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4 ♦ 








VOL. I. 







ijfo iRe Tfliglit 3Cci40uta6ftf 

^KtUhaWMiWiam ilflontsonierie-m^«imilton, €axl of (i^sUnton, 

ISatoii JUloittaoHiette^ SCifwtuutua, aud Jkcdr05dati, 



Ojftfo Work, 



Xu tuodt o6edteiit AumCfe Oecv^aiit, 

Cj^e tfomjpden 


The utility of local and genealogical history is so universally acknow- 
ledged, that it would be supererogation to enlarge upon it here. It 
would be equally superfluous to enter into an explanation of the 
motives which led to our undertaking so arduous a work as a County 
and Family History. 

It originated, we may say, with the publisher ; who, finding that 
there was occasionally inquiries made for copies of Robertson's -4yr- 
shire Families — now out of print — conceived that some new publica- 
tion of the kind was called for. Upon consideration, it was found 
that a mere reprint of Robertson's work would not prove satis- 
factory. Although entitled to much credit — more than some are 
willing to accord him — he was only a partial, and, in not a few in- 
stances, a very incorrect gleaner in the genealogical field of the 
county. We do not attribute this to the want of ability or disposi- 
tion on the part of the writer to be more general and accurate, but 
rather to a lack of material, which is only to be procured at great 
expense and patient research. Robertson's labours, in short, were 
chiefly confined to Cuninghame, the district in which he himself 

It was farther considered that any new work of the kind should 
embrace the whole of Ayrshire ; and it occurred to us that an outline 



of the General History of the County, together with an account of 
each Parish, introductory to the History of the Families, would be an 
acceptable feature. 

How we have followed out the plan of the publication, and, so far 
as we have gone, acquitted ourselves of the onerous task which de- 
volved upon us, the public will be able to judge from this, the first 
volume, which we have now the pleasure of putting forward to the 
world. We have, at the same time, to apologise for the length of 
tune the work has been m hands. 

When it was undertaken, we were sensible of the vast labour 
before us ; yet we must say that our calculations have been greatly 
exceeded in this respect. Under other circumstances, it might, per- 
haps, have been pushed more rapidly forward ; but where the regular 
calls of a weekly newspaper had to be attended to, this was im- 

It is not for us to speak of the merits or demerits of the publica- 
tion. We are fully aware of its short-comings. In fact, no history 
of the kind has ever been, or ever will be, produced without defects ; 
so wide is the field, and so minute and precise the details, to be ex- 
plored. He only who makes the nearest approach to fulness and ac- 
curacy may consider himself entitled to the guerdon. 

We are, at the same time, conscious that it has some claims to a 
fiivourable judgment. Much labour has been bestowed upon it, and 
much that is curious and new in Ayrshire history and genealogy has 
been brought to light. 

Free use, we may mention, has been made of Robertson's labours, 
in so far as they were deemed accurate ; but our chief source of in- 
formation has been the public records, and the charter chests of the 
various families to whom we have found it necessary to apply. And 
here we must tender our hearty thanks for the generally ready man- 
ner in which these were thrown open to us. 


But our own labours alone would have been unequal to the task^ 
incomplete as it jet is^ and imperfectly performed as it may be. 
We have to acknowledge the very kind and eflSicient assistance of 
several gentlemen^ who have devoted much time and talent to the 
elucidation of subjects interesting to the antiquary and genealogist. 

We have especially to acknowledge the aid of James Maidment^ 
Esq., advocate, Edinburgh ; W. Patrick, W.S., Esq. of Woodside and 
Ladyland ; A. Hunter, Esq., W.S., Edinburgh ; the late Captain J. 
H. Montgomerie,Warristoun Orescent, Edinburgh; Archibald Leckie, 
Esq., Paisley; Captain D. Campbell, Glasgow; Dr A. Crawfiird, 
Lochwinnoch ; Col. Neill of Swindrigemuir ; James Dobie, Esq. of 
Grummock; William Dobie, Esq., Grangevale, Beith; Sh* D. H. 
Blair, Bart, of Blairquhan ; Captain Kennedy of Bennane ; J. D. 
Boswell, Esq. of Garallan, Ayr ; John Cuthbert, Esq., Ayr, &c. 

We trust to meet with similar countenance and assistance in our 
progress through the press with the second volume, which we hope 

to complete without any undue loss of time. 


September, 1847. 


Paob < 



Etymology — ^Erection of the SherifTdom, 1 

Names of the Districts, . 2 

Origin of the Inhabitants, 4 

The Roman Period, 9 
The Period of the Scots, Picts, and 

Cmnbrians, . 13 

The Scottish Period, 14 

Lcmgitage and Laws, 15 
From the Accession of Edgar till the 

Death of the Maiden of Norway, 17 
From the Death of the Maiden of Nor- 
way till the Accession of David II., 24 
From the Accesuon of David 11. till the 

Deathof James v., . 40 
From the Death of James V. till the 

Accession of James YI., 57 
From the Accession of James YI. till 

the Union of the Crocus, 83 
From the Union of the Crowns till the 

Usurpation of Cromwell, 107 

From the Commonwealth till the Union, 125 

Appendix, . .149 


Pabish of Atb, — 

Etymology and Extent, . .- 157 

Rise and Progress of the Town of Ayr, 168 
Historical Events connected with Ayr, 160 
Local History, . .161 

Religious Housefly 172 

The Older Houses, and Ancient Appear- 
ance of Ayr, . 176 
Government of the Burgh, . 179 
Trade and Commerce, 180 
Memorabilia connected with the Har- 
bour, . . 186 

Social Condition of the Burgh, 
Income of the Burgh, 
Alienation of the Property of the Burgh, 
Families in the Parish of Ayr ^ — 
Hunter of Doonholm, 
Hamilton of Rozelle and Carcluie, 
Hamilton of Belleisle and Pinmore, 
Hughes of Mountcharles and BaUds* 

Ballantine of Castlehill, . 
Dunlop of Macnairston, . 
Wallace of Holmstone, 
Cuninghame of Laigland, 
Dah7mples of Cuningpark, 
Cochranes of Bridgehouse, 
Parish op Nbwton.upon-Atb, — 
Etymology and Extent, . 

Rise and Progress of the Burgh, . 
Local History, . 

Antiquities — Newton Castle, 

Government of the Burgh, 

Trade and Condition of Uie Inhabitants, 

Gordon of Newton-Lodge, &c., . 
Paiush op Ardbossan, — 

Etymology and Extent, . 

Saltcoats, Ardrossan Harbour and 

Ecclesiastical Hbtory, 

Antiquities, . . 
FomxliM in the Parish of Ardrossan, 

Moore of Montfode, 

Knock-Ewart, . 

Cuninghame of Caddd and Thornton, 

Dykes and Tower-Lodge, 

Weir of Kirkhall, 

Jack of Spring^e, 
Parish op Auohiwleck,— 

Etymology and Extent, . 

History — Civil and Ecclesiastical, . 




























Families in the Parish of AuohinUek^'^ 

SheddenofMorrishiU, . 


Bo8Wells of Auchinleck, , 


Hamiltouns of Brownmuir, 


Boswells of Duncanziemuir adcI Craig- 

Orawfurds of Brownmuir, 






Boswells of KnockrooDy . 


Mains-Neill and Mains-Marghall, . 


Two Merk-Land of peimjland. 


Fnltons of Fultoun and Qrangflhill, 








Montgomeries of Braidstane, 




Montgomerifis of Giffen, . 




Mon^gomerie of Bogston, 


Bigg, . 


KootfomeeiflP oi CMghouse^ 




Montgomerie of Hessilhead, 


Pinbrecki , 






Barrs of Tream% 




Bontine-Bars of Trearne^ 


Ha%l6nmair, . 


Patrick of Treame and Hesalbead, 




Patrick of Drumbuie, 




Mures of Caldwell, 


Etymology, ko. 


Pabibh or CkxuHmBiiy^ 


Etymology, &p., 






FanUUss in ihe Parish of BaUantrat 




Baron J of Ardstinduur, ^ . 


FaimiUes in the Parish qfColmoneU^— 

Fergossones of Finnart, . 


' - -Cathcarts of Carkton, . 


Kennedy of Bennane, 


Grahamsand M^OubblnsofKnockdoliaiij 

, 305 

Glenour, . . , 


Cathcarts of Knockdolian, 




Barton of Eurkhill and BaQairdi . 




M'Adams of BAUoobmwri 







Aodienflower, . 





» i 







PABI0H 0? BaBB^-* 



Etymology, &c.. 








' Families in ^ Parish of Barr^^ 



Ban*, . . . , 








Dalquhaime, or Doherne^ 


Clachantoune^ . 


Drommurdiie, . 






Sfilkinderdain, . 







BeSimore^ « 




Kirklands, &c., . 





» w 



Auchynlewan, or Auclilewan, 



Garphin, ' 


Etymology, Extent, &o., 


Pabibh or Bbitu, — 

SQstpry and Antiquities, . 


Etymology, &c.. 


Families in the Parish of CoyUon^-— 



fiamiltons of Sundrum, . 




Chalmers of Ghidgirthp 


Eminent Men, . 


Craaf uird of Pnuo5oy« . 


Famines in the Parish pfBeUh,-^ 

Cadicart of Carbiston, • 










M'Kinnons or Loves of Tbretpwooi 

i, 271 


Sbedden of Roughwood, &c., 


Etymology, Extent, Sic, 




Sstofy — Civil and EodesiafCaca], 

FamBia tn the PaiH$k ofCrcUgie^ — 

HofleB, LindflayBy WaDaoeB^ and Camp- 
bells of 0nigi6^ 

WaUaoea of Cnigie» 
- - CampbeQa of Cndgie^ 

WaDaoea of Cainhm, . 

Bnnnrnin Hamiltoiw and Wallaoea, 


Oamoaaoan* or fH a mlHii K * '' "'* ^ "- 


:Pab]bh of Old CimNoeB<— 

Etymdogy* Exteoty &€.» . 

lEBatory — Civil and Bcrtflaiaatiral, . 

Memocafaifia connected with the Pa- 

Pabibh or Nbw Cumnook,^ — 

FamiUei in the P<Mri$he$ of Old and New 
Cum n o ek f 

Dimban of Cumnock and Mocbrmn, 
— . CranftDda of Lefnoreis or Lochnoxeis^ 
now Dmnfiiea-Heoae^ . 

Crichtons and BtoartSy Earb of Dum- 
fries, &€., 

Campbell of 





Cuthbert of Dalkagka, . 






Pabibh of Daillt, — 

E^mologj and Extent* — 

ICatory — Civil and Ecdesiastioaly 

FamUiee in the Parish of DaXU^f — 

Kennedies of Bargany, . 

Hamilton of Bargany, 

Ralmaclanachan, or Bardanaofaan, 


Dalquharran and Dunure, 



Druin mo chriD, . 











Pabibh of DAiiifXLLiir<»oiry — 


Etymology and Extent, . 



General Appearance, 



BBatory — Civfl and Eccleaiastaca], 






FamSUee tn iht Pari^ofDahndUngtwif^ 




Logans of Camlazg,. 



Pabish of Dalbt, — 


Etymology and Extent, . 


Topogn^cal Appearancea, 



Hiatory—Cfivil and Ecdesiaatical, 



Antiquities—- Witchcraft, 
FamUiee m ^ Pariah ofDakyf^ 



Blair of that Tlk, 



Lin, or Lyne of that Bk, 









Montgomerie of Broadlie^ 








CKfferdland — ^Cranfurd, . 



Giffordlandr— Blair, 



Smith of Swindrigemuir, 






Pabibh of Daimtmblkt^ 


Etymology, Extent, kc,. 



ISstoiy — Civil and EodesiaBtical, 






FamiUes in the Pariah of DalrympUy-^ 


DabTmples of Daliymple^ 



Cranftifds of Kerse^ 



TheSkeldons, . 



Craoftufds of Skeldon, 



Campbells of Over Skeldon, 
Pabish of Dbbohobh, — 



Etymology, Extent, &c., . 



History— Civil and Eodeaiastical, 



FamUiea in the Pariah ofDregham^ — 



Barclays of Perceton, 



Macredie of Perceton, 



Branches of the Perceton Barclays, 






Buchanans of Cuninghamehead, 



Ralston of Warwickhill, . 



Montgomerie of Annick-Lodge, 



Appendix, .... 





Thk OoiiDty of Ayr, aecording to Ohalmers, ob- 
tains its name from the principal town of the 
district, which owes its designadon — for there can 
be little doabt that mountains, lakes, and rivers, 
had a priority In etymology — to the rtrer Ayr, 
on whose banks it is aitaated. Various rivers in 
England, Ireland, fVance, and other countries, 
bear a similar appellation — possibly from a same- 
ness of local feature — all supposed to be derived 
from one British or Celtic root. Ar or Adh*ar, 
in the Qaelie, ng^nifies clear or rapid, also shelv- 
ing or fordable — both of which meanings are 
equally characteristic of the stream, which flows 
over a flat, rocky stratum, throughout almost its 
whole course. In the Itinerary of Richard, com- 
piled as early as the second century, the Yidogara 
river, which is represented as running through Ayr- 
shire, is conjectured by Chalmers to be the Ayr. 
The British Gufddatvg — dropping the g in com- 
position — ^with the addition of ara, would ngnif^ 
the W90<fy-^r, 


Ayrshire is divided, by the rivers Doon* and Ir- 
vine, into three districts — Carrick, Kyle, and Con- 
inghame. At what period these three were erected 
into a Sheriffdom is not predsely known. Wyn- 
town, the Tenerable and gpenerally accurate chroni- 
cler of Scotland, speaking of the wars of Alpin 
with the Picts, says : — 

** He wan of were all Oiillnway : 
Than wet b« slayiw^ and dede away." 

As the death of Alpin occurred in 836, near Dal- 
mellington, on the north banks of the Doon, it may 
be inferred that Ayrshire was then an integral part 
of Galloway. Yet, though this was the case, it is 
well known that there were no sherifl^ under the 
purely Celtic rule of the country, which prevailed 
till the eleventh century; and from charters of 
David I. it b evident that in his reign, if not 
preriously, the boundaries of Galloway had been 
greatly limited. It was not, however, till 1185 or 
'86 that a permanent settlement was made, when 
Duncan, the son of Gilbert of Galloway, obtained 

* la the charter by Dnoeaa of Qalloway, afterwards rs- 
fened to» one of ihe boundaries is Ihe rivor Don. 


Carrick as his portion, GaUoway proper being 
cured to his cousin Roland. It is probable that 
Carrick, Kyle, and Cuninghame were then united 
under one sherifTalty, though circumstanoes seem 
rather against the conjecture. In a charter grant- 
ed during the reign cf William the Lion, Duncan, 
who styles himself the son of Gilbert, the son of 
FergaSf gifts to the church of the Holy Mary of 
Melros, and the monks there serving God, the 
whole knds of Moybothelbeg and Bethoc.* The 
former is eridently the modem Maybole ; and it is 
remarkable that in this document Uiere is no shure 
g^ven, although the boundaries are most singularly 
specific. One of these is the road or part called 
«« Enahooneoal "— a word whiob we are unable 
to interpret. In the charter granted by the same 
monlbrch, in 1107, erecting a burgh at his ** new 
Castle upon Ar,*' nothing is indicated cooeem* 
ing it. Chalmers is of opinion that the three dii- 
tricto of Ayrshire were ''ruled by three bailift,'' 
and that the sheriffdom was not formed until 
** later ages.'* There most have been/ewr bailies 
originally — ^two in Cuninghame and Large ; one 
in Kyle-Stewart; and another in Carrick. The 
burgh and burgh lands of Ayr were gofvemed by 
its own bailies. The jurisdictioD of the Sheriff of 
Ayr may have been at first limited to Kyle-Regis, 
as we hear of no baiHe for that district. We 
know that there was a hereditary Sheriff of Ayi^-« 
Reginald, or Ranald, de Crawfurd — ^in 1221, at 
which period, it is said, the men of Carrick en- 
tered into an obligation to support the Scottish King 
against all opponents; but how long prerioady 
the office had been held by him or his predecessors 
cannot, we are afraid, be poutively stated. Ranald 
Crawf lu'd, styled " Sheriff of Ayr,'* is a witness to 
a charter of the lands of Dalmulin, gifted to the 
convent established there by Walter the second 
Steward, supposed to have been granted in 1208, 
thus showing that the sheriffship existed prior to 
this document. Robert de Bruce, Earl of Carrick, 
in right of his wife — for at this period honours 
were territorial—- resigned the Earldom, in 1293, 
to his son Robert, afterwards King of the Scots, 
who required investiture from King John Balliol. 
It was answered that by the laws of Scotland the 

* Munimenta do Melros. Tom I., fol. 20. 



tOTerdgn must have seism before he ooold reodve 
homage. Accordingly the Sheriff of Ayr was 
ordered to ^ take man of the Earldom of Gar- 
rick for the King, and to extend [t. e, value] the 
lands.*' In 1296, Henry de Percy was appoint- 
ed by Edward I. ** Keeper of the county of Gal- 
loway and Sheriffdom of Ayr.'* The grievance 
of attending justiciaries^ chamberlain aires, sheriff^ 
and other courts, was so much complained of 
by the burgesses of Ayr and the tenantry of Al- 
loway, that, in 1469, they obtiuned a charter of 
exemption, from James II.,. prohibiting the he- 
reditary sheriff from proceeding against them. 
Ouninghame was divided into two districts an- 
ciently— ^Ouninghame constituting the southern, 
and Largs the northern dirision. Largs continued 
a separate barony till the rdgn of Robert 11. 
Kyle is still divided into Kyle-proper and Kyle- 
Stewart, so named after the High Steward. Prest- 
wick was the bailiewiok of Kyle-Stewart. 


The origin of the names of the three dirisbns of 
the county is matter of oonjecture. KyUy accord- 
ing to Buchanan, was so designated from Goilus, 
King of the Britons, who was slain and interred 
in the district.* The learned historian informs 
us that a civil war having ensued between the 
Britons who occupied the south and west of 
Scotland, and the Scots and Piots, who were 
settled in the north and north-west, the op- 
posing armies met near the banks of the Doon ; 
and that, by a stratagem, Goilus, who had dis- 
patched a portion of his forces northward, was 
encompassed between the Scots and Picts, and 
completely routed. He was pursued, overtaken, 
and slain in a field or moor in the parish of Tar- 
bolton, which still retains the name of Goilsfield, 
or Goilus' field. Modem inquirers have regarded 
this as one of the fables of our early history, t Tra- 
dition corroborates the fact of some such battle 
having been fought. The reputed grave of Goilus 

* Kyle nmy be derived from the Gaelie 6oi//e, a forest 
f BaehABan has, perhape, been treeted with too moeh 
oootempt by some of the more recent inquirers into the 
early history of Scotland. So fur from being a mere re- 
tailer of the tebles which existed in his own day, he was 
the first to expose the absurdities of tlie really Aibuloas 
period of bistoiy; and he laid down the only rational 
thooiy which has yet been entertained as to the origin of 
the several nations that have been known to exist in 
Great Britain. In tracing the Scots, Picts, and Britons 
to the same Celtic stock, he has been followed by all the 
learned who have given attention to the subject since. 
Chalmers, adopting his views, thoogh without sufficient ac- 
knowledgment, merely renders still more plain what ap- 
peared sufficiently obvious. The difference between them 
refers chiefly to the time and the more immediate source 
from whence emanated the Scots and Picts, whom Buch- 
anan thinks were a later body of emigrants than the Bri- 
tons, though of the same lineage, spMking the same lan- 
guage or a dialect of it, and having the same religion. 

was a few years ago opened, and the following iop* 
teresting particulars are taken from the ** New Sta» 
ttstical Account of Scotland" : — ^* Regard for trm« 
ditionary evidence^ respect for the mighty dead, and 
love of historical truth, combined to render it do- 
sirable that the g^ve of Goilus should be opened. 
Accordingly, in May, 1837, the two large stones 
[previously described by the writer as indicating the 
spot] were removed. The centre of the mound 
was found to be occupied by boulder stones, some 
of them of considerable aze. When the excava- 
tors had reached the depth of about four feet, 
they came on a flag sione of a circular form, about 
three feet in diameter. Under the circular stone 
was first a quantity of dry yellow coloured sandy 
day, then a small flag-stone laid horiaontally, 
covering the mouth of an urn filled with white 
coloured burnt bones. In removing the dry olay 
by which this urn was surrounded, under 'flat 
stones, several small heaps of bones were observed 
not contained in urns, but carefully surrounded 
by the yellow coloured day mentioned ah^ve. The 
oms in shape resemble flower-pots ; they are com- 
posed of day, and have been hardened by fire. 
The prindpal urn is 7{ indies in height, 7} inches 
in diameter, and 5-8ths of an inch in Uiickness. It 
has none of those workings, supposed to have been 
made by the thumb nail, so ofloi to be obeerved on 
sepulchral urns, and it has nothing of ornament 
except an edging, or projecting part, about half an 
inch from the top. No coins, or armour, or 
implements of any description, could be found. 
The discovery of these urns renders it evident 
that, at a very remote period, and while the prao- 
tice of burning the dead still prevailed — that is to 
say, before the introduction of Ghriattanity-^some 
person or persons of distinction had been deposited 
there." The writer in the New Statistical A^iaoonnt 
mentions various other interesting circumstanoes. 
<<A little brook," he says, <<that empties itself 
into the Fail, is called the lloody-humy and so 
testifies, by its name, of the blood by which its 
waters had, on some memorable occasbn, been 
polluted ; and a flat, alluvial piece of ground, along 
the Fail, opposite the month of the hloody-hwrn^ 
is still called the dead-^MnB-hdm^ probably from 
its having been the burial place of the combat- 
ants." Farther, he mentions that a trumpet, *^ re- 
sembling a crooked horn," be^des pieces of ancient 
armour and fragments of bones, were dug up some 
time ago in ploughing the dead-men* 9-Mmy so 
that there can be no doubt of the localiQr having 
been the scene of a deadly conflict at a very early 
period of oiur history. These facts, though they do 
not amount to proof of Goilus having fought and 
fell on the fleld which bears his name, ought not to 
be treated as wholly without weight, when takiti 
in cramection with the current tradition^ 


list eadated from time immMnoria]. In a poem, 
vnrittea about the year 1631, by John Bonar, school- 
master, Ayr, giving a description of the coast and 
ita antiquities, from Loeh-Ryan to Ayr, the author, 
in reference to « Coylafield in Kyle," says — 

** Witbfn tweWe Tears, or little mor*s, I guess, 
A trev story, ane ditcber told me these ; 
Tinliig the earth for fewell to his flett. 
Bis ipead did run upon ane stane bot lett, 
Qtthllk, when he bade espyet eamestlie, 
A temb It wee buUdet Pah. enrloosl je ; 
He rolled away, and fund a piteher law 
^Ith ashes, and bones : that all men might it kmw, 
Upon the stone wer graYon letters fayre, 
JCoyTf c{f^p of this as now 1 speak no more.** 

Buchanan places the era of Goiius three hundred 
and thirty years before Christ ; but it is difficult 
to assign any particular period. There was a Goel, 
king of the Roman district, *^ Cfolonia CamulodU' 
mtm, induing Colchester," who, according to 

•• left a I>ochter a wyrgyne, 

That ezoedyt of Bewte 

All the Ladys of that Ooitr^ 

That Dane in Brettayae was sa Csyre." 

ThiB PriBoess is said to hare married Constantiiis 
Chlonuy afterwards one of the Caesars, and was the 
mother of Constantine the Great. Coel must have 
fired in the third century, prior to 274, a period 
vespecting the events of which in Britain the Ro- 
man classics are very silent. It is possible, there- 
fbrei, that he may have been the Coilus whose death 
gave his name to the district of Kyle. It'ap- 
psarsy farther, from the New Statistical Account of 
the parish of Coilkm — supposed to have derired its 
name from the same Caiku — ^that a tradition pre- 
vails in that quarter affirmati?e of his fat&---the 
water of Kyle, or Coil, being so called, it b said, 
from the. unfortunate king baring crossed it in 
his flight. Loch-Fergus, moreover, a small lake 
not far distant, whereon a monastery once stood^ 
and which is mentimied in King William's charter, 
erecting Ayr into a burgh, as the eastward boun- 
dary of the g^nt of land bestowed upon it, is 
alleged to have derived its name from the Scottish 
king, who, along with the Picts, prevailed over 
Goilos. Unfortunately, however, there was no Fer- 
gus known to have been contemporaneous with any 
period that can be aadgned as the era of Coilus, 
unless that assumed by Buchanan. A Huaill, Hoel, 
cr Coyle^ as the name has been twisted. King of 
Strathduyd, a kingdora formed by the Lowland 
tribes after the departure of the Romans, to pro- 
teot themselves ag^unst the encroachments of the 
fbxons, is supposed by some writers to have givdn 
the name to the district of Kyle ; but why, we are 
lift entirdy in the dark. This monarch fled, 
vfter having been defeated by King Arthur, to 
Anglesey, where he died. There is, however, still 
acnotfaer Coelus to whom reference should be made. 

In the ** Description of the Western Isles of Scot^ 
land," by Donald Munro, High Dean of the Isles; 
who travelled through the most of these islands in 
the year 1594-^twentyorthirtyyearsafter Buchan- 
an vrrote his history — ^the author says : — " Upon 
the north syde (Colmkill) of our Scotts tombe, the 
inscriptione bears Tumuka Regtim Norwegiae ; 
that is, the tomb of the Kings of Norroway ; in 
the quhilk tombe, as we find in our ancient Erische 
Cronickells, ther layes dgfat Kings of Norroway ; 
and als we find, in our Erische CronickeDs, that 
Coelus King of Norroway comknandit his nobils 
to take his bodey and bmrey it in Colmkill, if it 
diancit him to die in the Isles ; bot he was so dis- 
comfitit, that there remained not so maney of his 
armey as wald burey him ther ; therefor he wes 
eMed m Kyle, after he stroke ane field against 
the Scotts, and [was] vanquished be them.'' As the 
Norwegians are not known to have made any at- 
tempt upon the Hebrides, or the west of Scotland, 
prior to the end of the eighth, or beginning of the 
ninth, century, the field which Coelus is said to 
have struck must have occurred subsequently to 
that fought, also in Kyle^ by King Alpin, who, 
having b^en slain, was buried where he fell. It 
is difficult to conceive how the name of the district 
should have been derived from the one person ra- 
ther than the other ; and it is surprising that so 
prominent and comparatively recent an event should 
have remained unknown to our historians We are, 
therefore, inclined to think that the Coilus whose 
name gave the district its designation, existed much 
earlier than the middle ages. If Norwegian, these 
people must have made descents upon our coasts 
long before there is any record d their having 
done so. It is, moreover, worthy of remark, that 
Coelus is said to have desired that, in the event 
of his death, hb body should be carried to Icolm- 
kill, thus showing tiiat he was a devoted Chris- 
tian ; and if so, it is not likely that those who 
had the charge of his sepulture would have re. 
course to the heathen practice of burning his re- 

Cwunghame is popularly understood to have de- 
rived its name from the Gaelic Cuinneag, a milk- 
pail or chum — the district having been celebrated 
from a remote period for its dairy produce and gene- 
ral fertility. The combination of a Gaelic substan- 
tive with a Saxon termination may be accounted 
for by the circumstance that the name, so far as we 
are aware, does not occur in any document prior 
to the adoption of patronymics, after the acces- 
sion of Edgar to the throne of Scotland, or what 
Chalmers calls the Saxon period of our history. 
Hanif or hame, may have been added to the ori- 
ginal CuimMag, as signifying the place of the 
Cuinneagi, In a charter of David I. to the 
Cathedral of Glasgow, prior to 1153, the dis- 


triiot is dengoatod CfunegcttHf whidi is effidmtly 
the plural of Cuimneag i* sad in later doooments 
of the same description it is stjled Cbfty^hame, 
a strong presampdon ia favour of the alleged 
derivation of the word. There was, it is said, 
an andent Northumbrian town oalled Conuning, 
from which some writers have supposed Cun- 
inghame to be derived; but, though this sup- 
position wears an air of probability, the fact that 
Cuninghame was a local name prior to the grant 
of the district obtained by Hugh de Morville, con- 
' stable of BeoUaod, completely sets it aside. Chal- 
mers supposes the name to be derived firom the 
British Cuningf a rabbit ; but it does not appear 
that Cuninghame was more frequaited by rabbito 
than the other districts of Ayrshire. There f^£i^ 
at one time, a hamlet and manor-house catted Cun- 
inghame. An old castle stood where the modem 
mansion of Cuninghamehead now is, when Pont 
surveyed the coonty.t 

Carriekf according to BelkndsD, is derived from 
CarcOeiet or CarattKu$, King of Soots, who built 
a town in the district, which he called after his 
own name. Of this ** goodly merchant town," 
as tbs audior describes it, no record or trace 
remains, and it is doubtfUl if ever it existed. 
The origin of the name of Carrick, like most 
other local designatioDs in AyrshirCv must be 
traced to the Celtic-— the langruage of its first 
oeeupiars. Carrai^ signifies a rock. The coast 
as well as the inland presents a rocky, mountain- 
ous appearance, contrasted with the other two 
divirions of the county, fully supporting the pro- 
priety of the name. Thera are several other lo- 
calities, both in Scotland and Ireland, which bear 
the same designation— ^^dl eridently derived from 
similar natural ibitures. Carrick-Fergus, for in- 
stance^ is popularly understood to mean the rook 
of Fergus, the firbt King of Scots. In the duuter 
of Darid I., already alluded to, Carrick is spdled 
KarriOf thus differing only slightly from the pre- 
sent orthography. 

* In modem Oaelie, the oomxnon water- stoup only is 
known by this name; bat of old that oseftil article was 
eipployed as a milk- pail, chum, and water-atonp. When 
cattle were milked ata distance, on the open wold or glade, 
which was the ancient custom, it was the most convenient 
dish for earrying the milk home to the dairy. The handle 
being taken out, and a skin thrown over its month, tied 
tightly below the lip hoop, it was nsed as a chnm — the 
d^rymald seating herself on a mat of mshes, and roll- 
ing it up and down in her lap till butter was prodnoed. 
This practice is described by Alexander M'Donald, the 
bard of the ill-fated Prince Charles, in his beautiful song 
of ** Banaraeh dfaoua a ehmidh.** 

t ^ fkmily of the name of Cuninghame ei\Joyed this 
property more than three hundred year?. The first of 
them was a second son of the Glencalrn Ikmlly, that 
branched off fnm that potent house abeat the year 1400l 
It was originally called Woodbead. but the name was 
changed by this fkmlly to Cuninghamehead, in allusion to 
their own — not, as it would indicate, the head of the 

Connected with the three divisions of Ayrshiiv 
there is the old rhyme of 

*Ky1efbr amtn, 
Oairlck fur a eww, 
Cuniqgbame for butter and cheese. 
And iJalloway for woo.** 

These, and similar popular and traditionary lines, 

are worthy of preservation ; as they constitute, as 

it were, popular landmarks in statbtics, which sup* 

ply a ready test of the changes that come over a 

district. Some contend for a different reading, 


** Carrick for a maiw 
Kyle for a cow," 

but tbe first would seem to be the proper one. 
It is the most general, and as old as the days of 
Bellenden, who, in his description of Scotland^ 
though he does not quote the rhymes eridently 
corroborates or proceeds upon the sense of it. 
Speaking of Kyle, he says — ** This country abounds 
in strong and valiant men, where was born* the 
most renowned and valiant champion WiUiam 
WtUlodf in the barony celled Biccarton, then his 
&ther*s stile, thereafter of Craigy and £iecarton.** 
With regard to ^ Carrick for a oow," he mentions 
a very curious fact in natural history, whksh, how* 
ever incredible^ sufficiently attests the estimatum 
in which Carrick was held for the superiority of 
its cattle. ** In Carrick," he says, ^ are kine and 
oxen, delicious to eat, but their fatness is of a 
wonderful temperature : all other ccmestable beasts* 
fttness with the cold air doth congeal : by tbe oqd- 
trary the fatness of these is perpetually liquid like 



The early history of Scotland is involved in much 
obscurity ; and on no point have antiquarian writera 
differed more widely than in reference to the ori- 
gin of the inhabitants. It is now, however, all 
but universally admitted that the united king, 
dom was at first settled from Gaul — the tide of 
immigration rolling to the nearest coast of South 
Britain, and thence, spreading northward, peopled 
both Scotland and Ireland. Buchanan was of 
this opinion; but he followed the earlier histo- 
rians in believing the Scots and Picts to have 
arrived at a later period — the former from Spain, 
and the latter from Scythia. Chalmers, who 
is certainly the most elaborate of all who have 
taken up the subject, adopts Buchanan's opinion 
as to the Celtic origin of the inhabitants, but re- 
piidiates the notion of any subsequent arrival suffi- 
cient to account for the appearance of the PieU 
and Scots— the latter of whom, he contends, were 
not settled in this country till the beginning of the 

* Wanace waa not bom in Ayrshire, but It has always 
beea regarded as tais native oonoty. 


uth century. His theory b, that they were indi- 
genous — the nme people known hy new names. 
In the deoionstradon of this view he is highly 
logical, and he hrings several strong facts to bear 
upon the subject ; still there are one or two material 
points in his system which we think he has not suf- 
ficiently establiFhed, and which cannot well be taken 
for granted. That the British isles were settled at 
first by the same race, he proves from the topo- 
gr^hj of the three kingdoms, and the stone 
mnnaments, and other evidences of their religion, 
which remain. He next shows, from Ptolomy, 
that North Britain, at the time of Agricola's in* 
vasion, was occupied by twenty-one tribes, all of 
Q^Xkio descent, whose various districts he assigns 
from the authority mentioned. The names of 
these tribes are aU Roman ; but Chalmers finds 
British roots for the most of them, significant of 
some peculiar feature in the locality or tribe. This, 
however, is rather assumed than proved ; though 
we know it was the practice of the Romans not to 
change but merriy to Latinise the designations of 
places orpersons. Agricola no doubt caused his navy 
to sail round the British islands on a voyage of dis- 
oovery, and penetrated fiirther into the interior of 
Scotland than any of his successors, sdll a large 
tract of country remained comparatively unknown 
to him. There must, therefore, have been a 
good deal of guess-work with the eariy geogra- 
phers. It is upon Ptolom/s authority that Chal- 
mers contends there was no room for the Scots 
and Pwts; and that, as the Oothsdid not overrun 
Surope till a later period, no Teutonic tribes could 
have visited North Britain prior to the invasion of 
the Angles In the fifth century --^conclusive reasoo- 
mg, unquestionably, in so far as the Celtic origin of 
the population is concerned. But the quesUo vexaia 
still re main s h ow came those two great tribes, 
who bore so conspicuous a part in the Roman and 
Saxon wars, to assume the respective names of Scots 
and Picts ? Chalmers concludes that the PictB and 
CaUdonians were one and the same tribe, or rather 
that the British term PeithWf signifying the inluu 
bitants of the open country, in contradistinction to 
those living within the Roman wall, came to be 
applied to all beyond it ; and he is supported by 
Euroenins, who uses the expression ** Caledones 
aliique Picti" in a panegyric in 297, again in 
308. Ammianus Marcellinus, towards the dose 
of the fourth century, also speaks of them as the 
same people. This seems satisfactory in so far as 
the PictB are concerned. Butof theScoto? Chal- 
mers does not find them noticed in the Roman 
annals till 360, when they are spoken of hy Am- 
wuanns Marcellinus as forming part of the same 
army with the Picts. But they are mentioned by 
Porphyry aboat the dose of the third century ; and 
Eumenius speaks of them as one of the nations 

against whom Ciesar contended. Alfred's Orosius 
mentions that Severus often fought with the Picts 
and Scots ; and Claudius is said to have been fre- 
quently opposed by them — thus carrying back the 
existence of the Scots as far as the date of Chris- 
tianity. Chalmers supports his opinion that Ire^ 
land was the exdusive country ckT the Scots till 
their settlement in Argyleshire, at the commence- 
ment of the sixth century, by quotations from 
Claudlan ; but they are by no means happy :— « 

' ^— — — Beottum que ygo mnerooe 8«enta8 

Tn^t HjperboTMS ranis aadadbus andas 

* * , m « « 

Scotonim eanulos fleyit gladalis leme 
« * « * « 

__ totam cum Seottas lenwn 

Movit, de lofeato spumavit remige Tetbys." 

Such language is surdy more descriptive of the 
snow-capt mountains of Scotland than the g^rsen 
vales of Ireland. The andents seem to have had 
a very imperfect notbn of the British islands ; and 
even Ptolomy has long been cenaured, as a geo- 
grapher, fbr speaking most podtivdy concerning 
what was distant and least understood hy him. 
Scotland was believed to be divided by the eatu* 
aries of the Forth and Clyde; and the term /ams^ 
or Hibflmia — an island-— was, it is argued, ap- 
plied to all the territory beyond these rivers. When 
this error of the ancients was discovered, as ob- 
served by Logan,* ** whatever had been said con- 
cerning Hibemia, or North Britain, as an ishmd, 
was naturally appropriated to Lrelaod." It is m 
the midst of the coivfnsion thus created that Chal- 
mers seeks for a dear foundation. The lines 
already quoted from Claudian, and certain corres- 
pondence between the Roman Pontifib, of the sixth 
and seventh centuries, and the ecdesiastics of the 
Lrish Churchy in which they are addressed ^ad 
Scotoram gentem," are the main points upon 
which he leans. PalUdius, who was ordained by 
Pope Coelestine as the first Bishop of the Scots, is 
said to have been sent to Ireland ; but he came 
into Scotland, and was buried at Fcrdun, in the 
Meams, where his shrine continued an object of 
pilgrimage till the Reformation. Wyntown says 

** This Oeleityne Pape of Roma 
And kepare of all Crystyndoma 
Send 8ayot Patryck in Irland 
And flaynt Pallady in Scotland." 

There is, indeed, no small evidence to show that 
Scotknd was frequently styled Tern, or Hybemia, 
and its inhabitants Mybmii, by the andents, and that 
it was regarded as an island. Ammianus, speak- 
ing of the Scots having been defeated in /<Tn, could 
not mean Ireland, which country they had never 
invaded. Gildas mentions the Scots and Picts as 
trafwnarini ; and even Bede gives hb testimony 

II ■■ ... 1 

* Aathor af a «• History of the On«L** 



to the fact. Writing of the ^ two crnellj savage 
transmarine nations," the Sootsand PictSy he sajB — 
" We call these nations transmarine, not because 
they did not belong to Britain, but because they 
came from a remote part of the coontry, cat off 
from the rest by two arms of the sea, of which the 
one rushing from the eastern ocean, and the other 
from the western, penetrate far into the land, 
idtbongh th^ do not actually meet each other." 
Agricola, no doubt, discovered' that thaiides of 
both seas were divided by a narrow neck of land ; hut 
Albyn continued to be spoken of in the sense of Bede 
notwithstanding.* Even Richard, so often quoted 
by Chalmers, though no doubt better informed than 
most geogra{^er4 of the period, still retained the 
opinion that the country was divided by the chain 
of lakes whose conj unction now forms the Caledonian 
Canal. Osorius, who flourished at the commence- 
ment of the flilh century, is quoted by Chalmers, as 
saying that — ** Igbemkt, which we call Scotland, 
is surrounded on every side by the ocean." But this 
very Osorius elsewhere states that North Britun was 
called an ijiland by mariners in the days of Alfred. 
That there were Scots in Ireland it would be absurd 
to deny ; and the iact of their being found in both 
countries, together with the geographical mistakes 
of the ancients, seems to have created all the con- 
jfttsion that prevails in regard to their history. 
The Scots, however, can never be said to have 
been '^pre-eminent " in Ireland. Chalmers, when 
he oonMilted Ptolomy, did not find them located 
there; but he discovered them in the map of 
Richard. He, however, forgets to mention the 
important statement of that geographer, that the 
Scots of Ireland were those who were forced, on 
the arrival of the Belgs, to leave their native coun- 
try ; and who, as remarked by Logan, *' it is pro- 
bable, passed over fh>m Scotland where the two 
islands i4)proximate so closely.'* This fact does 
not seem to have been sufficiently attended to by 
those who have made the origin of the Scots a 
subject of inquiry, though Chalmers himself un- 
wittingly gives countenance to the circumstance. 
*' The British Belgic tribes,'' he says, ^ were eri- 
dently Celtic, from the names of places and per- 
sons. Three of the tribes were named by the 
Romans, Camabii, Bamnii, and Cantie. The two 
first were to be found in North Britain, one of 
which, the Damnii, took poesessioii of the shires of 
Ayr, Lanark, Renfrew, Stirling, and a portion of 

* Amongst otber evidences of this, Logan mentions that 
<* in the British lluaenm is s ma|», originally oonttmeted 
in 1479« vhieb represents Scotland as completely insulated 
from the estuarlei of ihe Forth and Clyde ; and It is so 
represented in the Cosmography of Peter Apianos, pab- 
llshed at Antwerp in 1 643, although 'expurgated' from 
error." The ancient Dtteriptio AlbanUt speakt of the 
mountaioB which divide Scotland /hmi Argyle; though 
Argyle is elswhere placed as in the west part of Scotland. 

Dumbarton and Perth."* They were called, he 
farther observes, Be]g8B,fromBd2, signifying tumult. 
Thus driven from their lands by the tumultuous 
BelgsB, the aborig^es of the west Lowlands, who 
would naturally seek refuge on the opposite shores 
of the Firth, and in the north of Ireland, might well 
be called, under the circumstances, Sedie, or Soots, 
the di9per$ed or scattered. This is the derivation 
of the word adopted by Chalmers, but he assumes 
it in a sense the very reverse of the obvious mean- 
ing. He i4)plies it as diaracterisdc of the ** pasnon 
for enterprise " of the Scots, in allusion to their 
frequent incursions from Ireland against the Ro- 
mans. Now, the term ecaitered or dispened, rig- * 
nifies a very different kind of impulsion — a com- ' 
pulsory rather than a voluntary movement. Hie 
statement of Richard thus accounts, in a rational 
manner, for the origin of the SeeUe^ both m Ire- 
land and Argyleshire. Nor does it militate greatly 
against this hypothesis that the SeoH are not men- 
tioned in Ptolomy*s or Richard's itineraries of Soot- 
land. In the map of Scotland, the various tribes, 
according to Chalmers, were designated chiefly in 
reference to the features of the district which Uiey 
occupied, whether locally known by that designa- 
tion or not. The inhabitants of the south-west 
of Argyleshire, from Linne Loch, on the north, to 
the Firth of Clyde and the Irish Sea, on the south, 
including ** Ceantyr,'* were the Epidiif so called, 
as is supposed, from Ebydj a peninsula. Now, 
while the Ataootti, who occupied the country 
between Loch Fine and Lodi Lomond, are men- 
tioned—casually, mdeed, with the Scots, amongst 
other tribes — ^by the Romans, as taking part in 
the war, we are not aware that the Epidii are at 
all noticed. These people, occupying the very 
spot afterwards known as the ** province of the 
northern Scots" — ^to use the expression of Bede, 
which implies that there were other Scots — and 
recdving constant accessions from the low country 
as the Romans advanced, or the inhabitants be- 
came tired of subjection, lead to the conjecture 
that they were in reality a part of the very Scots 
— the scattered and diepereed — ^who, in conjunc- 
tion with the Picts, afterwards became so pro- 
minent in the annals of the country. That the 
population of Argyleshire was f^uentiy augment- 
ed in this way may be inferred from events ; but 
the fact is not left to supposition. Tacitus plainly 
states that after Agricola had extended h^ arms 
as far as tiie Clyde and Forth, much time and 
skill were employed in the difficult enterprise of 
removing ** the remaining enemies, a» it were, into 
another island,^ Here we have proof that the 
inhabitants of the Lowlands were not only driven 

* The Belgians are loppcsed to have arrived three etn* 
tories and a half before the Christian era. 


«croH the Furths^ but that the Romans regarded 
tha opposite continent as an island.* That the 
Scots were peculiar to Ireland alone, and that they 
had no permanent settlement in Scotland till the 
beginning of the sixth century, is against all rea- 
son. We find them constantly arrayed in oppod- 
tion to the Romans, fighting with all the courage 
and resolution of men who contend for thdr native 
land. No mere political alliance with the Picts, 
or the prospect of plunder, was likdy to have in- 
duced a large body of Irish periodically to cross 
the channel in their tiny curraghs, and, encounter- 
ing the aU-powerful armies of the Romans, provoke 
an invasion of their own country, unless they had 
a peculiar interest in the Scottish soil, or expected 
to jwofit permanently by their success. It would 
be indeed extraordinary, notwithstanding the ab- 
dication of the Romans, and the triumphs of the 
Scots and Picts over the Britons, if they did not ob- 
tain a settlement in Scotland till 503 — nearly a cen- 
tujy after their great enemy had abandoned it; 
and even then, a handful of men, to be satisfied 
with a comparatively barren and mountainous dis- 
trict I From all that is known, historically or tra- 
ditionally, of the North of Ireland and the West 
Highlands, there appears to have been much inter- 
course between them at an early period — an inter- 
course which can only be accounted for upon the 
supposition of a near relationship between the inha- 
bitants. The statement of Chalmers, in reference to 
the settlement of the colony under Fergus, is not 
satisfactory. He speaks of the n&ce of the Irish 
who were long known and feared by the name of 
the OruUhney who possessed the north-west of 
Ireland, and of their feuds having compelled Oair- 
bre-Raida — ^the cousin and general of Cormac, the 
supreme King of Ireland — ^to interfere and possess 
himself of a great portion of their territory. But 
who were the Cruithne f They are not mentioned 
in the maps of Ptolomy or Richard. The name 
in Gaelic is synonymous with Pictif a <»lony of 
whom is said to have settled in Antrim about 210. 
Chalmers indeed shows that the old Irish name 
for the country of the Picts is Cruithin-Tuathi 
which literally means Northern Picts. Tuath sig- 
nifies north, and CruUhnich and Picardich are 
used synonimously as the names of the Picts, not 
only by the Irish and Highland senachies, but 
also by many of the ancient authorities quoted 
by L<^^, Skene, and others-— thus clearly de- 
monstrating the fact that they were Caledonians. 
But be this as it may, it has little connection with 
the question. Bede, who wrote in the teverUh 
century, while the Scoto-Irish of Chalmers still 

* The BQmeroai dan Campbell, in Argyteahln, have a 
traditioD amongst them that they are the descendants of 
the Ajrshfre Damnli, the name, previous to the marriage 
of the heiress of Loehow to tho ancestor of the present 
Aiigyle fkmllj, beliig Dinni. 

occupied Argyleshire, says the Soots were located 
there before the Christian era; and that they 
settled under Reada or Riada, from whom thej 
were called Dalriadini. Chalmers, who writes in 
the nineUenih century, is of opinion, on the autho- 
rity of the annals of Tigemach and Ulster, writ- 
ten in the thirteenth century, that the Scots had no 
settlement in Scotland till 503. Which of the 
parties ought to be held as the best authority ? We 
cannot suppose Bede to have been ignorant of an 
event which is thus siud to have occurred only 162 
years before he was bom. It matters not whether 
he followed the popular belief in thinking that the 
Scots came originally from Spun, the fact that he 
places thdr arrival as far back as before the Chris- 
tian era, shows that they could not have been 
settled so recently as the century immediately prior 
to that in which he himself lived. The colony 
under the sons of Ere seem to have been merely 
a small aooession of a friendly and kindred race. 
O'Conner, mdeed, says that the connexion be- 
tween the Cruithne of Scotland and Cairbre- Riada 
being renewed, he obtained a settlement among 
them. They are not even spoken of in any of the 
annals as the Scots, though Chalmers tiJces the 
liberty of designating them the Scoto-Irish. The 
district of Lorn is said to have derived the name 
from Loam, one of the three sons of Ere ; but 
upon the same principle Isla should have been 
called Angus, and Kintyre Fergus, after his bro- 
thers. The fact is, the original name of Lorn was 
Lora, from labhrciy noisy, as significant of the 
cataract for which it is celebrated. Pkices, amongst 
the Celts, rarely obtained their names from indi- 
viduals. Chalmers fights equally for a system, 
when he endeavours to trace the progress of the 
Scoto-Irish topographically, after thdr settlement, 
as he assumes, in 503. He demonstrates clearly 
enough, in his first proposition, from the similarity of 
names in the topography of the three kingdoms as it 
still exists, that the inhabitants must have been one 
and the same British people. If so, and if, upon 
his own showing, thei*e were no subsequent settle- 
ments of a different race, it follows that the lan- 
guage of the various tribes could not be radically 
different. There might be, and the Roman classics 
assure us that there was, a provincial difference, 
which the lapse of many ages must have greatly in- 
creased in our own day. But that the change could 
be traced from the nath century, so distinctly as to 
amount to a moral certainty that a new tribe of the 
same people had begun to spread over the country, 
is absolutely absurd.* Chalmers surmises that the 

* As the sonthem Britons, over whom the arms of the 
Romans first provailed, spoke the Cambro-Brltish, or 
Welsh, it may be snrmlaed that the conquerors, in their 
progress northwards, eontlnued to Latinise the names of 
pLees in the Idiom with which they weie best acquainted, 
the rooU being similar, although a provincUl diffenmce 



Epidii were 80 called from the British Eh^d^ and 
that CSsatUir was tubstituted aa the name of the pro- 
montory, by the Sooto-IrLsh . But there h no proof 
that Kintyre was not the local name before the sixth 
century. Besides, the Epidii, according to Ptolomy 
and Richard, occupied a g^reater tract of country 
than Kintyre, and therefore, if the whole oC their 
territory was known as Epidia, it is not easy to 
see how one portion should undergo a change, and 
not the whole of it. Argyle, or Arragadiel, the 
country of the western Celts, was known by that 
name prior to 603 ; and the bards and senachies of 
the noble house of Argyle trace the ancestors of the 
family, the Lords of Lochow, as far back as the 
year 404, a century prior to the period assigned 
as the date of the arrival of the Scots. Chal- 
mers does not attempt to show that the topo- 
graphy of the West Highlands, with the exception 
of the single word Kintyre, underwent the slight- 
est change in consequence of the settlement of the 
sons of Ere — a presumption, in his own way, that 
what he calls the Scoto-Irish language was not 
new to Ai^gyleshire. He endeavours to prove 
the introduction of the Irish (Gaelic by reference to 
a charter of David L, wherdn he finds "Inverin 
quifuit Aberin" But, as Logan remarks, " this 
IS anything but satisfactory. He means to show 
that the Irish Inbhear supplanted the Scottish 
Abar or Aber. Inver^ here used with ttt, an island 
or country, signifies the land which lies between 
the confluence of two rivers ; and Aber, which 
seems to be the original word, is generally applied 
in the same sense. Aber, however, properly de- 
notes marsh and boggy grounds ; but as this place 
lay on the east coast, it had been probably drained 
by the industrious Picts, and could no longer, with 
propriety, be called Aber-in. Abar is a compound 
word, from ah, an obsolete Gaelic term for water, 
which, as may be seen in many names still exist- 
ing, became soflened into at;. BoTf is a heap, a 
height, or point. Now, the Caledonians genendly 
chose marshes as the sites of their entrenchments ; 
and many Highlanders I have found yet understand 
by aber, a work, as of an earthen mound, a trench, 
Sto, If, however, the language of the Eirinieh 
differed from that of the Scottish Gael, which it 
is said to have supplanted, no tradition or valid 
proof remains to attest it; and if the Dalriads 
brought over their language, they did so effectu- 
ally, for they have left no Invers behind them." 
The whole topography of Ireland supplies only 
two instances of the word — the one, Inver Bay, 

prevailed amongst the inhabttanii of North Britain. This 
may aoeonnt for the predominance of the Gam bro- British 
in the maps of Ptolomj and Richard ; and hcnee, as the 
language of the natives came to be recorded in more mo. 
dem times, the topographical disparity npon which Clial- 
mors founds his theory of a new colony of people. 

in Donegal, and the other Inveragh, in Kerry ; 
while it is to be found almost in every district 
in Scotland. Inyemesibire, especially the north- 
east and sottth'West parts, has always continu- 
ed in the possession of the same race of people. 
Drimalbin, which extends from the head of Loch 
Lomond to the head of Loch Etive^ was the 
boundary of the Scots previous to the soj^xjeed 
conquest and extermination of the Picts. Bui 
aU modem historians of any authority confine 
that conquest to the three Pictish provinces south 
of the Grampians, namely, Fife, Strathem, and 
Angus ; and nobody beltevee that the PictSy even 
of these provinces, were exterminated. Kow 
we find that the names of places in the pro- 
vinces occupied by the Pict»— not only on the 
north, but also on the south of the Grampians, in 
Fife, Strathem, Angus, and Ayrshire (the country 
of the Damnii) are all in Uie same language. 
Among the original' twenty-one tribes mentioned 
by Chalmers as inhabiting North Britain, are the 
Catani of Caithness. The continual descents of 
the northmen at length induced the greater part 
of this tribe to retire into the districts of Badenoch 
and Lochaber, where they are at this day knows 
as the clan Cattan. Now there is not a single 
one of the names of places quoted by Chalmers, to 
prove that Ireland was colonised from Britain, 
which has not its ^significance and meaning*^ 
equally in the language of this clan Cattan — the 
undoubted descendants of the Pictish Catani — and 
in that of the descendants of the Scots of Kintyre. 
Though no man was less tolerant of the crotchets 
of others than Chalmers, he was led into the self- 
contradiction of attempting to prove that the Scoto- 
Irish were a new colony, and spoke a difierent 
language from the Picts, by a crotchet of his own, 
viz., that the Picts were a civilized people of the 
Cumreag race, and spoke a polished and highly 
cultivated language ; while the Scoto-Irish were a 
ferocious and savage people, and spoke a barbarous 
language. Is there anything inconsistent or un- 
accountable in finding people of the same lineage 
and language, difiering widely firom one another in 
their degrees of civilization ? The most polished 
statesman in the British Parliament, and the most 
unpolished weaver in Lancaster, are of the same 
lineage, and speak the same language. One of 
Chalmers' favourite arguments thus turns upon 
himself, and proves that the Scots were not, as a 
body, from Irdand. Chahners represents the Dal- 
riadian emigration to Scotland as originating ^ in 
the prevalence of conquest and the pK>g^ress of 
population ;** but he at the same time is of opin- 
ion that it was a peaceable settlement, and that 
"Loam, Fergufi, and Angus, the tliree sons of 
Ere, brought but few foUowers with them/* 
This is a positive contradiction. Such a settle- 



ment could not be said to arise out of ** the pre- 
valence of conquest or the progress of popula- 
tion/* since it possessed none of the features of 
either circumstance. The Irish Scots, whether 
we take the map of Richard or their subsequent 
history as a criterion, or whether we regard them 
as the Cruithne or the Dalriads, seem never to 
have constituted more than a portion of the po- 
pulation of the sister island. Had they been 
'< the ruling people," as inferred by Chalmers, and 
Ireland the exclusive Scotland of the ancients, 
it is against all reason and historical experience tb 
suppose that a small body of colonists — a mere 
oif-shoot from the indigenous stem — would have 
carried with them even the very name by which 
the mother country was known . Chalmers affirms 
that neither Ireland nor North Britain was called 
Scotland until the Saxon Alfred applied the name 
to Ireland. But this is not the case. In the work 
of Josippus, who flourished about 374, wherdn are 
recorded the acts of Josephus, the latter, in address- 
ing his countrymen about the power of the Ro- 
mans, speaks of their having subjected Britain 
and Scotich which latter is described—*' Quse con- 
dusa in stagnis aquarum."* 

Id so far as Ayrshire is concerned, there can be 
no doubt that the early inhabitants were purely Cel- 
tic ; whether called Britons, Belgse, Scots, Picts, or 
Cruithne, they must all have been of Gallic exti^- 
tion. This is apparent in the topography of the 
county, the hill-forts, stone-monuments, and Druid- 
ical and other remains which have everywhere been 
found. Even yet, notwithstanding the frequent 
accesnons in later times, of Saxons, Normans, 
and Flemings, the bulk of the population retains 
much of its original features. This appears in 
the prevailing patronymics, many of which pre- 
serve their Celtic prefixes, such as M'Culloch, 
M'Creath, M'Crindle, M'Adam, M'Phadric or 
M'Phedries ; or have dropped them, like the Alex- 
anders, Andrews, Kennedies, and Bones, within 
these few centuries. Campbell is a numerous sur- 
name. The Celtic lineaments are perhaps not so 
strong in Cuninghame, at least in the middle por- 
tion of it, as in the other districts ; but this is 
easily accounted for by the early settlement of the 

* Ttiis pasBage, somewhat freely translated — Scotia^ 
thai is shut up in marshea of waters, or bogs—ia held to 
be descriptive of Ireland even at tlie present day. Later- 
ally rendered, however, it would road differentljr — Scotia, 
tthieh is enclosed in lakes, or standing waters ; the Latin 
word for imrsh or bog being palus» It never could be 
8«id that an island was encloseain marshes, however much 
it miglit abound with them. When wo Icnow that Cale- 
donia was popularly understood by the Romans to be cut 
off from Britain by the waters of the Forth and Clyde, 
aad that its shores were Indented with numerons arms of 
the sea; and farther, that they never invaded, much less 
eon^aeiied, Ireland, it is difficult to conceive that Jose- 
) bus allu<tod to any other country than Caledonia. (See 
Oxfoid Ed., 17U6, 4&0., p. 371 ) 

De Morville, and other great families from Eng- 
land, in the ritihest parts of it. In Font's maps, 
drawn up at the commencement of the seventeenth 
century, the Celtic names are more numerous both 
in Kyle and Cuninghame than in the maps of the 
present day. The Gaelic language is said to have 
been spoken in some quarters of Ayrshire so late 
as the sixteenth century.* 


Prior to the era of the Romans, who invaded 
Scodand in 80, there are no records whatever of 
our history; and even the transactions of that 
period, stretching over nearly four hundred years, 
are so briefly and loosely narrated by the classic 
historians that a connection of events is not to be 
traced. Our own traditional and written narra- 
tives of that and subsequent times, most of which 
were lost in the civil commotions of the country, 
have been regarded by recent authors as nearly, 
if not wholly, fabulous. Circumstances, however, 
incline us to be less sceptical of the main facts re- 
corded. When we know that many of our learned 
antiquaries positively questioned whether the Ro- 
mans had ever penetrated into Galloway, much 
less into Ayrshire, and that Chalmers assigned 
as a reason for his opinion that Agricola re- 
turned from the Firth of Forth and Clyde to in- 
vade Galloway by the south in place of the west, 
that few remains of them had been discovered in 
the county, we need not be surprised that any 
account of their transactions in these districts 
should be regarded as apocryphal.t The indefa* 
tigable Mr Train, however, actually traced a Ro- 
man way from Kirkcudbright to the town of Ayr. 
The road, considerable portions of which still re- 
main, enters the co*inty near Dalmellington, and 
runs from thence, east of the Doon, by the farms 
of Penessan, Boreland, Causeway, and near Cockhill, 
whence it continued in a straight line past Castle^ 
hill, Forehill, and Foulcauseway, to Ayr, which it 
approached by what is now called Mill Street. 
It was probably a branch line from the Annandale 
road, which, diverging to the lefV, crossed the Nith, 
and traversed the Strath of the Scar in a north- 
west direction. Ayr would form one of the prin- 
cipal outlets to the Clyde. Chalmers says that no 
Roman Camps have been discovered in Ayi'sliire. 
This was perhaps true at the time he wrote, but it 
is no longer so. The remains of one exist near 
Galston, in the parish of Loudoun ; another not far 
from Avisyard, in the parish of New Cumnock; and 

* Buchanan. 

t See VoL I. of Caledonia. In Vol. III. of that work, 
Chalmers, better informed upon the subject, describes the 
Roman road from Kirkcudbright to Ayr, as traced by Mr 
Train, together with various other Roman remains, of 
which he Hppears to have had no notiou when his fimt 
volume was put to press. 




a third at Parkmoor, in the pariah of Tarbolton. 
These were approached by a causeway, which is 
known to have ooarsed along the south ude of Avon- 
dale^ towards the gorge of Loudoun Hill, and from 
thence^ in all likelihood^ followed the banks of the 
Irvine to its eflux into the Clyde. Several Roman 
remains, such as brouze oamp-kettles, haVe been 
found near Loudoun, and a Roman gladius about 
two miles from Irvine. This, together with the 
remains of Roman baths at Newfidd, in the parish 
of Dundonald, Ardrossan, and Largs,* shows that 
Ayrshire was fully opened up to the Romans, who 
are known to have provincialised the greater part 
of the Lowlands of Scotland. In his fourth cam- 
pftign, in 81, Agricoli^ penetrated as far as the 
Forth and Clyde. He ihea turned his arms against 
Galloway, with the view of securing his rear before 
prosecuting his conquests farther north. The rest- 
less and warlike disposition of the people over 
whom the Romans held sway, however, rendered 
their authority very insecure, and every opportu- 
nity favourable to revolt was eagerly embraced. 
Between the recal of Agricola in 85, and the erec- 
tion of the wall from the Tyne to the Solway, in 
120, there must have been considerable commotion 
and numerous battles, though the classic authors 
are silent on the subject. LoUius Urbicus, ap- 
pointed ruler of Britain in 139,hy his good ma- 
nagement and generalship restored peace to the 
Roman provinces, and built the wall of Antonine, 
between the Forth and Clyde, by which the Cale- 
donians were restrained within thdr mountain 
fastnesses. The recal of Urbicus in 161, however, 
led to renewed insurrections ; and from that period 
dovm to the final abdication of the Romans, the 
wall of Antonine was frequently broken through, 
and the west coasts of the Lowlands invaded from 
the oppoate shores of the Clyde. If the silence of 
the Roman authors is to be regarded as authority, 
peace prevailed for nearly a century after the treaty 
between Caracalla and the Romans. Be this as 
it may, the Roman authors prove that Constance 
found it necessary to repair to Britain to repel the 
incursions of the Caledonians and other Ficts in 
306. In 360, the Roman annalists first mention 
the Scots, in conjunction vnih the Ficts. Four 
years afterwards, the incursions of these warlike 
tribes are acknowledged to have been more general 
and destructive than at any preceding period. 
Theodosius, however, is said to have restored tran- 
quillity in two campaigns. Again hostilities broke 
out in 898, when, we are informed, StiUcho sent 
such aid as secured peace. In 422, a legion, the 
last aid vouchsafed to the Britons, was aent over, 
who drove back the invaders and rebuilt the walls. 
Such is the meagre outline of events in North 

* The Roman 1>ath at Lai^ was discovered In a garden 
tMilooging to Mrs Hill, post-mistreafl, abont 1820. 

Britain to be drawn from the Roman am 
During these various operations, however, it is ap- 
parent that many eventful circumstanoes most 
have occurred which oould not fail to be remem- 
bered by the annalists of the Soots and Ficts.* 
Ayrshire, during this memorable period, from its 
easy access from the opposite shores of the Clyde 
and the coasts of Ireland, seems to have been 
the debatable land between Galloway, which was 
the stronghold of the Romans, and the mountain 
country of the Scots and Ficts. It is narrated 
by our historians that Marimna^ the Roman Ilea- 
tenant, conceived the policy of fomenting strife 
between the nations of the Soots and Ficts, with 
the view of obtaining a more easy conquest of the 
entire country, Qorth as well as south of the Gram- 
pians. He succeeded, accordingly, in forming a 
league with the Fictish King to expel the Scots* 
Eugenins, the Scottish King, who reigned, accord- 
ing to our ancient chronicles, in 376, when com** 
pelled to take the field in his own defence, found 
himself so well su|^rted, probably by Ficts as 
well as Scots, who repudiated the policy of the 
Roman general, that he was enabled to meet him 
and his allies on the banks of the Cree^ in Galloway, 
at the head of a large army. The battle which 
ensued proved disastrous to the Scots. They 
fled ; but being supported by a fresh reinforcement, 
another battle ensued equally desperate with the 
first. Night, however, putting an end to the 
conflict, Eugenius retired into Carrick, while the 
Roman general was under the necessity of re- 
pairing to the south, to quell some commotions 
that had occurred in Kent. With the ezoep- 
tion of a portion of Galloway, where some Ro- 
man garrisons were left to overawe the inhabi- 
tants, the whole of North Britain at this period 
appears to have been virtually in the possession of 
the natives. Meanwhile the feud, arising out of 
the recent treatv, continued between the Fictish 
and the Scottish monarchs, the latter of whom, at 
the head of his still powerful army, carried fire and 
sword into the provinces of the former. To avenge 
this, the Roman general next year marched a large 
force against the Scots. According to Bnohanan, 
Eugenius was enabled to meet the Romans with 
an army of 50,000 warriora.t Ayrshire was the 
battle-field of this renewed contest. The forces 
of Eugenius were mustered, it would seem, in the 

* Clialnieni refers to tlie principle peculiar to the Celtle 
raoe» that they made it a rule never to commit any thiof 
to writiogy as a reason for the mystery in which tlie big- 
tory of the Soots and Picts is involved. But we know thai 
they bad their bards, whose business it was to record the 
deeds of the brave ; and we doubt not that their enlogiea 
were equally as impartial and Just as those of tiie llnwan 
panegyrists, whose Ignorance and misrepresentations Chal- 
mers himself does not refrain flrom attacking, when their 
silence or assertion stands in the way. 

t Ihe Dumber is no doubt eiaggerated. 



di&fcriet of Kyle; and he had scarcely completed 
h» arrangements when intelligence was brought 
that Maximos was wiihm a few miles of him, 
at the bead of as large an army as had ever ap- 
peared in Oattoway. The hostile forces met at the 
water of Doon ; and the battle that ensued is de- 
soribed as one of the most terrific and resolately 
contested that had occurred during the whole 
Bornan war. The result was fearfully disastrous 
to the Soots. Engenins himself, disdaining to fly, 
was slain, as well as all the other leaders ; and the 
whole army were either taken prisoners or de- 
stroyed. HolKnshed asserts that the body of Eu- 
genius was afterwards discovered amongst the 
dead, and interred with princely honours. The 
fweoise locality of the batile-fidd is not mentioned 
by any of our historians ; but the sepulchral re- 
mains which have been disooTered leave no doubt 
that some such battle or battles as that described 
were actually fought in the immediate vicinity of 
the Dooo. The vmier of the Statistical Account 
of the Parish of Ayr says-—'* There are manifest 
iadieations that the whole of the lower part akmg 
the sea-coast, from river to river [Ayr and Doon], 
had been the scene of some grettt struggle in whldi 
ihe Romans and the natives were combatants, and 
that probably in more than one conflict. Through- 
out the wh^ of this space, Roman and British 
places of sepulture are found, with Roman armour, 
flwords, lances, daggers, and pieces of mail, and 
brazen camp vessds, intermixed with British urns 
of rude baked day, hatchet and arrow heads, and 
ctiier irajJements of warfkre used by the Cale- 
donians. One of the largest and most beautiful 
€4 these urns was found some years ago near the 
banks of ihe Doon, among a collection of ancient 


bmM>th the eaini 

"Where hnaten found the mnrdered beim.' " 

The writer of the account of the parish of Dal- 
rymple, which village is about five miles farther 
np the river, mentions that ^a stone coflln and 
bones were discovered in BarbiesUm Holm, near 
the river Doon, and. about a furlong to the east of 
Dahrymple v31i^." The bones roust have been 
those of a very gpgantic person. The skeleton was 
afanost entire. The late Mr Fullarton of Sheldon, 
who stood ^ye feet eleven inches high, applied the 
tUgh bone of the skeleton to his own, when he 
fbund that it reached neariy to the middle of his 
flliin. It must have belonged, therefore, to a body 
of eadareme height and power. Near to '< where 
the stone ooflbi was found, there was a large cann 
of stones, and not fkt distant there were two others, 
CM at St Valley and another at PriesthiU. The 
tirbole, however, were removed in the course of the 
last thirty years ; and among the stones were hu- 
man and other bones, and some heads of pikes, 

spears, a Roman vessel," &c. In the vicinity, on 
lK>th sides of the Doon, are the remains of several 
British fortlets, which attest the presence, at some 
period or other, of a hostiie power. A short dis- 
tance above Barbieston, on the opposite side of the 
river, buried on the top of a little knoll called the 
Tor, an earthen vessel, eridently ancient and of 
British manufacture, containing a quantity of cal- 
cined bones, was excavated when digging for marl 
a short time ago. It is in the possession of the ten- 
ant of the farm. If ever such a battle as that de- 
scribed by our early historians was fought between 
the Scots and Romans, Barbieston-hohn was, in all 
probability, the scene of the conflict, and the re- 
mains contained in the stone oofiin may have been 
those of Eugenius, who was buried on the field of 
battle, with ^ princely honours." The line of the 
Roman road already described is not fkt from the 
supposed battle field. That there had been engage- 
ments in various other parts of Ayrshire, as well as 
along the margin of the Doon, between the Romans 
and the natives, is extremely probable, though no 
positive remains of a battle have been discovered. 
The Roman camps at Loudoun and Parkrooor, 
and the Roman military way still traceable for a 
short distance along the banks of the Lrrine, show 
that the county was intersected by two principal 
communications. There is a cairn, however, in the 
ridnity of the Loudoun Hill camp, traditionally said 
to mark the spot where, in subsequent times, a ren- 
oountre took place between a party of Scots under 
Wallace and an English force, which, were it 
opened, might turn out to be of the Roman period. 
Besides various implements of warfare found in 
the ridnity of camps, British as well as Roman, a 
variety of similar remains have been discovered in 
the parishes of Maybole, Stevenston, and Irvine. 

llie death of Eugenius is sud to have been fol- 
lowed by an event which has given rise to much 
discussion and doubt — the expulsion of the Scots 
by the Picts and Romans. Obtain circumstances, 
it is contended, give countenance to the fact. Maxi- 
mus and Eugenius are known to have been con- 
temporaneous. The Scots — ^who had fled to Ire- 
land, the Isles, and Scandinavia — are represented 
by Buchanan as having prevailed upon the Irish, 
^ partly by the remembrance of their ancient re- 
lationship, and partly by commisseration for their 
misfortunes," to aid them in an abortive attempt 
to recover their inheritance. Of this there is no 
proof; but it is known that both in 398, and sub- 
sequently, the Romans were called upon to repel 
renewed attacks in which the Scots were participa- 
tors ; and IT the lines, from Claudian, quoted by 
Chalmers, apply at all to Ireland, it seems to point 
to this very circumstance — 

" When the Scot moved all Ireland, and the flood 
Rolling between foamed with the hostile oai*.*' 



The sense of this passage would lead one to sup- 
pose that the inhabitants of Ireland, who were 
not Scots, had been excited hy the Scots. After 
the expulsion of the Scots, and their defeat in 
attempting to regain their former position, the 
Pices had occasion, so say our chroniclers, to regret 
their folly in yielding to the policy of Maximus ; 
and they inviteil the Scots, under Fergus, son of 
Ere — entering, at the same time, into a solemn 
treaty of mutual support — to return to their pos- 
sessions. This, according to our old historians, 
occurred in 463, during the reign of the Pictish 
king Durstus, who b ascertiuned to have succeeded 
to the throne in 414 — differing only eleven years 
from the date of Buchanan. Chalmers, however, 
maintains, as we have seen, that the settlement of 
the Scots in Argyleshire did not take place till 
603, in proof of which he has drawn up a table of 
their kings from the various genealogies to which 
he had access — the different reigns of whom give 
a total of 340i years, making up precisely the 
lapse of time between 603 and 843, when the 
Pictish kingdom merged into that of the Scots. 
This looks very like a confirmation of his theory, 
that Fergus arrived in the sixth, and not in the 
fifth, century ; but the table is not satisfactory, for 
he has evidently been compelled to adopt epochs 
of time for which he has apparently not the slight- 
est authority. For instance, Donal-Breac is stated, 
in five out of six of the ancient chronicles, to have 
reigned fourteen years, yet he puts down Jive only ; 
while between 706 and 733, twenty-seven years are 
assumed as the medium in the most arbitrary man- 
ner. Chalmers' table, therefore, cannot be held as 
evidence against all previous historians, who state 
that 403, and not 603, was the epoch of the ar- 
rival of Fergus. Not one of the genealogical lists 
are correct ; and, therefore, to attempt making up 
a perfect one from the whole, without adhering to 
the statement of the minority, cannot be regarded in 
any other light than as bolstering up a system. In 
these circumstances we prefer adhering, for want of 
better authority, to the older chronicles ; and shall 
consider the settlement of Fergus in Argyleshire 
— which is said, though we have no evidence of 
the fact, to have been the second coming of the 
Soots — as having occurred prior to the abdication 
of the Romans, which event finally took place in 

State of the Cauntvy dwring the Roman Period, 

We have no other means of judging of the state 
of ihe country while the Romans held possession 
of it, than what is supplied by their own histo- 
rians and panegyrists, whose statements ought to 
be taken with caution. Caesar represented the 
Britons as in a state of great barbarity. The in- 
habitants of the Kentish coast, from their inter- 

course with Gaul, were somewhat more civilised ; 
but the whole nation generally are said to have 
painted their bodies and clothed themselves in skins. 
The greater part sowed no land, but lived on milk 
and flesh. This description of course referred to 
South Britain, but has been held as equally appli- 
cable to Scotland. The description of TacituSy 
however, who speaks of North as well as South 
Britain, is not indicative of such extreme iNM^barity. 
*' The Britons," he says, ** were formerly governed 
by a race of kings,'' and " some ai their warriors 
take the field in chariots." Aooor&g to this 
author^the Caledonians fought against the Romans 
^vith cLariots, at the foot of the Grampians. If 
so, it is impossible to conceive that a people who 
could construct chariots could be so barbarous as 
is represented by Caesar. Chalmers well remarks 
that ** the stone monuments of vast labour which 
still remain — ^the hill forts of the ingenious con- 
struction of many hands, that could not even now 
be taken by storm — and the gallant stand which 
they systematically opposed to the disciplined valour 
of Uie Roman armies — clearly show the Caledonian 
people in a better light of civilisation and polity 
than the classic authors uniformly represent." To 
what extent the Romanised portion of Scotland 
benefited from the presence of the '' conquerors <^ 
the world" cannot be ascertained. They do not 
seem to have effected any great change either on 
the. face of the country or in the habits of the 
people. Not a vestige of Roman topography re- 
mains ; nor is it certain whether they imparted the 
knowledge of a single art to the natives. The 
introduction of agriculture is generally attributed 
to the Romans ; but it appears from Caesar that the 
inhabitants of the Kentish coast, at least, were in 
the habit of sowing ; and Tacitus, writing about 
a century and a half later, says — ^the country b 
** fertile, and yields com in great plenty." Their 
possesions in Scotland were held upon too preca- 
rious and warlike a footing to be of much ad- 
vantage to the subdued. Ayrshire especially, so 
much exposed to the conflict of arms, could not be 
expected to gain much by their presence. The 
opening up of the county by two central military 
roads, which communicated with the Clyde^ and 
the clearing away of no small extent of wooding 
— ^for there is every reason to believe that a great 
portion of the county was one entire forest* — were 
in themselves no small boon, if the circumstanceB 
of the district otherwise had permitted a pro^ 
gressive advance in improvement. Ayrshire does 
not seem to have possessed a single town when 

* In Tuiocui districts of Ayrshire* especially in moasy 
soils, immense roots of trees have been discovered, the 
remains, in all likelihood, of those ** anpruned forests'* 
which the Bomans found, on their first penetrating Noith 
Britain, so obstmctive of their progress. 



Ptolomj's map ^'as drawn up- —about the middle 
of the second century — though it is probable that 
Ayr and Irvine, the two principal outlets to the 
Clyde, began to take their rise during the Roman 
period. The religion of the inhabitants, like that 
of the rest of the country, was Druidism . Numei*- 
oos tumuli have been discovered in various parts 
of the county, containing the ashes of the dead, 
according to the mode of sepulture which prevailed 
under the Druidical system. A very entire speci* 
men of the celt, used by the Druids for cutting 
the misletoe, or slaying the sacrifice,* was dis- 
covered, a few years ago, in the parish of Tarbol- 
ton. In the parish of Kirkoswald, however, there 
are distinct remains of a Druidical circle. At Guff 
Uill also, in the parish of Beith, there is one of 
those famous devices — a rocking.stone — ^to which 
the Druids are known to have latterly had recourse. 
Certain other indications also lead to the belief 
that there was a Druidical place of sacrifice on the 
opposite side of the hiU. As Christianity is known 
to have been introduced into Scotland during the 
Roman period, at the commencement of the fifth 
century, and as it was first taught in Galloway 
by St Ninian, it is probable that it was early em- 
braoed by the inhabitants of this county. 


The five Romanised tribes of North Britain 
continued to occupy their respective districts, and 
were known in history as the Cumbrians, or Wa- 
lenses. They remiuned divided, as formerly, in 
clanships, each independent of the other, and an 
almost constant civil war was the consequence. 
They were exposed to repeated inroads from the 
Scots and Picts ; and to the invasion of a still more 
dangerous enemy — ^the Saxons— who, in the fifth 
century, extended their conquests along the east 
coast of North Britain, from the Tweed to the 
Forth; the defeated Ottadini and Oadeni falling 
back among their countrymen, the Damnii, and 
other tribes who occupied the Lothians. Seeing 
the peril by which they were surrounded — the 
Picts and Scots on the north, and the Saxons 
on .the south — ^the inhabitants of Ayrshire, Ren- 
frewshire, Lanarkshire, Dumfriesshire, Liddes- 
dale, Teviotdale^ Galloway, and the greater part of 
Dumbartonshire and Stirlingshire, formed them- 
selves into a distinct kingdom called Alcluyd. 
The metropolis of the kingdom— ^Alcluyd — was, 
no doubt, situated on the banks of the Clyde, but 
the precise locality is not now known. Dumbarton 
rock was the main place of strength, and the seat 
of the reguli. The history of the Alcluyd kingdom 
presents a series of wars, domestic and foreign, 
throughout the greater portion of its existence^ 
sometimes with the Plots, sometimes with the Scots, 

* StatistlCAl AccoanU 

ofteoer with the Saxons, and not less frequently one 
clan against another. Though repeatedly defeated 
and overrun, they continued to defend themselves 
with gi*eat spirit ; and more than once their restless 
enemies felt the weight of their sword. They de- 
feated Aidan of Kintyre in a battle fought, it is 
supposed, at Airdrie, in 577 ; and, in confederation 
with that king, Malgon, the Alcluyd monarch, 
gained a signal victory over the Saxons in West- 
moreland, in 584. In 642, they killed in battle 
Donal-Breac, king of Kintyre ; and slew the bro- 
ther of the Pictish monarch in one of the numerous 
engagements they had with that people in 749. 
They were also called upon to measure arms vritb 
the PietSf or CruWuney of Ireland, who invaded 
Ayrshire in 681. According to the Ulster annalsy 
the CruUhne advanced as far as Mauchline^ where 
they sustained a thorough defeat. They had again, 
in 702—3, to repel another invasion of the same 
people, when the battle of Culinfield was fought. 
The misfortunes of the Alduydensians, however, 
more than counterbalanced their successes. They 
were completely subjected for the time by the cele- 
brated Arthur of history, who flourished in the 
sixth century ; and in 750, Eadbert, the Northum- 
brian monarch, marching through Nithsdale, took 
possession of Cuninghame and Kyle. Five years 
afterwards, by the united forces of. the Picts and 
Saxons, the capital of Alcluyd was taken and sacked ; 
but the hill-fort of Dumbarton continued impreg- 
nable, and the nation unconquered. Alcluyd was 
again taken by the Scots and Picts, in 779, and 
burned to the ground. Though the reguli after- 
wards sunk into comparative insigpaificance, the 
chiefs always contrived to resume thdr power 
when the stoi*m of war had blown over ; and the 
people continued long in possession of the coun- 
try under the name of Walemee. The Oruithne 
are understood to have effected a settlement in 
Galloway during the ninth century ; when the de- 
cline of the Northumbrian kingdom weakened the 
power of the Saxons in that quarter. The author 
of the " History of Galloway" mentions the exist- 
ence of a wall between the Firth of Clyde and 
the Solway, which he thinks probable was built 
by the Novantes and Selgovse^ after the departure 
of the Romans, to protect themsdves from the 
incursions of the Scots and Picts. It is thus de- 
scribed : — ^ This rampart, which, in some of the 
districts through which it passes, is called the 
Eomofh snd In others the Ptcto* Dyke^ seems to 
have been generally built entirely of stone, though 
in localities where stones could not be conveniently 
obtained H was composed of stone and turf. The 
original height of this fence cannot now be ascer- 
tained, but its breadth at the base is exactly eight 
feet. Like other ramparts of the same kind, it had 
a fosse on one vde, and probably a path to faciU- 



late oommumcaUan on the other. The remains 
oi this fltncient work have been traced from Liocfa 
Ryan to the north-east border of the stewartry of 
Kirkcudbright, the whole length of its devious 
course through Galloway being upwards of fifty 
miles. AfWr leaving the stewartry it enters Dum- 
friesshire, and passing through a part of that coanty, 
joins the BriUon WaUf in the parish of Annan. 
It afterwards runs into the Solway, nearly opposite 
to Bowness in Cumberland. This rampart must 
have been made by a people inhabiting its south 
sule, that it might serve as an impediment, or a 
temporary barrier, to arrest the progress of some 
northern foe ; for the fosse is on the north side, 
and it sometimes takes a circuitous direction to 
include fertile or cultivated fields." Chalmers 
seems to have been igpaorant of the remains of 
such a rampart. It could scarcely have been built 
to oppose the inroads of the Scots and Picts — ^for 
the other lowland dans were equally interested in 
repelling thehr predatory attacks. It seems more 
likely to have been the work of the Picts — the 
Irish Cruithne— -who at leng^ succeeded in form- 
ing a settlement in that ]hrt of the country. In 
the devastating dvil war which so long raged with 
vavying success between the Scots and Picts, until 
the two crowns bi^came united in the person of 
Kenneih II., in 843, Ayrshire does not appear at 
any time to have been the theatre of the struggle. 
In 836, however, the Alduydenaans of Kyle were 
invaded by the father of this monarch — ^Alpin, king 
of the Scots — who landed at Ayr with a large 
body of foUowers. He is said to have wasted the 
country between the Ayr and the Doon as hr 
inland as the vidnity of Dalmellington, about ox- 
teen miles from the sea. There he was met by an 
armed fbroe under the diiefs of the district, and a 
battle having ensued, Alpin was sLun, and his army 
totally routed. The spot where the king was 
buried is called at this day Laicht-Alpinj or the 
grave of Alpin. Chalmers dbeerves that this hct 
is important, as showing that the Gaelic language 
was then the prevailing tongue in Ayrshire. No 
doubt it is ; but it is one of the strongest arguments 
that could be urged against his theory that the 
Gadio was superinduced upon the British, whidi 
he hdds was llie language ot the Caledonian Picts, 
as wdl as the Romanised tribes. If the Damnil 
of Ayrshire spoke Gaelic in 836, they must have 
done so long bdbre ; because at that period, as we 
have seen, ^ Scots of Argyle had made nosetUe- 
ment in Ayrshire. 

The union of the Scots and Plots formed a new 
era in the history of Scotland ; whksh ikDs to be 
considered imder a different head. In the mean- 
time we may take a glance backwards. From the 
abdication of the Ronuuis, in 446, till the supre- 
macy of the Scots, In 843, the history of the coun- 

try, so fiur as it has been prcso t vcd or can be rdied 
upon, presents little fAae than a series of conflicts. 
The Scots, Picts, Alduydensians, and Saxons all 
held independent districts. The Saxon power — > 
which at one lime threatened to overwhdm the 
greater part of the country — received a severe 
check from the I^cts, whose country they had in- 
vaded, at the battle of Dun-nichen, in 686 ; and 
though they afterwards appear in the fidd as alHes 
with their conquerors, in harasdng the unhappy 
Alduydensians, the Northumbrian kingdom never 
regained its former extent. Amid such constant 
war and rapine much progress in drilization was 
not to be expected. Tet Chalmers assures us that 
at the epoch when the Picts ceased to be an inde- 
pendent people, both the Britons and the Picts spoke 
a highly cultivated language, and possessed many 
spedmens of the finest poetry, from a long succes- 
sion of elegant poets. This statement is founded 
upon the Welsh Archaidogy, but it is doubtftil 
whether these remains, where attributed to North 
Britain, are genuine. At all events it is question- 
able whether the languid in which they are writ- 
ten was really that spoken by the Picts and Ro- 
manised tribes. The spedroen left by MerUmug 
CaledoniuSf ibr example, who, it is said, was bom 
on the north of the Clyde, and flourished about 660» 
cannot, even though it were genuine, be regarded 
as purdy Pictish, it baring been written after a 
long rendence in Wales. We have seen that Chal- 
mers is most unhappy, and somewhat contradictive, 
in his attempt to prove the dissimilarity of the 
Chielic, and the other Celtic dialects spoken through- 
out Scotland. We know that the Scots, Picts, and 
Cumbrians, or inhabitants of Strathduyd, required 
no interpreter in their intercourse, yet a Gadic 
sdiolar ci the present day could not understand the 
Pictish of Merlin. How it came that the Picts 
and lowland tribes spoke the British or Welsh, 
while the Scoto-Irish, similarly descended, should 
speak a veiy diflerent dialect, Chalmers does not 
take the trouble of attempting to show. The 
progress of sodety in the social arts, it is to be 
presumed, would have kept pace with literature ; 
but of this there is no record. 


What is called the Scottish era of our history 
extends from 843, when the Pictish crown merged 
into that of the Scottish, till Edgar succeeded to 
the throne in 1097. The annals of this period are 
meagre, and not well authenticated. Ayrshire, 
and other parts of Strathduyd, would seem to 
have suffered greatly from tiie inroads of Kenneth 
n., who, both before and after his assumption of 
the Pictish crown, is said to have amply revenged 
€be death of his fkther. The Strathduydendaas, 
however, were stiU in a podtk>n to retidiate ; for 



dwiiig those hostile events which led to the ntiion 
of the Scottish and Pictish crowns^ they are said 
to have carried their ravages as fkr as Domblane, 
whicfa they burned. Peace was at length secured 
bAween them and the Scots, by the marriage of 
Kxtf or Caw, long of the Stratlu^iiydeneiansy with 
the danghter of Kenneth ; which onion gave several 
longs to both nations. Bat scarcely were they 
free from the molestations of one enemy, than they 
were assailed by another. In 870 Uie Yikingr 
made their first landing on the shores of the Olyde. 
After a blockade of four months they took Aldnyd, 
which they sacked ; and having plundered the sur- 
rounding country, returned to Dublin, the seat of 
their adventures, the following year, carrying with 
them a number of prisoners, both Picts and Bri- 
tons. Again, in 876, the same restless enemy, 
sallying forth from Northumberiand, laid waste 
CkkUoway, and a great part of Stratbdnyd. Thus 
haraiwed by the insatiable Northmen, many of the 
inhabitants of Alduyd resolved upon emigrating 
to Wales. Under Gonstantin, their diief, they 
aocordingiy took their departure; but were en- 
countered by the Saxons at Lochmaben, where 
Coostantin was slain. They, however, repulsed 
their assailants^ and forced their way to Wales, 
where Anarawd, the king, being at the time hard 
pressed by the Saxons, assigned them a district 
which they were to acquire and maintain by the 
■word. In the fulfibnent of this condition, they 
aided the Wdah in the battle of Cymrid, where 
the Saxons were defeated and driven from the 
district. The descendants of these Strathduyd 
Britons are said to be distinguishable from the 
other inhabitants of Wales at the present day. 
The Strathduyd kingdom was, of course, greatly 
traakened by Uie departure of so many of the bert 
w arri ors ; and it continued to be oppressed both 
by the Scots and Anglo-Saxon princes. Theju- 
didoQS selection of a brand) of the Scottish line 
as their sorerdgn, bad the effect of securing peace 
between the two nations for some time. Ho^tUities, 
however, at length broke out with great Airy, in 
consequence of Gulen-^-who ascended the Scottish 
throne in 965 — ^having dishonoured his own rela- 
tive^ a grand-daughter of the late King of Strath- 
duyd. Incensed at the insult, the inhabitants flew 
to arms, under King Ardach, and marching into 
Lothian, there encountered the Scots. The battle 
was a fierce one, and victory dedared for the Al- 
daydenwans. Both Culen and bu brother Eocha 
wore slain. This occurred in 970. The Scottish 
throne was ascended by Kenneth m. ; and the 
war between the Scots and Cumbrians continuing, 
the latter, under DunwalUn — ^the successor of Ar- 
dad) — ^were at length overpowered on the bloody 
field of Vacomar; where, the Welsh chronicle 
states, the victors lost many a warrior. Dunwallin 

retired to Rome in 975. The Strathduyd king- 
dom, now fairly broken up, was annexed to the 
Scottish crown, and the inhabitants became mixed 
with the Scots and Picts. This was a successful 
era for the Scots. Thongh the country had been 
overrun by ^thelstan, the Saxons gained no per- 
manent advantage. On the contrary, Edmund, 
in 945, ceded Cumberland, in England, to Malcolm 
I., on condition of unity and aid. Lothian, which 
had preriously been hdd by England, was also 
delivered up to Malcolm III., in 1018, after the 
battle of Carham with Uohtred of Northumberland. 
The Norman conquest in 1066, compelled Edgar 
iBtbding and his sister Margaret, who became the 
wife of Malcolm Canmore^ as well as a number of 
other Saxons, to seek shdter from the Scottish 
monarch. Malcolm, who made various inroads 
upon England, brought so many prisoners with 
him on one occasion, that for many years afterwards 
the towns and villages of Scotland were Aill of 
them. The death of Malcolm, who was killed at 
Alnwick in 1093, brought considerable trouble on 
the country. The throne was ascended by his 
brother, Donal-Bane ; but Malcolm's son, Duncan, 
who was a hostage of England, obtained leave to 
invade Scotland with an army of English and 
French. He easily overthrew his uncle^ but was 
himself assassinated a few years afterwards, when 
Donal-Bane again assumed the throne. Edgar 
^theling, who bad in the meantime been restored 
to the favour of the conqueror, invaded Scotland 
at the head of a considerable army, and finally over- 
threw Donald-Bane in 1097 ; which event brought 
the Scottish period of our history to a doee. 

Language and Laws. 

Chalmers has clearly demonstrated that both 
the Cdtic lang^uage and laws predominated over 
all proper Scotland at this period. The fket that, 
at the Convocaton of the Clergy in 1074, these 
instructora of the people could only speak (Jadic, 
Malcolm Canmore himself having td act as inter- 
preter between them and the Queen, is a strong 
proof that tbe common language of the country 
was Qaelic ; but that the Qaelic of the Scoto-Irish, 
as Chalmera designates the Scots of Argylesbire, 
bad so completely superseded tbe Cambro-British 
of the Picts and Alduydensians, as to constitute 
the vernacular of the whde, seems to be an unwar- 
ranted conclusion. The Picts, a numerous people^ 
were not by any means extirpated in 843, when 
the union of the Scottish and Piotish crowns was 
efiected. So far firom this bdng the case^ it is 
evident that Kenndth ascended the Pictish throne 
as much by right as by the sword, and that the 
Pictish people continued in thdr possessuMis as 
formerly. Now, it is not to be supposed that 
under such circumstances the Qaelic of the Scots 



coald posnbly supersede the Gambro-British of 
the Picts in little more than two centuries. In 
the case of the Alduydensians, the thing is still 
more improbable. Thej existed, as we have seen, 
a distinct kingdom, till 975. The language of the 
mass could not therefore have been so thoroughly 
Scotified, only one hundred years afterwards, as to 
have all but lost its identity with the original. 
True, in the words of Chalmers, both^the people 
and the language were congenerous ; a fact which, 
if admitted to its full extent, would at once recon- 
cile the apparent discrepancy. But Chalmers has 
an object in contending for a marked distinction 
between the Scots Gaelic and the language of the 
Scots and Picts, a distinction which he by no means 
elucidates sufficiently. According to his own state- 
ment, the Gaelic must have been the language of 
Ayrshire prior to any settlement of the Scots in 
the dbtrict. He assumes that the topographical 
names introduced into Galloway by the Cruitkne 
may be traced as gradually extending northwards 
over Carrick, Kyle, Cuninghame, and Lanarkshire, 
until met by the Saxon and the Scoto-Irish Gaelic 
of Argyleshire. But this is opposed to hi& own 
obviously proper rule in topographical discovery. 
The Saxon being, as it were, the last layer of 
topography in Scotland proper, it is the progress 
of that language westward, and not the Gaelic 
of the Cruithne going north or eastward, that 
ought to be ti*aced in Ayrshire. But the fact 
that there is a 'Considerable diiference between the 
Gaelic of the Galloway Cruithne and the Gaelic of 
the Scots — ^that the former bears a much closer 
affinity to the Irish as it now exists — ^is strong 
evidence that the Scottish Gaelic was not a direct 
importation from Ireland, and that the Dcdriads 
of Argyle were not purely Irish. Though origin- 
ally from North Britain, the Cruithne had been 
long resident in Ireland, and did not settle in Gal- 
loway till about four centuries later than the return 
of Fergus to Argyleshire ; consequently the greater 
similarity in language and customs can easily be 
accounted for. The main topographicxd argument 
of Chalmers in favour of his Scoto-Irish theory, is 
the circumstance of Inver, in two instances, having 
been substituted for Aber, Now, as formerly 
shown, there are only two solitary instances oif 
inver in the whole topography of Ireland, and not 
one throughout the range of Galloway. The 
word, therefore, seems to have been peculiar to 
the Scottish Gael. In Kyle, on the contrary, 
we have several examples of it in old charters. 
Ayr itself is called Inver^ar in some instances, 
while we have Inverpolourtecan and Inverdon, 
Another distinction between the Gaelic, Welsh, 
and Irish, worthy of being taken notice of, is the 
patronymic mark. In the Scots it is jSfac; in 
Welsh, Ap ; and in the Irish 0\ Now, if the 

Scots had been thoroughly Irish in their descent, 
as Chalmers affirms they were in their manners, 
laws, and customs, it is difficult to understand why 
they should have differed so widely upon so com- 
mon a point ; and it is equally strange that, in the 
oldest charters, where the Walensesy the remains 
of the Alcluyd Britons, are distinctly mentioned, 
there should not occur a single Welsh patrony- 
mic mark, if the language of the North Britons 
and the Welsh were so congenerous as is supposed. 
If we take, according to Chalmers, the British 
words in the topography of Scotland as a proof 
that the inhabitants spoke Welsh, the same rule 
would apply equally to Ireland, where the same 
British words are as prevalent. The lists of the 
Scottish and Pictish kings are adduced by Chalmers 
as another proof of the British speech of the Picts, 
the names of the latter having no meaning unless 
in the British. Now this is not the case. Most 
of the Pictish names are just as capable of being 
explained by a Gaelic dictionary as those of the 
Scots. The difference lies chiefly in the spelling, 
a circumstance which is not to be wondered at. 
The Gaelic was not a written language. The 
earliest verses known are the Duan, a sort of 
genealogy of the Scottish kings, composed in the 
eleventh centur}', during the reign of Malcolm 
Canmore. The Irish annals of Ulster and Tiger- 
nach were not written before the thirteenth cen- 
tury, so that any writing at all extant — even where 
Gaelic names of places occur in the earliest char- 
ters — all make a nearer approach to the language 
as it is now spoken and understood than the Welsh 
authorities, to whose records of facts we are chiefly 
indebted for any knowledge which has been pre- 
served of the Picts or Alduydensians, and who 
wrote at a much earlier period. The annals of 
the latter came to us through an ancient Cambro- 
British medium — those of the Scots through a re- 
cently written, and no doubt much- changed branch 
of a kindred tongue. Another argument against 
the Irish extraction of the Scots may be drawn 
from the statement of Chalmers, that the Scoto- 
Irish brought the custom of war-cries with them. 
Now, in the first place, we know that war-cries 
wei'e not peculiarly Irish ; and, in the second, that 
the Scots did not use the affix, 060, to their cries 
— such as Butler-a&o, or Crom-o&o — ^which was 
general over Ireland. Their national war-cry was 
simply Albanieh ! from Albyn, the ancient name 
of North Britain. Thus we see there was nothing 
Irish even in the style of their war>cry, while the 
cry itself shows that they were of Albyn, not of 
Ireland. Even the Cruithne, or ^ the wild ScoU 
of Galloway," as they were termed in the twelfth 
century, used the same war-cry. At the battle of 
the Standai'd, in 1136, they led the van, and rush- 
ing on to battle, the cry was *< Albanieh ! Alban- 



ioh ! Albanicfa 1 '* Thanks to Hoveden, who has 
recorded the circamstancey we have here strong 
presumptive proof that hoth the Dahriads of Ar- 
gyle and the Cruithne of Galloway were originally 
from Albyn, and had presenred the same national 
war-cry throughout their long pilgrimage in the 
north of Ireland. As the term Albyn only ap- 
plied in ancient times to the Pictish country north 
of the Forth, the cry would not have been locally 
appropriate in Galloway ; hence it was not likely 
to have been adopted after their arrival. The 
war-cry in ancient, like armorial bearings in more 
modem times, may be r^;arded as strong evidence 
of descent. • Taking all things into consideration, 
it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that there 
was, in reality, very little difference originally be- 
tween the language of the Scots, Picts, and Al- 
clnydensiAns. If there had been as great a dis. 
tinction between the Gadic and the Pictish lan- 
g^uage as the apocryphal specimen left by Mer- 
lin, a poet of ^e sixth century, would lead us 
to suppose, there would have been little use in 
appointing Gaelic clergymen over a Pictish people. 
That what is now the Lowland dialect had its 
rise during the Scottish period there can bo little 
doubt. The annexation of Lothian, occupied 
for centuries chiefly by the Angles, brought them 
into closer contact with the inhabitants of the 
adjacent districts ; while a body of Saxons actu- 
ally effected a settlement in Kyle and Cuning- 
hame. Though these, it may be inferred, did 
Dot long retain possession, owing to the decline 
of the Northumbrian power, still the probability 
is, that a portion both of their lineage and lan- 
guage remained. The many Saxons brought into 
Scotland by Malcolm Ganmore — though num- 
bers of them were expelled by die Scots after 
his death* — must have tended £n*^atly to dissem- 
inate a language already constituting the vema- 
Golar tongue of the east coast from the Forth 
to the Tweed. The Lowland dialect, originating 
in a combination of the oldest and purest Teutonic 
with the native Gaelic or British, owes to this union 
much of that peculiar softness, copiousness, and 
graphic power by which it b dislinguished.t One- 
third of the language, upon careful examination, 
will be found to be Celtic. It has also a consider- 
able admixture of French, the acquisition of which 
can easily be accounted for by the number of Nor- 

* Cbaimers states that the Sazone were driYsn wholly 
away after the death of Malcolm GaDinore, but he must 
be wrong, for he elaewhere mentions that the descendants 
of the prisoners were to be seen in every village and every 
bonse in the reign of David L 

f We are assured that Oaelie poetry oonld be translated 
Into the Lowland dialect almost word for word ; while it 
cannot be rendered into English without having recourse 
to thai degree of cirenmlocutlon which Goldsmith satiri- 
eally calls ** style,** in allusion to M*Pherson*s Oseiao. 

man settlers who came amongst us, and the subse- 
quent intercourse which took place between France 
and Scotland.* In the next, or Anglo-Saxon period 
of our history, the growth of the Scottish dialect 
can be still more distinctly traced. In reference 
to the laws during the era of which we are now 
writing, Chalmers shows that they were Celtic, 
and very different from the Saxon ; but that they 
were peculiarly Scoto-Irish, as, in accordance with 
his system, he affirms, is by no means so dear. 
It is not at all proved that the laws of the Scots 
were diffei*ent from those of the Picts, or Lowland 
Britons. The predominance of the Scots brings 
them down more nearly to virritten evidence ; and 
therefore we have a better knowledge of the cus- 
toms which prevailed under their rule. On the 
contrary, we are almost in total ignorance of the 
laws by which the Picts or Alcluydensians were 
governed. The law of tanistry — ^by which the 
succession to the crown was regulated — existed 
apparently amongst the Picts as well as the Scots, 
Bede casually informs us that it was a rule with 
the Picts, when the succession came to be disputed, 
that the preference should be given to the nearest 
claimant by the female side. It was this law which 
placed Kenneth on the throne, in opposition to the 
other competitor. Bred. That the customs of the 
Scots and Picts were the same is apparent from an 
ordinance of Edward I., issued with a view to the 
settlement of Scotland, in which he says — ** The 
custom of the Scots and Picts shall for the future 
be prohibited, and be no longer practised." Cus^ 
toms^ not ci4Stom, would have been the phrase if 
there had been different customs prevailing among 
the Scots and Britons. During the Scottish period 
the country had been ecclesiastically dirided into 
parishes, but the introduction of sheriffdoms and 
justiciaries belongs to a latei* age. 


The accession of Edgar, son of Malcolm Can- 
more, to the Scottish throne in 1097, which was 
mainly effected by the aid of an Anglo-Norman 
army, under the command of his uncle, Edgar 
^thelling, produced a great change in the aspect 
of affurs. A new system of jurisprudence was in- 
troduced, and the laws were administered vrith 
much greater force. The foundation of his go- 
vernment, however, may be said to have been laid 

* Professor Murray, refeirtng to Jamieson's theory that 
the Lowland Scotch Is a different language from the Eng- 
lish, obserTOS — " His proofs from language are learned^ 
hut delusive, because he forgets that Celtic and Teutonic 
are radically one ; and he overlooks characteristic differ^ 



in the reign of bis father. The o?erthrow of the 
Saxon dynasty in England by the Normans, the 
consequent exile of many of the Saxon families cf 
distinction, who took redPage in Scotland, and hia 
marriage with Margaret, all tended to create a 
partiality for the habits of the south. Malcolm 
himself had spent no inconsiderable part of his 
earlier years in England. His extreme affection 
for his amiable Queen, and the improvement which, 
through her influence, was effected in the man- 
ners and usages of the nobility, payed the way to 
those changes that followed during the reigns of 
his successors. The Saxon language^ which, as 
we have seen, was previously spoken in the east of 
Scotland, and partially in the south, was first in- 
troduced at the court, in compliment to the queen, 
in the reign of Malcolm Canmore. Under Edgar, 
the Saxon mania made still greater strides. Large 
bodies of emigratits were settled throughout the 
Idngdom, both north and south of the Forth. Be- 
sides the Saxons, many of the Norman nobility, | 
who were dissatisfied with the rule of the Con- I 
queror, retnred to Scotland, where they were en- 
couraged by every mark of distinction which could 
be heaped upon them. It seemed to be the policy 
of the Scottish kings to encourage the settiement of 
foreigpaers, with a view to consolidate the authority 
of the crown, and enable them to overcome the dan- 
gerous power of the native clans, whose genius and 
habits were by no means favourable to concentrated 
government or the cultivation of commerce. From 
the great number of foreigners setded in the rich- 
est districts of the counti^, it would appear that 
the constant wars between the Scots, Picts, and 
Britons, and thdr domestic feuds, had greatly 
thinned the inhabitants. The vast body of retain- 
ers brought by the various Saxon and Norman 
lords, and the wide extent of lands conferred upon 
them, lead to^the conclusion that the country was 
in a waste and desolate condition. When David 
I., who married an English countess who had nu- 
merous vassals, ascended the throne in 1124, he is 
said to have been followed, at successive periods, 
by no fewer than a thousand Anglo-Normans. 
During the reign of this monarch, Hugh de Mor- 
ville, amongst others, came to Scotland, and, besides 
being appointed High Constable, was endowed with 
vast grants of land. He possessed tiie greater part 
of Cuninghame, and, under his auspices, a number 
of families, who afterwards rose to high feudal dis- 
tinction, were setded in that district. The Lou- 
doun family, who assumed the name of the lands 
as their partronymic, were Anglo-Normans. So 
were the progenitors of the Guninghames. The 
Rosses were also vassals of Hugh de Morville. 
Godfrey de Ros acquired the lands of Stewarton 
from Richard de Morville. Stephen, the son of 
Richard, obtained lands in Cunmghame, which he 

called Stephen's-tun (the Stevenston of the present 
day) . The Lockharts of Lanarkshire and Ayrshire 
are of Anglo-Norman descent. Simond, the son 
of Malcolm, who settied in Lanarkshire^ held lands 
under the Stewart family in Kyle, which he called 
Syming-tun, now Symington. The Golvilles, who 
possessed Ochiltree for some time, were from Eng- 
land. The Montgomeries of Eagleshame, and sub- 
sequentiy of Eglintoun, were Norman, and vassals 
of Walter the High Steward, who obtained the 
greater part of Renfrewshire. A brother of Wal- 
ter is conjectured, upon good grounds, to have been 
the ancestor of the Boyds. The Stewarts were 
themselves Anglo-Norman, as were also the Bruces 
of Annandale and Carrick. The Wallaces of Kyle 
are supposed to have been of Norman descent, 
from one Eimerus Galleius, whose name appears as 
a witness to the diarter of the Abbey of Kelso, 
founded by David I. That the progenitors of the 
Hero of Scotland came from England is farther ' 
hdd to be countenanced by the fact that there ex- 
isted in London, in the thirteenth century, certain 
persons of the name of WcUeis; but none of our 
historians or genealogists have been able to trace 
the slightest family connection between them; 
neither is it known at what period, if Norman ix 
English, they settled in Scotland. The first of the 
name on record is Richard Walense, who witnesses 
a charter to the monks of Paisley, by Walter the 
High Steward, before the year 1174. The name 
came to be afterwards softened to Waleys or Wal- 
lace. In the absence of direct proof to the con- 
trary, it is not unreasonable to coujecture that the 
Wallaces were native Scots. Some coaadsr them 
to have been Welsh, apparentiy without reference 
to the fact that the Alcluydensians are often con- 
founded in history by the terms British and Welsh. 
Long after the Alcluyd kingdom had been de- 
stroyed, the inhabitants — the descendants of the 
Damnii — ^were known by the app^lation of R^o- 
Imuea. It is therefore probable that the ancestors 
of Wallace adopted the patronymic of WnUnse^ in 
the same way that Inglis is known to have been 
assumed from English, or Fleming from the Flem- 
ings. This is strongly countenanced by the fact 
that the name of the family was originally Walens. 
The coincidence is at all events curious, and not 
without interest. The property of Richard Wa- 
lens may have been called Richardfun, in accord- 
ance with ih^ prevfuling Saxon custom of tiie time 
— not because he was himself of English extrac- 
tion. The Flemings, who were all foreigners, came 
to be so numerous in Scotland that they were pri- 
vilege to be governed by their own laws. The list 
of Lowland clans, amounting iu all to thirty-nine,a8 
given in the recently publisbed MS. of Bishop Les- 
lie, who, if it is autlientic, which b very doubtful, 
wrote during the reign of Queen Mary, shows that 



ll^e greater namber were of Baton or Norman 
extnlctioD. The foUowing is the list : — 

Armstrong. Johnston. 

Barclay. Kerr. 

Brodie. Lander. 

Bmce. Leslie. 

Oolqnhoun. I^ndsay. 

Cotnjn. Maxwell. 

Onninghame. Montgomerie. 

Cranstotin. Murray. 

Orawford. Ogilvie. 

Dooglas. Olipbant. 

Drunkmond. Ramsay. 

Dunbar. Rose. 

Dundas. Ruth^en. 

Ersldne. Scott. 

Forbes. Seton. 

(Gordon. Sinclair. 

Graham. Urqahart 

Hamilton. WaUaoe. 

Hay. Wemyss. 

There was one Alan le Fenwicky* oonneoted^ no 
doubty with the parish in this oonn^ of that namei 
who swore fealty to Edward L It is rather surpris- 
ing that neither the Kennediet» a tery extensive and 
old Celtic dan in Carridc, nor the Boyds, are men- 
tioned amongst the foregoing.t Whether '^Yes- 
tiariom Scodenm ** be a forgery or not, the farni-* 
lies ennmerated are well known to have flourished 
in the ^Lowlands } and indeed most oi them are in 
existence at this moment. It is obvious, there- 
fore, that the Celtic population, at least the chiefs, 
had been superseded to a great ^tent. In Ayr. 
shire, as ahneady stated, the mass of the inhabitants 
were purely Celtic ; but, as in other districts, the 
bulk of the property passed into the hands of Nor- 
man and Saxon emigrants, with whose followerB 
the towns and villages were crowded. This infu- 
sion of foreign blood was not effected without some 
difficulty. The Celtic population were greatly op- 
poeed to the new system, and thejLbroke out into 
frequent insorrectaons. When William was made 
prisoner at Alnwick in 1147, a general rising took 
pkMe against the strangers, who were comp^ed 
to take shelter in the king's castles. Daring the 
reigns of Sdgar, Alexander I., David I., and Mai- 
oohn IT., various disturbances occurred in conse*- 
qnMKse of the pngudioes entertained by the old 

* VmnrUk has» loxaffl proteblltty.boeB trtMtfdrmed lots 
JFvmUi ■one of whom are still to be found In Ajnhin, 

t There were also the Boyles, Blairs, Danlops, Fuller- 
toBtf, Hunters, Fairlles, Linus, BgliAtouns, Fei^shins, 
Mttfat, llonfoids, AuehlBleek»» te., who roee out of Ayr^ 
eUre; and the Btewarts, fiempilU, Oaldwells, Balstoansk 
Walkingshaws, Brisbanes, Dennistouns, Porterfields, Lyles, 
Houstouns, Cathearts, PoHooks, Whytefuirds, Knoxes, 
Ooehranes, Ik., out of BeDfrewifaire— all of whom were 
ef eoBflidena»]e status. 

against the new race. The repeated irruptions of 
the Galwegians, whose territory included not only 
Carrick but Kyle and Cuninghame^ at the com* 
menoement of the reign of David I., must of course 
have involved what now constitutes Ayrshire in th# 
struggle. On the captivity of William, Qalloway 
rose in revolt, slew the English and Normans, ex* 
pelled the king's officers, and destroyed his castles. 
In September 1174, Qilbert of Galloway assassin* 
ated his brother Uchtred in the most savage man* 
ner. The foUowing year, William, having regained 
his liber^, marched an army agamst GKlbert } tmt» 
in place of punishing him, he accepted a pecuniary 
satisfaction. Qilbert secured the good will of Henry 
of England for £919, 98. Od., and becamoso auda* 
oious that, in 1184, he took up arms against the 
King of Scotland, when WDliam found it necessary 
to enter into a compromise with him. Grilbert^ 
however, dying in 1185, Roland, the son of the 
murdered IJchtred, took up arms, and entirdy d^ 
feated his opponents. Possessing himself of the 
whole of Qalloway, he incurred the diq>leasure of 
Henry of England, who, in 1186, assembled a large 
army at Carlisle, with the view of invading Qal- 
loway. Koland made vigorous defensive prepn* 
rations. A peace, however, viras arranged vnthout 
proceeding to extremities, by which Roland agreed 
to submit the claims of Duncan, the son of Qilberti 
to English jurisdiction. The Scottish king, feel* 
ing his influence compromised by such terms^ 
stepped in between the parties, and, in 1186| 
granted Carrick, which formed a considerable por* 
tion of ancient Qalloway, to Duncan, in full satis- 
flftction of his claims. A new Earldom arose out 
of this settlement, which was destined to produce 
the celebrated restorer of Scottish independencei 
Robert the Bruce. 

One of the leading events between the aeces* 
non of Edgar and the death of the Maid of Nor* 
way in 1290, was the battle of the Standard, 
fought by David I. against the English in 1138. 
At this engagement, the Alduyd men, or Wa* 
lenses, are said to have fought in a distinct body. 
Another and a more important occurrence was 
the invasion of Haco, king of Norway, during 
the rdgn of Alexander III., who appeared in the 
bay of Ayr with a laige fleet early in August 1268. 
The cause of this invasion had reference to certain 
islands which Haco contended ought to have been 
conceded to him in virtue of previous treaties. 
The Scottish account of the battle of Largs, where 
the Norwegians were defeated, is perhaps not alto* 
gether to be relied on ; but we are afndd that Mr 
Tytler, in his generally accurate History of Soot* 
Umd, has fallen into the opposite error of follovring 
too implicitly the narrative of the Norwegian 
chronicle. If it is there affirmed that *< ten Scots 
fought agunat one Norwegian," which Mr Tytler 



considers as ^ no doubt exaggerated," may not the 
acconnt be eqiially wide of the truth in other mat- 
ters ? The studied tendency of the Norse chronicle 
is to ^ow that Haco owed his defeat, not to the 
bravery or prowess of the Scots, but to the fury of 
the elements. If due allowance is made for na- 
tional partiality on both sides, the truth may be 
found to lie somewhere between. The Norse ac- 
count of the expedition is that, af^er reducing the 
Hebrides, and having taken the islands of Bute and 
Arran, besides committing various ravages at the 
head of Loch Long, and in Stirlingshire — ^the party 
who penetrated so far into the interior being under 
the command of Magnus, king of Man, and Dougall 
Konongr, who had joined Haco as his vassals — ^ihe 
king still lay with the main portion of his fleet at 
the Gnmbrays, meditating a descent upon the Ayr- 
shire coast. It is alleged that the Scottish king 
artfully entered into negotiations with Haco, for 
the purpose of creating delay, till the approach of 
the equinox, when it was hoped the storm would 
di^>er8e his armament. This may have been the 
policy of Alexander ; but as Haco must have been 
equally aware of the danger of the equinoxial 
storms, he showed himself a bad general so to 
allow the enemy to amuse him. On the Ist of Oc- 
tober a violent storm occurred, which continued 
throughout the night, and next morning six gal- 
leys, besides a transport, were driven on shore, the 
crews of which were attacked by a body of armed 
peasants, who were stationed on the heights. The 
Norwegians made a gallant defence, and the storm 
moderating a little, boats were sent with reinforce- 
ments, when the Scots retired. On the morning 
of the 3d, Haco came on shore with a large rein- 
forcement. Soon after the whole body of the 
Scottish army appeared in sight, which, commanded 
by the King, and the Lord High Steward, in per- 
son, is represented as consisting of fifteen hundred 
horsemen, and a numerous body of foot soldiers. 
The cavalry, amongst whom were one hundred 
and fifty knights in full armour, and mounted upon 
Spanish horses, had an impomng and formidable 
appearance. The Norwegian force on shore 
amounted to no more than nine hundred, and as 
the Scots advanced, Haco was prevailed upon by 
his barons to retire to his ships and send addidonid 
troops. The Scots, in the meanwhile, pressed so 
severely upon the Norwegians, that the skirmish 
was speedily changed into a flight. At this criti- 
cal juncture, when additional troops were so anxi- 
ously expected, a third storm came on, and com- 
pletely shattering his fleet, prevented Haco from 
re-knding with the much-wanted aid. The Nor- 
wegians were driven along the shore, still they re- 
peatedly rallied, and fought with great bravery. 
A severe conflict took place beside the stranded 
vesselsy in which Sir Piers de Cnny, a Scottish 

knight, met his death. He had advanced to chal- 
lenge to single combat, when he was met by a 
Norwegian, who conducted the retreat, andspeedUy 
slain — his thigh having been severed from his body 
by a single blow ! In the contest which followed 
round the body of the fallen knight, the square of 
the Norsemen was broken, and the slaughter be- 
came so g^eat that they would soon have been en- 
tirely cut to pieces, had not a rdnforcement been 
at last procured from the ships. Forming anew, 
they made a furious attack upon the Scots, and 
drove them fW>m the heights. The remains of the 
Norw^an army then took 'to th^ boats, and 
reached the fleet in safety. Next day a truce v^as 
obtained from the Scots to bury their dead, after 
accomplishing which they set sail for Arran. Su<^ 
is the substance of the Norwegian narrative of the 
battle of Largs. It seems improbable in various 
particulars. The coincidence of three successive 
storms having occurred — the third more particu- 
larly at the critical juncture when Haco was about, 
to land with additional troops — and his being at 
length able to send a force sufficient to turn the 
tide of battle, and drive back the Scots from the 
hois, after his fleet was completely dispersed by the 
fearful storm said to have prevailed, is exceedingly 
doubtful. And still more so, the fleet being strand- 
ed, that they were enabled to retire in perfect order 
to thenr ships. The Norwegian chronicle would 
thus have the battle of Largs to have been no more 
than a skirmish. The Scottish historians, pn the 
other hand, represent it as a great and decisive 
struggle : and though their statements may be ex- 
aggerated, there can be little doubt but it was a 
well-contested field. Haco is said to have landed 
20,000 men at Ayr, and taken the castle — a state- 
ment by no means unlikely. On the other hand» 
the statement that he kept his army cooped up o& 
board his ships for a whole month after his arrival 
on the coast, when he could eadlyhavedisembarked» 
and maintained such close communication with them 
that they would always have been in «ght of the fleec» 
is altogether incredible. He evidently intended 
a regular invasion of Scotland, and his fleet, ooQo 
sisting of about 150 vessels of various capabifities^ 
may well be styled the Armada of the thirteentk 
century. His landing at Ayr would account, per- 
haps, for the two camps or forts on the Dundon- 
aid hills, about the origin of whldi our local anti- 
quaries are much divided. There are also remains 
<^a judiciously constructed encampment on Newark 
hill, which, a few years ago, ere the plough had 
turned it down, was very distinct. Whether theae 
had been used as places of strength and observation 
by the Scots or Norwegians on this occaaon, or 
whether they belong to an earlier period, are ques- 
tions which it is impossible to solve. Be this as h 
may, however, there seems good reason for bdSev- 



itig that the battle of Largs was more than a mere 
akirmuh, or series of skirmishes. So formidable 
was Haoo's expedition oonsidered, that Aleumder 
had recourse to various devices for the purpose of 
obtaining delay, in order to prepare a force compe- 
tent to meet it. And the fact that nearly the whole 
available streog^ of the country was put in requi- 
aicion — ^that, besides the Lowland forces, several of 
the Highland clans were present— that both the 
King and the High Steward were at the head of 
tiie troops — shows in what estimation the number 
and power of the Norsemen were held. Wyntoun 

" The king Alynndyre of Scotland 
Came on them than wyth atalwart band. 
And ttaame aseajlyd ryeht stowtly.'* 

The decitdve character of the battle, and the num- 
ber of combatants engaged in it, may be judged 
from the circumstance of the Norweg^ns having 
taken five days to bury their dead ; as well as fK>m 
the fact that, when removed for the purposes of 
building, some years ago, not less than fifteen 
thousand cart-loads of rubbish, mixed with relics 
of the fight, were taken firom the principal tumuli. 
According to the Scots, the storm by which the 
Norwegians suffered did not occur till after their 
discomfiture on shore. It seems improbable that 
Haco, unless he had been the veriest coward, should 
have retired to his ship on the approach of the 
Scots, for the purpose of sending reinforcements, 
when this could have been done by another as well 
as himself. The distance of the Cumbraes from 
the shore of Largs, between which the fleet was 
anchored, is not more than two miles, so that the 
storm must have been sudden indeed which re- 
tarded the debarkation of reinforcements. But 
it may well be asked why the whole force was 
not buided lit the same time with the nine hnn- 
dred, knowing, as the Norsemen oould not fail 
to do, that the Scottish aipiy viras not far dis- 
tant? The Norwegian chronicler seems to have 
•been sensitively alive to the warlike reputation 
of his countrymen ; but by making it appear 
that Haco kept his army on board for a month 
after his arrival in Scotland, and that he was 
not at thdr head, while the Scots were led on 
by the king and aU the great men in person, 
he kfrgot the questionable light in which he 
piaoed his character. Besides ihe King and the 
ICgh Steward, it it rather smg^lar that history 
should make no mention of any of the barons who 
were present, with the exception of a single indi- 

" A ScottU sqwyare of gnd fame, 
Perrys of Gurry eald be name." 

Who Sir Piers de Curry was, genealogy has not 
tcaeed. He is described as having been conspicu- 

ous for the richness of his trapping^. There can 
be little doubt that the barons of Ayrshire, and 
their retainers, duly performed their part on the 
occasion The father of Boyd, who fought with 
Wallace in the war of independence, is said to have 
obtained a g^ant of land in Cuninghame for his 
gallantry at Largs. Tradition affirms thai he at- 
tacked and routed a detachment of Norwegians 
with the small party under his command, at Gold- 
berry hill. Sir Robert Boyd is believed to have 
been the progenitor of the Kilmarnock family. 
Walter de Whytefuird had the lands of Whyte- 
fuird for his good services on the same occasion. 
Several other families trace the rise of their ances- 
tors to the bravery displayed by them in fighting 
the Norwegians Amongst these the Craufurds 
are understood to have borne a conspicuous part. 
Pont says this surname is very ancient, and did 
memorable service under King Alexander HI. 
at the ** battell of Largis, by whome their good 
service was recompensed with divers great landa 
and possessiones." According to the old common 

" Tbey had Draifen, ICeihweine, and rich ertb Stevinstone ; 
Gameltonne, Knockawart, and fair Lowdonne." 

The main battle is supposed to have been fought 
on the plain of Largs. Near to the g^und en- 
closed as a garden by the late Dr Caimie, a rude 
pillar, or upright stone, formerly stood, now built 
into the wall, which is supposed to have been com- 
memorative of the death of Haco, brother of the 
Norwegian king, who was slain in the fight. Above 
Haylie, eastwards, there are still visible the remains 
of a small encampment, on a hill, which in all pro- 
bability was used by the Scots, though there is 
reason to believe^ from the urns and other reoudns 
which have been found, that both it and the other 
similar encampments in the vicinity were first 
constructed at a much earlier period. There are 
also vestiges of a tumulus at the back of Haylie 
house, in all likelihood erected ojer the remains 
of those who fell in the conflict with Sir Robert 
Boyd. Close by the west wall of the burying, 
ground a barrow still exists — the burying-gpround, 
according to the Norse account of the battle, of 
the Norweg^n dead. Amongst other interesting 
relics of these adventurous people, a splendid an- 
tique brooch, of large uze, and richly ornamented 
with filigree work, was found, some time agOy near 
Hunterston. It is in the possession of Mrs Hun- 
ter of Hunterston, and, from its Runic inscription, 
there can be no doubt of its having belonged to 
the Norwegians. There are several names of 
places supposed to allude to the battle of Larg^. 
Amongst others, RotUtin-Burtty or Moui-Danes'^ 
Burtiy which, more probably, means simply EotUan, 
i.e.f roaring bum ; also^ Camphill, which, in 1620, 



was apdled Oamg/isiZ, t. e., crooked hill. There is 
a krge stooe in the neighbourhood of Largs, west- 
ward from the farm Faichenj which stands upon 
its end, called in Bleau s Atlas (1654) Tharter- 
meetf probably from the Celtic tartur, signify- 
ing confusion, and the British iiMsr, or Celtic 
mutr, sea or like. Thus, tharter or iartur^mser 
would mean the ma of oonftmont and so the 
great stone, it may be inferred, was set up in com- 
memoratkm of the confusion and dispersion of the 
Norwegians at the bay or sea of Largs.* The 
name of the farm as well as the stone indicates 
that Gaelic was the common language of Ayr- 
shire at that time. In the Chamberlain Bolls—- 
1264 — sereral entries occur which have evident 
reference to this period of our history. They are 
from the account of William, Earl of Menteith, 
who was sheriff of Ayr at the time. ** lienh to 
the worker of the baUistOf for that year (1263,) 
two merks and a half." The baUktOf ot inUa- 
fmUOf was a madiine, a qiecies of cross-bow, by 
which bolts were shot from the wdls of a strong- 
hold ; and no doubt this, as well as the other en- 
tries, were on account of the CasUe of Ayr. ^/tem, 
in food and service to two watchmen from that term 
(l^iartinmas, previously mentioned) 20 shillings: 
Item, in food and service to the porter in that term, 
8 shillings : Item, in repair of the houses in the castle 
of Air, 27 shillings : In the expense of deputies 
ettploring the king of Norway, three times 28 
shillings and 8 pence farthing.'* The meaning of 
the words " exploring the king of Norway,* seems 
to-be that certain persons were de^mtched by the 
sheriff of Ayr to watch the movements of the ar- 
mament of the king of Norway — showing the 
judicious manner in which the defence of the king- 
dom was attended to. ^ /<em, to four men watch- 
ing the vessels or ships of our Lord the King for 
23 weeks, 16 shilling 9 pence farthing.** Imme- 
diately prior to the period here alluded to, several 
vessels had been built at Ayr by the command of 
Alexander III., for the use of the state ; from which 
circumstance it has justly been inferred that Ayr 
was at that time one of the most important hsf -^ 
hours in the kbgdom. The account g^oes on far- 
ther to enumerate various items^ which, though 
not of much importance in themselves, still possess 
a degree of interest, as illustrative of lood his- 
tory. For example, we find — **Ilem, fat tiiree 
dozen staffs or staves of taxo (yew) bought fbr the 
working of the balUsUh I3s. 4d. ; and in aslt, 
bought for victualling the castie, 208. Item, in 
10 chalders of oatmeal, for the sud victualfing, 
£10. Item, for six chalders of wheat, bought fbr 
said victualling, £9, 3s. ; and for seventeen pounds^ 

* In Aitken*i Parish Atlas of Ayrshire, engraved in 
1829, the name is changed to Thortkme. 

sixteen shillings, five penoe, for oows taken from 
the men of Kyle, and of Carrick, and which these 
men kept on theb farms from the term of Saint 
Martin aforesaid. Item, for 46 cows taken for 
the service of our Lord the King, at BrewemU, 
£9, 4s. ; and he [the king] also owes X204, 8s. 
Sid. He [the king] received of the sam^ in wheat 
from the provisknis of the castle of Ayr, six chal- 
ders." In the same aooount, the Earl '< requests to 
be allowed to himself the custom of eleven score 
and odd stones of inm, and the making of 1770 
qnerrellis,* and the making of 9 score [stones] of 
iron. Item, requests to be put in possession of 
£60, 16s. 8d., which he expended in the making 
of the ships of our Lord the King ; and in seven 
merks which he expended in catting of 200 oarsy 
and in the making and carriage of the same." 
From all this it will be seen that very considerable 
preparations were made for defending the castie of 
Ayr. There is another daim for money all^;ed to 
have been expended by the £arl of Menteith, which 
the Rolls tiius record — ** And he equally requests 
to be allowed the expenses of six score ser- 
vants, or men on duty, which he kept in the castie 
of Air three weeks, in defect of the burghers, who 
ought to have entered the castle, iot the keei»ng of 
the same, according to the order of our Lord the 
King; and the said earl says that they refused, 
and if this can be proven the said burghers should 
pay to the said earl the expenses of the aforesaid 
servants, otherwise the foresaid earl shall pay the 
said expenses.*' From this it would appear that 
some doubt was entertained as to the fact of the 
burghers of Ayr having refused to garrison the 
castie. The probability is that tiie Eari preferred 
his own men. 

The death of Alexander in 1285> followed by 
that of his grand-daughter, the '' Maiden of Nor- 
way," who, as Wyntoun says, ** was put to Dede 
be Martyry," on her jjassage from thence to Scot- 
Und, in 1290, involved the country in all the 
turmoil and ruin of a disputed suocesaion.— That 
Scotland attained to great prosperity during the 
period we have been describing — ^from 1097 to 
1290— eqwcially during the wise and vigorous 
government of Alexander, is borne out by all 
our histcMfians. Castles, whkh had bsgon to be 
erected in the reign of Mabdbn Canmore^ were 
rapidly multiplied by thoee Norman barons and 
their followers wlus as we have ahready seen» oU 
tained large g^rants of land from Uie Scottish 
monarchs. Various strongholds along the sea.- 
coasts, supposed to have been built by the Vikingr» 
as wdl as cells or religious houses, are known 
to have previously existed. But it was chiefly 
under the protection of the baronial towers that 

* Bolts for the baUigta. 



hunleta and towns tprung op; and» in leM 
than two eoDtaries, a Tast change was prodnced. 
Ajrsfaire, notwithstanding the attachment of the 
inhabitants to their Celtic habits, seems to have 
made considerable progress in the new order of 
thingSy though most of the towns and principal 
▼illsgee are of Celtic origin : for example, Ayr, 
Irvine, Kilmarnock, Kilmanrs, Mauchline, Ochil- 
tree, Aocfainleck, Cumnock, Ballantrae, Girvan, 
MaybolBi ^., no doubt took their rise prior to 
^e Saxon era of our history. 'Hiose of more 
recent times are easily known by the Teutonic 
affix, tun or tan. They are ten in number— Coyl- 
<on, Dalmellington, Galston, Monkton, Riccarton, 
Stevenston, 8tewarton, Straiten, Symington, and 
Tarbolton ; and even these are not all wholly 
Saxon . Though it is thus apparent that the majo- 
rity of the towns and villages of the county took their 
rise in Celtio times, and while the Qaelic continued 
to be the prevailing Unguage^ there can be little 
doubt that the introduction of foreigners, especially 
the raeroantile Flemings, whom the mistaken policy 
of the English monarchs drove from the south, 
tended greatly to promote that mercantile pros- 
perity for which the country was distinguished in 
the raign of Alexander. In ship-building, in fish- 
ing, in agriculture and commerce, Scodand was 
considerably in advance of England in the twelfth 
century. The Saxons, Flemings, and other fo- 
reigners, are known to have been settled chiefly in 
the towns ; yet, in Ayrshire at least, they seem to 
have constituted but a small body in comparison 
with the other inhabitants. The names, so far as 
they have been preserved in ^e municipal records 
of Ayr, for instance, show that Celtic patronymics 
were by far the most numerous. The twelfth oen- 
tnry may be considered the great era of church- 
building. Various monasteries were no doubt 
ibonded previoosly; but diurches had not been 
generally planted in the room of the cells of the 
saints. In Ayrshire there were no rdigious houses 
prior to that period. The Abbey of Kilwinning, 
the oldest if! the county, was founded by Hugh de 
Morville in 1 140 ;* Crossraguel by Duncan, EUtrl of 
Carrick, in 1244 or 1245. A great many other 
I^aees of worship, of various orders, were establish- 
ed about the same time throughout the county. 
From the charter of the church of Cragyn, founded 
by Walter Hose of Cragyn in 1170, we find that 
iran money was then current in Scotland as well 
as silver. His brother John, in recognition of the 
gift, was to give yearly to the monks of Paisley 
** three iron coins.** Schools, as well as churches, 

* Tbere is Mme diacrepsocy unongst our aatiquutaii 
writers as to tbe foundation of Kilwinning. Pont aajs it 
was bnilt in 1191, Keith In 1140, and Cravfard after 1153. 
Ciialmers, however, follows Ktith^ and he ii good autho- 
rity in tttch matters. 

were also instituted in this, it may be said, the 
golden age of independent Scotland. In a precept 
of Pope Gregory, in 1233, his faithful sons, the 
deacons of Carrick and Cuninghame, and the mas- 
ter of the school of Ayr, are ordered to examine 
into the conduct of the rector of the church of Kil- 
patrick, for adulterating charters. In reference to 
agriculture, we find, from the charters of the mo- 
nastery of Paisley, that lands were frequently en- 
closed even at this early period. In a " charter of 
the boundaries of the House of Paisley and Wil- 
liam of Sanchar^ (parish of St Quivox), in 1280, 
it is agreed that *^ crosses and ditches are to be 
erected and made by men mutually chosen," be- 
tween the lands of Dalmulin and Sanchar, ** one- 
half of ditches to be taken from lands of both 
parties ; said ditches to be six feet wide." ** More- 
over," (continues the charter) ** it has been agreed, 
as well for me (the said William of Sanchar) and 
my heirs as for the aforesaid abbot and convent 
and their successors, that from Martinmas nofidd 
ihall be endoaed between my domain and my other 
lands, from the aforesaid rivulet, westward, and 
the land of the aforesaid church, until the festival 
of the purification of the Blessed Virgin ; but that 
the animals of said monks and convent, and their 
servants, should freely pasture in my land, and 
vice versa my animals, of my heirs,' and of our de- 
pendents, in the land of the aforesaid church, how- 
ever so that no damage shall be done to my granges, 
ditches, or sown land at any time to me or my heirs 
whatsomever, on the other side of the aforesaid 
rivulet, for a fortnight after the com has been 
carried from that land." Alexander the Third, as 
Wyntoun informs us, paid great attention to agri- 
culture. He caused every occupier of land to plough 
a certain part of it, in proportion to its extent ; and 

** Be that Tortu all hyt Land 
Of 001 n he gart be abowndand." 

It was from this law of Alexander's that, as the 
poet informs us, land came afterwards to be mea- 
sured by the number of oxen necessary to work 
it. The value of com at that period be thus briefly 
chronicles : — 

• • 

** A Boll of Atls pennys fonre 
Of Scottls mono past noueht onre ; 
A Boll of Here for awcht or ten 
In comowne prys sawld wes then ; 
For aextene a Boll of Qwhete ; 
Or for twenty the derth wes grete.** 

Here we see that wheat was a common commodity 
in Scotland six hundred years ago. We know, 
however, from other sources, that it had been so 
long previously. In David the First's time (1 1 24), 
wheat was still cheaper than in the reign of Alex- 
ander. It could then be had for ten in place of 
sixteen pennies — ^the value of which, in sterling 
money, would be, at the respective periods, about 



2b. 6d. to 4s. per boll. From the account of 
William dmnn ef Kilbride^ eheriff of Ayr in 1265, 
in the Chamberlain Rolls, we have a correct idea 
of the price of wine at this period. ** Item^ for 
17 hhds. of red wine, each hogshead 36s. 8d., 
total j£31, 3s. 4d. ;* and for six hhds. of red wine, 
£9» 3s. 4d. ; and for three hogsheads of white 
wine, bought, at 110s. ; and 6 hhds. of white 
wine, bought of the burghers of Air, £12, 2s." 
If the riches of the country were to be measured 
by the wealth of the church, which compounded 
with Bagamont, an emissary sent by the Roman 
Pontiff to levy a tenth on the property of the 
church for the relief of the Holy Land in 1275, 
for the enormous sum of 50,000 merks, we would 
form a very high estimate of its prosperity. In 
arms, Scotland was inferior to no country cf the 
age. Her men-at-arms and cavaUers, as described 
at the battle of Largs, were equipped in the most 
approved fashion ; and the fact that, in 1 244, 
Alexander II. led an army into England of 100,000 
foot, with a well-appointed body of cavalry, shows 
that, both in men and means, she was capable of 
meeting a very formidable opponent. With re^ 
ference to the arts, the style of ecclesiastical archi- 
tecture affords the only data upon which to form 
an opinion ; and, according to that criterion, it 
must have been of no mean order. 


** Qohen Alysandyr, oore kyng, wps dede. 
That Scotland led in luwe and lb. 
Away wea Sons of Ale and Hrede, 
Of Wyne and Wax, of Gamyn and Ole : 
Our Oold wes changed into Lede— ' 
Cryst, borne in -to Yirgynte, 
Succour Scotland, and remnde, 
That stad ia in perplexyte.**t 

So sings the oldest Scottish poet of whose genius 
any vestige remains. The death of Alexander, 
followed soon by that of the " Maiden of Norway," 
brought evil days upon the country. The civil 
commotion which arose out of the disputed claim 
to the crown, and the persevering attempt of Ed- 
ward I. to subjugate Scotland, were attended with 
disastrous consequences : agriculture was neglected. 

* A pound weight of silver constituted a pound of money 
at this time. The Scottish goTcmment afterwards (March 
12, 1353) debased the coin. Edward III. (of England) 
issued a proclamation forbidding its currency. This pro- 
clamation sets forth, ** that the ancient money of Scotland 
was wont to be of the same weight and alloy an the sterling 
money of England."— ^at^* AtmaU, Vol 11^ p. 370. 

f These often quoted lines are greatly to be admired for 
their simplicity and sweetness. The expression "Away 
wes Sons of Ale and Brede,** has been variously interpreted. 
There can be little doubt, howoTer, that som and sonee 
(which signifies abundance) are one and the same word. 
Hence the line would read, ** Away was plenty of ale and 

and commerce banished. Ayrshire shared lar^y 
in the vicissitudes of that melancholy period. The 
connection of Robert de Bruce, Lord of Annan- 
dale and Cleveland, son of the competitor, with 
the comatjj by his marriage with Marjory, Countess 
of Carrick, rendered the district of vast importance 
to the invader. The maniage, which we give in 
the words of Tytler, was altogether a romantio 
one: — ^ About this time (1208) happened an in- 
cident of a romantic nature, with which important 
consequences were connected. A Scottish knight 
of high birth — Robert de Bruce, son of Robert de 
Bruce, Lord of Annandale and Cleveland — ^was 
passing on horseback throt^h the domaina of 
Tumberry, which belonged to Marjory, Countess 
of Carrick. The lady happened at the moment to 
be pursuing the diversion o£ the chase, surrounded 
by a retinue of her squires and damsels. They 
encountered Bruce. The young Countess waa 
struck .by his noble figure, and courteously en- 
treated him to remain and take the recreation of 
hunting. Bruce who, in those feudal days, knew 
the danger of paying too much attention to a ward 
of the king, declined the inritation, when he found 
himself suddenly surrounded by the attendants ; 
and the lady, riding up, seized his bridle, and led 
off the knight, by gentle violence, to her castle of 
Turnberry. IIere» ailer fifteen days' residence^ 
the adventure concluded as might have been ex- 
pected. Bruce married the Countess without the 
knowledge of the relations of either party, and 
before obtaining the king's consent ; upon which 
Alexander seized her castle of Turnberry and her 
whole estate. The intercession of friends, how- 
ever, and a heavy fine^ conciliated the mind of the 
monarch. Bruce became, in right of his wife, 
Lord of Carrick ; and the son of this marriage of 
romantic love was the great Robert Bruce, the 
restorer of Scottish lib^ly." The disputed claim 
to the Crown arose immediately after the death of 
Alexander, in the belief that the right of the 
" Maiden of Norway*' would be set aside in favour 
of the nearest male heir. In 1286 **all agreement 
was drawn up with a view to the succession of 
Bruce the Elder, between Thomas de Clare, brother 
to the Earl of Gloucester, and nephew to the elder 
Bruce's wife;* joined with Richard de Burg, Earl 
Ulster, on the one part, and Patrick, Earl of Dun- 
bar, John, and Alexander, Walter Steward, Earl 
of Menteith, Alexander and John his sons, Robert 
Bruce, Lord of Carrick, and Bernard de Bruce, 
James, Steward of Scotland, and John, his bro- 
ther, Eregus, the son of Donevald of the Lies, and 
Alexander his son, that they would adhere to, and 
take part with one and other, upon all occasions. 

* Bruce claimed tlie crown as tbe descendant of Darid, 
Earl of Huntingdon, brother of King William tbe Lioo. 



B^nst all persons whatsoever, saving their alle- 
giance to the king of England, and their fidelity 
to him who should gain the kingdom of Scotland 
hy right of blood from Alexander, then lately de- 
ceased ; which agreement, according to Dv^dale, 
was dated at Tumberriey on the eve of St Mathew." 
Not long after this, the six regents, who had been 
appointed to govern the kingdom, were reduced, 
by death and assassination, to four ; and the High 
Steward, who was one of them, taking a course 
mimical to the young Queen, open war was com- 
menced by Bruce against the party of Baliol, which, 
according to Tytler, continued to ravage the coun- 
try for two years after the death of the king. We 
know, at all events, from^ the Chamberlain Rolls, 
that in 1288 the sheriff of Wigton, John Cumin 
of Bochan, did *' not answer because the land lies 
uncultivated on account of the war raised after the 
death of the king by the Eari of Carrick." The 
demand of Edward I., to whose decision the pend- 
ing claims were submitted, to have the whole 
strengrths of the country delivered into his hands, 
bad the effect of rouang the contending factions 
to a sense of the common dang^, and it is pro- 
bable that, but for the death of the queen, Scot- 
land might have been spared the severe inflic- 
tion of civil and foreign war, which so long 
desolated the country. In consequence of the 
doubtftil allegiance of the Bruces,* and their 
pretensions to the Scottish throne, Edward, with 
the view of overawing the district, after he had 
over-run the country, maintained a strong force 
m the castle of Ayr, of which Henry de Percy 
was appointed governor, as well as sheriff of the 
county. The tyranny of Edward — especially as 
affairs were administered by Cressingham the trea- 
surer, and Ormsby the justiciary — was such that 
the prostrate inhabitants were fain to throw off 
the yoke. At length a champion arose in the per- 
son of the famed Sir William Wallace, whose ex- 
ploits, as recorded by Blind Han-y, are familiar 
to every Scotsman. Wallace, who is supposed to 
have been bom about 1276, was the second son 
of Malcolm Waleys, the knight of Ellerslie, in 
Renfrewshire.t The main stock of the family, 
however, belonged to Ayrshire. His mother was 
a daughter of Sir Reginald Crawfurd, Sheriff of 
Ayr J :— 

* At the Berwick Parliament, held 28th August, 1296, 
Beberfe Dmee, elder, and Robert Bruce, younger — the 
competitor having died the pre?ions year— both swore 
fealty to Edward. 

t Renfrewshire was disjoined from Lanarkshire about 
1405 or 1406. 

X According to Wood, she was a daughter of Hugh 
Crawfurd of Loudoun. In the Wallace papers, printed by 
the Uaitland Club, the name is Sir Rtffimild, which agrees 
wiih the statement of Blind Harry. 

Malcolm Wallace her got in marriage. 
That EUertHie then had in heritage, 
Auchenbdhie, and sundry other place; 
The second eye he was of good Wallace.* 

Some of the earlier years of Wallace are said to have 
been passed at Riccarton, where a tree is still 
pointed out by tradition as having been planted 
by bis hands. When obliged to fly from Dundee^ 
where it is believed he studied some time at a 
public seminary, for the slaughter of young Selby, 
the governor's son, who had insulted him, he took 
refuge — according to Blind Harry, the only autho- 
rity we have on the subject — at Riccarton. The 
various ^'gests" related of Wallace by the minstrel 
have been regarded by Lord Hailes, and others, as 
mere romance — and certainly they are not whoUy 
admissible within the pale of authentic history ; 
but when the bard is found to agree with what is 
known to be matter of fact, it b scarcely justice 
to reject all as fabulous which cannot be tested by 
contemporaneous evidence. We know, on the au- 
thority of Wyntoun, that the ^ gude dedis" whioh 
** be in-till hys dayis wroucht" were so numerous 

** Quha all hys dedis of prys wald dyte, 
Uym worthyd a gret buk to wryte.** 

In a local history it would be unjustifiable not to 
revert to those gesU which have been preserved 
of him, especially such as refer to the county. The 
rencontre of Wallace with some Englishmen of 
Lord Percy's court while angling in the river 
Irvine — how he " killed the churl with his own 
staff" in Ayr — how he slew Lord Percy's steward, 
and was imprisoned — how he scaped — and how 
he afterwards killed the buckler-player — are all 
fully detailed in Blind Harry. Whatever degree 
of credit may be due to these narratives, it i& 
evident that Wallace could only win his way to 
the extraordinary popularity he enjoyed by the 
performance of valiant and daring exploits against 
the enemies of his country. The thorough inti- 
macy of the naiTat(»r with the localities described 
is worthy of notice, as confirmatory, to a certain 
extent, of the facts related Wallace is represented 
as absconding, after the affair on the banks of the 
Irvine water, to Ocbter-house — 

** Tlien to Laglane wood, when it grew late, 
To make a silent and a safe retreat." 

We are not aware of any place called Ochter- 

* BUnd Harry*s Wallace, Edin., 17M. 4to., black-letter, 
page 2. — Auchenbothie is 6ve or six miles from Ellerslie, 
within the parish of Lochwinnoch, and is a barony, with 
an old castle. In the farm of this barony, called Kether- 
trees, there is a singular knowe, surrounded by a small 
loch, or a wet bog. There is a tradition to this day, that 
Sir William Wallace defended himself with his attendants 
on this krtowe, against some English soldiers. The knowe 
is still called Wallcxe't Kiwwe, There is much evidence 
of this tradition. 



house in this oonnty;* bat there can be little 
doubt that Laglane wood, in which Walhice is said to 
have found sbdter after his adrentures at Ajr,was 
not fai^ dbtant from that town. About four mOes 
up the river, on the south side, there is a farm 
steading on the estate of Auchincruive called the 
Latgland ; and upon the north, near the modem 
house of Craigie, lower down the stream, there is 
a hollow, dose by its edge, called *^ Wallace's Cave," 
ita which, according to tradition, the hero of Soot- 
tish independence found refuge when pursued by 
his enemies. After having been starved in prison, 
and thrown, as it was supposed dead, over the 
** castle wall," his nurse is spoken of as coming 
ttom ^the new town of Ayr,** to bear his corpse 
away. Now, the new tovim, though of trifling 
extent, did exist in the days of Wallace — a fact 61 
which the author could not be supposed to be aware 
nnless particularly conversant veith the circum- 
stances he was relating. On the morning of the 
^ blac parliament'* at Ayr, when so many of the 
leading men of the district were treacherously 
put to death, WaDace and his ande, Sir Ranald 
CrawAird, are represented as coming f^om Orosbie 
castie, in West Kilbride — 

** Upon the mom thai gralth thaim to the Ar, 
▲■d forth tliai hyd qnUU tinl oome to KinfMO, 
With drddna hart thas sperit wicht WaUaae 
At Sehyr Ranald for the eharter of pee8e,t 
It la lewyt at Conbe,t in the kyat. 

), or Kilcase, near to the coast, in the parish 
of Prestwick, is popularly believed to have been 
founded by Robert the Bruce for leprous persons. 
If, however. Blind Hany is topographically correct, 
Kincase must have existed before Bruce could be 
supposed to have done so. The charter foundation 
of the hospital is not extant, therefore it is impos- 
sible to determine the point. The derivation of 
the name itself, as explained by Chalmers, does not 
help to unriddle the mystery. Kil signifies a cell 
or chi^ ; cos, he says, the plague. ^ So Eilcas 
would signify the retreat of the plague : but this 
hospital was founded for lepem; and lobhar is 
the GaeHc word for a leper, and laibkr^ for the 
leprosy." Thus the word is inapplicable to either 
of the suppositions. That the place was locally 
known prior to the foundation of the hospital, we 
are not only led to believe from Blind Harry, but 
from the tradition itself, which avers that Bruce 

* There was a Banuay of Anehter-honse in Forfuehire, 
who fought in the Bmciaa wars. There was also a Ifln- 
ftidode Conyngbame de AnehermaehaDe, in 1417. 

f A treaty of peaee, according to the Bard, had been 
entered into with Wallaee some time prerionSly. 

X Croebie castle, in the parish of West Kilbride. The 
lands of Crosbie belonged to the Crawfords of Londonn. 
They appear to have been the property of Sir Reginald 
Crawfnrd, Sheriff of Ayr, who married the heiress of 

had been induced to bukL the hmt-haaat from K 
convKtion that he had been cored of ao eruptive 
disease of the natore of leproqr, chiefly in oodb&-' 
quence of drinking of the well of Kineaae. Herer 
we have the fact of a well being in existence 
whether in the vicinity of a Druidieal remain or 
Culdee retreat may be coiijeetiired ; hence we musfe 
look for spme other derivation. Cam-^i$f i. «.^ 
kain-tribute, would signify tribtKU paid m kmd, 
OU means a fine as weU as tribute. Kinccue, a» 
it was usually spdled, may therefore have been m 
pkoe where tribute or fines were paid in kind long 
befbre the days of Robert the Bruce. As it com- 
mandsafuH view of the plain fbr many miles rounds 
it may have been a station as far back as the day» 
of the Romans, who were in the habit of exact- 
ing §ain-eiSf or kain-tribute, from the inhabitants. 
Amongst the many early expldts recorded of Wal- 
lace, the interception of a rich oonvoy of stores for 
the English garrison at Ayr, under the command 
of one Fenwick, in a rencontre with whom. Sir 
Malcolm, the fiither of Wallace, it is said, had been 
killed some time previously, was p«rh^ the moat 
important. Wallace and his associates, in all fiffy 
men, lay in ambush at a place called Beg, in the 
parish of GalstOB, not far from Loudoun hiU. The 
attack was in every point successftd. The Snglisk 
werecompletely overthrown — Fenwick hinselfhav* 
ing been killed, as well as Bowmond* who assumed 
the command after the former was slain^— and aB 
the stores fell into the hands of the Scots. This ia 
supposed to have occurred in the spring of 1297.. 
Sir Robert Boyd ; the Laird of Auohinleck ; Adaift 
Wallace of Riccarton, cousin of Sir William ; Sir 
David Barday, probably of Ardrossan ; and Adam 
Cuny, in all likelihood a descendant of the Sir 
[ Piers de Currie who fell at the battie of Lai^ 
were amongst the leading assodates ci Wallace on 
this occasion. — The burning of the bams of Ayr 
is another notable incident in the career of the 
patriot. The Bams, as they were caUed, appear 
to have been occupied as a garrison for the Exig* 
lish soldiery, for whom there wm probably no ae* 
commodation in the Castie. According to Bar- 
bour^ who is a credible authority, and Blind 
Harry, the governor had summoned a number vi 
the neighbouring gentry to attend at the Bams, 
under the pretext of holding a justice Aire. As 
they entered the building they were treacherous^ 
seized and hanged. Amongst those who sofSer- 
ed were Sir Ranald Grawfurd, Sheriff of Ayr, 
and maternal uncle of Wallace ; Sir Neil Mont- 
gomerie of Oassillis ; Sir Bryce Blair of Blair ; and 
Crystal of Seton. Wallace is represented by hte 
biographer as having been in the north, at the 
head of a considerable force, at the time. In 
this he differs from Blind Harry, who makes the 
tragedy occur whSe Wallace, leaving his uncle 



^ KJftCMWj had gone babk to Orosbie ibr Che 
1f09tj of peaoe. liearBing on his return what 
bad taken plaoe^ he immediately ooUected all his 
adherent^ ani surroandiiig the Bams at mid- 
ntgbt» took flgnal Tengeanoe^ by setting fire to 
the buildiogy and destroying aJl within. A num- 
ber «f Snglish soldierBy k>^s^ in the Convent of 
Blackfriar^ which stood near to the Bam8» were 
nA the same time jrat to the sword by the eeeleft- 
aitics I which sKft^gfatery it is said, gave rise to the 
•pofmlar sajing of the '< Friar of Ayr's blessing.'* 
Doobt has been thrown upon Ais event by Lord 
Hailes, who» though in general oriticaUy oorrec^ 
<6onietiBies aHows lus sceptioism too moch lati- 
tude ; but ha has been aUy replied to by the lato 
Dr Jamiesoi^ in his notes cqpon WaUac$. We dif* 
iets however) with the latter, in. thinking that the 
^^nneleoB of the tiorj" is to be found in the nar- 
mlive of the BngMsh ehromclsry Heningfor^ who 
ffelatea that after the tareaty of Irvine, ^ many of the 
iSkMla and^nen of CMloway had, in 4 hostile man- 
«flr, nsade {roj of their Btorei^ haiAng shun more 
^btutk five hundred men, with women and chiUhno*** 
Tlia imo GireametaMes have BOtbing in eommon. 
That sudi |»r^ was made on the bteakang up of 
Ilia Seotti^ army at Jrvjae^ anbsefnent to the 
boratag of the Bane of Ayr, iseKtremely probable ; 
battho Sngliih hiatariaBs are not at all likdy to 
httve made the slightest neferenee to an a£6ur whid^ 
fcfloofced so rnneh di^graoe on their country as 
the treacbeiow slanghtor by which it was pva- 
ceded. Lord HiilM, following the English hss* 
toifans cleady, and finding no mention of the 
het, was led to <{oestion the truth of it. fitiU 
more do we differ with Dr Jamieson in thinking 
that the Barm weie, ^accordhig to the diction -of 
BliBd Harry, msre^y fAs EnffiUk ^Morfsrv, erected 
bj order of Bdward fi>r the aooommodation of his 
iroopa." If there is meaning in the Ladn and 
fiisgtish languages, their quarters were literally 
ham$f erected te storing com. Blair, in the ori^ 
gioal Latin, uses the word koreat, and bis trans- 
lator, Henry, the comsponcUng Snglish term, 
boms. Barbenr, in hb Bmoe^ renders the natwre 
of Ihe building itiU more^lear. Alliiiiag to Gr|». 
ilal of fieton, he saya— 

*91iiifl fste ended Us we rth y n eSi 
▲iid eironivflinl iris Sdiyr Bvuld vw, 
And Sshjr Bryoe all the BUr, 

Bangyt in-till a bene In Ar." 

We know from local history that Ayr had, in the 
Temacnlar of Blind Harry, ^ great bemyss, biggyt 
without the town," and that these bams were used, 
in oeoneetion with the mills, as a depository fbr 
Hie grain belongmg to libe burgh. Each burgess 
had his toft of land, besides the large extent held 
IB. eommon by the burgh, consequently the bam 
or bams must have been ample which could ac- 

commodato the whole of the produce. Bams of 
this description existed, pedhaps on the very spot 
where they anciently stood, until a vwy recent 
period.* The ** bhus parliament at the bemis of 
Ayre " is spoken of in the Complayni of Scotland, 
written in 1648, as a fact then universally credited. 
The circumstance, in short, cannot be reasonably 
doubted. — The success of Wallace and his adher- 
ents — ^for many joined his standard as their pros- 
pects began to brighten, amongst others the Biahop 
of Glasgow and the Steward of Scotland-— at length 
roused Edward to a sense of the danger. He was 
abroad at the time, but Surrey despatebed Henry 
Percy, with an army of forty thousand mtti, to put 
down the insurrection. Percy marched through 
Annandale, and from thence to Ayr, with the view 
of receiving the allegiance of the men of Qallovray. 
Proceeding towards Irvine he found the Scots 
encamped, according to our historians, ^on the 
margin of a lake." Tarryhohn, a field on the farm 
of Warrix, then a peninsula formed by the rivers 
Irvine and Anniok, and which conldnued till within 
these seventy years, when the Irvine^ during a flood, 
broke through its course, is si^poeed to have been 
the position of the Scottish forces. Though by no 
means equal to the English in point of number, 
they were, under the direction of WaQaoe, suffi- 
ciently strong to have hazarded a battle; but ^s- 
sension, as usual, prevailed among the leaders, and 
a compromiae was the consequence. It is presum- 
ed, and not without apparent foundation, that the 
wavering conduct of many of the Scottish barons 
at this period arose from their Anglo-Norman |»e- 
dilections. Most of them had been fraternised 
little more than a century, and a number of them 
continued to hold possessions in England. Their 
patriotism was, therefore^ naturally less ardent 
than that of the native chiefs ; and they were ac- 
oordingly swayed by self-interest as victory smiled 
or frowned on the cause — ^tiie preservation of 
ihttr extensive grants of land being the main 
olject of solidtu^e. Considerations of this kind 
had no doubt their influence in producmg the dis- 
ruption of Wallace's army at Irvine. << Sir Richard 
Lundin," says Tytier, ^a Scottish knight, who had 
till now refused allegiance to Edward, went over 
with his followers to the army of Percy, declaring 
it to be folly to remain longer with a party at vari- 
ance with itself; at the same time Brace, the Stew- 
ard of Scotland, and bis brother, Alexander de 
Lindsay, and tiie Bishop of Glasgow, made sub- 
miesion to Edward." The Scottish army was so 
oompleteiy broken up, that, with the exception of 
Wallaoe and a few of bis early associates, the whole 

* Beonriag tbe orop in staokSi we nttier think, is n 
opmperadvely modern pneHca. Of old the whole crop 
was pMfced in the bsm, as is stiU the omo in remote stnths 
and gleqs in mrtous parts of the ooimtry. 



of the leaders tendered their allegiance to the Eng- 
lish monarch. This treaty, which was drawn up 
through the negotiation of the Bishop of Glasgow, 
was executed in 1297. Amongst the names i^ 
pended to the Ragman-Roll, drawn up from this 
and previous submissions, we find the following 
connected with Ayrshire : — 

Gilchrist More. 

Reginald More de Craig. 

Thomas de Montgomerie, and Mnrcha de Mootgomerie, del 

Conte de Air. 
Radalpbos de Crawford, del Conte de Air. 
Hugh de Crawford. 
Alexander Kennedy, Chancellor and Clerk of the Kingdom 

of Scotland. 
Domlnus Alexander Kennedy, Canonieos, Olasguen.* 
Radnlphns de Bgliutoan. 
Oodfredos de Ardrossan. 
Patricins de Berkley, or Barclay. 
Pominns Thomas de Soalis. 
Andreas, fllins Oodfredi de Roes. 
Thomas de Colvyle. 
Hugo de Kelso. 
Fergus FostenoD. 
WUliam Ker. 
Robert de Rom. 

Beynald de Crawford, del Conte de Air. 
Johan. de Crawfurd. 
Aleyn Wallis. 
Robert Boyt, t. e. Boyd. 
Waltenu de Berkeleya. 
Roger de Crawford, del Conte de Air. 
Robert de la Chambre. 
David Blair. 

Johan. fits Neill de Carriek. 
Adam le Walyit. 
Nicol de Wallets. 
Robert de Boyvil, or Boyle. 
Aylmer de la Hunter. 
Raulf de I^gUntonn. 
Niel fltz Robert de Dnlop. 
Adam le la More. 
Ollmore fltz Edward. 
Ralph Ferrye. 
William de Crawford. 
Walter de Lynne. 

Nicol de Achethleo, i e. Anchinleek. 
Malcolm Lockart, del Conte de Air. 
Bymon de la Chambre. 
Robert Fraser. 
Johan. Waleis de Oyerton. 
Richard de BoyylUe, del Conte de Air. 
Thomas de Colvyle. 
Adam de Colvlle. 
Renauld de Crawford. 
Thurbrand de Logan. 
Btr Alexander de Lindsay. 
Robert de Cuninghame. 
Johan. de Crawford, del Conte de Air. 
Andrew fltz €k>dfrede de Ross, del Conte de Air.f 

* Dominus, in the ease of kirkmen, signifies Sir, 

f In the above list there are not above nine names that 
ean be considered as belonging to Bcotland. The rest are 
evidently of Anglo-Norman or Saxon lineage, scarcely, at 
that time, naturalised in the country; for the policy of 
importing foreign lords, and breaking down the patriarchal 
by the establishment of the feudal system, had not been 
long in operation. It may be considered, at the same time, 
that these antagonist systems had no small tendency to 
create divisions among the leaders of Scotland. The feu- 
dal system, long ettabUshed in Bngland, and which had 
boAn struggling for two or three generations only to esta- 
blish itself in Scotland, was the favourite system of the 
new nobility, to which they owed all their wealth and 

Thongh the leading herons were thus TaciHating, 
Wallace was strong in the support of the common- 
alty — ^thQ free yeomen and burgesses — a circum- 
stance which greatly countenances the supposition 
that he had sprung from the TFo^eyisw, or native po- 
pulation. Retiring to the north, it was not long till he 
was at the head of a powerful army; and his victory 
over Gressingham at the bridge of Sdrling led to 
the complete ejection of the English. The subse- 
quent jealousies of the nobility under the guardian- 
ship of Wallace, and the disastrous result of the 
battle of Falkirk, together with the betrayal of the 
hero, are events well known in history. We can- 
not, however, withhold a remark or two as to the 
flimsy nature of the pretext put forward as an ex- 
cuse for Sir John Menteith, the reputed betrayer 
of Wallace. It is rather surprising that Tytler 
should have given the slightest countenance to it. 
He says — ^ Perhaps we are to trace this infamous 
transaction to a family feud. At the battle of 
Falkirk, Wallace, who, on account of his overbear- 
ing conduct, had never been popular with the 
Scottish nobility, opposed the pretensions of Sir 
John Stewart (mT Bonkill, when this baron contend- 
ed for the chief command. In that disastrous de- 
feat, Sir John Stewart, with the flower of his fol- 
lowers, was surrounded and slain ; and it b said that 
Sir John Menteath, his ande, never forgave Wal- 
lace for making good his own retreat, without at- 
tempting a rescue." Now, what are the facts ? 
lir Tytler, in reference to the battle of Falkirk, 
dearly shows, in opposition to Lord Hailes, that 
there was disHnsion in the Scotdsh camp. The 
plan upon which Wallace had conducted die cam- 
paign — ^redring before the vastly superior force of 
Edward, until the want of provinons should com- 
pd him to order a retrograde movement, then to 
attack and harass his rear, was so nearly accom- 
plished, that Edward remained ignorant of the 
movements of the Scots, undl informed by the 
Eark of Angus and Dunbar, as he lay at Kirklis- 
ton, on the eve of retreating, that they were en- 
camped m the forest of Falkirk, and that it was 
the intention of Wallace to surprise him by a night 
attack. The English were thus, by a rapid march, 
enabled next day to surprise the Soots, who would 
not have opposed so superior an army if they could 
have escaped with safety. Tytler farther shows 
the dissension to have been so dedded, that upon 
the first attack the whole body of heavy armed 
cavalry, who formed the rear of the BchiUrimBf 

power. It is not, therefore, unreasonable to believe, with 
their Bnffliah descent and predilections, that they weald 
much rather see the country under the feudal govenuneea 
of an Anglo-Norman, than the patriarchal sway of a native 
Celtic leader. Much of the treachery shown towards the 
patriot hero of Scotland by the Anglo-Norman nohilityE, as 
they nmy well be called, may possibly be accounted for in 
this manner. 



^'shamdessly retired without striking a blow." 
Amongst the few armed knights who remained, 
continues Mr Tjtier's narrative, was Sir John 
Stewart of Bonkill, who, "\n marshalling the 
ranks of the archers, was thrown fi*om his horse. 
The faithful bowmen tried to rescue him, but in 
▼ain." The archers gave way ; but the sckUtrons 
maintained the battle stoutly for a length of time, 
and Wallace did not make good his retreat till the 
last. The charge against Wallace of not attempt- 
ing the rescue of Sir John Stewart, according to 
Mr Tytler's description of the battle, is therefore 
absurd. As well might he be accused of not at- 
tempting to save Macduff, who was slain along 
with his Fife vassals. Other accounts, we are 
aware, make Wallace alter the position of his own 
division at the commencement of the engpag^ment ; 
but this is doubtful ; and, from the circumstantial 
account given by the English chroniclers — ^who 
may be relied upon in a statement of this kind — it 
does not seem at all probable. The Scots were 
drawn up in four bodies, or seMUnms, of a circular 
form — iiie archers between — so that any attempt 
to save Sir John Stewart would have been extremely 
hazardous, if at all practicable. Wallace, we thinl^ 
cannot in fairness be accused of overbearing con- 
duct. His whole history indicates the reverse of 
this. His affection for his associates, and the mo- 
desty displayed in all the recorded transactions of 
the r^pency under his guardianship, lead to the 
belief that he was not. It is true, he is represent- 
ed as having been strictly impartial in executing 
the laws against the highest as well as the. lowest; 
and, considering the manner in which he was dis- 
paraged by the nobiUty on account of his lowness 
of birth — ^for the Celtic aboriginals were held in 
low esteem by all who could boast of Norman blood 
— ^it is not surprising though he should not at all 
times have been able to restrain that contempt 
which their pusillanimous and unpatriotic conduct 
richly merited. The accusation against Wallace, 
in not attempting the rescue of Stewart, rests on a 
passage in Heame's Fordun, reiterated in Duncan 
Stewart*8 History of the Royal Family of Scot- 
land ; but, if well founded, it is rather curious that 
Wyntoun,as w^ informed as any of our chroniclers, 
makes no mention of the Menteith feud. His 
plain statement is, that in 1305 — 

** Scbyre Jbon of Menteth in tha days 
Tnk in Glaagw Willame Walays, 
And send bim in-till Ingland swne. 
Tbare wes he qwnrtaryd and wndwne 
Be dyspyte and hat Inwj : 
Thare he tbolyd his Ifartyry.** 

Lord Hailes essayed an apology for the conduct of 
Henteith, and even hazarded a doubt as to whether 
he had been concerned in his capture at all ; but 
Jamieson completely exposes the groundlessness of 
thd learned annalist's scepticism. 

During these events, Brace had frequently shift- 
ed sides. He swore fealty to Edward, along with 
his father, at Berwick, in 1296. He again made 
oath on the sacred host and the sword of St 
Thomas, before the Bishop of Carlisle, in 1297, 
to be faithful and vigilant in the sei*vice of Ed- 
ward. He immediately afterwards, however, joined 
the patriotic party, and was encamped with them 
at Irvine, when a treaty of submission was entered 
into. He again favoured the Scots after the battle 
of Stirling ; but, owing to his great jrivals the 
Comyns, it is said, being on the same side, he took 
no active part in the struggle. At the battle of 
Falkirk Bruce is represented by Barbour as hav- 
ing been present on the English side; but it is 
now regarded as certain that he was not. He 
held the Castle of Ayr for the Scots, so as tb keep 
up the communication with Galloway. On the 
ai^roach of Edvt'ard he retired into Carrick, after 
setting fire to the building. The English mon- 
arch marched forward to Qalloway, with the view 
of punishing Bruce ; but his provisions faiUng, he 
was compelled to return through Annandale, cap- 
turing Bruce's castle of Lochmaben on his way. 

•Between the battle of Falkirk and the assertion 
of Bruce's claim to the Scottish crown, the lead- 
ing events are well known to the historical reader. 
In 1299, he was associated with John Comyn in 
the regency; but on the invasion of Edward in 
1300, when he laid waste Annandale and Carrick, 
Bruce once more returned to the interests of Ed- 
ward, and so completely ingratiated himself with 
the king, that he was selected to assist in the settle- 
ment of Scotland. While thus engaged, however, 
he had still an eye to the Scottish crown ; having 
entered into a secret bond of association with the 
Bishop of St Andrew's for asserting his cUim to 
it. The conduct of Bruce, in thus vacillating be- 
tween two antagonist dispositions, has been vari- 
ously represented. By some he is considered to 
have followed a deep-laid policy, with a view to 
cripple if not to destroy the resources of his rivals, 
the Baliols and Comyns. If this had been his 
leading object, it is difficult to understand why he 
should have so frequently taken part vrith the 
Scots ; and above all why he consented to act in 
conjunction with Comyn in the regency. His 
conduct, we think, cannot be accounted for on any 
fixed principle of action. The large estates of his 
family, in England as well as Scotland, could not 
have been preserved without' yielding an apparent 
allegiance to Edward ; and well must Bruce have 
known that if deprived of these his power either 
to serve his country or himself would have been 
fatally impaired. The retention of his property 
seems to have formed the primary consideration 
in his early career ; still, at the same time, keep- 
ing an eye to the favourable moment when a blow 



oould be efficientlj atmck, at onoe for indepeo- 
deoce and the aseertioii of his daim to the crown. 
The betrajal of his purpose by the Bed Comya-' 
with whom he had eotcrad into a bond of mutual 
aid, by which it waa agreed that if the one obtained 
the crown the other should possess the property of 
die successful daimant — and the revenge which 
Bmoe, in a moment of irritation, took against his 
hkt ooadjntor, had the effect of compelling him 
to renounce his aUegianoe to Edward mudb earlier 
tinn he would oliherwise hav« done. When he 
threw down the gauntlet of defiance to the Eng- 
lish monarch, there were no more than twen^ of 
the nobility and gentry, lay and eode&iastical, in- 
cluding his own immediate relatives, who espoused 
his cause ; and amongst these, if we ezdiide his 
b ro th er s, Edward, Nigd, Thomas, and Aleicander, 
•one only — ^Robert Boyd, progenitor of the KiL- 
-■nmock family — was connected with Ayrshire. 

Bruce was <ffowned by his few adherents at 
fieone in 1306. Tliis event was soon after iaH. 
lowed by tl^ disastrous battle of Methven* where, 
selytng on the chivahons spirit of tbs times, Bruce 
allowed hb little army to be surprised and cut to 
fieces before they could make any efleotive reust- 
anoe. The result of tibis Meat, and the cruel 
vengeance inflicted upon all who Ml into the hands 
of Edward, are well known. Dispersed and bro- 
ken, the leaders were compelled to fly in various 
direetions. The king himself, with a fyw adher- 
ents, after encountering many obstacles, ukimatdy 
found his way to Bachrin, on the north coast ef 
Ireland. Ghriatopher Baton, to whom he owed his 
lile at Methven, took refuge in Loch Doon castle. 
43ir Christopher — an ancestor of the noble fomily 
afterwards distinguished as the Earls of Winton, 
which titles as the world is aware, has recently 
been awwrned by the Eari of BgUnton, the nearest 
lineal descendant— 4S known to have been an early 
and warm supporter of the Bruce in his daim to 
the Boottish throne.* We have no precise aooount 
of bis partidpation in those plans which led to the 
assertion i^ Brnce's rights; but from his intimate 
imaSi(y connection — ^bdng married to Lady Chris- 
tian, wter <if the kkg — thero can be li^e doubt 
that he was privy to all the aecret proceedings by 
winch the eventual orlsb was brot^ht about* He 
was preflODt when Bruce struck down the Bed 
Comyn in the convent of the Minorite friars in 
Dunfriesy and he was mnong the few who alter- 
wards rallied round the standard of the king, 
when he was crowned at Scone. In the bafede of 
Methven Sir Christopher bore a conspicuDus part. 
Bruce and the few leadens who were with lum had 

* Sir CBurlstopiher wm of Nonoaa desosnt. His saees- 
tor, Beclier de Say, obtained lands from David L, in Bast 
Lothian, wlileli were denominated Sayton— bsoce the pa- 

scarody time to arm, and though they perfonned 
prodigies of valour, it was impossible, taken at 
such disadvantage, to resbt an overwhdming force. 
The king was three times unhorsed ; and, accord- 
ing to Barbour, Sir Philip de Mowbray had so 
nearly taken him prisoner, that the knight cried 
aloud — <* I have the new-made king !'* The ready 
hand of Sir Christopher Seton, however, at that 
moment dealt Sir Philip a weli-aimed blow, which 
iUled him to the earth, and reecued Bruce ftotxk 
his perilous situation. The castle of Loch Doon,* 
in which Sir Christopher took refoge, must -have 
been, from its situation — surrounded, as it is, bj the 
lake— prior to the invention of gunpowder, ahnbet 
impregnable. From the ruins still existing, it seeoB 
to have been capaUe of fadding a considerable 
number of retainers. It was justly deemed a place 
of importance in the war of independence^ not only 
because of its strength, but from its being one of 
the strongfbolds on the paternal property of Bruce. 
When Sir Christopher Seton sought safety within 
its walls In 1309, It was under the hereditarf 
governorship of Sir Gilbert de Carrick. Ed- 
ward I., it is well knovni, v o wed the deepest ra- 
venge against Brucei and aU his supportinra, for 
die slaughter of Comyn, and their subsequent ap- 
pearance in arms against his authority. BirCSnis- 
topher was, in consequence, hotly pursued; and 
the castle invested by a strong body of English. 
The Qovemor made a very impotent defence, 
and the casde, along with the gaUant knight, 
fell into the hands of the enemy. Tytler, in his 
history of Scotland, states, on the authority of 
documents which he quotes, that the castle <<is 
said to have been puiUianimouify given up ;** and 
it fiurther appears from the evidence, under a com^ 
mission of the Great Seal, appointed to inqmre 
into the circumstance, that *<the delivery of Sir 
Christopher de Seton to the EUigltdi was knputsd 
to Sir Gilbert de Carrick.*' The learned historiaB» 
however, is not altogether satisfied on the subject ^ 
and he seems to be even in doubt whether Sir 
Christopher had taken refuge in the castle of Lodi 
Doon or in that of Loch TJrr, as coigectured ui 
the StaiiiUodl Awwml. The renusdon obtunad 
by Sir Gilbert, he at the same date adnta, fu&y 
proves the delivery of the castle into the hands ci£ 
the English, by that indiridaal, at the period air 
luded to — ^which is an important fact, strongly 
corroborative of the capturo of Sir Christopher 
de Seton at Loch Doon, and of the imputation 
against its keeper. The ciroumstanee is extremdj 

* Lodi Doon was andently called Lodi Balloeh. Hov 
tiie name eaaae to be ohaaged Is unknown. Ifr fieCletlek, 
Dalmeltto||ton» whose traditlonarj lore is weU kneeoi, 4a 
of opinion that as Dioi, in Celtic, signifies a fort, 1$ js^ 
have been called Loeh-Dnn, or the Loch of the Fwt, aftek* 
the erection of the castle. 



au^cious. Barbour, indeed, in his Life of Bruce, 

boldlj affirms, what the historian appears to have 

overlooked, that Sir Christopher was aetuailjr 

betrayed: and that bj a person of the name 

of MacNab, After describing the disasters which 

befel the monarch in his flight from Methven, he 

goes on to detail the cmelties exeroised by Edward 

upon such of hb coadjutors as fell into his power :-^- 

Amd worthy CrytloU 9ffSeyiotm 
In to Lomdon belretyi vfOi 
Throw a ducipiU ofJudtUf 
Mfakaakt aJkUM traltnar UuU ay 
TFcff off hit duelling nycht and day. 

This aoooont of the betrayal of Sir Christopher de 
Seton is countenanced by a tradition current in 
the neighbourhood of Loch Doon. A portion of 
the farm at the lower end of the Loch, called the 
Beoch, 18 yet known by the name of Macnabetan, 
"Which is said to have been given to the " fals tra- 
tour," as the price of his treachery. The ruins of 
Macnabston house, we believe, are still visible. 
MacNab is represented by Barbour as having been 
one of the domestics of Sir Christopher. He 

** Wes eff bis doelUsf nyeht sad day.* 

Bence, in the opinion of the poet, the blacker die 
. of the <*tratoory." Though Barbour is thus sup. 
ported by tradition, it may be argued that the 
character of the hereditary keeper is in no respect 
sfl^Kted by it. Perhaps not; but his pusillani- 
mons defence of the fort, coupled with the imputa- 
tion or bdlief that he had delivered up So- Chris- 
topher, are rather convincmg proofe that he was 
not sakeless in the matter. MacNab may have 
been the mere tool of Sir Qilbert de Carrick, who, 
thunking the cause of Bruce hopeless, might be 
anxious to propitiate Edward ; and, aware of the 
price set upon the brave Seton's head, he could not 
have hit on a more effectual mode of doing so. 
But be this as it may, the tradition gives the high- 
est support to the fact that Sir Christopher de 
Seton took refuge at Loch Doon, and not in the 
castle of Urr. In whatever manner the betrayal 
was accomplished, it is clear that MaoKab could 
only have held the lands awarded to him through 
the medium of the hereditary keeper, as any direct' 
grant from the English would have been canceOed 
OB their expulsion from the country. As described 
by Bscrbour, Sir Christopher Seton was crnefly put 
to deadi by his captors, not in London, but at 
Domfries. The charge against him was not only 
w fcd Bou , according to the definition of Edward, 
tet of murder and desecration, having been present 
in the convent of Minorite friars when Comyn 
was struck down by Bruce. He is alleged, by an 
English historian, to have slain a brother of Comyn ; 
bnt this charge is not corroborated by any other 
wilier. The character and prowess of Sir Chris- 
topher was so much esteemed by Bruce, that <*he 

afterwards erected, on the spot where he was exe- 
cuted, a little chapel, where mass was said for his 
soul." Nigel Bruce, Alexander Seton, the Earl of 
Atholl, and several other followers of the king, met 
a similar fate ; «uid the queen, her daughter, and 
the other ladies who sought shelter in Rildrummie 
Castle, were carried prisoners to England. The 
Carrick estates of Bruce, meanwhile, were con- 
ferred on Lord Henry Percy, and garrisons of 
English soldiers planted both in the castles of Ayr 
and Tiimberry. The total ruin of Bruce and hb 
cause, in short, seemed to have been effected. 

At length, after having spent the winter in the rude 
and solitary island of Rachrin, the exiled monarch 
began to meditate a descent upon Scotland. With 
this riew, Sir James Douglss and Sir Robert Boyd 
were despatched to Arran, where they were suc- 
cessful in surprising the castle of Brodick. The 
long afterwards passed over fh)m Rachrin with 
about three hundred fbllowers, furnished chiefly 
by Christina of the Isles. From Arran a trusty 
follower was sent across the frith to Carrick, to 
ascertain the stat6 of affairs, and whether his re- 
tainers were favourable to his cause. It has been 
sud that this task was undertaken by Bruce him- 
self, disguised as a minstrel. This, however, is by 
no means probable ; and Barbour, the only autho- 
rity for the circumstance, directly contradicts it. 
He says—- 

** Now gais the meweogtr his way, 
Tbat bat Catbert, as I beard say." 

li was agreed that if the messenger found mattera 
in a favourable condition, intimation should be 
given by lighting a fire on the coast. This oc« 
curred in the spring of 1308. On the da^ ap- 
pointed, the expected signal was seen about noon, 
and towards evening the adventurous little band — 
** thre bundyr, I trow, there mycht be," says Bar- 
boor — embarked in boats upon their adventurous 
enterprise. When overtaken by nightfall^-^and 
the densenem of the atmosphere favoured them 
greatly — they continued to steer by the fire which 
** thai saw bymand lycht and schyr,*' for they " na 
nedill had, na stane."* On reaching the Carricl^ 
coast, the king was surprised to be informed by 
the messenger that there was no hope of success^ 
as Tumberry was hdd by Percy with a strong 
g^arrison, and the inhabitants were either hostile or 
indifferent. '< Traitor," exclaimed the king, ** why 
did you light the fire ?*' <« I lighted no ^e," was 
Cuthbert's reply; '' but obserring it at nightfaU, 
I dreaded you might embark, and hastened to 
meet you.*'t The mysterious appearance of the 
fire is beautifully alluded to by Scott in his <' Lord 

* The eompaai,it woold tbos appear, was known to our 
mariners at this period. 

t Barbour's dialogue in rhyme is precisely to this effect. 



of the Isles ;*' and it is not improbable that the cir- 
cumstance, in a superstitions age, might have an 
influence in deciding the resolution of Bruce at so 
critical a moment. According to Barbour, the 
king was in some dubiety whether they should fol- 
low up the contemplated attack, when his brother 
Edward at once declared his determination to do 
so. The language of the bard is characteristic of 
the fool-hardy bravery of Edward — 

*• 1 say you sikyrly 

Tbar sail na perell, that may be, 
Dryve me eftsonys to the se. 
AJyne auentur lier take will I, 
Qulietbir it be esfull or augry.** 

An attack upon the English quarters was inune- 
diately planned, and as bpeedily put in execution. 
Buccess crowned their efforts. The greater part 
of the troops were accommodated in the houses 
and hamlets adjacent to the castle, the remains of 
which stand on a rocky eminence, washed by the 
sea, while an extensive plain stretches away to- 
wards the interior ; and thinking themselves per- 
fectly secure, they fell an easy victim. Percy, 
unceitain of the number of assailants, shut himself 
up in the castle, not daring to attempt a rescue. 
A rich booty fell into the hands of the Scots. It 
is supposed that the castle was destroyed by fire 
on this occasion ; but such could not be the, 
for Percy continued to occupy it with his garrison, 
afraid to venture forth, although there was a 
strong body of troops at Ayr, until relieved by Sir 
Roger St John, with a thousand men from Nor- 
thumberland. The Chamberlain Rolls, besides, 
show that extensive repairs were subsequently 
made upon the castle. Bruce remained for some 
days 4n the vicinity of Turnberry, in expectation 
that the inhabitants would flock to his standard. 
Intimidated, however, by the power of the English 
and the severity of the puuishments which had 
been inflicted, they were dow to make any demon- 
stration in his favour. The first to do so of any 
importance, as mentioned by Barbour, was a lady 

*' That wes to bim In ner degree 
Off cosynago,*' 

who brought to him " fourty men in cumpany," 
besides supplies and provisions, and gave him a full 
account of what had occurred during his retreat 
at Rachrin — of the fate of his family and adherents. 
Neither Barbour nor tradition has preserved the 
name of this patriotic lady — a circumstance much 
to be regretted. 

Bruce, previous to his descent upon Carrick, had 
despatched his brothers, Thomas and Alexander, 
with Sir Reginald Crawfurd,* to the north of Ire- 
land, for the purpose of obtaining assistance from 

* Sir Reginald was probably the son of Sir Reginald 
Crawfurd, who was killed in 1297, though Wood placet bis 
death in 1303. 

the Earl of Ulster. They arrived at Lochryan 
on the 9th February, 1307, with a body of 700 
men, composed of volunteers, from Ireland and 
the Isles, but were totally defeated by Duncan 
M'Dowal, a chieftain of Galloway, who attacked 
them while landing. Both the brothers of Bruce, 
together with Sir Reginald Crawfurd, were se- 
verely wounded, and carried prisoners to Edward 
at Carlisle. Pnor to this mishap, Bruce found it 
necessary, in consequence of the advance of suc- 
cours from the English garrisons, to retire a short 
way into the interior. He entrenched his small 
army, which did not exceed three hundred men, 
on the highest point of the Hadyet bills, a range 
of eminences to the south of Dailly, within a few 
miles of the coast, commanding an excellent view 
of Turnberry castle and the surrounding country. 
The remains of two walls, composed of stone and 
mud, are still traceable on the summit, which is 
popularly known as the " Trench Uill." Here he 
continued encamped, as Barbour expresses it, 

'* With a full symple gaderyng; 
He passyt nocbt twa hundre men.** 

Edward Bruce, however, according to the same 

*' Was in Qalloway, weill ner him by; 
With bim aoe other campany. 
That held the atrencbis off the land." 

By '* the strenchis of the land,*' Barbour no doubt 
meant the mountainous passes of the district. 
While Bruce endeavoured to increase his follovnng 
in Carrick, Douglas had passed secretly into Doug, 
lasdale, and, with the aid of some of his trusty 
vassals, to whom he discovered himself, surprised 
Douglas castle, putting the whole garrison to the 
sword. This occurred on Palm Sunday, the 10th 
of March, 1307. The success of Douglas' adven- 
ture was well calculated to raise the spirits of the 
Brucian party; and but for the disaster which 
followed at Lochryan, the national cause would 
no doubt have speedily assumed a more imposing 
aspect. Amyr de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, was 
guardian of Scotland at this period — ^Edward I. 
continuing at Carlisle. According to Barbour, 
one Sir Ingrame Bell was despatched from Lothian, 
where the Earl held his head quarters, with <*» 
gret cumpany" to Ayr, for the purpose of sup- 
pressing the outbreak. Sir Ingrame, it seems, did 
not think it " speidfull" to assail the Bruce in his 
fastness, but rather to attempt his dovnifal bj 
Mslycht." Following up this determination, he 
succeeded in bribing a person belonging to Car- 
rick, who, with his two sons, undertook to slay the 
king for 

•* Weill fourty pnndis worth off land 
Till him and UU hia ayiis ay leatand.** 

Barbour, apparently from delicacy, does not men- 



tion the name of this tnitor ; but he describes him 
as of near rdadoD— »-'' sibman ner*' — to BrUoey 
and could at all times to his ** presence ga,'* though 
he abode in the country, apart from the encamp- 
ment, not wbhing it to be perceived that he waft 
** speciall to the king." Bruce was in the habit 
of retiring for privacy daily to a small copsewoody 
between which and the camp a ridge intervened. 
Ue went usually unaccompanied, or attended only 
by a page. Here the assassin and hb two sond 
secreted themselves; and as Bruce approached, 
without arms, save his sword, which, as Barbour 
states, wherever he went, it was his custom ** about 
his hals to her,'* they prepared, fully armed, to as- 
sail him. Having previously heard of their trea* 
sonable purposes, and perceiving them coming at 
some distance, he ordered them to remain where 
they were. The father urged his right, as of kin 
to the king, to be near his person ; and, *< with 
fiih wordis flechand/' continued with his tons to 
advance. Barbour minutely describes the conflict 
that ensued. With a bow and wire which he 
borrowed from his page, Bruce slew the elder of 
the assassins as he came fencing forward — 

** He taist the wyr, and let It fley. 
And hyt the fadyr in the ey* 
Till it rycht in the hamys ran ; 
And he baekwart fell doan rycht than.** 

The two 8on9, as they approached, one after the 
other, with hatchet and spear, he slew with bis 
sword. The escape from such peril, and the great 
address and prowess displayed by the king, are 
said by bis minute and veracious biographer to 
have created much amazement amongst the Eng- 
lish. It was, however, only the first of a series of 
personal adventures and hardships, some of them 
still more astonishing, which it was his fortune to 
endure ere his sun came to be in the ascendant. 
Through lack of provisions, and the consequent 
necessity of seeking subsistence separately, his 
small band of two hundred men had dwindled 
down to little more than sixty. Meanwhile the 
Gallovidians, who held him at great enmity, se- 
cretly assembled a body of upwards of two hun- 
dred men, and, with slough -hounds to pursue him 
in case of his escape, prepared to surprise his en- 
campment. Bruce, however, was made aware of 
their intention ; and as he had *' wachis ay,*' due 
notice of their coming was g^ven him long before 
their approach. From the strength of the enemy, 
and as the night was well advanced, he deemed it 
prudent to remove from the entrenchment to a 
place of greater safety — trusting that, owing to 
the nightfall, they would not be able to follow. 
He is accordingly described as having gone 

<ioim till a moraas 

Our (over) a wattyr that rynnand was ;'* 
which morass, from his position on the Hadyet 

ridge of hills, in all probability lay upon the south 
side of the Stinchar. The biographers of Bruce 
do notr seem to have beeii aware of his occupying 
any strength upon these hills, and therefore re- 
present him as wandering among the fikstnesses of 
the country at the time. The language of Bar* 
hour, however, together with the tradition of the 
*< trench hill," clearly shows that he bad not pre- 
viously moved from his first position. In the 
morass, about two bow-shots from the river, a 
secure place was found for the men, whom he left 
under the charge of Sir Gilbert de la Hay, to 
rest under arms, while he himself, with two ser- 
geants, proceeded to reconhoitre. Listening for 
some time if any one approached, he next examined 
the banks of the stream ; and finding, from the 
nature of the ground opposite, that there was no 
fcNrd where *' men mycfat pass,** save that by which 
his own party had crossed, he resolved upon de- 
fending it. 80* narrow was the " upcummyng," 
as Barbour expresses it, that two men could not 
walk abreast. The king, therefore, thought he 
should have ample time to alarm his party on the 
aj^arance of the enemy. After remaining for a 
considerable while, he heard the '* quesdoning'' of 
a hound in the distance, which gradually came* 
nearer and nearer. Still he was unwilling to dis- 
turb the repose of his men until the danger should 
become more imminent. The moon, meanwhile, 
shone brightly forth, so that he could easily dirtin- 
g^ish objects. By and by he heard the noise of 
<< thaim Uiat command wer ;'* and despatching his 
two sergeants to rouse the party in the morass, he 
remained alone in sight of Uie ford. Immediately 
he saw the whole band of the Gallovidians ad- 
vancing in full pursuit. AfVaid, if he retreated 
towards his men, that the enemy might have 
time to cross before they ^*ere r^y to attack 
them, he resolutely determined, single-handed, to 
defend the pass. Being fully armed, he had little 
to dread from the arrows of his opponents ; and as 
they could only approadi one by one, he trusted to 
his strong arm and good sword to keep them 
for some time at bay. Barbour minutely describes 
the unequal combat which ensued. The first who 
encountered him was instantly slain ; but from the 
number pressing on on the rear, the horse of his 
fallen enemy was borne down, which encumbered 
the '* upgang.*^ Seeing this, he pricked the animal 
with his sword, when it sprung forward and fell 
dead at the '* upcummyng. " The enemy then came 
on with a shout ; but the king met them so stoutly 
at the brae, or ascent from the river, that five of 
them were speedily rolled back dead into the ford. 
Somewhat disconcerted by the warm reception 
they had met with, a brief parley ensued ; but the 
Galloway men, sorely grieved at their whole two 
hundred of an army being checked by a single war- 




rior,and excIaimiDg, ** On him 1 be may nocbt last," 
began to press forward more furioosly than ever. 
Bruce, however, firmly maintained the fight, and the 
ford and <* upcammyng^' were speedily so " pyttyt 
with slayn"* that his assailants, thinking it folly 
longer to attempt the pass, and hearing the king's 
men approaching, took to flight. Bruce's little 
party were greatly alarmed for his safety; and 
their joy may be conceived when they found him 
sitting alone, with his helmet off, cooling himself 
after so unprecedented » feat. 

So much renown did the king obt^n by this 
adventure, that he soon found his little band vastly 
increased. All << that in the land war trawailland," 
says Barbour, repaired to his standard. From the 
scene of his adventure in Garrick, Bruce seems to 
have moved into Kyle, for we next find him ** in 
Cumnock, quhar it straitast wes." Here he was 
joined by James of Douglas and his men, who 
brought him tidings that Sir Amyr de Valence, 
with a body of English, and about eight hundred 
Highlanders under John of Lorn, his old enemy, 
were preparing to attack him. This John, Bar- 
bour asserts as a <' certane thing," had in his pos- 
sesion a slough-bound, which had previously be- 
longed to Bruce, and which loved the king so well 
that, if once upon his track, nothing would divert 
him from it. At thb time the army of Bruce 
amounted to about four hundred men, including 
his brother Edward and the company with which 
be had formerly been in Galloway. With this 
small body he remained ** up in the strenthys'* or 
hills of the parish of Gumnock.t The guardian, 
Sir Amyr de Valence, advanced from Lothian with 
a well-equipped body of cavalry and infantry, keep- 
ing the plain or level country. When Bruce saw 
his army approach in battle array, and thinking 
that it constituted his whole force, he resolved upon 
fighting, and made a demonstration to that effect. 
But John of Lorn, with his Highlanders, unknown 
to Bruce, had stolen a march upon his rear ; and, 
keeping under cover of the hills, nearly succeeded 
in surprising him. Thus placed between two 
armies, either of which vastly outnumbered his 
own small band, the king was in great jeopardy. 
He, therefore, adopted the only safe alternative ; 
and dividing his men into three parties, after fix- 
ing a place of rendezvous, made good his retreat 
amongst the fastnesses w*hich separate Galloway 

* Foarteen, aeoordfng to Darboar, were foQod to have 
been killed by the klng*t hand. Others may have been 
trampled down and perished. 

t The remains of a camp in the pariah of New Cnmnook, 
popalarly called a Roman camp, and set down in Thom- 
aon'8 map of Aynhire as sncb, mentioned in page 9, we 
have since learned is of an oval form, and that some 
Dmidical stones are known to have stood on the rising 
ground. If so, the probability is that it had been a Bri- 
tish strength, and Bruce may have occupied it. 

fh>m Ayrshire. John of Lorn now had recourse 
to the assistance of the slough-hound. Coming to 
where the king had been, the dog proceeded at 
once to track the route which he and his little 
dirision had taken. Finding that they were pur- 
sued, the king again divided his men into three 
pardes, with the riew of diverting the attention of 
the enemy; still, so true was the scent of the 
slough-hound, that it kept steadily on his track. 
Now aware that he was known, since his pursuers 
paid no attention to the other parties, he ordered 
the few that were with him to separate singly, he 
himself only taking his foster-brother with him. 
On they sped; still the hound followed, so that 
John of Lorn had no doubt that one of the party 
was Bruce. Selecting ^ve of the swiftest and 
hardiest of his men, he ordered them to pursue 
the fugfitives with all diligence. After a flight of 
some time, and finding that the Highlanders were 
gaining upon them, the king, who had little dread 
of five to two, save that they might detain him till 
additional assistance arrived, determined to proceed 
no farther ; and assured of the hearty support of his 
foster-brother, he took his stand, ** full sturdely,*' 
awaiting the approach of his pursuers. On they 
came ** with gret schor and manassing." Three 
assailed the king, and two his brother. One of 
the three soon sunk beneath his weapon, upon 
which the other two fell back a little ; this enabled 
him by a spring to despatch one of the two who 
were likely to have proved an overmatch for his 
foster-brother. Then turning to his own oppon- 
ents, who had rallied their courage, and who at- 
tacked him furiously, he succeeded, after the in- 
terchange of a few strokes, in slaying them ; his 
foster-brother, in the meantime, having also laid 
-his assailant prostrate. Scarcely had the con- 
querors time to congratulate themselves on their 
success, when John of Lorn and his whole com- 
pany, together with the slough-hound, were dis- 
covered in full cry. Bruce and his companion 
now made with all speed for a wood adjacent; 
and holding down towards a valley, through which 
a water ran, the king seated himself, so weary with 
fatigue that be was inclined there to abide his fate. 
His foster-brother, however, urged him to make 
a still fiirther effort to escape, as it was impossible 
for them to resist such a company as John of Lorn 
had with him. Hearkening to his advice, the king 
proposed to try what he had " herd oftymys say," 
the experiment of wading the water ''endlang*' 
a ** bow-draught," so as to throw the bound out 
of its scent. They did so, and the trial was com- 
pletely successful. After passing the slain High- 
landers, whose death he vowed to avenge, John 
came to the water side, but the hound was com- 
pletely thrown out ; and as the wood was exten- 
sive in which Bruce had found shelter, the chasa 



was given up.* On Lorn's rejoining Sir Amyr, 
the latter was gretAly surprised at the escape of 
Bruce, and especially in fab prowess in defeating 
the Highlandmen. In the meantime the king and 
his companion held on their way. Clearing the 
woody they entered upon one of those wide moors 
which still exist in the upper districts of the county. 
While passing through it they found themselves 
foHowed by three ** lycht " looking men, armed 
with swords and axes, 

** And one off thaim, upon hit hab, 
A mekill boondyn wetbir bar." 

They hailed the king, and, afber some conversation, 
said they were in search of Robert the Bruce, witli 
whom, should they meet him, their *< dwelling they 
would make." The king replied, that if they pro- 
ceeded with him he would soon let them see whom 
they desired. By his speech the men immediately 
perceived in whose presence they were : their coun- 
tenance changed ; and, from their confusion and 
altered manner, Bruce began to suspect that they 
were enemies, tempted to do him mischief in con- 
sequence of the price which had been set upon his 
head. He therefore ordered them to go on before, 
while he and his companion should walk behind. 
They protested against his entertiuning any suspi- 
cion of them ; but the king insisted on their ad- 
hering to this arrangement until they should be- 
come better acquainted. At length, when <<the 
nycht wes ner,** they reached a waste farm-house, 
where the party in advance proposed to halt and 
kill their wether, inviting the king, at the same 
time, to share with them. Still suspicious, Bruce, 
while he accepted of their bounty — being hung^ 
and fatigued — stipulated that they should keep op- 
posite ends of the house, they at the one and he 
and his foster-brother at the other. This was con- 
sented to ; and two fires having been kindled, they 
divided the sheep, which was speedily cooked, and 
a hearty meal made of it — ^long fasting and exces- 
sive exercise having created a good appetite. Sleep 
then began to weigh down the eyeHds ; and, ar- 
ranging with his foster-brother to keep watch, so 
as to awaken him in case of danger — ^for he dread- 
ed the hostility of his entertainers — ^the king began 
to doze a little ; but his anuety prevented him 
from sleeping soundly. Lifdng his eyelids now 
and again, he discovered that his companion, over- 
powered with fatigue, had fallen into profound 
repose, and, as Barbour says, he ** rowtyt hey." 
Thinking that the king was in the same state of 

* Barboor, who seems Tory Btleklish as to the truth of 
what he states, mentions that " some men say*' the king 
escaped in another nuuiner. One of his attendants having 
tarried behind, lurking in the wood, shot the hound with 
an arrow. Which of the accounts was the most correct 
Barbour admits that he could' not tell without '*le»ing;" 
bttt of this he was eertain, ** at the bum oacapyt the king." 

unconsciousness, the three strangers drew thdr 
swords and advanced cautiously, with the view of 
despatching both. Bruce, however, had observed 
the movement; and, springing to his feet, gave 
his companion a push with his foot, as he stood 
forward in defence, to arouse him. The latter, 
however, rose heavily from hb slumber ; and be- 
fore he got to his feet one of the three made a push 
at him with his weapon, by which he was slun. 
Though ** never yeyt sa stad," Bruce succeeded, 
** throw Goddis grace and his manheid," in over- 
coming the traitors, all of whom he left dead on the 
spot, and, bewailing the fate of his foster-brother, he 
took hb departure direct for the place of rendez- 
vous, which was a solitaiy house on the banks of 
the Cree, not far from Newton-Stewart. When 
he arrived, ** weill inwith nycht be then," he found 
** the howsswyff on the book nttand." She in- 
quired who he was, where he came from, and 
where he was going. Bruce replied that he was 
a travelling man, going through the country. 
<< All that travelling are^" said the dame, ^ are 
welcome here for the sake of one." ** Who may 
that man be ? " said Bruce. The spirited reply of 
the dame, in the language of Barbour, was — 

** The king, Robert the Bruce is he ; 
That is rycht lord off this conntre. 
His fayis now haldis him in thrang; 
But I think to se or ocht lang. 
Him lord and king our all the land. 
That na fayis sail him withstand." 

Bruce, delighted with the open-hearted sincerity 
of the woman, at once disclosed himself; upon 
which she inquired where were all his men. His 
answer was, that at present he had none. '< Then ," 
said she, " it shall not longer be so ; " and, calling 
her two sons, full *<wycht and hardy," placed 
them at his service. She then set down some 
victuals to the king ; and, while in the middle of 
hb repast, the noise of many feet around the house 
was heard, upon which the two sons, thinking they 
were foes, stood up to barricade and defend the 
house. The party, however, were soon discovered 
to be James of Douglas and Edward Bruce, with 
about one hundred and fifty men. The meeting 
was of course a mutually happy one.* The ren- 

* The author of the '* History of Oalloway" says the 
traditioii is that the woman of the house was a widow, and 
liad three sons, all by different husbands. The names of 
the young men were M*Kie, Murdoch, and M*Lurg ; and 
that when, after the expulsion of the English, the king 
was dividing what territory he had at his disposal, he be- 
stowed upon the widow and her sons ** the bit katioch of 
land that lies between the bum of Palmure and the bum 
of Penkill," with which she said she would be contented. 
This hoModi runs about three miles along the Cree and 
about five miles into the interior. The descendants of 
these indiTidnals long possessed portions of the lands in- 
cluded in the royal grant. Murdoch had that part of the 
property which contained the farm of Kirk, about two 
miles and a half from Mewton-Stewart; M*Kie had the 



dezvous being, according to pretty well Bubstan- 
tiated tradition, in the vicinity of Newton-Stewart, 
the direction of the king's flight is at once ascer- 
tained, though it is impossible to point out the 
precise roate. The whole appears to have been 
aoooroplished in a day*s journey. In the morning, 
when compelled to divide his forces and retreat, by 
the vastly superior force of the gruardian and John 
of Lorn, he is described by Barbour as ** up in the 
sirentbys," or hills of Cumnock. He is likely to 
have kept along the ridge of hills all the way to 
the place of rendezvous, a distance of more Uian 
forty miles.* The wood he is represented as 
having entered was, in all probability, the forest 
of Star, so named from a hill in the vicinity of 
Loch Doon, of which the family a! Kennedy were 
raogera ; and the stream where the slough-hound 
was thrown off the scent may have been one of 
the lanes or feeders which empty themselves into 
the Loch. 

In place of resting after the fatigues of so 
eventful a day, the king proposed that, if any one 
knew where their pursuers had halted for the 
night, they should lead their little band against 
them, as the enemy, reposing in full confidence, 
might be easily assailed with great loss and little 
damage to themselves. Sir James Douglas, having 
passed near to where, a company of the English 
had taken << berbery," immediately undertook to 
lead them to the spot. The attack was at once 
resolved upon; and reaching the enemy, about 
two hundred strong, before day light, they fell 
upon them with great fury. Those who escaped 
fled to the mdn body of the army ; but before 
Sir Amyr de Valence could put his troops in 
motion, Bruce and his followers were beyond their 
reach. Despairing of mastering so cautions and 
active an opponent. Sir Aymer is sud by Barbour 
to have retired soon after this discoroflture to 
Carlisle, where he proposed to wait until his 
spies could fiimish certain intelligence of Bruce, 
and then to ^ schute upon him sudanly.*' Bruce, 
remaining meanwhile in Carrick with all his 
gathering, another adventure occurred to him 
wherein his personal prowess was again put 
to the test. EEaving gone a-huntmg one day 
by himself, with two dogs, near te a wood, he 
saw three men approaching, with bows and ar- 

LiTg, near Klronehtree ; and M'Lars >uul, for hla abare, 
MHobermore, aboat one mile below Newton -Stewart. Bar- 
bour, however, speaks only of two sons, and the likellbood 
Is that be iB eerreet 

* The dlBtanoe, It may be alleged, was extreme for a 
person on foot and in armonr; bat the armour which 
Bruce usually wore — a shirt of mall — did not greatly im- 
pede hla powers of motion. Considering the superior 
strength of the king, and the weariness by which, as so 
well described by Barbour, be felt repeatedly overcome, 
there seems little reason to doubt his having performed 

rows, and fblly armed. They were friends of 
the Cumyn, and bad been lying in wait, to have 
their revenge, the moment they found him apart 
from his little army. A fitter opportunity ooidd 
not have presented itself. The khig was unarmed, 
having only his sword ) and, afW effecting their 
purpose, they could easily make their esci^w into 
the wood unobserved. The king at once saw by 
their demeanour that they were enemies. They 
were about to draw their bows, when he called 
out to them that, being three to one, they ought to 
be ashamed to have recourse to their arrows, and 
taunted them to try him with their swords. Hear- 
ing this, one of them exclaimed — 

** Ball na man say we dred the swa. 
That we with arrowys sail the sla ;** 

and, throwing away their bows, they advanced 
with their swords upon the king. In the fight 
which ensued, Bruce succeeded in smiting the fore- 
most to the ground ; while one of his hounds, see- 
ing him assailed, seized another by the neck, and 
dragged him down, which gave his master an op- 
portunity of dispatching him without much trouble. 
The third, di^eartened by the fate of his two 
comrades, fled towards the wood ; but the dogs 
pursuing him he was soon overtaken and slain 
also. Bruce hunted do more that day ; but, blow- 
ing his horn, his men speedily gathered round him, 
wondering at the ^)ectacle they saw, and eagerly 
Ibtening as he related what had happened. 

From Carrick, Bruce repaired to Kirkcudbright. 
'' In GlentruewaU,'' says Barbour, ** awhile he lay.** 
The loch and glen of Trool are in the parish of 
Minnigaff. It is a wild, romantic, inaccessible 
spot. Bruce had his encampment near to the 
head of the glen, the path to which is so narrow 
that it could only be reached in single file. Aware 
Q^ its advantages, Bruce continued there for some 
time. Certain tidings of his retreat having at 
length reached the Earl of Pembroke at Carlisle, 
the latter led on a strong body of troops — about 
fifteen hundred in number — at the head of which 
were also Vaux and Clifford, It was the intention 
of the guardian to surprise Bruce, and, accord- 
ing to Barbour, he nearly succeeded. Marching 
during the night, his army gained a wood within 
a mile of Qlentrool, unknown to the king. Here 
a council of war was held, when Pembroke advised 
—as the position of Bruce was difiicult to ap- 
proach, and, if aware of thdr advance, his prepara- 
tions might be such as to render their attack 
hazardous — ^that they should have recourse to 
device. A woman was therefore attured as a pau- 
per, who held her way to the king, instructed, 
while soliciting charity, to impress upon him the 
propriety of advancing against the English on 
the open plain, as they were composed chiefly 
of raw, undisciplined troops. Bruce, disliking 



her appmranee, ordered her to be instantly se- 
cured, when she confessed that she was a spy, 
and, to save herself, farther informed him of the 
strength and equipment of the enemy. He imme- 
diately prepared his little army, amounting to about 
three hundred men, for the expected attack. They 
"were arranged compactly together in the open 
space at the head of the glen. It is said, in the 
appendix to the ** History of Oanoway," to be a 
local tradition that the king cau^ the peasantry 
and less experienced soldiers who were with him 
to unloose a quantity of rock upon the pass side of 
the glen the night before, which, at a given signal, 
was to be hurled down upon the enemy. Bar- 
bour, however, makes no allusion to the stratagem . 
Finding that their spy did not return, and that the 
Scots were not likely to give them the advantage 
diisired, the English resolved upon attempting the 
glen. As the cavalry could not act in so narrow 
a paths the foot advanced, fully armed, '^ with sper 
in band.** They were soon descried by the vigi- 
lant eye of Bruce, who was in front of his small 
battle array. Taking a bow out of one of bis 
men's hands, he brought down the foremost of the 
enemy with a single arrow, the fall of whom caused 
a slight halt amongst those behind ; upon seeing 
which the king, stepping from under his banner, 
exclaimed, ** Upon thaim ! for thai ar discumfyt 
all !" andt drawing his sword, rushed forward to 
the onset. The result was the entire discomfiture 
of th^ party in advance ; and the rear, finding their 
exertions of no avail, fled precipitously to the plain, 
and '* withdrew thaim schamfully." According 
to Barbour, the defeat created much disturbance 
amongst the English. Each blamed the other for 
the mischance. Clifford and Wauss (or Yaux) 
came to blows upon the subject ; and both had their 
supporters. Pembroke was compelled to interfere 
to avert a general quarrel, and, as the best means 
of preventing farther mischief, marched back his 
anny to England. 

Believed of the presence of the guardian, and 
encouraged by his recent successes, Bruce resolved 
at once to leave the ^ woddis and montanys," and 
push the adventure which he had commenced 
to a dose. ** To Kyle went he fyrst," and he 
flooD, for the people were willing, made the whole 
distriot obedient to him. Ouninghame he next 
essayed, and reduced it in the same manner. 
Meanwhile Pembroke had returned from Eng- 
laody and was lying at Bothwell. He felt highly 
indignant at the manner in which Kyle and Oun- 
inghame had been won over to the king, and de- 
tennined upon being revenged. He accordingly 
despatched Sir Philip de Mowbray to Kyle with 
a thousand men, as Barbour expresses it, ^to 
werray the king." Sir James Douglas having 
ascertained that De Mowbray was to proceed to- 

wards Kyle by "Makymokis way," resolved to 
lie in ambush for him, with his company of adhe- 
rents — ^not more than forty in number — at a nar- 
row pass upon his route. "Makymokis way," 
according to the late David M<Pherson, «<is a 
narrow pass on the bank of Makymok wattyr," 
near Kilmarnock. This, however, is evidently 
a perversion of Barbonr*s meaning. His words 
are distinctly that the English ^ wald bald doune 
Makymokts way," and that James of Douglas, 
with the view of intercepting him, took post in 
<'a strait place that is in Makymokis way,** thus 
making the narrow pass in •* Makymokis way" 
— not « Makymokis way" itself. No such stream 
as Makymok is now known in the vicinity of Kil- 
marnock. The "stnut place" is thus described 
by Barbour — 

** Syne ti]I a strait place gan he gi^ 
That is in Makyrnokis way, 
Tbe NethlrfonI it bat perftoT, 
It lyis betoix marraiiis twa ; 
Qahar that na borss on lyre may ga. 
On the aouth hatff, qahar James was, 
Is aoe wpgang, a narrow paaa : 
And on tlie north halff is the way 
8a ill, as it apperis to-day.** 

The precise locality of the pass it is now, perhaps, 
impossible to discover. It could not, however, be 
very far from Kilmarnock, as De Mowbray — after 
having been defeated at the ford by Douglas, with 
g^at slaughter, he himself escaping with difficulty* 
— is said to have taken his way to Kilmarnock, 
and from thence by Kilwinning, Ardrossan, and 
Largs to the castle of Innerkip, which was then 
filled with Englishmen. t The remainder of his 
troops retreated in confusion to Bothwell. 

The repeated successes which had attended the 
arms of Binice in his various rencounters, began 
to produce their natural effect. His army, which 
did not exceed three hundred men when he left 
Garrick, now amounted to upwards of six hundred 
stout warriors. Amongst those who had joined 
his standard was Sir Alan Cathcart,^ an ances- 
tor of the family of Cathcart. Bruce, with his 
men, was lying at Galston when Pembroke-^an- 
noyed at the manner in which the whole of Ayr- 
shire had been wrested from the English — sent a 

* In spurring his nohle animal through the small band 
of his opponents, De Mowhray left his sword and belt in the 
grasp of a aturdy Boot, who dutshed them as he fled. 

t The old road between Gla^cow and Kilmarnock eross- 
ed and re-crotsed the water now called Kilmarnock water, 
but formerly the Ccaih, not leas than thirteen timea. 

X sir Alan was present at the battle of Loudoun Hill, 
and was one of the amall band of fifty horsemen, who, 
under Edward Bruce, afterwards dispersed 1500 cavalry 
under John de St John, in Qalloway. He is thus described 
by Barbour — 

** A kalght that then was in his rout, 
Worthy and wight, atalward and stout, 
Courteous and fair, and of good fame. 
Sir Alan Cathcart was bia name." 



challenge to meet him in fair battle on the plains. 
He fixed upon the vicinity of Loudoun Hill as the 
place, and the tenth of May as the time of meeting. 
Bruce, who accepted the challenge, examined the 
ground previously to the appointed day ; and find- 
ing that the *' hey gat," or bridle road lay upon a 
dry field, with a morass about a bow-shot on either 
side, he caused three ^ dykes," leaving a certain 
distance between, to be erected athwart from the 
morasses towards the highway. In these walls he 
left ^N&ces sufficient that five hundred men might 
ride through abreast. His object, however, was 
so to circumscribe the passage that the overwhelm- 
ing force of the guardian could not outflank his 
small army. The stratagem completely succeeded. 
Bruce and his troops marched towards the field of 
conflict the night before the battle ; and» taking up 
their pomtion at Little Loudoun — where he could 
command a complete view of the English as they 
approached, and have ample time to reach the first 
range of dykes, so that, if hard pressed, they had 
still the other two to fall back upon — coolly await- 
ed the coming of the enemy. The fighting men 
amounted to no more than six hundred ; but the 
'^rangale,'* as Barbour calls them, or camp follow- 
ers, fully exceeded that number. Sir Amyr, mean - 
while, assembled a chivalrous force of nearly three 
thousand ; and, at the rising of the sun on the day 
appointed, they were descried by the watchful eye 
of Bruce advancing in two ** eschelis" or divisions. 
As they approached, with the sun shining brightly 
on thdr burnished armour, banners, and spears, 
they presented a very formidable appearance. 
Though Bruce had only six hundred fighting men 
to oppoee to three thousand, his heart was undis- 
mayed. He addressed his small army in a tone of 
encouragement. The enemy they saw advancing, 
he said, intended to shiy them or reduce them to 
slavery : therefore they should meet them hardily ; 
and though they greatly exceeded them in num- 
bers, yet, as they could not be met by more than 
man to man, he urged them to a valorous exertion 
of their prowess. The army answered that they 
would do their duty in such a manner that no re- 
proof could fall upon them. ** Then go we forth," 
sud the king, ^ where He that made of nothing all 
things lead us, and save us, and help us to our 
right." So saying, his trusty band of warriors 
moved forward towards the first of the dykes, in 
the opening of which he took up his position. 
The carriages, and such materials as were not of 
service in battle, he left on the hill of Little Lou- 
doun, where, also, it is to be inferred the " ringale" 
or gillies were stationed, who, from their numbers, 
as they no doubt carried weapons, would in some 
measure divide the attention of the enemy. Sir 
Amyr de Valence and his army advanced in g^ood 
order and high spirits. Afler a brief address, 

showing the renown they would gain by taking 
the king, the guardian caused the charge to be 
sounded; and the cavalry, covered with their 
** scheldis braid," their heads stooping, and spears 
straight, rushed to the charge. They were met 
however, so vigorously by the Scots, that most of 
the front rank were overthrown at the first onset. 
The gallant bearing of the king and his brother 
Edward was particularly conspicuous. Barbour, 
in alluding to it, exclaims — 

<* A Myehty Ckxl 1 qoba thftr had beiie^ 
And had the kingto woraehip aene, 
And hyi brodyr, that waine him by, 
That ttonayit thaim so hardely. 
That thair gnd deid, and thair boonte, 
Oaiffgret oomftirt to thair mengyo.** 

Sir James Douglas is also mentioned by Barbonr 
as having borne himself manfully, greatly to the 
*' comfort" of those that were with him The 
horses of the English, deprived of ih&r riders, and 
smarting from their wounds, b^^n to rush back 
upon the rear ranks, whereby much confusion was 
created. Seeing this, the Scots pressed forward 
with renewed energy, and in a short time the 
** waward" of five hundred men were so much 
overpowered that they began to retreat in disorder, 
upon which the ^ rerward" also fled, leaving the 
fi^d to the victorious Bruce and his heroic follow- 
ers, who kept up the pursuit for some distance^ 
capturing a great many prisoners. Sir Amyr de 
Valence, mortified at his defeat, redred to England, 
and resigned the g^rdianship, which Edward, 
however, did not at the time accept. 

The battle of Loudoun Hill having been fought 
on the 10th of May, as Barbour distinctly informs 
us, and as Bruce landed at Tumberry from Arran 
about the commencement of February,* it follov^ 
that a period of three months had been passed by 
him chiefly in the mountainous districts of Ayr- 
shire and Kirkcudbright. Three days after his 
success over Pembroke, Bruce encountered Ralph 
de Monthermur, at the head of a body of English, 
whom he defeated with great slaughter, and com- 
pelled him to take refuge vrithin the Castle of Ayr, 
which stronghold he besieged for some time, but 
retired on the approach of succours from England. 
The death of Edward I. ahout this time (July 7, 
1307), while on the eve of marching with an over- 
whelming army into Scotland, proved highly fa- 
vourable to the cause of Bruce, which had now 
began to assume a solid footing. Edward H., in 
prosecution of his father's g^eat design, advanced 
with hu forces as far as Cumnock, but returned 
immediately afterwards to England in a very in- 
glorious manner. Bruce now invaded (Calloway ; 

* His brothers, Thomas and Alexander, with their IrMi 
auxiliaries, were defeated at Lochryan on the 9th of Fe^ 



and oommaiiding the inhabitants to repair to his 
atandardy wasted the Jands of all who refused. He 
was no doubt prompted to this in retaliation for 
the slaughter of his brothers by the M*Doualls at 
Lochryan. The guardian, John de Bretagne, Earl 
of Richmond, who was appointed by Edward II. 
In the room of the Earl of Pembroke, having been 
ordered to proceed against the king with a large 
force, the latter retired to the north of Scotland, 
which he overrun, defeating all who came before 
him, while numerous adherents flocked to his 
standard.* This was in 1308. Meanwhile Ed- 
ward Bruce invaded Galloway ; and, on the 29th 
June^ overcame and dispersed those who opposed 
biro, near the banks of the Gree. He subsequently 
defeated 1500 English cavalry under John de St 
John, who had advanced to intercept him ; and, 
assailing the various fortresses of Qalloway, from 
which he expelled the English, entirely subdued 
the district. The subsequent career of Bruce, till 
his final triumph over the English at Bannockburn, 
on the 24th June, 1314, are well known national 
events, which do not properly come within the 
sphere of a local history'. The sojourn of Bruce 
in Ayrshire, after his descent upon Tumberry, and 
the personal adventures recorded of him by Bar- 
bour, are not so familiar to the g^eneral reader, and 
are scarcely noticed by the historian — hence the 
detailed manner in which we have recorded them. 
Though many of the incidents partake somewhat of 
the marvellous, yet we have no reason to disbelieve 
Barbour, who has merely used the poetical licence 
of embellishing facts otherwise true. When we 
know that Bruce was one of the most accomplished 
knights of the age, and that in strength and agility 
be had no equal, his feats of personal prowess will 
appear the less surprising. Barbour, it may also 
be remarked, has been found to be extremely cor- 
rect in all his statements, whenever contempora- 
neous authority can be brought to bear upon them. 
We have no right, therefore, to be incredulous as 
to circumstances which cannot be supported in a 
similar manner. The incidents related in connec- 
tion with the movements of Bruce while amongst 
the fastnesses of Ayrshire, could not be known to 
the English chroniclers of the period — hence their 
silence on the subject. Many of these incidents 
were narrated to Barbour by the individuals them- 
selves who were engaged in them. For instance, 
the particulars connected with the defeat of John 
de St John, in Galloway, by Edward Bruce, were 
related by Sir Alan de Cathcart, who took part in 
the expedition. 

* On the authority of the Chronicle ofLanereost, It is 
nTd that Dnice was pnt to flight ; bat thte does not aeein 
prabable. He did not repair as a fagltive to the north, 
1>«f ■• a kinir, to aaaert his aatbority and reduce the eoun- 
try to aoKJeotloD. 

On the 26th of April, 1315, a parliament w^a 
held in St John's Church, at Ayr, for the purpose 
of settling the crown upon Bruce. The atten- 
dance consisted of *' the Bishops, Abbots, Prions 
Deans, Archdeacons, and the other prelates of the 
churches ; the Earls, Barons, Knights, and others 
of the community of the kingdom of Scotland." 
The parliament was unanimous in the aeknow* 
ledgment of Bruce as king, and in declaring their 
allegiance to him and the heirs-male of his body. 
It was at the same time resolved, with the consent 
of the king and his daughter Marjory, heir-pre- 
sumptive, that should he die vrithout male issue^ 
his brother Edward, or the heirs-male of his body, 
should succeed to the crown. The right of Mar- 
jory seems to have been t)) us set aside, that the 
Government, during these unsettled times, might 
be placed in energetic hands. The arrangement 
was, at the same time, perfectly in accordance with 
the law of Tanistry, under which the elder Bruce 
had ckumed the throne, as is ably shown in his 
pleadings before Edward, quoted by Tytler. 

Affairs in Scotland having been thus settled, the 
king was solicited by the Irish of Ulster to aid 
them in throwing off the English yoke ; offering, 
at the same time, to bestow the crown of Ireland 
upon his brother Edward. Though the under- 
taking was no doubt a hazardous one, Bruce^ 
swayed it is believed by various political considera- 
tions, gave his consent ; and Edward, ambitious 
as he was brave and reckless, sailed from the har- 
bour of Ayr, with a body of six thousand men. 
This occurred within a month after the parliament 
had met in St John's, from which circumstance 
Lord Ifailes conjectures that the expedition had 
obtained the sanction of the parliament. Edward 
and his army landed at Carrickfergus on the 25th 
of May, 1315. The'principal persons by whom 
he was accompanied were — Thomas Randolph, 
Earl of Moray ; Sir Philip Mowbray ; Sir John 
Soulis ; Sir John Stewart ; Sir Fergus of Ardros- 
san ; Ramsay of Oc^hterhouse ; John Menteth ; 
John de Bosco; John Bisset; and John Camp- 
bell, son of Sir Niel Campbell of Lochow, and 
nephew of the king. The result of this expedition 
is well known. AAer some brilliant but fruit- 
ier campaigns, in which the Scottish army suf- 
fered dreadfully from famine, Edward met that 
death which he had defied on so many fields, at 
Fagher, near Dundalk, on the 5th October, 1318. 
The body of the knight. Sir John Maupas, or 
Malpas, by whom he fell, was found stretched over 
that of Edward Bruce afW the battle vrah over. 
The remains of the small army of the Soots were 
collected together, and amidst msny difficulties 
conducted back to Scotland by John Thomson, 
leader of the men of Carriok. 
' Bruce, after a series of successful and brilliant 



conflicts with the EDglish, reduced Edward II. to 
the necessitj of recogfntsing his right as king of 
Scotland, and agreeing to an honourable and ad- 
vantageous peace. He died at Cardross, in Dum- 
bartonshire, on the 7th June, 1329. 

Connected with this eventful period of Scottish 
history, Ayrshire has much reason to be proud of 
the two heroes she had the honour of producing, 
and of the part which the inhabitants acted in the 
memorable drama. Twice was the expiring liberty 
of the country revived within her boundaries — 
first under Wallace, and secondly under Bruce — 
and that chiefly through the patriotic aid of the 
people. During the long struggle for independence 
the country sufl^ered many deprivations, both from 
the wasting of the enemy and the suspension of 
Industry. Fields could not be expected to be cul- 
tivated where it was so uncertain who should reap. 
Before the close of Bruce's reig^, however, con- 
siderable progress had been made in the arts of 
peace ; and the numerous forays of the Scots in 
England, prior to the treaty of independence, in all 
of which immense booty was carried off, had greatly 
enriched the country. The forfeiture of the 
Baliol, and other estates, placed a great extent of 
land at the disposal of the crown, in various quar- 
ters o£ the country, mo^t of which Bruce conferred 
on the more deserving of hb fullowers. 


During the reig^ of David Bruce, the son and 
heir of the hero of Bannockbum, who succeeded 
to the throne while a minor, in 1 329, under the 
regency of Randolph, the country suffered many 
disasters, yet finally prevailed in maintaining its in- 
dependence. In the civil commotions waged by 
Edward Baliol, the grandston of the competitor 
with the elder Bruce, aided by the disinherited 
barons and the English, Ayrshire had its own share. 
At the battle of Dupplin, fought on the 13th 
August, 1332, which was gained by Baliol and his 
allies, the Earl of Carrick, natural son of Edward 
Bruce, who had received the title from the late 
king, was slain. His brother, Liord of Galloway, 
who now became Earl of Gai'rick, was so over- 
whelmed by the sudden change of affedrs conse- 
quent on the irruption of Baliol into the south of 
Scotland, that he swore allegiance to him. He 
was taken prisoner, amongst others, by Randolph 
and Douglas, Sir James* youngest brother, who, 
at the hea<l of a thousand horse, surprised Baliol 
on Christmas eve, and drove him into England.* 

The Earl of CSarrick, however, easily obtained par- 
don, baring yielded with i^eluctance to the triumph- 
ant Baliol. At the disastrous battle of Halidou 
Hill, which followed some time afterwards, the 
Earl of CaiTick* was slain s and Robert Boyd* 
supposed to have been the ancestor of the Kilmar- 
nock family, was taken prisoner. So completely 
were the affairs of Scotland deranged by the heavy 
loss sustained, that Edward III., who had espoused 
the cause of Baliol with a view to the subjugation 
of the country, was enabled to ovwrun the greater 
part of it without opposition. The district of 
Cuninghame suffered severely from the ravages 
of the enemy. Of all the strongholds in the 
country, only six held out fur the Scottish crown. 
Among^ these was the castle of Loch Doon, 
commanded by a veteran of the name of John 
Thomson,'*' supposed to have been the same wbt- 
rior who led tMck the remains of Edward Bruce'a 
army from Ireland.^ Though so far prostrate^ 
Scotland soon recovered its buoyancy. Sir An- 
drew Moray of Bothwell, having gained his 
liberty, returned to Scotland, and with his usual 
zeal for his native land, began to assemble 
the surviving friends of the country. He was 

* Baliol, bsTing been Joined by many English barons, 
returned to Scotland (9tb March, 1332-3). and burnt and 
took a castle in Roxbuivhshire, commanded by Robert do 
Ck^lvUle, supposed to have been of Ochiltree. 

* Lord flailes relates, fi-o«i the Foedera, an interestinf 
circumstance connect«d with the name of this nobleman. 
In 1346, thirteen years after the battle of Ilalldon Hill, a 
person, styling himself A.lezander Bruce, Barl of Caniek, 
appeared in Scotland. Be said he had been made prisoner 
in the battle ; that he bad concealed his quality for a long 
course of years ; and at length, under the feigned character 
of a citiz(*n of Aberdeen, had procured himself to be ran- 
somed. His tale, related with many circumstances, im- 
posed on numbers, particularly on the meaner sort. After 
haTing undergone several examinations at court, he made 
his escape into Oarrick, his supposed inheritance ; but he 
was apprehended, tried by a special commission, convicted 
as an impostor, and hanged (at Ayr, July). Fordun says 
that, according to the report of somo, the judicial prooe- 
f^ure ai.'Sinst this adventuier was not formal ; and thence 
there were many who still believed thst he had a riicht to 
the title which lie assumed. — Annab ofScotiand, vol. 2, 
/I 301. 

f The family of Ifacfarlane of Clachbuy, several of whom 
are dispersed through the Western Islnnds, are descendrd 
from Thomas, son to Duncan, Laird of Macfarlane, in the 
reign of King Robert HI.. fVom whose proper name they 
are fhsquently called MacCanses, or Thnma«>sons — ilvcA- 
nutr^ p. 9iX — But the Carrick Thomson was earlier than 
Buchanan of Auchmar*s Highland Thomasson or Thom- 
son, on bis own showing. Auchniar. however, is not held 
worthy of much credit as a genealogist; and the Thomas- 
sons of the Highlands are generally said to have been de- 
scended from TamU'COTy the bold and celebrated bastard 
son of one of the chiefs of Lochaw. Hence they are 
equally well known, and as often called M'Tavish, as 
Thomson, in Argyleshire. 

\ In the ChamberMn Rolls the following entry oceura 
in reference to the victualling of JmcU Doon castle during 
these commotions. The year 1340 : — ** Et per Sexagintik 
oelderus farinas, et centum peteras casei, Liberatio Johauni 
Filli Thome, et Johanni Filii Bomirly, ad Stoffkro castii 
Oe Logh Don, Lxvi LibrL** The English of which is—and 
for sixty chalders of meal, and one hundred stones of 
cheese, delivered to John the son of Thomas and John the 
son of Somerly (the Gaelic for Samuel), for victualling the 
castle of Loch Doon, £66. 



jraned by Alexander de Mowbray, and Geffirey de 
Mowbray, governor of Roxburgh, revolted to tbe 
Scots. At this period Richard Talbot was in the 
north, and, endeavouring to pass into England, he 
was intercepted by Sir William Keith of Qalston, 
defeated, and made prisoner. The Steward of 
Scotland — ^who had remained in Bute after the 
battle of Ilalidon Hill — ^passed over to Dumbarton, 
and invading Renfrewshire, his early inheritance, 
compelled the inhabitants to acknowledge David.* 
In this expedition he was joined, among^ others, 
^by Thomas Bruce, from Kyle; but of what family 
this person came does not appear. Godfrey de 
Ross, governor of Ayrshire, eidier from necessity 
or interest, also submitted to the Steward. This 
occurred in 1334. The young king — who had 
fought as a volunteer in some of the inroads into 
England, under the Earl of Moray — ^first unfurled 
the royal standard in 1341. He waa immediately 
joined bj E^linton, Boyd, Graigie, and Fullarton. 
In 1346 he was enabled to enter England with a 
force of 30,000 men ; and encountering the Eng- 
lish at Durham, the unfortunate battle of that 
name was fought on the 17th October. Thomaa 
Boyd, probably of the Kilmarnock family, Andrew 
Campbell of Loudoun, and Roland Wallace of 
Kyle, were among the captives. Many of the 
Scottish nobility were slain, or made prisoners; 
amongst others Gilbert de Carrick — ancestor, ac- 
cordii^ to the genealogists, of the CassHlis family 
— ^waa mortally wounded ; and what rendered the 

* A earions anecdote of the inhabitants of Bute is men- 
tioned by Lord Hailes, on tho authority of Fordun — As a 
reward for attacking and slaying Alan de Lile, the gover- 
nor of Bute, they asked and obtained perpetual ezemp- 
tioD from the payment of muHuret ; that is, relief from 
the obligation of bringing their* com to be ground at the 
mill of the barony. At the present moment this is a 
serious grleranoe to farmers throughout Scotland; and 
the fact that the Brandanes of Bute, as they were called, 
stipulated for its removal so early as the fourteenth cen- 
tury, shows that Scotland generally was not only a culti- 
vated and oom-growing country, but that the people were 
alive to tbe evil effects of r(»triction. Wyntown thus re- 
lates the circumstance (vol. ii , p. 186) : — 

" The Stwart, quhan he herd this deyde. 
To thame in hy [haste] he cam hym speyd 
Til his casteUe, and thare-in made 
Reparifl, that it in yhemsale [custody] hade ; 
And bade the Brandanys ask thare mede [reward] 
That thai suld have for thare gude dede : 
Tlud askyd to be multyre-fre ; 
Ttum that wyth gud will thame gave he.*' 
On the authority of the late CoL Moore, factor or cham- 
berlain to the Harquis of Bote, we have been informed 
that about a dozen of Bute people were rewarded by Ro- 
bert the Bruce, each with an ordinary farm Jrom the 
erown. Tbey were real lairds or baronty though their 
possessions were small. They, piece-meal, sold their laird- 
tktps or baronies, during the five centuries which have 
since eliq)sed, save two only — Glass of Aacog and Mae- 
Oonechle of Ambiismore. They retained stiU the title 
barons ; to wit, Baron MacCk>nechie and Baron Glass. 
But Baron Glass sold his barony of Ascog to the Marquis 
«r Bate for £1600, about 1818. This Baron Glass's son 
was, and perhaps still is, a watchmaker in Rothesay. 


defeat still more disastrous, David himself fell into 
the hands of the enemy. In the following January 
Baliol collected a large body of Galloway men, 
with whom, aided by a party of English, he pene^ 
trated through Mid-Lothian, and as iar as Glas- 
gfow; on his return laying waste Ayrshire and 
Nithsdale, according to Fordun, in the moat fero- 
cious manner. The Scots, however, notwithstand- 
ing the absence of their sovereign, succeeded, under 
the able regency of the Steward, in expelling the 
English intruders ; and Baliol, hopeless of success, 
surrendered his claim to Edward III. for a sum 
of money in hand and an annual pension. The 
surrender proved of no advantage to Edward ; and 
tired apparently of waging a fruitless war with a 
country which he might overrun but could not 
conquer, he gave David his liberty, on a large 
ransom being guaranteed, in 1357. 

On the death of this prince in 1870, he was suc- 
ceeded by his nephew, Robert II., son of Walter 
the High Steward of Scotland, who married Mar- 
jory Bruce, daughter of Robert I. The Steward 
family, from their large territorial posssesions in the 
district, were intimately connected with Ayrshire. 
His eldest son, who had been created Earl of Carrick 
by David H., also enjoyed the title of Lord Kyle. 
Under this monarch a greater degree of harmony 
prevailed between England and Scotland than had 
been the case for some time, Edward IH. having 
relinquished all pretensions to the Scottish crown. 
The amicable spirit which prevailed is evinced by 
the fact of certain treaties having been entered 
into for the purposes of traffic. In Ayloff's Ca- 
lendar it is mentioned that Richard H. — the suc- 
cessor of Edward III. — gave permission, in 1382-3, 
to the servants of the Earl of Carrick to carry 
barley into Scotland, while com was allowed to be 
sent to various parts of the country. In 1396, 
according to the same authority, Richard farther 
granted permission to the Earls of Carrick and 
F^e to buy and carry both wine and barley into 
Scotland. Though peace thus prevailed between 
the crowned heads of England and Scotland, the 
reign of Robert was greatly disturbed by the 
quarrels of his barons. The feudal system, first 
introduced by Malcolm Canmore, but ivhich the 
competition for the crovm and the war of indepen. 
dence prevented from earlier unfolding itself, had 
now assumed its natural boldness, and acquired 
a dangerous power. The feuds which arose in 
consequence, especially amongst the border clans, 
greatly disturbed the public peace, and repeatedly 
threatened to produce a general war between the 
two countries. A treaty entei-ed into with France 
by the Scots< — which stipulated that they were to 
receive a large sum of money, a thousand suits of 
armour, and the aid of a thousand men-at-arms, 
under an engagement to invade England — ^had 



the effect of at once removing the mask by 
which probably both cotmtries concealed their real 
feelings. Robert, naturally of a peaceful disposi- 
tion, was evidently forced into this treaty by his 
nobles. France, in this instance, made doubly good 
her promise. Fourteen hundred suits of armour 
were sent over, and two thousand warriors under 
the command of John de Yienne; who also brought 
with him a larg^ sum of money, which was dis- 
tributed among the Scottish chiefs in proportion 
no doubt to their influence. The only recipients 
of this money connected with Ayrshire, besides 
the Idng himself, were, his eldest son the Earl 
of Carrick, to whom five thousand five hun- 
dred livres were given ; and William Guninghame 
of Kilmaurs, who was paid five hundred livres. 
The result of this treaty was a series of alternate 
invasions, carried on with great devastation by 
both nations. The memorable battie of Otterbum, 
fought on the 19th August, 1388, was amongst 
the fruits of the unsettied state of afFiurs. This 
u known to have been one of the most chivalrous 
and stoutiy maintained combats of that warlike 
period. An ancestor of the Montgomerie family 
is said to have borne himself conspicuously on that 
occasion, by taking Hotspur prisoner.* The vic- 
tory, however, was dearly purchased by the death 
of the Earl of Douglas, son-in-law of the king, 
on whom he placed his chief reliance in governing 
the country. Despairing of his ability to check 
the refractory spirit of the nobility, after the death 
of his gaUant and powerftd favourite, Robert re- 
stgpaed the throne to his son John, and retired to 
Dundonald castie, in Kyle, where he died two years 
afterwards, on the 19th of April, 1390, in the 
seventieth year of his age. 

John succeeded to the crown xmder the tide of 
Robert Hl.t — ^the nation entertaining a supersti- 
tious dislike to the name John, from the disasters 
that had occurred under the reign of Baliol. Few 
events fall to be recorded in connexion with Ayr- 
shire during the sway of Robert IQ. The title 
of Duke, originally Norman, -wss first introduced 
by him from France, when in April, 1398, he 
bestowed the title of Duke of Rothesay on his 
eldest son, David, Earl of Carrick. He subse- 
quently instituted the principality of Scotiand, 
which was done by royal charter in 1404. The 
appanage consisted of the whole lands of the earl- 
dom of Carrick, with the baronies of Guninghame 
and Kyle Stewart, and the lands of Kyle R^is ; 
from which distinction between the two districts 

* Sir John Montg:omerie, " being at the battle of Otter- 
bum, took Henry Peircie, simamed Hotspur, prisoner, and 
with his ranson-money built the castle of Dnnnoon." — 
Holinthed and LetUe. 

f He was styled, by way of distinction, Bobert Faim- 
yeoTf or Faranyear^ signifying past, or UUe, — HdUetf' 
Aimah, twl. iiL,/>. 63. 

of Kyle it would appear that King's Kyle, as it is 
popularly called, had never been parted from the 
crown. The smaller Cumbray was also included 
in the grant. It is in virtue of this charter that 
the Prince of Wales enjoys the titie of Earl of 
Carrick at this day. 

During the regencies of the Duke of Albany 
and his son Murdoch, from the death of Robert 
in. in 1406, till the accession of James I. in 1424, 
after his long detention in England, few political 
events occur in which Ayrshire appears at all pro- 
minent. That period is memorable, however, as 
the era of one of those feuds — ^the earliest of which 
there is any notice— by which the county, like most 
other districts of Scotland, continued to be disturb- 
ed until the power of the barons was thoroughly 
overmatched by that of the crown, and the supre- 
macy of the law established by the entire suppres- 
sion of the feudal system. The event to whidi we 
allude was the slaughter of one Neilson of Dal- 
rymple, and others, by Sir Thomas Boyd of Kil- 
marnock,* for which the latter obtained a remis- 
sion from the Duke of Albany, in 1409. 

Throughout the reign of James I., Ayrshire 
seems to have enjoyed considerable repose amidst 
the turmoil of retributive punishments which that 
able monarch found it necessary to visit upon the 
heads of those who, in coalition with the regent 
Albany, contrived to keep him so long from his 
rights ; and who, in the exerdse of their usurped 
powers, had been the means of creating so much 
anarchy and confusion in the country. Suspi- 
cion no doubt fell upon Sir John Montgomerie 
(of Eglinton) and Sir John Stewart of Dundonald, 
both of whom were arrested at the Parliament 
held at Perth on the 14th March, 1424. But 
Montgomerie seems to have been immediately set 
at liberty and restored to favour ; for on the 24th 
of May following he sat as one of the jury, along 
with Sir Robert Cuninghame of Kilmaurs, on the 
trial of Murdo, Duke of Albany, at Stirling. In 
1431, Lord Kennedy, along with the Earl of 
Douglas, both nephews of the king, were put in 
ward in the castles of Lochleven and Stirling, for 
contempt of his order for a general muster of the 
forces of the kingdom to proceed upon an expedi- 
tion to the north — ^the lawlessness of the High- 
landers having assumed such a magnitude as to 
require a strong force to restore order. The few 
barons of any note whom Ayrshire could boast of 
at the time, seem to have been upon the whole 
loyally disposed, and gave James every countenance 
in his arduous work of reformation. 

During the minority of James II., the country 
was thrown into great confusion through the weak- 
ness of the executive, and the ambition and tur- 

* MS. Boyd Papers. 



boleQce of the barons. Amongst the many feuds 
arismg out of the disturbed state of the times, that 
of the Stewart and Boyd families is perhaps the 
most striking. It occurred in 143d» and is thus 
related by l^^er from the '< History of the Stew- 
arts": — ^'Sir Alan Stewart of Darnley, who had 
held the high office of constable of the Scottish 
army in France, was treacherously shun at Pohnais 
thom» between Falkirk and Linlithgow, by Sir 
Thomas Boyd of Kilmarnock, for <auld feud which 
was betwixt them'; in revenge of which Sir Alex- 
ander Stewart collected his vassals, and ' in plain 
battle,' to use the expressive words of an old his- 
torian, 'manfully set upon Sir Thomas Boyd, who 
was cruelly shun, and many brave men on both 
sides.* The ground where the conflict took place 
was at Craignaucht Hill, a romantic spot near 
NeiUton, in Renfrewshire ; and with such deter- 
mined bravery was it contested, that, it is said, the 
parties by mutual consent retired sundry times to 
rest and recover breath, after which they recom- 
menced the combat to the sound of the trumpet, 
till the victory at last declared for the Stewarts." 
The Boyds avei^ed the fall of their chief by 
the slat:^hter of Sir James Stewart of Auchin- 
gown, who was slain by the Laird of Duchall 
and Alexander the Lyle, at Drumglass, [Dun- 
glas?] on the 31st May, 1445.* The author of 
the ** History of Galloway," on the authority of 
Hume, mentions another curious incident arising 
out of these feudal misunderstandings. It oc- 
curred, as he states, during the life of Archi- 
bald Douglas, fiilh Lord of Galloway, who died 
at Bestabrig, on the 26th June, 1439 ; and whose 
^ conduct to Lord Kennedy is adduced as a proof 
of his forgiving and g^erous disposition. This 
nobleman had injured and offended him to such a 
degree, that he (the earl) published his intention of 
giving the lands of Stewarton to any individual 
who would bring Kennedy's head to him. When 
Lord Kennedy became aware of this offer, he was 
fully convinced he could not escape the danger 
arisii^ from the declared hostility of so powerful 
a man ; and he resolved, as a species of prevention, 
to present his own head to his enemy. He ac- 
cordingly went privately to Wigtonshire, and found 
Douglas in the church of St Ninian, at his devo- 
tion. Immediately after divine service, he offered 
his head to the earl, and claimed the reward. 
Douglas, astonished at his resolution and confi- 
dence^ forgave him his former faults, and made 
him his friend. He also bestowed upon him the 
lands of Stewarton, which his descendants, the 
Earls of Cassilhs, continued to enjoy." The Ken- 
nedy here alluded to must have been Gilbert, first 
Baron Kennedy, which title he did not obtain, how- 

* Attchinleck Chronicle. 

ever, till 1450, prior to which he could not have 
been styled lord. But, independently of this, a 
very different version of the story is given in Pit- 
cairn's MS. History of the Kennedies. The per- 
son therein mentioned as the hero of this bold 
adventure was a younger brother of the Dunure 
family ; who, from his wearing a dagger, obtained 
the nickname of *' Alschunder Dalgour," or Alex- 
ander of the dagger. He is said to have offended 
Douglas, Karl of Wigton, by gaining " feid agains 
him at Glaynnaip, and ane wther agains Lindsay 
thane laird of Craigy, at the watter of Done, bothe 
one ane day." When the terms offered by* Doug- 
las — ^that whoever brought his head ^ thai suld 
have the fourty mark land of Stewarttoune, in 
Cumnghame " — ^reached the ears of Alexander, he 
assembled a hundred of the retainers of his family, 
well-mounted, and set off for Wigton on the morn- 
ing of " yuill day," where he arrived just as the 
earl was engaged at mass. Entering the church, 
and pulling out a deed ready prepared, he addressed 
the earl as follows : — *' My lord, ye have hicht this 
xl mark land to ony that wald bring you my held, 
and I knaw there is nane so meitt as my selff ! 
And thairfoir, will desyr your lordship to keep to 
me, as ye bad to ony wther I" The earl, perceiving 
that his life was in immediate danger, subscribed 
the document ; upon which Alexander thanked lus 
lordship, and taking horse, was speedily on his route 
homewards. This circumstance is stated by the 
author to have occurred in the '< fourth yeir of the 
ring off Robert the Third, quilk was about the 
yeir of God, 1380 ;" an^ he farther states that his 
heirs *< bruikis the samin at this tyme, or at the 
least, to the sex hunder and tua yeir of God, that 
Erie John [of CassiUis] said the same to the laird 
of Langschaw." For various reasons we would 
be inclined to regard this latter account as the 
most probable. It is minutely and circumstantially 
told. Unfortunately, however, for its chronological 
accuracy, it would appear that the lands of Stew- 
arton, in Guninghame, did not come into the pos- 
session of the Douglasses till 1426 or 1427. There 
is thus a discrepancy in both versions of the anec- 

The turbulent spirit of the times was greatly 
controlled by the able management of Bishop 
Kennedy of St Andrew's, the yoimger of two sons 
of James Kennedy of Dunure, by the Duchess 
of Albany, sister to Robert III. Kennedy held 
the office of chancellor for some time, and was 
m^unly instrumental in thwarting the dangerous 
faction of the Livingstons, and the still more 
powerful coalition of the Douglasses and Crau- 
furds. While the measures of the young so- 
vereign were being gradually matured, with a 
view to the annihilation of these parties, whose 
schemes were so inimical to the public tranquillity 



and the safety of the crown, Douglas — ^who fore- 
saw the prohability of his downfal — ^resolved, if 
possnble to mar the policy of Kennedy, by em- 
bi-oiling the king in a war with Kngland. The 
existing trace was nearly expired, and predatory 
incursions had already taken place on the borders. 
But Douglas was saved the necessity of first com- 
mencing hostilities, the earls of Northumberland 
and Salisbury having broke violently into Scotland, 
with a large force, and burned the to^iis of Dunbar 
and Dumfries. The brother of the Earl of Doug- 
las retaliated by an invasion of Alnwick, which 
province he entirely wasted. This was followed 
by an English invasion under the younger Percy, 
along with Sir John Harrington and Sir John 
Penning^n, at the head of a body of six thousand 
men. Grossing the Solway, they encamped upon 
the banks of the river Sark, whare they were en- 
countered by about four thousand Scots, under 
the earl of Ormond, another brother of Douglas. 
This occurred in 1448. Along vnth Ormond 
were Sir John Wallace of Craigie, the Sheriff of 
Ayr,* the laird of Johnston, and the master of 
Somerville. The English sustained a total defeat, 
fifteen hundred men having been Idl dead on the 
field, five hundred drowned in the Solway, and the 
leaders, Percy, Harrington, and Pennington, token 
prisoners. The Scots lost only twenty-six soldiers ; 
but Wallace of Craigie, a leader of great courage 
and experience, whose conduct had mainly contri- 
buted to the victory, soon after died of his wounds, t 
From the peculiar position of both countries at 
this time, hostilities were not carried farther ; and 
though disappointed in his views of distracting the 
country by a war, Douglas bore himself with 
a high hand. Auchinleck of that Ilk, a friend 
of his, having been slain by Colville of Ochiltree 
in a party conflict, he usurped the supreme power, 
and proceeding to Ochiltree with a strong body 
of retainers, took his castle, slaughtered Colville, 
together with all the males within it, and laid 
waste the entire lands. This occurred in 1449. 
Though greatly incensed at his conduct, the king's 
party was not yet powerful enough to put in prac- 
tice those strong measures by which the house of 
Douglas was ultimately shorn of its dangerous 
greatness. In 1455, the coast of Ayrshire was 
threatened with a formidable maritime " raid " by 
Donald Balloch, lord of Isla, whose repeated in- 
surrections more than once threatened the stability 
of the throne. At the head of a formidable expe- 
dition, and commencing hostilities at Innerkip, 
where he burned several houses, he proceeded along 
the west coast of the Clyde to the island of Bute, 

* Dayid Stewart of Castlomill. — Auchinleeh Chrordde. 

f Tytler, on the authority of tho Auchinleck Chronicle, 
which says that he died through " misguiding.** 

where he levied tribute, and, according to the 
AuehinUck ChronicUy carried away a hundred 
boUs of meal, a hundred bolls of malt, a hundred 
marts, and a hundred merks of silver. He also 
visited the Cumbrays, which be wasted with fire 
and sword; and from thence sailing to Arran, 
stormed the castle of Brodick, and harried the 
island. The expedition did not prove so destruc- 
tive as might have been expected ; the measures 
adopted by the king had the effect of completdj 
neutralizing the efforts of the island lord, and the 
coast of Ayrshire entirely escaped the threatened 

James 11., though killed at the premature age 
of thirty, at the aiege of Boxburghe castle in 1460, 
had nevertheless lived long enough to overcome 
those powerful factions which so disturbed the 
early part of his reign. His death, however, leav- 
ing an heir only eight years of age, subjected the 
country once more to all the vicissitudes of a long 
minority. It was so far fortunate that Kennedy, 
bishop of St Andrew's, still survived to take an 
active part in the management of affairs. He 
was appointed prindpal minister of the crown, 
while the office of justiciar of Scotland was en- 
trusted to Robert, Lord Boyd, whose extraordinary 
rise and rapid downfal constitutes the leading cir- 
cumstance of the reign of James HI., in so far as 
the annals of Ayrshire are concerned. While two 
great parties amongst the nobility of Scotland 
existed — ^the one, at the head of which was the 
queen-mother and Bishop Kennedy, in favour of 
negotiating a peace with England, seeing that the 
battle of Hexham had rendered the Lancasterian 
cause all but desperate ; the other, at the head of 
which was the Earl of Angus, inclined for hostili- 
ties — a third sprung up after the death of Mary 
of Gueldres, in 1463, having for its head Robert, 
Lord Boyd, the justiciar. The power of the house 
of Douglas had previously been extinguished, and 
the death of the Earl of Angus, leaving his heir a 
minor, presented a favourable opportunity for the 
rise of any one among^ the nobility ambitious and 
clever enough to take the lead. In neither re- 
spects does Lord Boyd appear to have been defi- 
cient. The way was in some measure prepared 
for him by ih& position which his brother Alex- 
ander occupied. This person was ** celebrated, in 
the popular histories of this rdgn," says Tytler, 
'*as a mirror of chivalry in all noble and knightly 
accomplishments, and upon this ground he had 
been selected by the queen-mother and Kennedy 
as the tutor of the youthful prince in his martial 
exercises. To acquire an influence over the affec- 
tions of a boy of thirteen, and to transfer that in- 
fluence to his brother. Lord Boyd, who was much 
about the royal person, was no difficult task for so 
able and polished a courtier as Sir Alexander.'* 



The views of the Boyds were greatly favoured by 
the mortal illness of Bishop Kennedy, who died on 
the 10th May, 1466. Tytler expresses his surprise 
that the growing faction had escaped the penetra- 
tion of this able statesnuui, there being evidence of 
its formation upwards of a twelvemonth prior to 
his death. This evidence is to be found in «a 
remarkable indenture, dated at Stirling, on the 
10th of February, 1465, the contents of which,*' 
says Tytler, " not only disclose to us the ambition 
of this family (the Boyds), and the numerous friendi^ 
and adherents whom they had already enlisted in 
their service, but throw a strong light upon the 
unworthy methods by which such confederacies 
were maintained amongst the members of the 
Scottish aristocracy. The agreement bears to 
have been entered into betwixt honourable and 
worshipfal lords, Robert, Lord Fleming, on the 
one nde, and Gilbert, Lord Kennedy, elder brother 
of the bishop, and Sir Alexander Boyd of Duchal, 
knight, upon the other; and it is declared that 
these three persons had solemnly bound themselves, 
their Idn, friends, and vassals, to stand each to the 
other, in ' afald kindness, supply and defence,' in 
all their causes and quarrels in which they were 
either already engaged, or might happen to be 
hereafter engaged, during the whole continuance 
of their lives. Lord Fleming, however, it would 
seem, had entered into a similar covenant with the 
Lords Livingstone and Hamilton ; and these two 
peers were specially excepted from that clause by 
which he engaged to support Kennedy and Boyd 
against all manner of persons who live or die. In 
the same manner, these last mentioned noblemen 
excepted from the sweeping clause, which obliged 
them to consider as their enemies every opponent 
of Fleming, a long list of friends, to whom they 
had bound themselves in a similar indenture ; and 
it 18 this part of the deed which admits us into the 
secret of the early coalition between the house of 
Boyd and some of the most ancient and influential 
families in Scotland. The Earl of Crawford, Lord 
Montgomerie, Lord Maxwell, Lord Livingstone, 
Lord Hamilton, and Lord Gathcart, along with a 
reverend prelate, Patrick Graham, who soon after 
was promoted to the see of St Andrew's, were 
specially enumerated as the covenanted friends of 
Boyd and Kennedy. It was next declared that 
hord Fleming was to remain a member of the 
k]ng*s special coundl as long as Lord Kennedy 
and Sir Alexander Boyd were themselves continued 
in the same office and service, and provided he 
solemnly obliged himself, in no possible manner, 
either by active measures, or by consent and advice, 
to remove the kmg's person from the keeping of 
Kennedy and Boyd, or out of the hands of any 
persons to whom they may have committed the 
royal charge. By a subsequent part of the Inden* 

ture it appears that to Fleming was attributed a 
considerable influence over the mind of the youthful 
monarch; for he was made to promise that he 
would employ his smcere and hearty endeavours to 
incline the king to entertain a sincere and affec- 
tionate attachment to Lord Kennedy and Sir Alex- 
ander Boyd, with their children, friends, and vas- 
sals. The inducement by which Lord Fleming 
was persuaded to give his cordial support to the 
Boyds is next included in the agreement, which, it 
must be allowed, was sufficiently venal and corrupt. 
It was declared, that if any office happened to fall 
vacant in the king*s gift, which is a reasonable 
and proper thing for the Lord Fleming's service, he 
should be promoted thereto for his reward ; and it 
continues, * if there happens a large thing to fall, 
such as ward, relief, marriage, or other perquisite, as 
is meet for the Lord Fleming's service, he shall have 
it, for a reasonable composition, before any other.' 
It was Anally concluded between the contracting 
parties, that two of Lord Fleming's friends and 
retainers, Tom of Somerville, and Wat of Tweedy, 
should be received by Kennedy and Boyd among^ 
the number of their adherents, and mamtained in 
all their cau&es and quarrels; and the deed vras 
solemnly sealed and ratified by their oaths taken 
upon the holy gospels." The original of this in- 
denture is said by Tytler to be preserved in the 
charter chest of Admiral Fleming, at Cumbernauld. 
Twenty copies of it were printed for private cir- 
culation, one of which was kindly presented to 
the historian by James Maidment, Esq., advocate^ 
Edinburgh. It is as follows : — 

Tia indcntour, mad at Striyelyn, the teed day of februar, 
the zor of God a thousand four hundreth sixty and fyf 
zeris, betwyx honourable and worschipfUl lordls, yat is to 
say, Robert, Lord Flemyng on ye ta pairt, and Gilbert, 
Lord Kennedy and Sir Alexander Boid of Buchol, luiight, 
on the todir pairt, yat yai ar fullelic accordit and appointit 
in manor and form as eftir follouis : Tat is to say, yat ye 
said lordia ar bundyn and oblist yaim selfls, yair kyn, 
fk>iendis, and men, to stand in afald kindness, supple, and 
defencs, ilk an till odir, in all yalr caussis and querrell 
leiAill and honest, movit and to be movit, for ail ye dais 
of yair liffis, in contrery and aganis al manor of persones 
yat leiff or dee may ; yair allegiance til our soueran lord 
alanerly outan, excepand to the lord flemyng, his bandis 
mad of bofoir, to ye lord levynston, and to yhe lord hamil- 
ton, and, in lyk manor, excepand to the saidis lordis ken- 
nedy and sir alexander, yalr bandis mad of befoir, til a 
reverend fadir in Christ, master patrick the graham, bischop 
of sanctander, ye erle of Crawford, ye lord mungumer, the 
lord maxvel, the lord boid, the lord levynston, the lord 
hamilton, and the lord cathcart. Item, yat the said lord 
flemyng sal be of special service, and of cunsail to the kyng, 
als lang as the saidis lordis kennedy and sir alexander ar 
special! seruandis and of cunsail to ye kyng ; the said lord 
flemying kepand his band and kyndnes to the foirsaides 
lord kennedy and alexander, for al the foirsaid tym ; 
And attour, the said lord flemyng is oblist yat he sal nodir 
wit, consent, nor assent, til (avas,) nor tak away the kyngis 
person fht the saidis lord kennedy and sir alexander, nor 
fra na udyr yat yai leff, and ordainis to be doaris to yedm, 
and keparis in yair abcens ; and gif the said lord flemyng 
getis, or may get, on bit of sic thyng to be done in ony 
tym, he sal warn the saidis lord kennody and sir alexan- 



der) or yair doaris in do tym, or let it to be done at all 
hiB power ; and tak sic part as yai do, or on an of yaim 
for ye tymin, ye ganstandyng of yat mater, but firaud and 
gil ; and the said lord flemyng sal adwis the kyng at al 
his hertly power wycht his gud cunsail, to be hertly and 
kyndly to the foirsaidls lord kennedy and sir alexander, to 
yair bamis and friendis, and yai at belang to yaim for ye 
tym. Item, giff yair happynis ony vakand to fall in the 
kyngis han<JUs, at is a reasonable and meit thyng for the 
said lord flemyngis service, yat he sal be fiirdirit yairto for 
his reward ; and gif yair happynis a large thyng to fal, sic 
as yard, releilf, marriage, or effis, at is meit for hym, the 
said lord flemyng sal haff it for a resonable compocicion 
befoir nder. Item, the saidis lord kennedy and sir alex- 
ander sal haff thom of sumerwel and wat of twedy, in 
special mantenans, supple, and defencs, in all yair accionis, 
canss, and querrel, lef^ and honest, for the said flemyngis 
■ak, and for yair semis don and to be don, next yair awin 
mastiris, yat yai wer to if befoir, and, at aU and sundry 
thyngis aboon writtyn sal be lelily kepit, hot fraud and 
gil, ather of yhe paiities hes geffyn till udiris, yair bodily 
aithis, the hali evangelist tuychet, and enterchangable, set 
to yair selis, at day, yheir and place aboon written. 

From this document, which shows that the Lord 
Kemiedy» elder brodier of the Bishop of St An- 
drew's, was to be equally secured in the keeping of 
the king's person with Sir Alexander Boyd, it is 
not at all unlikely that the coalition was entered 
into with the sanction of the bishop, who, from 
sickness, if not age, must have foreseen that 
hi» end could not be far distant. Besides, Lord 
Kennedy, as well as himself, was nearly related to 
the youthful sovereign, and he might not feel in- 
clined to oppose an enterprise in which so near 
a relative as his lordship was concerned. The 
ambitious project of the Boyd family was speedily 
realized. On the 10th July, 1466, when the king 
was sitting in the Exchequer at Linlithgow, they 
constrained him to proceed with them to Edin- 
burgh, and to dismiss from his presence those who 
had been ordered to attend him by the States. 
The persons who actually took part in the removal 
of the king were Lord Boyd, Lord Somerville, 
Thomas Somerville (or Tom of Somerville), Adam 
Hepburn, master of Uales, and Andrew Ker of 
Cessford. Lord Kennedy, who was a principal 
in the conspiracy, with the object of exculpat- 
ing himself from the odium which would at- 
tach to such an outrage, threw himself in the way 
of the cavalcade, and attempted, with well-dis- 
sembled violence, to lead the king back to the 
palace. A blow, however, from the hunting staff 
of Sir Alexander Boyd, put an end to his inter- 
ference.* Summoning a parliament on the 9th 
October following. Lord Boyd was solenmly par- 
doned by the king, and appointed governor of his 
majesty and his brothers, and of the royal castles. 
The act of parliament was ratified by charter, un- 
der the great seal, 25th October, 1466 ; and, by 
another charter of the same date. Lord Boyd was 
constituted governor of the kingdom of Scotland 
till the sovereign should come of age. The su- 

♦ Tytler. 

preme power having thus been secured, the aggran- 
disement of his ^unily was farther promoted by 
the marriage of his son Thomas to Mary, the eldest 
sister of the king. The island of Arran having 
been gifted to her as her dowry, Thomas was 
immediately afterwards nused to the dignity of an 
earl by that name. Lord Boyd himself, in August, 
1467, had the additional honour of being consti- 
tuted great chamberlain of Scotland for life. That 
the power of Lord Boyd was not maintained with- 
out a formidable coalition, the fdlowing covenant, 
dated at Stirling, the 6th of April, 1468, about 
three years later than the indenture previously 
quoted, affords ample illustration. The indenture 
is ostensibly for the support of his majesty in go- 
verning the country, but in reality for the matual 
protection of the parties contracting, and for main- 
taining Lord Boyd in his position as chief adviser 
of the sovereign :— 

At Stroiveling the sext day of ye nioneth of April ye zeir 
of or. Lord fourteen hundred soxtie and aucht zoin, at ye bid- 
ding and command of ot. soveranelQrd ye king. It is appoyntit 
and faithfullie promittit, betwix Rt. Reuerend fatheris in 
Criste, RL noble and worschipful lords underwritten, with 
yair awin subseriptionls manucll, in manner and forme as 
after foUowis. lliat is to say that yai and ilk ane of yama 
sail abide wt. our souerane lord ye king, and ilk ane wt. 
vther in ye furthputting of his autoritc and ministrations 
of iustioe till all his liegis and Realme, and govemyng of 
his persone, antorite, landis and guidis, according to his 
estait, warschope and hour, at aU yair powar, baith wt. 
yair prsonis and guidis, agane ony prsonis yat wald tend in 
ye contrare yairof. And attoore ye saidis lordis bindls and 
oblisses yame fiuthfiillte. Ilk ane to vthir, yat nane of yame 
sail tak upone hand to deliuer, conclude, nor end ony 
gret mater concemyng ye king, ye gnid of ye Realme or 
Justice, wtout ayyse, counsale and consent of ye reman- 
ent of ye lordis being pnnL for ye tyme; and yat yai 
sail mak ye materis yat salbo delirt. be ye lordis in 
tyme comin be put to dew executione, and na broking nor 
variens to be mad yrvpone wtout avyse, consent, and de- 
lyverens of all ye lordis being prest. for ye tyme. And yat 
all ye matrs. yat bcis doliurt. and concludit be ye lordis 
pmt. salbe Ratiflt and approvit be yame as yai had 
bene prsnt yairat. And yat yai salbe Ilk ane leil and 
trew to nhir, and stand in afald luif, lautie, friend- 
schype and kyndness, and manteyn and supple and defend 
Ttheiis in all actionis, cause and quarrell, lanthftil and 
honest defens of yair lyfis, landis, heritage Rovmys, office, 
and nane of yame to hoir, soo nor wit hurte, scaith, dede, 
nor dishonour till vtheris in ony wyse ; hot yai sail wame 
vtheris yairof in dew tyme, and let it all yair power. And 
attor. ye said lordis Iclely and trewlie promytis yat thai 
sail wt. all yair diligens assist to Robert Lord Boyd, and 
supple him ye guidyng of ye kingis persone, strenthis, 
castellis, houssis and all vthir thingis grantit to him bo or. 
souerane lord in his pliamont, cotenit in ye letrs. undir ye 
gret sele maid to him yruponc. And at yai sail induce and 
psuade or. souerane lord to hald and schaw his harty luif, 
favr. and singular tenderness to ye said Robert Lord Boyd ; 
and attr. ye said Lord boyd trewlie promittis yat he sail 
do ye eonsale and auise of ye remanet. of ye lordis of 
counsale underwritten in ye Rowling of or. sonerane lordis 
psone, iustice, antorite and guidis, and to do na gret 
matir coaemyng his hienes and ye gud of ye Realme wtout 
yair ayyse and consent. And gif it happynis him, as god 
forbid, to fitlse or tnd in ye contrare heirof, he beand 
wamit and reprovit be ye Lordis quhawm he falxies, and wt. 
mendand nor reformance it ogano vt. yair avyse, It salbe 
yane lanfuU to ye remanet. of ye lordis all or pt. to pass 
yair way, and be free and d&schaigit of yis band. And to 



jB obflerring, kepyng and fulflUing of all and sindria je 
tbingiB abone vritten in all poyntis and artikilia foirsaid, 
all 7« lordia vndyritten are lelely and trewUe bnndin and 
oblist till our soueraae lord and ilk ane till rthir be ye 
fidtb of yair bodyis, ye baly evangelis be yamo twichit, and 
for ye witnessing heirof hes subscriyet yis lettre, to endure 
Tnto or. soverane lordia aige of xzi leirs eomplet, wt. yair 
«vin handii, day, aeir, and place abone vritten. 

(Signed) A Bpfla «. 
De speciali mandato nostro. AsBiaooa n. 

Jamss R. Erls or Arotuc 

RoBsar Lord Boti>. 
Emx.s OP Abbars. 
Te Pbkyb Sblb Ltkosat. 
AacHidus. QouTTXUiw.* 

The charter chest of the Boyd family contains 
another agreement to the same effect between 
the parties, dated at Stirling, the 25th April, 
1468. By these indentures they became bound 
to aid each other in all emergencies, and while 
licrd Boyd promised to undertake no great mat- 
ter without the sanction and advice of his co- 
adjutors, they, on the other hand, promised to do 
everything in thdr power to promote and secure 
the favour of the king in behalf of Lord Boyd.t 
All, however, proved unavailing. The downfal 
of the family was as rapid as had been its exalta- 
tion. This was perhaps less attributable to Lord 
Boyd, who seems to have been a shrewd and judi- 
cious man, than to his son, the Earl of Arran, whose 
connecdon with the royal family rendered him an 
object at once of envy and suspicion. Large estates 
in Ayrshire, Bute, Roxburghshire, Forfarshire, 
Perthshire, and Lanarkshire, were conferred upon 
bim and his countess. He was at the head of the 
ccNnmission, appointed in 1468, to visit the courts 
of Europe for the purpose of selecting a wife for 
the king. A treaty was concluded with Christiem 
I. of Denmark, who agreed to give his daughter 
Margaret in marriage to James, with ** a portion 
of sixty thousand florins, and a full discharge of 
the whole arrears of the annual^ the name given 
for the yearly tribute due for the Western Isles, 
and of the penalties incurred by non-payment. 
Of the stipulated sum he agreed to pay dovm ten 
thousand florins before his daughter's departure 
for Scotland, and to give a mortgage of the sove- 
reignty of the Orkney Islands, which were to re- 
main ihe property of the kingdom of Scotland till 
the remaining fifty thousand florins of the marriage 
portion should be paid.''$ Considerable delay oc- 

* Copied from the original in the charter chest of the 
Kilmarnoclc family. 

f It is rather remarkable that the names of neither 
Lord Kennedy nor Lord Fleming are attached to this or 
the Bnbeeqnent bond, although they were parties to the 
first. They had in all probability withdrawn from the 
coalition, seeing that the power which resulted from it was 
chiefly appropriated by the Boyds. 

I The money was never paid, and consequently Orkney 
and Shetland have remained the property of Scotland. — 

curred in the completion of the terms, owing to 
the civil commotions in Sweden, which had dndned 
the exchequer of Christiem. The Earl of Arran, 
meanwhile, returned to Scotland, to lay the terms 
of the contract before the king; and during his 
absence it is believed that his brother ambassa 
dors had made the Danish king acquainted with 
the power of Arran, and the influence which 
he and his friends possessed over the mind of 
James. On proceeding again to Denmark, in the 
spring of 1469, with a splendid retinue, to bring 
home the royal bride, a strong o]^)osition was 
formed among^ the nobles ; which, however, was 
kept so secret that neither bis father, nor any of 
the contracting parties in the indentures dated at 
Stirling, were aware of it. When Arran returned 
to Leith Roads with the royal bride^ in July, 
1469, the countess, who apparently knew how mat- 
ters stood, hurried on board to inform him of the 
danger in which he was placed by the alienaticm of 
the king's affections. They accordin^y fled to- 
gether to Denmark. The king, intent upon de- 
stroying the power of the Boydi^ assembled a par- 
liament immediately after the celebraticm of the 
nuptials. To this parliament were summoned 
Lord Boyd, his brother Sir Alexander Boyd of 
Duchal, and his son the Earl of Arran, in order 
to answer such charges as might be brought against 
them. Lord 9oyd, now well up in years, calcu- 
lating upon the bonds of mutual support which 
had been entered into with various leading par- 
ties, flew to arms, and marched with his vassals 
towards Edinburgh, for the purpose of OTerawing 
the parliament. He had, however, overrated the 
alacrity of his friends. Unsupported by those 
whose aid he had relied upon, his small army 
became disheartened on the display of the royal 
standard ; and dropping off gradu^y, the vener- 
able justiciar found himself deserted by all save his 
immediate retainers. He fled to England, where 
he died the following, year. Sir Alexander, his 
brother — ^the <* mirror of chivalry'* — ^was taken 
prisoner, sickness having prevented him from mak- 
ing his escape; and notwithstanding the king's 
early attachment to him, was beheaded on die 
castle hill of Edmburgh, on the 22d Nov., 1469. 
The Earl of Arran, who fled to Denmark with his 
wife, continued in exile. James, however, found 
means to have the countess brought back to Scot- 
land ; and Arran, a solitary wanderer, died some 
years afterwards, at Antwerp, where a magnificent 
monument was erected to his memory by Charles 
the Bold. Thus fell the £unily of Boyd. Their 
estates, which were forfeited, were annexed to the 
crown, as was all^^, for behoof of the eldest boom 
of the kings of Scotland. ** Amongst the estates,** 
says l>^er, " we find the lordship of Bute and castle 
of Rothsay, the lordship of Cowal and the castle 



of Dunoon, the earldom of Carrick, the lands and 
castle of Dondonald, the barony of Renfrew, with 
the lordship and eastle of Kilmarnock, the lordship 
of Stewaiton and Dairy, the lands of Nithsdale, 
Kilbride, Naimston, Coverton, Fariozean, Drum- 
col, Teling, with the annual rent of Brechin, and 
fortalioe of Trabach.*' The extensive possessions 
of the Boyds may have whetted the appetite of 
their opponents. It does not appear that they 
had used their power, while in the plenitude of 
their greatness, with excess, considering the state 
of society, and the precarious tenure by which 
official influence was then held. Beyond the am- 
bition of promoting their own family, we are not 
aware that history attributes anything criminal to 
them, or that they were oppressive or overbear- 
ing in their conduct of the government. The 
Earl of Arran — against whom the displeasure 
of the king was chiefly directed — seems to have 
provoked the malignity of his opponents less by the 
personal bearing of the man than by his position 
as the husband of the king's sister, and the extent 
of the possessions and influence which he enjoyed 
in consequence. He is represented by contempo- 
rary writers as a most bounteous and courteous 
knight. Lord Arran was for some time in Eng- 
land. In a letter from Mr Paston to his brother 
8ir John Paston, knight, among the Paston Let- 
ters, the former says of Arran that be is '* one of the 
'^lightest, delyverst (nimblest), best spoken, fairest 
** archers ; devoutest, most perfect, and truest to his 
^*lady of all the knights that ever I was acquainted 
''with ; so would God, my lady liked me, as well 
^ as I do his person, and most knightly conditions, 
" with whom I pray you to be acquainted as to you 
^'seemeth best. He is lodged at the George Inn, 
** Lombard Street. " By what means the downfal of 
the Boyds was produced is not exactly known. It 
is generally believed, however, that the then Lord 
Hamilton had some hand in the matter ; and it is 
painful to think that the aster of the king — ^the 
wife of Arran — may not have been altogether 
blameless in precipitating the fortunes of her hus- 
band. Hurrying on board on his arrival with the 
royal bride from Denmark, she so alarmed him 
that he immediately fled, in place of meeting boldly 
any charge which could be brought against him, 
and of giving weight to the party whom he was 
bound to support by bis presence, as weU as by 
the presence and influence of his wife. Had he 
done this, and taken up arms in conjunction with 
his father and the other powerful noblemen whose 
names appear attached to the indentures already 
quoted, the probability is that the disasters which 
overtook the family would have been averted. 
Her acquaintance with the coalition formed against 
the Boyds is also suspicious. It is true the coun- 
tess passed into exile with her husband ; but it is 

also true that she speedily returned to court at the 
request of her brother, leaving Arran a forsaken 
outcast. It is farther true that, a divorci^ having 
been procured, she was married to James, Lord 
Hamilton, to whom, it is said, she was previously 
pledged in 1474. It is possible that the lady may 
have been perfectly innocent in the matter; but 
it seems rather curious that she should have so 
played, as it were, into the hands of the enemies 
of her husband. 

In the revolt of the barons, with the young 
prince at their head, and which ended in the death 
of James lU. as he fled from the battle of Sauciue, 
only a few of those belonging to Ayrshire appear 
to have taken part. Among these were Hugh, 
thbrd Lord Montgomerie, who, for his strenuous 
support of the prince, was afterwards created Earl 
of Eglinton, and Lord Kilmaurs, upon whom 
was conferred the title of Earl of Glencaim.* On 
the king's side, belonging to the county, there was 
John Ross of Mountgreenan, lord advocate at the 
time. Immediately after the accession of the 
prince, James FV., to the throne, which occurred 
on the 11th June, 1488, a warrant was granted 
for his apprehension on a charge of high treason. 
The chief charge against him was ** the traitorous 
pursuit of the prince to beyond the bridge of Stir- 
ling, and for there making burnings, « hereschips,' 
and slaughter, on June 10, being the day preceding 
the battle of Sauchie.'' His estates were conferred 
on Patrick Hume of Fastcastle, and he does not 
appear ever to have been restored to favour. 

During the reign of James IV., there were few 
or no political events in which Ayrshire was par- 
ticularly prominent. The celebrated fleet equipped 
by this monarch in 161 3, and despatched to France 
under the command of the Earl of Arran, with 
the view of assisting Louis in resisting the invasion 
of Henry of England, paid an unexpected visit to 
Ayr. Actuated by a strange perversion of judg- 
ment, Arran, who seems to have been entirely 
incapable of executing the high commission en- 
trusted to him, in place of sailing direct for France, 
where his services would have been of vast moment, 
chose' to conduct the fleet to Garrickfergpis, in 
Ireland, where he landed the troops, about three 
thousand men, and stormed the town with wanton 
barbarity. Loaded with the booty obtained, he 
sailed back to Ayr vrith the plunder, and again put 
to sea for his original destination before Sir An- 
drew Wood, whom James, in great wrath at the 
folly or stupidity of Arran, appointed to supersede 
him, could reach the coast. In common with 
the rest of the country, Ayrshire suffered deeply 
by the unfortunate invasion of England, which 

* This CTMtioii WM annulled, wad it was mit tiD a later 
I>eriod that tho patent of Earldom under which the Glen- 
cairn sat was obtained. 



James undertook immediatelj afler the sailing of 
the fleet onder Arran. Most of the chiefs, with 
their vassals, accompanied their chivakous monarch, 
and the district had long to deplore the loss sus- 
tained at Flodden Field. Amongst the nobles 
who fell, were the Earls of Casallis and Glencaim, 
bdonging to Ayrshire. The Abbot of Kilwinning 
was also slain. The county had at the same time 
to wail the death of Sir David Dunbar of Gum- 
nock and Mochrum, Robert Colville, laird of 
Ochiltree, and many other knights and gentlemen 
of leaser note* The actual loss sustained in the 
battle was not the only evil resulting from the ill- 
judged chivalry of James. The disorganization 
into which the country was thrown by the death 
of the m(H)arch and so many of the leading no- 
bility, paralysed the administration of justice for 
a time, and anarchy reigned uncontrolled. The 
castles of Ochiltree and Cumnock were both taken 
violent possession of by some of the relatives of the 
deceased owners, and the widows, with their fami- 
lies, driven forth destitute. By the interference of 
the Privy Council, however, the lands were re- 
stored to the rightful proprietors. 

Much was done for the due administration of 
justice during the reign of James lY . With all 
his follies — for he was fond of amusement, some- 
times not of the most kingly description — he dis- 
played very considerable aptitude for business; 
and, by his indefatigable exertions, the country 
enjoyed a greater d^ee of quietude and pros- 
perity than had been experienced for a length of 
time previous. He paid great attention to the 
navy, and, under his sway, Scotland could boast 
of a marine power little inferior to that of the 
most potent states of Europe at the time. His 
VecKmH. .ctiTity in sappremng those predatory 
bands by which the country had long been infest- 
ed, and in reducing his rebellious subjects to some- 
thing like obedience, was worthy of a monarch of 
the highest reputation. He thought little of riding 
a hundred miles, without resting, to be present 
unexpectedly at an assize, and to see that justice 
was duly dispensed. Great, however, and salutary 
as his efforts were in this respect, the criminal an- 
nals of the country record a vast amount of crime 
during his reig^ ariai^ chiefly out of those family 
fends which first began to exhibit themselves in 
the time of the first Steward. March 13, 1499, 
Cuthbert, Lord Kilmaurs, and twenty other per- 
sons, had a remission "for art and part of the 
forethought fellony done be thame i^ne Gilbert 
Dunlop of Haupland : and the violent hurting of 
Downald Robisonne, cummand fra the Kingis 
Hoist ',* and for all vther actionis, &o., done and 

* Anny, probably in returning from tbA " Feyld com- 
mittit iMsydo Strivelin."— Ptteaim. 


committit the tyme thai tuke the Tolbuythe of 
Irwin ; and al actionne and cummyng thairappone, 
that day except." Robert and Henry Douglas, in 
1502, were permitted to compound for " art and 
part of the oppression done to Sir William Colville 
of Uchiltree, in occupying, labouring, and manur- 
ing his lands of Famesyde and Hardane, and 
taking and keeping his house or pele, in Hardane, 
without any lease or title of law : Item, for the 
theft of ilj oxen from the said Sir William Col- 
vile, fiirth of Synlawis."* There was an old feud 
between the Douglases and Colviles, previously 
mentioned, out of which this violent occupation of 
land may have arisen. But the feud appears to 
have been carried somewhat farther. John Doug- 
las, brother to the laird of Bon. Jedworthe, Wil- 
liam his brother, and a number of others, were at 
the same time '* convicted of art and part of op- 
pression and convocation of the lieges, and coming 
upon Sir William Colvile of Uchiltree, Knt., at his 
lands of Hardane-hede, in the year 1502." In 
1508, a feud arose between the house of Rowallan 
and the Cuninghames of Cuninghamehead. The 
cause of quarrel seems to have been the ofiice of 
parish clerk of Stewarton. **Nov. 3. — ^Patrick 
Boyde^ brother to the Laird of Rowallan, Neill 
Smyth, in Gardrum, and twenty-five others, con- 
victed of art and part of Convocation of the lieges 
against the Act of Parliament, coming to the Kirk 
of Stewartouni in company with John Mure of 
RowaUan, for the office of Parish Clerk of the 
same Kirk, ag^ainst Robert Cunynghame of Cun- 
ynghamehede and his servants." Robert Cuning- 
hame of Cuninghamehead was at the same time 
convicted for coming in convocation to the kirk of 
Stewarton *' against John Mur of Rowallane and 
his men, for the office of Paris Clerk of the said Kirk. " 
Whether any bloodshed took place on the occasion 
does not appear. November 5, in the same year, 
we find that <<John Schaw of Haly, William 
Schaw, dwelling with him, and eight others, were 
permitted to compound for art and part of the op- 
pression done to Margaret Mongumry, Lady Crech- 
dow, coming to her Place, about the fea&t of 
'Mydsummer,* casting her goods furth of her 
house ; and for breaking of our sovereign lord the 
king's < saufgarde :' /tern, of oppression done to the 
said Margaret, in ejecting her furth of her house 
and Place of Garclauche, casting down a stack of 
hay and destroying it, and also casting down a 
stack of bear, containing seventy 'thraifis,' and 
thereby damaging the gnm : /fern, of shutting up 
her *gudis,' viz., sixty-five ' soumis't furth of her 

* Pitcaim*B Criminal Trials. 

f Soum, the relative proportion of cattle, sheep, nolt, 
hones, kc,, to pasture, or common pasturage, or vice versa. 
Jamieson's Scottish Dictionary makes the soum of sheep^ 
in some places, five, in others tefi sheep. A Moum of 



said third part, shutting them tip without ' pin- 
dande ' them in a * pyndfalde :' Item, of breaking 
his Bond of caution to keep the peace towards the 
said Margaret, by casting a stone out of a window, 
2ind breaking the said Margaret's head, and * ftU- 
ing her:' /item, for common oppression of the 
king's lieges," John Schaw of Kerise, who pro- 
duced a remis^on for art and part of the slaughter 
of John Bojde with a stone, was also ** admitted 
to compound for art and part of the forethought 
ifelony done to Duncan Fergussonne^ young Laird 
of Kilkarane [Kilkerran], in coming to his Place of 
Bumefute, and throwing down and breaking into 
the houses of the said Place ; and for (ibrciblv) keep- 
ing the lands of Bumefute waste, for the space of 
one year : Item, for the forethought felony done to 
Andrew Maknacht, and for ' Hamsukkin,' coming 
to his Place and 'stabbit* his . . . .* with 
* quhingaris ' and sword : Item, for the forethought 
felony and oppression done to John Boyde, wishing 
to slay him at the time of the Slaughter of nmqle. 
Kilhenze." At the same time *^ David Craufurde 
of Rerse, David Craufurde, younger, John Crau- 
furde, 'proctoor,' Thomas Galbraithe, David Camp- 
bell of Clovingall, Peter Rankm of Schelde^ Wil- 
liam his son, Albert Carthkert, Alan Carthker of 
Drumrowane, Esplane Craufurde, and James Bar- 
bour," were fined, the first in £5, and the others 
in 40s. each, " for art and part of Convocation of 
the lieges, coming to the Court of the Bailliary of 
Carrik, on occasion whereof the Bailie [Hew, Earl 
of Eglintoune], on accoimt of the ' inconvenientis' 
which might arise by serving the Brieve of the 
Laird of Kilhenzie, resumed the said Brieve ; and 
thereby, for impeding the said BaUie from holding 
his Court." November 6 — *^ Cuthbeii; Robisonne 
in Auchinteber," was fined in ^ve merks for being 
''art and part in the oppression done to Arthur 
Famlie, at his house, striking him, and casting his 
son in the fire." November 10 — *^ Hew, Earl of 
Eglintoune, produced a Remission for art and part 
of the *spulzie' of xij horses, 'butis, spurris, 
swerdis,' and other goods, from Arthur Boyde, and 
other sei*vantis of the old Lady of Home, at the 
time of the w^ounding of the said Arthur : Item, 
for art and part of the Convocation of the lieges, 

grcus, as much as will pasture one coWf or Jive sheep. The 
Lady land xnuir, Kilbimie parish, is capable of feeding 110 
souma — one horse, two queys, two stirks, four sheep, eight 
lambs, and one cow, being equal to one soum. It was un- 
lawful to confine cattle except in a r^;ular ** pynfalde," 
lest they shbuld want grass and water, or gore or damage 
one another. At a time when there were few fences, 
cattle straying off their own pasture were liable to be 
poinded by those upon whose lands they were found, espe- 
cially if they had any ill-will to the owner. This occa- 
sioned many disputes, and hence the law referred to. 
These " pynfaldcs " required to be of a certain extent, and 
to have water running through them, which we beheve is 
still the law in such cases. 
* Obliterated in the record. 

to the number of axty persons, and the oppression 
done to the old Lady Home, in spulzie of zxiiij 
cows furth of Gallovry : Item, for the oppression 
done to the said Arthur, coming upon him and 
hurting him, and taking him to the Place of Est- 
wade, and detaining him therein, in prison." No- 
vember 20, 1510 — George Haliburton is denounced 
at the horn for ** art and part of the SUughter of 
(Sir) William Colvile of Uchiltre (Knt.) and 
Richard Ruthirfurde." October 30, of the same 
year — << William Craufurde, son of William Crau- 
furde of Lefnorys," is ^ admitted to compound for 
art and part of ^e treasonable taking of the King's 
Castle of Lochdonn from Sir David Kennedv, 
Knt. (Captun thereof), and < Hereschip' and op- 
pression done to the said David in * Hereschip ' of 
the said castle : and for Resetting, supplying, and 
Intercommuning with the King's Rebels, being at 
the horn, viz., David Craufurde (of Kerse), John 
Schaw (of Keirs), and the « Crechtounis.' "* This 
affair does not seem to have been connected with 
any political movement.t The Crawfurds and the 
Kennedies were long at feud, and the taking of 
the castle, in all likelihood, arose out of this en- 
mity. The tradition mentioned in the Appendix 
to the ** History of Galloway," respecting an at- 
tempt to capture the fortress by embanking the 
loch where it discharges itself into the glen of 
Ness, so as to inundate the castle, may have refer- 
ence to this foray of the Crawfurds. The embank- 
ment, according to the tradition, consisted of earth 
and stone, lined with hides; and the casde, it is said, 
was saved for the time by an expert swimmer, who 
volunteered to cut the caul with a sword, in which 
daring attempt he succeeded at the cost of his life, 
having been swept away by the current. This part 
of the tradition, however, is questionable, as running 
into another respecting the betrayal of Sir Christo- 
pher Seton, in 1307. The failure of the scheme is 
more likely to have occurred from the circumstance 
of several of the feeders of the loch being lower than 
the site of the castle. November 4, 1611-^** Hew, 
Earl of Eglintoune, Thomas Montgumry in Kil- 
bride, John Montfoide, younger of that Ilk, and 
seven others, admitted to compound for art and 
part of Convocation of the lieges, and for art and 
part of the forethought felony and oppression done 
to John Scot, borgess of Irvin ; and of atouthreif 
of pots and ' pannis, plattis, and pewdir wescheU,' 
from the said Johne, furth of his house, extending 
to xxl. : Item, for the forethought felony and op- 
pression done to the said John and his wife, coming 

* The "Crechtounis," and probably Kerse and Kcirs, 
were at the horn for the fray with Lord Maxwell and his 
-vassals at Dumfries, fought in IGOS. 

f "Alan Carthcart of Clowlynan, John Craufurde of 
Drongane, and five others, were admitted to compound for 
the treasonable taking of the Castle of Lochdoune^ as 



to his hoose, and craelly striking his wife with 
' bauche strukis ' at the time of the stouthreif of 
the said goods : Item, for forethought felony and 
oppression to the said John, taking him into the 
Tolbooth of Irvin, and conducting him to the 
k>dging of the said Laird (of Montfoide ?) and de- 
tainiag him there for the space of six hours against 
bis will; and then conducting him to the said 
Tolbooth as a Thief, and putting the said John in 
the ' stokkis,' and incarcerating him therein : and 
for the oppression done to the said John's wife, at 
the said Tolbooth, tearing her hair, cruelly striking 
her, and pulling out her hair in great quantities." 
What the precise nature of this case was it is im- 
possible to divine ; but the earl and the laird seem 
to have been acting upon the idea that they had a 
right to take the law into their own hands by 
putting Soot in jaQ and appropriating his plenish- 
ing for some real or allied offence committed by 
him. In 1512, an aggravated instance of those 
slaughters produced by the feuds of families, oc- 
curred at Cumnock, by the murder of Patrick 
Dunbar 0/ Cornnioune (Gorsinoon ?) at the kirk, 
on Sunday, while mass was being celebrated. 
Idttle is known of this affair beyond what is stated 
in the g^eral remission to ** William Craufurd of 
Lefn&fyiSf Alexander Campbell of SheUingtov/M, 
parrochinaris of the said kirk, and generally to all 
^e remanent of the parrochinaris tharof, and 
Ttheris our li^s, being thair assemblit the tyme 
of the committing of the sud slauchter," &c. It 
appears that *^ Andro Campbell, ane of the prin- 
eipaU cemraittaris of the slauchter," was taken and 
banged ; and Duncane Campbell and John Stillie, 
who were also engaged in it, were put to the horn. 
Robert Campbell of Schanldstoune, Qeorge and 
John his brothers, Andrew Bomby, James Camp- 
bell of Clewis, Andrew Campbell in Strade, An- 
drew Campbell in Woodhead, and William Craw- 
furd, &c., were also denounced as rebels and put 
to the horn. The feud seems to have been one in 
which the Campbells, and the Orawfuvds through 
their relationship with the Loudoun family, were 
chiefly concerned. Sir Hugh Campbell of Lou- 
doun, Sheriff of Ayr, became siutety for cer- 
tain of the parties. A curious instance of the 
stem administration of justice of James IV. 
occurs in this ease. John Stewart of Torbol- 
ton, who became surety for Robert Campbell of 
ShankdtoB, waa fined in £100; and because 
his goods were not distrainable, the goods of 
the Sheriff of Ayr were ordered to be distrained, 
^ because he took the said John as surety foresaid." 
The Sheriff had ako to pay 200 merks for George 
and John Campbell. George Campbell of Ces- 
nock, George Campbell of Waterhead, &c., were 
amerciated in 200 merks each as sureties of the 
party. April 9> 1512 — ^<* Thomas Kennedy of 

Bargany, Alexander and John his sons, Rolland 
his brother, Thomas Fergussone, brother of the 
Lauxl of Kilkerane, John Colvile, son of William, 
and six others, were ordained to be denounced Re- 
bels, and all their moveables to be escheated, lor their 
not entering to underly the law, for art and part 
of the cruel slaughter of George Kennedy, son and 
heir apparent of George Kennedy of Atdquane." 
David Crawfurd of Kerse, and Thomas Corry of 
Kelwood, were fined in £100 for not entering the 
Laird of Bargany, who was put to the horn along 
with the others. 

Such are a few of the brief memorials recorded 
in the Books of Adjournal during the reign of James 
rV. They, of course, relate all to Ayrshire. They 
afford a curious picture of the lawlessness of the 
times ; and from their nature, and the influential 
parties generally engaged in them, the difficulty 
experienced by the king in administering justice 
can scarcely be exaggerated, or his merit in ac- 
complishing what he did over-estimated. Another 
feud, the most protracted and perhaps the most 
important of the whole of them, b^an to exhibit 
itself in a seriovs manner during the reign of this 
monarch. We allude to the quarrel between the 
Eglinton and Glencaim families. The first autho- 
ritative notice concerning it occurs in 1498-9, 
when Hugh, Lord Montgomerie, required Cuth- 
bert. Lord Kilmaurs, to find security for his fol- 
lowers keeping the peace. The £eud, however, 
must have had an earlier commencement, the castle 
of Kerelaw, then possessed by the Cuninghames, 
having been sacked and destroyed by the Mont- 
gomeries in 1488. The feud had reference to the 
office of King*8 Bailie in Cuninghame, which was 
originally held by the Glencaim family, but which 
had been conferred by James IL, in a charter 
dated 31st Jan., 1448-9, on Alexander, eldest son 
of the first baron Montgomerie.* This charter 
was confirmed, in 1498, to Hugh, Lord Montgo- 
merie, who was afterwards cseated Earl of Eg- 
linton. The Cuninghames were .naturally dis- 
satisfied at the transfer ; and a quarrel, which con- 
tinued for upwards of a oentury, was the conse- 
quence. In 1505, we find John, master of Mont- 
gomerie, second and then only surviving son of 
Hugh, third Lord Montgomerie, sununoned in Par- 
liament for having been participant in attacking 
and wounding William Cuninghame of Craigens, 
King's coroner or cr^timart for Renfrewshire, a re- 
lative of Lord Kilmaurs. The master of Montgo- 

* The words of the charter are, " To Alexander de Moot- 
gomerie, eldest son of our dear coofiin Alexander, Lord 

f His descendant, WilHam Cuninghame of Craigens, 
was retoured, 7th lilay, 1610, among other things, in the 
offices of Crownar and Mair of Fee of the West of Strath^ 
gxaff and the Upx>cr Ward of BenQ?ew. 



merie, however, did not appear, and the diet was 
continued against him. Lord Montgomerie was 
wounded in a battle fought previous to 20th Jan., 
1507-8, with the master of Qlenc^n, in which 
several lives were lost. The differences of the 
two families — ^who were nearly connected by in- 
termarriages — ^were submitted, in 1509, to arbi- 
ters, mutually chosen, who gave a decreet in favour 
of the Earl of Eglinton, declaring him to have 
full and heritable right to the office of Bailie of 
Cuninghame. This dedsion, so far from produc- 
ing amity, seems only to have rendered the breach 

The disaster of Flodden Field, and the long 
minority of James V. — ^who was only an infant at 
the time — ^threw the country into great confusion. 
Under the regency of the Duke of Albany* the 
nation became divided into two great factions— 
the one distinguished as the English, and the other 
as the French party. It was at this juncture that 
the system of intrigue — so successfully followed 
up at a subsequent period by Elizabeth — ^was first 
brought to bear upon the venality of the Scottish 
nobilty. Lord Dacre, the English ambassador, 
was most successful in fomenting, by the distribu- 
tion of large sums of money, those family and poli- 
tical feuds which unhappily required only a spark 
to light into a flame ; and which marred and dis- 
tracted the government of the regent. The great 
leader of the English party was the Earl of Angus 
— ^but there were several other powerful families 
who, through a mistaken policy, dislike to Albany, 
or from corruption, espoused the cause of their 
hereditary enemy the English. Amongst the more 
prominent of those connected with Ayrshire were 
Glencaim and Caldwell. In a letter by Lord 
Dacre, addressed to Wolsey in 1516, he says — '* I 
labour and study all I can to make division and 
debate, to the intent that, if the duke will not ap- 
ply himself, that then debate may grow that it 
shall be impossible for him to do justice ; and for 
that intended purpose I have the master of Kil- 
maurs kept in my house secretly, which is one of 
the gpreatest parties in Scotland. * * And also 
I have secret messages from the Earl of Angus 
and others, * * and also four hundred out- 
laws, and giveth them rewards, that bumeth and 
destroyeth daily in Scotiand, all being Scotsmen 
that should be under the obedience of Scotland, "t 
Glencaim and Mure of Caldwdl were the same 
year engaged in the abortive rising, under Arran, 
who aspired to the regency, to depose Albany; 
and, worl(ed upon by the intriguing of Lord Dacre, 

* The Duke of Albany was resident in France, with 
which ooantry ho waa connected as well by the ties of 
blood as of property, and only repaired to Scotland after 
the most urgent entreaties. Ho landed at Ayr. 


as well as by family enmity, we find the master of 
Glencaim, or Kilmaurs, in 1517, hotly engaged in 
the work of anarchy. This is known from a remis- 
sion granted to him and twenty-seven followers, 
in that year, for the slaughter <^ Mathew Mont- 
gomerie, Archibald Caldwell, and John Smith, 
and for wounding the son and heir of the Earl of 
Eglinton. No particulars of this affitir are ex- 
tant, so far as we are aware, there being a blank 
in the criminal records from 1513 to 1524. Cas- 
sillis (Gilbert, second earl,) was oi^XMed to the 
Angus, or English faction'; and was so much in 
favour with the regent that, on the departure of 
the latter for a time to France^ in 1523, the keep- 
ing of the young king's person, with the sanction 
of parliament, was entrusted to him and the Lords 
Fleming, Borthwick, and Erskine. Yet such was 
the turbulent state of the country, that this very 
nobleman was put upon his trial in 1525, along 
with David llynde, James Mure in Ballochtoyll, 
Gilbert Kennedy, <<the provestis sone," and John 
Montgomerie in Balsaggart, for ** art and part of 
the cruel slaughter of Martin Kennedy of Lodi- 
land." CassiUis and the others were acquitted ; 
but he became security for his followers, and had 
to pay the unlaws in which the greater part of 
them, who were also charged with the slaughter 
of Gilbert Mackilwraithe, were fined. The earl 
was himself slain the following year, by Hugh 
Campbell of Loudoun, sheriff of Ayr. In the re- 
mission, granted on the 1st July, 1528 — ^Loudoun 
having in the meantime absconded — no fewer than 
1400 of his followers are included; so that the 
slaughter must have occurred in a species of clan 
fight. It took place at Prestwick, according to 
ihe Peerages, on the 22d of December, 1527. 
But this date must be wrong, because in the Crim- 
inal Records, October 5th of that year, James, Earl 
of Arran, who had become security for the sheriff, 
is fined in £100, for not entering him to un- 
derly the law. The skughter, therefore, had evi- 
dentiy taken place before December, probably on 
the 22d September. The principal aiders of Lou- 
doun were his maternal relatives, the Crawfurds. 
The parties named as engaged in the affair are 
George Crawfurd of Lefborijs, and liVilliam his 
brother, John Campbell of Cessnock, Bartholemew 
Crawfurd of Kerse, David and Duncan his bro- 
thers, John Crawfurd of Drongane, John and 
William, his sons, &c. *' Dame Isabella Wallace, 
Lady Lowdowne, also accused for the same crime, 
was proved to be sick by Sir William Bankbede, 
her curate, and two witnesses." November 23, 
"William Cunynghame of Glengamock, Mungo 
Mure of BowaUane, John Hammyltone of Colmy- 
skeithe, James WalUce of Camale, Adam Wallace of 
Kewtoune, John Foulartouneof Corsbie, and others, 
were amerciated for not appearing to underly the 



law for Intercomnraning, asnsting, resetting, and 
supplying Hugh Campbell of Lowdowne, Sheriff of 
Air, and his accomplices, Rebels, and at the horn." 
The master of Glencaim, and several others in his 
interest, had to find cauti(m to appear before the 
justiciar for the same offence. The feud, it would 
appear, had extensive ramifications ; and the con- 
jecture is not unlikely that the sheriff had, in some 
measure, been instigated to the attack, partly from 
political motives, by Sir James Hamilton, the bas- 
tard son of the Earl of Arran. The tradition is, 
that Caasillis was on his way to court, with a small 
body of attendants, when he was set upon at 
Prestwick. In the " Historie of the Kennedies'' 
it is said that the earl ** was dayne be the schereff 
of Air, on the sandis besyd Prestik ; hot the scher- 
eff himselff was not thair, hot sum of his seruandis, 
and specially the Crafurdis of the Hous of Loch- 
noreis. In recompense of this slachter, the Hous 
of Cassillis gatt the lands of Combanney and Gir> 
vandheidis ; with the Band of the Schereff of Air, 
and his sone Sir Mathow, wha wes his air ; bot 
na farder." If this was the fact, and that the 
Crawfurds of Lochnoris took a leading part in the 
afiair, there can be little doubt that the ancient 
feud between the Crawfurds and Kennedies, and 
the relationship between the former and the Camp- 
bells of Loudoun, had a g^ood deal to do with 
the slaughter. 

The master of Kilmaurs — afterwards fourth Earl 
of Glencaim — ^figures somewhat prominently in the 
national, as wdl as local history, at thb period. 
One of the association in the English interest, he 
was in the regular receipt of a pension from Henry 
YIII. He was one of the chiefs who, along 
with Angus, at the head of four hundred armed 
men, made a forcible entrance into Edinburgh, 
while parliament was sitting there, by scaling the 
walls before daylight on the 23d November, 1524; 
which bold step led to a coalition between Angus 
and the Chancellor Beaton, through which coali- 
tion Angus attained the highest power in the keep- 
ing of the young king, whose majority was declared 
at the age of fourteen — thus putting an end to the 
government of the secret council. Of the new 
secret council, all of whom were favourable to 
Ai^^us, the Earl of Glencabm was one. The tyr- 
anny of Ai^^ns, however, raised a strong feeling 
against him ; and Lennox, together with Beaton 
the chancellor, collecting an army of ten thousand 
men, encountered the royal troops within a mile of 
Linlithgow. Glencaim, who had become estranged 
from Angus, was a leader in this army.* Tbey 

* Cnthbert, Earl of Olencalrn— July 16, 1526— obtains 
a respite for himself, and the heads of the principal branches 
of the Cnningfaame family, *' for their treasonable art and 
port of wnef^ng of the Castell of Striyeling, in company 
with John, Duke of Albany, then Qovcmor of this realmc, 

were defeated, and Lennox himself slain. The 
estates of the insurgent lords were forfeited. The 
lands of Cassillis were given, along with others, 
to Arran, the colleague of Angus. Beaton, 
the chancellor, << by large gifls, and the sacrifice 
of the abbey of Kilwinning, made his peace with 
his enemies, and counted himself happy in being 
permitted to retire from court." AiTan, in re- 
morse for the death of Lennox, abandoned all 
share in the government, leaving Angus sole dic- 
tator. When the youthfal monarch, at the age 
of sixteen, in 1528, at length shook off the bond- 
age of the Douglas&s ^y making his escape from 
Falkland to Stirling, in the disguise of a yeoman, 
he was met, amongst others of the nobility who 
hastened to congratulate him on attaining his 
liberty, by the Earl of Eglinton and Lord Mont- 

Meanwhile the Montgomerie and Cuninghame 
feud was maintained with unrelenting persever- 
ance, although a kind of agreement had been 
come to between the parties, by the mediation of 
the Governor Albany, in 1623. The slaughter of 
Mathew Montgomerie, and the hurt done to the 
heir of Eglinton in 1517, were repayed in 1526 
by the slaughter of Edward Cuninghame of Auch- 
inharvie. On the 26th June of that year, the 
cautioners of Hugh, Earl of Eglinton, Archibald 
Crawfurd of Haining, Archibald Montgomerie, 
master of Eglinton, James Montgomerie, brother 
to the earl, Mr William Montgomerie, and others, 
were fined in £100 each, for their not entering to 
underly the law as art and part in the slaughter 
of Edward Cuninghame. Archibald Cuninghame 
of Waterstoun was afterwards slain by some of the 

the Kingis maist noble persone being thairin, in his ten- 
djr aige ; and for thair tresonable intrometting with the 
Kingis persone at that tyme, in company with the said 
Johne, Duke of Albany, his Tutour, he being immediatlie 
to succodo to him [next in succession], and nocht able [in- 
capacitated] be the law, to have his person in keping : And 
for thair tresonable arraying of ane Feild and Battale 
agains the said John, Buke of Albany, his Tutour, Protec- 
tour, and Govcmoor of his realme, and present and in 
person, at Kittycorahill besyde Glasgw: And for thair 
tresonable Assegeing, taking, and Withhalding of his Cas- 
tell of Dumbertano fra his grace and his seruandis, ke- 
paris thairof," &c. From the wording of this, which is 
somewhat confused, it is difficult to understand the parti- 
cular historical CTcnt to which it alludes. It has reference 
probably to the attempt of Arran to assume the regency 
in 1514, in which Glencaim took a part. If not, the re- 
spite must apply to an afifair which the histoiian has not 
taken any notice of hitherto. The Cuninghame family, at 
all events, appear to have been almost to a man engaged 
In it. 

There is another respite obtained the same year by 
Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, for himself and the hea^ of the 
family branches, and two hundred and thirty-three fol- 
lowers, " for the Tresonable slauchter of nmqle Cornelius 
de Machetema, Ducheman, in the time of the seit of our 
Parliament, and various other crimes," which is not taken 
notice of in the history of the times. The affair seems to 
have been an important one, since so many persons were 
concerned in it. 


fhom DAVID n. till the death of james y. 

dependents of the Earl of Eglinton ; upon which, 
in 1628, "Villiam, master of Glencairn, raised all 
his iriends and allies in the shire of Renfrew, and 
made a furious inroad into Cuninghame, destroy- 
ing in their progress not only houses and lands be- 
longing to Uie Montgomeries, but the very com 
fields, and finally burnt Eglintoun castle itself, 
with all the ancient records of the family. The 
Eglinton family at this time had secured them- 
selves in Ardrossan castle, a place of greater 
strength, and better adapted for defence.*'* The 
Boyds of Kilmarnock, whose title was not restored 
till 1536, seem to have been objects of attack both 
by the Montgomeries and Cuninghames. In a 
contract (7th May, 1530) "aggreid betuix vmqle. 
Hew Erie of Eglintoun and vmqle. Robert Lord 
Boyd, anent all quarrellis and slaughteris of thair 
kin," Robert Boyd in Kilmarnock was to receive, 
*<for the slaughter of his chief," two thousand 
merks, payable by instalments ; the Elarl of Eglin- 
ton obtaining a discharge, in return, for all "by- 
gone spulzies and slaughteris. "t The principal 
depredations comphuned of by the Boyds and their 
adherents, had been committed " in quenys landis 
and barony of Rowallan at the seige of Kilmemok, 
and of the uptaking of the proi¥etis of the malyng 
of the Law Mylne and pertinentis."^ Some light 
is thrown upon this foray by a paper quoted in the 
appendix to "The Hbtorie and Descent of the 
Ilouse of Rowallane," showing forth the mutual 
assistance rendered by the Muirs and Boyds. It 
is therein stated " that Mungow Muir of Rowal- 
lane, quhois mother wes Boyd, Joynit wt. Robert 
Boyd, Gudemane of Kilmarnock, In seeking re- 
vengement of the Slauchter off James boyd, the 
Kingis sisteris sone, quho sould have bene Lord 
Boyd, hot before he was fully restoirit was slaine 
be the Earle of Eglintone." No notice is taken 
of this affair in Wood's Peerage, where the death 

* MS. History of the Family of Eglinton. The Earl of 
Eglinton obtained a charter de nocem of his lands and 
possessions under the great seal, 23d Jan., 1528-9. 

f It is curious, and, at the same time, extremely interest- 
ing to observe the enduring influence which the ancient cus- 
toms of a people exercise long after the state of society 
nrhicb gave rise to them has been changed. Under 
the patriarchal system there were, in fact, no capital 
punishments. Every crime had its price in cattle or 
inonoy, varied according to the rank of the victim and tlie 
Injury inflicted. As the members of a clan were bound to 
«Bach other by even stronger than fraternal ties, so the 
tiononr of the whole were held to be influenced by indivi- 
dual conduct. Hence, if an act committed by an individual 
could be countenanced by the clan, and if the perpetrator 
was unable to pay the cw, or erig^ i.e, the amerciated pen- 
alty, the <Aan never failed to liquidate the amount. When 
the Kings of Scotland, by the introduction of the feudal 
system, found themselves sufficiently strong to attack the 
patriarchal, the above law was superseded by statute ; but 
.'fiuch was the hold which the practice had obtained, that it 
•was not entirely got rid of until after the union of the two 

t M.S. contract in Boyd Charter Chest. 

of James Boyd, son of the Earl of Arran, is said 
to have occurred, while in the flower of youth, in 
1484. If this date is correct, which seems very 
doubtful, the " seeking of revengement" must have 
been of long continuance.* Of the fact of his 
slaughter, however, and the subsequent bond of 
peace, there can be no dobbt. Robert, the g^de- 
man of Kilmarnock, was the son of Alexander 
Boyd, chamberlain of Kilmarnock, brother of the 
Earl of Arran. James Boyd, slain by the Earl of 
Eglinton, was therefore his cousin and chief. The 
power of the Boyds being somewhat low at this 
period->-for although restored to their property 
they still suffered under attainder — ^may account 
for the attacks of their stronger neighbours. Ac- 
cording to the " Memorandum ** already alluded to 
— and which is supposed to have been drawn up by 
Sir William Mure, who succeeded to Rowallaa in 
1581 — ^if it is to be relied upon, it would appear 
that ^ my lord of Glencaime" presumed to have 
a right to the barony of Kilmarnock, and proclaim- 
ed a court to be ''holdin at the Knokanlaw." 
The gudeman of Kilmarnock, and Mungow Muir 
of Rowallan^ with their friends, kept the appointed 
day and place of court, and offering battle to 
Glencairn, "stayit him from his pretendit court 
hoilding." No date is given for this occurrence ; 
but it must have taken place before 1536. May 
20, 1530, the cautioners of John Cuninghame 
of Caprington, David Boswell of Auchinleck, 
and seventeen others, were amerdated ''for not 
producing them to underly the law for art and 
part of the cruel slaughter of John Tod." What 
the nature of this fray was is not mentioned. 
May 23, of the same year, '< William Cunynghame 
of Glengamock, David Cunynghame of Robert- 
land, and thirty-seven of th^ followers, found 
caution to appear at the justice aure of Air, to un- 
derly the law for art and part of the forethought 
felony and oppression done to Gabriel Sympill, 
lying in the highway, ' in feir of weir,' near Or- 
myscheuches, awaiting his arrival, for his slaughter, 
of forethought felony and old Feud." This was 
followed by a series of conflicts between the Cun- 
inghames and Sempills ; the latter, for example, 
having murdered the laird of Craigens and his ser- 
vant, Robert Alanesoune, in 1533, &c., upon whidi 
event various retaliatory inflictions were made. 

While these feuds continued to distract and mar 
the prosperity of Cuninghame, Carrick and Kyle 

* TheM is A decreet of the Lords of Session smoogst 
the Boyd papers, relieving Robert, Lord Boyd, and his 
sureties, from a sammons at the instance of John Mont- 
gomerie, for three hundred and fif^y merks, for tbo 
slaughter of Patrick Montgomerie of Irvine, his fathec 
The slaughter was committed in Dec 1523, and the 
summons was raised under the sanction of Hew, Earl of 



were dusturbed by similar dissen^ons. The Ken- 
nedies were not a race of people likely to permit 
the slaughter of the Earl of Cassillis, by the 
Campbells and Grawfurds, to pass without re- 
taliation. The Books of Adjournal record that, 
at the justice-court held at Stirling, July 28, 1528, 
Alexander Kennedy of Bargany, and Hugh bis 
son, John Mure of Auchindraine, and others — ^in 
an seventy-five persons, including the heads of the 
chief branches of the Kennedies — ^were dilated for 
the slaughter of Robert Campbell in Lochferg^, 
Alexander Kirkwod, and Patrick Wibone. From 
the number of persons implicated in this aiFair» 
there can be little doubt that a battle or skirmish, 
on an extensive scale, had been fought between 
the Campbells and Kennedies and their adherents, 
the Kennedies being the assailants. The greater 
part of the latter were put to the horn, and de- 
nounced as rebels. On January 15, 1528-9, 
^ John Neilsone of Cragcuiiy, and Michael and 
John Neilsone his couans, were denounced Rebels, 
and put to the horn, &c., for not underlying the 
law for Resetting, Supplying, and Intercommun- 
ii:^ with his Miyesty's Rebels, in Carrick, Bute, 
and Arran : and for oppression done to the Laird of 
Mochrum, coming to bis dwelling-place of Moch- 
rum, and breaking up the doors and windows," 
&c. Of the long continued feud between the 
Grawfurds and Kennedies, two entries occur in 
the Books of Adjournal in 1530: *' Nov. 29, (apud 
Perth) John Bryane and Allan Cathcart found 
John Crawfurd of Drongane, and Quintine Schaw, 
Tutor of Keris, to appear at the justice-aire of 
Air, to underly the law for art and part of the 
theftuous stealing* of sixty oxen and cows from 
James Kennedy of Blarequbanne, from his lands 
of Half pennyland, and sixty more from his lands 
of Schenvene." Also, Dec. 5, John Kennedy of 
Giletree, Patrick Mure of Cloncard, and fifly-dgbt 
others, found James Kennedy of Blarequbanne as 
surety for their appearance at the justice-aire of 
Air, to underly the law for art and part of the 
theftuous stealing, under silence of night, from 
John Crawfurd of Kerehill and his sub-tenants, 
forth of his lands and dwelling of Kerehill, six 
score oxen and cows, ijc sheep, and six horses and 
mares: and for common oppression thereby done 
to the said John and his sub-tenants." As illus- 
trative of the easy manner in which the principal 
parties in cases of this kind were dealt with by the 
justiciar — ^no doubt because the arm of the law was 
not strong enough to have acted differently — it 
may be remarked that the cautioner of Blair- 

* We do great injustice to the character of our ances- 
tors when we call their forays or heresehips by the name of 
theft. Thef were generally committed against parties with 
whom they were at feud, and believed to bo honourable 
and laudable in themselyes. 

quhanne was Patrick Mure of Cloncard — ^him- 
self accused of the same crime. January 30, 
1536-7, Gilbert, Earl of Cassillis, Fergus Mac^ 
dowall of French, John Kennedy, yr. of Drum- 
meUan, and twenty-five others, had to find " surety 
to underly the law, at the justice-e^re at Air, for 
art and part of the mutilation, besetting the way, 
fForethought ffelony, oppression, and breaking the 
King's Proclamation in his absence* ; and coming 
upon John Dunbar of Blantyre, and his four ser- 
vants, within the burgh of Air, upon December 9 
last, to the number of fifty persons, armed in war- 
like manner, cruelly invading them to their slaugh- 
ter, wounding three servants of the said John, and 
mutilating two of them in the hand and thigh.*' 
August 9, 1537, " John Cunynghame of Capring- 
toune, David Boswell of Auchinleck, George Dou- 
las of Pennyland, and twenty-six others, found 
caution to underly the law at tiie next justice-aire 
of Air, for art and part of the mutilation of John 
Sampsoune, of the thumb of his right hand of 
forethought felony." August 31, 1537, "Walter 
Lynne, convicted of art and part of the cruel 
slaughter of Patrick Mowat, committed on fore- 
thought felony." Lynne was amongst the very 
few who, at this period, suffered capital punish- 
ment for the crime committed by him. He was 
beheaded. Nov. 13, " Sir John Walcar, chaplain, 
dilated of art and part of Besetting the way to 
Thomas Craufurd of Auchinamys,t at his Fishing 
of Cart, and Invading him for his Slaughter, 
in company with William, Lord Sempill, and 
his accomplices." While the nobility, lairds, and 
even the clergy, were thus actuated by a spirit of 
turbulence and bloodshed, it is not to be wondered 
at that communities should have participated in the 
feelings and practices of the times. The Books 
of Adjournal record a seditious and insurrectionary 
movement on the part of the inhabitants of Ayr 
and the neighbourhood, in 1537-8; but in what it 
originated, or what were the views of those who 
took part in it, is not stated. John Crawfurd of 
Drongane seems to have been prominent in the 
affair, as he had to find cautioners to satisfy the 
king and ihe parties. January 19, 1537-8 — Alex- 
ander Lokert, burgess of Ayr, was " convicted of 
art and part of Convocation of the lieges in great 
numbers, within the burgh of Air, in autumn last, 
against tiie tenor of the Acts of Parliament : and 
for art and part of the Hamesuckin and oppression 
done to Alexander Kennedy of Bargany, his near 

* James Y, was in France, In 1536, a short time, on a 
matrimonial visit. Lord Eglinton was one of the re- 
gency during the king's absence. 

t Auchinamea is in the parish of Kilbarchan, in Ren- 
frewshire. However, the Grawfurds of Aucliinamcs wore 
an Ayi-shire family, as well as Renft«wshire, from their 
estate of Croshie^ in West Kilbride. Their principal i-e- 
sidence was at Crosbie. 



neighbour, at the same time coming to his house, 
wiUiin the burgh of Air,* in warlike manner, with 
invasive weapons, and throwing stones at his win- 
dows and doors, and breaking and destroying the 
same : and for art and part of the sedition and in- 
surrection made between the neighbours and the 
inhabitants of the burgh of Air, and for common 
oppression of his neighbours.'* February 21, of 
the same year — ^'^ Thomas Craufurd of Auchnames 
and Archibald Prestoune came in the King's will 
for the compul^on and taking captive of Sir 
Thomas Craufurd, Chaplain, against his will, to 
the Place of Auchnames, and for detaining him 
therein in captivity and subjection, for a certain 
space, usurping thereby his Majesty's authority. 
He also came in the King's will along with Thomas 
Rowane, for art and part of the unjust Ejection 
and outputting of Margaret Lufe (Love), widow, 
and John Patei-son, her son, furth of their, set of 
the lands of ELibbilstoune, within the lordship of 
Auchnames. Hugh Montgomery of Hessilhead,t 
the Master of Glencairn, and the Laird of Robert- 
land, became cautioners to satisfy the king and par- 
ties. The same day, the Laird of Auchnames, James 
his brother, along with Prestonne and Rowane, re- 
ceived the King's Respite for the cruel slaughter 
and murder of John Quhite, committed of fore- 
thought- felony." The next case of importance 
connected with Ayrshire, as reported in Fitcaim's 
selection of '' Criminal Trials," is the slaughter 
of a person whom he styles the Laird of Turn- 
berry. " May 23 — James Reid, convicted of 
art and part of the cruel slaughter of John 
Reid of Trumberry, coming upon him and slay- 
ing him of forethought felony." Reid was be- 
headed. The dittayy which in this case has 
been preserved, gives a minute statement of the 
charge against the culprit. The slaughter was 
committed on the 24th of April, 1539, ^* apon auld 
feid and forthocht fellony." Reid had been at the 
wappinschawing in Ayr, when all his neighbours 
left their jakkis behind them save himself. He 
said he would not leave them, because he would 
have use for lus jack and we24>ons at home. The 
old feud was farther shown by the fact that Reid 
and his accomplices, at Whitsunday previously, set 

* Bargany appears to have hod a town house in Ayr at 
tMs time. 

f Montgomerie was the brotber-in-Iaw of Auchinames. 
Mai^garot, sister of the said Hugli Montgomerie, was mar- 
ried to Thomas Crawford of Auchinames, and after his 
death she married, secondly, the Laird of Skipness. Lady 
Bkipness entertained in the Highlands her nephew, Alex- 
ander Montgomerie from Hesilhcid, who became captain 
and poet. Polwart says — 

" While that thou post, beith poor and pcild. 

Into Argyle, some lair to lair ; 

♦ * * ♦ 

Fast flkand with thy Holland chcir. 
My flyting forced thee so to Aire." 
— Laing's Edition of Mo7itgomerit''s Wtirksyp, 110. 

upon the Laird of Tnunberry at the '^ Leyn-heid 
of the Schaw,** with a view to his slaughter. The 
hurd, however, escaped; and when there was a 
way devised for concord between the parties. Read 
remarked that *< thair suld be may [more] betuix 
tham quhiil [until] ane of thair skynnis wes cutit." 
The ditiay farther says — ^^ On the Sounday before 
the committing of the said slachter zour fader 
cumand fra the Kirk of Macfalyne said to Jobne 
Ydart, that he could get na way dressit betuix him 
and the said vmqle. Johne, for the heicbt of his 
sonnis : and thairefter ze and zour said complices 
lay continewlie on the Moss of Damdougall, await- 
and the said Johne for his slauchter, fra the Mon- 
unday quhiil Furisday, that ze slew him : and on 
the day befoir, ze slew his servandis doggis that 
skeyit [detected] zou quhare ze lay : and when ze 
saw him cumand, ze, the said James, and zour 
bruther, ranne befoir zour fader and slew him ; 
and ze war hurt and woundit in the meyntyme, 
and had fled with the remanent, war nocht ze war 
hurt, and passit to ane bank,* and was fundin be 
James Logane, sheref-depute of Are." There 
were in all nine persons, besides his father, aocom^ 
plioes of R^d. The slaughter took place on Trum- 
berry's own lands of Damdougall. In the suppU- 
cation of Reid, he says that he is <* sone to Wil- 
liame Reid in Clare/' and thus accounts for the 
slaughter — ^'^liaitlie, I wes gangand vpone my 
said faderis maling of Clare, pertening to my Lord 
of Melros, hand in the lordschip of Kilismure, 
within the scherefdome of Air, vesyand [inspect- 
ing] the samen. and my said faderis gudis [Uve 
stock] gangand thairon, tndsting na troubell of 
ony personis, hot to have livit vnder Goddis pease 
and the Kingis: Neuirtheless, Johnne Reid in 
Cogertoune, his wife, sonnis, and compUces, to 
the novnnir of ten peraonis, bodin in feir of w^, 
come iij mylis fra thair avne houssis, vponne auld 
feid and forthocht felony, and be way of Hame- 
sukkin, inuaidit and persewit me and my said &- 
der and his seruandis for his slauchter, and chaceit 
him and his catale and ws of [off] his said maling : 
and in the chaceing of ws tha hurt me in my bak : 
and quhenne we tumit agane to defend ws, the 
said Johnne, in his awin defalt, and our pure de- 
fence, happynnit to get ane straik, my vnwitting ; 
threw the quhilk he is deid." Such was the de- 
fence of the culprit ; but it does not s^pear to have 
had any weight with the assize. It is interesting, 
however, as pointing out the locality of the feud. 
In styling the person slain the Laird of Tumberry, 
from Trumberry, which seems to be considered the 
same word, Pitcsum must be wrong. Trumberry 
itself, we are inclined to think, is a mistranscrip- 
tion. In the vicinity of Kyles-muir, or Aird's 

* stripe of grass betwoon tillod land. 



Mofis, which is near Muirkirk, there is a property 
fltiU known as Gronberry, while there is no such 
place as Trumberry or Tumberry in Ayrshire, so 
far as we can learn, save the well-known ruin of 
Tumberry castle, on the Carrick shore. It is in 
all likelihood, therefore, a mistake, on the part of 
the transcriber, for Gronberry. 

While the country was thus torn by local and 
family feuds, the policy of the English crown, in 
fomenting the strife, and in corrupting, by bribery 
and otherwise, the allegiance of many of the most 
powerful of the Scottish nobility, exhibited an 
alarming degree of maturity at the battle, or rather 
the rout, of Solway, when they actually refused to 
cross the English border, and ten thousand Scots 
fled on the approach of three hundred English 
cavalry. James Y. was so deeply affected by the 
drcomstance, that he died of gne£. His death 
occurred on the 13th December, 1542. James 
has been greatly blamed for the preference shown 
to persons of mean rank ; and there can be little 
doubt that his partiality in this respect weighed 
greatly with many of the nobility in estranging 
themselves from the king ; but it is equally certain 
that the intrigues of the English party, and their 
heartless want of nationality, deprived the king of 
all confidence in their integrity, and, as a natural 
consequence, he sought to work out his views of 
government by more pliable and honest instru- 
ments. Among^ those connected with Ayrshire 
who obtained remissions for << treasonably abiding 
firom the army of Solway,'* we find " Hew, Earl 
of Eglintoun ; Hew, Master of Eglintoun ; Neill 
Montgomery of Langschaw ; Gharles Mowat of 
Busby ; John Craufurd, brother of the Liaird of 
Kilbimie," &d. Gharles GampbeU of Skerring- 
toune, and several others of his name, or connected 
with him, obtained remission for the same offence, 
as well as for the slaughters of Allan Hamilton of 
Bardowe, Kobert Stirling of Bankier, and Andro 
Stirling in Ballingtracht. 


The great barrier to the prosperity and peace of 
Scotland, from the time of Robert III., had been 
a series of minorities, by which the country was 
not only checked, but thrown immeasurably back 
in its progress. The death of James V., leaving 
an infant daughter to succeed him, seemed, as it 
were, to put the capstone upon the accumulated 
evils arising from regencies. Already divided into 
two great factions, little hope of a peaceful or suc- 
cessful minority was to be expected. The prin- 
ciples of the Reformation had, some time prior, 
b^gun to take root in Scotland ; and there could 


be little doubt that, as they spread wider, the dif- 
ficulties of government would be increased.* It is 
known to the historical reader that Cardinal Beaton 
assumed the governorship, but that his claims to 
that distinguished office were set aside by the su- 
perior title of the Earl of Arran, who made no 
secret of his Protestant leaning. He wa.s how- 
evei*, attached to the national party, in opposition 
to Ang^ and the adherents of England, amongst 
whom were the Earls of Gassillis and Qlencaim. 
The names of these two noblemen figure promi- 
nently in the historical pages of this period. They 
were both taken prisoners at Solway Moss. The 
latter had been a pupil of George Buchanan ; and 
it is said that his Protestant sentiments were farther 
confirmed by Bishop Cranmer, in whose house he 
lodged while a captive in England. Be this as it 
may, the State papers quoted by Tytler, and which 
throw so much light upon the period of the first 
Reformation in Scotland, demonstrate that both 
Gassillis and Glencairn, in emancipating themselves 
ftx)m Gatholicity, had also shaken off any visible re- 
muns of jMitriodsm. To obtain their freedom, they 
bound themselves, together with se^'eral other peers 
and barons, hand and foot to Henry VIU., who, 
seeing the prostrate and dirided state of Scotland, 
concluded that the time was come for accomplish- 
ing the entire subjection of the country. The 
bond to which they adhibited their names engaged 
them to promote, to the utmost of their power, 
and by arms if necessary, the marriage of the in- 
fant princess of Scotland with his son Edward ; 
to acknowledge him as lord superior of the king- 
dom ; and to resign all the fortresses into his 
hands — ^thus, in effect, to deliver over their native 
land to a foreign power. They were baulked, 
however, in attempting to gain the concurrence 
of the Scottish parliament to their schemes. 
Much as the country was inclined to promote a 
marriage which would secure the peace of the two 
nations, it was equally opposed to any treaty which 

♦ Walter Steuart, brotlier to Andrew Shiari, Lord of 
Oehiltrie, was accused before Bischop Dumbar of Glasgow, 
in Marche (1533), for CAtrrno Dourb anb Imaok iir thb 
Kirk op Aire. Ho recanted his oppiniouns, after long 
dealling with him. Rot in his retuiring hanic, he drowned 
in the watter of Calder; so that, ftOling from bis horse, 
none could rescue him. At length, getting hold of a great 
stone in the watter, he cried to his friends and exortod 
them that they shoiUd take example by him not to redeem 
life by recanting of the trutbe ; for experience there proved 
it would not be sure. He protested ho was there to die 
in the truth which he professed ; and that being sorie for 
his recantationn, be was assured of the mercie of Ood, in 
Christ. He willed them to remember this work of God 
to their onne profit. Being oyercome and drawn from his 
grip of the stane, [he was] drowned, notte being able to 
i-escue him in the deep whither he was carried. Howbeit 
the watter was liot deep quhalr ho fli-st fell. George 
Ouidet one of the chlcflT Clerks of the College of Judges in 
Bdinbargh, riding behind him npon the same horse, was 
saved. — M*CrU*M Life of Knox, 



would impair its nationality or independence. The 
refusal of the Parliament to entertain the terms 
proposed by Cassillis, Glencaim, and their coad- 
jutors, led to furious remonstrances and threats of 
invasion on the part of Henry. The activity of 
Cardinal Beaton, who acquired considerable popu- 
larity by his determined opposition to the intrigues 
of the English monarch, had the effect of thorough- 
ly awakening the nationality of the people. In 
the excitement of popular feeling, the opposition 
were derisively termed ** the English lords," and 
ballads and songs were spread abroad concerning 
them.* Arran, who was at first inclined to fa- 
vour the vie^vs of Henry, in so far as the proposed 
marriage and an honourable peace were concerned, 
became disgusted with the extravagance of his de- 
mands ; and, seeing the hopelessness of their pro- 
ject, under existing circumstances, the English fac- 
tion at length prevailed on Henry to moderate his 
views; and a body of Scots commissioners, amongst 
whom were Glencaim anjl Cassillis, having met 
an equal number of English at Greenwich, in 
June, 1643, a treaty of marriage was agreed upon, 
in which the rights of Scotland were dufy guard- 
ed. But this, it now appears, was merely a cloak 
to cover the original design. There was a secret 
treaty entereil upon at the same time, to which the 
signatures of Glencaim, Cassillis, and the other 
barons and peers taken at the Solway Moss, were 
appended, binding them, in "the event of any 
commotion in Scotland, to adhere solely to the 
interest of the English monarch, <so that he should 
attain all the things then pacted and covenanted, 
or, at the least, the dominion on this side the 
Firth/ "t The indefatigable Beaton, who had 
probably obtained information of thb secret treaty, 
contrived, in the absence of the commissioners, to 
raise a strong opposition, and several of the peers 
and barons flew to arms in defence of the indepen- 
dence of the realm. Arran is accused of having 
lent countenance at this peiiod to the designs of 
Henry ; but the probability is that he was igno- 
rant of the secret covenant entered into by the 
Ang^us, Cassillis, and Glencaim party. Arran, 
however, became unpopular in consequence of his 
adherence to the treaty ; and while Henry urged 
the seizure of Beaton as the great obstructor of his 
proposed arrangement between the kingdoms, an ac- 
cidental meeting with the latter at CaUcndar House 
had the effect of not only removing all misunder- 
standing between him and the governor, but led 
to an immediate reconciliation — Arran, meanwhile, 

publicly abjuring the Reformed religion.* This 
sudden change of affedrs had a material effect on 
the conduct and prospects of the English party. 
Ang^, Cassillis, Glencaim, and the other barons 
in the pay of England,t had urged the necessity 
of immediate war, and advised Henry to invade 
Scotland with the view of reducing the kingdom 
to his dominion. Sir Ralph Sadler, in one of his 
despatches to Henry, says of the Earl of Glencaim 
that " he will take upon him to convoy your Ma- 
jesty*s army from Carlisle to Glasgow without 
stroak, being almost an hundred miles," so confi- 
dent was he of the success of the English cause. 
The political talent of Cardinal Beaton, in obtain- 
ing an influence over Arran, gave a new turn to 
affairs, and for a time checked the movement of 
the partizans of the English monarch. To save 
themselves from forfeiture, the Earls of Angus, 
CassiUis, Glencaim, and Lennox, who had also 
become attached to the English interest, entered 
into a bond with Arran, binding themselves and 
their adherents, in the most solemn manner, to re- 
main true to the sovereignty of Scotland ; yet two 
months had scarcely elapsed ere they again solicited 
Henry to accelerate his preparations for the inva- 
sion of the country. In April, 1644, the English 
monarch at last poured in his forces both by land 
and sea ; and having taken Leith, next laid siege 
to Edinburgh, which city was set in flames. But 
the Are from the Castle, and the advance of the 
governor with an army of Scots, compelled the Eng- 
lish to retire. The merciless manner in which the 

* Sadler's State Papers, 

t Tytlcr, on the authority of a paper in the State Paper 
Office, dated July 1, 1643, entitled, "Copy of the Secret 

* July IC, 1 550 — " John Lokart of Bar, John, his brother- 
german, and Charles Campbell of Skcringtoune, were de- 
nounced rebels, dsc., and their cautioners amerciated, for 
their not appealing to underly the law, for their causing, 
assistance, ratiliabitatlon, tc, and for their help afforded 
by them to Mr alicu Sir John M'Brair, formerly Canon of 
Olenluce, in breaking Ward furth of the Lord Governor's 
Castle of Uammiltoune, where he was imprisoned, being 
charged for sundry great and odious crimes, Heresies, Ac. ; 
coming to the foresaid Castle in the month of May last, 
under silence of night, and taking the said Mr or Sir John 
therefrom, and conducting him to the mansion-house of 
Bar and other places, as contained in the Letters.'* This 
Mr M'Brair was one of the Catholic clergy who euiy em- 
braced the principles of the Reformation; and prior to the 
recantation of Arran had been protected at Hamilton castle, 
where he preached the new doctrines. He appears to have 
been afterwards kept in ward by the governor, until his 
liberty was effected by the Laii-d of Bar in the manner 
described. He was called " Mr alias Sir John M'Bi-air,'* 
sir being the title of a chaplain under the Roman Catho- 
lic regime. Maister was applied to a parson of a parisli. 
The two titles were distinct. This Maister alias Sir John 
M^Brair may perhaps have lost his nudstership ftom his 
loss of place as Canon of Glcnluce, and returned to his 
former title sir, Maister seems to have been higher than 

t From the Hamilton MSS., quoted by Tytler, it ap- 
pears that the Earl of Angus had £200 sterling ; Glencaim, 
200 marks ; Cassillis, 200 marks ; the Master of Maxwell, 
£100 ; the Sheriff of Air, £100 ; the Laird of Dmmlanryg, 
£100; Earl of Marshall and John Charters, 300 marks ; 
Sir George Doughis, and his friends in Lothian and Morse, 



country was wasted — Henry having given orders 
to spare the possessions of neither friend nor foe — 
had the effect of alienating the Douglasses and 
their adherents from his interest; Lennox and 
Glencaim alone remaining attached to him. Un- 
der these circumstances, a fresh treaty was entered 
into hetween Henry and these barons, by which 
the latter undertook to deliver into his hands all 
the principal fortresses. This new agreement was 
completed at Carlisle, from whence Glencium and 
Lennox hurried home to raise the standard of 
revolt. From the Amials of Glasgow we learn 
that it was the intention of Lennox and Glencaim 
to have proceeded to Clydesdale, and laid waste 
the property of the Hamiltons ; but the governor, 
whose promptitude was greatly augmented by the 
counsel of Uie energetic Beaton, becoming aware 
of their intention, marched forward an army with 
the view of occupying Glasgow. " Glencairn, 
however,*' says the Annals, <<was before hand 
with him, for, on the approach of the Regent, he 
drew out his forces, amounting to about 800 men, 
composed of his vassals, and the citizens of Glas- 
gow, to a place called the Butts, where the 'wea- 
pon shaw ' was performed previous to the Union, 
now the site of the [infantry] Barracks. With 
his small party he courageously attacked the Re- 
gent, beat the first rank back upon the second, and 
took the brass ordnance they had brought agfunst 
him. In the heat of the battle, while victory was 
doubtful, Robert Boyd, of the Kibiufrnock family, 
arrived with a smaU party of horse, and having 
valiantly thrust himself into the midst of the com- 
bat, decided the fate of the day. * * In this 
engagement there were about three hundred slain. " 
Robert Boyd, g^deman of Kilmarnock, was at 
feud with Glencaim, as formerly mentioned. He 
was accompanied by Mungo Muir of Rowallan. 
In gratitude for the timely assistance afforded, 
^tbe Duik of Hammiltone," says the Rowallan 
Memorandum, " quho reckonit both his lyfe and 
honor to be preservit be their handis, nuud the 
said Robert boyd, Guidmane of Kilmarnock, Lord 
Boyd, lyk also as be revardit the said Mungfow 
Muir with dyvers fair Gyfts." For a time the 
EngUsh cause seemed desperate: but a new 
source of disunion arose. This was the appoint- 
ment of the queen-mother r^;ent, in the room 
of Arran, which is supposed to have been chief- 
ly brought about by Ang^s, upon whom the 
office of lieutenant-general of the kingdom was 
conferred. Arran, however, aided by Beaton, still 
continued to maintain his position as governor. 
Lennox, who, along with Glencaim, had fled to 
England, arrived in the Clyde at the head of a 
considerable maritime force, and proceeded as far 
as Dumbarton, which stronghold, being command- 
ed by one of his retainers, he had calculated, upon 

having immediately given up to him. In this he 
was disappointed. Stirling, the commander, re- 
ceived the proposal with indignation ; and Argyle 
having occupied Dunoon with a considerable force^ 
he found it necessary to retire. He, neverthe- 
less, effected a landing there, under cover of the 
guns, and dispersed the Argyleshire men with no 
small loss. He afterwards invaded Kintyre, and 
plundered the coasts of Kyle and Cairick — ^finally 
retiring to England without having accomplished 
his object. Lennox complained of the want of 
co-operation of Glencaim and the Master of Kil- 
maurs in this expedition ; and they had well-nigh 
lost the favour and countenance of Henry in con- 
sequence. At the siege of Coldingham, however, 
undertaken by Arran by way of avenging the out- 
rages of the English, after a temporary agreement 
had been patched up between the rival factions, 
they had an opportunity of testifying their unal- 
tered leaning towards the interest of Henry. Up- 
wards of six thousand Scots were defeated by 
two thousand English. Angus, Glencaim, Cas- 
siilis. Lord Somerville, and the Sheriff of Ayr, who 
had the conduct of the vang^rd, did not oppose 
the slightest reastance to the enemy.* 

It would be tiresome to follow these parties 
throughout their waverings and intrigues at this 
period. The historical reader must be aware that 
they assumed a middle course, to keep up ap- 
pearances both with Henry and their own g^ 
vemment. So far did they succeed in this, that 
th^ were absolved by parliament, in December, 
1544, from the charge of treason, and declared in- 
nocent of all other crimes hitherto alleged against 
them. So insulting had the inroads of the Eng- 
lish become during this distracted period, that they 
boasted of their ability not only to conquer the en- 
tire of Scotland south of the Forth, but talked of 
conferring the estates of the barons on the English 
leaders. This awakened the feudal pride of Angus, 
and, joining his vassals with the forces of Arran, 
they dispersed, with great loss, a vastly superior 
body of the enemy on Ancram-moor. Henry was 
inclined to resent this defeat with all the vengeance 
possible ; but, wamed of the danger of driving the 
people to madness, he consented to try a conciUa- 
tory policy. The Earl of Cassillis was called to 
the English court ; and, having received his in- 
structions, returned to Scotland to open his nego- 
tiations. Angus, and the other peers and barons 
favourable to the English interest, though their 

* John Craofurd of GUTortland and John Cntoftird of 
Birkhede, together with Alexander Thonuone, in Helya, 
had to find surety (Feb. 8, 1543-4) to underly the law at 
the Justice-aire of Ayr, for *' abiding from the QuoonM 
army, along with the Lord Governor at Goldinghame ;" 
thus showing that the call was reluctantly obeyed by the 
inhabitants of Cuningliamo, over whom Glencaim had 
great Influence. 



condact had been somewhat doubtful, once more 
professed their zeal for Henry. Oassillis mean- 
while advised the preparation of an English army, 
ready to invade Scotland, should matters not turn 
out favourably. As might have been expected, 
considering the manner in which Henry had at- 
tempted to lord it over Scotland, the n^otiation 
of Oassillis for a treaty of marriage and peace en- 
tirely failed. The influence of Cardimd Beaton 
and the French party were all-triumphant in the 
convention, which met on the 17th April, 1545. 
Oassillis, in intimating the defeat of his project, 
advised the instantaneous invasion of Scotland. 
Tytler has shown, from the secret correspondence 
in the State Paper Office, that Oassillis was not 
only partisan enough to urge the invasion of his 
native land, but that he was willing to undeilake 
^ the killing of the Oardinal," whom Henry re- 
garded as the great barrier to his design, provided 
a sufficient reward were g^uaranteed. The whole 
of the leaders of the Engli&h faction — Glencairn, 
Angus, Marshal, and Sir George Douglas — ^were 
aware of the proposal of Oassillis. Henry was 
anxious that the Oardinal should be cut off in this 
way ; but not wishing to commit himself by any 
direct interference in the matter, no positive agree- 
ment was entered into. In compliance with a 
recent treaty of alliance with France, and in the 
immediate prospect of a war with England, a body 
of three thousand infantry and five hundred horse 
were obtained from France, under the command 
of the celebrated Sieur Lorges de Montgomerie. 
These troops bmded in May, 1545 ; and when the 
governor assembled the Scottish host in August 
following, it amounted to upwards of thirty thou- 
sand. This body was formidable only in appear- 
ance. The indisposition of the lords in the Eng- 
lish interest — Ang^is, Oassillis, Glencairn, and 
others — who led the vanguard, completely coun- 
teracted the efforts of the governor. The invasion 
of England lasted only two days. In a letter ad- 
dressed to Henry, three days afW the retreat of the 
Scots, the Scottish lords in the interest of England 
claimed credit as the means of thwarting the war- 
like intentions of the governor, and recommended 
him, at the same time, to foUow up the advantage 
by an immediate invasion. On the 5th Septem- 
ber, Hertford, the English commander, having 
previously sent word to Oassillis, Glencairn, and 
the Douglasses to join him with their vassals, 
pushed across the border. By a private messen- 
ger, however, the latter informed him that they 
could not join him until better acquainted with his 
plans. The consequence was, that friend as well 
as foe suffered in the general devastation com- 
mitted by Hertford, as he swept across the greater 
part of Uie south of Scotland. A heavy loss was 
thus inflicted upon the country ; but it tended in 

no d^ree to. forward the views of Henry. His 
great opponent, Oafdinal Beaton, at last met that 
fate which had long impended over him, on the 
29th May, 1546, having been murdered by a 
small party, at the head of which were John and 
Norman Leslie, who obtained an entrance stealth- 
ily to his palace. 

The civil discord which prevailed throughout 
this period, and for many years prior to the death 
of James V., must in a great measure be attributed 
to the progress of Protestantism. So far did it 
prevail, that, in 1543, a motion by Lord Maxwell 
was carried in Parliament, to the effect that ** it 
should be lawful for every one who could read to 
use the English translation of the Bible, until the 
prelates should publish one more correct.'' This 
led to a rapid extension of the principles of the 
Reformation ; and though the privil^e was with- 
drawn a few years afterwards, on the recantation 
of Arran, this circumstance only tended to render 
the people more restless under the rule of Oatho- 
licism. Oardinal Beaton and the governor were 
able to defeat the partisans of England only through 
the nationality of the people. But for the claims 
of supremacy put forward by Henry, the bulk of 
the nation would have gone heartily into the pro- 
ject of marriage ; and the progress of Protestant- 
ism would have been rapid and triumphant. His 
extravagant demands, and his evident intention 
to lay Scotland prostrate at the feet of Eng- 
land, gave a lever to Beaton and the Oatholics, 
which they wrought so effectually as to overturn 
all the plans of their opponents. He was an 
able statesman, but unfortunately as bigoted in 
religion as he was licentious in his indulgences. 
He entirely miscalculated the nature and mental 
strength of his countrymen, in attempting to check 
the diffu^on of opinion by prohibition; and his 
recourse to the stake was unquestionably the im- 
mediate cause of his own unhappy end. But for 
the cruel sacrifice of Wishart, he might have de- 
fied the machinations of the << English lords," as 
they were called^ nuMdi longer. In no part of 
Scotland, perhaps, did the principles of the Re- 
formation make more rapid or extensive progress 
than in Ayrshire. The descendants of tiie Wal- 
denses, many of whom, when driven from the 
continent by the Inquisition, had found a home in 
the county as early as the eleventh century. The 
'< Lollards of Kyle," as they were called, seem, 
from the manner in which the reformed religion 
took hold of the district, to have thoroughly im- 
bued the people with a hatred of the Romish 
church.* Under the protection of the Earls of 

* As oarly as ia the yoar 1494, a Provincial Synod was 
convoked at Glasgow, by ArciibiBhop Blackadder, at which 
King James IV., in council, was present. Before thia- 
Synod about thirty individuals wore arranged for heresy. 



CassiUis and Qlencaim, and the lords and barons 
in the Englihh interest, Wishart, ailer his return 
to Scotland in 1543, made a tour of the principal 
towns of Scotland, visiting Ayr amongst others ; 
and by his eloquence is said to have made many 
converts. It was in consequence of an invitation 
by Cassillis and the g^tlemen of Kyle and Cun- 
inghame, to meet them in Edinburgh — ^Wishart 
being at the time in Dundee— that he fell into the 
hands of the Regency. Cassillis and his other 
friends failed to meet him at the time appointed; 
and while at the house of Ormiston, under the 
protection of some of the Mid-Lothian barons — 
waiting the anival of Gassilli?, in order to beard 
the government by a full display of their power — 
the place was surrounded by the troops of the 
Regency, and Wishart taken prisoner. The con- 
templation of this period of our history is painful. 
We see the country split into two great factions, the 
one adhering to the institutions of the kingdom as 
they existed, and labouring for iheir country's in- 
dependence with a patriotism worthy of the high- 
est praise, but at the same time imbued with a 
spirit of persecution, as exemplified in the death 
of Wishart, worthy of the darkest period of the 
Inquisition. The other we find labouring with 
equal, if not greater zeal, to lay the nation pro- 
strate at the feet of a tyrant. No doubt all this 
was done under the pretext of promoting the Re- 
formed religion; but it is impossible to give fiill 
credit to their sincerity. Even admitting the hon- 
esty of purpose, the policy adopted was a danger- 
ous and mi^aken one. Ilad they abstained from 
taking! part with England, and lent their counten- 
ance to the spread of Protestantism, apart from 
external influence, there can be little doubt that 
the Reformation would have been accomplished 
with far less commotion and bloodshed. That 
they were actuated by political as well as religious 
motives is btrt too obvious. Unfortunately for 
Scotland, thi'oughout her long struggle with 
England, there were always some discontented 
parties who, ftx)m motives of revenge or private 

among tho chief of whom wore Gcoi^e Campbell of Ccm- 
noek, Adam Read of Bankimming, John Campbell of 
HewmiUs, Andrew Schaw of Polkemac [Polkamet], Helen 
Chalmers, lady of Robert Mure of Folkelly, and Isabel 
Chalmers, lady of William Dalrymplo of Stair, (both theso 
ladies were daughters of Gadgirth), and all were of the 
districts of Kyle and Cuninghame. Adam Read made a 
bold and spirited defence. In which he exposed tho malice 
and ignorance of their accusers, and rendered them equally 
odions and ridiculous. It was, in oonclosion, thought to be 
the safest plan to dismiss them with an admonition, to 
take heed of new doctrines, and content themselves with 
the fkith of the Church. It was much to the credit of 
this high-minded and illustrious prince, that he was an 
enemy to persecuting measures, and that there was no in- 
stance of any of his subjects sufTering for religious prin- 
ciples in the course of his reigp. — Robertson's Ayrshire 

interest, were ready to take part with the enemy. 
So was it, we have no doubt, in this case. That 
Glencairn was sincere in the part which he 
played as a friend to Henry seems doubtful, from 
the fact of his neither joining Lennox nor Hert- 
ford when the country was really invaded. He 
appears to have been desirous of overturning 
the regency of Arran, rather than of conquering 
the country for Henry. His conduct, as a whole, 
was so undefinable, that the name of the '* Old 
Fox " was well applied to him. 

The death of Cardinal Beaton, followed soon 
after by that of Henry VHI., produced a consi- 
derable change in the state of aifoirs. While the 
conspirators were joined by Knox, who now took 
up the mantle of Wishart, Arran found it neces- 
sary to conciliate, if possible, the English party. 
With this view he renounced the contract which 
had been drawn up for the marriage of the young 
queen with his son — a union which he had long 
at heart, and which many of the nobles were bound 
to support. In the leet of peers selected from 
which the new secret council was filled up in ro- 
tation, monthly, the flarls of Glencairn and Cas- 
sillis were both included. England, under the 
protectorate of the Earl of Hertford, now Duke of 
Somerset, continued the same line of policy, in the 
hope that Scotland would be compelled to agree 
to the terms proposed by Henry for the union of 
the queen with his son Edward. Notwithstand- 
ing all his efforts, however, by assisting the assas- 
sinators of Beaton — ^who, along with Knox, held 
out the castle of St Andrew's with great determi- 
nation — Arran succeeded, with the aid of the 
fVench, in amply avenging the death of the chan- 
cellor. In levelling the castle, a register book was 
found, in which were the signatures of two hun- 
dred noblemen and gentlemen, who had become 
bound to the service of England. Amongst these 
were the Earls of Cassillis and Lord Kilmaurs. 
Glencairn transmitted a secret proposal of service 
to the protector, declaring his willingness to co- 
operate in his projected invasion, and to raise two 
thousand men, who should be ready to join his 
army, or keep possession of Kyle, Cuninghame, and 
Renfrew.* The "Old Fox'' seems to have been 
playing a more cautious game on this occasion, 
resting his movements on the appearance at least 
of a greater sincerity for the advancement of the 
Reformation; and had it not been that the de- 
nre of subduing Scotland was so obvious in all 
the negotiations of the English, his zeal for rel^on 
might have accused his taking part with a foreign 
power to put down the opponents of toleration. 
Arran was much embarrassed by the discovery 
of so extensive a conspiracy, yet he carried forward 

♦ Tytlor. 



his plans of defence with greater energy than 
might have been expected from his character. To 
assemble an army to repel the English, the fiery 
cross was sent throughout the country; and, at 
the battle of Pinkie, 30,000 men were assembled. 
The disastrous results of this ill-managed engage- 
ment are well known. But the merciless slaughter 
committed by the enemy produced a very difierent 
effect from that intended by the protector. An 
intense desire of revenge took possession of the 
Scots; and, although deserted by many of the 
nobles — amongst others, by the Earls of Glencairn 
and Ca&sillis, and Lord Boyd — ^they ultimately 
succeeded, with the aid of some French troops, in 
expelling the English invaders With great slaugh- 
ter. But no sooner were the pretensions of 
Edward and the protector foiled, than a new 
source of division occurred. This was the de- 
termination of Mary of Guise to set aside Ar- 
ran, and assume the r^ency herself. In her 
visit to France (1660) for the purpose of ob- 
taining the advice of her friends in the prosecu- 
tion of her views, she was accompanied, amongst 
other nobles, by the Earl of Cassillis. As is well 
known, the queen-mother was completely success- 
ful in her design. The duchy of Chastelherault 
was conferred upon the discarded Arran, by way 
of solatium ; and Mary of Guise assumed the reins 
of government in April, 1554. For some time 
she conducted the government in a very satisfac- 
tory manner. In 1557, however, when, with the 
view of creating a diversion favourable to France, 
she attempted to lead a Scottish army across the 
border, Chastelherault, Huntly, Cassillis, and Ar- 
gyle positively refused to do so. The Queen, na- 
turally mortified at the awkward position in which 
she was thus • placed, sought to curb the power of 
these lords. With this view, she entered into 
obligations of mutual aid and support with various 
of the barons. In the charter-chest of the Bovd 


family, there is a bond or agreement, dated at 
Edinburgh, 6th November, 1557, betwixt " Marie 
queue souerane and regent of ye realme of Scot- 
land," and Robert, Lord Boyd, and Robert, Mas- 
ter of Boyd, for the protection of her "derest 
dochter," in which the Boyds promise '*to mak 
lele and thankful! seruice " to the regent, in return 
for which she undertakes to << mantein and sup- 
port and defend '' them against all who may assail 
them in consequence of their loyalty. A factious 
spu'it thus arose, which led to the most important 
results. In the meantime, as the long-oontemplated 
marrii^ of the youthful Mary, then at the French 
court, with the Dauphin of France, was about to 
be solemnised, commissioners, of whom the Earl 
of Cassillis was one, were despatched by the Scot- 
tish parliament to negotiate the terms of the set- 
tlement, and be present at the ceremony. All was 

concluded with apparent satisfaction. But before 
the Scottish commissioners departed, they were 
urged by the Guises, the uncles of the young queen, 
to sign certain secret papers, to wUch diey had 
prevailed on their niece to put her name, prior to 
the marriage, by which she made over Scotland, 
in free gift, to the king of France, if she died 
childless. The Scottish conunissioners peremp- 
torily refused the proposal; and the ambitious 
Guises, having been thus baulked in their sdieme 
of aggrandisement, it is believed caused poison 
to be administered to the commissioners, or at least 
some of them, on their way home. Cassillis, and 
other three of the party most opposed to the scheme 
of the Guises, were suddenly affected with a mor- 
tal illness, by which they were almost instantane- 
ously carried off. 

The accession of Elizabeth to the throne of 
England in 1558, was naturally regarded by the 
Reformers of Scotland as an event highly favour- 
able to the working out of their principles, which, 
countenanced by the Earl of Glencairn and other 
powerful barons, had been making rapid progress. 
Alarmed by the aspect of the times, the Catholic 
clergy prevailed on the queen-regent to have re- 
course to strong measures for the suppression of 
the growing heresy. The Reformed preachers 
were accordingly summoned to answer for their 
conduct. They obeyed, and were accompanied by 
a numerous body of the gentlemen of the west. 
On arriving in the capital, the queen, perceiving 
their motives, and dreading a riot, commanded all 
to repair to the borders for fifteen days ; but, in 
place of submitting, they surroimded the palace, 
and, in reply to the remonstrances of the regent, 
Chalmers of Gadgirth, an Ayrshire baron, thus 
boldly addressed her : — <' We know, madam, that 
this is the device of the bishops who now stand 
beside you. We avow to God we shall make a 
day of it. They oppress us and our poor tenants 
to feed themselves; they trouble our ministers, 
and seek to undo them and us all. We will not 
suffer it any longer." The barons, who stood un- 
covered, put on theu* steel caps, with an air of de- 
fiance, at the conclusion of this address.* The 
regent was intimidated ; and, revoking the sum- 
mons, she professed that no violence was contem- 
plated against the preachers. This occurred in 
1557. To the memorable covenant of the Lords 
of the Congregation, entered into in that year, the 
signatures of Glencairn, and various other noble- 
men and gentlemen belonging to Ayrshire, were 
adhibited, who also took an active part in the pro- 
ceedings resulting from it. Though at heart 
warmly attached to the Catholic faith, the Regent 
acted with considerable tact and judgment in 

♦ Tytler. 



managing affairs in the face of so formidable a 
coalition. Her moderation towards the Protest- 
ants gave great oiFenoe to the Catholics, who loudly 
declaimed against it ; but by this means she in a 
g^reat measure disarmed the Lords of the Congre- 
gation, who did not press their demands with tbe 
same obstinacy and determination which an oppo- 
site course would in all likelihood have provoked. 
It was not till she had sacrificed her better judgment 
to the intolerant and ambitious aims of the Guises, 
that the disruption became decided and irremedi- 
able. Against the proclamation, issued in 1559, 
commanding all to resort daily to mass, and sum- 
moning the more distinguished Reformed preachers 
to appear before Parliament, at Stirling, the Earl 
of Glencaim and Sir Uugh Campbell of Loudoun, 
Sheriff of Ayr, remonstrated strongly in an audi- 
ence with the regent. " When they besought her 
not to molest their preachers," says T)'tler, " un- 
less their doctrine could be proved to be repugnant 
to the word of God, she broke into expressions of 
reproach and anger, declaring that their ministers 
should be banished, though they preached as 
soundly as St Paul. Glencaim and Campbell 
calmly reminded her of the promises of toleration 
which she had made them. < Promises,' she re- 
plied, < ought not to be urged upon princes, unless 
they can conveniently fulfil them.' So flagrant a 
doctrine was received by the Scottish lords with 
merited indignation; to offer arguments agtunst 
it would have been ridiculous ; but they did not 
shrink from their duty. ' If, madam,' said they, 
* you are resolved to keep no faith with your sub- 
jects, we will renounce our allegiance ; and it will 
be for your gprace to consider the calamities which 
such a state of things must entail upon the coun- 
try.' " Though the boldness of this address inti- 
midated the r^^nt for the moment, it led to no 
permanent change in her resolution to put down 
the Reformadon ; and the order for the preachers 
to appear at Stirling was again renewed. At thb 
joncture, the arrival of Knox from abroad tended 
greatly to strengthen the hands of the Lords of 
the Congpregation ; and the principal barons of 
Ang^ and Meams resolved to follow their minis- 
ter to Stirling. They proceeded as far as Perth ; 
and one of their number — ^Erskine of Dun — went 
forward to Stirling, where he had an interview 
with the queen. The utter want of faith exhi- 
bited in her treaty with this indiridual, roused the 
indig^tion of the barons ; and the popular feeling 
hunt forth in the demolition of the religious houses 
of the £ur city. The queen-regent, deeply in- 
censed, instantly marched an army against Perth, 
and, confident in her superiority of arms, refused 
all terms of negotiation ;' but the arrival of the 
Eari of Glencaim, with a body of two thousand 
five hundred men from Ayr^ure, changed the 

face of affairs, and a cessation of hostilities was 
agreed upon. The Lords of the Congregation, 
however, before separating, drew up a new bond 
of union for their mutual protection and the ad- 
vancement of their cause. This agreement was 
fflgned, amongst others, by the Earl of Glencaim, 
Lord Boyd,'*' Lord Ochiltree, and Mathew Camp- 
bell of Tarlngean. In consequence of the shame- 
less violation of the treaty, immediately afterwards, 
by the queen-regent, the Lords of the Covenaut 
found it necessary instantly to hold a convocation 
at St Andrew's, where an army was assembled 
which so far out-numbered that of the queen-re- 
' gent that she again felt constrained to enter into 
a negotiation. So deeply was the country incens- 
ed against the queen and her French allies, who 
usurped the chief offices in the state, that the ex- 
pulsion of the French was insisted upon as a mam 
article in the treaty. The fear of becoming an 
appanage of France now actuated the people as 
much as the machinations of the English party, 
with a similar object, had formerly done. As 
usual the treaty proved a hollow one ; and hostili- 
ties were commenced against Dundee, when the 
g^arrison surrendered to the Lords of the Congre- 
gation. It does not fall within our province to. 
trace the progress of events not immediately con- 
nected with Ayrshire; but we may observe that 
the reformei's were completely successful in the 
struggle which ensued. They marched forward 
to Edinburgh, and were in a position to dictate 
terms to the regent. They even began to enter- 
tain the design of deposing her, and of setting up 
a new government under a new regent. They 
were greatly favowed in theu* views by Elizabeth, 
whose policy was to annoy France through the 
medium of Scotland ; and so to promote civil dis- 
cord that England might be safe from attack. 
The success of the queen's troops in defending the 
fortifications of Leith, however, checked the pro- 
gress of the Lords of the Congregation for a time, 
and led to an overture for the cessation of hos- 
tilities. The overwhelming influence of the 
Guises proved too powerful for the queen-regent; 
and desirous though she was for a reconcilia- 
tion, she allowed her judgment to be otherwise 
swayed. Worn out at last with anxiety and 
fatigue, she died in the castle of Edinburgh, in 
1560. While on her death-bed, the leaders of 
the Congregation — the Duke of Chastelherault, 
the Earls of Argyle, Glencaim, Marischal, and. 
Lord James Stuart (afterwards Earl of Moray) 
— were invited to an interview with her, and re- 
ceived with a d^pree of kindness and cordiality 
which drew tears to their eyes. 

* Ijord Boyd iras master of Boyd when the bond of 
mutaal aid was entered into between the queen-regent 
and his family. 



The absorbing interest of the civil commotion 
nvhich prevailed throughout the period we have 
been describing, seems to have had but little effect 
in allaying those private feuds which so much dis- 
turbed the country previously. The criminal re- 
cords, while tliey bear ample evidence — in the 
prosecution for "abiding from raids," and for 
"treasonably assisting the English" — of the char- 
acter of the times, also teem with the forays of 
individual barons. Owing, perhaps, to the Books 
of Adjournal being incomplete, no case occurs in 
Pitcaim between 1542 and 1546, in connexion 
with Ayrshire. We learn, howevei*, fi-om other 
sources, that notwithstanding the contract entered 
into by the Eglinton and Boyd families in 1530, 
the feud still continued between them. In 1547, 
according to Robertsons Ayrshire Families, Sir 
Neil Montgomerie of Lainshaw was Icillod by 
Ijord Boyd and his adherents,* in a skirmish on 
the streets of Ii-vine. This is said to have led to 
much bloodshed. We know, at all events, from 
the Rowallan Memorandum, that Lord Boyd had 
to keep out of the way of the Montgomenes for 
some time: — "Quhen he durst not (for feir of 
pairty)," says the writer of that paper, "resoirt 
opinly the cuntry, he was freindlily resett 
be Jlione Muir of Rowallane, nicht or day as he 
pleisit to resoii*t. The said Robert, maister of 
boyd,t being espyit be the laird of Langschawis 
sone that was slaine, to be in the bogsyd besyd 
Iruing, quho was for the tyme Tutour of Eglin- 
toune, maid secreit diligens and conveniet his 
freindis and forcis for to have slaine the said mais- 
ter of boyd thair. At qlk tyrae Jhone Muir of 
Rowallane, accompanied with his freindis and ser- 
vantis, come to the said maister of boyd quhair 
he was, and thair, wt.out reckoning his querrell, 
wes willing to wenter his lyfe and all that wes 
wt. him, in the defence of the said maisteris lyfe. 
Thair wes wt. the laird of langschaw at that tyme 
the laird of Camell, quho had mariet the said 
Jhone Muir of Rowallane's sister, and the laird of 
Sesnok, quho and the laird of rowallane was sister 
baimes, they tua refuisit the persuit, because of 
the said Jhone Muir of Rowallane*s being wt. the 
foirsaid maister of Boyd, quhom they war assurit 
wald not forsaik his defence. The said robert, 
maister of boyde, seimit nevTr to forzett that 
kyndlie turn." This feud — which seems to have 
been followed up with great energy by the 

* Robertson giyes no authority for the slaughter hav- 
ing taken place in this year. If correct, it must have 
Occurred subsequently to March 25, for on that day Sir 
Neil Montgomery became security for William Drown and 
foity-seyen others— all at the horn— to underly the law 
for abiding from the Queen's army convened at Lauder, 
in September, 1545. 

t He is styled " Maister of Boyd," in this document, 
though his father had resigned in 1545. 

Montgomenes, Ijainshaw being nearly related to 
the chief — ^was not fully staunched till 1560 or 
1 561 ; when, as appears from a remit in the Boyd 
Charter Chest, an arrangement was entered into, 
the terms of which are somewhat curious. The 
remit is from Neil Montgomerie, son and heir of 
the late Sir Neil Montgomerie of Ijangschaw, 
Bart., for himself, and also taking the binding 
on him for "Dame Margaret Mure his modir, 

, Christiane Montgomerie, Elizabeth Montgomerie, 
and Helyne Montgomerie, sisters- german to the 
said Neil, and also for Thomas Mon^omerie, 
James Montgomerie, and John Montgomerie, sones 
natural to the stud mqle. Sir Neil," for the 

' slaughter of his father, to Robert, Lord Boyd: 
who took the binding upon him for " John Birs- 
bane of Bishoptoune, Charles Mowat of Busbie, 

; David Fairlie, younger, of that Ilk, Robert Boyd 
in Clcrkland, Archibald Boyle, son of mqle. John 
Boyle of Kelboume, and William Blair in Hen- 

, drescroft." These parties were all bound by bands 
of man-rent to Lord Bovd at the time : and some 
of them, amongst others Mowat of Busbie, had 
been engaged with him in\he fray on the streets 
of Irvine, when Sir Neil Montgomerie was killed. 
The remit was granted at Irvine on the 23d of 
February ; and the bond was to be entered into 
between that period and the 1st of May, 1561. 
The securities on the part of the Montg^meries 
were the " Earl of Eglintoun, as chief and princi- 
pal of ye fader's syde ; Earl of Argyle, as chief 
and principal be the mvderis and guiddam syde ; 
the Earl of Cassillis, as chief and principal of the 
guiddam be ye faderis syde." The terms of the 
agreement were — that Lord Boyd was to appear 
at "the cross, mercat, or kirk" of Irvine, as Neil 
Montgomerie might think proper, and there solicit 
forgiveness for himself and his partakers ; and to 
pay, at the same time, eighteen hnndrad and forty 
merks. Charles Mowat of Busbie, Robert Boyd 
of Clerkland, and William B\axr of Hendrcscroft, 
gave bond at the same time with Lord Bo^'d, that 
they should depart the country, and remain in 
France during the pleasure of Neil Montgomerie. 
The first case recorded in Pitcaim ailer 1542, 
in connexion with Avrshire, is one of mutilation. 
March 26, 1547 — ^" Thomas Kennedy of Knock- 
daw, and David and Fergus his sons, found Sir John 
Lamond of Innerynne, knt., as surety * that thai for 
thame selffis and thair complices sail asythe, safely, 
and pleise Robert Cathcart of Carletoune, for the 
mutilatioune committit be thame vpoune him; 
and also sail pleise the Lord of Bargany in all 
behalffis, and his rycht, actioune, and interes in 
the premissis, as my lord of Dunkeld, Thesaurer, 
sail pleise to modify, vn£r the pane of ane thous- 
and pundis: Quhilk modeficatioune sal be insert 
in the bukis of Adiomalc, and to haue the strength 



of ane act thaixof." In 1549 we have a reoewal 
of the feud between the Muirs of Caldwell and the 
SempeU. **'M&j 27 — John Muir of CauldweU^ 
Willia^i, Archibald, Bobert, Hector, and James 
Muir, his brothers, and twenty-six others. Con* 
victed of Invading Robert, Master of SympUl, and 
his servants, armed in wai'like manner, near the 
Place and Tower of Cauldwell; and putting them 
to flight, for thdr slaughtens ; committed of fore- 
thought felony, on Apr. 9 last." March 27, 1550 
—*^ James and John Crawfurd, sons of Hugh 
Orawfurdf senior; Robert, George, and Hugh 
Crawfurd, sons of 'William Crawf urd of Barquhan, 
John B^ and John Broune;, having previously 
found caution (Greorge Crawfurd of Lefiiiorese) to 
imderly the law for the cruel slaughter of William 
Mathy and flnlay Sym ; and for Ravishing (for- 
cible abduction) of Agnes Crawfurd, Lady Lef- 
norese, and detaining her in captivity for a certain 
space ; and for pursuing and invading Alexander 
Nesbet for his slaughter, of fosetiioughit Xelony, 
and ancient ffeud ; and for other crimes contained 
in his Letfanrs: Failing to appear, the Laird of 
Lefiiorese was amerciated, and they wese all de- 
nounced Rebels and put to the horn. James 
Dunbar and Andrew Porter were also denounced 
for the same ciimes ; and David Crauf urd of Kerse 
was amerdated for th^ non-entry." May 5, 1556 
—-'< Peter Houstoune, brother-german of the Laird 
of Houstoune, Patrick Houstoune, uncle of the said 
laird, Peter Houstoune in Park, Patrick Houstoune, 
porter (janitor) of Houstoune, and nine others, found 
caution, (Alexander, Earl of Glencame, Lord Kil- 
maures) for thdr entering, on June 5 next, to un- 
derly the law for the cruel sUughter of Robert 
Muir, son of John Muir of Cauldwell, on the second 
day of April last, under silenoe of night; com- 
mitted on ancient fifeud and forethought felony." 
Archibald Houstoune was subsequently tried and 
beheaded for this slaughter. There was also a 
fend about this time between the Lockharts of 
Bar [Galston parish] and the Stewarts of Ochil- 
tree. July 15, 1550 — " John Lokhart of Bar, 
John* his brother-germain, and Charles Campbell 
of Skerringtoune, and William, his brother, were 
denounced rebels and put to the horn, and their 
cautioners amerced, for not appearing to underly 
the law for pursuing Andrew, Lord Stewart of 
Ychiltree, for lus slaughter, on May 25 last, on 
old Feud and forethought febny, &c. Hugh 
Lokart, brother-german to the said Laird of Bar, 
was replegiated by the Archbishop of Glasgow, to 
answer for the same crime." ThissanieLockhartof 
Bar appears to have beena zealous reformer upon the 

* Pitenm remarlui, in leference to the nama John be- 
faig repeated, that ** it was then usual to give two or more 
•ons the favourite or prevailing fiuoily name, so as to haaid 
it down to remoto posterity.*' 


principle of Knox, that to destroy the rookeries was 
the beet way of getting quit of the rooks. July 16, 
1550, wefindhim and Charles Campbell of Bargour, 
« denounced rebels, and their cautioner [Archibald, 
Earl of Aigyle] amerciated, iar thdbr not appearing 
to underly t^e law for th^ theftuous and violent 
carrying off, depredation, stouthreif and spoliation 
furth of sundry Parish Churches, Religious Houses 
and Chapels, within the shires of Lanark, Renfrew, 
and the stewarties of Kyle, Carridc, and Cuning- 
hame, of sundry Eucharistic chalices, altars, and 
ornaments of the mass : and also, for casting down 
and breaking dboral stalls and other stalls, and 
glazed windows, &c.^ in Che years 1545, 1546, 
1547, and 164^ as specially contained in the Let- 
ters.'' Pitoaim observes, that ** owing to the uur. 
fortunate loss of the Books of Adjournal at that 
period, this is the first rcntry now remaining rela- 
tive to the earliest breaking out of the Reformation 
in Scotland." The enthudasm of the Laird of 
Bar seems to have been awakened by the bold con- 
duct of Knox after the murder of Cardinal Beaton, 
and the subsequent preaching of Harlow, a zealous 
Reformer under Edward YI., who settled in Ayr- 
shire, and assembled a small congregation around 
him.* It was in this way — ^by the wd of such 
spoliators as the Laird of Bar — 4ihBt ike Reforma- 
tion made great progress during the absence of 
Knox on the Continent, between 1547 and 1555. 
The influence which the principles of the Reformers 
had acquired throughout Ayrshire, is evinced by 
the numerous entries in the Books of A4}ottmal of 
parties amerced or outlawed ** for treasonably in- 
tercommuning and supplying the queen's rebels.** 
Amongst others (August J8, 1551), Alexander 
Dunbar of Cumnock is <' denounced rebel, &c., 
and all his moveables ordained to be escheated, 
and his cautioner [Alexander Yrqiihard of Bar- 
riszardis] also unlawed, for his not underlying the 
law this day, for treasonably Intercommuning, re- 
setting, and supplying Norman Leslie, formerly 
Master of Rothes, the Queen's convicted Traitor 
and Rebel, declared in Parliament, also being at 
the horn ; committed within the burgh of Foses, 
and the Place of Grangehill, belonging to Robert 
Dunbar, publidy fumishii^ him with meat, drink, 
and lodging, in the months of December and Janu- 
ary last. Alexander* Vrquhart of JBurriszardis, 
James Dunbar of Cumnock, and Robert Dunbar of 
'<]^rayngehill, came in the Queen's will, and found 
caution for satisfying her majesty." Norman Leslie, 
it will be recollected, was one of the most forward 
of the murderers of Cardinal Beaton. While his co- 
a^utors held out the castle of St Andrew's against 
the governor, he had been despatched to England, 
along with one or two others, for the purpose 




of soliciling the aid of the protector, and was de- 
tained there as a medium of eommmiication with 
his friends in Scotland. He thus escaped the fate 
of the defenders of the castle, who were conveyed 
to France; and, as the escheatment of Dunbar 
of Cumnock shows, afterwards found his way 
back to the north, where he was concealed and 
supplied among the friends of the Reformation. 
That the greater portion of the barons who es- 
poused the cause of Protestantism were actuated 
more by a spirit of opposition to the existing state 
of things — ^with a desire to share in the disruption 
of Church property which was certain to follow 
the downfal of the Roman Catholic Church — and 
not by any change produced upon their consciences 
by the preaching of the word, seems but too pal- 
pable from the history of the times. While they de- 
stroyed altars, and carried off the communion cups, 
for the sake of the public cause, they were equally 
intent on the prosecution of their private feuds — 
in ** berrying " and slaying their n^ghbours. John 
Greirsoune in Beochane, and Andrew Greirsoune 
in Bagrahill, having been slain by Duncan Hun- 
ter of Ballagane, he was declared rebel, and put to 
the horn. Whilst in this condition, George Craw- 
furd of Lefhorese, on an unlucky- night in August, 
when he presumed no one saw him, ventured to 
have intercommuning with him. The fact was 
found out, and Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun, 
knight, became his surety to the regent. John 
Craufurd of Drongane had also to find security to 
underly the law for intercommuning with Balla- 
gane, his brother John, Herbert Hunter in Bait- 
furd, and three other rebels ; and James Eccles of 
that nk submitted himself to the will of the 
r^ent for intercommuning with Herbert Hun- 
ter. November 20, 1554, Patrick Dunbar, 
young Laird of Cumnock, is '* denounced rebel 
and put to the horn, along with David Dun- 
bar, his servant, and James Ogilvy, for not un> 
derlying the law for the slaughter of Thomas 
Russell, committed in January, 1553-4, in the 
house of Archibald Alexanderson, in Balnageiche. 
John, Earl of Sutherland, was amerciated in 200 li. 
and 400 merks, for not entering them to underly 
the law. January 31, 1554-5, George Dunbar <^ 
Gmnnock, John Chisholme, sen., and John C, 
jun., found Sir George Meldrum of Fivy, Knt., 
as surety for their underlying the law for the said 
crime, at the next Aire of Elgm and Forres."* The 
same Alexander Dunbar of Cunmock — ^who was 
escheated for supplying Norman Leslie, and who 

* It may be necessary to explain ttiat the Dnnbars of 
Cumnock were also extensively connected, by property .and 
marria^^e, with Banff and Murrayshires. Patrick, the 
young Laird of Cumnock, denounced in this case, was 
married to a daughter of Alexander, Master of Sutherland, 
and sister of John, tenth Earl of Sutherland, the cautioner 
of Pau-ick. 

was esteemed *^ the bold,*' from the daringness of 
his character — ^was, about the same time, put to 
the horn, along with Patrick, the young laird, and 
thirty-four others, for "the slaughter of James 
Cummyng in Dollacebrachty, (son of Alexander 
Cummyng of Altyre)." This seems to have been 
only one of many slaughters arising out of some of 
the northern feuds. The Cummyngs retaliated, 
as appears from the following entry : — ^** January 
31, 1554—5, Alexander Cummyng of Alter, John 
Cummyng, called Franche John, John Cuke, alias 
Blackdog, John Cummyng Owre,* Thomas Tail- 
zeour in Tulyduvy, and John T. in Socothe, found 
James, Earl of Mortoune, as surety for their un- 
derlying the law at the next Aire of Elgin and 
Forres, for art and part of the cruel slaughter of 
Alexander M'Gilleise, at the Pari&h Church of 
Edynkibde, committed in March, 1553, of fore- 
thought felony: and also, for art and part of 
* umbesetting the way' of Patrick Dunbar, young 
Liurd of Cumnock, and his servants, between the 
west sidd of the water of Duvy and the hill of 
Clumnemy, committed upon July 19, last; and 
there crudly Invading them for theur Slaughter ; 
and for Wounding the stud Patrick in his leg ; and 
for Mutilating Hugh Myll, his servant, of his right 
leg; and for Hurting and Wounding sundry of 
his servants, in divers parts of their bodies." Feb- 
ruary 16, 1558, "Alexander Dunlop of that Dk 
found surety (Neil Montgomery of Langschaw) to 
underly the law at the next Justice-aire of Air, for 
art and part of the cruel slaughter of Andrew 
Dunlop, his son, committed in July last." Of this 
peculiar case no particulars are g^ven. In all 
likelihood it arose ^m the unfilial conduct of the 
son. May 23, 1568, « Thomas Kennedy of Bar- 
gany, John and Alexander, his son and brother, 
David K., son of the Laird of Bennane, William 
Caulderwood, and seventeen others, found Sir 
Hugh Campbell of Loudoune, Knt.,t surety for 
their underlying the law at the next Justice-aire, 
for Convocation of the lieges, armed in warlike 
manner, and coming by way of Hamesucken to 
the dwelling-house of Adam Boyd of PenkUl, and 
Invading him, his wife, children, and servants, for 
their Slaughter, and besieging them in the said 
house : and for Hurting and Wounding [Janet] 
Kennedy, his wife, with stones; committed on 
January 29, last." This, in all probability, had 
connection with the feud between the Kennedies 
of CassiUis and the Kennedies of Bargany, which 
was carried to a great length some years after- 
wards. The fact of •Campbell of Loudoun be- 
coming surety for Bargany and his friends coun- 
tenances the supposition. 

♦ Owre— swarthy. 

t Sir Hugh seems to have been surety-general for all 
the evil doen of Ayrshire. 



The only notice nvhich occurs in the criminal 
records of the procedure adopted by the Govern- 
ment i^ainst the early promoters of Protestantism 
in Ayrshire— Hariow and Willock, a converted 
Scottbh Franciscan friar— occurs in 1059 (May 
10), when John VHllock is denounced rebel for 
not entering to underly the law for usurping the 
authority of the Church, and for preaching within 
the burgh of Ayr. Robert Campbell of Kinzean- 
cleuche, his cautioner, was at the same time fined. 
This was the second time Willock had ventured 
upon a preaching tour in Scotland, on both of which 
occasions he found a warm reception amongst the 
Reformers of Ayrshire, by the more powerful of 
whom the reforming preachers were protected and 
supported. In 1 556, Knox ** preached in the houses 
of Bar, Kinzeandeuche, Camell [CaimhiD], Ochil- 
tree, and Gadg^h, and in the town of Ayr."* 
Campbell of Eanzeancleuche, if not possessed of 
equal means with such of the Protestant barons as 
*' the good Earl of Glencum " (Alexander, the fifth 
£arl),t could not be surpassed for zeal in the cause. 
If we are to believe his eulogisers— «nd we see no 
reason why they should be questioned — ^he was 
one of the most disinterested of all the reforming 
barons. If he aided in pulling down kirks, it was 
not for the sake of spoil — a proof of which is 
shown in his giving the half-teinds of the whole of 
Ochiltree, which his forefathers had possessed, for 
the support of a Protestant clergyman in that dis- 
trict. In ^A Memobial of the %Ht atiti 
Scatjb of ttoo worthye ChruHans, Robert 
Campbell of the Kinyeancleuch, and his Wife 
Elizabeth CAifPBELL,''^ we have the good deeds 
of Kinzeancleuche and his wife recorded in a 
somewhat qujunt and amusing, yet interesting 
manner. Of the countenance and support shown 
by Kinzeancleuche to the early promulgators of 
Protestantism, the author thus speaks : — 

^But to our purpose to proccode. 

And speake of him who was the heeder 
Of her§ a while holding our tonng 

When that Religion was but young. 
And durst not plainlie shew hor face, 

Tot tyrannie in pablict place : 
8ome preachers did till him resort. 

Where mutualUe they got comfort i 
The tmeth on their part was declard, 

No temporall benefits he spared ^ 

* H'Crie's Life of Knox. 

f Aathor of the well-known satire called " The Hermit 
of AUareit" (Loretto). This hermitage was beside Mus- 
selboigh, and was much resorted to. It was the detection 
of a pretended miracle there that brought about the oonw 
^enrioa of Row, then a violent Papist, to Protestantism, 
of which he became a shining light. 

B06ert Wtilde-^remej printer to the King's Maiestie. 
1605. Cam privUegio BegaU. The author was Mr John 
Davidson, regent in Si Leonard s College, and afterwards 
minister of Salt-Preston. 

§ Lady Rinzeanclenche: 

They lacked not gude intreatment, . 

In daylie food uid nourishment : 
Oif there wes mare necessitie, 

They needed not to craye suppUe : 
Sa privatelie in his lodgeing. 

He had baith prayers and preaching : 
To tell his freinds he na whit dred, 

How they had lang been blindlins led : 
By shaveling Papists, Monks, and Friers, 

And be the Paipe these many years ; 
When some Barrones neere hand him by. 

And Noble men he did espie, 
Of anld who had the truth profest. 

To them he quicklie him addrest : 
And in exhorting was not slak. 

That consultation they would tak, 
How orderlie they might suppresse, 

In thali owne bounds that Idole m&ueJ* 

Kinzeancleuche was most successful in his exhor- 
tations to the neighbouring barons — 

*' And soeing they were Magistrates, 

As well as oUier of the States :* 
They would not suffer Ood his gloro, 

In their bounds thralled any more : 
Quhilk they did soone performe in deede 

And made them to the work with speede : 
And had some preaching publictlie. 

Where people came maist fi^uentlie : 
Whiles among woods in banks and braes. 

Whiles in the Kirkyard beside their fais." 

The effect of such " NoveUs,'* as our author styles 
this procedure, may be easily gfuessed — 

** Thir Novells through the countrie ran, 
Quhilk stirred yp baith wife and man r 

So for to damme that deyilltsh messe, 
That Papists could them net suppresse i- 

Then Queers uid cloisters were puld down. 
In sundrle parts of this Regioun." 

In this work Kinzeancleuche was amongst the 
foremost, though his conduct would appear to have 
been marked by greater moderation than liiat of 
the Laird of Bar and others, who paid little re- 
spect for the property of the monks : — 

" But whether It was night or day, 

Oude Roberi was not mist away : 
When tiiey puld donne the Friers of Air, 

Speir at the Friers gif he was thair : 
The Lard of Carrudl yet in Kyltj 

Quha was not deipand al thL while ; 
And Robert wer made messengers. 

Send fh>m the rest to wame the Friec»& 
Out of those places to deludge, 

Howbeit the Carls began to grudge t 
Either with good will or with iU, 

The keyes they gave thir twa untUl : 
After their gndes they had out tane, 

So greater harme the Friers had nane : 
Far vnlike to their crueltie. 

In their massacring butcherie : 
Resembling well their old Father, 

Who ever was a murtheror." 

Of the extraordinary exertions of " gude Robert *' 
in promoting the downfal of the Paipe in Scotland, 
the author thus speaks :-— 

* This was the argument upon which the Lords of the 
Congregation proceeded In their attempt to depose the 
queen-regent. Carried out as an excuse for the conduct 
of individual barons, the principle was a most mischievous 



" Then Robert like a Imiie Bie, 

Did ride the post in all Countrie : 
Baith North and Bowtb, baith Ea«t and Weit, 

To all that the gude cause profeat : 
Through Angus^ ^)if^t <ui<i Lowihiana^ 

Late ioomies haid he many ane : 
By night he vould paeae forth of JEy2e, 

And slip in shortly in Argyle : 
Syne to Strathame and to all parts, 

Where he knew godly sealous hearts : 
Bxhorting them for to be stonte, 

And of the matter haYe no doubt.*' 

Nor, when the cause required the assistance of a 
strong arm, was the cooperation of Kinseandenche 
awanting :— 

** When the Cuntrle was moored hale. 
To make to work with spear and sheiU, 

He was not hinmost on the lielde : 
Out of the West had any gane. 

He missed neuer to be ane, 
With wisedome manheid and eounsaM, 

He comfort thir conrentions all ; 
Tea no Conyention lesse nor mair, 

Of any weight but he was thair : 
Als when the Gentlemen of KyU^ 

As they were frakkest all the while : 
Li their assemblies would choose out, 

Some for to ride the post about, 
If he had seene them once reAiso, 

By any manner of excuse. 
He would Boone say, trueUi is doubtlesse, 

My Brother hes sic businesse : 
I know at this time he can noght. 

But there shaU be nane Yther sought : 
I will rydo for him yerilie, 

The nixt time he shall ride for me." 

Kinzeancleuche, according to oar author, was 
nobly seconded in his efforts bj his wife. She 

** ^Neuer made barrat nor strife : 

Nor this his doinge did disdaine, 

Was neuer man beard her eomplaino 
As many wlues in the Cuntrie, 

I tiow had luked angerlie 
On her gude-man who at all tyde, 

Was ay so reddy for to ryde : 
For so oft ryding could not misse, 

Bot to procure great ezpensis : 
He might look as they tell the tail, 

When he came home for euill cocked kail : 
Ze hane so melkle gear to spend, 

Ze trow neuer it will haue end ; 
This will make you fuU bare th<H« ben, 

Let see (says she) what other men. 
So oft ryding a field ye find, 

Leauing thair owne labour beblnde; 
This and fkrre mare had oft beene told. 

Be many wlues, yea that we hold : 
Not of the worst in aU the land, 

I speak not of that balefull band ; 
That Sathan bos sent heir away 

With the black fleete of Norroway : 
Of whome ane with her Tigers tong. 

Had able met him with a rong : 
And reaked.him a rebegeastor. 

Calling him many warlds weastor ; 
Bot latting their euiU wines alane. 

This gude wifb murm*jrlng made nans^ 
Bot ay maist gladly did oonsent, 

To that wherewith he was content." 

The few cloisters and abbey churches that had 
escf^>ed the popular fury were demolished, save 
in one or two instances, by authority of an act 
passed by the Estates in 1^60. The work of 

destmction in the west of Scotland was com- 
mitted to the charge of the Earl of Glencaim, 
who proceeded in the execution of his commission 
with an unsparing hand. The splendid ^eibric of 
Kilwinning was thrown into ruins at this period, 
Grossraguel appears, however, to have been al- 
lowed a few years' resfnte, no doubt through the 
influence of the Caaullis family. 

On the death of the queen-regent, neither party, 
the Quisian nor Ekiglish, were in a position to 
continue hostilitieB ; and a negotiation, which led 
to the withdrawal of the French and English 
tnoipBf was the consequenoe. Meanwhile Protes- 
tantism was completely established; and ooerdve 
laws passed against all who should attend or in 
any way countenance the mass. A book of dis- 
cipline, somewhat hurriedly drawn up^ was also 
adopted, the Earls of Caithness and Gassillis alone 
dissenting. Amongst the twaity-fbur noblemen 
selected by Parliament, out of which the Council 
of Twelve were to be chosen, were the Earl of 
Glenoaim and Lord Boyd. The advent of the 
young queen, Mary, to the throne, in 1661, was a 
source of much expectation by the nation gener* 
ally. It b well known that Elizabeth of England 
had given private instructions to some of her war 
vessels to capture Mary on her way from France, 
but she escaped, only one of the small convoy 
by which she was accompanied having fallen into 
the hands of the English* In this vessel was the 
Earl of Eglinton; but on discovering that they 
had missed the main prize^ the ship was immedi- 
ately set at liberty. For some time the govern- 
ment of the young Queen, who showed every dis- 
position to abide by the settled order o( things, 
and maintain the laws inviolably by which Pro- 
testantism had been eetabUshed, promised to lead 
to the happiest results. The indulgoice of pri- 
vate mass, for which she stipulated on assuming 
the reins of government, alone disturbed the 
equanimity of Knox and the more violent of the 
Reformation leaders. Her judicious conduct, 
however, went far to reconcile parties ; and for a 
time an astonishing degree of harmony prevailed. 
In 1562 John Knox had been appointed by 
the General Assembly to visit the diurches in 
Kyle^ Carrick, and Galloway. During his pro- 
gress he was entertained at the houses of various 
gentlemen of rank, and had important commun- 
ings with them on the state of afiairs. It was 
while in Ayrshire, in the performance of this visi- 
tation, that he was challenged by Quentin Ken« 
nedy, Abbot of Grossraguel, undo of the Eari of 
Casollis, to a public conference on the merits of 
the Catholic and Protestant religions. The abbot 
bore a high character for pietr^ and kaming, and 
his literary talent was of no mean order. He was 
the author of "Aae Compendious Tractive," show- 



ing *Hhe nerreBt and onlie way to establish the 
oonacienoe of a christian man." The work^ which 
was a small one^ embraced all matters then in de- 
bate concerning faith and religion. The origin 
of the well-known disputation, which took place 
at Majbole, may be thus briefly stated. In 1559 the 
abbot had challenged Willock, who happened to 
preach in the neighbourhood of Grossraguel, to a 
disputation oonceming the mass. The gauntlet 
was duly taken up, and the place of meeting ap- 
pointed, but the discussion was broken off in con- 
aequenoe of certain preliminary disagreements. 
The mass now became the chief study of Ken- 
nedy, and in 1561 he published a work in its 
defimce. In the course of the following year, 
he stated in his chapel of Kirkoswald — after read- 
ing a series of papers concerning the mass and 
other essential tenets connected with the doctrines 
of the Popish church — his readiness to defend 
them against all by whom they might be impugn- 
ed; but promised on the following Sabbc^ to 
declare himself more fully on the subject. Knox, 
being in the vicinity, came to Kirkoswald to hear 
the abbot ; and in the morning acquainted him of 
his intention to do so, requiring him, at the same 
time^ either to make good his promise, or allow him 
(Knox) to preach first, and afterwards state his ob- 
jections to what might be advanced. The abbot, 
aware of the excitement of the times, and the dan- 
ger to be dreaded from a public display of this 
land, did not appear, and Knox occupied the pul- 
pit. On coming down, however, a letter was put 
into his bands from Kennedy, in which the latter 
exp reoDod himself as most anxious to engage in a 
discusdon with him. The foUowing is the abbot's 

letter: — 

** John KxMX, I am informed that se ar cum in this 
emxtrie to seik disputationn, and in qwcial to mak im- 
pugnation to oertane artickles quhilk war pronunced and 
rdieimd be me to my lloek, in Kirkoswald on Sonday 
laKt wes, (trenlie I will not refuM dispntati<m with sow) 
but maist emistUe and effeetuonslie couatis the samin, 
Bwa it may be to ye glorie of Ood, and tryal of ye trenth, 
lyke ae I half, ye rest of se ministera, qohilk hes bene 
heir, and culd haif nana. Qohairfore gif it pleia zow this 
day riij dayes in any hons of Ifayboil ze pleia, prouidand 
alwayes thair be na eonnoeation passand sdi zvi or zz on 
atber qrde, qulillk is aae sofilcient nomber to befar witness 
betnix OS, I sal enter in reasoning wiUi sow, and, Qod 
■willing, sail defend ye saides articles be ye manifest word 
of Qitdf and all gude reason, as thay ar writtin, and in 
spedal ye artiekle ooneeming ye messe. Ze salbe sore 
ze sail ressaif na inimis of me, nor nane that me pertenis, 
nor na kynde of molestation in word nor wark, hot funi- 
Mar, formall, and gentill ressoning; and think not yal this 
is done for drifting of tim% but be ressone I am prohibeit 
and forfoiddin be my Lord of Oassillis, in name and behalf 
of the counsel, to enter in ressoning with sow, or any 
other, to his retnmlng in the cmitrie, qnhals command I 
haif promist to obey, nottheks and he cum not betnix and 
the said day, I sail disdiarge my promii to him with dili- 
genee, qobairthroagh se and all vthers may see how de- 
syroos I am that ye treuth cum to aae tryall but [withoat] 
drifting of tyme. Als ye may be sure that I am verray 
desyrons to haif my Lord of Cassillis (as my chief and 
brother sone) and vthen my brether and freindss, qnhom 

I haif charge to be auditors, quhaartlirow, gif it pleis Ood, 
thay micht haif proflTct of our ressoning, and gif se pleis 
to accept this coadlcion send me sour promes under soar 
hand writ, and I sail send zow the foresaid artickles to 
awise on to this day viii dayes. And in the meantime z» 
may prouide to be auditors sic as ze pleis, conforme to the 
nomber aboue reheiraed, and I the lyke; and gif se will 
nawise enter in ressoning without oonuocation of stran- 
gers, the haill warld may se it is hot perturbation, tnmul- 
tuation, and cummer that ze seik, vnder the pretence of 
the trew setting fourth of Ooddes word and glorie, and this 
I oertifie zow, I will not enter in disputation with zow, gif 
ye cum with conuocation, for I will nawise be the instruv 
ment of dlscordo ; and als it is not neocsaar ze cum with 
conuocation of strangera, be reasons ze haif my Lord of 
Cassillis promes, quhiik is sufficient warrand to sow, and all 
the rest witliin Canick. And in ye moine tyme ze pleis 
to ressaif sne confutation of zonr sillogisme quhiik I haif 
send to sow with the Laird of Caprington older ; and gif 
ze defend the samin weill, ze ar mair able to mak impugn- 
ation to myne. Of tbir besides I require zour answer in 
writ, with this berar with diligence, quhairthrow I may 
send away to my Lord of Cassillis as said is, and sa fair 
ze Weill. Of Crosraguell, this Sonday, the Sext of Sep- 
tember. ' 

The terms proposed by the abbot were perfectly 
reasonable. He wished, in the excited state of the 
public mind, to avoid all risk of disturbance. 
Knox, on the contrary, confident of success, was 
anxious that the discussion should take place in 
open assembly, and that his triumph should be 
witnessed by thousands. His answer to the abbot 
runs in the following terms : — 

*' The treuth is, that the cause of my comming in these 
partes wes not of purpose to seek disputation, but simplie 
to propone ynto the people Jesus Christ crucified, to be the 
onelie Saniour of the world, and to teach further, what 
are the fruites that Ood requireth of the members of his 
dear sone, dsc. But hearing ye had in oppen audience pro- 
clamed blasphemous artickls, making promes to giue fur- 
tlMT declaration of certane of these, this last Sonday, lyke- 
wise in oppen assembUe, I could not but of conscience 
oflTer myself to be your aduersar in that cace. And this 
tax for the cause of my comming zesterday to Kirkoswald. 
That ye haue required disputation of the ministers (of 
whome some are yet present) and could haue none, I 
hardly beleye it, the contrary being assured to me by diners 
of honest report. That ye offer unto me familiar, formall, 
and gentill reasoning, with my whole hart I accept the 
condition. For assuredlie, my Lord (so I style you, by 
reason of blood uid not of office), chiding and brawling I 
▼tterlie abhor ; but that ye require it to be secrete, I 
nether se lust cause why that ye should require it, nether 
yet good reson why that I should grant it. If ye feare 
tumult, as ye pretex, that is more to be feared where many 
of euill mynd haue a few quiet and peccable men in there 
danger, then where a lust multitude may gainstand yio- 
lence, if it be offered. Of my Lord Cassilles promes, I 
netting dout as touching my owns person, for I stand in 
the protection of the Almightie, to whom I render hartly 
thankos, when his mercie and power boweth the hartes ot 
men, to assist the cause of the iust. But I wonder with 
what consdenee ye can require pritai conference of those 
artickles that ye haue publicklie proponed? Te haue in- 
fected the cares of the simple! Te haue wounded the 
hartes of the goddfie, and ye have spoken blasphemie in 
oppen audience I Let your owne oonscienee now be indge, 
if we be bound to answer you in the audience of 20 or 40, 
of whom the one half are alreadle persuaded in the treuth, 
and the other perehanee so addicted to your error, that 
they win not be content that light be called Mght, and 
darkness darkness. If ye be a pastor, as ye brag yourself 
to be, ye ought to haue respect to your whole flock, yea, 
to I3ie instruotion of all those that are offended at your 
Manphemiwii But now to grant onto yoo, moire these 



reaons, I am content of the greatest number appointed by 
you, pronided, first, that the place be S. Johnes Kirk in 
Air, which is a pUce more oonuenient then any hous In 
Mayboill. Seoondarlie, that Notars and scribes be appoint- 
ed faithfully to take and commit to register, in oppen 
audience, both your reasones and myne, that so we may as 
weall auoid confusion and vain repetition in speaking as 
forclos the diuersitie of rumors which may arise by reason 
of obliuion, what liath bene spoken by other partle. The 
day by you required I can not kepe, by reason of my for- 
mer promes made to the maister of Maxwell, uid ynto the 
churches of MiddisdaJe and Galloway. But if ye wil send 
ynto me your artickles before the 15 of this instant, I shal 
appoint the day, which by the grace of Ood I shall not 
&ilL If ye send your artickles to the baiUies of Air, it 
shal be sufficient discharge for you. And thus crauing your 
answer, I hartlie desire God, if his good pleasure bo, so to 
molifie your hart, that ye may prefer his eternal treuth, 
conteined a&d expressed in his holy word, to your own 
preconceaved opinion. From Air this 7 of September, 
1562, in haist. 

** Yours to command in all godliness, 

"Jonir Ejfox.** 

Kennedy replied to this somewhat intemperately 
expressed letter in a mild but forcible manner. 
In reference to Knox's statement that he came 
not for disputation, but to preach Jesus Christ 
crucified, the abbot observes — ^' Praise be to God, 
that was na newings in thb countrie or ze war 
borne." Secondly, he remarks — *' He is ane euil 
iudge that condemns or he knawes," and that it 
would have been time enough to have called the 
articles which he proclaimed in open audience 
blasphemous, when he had seen, read, and suffi- 
ciently confuted them. Thirdly, that he promised 
to make declaration of the said articles on Sun- 
day last, provided there had been no convocation 
of strangers, wherethrough disturbance might 
ensue, but that Knox came accompanied by five or 
six score of followers. ^* Quhair ze say," remarks 
the abbot, <' ze stand in the protection of the Al- 
michtie, swa dois all gude christiane men as ze, 
hot apperanlie ze put als lytil in Grod*s handis as 
ye may, that gois accompanied in euerie place 
qubairsumeuer ze go with sic multitude, quhidder 
it be for deuotion, or protection, or rather tumul- 
tuation, Gkxi knawes, for I knaw not. * * * 
Quhair ze say I haif infected the earis of the simple, 
I haif wounded the hartes of the godlie, and I 
haif spoken blasphemie in oppen audience. I 
meruell how ze forzet zourself, chidand and rail- 
land on this maner. Considering ze said ane lytill 
afore, ze did abhor aU chiding and railling, hot 
nature passes nurtor with zow. Quhairfore I man 
heir with zour babline and barking, as dois Princes, 
hear poweris Maiestrates, and mony hundrethes 
better nor I.*' The abbot declined holding the 
discussion in St John's Church, Ayr, because he 
wished to avoid tumult; and as for *<the iust 
tryall of the treuth, thur man be conference of 
mony buikes," he thought that could not be con- 
veniently consulted in open audience. After some 
farther correspondence between Knox, the abbot, 
and the Earl of Ca^llis, the disputation was at 

length agreed to nearly upon the terms first proposed 
by Kennedy. The correspondence is interesting, as 
showing the movanents <rf the parties. Ejiox was 
at Kirkoswald on Sabbath the 8th September, 
where he preached ; upon which occasion he re- 
ceived the letter of the abbot, challenging him to 
a disputation. Knox, according to his own state- 
ment, lay at Maybole the night before, with a 
company not surpassing twenty. On the same 
day he replies to the letter of the abbot, from Ayr. 
Between that and the 26th of September, when 
he writes to the Earl of Cassi]Iis from Ochiltree, 
he appears to have been in Dumfriesshire and 
Galloway. On the 27th of September, the parties 
met at Maybole, when the following agreement 
was signed : — 

"The day, houre, condicions, and nomber aggred vpon, 
for the conference betnix Maister Quintyne Kennedy, 
abbote of Crosraguel, and John Knox, minister at Edin- 

" The day is the xxviii of September, 1562. The place 
the Pronestis place of Mayboill, the houre to oonuene is at 
eight houres before none, the day foresaid, the nomber for 
euerie part shall be fourtie persones, by there scribes and 
learned men, Tdth so many mo as the house may goodly 
hold, be the sight of my Lord of Gassillis. And heirupon, 
bothe the said abbote and John Knox are vhoUylie and 
fuUylie agreed. In witness whereof they haue subsciiued 
these presents with there hands. At Maybole the xxvii of 
September, 1562. 

** Cbosbaoublu 
" JoHH Knox." 

The conference took place accordingly, in the 
''place*' of Andrew Gray, the last provost of the 
Collegiate, in the back vennel of Maybole. Be- 
side the company admitted to the conference — 
forty on each side — a large concourse of people 
from all quarters was drawn to the scene of de- 
bate, and Maybole was densely crowded. The 
only account of the discussion which has been pre- 
served was drawn up by Knox himself, and printed 
the year following.* That he would prove an im- 
partial editor was scarcely to be expected. What be- 
tween interpolations and marginal comments, the 
friends o£ the abbot may well complain of injustice. 
The conference, commencing each morning, was 
carried on for three days. The first article concerned 
the mass ; and to the discussion of this point the 
abbot, who commenced the debate, proceeded, after 
a brief introductory explanation of the cause of the 
meeting. Hegroundedhisargumenton the Psalm- 
ist, and also on the Apostle St Paul» who '' affirmes 
our Saluiour to be an priest for euer, according to 
the ordure of Melchisedec, quha made oblation and 
sacrifice of bread and wine vnto God as the Scrip- 
ture plainly teaches vs.'* He followed up this by 
observing that in no place of the Evangel does 

* It was printed in black letter ; and the only copy 
known to exist is preserved in the Auchinleck library. A 
fac-simile edition was thrown off in 1812, various copiea 
of which are to be found in the libraries of the curious. 



^ our Saluiour use the priesthead of Melchisedec, 
declaring himself to be an priest afler the ordor of 
Melchisedec, but m the latter Supper, quhere he 
made oblation of his precious body and blude vnder 
the forme of bread and wine prefigurate by the 
oblation of Melchisedec : then are we compelled to 
affirme that our Sauiour made oblation of his bodie 
and blude in the latter Supper or else he was not 
an priest according to the ordor of Melchisedec, 
quhilk is express against the Scripture.*' Knox 
demanded to have a copy of the abbot's former 
writing upon this point, which was gpranted him, 
that he might answer the various points more fully. 
Thb he did in writing, at considerable length, and 
in a most circumlocutory and discursive manner. 
He drew a contrast between the darkness which 
prevailed anterior to the advent of Christ, and 
that which preceded the Reformation — compar> 
ing himself and the other reforming clergy to 
the prophets and apostles, and the abbot and 
Roman Catholic priesthood to the Scribes and 
Pharisees who attempted to controvert the doc- 
trines of Christ, and launched forth much abuse 
against the Catholic priesthood and the ** homed 
bishops," for their indolence and licenciousness. 
In the spoken discussion Knox evaded the main 
qoestioD by a variety of prdimiiMiy olgections. 
He wished it to be understood that it must be 
the Scriptures, and not the fathers of the Church, 
that should be held as authority. Kennedy, 
though offended at divers heads of Knox's bar- 
angue, at once agreed, that they might ^ quicklie 
go to the purpose." Knox then insisted that the 
abbot should describe the mass. The mass he 
meant to impugn was *< not the blissed institution 
of the Lord Jesus, which he hath commanded to be 
used in his kirk, to his gaincoming, but that which 
is cropen in into the kirk risible, without all ap- 
probation of ye word of God." The abbot replied 
that he woidd abide by the description which he 
had last year g^ven of the mass ; *< for," said he, 
^ I am not cummin in vse of est, and non est, And 
as to the mass that he will impugn, or any mannes 
masse, zea and it war the paipes awin messe, I 
will mantein nathing but Jesus Christes messe, 
<»nforme to my artickle as it is writtin, and dif&ni- 
tion contened in my buik, quhilk he hes taine on 
hand to impung." Knox professed that he had 
not read the abbot's book, and again urged that he 
would define the mass. The abbot, to save further 
delay, at once did so. ^ I define the messe,'* said 
he, ^ as concerning the substance and effect, to be 
the sacrifice and oblation of the Lordes bodie and 
Unde, genen and offered by him, in the latter 
supper ; and takis the Scripture to my warrand, 
according to my artickle as it is written ; and for 
the first confirmation of the same ground me upon 
the sacrifice and oblation of Melchisedec*'* Knox, 

like a skilful fencer, wished to push the abbot into 
a comer. He still in^sted upon a more precise 
definition, and required of his lordship that he 
would signify unto him if he << wold be content to 
prove the name to be given by Jesus Christe — the 
whole action and ceremonies from beginning to 
the end, to be the ordinance of Almightie God." 
The abbot declared his readiness to defend the 
mass as he had defended it, ''ceremonies, actor, 
and all the rest," beginning first at " the substance 
and effect." After some demur Knox consented 
to approach the argument upon these conditions. 
He wished the abbot, however, first to state whe- 
ther he viewed the mass as coming under that 
class of saci'ifices called prapieiatorhMn, which is 
that sacrifice whereby satisfaction is made to the 
iustice of God, being offended at the sinnes of 
man." Kennedy replied that he would ^ tak the 
sacrifice of redemptiqn, and the sacrifice of the 
masse to be the sacrifice of commemoration of 
Christes death and passion." From this Knox 
drew the conclusion that the abbot made no sacri- 
fice propitiatory, which was the chief head which 
he meant to impugn, ''for," said he, "as for the 
commemoration of Christes death and passion, thai 
I grant, and publicdie do confesse, to be celebrat in 
the right vse of the Lordes supper, which I devise 
the messe to be." The abbot contended that it 
was the duty of Knox to impugn the warrant 
(the scripture quoted) by which he had chosen 
to defend his definition. At this point Knox at- 
tempted to claim a victory, because having denied 
that the mass was a sacrifice propitiatory, the ab- 
bot did not defend it upon that ground. Kennedy^ 
however, kept steadily to the point, declaring him- 
self ready to defend the name and action of the 
mass in proper time; but required Knox to im- 
pugn the warrant which he had adduced in de- 
fence of his " definidon and artickle." At length, 
after some farther parrying, Knox grappled with 
the argument. He said, " your lordship's ground 
is, that Melchisedec is the figure of Christ, in that, 
that he did offer vnto God bread and wine, and 
therefore yat it behoued Jesus Christe to offer in 
his latter supper his bodie and blood, vnder the 
formes of bread and wine. I answer to your 
ground, yet againe, that Melchisedec offered nei- 
ther bread nor wine vnto God ; and therefore it, 
that ye wold thereupon conclude hath no assur- 
ance of your ground." The abbot desired Knox 
to prove that, but the latter contended that the 
probation of a negative did not devolve upon him. 
Kennedy, desirous to avoid cavilling, waived all 
logical devices to which he might have had re- 
course. He took the text as his warrant, " that 
Melchisedec offered unto God bread and wine." 
The text bdng read — ^Genesis, 14 — Knox aigued 
that there wais no mention of any oblation of 



bread and wine, ^made by Meldiifledec vnto God, 
but only yt Melohisedec, bebg King of Salem, 
broght forth bread and wine; and that being 
Prieste of the maist hie Qod he blessed Abraham, 
as the text beareth witness ; and therefore I say 
that the text proueth not that any oblation of bread 
and wine, was made vnto God by Melchisedec.*' 
Kennedy wished him to show for what purpose 
the bread and wine was brought forward, if not 
as an oblation. Knox urged that it did not de- 
volve upon him to do so ; while Kennedy insisted 
that it did, he being the impugner. Some time 
having been expended in disputing this point, 
Kennedy said he would " do deligenoe to cause 
the present auditor vnderstand deirly, that he 
brocht furth bread and wine for the cause alledged 
foe me ; prouiding that gif ze will not shaw the 
cause presently, that ze sal haue no place to shaw 
it heireafber." Thus pressed, Knox adranoed that, 
if conjectures were to have place, it might be said 
^'that Melchisedec being a king, broght forth 
bread and wine, to refresh Abraham and his werie 
«ouldiors," but he adhered to his former statement 
that,' because no mention was made of Melchisedeo 
making oblation of bread and wine unto God, he 
denied it. This closed the conference for the 
first day. The debate was opened next morning by 
the abbot, who replied to the argument of Knox, 
that Abraham and his company had been amply 
refreshed by the spoil taken from the enemy, and 
^d not require refreshment from Melchisedec, 
wherefore it was mamfest that *< Melchisedec 
brocht furth bread and vnne vnto ane other effect 
nor to refresh Abraham and his companie." ELnox 
repeated his argument, that because the text did 
not positively state that the bread and wine were 
brought forward as an oblaUon, they had no right to 
4issume that they were ; and that it was not incon- 
sistent that Abraham's company should be refresh- 
ed both by the spoil of the enemy, and the liberality 
of Melchisedec. The abbot showed that, from the 
abundance of the spoil, they had no right to infer 
that the bread and vnne were produced because 
Abraham and his company stood in need of re- 
freshment. Knox went over the old ground, and 
the discussion hinged for some time entirely upon 
this point, neither of them being able apparently 
to make more of it. At length the abbo^ to avoid 
prolixity, and not to tire the audience with repe- 
tition, proceeded to another arg^ument. The words 
of the text, he said, were "prottdit or pro/ereMf 
quhilk is in the angular nomber as ane person bring- 
ond furth bread and wine, quhairfore necessarilie it 
concludes he brocht not furth bread and wine to 
refresch'ane multitude, as Abraham and his com- 
pany was, quhilk was not possible to ane person to 
do ; but onelie to mak sacrifice conforme to my 
beginning." Knox replied, that by the phrase of 

Scripture it was often attributed to the principal 
man what he commanded, or was done by his 
servants, and that it did not necessarily follow that 
what he brought forth himself was all the bread 
and wine produced ; but his chief ground still was 
that because the text did not plainly state that 
bread and wine were brought forth to be offered 
unto Qod they had no right to assume that they 
were. Kennedy repeated his argument, urging, 
as the whole context of the passage showed, that 
as the bread and wine could not be intended for 
refreshment, it must have been as an oblation. 
Knox having replied, following up his former rea- 
soning, the debate was closed for the second day. 
The third was taken up with a recapitulation by 
both parties of what had been advanced, and much 
time was expended in debating upon whom the 
onus of proof lay. Kennedy contended that as he 
stood as a defender it devolved upon Knox to im- 
pugn the truth of the mass. Knox, on the other 
hand, urged that as he denied the Scriptural foun- 
dation of the mass, the burden of proof lay with 
the abbot. Knox declared himself ready to prove 
that Christ was the same in substance with the 
father ; and Kennedy, admitting this, held himself 
equally prepared to demonstrate that Christ was the 
author and institutor of the mass. In this way the 
debaters wrangled, and Knox having craved time 
to answer in writing the vmtten recapitulation of 
the discussion by which the proceedings of the 
day, on the part of the abbot, had been opened, 
the conference was somewhat abruptly brought to 
a close. Knox himself thus records the cause of 
its breaking up i—* 

** TUB conference being ended, for the tyme, my Lonle 
presentUe did rise, for trouble of body,* and then John 
Knox did shortly resume the principall gronndea. And 
because the noble men heir aiuembled were altogether des- 
titute of all prouision, bothe for horse and man, the said 
John humblie requireth the foresaid I^ord that it wold 
please him to go to Air, where that better easiment might 
be had for all estates, which because my Lord ytterlie re- 
fused, the said John desired when that the said c<aference 
should be ended. My Lorde did (oxtmes, that npon license 
purchased of the Qnene's maiestie and her honorable 
connsell, that he would compear In Edinburgh, and there, 
in their pr^ence, finish the said conference. The said 
John did promes to trauel with the secret counsel, that 
the said licence might be obtcined ; and desired the foresaid 
Lorde to do the lyke with the Quene*s maiestie, where- 
upon the said John. Knox, took instruments and docu- 

The following paper was put in, signed, by the 
Abbot: — 

** At tbe eoadixuAon «f our reasoning, I gaif John Knox 
ane argummt in writ, desiring him that he wald iustifie 
his op^on be expres testimonie of Scripture, or ony ap- 
pearance thereol Quhair to the said John required tyme 
to gif answer, and the tyme micht nawise seme of fturder 
ressoning, for sic causes as are comprehended in the said 
John Knox writing. And as toward his desyre of me to 

* The abbot was well up in years when this discuMfoB 
took place. 



Air, ireulie it wm ye tiung that I micht not pretentlie 
commodioasly do. Bot alwayea I will compeir before ye 
Quenes grace, and sie as hir grace pleisis to take to be 
anditora, to ctefend the saidee artiekles, and in special the 
artiekle concerning tlie mease, as they ar vritten, qnhen 
and quhair it be hlr grace plesare, swa that the habilite 
of my bodie will serve onywise, as I hope to God it sail, to 
quhom be piaise, glorie, and honor for erer. 

** CaosaAOUKLL.'* 

In the "vmUen reply to the Ahhot's reasoning, which 
is g^ven in the printed account of the discussion, 
Knox claims the pahn, though he speaks at the same 
time of **tbe common hruit*' that Kennedy, his 
*' flatterers and oollatoralles, hn^ greatlie'* of their 
▼ictorj. Those present at the conference prohably 
thought that bodk were in a difficulty. The abbot 
could not prove, by the express words of Scripture, 
that Melchizedek brought forth bread and wine 
as an oblation, and Knox could as little show that 
it was brought forward for any other purpose. 
At the breaking up of the conference, it b said, 
perhaps erroneously, that the books brought for 
refSerence by the abbot, amounting to several wain 
loads, were seized by the mob, and consigned to 
the flames on the green of Maybole, in celebration 
of the assumed triumph of Knox. 

Whether the conference at Maybole produced 
any reaction or not, it is certain tiiat it was fol- 
lowed, early in the spring of next year, by an ef- 
fort to restore Popery at Maybole and Kirkoswald. 
The attempt, in all likelihood, was stimulated by 
the Bishop of 8t Andrew's, who, along with 
others, essayed its restoration at Paisley about the 
same time. The principal parties concerned in 
the affair at Maybole and Kirkoswald v^jbtb — Hew 
Kennedy of Blairquhan, Malcolm, Gommendator 
of Whithorn, David Kennedy, Sir Thomas Mont- 
gomerie, and Sir William Telfer. In the Books 
of Adjournal, Hew and David Kennedy are accus- 
ed of *' making of conuocatioun of our souerane 
ladds li^^ to the nowmer of twa hundreth per- 
sonis, bodin in feir of weir, with jakkis, speris, 
gunms, and vtheris wi^ins inuasiue, of thair caus- 
ing, command, fortef(»ng, and ratihabitioun, vpone 
the ancht, tent, and dlevint days of Apryll last 
bypast, cumand to the parroche Kirk of Kirk- 
osuell and College of Mayboill, reapectiue^ and 
thair opinlie maid alteratioun and innouatioun of 
the stait of Religione quhilk our souerane lady 
fand proclaimit, and uniuersaUie standing and 
professit at hir ai'ryvel within this realme^ minis- 
trand and abusand on their pretendit maner, irre- 
verenUie and indecentlie, the sacramentis of the 
Haly Kirk, namelie, ye sacramentis of the Body 
and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, vtherwyis 
and aftir ane uther maner nor be publict and gen- 
erall ordour of this realme." The Commendator 
of Whithorn, Sir Thomas Montgomerie, and Sir 
William Telfer — all ecclesiastics — ^were charged 
with ^ ministrand and abusand, in tiuur pretendit 


maner, irreuerentlie and indecentlie, in the moneth 
of Apryill foirsaid, in the Place of Cogiltoun, the 
sacramentis of Haly Kirk of the Body and blood 
of our Lord Jesus, vtherwyis and in ane vther 
maner nor be publict and general ordour of this 
realme," &c. The parties were convicted. The 
ecclesiastics were adjudged to be put in ward in 
the castle of Dumbarton, and Hew and David 
Kennedy in that of Edinburgh. 

While the public mind was thus taken up with 
the affairs of the Church, the feuds of the barons 
still continued, though perhaps not to the same ex- 
tent. In the summer of 1 564, the reckless character 
of these broils was exemplified at Ayr in an extraor- 
dinary manner, by the invasion of a fenced court 
of justice. On liie Slst July, the Sheriff-deputes 
of Ayrshire — Craufurd of Clolenan, Dunbar of 
Blantyre, and Campbell of Overtoun — ^were " sit- 
tand in jugement, in ane fensit court, for the ad- 
ministration of justice," when Barnard Fergussoun 
of Kilkerran, Thomas and David his brothers, ac- 
companied by about one hundred retainers, entered 
the court, and ** m plane face thairof, eftir injuri- 
ous wordis betuix thame, crewalie invadit Johne 
Crawfurd of Camlarg, and vtheris being with him 
in cumpany, with drawin swerds and stavis for 
thair slauchteris ; and thairthrow trublit the said 
court, and stoppit the saidis scheref deputis to 
minister justice in the actioun and caussis contenit 
in the letters criminall direct thair upoune, then 
depending before them." A great many persons 
of note in Carrick were engaged in Uiis affair 
along with Kilkerran. The parties were sum- 
moned before the Court of Justiciary, and found 
guilty of the assault, December 15, 1564. In 
this year, the abbacy of Crossraguel having be- 
come vacant by the death of the venerable disput- 
ant with Knox, the temporalities were conferred 
by Queen Mary upon George Buchanan, as a re- 
ward for the elegant verses prefixed to his transla- 
tion of the Psalms, in reference to the attachment 
entertuned for the youthful queen by her subjects, 
and in admiration of his literary talent generally. 
The income amounted to about five hundred pounds 
Scots. He experienced some difficulty, however, 
in realizing the temporalities; and was not alto« 
gether without cause to fear personal injury, the 
then Earl of Cassillis (Gilbert, fiith Earl) having a 
strong de»re to possess himself of the abbey and 
its incomes. It appears that he had obtained a 
lease of the abbacy from his uncle. Abbot Quen- 
tin, before his death; and having taken posses- 
sion, refused to give up the abbey and its livings to 
Buchanan. This appears from the following act 
of Privy Council — ^for whose protection the his- 
torian found it necesstfry to apply — of date Oct. 
16,1564: — 
** The quhilk day, anent the Complaint maid bo Maister 



George Bachqahannan, makaod menUoun, That quliair he 
hes, be Gift of our souerane Lady, for all the dayis of his 
lyff, ane yeirlie penaioim of the soame of yo 11., to be yeir- 
lie yptakin of the tratea and emolumentis of the abbay of 
Corsragwell ; and for payment thairof tbair is assignit to 
him the haili Temporalitio of the said Abbay, with the 
I^aco, manis, wod, and xwrtinentis thalrql': Nenerthelee, 
Gilbert, Brie of Gassillis, hes, sen the deceise of the last 
abbot of Gorsragwoll, enterit within the place and abbay 
thairof, withhaldis, and on na wayis will deliver the samin 
to the said Maistir George, without he be eompellit ; lyke 
as, at mair lenth is contenit in the said complent. The 
saidis Erie of Cassillis and Maistir George comperand 
baith personalio, the Lordis of Secreit Connsall ordanis 
letteris to bo direct timpliciier, to charge the said Gilbert 
of Cassillis to doliuer the said abbay and Place of Corsrag- 
well, with the orchartis and yairdis thairof, to the said 
Maistir Geoige, or any in his name havand his power, in 
his name to ressaue the samyn, within sex days nizt eftir 
the charge ; under the pane of rebellioun : And gif he 
&Uyie, the saidis sex dayis being bipast, to put him to the 
borne. And as to the remanent polntls of the said com- 
pleaint, referris the samyn to the decisioun of the Lordis 
of Ck>unsall and Sossioun, ordinand the said Maistir Gcoi^ge 
to persew befbir thame or vther ordiner Jugis, as he thinkis 

PoTverful as Cassillis was in Garrick, he did not 
think it prudent to resist the authority of the 
Privy Coundl. 

Between the intrigues of Elizabeth, the fury of 
Knox, and the ambition of Moray — ^in the latter of 
whom Mary placed her chief confidence as to matters 
of government — ^the calm which succeeded her arri- 
val in Scotland was not of long duration. Her pro- 
posed marriage with Damley was keenly opposed by 
Moray ; and when he found that his counsel waa 
of no avail in shaking the resolution of the queen, 
he retired altogether from court. Knox and the 
high Protestant party acted in concert with Moray. 
At the General Assembly, in 1565, a petition was 
adopted, praying for the abolition of the mass, not 
only throughout the kingdom, but in the royal 
person and household. Olencaim, and other five 
commissioners, were the bearers of this demand 
to her Majesty, who could not but feel it was a 
direct invasion of that right of private worship 
which had been secured to her on her assumption 
of the r^ns of government. The demand was, of 
course, resisted; but the circumstance tended to 
render still wider the breach between Mary and 
her Protestant subjects. At the convocation of 
the nobility, however, which she summoned to de- 
liberate on her intended marriage, there was a 
very full meeting, and a great degree of unanimity 
prevailed. Amongst the nobility, there were from 
Ayrshire, Glencairn, Eglinton, Cassillis, Boyd« and 
the Commendator of Kilwinning. Of the great 
barons of the county Lord Ochiltree alone was 
absent. The marriage was solemniBcd at Holy- 
rood, on Sunday, the 29th July, 1565. At the 
banquet which followed, Bamley — ^upon whom 
the title of King had been conferred — ^was waited 
upon by the Earls of Cassillis, Glencairn, and Eg- 
linton. Moray — who had been put to the horn 
in consequence of his refusal to attend the convo- I 

cation summoned by the Queen to deliberate on 
her marriage — ^proceeded with all despatch to 
take up arms against her authority. On the 15th 
of August he held a meetihg at Ayr, for the pur- 
pose of concerting a rebellion. He was joined in 
this confederacy, amongst others, by the Earl of 
Glencairn, Lord Ochiltree, Lord Boyd, and the 
Commendator of Kilvrinning. In September foil 
lowing, having been joined by the Duke of Chas- 
telherault, they proceeded to Edinburgh at the 
head of a thousand men ; but not having been sup- 
ported as they expected by Elizabeth, the move- 
ment turned out to be an ill-judged and unsuccess- 
ful a£kir, Moray and the abbot of Kilwinning 
fled to England. 

The misfortunes of Mary, arising from her 
marriage, are familiar to every reader. The first 
act of the tragedy was the assassination of her 
secretary, David Riccio. To the *'band" en* 
tered into for the support of Dand^, in refer- 
ence to this event, the signatures of Glencairn, 
Boyd, and Ochiltree were appended. On the re- 
turn of Mary to the capital, at the head of a thou- 
sand men, after her escape from the cons^nrators, 
Knox — ^who seems to have generally had an eye 
to his personal safety, though his courage has been 
much lauded — fled to Kyle, where he found shel- 
ter among his friends*; leaving his colleague, 
Craig, to abide the course of events. The next 
and crowning act was the murder of Damley, and 
the marriage of the Queen to Bothwell. It is 
well known by what means this ambitious noble- 
man obtaii^ed the signatures of many of the barons 
to the document he had drawn up, recommending 
him as a fit and proper husband for the Queen. 
He entertained a large party of the nobility at 
supper in a tavern in Edinburgh — ^taverns being 
then the resort of the highest classes ; and sitting 
late at their cups, many of them were drawn into his 
project against their inclination. The only one 
of the party who did not commit himself was the 
Earl of Eglinton. Seeing the drift of Bothwell, 
he withdrew timeously from the meeting. In the 
coalition to which the marriage of Mary with Both- 
well gave rise, Glencairn, Cassillis, Eglinton, Ochil- 
tree, and Boyd took an active part. What followed 
is matter of national, not of local, history. She 
was imprisoned in Lochleven castle^ and compelled 
to demit the crown in favour of her infant son, 
James VI. — at whose coronation at Stirling (1567) 
Glencairn bore the sword. The severe treatment 
of the queen at Lochleven had the effect of creat- 
ing a reaction, to some extent, of popular feeling ; 
and on her escape many flocked round her iitan- 
dard who had previously borne arms against her. 
Amongst these were Cassillis, Eglinton, Boyd, and 

* He was nuurried to a daughter of Lord OcfaUtreo. 



Loodoon. It may be remarked that these noble- 
meD, as well as many others, joined the coalition 
chiefly to put down Botfawell; and that having 
been aooomjdiahed, they connstently enough re- 
tomed to their all^pance. The main support of 
Mary, however, was the Hamiltons ; who were, at 
the same time, equally ready to have sacrificed 
her had it' suited their interest.* From Lochleven 
she naturally fled to Hamilton, and jRrom thence 
dispatched letters to all the barons on whom she 
eould rely, urging their speedy attendance with 
ihear friends and retainers. The following letter 
was addressed to Mure of BowaDane :— * 

*• Traist Priend, w« greit zou welL We believe it is 
not nnkjMWtn to sou the greit Mercie and Kyndneaa that 
almythie Ood of bia infinite gadnesa hes furthachevin to- 
wart US at this Tyme, in t]ie Deliverance of ns fra ^e 
naist straitest Preson in quhilk we vrare Captives, of 
quhilk mercy and kyndness we cannot enough thank ; and 
therefore we will desire zou, as ze will do us acceptable 
Seruice, to be at us with all possible on Setterday, the 
aught of this month, be aueht hours aftemone, or sooner 
gif se may, well accompanyt with zour honourable Froindis 
and Servantis, bodin in feir of weir, to do us service as ze 
flail be appointit, because we knawe zour constance at all 
l^es. We neid not mak longeir letters for the present, 
hot will bit ton feir-weiL Off Hamilton, the 6 of May, 
1568 : and that ze with the folks on fute and horse be 
heir on yis next Sunday, at the fftrdcst. 

**MABni B." 

Kone of Mary's friends seem to have espoused her 
cause more zealously on this occasion than Ro- 
bert, fourth Lord Boyd. The family had for some 
time previously been gradually recovering from 
the effects of their attainder during the reign of 
James Y., and by " bands " of man-rent had ac- 
quired an extensive ramification of power. In 
1543, there was an '* obligment " of support on 
the part of Argyle, Fleming, and others, to '' de- 
fend and warrand Robert Boyd of Kilmarnock 
and his heirs, in all actions." In 1548, a similar 
^band" vras drawn up between Hamilton the 
Governor, and Boyd ; while a great many of the 
proprietors of Ayrshire, besides the more imme- 
diate connenons of the family, were bound to '<ryde 
and gang" \rith him upon all occasions. In 1551, 
John Muir, Laird of OaldweD, and his brother 
James, became bound to take ^ ane true and afalte 
part with Robert, Master of Boyd, and his friends, 
in all just and le^g actiouns ;" and in 1563, a 
mutual band was entered into with Hew, Earl of 
Egfinton. Lord Boyd held bands of man-rent 
from John Kelso of Kdsoland; John Cochrane, 
young laird of Bishopton; Hugh Crawfurd of 
Crawftirdland ; Hew Crawfurd of Kilbimie, &c. 

* l^ler states that they had entertained a project at 
one time of making away with the queen, ta the best 
means of reconciling the two parties — the supporters of 
Mony and themselves. The infant prince, in that case, 
would only have stood between them and the crown. This 
diabolical plot originated with the Archbishop of St An- 
drew's and the Abbot of Kilwinning. 

Boyd was thus enabled to bring a strong body to 
the camp at Hamilton, where an army of two 
thousand men was speedily collected.* On the 
aide of Moray, at the battle of Langside, were 
Glencaim and his adherents, and many of the 
lesser barons. Amongst others, Robert Campbell 
of Kinzeancleuche, of whom an interesting anec- 
dote is told, in connexion with the engagement. 
We will give it in the words of Wodrow, in his 
Analecta : — *' Robert Campbell of Kinzeancleugh 
was vrith the regent, and was very much regarded 
by him, and by all who were with him. The 
morning before the r^;ent came to Glasgow, 
to the scuffle at Langside, Mr CampbeU went to 
^e regent and told him they were now going to 
the engagement, and he was well persuaded that 
his grace would totally defeat the queen's party. 
This assurance he had not from probabilities and 
outward appearances, which were none of the 
most promising; but from his deep concern in 
prayer for the divine providence to interpose for 
the Reformation; and, indeed, upon that latter 
scuffle the whole of the Reformation did depend : 
And had the queen and her party prevailed, popery 
had been introduced ; and great was the concern 
he and all serious Protestants had at that juncture, 
aiid God heard them. Under this prevailing ex- 
pectation of an entire defeat, he told the regent he 
had a favour to beg, and that was, in case they 
went on to a fourfaulter of the queen's adherent^ 
he had a fnend amongst them, and that was the 
sheriiF of Ayr,t and begged that he might have 
the gift of his estate in case of a defeat and four- 
faulter. The regent told him that it was soon 
enough to dispose of their estates when they were 
fourfaulted, and wished he might not be out in his 
assurance of victory. He said he asked the gift 
of his friend's estate upon that supposition. At 
length the regent promised it to him in that event. 
When Kinzeancleugh had got the grant, he sig- 
nified to the regent that he designed to give 
his friend his estate back again ; adding, he was 
but a youth, and bred in ignorance, and drawn 
away by ill company, but of a good temper and 
excellent disposition, which he hoped might be 
wrought upon by soft measures ; and he hoped 
effectually to gain him to the regent, and the Re- 
formation too; and hoped he would be of very 
great use to the Protestant cause in the west. 
All which came directly to pass. The battle was 
giuned — ^many were fourfaulted, and the sheriff 

* The remission obtained by hotd Boyd, in 1571, for 
fighting at Langside, included, besides himself, Thomas, 
Master of Boyd, Robert Boyd of Badenheath and his sons, 
the son of Adam Boyd of PenkiU, Master James Boyd of 
Troehrig, the son of Robert Boyd of Portincross — in short, 
the whole clan of the Boyds seem to have been involved 
ill thftaffieUr. 

t The Sheriff, Campbell of Londoan, was his chief. 



of Ajr^s estates given to Kinzeancleugh^ and he 
gave it back, and brought him to be a firm and 
Useful Protestant ; and that family, since created 
Lords and Earls of Loudoun, gave him a mill and 
some lands adjoining Einzeancleugh, as a token 
of their gratitude for giving back the estate."* 
Amongst the prisoners taken at the battle of Lang- 
side were the Masters of Ross, Kglinton, and Cas- 
sillis, and the young sheriff of Ayr. Of the r^^nt's 
army, Tytler states that only one soldier was killed ; 
but this Lb an evident mistake. Two armies could 
not fight resolutely, spear to spear and sword to 
sword, for three quarters of an hour, without ex- 
periencing mutual damag^. The document from 
which he draws his information says — ** of the 
Lord's side never a man of name stoin," implying 
thereby that others had been slaughtered. The 
Books of Adjournal, in the charges recorded against 
the various j)arties prosecuted for being at the 
slai^hter of Lang^de, show that many on the side 
of the regent had fallen, besides not a few severely 
wounded. Amongst the latter was Lord Ochiltree, 
whose life was endangered by a sword cut in the 
neck. Lord Boyd — ^who with Lord Fleming, the 
Lord Harris' son, and thirty others, formed a body- 
guard round the queen during the battle— suffer- 
ed considerably by the defeat at Langside ; as we 
learn, from ihe llowaUane Memorandum, he so 
^fell in the disfavour of Regent Moray" that he 
and his two sons, Thomas, Master of Boyd, and 
Robert of Badenheath, were commanded to leave 
the coimtry. During their absenoe the ** laird of 
Knockdoliane prcjranit to have dispossessit him 
[Lord Boyd] off the bailiarie of Orugar, bot be 
the diligens of Sanderis boyd, chamberland to the 
said lord boyd, the freindis of the lord boyd war 
advert^sit of the siud laird of Enockdolianes in- 
tention, and cum to Grugar, at the appointit 
day of the Laird of Knockdolianes oourt hald- 
iT\g, quhair Jhone Muir of Rowallane not only 
conveinit his awin forcis, bot also purchest his 
nichtbouris of Kilmauris and Cunninghameheid, 
and past to the zondmest {farthest] boundis of 
Grugar to resist the said laird of Knodkdoliane, 
that he and his freindis suld not get leiff to sett 
their foote wpone no grund of Grugar to hauld 
their court wnfochin with." 

The detention of Mary in England, where she 
was treated as a prisoner rather than a free princess, 
and the unpopularity of the regent, whoselukewarm- 
ness in prosecuting the king's murderers, and the 
severe penalties exacted from his opponents, created 
very general disgust, and occasioned a strong reac- 
tion in favour of the queen. A conspiracy to assas- 

* This story may be true, but Wodrow's authority is 
■omewfaat qaestionable, as he was aocustomed to tndode 
in his Analecta all sorts of information, without moeh In- 
quiry as to its authenticity. 

sinate Moray was actually discoyered. On the 28th 
July, 1568, a convention was held at Largs, at 
which Aigyle, Huntly, and the Hamiltons uniting, 
*< resolved to let loose the borderers upon Eng- 
land, and wrote to the Duke of Alva, requesting 
his aaaistanoe in the most earnest manner."* Ar- 
gyle and Huntly had immediate recourse to arms ; 
and having secured the north, were advancing to 
the south with a strong force, when they were ar- 
rested by a mandate ftom Mary, who, relying 
upon an agreement entered into with Elizabeth 
for her exculpation, felt confident of being restored 
to the Scottish throne without bloodshed. Lord 
Boyd was much trusted by Mary at this period. 
He was one of the commissioners on her part at 
York and Westminster, along with the Bishop of 
Ross, Lord Harris, the Abbot of Kilwinning,t &c., 
where they met the regent, the Duke of Norfolk, 
and the other judges. The fruitless result of 
these meetings, in so far as the release of Mary 
was concerned, is well known. The friends of 
the queen in Scotland — Chastelherault, Cassillis, 
and Lord Herries — gathered their forces; while 
Moray, with greater celerity, assembled an army 
powerful enough to disconcert them. Under these 
drcamstances Moray proposed that a conmiittee 
of noblemen, chosen from both sides, should meet 
in Edinburgh to deliberate upon a general pacifi- 
cation. The treacherous conduct of the regent, 
in seizing the Duke of Chastelherault and Lord 
Herries at the convention, created a deep feding 
of indignation throughout the country, but it in- 
timidated Argyle and Huntly, the principal re- 
maining leaders of the queen's party. Boyd me«n« 
while remained in England, and was much ent- 
ployed in those n^^iations between Mary and 
Elizabeth by which the unfortunate queen was 
amused with vain hopes of restoration. This is 
shown by various documents among the Boyd 
papers. There is a « pass," dated 18th December, 
1568, by Elizabeth, for the Lord Boyd to go to 
the queen of Scots, he having to *< communicate 
unto her certain things he hath to deliver unto 
her from us'' [Elizabeth]; and another, dated 
15th May, 1669, from Queen Mary to the Lord 
Boyd to the queen's majesty (of Engbind) upon 
special affairs. While the project of marriage 
between Mary and the Duke of Norfolk was 
entertuned, unknown to Elizabeth, and favour- 
ably r^arded by many of the most powerful 

♦ Tytler. 

t In a paper entitled the ** Katification*' of this com- 
mission, in the Boyd charter-chest, the commissioners are 
thus named: — ** Thomas, hischop of Ros; William, Lord. 
Levinston; Robert, Lord Boyd; Johnne, Lord Heryas; 
Gawyne, Comendator of Kilwyning; Johnne Gordon of 
Lochynvar, knt ; James Cockbume of Stirling, knt." 
This ratification is dated 9th Feb., 1668. It agrees en- 
tirely with the statement of GoodalL 



fiunilies in Englandy to support which the Earl of 
Moray had given ins pledge to Norfolk, Lord 
Boyd, with the concurrence of Elizabeth, was des- 
patched to Scotland, bearing letters from both 
queens and from Norfolk, to the regent, as to the 
possibility of effecting a reconciliation. For this 
purpose he had a ^ pass," [4th June^ 1669], by 
Queen Mary, in virtue of his commission. He 
was to be furnished with " dx able horses, to carry 
him and his servants, beside a g^de from place to 
place unto Carlisle." He carried with him the 
following letter or commission from the queen, 
authorising him to conclude an arrangement in 
her name* — 

**Uuie — ^Be the i^aee of God Quene of Seottis, and 
fiouarine of France. To all and syndrie qahals knaw- 
ledg« thir preaentis sail cunii Oreting in God everlasting. 
flTortamokill as We being movit with tbe greit Inlif and 
•ITectioune qnhilk we beire to onre natorale realme, and of 
the petie and oonsideration yat we haif to understand 
that or. maist obedient and affectionat snbjectis are now 
myserably opprest and moUeetit. We will (gif it be pos- 
sible) prefer the rest and tranquiUitie of thame and of or. 
haill reabne to all uthir thing qnairto we maye condescend 
wt. or. honor, conservatioun of our eetait, and libertie of 
oor said realme, Quhairfor, nocbtwithstanding the Indigna- 
tions and groToas offences quhairby we haif bene provokit 
to Jnst anger agidnis sum quha ar Inobient subiects mto 
ws. We ar content and desyris to vse the waye of meknes 
and benevolence towartis all men ; and tbalrlbr ypoun the 
oertane knawledge that we haif of the lidelitie, visdome, 
and dnnunspoctioun of our right trusty and well belovit 
eousyne and counsalor, Robert, Lord boyd, hes maid, con- 
stitute, and ordainit, and be thir presentis makis, constitutes, 
and ordains him oure commissioner, geving, granting, and 
remitting to him our frie, full poware, commissioun, au- 
thorltie, and comandment, generalie and spedalie. To pas 
in our said realme of Scotland, and thare to comoun and 
confer for us, and in our name, with James, earle of Mur- 
ray, To helre and understand tiie conditionis that may be 
proponit vnto him be the said eari of Murraye, for vaye and 
moyen of appoyntment and reconciUationn betuix us, him, 
and our Inobedient subiects ; and to reassone, confere, and 
daiU with him vponn the saidis conditiounis, and moyens of 
appoyntment, as the matter sail requyer, and as sal be 
found neceasarie be oure said richt trusty cousigne, coun- 
salor, and comissioner; and quhatever he agreis to in 
our name We promeis, upoun the word of ane prince, to 
bald ferme and stabill, Ratifle and approve the same In- 
violabillie, to be obeenrit in all tymes cuming. In witness 
of the quhilk we haif subscryvit thir presentis with our 
hand, and eansit affix our signet thairto. At Wingdfeild,* 
the fonrt daye of Junil, The sere of Ood Imvc. threiscore • 
and nyne zeiris, and of our Begine the xzv^J seire. 

**MAam R.» 

At the convention of the nobility which wsA held 
at Perth, to receive Lord Boyd, the partizans of 
the regent, acting upon his private advice— for he 
saw that any negotiation for the return of the 
queen to even a partial share in the government 
would prove hazardous to his views of political 
aggrandisement — strenuously opposed the terms 
submitted to the meeting. The convention broke 
up without coming to any satisfactory conclusion, 
and Lord Boyd had to return to Mary to com- 
municate the unpleasant result of his commission. 
The assassination of the Regent Moray by Ha- 

* Wingfleld Is in tbe county of Derby. 

milton of Bothwdhaugh, at Linlithgow, in 1569-> 
70, at the time he was exerting all his influence 
with Elizabeth to have Mary sent back to Scot- 
land to be placed under his charge, promised to 
turn out favourably for the queen. Her party- 
embracing, amongst others, Cassillis, Eglinton, 
and Boyd — ^was decidedly the strong^. The 
balance, however, was more than restored to the 
other side-— of whom Morton was the chief, and 
in which were Glencaim, Ochiltree, and Cathcart 
— ^by the intrigues and assistance of Elizabeth. 
In the struggle for supremacy of the two parties, 
and while the country was without tbe controlling 
hand of a regent, old feuds were revived, and the 
utmost anarchy and confumon prevailed. The 
most remarkable event, perhaps, in tlfese wild 
times, was the <' roasting of the abbot of Grosra- 
guel," AUan Stewart, by the Earl of Cassillis, in 
the *< black voute (vault) of Dunure." This oc- 
curred on the 1st and 7th days of September, 
1570. The object of the earl was to obtain pos- 
session of the abbacy and its livings. An ac- 
curate account of this affiiir is furnished in the 
<' Complante " of the abbot himself to the Privy 
Council. It is as follows: — "Vnto your grace 
and lordis of Secreit Counsall, humblie meanes 
and schaws your servitour, Mr Alane Stewart, 
commendatour of Crosraguell, that whair, vpon 
the 29 day of August last by past, I, beand within 
the wood of Crosraguall, doand my leasome ear- 
andis and busines, belevand na harme nor inva- 
sione to have been done to me be any persone or 
persones; Nottheles, Gilbert, Erie of Cassilis, 
Thomas, Maister of Cassilis, with their compUces, 
to the number of 16 persones or thereby, came to 
me and persuadit me be thair flatterie and deoeat- 
ful wordis to pas with thame to his castle and 
place of Dunvre, being alwayis myndit, gif 1 had 
made refusall to pass with them, to have taken me 
perforce. And he, puttand me within the same, 
that I suld be in sure firmance, commandit sex of 
his servantis to await vpon me, so that I ischewit 
[escaped] not ; wha tuike fra me my hors, with all 
my weaponis, and then departed, quhile [until] the 
first day of September therefker, that he came 
agane, and requyrit me to subscryve to him ane 
Few Chartour, brought with him, made in parch- 
ment, of the whole landis perteaning to the said 
abbacie, together with 19 and 5 year Tak of the 
fructls, teyndis, and dewities therof, as he alledgit, 
of the whole kirkis and personages perteaning 
thairto ; whairof I never redd a word of, answerit, 
*it was a thing vnreasonable, and that I could na 
wayis doe, in respect the same, long of befoir, was 
alreddie disponit to the kindlie tenantis and pos- 
sesseris therof, and to James Stewart of Cardoiv- 
all;* and, therefore, the samin being furth of 

* Cardonall was a relation of the Ahbot. 



my landis I culd na wayis grant his vnreason- 
able desyre/ Wha then, after long boasting 
and minassing of me, caused me to be carriet 
be Jhone Kennedie, his baxter, Jhone m^eir, his 
euike, Alexander Ritchard his pantriman, Alexan- 
der Eccles and Sir William Tode,* to ane hous 
callit the Black Youte of Dunvre ; whair the tor- 
menteris denudit me of all my deatbis, perforce, 
except onlie my sark and doablat ; and then band 
baith my handis, at the shakle-bones, with ane 
corde, as he did bayth my feet, and band my soilles 
betuix an iron chimlay and a fyre;t and beand 
bound thereto could no wayis steir nor move, but 
had almost inlaikit [died] through my crewell 
burning. And seing na vther appearance to me, 
but eathear to condescend to his desyre, or eUs to 
oontinew in that torment while I died, tuke me to 
the longest lyfe, and said ' I wald obey his desyre,' 
2ilbeit it was sore against my will. And for to be 
rderit of my said paine, subscryvit the foir named 
Charter and Tackis, whilk I never yet red, nor 
knew what therin was conteaned; which beand 
done, the said Erie cauat the said tormentouris of 
me sweir, vpon ane Byble, never to reveill ane 
word of this my vnmerciefull handling, to ony per- 
aone or persones. Yit, he not beand satisfied with 
their proceidings, come agane vpon the 7 day of 
the foirsaid moneth, bringand widi him the samyn 
Charteour and Tack, which he compellit me to 
subscribe^ and requyred me to ratiffie and approve 
the same, befoir Notar and Witnessis ; which al- 
luterlie [altogether] I refused. And therfore he, 
as of befoir, band me, and pat me to the same 
maner of tormenting, and I said, notvnthstanding, 
<He suld first get my lyfe or ever I agreit to his 
desyre;' and being in so grit paine, as I truste 
never man was in, with his lyfe, whair I cryed, 
*Fye vpon you! will ye ding whingaris [short 
swords] in me and put me of this world I or elis 
put a barrell of poulder vnder me, rather nor to be 
demaned in this vnmercifull maner!' The said 
Erie hearing me cry, bade his servant Alexander 
Bitchard put ane serviat [a table-napkin] in my 
throat, which he obeyed; the same being performed 
at xi horis in the nyght ; wha then seing that I 
was in danger of my life, my flesch consumed and 
burnt to the bones, and that I wald not condescend 
to thair purpose, I was releivit of that pune; 
whairthrow, I will never be able nor Weill in my 
lyftyme." Such is the plain statement of the in- 
jured commendator. Richard Bannatyne, in his 
'*. MemoriaJes,*' gives a more graphic description of 

* The Earl's chaplain, no doubt, 
f The grate in sncli places stood in the centre of a spa- 
cious square or oblong chimney, along three of the sides of 
which stone seats were arranged, so as to admit of a large 
number of persons sitting round the fire. The fourth side 
of the square was left open, so as to communicate light 
and boat to the rest of the apartment Pitcaim, 

the affair ; but as he seems to have been inspired 
with no small hatred of the queen and her sup- 
porters, it is not improbable that his statement may 
be somewhat highly coloured, though the fact was 
no doubt bad enough in itself. He thus describes 
the release of the abbot : — ^ The famous King* of 
Carrick, and his coockes, perceaving the rost to be 
aneuch, comandit it to be tane fra the fyre, and 
the Erie himself began the grace in this maner : 
' BenedicUe Jesus Maria ! you are the most ob- 
stinat man that ever I saw ! Gif I had knowin 
that ye had bene so stubbome, I wold not for a 
thousand crownis handled you so ! I never did so 
to man, befoir you.' " In his complaint to the 
Privy Council, the abbot farther stated that the 
Earl had intromitted with and taken up his whole 
liWng of Crossraguel, without title or* right, for 
three years past, and that he had done so m de- 
fiance of the king's letters and charges to the con- 
trary, as if he were ''not subiect to lawes, but 
mycht doe all thingis at his pleasour." He had 
also detained the abbot in confinement at Dunure, 
notwithstanding that he had been charged upon 
letters of homing to set him at liberty. So little 
attention did the ''long of Carrick" pay to these let- 
ters, that he allowed himself to be put to the horn, 
and incurred the pains of treason ; stiU the abbot 
remained in his custody. 

Finding the abbot resolute in his determinatk>n 
not to ratify the documents which he had previ- 
ously signed, the Earl proceeded to Cassillis, leaving 
him in the hands of his servants. In the mean- 
time, the Laird of Bargany, hearing of the mal- 
treatment of his brother-in-law,t the abbot, sent 
one ''Dauid Kennedy of Maxsaltone, quha had 
been his peadge befoir," with ten or twelve ser- 
vants, under cloud of night, to Dunure. Here the 
party concealed themselves in the chapel, which, 
though connected with the main portion of the 
castle, was outside the moat, at the end of the 
draw-bride. In the morning, as the keepers were 
'< opening the yett," they issued out, and entering 
the house, took the domestics captive, confining 
them, no doubt for safety, in the keep. Not . 
daring to venture forth with the abbot, lest the 
Earl's tenantry should attack them, they despatch- 
ed one of their number privately to apprise Bar- 
gany of their situation. Before the laird could 
assemble a sufficient force, however, the Master of 
Cassillis, and his unde, the Laird of Culzean, col- 
lected a numerous body of retainers, and, surroimd- 
ing the castle, endeavoured to make good an 
entrance by piercing the wall of the chapel ad- 
joining the dungeon. The men within defended 
themselves with much spirit. They threw down 

* Bo were the Earls of Cassillis called, firom their almost 
boundless power in Carrick. 

t Stewart was matriod to his sister. 


large stones from the bsttleraents of the castle, 
and, breaking the roof of the chapel, compelled 
the assailants to desist. The Master of Casaillis 
is described as having been the ^^frackest," or 
boldest in the assault. He determined to set fire 
to the building, threatening to destroy all within. 
The assailed advised him to be more moderate ; 
but, in the words of the " Historic'' from which we 
borrow, ^no admonition wad help, till that ihe 
wind of ane haoquebute blasted his shulder, and 
then ceased he from further persoite, in furie." 
Bargany, meanwhile, was not idle. He procured 
letters from the proper authority, charging all his 
majesty's subjects to aid him against the Earl, and 
so great was the ferment created by the treatment 
of the abbot, that he soon found himself at the 
head not only of all his own retainers, but an im. 
mense' gathering from Kyle and Cuninghame. 
Before such an overwhelming body, the Master of 
Casaillis and his followers were obliged to redre. 
The besi^^ were relieved, and the abbot carried, 
** brunt as be was," to the town of Ayr, where, at 
the cross, he denounced the cruelty of which he 
had been the victim. Dunure castle continued in 
possession of Bargany's men for some time after- 
wards. It was in thdr hands on the 7th of Feb- 
ruary, 1571, when Bannatyne wrote the account 
of the " roasting.*' The Earl of Cassillis at last 
thought proper to answ^ the summons of the 
Privy Coundl, and, appearing personally before 
the regent (Liennoz) and the Secret Councdl, urged 
that the points in the complaint must be either 
civil or criminal, and '* that be ought not to answer 
thereto, hot befor the judges competent." The 
regent and Council desJt very leniently with the 
Earl. Professing unwillingness to prgudge the 
ordinary jurisdicUon or judgment, but only to pro- 
vide for itie quietness of the realm, they ordained 
him to find caution not to molest Mr Allan Stewart 
in his body, or intromit or meddle with the place 
and living of Crossraguel, its fruits, rents, profits, 
or duties, imder the pain of two thousand pounds. 
He was bound at the same time, and to the same 
amount, to ^ Mr (George Buchuhannan, pensioner 
of CrosragueU," from which it would appear that 
Buchanan's pension, arising from the revenues of 
the abbey, was not affected by 6tewart*s appoint- 
ment as commendator. The affair of the abbot 
occasioned a great feud between Cassillis and Bar- 
gany ; they were, however, reconciled by the inter- 
ference of friends. To the '* brunt abbot" Cas- 
sillis gave a certain sum annually, by way of 
aaJatium for his injuries. 

While such tyranny was enacted in Carrick, the 
arm of the law seemed equally powerless in other 
parts of the county. In September, 1570, John 
Mure of Caldwell was slain by Alexander Cuning- 
hame, youngs of Aiket, with a party of friends and 

servants — a feud between the Mures and Cuning-. 
hames having prevailed for a length of time pre- 
viously. Several prosecutions for " abiding from 
the raid of Linlithgow," where the regent Lennox 
had ordered a muster of the forces of the kingdom, 
soon after his elevation to the regency, occur in 
the Books of AcDoumal at this period. The law 
prohibiting the mass Was also infringed. Mr Ar- 
chibald Craufurd, parsoun of Eglishame, Mr Ro- 
bert Cuninghame, and *^ Jaspar Montgomerie and 
Johnne Masoune, dwelling at Eglintoune, and 
Schir Johnne Muir, dwelling at Kilmarnock," 
were denounced as rebels and their moveable 
goods confiscated, for celebrating the mass. Such 
was the tcderation established at the Reformation} 
Notwithstanding the friendship that had long ex- 
isted between the Mures of Rowallane and the 
Boyd family — of which various instances have been 
already recorded — a^ deadly feud occurred about 
this time between them. It seems to have arisen 
out of the slaughter of Sir Robert Colville of 
Ochiltree, maternal grandfather to the fourth Lord 
Boyd, in which the Mures were concerned.* In 
the month of August, 1571, it appears that ''Ro- 
bert Lord boyd, Thomas maister boyd, James 
boyd of Kippis, Alexr. boyd baillie of Kilmamok, 
James slos [Asloss] of yt. ilk, Thomas Ros in bord^ 
land, Jhonne cravt^fuird in Wellstoun," vrith their 
accomplices to the number of sixteen, ** all boidin 
in feir of weir, wt. Jackis, speirs, secreitis, stdl 
bonnetis, swordis, lang culweringis, duggis and 
pistolettis," beset John Mure, in the Well, near the 
kirk of Prestwick, on his way home, riding alone, 
from Ayr. He was assailed and slain on the spot. 
Mure of Rowallane, as the chief of the deceased, 
pursued Lord Boyd for satisfaction. The regent 
Mar, anxious to remove all occasion of controversy 
amongst individuals in the divided and unsettled 
state of the country, interfered, and after some 
time the parties were induced to come to a settle- 
ment. By an agreement, dated Aslos, 27th May, 
1572, Lord Boyd came under an obligation to pay 
Janet, spouse of the late John Mure, for his slaugh-* 
ter, the sum of '* twa hundreth threttie three lbs. 
six and eightpence," by instidments — the Master 
of Rowallane acting in behalf of the widow and 
her children. 

The civil war which ensued between the ad- 
herents of Mary and the English party, threw 
the country into the utmost confusion and blood- 
shed. Little consistency was shown by the no- 
bility, many of them changing sides as caprice 
or interest du'ected. When Stirling, where the 
regent held a parliament, was surpiised by a 
night attack of the queen's forces in 1571, Glen- 
cairn, Cassillis, and Eglinton were among the no- 

* " TheHistorie and Deecont of the House of Sowallan." 



blemeq taken prisoners — ^the two latter, though 
favourable to the queen, having deemed it safer 
apparently to obey the summons of the regent. 
Upon the death of Lennox, who was killed in this 
affiur, these noblemen, along with Argyle, entered 
into an agreement with Mar and Morton for settling 
the troubles of the nation.* Subseqoentlj the 
SheriiF of Ayr, whose estates had been preserved 
to him by RinzeaxK&leuche, gave in his adherence 
to the regency ; and gradually the cause of the 
queen, which at first promised to be triumphant, 
became so weakened that, with the capture of 
Edinburgh castle and the death of Kirkaldy of 
Grange, in 1573, it may be said to have been ren- 
dered entirely hopeless. Even the much-trusted 
Lord Boyd seems to have given way to the force 
of circumstances. At the conference respecting 
the surrender of Edinburgh castle, before its 
abandonment by the small garrison under Grange, 
he appeared for the regent. 

By the execution of Grange, and the death of 
the Duke of Hamilton shortly afterwards, Morton 
fdt a degree of security in his position as regent 
which he had not previously known ; and for se- 
veral years the country enjoyed a release from 
civil commotion that produced the most happy 
change, in the promotion of agricultural and com- 
mercial wealth. The laws were enforced by the 
regent with salutary rigour; and comparative 
peace and order prevailed. Still there were occa^ 
sional feudal raids and slaughters, to the entire 
suppression of which no executive, however strong 
or vigilant, seemed equal. « November 6, 1576 — 
George Crawfurd of Lefnories, Hew Crawfurd of 
Auchinvie his Bailzie, George Crawfurd of Auch- 
incroice, Ronald Hutcheoun in Hannay&toun, and 
thirteen others," were *<delatit of convocatioun 
of our souerane lordis Hegis, to the nowmer of 
Ix persounes or thairbye, bodin in feir of weir,*t 
and '< cuming'to the hous of Dauid Blak, in Dal. 
lek-killis, quairin thai had housit Johne Crawfurd 
of Heidmark, assegeing to the samin be the space 
of thre houris or thiurbye, quhill [until] thai forceit 
him to rander the samin to thame ; taking of the 
siud Johne Crawfurd in Heidmark perforce, and 
haifing of him bund as a captive to the place of 
Lefinoreis, quhiur thai detenit him within the samin 
be the space of xviij dayes or thairbye, in strait 
captivitie and presoun." This attack was com- 
mitted m October, 1574. On the 21st May, 1577, 
John Blair of that Ilk, William his brother, and 
**Johnne Or, notar, serwand to Glengamok," 
were found guilty of *' schutting with pi&tollettis, 
of following and chasing of Thomas Crawfurd 
and servandls for thair slauchteris, vpoune foir- 

* This document is dated at Stirling, 12th Augusti 1571. 
f Arrayed in wai'Iike manner. 

thocht fdlonie." The Blairs had a large party 
with them. It was under tbe regency of Morton 
that the first recorded instance of witch-burning in 
Ayrshire occurs. That was ** Jonet Boyman, spous 
to William Steill," who was condemned 29th Dec., 
1572. Witchcrafl, or sorcery, was no doubt or- 
dered to be inquired into, by the regulations of the 
Justice-aire of Jedburgh, in 1510; but only one 
trial appears in the Books of Adjournal before 
1572, in which case the party was *<banist and 
exilit*' (1563). Tbe most interesting, perhaps, 
of all these early witch trials, was that of Bessie 
Dunlop, parish c^ Dairy (Ayrshire), in 1576; but 
the details fall more appropriately under a dif- 
ferent department of the present work ; we may, 
however, mention one or two particulars. Eliza- 
beth was the wife of Andrew Jack, in Lyne— 
then the property of the Boyd family. Bbe was 
accused of *^ sorcerie, witchcrafl, and Incantadoune, 
with Invocatioun of spretis of the devill." To the 
various charges of the dittay she made an ingenu- 
ous reply. Of herself she said she had no power^ 
but depended wholly upon the advice and assis- 
tance of << Thome Reid, quha deit at Pinkye." 
Tom, when in life, was " officiare," probably baron- 
officer, to the Laird of Blair ; and, if he fell at 
Pinkie, had been dead twenty-nine years. The 
personal appearance of Tom, who professed to come 
from Elf-land, was thus described by Bessie—^ 
**He was ane honest, well elderlie man, gray 
bairdit, and had ane gray coitt with Lumbart 
slevis, of the auld fassioun ; ane pair of gray brekis 
and quhyte schankis, gartanit abone the kne ; ane 
blak bonet on his heid, cloise behind and plane 
befoir, with silken laissis drawin throw the lippis 
thairof; and ane quhyte wand in his hand." 
Bessie, in terms of her own confession, was con- 
victed and burned. 

Some time before this, as we learn from Ths 
Historie of the Kennedyis*, Carrick and Kyle had 
been the scene of various feudal conflicts between 
the Crawfurds and Kennedies. Bloodshed fre- 
quently arose out of very trifling circumstances. 
The Laird of Kelwood (John Corrie), who was a 
dependent of Cassilhs (John, fifth earl,) at the 
time — according to the Historie — ^had purchased 
" fra ane pwir wyff ane peace of gold, quhilk they 
callit ane leigpia,t off ane pund wechtt or thairby, 
quhilk scho fund in ane bame within my lordis 
landis." Cassilhs having learnt this, and thinking 
the gold of much greater value than it really was, 
he sent for Kelwood and desired it to be gfiven up 
to him. Kelwood refused, saying he had bought 
it with his own money. Cassillis was g^reatly 
enraged at this ; and being at the time on terms of 

* PubliBhod by Pitcaim, from tlie original MB. in 1880. 
f The precise meaning of this term is not known. 



close frieiidaliip with Bargany, who was at May- 
bole,* thev set out together, at the head of a |xirty, 
and surrounduig the field of Thomaston castlet 
in the night time, laid siege to the house. Kel- 
wood, seeing that they had effected a breach in 
<* the waH of the jajine,"j) surrendered to Barganv, 
upon condition that his life should be saved. He 
was taken prisoner to Maybole, and, upon the 
gold being forthcoming, set at liberty. Kelwood 
instantly rode to Edinburgh, and charged them 
before the Privy Ck>uncil with his capture. Cas> 
• sillis and Bargany were subjected to some trouble 
in consequence; though they in "the end gat 
monyis, and wes fred fra the same." Kelwood, as 
may well be supposed, was afraid to return to 
Carrick for some time. In his strait, " he fell in 
gritt famelyritty," says the Hiitority ''with the 
laird of Carse,'* the almost hereditary enemy of 
the Kennedies. Kene, who relished nothing bet- 
ter than a ''rud'' across the Doon,$ Airnished 
Kelwood with a guard of Crawfiirds, who attend- 
ed him to Thomaston. Some time after this, my 
Lord of Cassillb and his friends having an ap- 
pointment at Ayr at a horse race,! Kerse also 
being present with some of his adherents, a quar- 
rel occurred between the parties about the ^ brek- 
ing of ane drwme " — ^used, no doubt, in starting 
the horses. A fight of course ensued ; in which 
<' Johnne Kennedy of Penquhiren wes schott throw 
the leg, and James Crafurd, broder to the Gude'- 
manne of Gamier, wes schott in the kirnelUs of the 
thie, quhairoff he wes leyammitt all his dayis.'* 

In riding to Edinburgh not long afterwards, 
the Earl of Cassillis met with an accident at a 
place called Slunkdub, near Glasgow; where» in 
passing over <' ane litiU steane brig our ane linne 
of ane bume," his horse fell and hurt him severely. 
He was witli difficulty carried to Edinburgh, where 
he died [December, 1576] after a lingering ilhiess. 
Before his death he appointed his brother-in-law 
— ^Lord Glammis, Lord Chancellor — tutor to his 
son, then very young, in place of his brother. Sir 
Thomas Kennedy of Culzean, upon whom the 
office should have devolved according to ancient 
custom. Sir Thomas, however, had some time 

* CmsUUs and Bargany seem to have been living in 
their town houses in Maybole. 

f Thomaston castle, in the vicinity of Colzean, was then 
the seat of the Conies. 

X Jamb, a small addition attached to the main boildlng. 

I Kerse castle was situated in Goylton, on the north 
side of the Doon. 

II Hone races were early introdnoed and greatly patron- 
ised by the Stnarfes. — ^Paisley races. Act anent the sliver 
belL Afiril, 1008— Item, it U condodit that ane Silver 
Bell be made, of 4 once weeht, with all diUigence, for ane 
Horee lUee ycfarlie, to be appoynttt within this Bmreh, and 
the boonds and day for mhning thereof to be set down be 
advice of my Lord Brie of Abercom, Lord Paislay and 
Kllpatrick.— Pmsley Magatme, p. 629. 


previously offended the Earl, by convening a party 
of his lordship's servants in Maybole, under cloud 
of night, and shooting at his house, as if ** it had 
being the Iturd of Carse and my lordis enemeis ; 
quhairby he thocht that my lord suld have inter- 
teneyitt him and his seruandis the better." The 
device, however, was discovered ; and Cassillis 
believing that in reality his brother designed to 
take his life, or cause injury to his lady, he 
deprived him of the tutorship. This gave rise 
to much strife between the Chancellor and Sir 
Thomas, the latter still claiming the office in virtue 
of his connexion. What followed affords a curious 
picture of the times. The Chancellor, meditating 
a journey to Carrick, despatched an order to make 
provision for his coming ; for, although the His- 
tarie does not say so, there can be no doubt that 
he would be accompanied by a retinue equal to 
his high rank, and sufficient to protect him from 
his enemies. The Master of Cassillis, as Sir Thomas 
was called, with the view of distressing — if he 
dared not resist by force of arms so important 
an official as the Lord Chancellor — ^^'destroyitt all 
the prowisione, bayth in Carrik and Galloway," 
just as he would have done if the district had 
been threatened with foreign invasion. Thinking 
that this was advised by the laird of Bargany, the 
Chancellor caused the laird to be put in ward in 
Edinburgh, not only as a punishment, but pro- 
bably as a hostage for his own safety, until his 
return. With this precauti<Hi, the Lord Chancellor 
ventured upon his journey. At Maybole he was 
furnished with provisions by the town, '*albeitt 
aganis thair will ;*' and while in Qalloway he wa^ 
entertained by the laird of Gairsland, " yit he gat 
small obedyance." During the whole of his so- 
journ, Bargan/s houses were open to the Master, 
and all his friends were with him, *< in the nycht 
as thay mycht best." On the Chancellor's return 
to Edinburgh he left some men in the house of 
Maybole, with the Lady Cassillis, who was his 
nster. Meanwhile the laird of Kerse — ^following 
up the feud about the ^'breking" of the *' drwme" 
at Ayr — broke across the Doon with a dozen of 
horse, and slew George Kennedy of the Beoch, 
''ane innocent manne aboue his awine worth, 
heaffand mareyitt the Lady Couff."* The death 
of the Lord Chancdlor — ^who was slain in a scuffle 
on the streets of Stirling [March 17, 1578], be- 
tween his followers and those of the £^1 of Craw- 
fordt — ^left the tutorship of the young Elarl of 
Cassillis to Sir Thomas Kennedy, without contra- 
diction ; the more so as he had the assistance of 

* John Kennedy of Coolf, or Core, possessed that pro- 
perty prior to Sir Thomas Kennedy, the tutor, as he was 
nsniUly called. 

f Lord Glammis was slain by a random shot, alleged to 
have come tnm the laird of Bargany's stair. 



Bargany. This weighty matter being arranged, 
John Kennedy of Penwhirrie applied to Bargany 
and the tutor for assistance against the laird of 
Kerse, in revenge for the slaughter of George 
Kennedy. The request bdng granted, Penwhirrie, 
with six others, passed into Kyle in the night time, 
and slew two Crawfurds, named John and Rodger. 
Penwhirrie was afterwards taken into household 
with Bargany, along with three of his accomplices, 
Andrew Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, and ^ane 
callit Blake James Kennedy." The tutor took 
under his immediate protection Oliver Kennedy, 
Hew Kennedy of Craigneil, and Gilbert Stewart 
of Craigincroy, the other three. "Efler this 
slachter of thir Crafurdis," says the HUtorie-j 
^ thair wes mony braillis amangis thame, and gritt 
trubill was begunne betwix the laird of Lochinwar 
and his men of Gordoune, and the laird of Gairs- 
land. The laird of Bargany and the tutour tuik 
Garsland be the hand, and mayntenit him. In 
the quhilk deidly feid thair was sindry slayne, on 
bayth the sy<lis, quhilk continewitt werry lang. 
And Blairquhane fell in ane greitt feid with the 
laird of Gairlles, quhair thair wes ane gritt number 
slayne and hurtt." 

. Though a wonderitd degree of prosperity was 
experienced during the early part of the regency 
of Morton, and most men, tired vnth the long 
series of civil wars to which the country had been 
subjected, were inclined to accommodate them- 
selves to the existing state of things — ^yet the 
tyrannical conduct of Morton, in the exaction of 
fines, and otherwise levying unjust imposts, which 
he applied to the aggrandisement of himself, very 
generally disgusted the people. The Church par- 
ticipated in the dislike. At length a formidable 
coalition was formed, with the view of deposing 
him, and placing the government in the hands of 
the young king. Athole and Argjle were at the 
head of this faction, and James himself was favour- 
able to the project. These noblemen, along with 
several others who had joined the coalition, met 
as if by accident at Stirling, in March, 1577, when 
an instantaneous revolution was effected, Morton 
having been apparently quite unprepared to resist the 
combination. Letters were immediately despatch- 
ed to die nobility, at least those friendly to the 
enterprize, requesting their attendance. Amongst 
these was Lord Boyd. The letter addressed to 
him^ — still preserved in the family charter-chest — 
is dated the 14th March, 1577. It was written 
in the name of James R., and required him to 
attend at Stirling to consult with others of his 
nobility as to the demission of lus last regent, the 
Earl of Morton ; and his assuming the govern- 
ment in his own person. Glencaim was one of 
the Council of Twelve appointed at this conference 
to co-operate with the young king in carrying on 

the government. The triumph of the coalition, 
however, was short-lived. Morton, by a happy 
stroke of policy and resolution, contrived to regain, 
not the name, but all the actual power of regent ; 
having, the young king entirely under his control. 
This led to a warlike display on both sides ; and 
but for the earnest interference of the English 
minister, as the two armies were drawn up in 
front of each other, much bloodshed would have 
been the result. By this mediation a compromise 
was patched up between the parties. All the in- 
fluence of Morton was now bent agunst the Ha- 
miltons. The Duke of Chastelherault had died 
in the meantime, and the Earl of Arran was in- 
sane. The leading of the family consequently 
devolved upon his brothers, the Lord of Arbroath 
and Lord Claude Hamilton. The clan had no 
doubt much to answer for. The slaughters of 
the regents Moray and Lennox both lay at their 
doors. It was, in all probability, with a view to 
the punishment of the Hamiltons that King James, 
by a letter — dated 3d December, 1578 — ^to Lord 
Boyd, requested his attendance at Stirling on the 
8th of the same month ; although the professed 
object was to take counsel as to settling of the 
disturbances of the west. The letter states that 
the king had taken occasion to write to Lord Boyd 
and others, to meet and consult what should be 
done, having heard of '* sundrie slauchteris, mutila- 
tiouns, and otheris grevous enormities laitlie com- 
mittit in sundrie prts. of or. realme, Bot specialie 
of lait in the west prts., amangis sic persouns us 
we feir farder Inconvenient sail schortlie follow 
gif tymous remed be not providit."* No notice is 
taken of this convention by the historian, and pos- 
sibly it might have had no other object than what 
was set forth in the king*s letter ; but as Boyd — 
who had fought at Langside with the Hamiltons, 
and had long been on terms of friendship with 
them — did not answer the call of his sovereign, it 
may be inferred that he had some idea of the 
real purport of the meeting. Lord Boyd having 
failed to attend at Stirling on the 8th, he was 
again written to by the king, or rather Morton 
in his name, on the 9th December, requesting his 
presence. This letter is curious, as showing the 
style in which it was deemed prudent for the 
monarch to address his subjects under the peculiar 
circumstances of the time: — 


Trust coosing and counsalour we grcit zow weilL 
Wo loukit tbat zo sould haue bene heir at as vponn the 
TiiJ day of thia ioBtant December, according to or. lait ftr. 
directit unto zow. Bot we suppone the cans of sour stay 
bes bene in the meeseoger, that hes not deliverit the same 
Itr. to zow in dew tyme. Alwayis zeing that we have 
divers greit and wechtie materia requiring zoar advice 
and pma. quhilk may resaave na greit delay, we will re- 
queist zow thairfoir efferainalie That ze will not fidll, all 
excuses and partieularia laid a prt. to address sow to be 

* Letter in the Boyd charter-chest. 



heir at us apon tbe zs day of this instant. To gif soar ad- 
vise in thes niateris, wt. otheris of or. nobilitie to quhome 
we have alsaa written for this same elfeir. As ze will 
expect or. maist spedaUe thanks, thus tending assniHitlie 
for zoar coming, we eomit sow to God. from or. castell 
of Striveling, the nynt day of December, 1578. 


Lord Boyd most probably obeyed this second sum- 
mons. All that we know of the matter is, that 
severe measures were adopted against the HamiU 
tons. A ^ raid '* was undertaken against them by 
Morton and Angus in person. The king's letter 
requesting Lord Boyd to be at Hamilton on re- 
ceipt, to aid in the capture of John and Claud 
Hamilton, sons of the late Duke of Chastelherault, 
is dated the 2d Mav, 1579. Both the castles of 
Hamilton and DrafTen were besieged and taken. 
John and Claud Hamilton, however, were not 
Gf4)tured, having fled to England ; but they were 
subsequently declared traitors, and had their estates 


The assnmption of the reins of government 
by James, in the twelfth year of his age, could 
not be expected to lead to any salutary change. 
At that early age he could not act upon his 
own judgment. Morton therefore continued to 
exercise nearly the same power he had done while 
r^;ent. He was soon supplanted, however, in 
the confidence of the king, by his cousin, fisme 
Stewart, who arrived from France — where he 
had been brought up— in 1569 ; and who imme- 
diately became a great favourite. The earldom 
of Lennox was conferred upon him, as well as the 
rich abbacy of Arbroath. He was subsequently 
appointed chamberlain for Scotland, and had his 
earldom erected into a dukedom. Nothing stood 
between him and the sole power of the govern- 
ment save Morton; whose intrigues with Eliza- 
beth for the destruction of Lennox and the French 
party, whose influence over James was greatly 
dreaded by the English queen, afforded him ample 
excuse for contriving his downfal. In this design 
be found a ready and able assistant in Captain 
James Stewart, better known as the Earl of Arran, 
who was destined to sustain a conspicuous part 
among the more prominent actors on the political 
stage in Scotland at this period. The history of 
this individual s career, which was brief, but full 
of dramatic incident, is highly instructive. Un- 
principled, ambitious, proud, and tyrannical, he 
possessed, at the same time, considerable talent — 
and while courteous and accomplished, had a head 
capable of contriving, and a hand ready and ener- 
getic to carry the most daring schemes into execu- 

tion. The age, no doubt, was prolific of intrigue 
and dissimulation. Where all were scrambling tor 
power,, the more reckless and artful were alone 
likely to succeed. The policy of Elizabeth in her 
dealings with this country, both before and afrer 
the majority of James VI., had a baneful mfluence 
on the integrity and honour of all who took part 
in public affairs. James himself became an adept 
in what he called king-craft, and his nobles, with 
scarcely one exception, were equally studious of the 
royal art. Self-preservation, in many instances, 
compelled them to act disingenuously. Never, in 
short, was a nation so distracted by contending 
influences. Scotland, during the reign of Eliza- 
beth, may be compared to a chess-board, and France 
and England the chief players. The game was 
long and skilfully contested, and the victory of 
the latter may be attributed more to the peculiar 
position in which James stood as successor to the 
English throne, than to the superior judgment of 
Elizabeth. Though the conflict called forth many 
daring spirits among the Scots, it led to no exalted 
enterprize. The interest of the parties who had 
the deepest stake at issue required extreme caution, 
and checked those higher flights of national feel- 
ing the moment they threatened to counteract the 
leading aim of the sovereign. From the charac- 
teristic restlessness of the people, thus worked upon 
by opposite influences, yet left to prey upon itself, 
it is not wonderful that the worst passions were 
brought into action. 

Captain Stewart entered the political arena at 
a favourable moment. The regent Morton was at 
variance with the Church, and, from his oppressive 
exactions, had become extremely unpopular with 
the people. The " Old Lion," however, was not to 
be easily ousted. He had been accessory to the 
death of Damley, and proof to that effect was 
obtained; but who so daring as accuse him of 
the crime? That in<Uvidual was Captain James 
Stewart, second eldest son of Lord Ochiltree, and 
brother-in-law to John Knox. He was intended 
for the Church, but, being fonder of the sword than 
the cowl, he adopted the profession of arms; and, 
entering the Dutch army, served some years against 
the Spaniards. He fought afterwards in the wars 
between France and Sweden; On his return to 
Scotland, in 1579, he was introduced at court; and, 
by his noble bearing, so captivated the young king, 
that, in a few days after, he was appointed a gen- 
tleman of the bedchamber, a privy councillor, cap- 
tain of the guard, and tutor to the Earl of Arran, 
who had been declared an idiot. Entering at once 
into the plot against Morton, he boldly undertook 
to arraign the late regent at the Council Table. 
This he did on the 30th December, 1580. The 
scene, one of high dramatic interest, is thus de- 
scribed by Tytler : — ^•* He," the ex-regent, « had 



been warned of the danger he incurred, and the 
storm which was about to burst over his head, two 
days before, when hunting with the king. But he 
deri Jed it ; and on the last of December, the day on 
which he fell into the toils, took hb place, as usual, 
at the Council Table, where the king presided. 
After some imimportant business, the usher sud- 
denly entered and declared that Oaptun James 
Stewart was at the door, and earnestly craved an 
audience. The request was Immediately granted; 
and Stewart advancing to the table, fell on his 
knees, and instantly accused Morton of the king's 
murder. ' My duty to your highness,' said he, ad- 
dressing the king, * has brought me here to reveal 
a wickedness that has been too long obscured. It 
was that man (pointing to the earl) now sitting at 
this table, a place he is unworthy to occupy, that 
conspired your royal father's death. Let him be 
committed for trial, and I shall make good my 
words.' Amidst the amazement and confu^on oc- 
casioned by this sudden and bold impeachment, the 
only person unmoved was Morton himself. Rising 
from his seat, he cast a momentary and disdainful 
glance upon his accuser, and then firmly regarding 
the king, ' I know not,' he siud, 'by whom this in- 
former has been set on, and it were easy for one of 
my rank to refuse all reply to so mean a person ; but 
I stand upon my innocence — I fear no trial. The 
rigour with which I have prosecuted all suspected 
of that murder is well known ; and when I have 
cleared myself, it will be for your majesty to deter- 
mine what they deserve who have sent this perjured 
tool of theirs to accuse me !' These bitter terms 
Stewart threw back upon the earl with equal con- 
tempt and acrimony. ' It is false, utterly false,' he 
replied, •< that any one has instigated me to make 
this accusation. A horror for the crime, and zeal 
for the safety of my sovereign, have been my only 
counsellors; and as to his pretended zeal against 
the guilty, let me ask him, where has he placed 
Archibald Douglas h|s cousin ? That most infa- 
mous of men, who was an actor in the tragedy, is 
now a senator, promoted to the highest seat of 
justice, and suffered to pollute that tribunal before 
which he ought to have been arraigned as the mur- 
derer of his prince.' This scene had begun calmly ; 
but as these last words were uttered, Stewart had 
sprung upon his feet, and Morton laid his hand 
upon his sword, when Lords Lindsay and Cathcart 
threw themselves between them, and prevented a 
personal encounter. The king then commanded 
both to be removed; and, after a brief consulta- 
tion, the justice-clerk, who sat at the council table, 
having declared that, on a charge of treason, the 
accused must instantly be warded, Morton was first 
shut up in the palace, and, after one day's inten'al, 
committed to.the castle of Edinburgh. Even there, 
however, he was not deemed secure from a rescue; 

and his enemies were not contented till they had 
lodged him within the sti*ong fortress of Dumbar- 
ton, of which Lennox, his great enemy, was gover- 
nor." The fate of Morton — ^who was beheaded by a 
species of guillotine of his own invention, called 
*• the Muden "* — ^is well known. The whole power 
o( the state now devolved on the Earl of Lennox and 
Captain Stewart, who, on the 22d April, had the 
title of Earl of Arran, and the baronies of Hamilton 
and Rinneil, and the other estates of the Hamilton 
family in the counties of Bute, Lanark, Kirkcud- 
bright, Berwick, and Linlithgow, confeiTed on him 
by charter .t Arran advanced rapidly in favour 
with the king, from whom he obtained an act ap- 
proving of his services. In what light these mea- 
sures were viewed by the nobility of Ayrsliu-e may 
be inferred from the fact of James having dispens- 
ed with the presence of Eglinton, Glencaim, Boyd, 
and even Ochiltree, at tlie parliament by which 
they were sanctioned. In the month of July fol- 
lowing he married Lady Elizabeth Stewart, eldest 
daughter of the fourth Earl of Athole — a woman of 
great beauty, but, like himself, proud, imperious, 
and unprincipled. She had previously been married 
to the sixth Lord Lovat, who died in 1577, and 
again to the Earl of March, whom she divorced, 
that she might bestow her hand on the Earl of 
Arran. The latter was on intimate terms with 
March ; and his seduction of the countess, under 
such circumstances, is r^;arded as one of the 
worst stains upon his character. The lady, how- 
ever, does not seem to have been altogether above 
suspicion, if we may judge from the reasons as- 
signed for l^ringing the action of divorce. Be that 
as it may, the fattx paux does not appear to have' 
created much surprise at the time ; nor did March 
evince very acute feeling under the bereavement, 
since we find him soon after accepting marks of 
favour from the king — ^the lavish patron of the 
man who had robbed him of his countess. Len- 
nox and Arran, in these stormy times, were not 
long permitted to enjoy their exalted portion in 
peace. The king, though firmly attached to the 
protestant faith, was opposed to presbyterianism. 
In his attempt to establish episcopacy a complete 
ferment ensued against Lennox and Arran ; and 
Elizabeth, jealous of their influence, secretly en- 
couraged the <<Band" which, in 1582, wa& entered 
into for their removal, and which led to the famous 
" Raid of Ruthven." Among^ others who joined 
this band were Glencaim, Boyd, and Eghnton. 
Arran, who was at Kinueil house at the time, im- 

* This instrument ia preserved in the Musenm of the 
Society of Antiquaries, Edinburgh. 

t This grant was farther conilnned by a letter under 
the Great Seal, in October following, when, in addition to 
the earldom of Arran, he was made lord of Avane and 




mediately set out for Perthshii-e, accompanied by 
his brother, Colonel Stewart, at the head of a party 
of cavalry, with the view of rescuing the king. 
They had not calculated on the numerical force of 
the leaders of the *^ Band." Leaving his brother 
in charge of the troops, Arran proceeded by a 
shorter route ; and while the Colonel and his dra- 
goons were dispersed by a body of men who met 
them in ambush, he was himself taken prisoner on 
entering the court-yard of Ruthven castle. Arran 
did not regain his liberty for some time ; and while 
the king continued under the dominion of the 
Oowrie conspirators, he apparently took no interest 
in public affairs. There is every reason to sup- 
pose, however, that he was at least privy to the 
stratagems of the king, who made various attempts 
to regain his freedom. During nearly ten months' 
subjection, he plied his art of ** king-craft " so 
admirably that neither the ambassadors of Eli- 
zabeth, nor the party under whose charge he 
was placed, had the slightest conception of his 
plans. The death of his favourite Lennox in 
France — ^whither he had retired sometime after 
the ** raid of Ruthven " — retarded the completion 
of them for a short period ; bat at length, on the 
26th Jane, 1583, James threw himself into the 
castle of St Andrew's, and was immediately sur- 
rounded by those nobles who had entered into the 
league for restoring him to independence. Arran 
soon returned to court, where he was warmly re- 
ceived ; and as Lennox no longer shared with him 
in the royal favour, he rapidly acquired greater 
ascendancy than ever. Determined to punish the 
Gowrie conspirators — ^for the insults to which the 
youthful monarch had been exposed made a deep 
impression on the royal mind — the king and Ar- 
ran prosecuted their opponents with great rigour. 
Gowrie alone escaped, having been cunning enough 
to secure a pardon for himself while James was yet 
in his thraldom. The fiiends of the queen-mother 
— the unfortunate Mazy — and the French alliance 
naturally gained favour as the other party fell 
under the royal displeasure. Elizabeth, becoming 
alarmed at Uiis state of aiffdrs, sought to effect a 
counter-revolution by means of the Hamiltons — 
who had long been in banishment for their connex- 
ion with the murder of the regent Moray. It is 
curious that though tliis wily soverdgn studiously 
played one faction against another — sometimes 
taking part with the kirk, sometimes with the 
friends of Mary, sometimes on the side of presby- 
tery, soikietimes on that of episcopacy — she con- 
tinued to be regarded as a steady friend to the 
Reformation in Scotland ; and even yet her mem- 
ory is cherished by a large body of the religious 
community as the *^ good queen Bess." Her in- 
consistency was not discernible to the mass of the 
nation. She had even gone the length of recom- 

mending thai Arran should be assassinated ; but his 
vigilance detected all the machinations of his op- 
ponents. The insurrectionary movements attempt- 
ed at St Johnston (March, 1584), in which Glen- 
cairn was concerned, entirely miscarried, and the 
faUure inspired the king and Arran with additional 
courage. Gowrie, who, notwithstanding the len- 
iency formerly extended to him, had taken a de- 
cided part in this fresh attempt to revolutionize 
the country, was arrested in his own castle, and 
carried prisoner to Edinburgh. It was determined 
that he should be instantly brought to ti*ial. ^ Of 
his g^iilt," says Tytler, <Hhere was not the slightest 
doubt. He had been a chief contriver of the plot, 
and the most active agent in its organization ; but 
there was some want of direct evidence, and a base 
device, though common in the criminal proceedings 
of these times, was adopted to supply it." This 
^'as an assurance upon the honour ofi Arran, who, 
along with two other privy councillors, visited 
Gowrie in prison, that his life would be spared, 
provided he wrote a letter to the lung confessing 
his " knowledge of a design against his mi^jesty's 
person, and offering to reveal the particulars if 
admitted to an audience." Gowrie fell into the 
snare — ^Arran and the other councillors denied 
that any such assurance had been given — and he 
was condemned and executed. 

Arran was now unlimited in power. He had 
been constituted Lord High Chancellor, in the 
room of the Earl of Argyle ; and, as James was 
still bent on the establishment of episcopacy, ^ the 
authority of the king was declared supreme in all 
causes and over all persons." The Rev. Mr Lind- 
say was imprisoned at Blackness, and the suppres- 
sion of presbytery effected with the utmost rigour. 
Prosecutions, arrests, forfeitures, and imprison- 
ments were of every day occurrence ; while Arran, 
and the other nobles who espoused the side of the 
king, secured the spoil to themselves. Elizabeth, 
in the meantime, felt puzzled how to proceed. 
•Her hand in the last plot had been too visible to 
the king to admit of palliation ; while the growing 
power of Arran, and the friends of Mary, greatly 
disturbed her repose. Arran, it b said, but upon 
what authority does not appear, had secretly offer- 
ed her his services in the promotion of amity be- 
tween the two countries. Allowing that he did, 
it is not easy to see wherein he acted ^ther im- 
properly or dishonestly. It evidently was the wish, 
as well as the interest, of his royal master, that a 
g^ood understanding should prevail between the two 
crowns; and although unfriendly to presbytery, 
there seems to be no reason fer ascribing any lean- 
ing towards the chmxsh of Rome on the part of 
Arran. On the contrary, he had been educated 
as a protestant, and had always professed the ut- 
most attachment to the faith. Be this as it may, 



the Knglish queen thought proper to encourage 
his advances, though she did not cease to keep on 
good terms with the various factions. The king's 
offers of amity were accepted ; and Arran having 
in the meantime been appointed lieutenant of the 
kingdom, Elizabeth agreed to send Lord Hunsdon, 
her own cousin, to consult with him in a grand 
conference on the border. This meeting, for which 
much preparation had been made, took place at 
Foulden Kirk, near Berwick, on the 14th of Aug., 
1584. " It was one object of the Scottish lord," 
says Tytler, " to impress the English with a high 
idea of his power; and the state with which he 
came was that of a sovereign rather than a sub- 
ject. His retinue amounted to five thousand horse, 
and he was attended by ^ve members of the privy- 
council, who, whilst Hunsdon and he alone enter- 
ed the church, waited obsequiously without in 
the churchyard. All, even the highest noblemen, 
appeared to treat him with such humility and de- 
ference, that Lord Hunsdon, writing to Burghley, 
observed, they seemed rather servants than fellow- 
councillors ; And Sir Edward Hoby, who was also 
on the spot, declared he not only comported him- 
self with a noble dignity and grace, but was, in 
truth, a king, binding and loosing at his pleasure. 
In opening the conference, Arran professed the 
utmost devotion to the service of the English 
queen ; and with such eloquence and eame8tne&«, 
that Hunsdon declared he could not question his 
sincerity. There was a frankness about his com- 
munications which impressed him with a convic- 
tion of their truth ; and Hoby, who knew Eliza- 
beth's love of handsome men, sent a minute por- 
trait of him to Burghley, recommending him to the 
fatrour of his royal mistress. For the man, said 
he, surely he carricth a princely presence and 
gait, goodly of personage, representing a brave 
countenance of a captain of middle age, very re- 
solute, very wise and learned, and one of the best 
spoken men that ever I heard ; a man worthy the 
<iueen*s favour, if it please her. " In the conference, 
the fine address and ready talent of Arran were 
conspicuous. He vindicated the policy of the king, 
and replied to the complaints of Hunsdon in such 
a manner as compelled him more than once to 
change the subject. The conference broke up with 
mutual assurances of amity. " On coming out of 
the church," continues Tytler, "both Hunsdon 
and he appeared in the highest spirits and good 
humour. It was evident to the lords who had 
waited without that their solitaiy communications 
had been of an agreeable nature ; and the Scottish 
earl seemed resolved that his own people should 
remark it, for, turning to the lords about him, he 
said aloud, ' Is it not strange to see two men, ac- 
counted so violent and furious as we two are, agree 
so well together — I hope to the contentment of 

both crowns and their peace?'" Arran had now 
attained the acme of his career. On his return 
he assumed the management of affairs with a high 
hand. Having previously detected a conspiracy 
in which the governor of Edinburgh castle was 
found tampering with the ambassadors of Eliza- 
beth, he took possession himself of the fortress, to 
which he was welcomed by cannon, a ceremony 
never used before, unless in time of parliament, 
and to the king and regent. Over the estates 
which were summoned both he and his lady do- 
mineered in a high-handed manner. A vast num- 
ber of individuals were forfeited, and manv others 
had to purchase pardon at a high ransom. Tlie 
unfortunate Countess of Gowrie was treated with 
great cruelty. " This lady, a daughter of Henry 
Stewart, Lord Methven,*' says Tytler, "on the 
last day of the parliament, had obtained admission 
to an antechamber, where, as the king passed, she 
hoped to have an opportunity of pleading for her- 
self and her children ; but, by Arran*s orders, she 
was driven into the open street. Here she pa- 
tiently awaited the king's return, and cast herself, 
in an agony of tears, at his feet, attempting to 
clasp his knees ; but Arran, who walked at James' 
hand, hastily pulled him past, and pushing the 
miserable suppliant aside, not only threw her down, 
bat brutally trode upon her as the cavalcade moved 
forward, leaving her in a faint upon the pave- 
ment." Following up the act by which episco- 
pacy was established, Arran now made proclama- 
tion that no minister should recdve stipend save 
such as had g^ven in their adherence to the new 
order of things. This caused a great convulsion. 
Many of the ministers reasted, and numerous riots 
occurred throughout the country. Montgomerie, 
the bishop of Glasgow,* was attacked by a mob in 
the streets of Ayr, and the authorities had much 
difficulty in preventing him from being stoned. 
There was at this time in the Scottish court a 
young man of extreme beauty and prepossessing 
manner, the Master of Gray, whose disposition for 
intrigue greatly belied his bland exterior. A re- 
puted, and it was believed an enthusiastic, ad- 
herent of the imprisoned queen of Scots, he had 
been entrusted with almost every secret movement 
in agitation for effecting her liberation. This youth 
was despatched on a special embassy to England, 
for a purpose by no means creditable either to him- 
self or his royal master; and he ingratiated himself 
so much with Elizabeth that he accomplished the 
double purpose of betraying queen Mary and un- 
dermining the credit of Arran at the English 

* Robert Montgomerie had tlie Archbisboprick of Glas- 
gow conferred upon kim in lOS^t after the death of Arch- 
bishop Boyd. He was excommunicated by the kirk ; 
which excommunication was annulled by the king on the 
ground that epi&copacy had been established in Scotland. 



court. Elizabeth, who had always been jealous of 
the earl, at once entered into his projects. The 
great object, in the meantime, by recalling the 
banished lords and clergy, was to procure the dis- 
grace or assassination of Arran ; but the watchful- 
ness of the latter, and the esteem in which he was 
held by the king, rendered either end difficult of 
attainment. An association for the mutual protec- 
tion of both kingdoms had been prepared between 
Elizabeth and James, avowedly for the purpose of 
counteracting the efforts of France and Spain in 
behalf of Mary. The Scottish king was anxious 
for the ratification of this treaty. He had revised 
the articles; and a convention of the nobility were 
assembled at St Andrew's to consider the subject, 
when the slaughter of Lord Russell in a border 
fray between Sir John Foster and Ker of Ferny- 
hirst, the wardens of the middle marches, threat- 
ened to put an end to the negotiation. As 
Ker was Uie friend of Arran, Elizabeth, by way 
of procuring *^ the disgrace of this hated minister,'* 
insisted that the death of Russell had been a pre- 
concerted affair, and declined to sign the treaty 
until satisfaction should be obtained. Arran was 
in consequence imprisoned in the castle of St An- 
drew'sy and a strict investigation made into the 
whole circumstances of the case. The inquiry, 
however, established the innocence rather than the 
guilt of Femyhirst and Arran. In the meantime, 
the latter found means to bribe his secret enemy, 
the Master of Gray — a iact which shows the ex- 
cessive passion of this individual for intrigue — 
who ** procured his imprisonment at St Andrew's 
to be exchanged for a nominal confinement to his 
own castle at Kinneil." The desertion of Gray, 
and the ill success of the scheme for effecting the 
disgrace of Arran, paralyzed for a time the machin- 
ations of the English court. The Master of Gray, 
though he had so far favoured Arran as to pro- 
cure a mitigation of his confinement, was not the 
less intent on his destruction. A feeling of rival- 
ship, as well as of self-preservation, prompted him 
to this. He well knew that he had gone too far 
to meet forgiveness from Arran. The conduct of 
the minister, from his insolence to the ancient no- 
bility, and open violation of the laws, had created 
a deep and general feeling against him. Dis- 
trusted and persecuted by Elisabeth, it is believed, 
though there is by no means sufficient proof of the 
&ct, that he espoused the cause of queen Mary 
and the French party, who were at the time en- 
gaged in organizing their last g^eat scheme for 
her deliverance. The Master of Gray saw that 
a revolution could only be produced by a union of 
the expatriated lords and ministers, under the aus- 
pices of the English queen. Amongst these were 
Angus, Mar, the Master of Glammis, and Lords 
Claud and John Hamilton. ' The Hamiltons, it is 

true, had no warm side to the kirk ; but they had 
their own wrongs to redress, and were naturally 
anxious to promote any irruption that promised to 
restore their lost possessions. Neither did Eliza- 
beth nor the kirk seem very squeamish as to the 
means, provided it served the purpose. Gray's 
suggestion at once met the approval of the English 
court, and everything, was done to farther the pro- 
ject. The vigilance of Arran, however, who had 
entirely regained the confidence of the king, ren- 
dered the utmost caution necessary. He had ac- 
curate information of the proceedings of his op- 
ponents, and busily set to work in the contrivance 
of counter plots. But the tide of his prosperity 
was on the ebb, and the utmost ing^uity could 
only delay, not divert, its prog^ress. After some 
hesitation and delay on the part of Elizabeth, 
which had well nigh ruined the enterprize, the 
banished lords, in the beginning of October, 1585, 
received her permission to depart ; and by the end 
of the month they had mustered such a force at 
Falkirk as put resistance on the part of the king and 
Arran out of the question. Gray, who played his 
part to admiration, narrowly escaped instant death 
from the hand of Arran. The defeated minister, 
knowing well that hb life was the chief object 
sought afler, fled secretly from Stirling towards 
the north, with only a single attendant. The 
triumph of his opponents was complete. Arran 
was not only deprived of his honours, but declared 
an enemy to his country by public proclamation. 
His tide, and the Hamilton estates, were restored 
to the family, and the chancellorship given to Sir 
John Maitland of Thirlestane. Captain Stewart, 
as he was again called, retired to a property of 
his own in Ayrshire, where he lived in obscurity. 
The fall of the Master of Gray, by whose agency 
this revolution was brought about, followed not 
long afterwards. He was accused of treason — 
1687 — by Sir William Stewart, brother of the 
discarded Arran, found guilty, and condemned to 
be executed. The sentence, however, was changed 
to banishment, at the earnest solicitation of Huntly 
and Hamilton. 

While these national events were passing, the 
feuds of the barons still occasioned much strife 
and bloodshed. November 6, 1578 — ^^Williame 
Stewart and Harie Stewart, sonnes to Andro Lord 
Ochiltre," were prosecuted before the Criminal 
Court by Alexander Mowat, for the slaughter of 
his father, Charles Mowat of Busbie. July 3, 
1584 — John Whiteford of that Dk, Robert Mont- 
gomerie of Skelmorie, &c., were tried for art and 
part of the cruel slaughter of Patrick Maxwell of 
Stainly ; and in 1586 the old quarrel between the 
Glencaim and Eglinton families was revived in a 
deed of savage vengeance. This was the slaughter 
of Hugh, fourth Earl of Eglinton, who vtbh way- 



luid and shot by the Guninghames of Robertlaud 
and Aiket, at the river Annock, near Stewarton, 
on the 12th April. The following account of 
the murder and its consequences, is from a MS. 
history of the Eglinton family : — ^^ The principal 
perpetrators of this foul deed were — John Cun- 
ningham, brother of the Earl of Glencairn ; David 
Cunningham of Robertland ; Alexander Cunning- 
ham of Corsehill ; Alexander Cunningham of 
Aitket ; and John Cunningham of Clonbeith. 
The good earl, apprehending no danger from any 
quarter, set out on the 19th April, 1586, from his 
own house of Eglintoun, toward Stirling, where 
the court then remained, in a quiet and peaceable 
manner, having none in his retinue but his own 
domestics, and called at the Langshaw, where he 
staid so long as to dine. How the wicked crew 
his murderers got notice of his being there I can- 
not positively say. It is reported, but I cannot 
aver it for a truth, that the lady Langshaw, Mar- 
garet Cunningham, who was a daughter of the 
house of Aiket, (others say it was a servant who 
was a Cunningham), went up to the battlement of 
the house, and hung over a white table napkin as 
a signal to the Cunninghams, most of whom lived 
within sight of the house of Langshaw — which 
was the sign agreed should be given when the 
Earl of Eglintoun was there. Upon that the 
Cunninghams assembled, to the number of thretie- 
four persons, or thereby, in a warlike manner, as 
if they had been to attack or to defend themselves 
from an enemy, and concealed themselves in a low 
ground near the bridge of Annock, where they 
knew the eai'l was to pass, secm'e, as he appre- 
hended, from every danger ; when, alace I all of a 
sudden th« whole bloody gang set upon the earl 
and his small company, some of whom they hewed 
to pieces, and John Cunningham of Clonbeith 
came up with a pistol and shot the earl dead on 
the place. The horror of the fact struck every 
body with amazement and consternation, and all 
the coimtry ran to arms either on the one side of 
the quarrel or the other, so that for some time 
there was a scene of bloodshed and murder in the 
west that had never been known before. The 
Earl of Glencairn disowned his knowledge of, or 
having any accession directly or indirectly in, this 
foul murder; and indeed left his friends to the 
law, which confirmed every body of his innocence 
of the wicked fact. In tiie meantime the friends 
of the family of Eglintoun flocked to the Master 
of Eglintoun, his brother, to assist him in reveng- 
ing his brother's death, from all quarters ; and in 
the heat of their resentment killed every Cunning- 
ham, without distinction, they could come by, or 
even so much as met with on the highways, or 
living peaceably in their own houses. Sir Robert 
Montgomerie of Skelmurely killed, in the town of 

Paisley, John Maxwell of Stainly, because he was 
a friend and allie of the Cunninghams, and shot 
dead the commendator of Kilwinning, Alexander 
Cunningham of Montg^eenan, the Earl of Glen- 
cairn's brother, at his own gate, though he was so 
nearly allied to him that his wife was Sir Robert*8 
cousin-german, a daughter of the family of Blair. 
In revenge of which, Patrick Maxwell of Newark 
killed both this Sir Robert Montgomery of Skel- 
murely and William Montgomery, his eldest son, 
in one day.* It would make a little volume to 
mention all the bloodshed and murders that were 
committed upon this doolful occasion, in the shire 
of Renfrew and buUievick of Cunningham. Aiket, 
one of the principal persons concerned, was shot 
near his own house; Robertland and Corsehill 
escaped. Robertland got beyond seas to Den- 
mark, and got his peace made by means of queen 
Ann of Denmark, when she was married to king 
James YI. Clonbeith, who had actually embued 
his hands in the earl's blood, and shot him with 
his own hand, was by a select company of the 
friends of the family of Eglinton, with the master 
at their head, hotly pursued. He got to Hamil- 
ton, and (they) getting notice of the house to which 
it was suspected he had fled, it was beset and en- 
vironed, and John Pollock of that Ilk — a bold, 
daring man, who was son-in-law of the house of 
Langshaw at the time — ^in a fury of passion and 
revenge, found him out within a chimney. How 
soon he was brought down, they cut him in peces 
on the very spot. The resentment went so very 
high against every one that was suspected to have 
any the least accession to this horrid bloody fact, 
that the lady Langshaw, that was a Cimningham 
of the house of Aiket, was forced for the security 
of her person and the safety of her life to abscond. 
It was given out that she was gone over to Ire- 
land; but she was concealed in the*bouse of one 
Robert Ban*, at Pearoe Bank, a tenant and feuar 
of her husband's, for many years. But before her 
death she was overlookt, and returned to her own 
hbuse, which was connived at; but never durst 
present herself to any Montgomerie ever after that. 
— This is a genuine account of this long lasting 
and bloody feud, and it is nowhere else extant, in 
all its circumstances, but in thiajnemorial." Spot- 

* The historian of the Eglinton family must be wrong 
in attributing Skelmoiiie's concern In the slaughter of 
Maxwell to revenge for the death of the Eaxl of Clinton. 
The one event — as already recorded— occurred nearly a 
twelvemonth before the other. The chronological order 
of the facts seems to be entirriy reversed in the narrative. 
It was Robert Montgomerie of Skelmorlie, and William 
Montgomerie, his eldest son, who were killed by the Max- 
wells. Sir Robert was the second son, and sneceeded to 
the estate. He was first knighted, and afterwards created 
a baronet. It would most probably be in revenge of his 
father and brother*s death that he killed Maxwell of 
Stainly at Paisley. 



tiswoode, in reference to the slaughter of the Earl 
of Eglinton, says it was aflerwards *< Tionmirdbly 
revenged hy the Master of Eglinton, brother to 
the deceased earl " — thus, though leaving us ig- 
norant of the extent to which the revenge was 
carried, corroborating the statement of the family 
historian. The parties concerned in the slaughter, 
as mentioned in the king*s letter, were — John 
Gunninghame of Ross, brother to James, Earl of 
Glencaim ; David Gunninghame of Robertland ; 
Alexander Gunningham of Aiket; William, his 
brother; Alexander Gunningham of Glonbeith; 
John Cunningham, otherwise called John of Glon- 
beith; Patrick Gimningham of Gorsehill; John 
Reybume of that Dk ; Mungo Mure, son to the 
Laird of Rowallan ; David Maxwell of Kilmacolm; 
his brother, and Maxwell of Dalquhane ; Alexan- 
der, brother of Guninghame of Polquhane; Ro- 
bert, son of Patrick Gunuighame of Kirkland ; 
Andrew Arnot of Lochrig, younger; and Abra- 
ham, natural son of the late Guninghame of Glon- 
beith. Besides these, there are a number of in- 
dividuals mentioned of inferior rank, chiefly of 
the class of tenantry. The king's letters were 
granted on the complaint of dame Helen Ken- 
nedy, relict, dame Agnes Drummond, mother of 
the deceased earl, and other friends. The Mas- 
ter of Eglinton took possession of the houses of 
Robertland and Aiket, by virtue of an ordinance 
of the king in council, until the owners should de- 
liver themselves up to justice. The Earl of Glen- 
caim, however, after a few years (1592) obtained 
a remission for the offenders. 

The execution of Queen Mary by Elizabeth, 
created a storm of excitement in Scotland, and 
throughout Europe generally. The country was 
in arms, ready to burst across the border the 
moment the king should give permission. For 
a time he seemed bent on revenging the death 
of his mother, by a desolating invasion of Eng- 
land ; but his sincerity is more than doubtful. The 
prospect of succeeding Elizabeth on the English 
throne-^— if he ever had any serious intention of 
drawing the sword — softened down his resentment. 
The exasperation of the people, however, was ex- 
cessive ; and the borderers, who seldom failed to 
take advantage of any breach between the two 
countries, broke into open hostility. '*Six suc- 
cessive Scottish forays," says Tytler, '' swept with 
relentless havoc through the middle marches." 
The country was ''wasted with fire and sword, 
and filled with lamentation and dismay." While 
the king appeared irresolute, the catholic lords of 
Scotland entered warmly into the views of Spain; 
and it was concerted that the Armada, then in 
preparation, should be seconded by a Scottish in- 
vasion of England, together with a descent upon 
Ireland from the Isles. The discarded Master of 

Gray acted as their agent in France; while Sir 
William Stewart, brother to the degraded Earl of 
Arran, busied himself in a similar capacity in 
Grermany.* Amongst other promoters of the 
scheme was Lord Maxwell, who, ordered abroad 
in consequence of his attachment to the catholic 
interest, had resided for some time in Spain. 
When Philip had nearly completed the immense 
armament with which he contemplated the inva- 
sion of England, Maxwell returned to Galloway 
in order to arm his followers — it having been un- 
derstood that the Armada would steer for one of 
the ports of Kirkcudbright,t from whence debark- 
ing, the invading army could enter England vrith 
facility. Immense numbers flocked round his 
standard; and so great proved the disaffection 
that the Lord Warden of Uie Marches was unable 
to suppress it. Maxwell was sununoned to ap- 
pear before the king, who, as matters approached 
a crisis, speedily abandoned his apparent irresolu- 
tion, by boldly determining to put down the coali- 
tion of his Roman cathotic subjects, and support 
Elizabeth against them; but he disr^arded the 
mandate, and began to fortify his castles. James 
instantly marched a body of troops against the 
offender; and so unexpected was the movement, 
that Lord Maxwell had nearly been captured in 
Dumfries. He escaped, however, and fled to the Isle 
of Skye. He was followed, at the command of his 
inajesty, by Sur William Stewart, in a vessel fitted 
out at Ayr$ ; but he succeeded in finding his way 
back to ELirkcudbright, and from thence was again 
pursued into Garrick. He was at length captured 
by Stewart, near the abbey of Grossraguel.$ The 
Armada soon afterwards (1588) put to sea. The 
fate it experienced is well known. Scattered by 
the elements, several of the vessels were driven on 
the Galloway and Ayrshire coasts ;fl and a number 
of relics, saved from the rocks, are still preserved 
amongst the inhabitants. About this time — 30th 
July, 1588 — Sir William Stewart, the captor of 
Lord Maxwell, was slain in the Blackfnar^s Wynd, 
Edinburgh, by Francis, Earl of BothweU; whe- 
ther from political or private resentment is not 

The catholic lords having been put down in the 
meantime, James set out — 22d October, 1589— 

* Tytl«r on the aothority of the State Fiper Office If SS. 
f History of 6«Uoway. 

I Ayr Town Ck>uncil Books. 

§ History of QaUoway. — It is rather Biogular, if Sir 
William Stewart had been acting m agent for the catholic 
lords at Panna, as stated by Tytler, that he should have 
been so zealous in pursuit of Lord Ifaxwell. 

II A large ship in the Armada was lost near Portincorse 
Castle, in West ILilbride parish.— iSifielatrV SlatisHcs, 
(1794), vol. 12, p. 417. There are still residing in Ayrshire 
several familiea, of Spanish descent, of Ihe names of Ba- 
rlllie, Lotta, Lerigo, d^ 



on his marriage excursion to Norway. The chief 
command, in military matters, was entrusted dur- 
ing his absence to Lord Hamilton, assisted by 
Lords Harris, Maxwell, and Boyd. History speaks 
of the six months passed by the king in Denmark 
as a period of extraordinary peace; and so perhaps 
it was, compared with the strife which had pre- 
viously prevailed. Hamilton, and the other mili- 
tary chiefs, seem to have executed the duty en- 
trusted to them with energy and effect. While 
Hamilton was occupied in putting down disturb- 
ances, and holding courts of justice in one district, 
Boyd appears, from an <' Exhoneration " by the 
Lords of Council and tSession, for his remaining 
from the " raid or Cort convenlt with John, Lord 
Hamilton, at Jedburgh and Dumfries," to have 
been, in one instance at least, equally busy in ano- 
ther. In this '^ exhoneration," besides Thomas, 
Lord Boyd, are included — ''Sir Mathew Gamp- 
bell of Loudoun, knt., sheriff of Air, and Hew 
Campbell of Terrinzeane, his son and apperand 
air.'' The reason assigned for their alnence is 
their having been eng^aged at the time in the 
''agreeing of sundry persons in the Lennox and 
bailiary of Cuninghame, the dday of which might 
have led to much trouble."* We thus find tibat 
the country was disturbed; and that but for the 
timely interference of Lord Boyd greater mischief 
might have followed. The return of the king 
from Denmark was almost immediately followed 
by a renewal of political intrigue and feudal dis- 
turbance. Lord Ochiltree exerted himself keenly, 
but without effect, to bring about an agreement 
between the Earls of Huntly and Moray — ^the 
latter the representative of the regent — ^whose 
spoliation of the Gordon family and estates could 
never be forgotten by their descendants. The 
slaughter of Moray, under peculiarly affecting cir- 
cumstances, by Huntly and his followers,t created 
an unusual sensation. Lord Ochiltree and the 
whole race of Stewarts were clamorous for re- 
venge ; and the country being impressed with the 
belief that the king himself was not altogether 
blameless in the matter, a coalition was formed 
which had nearly produced an entire revolution. 
His chief adviser, Chancdlor Maitland, was com- 
pelled to fly from court. Notwithstanding this 
loss, James acted with considerable judgment in 
dealing with his refractory subjects ; and, by tem- 
porising with the kirk in the establishment of 
presbytery, was enabled to counteract the move- 
ments of the barons. The enterprise of Mr An- 
drew Knox, about this period — 1692 — furnishes 
a striking instance of the extraordinary zeal of the 
clergy. Hearing that one George Ker, brother 
of the Abbot of Newbottle, was about to pass se- 

'* Paper in Boyd charter-chest, dated 16th April, 1590. 
t See Historie of James the Sexi. 

cretly into Spain with important letters from the 
Roman catholic lords in Scotland, he set out at 
the head of a body of armed men, furnished bj 
Lord Ross, to intercept him. Tracing him to 
Glasgow, and discovering that he meant to take 
shipping at the Little Cumbraes, Knox followed 
widi all expedition, and succeeded in taking Ker 
prisoner soon after he had gone on board.* 

In the g^eat feud between the supporters of 
Lord Chancellor Thirlstane and his opponents, the 
barons of Ayrshire took opposite sides — Ochiltree 
being against, and Eglinton and Glencaim in 
his favour. In the confiision which prevailed in 
the capital and at court, on the trial c-f Campbell 
of Ardkinglass, for slaughter, in consequence of 
his friends, Argyle and Hamilton, being present 
with a large body of armed retainers — and 
when the Chancellor Thb*1stane also entered the 
city with a numerous following of adherents. 
Captain James Stewart, the once powerful Earl 
of Arran, ventured to make his appearance. 
He repaired to court, and was well received 
by the king, but so strong had the public feeling 
set in against him, that he found it necessary to 
withdraw without delay. On his way back to 
Ayrshire, and while riding through Symonstown, 
near Douglas, accompanied only by one or two 
servants, he was unexpectedly attacked by Sir 
James Douglas, of Parkhead, with a party of re- 
tainers, and slain on the spot, in reveng^e for the 
fiLte of the fUurl of Morton, unde of Sir James. 
The head of Stewart was cut off, and carried on 
the point of a lance in triumph through the coun- 
try. Even his body — so much did the people hate 
him — ^was allowed to remain mangled and decom- 
posed for several days on the pubUc road. Such 
was the finte of the proud and imperious Arran. 
The king, encompassed with difficulties — ^having 
quarrelled with the kirk in consequence of their 
extreme demands — at length obtained a double 
triumph in the discovery and defeat of the plot of 
Elizabeth, by which Francis Stewart, Earl of 
Bothwell,t his great enemy, in combination with 
the Presbyterians, was to crush the catholic lords, 
and mould the king to their pleasure; and the 
entire overthrow of Huntly and the confederated 
barons, afler the latter had defeated Argyle at 
the celebrated battle of Glenlivet — ^which events 
took place in 1593-4. 

* *< Mr George Ker, being readie to make sail to Spain, 
out of the Fairlie Road, at the Wcst-Sea-Dank, upon the 
27th of December, 1592. But he was apprehended in the 
Isle of Gnmbray, with snndrie Letters and eight Blanks." 
—Calderwood't History of the Scots Kirk, p. 279. 

f He was the king's cousin, and nephew of his majesty*8 
stepfather, being the son of John Stewart, Prior of Cold- 
ingham, a natural son of James Y., and Lady Jean Hep- 
bum, the sister of Queen Mary*8 third husband, James, 
fourth £arl of Bothwell, and first and only Duke of Ork- 



A last and ineffectual attempt was made, in 1597, 
by Lord Maxwell — ^who found means to procure 
forgiveness of the king — to persuade Philip to un- 
dertake another expedition against England ; and 
an Ayrshire gentleman — Barclay of Ladyland — 
with a small pai'ty, actually took possession of Ailsa 
rock, with the view of holding it for Philip. He 
was attacked by Mr Andrew Knox,* minister of 
Paisley — ^the same person who captured George 
Ker in 1592 — with dghteen of a party from Dum- 
barton, and, rather than be taken, threw himself 
into the sea and perished. 

Owii^ to the records of the Justiciary Court, 
between 1591 and 1596, being lost, we have 
no trace of many of the local feuds that then pre- 
vailed. From letters in the Boyd charter ches^ we 
find the king, 9th January 1594, requesting Lord 
Boyd to protect his Majesty's servant, William 
Hunter, from the violence, injury, and intolerable 
oppression committed upon him by the Laird of 
Rowallan. The king expresses his surprise that, 
in respect of the power and authority of Lord 
Boyd in the bound^ any such proceeding^ had oc- 
curred. Lest, i^parently, the king's letter should 
not produce the desired effect, the queen deemed 
it proper also to write to Lord Boyd as follows : 

*' Traist eotuing we greit you weilL Vndontanding that 
the Laird of Rowallan, baith violentlie and uniustlye per- 
seweth the kingis seryand Williame Huntar, and steyeth 
him fra nplifthig his teindi8,f quhairunto he hes sic in- 
terest by his wyffe, we requlest you therfor that ye wold 
countenance, assist, and protect the said Williame Huntar, 
and by year powerfull favour warrand him fra the other 
inluTys, quhairin ye sal do to us very agreable pleasour ; as 
ye sail halTe the prvifes thairof quhensoever ye sal suits 
for the same at our hands. Oure right traist oonsaigne, 
we committ you to God. At Ualyrudhons, the 9 of Januar 

« Ahka R." 

Whether this attempt of the Queen to share in the 
kingly duties of her husband arose from a peculiar 
interest in the welfare of William Hunter, or Arom 
a desire to strengthen the party which she is 
known to have headed about this time, it would be 

* ** Act in ftiYOuris of Mr Andro Knox, minister of Fais- 
ley, 1st November, 1597 : — Our soverane Lord, with advyis 
of his Estaits in this present Parliament, Ratifels, AUowis 
and Apprewis the Act of Secreit Connsall past ypoun the 
ancht day of JuniJ last bipast, in favouris of Mr Andro 
Knox, minister at Paslay, (with eighteen persons belonging 
to Dumbarton and neighbourhood,) quhairby the proced- 
Ingis aganis umqlL Hew Barclay of Ladykuid, conforme 
to the Commissioun grantit to the effect, wes declarit to 
be loyale and gud serwice done to his Maiestie and his 
eontrey in all and slndrie poyntes, clausis, and articlis oon- 
tenit thair intill efter the forme and tenour thairof in all 
poyntis.'* — Acts of Parliamenty by Thomas Tkomton, vol. 
It., page 148. Hew Barclay of Ladyland was a good poet. 
There are two sonnets of his, printed in Dr Irving's edition 
of Montgomerie's works, pp. 96 and 97. It appears that 
Mr Andrew, or Bishop Knox, as he was called, was a great 
PapiBt>taA€r. Knox's daughter was married to Thomas 
Conynghame of Oambuskeith, brother of Olencaim. 

f Hunter's wife had probably obtained a grant of teinds, 
a very common occurrence, and the Laird of RowaUan had 
prevented him uplifting them. 

difficult to decide. The bland manner in which it 
is written strikingly contrasts with the language 
of his Majesty, and seems well calculated to 
make an impression in her favour. But that it 
was necessary at all, either for king or queen, so 
to write to a subject for the preservation of the 
public peace, furnishes a curious picture of the 
weakness of the crown at that feudal era. 

The Historie of the Kennedies, independently 
of the criminal records, supplies an interesting ac~ 
count of those feuds in Carrick, which began about 
this period, and which led to the tragedy, as it is 
now called, of Att^indraine, We will fc^ow the 
old chronicler as closely as possible in the narration 
of the more prominent facts. He does not trouble 
himself much about dates ; and sometimes when 
they are g^ven — unless the blunder be typo- 
graphical — ^he is not correct. From concurring 
circumstances, however, we can form a pretty 
accurate guess of the chronological order of the 
events. The cause of the " deidly feid betuin the 
Hous of Cassilis and Barganye^" which stood un- 
reconciled ui the days of the writer, was, it appears, 
a law-suit. There was one " Blak Bessie Kenne- 
dy," a widow for the third time, whose last hus- 
band was WilMam Kennedy of Brounston, bailie of 
Carrick. She was aunt of Barg^any, by the father^ 
side, and of the Tutor of Cassillis, Sir Thomas 
Kennedy of Culzean, by the mother's. She was 
infeft in the lands of Brounston, where she resided; 
but her late husband, it appears, had given the 
Earl of Cassillis (Gilbert, fourth earl, who died in 
1576) a previous infeflment of the same lands. 
The earl, before his deatli, had infeft Lady Cassil- 
lis, Dame Mary* Lyon, in these lands ; and she, 
being subsequently married to John first Marquis 
of Hamilton, his lordship questioned the infeftraent 
of Bessie Kennedy, and entered in process with her 
before the Lords of Session. Upon this, Bessie 
made over her right to Bargany, who took posses- 
sion of Brounston, and gave her in lieu of it the 
six poimd land of Newark. After a tedious law- 
plea, decreet was given in favour of the Marquis of 
Hamilton, and Bargany had to remove from 
Brounston. Bessie having an ample living from 
her first husband, Bargany conceived that she 
should '< warrand the landis to him ;" but not wish- 
ing, on account of their relationship, to take '* or- 
dour of law agains hir," and thinking no one would 
come betwixt them, he entertained her at Bargany 
for a length of time. Sir Thomas Kennedy, or 
the tutor, as he was usually styled, at last per- 
suaded her to leave, and moved her to make him 
assignee to the contract between Bargany and her. 
Bargany was naturally much offended with the 
tutor, and some angry correspondence passed be- 

* Margaret, according to Wood. 



tween them ; bat the young Earl of Cassillis, who 
had newly come home from the schools, appear- 
ing to be very neutral in the quarrel, it was 
carried no farther. The tutor, however, was 
anxious to stand well in the opinion of the gen- 
tlemen of the district, and he took every means to 
recommend himself to their favour. He << gart 
traweir* (travel) with John Mure of Aucbindraine 
(afterwards the principal actor in the so-called 
tragedy of Aucbindraine), son-in-law of the Laird 
of Bargany, to '' becum my lordis dependar ;" and, 
by certain gifts of land, Mure gave his band to 
Gassillis, reserving, however, his duty to the house 
of Bargany. The Earl of Cajssillis going abroad 
about this time, the bailiary of Garrick was " biur- 
donitt" on the Laird of Aucbindraine, on condition 
that << my lord suld sett him ane tak of the samin, 
for all the dayis off his lyfftyme." The other 
friends of CassiUis were afraid to undertake the 
office, it being then in the possession of Blairquhan, 
" qhua had kept the vard thairoff in my lordis mi- 
nority," and who, they were afmd, would "querrell 
the same." As was expected, Blairquhan opposed 
Aucbindraine in the exercise of the bailieship ; but 
the matter was adjusted between the. parties, by 
Aucbindraine paying five hundred merks to Blair- 
quhan. During the absence of Gassillis the district 
remained in quietness, with the exception of "sum 
littill small jarris" between the tutor and the Mas- 
ter of Gassillis, the younger brother of the earl. 

On the return of Gassillis from France, " quhilk 
wes about the xxv day of July, in the zeir of God 
1566,"* he was moved by his friends, who w^ere 
envious of Aucbindraine, to dismiss him from the 
office of bailie ; which his lordship did, and besides 
refused to confirm the gift of lands which he had 
from the tutor. Aucbindraine, perceiving that 
this change had been effected by Gulzean, for he 
had brought the discharge in person himself, words 
passed between the parties. Gulzean said " he suld 
be the last Laird of Auchindrayne that ever suld 
be!" The laird, with equal warmth, replied 
" Thow sail nocht leiff to sie the sam !" This ex- 
cited great malice on the parts of the tutor and 
Aucbindraine. Meanwhile, a misunderstanding 
arose between Gassillis and his brother, the master, 
which the latter believed to have been occasioned 
by the tutor. While living in my lord's house in 
Maybole, the master " desyrit the porter to bring 
in the key of the yett, because that he had specially 
to do witii ane friend in the toune." This coming 
to Gulzean*s ears, he informed Gassillis of the cir- 
cumstance. My lord, counselling his brother, said 

* Thlfl if evidently a blunder, either of the press or the 
MS. — 1695 was no doubt meant. The Earl of Gassillis was 
a mere child on the death of liis father in 1576. In 1595 
he would, therefore, have little more than completed his 

he was *' informitt that he had socht that key to 
lett in sum menne to cut his thrott !" The master 
confessed that *' he socht the key, hot thair wes na 
manne that durst say that he was on sik opinione, 
and quba had said the samin to his lordship leid!" 
The Laird of Gulzean h&ng present, said << I said 
it to my lord, that ze socht the key; and it wes 
na wyis seymlie to zow ta heff done the samin 1 " 
The master, in a rage, drew his dagger, and struck 
at the Laird of Gulzean ; upon wliich be was se- 
cured, and put in ward in Dunure castle, where 
be remained for twenty days ; during which period 
Gulzean got ^ his tutour compt maid, and all that 
he had bochtt ratifeitt be me lord. The quhilk he 
gatt done to his awin will, because there was nane 
that maid contradictioune but the maister, quba 
wes in waird." The master was liberated at the 
request of his mother, who moved her husband, the 
Marquis of Hamilton, to write to Gassillis on the 

About this time, a deadly feud was kindled be- 
tween Gassillis and the Laird of Bargany. John 
Baird of Kilhenzie died. He had for his second 
wife a sister of the Laird of Bargany. At his 
deadi he lefl her some portion of victual, which 
the young Laird of Kilhenzie took from her by 
force. Having complained to her brother, he sent 
the young Laird of Bargany, with ten or twelve 
horsemen, to the place of Kilhenzie, who " brak 
the zett, and tuik alse meikill wituell with thame, 
as wes reft fra hir and hir seruand." Gassillis, 
with all his friends, being in Maybole at a funeral, 
resolved, as Kilhenzie was one of his dependents, to 
proceed to Bargany that night, and take as much 
victual out of it ; he having, as he said, ^' brocht 
hame with him, out of Ittally, poutthard, quhilk 
wald blaw up the zett !" He was, however, dis- 
suaded from the enterprise, as Bargan/s people 
would in all probability be on the alert, till a future 
occasion . Meanwhile — so asserts the writer of the 
Historie — Gassillis began to devise '* with sum of 
his freindis how to ruitt out this Hous of Bargany 
out off memory." He first contemplated procuring 
admission into the place of "Arstensar" through 
the treachery of a servant, and after slaying aU 
within, " to blaw up the hous in the air." The 
tutor, however, did not relish such an open, whole- 
sale mode of going to work ; for, said he, 'Hhe auld 
laird and the young lady hes bene bonorabill hous- 
haldris all their dayis, and thay wald be g^ttly la- 
menttt be all men ; and the young laird had now 
mareyitt his wyff out of the kingis hous,* and hir 

* This marriage, as the author eLsewhero tells us, was 
aoeomplished in this way. Old Bargany being in Edin- 
burgh upon some law business, he, with other barons, at- 
tended a convention of the ministers in the ** New Kirk,*' 
assembled for the purpose of sending a deputation to his 
Mi^esty, who was in the Tolbooth with his council, to ap- 
prise him of some nowly discovered plottings of the Papista, 



deathe wold be thocht mekill off be the king and 
qudne ; and also the deid wold be thocht werry 
crewall, to put sa many innocentis saullis to deathe !" 
He recommended another plan. That was to make 
away with the yowng laird and his brother, as they 
hunted in the fields for their pastime, and the ''old 
man sail die for sorrow!'' The earl, who seems 
to have been very unscrupulous as to the mode of 
accomplishing his purposes,'" readily entered into 
this scheme. The plot, however, came to the ears 
of Bargany, who charged Oubcean with the fact. 
The tutor attempted to excuse himself, by stating 
that he had made the proposal merely to divert 
Cassillis from following out his other and more 
cruel purpose, without any intention of ever acting 
upon it ; but the sons of Bargany could not be per- 
suaded that he did not mean to take their lives. 
While these plots were in agitation, the tutor was 
himself in danger of filling a victim to similar 
stratagems. The Master of Cassillis, who appears 
to have had a mortal antipathy to his uncle of Cul- 
zean, entered into a bond with the Lairds of Auch- 
indraine and Dunduff for his slaughter, the latter 
of whom, as well as the former, had experienced 
wrong at hb hands ; the master persuading them 
that the ill-usage they had received was attribut- 
able entirely to the tutor. 

The old Laird of Bargany having died — ^which 
event took place on the 7th November, 1596 
— Culzean raised a summons against the young 
Laird, upon the '<auld assignatioune, quhilk he 
had gottin fra this Blak Bessy, of the landis of 
Newwarke." Bargany, in his ignorance of the 
law, allowed Culzean to get a decreet against him 
for twelve thousand merks of "byrunnis quhilk 
war awand to hir befoir hir deceise." This de- 
creet he did not put into execution, but allowed it 
to lie as '<ane aw-band'' above Bargany *s head. 
Being very angry at this, Bargany had a meeting 
with the Master of Cassillis, and the Lairds of 
Auchindraine and Dunduff, at which the slaughter 
of Culzean seems to have been canvassed; as an 
attempt to take his life followed soon afterwards. 

by which they alleged hlB life was in danger. While in 
deliberation, some "debuis** (wortliless) body raised the 
cry that the ministers, and those that were with them, 
meant to take the king and his council prisoners. The 
utmost alarm ensued ; and what between the shouts of the 
opposite factions, " Ood and the kirk," and ** Ood and the 
king,** and the clang of arms — foi all rushdd to their wea- 
pons — the city was in a state of great nproar, while the 
king fled in all haste to Linlithgow. This occun-ed on the 
17 th December, 1596. A number of noblemen were ac- 
cused of having been in the kirk with the ministers. 
** Bot,** says the old chronicler, " the Lord Lindsay and the 
Leird of Bai^ny wes hardlyest ussitt ; for the Lord Lindsay 
peyitt ane gritt sowme of money, and Bu-gany wes com- 
pellit to mairie bis eldest sone on the queenis maideine, 
Lord Wchiltreis sister, but tocher, to his grit vrak.'* 

* It was this same earl who afterwards entered into a 
bond with his brother, the Matter of CassilUs, for the 
slaughter of Auchindraiue. 

Culzean being at supper at Maybole, in the house 
of Sir Thomas Nasmyth, on the 1st of January, 
1597-8, having his servants with him to pass there- 
from to his own house in Maybole through Sir 
Thomas's <' yaird,'' the Lairds of Auchindraine and 
Dunduff, accompanied by some of Bargany's ser- 
vants and their own, lay in wait for him in the 
'^yaird," and the ^'nycht being mirk, thay dis- 
chargitt sindrie shottis of pestillottis at him." 
Culzean, however, made his escape unhurt; and 
though the party pursued him hotly through the 
streets of Maybole, he finally baffled them, '< be 
the mirkness of the nycht." The tutor, with all 
diligence, prosecuted Auchindraine and Dunduff 
before the council. Dunduff entered in ward, and 
was banished for a time in England; but Auchin- 
draine and Baigany's servants allowed themselves 
to be put to the horn. Culzean <'gat the hous of 
Auchindrayne, and destroyit the hous in the plen- 
neissing, and wrakitt all the yairding; and also 
thay maid mony settis to haue gottm him selff, hot 
God preseruitt him from thair tyrranye."* A 

* According to the Books of Ac^oumal, Mure of Auch- 
indraine was put to the horn in February, 1597-8. Along 
with him were " Johnne Mure, sone to Quintene Mure in 
Carcloy; David Sinclar and Johnne Schaw, seruitour to 
the said Johnne Muir, and Patrick Davidsoune, seruitour 
to Matthow Stewart, alias Dunduff of that Ilk ; Alexander 
Kennedie, sone to Hew Kennedie of Graigneil; Dauid 
Mure, seruitour to the Laird of Bargany: Johnne Dunduff, 
alias Stewart, sone naturall to the said Matthow.'* They 
were accused of ** cuming vpoun the thryd day of Januar 
lastbypaat, vnder sylence and cloud of nycht, with convo- 
catioun of our souerane lordis lieges, bodin with hagbutis 
and pistolettis to the toun of Mayboll ; and eftir thay had 
stoUit [stalled] their horssis att the Ouid-wyffe of Knok- 
dais settis in Maybole, thay convoyit thame selffls secreitlie 
to Thomas Nasmythis zaird in Mayboll, nixt adiacent to Sir 
Thomas Kennedis duelling hous, Mayboll, as place meitest 
for accompleisching of thair crewall, vngodlie and barbar- 
ous murthour and slauchter of the said Qir Thomas Ken- 
nedie ; quhair tliay stuid damit betuix tua edzies [hedges], 
awaitting for his slauchter. * * Perssaving the said 
Sir Thomas Kennedie, with Dame Elizabeth M'Oill, his 
spous, Thomas Kennedie, thair eldest sone, Mei^garet and 
Helenc Kennedies, tliair dochteris, cuming furth of the 
said Thomas Nasmythis duelling hous, and cumand throw 
his yalrd betuix the tua edzies, kepit thame selffls damit 
[concealed], qubill the said Sir Thomas wes within sax 
ellis to thame quhair thay lay; quha suddeudlie vmbe- 
set the said Sir Thomas, his spous and baimis, or he could 
bewar of thame, he dredand na harma nor iniurie of ony 
persoune, and speciallie of the personis aboue writtin, thay 
standand with him in upperand favour and froindship, att 
the leist but any professioune of feid or vpgewing of kynd- 
nes; and thane schott and delascht [discharged] aucht 
schott of hagbuttis and pistollcttis at the said Sir Thomas ; 
and he, being nocht liabill to sustene thair force and malice 
at that tyme, efter he had reterit him selff with his wyffe 
and baimis, thay persewit thame with dieurs vtheris 
Bchottis, and crewallie insistit and invadit thame for thair 
slauchteris; as the markis of the saidis schottis vpoun the 
wallis, duris, and yettis of the said Thomas Nasmythis 
duelling hous and yairdis may deirlie testifie : As lyke- 
wyis, cftir thay had delascht thair haill hagbutis and pis- 
tolettis att him, thay maist crewallie and vnmercifullio 
invadit and persewit the said Sir Thomas Kennedy to the 
kirk yard of Mayboill, quhair they wald nocht half failzeit 
to half slayne him, gif be the provisioun of God and dark- 
ness of the nycht, he had nocht been separat fra thame, 



farther aggravation of the feud between Cassillis 
and Bargany was the raising of an action by 
the former against him for bygone teinds. He 
obtained a decreet for forty thousand merks against 
him — a large sum in these days; the earl appar- 
ently being resolved, by some means or other, to 
accomplish the ruin of Bargany. The latter, how- 
ever, obtained a suspension; and the king inter- 
fering, he proposed a compromise between the 
parties — ordering Bargany to pay a certain sum 
in full of all claims. The laird reluctantly obeyed, 
conceiving the demand to be altogether unjust. 
Meanwhile the breach between the earl and his 
brother, the master<was farther increased on ac- 
count of the latter having slain a person of the 
name of M'Ewen,* who was about to take some 
land over the head of one Richart, foster brother 
to the master. At this time a feud occurred be- 
tween Lord Cassillis and the Laird of Girvanmains, 
arising out of the Laird of Drumochreen having 
procured a lease of the teinds of Drumochreen over 
the head of Girvanmains. The latter remonstrat- 
ed with the earl, who would give him no redress; 
and in going home he waited for Drumochreen be- 
hind " ane knowe," and slew him. The earl was 
greatly enraged at this ; had Girvanmains put to 
the horn, and did all in his power to procure his ruin. 
His attention, however, was not long afterwards 
taken up with a more weighty affair — a quairel with 
Ills principal vassals in Galloway. Having obtained 
a decreet ** agama all the gentill menne of Gallo- 
way, of all thair kyndlie rowmis, sik as the Lairdis 
of Gairsland [Garthland], Kenhilt, and Meirtoune," 
he proceeded to his house of Lich, and with the 
sheriff of Galloway and a party of retainers, at- 
tempted to put the decreet in force, by calling a 
court to be held at Glenluce, with the view of 
dispossessing Gairslapd and others of their hold- 
ings. The Galloway men, aware of his intention, 
bound themselves to each other*s defence ; and at 
night besieged the earl in his house of Lich, by 
surrounding the loch, and preventing all ^ress or 
ingress. t Luckily for the earl he had the "minis- 

and escfaapit tliair bludie handis.'* Danduff fabjected 
himself to the king's will, when sentence of banishment, 
besides a heavy fine, was pronounced against him. In the 
dittay he is accused as one of the principal parties engaged 
with Auchhidraine. It appears they had obtained infor- 
mation of Culzean*8 intention to sup with Sir Thomas 
Nasmyth on the night in question f»om Alexander Ren- 
nedie, younger of Craigneill, who was on terms of intimacy 
with the Tutor. " The said Alexander was familiar with 
the said Sir Thomas att his hous, and that samin day 
▼poun the feildis, and at Corsragwell, be taking of his guid 
nycht, and taking off his hatt, according to his wontit fa- 
miliaritie with him of before," became aware of Culzean*s 

* Hugh, Master of Cassillis, along with John Boyd his 
senrant, and Hugh Kennedy of Chapel, obtained a remis- 
sion under the great seal for the slaughter of Andrew M*- 
Kewan, Auchatrache.— Sep. 14, 1601. — Piteaim. 

f lucho, the ancient residence of the Earls of Cassillis 

ter of Gamneir' [Oolmonell] with him, who, on 
pretence of going to his kirk, was allowed to pass. 
The minister was charged vnth a message to Bar- 
gany, stating that ** giff he vald cum and mak hb 
relieff, he (the earl) wald mend all his misbehaviour 
that he done to him, and think of him by all his 
kin to his lyffis end 1" The Laird of Bargany in- 
stantly gathei-ed his friends and servants, and pro- 
ceeding to the scene of action, succeeded in settling 
matters amicably between the parties. When Bar- 
gany afterwards sought fulfilment of the earl's 
promise, the latter found it convenient to forget 
what he had said in his emergency, so that Bargany 
was more than ever offended with him. 

Much about the same period the earl got into 
bad blood with Blairquhan and others. They had 
not been on good terms for some time, but through 
the mediation of friends an agreement had taken 
place; and on the invitation of Blairquhan, Cassillb 
paid him a visit, with the intention of remaining a 
day or two. The second day a messenger came from 
Oulzean, acquainting the earl that the young laird 
of Blairquhan, with some of Bargany's folks, intend- 
ed *< to cum the neist nicht to slay me lord in his 
awin bed I" Upon this intelligence, the earl, with 
a servant of his own, ** went out at the bak zett ; 
and vnthout ony gud-nycht went to MayboU." 
Blairquhan was highly ^spleased that he should 
have been deemed so treacherous by the earl, and 
vowed to be reveng^ upon the inventors of the 
calumny. *• Wpone this,*' says the Histories " thair 
was ane trvst dravnne at Air, betuix the Lord 
Wchiltrie,* the Laird of Bargany, Blairquhane, 
Girvandmaynis, and ane band maid amangis thame, 
to die and leiff togidder in all thair pardcularis. 
Quhair off me lord tuik ane gritt fdr." 

At length something like a general amnesty, 
exclusive of Cassillis, was patched up. The as- 
surance between Auchindraine and Culzean hav- 
ing nearly expired, a new agreeance was arranged 
by the friends of both parties, in virtue of which 
James Mure, younger of Auchindraine, married 
Helen Kennedy, daughter of Culzean. With her 
he received a dowry of four thousand merks, for 
three of which the Laird of Bargany was taken 
debtor, Culzean giving the latter a discharge for 
the *<haill soume off the tuelff thousand merkis 

in Wigtonshire, was formerly, for the sake of greater seca- 
rity, built upon an inch or small island in the centre of a 
lake, called the loch of castle Kennedy. There were two 
lakes of castle Kennedy, lying parallel to each other ; one 
being a mile, the other half a mile in length, both beii^ 
about half a mile broad, and each of them having an island 
in the centre. Castle Kennedy was of a large square form, 
and its ruins show it to have been a strong and maasiye 
building. It was burned, by accident, in 1716; and at 
the date of the statistical account of the parish of Inch, 
1792, the walls of the ruin, then'still standing, were sevmity 
feet in height. The castle and property had previously 
been acquired by the Earl of Stair. — Piteaim. 

* Bargany's father-in-law. 



obtmit be him contrair to the Laird of Bargany, 
for the debtt awand to Blak Bessie of Denhame" 
pOinene]. The laird and he wei*e made good 
friends, *'all bjganes to be past amang them." 
Auchindraine was relaxed from the horn — ^Dun- 
dufF and Oulzean became Mends — and even the 
Master of Cassillis, because the earl had contem- 
plated, through the instrumentality of his lady, 
making Lord Aberoom his heir, were drawn into 
an i^^reeance. The feud between Cassillis and 
Bargany, notwithstanding, still continued. The 
tiends of the ten-pound land of Girvanmains were 
hdd by Bargany from the Earl of Casrillis — ^the 
Laird of Girvanmidns renting them from the for- 
mer. CassilUs havii^ obtained a decreet for these 
tiends, resolved, by force, '<to leid the samin." 
The Lairds of Bargany and Girvanmains, hearing 
of his intention, gathered their friends and ser- 
vants together, and took possession of the '* zardis 
quhair the oomis stood ;" so that it was impossible 
for the earl to put his decreet in force. The earl, 
deeply offended at Bargany, and having a decreet 
against one of his servants, "callit John M'alezan- 
der, of the landis off Dangarth,*' resolved to put 
it into instant execution. He accordingly sent his 
servants to intromit witii the corns, part of which 
they reaped. Bargany, hearing of this, took im- 
mediately to horse, and with horses and carts 
brought the com they had cut to Arstensar ; for, 
said Bargany, ^ me lord has na rycht to the comis 
alb^t he had obtenitt decreet against the land." 
This happening upon a Saturday, Cassillis provides 
all the force he could against Monday, to go and 
cut down the remainder of the com. The Laird 
of Bargany, equally alert, gathers together a strong 
body of his retainers for a similar purpose. Being 
nearest hand, he wva on the gpround fhrst, having 
with him fflx hundred horsemen, with " tua hunder 
hagbutteris." Lord Ochiltree also join^ him with 
one hundred horse ; so that within twelve hours' 
notice, says the Historie^ he had an army of nine 
hundred men at his command. The Earl of Cas- 
sillis appeared at the head of an equal number, or 
rather more. Between the two there was cer- 
tainly a good harvest party! Bargany having 
possession of the house and yards, and being better 
furnished with fire-arms, ''heaf&ng mony bassis 
and hagbuttis of found,"* the earl felt considerably 

* BcunL, or BatUlis—tTom the French basilu— were a 
long sort of cannons then in use. The haglnU of found 
•ppean to be the same with the " hagbut of crochest " or 
'* croehe.** Ft, Arqudnu a croc; t. «. an arquebus hav- 
ing a hook fixed into a rest, staff, or tripod, to support 
their great weight, in taking aim and discha^iging thejn. 
These pieces were between the size of the smallest cannons 
and the hogbut, arquebuse, or musket, and were chiefly 
Qsed in the lower flanks of walls or small batteries, and in 
towers pierced with loop-holes, called murderers.*' — PU- 
eaim. It may also be derived fh>m the Vreachfmdre, 
to cant ; orfrndeVf to found, establish, or rest. 

out of his reckoning. Lord Catiicart, who was 
married to a near kinswoman of Cassillis,* and his 
son, the B^Iaster of Cathcart, having married the 
Laird of Bargany*s sister, ^ trauellit " between the 
belligerent forces, and haply succeeded in effecting 
an arrangement. It was agreed that Bargany 
should have the whole of the com on the g^und 
for his servant, and that he should find security 
for the duty of the land to the earl. 

Though bloodshed was thus prevented, still the 
feud was growing more incurable. Cassillis, an- 
noyed that Bargany should be at the head of so 
strong a party in his own country, took every 
means to distress him ; and with this view began 
to ''call for the byrunnis of Girvandmaynis." 
Bargany, finding that there was no end to his 
malice, conceived the design, as the Historic al- 
leges, of making away with Cassillis. For this 
purpose he was thought to deal with Culzean and 
the Master of Cassillis, who were both Ukely enough 
to have assented to the project. Cassillis being to 
ride to Galloway, Bargany had a number of his 
friends convenit at Arstensar, " quhair Blairquhane 
younger was, and the Laird of Gir\'andmayni8, 
quha it was thocht wald tane his lyfFe, giff that 
the Laird of Colzeane had not beine with his 
Lordchip ; tiie quhilk, thay said, was stayit be the 
Laird of Auchindrane, for the r^^rd of the Laird 
off Colzeane." It appears that Culzean had pro- 
mised not to ride with Cassillis; and the party, 
thus disappointed of their victim, despatched Auch- 
indraine next morning to castle Kennedy, to speak 
vrith Culzean upon the subject. Arriving at the 
loch, Culzean desired him to come to him on the 
island, which he did, and convened with him for 
an hour. Cassillis meanwhile had given directions 
that the boat should not take Auchindraine away, 
meaning to keep him prisoner. Cassillis at length 
came himself to the garden, and accused Auchin- 
draine and his associates of designing to take his 
life. Auchindraine threw back the charge, and 
offered to make the person deny it, if he was in 
the place, who had said so. Cassillis being called 
in to dinner, Auchindraine's servant, who had heard 
the quarrel, seeing the boat unlocked, made a sign 
to his master. Auchindraine, aware of the danger 
in which he was placed, entered the boat along 
with Ardmillan's brother, who was with him, and 
rovring over, leaped on their horses. Riding to 
Ballantrae, where the friends of Bargany were as- 
sembledj he told what had hs4)pened ; whereat the 
Laird of Bargany was much offended, and des- 
patched *' the gudmanne of Ardmellane, and zoung 
Carriltoune, to me Lord of CassiUis, to desyir his 
authour in this thing." The Earl denied that he 
had ever made such an accusation ; and Auchin- 

* Lord Cathcart — ^tho fourth loi-d — who is here meant, 
> was married to a daughter of John Wallace of Craigie. 



draine was blamed for inventing the story, with 
the view of aggravating the feud between Caasillis 
and the laird. Auchindraine wrote to Caasillis, 
threatening to publish him at the market-cross of 
every town, if he denied what he had said to him. 
The earl returned an evasive answer — denying 
that he had made use of the words attribut- 
ed to him, but admitting in other language the 
substance of what he said, bearing out the state- 
ment of Auchindraine. The earl having shortly 
afterwards taken a decreet against Blairquhan, 
and deprived him of Kelly castle and Rilhenhow, 
the old grudge on the part of Blairquhan was ex- 
cited to perfect fury. He caused the young laird, 
his son, to remain constantly with Bargany, stir- 
ring up strife between them; and from the earl's 
refusal to name the individual who had informed 
him of the design upon his life, it was concluded 
that Culzean was the person. Culzean being to 
ride to Galloway, it was resolved to set upon him 
at ** the bak of Ardmellane-hill, at anc please callit 
Glentressik." The young Laird of Blairquhan, and 
Bargany's brother, with eight others, took post for 
him. Auchindraine, however, thought proper to 
advertise Culzean of th^ intention, by letter — ^not 
that he was anxious to save him, but lest, as there 
was a ''tryst" between him and Culzean, he might 
have been suspected of having connexion with the 
slaughter. Culzean's servant was sent forward to 
make trial of the truth of Auchindraine's warning, 
when he was laid hold of by the party, and de- 
tained for some time in expectation of his master's 
coming. Culzean, proceeding to Edinburgh, com- 
plained to the king. His majesty sent for the 
Laird of Bargany, who denied that he knew any- 
thing of the matter. Culzean said he would prove 
that he did, by the evidence of Auchindraine and 
David Kennedy of Maxwelton, both of whom were 
immediately ordered to compear. When ques- 
tioned, they cleared Bargany of being privy to the 
affair; upon which the king caused the whole 
of them to drink wine together and be friends. 
While in Edinburgh, young Blairquhan ** miswssit 
the Laird of Pantoskane, being one of the kingis 
maiesteyis maister staibleris," which was retaliated 
by Pantoskane the following evening. This led 
to a challenge, John Kennedy of Beltersan having 
taken up the quarrel of the Kennedies. Little is 
known of the affiur beyond what may be gathered 
from the following minutes of Privy Council : — 

At Edinbargta, the xx^ day of December, the yeir of 
God, Im. Vc. Ixxxxix yens. Fonamekle aa it is vndir- 
etand to the Kingis Maiestie and Lordis of Secreit Coun- 
saill, that Alexander Levingstoon of Pantoskene, one the 
ane parte, and Mr Johnne Kennedy, appeirand of Baiter- 
sane, on the Tthir parte, hes of lait maid ane Challange, 
and yndirtane ane Singalar Combat, without ony warrand 
or oommissioun had frome his Maiestie, to that effect: 
And seing, all sic Combattis ar prohibite and forbidden be 
the Lawis of this realme, and Actis of Parliament, and ar 
na authorized, permitted nor allowed, in na vthir wcill 

gouernit Commounwele ; and that the event of tliis Com- 
batt is not liklie to settle the troblis and aooompt qnhair- 
upoun the Challange procedit, and procoir peace to baith 
pairteis : Tbairfoir, Ordainis letteris to be direct, to com- 
mand and charge baithe the saidis pairteis, as alsua all 
and sindrie his Maiesteis liegis, quha ar or salbe appointit 
Jageis, witnesses, assistaris, or pairt-takaris to the said 
Combat, personalie, gif thai can be apprehendit ; and fail- 
zeing thairof, be oppin proclamatioun at the meicat-croce 
of Edinburghe, and vtheris placeis neidfull, that thay on 
nawayes presvme nor tak (on hand?) to entir in the sidd 
Combatt, nor to mak ony forder cliallangeis or pronca- 
tionis, be worde or write, to that effect, vndir the paine of 
deid : Certifeing thame, and {if) thay doe in the contrair, 
that thay salbe takin, apprehendit, and pvnist to the deid, 
without iaaour. 

MoNTBOisB, CAirrius. 

(EoDKM Dix). The Lordis of Secreit Counsall, ffor the 
bettlr obseruatioun of his maiesteis peace, quietnes, and 
gnde reule in the conntrey, Ordanis Letteris to be direct, 
chargeing Johnne Erll of CassilUs, Andro Lord Bteuart of 
Vcbiltrie, Hew Campbell of Lowdoun, schereff of Air, 
Johnne Kennedy, elder of Blaquhan, Kennedy, ap- 
peirand of Blaquhan, Gilbert Kennedy of Baiigany.......... 

Kennedy of Girvanemanis, Kennedy of Baltersaoe 

and Mr Johnne Kennedy his sone and air, on the ane 
pairt ; uad Alexuader Lord Levingstoun, Johnne Lering- 
stoun of Dnnnipaoe, Alexander Levingstoun of Kilsyithe, 
on the vthir parte, to subscryve ilkane of thame to vthiris, 
sic forme of assuiranceis as salbe presentit vnto thame, 
markit be the Clerk of Counsaill ; and to find suffleient 
and responsall cautionaris and sonerteis for obseruatioun 
thairof unviolat, in ony point : and to gif in the same as- 
suiranceis, snbscryuit be thame and thair cautioneris, to 
be actit and registcat in the buikis of Secreit CounsaOI, 
within sex dayis nixt after the charge, vnder the pane of 
rebellioun ; and giff thay failzie, to denunce, &c. 

MoBrraoiSB, cAvrius. 
From this, it would appear that the heads of the 
families on both sides had become parties to the 
intended combat. The quarrel witb Pantoskene 
seems to have produced a temporary co-operation 
amongst the Kennedies and their Ayrshire allies. 
It did not long continue, however. The feud be- 
tween Cassillis and Bargany was renewed in this 
manner : — Some servants of his having come to 
Maybole, they were bullied and driven out of the 
town by the servants of the earl. Shortly after- 
wards, some of the earFs servants, on their way 
from Ballantrae, were compelled by the Laird of 
Bennan and a party with him to go round the 
town, in place of passing through it. <' Thairefter, 
the Laird of Benand com with his brother Tho- 
mas, and ane boy with him, heafTand ane hagbutt 
in his hand, by Mayboll, quhair me Lord 'was; and 
he being weill horsit, as he thocht, wald ryd his 
horse at the Came,* and schouttit, * Gif any wald 
cum outt to him ?' and they seing the samin, seiad 
out ane frend of me lordis, callit Antane Kennedy, 
of Balsarrocht, and Patrick Rippethe, broder to the 
Laird of Bippethe ; quha, quhene Benand saw, he 
rdd his wayis, and thay followit him to the hous 
of the Threw [Treave, parish of Kirkoswald], 
quhilk wes four myllis ; ewer, as they said, crying 
one him to tairye ; but he ryding his wayis, they 

* Tlie castle, or town house, of the Cassillis Ikmily in 



toik his manne, and tuik fra him the hagbutt ; and 
so retumit bak but midr skaith." Sometime after 
this, the Lady Bai'ganj and her sister riding with 
a small company to Ayr, Cassillis sent out a party 
to see who they were ; but, finding that the kurd 
was not with them, they immediately retired. Ben- 
nand was furious at the insult, and urging Bar- 
gany to a desperate effort against the earl, offered 
to lie in wait for him as he rodehomeon the mor- 
xx>w from CraigneU to Maybole. He accordingly 
did so» accompanied by Borgany's brother,* and 
ten or twelve others. The plot failed, however; 
and the affair coming to the ears of Cassillis, he re- 
solved to be equal with them, time and place con- 

At length this protracted feud gathered to a fatal 
issue. ** In the monethe of November," says the 
Historiey '^thair wes ane melting at Oraigneill, 
betuix Sir Johne Grahame of Knockdolyane and 
his wyffe; and because thay could not agrie, thay 
appoy ntit to mdtt agane the sezt day of Deoembar, 
in the toune of Air." Rnockdolian's lady was a 
sister of Barganyt ; and the matter in dispute no 
doubt referred to important family concerns. It 
was made a special condition that Bargany should 
not go to Ayr, on account, in all likelihood, of the 
feud with Cassillis. The Lairds of Auchindraine 
and Carlton, with a few others, only were to be 
present. Bargany, however, moved by the Laird 
of Bennan and his sbter, took to horse, and accom- 
panied by only ten or twelve men, proceeded 
to Ayr, passing by the Bogend, within a quarter of 
a mile of Cassillis gate. The earl could not fail to 
be ^prised of this ; and, gathering all his friends 
and servants, kept them together from the Tuesday 
till the Friday ; having spies in Ayr, meanwhile, to 
acquaint him when Bargany should leave the town. 
Bargany was made aware of the danger in which 
he stood, but he declined sending for his retainers 
— thinking that as he had some friends with him, 
and as the town of Ayr had their teinds of him, 
they would take his part, and furnish him with 
men enough to ride home to his house. Contrary 
to all his friends' advice, he set out from Ayr on 
the 11th of December — a day so thick with snow 
and drift <<that thair wes nane culd seine the 
lenthe of ane lanse befoir him<" He had not with 
him above eighty horse and foot. Shortly after 
leaving the town, they saw two of Cassillis scouts, 
'' callit William Cunninghame and Hew Pennand- 
gow j! upon which Auchindraine counselled Bar- 

* Thomas Kennedy of Dmmorchie. 

f She had been previously married to Hew £ail of 

I Penango. The name is now extinct. **The same 
night — Jan. 17, 1568 — ^Roalinge airpriait and recaerd by tiie 
Laird [Johnstone] and hea semants, from the Laird of 
Lochnoreis seruants — Syme of Penango being capitane 
thareof.** — Birretg Diary* 


gany to return, because the friends or retainers 
were not with him that he could place confidence 
in, and the scouts would not fail to make the enemy 
aware of the smaUness of his force ; << thairfoir," 
said he, *' gif ze do weill, ze stay ; g^ ze will nocht, 
I will ryde and stay thame [the scouts] that thay 
do na wrang : Bot I tak God to my witness, I 
haiff na will of this dayis wark ; foir I se nocht 
the menne I wald sie to do zour turn I " Finding 
Bargany resolute, Auchindraine rode to the bridge 
of Doon, and took both Cuninghame and Pen- 
ango prisoners. Bargany, on coming to the 
bridge, halted ; and calling his Httle band together, 
thus addressed them : — ** Sirs, I am heir to pro- 
test befoir Qod, I am nocht to selk the bluid of 
me lord, nor his dishonour, in na sortt; bot ryd 
I hame to my hous, in peace, giff he will lat me. 
And giff me lord be to persew me, I hoip ze will 
all do zour dewitteis, as becumis menne ; and he 
that will not be willing to do this, for my luiff and 
kyndnes, he will ather say he will tairy with me to 
the end, or leave me now at this present ! " They 
all answered, *' We will all die in zour defense, giff 
ony will persew zow I *' Bargany then rode for- 
ward, dividing his horsemen into two companies, 
taking one himself, and giving the other to the 
young Laird of Carlton. With Bargany were the 
Lairds of Auchindraine, Cloncaird, his brother 
Thomas, and Gilbert Kennedy of Knockdon. In 
this order they proceeded till they came to the 
Brockloch, near the Lady-Corse,* when they per- 
ceived the Earl of Cassillis coming out of Maybole, 
with two hundred men, on horse and foot, and 
twenty musketeers, who gained the Lady-Corse 
before Bargany. The two parties halted within 
musket-shot of each other, ** the ane on the Teynd- 
know, and the vther on the nixt," when, in the 
words of our author, " thay beganne to flytt ; and 
Patrick Rippitt cryitt, ' Laird of Benand I Laird 
of Benand ! Laird of Benand ! This is I, Patrick 
Rippitt, that tuik thy hagbut! Cum doun heir 
in the houm, and brek ane trie, for thy luiffis 
saik. ' " Benand made no answer to this challenge, 
<< albdtt,'* says the Historie, '* he had gewin the 
Laird steiff counsell to ryd fordwartt befoir. "t 
The men of Ayr would have begun the battle at 
this time ; but Bargany stayed them, saying, ** I 
will nocht persew me Lord, bot I will eschew all 
cummer, alse far as I may.'* He then moved on- 
ward, riding down the hog tide of Dinene^ think- 
ing by that means to avoid encountering the Earl 
of Cassillis. But the latter followed on the other 
side. At the foot of the bog there were a number 

* About a mile north from Maybole. 

f Bennan, if the writer is to be relied upon, had been 
no hero. 

I Or Dinehame. This property marches with the Lady- 



of turf dykes, to which the haghutters on both 
gides rode^ the one taking possession of the head 
of them, and the other the foot. Here the firing 
commenced, the earl's men shooting first. Bar- 
gany, seeing that his haghutters were liable, from 
their position, to be attacked by the enemy's horse, 
rode forward with the view of protecting them. 
He and the horsemen with him were fired upon 
by the earl's haghutters; and, while crossing a 
small stream at the foot of the bog, Gilbert Ken- 
ned/s horse was slain, and the bridle of the laird's 
brother shot in two, in consequence of which, his 
horse becoming restive, he was thrown, and his 
shoulder disjointed. None crossed the stream- 
let save Bargany himself, the Lairds of Auch- 
indraine and Cloncaird, James Bannatyne and 
Edward Irwing. By some unaccountable over- 
sight, or the want of a proper commander — 
for we cannot suppose that the men of Ayr, 
after showing such readiness to begin the fight at 
Lady-Corse, were indifferent in the cause — Bar- 
gany was not supported by the main body of his 
cavalry. He and the four who had crossed the 
rivulet with him were first fired upon by the earl's 
musketeers, and then attacked by thirty of his 
horsemen, led by a Captain Foster, or Forrester. 
The charge was gallantly sustained, notwithstand- 
ing the disparity of numbers — and the unequal 
oombat continued for some time. On the earl's 
side, the *' young Laird of Grimak [Grimat] wes 
strukin throw the chin, and he and horse bayth 
strukin to the eird ; and Bow Cuninghame, Poch- 
quhaime's broder, was strukin in at the knie with 
ane lanse and out at the buttock. Captain Fos- 
ter's horse wes hurtt with suordis, and his pistolatt 
strukin out of his hand; himselff, heaffing ane 
Bteill hate, wes dyuerse tymes strukin on the heid, 
hot the same preseruit him. Richart Spense, 
Maister houshold to the Lord, was slayne be the 
Laird of Clonk^rd ; and sindry horse wes hurtt." 
On Bargany's side, Auchindraine was ** schott and 
hurt in the kimellis of the thie, and his horse also; 
James Bannatyne's horse wes slayne ; Edward Ir- 
wing, the peadge, wes slayne be ane straik of ane 
lanse ; Johne M< Alexander wes hurt with ane 
schott in the thie." All his five followers were thus 
killed or disabled save one, still Bargany pressed 
on. Breaking throagh his opponents, he rode 
straight for the earl himself, crying ^ Quhair me 
Lord himselff ? Let him now keep promise and 
brek ane trie!" The horsemen around Cassillis 
immediately assailed Bargany — ^* specially Hew 
Kennedy of Garequhaime, and Patrick Rippethe, 
and Quinteyne Crafurd of Sillyhoill, younger ; 
Gyriehorne brak , ane lanse on the Laird, and the 
uther tua strak att him with suordis; and so 
forssit him to reteir. And than Patrick Rippethe 
and Quinteyne Crafurd, this way dealling with him. 

ane fellow callit Johne Dik, quha had beene far 
obleissit to him befoir, at quhais handis he escheap- 
itt nae harme, haikitt ane lanse at him, and straik 
him throw the craig and throw the thropiU ; for 
he feiritt nocht him, and sa tuk na tent to him, 
hot to thame that war strekand at him. The 
lanse breakis in him, and strekis [sticks] mukill of 
thrie quarteris in his thropiU; the quhilk stayed 
his breathe. This Qwinteyne Crafurd cuming up 
to him strekis in his suord to his feace ; for he had 
na forse to bald out ane straik, he being breathe- 
less be the first straik': hot his hone, being ane 
uerry gude gelding, buir him to Mb awin men, near 
quhair he fell deid for ^k of breathe." By this 
time a number of Bargkny's followers, seeing the 
superior force of Cassillis, and the woimded state 
of their leaders, had left the field. Those who 
remained, however, took him up, and, pulling the 
broken lance from his throat, carried him on horse- 
back with them in their retreat.* He was taken 
to the house of Dinene, or Dinehame— ^bout a 
quarter of a mile distant — ^where he insisted on his 
men leaving him — saying, " ze haue na forse to 
defend me, and zour deathis will be my gritter 
greiff! and gifiT ze will gang zour wayis, ze may 
remember one me ane uther tyme I" One boy only 
remained to attend him. Shortly afterwards the 
Earl of Cassillis came to the bam, and, says the 
Histories *' wald haue his lyfi^, hot all me Lordis 
menne thocht he was hot deid, in respect of the 
aboundance of bluid that he had bled, counsellit 
me Lord to tak him with him, and thair ae his 
woundis ; and giff thay war nocht deidly, than to 
tak his lyff, be Law, for he was Judge-ordiner of 
the country." The earl did as he was counselled ; 
but as the wounds of Bargany were much swollen 
by the cold, it was impossible to say whether they 
were likely to prove mortal or not. He was kept in 
Maybole for twenty-four hours, and thereafler 
either sent by Cassllis, or taken by his friends — ^for 
the Hhtorie does not say how — to Ayr; where he 
seems to have so far rallied as to be more anxious 
about the safety of others than himself. While 
Cassillis applied to the king for a commission to try 
Bargany and those who were with him, the latter 
" gart seik ane charge," to get Auchindraine, who 
had been taken prisoner by the carl, set at liberty. 
In this he was successful, while the commission was 
denied to Cassillis. Meanwhile, symptoms of the 
mortal character of Bargany's wound b^an to 

* The icene of this battle, according to traditioD, which 
accords with the account of it in the Historie, was the 
marshy lands that surround the Hart, and other lochs, ia 
Lochlands, near Maybole, port of Drommellan estate. This 
is corroborated by the fact that, about twenty years airo, 
in making a large open drain through the lands, a quantity 
of bones of men and horses, and remains of old armour, 
were found. In the Criminal Records the affair is said to 
have occurred " vpoun the landis of Pennyglenne." 



show themselves. ^ Doctoar Low/' sajs the Hia- 
ioriej ^ was he that handelitt his woundis ; quha 
had na skill, hot laid to plaisteris to the wondis, 
not considering the dang^ of the hlaid quhilk wes 
fallin doune to the hairtt. And that was the cans 
of his deathe ; for fra the sam freasdtt ahout his 
hairtt, he had na langer tyme." After his death 
*' he was laid in the kirk of Air in ane colme of leid 
for ane gritt speace, quhill his huriell was made 
redy/'* The Historic speaks of Bargany as a gen- 
tleman of great personal worth and manly accom- 
plishments. He ^ was the bravest manne that was 
to be gotten in ony land ; of hiche statom*, and 
Weill maid ; his hair blak, bott of ane comlie face : 
the brauest horsmanne and the ebest [the at hesfl 
of mony at all pastymis. For he was feirse and 
feirry, and winder nembill. He was hot about the 
age of zzv yieris qnhane he was slayne, hot of his 
uge the maist wyise he mycht be ; for gif he had 
tyme to had ezperianse to his witt, he had bein by 
his marrowis." 

After this unfortunate affair, Lady C^ssillis lost 
no time in proceeding to Edinburgh, where, by 
the interest of her friends at court, she succeeded 
in obtaining the king's favour so far that the earl 
should come himself and '< deall with the Thesaurer 
for his escheitt." Cassillis, upon the 23d day after 
the fight, rode to Edinburgh, followed by Culzean, 
a reconciliation having taken place between them. 
By means of the latter an act of Privy Council 
was obtained, making all that Cassillis had done 
'*gude semice to the king," because Bargany's 
brother, Thomas of Drumurchie, who was at 
the horn at the time, had been in his company — 
Cassillis alleging that he had a commission to take 
him. Ten thousand merks paid to the treasurer, 
however, was, perhaps, the most potent argument 
in the earl's favour. While the earl was thus 
leniently dealt v^ith, Lady Bargany had to pur- 
chase the wardship of her son, for which she 
paid thirteen thousand merks. Lord Ochiltree 
was made ^Donator" of the compositions pay- 
able for the whole of the Respites and Remis- 
sions to be granted to those who accompanied 

* There is a tradition in Carrick that Bargany, mortally 
wounded, go|^the length of Tipperweil Well, which is aita- 
ated a little off the Kirk Oswald road on the way to Cross- 
raguel Abbey, where he died under a thorn, stiU called in 
the district Bargany *s Tliom. Our veryintelligent inform- 
ant is inclined to believe the tradition rather than the 
statement of the historian of the Kennedies. We cannot, 
however, eoincide in this belief. It is evident that the 
writer of the HistarUi whoever he may liave been, was 
paitieularly intimate with all the circumstances connected 
with the Bargany and Cassillis feud; and so minute is he 
in mentioning the doctor's name, uad mode of treating 
Baxgany's wound, as well as the fact of his remans having 
been laid out, inclosed in lead, in the Kirk of Ayr, that 
his accuracy cannot reasonably be doubted. The thorn at 
the Tipperweil Well may have derived the name of Bar- 
gau^M Thorn from some other circumstance connected 
with the Bai^gany family. 

Bargany on the day of battle. Cassillis, thus se- 
cured, immediately raises ** letteris on theme all 
that wes with the Laird, for the slachter of his 
manne Richartt Spense, and gat them all to the 
horn. * The consequence of this was that many of 
the supporters of Bargany were glad to sue for fa- 
vour with Cassillis. Thomas of Drumurchie, the 
late laird's brother, the Laird of Cloncaird, and a 
few others, were all who held together, and ''was be 
the Lady [Bargany] sustenit," Auchindrdne being 
<' onhdllit of his wondis." Aware that the Earl 
of Cassillis had obtained his ''fredome" chiefly 
through the instrumentality of Culzean, Lady 
Bargany was greatly irritated against him; and 
Drumurchie and Cloncaird resolved to be revenged 
the first opportunity. Knowing this, Culzean was 
anxious for a reconciliation, and moved Auchin- 
draine to bring them to friendship. The latter 
attempted to do so ; but without success. About 
this time the Laird of Culzean's eldest son died in 
France, by which the provostship of the collegiate 
church of Maybole became vacant. Culzean ex- 
pected that Cassillis would have conferred it on 
his next son ; but he bestowed it upon one Gilbert 
Ross, a notary. Culzean was greatly offended at 
this ; and a coldness ensued between him and Cas- 
sillis, on account of .which he was the more desir- 
ous of an *' agreanse vnth Thomas " of Drumur- 
chie: but Lady Bargany had been too recently 
and deeply injured to admit of their entering into 
terms of friendship; and Auchindraine assured him 
that if he came within '* thair danger," he would 
most certainly be " tane." 

Culzean at length fell into the toils. Litending 
to ride to Edinburgh upon some law business, he 
directed his servant, Lancelot Kennedy, to cause 
John Mure in Woodland, or one of his sons, to go 
to Auchindraine, and bid him meet the Laird of 
Culzean next day at the Duppill, a small streamlet 
south-east of Ayr.t Lancelot proceeded to May- 
bole, and not finding Woodland or any of his sons, 
as it would appear, got the schoolmaster to write a 
leister to Auchindraine, apprising him of Culzean's 
desire, which letter he despatched to Auchindraine 
with '^ane puir schollar" named William Dal- 

* July 21, 1602.— "Dauid Graham of Craig, and Alexan- 
der Kennedie of Baliarrak [Da^an-ock] were dUatit of art 
and part of the slauchter of vmqlc Richard Spens, servi- 

tour to Johne, Erie of CassUlis.*' M ay 31, 1606 ** Johne 

Mure of Auchindraine, John Mure of Craigskene, Moyses 
Lokhart, brother to the laird of Bar, James Bannatyne in 
Chapel-Donall, Dauid Kennedie, younger of Maxwaltoun, 
Charles Dalrympill, burges of Air, George Campbell, 
younger of Shankstonne, and Gilbert Kennydie in Maehar," 
were " dilatit, aocusit, and pursewit '* for the same offence. 
July 25. — '* Geox^e Anguse, notter ; James Blair, burges of 
Air; Dauld Kennydie of Corsus; and Gilbert Grahame, 
younger of Craig," were also arraigned. 

t The Duppill empties Itself into the river Ayr about half 
way between the Townhead of Ayr and the Holmston ford. 
There Is also a fai-m-house called the Duppill. 



rymple. The boy returned with the letter, afler 
some time, saying he had met one of Auchindraine's 
servants, who told him that the laird was not at 
home. This occmred on the 11th of May 1602. 
Next day, the 12th, the Laird of Culzean set out 
on his journey, mounted on " ane padssing naig" — 
a small ambling pony — attended only by a tingle 
servant, Lancelot Kennedy. He came from the 
Cove along the coast, intending to call at Greenan 
castle,* the residence at the time of Kennedy of 
Baltersan. He might have taken Auchindniine 
house in his route, as it lay not above three miles 
farther up the Doon ; but it is evident he did not 
wish to do so from motives of personal safety, there 
being frequently with Auchindraine some of the 
avowed enemies of Culzean.t Thomas Kennedy 
of Drumurchie, the late Laird of Bargan/s brother, 
having obtained intdligence of Culzean's journey, 
be, along with Walter Mure of Cloncaird, Thomas 
M' Alexander, and Thomas Wallace, with a boy 
called Gilbert Ramsay, and a border man named 
William Irving, proceeded to Ayr by dawn of the 
morning. When they saw Culzean aUght at Green - 
an castle — ^which they could easily do from Ayr — 
<* thay drew thameselffis in amang the sandy-hillis 
besyd Sanct Lennardis Cheapell." This chapel 
stood on a gentle eminence, gverlooking the Cur- 
tecan, a small streamlet which empties itself into 
the Doon, at the south-west coi-ner of the Race 
Course. As Culzean had to pass this chapel on 
his way to the Duppill, the party could not have 
selected a better place of concealment, for, while 
covered by the sand-hills, they had an excellent 
view of the esplanade of Greenan. Culzean re- 
mained with Baltersan a considerable time. At 
length he was seen leaving the castle, and as there 
was then no bridge over the lower part of the 
Doon, he no doubt forded the river, holding 
straight forward by St Leonard's to the Duppill, 
not far from which Drumurchie and his party 
** brak att him," and slew him " maist crueUie with 
Bchottis and strailds.'* They also robbed him of 
one thousand merks of gold, a ring with several 
diamonds in it, and his gold buttons. $ His re- 

* Greenan caatlo — ^now ruinous — is situated on a rocky 
eminence, the base of wliich is washed by the sea, a short 
distance south of the Doon, about two and a half miles 
from Ayr. 

f The Duppill, where he desired to meet him, lies in a 
direct line between Greenan and the Holmston ford, which 
is at least a mile and a lialf above the town of Ayr. His 
going by Holmston, in place of Ayr, proceeded no doubt 
from a similar motive — the inhabitants being generally 
friendly to Bargany. It was, besides, somewhat nearer. 

\ The author of the Historie attributes the robbery to 
the border man, which, he says, was " according to thair 
forme." In the charge against Auchindraine — 24th Jan., 
1602 — lio is accused of the stontlireif of Culzean's pm'se, 
with ellevin scoir rois-nobillis, sax dosoun of goldin but- 
townis, ane ryng of gold, contenand nyno dyamountis set 
thairin ; bis sword, belt, and quhingar." 

mains were taken, by his servant Lancelot, back to 
Greenan, from whence they were carried on a litter 
to Maybole, where great lamentation was made for 
him. He was buried, five days afterwards, within 
the little aisle of the Collegiate church. 

The chief actors in this tragedy kept out of the 
way, and were put to the honi. Suspicion, how- 
ever, immediately fell upon Auchindraine. The 
lady of Culzean insisted that he had been privy to, 
if not the instigator of, the deed. On the day of 
the funeral, the schoolmaster of Maybole, together 
vnth the boy Dalrymple, who had carried the letter 
to Auchindraine, were examined by the Earl of 
Cassiliis, in the presence of Lord Cathcart and the 
Lairds of Craigie and Bambarroch ; but nothing 
was didted beyond the boy's first statement, that 
he had met a servant of Auchindraine, who told 
him that the laird was not at home. The Ladv 
Culzean, notwithstanding, sdU persisted in accusing 
him, a^d caused his name to be put in the ^ Let- 
teris, amangis the number of thame thatt was the 
slearis of him." He was, in consequence, com- 
pelled to purchase a remission from Jx>rd Ochil- 
tree ; and on the day of trial he appeared, accom- 
panied by so many noblemen and friends, that the 
Lady Culzean *<purche8t and dischargit of the 
day,"* and would not pursue him. Meanwhile 
Cassiliis and his brother, the master, through the 
instrumentality of thdr mutual friends, became 
reconciled — ^the latter undertaking to revenge the 
death of Culzean by the slaughter of Auchindraine. 
Before this the master had been at of^ea feud 
with his brother, and frequently took pai*t with the 
Mures in their quarrels. As the writer of the 
Historie remarks, ''the cuntry thocht that he 
wald not be eirnist in that cause, for the auld luifT 
betuix him and Auchindraine." But it is possible 
that his necessities may have prompted him to the 
deed. From the earl's bond to him, it would ap- 
pear that the afPair was altogether a matter <^ 
money. This document, which, more than any- 
thing else, perhaps, illustrates the extreme bar- 
barity of the times, is as follows : — 

"We, Johno, Earle of Cassiliis, Lord Kennedy, te.y 
Bindis and Oblissis ws, that howsovne our broder, Hew 
Kennedy of Brounstoun, with his complices, taikis thclalnl 
of Auchindranois lyf, that we sail mak guid and thaukfuU 
payment to him and thame of the soume of ttlelff hundreth 
merkis, zeirlie, togidder with conio to sex horsis, ay and 
quhill [until] we ressaw [receive] thame in houshold with 
our self: Beginning the first payment immediatlle after 
thair committing of the said deid. Attour, [moreovei] 
howsovne we ressaw them in houshold, we sail pay to the 
twa serving gentillmen the fcis, zeirlie, as our awin hous- 
hold servandis. And heirto we obliss ws, vpoun our hon- 
our. SvBscsYDrr with our hand, at Mayboll, the ferd day 
of September, 1602. 

"JoHva, Erlb or Cassilus.** 

Aware of the danger in which he was placed, 

Auchindraine removed from his own house, which 

*■ Procured the diet to be deserted against him. 



was " invdryiet [environed] with woidis," to " the ' 
Nework,"* where he could not be so easily sur- 
prised. Shortly after this the master, with sixteen 
horsemen, took post at the back of Newark hiU, 
thinking to waylay Auchindraine as he passed 
between the two houses. Fortunately, however, 
his lady, accompanied by a gentleman, happened 
to pass before her husband, and, seeing the armed 
men in waiting, she despatched her attendant back 
to apprise him of his danger. Auchindraine imme- 
diately sent to Ayr for a party of his friends ; and, 
having mustered an equal number with the mas- 
ter, he marched out of the castle to give them 
battle, and <* thay wer forssitt to reteir with 
schame." The Earl of Cassillis having gone to 
London about this time, all his friends and retainers 
were left with his lady and the master. During 
his absence, Mure was daily pursued by the master 
and the household. There having been <<ane 
tryst betuiz the baimis of Glonkaird and Johne 
Kennedy of Grdch, att quhilk Auchindrayne suld 
heff bdne," the master, with a strong force, lay 
between Auchindraine and the place of tryst. 
Suspecting evil, Auchindraine did not go to the 
tryst, but <!aused the parties to come and hold 
their meeting at Auchindraine. Discovering ibis, 
the master and his retainers << cum thair and raid 
abovtt the hous, and schouttit ! '* Auchindraine, 
having only a few friends with him, " schott hag- 
bntUs of found at thame ;** and, driving them from 
die house, came out to the wood, opposite the ash- 
wood-dykes, in pursuit. A number of their horses 
were hurt ; and one of the horsemen approaching 
pretty near, was shot through the doublet, vrithout 
being shun, while his horse was wounded in the 
fleshy part of the neck. 

Lady Cassillis and the master, with their whole 
household, having gone to Galloway in April, 
1602-3 — ^where they remained till the 21st of 
May — the Laird of Drumurchie determined upon 
giving them a surprise. He was incited chiefly 
to do so because John Dick, who had slain his 
brother (Bargany), was amongst the company. 
Hearing of the lady*s intention of returning to 
Carrick, Drumurchie — accompanied by James 
Stewart, son of the late chancellor, and Walter 
Mure of Cloncaird, with nine horsemen and twenty- 
four hagbutters — came to the moor of Auchin- 
dndne, where they intercepted the kidy of Cassillis 
and the roaster, with their household, amounting 
to fifteen horsemen. Seeing Drumurchie's party, 
with the hagbutters before, and the horsemen 
ready to follow up their fire by a charge, they 
fled, and took refuge in the house of Duncan 

• Newark castle, on the sonth side of the Doon, situated 
at the base of the Carrick hills. It was at this time the 
residence, says Pitcairn, of "his friend Duncan Crau- 

Crawfurd of Auchinsoul.* Drumurchie followed 
with his party, and, setting fire to the thatch of 
the house, they were compelled to leave it„ and 
''tak thame to defend the cloise.*' At this junc- 
ture lady Cassillis b^an to intercede with Drum- 
urchie, as did Auchinsoul himself; upon which 
he agreed that if John Dick was g^ven up the 
remainder should be safe. This being made known 
to the lady and her household, Dick, finding 
himself in imminent danger, took down a slap 
in the close dyke above the water, and the wind 
blowing the smoke of the burning thatch in that 
direction, it completely covered his retreat till he 
was ^ four or fywe pair of butt-length past 
throw thame, or they culd perseifF him." In- 
stant pursuit was g^ven, but as he was well 
mounted they could not overtake him. Drum- 
urchie then took prisoners the '^ Maister xjf Cas- 
sillis, the young Laird of Grimmitt, young Andro 
Cunyinghame, broder to the Laird of Pochquhairne, 
Qutnteyne Craufiird, younger of SillyhouU, and 
Williame Kennedy, callit Williame the Ligour, and 
Johne Baird, broder to the Laird of KHhenzie.** 
In the struggle there was *'ane Johne M'Greame" 
slain. John Dick, who had escaped, made his 
way with all diligence to the Earl of Cas^lhs in 
London, who immediately laid die intelligence he 
had received before the king.t His majesty was 
so highly incensed at Drumurchie and his friends, 
that he gave him " all commissiounis that he wald 
desyir aganis thame." On the return of the Earl 
of Cassillis, proclamation was made in the king's 
name, charging all men neither to << speik nor re- 
sett Thomas [Drumurchie], nor nane of his; quhair 
of their wes ane gritt feir in all mennis heirttis." 

About this time the Earl of Cassillis having to 
ride to Hamilton, the friends of the house of Bar- 
gany ** sett for him " at the Monkton ; but Cas- 
sillis, having been made aware of the circumstance, 
remained in Ayr until he procured a stronger escort, 
and so escaped the danger he was in. 

As an instance of the high hand with which 
Cassillis ruled in Carrick at this time, the Historie 
mentions his having taken Thomas Dalrymple, of 
the iamily of Stair, whom he met accidentally in 
the darkness of the night at the bridge of Girvan. 
He was much hurt by the earl's men when cap- 
tured, and having been carried to Craigneil — one 
of the re^dences of Cassillis — ^he was next day 
condemned at an assize by the earl, and hang- 
ed on a tree " besyd the yett of Craigneil." Dal- 
rymple was a nephew of Bargany, and brother of 
the Laird of Stair. In revenge of thb atrocity, 
Walter Mure of Cloncaird, and " Thomas Wallas, 
the peage," rode to the Inch in Galloway, and 

* In the parish of Barr. 

t James VI. had succeeded to the orown of England by 
this time. 



slew '* David Girwand^ son and air to Johne Gir- 
wand of Callbollistoune, he being me Lord Cas- 
sillis maister of Work, abuiff his new Hous in 
Auchins." Cassillis was of course greatly pro- 
voked at the boldness of this act of retaliation, and 
proceeded with increased rigour in the prosecution 
of his opponents. Drumurchie, in consequence^ 
was persuaded, by the counsel of lady Bargany and 
hb own wife, to leave the country for a time. He 
accordingly proceeded to France. Cloncaird, who 
was a young man, being hardly pursued by Cas- 
sillis — his horse, and nearly himself, having been 
captured on one occasion — was so much grieved at 
Drummrchie's refusing to take him with him,* 
that he fell into melancholy and died. Sometime 
before this, Cassillis, who '< gatt the gift of his 
ffoirfaltry," had taken possession of the house of 
Cloncaird, and put ten or twelve men into it to 
keep it. Auchindraine, however, managed to ob- 
taiu a gift of the wardship of Cloncaird, and hav- 
ing '* raissit ane charge, quhair with he com to the 
Pleace of Clonkaird, and, awaitting ane tyme, 
caussit draw oi^t all the keiparis, as it had b^ne 
to ane bankett ; and thanne com to the Hous, and 
heaffand ane messinger, chargit the Hous. Thair 
being hot ane boy in the same, he gatt it hot any 
imp^iment." Cassillis was deeply offended at 
having been overmatched by Auchindrtfine, and 
vowed to be equal with him. He got Auchin- 
draine charged to compear before the Privy Coun- 
cil, which the laird did, when the earl undertook 
to prove that he was art and part in the slaughter 
of Culzean. Auchindraine was consequently put 
in ward in the castle of Edinburgh, where he re> 
mained for twenty-eight weeks, and had to find 
caution to appear again when required. The earl 
next <*maid ane sett for Benand,'* whom he took 
near Ayr, and had him put in ward in the Tol- 
buith of Edinburgh, where he was detained till 
^'he was fayne to becom his manne, and tak Johne 
Dik be the hand, quha had slayne his maister and 
pcheiff, the Liurd of Baigany."t 

Lady Bargany — who, by the advice of her bro- 
ther, Josias Stewart, was ''werry strait aganis all 
the friendis of the Hous "t — ^^ ftt Stilton, near 
London — whither she had gone on account of her 
health — on the 16th of August, 1605. Her re- 
mams were brought to Ayr, and placed in the 
church of St John, beside those of her husband. 

* Drumurchie had ma4o choice of a stranger as his 
^yelling companion. 

* f If this is to be relied on, Pitcaim need hardly have 
remarked that the " aathor seldom misses an opportunity 
to have a slap at poor Bonnand.*' He must really have 
been a weak, " deboischit," and co'wardly fellow, who 
could so far disgrace himself as to become the *' manne *' 
of Cassillis under the circumstances. 

I She raised a summons of declai*atour of the gift of 
escheat, which she had of tho Laird- of AucLlndi-aine, for 
his intercommuning with Drumurcluc. 

While the friends of the house of Bai^any were 
assembled at Girvan, to " tak ordour with the af- 
fairis of the Hous " — ^Drumurchie, the late laird's 
brother, being the '^kingis rebell,*' and Bennan 
'* hot ane vayne manne ** — Josias Stewart rode to 
Edinburgh, and *'gat the gift of the tutouris.*' 
He at the same time '^offerit the bairnis mar- 
riage to me Lord of Abercomis dochter," upon 
which the earl came to Ayr, and, writing to all 
the friends of the house of Bargany to meet him, 
he << promeissitt to be thair maister, and defend 
thame to the Laird Bazgany come himselff." 
Shortly after this it was resolved that the remains 
of the laird and lady Bargany should be removed 
from Ayr to their proper burial place in ''the 
new kirk of Ballantry," where the lady had caused 
to be built a splendid tomb or aisle for her hus- 
band. The aisle— still in existence-— is attached 
to the south side of what is now called the old 
kirk of Ballantrae, exactly in the centre. It stands 
south and north, with the roof three or four feet 
above the « true pitch," and is slated. Within the 
walls the aisle is sixteen feet long and fifteen broad. 
The monument, placed at the west end of the 
aisle, has suffered greatly from the damp, and is 
much delapidated. It consists of a hewn free- 
stone tablet, nused three feet and a half from the 
floor; on which are two recumbent figures, the 
laird and lady Bargany, with their heads lying to- 
wards the south. '' Above ti^ figures is an orna- 
mented canopy, supported by six pillars, which 
form the recess, three being situated at their heads, 
and three at their feet. These pillars recede be- 
hind each other obliquely ; the first pair being per- 
fectly cylindrical, the second octagonal, and the 
third square. A mural tablet is behind the figures, 
but the l^end is entirely obliterated^ owing to the 
decay of the stone. Surmounting the pillars are 
various ornamental carvings, in the centre of whi jh 
are Bargany's shield and coat armorial, with sup- 
porters, much effaced; but the dexter supporter 
appears to be a female with her arm extended, and 
the other a dragon. On two compartments, at 
each side of the arms, are the initials of G. K. 
and J. S. [Gilbert Kennedy and Janet Stewart]; 
and on the capitals of each of the front pillars, to 
the south and north, are cyphered the same letters 
in Roman characters. Underneath the monument 
there is understood to be a family vault, in whi^h 
their remains and those of others of the family are 
mouldering."* The funeral of the laird and lady 
Bargany was conducted with heraldic splendour. 
Great preparations, says the Histories were made 
*' bayth in Bargany and in Arstensar " for the oc- 
casion. There were present the Earls of Eglin- 
ton, Abercom, and Winton; the Lords Sempill, 

*■ Pitcairn*8 notes to the "Historic of the Kennedies.'* 



Cathcart, Loudoun, and Ochiltree ; the Lairds of 
Blairquhan, Bombie, and Garthland ; with a vast 
conoourse, too numerous for the writer to express. 
The heraldic honours were borne by the g^deman 
of Ardmellan, and the gudeman of Kirkhill, with 
several other friends. Young Auchindraine, sis- 
ter's son of the deceased Bargany, bore the Banner 
of Revenge^ upon which was painted a picture of 
Bargany, with his wounds, his son sitting at his 
knees, and ^ this deattone [motto] writtine betuix 
his handis, 'Judge and Rewendge my caus, O 
Lord.'" The funeral procession, amounting^ to 
one thousand gentlemen on horseback, seems to 
have proceeded in this order to Ayr, and from 
thence with the bodies of Bargany and his lady to 
Ballantrae. The spectacle must have been ex- 
tremely imposing. 

Aft^ the funeral some misunderstanding occur- 
red between ihe laird of Auchindraine and Josias 
Stewart, in reference to making provision for the 
*• bairn" — ^the young laird of Bargany — ^in con- 
sequence of which Josias pursued Auchindraine 
for his escheat with much rigour. Happening to 
be in Edinburgh, he was put in jiul upon an old 
decreet by Josias, and only obtained his release by 
giving up the tack of Over Bennan, which he had 
obtuned from Bargany before his death; Ard- 
mellan, about this time, endeavoured to obtain the 
tatory of Bargany, in virtue of a testament alleged 
to have been written by the late laird upon his 
death-bed, appointing him, in the event of lady 
Bargany's death, tutor to his son. The testament, 
however, could not be produced; the person in 
whose hands it was deposited, as the Historie af- 
firms, having been ** delt with'* by Josias Stewart, 
so that the attempt failed. The gpreater part of 
an this time Drumurchie redded in L'dand with 
Sir Hugh Montgomerie of Ardes — afterwards 
created Viscount of Ardes — ^by whom he was well 

In the month of October, 1607, the laird of 
Auchindraine, with his son and a servant, leaving 
Ayr for Auchindraine, happened to meet, ** at ane 
please besyd the toune callit the Foullvor,* with 
Kennedy of Grarriehome, quha was ane strekar off 
the Laird of Bargany." There was with him his 
"tna breider sonis, and Gilbert Fergussone of 
DuldufT, Thomas Fergussone, broder to the Oud- 
man of Threff, and Gilbert M'Hardne, with ane 
Walter M'Caw." The parties encountered each 
other, first with pistols and afterwards with swords. 
The young laird of Auchindraine was wounded 
on the mid finger with the cut of a sword. The 
provost of Ayr [David FergushiU] heang present, 
however, with a party, the combatants were separ- 
ated: ^and sa," as the Hittorie quaintly remarks, 

* Supposed to be what was formerly called the Foul 
Yennel — ^nov the Carrick TenneL 

«the samin culd not be menditt at that tyme." 
Soon afW this, Auchindraine and hb son, to- 
gether with the servant, Bannatyne, were suspected 
of having made away with the ** puir schollar *' — 
William Dalrymple — ^who had been the bearer of 
the letter from Maybole to Auchindraine, acquaint- 
ing the laird with Gulzean's intended journey to 
Edinburgh, with the view of preventing his dis- 
closure of the fact that Auchindraine had actually 
seen the letter.* And here abruptly closes the 
** Historie of the Kennedyis." For what followed 
we must have recourse to the trial of Auchindraine 
and his son. The leading facts are well known to 
the general reader, as narrated by Sir Walter 
Scott in his preface to the ** Auchindraine, or 
Ayrshire Tragedy." The murder of Dalx7mple 
was committed in September, 1607, and the con- 
viction of the Mures did not take place till July, 
1611. They had, however, been long detained 
in prison previously, and every means ineffectually 
adopted to bring home the crime with which 
they were charged. Young Auchindraine was 
even put to the torture,t but such was his resolu- 
tion that not a syllable of confession could be 
extracted from him. Most people began to believe 
in their innocence, and great influence was used 
by their friends to procure their liberation. The 
majority of the Privy Council were in favour of 
their release; but the king, who was strongly 
impressed with their guilt, determined on keeping 
them in confinement. The pertinacity of James, 
in this respect, was popularly regarded as an undue 
stretch of power. At last the Elarl of Abercom 
succeeded in procuring a witness against them. 
This was James Bannatyne, in Chapeldonan, a 
tenant and servant of Auchindraine, who, according 
to his statement, had been a party concerned in the 
murder of Dahrymple. Immediately on Auchin- 
draine's hemg captured and put in prison, the young 
laird contrived to send Bannatyne over to Ireland 
to Drumurchie, so that he might be out of the way, 
lest he should be induced to confess. Secure in lids 
absence, the young laird courted, rather than shun- 

* Dalrymple, according to the dlttay upon which the 
Mores were tried, was strangled on the sands, near Ginran^ 
whither he had been decoyed by young Auchindraine, with 
the assistance of the old laird. Bannatyne was present 
the while. They attempted to bury his body in the sands, 
within water-mark ; but the hole filled as they dug. They 
therefore carried his remains as far into the water as they 
could go, in the hope that the wind, which was from the 
land, would carry them out to sea. In this they were dis- 
appointed, for the body was washed ashore in a few days 
afterwards, at the yery spot where he had been deprived 
of life. He was soon reoognised. 

f This was done at the request of Cassillis. In his let- 
ter to the king [3d Dec, 1006] he says :— ** I wald raaist 
humelie beseik sour mi^estie that it micht be zour mi^es- 
teis graeiotts plesoure to graunt ane warrand to the Chan- 
celler and Counsall of Scotland, to putt thame [the Mures] 
to the buittis [the teri;ure of the boots], quhairthrow thai 
may be broicht to the mair evident confesslouns.** 



ned inquiry. The Earl of Aberoom, however, found 
ways and means to have him brought back ; and tak- 
ing him to his place at Paisley, Bannatyne made a 
full disclosure — partly, as it was said, because the 
Mures were known to have conspired against his life, 
and partly because of the threats of Abercom — on 
the condition of being recommended to mercy. The 
Mures were separately confronted with Bannatyne; 
but so great was their command of nerve, that they 
boldly denied his averments ; and argued the mat- 
ter in such a manner as almost to persuade those 
who witnessed them of their innocence. The con- 
current circumstances, however — ^the fact of thar 
having, after the slaughter of Culzean, kept the 
boy Dalrymple secretly at Auchindraine for some 
time ; their then sending him first to the laird 
of Skehnorlie in^Arran, subsequently with James 
Mure of Fleet to serve in Lord Buccleuch's regi- 
ment in Flanders ; and on his return from thence, 
his being at Walter Mure of Glenhead's house, 
and at Ghapeldonan — all tended to strengthen the 
charge against them in the estimation of the 
assize, who gave a verdict of guilty. In virtue of 
the sentence passed upon them, Auchindraine and 
his son were executed at the Market Cross of 
Edinburgh. Some time before their execution, 
both father and son, if the fact can be relied upon, 
confessed the crime of which they were accused. 

Deeply criminal as the Mures of Auchindraine 
were— -allowing them to have been really guilty 
of all that is laid to their charge — ^it is question- 
able whether they deserve the load of odium which 
has been heaped upon them by Sir Walter Scott, 
in the ** Auchindraine, or Ayrohire Tragedy," and 
by Pitcaim, both in his notes to the "Historic of 
the KennedyLs," and the " Criminal Trials." We 
must judge of them in accordance with the prac- 
tices of the age in which they lived ; and if this 
is done, it will be found that they were not more 
infamous than many of their compeers. The 
committing of slaughter upon feud was consid- 
ered honourable, rather than otherwise; so that, 
unless it can be shown that Auchindraine had 
recourse to unfair means in the prosecution of 
those feuds in which he was engaged, much 
of that odium attaehed to his name ought to 
be brushed away. He has been accused of fo- 
menting the strife between the Cassillis and Bar- 
gany families, with the view of promoting his own 
interest, by the ruin of either the one or the other ; 
but this cannot reasonably be sustained with a due 
attention to facts. The quarrels rise naturally out 
of the circumstances, without the slightest ap- 
pearance of that under-hand plotting attributed to 
the laird. He was the son-in-law of Bargany, 
and naturally enough espoused his cause ; and in 
doing so Mure would have been perfectly justified, 
though stimulated by a desire to check the ovei*- 

grown and oppressive power of Cassillis. He is 
alleged to have secretly prompted young Bargany 
to the conflict with Cassillis, which terminated so 
fatally for him, at Pennyglen. The Histarie of 
ths Kennedyis asserts the reverse, representing 
Mure as having vainly attempted to persuade him 
against the collision ; but Pitcaim r^^ards this as 
an additional indication of the extreme cunning of 
Auchindraine. Now, it is unreasonable to suppose 
that he would counsel Bargany to a hazardous 
adventure in which he him&elf was to take a promi- 
nent part. He ran an equal risk — ^in so far as life 
was concerned — ^with Bargany ; he was amongst 
the few who crossed the rivulet with him, away 
from the main body ; and received a wound which 
might have proved mortal. This was not like the 
conduct of a plotting knave, who calculated on the 
death of the person he professed to support. As 
little can we agree in the charge against him that 
he was the sole instigator of Culzean's slaughter. 
That he gave Drumurchie information of the ]aird*8 
intention of riding to Edinburgh, and of his desire 
to meet him at the Duppill, is p^haps clear enough; 
and that he was thus accessory to the slaughter, is 
equally plain: but such acts of retaliatory ven- 
geance were unfortunatdy too common to render 
it in any way remarkable. Drumurchie was the 
brother of the slaughtered Bargany, whose death 
he held it to be a sacred obligation to revenge ; and 
the Mures, as near relatives, were by the same 
feelings bound to support him. That he urged 
Drumurchie to the slaughter there is not the slight- 
est proof, or even any solid reason for thinking so. 
Apart from the murder of the lad Dalrymple, the 
Mures appear to have done nothing which the 
spirit of ^e age did not vrarrant. This alone 
mu&t be regarded as the great stain upon their 
name. The deed was no doubt a foul one ; but 
there is good reason for believing that Dalrymple 
had become exceedingly annoying to the Mures — 
who had tried every means to keep him out of the 
way — still he came back to put them to trouble 
and expense. Even at the last Auchindr&be is 
stated to have repented of their project of putting 
him to death; and but for the overhaste of the 
younger Mure, the probability is that his life would 
have been spared. We have no wish to palliate 
the crime of the Mures in this instance. The 
murder was a revolting and disgraceful one ; but 
it was by no means uncommon at that period so 
to get rid of troublesome people. Qilbert, fourth 
Earl of Cassillis, in making a conquest of the lands 
of Glenluce, is said to have relieved himself of 
more than one secret-keeper after a similar fashion ; 
while the then earl, as we have already seen, 
actually gave his bond to the Master of Cassillis, 
his brother, to procure the slaughter of Auchin- 
draine. Judged by his compeers, Auchindraine is 



not the saperlative monster he has been represent- 
ed ; and we see no good reason why he should be 
the object of so much abuse. We can easily 
understand how the trial made a great noise at 
the time. The Mures were pursued with a rigour 
quite unusual; and a general feeling prevailed 
that James the Sixth had exhibited a danger- 
ous stretch of power in detaining them so long 
in prison. When a conviction was at length 
obtained against them, the court flatterers could 
not enough extol and blazon the wisdom of the 
monarch, while they blackened the Mures into per- 
fect demons.* That Scott should have follow^ in 
the wake of such writers is rather surprising. The 
evidence produced at the trial, if we except the 
statement of Bannatyne — an actor in the mur- 
der, who had been tampered with and threatened 
by Abercome — ^was chiefly circumstantial; and but 
for the oonfesuon of both father and son — if the 
fact can be relied upon — ^most people would have 
regarded the Mures as innocent. Unless it can 
be shown that they did confess, it may fairly be 
questioned whether Auchindraine and his son were 
not victims of the great influence and power of 
their feudal enemies. As an instance of their cun- 
ning, it is said that Mure and his son, with the 
view of giving a colourable pretext for keeping out 
of the way for the murder of Dalrymple, purposely 
made the attack on Garriehorn, already mentioned, 
and that the meeting was not accidental. Now, it 
can scarcely be supposed that the two Mures, with 
only a single servant, would attack Garriehorn, 
accompanied by six of his friends, if it had been 
otherwise than as represented. Pitcairn is in- 
clined to think that Auchindraine was himself the 
author of the Historie of the Kennedyisj and that 
hb statements are sometimes made with a bias. 
We cannot admit the allegation. There is an 
air of truthfulness about his narrative which is 
seldom to be met in similar records. But we 
do not believe that Auchindraine was the writer. 
At the trial, part of the evidence adduced against 
him was an anonymous letter addressed to his 
son — then in prison — said to have been written 
by him. It was so badly penned and spelled 
that none of the crown lawyers could make it 
out, though Auchindraine could read it with 
ease — a circumstance held to amount to proof 
that it was his composition. Now, the Historie 
is well written, and the orthography good, con- 
sequently it may be presumed that he was not 
the author. Few barons, indeed, at the time, had 
either Id&ure, taste, or education to write history. 
It is more probable that the author was <*Mr 
Robert Mure '* — ^who in the dictay against Auch- 
indraine is said to have been '* than schole-maister 

^ _ 

*■ Bee the fuJBome narrative of Hamilton of Byree, pub- 
lished in PxtcairfCt Criminal TriaU, 


of Aire "* — a kinsman of his own, and therefore 
likely to be well acquainted with the facts recorded. 

In our desire to carry out the chain of the 
Kennedy feud unbroken, we have been led some- 
what in advance of the section chalked out, as 
well as of a few other circumstances which require 
to be noticed. The loss of the Books of Adjour- 
nal, between 1591 and 1596, as ah-eady observed, 
leaves us in ignorance of those family animosities 
which no doubt disturbed Kyle and Cuninghame, 
as well as Carrick. From certain ofiicial docu- 
ments, we know that dissensions did prevail. In 
a *< charge aganis Personis vnder Deidlie Feid" 
(23d December, 1595), to appear before the king 
and council at Ilolyrood-house, we And the names 
of Robert, Master of Eglinton, and Patrick Hous- 
ton of that Ilk — ** to compeir personalie ; the said 
maister accompanyd with his freindis, not exceid- 
ing the noumer of threescoir personis, and the said 
Patrik not exceiding the noumer of xxiiij personis ;*' 

James, Earl of Glencairn, Cuninghame of 

Glengamock, Hew Campbell of Loudoun, sheriff 

of Ayr, and Craufurd of Ker&e. January 

17, 1595-6 — Glencairn was ordained to be de- 
nounced rebel for not appearing before the king and 
council, " tuicheing the removing of the ffeid and 
contrauersie standing betuix him and Robert, Mas- 
ter of Eglintoun, and his freindis. January 29 — 
Cuninghame of Glengamock was also ordained to 
be denounced for not appearing. 

In 1599, Patrick Dunbar — brother to John 
Dunbar of Laicht— was charged befcHre the High 
Court of Justiciary with bearing and wearing pis- 
tolets ; and with art and part of the slaughter of 
Charles Tait, younger of Adamhillj on the 31st 
October previously, in the town of Kilmarnock. 
Dunbar pleaded that he had obtained a remission 
for his wearing pistolets; and that he could not 
be put to the knowledge of an assize, because Tait, 
when slain, was at the horn for the slaughter of 
^* George Dunbar, servitour for the tyme to James 
Chalmcr of Gaitgirth.*' The king's letters against 
Tait had been " purchest at the instance of George 
Dunbar in Leshessok, as fader, with the remanent 
kyn and freindis of vmqle. George Dunbar." The 
reasons adduced were held to be sufficient that he 
should not be ** put to the knawledge of ane as- 
syis." In December, 1600, the Provost of Wig- 
town was slain by Johnne Kennedy of Blairquhan 
and John Baird, brother of the Laird of Kilhen- 
zie, with their accomplices. The scuffle took place 

* There ia a discrepancy between the dittay and all the 
other documents connected with the trial, Mure being in- 
yariably spoken of u schoolmaster of Maybole, not of Ayr. 
There is also a discrepancy between the dittay of 1002 and 
that of 1611, as to the day of Gnlxean's slaughter. In the 
latter it is said to be the 11th, while in the former it is 
the 12th. The last seems to us the most coirect, and it 
agrees witli the statement in the Hittorie. 



lit the Craves of Cree. The parties afterwards 
obtained a remission, and found security to satisfy 
the friends of the provost. August 1, 1601 — 
Thomas Cuninghame, sword-slipper, was tried for 
certain crimes specified in the dittay against him, 
which is as follows : — 

"Thomas Cwninghamo, sword-slipper, sumtynre sorai- 
tour to William Vaus, armorar in the Canongait, being 
enterit on pannell, delatit and persewit: ForsamckiU as 
he, accumpaneit with Alexander and Hew Cwninghames, 
brother to the Laird of Tourlandis, vmqle. Johne Cwnlng- 
hame, alias Potter, Marionne Parker, Issobell Parker hir 
sister, William Speir, serwand to the said Alexander, and 
ane vther boy — laitlie, in the moncth of Januar lastbypast, 
viider sylence and cloude of nycht, be way of Hamesuckin 
and Brigande, came to Patrik GcmmiU duelling-house in 
Tempilhous, quhair he, his wyffe and familie was, in sober 
and quyet manor, takand the nychtis rest, dredand na 
evill or harme ; and tliair brak vp the dur of the said hous, 
enterit thairin perforce, and tuko the said Patrik and his 
wyffe furth of thair bedis, band his wyiTo fit and hand and 
kaist her in ane mekitl kiat, mana«)sit [menaced] the said 
Patrik to delyuer to thame his siluer and gold ; and be- 
caus be refusit to do the samyn, thay baud ane tedder 
[halter] about his nek and hung him vp vpoune ane balk, 
quhair he hung ane lang space, quhill [until] the said 
Thomas for pitie cnttit him doune ; and thairefter thay pak- 
kit vp his haill insycht guidis and plcncissing in schcittis, 
and causit the saidis thre wemen convoy the samyn thifte- 
ouslie vpoune thair bakis: And thair eftir tuke and ap- 
prehendit the said Patrik GcmmiU captiue and presoner, 
and convoyit him, being ane aged man of threscoir of 
yeli-ss, in ane grit storme, be the space of xxiiij myles fra 
his awin house, quhill he come to Clyddishotme, quhair he 
was relevit be the Bailies of Lanerk : Vsurpand thairbye 
our souerane lordis auctoritie vpoune tliame — the said 
Patrik being his hiencs frie liege ; and the said Tliomas 
was aii't and pairt of the saidis crymes. Item — for ant 
and pairt of the cuming vpoune ane Sabboth day, ten 
oukis sensync or thairbye, in tyme of preacliing, accum- 
paneit with Williame Cwninghamc of Touriandis, Alexan- 
der Cwningfaame, his brother, vmqle. Johne Cwuingliame 
the potter, and vtheris scnvandis of the young Laird of 
Blaquhannis, and vtheris thair complicois, to the nowmer 
of xiiij personis or thairbye, and rynning of ane forrow 
[foray] with the Laird of Cwninghames heidjs tennentis, 
for the thifteous steling and reving fva thame of xy horse 
and meiris, quhilkis war sauld in the countrcy. Item — 
for airt and pairt of the thifteous steling and away-taking 
of twa naigis, and foir [sorral] and ane vther broune, per- 
tening to Tliomas Bigger in Byres, fnith of the landis of 
Warreikhill, committit in Junij lastwas. Item — for com- 
moune thift, commoune ressett of thift, &c." 

Cuninghame was found guilty, and sentenced to 
he hanged upon the Gastlehill of Edinburgh. On 
the 19th December of the same year, William 
Cuninghame of Towerlands himself was tried on 
a charge of treason. According to the dittay, his 
brother, Alexander, with a party of hired soldiers, 
had taken violent possession of the house of Cun- 
inghamehead, in March, 1600 ; and when charged 
by his majesty's letters to give up the premises, he 
aided in defending the place against his majesty's 
commissioners, upon whom they fired hagbuts. 
He had also, in company with his brother and 
their accomplices, " being bodin in feir of weir, 
with secreitis, steil-bonnettis, dagis and pivStolettis, 
prohibite to be wonae," been at the slaughter of 
James Stevenson in the Milton of Roberton, upon 
**deidlie feid," committed in September, 1696. 

Towerlands was found guilty, and condemned to 
be beheaded at the market-cross of Edinbnrgh ; 
all his lands and goods were at the same time 
forfeited. March 4, 1600 — ^William Stewart, 
brother to Lord Ochiltree, and William Stew- 
art, natural son of Sir William Stewart of Car- 
stairs, knight, had to find security to underly the 
law for the slaughter of Robert Cathcart, writer 
in Edinburgh. June 16, 1606— James Cuning- 
hame was ^ dilatit of art and part of the slaughter 
of vmqle. Williame CwTkinghame, in Walzaird."* 
He found security for his future appearance. 

During the feuds we have been detailing, there 
were few or no national events of any import- 
ance with which Ayrshire was pai*ticularly asso- 
ciated. James was chiefly occupied in repressing 
the advances of the kirk, in trying witches, and 
in preparing to assert his right to the English 
throne, in the event of Elizabeth's death, by force 
of arms if necessary. A complete estrangement 
had arisen between him and the queen, who stead- 
ily refused to gratify either James or her ovm sub- 

* The following extracts from iiamily documents illua- 
irate this story : — 

Unsubscribed " Tack be William Porterfleld of that Ilk, 
of Walyeard, in the paroch of Inneikip, To William Con- 
ynghame, sone to Mr Rot. Conynghame **; said W. C. sone 
lawfuU to umqll. Maistor Robert Conynghame in Wolyard. 
Porterfleld sett in tack *' all and haill his ane 16s. land of 
Wolyard, presentlie occupeit be Jonet Crawfurd, Wolyard's 
mother, &c., for my lyfetyme (Porterfleld), ix. ; To be 
payit to me (Porterfleld by Wolyard) ye maills and dewtcis 
usit of befoir, and spcciallie sail gif me his bodilie service 
in my honest aflkirs vpone myne ain express. Yritten be 
Archibald Eglintonn, notar ; subt. at Glasgow, ye day of 
, the yeir of God ImVc, foir scoir yeiris." 
Dlschairge, &*c., 12 August, 1617. 

Wee, William Conynghame, brother-germane to vmqlL 
Alexander C. of Craigauce, and Kathcrcn Crawfurd, ye 
relict of vmqll. William Conynghame in Wolyard, spousis — 
fforsamekiJl as in ye contract of mareage maid betwixt 
me, the said "William Conyngfaam, broycr to ye said Alex- 
ander C. of Craigence, it is ye said Katherin Crawfurd, 
now spouss : I, ye Kaid William C, as principal, and ye 
said Alexander C. of Craigence, cautioner for me, war bund 
and obleist conjunctlio, Ax., that I, ye said WiUiam C, 
so.ild be worth, in silver and geir, ye souroe of ane thousand 
mcrk money, to be vsed for the teving of said William C. 
and Katheren Crafurd, now spousis, during our lyftymcs, 
as is at mair lenth contenit in ye said contract of mareage, 
&c.f daitit at W^attintoun [Watticstoun is a farm in tl.c 
parish, or barony, of Kilbimie], 4 Feberir, 1603, &c., &c, 
Writtin bo Gavin Ilamiltoun, vicar of Kilbavchan. Wee 
boitho hav subscryve. Ax., at Eilmalcolni, 12 Aug., 1617; 
" J, Katheren Crawfm-d, with my hand tuitching the i>en, 
led be the notar vndirwrittine, at my command, becaus I 
can not wryt my self." 

There are some some curious cii-cum*^tanccs in this 
tlccuchter. The slayer of >Volyard was James Cunyngham 
of Olengamock. He was made knight, before 2^th May, 
1607. Eatherine Crawfurd lived near the castle and the 
property of the Crawfurds of Kilbimie. Perhaps she may 
have been connected with this family. Her second mar- 
riage was to one of the Craigonds Cuninghames, chief 
aJlics of Sir James Conyngham of Glengamock, the mur- 
derer. The contract of this marriage was dated 4tb Feb., 
1G03 ; and Olengarnock was indicted for the murder 15th 
June, 1605. It would appear the slaughter sat lightly on 
the mind of Wolyard's relict, since she married one of 
the chief supporters of the murderer. 



jects hy expressing her wishes as to a successor. 
In 1597 he made an expedition to put down the 
outrages of the borders ; when, after hanging four- 
teen of the chief offenders, he left Lord Ochiltree 
''as lieutenant and warden over the disturbed 
districts."* James was greatly afflicted with an 
empty treasury. "At court," says Tytler, "the 
want of money produced strange scenes ; and the 
high offices of state, instead of being sought after 
as objects of ambition, were shunned as thankless 
and ruinous to their possessors. The gp*eat office 
of Lord High Treasurer was going a-b^ging. 
Blantyre declared he could hold it no longer. 
Cassillis,t a young nobleman who had recently 
married the rich widow of the Chancellor Mait- 
land — a lady who might have been his mother — 
was prevailed on to accept it ; and had taken the 
oaths, when the gossip of the court brought to his 
ears an ominous speech of the king, who had been 
heard to say that Lady Cassillis's purse should 
now be opened for her rose nobles. This alarmed 
the incipient treasurer into a prompt resignation ; 
but James stormed, ordered hia arrest, seized his 
and his wife's houses, and compelled him to pur- 
chase his pardon by a heavy iine."X The remem- 
brance of this might perhaps have some influence 
in rendering Cassillls all the more zealous in his 
encouragement of the party of the ku'k — ^headed 
by Bruce and Melvil — ^who occasioned the king 
so much annoyance by their perseverance in re- 
presenting the Gowrie conspiracy as a contriv- 
ance of his majesty to procure the ruin of the 
Ruthvens; than which, duly weighing the cir- 
cumstances, nothing could be more false. At 
length the long-wished-for event occurred — the 
death of Elizabeth; and James, on the 5th of 
April, 1603, set out on his brilliant journey to take 
possession of the throne of England. 


It is not the business of the local historian to 
speculate on national questions. Whether the 
union of the crowns would prove advantageous or 
the reverse to Scotland, does not seem to have 
entered very deeply into the public mind amidst 
the eclat of having g^ven a sovereign to England ; 
and there was some plausibility in the argument, 
that in any alliance of a poor with a rich country, 
the former must be the gainer. But it required 
no great foresight to perceive that the continual 
absence of the king and court from Scotland would 
have an injurious effect. It is true, James pro- 

* Tytler. 

f John, fifth Earl of CosaiUis, tho prosocator in the 
trial of tho Mures of Aucbindraino. 
t 40,000 merlu. 

mised to revisit his native kingdom once every 
three years ; but he either found it inconvenient, 
or had no wish to do so, as he did not return till 
fourteen years afterwards. His absence, however, 
wajs the less felt, from his liberality to his coun- 
trymen, and the encouragement which he gave 
to all their enterprises. But the natural tendency 
of bis position was to draw what little surplus 
wealth existed in the north towards the capital of 
the south — the fixed residence of the court ; and 
that Scotland declined rather than advanced, down 
from the union of the crowns, and afterwards of 
the legislatures, till the latter half of the last 
century, is well known. One good the junction 
of the crowns brought, was peace between the two 
countries — a boon as precious to England, never- 
theless, a& it could be to Scotland. But for the 
growing struggle between the crown and the 
kirk — ^for James was still bent on carrying out 
those restrictions on the dangerous independence 
assumed by the latter, under the pretext of spirit- 
ual freedom — ^the country would have enjoyed 
an unusual degree of tranquillity aft^r his ad- 
vent to the English throne. It is true that feuds 
still prevailed amongst, the barons, but not to such 
an extent — ^if we except those of the Isles — as to 
threaten the general security. In Ayrshire, indeed, 
they may be said to have almost died away towards 
the close of his reign. The last of any importance, 
which we find noticed — save those of Carrick al- 
ready narrated — ^is the old grudge between the 
families of Eglinton and Glencairn.* While the 

* About this time (Feb. 26, 1G06) '* Jobnne Cranford, 
sumtyme in Aachincloch, now in Auchinbotbiei** wu tried 
for breaking into the place of SJlbimic, and stealing varions 
evidents and articles of value therefrom. " Forsamekill 
as he," says the dittay, " acoompuieitl with Thomas Wil- 
soun in Wallase, with divers vthoris thair complices, cou- 
moun tbeivis, in the moneth of Noaember, the ydi of God 
Jm Yc. and twa yeiris, come to the Place of Kilbimio, the 
Laird being then fnrth of this realme, and his Lady being 
than in Grenok, ten myle distant fra the said Place of Kil- 
birny ; and thahr, vnder sylence and doud of nycht, brak 
the said Place, at the north sydo thair of, enterit within 
the samin, and thiftioualie stall, concelit, resett and away- 
tuik, furth thairof, and furth of the cofTcris than standing 
within the said Place, ane flguret velvet goune, ane blew 
band of talfeitie, ane ryding doik and skirt of broun cul- 
lerit claith, wrocht with silucr pasment ; ane blak velvet 
dowblet, cnttit out Und wrocht with silk eordounis; ane 
pair of broun velvet breikis, wrocht with eordounis of gold ; 
ane lowse goun of grograne, ane skirt of broune satine ; ane 
broun saittene dowblet, twa hwidis with craipis; t<^dder 
with ane pair of blonkettis, quhair in he band aU the saidis 
elalthis and abulzements : Quhilkis guidis and geir per- 
tcnit to the said Johnne Craufurd of Eilbimie and his 
spons. Lyke as, att the samyn tyme, he with his com- 
plices, brak vp the said Johnne Granfardis cbuter-kist, 
standing within the said Place, and thiftiouslie stall, con- 
celit, resett, and away-tuik, furth thairof, ane grit number 
of the said Laird of Kilbimies speciall euidentis and writ- 
tis, togidder with the saidis guidis and geir and abulze- 
ments, he and his complices had and convoyit away with 
thame, and disponit thairvpoun att thair pleasour." Al- 
though it was proven that tho wife of GraufUrd afterwards 
delivered up to the Lady Kilblmic tho greater pait of tho 



parUament and council were atting at Perth, in 
1606, Lord Setoh and his brother happening to 
meet Glencaim and his followers, a fight ensued — 
the Setons having drawn their swords in revenge 
of the death of their unde the Earl of Eglinton. 
The parties, however, were separated before any 
mischief was done. The king's letter to the Privy 
Council ii> reference to this aif^r,* directing them 
to make special inquiry criminally into the matter, 
as well as the counciUs reply, have both been pub- 
lished by Pitc^n. The council (August 27, 1606) 
state that they had convened before them the Elarls 
of Glencaim and Eglinton, and the Lord Sempill, 
with a number of their friends, " whome we knew 
to haue cheifest interes in the present feed stand- 
ing betuix diame, and after that we bed declairit 
vnto thame the greit paines and travellis whiche 
zour sacred Maiestie took in zour awin persone, 
for extinguishing of the name and memorie of 
DEEDLiE FEEDis of this Kingdome, and how that 
zour Matie. had now reoommendit vnto the 
CouNSELL the removing this feed, whiche hes 
bene of so long continvanoe, and be resson of the 
minoritie of the Ekll of Eolentoun could not 
whill [until] now tak effect, we burdinit thame 
with a submissioun, conforme to the Act of Par- 
liament." The Earl of Glencaim, however, pre- 
tended that there was no quarrel between him and 
Eglinton, and argued that the submission was un- 
necessary. Li the end he positively refused to sub- 
mit, because, as he alleged, such a submission 
would import against him as to the slaughter of 
the late Earl of Eglinton, which he would never 
take upon him. He was remembered of a similar 
subnusaon which he had subscribed in 1604; 
still, standing upon his innocence of the slaughter, 
he refused to submit. Eglinton did not refuse, 
but excusing himself on the shortness of the notice, 
craved time till he adrised with his friend^ as this 
was jthe first time he had been charged in the 
matter. Lord Sempill at once offered to submit. 
Time was given to the Earl of Eglinton till the 
20th of November following. Whether the parties 
ever gave satisfaction to the Privy Council does not 

Shortly after tne accession of James to the 
English throne, a memorable event in the histoiy 
of Ayrshire occurred. This was the colonization 
of Ulster, in Ireland, by a body of Scotsmen from 
Ayrshire. The leader of this enterprise was Hugh 
Montgomerie (afterwards Sir Hugh), sixth Laird 
of Braidstone, in the parish of Beith, a branch of 
the Montgomeries of Eglinton. The '^Montgo- 

articles stolen, and although Granfurd himself eonfesiod 
his having the " blew taflTatie band, witt certaine of the said 
Laird and Ladies writtis and euidontis" in his possession, 
the pannol was acquitted ly the assise. 

* Tt is dated " Manour of Qreinwiche, the 6 of August, 

merie Manuscripts," published at Belfast in 1830, 
give an interesting account of the settlement. 
Braidstone appears to have been a person of more 
than usual sagacity.* The insurrectionary distnr- 

* The following curious adventure is told of him in re- 
ference to the Glencaim and Montgomerie feud: — ^The 
said Laird having now acquired or conciliated an interest 
in the bormet graces of his Prince as above said, it hap- 
pened he had an aflh>nt put upon him by the Earle of 
Glencaime's eldest son, Mr Cunningham, for reparation 
whereof he challenged the same Gentleman to a combat, 
but Mr Cunningham avoided the danger by a visit to Lon- 
don (the Queen being still, and for some years thereafter, 
alive tho' old) : yet was soon followed by the said Laird, 
who came to the city ; and his errand for satisfaction was 
told soon enough to Mr Cunningham, whereupon he went 
clandestinely into Holland on pretence. to improve his 
parts at the Court in the Hague. The said Laird being 
thus twice disappointed of his purpose (stayed a few days 
at the English Court), and then rode to his brother George, 
Dean of Norwich, and ins^ncted him how to continue his 
said intelligence, to be communicated to King James by 
one of their near kinsmen ; which affiiirs ac^usted (under- 
valuing costs, toyle, and danger) the Laird took ship at 
Dover, and arrived in Holland, going to the Hague (un- 
heard of and unexpected), where lodging privately, till ho 
had learned the usual hours when Mr Cunningham uid the 
other gentlemen and officers walked (as merchants do in 
the inner courts of the palace, called Den Primen HoflF)* 
the said Latrd there found Mr Conningham, called him 
coward, fugitive, and drew his sword (obliging his adver- 
sary to do the like), but the laird pressing upon him, made 
a home thrust (which lighted on the broad buckle of his 
sword belt), and so tilted Mr Conningham on his back ; yet 
it pleased God that the buckle (like a toorget) saved his 
life. This was a sudden and inconsiderate rash action of 
the Laird, who thought he had killed Mr Conningham. 
Putting up his sword quickly and hastening out of the 
court, he was seized on by some of the guard, and com- 
mitted to the Provost Marshall's custody, where he medi- 
tated how to escape, and put his design that night in some 
order (an hopeful occasion forthwith presenting itself) ; for 
no sooner was the hurry over, but one Serjeant Robert 
Montgomery (formerly acquainted with the Laird) came^to 
him ; the oondolement was but short and private, and the 
business not to be delayed. Therefore the Latrd gave the 
Serjeant a purse of gold, and said, I will call you oousen 
and treat you respectfully, and you must visit me fre- 
quently, and bring mo word from the officers (my former 
comerades) what they can learn is resolved against mo, en- 
treating them to visit me. Then he employed him to be- 
speake some of them that night to come to him the next 
morning, giving him orders at fit times to deal liberally 
with the Marshall (then a widower), and his turnkeys, let- 
ting words fall (as accidentally) that he had such and such 
lands in Scotland to which he designed (in six months) to 
return, and also to talk of him as his honourable cousen 
then in restraint, for no worse deed than was usually done, 
in Edinborough streets, in revenge of any affront, and 
especially to magnify himself to make love secretly and 
briskly to tho Marshall's daughter (to whom tho keys were 
often trusted), giving her love tokens and coined gold, as 
assurances of his intire affection, and at other times to 
shew her the said purse with the gold in it, telling her a 
Scotch kinsman had brought it to him, as rent of his lands 
in Scotland, and sometimes also to shew her handfuUs of 
silver, urging her to take it, (or at least a part of it ;) often 
persweading her to a speedy and private contract in order 
to a marriage between them. The seijeant thus instantly 
pursuing his love suit, he ply*d his oar so well that in a few 
nights he had certain proofs of the bride's cordial love and 
consent to wed him. 

In the mean time while the Laird engaged many of his 
comerades (and they their friends) to intercede for Um, 
likewise (with great secrecy as to his concern) the sergeant 
procured a Scottish vessel to be hired, and to be at readi- 
ness to obey orders, and weigh anchora when required. 



bances in Irelaxid, before Elizabeth's death, had 
placed a great deal of confiscated property at the 
disposal of the crown. The laird saw that the 
sister island would be a good field for exertion. 
Standing in some fayour at court — ^through the 
medium of his brother George, who was chaplain 
to his Majesty — ^he kept his eye steadily fixed on 
Ireland ; and maintaining a constant acquaintance 
with what was g^ing on — a distant relation of 
his own, who traded between Scotland and 
the north of Ireland, bringing him intelligence 
— he learned the peculiar position in which 
Con 0*Neil, the chief of Ulster, was placed. He 
had been long a prisoner at Carrickfergus ; but, 
since the accession of James, the severity of his 
confinement had been much relaxed. He had 
liberty to walk in the streets during the day, and 
to visit whom he pleased, with only a single atten- 
dant — returning to prison in the evening. The 
laird resolved upon effecting the escape of O'Neil 
— ^with the view of facilitating the great enterprise 
he had contemplated. The manner in which this 
was accomplished, we cannot do better than nar- 

And now it romained only to Hftcilitate tho escape ; where- 
fore the Laird had diyers times treated the Marshall and 
hii daughter in bis chamber, both jointly and aeyerally, and 
one night a good opportunity offering itself of her father 
betaig abroad, the Laird (as the design was laid) had the 
danghter and his sergeant into his room, and there privately 
contracted or espoused them together by mutual promises 
of eoBjngall fidelity to each other, Joining their hands, and 
making them alternately repeat (after him) the matrimo- 
nial TOW used in Scotland, they exchanging one to the other 
the halves of a piece of gold which he had broken and 
given to them to that purpose. So, no doubt, the sergeant 
Usied his bride and she him, and drank a glass of wine to 
each other on the bargain. Then the Laird caressed them 
both, and revealed to them his design of getting out of re- 
■trslnt, to abscond himself till he might get King James* 
letter to the Prince, that his hand should not be cut off ; but 
that receiving on his knee the Prince's reprimand, and mak- 
ing doe submissions, and humbly craving pardon and pro- 
mising reconciliation and friendship to Hr Gonninghame, 
be should be absolved from the punishment due for his 
crime. But this was a pretence to tho bride only ; all this 
was contrived, carried on, and done without the knowledge 
<rf the Laird's servant, who was only employed to o^ole 
and treat the Marshall and his turnkeys liberally, and to 
perform menial attendances and offices about the Laird's 
person when called ; so that the intrigues prospered (with 
admirable conduct) without the least umbrage of suspicion, 
either to the household or to the comerades aforesaid, lest 
any of them should bo taxed with compliance or conniv- 
ance to the esci^M. 

And now there remained only to H>polnt the night when 
the Laird was to leave his lodgings (and the preparatorys 
for it to be advized on) ; all which being concerted between 
the Laird, the sergeant and his bride, a treat of a dinner 
was made for some of the said officers and for tho Marshall, 
which atmoct being ended, the sergeant came into the room 
and reported, that, in eonsideration of the Laird's valorous 
services and civil behaviour whilst Captain in the army, 
and of the officer's intercessions, Mr Gonninghame having 
received no wound, (for divers respects on his own account, 
and to oAke amends to the Laird) Joining with them, the 
Prince was pleaaed to pardon the Laird's rash passionate 
crime, and to restore him to his liberty ; he making sub- 
mission, and craving remission fSor his fault, and promising, 
not only reconciliation, but friendship to Mr Gonninghame 

rate in the words of the *<Montgomerie Manu- 
scripts": — 

" In the meantime, the Laird used the same sort of con- 
trivance for Con's escape as he had heretofore done for his 
own ; and thus it was, vix. — The Laird had formerly em- 
ployed, for intelligence as aforesaid, one Thomas Mont- 
gomery, of Blackstown, a fee farmer, (in Scotland, they 
call such gentlemen feuers), he was a cadet of the family of 
Braidstane, but of a remote sanguinity to the Laird, whose 
actions are now related. This Thomas had personally 
divers times traded with grain and other tilings to Car- 
rickfergus, and was well trusted therein ; and had a smaU 
bark, of which he was owner and constant commander ; 
whiclk Thomas being a discreet, sensible gentleman, and 
having a fair prospect given him of raising his fortune in 
Ireland, was now employed and furnished with instructions 
and letters to the said Con, who, on a second speedy appli- 
cation in the affair, consented to the terms proposed by the 
Laird, and to go to him at Braidstane, provided the said 
Thomas would bring his escape so about as if constrained, 
by force and fears of death, to go with him. These reso- 
lutions being, with Aill secrecy, concerted, Thonuui afore- 
said (as the Laird had formerly advised) having made love 
to the Town Marshall's daughter, called Annas Dobbin 
(whom I have often seen and spoken with, for she lived in 
Newtown till Anno 1664), and had gained hers and parent's 
consents to be wedded together. This took umbrages of 
suspicion away, and so by contrivance with his espoused, 
an opportunity, one night, was given to the said Thomas 
and his barque's crew to take on board the said Con, as it 
were by force, he making no noise for fear of being stabbed, 
as was reported next day through the town. 

as aforesaid, was pretended — all which was to be performed 
solemnly two days thence. These news were welcomed by 
all at table with their gi'eat Joy and applause given of ye 
Prince, who thereby should endeare the Scottish forces the 
more to serve his highness ; then the healths went round 
and the glasses set about the trenchers (like cercoletts) tilt 
run off, the meat being removed, and sergeant gone to feast 
with the Laird's servant, who treated him and his sweet 
bride with the officers' and Marshall's men, where there 
was no want of wine for sake of the good news. After 
eating was done, the Laird and officers and Marshall (who 
no doubt had his full share of drink put upon him) con- 
tinued at the wine (as their attendants also did below them), 
both companies being answered by the bride and her cook- 
maid, when wine was called for, then the reckoning was 
paid as daily before then had been done frankly, without 
demurring at all, or even examining how the piuticulars 
amounted to the total sum charged by the bride. In fine 
the Marshall and his man minded no more the X®yB or to 
look after the Laird being secured, by reason of the news 
and wine, and the trust they reposed in the bride. 

And now the play was in its last scene, for the sun being 
a while set, the Marshall was led (as a gouty man, to his 
bed, and i^ter him his two men (as manners and good 
breeding required) led to their garrott ; and the officers 
with their servants being gone to their lodgings, and night 
come, the sergeant and bis bride packed up her necessaries 
and as much of the money and gold as she could find, the 
maid being then busy in tho kitchen, and at the same time 
the Laird and his servant put up their linens ; which done, 
the bride sent the maid a great way into the towne on an 
Aprill or speedloss entind, and tho sergeant called the 
Laird and his servant down stairs. So tho four wont forth, 
leaving candles burning in tlie room, and locking the street 
door, putting the key under it into the floor. They then 
went away incogniti ; which transaction amazed the Laird's 
servant, as not having perceived the least of the whole de- 
sign tiU that minute — though he was trusty enough, yet 
perhaps the Laird did not think his discretion capable to 
retain such a secret in his drinking with the Marshall and 
his men, to which he was obliged by the Laird (as the ser- 
geant had been) as is aforesaid. What needs more dis- 
course of the feats, but that the Laird and his company 
(though searched for) got a board, and safely landed at 
Leith, without any maladventure or cross fortune. 



" The escape being thus made, and the bark, before next 
sun set, arriving safe at the Lat^gs, in Scotland, on notice 
thereof, our valorous and well-bred Laird kept his state, 
staying at home, and sent his brother-in-law, Patrick 
Montgomery (of whom at large hereafter, for ho was also 
instrumental in the escape) and other friends, with a num- 
ber of his tenants, and some servants, all well mounted and 
armed, as was usual in those days, to salute the said Con, 
to congratulate his happy escape, and to attend him to 
Braidstane, where he was Joyfully and courteously received 
by the Laird and his Lady with their nearest friends. Ue 
was kindly entertained and treated with a due deffercnce 
to his birth and quality, and observed with great respect 
by the Laird's children and servants, they being taught so 
to behave themselves. In this place the said Con entered 
into indenture of articles of agreement, the tenor whereof 
was that the said Laird should entcilaino and subsist him, 
the said Con, in quality of an Esq. and also his followers 
in their moderate and ordinary expenses ; should procure 
his pardon for all his and their crimes and transgressions 
against the law (wliich indeed were not vei7 heinous nor 
erroneous) and should get the enquest to be vacated, and 
the one-half of his estate (whereof Castlereagh and ciranni- 
Jacent lands to be a part,) to be granted to himself by let- 
ters patent from the king ; to obtain for him that he might 
be admitted to kiss his Majestie's hand, and to have a gen- 
eral reception into fkvour ; all this to be at the proper ex- 
penses, cost and chai'gcs of the said Laird, who agreed and 
covenanted to the performance of the premises on hb part. 
In considei'ation whereof, the said Con did agree, covenant, 
grant and assign, by the said indenture, the other one-half 
of all his l|ind estate, to be and enure to the only use and 
behoof of the said Laird, his heirs and assingns, at which 
time the said Con, also signing and registering; but no 
scaling of deeds being usual in Scotland, he promised by 
an instrument in writing to convey part of his own moiety 
unto tlie said Patrick and Thomas, as a requital of their 
pains for him, which he afterwards performed, the said Laird 
signing as consenting to the said instrument, the said agree- 
ments being fully indorsed and i ogistored (as I was told) in 
the town council book of the Royal Burgh of Air or Irwine, 
the original of that indentui*e to the Laird, I bad and 
shewed to many worshipful persons, but it was burnt with 
the honse of Rosemount, the 16th February, 1695. 

" Upon the said agreement the said Laird and Con went 
to Westminster, where the said George had been many 
months Chaplain and Ordinary to his Mi^osty, and was 
provided with a living in London, in Commendum, worth 
above £200 per annum, and the Laird was there assumed 
to be an Esq. of the Ring's body, and soon after this was 
knighted, and therefore I must call him in the following 
pages by the name of Sir Hugh Montgomery, who made 
speedy application to the King (already prepared) on which 
the said Con was graciously received at Court, and kissed 
the King's hand, <uid Sir Hugh's petition, on both their 
behalfs, was granted, and orders giv«n, under the Privy 
signet, that his Majesty's pleasure therein should be con- 
firmed by letters patent, under the great seal of Ireland, at 
such rents as therein expressed, and under condition that 
the lands should be planted with British Protestants, and 
that no grant of fee farm should be made to any person of 
meer Irtoh extraction.'* 

So far so well ; but the affair having been found 
out by the courtiers, though the laird and Con 
endeavoured to keep the matter as secret as pos- 
sible, a Sir James FuUexton, who had great in- 
fluence with the king, contrived to persuade him 
that the district proposed to be granted to Braid- 
stane— now Sir Hugh Montgomerie — and O'- 
Neil were extensive enough for three lordships. 
A third party — a Mr James Hamilton, who had 
made himself useful as an agent in Dublin — for a 
certain sum given to Sir James Fullcrton, was 
consequently admitted to a share in the Fpoil. 

Matters having been arranged between them, let- 
ters of warrant, dated the 16th April, 1605, were 
granted to pass all the premises, by letters pa- 
tent, under the great seal of Ireland. Subse- 
quently, however, Sir Hugh Montgomerie obtained 
from Con a deed of feofment of all his lands, 
<' very honourable and valuable considerations him 
thei*eunto moving." John M*Dowal, of Garth- 
land, Esq., and Colonel David Boyd, were " ap- 
pointed to take and give livery of seizin to Sir 
Hugh; which was executed accordingly, on the 
5th September following (1606), within the six 
months limited by the statutes in such cases made 
and provided. The other [transaction]* was added 
from Con conveying by sale unto Sir Hugh Mont- 
gomery the woods growing on four town lands 
therein named; this sale was dated the 22d Au- 
gust, 4th Jaco., 1606. Patrick Montgomery and 
John Cashan being Con's attorneys, took and gave 
livery of seizin ; accordingly this much encouraged 
the plantation, which began in May this year. 
Likewise the said Mr Hamilton (as he had done 
to Con), by deed dated next day after that con- 
veyance to Cont — viz., on the 7th November, 
1605 — ^grants to Sir Hugh Montgomery diven 
temporal and spiritual (as they call them) lands in 
Clanneboys and Great Ardes, then part of the 
trust and covenants in the tripartite indenture was 
performed to him." Sir Hugh was, at the time of 
this arrangement, in Dublin. From thence he 
proceeded to take possession of his property in 
Downshire, and afterwards returned to Braidstane, 
to engage '* plantei*s to dwell thereon." This oc- 
curred in the winter of 1605. By May of the fol- 
lowing year the plantation had begun. Amongst 
the gentlemen who joined him were John Shaw of 
Greenock, his brother-in-law ; Patrick Montgom- 
erie of Blackhou&e,X who was also married to a aster 
of Shaw ; Colonel David Boyd ; Patrick Shaw of 
Kerseland, his lady's brother; Hugh Montgomerie, 
a cadet of the family of Braidstane ; Thomas Nevin, 
brother oflthe Laird of Monkreddin ; Patrick Mure 
of Dugh ; Sir William Edmeston, Laird of Dun- 
treth ; two gentlemen of tlie names of Neil and 
Calderwood, and others ; besides a great many re- 
tainers. He also brought over a number of artiz- 
ans — -masons, carpenters, smiths, and weavers. 
The north of Ireland, according to the '^ Mont- 
gomery Manuscripts," was more wasted at this 

* A previons transaction is spoken of by the writer. 

t Con*8 claims to the lands in question were founded 
only upon the Celtio law of tanistry. His right, besides 
the possibility of beiug attainted, was therefore incompat- 
ible with the law. Hence his readiness to agree to the 
terms proposed to him. 

X Patrick Maxwell of Blackhouse or Skelmorlie, Con- 
injrhame, was cousin-german of Sir H. Montgomerie of 
Braidstane, by the father's side, which is provwi by Hngh 
Earl of Mountalexiinder*8 account of his family in Lodge*a 
Iiish Peerage. Dublin, 1757. 



time ^ than America, when the Spaniards landed 
there ; hut was not at all encumbered with great 
woods to he feUed and gruhhed, to the discourage- 
ment or hindrance of the inhabitants, for in all 
the three parishes [Donaghadee, Newtonards, and 
Gray Abbey] thirty cabins could not be found, nor 
any stone walls, but ruined, roofless churches, and 
a few vaults at Gray Abbey, and a stump of an old 
castle in Newton, in each of which some gentle- 
men shdtered themselves at their first coming 
over." The *' stump of a castle " was made shelter 
for Sir Hugh and hb family, while the rest of the 
colony speedily made ''cottages for themselves, be- 
cause sods, and saplins of a^es, alders, and birch 
trees, (above thirty years old) with rushes for 
thatch, and bushes for wattles, were at hand." A 
great part of the supplies of the infant colony were 
obtained from Scotland. There was '' a constant 
flux of passengers ;*' and people came from Stran- 
raer with their wares and provisions to the market 
at Newton, going and returning the same evening, 
though the land journey was upwards of twenty 
miles, besides three hours' sail. Sir Hugh and his 
lady setting a noble example of activity and indus- 
try, the colony made rapid progress. Stone houses, 
streets, and tenements, rose " as it were out of the 
ground (like Cadmus's colony) on a sudden, so that 
these dwellings became towns immediately.*' The 
harvests of 1606—7 were so abundant that the 
colonists had enough and to spare for ** the suc- 
ceeding new-coming planters, who came over the 
more in number and the faster, because they might 
sell their own grain at a great price in Scotland, 
and be freed of trouble to bring it with them, and 
oould have it cheaper here." This plentifulness 
encouraged the erection of water mills in all the 
parishes, which ^ prevented the necessity of bring- 
ing meal from Scotiand, and gi*inding with quaim 
stones, (as the Irish did to make their graddon,) 
both which inconveniencys the people, at their first 
coming, were forced to undergo." Lady Mont- 
gomerie '' had also her farms at Gray Abbey and 
Coiner, as well as at Newton, both to supply new- 
comers and her house; and she easily got men 
for plough and bam, for. many came over who had 
not stocks to plant and take leases of land, but had 
brought a cow or two and a few sheep, for which 
she gave them grass and so much grain per annum, 
and an house and garden-plot to Uve on, and some 
land for flax and potatoes,* as they agreed on for 

* Thifl is rather remarkable. The period here alluded 
to ia not later tlian 1606 or 9. Are ivo to suppose, accord- 
ing to the historians of the potato, that, though only intro- 
duced into the south of Ireland by Sir Walter Raleigh in 
li>86, it had made such progress as to be common over all 
Ireland when the Scots colonized Ulster in 1606 — only 
tweoty years 'kiterwards; and that, too, in such a wilder- 
ness as Downshire is described by tiio "Montgomorie 
Haanscripts " ! It would rather appear to us that the 
potato had been cultivated long previoasly in Irehind ; and 

doing their work, and there be^-at this day many 
such poor labourers amongst us ; and this was but 
part of her good management, for she set up and 
encouraged linen and woollen manufactory, which 
soon brought down the prices of the breakens*^ 
and narrow cloths of both sorts. Now (continues 
the writer) every body minded their trades, and the 
plough and the spade, building, and setting fruit 
trees, &c., in orchards and gardens, and by ditch- 
ing in their grounds. The old women spun, and 
the young girls plyed their nimble Angers at knit- 
ting, and every body was innocently busy. Now 
the golden peaceable age renewed, no strife, con- 
tention, querulous lawyers, or ScotUsh or Irish 
feuds, between clanns and families, and simames, 
disturbing the tranquillity of those times ; and the 
towns and temples were erected, w^ith other great 
works done, even in troublesome years." As a 
proof of the rapid progress of the colony, the writer 
mentions that in 1610, only four years after the first 
planting, ** the Viscountt brought before the king*s 
muster-master a thousand able fighting men.** 
Thus the Scottish colony prospered; and at this 
day it is remarked that the district is superior, in 
every respect, to the surrounding country. 

The disturbances in the Western Isles were a 
source of much annoyance to James afler his ac- 
cession to the English crown, and repeated ex- 
peditions were undeiiaken for their suppression. 
One of these, in 1608, was conducted by Andrew 
Stewart, Lord Ochilti-ee, his majesty's lieutenant. 
March 15, 1611 — "Gilbert M'adame of Watter- 
heid ; Donald M*mil!&nc of Knockingarroche ; 
Robert M'adame of Smeistoune, George M'adame, 
thiur ; Johnne M*nacht of Doungeucht ; Gilbert 
Achannane of Murdochat; Robert Fergussone 
of M*kilIiestoune ; Johnne M*kill, elder; Johnne 
M'kill, younger ; William Makadame of Crsugul- 
lane ; Thomas Gordoun of Craigo ; Johnne Neil- 
son of Corsok," were charged before the High 
Court of Justiciary for contravening his majesty's 
proclamation, by abiding from the raid of the Isles. 
The parties, however, were dismissed aimplicitery 
on their production of a license from Lord Ochil- 
tree to "abyde at hame them selffis" — ^they having 
fui-nished a sufficient number of able men to his 
lordship. The license was dated at Ayr, the 27th 
July, 1608. His lordship seems to have assembled 

they seom also to have been familiar to the Scots, though 
it is generally believed that they were unknown in Scot- 
land till almost within living remembrance. 

* Breocon— Qaellc — signifies a tartan plaid ; or Brec^ 
ccmachy adj. tartan. The Breakens of the ** Montgomei ie 
Manuscripts*' were therefore tartans ; and here we have 
an evidence of the fact that tartan dresses were the com- 
mon attire of the people of Ayrshire at the beginning of 
the seventeenth century. The weavers of the breacanach 
were from Ayrshire. 

t Sir Hugh was created Viscount Montgomery of Ardes 
in 1622. 



his forces with great despatch. Writing to the 
Privy Council on the 18th August following, he 
sajs they weighed anchor from Islay on the 14th 
instant, and arrived at Dowart in Mull on the 
16th, with much difficulty, in consequence of the 
storm which prevailed: one of the masts of his 
own ship went by the board. On leaving Islay 
he fell in with the English galley, and another 
ship carrying the ammunition and ordnance des- 
tined for the use of the expedition. These vessels 
had a narrow escape. Their loss, however, would 
have been no gpreat detriment to the enterprise, as 
he found them neither sufficiently victualled nor 
suited for the service ; and with the advice of the 
admii'al he recommended their withdrawal, leaving 
the guns and ammunition, for which he would find 
use. The house of Dowart had been delivered up 
to him by M'Lean, which he garrisoned; and 
proclaimed a court to be held '*in Arrose of 
Mull," with every prospect of success in his mis- 
sion. Yet he found one part of it difficult of exe- 
cution. This was the destruction of ^* lumfaddis,* 
birlings,t and Hieland galleyis." Owing to the 
great nnmber of these vessels kept on the main- 
land. Lord Ochiltree felt the remonstrance of the 
Islesmen to be well-founded. They said that un- 
less they kept an equal number with the inhabitants 
on the mainland, they would be subjected to 
their oppression, without the means of defence 
or retaliation. He could not, in these circum- 
stances, justly destroy the one and not the other. 
He therefore requested an extension of his com- 
mission, not only to destroy the boats of the main- 
land adjacent to the Isles, but also all houses be- 
longing to Islemen, or such as might give shelter 
to fugitives from the Isles, on the main shore. 
With respect to the after success of Lord Ochil- 
tree, we learn from Qrtgorys History of the West- 
em Isles, that his request was granted by the Privy 
Council, but that the boats belonging to obedient 
subjects were spared. At the court-holding of 
Aros, the greater number of the chiefs attended, 
and, according to Lord Ochiltree, placed themselves 
at his disposal. Gregory, however, is inclined 
rather to credit the Chronicle of the Kings of Scot- 
land^ which states, that by the advice of the Bishop 
of the Isles, they were invited on board the king^s 
ship, called the Moon, to hear sermon ; afler which 
they were prevailed on to dine, and at last detain- 
ed prisoners. Sailing to Ayr, Lord Ochiltree pro- 
ceeded to Edinburgh, and delivered over his charge 
to the Privy Council. 

The attempt of James to circumscribe the un- 
defined limits of the Church — ^which, under the 

* Longfhada — Gaelic — a long boat ; the largest size of 
the ancient galley. 

f Bior-linn — a barge or pleasure boat. 

I Printed by the Haitland Club. 

plea of spiritual independence, intermeddled with 
things temporal — ^kept up, as we have already ob- 
served, a constant irritation in the public mind. 
Both the king and the kirk seem to have been ex- 
travagant in their notions of privilege ; for while 
the one refused to answer at the dvil tribunal — 
even for words treasonable, if uttered in the pal> 
pit — ^the other insisted on h&ng judge competent 
in all matters, whether spiritual or temporal. The 
act passed to this effect was openly violated in 
1605, by holding a general assembly of the kirk 
at Aberdeen, without the sanction of his majesty. 
Amongst the clergymen ^ dllaitit " for this offenoe, 
was John Welsh, then minister of Ayr. The doom 
of banishment for life was passed upon the parties ; 
and after long confmement they were driven into 
exile. The discontent to which these proceedings 
gave rise was still farther increased by the deare 
of the king to assimilate the Church of Scotland 
to that of England. To put in operation this 
long-contemplated design, was almost the sole ob- 
ject of his vi^t to Scotland in 1617 ; when he 
sought to introduce certain ceremonies into the 
presbyterian worship, as a slight advance towards 
the full accomplishment of his aim. So slow, 
however, was die progress of the amalgamation, 
that at the death of James, in 1625, it was sdU 
far from being complete. His son and successor 
— Charles I. — -intent on perfecting what his 
father had b^;un, went a step beyond the lat- 
ter in the exercise of the kingly prerogative. 
He proceeded, without the concurrence of either 
parliament or general assembly, to govern the 
church, in conjunction with the bishops, upon 
his own authority. The canons establishing ec- 
clesiastical jurisdiction having been promulgated in 
1635, the liturgy, slightly altered from that of 
England, was introduced. Meanwhile the dis- 
content became deeper and more generaL The 
nobles saw in the policy of Charles a design to 
weaken their influence, by exalting the eocledaa- 
tics ; and it was obvious that for their enrichment 
they would be called upon, at no distant period, to 
surrender those properties which they had acquired 
at the Reformation. Interest, as well, perhaps, 
as inclination, thus led many of the nobility and 
barons to encourage the popular dislike of the 
royal innovation upon, or rather demolition of, 
the presbyterian form of worship. In less than 
two years ailer the first attempt to read the liturgy 
in the Greyfriars church, Edinburgh, on 'the 23d 
July, 1637 — ^when the well-known tumult occaa- 
sioned by Janet Geddes occurred — ^the covenant 
had been entered into ; and the energies of the 
country so thoroughly organized by the Tablee^ 
or boards of directors, who sat in E<]Unburgh, that 
episcopacy was abolished by the General Assembly. 
An army was also assembled, so well equipped that 



Charies was glad to retire from Berwick — whither 
he had come with a courtly array for the purpose 
of enforcing his authority — upon a pacification 
embodying no conditions. Ayrshire took an active 
part in the stirring events of this period. Amongst 
the most zealous of the nobles, perhaps, was John, 
Eari of Loudoun — ^Lord Chancellor at the time. 
When the covenant was entered into — on the 28th 
of February, 1638, in the Greyfriars church — 
Loudoun spoke with " great courage and power " 
in recommending the bond. The Earls of-£g- 
linton and Cassillis, together with many of the 
lesser barons, warmly espoused the cause. As 
might have been expected, the pacification at Ber- 
wick led to no favourable result. The king was 
willing to abrogate << the canons, the liturgy, the 
high commission, and the articles of Perth," as 
w^ as the order of bishops ; bat the General As- 
sembly insisted on still farther concessions, while 
the parliament — ^which was held immediately after 
the assembly — showed a disposition to abridge the 
civil power of the monarch. Proceeding to ratify 
the acts of the assembly abolishing episcopacy, the 
kmg suddenly ordered the parliament to be pro- 
rogued. This was the sig^nal for a renewed appeal 
to arms. The recently disbanded army rallied 
with the utmost despatch under their various stan- 
dards, and were ready in an incredibly short space 
of time to take the field. Charles — ^from the dis- 
content of the English, and the difficulty expe- 
rienced in procuring supplies from the House of 
Commons — was not in an easy position. Under 
these circumstances, it is possible he might have 
conceded almost all that was demanded of him by 
the Scots ; but the discovery, by the Earl of Tra- 
quaire, of a letter from the malcontents to the 
king of France, imploring the aid of that monarch, 
determined him to break off all terms with them. 
Lord Loudoun— one of the commissioners sent up 
to London by the Scottish parliament in 1640 — 
having, alongst with others, signed this letter, was 
thrown into the Tower; and, but for the interfer- 
ence of the Marquis of Hamilton, would have been 
executed without a trial. The particulars of the 
narrow escape of the earl is thus related in Wod- 
rou/s AnaUcta : — 

<( I 

September, 1723. — \tr Frasor tells me, that after the 
revolution lie was in company with Bishop Burnet, the 
Earl of Clarendon, and aomo others, and the conror- 
eation began to tarn upon historians ; and some of the 
company began to regrate the partiality and reaenr- 
edness of historians, and that they did not nanut 
what was proper to them to tell. Bishop Bamet said 
there were many things fell into the observation of 
a historiaii, in his search alter facts, which were not 
proper to eomtannicate to the publick, and gave this 
for an instance; that when he was writing the History of 
the Dukes of Hamiltown, he met with a passage, In the 
archives at Hamiltoun, as to which he appealed to my Lord 
Clarendon whither it was proper to publish it? — and it 
was this :— About the 1C38, or [1G319, John, Earl of Lou- 
don was sent up to London, at the king's desire, and with 


the king's safe-eondact then in use. When at London, the 
bussincs of tho Letter au Roy began to' make a noise ; and 
my Lord Loudoun's having signed it, was insisted on 
against him by Laud, Strafford and the High-flyors, who 
wer willing to stop the designe of his coming up from tho 
Covenanters. The earl was put into the Tower ; and by 
Strafford and Laud ane order was procured from tho 
king to oxccut my Lord J^udon to-mori'ow, at such an 
hour in the morning. The warrand was directed to Sir 
Wm. Livingston (if I mind), Deputy-Governor of the 
Tower. Sir Wm., when he received this warrand to oxc- 
cut tlie Earl of Loudon without any process or form in 
law, was extremely concerned ; and came and let my Lord 
Loudon soo it. Sir Wm. was a relation, I think, of my 
Lord Loudon ; and ho said their was no help for it, but 
bogged he would shcu it to the Marquise (tlior being at 
that time no other Marquisses in Brittoin save llamiltoun, 
that was his ordinary designation). Sir Wm. went in quest 
of the Marquise, [but] ho being out of the way, and having 
left no nottice whor he was, he could not fall on liim, till 
about eleven at night, when they went both straight to the 
king at Whitehall, and found him abed. Things standing 
thus, the Marquise said to Sir William, that he knew in 
lau he, by his office as Lieutenant in the Tower, might de- 
mand entrance to the king any time day or night i so the 
other demanded it and got it. When the Marquise came 
into the king, he told him ho had the above warrand shown 
him, and it was illegal, and would have many ill conse- 
quences, and begged his mi^esty might recall it. Tho 
king, in a very angry manner, asked him if he believed 
him such a fool as to grant and sign such a warrand, with- 
out considering the consequences — adding, that he had 
done it, and he would bo obeyed I The Marquise insisted 
that it would breed ill blood in Scotland; that it was 
against all lau and equity to cutt off privately a nobleman 
that was come up on tho publick faith, and that without 
hearing of him; that this would infallibly make the breech 
with Scotland irretreivable ; and insisted upon other to- 
pics, but in vain. The king continued resolute : and the 
Marquis took his leave of him, with telling him, he would 
immediately tako his horses and gf> to Scotland ; that he 
could not stay at London to be a witncs of tho misery his 
m^csty was bringing upon himself; and that he was of 
opinion, that to-morrow, before this time, the city of Lon- 
don, upon hearing of this urmaccountablo step, would rise 
and, for what he knew, tear him to pieces I — or some expres- 
sion to that purpose : and so ho retired. After ho was gone 
down stairs, a message from tho king came to him, ordering 
him to return. The threatening from the city of London 
stuck with the king ; and when the Marquise came back the 
king said — ' Well, Hamiltonn, I have yielded to you for this 
once; take yon the warrand and do as you please with it I' 
My informer adds, that in a feu dayes meeting with Duke 
WiUiamo of Hamiltoun, he gave him a hint of wliat he had 
heaixi in conversation; and tho Duke answered — *Mr 
Frazer, it 's all true and fact ; and the warrand itself, and 
a tuurative of the whole under tho Marquise's hand, is 
among my paper's at Hamilton I' And that the last duke, 
James, confirmed the same to him, some years after, in 

This anecdote, the truth of vt^hich seems to he well 
established, supplier a striking illustration of the 
high ))and with which Charles was inclined to 
can7 his kingly privileges. 

What followed this rupture is matter of national 
history. The Scots invaded England — defeat^ 
the royaUsts at Newbum (28th August, 1640)— 
and advanced to Newcastle; the king's forces, 
panic-struck, flying into Yorkshire. At Newbum 
the attack was led on by the Earls of Eglinton and 
Loudoun. To prevent the further advance of the 
Scots, the king was compelled to. agree to a treaty 
— concluded at Ripon — ^by which the Scots army 
was to remain in England while the state of affairs 



were being deliberated on ia the Parliament about 
to be called for the purpose. On the visit of the 
king to Scotland, in 1641, both armies were d^ 
banded ; and the Scots — all arrears having been 
paid up, besides a handsome present given them 
by the English parliament — ^returned to their own 

On the breaking out of the Irish rebellion, in 
1642, under Sir Phelim O'Neil, the Earl of Eglin- 
ton commanded one of the regiments, raised by 
himself, composing the force of ten thousand men 
sent over by the Scottish Parliament to assist the 
Scottish planters in protecting themselves.* This 
outbreak was soon afterwards succeeded by the 
civil war in England — matters between Charles 
and the Parliament having, as every one foresaw, 
speedily come to a crisis. The success was for 
some time entirely on the side of the king ; and the 
Pai'liament, fallen into distress, looked anxiously 
towards Scotland for aid. Charles, in his conces- 
sions to the Scots, had become bound to assemble 
the parliament every three years. That period had 
now arrived ; but, though anxiously solicited by the 
Earl of Loudoun to summon the estates, he declined 
doing so, no doubt afraid of their co-operation with 
his rebellious subjects of England. A convention, 
ostensibly for providing for the public safety, was 
called independently of the monarch. The General 
Assembly also met. The celebrated solemn league 
and covenant, which superseded all previous cove- 
nants, was now entered into ; and, in conformity 
with the views of the commissioners sent down by 
the English parliament, it was agreed to send an 
army of aid to the south. This was opposed by 
Glencaim, Dundonald, Bargany, and others ; but 
warmly supported by Loudoun, Eglinton, Cassillis, 
and the greater part of the smaller barons. The 
levies were soon completed, and a portion of the army 
having been recalled from Ireland, a large force was 
ready by the end of the year (1643) to enter Eng- 
land. The army proceeded on their march in Janu- 
ary, 1644. On the 22d July following occurred the 
great and almost decisive battle of Marston-moor, 
in which the Earls of Cassillis and Eglinton com- 
manded regiments of their own, and in which the 
latter — ** Grey SteeV as he was popularly called 
— greatly disdnguished himself. As the historical 
narratives of this important engagement are some- 
what obscure, if not misrepresented, we may be 
excused in quoting the following account of it from 
RusseWa Life of Oliver Cromwell — ^the more 
especially as its details are, in many respects, locally 
interesting : — 

* The " Montgomery Manuscripts" give an interesting 
account of the gallant defence made by tbe colonists at this 
time. Tbe Scottish army of aid was under the command 
of Ma^or-General Munro. The writer complains much of 
the manner in which their chaplains were thrust out, and 
covenanting ministers placed in theu' stead. 

The following details, recorded by a writer in the Mer^ 
curitu BriUaniaUf a weekly Journal, published a few days 
after the action, and which appear to have been supplied 
by an eye-witness, are perhaps the fullest and most impar- 
tial tlua liave come down to our times : — ** I cannot let pass 
that glorious victory without drawing up the battle onee 
again into their several brigades. General ZestUy* gave 
order for drawing up the battle. The right wing of horse 
was intrusted to Sir Thomas Fairfax, a man of ksown 
valour and resolution ; it did consist of his whole cavalry 
and three regiments of the Scottish horse, commanded by 
the Earl of Dalhousie, Earl of Eglinton, and Lord Balgony. 
Next unto them was drawn up the right wing of the foot, 
consisting of the Lord Fairfax's foot, and two brigade of 
the Scottish horse for a reserve. In the main battle were 
the r^ments of the Earl of Lindsay, Lord Maitland, Earl 
of Cassilis, and Kilhead*s, and two brigades of the Earl of 
Manchester's. In the reserve was the Earl of Backlugh's 
regiment, the Earl of Loudon's, Earl of Dumfermling's, 
Lord Gouper's, General Hamilton's, general of the Artil- 
lery, the Edinburgh Regiment, and a brigade of Manches- 
ter's. Upon the left wing of horse was the Earl of Man- 
chester's whole cavalry, under the command of Lieut.- 
€reneral Cromwell, and three regiments of Scottish horse, 
commanded by Major-Oeneral Lesley ; and upon their left 
hand, near a cross ditch, where the enemy had a regiment 
of foot, were placed the Scottish Dragoons, under the com- 
mand of Colonel FrizeU. Orders being given to advance, 
the battle was led on by General Hamilton, Lieutenant- 
General Baillie, and Mi^or-General Crawford ; the reserve 
being committed to tho trust of MiO<»'~^neral Lumsdaine. 
There was a great ditch between the enemy and us, which 
ran along the fi*ont of the battle, only between the end of 
Manchester's foot and the enemy there was a plain. In 
this ditch the enemy had placed four brigades of their best 
foot, which, upon the advance of our battle, were forced to 
give ground, being gallantly assaulted by the Earl of Lind- 
say's regiment, tbe Lord Maitland's, Cassilis's, and ELil- 
head's. Mijor-General Crawford, having over-winged the 
enemy, set upon their flank, and did very good execution, 
which gave occasion to the Scottish foot to advance and 
pass the ditch. The right wing of our foot had several 
misfortunes, for betwixt them and the enemy there was no 
passage but a nan'ow lane, where they could not march 
above three or four in front. Upon the one side of tiie 
lane was a ditch, and on the other a hedge, both whereof 
were lined with musqueteors. Notwithstanding, Sir Thomaa 
Fairfax chained gallantly ; but the enemy keeping them- 
selves in a body, and receiving them by threes and fours 
as they marchcid out of the lane, and (by what mistake I 
know not) Sir Thomas Fairfax's new-levied r^ments hemg 
in the vaoi, they wheeled about, and, being hotly pursued 
by the enemy, came back upon the Lord Fairiax's foot and 
the reserve of the Scottish foot, broke them wholly, and 
trode the most of them to the ground. Sir Tliomas Fair- 
fax, Colonel Lambert, and Sir Thomas, his brother, with 
five or six tro<^s, charged through the^nemy, and went 
to the left wing of horse. The two squadrons of Balgony'a 
regiment, being divided by the enemy each from the other, 
one of them, being lancers, charged a regiment of the 
enemy*s foot, and put them wholly to the route, and after- 
wards Joined with the left wing of the horse ; the other, bj 
another way, went also to the left wing. The Earl of 
Eglinton's regiment maintained its ground (most of tho 
enemy going in pursuit of the horse and foot that fled), bat 
with the loss of four Lieutenants; the Lieutenant-Colonel, 
the MaioVy and Eglinton's son being deadly wounded. Sir 
Charies Lucas and Mi^or-General Porter having thus 
divided all our horse upon that wing, assaulted the Scot- 
tish foot upon their flanks, so that they had the foot upon 
their front, and the whole cavalry of the enemy's left win^ 
to fight with, whom they encountered with so much cour- 
age and resolution that, having interlined their mnsqueteera 
vrith pikemen, they made the enemy's horse, notwithstand> 
ing all the assistance they had of their foot, at two several 
assaults, to give ground ; and in this hot dispute with both 
they continued almost an hour, and still maintaining thor 

* Lord Leven. 



ground. Lieatenaot-Oenenl BailUe and M^Jor-Oeneral 
Lamadain (who both gave good evidence of their courage 
and skill), peroeiying the greatest weight of the battle to 
lie 8or<; upon the Earl of Lindsay's and Lord Maitland's 
rogiments, sent up a reserve to their assistance, after which 
the enemy's horse, having made a third assault upon them, 
had almost put them in some disorder, but that the Earl 
of Lindsay and Lieutenant-Colonel Pitscott«e behaved 
themselves so gallantly, that they quickly made the enemy's 
horse to retreat, killed Sir Charles Lucas's horse, took him 
prisoner, and gained ground upon the foot. The Scottish 
dragoons that were placed upon the left wing, by the good 
managing of Coldtiel Frizell, acted their parts so well, that 
at the first assault they beat the enemy from the ditch, and 
shortly after killed a great many, and put the rest to the 
rout Lieutenant -General Cromwell charged Pi-ince Ru- 
pert's horse with exceeding great resolution, and maintain- 
ed the charge with no loss valour. Major-General Lesley 
charged the Earl of Newcastle's brigade of White-coats, 
and cut them wholly off, forty excepted, who were made 
prisoners; and after them charged a brigade of Green- 
coats, whereof they cut off a great number, and put the 
rest to the rout. This service being performed, ho charged 
the enemy's horse (with whom Lieutenant-General Crom- 
well was engaged) upon the flank, and in a very short space 
the enemy's whole cavalry was routed, on whom our troops 
did much execution to the walls of York, but our body of 
horse kept their ground. Lieutenant-General Cromwell 
and M^jor-General Lesley having Joined, and receiving ad- 
vertisement that our foot was engaged with the enemy's 
horse and foot, marched to their assistance, and met with 
the enemy's horse (being retreated, from the repulse which 
they had from the Scottish foot) at the same place of dis- 
advantage where they had routed our horse formerly ; and 
indeed their success was answerable, if not much worse, 
for we routed them wholly, killed and took their chief of- 
ficers, and most part of their standards. After which we 
set upon the roar of their foot, and with the assistance of 
our main batUe, which all this time stood firm, we put 
them wholly to the rout, killed many, and took their of- 
ficers and colours, and by this time we had no enemy in the 
field. We took all their ordnance, being in number twenty- 
five, near a hundred and thirty barrels of powder, besides 
what was blown up by the common soldiers, above a hun- 
dred colours, and ten thousand arms, besides two wagons 
of carbines and pistols, of spare arms. There were killed 
npon the place three thousand, whereof, upon a Judicious 
view of the dead bodies, two parts appeared to be gentle- 
men and oflQcers There were fifteen hundred prisoners 
taken, whereof were Sir C. Lucas, Major-General Porter, 
and M^Jor-General Tellier, besides diverse Colonels, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonels, and Majors. The loss on our part, blessed 
be God, is not great, being only one Lieutenant- Colonel, 
some few Captains, and not three hundred common sol- 

It appears, from the evidence adduced bj Mr 
Russell, that Cromwell was not present in the 
last charge, which gained the battle, having been 
obliged to retire from the field in consequence 
of a wound he had received in the neck. In 
this charge his brigade was led on by Major- 
Oeneral Crawford of Skeldon. The troops, com- 
posed of the Scots and CromwelFs horse, were 
commanded by Major-General David Lesley, <' who 
did dissipate all before them.'' The confederate 
army having separated ailer the capitulation of 
York, the Scottish forces proceeded northward; 
and, meeting the Earl of Callendar with rein- 
forcements, stormed and took Newcastle. The 
following letter, from Sir William Mure of Row- 
allan to his son, while with the Scots army be- 
fore Newcastle, is characteristic and interesting. 

Sir William, then in his fiftieth year, had been at 
the hard-fought field of Long-Marston : — 

Lovcing Sono 
We are now lying before Newcastle engaigod anew to 
rancounter wt. new dangers, for we are to adventure the 
storming of the toun if it be not quickly rendered by treaty, 
wherof ther is very small appearance, for they look very 
quickly for ayde to releave them. They are very proud as 
yet for oght we can perceave, and those that come out to 
us resolute , for the most part they are reformer 

officers under the commandment of the Earle of Craufurd 
and Mackay. We have had divers bowti wt. them, and on 
satterday last their day, a sound one, wherein wo had 
good sport from the snnryseing till twelve a'clock, both 
partyes retreeting and chairgeing by touers wt.out great 
losse to eythcr, for or. gen : Ma : shew himselfe that day 
both a brave and wise commander, and if it had not been 
so, we could not but have had great losse, for we wer put 
back over the water at the last, for their forces grew, and 
wo had no armes bnt pistoles and they played upon us still 
at a very far distance wt. muskets and long fowling peeces. 
I am keept heir now beyond my purpose wpon necessity, 
haveing the only chairge of the Regiment till Col : Hobeit, 
the Lieut : Col : and M^or come heir, who have bein aU 
in very great danger but are now pretty well recovered so 
that I expect them heir very shortly. I am engadged in 
credit and cannot leave such a chairge, of sucli consequence, 
in ane abrupt maner, qlk might hazard tlie breaking of the 
Regiment notwt.standing of the wrgent necessity that I 
know calls for my presence and attendance wpon my owne 
affaires at this time, which in so fu* as yee can be able ye 
must have ane ey to. 

I have writen to Adame Mure, to whome ye shall also 
speak and requeist, that he must take the whole care and 
chairge of my harvest and stay constantly at my house for 
that effect and I will sufilciently recompense his paynes. 
Tee may be now and then visiting my workers and hasting 
them to their dwty as yor. owne afl'aires may permitt. It 
is very long since I h^ird from you, and am uncertane 
whither yee receaved my letters writen since the battle at 
long marston moore, I know I will hear from yon by this 
bearar, again whose retoume to me I hope to be ready 
to take a voyage home. Praying heartily the Lord to 
blesse you, yor. bedfellow and children, till or. happy 
meeting and ever I rest 

Tourc loveing father 

S. W. M. RowALUiink. 
Jrom Tyne-side before neicccuile 
the 12 of august 1644. 

I blesse the Lord I am in good health and sound every 
way. I goto a sore blow at the battle upon my back wt. 
tlie butt of a musket, which hath vexed me very much but 
specially in the night being deprivd therby of sleep, but I 
hope it shall peece and peece wcare away, for I am already 
nearby sound. I thank god for it. 


ffoT his very Lovcing Sone 

Sr. William Mure 

yo : of RowaUane^ 

While the arms of the confederates were thus 
victorious in England, the extraordinary success 
of Montrose, who found his way secretly to the 
Highlands, threw the west country into a state of 
great alarm. When he took up arms, in the cause 
of royalty, the best forces of the country, amounting 
to nearly 30,000 well equipped men-of-all-arms, 
were in England. There was, no doubt, a small 
force in the north, which had suppressed the insur- 
rection of the Gordons, and kept the other refrac- 
tory spirits in check ; but the greater part of the 
country was destitute of protection. In so far, 
therefore, the time was favourable for striking a 
blow for the king. It is not our province, however, 



to follow Montrose throughout his brief but gallant 
career in the north, where be fairly baffled all the 
attempts of Generals Baillie and Hurry to entrap 
him. It is true that neither the one nor the other 
were free agents, being tied down by orders from 
the committee of states, which sat in Edinburgh ; 
while Montrose, acting on his own responsibility 
alone, took advantage of every circumstance. Dur- 
ing the progress of events in the north, the west 
country made every effort for self-defence; and 
various reinforcements of volunteers, both horse 
and foot, were despatched from Ayrshire to the 
generals of the covenant. A committee was ap- 
pointed for the county, for the purpose of organ- 
izing an its available strength, imder which general 
committee there were parochial associations en- 
trusted with the management of their own particular 
localities. By this means the parishioners were 
marshalled into sections, with captains and lieuten- 
ants chosen- by the popular voice. The object of 
this general arming was to give Montrose a warm 
reception on his expected descent from the High- 
lands, where his Irish auxiliaries had been greatly 
augmented by the several clans who flocked to his 
standard. Ayrshire, like Argyleshire, had good 
reason to dread the ravages of Montrose*s army, 
which had acquu'ed so odious a name for all that 
was savage and lawless in warfare. The " Irishers," 
as they were termed, had earned for themselves an 
infamous character in this respect. 

The commissioners of the General Assembly, 
attributing the ill success of the Covenanters to the 
sins and backslidings of the ministers, drew up a 
list, dated 5th August, 1645, of their short-comings, 
together with certain remedies, which they ordered 
to be engrossed in the books of the various presby- 
teries. This document is a curiosity in its way. It 
advances numerous grave charges against the clergy ; 
and as a whole, presents no very favourable picture 
of their character ; albeit the period to which it 
refers is usually regarded as the golden age of 
Scottish Presbyterianism. Besides worldliness, 
lightness of carriage in themselves and families, 
ambiguotisness, slander, silence of the public cause, 
and so on, they are charged with Sabbath profana- 
tion, and 'Hipling and bearing companie in un- 
tymous drinking, in taverns and aill- houses, or any 
where else, whereby the ministerie is made vyle and 

It may well be conceived into what a state of 
alarm the lowlands was thro^^n, when, by the defeat 
of General Baillie at Kilsyth on the 1 5th of August, 
1645, the greater part of Scotland may be said to 
have been, for the time, in the power of Montrose 
and his ruthless followers. Wishart states that 
**all the western shires, and the towns of Ayr, 
Irvine, and others, immediately catne and made 
their submission, readily offering their duty and 


service." This, however, was assuredly not the 
fact, though a number of the gentry, and not a 
few of the common people, actually espoused the 
cause of the king. From the records of the Pres- 
byteries of Ayr and Irvine, it appears that the in- 
habitants of the various parishes — expecting that 
the course of Montrose would be directed west- 
ward — continued under arms night and day, en- 
camped on the fields, ready to march in whatever 
direction they might be required. ISTor were their 
fears ill-founded^ considering the prominent part 
the county had taken in support of the covenant, 
and the spoil it was likely to afford to the enemy. 
Though the main body of the army under Mon- 
trose came no farther than Hamilton, Alaster M'- 
Donald or M'Coll — a nephew of M'Donald of the 
Isles, who commanded the Irish divLaon — ^pro- 
ceeded west, with a small party of cavalry, as far as 
Kilmarnock, where he levied contributions, and 
held a sort of court for all who were favourable to 
the cause of the king, or lukewarm in that of the 
covenant. The following letter, written by the 
Laird of Lainshaw to his chief, the Earl of 
Eglinton, then in England with the Scots army, is 
not only interesting, but important, as recording 
facts otherwise unknown respecting the conduct 
and movements of McDonald while in Ayrshire. 
The narrative is highly creditable to the juc^ment 
and prudence of Lainshaw, while the character 
of McDonald appears in a less repulsive light than 
that in which it is generally viewed in connection 
with the wars of Montrose : — 

My Lord — 
I Thought€ good to acquainte yonre Lordship with the 
occurrences heir since your Lordship's departonre : Alex- 
ander M'Donald came to Kilmamocke the nixt day ther- 
aftor with three hundredth horse, spoylling and plundering 
the cottntrey untill twesday, at what tyme plnndering was 
discharged. The gentlemen of this shyre, for the most 
pairt that was in the countrey, came and tooke protectloane 
upon thursday. Colonell Hay sent for me, professing 
freindship to your Lordship's house, and desyred me that 
I would deall with Alexander McDonald, 6eneral-m%)or, for 
saving of your Lordship's houses and lands, by giving hym 
ane sowme of money. I told him I hade no wairand from 
your Lordship, nor zett from your sono, to deaUe in a matt«r 
of such consequence ; but being earnestly desyred by some 
of your Lordship's tennautes to enquyrc his prycc, and to 
draw him to bis lowest, qlk. they promised to rcleive me 
of, and not to trowblo your Lordship with the paymente 
therof ; which, according to ther desyre, I did, aud de- 
syred of the gencrall-major that he would give mo four 
dayes to conveine your Lordship's tennantes and wassalles ; 
and I promised bcfor Sunday at nighto to retumo him 
ane answer by coming my selfo, which I did, and all of 
your Lordship's tennantes and rassalles was contente to 
draw up a&e band for my releife, befor Saturday at nighte. 
But the generall-mii^or going to Lowdoun, wfaer the house 
was randered u])on agrcemente of Aught thowsand and five 
hundredth merkes, for saving of the ploundering of the 
houses and paroches of Lowdoune, Galstoune, and Maach- 
laine. But some en vyous persoune told the Generall-major, 
whill as he was at Lowdoune, that I Intended no trew 
dealUng wt, him, bat hade sente avay some gentlemen to 
my Lord Marqucis of Montrose for ane protectioune to your 
Lordsiiip's landes, and so to prejudge him ; which in trewth 
was altogether ane false rcporte, for I never intended to 



pn^dge the agreemmt. Howsoever, Hew Mon^mery* 
in BowboQse, wente to my Lord Montrose, at the dosyi-e of 
some other freindes, without my knowledge, and, as I be- 
lieve, by m^Xiord Seatoane his meanes obteaaod ane |»x>tec- 
tioune, wherof this is the coppie,* wliich indeed the meanest 
gentleman heir would not accept of. Wherfor the Gener- 
all-mi^or came f^om Lowdoune that same night to £g- 
lintoune, and caused send for me ; and after my coming 
did accuse me of my intentioune of wronging of him, as is 
aforsaide ; and after I hade cleared my selfe, 1 did agree 
with him, at the desyre of your Lordship's tonnantes and 
▼assalles, fbr the sowme of four thowsand merkos, six hun- 
dredth therof to be payed presently, and tliree thowsand 
four hundreth merkes to be payed the last of this moneth. 
1 wente to Irwin presently, and delyvered my Band to him, 
and received ane Band of your Lordship's tennantes ; and 
therafter the receipt of my Band the Gcncrall-major did 
remove his sowldioures flrom your Lordship's landes, hav- 
ing done no harme to the house, and no greate barme to your 
Lordship's landes, being compared with otberos iu the coun- 
trcy. He lykwyse commanded that all the musqnctos, powl- 
der, Ball and matdi, pikes and lannces that was in the house 
of JBglintoane should be cairiod up to the Leaguer on the 
Mononday therafter. Wlierfor I went to the Leaguer 
the first of September, hoping to find fftyour by Colonell 
Hay his means, for not delyvering of the Ammonitioune ; 
which, accordingly, as I expext, I fand; for in trewth 
Colonell Hay did all the good he could in any thing that 
eoncemed your Lordship. I payed the sex hundreth merkes; 
and therafter, being informed by William Hoome that 
your Lordship's tennantes of Eastwood were plundered, 
and three of them slaine, I wrocte to the genarall-nuOoi** 
with my Sone, complaining of the wrong received. He re- 
turned me this answer-r-that it was done befor the agree- 
mente. And in tyme comin thor should be no Harme done 
to your Lordship's landes. I heare that ther is no greate 
skaith done to the parke, only some sheepe and some 
yong staiges eaiyed avay, which. Indeed, the Generall- 
msjor offered to cause delyver, if my sone would affii*me 
that those staiges was your Lordship's which he saw, namely 
ane roned SttUge, which by reasonne he halde not seen 
him befor, could not trewly afflrme to be your Lordship's. 
As for the paroch of Egilsome, they hade three of Mon- 
troeo sowldiouers, which they mantained, to whom they 
gaive ane sowme of money, wha did keepe them from 
any greate harme. I hawe Lykwyse written to my Lady 
Montgomery, wha is now in Craigfergus, acquainting her 
of all those proceiding, and of the quyetnes of the coun- 
trey heir, desyring her retume home, which I feare she be 
not able to doe befor hir delyvory. Swa hoping to see 
your Lordship shortly, I Remainc 

Tour Lordsliip's froind and servante, 

Nbiix Mo»TooacEKia, 
Off Laingschaw. 
Langshaw, the 13 of 
Sept., 1645. 

As for the Laird of Rowallane, whom I heare is with your 
Lordship, his tennantes did agree for ane thousand merkes 
for his landes, Grawfurdlandes, and Lochridges, for the qlke, 
by reasoune they wanted money, I gawe my Band to the 
gencrall-major, to bo payed at Luks-masse ;* having re- 
ceived thor band for my i-elcife. As for the Laird of Cun- 
ijlliamheid, his freindes did agiee for twclfo hundreth 
merkes, qlke the tennantes hes reallie paid. Both the 
Laird of Cunighanihcid and Rowallaincs Landes are great- 
ly plundered, to the worth of ten tliowsando poundca, as I 
am creditablie informed. As for the towne of Kiimamocke, 
I think it wndone. 

A letter by Montrose, urging the gentry of Ayr- 
shire to join hiro, was industriously circulated. 
A reDdezvous for the royalists of the county was 

* The copy here referred to appears to be lost; at all 
eirents it is not amongst the other papers of the Eglinton 
family at Auchans, where Lainshaw's letter, and a num- 
ber of otiior historicnl and statistical documents, were re- 
cently discoTered. 

appointed at Loudoun Hill, where Montrose him- 
self waited the arrival of his friends. Committees 
also sat in Ayr, and the principal towns of the 
district, for the purpose of enlisting the disaffect- 
ed. Meanwhile the volunteers in the various 
parishes were not inactive. Having formed a 
junction, they marched forward to Newmilns, with 
the view of attacking the rendezvous of the ^' ma- 
lignants,*' as the royalists weie termed; but the 
movement of Montrose towards the south, where 
he was encountered, and his army dispersed, by 
General Lesfie, aflerwards Lord Newark, at 
Philiphaugh, on the 13th of September, 1645, 
rendered their farther advance unnecessary. - 

The Presbytery records throw considerable light 
on this epoch of the county history. The ap- 
proach of Montrose seems to have been r^^ded 
by the Church as an opportunity, eagerly to have 
been embraced, of testif^ng for the covenant ; and 
all who, either from love to the cause of Montrose, 
or through fear of his power, sought protection 
from him, became especial objects of censure. In 
conformity with an order of the committee of the 
General Assembly, the following list of " disaffected 
persons " was given in by the Presbytery of Ayr, 
all of them to be proceeded against : — 

William Livingstone. 

John Kennedy, > Sons to the Laird 

Hew Kennedy, ) of Blairquhan. 


James Muir, Blairstoun. 

Ardmillan, younger. 

Kilkerran, elder. 

Symon Forgusone, his sone. 

Richard Sioss, ) . 

George Giier, ) ^^' 


Thomas M'Connall, Dailly. 

The Laird of Drongan. 

Boniton, and Affleck, Shilloch. 


The Laird of Capringtonn. 

George Campbell of Kruridgond. 

John Kerr in Auchinweek. 

John Mitchell in Tarboltonn. 

The Laird of Craigie, elder. 

Tlie Laird of Girvanmains. 

Burnbank, younger. 

Duclog, younger. 

John Wallace in Symington. 

So strong was the ecclesiastical authority at this 
period, that most, indeed oil of the cited parties — 
though many of them very reluctantly — obeyed 
the summons. William Livingstone of Aird ad- 
mitted having been with the " publick enemie " at 
Bothwell Bridge, Loudoun Hill, at Cragr. Holme, 
and at Peebles. Thomas Kennedy of Ardmillan, 
younger, confessed "that he had supped with 
Alaster McDonald in Kilmarnock accidentally ; that 
he was at Loudoun Hill ; that he presented a letter 
to the Laird of Culzean at his house in the Cove, 
, and desired the laird to be secret, but souglit not 
I his oath of secrecie ; that he took no farther paines 
' to draw on the Laird of Culzcon with him.'* He 



also admitted having been at Peebles, on his way 
to Philiphaugh. * The Laird of Kilkerran, elder, 
admitted '' that he was in Kilmarnock with Alas- 
ter ; that he went to James Grahame at Loudoun 
Hill ;" but denied that he saw any letter from Mon- 
trose, or that he said to him '' I will bring you a 
score king^s men.*' Kilkerran professed that he 
never intended following Montrose, but was desir- 
ous of obtaining his protection. James Muir, 
cousin-german to the Laird of Auchindraine, fi4- 
mitted '^ that he was in Kilmarnock with Alaster ; 
that he was on the way to Philiphaugh, the length 
of Peibles ; that he was at a committee in Ayr, sent 
in by the enemie, only by accident ; that he was 
accessorie to a letter sent into Carrick from Mon- 
trose ; and that he saw it and heard it read." Hew 
Blair of Blairstone confessed ^ that he was in Kil- 
marnock with Alaster ; that he went to Bothwell 
Bridge and Loudoun Hill, and was on the way to 
Philiphaugh; that be cam alongst with a letter 
from Montrose, and had said that Mr James Bon- 
ner* suld not preach such a preaching the nixt day." 
The Lairds of Garrihorn, Girvanmains, Craigie, 
Oaprington, the Kennedies of Blairquhan, junior, 
and others, made similar admissions. Amongst 
the last to obey the edict of the Presbytery was Sir 
John Mure of Auchindraine. Sir John seems to 
have been one of the most zealous friends of Mon- 
trose in Ayrshire. The charges against him were— 

1. That he convened with the rebells at Kilmarnock, and 
at their leagues at Bothwell. 

2. That he kept committee with them at Ayr. 

3. That he entertained some of them sundry nights at 
liis house, and did ryde with them, viewing the country. 

4. That he kept the rendezvous at Loudoun Uill, and 
went along with them to Philiphaugh. 

Sir John Mure admitted the whole of the above 
counts against him. He was farther challenged 
for having " published some of James Grahame his 
edicts at Straiton Kirk on a Sabbath day, for the 
country to meet the rebel commissioners at May- 
boille ; also that at Straiton he suld have swome 
horrible oaths to this purpose — * that we have been 
all too long misled with a number of damned 
devils,' and that ' there was not a more religious 
nobleman in all this kingdom than my Lord Mar- 
quis of Montrose ; and likewise that he sould have 
cursed the Solemn League and Covenant, and the 
subscribers of it, and swome that all the judgments 
which were come upon this land were occasion- 
ed by that covenant/" Sir John denied these 
charges; but there is reason to believe that they 
were not altogether unfounded. In the Cuning- 
hame district, under the surveillance of the Pres- 
bytery of Irvine, there were also a number of indi- 
viduals charged with <^ malignancy." Amongst 
these were the Laird of Knock — Fraser — a person 
of some note in the parish of Largs ; the Lairds of 

* Minister of May bole. 

Lainshaw and Craigends, and Lord Boyd.* The 
latter admitted his offence ingenuously; and, be- 
cause of his being about to remove immediately out 
of Ayrshire, was allowed to make his repentance in 
the kirk of Kilmarnock upon the Thursday follow- 

Although a number of the ** malignants " pro- 
fessed that they kept rondeasvous with Montrose, 
not from love to his cause, but from a feeling of 
necessity, there can be little doubt that many of 
them were secretly attached to it. Even amongst 
the clergy themselves not a few were favourable 
to the royal side ; but the fear of exposure kept all 
save the more reckless from avowing their senti- 
ments. The libels brought against the ministers 
of Straiton, Auchinleck, Muirkirk, Monkton, and 
several others, supply a graphic picture of the 
period. The Rev. Mr John M'Quom, minister of 
Straiton, then aged and paralytic, was accused of 
scandalous carriage, in frequenting the alehouses 
about the village from morning till night during 
the week, with the exception of a short period 
about noon, when he went home and took a sleep ; 
being sometimes so drunk that he could not ex- 
amine his parishioners, after their coming, accord- 
ing to appointment, long distances for the purpose. 
But the main gist of the charges was his speaking 
disrespectfully of the Rebellion. He had said 
that it was *' unlawful to take up arms against the 
king [alluding to the invasion of England under 
General Leslie] ; for, if we wanted the king, the 
church would be without a head ; that the cove- 
nant with England was unlawful; that we had 
nothing to do but keep our own league ; and that 
he did not understand what the people had taken 
up arms for, seeing that the king had given them 
all they wanted." It was also proven against him 
that he was in the habit of ** nicknaming them [the 
covenanters] as Puritans." At examinations he 
would say, to the individual catechised, " Are ye a 
Puritan? Will ye say the Lord's prayer or bid 
God speid?" K they answered "yes," then he 
would reply, " ye are no Puritan." It was farther 
established against M'Quom, as evincing his warm 
side to the enterprise of Montrose, that when the 
edict was read in the kirk, calling on the people to 
assemble at Maybole, he abode in the pulpit silent, 
and afterwards adjourned with the ** malignants " 
to the alehouse, where they drank, innoked tobacco, 
and indulged in " horrible swearing " against the 
cause of the covenant. 

The Rev. Mr Hamilton of Monkton conducted 
himself in a still more extravagant manner. When , 
by act of Committee of the Sheriffdom of Ayr, 
James Blair, of Monktonmains, was chosen Cap- 

* James, eighth Lord Boyd. He was a steady royalist, 
lie Joined the association at Cumbernauld, in favour of 
Charles I., in January, IGII. 



tain, and James Blair, in Monktonhall, Lieutenant 
of that parish, '^for leading the people of God in 
such public service as suld occur," Mr Hamilton, 
on the following Sunday, denounced the parties 
elected in the most abusive manner. Speaking 
from the pulpit, "he called them drunken blos- 
terers. profane and debosht companions; the curse 
of God," he said, " was on them, and the curse of 
God wold light upon all who followed such leaders 
and commanders. " He also prayed to this effect — 
^ Lord, thou has scraped their names out of the 
book of lyfe, and will let them run on to destruc- 
tion, for their cup is not yet full." On another 
occasion, when preaching on the events of the 
times, he pointed with his fing^ to Mr Blair, say- 
ing most disdainfully — ^ there is our pretendit 
lieutenant!" At a subsequent meeting of the 
parish committee, he endeavoured to throw dis- 
credit on the enterprise — and, again alluding to 
Mr Blair, said — ^* it was more fitting he were maid 
a drummer than any other officer." Thus did the 
rev. gentleman disparage the lieutenant in a man- 
ner, as the latter expressed it, " hard for flesh and 
blood to comport with." But the day of retalia- 
tion was not far distant. Mr Hamilton, unfortu- 
nately, brought himself under a scandal of a very 
extraordinary kind. His maid servant, Grissell 
Black — a young girl — ^was engaged in marriage, 
and proclaimed to an Irishman of the name of M'- 
Cracken. * Hamilton had apparently been accessory, 
or at all events was consulted as to the engagement, in 
the first instance ; but he seems to have had a fancy 
for the girl himself, and she was easily persuaded 
to place the minister in the shoes of the bishman. 
Accordingly, the same day, without consulting the 
session, or paying the fees, he caused himself to be 
proclaimed to Grissell. So great an outrage on 
the fedings and usages of the people could not fail 
to exeite a strong sensation — ^more especially as it 
tended to confirm the suspicion of a course of im- 
proper carriage between the minister and his maid. 
Taking advantage of the circumstance, and impel- 
led probably by a sense of propriety, Mr Blair, in 
Monktonmains, the much-abused lieutenant — aided 
by several of his relatives and friends — prevented 
Mr Hamilton from preaching on the following 
Babbath in Prestwick Eark. Adam Blair, one of 
the party, addressing the minister, said, "ye sail 
not come hdr to preach " — and, at the same time, 
^strak Jonnet Duncan, in Prestwick, with his 
rod, because she refused to give him the key of 
the kirk." In the libel brought against Mr Ham- 
ilton, by his colleague, Mr Robert Maxwell, res- 
pecting the scandal, it appeared that the latter had 
refused to marry him, until the scandal should be 
inquired into by the church courts. Mr Hamilton, 

* In the old records of this country, Englishmen and 
Irishmen were always distingoishcd as such. 

determined not to be baulked, applied to several 
other clergymen — all of whom refused to officiate, 
except a Mr Patrick Hamilton, minister of Cam- 
buslang, himself under censure at the time, who 
performed the marriage ceremony. The charge 
against Mr Hamilton was aggravated by the fact 
that he had failed to preach in the parish four 
weeks before the nuptials, and by his making choice 
of so unseasonable a period for them. The ^' weik 
immediately after that lamentable battell at Kil- 
syth," says the libel, " and when the enemie was 
lying at Bothwell ; and the people of God in thir 
parts lying in the fields ready to venture themselves 
and estates for the defence of the gospel, he did 
wreat a scurile letter to Mr William Scot, to come 
and marie him on the foresaid partie, that they 
might be merry and jovial two or three days to- 
gether." Farther, '* that in these sad and melan- 
cholick tymes he did never come towards them of 
his charge that were in the fields, nather to exhort 
nor encourage them to stand to the defence of the 
Lord's cause ag^nst the public enemie, as the rest 
of the ministers did, and as was desyred by the 
committee of the shyre." For all of which dere- 
lictions Mr Robert was suspended << until such 
tyme as the whole process against hym be put to 
some closure " The farther consideration of the 
process did not tend to exculpate him. Various 
accusations, some of them trifling, but curious, were 
urged against him. He was charged with the 
want of gravity in the pulpit — ^making use of such 
expressions as — '* Weill kens the mouse that the 
catt is out of the house " — ^* I am the carle catt 
howbeit I be sindged " — " Hall binkes are sli- 
derie " — *' If you have brewn weill you will drink 
the better " — '* Many speak of Robin Hood, but 
few speak in* his bow " — and others of a stiU 
more questionable description — much to the mer- 
riment of his audience. It came out also that Mr 
Robert had preached for twenty-six years without 
ever making use of the Bible — by reading solely 
from the Commentaries. In compliance with an 
order of the Presbytery, he at length brought " a 
great ELirk Byble, with ane selth covering thereon, 
and in the samyn had a quare of paper or thereby 
tyed thairin, whereon his preachings were reiten. 
* * Immediately after the reading of the 

text," continues the libel, '* he goes to the said 
paper, and tumeth the leaves thairof — sometymes 
ten or twelve, sometimes more or fewer, as occasion 
serveth — and so insisteth in reading of the same 
till the tyme of sermon be past ; and what he has 
not reiten in these papers he goes out upon fearful 
curses and imprecations upon the people and par- 
oche; and after preaching and prayer he layeth 

* Within reach of his bow. This excellent saying most, 
we should think, be as old as the days of Robin Hood him- 



the Bjble upon the seat he sits on within the 
pulpit. And when the psalm beginneth to be 
sung he taketh the reatin paper out of the Byble, 
and leaveth the Byble there till he returns the next 
day and practice the same order. And in tyme of 
sermon, the most part of the people do nothing 
but lay wagers upon the turning of the pages." 
But more than all this, Mr Robert Hamilton, 
although ^* allowed to him twyse so much as suffi- 
cientlie provyde the elements [of the sacrament of 
the Lord's Supper] for sufficing of the people 
within the paroche, yet, for his own particular 
gaine, bringeth hardly so much wine as may satisfy 
the half of the two paroches, but causes shamefully 
mix the same with water, contrar to God's word, 
and the Constitution of the Kirk.*'* The libel 
was fuUy proven against Mr Hamilton, and we 
need scarcely add that, when the ^ whole process 
was brought to a close," deposition was the result. 

From these exposures it is apparent that the 
Commission of the\G6neral Assembly had some 
reason for deploring the want of purity and zeal 
among, at least, some who had assumed the cha- 
racter and office of ministers of the Presbyterian 
Kirk. Taking into consideration the disaffection 
and lukewarmness of many of the nobility and 
gentry, and the want of discipline in the volunteer 
troops hurriedly raised to meet the royalists, to- 
gether with the imdue control exercised over the 
movements of the commanding officers, the success 
that attended the rapid and spirited movements of 
Montrose are not to be wondered at. When his 
extraordinary career was at length interrupted by 
the total rout which he sustained at Philiphaugh, 
the event was celebrated by a day of special thanks- 
giving ; while subsequently the Commission of the 
General Assembly issued a declaration "against the 
late dangerous and seditious bans," by way of re- 
monstrance, «at the same time appointing " a solemn 
fast to be keipit through the whole kingdome the 
last Thursday of April," 1646. Notwithstanding 
the impurities and lukewarmness already instanced, 
the church at this period possessed unlimited power, 
and the boldest felt compelled to bow to her dic- 

The civil war having been brought to a tem- 
porary close by the entire defeat of the royalists, 
the Scottish army returned from England, and 
were disbanded. The rise of puritanism amongst 
the English, the suppression of the parliament 
by the army, and the danger to which the life of 
the king was exposed, created a reaction favour- 
able to royalty both in England and Scotland; 
and had the effisrts of the friends of his majesty 
been at all directed with unanimity, the chance 

* Mr Robert's dcaire of gain coincided with the practice 
of the Episcopalians, who mix the vine with wator in ac- 
cordance with the standards of their church. 

is that the fortunes of the king might have been 
retrieved. Scotland, at the time, was divided into 
three parties: the out-and-out royalists, who ac- 
knowledged the divine right of kings; the rigid 
presbyterians, who would acknowledge no earthly 
or civil head of the church ; and the moderate pres- 
byterians, who were anxious so to blend the inter- 
ests of the church and the crown that both might 
be preserved. Montrose, who had been compelled 
to consult his safety in flight after Philiphaugh, 
was considered the head of the first ; Argyle of the 
second ; and the Duke of Hamilton and his brother 
Laneric of the third. The latter had influence 
enough to procure a vote of the Scottish parliament 
for an army of 40,000 men, to aid in the cause of 
the king ; but the General Assembly viewed the 
proposal with the utmost jealousy, and (]|^nounoed 
it as an attempt to rob Christ of his prerogative, by 
espousing the service of Charles before his recogni- 
tion of the covenant. Parliament, in consequence 
of the remonstrances of the church, rescinded the 
vote, and endeavoured to come to an amicable un- 
derstanding with the church. While these con- 
ferences were in progress, the indep^ident party 
in England were daily making head; and, alarmed 
at the prospect of an almost unlimited toleration 
for heresy and schism, the Scots put forth a strong 
remonstrance against the violation of the covenant. 
It was at the same time resolved to place the 
country in a state of defence. Committees of war 
were constituted for every shire, and indemnities 
granted to tiiose who might sustain injury in tiie 
public service. The colonels of horse and foot for 
the shires of Ayr and Renfrew were the Earl of 
Loudoun (Lord Chancellor), or the Laird of Cess- 
nock, the Earl of Glencaim, the Earl of EglintcHi 
or Lord Montgomerie, the Earl of Cassillis, the 
Lord Ross, and the Lord Cochrane. The com- 
mittee of war for the county of Ayr consisted of the 
following noblemen and gendemen : — '^the EUu*l of 
Loudoun (Lord High Chancellor of Scotland) ; the 
Earl of Glencaim ; the Earl of Eglinton ; the Earl 
of Cassillis ; the Earl of Dumfries ; the Lord Mont- 
gomerie ; the Lord Bold ; the Loi*d Cathcart ; the 
Lord Rosse ; the Lord Bargany ; the Lord Coch- 
ran: the Lairds of CoUein, Griraet, Madlven, 
Kirkmichall, elder, younger, and young^t ; Pen- 
kill, elder and youngest ; Balloche, Kerres, Cors- 
lays, Kildonnan, yr., Gilbert Kennedy of Dew- 
chray, Adam Whitefuird, Fergus Maccubine, Mr 
Hew Cathcart, Gh&stoun, Cesnok, Bar, Gatgirth* 
Corsbie, David Kennedie of Ballymore, Gilmers- 
croft, yr., Kingeuncleucb, Watt^heid, Park, Stair, 
John Kennedy/ late Provost of Ayr, Lainshaw, yr., 
Faill, Mr Robert Barclay, Craufurdland, Corshill, 
Blair, Kilbimie, Rowallane, elder and younger ; 
Baidland, Dunlope, Ralstoun, Kirkland, Auch- 
namcs, Hcislet, Adam Ritchie, Bailie of Ayr, Ro- 



bert Broun, the three Lairds of Skelmurlie, Bishop- 
toun, Prestoun, Adamton, yr. ; Huntcrstoan, Jo. 
Reedy Provost of Irving; Cuninghamheid, Jos. 
Osbume, Enterkino, Alexander Craufurd of Nether 
Skeldon, Adam Blair of Lochwood, Sir William 
Sooty Hew Kennedie, Liaird of Blair, Jo. Greich- 
toon of Castlemajnes, Hew Hammilton of Brod- 
hom^, John Rosse of Dreghom, Mungo Boiswall 
of Dunlair, John Campbell of Skeanstoun, William 
Hammilton of Garnse, Charles Boiswall of Bar- 
lanothian, Bold of Trochrig, Fergpis Maccunning in 
Balquhany, Barskimming, Ja. CambeU of New- 
milns and Dowcuthul. ''The levies of horse and 
foot for the shires of Ayr and Renfrew were 200 
foot and 240 horse. The monthly pay was from 
Ayrshire £6066, and from Renfrew £2205 Scots. 
The bux^hs of Ayr £342, Irvine £252, Renfrew 
£90. Though the parliament passed strong re- 
solutions against the proceedings in England, de- 
daring their object to be the safety of the king, 
the promotion of religion and the covenant, yet it 
did not satisfy the ruling party in the church, who 
declaimed loudly agsunst the conduct of the estates. 
With the view of allaying the clamour, and at the 
same time checking, Lf possible, the presumptuous 
interference of the clergy in civil matters, the par- 
liament addressed a powerful and well argued 
letter, together with a declaration, of their inten- 
tions, to the different presbyteries. Neither the 
letter, however, nor the declaration satisfied the 
church. Petitions were presented by the various 
presbyteries, showing the imminent danger to reli- 
gion from the threatened disruption between the 
kingdoms; that the grounds of the war had not 
been clearly demonstrated, and praying that the 
desires of the commissioners of the General Assem- 
bly might be conceded. They at the same time 
declared their determination rather to endure the 
hardest troubles than countenance proceedings so 
much in opposition to their consciences. The 
General Assembly passed an act condemnatory of 
the '' engagement," and calling on the brethren to 
hold out the terrors of the war to th«r people if 
they complied with it, and to take special notice of 
such others as did not declare themselves against 
the ** engagement," that they might be dealt with by 
next General Assembly. A fast was also appointed 
to be held, chiefly on account of the previous back- 
sliding " which has prevailed to the undertaking of 
ane unlawful engagement in warr, notwithstanding 
of petitions from burghs, presbyteries, synods, and 
shhes, to tho contrary.'* 

A complete disruption thus took place between 
the estates and the church ; though the former, 
knowing the influence which the latter possessed 
over the people, were still anxious to smooth mat- 
ters as much as possible, and to prevent the ap- 
pearance of an open and entire misunderstanding. 

They put forth an act of parliament reo^iitulating 
the grounds upon which they were resolved to in- 
terfere in behalf of his majesty ; and professing the 
utmost anxiety for the cause of religion and the 
covenant. The bait, however, did not take ; and 
every pulpit rang with denunciations against the 
** engagement." Determined to proceed in defi- 
ance of the church, the Duke of Hamilton was 
nominated general; the Earl of Callender, lieut.- 
general of the whole forces ; David Leslie, lieut.- 
general, and John Middleton, major-general, of 
the horse. Hamilton was in correspondence with 
the royalists in England; and had he boldly de- 
clared himself independent of presbytery, the whole 
of Montrose's party in Scotland would no doubt 
have speedily rallied around him. But principle, 
perhaps, as well as the authority of parliament, 
and the peculiarity of his position, compelled him 
to adhere to the covenant as the ground-work of 
all his negotiations. He, at the same time, held 
out secret promises of advancement to the royalists ; 
and while he thus attempted to engage the services 
of all parties, he found himself, as usually happens 
in umilar cases, cordially supported by none. The 
process of arming proceeded slowly, amidst the 
denunciations of the clerKT* who did not confine 
themselves entirely to words. The people were 
encouraged to meet in arms, in order to show the 
strength of the opposition to parliament. In the 
month of June (1648), a large assembly was col- 
lected at Mauchline, on the occasion of a com* 
munion there. At the sermon on the Monday fol- 
lowing the greater part came armed. Sir James 
Turner — ^whose account no doubt is to be received 
with some caution — says that 'Hhere were few 
lesse to bo scene about the church than two 
thousand armed men, horse and foot." According 
to this writer's statement, he had heard of the in- 
tended gathering while lying at Paisley with, his 
regiment, and acquainted the Duke of EEamilton 
of it, by whom he was ordered not to stir until 
Callender and lirliddleton arrived with a sufficient 
force. These gentlemen, accordingly, on the Sa- 
turday previous to the communion, reached Glas- 
gow — ^where Turner met them — and went straight 
forward to Paisley. A rendezvous of horse and 
foot having been appointed by Callender, at Stew- 
arton Hill, on Monday, Lieut. -General Middleton 
was despatched from thence, with ^x troops of 
horse, to Mauchline Muir ; where, it appears, the 
communicants had been drawn out to receive them. 
The Earl of Callender and Sir James Turner ad- 
vanced with the remainder of the forces. The 
communicants refusing to disperse, were briskly 
charged by " Middleton's forlorn hope "—as Tur- 
ner calls his troops of cavalry ; but so stoutly was 
the charge sustained, that not only were they de- 
feated, but Middleton himself, and Colonel Urrey 



who came to the rescue, both wounded in the head. 
This greatly appalled the government troops ; and 
the news reaching the Earl of Callendar, he left 
Sir James Turner's regiment of foot at Kilmar- 
nock, and advanced more rapidly with his horse. 
On his arrival, Turner says << the flashing commu- 
nicants left the field, the horse trulie vntouched, 
because not fercelie pursued : about sixtie of their 
foot were taken, and five officers." Wodi-ow gives 
I'ather a different account of the aifair. lie de- 
scribes tlie party assembled at Mauchline Muir as 
'<a handful of countrymen," who, having no ex- 
pectation of fighting, were quite unprepared for it. 
He admits, however, that ^liddleton " was in some 
hazard." By the mediation of Mr Thomas Wylie, 
minister of Mauchline, and some other ministers, 
Middleton, he says, ''gave his promise to permit 
the people to dismiss peaceably ; which they were 
doing when his men fell upon them, and, scattering 
them with some slaughter, kept the mur. When 
he came to Mauchline the ministers quarrelled his 
breach of promise and capitulation ; and he put it 
off with, all^^g that some of the people had pro- 
voked his men with harsh speeches." The Eev. 
William Guthrie, author of « The Christain's Great 
Interest," describes tl^ circumstances still more 
widely* : — 

" In 1648 the parliament ordered a~ considerable force 
to be raised, and assigned as the reason of the levy, the 
danger that was to be apprehended from the army of the 
eectarles. This proved a very unpopular measure; the 
more so, that it was done without the advice of the church 
party. The magistrates of some boroughs were punislied 
for their want of alacrity in forwarding their levies : and 
from the general discontent of the people, and a meeting 
which Argyle, Eglinton, and Cassillis had at Irvine, resist- 
ance was loudly talked of. The meeting of those noble- 
men, however, did not arise from their deteimination to 
thwart the order of the parliament ; but the noblemen and 
gentlemen of the shire of Ayr, having met at Riccarton on 
Saturday, the 10th of June, they were tonified from the 
design of resistance, only by the approach of an army of 
nearly 4000 horse and foot, to Btewaiton. A number of 
people, through fear of being taken from their houses by 
force, had resorted to the fields. Nearly 2000 of these, 
including about 150 deserters from the army, had as- 
sembled at Mauehhne, where the communion was to be 
celebrated, and awaited the resolution of the meeting at 
Riccarton. Though advertised that all thought of resist- 
ance had been abandoned at that meeting, they proceeded 
to Mauchline Moor after sermon on Monday, and were 
proceeding to elect ofi[icei*s, when they were surpilsed by 
the appearance of Middleton with 300 horee. Some minis- 
ters went to Middleton, and treated for the safety of the 
people, with the exception of the deserters fi-om the army. 
This having been granted, the ministers returned to the 
people, and endeavoured to persuade them to disperse. 
The men of Kyle and Cunningham readily obeyed ; but the 
desoiters, and some men from Clydesdale, were resolved 
to fight. After waiting some time, Middleton ordered some 
of his horse to charge them, when they instantly fled ; but 
the greater number running toward a bridge, missed the 
road, and being obliged to make a stand, they engaged 
with the horse, when about forty men fell — as many, it is 
said, of the troopers as of the people." 

♦ Memoir and Letters of the Rev. William Guthrie, 
author of « The Chiistian's Great Interest." Ediubui-ch, 
1827. * 

Such are the contradictory statements of parties. 
The truth most probably lies between. The com- 
municants may have been surprised, but that they 
were more than a mere handful is apparent from 
their ability to cope with six well equipped troops 
of cavalry. MidcQeton next day marched into Ayr, 
where a court of war was appointed to be held on 
the prisoners. The country people were pardoned ; 
the " officers sentenced to be hanged or shot ;" but 
they too were spared, and permitted to depart after 
a few days' confinement. The ministers taken 
were also dismissed. The truth is, Callender and 
Middleton did not well know what to do ; for the 
English were on the border, and the west country, 
as Turner admits, was very unsettled. The church 
vigorously continued its Uiunders agiunst all who 
showed tlie slightest symptoms of favour to the 
Engagers. The difficulty experienced in raising 
troops had a most injurious effect on the king's 
cause. The English loyalists were attacked and 
defeated in detail, before Hamilton could march a 
step to their assLstanoe. Ayrshire, in general, was 
warmly attached to the church and the party of 
which Argyle was the head ; yet, despite the As- 
sembly's denunciation, a considerable body of men 
repaired to the standai'd of Hamilton. Lcnrd Mont- 
gomerie (afterwards the seventh Earl of Eglinton) 
joined him with a regiment of his own raisng ;* 
Kilkerran did the same; and several families of 
lesser note contributed in men and money towards 
promoting tlie expedition; while Lord Cochrane 
undertook a commission to bring home some of 
Munro's troops from Ireland.t The Duke of Har- 

* At the battle of Long-Marston Moor, Lord Montgo- 
merie fought, in oppoftition to his fkther, on the side of 
Charles I. 

f The following paper, though not indorsed nor dated, 
may in all probability be ** Minutes of the Lalj-gs Comittie 
anent the outiigging," &c., to the Duke of Hamilton in 

" The qlk. day, we, under subscryvers of the comittie 
of the Lairges, according to the order of the comittie of 
Gonynghame, at Irwing, the thretcin of Mai, thair mett, 
anent the outrig of four troupiug horss for the present ex- 
pedition, wt. twentie dayis provisioun, and armcs and fur~ 
nutor for the said horss and men, hav concludit all in on 
voic quho sould fumiahe horss, being the greatest fractiouns, 
viz.. Lord Sempill one horse, being t«n men the greatest 
pt., and to recev fractioun from the Laird of Auchnamcs 
for two men on GraiglihcRilKieid land, on Rotland land one 
Wm. Boyle and on Halkhill, qlk. compleits that fractioune 
according to sixtein men, the boi-ssis pro rata. 

**And lykways ordaines that the Laird of Skelmurlie, 
elder, and the Laird of Knock, to put out one horss, the 
greatest fractioune for aught men and ane half, and to re- 
cew fractioun fi'a the Laird of Kclsoland for on man and 
half, on for Netherhall, on tuo for Kirk land and, 
wi two pt. yrof to MoLffood, and thrid pt. Kirkland, tbiie 
men Gavand Blair, being sixtein men to the horsis, pro rata, 
and i-est. 20 sh. fra Auchnamcs for fi-actioune of on man. 

" And lykwayes ordaines the Laird off IKiirlye to put out 
ane horsse, being the greatest fi'actiouno, and to recew fra 
my Lord Boyd fractioune for sevin men, pro rata, to Joynn 
for the said horssis, the Laird of Fairlye being ten» 

" And lykwayes ordaines the Laird Ba&hoptounc to put 



milton was at length enabled to enter England at 
the head of 14,000 men ; but it was neither a dis- 
ciplined nor unanimous army. The leaders dared 
not effect a junction with the English royalists 
under Longdale, because they did not recognise 
the covenant. The consequence was, that they 
were attacked and defeated in succession. The 
duke, by hazarding a battle with his raw. and ill- 
concerted troops at the outset of the campaign, 
against the long-embodied and well-disciplined army 
of Cromwell, showed that he had no military talent 
or experience. 

No sooner had Hamilton taken his departure for 
England, than Argyle, Eglinton, and other noble- 
men, at the head of a considerable body of troops, 
raised chiefly, by the sanction of the church, in the 
west of Scotland, proceeded to Edinburgh and ex- 
pelled the convention, by whose authority the army 
under Hamilton had been collected. The troops 
were accompanied by clergymen appointed by the 
presbyteries, and a fast was held for a blessing on 
their arms. Great complaints had been made of 
the insolence and misconduct of the soldiers raised 
for the '^ engagement," and ecclesiastical proceed- 
ings were to have been instituted against them ; but 
it appears the soldiers for the Covenant had be- 
haved themselves no better, for, by the same diet,* 
it was ordered that, '' considering the great plun- 
dering that was committed by many in the armie 
that went out in the late expedition for the cause 
of God, how scandalous it was to the gospel, what 
a blot it put upon profession, and how it opened the 
mouths of the wicked and profane, did appoint that 
every brother sould tak exact tryell and notice of 
plunderers within his congregation, and if the geir 
was considerable, that restitution be made, and that 
the persons themselves, according to the mind of 
the Synod, be brought publicklie before the con- 
gregation, and mak acknowledgment of their fault." 
The discomfiture of the Duke of Hamilton was fol- 
lowed by the entrance of Cromwell into Scotland, 
who, in conjunction with the Covenanters, easily 
succeeded in repressing the forces under Monro and 
Laneric. The power of the rigid presbyterian 
party was thus completely established, and the 

oat aae boras, being the greatest fractioune, and to recew 
the rest of out-rig horn Kelbumo of bis boras, pro rata, and 
qUMMver pairt or parties sail be fund deficient of thes four 
men, qbo sail be deficient of outputting ther horss and men 
qbo armmed. 

** We ordane them to nnderly the bol damaeg susteine or 
flan be susteined throw their neglect of the senric, in respect 
we haw Joyned the particular fractiounes for reoewing of 
their money, pro rata, qn. it sail be requyred be the great- 
eat from le&st. 

(Signed) ** Skvlmoublb. 

"J A, VRA8SB. 

** Patrix Sbaw. 
" Datid Boyll. 
<* Ubiibub Rklm." 

* Ayr Presbytery Records. 

church exercised its authority in a sweeping man- 
ner. All who had been accessory to " Hamilton's 
engagement" — as the unfortunate expedition to 
England was called — were compelled either to 
make a public display of repentance or leave the 
church. The Assembly passed an act directing 
the most rigid inquiries after defaulters, and the 
presbyteries were equally zealous in carrying out 
their injunctions. In a conference between the 
Presbyteries of Ayr and Irvine, a minute was 
framed — so that these bodies might act harmoni- 
ously — by which the various shades of "malig- 
nancy" were nicely classed and distinguished. 
This minute was drawn out on the 28th Novem- 
ber, 1G48. It diverged into no less than ten heads 
or degrees of malignancy, distinguishing between 
those who simply 'gave their band for putting out 
their proportion of men, and those who laid violent 
hands on individuals, by putting them in the tol- 
buith.* These classes were respectively termed 
compliers, forcers, urgers. Others, of a milder 
shade, were denominated seducers, protnoters, &c. 
There were various distinctions, however, upon 
which the two Presbyteries could not agree, and 
these were referred to the judgment of the General 
Assembly's Commission. The grounds of debar- 
ring and expulsion are curious, as illustrative of the 
period. We quote them at length from the Presby- 
tery books (16th December, 1648) : — . 

1. Anent simple complyers that did simplie put forth 
their proportions, or did oblige themselves before by pro- 
mise or band to doe it without any farther, it is agreed 
upon, according to the Commissioners' explanation of there 
own act, that they sail be rebukit for it upon the fast day, 
they standing up to testifie their dislike thereof; and in 
case any bo mai'kit not to ryse, whoever guiltio, that the 
minister sail call ui>on him by his name. 

2. Anent those who forced, ui^ed, poynded, and threat- 
ened to stiike othors if they would not put forth their men, 
it is agreed upon that they sail be suspendit from the 
Covenant, in case they have been breathing out malig- 
nancie befor. 

3. Those who poynded others, and to that hour has not 
restorit the poynd, are to be ezcludit from the Covenant, 
till first they restore the poynd, and give signes of their 

4. Those who activilie poynded in another congregatione, 
when they had power and authoritie, are to satisfie in the 
congregatione where the poynd was taken ; and befor their 
receiving into the Covenant, to make restitution of the 
poynd, and make a particular acknowledgment of their 

6. Being askit what was to bo done with poynders that 
had restored the poynd, it was answerit that they did not 
come within the compass of forcers, and so to be past upon 
the day of the fast, befor the renewing of the fast covenant, 
upon ane general acknowledgment befor the congregation. 

6. Concerning poynders upon redemption, it was answer- 
ed, that they sould acknowledge their fault particulai-lie ; 
and those who assistit troupers in poynding, and went 
alongst with them, are appointed to doe the like. 

7. Those who poynded others, and would be content with 
nothing except they got it out of their own handes, albeit 
they were willing to suffer them to poynd and to take what 

* This illustrates the great diflScnIty Hamilton experi- 
enced in raising his levies ; and when raised, what, it may 
be asked, was the value of an army so compelled? 



they pleaaed tbemaelvos ; likewlfle they who {wynded at 
their masters* desire or command, ar both to be suspendit 
from the Covenant, in case they be known to be malig- 
nantlie set befor ; if not, to be received upon their personal 

8. Those who gave out orders for poynding, and did up- 
lift all the money that was poynded In those parishes whexe 
the Lord Montgomerie had had interest, and did give out 
orders for troupers to quarter, are to be sharplie rebukit, 
and to make a personal acknowledgment of their fault; 
and in case they bo elders, to be suspended from the elder- 

9. Those who ingagit themselves to get bonds and moneys 
within several jKirocbes, and did buy horses therewith for 
the advancement of the engagement, at their masters' com- 
mand, if they have not been mal^nantlio set befor, are 
onlie to make a personal acknowledgment of their fault. 

10. Those who wore pryme contryvers of bands, con- 
veners of the people to put forth men, counsellors, Intysers, 
and nrgen of the people to comply, setters doune of stents, 
na being pressit themselves to doe it, raUers upon those 
who was at Mauchline moore, appointed to be cited beforo 
the Presbiterie, and that because it was allegit to be one 
expeeiatd who had done all this, 

11. Those who wore active in quartering sojures in tho 
unlawful engadogment, and, being employed to quarter 
those who rose up for the good cause, did either declan) 
themselves unwilling or absentit themselves, they axe to 
make a personal acknowledgment of their fault, and to be 
sadlie and gravelie rebukit. 

12. Those who stirred up officers and troupers to lye 
upon those in power unwilling to put forth their men or to 
contribut, are to make a personal acknowlodgment of their 
fitnlt before the congregation. 

18. Those who outreiked their children, and ftimished 
them money to hyro men to gae out in the engadegment, 
albeit they professit themselves unwilling, ar to make a 
personal acknowledgment. 

13. Those who sought charge in the unlawfnll engadeg- 
ment, but could not get it, and who did ryde east with my 
Lord Montgomerie when the country was up in arms 
against the engadegment, are to make a personal acknow- 
ledgment; and in case they do not declare thomaelvos 
penitent, not to bo absolved. 

15. Simple collectors, that only gathered men and did 
no fiu-ther, are to be past with simple complycrs, upon a 
general acknowledgment, whether they be elders or not. 

When the Solemn League and Covenant was re- 
newed about this time, all suspected of malignancy 
were scrupulously debarred, according to the fore- 
going reasons, until due repentance had been made. 
Lord Chancellor Loudoun, who had at first favour- 
ed tho expedition, bowed himself in much humility 
to the church. Amongst others within the bounds 
of the Presbytery of Ayr, charged with malignancy, 
were Lord Cochrane of Dundonald, Lieut. -Colonel 
Hew Montgomerie of CoiMeld, the Laird of Dun- 
dtiff, David Campbell, yr. of Skeldon, &c. Lord 
Cochrane was accused of having been "a colonel in 
the late unlawful engagement **— of having signed 
the letter sent from the Earl of Glencaim to the 
Committee of the Shire, which he said he had done 
in haste, not knowing its contents — and accepted a 
commission to go to Ireland and bring over forces. 
The statement of Lieut.-Colonel Hew Montgomerie 
throws more light perhaps than any other on the 
perplexing dubiety of the times. He was desired 
to give in his answer in write to the question 
whether he had undertaken any charge in ''the 
late unlawful engagement agam&t England ?** He 

replied as follows : — " I did, after a long tyme be- 
ing dealt with, and ane great hope of a unanimous 
agreement betwixt church and state (as was at the 
time rumoured where I live), as also many solemn 
oaths and protestations used besyde the publick de- 
claration, that there was no intention to unluse any 
poynt of the solemn league and covenant, but on 
the contrar the absolute prosecution thairof, to- 
gether with the king's relief, engaged to be lieut.- 
colonel to my Lord Montgomerie in England, but 
not to officiat any charge or command before my 
being there, ndther to remain longer with them 
when a breach should be of the premises. As for 
my journey towards the armie, though my nearest 
way had been by Carlisle, yet for my information 
and better satisfoction, I went about the way of 
Edinburgh, bdng still unresolved, where I was a 
little informed that all those that rose in arms under 
a pretext of joyning with them, were recdved with- 
out giving assurance to be faithfull to the ends of 
the covenant or the nudntenancc thairof, which did 
occasion my stay there some four dayes for farther 
information of the certainty tluurof, and by that 
tyme word came of ane rub given them ; which did 
also stay me for to hear where and how they were. 
And suddenly we heard both of their defeat, and 
also of the approach of the west coimtry forces to- 
wards Edinburgh, where I staid till their coming ; 
and afterwards went to the Earl of Tweeddale his 
house for a certidn tyme, and refused to go along 
with the Earl of Lanerik and their forces, and with 
your people I came home." Amongst those pro- 
ceeded against in Cuninghame, by the Presbytery 
of Irvine, the most prominent were the Liurd of 
Knock, and James (>aufurd of Baidland, who was 
named in the committees of war for Ayrshire ap- 
pointed by the Parliament in 1646 and 1648. He 
joined the unlawful engagement against England, 
and held the rank of major. After the failure of 
this expedition, on his return to the county he 
made application to the presbytery to be admitted 
to repentance, and restored to the covenant. The 
application was written by his own hand, and ex- 
pressed great contrition for his past misconduct. 
After repeated supplications and appearances, he 
was ordained to satisfy, according to the act of the 
General Assembly ; which he did (October, 1649) 
in the church of Dairy. 

The affairs of the state bdng under the control 
of the high church party, an act was passed re- 
pealing all acts of Parliament or Committee made 
for the late ** unlawful engagement," and ratifying 
the Protestation against the same. Another act 
was also passed in favour of those ministers who 
-had been at the affair of Mauchline Muir, de- 
claring that the rising there of the good and weU- 
affected was not only lawful, but a zealous and 
real testimony to the truth and covenant. The 



ministers were John Nevy, of Loudoun; John 
Adair, of Ayr; Gahrid MaxwcU, of Dundonald; 
Alexander Blair, of Galstoun ; Mathew Mowat, of 
Kilmarnock ; Thomas Wyllie, of Mauchline ; and 
William Guthrie, of New Kihnamock (or Fen- 


The distracted state of parties in Scotland was 
still farther increased hy the ill treatment and exe- 
cution of Charles I., against which strong protesta- 
tions were made. * Though this was an event well 
calculated to mute all favourable to monarchical 
government, and though it certainly had the effect 
of producing a decided reaction in the public mind, 
still the views of parties were so various, and their 
religions feelings so strong, that it was impossible 
to condescend upon any common ground of agree- 
anoe. The whole authority of the country — after 
the defeats of Montrose, Hamilton, and Laneric 
— fell into the hands of Argyle and the more 
strict covenanters ; and though, contrary to the in- 
vitation of the English Parliament, they resolved 
upon the maintenance of monarchy, by proclaiming 
Charles II., yet the crown had been offered to him 
upon such terms, that neither the more moderate 
presbyterians, nor the royalists, could enter cordi- 
ally into their arrangements. In the meantime, 
however, it was resolved to place the country in a 
state of defence ; and committees of war were ap- 
pointed for all the shires. That for Ayrshire con- 
sisted of the Lord Chancellor Loudoun ; the Earls 
of Eglinton and Cassillis ; the Lord Cathcart, &c. 
The Earl of Cassillis, and Robert Barclay, pro- 
vost of Irvine, were among the commissioners 
despatched to the Continent to offer the crown 
to his majesty ; and, amongst other stipulations, it 
was made a fundamental principle of his acceptance 
that all excommunicated persons — ^those who had 
been concerned in the ^unlawful engagements" 
of Montrose and Hamilton — should be excluded 
from the court. While these negotiations were in 
progress, Montrose, at the head of a smaU body of 
followers, chiefly Germans, made a landing in the 
Orkneys, with die view of creating another diver- 
sion in favour of unlimited monarchy ; but a body of 
troops having been despatched against him, he was 
routed before he had well effected a footing on the 
mainland. His defeat and capture were celebrat- 
ed by a solemn thanksgiving throughout all the 

* No notieo is taken of the death of Charles I. hy the 
Presbyteries. They were bniy prosecuting the **maUg- 
nants." The only referenoe to the fote of tho king occurs 
in the resolution of keeping a fut hy order of the Commis- 
sion — amongst other causes, "that tho Lord deliver the 
jfottng king from tho snares of ill oonnsoll in whioh he is 
now involved.*' 

Church. By the Presbytery of Ayr* it was ap- 
pointed to be held on the 5th June (1G50), in place 
of the 15th May, as directed by the Commission of 
the General Assembly — ^the letter containing the 
instructions not having reached the Presbytwy in 
proper time. Charles II. had scarcely assumed 
the nominal functions — for they were no more-~ 
of royalty in Scotland, when the English Parlia- 
ment deemed it politic to despatch an army of 
16,000 men, with Oliver Cromwell, now comman- 
der-in-chief of all the forces of the Commonwealth, 
at its head, against the Scots. To meet this in- 
vasion a large army was raised ; but it was neither 
well disciplined, nor, considering the severity of the 
Chui'ch's proceedings against all who came under 
the designation of MoUigncuUs and Engctgers, was 
it likely to be actuated by much unanimity of pur- 
pose. The troops were, as usual, raised by a species 
of conscription from the various districts— -some 
of the more zealous and wealthy of the noblemen 
contributing voluntary levies of men. From the 
Records of the town of Ayr (Sept. 18, 1650), it 
appears that the levy cost the burgh 5800 merks, 
which was raised by a stent upon the town and 
landward inhabitants ; and that the horses requisite 
for the troopers and dragoons were impressed 
wherever they could find them, the* owners being 
paid according to a scale of value. Though greatly 
hurried in their armament by the rapid advance ai 
Cromwell, the ruling party relaxed none of their 
severity of discipline and exclusiveness. The com- 
mand of the Covenanting army was entrusted to 
General Leslie, a soldier of approved talent and 
courage. From his judicious choice of an encamp- 
ment at Edinburgh, and his successful skirmishes 
with the enemy, by which he promoted the dis- 
cipline and courage of his troops, it is well known 
that CromweU was under the necessity of retreating 
to Dunbar. Balfourt relates that Mtyor-General 
Robert Montgomerie, a younger son of the Earl of 
Eglinton, and Colonel Strahan, on Wednesday, 
31st July, led out a party against the enemy of 2000 
horse and 500 foot, and beat him soundly. If they 
had had 1000 more, continues the annalist, they 
would have routed his whole army. They killed to 
him five Colonels and Lieut. -Colonels, and mor- 
tally$ wounded Lieut. -General Lambert, and above 
500 soldiers, and returned with no great loss. 
But for the injudicious interference of the Com- 
mittee of the Kirk, who, after expelling no less 

* From tho Records of this body it appears that Mon- 
trose was defeated hy Col. Strachan, on tho 27th A.pril, 
and that he was captui-od a few days afterwards by one 
M*Leod of Asken. 

t Balfour's Annals. 

I So says the annalist ; but as he was taken prisoner, 
and survived, severely wounded should have been tho ex- 
1 prossion. 



than 4000 of the best troops because of their ma- 
liffnajicy, and preventing Leslie from taking advan- 
tage of a favourable opportunity of attack, because 
it was Sabbath, he would have succeeded in forcing 
Cromwell to an inglorious retreat. The latter en- 
deavoured in vain to draw him from his strong- 
hold. With the view of cutting off the supplies of 
the Scots, he marched westward, manceuvring 
between Stirling and the capital. Leslie, perceiv- 
ing his intention, ordered forward a body of his 
troops in a parallel line. Contrary to what is 
generally represented in the history of this period, 
it would appear, from the following letter by 
Major-General Montgomerie to his father, the 
Earl of Eglinton, written at this time, that the 
Scots were suffering from a scarcity of provisions 
as well as the English : — 

My Lord, 

I have roeeaved your Lordship's * ♦ ♦ ♦ The 
Lewtenent-Gen. is to send on [one] to you who cmme in 
from the Enemy woell mounted : his father is a prcsbe- 
terian Minister in Lancashyre. Oar Resolutiones in the 
Army have beene so contrar and uncertaine yesterday all 
day tliat I could mot advertise your Lordship befor this 
tyme. Wee have resolved to draw or Army a mylle or two 
westward, and draw up in a fair feild, and offer the Enemy 
Battel! by shotting three peice of cannon towards them. 
But wee are affiuid they will not come to us, knowing our 
•traits for want of provision, which if they doe not we wilbe 
forced to march towards them, and fight upon all disad- 
vantadges, for wo must either resolve to doe that or stai-ve. 
Ther is many against the giving of the Enemy a dievertis- 
ment by sending a party to England, in respect they wold 
not be able to fight ther forces which it is conceaved they 
have on loot in the kingdome, eawept they should Joyne 
with Malignants, and assist thes who we are oblidged to fight 
■gainst as weel as Sectaries. Wee are informed ther is a 
party of three thousand men eoming to the border for to 
recruit the Enemy, under the Comand of my Lord Gray 
of Grubie, and fyve hundreth which is come over the bor- 
der already, whom we resolve to send a party to intercept, 
which is all I have to show your Lordship for the present. 
Intreating your Lordship to communicat this to my Lord 
drumfermling, and show him ther [is] none more his ser- 
vant then he who resolves to continue 

your Lordship*8 most obedient sone 

to serve you till death 


At our Leagure neare Carstorphin 
this 22 of Agust 1650. 

Weo have ordered our Army so, by puting all our best 
men, ofiloers'tuid souldiers, in the battell, and the worst in 
the reserve, that we are hopefhll throu God*s strength to 
earry the bussines by our battell, having the two part of 
our horse in it and the third part in the reserve. 

There is another letter by Major-General Mont- 
gomerie to his father, at this period, which, though 
not dated, seems to have been written subsequently 
to the foregoing. It is interesting, as illustrative 
of the mancBuvring to which the armies had re- 
course before the final issue : — 

My Lord, 

The reason why yor. Lo. is not so oft acquainted of 
<mt proceedinp as I wold, is becaus yor. Lo. horsemen doth 
not attend heir as they oucht Ther is one grahame, who, 
after the wreitting of my Letter did let it ly two dayes 
bosyd me, and when they come keepes them up lykwyse. 
Since my last to yor. Lo. ther is nothing past, save only 

the Enemy this morning fell upon a house called BeidhaU, 
within two myle of our Army, and stormed it, and after 
two houres debate gained it, ther being such a strong pass 
betwixt our army and it that we could not releave them ; 
neither could wo advance for ther cannon, having all ther 
army standing upon strong ground ready to second them. 
Weo are informed tliis night ther is two hregads of the 
Enemy march't towards Craigmiller this night, wherfor we 
have comanded a party of foot to it, with two Begts. of 
horse to Woster-didistoun, who is to watch ther and to 
send ane hundredth horso to the house, to attend upon the 
enemy's waggon's and provision, which is to come from 
Musleburgh. If they resolve to storm the house, we are 
to advance with our whoUe army towardes them, and se- 
cond the parties. I pray the lord givo us good success. 
I thought fltt to aquaint yor. Lo. that the shyre of pertb 
cryes mightily out against yor. Lo. Begt., and have pro- 
fered to furnish the army with two thousand bolls of 
meall if they will remove yor. Lo. Begt.* Ther is many 
lykwyse for the bringing them over to purge them. Wher- 
for yor. Lo. wold see that ye have none but such as ye can 
be ansrable for. Ther is some who spares not to venc 
publickly that ther is no need of a guard, and that his 
Majestio wold rather be content to quyt them, then have 
the countrey oppressed. Thes things I thought fit to ac« 
quaint yor. Lo. of, that ye might be resolved what course 
to take therin. However I should not wish that yor. 
Lo. should be discouradged at any of thes expressionet, 
but doo yor. duety and stand by yor. right. I have re- 
ceaved that money from boghall which yor. Lo. sent, as I 
did expresse in a former [letter] which, if yor. Lo. have 
not receaved, I shall informe yor. Lo. more particularly by 
the nixt. Bo wishing the lord to blisse his ma.tie, and all 
his court, and to prosper yor. Lo. in all yor. interprizes, 

I rest 

your La most obedient 
> sone to jerve you, 

B. MoirrooMEanr. 

If nothing occure beforo Munday, we resolve to use some 
active way to engadge the Enemy to fight, which I con- 
ceive wilbe by marching towards Edmestoon and Mnsle- 
buigh and storming them. 


" To his most honoble. Lord 
" The Earle of Eglintoun 

" These are." 

The disastrous result of this determination to 
force the enemy to iight, by moving irom their 
position, is well known. StiU no emergency could 
reconcile the Covenanters to an amalgamation 
with those whom they believed to entertain less 
rigid views of Church polity than themselves. 
So absurd did their conduct appear in this re- 
spect, that many of the more moderate portion 
of the inhabitants began to suspect their integ- 
rity. The author of << The Montgomerie Manu- 
scripts" broadly accuses the ** Committee of the 
Kirk," or at least some of them, of secretly favour- 
ing the Parliament. << It was generally believed," 
he says, " that O. C. [Oliver Cromwell] had secret 
correspondence with them and their party, among 
ye. officers, and ye. event confirmed the report. 
For ye. ministers and some leading officers, aflcr 
the loss of Dunbarr fight, now called Remonstra- 
tors (from a paper called a Remonstrance against 

* The Earl of Eglinton was colonel of the king*s guard of 
horse, hence the reason of his regiment— about which 
there were so many complaints — being stationed at Perth, 
wliere Charles II. held his court. The Earl, however, does 
not appear to have been with his regiment at the time. 



je. anemblj of the Estates, and of the ministers at 
Striveling), for this assembly declared that it was 
lawfull for the King to imploj any of his subjects, 
to expell ye. sectarian English out of the comitry ; 
but those other ministers and officers, having gott 
together about 6000 men, and more dayly of their 
peevish gang, refractory to ye. laws, coming in to 
pursue their remonstrance, would admit of no con- 
junction with ye. King, nor with his sober estates 
and clergy at Striveling, but being headed by ye. 
said Straughan and Colonel Gilbert (commonly 
called Gibby) barr, would fight ye. Lord's battles 
by themselves ; because he was able to doe his own 
work with few, as well as with many, and would 
own his cause and covenant, (which they only ex- 
pressed) against the sectarians, and, therefore, they 
rejected the help of 1000 men, which ye. King and 
estates sent, by Major-General Montgomery, (Eg- 
linton's 3d son), and threatened to fall upon him 
and his party, if he presumed to joyne with them, 
tho* he offered to be imder their command ; only 
permitting their leaders to march and fight as vo- 
lunteers, with ye. men they had brought to th^ 
party. Now, lett any man judge whether barr and 
straughan were more for the King and country or 
for Cromwell ; but Lambert easily routed them at 
Hamilton, within six miles of Glasgow."* Without 

* According to other accoonti, the route wu not so 
cesUy acoompliBhed: — ^William Ralstoan of that Ilk, living 
at Woodaydo (bis own property), in Beith pariah, was in 
the party which was dissatLsfiicted and opposed King 
Charles L ; bat disapproving of the murder of this king, 
they took up arms against the Republicans and the despot 
Oliver Cromwell. Ralstoan, who commanded a regiment 
of horse, under Colonel Kerr, surprised General Lambert, 
at Hamiltoun, in December, 1600 ; and had well nigh suc- 
ceeded in the enterprise, which failed through the deser- 
tion of Colonel Ualket, one of their number. — See Kers- 
land*8 Memoirs. — Robertson's Ayrshire Families, VoL II, 

Lieot-CoL Ralstonn, with a small party of horse, en- 
tered Hamilton, and most gallantly carried all beforo him, 
clearing the town of tho English, and killing several. 
Kerr, with fewer than two hundred, seconded him. By 
some supposed treachery, the English rallied agalr, and 
they pursued Kerr's and Ralstoun's party as far as Paisley 
and Kilmarnock. About twenty only wore killed, and not 
more than eighty taken prisoners, whereof Ker himself 
made one. — JJrotcn's History of Glasgoto^ paqe 111. 

From tho following paper, published in Itohertson's 
Ayrshire FeunilieSy it would appear that the properties of 
Quecnsbcrrie and Drumlanric suffered considerably : — 

** The roole off the Remonstrators, that brunt tho gaits 
of drumlangrig and plundered and waistcd tho Lands. 

** A list off those persones who are to be perscucd by tho 
Earlo off Queensberie and my Lord drumlangrig befor the 
parliament for besiging and fyring the house off drumlang- 
rig waiisting and distroying the Lands of tho haill tennents 
belooging to the saids noble Earlo and Lord in auay taken 
ther comis cattell and vther plenisldng in Anno 1G60, in 
the moneth of October. 

** Wariston ; 8r John Chieslie ; Gilbert Ker ; Laird of 
Colston ; 8r Androw Ker of Greinheod ; William Kor of 
Neutoan? the Laird of Cesnok; the Laird of Cunyng- 
hamehead ; the Laird of Rowi^land ; tho Laird of Pol- 
lock, Maxwell ; the Laird of Corsbie, Fulerton ; the Laird 
of Glanderstonn ; Capitano Giffeand ; William Dounio ther 
dark; Robert Aichison ther Comissai-; Andi'ow Broun 

going the length of this old writer in suspecting 
the motives of the Remonstrators, it is apparent 
that their absurd conduct was the mahi cause of 
the discomfitures sustained at that period. Confi- 
dence in one another, without which success is 
impossible, was completely destroyed. Charles 
himself, alarmed lest he should be giyen up to 
the Parliamentary force, escaped from the power 
of Argyle at Perth, where the Court then was, 
and fled towards the Highlands, with the view 
of throwing himself into the arms of the few 
royalists who, under Middleton and Glencaim, 
still kept together. Alarmed at the consequences 
of such a step, Argyle immediately despatched 
Colonel Robert Montgomerie after him with a 
party of horse, who succeeded in overcoming his 
fears, and brought him back to Perth. Balfour 
gives an interesting account of the king*s discovery 
by liieut.-Colonel Name, one of Montgomerie's 
officers. He was found in a poor cottage belong, 
ing to the Laird of Clova, " laying in a nasty room, 
on ane old bolster above a matte of segges and 
rushes, overwearied and very fearful. * * The 
Eang told Robert Montgomerie that Doctor Eraser 
had betrayed him, in assuring him that he should 
have been that day he came away in, delivered up 
to the English, and all his servants hang^." 

Though the circumstances in which the coun- 
try was placed were of the most discouraging 
nature, a fresh army was speedily assembled un- 

ther ChiruTgian ; John Gordon Cap, wha brant the gaits ; 
Harie Cunynghame; Liyetenant William Glendinning; 
Laird of Park, Ifura ; Laird of Park, Hay ; Geoig Portor> 
field and John Grahame ; Provest of Glasgow ; Mr John 
Spmeill ; tno Roberts, sons to Stephen Robert of Wicket- 
shaw ; Major Shaw of Sombeg and his troop, who wes gri- 
vious wher ever the came ; the Laird of Fail, elder and 
yongcr; tho LaiM of Craufurdland and his troop; the 
Laird of Pinkcll, Boyd ; tho Laird of Stair ; the Laird of 
Blair; Heugh Walaco of Uinderwood, with ane troop; 
Laird of Kirkhill, Kenncdie, with ane troop ; the Laird of 

; Cunynghame of IliU of Beith wt his troop ; Sr 

James Stuart ; the Laird of Bolphintoun ; Bordland, Cun- 
ynghame; Hamilton of Grainge ; Ringand Cleugh (Kingan- 
cleugh ?) ; the liOiiti of Kinhllt, and his troop ; the Lord 
Cathcart; the Loird of Allinshaw; Mr Ueugh Cathcart; 
John Cmftird, baillie of Air; Gilmylnes Croft ; John Gor- 
don of Boghall ; the Lah-d of Colzeane ; Crafgoch, Ken- 
nedic ; James Kennedie, son to Colzcano ; Williame Col- 
ville in Uckltree ; Robert Cathcart, son to Drumjonard ; 
Grimmot, Shaw ; the Laird of Couchreg, Boyd ; the Laird 
of Rirkmicbell, Kennedie ; Thomas Kennedie, his brother; 
tho Laird of Auchindrain ; Thomas Campbell, in Glasgow ; 
James Hamelton, lalte baillie ther; Patrick Bryce, malt- 
man ther ; John Johnston, merchant ther ; Vmphray Col- 
qnhonne, ther; Thomas Patersone, merchant yr; James 
[Brown ?], merchant in Glasgow; Rot Slmsono, in Edin- 
bui-gh. Ministers, Mr Patrick Gillespie ; Mr William 
Adaire; Mr John Ncvay; Mr Thomas Nalio; Mr Gabrill 
Maxwell; Mr Matthew Mouat; Mr James Rouat; Mr 
William Guthrie; Mr John Fullerton; Mr Gilbert Hall; 
Mr Georg Hutchison ; Mr Alexr. Blair; Mr David Bruce; 
Mr Heugh Campbell; Laird Adamtouno and Laird of 
Camehill, Wallace.— From a Copy tnarhed on the bach 
*Anent Dmmlamjrige 1C(J2/ in the possession of John 
Fullarton, Esq." 



der the OQmnuuid of Laneric (now Duke of Ham- 
ilton) and Leslie.* The west country forces, how- 
ever^ under the name of Protestersyf kept strictly 
apart, and were commanded hy Lord Robert 
Ker.t The camp was formed at Torwood, with 
the fortress of Stirling in the rear, and the High- 
lands open for supplies. Cromwell in vain en- 
deavoured to draw them into action ; and it was 
not till, crossing the Firth of Forth, and thereby 
interrupting thdr intercourse with the Highlands, 
that they marched to England, as the only alter- 
native which could be wisely adopted. The failure 
of this bold stroke b sufficiently accounted for. 
Charles calculated upon a great accession to his 
army in England ; but, from the unexpected na- 
ture of the movement, his friends were not prepared 
to join him, nor did the rigid orders issued by the 
committee of ministers tend to encourage the Eng- 
lish royalists. The small army of the Scots, 
amounting to no more than 1 4,000, was surrounded 
at Worcester by upwards of 30,000 troops under 
Cromwell. So situated they oould offer little 
effective resistance. Still much courage and 
prowess was individually displayed. Major-Gen- 
eral Montgomerie, who had the command of 
the second brigade of horse, as narrated in the 
Boscobel Tracts, was ''stationed at Powick Bridge, 
on the led bank of the Teme, and was opposed by 
Fleetwood and Ingoldsby, who advanced, under a 
brisk fire, to attack him. Montgomerie, after 
maintaining his post till his ammunition was ex- 
pended, was forced to abandon Powick Bridge in 
disorder; and the Protector (Oliver Cromwell), 
having at the same time overpowered the equally 
gallant defence offered by Pitscottie and his hand- 
ful of men, only three hundred Highlanders, (by 
which the Republicans were enabled to cross the 
Severn and outflank General Montgomerie) passed 
the Severn on pontoons, leaving Montgomerie in 
full retreat towards the city of Worcester." In 
this hard-fought though unsuccessful action at 
Powick Bridge, General Montgomerie was dan- 
gerously wounded. The whole of the royalist 

* A regiment was raised by the Earl of Eglinton, ivho, 
with his son James, was surprised and taken prisoners at 

f So called from their protesting against the resolation 
of the Commission of the General Assembly, in reply to the 
query of the Parliament, in 1651, that it was lawful to em- 
ploy such as were debarred from the public trust on ac- 
count of malignancy, provided that they satisfied the Kirk 
for their offence. 

{ ** In Aprile, 1651, second levio for Bedland Cranfurd 
for a troup of horss and man, fra tho Lairds of tho county 
and the Tenants therof, ilk the half. 

"Deburssit be tho tennentis thair cess (half) to the Inglish 
garrison at Kirrilaw (parish of Stevonstoun), about 1651. 

" Cess fra the tenants of the county, tho year endit at 
Martimas, 1652, (half, the uther half of the Lairds), in 
come and strae, and in monie, to the Inglis troupers in 
Paslay ard Kilmarnock, and tho hyre of tho cart-hors to 
the wark at Air." — Private Paper$, 

army wore either killed or taken prisoners; Migor- 
General Montgomerie was amongst the latter. 

The divided state of parties tended greatly to 
favour the success of the Parliamentary army. 
General Monk, who had heen left in Scotland 
with a considerable force, having captured Stir- 
ling, most of the other strengths of the country 
were speedily given up. Amongst other towns 
of importance, Ayr was taken possession of, and 
a strong fortification erected there. The castle 
of Little Cumbrae was also taken and burned. 
Tradition states that the Eglinton family retired 
to the Cumbraes for security — ^the earl himself be- 
ing at the time a prisoner. The tradition is coun* 
tenanced by various circumstances. Lord Mont- 
gomerie, the earl's eldest son, though he had been 
a steady royalist — ^having fought in opposition to 
his father at Marston-moor, and with Hamilton in 
his invasion of England — afler satisfying with the 
church, and obtaining a repeal of the act which 
had been passed against him declaring him incap- 
able of public employment, rose to great influence 
and trust with the Committee of Estates. Balfour, 
in his annals, has the following statement, dated 
17th January, 1651: — ^<< Ordered that the Lord 
Montgomerey haue 6 barrells of that pouder wich 
belonges to the publicke, which was carried to the 
Isle of Bute, for the defence of his housse, for wich 
the said lord is to be comptable to the publicke." 
That by ** his house " was meant the castle on tho 
Little Cumbrae will appear evident from the fol- 
lowing order, the original of which is amongst the 
Eglinton papers at Auchans : — 

** Ton ar healrby reqnyred, vpon sight heir of, to send 
fourscore able souldiers of the Reglmeant wnder your com- 
mand, wt. ther armcs, to the lland of Litill ComlMt4 their 
to Continow, and to ressauo such further orders from 
teyme to tyme from the Lord Montgomerie as hee shaJl 
think most tho advantage of our service. Which snldtrea 
ar to leavie ther horses in ther qrs. wt. the Rest of that 
Rcgimant, ^d to Ressauo ther prouisionall intertinements 
out of the [island] of boote [Bute] and meikell-CombrB, 
which is to be refounded vnto the inhabitantes of the scads 
Islands out of the first of the mantinance that shalbe res- 
saued of tho shorifedomcs of aire and Ranfrow ; heir of 
you will not failo at your perill, gevin ynder our hand at 
or. Court at Dunefermeline, the 2^th day of Apriayll, 1651. 
•"To Collonell Collin Cambell 

01' in his abscns to his lieut- 

Comall or other offiscers 

Commanding that Reaigemant 

of dragouns, for the teymo 


^Notwithstanding the hopelessness of the royal cause, 
several efforts were still maje in favour of it. Tho 
Earl of Leven, the Earl of Crawford, Lord Ogilvy, 
and other noblemen and gentlemen, met at Perth 
for the purpose of organising a fresh levy; but 
they were suddenly set upon by Monk's troops, and 
most of them taken prisoners. The most success- 
ful attempt was that made by the Earl of Qlen- 
caira; whose active and energetic temperament 
well fitted him for desperate enterprises. Of his 



lordship's expedition a minute and interesting ac- 
count has been preserved by John Graham of 
Deuchrie, who was one of the first to join his 
standard. It is as follows : — 

The earl of Glencaim went firom his own lioose of Finle- 
fliton in the hc^nning of the month of August, 1653, to 
Locheam, where several of the clans did meet him, viz., 
the earl of Athol, IfacDonald of Glengarie, Cameron of 
Lochycll, ordinarily called MacEIdney, Julm Graham of 
Deuchrie, Donald MacOregour, tutor of llacOregour Far- 
qnharson of Inverey, Robertson of Strowan, MacNachtane 
of MacNachtane, Archibald lord Lorn, aftei-»-ards earl of 
Argyle, colonel Ulackader of Tnllyattan. 

TbeM gentlemen, after some few days* consultation with 
his lordship, did promise to bring out what forces they 
could with all expedition. My lord, notwithstanding, did 
lie to and from the hills, not having any with him but the 
writer of this, and three servants, for the space of six 

The first forces that came to him here, were brought by 
John Graham of Deuchrie: they were forty footmen. 
Within two or throe days after came Donald M'Gregour 
the tutor, with eighty footmen. 

My lord general with this force came to John Gn^am of 
Denchrie's house, where, within some few days, my lord 
Kenmnro came with forty horsemen from the west ; colonel 
Blackader also eame, with thirty horsemen, which he had 
gathered together in Fifeshire. The laird of MacNachtane 
came with twelve horsemen : there was between sixty and 
eighty of theLowlandmen that were not mounted on horses, 
but were very well provided in their arms : they were com- 
manded by captain James Hamilton, brother of the laird 
of Milntown, and were called to a nickname Oravats* 

Colonel Kidd, governor of Stirling, being informed that 
the king's forces were come so near him, did march with 
the most part of his regiment of foot, and troop of horse, 
to a place called Aberfoyle, within three miles of the place 
where my lord general did lie, who having intelligence 
thereof, did march with the small force he had, to the pass 
of Aberfoyle ; and drawing up his forces within the pass, 
did distribute his footmen on both sides thereof, very ad- 
vantageously ; and the horse which were commanded by 
lord Kenmure, were drawn up on the wings of the foot. 
He gave orders that captain Hamilton, who commanded 
the Lowlandmen, called OravaU, with Deuchrie's men, 
should receive the first chai'ge, which they did very gal- 
lantly ; and at the very first encounter, the enemy began 
to retire back. The general perceiving the same, did com- 
mand the Highland forces to pursue, as also lord Kenmure 
with the horse he had. The enemy began, upon thirf, 
downright to run ; they were pursued very hard ; they lost 
on the spot about sixty, and about eighty were killed in the 
pursuit : no prisoners were taken. 

My lord general having succeeded so well, from all places 
men did daily come in to him. We then marched to Loch- 
eam, and from that to Loch-Rannoeh, where, at the hall 
in the isle of Loch-Rannoch, the clans met him. In the 
mean while, ho was very busy in dispatching men to the 
Lowlands, giving them commission for taking horses, for 
raising men, and for carrying off all the aims they eonld 

The clans who met him at Loch-Rannoch brought their 
forces with them : the laird of Glengarie brought three 
hnndred very pretty men : the laird of Lochyell brought 
four hnndred Lochaber-men : the tutor of MacGregour 
had then about two hundred men with him. 

Sir Arthur Forbes, and Gerard Irvine his lientenaat- 
eolonel, with several other officers, came with about eighty 
men on horseback. The eaj-1 of Athol came with a hun- 
dred horse, and with a regiment of braye foot, consisting 
of near one thousand two hundred men, commanded by 
Andrew Drnmmond, brother german of Sir James Drum- 
mond of Machany. He was the earl of AthoVs lieutenant- 

These noble persons were ordered to give commission 
to captains, and other inferior officers, to go to the Low- 
lands, for levying what men they eonld. We then marched 


down to the skirts of the Lowlands, near the Marquis of 
Huntly*8 bounds, where several gentlemen joined us. 

The laii*d of Inverey rendezvoused in Cromar, for the 
raiding of a regiment. General-major Morgan, who was 
lying at Aberdeen, being informed of the day of rendezvous 
in Cromar, did draw out of several garrisons two thousand 
foot, and one thousand horse and dragoons, with which he 
marched day and night before the day of rendezvous ; and 
we not having inteliigence of his march, he fell upon onr 
outer guards, and that so hotly, that our forces had much 
ado to get drawn up ; and if it had not been for John 
Graham of Deuchrie, with about forty men who fired upon 
the enemy, some of our own men being amongst them, and 
having killed the officer who commanded the party of the 
enemy who had entered the glen before us, this put them 
into some confusion, and made them stand a little. 

In the mean time lord Kenmure, who commanded the 
van, marched at a great rate. Our foot took the glen on 
both sides. This glen leads to the laird of Grant's gromid 
of Abemethy wood. Morgan now having got up his foot, 
ordered them to march on both sides of the glen after our 
foot, he himself charging at the mouth of the i^en. My 
lord general, who was in the rear, was desired to change 
his horse, but he would not, though the nag he rode on 
was not worth £100 Scots. The gentlemen who attended 
on my lord general, were the lau-d of MacNachtane, Sir 
Mungo Murray, who killed one of the enemy's officeis as 
they entered the pass, Nathaniel Gordon, a brave gentle- 
man, mi^oi Ogilvie, captain Ochtrie Campbell, captain 
John Rutherford, who wants the leg, colonel Blackader, 
the laird of Glengarie, with several other gentlemen of 
repute, whose names I cannot now remember. The glen 
was so strait for the horses, that only two could march 
abreast, and sometimes only one. The enemy pursued so 
hotly, that they fought on foot as often as on horseback. 
We had eight miles to travel through the glen, before we 
could reach the laird of Grant's ground, and the enemy did 
not give over the fight, till night parted us. 

Morgan lay in the glen all that night; and the next 
morning he marched down through the Cromar, and from 
thence to Aberdeen. ' 

After this we lay in that country and in Badenooh, for 
near five weeks. Loxd Kenmure was sent with a hundred 
horse to the shire of Argyle, to bring up what forces lord 
Lorn had gathered. He had mustered one thousand foot 
and about fifty horse, who marched and joined us in Ba- 
denoch, where he remained with us about a fortnight ; but 
being some how discontented, he marched home with his 
men on the 1st day of January, 1G54. 

My lord general having intelligence of his desertion, or- 
dered the laird of Glengarie, with Lochyell, and so 'many 
horse as could bo conveniently spared, to pursue him, and 
bring him back with his men, or otherwise to fight him. 
Lorn marched straightway for the castle of Ruthven in 
Badenoch, a house belonging to the marquis of Huntly, 
wherein tiiere was a garrison of English soldiers ; but 
Glengarie being very eager in the pursuit, overtook him 
before he got within half a mile of the castle. Lord Lorn 
seeing this, slipped off with what horse he had, leaving his 
foot to the mercy of Glengarie and his men. He presently 
commanded a party of horse to follow Lorn, who eould not 
overtake him ; but they brought back about twenty of his 
horsemen. lUs footmen were drawn up on a hill, where 
they beat a parley, and engaged to serve the general for 
behalf of his majesty. 

Glengarie was not quite satisfied with their answer, but 
was inclined to fall upon them, for he had still a grudge 
against them, since the wars of the great Montrose. My 
lord general by this time coming up, and hearing of the 
offer they had made, ordered one to go to them, and inform 
them, that he would accept of no offer from them till they 
lay down all their arms ; upon which they immediately 
gave them up. 

The general th^n went up to them, with several of his 
officers, and they all declaring they were willing to engage 
in toA mi^esty's service, under his lordship, he caused both 
officers and soldiers, each of them, to take an oath to be 
faithful to his majesty; which they very readily did, and 
tlien their arms wore restored to them : but within a fort- 



night thereafter, neither officers nor soldiers of them were 
to be seen with us : and we heard no more of lord Lorn, 
nor any of his men since that time. 

There was one colonel Yaughan, or Wagan, who came 
from England by Carlisle, and Joinod us with near a hun- 
dred gentlemen on horseback, well mounted and armed. 
The colonel himself was unfortunately killed in a rencoun- 
ter he had with the brasen-wall regiment of horse ; but 
notwithstanding of the deadly wounds he had received, he 
rooted the troop, and killed the commander thereof, though 
it was said that in all the civil wars they never had been 
beat. This brave gentleman had his wounds healed over : 
but from what cause I know not, they broke out again, and 
occasioned his death, to the great regret of all who knew 

We being now a considerable body, both of horse and foot, 
by reason of the great numbers of new levied men that 
came in daily to us, the general, with advice of the officers, 
thought it fit to march down to the Lowlands, in the shire 
of Aberdeen : so we went by Balvenie, and from thence to 
a place called Whitelums, near to which was a garrison of 
the enemy in the castle of Kildrummie, a house belonging 
to the Earl of Mar. Morgan not daring to come out to us, 
knowing our army was full as good as his own ; after that 
we had been in this country a fortnight, we marched for the 
shire of Murray, where we remained near a month. Our 
head quarters was at Elgin. 

The English had two garrisons in Murrayshire, one in 
Burgle castle, and the other in Calder ; but notwithstand- 
ing of both, we got no hurt from them, but had very good 
quarters, and made ourselves merry all the time we were 
there. We had wasted the Highlands by reason of our 
long tarrying there. The marquis of Montrose, son of the 
great Montrose, Joined the general at Elgin, with near 
thirty gentlemen ; also the lord Forrester, with a few men, 
and one little major Strachan. 

The general having received letters from my lord Mid- 
dleton, advising him of lus arrival in Sutherland, with 
several other officers sent by his majesty, viz.. Major - 
General Monro, to command as lieutenant-general of horse 
and foot, Dalziel, to command as major-general of horse 
and foot, and Drummond, as major-general of foot : lord 
Napier was to have a regiment. There were several other 
gentlemen who came over as officers in the same ship. 

The lord general immediately ordered the army to march 
to Sutherland. Morgan having intelligence, marched upon 
our rear, and as we marched we had many hot skirmishes 
with him. Our general was always present and in action ; 
and always, when necessary, ordered fresh parties to re- 
lieve those that stood in need of assistance. This skir- 
mishing lasted for the space of two days and two nights. 

We sat down before the house of the laird of I^hen, 
whose name was Brodie, who held it out for the English. 
Our general sent and ordered him to deliver up the house 
for the king's service, which he refused ; and on the ap- 
proach of our men, he fired out on them, and killed four 
or five of them. The general being incensed at this, or- 
dered the soldiers to pull down several stacks of com, with 
which he flDed the court and gates of the house, which 
being set on fire, he Judged the smoke would stifle them, 
the wind blowiug it into the house : but it took not the 
effect he expected ; for they stiU held out the house, and 
we lost other three or four men more ere we marched the 
next morning. 

The general ordered all Lethen*s land and stackyards to 
be burnt, which was accordingly done ; and these were the 
only orders he gave for burning during all his command. 

We then marched straightway for a pass that lay eight 
miles above Inverness ; and having got to that pass, our 
army crossed the water of Inverness : the whole horses 
were made to swim, and the men passed in boats. Here 
we kept a strong guard, and onr army lay for tho space of 
six weeks quite safe up and down the country of Suther- 
land, the English having no garrison in that country. 

The lord general immediately set out for Dornoch, to re- 
ceive lord Middleton's commands, who was to be general 
in chief ; and, after five or six days' rest, lord Middleton 
ordained that there might be a general rendezvous of the 
whole army» that so he might see what the men were, both 

as to their arms, mounting and nnmbers. 

The army was accordingly^ mustered upon a Saturday in 
the middle of March; their number amounted to 3500 
footmen, and 1500 horsemen. Of the horsemen there 
would have been about 300 that were not well horsed nor 
well armed. 

There was an English pink cast in by stress of weather, 
on the coast of Sutherland ; she was loaded with near forty 
tons of French wine. General Middleton distributed this 
among the officers of the army ; and he gave to the earl of 
Glencaim one ton thereof. 

The army being drawn up again, according to the for- 
mer order, the earl of Glencaim passed along the front of 
all the regiments of horse and foot, and informed all the 
officers and men as he went along, that he had no further 
command now but as a private colonel, and that he hoped 
they should bo very happy in having so noble a commander 
as the present general, and the officers under him ; and so 
he wished them all welL Those who saw this eould easily 
perceive how very unsatisfied the soldiers wore, by their 
looks and countenance ; for several, both officers and sol- 
diers, shed tears, and vowed that they would serve with 
their old general in any comer of the world. 

Wlien this ceremony was over, the earl of Glencaim in- 
vited the general, with all the general officers and colonels, 
to dine with him. His quarters were at the laird of Kettle's 
house, four miles south from Domoch, the head quarters. 
They were as well entertained by his lordship as it was 
possible in that country. The grace said, and the cloth 
withdrawn, his lordship called for a glass of wine, and then 
addressed the general in these words : " My lord general, 
you see what a gallant army these worthy gentlemen here 
present and I have gathered together, at a time when it 
could hardly be expected that any number durst meet to- 
gether ; these men have oome out to serve his majesty, at 
the hazard of their lives, and of all that is dear to them : 
I hope therefore you will give them all the encouragement 
to do their duty that lies in your power." On this, up 
started Sir George Munro from his seat, and said to lord 
Glencaim, " By G — , my lord, the men you speak of are 
nothing but a number of thieves and robbers ; and ere long 
I will bring another sort of men to the field." On which 
Glengarie started up, thinking himself most concemed ; 
but lord Glencaim desired him to forbear, saying, " Glen- 
garie, I am more concemed in this aifront than yon are ;" 
then addressing himself to Monro, said, " You, Sir, are a 
base liar; for they are neither thieves nor robbers, but 
gallant gentlemen, and good soldiers." 

Geueral Middleton commanded them both to keep the 
kings peace, saying, " My lord, and you Sir Geoige, tliis 
is not the way to do the king service ; you must not fall 
out among yourselves ; therefore I will have you both to 
be friends ;" and immediately calling for a glass of wine, 
said, "My lord Glencaim, I think you did the greatest 
wrong in giving Sir George the lie; you shall drink to him, 
and he shall pledge you." The noble and good lord Glen- 
caim accordingly took his glass, as ordered by the general, 
and drank to Sir George ; who, in his old surly humour, 
muttered some words, which were not heard, but did not 
pledge his lordship. 

The general gave orders to sound to horse; and lord 
Glencaim went out in order to accompany him to the head- 
quarters ; but the general would not allow him to go above 
a mile of the way. His lordship then returned back, hav- 
ing none in his company but colonel Blackader and John 
Graham of Deuchrie. When arrived, he became exceeding^ 
merry, causing the laird's daughter to play on the virginals, 
and all the servants about the house to dance. Supper 
being now ready and on the table, as my lord was going to 
set down, one of the servants told him, that Alexander 
Munro, Sir George's brother, was at the gate. My lord, 
immediately commanded to let him in, and met him 
at the hall-door, where he saluted him, and made him 
very welcome, saying, " Tou see, Sir, the meat is on the 
table, and will spoil if we sit not down to it." He placed 
Monro at the head of the table, next the laird's daughter. 
All present were very merry. My lord told Munro, he 
would give him a spring if he would dance ; which ac- 
cordingly he did with the rest, the laird's daughter play- 



ing. While the rest were merry, his lordship and Monro 
stepped aside : they did not speak a dosen of words toge- 
ther, as all thought ; and after drinking a little longer, 
Munro departed. My lord then called for candles, and 
went to bed. There were two beds in his room, in one of 
which he lay, and in the other lay Blackader and Deuch- 
rie. The whole family in a Utile went to bed. None knew 
any thing of his lordship's design but one John White, who 
was his trumpeter and valet de chambre. The night 
being very short, and my lord being to meet Munro half 
way between his quarters and Dornoch, their meeting 
was to be as soon as they conld perceive daylight ; so that 
his lordship got not two hours rest before he rose, and, 
notwithstanding the two aforesaid gentlemen lay in the 
room with him, he went out and returned from the en- 
coonter without the knowledge of any one in the house, 
except John White his servant, who accompanied him. 
Munro came accompanied with his brother. They wei-e 
both well mounted ; each of the parties were to use one 
pistol, after discharging of which they were to decide the 
quarrel with broad swords. Their pistols were fired with- 
out doing any execution, and they made up to each other 
with their broadswords drawn. After a few passes his 
lordship had the good fortune to give Sir Oeoi^fe a sore 
stroke on the bridle-hand; whereupon Sir George cried 
out to his lordship that he was not able to command his 
horse, and he hoped he would allow him to fight on foot. 
My lord replied, ** You base carle I I will show you that I 
will match you either on foot or horseback." Then they 
both quitted their horses, and fUriously attacked each 
other on foot. At the very first bont the noble earl gave 
him so sore a stroke on the brow, about an inch above his 
eyes, that he could not see for the blood that issued fi'om 
the wound. His lordship was then Just going to thrust 
him through the body; but his man John White, forced up 
his sword, saying, " You have enough of him, my lord, you 
have got the better of him.'* His lordship was very angry 
with John, and in a great passion gave him a blow over 
the shoulder. He then took horse and came beck to his 
quarters. Munro came straight away to the head-quar- 
ten; and bis brother had much ado to get him conveyed 
there, by reason of the blooding both of his hand and 

The general being acquainted of this meeting, immedi- 
ately sent captain Ochtrie Campbell with a guard to secure 
the earl of Glencaim in his quarters ; which accordingly 
was done before six in the morning. The general had or- 
dered captain Campbell to take his lordship's sword from 
htm, and to commit him to arrest in his chamber, taking 
bis parole. This affair happened on Sunday morning. 

In the week ensuing, there fell out an accident which 
made the breach still wider betwixt his lordship and Munro. 
One captain Livingston, who came over with Monro, and a 
gentleman called James Lindsay, who came over with loM 
Napier, had some hot words together. Livingston al- 
ledged Munro was in the right, and Lindsay insisted in the 
contrary. They challenged each other, and went out early 
in the morning to the links of Dornoch, where, at the very 
first bout, Lindsay thrust his sword through Livingston's 
heart, so that in a short time he expired. Lindsay was 
immediately after mifortunately taken ; which when lord 
Glencaim heard, he dealt very earnestly with the general, 
and caused other officers to do the same for Lindsay's i-o- 
lease ; but nothing could prevail with him : he immedi- 
ately called a council of war, who gave sentence that 
Lindsay should be shot to death at the cross of Dornoch, 
before four that afternoon, which was accordingly done. 
Lord Glencaim was exceedingly troubled at this gentle- 
man's death : but all this must be done, forsooth, to please 
Sir Ocoi^e. Lord Glencairn took care that nothing should 
be wanting for burying tliis unfoi-tunate gentleman with 
decency : and as there was no prospect of making up the 
breach which gave occasion to this mischief, his lordship, 
on that day fortnight after his encounter with Munro, 
marched away for the south country. He was accompanied 
with none other save his own troop, and some gentlemen 
volunteers that were waiting for command. They were 
not in all a hundred horse. We marched straight for the 
aird of Assint's bounds. When the general had notice of 

our departure, he sent a strong party to bring us back, or 
otherwise to fight us. When his lordship had got safely 
to Assint, the laird thereof came to him, and offered to 
serve him, promising to secure the passes, so that the 
whole army should not be able to reach him that night, 
though they were to come in pursuit of him. His lordship 
was under the necessity of accepting this offer, though it 
was said that this very gentleman had betrayed and de- 
livered up the great Montrose ; yet most part believed that 
it was his father-in-law who betrayed that great nobleman, 
and not himself, who was young at that time. 

The next day his lordship marched to Kintail, where he 
was very genteely received by the gentleman who com- 
manded there for loi-d Seafoith, to whom the house be- 
longed. Here he stayed some days to refresh both men 
and horses ; from that he marched to Lochbroom ; from 
Lochbroom to Lochaber ; from thence to Lochrannoch ; 
thence to the head of Loch Tay, to a church town called 
Killinn. He rested here for the space of ten days, till Sir 
George Maxwell came and Joined him with near an hun- 
dred horsemen. 

Earl William of Sdkh-k also Joined him with sixty horse- 
men ; and lord Forrester, with little major Strachan, and 
one who went under the name of captain Gordon ; they 
brought with them about eighty horsemen. This Gordon 
was an Englishman — his real name was Portugus — he was 
hanged at the cross of Edinburgh after our capitulation, 
for running away from them with several troopers that he 
had persuaded to follow him. There Joined us several 
more of our captains, and some of their men also. His 
lordsliip finding, that by the addition of these noblemen 
and gentlemen, with their ti'oopers, his numbers were in- 
creased to near 400 horsemen, he thought it proper to send 
them to general Middleton, that so they might not be 
wanting in their duty to the king's service where occasion 
might offer. Accordingly they went and Joined the general.* 
Lord Glencaim contracted a violent flux, by which he was 
in great danger, so that we all thought he would have died. 
This obliged us to make but short Journeys. There were 
none with him but a few gentlemen and his own sei'vants. 
We came at last to Leven, and staid at the castle of Rose- 
doe, belonging to the laird of Luss. His lordship was still 
careful in sending officers to different places, to levy men 
out of the Lowlands ; and, within a month's time, he had 
got together about two hundred horse. 

We had left Middleton, the general, in Sutherland, in 
the month of April, toward the latter end thereof ; he im- 
mediately after marched to Caithness, where he expected 
more forces to Join him, both from lord Seaforth and lord 
Reay, as also others, which Munro assured him of ; but he 
was disappointed of them all. 

He then marched towards the south country to avoid 
general Monk, who now had the command in Scotland, and 
had ordered Morgan to mai'ch with what fbrces could he 
spared out of the garrisons. Monk marched his army 
north, and Joined Morgan in the shire of Aberdeen. They 
then marched to the Highlands, but in different bodies, 
yet so as they should always be within a day's march of 
each other. 

Middleton, with the king's army, came to the side of 
Lochgarie, where, at a small village, he was resolved to 
encamp all night ; but Morgan, by his good fortune, reached 
the same place before the king's army, who had no intelli- 
gence where their eriCmies were, till the van-guard was 
fired upon by Morgan's outer guard. The English troop 
were the van of the king's army : there was no ground 
there on which they could draw up ; for on the one hand 
was the loch, and on the other it was so marshy, that no 
horse was able to ride it ; and on the way by the loch, two 
or three at most were all that could lide a-brcast. The 
general Middleton finding this, ordered the army to face 
about ; so that the van, who were the English gentlemen, 
became the rear. They behaved themselves very gal- 
lantly, but were very hard pressed by Morgan, who fell 
upon the general's baggage, where was his commission and 
all his papers. 

Morgan pursued so hotly, that at last he obliged Middle- 
ton s army to run as fast as they could. There was no 
great slaughter; for, before they had passed the loch, 



night came on. Every man then shifted for himself, and 
went where he beat liked. The general went oflf with a 
few ; where he went to I can give no account ; only he no 
more took the field, but shortly went over to hi3 majesty 
in Flanders. 

Many of the earl of Glencaim's men who had been at 
Lochgarie, came and offered their services to him at Rose- 
doe : but he said to them, " Gentlemen, I see the king's 
interest in Scotland is now broken, the king's army being 
BO shamefully lost as it hath been : and as I am now in a 
very bad state of health, I am resolved to capitulate with 
tUo enemy, for myself and those that are with me ; and, if 
you please, you shall be included in the capitulation. Con- 
sider of this, gentlemen, and give me your answer to-mor- 
row, that I may know for how many I am to capitulate ; 
in the mean time you may go to the quarters I have ap- 
pointed for you.'* 

The officers the next day waited on his lordship, and 
told him, that as they had at first Joined him to serve the 
king, and as they understood from him, that they could 
not at present do his msjesty any service, they were all 
willing to accept of whatever terms his lordship should 
make for them. 

His lordship immediately sent commissioners to capitu- 
late with Monk, who at that time resided at Dalkeith ; and 
it was a full month before the business was closed. The 
treaty was once entirely broken off; on which his lordship, 
who was informed that a party of horse and dragoons were 
quartered in Dunbarton, resolved to beat up their quar- 
ters. We bad an outer guard at a ford within four miles 
of Dunbarton, which we kept in possession during the 
month that we Uy in those parts. My lord ordered two 
hundred of his best horse, under the command of Sir 
George MaxweU of Newark, his lieutenant-oolonel, to cross 
the river where the said outer guard was, and, as soon as 
he should cross, to ride on at a gallop to the town. This 
was to be done about one in the afternoon, when the ene- 
my were Judged to be at dinner. This was accordingly 
done to good purpose : those of the enemy that could, fled 
to the castle ; between thirty and forty of them were killed, 
and above twenty were made prisoners. 

All the horses belonging to both horsemen and dragoons 
were taken : we likewise brought away with ua two hun- 
dred loads of com out of the town. 

As soon aa the news of this defeat came to general 
Monk's knowledge, he immediately brought on the capitu- 
lation again ; which was soon happily concluded on, and 
he agreed to much more /avonrablo terms than before this 
he would condescend to grant. 

The conditions were, that aU the officers and soldiers 
should be indemnified as to their Uves and fortunes, and 
that they should have passes delivered to each to secure 
^eir safety in travelling through the country to their own 
respective homes, they doing nothing prejudicial to the 
present government. The officers were to be allowed all 
thehr horses and arms, to be disposed of as they pleased ; 
they were abo to have the Uberty of wearing their swords 
when they travelled through the country. The common 
soldiera were allowed to sell their horses ; they were 
obliged to deUver up their arms, but it was ordained that 
they were to receive the full value for them, as it should 
be fixed by two officers of lord Gloncaim's, and two of 
general Monk's. All which particulars were punctually 
performed by the general Two long tables were placed 
upon the green below the casUe, at whicli all the men re- 
ceived their passes, and the common soldiers the money 
for their arms. 

This happened upon the 4th day of September. 1654. 
The earl of Glencairn that same night crossed the water, 
and came to his own house of Finlayston. 

From this period till the death of Cromwell, 
Scotland continued in comparative repose. So 
great was the sway of the Protector, and so 
tiioroughly divided the country — with justice 
at the same time, well administered — that the 
people seemed happy to find themselves under 

a power superior to the factions by which they had 
suffered. It is evident that the Scots never re- 
garded Cromwell in the light of a conqueror ; and 
we think that Hume does injustice to Scotland in 
representing her as subjected to a foreign yoke. He 
might as well say that England herself had been 
conquered. It was a civil war from beginning to 
end. * Though the majority in Scotland were Pres- 
byterian, there were many tinged with Puritanism ; 
and while the nation at large was split into fac- 
tions, which, as we have seen, no emergency could 
induce to coalesce, there were not a few inclined 
for republicanism. Neither was Cromwell per- 
sonally odious to the Scots, being himself allied by 
blood to the country. His mother — whose name* 
was Stuart, and distantly related, it is said, to the 
royal family — ^was of Scottish birth. Rosyth castle, 
where h^ ancestors resided, still stands on the north 
side of the Firth of Forth, a short distance above 
Queensferry.t The government of Cromwell, too, 
was vnthal so judicious, tbat it went far to recon- 
cile many to his sway who were at first violently 
opposed to him. In his celebrated act of g^race, 
those only who had been roost resolute in their op- 
position to him were omitted. Amongst these, 
connected with Ayrshire, were John, Earl of Craw- 
fVurd-Lindsay ; the Earl of Loudoun ; Lord Mauch- 
line ; Lord Montgomerie ; Lord Bargany ; and 
the Earl of Glencairn. Their respective ladies, 
however, were allowed yearly pensions from the 
revenues of the forfeited estates : the Countess of 
Crawford, £400 ; the Countess of Loudoun, £400 ; 
and Lady Bargany, £200. Amongst the noble- 
men and gentlemen permitted to manage thdr own 
properties on payment of certain fines were. Lord 
Cochrane, who paid £5000 ; and Lord Boyd, who 
paid £1500. Though matters went on smoothly 
for some time, it was apparent that the authority 
of Cromwell rested on a very precarious footing ; 
and that the public mind was gradually preparing 
for a change. Indeed, it is questionable whether 
he would have been able to have maintiuned his 
position for any length of time. Certain it b that 
the danger to which his government was exposed, 
and the anxiety which it occasioned him, was the 
means of hastening his dissolution. When his 
death occurred — on the 3d September, 1558 — his 
son Richard, as is well known, was proclaimed 
successor; but a strong party were favourable 

* From the sonion books of Ayr it appears that a num- 
ber of Scotsmen were amongst the Cromwellian troops who 
occupied the fortress. 

f This fact has been questioned — and Noble, who writes 
a life of Cromwell, tneea the descent of his mother from 
a family of the name of Steward, in Huntingdonshire. 
Our authority Is Lord Hailes, whose general accuracy ia 
oniversally admitted. Tradition, besides, supports the 
statement in a manner whleh shows that there must bav« 
been good foundation for it. 



to the restoration of the exiled race. General 
Monk, who held the command of the army in 
Scotland daring the Protectorate, had endeared 
himself much to the nation, and seemed favour- 
able to the project ; but, as caution was necessary, 
he allowed a considerable time to elapse before de- 
claring himself. So great, indeed, was his pro- 
crastination and hesitation, that the patience of the 
Scots was well nigh exhausted. According to 
Wodrow, when " Monk returned from his first pro- 
jected march into England, Mr Douglas [minister] 
met him, and engaged him again in the attempt ; 
and when, at London, the general appeared to him 
slow in his measures for the king's restoration, 
he wrote him a very pressing letter, plunly telling 
him ^ that if he lost time much longer, without de- 
claring for the king, there were a good number in 
Scotland, with their brethren in Ireland, ready to 
bring his mt^esty home without him.'' When 
Goieral Monk departed from Scotland with his 
army, leaving only a few small garrisons, he did so 
on the best possible terms.* It is true that, in 
consequence oi some royalist disturbances in Eng- 
land, consequent on the abdication of Richard, he 
had deemed it prudent to imprison several of the 
more prominent adherents of royalty in Scotland, 
amongst whom were the Earls of Eglinton, Glen- 
cairn, Loudoim, and Lord Montgomerie ; but mat- 
ters were not then ripe for the project of restora- 
tion, which was not finally effected tiU May, 1660 
— Charles 11. having been proclaimed at London 
on the 8th, and at Edinburgh on the 5th of that 
month. Amongst the party who went over to 
bring home his majesty were the Earls of Lauder- 
dale and Crawford, both of whom had been im- 
prisoned in the Tower during the previous ten years 
by Cromwell and the Rumps. The Cromwellian 
troops were withdrawn, and the citadels abandon- 
ed, in 1660 ; that of Ayr was given to the Earl of 
£glinton, in consideration of the great losses the 
family had sustained in the royal cause.t Next 
year the vessel, bringing back the records which 
had been taken away by Cromwell, was shipwreck- 
ed^ when eighty-five hogsheads of papers, including 
many important original documents, were lost. 

The Presbyterians — especially the Protesters — 
laboured bard to procure a recognition of the 
covenant as the basis of the king's restoration ; but 
the popular current in England ran too strong in 

* See hu speech in the Parliament House, 15th Xovem- 
ber, laSD. 

f Those noblemen who had snffered on account of royalty 
daring the Commonwealth were favoared by tho appoint- 
ment of a Commission durin]^ the sitting of Parliament 
in the following year, to inquire into their circumstances, 
with a view to ** grant ease and reduction to them of their 
annual rents,** &c. — Vide Commission by the Earl of 
JBglinton to his servitor, Robert Crawford^ to arrange 
woUh his creditors, Nov. 1661. 

favour of episcopacy ; and it was generally believed 
that Mr James Sharpe — ailerwards Bishop Sharpe 
— who was intrusted with the representation of, 
the church's affairs, had betrayed his commission. 
His letters to Mr Douglas show that he had either 
the good sense to perceive the hopelessness of ef- 
fecting any thing for presbytery, or that he had 
become the tool of the ascendant party. Though 
General Assemblies were prohibited during the 
Commonwealth, yet it is evident the church enjoy- 
ed the utmost liberty ; and debarred, by the strong 
arm of Cromwell, from interfering in matters of 
state, they had, in consequence, become much more 
efficient in the discharge of their pastoral duties. 
Sharpe professed that all he could obtain in behalf 
of the covenant was an assurance that the Church 
of Scotland, as established, would be preserved. 
The subsequent acceptance of a bishopric by Sharpe, 
laid him still more open to the charge of having 
betrayed the interests of the Presbyterians. On 
the restoration, one of our Ayrshire noblemen — 
the Earl of Glencaim — on account of hb sufferings 
and attachment to the royal eause, was made Lord 
High Chancellor.* 

The seizure of Argyle in London, and the ap- 
prehension of Lord Warriston and others in Scot- 
land, soon gave notice of the spirit by which 
the Government was actuated. Argyle, as we 
have seen, had been at the head of the more vio- 
lent presbyterians, by whose aid the way was 
greatly smoothed for the Protector in Scotland. 
The Earl of Glencaim, as Lord Chancellor, came 
to Edinburgh on the 22d August, 1660, where he 
was received with every demonstration of respect ; 
the government having been, by royal proclama- 
tion, placed in the hands of a committee of the 
estates until parliament should be assembled the 
following year. A party of remonstrators, at the 
head of which was Mr James Guthrie, met the 
same day in the capital, and penned a supplication 
to his majesty, expressive of their loyalty, and re- 
minding him of the covenant. They were actuated 
by a fear that designs were hatching against them, 
and were anxious that their non-protesting brethren 
should join thorn in their endeavours to meet the 
impending evil. For this purpose they had drawn 
up various papers, urging their brethren to meet 
in Glasgow in September. Intelligence of their 
proceedings having reached the Committee of 
Estates, the party were immediately seized, their 
papers arrested, and themselves thrown into prison 
as fomenters of discord. Next day followed a 
proclamation from the committee, forbidding ** all 
unlawful and unwarrantable meetings and conven- 

* He waa also, by patent dated 4th October, 1660, made 
principal SherifT of Ayrshire, as well as head Bailie of 
Kyle-Stewoit, for life. 



tides, in any place within his majesty's kingdom 
of Scotland, without his majesty's special authority " 
— ^prohibiting, at the same time, ^* all seditious pe- 
titions and remonstrances." This was no doubt 
a bold and arbitrary step; but, considering the 
serious events which had resulted from sectarian 
contentions during the past twenty years, it is 
scarcely to be wondered that the government of 
the newly-restored monarchy were jealous of popu- 
lar movements. The protesters — as they were 
called, in opposition to the more moderate presby- 
terians — ^might have reason to fear the duplicity of 
Sharpe, and that serious measures were contemplat- 
ed for the suppression of presbytery altogether ; but 
it was injudicious, to say the least of their conduct, 
to anticipate the intentions of the government ere 
the monarch had well set foot upon his throne. 
By so doing they laid themselves open to accusa- 
tion, and gave the government an excuse for sever- 
ity. Upon the authority of the proclamation, vari- 
ous parties known to have favoured the usurper, or 
to have **a warm side** to the remonstrance and 
prot<estation, were apprehended, and liberated only 
on giving bond for their loyal conduct. The first 
parliament after the restoration was convened on 
the 1st of January, 1661 — the Earl of Middleton, 
commissioner. Much influence had been used in 
the elections to procure returns favourable to the 
views of the government. So well had this been 
accomplished, that only three members — ^the Earls 
of Cassillis and MelviDe, and the Laird of Kilbir- 
nie — ^refused to take the new oath of allegiance, 
which declared the king's supremacy over **all 
persons and in all cases." They accordingly with- 
drew.* This was followed by a series of enact- 
ments — under colour of protecting the crown 
— which completely undermined the covenant, 
and fully established the supi'eme prerogatives 
of monarchy. The "Lords of the Articles" were 
first appointed in this parliament. The Earl of 
Dumfries was one of the nobles; and amongst 
the burghs, Ayr was represented by William Cun- 
inghame. When the act rescissory (rescinding 
the enactments of former parliaments) was brought 
in by the Lords of the Articles, the Earl of Lou- 
doun " made a long and elegant speech, vindicating 
himself from the aspersions in the narrative of that 
act, and setting the affairs of that period in a just 
light."t By this parliament the way for the esta- 
blishment of prelacy was well cleared. All the 
statutes passed during the civil wars, including 
those by which the church was established, were 
rescinded. The proceedings, however, were not 
allowed to go unnoticed by the Covenanters. 

* Cassillis was declared, by act of Pailiamont, incapable 
of filling any public office in future. 

f Wodi'ow. 

Amongst the boldest assailants of the government 
was the famous Mr William Guthrie, minister of 
Fenwick, in Ayrshire. The freedom with which 
he spoke out, « together with the excellency of his 
preaching gift " — says a contemporary quoted by 
Wodrow — ^** did so recommend him to the affec- 
tions of the people, that they turned the corn field 
of his glebe into a little town, every one building 
a house for his family upon it, that they might live 
under the drop of his ordinances and ministry." 
The synods also took up the matter ; and^ foresee- 
ing the downfal of the covenant, remonstrated with 
the government, petitioning that the acts of former 
parliaments, in reference to the church, might be 
either ratified or re-enacted. These, however, re- 
ceived little countenance; and the meetings of 
synods were prohibited by the direct intervention 
of the civil power. It is easy to comprehend why 
the newly restored government of Charles II. should 
have been jealous of presbytery, and of the cove- 
nant. It was through their agency that the tide 
of civil war was first rolled against monarchy ; and 
he knew enough of the spirit by which it was ac- 
tuated to render him anxious to destroy its power 
for ever. But though there can be no doubt that 
the king, both from personal feeling and an idea 
of greater security, was anxious to discountenance 
presbytco-ianism, there is as little doubt that his 
views were exceeded by the executive to whom 
his Scottish affairs were entrusted. There is too 
much reason to believe, too, that by carrying meas- 
ures strongly i^ainst the presbyterians, they were 
consulting their own schemes of appropriation. 
The apprehension and execution of Argyle was an 
example of this. It was true that he had been 
the chief leader and head of the more rigid of the 
covenanters — ^had opposed Montrose and Hamilton 
in their attempts to serve the royal cause ; and it 
is not at all clear but that he favoured the views 
of the commonwealth, by aiding Cromwell in the 
pacification of Scotland. But, on the other hand, 
it certainly was invidious, while a general amnesty 
was conceded to England, to select Argyle as an 
object of punishment. The presbyterians saw in 
his conviction a blow levelled at the church ; which, 
and it is not wondeiful, excited the highest feelings 
of distrust. If the presbyterians were restless and 
discontented on the one side, the government was 
unjust and partial on the other. The execution of 
Mr James Guthrie, one of the ministers of Stir- 
ling — who was, amongst other charges, indicted 
for protesting, at Perth, in 1651, against the jims- 
diction of the king and his government, except in 
civil matters — together with Captain Goven, a 
person of no distinction, plainly showed the spirit 
of hostility with which government were deter- 
mined to carry on the business of the country. 
The great offence urged against the remonstrants 



was their compliance with the English. War- 
riston and Swinton were accused of maintaining 
a correspondence with Cromwell after the battle 
of Dunbar — Swinton having actually fought on 
the side of the English at Worcester, and Gil- 
lespie confessed to have courted the protector. 
Another thing which encouraged the government 
in their designs against presbjterianism, was the 
schism which prevailed in the church — ^the re- 
soltttioners and the protesters, or remonstrants, 
still continuing in disunion, gave room for Sharpe 
and others to say that the moderate party were 
favourable to episcopacy. 

But it is not our province to trace the history 
of the Scottish church. We can only glance at 
events as they happen to be connected with Ayr- 
shire. Episcopacy was proclaimed in 1662 — the 
Earl of Qlencaim taking an active part in its esta- 
blishment. The burghs, at the same time, were 
ordered to elect none as mag^trates who were of 
fanactical principles, or suspected of disloyalty — 
a command which was pretty generally obeyed. 
Ayr and Irvine, however, became obnoxious from 
their opposition. In 1664 they were directed to 
choose quite different magistrates from those who 
bad refused to make the declaration exacted from 
all who held public trust. During the spring of 
1663, about two-thirds of the churches in the west 
had been deprived of their ministers, under the 
operation of what was called the Glasgow act.* 
The difficulty experienced in supplying the churches, 
and the disturbances occasioned thereby, are mat- 
ters of history. A series of letters between Alex- 
ander Burnet, Archbishop of Glasgow and the 
Earl of Eglinton, at this period,t show the extreme 
anxiety of that ecclesiastic, amidst the opposition 
against which he had to contend, in the perform- 
ance of his duty. We shall quote one or two of 
the more interesting. The following is the first 
which has fallen into our hands : — 

'* My deare Lord, 

*' Since I had the honour to get yon'r Lo. last, I 
hATe had a very bad account of your friends and Tassalls 
at Draighome ; and must say (if it be as the report goes) 
they deserve to be made examples to others. I like it the 
vorse that the minister hath not yett beene with me to 
giue ane account of their obedience, as ho promised ; and 
I am credibly informed by others that the young man is 
under a great consternation, and much discouraged, and 
resolves rather to remoue then complain. However, I 
shall not say much till I receave a more exact account of 
all. Only I thought it my duety to acquaint your Lo. with 
what I heard before I tooke any other course ; and to en- 
treate your Lo. to consider of what eonsoquence it may be 
to have it reported that persons in whom your Lo. is in- 
terested, and for whom you have undertaken, should so 
transgresse and affront the laws ; and how much it will 
reflect upon me to winke at yor. Lo.'s friends and rela- 

* Aeeording to Wodrow, of the fifty-seven ministers in 
the Presbyteries of Ayr and Irvine, thirty were " outed" 
in 1668. More, however, were expelled in 1666-7, and in 

f Found amongst the Family Papers at Auchans. 

tions, when vthers for lesser offences are severely proceeded 
against. I am bound for many reasons to tender your 
I^o.^s honour more than others, which makes me use this 
freedome with your Lo. ; and shall never be wanting to 
give you the most ample testimonial I can of that respect 
which is duo to you, from 

My Lord, 
Tour very humble and faith- 
" Glasgow, Aug. 11th, " full servant, 

"1664. "Alex. Glascuen." 

The Earl of Eglinton replied with spirit as fol- 
lows : — 

" May it please your Grace, 

** I roceaved yors of the 11th instant, and though it 
be trew (as yor. Lop. sayes) the report goes tliat my fi-einds 
and vassllls in dreghome are guilty of that hinons breatch 
of the Laws, yett I hop' I haue not giuen so litell ore bad 
proof of my forward afectionetnes to his maties. service, 
or the church government, as that ther is ground given in 
the liest to charge ther fault upoun me ; ffor the evidence 
yor. Lop. gives of that people's disobedience, qch. is 
ye minister you sent them hes not keip his promise in 
coming to giue yor. Lop. ane acompt, I doe not sie a 
worss; and of this consequence, and I suposo vpon search, 
it shall be found that that minister hath bein more flrom 
his people, since I had the honor to see yor. Lop. last, 
then they haue been from him ; and though yor. Lop. be 
pleased to say I undertook for them, I am confident yor. 
Lop. means noe more but a wndertaking in my station to 
sie ye law put in execution against such as should be found 
delinquents. And, my Lord, if I be rightly informed, thes 
of dr^hom are neither amongst the chief transgressors, 
nor amongst thes who haue mett with the gretest leanitie. 
Only, I confess, a few of them are my tenants ; but if by 
that severer dealing, which yor. Lop. sayes others have mett 
with, yor. Lop. doe mean my tennants in Sgilsham and 
Eastwood (who wanted a minister), who were, upon Sun- 
day last, kiep wthin the church doors by a party of sol- 
diurs, with muskitts and fyred matches, f^om ten in ye 
morning to six of the clok at night, many of them baiten 
and all of them sore afrighted, I shall remitt it to yor. 
Lop.*B consideration whither the Law or gospill does most 
warand this practiss ; and shall wish more tender usadge 
towards the relations off, 

"My Lord, Ac." 
" Montgomeriestonn, 
** 17th August, 1664." 

The remainder of the correspondence refers chiefly 
to the presentation of incumbents, in which the earl 
shows considerable judgment in selecting suitable 
parties. All the efforts, however^ of the digni- 
taries of the Church, or the patronsfcould not over- 
come the deep-rooted principle of presbyterianism. 
Writing to his Lordship on the 29th September, 
1666, the Bishop says — *^ Our ministers meet with 
so many discouragements and difficulties that many 
of them begin to despaire of remedy." At lengfth 
the persecution to which the non-complying clergy 
were subjected, and the heavy fines levied from 
their adherents, produced open resistance. Though 
the rising had its origin in Kirkcudbrightshire and 
Dumfriesshire, where Sir James Turner, a soldier 
of fortune, was employed in levying the fines im- 
posed on the non-conformists, yet the greater por- 
tion of the men and money ultimately engaged in 
it were funushed by Ayrshire. 

** At Mauchline Muir, where they were reviewed, 
Ten thousand men in armour showed." 

So says the ballad of RuUien Oreen, as given in 



the " Minstrelsy of the Border. " But the rhymster 
y^as no friend to the Whigs ; and he seems to have 
taken a poet's license as to facts. The insurgent 
force never amounted to more than three thousand 
men, in place of ten thousand ; and the host of the 
Covenanters was not reviewed at all on Mauchline 
Muir. Colonel Wallace, who commanded it, halted 
there, to be sure, on his way from Edinburgh — 
where he was residing when the rising commenced 
— to the west country, with a small party he had 
collected in his progress, to put himself at the head 
of the main body. On arriving at Ayr, Colond 
Wallace found the Covenanters, who had previously 
been billeted in the town,'encamped near the Bridge 
a£ Doon. Neither history nor tradition mentions 
the precise spot of encampment ; but it was, in all 
likelihood, upon the rising ground at the east end 
of Newark Hill, where a large flat stone lies as a 
memorial, it is said, of the people having there as- 
sembled to witness the destruction of one of the 
ships of the Spanish Armada. A stronger position 
could not have been selected. Almost inmiediately 
on the arrival of Colonel Wallace, the resolution 
was adopted of moving eastwards towards the 
capital. From the prostrate and dispirited state 
of the country at the time, and the hurried and in- 
considerate nature of the movement, the friends of 
the cause did not rally round the standard of the 
Covenant in such numbers, and with the alacrity 
expected. A vast accession of strength, however, 
was calculated upon in their progress eastward. 
The march was accordingly commenced on Wed- 
nesday, the 21st November. Aware that Dalziel, 
at the head of a conaderable body of cavah*y, had 
come as far as Glasgow to oppose them, the Co- 
venanters proceeded slowly notwithstanding, with 
the view of affording thdr friends ample opportu- 
nity to join them. The first night they halted not 
fiur from Gadgirth House, on the water of Ayr. 
Next day they moved on towards Ochiltree, on the 
road to which a rendezvous had been appointed, 
where they met a party of friends from Cuning- 
hame. * While assembling in the field appropriated 
for the purpose, they had sermon from Mr Ga- 
briel Semple. The principal body thereafter 
marched into Ochiltree— a portion of the cavalry 
keeping guard without the town. The ofiicers 
were quartered in the house of Sir John Cochrane, 
who was friendly to the cause. Their welcome, 
however, was somewhat cold, Sir John not being 
at home--and the lady^ as stated by Colonel Wal- 
lace, professed not to << see their call." From thence 

* Wodrow gives a curious account of a meeting of cer- 
tain gentlemen of Cuninghame and Renfrewshire, who in- 
tended to have Joined Wallace. They were, however, taken 
prisoners, and had their estates confiscated. The place of 
meeting was at Chltterflat, in the parish of Beith. A 
narrative of this affair will appear more appropriately in 
the account of that parish. 

the Covenanters directed their course by Cum- 
nock, Muirkirk, Douglas, Lanark— M;heir numbers 
increasing so slowly that it was deliberated whether 
the enterprise should not be abandoned. They re- 
solved, however, still to persevere, in defiance of 
every discouragement. Between Lanark and Col- 
linton, which village is within a few miles of Edin- 
burgh, the little army of Colonel Wallace, from 
the severity of the weather and the privations to 
which they were subjected, had diminished almost 
to a third. Disheartened — ^for their friends did 
not turn out as- they were led to hope— -and suiSTer- 
ing from fatigue, they were by no means in a fit 
condition to face an enemy. They were not only 
ill armed and undisciplined, but ill officered—- 
there not being above five officers amongst them 
who had been in the army. Wallace, however, 
was himself a soldier of indomitable resolution, and 
no small capacity as a commander. Learning that 
Dalziel, with his troops, was immediately in the 
rear, he diverged from the noain road to Edinburgh 
towards the Pentiand HlUs, where he drew up his 
ill-conditioned army in order of batUe, and awaited 
the approach of the king's forces. The cavalry 
were divided into two sections — the one on the 
right, and the other on the left of the infantry — 
which was a heterogenous, half-armed mass. The 
whole did not amount to more than 900 men ; 
while the well-equipped force under Dalziel is said 
to have numbered about 3000. Dalziel attempted 
to turn the left wing of the Covenanters, but he was 
gallantly repulsed ; and had Wallace at that moment 
possessed forces sufficient to have taken advantage 
of the confusion which ensued, the batUe might 
have been his own. A similar attempt on the right 
viring was repulsed with equal bravery ; but a third 
onset, directed against the body of foot in the centre, 
proved decisive of the day. They were thrown 
into irretrievable confusion, and the battle became 
a rout. Colonel Wallace escaped unpursued from 
the field, and afterwards found his way to the Con- 
tinent. He died at Rotterdam, in 1678, one of the 
most esteemed, perhaps, of all the Scottish exiles 
of that time. Colonel Wallace had adopted the 
military profession at an early period of his life. 
He distinguished himself in the parliamentary army 
during the civil war, in which he rose to the rank 
of Lieut. -Colonel. He served in the Marquis of 
Argyle's regiment in Ireland from 1642 till 1645, 
when he was recalled to aid in opposing Montrose, 
by whom he was taken prisoner at the battle of 
Kilsyth. In 1650, when Charles II. came from 
the Continent at the entreaty of the Scottish par- 
liament, two regiments being ordered to be em- 
bodied of " the choicest of the army, and fitted for 
that trust," one of horse and another of foot, as his 
body guards, Wallace was appointed Lieut.-Colonel 
of the foot regiment, under Lord Lorn, who was 



Colond. Sir James Balfour, Lord Ljon King at 
Armsy by his Majesty's command, set down the 
devices upon the ensigns and colours of these regi- 
ments. Those of the Lieut. -Colonel [Wallace] 
were azure, a unicorn argent, and on the other 
side, in ** grate gold letters," these words, ** Coven- 
ant for religion. Ring and Kingdoms." At the 
battle of Dunbar, Wallace was again made prisoner. 
He obtained his freedom, however, in the end of 
that year. From the Restoration in 1660, he 
seems to have lived in retirement, until November, 
1666, when he headed the Covenanters at Pent- 
land. Colonel Wallace possessed the estate of 
Aucbans, the mansion-house of which, now in 
ruins, is situated in the vicinity of Dnndonald Cas- 
tle. His family were a branch of the Wallaces of 
Craigie. He was the last of the name that owned 
that property, having disposed of it, before his 
engaging in the insurrection, to his relative Sir 
William Cochrane of Cowdon, the progenitor of 
the Lords of Dundonald. The piurties against 
whom the doom of forfeiture was pronounced by 
act of Parliament in 1669, as participators in the 
outbreak, were^— ^ CoUonell James Wallace, Joseph 

Lermonth, M*Clellane of Barscobe, Mr John 

Welsh, master James Smith, Patrick Listoun in 
Calder, William Listoun his son, William Porter- 
fidd of Quarreltoun, William Mure of Caldwell, 
Caldwell, eldest son to the goodman of Cald- 
well, Robert Ker of Kersland, Mr John Cuning- 
hame of Bedlan, Alexander Porterfield, brother to 
Quarreltoun, John Maxwell of Monreith younger, 

M'Clellan of Belmagachan, Mr Gabriell 

Semple, Mr Johne Guthrie, Mr Alexander Pedan, 
Mr William Yeitch, Mr Johne Crookshanks, and 
Patrick M'Naught in Cumnock.'* 

The ill-matured and unfortunate rising of Pent- 
land was followed by a series of measures for the 
better enforcement of episcopacy, and the total 
subjection of that non-conforming spirit which, in 
defiance of every infliction, continued to animate 
the people. Several executions took place, and a 
justiciary commission having been sent into the 
west country, a number sniFered at Ayr and Ir- 
vine, as well as at their own habitations The 
prisoners tried at Ayr were — according to Sam- 
son's Riddle — ^*<John Oner, in Fairmarkland ; 
John Grahame, servant to John Gordone, in Mid- 
tone of Old Clachane; Alexander M*Millane, in 
Montdroohate ; George McCartney, in Blacket; 
John Shorte, in the parish of Dairy; Cornelius 
Anderson, taylor in Ayr ; James Blackwood, ser^ 
vant to John Brown, in flnwick parish ; William 
Welsh, in the parish of Kirkpatrick ; John M'Caul, 
son to John M'Caul in Carsphaime ; James Mure- 
head, in the parish of Irongray.*' So unjust was 
the sentence conadered, that, before the day of 
execution, the hangman fled from the town ; and 


the authorities endeavoured in vain to find a sub- 
stitute. The executioner of Irvine — William 
Sutherland — ^was forcibly brought over; but he 
refused to perform the odious duty, although 
placed in the stocks and threatened to be shot. 
At leng^ one of the party — Comeiius Anderson 
— ^was prevjuled upon to undertake the execution 
of his fellows, on condition that his own life should 
be saved. Even he, Wodrow states, would have 
refnsed at the last, had he not been kept in a state 
of partial intoxication until the day of execution 
was over. The authorities also compelled him to 
execute the two prisoners at Irvine. Anderson's 
conscience so tormented him, however, that he died 
in a few days thereafter. Dalziel, who was at the 
head of the military, fixed his quarters at Kilmar- 
nock — ^<' where he thrust into a low, damp, con- 
fined dungeon, known by the name of the Thieves' 
Hole, so many prisoners that they were unable to 
sit or lie, night or day."* 

From this period till the Revolution, Ayrshire 
had a full share of those evils which flowed from 
the determination of the government to supplant 
presbyterianism. Nor did the indulgence granted 
by the crown, with a view to a more conciliatory 
course, prove at all acceptable. Conventicles con- 
tinued to be held throughout the county, in de- 
fiance of the strongest laws passed against them; 
and the most severe privations were endured rather 
than submit to what was considered an undue in- 
terference with the civil and reli^ous privileges 
of the people. Lochgoyn, a retired spot in the 
muir of £agleshame,t was a noted resort of the 
proscribed covenanters. 

On the disbanding of the army in 1668— occa- 
sioned by the ill success of the Dutch war, and the 
consequent emptiness of the treasury — their place 
was supplied by a militia. The proportion for Ayr- 
shire and Renfrewshire amounted to 1333 foot and 
176 horse ; but conceiving that cavalry would be 
of more service than infantry, the king, with ad- 
vice of the privy council, dispensed with the foot 
on condition that sixty-four horsemen should be 
added to the number originally proposed. The fol- 
lowing is the commission for raising the troops:^ 

Cbaklu r. 

Charles, be the grace of god, King of great Brittand, 
fflrance and Lrcland, Defender of the faith — To all and sun- 
drie, our Leidges and subjects vhom it effeirs, greiting. 
ffoittssmuch aa "we, for the good add preservation of the 
peace of this our Ancient Kingdome, have thought ffltt to 
setle a militia within the same ; and whereas, be the twentie 
ffyft Act of our third session of pai-liament, Ther is ane 
certain number of Horse and ffoot Appointed for Each 
Shyre — And particullarlie for the shyres of Air and Ren- 
frew, on thousand, three hundred, thirtie three ffoot, and 
on hundred, seaventie and sex Horses ; And we finding 

* Aikman's History of Scotland. 

f Ifochgoyn, though on the borders of the two shires, is 
within the parish of Fenwicky in Ayrshire. 



That It may most conduce for our service that in place 
of the ffoot some moe horses be lifted, And Considering 
that the adding of sixtiefoore horses for the said shyres 
vill be ane suitable Burding to the number appointed be 
the sd Act, Constitute you — the Earle of Loudoun ; the 
Lord Montgomerie ; Lord Craygtoun ; Lord Cathcart ; the 
Lord Bargany ; the Lord Cochrane ; Sir James Dalrymple 
of Stoire ; Colonell James Montgomerie ; Sir Johne Coch- 
ran of Ochiltrie ; Johne Clialmers of Oadgirth ; Sir Johne 
Dalrymple, younger of Stair; Sir Thomas Wallace of 
Craigie ; William Cuninghame of Brownhill, late provost 
of Air; Knight of Adtoune, present provost of Air; the 
Laird of Blair ; the Laird of Eilbumie ; James Brisbane, 
yor. of Bishoptoun ; Mr Johne Cuninghame of Lambrugh- 
toun; Mr James Cuninghame, sheriffs depute of Air; 
Hamilton of Orange; Johne Boyle, yor. of Kelbnmie; 
david montgomerie of Langschaw ; Sir Robert Mont- 
gomeiie of SkelmorUe ; James Craufurd of Ardmillan ; 
Hr Thomas Kennedy of Beltersen ; Alexr. Kennedie of 
Craigie ; Johne Muir of Auchendraine ; Mackdveen, yor. 
of Grimit; Kennedy of Kirkmichell; James Richard of 
Barskimmine; Ronald Chalmers 6t Polwheme; Camp- 
bell of Shankstoun ; david Blair of Adamtoun ; Cunning- 
bam, yor. of Robtland ; Montfbrd of yt. ilk ; Kennedy of 
Knockdau ; Johne Cuninghame of Enter kin ; the Eaiie of 
Olencaime; the Lord Resse; Master of Cochran; Sir 
Archibald Stewart of Blackball ; the Laird of Ilowstoun ; 
Sir Qeoiige Maxwell, yor. of Newarke; Sir Johne Shaw, 
yor. of Grenane; James Dinlap of Househill; Gaven Walk- 
enshaw, yor. of yt ilk ; Archibald Stewart of Scotstoun ; 
Comelis Crauftird of Jordanhill ; ye young Laird of Bish- 
optoun ; Rob. Pollok of yt ilk ; ye Laird of CastlemUk ; Col. 
Alexr. Cochran ; Mr Hugh Montgomerie, Sheriff depute ; 
and ye Captainea, Liewtenants, and Cornells of ye troupes 
to be raised out of ye said shyres — To be our Comissioners 
for settling and ordering the militia of the said shyres of 
Air and Renfirew, and Buighs within the same. And to 
that effect we hereby Requir and Authorise yon to meet at 
L^ing, the Seventeinth day of September instant; and 
then and their To lift the number of two Hundred and 
ffonrtie Horses, to be In three several troups. Each troup 
consisting of threescor and ten. To be under the comand 
of the Earle of Eglingtoune, the Earle of Cassells, and the 
Master of Cochran ; and that the thietie horse Remaining, 
«lk are to be lifted out of the pairts of Renfrew nixt AJa- 
eent to Uie shyre of Dumbarton, be Reserved and not 
Joyned to any of the Rest of the salde troups until we de- 
elalr our pleasur Anent the militia of Dumbarton, to be 
a setled militia within the saides shyres ; with power to the 
■aides Comissioners to devyde themselves in tuo Committies 
for Uie more effectuall prosecution of our service ; and for 
doing any thing else for the ordering and disspossing of 
them, Conforme to the instiiictlons herewith sent of the 
dait of thir pits., qlk be the Lordes of our Counsell, or 
such other instructions as ye shall from tyme to time Re- 
ceive firom our CounselL Given under our signet, att Edr., 
the third day of September, and of our reign the twentie 

BiircLARa. RoTHss, cancell : 


W. DauMOXD. Caztusbss. 


Rot. Murbat. LiiiLnrBOOw. 

The measures adopted by Lauderdale on his re- 
turn to power, after a brief interval, about this 
time, were more severe than any that had previ- 
ously been attempted. Not content with render- 
ing field-preaching on the part of the ministers a 
capital offence, he required the proprietors to enter 
into a bond, holding themselves responsible for the 
attendance of their servants and domestics at con- 
venticles. This expedient was very generally re- 
sisted by the landholders, as alike unjust and im- 
practicable. A committee of the privy council was 
in consequence despatched to Ayr in February, 

1678, accompanied by a body of military, for the 
purpose of forcing the bonds. Forty horsemen 
were stationed at AUoway, one hundred and twenty 
foot and horse at Blairquhan, sixty at Banldm- 
ming, and the same number at Cessnock. The 
committee of the privy council remained from the 
7th February till the 16th of March,* during which 
period ''the noblemen and gentlemen*' were 
charged <<with lawburrows at his majestieB in- 
stance, and denounced." Amongst these was John, 
seventh Earl of Gaasillis. There were at the same 
time ** severall gentlemen of the schyre imprisoned 
at Air, and particularly the Laird of Grimat, young 
Knockdolian, Grange, Kennedie, Drimachrin elder, 
Knockdon yr., and severall others.' t ''Lauder- 
dale," says Hume, "enraged at this opposition^ 
endeavoured to break their spirit by expedients 
which were still more unusual and more arbitrary.'* 
An agreement was made with some of the High- 
land chiefs, by which about 8000 clansmen, besides 
the g^uards and Angusshire militia, were billeted 
over the west country, in March, 1678. Of these, 
1600 were quartered in Garrick alone, chiefly on 
the estates of the Earl of GassiUis. Wodrow has 
preserved " an account of the losses sustained by 
quartering, robbing, and spoiling of the soldiers, 
and by the Highland host." The loss, in the three 
districts of Ayrshure, amounted to £137,499, 6s. Od. 
Scots money. The Highland host, on their de- 
parture, were replaced by a body of five thousand 
government troopa-— one- half of whom were or- 
dered to traverse the country, and the other half 
put into garrison at Ayr, Lanark, and Kirkcud- 
bright. New judges were ^pointed, and the moat 
strict injunctions given to pursue and kill, if re- 
sisted, all who ftequented field meetings. The 
result of such tyranny among a high-spirited 
people might have been anticipated. Many of 
the soldiers, who fulfilled their duty in a manner 
worthy of a better cause, were attacked singly bj 
the peasantry and slain. The feeling of mutual 
hostility thus augmented, until brought to a climax 
by the assassination of Archbishop Sharpe, led to 
the memorable and often narrated affair of Drum- 
dog, where Glaverhouse, after leaving thirty of his 
dragoons upon the field, was himself indebted for 
safety to the fleetness of hb horse. The battle 
of Loudoun Hill, or Drumdog, was fought on 
Sabbath the 1st of June, 1679. The covenanters 
were headed by Sir Robert Hamilton of Preston, 
Balfour or Burley of Kinloch, and Haekston of 
Rathillet. Li connection with the battle, an in- 
teresting anecdote is related in the New StaiUticcU 
Account of Scotland — ^parish of Loudoun. When 
Gaptain Nisbet of Hardhill, who commanded the 
Loudoun troops at Bothwell, was on his way to 

* Ayr Town Council Reeordfl. 




Drumdog, on the morning of the battle, he, in 
paaring Darvel, induced John Morton, smith, to 
^accompany him to the field, where his brawny 
arm would find sufficient occupation. John fol- 
lowed Nisbet in the charge. A royal dragoon who 
was on the ground, entangled in the trappings of 
his. wounded horse, begged quarter from John, 
whose arm was uplifted to cut him down. The 
dragoon's life was spared, and he was led by the 
nnith as his prisoner to the camp of the covenant- 
ers. But the life which was spared on the field of 
battle was demanded by those who saw, in the 
royal party, not merely cruel persecutors, but idola- 
trous Amalekites, whom they were bound in duty 
to execute. The smith declared that sooner than 
give up his prisoner's life, he would forfeit his own ! 
The dragoon's life, thus defended by the powerful 
smith, was spared, but the smith was banished from 
the army as a disobedient soldier. The dragoon's 
sword is now in tlie possession of John Morton's 
representative, Andrew Qebbie in Dorvel." * 

The battle of Drumdog was followed by the 
equally well known affair of BothweU Brig, where 
the covenanters were again broken And dispersed. 
The want of unanimity, which is supposed to have 
been the chief cause of their defeat, led to a still 
wider breach amongst the Presbyterians. Oargill, 
and two brothers of the name of Cameron, headed 
a party who dlaclaimed all obedience to the king 
whatever. Conceiving that, by the cruelties in- 
flicted upon the people^ both before and subse- 
quently to Bothwell Brig, the monarch had invaded 
the rights of the subject in a roost unwarrantable 
manner, they drew up a bond declaring the king 
to have forfeited all claim to their alliance;, ex- 
presnng their determination, at the same time^ to 
use every endeavour to procure his dethronement. 
A small body of the Cameronians, as they were 
called, met at Sanquhar on the 22d of June, 1680. 
Intelligence of their proceedings having reached 
the ears of government, a proclamation was issued 
for the Apprdiension of ^e leaders, and parties 
of military wei'e despatched in all du*ections in 
pursuit of them. A body of Cameronians — about 
fifty in number — were overtaken by Bruce of 
^rlshall, at Aird s Moss, near Muirkirk, where an 
obstinate fight was sustained for some time ; but 
the Cameronians were ultimately overpowered. 
Mr Richard Cameron was killed on the spot; and 
Hackston of Rathillet, afterwards executed in the 
Grassmarket of Edinburgh, was taken prisoner. 
The country, meanwhile, was subjected to heavy 
losses by the firee-quartering and spoliation of the 
king's forces. The following statement, drawn up 
'^ for the information of the Earl of Eglinton," in 
1681, though limited to a single parish^* will give 
some idea of the manner in which the greater part 

* BiiglosluuiiQ, ill BsnfrewahinL 

of Ayrshire was treated. The paper explains it- 

Information of tbe qiurtring of his mttios. standing forces 
Binoe the rabeUioun at BotheUbridge, in the parish of 
Egibimo, belonging to the Earle of EgUntoun : — 

first, Captaine Slevart with his Troupe of dragons quar- 
tered four dayes with ane bunder and twentio horse, and 
payed nothing, in the year 1679. 

Secondiie, His maties. Lyfeguai-d. Tbe one halfe of them 
came and quartered four dayes, and Uicn the other halfe 
came ther, and stayed sex dayes more, which makes ton 
dayes in all. The number, with ther attendants, was 
about Two hundred and twentie horsse. 8ome few of 
them payed, hot the most pairt payed nothing. This 
was in the year 1679. 

Thirdlie, The Earlle of Hoome came with his wholle troupe^ 
and quartered Twentie eight dayes with ane hundi'eth 
horsse, maid up by the attendants, and payed notliing. 
In the year 1679. 

ffourthlle. Captain Inglish came with his Troupe of dragons, 
being about ane hundred horsse, with ther attendants, 
and quartred a moneth, and the two pairt of them payed 
nothing. This was in the year 1680. 

flyftlie, Tbe master of Boese's troupe, being threescore and 
ten in number, and quartrod fyftein dayes, and efter the 
sending of Twentie-four horsse to the Maims parish, re- 
mained with the rest of his Troupe Eightein dayes, and 
payed nothing from the begining to the end, bot many 
of them forced the people to give discharges by taking 
off these that first gave discharges, and bnrdhig others 
with them that wonld not grant disehaigea, and takfaig 
of the people's horsse to ryde throw the conntrie upon 
ther owne occasloons, and spoylling of them, ^is If 
this summer 1681. Sir Marck Garsse the Levtenant hei 
taken a n^eer and folle fTom a poore women, upon pre- 
tence that it belonged to one of tho rebells, which shall 
be maid apelr fftlse upon tryalL 

The Test Act, passed m 1681, gave great offence, 
even to many Episcopalians themselves, from the 
entire prostration of liberty which it involved. 
Meetings were held, and societies formed through- 
out various districts of the coimtry. The second 
general meeting was held at Priesthill, in the 
parish of Muirkirk, and the third at Ayr, on the 
15th March, 1682. At the latter of these it was 
proposed to send the Hon. Alexander Gordon of 
Earlstoun as a commissioner to " foreign nations," 
to represent the low state of the Reformed church 
in Scotland. Much opposition prevailed as to the 
propriety of the appointment ; and it was not till 
another assemblage had been convened at Tweeds- 
muir, in June following, that the resolution was 
adopted. Earlstoun, however, was apprehended, 
and continued in prison till the Revolution. The 
Test Act, notwithstanding these demonstrations of 
popular discontent, continued to be enfbrced vrith 
the utmost rigour — a proclamation having been 
issued that it diould be pressed upon all who were 
suspected of non-conformity. The Earl of Lou- 
doun, Dalrymple of Stair, and several other per- 
sons of distinction, who had become most obnoxious 
by their resistance, fled to the Continent. The 
venerabld Sir Hugh Campbell of Cessnock was 
! arraigned for abetting the rebellion of Bothwell 
Brig; but the witnesses failed in the proof.* 

* In 1685, however, sentences of forfeiture were passed 



In short, the majority of the proprietor of Ayr- 
shire were proceeded against, in some shape or 
other. The dittay brought against the ^* Re- 
bel Ileritors of Airshire" in 1681,* comprises 
the following names: — ^** Gilbert M*IlwTaith of 
dumorchie ; m*jarrow of Barr ; John m* jar- 
row of Baijerock ; Henry M'Jarrow of Altcalbanie; 
George M'clure of Bennan ; Uogh M'llwraith of 
Auchinflower; Robert Forgusson of Letterpine; 
■ Kennedy, yr. of Drumellan ; John Alexander, 
younger of Drumachrin ; John Whytfurd, son to 
the Laird of Blaquhan ; John Sloas of Dalcharoll ; 
Gilbert M'Adam of Cunrieneuk ; Robert Fullerton 

of Bennellis ; Allan Bowie, son to Bowie of 

Drumley ; James Galloway, yr. of Sheills ; James 
Aird, son to John Aird of &^nton ; Robt. Ni&bet, 

son to Nisbet of Thomhill and Greinholme ; 

M*micken, Kilintrean ; Kennedy, son 

to John Kennedy of Glenour; Adam Reid, por- 
tioner of Gasmilies ; John Wilson, fewar of Lind- 
sayhill; Richard Walker, fewar of Bangoor; 
Thomas M*jarrock of Penjarrock ; John M*jarrow 

of Altabouch ; Stewart, son to Stewart 

of Shawood ; John M'Xeill of Dachaim, CoUoneU; 

. Bume of ; and Carcath of Glendusle, 

prisoner." The rebels, as they were called, stood 
accused of << wounding and killing a souldier in 
Captun ■ company," on " the — day of Aprill, 

1679," and left another for dead. " Balfour of 
Kinloch, and David Hacketstoun of Rathilot," are 
mentioned as having been present, under the com- 
mand of Robert Hamilton, brother to the Laurd of 
Preston. The affair to which the dittay alludes 
must have occurred before the battle of Drumclog, 
which was fought on the first Sunday of June of 
that year. John, Lord Bargany, had been served 
with an ip*^i^jpp^*- for high treason in 1680 ; but, 
for want of proof, he was allowed his liberty, under 
security of &0»000 merks to stand his trial when 

Much bloodshed was the result of thb state of 
things. The society of Gameronians were parti- 
cularly marked out for punishment. The issuing 
of their famous << Apologetical Declaration," in 
which they abjured Charles Stewart, and declared 
their determination to treat all who shed their 
bloody or endeavoured to promote their extirpation, 
as enemies of God — a rather absurd threat in their 
prostrate condition — ^tended still more to inflame 
the executive. The assassination of several of the 
life-guards about this period — the perpetrators of 
whidi could not be discovered — greatly increased 
ih^ uneasiness. Wodrowt mentions as a fact-* 

both against Sir Hugh and Sir George, hia son. As they 
threw themselves on the mercy of the i^Mtft, their lives 
were spared. 

* BeojLS of A<!UoiiniaL 

f Wodr<Mr*s Analeota. 

which we could wish were unfounded, though the 
circumstances we hav^ been relating give consider- 
able countenance to it — ^that, following up their 
resolution to treat all as enemies to God who pro- 
moted their extirpation, the Gameronians enter- 
tained the design of massacring all the ministers in 
Ayrshire, who had taken advanti^e of the act of 
indulgence, in one night. Regarding these minis- 
ters — not without cause in some cases, we daresay 
— as informers against them, they of course fell 
within the doom pronounced agunst the promoters 
of their extirpation. Luckily, if the fact of their 
design be true, they were defeated in its execution. 
Wodrow thus narrates the story: — ^"February, 
1722. Mr Andrew Tate, minister of Carmunnock, 
tells me that he was fully informed and assured, 
that in the late times, ther was a dedg^ formed 
among some of the rigid and High-flying Gamer- 
onians, to assassinate the Indulged Ministers in the 
shire of Air, at their houses, in one night, by in- 
different partys. That this desyne was so far grone 
into, that it was i^proed to in a meedng of these 
wild people, where .... Nisbet, father of Mm 
Fairly, wife po Mr Ralph Fiurly in Glasgow, was 
present. He used to meet wiUi them formerly; 
but when he heard that proposal], his very hair 
stood, and he never more went to their meetings. 
That as soon as possible he got a hint of this con- 
veyed to my Lord Loudoun. When living at 
Mauchline, (I suppose it might be 1682 or [168]3) 
and informed him of the time it was designed. 
My Lord sent expresses to Mr Robert Millar aft 
Ochiltree, Mr James Vetch at Mauchline, and 
others in the neighbourhood that were indulged, 
and called them to his house that night, and several 
of them came. My informer was then in my Lord 
Loudoun's family, and had the account from the 
above-said Mr Nisbet."* 

The work of persecution did not cease with the 
death of Charles H. Under his successor, James 
VIL, who ascended the throne in 1686, many livee 
were sacrificed by the enforcement of the abjura- 
tion oath. In Ayrshire, the murder of John Brown, 
usually styled "the Christian carrier," was perhaps 
the most outrageous. But we will not enter into 
the sickening details of bloodshed. This has al- 
ready been often and amply done in the various 
works dedicated to the sctifferings of the martyrs. 
The unsuccessful attempts of Monmouth, Argyle, 
and other exiles, to free th^ native land from op« 
pression by an appeal to arms, tended rather to 
provoke than allay the persecution. In the ill- 
conducted expedition of Argyle was Sir John 
Cochrane of Ochiltree, who, taken prisoner and 
carried to London, remained in confinement till the 
Revolution. His estate was forfeited, but gifted to 

* This paragnpli is partiallj deleted in MS.— ilnolscto. 



his son William, through the mfluence of his con- 
nections — his wife being Lady Marj Bruce. At 
length, in 1687, from a desire to favour the Catho- 
lics, James granted toleration to dissenters. Of 
this indulgence most of the Presbyterian ministers 
took advantage. Renwick, the successor of Gar- 
gill, and bis followers, alone refused to do so. The 
leaning of the king towards Popery becoming daily 
more apparent, the long-portencUng storm at last 
burst upon his devoted head. In the Revolution 
of 1688, the inhabitants of Ayrshire very generally 
and joyfully coincided ; and never was proclama- 
tion more readily obeyed than the last one issued 
by that privy council, whose previous mandates had 
occasioned so much rapacity, ordering the Protes- 
tant inhabitants — ^in consequence of a reported 
attempt on the part of the Catholics, aided by a 
body of Irish and EngHsh, to restore the exiled 
monarch — to put themselves in a state of defence 
for secorii^ their religion. Ayrshire sent its fuU 
proportion of armed men to Edinburgh to protect 
the Convention of Estates. Amongst these were 
regiments raised and commanded by the Earl of 
Glencaim and Lord Bargany. On the 6th of 
April, 1689, there being no farther necessity for 
their presence, the forces from the western counties, 
after having been thanked for their services, were 
sent back to their respective localities. It is worthy 
of notice, that they refused all pecuniary reward, 
saying they came to save and serve their country, 
not to enrich themselves at the public expense. It 
was at the same time ordered ** that the inhabitants 
of the town of Ayr should be kept together till 
farther orders ;*'* and a supply of arms were de- 
posited in the principal towns of the west, to be 
ready in case of any invasion from Ireland. Fifteen 
hundred muskets, w^ith bandeliers and ^ match 
conform/* with thirty chests of ball and five hun- 
dred ''pycks," were delivered to the provost (Mure), 
to be kept in the burgh of Ayr for the use of the 
shire. An embargo was at the same time laid on 
all vessels tirading between Scotland and Ireland^ 
lest th^ might be seized by the friends of the 
abdicated monarch, and used for the transport of 

CHaverhouse having retired to the Highlands, 
with the view of raiang the clans in favour of 
James, the states found it necessary to make 
every preparation for resistance. Accordingly, 
on the 14th of May, of the same year» arms 
were ordered to be given to Lord Bargany, for the 
purpose of arming the people ; and on the 25th, in 
answer to a letter from the Earl of EgUnton, the 
convention resolved " that the heritors and fencible 
men, in the shire of Ayr, be instantly raised and 
commanded, in conformity to the appointment of 

* Town of Ayr Baoorcta. 

the estates." The levy of horse for the defence of 
the country was forty-four from the counties of 
Ayr and Renfrew. They were commanded by the 
Earl of Eglinton. The death of Claverhouse, 
which occurred subsequently at Killiecrankie, was 
followed by the subjection of the Highland dans 
generally to the rule of the new dynasty. The 
Earl of Stair was at this time at the head of affairs 
in Scotland. He is admitted to have conducted 
the public business in a very politic and effective 
manner ; though the massacre of Glencoe, which 
occurred under his auspices, has gpreatly tarnished 
his reputation. 

The calm which now succeeded the long reign 
of civil discord and persecution, was marked by 
exti*aordinary efforts to resuscitate the agricultu- 
ral and trading energies of the country. Acts 
were passed relaxing the severity of former laws 
against the importation of foreign merchandise, 
and for encouraging the exportation of grain, when 
prices fell to a certain minimum ; fairs were insti- 
tuted in numerous districts where they had not 
been previously held; joint-stock companies, for 
trading with distant countries, were authorised ; new 
harbours were constructed, and old ones repaired; 
and the monopoly of trading enjoyed by the royal 
burghs broken up. The first act for this purpose 
was passed in 1693. It provided that burghs of 
regalities and baronies should be admitted to share 
in the trading privileges of the royal burghs, on 
payment of a proportion, according to their extent, 
of the hundred-pound tax-roll to which the latter 
w^ere subjected. The arrangement, however, was 
not completed till several years ailerwards, when 
parliament had to interfere. Great difficulty seems 
to have been experienced in adjusting the propor- 
tion leviable from each ; while not a few of the 
burghs refused to take advantage of the privileges 
offered them ; and some who had embraced them 
declined to continue the payment — ^because, as in 
the case of Fraserburgh, the authorities, ** tempted 
to some small foraigne trade," had been brought 
to ruin by the adventure. It appears from the 
parliamentary proceedings of this period, that a 
Mr John Buchan, agent for the royal burghs, had 
uj[idertaken to relieve them of '' ten pund of their 
taxt roll for ane tack sett by them to him of the 
unfree trade "; but he soon discovered to his cost 
that the unfree traders were not so anxious to 
throw off their manacles as might have been ex- 
pected. In 1699 he came before parliament with 
a petition, declaring himself a ruined man ; upon 
which a commission was appointed to inquire into 
and adjust the matter. His account showed that 
a sum of no less than £5197, 7s. SJd. sterling, re- 
mained unpaid, besides £1818, 12s., B\d., of ex- 
penses incurred in uplifting the tax. The com- 
mission dedared the legality of the daim against 



the unfree traders, but reduced the expenses to 
£1200. The commiBsioners then proceeded to 
consider the various petitions and remonstrances 
of the unfrees, and to determine the amount to be 
levied from each. Some of the statements are 
curious. The following is the representation of 
the Earl of Kilmarnock : — 

urn* The £^1 In yery weill pleased to pay such 
ane proportlone for the Communicationc of Trade for his 
Burgh of BaiTony of Kilmarnock, for the yearos of Mr 
John Buchan his tack, as your Lops, shall be pleased to 
modify, with regard to the poverty of the place and any 
amaU ^ttde they could have. 

'* But its humbly represented that the proportione of 
the stent roll to be imposed upon the said Toun for their 
trad can be but very small. Because — Imo. — the Toune 
of Kilmarnock lyes at ane considerable distance from the 
sea, and so cannot have the conveniency of any forraign 
trade ; 2o — That place consists for the most part of trades- 
men, such as bonnet makers and stockin weavers, who 
maaufactor the product of the Kingdome, and soe deserves 
inoouragement — and tliese poor tradesmen, by the calam- 
Ityes of the tymes, are redacftd to such straites that few 
or non of them are in a conditione to continue at their 
work, and the most part of them ar put to live upon charity, 
and the greatest part of that Toune is waste ; 3io — There 
are few or noe tradeing merts. in that Toune, and the 
tradesmen being aUe to relieve them of little or noe share 
of the impositione. It must be a very small quota that the 
merts. will be able to boar. And yet the Eaile of Kilmar- 
nock, in their behalf, does cheerfully undertake the bur- 
den of two shilling, for bygalnes, qch is the highest they 
can bear, notwithstanding of any greater quota imposed 
upon them by Mr John Buchan, or Uie Provost of Irving, 
as haveing Commisslone from him, or of any pretended 
agreement made thr jment.*' 

The commissioners modified the sum to be paid bj 
the town and parL^ of Kihnamock to three shil- 
fing^ Scots, monthly, for the five years of Mr 
Bucban*s contract. The other towns and parishes 
— the unfree traders in them — ^were rated as fol- 
lows : — 

Air, . . . . 

13s. Od. Scots 

Beith (town and parish). 

Is. 4d. ... 

Stewaiton do.. 

Os. 6d. ... 

Largs do., 

Os. 8d. ... 


Is. 6d. ... 

Saltooats (town and parish), . 

Is. 6d. ... 


Os. 2d. ... 

Kilmaurs (town and parish), . 

Os. 6d. ... 

Kilbryde do.. 

.Os. 3d. ... 

[With releiff from the rest of the nnftie traders within 
Cuningliame, to be divyded by the saids Tounes, with 
concurrence of the Earle of Loudoun, Lord Montgo- 
merie. Lord Boyd, Mr Francis Montgomery, Laird of 
Bowallane, and Provost of Air,, or any one of them — 
payable to Irvine]. 


Is. 2d. 

Nowtoon of Air, . 

Os. 8d. 


Os. 2d. 


Os. dd. 


Os. 2d. 

DalmelUngton, . 

Os. Id. 

Ballantrae, . 

Oi. 6d. 


Os. Id. 

Symington, . 

Os. Id. 

Galston, . 

Os. 2d. 


Os. Id. 


Ob. Id. 

[With releiff to them from the unfHo traders in Kyle 
^nd Cariek, to be divyded by tlte sds Tounes, with 
coneurrenee forsaid— payable to Air]. 

This rate-^which gives a fair idea of the compara- 
tive importance of the respective places at the close 
of the seventeenth century — only fixed the propor- 
tion payable by each for the bygone period ; and 
proclamation was made for fre^ application, upon 
the part of the unfree traders, if they wished to take 
advantage of the privilege offered them in future. 
In accordance with the act of Parliament, the 
commissioners of supply took up the matter in 
various districts. The follovring is the report df 
the commissioners of supply for Ayrshire :— 

Air 26th Aprill 1700. 
Convcened the Ckimmlssioners of SuppUe. 

The Maister of Cathcart. Knockdolliaoe. 

The Laird of Rowallane. Provest Crauford of Diumdow. 

The Laird of Corsbie. Aucliindraln. 

The Laird of Bi-unsfield. 

The Maister of Cathcart Treses. 

THB Ck>mmi8sionor8 of SuppUe abovcnamed haveing eon* 
veened in obedience to the Act of tho Commissione of 
Parliament for setling the communicatione of trade of the 
dait the twenty day of March last bypast for receiving and 
hearing what every Burgh of Begality and Barrony and 
unfree traders within tho bounds of the fi-effdome of Air 
will offer and undertake to pay of the Taxt Roll of tho 
Boyall Burrows therin mentioned for obtaining the com- 
municatione and freodomo of trade conforme to the Acts 
of Parliament made theroanent as also to hear what the 
Burghs Koyall within the saids rexive bounds will object 
against the saids offers as in the said Act at more lonth is 
contained And tlie persons aftemamed haveing compcired 
in presence of the saids Commissioners they gave in the 
following offers vis. Mr Wm. Cochiane of killmaronock 
offered for the Toun and Parochin of Kilmares and Kil- 
bride each of them the fourth pairt of ane penny Soots 
Charles Dalrymplo chamberland to the Earle of Killmar- 
nock offered for the Toun of KiUmamock and snch of tho 
Parochin thereof as will accept twelVe pennies Soots John 
Birabane younger of Bisboptone in name of Alexander Lord 
Montgomry Mr Francis Montgomry of Giffan Sir John 
Shaw of Greenock and the rest of the heritors within tho 
Parochin of Beith two pennies Scots Mathew Frew at Kill- 
winning as haveing commissione from the said Alexander 
Lord Montgomry and considerable heritors of the Parochin 
of Killwinning Stevenstone and Ardrossaa offered eight 
pennies Scots for Uie saids three Parochins The Lord Boyle 
and the said John Bi isbane younger of Bisboptone offered 
for the Parochin of Largs and Ballray two pennies Scots 
The said Mr William Cochrane of Kilmaronock oflbred for 
the Paroch of Symontoune half a penny Scots being five 
shilling Scots raonethly when cess is imposed As also the 
said William Cochrane of Killmaronock William FnUartone 
of that Ilk and William Fairiio of Bruntsfieid offered for 
the Paroch of Dundonald half a penny Scots being five 
shilling Soots monethly when cess is imposed James Rid- 
doch Baillie of the Begality of Cumnock two pennies Scots 
for the TouB of Gunwock and such of the Parochin thcrof 
as will accept and that for the beneftte of the commnni- of trade Lykeas there was given in be the saids 
John Brisbane younger of Bishoptoone ane offer subsciTed 
be the said Lord Boylle and him whereby tlie rest of the 
haill Parochins within the Bailliary of Cunynghame offered 
amongst them to take some small share of the Qoota of 
the Taxt Roll and craved to be represented to the Com- 
mission of Parliament as willing to take share in the com- 
nninicatlone of trade though in probability they could have 
litle or no trade yet deairod not to be secluded tnm trad* 
ing if occasion offered A, expects the Commission wUl give 
them a small quota And Robert Moor pnt. Provest of 
Air A Mr Alexr Cunynghame of Chirriebmds lait Provest 
of Irvine being both personally preseat omved a oompotont 
time to object agt the abovewritten offers to whom the 
saids Commissioners assigned Saturday next being the 
twenty seventh day of April instaat for givelng in of th«r 



ol)!|6etioiw thero agaiaat And Mtignw the fourth day of 
May next to oome to the said Mr William Cochrane of Kill- 
manmoek At othr peons, abovenamed glTen in of the for- 
Midfl offen to give in their answers against the saids objec- 
tions Which objections the clerk is hereby ordered to trans- 
mit to the forenamed persons immediatly after receiring 
therof upon thr own ezpenss and after retaming.of the 
saids objections As answers thereto to the clerk the saids 
Commissioners recommends the Mr of Cathcart to report 
the premiss to the Commissione of Parliament or ther 
clerk betwixt and the first of June next to come conform 
to ihe Act abovementioned Bic subscribitur M. Cathcart 
LP. O. 

Pollowes the Objeotionee given in be the Toun of Air 
A Inrine against the severall offers made be the Burghs 
of Barrony and Uegslity dt others within the shireff- 
dom of Air for the benefit of the communioatione of 

Imo. The offers made ought not to be regairded in re- 
spect the persons offerers and sutwcryvers therof are not 
authorized by Commissions from the sealL Burghs ft Par- 
oehins for which they pretend to offer and although they 
were antborixed yet sealls. of them live out of the Paroch- 
ins for which they offer some of them out of the shireffdome 
ft otbrs of them single persons who may remove out of the 
Shyre or Kingdome at pleasure ft so ther offers though 
aeoepted is no securitie to the Boyall Burrows for ther 

Sdo. The offer made for Killmamock Is very mean and 
ridieuloas for thir reasons First It is offered to be proven 
that the trade of Killmamock in import ft export to France 
Holland Norraway Virginia England Ireland ft other for- 
raigne palrts hes been very considerable thir severall years 
bj^gone and about if not above half of the trade of both the 
two BurfThs of Air and Irvine which are lyable to thretty 
two shilling Scots of the Taxt Roll Secondly a few years 
•goe they settled with Mr lohn Buchan when tacksman for 
five shilling Scots of the Taxt Roll and thereafter when his 
tack fell and came in the Burrows hands they agreed with 
Irvine for four shilling six pennies of the said Roll which 
was approven by the Magistrate Coundll and others in 
Killmamock ft can be instructed by their agreements since 
which time ther trade is advanced above ane third and so 
ther offer of twelve pennies Scots is most unreasonable. 

dtio. As to Kilwinning ther agreement with Mr John 
Buchan for themselues distinct from Saltcoats ft Ardros- 
san was much more then what is now offered for all of 
them and the trade of these places to the Sound France 
England Ireland and other palrts being double of what 
ft then was ther present offer of eight pennies Soots is 
most insignificant and it can be made appear where one 
veshell is cleared at Air there are six cleared wherein these 
Tonus are concerned. 

4to. Ab to the offers for the other Burghs and Parochins 
they are so very mean that no person who knowes the 
places and ther trade but will be satisfied it is so and the 
whole offers made in the Shyre amount only to two shilling 
two pennies Scots or thereby though the trade of the Shyre 
(di»tinct from its two Royall Burrows forsaid) does equall 
if not exceed the trade of the saids two Royall Burrows 
and it is highly unreasonable that they should have the 
benefite of trade and not bear the burden suitable thereto. 

In tcstimonie whereof the Magistrats of Air and Irvine 
have snbt. thir puts, at Air and Irvine the twenty fifth and 
twenty sixth days of April one thousand seven hundred 
years Bio subscribitur Robert Moor Provest of Air Da. 
Fergussone Baillie Hugh M*Hntcheon Baillie William Cun- 
nynghame Provest of Irvine J. Thomsone Baillie W. M*Tag- 
gart Baillie 

To the which Objectiones the following Answers were 
given in be the persons aftemamed vis. 

Imprimis be Alexander Lord Montgomry That as to 
the first and third objections they were only what con- 
cerned these two places And as to the first that the per- 
sons that made the offer were not snfllciently authorised 
the same cannot be found relevant seeing he who is the 
person principally concerned in these Parochins gave com- 
mission ft warrand to the said Mathew Fk^w merchant in 

KiUwinning to make the offer and shall give security for 
performance As to the third that the offer ia too mean 
his Lop : believes it will not be thought so be the Commis- 
sion of Parliament in rcgaird that the offer made to Mr 
John Buchan was but seven pennies and this is eight and 
besides retainers were then lyable whereas now by the late 
Act of Parliament these who trade in commodities ven- 
dibill be the RoyaU Burrows are to pay tliis And as to that 
pairt that there are more veshells cleai^ed at the Saltcoats 
then at Air or Irvine The reason is the export of coalls for 
which they ought to pay no Stent and it is weel known 
that the place is so inconsiderable that it hes no trade but 
such as arises fh>m the conveniencie of the harbour which 
makes veshells belonging to Klllmarnock Irvine and other 
places put in there so that the benefite ariseing from the 
trade belongs to others not to them Sic subscribitur 

And sicklyke the Lord Boylle and John Brisbane younger 
of Bishoptone gave in the*following answers, for the haill 
Parochins of the Baillary of Cunnynghame bearing that 
whereas these Burj;hs object that Kilmarnock and idl the 
rest of the Parochins of the said Bailliary offered more 
formerly, and that it is very small what is offered which Is 
all the strenth of ther objectione It is answered that Kil- 
marnock and the other Parochins in Buchans time, were 
compelled to take any quotas they being all lyable for ther 
haill moveables as retaiUers of forraigne goods without 
licence from Burghs, but now the Parliament haveing freed 
all retainers and fixed it on exportatione and impoitatione 
so that the quotas offered will not appear mean and if they 
should be thought too small they refer all to the Commis- 
sione of Parliament Sic subscribitur Boyle Jo. Biis- 

As also the following answers were given in for the Toun 
and Barrony of Kilmarnock bearing whereas the offerers 
Commission is objected against, the objection is fiivolns 
for the offer shall bo made good, and it is not the security 
of the offerer which the Royall Burrows are to rely upon, 
but the authoritie of the decreet of Parliament, But to 
remove all objectiones the Earle of Killmamock does here- 
by renew his offer for his Bui^h and Barrony and sub- 
scryves the saroen. 

Whereas it*s offered to be proven that the forraigne 
trade of Killmamock, does equall if not exceed the trade 
of Air and Irving its dcnycd for the Toun of Killmamock 
hes little or no forraigne trade and to redargn that objec- 
tione they are willing to appeall to the Custom Books 
which are kept by the Magistrats of Irving and Air who 
are Collectors at these ports. And the offer of twelve pen- 
nies Scots of the taxt roll made for the Toun of Klllmar- 
nock is too high for any forraigne trade they aither have 
or can expect, seeing they lye ane considerable distance 
from the sea nor have they any sea port and there is net 
above two or three persons in the wholle Toun of Klllmar- 
nock that aither hes or undei-stands forraign trade. 

As to the pretence that Mr John Buchan had agreed 
with the Toun of Kilmarnock for four shilling six pennies 
of the taxt roll Its of no moment because that was a force 
upon the inhabitant«> who became all obnoxious and lye 
under the lash of Mr John Buchans diligence as retainers 
and handle craftsmen because of the extensione and pro- 
hibitione of all manner of trade which was taken of in the 
last Parliament, and the BUrghs of Barrony ft Regality 
restored to ther former priviledges, so that now they are 
only to purchase a communlcatione of forraigne trade and 
ther agreement with Mr Buchan can be'rio rule. 

Whereas its pretended that the offers Ihade by the whole 
Shyre are very mean and bears no propoitione to the bur- 
den which the Burghs of Air and Irvine bears Its ans- 
wered Prime for Killmamocks shear ther offer is more 
than proportionable to any benefite they can expect by the 
communication of trade 2do. If the valuatione of the 
lands and tennands within these RoyaU Burrows be brought 
in compute It will appear that they pay nothing at all 
for trade for when thr proportione of the Taxt RoU is im- 
posed upon the rents of ther lands ft teonants they have 
far greater ease then the oonntry gentlenren so that these 
Burrows for all tlior clamour payes nothing at all for trade 
and de facto no merchant aither in Air or Irvine hes payed 



for trade theM many yean Sie sabscribitnr. Kilmarnock. 

M Cathcart. 
Alezr M^Dormeit CI :] 

These papers are valuablei as throwing consider- 
able light-on the commerce of Ayrshire at the time. 
How the matter was adjusted does not appear from 
the proceedings of parliament. The folloviing is 
the last notice which we find of it — ** Aug. 30, 
1703 — The Act anent the Communication of Trade 
being read ag^n there was a draught of an Act 
offered and read, Imposing a tenth part of the 
ordinary Cess, payable by the Royall Burghs upon 
the shyres, according to their &everall quotas of 
Cessy to be proportioned bj the CommissionerB of 
supply betwixt the bm'ghs of Regality and Barrony, 
and the land rent in the respective shyres, which 
was ordered to ly on the table, and allowed to be 
printed before nixt sitting of Parliament.*' 

The extraordinary spirit of enterprize excited 
after the Revolution produced the celebrated Afri- 
can company, the ill success of which threw a gloom 
over the commerce of Scotland for many years. 
It was formed in 1695, and finally broken up a few 
years afterwards. The details are well known both 
to the historical and miscellaneous reader. Ayrshire 
shared in the general disaster to a considerable 
extent — as well in men as in money. A number 
of adventurers from the county were in the first 
as well as subsequent expeditions to Darien. 

The great object of the statesmen at this period 
was to encourage domestic agriculture and manu- 
factures by every possible means ; and for this pur- 
pose laws were passed prohibiting the importation 
of certain descriptions of foreign goods and almost 
all kinds of ag^cultural produce, particularly from 
Ii'eland. With that country a considerable trade 
had sprung up in the iropoi*tation of meal — ^no 
doubt gi'eatly to the prejudice of agricultural im- 
provement in the west of Scotland. The following 
paper is curious, affording some idea of the extent 
to which the ti-ade bad been carried : — 

Ano Lbt of the pci'sona names trading to Irland ffor 
victua]] these two years bygonne, and who com- 
poned with Blackhouae and bis dcputts : — 

George Dennie Alexr. Kerr 

Arthure Park Jolin Young 

John Speir John Craswall 

James Scott Edward Craswall 

John Niving John Wardan 
John Simsone in the Ear- John Hyndman 

brayhead Millar in Tnnerkipe 

John M*£un aUfis young Morisone in Innorkipe 

Laird • Muiro in portoferrio 

William M'Eun called mikle John Crawfoord 

John M*Eun his Sone John Alexander called Ghosop 

Thomas M*Eun his Sone John Huntar 

John Morisone Mathew ffk^w in KQwinning 
James Simsone and his pafartners 

William M'Eun Match Duncan Campbell in Qrioock 

John Simsone Carshogala John Campbell there 
James M'Eun M'leish in Irvine 

John Morisone Levan John Gay in Neuark 
Edward Mudie there Millar in fferrymiln 

Bobert Wardaa 

All the. aboTenamed penens, and a greate many more 
who leive in Renfrew, Glasgow, Air, and several other 
places, have traded to Irland these two years bygonne, 
since the date of Alexander of Blackhouae** CommSasione, 
and have payed Compesitioos to the said Blackhouse or 
his depntts. 

The date of the above list is 1703, in which jear 
was passed ** an act for the more effectual execution 
of the laws against the importation of Irish vic- 
tual." Alexander of Blackhouse — an ancestor of 
Alexander of Ballochmyle— -appears to have been 
commissioned to uplift the fines exacted from the 

Another important event for Scotland was the 
onioa with England, which, afler various attempts 
from time to time during the previous century, 
was at length consummated, during the reign of 
Queen Anne, in 1707. The nation at large was 
furiously opposed to the measure. The table of 
parliament groaned with petitions against it, from 
all quarters of the country. Two were forwarded 
from Ayr — one by the magistrates and Coundl, 
and the other by the inhabitants. The opposition 
of the English to the settlement at Darien — ^who 
saw in it a rival to the East India Company — ^had 
no doubt a considerable effect in stirring up the 
national feelings of the Scots ; and, in place oi a 
closer connection, the general desire seemed to be 
for a wider separation. 


Long after the two parliaments had been con- 
joined much discontent prevailed in Scotland. The 
union was by no means a fair and equitable ar- 
rangement. The number of representatives ac- 
corded to Scotland was greatly under that of 
England; and degradation lay in the very idea 
of closing the Upper House against the whole 
body of Scottish peers, save the elected sixteen. 
No doubt, the principle upon which this arrange- 
ment was founded may be traced to the political 
state of Scotland at the time-— to a desire to exclude 
the Jacobites, who possessed considerable influ- 
ence. Still, it could not but produce a feeling the 
reverse of contentment among a high-minded and 
long descended race of nobility — even though not 
favourable to the exiled family. The immediate 
effects of the union were most prejudicial to Scot- 
land, and a very general determination prevailed 
to procure a repeal. A motion vms made upon 
the subject by the Earl of Seaiield, supported by 
Mar and Argyle — in 1713 — ^which, but for the 
indiscretion of Argyle in speaking acrimoniously of 
the Pretender, and thereby offending the Jacobitesi, 
would have been carried. Though several of the 
Scottish lords left the House, in consequence of 
the speech of Argyle, the motion was only lost bj 
four votes. The following draft of an address 



to George the First, oo his accesfflon to the throne 
in 1714 — found amongst the EgUnton papers— 
emhodies the chief grievances of the Scots, and 
will he interesting as a record of puhlic feeling at 
the period : — 

To The King's Most ExceHeiit Mi^estie, 
The Humble Address of 

ICay It please your If ^Jestie, 

Wee, your Mi^m^®*" most dutyfuU and Loyal Subjects, 
baling, by cor severall addresses, expressed the true sense 
we have of the Inestimable Blessing derived upon us by 
your Maties. peaceable acoesion to the Throne of these your 
Dominions, Doe now presume, from a sincere Zeal for the 
Support of your Government, and In duty to ourselves, to 
oar posterity, and our Country, to lay before your Majes- 
tic, for your Royal Ckmsideration, Tlie miseries your faith- 
full subjects in Scotland groan under att present, and 
the Inevlteable mine which threatens them from the Union 
of the two Kingdoms. 

When the Treaty of Union was in agitation, tho some of 
your people in Scotland were then deluded with Expec- 
tations of mighty advantages from it to both Kingdoms, 
yet they, by farr the Greatest part, expressed their aver- 
sione to ane Union of this Nature, which they were affi-aid 
might prove destructive to Scotland, and dangerous, from 
some particular parts of Its constitution, to the liberties 
of your Hijestie's sutjufects in England, without bringing 
them any Sensible advantage ; however the parliament of 
Scotland was Induced under these apprehensiones to agree 
to the Unnion. 

Since the Union has taken place we have been made 
sensible, by experience, (and we hope not too late,) That 
the advantages we expected from it were but Immaginary, 
and doe feel, on the other hand, to our Inexpressable greif, 
that the unhappy Consequences of it have far exceeded 
tho greatest of our fears \ ffor, since the Commencement 
of the Union, 

Our Taxes in Generall have been increased far beyond 
the abilities of the people, and some of them by unequal pro- 
portions on the part of Scotland, which the nature of the 
Union seems to make it hardly possible to remedy. 

The money arising from the Taxes and the public re- 
venues in Scotland is mostly remitted in Specie to Eng- 
land, yr goeing but a snuill share of it to the defraying of 
the Civil List and the other publick Charges in Scotland. 

The Constant attendance of our Peers and Commons at 
London, and of many more of our Countrymen, (that being 
now the only Seat of our Govcrament,) carys dayty from 
us considerable sums ; which Continual Evacuations, To- 
gether with the Sensible Decay wee feel in all the branches 
of our trade, might infallibly end in the Total ruine of our 

Some Considerablo branches of our Taxes are applyed 
to the payment of English debts Conti'actcd before tlie 
Union, ffbr which we have only left us a future Claime for 
a growing Equivalent, not one farthing of which has over 
been payed, nay hardly acknowledged to be due. 

Our Manufacturies of Silk and Wool have been Inteerly 
destroyed, and that of the Linen cloth, which was former- 
ly the Great support of your people in Scotland, has been 
pet under such difficulties by the many taxes Imposed, not 
only upon the materialls which are the subject matter of 
this manufactor. But likewise upon the exportation and 
Consumption of the Cloath itself, that it is hardly possible 
to carry it on to advantage. 

There is scarce the face of a Government left amongst 
us. Several of our ancient offices are suppressed. 

We, who formerly had Justice administrat, and our 
rights determined in our own country, are now for tlie 
most tiivial matters obleeged to Come sevei^ hundred 
myles before our propertys can be settled. The Rights to 
our Estates must pass some office at London where there 
is notliing known of our Laws or forms ; and the alterations 
that has happened in our I^aws in relation to Treasone has 
left US very much in the Dark in these matters. 

Besidef these General Callamities, we cannot, without 


the outmost Concern, see our Nobility — descended from 
such ancient and niustrions familys — branded with the 
Greatest mark of Ignominy and Contempt by being de- 
clared incapable forever of receiving patents of Honour for 
sitting in the house of Peers. This is placeing them in a 
worse state then the meanest subject in Britain, and re- 
trinching your Mi^csties Royal prerogative in a most sen- 
sible manner. Which, we are sure, was never the intention 
of those who tretfted the Union, Nor can we Immagine that 
it was the meaning of the parliament of either Ringdome 
when they Ratified and approved it. 

The Election of our Peers, that little of their Birthright 
which is left them, is become Grcivous to the English ; and 
it cannot be Conceived that our peers will ever Consent to 
the forfeiting themselves of this priviledge, or part with it 
for any expedient that can be piopossed to them in lew 
of it 

These, may it please your Matie., are some of the many 
Intollerable hardships wee ly under by reason of our pie- 
scnt Situation, which wee sensibly felt dm'eing the reign of 
her late Matie., and therefore could not but make a struggle 
foi our deliverance. 

But so soon as we immagined that the pushing a measure 
of that kind could possibly weaken the secuiity of your 
Majesties succession to these Kingdoms, we resolved to 
bear our misery with patience, and to stay for the happy 
opportunity now put in our hand — That succession being 
accomplished, and your Majesty, to the universall Joy of 
your people, peaceably possesst of your Throne. 

We have too great a Confidence in your Maties. affection 
to your people, and perswade ourselves Te take too great 
a share in the sufferings of your subjects in Scotland, to let 
us Continue any longer the most miserable people in 
Europe — and that from a Constitution which we were at 
first drawn into, and have been Induced hitherto to He 
under by our Concern for the succession of your Royal 

These things, we beg leave in the most dutyfull manner, 
In the first place. To lay before your Matie., and by your 
wise and prudent management we have no doubt but it will 
be now in your power to Cure what is Complained of, by 
getting us restored to the frte and Independent State 
which we hithertofore enjoyed. 

This is what your subjects in Scotland unanimously covet 
and desire above all things, and what the Eng^h seem not 
avei*se to — Tho Union being a thing not much more Easy 
or agreeable to them than to us — So that nothing appears 
to be wanting but your Maties. laying this before your par- 
liament, who, we have the greatest reason to hope, will see 
it for tho Interest and guyd of both parts of this Island to 
put a peaceable end to this Union, which, if Continued, 
must Increase Differences and divisions amongst your 
people in place of uniting them in affectiones ; and that, 
to obtaine so Just and agreeable an end, they will restore 
(with your Maties. consent) Scotland and Ingland to their 
ancient free and independant Constitution under your 
Mi^csty, the head of both ; and the sense of so great 
blessing will Ingadge us and our posterity forever to main- 
tain tlio most friendly Correspondence with your Maties. 
subjects of Enghuid, and to be dutyfull and loyall subjects 
to your Mi^esty and your RoyaU Issue. 

This address is not the language of the Jacohitical 
party, hat of the Preshyterians, who, at the Union, 
had overlooked almost every other considera- 
tion, in their eagerness to secure the Church. All 
the evils enumerated might have heen foreseen 
when the treaty of amalgamation was entered into. 
The removal of the parliament and the seat of 
government was certain to create a constant drain 
of the floating wealth of the counti7 towards the 
south ; and it must have heen equally obvious that, 
by bringing the manufactures of the two countries 
into competition, the poorer country would be 
the sufferer. Scotland, contrary to the specious 



arguments adduced by tbe promoters of the Union, 
could gain no immediate advantage by it, beyond 
tbe very questionable one of becoming a grazing 
field for England. The only means by which 
she could hope to prevent an utter sinking into 
the lowest state of provincialism, lay in the addi- 
tional scope afforded for foreign enterprise, and of 
this she could not easily and at once avail herself. 
When the Earl of Mar, in 1715, unfurled the ban- 
ner of the Chevalier, he calculated largely on the 
discontent occasioned by the Union. In tbe paper 
which he issued in the name of James the Eighth, 
requiring his Majesty's subjects to rise in arms for 
the assertion of his r^ts, his language was — ** The 
King mak's noe doubt of your zeal for his service, 
especially at this juncture, when his cause is so 
deeply concem'd, and the relieving our native 
Countrey from oppression and an foreign yoke, too 
heavy for us and our posterity to bear, and when 
now is the time to endeavour to restore him, not 
only our Rightful and native K., but our Countrey 
to'its antient freedom and Independant constitution, 
under him whose ancestors reign'd over us for so 
many Generations."* Much, however, as they 
disliked the Union, the Presbyterians disliked still 
more the return of the Stuarts and Popery to the 
throne ; and though the nation would in all pro- 
bability have answered unanimously to the call to 
arms for a repeal of the Union, independently of 
the exiled race, they were equally ready to stand 
in its defence rather than hazard the Protestant 
succession. The people of Ayrshire were particu- 
larly zealous in the Hanoverian cause, and furnish- 
ed both men and money to support the govern- 
ment. At the rendezvous for Cuninghame — 
Irvine — as we leam from Ray^s History of the 
Rebellion, about 6000 fencibles, chiefly raised by the 
Earls of Eglinton, Kilnoarnock, Glasgow, and Lord 
Semple, were speedily assembled : — 

About the same time (August, 1715) the Earls of Eglin- 
ton, Kilmarnock, Glasgow, and Lord Cathcart, and others 
of the nobility and gentry in the shire of Air, mot at that 
place (Air) to concert what was then to be done for the 
safety of their country and defence of the government ; 
and a motion was then made by such as wore hearty for 
king Qcorge*s interest, that tliey should offer his majesty 
four thousand men, well furnished with arms, ammunition, 
and other things necessary, to guard the western coasts, 
or to march wherever tlie king should command them ; 
and that they should pay them for fourty days ; as also 
that they should at that time enter into an association 
with respect to the above pai'ticulars. But some of them 
opposed these loyal and dutiful motions, aUedging that 
tbey could not muster nor rendezvous men by law ; but it 
was answered that it was not now time for them to make 
niceties about punctilios of the law, when the sword of the 
enemy was over theii' heads. At last it was proposed that 
they should send up to his majesty a loyal and dutiful ad- 
dress ajjiainst the pretender and his adherents, as many 

* Paper entitled, *< Tlie Lord Mar's Orders," and dated 
Brea of liar, Sept« 7, 1715, found amongst the Eglinton 

others had done on this occasion ; and though it was not 
BO particular as the well affected party would had it, yet 
to preveut a division in such a populous shire, which would 
no doubt been encouraging to the enemies of the gorem- 
ment, they unanimously agreed to it. And after the sign- 
ing of the said address, the nobility and gentry of the 
bailliary of Cuninghame (which is one of the three bailli- 
aries within the shire of Air) did enter into a concert to 
train and discipline their men, and appointed a general 
rendesvous of the whole fendble men in Cuninghame at 
the town of Irvine, on the Monday following, being the 
22d of August. At which time, upon a short advertise- 
ment, there appeared on the common of Irvine 6000 effec- 
tive men, well armed, and in good order, with their proper 
officers, who all made a handsome appearance, and ex- 
pressed a great deal of seal and loyalty for his majesty 
king George, and a firm resolution to defend his majesty's 
person and government against the pretender and all htt 
other enemies whatsomever. The town of Irvine had a 
company of artilleiy besides their trained bands, with 
three pieces of cannon mounted on an eminence, where- 
with they saluted the respective-nobility, gentry, and bat- 
talions, as they came up ; for there were the Earls of Eg- 
linton, Kilmarnock, and Glasgow, the Lords Bemple and 
Boyd, with the haill other gentry in that Jurisdiction, and 
most of the clergy. After they had performed their exer- 
cise to satisfaction, they dismissed for that time. Tis not 
to be forgot that the Earl of Kilmarnock appeared here at 
the head of above five hundred of his own men, well ap- 
pointed, and expert in the exercise of their arms — ^who 
made the liandsomest appearance of any that were there ; 
and that which added very much unto it, was the early 
blossoms of the loyal principle and education of my Lord 
Boyd, who, though but eleven yean of age, appeared in 
arms with the earl his father, and gracefully behaved liim- 
self, to the admiration of all the beholders. 

The Ayrshire troops proceeded to Glasgow, ac- 
cording to the direction of Argyle, and were 
employed in various ways, both before and after 
the battle of Sheriffinuir. Lord Kilmarnock, 
with 500 men, was despatched to garrison the 
houses of Drummakill, Gortorton, and Cardross. 
The Union may thus be said to have been alone 
preserved by die fear of a Popish succession. 
Even in 1745, when the last and memorable at- 
tempt was made to restore the Stuart family 
to the throne, the desire of national independence 
was the inciting motive with many who took up 
arms. In this struggle Ayrshire was not called 
upon to take any particular part. The Earl of 
Kilmarnock, as is well known — unhappily for him- 
self and family — joined the standard of the Prince. 
He endeavoured, it is said, to raise his vassals of 
Kilmarnock ; but, true to the principles of the Re- 
volution, they sternly refused. 

With the rebellion of 1745 may be said to have 
ceased all that is interesting in the history of Scot- 
land generally or locally, as a separate kingdom. 
Her career since has happily been peaceful and 
prosperous, if we except those political jarrings 
which have occasionally ruffled the surface of so- 
ciety throughout Great Britain generally. Ayr- 
sliire has participated largely in the national im- 
provement, and her people, as of yore, are ever 
ready to take part in what concerns the public 
well-being. When threatened by invasion early 
in the late war, none were more forward in arming 



for the defence of the kingdom. The militia of 
the coantY, it may he remarked as a proof of this, 
were the first to volunteer their services in Ireland 
or any part of the three kingdoms. In point of 

agriculture, Ayrshire stands conspicuous; and in 
various kinds of manufacture she is equally dis- 




Thomas Boswell of Auchinleck. 

Mathew Brisbane of Bishopton. 

John Crawford of Crawfordland. 

David, Earl of Gassillis. 

Campbell of Lawers — ancestor of the Loudoan family, in the male line. 

Robert Crawford of Auchinames. 

John Crawford of GifFordland. 

Alan, Master of Cathcart. ^ 

Robert Cathcart of Carleton. > Brothers. - 

John Cathcart, Esquire. ) 

Cuthbert, Earl of Glencaim. 

Cuthbert, Earl of Glencairn, is mentioned by Abercromby &s among tbe slain ; but tliis seema to be incorrect. He 
pwhapi had an elder son called Cuthbert who fell there. 

William Bunch, Abbot of Kilwinning. 

Sir John Montgomery of HesiUiead. 

Cuthbert Montgomery of Skelmorly. 

John Mure of RowaUane. 

George, 4th Lord Seton. 

Lord Seton is included here from his close connexion with the House of Egtlnton. He was father-in-law of Hugh, 
second Earl of Eglinton, and maternal grandfather of Margaret, Countess of Winton — ^from whom the present 
earl is descended. 

William Wallace of Caimhill. 


Gilbert M'Uvain of Grimett. 

Thomas Corry of Kelwode. 

James Montfoyd of Montfoyd. 

Bernard Mure of Park. 

John Crawford of Giffordland. 

Quintin Hunter of Hunterston. 

The Hon. Hugh Montgomerie, 4th son of Hugh, first Earl of Eglinton. 

Alan, 3d Lord Cathcart. 

John Crawford of Auchinames. 

William Cunninghame of Glengamock. 




The Original Bond and Signatures are in the Library of the UniTenity of Glasgow. There are in all 216 signatures 

regularly numbered, and the numbers are giren with the names here copied. 

7. Glencaim. 

20. Allan, Lord Cathcart. 

31. Raberty minister of Fojiefurd. 
Failford was a benefice. 

47. Capringtown. 

48. Blairquhan. 

49. Mochrum. 

He had also Cumnock — ^his name was Dunbar. 

54. Bargany. 

55. James Chalmer of Gaitgirth. 

57. Johnne Fullartomi of Dr^hom. 

58. Shausnok. 

59. Cmijnghim-hdd. 

60. George Corrie of Kelwood. 

62. Johne Shaw of Sahy. 

64. Johne Lokhart of Bar. 

65. Hew Wallace of Gamyll. 
67. James Dalrympyll of Staor. 
71. Johne Cathcart of Cariltoun. 

78. Gilbert Kennedy of Dalqnharan. 

79. Johne Blair of yat Sk. 

89. J. Mowngromrie, fW of Qloslout. 

92. Jhone Brisbin. 

94. Jo. Foulartoun. 

126. Robert Campbell of Kingrscleuth. 

201. Al. Cunyngham of Corsell. 

In the original list Kos. 104, 193, 199, 200, and 202 are all, except the chiistaan names, blank — no 
doqbt occaaoned by the names and designations having become obliterated. Had these been known this 
list might have been somewhat increased. No. 123 is signed ** Thoms Kyndy *'; which may be intended 
for Thomas Kennedy, and therefore may also be of Ayrshire. 

It may be remarked that Ayrshire appears to have been a step beyond some other parts of Scotland 
in education, as not one of the above signed with his hand at the pen^ but all wrote their own names. 
Those who signed with their hands at the pen were, however, only sixteen, of whom seven or eight 
were borderers. Among them was one peer, ^ Michael, Lord Carleyll*" as the name is written. All 
these are subscribed by ** Al. Hay, Kotarius." 


Sheriffdom of Ayr, 

Mr Robert Barclay, burgess of Irvine, 
Laird of Cunninghamhead, 

— Fullarton of Corsbie, 
Sir Hugh Campbell of Cesnock, 
The laird of Rowallan, 
The laird of Crawfordlane, 

Hunter of Hunterstone, 

John Reid, late provost of Irvine, 
James Campbell of NewmiUs, 
John Shaw of Sombeg, 
John Haldane of Entrekin, 
Alexander Crawford of Skeldoun, 
William Hamilton of Garrive, 
John Fergushil, bailie of Ayr, 
The laird of Pinkel, elder. 
The hurd of Pinkel, younger, 

' Gruntishaw, 
The laird of Kirkmichael, 
Eccles of Kildonnan, 

— Kennedy of Dannare, 
Gilbert Rickart of Barskiming, 
Robert Kelso of Kelsoland, 
Thomas Blair, merchant in Ayr, 

Kennedy of Kirkhill, 

Caldwell of that ilk. 

£ Scots 1,200 



Mr Cuthbert Canninghaniy 
Patrick Crawford of Cumnock, 

Whytford of Balloch, . 

Allan Danlop, provost of Irvine, 
Charles Hall in Newmills, 

Crawford of Smiddieshaw, 

Reid younger of Ballochmyle, 

Boyd of Pitton, 

Campbell of Shaw, 

Kennedy of Bellimuir, 

William Pedin in Ayr, 
James Wallace of Drummulloch, 
George Crawford in Broch, . 
John Frow in NewmiUs, . 
Robert Nisbet in little Cesnock, 

Reid of Dandilling, 

Mitchel of Dalgen, 

Nidbet of Greidholm, 

John M'CuUoch, in Rue, 
John M'Hutchison, thsre^ 

of Drochallan, . 

of Dalreoch, 

Brown of Walwood, 

Campbell of Harecleugh, 

Campbell of Glasnock elder, 

— Campbell younger of Auchmannoch, 

Aird of Milton, 

Brown of Gordons, 

Campbell of middle Walwood, 

Robert Wallace of Caimhill, 
Campbell of Shaw, . 

Kennedy of Bellimuir, 

James Gordon, chamberlain to the earl of Casilh, 

Douglas of Carallow, 

Alexander Kennedy of Mynybole, 

Kennedy of Kiiockdoon, 

John Kennedy his brother, 
John Fergusson of MiUander, 
Thomas Fergusson of Finage, . 
Hugh Fergusson of Mains, 
Andrew Ross of Travier, 
James Hunter in Carbton, 

Kennedy of Glenmuir, . 

Adam Wright in Dalmellington, 
John Shaw in Belloch, 
Robert Wallace in Holmston, 
David Kennedy of Barchlanachan, 
Thomas Kennedy of Grange, 
John Shaw of Niminshoun, 
John Macmirry, . 

• Shaw of Keir, . 

Mr Robert Auld of Hill, . 

of Knockdall, . 

Earl of Loudoun, 

£ Scots 1,200 
. 1,200 




From the acts of Parliament it appears that Queensherry and Laneric agreed to accept of £2000 
sterling in lieu of the damage sustained from the Remonstrators ; and Parliament sanctioning this ar- 
rangement, commission was given to Hew Earl of Eglinton, William Lord Cochrane, Robert Fergus- 
son of Craigdarroch, Gilbert Richard of Barskiming, William Cuninghame, provost of Ayr, &c., to 
meet at Cumnock, and fix the proportion payable by the various parties who had been engaged in the 
spoliation. The following is the rate submitted for the approval of the Privy Council : — 

The Laird of Rowallan, .... £ Scots 940 

Sir Geoi'ge Maxwell of Nether Pollock, . 

Sir John Kennedy of Cullen, 

Thomas Hay of Park, . 

Mr William Gordon of Earlstoun, . 

Sir Hugh Campbell of Cesnock, . 

James Fullarton of Corsby, 

Thomas Boyd of Pinkel, 

John Shaw of Somb^, 

The heirs of the laird of Glanderston, 

The heii-s of Gihnerscroft, . 

James Hamilton of Aikenhead, . 

John Boyd of Trochridge, . 

Gavin Walkinshaw of that Dk, . 

John Gordon of Boghall, . 

Hugh Wallace of Undem^^ood, . 

Robert WaUace of Caimhill, 

William Wallace of Garrick, . 

Captain Andrew Arnot, 

Thomas Kennedy of Grange, 

Alexander Brodie of Lathom, 

James Nisbet of Greenholm, 

John Crawford of Crawfordland, 

Sir William Cunningham of Cunningham, 

Robert Andro of Little Tarbit, 

John Kennedy of Kirkmichael, . 

Robert Barclay of Perston, . 

Alexander Cunningham of Craigends, 

Sir John Chiesly, . 

John Cunningham of Hill of Beeth, 

Robert Simpson in Edinburgh, 

Robert Hamilton in Ilalcraig, . 

Captain Geoige Campbell, . 

Mr Cuthbert Cunningham of Cochilbee, . 

Mr Lindsay of Belstane, 

Bruce of Stainhouse, . 

Robert Atcheson of Sydesserf, 

Colonel Gilbert Ker, . 

Hunter younger of Hunterstoun, 

John Aird of Miltoun, . 

Captain Hutcheson, 

Mr Alexander Neilson, 

Colonel Halbert, . 

John Shaw of Greenhill, 

Ralston of that Hk, 

William Adair of Kinhilt, 

John Johnston in Glasgow, 

James Hamilton there. 
There are a good many objections given in to the council against several of those quotas 

1,044 9 

814 13 4 


1,444 9 

1,566 13 4 

626 13 4 




325 18 8 

295 6 8 

438 13 4 

112 15 8 

41 16 

156 13 8 

82 17 8 
20 17 
41 16 


1,044 9 


626 13 4 

2,401 6 8 


999 13 4 

438 10 4 


336 6 8 

206 4 4 

125 13 4 


62 13 4 

626 13 4 

250 1 4 

626 13 4 

1,141 6 8 

626 13 4 

83 10 8 
62 13 4 
83 11 
86 7 


41 16 


504 13 4 

250 13 4 




hamheady Craig^ds, Glanderston, and aome others are declared bj the ooancil to be free^ and thor 
defences sustained. And the council approve of the rest, and renew their appointment upon the com- 
mittee to meet, and adjust the proportions of the others, take further trial of some not cited, and report 
to the council against the 1st of March next. I do not observe any further report in the registers, but 
find those sums were increased upon some, and a few added to make up the quota.*' 


In the Cottonian Library is preserved a paper containing tbe names of the nobility who subscribed 
this Bond, among whom the name of the Earl of Murray is erroneously included, as there is an act of 
parliament of the 19th April, 1667 — ^the day on which the Bond was signed at Ainslie's 8upper-«4n 
which it is expressly said that that earl was then out of the realm of Scotland. Of the Ayrshire no- 
bility only the EariJB of Cassillis and Glencanm and Lord Boyd subscribed the bond-^'' EgHnton sub- 
scribed not but slipped away," 


Mr James Hamilton, mentioned in page 110 as having shared with the Laird of 'Braidstane in the 
grant of O'Neil's lands, was a son of Hew Hamilton, vicar of Dunlop, and originally a schoolmaster 
in Dublin. Archbishop Usher was one of his pupils. Hamilton was afterwards— 4th May, 1622 — 
created Yiscoont of Claneboye. 

Errata. — ^Page 42. In the note respecting Otterbum Dxmnoon is mii^rinted for Pulnoon or 
Punoofif in the pariah of Eagleshame. Page 43. ''The Duchess of Albany, stater" — ought to be 
daughter — ^''to Robert HI.'* Page 120 — note respecting mixing wine with water. This practice 
18 not enjoined by the standards of the episoopalian church, though still occasionally followed. 







The town and parifih of Ayr are named fhmi 
the river Ayr. In former times the word was 
variomly spelled-^^r^ Air, Are^ and frequently 
At/re. The parish, inclusive of AUoway, is a pretty 
extensive one. It is bounded by the sea on the 
west; the rivers Ayr and Doon on the north and 
south; and on the east by the parishes of Dal- 
rymple and Coylton. From the sea it extends into 
the interior about ax and a half miles. In the 
charter by which Ayr was erected into a royal 
burgh, the original boundaries are very accurately 
defined-«^mo8t of the names of the landmarks beingf 
still retained. This charter was granted by Wil- 
liam the Lion, about 1197. After stating that he 
had made a burgh at his neu) eagtle of Ayri and 
had granted to the burgesses all liberties and free 
customs enjoyed by the inhabitants of his other 
burghs, the charter goes on to say — ** I have also 
granted to my same burgh, and to my burgesses 
who shall be settled and residing in liiat burgh, 
the Fivepenny-land which pertains to the town of 
Are, by the bounds underwritten : namely — ^from 
Liverdon up into Inverpolcurtecan ; up to Crottun^ 
and so along the Curtecan on to Ourtecan-head, 
ascending along Bogshesken on to Monedamderg; 
and so from Monedamderg, along the syke, on into 
Monemethenac; and from Monemethenac, along 
the syke, on into PoUecluan ; and so along Polle- 
cluan on into Lochferg^ ; and from Lochfergus 
descending on into Dufhat; and from Dufhat 
descending, along the syke, on to the rivulet on 
the east side of Drumnessaul; and from Drum- 

I nessaul rivulet descending on into the syke on the 
west side of that rivulet ; and so along that syke 
on into PalleclonecrangaLi ; and so along Palle- 
clonecrangaH on into Dufloch ; and from thence 
on into Pallemulin ; and so along Pallemulin de- 
scending on into the Aire ; and so along the Are 
descending on into the sea."* The condition of at 
least a portion of the land thus bestowed upon the 
burgh may be inferred from a farther stipulation 
of the charter — ^ I have also granted to my bur- 
gesses residing in the same, that with each full 
toil of theirs, that they may have six acres of land, 
which they shall have cleared of wood, within the 
foresaid fivepenny-land, to make their own profit 

* The oMues of the places in this charter are all Celtic. 
The following is the meaning of them : — Inverdon or In- 
YGT-doun ; tnver, moufch, ciouTi, brown f Inverdon, there- 
fore, may be translated, the mouth of the brown river. 
loTerpolcortecan, or Inyer-poU-cuartagan ; inver, mouth, 
poll, a pool, cuariagcmf windings, circles, or eddies — char- 
acteristic of an pools in which rivers or waters meet : In- 
yerpoldnrtecan may mean the tnouth of the pool of cuor- 
tagan, L e, of the winding burn. Crottan, or croUean, 
crofts. Bogshesken, or bog-easgaun : hog, a hag or marsh, 
etugcaaij an eel : t. e , the bog of eels. Monedamderg, or 
mona-damh-deai^ ; mono, a hill, damh, a stag, dearg, red : 
t. «., the hill of the red stag, or deer. Monemethenac, or 
mona-meadhonach ; mono, a hill, meadhony middle : t. «., 
the middle hill. PoUecluan, or poUe-dnain ; poUe^ pools, 
clucdn, calm, still, sequestered : L e., the still, sequestered 
pools. Loch-fergus, the loch of Fergus. Dufhat, or du- 
f haite ; du, black, y%at<«, place : t. e., black place. Druin- 
nessaul, or dmlm-nan-sauil ; druitn, a lidge, nan, of, tauil, 
bams : i. «., the lidge of the bams. PaUedonecrangali, or 
baile-claon-crann-aillidh ; baUle, a hamlet or farm, claon, 
winding or slanting, crann, tall tree, aHlidh, beautiful: 
t. e.f the slanting hamlet of tall, beautiful, trees. Dufloch, 
or dn-loch ; du, black : L e., the blach loch. Pallemulin, 
or poUe-muilUn ; polle, pools, muillin, mills : t. e., the pool 
of the mills. 



therof — paying yearly to me for each toft, and six 
acres of land thereto adjacent, xii. pennies." Some 
of our local writers have supposed from this that 
the whole district must have heen covered with 
wood ; hut the charter, it will he seen, conveys no 
such meaning. The hurgesses were to have each 
ih&rfuU toft of landy and six acres additional for 
the clearing. From this it is apparent that the 
full tofts were already in an arahle conditi(m. In- 
deed it does not seem prohahle that the land to- 
wards the coast, which is of a light sandy nature, 
and exposed to the sea-hreezes of the west, ever 
produced timher. The lyords of the charter de- 
cide another point of some duhiety, in reference to 
the course of the river Doon. That it joined the 
sea at a different spot from where it presently 
does there can he no doubt; but that it never 
flowed so far north as the mouth of the Ayr, as 
some have surmised, is equally apparent. The 
boundary of the burgh lands is described as run- 
ning from Inverdon — the month of the Doon — 
upwards along the Curiecan — ^now called the 
Slaphouse burn — ^to Curtecan-head. The mouth 
of the Doon, it may therefore be presumed, was 
much nearer Ayr than it is at present ; because, 
the Doon and the Curtecan flowing into the sea 
at one and the same place, it would have scarcely 
been correct to say in the charter *< from Inverdon 
upwards along the Curtecan. '^ The expression 
would more properly have been from Invercurte- 
can. Though it is impossible to state authori- 
tatively where the mouth of the Doon was then 
situated, ihe conjecture of the Rev. Mr Guthill — 
who drew up the very excellent report of the parish 
of Ayr in the Statistical Account — that it entered 
the sea near to Bktckbum, seems to be well found- 
ed. In proof of this he mentions that ^ a few 
years i^o a very handsome bell of considerable 
dimensions, with the words Gloria Sali Doe (for 
Deo) marked upon it in large letters, was found 
in the marshy grounds behind Blackburn House 
— which we have supposed to have been the bed 
of the river — together with some spars of a vessel 
that seems to have been stranded or sunk near its 
mouth. From this it would appear to have been 
navigable, like the Ayr, for some short distance 
above its confluence with the sea. ** That the course 
of the Doon has actually been changed — ^though 
no record of the alteration is known to exist — is 
proven by the circumstance that Cunning Park, 
now situated on the north side of the river, is still 
held to belong to the parish of Maybole ; thereby 
evincing that it must at some period have been on 
the south. This is corroborated by the fact of the 
property of Cunning Park and Windiehall having 
been acquired by the burgh of Ayr so late afl 1673, 
from James Gordon of Newark, in excambion for 
the lands of Law, belonging to the kirk of Allo- 

way, and lying adjacent to his property on the 
south of the Doon. This was x)f course done with 
consent of the kirk-session of Ayr, into whose bands 
the revenues of Alloway had fidlen on the junction 
of the parishes. The devious course of ^e river 
on its approach to the sea is still farther indicated 
by the existence of a small island, at no remote 
period, between Cunning Park and Bridgehouse, 
known as the " Common Isle "; which was ac- 
quired upon a wad-set from the town, by Andrew 
Cochrane of Bridgehouse, in 1721. In addition 
to the large grant of country by William the Lion, 
the lands of Alloway, Courtotm, and Corduiy were 
conferred on the burgh by Alexander 11., in 1236. 
From the wording of the charter it would seem 
that great progress had been made in clearing 
away the wooding since the incorporadon of the 
burgh, some forty years pre^ously ; for it is speci- 
ally provided that the wood of the newly acquired 
lands should not be used for other than useful 
purposes, and for the accommodation of the inluu 
bitants generally. It is perhaps worthy of remark, 
that this injunction continued strictly to be ad- 
hered to until a recent period. So late as 1722 
the woods of Carduiy are repeatedly mention- 
ed in the town's records. They appear to have 
been of considerable extent, and endoeed with a 
dyke — the upholding and repair of whidi con- 
tinued to be a matter of much care with the town. 
The reddendo for the lands of Alloway was ** ten 
punds "; while the reddendo oi the original grant 
by William was only twdve penuies for every six 
acres. In a charter of confirmation by Robert I., 
in 1324, the lands of Alloway, Cortoun, and Car- 
duiy were directed to be hdd as a barony by the 
Corporation of Ayr. This was again confirmed 
by another charter from Robert III. The barony 
was erected into a separate parish from Ayr, and 
continued distinct till 1690, when the pari^ of 
Ayr and barony were conjoined. The lands ori- 
ginally held by the burgh were called the Bor- 
rowfield, in contradistinction to the Barony. 


That Ayr existed as a town or hamlet at a much 
earlier period than the date of Ring Williain's 
charter is abimdantly evident. The charter itself 
affords internal proof of this. <<I have made,*' 
says that document, ** a burgh at my new castle 
of Ayr," which implies that an old castle had pre- 
viouslv been in existence. But the fact that the 
new town of Ayr — Newton-upon-Ayr — ^is men- 
tioned in charters nearly as andent as that by which 
Ayr itself was incorporated, shows that the origin 
of the latter must have been long anterior. There 
is no data, however, for hazarding even a conjee- 



taire as to its extent or popalation at that early 
period. There oan be little doubt that it was a 
Boman station. The highTvay from the Stewartry 
of Kirkcudbright terminated at Ayr, and various 
oircumstanees confirm the belief that the Romans 
had occcq>ied it for a time. Besides several anti- 
qmties of that wonderful people, which have been 
fbmid in the vicinity, the arch of a Roman drain or 
Watergate was discovered, not long ago, while exca- 
vatii^ the foundation of a house in Bridge Street. 
It vras built of sandstone, about eighteen inches 
thick, and presented a diameter of arch from three 
and a- half to four feet. It is probable that, when the 
charter was conferred by William the Lyon, there 
bad been an influx of foreigners, eipeciaUy Flemings 
from the Netherlands, who were then the chief 
mannfkcturers and traders in Europe, whom it had 
been the poficy of the Scottish monarchy, from the 
time of Malcolm Canmcnre, to encourage to settle 
in the country. The commercial privileges grant- 
ed to the burgh were extensive. The right of 
ezcbsive buying and sdling extended over the 
whole of Kyle, and along the borders of Cuning- 
hame, to the limits of the county. They had the 
right of levying custom at Mcuih^ KcumbuUf Lavo^ 
dufty Conecon^ and Lachialpin* — .while they were 
themselves ** free from toll and all other custom for 
their chattels in demain.'' This right of levy was 
enforced so late as 1678. A minute of Council of 
the 21st February of that year says-^'* John Louk 
(fair) and James Hamiltoun, merdiands burgesses 
of Glasgow, being convened befor the magistrats 
for sdling Spanish wyn vriihin the Lybertiea of Air 
at the Troon — ^within the liberties of the burgh— < 
and considering that the vesheU was driven to the 
foresaid troon in hazard of lyfe, goods and veshell, 
and the foresaid merchands having referred them< 
selves to the discretion of the magistrats and Coun- 
sell for the Ubertie usurpit within the liberties 
aforesaid, have appointed and ordained the saids 
merchands to pay the soum of thriescoir punds," 
ice. Whatever may have been the condition of 
Ayr prior to its incorporatioQ — ^whether ranking 
as a town or a mere hamlet — it seems to have been 
a pUce of no small political importance, and to 
have enjoyed a flattering share of the royal favour. 
Alexander III. frequently held bis court at Ayr. 
In the Chamberlain Rolls, 1265, William Cumin, 
of Kilbryde, being Sheriff of Ayr, we find it enjoin, 
ed upon ^the Earl of Buchan, who had Carrick in 
farm from the Crown, to provide for ^ the consumpt 
of the Lord King," that he ** may hold a better 
Court, 12 chalders wheat, 40 cows, 40 chalders 
barley or malt, 20 chalders oats ; so that the Lord 

* The right to levy custom conferred on the bui^s^h thus 
extended from Laicht^Alpin to Corsincon, Loudoan, and 
Haochlino — describing, between the riyers Doon and Ir- 
Tine, the whole diatrict of Kyle. 

Eang might have all these aforesaid ready for his 
service in whatever year in October at St Martin's, 
if it can be done, that it shall be provided fifteen 
days before the festival of the blessed Sanct Mar- 
tin." The new castle built by William was erect- 
ed as a safeguard alike against the Norwegian 
rovers, and the lawless Qalwegians, the territory of 
the latter extending at that time to the banks of 
the Doon.* A raid into the fertile lands of Kyle 
and Cuninghame was at all times inviting. Under 
Rorie Gill, a celebrated freebooter, they made fre- 
quent inroads, pillaging the country and levying 
black-mail from the inhabitants. The town was 
enclosed with a wall on the south and east, the sea, 
together with the castle, on the west, and the river 
on the north, forming a sufficient protection on 
these sides. At what period the walls were ori- 
ginally built does not appear. The first notice of 
them in the town records occurs in 1585, when an 
act was passed '^anent the bigging of the Portis." 
The plague was raging in the country at this 
period, and the ports were ordered to be erected 
for the purpose of more effectually guarding against 
the entrance of infected persons. No one was to 
enter the town save by the ports, under the pain of 
scourging. It is not to be supposed, however, that 
this was the first section of a defence round the 
town. The probability is that the waUs had been 
allowed to fall into decay, and that the town had 
ouigrown the original enclosure. There were three 
principal ports — the Bridge port, on the north ; 
the Kyle port, on the east ; and the Carrick, or 
Sandgate port, on the south. The first yras situ- 
ated at the northern extremity of the bridge ; the 
second, at a house which juts out across the pave- 
ment a short distance above Wallace Tower ; and 
the third, in the Sandgate, at the comer of St John 
Street.t There was also a fourth — of lesser mo- 
ment — called the sea-port, at the mouth of the 
Boat Vennel. As these ports were no doubt erect- 
ed at the extremities of the town, a pretty accurate 
idea may be thus formed of its extent at that period. 
If a line were drawn from the house jutting out 
above the Wallace Tower to St John Street in 
Sandgate, exclusive of a portion of the Carrick 
Yennel, and the entire of Bams and Fullarton 
Streets, and from thence by Fort Street down to 
the Boat Vennel, the boundary would be fully 

* King William bnilt the castle of Ayr in 1197— proba- 
bly as a barrier against the men of Galloway. — HaUa^ 

f In giving his evidence in the "Manse Process," the 
late Mr Robertson, writer, stated that he recollected hay- 
ing seen the remains of the south, or Sandgate port, which 
he described as standing nearly opposite the then Sheriff 
Clerk's office. He did not remember the Townheed or 
eastern gates ; but their situation, a shoit distance above 
the Wallace Tower — where a house still projects across the 
pavement on the north-cast — ^hod been pointed out to him. 



ascertained. Indeed, from the views of Slezer, 
published in 1693, the town does not seem to 
have then greatly extended beyond these limits. 
Of the number of inhabitants it would be diffi- 
cult to form a proper estimate, prior to 1690, 
when a census of the parish was taken, with 
the view of imposing the obnoxious hearth- 
tax. The number of houses in the parish — 
exclusive of those belonging to poor persons and 
people under charity — amounted to 12^9, besides 
sixty chimneys in ruinous and untenantable houses. 
Allowing five persons to each hearth — ^which is 
rather a moderate average — ^the number of inhabi- 
tants would be 6195, exclusive of the poorer classes, 
and those who lived on charity, who must have 
been pretty numerous. The population, however, 
seems to have been much greater during the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries than in the 
dghteenth. In 1610, two thousand are said to 
have fallen a sacrifice to the plague which then 
prevailed; while, in 1745, the whole population 
was estimated not to exceed that amount. The 
committee appointed to ascertain the number of 
able-bodied men in the town, with the view of 
forming a corps in aid of the Government at that 
period, reported that there were 394 between the 
ages of sixteen and sixty ; and, at the general ren- 
dezvous which subsequently took place, 413 appear- 
ed from the entire parish, town, burrowfield, and 
barony. Thus allowing the able-bodied portion di 
the community to constitute a sixth part of the 
whole, the entire inhabitants would not greatly ex- 
ceed the estimate already mentioned. In 1 714 the 
commission appointed to ascertain the ^ real rent 
derived from all properties upon which cess was 
payable, reported the amount to be £5644, 18s. 
5d., Scots money, " besides two cellars under the 
English school pertaining to Provost Robert Moor, 
valuech at £12 Soots." In 1722 there were ^ve 
" chirurgeons and apothecaries" in Ayr, nearly as 
many as there are at present. Like the rest of 
Scotland, Ayr seems to have suffered severely from 
the effects, first of the Union of the Crowns, and 
secondly of the Union of the Elingdoms — ^the para- 
lyzing influence of which, prior to the opening up 
of new channds of industry towards the close of 
the eighteenth century, was most severe. Since 
that time Ayr has steadily advanced in popula- 
tion and in wealth. The suburbs have been gra- 
dually extended ; and the number of improvements 
effected, as well as the many elegant villas which 
have recently sprung up in the vicinity, attest the 
public spirit and prosperity of the community. 


As already shown in the general historical out- 
line of the county, Ayr had no doubt been a point 

of some importance as early as the days of the 
Romans. The various remains of sepulture which 
have been found within the boundaries of the parish 
also show that its plains had more than once been 
the scene of sanguinary conflict. It is not, how- 
ever, until a much later period that we have any 
authentic notices of events connected vrith the 
locality. The castle of Ayr was of course the 
centre of action — ^the main point of attack or de- 
fence in time of war. It is supposed to have oc- 
cupied an eminence immediately in the rear of the 
Academy — on the South Quay — and, befcnre the 
erection of Cromwell's fort, its base had no doubt 
been washed by the Ayr, and by tbe tide, which 
flows much farther up the river. It consisted of 
three towers-— as appears from the seal of the burgh 
— and, from its position, must have been a place of 
considerable strength. In the national wars it un- 
derwent many vidssitudes. According to Torfa- 
cus—- though Tytler, in his History of Scotland, 
takes no notice of the fiict — ^it was captured by the 
Norw^fians under Haco on the 3d of August, 1263. 
We know from the Chamberlain Rolls — extracts 
from which were quoted in the general history of 
the county — ^that the castle of Ayr was put in a 
state of defoice at this time ; and ^e probability is 
that it was stormed by the Norweg^ians before pro- 
ceeding farther up the Clyde. When Edward I. 
usurped the Scottish throne, it was delivered up to 
him, amongst other strongholds, as a pledge of the 
fealty of the surrounding district, and garrisoned 
by a large body of English troops under Lord de 
Percie. The castle, however, v^as retaken by the 
adherents of Sir William Wallace at the burning 
of the Bams of Ayr. The English, sallying out 
to aid their countrymen, ^Boyd," aocordii^ to 
Blind Harry, ^ wan the port, and entered vrith all 
his men.*' The severe but justifiable revenge of 
Wallace vras instantly resented by Edward, who 
despatched Lord Henry Percie with 4000 troops 
to recapture the castle, which he accomplished, and 
put the defenders to the sword. It was afterwards 
evacuated, however, Wallace having succeeded in 
driving the English qut of the country. At the 
time of the battle of Falkirk the castle was held hj 
Bruce in a kind of neutrality ; but finding that it 
could not be maintained against the overwhelming 
forces of Edward, he caused it to be destroyed by 
fire on retiring from it. The English, knowing 
the importance of the position, speedily rebuilt the 
castle, and continued to hold it throughout the 
greater part of the struggle for the crown which 
followed. Ralph de Mortheamer, Earl of Glouces- 
ter, took refuge within its walls after his defeat hj 
Bruce at Loudoun Hill, and though blockaded hj 
the latter with great vigour, the si^^ proved un- 
successful. After the battle of Bannockbiurn, it 
was surrendered, along with the other strongholds 



possessed by the English in Scotland. When Ed- 
ward Bruce, in 1314, passed over to aid Ireland in 
throwing off the Saxon yoke, his army of *' full 
seven thousand men and mair," were partly accom- 
modated in the castle, then governed by Sir Fergus 
de Ardrossaine and Sir Philip Mowbray, prior to his 
sailing on the expedition. The famous parliament 
which settled the succession of the crown on the 
family of Robert Bruce, was held in the church 
of St John, on Sabbath, the 26th April, 1315. 
After the disastrous battle of Hallidon Hill, the 
castle once more came into the possesion of the 
Englbh; but the inhabitants, rising under the 
command of the Sheriff, Sir Godfrey Ross, caiTied 
it by surprise, and put the garrison to the sword. 
It was again captured by the English in 1336, dur- 
ing the disastrous r^gn of David II. ; and again in 
1347, by Lord RadiJph NeviU. During the civil 
commotions, consequent on the death of James V., 
the castle was garrisoned by some French troops 
under Ruel de Burg, in the interest of Mary of 
Guise. The castle is supposed to have existed so 
late as 1652, when Cromwell built the fort of Ayr ; 
but this is doubtful. No notice of it whatever oc- 
curs in the town's records. 


The town of Ayr suffered severely in former 
times, and even until a late period, from the blow- 
ing of the sand, occasioned by the heavy western 
gales. The church of St John, from its situation, 
close to the sea, was much exposed to these storms, 
which sometimes uncovered the dead in the ceme- 
tery around it. The damage committed was so great 
that Robert II. granted a charter — dated 1381 — 
offering to those who should devise means for pro- 
tecting the town, church, and cemetery from the 
devastating effects of the drifting sand, such part 
of the waste lands within the burgh as the inhabi- 
tants might by their labour or outlay render habit- 
able—to be held by them and their heirs in free 
burgage for ever, on payment of one penny ster- 
ling for each pacata.* The evil does not seem to 
have been much abated by this offer ; as we find 
the inhabitants, during the reign of Robert III., 
applying to the Regent Albany for liberty to 
straighten the Sandgate Vennel, to prevent the 
blowing of the sand, which was desci*ibed as threat- 
ening the destruction of the town. Permission 
baang been granted, the magistrates accordingly 
issued an order, on the 1st Nov., 1435, to build 
the houses more closely. In 1589, it was also 
enacted that <' na wi*ak be gathered between the 
pertehe and the Courtechan burne," that the sea- 

♦ A contraction, in all probability, for pariicaia —a 
pcTchi or rood. 


ware might have the effect of giving more solidity 
to the sand. Since that time the sea has greatly 
receded, and the erection of the citadel, in 1652, 
contributed in no small degree to obviate the 
nuisance. Still, so late as 1725, it had not alto- 
gether disappeared. At this period the lands usu- 
ally let under the denomination of '' the pasturage 
of the hills'' — a tract extending from the ** west 
part of the suburbs without the Sandgate Port, 
and from thence by the north-west of the laigh 
sands towards the Blackburn, as far as the town's 
rights and privileges go " — were gpiven in tack, upon 
a lease of three nineteen years, to the Hon. Colonel 
Cathcart and Captdin Lawrence Nugent — ^upon 
condition that the sand-hills should be levelled and 
the g^*ound otherwise improved. One of the chief 
reasons assigned Ibr granting this lease was, ^ not 
only the danger of losing the ground foresaid, but 
also of incommoding the town and harbour by the 
excessive blowing of the sandy as it hath done of 
late years ; and that there are already severall 
iMreaches made and wide gaps in the said lands; 
and that severall acres of the laigh and mid-sands 
much damnified by the blowing of the sand." To 
the puMio spirit and improving enterprise of the 
Hon. Col. Cathcart and Captain Lawrence Nu- 
gent, therefore, are the inhabitants indebted for 
the removal of a source of injury, the effects of 
which we can scarcely form an adequate concep- 
tion of — and the enjoyment, by the levelling of 
the sand-hiUs, of one of the finest sea-beach pro- 
menades in the west of Scotland. In the lease 
the tacksmen were limited to pasture ; and it was 
stipulated that ^ wreck and the rubbish of the 
town" were to be used in consolidating the sand ; 
while the more barren portions were to be digged 
or ploughed, and ** clover or other g^rass seeds " 
sown thereon for the purpose of ''procuring a 
green sward.*' This lease was gpiven up by the 
tacksmen in 1735; Captiun Nugent, who was 
comptroller of customs here, having removed from 
Ayr at that period. That the town had suffered 
vast damage and inconvenience from the blowing 
of the sand is evident from the fact, that in exca- 
vating drains and founding houses stone pavements 
have been dug up many feet under the surface, 
showing that the level of the street had at one time 
been much lower. In Sandgate Street, a short 
time ago, in taking down an old house and digging 
the foundation of a new one, the labourers, at the 
depth of eight or ten feet, came upon an ash-pit, 
in which were a poker and one or two other ar- 
ticles belonging to a kitchen. As this was under 
the foundation of the old tenement, it is apparent 
that some sdll more ancient habitation had existed 
there ; the street, in progress of time, having been 
literally imbedded by the drifted sand. 

The records of the Town Council of Ayr have 



not been preserved farther back than 1547. It is 
evident, however, from extracts of their proceed- 
ings in connexion with the charters of the monas- 
teries and other documents, that the council had 
commenced keeping minutes at a much earlier 
period. Several of the volumes are partially de- 
cayed, and in various parts illegible. Between 
1553 and 1580 there is a complete hiatus ; an en- 
tire volume, in all probability, having gone amiss- 
ing. In these books most of the public events in 
which the burgh took part are recorded, as well 
as all local transactions of importance. The com- 
munity seem to have been greatly troubled with 
the pestilence, or <<pest,*' as it was called. In 
1548 a minute occurs, in which— ^the council, hav- 
ing learned that one Isobel Lockhart and her hus- 
band had ^< past of the town and layin In the 
burgh," it is ordered that they be forthwith passed 
without the walls, beyond the water of Doon, not 
to return under a severe penalty. In the minute 
mention is made of " the bst pest," from which it 
appears that the town had been similarly afflicted 
some time before. In 1584 a proclamation was 
issued by the magistrates, in reference to the *' Raid 
of Strevling." AH *< evil disposed " persons were 
to be taken up, and the peaceable to keep their 
booses. In this year the town's property appears 
to have been first let by public roup — the council 
havbg passed a minute to that effect. In 1585 
several statutes were enacted concerning the pest. 
All strangers were strictly prohibited from enter- 
ing the town, and none were to resort to the in- 
fected <'bot testimonially. '^ It seems as if the 
<<pest" had been the cause of ^'bigging the 
portis *'— -or at all events of repairing them — ^for 
91 this year, as already mentioned, the statute 
appears for their erection. The building of them 
cost five hundred pounds Scots. The regulations 
respecting the plague, and the guarding of the 
ports, were enforced with much rigour. In the 
same year the council resolved to build a meal- 
market; and an act of parliament was subse- 
quently obtained for the purpose. About this time, 
the town, in reference to the Stirling raid, had, 
by command of his majesty, to furnish ^ twenty 
hagbuttis and xx speirmen, to repair to Edinburgh 
with all diligence. " To do this the inhabitants were 
stented in the sum of six hundred pounds Soots. 
The burgh was repeatedly put to expense in the 
service pf the crown. Li 1588 the community 
was stented in the sum of iijc, iiijlbs (£304 Scots), 
to defray the expense incurred in " furnishing the 
ship for the apprehension of my Lord Maxwell, as 
ordered by his majesty;*' and the same year the 
inhabitants were again called upon tp liquidate the 
expense sustained in ^* rigging fyve of the shypis 
of his majestic. " In 1590, the shipping of ^e 
Clyde was much harassed by a band of pirates. 

supposed, says the council minute, ** to be High- 
landmen." John Rankine, John M'Call, John 
Kay, and Adam Neille, skippers, were appointed, 
with such number of mariners as pleased to go 
with them, to proceed, in boats sufficiently flir- 
nished, against the pirates. Whether they were 
successful or not in capturing them does not ap- 
pear. In the same year, thirty hagbutters, in vir- 
tue of his majesty's proclamation, were despatched 
to garrison ihe house and fortalice of Pokelly. 
In 1597 the burgh was again afflicted with the 
** pest," and strict order taken by the authorities 
that all access to the town should be prevented, 
unless by the four ports. In 1602 a great scarcity 
and dearth having occurred, the council enacted 
that <* forasmeikle as their is ane great dearth pre- 
sently risen within the burgh, and appearanlie to 
rise mair and mair, so lykewyse in the cuntra here- 
about, be transportation of victual furth of this 
cuntrie, &c., against his majesties laws ; it is sta- 
tute and ordained that na manner of persoun 
or persouns, either inhabitants of the burgh or 
strangers, tak vpon themselves or presume to 
transport any victuall or vivres furth of this ooun- 
trie, vnder the pane of confiscation." In 1607, 
an hospital appears to have been built in the town. 
In 1609, another expedition— -oonasting of <*& 
ship and pynnage " — was engaged to go in search of 
some pirates on the west coast of Ireland. The 
expense of seizing them amounted to sixty pounds 
Scots. The council ordered other sixteen pounds 
to be divided between the *' twa schippis of Robert 
Dalrimple and Daniel Stewart." In 1643, while 
the Scottish troops- — sent over to quell the di^ 
turbances of that period — were on service in Ire- 
land, the western coasts of Scotland were greatly 
annoyed by some Irish and Dunkirk frigates, which 
captured several vessels from Scotland laden with 
supplies for the troops. John Kennedy, burgess 
of Ayr, was in consequence commissioned to rig 
out a ship and pinnace, at Ayr, Irvine, or any other 
part of the sea-coast, to *< goe out against the Ii*isch 
and Dunkirk friggottis." " Six minion brase guns, 
with two feild peices," were given to Kennedy for 
the purpose. A commission was, at the same 
time, and for the same object, given to '' James 
Brown, capitane of the ship callit the James of 
Salquot, and to of L->'ing, capt. of 

the ship callit the providence. To arme and fur- 
nish thair saids shippes with men, victuals, and 
artailliarie greate and small, and with poulder, 
leid, lunt, and all other warlyke fumitoure and 
provLsioun." To fit out these vessels six cannons 
were borrowed from the Marquis of Argyle, and 
two from the Earl of Eglinton — the estates be- 
coming security for their re-delivery, or payment. 
The commissioners of the burghs of Glasgow, 
Ayr, and Irvine were also allowed 5000 merks for 



fitting up two ships for the same purpose. In 
1644, Hew Kennedie, provost of Ayr, was paid 
£1135, 16s. Scots for supplying ships to carry 
4000 bolls of meal for the Scots army in Ireland. 
He and his brother John were also paid £1317, 
18s. Scots for 113 barrels of rye, at 18s., includ- 
ing interest. Robert Gordon, and his partner 
merchants, supplied and transported 941 bolls, 2 
firlots, 3 pecks of meal, and 189 barrels of beans 
— ^the latter at 18s. the barrel. In 1647, the 
burgh was again so much devastated by the plague, 
that George Mason was sent as a commissioner to 
the estates, to represent the great hardship of Hie 
burgh in maintaining the poor and necessitous; 
and to supplicate that they be freed of the excise, 
** in respect " — says the minute — " that the trade 
of all exciseable goods is stoppit and hindred by 
reason of the plague ; wherethrough the mylnes 
are waste, and their is no rent payt for the burgh 
lands.'* Whether this supplication was attended 
to does not appear. The burgh, however, had to 
fombh its quota of troops for Duke Hamilton's 
engagement, according to the proportion fixed by 
the estates — which was, for the counties of Ayr and 
Renfrew, 200 foot and 240 horse. In the warlike 
proceedings that followed, the burgh conti'ibuted 
its full share of men and money. The number of 
troopers raised for what was called the associate 
levy — before the battle of Dunbar — cost the 
town 5800 merks. Besides this, the burgh « was 
at much expense in quartering troops during the 
formation of the army. 

AHer the defeat of the Scottish forces at 
Dunbar, Ayr, amongst other towns, was taken 
possession of by Cromwell, and the church of 
St John turned into an armoury. The church- 
yard wds about an acre in extent. This, with 
other sixteen acres, Cromwell converted into a re- 
gular fortification, with a fosse and an esplanade. 
Whether he made a purchase of St John's, and 
and the land constituting the citadel, is not cer- 
tain. It is known that he paid one thousand 
merks to the town, which sum was applied in as- 
sisting to build the present old church of Ayr. 
But the probability is that this was given by way 
of solatium, not as purchase money. The town- 
council records bear no evidence of any transaction 
having occurred of the nature of a sale. The 
thousand merks are spoken of merely as money to 
be had or ** received from the English." The for- 
tificatioQ — the walls of which are still pretty en- 
tire — was one of the most complete constructions 
of the kind in the kingdom ;* and so expensive that 

* From Atiis, Aitocst 19, 1652. — Tlie Major-Oeneral is 
BOW about Inerara or Cantiro, viewing the several garrisons 
there. Ck>loneI Alured hath sent from his regiment 135 
men to three garrisons, videlicet, Braddock [Brodick] in 
Arran, Loughead, and Tarbut in Cantyre: eight months 

Cromwell is said, when the accounts were pre- 
sented, to have asked <* whether ii had not been 
built of gold ?" According to tradition, a greai 
many of the stones were brought by sea' from 
Ardrossan castle. The building of the present 
old church was begun in 1653, and fini^ed in 
1655. Whatever sum it might cost more than 
the thousand merks given by the English, was 
to be contributed from the town's funds; the 
inhabitants agreeing, *^ either be volunter con- 
tribution or be stent," to make good the de- 
ficiency of the burgh rents, if any occurred. 
The ground chosen for the site was called the 
« Friar yeards," and was purchased by the town- 
council from several individuals who had acquired 
the property subsequent to the Reformation. In 
the indenture, or contract, ''anent building the 
kirk," its dimensions are thus described : — " The 
body of the kirk to be four score and ten foot of 
length, without the waUs ; in breadth, thirty foot 
within the walls; and to fix and build thereto an isle 
of the length of three score six foot, from the pulpit 
to the gilvell thereof; that every side wall be twenty- 
one foot high from the foundii^ion upwards; every 
side wall and gavell three foot thick, and one of 
the gavelb four foot thick; with two sufficient 
penns in the side walls, one behind the pulpitt and 
the other before the same, according to the meas- 
ure of wideness of the isle ; to have hewn windows, 
both in side walls and gavells, according to the 
rule set down by the ingineer; all the windows 
within and without to be hewn work, with one 
plaster saillze, and every one of them penn'd ; all 
the cunzies to be of sufficient hewn work ; the roof 
to be of three score cupples, or thereby, and every 
tree to be seven or nine inches in the square, of 
sufficient fir-timber ; the kirk and isle to be sarked 
with sufficient dales, to be slaitted above ; the rig- 
ging-stone to be put thereon sufficiently ; the win- 
dows to be all sufficiently glassed with glass-bands ; 
and to make sufficient doors, with locks and bands, 
and to be casten within and without." The par- 
ties to this contract were the Rev. William Adair, 
minister at the time, on the part of the magis- 
trates ; and Theophilus Rankine, smith, Ayr, and 
John Masoun and John Smith, masons, in Ril- 
maurs. The seating of the church, the building 
of the churchyard dyke, &c., were the subjects of 

provision is laid in for tliem. The Major-General was 
minded to come this way at his return. Our fortlflcation 
here goes on fast ; after we get the foundation laid we are 
very much ti-oubled with water, and have no earth but a 
shattering sand, that as we dig in one place another place 
falls upon us ; but we hope before winter come upon us to 
get all, or most part of the foundation laid. When it is 
finished it will be a place of as great strength as will be in 
Englatid or Scotland ; the firesh water well, seven or eight 
foote deepe, about two parts of it, and the sea and river 
about the other part — Diurnal of OccurrenceSf Spottis^ 
wood's Miscdlany, Vol. Jl.y page 76. 

164 . 


different contracts. The following statement of 
the money expended is preserved in the town- 
C:>uncil records : — 

Adeotmt of the Chai|fes payed be the Toan of Ayr, and 
be thair order, for baying tho ground of ane Ghurchyaird 
and place of Burial— the Building of the Church, and re- 
pairing the samyn within— and Building of the Church- 
dyke, and Entries thereto— filling up the ground of the 
said Church-yaird, and levelling thereof, as follows, viz :— 
Imp., For the pryee of the ground of the said church and 
'thurch-yard, to severall parties and persouns, as it was 
-comprised by order of Collonel Allured, and thair aith 
taken by the said Collonel for the ground foresaid, payed 
therefor, as will appear by the severall particulars, the 
Boume of Threteen hundred fortlo-three *u s. d. 

pound, fortine shiUing, 01343 14 00 

Itm,, Paid to Theophilus Rankine, conform 
to ane indenture, for building of the 
church, and completing the haill stone 
work, and slait and glus. Ten thousand 

pounds Scots money 10,000 00 00 

itm., To John Crawfurd, for woneing of 
stones, and sand and lyme, Three hun- 

dred pounds,... , 00,300 00 06 

Itm., To the<^hilu8 Rankine, for building 
of the <^urch-dyke and pavemcnting of 
the church, Twa Thousand nyne hundred 

threteen pounds, seaven shilling, 02,913 07 00 

Itm., For entries and the porche, miff and 
slaitlng, with doors and iron-work ; in all 

Six hundred pounds, 00,600 00 00 

Ihn., For three great lofts, and the connsai 

loft, Twa thousand six hundred pounds,.. 02,600 00 00 
Itm^ For the pulpit and the seat round about 
it, with the portallis, payd to John Hun- 
ter, carpenter. Six hundred pounds, 00,600 00 00 

Ihn^ For thHescore pewes. One thousand 

twa hundred pounds, 01,200 00 00 

jitm.. For the scbollare's seat, and ane place 
for the elements, One hundred and f^tie 

pounds,... 00,160 00 00 

Jim., For lime and hair for pUdftering the 
church and workmanship thereof, Ane 

hundred and three score pounds, 00,160 00 00 

Ttm., For dailies for. cylering the church, 

Seaven hundred pounds, 00,700 00 00 

Jim., For levelling the church-yard, and 
laying ane sinck, Twa hundred and three- 
Bcore pounds, 00,260 00 00 

Summa, 20,827 01 00 

This sum amounts to about £1708 sterling, which, 
taking the value of money «t that period into con- 
sideration, would be equal to nearly £3000 of the 
present currency. The form of the churdi appears 
to be almost an exact <jounterpart of the body of 
St John's, without the tower. Though nearly two 
hundred years have elapsed since it was erected, 
the original seating and other wood-work are still 
in excellent condition, and may last for ages. In 
the north-west comer of the building is a rude but 
somewhat attractive monument to the memory of 
the Rev. Mr Adair. He is represented in a kneel- 
ing attitude, in allusion to his having, through the 
efficacy of prayer, as is alleged, been the means of 
turning away some plague-ships which were about 
to enter the harbour. 

The disruption occasioned by the usurpaticn 
seems to have had some effect on the municipal 
management of the burgh. A hiatus occurs in 

the books of the council from the 18th of August, 
1652, till 6th April, 1654 ; and again from 1654 
till Michaelmas, 1655, when a new election takes 
place. It would thus appear that during the 
greater part of three years the council either did 
not meet, or kept no minutes of their sederunts. 
In 1658, the following mmute (dated 24th October) 
occurs in the council books- — '* Qlk day the magi». 
'' trates and counsel appoynted Hew Kennedy lait 
"Provost, John Crawford, Pro. -Fiscal, and the 
" Clerk, to go to Mayboile upon Tuysday, and to 
« speak with James Crawfurd of Ardmillan,* now 
** principal schireff, anent the removal of the schireff 
** court, at least devyding the suits ; and to use the 
" best reasouns they can in ane fair way to move 
" him to reduce and bring back the samyn to Air, 
<< according to the ancient custoume, being the held 
** burgh of the schyre, and to protest agaunst any 
** schireff court that sail be kept there ; and for re- 
** meid of law." How the dqmtation was received 
by ArdmiUan the records do not mention. This 
gentleman took an active part in the political com- 
motions of the period, and rose to considerable 
power on the downfall of others^ He enjoyed the 
bailiary of Carrick and regality of Crasmnguel, 
formerly possessed hj the Earl of Cassillis, and he 
seems, from the minute quoted, to have also ob- 
tained the skeriflship of the county, whk;h heritably 
belonged to the Loudoun fieunily, though none of 
the genealogical writers notice the hfit. This lat- 
ter honour, he must, from the date of the nunute, 
have acquired under Cromwell. 

During the Cromwellian period the law seems 
to have been chiefly administered by a set of jus- 
tices^ who held their courts within the dtadel . The 
following is a copy, or extract from, one of their 
sederuntst : — 

Withhi the CRiedaill of Air» 28 lilareb, 1650, 

Justices present — 

Major Peter Crispe. 

John Haldane of Entrekine. 

Capitane William Giflkn of bh'ktounholme. 

Ttie which day Alexander Campbell, elder of Pennie- 
more, wes couveined before them, and eonfest that Korman 
Gunynghame and Angus H'Niveine, the two ferrieres at 
Killerlamount, told him that they did sie the two men at 
the Largis, which were the two men the said fnrieree did 
sie at his house before, and that he onlie ansered to them 
this — That he admired what these men wer doing thair ; 
and being interrogat if the forriers told him the names of 
these two men they saw at the Largis, He answered nega- 
tive — that they did not tell him. And being interrogat if 
ho did forbid or discharge the saids two fcrriers to tell any 
that they saw these two men at the Largis — He answered 
negative that he did it not, which is direct contradictorlo 
to the depositiones of the saids two ferriers. And also 
being interrogat by the Justices afoirsaids about the bussi- 
nes of Allaster M'Nachtan at Arran, accompanyed with 
John Campbell, younger of Penniemore, his sone, and M^or 
David Ramsay, anserit thus — That the said Allastre being 
in BUte of marriage of a gentle-woman, callit Hamil- 

* Formerly of Baidland. 

t Found amongst tho EgUnton papers. 



tonne, the sister of the wyfo of the minister of Suawhorr, 
went to Arran to speak with some of her freinds in Arran, 
aoent that purpose of manage with her, and being interro- 
gat if he knew anything of his sono his seeking fra Sir 
James Stewart, the laite Shereff of Bute, of a testificat of 
the tyme of his residence in Bute, which he advysed his 
said sone to seek for the said testificat from him, anssered 
negative, That he knew nothing of it, neyther did he advyra 
him to it. And lykwayis being interrogat if ho saw his 
'wyfe speake with Allaster M'Nanchtan privatlie, or apairt, 
or tlukt he Iteard the said Allaster seeking for the sword 
which was in missing, anssred n^^atiye. And lykwayes 
being interrogat npon all the particulars contenit in the de- 
positioune of Katherine Robesone his doehter-in-law, ans- 
sred n^iative, except that he callit the deoeist Thomas 
Robesone, her ftither, a dog carle^ and that ho wold have 
bein in at the doores upon him againe efter he was thrust 
out by women, qrof the said Kathreine Robesone his doch- 
ter-in-law wes one. 


P. Grispb. 
Will. Givtav. 

Of the nature of the case thus- investigated little 
idea can be formed from the facts elucidated. The 
petition, however, of ** James Hoyll, marishall of the 
dtiedale of Air," to Parliament, in 1661, after the 
Restoration, shows that Alexander Campbell, elder, 
of Penniemore, was accused of the slaughter of 
one Thomas Bobieson. He had been imprisoned 
by the justices of peace for Ayr, till process should 
be ^ deduced against him "; and the petition of the 
marshal was for payment of £14, 5s. sterling, ex- 
pended on hb maintenance. On Campbell's ten- 
antry becoming security for the money— Allan 
Dunlop, provost of Irvine, to uplift it — 'he obtain- 
ed his liberty. 

On the restoration of Charles II., in 1660, the 
fort of St John was dismantled by an order of the 
privy council, and the whole, including the church 
and other buildings — ^under a charter of the great 
geal» of the 20th August, 1663 — granted to Hugh, 
seventh Earl of Eglinton, in consideration of the 
many and faithful services performed by him and 
his lather, and the damage they had sustained dur- 
ing the usurpation. This charter, at the same 
time, conferred all the privileges of a free burgh 
of reg^ty on Montgomerieaton — as the citadel 
was called — ^with power to choose its own magis- 
trates. The authorities of Ayr, jealous of the 
erection of an independent community so immedi- 
ately within their bounds, preferred a petition 
on the subject. The lords of exchequer gave a 
deliverance to the effect that they could not pre- 
vent the passing of the signature, but that their 
rights, or rather the rights of both parties, should 
be duly preserved. This charter was subsequently 
confirmed. In 1687, the citadel, with its liberties 
and pertinents, was purchased from Lord Alexan- 
der, afterwards Earl of Eglinton, by John Muir, 
Provost of Ayr, and others; from whom it was 
re-purchased, in 1727, by Captain Nugent, for 
Susannah, Countess of Eglinton. In the negotiar- 
tion of this sale some reservation seems to have 
been made as to cei*tain privileges enjoyed by the 

inhabitants while the citadel was in possession of 
the disposers, for, in 1747, a minute of council 
occurs, by which the magistrates were instructed 
to " wait upon the Countess of Eglinton and re- 
monstrate against the inclosing the fosse and trench 
of the citadel, so as to prevent all access to the fort, 
where the inhabitants used to walk and exercise va- 
rious rights of property." It was farther agreed 
by the council that the tower should be preserved as 
a landmark for seamen, and for the burgesses to view 
their ships from. In 1784, a petition was pre- 
sented to the magistrates and council by William 
Fullarton,'Esq. of Rosemount, praying them to 
take the tower under their protection. Mr Ful- 
larton, it appears, with the view of preserving the 
tower, had caused it to be repaired^ and a flat rooi 
put upon it. In one of the rooms he placed a 
copy of the settlement of the crown on Robert 
Bruce, in 1315; and) '^as a monument of the 
spirit of four burgesses, who, when the citadel 
was sold to the Countess of Eglinton, reserved 
the tower as a land-mark for seamen/' craved 
the town to take it under their protection. The 
council accordingly ordered the dean of guild to 
adopt such measures as he thought necessary for 
its preservation. From the Countess of Eglin- 
ton the citadel passed into the hands of her 
relative. Sir Thomas Kennedy of Culzean, af- 
terwards Earl of Cassillis — her ladyship being 
his debtor in the sum of £700. This occurred 
in 1756, since which period the property has 
continued in the possession of the Cassillis &- 
mily. In 1787, the citadel having again become 
a brewery, the magistrates — reverting to the claim 
exercised in 1754 — proceeded against the occu- 
pants, Messrs M'Connell and M'Cracken, for thir- 
lage upon 276 bolls of malt. The demand was 
resisted, and the case having been carried before 
the court of session, the Earl of Cassillis obtained 
a decision in his favour, clearly establishing the 
independence of Montgomerieston. 

Though the aggressor in this instance, the 
burgh seems to have had no small difficulty, from 
first to last, in miuntaining its rights and privi- 
l^es against the encroachments of interested par- 
ties. In 1668, the community was put into a 
state of great excitement by an attempt, on the 
part of Sir Thomas Wallace of Craigie, to shut 
the highway leading directly from the north to 
the bridge-end. Various meetings of the magis- 
tateS) council, and community were held on the 
subject ; at which it was agreed that so glaring a 
violation of the public rights should be resisted to 
the utmost of their power. As the road ran past 
within a short distance of the front of Newton 
castle — the residence of the Craigie family — Sir 
Thomas had obtained a warrant from the privy 
council to enclose it. On the remonstrance erf* the 


p'Xbish of ath. 

town of Ayr, however, a commission was appoint- 
ed — composed of the Earl of Loudon, James 
Montgomerie of Coilsiield, and Sir Hugh Camp- 
bell of Cessnock — to inquire into the circum- 
stances. Before the commission it was urged, on 
the part of Sir Thomas Wallace, that there was a 
road through the»Newton and along the river side 
to the bridge ; and that the public, therefore, sus- 
tained no injury from shutting up the highway in 
question. For the town it was contended, that 
"the tide in winter came so close up to Craigie 
yard dyke that no man or horse could pass that 
way ;** and as for the street through Newton, it 
** was so narrow, and a mill-laid running through 
it, rendered it impossible that cairtes or slaides 
could pass that way.*' The result was, that the 
commission, on the 14th January, 1669, decided 
that the ** old way should be granted until April 
next," when a road was to be made either on the 
east or west side of the castle. The new road 
then formed is evidently what is now called Wal- 
lace Street — which b considerably east from where 
the old castle stood. 

Amongst other demands of the state, Scotland 
was called upon, in 1672, to furnish 1000 lands- 
men and 500 seamen. Of these Ayr had to sup- 
ply two soldiers and six seamen — ^the latter to be 
impressed, if necessary. Crosbie, Monkton, and 
Prestwick provided one of the seamen. Prebender 
dues were clumed from Ayr in 1676, by the Bishop 
of Dunblane, which the magistrates resisted, but 
were compelled to pay. 

The policy pursued by Charles 11. in reference 
to the church in Scotland, now began to develop 
itself. In 1674, a minute records that the magis- 
trates replied to the orders of the privy council, 
stating Uiat they summoned a meeting of the in- 
habitants '^anent signing the band against con- 
** venticles, but the inhabitants earnestlie requested 
'< three months to consider of the same." They, 
however, answered farther, that no conventicles 
bad been held in Ayr since the 24th of March (the 
minute being dated the 7th September), and that 
they would be careful to prevent any in future. 
A new set of magistrates were prevailed upon, in 
1676, to sign the declaration against the covenant; 
but the inhabitants continued firmly to resist sig^- 
ing the band. 

In 1678 the town was visited by a committee of 
the Privy Council. From a minute of the 12th 
March of that year, John, Marquis of Athol, the 
Earl of Tullibsurdine, and a great many other 
noblemen and gentlemen appear to have been ad- 
mitted burgesses on the occasion. The sense in 
which the honour thus conferred upon them was 
understood by the community is fully explained by 
the following addition to the minute, which throws 
considerable light on the political condition of the 

country at the time : — 

It is to be remembered that the making of the noble- 
men, gentlemen, and othert above-named bargenee and 
freemen of the burgh, was occasioned by the Privie Conn- 
cill their sending of ane committee of the eouncill to this 
burgh, qlk. committee consisted of ten noblemen, qrof. 
fyve was ane quorum. 

Mr Roderick M^Kenzie, advocat, supplied the king's 
adyocat's place ; Hew Stevenson supplied the plaoe of the 
clerk of the counscU ; John Anderson supplied the place 
of the Justice-clei'k ; Mr Alexander Forbes suf^Ued the 
place of the solicitor-general; John Schaw, one of the 
macers of the eouncill attendiC the Committee, who had 
his mace with him. 

The committee caused cite in the noblemen and heritors 
of the scfayre, for taking of the band against the conven- 
ticles; and who refused war cited upon aae lybell f<v 
keiping of conventicles, bearing of vagrant preachen, and 
speaking with intercommuuod persons. 

The committee likeways chai*ged the noblemen and gen- 
tlemen with lawbnrrows, at his m^jcstie*s instance, and 
denounced. Thair was severall gentlemen of the schyre 
imprisoned at Air, and particulaily the Laiixl of Grimat, 
young Rnockdolian, Grange, Kennedie, Drumachrirn elder, 
Knockdon yr., and severall others. 

The committee brought along with thim to Air the re^- 
ment of rid coats, four bress gunes, twelve wagones ; and 
thair was quartered in Alloway and Bnrrowfield a squad 
of the king's horse guard, consisting of fourtie. 

The entrio of the committee aforesaid, with thair artil- 
lerio, was upon the seventh of Februar last, and remained 
to the sixteenth of March instant, and upon the flftein the 
committee and eight hunder of the raigment, with thair 
artillerie removed ; and my Lord Ross, and two hundreth 
of the foot, with the fourtie horse, remained while the 
nyntein of this instant, and thair was little or nothing 
payed for yr. quarters ; and at this tym thair was six or 
seven northland men quartered in this schyi-e, round about 
the burgh, qho in lyk mainer maid no payment for quar- 
ters, but took money for day quarters, and were much 
given fbr stelth, those of the north and high lands. 

As lykwayes it is to be remembered that the clerk nor 
his men got no drink mofuy, but great ptdnt, trouUe, 
and vexation. 

The whole of the parties admitted were connect- 
ed with the committee or Army. The commimity 
appears to have been in a very excited state at this 
period ; A guard of sixteen of the inhabitants were 
appointed to wat<!h the town nightly, from ten 
o*clock till daylight. On the 6th July the guard 
was increased from sixteen to twenty men. They 
were to assemble in their best arms, and remain on 
duty from ten at night till five next morning. 

On the 9th July, 1679, <<John Grahame of 
Clavers, captain to ane of his majesties troups of 
horse,** along with one or two other military gentle- 
men, were admitted burgesses. Lt. John Dalzell 
was made a burgess on the 28th Sept., 1682. 

The Test Act was a source of much civic commo- 
tion. The following minute, dated January, 1682, 
g^ves some idea of the disruption created by it : — 

Conveined within the Councill Uonsc of the said Burgh 
of Air, 

Vaxley Robson, Provost.* 

* Robson was in all likelihood an Englishman — a num- 
ber of whom settled in the town at the restoration, in place 
of returning with the Gromwellian army to England. A 
Ralph Holland, another Englishman, appears, frcm the 
records, to have risen to some affluence, as well as distinc- 
tion, in the burgh. 



Robert Ilanter, Baillie. 
Robert Dalrymple, D. O. 
Adam Hunter, Xbetir. 
David Bxnithi merckand. 

And thair the said Yaxley Robson prodnood and gave in to 
the Town Clerk of the said Bargh of Air, the act and com- 
mission of his Royal Highness and the Lords of his Ma- 
jesties most honourable Privie Coundll, qlk. was publicly 
read be the Town Clerk, in the presence of the Magistrates 
aboTe writton, and was ordained be them to be insert in the 
Connoill Books of the sd. Burgh, off the qlk act and oom- 
mission th« tennor follows. At Sdinburgh, the twenty 
day of December, Imvjth Eightie one (1681) yeirs, anent 
our sovereign Lord's letter raist at the instance of Sir 
Oeoiige M*Kenxie of Rosehangh, Knight, his Majesties ad- 
▼oeat for his Highness Interest, in the matter underwrin., 
mackand mention — That qr. the Buj'gh of Air being, by his 
Slajestie and his Royall ancestors, erected in a Burgh 
Koyall, by qlk erection they were Impowered to elect Ma- 
gistiats, CounciU, and other officers within the Burgh, for 
preserving the peace and administrating of Justice to his 
Hajesties subjects yrin., and are yrby obleidged annually 
to elect and choise new Magistrats, CounciUers, and other 
officers, at the ordnar Icgall tyms, and in the accustomed 
manner. And whcras, by the not election of Maglstrats 
and Council! in dew tym, the right yrto. is dissolved and 
relnma to his Majestle, who may name Magistrate to offi- 
ciat yrin. Yet true it is, that Williame Cuningham being, 
at the election at Michaelmas, Imvjth and eightie yeira 
(1680), elected Provost of the said Burgh of Air, and Ro- 
bert Hunter and William Reid, BaiUies, Joseph Smith, 
Theasr., Thomas Cathcart, Dean of Guild, and Robert 
Doock, late Proveist — Robert Dalrymple, lait Baillie, David 
lAnrdoch, lait Theasr. — Adam Hunter, David Smith, Ro- 
bert Leslie, Ralph Holland, Thomas Mllliken, James Chal- 
mers, Adam Bone, lait merchant, Coancillors — John Ci'aw- 
furd, walker, John Straitoun, squalrman, John Richmond, 
veaver, Andrew Hannay, tailzeor, Thomas Inglis, shoe- 
mi^er, and Robert Campbell, yr., glover, as Councillors, 
who, having continued in the exercise of that charge till 
lAiehaelmas, Imvjth and Eightie one (1681) last bypast, 
and they beii^ then obleidged, conform to the custom of 
the said Burgh, to make up a leit of fit persons to be Pro- 
veist, Baillios, Dean of Guild, and Councellonrs for the 
•nsning yeir, and to have maid the sd. election accordingly 
of fit and loyal persons qualified according to the law, and 
to have taken the test themselves, and to have scin the 
persons elected also take it, conform to the lait act^ of Par- 
liament and Proclamation following yrupon — The sds. per- 
sons did nevertheless most undewiifully and contemptu- 
ously, in face of the people, at the foot of the Tolbuith 
stair, call for the town oflScers and dismiss them, telling 
them thair was to be no more government in that place, or 
words to that purpose, of design to lay a foundation for 
tumults, uproars, and confusion, and to cast the said Burgh 
louse of ail government and order; and farder, it is of 
verltie the said William Cunyngliam, being at Michaelmas, 
Imvjth and eightie (1680), elected Provci»t, as sd. is, and 
being by the law then obleidged to signe the declaration, 
which he then wilfully refuised, yet afterwai'ds, being de- 
qyrous to have himself elected a member of Pailiament to 
represent the said burgh, he and some others, being after 
the said election, did forge, mak up, and signe a paper as 
if the aamyn bad bein done the tym of the election, which 
the said William Cunyngham had the confidence to send to 
his Majesties Privie Council! as a trew and lawfull deid, 
and was so owned by him in the articles ; and farder, the 
■aid William Cunyngham, being Proveist of the Burgh, did 
so far countenance and encourage tlicse rebells who rais in 
open rebellion against his Majesty in the yeir IravJ & seventy 
nine (1679), as that in June befor thair defeat at Bothnel- 
bridge, he suffered a paitie of these rebells to enter the 
said Bnrgh, and take down the heads of severall rebells 
affixed to the public places there, as also to publish thair 
traiterous declaration at the mercat crose, and was so far 
from opposing these insolencies and attempts, and vindi- 
cating Us M^esties authority. That on the eontrair he did 
most undutifully and rebelliously countenance the sds. 
rebells, and allowed them the town drummer and officers 

to thair publishing the said traiterous declaration ; and 
not only so, but gave warrand for formall billets or orders 
for quartering these rebells through the toun under his 
own hand, after that the Clerk of the Burghs had refused 
most dewtifully so to doe until he was commandit and had 
the said warrand. And thairfor the premises being verified 
and proven, it ought to be found and dedairod that the 
sd. toun of Air hath not only omitted, tint, and lost thair 
priviledges and right of election, and that it is laulL for 
his Majestic to nominat and appoint fit persons to be Pro- 
veist, BaiUies, Dean of Gild, Councellors, and other officers 
within the sd. Burgh for this yeir and in all tym coming. 
But the sd. William Cunyngham and remanent persons 
forsda. ought for thair sd. contempt and disobedience to bo 
examplarie punished in yr persons and goods, to the terror 
of uthers, to commit and doe the lyk in tym cuming. And 
anent the chairge given to the said Wm Cunyngham and 
remanent persons forsds. to have compeired personally and 
answered to the foresd. complaint, and to have heard and 
sein such ordor taken yi-anent as appertained under the 
pain of rebellion, and with certification, ^«. [Wm. Cun- 
ingham was fined in £200 sterling, to be impiisoned until 
the money was paid. Sentence ujpon the others was de- 
layed, and the absent defenders denounced as rebells.] 
His Royal Highness and the Lords of Conncell having con- 
sidered of fit persons to be named for Magistrates and 
CounccU of the sd. Burgh for the ensuing yeir, together 
with a committee of thair own number thairanent, have 
nominat and appointed, Ac, Vaxley Kobson to be Proveist, 
Robert Hunter old P., and William Brisbane to be second 
BaiUies, Robert Dalrymple Dean of Guild, Adam Hunter 
Thesr., and Hew Muir, Andrew Crauford, Ralph Holland, 
Robert Leslie, Robert Fultoun, David Smith, John Ken- 
nedy, Alexander Anderson, James Campbell, John Cald- 
well, merchant, Thomas Douglas, carpenter, and James 
Chalmers, merchant, to be Councellors for this ensutngi 
yeir, with power to them to elect any other Councellors to 
make up thair number, conform to the set of the Burgh ; 
ordaining them at their entry to take and sign the test, 
conform to the act, &c. 

Thus was the constitution of the burgh com- 
pletely set aside, and an ii-responsible set of magis- 
trates and councillors installed into office. Affairs, 
however, as might have been expected, did not go 
on smoothly. The two teachers of the grammar 
school resigned theu* situations ; and on the 29th 
September, Robert Hunter, b^ie, was excluded 
for his contumacy in leaving the council, and in- 
ducing others to do the same, for the purpose of 
weakening the authority of the council. Great 
difficulty was experienced by the magistrates in 
getting persons to fill the places of H^nter, and 
those who left the council sJong with him. 

The year following, on the 31st January [1683] 
a meeting of the deacons of trades having been 
convened in the tolbooth, *' anent taking the test in 
virtue of the act of his Majesty's Privy Council," 
none of them appea]*ed to g^ve obedience. A 
William Hunter, styled late deacon convener, came 
forward, and handed in " ane petition or mutinous 
paper" against the test, declaring it to be ** an in- 
vasion of the nghts of the people." At a subse. 
quent meeting of freemen, the authority of William 
Hunter for presenting the petition was judicially 
denied ; but the majority refused to take the test, 
and no deacons were elected. In this dilemma 
the magisti-ate-s by advice of the Privy Council, 
elected deacons for that year themselves ; and the 



most severe measures were adopted against Hun- 
ter. It was decerned that he should lose his free- 
dom, bis burgess ticket to be <* lacerated and riven '* 
at the market cross after tuck of drum, and be fined 
in ^ye hundred merks, and Imprisoned until paid. 
Some of the deacons elected by the magistrates 
asked time to consider whether they should take 
the test, while others absolutely and at once refus- 
ed to do so. 

At this period there was a strong body of 
Olaverhouse's troopers stationed in the town, and 
it is by no means creditable to them that the in- 
habitants were warned by tuck of drum not to give 
trust to the soldiery, because if they did, they 
needed not apply for payment to the officers. 

In June, 1683, the circuit court was held at 
Ayr. The number of judges, advocates, writers, 
and attendants who were present give an impo^ng 
idea of the disturbed state of the times, and the 
importance attached to their proceedings. The 
whole having been made burgesses, a list of the 
names is recorded in the council books. They are 
as follows :— - 

Richard Lord Maltland, Lord-Jiutice-Clerk. 

Sir Georgo M*Kenzie of Rosehaugb, KnSglit B&ronet, hia 
MiOc^y*B Advocat. 

Sir James FouUs of Gollington, Knt, ane of the Senators 
of the College of Justice. 

Sir John liockhart of CastlomlU, Knight, ane of the Sena- 
tors of the Collf^e of .Tustiee. 

Sir William Paterson, Clerk of the Secret Council. 

Lieutenant-ColoneU Thomas Buclian. 

Colonell Edmun Main. 

Mr Robert Coult, advocaL 

Mr William Fletcher of Cruistonn, advocat. 

Sir DaTid Morris, advocat. 

Mr David Gray, Coraet to his Mi^esty*s Horse. 

Mr George Bannerman, advocat. 

Mr John Gordon, writer in Edinburgh. 

Mr John Richardson, writer there. 

Mr Archibald Nisbet of Carfin, W.a 

James Gutrie, herauld. 

John M'Kenzie, maccr. 

John Fergnssone, elder, trumpeter. 

Mr David Orahame, shrf. of Galloway. 

Mr Andrew Burnet of Wanistoun, advocat. 

Mr Robert M*Kin, advocat. 

John Gray, son to Mr Thomas Gray, lait clerk to the Ses- 

Mr James Balfour, advocat. 

John Bainzio, macer. 

John M*Kenzio, maoer. 

James Henderson no, mooer. 

Besides these, thirty- seven **servitours'* were ad- 
mitted burgesses, at the desire of theii' masters. 
" David Smith, common cook in Air,'* was also ad- 
mitted "ai the desire of Colonel John Grahame 
of Claverhouse, besides two trumpeters and a 

William Brisbane, who was provost in 1684, 
was accused of being favourable to presbyterian- 
ism. He procured a minister to preach and cate- 
chise in Ayr ; and also to attend a person convict- 
ed, himself keeping the prison door to prevent the 
regular minister from getting in. It was further 

complained against him in the accusation that he 
had been the means of getting some '^Ingli^ 
fanatics" into the council. In consequence of 
these things, and the riotous proceedings of the 
deacons and trades, the Privy Council resolved to 
nominate magistrates themselves next year. 

Not only was the attempt to force episcopacy 
upon the people a source of great evil to the com- 
munity, but the exactions of the government, in 
the form of assessment, proved equally unsupport- 
able. They were constantly saddled with some 
exaction or other, either in the form of a direct 
money tax, or with the maintenance and quarter- 
ing of troops. Such was the disturbed state of 
society, that amongst other precautions fDr main- 
taining the peace, it was enacted that no person 
was to lodge strangers, without giving intimation 
to the captain of the guard, with a statement of 
their arms, and other particulars. The vigorous 
measures pursued towards the non-conformists dur- 
ing the reig^ of Charles II. were still more sternly 
enforced by his successor. Amongst the first acts 
of James the Second's reign was to authorise the 
magistrates of burghs to retain their offices with- 
out being re-elected. This was no doubt merely 
following up the policy of his predecessor ; and he 
had no alternative, as a new election would have 
most certainly placed the government of the burghs 
in the hands of the persecuted party ; but it was 
speedily followed by a still further stretch of autho- 
rity, when in 1686 all elections of magistrates were 
discharged dming his mi^esty's pleasure. 

In 1687, the king, in order to raise money, 
granted the magistrates power to impose a duty on 
ale and beer, and French and Spanish wines. The 
council, being in debt upwards of ten thousand 
pounds Scots, proposed to the inhabitants that if 
they would take this debt upon themselves they 
would free them from the impost. The inhabi- 
tants, however, would not do thus. The council 
paid the king £500 for the power of assessment 
conferred upon them, and at the same time for- 
warded a most fulsome letter of thanks to his ma- 
jesty, with many professions of loyalty. Following 
this, 20s. Scots was imposed upon every boll of malt 
brewn in the burgh and liberties^ and five pounds 
upon every ton of French and Spanish wine. 

The &hort reign of James, however, was fast 
drawing to a close. A general resistance to his 
authority became rapidly apparent towards the 
middle of 1688. On the •14th of October, be- 
fore the landing of King William, the following 
minute occurs : — ** Mr James Stevenson, apothe- 
cory in Ayr, engages to hire ane man sufficientlie 
furnished with horse and arms to attend his ma- 
jesty, and to be rendezvoused in Glasgow under 
the command of the Earl of CossiUis, which the 
magistrates do out of their zeal for his majesty, 



daring the time the burgh shall be Uable to at- 
tend. John Campbell, ane of the present bailies, 
to repair to Glasgow and present the said man." 
The presentation of a single horseman, ** to attend 
his majestie," must have been a contribution on the 
part of the burgh towards raising a body-guard 
for the king. The forces of Kyle and Garrick — 
and Ayr had furnished its proportion — ^were at 
the time assembled in Glasgow under the Earl of 
Cassillis. The burgh also applied for arms, so 
that all the inhabitants capable of bearing them 
might be put in a state of defence, in case, as 
was expected, the friends of James should make 
an attempt in his favour. An act of Parlia^ 
meat was passed, '^warranding Adam Osborne, 
present bailie of Air, John M'Galme, late bailie, 
John Crawford and Hugh Crawfurd, merchants, 
John Fergusone, skipper, Robert Moor, merchant, 
and Mathew Calquhone, deacon convener, or any 
fyve of them, to call together the fencible men of 
the towne of Air, and liberties thereof, and to put 
them into companies, and to choyce Captaines and 
other officers, muster and exercise, and thus to 
continue until farther orders." In April, 1689, 
the Convention of Estates ordered the militia of 
the country to be called out and exercised. Adam