from the vessels ; and 
on the nineteenth of November, 1546, Hinojosa 
and his captains resigned their commissions into the 
hands of the president. They next took the oaths 
of allegiance to Castile ; a free pardon for all past 
offences was proclaimed by the herald frt)m a scaf- 
fold erected in the great square of the city ; and the 
president, greeting them as true and lojral vassals of 
the Crown, restored their several commissions to the 
cavaliers. The royal standard of Spain was then 
unfurled on board the squadron, and proclaimed that 
this strong-hold of Pizarro's power had passed away 
from him for ever.^ 

The return of their commissions to the insurgent 
captains was a politic act in Gasca. It secured 
the services of the ablest officers in the country, and 
turned against Pizarro the very arm on which he 
had most leaned for support. Thus was this great 

29 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y a wholesome counterpoise to thfl 

Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del unfavorable views taken of his cod- 

Peni, lib. 6, cap. 9. —Fernandez, duct by most other writeis,— Bi 

Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. his notice of this transaction, seen* 

38, 42. — Goraara, Hist, de las disposed to allow little credit to 

Indias, cap. 178. —MS. de Cara- that loyalty which is shown by the 

vantes. sacrifice of a benefactor. Com- 

Garcilasso de la Vega, — whose Real., Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 4. 
partiality for Gonzalo Pizarro forms 


Step achieved, without force or fraud, by Gasca's 
patience and judicious forecast. He was content to 
bide his time ; and he now might rely with well- 
grounded confidence on the ultimate success of his 


Gasca assembles his Forces. — Defection op Pizutso's Follow- 
ers. — He musters his Levies. — Agitation in Lima. — Hi 
abandons the City. — Gasca sails from PanamI. — Bloody 
Battle of Huarina. 


No sooner was Gasca placed in possession of 
Panama and the fleet, than he entered on a more 
decisive course of policy than he had been hitherto 
allowed to pursue. He raised levies of men, and 
drew together supplies from all quarters. He took 
care to discharge the arrears already due to the sol- 
diers, and promised liberal pay for the future ; for, 
though mindful that his personal charges should cost 
little to the Crown, he did not stint his expenditure 
when the public good required it. As the funds in 
the treasury were exhausted, he obtained loans on 
the credit of the government from the wealthy citi- 
zens of Panama, who, relying on his good faith, 
readily made the necessary advances. He next sent 
letters to the authorities of Guatemala and Mexico, 
requiring their assistance in carrying on hostilities, if 
necessary, against the insurgents ; and he despatched 
a summons, in like manner, to Benalcazar, in the 
provinces north of Peru, to meet him, on his landing 
in that country, with his whole available force. 


The greatest enthusiasm was shown by the peo- 
jde of Panamd in getting the little navy in order for 
his intended voyage ; and prelates and commanders 
did not disdain to prove their loyalty by taking 
part in the good work, along with the soldiers 
and sailors.^ Before his own departure, however, 
Gasca proposed to send a small squadron of four 
ships under Aldana, to cruise off the port of Lima, 
with instructions to give protection to those well 
affected to the royal cause, and receive them, if 
need be, on board his vessels. He was also in- 
trusted with authenticated copies of the president's 
commission, to be delivered to Gonzalo Pizarro, that 
the chief might feel, there was yet time to return 
liefore the gates of mercy were closed against him.* 

While these events were going on, Gasca's proc- 
lamations and letters were doing their work in Peru. 
It required but little sagacity to perceive that the 
nation at large, secured in the protection of person 
and property, had nothing to gain by revolution. 
Interest and duty, fortunately, now lay on the same 
side ; and the ancient sentiment of loyalty, smoth- 
ered for a time, but not extinguished, revived in the 
breasts of the people. Still this was not mani- 

^ ''Y ponia sub fuei^as con ' Ibid., ubi supra. — Montesinos, 

tinta llanexa y obediencia, que los Annales, MS., afto 1546. — Go- 

Obupos y clerigos y los capitanes mare, Hist de las Ind., cap. 178. 

y mas principales pcrsonas eran los — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, 

que priraero echauan mano, y ti- cap. 9. — Herrera, Hist. General, 

nnrnn de las gumenas y calces de dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 3. 
los nauios, para los sacar 4 la 
eosU.'' Fernandez, Hist, del Peni, 
Psita 1, lib. 9, cap. 70. 

366 SETTUDOBNT OF THE ooumnr. [ 

fested, at once, by any overt act; for, under a 
strong military rule, men dared hardly think lor 
themselves, much less communicate their tfaooghti 
to one another. But changes of public opinicHi, like 
changes in the atmosphere that come on slowly BaA 
imperceptibly, make themselves more and men 
widely felt, till, by a sort of silent sympathy, tfaqr 
spread to the remotest comers of the land. Sobk 
intimations of such a change of sentiment at length 
found their way to Lima, although all accounts of 
the president's mission had been jealously eidnied 
from that capital. Gonzalo Pizarro himself became 
sensiUe of these symptoms of disa£kction, tfam^ 
almost too Mat and feeble, as yet, fiir the most ei- 
perienced eye to descry in them the coming tempest 

Several of the prendent's proclamations had been 
forwarded to Gonzalo by his faithful partisans ; and 
Carbajal, who had been summoned from Potosi, de- 
clared they were ^^rnore to be dreaded than the 
lances of Castile." ^ Yet Pizarro did not, for a mo- 
ment, lose his confidence in his own strength ; and 
with a navy like that now in Panama at his com- 
mand) he felt he might bid defiance to any enemy 
on his coasts. He had implicit confidence in the 
fidelity of Hinojosa. 

It was at this period that Paniagua arrived off the 
port with Gasca's despatches to Pizarro, consisting 
of the emperor's letter and his own. They were 
instantly submitted by that chieftain to his tnistj 

3 « Qae eran mas de temer ReydeCastilla." FernandeSyHlrt. 
aqoellM cartts que a las la^ del del Peru Parte 1, lib. 9, cap. 45. 

cb. il] defection of pizarro's followers. 367 

counsellors, Carbajal and Cepcda, and their opinions 
asked as to the course to be pursued. It was the 
crisis of Pizarro's fate. 

Carbajal, whose sagacious eye fully comprehended 
the position in which they stood, was in favor of ac- 
cepting the royal grace on the terms proposed ; 
and he intimated his sense of their importance by 
declaring, that "he would pave the way for the 
bearer of them into the capital with ingots of gold 
and silver." * Cepeda was of a different way of 
thinking. He was a judge of the Royal Audience ; 
and bad been sent to Peru as the immediate coun- 
sellor of Blasco Nuilez. But he had turned against 
the viceroy, had encountered him in battle, and his 
garments might be said to be yet wet with his 
blood ! What grace was there, then, for him ? 
Whatever respect might be shown to the letter of 
the royal provisions, in point of fact, he must ever 
live under the Castilian rule a ruined man. He 
accordingly strongly urged the rejection of Gasca's 
offers. " They will cost you your government," 
he said to Pizarro ; " the smooth-tongued priest is 
not so simple a person as you take him to be. He 
is deep and politic.^ He knows well what promises 
to make ; and, once master of the country, he will 
know, too, how to keep them." 

^ '' T le enladrillen loe cami- & *' Que no lo embiauan por 

IMM por do vinicrc con barras de hombro sencillo y llano, sino de 

pUu, y tojos do Oro.'* Garci- grandes cautclas, astucias, falae- 

laato, Com. Real., Parte 3, lib. 5, dadcs y enganoe.'' Ibid., loc. dt. 
eap. 5. 


Carbajal was not shaken by the arguments ot 
the sneers of his companions ; and as the discus- 
sion waxed warm, Cepeda taxed his opponent with 
giving counsel suggested by fears for his own safety, 
— a foolish taunt, sufficiently disproved by the whole 
life of the doughty old warrior. Carbajal did not 
insist further on his own views, however, as he found 
them unwelcome to Pizarro, and contented himself 
with coolly remarking, that ^^ he had, indeed, no 
relish for rebellion ; but he had as long a neck for a 
halter, he believed, as any of his companions ; and 
as he could hardly expect to live much longer, at 
any rate, it was, after all, of little moment to hinu^'* 

Pizarro, spurred on by a fiery ambition that over- 
leaped every obstacle,^ did not condescend to count 
the desperate chances of a contest with the Crown. 
He threw his own weight into the scale with Cepe- 
da. The offer of grace was rejected ; and he thus 
cast away the last tie which held him to his coun- 
try, and, by the act, proclaimed himself a rebel.® 

6 " Por lo demas, quado acaezca powering him, in case he judged it 
otra cosa, ya yo he viuido muchos necessary to the preseiration of 
anos, y tengo tan hue palmo de the royal authority, to confinn Pi- 
pescueco para la soga, como cada zarro in the government, ** it being 
uno de vuesas mercedes." Ibid., little matter if the Devil ruled 
loc. cit. there, provided the country re- 

7 " I^ca y luciferina soberuia," mained to the Crown ! " The 
as Fernandez cliaracterizes the as- fact was so reported by Paniagua, 
pirinjT temper of Gonzalo. Hist, who continued in Peru after theee 
del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 15. events. (Com. Real., Parte 2, 

8 MS. do Caravantes. lib. 5, cap. 5.) This is possible. 
According to Garcilasso, Pania- But it is more probable that a 

gua was furnished with secret in- credulous gossip, like GaicilasBO, 

structions by the president, em- should be in error, than that Charles 


It was not long after the departure of Paniagua, 
that Pizarro received tidings of the defection of 
Aldana and Hinojosa, and of the surrender of the 
fleet, on which he had expended an immense sum, 
as the chief bulwark of his power. This unwel- 
come intelligence was followed by accounts of the 
farther defection of some of the principal towns 
in the north, and of the assassination of Puelles, 
the faithful lieutenant to whom he had confided 
the government of Quito. It was not very long, 
adbo, before he found his authority assailed in 
the opposite quarter at Cuzco ; for Centeno, the 
loyal chieftain who, as the reader may remember, 
had been driven by Carbajal to take refuge in a 
cave near Arequipa, had issued from his conceal- 
ment after remaining there a year, and, on learning 
the arrival of Gasca, had again raised the royal 
standard. Then collecting a small body of follow- 
ers, and falling on Cuzco by night, he made himself 
master of that capital, defeated the garrison who 
held it, and secured it for the Crown. Marching 
soon after into the province of Charcas, the bold 
chief allied himself with the officer who commanded 
for Pizarro in La Plata ; and their combined forces, 
to the number of a thousand, took up a position on 
the borders of Lake Titicaca, where the two cava- 
liers coolly waited an opportunity to take the field 
against their ancient commander. 

the FiAh should have been prepared selected for Gasca's confidence 
to make such an acknowledgment should hare so indiscreetly betray- 
of his imbecility, or that the man ed his trust. 

VOL. II. . 47 


Gonzalo Pizarro, touched to the heart by the de- 
sertion of those m whom he most confided, was 
stunned by the dismal tidings of his losses coming 
so thick upon him. Yet he did not waste his time 
in idle crimination or complaint; but immediately 
set about making preparations to meet the storm 
with all his characteristic energy. He wrote, at 
once, to such of his captains as he believed still 
faithful, commanding them to be ready with their 
troops to march to his assistance at the shortest 
notice. He reminded them of their obligations to 
him, and that their interests were identical with 
his own. The president's commission, he added, 
had been made out before the news had reached 
Spain of the battle of Aaaquito, and could never 
cover a pardon to those concerned in the death of 
the viceroy.^ 

Pizarro was equally active in enforcing his levies 
in the capital, and in putting them in the best fight- 
ing order. He soon saw himself at the head of a 
thousand men, beautifully equipped, and complete in 
all their appointments ; " as gallant an array," sajs 
an old writer, " though so small in number, as ever 
trod the plains of Italy," — displacing in the ex- 
cellence of their arms, their gorgeous uniforms, and 
the caparisons of their horses, a magnificence that 
could be furnished only by the silver of PeniJ'' 

» Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y lib. 2, cap. 45, 59. — Montesiuoi, 

Conq., MS.— Zarale, Conq. del Annales, MS., afio 1547. 

Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11, 13.— Fer- w "Mil Hombres tan bien a^ 

nandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, mados i adere^ados, como se baa 

cb.IL] he musters his levies. 371 

Each company was provided with a new stand of 
colors, emblazoned with its peculiar device. Some 
b(H« the initials and arms of Pizarro, and one or 
two of these were audaciously surmounted by a 
crown, as if to intimate the rank to which their 
commander might aspire.^^ 

Among the leaders most conspicuous on this oc- 
casion was Cepeda, " who," in the words of a writ- 
er of his time, <^had exchanged the robe of the 
licentiate for the plumed casque and mailed harness 
of the warrior." '* But the cavalier to whom Pi- 
zarro confided the chief care of organizing his bat- 
talions was the veteran Carbajal, who had studied 
the art of war under the best captains of Europe, 
and whose life of adventure had been a practical 
commentary on their early lessons. It was on his 

nrto en lulia, en la maior proepe- ello despacho cartas 4 todas las 

lidad, poitque ninguno havia, demas ciudados del Pcrti.** (MontOKinos, 

de las Armas, que no llevaso Cal- Annalcs, MS., afio 15*17.) l)ut it 

^, i Jabon de Scda, i muchos do is hardly prol>ablo ho could liavo 

Tela de Oro, i do Brocado, i otros placed so blind a confidciico in the 

bordadoe, i recamados de Oro, i colonists at this crisis, as to hsTe 

Plata, con mucha Chaperia do Oro mediutcd so rash a step. Tho 

por los Sombreros, i cspecialmente loyal Castilian historians arc not 

poT Friscoe, i Caxas dc Arcubu- slow to receive reports to the dis- 

oes." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. credit of the rtbcl, 

6, cap. 11. 19 ** El qual en este tiempo, 

1^ Ibid., ubi supra. oluidado de lo quo conuenia a sus 

Some writers even assert that letras, y profession, y officio de 

Pinrro was preparing for his coro- Oydor ; salio en cal^as jubon, y 

nation at this time, and that he had cuera, de muchos recamados : y 

actnally despatched his summons gorra con plumas.*' Femandcx, 

lo the different towns to send their Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 9, 

deputies to assist at it. ** Queria cap. 63. 
tpresurar sa ooronacion, y pan 


arm that Gonzalo most leaned in the hour of dan- 
ger; and well had it been for him, if he had 
profited by his comisels at an eailier period. 

It gives one some idea of the luxnrioiis aocomma- 
datbns of Pisarro's forces, that he endeavoured lb 
provide each of his musketeers with a horse. Hb 
expenses incurred by him were emvmoiis. The im^ 
mediate cost of his preparations, we are tdd, was 
not less than half a million of pesos deoro; and his 
pay to the.caiidiers, and, indeed, to the omunoa 
soldiers, in Ins litde army, was on an extravagant 
scale, nowhere to be met with but on the alver 
s(h1 of Peru." 

When his own funds were exhausted, he soppEed 
the deficiency by fines imposed on the rich dtiEeiiS 
of Lima as the price of exemption from service, bf 
forced loans, and various other schemes of militaiy 
exaction.^^ From this time, it is said, the chieftain's 
temper underwent a visible change.^^ He became 
more violent in his passions, more impatient of 
control, and indulged more freely in acts of cruelty 
and license. The desperate cause ii| which he 
was involved made him reckless of consequences. 
Though naturally frank and confiding, the frequent 
defection of his followers filled him with suspicion. 
He knew not in whom to confide. Every one who 

13 Ibid., ubi supra. — Zarate, " Feniandei, Ptitc 1, Eb. S, 
Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11. — cap. SS. — MonteBiiios, 

Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, MS., aBo 1547. 

lib. 3, cap. 5. — Montesinoe, An- ^ Gmnan, Hist, de lat U.t 

nales, afio 1547. cap. 179. 

€■. n.] AGITATION IN UliA. 373 

showed himself indifierent to his causei or was sus- 
pected of being so, was dealt with as aa open ene- 
my. The greatest distrust prevailed in Lima. No 
man dared confide in his neighbour. Some concealed 
their effects ; others contrived to elude the vigilance 
of the sentinels, and hid themselves in the neigh- 
bouring woods and mountains.^^ No one was allow- 
ed to enter or leave the city without a license. All 
commercci all intercourse} with other places was 
cut ofi*. It was long since the fifths belonging to 
the Crown had been remitted to Castile; as Pi- 
sarro had appropriated them to his own use. He 
DOW took possession of the mints, broke up the royal 
Stamps, and issued a debased coin, emblazoned with 
hb own cipher.'^ It was the most decisive act of 

At this gloomy period, the lawyer Cepeda contriv- 
ed a solemn farce, the intent of which was to give a 
sort of legal sanction to the rebel cause in the eyes 
oi the populace. He caused a process to be pre- 
pared against Gasca, Hinojosa, and Aldana, in which 
they were accused of treason against the existing 

^ " Andaba la Gente tan asom- " Assi mismo ech6 Gozalo Pi^airo 

brada con el temor de la muerte, a toda la plata que gastaua y destri- 

que no m podian entender, ni te- buja au marca, qoe era una G. 

nian aniiiio pan huir, i algiinos, rebaelta en una P. j pregoD6 qua 

que hallaroQ mejor aparejo, se so pena de muerte, todoe recibieaBeD 

ewondienm por loe Canavefales, por plata fina la que tuuiease aqnel- 

i CneraB, enterrando sua Hacieii- la niaroa : ain eosayo, ni otra dili- 

das." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, gencia algima. T deata aueita 

lib. 6, eap.' 15. bizo paaaar mncba plata de ley 

17 Rel. Anonima, MS. — Mod- baja por ^am." Femandes, EM. 

tennos, Annaks, MS., alio 1647. del Pern, Pazta 1, lib. 8, cap. 68. 


government of Peru, were conTicted, and oondenui- 
ed to death. This instrument he submitted to a 
number of jurists in the capital, requiring thdr sig- 
natures. But they had no mind thus ineyitablj to 
implicate themselves, bj affixing their names to sodi 
a paper ; and they evaded it by representing, diat it 
would only serve to cut off all chance, should any of 
the accused be so disposed, of their again embradng 
the cause they had deserted. Cepeda was the only 
man who signed the document Carbajal treated 
the whde thing with ridicule. ^^ What is the ob- 
ject of your process?'' said he to Cepeda* ^Its 
olgeci," replied the latter, << is to prevent dehy, 
that, if taken at any time, the guilty party may be 
at once led to executfon." <<I cry you meRy," 
retorted Carbajal ; " I thought there must be some 
virtue in the instrument, that would have killed 
them outright. Let but one of these same trai- 
tors fall into my hands, and I will march bun off 
to execution, without waiting for the sentence €i a 
court, I promise you ! " ^® 

While this paper war viras going on, news was 
brought that Aldana's squadron was off the port of 
Callao. That commander had sailed from Panamfi, 

^ "Rioae rnncho entonoes Car- S, cap. 55.) Among the jmiali it 

najal y dixo ; que segu aula hecho lima who thua iiidepeiidently le- 

la instanda, que aula entendido, aisted Cepeda'a lequiaitioii to Hga 

que la juaticia como nyo, aula de the paper waa the Lioeiitiate Fob 

yr luego a juaticiarloe. T dena Ondegardo, a man of much diiae- 

que ai el loe tnuieeae preaoa, no ae tion, and one of the beet nnthoiitiei 

le daria vn dauo por au aentteia, for the ancient inatitatioiia of the 

ni firmaa." (Bud., Parte 1, lib. Incas. 


the middle of February, 1547. On his passage 
down the coast he had landed at Truxillo, where 
the citizens welcomed him with enthusiasm, and 
eagerly proclaimed their submission to the royal 
authority. He received, at the same time, mes- 
sages from several of Pizarro's officers in the in- 
terior, intimating their return to their duty, and 
dieir readiness to support the president. Aldana 
named Caxamaica as a place of rendezvous, where 
they should concentrate their forces, and wait the 
landing of Gasca. He then continued his voyage 
towards Lima. 

No sooner was Pizarro informed of his approach, 
than, fearful lest it might have a disastrous effect in 
seducing his followers from their fidelity, he marched 
them about a league out of the city, and there en- 
camped. He was two leagues from the coast, and 
he posted a guard on the shore, to intercept all com- 
munication with the vessels. Before leaving the 
capital, Cepeda resorted to an expedient for securing 
the inhabitants more firmly, as he conceived, in Pi- 
zarro's interests. He caused the citizens to be as- 
sembled, and made them a studied harangue, in which 
he expatiated on the services of their governor, and 
the security which the country had enjoyed under 
his rule. He then told them that every man was at 
liberty to choose for himself; to remain under the 
protection of their present ruler, or, if they prefer- 
red, to transfer their allegiance to his enemy. He 
invited them to speak their minds, but required every 
one who would still continue under Pizarro to take 


an oath of fidelity to his causci with the aflsoianoei 
that, if any should be so fabe hereafter as to vio- 
late this pledge, he sjiould pay for it with his life.^ 
There was no one found bold enough — with Ui 
head thus in the lion's mouth — to swenre from 
his obedience to Pizarro; and every man took the 
oath prescribed, which was administered in the 
most solemn and imposing form by the licentiate. 
Carbajal, as usual, made a jest of the whole pio* 
ceeding. <^ How long," he asked his companioiii 
^<do you think these same oaths will stand r The 
first wind that blows ofi* the coast after we are gone 
will scatter them in air ! " His prediction was 
soon verified* 

Meantime^ Aldana anchored ofi* the pwty wheie 
there was no vessel of the insurgents to mdest Unt 
By Cepeda's advice, some four or five had beea 
burnt a short time before, during the absence of 
Carbajal, in order to cut off all means by which the 
inhabitants could leave the place. This was deeply 
deplored by the veteran soldier on his return. " It 
was destroying," he said, "the guardian angels of 
Lima."^ And certainly, under such a commandery 
they might now have stood Pizarro in good stead; 
but his star was on the wane. 

The first act of Aldana was to cause the copy 

'8 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y » " Entre otras oosas dixo t 

Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist. Gongalo Pizarro ruesa Sefiarit 

del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 61. mand5 quemar cinco angeles qitt 

— Monteainos, Annales, MS., aRo tenia en bu puerto para guardi J 

1547. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, defensa de la coeta del Peru.'* 

lib. 6, cap. 11, 14. Gardlaaso, Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 0. 

Oh U.] he abandons THE CITT. 377 

of Gasca's powers, with which he had been intrust- 
ed, to be conveyed to his ancient commander, bj 
whom it was indignantly torn in pieces. Aldana 
next contrived, by means of his agents, to circulate 
among the citizens, and even the soldiers of the 
camp, the president's manifestoes. They were not 
loDg in producing their effect. Few had been at all 
aware of the real purp(^ of Gasca's mission, of the 
extent of his powers, or of the generous terms of- 
fered by government. They shrunk from the des- 
perate course into which they had been thus unwa- 
rily seduced, and they sought only in what way they 
could, with least danger, extricate themselves from 
their present position, and return to their allegiance. 
Some escaped by night from the camp, eluded the 
vigilance of the sentinels, and effected their retreat 
on board the vessels. Some were taken, and found 
DO quarter at the hands of Carbajal and his merci- 
less ministers. But, where the spirit of disaffection 
was abroad, means of escape were not wanting. 

As the fugitives were cut off from Lima and the 
neighbouring coast, they secreted themselves in the 
forests and uKMintains, and watched their opportuni- 
tj for making their way to Truxillo and odier ports 
at a distance ; and so conta^ous was the example, 
that it not unfrequently happened that the very 
addiers sent in pursuit of the deserters joined with 
them. Among those that fled was the Licentiate 
Carbajal, who must not be confounded with his 
military namesake. He was the same cavalier 
whose brother had been put to death in Lima bj 

TOL. II. 48 

378 nmiiiDiT of the oouimcT. (Bmbt. 

Blasco NufieZf and who revenged himself as wb 
have seen, hj imbruing his own hands in the Uood 
of the viceroy. That a person tbos . implicated 
should trust to the royal pardon showed that no o». 
need despair of it; and the example prafed moit 
disastrous to Pizarro.*^ 

Carbajal, who made a jest of every dungi eva 
of the misfortunes which pmched him the aharp- 
est| when told of the desertion of his comradeii 
amused himself by humming the words of a popobk 
ditty : ^ 

•• TlM wind Uom tiM iMto off nj haid, Modw; 
Two «l a lin», h Uom 4moi swmy! '*■ 

But the defection of his fellowers made m deeps 
impression on Pizarro, and he was scxdj J sUe—i 
as he beheld the gallant array, to nHuch be had as 
confidently looked for gaining his battles, dan mdfc* 
iag away like a morning mist. Bewildered by Ae 
treachery of those in whcHn he had most traslcdy ke 
knew not where to turn, nor what course So 
It was evident that he must leave his 
gerous quarters without loss of time. Bui 
should he direct his steps ? In the north, the g^ 
towns had abandoned his cause, and the 
was already marching against him ; while Ct 
held the passes of the south, with a fiacce 

bft ImL* cttp. 1$0L — FenuMies, Gc^n, lb. ^ ] 
Hint. M Fera, Fm» 1, fib. 9, ifiOL 
cap. «3« Sflk^Zniftt, C«m|. M 
F^cu. tklk «, ci^ IS, IS. 

dl u.] he abandons the cmr. 379 

own. In this emergencji he at length resolved to 
occupy Arequipa, a seaport still true to him, where 
he might remain till he had decided on some future 
course of operations. 

After a painful but rapid march, Gonzalo arrived 
at this place, where he was speedily joined by a re- 
inforcement that he had detached for the recovery 
ci Cuzco. But so frequent had been the deser- 
tions from both companies, — though in Pizarro's 
corps these had greatly lessened since the departure 
from the neighbourhood of Lima, — that his whole 
number did not exceed five hundred men, less than 
half of the force which he had so recently mustered 
in the capital. To such humble circumstances was 
the man now reduced, who had so lately lorded 
it over the land with unlimited sway! Still the 
chief did not despond. He had gathered new spirit 
from the excitement of bis march and his distance 
from Lima; and he seemed to recover his former 
confidence, as he exclaimed, — ^<It is misfortune 
that teaches us who are our friends. If but ten 
only remain true to me, fear not but I will again be 
master of Peru ! " ^ 

No sooner had the rebel forces withdrawn from 
the neighbourhood of Lima, than the inhabitants of 
that city, litde troubled, as Carbajal had predicted, 
by their compulsory oaths of allegiance to Pizarro, 
threw open their gates to Aldana, who took posses- 

B ** Aanqiie siempre dijo : que de nnero el Penl : tinta era en 
eoa diei Amigoe que le qaedaeen, safla, 6 aa ■oberria." Ibid., kc. 
oifii de oooeeivaney i eoDqnntav ot. 


sion of this impOTtant place in the name of die pres- 
ident That commander, meanwhile, had sailed 
with his whole fleet from Panami, on the tenth of 
April, 1547. ITie first part of his voyage was 
jNK)sperous ; but he was soon perplexed by contraiy 
currents, and the weather became rough and tem- 
pestuous. The violence of the storm continuing 
day after day, the sea was l^hed into fury, and the 
fleet was tossed about on the billows, which ran 
mountain high, as if emulating the vrild characta 
of the region they bounded. The rain descended 
in torrents, and the lightning was so incessant, 
that the vessels, to quote the lively language of the 
chronicler, ^< seemed to be driving through seas of 
flame ! " ^ The hearts of the stoutest mariners 
were filled with dismay. They considered it hope- 
less to struggle against the elements, and they loud- 
ly demanded to return to the continent, and post- 
pone the voyage till a more favorable season of the 

But the president saw in this the ruin of his 
cause, as well as of the loyal vassals who had en- 
gaged, on his landing, to support it. " I am willing 
to die," he said, " but not to return " ; and, regard- 
less of the remonstrances of his more timid follow- 
ers, he insisted on carrying as much sail as the 

** " Y lo8 truenos y retepagos Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71.) 

eran tantos y tales ; que siempre The vivid coloring of the old chroo- 

parecia que estauan eu llamas, y icier shows that he had himsdf 

que sobre ellos venian Rayos (que been familiar with these titmial 

en todas aquellas partes caen mu- tempests on the Pacific, 
chos).'* (Fernandez, Hist, del 

Cb. II] GA^A sails from PANAMA. 381 

ships could possibly bear, at every interval of the 
storm.^ Meanwhile, to divert the minds of the 
seamen from their present danger, Gasca amused 
them by explaining some of the strange phenom- 
ena exhibited by the ocean in the tempest, which 
had filled their superstitious minds with mysterious 

Signals had been given for the ships to make the 
best of their way, each for itself, to the i§)and of 
Gorgona« Here they arrived, one after another, 
with but a single exception, though all more or less 
shattered by the weather. The president waited 
only for the fury of the elements to spend itself, 
when he again embarked, and, on smoother waters, 
crossed over to Manta. From this place he soon 
after continued his voyage to Tumbez, and landed 
at that port on the thirteenth of June. He was 
everywhere received with enthusiasm, and all seem- 
ed anxious to efface the remembrance of the past 
by professions of future fidelity to the Crown. Gas- 
ca received, also, numerous letters of congratulation 
from cavaliers in the interior, most of whom had 
formerly taken service under Pizarro. He made 

* " Y con lo poco quo en aquella observed to hover round the roasts 
el Presidente estimaua la and rigging of the president's Te»- 

▼ida ai no aula de hazer la jomada : ael ; and he amused the seamen, 

y el gran deaseo que tenia de ha- according to Fernandez, by ex- 

•erla se puso cdtra ellos diziendo, plaining the phenomenon, and tell- 

qM qoal quieraque le tocasse en ing the fables to which they had 

abaxar vela, le costaria la vida." given rise in ancient mythology. — 

Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71. This little anecdote affords a key 

V The phosphoric lights, some- to Gasca's popularity with even 

seen in a ttonn at sea, were the homhlest classes. 


courteous acknowledgments for their offers of assist- 
ance, and commanded them to repair to Caxamaica, 
the general place of rendezvous. 

To this same spot he sent Hinojosa, so soon as 
that officer had disembarked with the land forces 
from the fleet, ordering him to take command of the 
levies assembled there, and then join him at Xanxa. 
Here he determined to establish his head-quarters. 
It lay in a rich and abundant territory, and by its 
central position afforded a point for acting with 
greatest advantage against the enemy. 

He then moved forward, at the head of a small 
detachment of cavalry, along the level road on the 
coast towards Truxillo. After halting for a short 
time in that loyal city, he traversed the mountain 
range on the southeast, and soon entered the fruit- 
ful valley of Xauxa. There he was presently jobed 
by reinforcements from the north, as well as from 
the principal places on the coast; and, not long 
after his arrival, received a message from Cen- 
teno, informing him that he held the passes by 
which Gonzalo Pizarro was preparing to make his 
escape from the country, and that the insurgent 
chief must soon fall into his hands. 

The royal camp was greatly elated by these 
tidings. The war, then, was at length terminated, 
and that without the president having been called 
upon so much as to lift his sword against a Span- 
iard. Several of his counsellors now advised him to 
disband the greater part of his forces, as burden- 
some and no longer necessary. But the president 


was too wise to weaken his strength before he had 
secured the victory. He consented, however, to 
countermand the requisition for levies from Mexico 
and the adjoining colonies, as now feeling sufficient- 
ly strong in the general loyalty of the country. 
But, concentrating his forces at Xauxa, he estab- 
lished his quarters in that town, as he had first in- 
tended, resolved to await there tidings of the opera* 
tions in the south. The result was different from 
what be had expected.^ 

Pizarro, meanwhile, whom we left at Arequipa, 
had decided, after much deliberation, to evacuate 
Peru, and pass into Chili. In this territory, beyond 
the president's jurisdiction, he might find a safe re- 
treat. The fickle people, he thought, would soon 
weary of their new ruler ; and he would then rally 
in sufficient strength to resume active operations for 
the recovery of his domain. Such were the calcula- 
tions of the rebel chieftain. But how was he to 
efiect Us object, while the passes among the moun- 
tains, where his route lay, were held by Centeno 
with a fwce more than double his own ? He re- 

s' For the pieoeding pages, see ties of information which have en- 
Pedro Piarro, Descub. y Conq., abled him to furnish seTeral par- 
BfS. — Zftimte, Conq. del Peru, ticulars not to be met with else- 
lib. 7, cap. 1. — Herrera, Hist, where, respecting the principal 
General, dee. 8, lib. 3, cap. 14, et actors in these turbulent times. 
•eq. — Femandei, Hist, del Peru, His work, still in manuscript, which 
Parte 1, lib. S, cap. 71-77. — MS. formerly existed in the archiTcs of 
de CaraTsntee. the University of Salamanca, has 

This last writer, who held an been transferred to the King's li- 

kiportant poet in the department brary at Madrid. 
cf ookntal finanoe, had opportoni- 

S84 ssrojatMUrr OF TBS wmmat. [Bmbt 

sdved ta tcy negotiate ; fot tJtait eaptaot haiki 
served under lua% and bad» indeed^ been moet m^ 
tive in persoadiBg Pizarro. to take on iiarndt te 
office of prooiuaton Aihrancingy aoconfing^y in te 
direction of Lake Tkicaca, in tbe ndghbojmdiooddf 
wkich Centeno bad pitohed kia campy Gottsdo d* 
spatched an esiiflsarj to his quartenr to opm a nsf 
gotiation. He cafied to his adTersaiy'a recoUeetka 
the friendly relations that had once safaiisted bo^ 
tween them ; and reminded him of one oocasbn m 
particalary m which he had spared bis life, when 
convicted of a conspiracy against himself. Hk 
harboured, no sentiments of unkindness, be sni^ 
for Centeno's recent conduct, and had iK»t nov 
come to seek a quarrel with him. His purpose was) 
to abandon Peru ; and the only iayor he bad to ro* 
quest of his fcnrmer associate was to leate him a. 
free passage across the mountains* 

To this communication Centeno made answer in 
terms as courtly as those of Pizarro himself, that' 
he was not unmindful of their ancient friendship. 
He was now ready to serve his former commander 
in any way not inconsistent with honor, or obe- 
dience to his sovereign. But he was there in arms 
for the royal cause, and he could not swerve from 
his duty. If Pizarro would but rely on his faith, 
and surrender himself up, he pledged his knighdy 
word to use all his interest with the government, to 
secure as favorable terms for him and his followers 
as had been granted to the rest of their countrymen. 
— Gonzalo listened to the smooth promises of his 


ancient comrade with bitter scorn depicted in his 
countenance, and, snatching the letter from his sec- 
retary, cast it away from him with indignation. 
There was nothing left but an appeal to arms.^ 

He at once broke up his encampment, and di- 
rected his march on the borders of Lake Titicaca, 
near which lay his rival. He resorted, however, to 
stratagem, that he might still, if possible, avoid an 
encounter. He sent forward his scouts in a differ- 
ent direction from that which he intended to take, 
and then quickened his march on Huarina. This 
was a small town situated on the southeastern ex- 
tremis of Lake Titicaca, the shores of which, the 
seat of the primitive civilization of the Incas, were 
soon to resound with the murderous strife of their 
more civilized conquerors ! 

But Pizarro's movements had been secretly com- 
municated to Centeno, and that commander, ac- 
cordingly, changing his ground, took up a position 
not far from Huarina, on the same day on which 
Gonzalo reached this place. The videttes of the 
two camps came in sight of each other that even- 
ing, and the rival forces, lying on their arms, pre- 
pared for action on the following morning. . 

It was the twenty-sixth of October, 1547, when 
the two commanders, having formed their troops in 
order of battle, advanced to the encounter on the 
plains of Huarina. The ground, defended on one 
side by a bold spur of the Andes, and not far re- 
's Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Real., Parte 9, lib. 5, cap. 16.— 
Cooq., MS. — GanrilaMo, Com. Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7. 

VOL. II. 49 


moved on the other from the waters of Thicaca, 
was an open and level plain, well suited to nulitary 
manoeuvres. It seemed as if prepared hy Nature 
as the lists for an encounter. 

Centeno's army amounted to about a thousuid 
men. His cavalry consisted of near two hundred 
and fifty, well equipped and mounted. Among 
them were several gendemen of Csimily, scMne of 
whom had once foUowed the banners of Pizano, 
the whole forming an efl&^ient corps, in which rode 
some of the best lances of Peru. His arquebusien 
were less numerous, not exceeding a hundred and 
fifty, indifierendy provided with ammunition. The 
remainder, and much the larger part of Centeno^ 
army, consisted of spearmen, irregular levies hasdty 
dra>\7i together, and possessed of little discipline." 

This corps of infantry formed the centre of his 
line, flanked by the arquebusiers in two nearij 
equal dinsions, while his cavalry were also disposed 
in two bodies on the right and left wings. Un- 
fortunately, Centeno had been for the past week iD 
of a pleurisy, — so ill, indeed, that on the preceding 
day he had been bled several times. He was now 
too feeble to keep his saddle, but was carried in a 
litter, and when he had seen his men formed in 
order, he >\dthdrew to a distance firom the field, un- 
able to take part in the action. But Solano, the 

V In the estimate of Centeno's taken the mtermediate number of i 

forces, — which ranges, in the dif- thousand adopted by Zarate, as, 

ferent accounts, from seTen hun- on the whole, more probable dna 

.dred to twelve handled, — I haTe either extieme. 


militant bishop of Cuzco, who, with several of his 
fidlowers, took part in the engagement, — a circum- 
stance, indeed, of no strange occurrence, — rode 
along the ranks with the crucifix in his hand, be- 
stowing his benediction on the soldiers, and exhort- 
ing each man to do his duty. 

Pizarro's forces were less than half of his rival's, 
not amounting to more than four hundred and eighty 
men. The horse did not muster above eighty-five 
in all, and he posted them in a single body on the 
right of his battalion. The strength of his army 
lay in his arquebusiers, about three hundred and 
fifty in number. It was an admirable corps, com- 
manded by Carbajal, by whom it had been carefiilly 
drilled. Considering the excellence of its arms, 
and its thorough discipline, this little body of in- 
fantry might be considered as the flower of the Pe- 
ravian soldiery, and on it Pizarro mainly relied for 
the success of the day.** The remainder of his 
force, consisting of pikemen, not formidable for their 
numbers, though, like the rest of the infantry, under 
excellent discipline, he distributed on the left of his 
musketeers, so as to repel the enemy's horse. 

Pizarro himself had charge of the cavalry, taking 
his place, as usual, in the foremost rank. He was 
superbly accoutred. Over his shining mail he wore 
a sobre-vest of slashed velvet of a rich crimson 

» Fbr de h rmKcia del Peru, in such a manner as must infellibly 

nys Garcilaaso de la Vega, who secure him the yictory. Com. 

compares Carbajal to an expert Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 18. 
cbeM-player, disposing his pieces 


color; and he rode a high-metded charger, whose 
gaudy caparisons, with the showy livery of his rider, 
made the fearless commander the most conspicuous 
object in the field. 

His lieutenant, Carbajal, was equipped in a very 
different style. He wore armour of proof of the 
most homely appearance, but strong and service- 
able ; and his steel bonnet, with its closely barred 
visor of the same material, protected his head from 
more than one desperate blow on that day. Over 
his arms he wore a surcoat of a greenish color, and 
he rode an active, strong-boned jennet, which, 
though capable of enduring fatigue, possessed nei- 
ther grace nor beauty. It would not have been 
easy to distinguish the veteran from the most or- 
dinary cavalier. 

The two hosts arrived within six hundred paces 
of each other, when they both halted. Carbajal 
preferred to receive the attack of the enemy, rathei 
than advance further ; for the ground he now oc- 
cupied afforded a free range for his musketry, unob- 
structed by the trees or bushes that were sprinkled 
over some other parts of the field. Tligre was a 
singular motive, in addition, for retaining his present 
position. The soldiers were encumbered, some with 
two, some with three, arquebuses each, being the 
arms left by those who, from time to time, had de- 
serted the camp. This uncommon supply of mus- 
kets, however serious an impediment on a march, 
might afford great advantage to troops waiting an 
assault; since, from the imperfect knowledge as well 

ck. u.] bloody battle of huarina. 389 

as construction of fire-arms at that day, much time 
was wasted in loading them.^^ 

Preferring, therefore, that the enemy should begin 
the attack, Carbajal came to a halt, while the oppo- 
site squadron, after a short respite, continued their 
advance a hundred paces farther. Seeing that they 
then remained immovable, Carbajal detached a 
small party of skirmishers to the front, in order to 
provoke them ; but it was soon encountered by a 
siimlar party of the enemy, and some shots were 
exchanged, though with little damage to either side. 
Finding this manoeuvre fail, the veteran ordered his 
men to advance a few paces, still hoping to pro- 
voke his antagonist to the charge. This succeeded. 
** We lose honor," exclaimed Centeno's soldiers ; 
who, with a bastard sort of chivalry, belonging to 
undisciplined troops, felt it a disgrace to await an 
assault. In vain their officers called out to them 
to remain at their post. Their commander was ab- 
sent, and they were urged on by the cries of a 
frantic friar, named Domingo Ruiz, who, believing 
the Philistines were delivered into their hands, 
called out, — " Now is the time ! Onward, onward, 
fall on the enemy!"® There needed nothing fiir- 

^ Garcilaseo, Com. Real., nbi Huarina; and the particulars which 

sapra. he ga^e his son enabled the latter 

The historian's father — of the to supply many deficiencies in the 

name with himself — was one reports of historians. 

of the few noble cavaliers who 33 ** A las manos, 4 las manos : 

remained faithful to Gonzalo Pi- d ellos, a ellos." Fernandez, Hist, 

nrro, in the wane of his fortunes, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79. 
He was present at the battle of 


ther, and the men rushed forward in tamultaons 
haste, the pikemen carrying their levelled weapons 
so heedlessly as to interfere with one another, and 
in some instances to wound their comrades. The 
musketeers, at the same time, kept up a disorderly 
fire as they advanced, which, from their rapid mo- 
tion and the distance, did no execution. 

Carbajal was well pleased to see his enemies thus 
wasting their ammunition. Though he allowed a 
few muskets to be discharged, in order to stimulate 
his opponents the more, he commanded the great 
body of his infantry to reserve their fire till every 
shot could take effect* As he knew the tendency 
of marksmen to shoot above the mark, he directed 
his men to aim at the girdle, or even a little below 
it ; adding, that a shot that fell short might still do 
damage, while one that passed a hair's breadth 
above the head was wasted.^ 

The veteran's company stood calm and unmoved, 
as Centeno's rapidly advanced ; but when the latter 
had arrived within a hundred paces of their antago- 
nists, Carbajal gave the word to fire. An instanta- 
neous volley ran along the line, and a tempest of 
balls was poured into the ranks of the assailants, 
with such unerring aim, that more than a hundred 
fell dead on the field, while a still greater number 
were wounded. Before they could recover from 
their disorder, Carbajal's men, snatching up their 
remaining pieces, discharged them with the like 

33 Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra. 

cb. u.] bloody battle of huarina. 391 

dreadful effect into the thick of the enemy. The 
confusion of the latter was now complete. Unable 
to sustain the incessant shower of balls which fell 
on them from the scattering fire kept up by the 
arquebusiers, they were seized with a panic, and 
fled, scarcely making a show of further fight, from 
the field. 

But very different was the fortune of the day in 
the cavalry combat. Gonzalo Pizarro had drawn 
up his troop somewhat in the rear of CarbajaPs 
right, in order to give the latter a freer range for the 
play of his musketry. When the enemy's horse 
OQ the left galloped briskly against him, Pizarro, still 
£ivoring Carbajal, — whose fire, moreover, inflicted 
wme loss on the assailants, — advanced but a few 
fods to receive the charge. Centeno's squadron, 
accordingly, came thundering on in full career, and, 
notwithstanding the mischief sustained from their 
enemy's musketry, fell with such fury on their ad- 
versaries as to overturn them, man and horse, in 
the dust ; " riding over their prostrate bodies," 
»ys the historian, " as if they had been a flock of 
sheep ! " ^ The latter, with great difficulty recov- 
ering from the first shock, attempted to rally and 
sustain the fight on more equal terms. 

Yet the chief could not regain the ground he 
had lost. His men were driven back at all points. 

•• " Lm do Diego Centeno, los tropeHaron como si fuenm one- 

domo yuan con la pujan^a dc ma jas, y cayeron cauallos y caual]&- 

earrfnra larga, Ueaaron a los de roe." n>id.,Parte9, lib. 5,cap. 19. 
Goo^o Pi9arro de encuentro, y 


Many were slain, many more wounded, on both 
sides, and the ground was covered with the dead 
bodies of men and horses. But the loss fell much 
the most heavily on Pizarro's troop ; and the greater 
part of those who escaped with life were obliged 
to surrender as prisoners. Cepeda, who fought with 
the fury of despair, received a severe cut from a sa- 
bre across the face, which disabled him and forced 
him to yield.^ Pizarro, after seeing his best and 
bravest fall around him, was set upon by three or 
four cavaliers at once. Disentangling himself from 
the melee, he put spurs to his horse, and the noUe 
animal, bleeding from a severe wound across the 
hack, outstripped all his pursuers except one, who 
stayed him by seizing the bridle. It would have gone 
hard with Gonzalo, but, grasping a light battle-axe, 
which hung by his side, he dealt such a blow on the 
head of his enemy's horse that he plunged violently, 
and compelled his rider to release his hold. A num- 
ber of arquebusiers, in the mean time, seeing Pi- 
zarro's distress, sprang forward to his rescue, slew 
two of his assailants who had now come up with 
him, and forced the others to fly in their turn.* 

35 Ccpcda's wound laid open his cd him on his own. This timely 
nose, leaving so hideous a scar aid to the rebel did no service to 
lliat ho was obliged afterwards to the generous cavalier in after times, 
cover it with a patch, asGarcilasso but was urged against him by his 
tfills us, who frequently saw him enemies as a crime. The fdrt is 
in Cuzco. stoutly denied by his son, the his- 

36 According to most authori- torian, who seems anxious to to- 
ties, Pizarro's horse was not only lieve his father from this honorable 
wounded but slain in the fight, and imputation, which threw a cloud 
the loss was supplied by his friend over both their fortunes. Ibid., 
Garcilasso de la Vega, who mount- Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 23. 


The rout of the cavalry was complete ; and Pi- 
zarro considered the day as lost, as he heard the 
enemy's trumpet sending forth the note of victory. 
But the sounds had scarcely died away, when they 
were taken up by the opposite side. Centeno's in- 
fantry had been discomfited, as we have seen, and 
driven off the ground. But his cavalry on the right 
had charged CarbajaPs left, consisting of spearmen 
mingled with arquebusiers. The horse rode straight 
against this formidable phalanx. But they were 
unable to break through the dense array of pikes, 
held by the steady hands of troops who stood firm 
and fearless on their post ; while, at the same time, 
the assailants were greatly annoyed by the galling 
fire of the arquebusiers in the rear of the spearmen. 
Finding it impracticable to make a breach, the 
horsemen rode round the flanks in much disorder, 
and finally joined themselves with the victorious 
squadron of Centeno's cavalry in the rear. Both 
parties now attempted another charge on Carbajal's 
battalion. But his men facing about with the 
promptness and discipline of well-trained soldiers, 
the rear was converted into the front. The same 
forest of spears was presented to the attack ; while 
an incessant discharge of balls punished the au- 
dacity of the cavaliers, who, broken and completely 
dispirited by their ineffectual attempt, at length 
imitated the example of the panic-struck foot, and 
abandoned the field. 

Pizarro and a few of his comrades still fit for ac- 
tion followed up the pursuit for a short distance 

▼OL. II. 50 


only, as, indeed, they were in no condition them- 
selves, nor sufficiently strong in numbers, long to 
continue it. The victory was complete, and the in- 
surgent chief took possession of the deserted tents of 
the enemy, where an immense booty was obtained 
in silver;^ and where he also found the tables 
spread for the refreshment of Centeno's soldiers 
after their return from the field. So confident were 
they of success ! The repast now served the neces- 
sities of their conquerors. Such is the fortune of 
war ! It was, indeed, a most decisive action ; and 
Gonzalo Pizarro; as he rode over the field strewed 
with the corpses of his enemies, was observed sev- 
eral times to cross himself and exclaim, — << Jesu! 
what a victory ! " 

No less than three hundred and fifty of Centeno's 
followers were killed, and the number of wounded 
was even greater. More than a hundred of these 
are computed to have perished from exposure during 
the following night ; for, although the climate in this 
elevated region is temperate, yet the night winds 
blowing over the mountains are sharp and piercing, 
and many a wounded wretch, who might have been 
restored by careful treatment, was chilled by the 
damps, and found a stiffened corpse at sunrise. 

37 Tlie booty amounted to no less The amount is, doubtless, groeslT 

than one million four hundred thou- exaggerated. But we get to be 

sand pesos, according to Fernandez, so famihar with the golden vtod- 

'' El saco que vuo fuc grande : que ders of Peru, that, like the rfadei 

se dixo ser de mas do vn millon of the "Arabian Nights,'* we be- 

y quatrocietos mil pesos." (Ilist. come of too easy faith to resort to 

del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.) the vulgar standard of probability. 


The victory was not purchased without a heavy loss 
on the part of the conquerors, a hundred or more of 
whom were left on the field. Their bodies lay 
thick on that part of the ground occupied by Pizar- 
ro's cavalry, where the fight raged hottest. In this 
narrow space were found, also, the bodies of more 
than a hundred horses, the greater part of which, 
as well as those of their riders, usually slain with 
them, belonged to the victorious army. It was the 
most fatal battle that had yet been fought on the 
blood-stained soil of Peru.^ 

The glory of the day — the melancholy glory — 
must be referred almost wholly to Carbajal and his 
valiant squadron. The judicious arrangements of 
the old warrior, with the thorough discipline and 
onflinching courage of his followers, retrieved the 
fortunes of the fight, when it was nearly lost by the 
cavalry, and secured the victory. 

Carbajal, proof against all fatigue, followed up the 
pursuit with those of his men that were in condition 
to join him. Such of the unhappy fugitives as fell 
into his hands — most of whom had been traitors to 

* " La mas sangrienta batalla and all assign to Carbajal the credit 

que Tao en el Pehi." Ibid., loc. of the victory. — For authorities, 

dt. besides Gardlasso and Fernandez, 

In the aocoants of this battle repeatedly quoted, see Pedro Pi- 
there are discrepancies, as usual, zarro, Descub. yConq., MS. (He 
which the historian must reconcile was present in the action.) — Za- 
■• he can. But on the whole, rate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 
there is a general conformity in the 3. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 
outline and in the prominent points. 8, lib. 4, cap. 2. — Gomara, Hist. 
An concur in representing it as the de las Indias, cap. 181. — Montesi- 
bloodiest fight that had yet occurred nos, Annales, MS., afio 1547. 
between the Spaniards in Peru, 


the cause of Pizarro — were sent to instant execu- 
tion. The laurels he had won in the field against 
brave men in arms, like himself, were tarnished by 
cruelty towards his defenceless captives. Their 
commander, Centeno, more fortunate, made his es- 
cape. Finding the battle lost, he quitted his litter, 
threw himself upon his horse, and, notwithstanding 
his illness, urged on by the dreadful doom that 
awaited him, if taken, he succeeded in making his 
way into the neighbouring sierra. Here he vanish- 
ed from his pursuers, and, like a wounded stag, with 
the chase close upon his track, he still contrived to 
elude it, by plunging into the depths of the forests, 
till, by a circuitous route, he miraculously succeeded 
in effecting his escape to Lima. The bishop rf 
Cuzco, who went off in a different direction, was 
no less fortunate. Happy for him that he did not 
fall into the hands of the ruthless Carbajal, who, as 
the bishop had once been a partisan of Pizarro, 
would, to judge from the little respect he usually 
showed those of his cloth, have felt as little com- 
punction in sentencing him to the gibbet as if he 
had been the meanest of the common file.^** 

On the day following the action, Gonzalo Pizarro 
caused the bodies of the soldiers, still lying side by 
side on the field where they had been so lately en- 
gaged together in mortal strife, to be deposited in a 
common sepulchre. Those of higher rank — for 

39 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 7, cap. 3. — Garcilassq, Com. 
Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 21, 22. 
del Peru, ubi supra. — Zarate, lib. 


distinctions of rank were not to be forgotten in the 
grave — were removed to the church of the village 
of Huarina, which gave its name to the batde. 
There they were interred with all fitting solemnity. 
But in later times they were transported to the ca- 
thedral church of La Paz, " The City of Peace," 
and laid under a mausoleum erected by general sub- 
scription in that quarter. For few there were who 
bad not to mourn the loss of some friend or relative 
on that fatal day. 

The victor now profited by his success to send 
detachments to Arequipa, La Plata, and other cities 
in that part of the country, to raise funds and rein- 
forcements for the war. His own losses were more 
than compensated by the number of the vanquished 
party who were content to take service under his 
banner. Mustering his forces, he directed his march 
to Cuzco, which capital, though occasionally se- 
duced into a display of loyalty to the Crown, had 
early manifested an attachment to his cause. 

Here the inhabitants were prepared to receive 
him in triumph, under arches thrown across the 
streets, with bands of music, and minstrelsy com- 
memorating his successes. But Pizarro, with more 
discretion, declined the honors of an ovation while 
the country remained in the hands of his enemies. 
Sending forward the main body of his troops, he 
followed on foot, attended by a slender retinue of 
friends and citizens, and proceeded at once to the 
cathedral, where thanksgivings were offered up, and 
Te Deum was chanted in honor of his victory. He 


then withdrew to his residence, announcing his pur- 
pose to establbh his quarters, for the present, in the 
venerable capital of the Incas.^ 

All thoughts of a retreat into Chili were aban- 
doned ; for his recent success had kindled new 
hopes in his bosom, and revived his ancient confi- 
dence. He trusted that it would have a similar ef- 
fect on the vacillating temper of those whose fidel- 
ity had been shaken bj fears for their own safety, 
and their distrust of his ability to cope with the 
president. They would now see that his star was 
still in the ascendant Without further apprehen- 
sions for the event, he resolved to remain in Cuzco, 
and there quietly await the hour when a last appeal 
to arms should decide which of the two was to re- 
main master of Peru. 

40 Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 27. after an interval of many years. 

— Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq. , In consequence of his father's rank, 

MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, he had easy access to the palace 

lib. 7, cap. 3. of Pizarro ; and this portion of his 

Garcilasso de la Vega, who was narrative may claim the considera- 

a boy at the time, witnessed Pizar- tion due not merely to a contem- 

ro's entry into Cuzco. He writes, porary, but to an syewitneas. 
therefore, from memory ; though 


JhBMAT or Ga8oa*s Camp. — Hu Winter Quartkbs. — Resumu 
HIS March. — Crosses the Apurimac. — Pizarro's Conduct in 
Cuxco. — He encamps near the City. — Rout of Xaquixa- 



While the events recorded in the preceding 
chapter were passing, President Gasca had remain- 
ed at Xauxa, awaiting further tidings from Cente* 
no, little doubting that thej would inforp him of 
the total discomfiture of the rebels. Great was 
his dismaj, therefore, on learning the issue of the 
&tal conflict at Huarina, — that the royalists had 
been scattered far and wide before the sword of 
Pizarro, while their commander had vanished like 
an apparition,^ leaving the greatest uncertainty as 
to his fate. 

The intelligence spread general consternation 
among the soldiers, proportioned to their former con- 
fidence ; and they felt it was almost hopeless to con- > 
tend with a man who seemed protected by a charm 
that made him invincible against the greatest odds. 
The president, however sore his disappointment, 

1 «« T salk) a Is Ciadad de los fue, sioo que paredo encantsmi- 
Rejes, sin que Caxbsjal, ni slguno ento." Gardlasso, Com. Real., 
4s k» sayos sapione por donde Parte 9, lib. 6, cap. 2S. 


was careful to conceal it, while he endeavoured to 
restore the spirits of his followers. " They had 
been too sanguine," he said, "and it was in this 
way that Heaven rebuked their presumption. Yet 
it was but in the usual course of events, that Provi- 
dence, when it designed to humble the guilty, 
should allow him to reach as high an elevation as 
possible, that his fall might be the greater ! " 

But while Gasca thus strove to reassure the su- 
perstitious and the timid, he bent his mind, vidth his 
usual energy, to repair the injury which the cause 
had sustained by the defeat at Huarina. He sent a 
detachment under Alvarado to Lima, to collect such 
of the royalists as had fled thither from the field of 
battle, aqd to dismantle the ships of their cannon, 
and bring them to the camp. Another body was 
sent to Guamanga, about sixty leagues from Cuzco, 
for the similar purpose of protecting the fugitives, 
and also of preventing the Indian caciques from for- 
warding supplies to the insurgent army in Cuzco. 
As his own forces now amounted to considerably 
more than any his opponent could bring against him, 
Gasca determined to break up his camp without 
further delay, and march on the Inca capital.^ 

' Gasca, according to Ondcgar- ed by the hungry Conquerors. — 

do, supported his army, during his "Cuandoel Seilor Presidente Gasca 

stay at Xauxa, from the Peruvian pass6 con la gente de castigo de 

granaries in the valley, as he found Gonzalo Pizarro por el Valle de 

a quantity of maize still remain- Jauja, estuvo alii siete semanas a 

ing in them sufficient for several lo que me acuerdo, se hallaron en 

years' consumption. It is pass- deposito maiz de cualro y de tres y 

ing strange that these depositaries de dos afios mas de 15,000 bane- 

should have been so long respect- gas junto al camino, e alii comio U 


Quitting Xauxa, December 29, 1547, he passed 
through Guamanga, and after a severe march, ren- 
dered particularly fatiguing by the inclement state 
of the weather and the badness of the roads, he 
entered the province of Andaguaylas. It was a fair 
and fruitful country, and since the road beyond 
would take him into the depths of a gloomy sierra, 
scarcely passable in the winter snows,. Gasca resolv- 
ed to remain in his present quarters until the se- 
verity of the season was mitigated. As many of 
the troops had already contracted diseases from ex- 
posure to the incessant rains, he established a camp 
hospital; and the good president personally visited 
the quarters of the sicl^ ministering to their wants, 
and winning their hearts by his sympathy.^ 

Meanwhile, the royal camp was strengthened by 
the continual arrival of reinforcements ; for not- 
withstanding the shock that was caused through- 
out the country by the first tidings of Pizarro's vic- 
tory, a litde reflection convinced the people that the 
right was the strongest, and must eventually prevail. 
There came, also, with these levies, several of the 
most distinguished captains in the country. Cen- 
teno, burning to retrieve his late disgrace, after re- 
covering from his illness, joined the camp with his 
followers from Lima. Benalcazar, the conqueror of 
Quito, who, as the reader will remember, had shared 

fwitc." Ondegirdo, Rcl. Scg., Peru, Parte 1, bb. 2, cap. 82-85. 

MS. — Pedro Piiarro, Dc«5ub. y Conq. , 

' Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. MS. — Ciende Leon, cap. 90. 
7, cap. 4.— Femandes, Hist, del 

VOL. II. 51 


in the defeat of Blasco Nu!lez in the north, came 
with another detachment ; and was soon after fol- 
lowed by Valdivia, the famous conqueror of ChiK, 
who, having returned to Peru to gather recruits for 
his expedition, had learned the state of the country, 
and ha4 thrown himself, without hesitation, into the 
same scale with the president, though it brought 
him into collision with his old friend and comrade, 
Gonzalo Pizarro. The arrival of this last ally was 
greeted with general rejoicing by the camp; for 
Valdivia, schooled in the Italian wars, was esteemed 
the most accomplished soldier in Peru ; and Gasca 
complimented him by declaring " he would rather 
see him than a reinforcement of eight hundred 
men ! " * 

Besides these warlike auxiliaries, the president 
was attended by a train of ecclesiastics and ci- 
vilians, such as was rarely found in the martial 
fields of Peru. Among them were the bishops of 
Quito, Cuzco, and Lima, the four judges of the 
new Audience, and a considerable number of 
churchmen and monkish missionaries.^ However 
little they might serve to strengthen his arm in 
battle, their presence gave authority and something 
of a sacred character to the cause, which had their 
effect on the minds of the soldiers. 

The wintry season now began to give way before 

^ At least, 80 says Valdivia in horabrcs de ^erra que le pudienn 

his letter to the emperor. "Idixo vcnir aquella hora." Carta de 

publico que estimara mas mi per- Valdivia, lilS. 

aona que k los mejores ochocientos * Zarate, MS. 

^■. III.] BE8UME8 HIS MARCH. 403 

the mild influence oi spring, which makes itself 
early felt in these tropical, but from their elevation 
temperate, regions ; and Gasca, after nearly three 
months' detention in Andaguaylas, mustered his 
levies for the final march upon Cuzco,® Their 
whole number fell little short of two thousand, — 
the largest European force yet assembled in Peru. 
Nearly half were provided with fire-arms ; and in- 
fantry was more available than horse in the moun- 
tain countries which they were to traverse. But his 
cavalry was also numerous, and he carried with him 
a train of eleven heavy guns. The equipment and 
discipline of the troops were good ; they were well 
provided with ammunition and military stores ; and 
were led by officers whose names were associated 
with the most memorable achievements in the New 
World. All who had any real interest in the weal 
of the country were to be found, in short, under the 
president's banner, making a striking contrast to the 
wild and reckless adventurers who now swelled the 
ranks of Pizarro. 

Gasca, who did not affect a greater knowledge 
of military affairs than he really possessed, had giv- 
en the charge of his forces to Hinojosa, naming the 
Marshal Alvarado as second in command. Valdivia, 
who came after these dispositions had been made, 
accepted a colonel's commission, with the under- 

* Cien de Leon, Cronica, cap. present in the campaign, he tells 

to. us ; so that his testimony, always 

The old chronicler, or rather good, becomes for the remaining 

fsogimpher, Ciexa dc Leon, was eYents of more than usual nduA 


Standing that be was to be consulted and employed 
in all matters of moment/ — Having completed his 
arrangements, the president broke up his camp in 
March, 1648, and moved upon Cuzco. 

The first obstacle to his progress was the river 
Abancay, the bridge over which had been broken 
down by the enemy. But as there was no force to 
annoy them on the opposite bank, the army was not 
long in preparing a new bridge, and throwing it 
across the stream, which in this place had nothing 
formidable in its character. The road now struck 
into the heart of a mountain region, where woods, 
precipices, and ravines were mingled together in a 
sort of chaotic confusion, with here and there a 
green and sheltered valley^ glittering like an island 
of verdure amidst the wild breakers of a troubled 
ocean ! The bold peaks of the Andes, rising far 
above the clouds, were enveloped in snow, which, 
descending far down their sides, gave a piercing 
coldness to the winds that swept over their surface, 
until men and horses were benumbed and stiffened 
under their influence. The roads, in these regions, 

■^ Valdivia, indeed, claims to que les mandase acorca de la giiem, 

have had the whole command in- i cumpliesen mis mandamientoe 

truBted to him by Gasca. ** Luego corao los Buyos." (Carta de Val- 

me dio el autoridad toda que traia divia, MS.) But other authorities 

de parte de V. M. para en los casos state it, with more probability, as 

tocantes ^ la guerra, i me encargo given in the text. Valdivia, it 

todo el exercito, i le puso baxo de must be confessed, loses nothing 

mi mano rogando i pidiendo por from modesty. The whole of his 

merced de su parte a todos aquellos letter to the emperor is written in 

caballeros capitanes c gente de a strain of self-glorification, rarelj 

guerra, i de la de V. M. mandan- matched even by a Castiliao hi- 

doles me obedesciesen en todo lo dalgo. 


were in some places so narrow and broken, as 
to be nearly impracticable for cavalry. The cav- 
aliers were compelled to dismount ; and the presi- 
dent, with the rest, performed the journey on foot, 
so hazardous, that, even in later times, it has been 
no uncommon thing for the sure-footed mule to be 
precipitated, with its cargo of silver, thousands of 
feet down the sheer sides of a precipice,® 

By these impediments of the ground, the march 
was so retarded, that the troops seldom accomplish- 
ed more than two leagues a day.^ Fortunately, 
the distance was not great ; and the president 
looked with more apprehension to the passage of 
the Apurimac, which he was now approaching. 
This river, one of the most formidable tributaries 
of the Amazon, rolls its broad waters through the 
gorges of the Cordilleras, that rise up like an im- 
mense rampart of rock on either side, presenting a 
natural barrier which it would be easy for an enemy 
to make good against a force much superior to his 
own. The bridges over this river, as Gasca learned 
before his departure from Andaguaylas, had been all 
destroyed by Pizarro. The president, accordingly, 
had sent to explore the banks of the stream, and 
determine the most eligiUe spot for reestablishing 
communications with the opposite side. 

The place selected was near the Indian village of 
Cotapampa, about nine leagues from Cuzco; for the 
river, though rapid and turbulent from being com- 
pressed within more narrow limits, was here less 

* Cien da Leoo, Croniea, cap. 91. * MS. da CanTmntes. 


than two hundred paces in width ; a ^stance, hovr- 
ever, not inconsideraUe. Directions had been gives 
to collect materials in large quantities in the neigh- 
bourhood of this spot as soon as posaUe ; and at the 
same time, in order to perplex the enemj and com- 
pel him to divide his forces, should he be disposed 
to resist, materials in smaller quantities were as- 
sembled on three other points of the river. The 
o&cex stationed in the neighbourhood of Cotapampa 
was instructed not to begin to lay the bridge, till the 
arrival of a sufficient force should accelerate the 
virork, and insure its success. 

The structure in question, it should be remem- 
bered, was one of those suspenaon bridges for- 
merly employed by the Incas, and still used in cross- 
ing the deep and turbident rivers of South America. 
They are made of osier withes, twisted into enor- 
mous cables, which, when stretched across the wa- 
ter, are attached to heavy blocks of masonry, or, 
where it will serve, to the natural rock. Planks 
are laid transversely across these cables, and a 
passage is thus secured, which, notwithstanding the 
light and fragile appearance of the bridge, as it 
swings at an elevation sometimes of several hun- 
dred feet above the abyss, affords a tolerably safe 
means of conveyance for men, and even far such 
heavy burdens as artillery.^^ 

MFmndM, O*. del Pteu, j Oooq., MS. — BIS. da Cnmi- 

PiBli I, lib. S, cap. as, 87.— tes.— Gnta de Valdma, MS.— 

■Mi, Oonq. del Ftoii, Vh. 7, Rebdoo dd Lie. Gaaca, MS. 
i^ «.--.Pbdie Finno, DeMNib. 

Cb. ui.] crosses the apuriuac 407 

Notwithstanding the peremptory commands of 
Gasca, the officer intrusted with collecting the ma- 
terials for the bridge was so anxious to have the 
honor of completing the work himself, that he com- 
menced it at once. The president, greatly dis- 
pleased at learning this, quickened his march, in 
order to cover the work with his whole force. But, 
while toiling through the mountain labyrintli, tidings 
were brought him that a party of the enemy had 
demolished the small portion of the bridge already 
made, by cutting the cables on the opposite bank. 
Valdivia, accordingly, hastened forward at the head 
of two hundred arquebusiers, while the main body 
of the army followed with as much speed as practi- 

That officer, on reaching the spot, found that 
the interruption had been caused by a small party of 
Pizarro's followers, not exceeding twenty in number, 
assisted by a stronger body of Indians. He at 
once caused balsas, broad and clumsy barks, or 
rather rafts, of the country, to be provided, and by 
this means passed his men over, without opposition, 
to the other side of the river. The enemy, discon- 
certed by the arrival of such a force, retreated and 
made the best of their way to report the aflfair to 
their commander at Cuzco. Meanwhile, Valdivia, 
who saw the importance of every moment in the 
present crisis, pushed forward the work with the 
greatest vigor. Through all that night his weary 
troops continued the labor, which was already well 
advaaced, when the president and his battalions, 


emerging from the passes of the CordilleraSy pre- 
sented themselves at sunrise on the opposite bank. 

Little time was given for repose, as all felt assured 
that the success of their enterprise hung on the short 
respite now given them by the improvident enemy. 
The president, with his principal officers, took part 
in the labor with the common soldiers;" and before 
ten o'clock in the evening, Gasca had the satisfacticm 
to see the bridge so well secured, that the leading 
files of the army, unencumbered by their baggage, 
might venture to cross it. A short time sufficed to 
place several hundred men on the other bank. But 
here a new difficulty, not less formidable than that 
of the river, presented itself to the troops. The 
ground rose up with an abrupt, almost precipitous^ 
swell from the river-side, till, in the highest peaks, 
it reached an elevation of several thousand feet. 
This steep ascent, though not to its full height, 
indeed, was now to be surmounted. The difficul- 
ties of the ground, broken up into fearful chasms 
and water-courses, and tangled with thickets, were 
greatly increased by the darkness of the night ; and 
the soldiers, as they toiled slowly upward, were 
filled with apprehension, akin to fear, from the un- 
certainty whether each successive step might not 
bring them into an ambuscade, for which the ground 
was so favorable. More than once, the Spaniards 

11 **Lageiite que cstaua, de la persona quisiesse tencr preuilegio 

vna parte y de la otra, todos ti- para dexar de trabajar.*' Fernan- 

rauan y trabajauan al poner, y dez. Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 

apretar de las Criznejas : sin que 2, cap. 67. 
•el Presidente ni Obispos, ni otra 


were thrown into a panic by false reports that the 
enemy were upon them. But Hinojosa and Valdi- 
via were at hand to rally their men, and cheer 
them on, until, at length, before dawn broke, the 
bold cavaliers and their followers placed themselves 
on the highest point traversed by the road, where 
they waited the arrival of the president. This was 
not long delayed ; and in the course of the follow- 
ing morning, the royalists were already in sufficient 
strength to bid defiance to their enemy. 

The passage of the river had been effected with 
less loss than might have been expected, considering 
the darkness of the night, and the numbers that 
crowded over the aerial causeway. Some few, in- 
deed, fell into the water, and were drowned ; and 
more than sixty horses, in the attempt to swim them 
across the river, were hurried down the current, and 
dashed against the rocks below.^^ It still required 
time to bring up the heavy train of ordnance and 
the military wagons; and the president encamped 
on the strong ground which he now occupied, to 
await their arrival, and to breathe his troops after 
their extraordinary efforts. In these quarters we 
must leave him, to acquaint the reader with the 
state of things in the insurgent army, and with the 

^ " Aquel dia pasaron mas de en vnas peflas, donde se hadan 

qoatrocientos Hombres, lleraodo peda^, sin darles lugar el impeto 

loa Caballos k nado, encima de del rio, k que pudiesen nadar." 

elloe atadaa sua armas, i arcabncea, Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, 

etao que se perdieron roaa de se- cap. 5. — Gomara, Hist, de laa 

aenU Caballoe, que con la corrienta Indiaa, cap. 184. 
grande te deaataron, i lue^ daban 

VOL. II. 52 


cause of its strange remissness in guarding the 
^sses of the ApurimacJ^ 

From the time of Pizarm's occupation of Cuzctk, 
he had lived in careless luxury in the midst of his 
followers, like a soldier of fortune in the hour of 
prosperity; enjoying the present, with as little cod- 
cern for the future as if the crown of Peru were 
already iixed irrevocably upon his head* ]t was 
otherwise with Carbajai* He looked on the victory 
at Huarina as the commencement, not the close, <^ 
the struggle for empire ; and be was indefatigable ill 
placing his troops in the best condition for maintain^ 
ing their preselit advantage. At the first streak 
of dawn, the veteran might be seen mounted on his 
mule, with the garb and air of )$r common sddier, 
riding about in the different quarters of the capital, 
sometimes superintending the manufacture of arms, 
or providing military stores, and sometimes drilling 
his men, for he was most careful always to maintain 
the strictest discipline." His resdess spirit seemed 
to find no pleasure but in incessant action ; living, as 
he had always done, in the turmoil of military ad- 

13 Ibid., ubi supra. — Fernandez, y bermejo, yo no le yi en otia ei- 
Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, ualgadura en todo el tiempo <iiie 
cap. 87. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, estuuo en el Cozco antes de b 
lib. 7, cap. 5. — Pedro Pizarro, batalla de Sacsahuana. En tan 
Descub. y Conq., MS. — MS. de contino y diligfite en solicitar lo 
Caravantes. — Carta de Y aldivia, que a su exercito conuenia, que a 
MS. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, todas boras del dia y de la nodie 
cap. 91. — Relacion del Lie. Grasca, le topauan sus soldados hazieiklo 
MS. su oficio, y los agenoe." Garei- 

14 " Andaua siempre en vna lasso. Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5, 
mula crescida de color entre pardo cap. 27. 

Cb. hi.] pizarros conduct in cuzco. 411 

venture, be had no relish for any thing unconnected 
with war, and in the city saw only the materials for 
a well-organized camp. 

With these feelings, he was much dissatisfied at 
the course taken by his younger leader, who now 
professed his intention to abide where he was, and, 
when the enemy advanced, to give him battle. 
Carbajal advised a very different policy. He had 
not that full confidence, it would seem, in the loyalty 
of Pizarro's partisans, at least, not of those who had 
once followed the banner of Centeno. These men, 
some three hundred in number, had been in a man- 
ner compelled to take service under Pizarro. They 
showed no heartiness in the cause, and the veteran 
strongly urged his commander to disband them at 
once ; since it was far better to go to battle with a 
few faithful followers than with a host of the false 
and faint-hearted. 

But Carbajal thought, also, that his leader was 
not sufficiently strong in numbers to encounter his 
opponent, supported as he was by the best cap- 
tains of Peru. He advised, accordingly, that he 
should abandon Cuzco, carrying off all the treasure, 
provisions, and stores of every kind from the city, 
which might, in any way, serve the necessities of 
the royalists. The latter, on their arrival, disap- 
pointed by the poverty of a place where they had 
expected to find so much booty, would become dis- 
gusted with the service. Pizarro, meanwhile, might 
take refuge with his men in the neighbouring fast- 
nesses, where, familiar with the ground, it would be 

412 ssrnaafBNT w thb cxxjhtbt. [i 

easy to elude the enemy ; and if the latter perse- 
Yered in the pursuit, with numbers diminished bjr 
desertion, it would not be difficult in the moon- 
tain passes to find an opportunity for assailing hbn 
at advantage. — Such was the wary counsel of Urn 
old warrior. But it was not to the taste of hit 
fiery commander, who preferred to risk the chances 
of a battle, rather than turn his back on a foe. 

Neither did Pizarro show more fovw to a propo- 
sition, said to have been made by the Licentiate 
Cepeda, — that he should avail himself of his late 
success to enter into negotiations with Gasca. 
Such advice, fiom the man who had so recently 
resisted all overtures of the president, could ody 
have proceeded from a conviction, that the hte 
victory placed Pizarro on a vantage-ground for de- 
manding terms far better than would have been 
before conceded to him. It may be that subse- 
quent experience had also led him to distrust the 
fidelity of Gonzalo's followers, or, possibly, the car 
pacity of their chief to conduct them through the 
present crisis. Whatever may have been the mo- 
tives of the slippery counsellor, Pizarro gave litde 
heed to the suggestion, and even showed some re- 
sentment, as the matter was pressed on him. lo 
every contest, with Indian or European, whatever 
had been the odds, he had come off victorious. 
He was not now for the first time to despond; 
and he resolved to remain in Cuzco, and hazard all 
on the chances of a battle. There was something 
in the hazard itself captivating to his bold and 


chivalrous temper. In this, too, he was confirmed 
bj some of the cavaliers who had followed him 
through all his fortunes ; reckless young adventur- 
ers, who, like himself, would rather risk all on a 
single throw of the dice, than adopt the cautious, 
and, as it seemed to them, timid, policy of graver 
counsellors. It was by such advisers, then, that 
Pizarro's future course was to be shaped.^* 

Such was the state of affairs in Cuzco, when 
Pizarro's soldiers returned with the tidings, that a 
detachment of the enemy had crossed the Apuri- 
mac, and were busy in reestablishing the bridge. 
Carbajal saw at once the absolute necessity of 
maintaining this pass. ^^It is my affair," he said; 
" I claim to be employed on this service. Give 
me but a hundred picked men, and I will engage 
to defend the pass against an army, and bring 
back the chaplain — the name by which the pres- 
ident was known in the rebel camp — a prisoner 
to Cuzco." *• " I cannot spare you, father," said 
Gonzalo, addressing him by this affectionate epi- 
thet, which he usually applied to his aged follow- 
er,^^ " I cannot spare you so far from my own 
person " ; and he gave the commission to Juan de 

» Gmiciltsso, Com. Real., Parte '• " Paresccme Tuestra Sefioria 

9, lib. 5, cap. 37. — Gomara, Hiat. ae Taja 4 la Toelta del CoUao y 

de las Indias, cap. 183. — Fenuui- me deje cien hombrea, loe que yo 

deft, Hial. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. escojiere, que yo me iM 4 viata 

9, cap. 88. deste capellan, que ansi llamaba €i 

•« Finalmente, God^o Pinno al presidente." Pedro Pinrro, 

dizo que queria prooar au Tentura : Deacub. y Conq., MS. 
poea aiempre auia aido Tencedor, y ^^ Garcilaaao, Com. Real., Parte 

teaddo.*' Ibid., abi supn. 9, lib. 6, oi^p. 31. 


Acosta, a young cavalier warmly attached to his 
commander, and who had given undoubted evidence 
of his valor on more than one occasion, but who, 
as the event proved, was signally deficient in the 
qualities demanded for so critical an undertaking 
as the present. Acosta, accordingly, was placed at 
the head of two hundred mounted musketeers, and, 
after much wholesome counsel from Carbajal, set 
out on his expedition. 

But he soon forgot the veteran's advice, and 
moved at so dull a pace over the difficult roads, 
that, although the distance was not more than nine 
leagues, he found, on his arrival, the bridge com- 
pleted, and so large a body of the enemy already 
crossed, that he was in no strength to attack them. 
Acosta did, indeed, meditate an ambuscade by 
night ; but the design was betrayed by a deserter, 
and he contented himself with retreating to a safe 
distance, and sending for a further reinforcement 
from Cuzco. Three hundred men were promptly 
detached to his support ; but when they arrived, the 
enemy was already planted in full force on the crest 
of the eminence. The golden opportunity was ir- 
recoverably lost; and the disconsolate cavalier rode 
back in all haste to report the failure of his en- 
terprise to his commander in Cuzco.^^ 

^8 Pedro Pizarro, Desciib. y dated at Concepcion, was written 

Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist about two years after the evcnu 

del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 88. above recorded. It is chiefly taken 

— Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, up with his Chilian conquests, to 

cap. 5. — Carta de Valdivia, MS. which his campaign under Gasca, 

Valdivia's letter to the emperor, on his visit to Peru, forms a kind 


The only question now to be decided was as to 
the spot where Gonzalo Pizarro should give battle 
to his enemies. He determined at once to abandon 
the capital, and wait for his opponents in the neigh- 
bouring valley of Xaquixaguana. It was about five 
leagues distant, and the reader may remember it as 
the place where Francis Pizarro burned the Peru- 
vian general Challcuchima, on his first occupation 
of Cuzco. The valley, fenced round by the lofty 
rampart of the Andes, was, for the most part, green 
and luxuriant, affording many picturesque points of 
view ; and, from the genial temperature of the cli- 
mate, had been a favorite summer residence of the 
Indian nobles, many of whose pleasure-houses still 
dotted the sides of the mountains. A river, or rath- 
er stream, of no great volume, flowed through one 
end of this inclosure, and the neighbouring soil was 
80 wet and miry as to have the character of a 

Here the rebel commander arrived, after a tedious 
march over roads not easily traversed by his train 
of heavy wagons and artillery. His forces amounted 
in all to about nine hundred men, with some half- 

of brilliant episode. This letter, sesscd by the writers, are of the 
the original of which is preserved highest worth. The despatches 
in Simancas, covers about seventy addressed to the Court, particular- 
folio pajsrcs in the copy belonging ly, may compare with the celo- 
to me. It is one of that class of brated Rclazioni made by the Vo- 
historical documents, consisting of netian ambassadors to their rcpub- 
thc despatches and correspondence lie, and now happily in the course 
of the colonial governors, which, of publication, at Florence, under 
from the minuteness of the details the editorial auspices of the learned 
and the means of information pes- Albiri. 


dozen pieces of ordnance. It was a well-appointed 
body, and under excellent discipline, for it had been 
schooled by the strictest martinet in the Pemvian 
service. But it was the misfortune of Pizarro that 
his army was composed, in part, at least, of men mi 
whose attachment to his cause he could not confi- 
dently rely. This was a deficiency which no cour- 
age nor skill in the leader coidd supply. 

On entering the valley, Pizarro selected the east- 
em quarter of it, towards Cuzco, as the most fa- 
vorable spot for his encampment. It was crossed 
by the stream above mentioned, and he stationed Us 
army in such a manner, that, while one extremity 
of the camp rested on a natural barrier formed hj 
the mountain cliflfs that here rose up almost per- 
pendicularly, the other was protected by the river. 
While it was scarcely possible, therefore, to assail 
his flanks, the approaches in front were so extreme- 
ly narrowed by these obstacles, that it would not be 
easy to overpower him by numbers in that direc- 
tion. In the rear, his communications remained 
open with Cuzco, furnishing a ready means for ob- 
taining supplies. Having secured this strong po- 
sition, he resolved patiently to wait the assault of 
the enemy.^^ 

Meanwhile, the royal army had been toiling up 
the steep sides of the Cordilleras, until, at the close 

w Carta deValdivia, MS.— Gar- Hist, de las Indias, cap. 185.- 

cilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Ptrte 

cap. 33, 34. — Pedro Pizarro, Des- 1, lib. 2, cap. 88. 
cub. y Conq., MS. — Gomara, 

cb. ui.] he encamps near the city. 417 

of the third day, the president had the satisfaction 
to find himself surrounded by his whole force, with 
their guns and military stores. Having now suf- 
ficiently refreshed his men, he resumed his march, 
and all went forward with the buoyant confidence 
of bringing their quarrel with the tyrant^ as Pizarro 
was called, to a speedy issue. 

Their advance was slow, as in the previous part 
qS the march, for the ground was equally embar- 
rassing. It was not long, however, before the pres- 
ident learned that his antagonist had pitched his 
camp in the neighbouring valley of Xaquixaguana. 
Soon afterward, two friars, sent by Gonzalo him- 
self, appeared in the army, for the ostensible pur- 
pose of demanding a sight of the powers with which 
Gasca was intrusted. But as their conduct gave 
reason to suspect they were spies, the president 
caused the holy men to be seized, and refused to 
allow them to return to Pizarro. By an emissary 
of his own, whom he despatched to the rebel chief, 
he renewed the assurance of pardon already given 
him, in case he would lay down his arms and 
submit. Such an act of generosity, at this late 
hour, must be allowed to be highly creditable to 
Gasca, believing, as he probably did, that the game 
was in his own hands It is a pity that the anec- 
dote does not rest on the best authority.*^ 

^ The fact is not mentioned by cumstancee, in Gomara (Hist, de 

any of the parties piesent at these las Indias, cap. 185) and Zarate 

tniisactions. It is to be found, (Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6) ; 

with some little discrepancy of dr- and their positiTe testimony may 

VOL. II. 53 

h418 srtuemirt of the ooomnnr. [Bms t. 

After a march of a coa[de of days, the advanced 
guard of the royalists came suddenly on the oat- 
posts of the insurgents, from whom they had been 
4xmoealed by a thick mist^ and a slight lUrmish took 
place between them. At length, on the morning 
of the eighth of A{nril, the royal army, turning the 
crest of the lofty range that belts round the kvdy 
valley of Xaquixaguana, beheld tai below on the 
opposite side the ^ttering lines of the enemy, with 
dieir white pavilions, looking like dusters of wild 
fowl nestling among the diffi of the mountains* 
And still further off might be descried a host of In- 
dian warriors, showing gaudily in their variegated 
costumes ; fcnr the natives, in this part of the coun- 
try, with little perception of thdr true interest^ 
manifested great zeal in the cause of PisamK 

Quickening their step, the royal army now hastily 
descended the steep sides of the sierra ; and notwidi- 
standing every effort of their officers, they moved in 
so little order, each man picking his way as he 
could, that the straggling cdumn presented many 
a vulnerable point to the enemy ; and the descent 
would not have been accomplished without consid- 
erable loss, had Pizarro's cannon been planted on 
any of the favorable positions which the ground af- 
forded. But that commander, far from attempting to 
check the president's approach, remained doggedly 
in the strong position he had occupied, with the fiill 
confidence that his adversaries would not hesitate to 

be thought hj most readers to the sileiioe of other 
outweigh the negatife afforded by zies. 


assail it, strong as it was, in the same manner as 
they had done at Huarina.^ 

Yet he did not omit to detach a corps of arque- 
basiers to secure a neighbouring eminence or spur 
(rf* the Cordilleras, which in the hands of the enemy 
might cause some annojrance to his own camp, 
while it commanded still more effectually the ground 
soon to be occupied by the assailants. But his 
manoeuvre was noticed by Hinojosa; and he de- 
feated it by sending a stronger detachment of the 
royal mraketeers, who repulsed the rebels, and, after 
a short skirmish, got possession of the heights. 
Grasca's general profited by this success to plant a 
small battery of cannon on the eminence, from which, 
although the distance was too great for him to do 
nrach execution, he threw some shot into the hostile 
camp. One ball, indeed, struck down two men, one 
of them Pizarro's page, killing a horse, at the same 
time, which he held by the bridle ; and the chief in- 
stantly ordered the tents to be struck, considering that 
they afforded too obvious a mark for the artillery.^ 

ti « Sali6 k Xaquixagoana oon Carta de Valdhia, MS.— Rekekm 

toda sa gente y alii noe aguard6 en del Lie. Gaaca, MS. 
on llano junto k un cerro alto por ^ ** Porq. muchas pelotas dieron 

doode bajiibamos ; y cierto nuestro en medio do la gente, y una dellas 

Sefior le ocg6 el entendimiento, mat6 juto k Gon^alo Pizarro tu 

porque si nos agiiardaran al pie do criado suyo que so cstaua armando : 

la bijada, hieieran mucho dafio k j niat6 otro hombre y Tn cauallo : 

Bosotroe. Retirironse k un llano que puso grande alteincion en el 

junto a una ci^naga, creyendo que campo, y abatieron todas las tiedas 

nuoetro campo alli lea aoometiera y toldoe." Fernandez, Ilist. del 

y ooa k ventaja que nos fenian Pern, Parte 1, lib. 9, eap. 89. — 

del pnesto nos Tencieran." Pedro Cartmde ValdiTia, MS. — Relacioa 

Pbuio, Descub. y Conq., MS.— del lie. Oases, MS. 


Meanwhile, the president's forces had descended 
into the valley, and as they came on the plain were 
formed into line by their officers. The ground 
occupied by the army was somewhat lower than 
that of their enemy, whose shot, as discharged, 
from time to time, from his batteries, passed over 
their heads. Information was now brought by 
a deserter, one of Centeno's old followers, that 
Pizarro was getting ready for a night attack. 
The president, in consequence, commanded his 
whole force to be drawn up in battle array, pre- 
pared, at any instant, to repulse the assault. But 
if such were meditated by the insurgent chief, he 
abandoned it, — and, as it is said, from a distrust 
of the fidelity of some of the troops, who, under 
cover of the darkness, he feared, would go over to 
the opposite side. If this be true, he must have 
felt the full force of Carbajal's admonition, when 
too late to profit by it. The unfortunate command- 
er was in the situation of some bold, high-mettled 
cavalier, rushing to battle on a war-horse whose 
tottering joints threaten to give way under him at 
every step, and leave his rider to the mercy of his 
enemies ! 

The president's troops stood to their arms the 
greater part of the night, although the air from the 
mountains was so keen, that it was with difficulty 
they could hold their lances in their hands.^ But 

23 « I asi esluvo el Campo toda que no podian tener las Lanzas en 
la Noche en Arma, desarmadas las las manos.'* Zarale, Conq. del 
Tiendas, padesciendo mui gran frio Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6. 


before the rising sun had kindled into a glow the 
highest peaks of the sierra, both camps were in 
motion, and busily engaged in preparations for the 
combat. The royal army was formed into two bat- 
talions of infantry, one to attack the enemy in front, 
and the other, if possible, to operate on his flank. 
These battalions were protected by squadrons of 
horse on the wings and in the rear, while reserves 
both of horse and arquebusiers were stationed to act 
as occasion might require. The dispositions were 
made in so masterly a manner^ as to draw forth 
a hearty eulogium from old Carbajal, who exclaimed, 
** Surely the Devil or Valdivia must be among 
them ! " an undeniable compliment to the latter, 
since the speaker was ignorant of that commander's 
presence in the camp.^ 

Gasca, leaving the conduct of the battle to his 
officers, withdrew to the rear with his train of cler- 
gy and licentiates, the last of whom did not share in 
the ambition of their rebel brother, Cepeda, to break 
a lance in the field. 

Gonzalo Pizarro formed his squadron in the 
same manner as he had done on the plains of Hua- 
rina ; except that the increased number of his 
horse now enabled him to cover both flanks of his 

9i **Y aasi quando vio Fnneisoo Relacion del Lie. Gasea, MS. — > 

de Caruajal el campo Real ; pare- Carta de Valdiyia, MS. — Gomara, 

ciendole que los esquadronea Tenian Hist, de las Indias, cap. 185. — 

bi£ ordenados dixo, Valdiuia est^ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 

en la ticrra, y riffo el campo, 6 el 6. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 

diablo." Fernandez, Hist, del 2, lib. 6, cap. 34. — Pedro Pizarro, 

Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 89. — Descub. y Conq., MS. 


infimtry. It was still on his fire-amis, however, 
that he chiefly relied. As the ranks were formed, 
he rode among them, encouraging his men to do 
their duty like brave cavaliers, and true sdidiers of 
the Conquest. Pizarro was superUy armed, ai 
usual, and wore a complete suit of mail, cS the 
finest manu&cture, which, as well as his helmet, 
was richly inlaid with gold.* He rode a diestnat 
horse of great strength and spirit, and as he galloped 
along the line, brandishing his lance, and displaying 
his easy horsemanship, he might be thought to form 
no bad personification of the Genfais crif Cluvaby. 
To comj^ete his cbspositions, he ordered Cepeda to 
lead up the in£uitry; for the licentiate seems to 
have had a larger share in the conduct of his af- 
fairs of late, or at least in the present military ar^ 
rangements, than Carbajal. The latter, indeed, 
whether from disgust at the course taken by his 
leader, or from a distrust, which, it is said, he did 
not affect to conceal, of the success of the present 
operations, disclaimed all responsibility for them, 
and chose to serve rather as a private cavalier than 
as a commander.* Yet Cepeda, as the event show- 

S5 « Iba mui galiui, i gentil desdefiado de que Gon^alo Pi^ano 

hombre sobre yh poderoso caballo no huuiesse querido seguir su pt- 

castafio, annado de Cota, i Cora- recer y consejo (dandoee ya por 

cinaA ricas, con Tna sobre ropa de yencido), no quiao haaer ofido de 

Raso bien golpeada, i vn Capaoete Maeaae de campo, oomo aolia, y 

de Oro en la cabe^a, con su baibote aad fue a ponene en el eeqnadiQO 

de lo mismo." Gromaia, Hist de con sn compafiia, come tdo de ki 

las Indias, cap. 185. capitanes de yn^teria." Gaid- 

V ** Porque el Maeeae de campo lasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, 

Francisco deCaruajaljComo hombre cap. 35. 

cb. iu.] bout of xaquixaguana. 423 

ed, was no less shrewd in detecting the coming 

When he had received his orders from Pizarro, he 
rode fonvard as if to select the ground for his troops 
to occupy ; and in doing so disappeared for a few 
moments behind a projecting cliff. He soon reap- 
peared, however, and was seen galloping at full 
speed across the plain. His men looked with aston- 
ishment, yet not distrusting his motives, till, as he 
continued his course direct towards the enemy's lines, 
his treachery became apparent. Several pushed for- 
ward to overtake him, and among them a cavalier, 
better mounted than Cepeda. The latter rode a 
horse of no great strength or speed, quite unfit for 
this critical manoeuvre of his master. The animal, 
was, moreover, encumbered by the weight of the 
caparisons with which his ambitious rider had loaded 
him, so that, on reaching a piece of miry ground 
that lay between the armies, his pace was greatly 
retarded.*^ Cepeda's pursuers rapidly gained on 
him, and the cavalier above noticed came, at length, 
80 near as to throw a lance at the fugitive, which, 
wounding him in the thigh, pierced his horse's 
flank, and they both came headlong to the ground. 
It would have fared ill with the licentiate, in this 
emergency, but fortunately a small party of troopers 
on the other side, who had watched the chase, now 
galloped briskly fonvard to the rescue, and, beating 
off his pursuers, they recovered Cepeda from the 
mire, and bore him to the president's quarters. 

^ Ibid., ttbi sapn. 


He was received by Gasca with the greatest sat- 
isfaction, — so great, that, according to one chroni- 
cler^ he did not disdain to show it by saluting the 
licentiate on the cheek.® The anecdote is scarcely 
reconcilable with the characters and relations of the 
parties, or with the president's subsequent conduct. 
Gasca, however, recognized the full value of his 
prize, and the effect which his desertion at such a 
time must have on the spirits of the rebels. Cepe- 
da's movement, so unexpected by hb own party, 
was the result of previous deliberation, as he had 
secretly given assurance, it is said, to the prior of 
Arequipa, then in the royal camp, that, if Gonzak) 
Pizarro could not be induced to accept the pardon 
offered him, he would renounce his cause.** TTie 
time selected by the crafty counsellor for doing so 
was that most fatal to the interests of his com- 

The example of Cepeda was contagious. Gar- 
cilasso do la Vega, father of the historian, a cava- 
lier of old family, and probably of higher considera- 
tion than any other in Pizarro's party, put spurs to 
his horse, at the same time with the licentiate, and 
rode over to the enemy. Ten or a dozen of the 
arquebusiers followed in the same direction, and 

* " Gasca abra^^, i bes6 en el Castro, Prior de Santo Domingo en 

carriJlo a Cepeda, aunque lo Ueva- Arequipa, que si Pizarro no quisi- 

ba enccnagado, teniendo por venci- esse concierto ninguno, el se pasa- 

do a Pizarro, con su falta." Go- ria al semcio del Emperador i 

mara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. 185. tiempo que le deshiciese." Ibid., 

29 '* Ca, segun pareci6, Cepeda ubi supra, 
le huvo avisado con Fr. Antonio de 


succeeded in placing themselves under the protec- 
tion of the advanced guard of the royalists. 

Pizarro stood aghast at this desertion, in so criti- 
cal a juncture, of those in vt^hom he had most trust- 
ed. He was, for a moment, bewildered. The very 
ground on which he stood seemed to be crumbling 
beneath him. With this state of feeling among his 
soldiers, he saw that every minute of delay was 
fatal. He dared not wait for the assault, as he had 
intended, in his strong position, but instantly gave 
the word to advance. Gasca's general, Hinojosai 
fleeing the enemy in motion, gave similar orders to 
his own troops. Instantly the skirmishers and ar- 
quebusiers on the flanks moved rapidly forward, the 
artillery prepared to open their fire, and " the whole 
army," says the president in his own account of the 
affair, " advanced with steady step and perfect de- 
termination." * 

But before a shot was fired, a column of arque- 
busiers, composed chiefly of Centeno's followers, 
abandoned their post, and marched directly over to 
the enemy. A squadron of horse, sent in pursuit of 
them, followed their example. The president in- 
stantly commanded his men to halt, unwilling to 
spill blood unnecessarily, as the rebel host was like 
to fall to pieces of itself. 

30 ** Visto por Gronxalo Pizarro se empezaron k Uegar k ellos i a 

i Caravajal su Maestro de Campo disparar en ellos i que lo mesmo 

que se les iva ^nte procuraron de hizo la artillcria, i todo el campo 

caminar en su orden hacia el campo con paso bien concertado i entera 

de S. M. i que viendoesto los lados determinacion sc \\cg6 k ellos.* 

i Bobro salicntes del cxercito real Reladon del Lie. Gaaca, MS. 

VOL. H. 54 


Pizarro's faithful adherents were seized with a 
panic, as they saw themselves and their leader thus 
betrayed into the enemy's hands. Further resist- 
ance was useless. Some threw down their arms, 
and j9ed in the direction of Cuzco. Others sought 
to escape to the mountains; and some crossed to the 
opposite side, and surrendered themselves prisoners, 
hoping it was not too late to profit by the promises 
of grace. The Indian allies, on seeing th^ Span- 
iards falter, had been the first to go off the ground." 

Pizarro, amidst the general wreck, found himself 
left with only a few cavaliers who disdained to fly. 
Stunned by the unexpected reverse of fcurtune, the 
unhappy chief could hardly comprehend his situ- 
ation. ^< What remains for us ? " said he to Acosta, 
one of those who still adhered to him. ^< Fall on 
the enemy, since nothing else is left,'' answered 
the lion-hearted soldier, "and die like Romans!'^ 
" Better to die like Christians," replied his com- 
mander ; and, slowly turning his horse, he rode off 
iu the direction of the royal army,^ 

31 "Los Indies que tenian los — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, 

enemigos que diz que eran mucha cap. 7. — Herrera, Hist. General, 

canlidad huyeron raui a. furia.'' dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 16. 
(Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS.) ^2 " Gongalo Pizarro boluieodo 

For the particulars of the battle, el rostro, a Juan de Acosta, que 

more or less minute, see Carta dc estaua cerca del, le dixo, que hare- 

Valdivia, MS. — Garcilasso, Com. mos herraano Juan? Acosta pro- 

Beal., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 35. — sumiendo mas de valiente que de 

Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., discrete respondi6, Sefior arreme- 

MS. — Gomara, Hist, de las In- tamos, y muramos como los anti- 

dias, cap. 185. — Fernandez, Hist, guos Romanes. Gongalo Pizarro 

del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. dixo mejor es morir como Cristia 

cb. iu.] bout of xaquixaouana. 427 

He had not proceeded far, when he was met by 
an officer, to whom, after ascertaining his name and 
rank, Pizarro delivered up his sword, and yielded 
himself prisoner. The officer, overjoyed at his 
prize, conducted him, at once, to the president's 
quarters. Gasca was on horseback, surrounded by 
his captains, some of whom, when they recognized 
the person of the captive, had the grace to with- 
draw, that they might not witness his humiliation.^ 
Even the best of them, with a sense of right on 
their side, may have felt some touch of compunction 
at the thought that their desertion had brought their 
benefactor to this condition. 

Pizarro kept his seat in his saddle, but, as he ap- 
proached, made a respectful obeisance to the presi- 
dent, which the latter acknowledged by a cold sa- 
lute. Then, addressing his prisoner in a tone of 
severity, Gasca abruptly inquired, — " Why he had 
thrown the country into such confusion ; — raising 
the banner of revolt ; killing the viceroy ; usurping 
the government ; and obstinately refusing the offers 
of grace that had been repeatedly made him ? " 

Gonzalo attempted to justify himself by referring 
the fate of the viceroy to his misconduct, and his 
own usurpation, as it was styled, to the free election 
of the people, as well as that of the Royal Audience. 
" It was my family," he said, " who conquered the 
country ; and, as their representative here, I felt I 

noe." GarcilaBso, Com. Real., ^ GaicilaaBO, Com. Real., ubi 
Parte 9, lib. 5, cap. 36. — Zarate, sapra. 
Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 7. 


had a right to the government." To this Gasca re- 
plied, in a still severer tone, ^^ Your brother did, 
. ideed, conquer the land ; and for this the emperor 
\, as pleased to raise both him and you from the dust 
He lived and died a true and loyal sulgect; and it 
only makes your ingratitude to your sovereign the 
more heinous." Then, seeing his prisoner about to 
reply, the president cut short the conference, order- 
ing hun into close confinement. He was committed 
to the charge of Centeno, who had sought the office, 
not from any unworthy desire to gratify his revenge, 
— for he seems to have had a generous nature, — but 
for the honorable purpose of ministering to the com- 
fort of the captive. Though held in strict custody 
by this officer, therefore, Piz^uro was treated with 
the deference due to his rank, and allowed every 
indulgence by his keeper, except his freedom.^ 

In this general wreck of their fortunes, Francisco 
de Carbajal fared no better than his chief. As he 
saw the soldiers deserting their posts and going over 
to the enemy, one after another, he coolly hummed 
the words of his favorite old ballad, — 

** The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother ! *' 

But when he found the field nearly empty, and 
his stout-hearted followers vanished like a wreath 
of smoke, he felt it was time to provide for his own 

34 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. 

Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. 185. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., 

Historians, of course, report the Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 36. — Reli- 

dialogue between Gasca and his cion del Lie. Gasca, MS. 
prisoner with some variety. See 


safety. He knew there could be no favor for him ; 
and, putting spurs to his horse, he betook himself to 
flight with all the speed he could make. He crossed 
the stream that flowed, as already mentioned, by the 
camp, but, in scaling the opposite bank, which was 
steep and stony, his horse, somewhat old, and op- 
pressed by the weight of his rider, who was large 
and corpulent, lost his footing and fell with him in- 
to the water. Before he could extricate himself, 
Carbajal was seized by some of his own followers, 
who hoped, by such a prize, to make their peace 
with the victor, and hurried ofi* towards the presi- 
dent's quarters. 

The convoy was soon swelled by a number of the 
common file from the royal army, some of whom 
had long arrears to settle with the prisoner; and, 
not content with heaping reproaches and impreca- 
tions on his head, they now threatened to proceed to 
acts of personal violence, which Carbajal, far from 
deprecating, seemed rather to court, as the speediest 
way of ridding himself of life.*^ When he approach- 
ed the president's quarters, Centeno, who was near, 
rebuked the disorderly rabble, and compelled them 
to ^ive way. Carbajal, on seeing this, with a re- 
spectful air demanded to whom he was indebted for 
this courteous protection. To which his ancient 
comrade replied, " Do you not know me ? — Die • 

3& ** Luego lleraron antel dicho ofendidas que le querian matar, el 

Lioenciado Caravajal Macstre de qual diz que mostrava que olgani 

campo del dicho Pizarro i tan cer- que le matiran alii/' Relacion 

oado do gentes que del hiTian side del Lie. Gasca, MS. 


go Centeno ! " "1 crave your pardon,'' said the 
veteran, sarcastically alluding to his long ffight in 
the Charcas, and his recent defeat at Huarina ; <^it 
is so long since 1 have seen any thing but your back, 
that I had forgotten your fece ! " * 

Among the president's suite was the martial 
bishop of Cuzco, who, it will be remembered, had 
shared with Centeno in the disgrace of his defeat 
His brother had been taken by Carbajal, in his flight 
from the field, and instandy hung up by that fierce 
chief, who, as we have had more than one occasion 
to see, was no respecter of persons. The bishop 
now reproached him with his brother's murder, and, 
incensed by his cool replies, was ungenerous enough 
to strike the prisoner on the face. Carbajal made 
no attempt at resistance. Nor would he return a 
word to the queries put to him by Gasca; but, 
looking haughtily round on the circle, maintained a 
contemptuous silence. The president, seeing that 
nothing further was to be gained from his captive, 
ordered him, together with Acosta, and the other 
cavaliers who had surrendered, into strict custody, 
until their fate should be decided.^ 

35 ** Diego Centeno reprehendia niendo le de cara, no le conoda." 

mucho k los que le cifendian. Per Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 

lo qual Caruajal le mird, y le dixo, 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. 

Sefior quien es vuestra merced que 37 Ibid., ubi supra, 

tanta merced me haze ? a lo qual It is but fair to state that Garci- 

Centcno respondio. Que no conoce lasso, who was personally acquaint- 

vuestra merced a Diego Centeno ? ed with the bishop of Cuzco, doubtt 

Dixo entonces Caruajal, Por Dies the fact of the indecorous conduct 

seiior que comosiemprevik vuestra imputed to him by Fernandez, a« 

merced de espaldas, que agora te- inconsistent with the prelate *8 clla^ 

Cb. IU.] sour OF XAQUIXAOUANA. 431 

Gasca's next concern was to send an officer to 
Cuzco, to restrain his partisans from committing ex- 
cesses in consequence of the late victory, — if victo- 
ry that could be called, where not a blow had been 
stnick. Every thing belonging to the vanquished, 
their tents, arms, ammunition, and military stores, 
became the property of the victors. Their camp was 
well victualled, furnishing a seasonable supply to the 
royalists, who had nearly expended their own stock 
of provisions. There was, moreover, considerable 
booty in the way of plate and money ; for Pizarro's 
Hien, as was not uncommon in those turbulent times, 
went, many of them, to the war with the whole of 
their worldly wealth, not knowing of any safe place 
in which to bestow it. An anecdote is told of one 
<rf* Gasca's soldiers, who, seeing a mule running over 
the field, with a large pack on his back, seized the 
animal, and mounted him, having first thrown away 
the burden, supposing it to contain armour, or some- 
thing of litde worth. Another soldier, more shrewd, 
picked up the parcel, as his share of the spoil, and 
found it contained several thousand gold ducats! 
It was the fortune of war.* 

Thus terminated the batde, or rather rout, of 
Xaquixaguana. The number of killed and wound- 
ed — for some few perished in the pursuit — was 
not great ; according to most accounts, not exceed- 
ing fifteen killed on the rebel side, and one only on 
that of the royalists ! and that one, by the careless- 

aeter. Com. Real., Parte 9, lib. ^ Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 
5y cap. 99. 7, cap. 8. 


ness of a comrade.^ Never was there a cheaper 
victory ; so bloodless a termiuation of a fierce and 
bloody rebellion ! It was gained not so much by 
the strength of the victors as by the weakness 
of the vanquished. They fell to pieces of their 
own accord, because they had no sure ground to 
stand on. The arm, not nerved by the sense of 
right, became powerless in the hour of battle. It 
was better that they should thus be overcome by 
moral force than by a brutal appeal to arms. Such 
a victory was more in harmony with the beneficent 
character of the conqueror and of his cause. It 
was the triumph of order ; the best homage to law 
and justice. 

^ ** Temi68e que en esta batalla without date, and in the chancier 

muriria mucha gente de ambas of the sixteenth century. It is 

partes per haver en ellas mill i principally taken up with the battle, 

qualrocicnlos arcabuccros i seis- and the events immediately con- 

cientos do caballo i mucho numcro nected with it ; and although very 

de piqueros i diez i echo piezas de brief, every sentence is of value as 

artilleria, pero plugo a Dies que coming from so high a source, 

solo murio un hombre del campo Alcedo, in his BibUotcca Amm- 

de S. M. i quince de los contraries cana, MS., gives the title of a 

como csta dicho." Relacion del work from Gasca's pen, which 

Lie. Gasca, MS. would seem to be an accoimt of his 

The MS. above referred to is own administration, Historia dd 

supposed by Munoz to have been Peru, y de su Pacificacion, 1576, 

written by Gasca, or rather dictated fol. — I have never met with die 

by him to his secretary. The work, or with any other allusion 

original is preser\'ed at Simancaa, to it. 



er Victory. — Wni Rctoriib by Gasca. — Hi rbturms to 
Spahi. — His Drath amd Oharactkr. 


It was now necessary to decide on the fate of 
the prisoners ; and Alonso de Alvarado, with the Li- 
centiate Cianca, one of the new Royal Audience, 
was instructed to prepare the process. It did not 
require a long time. The guilt of the prisoners 
was too manifest, taken, as they had been, with 
anns in their hands. They were all sentenced to 
be executed, and their estates were confiscated to 
the «se of the Crown. Gonzalo Pizarro was to be 
beheaded, and Carbajal to be drawn and quartered. 
No mercy was shown to him who had shown none 
to others. There was some talk of deferring the 
execution till the arrival of the troops in Cuzco ; buX 
the fear of disturbances from those friendly to Pizarro 
determined the president to carry the sentence into 
effect the following day, on the field of battle.^ 

1 The sentence passed upon Pi- rian omitted it in his printed work ; 

BUTO is giren at length in the but the curious reader may find it 

mamucripi copy of Zaratc*s His- entire, cited in the original, in 

tory, to which I hare had occasion Ajtpendix, No, 14. 
more than once to refer. The hislo- 
VOL. II. 55 


When his doom was communicated to Carbajal, 
he heard it with his usual indifference. " They can 
but kill me," he said, as if he had already settled 
the matter in his own mind.^ During the day, 
many came to see him in his confinement ; some 
to upbraid him with his cruelties; but most, firom 
curiosity to see the fierce warrior who had made 
his name so terrible through the land. He showed 
no unwillingness to talk with them, though it was in 
those sallies of caustic humor in which he usuaUy 
indulged at the expense of his hearer. Among 
these visiters was a cavalier of no note, whose life, 
it appears, Carbajal had formerly spared, when in his 
power. X^is person expressed to the prisoner his 
strong desire to serve him ; and as he reiterated his 
professions, Carbajal cut them short by exclaiming, 
— *'And what service can you do me? Can yoa 
set me free ? If you cannot do that, you can do 
nothing. If I spared your life, as you say, it was 
probably because I did not think it worth while to 
take it." 

Some piously disposed persons urged him to see a 
priest, if it were only to unburden his conscience 
before leaving the world. " But of what use would 
that be ? " asked Carbajal. " I have nothing that 
lies heavy on my conscience, unless it be, indeed, 
the debt of half a real to a shopkeeper in Se\Tlle, 
which I forgot to pay before leaving the country ! " ^ 

2 <* Basta matar." Fernandez, 3 ** En esso no tcngo que cod- 
Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, fessar : porque juro k tal, que no 
cap. 91. tengo otro cargo, si no medio real 

ch. iv.] execution of carbajal. 435 

He was carried to execution on a hurdle, or rather 
in a basket, drawn by two mules. His arms were 
pinioned, and, as they forced his bulky body into 
this miserable conveyance, he exclaimed, — " Cra- 
dles for infants, and a cradle for the old man too, it 
seems ! " ^ Notwithstanding the disinclination he 
had manifested to a confessor, he was attended 
by several ecclesiastics on his way to the gallows ; 
and one of them repeatedly urged him to give some 
token of penitence at this solemn hour, if it were 
only by repeating the Pater Nosier and Ave Maria. 
Carbajal, to rid himself of the ghostly father's 
importunity, replied by coolly repeating the words, 
" Pater Noster,^^ ^^Ave Maria " ! He then remained 
obstinately silent. He died, as he had lived, with 
a jest, or rather a scoff, upon his hps.'^ 

Francisco de Carbajal was one of the most extra- 
ordinary characters of these dark and turbulent 
times ; the more extraordinary from his great age ; 
for, at the period of his death, he was in his eighty- 
fourth year ; — an age when the bodily powers, and, 
fortunately, the passions, are usually blunted ; when, 
in the witty words of the French moralist, "We flat- 
ter ourselves we are leaving our vices, whereas it 

que deuo en Seuilla k vna bodego- mas a la poetrer yez qoe me habl6 

nera de la pucrta del Arena], del llevandole a matar le decia el sa- 

tiempoqae paiad a Indias." Ibid., oerdote que con ^1 iba, que se en- 

abi supra. oomendaae a Dios 7 dijeee el Pater 

* *' Nifio en cuna, 7 yiejo en Noster 7 el Ave Majfa, 7 dicen 
cuna.*' Ibid., loc. cit. qoe dijo Pater Noster, Are Maria, 

* " Mario como gcntil, porque 7 que no dijo otra palabra.'' Pe- 
dicen, quo 70 no le quise Ter, que dro Pizarro, Descub. 7 Conq« 
ansi le di la palabra de no Telle ; MS. 


x)!* TMKtWNiBnr* tiiKf. 

of fonth gkMred Jmm mui HnnwrhnMi jft Afi 
bMomiif CttlM^ . .; 

aMdb <f A» iftetnth iMaiii ji, befaps Aii I 
FerdMBBdiiidiiwbdb. B« iMMif «iteiM j 
igb, «id ten, ab it « teU* at Anuria.* ;£k£«9 
yaan h» settail ft 41m Itafiut muk, mOtt.ltm^ mm 

d0f% NsManot Ajgii iitt GAmums^ tti' nfii-fai •«(• 
■gn i*t #l» battle >Qf fcwoa; ' pit i a » Ul (Ag «% 
«■» of FftMii the rdtt tS^^Btufik ; aod ftl l n iwrfifci 
Iwww «f the ,lll.«(uii»i SfttrbMi «t tb^rpiDk fl 
Koiiie. .He jgot bo ^:g|lHi aiuttet«f ]lfc» h«ii|r. 

office, which, GaAqiiil ) i >yiw ( % jthowght, 'f|||ii Jp 
wiKth geid^to him. Aad «4 k 'fio^ ; ftr ij^ no- 
tary was fain to redeem thedi at a price which eaa- 
Ued the adrentuiter to croiss the seas to Meadoo, and 
seek his fortune in the N«W World. On the insw* 
rection of the Peruviadish, he was sent to the support 
of Francis Piaanro, and was veWavded by that chirf 
with a grant of kmd ia Ckisdo. Here he remamed 
for several years, husily -employed in iocieasiag 
his substance ; for the lore of lucre was a ruling 
passion in bis bosom. On the anival of Taca de 
Castro, we find him doing good service uod^ the 
royal banner ; and stt die breaking out of the great 

* I qnote from memoty, bat be- wiadom, The Cbanotan of L* 
Uef» ^ reflection may be fonnd in Bra3rin. 
that admirable digest of worldly 

cb. iv.] execution of carbajal. 437 

rebellion under Gonzalo Pizarro, he converted his 
property into gold, and prepared to return to Cas- 
tile. He seemed to have a presentiment that to 
remain where he was would be fatal. But, al- 
though he made every effiurt to leave Peru^ he was 
unsuccessful, for the viceroy had laid an embargo 
on the shipping/ He remained in the country, 
therefore, and todk service^ as we have seen, though 
reluctantly, under Pizarro. It was his destiny. 

The tumultuous life on, which he now entered 
roused all the slumbering passions of his soul, which 
lay there, perhaps unconsciously to himself; cruelty, 
avarice, revenge. He found ample exercise for them 
in the war with his covntrymen ; for civil war is 
proverbially the most sanguinary and ferocious of all. 
The atrocities recorded of Carbajal, in his new ca- 
reer, and the number of his victims, are scarcely 
credible. For the honor of humanity, we may trust 
the accounts are greatly exaggerated ; but that he 
should have given rise to them at all is sufficient to 
consign his name to infamy.® 

He even took a diabolical pleasure, it is said, in 

7 Pedro Pinurro bean testimony doom of tke priaoaen who fell 

to Ctibajml*B endeaToiUB to lea^e into his hands, 

the country, in which he was aided, ^ Oot of three hundred and forty 

though inefiectually, by the chroni- exeentions, according to Fernaa- 

der, who was, at that time, in des, three hundred were by Car> 

the most ftiendly relations with bajal. (Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, 

him. Ciril war parted these an- lib. 2, cap. 91.) Zarate swells 

eient comrades ; but Carbajal did the number of these executions to 

not forget his obligations to Pedro fire hundred. (Conq. del Pern, 

Piarro, which he afterwards re- lib. 7, cap. 1.) The discrepancy 

paid by exempting him oo two shows how little we can confidai in 

difierent oceisio— finom the general the aeeuraey of such < 


amusing himself with the suflferiiigs of his Tictims, 
and in the hour of execution would give utterance 
to frightful jests, diat made them taste more keenly 
the bitterness of death ! He had a sportive vein, if 
such it could be caUed, which he freely indulged on 
ererj occasion. Many of his sallies were presen-ed 
by the soldiery ; but they are, for the most part, of 
a coarse, repulsire character, flowing from a mind 
^miliar with the weak and wicked side of hu- 
manity, and distrusting erery other. He had his 
jest for every thing, — for the misfortunes of others, 
and for his own. He looked on life as a farce, — 
though he too often made it a tragedy. 

Carbajal must be allowtd one virtue; that of 
fidelity to his party. This made him less tolerant 
of perfidy in others. He was never known to show 
mercy to a renegade. This undeviating fidelity, 
though to a bad cause, may challenge something like 
a feeling of respect, where fidelity was so rare.^ 

As a military man, Carbajal takes a high rank 
among the soldiers of the New World. He was 
strict, even severe, in enforcing discipline, so that he 

9 Fidelity, indeed, is but one of doubtless, to his Other's position 
many virtues claimed for Carbajal in the rebel army, he has well 
by Gaicilasso, who considers most repaid by depicting their portraits 
of the tales of cruelty and avarice in the favorable colors in which 
circulated of the veteran, as well they appeared to his young imagi- 
as the hardened levity imputed to nation. But the garrulous old man 
him in his latter moments, as in- has recorded several individual in- 
ventions of his enemies. The Inca stances of atrocity in the career 
chronicler was a boy when Gon- of Carbajal, which form but an 
zalo and his chivalry occupied indifferent commentary on the cor- 
Cuzco ; and the kind treatment he rectness of his general assertions 
experienced from them, owing, in respect to his chtracter. 

cb. iv.] gonzalo pizarro beheaded. 439 

was little loved by his followers. Whether he had 
the genius for military combinations requisite for 
conducting war on an extended scale may be 
doubted ; but in the shifts and turns of guerilla 
warfare he was unrivalled. Prompt, active, and 
persevering, he was insensible to danger or fatigue, 
and, after days spent in the saddle, seemed to attach 
litde value to the luxury of a bed.'° 

He knew familiarly every mountain pass, and, 
such were the sagacity and the resources displayed 
in his roving expeditions, that he was vulgarly be- 
lieved to be attended by a familiar}^ With a 
character so extraordinary, with powers prolonged 
so far beyond the usual term of humanity, and 
passions so fierce in one tottering on the verge of 
the grave, it was not surprising that many fabulous 
stories should be eagerly circulated respecting him, 
and that Carbajal should be clothed with myste- 
rious terrors as a sort of supernatural being, — the 
demon of the Andes ! 

Very different were the circumstances attending 
the closing scene of Gonzalo Pizarro. At his re- 

10 « Fue maior sufridor de tra- have entertained feelings not on- 
btjos, que requeria su cdad, porque friendly to Carbajal, thus sums up 
k marayilla so quitaba las Armas his character in a few words, 
de Dia, ni dc NochCi i quando era '* Era mui lenguaz : hablaba muy 
neoesario, tampoco se aoostaba, ni discreptamente y a gusto de los 
dormia mas de quanto rccoetado en quo le oian : era hombre sagax, 
Tna Silla, se le cansaba la mano cruel, bicn entendido en la guerra. 

en qae arrimaba hi Cabe^a." Za- Este Carbajal era tan sabio 

rate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. que dccian tenia familiar." Des 

14. cub. y Conq., MS. 

11 Pedro Pizarro, who seems to 


quest) no one had been allowed to yisit him in his 
confinement. He was heard pacing his tent duiing 
the greater part of the day, and when night came, 
having ascertained from Centeno that his execudon 
was to take place on the following noon, he laid 
himself down to rest. He did not sleep kmg, how- 
ever, but soon rose, and continued to traverse his 
apartment, as if buried in meditation, tiU dawn. 
He then sent for a confessor, and remained with 
him till after the hour of noon, taking little or 
no refreshment. The officers of justice became im- 
patient ; but their eagerness was sternly rebuked by 
the soldiery, many of whom, having served under 
Gonzalo's banner, were touched with pity fcnr his 

When the chieftain came forth to execution, he 
showed in his dress the same love of magnificence 
and display as in happier days. Over his douUet 
he wore a superb cloak of yellow velvet, stiff with 
gold embroidery, while his head was protected by a 
cap of the same materials, richly decorated, in like 
manner, with ornaments of gold.'^ In this gaudy 
attire he mounted his mule, and the sentence was 
so far relaxed that his arms were suffered to remain 
unshackled. He was escorted by a goodly number 
of priests and friars, who held up the crucifix before 
his eyes, while he carried in his own hand an image 

12 ** Al tiempo que lo mataron, toda cubierta de Chaperia de Oro, 

did al Verdugo toda la Ropa, que i vn Chapeo de la misma forma." 

traia que era mui rica, i do mucho Zarato, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, 

valor, porque tenia vna Ropa de cap. 8. 
Armas de Terciopelo amarillo, casi 


of the Virgin. She had erer been the peculiar ob- 
ject of Pizarro^s devotion ; so much so, that those 
who knew him best in the hour of his prosperity 
were careful, when they had a petition, to prefer it 
in the name of the blessed Mary. 

Pizarro's lips were frequently pressed to the em- 
blem of his divinity, while his eyes were bent on 
the crucifix in apparent devotion, heedless of the 
objects around him. On reaching the scaffold, he 
ascended it with a firm step, and asked leave to ad- 
dress a few words to the soldiery gathered round 
it. " There are many among you," said he, " who 
have grown rich on my brother's bounty, and my 
own. Yet, of all my riches, nothing remains to me 
but the garments I have on ; and even these are not 
mine, but the property of the executioner. I am 
without means, therefore, to purchase a mass for the 
welfare of my soul ; and I implore jrou, by the re- 
membrance of past benefits, to extend this charity to 
me when I am gone, that it may be well with yoa 
in the hour of death." A profound silence reigned 
throughout the martial multitude, broken only by 
sighs and groans, as they listened to Pizarro's re- 
quest; and it was faithfully responded to, since, 
after his death, masses were said in many of the 
towns for the welfare of the departed chieftain. 

Then, kneeling down before a crucifix placed on 
a table, Pizarro remained for some minutes absorbed 
in prayer; after which, addressing the soldier who 
was to act as the minister of justice, he calmly l)ade 
him "do his duty with a steady hand." He refused 

VOL. II. 56 

442 sBTTuamT of thx oommr. [Bo« t. 

to have his eyes bandaged, and, bending fbrwaid Us 
neck, submitted it to the sword of the executioner, 
who struck off the head with a nn^e Uow, ao troe 
that the body remained f(x some moments in die 
same erect posture as in life.^ The head was 
taken to Lima, where it was set in a cage or frame, 
and then fixed on a gibbet by the ode of Carbajal^ 
On it was jdaced a label, bearing, — ^* This is the 
head of the traitor Gonzalo Pizano, who rebelled 
in Peru against hb sovereign, and batded in the 
cause of tyranny and treason against the royal stand- 
ard in the yalley ci Xaqnixagiiana."'* His large 
estates, including the rich mines in Potod, w«re 
confiscated ; his mansion in Lima was razed to the 
ground, the place strewed with salt, and a sUme 
pillar set up, with an inscripticm interdicting any 
one from building on a spot which had been pie- 
faned by the residence of a traitor. 

Gonzalo's remains were not exposed to the indig- 
nities inflicted on Carbajal's, whose quarters were 
hung in chains on the four great roads leading to 
Cuzco. Centeno saved Pizarro's body firom being 

13 << The executioner," says ^* '' Esta es la cabeca del tzai- 

Garcilasso, with a simile more ex- dor de Gonzalo Pizairo que ae lam 

pressive than elegant, << did his joaticia del en d Talle de Aqnixi- 

work as cleanly as if he had been guana, donde di6 la batalla campal 

slicing off* a head of lettuce ! " contra el eatandarte real qneriendo 

" De vn reues le cort6 la cabeca defender an traicioii e tizania : nin- 

oon tanta facilidad, como si fuera guno sea osado de la quitar de 

vna hoja de lechuga, y se quedd aqui so pena de muerte natuaL*' 

con ella en la mano, y tardd el Zarate, MS. 
cucrpo algun espacio en caer en el 
suclo." Garcilasso, Com. Real., 
Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43. 

cb. iv.] gonzalo pizarro beheaded. 443 

stripped, by redeeming his costly raiment from the 
executioner, and in this sumptuous shroud it was 
laid in the chapel of the convent of Our Lady of 
Mercy in Cuzco. It was the same spot where, side 
by side, lay the bloody remains of the Almagros, 
father and son, who in like manner had perished by 
the hand of justice, and were indebted to private 
charity for their burial. All these were now con- 
signed " to the same grave," says the historian, with 
some bitterness, " as if Peru could not afford land 
enough for a burial-place to its conquerors." *^ 

Gonzalo Pizarro had reached only his forty^second 
year at the time of his death, — being just half the 
space allotted to his follower Carbajal. He was 
the youngest of the remarkable family to whom 
Spain was indebted for the acquisition of Peru. 
He came over to the country with his brother Fran- 
cisco, on the return of the latter from his visit to 
Castile. Gonzalo was present in all the remarkable 
passages of the Conquest. He witnessed the seiz- 
ure of Atahuallpa, took an active part in suppressing 
the insurrection of the Incas, and especially in the 
reduction of Charcas. He afterwards led the disas- 
trous expedition to the Amazon ; and, finally, head- 

** ** Y Its sepolturas Tna sola MS. de CaraTantes. — Pedro Pi- 

auiendo de ser tres: que aun la zarro, Deacub. y Conq., MS. — 

tierra parece que lea falt(5 para auer Gomara, Hist, de las Indies, cap. 

los de cuhrir." Garcilasso, Com. 186. — Fernandez, Hist, del Pern, 

Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43. Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91. — Zarate, 

For the traffic particulars of the Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 8. — 

preceding paf^ea, see Ibid., cap. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, 

39-43. — Relacion del Lie. Gasca, lib. 4, cap. 16. 
MS.^CarU de Valdim, MS.-- 


ed the memorable rebellion which ended so fotallj 
to himself. There are but few m&i whose li^es 
abound in snch wild and romantic adFenture, and, 
for the most part, crowned with sncceas. The 
space whidi he occu|»es in the page of history is 
altogether disproportkmed to his talents. It maj 
be in some measure ascribed to fortune, bat still 
more to those showj qualities which form a aott of 
substitute for mental talent, and whidi secured his 
popularity with the vulgar. 

He had a brilliant exterior ; excetted in all martial 
exercises ; rode well, fenced well, managed his lance 
to perfection, was a first-rate marksman with the 
arquebuse, and added the acccMnpUshment of beiag 
an excellent draughtsman. He was bold and chifal* 
rous, even to temerity ; courted adventure, and was 
always in the front of danger. He was a knight- 
errant, in short, in the most extravagant sense of 
the term, and, " mounted on his favorite charger," 
says one who had often seen him, " made no more 
account of a squadron of Indians than of a swarm 
of flies." '« 

While thus, by his brilliant exploits and showy 
manners, he captivated the imaginations of his coun- 
trymen, he won their hearts no less by his soldier- 
like frankness, his trust in their fidelity, — too often 
abused, — and his liberal largesses ; for Pizarro, 
though avaricious of the property of others, was, 

18 " Quando Gongalo Pizarro, drones de Yndios, que si faeran de 
que aya gloria, se veya en su zay- moacas." Garcilasso, Parte 2, lib. 
nillo, no hazia mas caso de esqua- 5, cap. 43. 


like the Roman conspirator, piodigal of his own. 
Hiis was his portrait in happier days, when his 
heart had not been corrapted by success; for that 
some change was wrought on him by his prosperity 
is well attested. His head was made giddy by his 
elevation ; and it is proof of a want oi talent equal 
to his success, that he knew not how to profit by it 
Obeying the dictates of his own rash judgment, he 
rejected the warnings of his wisest counsellors, and 
relied with blind confidence an his destiny. Garci- 
lasso imputes this to the malignant influence of the 
stars.^^ But the superstitious chronicler might have 
better explained it by a common principle of human 
nature ; by the presumption nourished by success ; 
the insanity, as the Roman, or rather Grrecian, prov- 
erb calls it, with which the gods afflict men when 
they design to ruin them.^^ 

Gronzalo was without education, except such as 
he had picked up in the rough school of war. He 
had little even of that wisdom which springs from 
natural shrewdness and insight into character. In 
all this he was inferior to his elder brothers, although 
he fiiUy equalled them in ambidon. Had he pos- 
sessed a tithe of their sagacity, he would not have 
madly persisted in rebellion, after the coming of the 
oresident. Before this period, he represented the 

•7 « Demn que no en falu de Garcilano, Com. Real., Parte 9, 

enteDdimiento, pues lo tenia bastan- lib. 5, cap. 33. 

te, nno que deuia de ter aobva de ^ ***Orar M Aa(fMrM^liropav- 

inflneneia de signoe y planetaa, qua wg nueck, 

le eegauan y forcauan a que pu- T^ vow Iffka^ wpi^row.^^ 

meam la garganta al eadiillo." Eorip. FngmeBta. 


people. Their interests and his were united. He 
had their support, for he was contending for the re- 
dress of their wrongs. When these were redressed 
by the government, there was nothing to contend for. 
From that time, he was Battling only for himself. 
The people had no part nor interest in the contest 
Without a common sympathy to bind them together, 
was it strange that they should fall off from him, 
like leaves in winter, and leave him exposed, a bare 
and sapless trunk, to the fury of the tempest ? 

Cepeda, more criminal than Pizarro, since be had 
both superior education and intelligence, which he 
employed only to mislead his commander, did not 
long survive him. He had come to the country in 
an office of high responsibility. His first step was 
to betray the viceroy whom he was sent to suppcnt ; 
his next was to betray the Audience with whom he 
should have acted ; and lastly, he betrayed the lead- 
er whom he most affected to serve. His whole 
career was treachery to his own government. His 
life was one long perfidy. 

After his surrender, several of the cavaliers, dis- 
gusted at his cold-blooded apostasy, would have 
persuaded Gasca to send him to execution along 
with his commander ; but the president refused, in 
consideration of the signal service he had rendered 
the Crown by his defection. He was put under 
arrest, however, and sent to Castile. There he was 
arraigned for high-treason. He made a plausible 
defence, and as he had friends at court, it is not 
improbable he would have been acquitted ; but, 

Cb. iv] gonzalo pizarro beheaded 447 

before the trial was terminated, he died in prison. 
It was the retributive justice not always to be found 
in the affairs of this world.^^ 

Indeed, it so happened, that several of those 
who had been most forward to abandon the cause 
of Pizarro survived their commander but a sh^t 
time. The gallant Centeno, and the Licentiate 
Carbajal, who deserted him near Lima, and bore 
the royal standard on the field of Xaquixaguana, 
both died within a year after Pizarro. Hinojosa 
was assassinated but two years later in La Plata ; 
and his old comrade Valdivia, after a series of bril- 
liant exploits in Chili, which furnished her most glo- 
rious theme to the epic Muse of Castile, was cut 
off by the invincible warriors of Arauco. The 
Manes of Pizarro were amply avenged. 

Acosta, and three or four other cavaliers who sur- 
rendered with Gonzalo, were sent to execution on 
the same day with their chief ; and Gasca, on the 
morning following the dismal tragedy, broke up his 
quarters and marched with his whole army to 
Cuzco, where he was received by the politic people 
with the same enthusiasm which they had so re- 
cently shown to his rival. He found there a num- 
ber of the rebel army who had taken refuge in 
the city after their late defeat, where they were 

1' The cunning lawyer prepared from the perusal of it with an 

80 plausible au ar^ment in his entire conviction of the writer's 

own justification, that Yllescas, the innocence, and of his unshaken 

celebrated historian of the Popes, loyalty to the Crown. See the 

declares that no one wtio read the passaffc quoted by (iarcilasao, 

paper attentiTely, but must riee Com. Real., Parte 9, lib. 0, cap. 10. 


immediately placed under arrest. Proceedings, hj 
Gasca's command, were instituted against tliem. 
The principal cavaliers, to the number of ten or 
twelve, were executed ; others were banished or sent 
to the galleys. The same rigoroos decrees were pass- 
ed against such as had fled and were not yet taken; 
and the estates of all were confiscated. The estates 
of the rebels supplied a fund far the leoompense of 
the loyaL^ The execution of justice may seem to 
have been isevere ; but Gasca was willing diat the 
rod should fall heavily on those who had so often re- 
jected his proffers of grace. Lenity was wasted on 
a rude, licentious soldiery, who hardly recognised the 
existence of government, unless they felt its ngx. 

A new duty now devolved on the president,— 
that of rewarding his faithful followers, — not less 
difficult, as it proved, than that of punishing the 
guilty. The applicants were numerous; since every 
one who had raised a finger in behalf of the gov- 
ernment claimed his reward. They urged their de- 
mands with a clamorous importunity which per- 
plexed the good president, and consumed everj 
moment of his time. 

Disgusted with this unprofitable state of things, 
Gasca resolved to rid himself of the annoyance at 
once, by retiring to the valley of Guaynarima, about 
twelve leagues distant from the city, and there di- 
gesting, in quiet, a scheme of compensation, adjust- 

» Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y —Carta de ValdiTia, MS. — Za- 
Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, rate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 
del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91. 8. — Relacicm del Lie. Gasca, MS. 


ed to the merits of the parties. He was accompa- 
nied only by his secretary, and by Loaysa, now 
archbishop of Lima, a man of sense, and weU 
acquainted with the affairs of the country. In this 
seclusion the president remained three months, 
making a careful examination into the conflicting 
claims, and apportioning the forfeitures among the 
parties according to their respective services. The 
repartimientos, it should be remarked, were usually 
granted only for life, and, on the death of the in- 
cumbent, reverted to the Crown, to be reassigned 
or retained at its pleasure. 

When his arduous task was completed, Gasca de- 
termined to withdraw to Lima, leaving the instru- 
ment of partition with the archbishop, to be com* 
municated to the army. Notwithstanding all the 
care that had been taken for an equitable adjust- 
ment, Gasca was aware that it was impossible to 
satisfy the demands of a jealous and irritable sol- 
diery, where each man would be likely to exag- 
gerate his own deserts, while he underrated those 
of his comrades; and he did not care to expose 
himself to importunities and complaints that could 
serve no other purpose than to annoy him. 

On his departure, the troops were called together 
by the archbishop in the cathedral, to learn the con- 
tents of the schedule intrusted to him. A discourse 
was first preached by a worthy Dominican, the 
prior of Arequipa, in which the reverend father ex- 
patiated on the virtue of contentment, the duty of 
obedience, and the folly, as well as wickedness, of 

VOL. II. 67 

460 nrnjaoKT or thb oqomtbt. [Vmkt, 

an- attempt to reabt tiie oonstitated aotbontiefy — 
topbB^ in short, wbich he conceived might beit 
conciliate the good«will and confiimii^ of hia au- 

A letter from. the prendentwas then read from 
the po^t. It was addressed to the oflkers and sol- 
diers of the army. The writer began with briefly 
expomng the difficulties of his task, owing to the 
limited amoont of the jgratuities, and the great num- 
ber and swvices ci t£b cfadmants. Ho. had given 
tlie matter the most carefid oonaderationi he said, 
and endeavoured to assign to each hb share, aoooid- 
ing ta has deserts, without pr^odioe or partialitj. 
He had, no doubt, ftllen into emm, but he tiusted 
his fiJloweis would eaisase them, when they reflect- 
ed that fa6 had done according to the bnt of Us 
poor abilities ; and all, he beBeved, would do Urn 
the justice to acknowledge he had not been in- 
fluenced by motives of personal interest. He bore 
emphatic testimony to the services they had ren- 
dered to the good cause, and concluded with the 
most affectionate wishes for their future prosperity 
and happiness. The letter was dated at Guayna- 
rima, August 17, 1548, and bore the simple signa- 
ture of the Licentiate Gasca.*^ 

The archbishop next read the paper containing the 
president's award. The annual rent of the estates 
to be distributed amounted to a hundred and thirtj 

u MS. de CaraTantes. — Pedro ci^p. 9. — Femandes, Hiat del 
Piianro, Descsub. y Conq., MS. — Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. W. 
Zante, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, 

C«. IV.] 



thousand pesos ensayados;^ a large amount, con- 
sidering the worth of money in that day, — in 
any other country than Peru, where money was a 

The repartimientas thus distributed varied in 
value from one hundred to thirty-five hundred pesa^ 
of yearly rent ; all, apparently, graduated with the 

V The peso ensayado, aooording 
to Garcilasw), was one fifth more 
in value than the Castilian ducat. 
Com. Real., Parte 2,lih. 6, cap. 3. 

** " Entre los cayalleroa capi- 
tanee y soldados que le ayudaron en 
eeta ocasion repartio el Preaidente 
Pedro de la Gasca 135,000 peaoe 
enaayadoe de renta que eataban 
Tacoe, y no un millon y tantoa mil 
pesos, oomo diie Diego Femandei, 
que escrivid en Palencia eataa al- 
tcracionea, y de quien lo tom6 An* 
tonio do Herrera: y porque eata 
ocasion fu^ la scgunda en que ke 
beneroeritos del Pirn fundan con 
rason los servicioe de sus pasados, 
porque mediante csta batalla aae- 
guro la corona do Castilla las pro- 
Tincias mas ricas que tiene en 
America, pondr6 sus nombres para 
que se conaerbe con certexa an 
memoria como pareze en el auto 
original que proveyd en el aaiento 
de Guainariroa corca de la ciudad 
del Cuico en diei y siete de Agosto 
de 1548, que esti en los aichivoe 
del govierno.*' MS. de CaraTan- 

The sum mentioned in the text, 
as thus divided among the army, 
fidb very hi short of the amoont 

stated bj Gardlasao, Fernandet, 
Zarate, and, indeed, every other 
writer on the aubject, none of 
whom estimate it at less than a 
million of pesos. But Caravaotea, 
from whom I have taken it, copies 
the original act of partition preserv- 
ed in the royal aichives. Yet Grar- 
dlasso de la Vega ought to have 
been well informed of the value 
of these estatea, which, accord- 
ing to him, ftr exceeded the esti- 
mate given in the schedule. Thus, 
for instance, Hinojosa, he says, 
obtained from the ahare of lands 
and rich minea assigned to him from 
the property of Gonxalo Ptiarro 
no less than S00,000 pesos annu- 
ally, while Aldana, the Licentiate 
Carbajal, and others, had estatee 
which yielded them from 10,000 
to 60,000 pesos. (Ibid., ubi supra.) 
It is impossible to reconcile these 
monstrous discrepancies. No sum 
seems to have been too large for 
the credulity of the ancient chroni- 
cler ; and the imagination of tha 
reader is so completely bewildered 
by the actual riches of this £1 
Dorado, that it is difficult to adjuM 
his faith by any standard of proba- 

462 sErrLEMurr OF the couimT. iMm t. 

nicest precision to the merits of the parties. The 
number of pendoners was about two hundred and 
fifty; for the fund would not have sufficed ftr 
general distribution, nor were the sendees of -^ Ae 
greater part deemed wcnrthj of such a mark of con- 

The effect produced bjr the document, on men 
whose nunds were filled with tiie most indefinite ex- 
pectations, was just such as had been anticipated bj 
the prerident. It was received widi a genoal mur- 
mur of disapprobation. £?en those i9ho bad got 
more than thej expected were discontented,' on com- 
paring their condition mth that of their comrades, 
whom they thou^t still better remunerated in pn>- 
portSon to their deserts. They espedally iuTci^ied 
agaunst t^e preference shown to the old parthans of 
Gonzalo Pizarro — as Hinojosa, Centeno, and Al- 
dana — over those who had always remained lojral to 
the Crown. There was some ground for such a pref- 
erence ; for none had rendered so essential services 
in crushing the rebellion; and it was these services 
that Gasca proposed to recompense. To reward 
every man who had proved himself loyal, simjdy for 
his loyalty, would have frittered away the donative 
into fractions that would be of little value to any.^ 

** CinTantes has tnnscribed on them the hands of the licb 

from the original act a fnll cata- widows of the cayalien who had 

logue of the pensioners, with the perished in the war. The indina- 

amomit of the sums set against tions of the ladies do not seem to 

each of their names. have been always consnlted in tfaii 

^ The president found an in- politic arrangement. See Garei- 

genious way of remunerating ser- lasso, Com. Real., Pane 8, lib. 6, 

end of his followers, hy bestowing cap. 3. 

cb. iy.] spoils of victory. 453 

It was in vain, however, that the archbishop, sec- 
onded by some of the principal cavaliers, endeav- 
oured to infuse a more contented spirit into the 
multitude. They insisted that the award should be 
rescinded, and a new one made on more equitable 
principles ; threatening, moreover, that, if this were 
not done by the president, they would take the re- 
dress of the matter into their own hands. Their 
discontent, fomented by some mischievous persons 
who thought to find their account in it, at length 
proceeded so far as to menace a mutiny; and it 
was not suppressed till the commander of Cuzco 
sentenced one of the ringleaders to death, and sev- 
eral others to banishment. The iron soldiery of the 
Conquest required an iron band to rule them. 

Meanwhile, the president had continued his jour- 
ney towards Lima; and on the way was every- 
where received by the people with an enthusiasm, 
the more grateful to his heart that he felt he had 
deserved it. As he drew near the capital, the loyal 
inhabitants prepared to give him a magnificent re- 
ception. The whole population came forth from the 
gates, led by the authorities of the city, with Alda- 
na as corregidor at their head. Gasca rode on a 
mule, dressed in his ecclesiastical robes. On his 
right, borne on a horse richly caparisoned, was the 
royal seal, in a box curiously chased and orna- 
mented. A gorgeous canopy of brocade was sup- 
ported above his head by the officers of the munici- 
pality, who, in their robes of crimson velvet, walked 
bareheaded by his side. Gay troops of dancers. 

464 uTTumifT OF the oommnr. [Bo«k t. 

dotked in fentastic dresses of gandyHsolored 
feikmed the procesoon, strewing flowem and 
mg verses as they went, in honor of the presidenL 
They were designed as eroblematieal of the difleient 
cities €i the* colony ; and they bore legends or mot- 
toes in rhyme on their caps, intimatbg their kyal 
devotion to the Crown, and evincing moch moie 
kyalty in dieir compontion, it may be added, tiian 
poetical merit* In this way, without beat of dnnn, 
or noise of artillery, or any of the rode acomnpani- 
laents of war, the good president made his peacefid 
entry into the City of the Kings, while the air was 
rent witii the acclamations of the people, who hailed 
him as their <*Fadier and Deliverer, the Saviour of 
theb country!^*' 

But, however gratefhl was tins homage to Gasca^ 
heart, he was not a man to waste his time in idle 
vanities. He now thought only by what means he 
could eradicate the seeds of disorder which shot up 
so readily in this fruitful soil, and how he could place 
the authority of the government on a permaaent 
basis. By virtue of his office, he presided over the 
Royal Audience, the great judicial, and, indeed, 
executive tribunal of the colony ; and he gave great 

M Fernandez has coHected these Puehlo, por Tene libre de Tinnos ; 

iloweTB of oolonial poesy, which i tods la Gente, k Toees, bendecta 

prove that the old Conqueroxs were al Piesidente, i le llamaban : IV 

muoh more expert with the sword die, Restauiador, i Pacificador, 

than with the pen. Hist, del Pern, dando gracias & Dies, por havtr 

Parte 1, lib. 8, cap. 93. ^engado las injurias hechas k sa 

«7 " Fue recibimiento mui so- Divina Magestad." Herrera, Hist 

lemne, con nniyersal alegria del General, dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 17. 


despatch to the business, which had much accumu- 
lated during the late disturbances. In the unsettled 
state of property, there was abundant subject for 
litigation ; but, fortunately, the new Audience was 
composed of able, upright judges, who labored dili- 
gently with their chief to correct the mischief caused 
by the misrule of their predecessors 

Neither was Gasca unmindful of the unfortunate 
natives ; and he occupied himself earnestly with that 
difficult problem, — the best means practicable of 
ameliorating their condition. He sent a number of 
commissioners, as visitors, into different parts of the 
country, whose business it was to inspect the enco- 
miendas^ and ascertain the manner in which the 
Indians were treated, by conversing not only with 
the proprietors, but with the natives themselves. 
They were also to learn the nature and extent of 
the trilnites paid in former times by the vassals of 
the Incas.*^ 

In this way, a large amount of valuable informa- 
tion was obtained, which enabled Gasca, with the 
aid of a council of ecclesiastics and jurists, to di- 
gest a uniform system of taxation for the natives, 
lighter even than that imposed on them by the Pe- 

V " Rl Presidente Gaaca mando comete semejante negocio despues 

Tiflitar todas las proTincias y repar- que sea Cristiana : lo segrundo se 

timienUw deste reyno, nombrando les dio instruodon do lo que hauian 

para ello peraonas de autoridad y de aTehguar, que fueron mucliaa 

de quien se tenia entendido que cosaa : el numero, las hacieodaa, 

tenian eonoecimiento de la tierra loe tratos y grangerias, la oalidad de 

que se les encargavan, que ha de la gente y de sua tierras y comarca, 

aer la principal calidad, que se ha y lo que daran de tributo.'* Onde- 

Iniacar en la persona, a quien m gazdo, Rel. Prim., MS. 


rayian princes. The president would ^adly hare 
relieved the conquered races from the obligations of 
personal service ; but, on mature consideration, thb 
was judged impracticable in the present state of 
the country, since the colonists, more especially in 
the tropical re^ons, looked to the natives fcnr the per- 
formance of labor, and the latter, it was fimnd from 
experience, would not work at all, unless compelled 
to do so. The president, however, limited the 
amount of service to be exacted with great precis- 
ion, so that it was in the nature of a moderate per- 
sonal tax. No Peruvian was to be required to 
change his place of residence, from the climate to 
which he had been accustomed, to another; a 
fruitful source of discomfort, as weU as oi disease, 
in past times. By these various regulations, the 
condition of the natives, though not such as had 
been contemplated by the sanguine philanthropy of 
Las Casas, was improved far more than was com- 
patible with the craving demands of the cdonists; 
and all the firmness of the Audience was required 
to enforce provisions so unpalatable to the latter. 
Still they were enforced. Slavery, in its most odi- 
ous sense, was no longer tolerated in Peru. The 
term " slave " was not recognized as having rela- 
tion to her institutions ; and the historian of the 
Indies makes the proud boast, — it should have been 
qualified by the limitations I have noticed, — that 
every Indian vassal might aspire to the rank of a 

^ '< El Presidente, i el Audiencia dieron take ondenes, que eUs 


Besides these reforms, Gasca introduced several 
in the municipal government of the cities, and oth- 
ers yet more important in the management of the 
finances, and in the mode of keeping the accounts. 
By these and other changes in the internal econo- 
my of the colony, he placed the administration on 
a new basis, and greatly facilitated the way for a 
more sure and orderly government by his successors. 
As a final step, to secure the repose of the country 
after he was gone, he detached some of the more 
aspiring cavaliers on distant expeditions, trusting 
that they would draw off the light and restless 
spirits, who might otherwise gather togetlier and 
disturb the public tranquillity ; as we sometimes see 
the mists which have been scattered by the genial 
influence of the sun become condensed, and settle 
into a storm, on his departure.^ 

Gasca had been now more than fifteen months in 
Lima, and nearly three years had elapsed since his 
first entrance into Peru. In that time, he had ac- 
complished the great objects of his mission. When 
he landed, he found the colony in a state of anarchy, 
or rather organized rebellion under a powerful and 
popular chief. He came without funds or forces to 
support him. The former he procured through the 
credit which he established in his good faith ; the 

ne^rocio se uentd, de maneTm, que ^ MS. de C«nTuites. — Go- 
pan adeUnte no se platio6 mas roan. Hist, de las Indias, cap. 187. 
ealc nombre de Esclavoa, sino que — Fernaodex, Hist, del Peru, Parte 
lalibertad fuc general por todo el 1, lib. 2, cap. 93-95. — Zarate, 
Reino.'' Herrcn, Hist. Gen., Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 10. 
dec. 8, lib. 5, cap. 7. 

VOL. n. 56 


latter he won ovtT hy argument and persuasion from 
the \^vy persons to whom they bad been confided by' 
his rivaJ. Thus he turned the arms of that rival 
against himself. By a calm appeal to reason he 
wrought a change in the hearts of the people ; and^ <M 
without costing a drop of blood to a single loyal suh*^ 
ject, he suppressed a rebellion which bad menaced 
Spain with the loss of the w ealtliiest of her prcn-- 
inces. He had punished the guilty, and in thm 
spoils found the means to recompense the faithful* ' 
He had, moreover^ so well husl)anded the resource*! 
of the country, that he was enabled to pav off lliej 
iMge Im Iw liad Mgoi^ 
dMi raloiqri ftr W e xfiujiii ^ <h» iwiv 
iifie hittifaed ^dMmmid 

liyhk^eraiinljlis hftd nrtPed « ttilfiMiuid mhM^ 
ducats for the government, wfafeh Ibr some yeaiiM 
received nothing from Peru ; and he now proposed 
to carry back this acceptable treasure to swell die 
royal coffers.^ All this had been accomplished with- 
out the cost of outfit or salary, or any charge to die 
Crown except that of his own firugal expenditure.* 

3^ " Reoogid tenta ramm de di- fberon muduB, Teiiiiti6 6 S. If. y 

neio, que pag6 novecieDtos mil lo lle^ coiuigo 964,4S9 maiQOi ds 

pesos de Oro, que se hall6 haver plata» que k eeis docados ^ilieroa 

gastado, deade el Dia que entr5 en 1 millon 588, 833 ducadoa.*' MS. 

Panam^, hasta que ae acab6 la de Caravantes. 
Guerra, los qualeefom^ preatados." SI « j^o tnbo ni quiao aakiio el 

Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, Presidente Gaaca aino oedola pan 

lib. 5, cap. 7. — Zarate, Conq. del que k on mayordomo aayo dtona 

Peru, lib. 7, cap. 10. los Ofidalea realea lo neoeaano de 

® " Aviendo pagado el Presi- la real Hacienda, que como pams 

dente laa coetaa de la guerra que de los quadexnoa de aa gaalo M 


The country was now in a state of tranquillity. 
Gasca felt that his work was done ; and that he 
was free to gratify his natural longing to return to 
his native land. 

Before his departure, he arranged a distribution 
of those repartimientas which had lapsed to the 
Crown during the past year by the death of the in- 
cumbents. Life was short in Peru ; since those 
who lived by the sword, if they did not die by the 
sword, too often fell early victims to the hardships 
incident to their adventurous career. Many were 
the applicants for the new bounty of government ; 
and, as among them were some of those who had 
been discontented with the former partition, Gasca 
was assailed by remonstrances, and sometimes by 
reproaches couched in no very decorous or respectful 
language. But they had no power to disturb his 
equanimity ; he patiently listened, and replied to 
all in the mild tone of expostulation best calculated 
to turn away wrath ; " by this victory over him- 
self,'' says an old writer, " acquiring more real glory, 
than by all his victories over his enemies. '' ^ 

An incident occurred on the eve of hb departure, 
touching in itself, and honorable to the parties con- 
cerned. The Indian caciques of the neighbouring 

may roodersdo.** (MS. de Can- ^4 « En lo qoal hiao mas que en 

▼antes. ) Gasca, it appears, was Tencer y ganar todo aquel Ympe 

most exact in keeping the accounts rio : porque fue Tencerse assi pro 

of his disbursements for the ex- prio.'* Garcilasso, Com. Real., 

penses of himself and household, Parte 3, lib. 6, cap. 7. 
from the time he embarked for the 


Anrea ^eir p6<^ prii Be nteJ 4toi%^ » 
He qnstiititjr of plate hi tohfttf <if their giiitfliiiiii 
Biit Gaeca refused to loeeiFe it» liM^ W'4iii| 
io be giiTd mikk /ockpeMH to llio:Pte«piaMi 1A| 
feared thcrjr had tmwiiliiq^y Jdte «#» i^^^^ 

Many of the priadpil oolosiMr 0^ iom ^ 
tame ivMi to dioir didbr iittie ef Mil ? i«|i<i>laiit aw^ 
iiiMyaeiit ID him^iiftw hi9^ had ^nriiaduNi^ «' 
'sifrsent donatiTe of fiflf ^MMiid #iM 
lieft ^ As he had taken bsfo of iAra^ li^ an^i 
^ there eonld be no tottyy iay^lw^ 
H.^ Sot Qaa^ was ii^rtnAad k hb.mjecihMKt 
this pn^Mitt, as be had .iMen 4if tho ddmw Hb 
had oMse to this cguatrft^ ^iii ^lieiiaihdi; «^lo^«H[Ml 
the Idng, and to secure the Uessuigs <^ peace to Adf 
inhabitants ; and now that, by the favor of Heayeo, 
he had been permitted to accomplish this, he would 
not dishonor the cause by any act that might throw 
suspicion on the purity of his motives.''. Notwith- 
standing his refusal, the colonists contrived to se- 
crete the sum of twenty thousand casteUanos (m 
board of his vessel, with the idea, that, once in luf 
own country, with his mission concluded, the presi^ 
dent's scruples would be removed* Gasca did, b- 
deed, accept the donative ; for he felt that it wooM 
be ungracious to send it back ; but it was only tiD 
he could ascertain the relatives of the donors^ whea 
he distributed it among the most needy .^ 

SB Feraandex, Hist dd Poniy Parte 1, Ub. 9, eap. OS. 


Having now settled all his affairs, the president 
committed the government, until the arrival of a vice- 
roy, to his faithful partners of the Royal Audience ; 
and in January, 1560, he embarked with the royal 
treasure on board of a squadron for Panama. He 
was accompanied to the shore by a numerous crowd 
of the inhabitants, cavaliers and common people, 
persons of all ages and conditions, who followed to 
take their last look of their benefactor, and watch 
with straining eyes the vessel that bore him away 
from their land. 

His voyage was prosperous, and early in March 
the president reached his destined port. He stayed 
there only till he could muster horses and mules suf- 
ficient to carry the treasure across the mountains ; 
for he knew that this part of the country abounded 
in wild, predatory spirits, who would be sorely 
tempted to some act of violence by a knowledge of 
the wealth which he had with him. Pushing for- 
ward, therefore, he crossed the rugged Isthmus, and, 
after a painful march, arrived in safety at Nombre 
de Dios. 

The event justified his apprehensions. He had 
been gone but three days, when a ruffian horde, after 
murdering the bishop of Guatemala, broke into 
Panam^ with the design of inflicting the same fate 
on the president, and of seizing the booty. No 
sooner were the tidings communicated to Gasca, 
than, with his usual energy, he levied a force and 
prepared to march to the relief of the invaded capi- 
tal. But Fortune — or, to speak more correctly, 


Providence — favored him here, as usual ; and, on 
the eve of his departure, he learned that the maraud- 
ers had been met by the citizens, and discomfit- 
ed with great slaughter. Disbanding his forces, 
therefore, he equipped a fleet of nineteen vessels 
to transport himself and the royal treasure to Spain, 
where he arrived in safety, entering the harbour of 
Seville after a little more than four years from the 
period when he had sailed from the same port.* 

Great was the sensation throughout the country 
caused by his arrival. Men could hardly believe 
that results so momentous had been accomplished in 
so short a time by a single individual, — a poor ec- 
clesiastic, who, unaided by government, had, by 
his own strength, as it were, put down a rebelfioD 
which had so long set the arms of Spain at defiance ! 

The emperor was absent in Flanders. He was 
overjoyed on learning the complete success of Gas- 
ca's mission ; and not less satisfied with the tidings 
of the treasure he had brought with him ; for the 
exchequer, rarely filled to overflowing, had been ex- 
hausted by the recent troubles in Germany. Charies 
instantly wrote to the president, requiring his pres- 
ence at court, that he might learn from his own 
lips the particulars of his expedition. Gasca, ac- 
cordingly, attended by a numerous retinue of nobles 
and cavaliers, — for who does not pay homage to 

ie Gnsvaiites. -^ Go- del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 13. — H«^ 

. da ha Indias, etp. 183. reia, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 6, 

in. ffirt. del Peru, Parte cap. 17. 
I, anp. 10.— ZnatB, G<»iq. 

Cb. IV.] he returns to SPAIN. 463 

him whom the king delighteth to honor ? — em- 
barked at Barcelona, and, after a favorable voyage, 
joined the Court in Flanders. 

He was received by his royal master, who fully 
appreciated his services, in a manner most grateful to 
his feelings ; and not long afterward he was raised to 
the bishopric of Palencia, — a mode of acknowledg- 
ment best suited to his character and deserts. Here 
he remained till 1661, when he was promoted to the 
vacant see of Siguenza. The rest of his days he 
passed peacefully in the discharge of his episcopal 
functions; honored by his sovereign, and enjoying 
the admiration and respect of his countrymen.^ 

In his retirement, he was still consulted by the 
government in matters of importance relating to the 
Indies. The disturbances of that unhappy land 
were renewed, though on a much smaller scale than 
before, soon after the president's departure. They 
were chiefly caused by discontent with the reparti- 
wnentoSj and with the constancy of the Audience in 
enforcing the benevolent restrictions as to the per- 
sonal services of the natives. But these troubles 
subsided, after a very few years, under the wise rule 
of the Mendozas, — two successive viceroys of that 
illustrious house which has given so many of its sons 
to the service of Spain. Under their rule, the mild 
yet determined policy was pursued, of which Gasca 
had set tlic example. The ancient distractions of 

•^ Ibid., ubi supra. —MS. de Hist, del Peru, Parte 2, lib. 1, 
CftTiTmntes. — Gomara, Hist, de cap. 10. — Zarate, Conq. del Pern, 
Iw Indiaiy cap. 188. — Fomandes, lib. 7, cap. 13. 



[Boos T. 

the ooontrj were permanently healed. With peace, 
proneiitjr letnnied irithin the borders of Peru : and 
die ooracKNisiieas of the beneficent results of his 
iMbon-fiiey hafe ahed a:ray of satisfaction^ as it didJ 
cif ^ny, ovarthe.efemiigof flle.pmiMei^Efa. 

IJhat fife waa farm^t to a c|^^ jac Ndronbi^ 
1667, at an age, probaUy, |«* 
hf the aaared wiiler m:-^ ttnn ^Jfmnm ea^ 
mce.^ He died.atl^alMafidtaiid'Ma hi^ 
ABchmdK^ Santa IQiia Mag i aVina, in tibat <^ 
||i|Kli he had bnat Wd fifeiaUj endowed. J^ 
IMWiMtttt fvnnoanted hjTthe acilplnfed dligjr of a 
priert in hb aaceidofid jobes, li ata 
alliaeJing the adodmtaan. cC the tmfdler bgr die 
btetttjr of ^ eiecotion/ The haMen taken fiaai 
Gtm^Ealo Pinno on the field <xfJ^nqnixagpaaafMe 
suspended oter his tomb, as the trophies of Ik 
memorable mission to Peru.* The banners have 
long since mouldered into dust, with the remains 
of him who slept beneath them ; but the memory 
of his good deeds will endure for ever.^ 

3B I hare met with no account 
of the year in which Gasca was 
born ; but an inscription on his 
portrait in the sacristy of St Map 
ry Magdalene at VaUadolid, from 
which the engraving prefixed to 
this volume is taken, states that 
he died in 1567, at the age of 
aeventy-one. This is perfectly con- 
sistent with the time of life at which 
he had probably arrived when we 
find him a collegiate at Salamanca, 
in the year 

» '< Mun6 en Yalbdolid, doiiae 
mand6 enteirar su coerpo en h 
Iglesia de la advocacion de la Mag- 
dalena, que hixo edificar eo aqneDa 
dttdad, donde se pusieron las vaa- 
deras que gan6 k Gonzalo Pisarro.*' 
MS. de Caravantes. 

^ The memory of his adiievs- 
ments has not been left entirdy 
to the care of the historian. It 
is but a few years sinoe the 
character and administration of 
Gasca formed the subject of aa 


(vasca was plain in person, and his countenance 
was far from comely. He was awkward and ill- 
proix)rtioned ; for his limbs were too long for his 
body, — so that when he rode, he appeared to be 
much shorter than he really was/* His dress was 
humble, his manners simple, and there was nothing 
im[)osing in his presence. But, on a nearer inter- 
course, there was a charm hi his discourse that 
effaced every unfavorable impression produced by 
his exterior, and won the hearts of his hearers. 

The president's character may be thought to hav« 
been sufficiently portrayed in the history already 
given of his life. It presented a combination of 
qualities which generally serve to neutralize each 
other, but which were mixed in such proportions 
in him as to give it additional strength. He was 
gentle, yet resolute; by nature intrepid, yet pre- 
ferring to rely on the softer arts of policy. He was 
frugal in his personal expenditure, and economical 

elaborate panegyric from one of ^^ ** Era muy pequcfio de cuerpo 

the most distinguished statesmen in con estrafla h^hura, que de la cin- 

the British parliament. (See Lord tura abaxo tenia tanto cuerpo, como 

Broujjham's speech on the mal- qualquiera hombre alto, y de la 

treatment of the North American cintura al hombro no tenia vna 

colonies, February, 1838.) The tcrcia. Andando a cauallo parescia 

cnlijfhtened Spaniard of our day, a rn mas pequeQo de lo que era, 

who contemplates with sorrow the porque todo era picmas : de rostro 

excesses committed by his country- era muy feo : pero lo que la natu- 

men of the sixteenth century in the raleza le nego de las dotes del 

New Worhl, may feel an honest cuerpo, se los dobl6 en las del 

pride, that in this company of dark animo.*' Garcilasso, Com. Heal., 

spirits should be found one to Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 2. 
whom the present penenition may 
turn as to the brightest model of 
integrity and wisdom. 

VOL. II. 59 


in the pablic ; jet caring nothing for riches <m b^s 
own account, md never stintuig hb boontj when 
the public good required it. He was benerolrat and 
placable, yet could deal sternly with the impeniteit 
oflfender ; lowly in, hb deportment, yet with a foil 
neasure of tha^ sdf-respect which springs ham 
txmscious rectitude of purpose ; modest and unpre- 
tending, yet not shrinking irom the most difficult 
enterprises; deferring greatly to others, yet, in the 
last resort, relying mainly on hin^elf ; moving with 
liberation, — ^patiently waiting his time; hot, when 
^t came, bold, prompt, and decisive. 

Gasca was not a man of genius, in^the vulgar 
sense of that term. At least, no one of his intel- 
lectual powers seems to have received an extraordi- 
nary development, beyond what is found in others. 
He was not a great writer, nor a great orator, nor a 
great generaL He did not affect to be either. He 
committed the care of his military matters to milita- 
ry men ; of ecclesiastical, to the clergy ; and his civil 
and judicial concerns he reposed on the members of 
the Audience. He was not one of those little great 
men who aspire to do every thing themselves, under 
the conviction that nothing can be done so well by 
others. But the president was a keen judge of 
character. Whatever might be the office, he select- 
ed the best man for it. He did more. He assured 
himself of the fidelity of his agents , presided at 
their deliberations; dictated a general line of policy, 
and thus infused a spirit of unity into their plans, 
which made all move in concert to the accomplish- 
ment of one grand result. 


A distinguishing feature of his mind was his com- 
mon sense, — the best substitute for genius in a 
ruler who has the destinies of his fellow-men at his 
disposal, and more indispensable than genius itself. 
In Gasca, the different qualities were blended in 
such harmony, that there was no room for excess. 
They seemed to regulate each other. While his 
sympathy with mankind taught him the nature of 
their wants, his reason suggested to what extent 
these were capable of relief, as well as the best mode 
of effecting it. He did not waste his strength on 
illusory schemes of benevolence, like Las Casas, on 
the one hand; nor did he countenance the selfish 
policy of the colonists, on the other. He aimed at 
the practicable, — the greatest good practicable. 

In accomplishing his objects, he disclaimed force 
equally with fraud. He trusted for success to his 
power over the convictions of his hearers ; and the 
source of this power was the confidence he inspired 
in his own integrity Amidst all the calumnies of 
faction, no imputation was ever cast on the integrity 
of Gasca.^^ No wonder that a virtue so rare should 
be of high price in Peru. 

There are some men whose characters have been 
so wonderfully adapted to the peculiar crisis in 
which they appeared, that they seem to have been 

« *< Fuc tan recatado j estre- hizo : con lodo esso, jamas nadie 

madu en csta \irtiid, que pnesto dixo del, ni 8ospcch5 ; que en esto, 

que dc mucbos qued6 mal quisto, ni otra cosa, sc vuicsse mouido por 

qnando del PerO sc paitio para codicia/' Fernandez, Hist, del 

£^»Aa, por el reparumiooto que Peru, Pirte 1, lib. 2, cap. 95. 


Specially designed for it by Providence. Such was 
Washington in our own country, and Gasca in Peru- 
We can conceive of individuals wilh Jiighcr quail* 
ticSf at least with higher intellectual qualities, than 
belonged to either of these great men* But it was 
the wonderful conformity of their characters to th« 
exigencies of their situation, the perfect adapUtioti 
of the means to the end, that constituted the secret 
of then success ; that enabled Gasca so gloriously to 
crush revolution, and Washington still more glori' 
ously to achieve it, 

Gasca's conduct on bis first coming to the colonies 
affords the best illustration of his character. Had 
he come backed by a military array, or even clothed 
in the paraphernalia of authority, eyery heart and 
hand would have been closed against hiin. But the 
bumble ecclesiastic excited no apprehension ; and 
his enemies were already disarmed, before he had 
begun his approaches. Had Gasca, impatient of 
Hinojosa's tardiness, listened to the suggestions of 
those who advised his seizure, he would have 
brought his cause into jeopardy by this early dis- 
play of violence. But he wisely chose to win over 
his enemy by operating on his conviction. 

In like manner, he waited his time for making his 
entry into Peru. He suffered his communications 
to do their work in the minds of the people, and 
was careful not to thrust in the sickle before the 
harvest was ripe. In this way, wherever he went, 
every thing was prepared for his coming ; and when 
he set foot in Peru, the country was already hj^ own* 


After the dark and turbulent spirits with which 
we have been hitherto occupied, it is refreshing to 
dwell on a character like that of Gasca. In the 
Jong procession which has passed in review before 
us, we have seen only the mail-clad cavalier, bran- 
dishing his bloody lance, and mounted on his war- 
horse, riding over the helpless natives, or battling 
with his own friends and brothers ; fierce, arrogant, 
and cruel, urged on by the lust of gold, or the scarce 
more honorable love of a bastard glory. Mingled 
with these qualities, indeed, we have seen sparkles 
of the chivalrous and romantic temper which belongs 
to the heroic age of Spain. But, with some honora- 
ble exceptions, it was the scum of her chivalry that 
resorted to Peru, and took service under the banner 
of the Pizarros. At the close of this long array 
of iron warriors, we behold the poor and humble 
missionary coming into the land on an errand of 
mercy, and everywhere proclaiming the glad tidings 
of peace. No warlike trumpet heralds his approach, 
nor is his course to be tracked by the groans of the 
wounded and the dying. The means he employs 
are in perfect harmony with his end. His weapons 
are argument and mild persuasion. It is the reason 
he would conquer, not the body. He wins his way 
by conviction, not by violence. It is a moral vic- 
tory to which he aspires, more potent, and hap- 
pily more permanent, than that of the blood-stained 
conqueror. As he thus calmly, and imperceptibly, 
as it were, comes to his great results, he may re- 
mind us of the slow, insensible manner in which 


Nature works out her great changes in the material 
world, that are to endure when the rarages of the 
hurricane are passed away and forgotten. 

With the mission of Gasca terminates the his- 
tory of the Conquest of Peru. The Conquest, in- 
deed, strictly terminates with the suppression of the 
Peruvian revolt, when the strength, if not the spirit, 
of the Inca race was crushed for ever. The reader, 
however, might feel a natural curiosity to follow to 
its close the fate of the remarkable family who 
achieved the Conquest. Nor would the story of the 
invasion itself be complete without some account 
of the civil wars which grew out of it; which 
serve, moreover, as a moral commentary on preced- 
ing events, by showing that the indulgence of fierce, 
unbridled passions is sure to recoil, sooner or later, 
even in this life, on the heads of the guilty. 

It is true, indeed, that the troubles of the coun- 
try were renewed on the departure of Gasca. 
The waters had been too fearfully agitated to be 
stilled, at once, into a calm; but they gradually 
subsided, under the temperate rule of his successors, 
who wisely profited by his policy and example. 
Thus the influence of the good president remained 
after he was withdrawn from the scene of his la- 
bors ; and Peru, hitherto so distracted, continued to 
enjoy as large a share of repose as any portion of 
the colonial empire of Spain. With the benevolent 
mission of Gasca, then, the historian of the Con- 
quest may be permitted to terminate his labors, — 
with feelings not unlike those of the traveller, who, 

Ch. IV.] ZARATE. 471 

having long journeyed among the dreary forests 
and dangerous defiles of the mountains, at length 
emerges on some pleasant landscape smiUng in 
tranquillity and peace. 

Au^nistin de Zarate — a liighly respectable authority, frequently 
cited in the later portion of this work — was Omtador de Mercedes j 
Comptroller of Accounts, for Castile. This office he filled for fifteen 
years ; after which he was sent by the government to Peru to examine 
into the state of the colonial finances, which bad been greatly deranged 
by the recent troubles, and to bring them, if possible, into order. 

Zarate went out accordingly in the train of the viceroy Blasoo Nunex, 
and found himself, through the passions of his imprudent leader, en- 
tangled, soon after his arrival, in the inextricable meshes of civil discord. 
In the stniggle which ensued, he remained with the Royal Audience ; 
and wu find him in Lima, on the approach of Gonzalo Pizarro to that 
capital, when Zarate was deputed by the judges to wait on the insur- 
gent chief, and require him to disband his troops and withdraw to hia 
own estates. The historian executed the mission, for which he seema 
to have had little rchsh, and which certainly was not without danger. 
From this period, we rarely hear of him in the troubled scenes that 
ensued. He probably took no further part in affiiirs than was abso- 
lutely forced on him by circumstances ; but the unfavorable bearing of 
kis remarks on Gonzalo Pizarro intimates, that, however ho may have 
been discontented with the conduct of the viceroy, he did not counta- 
aance, for a moment, the criminal ambition of his rival. The timea 
were certainly unpropitious to the execution of the financial ruforma 
for which Zarate had come to Peru. But he showed so much real 
devotion to the interests of the Crown, that the emperor, on his re- 
turn, signified kis satisfaction by making him Superintendent of the 
Finances in Flanders. 

Soon after his arrival in Peru, he seems to have conceived the idea 
of making his countrymen at home acquainted with the stirring eventa 
passing in tlie colony, which, moreover, afifurded some striking passages 
for the study of the historian. Although he collected notes and diaries, 
aa he tells us, for this purpose, he did not dare to avail himself of them 
till his retam to Castile. '' For to have begun the history in Peru,'* 
he says, ** would have alone been enough to put my life in jeopardy; 
■Dce a certain commander, named Francisco de Carbajal, threatened 

472 ZABATE. [Boost. 

totakeveDgfloiiieoiitBy onawho iboiild bow nth w to atteaQitks 
nlatioa of his eipkuls, — fitr lew ileoorvingy is they wera, to be pbeed 
on seoord, than to be oomigiied to etmial oUbion." In thk mm 
oommander, the leoder wSU xeodily l eeog nfa e the Tetem lieotenut of 
Goonlo PSiaixo. 

On hie letom home, Zonta oet abont (he eompihtftm of hia mA. 
Ka firat porpooe waa to confine it to the erenti that followed the aniftl 
of Bkaoo Nufiei ; bat he soon Ibond, that, to make theae mteDigifale, ha 
nraat trace the otzeam of history higher isqp towards its soueea. He 
aeoordingly enburged his plan, and, beginning witk^ diseoveiy of Perii 
gvre an entire view of the oonqneat «nd aabaeqnMit ofropation of the 
oaontry, bringing the nanadfe down to the dose of Gaaea'a miwinn 
For the eaxlier portion of theatory, herelMdontheaeeoaBtsofpeiBaM 
who took a* leading part in the erenti. Ha diaposes mon i 
of thia portion than of that in which he himaelf was both a i 
and an aelor; where hia teatimony, eonaidering the advantagei hb 
poaition gafo him lor ufixmiation, ia of the higheat valna. 

Akedo in }m BibSoteea AmerkoM^ AfA, apeaka of Zaale'a woA ai 
** eoDtaining moeh that ia good, hot aa not entitled to ifao praiM of 
enetaeaa." He wrote nnder the infioenoe of parqr heat, mbit nee» 
' aazily operatea to warp the fidreat jnind aomewhat from its i 
For thia we moat make allowanoe, in pemaing acoonnts of < 
paztiee. Bat there ia no intention, apparently, to turn the troth OMle in 
aopport of hia own cause ; and his aoceaa to the beat aoniees of knowV 
edge often supplies us wath particulars not within the reach of other 
chroniclers. His narrative is seasoned, moreoTcr, with sensible re- 
flections and passing comments, that open gleams of light mto the dark 
passages of that eventful period. Yet the style of the author can make 
but moderate pretensions to the praise of elegance or exactness ; while 
the sentences run into that tedious, interminable length which belongi 
to the garrulous compositions of the regular thoroughbred chronicler of 
the oMen time. 

The personalities, necessarily incident, more or leaa, to such a work, 
led its author to shrink from publication, at least during his life. Bj 
the jealous spirit of the Castilian cavalier, ** censure," he says, ** how- 
ever light, is regarded with indignation, and even praise ia rarely dealt 
out in a measure satisfactory to the subject of it." And he expresses 
his conviction that those do wisely, who allow their accounts of their 
own times to repose in the quiet security of manuscript, till the genera- 
tion that is to be afl!ected by them has passed away. Hia own mano- 
acript, however, was submitted to the emperor; and it received such 
commendation from this royal authority, that Zarate, plucking up a mors 
eourageoua spirit, consented to give it to the preaa. It accordingly ap- 

Ch. IV.] FERNANDEZ. 473 

peared at Antwerp, in 1555, in octavo ; and a second edition was printed, 
in folio, at Seville, in 1577. It has since been incorporated in Barcia*s 
valuable collection ; and, whatever indig^nation or displeasure it may 
have excited among contemporaries, who smarted under the author's 
censure, or felt themselves defrauded of their legitimate guerdon, Z»- 
rate*s work has taken a permanent rank among the most respectable 
authorities for a history of the time. 

The name of Zarate naturally suggests that of Fernandez, for both 
were laborers in the same field of history. Diego Fernandez de Pa- 
lencia, or Palentino, as he is usually called, from the place of his birth, 
eame over to Peru, and served as a private in the royal army raised to 
quell the insurrections that broke out after Gasca's return to Castile. 
Amidst his military occupations, he found leisure to collect materials for 
a history of the period, to which he was further urged by the viceroy, 
Mendoza, Marques do CaHete, who bestowed on him, as he tells us, the 
post of Chronicler of Peru. This mark of confidence in his literary 
capacity intimates higher attainments in Fernandez than might be in- 
ferred from the humble station that he occupied. With the fruits of his 
researches the soldier-chronicler returned to Spain, and, after a time, 
complete ' his narrative of the insurrection of Giron. 

The manuscript was seen by the President of the Council of the In- 
dies, and he was so much pleased with its execution, that he urged 
the author to write the account, in like manner, of Gonzalo Pizarro*8 
rebellion, and of the administration of Gasca. The historian was fur- 
ther stimulated, as he mentions in his dedication to Philip the Second, 
by the promise of a guerdon from that monarch, on the completion 
of his labors ; a very proper, as well as pohtic, promise, but which 
inevitably suggests the idea of an influence not altogether favor- 
able to severe historic impartiality. Nor will such an inference be 
found altogether at variance with truth ; for while the narrative of 
Fernandez studiously exhibits the royal cause in the most fuvorable 
aspect to the reader, it does scanty justice to the claims of the opposite 
party. It would not be meet, indeed, that an apology for rebellion 
should be found in the pages of a royal pensioner ; but there arc always 
mitigating circumstances, which, however we may condemn the guilt, 
may serve to lessen our indignation towards the guilty. These circum- 
stances are not to be found in the pages of Fernandez. It is unfor- 
tunate for the historian of such events, that it is so difikult to find one 
difposed to do even justice to the claims of the unsuccessful rebel. 
Yet the Inca Garcilasso has not shrunk from this, in the case of Gon- 
xalo Pizarro; and even Gomara, though living under the shadow, or 
rather in the sunshine, of the Court, has occasionally ventured a gen- 
arotis protest in his behalf. 
VOL. II. 60 



[Book T. 

The countenance thuB afforded to Fernandez fiom the highest qu«ler 
opened to him the he^t fountains of intelligence, — ai Jeast, em tlM 
government uJe of the quarrel* JBeside^ peiwoal comnmnicaiioa with 
tlie royolifli If^^der^f he had wsoesH to their correspondence, diamett, aod 
official dotiumcota* He ij;dt«triouBly profited by hie oppcitunitiet ; aad 
his nairaUTe, taking up the siory oj" the nebe^iton from ita hinh, ooo- 
ttnueii It to its h;ia] extinction, and the end of Galea's admimEtntum^ 
Thus the First Pan of his work, as it was now called, w« broc^ 
down to tho eomoioncement of the Secand, and the whole pmented \ 
complete pieture of the distractions of the nation, XiW a new order of 
things w^ introduced » and tranqoillity wu pennanenlly estabtiflbed 
Ihrooghout the country. 

The diction id sufficiently plain, noi aspiring to rhetorical beavtieft 
beyoud the reach of ita author, and out of keeping with the aimpla 
charaettjr of a chronicle^ Tho sentences aic arranged with more »it 
than in most of tho unwieldy compositions of the time ; iknd, while theifl 
id no attempt at erudition or philosophic ^ecuktion, the current of 
events flows on in an orderly manncTj lolefably prolix, it is tme, bnl 
leaving a clear and intelligible impression ou the mind of the roftdsr* 
No history of that period compares with it in the copiousnea of ili 
details \ and it has aocordingly boen resorted to by later compilers, tf 
an inexhaustible reservoir for the supply of their own pag«s ; i fdi^ 
cumstance tbnt tnay be thought of itaelf to bear no slight tee^unony tD 
the general fidelity, as well as fulnessj of the narrative. — l*lie Chixinicl* 
of Fernandez, thus arranged in two parts, under the general title of 
Historia del Peru, was given to the world in the author's lifetime, at 
Seville, in 1571, in one volume, folio, being the edition used in tfaa 
preparation of this work. 



No. I. — See Vol. L, p. 28. 


[The original manuscript, which was copied for Lord 
Kingsborough's valuable collection, is m the Library of the 

Quando en tiempo de pax salian los Yngas a Tiaitar sa Reyno, cuen- 
tan que iban per el con gran majeatad, sentadoa en ricaa andas annadaa 
•obre unos palos lisos largos, de manera escelentc, engastadas en oro y 
argenteria, j de las andas salian dos arcos altos hechos de oro, engasta- 
do8 en piedraa preciosas : caian unas mantas algo largas por todas las 
andas, de tal manera que las cubrian todas, y sino era queriendo cl que 
iba dentro, no podia ser Tisto, ni alzaban las mantas si no era cuando 
entraba y salia, tanta era su estimacion ; y para que le entrase aire, y el 
pudiese Ter el camino, havia en las mantas hecbos algunos agujeros 
hechos por todas partes. En cstas andas habia riqueza, y en algunas 
estaba esculpido el Sol y la luna, y en otras unas culebras grandes on- 
dadas y mios eomo bastones que las atravcsaban. Esto trahian por 
CDcima por armas, y estas andas las lloiiban en ombroe de los Sefiores, 
los mayores y mas principales del Rcjmo, y aquel que mas con ellas 
■idaba, aquel se tenia por mas onrado y por mas faborccido. En rede- 
dor de las andas, a la ila, iba la guardia del Rey con los arqucros y ala- 
barderos, y delante iban cinco mil honderos, y detras venian otros tantoa 
Lanoeros con sua Capitanes, y por los lados del camino y por el mesmo 
eunino iban corrcdores fides, descubricndo lo que habia, y avisando la 
ida del Sefior ; y acudia tanta gente por lo ver, que parccia que todos los 
oerros y laderas estaba lleno de eila, y todos le daTan las Tcndicioncs, 
alaiidoa, y grita grande 4 su usaua, llamandole, Ancha atimapo 

478 APPENDIX. [No. IL 

kngaa dhi " May gnade y poderoto Safior, hijo dd Sol, ta nlo em 
Sefioi^ todo el miuido te oya en Terdad," y m eeto k deoMa otne eom 
mu sitae, tinto que pooo &ltabft piza k adonr per Dioa Tode li 
eamiiio iben Yndioe DunpiaDdolo, de tal muieia que ni yeriio ni piedii 
■o pareeia, aino todo linofio y bazado. Aadaiia «ada dia eoatio hgam, 
o lo que el qoeziAy pazaba k que eia aenrido, pan entendor el i 
de aa Reyno, oia alegzeoMiite a loa que ood qoejaa k Toniaiiy i 
do^ y caatigando a qaien hada u^jnaftioiaa ; ka que eoa elka iban no aa 
deBinaiidaba& a nada ni aalian un paao del camino* Loa natmalea pn^ 
man a k neoeeario, ain k coal k ham tan omiplido en ko < 
que aobzabe, y ningnnn 00m iakaiMU Per Aoado iba, aalian 
honibrea y mujerea y nniohacboa a aerrir penooalmente en k qne lei 
en mandado, y pan Qebar ha eazgas, loa de nn poebk ha Debafcai 
haatn otfOy de donde ka nnoa ha tomaban y loa otroa laa dejaban, y eoBO 
«n nn dia^ y ooando muobo doa, no k aentian, ni da elk ndnw agn- 
no ningono. Pnee yendo el Sellor de eata manen, raminaha par aa 
Ikm el tiempo qne k pkcta, Tiendo per ana ojoa k qne paaaba, y pio- 
▼eyendo lo que entendia que conTeniay que todo en ooeas gnndea e mt 
portantea; k coal beeho, dafaak bnelta al Cmoo, piiiieipal Gindad do 
todo aa impedo. 

No. n. — See Vol. I., p. 64. 


Una de las cosas de que 3ro mas me admir^, contemplando y notando 
las cosas de estos Reynos, fae pensar como y de que manera se pudiexoa 
haccr caminos tan grandes y sovervios como por el Temoe, y que fuenas 
de hombres bastaran a lo hacer, y con que herramientas y iustrumentos 
pudieron allanar los monies y quebrantar las peflas para baoerios tan 
ancbos y buenos como estan ; por que me parece que si el Empendor 
quisiese mandar haoer otro camino Real como el que ba del Quito al 
Cuzco 6 sale del Cuzco para ir d Chile, cicrtam** creo, con todo su podo; 
para ello no fuese poderoso, ni fuerzas de hombres lo pudicsen haoer, 
siuo fuese con la orden tan grande que para ello los Yngas mandaroo qae 
hubiese : por que ai fiien Camino de cinquenta legna^ 6 da cientOt 6 dt 

No. in.] APPENDIX. 479 

doscientas, cs de crecr que aunque ]a tierra fuera mas aspeia, no se tu- 
biera en mucho con buena diligencia hacerlo ; mas estoe eian tan largos 
que havia alguno quo tenia roaa do mil y cien leguas, todo hechado por 
•ierras tan grandes y espantoaaa que por algunas partes mirando abajo 
•e quitaba la vista, y algunas de estas Sierras dcrechas y Uenas de pie- 
dras, tanto que era mencster cavar por las laderas en pefia yira para 
hacer el camino ancho y llano, todo lo qual hacian con fiiego y con bus 
picos ; por otras lugares havia subidas tan altas y asperas, que hacian 
desde lo bajo cscalones para poder subir por ellos a lo mas alto, hacicndo 
entre medias de cllos algunos descansos anchos para el reposo de la 
gente ; en otros lugares havia montones de nieve que eran mas de temer, 
y estos no en un lugar aino on muchas partes, y no asi como quicra sino 
que no ba ponderado ni encarecido como ello ^, ni como lo bemos, y 
por estas nieves y por dondo havia montafias, de arboles y cespedes lo 
hacian llano y empedrado si menester fuese. Los que leyeren este Libro 
y hubieren estado en el Peru, miren el Camino que hk desde Lima 4 
Xauxa por las Sierras tan asperas de Guayacoire y por las montafias 
nevadas de Pavacaca, y entenderan los quo a ellos lo oyeren si es mas lo 
que ellos vieron que no lo que yo escrivo. 

No. m. — See Vol. L, p. 79. 


Una de las cosas de que mas se tiene embidia k estos Sefiores, 6b 
entender quan bien supieron conquistar tan grandes tierras y poncrlas 
oon su pru<loncia en tanta razon como los EspaTioles las hallaron quando 
por cllos fue descubierto cste Reyno, y do quo csto sea asi muchas 
rezcs me acucrdo yo estando en alguna Provincia indomita fuera de 
estos Rcynos oir luego 4 los mesmos Espafiolcs yo aseguro que si los 
Yngas anduvieran por aqui quo otra cosa fuera csto, es decir no con- 
quistaxan los Yngas esto como lo otro porque supicran servir y tributar, 
por manera quo quanto 4 esto, conozida esta la ventaja que nos hacen 
pues con su orden las gentcs vivian con ella y crccian en multiplicacion, 
y de las Provincias esteriles hacian fertilcs y abundantes en tanta m»- 
nera y por tan galana ordcn como se dira, sicmpre procuraron de hacer 
por bicn las cosas y no por mal en el comienzo de los negocios, despues 

480 APPENDIX. p^m 

■IgmiM Tngw biaeroQ gnaimi 
todos afinBia qiie foe giande mb la 1 
omabanel atmerinMmoio etiu gatfat, oDoanliiBdalj 
■a gente y ^puato de gnemt y ftmriMhMi eoA gm 
Q0ic« ds donde hsrian de ir, y quemo oonqaMtery daodi 
mente le infomMibui del poder que tenian loa a ne mi go e y de 1 
qoepodriiA tener y de qiie parte lea podnan ftaa Ibferaa yper qv 
Camino, y eato entendido per eDoa, proemabaa .per la». Urn k dkm 
poaiblea eatonrar que no ftieeen aoe ug idua on eon donee giaadee fv 
kaoian on oon leeiateDeiaa que ponim, e ntendien de aiaealedB anate 
baoer ana Ibertee, loe qoalee eian en Geno 6 laden Iwehoe en oDm 
oiertaa Ceioee eltaa y laxgaa, eon en pnerta eada ma, poiqaepeididi 
la una pndieaen paaene a la otn y de la oin baata lo maa aho, y e» 
de loa ConMeradoa pin meicar la tiena y w ]■ 
ly eonoeer del arte q* eetabaa agnaidando y por donde Isiii 
mia jnantenhniBnto, esfiendo pw el eamino qae havian de Detar y b 
ocdea eon que luman de ir, embiabalei me nn geroa pnopioa eon lei 
qnaka lea emUaba 4 deoir, que dl loa qnerin taner par panenlei y 
aliadoa, por tanto que oon boon anme y eonaon alegn aa eafiaeen 4 
lo zeoerir y xeoeriilo en an Provincia, para qne en ella le an dada b 
obedienda como en laa demaa, y porq* lo began oon rolnntad, cmbiaka 
presentee 4 loe SeRoies naturalee, ycon esto y oon otiae bnenaa nnneEV 
que tenia entraron en muchas tierras sin guerra, en las quales roandabaa 
4 la gente de guerra que con cl iba que no hiciesen dalio ni injuria 
ninguna ni robo ni fuerza, y si en tal Provincia no havia mantenimieDto 
mandaba que de otra parte se prove jese, porque a los nuebameote 
Tenidos a su servicio no les pareciese desde luego pesado su mando y 
oonocimicnto, y el conocerle y aborrecerle fuese en un tiempo, y si ea 
alguna de estas Provincias no havia ganado mandaba luego que la 
diese por quenta tantas mil Cavezas, lo qual mandaban que miraaee 
mucho y con ello multiplicasen para proberse de Lana para sus Ropas, 
y que no fuesen osados de comer ni matar ninguna cria por los afios y 
tiempo que Ics sefialaba, y si havia ganado y tenian de otra cosa fiJti 
era lo mismo, y si estaban en Collados y arenales bien les hacian entea- 
der con buenas palabras que hiciesen Pueblos y Casas en lo mas llaiio 
de las Sierras y laderas, y como muchos no eran diestros en cultibar hs 
tierras abecavanles como lo havian de hacer imponiendoles en que supi- 
esen sacar acequias y regar con ellas los Campos, en todo los havian de 
provcer tan concertadamente que quando entraba por amistad alguno de 
los Yngas en Provincias de estas, en brcbe tiempo qucdaba tal que pa- 
lecia otra y los naturales le daban la obediencia consintiendo que soi 

Mo. III.] APPENDIX. 481 

delegadoft quedasen en elloe, y lo misino los Mitimaea ; en otras mochas 
qne entraron de guerra y por fuena de armaa mandabaBe que en lea 
mantenimientoa y Caaaa de los enemiges se hiciese poco dafio, dicienda- 
les el Seflor, presto seiin estoe nuestros como los que ya lo son ; como 
esto tenian oonocido, procuraban q. la guerra foese la mas liviana que 
ser pudiese, no embargante que en muchos lugares se dieron grandes 
batallas, porque todavia los naturales de ellos querian consenrarse en la 
livertad aiitigua sin perder sus costumbres y Religion por tomar otras 
estraftas, mas durando la guerra siempre havian los Yngas lo mejor, y 
▼encidos no los destruian de nuebo, antes mandaban restituhir los Presos 
si algunos havia y el despojo y ponerlos en posesion de sus haciendas y 
sedorio, amonestandoles que no quieran ser locos en tener contra su 
Persona Real compctencias ni dejar su amistad, antes querian ser sus 
amigos como lo son los Comarcanos suyos, y diciendoles esto, dabanks 
algunas mugeres hennosas y presas ricas de Lana 6 de metal de oro, 
ooo estas dadivas y buenas palabras havia las Toluntades de todos, de 
tal manera que sin ningun temor los huidos a los montcs se bolvian 
4 sus Casas y todos dejaban las annas y el que mas Teoes Teia al Yoga 
se tenia por mas bien aTentnrado y dichoeo. Los seOorios nunca los 
tiraban a los naturales, k todos mandaban unos y oiros que por Dios 
adorascn el Sol ; sus demas rcligiones y costumbres no se las prohivian, 
pero mandabanles que se gOTemasen por las Leyes y costumbres que se 
gOTcmaban en el Cuzoo y que todos hablasen en la Lengua general, y 
puesto GoTcrnador por el SeHor con guamiciones de gente de guerra, 
partcn para lo de adelante ; y si estas Provincias eran grandes, lucgo se 
entendia en edificar Templo del Sol y colocar las mugeres que ponian en 
los demas y hsoer Palacios para los Seftores, y cobraban para los tribotos 
que havian de pagar ain llevarles nada demasiado ni agraviarlcs en cosa 
ninguna, encaminandoles en su policia y en que supiescn hacer edi- 
ficios y traer ropas largas y Tivir conoertadamcnte en sus Pueblos, a los 
quales si algo Ics faltaba de quo tubiesen noccsidad em provehidos y 
ensefladoe como lo havian de sembrar y beneficiar, de tal manera se 
hacia esto que sabemos en muchos Lugares que no havia maiz, tenello 
despues sobrado, y en todo lo demas andaban como salvages mal vestidos 
y descalsos, y desde que conocieron 4 estos SeRores usaron do Camisetas 
lares y mantas y las mugeres lo mismo y do otras buenas cosas, tanto 
qne para aiempro habra memoria de todo ello ; y en el CoUao y en otras 
paries mand6 pasar Mitimaes a la Sierra de ks Andes para que sembra- 
sen maiz y coca y otras frutas y raixes de todos los Pueblos la cantidad 
corobenicnte, los quales con sus mugeres vivian siempre en aquella parte 
doode sembraban y cojian tanto de lo que digo que se sentia pooo fai 

VOL. n. 61 

482 APPENDIX. [No. IT. 

&lU poT traer mucho de estas partes j no harer Paeblo ningiino por 
pequefio que fueae que no tubieae de eatoa Blhunaea. Adeknte trataie> 
mos quantaa auertea havia de eatoa Mitimaea y hacian loa nnoa y eatea- 
dian loa otroa. 

No. IV.— See Vol. I., p. 171. 


[The following is the preamble of the testament of a sol- 
dier of the Conquest, named Lejesema. It is in the nature 
of a death-bed confession ; and seems intended to relieve tbe 
writer's mind, who sought to expiate his own sins by this sin- 
cere though tardy tribute to the merits of the vanquished. 
As the work in which it appears is rarely to be met with, I 
have extracted the whole of the preamble.] 

Verdadera confesion y protcslacion en articulo de muerte hecha por 
uno do lo8 primcros espafiolcs conquistadores del Peru, nombrado Mai>- 
cio Sierra Ijcjesema, con su Icstamento otor^rado en la ciudad del Cuico 
el dia 15 de Setiembre de 1589 ante Geronimo Sanchez de Qucsada 
escTibano publico : la qual la trae el P. Fr. Anionic Calancha del ordcn 
de hermitanos de San Aguslin en la cronica de su religion en el lib. 1, 
cap. 15, folio 98, y es del tenor siguiente. 

*' Primrramenle antes de empezar dicho mi testamento, declare que 
ha muchos afios que yo he deseado tener orden de advertir a la ("atolica 
Majestad del Rey Don Felipe, nuestro Sefior, viendu cuan caiolico y 
cristianisimoes, y cuan zeloso del servicio de Dies nuestro Sefior, i)or lo 
que toca al descargo de mi anima, k causa de haber sido yo mucho parte 
en descubrimicnto, conquista, y poblacion de estos Re3mo8, cuando los 
quitanios a los que eran Scfiores Ingas, y los poseian, y reg^ian corao 
suyos propios, y los pusimos debajo de la real corona, que entienda su 
Majestad Catolica que los dichos ingas los tenian gobemados do ul 
manera, que en todos ellos no habia un Ladron ni hombre virioso, ni 
hombre holgazan, ni una muger adultera ni mala ; ni se permilia cntre 
ellos ni gente de mal vivir en lo moral ; que los hombres tenian bos 

No. lY.] APPENDIX. 483 

ocupaciones honcstas y proTcchoeas ; y que loe montes y minas, pastos, 
caza y madcra, y todo genero de apTorechamientos estaba gobernado j 
lepartidu de suerte que cada uuo ooooda y tenia bu hacienda ain que olro 
ningunn se la ocupaae 6 tomaae, ni aobre ello habian pleytoe ; y que las 
ooeas de guerra, aunque eran muchaa, no impedian k las del Comercio« 
ni cstas a las coaaa de labranza, 6 cultivar de las tienas, ni otra cosa 
alguna, y que en todo, desde lo mayor hasta lo mas menudo, tenia so 
orden y concierto con mucho acierto : y que loe Ingas eran tenidos j 
obecidos y rcspetados de sus subditoe como gente muy capaz y do 
mucho Gobierao, y que lo mismo eran sus Gobemadores y Capitanes, j 
que conio en estoe hallamoe la fuena y el mando y la resistenda para 
poderlos sugctar € oprimir a] senricio de Dioe nuestro Sefior y quitarles 
sa tierra y poneria debaxo de la real corona, fue neoesario quitarleo 
totalmente el poder y mando y loa bienes, como se los quitamoe a fuena 
de armas : y que mediante haberlo permitido Dioe nuestro ScHor nos fuo 
posiblc sujctar cste reyno de tanta multitud de gente y riqucsa, y de 
Sefiores loe hicimos Sierros tan sujetos, como se to : y que entienda sa 
Magestad que el intento que me mueye k hacer esta relacion, es por 
descargo de mi condencia, y por hallarme culpado en ello, pues habemoo 
destruido con nuestro mal excmplo gente de tanto gobiono como eran 
estoe naturales, y tan quitados de cometer delitos ni excesos asi hombreo 
eomo mugeres, tanto por el Indio que tenia cien mil pesos de oro y plata 
en su casa, y otroe indios dejaban abierta y puesta una escoba 6 un pak> 
pequeno atravesado en la puerta para senal de que no estaba alii sv 
duefio, y con esto segun su costumbre no podia entrar nadie adentro, ni 
tomar cosa do las que alii habia, y cuando ellos vicron que noootroo 
poniamos pucrtas y Uaycs en nuestras casas entendieron que era do 
miedo de ellos, porque no nos matasen, pero no porque creyesen quo 
ningano tomasc ni hurtase a otro su hacienda ; y asi cuando Tieron que 
habia entre nosotros ladrones, y hombres que incitaban a pecado a sus. 
mugeres y hijas nos tubieron en poco, y han yenido k tal rotura en 
ofensa de Dies estos naturales por el mal exemplo que les hemes dado 
en todo, que aquel extreme de no haoer cosa mala se ha oonyertido en 
que hoy ninguna 6 pocas haoen buenas, y requieren remedio, y esto toca 
k su Rfagestad, para que descargue su condencia, y se lo adyierte, pueo 
DO soy parte para mas ; y con esto suplico k mi Dies me perdone ; y 
mueveme a dedrlo porque soy el postrero que mueye de todoo loe deo> 
cobridores y oonquisladores, que como es notorio ya no hay ninguno, 
mo yo solo en este reyiio, ni fuera de el, y eon esto hago lo que puodo 
pora descargo de mi condencia." 

484 APPHNDIX. [No. ▼. 

No. V.^See Vd. 1., p. 833. 


[This chapter of the gossiping old chronicler describes 
a conversation between the governor of Tierra Finne and 
Almagro, at which the writer was present. It is told widi 
much spirit ; and is altogether so curious, from the light it 
throws on the characters of the parties, that I have diougbt 
the following translaUon, which has been prepared for me, 
might not be uninteresting to the English reader.] 

The Iktkrvikw bxtwekn Almagro ahd Pkd&aiuas, ih which thi 


General, MS., Partr II., Cap. 23. 

In February, 1537, I had some aocounts to settle with Pedruiaa, 
and was frequently ai his house for the purpose. While there one day, 
Almagro came in and said to him, — ** Your Excellency is of cooiae 
aware that you contracted with Francisco Pizarro, Don Fernando de 
Luque, the schoolmaster, and myself, to fit out an expedition for the 
discovery of Peru. You have contributed nothing for the enterprise, 
while we have sunk both fortune and credit ; for our expenses hare 
already amounted to about fifteen thousand castellanos de oro. Piiarro 
and his followers are now in the greatest distress, and require a supply 
of provisions, with a reinforcement of brave recruits. Unless these 
are promptly raised, we shall be wholly ruined, and our glorious enter- 
prise, from which the most brilliant results have been justly anticipated, 
will fall to the ground. An exact account will be kept of our expenses, 
that each may share the profits of the discovery in proportion to the 
amount of his contribution towards the outfit. You have connected 
yourself with us in the adventure, and, from the terms of our contract, 
have no right to waste our time and involve us in ruin. But if you no 
longer wish to be a member of the partnership, pay down your share 
of what has already been advanced, and leave the afl^ to us." 

To this proposal Pedrarias replied with indignation : — " One would 
really think, from the lofty tone you take, that my power was at an end ; 
but if I have not been degraded from my office, you shall be punished 
for your insolence. You shall be made to answer for the lives of the 

No. v.] APPENDIX. 486 

Christians who have perished through Pinrro's obstinacy and yonr 
own. A day of reckoning will come for all these distuibances and 
murders, as you shall see, and that before you leave Panama." 

** I grant," returned Almagro, '* that, as there is an almighty Judge, 
before whose tribunal we must appear, it is proper that all should ren- 
der account of the liTing as well as the dead. And, Sir, I shall not 
shrink from doing so, when I have received an account from you, to be 
immediately sent to Piaarro, of the gratitude which our sovereign, the 
emperor, has been pleased to express for our services. Pay, — if you 
wish to enjoy the fruits of this enterprise ; for you neither sweat nor 
toil for them, and have not contributed even a third of the sum yoa 
promised when the contract was drawn up, — your whole expenditure 
not exceeding two or three paltry pesa. But if you prefer to leave the 
partnership at once, we will remit one half of what you owe us, for 
our past outlays." 

Pednuias, with a bitter smile, replied, — ** It would not ruin you, if 
you were to give me four thousand pesos to dissolve our connection." 

** To forward so happy an event," said Ahnagro, ** we will releaae 
you from your whole debt, although it may prove our ruin ; but we wiU 
trust our fortunes in the hand of God." 

Although Pedrarias found himself relieved from the debt incurred for 
the outfit of the expedition, which could not be less than four or &w^ 
thousand pesos, he was not satisfied, but asked, ** What more will yoa 
give me ? " 

Almagro, much chagrined, said, ** I will give three hundred pesos^ 
though I swear by God, I have not so mudi money in the worid ; but I 
will borrow it to be rid of sudi an incubus." 

« You must give me two thousand." 

'* Five hundred is the most I will ofier." 

*' You must pay me more than a thousand." 

*' A thousand pesos, then," cried the captain in a rage, " I will gife 
yon, though I do not own them ; bat I will find sufficient security for 
their future payment." 

Pedrarias declared himself satisfied with this arrangement ; and a 
contract was accordingly drawn up, in which it was agreed, that, on the 
receipt of a thousand pesos, the goremor should abandon the partnership, 
and give up his share in the profits of the expedition. I was one of the 
witnesses who signed this instrument, in which Pedrarias released and 
asBgned over all his interest in Peru to Almagro and his associates, — 
by this act deserting the enterprise, and, by his littleness of soul, for* 
felting the rich treasores which it is well known he might have aeqoir* 
ed from the golden emjMre of the Incas. 

486 APPENDIX. [N«. n. 

No. VI. — See VoL I., p. M6. 


[This memorable cootract between three adrentisers for 
the discoverj and partition of an empire b to be found en- 
tire in the manuscript Ustory of McHitesinos, whose work 
derives more rahie irom the inserticm in it of thb, and of 
other original documents, than from any merit of its own. 
This instrument, which may be considered as the basb of 
the operations of Pizarro, seems to form a necessary appen- 
dix to a history of the Conquest of Peru.] 

Ed el Dombfe de la santiiBina Trinidad, Pkdre, Hijo j EspiiitB-Stft- 
lo, tres peie onas dtsdntas j on solo Dioe Tenbdero, j de la a aa d mi 
Virgeo naestra Seikwa haoemos esta compaliia. — • 

Sepan coaotos esta carta de eompaSia Tieieo como yo don Feiauds 

de Luqoe, clerigo presbitero, ▼kario de la sanla iglesia de Pteama, de 

la una parte ; j de la otra el eapitan Francisco Piiarro j Diego de 

Almagro, Tecioos que somas en esta cindad de Pkoami, dedmos : qm 

•omos coDcertados y conTenidos de hacer j fonnar compafiia la coal sea 

finne y yaledera pam siempre jamas en esta maoera : — Que por maato 

no6 los dichos eapitan Franciseo Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, teoemos 

Koencia del sefior gobemador Pedro Arias de Arila para desnifarir y 

conqaistar las tierras y proTincias de los reinoe llamados del Peni, que 

esta. por noticia que hay, pasado el goUb y trareaa del mar de la otn 

parte ; y porqae para hacer la dicba conquista y jomada y narios y 

gente y bastimento y otras cosas qne son necesarias, no lo podemos 

haoer por no tener dinero y posibilidad tanta cnanta es ipenester ; y tos 

el dicho don Fernando de Luqne nos los dais porqne esta compafiia b 

hagamos por ignales partes : somos contentos y conrenidos de qne todos 

tres hermanablemente, sin que hagan de haber ventaja ningnna mas el 

1M0 qoo el otio, ni el olro que el otio de todo lo que se descubriere. 

'■'**• J cooqoistare, y poblar en los dichos reinoe y provindas del 

Y per eoanto tos el dicho D. Fernando de Loque noe disteis, y 

«a pnnto por Toestra parte en esta dicha compaliia para gastoi 

■ida y genie que ae hace para la dicha Jornada y conquista del 

iM del Perii, Teinte mfl pesos en banas de oro y de a coatnh 

y cteMBta manTedis el peso, km cnaka loe leeilHinoe Inego m 

No. VI.] APPENDIX. 487 

lu dichas bams do oro que panron de Tueatro poder al nuestio en 
pieaencia del eacribano de eata caita, que lo Tali6 y mooto ; y yo Her- 
nando del Castillo doy ft que ka Tide peaar loa diehoa yeinte mil peaoa 
en laa dichaa barraa de oro y lo redbieron en mi preaenda loa dichoe 
eapitan Franciaco Pixarro y Diego de Almagro, y ae dieron por conten- 
toa y pagadoa de ella. Y noa loa dichoe eapitan Francisco Pixarro y 
Diego de Almagro ponemoa de noeatra parte en eata dicha oompafiia 
la meroed que tenemoa del dicho aefior gobemador, y que la dicha con- 
quista y reino quo deocubriremos de la tierra del dicho Peiii, que en 
nombre de S. M. nos ha hecho, y las demas meroedea que noa hiciere 
y acieaoentare S. M., y loa de su consejo de las Indias de aqui adelante, 
para que do todo goceis y hayab yuestra teroera parte, sin que en coea 
alguna hayamoe de tcncr mas parte cada uno de noa, el uno que el otro, 
aino que hajramoa de todo ello partes iguales. Y mas ponemos en esta 
dicha compafiia nuestras personas y el haber de haoer la dicha conquista 
y descubhmiento con asistir con ellas en la guerra todo el tiempo que ae 
tardare en conquistar y ganar y poblar el dicho reino del Perti, sin que 
por ello hayamos de llerar ninguno Tentaja y parte mas de la que tos el 
dicho don Fernando de Luque ileyaredes, que ha de ser por iguales 
partes todos tree, aai de loa aprorechamientoa que con nuestraa personas 
tarieiemos, y Tentajaa de laa partes que nos cupieren en la guerra y en 
los deapojos y ganancias y suertes que en la dicha tierra del Peiii hu- 
bi^remos y goifcremos, y nos cupieren por cualquier via y forma que sea, 
iM a mi el dicho eapitan Francisco Pixarro como k mi Diego do Alma- 
gro, habeis de haber de todo ello, y es ruestro, y os lo daremos bien y 
ielmenle, sin desfraudaros en cosa alguna de ello, la tercera parte,* 
pon|iie deade ahora en lo que Dies nuestro Sefior nos diere, deciroos y 
coBfeaamos que es Tuestro y de vuestros herederos y succcsores, de 
tpiieo en esta dicha compafiia succedicre y lo hubiere de haber, en 
vneatro nombre se lo daremoa, y le daremos cuenta de todo ello k vos, y 
4 ▼ucatioa succesores, quiets y pacificamente, sin llevar maa parte cada 
WBO de nos, que vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque, y quicn Tuestro 
poder hubiere y lo pertenecicre ; y asi de cualquier dictado y estado de 
■elloffio perpetuo, 6 por tiempo sefialado que S. M. nos hiciere merced 
«a el dieho reino del Perii, aaS a mi el dicho eapitan Franciaco Pixarro, 
6 4 ml el dicho Diego de Almagro, 6 k cualquiera de nos, aea vueatro el 
taveio de toda la renta y eatado y Taaallos que a cada uno de noa ae nos 
diBie y hieiere meroed en cualquiera manera 6 forma que aea en el dicho 
rabo del Perii por ria de eatado, 6 renta, repartimiento de indios, situa- 
Moee, Tasalloa, aeaia aefior y goceia de la tercia parte de ello como 
■oao tw miamoa, ain adidon ni ooodieioa ninguna, y ai la hnbiere j 

488 APPENDIX. [No. VL 

alegiiemos, yo el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de AlmagTO, 
y en nuestros nombres nuestros herederos, que no seamoe oidoe en juido 
ni fuera d^l, y noe damos por oondenados en todo y por todo oomo en 
esta escriptura se contiene para lo pagar y que haya efecto ; y 70 d 
dicho D. Fernando de Luque hago la dioha compafiia en la forma y 
manera que de auso estk declarado, y doy los veinte mil pesos de boes 
oro para el dicho deecubrimiento y conquista del dicho reino del Perf, 
k perdida 6 ganancia, como Dios nueslro Seflor sea serrido, y de lo 
Bucedido en el dicho descubrimiento de la dicha gobemacion y tierra, he 
yo de gooar y haber la tercera parte, y la otra teroera para el capitan 
Francisco Pizarro, y la otra tercera para Diego de Almagro, sin que d 
nno lleTe mas que el olro, asi de estado de sefior, como de repartimiento 
de indios perp^tuos, como de tierras y solares y heredades ; oomo de 
tesoros, y escondijos encubiertos, como de cualquier riquexa 6 aprore- 
ehamiento de oro, plata, perlas, esmcraldas, diamantes y rabies, y de 
cualquier estado y condicion que sea, que los dichos capitan Frandsoo 
Pizarro y Diego do Almagro ha3rais y tengais en el dicho reino del 
Peru, me habeis de dar la tercera parte. Y noe el dicho capitan Fran- 
cisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro decimos que aoeptamos la dicha 
compafiia y la hacemoe con el dicho don Fernando de Luque de la forma 
y manera que lo pide ^1, y lo declara para que todos por igualet partes 
hayamos en todo y por todo, asi de estados perpetuoe que S. M. nos 
hiciese mercedcs en vasallos 6 indios 6 en otras cualesquiera rentas, ' 
goee el derecho don Fernando de Luque, y haya la dicha tercia parte dc 
todo ello enteramente. y goce de ello como cosa suya desde el dia que 
S. M. nos hiciere cualesquiera mercedes como dicho cs. Y para mayor 
verdad y scguridad de esta escriptura de compafiia, y de todo lo en ella 
contenido, y que os acudiremos y pagaremos nos los dichos capitan 
Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro a vos el dicho Fernando dc 
Luque con la tercia parte de todo lo que se hubiere y descubriere, t 
nosotros hubi^remos por cualquiera via y forma que sea ; para mayor 
fuerza de que lo cumpliremos como en esta escriptura se contiene, jn- 
ramos a Dios nuestro senor y k los Santos Evangelios donde mas larpa- 
mente son escritos y estan en este libro Misal, donde pusieron sus manos 
el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro, y Diego do Almagro, hicieron la 
serial de la cruz en semcjanza de esta f con sus dedos de la mano en 
presencia de mi el presentc escribano, y dijeron que guardaran y cum- 
pliran esta dicha compafiia y escriptura en todo y por todo, como en ello 
se contiene, sopena de infames y malos cristianos, y caer en caso de 
menos valer, y que Dios ae lo dcmande mal y caramente ; y dijeron el 
dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, amen ; y asi lo 

No. VI.] APPENDIX. 489 

juramcm y le daremoe el tercio de todo 1o que descubriercmns y con- 
quistaremos y poblaremos en el dicho rcino y tierra del Peni, y que 
gocc de ello como nuestras personas, de todo aquello en que fuere nuee- 
tro y tuvieremos |>arte corao dicho es en esta dicha eacriptura ; y noB 
obligamos de acudir con ello a vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque, y 4 
quien en vuestro nombre le perteneciere y hubiere de haber, y lea dare- 
mo8 cucnta con page de todo ello cada y cuando que ae noe pidiere, hecho 
el dicho descubrimiento y conquista y poblacion del dicho reino y tierra 
del Peru ; y prometeroos que en la dicha conquista y descubrimiento noe 
ocupar^mos y trabajar^mos con noestras personas sin ocupamos en otra 
cosa hasta que se conquiste la tierra y se ganire, y si no lo hicieremos 
searoos castigadoe por todo rigor de justicia por infames y perjures, 
•eamos obligados a volver a tos el dicho don Fernando de Luque los 
dichoe veinte mil pesos de oro que de vos recibimos. Y para lo cumplir 
y pagar y haber por firme todo lo en esta escriptura contenido, cada uno 
por lo que le toca, renunciaron todas y cualeequier leyes y ordenamien- 
loe, y pram4ticas, y otras cualesquier constituciones, ordenanzas qua 
esten fechas en su &vor, y cualesquiera de elloe para que aunque las 
pidan y aleguen, que no les valga. Y ralga esta escriptura dicha, y < 
lodo lo en ella contenido, y tiaiga aparejada y debida ejecucion asi en 
SUB peisonas como en sus bienes, muebles y raiccs habidos y por haber ; 
y para lo cumplir y pagar, cada uno por lo que le toca, obligaron sus 
personas y biepes habidos y por haber segun dicho es, y dieron poder 
eomplido k cualesquier justicias y jueces de S. M. para que por todo 
rigor y mas breve remedio de derecho les compclan y apremicn 4 lo asi 
cumplir y pagar, como si lo que dicho es fuese sentencia difinitira de 
joes competente pasada en cosa juzgada; y renunciaron cualesquier 
leyes y derechos que en su favor hablan, cspccialmente la ley que dice : 
Qoe general renunciacion de leyes no vala : Que es fccha en la ciudad 
de Panama a dies dias del mes de mano, alio del nacimiento de nuestro 
Salvador Jesucristo de rail quinientos vcinte y seis afios : testigoe qua 
fueron prcsentes k lo que dicho es Juan do Pan^s, y Alvaro del Quiro 
y Juan de Vallejo, vecinos de la ciudad de Panama, y firm6 el dicho 
D. Fernando de Luque; y porque no saben firmar el didio capitan 
FrsBcisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, firmaron por elkw en el registio 
de esu carta Juan de Panes y Alvaro del Quiro, a los cuales otorgantes 
JO el presente escribano doy fu que conozco. Don Fernando de Luque. 
«- A su ruego de Francisco Piiarro — Juan de Panes ; y 4 su niego 
de Diego de Almagro — Alraro del Quiro: E yo Hernando del Cas- 
ttUo, escribano de S. M. y escribano publico y del nuroero de esta 
eiodad de Panami, presente fni al otorgamiento de esta carta, y Im iiM 
VOL. II. 62 

400 MKUDO, 

i^no4 m «B iMlpMi^ 4bmMU HmiBi» M €Mliil% 

No. VIL^IM ^'ol. 1., pp. til, a07. 
9APiiQLApc»f xiuiB nr iBJliiai vaumo wnmjm 

[For a copy <tf tUs dodmieBt, I on iiiad»led lo IMa 
|lar& Fdrnandez de NawrotB, li^ INrectqr of ^ Bdjf^ 
Jl^cademjTi^ Hiatoiy at 1Sm3^. . Tboqgjhi m^^ 
i(!^ jpf no hm ia^pamjoM ibm the piaoedBog contnet, finr 
M||,miedMi9tlie fouidatioii^irfncli Aa wiaifim 
.Mnro^irtliiBaaaodatesmvrbasi^ ' "* 

L4 JEtmrA : — »9ar eaaato voa 4 
Item teai^lMBada Gbaiilk M €i», p« i^ 
bie padie B. Ftenudo de Loqaa^ mMBtie eaearia y pminrWliil^ 

aia del Daiien, sede vacanie, que es en la dicha Caatilla del Oio, yd 
capitan Diego de Almagro, vecino de la ciudad de Panami, noe hkialHi 
xelacion, que voe e los dichoe vuestros compafieros con deseo de not 
servir e del bien e acrecentamiento de nuestra corona real, puede haber 
cinco afios, poco maa o menos, que con licencia e parecer de Pediaiiat 
Davila, nuestro gobemador e capitan general que fae de la dicha Tiem 
fiime, tomastes cargo de ir a conquistar, descubrir e pacificar e pobbr 
por la coeta del mar del Sur, de la dicha tierra a la parte de Lerante, i 
yuestra costa e de los dichos vuestros compafieros, todo lo mas que por 
aquella parte pudieredes, e hicisteis para ello dos navioe e un bergantia 
en la dicha oosta, en que asi en esto por se haber de pasar la jaida e 
aparejos necesarios al dicho viaje e armada desde el Nombre de Dios, 
que es la costa del Norte, a la otra costa del Sur, como con la gents e 
otras cosas necesarias al dicho viaje, e tomar a rehacer la dicha aimada, 
gastasteis mucha suma de pesos de oro, e fuistes a haoer e hicisteis el 
dicho descubrimiento, donde pasastes muchos peligros e txabajo, a caiM 
de lo cual os dej6 toda la gente que con tos iba en una isla despdblada 
con solos treoe hombres que no vos quisieron dejar, y que oon eUos j 
eon el socorro que de navios e gente vos hizo el dicho capitan Diego di 

No. VII.] APPENDIX. 491 

Almagro, pasastes de la dicha isia e dcacubristes las tierras o provincias 
del Pihi e dudad de Tumbes, en que habeis gastado tos e los dichoe 
▼uestros compaueros mas de treinta mil pesos de ore, e que con el deseo 
que UMieis de nos serrir querriades continuar la dicha conquista e pobla- 
don a Yuestra costs e mision, sin que en ningun tiempo seamos obligsr 
dos a Yos pagar ni satis&cer los gastos que en ello bici^redes, mas de lo 
que en esta capitulacion yos fuese otorgado, e me suplicasteis e pedistes 
por merced yos mandase encomendar la conquista de las dichas tierras, 
6 YOS concediese e otorgase las mercedes, e con las condiciones que de 
soso serdn contenidas ; sobre lo cual yo mand^ tomar con yob el asiento 
y capitulacion siguiente. 

Primeramente doy lioencia y fiM^ultad a yos el dicbo capitan FnmciBco 
Piiarro, para que por nos y en nuestro nombre e de la corona real de 
Castilla, podais continual el dicbo descubrimiento, conquista y pobladon 
de la dicha pro?incia del Pehi, fasta ducientas leguas de tierra por la 
misma costs, las cuales dichas ducientas leguas comienzan desde el pu- 
eblo que en lengua de indios se dice Tenumpuela, e despues le llami»- 
leis Santiago, hasta llegar al pueblo de Chincba, que puede haber las 
dichas ducientas leguas de costs, pooo mas o menos. 

Item : Entendiendo ser cumplidero al seirido de Dies nuestro Sefior 
y nuestro, y por bonrar Yuestra persona, e por yos baoer meroed, prome- 
temoe de yos hacer nuestro gobemadore capitan general de toda la dicha 
proYincia del PM, e tierras y pueblos que al presente hay e adelante 
hubiere en todas las dichas ducientas leguas, por todos los diss de Yoes- 
tra Yida, con salario de setccientos e Yeinte y cinco miU maraYedls cada 
afio, contados desde el dia que yos hid^sedes a la Yela destos nuestroe 
leinoe para continuar la dicha pobladon e conquista, los cuales yos han 
de ser pagados de las rentas y derechos a nos pertenecientes en la dicha 
lierra que and habeis de poblar ; del cual salario habeia de pagar en 
eada un afio un alcalde mayor, dies escuderoe, e treinta peones, e on 
m^co, e un boticario, el cual salario yos ha de ser pagado por los nues- 
tnis oficiales de la dicha tierra. 

Otrosi : Vos bacemos meroed de titulo de nuestro Adelantado de la 
dicha proYincia del Peru, e andmismo del ofido de algoadl mayor 
della, todo ello por los diss de Yuestrm Yida. 

Otrosi : Vos doy lioencia para que con parccer y acuerdo de los 
diehos nuestros ofidales podais hacer en las dichas tierras e proYindas 
del PeHi, hasta cuatro fortalens, en las partes y lugares que mas con- 
Yengan, paresdendo a yos e a los diehos nuestros ofidales ser neoesarias 
pnm guarda e pacificadon de la dicha tierra, e yos har6 merced de las 
leneiidas dellas, para yos, e pua los heredoros, e snbeeeores Ynestfos, 

492 APPENDIX. [No. Vlt 

uno en pos de otro, con salario de setenta y dnoo mill maraTediB ea 
cada un afio por cada una de las dichas fortaleias, que ansi es tU T i cree 
hechas, las cualea habeia de haoer a Yueatia coata, sin que noa, ni ki 
reyes que deapuea de noa vinieren, seamoa obligadoe a tos lo pagar il 
tiempo que asi lo gaatiredes, aalvo dende en cinco affoe deapues de 
acabada la fortaleza, pagindooa en cada un alio de loe dichoa dnoo alkit 
la quinta parte de lo que ae montaze el dicho gasto, de loe firutoa de la 
dicha tierra. 

Otrosi : Voa hacemoa mcTced para ayuda a vaestra coata de miB 
dncadoe en cada un afio por loa diaa de Tuestra Tida de las rentaa de lii 
dichaa tierras. 

Otrosi : Ea nueatra merced, acatando la buena ^vida e doetrina de la 
persona del dicbo don Fernando de Luque de le presentar a nueatro 
muy Sancto Padre por obispo de la ciudad de Tumbes, que ea eo h 
dicha proTincia y gobemacion del Peiii, con limites e dicionea que poff 
noa con autoridad apoatolica aer&n aeftaladoe ; y entretanto que Tieaea 
laa bulaa del dicho obiapado, le hacemoe protector uniyeraal de todoa ki 
indioa de dicha provincis, con aalario de mill ducadoe en cada un afia, 
pagado de nueatraa rentaa de la didia tierra, entretanto que hay dieoDOi 
ecleai&aticoa de que ae pueda pagar. 

Otrosi : Por cuanto noa habedes auplicado por yos en el dicho bob* 
bre Toa hiciese merced de algunos Tasallos en las dichas tierras, e al 
presente lo dejamos de hacer por no tener entera relacion de ellaa, « 
nuestra merced que, entretanto que informados proveamos en ello lo que 
a nucstro servicio e a la enmienda e satisfaccion de vuestros trabajoe e 
servicios conviene, tengais la veintena parte de los pechoa que dos to- 
vieremos en cada un ailo en la dicha tierra, con tanto que no exceda de 
mill y quinientos ducados, los mill para vos el dicho capitan Pizarro, e 
los quinientos para el dicho Diego de Almagro. 

Otrosi : Hacemos merced al dicho capitan Diego de Almagro de la 
tenencia de la fortaleza que hay u obiere en la dicha ciudad de Tumbee, 
que es en la dicha provincia del Peru, con salario de cien mill maraTedb 
cada un ailo, con mas ducientos mill maravedis cada un ailo de ayuda de 
costa, todo pagado de las rcntas de la dicha tierra, de las cuales ha de 
gozar drsde el dia que vos el dicho Francisco Pizarro llegaicdes a la 
dicha tierra, aunque cl dicho capitan Almagro ae quede en Panama, e 
en oira parte que le convenga ; e le haremos home hijodalgo, para que 
goce de las honras e preminencias que los homes hijodalgo pueden y 
deben gozar en todas las Indias, islas e tierra firme del mar Oc^ano. 

Otrosi : Mandamos que las dichas haciendas, e tierras, e solaiea qoe 
teneis en tierra firme, llamada Castilla del Oro, e vos estan dadas codo 

No. VIl.] APPENDIX. 493 

a vecino de ella, laa tengais e goceis, e hagais de ello lo que quisi^redes 
6 por bien tavi^redes, conforme a lo que tenemos concedido y otorgado 
a lot! vecinoa de la dicha tierra finne ; e en lo que toca a Ins iodioe e 
naborias que teneia e Toe estan encomendados, es nuestra merced e 
Toluntad e mandamos que los tengais e gooeis e sinrais de elloe, e que 
DO ?06 serin quitadoa ni lemoTidos por el tiempo que nuestra Toluntad 

Otrosi : Conoedemos a los que fueren a poblar la dicha tierra qua 
en los seis aAos primeros siguientes desdc el dia de la data de esta en ade- 
lante, que del oro que se oogiere de laa minaa nos paguen el diezmo, y 
cumplidoe los dichos seis afios paguen el noveno, e ansi decendiendo en 
eada un afio hasta llegar al quinto : pero del oro e otras cosas que se 
obieren do rescatar, o cabalgadas, o en otra cualquier manera, desde 
luego nos ban de pagar el quinto de todo ello. 

Otrosi : Franqueamos a los Tecinos de la dicha tierra por los dichos 
seis aAos, y mas, y cuanto fuere nuestra voluntad, de almojarifazgo de 
todo lo que Uevaren para proveimiento e provision de sus casas, con 
tanto que no sea para lo Tender ; e de lo que vendieren ellos, e otras 
cualesquier personas, mercaderes e tratantes, ansimesmo los franqneai- 
mos por dos afios tan solamente. 

Item: Prometemos que por t^rmino de diez afios, e mas adelante 
hasta que otra coea mandenMw en contrario, no impomemos a los Tecinoe 
de las dichas tierras akabalas ni otro tributo alguno. 

Itch : Conccderoos a los dichos Tecinos e pobladores que Ics sean 
dados por tos los solarcs y tierras convenicntcs a sus personas, conforme 
a lo que se ha hecho e hace en la dicha Isla Espafiola ; e ansiniismo os 
darenH>s podcr para que en nuestro nombre, durante el tiempo de Tuestra 
gobemacion, hagais la encomienda de los indios de la dicha tierra, guar- 
dando en ella las instrucciones e ordenanzas que tos serin dadas. 

Item : A suplicadon Tuestra hacemos nuestro piloto mayor de la mar 
del Sur a Bartolom^ Ruiz, con setenta y cinco mill maravedis de salario 
en cada un afio, pagados de la renta de la dicha tierra, de los cuales ha 
de gozar desde el dia que le fuere entregado el titulo que de ello le man- 
daremos dar, e en las espaldas se asentari el juramento c solenidad que 
ha de hacer ante vos, e otorgado ante escribano. Asimismo daremoa 
titulo de escribano de niimero e del consejo de la dicha ciudad de Tum- 
bes, a un hijo de dicho Bartolome Ruiz, siendo habil e suficicnto para 

Otrosi : Somos contentoe e nos place que tos el dicho capitan Pi- 
mrro, cuanto nuestra merced e Toluntad fuere, tengais la gohemarion e 
administracion de loa indios de la nuestra isla de Flores, que es cerca de 

4ftl jypMNiiiy. Pi^ni 

1 .0 flMNMtoik '^ wKIMMAi OHUMSBSi 0'WMMDHMI 4fl^- JPNBQBKb CMft^tHV 

todo el oco e perits que ea cwMJumer mtiani e par i 

w.iMVKie m h> didba iri» de ] 

Im didiot iodiM de. ia didhft mIa ^ 

icnniinirii de lie pfuriei, m es-"] 

«ito qHm gia^jeito y ■pwwuinwiMiil^ 

I n ■nMHwimiwun dn li djnhi Timtiii — rw|ftt t ^ Iwt*^*^*^— *^ 

I idK eetofto^rfOA BO vos 9Mn# ea^^ 
lline^fiieeB te(eiw BO eMp JMail • dU^^ 
d0 dto iMdiebae.daiitetM fltfD flwac^^ 
djehekiftyCoino^gBtmlittweBUi^ . « 

Itw: Aoataodo lo mndio qQ^imi eivpide m U dietovi^ed» 
wWrn ie nl o Partytoa^ R«ii» C^Ml9i»l de. PpeliA» • Bedm de < 
« Domingo de 8cm ham, e NIfiotm de iUbm, « ] 
e Alonao de Molina, e Pedro A Icon, e Garcia de Jerex, e Antoo de 
Carrion, e Alonao firiceHo, e Martin de Paz, e Joan de la Tone, e 
porque yob me lo suplic&steis e pedistes por merced, es nueslra mereed 
e Yolantad de les haoer merced, como por la preaente Toa la hacemos a 
los que de ellos no son idalgos, que aean idalgoa notorioe de solar oooo- 
cido en aquellas partes, e que en ellas e en todas las nuestras lodias, 
islas y tierra firme del mar Oc^ano, gooen de las preeminendas e liber* 
tades, e otras cosas de que gozan, y deben ser guardadas a los hijo«dalgo 
notorios de solar conocido dentro nuestros reinos, e a los que de los sii- 
sodichos son idalgos, que sean caballeros de espuelas doradas, dando 
primero la informacion que en tal caso se requiere. 

Item : Vos hacemos merced de veinte y cinco Teguas e otros tantoi 
caballos de los que nos teoemos en la isla de Jamaica, e no las abieodo 
cuando las pidi^redes, no se. tios tenudos al precio de ellas, ni de oua 
cosa por razon de ellas. 

Otrosi : Os hacemos merced de trescientoe mill maraTedis pagadot 
en Castilla del Oro para el artilleHa e municion que habeia de llevar a 
la dicha provincia del Peru, llevando fe de los nueetrne oficiales de la 
casa de Seyilla de laa cosas que ansi comprastes, e de lo qae yob costif 

No. YII.] APPENDIX. 495 

oontando el intereae e cambio de ello, e mas os har6 merced de otros 
dacientos ducadoB pagadoe en Castilla del Oro para ayuda al acarreto de 
la dicha artiUeria e municiones e otraa ooaas vuestraa deade el Nombre 
de Dio6 so la dicha mar del Sur. 

Otrosi : Voe daremoa lioencia, como por la presente tos la damos, 
para que destoe nuestros reinos, e del reino do Portugal e islaa de Cabo 
Verde, e dende, vos, e quien Tuestro poder hubicre, quisi^redes e por 
bien tuTi^redes, podais paaar e paaeis a la dicha tierra de vueatra go- 
bemacioD cincuenta eaclavos negros en que hajra a lo menos el tercio de 
hembras, libree de todoe derechos a nos perteneeientes, con tanto que si 
lo6 dej&redes e parte de ellos en la iala EspaAoIa, San Joan, Cuba, San- 
tiago e en Castilla del Oro, e en otra parte alguna loe que do ellos ansi 
dejiuredes, scan perdidoa e aplicadoa, e por la presente los aplicaroos a 
nueetra dimara e fisco. 

Otrosi : Que hacemos merced y limosna al hospital que se hicieae 
an la dicha tierra, para ayuda al rcmedio do los pobres que alii fueren, 
de cien mill maravcdfs librados en las penas aplicadas de la c&roara de 
la dicha tierra. Ansimismo a vuestro pediroento e conaentiroiento de 
loe primeroa pobladorea de la dicha tierra, decirooa que hareroos meroed, 
como por la presente la haoemoa, k los hoapitalea de la dicha tierra de 
loa derechoa de la eacubilla e relavea que hubiere en laa fundicionca que 
en ella ae hicieren, e de ello mandaremoa dar nueatra provision en 

Otrost : DecimoB que mandaremoa, e por la preaente mandamoA, que 
hayan e reaidan en la ciudad de Panami, c donde voe fuere roandado, un 
carpintero o un calafate, e cada uno de clloe tonga do salario trcinta mill 
maravedls en cada un aflo dende que comenzarcn a reaidir en la dicha 
ciudad, o donde, como dicho ea, voa lea mandaredca ; a loa cualea lea 
mandaremoa pagar por loa nueatroa oficialca do la dicha tierra de v nostra 
gobemacion cuando nueatra roeroed y voluntad fuere. 

Item : Que voa mandaremoa dar nuestra provision en forma para qoe 
en la dicha coata del mar del Sur podab tomar cualeaquicr navloa que 
hubieredea meneater, de conaentimiento de aua duefloa, para loa viajes 
que hobioredca de hacer a la dicha tierra, pagando a loa ducfloa dc loa 
talea navloa el flete que justo aea, no embargante que otraa peraonas 
loa tcngan fletados para otras partes. 

Anaimiamo que mandaremoa, e por la preaente mandamoa e dcfende- 
moa, que destos nuestros reinos no rayan ni pascn a las dichas ticrraa 
ningunas personas de las prohibidaa que no puedan paaar a aquellaa par- 
tea, so las penas contenidas en laa leyea e ordenanzaa e cartas nucatraa, 
que cerca de eato por noa e por loa reyea cat61icoa eatin dadaa ; ni !•- 
tndoa ni procuradorea para uaar de tna oficioa. 

4d6 APPfiNDlX. ' [Va. TU 

Lo owl que dkdio at, a eada eoM • parte da cBo voa 
aon lania qva voa el dicho eapitaa Pian» aaaia tainido o ohligad»da 
aalir daatoa naaatioa laiaea aon ka 'nwioa • lyawgaa e maaHwiiiiiiMiini t 
isaa qua fbareo menaater pant al di^a ymjje j ] 
a eiiioiieiita bombcaay ka ciaoto y 
leotnapaxteanoprahibidaa, a ka < 
da ka uka a tiena fima dal miv (Maoa^eoB taalo qua da k dkha 
tkna finna Daimda OaatiBa dri Qro no aaqoek maa da miata kMBhai» 
iiiio f oaia da ka qaa an al piimaio a ao^uida viaja qua voa kkiileiit 
kdkhatknadel PttA aa haBaron eon laa, poigae a aataa iJamna Kwa* 
ak qna poadan g ooo voa Mbwnenta ; kooal Iwyak da aanplir dnk 

nk4klia CaBtflkdelQio,eaIkgado m Fteamfc,«aak taondo da pea^ 
aaguir el didio mje, a haoar el dklio deaeakimknlo a poWaiann denlia 
da oitoa am maaea k^go aigQMHea. 

Irm : Con oondkkn que enaado aalidndaa daaloa n na a h oa niMB a 
Degftiedaaakadkhaapiofkokadfll Feid kijak da Ikfar jimmem 
voa a ka ofiekka de noaatim haeknda, qna pot noa aatan e i 
teadoB ; a aajmwmo ka petaonaa leligkaaa o i 
aer4n ffiflakdai pace katmockn da ka indka a nffiMflttT da i 
vinok a nneatn aanta U catAUca* eon onyo paieaar a no i 
de haoer k oonqakta, deaookinueoto a pdUaoon da k dkhatHBa ; a 
los cuales religiosos habeis de dar e pagar el flete e matalotaje, e ki 
otros mantenimientos necesarios conforme a sua pereonaa, todo a Tuestia 
coBta, sin por ello lea Ilevar cosa alguoa durante k dicha navegacioo, lo 
cual mucbo vos lo encargamoB que anai hagak e complaia, como com de 
servicio de Dios e nuestro, porque de lo contrario noa temiamoa de lot 
por deaervidoa. 

Otrosi : Con condicion que en k dicha pacificacion, conqokta y po- 
blacion e tratamiento de dichoa indioa en aua personas y bienea, aeaii 
tenudoa e obligadoe de guardar en todo e por todo lo conteoido en las (»^ 
denanzaa e instniccionea que para eato tenemos fechaay e ae hideree, • 
vos acran dadaa en k nueatra carta e proviaion que Toa mandaxeinoa dir 
para la encomicnda de loa dichoa indioa. £ cumplieodo yoa el dicbo 
capitan Francisco Pizarro lo contenido en eate aaiento, en todo lo que a 
¥08 toca e incumbc de guardar e cumplir, prometemoa, e voa aaeguraoioi 
por nueatra palabra real que agora e de aqui adelante roa inandareaioi 
guardar e voa aer^ guardado todo lo que anai voa ooncedeiiioe, e keoaoa 
merced, a tob e a loa pobladorea e tratantea en la dic-ha tierra ; e pan 
ejecucion y cumplimiento dello, Toa mandaremoa dar noestras cartas e 
proyisionea particularea que convengan e menester aean, obligindooa vos 


el dicho aphan PinRO primeniMata inte eacribmo pdblieo de guar- 
dar e eomplir lo oontenido en eate aaieoto que a tqs toca oomo dicko ea. 
Fccfaa en Tdedo a 98 de joDio de 15^a&oa.— YO lA REINA.— 
Pte maMbdo de S. M. — Joan Taiq«eL 

No. Vm. — See Vol. I., p. 417. 
OHrrEBfroftART aoooumts or ataruallpa's sbbuee. 

[As the seizure of the Inca was one of the most meinon- 
Ue, as well as foulest, transactions of the Conquest, I have 
thought it might be well to put on record the testimony, for- 
tunately in my possession, of several of the parties present on 
the occasion.] 

Reladon del Primer Detatbrimknio de la Cuta y Mar del S^^ MS. 

A la bora de laa cnatro oomieimn k caminar per an eahida adelante 
dereeho a donde noeotroa eatabamoe, y a laa cinco o pooo maa ]leg6 k la 
pnerta de la ciudad, qnedando todoa loa campoe culueitoa de gente, y aai 
comemaron k entrar por la plan haata tieaoieiitoa hombres como moaoa 
deapnelas eon sob aicos y flechaa en laa manoa, oanlando un cantar no 
nada gradoao para loa que lo oyamoa, antea eapantoao porque parecia 
ooaa infernal, y dieron nna melta k aquella meaquita amagando al aoelo 
eon laa manoa k limpiar lo qae por el eataba, de lo cnal babia pooa 
neceeidad, porqne loe del pneblo le tenian bien barrido para cnando 
entraae. Acabada de dar an Tuelta pararon todoa juntoa, y entr6 otso 
eacoadron de baata mil bombrea con picaa ain yerroa toetadaa laa pn»- 
taa, todoa de una librea de cdorea, digo que la de loa primeroa era blai^ 
oa y oolorada, como laa oaaaa de nn axedrei. Entrado el aegundo 
eacoadron entr6 el tercero de otralibrea, todoa con martiDoa en laa manoa 
de oobre y plata, que ea una aima que elloa taeoen, y anai deata manera 
eatraron en la dicba plaaa muchoa Seflorea prineipalea que venian en 
medio de loa delanteroa y de la peraona de Atabalipa. Detraa destoe 
en una litera muy rica, loa caboa de loa maderoa eubiertoa de plata, 
venia la peraona de Atabalipa, la cual traian ocbenta Seflorea en bom- 
broa todoa yeatidoa de una librea aznl muy rica, y 4\ veatido au peraona 
moy ricamente eon an corona en la oabemy y al cuello un collar de eame- 

voL. II. es 


• m^h^ liimiiwUMi ^mmf poiimai •« ill 

biirttl d aidlo cmfltpo db torn; ytoda k gpmim i 

A k pka k tenkn «n Bwdio, Mtaaio ieMw kHMi mm^^im wi 

knifaraB. Ck)iB0 6lti6fMiimgiiiia p«aoi»tnlk&el,i^ 

ffoido, 7 an k coiifts6 6l deqpoes de praso, qm nos ] 

deinkdo deteriapod»; f&btm^m f dixo: DndB Aim iMitt 

A k eoal 8aM6 M apoMBlo del dfaho GdbenMdor Pkmo ii F^^ 

VloMitiB do Ytlvadd do k oidflQi dd ks Pradkuoraiy q|QO dsqpMt nl 

dbkpadeaqiieDfttkEiiieoiiWkftkin k mmojeoiidlaM tagn,7 

iril jonloi IkgHm par esln k g^ 

fiiLk oottMoi^ideoiroons d» k ngnda a sa up l ui m, j fw i 

Miiir JefifrCaBeiito intadrti qjim ^fetmlmmpm urn ] 

q«eria;tMihmqM^^lnrtirdeIkildk antei^ ydttviirHk 
an gento de goflna. A ks eiitks pakfaiw y clias umIwi fv il 
f^]fk k JBzo, el estobo edkado lia ipolrar r tt y tt es ta ; jtummUki 
deeir que minie k qoe Bios wBidih>, k enal eatriiA «i aqwIHii 
que OmJm es- k mano fltojflo, adminiidofla 4 ad pnooar aisdt k 
eieaf lptaifM , que de k ewr^ en gik; k pidl6 d Bhto, y k afcrit y ^ 
'mfanndbellnoldeykoidMidll, ydeqpnuiBdeTklo, knnjftf««in 
kgenteo(mm«diain, droBtxoimiyeiioaznsado, dkieodo: IkBiilwi 
esos, que vengan ac4, que no pasar^ de aqui haata que me d^ coenta j 
satififagan y paguen lo que ban hecho en la tierra. Vinto esto pord 
Frayle y lo poco que aprovechaban sua palabras, tom6 su libro, y ab^6 
sn cabeza, y fuese para donde estaba el dicbo Pizano, caai ooniendo, y 
d^k : No Tela lo que pasa : para que estais en oomedimientoe y leqm' 
rimientoe con este perro lleno de soberbia, que yienen los campoa Denoi 
de Indios? Salid i. el, — que yo os absuelvo. T ansi im^^J?^^ ds 
decir estaa palabras que fu^ todo en un instante, tocan las trompetas, y 
parte de su poeada con toda la gente de pie, que con ^1 estaba, dideodo: 
Santiago k ellos ; y asi salimos todoa k aquella yoz k una, porque todai 
aquellas casas que salian k la plaza tenian mucbas puertas, y paieee qoa 
se habian fecho k aquel proposho. En arremetiendo los de caballo y 
roropiendo por ellos todo fu^ uno, que sin matar sine solo un negro de 
nuestra parte, fueron todos desbaratados y Atabalipa preso, y k gente 
puesta en buida, aunque no pudieron buir del tropel, porque k poerta 
por d6 babian entrado era pequefia y con k turbacion no podian saUr ; 
y viBto los traseros cuan lejos tenian k acoxida y remedio de buir, ani- 
maronse dos 6 tres mil dellos k un lienso de pared, y dieron ooe fl t 
tierra, el cual salia al campo porque por aquelk parte no kahk 


y ansi tubieron camino ancho para hnir ; y loa escuadrones de gente qaa 
habian qaedado en el campo sin entrar en el pueblo, como vieron hnir y 
dar alaridoB, loa mas delloB fneron deabaratados y ae puaieron en hoiday 
quo era ooea harto de Tor, que un valle de cuatro 6 cinco leguas todo iba 
cuazado de gente. £n eate vino la noche muy presto, y la gente ae 
recogio, y Atabalipa ae pnao en una caaa de piedra, que en el templo 
del sol, y asi ae pas6 aquella noche con grand regodjo y placer de la 
Titoria que nuestro SeDor noa habia dado, poniendo mucho recabdo eo 
hacer guardia a la persona de Atabalipa para que no yolviesen k tomar- 
noele. Cierto fu^ permiaion de Dioa y grand aoertamiento gniado poir 
su mano, porque si este dia no se prendiera, con la soberbia que trahia, 
aqucUa noche fueramoa todoa aaoladoe por ser tan poooe, como tengo 
dicho, y elloa tantoa. 

Pedro PizarrOf De$cubrinuento y Qmquista de Jos lUynos del PerUf 

Pues despuea de arer oomido, que acaTaria 4 bora de missa mayor, 
enpc^o k lerantar su gente y i. Tenirse haxia Caxamalca. Hechos sua 
esquadrones, que cubrian loa campoe, y el metido en mas 4ndas enpe^ 
i caminar, Tiniendo delante del doa mil yndioe que le banian el camino 
por donde Tenia caminando, y la gente de guerra la mitad de m lado y 
U mitad de otro por los campos sin entrar en camino : traia anai mesmo 
al seRor de Chincha oonaigo en Tnas andas, que paresda k loe suyoa 
cossa de admiracion, porque ningun yndio, por seflor principal que fuese, 
aria de porcsccr delante del sine fuese con Tna carga k cucstas y dea- 
caho : pues hera tanta la pateneria que traian d' oro y plata, que heia 
oossa cstrafia lo que rcluxia con el sol : Tenian ansi mesmo delante do 
Atabalipa muchos yndios cantando y daniando. Tardoee ate seDor ea 
indar esta media legua que ay dendo loa bafioa k donde el eatara haata 
Caxamalca, dende ora de missa mayor, como digo, haata tres oraa antoa 
que anochesciese. Puea llegada la gente 4 la puerta de la plaxa, enpe- 
^aron k entrar los esquadrones con grandes cantares, y ansi entrando 
ocuparon toda la plaza por todas partes. Visto el marquez don Francisoo 
Pi<;arro quo Atabalipa Tenia ya junto k la plaxa, embio al padre fr. Vi- 
cente do BalTcrde primero obispo del Cuzco, y k Hernando de Aldana Tn 
buen soldado, y 4 don Martinillo lengua, que fuesen 4 hablar 4 Atabalipa 
y k Tcqucrille de parte de dios y del Rey se subjetase 4 la ley de nuestio 
Seffor Jesuciisto y al serricio de S. Mag., y que el Marquei le tendria 
en lugar de hermano, y no conaintiria le hizicsen enojo ni daflo en sa 
tierra. Pues llcgado que fue el padre 4 las andas donde Atabalipa 
Tenia, le habb y le dizo 4 lo que yra, y le predico oossas de nuestia 

600 APPENDIX. [No. VIIl. 

MUieta flfee, decUrandoselaa la lengiuu JUerava el padre td breviano en 
las xaanoa donde leya lo que le piedioaba : el Atabalipa ae lo pidio, y el 
oemdo ae lo dio, y oomo le tuYO en laa manoa y no aapo abrille anojole 
al auelo. Llamo al Aldana que ae llegaae & el y le dieae la eq^ada, y d 
Aidana la aaoo y ae la moatro, peio no ae la qaiso dar. Pnea paaado lo 
dicho, el Atabalipa lea dixo que ae fiieaen paza Vellaooa ladronea, y que 
loa afia de matar k todoe. Pnea oydo .eato, el padre ae bohrio y eooto 
al maiquex lo que le avia paaado ; y el Atabalipa entro en la plaaa oon 
todo au tiotto que tiaya, y el aefior de Cbineha traa del. Deeque orie- 
XOQ entrado y vieion que no pareacia eepafiol ninguno, pfegnnto k ana 
Qapitanea, Donde eatan eatoa criatianoa que no paieaeen? EQoe le dixe- 
miy Selior, eatan eaoondidoa de miedo. Puea vialo el maiquea dm 
Francisco Pi^arro las dos andas, no conosciendo qual heia la de Ataba- 
lipa, mando a Joan Pigarro su heimano fuese con los peonea que tenia 
k la Tna, y el yria k la otra. Pues mandado eato, hiziezon la aeOa al 
Candia, el qual solto el tiro, y en soltandolo tocaron las trompetaB, y 
aalieron loa de acarallo de tropel, y el marquez con loa de & pie, como 
esta dicbo, tiaa delloa, de manera que eon el eatruendo del tiro y ha 
tiompetaa y el tropel de loa cavalloa eon loa caacavelea loa yndioaae 
embaxaron y se oortaron. Loa eapafiolea diexon en elloa y empe^aron 
k matar, y fue tanto el miedo que loa yndioa OTieroUy que por bnir, no 
pudiendo salir por la puerta, derribaron yr lienzo de Tna pared de la 
9erca de la plaza de largo de mas de dos mil passos y de aho de mas de 
vn estado. Los de acavallo fueron en su seguimiento hasta los bauos, 
donde hizieron grande estrago, y hizieran mas sino les anochescienL 
Pues bolviendo a don Francisco Pigarro y & su hermano, salieron, cosdo 
estava dicho, con la gente do a pie: el marquea fue a dar con las 
andas de Atabalipa, y el hermano con el seiior de Chincha, al qual ma- 
taron alii en las andas ; y lo mismo fuera del Atabalipa sino se hallara 
el marquez alii, porque no podian derivalle do las andas, que aunque ma- 
tavan los yndios que las tenian, se metian luego otros de Reffrcsco a 
sustentallas, y desta manera estuvieron vn gran rrato flforcejando y ma- 
tando indios, y de cansados vn espafiol tiro vna cuchillada para matalle, 
y el marquez don Francisco Pigarro se la rreparo, y del rrepaio Ic birio 
on la mano al marquez el espanol, queriendo dar al Atabalipa, a cup 
caussa el marquez dio bozes diciendo : Nadie liiera al indio so pena de 
la vida. Entendido esto, aguijaron siete 6 ocho espauoles y asicron de th 
bordo de las andas y haziendo fuenja las trastomaron a vn lado, y ansi 
fue preso el Atabalipa, y el marquez le llevo a su aposonto, y alii It 
puso guardas que lo guardavan de dia y de noche. Pues venida la 
nocbe, los espafioles se recoxieron todos y dieron muchas giacias a 

No, Yin.] APPENDIX. 501 

nuestro seRor por las Mercedes que les avia hecho, y muj oontentos en 
tener presso al seDor, porque 4 no prendelle no se ganara la tierra como 
se gano. 

Carta de Hernando Pizarro^ ap, Oviedo^ Historia General de las Indias, 
MS,, lib, 46, cap. 15. 

Venia en unas handas, 6 delante de 61 hasta trecientos o cnatrocientos 
Tndios con Camisetas de librea limpiando las pajas del camino, 6 can- 
tando, 4 el en medio de la otra gente que eran Caciques 4 principales, 6 
los mas principales Caciques le traian en los hombros ; 4 entrando en la 
Plata subieron doce 6 quince Yndios en una fotlaleia que alii estaba, 6 
tomaronla a manera de posesion con vandera puesta en una lama : en- 
trando hasta la mitad de la Plaza repar6 alli : 6 8ali6 un Fraile Dominioo 
que estaba con el Gobemador A. hablarle de su parte, que el (jobemador 
le esperaba en su apoeento, que le fiiese k hablar, 4 dijole oomo era S»- 
eerdote, 4 que era embiado por el Eroperador para que le ensefiase las 
oosas de la fe si quisiesen ser Cristianos, h mostrolea un libro que lleraba 
en las manos, 4 dijole que aquel libro era de las coeas de Dioe ; 6 d 
Atabalim pidi6 el libro, 4 arrojole en el suelo 4 dijo : Yo no pasar6 de 
aqui hasta que me deis todo lo que habeis tornado en mi tierra, quo yo 
bien se quien sois voeotros, y en lo que andais: ^ lerantoae en las andia, 
4 habl6 4 su gente, 4 obo murmnllo entre ellos llamando k la gente que 
tenian las armas : 4 el fraile fu^ al Gobemador 4 dijole que que haeia, 
que ya no estaba la oosa en tiempo de esperar mas : el Gobemador roe 
k) erobid a decir : yo tenia conoertado con el Capitan de la artilleria, que 
haciendolo una seHa disparasen los tiros, 4 eon la gente que oyondoloa 
nliesen todos a un tiempo ; 4 como asi se hixo 4 como los Yndios estabaa 
■in armas fucron desbaratados sin peligro de ningun Cristiano. Loa que 
traian las andas, 4 los Caciques que yenian al rededor del, nunca lo de»> 
ampararon hasta que todos murieron al rededor del: el Gobemador 
salio 4 tomd a Atabaliva, 4 por defendcrle le di6 un cristiano una cuchi* 
llada en una mano. La gente sigui6 el alcanoe hasta donde estaban lot 
Yndios con armas ; no te hall6 en ellos rosistcnda alguna, porque ya erft 
noche : recogieronso todos al Pueblo donde el Gobemador quedaba. 

No. IX.] appIndix. 503 

oias, de lana muy ifina de grana, cortada muy ygual» metida por tdm 
cafSutitoe de oro muy sotilmente hasta la mitad : esta lana hera kilada, 
y de lo8 cafiutoe abaxo destorcida, que hera lo que caya en la frente ; que 
Io8 caDutillos de oro hera quanto tomavan todo el Uauto ya dicho. C»- 
yale esta borla hasta encima de las cejas, de vn dedo de grosor, que le 
tomava toda la frente ; y todos eatos seQores andavan tresquilados y 
lo8 orejones como d sobre peine. Vestian Ropa muy delgada y moy 
blanda ellos y sua bermanas que tenian por mugeres, y sua deudos, or&> 
Jones principales, que se la daran los sefiores, y todos los demas vestian 
Ropa basta. Poniase este seHor la manta por encima de la cave^a y 
atabasela debajo de la barra, tapandose ks orejas : esto traia el por tapar 
Tna oreja que tenia rompida, que quando le prendieron los de Guascar se 
la quebraron. Bestiase este sefior Ropas muy delicadas. Estando yn dia 
comiendo, qnestas seHoras ya dichas le Uerayan la comida y se la ponian 
delante en vnos juncos verdes muy delgados y pequefios, estaba sei>> 
tado este sefior en vn duo de madera de altor de poco mas de un palmo : 
este duo hera de madera colorada muy linda, y tenianle siempre tapado 
con vna manta muy delgada, aunque stuvicse cl sentado en el : estoe 
juncos ya dichos le tcndian siempre delante quando queria comer, y alii 
le ponian todos los manjarcs en oro, plata y Barro, y el que k el ape- 
tescia sefialava se lo truxcsen, y tomandolo vna sefiora destas dichas se lo 
tenia en la mano micntras comia. Pues estando Tn dia dcsta manexa 
comiendo y yo prcscntc, lleyando Tna tajada del manjar 4 la boca le cayo 
ma gota en el vestido que tenia puesto, y dando de mano a la yndia te 
leTanto y se cntro a su aposcnto A vestir otro vestido, y buelto saco vea- 
tido Tna camiseta y vna manta (pardo cscuro). Llcgandome yo pues 4 
el le tente la manta que hera mas blanda que scda, y dixele : Ynga, de 
quo OS este vestido tan blando T £1 mo dixo, Es de tuos pajaros que 
andan de noche en Puerto Viejo y en Tumbcz, que muerdcn a los indios. 
Vcnido a aclararse dixo, que hera do pelo de murciclagos. Diziendok, 
que dc dondc se podria juntar tanto murcielago ? dixo, Aquellos perros 
do Tumbcz y Puerto Viejo que avian de hazer sine tomar destos paia 
hazer Ropa & mi padre! Y cs ansi qucstos murciclagos de aquellaa 
partes muerdcn dc noche 4 los indios y a espafiolcs y 4 cavallos, y sacan 
tanta sangro qucs cossa de mistcrio, y ansi se averiguo ser esto vestido 
de lana de murciclagos, y ansi hera la color como dellos del vestido, que 
en Puerto Viejo y en Tumbez y sus comarcas ay gran cantidad dellos. 
Pues acontescio vn dia que viniendose 4 quexar vn indio que vn espafiol 
tomava vnos bestidos de Atabalipa, el marquez mo mando fucsse yo 4 
saver quicn hera y llamar al espafiol para castigallo. £1 indio me Uevo 
a vn buhio donde avia gran cantidad de pctacas, porquel espafiol ya 


» dtpiM, y H i tiiH qae •I i 
iilM«iaMs4ci««9MMali^qni«l «fi« tooido<M lMaaMi;( 

4pi««l ttfk tofltdo. Prafviiato, ^«s |«m qM iHite «fMi» ^t 
Bwpmiffiiwnimw, qw pim < 
<ilD,pow|iiel6qnetoc>nalp> wBw wifiilwB« bQw M jil,tt«ii 

^dl «Mto M iM ooUbfliiM gflttto d« I 

* >4i lM»#Mifne j>eriwi[iliMi: yo»iielBr€S todxHiHai 
> i Mit Atdiy^ m d« fli imidii ai I 

No. X.-«See Vol. L, p. 491. 


[The foUowmg notices of the execution of the Inca are 
from the hands of eyewitnesses ; for Oviedo, tfaoi^ not 
present himself, collected his particulars from those who 
were. I give the notices here in the original, as the best 
authority for the account of this dismal tragedy.] 

Pedro PizarrOf Descubrmknto y Qmqmsta de los Beynos del Peru, MS, 

Acordaron pues los officiales y Almagro que Atabalipa mmieee, tn- 
tando entre si que muerto Atabalipa se acababa el auto hecho aoerca del 
tesoro. Pues dizeron al Marquez don Francisco Pi^ano que no confoua 
que Atabalipa biviese ; porque si se soltara, S. Mag. peideria la tiena j 
todos los espafioles serian mnertos ; y & la yerdad, si esto no fneara tiatado 
eon malida, como esta dicho, tenian Razon, poiqne hera imponUe soltan- 
doee poder ganar la tierra. Pues el marques no quiso Tenir en eDo. 
Visto esto los oficiales hizieronle muchos rrequerimientos, poniendole d 

No. X.] APPENDIX. 506 

•ervicio de S. Mag. por delante. Pues cstando asi atnvesoee yd demo- 
nio de Tna lengua qoe ae dczia fielipiDo, vno de los muchachoa que el 
maiquez avia Uevado 4 Eapafia, que al preaente hen lengua, y andaTa 
enamorado de Tna mnger de Atabalipa, y por avella hixo entender al 
marquez que Atabalipa hazia gran junta de gente para matar los espafic^ 
lea en Caxaa. Puea aabkio el marques esto prcndio a Challicuchima qua 
ertaTa auelto y preguntandole por eata gente que deiia la leogua ae jun- 
ta;?an, aunque negaTa y deua que no, el fielipillo dexia k la contra traa* 
tomando las palabraa deiian d quien ae preguntaTa eate caaao. Puea el 
marquez don Franciaoo Pi9arro aoordo embiar i Soto k Caxaa k aaTer ai 
9b hazia alii alguna junta de gente, porque cierto el marques no quisieim 
matalle. ^ Puea liato Almagro y loa oficialea la yda de Soto apretaroa al 
marquez con muchoa rrequirimientoa, y la lengua por an parte que ayii> 
daTE con 8U8 netrueooe, vinieron k convencer al marquez que murieae 
Atabalipa, porque el marquez hera muy zeloeo del aerrido de S. Mag. y 
anai le hizieron temer, y contra an Toluntad aentendo k muerte k Atabap 
lipa mandando lo diesen garrote, y deapuea de muerto le quemaaen poi^ 
que tenia laa hermanaa por mugerea. Cierto pocaa leyea arian leido eatoa 
aefiorea ni entendido, puea al infiel ain aver aido predicado le davan eata 
aentencia. Puea el Atabalipa UoraTs y dezia que no le mataaen, que no 
abria jrndio en la tierra que ae meneaaae ain au mandado, y que preaao lo 
teoian, que de que temian! y que ai lo avian por oro y plata, que el daria 
doa tanto de lo que avia mandado. Yo vide Uorar al marquea de peaar 
por no podeUe dar la vida, porque cierto temio loa roquirimieotoa y el 
niezgo que avia en la tierra ai ae aoltava. Eate Atabalipa avia hecho en- 
tender k sua mugerea 4 jrndios que ai no le queroavan el cuerpo, aunque 
le mataascn avia de bolver k ellos, quo el aol au padre le rresucitaria. 
Puea aacandole k dar garrote k la plaza el padre fray Vicente de Bal> 
mde ya dicho le predico diziendole ae tomaae criatiano : y el dixo que ai 
el ae tomava chriatiano, ai le qucmarian, y dixeronle que no : y dixo que 
poea no le avian de quemar que qucria aer baptizado, y anai fray Vicente 
le baptize y ]e dieron garrote, y otro dia le enterraron en la ygleaia qua 
60 Caxamalca teniamoa loa eapafiolea. Eato ae hiso antea que Soto bol- 
Tieae k dar aviao de lo que le hera mandado ; y quando vino truxo por 
mieva no aver viato nada ni aver nada, de que al marques lo peao mueho 
de avelle muerto, y al Soto mucho maa, porque dezia el, y tenia rrazon, 
que mejor fluera embialle k Eapafia, y que el ae obligara k pooeUo en la 
mar : y cierto eato fuera lo mejor que con eate indio ae pudicra hazer, 
porque quedar en la tierra no convenia : tambien ae entendio que no 
biviera muchoa diaa, aunque le embiara, porque el hera muy rcgalado 
y muy aefior. 

VOL. II. 64 


Eelacion del Primer DeiCulniT/tienio de h Cosla y Jj^for dd Swr, MS^ 

Diuido fonna como ee Uernria Aubalipa de camiiio, j que gimtdiit wt 
Ifi pondiift^ y conatiliaDdo y trutando si £«riimoa parte para de1«inderk to 
mqjaeWos p&MW maloe j rioa gi noa le quiaiesen Loioar los suyos r comefi- 
i6se k decir y d ccrtificar cuire los Indioa^ que el maodaba Tcnii ^land 
mviititvid <1g gcTilG sobr^ nosotrc^ : e^ta nueva ee tue eiur«i]di«ndo tanti^ 
que ee U)m6 iiiformacion do muchos BeHores de In tierT^Lr ^u€ todcrf 4 una 
dijeron que era verdad, que el mandaba venii sobra no&otroA para que Is 
nalvaaen, y noe mataspu «i pudiesen, y que e&taba toda la f^ieate eo rieitft 
{KTOYmeia ayunuda^ c^ue ya vettia de caouno. Tomada esta infonnactoo, 
juntfttidiiBo el dicho GobcmiMloi, y Almn^ro, y log Oficisdcs 6e^S* Mjh^. 
DO esiaudo ahj Hernando PkarrOf porque ya erx panida para Kajofift 
can ajgiina part« del quinto de S. Mag, y k darle nodcia j cu^va da Id 
4<;aeciiIo ; y resunueroaBe, aunquc contra voluntad del dicho Gobeniadot, 
que [iuiu:a e«tubo bieji on ello, que AtabaLpa, pue» quebranlaba la ptt, 
y nuc!na bao«r traic;ion y traber gentes para niatar loe oristiAtioa, miu> 
eee, porque wn su muene cesaiia todo, y ae alboaria la tieita : i Jo 
ciml bubo contTttrioa parcceres, y la mas de la gentg »e puso en dcfcodm 
que no muries^ ; al cabo tusietiendo muchu an au niuertn el dicho Capitia 
Almagi^cff y duudo muchu^ nooncs por qu£ debia morir, d fuiS oiuertA, 
autique para ^1 no tue oiuertR, eino vidu, porque mui'ib crutiano, y es do 
creer que ae fu4 al cielo. Publicado por toda la tieiia so moerte, h 
genie comon, y de pueblos venian donde el dicho Gobemador estaba 4 
dar la obediencia k S. Mag. ; pero los capitanes y gente de guena que 
estaban en Xauxa y en el Cuzco, antes se rehicieron, y no qnisieroB 
yenir de paz. Aqui acaeci6 la cosa mas estraOa que se ha Tisto en el 
mundo, que yo yi por mis ojos, y fu^ ; que estando en la igleeia cantaa- 
do los oficios de difuntos k Atabalipa, presente el cuerpo, Uegaron cier- 
tas sefioras hermanas y mugeres suyas, y otros privados con giaad 
estruendo, tal que impidieron el oficio, y dijeron que les hidesen aqneDa 
fiesta muy mayor, porque era costumbre cuando el grand sefior moiia, 
que todos aquellos que bien le querian, se enterrasen tItos con el : & loe 
cuales se les respondio, que Atabalipa habia muerto como cristiano, y 
como tal le hacian aquel oficio, que no se habia de hacer lo que eUot 
pedian, que era muy mal becho y contra cristianidad ; que se fneseo de 
alii, y no les estorbasen, y se le dejasen enterrar, y anai se fueron k sua 
aposentos, y se ahorcaron todos ellos y ellos. Las cosas que pasaroa 
en estoe dias, y los extremos y llantos de la gente eon muy largas J 
prolijas, y por eso no se dii4n aqui. 



No. X.] APPENDIX. 507 

Oviedo, IBsioria General de las Indias, MS,, lib. 46, cap. 22. 

Cuando el Marqoes Don Francisco Pizano tnbo preso al gran Rey 
Atabaliva le aconsejaron hombres fiiltoe de boen entendimiento, que le 
mataae, 6 el obo gana, porqoe como ae tieron cargadoa de oro parecio- 
les que muerto aquel Sefior lo podian poner mas k su salTo en Espafia 
donde quisiesen, 6 dejando la tierra, y que aaimiflmo aerian mas parte 
para ae sustener en ella ain aquel escrupuloeo impedimento, que no eoD- 
serrandoee la vida de un Principe tan grande, 6 tan temido 6 acatado de 
808 naturales, y en todaa aquellas partes ; 6 la esperiencia ha moetrado 
cuan mal acordado 6 peor fecho fue todo lo que contra Atabalira se biio 
despues de su prision en le quitar la vida, con la cual demas de desenrirse 
Dios quitaron al Emperador nuestro Sefior, ^ & los mismoe Espafioles que 
eo aquellas partes se hallaron, y 4 los que en Espafia quedaron, que 
eotonces viyian y a los que aora riven 4 nacerin innumerables tesoros, 
que aquel Principe les diera ; 4 ninguno de sus yasallos se mobiera ni 
alterara como se alteraron 4 rerelaron en faltando an Persona. Notorio 
m que el Gobemador le asegur6 la vida, y sin que le diese tal seguro el 
ae le tenia, pues ningun Capitan puede disponer sin licencia de su Rey 
y Seiior de la Persona del Principe que tiene preso, cuyo es de derecho, 
cnanto mas que Atabalira dijo al Marques, que si algun Cristiano matar 
ten los Yndios, 6 le hiciesen el menor dafio del mundo, que creyese que 
por su mandado lo hacia, y que cuando eso fueso le matase 6 hidese del 
lo que quisiese ; 4 que tratandole bien ^1 le chaparia ks paredes de 
plata, 4 le allanaria las Sierras 4 los montes, 4 le dani 4 el, 6 4 loa 
Cristianos cuanto oro quisiesen, 4 que desto no tubiese duda alguna ; y 
eo pago de sus ofrecimientos encendidas pajas se las ponian en los piea 
•rdiendo, porque digese que traicion era la que tenia ordenada contra loa 
Cristianos, 4 inventando 4 fabricando contra el frlsedades, le levantaron 
que los queria roatar, 4 todo aquello fue rodcado por males e por la inad- 
▼ertcncia 4 mal Consejo del Gobemador, 4 comenxaron k le hacer prooeso 
mal compuesto y peor escrito, seyendo uno de los Adalides un inquieto, 
desasosegado 4 dcshonesto Clerigo, y un Escribano fidto de oondenda, 
4 de mala habilidad, y otros tales que en la maldad ooncurrieron, 4 aa 
mal fundado cl libelo ae condnyo a sabor de dafiados paladares, eomo ae 
dijo en el Capitulo catorce, no aoordandose que les habian enchido las 
casas de oro 4 plata, 4 le habian tomado sus mugeres 4 repartidolas en 
su presencia 4 usaban de ellas en sus adulterioe, 6 en lo que les plada k 
aquellos aquicn las dicron ; y como les parccid k los culpados que tales 
ofensas no eran de olvidar, 4 que meredan que el Atabaliva les diese la 
leoompenaa oomo sus obras eran, asentoseUs en el animo un temor 4 

tm mmaam ^«i 

con A artiAOde ; < p(tt aOir 4i td eoiiido ^ I 

k^w to Mmm »MlBns4iNp.i 

ii MiJhiAO^Imiiiitoi 
1 1* olw p« biM 1 4 ^pnii 4 OqiMn Bndb # 
jfctok ilCMlMlMito^aMaibAMba GUk.41GcMl4»BMIik4 

ito.4tM|pto fl^ liMpAo Ja, griir4i p^^-wp^.gpsJaipittfPf Wiii 

^Ai<A» jM|i> halbiiB dt ImUu cl. flonBilD Mntiuia.. ^ bd 1 

Sbin nno esoe pocos crisdanos que es dicho leg hidoon madia fiesta poi 
donde andubieron, € lea dieron todo lo que lea pidieran de lo que teotaa 
paia elloa 6 aua criadoa, 6 Yndios de Bervicio que Uevaban ; por maneia 
que viendo que era borla, € muy notoria meatira 4 falsedad palpable, m 
.tomaroii k Cajamalca donde el Gobernador eataba ; d coal ya habia 
&cho morir al Principe Atabaliva ae que la histoiia lo ha oontado ; 6 
oomo Uegaron al Gobernador ballaronle xnostraDdo mndio ««*ntimiAnta 
oon un gran sombrero de fieltro puesto en la cabexa por Into € moj cala- 
do aobre los ojos, 6 le digeron : Sefior, muj mal lo ha fecho V . S>, j fueia 
jnato que fueramoa atendidoa para que aupieradea que ea may gran tiah 
don la que ae le levant^ a Atabaliva, porque ningun hombre de guena 
hay en el Campo, ni le hallamoa, sino todo de paz, 6 may boen tiatami- 
ento que no ae noa hizo en todo lo que habemoa andado. £1 Goberna- 
dor respondid 6 les dijo : Ya veo que me han engafiado : deade k pooos 
diaa aabida eata verdad, e murmurandoee de la crueldad que coo aqod 
Piindpe ae ua6, vinieron k malaa palabras d Gobernador y fiay Vicente 
de Valverde, y d Teaorero Riquelme, 4 k cada uno de elloa decia que d 
otro lo habia fecho, 6 ae deaoiintieron unoa k otros muchaa Tocea, oyeodo 
muchoa su rencilla. 

No. XI.] APPENDIX. 509 

No. XI. — See Vol. H., p. 36. 


JUNE 19, isas. 
[This agreement between these two celebrated captains, 
in which they bmd themselves by solemn oaths to the ob- 
servance of what would seem to be required by the most 
common principles of hones^ and honor, is too character- 
istic of the men and the times to be omitted. The original 
exists in the archives at Simancas.] 

Noe D" Frandeoo Piazio, Adehmtado, Capitan Geneial y Gofrernador 
por S. M. en estos Reynos de la NueTa Castilla, 6 D* Diego de AlmagrOy 
anmiamo GoTeraador por S. M. en la pnmncia de Toledo, decimos : 
que por que mediante la intima amietad y compafiia qne entie noaolm 
eon tanto amor ha permaneckio, y queziendolo Dioe Noeetro Sefior h»- 
oer, ha ndo parte y cabea qne el Ehnperador 6 Rey nneetro Sefior haya 
reoendo aefialadoe aerricioe oon la oooqniata, anjecion ^ pohlaeion destaa 
prorincias y tierras, 6 atiaycndo k la conyersion y eamino de nnesta 
Santa Fee Catolica tanta mnchedumbre de infielea, 6 confiando S. M. qne 
dorante nnestra amistad y oompafiia an real patiimoob aeza acreoentado, 
4 an por tener eate intento oomo por loe aerridoa paaadoe, S. M. Catoli- 
ea tnbo por bien de conoeder & mi el dicho I> Frandaco Pixarro la g(h> 
vernacion de eatos nueboa Reynoa, y & mi el dicho I> Diego de Almagro 
la goTernacion de la provineia de Toledo, de laa qnalea meroedea que de 
an Real liberalidad hemoe recevido, resnlta tan nueba obligadon, qna 
perpctuamcnte nneatraa Tidaa y patrimonioa, y de loe qne de noe deoea- 
dieren en an Real aerrieio ae gaaten y conauman, y para qne eeto mas 
aeguTo y mejor efecto haya y la oonfianza de S. M. por nueatra parte no 
frUezca Renundando la Ley qne cerca de loe talea juramentoa diapone, 
prometcmos 6 juramoa en preaencia de Dioa Nueatio Sefior, ante cnyo 
acatamiento eatamoa, de gnardar y cnmplir bien y enteramente, y ain 
cabtela ni otro entendimiento algnno lo eapreaado y oootenido en loe ca- 
pitulos siguientcs, € aupUcamoa k an infinite bonded qne k qnalqnier de 
noa que fuere en contiario de lo aai oonyenido, con todo rigor de jnstieia 
permiu la perdicion de an anima, fin y roal acaTamiento de an vida, dee- 
tmicion y pcrdimiento de an &niilia, honrraa y hacienda, porque como 
qnebrantador de au fee, la qual el uno al otro y cl otro noa damoa, y no 
temerosoa de au acatamiento, rccita del tal jnaU Tengana : y lo que por 
parte de cada uno de noaotroa juramoa y prometemoa ea lo aigniente. 

m$ jmmmmL ff^» 

(rtii/lodo A Mm . fie Bios Naailro ISeibor JwmI fUtmlawr. 
Clioiiy diwiiiMMi iw jOiiiio oil Jpiiiiiiwro • ^mhmi ^iqvs 

ti^yJUiiiMii all 
» pxoeanA lodo Itai J Inmift 7 IB^^ 

>ntodiaft,<i JMBldmiiuauii, pulptfiBinn ■lltnihwWwi a^ 

lUdkdiojmiBflBia.. ^ 1^ 

oer mejor ii su Real aervicio conyengan, supUcandole, infomuuidole de 
todo aqnello con qne mas su catolica conciencia se descargue, j estas 
proYincias y Reynos mas y mejor se conserven y goriemen, y que no 
habii relacion paiticular por ninguno de nosotroe hecha en fiaade 6 
cabtela y con intento de daaar y enpecer al otro, pTocnrando pais si, 
posponiendo el servicio de Nuestro Sefior Dios y de S. M., y en que- 
brantamiento de nuestra amistad y compania, y asunismo no pennitiia 
qoe sea hecho por otra qoalquier persona, dicho ni commiicado, m lo 
permita ni consienta, sino que todo se haga manifiestamente entre am- 
bo6, porque se conozca mejor el celo que de sendr & S. M. tenemos, 
pues de nuestra amistad 6 compafiia tanta confianza ha mostrado. 

Yten : juramos que todos los proTechos 6 intereses que se noe recre- 
deren asi de los que yo D"* Francisco Pizarro oviere y adquiriere en esu 
govemacion por qualquier vias y cabsas, como los otros que yo D* Die- 
go de Almagro he de haber en la conquista y descnbriiniento que en 
nombre y por mandado de S. M. hago, lo traeremos manifiestamente 4 
monton y oollacion, por manera que la compafiia que en este caso tene- 
mos hecha permanezca, y en ella no haya fraude, cabtela ni engafio al- 
guno, 4 que los gastos que por ambos 6 qualquier de nos se obieren de 

No. XII.] APPENDIX. 511 

hacer se haga moderada y diacretamente conforme, y proveyeDdo k la 
neoesidad que se ofreciere evitando lo oaoeaiTO y auperfluo aooorriendo y 
proreyendo k lo neceaario. 

Todo lo qual Begun en la forma que dicho eata, ea nueatra voluntad 
de lo an guaidar y cumplir so cargo del juramento que aai tenemoa 
fecho, poniendo k Naeatro Sefior Dios por juez y a au glorioaa Madro 
Santa Maria con todos los Santoe por testigos, y por que aea notorio k 
todoe loa que aqui jnramoa y prometcmoa, lo firmamoa de nueatroa 
nombrea, aiendo preaentea por teatigoa el Lioenciado Hernando Caldeia 
Teniente General de Goremador en estoa Reynoa por el dkho Sefior 
GoTemador, 6 Francisco Pineda Capellan de su Sefioria, 6 Antonio 
Picado au Secretario, 6 Antonio Tellez do Guzman y el Doctor Diego de 
Loaisa, el qual dicho juramento fue fecho en la gran Cibdad del Cuaoo 
en la casa del dicho Govemador I> Diego Dalmagro, eatando diciendo 
miaa el Padre Bartolome de Segoria Clerigo, deapuea de dicho el pater 
noeter, poniendo los dichos Goremadores laa manoa derechaa endma del 
Ara consagrada k 13 de Junio de 1535 afios. — Francisco Pizano. -^ EI 
Adelantado Diego Dalmagro. — Teatigos el Lioenciado Hernando Calde- 
ra — Antonio Tellez de Guzman. 

To Antonio Picado EscriTano de S. M. doy fee que fui teatigo y me 
halle presente al dicho juramento 4 aolenidad fecho por loa dichos Go- 
Temadorea, y yo saqu^ este traalado del original que queda en mi poder 
oomo secretario del Sefior Govemador D" Francisco Pizarro, en fee de 
k) qual firm^ aqui nombre. Fecho en la gran Cibdad del Cuzco k 19 
diaa del mea de Julio de 1535 afioa. Antonio Picado Escribano de 

No. Xn.— See Vol. H., p. 177. 


[This document, commg from Almagro himself, is valua- 
ble as exhibiting the best apology for his conduct, and, with 
due allowance for the writer^s position, the best account of 
his proceedings. The original — which was transcribed by 
Munoz for his collection — is preserved in the archives at 

Mui magnificoa Sefiorea, — Ya V' Mrds. havran sabido el estado en 
qne he eatado deapuea que fii^ desta vida el Adelantado Don Diego de 

Bm Ammam^. mmsm 

lKWfti.«Hal»»i»l» niiiwii, f iMii tin ■imiin ii lnjwri ri iIbi 

^''^e ;}fn;;i;Q i^l verticio dc S. M. i ijul'^uiv^ en poder de mk cTn^mi^^ni; 

f va^ia loaa dc 1o que nti joicio ba^tav^f oa cepeci^ oer cadai dia qukQ fc 

ml padre quiUS I& villa, i linvicin e«cuT<3CLdo sus serviclos por masera qii5 

d£l ni do mi no hdvia aemoris ; i coiiio h Euemistad quel M^ues jac 

*■■ tenia € k todoa roia aioigoB 6 cHadoo fuese tan cruel i modlml, i «obte lu 

^ BDcedi&54^, ((uiBo tifetudJa por la medida con que la iia<^ con mi ptubef 

wtaodt) ffilu^UTu en mi casa, gimicndotni n^ceaidad^ eaper^ndoel reEoedioi 

MeT^edes qa« de S. M. era lazon quQ yo ftlcanxate, mui coofiado de g<y 

KU-ks, haniendo & S. M, Borvirioa oqmo yo ]o deeeo ; fui mroTmad4> qofl 

MiuqiiL^s tTiiuib& tni promdimieDlo i fin^ det^rminado que T}a quedase va d 

K * ^ .i mundo qukn la nkuerte de mi padt« le pidieae, y acordandunie que poi^g 

dHMIft uUtaKMI tOflSg€B & Sit "PtJBBtaBy MJ HMnO Ml fllOnBQ fMM Hlf 

por manera que padre i hijo fueran por td joieio jvigadM. Por no d»> 
jar mi vida en alvedrio tan diabolico i desatinado, tenuendo ]a muerte, 
determinada de morir defendiendo mi vida i honra, con loe cnados de mi 
padre i amigos, acord6 de entrar en su caaa i prenderle paia escoaar 
mayores dafios, pues el Juez de S. M. ya venia i k cada nno hideia 
josticia, i el Marques como persona culpada en la defensa de su prisiaa 
€ persona armada para ello hizo tanto que por desdidia soya M heiido 
de Tna herida de que mun6 luego, i puesto que como hijo de padre k 
quien el havia mnerto lo podia recibir por Tenganza, me pe86 tan estia- 
fiamente que todos conocieron en mi mui gran diferencia, i por ver que 
estava tan poderoso i acatado como era razon no horo hcoibre Tienddo 
en mitad del dia que echase mano k espada para aynda iiiya ni despnei 
hay hombre que par el responda : parece que se hizo por joicio de Dies i 
por su voluntad, porque mi deseo no era tan largo que se eatendiese 4 
mas de conservar mi vida en tanto aquel juez llegava ; € como Ti el 
hecho procur6 antes que la cosa mas se encendiese en el pueblo i que 
cesasen esecucion de prisiones de personas que ambas opiniones harita 
■iguido questaban afrontadas, i cesasen crueldades, € hayieae justicia 
que lo estorrase € castigase, i se tomase cabeza que en nomhre de S. li 

No. XII.] APPENDIX. 613 

hicieae jnsticia 6 gorernase la tiem, paredendo i la lepobliea 4 oomua- 
dad de su Cibdad 6 oficialesde S. M. que por Iob aerrieios de mi padre 4 
por haver 61 deeoubierto 4 ganado eeta tittim me pertenecia mas juata- 
mente que k otio la goTemacion della, me pidienm por GoTemador i 
dentro de doe horaa consultado € negociado oon el Cabildo, fui recibidb 
60 amor i conformidad de toda la republica : Aai qiiad6 todo en pai i tan 
aaentadoa i aerenoe loa animoa de todoa, que no hovo mndamta, i todo 
eati padfioo, i loa puebloa en la miama confonnidad i jnatieia que han 
eatado, i con el ayuda de Dioe ae aaentari cada dia la pai tan bien qoa 
de todoa sea obedecida por aefiora, i S. M. aeii tambien aerrido como ea 
raxon, como ae deve : porque acabadaa aon laa opinionea 4 parcialidadea, 
4 yo 4 todoa pretendemoa la poUaeion de la tierra i el deacubrimiento 
della, porque loa tiempoe paaados que ae han gaatado tan mal con albo- 
rotoa que ae han ofrecido, 4 deacuidoa que ha habido, agora ae ganen 4 
ae alcancen i cobren, i con eate presnpueato eaten V* Mrcda. ciertoe qua 
eat& el Peru en Soaiego, i que laa liquezaa ae deacubruin 4 u4n k poder 
de S. M. maa acreoentadaa i multiplicadaa que haata aqui, ni hani maa 
paaion ni moTimiento aino toda quietud, amando el aenricio de S. M. i 
au obidiencia, aproTCchando aua Realea rentaa : Suplico k Y* Mrda. puea 
el oaao parece que lo hizo Dioe i no loa bombrea, ni yo lo quise aai 
eoroo Dioa lo hizo por au juicio aecrcto, 4 como tengo dicho la tiena 
eati aoaegada, i todoa en paz ; Y* Mrda. por el presente manden 8o»- 
pender qualquiera noredad, puea la tienra ae conaenrari oomo eata, 4 aeii 
S. M. mui acrvido ; 4 despuea que toda la gente que no Uenen vecin- 
dadea laa tcngan, 4 otroa Tajran k poblar 4 deacubrir, podWin proTeer ki 
que conviniere, i ea tiempo que la tiena Eapafiolea i naturalea no reciban 
maa alteracion, puea no pretenden aino aoaiego i quietud, i poblar la tier- 
ra i aervir k S. M. porque con eate deaeo todoa eetamoa i eataremoa, i de 
otra manera crean Y* Biida. que de nuero la tiena ae rebuelve 4 inqni- 
eta, porque de ka coaaa paaadaa Tnoa i otroa han pretendido cada mo an 
fin, 4 aino dcacanaan de loa trabajoa que han padecido con tantaa peraa- 
cucionea de buena ni de mala perdiendoae no terdi S. M. della cuenta, 4 
loa naturalea ae deatruixian 4 no aaentar&n en aua caaaa 4 perecehm mas 
de loa que han pcrecido ; 4 conaerrar eatoa 4 oonaerrar la tierra i loa 
vecinoa i moradorea della todo ea Tno ; i puea en tanta conformidad jo 
tengo la tierra 4 con voluntad de todoa fui eligido por Gofemador, por- 
que maa obidiencia haya, 4 la juatida maa acatada aea, i entiendan qua 
me han de acatar i obedecer en tanto que S. M. otra ooaa maada, porqoa 
de lo paaado yo le embio ariao ; Suplioo k Y* Mrda. manden deepachar 
deaa Audiencia Real vna cedula para que todoa me obedeacan i tengaa 
por Goremador, porque aai maa aoaegadoa temin todoa loa aiiiiBoa i maa 
VOL. II. 65 

514 APPENDIX. [No. xin. 

i iiiejor 86 hara el seiricio de S. M. i temi mas pai la tiem, 6 ooofbn- 
dine han las Toluntades que se quiaiereii leTantar contra esto ; 6 aino lo 
mandaaen V' Mrda. proreer en tanto qne S. M. dedara sa Real Yoloa- 
tad, podiia aer que por parte de alguna gente que por aca nunea &haa 
mas amigoa de pasionea que de razon, que ae lerantase algon caeandalo 
de que Dios i S. M. fueeen inaa deaerridoa : Nueatro SeOor ha nni 
magnificaa peraonaa de V* Bfrda. guarde tan proaperamente eomo de- 
aean: deatoe Reyes 4 14 de julio de 1541 afioa. Beao ha manoa da 
V* Mrda., Don Die^ de Almagro. 

No. Xm. — See Vol. H., p. 220. 

SEPT. 94, 1542. 

[The Stout burghers of Arequipa gave efficient aid to the 
royal governor, in his contest with the younger Almagro ; 
and their letter, signed by the municipality, forms one of the 
most authentic documents for a history of this civil war. 
The original is in the archives at Simancas.] 

S. C. C. M. — Aunque de otros muchos temd V. M. aviso de la 
vitoria que en ventura de V. M. i biiena deligcncia i animo del Govema- 
dor Vaca de Castro se oto del tirano Don Diego de Almagro e sus se- 
cazes, nosotros el Cabildo i vecino de Arequipa le queremos tarabien dar. 
porque eomo quien se hallo en el peligro, podrcmos contar de la verdad 
como pas6. 

Desde Xauxa hicimos relacion 4 V. M. de todo lo sueedido hasta cn- 
tonses, i de los preparamientos quel GoTcmador tenia proTeidos para la 
guerra de alii. Sali6 con toda la gente en orden i se vino k esta Cibdad 
de San Joan de la Frontera, donde tuvimos nuevascomo el traidor de Don 
Diego de Almagro estara en la provincia de Bilcas, que es onze leguaa 
desta Cibdad, que venia determinado con su dafiada intencion k damos la 
batalla. En este comedio vino Lope Diaquez del real de los traidores, 
i dio al Govemador una carta de Don Diego, i otra de doze Capitanes 
mui dcavcrgonzados de fieros i amenazas, i el Govemador con zelo de 
que no oviese tantas muertes entre los vasallos de V. M. coroo siempre 


fu^ 8U intento de ganar el juego por maHa, acord6 de tornarlcs a enbiar 
al dicho Lope Ydiaquez i i Diego de Mercado Fator de la nucva Toledo, 
para yer si los podian reducir i atraer al servicio de V. M. i fueron tan 
mal rescibidos que quando escaparon con las Tidas se tuvieron por bien 
librados. La respuesta que lea dieron fu6 que no querian obedecer las 
provisiones reales de V. M. aino darle la batalla, i luego alzaron au Real 
i caminaron para noaotroa. Visto esto el Govemador 8ac6 su Real deste 
pueblo i camind contra elloa doa leguaa, donde supo, que loa traidores 
estavan a trea, en un asiento fuerte i comodo para su artilleria. £1 go- 
vemador acord6 de los guardar alii, donde le tomd la voz, porque era 
llano i lugar fuerte al nuestro propoeito. Como esto vieron loa traidores, 
sabado que se contaron diez i seis de setiembre, se IcTantaron do donde 
estaTan, i caminaron por lo alto de la sierra i vinieron una legua de nos- 
otros, i sua corredores vinieron & ver nuestro asiento. Luego el Go* 
vemador provio que por una media loma fuese un Capitan con cinquen- 
ta arcabuoeros, i otro con cinquenta lanzas & tomar lo alto, i sucedid 
tambicn que sin ningun riesgo se tomd, i luego todo el exercito de V. M. 
lo subid. Visto esto, los enemigos que estarian tree quartos de Icgua, 
procuraron de buscar campo donde nos dar la batalla, i asi le tomaron & 
su proposito i asentaron su artilleria i concertaron sus esquadrones, que 
eran ducientos i treinta de cavallo, en que venian cinquenta hombres de 
armas : la infanteria eran ducientoa arcabuzeros i ciento i cinquenta pi- 
queros, todos tan lucidos 6 bicn armados, que dc Milan no pudieran salir 
mejor aderezados : el artilleria eran seis mcdias culebriaas de diez k 
doze pics de largo, que echavan de bateria una naranja: tenian maa 
otros seis tiros medianos todos do fruslcra, tan bien aderezados i con 
tanta niunicion, que mas parecia artilleria de Ytalia que no de Yndias. 
£1 Govemador vista su dcsverguenza, la gentc mui en orden, despuee 
do haver hecho los razonamientos que convenian, diciendonos que viese- 
mos la dcsverguenza que los traidores tenian i el gran desarato 6 la 
corona Real, camind k elloe, i llegando k tiro donde su artilleria podia 
alcsinzar, jugo luego en nosotros, que la nuestra por ser mui pequefia 4 
ir caminando, no nos podimos aprovechar della de ninguna coea, i asi h 
dexamos por popa : matamos hian antes que Ilegascmos k romper con 
ellos mas de 30 hombres, i siempre con este dafio que rescebiamoe, 
caminamos hasta nos poner a tiro de arcabuz, donde de una parte i de 
otra jugaron i se hizo de a mas partes arto dafio, i lo mas presto que noe 
fu€ posible porque su artilleria aun nos echava algunas pelotas en noee- 
tros esquadrones, cerramos con ellos, donde durd la battalia de lamas, 
porras i espadas mas de una grande hora ; fu6 tan refiida i porfiada que 
despues de la de Rebena no se ha visto entre tan poca gente mas cmel 

616 AtVEKDO. [Htt 

I en la batiJlA de les BOflitrM d 4 
HiilgiiiQ i aln» MMoto mnSkatm i Hidalgos ; i i 
GcowB de Tmdoja i d Gapitaa P t iaaMu c a i < 
loB midores mariorao cieato d dnqimta, i maa da 
pieaoa estin mas de dento i cinqnento: Don Diego i otraa tree < 
ae eeeapaion : ceda oza ae tiaen preaoa, eqieiamaa qne on dia 
Don Diego k las manoe, poiqoe kw Yndkw como Tillanoa de Ttalia lee 
matan i tnen presoe. V. M. tenga eeta Titoria ai gian eenicio, porqae 
pnede creer que agora ae acabd de ganar eeta tieiia i poneila debaxo del 
cetro Real de V. M. i qoe eeta ha eido rerdadeia oonqnista i padficacioa 
della, i aai es justo que V. M. oomo giatisimo Principe giatifiqoe i liaga 
meroedes k Ice qoe se la dieron ; i al Goremador Baca de Castro per- 
petoarle en eDa en entzamaa goremacionee no diiidiendo nada deOas 
porqoe no hai otia batalla, i & loe aoldadoe i vecinoa qne en ella ae faa- 
llaxon, remonenrlee ana tiabajoa i perdidaa, qne han leadbido por lednor 
oatoa Reinoa k la Corona Real de T. M. i mandando eaadgar k ka irecinoe 
^■B ojrendo la tob Real de V. M. ae qnedaron en ana caaaa grange- 
•■do aoB gqiartimifnloa i hadendaa, poiqne gran ain joatina aeria, Sana 
'V.fM bolvieado noaotraai nneatiaa caaaa pofarea i maneoa de gnena 
■OB de nn alio, haHaawnna k loa qne se qnedaron aanos i aahoa i 
■»i qne 4 eDoa no ae lea dieae pena ni k nooa«zoa pmmio ni galaidoa, 
) aeria o c a rinn pan qne ai otra tcs orrieae otxa lebelion en ctta 
4 m ufOMf BO acodi eae n al aenricio de V. M. oomo aeria man i 
^Ui§ukm. Todoa teoemoa por cieito, quel Goremador Baca de 
>lilM&Mi,iqnB en Donlro de V. M. 4 loa qne le lian aerndo 

No. XIV.] APPENDIX. 517 

hari mercedes, i k los que no acadicron 4 semr 4 V. M. castigarft. 
S. C. C. M. Dios todo poderoso acrecieDte la yida de V. M. dandole 
▼itoria contra sus oDemigos, porque sea acreacentada su santa fee, amen. 
De San Joan de la Frontera 4 24 de septiembre de 154*2 alios. — Besan 
las manos i pies de V. M. sus leales Vasallos, — Hernando de Silva, — 
Pedro Pigarro, — Lucas Martinez, — Gomez de Leon, — Hernando de 
Torre, — Lope de AJaroon, — Juan de Arves, — Juan Flores, — Juan 
Ramirez, — Alunso Buelte, — Melchior de Cervantes, — Martin Lo-> 
pez, —Juan Crespo, — Francisco Pinto, — Alonso Rodriguez Picado. 

No. XIV. — See Vol. H., p. 433. 


[This instrument is taken from the original manuscript of 
Zarate's Chronicle, which is still preserved at Simancas. 
Munoz has made several extracts from this MS., showing 
that Zarate's history, in its printed form, underv^ent con* 
siderable alteration, both in regard to its facts, and the style 
of its execution. The printed copy is prepared with more 
consideration ; various circumstances, too frankly detailed in 
the original, are suppressed ; and the style and disposition of 
the work show altogetlier a more fastidious and practised 
hand. These circumstances have led Munoz to suppose 
that the Chronicle was submitted to the revision of some 
more experienced writer, before its publication ; and a cor- 
respondence which the critic afterwards found in the Escu- 
rial, between Zarate and Florian d' Ocampo, leads to the 
inference that the latter historian did this kind office for 
the former. But whatever the published work may have 
gained as a literary composition, as a book of reference and 
authority it falls behind its predecessor, which seems to have 
come without much premeditation from the author, or, at 
least, without much calculation of consequences. Indeed, 

518 APPENDIX. [No. XIT. 

its obvious value for historical uses led Munoz, in a note 
indorsed on the fragments, to intimate his purpose of copy- 
ing the whole manuscript at some future time.] 

Vista e entendida por Nos el Mariscal Franciaco de Albaiado, Maestre 
de Campo deste Real exeicito, el Idoenciado Andrea de Cianca, Oidor de 
S. M. deatos Reiooa, 6 aubdelegadoa por el mui Duatre Sefior el licen- 
dado Pedro de la Gazca del Conaejo de S. M. de la Santa Inqoisicion, 
Preaidente destoa Reinoa 6 provinciaa del Peid, para lo infra escripto, la 
notoriedad de loa muchoa gra^ea 6 atrooes delitoa que Gonzalo Pisano 
ha cometido 6 consentido cometer d los que le han seguido, deapuea que 
k eatos Reinos ha venido el Viaorrey Blaaco Nufiez Vela, en deserricio 
6 desacato de S. M. ^ de su preminencia 6 corona Real, e contra bi 
natural obligacion 6 fidelidad que como 8u Taaallo tenia € deria 4 su 
Rei 4 sefior natural e de personaa particularea, loa quales por ser tan 
notorios del dicho no se requiere orden ni tela de juicio, mayormente 
que muchos de los dichos delitos consta por confeaion del dicho Gon- 
xalo Pizarro 6 la notoriedad por la infonnacion que ae ha tornado, 6 que 
combiene para la pacificacion destos Reinos e exemplo con brevedad 
hacer justicia del dicho Gonzalo Pizarro. 

Fallamos atcnto lo susodicho junta la dispusicion del derecho, que 
devemos declarar 6 declaramos el dicho Gonzalo Pizarro haver cometido 
crimen laesae Majestatis contra la corona Real Despaua en todos loa 
grades e causas en derecho contenidas despues que a estos Reinos vino 
el Virrey Blasco Nufiez Vela, € asi le declaramos e condenamos al 
dicho Gonzalo Pizarro por traidor, e haver incurrido ^1 e sus dcscen- 
dientes nacidos despues quel cometio este dicho crimen e traicion los 
por linea masculina hasta la segunda generacion, 6 por la femenina hasta 
la primera, en la infamia e inabilidad 6 inabilidades, 6 como a lal cod- 
denamos al dicho Gonzalo Pizarro en pena de muerte natuml, la qua] le 
mandamos que sea dada en la forma siguiente : que sea sacado de la 
prision en questa cavallero en una mula de silla atados pies e manos e 
traido publicamcnte por este Real de S. M. con voz de prcgonero que 
manificste su delito, sea llevado al tablado que por nuestro mandado 
esta fecho en este Real, 6 alii sea apeado e cortada la cabeza por el 
pescueso, e despues de mucrta naturalmente, mandamos que la dicha 
cabeza sea llevada a la Ciudad de los Reyes como ciudad mas principal 
destos Reinos, 6 sea puesta e clavada en el rollo de la dicha Ciudad con 
un retulo de letra gruesa que diga, Esta es la cabeza del traidor de 
Gonzalo Pizarro que se hizo justicia del en el valle de Aquixaguan, 
donde di<5 la batalla campal contra el estandarte Real queriendo defender 

No. XIV.] APPENDIX. 619 

8U traicion e tirania ; nin^uno sea osado de la quitai de aqui so pent de 
muerte natural : 6 mandamos que las casas quel dicho Pizarro tiene en 

la Cibdad del Cuzoo sean derribadas por loe cimientoa 6 aiadas 

de sal, e a donde agora es la pucrta sea puesto un letrero en un pilar 
que diga : E^tas casas eian de Gonzalo Pizarro las quales fueron man- 
dadas denocar por traidor, 6 ninguna persona sea ooado dellas tomar 4 
haccr i edificar sin lioencia ezpresa de S. M. so pena de muerte nata- 
ral : e condcnamosle mas en perdimiento de todos sus bienes de qualquier 
calidad que sean 6 le pertenezcan, loe quales aplicamos k la Camaia 6 
Fisco de S. M. 6 en todas las otras penas que contra loe tales est&n 
instituidas : 4 por esta nuestra sentencia definitiva juzgamos 6 asi lo 
pronunciamos 6 mandamos en estos escritos e por ellos. — Alonso de 
Albarado ; el Lic<lo Cianca. 






Abaiccat, river of, battle with Pe- 
ruvians at, 1. 507. Battle between 
Almagro and Alvorado on, ii. 97. 
PosMige of, by Gosco, 404. 

Aborigines of North and South 
Amenco, ii. 245. 

Acosta, I. 82, note, 108, note. 

AdeUntado, title of, given to Pizar- 
ro, I. 305. Relinquished by him 
to Almagro, 317. 

Adultery, punished with death by 
Peruvian laws, i. 44, note. 

Adventure, impulse given to, by im- 
provements in navigation, i. 187. 
Romantic character of, in the New 
World, 190. Perils attendant on, 
191 . On the northern and southern 
continents of America, 192, 193. 

Agave Americana, i. 140. 

Agrarian law perfectly carried out 
in Peru, i. 49. 

Agricultural products, great variety 
of, in Peru, i. 138. Introduced 
into that country, 142, note. 

Agriculture, importance and excel- 
lence of Peruvian, i. 130-138. 
Supervised by the Inca himself, 
131. In the valleys, 132, 364,390, 
513. On sides of the sierra, 133, 
134, 446. 

Aldana, Lorenzo de, ii. 358. Sent 
on a mission to Spain by (lonzalo 
Pizarro, 359. Takes sides with 
Gasca, 361. Despatched by him 

to Lima, 365. His proceeding 
there, 376. 

Almagrian faction, proceedings of, 
II. 201. Driven from Cuzco, 202. 
At Lima, 205. 

Almagro, town of, i. 207. 

Almagro, Diego de, i. 207. His 
agreement with Pizarro and Lu- 
que, 209. Makes preparations for 
a voyage, 210. Sails from Pana- 
ma, itiG. Loses an eye at Pueblo 
Quemado, 227. MeeU Pizarro at 
Chicomi, 228. Returns to Pana- 
ma, 229. Has a difficulty with 
Pedrarias, 230, 232. His inter 
view with him, 233, note. Appen- 
dix, No. V. His contract with 
Pizarro and Luque, 235, Appen- 
dix, No. VI. Unable to sign his 
name, 237. Sails with Pizarro, 
241. Is sent back for reinforce- 
ments, 242. Rejoins Pizarro, 249. 
Sails with him along the coast, 
252. Uuorrels with him, 255. 
Returns to Panama for recruits, 
256. HI received there, 260. 
Sends a letter to Pizarro, 262. 
ExerU himself in his behalf, 268. 
Urges his mission to Spain, 292. 
Honors granted by the Crown to, 
306. Pizarro's neglect of the in- 
terests of, 308. His dissatisfaction 
with him, 315. Frank and gen- 
erous temper of, 208, 292, 316. 
Hernando Pizarro's jealousy of, 
316, 465, 466. Remains at Pan- 



■m&, to tend ■npplies to Pixar- 
ro, S18. Joiof liim in Peru, 460. 
CordJAllj recet?ed bj him, 461. 
ReoeiTes no ■hare of tho Inea'i 
nnioaiy47Si Uifw Atahnailpn*! 
death^,494. FeUpillo hanced 
bj, m^ fMte. Dotwhed lo aid 
I>eSoto,509. Sent against Qnia- 
qoix, n. 9. Followa Benakasar 
loQpiiito,17. MegotiateawithPo- 
dro do AlTarado, 18. Gooa to 
CnzoOy S5. Powen eonfinred on, 
bj tho Crown, 98. Hia olation, 
ai. Hia difficnltioa witk tlio Pl- 
saifoai 84. Enlan Into n ao loaan 
oompnot with Ffaneia, 86, Ap- 
pendix, No. n. 8e«i oat fbr 
Chili, 86. Diilfealliaa of hia 
maieh, 84, 86. Treronea tho 
deatrtofAlacama,89. Clainiaja- 
liadiolio^ ovor Cihboo, 91. Saiaaa 
tho ohf, 98. Takoa Gonsalo and 
Haniando Piiano pfiaonara, 91 
Rofcaaa to pot thorn to death, 96, 
101,108. Battle of Abaaeaj, 97. 
Leayea Cuxco, 108. Haa an in- 
terview with Pizarro, 104. Makes 
a treaty with him, 106. Retreats 
toward Cuzco, 109. His iUness, 
110,118,122. Pursued by Hernan- 
do Pizarro, 110. Battle of Las Sa- 
linas, 115-118. Taken prisoner, 
119. Brought to trial by Hernan- 
do Pizarro, 123. Condemned to 
death, 124. Begs for his life, 125. 
Is executed in prison, 127. His 
character, 128-130. 
Almagro, the younger, his birth and 
character, ii. 88, 177, 239. Named 
his successor by his ftther, 186. 
Pizarro's treatment of, 133. Pro- 
claimed governor of Peru, 186. 
Seizes the money of the Crown, 
205. His reluctance to hostilities 
with the governor, 208. His diffi- 
culties with his followers, 210. 
Attempts to negotiate with Vaca 
de Castro, 213. Addieasea his 

troopa, 814. Loaroa Cneo, 816L 
R^ioeta tho goranior'a tenna, 8BL 
BattloofChopaa, S98-834. fiOi 
bimTery, 838^834. Takon piiaoMr, 
836. £xociited,838. Hia Lotlsr 
to Royal An di on o e, Appendix, 

No xn 

Alpaeaa. 8oo Slay, J 

Alra, I>ako o^ n. 336, i 

Alvaiado, Akmao do, u. 9SL Bant 
to the relief of Coaoo, 98w At 
Zanxa,96. Highly tnwied by tha 
Pixairoa, 96, aala. I>e6atad and 
taken priaooor by Almagro, 97. 
Eac^aa from Cowo^ 103. Attha 
batdooriM8aliBM,114. InfinH 
y aea do Gaatro of tho atalo of Fwa, 
808. At tho battlo of Chnpai, 
838. Boot to Ptenami by Gmm, 
861. Leodanftioo toLima,4n. 

Alfarado, Dtefo do, farathor of Pa> 
dro, n. 101. Bofi^onda HannBia 
Finiio,108. MaiataiMthocoan 
of Afanagro ha Spun, 137, VB. 
Hia death, 140. 

Alvarado, Garcia do, qoarrela with 
Sotelo, II. 210. Puts him to death, 
211. KiUed by Almagro, 211. 

Alvarado, Geronimo de, ii. 234. 

Alvarado, Pedro de, arrival of, in 
Peru, II. 10. His terrible passage 
of the Puertoa NevadoB, 12. Let- 
ter of, 15, note, Negoliatea with 
Almagro at Quito, 18. Bonoi 
paid to, 19, note, Visita Pizarro 
at Pachacamac, 21. Hia death, 
22, noU. Pizarro'a letter to, 70. 

Alvarez, sent with Blaaco Nunez to 
Spain, II. 292. Liberatea the vice- 
roy, 292. 

Amautas, Peruvian teachera, 1. 117. 

Amazon, the river of| reached by Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, ii. 1G3. Voyage of 
Orellana down, 163. Adventures 
of Madame Godin upon, 166, note, 

America, the name, i. 41, note. Ef- 
fects of discovery of; 1. 189. Ad- 
venture in, 190. Northern aod 



•outhern lectionB of, ld3. Rapid 
exploration of the eastern coast of, 

Anaquito, ii. 306. Battle of, 310, 
314, note. 

Andagoya, Pascual de, expedition 
of, I. 199. Memorial of his ad- 
ventures by, 200, note. His ac- 
counts of the Peruvian empire, 206, 
note. Pizarro learns his route 
from, 211. 

Andaguaylas, Gasca encamps at, u. 

Andes, Cordillera of the, i. 5, note, 6. 
Cultivation of the sides of, 7, 134, 
446. Salubrity of plateau of, 15. 
Conjectures respecting the origin of 
the name, 134. Pizarro*s passage 
of, 382. Alvarado's passage of, ii. 

Anglo-Saxon race, objects sought 
by, in New World, 1. 192. Adapt- 
ed to tlie North American conti- 
nent, 193. 

Annalif, Pcnivian, how kept and 
transmitted, 1. 118,121, 123. Much 
tinged with fiction, 124. 

Apostles, the supposed authors of 
American civilization, i. 109, 

Apurimac, passage of, by Gasca's 
army, ii. 407, 406. 

Aqueducts, Peruvian, i. 131, 132. 
Remains of, 133. Seen by Span- 
iards, 373, 390. 

Arch, use of, unknown to Peruvians, 

Architecture, illastrat(»s national 
character, i. 155. Characteristics 
of Peruvian, 156-156. Inconsis- 
tencies in it, 159. 

Archives, Peruvian, bow constituted, 
1. 119. 

Arequipa, Almagro arrives at, ii. 89. 
Taken possession of by the Alma- 
grian faction, 201. Memorial of 
the Municipality of, 220, Appen- 
dix, No. XIll. Gonsilo Pizarro 

builds galleys at, 289. Retires to, 
from Lima, 379. 

Armour of the Peruvians, i. 73. 

Arms, used by Peruvians, i. 73, nol«, 
II. 47, note. Manufactured at Cuz- 
CO by Almagro, 212 ; by Blaaco 
Nuiiez, at Popayan, 303. 

Arms, family, of Pizarro, i. 310. 

Army, number of Pizarro's, i. 366. 
Gonzalo Pizarro's, ii. 370. 

Arquebuse, astonishment of the Pe- 
ruvians at, I. 276. 

Art, specimens of Peruvian, 1. 151. 

Artillery, park of, possessed by 
young Almagro, ii. 215. 

Astrology, 1. 129. 

Astronomy, Peruvian, u 126-129. 
Inferior to that of other American 
races, 127. 

Atacama, desert of, crossed by Al- 
magro, II. 89. 

Atahuallpa, i. 337. Receives half 
his father's kingdom, 336. His 
restless spirit, 34 1 . Makes war on 
his brother, 342. Ravages Cana- 
ris, 343. Is victorious at ^ipay- 
pan, 345. Takes Huascar prison- 
er, 346. Story of his cruelty, 347. 
Sole Inca of Peru, 350. Sends 
envoys to Pizarro, 369, 365, 387. 
His reception of Pizarro's messen- 
gers, 388, 395. His camp, 390. In- 
terview of Hernando Pizarro with, 
397, 398. VisiU Pizarro at Caxa- 
malca, 410. His interview with 
Valverde, 415. Taken prisoner, 
4522. Contemporary narratives of 
his seizure. Appendix, No. VHI. 
In captivity, 425-427, 435,454. 
His personal appearance, 426, 488. 
His treatment of the Christian reli- 
gion, 417,436,486. Oflers a ransom, 
432. Expects to recover his free- 
dom, 434, note. Puts Huascar to 
death, 438. Accused of causing a 
rising of his subjects, 441. His 
interview with Challcuchima,453. 
State maintained by him, 454« 



Hislbnbodiiif^46B. R«ftiiedliii 
libert7,474. Brooght to trial, 480. 
AeeunOioM agaiiMit him, 481, iMlf . 
Senteooed to be baiiied,48B. His 
•motioii, 484. Led to eieeotioB, 
485. Is baptized, 486. Parishes 
by the gurrote, 487. Different 
■ocoants of his eioootioa, Ap- 
pendix, No. X. His chanetw, 
488. Fonenl obsequies, 489. His 
remains, 490. Refleetioiis on the 
treatment of, 498. Optnioos of 
chronideii respecting it, 496. In- 
fluence of his death in Pern, 496. 
His successor, 500. Pedro Pinr- 
ro's account of his personal habtts. 
Appendix, N& IX. 

Athenians, marriage eostom of, i. 
113, note. 

Audience, Rqjal, first appointment 
and purpose <if, i. 196. Sent to 
Peru with Blasoo Nunez, u. 955. 
Arrive at Lima, S77. Differ 
from the Ticeroj, 278. Threal- 
ened bj him, 281. Take him 
prisoner, 282. Send an embassy 
to Gonzalo Pizarro, 284. Resign 
their power into his hands, 286, 
288, 290. Judges of, character- 
izcd by Blasoo Nunez, 316. note, 

Avila, Pedro Arias de, i. 197. 
Founds Panama, 198. Discover- 
ies made by, 199. Expeditions 
of, 205. Refuses to aid Almagro, 
230. His interview with him. 
Appendix, No. V. Resigns his 
interest in Pizarro's enterprise, 
233. Subsequent fate of, 231. 

Aztecs, belief of, respecting the soul 
of the warrior, i. 32, note. Con- 
trast between the Peruvians and, 
II. 5. 


Balances, of silver used by Peruvi- 
ans, I. 155. For weighing gold, 
found by Spaniards, 245. 

Balboa, Vaseo NnSes de, &00M 
thePteifie,i.l94,»5. Hensf 
the Peravian empire, 195. Qm- 
tana's aeeoont ol^ 197, mCb. 

Balsas, Indian T e s se ls , i. 66^ Mk. 
First seen bjthe Spamards, 9M, 
945, Mis. Fleet oi;S7S. 

Banana, I. 130. Prolifie Battns( 
138, Mis. 

Banquet given to Pixano by an U- 
ian princesB, i. SB7. 

Baroo de Avila, lurthplaee of Gi»> 
ca, n. 337. 

Battles, of Pixano with ladisas, l 
995,853. On the isle ef Plnfi, 
399. Of Ambnto,342. OfM- 
pa7pan,345. Of Cazamaka,4]9L 
Of the Abancay, 507. Wilb 
Qnizqnis, n. 10. On the Tnoaf, 
46-48. At Cozeo, 69, 64, 71 
At Tambo, 74. Of Abuicay,96i 
97. Of Las Salinas, lia Of 
Chnpas, S30. Of ASaqnito, 3161 
Of Huarina, 390. Of Xaqaiia- 
guana, 419. 

Benalcazar conquers Quito, n. 16. 
Appointed governor of Quito, S3. 
Goes to Castile, 1^. Joins Vaca 
de Castro, 204. His advice to 
him, 204, note. Sent by him to 
Popayan, 216. Writes a letter to 
the emperor on the ordinaoces, 
S&7, note. Takes sides with Bbs- 
co Nunez, 294. Reinforces his, 
303. Advises against a battle irith 
Gonzalo Pizarro, 307. Wounded 
and taken prisoner, 310. Re- 
stored to bis government by Pi- 
zarro, 313. Joins Gasca*s amj, 

Betel, chewing of, 1. 140, mote. 

Bilcas, Almagro halts at, 11. 110. 

Biru river, accounts of Peru obtain- 
ed at, I. 206, male, Pizarro enten, 

Body, the Peruvians believed in tlia 
resurrection of, i. 89. Embalai- 
ed by them, 90. 



Boiardo, quotation from, i. 265, note 

Boundary, dispute respecting, be- 
tween Pizarro and Almagro, ii. 

Bovadilla arbitrates between Alma- 
gro and Pizarro, ii. 103, 105, note. 

Bricks, manufacture and use of, in 
Peru, I. 156. 

Bridges, suspension, i. 64, 65, note, 
503, II. 96. Constructed over the 
Apurimac by Gasca, 406-408. 

Buena Ventura, Voca de Castro lands 
at, II. 202. 

Buildings, PeruTian, materials and 
construction of, i. 156, 373, 393, 
447, 519. Adaptation of, to cli- 
mate, 159. Remains of, 160. 
Royal, at Quito, 169. 

Burial, i. 90. Of treasure and uten- 
sils with the dead, 90, 91, note. 

Burnt offerings, a form of sacrifice 
peculiar to the Peruvians, i. 92. 


Cacao, I. 251. 

Calataynd, emperor's court at, ii. 27. 

Calendar, Ponivian, 1. 126, 12d. Of 
Muyscas, 127. 

Canares, ravage of, i. 343. 

Candia, Pedro de, one of Pizarro's 
tiiirteen companions, i. 263. Vis- 
its Tumbez, 277. Fable concern- 
ing, 278, note. Accompanies Pizar- 
ro to Spain, 292. Rewarded by 
Charles, 306. Superintends the 
casting of cannon for Almagro, ii. 
212. DirecU artillery at the bat- 
tle of Chupas, 228. Put to death 
by Almagro, 229. 

Canelas, or Land of Cinnamon, 
Gonzalo Pizarro's expedition to, 
II. 154. Reached by him, 155. 

Cannibalism, not allowed in Peru, 
I. 105. Bfet with by Pizarro, 221. 

Cannon manufactured by young Al- 
magro at Cuzco, II. 212. 

Capac, lluayna, anecdote of, i. 50, 
note. Reign of, 333. Impression 
made on, by arrival of Spaniards, 
334, 335. Postenty of, 337. His 
bequest of the crown, 338. His 
death, 338, noU, 339. His liberal- 
ity to females, 339, note. His ob- 
sequies, 340. 

Capac, Manco, tradition respecting, 
I. 8, 12, note, Meaning of word, 
9, note. 

Capitulation of Pizarro with the 
Crown, I. 305, 307, note. Appen- 
dix, No. VII. Almagro's dissatis- 
faction with the, 315. 

Capture of Auhuallpa, i. 421, 422, 
Appendix, No. VIII. 

Caraques, Alvarado lands at, ii. 

Caravantes, manuscript of, i. 239, 
note. Account of Gasca's instruc- 
tions by, II. 341, note. Opportu- 
nities of information possessed by, 
383, note. 

Carbajal, Francisco de, ii. 227. His 
early life, 228, 436. At the battle 
of Chupas, 231. Joins Gonzalo 
Pizarro, 270. Desires to leave Pe- 
ru, 271, 437, note. Urges Gon- 
zalo Pizarro to rebellion, 273. 
His cruelties at Lima, 285. Sur- 
prities Blasco Nunez, 296. Sent 
against Centeno, 302. His influ- 
ence with Pizarro, 317, 371. His 
fierce pursuit of Centeno, 320. 
Works the mines of Potosi, 321, 
354. His extraordinary adven- 
tures, 321, note. Urges Gonzalo 
to cast off his allegiance, 323. His 
opinion of Gasca's letter, 367. 
His savings to Cepeda, 368, 374, 
376. His military skill, 371, 438. 
His practical philosophy, 378, 428, 
434. His corps of musketeers, 
32?7, 390. At the battle of Hua- 
rina, 388. Gains the victory for 
Pizarro, 393-395. His energy 
and activity, 410. DiMititfied 

4»* Hk mtmm m 
430. 8MlHM«dtob* 
qiiaftoed,438. Hit 
494. Hit MMliD n 
436. £iwwlidy43S. 
dUo ehanolar, 431k 
mpftn&di cf bfcn, 437. 

BlateoNiiSiSi 11.30a 
fSbHpit Mid Im^ tlw PsMvittML !• 78h 

•CSMtaii, difkioii JtaillH in Pera, 1. 161. 
Oitanigl of Ami Hi^ n. IfiB. 

» 1. 65» 613. 
CtimMJcit <^ ^M CMMipad «t, I. 
386,388. Hot-WBterq>rmgBat,386. 
Valley of; 389. The Spaniards en- 
ter the city of, 392, 394. Descrip- 
tion of it, 393. Atahuallpa enters 
square of, 415. Attack on the Pe- 
ruvians at, 420. Capture, trial, and 
execution of Atahuallpa at, 426, 
482, 487. Arrival of Almagro at, 
461. Proceedings of Pizarro at, 

500. He leaves it for Cuzco, 

501. The rendezvous for Gasca's 
forces, II. 375. 

Caxas, De Soto sent to, i. 369. His 
proceedings at, 372. Valley of, 
crossed by Blasco Nunez, ii. 297. 

Cement, of gold, i. 31, turU. Used 
by the Peruvians, 157, noie. 

Centeno, Diego, revolu against Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, ii. 302, 319. Pur- 
Boed by Carbajal, 320. Hides in 
a cave, 321. Seizes Cuzco, 369. 
Intercepts Pizarro, 384. Narrow 
•icape of, at the btttle of Huarina, 


Jil of MralilB^ 36BL Om if 

^ Item, 477, 


Charcas, reduced by Gonzalo Pizar- 
ro, II. 136. He explores the sil- 
ver mines at, 258. Revolts from 
him, 319. 

Charles V., at Toledo, i. 302. Much 
interested in Pizarro, 303. A^ 
fected to tears by his nanatiTe, 
304. His Queen executes the 
capitulation with Pizarro, 306. 
Treasure sent home to, 465. H€^ 
nando Pizarro*s interview with, 
II. 27. His grants and letter lo 
the Conquerors, 28. His neglect 
of his Transatlantic posMsnoos, 
244. Returns to Spain, 250. Me- 
morial of Las Casaa to, 251. Sanc- 
tions the Ordinances, 2S6. Ap- 
points Blasco Nunez viceroy, S59. 
Writes a letter to Vaca de Castro, 
26a In Germany, 334. Writes 
to Gasca confirming his appoint- 
ment, 341. Grants his request ibr 
unlimited powersi 344. Sends fcr 



him to como to Flandera, 462. 
Hii gracious reception of him, 463. 

Chasquis, Peruvian runners, i. 68, 

Chaves, Francisco de, ii. 182. 

Chicama, i. 228. 

Chicha,a Peruvian drink, i. 387, 400, 
II. 4. 

Chili, Inca Yupanqni penetrates to, 
I. 14, 332. Almagro's expedition 
to, II. 83-88. The Men of, 137, 
173. Valdivia sent to, 151. He 
returns from, 402. 

Chimborazo, i. 6. First seen by 
Pixarro, 271. Battle at the foot 
of, 342. 

Chinese, establishment of posts 
among, i. 69, noU. 

Chivalry, order of, in Peru, i. 20, 22. 

Christianity, resemblance to the rites 
of, in Peruvian customs, 1. 108,109. 
Attempts to convert Atahuallpa 
to, 416, 486. Efforts of mission- 
aries to convert the natives to, ii. 

Chronology of the Peruvians, 1. 126. 
Indifference of ancient chroniclers 
to, 247, notCf 271, note. 

Chupas, plains of, ii. 224. Battle of, 
287, 230. Gonzalo Pizarro at, 

Churches erected by the Spaniards 
in Peru, 1. 100, 471, ii. 7, 25, 113, 

Cicza de Leon, representations of 
Satan in the book of, i. 109, note. 
Critical notice of, ii. 327. A 
valuable authority, 403, note. 

Civilization, origin of the Peruvian, 
I. 8. Marks of, in the Peruvian 
institutions, 40, 125, 146. Span- 
iards meet tokens of, 251, 270, 284. 

Climate, great varieties of, in Peru, i. 

Cloth manufactured by the Peni- 
vian.s i. 149, 245, 303. 

Coaque, Spaniards sack a village in, 

VOL, II. 67 

Coca, I. 140. Baneful effecU of use 
of, 141, note, ii. 154, note. 

Code of laws for the colonies, ii. S^, 

Colonial governments, character of 
' the Spanish, 1. 195. 

Colonial officers, policy of the Crown 
towards, i. 233. 

Colonies planted by Pizarro, i. 358, 

II. 94, 149. 

Columbus, error of, as to the nature 
of his discoveries, 1. 188. Jurisdio- 
tion of, in New World, 195. 

Commerce, not engaged in by ths 
Peruvians, i. 144, 154. Of an- 
cient nations, 186. Of the Middle 
Ages, 187. 

Condor, 1. 147, 384, ii. 15, 84. 

Conquerors of Peru, excesses com- 
mitted by, n. 40, 197, 247. Ofa low- 
er stamp than those of Mexico, 246. 

Conquest of Mexico, History of, illu** 
tmtions of coincidences between 
Christian and pagan rites in, 1. 109, 

Conquests, of Huayna Capac, i. 14. 
Peruvian mode of dealing with, 
like Roman, 76. Manner of secur- 
ing, employed by Peruvian princes, 
77-82. Account of the Inca's 
policy towards. Appendix, No. II. 

Conspiracy against Pizarro, ii. 176. 

Contract between Pizarro, Almagro, 
and Luque, i. 235, Appendix, 
No. VI. 

Convents of Virgins of the Sun, i. 

III. At Tumbez, 279. At Cax- 
amalca, 393. At Cuzco, 458, ii. 
41, note. Escape the conflagration 
of Cuzco, 54. Broken into by the 
Spaniards, 247. 

Copper, instruments made of, i. 152. 

Coricancha, temple of the Sun, i. 95. 

Cort^ Hernando, prevented from 
accompanying Ojeda, i. 204. In 
Spain with Pizarro, 304. Aids Pi- 
zarro, 313, II. 98. Example of, be- 
fore Pizarro, i. 331, 3S3,405, ii. 195. 

•4 ti f%'m itt. 
OiMvslicHi f^ kPMiHIl Ml 

Conwl «r HbB 



•i'Mbfttidr , 

Ctapijt or ml ptiaciple, i. 8Bl 
€ttr#BBej, aneteataiid modeni Talue 

of, 1. 467, fiole. 
Cozco, valley of, source of PeroTian 
civilization, i. 8. Meaning of 
word, 8, noU. Citj of, 15, 518. 
Fortress of, 16, 17, note, 520. Tem- 
ple of the Sun at, 16, 95, 456, 582. 
Division of the eitj of, 41. The 
Peruvian Mecca, 100. Obsequies 
of Huayna Capac at, 340. Ata- 
huallpa's generals take possession 
of, 346. Atahuallpa orders gold 
from, 434. Emissariea sent to, by 
Pizarro, 449. Their accounts of, 
456, 501. Their rapacious con- 
duct at, 458. Treasure obtained 
at, 458, 524. Pizarro*s maroh to, 
503. His entrance into, 517. De- 
scription of, 519. Manco crowned 
Inca at, n. 4. Quarrel between 
Almagro and the Pizarros at, 34. 
Compact between him and Pi- 
zarro at, 36. Manco escapes from, 

of W j po t ti mSii i im at, 4B0. 
ofsoldion 01,4531 


Dancing, a &vorite amusemeat of 
the Peruvians, 1. 107. 

Dead, embalming o^ i. 89. Banal 

Deities worshipped ia Peru, i. 91, 98; 

Deluge, tradition reepectiBg the, i. 
88, ante. 

Despatches, addrtsaed to the Coort 
from the colonies, u. 415, asCe. 

Despotbm, great efficieacy oC^ in 
Peru, I. 18, 165. Its oppresMve 
character, 166. 

Discovery, efforts in, by European 
nations, 1. 187. Great object ot, ia 
fifteenth centuiy, 189. Expedi- 
tions o£; from Panamil, 199. !■ 
pulse given to, b j the cooqaast o/ 



Mexico, 200. Pizarro'i first voy- 
age, 310. Uncertiinty of the ob- 

DiTination by inspection of entrails^ 
1. 106, noU, 

Domeatio animali» oae of, in Peru, i. 

Dramatic compoaitions of the Peru- 
vians, 1. 125. 

Dreaa, of the Inca, i.25, 396, 414,455. 
Different races, under Peruvian 
empire, distinguished by, 82, note. 
Of the Inca sacred, 455. 


Eais, ornaments for, i. 22, noU. 

Eating, habits and times of, among 
the Peruvians, i. 26, noU. 

Eclipses not understood by the Peru- 
vians, 1. 130. 

Education, forbidden to the people in 
Peru, I. 116. Of the Inca blood- 
royal, 117. Schools and amautas, 
118. Pizarro's want of, 203, 496, 
II. 191, 200. 

Embalming, Peruvian process of, 

Emeralds, used by the Peruvians, i. 
152. River of, 252. Mines of, 
252, note. Region of, 321. Broken 
by Spaniards, 321. 

Emigration to the New World, 
fever for, in Spain, 1. 189, tiole, ii. 
30. Encouraged by the Spanish 
government, i. 307. 

Encampment of Atahuallpa, i. 395. 

Enciso, Bachelor, Pizarro imprison- 
ed by, I. 301. 

Epidemic, Spaniards attacked by an, 

Equinoxes, how determined by the 
Peruvians, 1. 126. Importance of, 
to them, 127. 

Ercilla, the Araucana of, ii. 114, note. 

Escobar, Maria do, first introduced 
wheat into Peru, 1. 142, nsCc. 

Escutcheon of the Pizarro fiunily, i. 

Espinosa, Caspar de, advances mon> 
ey for Pizarro's expedition, i. 
fOd. His share of the Inca's ran- 
som, 472. Brings aid to Pizarro, 
II. 97. Sent on a mission to Alma- 
gro, 99. His death, 100. 

Estete, I. 447, note. 

Europe, condition of, in tha Mid- 
dle Ages, I. 187. Effect of the 
discovery of America upon, 189. 

Evil spirit, believed in by the Peru- 
vians, 1. 89. 

Fairs, 1. 137. 

Famine, suflTerings of the Spaniards 
from, I. 213, 216, 219, 248, 961, 
II. 84, 157, 169, 297. 

Fanega, i. 48, noie. 

Felipillo, Pizarro's interpreter, i. 
2e8. His hostility to Atahuallpa, 
426, 476. Intrigue of; 476, uses. 
Perverts the testimony of witn e sse s 
against the Inca, 482. Hanged by 
Almagro, 497, noie, 

Fernandez, loyalty of, ii. 300, no(e. 
Remarks upon, 380, noie. Critical 
notice of, 473. 

Festivab, religious, 1. 103. Feast of 
Raymi, 104-108. 

Fish brought firom the Pacific to 
Cuzco by runners, i. 69, noie. 

Forests, Spaniards entangled in, i. 
214, 216, 247. 

Fornication, punishment ofj in Peru, 
I. 44, note. 

Fortresses, massive work of, at Cuz- 
co, 1. 17, 520. A part of the Peru- 
vian military policy, 19. For the 
accommodation of the Inca's ar- 
mies, 66, 74, notey 365. Seen by 
the Spaniards, 383, 393. 

Future life, Peruvian ideas respect- 
ing, I. 89. Intended only for 
the higher classes, 89, noie. 



Gdlo, Ue o4 Rax aMhon ■!, 1.913. 
Piano lands ■!, 960. Spuuwds 
l0ftoo,95a Tdhraim«sat,9». 

GnctlMo da la Vcf^ Bol tnHtww- 
thy in hk gaqpapbj, L 4, aalt. 
FnlBMBoi; 49, aalt. Aathori^ 
oi; eootndietad,98, Ml«, 106, aalt. 
CriiiealiioCibeoi;998. Ddaetioi; 

bij impoaed upoo, 330, aalt. 
FoiidornNDaiieiBg,499,aifi. A 
Penman bj biith, 498, aalt. b 
partial to Goosalo Pisano,n. 393, 
Mlc,38i,Ml«,438,Mte. Tbeft- 
tbafof,36&,oalt,3W,oal»,49l. An 
eyawitneM of Gooalo'a piooaed- 
inci in Lhaa, 398, Mia, 438, nalt. 

Gaidona of Yneay, i. 30. 

Ganoto, i. 486, nala. Atahoallpa 
diea bj the, 487. 

Gaaca, Padio de la, n. 336. Birth 
and early lift o^ 337, aaCa. Hia 
able condoct at Valencia, 339. 
Appointed to the Perarian mis- 
non, 341. Demandi unlimited 
powers, ^12. Writes to the em- 
peror, 343. Hia request granted, 
344. Refuses a mitre, 345. Ar- 
HTes at Santa Martha, 346. Croases 
to Nombre de Dioe, 348. Politic 
conduct of, 349, 351. Gains over 
Mexia, 350. Sends manifestoes 
through the land, 358. Sends to 
Gonzalo Pizarro, 353. Writes to 
him and Cepeda, 354, 3^, twte. 
Refuses to seize Hinojoea, 356. 
Gains over Aldana, 361. Re- 
ceives the fleet from Hinojosa, 
3G2. Raises levies, 364. Con- 
demned by Cepeda, 373. Sails 
from Panama, 380. Quiets the 
apprehensions of the seamen, 361. 
Fixes his head-quarters at Xauza, 
383. His vigorous proceedings, 

400. Marches to Andaguaylas, 

401 . Compliments Valdivia, 402. 

401, 407,483. 
to PixaiTO, 417. Am- 
rivaa at XnqoizagiHDM, 4ia Vm 
neepCion of Cepeda, 491 ; of Gan- 
nlo Pixano,497; ofCibaial,43l 
Aslaas»oi;439,aaCa. EmenOai- 
00, 447. Hia difieahiea in mb- 
ing repartimientoa, 449. Ealoi 
LoM, 453. Hia cave of the » 
tiraa,456. Hiawiaei 
Hk WMdon an 
RofiMaa ptawMa, 460. Umrm 
Pern, 461. ArriTea in Spain, 461 
Tiaita the emperor, and appoiaasd 
biahop of Sgoemn, 463. Disi^ 
464. Hia chancter, 465-463. 

Geognpby, knowledge oi; by ifat 
P^rmrianB, 1. 196. Canaeaeftbt 
alow adTanee m,' 186. Of andeac 
naiioaa,18& Of Middle Age8,187. 

Gnomon, oaed lor diifiii mining tbt 
eqninoBaa, i. 196. In Florenoi^ 

God, elevated coneepciona ol^ on ifat 
American oontinent, i. 87. Ses 

Gold, ornaments of, in the royal pal- 
aces, 1.29. Monopolized bvtbs 
Inca, 31. Cement of; 31, asCs. 
In the temple of the San, 95. Ex- 
clusive use of, in the services of 
the Peruvian religion, 9^ Con- 
cealed by the Peruvians, 99, 169, 
luKe, 450, 499. Ornaments of, ai 
Quito, 151, note. Manner of pro- 
curing, 153, 154. The great ol^ 
sought by the Spaniards, 191, 21S, 
2a, 229, 496, ii. 199, 217. Ob- 
tained by Pizarro, i. 201. Gained 
by the Spaniards, 221, 223, 227, 
242,321,360. At Caxamaka, 430, 
440, 467. At Pachacamac, 450. 
At Cuzco,457, 458, 525. Dtvisioa 
of, 322, 470, S35, ii. 451. Sent 
to Panami by Pizarro, i. 340. 
Sent to Spain, 465, ii. 26, 137. 
Profiiaion o^ among the Spaa- 



iards, I. 526, II. 150,277. Carried 
home by Gasca, 458. 

Gomara, critical notice of, ii. 325. 

Gomera, Isle of, i. 314. 

Granite, use of^ in Peru, 1. 156. 

Greeks, skilled in the art of naviga- 
tion, I. 186. 

Guaitara, passes of, ii. 109. 

Gtiamanga, ii. 222. Dead interred at, 
235. Almagro's followers taken, 
tried, and executed at, 236, 237. 
Inhabitants of, take sides with Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, 274. 

Guancabamba, i. 373. 

Guano, account of, 1. 135, 136. 


Uaravccs, Peruvian poets, i. 123, 

Heir-apparent of Incas, education of 
the, I. 20 Insignia of the, 23. 

Uerrera, value of the testimony of, 
11.134. Anachronisms of, exposed 
by Quintana, 306, noU, Critical 
notice of, 325. ^ 

Hinojosa, governor of Panami, ii. 
351. Suspicious of Gasca, 351. 
Surrenders the fleet of Pizarro to 
him, 362. Highly confided in by 
Pizarro, 366. Commands Gasca's 
army, 403, 419. Assassinated, 

Holguin, Alvarez de, dispossesses the 
Almagrians of Cuzco, ii. 202. His 
ealousy of Alvarado, 217. Rec- 
onciled to him, 218. Killed at 
Chupas, 232. 

Horse, terror of Indians at the, i. 254. 

Horsemanship, exhibition of, by De 
Soto, I. 399. 

Hoyas, i. 134. 

Huaras, i. 93, moU. 

Huanacas. See 6Aecp, Penttian. 

Huarina, battle at, ii. 389, 393. 

Huascar, meaning of the word, i. 336, 
noU. Heir of Huayna Capac, 338. 

Gentle disposition of, 340. Re- 
monstrates with Atahuallpa, 341. 
At war with Atahuallpa, 342. 
Defeated by him, 343. Battle of 
Quipaypan, 345. Taken prisoner 
by his brother, 346. His efforts to 
procure his liberty, 436. Put to 
death by Atahuallpa, 438. 

Huaura, ii. 210. Vaca de Castro 
joins Alvarado at, 217. 

Hudibras, quotation from, i. 256, 

Human sacrifices, oo the death ofthm 
Inca, I. 32, noU. Evidence that 
they existed in Peru, 106, note, 

Humboldt, M. de, excellent descrip- 
tion of scenery of the Cordilleras 
by, 1. 6, note. Account of Peruvian 
bridges by, 6o, note. Analysis of 
Muysca calendar by, 128, note. 
Analysis of a Peruvian chisel by, 

Hunts, great annual, 1. 148. 


lea, Pizarro at, ii. 110. 

Idleness punished as a crime in 
Peru, I. 53. 

Imagination, early and later works 
of, I. 184. 

Inca, the, meaning of the word, i. 9, 
noU. Sceptre of, 19. Queen of, 19, 
note. Heir of, 20, note. Despot- 
ic power of, 18, 24, 114, 115, 165, 
498. Elevated character of, 24, 
435, 454. Dress and insignia of, 
25, 396, 414, 455. Royal pro- 
gresses of, 27, Appendix, No. I. 
Palaces of, 28, 29. Household of; 
30, 396. Wealth and revenues of, 
31, 48. Obsequies of, 32. Sin- 
gular custom respecting the bodies 
of, 34, 35. Commanded armies, 
74, 84. Reverence paid to, 166, 
453,496. Policy of, 168. Throne 
of, 414, 470. Sec .^lakwdlpa and 


Ibm ohkf, ^ndm Finno, l 974. 
Bnrerj otma^ 0. G6. 

Ibm noliilily, i. 35. Littia qwken 
of by chronieliny 48, mCs. Ez- 
•npc from tMLttHMi, 60. laqpor- 
tanoe 0(166. 

loea nc6y nnoattdnfef ■■ to Ibo ori- 
gin and aaiiah oi; l 13. nofna 
oi;]4. Gk»ikoi;30. 

Indiaiu, Fiziiro tnfliea wilh, i. S06. 
Hii in toraoune Willi, 818, SSa, S76. 
Battlef with, SB8, 89&, SS7, 389. 
CoBTenion of; 934, 807. Mot bj 
Bois, 944,946. Hoopittli^ of; to 
tfao8ptiiiwdi,978,988,366. Their 
dMdortho8pukrdis394. £f. 
fbm of Lm Cmu in bohtlf of the, 
u. 968. CMimaeee in IkTor o^ 
954. Employed hj Gonnlo Pi- 
serro, 970, 9691, Mli. 

Inns. See riwiii 

Interpreter! employed by PSmro, 
I. 371, 309. 

Iron, not known to the PemTianf, x. 

152, 275. Their mibetitute for, 

153. Silver used instead of, by 
tlie Spaniards, 451. 

Iirigation, admirable system of, 
among the Peruvians, i. 131, 364. 

Irving, Life of Balboa by, 1. 196, noCa. 

Isles of Pearls, i. 211. Pizarro sends 
Montenegro to, 216. Almagro 
touches at, 228. 

Jewels, I. 25, 35, 96, 104. 

Judea, laws of property of; com- 
pared with Peruvian, i. 47. 

Justice, provisions for the adminis- 
tration of, in Peru, i. 44. Mexi- 
can and Peruvian provision for, 
compared, 46. Its cheap and effi- 
cient administration, 47, noU. 


Knighthood, Peruvian order of, i. 

in Peru, i. 66. 
Laboriof daaae, cm ftr, Oder N- 

mviui goTOismoBt, i* 661. 
Lands, remarkable divimoB 9^ ■ 

Pern, 1. 48. CultivMioa oi; 61 
QonhM diita«, I. m, 

U Pfate, inmdatioa oi; n. 1I8L 
Takes ndm with the Omra, 108. 
Caibajal at, 391. 

Laa Caaas, effivti o^ ia h^alf eT 

Laa Salinas, Almapo*a aimy taksi 
position nt, n. 111. Battle << 

LasM used ae a weapon by Fteari- 
UB, II. 66. 

Laws, aimpUcity and aer e rity of Fs- 
nimn,i.44. PhmdbyVamdt 
Caairo ftr the ookideB, n. 9iL 

Lawyen Ibibidden to go to the Maw 
Worid, I. 307. 

Lejeaama, panegyric oi; ob Peruvian 
institutions, 1. 171, aaCe. Will o^ 
quoted in Appendix, No. IV. 

Liberty, the great ebject Bought by 
settlers in North America, 1. 192. 

Lima, foundation of; 11. 24. Pizar- 
ro*s zoal in building up, 37, 149, 
171. Besieged by the Pemviaos, 
57, 68. Pizarro marches from, 
against Almagro, 96. Hernando 
leaves, for Spain, 138. Pizarro at, 
149. Assassination of Pizarro at, 
182-184. Taken poaaession ofby 
the Almagrians, 201, 906. Vaca 
do Castro enters, 219. Blasco 
Nunez arrivea at, 967. Arrival of 
the Royal Audience at, 277. Blas- 
co Nunez imprisoned at, 283. En- 
trance of Gonzalo Pizarro into, 
287. His operationa at, 989. He 
leaves, 295. His triumphal entry 
into, 318. He sends Aldana from, 
359. Arrival of Paniagua at, 
366. Proceedinga of Gonzalo at, 



368, 370, 373. The preudent*! 
fleet anchors at, 376. Departure 
of Pizarro from, 379. Taken poa- 
aession of by Gasca, 380. Hia en- 
try into, 453, Ilia proceedinga at, 
454,456. He leavea, 461. 

Linen, aubstitute for, 1. 144. 

Litter of the Inca, i. S6, 414. 

Llamaa, i. 7. Appropriated to the San 
and the Inca, 51. Grants of, 51, 
moie. Care of, 53. Uae of, as beaata 
of burden, 145. Herda o€, kept 
by government, 146. Firat aeen 
by Pizarro, 273. Exhibited to the 
emperor, 303. Destruction of, by 
the Spaniards, 430, ii. 248. Im- 
mense flocka of, seen by them, 
I. 430, 458. 

Llorcnte, firat publisher of Laa Ca* 
aaa'a argument, ii. 253, noU. 

Loaysa, sent on an embaaay to Gon- 
zalo 'Pizarro, ii. 2r6. 

Luque, Hernando de, i. 206. Aaao- 
eiated with Pizarro and Almagro, 
209. Influencea Pedrarias, 231. 
Administers the sacrament to his 
associates, 236. Epithet applied 
to, 237, note. Signs the contract 
for Espinosa, 239. Writes to en- 
courage Pizarro, 262. Pleads his 
cause with the goTcmor, 268. 
Distrusts Pizarro, 292. Rewarded 
by the Crown, 306. Ilia death, 

Magazines, i. 57, 58. For military 
stores, 74, 373. Works of art 
found in, 151. Diacorered and 
used by the Spaniarda, 431, 447, 
54K), II. 400, noie. 

Magiiitratcs, Peruvian, stimulus to 
fidelity of, i. 42. Their character 
and authority, 43. 

Maize, cultivated and used in Peru, 
I. 139. Liquor made from, 139, 

note. Fielda of, aeen by the Span- 
iards, 251, 364, 446. 

Mala, interview of Pizarro and Al- 
magro at, II. 104. 

Mama, Oello Huaco, i. 8. Meaning 
of word, 9, note, 

Manco, Inca, i. 337. Claima the pro- 
tection of Pizarro, 515. Crowned 
Inca by him, ii. 3. Lofty spirit of^ 

41. Escapee from the Spaniards, 

42. Retaken, 43. Eacapes again, 
45. Beleaguers Cuzco, 51. At- 
tacked at Tambo, 73. Defeated by 
Almagro, 91. Pursued by Org(H 
nez, 101. His hoatilitiea with 
the Spaniarda, 146, 272. Pizarro 
attempta to negotiate with, 147 
Death of, 271. Hia character, 

Manea, wives and domeatica aaori- 
ficed to, in Peru, i. 90. 

Manofacturea, auperintended by the 
Inca government, i. 53. Of cloths 
for the Inca, 53, note. Connection 
between agriculture and, 143. Ad- 
vantages for, in Peru, 144. Skill 
of the Peruviana in woollen, 149, 
150. Storea of, found by the Spaa* 
iards, 431. Specimens of, sent to 
the emperor, ii. 27. 

Manurea used by the PeruvianSi i. 

Mannontel, i. 1O5,ii0(s. 

Marriage, Peruvian provisions for, i. 
4d, note. Of the Incas and nobles, 
112. Of people, 113. No free- 
dom in, 114. 

McCulloh, error of, 1. 11, note. On 
prooft of refinement in Peruvian 
institutions, 46, note. High an* 
thority of, on American antiqui- 
ties, 92, note. 

Mechanical arts in Peru, i. 52, 54. 

Memorials of colonial officers to 
the government, ii. 2^, note. 

Men of Chili, Pizarro cautioned 
against, ii. 137. Destitute condi- 
tion of, 173. Conspire againat Pi- 



176. Aouik liim, 188. 
Put him to dMtii» 184. Fkoaoed- 
iDp of, 18S, 901. AttMhiBMitoi; 
to joanf AluMfro, 815. Sereritf 
of Faea de CHbo lowirdi, 837. 

MandoM, releaiM Hentodo Pinr- 
iD, n. 188. Pradant oondnet q( 
in taqiaet to wdinaoees, 889. 

Mazia, Haraan, goramor of Nom- 
bia da IHoa, n. 848. Hit intar- 
▼law with Gaica« 349. GiTat hii 
allagianea to him, 360. Bant bj 
Gaaca to HinojoM, 381. 

Majucani, agtibliihad aananej 
amooii 1. 156. 

Middla Agw, gaographi c al tdenea 
in, 1. 187. 

lliljtarj w ea pona and taetici of Pa- 
niTiaiis, 1. 73. Ezpaditioni, 74. 

Milk, Ufa c£f not known on tha 
Amarican oontinant, 1. 145, «•!«. 

Mines, woriung of| i. 31, 53; 54, Mte, 
67, noU, EidnnTa propartj of 
the Incas, 64. Of P6tod, ii. 136, 
137, iMCe, S68, 381. 

Minstrelsy, PaniYian national, i. 61, 

Missionaries, ii. 7, 250. Twelve, 
commemorated by Naharro, 249, 

Mitimaes, i. 62, 83, note, 

Molina, Alonso de, visits Tumbez, 
I. 276. Is left there by Pizorro, 

Money, use of, unknown to Peruvi- 
ans, 1. 154. 

Montenegro sent for aid to Pana- 
ma, I. 216. Returns to Pizarro, 
219. Rescues him from Indians, 

Montesinos, critical notice of, ii. 78. 
A poor authority, 113, note. 

Monuments of the dead, i. 90. 
Treasure concealed in, 91, note, 

Moon, temple to, i. 97. 

Morales, Luis de, memorial of, ii. 
249, noU. 

Morton, work q( on aknlli, i. W, 

Motnpa, Pisano baha at, i. 375. 
Mommiaf of Poranan prmces, i. 

84,nate,583. Brought ont at ihi 

coronation of Maneo, II. 5. 
Mvkato manaftetnred fiam tbt 

ehoroh-baUs of Lima, n. 876u 
MnyMnii, Mtronomj at, i. 197. 

Fiadimhita*a aoooont al^ 13B^ 


NahaiTO, i. 418, nate. 

Napo, rivar o^ d i aeoY a iad by Gon* 
salo Piano, n. 157. Hit diiii- 
enlt pimaga o( 159. 

NMoa, II. 110. % 

Navigation, im prov emanti in the art 
cit 1. 187. Of tha fiiit d inw v ei aii , 

New World, emigntfion to, i. 18^ 
note, II. 30. Romantic adveatnre 
in, 1. 190. 

Nombre de Dios, Pizarro sails from, 
I. 301. Returns to, 314. Suffer- 
ings of Hernando Pizarro's fol- 
lowers at, II. 30. Blasco Nunez 
lands at, 260. Secured for Gon- 
zalo Pizarro, 322. Given up to 
Gasca, 350. 

Nunez Vela, Blasco, appointed vice- 
roy of Peru, II. 259. Arrives at 
Nombre de Dios, 260. His higli- 
handed measures, 261. Goes to 
Tumbez, 2G2. At Lima, 2S6. 
Determines to enforce the ordi- 
nances, 269. Confines Vaca de 
Castro, 275. Prepares for war 
with Gonzalo Pizarro, 276. As- 
sassinates Carbajal, 279. His un- 
popularity, 280. Made prisoner 
by the Royal Audience, 282. 
Sent to Panama, 283. Escapes 



to Tumbez, 293. Muiten an ar- 
my, 294. Pureaed by Gonzalo, 
297, 296. Driven to Popayan, 
303. Moves aoutb, 305. Gives 
battle to Pizarro, 308. Defeated 
and killed, 310, 312. His charac- 
ter, 315. See Gonzalo Pizarro 
and Carbajal. 


Ojeda, Alonso de, i. 204. 

Olmedo, Father, ii. 206. 

Omens, at Feast of Raymi, i. 107. 
Seen in Peru on the arrival of the 
wbito men, 335. At Quito, ii. 301 . 

Ondegardo, ingenious views of, re> 
specting the property laws of Peru, 
I. 61, note. Conscientiousness of, 
68, noU, Critical notice of, 177. 
Notice of, II. 374, note. 

Ordinances, code of, respecting Ind- 
ians, II. 254, 255, note. Blasco 
Nunez resolves to enforce, 268. 

Ore, Peruvian method of smelting, i. 

Orejones, i. 22, note, 

Orellana, Francisco de, ii. 160. Sails 
down the Napo, 161, 163. His 
extraordinary expedition down the 
Amazon, 164, 165, note. His 
death, 165. 

Orgonez, Rodrigo de, ii. 87. Sent 
to seize the Pizarros, 93. Urges 
Almagro to behead them, 95, 101, 
105. Wounded on the Abancay, 
96. Pursues the Inca Manco, 101 . 
His distruiit of the Pizarros, 106. 
Commands Almagro's army, 109. 
At the battle of Las Salinas, 112. 
His bravery, 116. Killed on the 
field of battle, 117. 

Oriental nations, resemblance of, to 
the Peruvians, i. 143. 

Outrages perpetrated by the conquer- 
ors of Peru, ii. 40, 247. 

Oviedo, account of the Pizarros by, i. 
FOL. II. 68 

311, 312, note. Copies Xerez, 387, 
note. Authority of, 491, note. 
Hardness of feeling shown by, ii. 
86, note. Information of, 92, note. 
Critical notice of, 326 


Pachacamac, Peruvian deity, i. 91. 
Meaning of the word, 91 , note. Re- 
mains of tlie temple of, 1 1 , note^ 92, 
note, 443. Town of, 442. Her- 
nando Pizarro at, 447. He de- 
stroys idol at, 449. Festivities of 
Pizarro and Alvarado at, ii. 21. 

Pacific Ocean first discovered, 1. 195, 
205. Discoveries on coast of, 207. 

Pajonal, i. 384. 

Palaces of the Incas, i. 28. Account 
of, by Velasco, 28,fu»<c. At Bilcas, 
29, note. At Yucay, 30. 

Paltot, desert of, crossed by Blasco 
Nunez, ii. 228. 

Panama, founded, i. 198. Expedi- 
tions fitted out at, 199. Pizarro 
at, 201. His first voyage from, 
210. Almagro sails from, 226. 
Returns to, 230. Pedro de lo« 
Rios governor of, 233. Contract 
for discovery made at, 235. Pizar- 
ro s second voyage from, 241 . Al- 
magro returns to, 249, 260. Tafur 
sent from, 261 . Pizarro returns to, 
288. Sails to Spain from, 299. 
His final departure from, 319. 
That of Almagro, 461 . Followers 
of Hernando Pizarro at, ii. 31. Pi- 
zarro sends to, for aid, 70. Espino- 
sa leaves, 08. Vaca de Castro sails 
to, 293. Hinojosa, Pizarro *s gov- 
ernor at, 322, 350. Gasra at, 355. 
Fleet surrendered to him at, 3G2. 
He sends Aldana from, 365. He 
sails from, 380. His narrow es- 
cape at, 461. 

Paniagua, sent to Gonzalo Pizarro 
with despatches, ii. 366. 


^tlp^ IM* of WBHif I* Vf Mlt* 

FMw, BImoo Nmmb ■t. u. 301. 

Fau^ PonrnniioC tUoirtd to fldi 
Ibr,i.l52,«ili. OoUoelid by R- 

POople, Perariui dkliftiitioo ol^ i. 
42, 43. BurdoBs hid npoa, 60. 
Conditioii of; 60, 6B, 117. Re- 
gud fcr, hi dw P^twim fawi, 
167. Natioiial dunelw oi; 171, 

ftra, extant of, ot time of tiio eoo- 
quott, 1. 4. Topographical aipoet 
of;5. GoeatoC;6. Probable origin 
of the empiie olv IS* Unoeilun^ 
of early birtorj of; 13^ Mic The 
BaBie,40,41,Mli. Dirittonofihe 
empire of; 41, 43. TbeSpaniaidi 
first hear of, 194. Ramon about, 
900,818,998. Expedition ftr the 
diacorery o( 901. Plsano laama 
of the empiie of, 986, 366, 960, 874. 
Hi« ideas about, deemed riaioiiarj, 
989. Hiatory of, pieTioua Co the 
oonqueat, 339. Pizarro marches 
into, 363. State of, on the death of 
thelnca,41)9. The Spaniards com- 
plete masters of, ii. 4, 40, 143. Dis- 
orderly state of, 143, 946. Com- 
motion produced in, by the ordi- 
nances, 262, 269. Gonzalo Pizarro 
master of, 321. Reduced to a state 
of tranquillity by Gasca, 458. 

Peruvian institutions, artificial char- 
acter of, 1. 40. Adapted to the 
people's character, 62. Reflections 
on, 160. Compared with Aztec, 
161. Resemblance of, to those 
of Eastern Asia, 164, 165, note, 
175. Opinions of early Span- 
iards respecting, 170. Compared 
with those of United States, 172. 
Good results of, 174. 

Peruvians, political condition o^ i. 
42, 4S, 50,56, 60,62. Military pro- 
visions of, 75. Religion of, 87. 
Education of, 116. Agriculture 



•Bl«oi;i96. ICttdoCi 
not uiToiitiTo, 169. Ffnt iMB^ 
ooaieeof;withap eDMi da,9ia> K- 
■tti0'bpolicjtoweida,9B7* Their 
IdBd tmtBMt of the Bpaniii^ 
966. Maancre o^ at CfeXB«aka, 
490, 494. Fycewea of; ob tfai 
Inea'a death, 499. BattleofSoto 
with, 607. Mild and aobmimifa 
oharactor of, n. 6, 39. Efbrta ta 
ChriatiaiiiM. 8, 9i9» 
treatment d( by thi 
40, Mia, 197, 946, 916. 

Pimroi 47. Baaiaga Gdb> 
€0, 49l Sat fira to the cilf , 
m. Uee S^eaiah ma, 60^ a 
Cutoff Mppiiee som Pimio,€9> 
Withdrew flea Coaeo, 71. Chir- 
abroaa contaalB ^inthdie Speniatdi, 
78. Deftat then at Tambo, 94. 
Battle of, with Afau^gns 91. 
Waloh the battle between the 
Spaniah armiea, 119. EiRMti of 
Gaaca in behalf of; 455. 

Peso de oro, value of; i. 467, naif. 

Peao enaayado, yalae of, ii. 451, 

Petition of the Indiana for immani> 
ties, I. 349, noU. 

Picado, Pizarro's secretary, n. 175. 
Insults the men of Chili, 176. 
Discloees their conspiracy m 
Pizarro, 178. Thrown into pris- 
on, 185. Put to the torture, 906. 
Beheaded, 906. 

Pits employed in Pemvian hus- 
bandry, 1. 134. 

Pizarro, Franciaco, i. fiOl . His birth 
and early life, 202, 903. At Hia- 
paniola,204. Employed by Pedra- 
rias, 905. Accompanies him to 
Panamli, 206. Asaociatee himself 
with Almagro and Lnque, 906. 
Sails on his first expedition, 210. 
Hi8difficultiea,913. Hiacoortaty, 



915, 296. EneooBtan the natiTet, 
818, 223. His daDgeroiu adren- 
ture, 225. Lands at Chicama, 2%. 
Distrusts Almagro, 232, 255. His 
fiunous contract with Alooagro and 
Luque, 235, Appendix^ No. VI. 
Soils on his second voyage, 241. 
Lands his forces, 243. Marches 
into the country, 247. His suf- 
ferings and losses, 248. Receires 
brilliant accounts from B4iiz, 249. 
Sails along the coast, 250. Sees 
proofs of wealth and civilization, 
252,254,284. QuarreU with Alma- 
gro,S£j6. OntheIsleofGalIo,260. 
Ordered to return to Panami, 261. 
Draws the line on the sand, 263. 
Abandoned with thirteen com- 
panions, 266. Vessel sent to him, 
869. Sails south, 270. At Turn- 
bez, 272. His intercourse with the 
natives, 273, 275, 278, 281, 283. 
Suffers from tempests, 282. Re- 
ceives distinct accounts of the Pe- 
ruvian empire, 283. Entertained 
by an Indian princess, 267. Re- 
turns to Panama, 288. Coldly 
received by the governor, 290. 
Sets out fur Spain, 293. His 
reception there, 3U1. Inter- 
view with Charles V., 303, 
Capitulation with the Crown, 305, 
Appendix, No. VII. His greedi- 
ness of honors, 308. Visits his 
fiunily, 311. Sails from Seville, 
313. Arrives at Panama, 314. 
His difficulty with Almagro, 316. 
Fits out vessels, 318. Sails for the 
conquest of Peru, 319. Lands on 
the coast, 320. Plunders an 
Indian town, 321. His exhausting 
march, 324. Reaches Puerto 
Vicjo, 325. At the Isle of Puna, 
32!). Receives reinforcements, 
330. Learns the sute of the Peru- 
vian empire, 331, 360. Crosses to 
Tumbez, 352. Marches into the 
country, 356. His liberal policy 

towmrds th* natives, 357. Founds 
San Miguel, 350. His designs, 
361. Sets out for Caxamalca, 363. 
His fimuiess and courage, 364, 
378, 402. Stops disaffection in bis 
army, 367. Receives envoys from 
the Inca, 369, 385, 387. Hismes- 
sage to him, 371. ContinueSi his 
march, 375. His anxieties, 376. 
Sends an envoy to Atahuallpa, 
377. His stirring eloquence, 379. 
Crosses the Andes, 382. Distrusts 
the Inca's designs, 389. His first 
view of Atahuallpa*s camp, 390. 
Enters Caxamalca, 393. Reani- 
mates his followers, 400. His 
daring plan, 405. Prepares for 
Atahuallpa*s reception, 408, 409. 
Urges his entrance into the town, 
412. Gives the signal of attack, 
419. Protects Atahoallpa's life, 
421. Takes him prisoner, 423. 
Entertains him alter the battle, 
4^ Pays him every attention, 
426, 435. Addresses his troops, 

428. Releases his Indian prisoners, 

429. Sends for reinforcements, 
431. Accepts the Inca's offer 
of ransom, 434. Endeavours to 
convert him, 436. Sends Hernan- 
do to Pachacamac, 442. Hears ac- 
counts of Cuzco, 456. Receives a 
reinforcement with Almagro, 460. 
Sends Hernando to Spain with 
treasure, 465. Melts down the 
gold, 469. Divides it, 470. Equity 
of bis division, 473. Refuses to 
liberate Atahuallpa, 475. Ac- 
cuses him of treason, 477. Ap- 
prehensions of the Peruvians, 479. 
Brings the Inca to trial, 481. 
Consents to his execution, 485. 
Goes into mourning fi>r him, 489. 
Upbraided by Dc Soto, 491. His 
responsibility, 493, 405. Story of 
his ignorance, 496. Appoints a 
new Inca, 500. Sets out for 
Cuzco, 501. Arrives at Xaoxa, 



60K. ChnittClMllfloefaimt with 
oompiracy, 511. Coodomiis him 
to tlM ftake, 614; and ezeeatet 
him, 515. Beoeaw pffinoe Manco, 
M6. Entsn Cnaco, 517. Forbida 
dweIliii9itobemoleatad,6aSI. b 
diaappoiDtad in tha aaKrant of traaa- 
nre, 5M. Crowna Manoo, u. 4. 
Oiigamsaa a goTommaotlbf CoboOi 

6. Attenda to raligioiia intaraatBi 

7. Senda Almagro afainat QfOMr 
finis, 9. Laarna tha aniTal of 
Alvarado, 10. Hia intanriaw with 
him at PadiaeanMo, 81. Foon^ 
Lima, 91. Granta to htm fiom 
Charlaa confiimad, 28. Chacka a 
laiid batwaan lua biotliaa and 
Almagro, 34. Entan into a com- 
pact with Almagro, 35, Appen- 
dix, No. XI. Eatabliahaa aettla- 
manta, 37. Hia tnatmant of 
Manoo, 41. Bapala tha PamTiana 
from Lima, 68. Hia anziatf about 
Ciizco,69. His lettaia fer aid, 70. 
At Lima, 97. Hu controTeray 
with Almagro, 96. Negotiates 
with him, 99, 103, 106. His 
treachery towards him, 108, 131. 
Sends Hernando against him, 110. 
Hears of his death, 132. Affected 
by it, 133. Instructions to his 
brother about it, 134. His partial- 
ity to his own family, 136. His 
deference for Hernando, 142. 
His unlimited authority in Peru, 
143. His troubles with the Indians, 
146, 148. His cruelty to Manco's 
wife, 1 47. Founds Arequipa, 149. 
Appoints Gonzalo governor of 
duito, 151. His treatment of the 
Almagrian faction, 172. Con- 
spiracy against him, 176. Dis- 
closed to him, 178. His indif- 
ference, 179. Attacked in his 
house, 181. Killed, 184. Treat- 
ment of his remains, 187. His 
descendants, 188. His personal 
appearance, 189. His want of | 

191» 198; natt. Bk 
cooiaga, 199. Hia inflazihiiitf, 
194. Hiaparfid7,196. Hiatiaal. 
mant of Indiana, 197. Hia want 
of religioD, 196. Hia filling mo- 
tiTea, 199. 
Piano, Gonsalo, i. 311. At tfai 
«aga of Cbsoo, n. 59, 75. Cod- 
iinad than by Ahnagio, 94, ICSL 
Makaa hia aacapa, 103. At tha 
battle of Laa Salinaa, 115. Sent 
to Charoaa, 136. Early life aad 
chaiactar of| 151. Appoinlad gor- 
omor of Qnito, 153. Hia aspa- 
to tha *«Land of dnna- 
154. Raaehaa tha Ama- 
aon, leSL Raaaaorea hia follow- 
ara, 167. Hia ganarooa wpai^ 
166. Ratnna to Quito, 169. 
Laarna tha aaaaannation of In 
brothar, 171. OB&n hia aanrices 
toVaea da CaatnsSa. Goea Id 
Luna, 839. Smnmooad to Cmoo, 
940. Withdrawn to UPhtta, 84a 
WoilcB tha minaa of Potod, 858. 
Appealed to against tha Tioeroy, 
258, 263. RepaiiB to Cozco, 864. 
Obtains military command, 265. 
Musters an army, 270. Leares 
Cuzco, 271. Favored by the peo- 
ple, 274. Approaches Lima, 284. 
Enforces his demands on the Au- 
dience, 285. His letter to Valdi- 
via, 286, note. Enters Lima is 
triumph, 287. Proclaimed gov- 
ernor of Peru, 288. His pro- 
ceedings at Lima, 289. Marches 
against Blasco Nunez, 295. Pur- 
sues him to Quito, 297-301. His 
stratagem, 304. Battle of Anaqui- 
to, 309. His clemency to his pris- 
oners, 313. His ideas respecting 
battle, 314, note. His mild admin- 
istration, 317. His triumphal pro- 
gress to Lima, 318. State assumed 
by him, 322. Hesitates to throw 
off his allegiance, 324. Commu- 
nications to him from Gasca, 353. 



His anxiety, 357. Sendt Aldana 
to i^pain, 358. His opinion of 
Gasca, 358, note, 3G0, note. His 
bold self-confidence, 367. Rejects 
Gosca's ofiers, 368. Prepares his 
forces, 370. His trust in Carba- 
jal, 371. His change of temper, 
372. Leaves Lima, 378. His dis- 
tress, 378. Marches to Arequipa, 
379. Resolves to retire into Chili, 
383. Arrives at Huarina, 385. 
Battle of Huarina, 390. His dan- 
gerous situation, 392. His victory, 
395. Marches to Cuzco, 397. His 
careless indificrence, 410. Rejects 
Carbajars advice, 412. Takes 
position at Xaquixaguana, 415. 
Sends spies to Gasca's camp, 417. 
Prepares for battle, 421. His fine 
appearance , 422. Desertion of his 
followers, 423-4^. Surrenders 
himself prisoner, 426. His inter- 
view with Gasca, 427. Sentenced 
to death, 433, Appendix, No. 
XIV. His execution, 440-442. 
His character, 444. 
Pizarro, Hernando, i. 311. Char- 
acter of, 312. Accompanies his 
brother, 314. His hostility to Al- 
mogro, 316, 465. Is wounded, 
330. Rescues Spaniards at Tum- 
bez, 352. Accounts of Atahuall- 
pa obtained by, 377. S<*nt on an 
embasM' to him, 394. Interview 
with him, 398, 399, note. Recon- 
noitres the country, 442. Sent to 
Pachacamac, 443. Forces open 
the temple, 448. Destroys the idol, 
449. Brings Challcuchima to Pi- 
zarro, 453. Sent with treasure to 
Spain, 465. Kindness towards Ata- 
huall pa, 478. Arrives at Seville, 
II. 2(}. Interview with the emper- 
or, 27. Rewards conferred on him, 
2!*. Fits out an armament, 30. 
Arrives at Panamil, 31. Govern- 
or of Cuzco, 44. Suflcrs Manco 
to escape, 45. Besieged in Cuzco, 

49-71. Attack of the fortress, 
65. Repulsed at Tambo, 75. 
Taken prisoner by Almagro, 94. 
His danger, 95, 101, 103. Sot at 
liberty, 106. His pursuit of Alma- 
gro, 110. Battle of Las Salinas, 
114. Takes Almagro prisoner, 119. 
His perfidy towards him, 122, 123. 
His interview with him, IS^. Puts 
him to death, 127. His warn- 
ings to his brother, 137. Embarks 
for Spsin, 138. Coldly received 
at Court, 139. Imprisoned for 
twenty years, 140. His releasa 
and death, 141. His remarkable 
character, 142. 

Pizarro, Juan, made Regidor of 
Cuzco, II. 5. Sent in pursuit of 
Manco, 45. At the battle of Yu- 
cay, 46. Entangled in the moun- 
tains, 48. Leads the attack on the 
fortress at Cuzco, 62. Is killed, 64. 

Pizarro, Pedro, his ignorance of Pe- 
ruvian institutions, i. 173, note. 
Critical notice of, ii. 76. Loyal- 
ty of, 289, note. Life of, spared 
by Carbajal, 437, note. 

PiauuTO y Orcllana, Memorial of^ ii. 

Plough, Peruvian substitute for, i. 

Plutarch, i. 107, note. 

Poetry and poets in Peru, i. 123. 

Poor, anecdote resipecting the culti- 
vation of the lands of, i. 50, note. 
Provisions for, under the Peruvian 
government, 61,iiofr. 

Popayan, Vara de Castro arrives at, 
II. 202. Benalcazar governor at, 
216. Blasco Nuiiez retreats to, 
303. He abandons, 305. 

Porphyry used as a building materi- 
al by the Peruvians, i. 156. 

Portugal, eflbrts of, in the causo of 
discovery, i. 188. 

Posts, Peruvian system of, i. 67. 
Houses for, 68, nole^ 503. System 
of, in Eastern nations, 6!^ mote. 


M«kH oMwrnA im Pteu, i. Ill, 

tiiHhttlM- flUDorthann. 

948,961. Uaknom IB Meaoo, 

TkMinthoiMoC 119,1931 Vam^ 


Vmd, Ulb €( pvw toGwBlo 


Knim» II. 13& Dwomy of 

Qpito^akviliQa aftho fimm ^ l 

MM €( 137, M«t. MiMfli; 

7,MCi. Bobioatioii 0^ n^ Mil. 

vwlnd bjr PiwDm^aBB; by Ov- 

Gaoviaatai;b, H-ayi. Capae. 

919kiMta, 333. Baarbirf bj PS- 


IMRS969. iriifiiii CiiiM m 

¥Q/wmtj^vtdaMwn u F^n^i. 61470. 

Ftanat Mat to naaro bj Alihn- 


iMnh to, n. 19*14. Btatkmm 

nMilhoody F^utufUBf i* IflL How 

a^BH| Mfc ADB^^il KllfaO Mf 

«a«paad,iaL How a^portBd, 

17. GoMMlo FtaMio ajifninni 

Itt, Mit. DntiM 0^ lA. 8m 

iOfVMr oi; l&L Heviimtf. 


U»; lamw, ao bb eipadUlMLta 

Fn^mn, loyil, rf th> lacM, i. g. 

Aa i ■■■[!■, 164. Hkiaftmai 


10BL V«m te GmIid it, 9M. 

PWm^wtv fl^ndalMHi mm! JI^pS^^Iji 

BbBBD Ntfas flMckn la^ 9M. 


Ha ia pMMd^ bf Kam, 

noTiDOQii F^utufUBf I* 36^ 4L 

3QL Goi»lo FiBRO It, 391 

PdellM joiM GoMMlo Finng^n. 

HalaOT«,3B4; aDdMaln^3K. 

174. LdihyUmifcQpilav3Q4, 

' Uaaoo Nuin it, 30a. PtaKo'a 


Fkwrto de la Hambro, i.9a>, 987. 



Onixos, territory «4 IL 164. 

Qnizquiz, 1. 342. Hia battloi wilb 


Almagro, n. 10. Put to deatb by 

Puna, Isle of, Pizarro arriTes at, i. 

bia own aoldiva, 10. 

396. Battle with the inhabitants 

of, 329. Warriora of, check Ata- 

huallpa, 344. 
Ponta de Pasado, Rniz raachfla, L 

Punta Quemada, i. 232. 

Qneen of the Inca, i. Id, tw(e. 
Quichua dialect, u 194. 
Quintana, account of Balboa by, r. 
197, moU. Impartiality of, 497, 

Quipaypan, battle o^ i. 345. 
QuipucamayuB, i. 58, 119. 
Ouipus, I. 55, 118. Uses of; 119, 
190. Defects of, aa a symbol of 

Rada, Joan da, beada the c oMpiiar y 
against Pixarxo, n. 178. Saying 
o^ 180. At Pizano a nwisiini 
tion, 184. Chief counsellor of 
young Almagro, 905. I>eath o^ 

Rainbow, worsbippad by tba Pcnni- 
ans, I. 93, 97. 

Ransom of Atabnallpa, i. 432, 467. 

Raymi, Feaat of, 1. 103. 

Registara, statistical, kept by tba In- 
ca, I. 54, 58, 119. 

Religion, revenues for the support 
o^ in IVm, i. 47. A pretext for 
war, 71. Of foreign nations, bow 



treated by the PeruTiaiu, 77, 94. 
ProTiaiouf for, among Indian na- 
tioni, 67, The baaia of the Inca 
government, 8d. Peruvian ideas 
of God, 91. Wonhip of the lun 
and moon, 92. Inferior deities, 113. 
Only precious metals used for the 
purposes of, 98. Temples of, 100. 
Ministers of, 102. Festivals of, 
103. Cruelties practised in the 
name of, 192. Of the Conquerors, 
406, 416, 427, 432, 449, 4^6, &14, 
II. 8, 249. 

Religious men, Piiarro bound to take 
with him, i. 307. 

Remains, of Peruvian architecture, 
1. 29, note, 118, note. Of Peruvian 
industry, G2. Of aqueducts, 132. 

Repartimientos made by Pizarro, ii. 
37, 136. Ordinances respecting, 
8M. Distribution of, by Gasca, 

Resurrection, Peruvian belief in, 

Retreat of Blasco Nunez, u. 303, 
note. Of Diego Centeno, 320. 

Revenues of the Inca, from lands, 
1. 48. From herds and manufac- 
tures, 51, 52. From mines, 53. 

Rios, Don Pedro de los, governor of 
Panama, 1.233. Favors Almagro, 
849. Orders Pizarro to return, 
261. His anger at his refusal,268. 
Refuses to aid the confederates, 

Roads, in Peru, i. G2. From Cuzco 
to Quito, 63-66, 373, 378, 444. 
Description of, by a Spaniard, 64, 
note. Care oC, 66. Remains of, 
67. Military uses of, 70. Mac- 
adamizcd, 158, noCe. Sarmiento's 
account of, Appendix, No. II. 
Traversed by Pizarro, 502; by 
Almagro, it. 83. 

Robertson, manuscript of, i. 17,no<e. 

Romans not a maritime nation, 1. 186. 

Room, where Atahuallpa was con- 
fined, I. 434, nete. 

Ruins on the borders of Lake Titi- 
coca, 1. 11, 13, not€, 

Ruiz, Bartholomew, i. 242. Ex- 
ploring voyage of^ 243. Discoveries 
of, 24& Goes with Pizarro, 267. 
Returns to Panama, 2G6. Ac- 
companies Pizarro on his soulhem 
voyage, 270. Honor con£sRed 
on, by the Crown, 306. 


Sacrifices, of wives and domestics on 
the tombs ofnobles, 1. 90,489. Of 
burnt offerings, 92, 107. Human, 
rare in Peru, 105. At the Feast of 
Raymi, 106, 107. 

Sancho, Pedro, high authority ci, u 
517, nou. 

San Juan, Rio de, Spaniards land at, 
I. 242. Almagro returns to, 249. 

San Lucar, Gasca embarks at, ii. 346. 

San Miguel, origin of the name, i. 
329, noU. Founded by Pizarro, 
359. He marches frx>m, against 
Atahuallpa, 363. Almagro arrives 
at, 459. Bcnalcazar made gov- 
ernor of, II. 16. 

Santa, port of, i. 284. Place where 
Peruvian mummies were pre- 
served, 285. 

Santa Clara, Isle of; i. 271. 

Santa Cruz, Pizarro visits an Indian 
princess at, i. 286. 

Santa Martha, i. 314. Gasca lands 
at, II. 346. 

Santiago, order of^ conferred on Fran* 
Cisco Pizarro, i. 310 ; on Hernan- 
do, II. 28. 

Santiago, Rio de, northern limit of 
Almagro's jurisdiction, ii. 91 . 

Sarabia, ingenious device of, i. 256. 

Sarmiento, high authority of, i. 79, 
note. Critical notice of, 175. 

Satan believed by chroniclers to 
counterfeit rites of Christianity, i. 



Soience, eagraaed by the 

I. 117. The PlMmu miiid not 
•deptedtOflSB. Modeni« ■optrior 
to andenty 163. Pk e y ewo^coni- 
paied with that of the flne arlih 184. 

Seulptiire, lemailuUe ipecfanenioi; 

8ech1I^^ desert q( cfoand hj PSsar- 

Seneca, lemarinhle pfedktion of, i. 

Sefille, almott depopulated by eml- 
gtatkm, I. 189, Mte. PSaano ar- 
rhrea at, 301. He nila flom, 314. 
Heniando Pixano reaehaa,n. 96. 
Craaea retunia to, 467. 

Sheep, Penman, 1. 144. The liana, 

, 145. Alpacaa, 146. Hoanacaa 
andTicii5as,147. Mode of taking, 
148. Wool of, 140. SeeJUnnik 

SUrer, ezctoaiTely oaed In wonhip of 
the moon, i. 97. Twelre Taiea of, 
96, note. Mines of, at Porco, 154. 
Used for shoeing hones, instead of 
iron, 452. Mines of, at Potosf, ii. 
136, 137, nou, 258, 321, note. City 
of, 149. Mingled with copper in 
making arms, 212. A vessel laden 
with, sent to Spain, 260. 

Slavery of Indians, laws respecting, 

II. 254. Abolished by Gasca in 
Peru, 456. 

Sora, an intoxicating liquor, i, 

Sotelo, Christoval de, ii. 209. 
jealousy of Alvarado, 210. 
sassinated by him, 211. 

Soto, Hernando de, i. 330. 
to Coxas, 369, 372. Goes on 
an embassy to Atahuallpa, 394. 
Exhibition of horsemanship by, 
399. Friendly to Atahuallpa, 
474, 491. Sent to Guamachucho, 
430. Reproves Pizarro, 491. 
Entangled in the sierra, 507. 
His battle with the Indians, 507. 



8oiiI| iepania exialBBee o^befiend 
fai by the Penmaiis, i. 89. 

Soathey, efdlaph on Piano by,a. 
199, M«t. 

Spain, one of fiiat natioiui in mahmg 
diacoveriea, i. 168. Emigratioo 
fton, to the New World, 189. 
Colonial domain of, 196. Piano 
goaa to, 301. Hernando Piano 
in, n. S6| 139. Commotion pro* 
daoed in, by Goualo Piano's 

Spaniaids, in the JNew Wbrid, 1. 190, 
108. Hear nunon of Pern, 194, 
980,998,969. Omena and piod- 
igioB leqieeting, 836, 336, 462. 
UnwiOingneaa ct, to eng^ with 
Piano, 910, 940, 960, 313, 818. 
SdSHingi o(913, 916^ 919,918, 
Loaea of, i 917, 910, 948, ii. 169. 
Discontent and numnon of| 1.915, 
987,366. Battlaoi; with the na- 
tiTes,a85,399, 419, 606, u. 10, 46, 
56,60,64,79,74,91. Impreasioa 
produced by, in Peni, i. 979; 963, 
330, 336. Division of treasnra 
among, 322, 471, 525. Anxiety 
of, 355. Pleasant march of, 365. 
Number of, with Pizarro, 3G6. 
Their enthusiasm, 379. Their sf*- 
vere march over the Andes, 382. 
Their entrance into Caxamalca, 
392. Their gloomy ibrebodings, 
401. Pizarro*s address to, 402. 
Their religious enthusiasm, 402, 
409, 51 1. Their attack on Ataho> 
allpa, 419. Their rapacity, 456. 
Atohuallpa's impression respect 
ing, 481. Their march to Cuzco, 
502. Enter Cnzco, 517. Effect 
of wealth on, 596. With Al- 
varado, II. 12. Cruelty of, to the 
natives, 40, 85, 246. At the siege 
of Cuzco, 52, 56, 67. Desire to 
abandon the city, 57. On the 
Chili expedition, 84, 89. Their 
battles among themselves, 116, 



230, 310, 390. On the Amazon 
expedition, 154, 156. Their deep 
feelings ofloyalty, 205. Attached 
to young Almagro, j215. Their 
passion for gold, 247. Their 
improvidence, 248. Thrown into 
consternation at the ordinances, 
f£J6, 2G3. Appeal to Vaca de 
Castro against them, S^7 ', and to 
Gonzalo Pizarro, 258, 263. Take 
■ides with (lonzalo, 274. Influ- 
ence of Gasca's proclamation on, 
365. Desert from Gonzalo Pi- 
zarro, 377, 420. Their discontent 
with the repartimicntos, 453. See 
Gold and Peruvuuts. 

Spanish colonies, the mode of their 
ac<|uisition, unfavorable to the in- 
terests of the natives, ii. 245. 

Springs of warm water at Caxamalca, 

Stars, objects of Peruvian worship, 
I. 02, 97. 

Stevenson, description of the River 
of Emeralds by, i. 252, note; of 
Caxaraalca, 31)2, note. 

St. Matthew, Bay of, Ruiz enters, i. 
243. Pizarro reaches, 251. He 
disembarks his forces at, 319. 

Stone, tools made of, i. 152. 

Sun, tradition respecting, i. 8. 
Temple of, at Cuzco, 16, 95, 456, 
522. Lands assigned to, 47. 
Peculiar sanctity of, InJ, 94. Tem- 
ples of, 95, 96, l>9, 101. Virgins 
of, 100, 107, 112. Sue Religion 
and Temples. 

Taramez, i. 251. Touched at by 
Pizarro, 270. 

Tacitus, I. 43, note. 

Tambo, tlio Royal buildings at, i. 
31, note. The Inca Maiico at, ii. 
71. Attacked by Hernando Pi- 
zarro, 73. 

Tanibos, or inns, i. 27. 

VOL. II. 69 

Tangarala, settlement made at, i. 358. 
Almagro's camp at, ii. 109. 

Tempests suffered by S]»aniard8, i. 
213. 2^, 250, 282. 

Temples, to Pacharamac, i. 91, 92, 
note, 447, 448. To Thunder and 
Lightning, 92. To the Rainbow, 
93. Of the Sun, 16, 95, 322, 456. 
Of inferior deities, 100. 

Ternaux-Compans, elegance of his 
translations, ii. 79. 

Terraces on theCordilleras, i. 7, 133. 

Theatrical exhibitions in Peru, 1. 125. 

TheA, punishment of, in Peru, i. 44, 

Thirteen companions of Pizarro, i. 

Thought, symbols for the ezpreaion 
of, I. V£i. 

Thunder, Peruvian word for, i. 92, 
note. An object of worship in 
Peru, «>2, 97. 

Time, Peruvian method of measur- 
ing, I. 126. 

Titicaca lake, i. 6. Ruins on the bor- 
ders of, 11, 13. Centcno encamp* 
on the borders of, 369. Gonzalo 
Pizarro approaches, ii. 385. Bat- 
tle of Huarina on, 389. 

Titicussi, Memorial of, ii. 423, note. 

Tobacco, cultivation of, 1. 140. 

Toledo, Pizarro visits the emperor 
a^ I. 302. 

Tumebamba, Blasco Nunez passes 
through, II. 301. 

Tools, of the Peruvians, i. 152, note. 

Toparca, Inca, crowned by Pizarro, 
1.500. Death of, 512. 

Traditions, respecting the origin of 
the Peruvian empire, i. 8. Puerile 
character of, in Peru, 88. Re- 
specting a hidden treasure at Cuz- 
co, 160, note. 

Treachery, commonness of, among 
the Conquerors, ii. 275. 

Treasure, found in Peruvian monu- 
ments, I. 90, 91, note. Hidden at 
Cuxeo, 160, note. Sent by Pinno 



toPfeiuaii&,aB9. Wdmqmthedliy 
the Spanivdi, 3G0. DiTMioo of, 
467, 470. 471. Slwwn hj Muuo 
to HerMuidoFimiOtii.4&. See 
Tnhnukf •eeomit of Penman, 
BMi^pei !• 44y wtitm Bee 

TTrinitj, PenmaB kaowleige o^ in- 
ftned, 1. 98; aelt. 

Tnudllo, PiztRo*e native plaoe, i. 
311. Vintedbjrlitm^aiS. 

Tnuillo, in Peru, IhnnHatinn «4 n- 
37. Beneged by the Pbravians, 
57. Gonzalo Pixarro nmaten hk 
lbtoeaat,296. Reoeplioa of Al- 
iiaiimat,374; orGaan,388. 

Tmnbex, natiTei o^ aeen by Rois, 
I. 246. Visited by PSxano, 873. 
Hie intereoiine with the inbabi- 
tanli of, 873. Tail of Molina to, 
875; of Pedro de Candia, 877. 
Temple at, 278. Gardenaandoon- 
▼enta of, 2d9. Laqae appointed 
bishop of, 306. The Spaniards 
taiie possession of; 354. Deserted 
and dismantled by its inhabitants, 
354. Pizarro leaves a force at, 
356. Gases arrives at, ii. 381. 

Tumults in Peru occasioned by the 
royal ordinances, ii. ^6. 


Umu, Villac, high-priest of Peru, 
II. 36. Urges the rising of the 
Peruvians, 42. 

Urcos, Almagro's army at, ii. 90. 


Vaca de Castro, u. 144. Embsrks 
for Peru, 145. Arrives at Buena 
Ventura, 202. Difficult position 
and boldness of, 203. Goes to 
^ito and assumes the govem- 

M. Maiehaa aooth, 816. 
Tdbea command of the any, 
817. RecoBctlea hia geneiak, 
81& AiriTeaatLima,Sia fiii 
army, 880. Declinca Genaale 
PSaano'a assiatanf, 881. Kego- 
tialeB with Alasagns 888. Ad- 
TaBeeBtoChiipaa,8a4. Addraasi 
hia tnopa,a86. Battle of Chapm, 
889. l>acidasthancli«i,S33. flit 
aaverity towaida the Tanqniriied, 

836. Hiamodeoriift atCoM, 

837. INiiB to death AfaDagra,83& 
Hia treatment of Goozalo Pizairo, 
840. His jadieio 
848. Hiaelibfto to 
toot with thn oidinaBcea, 867. 
Lotten of thn emperar to hia, 
860. Plnereata an iBanneetion at 
LiBm.863. Hia noeptioD oTBlaa- 
CO MuiieK, 867. Suspected an4 
pat in confinement by him, 875. 
Retnma to Spain, 891. Hia aab- 
aequent&te, 891,898. 

Valdivia, Pedro de, u. 114. Bnv- 
ery of; at Lea Salinas, 115. Letter 
of Gonzalo Pizarro to, 360, note. 
Joins Gasca, 402. His self-glorifi- 
cation, 404, note. At the paises 
of the Apurimac, 407. His 
letter to the emperor, 414, nsCc 
Killed by the Arancans, 447. 

Valencia, Gaaca at, u. 338. 

Valverde, Pizarro*a chaplain, i. 415. 
His interview with Atahnallpa, 
416, 418, note. His efibits to con- 
vert Challcuchima, 514. Performs 
mass at the coronation of Manco, 
II. 4. Made bishop of Cuzco, 7. 
His letter to the emperor, 54, nets. 
Intercedes for Almagro, 127, nsCe. 
Interposes in behalf of Picado, 
806. His death, 207. His &nst- 
ical character, 206. His efforts in 
behalf of the Indians, 252, neCs. 

Vargas, Fray Juan de, i. 319. 

Vargas, Sanchez de, opposes Orella- 
na*a voyage, ii. 1G6. 



VaBos of silver in the temple of the 

Muon, 1. *M, no(e, 
Vattel on the trial of Atahuallpa, i. 

464, note, 
Vcnuii, Peruvian worship of, i. 02. 
Viceroys of the provinces of the Pe- 
ruvian empire, i. 42. 
Vicunas, habits of, i. 147. 
Viracocha, a Peruvian deity, i. 91. 

Meaning of tlie word, 91 , note. 
Virgins of the Sun, i. Ill, note. 

Houses of, 102, 279, 393, ii. 7. 

Chastity of, 7, note. Outrages 

upon, 40, 41, note, 247. 


a battle-ground by Gonzalo Pizar- 
ro, II. 415. Arrival of Galea's 
army at, 416. Rout of, 4^. 

Xauia, 1 . 452. The Spaniards arrive 
at, 503, 505. They leave treasure 
at, 512. Letter of municipality 
of, 517, note. Battles with Quiz- 
quiz at, II. 10. Great Indian hunt 
at, 20. Besieged by the Peruvians^ 
60. Pizurro at, 103. Vaca de 
Castro musters forces at, 219. 
Gasca's quarters at, 362, 399. He 
leaves, 404. 

Xcrez, mistake of, as to the Inca*i 
name, i. 371, note. Error in Ter- 
naux's translation of, 445, note. 

War, Peruvian method of conduct- 
ing, I. 73, 75. Religious charac- 
ter of* among the Peruvians, 65. 

Weights used by the Peruvians, 1. 155. 

Wheat first introduced into Peru, i. 
142, note. 

Wives of the Peruvian monarchs, i. 
19, 35, note. 

Wool, the distribution and manufac- 
ture of, 1. 52. Of llamas, 144. Of 
liuanacos and vicuiias, 147. How 
obtained and used by the Pe- 
ruvians, 149. 


Xaquizaguana, valley of, Francis 
Pizarro halu at, i. 513. Challcu- 
ohima burnt at, 515. Selected as 

Year, how divided by the Peni\i- 

ans, I. 126. 
Yucay, valley of, a ftvorite residence 

of the Incas, i. 30. Battles with 

the Peruvians at, ii. 46, 91. 
Yupunqui, meaning of the term, i. 

9, note. ConquesU by Topa Inca, 

14. His maxim, 116. 

Zaran, i. 366. 

Zarate, vigor and spirit of, ii. 230, 
note. Ruyal comptroller to the 
Audience, 290, HtfCe. Critical no- 
tice of, 471.