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THE  DECLINE  AND   FALL  OF  THE 


ROMAN   EMPIRE 


VOL.  V. 


THE  ASBUNnUI  MMIVBaUTY  MUUM   UMITBD. 


I! 


i       I 


THE   HISTORY 


OF  THE 


DECLINE   AM)   FALL   OF  THE 

ROMAN    EMPIRK 


BY 


EDWARD    GIBBON 


EDITED   IN   SEVEN   VOLUMES 
WITH    INTRODUCTION,   NOTES,   APPENDICES,   AND   INDEX 

BY 

J.    B.    B^UBT,    M.A. 

■o».  UTT.D.  or  dubham;  hom.  ll.d.  of  sdivbuboh 
iVDore  HSMBSft  or  THE  iMnRiAi.  AOADSMT  OF  flomroM,  0T.  psmMBuan 
rsu^ow  OF  TBunrr  oollxob,  and  ksoius  PBornsoB  or  obskk 
nr  TBB  uimmMiTT  or  dubldt 


VOL.  V. 


METHUEN    &    CO. 

86  ESSEX  STREET,  W.O. 

LONDON 

1901 
Stomd  MdiHtm 

C 


.Gr5 

Y,5 


V 


^'^*// 


:,     1302      j 


r^d,  ^  ^// 


NOTE. 

In  the  revision  of  the  proof  sheets  of  Chapters  L.  and  LI. 
invaluable  help  has  been  received  from  Mr.  Stanley  Lane- 
Poole,  who,  in  the  case  of  the  previous  volumes  also,  has 
been  untiringly  kind  in  answering  questions  and  making  sug- 
gestions. 

J.  R  R 


"n 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  FIFTH  VOLUME 


CHAPTER  XLV 

Reign  of  thg  yotmger  yuitin-^wtbassy  of  ths  Avars — Their  SeiiUment  oh 
the  Danube — Conqnest  of  Italy  by  the  LombardM — Adoption  and  Reign 
of  Tiberius— Of  Maurice — State  of  Italy  under  the  Lombards  and  the 
Exarchs  of  Ravenna — Distress  of  Romt— Character  and  Pontificate  of 
Gregory  tke  First 

FAttS 

I 

2 
2 

3 

4 


565  Death  of  Justiman     

5^5-574-  Reign  of  Justin  II.  or  the  Younger 

5^  His  Consulship 

Embassy  of  the  Avars  

Albotn,  King  of  the  Lombards— ^lis  Valour,  Love,  and  Kevenge 
[567]  The  Lombards  and  Avars  destroy  the  King  and  Kingdom  of  the 
(JepuuB     ...         ...        ...        ...         ... 

367  [568]  Alboin  undertakes  the  Conquest  of  Italy 

DisaiSection  and  Death  of  Narses 


568-570.  Conquest  of  a  great  Part  of  Jtaly  by  the  Lombards 

'  srcd  by  " "      "" 
Her  Flight  and  Death 


573  AUxnn  is  murdered  by  his  Wife  Rosamond 


Clepho,  Kinff  of  the  Lombards 

Weakness  of  the  Emperor  Justin    . . . 

574  Association  of  Tibenus        

578  Death  of  Justin  II 

57S-582.  Reign  of  Tiberius  II 

His  Virtues     

582-^02.  The  Reign  of  Maurice 

Distress  of  luly        

584-590.  Autharis,  King  of  the  Lombards 

The  Exarchate  of  Kavenna 

The  Kingdom  of  the  Lombards 

Language  and  Manners  of  the  Lombards 

Dtess  and  Marriage  ... 

Govermnent    ... 

^^^^     Mrfil^Vw       •••  •••  ■•■  •••  ••• 

Miaeryof  Rome 

The  Tombs  and  Relics  of  the  Apostles 

Both  ttid  Proftjiion  oIGregory  theJRpoum 


7 

9 

zo 

(2 

X3 

14 

S4 
16 

»7 

\i 

19 
20 

22 

23 

24 
24 

a? 
29 

29 

30 
32 


CONTENTS 


5go-6o4.  Pontificate  of  Oiegory  the  Great,  or  First   . 

Hia  Spitilual  Office 

And  Temporal  Government  

HisEstatcH      

And  Alma        

The  Saviour  of  Rome  


CHAPTER  XLVI 

ittvolutionz  of  Pmitt  afttr  Ihi  Dtath  of  Chosrots  or  Nuihirvtm — Hit  Sok 
HormouM,  a  Tyranl,  ii  dtpottd — Umrpation  of  Bahrain — Flight  and 
Rtttoration  of  Chotrot$  II^~Hi$  Gratitude  to  tin  Ramant—Tkt 
Ckagan  of  tht  Avart — Rnolt  of  the  Army  agaitat  Maurice — His 
Dtath— Tyranny  of  Phocas—Elivatlon  of  Htrailius—Tkt  Ptraan  War 
— Chosrott  tubduts  Syria,  Egypt,  and  Alia  Minor — Sitgi  of  Conttanti- 
"""  '     '"^     "      ■     -        '   -  "      ■       "   ■    •■-■     -     vicforUs  and 


Contest  of  Rome  and  Persia  

570  Conquest  of  Yemen  by  Nushirvan 

573  His  last  War  with  the  Romans       

57g  His  Death        

579-590-  Tyranny  and  Vices  of  his  Son  Hormoui 
SQO  Exploits  of  Bahrain „ 

His  Rebellion „        


Death  of  Hormoiu 

Chosroes  flies  to  the  Romans 

His  Return  and  6nal  Victory 

Death  of  Bahram       

5gi-6o3.  Restoration  and  Policy  of  CfaosToes  .. 
Sjo-6oo.  Pride,  Policy,  and  Power  of  the  Chagan  of  th 
591-603.  Wars  of  Maurice  against  the  Avars  ., 

State  of  the  Roman  Armies... 

Their  Discontent       

And  Rebellion 

601  Election  of  Pbocas     

Revolt  of  Constantinople 

Death  of  Maurice  and  his  Children... 
Coi-fiio.  Fhocas  Emperoi 

His  Character.  _         

And  Tyranny 

610  His  FaU  and  Death 

610-642.  Reign  of  HeiacliuB 

603  Chosroes  invades  the  Roman  Empire 

611  His  Conquest  of  SyriA  .„ 

614  OfPalestioe _ 

616  OfEgypt         

Of  Asa  Minor 

/fu  Reign  and  MagnificcDoe 


CONTENTS 


IX 


A.D. 


610-622.  Distress  of  Heradius 

He  solicits  Peace       

621  His  Preparations  for  War 

622  First  Esrpedition  of  Heradius  aigainst  the  Persians 

623,  624,  625.  His  second  Expedition 

626  Deliverance  of  Constantinople  from  the  Persians  and  Avars 
Alliances  and  Conquests  of  Heraclius       

627  His  third  Expedition 

Ana  Victories ...        ...        ...         ...        ...         ... 

Flight  of  Chosroes 

628  He  is  deposed  

And  murdered  by  his  Son  Siroes 

Treaty  of  Peace  between  the  two  Empires  


PAOB 


:::    ?S 

...    7« 

...    78 

8i 

...    85 

:::    % 

...   89 

91 

92 

92 

93 

CHAPTER  XLVn 


Theological  History  of  the  Doctrine  of  the  IncamaHon — The  Human  and 
Divine  Nature  of  Christ — Enmity  of  the  Patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and 
Constantinofle~~St,  Cyril  and  Nestorius — Third  General  Council  0/ 
Ephesus — Heresy  of  Eutyches — Fourth  General  Council  of  Chalcedon 
—-Civil  and  Ecclesiastical  Discord — Intolerance  of  Justinian — The 
Three  Chapters — The  Monothelite  Controversy — State  of  the  Oriental 
Sects— I,  The  Nestorians—II.  The  yacohites—III,  The  Maronites^ 
IV.  The  Armenians— V.  The  Copts— VI.  The  Abyssinians 

The  Incarnation  of  Christ 

I.  A  pure  man  to  the  Ebionites      

His  Birth  and  Elevation       

II.  A  pure  God  to  the  Docetes       

His  incorruptible  Body         

III.  Double  Nature  of  Cerinthus 

IV.  Divine  Incarnation  of  Apollinaris       

V.  Orthodox  Consent  and  Verbal  Disputes  

412-444.  Cyril,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  

413,414,415.  His  Tyranny         

428  Nestorius,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople     

429-431.  His  Heresy        

43X   First  Council  of  Ef^iesas     

Condemnation  of  Nestorius 

Opposition  of  the  Orientals 

431-435-  Victory  of  Cyril 

435  Exile  of  Nestorius      

448  Heresy  of  Eutyches 

449  Second  Council  of  Ephesus 

45Z  Council  of  Chalcedon  

Faith  of  Chalcedon 

45Z-432.  Discord  of  the  East       

482  The  Henoticon  of  Zeno       ***        

508-518.  The  Trisagion,  and  religious  War,  till  the  Death  of   Anav 

hSUBJSM  ..«  «•«  ««•  ...  •••  ...  .••  *««         V^^ 


...     96 

97 
...    98 

99 

lOI 

X02 

...   104 
...   105 
...   107 
...   108 

no 

III 

...  114 
...  115 
...  116 

...     117 
...  119 

121 

121 

...    123 

...    125 

126 

...    128 

CONTENTS 


514  Fiiat  leligiout  Wbi 

519-565.  Theoloeical  Chaiactm  and  Govecnment  of  JuBtioian 

Hu  Persecution  of  Heietict  

OfPagans       

Ofjew.  

Of  SanuriUtns  

HUOTtfaodoxy  

S32-6gS.  The  Three  Chapters      

553  Vth  General  Council :  lid  of  Constantinople 

5C4  Heresy  of  Justinian 

629  The  Monothelite  Controversy         

639  The  Ectbesis  of  Heradius 

64S  The  Type  of  Conatans 

680,  eSi,  Vlth  General  Council:  Hid  of  Constantinople 

Union  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  Churches  ... 

Perpetual  Separation  of  the  Oriental  Sects 

I.  Thb  Nehtokians  

500  Sole  Maatcra  of  Perua  

500-1200.  Their  Missions  in  Taitary,  India,  China, 
SS3  The  Christians  of  St.  Thomas  m  India     ... 


III.  Thb  1 

IV.  Ths  Arubniahb  

V,  Thb  Copts  or  Eovptianb 

337-jeS.  The  Patriarch  Theodoaius 

538  Paul      

551  Apollinaria       

5S0  Eulogiua  

6og  John     

Their  S«iaration  and  Decay 

6x5-661.  Benjamin,  the  Jacobite  Patriarch 
VI.  Thb  ABysamiAKa  and  Nubians 

530  Church  of  Abyaunia 

1535-1550,  The  Pt^tuguesein  Abyssinia 

1557  Hissionof  the  Jesuits  

iia6  Coaversion  of  the  Emperor 

163a  Rnal  Expulsion  of  the  Jeiuita 


CHAPTER  XLVIII 

ON  0/  tkt  four  bat  Voluma — Suectuiim  ami  Charaettrt  of  Ikt  Grttk 
Bmptrort  of  ComlantinopU,  from  tht  Timt  of  Heraclna  lo  the  LaHn 
CoH^uttt 

Defectsof  the  Byzantine  History 

Ita  Connexion  with  the  Revolutions  of  the  World 

Plan  of  the  two  last  rwaito}  Volumes      

Second  Maniage  ana  Death  of  Heradius 

tiiKlII.        


CONTENTS 


u 


Punifthment  of  Martina  and  Heradeonas  ^ 
Coostans  II.    ...        ...        ...        .»        m.        ». 

668  CoDstantine  IV.  Pogonattu .»        .«        ^        » 

685  Justinian  II «        —        «••- 

695-705.  His  Exile  ^ 

705-711.  His  Restoration  and  Death     ^ 

711  Philippicus      ^ 

713  Ana^asius  IL « 

716  Theodosius  III ^        ^ 

718  Leo  III.  the  Isaurian 

74Z  [740]  Constantine  V.  Copronymvs .» 

'11 J        ■  ^•W    *V.  ..«  aa*  *.«  ...  ••« 

780  Constantine  VI.  and  Irene  .»        .^ 

792  Irene     ...         ...        ...        .«.        ,^        .«, 

8o2  Nicephonis  I ^ 

8x1  Staurados 

Michael  L  Rhangabe 

8x3  Leo  V.  the  Armoiian  .»        ..^ 

820  Michael  II.  the  Stammerer 

839  Theophilus      « 

842  Michael  III ^ 

Urj  Basil  I.  the  Macedonian      

886  Leo  VI.  the  Philosopher 

911  Alexander,  Constantine  VII.  Porphyrogenitus 

9x9  Romanus  I.  Lecapenus        , 

Christopher,  Stephen,  Constantine  VIII 

945  C<»i8tantine  VII 

959  Romanas  II.  junior 

963   Nicephorus  II.  Phocas 

969  John  Zimisces,  Basil  II.  Constantine  IX.  [VIII.] 

976  Basil  II.  and  Constantine  IX.  [VIII.] 

1025  Constantine  IX.  [VIII.]        ^ 

X028  Romanas  III.  Argynis         «. 

1034  Michael  FV.  the  Paphlagonian       ...        .- 

1041  Michael  V.  Calaphatea         *. 

1042  Zoe  and  Theodora « 

Constantine  X.  [IX.]  Monomachixs...        .«        ... 

X054  Theodora        ...        ...        ...        .». 

X056  Michael  VI.  Stxatioticus      ,^        .».        ...        ... 

X057  Isaac  I.  Comncnus ^        ...        .^ 

1059  Constantine  XL  [X.]  Ducas...         ...        .^        ... 

1067  Budocia  ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ... 

Romanas  III.  Diogenes       

107X  Michael  VII.  Parapinaces,  Andronicus  I.  Constantine 

1078  Nicephonis  III.  Botaniates 

io8z  Alexms  L  Comnenos  

ixx8  John  or  Calo-Johannes         

1143  Bnlaniiel  ...        «..        ...        ...        ...        ••• 

xx8o  Alexius  II.       ...        ...        ...        ... 

Character  and  first  Adventures  of  Andronicus     . . . 

1183  Aodronicus  I.  Comnenus     

11^  laaac  IL  AngehM      


•  •  • 

•  •  • 

•  •  • 

•  •  • 


XII. 


•  •  • 

•  •  • 


PAOB 

176 
176 
178 
179 

x8o 
181 
183 
184 
184 
184 
186 
188 
189 
191 
192 
192 

193 

193 

195 
196 

199 

201 

ao6 

20s 

209 

209 

209 

2X1 

2x1 
2x3 
2x5 
2x7 
2x7 
2x8 
2x9 
2x9 
219 
220 
220 
220 
222 
222 
223 
223 
224 
226 
228 
229 
23a 
232 
239 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  XLIX 

etton,   Wortkif,  and  Perueulion  of  Imagtt — Rivoll  of  tiaty  a»d 

Romt—Trmporaf  Dominion  of  tkt  Popt — Conqtutt  of  Italy  by  tkt 
Franki — BilailitkiiuHt  of  Inagtt — CkaracUr  aiid  coronation  of  Char- 
Umagnt — Ritloratton  a»d  Ditay  of  tJu  RomoH  Bmpir*  in  tki  Wt%l — 
IndtptndnKt  of  Italy — ConilitntioH  of  tkt  Gtrmanie  Body 

■  Introduction  of  Imagei  intotbc  Chrittian  Church         244 

Theic  Woishh)  345 

The  Image  of  Ede«s2  I47 

lu  Copiet        144 

Opposition  to  I  iDBge- Worship        149 

736-840.  Leo  the  Iconmdaat,  and  his  Successon        151 

7J4  [753I  Thrit  Synod  at  Constantinople         35a 

Their  Creed 353 

710-775.  Their  Persecution  of  the  Images  and  Monk*  353 

Stateofltaly ajj 

S  Epistles  of  Gregoiy  II.  to  the  Emperor 357 

Revoltofltaly  a6o 

Republic  of  Rome      363 

730-75^  Rome  attacked  by  the  Lombards       164 

754  Hci  Deliverance  by  Pepin VSfb 

774  Conquest  of  Lombardy  by  Charlemagne ...  a68 

751,  753,  768.  Pepin  and  Charlemagne,  Kings  of  France     z68 

Pwidana  of  Rome 269 

Donation!  of  Pepin  and  Charlemagne  to  the  Popes       371 

Forgery  of  the  Donation  of  Conslantine 373 

780  Restoration  of  Images  in  the  East  by  the  Empress  Irene         . . .  375 

787  Vllth  General  Council,  lid  of  Nice  376 

843  Final  Establishment  of  Images  by  the  Empress  Theodora        ...  377 

794  Relnctanceof  the  Franks  and  of  Chailemagne 379 

774-Soo.  Final  Separation  of  the  Popes  from  the  Eastern  Empire   ...  379 
Boo  Coronation  of  Charlemagne  as  Empcrar  of  Rome  and  of  the 

West  .„        _         381 

768-814.  Reini  and  Character  of  Charlemagne  383 

Extent  irf  his  Empire  386 

Fiance  ._         386 

Spain    ...        _        ...       ,„        387 

Italy     „        ._        ...       _       388 

Qennany         „        .„        „ 38B 

Hungary  _        389 

His  Neighbour*  and  Enemies         390 

His  Successors  391 

814.887.  In  Italy 391 

911  In  Qennany    ...        ._       391 

987  In  France        ...         .„ 391 

S14-S40.  Lewi*  the  Pioo*  39a 

840.856.  LothaireL         aga 

856.875.  LewialL  393 

888  Diviaion  of  the  Empire         aga 

gOa  Dtbo,  King  of  Gcnnany,  restores  anA  appe^iriatea  the  WMcm 

Empire      i^        »       .■■        ...        ...       ...       •..        ...  agj 


CONTENTS  xiii 

A.D.  PAOB 

Transactionsof  the  Western  and  Eastern  Empires        .^        .»  294 

800-1060.  Authority  of  the  Emperors  in  the  Elections  of  the  Popes  396 

X^lowSQdo               •••               •••               •••              •••               •••               >••               •••               •••  ^97 

X073   Reformation  and  Claims  of  the  Church     299 

Authority  of  the  Emperors  in  Rome          299 

932  Revolt  (j'Alberic        «        .«  300 

967  Of  Pope  John  XIL ^        ..        ...        .^  300 

998  Of  the  Consul  Crescentius 301 

774-1250.  The  Kincdom  of  Italy           -        ...  30a 

1152-1x90.  Frederic  L         «        ...  303 

1198-Z250.  Frederic  II 304 

814-1250.  Independence  of  the  Princes  of  Germany 304 

1250  The  Germanic  Constitution 306 

1347- 1378.  Weakness  and  Poverty  of  the  German  Emperor  Charles  IV.  307 

1356  His  Ostentation         „        ...  309 

Contrast  of  the  Power  and  Modesty  of  Augustus           ...        ...  3x0 


CHAPTER  L 

Dtscriptum  of  Arabia  and  its  Inhabitants — Birth,  Character,  and  Doetriiu 
0/  Mahonut — He  preaches  at  Mecca — Flies  to  Medina — Propagates  his 
religion  by  the  Sword — Voluntarv  or  reluctant  Submission  oj  the  Arabs 
— His  Death  and  Successors — The  Claims  and  Fortunes  o/Ali  and  his 
Descendants 

Description  of  Arabia  311 

The  Soil  and  Climate  ...  312 

Division  of  the  Sandy,  the  Stony,  and  the  Happy,  Arabia        ...  313 

Manners  of  the  Bedcmeens,  or  Pastoral  Arabs 314 

Jl  XIC  JiAVft B6  •••  •••  •••  •••  •••  •••  •••  •••  3    3 

m  UC#  V^vUHCA  •••  •••  *••  •••  •••  •••  •••  •••  3'*3 

Cities  of  Arabia  .».        316 

^U^^^CA     •••  •*•  »».«  ••■  ••^  •••  ••«  •••  •*•  3    7 

AaCX     m  I  BQC  •••  •••  •••  •»-•  •»•  •••  •••  ••*  ^7 

National  Independence  of  the  Arabs         3x8 

Their  domestic  Freedom  and  Character 320 

Civil  Wars  and  private  Revenge *.        322 

Annual  Truce ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...  3^4 

Their  sodsd  Qualifications  and  Virtues     .»        324 

Love  of  Poetry  .».        ...        ...        .».        ...        ...        ...  325 

Examples  of  Generosity       326 

Ancient  Idolatzy        ...        ...        ...        ..^        ...        ...        ...  3^ 

The  Caaba,  or  Temple  of  Mecca 328 

Sacnfioes  and  Rites ...  ...        .^        ...        ...        ...        ...  3^ 

Introduction  of  the  Sobians 330 

Xhe  Magians  ...        ...        ...        ...        ..^        ...        ...        ...  33^ 

A Ow   IC^vB  ...  ...  ...  ..•  ...  ...  .*•  .«•  33 

The  Christians  ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...        ...  33^ 

569-609.  Birth  and  Education  of  Mahomet      ...        .^        .»        ...  333 

DeUverance  of  Mecca  333 

lalfficatiofis  of  the  Prophet         335 

\a%Mb  ..•  ...  •••  •••  •••  •»•  •*.  •••  3v7 


Sf 


zhr 


CONTENTS 


Mahomet  the  ApoMle  of  Ood,  and  the  last  of  the  Prophet* 


Precepts  of  Mahomet— Ptayet,  Fasting,  Alma 

Reamrection    ...        

Hell  and  Paiadtae      

flog  MtAomet  preaches  at  Mecca  

0i3-63a.  Is  oppoted  by  the  Koreirii       

Aia  And  driven  from  Mecca       

IB  Prince  of  Medina        


His  ddenuve  Wars  against  the  Kmeish  at  Mecca 

Ms  Battle  of  Bedec  

[6is]OfOhud  

<^S  [^^]  T^^  Nations,  or  the  Ditch 

6a3-fia7.  Mahomet  subdues  the  JewaofAraUa 

639  Sobmission  of  Mecca 

S39-033.  Conquest  of  AtaMa 

B39, 631^  First  War  of  the  Mahometans  against  the  fi 

632  Death  of  Mahomet     

His  Character , 

Private  life  of  Mataoniel 

HUWivea       

And  Children 

Character  f>f  All 

a  Reign  of  Abobdeet    


m. 


DJacard  of  the  Turks  and  Persians 

65J  Death  of  Othman      

^5-660.  ReimofAI)       

855,01661-680.  Rdgn  of  Moawiyafa 

No  DeMhefHosehi        

Posterity  of  MaliomBt  and  Ali 

Soccesi  of  Mahomet 

Permanency  of  hia  Religion 
His  Merit  towards  his  Country 


CHAPTER  LI 
■Ti*CtmqKtil  of  Ptnia,  Syria,  Bgypi,  Africa,  and  Sfain, 
SaraetHj — Empire  ofau  CaUpu,  or  SvcMuars  ofuaJio 
"•   ■  ■■-■-    '      undMTtl  ■    ■* 


Oiriitians,  Src.,  1 


V  thrir  GovtTMHtiU 


Cononesla 
ionof  PSMU 
O36  Battle  Of  Cttlesia 


CONTENTS 


6]7  Sack  ol  Madayn 

Foundation  of  Cufa 

637-651.  Conquest  of  Pcrda 
651  Death  of  tlie  last  King 
710  The  Conquest  orTramoxiana 

632  Invasion  of  SvHiA      

Siege  of  Bona  

633  „     of  DanuMcm 

633    Battle  of  Aiznadin 

The  Arabs  leturn  to  .__        

6i^  The  City  is  taken  by  Sunn  ■nd  Capitulation 

Pursuit  of  the  Damascenes ^30 

Fail  of  Abyla  ...         ...         438 

635  Sieges  of  Hdiopolisand  EmeM      430 

636  [634]  Battle  of  Ycrmuk         431 

637  Conquest  of  Jenisalem         434 

63B  ..         of  Aleppo  ajidAnttocb 437 

Flight  ol  Heracli  us 439 

End  of  the  Syrian  Wai 440 

633-639.  The  Conqueiois  of  S}^         441 

^39-^55'  Progress  of  the  Syrian  Cotiquerors 44a 

EiiVPT.  Charactciand  Lifeof  AniTon       444 

638  Invasion  of  Egypt      445 

The  Cities  of  Memphis,  Babylon,  and  Cairo        446 

Volantaiy  Submission  of  the  Copts  or  Jacobites  448 

Sie^e  and  Conquest  of  Alexandfia 430 

The  Alexandrian  Library 45a 

Adniinistiaiian  of  Egypt        45J 

Riches  »nd  Populotisness     456 

647  Afxica.     First  invasion  by  Abdallab        451} 

The  PriliMt  Gregcny  and  hia  Daughter 460 

Victory  oflhc  Arabs 461 

665-689.  Progress  of  Ihe  Saracens  in  Africa     4C] 

670-675.  Foundation  of  Cairoan 466 

(Qi-actS.  Conouest  ofCaithage 468 

6^709.  Final  Conquest  of  Africa  46g 

Adoption  oftfae  Moors  471 

709  Spain.  First  Temptations  and  Designs  of  the  AralM     471 

State  of  the  Gothic  Monarchy         473 

710  The  first  Descent  of  the  Arabs       474 

711  Their  second  Descent  and  Victory  475 

Ruin  of  the  Gothic  Monarchy  477 

71a,  713.  Conquest  of  Spain  by  Musa 479 

714  Disgrace  of  Musa       48a 

FriMperity  of  Spain  under  the  Arabi  4S4 

Religious  Toleration 480 

Propagation  of  Mahomeiism  486 

Fall  of  the  .Magians  of  Persia         4«7 

749  Decline  and  Fall  of  Christianity  tn  Africa  489 

1149  And  Spain 490 

TolenoitMoftbeChiiMiani  .-         491 

cCittphs.-        ._         493 


THE  HISTORY 

OF  THS 

DECIjINE  and  fall  op  the  ROMAN  EMPIRE 

CHAPTER  XLV 

Ragn  of  ike  Yowwer  Jtutin — Embassy  of  ike  Avars — Their  SeUle- 
ment  on  the  Danube — Conquest  of  Italy  by  the  Lombards — 
Adoption  and  Reign  of  Tioerius — of  Maurice — Slate  of  Italy 
under  the  Lombards  and  the  Exarchs  of  Ravenna — Distress 
of  Rome — Character  and  Pontificate  of  Gregory  the  First 

During  the  last  yean  of  Justinian,  his  infirm  mind  was  devoted  ommi  or 
to  heavenly  contemplation,  and  he  neglected  the  business  ofjUSm^ 
the  lower  world.  His  subjects  were  impatient  of  the  long"*^' 
continuance  of  his  life  and  reign  ;  yet  all  wno  were  capable  of 
reflection  apprehended  the  moment  of  his  death,  which  might 
myolve  the  capital  in  tumult  and  the  empire  in  civil  war. 
Seven  nephews  ^  of  the  childless  monarch,  the  sons  or  grand- 
sons of  his  brother  and  sister,  had  been  educated  in  the 
splendour  of  a  princely  fortune  ;  they  had  been  shewn  in  high 
eommands  to  the  provinces  and  armies  ;  their  characters  were 
known,  their  followers  were  zealous ;  and,  as  the  jealousy  of 
tge  postponed  the  declaration  of  a  successor,  they  might  expect 
with  equal  hopes  the  inheritance  of  their  uncle.  He  expired 
in  his  palace  after  a  reign  of  thirty-eight  years  ;  and  the  deci- 
Bve  opportnnity  was  embraced  by  the  ftiends  of  Justin,  the  son 
of  Vigilaentia.'    At  the  hour  of  midnight  his  domestics  were 


^  See  tbe  CamiW  of  Justiftaod  Justinian  in  the  Familiae  Bjrzantinae  of  Dnoan^ 
pi  B9-  [OX.  The  oevout  ciTilians,  iLudewig  (in  Vit  Justinian,  p.  131 )  and  Heineccius 
iRisL  Joris  Roman,  p^  374),  have  since  illustrated  the  genealogy  of  their  favourite 


*  In  the  story  of  Tustin's  elevation  I  have  translated  into  simple  and  concise 

prcK  the  eigfat  bunared  verses  of  the  two  first  books  of  Corippus*  de  Laudibus 
.^-.    ^^  ,.,  .  -* .    [See  Appendix  I.   For 

6057  (a  false  reading — 
Rom.,  ad  ann.).] 

vol*.  V.  1 


2  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

awakened  by  an  importunate  crowd,  who  thundered  at  his 
door,  and  obtained  admittance  by  revealing  themselves  to  be 
the  principal  members  of  the  senate.  These  welcome  deputies 
announced  the  recent  and  momentous  secret  of  the  emperor's 
decease ;  reported,  or  perhaps  invented,  his  dying  choice  of  the 
best  beloved  and  most  deserving  of  his  nephews ;  and  conjured 
Justin  to  prevent  the  disorders  of  the  multitude,  if  they  should 
perceive,  with  the  return  of  light,  that  they  were  left  with- 
out a  master.  After  composing  his  countenance  to  surprise, 
sorrow,  and  decent  modesty,  Justin,  by  the  advice  of  his  wife 
Sophia,  submitted  to  the  authority  of  the  senate.  He  was 
conducted  with  speed  and  silence  to  the  palace ;  the  guards 
saluted  their  new  sovereign  ;  and  the  martial  and  religious  rites 
of  his  coronation  were  diligently  accomplished.  By  the  hands 
of  the  proper  officers  he  was  invested  with  the  Imperial 
sarments,  tiie  red  buskins,  white  tunic,  and  purple  robe.  A 
rortunate  soldier,  whom  he  instantly  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
tribune,  encircled  his  neck  with  a  military  collar ;  four  robust 
youths  exalted  him  on  a  shield  ;  he  stood  firm  and  erect  to 
receive  the  adoration  of  his  subjects;  and  their  choice  was 
sanctified  by  the  benediction  of  the  patriarch,  who  imposed  the 
^  diadem  on  the  head  of  an  orthodox  prince.  The  hippodrome 
Ija^  was  already  filled  with  innumerable  multitudes  ;  and  no  sooner 
ii^M^^did  the  emperor  appear  on  his  throne  than  the  voices  of  the 
blue  and  the  green  Actions  were  confounded  in  the  same  loyal 
acclamations.  In  the  speeches  which  Justin  addressed  *  to  the 
senate  and  people,  he  promised  to  correct  the  abuses  which 
had  disgraced  the  age  of  his  predecessor,  displayed  the  maxims 
Mwg-  of  a  just  and  beneficent  ffovemment,  and  declared  that,  on  the 
approaching  calends  of  January,'  he  would  revive  in  his  own 
person  the  name  and  liberality  of  a  Roman  consuL  The  im- 
mediate discharge  of  his  uncle's  debts  exhibited  a  solid  pledge 
of  his  fiatith  and  generosity :  a  train  of  porters  laden  with  bags 
of  gold  advanced  into  the  midst  of  the  hippodrome,  and  the 
hopeless  creditors  of  Justinian  accepted  this  equitable  payment 
as  a  voluntary  gift.  Before  the  end  of  three  years  his  example 
was  imitated  and  surpassed  by  the  empress  Sophia,  who  de- 
livered many  indigent  citizens  from  the  weight  of  debt  and  \ 
usury  :  an  act  of  benevolence  the  best  entitled  to  gratitude, 

'  It  is  surprising  how  Pagi  (Critica  in  Annal.  Baron,  torn,  il  p.  639)  could  be  'i 

tempted  by  any  chronicles  to  contradict  the  plain  and  decisive  text  of  Corippus  >\ 

(vicina  dona,  L  ii.  354,  vidna  dies,  L  iv.  i.),  and  to  postpone,  till  A.D.  567,  tha  \ 

consulship  ofJustiiL  ^ 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  8 

since  it  relieves  the  most  intolerable  distress ;  but  in  which 
the  bounty  of  a  prince  is  the  most  liable  to  be  abused  by  the 
claims  of  prodigality  and  fi»ud.^ 

On  the  seventh  day  of  his  reign,  Justin  gave  audience  to  the 
ambassadors  of  the  Avars,  and  the  scene  was  decorated  to  im-  ajiTm 
press  the  barbarians  with  astonishment,  veneration,  and  terror. 
Fron&  the  palace  gate,  the  spacious  courts  and  long  porticoes 
were  lined  with  the  lofty  crests  and  gilt  bucklers  of  the  guards, 
who  presented  their  spears  and  axes  with  more  confidence  than 
they  would  have  shewn  in  a  field  of  battle.  The  officers  who 
exerciaed  the  power,  or  attended  the  person,  of  the  prince  were 
attired  in  their  richest  habits  and  arranged  according  to  the 
military  and  civil  order  of  the  hierarchy.  When  the  veil  of  the  pmv.  m] 
sanctuary  was  withdrawn,  the  ambassadors  beheld  the  emperor 
of  the  East  on  his  throne,  beneath  a  canopy  or  dome,  which 
was  supported  by  four  columns  and  crowned  with  a  winged 
figure  of  victory.  In  the  first  emotions  of  surprise,  they  sub- 
mitted to  the  servile  adoration  of  the  Byzantine  court ;  but,  as 
soon  as  they  rose  from  the  ground,  Targetius,^  the  chief  of  the 
embassy,  exjuressed  the  freedom  and  pride  of  a  barbarian.  He 
extolled,  by  the  tongue  of  his  interpreter,  the  greatness  of  the 
chagan,  by  whose  clemency  the  kingdoms  of  the  South  were 
permitted  to  exist,  whose  victorious  subjects  had  traversed  the 
firoaen  rivers  of  Scjrthia,  and  who  now  covered  the  banks  of 
the  Danube  with  innumerable  tents.^  The  late  emperor  had 
cultivated,  with  annual  and  costly  gifts,  the  friendship  of  a 
gmtefiil  monarch,  and  the  enemies  of  Rome  had  respected  the 
allies  of  the  Avars.  The  same  prudence  would  instruct  the 
nephew  of  Justinian  to  imitate  the  liberality  of  his  uncle,  and 
to  purchase  the  blessings  of  peace  from  an  invincible  people, 
who  delighted  and  exceUed  in  the  exercise  of  war.  The  reply 
of  the  emperor  was  delivered  in  the  same  strain  of  haughty 
defiance,  and  he  derived  his  confidence  from  the  God  of  the 
Christians,  the  ancient  glory  of  Rome,  and  the  recent  triumphs 
of  Justinian.  ''The  empire,"  said  he,  ''  abounds  with  men  and 
hones,  and  arms  sufficient  to  defend  our  frontiers  and  to  chastise 
the  barbarians.      You  offer  aid,  you  threaten  hostilities:    we 

^  *  Tbeophan.  Chronograph,  p.  905  [ad  ann.  6059 ;  the  date  is  a  year  wrong ; 
I  Ke  hst  oocie].  Whenever  Cedrenus  or  Zonaras  are  mere  transcribers,  it  is  super- 
(    ftoons  to  allqpB  their  testimony. 

>  [Ti^rMf  and  Tc^fiiff  in  Menander»  fr.  38 ;  but  Tergasis  in  Corippus,  iii 

*  [Cpi  Appends  a.] 


4  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

despise  your  enmity  and  your  aid.  The  conquerors  of  the  Avars 
solicit  our  alliance  :  shall  we  dread  their  fugitives  and  exiles  ?  ^ 
The  bounty  of  our  uncle  was  granted  to  your  misery,  to  your 
humble  prayers.  From  us  you  shall  receive  a  more  important 
obligation,  the  knowledge  of  your  own  weakness.  Rf^tire  firom 
oar  presence ;  the  lives  of  ambassadors  are  safe ;  and,  if  you 
return  to  implore  our  pardon,  perhaps  you  will  taste  of  our 
benevolence."  ^  On  the  report  of  his  ambassadors^  the  chagan 
was  awed  by  the  apparent  firmness  of  a  Roman  emperor,  of 
whose  character  and  resources  he  was  ignorant.  Instead  of 
executing  his  threats  against  the  eastern  empire,  he  marched 
into  the  poor  and  savage  countries  of  Germany,  which  were 
subject  to  the  dominion  of  the  Franks.  After  two  doubtful 
battles  he  consented  to  retire,  and  the  Austrasian  king  relieved 
the  distress  of  his  camp  with  an  immediate  supply  of  com  and 
cattle.^  Such  repeated  disappointments  had  diilled  the  spirit 
of  the  Avars,  and  their  power  would  have  dissolved  away  in  the 
Sarmatian  desert,  if  the  alliance  of  Alboin,  king  of  the  Lombards, 
had  not  given  a  new  object  to  their  arms,  and  a  lasting  settle- 
ment to  their  wearied  fortunes. 

While  Alboin  served  under  his  &ther's  standard,  he  en- 
countered in  battle,  and  transpierced  with  his  lance,  the  rii^ 
prince  of  the  GepidsB.  The  Lombards,  who  applauded  such 
early  prowess,  requested  his  father  with  unanimous 


7  CorippuB,  I.  iii.  39a  The  unquettionable  sense  relates  to  the  Turks,  the 
conquerors  of  the  Avars ;  but  the  word  scultor  has  no  apparent  meaning,  and  the 
sole  Ms.  of  Corippus,  from  whence  the  first  edition  (1581,  apud  Plantin)  was 
printed,  is  no  longer  visible.  The  last  editor,  Fogginl  of  Rome,  has  inserted 
the  conjectural  emendation  of  soUan  ;  but  the  proofs  of  Duoapoe  ( Joinville,  Dissert. 
xvL  p.  238-240)  for  the  earhr  use  of  this  title  among  the  Tones  and  Persians  are  < 
weak  or  ambiguous.  And  I  must  incline  to  the  aothority  of  d'Herbdot  (B3>Iio' 
tUque  Orient  p.  825),  who  aaeribes  the  word  to  tlie  Arabic  and  Chaldean  tongues, 
and  the  date  to  the  beginning  of  the  xith  century,  when  it  was  bestowed  b£the 
caliph  of  Bagdad  on  Mahmud,  prince  of  Gazna  and  oont^ueror  of  India.  fThis 
lodgment  on  Poggini's  conjecture  is  sound,  though  sulUtn  is  wad  bjr  P^rtKh,  the  ^ 
ktaft  editor.    It  is  doubtful  whether  the  lines  do  refer  to  the  Turks.]  \ 

9  For  these  characteristic  speecbes,  compare  the  verse  of  Corippua(L  iiL  aji*  1 

4Di)  with  the  prose  of  Menander  (Excerpt  Legation,  p.  zoo,  103  [fr.  28,  in  F.  H.  G.,  l 

hr.];.    Their  diversity  proves  that  they  cud  not  oopy  each  other ;  their  resemblance  ^ 

tbat  they  drew  from  a  common  originaL    [John  01  Ephesns  says  thAt  JditiB  catted  ^ 

the  Avar  envoys  dogs,  and  threatened  to  cut  off  their  hair  and  then  tbeir  heads ;  . 

vi.a4-] 

*  For  the  Austrasian  war,  see  Menander  (Excerpt  Legat  p.  iioffr.  14,  F.  H.  G., 
iv.  p.  2x9]),  Gregory  of  Tours  (Hist  Frana  L  iv.  c  29),  and  Paul  the  ueaoon  (de    * 
Gest.  Langobard.  1.  il  c.  zo).    FThis  passage  in  Paul  refers  to  thejfrs/ invasion 
of  the  Merovingian  dominions  or  the  Avars,  whkh  took  place  in  A.D.  562.  and  is 

recordeA  \yf  Gregory  in  iv.  23.    The  date  of  the  second  invasion,  recorded  by    "■ 

Oregory  in  iv.  29  and  by  Menander,  is  probably  A.D.  566.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  6 

tbat  the  heroic  youth,  who  had  ahared  the  dangers  of  the  fi^ld, 
might  be  admitted  to  the  feast  of  victory.     "You  are  not  un- 
mindful/' replied  the  inflexible  Audoin,  ''of  the  wise  customs 
of  our  anoestofs.     Whatever  may  be  his  merit,  a  prince  is  incap- 
able of  sitting  at  table  with  his  &ther  till  he  has  received  his  arms 
from  a  foreign  and  royal  hand."     Alboin  bowed  with  reverence 
to  the  institutions  of  his  countryy  selected  forty  companions,  and 
boldly  visited  the  court  <^  Turisund  king  of  the  Gepidse,  who 
embmced  and  entertained,  according  to  the  laws  of  hospitality, 
the  murderer  of  his  son.     At  the  banquet,  whilst  Alboin  oc- 
cupied the  seat  of  the  youth  whom  he  had  slaan,  a  tender 
lemembmnce  arose  in  tlui  mind  of  TurisumL     "  How  dear  is 
that  place-^how  hateful  is  that  person  ! "  were  the  words  that 
escaped,  with  a  sigh,  from  the  indignant  &ther.      His  grief 
exaspeimted    the    national  resentment  of  the    Gepidce;    and 
Cunioiondy  his  surviving  son,  was  provoked  by  wine,  or  fraternal 
ifection,  to  the  desire  of  vengeance.     ''The  Lombards/'  said 
the  mde  barbarian,  "  resemble,  in  figure  and  in  smell,  the  mares 
of  our  Sannatian  plains."     And  this  insult  was  a  coarse  allusion 
to  the  white  bands  which  enveloped  their  legs.     *'  Add  another 
resemUanoe,"  replied  an  audacious  Lombard ;  "you  have  felt  how 
stvongiy  they  kick.     Visit  the  plain  of  Asfeld,  and  seek  for  the 
bones  of  thy  brother ;  they  are  mingled  with  those  of  the  vilest 
soimels."     The  Gepidei,  a  nation  of  warriors,  started  from  their 
seatSi  and  the  fearless  Alboin,  with  his  forty  companions,  laid 
th^r  hands  on  their  swords.    The  tumult  was  appeased  by  the 
venerable  interposition  of  Turisund.     He  saved  his  OMm  honour, 
and  the  life  of  his  guest ;  and,  after  the  solemn  rites  of  in- 
fcstitnre,  dismissed  the  stranger  in  the  bloody  arms  of  his  son, 
the  1^  of  a  weeping  parent    Alboin  returned  in  triumph  ;  and 
the  Lombards,  who  celebrated  his  matchless  intrepidity,  were 
eompelled  to  praise  the  virtues  of  an  enemy.^     In  this  extra- 
ordinary visit  he  had  probably  seen  the  daughter  of  Cunimund, 
who  soon  after  ascended  the  throne  of  the  Gepidse.     Her  name 
was  Rosamond,  an  appellation  expressire  of  female  beauty,  and 
which  our  own  history  or  romance  has  oonsecrated  to  amorous 
tales.     The  king  of  the  Lombards  (the  &ther  of  Alboin  no 
loiter  lived)  was  ccmtracted  to  the  grand-daughter  of  Clovis ; 
but  the  restraints  of  fidth  and  poUcy  soon  yielded  to  the  hope 

M  Panl  Warnelnd,  the  deacon  of  Friuli.  de  Gest.  Langobard.  L  i.  c.  33,  04. 
His  pictum  of  oatiofMd  umxamn,  tbouKfa  rudely  sketched,  are  mote  ^ML^  vdAl 
biihftil  than  those  of  6eda  or  Ongory  oi  Touts. 


6  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  poflsessing  the  &ir  Rosamond,  and  of  insulting  her  feimily  and 
nation.  The  arts  of  persuasion  were  tried  without  success  ;  and 
the  impatient  lover,  by  force  and  stratagem,  obtained  the  object 
of  his  desires.  War  was  the  consequence  which  he  foresaw  and 
solicited;  but  the  Lombards  could  not  long  withstand  the 
furious  assault  of  the  Gepidse,  who  were  sustained  by  a  Roman 
army.  And,  as  the  offer  of  marriage  was  rejected  with  contempt, 
Alboin  was  compelled  to  relinquish  his  prey,  and  to  partake  of 
the  disgrace  which  he  had  inflicted  on  the  house  of  Cunimund.^^ 
When  a  pubhc  quarrel  is  envenomed  by  private  injuries,  a 
t^^  blow  that  is  not  mortal  or  decisive  can  be  productive  only  of  a 
boiof  short  truce,  which  allovrs  the  unsuccessful  combatant  to  sharpen 
u8i  his  arms  for  a  new  encounter.  The  strength  of  Alboin  had  been 
found  unequal  to  the  gratification  of  his  love,  ambition,  and 
revenge ;  he  condescended  to  implore  the  formidable  aid  of  the 
chagan  ;  and  the  arguments  that  he  employed  are  expressive  of 
the  art  and  policy  of  the  barbarians.  In  the  attack  of  the 
Gepidce  he  had  been  prompted  by  the  just  desire  of  extirpating 
a  people  whom  their  alliance  with  the  Roman  empire  had 
rendered  the  common  enemies  of  the  nations  and  the  personal 
adversaries  of  the  chagan.  If  the  forces  of  the  Avars  and  the 
Lombards  should  unite  in  this  glorious  quarrel,  the  victory  was 
secure,  and  the  reward  inestimable :  the  Danube,  the  Hebrus, 
Italy,  and  Constantinople  would  be  exposed,  without  a  barrier, 
to  tneir  invincible  arms.  But,  if  they  hesitated  or  delayed  to 
prevent  the  malice  of  the  Romans,  the  same  spirit  which  had 
insulted,  would  pursue  the  Avars  to  the  extremity  of  the  earth. 
These  specious  reasons  were  heard  by  the  chagan  with  coldness 
and  disdain;  he  detained  the  Ixmibard  ambassadors  in  his 
camp,  protracted  the  negotiation,  and  by  turns  alleged  his 
want  of  inclination,  or  his  want  of  ability,  to  undertake  this 
important  enterprise.  At  length  he  signified  the  ultimate  price 
of  his  alliance,  that  the  Lombards  should  immediately  present 
him  with  the  tithe  of  their  cattle  ;  that  the  spoils  and  captives 
should  be  equally  divided ;  but  that  the  lands  of  the  Gepid« 
should  become  the  sole  patrimony  of  the  Avars.  Such  hard 
conditions  were  eagerly  accepted  by  the  passions  of  Alboin ; 
and,  as  the  Romans  were  dissatisfied  with  the  ingratitude  and 
perfidy  of  the  Gepids,  Justin  abandoned  that  incorrigible  people 
to  their  fiite,  and  remained  the  tranquil  spectator  of  this  un- 

'^  The  storv  is  told  by  an  impostor  (Tbeophylact.  SimooaU  1.  vi.  c  xo) ;  but  he 
Juul  art  etuMiga  to  buiJd  bis  fictions  on  public  and  notorious  facts. 


i 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIKE  7 

equal  conflict.^'  The  despair  of  Cimimund  was  active  and 
dangerous.  He  was  informed  that  the  Avars  had  entered  his 
confines ;  but  on  the  strong  assurance  that,  after  the  defeat  of 
the  Lombards,  these  foreign  invaders  would  easily  be  repelled, 
he  rushed  forwards  to  encounter  the  implacable  enemy  of  his 
name  and  fiumly.  But  the  courage  of  the  Gepidae  could  secure 
them  no  more  than  an  honourable  death.  The  bravest  of  the 
nation  fell  in  the  field  of  battle ;  the  king  of  the  Lombards 
contemplated  with  delight  the  head  of  Cunimund,  and  his  skull 
was  fiuhioned  into  a  cup  to  satiate  the  hatred  of  the  conqueror, 
or,  perhaps,  to  comply  with  the  savage  custom  of  his  country.^^ 
After  this  victory  no  farther  obstacle  could  impede  the  progress 
of  the  confederates,  and  they  fiuthfuUy  executed  the  terms  of 
their  agreement. ^^  The  fiur  countries  of  Walachia,  Moldavia, 
Transjlvaniay  and  the  parts  of  Hungary  beyond  the  Danube, 
were  occupied,  without  resistance,  by  a  new  colony  of  Scythians; 
and  the  Dadan  empire  of  the  chagans  subsisted  with  splendour 
above  two  hundred  and  thirty  years.  ^^  The  nation  of  the 
Gepidse  was  dissolved  ;  but,  in  the  distribution  of  the  captives, 
the  slaves  of  the  Avars  were  less  fortunate  than  the  companions 
of  the  Lombards,  whose  generosity  adopted  a  valiant  foe,  and 
whose  freedom  was  incompatible  with  cool  and  deliberate 
tyranny.  One  moiety  of  the  spoil  introduced  into  the  camp  of 
Alboin  more  wealth  than  a  barbarian  could  readily  compute. 
Hie  fair  Rosamond  was  persuaded  or  compelled  to  acknowledge 
the  rights  of  her  victorious  lover ;  and  the  daughter  of  Cuni- 
mund  appeared  to  forgive  those  crimes  which  might  be  imputed 
to  her  own  irresistible  charms. 

The  destruction  of  a  mighty  kingdom  established  the  faxae  Aiboim  mad 
of  Alboin.     In  the  days  of  Charlemagne,  the  Bavarians,  the  flSSS^Jta 
Saxons,  and  the  other  tribes  of  the  Teutonic  language,  still  ^""^ 
repeated  the   songs  which  described  the   heroic  virtues,  the 

^  [Tbe  negotiations  becween  Avars  and  Lombards,  described  by  Menander,  fr. 
24axKl  95  (F.  H.  G.  hr.  p.  ajo),  belong  to  A.d.  566  at  earliest,  and  most  probably ; 
aie  destruction  of  the  G^idae  is  most  naturally  placed  in  567.  ] 

"  It  appears  from  Strabo.  Pliny,  and  Ammianus  Marcellinus  that  tbe  same 
practice  was  common  among  the  Scythian  tribes  (Muratori,  Scriptores  Rer.  Italic, 
torn.  i.  p.  424).  Tbe  scaifs  of  North  America  are  likewise  trophies  of  valour. 
Tbe  skuU  of  Cunimund  was  preserved  above  two  himdred  years  among  the 
Lombards;  and  Paul  himself  was  one  of  the  guests  to  whom  duke  Katchis 
edttbiied  this  cup  on  a  high  festival  (L  it  c.  38).  H^he  same  barbarity  was  practised 
by  the  Bulgarians.  The  skull  of  the  Emperor  Nicephorus  I.  was  made  into  a  cup 
bf  the  Bol^^tfian  sovran  Crum.     Sec  below,  c  Iv.  ] 

^  Puil«  L  L  &  97.    Menander,  in  Excerpt.  Legat.  p.  no,  in  [ioc,  cit.}, 

>*[See  Appendix  a.J 


8  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

valour,  liber&lity,  and  fortune  of  the  king  of  the  Lombards.^^ 
But  his  ambition  was  yet  unsatisfied,  and  the  conqueror  of  the 
Gepidffi  turned  his  eyes  from  the  Danube  to  the  richer  banks  of 
the  Po  and  the  Tiber.  Fifteen  years  had  not  elapsed  since 
his  subjects,  the  confederates  of  Narses,  had  visited  the  pleasant 
climate  of  Italy  ;  the  mountains,  the  rivers,  the  highways,  were 
fiuniliar  to  their  memory ;  the  report  of  their  success,  perhaps 
the  view  of  their  spoils,  had  kindled  in  the  rising  generation 
the  flame  of  emulation  and  enterprise.  Their  hopes  were  en- 
couraged by  the  spirit  and  eloquence  of  Alboin ;  and  it  is 
affirmed  that  he  spoke  to  their  senses  by  producing,  at  the 
royal  feast,  the  fidrest  and  most  exquisite  fruits  that  grew 
spontaneously  in  the  garden  of  the  world.  No  sooner  had  he 
erected  his  standard  than  the  native  strength  of  the  Lombards 
was  multiplied  by  the  adventurous  youth  of  Germany  and 
Sc3rthia.  The  robust  peasantry  of  Noricum  and  Pannonia  had 
resumed  the  manners  of  barbarians ;  and  the  names  of  the 
Grepide,  Bulgarians,  Sarmatians,  and  Bavarians,  may  be  dis- 
tinctly traced  in  the  provmces  of  Italy.^^  Of  the  Saxons,  the 
old  allies  of  the  Lx>mbards,  twenty  thousand  warriors,  with 
their  wives  and  children,  accepted  the  invitation  of  Alboin. 
Their  bravery  contributed  to  his  success  ;  but  the  accession  or 
the  absence  of  their  numbers  was  not  sensibly  felt  in  the 
magmtude  of  his  host.  Every  mode  of  religion  was  freely 
practised  by  its  respective  votaries.  The  king  of  the  Lombards 
had  been  educated  in  the  Arian  heresy ;  but  the  Catholics,  m 
their  public  worship,  were  allowed  to  pray  for  his  conversion ; 
while  the  more  stubborn  barbarians  sacrificed  a  she-goat,  or 
perhaps  a  captive,  to  the  gods  of  their  fitthers.^^  The  Lombards 
and  their  confederates  were  united  by  their  common  attachment 

10  Ut  hactenus  etiam  tam  apud  Bajoariorum  gentem,  quam  et  Saxontim  aed  et 
alios  ehisdem  linguae  homines  .  ,  .  in  eorum  carminibus  celebretur.  Paul.  L  i.  c. 
97.  He  died  A.d.  799  (Muratori.  in  Praefat.  tonL  i.  p.  ^).  These  German 
songs,  some  of  iidiicfa  might  be  as  old  as  Tadtus  (de  Monbus  Germ.  c.|s),  were 
compiled  and  tranacribed  by  Charlemagne.  Barbara  et  antiquissima  carmina, 
onibus  veterum  regum  actus  et  bella  canebantur  scripsit  memoriaeaue  mandavit 
(Eginhard,  in  Vit.  Carol.  Magn.  c  99,  p.  i^o,  131).  The  poems,  wnich  Goldast 
commends  (Animadvers.  nd  Eginhaid.  p.  207),  appear  to  be  recent  and  con- 
temptible  romances. 

"  The  other  nations  are  rehearsed  by  Paul  (L  ii.  c.  6,  96).  Muratori  (AntichitA 
Italiane,  torn.  1.  dissert.  I  p.  4)  has  discovered  the  village  of  the  Bavarians,  three 
n^es  from  Modena. 

'"  Gregory  the  Roman  (Dialog.  1.  iii.  c.  27,  a8.  apud  Baron.  AnnaL  Eccles. 
A.D.  579,  No.  xo)  supposes  that  they  likewise  adored  this  she-goat.  1  know  but  of 
one  migkm  in  which  the  god  and  the  victim  are  the  &ame» 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE 


9 


to  a  chief,  who  excelled  in  all  the  virtues  and  vices  of  a  savage 
hero  ;  and  the  vigilance  of  Alboin  provided  an  ample  magasine 
of  offensive  and  defensive  arms  for  the  use  of  the  expedition. 
The  portable  wealth  of  the  Lombards  attended  the  march ; 
their  lands  they  cheerfully  relinquished  to  the  Avars,  on  the 
solemn  promise,  which  was  made  and  accepted  without  a  smile, 
that,  if  they  fidled  in  the  conquest  of  Italy,  these  voluntary 
exiles  should  be  reinstated  in  their  former  possessions. 

They  might  have  fiuled,  if  Narses  had  been  the  antagonist  of 
the  JLombards ;  and  the  veteran  warriors,  the  associates  of  his  m 
Gothic  victory,  would  have  encountered  with   reluctance  an 
enemy  whom  they  dreaded  and  esteemed.     But  the  weakness 
of  the  Byiantine  court  was  subservient  to  the  barbarian  cause ; 
and  it  was  for  the  niin  of  Italy  that  the  emperor  once  listened 
to  the  complaints  of  his  subjects.     The  virtues  of  Narses  were 
stained  with  avarice ;  and  in  his  provincial  reign  of  fifteen  years 
he  accnmnlated  a  treasure  of  gold  and  silver  which  surpassed 
the  modesty  of  a  private  fortune.     His  government  was  op- 
presnve  or  unpopular,  and  the  general  discontent  was  expressed 
with  fireedom  by  the  deputies  of  Rome.     Before  the  throne  of 
Justin  they  boldly  declared  that  their  Gothic  servitude  had  been 
moire  tolerable  than  the  despotism  of  a  Greek  eunuch ;  and 
that,  unless  their  tyrant  were  instantly  removed,  they  would 
eonsult  their  ovm  happiness  in  the  choice  of  a  master.     The 
apprehension  of  a  revolt  was  urged  by  the  voice  of  envy  and 
detrmctum,  which  had  so  recently  triumphed  over  the  merit  of 
Belisarius.     A  new  exarch,^*  Longinus,  was  appointed  to  super- 
sede the  conquenv  of  Italy,  and  the  base  motives  of  his  recall 
were  revealed  in  the  insultijog  mandate  of  the  empress  Sophia, 
**  that  he  should  leave  to  men  the  exercise  of  arms,  and  return 
to  his  proper  station  among  the  maidens  of  the  palace,  where  a 
distaff  ahcnild  be  again  placed  in  the  hand  of  the  eunuch".     "  I 
will  spin  her  such  a  thiead,  as  she  shall  not  easily  unravel !  "  is 
nid  to  have  been  the  reply  which  indignation  and  conscious 
firtue  extorted  from  the  hero.     Instead  of  attending,  a  slave 
and  a  victim,  at  the  gate  of  the  Byzantine  palace,  he  retired  to 
Naples,  from  whence  (if  any  credit  is  due  to  the  belief  of  the 
times)  Narses  invited  tne  Lombards  to  chastise  the  ingratitude 
of  the  prince  and  people.^    But  the  passions  of  the  people  are 

[Tbcre  is  some  doubc  whether  Longinus  bore  this  title.    The  first  governor 
xnainljr  was  '*  exaixh  *'  is  Smaragdus,  the  successor  of  Longinus,  A.D.  585. J 


«add«fttii( 


*  Tim  cfaaive  off  the  rteanon  against  Narses  (1.  iL  c.  O  may  be  groandles&  \  \xli 
Ae  weak  apoiosycff  the  cardiiial  (Baron.  Aonai.  £ccka.  A.D.  5671  No.  ViqiV>& 


10  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

furious  and  changeable,  and  the  Romans  soon  recollected  the 
merits,  or  dreaded  the  resentment,  of  their  victorious  general. 
By  the  mediation  of  the  pope,  who  undertook  a  special  pilgrim- 
age to  Naples,  their  repentance  was  accepted;  and  Narses, 
assuming  a  milder  aspect  and  a  more  dutiful  language,  consented 
to  fix  h£  residence  in  the  CapitoL  His  death,^^  though  in  the 
extreme  period  of  old  age,  was  unseasonable  and  premature, 
since  his  genius  alone  could  have  repaired  the  last  and  &tal 
error  of  his  life.  The  reality,  or  the  suspicion,  of  a  conspiracy 
disarmed  and  disunited  the  Italians.  The  soldiers  resented  the 
disgrace,  and  bewailed  the  loss,  of  their  generaL  They  were 
ignorant  of  their  new  exarch;  and  Lmiginus  was  himself 
ign(»ant  of  the  state  of  the  army  and  the  province.  In  the 
preceding  years  Italy  had  been  desolated  by  pestilence  and 
nunine,  and  a  disaffected  people  ascribed  the  calamities  of 
nature  to  the  guilt  or  folly  of  their  rulers.^ 

Whatever  might  be  the  grounds  of  his  security,  Alboin  neither 
r^  expected  nor  encountered  a  Roman  army  in  the  field.  He  as- 
Mi»  cended  the  Julian  Alps,  and  looked  down  with  contempt  and 
desire  on  the  firuitful  plains  to  which  his  victonr  communicated 
the  perpetual  appellation  of  Lombardy.  A  uiithful  chieftain 
and  a  select  band  were  stationed  at  Forum  Julii,  the  modem 
Friuli,  to  guard  the  passes  of  the  mountains.     The  Lombards 

rejected  by  the  best  critics — Pftgi  (torn.  ii.  p.  639,  640),  Muratori  (Annali  d'ltalia, 
torn.  V.  p.  160-163),  and  the  last  editors,  Horatius  Blancus  (Script  Remm  Italic, 
torn.  i.  p.  437,  428)  and  Philip  Argelatus  (Sigon.  Opera,  torn.  ii.  p.  11,  zs).  The 
Narses  who  assisted  at  the  coronation  01  Justin  ^Corippus,  L  iii.  221)  is  clearly 
understood  to  be  a  different  person.  [The  only  evidence,  desenring  consideration, 
for  the  cham  against  Narses  consists  in :  (a)  the  statement  of  the  bioerapher  of 
Pope  John  III.  (Lib.  Pontif.  Ixiii.),  who  wrote,  as  the  Abb6  Duchesne  nas  estab- 
lished, c.  580-590.  A.D. :  the  statement  of  Paul  the  Deacon,  cited  above,  is  copied 
from  this  biography;  (/s)  the  statement  of  Isidore  of  Seville  (Chron.  409.  ed. 
Mommsen  in  Chron.  Min.  ii  p.  476).  This  evidence  does  not  establish  a  presump- 
tion of  his  guilt,  but  shows  that  very  soon  after  the  event  it  was  generally  bdievtod 
that  he  was  in  collusion  with  the  invaders.  The  story  of  the  dis^ff  appears  in  an 
earlier  writer  than  Paul,  namely  "  Fredegarius  "  (3.  6^),  who  makes  Sophia  send 
Narses  a  golden  distaff.  So  Euelthon,  King  of  CYpnan  Salamis,  gave  a  distaft 
and  wool  to  Pheretime  of  Cyrene,  when  she  asked  mm  for  an  army  (Herodotus,  4, 
160).  And  we  shall  presently  see  the  same  symbol  used  for  insult  by  a  Per^an 
prince  (below,  p.  46).] 

^  The  death  of  Narses  is  mentioned  by  Paul,  L  ii  c.  iz ;  Anastas.  in  Vit.  Johan. 
lit  p.  43 ;  Agnellus.  Liber  Pontifical.  Raven,  in  Script  Rer.  Italicarum,  tom.  ii. 
part  I,  p.  114,  124.  Yet  I  cannot  believe  with  AgneUus  that  Narses  was  ninety- 
nve  yesLTS  of  age.  Is  it  iHX>bable  that  all  his  exploits  were  performed  at  four- 
score? 

^  The  designs  of  Narses  and  of  the  Lombards  for  the  invasion  of  Italy  are 
exposed  in  the  last  chapter  of  the  first  book,  and  the  seven  first  chapters  of  the 
second  book,  of  Paul  the  Deacon. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  11 

respected  the  strength  of  Pavia,  and  listened  to  the  prayers  ot 
the  Trevisans ;  their  slow  and  heavy  multitudes  proceeded  to 
occupy  the  palace  and  city  of  Verona ;  and  Milan,  now  rising 
from  her  ashes,  was  invested  hy  the  powers  of  Alboin  five 
months  after  his  departure  from  Pannonia.  Terror  preceded 
his  march ;  he  found  ever3rwhere,  or  he  left,  a  dreary  solitude ; 
snd  the  pusillanimous  Italians  presumed,  without  a  trial,  that 
the  stranger  was  invincible.  Escaping  to  lakes,  or  rocks,  or 
iiiorassesy  the  afirighted  crowds  concealed  some  fragments  of 
their  wealth,  and  delayed  the  moment  of  their  servitude. 
Fsnlinus,  the  patriarch  of  Aquileia,  removed  his  treasures,  [a.s.ibi^' 
sacred  and  profime,  to  the  isle  of  Grado,^  and  his  successors  ca.d.  m\ 
were  adopted  by  the  in&nt  republic  of  Venice,  which  was  con- 
tinually enriched  by  the  public  calamities.  Honoratus,  who 
filled  the  chair  of  St.  Ambrose,  had  credulously  accepted  the 
fidthless  offers  of  a  capitulation ;  and  the  archbishop,  with  the 
clergy  and  nobles  of  Milan,  were  driven  by  the  perfidy  of 
Alboin  to  seek  a  refuge  in  the  less  accessible  ramparts  of 
Genoa.  Along  the  maritime  coast,  the  courage  of  the  inhabi- 
tants was  supported  by  the  fruality  of  supply,  the  hopes  of 
relief,  and  the  power  of  escape ;  but,  from  the  Trentine  hills  to 
the  gates  of  Ravenna  and  Rome,  the  inland  regions  of  Italy 
became,  without  a  battle  or  a  siege,  the  lasting  patrimony  of 
the  Lombards.  The  submission  of  the  people  invited  the  bar- 
barian to  assume  the  character  of  a  lawful  sovereign,  and  the 
helpless  exarch  was  confined  to  the  office  of  announcing  to  the 
emperor  Justin  the  rapid  and  irretrievable  loss  of  his  provinces 
and  cities.^  One  city,  which  had  been  diligently  fortified  by 
the  Goths,  resisted  the  arms  of  a  new  invader;  and,  while  Italy 
was  subdued  by  the  flying  detachments  of  the  Lombards,  the 
royal  camp  was  fixed  above  three  years  before  the  western  gate 
of  Ticinum,  or  Pavia.  The  same  courage  which  obtains  the 
esteem  of  a  civilised  enemy  provokes  the  fury  of  a  savage,  and 

B  Which  from  this  tnintlation  was  called  the  New  Aquileia  (Chron.  Venet.  p. 
3V  The  patriarch  of  Grado  soon  became  the  first  citizen  of  the  republic  (p.  9, 
kc),  but  liis  seat  was  not  removed  to  Venice  till  the  year  145a  He  is  now  deco- 
nted  with  titles  and  honours ;  but  the  genius  of  the  churdi  has  bowed  to  that  of 
te  stale,  and  the  government  of  a  catholic  city  is  strictly  presbyterian.  Tbom- 
a»n.  IHKipline  de  TEglise,  torn.  L  p.  156,  157,  161-165.  Amelot  de  la  Houssaye, 
Gonvemement  de  Vtene,  torn.  i.  p.  356-261. 

M  Pan!  has  given  a  description  of  Italy,  as  it  was  then  divided  into  eighteen 
leckms  (L  ii.  &  14'M)-  1^  Dissertatio  Chorographica  de  Italift  Medii  i£vi,  by 
Fad»r  Beretti.  a  Benedictine  monk,  and  regius  professor  at  Pavia.  has  been  use- 
UJy  ccmaoltrd.  [For  the  more  important  description  of  George  the  Cypriote, 
Appendix  3.] 


12  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  impatient  besieger  had  bound  himself  by  a  tremendous 
oath  that  age,  and  sex,  and  dignity  should  be  confounded  in  a 
general  massacre.  The  aid  of  famine  at  length  enabled  him  to 
execute  his  bloody  vow ;  but,  as  Alboin  entered  the  gate,  his 
horse  stumbled,  fell,  and  could  not  be  raised  frcmi  the  ground. 
One  of  his  attendants  was  prompted  by  compassion,  or  piety, 
to  interpret  this  miraculous  sign  of  the  wrath  of  Heaven ;  the 
conqueror  paused  and  relented ;  he  sheathed  his  sword,  and, 
peacefully  reposing  himself  in  the  palace  of  Theodoric,  pro- 
claimed to  the  trembling  multitude  that  they  should  live  and 
obey.  Delighted  with  the  situation  of  a  city  which  was  en- 
deared to  his  pride  by  the  difficulty  of  the  purchase,  the  prince 
of  the  Lombards  disdained  the  andent  glories  of  Milan;  and 
P^via,  during  some  ages,  was  respected  as  the  capital  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy.  ^ 

The  reign  of  the  founder  was  splendid  and  transient ;  and, 
before  he  could  regulate  his  new  conquests,  Alboin  fell  a  sac- 
rifice to  domestic  treason  and  female  revenge.  In  a  palace 
near  Verona,  which  had  not  been  erected  for  the  barbarians, 
he  feasted  the  companions  of  his  arms ;  intoxication  was  the 
reward  of  valour,  and  the  king  himself  was  tempted  by  appetite, 
or  vanity,  to  exceed  the  ordinary  measure  of  his  intemperance. 
After  draining  many  capacious  bowls  of  Rhs&tian  or  Falemian 
wine,  he  called  for  the  skull  of  Cunimund,  the  noblest  and 
most  precious  ornament  of  his  sideboard.  The  cup  of  victmry 
was  accepted  with  horrid  applause  by  the  circle  of  the  Lombard 
chiefe.  ''Fill  it  again  with  wine,"  exclaimed  the  inhuman  con- 
qneror,  ''  fill  it  to  uie  brim ;  carry  this  goblet  to  the  queen,  and 
request,  in  my  name,  that  she  would  rejoice  with  her  &ther.'' 
In  an  agony  of  grief  and  rage,  Rosamond  had  strength  to  utter 
'*  Let  the  will  of  my  lord  be  obeyed  I "  and,  touching  it  with  her 
lips,  pronounced  a  silent  imprecation,  that  the  insult  should  be 
washed  away  in  the  blood  of  Alboin.  Some  indulgence  might 
be  due  to  the  resentment  of  a  daughter,  if  she  had  not  already 
violated  the  duties  of  a  wife.  Implacable  in  her  enmity,  or 
inconstant  in  her  love,  the  queen  of  Italy  had  stooped  from  the 
throne  to  the  arms  of  a  subject,  and  Helmichis,  the  king's 
armour-bearer,  was  the  secret  minister  of  her  pleasure  and 

*  For  the  conquest  of  Italy,  see  the  original  materials  of  Paul  (1.  ii.  c.  7-10, 19, 
14,  95,  96,  97),  the  eloquent  narrative  of  Sigonius  (torn.  ii.  de  Regno  Italise,  1.  i.  p. 
13-19),  and  the  correct  and  critical  review  of  Muiatori  (Annali  d  Italia,  torn.  v.  p. 
164-180)1  [A  chronological  summary  of  the  Lombard  conquest  b  added  m 
Appendix  3!] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  13 

revenge.  Agminst  the  proposal  of  the  murder,  he  could  no 
knger  lurge  the  temples  of  fidelity  or  gratitude ;  but  Helmichis 
trembled,  when  he  revolved  the  danger  as  well  as  the  guilt, 
when  he  reooUeeted  the  matchless  strength  and  intrepidity  of  a 
wanior  whom  he  had  so  often  attended  in  the  field  of  battle. 
He  proflsed,  and  obtained,  that  one  of  the  bravest  champions  of 
die  Lombards  should  be  associated  to  the  enterprise,  but  no 
more  than  a  promise  of  secrecy  could  be  drawn  from  the  gallant 
Peredeus ;  and  the  mode  of  seduction  employed  by  Rosamond 
betrays  her  shameless  insensibility  both  to  honour  and  love. 
She  summed  the  place  of  one  of  her  female  attendants  who  was 
belovea  by  Pferedeos,  and  contrived  some  excuse  for  darkness 
and  silence,  tiU  she  could  inform  her  companion  that  he  had 
enjoyed  the  queen  of  the  Lombards,  and  that  his  own  deaths  or 
the  death  of  Alboin,  must  be  the  consequence  of  such  treason- 
able adoltery.  In  this  alternative,  he  chose  rather  to  be  the 
acoompUoe  than  the  victim  of  Rosamond,^  whose  undaunted 
spirit  was  incapable  of  fear  or  remorse.  She  expecte4  and  soon 
fiMmd  a  fiivourable  moment,  when  the  king  oppressed  with  wine 
had  retired  from  the  table  to  his  afternoon  slumbers.  His  &ith- 
leas  spouse  was  anxious  for  his  health  and  repose  ;  the  gates  of 
the  palace  were  shut,  the  arms  removed,  the  attendants  dis- 
misBed;  and  Rosamond,  after  lulling  him  to  rest  by  her  tender 
caresses,  unbolted  the  chamber-door,  and  urged  the  reluctant 
eimsjpimUm  to  the  instant  execution  of  the  deed.  On  the  first 
alarm,  the  warrior  started  from  his  couch ;  his  sword,  which  he 
Bttenfpted  to  draw,  had  been  fiutened  to  the  scabbard  by  the 
hand  of  Resartiond ;  and  a  small  stool,  his  only  weapon,  could 
not  Icng  protect  him  fixmi  the  spears  of  the  assassins.  The 
daughter  of  Cunhnund  smiled  in  his  frill ;  his  body  was  buried 
under  the  staircase  of  the  palace ;  and  the  grateful  posterity  of 
the  Lomhirds  revered  the  tomb  and  the  memory  of  their  vic- 
torious faider. 

Hie  ambitioiis  Rosamond  aspired  to  reign  in  the  name  of  hCTSy^m 
lover ;  the  d^  and  palace  of  Verona  were  awed  by  her  power ; 
and  a   fiuthfnl  band  of  her  native   Gepidse  was  prepared  to 
applaud  the  revenge,  and  to  second  the  wishes,  of  their  sove- 
Tcign.     Bat  the  Lombsrd  chiefr,  who  fied  in  the  first  moments 

»  The  rtawiml  reader  will  recollect  the  wife  and  murder  of  Candaules,  so 
apeeaUf  told  in  tlie  first  book  of  Herodotus.  The  choice  of  Oyges.  alpdrrai  avrht 
nptnmmt,  majTierve  as  the  etcuse  of  Peredeus;  and  this  soft  insinuation  of  an 
odioBS  idea  has  been  imitated  by  the  best  writers  of  antiquity  (Qraevius,  ad  Cioeroo. 
OmL  pro  MUSite,  c.  so)i 


14  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  conBtem&tion  and  disorder,  had  resumed  their  courage  and 
collected  their  powers  ;  and  the  nation,  instead  of  lubmitting 
to  herreign,  demanded,  with  uiuuiimoiiB  cries,  that  justice  should 
be  executed  on  the  guilty  spouse  and  the  murderers  of  their 
king.  She  sought  a  refuge  among  the  enemies  of  her  cotmtty, 
and  a  criminal  who  deterred  the  abhorrence  of  manlrinH  was 
protected  by  the  selfish  policy  of  the  exarch.  With  her  daughter, 
the  heiress  of  the  Lombard  throne,  her  two  lovers,  her  trusty 
Gepidn,  and  the  spoils  of  the  palace  of  Verona,  Roeamond 
descended  the  Adige  and  the  Po,  and  was  transported  by  a 
Greek  vessel  to  the  safe  harbour  of  Ravenna.  Longinua  beheld 
with  delight  the  chamM  and  the  treasures  of  the  widow  of 
Alboin  ;  her  situation  and  her  past  conduct  might  justify  the 
moat  licentious  proposals;  and  she  readily  listened  to  the 
passion  of  a  minister,  who,  even  in  the  decline  of  the  emjure, 
was  respected  as  the  equal  of  kings.  The  death  of  a  jealous 
lover  was  an  easy  and  grateful  sacrifice,  and,  as  Helmichia  issued 
from  the  bath,  he  received  the  deadly  potion  from  the  hand  of 
his  mistress.  The  taste  of  the  liquor,  its  speedy  operation,  and 
his  experience  of  the  character  of  Rosamond,  convinced  him 
that  he  was  poisoned :  he  pointed  his  dagger  to  her  breasL 
compelled  her  to  drain  the  remainder  of  the  cup,  and  expired 
in  a  tew  minutes,  with  the  consolation  that  she  could  not  survive 
to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  her  wickedness.  The  daughter  of  Alboin 
and  Rosamond,  with  the  richest  spoils  of  the  Lombards,  was 
embarked  for  Constantinople  ;  the  surprising  strength  of  Pere- 
deus  amused  and  terrified  the  Imperial  court ;  his  blindness  and 
revenge  exhibited  an  imperfect  copy  of  the  adventures  of  Sam- 
<  son.  ^  the  free  suffi«ge  of  the  nation,  in  the  assembly  of 
.  Pavia,  Clepho,  one  of  their  noblest  chiefa,  was  elected  as  the 
successor  of  Alboin.  Before  the  end  of  eighteen  months,  the 
throne  was  polluted  1^  a  second  murder ;  Clepho  was  stabbed 
by  the  hand  of  a  domestic;  the  ■'c^K^  office  was  suspended  above 
ten  years,  during  the  minority  of  his  son  Autharis ;  and  Italy 
was  divided  and  oppressed  by  a  ducal  aristocracy  of  thirty 
tyrants." 
(  When  the  nephew  of  Justinian  ascended  the  throne,  he  pro- 
'  claimed  a  new  sera  of  happiness  and  glory.  The  annals  of  the 
second  Justin  ^  are  marked  with  disgrace  abroad  and  misery  at 

"  See  Ihe  hiHoiy  of  Paul,  L  JL  c.  38-33.  I  have  bonawmd  •ome  inlenstiog 
drcunutuues  from  tbe  Uber  PontiAcoJis  of  Afodlu^  in  Script.  Rcr.  Ital.  torn.  iZ 
p.  194-    Of  all  chronolo^cal  (uida  Mumori  11  tiie  nfot. 

**  The  ongitMl  antbort  tor  tb«  ralgn  of  JoRln  tbe  jrounfO'  ue  Evagiiu*,  Hin 


OF  THE  EOMAN  EMPIRE  16 

home.  In  the  West,  the  Roman  empire  was  afflicted  by  the 
k»  of  Italy,  the  desolation  of  Africa,  and  the  conquests  of  the 
Peraians.  Injustice  prevailed  both  in  the  capital  and  the 
proviiuxs :  the  rich  trembled  for  their  property,  the  poor  for 
their  safety,  the  ordinary  magistrates  were  ignorant  or  venal, 
the  occasional  remedies  appear  to  have  been  arbitrary  and 
Tiolent,  and  the  oomnhiints  of  the  people  could  no  longer  be 
silenced  by  the  splendid  names  of  a  legislator  and  a  conqueror. 
The  ofrinion  which  imputes  to  the  prince  all  the  calamities  of 
his  tiines  may  be  countenanced  by  the  historian  as  a  serious 
truth  or  a  sahitaiy  prejudice.  Yet  a  candid  suspicion  will  arise 
that  the  sentiments  of  Justin  were  pure  and  benevolent,  and 
that  he  might  have  filled  his  station  without  reproach,  if  the 
Acuities  of  his  mind  had  not  been  impaired  by  disease,  which 
deprived  the  emperor  of  the  use  of  his  feet  and  confined  him  to 
the  palace,  a  stranger  to  the  complaints  of  the  people  and  the 
vices  of  the  government.  The  tardy  knowledge  of  his  own 
impotence  determined  him  to  lay  down  the  weight  of  the 
diajdem ;  and  in  the  choice  of  a  worthy  substitute  he  shewed 
some  symptoms  of  a  discerning  and  even  magnanimous  spirit. 
The  only  son  of  Justin  and  Sophia  died  in  his  infiuicy ;  their 
daughter  Arabia  was  the  wife  of  Baduarius,^  superintendent  of 
the  palace,  and  afterwards  commander  of  the  Italian  armies,  who 
vainly  aspired  to  confirm  the  rights  of  marriage  by  those  of 
adoption.  While  the  empire  appeared  an  object  of  desire, 
Justin  was  accustomed  to  behold  with  jealousy  and  hatred  his 
brothers  and  cousins,  the  rivals  of  his  hopes ;  nor  could  he 
depend  cm  the  gratitude  of  those  who  would  accept  the  purple 
IS  a  restitution  rather  than  a  gift.  Of  these  competitors,  one 
had  been  removed  by  exile,  and  afterwards  by  death  ;  and  the 
emperor  himself  had  inflicted  such  cruel  insults  on  another,  that 

Eodes.  L  ▼.  &  I-I2 ;  Theoplianes,  in  Chronograph,  p.  204-210 ;  Zonaras,  torn.  ii. 
L  xir.  pL  7072 ;  Cedrenns,  in  Compend.  p.  588-392.  [A  highly  important  source, 
oov  acceaible,  is  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  John  of  Ephesus,  a  contemporary. 
See  Appendix  X.] 

*  Dispositorque  novus  sacrae  Baduarius  aulse. 
Successor  soceri  mox  factus  Cura  palati 

Conppus  [in  L.  J. ,  2,  284-5]. 
lUduaiius  is  emmierated  among  the  descendants  and  aUies  of  the  house  of  Tus- 
taon.  [Q>.  John  Bidar.,  ad  ann.  576,  ed.  Mommsen  (Chron.  Min.,  vol  2),  p. 
2x4.]  A  ftamly  of  noble  Venetians  (Casa  Badoero)  built  churches  and  gave  dukes 
u>  the  republic  as  early  as  the  ninth  century ;  and,  if  their  descent  be  admitted,  no 
bogs  in  Europe  can  produce  a  pedigree  so  ancient  and  illustrious.  Ducang^, 
Fam.  E^zantin.  p.  991    Amdot  de  la  Houssaye,  Gouvemement  de  V^nise,  torn.  n. 


16  THE  DECLINE  AND  EAM. 

he  must  either  dread  his  resentment  or  despise  his  yatjence. 
This  domestic  animosity  was  refined  into  a  generous  xesohitiaD 
of  seeking  a  successor,  not  in  his  family,  bat  in  the  republic ; 
and  the  artful  Sophia  recommended  Tiberius,^  his  nithfiil 
captain  of  the  guards,  whose  virtues  and  fortune  the  emperar 
ifttiaa  might  cherish  as  the  fhiit  of  his  judicious  choice.  The  oeremony 
n!^  of  his  elevation  to  the  rank  of  Csesar,  or  Augustus,  was  performed 
'^^  in  the  portico  of  the  palace,  m  the  presence  of  the  patriarch 
and  the  senate.  Justin  collected  the  remaining  strength  of  his 
mind  and  body,  but  the  popular  belief  that  his  speech  was 
inspired  by  the  Deity  betrays  a  very  humble  opinion  both  of  the 
man  and  of  the  times.^^  *'  You  behold,"  said  the  emperor,  ^  the 
ensigns  of  supreme  power.  You  are  about  to  receive  them  not 
fiiom  my  hand,  but  from  the  hand  oi  God.  Honour  them,  and 
from  them  you  will  derive  honour.  Respect  the  empress  your 
mother ;  you  are  now  her  scm ;  before,  you  were  her  servant. 
Delight  not  in  blood,  abstain  from  revenge,  avoid  those  actions 
by  which  I  have  incurred  the  public  hatied,  and  consult  the 
experience  rather  than  the  example  of  jrour  predecessor.  As  a 
man,  I  have  sinned ;  as  a  sinner,  even  in  this  life,  I  have  been 
severely  punished ;  but  these  servants  (and  he  pointed  to  his 
ministers),  who  have  abused  my  confidence  and  inflamed  my 
passions,  will  appear  with  me  before  the  tribunal  of  Christ  I 
have  been  d^msied  by  the  splendour  of  the  diadem :  be  thou 
wise  and  modest ;  remember  what  you  have  been,  remember 
what  you  are.  You  see  around  us  your  slaves  and  your  children; 
with  the  authority,  assume  the  tenderness,  of  a  parent  Love 
your  people  like  yourself ;  cultivate  the  affections,  maintain  the 
discipline,  of  the  army  ;  protect  the  fortunes  of  the  rich,  relieve 
the  necessities  of  the  poor."  ^  The  assembly,  in  silence  and  in 
tears,  applauded  the  counsels,  and  sympathised  with  the  re- 
pentance, of  their  prince ;  the  patriarch  rehearsed  the  prayers 

*^  The  praise  bestowed  on  princes  before  their  elevation  is  the  purest  and  most 
weijghty.  Corippus  has  celebrated  Tiberiiis  at  the  time  of  the  accession  of  Justin 
(L  L  ai9-322).  Yet  even  a  captain  of  the  guards  might  attract  the  flattery  of  an 
African  exile. 

*^  Evagrius  (1.  V.  c.  13)  has  added  the  reproadi  to  Ms  ministers.  He  applies 
this  speeds  to  the  ceremony  when  Tiberius  was  invested  with  the  rank  of  Caesar. 
The  loose  expression,  ratner  than  the  positive  error,  of  Theopbanes,  &a  has 
ddared  it  to  his  Augusttm  investiture  immediately  before  the  death  of  Justin. 

«  Theophylact  Simocatta  (L  iil  c.  ix)  declares  that  he  shall  give  to  posterity 
the  speech  ot  Justin  as  it  was  pronounced,  without  attempting  to  correct  the  im- 
perfections of  language  or  rhetoric.  Perhaps  the  vain  8q>hist  would  have  been 
mcapable  of  producing  such  sentiments.  [John  of  Bphesns  notes  that  scribes  took 
down  Justin's  speech  m  ^orthand  (iiL  4).  Cp.  Miduid  the  Syrian,  Jounu  Asiat 
1848.  Oct.  p.  996-7.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  17 

of  the  ctmrdi ;  Tiberius  received  the  diadem  on  his  knees,  and 
Jortin,  who  bi  his  abdioation  appeared  most  worthy  to  reign, 
addrened  the  new  monareh  in  the  following  words :  "  If  you 
ooDsenty  I  liye  ;  if  yon  command,  I  die ;  may  the  Gvod  of  heaven 
sttd  earth  infiiae  into  your  heart  whatever  I  have  neglected  or 
forgotten  ".  The  four  last  years  of  the  emperor  Justin  were  xjjj^g 
psHurd  in  tranquil  obscurity;  his  conscience  was  no  longer iuSi9ii^( 
tormented  by  the  remembrance  of  those  duties  which  he  was 
incapaMe  of  discharging ;  and  his  choice  was  justified  by  the 
filial  reverance  and  gratitude  of  Tiberius. 

Among  the  virtues  of  Tiberius,'^  his  beauty  (he  was  one  of  the  gjg*f , 
tallest  and  most  comely  of  the  Romans)  might  introduce  him  to  j^^ 
the  fisvoor  of  Sophia  ;  and  the  widow  of  Justin  was  persuaded SSFais. 
that  she  should  preserve  her  station  and  influence  under  the 
xe^;n  of  a  second  and  more  youthful  husband.  But,  if  the 
ambitiacis  candidate  had  been  tempted  to  flatter  and  dissemble, 
it  was  no  longer  in  his  power  to  fulfil  her  expectations  or  his 
ramtse.  The  fiietions  of  the  hippodrome  demanded,  with 
ini|iatienoe,  the  name  oi  their  new  empress ;  both  the 
people  and  Sophia  were  astonished  bv  the  proclamation  of 
Awasfssls,  the  secret  though  lawful  wi&  of  the  emperor  Tibe- 
IUW.M  Whatever  could  alleviate  the  disappointment  of  Sophia, 
Impel  ial  honours,  a  stately  palace,  a  numerous  household,  was 
hbemlly  bestowed  by  the  piety  of  her  adopted  son  ;  on  solemn 
necasinM  he  attendcMl  and  consulted  the  widow  of  his  bene£BM;- 
tor ;  bat  her  ambition  disdained  the  vain  semblance  of  ro3ralty, 
and  the  respectful  appellation  of  mother  served  to  exasperate, 
atiKr  than  wpesse,  the  rage  of  an  injured  woman.  While  she 
aeoqitedy  sod  repaid  with  a  courtly  smile,  the  &ir  expressions  of 
legavd  and  «onfidenee,  a  secret  alliance  was  concluded  between 
the  dowager  empress  and  her  ancient  enemies  ;  and  Justinian, 
tiie  son  m  G^manns,  was  empkyyed  as  the  instrument  of  her 
retenge.  The  pride  of  the  reigning  house  supported,  with  re- 
'.f  the  dominion  of  a  stranger  ;  the  youth  was  deservedly 


*  Par  tfaediaracter  and  reigii  of  Tiberius,  see  Evagrios,  L  v.  a  13 ;  Theophy- 
Isct,  L  iiL  c  la,  Ac. ;  TbeophAiies,  in  Chron.  p.  2104x3 !  Zonaraa,  torn.  ii.  L  xiv. 
Q.  73  fc  III;  Cedreaas,  pL  joa  [l  688,  ed.  Bonni ;  Paul  Waraefrid,  de  Gestis 
LmgohanL  L  iiL  c.  zz,  xsl  The  deacon  of  Forum  Julii  appears  to  have  possessed 
WBe  cuiiom  nod  aotfacatie  fSuSs. 

*(Tbeon|nil]HnBB«f  Anasiasiawulna    (Aocxudingto  Micfaad  tbeSsFrian, 
***f-**  oCHdena  was  fiven  to  ber  by  Soj^kua;  loc.  cU.,  p.  907.)    The  statement 
a  Oe  text  vbicfa  rests  on  the  authority  of  Theophanes,  implying  that  Sophia  did 
aat  know  oC  faoTs  eriiteticetni  after  Justin's  death,  is  inconsistent  with  SMbatMSft&  od 
*e  BsatsiapMiy,  Jote of  Efhrnm,  ^7] 

VOL.  V.  2 


18  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

popular ;  his  name^  after  the  death  of  Justin,  had  been  men- 
tioned by  a  tumultuous  fisMstion ;  and  his  own  submissive  offer  of 
his  head^  with  a  treasure  of  sixty  thousand  pounds^  might  be 
interpreted  as  an  evidence  of  guilt,  or  at  least  of  fear.  Justinian 
received  a  free  pardon,  and  the  command  of  the  eastern  army. 
The  Persian  monarch  fled  before  his  arms;  and  the  acclamations 
which  accompanied  his  triumph  declared  him  worthy  of  the 
purple.  His  artful  patroness  had  chosen  the  month  of  the 
vintage,  while  the  emperor^  in  a  rural  solitude^  was  permitted 
to  enjoy  the  pleasures  of  a  subject.  On  the  first  intelligence  of 
her  designs  he  returned  to  Constantinople,  and  the  conspiracy 
was  suppressed  by  his  presence  and  firmness.  From  the  pomp 
and  honours  which  she  had  abused,  Sophia  was  reduced  to  a 
modest  allowance  ;  Tiberius  dismissed  her  train,  intercepted  her 
correspondence,  and  committed  to  a  fieiithful  guard  the  custody 
of  her  person.  But  the  services  of  Justinian  were  not  con- 
sidered by  that  excellent  prince  as  an  aggravation  of  his  offences ; 
after  a  mild  reproof,  his  treason  and  ingratitude  were  fingiven ; 
and  it  was  commonly  believed  that  the  emperor  entertained 
some  thoughts  of  contracting  a  double  alliance  with  the  rival  of 
his  throne.  The  voice  of  an  angel  (such  a  &ble  was  propa- 
gated) might  reveal  to  the  emperor  that  he  should  always 
triumph  over  his  domestic  foes  ;  but  Tiberius  derived  a  firmer 
assurance  from  the  innocence  and  generosity  of  his  0¥m  mind. 
With  the  odious  name  of  Tiberius,  he  assiuned  the  more 
popular  appellation  of  Constantine  and  imitated  the  purer  vir- 
tues of  the  Antonines.  After  recording  the  vice  or  folly  of  so 
many  Roman  princes,  it  is  pleasing  to  repose,  lor  a  moment, 
on  a  character  conspicuous  by  the  qualities  of  humanity,  justice, 
temperance,  and  fortitude ;  to  contemplate  a  sovereign  affable 
in  his  palace,  pious  in  the  church,  impartial  on  the  seat  of 
judgment,  and  victorious,  at  least  by  his  generals,  in  the  Persian 
war.  The  most  glorious  trophy  of  his  victory  consisted  in  a 
multitude  of  captives  whom  Tiberius  entertained,  redeemed, 
and  dismissed  to  their  native  homes  with  the  charitable  spirit 
of  a  Christian  hero.  The  merit  or  misfortunes  of  his  own  sub- 
jects had  a  dearer  claim  to  his  beneficence,  and  he  measured  his 
bounty  not  so  much  by  their  expectations  as  by  his  own  dignity. 
This  maxim,  however  dangerous  in  a  trustee  of  the  public 
wealth,  was  balanced  by  a  principle  of  humanity  and  justice, 
which  taught  him  to  abhor,  as  of  the  basest  alloy,  the  gold  that 
was  extracted  from  the  tears  of  the  people.  For  their  relief,  as 
often  SB  they  had  suffered  by  natund  or  hostile  calamities,  he 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  19 

was  impatient  to  remit  the  arrears  of  the  past,  or  the  demands 
of  fntnre  taxes ;  he  sternly  rejected  the  servile  offerings  of  his 
ministers,  which  were  compensated  by  tenfold  oppression ;  and 
the  wise  and  equitable  laws  of  Tiberius  excited  the  praise  and 
regret  of  succeeding  times.  Constantinople  believed  that  the 
emperor  had  discovered  a  treasure ;  but  his  genuine  treasure 
consisted  in  the  practice  of  liberal  economy  and  the  contempt  ot 
all  vain  and  superfluous  expense.*^  The  Romans  of  the  East 
would  have  been  happy,  if  the  best  gift  of  heaven,  a  patriot 
king,  had  been  confirmed  as  a  proper  and  permanent  blessing. 
But  in  less  than  four  years  after  the  death  of  Justin,  his  worthy 
successor  sunk  into  a  mortal  disease,  which  left  him  only 
sufficient  time  to  restore  the  diadem,  according  to  the  tenure  by 
which  he  held  it,  to  the  most  deserving  of  his  fellow-citisens. 
He  selected  Blaurice  from  the  crowd,  a  judgment  more  precious 
than  the  purple  itself ;  the  patriarch  and  senate  were  sunmioned 
to  the  bed  of  the  djring  prince  ;  he  bestowed  his  daughter  and 
the  empire ;  and  his  last  advice  was  solemnly  delivered  by  the 
voice  of  the  qusstor.  Tiberius  expressed  his  hope  that  the 
virtues  of  his  scm  and  successor  would  erect  the  noblest  mau- 
scdenm  to  his  memofy.  His  memory  was  embalmed  by  the 
public  affliction ;  but  the  most  sincere  ffrief  evaporates  in  the 
tumult  of  a  new  reign,  and  the  eyes  and  acclamations  of  man- 
kind were  speedily  diiected  to  the  rising  sun. 

The  empoor  Maurice  derived  his  origin  from  ancient  Rome ;  ^  ^jj^^: 
bat  his  immediate  parents  were  settled  at  Arabissus  in  ^PP^'Jf^^J 
docia,  and  their  singular  felicity  preserved  them  alive  to  benold  sr 
and  partake  the  fortune  of  their  augiut  son.     The  youth   of 
ICaurioe  was  spent  in  the  profession  of  arms ;  Tiberius  promoted 
him  to  the  command  of  a  new  and  fisivourite  legion  of  twelve 
thousand  confederates  ;*^  his  valour  and  conduct  were  signalised 
m  the  Persian  war ;  and  he  returned  to  Constantinople  to  ac- 
cept, as  his  just  reward,  the  inheritance  of  the  empire.    Maurice 

■  [Tins  pcaiK  is  not  desenred.  On  the  oontrary,  the  capital  fault  of  Tiberius 
as  an  admimitntor  was  Us  redden  expenditure ;  for  which  his  succenor,  Maurice, 

■It  is  fhatton  singnlar  enoogfa  that  Paul  (L  iiL  c.  15)  should  distinguish  him 
a  Ae  fiist  Greek  emperor— primus  ex  Graecorum  genere  in  Imperio  oonstitutus 
[Iq.,  eonfirmatos  est>  His  immediate  predecessors  had  indeed  been  bom  in 
the  Latin  pnmnoes  of  Europe ;  and  a  various  reading,  in  Graeoomm  Imperio, 
voakl  a|iplf  tbe  expression  to  the  empire  rather  than  the  prince. 

*[.^)^fa»  ikousand,  Theophanes,  A.M.  6074  (Zonaras  says  Z3.ooo).     It  was  a 
cores  of  fbscicn  slaves  (Aypktu  ««i|urra  iBvutmv).     Finlay  compares  it  to  the 
JuteriesL    Manrioe  held  the  post  of  Count  of  ,the  Foederati,  Ntbea  T\^xx\^a& 
cQDfflstted  to  lum  the  command  of  the  Dew  corps.] 


dr 


20  THE  DECUNE  AND  FALL 

ascended  the  thnme  at  the  mature  age  of  forty-^hfee  yean ;  and 
he  reigned  dbove  twenty  yeara  orer  the  East  and  over  himself ;  ^ 
expellhig  froBk  his  mind  the  wild  democracy  of  passions,  and 
establishing  (according  to  the  quaint  expression  of  Evagrius)  a 
perfect  aristocracy  d  reason  and  virtue.  Some  suspicion  will 
degrade  the  testimony  of  a  subject^  though  he  protests  that  his 
secret  praise  should  never  reach  the  ear  of  his  -sovereign,*^  and 
some  &ilings  seem  to  place  the  character  of  Maurice  below  the 
purer  merit  of  his  predecessor.  His  cold  and  reserved  de- 
meanour might  be  imputed  to  arrogance  ;  his  justice  was  not 
always  exempt  fix>m  cruelty,  nor  his  clemency  from  weakness ; 
and  his  rigid  economy  too  often  exposed  him  to  the  reproach 
of  avarice.  But  the  rational  wishes  of  an  absolute  monarch 
must  tend  to  the  happiness  -of  his  people ;  Maurice  was  endowed 
with  sense  and  ooorage  to  promote  that  happmess,  and  his 
administration  was  directed  by  the  principles  and  example  of 
Tiberius.  The  pusillanimity  of  the  Greeks  had  introduced  so 
complete  a.  separation  between  the  offices  of  king  and  of  geneml 
that  a  private  soldier  who  had  deserved  and  obtained  the 
purple  sieldom  or  never  appeared  at  the  head  of  his  armies. 
Yet  the  emperor  Maurice  enjoyed  the  gloiy  of  restoring  the 
Persian  monarch  to  his  throne  ;  his  lieutenants  waged  a  doubtful 
war  against  the  Avars  of  the  Danube ;  and  he  east  an  eye  of  pity, 
of  ineffectual  pity,  on  the  abject  and  distressful  state  of  lids 
Italian  j  provinces. 

From  Italy  the' emperors  were  incessantly  tormented  by  tales 
of  misery  and  demands  of  succour,  which  extorted  the  humiliat- 

^Conmlt,  for  the  charader  and  reign  of  Maurice,  the  fifUi<and  lixth  books  of 
Evagrius,  particularly  L  vi.  c.  z  ;  the  eight  books  of  his  prolix  and  florid  history  by 
Tbeophylsurt  Simocatta ;  Theophanes,  p.  213,  &c. ;  Zonanm,  torn.  iL  I  xiv.  p.  73 
[c.  IB] ;  Odrenus,  p.  394  [L  p.  691].    [Add  John  of  Eptiesus.] 

i^m^A^nfO'ff   ^x4t*  apionMcpArciar  ik   ir  roic  cavrov  iityiatioU  ic«ra0Ti|9'afMriMr.     £va* 

grius  composed  his  history  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Maurice ;  and  hie  had  been  so 
wisely  indiscreet  that  the  emperor  knew  and  rewarded  his  favourable  opinion  (L  vi.  c 

a).  I^Finlay  suggested  that  the  exprenion  of  Evagrius  conceals  an  allusion  to  the 
ministrative  policy  of  Maurice,  wfaich>he  expkiins  as  follows  ( Hist,  of  Greece,  i.  p. 
308) :  Maurice  aimed  at  reform  and  decided  that  his  first  step  should  be  **  to  render 
the  army,  long  a  licentious  and  turbulent  check  on  the  imperial  power,  a  well- 
^iit/y^piitwH  and  eflicient  instrument  of  his  will ;  and  he  hoped  in  this  manner  to 
repress  the  tyranny  of  the  ofllcial  aristocracy  "  and  strengthen  the  authority  of  the 
central  government  "  In  his  struggle  to  obtain  this  result  he  was  compelled  to 
make  use  of  the  existing  administration ;  and,  consequently,  he  appears  in  the 
histoiy  of  the  empire  as  the  supporter  and  protector  of  a  detested  aristocracy, 
equally  unpopular  with  the  arm^  and  the  people ;  while  his  ulterior  plans  for  the 
improvement  of  the  dvil  condition  of  his  subjects  were  never  fully  made  known. 
And  j^^haps  never  framed  even  by  himself."] 


OP  THE  BOMAN  EMPIHE.  21 


wifaawim  of  their  own  weakneaa.     The  expiring  dignitf  ci 
I  was  only  marked  by  the   freedom-  and  energy-  of  her 
iaints:  "  IfjovL  are  incapable,"  she  aaid,  ''of  delhreringrua 
the  sword  of  the  Lombard%  save  ns  at  least  fram  the 
dtj  of  fiunine  " .    Tiberina  forgave  the  rqnroachy  and  relieved 
lirtresB :  a  snpply  of  eom  was  transported  from  'Eigj^  to 
Iber ;  and  the  Roman  people,  invoking  the  name,  not^of 
Una,  but  of  St.  Peter,  repulsed  the  barbarians  from  their 
But  the  relief  was  accidental,  the  danger  was.perpetaal 
reasing ;  and  the  clergy  and  senate,  coUeeting'ther  remains 
BIT  ancient  opolence,  a  sun  of  three  thousand  pounds  of 
diqwtched  uxt  patrician  Pkunphromufr  to  lay  their  giftaiA-D.  ht] 
heir  oomplaints  at  the  foot  of  the  Byaantino' throne.     The 
tioQ  of  the  coort,  and  the  forces  ci  the  East,  were  diiverted- 
ie  Persian  war;  but  the  jastice  of  Tiberius  applied  the 
ly  to  the   defence  of  tha^  city;    and  he  disnaissed  the- 
ian  with  his  best  advic^  either  to  bribe-  the   Lonafaaad 
I  or  to  porehaae  the  aid  of  the  kings  of  Franee.     Notwith4^ 
ing  Una  weak  invention,  Italy  waa  still  afflict3ed>  Rome  maa' 
besi^^ed,  and  the  suburb  of  Classe,  only  thiee  miles^  >froinfA.s.  nq 
ma,,  was  pillaged  and  occupied  by  the  troops  of  asimpla- 
of  Spoleto.     Maurice  gave  audienee*  to  a  second-  depuUn 
yi  priests  and  senators;  the  duties  and  the  meaaaeet  of - 
on  were  forcibly  urged  in  the  letters  of  the  Roman  pontiff ; 
ia  nuncio^  the  deacon  Gregory,  was  alike  qualified  to-solicit 
owcrs  either  of  heaven  or  of  the  earth.     The   eaoqperor 
ed,  with  stranger  efiect,  the  measures  of  his  predecMor ; 
formidable  chiefr  were  persuaded  to  embrace  the  friend- 
if  the  Romans,  and  one  of  them,  a  mild  and  fritbful  bar 
ly  lived  and  died  in  the  service  of  the  exarch  ;  the  passes 
e  Alps  were  delivered  to  the  Franks ;  and  the  pope  en- 
ged  them  to  vwlate,  without  scruple,   their  oaths  and 
^ements  to  the  misbelievers.     Childebert,  the  greatr-grand-  [a.]>.  itq 
f  Clovis,  was  persuaded  to  invade  Italy  l^  the  payment  of 
lioosand  pieces ;  but,  as  he  had  viewed  with  delight  some  CAo^oof] 
itine  coin  of  the  weight  of  one  pound  of  gold,  the  king  of 
stfia  might  stipulate  that  the  gift  should  be  rendered  more 
ly  of  his  acceptance  by  a  proper  mixture  of  these  respect- 
medals.    The  dukes  of  the  Lombards  had  provoked  by[A.s.8»fi 
ent  inroads  their  powerful  neighbours  of  Gaul.    As  soon 
rf  were  apprehensive  of  a  just  retaliation,  they  renounced 
foeUe  and-  disorderly  independence ;  the  advantages  of 
govcmiBent,  onion,  secrecy,  and  vigour,  were  unanimoudy 


22  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

hM^     confessed ;  and  Autharis,  the  son  of  Clepho,  had  already  attained 

^jvij.  the  strength  and  reputation  of  a  warrior.  Under  the  standard 
of  their  new  king^  the  conquerors  of  Italy  withstood  three 
successive  invasions,  one  of  which  was  led  by  Childebert  him- 
self, the  last  of  the  Merovingian  race  who  descended  from  the 

I.  MB  or  Alps.  The  first  expedition  was  defeated  by  the  jealous  ani- 
mosity of  the  Franks  and  AlemannL     In  the  second  th^  were 

>-Mq  vanquished  in  a  bloody  battle,  with  more  loss  and  dishonour 
than  they  had  sustained  since  the  foundation  of  their  monarchy. 
Impatient  for  revenge,  they  returned  a  third  time  with  accumu- 

>-"Q  lated  force,  and  Autharis  yielded  to  the  fury  of  the  torrent. 
The  troops  and  treasures  of  the  Lombards  were  distributed  in 
the  walled  towns  between  the  Alps  and  the  Apennine.  A 
nation  less  sensible  of  danger  than  of  fieitigue  and  delay  soon 
murmured  against  the  folly  of  their  twenty  commanders ;  and 
the  hot  vapours  of  an  Italian  sun  infected  with  disease  those 
tramontane  bodies  which  had  already  suffered  the  vicissitudes 
of  intemperance  and  famine.  The  powers  that  were  inadequate 
to  the  conquest,  were  more  than  sufficient  for  the  desolation,  of 
the  country;  nor  could  the  trembling  natives  distinguish  be* 
tween  their  enemies  and  their  deliverers.  If  the  junction  of 
the  Merovingian  and  Imperial  forces  had  been  effected  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Milan,  perhaps  they  might  have  subverted 
the  throne  of  the  Lombajcb ;  but  the  Franks  expected  six  days 
the  signal  of  a  flaming  village,  and  the  arms  of  the  Greeks  were 

iteft]  idly  employed  in  the  reduction  of  Modena  and  Parma,  which 
were  torn  from  them  after  the  retreat  of  their  Transalpine  allies. 
The  victorious  Autharis  asserted  his  claim  to  the  dominion  of 
Italy.  At  the  foot  of  the  Rhsetian  Alps,  he  subdued  the  re- 
sistance, and  rifled  the  hidden  treasures,  of  a  sequestered  island 
in  the  lake  of  Comum.  At  the  extreme  point  of  Calabria,  he 
touched  with  his  spear  a  column  on  the  sea-shore  of  Rhegium,^ 
proclaiming  that  ancient  land-mark  to  stand  the  immoveable 
lx>undary  of  his  kingdom >i 

^Tbe  Columna  Regina,  in  the  narrowest  part  of  the  Faro  of  Messina,  one 
hundred  stadia  from  Rhegium  itself,  is  frequently  mentioned  in  ancient  geography. 
Quver.  Ital.  Antiq.  torn.  iL  p.  1995.  Lucas  Holsten.  Annotat  ad  Cluver.  p. 
301.    Wesseling.  Itinerar.  p.  zo6i 

^  The  Greek  historians  afford  some  faint  hints  of  the  wars  of  Italy  (Menander, 
in  Ezcer^  Legat  p.  124.  ia6[F.  H.  G.,  iv.  p.  253.  363].  Theoph}rlact,  L  iiL  c.  4). 
The  Latms  are  more  satisfoctory ;  and  especially  I%ul  Wamrfrid  (L  iiL  JjS'Mh 
who  had  read  the  more  ancient  histories  of  Secundus  and  Gregory  of  Ixiurs^ 
Baronius  produces  some  letters  of  the  popes,  &c. ;  and  the  thnes  are  measured 
by  the  accurate  scale  of  Pagi  and  Muratori.  [The  march  of  Autharis  to  Reggio 
Uprobabfy  oalf  a  2cfend.    P|itil  introdqoet  it  with/ama  tsi  ($»  3a).  ] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  23 


DnriDg  a  period  of  two  hundred  years,  Italy  was  iin-T^mi 
equally  dividcMl  between  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards  and 
tbe  exarchate  of  Ravenna.  The  offices  and  professions,  which 
the  jealousy  of  Coostantine  had  separated,  were  united  by  the 
indulgence  of  Justinian ;  and  eighteen  successive  exarchs  were 
invested,  in  the  decline  of  the  empire,  with  the  full  remains  of 
civil,  of  military,  and  even  of  ecclesiastical  power.  Their  im- 
mediate jurisdiction,  which  was  afterwards  consecrated  as  the 
patrimooy  of  St.  Peter,  extended  over  the  modem  Romagna, 
the  marshes  or  vallejrs  of  Ferrara  and  Commachio,^^  five  mari- 
time cities  from  Rimini  to  Ancona,  and  a  second,  inland  Penta- 
polxB,^  between  the  Adriatic  coast  and  the  hills  of  the  Apen- 
niiie.  Three  subordinate  provinces,  of  Rome,  of  Venice,  and  of 
Naples,  which  were  divided  by  hostile  lands  from  the  palace  of 
RaTcnna,  acknowledged,  both  in  peace  and  war,  the  supremacy 
of  the  exarch.  The  duchy  of  Rome  appears  to  have  included 
the  Tuscan,  Sabine,  and  Latian  conquests,  of  the  first  four  hun- 
dred years  of  the  city,  and  the  limits  may  be  distinctly  traced 
along  the  coast,  from  Civita  Vecchia  to  Terracina,  and  with  the 
coarse  of  the  Tiber  from  Ameria  and  Nami  to  the  port  of  Ostia. 
The  numerous  islands  from  Grado  to  Chiozza  composed  the 
infiuit  dominion  of  Venice ;  but  the  more  accessible  towns  on 
the  continent  were  overthrown  by  the  Lombards,  who  beheld 
with  impotent  fury  a  new  capital  rising  from  the  waves.  The 
power  of  the  dukes  of  Naples  was  circumscribed  by  the  bay 
and  the  adjacent  isles,  by  the  hostile  territory  of  Capua,  and  by 
the  Roman  colony  of  Amalphi,^  whose  industrious  citizens,  by 
the  invention  of  the  mariner's  compass,  have  unveiled  the  Uice 
of  the  fflobe.  The  three  islands  of  Sardinia,  Corsica,  and  Sicily, 
still  adhered  to  the  empire ;  and  the  acquisition  of  the  fiirther 
Calabria  removed  the  land-mark  of  Autharis  frx>m  the  shore  of 
Rh^tum  to  the  isthmus  of  Consentia.  In  Sardinia,  the  savage 
mountaineers  preserved  the  liberty  and  religion  of  their  an- 
eestors ;  hut  the  husbandmen  of  Sicily  were  chained  to  their 
rich  and   cultivated  soil.      Rome  was  oppressed   by  the  iron 

*Tbe  papal  advocates,  Zacagni  and  Fontanini,  might  justly  claim  the  talley 
or  morass  of  Commachio  as  a  part  of  the  exarchate.  But  the  ambition  of  including 
Uodftia.  Regno,  Puma,  and  Plaoentia,  has  darkened  a  geographical  question 
irbat  doobtfiil  and  obscure.  Even  Muratori,  as  the  servant  of  the  house  of 
is  not  free  from  partiality  and  prejudice. 

^[Aesb,  Fomm  Sempfonii,  Urbinimi,  Callis,  Eugubium.] 

^See  DirficnMinn,  Dissert  Ima  de  Republidl  Amalphitani,  p.  1-42,  ad  cak«k 

[i7aa> 


24  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

sceptre  of  the  exarchs^  and  a  Greek,  perhaps  an  eunuch,  iimdted 
with  impunity  the  ruins  of  the  CapitoL  But  Naples  soon  ac- 
quired the  fnrivilege  of  electing  her  own  dukes ;  ^  the  indepen- 
dence of  Amalphi  was  the  fruit  of  conunerce ;  and  the  voluntaiy 
attachment  of  Venice  was  finally  ennobled  by  an  equal  allisnoe 
with  the  Eastern  empire.  On  the  map  of  Italy,  the  measoie  of 
the  exarchate  occupies  a  very  inadequate  space,  but  it  included 
an  ample  proportion  of  wealth,  industry,  and  population.  The 
most  udthml  and  valuable  subjects  escaped  from  the  barbarian 
yoke;  and  the  banners  of  Pavia  and  Verona,  of  Milan  and 
Padua,  were  displayed  in  their  respective  quarters  by  the  new 
rdon  inhabitants  of  Ravenna.  The  remainder  of  Italy  was  possessied 
"^  by  the  Lombards ;  and  from  Pavia,  the  royal  seat^  their  kingdom 
was  extended  to  the  east,  the  north,  and  the  west,  as  far  as  the 
confines  of  the  Avars,  the  Bavarians,  and  the  Franks  of  Anstr— i> 
and  Burgundy.  In  the  language  of  modem  geography,  it  is  now 
rejuresented  by  the  Terra  Firma  of  the  Venetian  republic,  l^TQi, 
the  Milanese,  Piedmont,  the  coast  of  Genoa,  Mantua,  Farmay 
and  Modena,  the  grand  duchy  of  Tuscany,  and  a  large  portion 
of  the  ecclesiastical  state  from  Perugia  to  the  Adriatic.  The 
dukes,  and  at  length  the  princes,  of  Beneventum  survived  the 
monarchy,  and  propagated  the  name  of  the  Lombards.  From 
Capua  to  Tarentum,  they  reigned  near  five  hundred  years  over 
the  greatest  part  of  the  present  kingdom  of  Naples.^ 
(•uid  In  comparing  the  proportion  of  the  victorious  and  the  van- 
terdaquished  people,  the  change  of  language  will  afford  the  most 
probable  inference.  According  to  this  standard  it  will  appear 
that  the  Lombards  of  Italy,  and  the  Visigoths  of  Spain,  were  less- 
numerous  than  the  Franks  or  Burgundians ;  and  the  conqueroxB 

^Gregor.  Magn.  1.  iii.  epist.  33,  25.  a6,  27. 

^  I  have  described  the  state  of  Italy  from  the  excellent  Dissertation  of  Bfirettl. 
Giannone  (Istoria  Civile,  torn.  i.  p.  374-^87)  has  followed  the  learned  Camillo  P«Ua» 

Sini  in  the  geography  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  After  the  loss  of  the  true  Calabria, 
e  vanity  of  the  Greeks  substituted  that  name  instead  of  the  more  imoble  appellation 
of  Bruttium ;  and  the  change  appears  to  have  taken  place  before  m  time  01  Charlo-. 
magne  (Eginhard,  p.  75  [V.  Car.,  15]).  [The  change  was  probably  the  result  of  an 
administrative  innovation  in  the  second  half  of  the  seventh  century  (due  presumably 
to  the  Emperor  Constans  II.).  Calabria,  Apulia,  and  Bruttii  seem  to  have  been 
united  as  a  single  province,  entitled  Calabna.  Thus  Bruttii  came  to  be  part  of 
(official)  Calabna.  when  the  duke  of  Beneventum,  Romuald,  conquered  most  of 
the  heel  (soon  after  a.d.  671)  Bruttii  came  to  be  almost  the  whole  of  "Calabria". 
Thus  an  administrative  change,  prior  to  the  conquest  of  Romuald.  initiated  the 
attachment  of  the  name  Calabria  to  the  toe ;  the  conquest  of  RomuaJd  brought 
about  the  detachment  of  the  name  from  the  heel.  These  are  the  conclusions 
arrived  at  in  the  investigatioa  of  M.  Schipa  on  La  migratione  del  mome  CaiaMa^ 
ia  the  Archmo  storico  per  le  province  napoletane,  1895,  pi  23  jyy;] 


07  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  2& 

mmt  yield,,  ini  their  tam,  to  the  multitude  oi  Saxons 
es  who  ahnott  eradicated  the  idioms  of  Britaiiu  The 
tahaB  has  been  inaensibly  formed  by  the  mtxtore  of 
he  awkwBidneis  of  the  harharians  in  the  nice  manage- 
ladensiona  amd  conjugations  reduced  them  to  the  use 
rand. amwlisry  verbs ;  and  many  new  ideas  have  beeo- 
.  by  Tentonic  appellations^  Yet  the  principal  stock*  of 
aad« familiar  wofds  is  foond  to  be  of  Latin  derivation  ;^ 
s  were  sufficiently  conversant:  with  the  obsalete,  Uie 
d  the  municipal  dialects  of  ancient  Italy,  we  sboald> 

<M!igin  of  many  terms  which'  migh^  perhaps,  be  ve- 

the  classic  parity  of  Rome*  A'  numetoos  army  con^ 
at  a  snudl  nation,  and  the  powers*  of  the  Loinfoasds 
t  diflHaished  bjr  the  retreat  of  twenty  thousand  Saaons, 
led  a  dependent  situation,  and  returned,  after  many 

prplons  adventures,  to  their  native  country.^  The 
Alboin  waa  of  formidable  extent,  but  the  extent  of 
jold  be  easily  drcumscribed  within  the  limits  of  a  cibr ; 
maXmi  infaabitaiits  must  be  thinly  scattered  over  the 
.  large  ooontsy.  Whenr  Alboin  descended  from  the 
nvested  his  nephew^  the  first  duke  of  Friuli,  with  thetfteoutfu] 

of  the-  pravince  and  the  people;  but  the  prudent 
old  hmre- declined  the  dangerous  <^ce,  unless  he  had 
nitted  to  choose^  among  the  nobles  of  the  Lombsrdsy 
t  nasiber  of  fomilies^  to  form  a  perpetual  colony  of 
nd  sobjectsL  In  the  progress  of  conquest^  the  same 
lid  not-  be  jpanted  to  the  dukes  of  Biesda  or  Bergamo, 
«r  Turin,  of  Spoleto  or  Beneventum ;  but  each  of  these, 

of  their  colleagues,  settled  in  'his  appokited  district 
nd  of  followers  who  resorted  to  his  standard  in  war 
tribunal  in  peace.  Their  attachment  was  free  and 
e:  resigning  the  gifts  and  benefits  which  they  had 
tiiey  might  emigrate  with  their  fomilies  into  the  juris- 
'  another  duke ;  but  their  absence  frxnn  the  kingdom 
ihed  with  deaths  as  a  crime  of  military  desertion;^ 


IllaMM^  iMuti  p.  310-321)  and  Muratori  (AnCiGfait&  Italiaae, 
zxriL  znciiL  p.  71-365)  have  asserted  the  native  claims  of  the 
1 ;  the  fonner- with  enthusiasm,  the  latter  vrith  discretion :  both  with 
euuil J9  and  tnsh; 

;  Oert.  Langobard.  L  iii.  c.  5,  6,  7. 

ii  c.  9b  He  caOs  these  families  or  generations  by  the  Teutonic  name 
ndi.ia  Ukewne  taed  in  the  Lombard  laws.  The  humble  deacon  was 
KoftheaolHlitjofhisown  race.    SeeLiv.  0.39^ 

«  No.  3  and  177  of  the  laws  of  liofhsns» 


26  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALI^ 

The  posterity  of  the  first  conquerors  stmck  a  deeper  root  into 
the  soil,  which,  by  every  motive  of  interest  and  honour,  thej 
were  bound  to  defend.  A  Lombard  was  bom  the  soldier  of  ms 
king  and  his  duke ;  and  the  civil  assemblies  of  the  nation  dit* 
played  the  banners,  and  assumed  the  appellation,  of  a  r^pilar 
army.  Of  this  army,  the  pay  and  the  rewards  were  diftWB- 
fix>m  the  conquered  provinces ;  and  the  distribution,  which  wm 
not  effected  till  aft^  the  death  of  Alboin,  is  disgraced  by  the 
foul  marks  of  injustice  and  rapine.  Many  of  the  most  wcadthy 
Italians  were  shdn  and  banished ;  the  remainder  were  divided 
among  the  strangers,  and  a  tributary  obligation  was  imposed 
(under  the  name  of  hospitality)  of  pa3ring  to  the  Lombards  % 
third  part  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth.  Within  less  than  seventy 
years,  this  artificial  S3nitem  was  abolished  by  a  more  simple  and 
solid  tenure.'^^  Either  the  Roman  landlord  was  expelled  by  hit 
strong  and  insolent  guest ;  or  the  annual  payment,  a  third  of  the 
produce,  was  exchanged  by  a  more  equitable  transaction  for  an 
adequate  proportion  of  landed  property.  Under  these  foreign 
masters,  the  business  of  agriculture,  in  the  cultivation  of  coti^ 
vines,  and  olives,  was  exercised  with  degenerate  skill  and  industij 
by  the  labour  of  the  slaves  and  natives.  But  the  occupations  of « 
pastoral  life  were  more  pleasing  to  the  idleness  of  the  barbarians. 
In  the  rich  meadows  of  Venetia,  they  restored  and  improred 
the  breed  of  horses  for  which  that  province  had  once  been  illoa- 
trious ;  '^^  and  the  Italians  beheld  with  astonishment  a  foreign  rsee 
of  oxen  or  buffaloes.^  The  depopulation  of  Lombardy  and  the 
increase  of  forests  afforded  an  ample  range  for  the  pleasures 

'^  Paul,  L  it  c.  31,  32,  L  iiu  c  x6.  The  laws  of  Rotharis,  promulgated  A.IX 
643,  do  not  contain  the  smallest  vestige  of  this  payment  of  thirds ;  but  they  pr»> 
serve  many  curious  circumstances  of  the  state  of  Italy  and  the  mannen  of  the 
Lombards. 

">The  studs  of  Dionysius  of  Syracuse,  and  his  frequent  victories  in  the  Olympio 
games,  had  diffused  among  the  Greeks  the  fame  of  the  Venetian  horses ;  but  tbs 
breed  was  extinct  in  the  time  of  Strabo  (L  v.  p.  335  J[z,  §  4]).  Gisulf  obtained  from 
his  unde  generosarum  emiarum  grcses.  Paul,  L  u.  c.  ^  The  Lombards  aftflv 
wards  introduced  caballi  auvatici — ^wiM  horsei.    Paul,  L  iv.  c  xi. 

<^Txmc  (a.d.  506)  primum  bubali  in  Italiam  delati  Italiae  populis  miracola  foere 
(Paul  Wamefrid,  L  iv.  c  11).  The  buffaloes,  ¥dK>se  native  climate  appears  to  be 
Africa  and  India,  are  unknown  to  Europe  except  in  Italy,  where  they  are 
numerous  and  useful  The  ancients  were  ignorant  of  these  animals,  unloi 
Aristotle  (Hist  Animal.  1.  ii.  c  i,  p.  ^,  Paris,  1783)  has  described  them  as  the  wikl 
oxen  of  Arachosia.  See  Buffon,  Hist.  Naturelle,  torn,  xu  and  Supplement,  torn, 
vi. ;  Hist  G^ndrale  des  Voyages,  tom.  i*  P^  7t  48X1  ii*  105.  iii.  agi,  iv.  a^,  ^z,  ▼. 
193.  vi.  491,  viii.  400,  X.  666;  Pennant's  Qimdmpeides,  p.  34 ;  EHctionnaire  a'Hist 
>faturelle,  par  Valmont  de  Bomare,  tom.  ii.  p.  74.  Yet  I  must  not  conceal  the 
suspicion  that  Paul,  by  a  vulgar  error,  may  have  applied  the  name  of  htbaius  to 
tJie  aurocbM,  or  wild  bull,  of  ancient  Genaanj. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  27 

!  ehase.^  That  marvellous  art  which  teaches  the  birds  of 
r  to  acknowledge  the  voice,  and  execute  the  commands, 
dr  master  had  been  unknown  to  the  ingenuity  of  the 
8  and  Romans.^  Scandinavia  and  Sc3rthia  produce  the 
t  and  most  tractable  finlcons ;  ^  they  are  tamed  and  edu- 
bj  the  roving  inhabitants,  always  on  horseback  and  in  the 

This  fiiyoorite  amusement  of  our  ancestors  was  introduced 
e  barbariana  into  the  Roman  provinces ;  and  the  laws  of 
ssteem  the  sword  and  the  hawk  as  of  equal  dignity  and 
tance  in  the  hands  of  a  noble  Lombard. '^^ 
■mpid  was  the  influence  of  climate  and  example  that  the  sm  aaH 
Aids  of  the  fourth  generation  surveyed  with  curiosibr  and       '* 
it  the  portraits  of  Uieir  savage  fore&thers.^    Their  heads 
Jiaren  behind,  but  the  shaggy  locks  hung  over  their  eyes 
Doath,   and  a  long  beard,    represented  the   name   and 
iter  of  the  nation.    Their  dress  consisted  of  loose  linen 
nts,  after  the  &shion  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  which  were 
ited,  in  their  opinion,  with  broad  stripes  of  variegated 
B*     The  legs  and  feet  were  clothed  in  long  hose  and  open 
is ;  and  even  in  the  security  of  peace  a  trusty  sword  was 
ntlj  girt  to  their  side.     Yet   this   strange  apparel  and 

aspect  often  concealed  a  gentle  and  generous  disposition ; 
s  soon  aa  the  rage  of  battle  had  subsided,  the  captives  and 

Dsnlt  the  xxist  Dissertation  of  Muratori. 

etr  ienonmoe  is  proved  by  the  silence  even  of  those  who  professedly  treat 
ts  oi  hunting  and  the  history  of  animals.  Aristotle  (Hist.  AnimaL  L  ix.  c. 
.  i.  p.  586,  and  the  Notes  of  his  last  editor,  M.  Camus,  torn,  ii  p.  914), 
list.  Natur.  L  z.  c.  zo).  /Elian  (de  Natur.  Animal.  I.  ii.  c  43).  and  perhaps 

(Odyss.  xxiL  500-306),  descrioe  with  astonishment  a  tacit  league  and 
I  chase  between  the  hawks  and  the  Thradan  fowlers, 
rticularlj  the  gerfaut,  or  gyrialcon,  of  the  siie  of  a  small  eagle.  See  the 
d  descnptioa  of  M.  de  Buffon,  Hist  Naturelle,  tom.  xvi.  p.  339,  &c. 
ipi.  Reram  Italicamm,  tom.  i.  part  ii.  p.  129.  This  is  the  xvith  law  of 
eror  Lewis  the  PiooSb  His  father  Charlemagne  had  falconers  in  his  house- 
wdl  as  bontsroen  (Mtooires  sur  Tancienne  Chevalerie,  par  M.  de  St  Palaye, 

p.  Z75)*     I  obser^  in  the  laws  of  Rotharis  a  more  eany  mention  of  the  art 
in^  (No.  33s) ;  and  in  Gaul,  in  the  vth  century,  it  is  celebrated  by  Sidonius 
iris  among  the  talents  of  Avitus  (|^Carm.  viu]  903-307). 
e  epitaq>h  of  Droctulf  (Paul,  L  in.  c.  19)  may  be  applied  to  many  of  his 


Terribils  visu  facies,  sed  corda  benignus, 
Longaoue  robusto  pectore  barba  tuit 
-traits  of  the  old  Loinoards  might  still  be  seen  in  the  palace  of  Monza, 
niles  from  Milan,  which  had  b^  founded  or  restored  by  queen  Theude- 
iv.  a9,  sni  See  Muratori,  tom.  I  dissertaz.  xxiiL  p.  30a  pTheudelinda's 
■itb  a  goUl  bandk,  and  a  counterfeit  hen  with  chickens,  which  belonged  to 
•  siiown  in  the  saoistv  of  the  churdi  at  Monza,  which  she  founded.  Lvtlle 
Ad  boildiQg  remains^j 


28  THE  DECLIKE  AND  FALL 


subjects  were  aometimes  surprised  by  the  humanity  of  the  victor. 
The  vices  of  the  Lombards  were  the-  effect  of  passion,  of 
ignorance,  of  intoxication  ;  their  virtues  are  the  more  laudable^ 
as  they  were  not  afiected  by  the  hypocrisy  of  social  manners, 
nor  imposed  by  the  rigid  constraint  of  laws  and  eduoation.  I 
should  not  be  apprehensive  of  deviating  from  my  subject  if  it 
were  in  my  power  to  delineate  the  private  life  o£  the  conquerors 
of  Italy,  and  I  shall  relate  with  pleasure  the  adventurous 
gallantry  of  Autharis,  which  breathes  the  tvue  spirit  of  chivalry 
and  romance. ^^  After  the  losa  of  his  promised  bride,  a 
Merovingian  princess,  he  sought  in  maoiage  the  daughter  of 
the  king  of  Bavaria ;  and  Guibald  accepted  the  alliance  of  the 
Italian  monarch.  Impatient  of  the  slow  progress  of  negotia- 
tion, the  ardent  lover  escaped  from  his  palace  and  visited  the 
court  of  Bavaria  in  the  train  of  his  own  embassy.  At  the 
public  audienoe,  the  unknown  stranger  advanced  to  the  thrane, 
and  informed  Giaribald  that  the  ambassador  was  indeed-  the 
minister  of  state,  but  that  he  alone  was  the  friend  of  Autharis, 
who  had  trusted  him  with  the  delicate  commission  of  mukirg 
a  fiuthfrd  repoft  of  the  charms -of  his  spouse*  Theudelinda  was 
summoned  to  undergo  this  important  examfaiatioi^  and,  after  a 
pause  of  silent  rapture,  he  hailed  her  as  the  qneen  of  Italy,  and 
numbly  requested  .that,  according  to^  the  cnstcMn  of  the  nation, 
she  would  present  a  cup  of  wine  to  the  first  of  her  new  subjects. 
By  the  command  of  her  father,  she  obeyed ;  Autharis  received 
the  cup  in  his  turn,  and,  in  restoring  it  to  the  princess,  he 
secretly  touched  her  hand,  and  drew  his  own  finger  over  his 
fiice  and  lips.  In  the  evening,  Theudelinda  imputed  to  her 
nurse  the  indiscreet  familiarity  of  the  stianger,  and  was  com- 
forted by  the  assurance  that  such  boldness  could  proceed  only 
from  the  king  her  husband,  who,  by  his  beauty  and  courage, 
i^peared  worthy  of  her  love^  The  ambassadots  were  ms- 
missed ;  no  sooner  did  they  reach  the  confines  of  Italy  than 
Autharis,  raising  himself  on  his  horse,  darted  his  battle-axe 
against  a  tree  with  incomparable  strengtii  and  dexterity  : 
''Such,"  said  he  to  the  astonished  Bavarians,  ''such  are  tne 
strokes  of  the  king  of  the  Lombards ".  On  the  approach  of 
a  French  army,  Garibald  and  his  daughter  took  remge  in  the 
dominions  of  their  ally;  and  the  mairiagje  was  consummated 

M  The  story  of  Antharis  and  TbendeUnda  is  rdatad  bf-  Paul.  I  iii.  c  99,  34 ; 
and  any  fragment  of  Bavarian  antiqmtr  cadtts  the  indefiaigafele  dflig«ice  of  the 
oount  de  Boat,  Hist,  des  Peoples  dt  rsapope^-  tCMs.  xi.  a  595-635^  tonx  »i.  p. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  » 

in  the  piiaoe  of  Vepona.  At  the  end  of  one  fear,  it  fms 
dissolved  by  the  death  of  Aiitharis ;  but  the  virtues  of  Theude- 
Hnda  ^  had  endeared  her  to  the  nation^  and  she  was  permitted 
to  hcBtaw,  with  her  hand,  the  sceptre  of  the  Italian  kingdom. 
From  tills  fitct,  as  well  as  from  similar  events,^^  it  is  certain 
that  the  Lombards  possessed  freedom  to  elect  their  sovereign, 
and  sense  to  decline  the  frequent  use  of  that  dangerous 
pnvil^e.  The  public  revenue  arose  <from  the  produce  of  land 
and  the  pfofits  of  justice.  When  the  independent  duke»a|;reed 
that  Autharis  should  ascend  the  throne  of  his  Either,  they 
endowed  the  r^pal^offioe  with  a  &ir  moiety  of  their  respective 
demalaa.  The  inoodest  nobles  aspired  to  the  honours  of 
tervitikle  near  the  person  of  ^eir  prince ;  he  rewarded  the 
idehty  of  his  vassals  br  the  precarious  gift  of  pensions  and 
bm^/Soew ;  and  atoned  ror  the  injuries  of  war  by  the  ridi 
finndation  of  monasteries  and  ohurehes.  In  peace  a  judge,  a 
leader  in  war,  he  never  usurped  the  powers  of  a  sole  and 
afasolvte  legislator.  The  king  of  Italy  convened  the  national 
assemblies  in  the  palace,  or  more  probably  in  the  fields,  of 
Anria ;  his  great  council  was  composed  of  the  persons  most 
eadnent  by  their  birth  and  dignities ;  but  the  validity,  as  w^ll 
as  the  execution,  ^  their  decrees  depended  on  the  approbation 
of  the  fiMJul  people,  the  fortumUe  mny  of  the  Lombards. 
About  'fiMOicore  years  after  the  •eonaucfit  of  Italy,  thetr 
traditional  customs  were  transcribed  in  Teutonic  Latin,®  aUd  **** 
ratified  by  the  consent  of  the  prince  and  people;  some  new 
regulations  were  introduced,  more  suitable  to  their  present 
osndition ;  the  example  of  (Rotbaris  was  imitated  by  the  wisest 
of  his  soocesMffs;  and  the  laws  of  the  Lombards  have  been 
esteemed  the  least  imperfoct  of  the  balrbaric  oodes.^  Secure 
by  their  courage  in  the  possession  of  liberty,  these  rude  and 
liasty- legislators  were>ineapaMe>of  balancing  the  powers  of  the 
constitution  or  of  discussing  the  nice  theory  of  political  govern- 

<*Oiaiiiiofie  (Istoria  QvQe  di  Nopoli,  torn.  L  p.  a6s\  has  justly  censured  the 
impertineiioe  of  Boccaccio  (Gia  iii.  Novd.  a),  who,  without  right,  or  truth,  or 
pretence,  has  given  the  pious  queen  Theudelinda  to  the  arms  of  a  muleteer. 

^  Paul,  L  iii.  c.  16.  The  first  dissertation  of  Muratori  and  the  first  volume  of 
GiannoDe's  history  may  be  consulted  for  the  state  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy. 

*>Tlie  most  accurate  edition  of  the  laws  of  the  Lombacds  is  tobe  found  in  the 
Scriptores  Rcrum  Italicarum,  torn.  i.  part  ii.  p.  i^iSi,  collated 'fiom  the  most 
ancient  Mss.  and  illustrated  by  the  critical  notes  of.  Muratori.  -[Ed.  F.  Bkihme, 
in  Pens,  Mon.  hegg.  iv.  607  sqg,  (xS68) ;  also  small  separate  oct  ed.  (1869).] 

**  Montcsqnifu,  li!sprit  des  Loix,  L  xxviii.  c.  i.  Les  loix  des  Boargwsnoas  aont 
asses  judideusas :  cellade  Rothariset  des  autres  princes  Lombards  leaoat  encore 

plus^ 


80  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

ment.  Such  crimes  as  threatened  the  life  of  the  aovereigi 
the  safety  of  the  state  were  adjudged  worthy  of  death ; 
their  attention  was  principally  confined  to  the  defence  of 
person  and  property  of  the  subject.  According  to  the  stm 
jurisprudence  of  the  times,  the  guilt  of  blood  might  be 
deemed  by  a  fine ;  yet  the  high  price  of  nine  hun(&ed  pi' 
of  gold  declares  a  just  sense  of  the  value  of  a  simple  dti 
Less  atrocious  injuries,  a  wound,  a  fracture,  a  blow,  an 
probrious  word,  were  measured  with  scrupulous  and  aln 
ridiculous  diligence;  and  the  prudence  of  the  legislator 
couraged  the  ignoble  practice  of  bartering  honour  and  reve 
for  a  pecuniary  compensation.  The  ignorance  of  the  T^^Hwbi 
in  the  state  of  Paganism  or  Christianity,  gave  implicit  cr 
to  the  malice  and  mischief  of  witchcraft ;  but  the  judges  of 
seventeenth  century  might  have  been  instructed  and  < 
founded  by  the  wisdom  of  Rotharis,  who  derides  the  abi 
superstition,  and  protects  the  wretched  victims  of  popula 
judicial  cruelty.^  The  same  spirit  of  a  legislator,  auperki 
his  age  and  country,  may  be  ascribed  to  Luitprmnd, 
condemns,  while  he  tolerates,  the  impious  and  inveterate  a1 
of  duels,^  observing  from  his  own  experience  that  the  jn 
cause  had  often  been  oppressed  by  successful  violence.  W 
ever  merit  may  be  discovered  in  the  laws  of  the  Lombards,  1 
are  the  genuine  fruit  of  the  reason  of  the  barbariani, 
never  admitted  the  bishops  of  Italy  to  a  seat  in  their  legiala 
councils.  But  the  succession  of  their  kings  is  marked  ^ 
virtue  and  abihty ;  the  troubled  series  of  their  annals  is  adoi 
with  fair  intervals  of  peace,  order,  and  domestic  happiness ; 
the  Italians  enjoyed  a  milder  and  more  equitable  gOYemn 
than  any  of  the  other  kingdoms  which  had  been  founder 
the  ruins  of  the  Western  empire.^ 

Amidst  the  arms  of  the  Lombards,  and  under  the  despoi 

MSee  Leges  Rotharis,  Na  ^,  p.  47.  Striga  is  used  as  the  name  of  a  n 
It  is  of  the  purest  classic  origm  (Horat  epod.  v.  ao,  Petron.  c.  134) ;  and 
the  words  ot  Petronius  (quae  striges  comedenint  nervos  tuos  ?)  it  may  be  in! 
that  the  prejudice  was  of  Italian  rather  than  barbaric  extraction. 

*Quia  incerti  sumus  de  judicio  Dei,  et  multos  audivimus  per  pugnam  sine 
caus&  suam  causam  perdere.  Sed  propter  consuetudinem  gcntem  nostrnm  Lt 
bardonun  legem  impiam  vetare  non  possumus.  See  p.  74,  Na  65,  of  the 
of  Luitprand,  promulgated  A.D.  724. 

**Read  the  history  of  Paul  Wamefrid;  particularly  L  iiL  c  16.  Bai 
rejects  the  praise,  which  appears  to  contradict  the  invectives  of  pope  Qrogor 
Great ;  but  Muratori  (Annali  d' Italia,  tom.  ▼.  p.  217)  presumes  to  Inrimatc 
the  saint  may  have  magnified  the  faults  of  Arians  and  enemien 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  81 

of  the  Greeksy  we  again  inquire  into  the  fate  of  Rome,^  which 
had  reached,  about  the  close  of  the  sixth  century,  the  lowest 
period  of  her  depression.  By  the  removal  of  the  seat  of  empire, 
and  the  successive  loss  of  the  provinces,  the  sources  of  public 
and  pfrivate  opulen<»  were  exhausted;  the  lofty  tree,  under 
whose  shade  the  nations  of  the  earth  had  reposed,  was  deprived 
of  its  leaves  and  branches,  and  the  sapless  trunk  was  left  to 
'wither  on  the  ground.  The  ministers  of  command  and  the 
Bif  engers  of  victory  no  longer  met  on  the  Appian  or  Flaminian 

3;  and  the  hostile  approach  of  the  Lombiuxls  was  often  felt 
continually  feared.  The  inhabitants  of  a  potent  and 
peacefiil  capital,  who  visit  without  an  anxious  thought  the 
garden  of  the  adjacent  country,  will  £Eiintly  picture  in  their 
fuKj  the  distress  of  the  Romans :  they  shut  or  opened  their 
gates  with  a  trembling  hand,  beheld  from  the  walls  the  flames 
of  their  houses,  and  heard  the  lamentations  of  their  brethren, 
wiio  were  coupled  together  like  dogs  and  dragged  away  into 
distant  slaveiy  beyond  the  sea  and  the  mountains.  Such  in- 
ccssant  alarms  must  annihilate  the  pleasures  and  interrupt  the 
labours  of  a  rural  hfe  ;  and  the  Campagna  of  Rome  was  speedily 
redooed  to  the  state  of  a  dreary  wilderness,  in  which  the  land 
Is  barren,  the  waters  are  impure,  and  the  air  is  infectious. 
Curiosity  and  ambition  no  longer  attracted  the  nations  to  the 
ciqpital  of  the  world :  but,  if  chance  or  necessity  directed  the 
steps  of  a  wandering  stranger,  he  contemplated  with  horror  the 
vacancy  and  solitude  of  the  city,  and  might  be  tempted  to  ask, 
where  is  the  senate,  and  where  are  the  people  ?  In  a  season 
of  excessive  rains,  the  Tiber  swelled  above  its  banks,  and  rushed 
with  irresistible  violence  into  the  valleys  of  the  seven  hills.  A 
pestilential  disease  arose  from  the  stagnation  of  the  deluge,  and 
so  rapid  was  the  contagion  that  fourscore  persons  expired  in  an 
boor  in  the  midst  of  a  solemn  procession,  which  implored  the 
mercy  of  heaven.^  A  society  in  which  marriage  is  encouraged 
and  industry  prevails  soon  repairs  the  accidental  losses  of  pesti- 
lence and  war ;  but^  as  the  &r  greater  part  of  the  Romans  was 
condemned  to  hopeless  indigence  and  cehbacy,  the  depopula- 
tion was  constant  and  visible,  and  the  gloomy  enthusiasts  might 

^  The  passages  of  the  bomilies  of  Gregory  whicfa  represent  the  miserable  state 
of  tbe  c^  and  country  are  transcribed  in  tbe  Annals  of  Baronius,  a.d.  590,  Na 
x6.  AJX  59S.  Na  a,  &c  &c. 

*>  Tbe  imindation  and  plague  were  reported  by  a  deacon,  whom  his  bishop, 
Gregory  of  Tours,  had  dispatched  to  Rome  for  some  relics.  The  ingenious  mes- 
lesger  embellished  his  tale  and  the  river  with  a  great  dragon  and  a  train  of  Utde 
serpents  (Oregi  Tttntu  I  x.  c.  i). 


laANllMof 


82  THE  DECLmE  AND  FAJIL 

expect  the  approaching  fidlnre  of  the  hmnan  raoe.^  Yi 
number  of  dtiaens  still  exceeded  the  measure  of  subsisi 
their  precarious  fbcxl  was  supplied  from  the  harvests  of  Sii 
Egypt ;  and  the  frequent  repetition  of  fimine  betrays  t 
attention  of  the  emperor  to  a  distant  province.  The  edif 
Rome  were  exposed  to  the  same  ruin  and  decay ;  the  mo 
ing  fiibrics  were  easily  orerthiewn  by  innnda^ons,  ten 
and  earthquakes;  and  the  monks,  who  had  occu|Hed  th< 
advantageous  stations,  exulted  in  their  base  triumph  ov* 
ruins  of  antiquity.  It  is  commonly  believed  that  pope  Gi 
the  First  attacked  the  temples  ana  mutilated  the  statues 
(dty ;  that,  by  the  command  of  the  barbarian,  the  Pi 
libmry  was  reduced  to  ashes  ;  and  that  the  history  of  lii 
the  peculiar  mark  of  his  absurd  and  mischievous  fimal 
The  writings  of  Gregory  himself  reveal  his  hnplacable  af 
ko  the  monuments-of  classic  genina ;  and  he  points  his  ee 
censure  against  the  pro&ne  learning  of  a  biriiop  who  1 
the  art  of  gnonmar,  studied  the  Liiin  poets,  and  prono' 
with  the  same  voice,  the  praises  of  Jupiter  and  those  of  CI 
But  the  evidence  of  his  destructive  mge  is  doubtftd  and  r 
the  Temple  of  Peace  or  the  Theatre  of  Mavcellus  have 
demolished  by  the  slow  operation  of  ages;  and  a  fbrmi 
scription  wonid  have  mnltqphcd  the  copies  of  Viigil  «nc 
in  the  countries  which  were  not  subject  to  the  ecclesi 
dictator.^ 

Like  Thebes,  or  Babylon,  or  Caithage,  the  name  of 
might  have  been  erased  horn  the  earth,  if  the  city  hi 
bera  animated  by  a  vital  principle,  whifch  again  restored 
honour  and  dominion.  A  vague  tradition  was  embracer 
two  Jewish  teachers,  a  tent-maker  and  a  fisherman,  ha 
merly  been  exeented  in  the  circus  of  Nero ;  and  at  the 
five  hundred  years  their  genuine  or  fictitious  relics  were  i 


^  Gfegory  of  Rome  (Dialoe.  L  u.  c  zc)  nlates  a  memorable  , 

Benedict :  koma  aGentilibus  [/!^.,  gentiocn]  doo  extenniaabitur  sod  ten 
bos,  oormeis  turbimbos  ac  teme  mocii  limt,,  fiuigau]  in  aemetipsA  m^ 
Sudi  a  prophecy  melts  into  true  hittaiy,  and  himomm  die  cffideBee  of 
after  which  it  was  invented. 

^  Quia  in  uno  se  ore  cum  Jovis  landibiis  Christi  laudes  non  capiunt,  * 
grave  nefandumque  sit  miscopis  canere  QUod  aeo  laioo  reUgioso  convea 
considera  (I.  ix.  ep.  ^).  The  writings  of  GcsgQcy  himself  attest  his  inaoi 
any  classic  taste  or  literature. 

^  fiayle  (Dictionnaire  Critique,  torn,  ik  p^  598*  999)*  ^  ^  T"i7  f^^'^  < 
Grteoire  L,  has  quoted,  for  the  buildings  and  statiiea,  Platina  in  QregorM 
the  Palatine  libranr^ohn  of  Salisbury  (de  Nugis  Curialium,  L  M.  c.a6) ; 
Livy,  Antoninus  of  Flocenoe :  the  oldest  of  the  three  lived  in  Ifae  aith  ceo 


> 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  88 

as  the  paUadium  of  Christian  Rome.  The  pilgrims  of  the  East 
and  West  resorted  to  the  holy  threshold ;  but  the  shrines  of 
the  apostles  were  guarded  by  miracles  and  invisible  terrors  ;  and 
it  was  not  without  fear  that  the  pious  Catholic  approached  the 
object  of  his  worship.  It  was  &tal  to  touch,  it  was  dangerous  to 
behold,  the  bodies  of  the  saints ;  and  those  who  from  the  purest 
motives  presumed  to  disturb  the  repose  of  the  sanctuary  were 
afirighted  by  visions  or  punished  with  sudden  death.  The  un- 
reasonable request  of  an  empress,  who  wished  to  deprive  the 
Romans  of  their  sacred  treasure,  the  head  of  St.  Paul,  was 
rejected  with  the  deepest  abhorrence ;  and  the  pope  asserted, 
most  probably  with  truth,  that  a  linen  which  had  been  sancti- 
6ed  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his  body,  or  the  filings  of  his  chain, 
which  it  was  sometimes  easy  ana  sometimes  impossible  to 
obtain,  possessed  an  equal  degree  of  miraculous  virtue."^'  But 
the  power  as  well  as  virtue  of  the  apostles  resided  with  living 
energy  in  the  breast  of  their  successors ;  and  the  chair  of  St. 
Peter  was  filled  under  the  reign  of  Maurice  by  the  first  and 
greatest  of  the  name  of  Gregory.^*  His  grand&ther  Felix  had  ,|^^„„ 
himself  been  pope,  and,  as  the  bishops  were  already  bound  by  JJ^^gJJ 
the  law  of  celibacy,  his  consecration  must  have  been  preceded 
by  the  death  of  his  wife.  The  parents  of  Gregory,  Sylvia  and 
Gordian,  were  the  noblest  of  the  senate  and  the  most  pious 
of  the  church  of  Rome ;  his  female  relations  were  numbered 
among  the  saints  and  virgins  ;  and  his  own  figure  with  those  of 
his  £iither  and  mother  were  represented  near  three  hundred 
years  in  a  fiunily  portrait,^^  whicn  he  offered  to  the  monastery 

^  Gregor.  L  iil  epist  24,  indict,  za,  &e.  From  the  epistles  of  Gregory,  and 
(he  viiith  volume  of  the  Annals  of  Baronius,  the  pious  reader  may  collect  the 
particles  of  holy  iron  which  were  inserted  in  keys  or  crosses  of  gold  and  distributed 
in  Britain,  Gaul.  Spain,  Africa,  Constantinople,  and  Egypt.  The  pontifical  smith 
^rbo  bandied  the  file  must  have  understood  the  miracles  which  it  was  in  his  own 
power  to  operate  or  withhold :  a  circumstance  which  abates  the  superstition  of 
Gbregory  at  the  expense  of  his  veracity. 

^  Besides  the  epistles  of  Gregory  himself  which  are  methodised  by  Dupin 
(Kbliotheque  Ecd^  torn.  v.  p.  io^-i26),  we  have  three  Lives  of  the  pope :  the 
two  6rst  written  in  the  viiith  and  ixth  centuries  (de  Triplici  Vit4  St  Greg.  Preface 
to  the  ivth  volume  of  the  Benedictine  edition)  by  the  deacons  Paul  (p.  1-18)  and 
John  {p.  19-188),  and  containing  much  origm^,  though  doubtful,  evidence;  the 
third,  a  long  and  laboured  compilation  by  the  Benedictine  editors  (p.  i99-305). 
The  Annals  of  Baronius  are  a  copious  but  partial  history.  His  papal  prejudices 
are  tempered  br  the  good  sense  of  Fleury  (Hist.  EccI^  tom.  viii.).  and  his 
chronology  has  been  rectified  by  the  criticism  of  Pagi  and  Muratori.  [Paul's  life 
of  Gr^gonr  is  a  compilation  from  the  Hist  Eocles.  of  Bede  and  Gregory's  own 
works.    For  the  methodization  of  Gregory's  Epistles  see  Appendix  z.] 

^*  John  the  deacon  has  described  them  like  an  eye-witness  (L  W.  c  %^«  %i{\\  %:e^ 
his  description  b  illustniied  by  Angelo  Rooca,  a  Roman  aat^yq^oaxi  i^  Q(t«v 

VOL.  V.  8 


84  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  St.  Andrew.  The  design  and  colouring  of  this  picture  afford 
an  honourable  testimony  that  the  art  of  painting  was  cultivated 
by  the  Italians  of  the  sixth  century ;  but  the  most  abject  ideas 
must  be  entertained  of  their  taste  and  learning,  since  the 
epistles  of  Gregory,  his  sermons,  and  his  dialogues,  are  the 
work  of  a  man  who  was  second  in  erudition  to  none  of  his 
contemporaries ;  ^^  his  birth  and  abilities  had  raised  him  to  the 
office  of  prsfect  of  the  city,  and  he  enjoyed  the  merit  of  re- 
noimcing  the  pomp  and  vanities  of  this  world.  His  ample 
patrimony  was  dedicated  to  the  foundation  of  seven  monas- 
teries,*^^ one  in  Rome,^<^  and  six  in  Sicily ;  and  it  was  the  wish 
of  Gregory  th^t  he  might  be  unknown  in  this  life  and  glorious 
only  in  the  next.  Yet  his  devotion,  and  it  might  be  sincere, 
pursued  the  path  which  would  have  been  chosen  by  a  crafty 
and  ambitious  statesman.  The  talents  of  Gregory,  and  the 
splendour  which  accompanied  his  retreat,  rendered  him  dear 
and  useful  to  the  church ;  and  implicit  obedience  has  been 
always  inculcated  as  the  first  duty  of  a  monk.  As  soon  as  he 
had  received  the  character  of  deacon,  Gregory  was  sent  to 
reside  at  the  Byzantine  court,  the  nuncio  or  minister  of  the 
apostolic  see ;  and  he  boldly  assumed,  in  the  name  of  St.  Peter, 
a  tone  of  independent  dignity,  which  would  have  been  criminal 
and  dangerous  in  the  most  illustrious  layman  of  the  empire. 
I  He  returned  to  Rome  with  a  just  increase  of  reputation,  and, 
after  a  short  exercise  of  the  monastic  virtues,  he  was  dragged 
from  the  cloister  to  the  papal  throne,  by  the  unanimous  voice 
of  the  clergy,  the  senate,  and  the  people.     He  alone  resisted, 

Opera,  torn.  iv.  p.  ^12-326)1  who  observes  that  some  mosaics  of  the  popes  of  the 
viith  century  are  still  preserved  in  the  old  churches  of  Rome  (p.  ^1*323).  The 
same  walls  which  represented  Gregory's  family  are  now  decorated  with  the  martyr- 
dom of  St.  Andrew,  the  noble  contest  of  E>ominidiino  and  Guido.  fTbe  life  of 
Gregory  by  Jc^m,  compiled  towards  the  end  of  the  ninth  cent,  for  Pope  john  VIII.. 
consists  largely  of  extracts  from  Gregory's  letters.] 

^  Disciplinis  vero  liberalibus,  hoc  est  grammatic&,  rhetoridL,  dialectic^  ita  a 
puero  est  institutns,  ut,  quamvis  eo  tempore  florerent  adhuc  Romae  studia  litenmim, 
tamen  nulli  in  urbeip^  secundus  putaretur.    Paul  Diacon.  in  Vit.  S.  Gregor.  c  a. 

^  The  Benedictines  (Vit  Greg.  L  i.  p.  205-908)  labour  to  reduce  the  monas- 
teries of  Gregory  within  the  rule  of  their  own  order  ;  but,  as  the  question  is  oon« 
fessed  to  be  doabtful,  it  is  dear  that  these  powerful  monks  are  in  the  wrong.  See 
Butler's  Lives  of  the  Saints,  voL  HL  p.  145,  a  work  of  merit :  the  sense  and  learning 
belong  to  the  author— his  prejudices  are  those  of  his  profession. 

^  Monasterium  Gregorianum  in  ejusdem  Beati  Gregorii  sedibus  ad  cUvom 
Scanri  prope  eodesiam  SS.  Johannis  et  Pauli  in  honorem  St  Andreae  (John  in 
Vit  Greg.  L  i.  c.  6.  Greg.  L  vii.  epist.  13).  This  house  and  monast^  were 
situate  on  the  side  of  Uie  Caelian  hill  which  fronts  the  Palatine ;  they  are  now 
occupied  by  the  Camaldoli ;  San  Gre^orio  triumphs,  and  St  Andrew  has  retired  to 
m  snuUI  cbapch  Nardini,  Roma  Antica,  L  iii.  c  6,  p.  loa  Descrissione  di  Roma« 
torn.  L  p.  44B'446, 


Of  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  36 

1  to  resisty  his  own  elevation ;  and  his  humUe  petition 
luice  would  be  pleased  to  reject  the  choice  of  the 
could  only  serve  to  exalt  his  character  in  the  eyes  of 
eror  and  the  public  When  the  &tal  mandate  was 
id,  Gregory  solicited  the  aid  of  some  friendly  mep> 
>  convey  him  in  a  basket  beyond  the  gates  of  Rome, 
estly  concealed  himself  some  days  among  the  woods 
ntainSy  tiU  his  retreat  was  discovered,  as  it  is  said,  by 
1  light. 

mtificate  of  Gregory  the  GretU,  which  lasted  thirteen re^ioatoc 
;  months  and  ten  days,  is  one  of  the  most  ^<^fyui9  S[J|^£^ 
f  the  history  of  the  church.     His  virtues,  and  even  his  Jj^jj^^ 
singular  mixture  of  simplicity  and  cunning,  of  pride 
llity,  of  sense  and  superstition,  were  happily  suited  to 
m  and  to  the  temper  of  the  times.     In  his  rival,  the 

of  Constantinople,  he  condemned  the  antichristian  g^tiM 
oiverBal  bishop,  which  the  successor  of  St.  Peter  was 
hty  to  concede,  and  too  feeble  to  assume ;    and  the 
ical  jurisdiction  of  Gregory  was  confined  to  the  triple miipicitM 
'  of  bishop  of  Rome,  primate  of  Italy,  and  apostle  of 
„     He  fr^uently  ascended  the  pulpit,  and  kindled,  by 

though  pathetic  eloquence,  the  congenial  passions  ol 
nee ;  the  language  of  the  Jewish  prophets  was  inter- 
id  applied ;  and  tbe  minds  of  the  people,  depressed  by 
sent  calamities,  were  directed  to  the  hopes  and  fears 
ivisible  world.     His  precepts  and  example  defined  the 

the  Roman  liturgy,^®  the  distribution  of  the  parishes, 
idar  of  festivals,  the  order  of  processions^  the  service  of 
ts  and  deacons,  the  variety  and  change  of  sacerdotal 
Till  the  last  days  of  his  life,  he  officiated  in  the 
'  the  mass,  which  continued  above  three  hours ;  the 
a  chant  ^  has  preserved  the  vocal  and  instrumental 

the  theatre ;  and  the  rough  voices  of  the  barbarians 
d  to  imitate  the  melody  of  the  Roman  school.^     £x- 

orcfs  prayer  consists  of  half  a  dozen  lines :  the  Sacramentarius  [sacra- 
I  and  Antiphonarius  of  Gregory  fill  88o  folio  pages  (torn.  iiL  P.  u  p.  !• 
these  only  constitute  a  part  of  the  Orda  Xamanus,  which  MabiUoo  has 
Jid  Fleory  has  ahridged  (Hist.  Eodds.  torn.  viii.  p.  139-152).  [See  H. 
rbeolog.  Zeitsch.  zSiBc;  W.  Hohaus,  Die  Beaeutnng  Gregors  des 
litnri^Scher  Schriftsteller,  1889.] 

B  firom  the  Abbtf  Dobos  (R^ezions  sor  la  Podsie  et  la  Ptemture,  torn. 
[75)  that  the  simplicity  of  the  Ambrosian  chant  was  confined  to  four 
le  the  more  perfect  harmony  of  the  Gregorian  comprised  the  eight 
ifteen  diords  of  the  ancient  music  He  observes  (p.  j^sO  <luU  the 
s  admire  the  preface  and  many  passages  oC  the  Qieg<cinaik  oKm. 

be  deaom  (ia  ViL  Greg.  I  il  c  7)  ex^jreiaes  the  earV^  covSMBi^dL  >QDit 


36  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

perience  had  shewn  him  the  efiic&cy  of  these  solemn  and. 
pompous  rites,  to  soothe  the  distress^  to  confirm  the  &ith,  to 
mitigate  the  fierceness,  and  to  dispel  the  dark  enthusiasm,  of 
the  vulgar,  and  he  readily  forgave  their  tendency  to  promote 
the  reign  of  priesthood  and  superstition.  The  bishops  of  Italy 
and  the  adjacent  islands  acknowledged  the  Roman  pontiff  as 
their  speciaJ  metropolitan.  Even  the  existence,  the  union,  c^ 
the  translation  of  episcopal  seats  was  decided  by  his  absolute 
discretion ;  and  his  successful  inroads  into  the  provinces  of 
Greece,  of  Spain,  and  of  Gaul,  might  countenance  the  more 
lofty  pretensions  of  succeeding  popes.  He  interposed  to  pre- 
vent the  abuses  of  popular  elections;  his  jealous  care  maintained 
the  purity  of  faith  and  discipline ;  and  the  apostolic  shepherd 
assiduously  watched  over  the  faith  and  discipline  of  the  subor- 
dinate pastors.  Under  his  reign,  the  Arians  of  Italy  and  Spain 
were  reconciled  to  the  catholic  church,  and  the  conquest  of 
Britain  reflects  less  glory  on  the  name  of  Cssar  than  on  that  of 
Gregory  the  First.  Instead  of  six  legions,  forty  monks  were 
embarked  for  that  distant  island,  and  the  Pontiff  lamented  the 
austere  duties  which  forbade  him  to  partake  the  perils  of  their 
spiritual  warfiu^.  In  less  that  two  years  he  could  announce  to 
the  archbishop  of  Alexandria  that  they  had  baptized  the  king 
A.BL  mr}  of  Kent  with  ten  thousand  of  his  Anglo-Saxons,  and  that  the 
Roman  missionaries,  like  those  of  the  primitive  church,  were 
armed  only  with  spiritual  and  supernatural  powers.  The 
credulity  or  the  prudence  of  Gregory  was  always  disposed  to 
confirm  the  truths  of  religion  by  the  evidence  of  ghosts,  miracles, 
and  resurrections;^^  and  posterity  has  paid  to  his  memory  the 
same  tribute  which  he  freely  granted  to  the  virtue  of  his  own 
or  the  preceding  generation.  The  celestial  honours  have  been 
liberally  bestowed  by  the  authority  of  the  popes,  but  Gregory 
is  the  last  of  their  own  order  whom  they  have  presumed  to  in- 
scribe in  the  calendar  of  saints. 

Their  temporal  power  insensibly  arose  from  the  calamities  of 
the  times  ;  and  the  Roman  bishops,  who  have  deluged  Europe 

Italians  for  tramontane  singing.  Alpina  scilicet  corpora  vocum  suanxm  tonitmis 
altisone  perstrepentia,  susceptae  modulationis  dulcedinem  proprie  non  resultant: 
quia  bibuli  gutturis  barbara  feritas  dum  inflexionibus  et  repercussionibus  mitem 
nititur  edere  cantilcnam,  natumli  quodam  fragore  quasi  plaustra  per  gradus  confuse 
Bonantia  rigidas  voces  jactat,  &c.  In  the  time  of  Cfharlemagne,  the  nanks,  though 
with  some  reluctance,  admitted  the  justice  of  the  reproach.  Muratori,  Dissert,  xztr. 

"^  A  French  critic  (Petnis  Gussanvillus,  Opera,  tom.  il  p.  105-1x3)  hasvihiD- 
Gated  the  rig^t  of  Gregory  to  the  entire  nonsense  of  the  Dialogues.  Dupin  (tomu 
V.  p.  1^8)  does  not  think  that  any  one  will  vouch  for  the  truth  of  911  tboK  nuir^qlQi; 
I  uomd  like  to  know  ktw  many  of  them  he  believed  himself. 


•  I 

I 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  37 

and  Asia  with  blood,  were  compelled  to  reign  as  the  ministers 
of  charity  and  peace.  I.  The  church  of  Rome,  as  it  has  been 
formerly  observedy  was  endowed  with  ample  possessions  in 
Italy,  Sicily,  and  the  more  distant  provinces ;  and  her  agents,  pud 
who  were  commonly  subdeacons,  had  acquired  a  civil,  and  even 
criminaJy  jurisdiction  over  their  tenants  and  husbandmen.  The  bib  « 
sQocessoir  of  St.  Peter  administered  his  patrimony  with  the 
temper  of  a  vigilant  and  moderate  landlord ;  ^  and  the  epistles 
of  Gregory  are  fiUed  with  salutary  instructions  to  abstain  from 
donbtfiil  or  vexatious  lawsuits,  to  preserve  the  integrity  of 
weights  and  measures,  to  grant  every  reasonable  delay,  and  to 
reduce  the  capitation  of  the  slaves  of  the  glebe,  who  purchased 
the  right  of  marriage  by  the  payment  of  an  arbitrary  fine.^ 
The  rent  or  the  produce  of  these  estates  was  transported  to  the 
month  of  the  Tiber,  at  the  risk  and  expense  of  the  pope ;  in  the 
me  of  wealth  he  acted  like  a  £uth&l  steward  of  the  church  and 
the  poor,  and  liberally  applied  to  their  wants  the  inexhaustible 
resources  of  abstinence  and  order.  The  voluminous  account  of 
his  receipts  and  disbursements  was  kept  above  three  hundred 
years  in  the  Lateran,  as  the  model  of  Christian  economy.  Onu^a 
the  four  great  festivals,^  he  divided  their  quarterly  allowance 
to  the  clergy,  to  his  domestics,  to  the  monasteries,  the  churches, 
the  places  of  burial,  the  alms-houses,  and  the  hospitals  of  Rome, 
sad  the  rest  of  the  diocese.  On  the  first  day  of  every  month, 
be  distributed  to  the  poor,  according  to  the  season,  their  stated 
partion  of  com,  wine,  cheese,  vegetables,  oil,  fish,  fresh  pro- 
liiioDS,  cloths,  and  money ;  and  his  treasurers  were  continually 
sanmoned  to  satisfy,  in  his  name,  the  extraordinary  demands 
of  indigence  and  merit  The  instant  distress  of  the  sick  and 
[  helpless,  of  strangers  and  pilgrims,  was  relieved  by  the  bounty 
\  of  each  day,  and  of  every  hour;  nor  would  the  pontiff  indulge 
himself  in  a  frugal  repast,  till  he  had  sent  the  dishes  from  his 
'     own  table  to  some  objects  deserving  of  his  compassion.      The 

■ 

■  Baronini  is  unwiUios  to  expatiate  on  the  care  of  the  patrimonies,  lest  he  should 
bonv  that  they  consisted  not  of  kingdoms  but  /arms.  The  French  writers,  the 
BcBBdictine  editors  (torn.  {▼.  1.  iii  p.  979.  &c.),  and  Fleury  (torn.  viii.  p.  29,  &c.) 


are  not  afiaid  of  entering  into  these  humble  though  useful  details ;  and  the 
luamukf  of  Fleury  dwells  <m  the  social  virtues  of  Gregory.  [On  the  patrimonies 
IR IL  GfiHr,  Zeitsch.  tike  kathoL  Theologie,  L  391  sfg.  1877.  J 

■  I  nuicfa  ionect  that  this  pecuniary  fine  on  the  marriages  of  villains  produced 
(he  fB"*^?n*j  and  often  fabulous,  right  de  cuissagt,  de  marquet/e,  &c.  With  the 
rnnaiHt  of  her  husband,  an  handsome  bride  might  commute  the  payment  in  the 
vms  of  a  young  landlord,  and  the  mutual  favour  might  afford  a  precedent  of  local 
atbor  than  Iqgal  tyranny. 

*■  [The  four  occasions  were :  Easterday.  the  birthday  of  the  Apostles,  the  birth- 
^y  of  St.  Andrew,  Grqpwy't  own  birthday.] 


38  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

misery  of  the  times  had  reduced  the  nobles  and  matrons  of 
Rome  to  accept,  without  a  blush,  the  benevolence  of  the  church; 
three  thousand  virgins  received  their  fiood  and  raiment  from  the 
hand  of  their  bene&ctor ;    and  many  bishops  of  Italy  escaped 
from  the  barbarians  to  the  hospitable  threshold  of  the  Vatican. 
Gregory  might  justly  be  styled  the  Father  of  his  countiy ;  and 
such  was  the  extreme  sensibility  of  his  conscience  that,  for  the 
death  of  a  beggar  who  had  perished  in  the  streets,  he  inter- 
dicted himself  during  several  days  from  the  exercise  of  sacer- 
dotal Amctions.      II.   The  misfortunes  of  Rome  involved  the 
apostolical  pastor  in  the  business  of  peace  and  war;  and  it  might 
be  doubtful  to  himself  whether  piety  or  ambition  prompted  him 
to  supply  the  place  of  his  absent  sovereign.     Gregory  awakened 
the  emperor  from  a  long  slumber,  exposed  the  guilt  or  incapa- 
city of  the  exarch  and  his  inferior  ministers,  complained  that 
the  veterans  were  withdrawn  from  Rome  for  the  defence  of 
Spoleto,  encouraged  the  Italians  to  guard  their  cities  and  altars, 
and  condescended,  in  the  crisis  of  danger,  to  name  the  tribunes 
and  to  direct  the  operations  of  the  provincial  troops.      But  the 
martial  spirit  of  the  pope  was  checked  by  the  scruples  of  hn- 
manity  and  religion ;   the  imposition  of  tribute,  though  it  was 
employed  in  the  Italian  war,  he  freely  condemned  as  odious 
and  oppressive ;  whilst  he  protected,  against  the  Imperial  edicts^ 
the  pious  cowardice  of  the  soldiers  who  deserted  a  militaiy 
for  a  monastic  life.     If  we  may  credit  his  own  declarations^  it 
would  have  been  easy  for  Gregory  to  exterminate  the  Lens* 
bards  by  their  domestic  Actions,  without  leaving  a  king,  a  dnks^ 
or  a  count,  to  save  that   unfortunate   nation   from  the  ven* 
geance  of  their  foes.     As  a  christian  bishop,  he  preferred  the 
salutary  offices  of  peace ;  his  mediation  appeased  the  tumult  of 
arms ;   but  he  was  too  conscious  of  the  arts  of  the  Greeks,  and 
the  passions  of  the  Lombards,  to  engage  his  sacred  promise  lor 
the  observance  of  the  truce.     Disappointed  in  the  hope  of  a. 
general  and  lasting  treaty,  he  presumed  to  save  his  country 
without  the  consent  of  the  emperor  or  the  exarch.     The  sword. 
D.  wj      of  the  enemy  was  suspended  over  Rome :   it  was  averted  by  the 
mild  eloquence  and  seasonable  gifts  of  the  pontiff,  who  com- 
manded tne  respect  of  heretics  and  barbarians. 
■aviour        '^^^  merits  of  Gregory  were  treated  by  the  Byzantine  court 
'^^       with  reproach  and  insult ;    but  in  the  attachment  of  a  grateful 
people  he  found  the  purest  reward  of  a  citizen  and  the  best 
right  of  a  sovereign.^ 

^  The  tempond  reign  of  Qrtgorr  I,  is  ably  exposed  bgr  Sigoniui  ia  the  ficst 
book  de  Regno  lulise.    See  his  works,  torn,  ii.  p.  4475. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  3d 


CHAPTER  XLVI 

RnobUums  of  Portia  after  the  DeaUi  of  Chosroes  or  Nuthirvan — 
His  Son  Hormoue,  a  Tyrant,  is  deposed — Usurpation  of  Bah-- 
ram — Flight  and  Restoration  of  Chosroes  11. — His  Gratitude 
to  the  Romans — The  Chagan  of  the  Avars — Revolt  of  the  Army 
Maurice — His  Death — Tyranny  of  Phocas — Elevation 
acUus — The  Persian  War — Chosroes  subdues  Syria, 
t,  and  Asia  Minor — Siege  of  Constantinople  by  the  Persians 
Avars — Persian  Expeditions — Victories  and  Triumph  of 
HeraclhiS 

Tbc  conflict  of  Rome  and  Persia  was  prolonged  firom  the  death  ooatMi  of 
of  Cebssus  to  the  reign  of  Heraclius.  An  experience  of  seven  Pmu 
himdxed  years  might  convince  the  rival  nations  of  the  impossi- 
bilityof  maintaining  their  conquests  beyond  the  fatal  limits  of 
the  Tigris  and  Euphrates,  Yet  the  emulation  of  Trajan  and 
Julian  waa  awakened  by  the  trembles  of  Alexander,  and  the 
sovereigns  of  Persia  indulged  the  ambitious  hope  of  restoring 
the  empire  of  Cyrus.^  Such  extraordinary  efforts  of  power  and 
eonrage  will  alwajrs  command  the  attention  of  posterity ;  but 
the  events  by  which  the  fiite  of  nations  is  not  materially  changed 
leave  a  fiunt  impression  on  the  page  of  history,  and  the  patience 
of  the  reader  would  be  exhausted  by  the  repetition  of  the  same 
hortiiities,  undertaken  without  cause,  prosecuted  without  glory^ 
md  terminated  without  effect.  The  arts  of  negotiation,  un- 
known to  the  simple  greatness  of  the  senate  and  the  Csesars, 
voe  ftssiduously  cultivated  by  the  Byzantine  princes  ;  and  the 
■emorials  of  their  perpetual  embassies  '  repeat,  with  the  same 
mifonn  prolixity,  the  language  of  fiilsehood  and  declamation, 
the  inaolenoe  of  the  barbarians,  and  the  servile  temper  of  the 
tnbntary  Greeks.    Lamenting  the  barren  superfluity  of  materials. 


qui  .  •  .  repoBcerent  •  .  .  veteres  Persanim  ac  Maoedonum  terminos, 
Aamm  possesaa  C]rro  et  post  Alezandro,  per  vaniloquentiam  ac  minat 
Tadt.  AmaL  vt  31.    Such  was  the  language  of  the  Arsacida :  I  havo 
Rpealedljr  mariied  theloftj  claims  of  the  Sassanians, 

*  See  the  embasws  of  Menander,  extracted  and  preserved  in  the  xth  century  bf 
the  onkr  oCCooitaiitiiie  Forphjrogenitos  [cp.  Appendix  z]. 


40  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

I  have  itudied  to  oompreta  the  nainktiye  of  these  uninteies 
transactions ;  but  the  just  Nushirvan  is  still  applauded  as 
model  of  Oriental  kings,  and  the  ambition  of  his  granc 
Chosroes  prepared  the  revolution  of  the  East,  which  was  spee 
accomplished  by  the  arms  and  the  religion  of  the  successoi 
Mahomet. 

In  the  useless  altercations  that  precede  and  justify  thequai 
of  princes,  the  Greeks  and  the  barbarians  accused  each  othc 
violating  the  peace  which  had  been  concluded  between  the 
empires  about  four  years  before  the  death  of  Justinian, 
sovereign  of  Persia  and  India  aspired  to  reduce  under 
obedience  the  province  of  Yemen  or  Arabia  '  Felix,  the  dis 
land  of  myrrh  and  frankincense,  which  had  escaped,  rather  i 
opposed,  the  conquerors  of  the  East.  After  the  defeai 
Alnrahah  under  the  walls  of  Mecca,^  the  discord  of  his  sons 
brothers  gave  an  easy  entrance  to  the  Persians ;  they  cIl 
the  strangers  of  Abyssinia  beyond  the  Red  Sea ;  and  a  m 
prince  of  the  ancient  Homerites  was  restored  to  the  throne  as 
vassal  or  viceroy  of  the  great  Nushirvan.^  But  the  nephe 
Justinian  declared  his  resolution  to  avenge  the  injuries  of 
Christian  ally  the  prince  of  Abyssinia,  as  they  suggested  a  de 
pretence  to  discontinue  the  annual  irilnite,  which  was  po 
disguised  by  the  name  of  pension.  The  churches  of  Persarm 
were  oppressed  by  the  intolerant  spirit  of  the  Magi;  i 
secretly  invoked  the  protector  of  the  Christians  ;  and,  after 
pious  murder  of  their  satraps,  the  rebels  were  avowed  and 
ported  as  the  brethren  and  subjects  of  the  Roman  emp< 
The  complaints  of  Nushirvan  were  disregarded  by  the  Byzas 
court ;  Justin  jrielded  to  the  importunities  of  the  Turks, 
offered  an  alliuice  against  the  common  enemy ;  and  the  Pei 
monarchy  was  threatened  at  the  same  instant  by  the  un 
forces  of  Europe,  of  Ethiopia,  and  of  Scjrthia.     At  the  ag 

*  The  ^reneral  independence  of  the  Arabs,  which  cannot  be  admitted  wi 
many  limitations,  is  blindly  asserted  in  a  separate  dissertation  of  the  authors  < 
Universal  Histoiy,  vol.  zx.  p.  Z96-a5a  A  perpetual  miracle  is  supposed  to 
guarded  the  prophecy  in  favour  of  the  posterity  of  Ishmael ;  ana  these  le 
bigots  are  not  anaid  to  risk  the  truth  of  Christianity  on  this  fraU  and  sli] 
foundation. 

^  [See  below,  chap.  L  p.  333  and  334,  note  68.] 

*  D'Herbelot,  Biblioth.  Orient,  p.  477.  Pocock,  Specimen  Hist.  Arabui 
64.  65.  Father  Pagi  (Critica,  tom.  il  p.  646)  has  proved  that,  after  ten  ^ 
peace,  the  Persian  war,  which  continued  twenty  jrears,  was  renewed  a.d.  571 1 
Mahomet  was  bom  A.D.  569  [cp.  below,  p.  334],  in  the  year  of  the  elephant,  c 
defeat  of  Abrahah  (Gagmer.  Vie  de  Mahomet,  tom.  1.  p.  89,  90,  98) ;  and 
account  allows  two  yean  for  the  conquest  of  Yemen. 


OF  THE  BOMAN  £MPIB£  41 

nre,  the  lOTereign  of  the  £ast  would  perhaps  hare  choien 
acefiil  enjoyment  of  his  glory  and  greatness  ;  bat,  as  soon  sit  iMt 

became  inevitable,  he  took  the  field  with  the  alacrity  of  aoauiaa.  a.] 

whilst  the  aggressor  trembled  in  the  palace  of  Constanti- 
Nushirvan,  or  Chosroes,  conducted  in  person  the  siege 
ra  ;  and,  although  that  important  fortress  had  been  left 
ite  of  troops  and  magazines^  the  valour  of  the  inhabitants  iaj>.  mv\ 
d  above  five  months  the  archers,  the  elephants,  and  the 
rv  engines  of  the  Great  King.  In  the  meanwhile  his 
11  Adarman  advanced  from  Babylon,  traversed  the  desert, 
I  the  Euphrates,  insulted  the  suburbs  of  Antioch,  reduced  ca.d.  m] 
es  the  city  of  Apamea,  and  laid  the  spoils  of  Syria  at  the 
f  his  master,  whose  perseverance  in  the  midst  of  winter  at 
I  subverted  the  bulwark  of  the  East.  But  these  losses, 
astonished  the  provinces  and  the  court,  produced  a 
ry  eflfect  in  the  repentance  and  abdication  of  the  emperor 
I ;  a  new  spirit  arose  in  the  Byzantine  councils  ;  and  a  truce 
ee  vears  was  obtained  by  the  prudence  of  Tiberius.^  That  [a.d.8vk] 
lable  interval  was  employed  in  the  preparations  of  war ; 
lie  voice  of  rumour  proclaimed  to  the  world  that  from  the 
it  countries  of  the  Alps  and  the  Rhine,  from  Scjrthia, 
I,  Pannonia,  Illyricum,  and  Isauria,  the  strength  of  the 
rial  cavalry  was  reinforced  with  one  hundred  and  fifty 
and  soldiers.  Yet  the  king  of  Persia,  without  fear  or 
ut  faith,  resolved  to  prevent  the  attack  of  the  enemy ; 

passed  the  Euphrates  ;  and,  dismissing  the  ambassadors  of 
ius,  arrogantly  commanded  them  to  await  his  arrival  at 
ea,  the  metropolis  of  the  Cappadocian  provinces.  The  two 
s  encountered  each  other  in  the  battle  of  Melitene :  the  [a.]i.  bki 
rians,  who  darkened  the  air  with  a  cloud  of  arrows, 
iged  their  line,  and  extended  their  wings  across  the  plain ; 

the  Romans,  in  deep  and  solid  bodies,  expected  to  prevail 
ser  action,  by  the  weight  of  their  swords  and  lances.  A 
ian  chief,  who  commanded  their  right  wing,  suddenly 
d  the  flank  of  the  enemy,  attacked  their  rear-guard  in  the 
ace  of  Chosroes,  penetrated  to  the  midst  of  the  camp^ 
ed  the  royal  tent,  profisined  the  eternal  fire,  loaded  a  train 
oaels  with  the  spoils  of  Asia,  cut  his  way  through  the 
\n  host,  and  returned  with  songs  of  victory  to  his  mends, 
had  consumed  the  day  in  single  combats  or  ineffectual 

tie  tnioe  of  three  3rears  was  preceded  by  an  armistice  of  ajrear  (spring  574  to 
6175).    The  Romans  had  to  pay  a  sum  of  money  annually  for  the  tniOQ^      jM 
Udnot  apply  to  Penannenia;  cp.  John  of  Ephesus,  vi.  8.]  ,  *    V 


42  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

skirmishes.  The  darkness  of  the  night  and  the  separation  of 
the  Romans  afforded  the  Persian  monarch  an  opportunity  of 
revenge ;  and  one  of  their  camps  was  swept  away  bj  a  rapid 
and  impetuous  assault.  But  the  review  of  his  loss  and  the 
consciousness  of  his  danger  determined  Chosroes  to  a  speedy 
retreat ;  he  biumt,  in  his  passage,  the  vacant  town  of  Melitene ; 
and,  without  consulting  the  safety  of  his  troops,  boldly  swam 
the  Euphrates  on  the  back  of  an  elephant  J  After  this  unsuc- 
cessful campaign,  the  want  of  magazines,  and  perhaps  some 
inroad  of  the  Turks,  obliged  him  to  disband  or  divide  his  forces; 
the  Romans  were  left  masters  of  the  field,  and  their  general 
Justinian,  advancing  to  the  relief  of  the  Persarmenian  rebelsy 
erected  his  standard  on  the  banks  of  the  Arazes.  The  great 
Pompey  had  formerly  halted  within  three  da3rs'  march  of  the 
Caspian  ;  ^  that  inland  sea  was  explored,  for  the  first  time,  by  an 
hostile  fleet,^  and  seventy  thousand  captives  were  transplanted 
from  H3rrcania  to  the  isle  of  Cyprus.  On  the  return  of  spring; 
Justinian  descended  into  the  fertile  plains  of  Assyria,  the  flames 

«iL  of  war  approached  the  residence  of  Nushirvan,  the  indignant 
monarch  sunk  into  the  grave,  and  his  last  edict  restrained  his 
successors  from  exposing  their  person  in  a  battle  against  the 
Romans.  Yet  the  memory  of  this  transient  afiront  was  lost  in 
the  glories  of  a  long  reign  ;  and  his  formidable  enemies,  after 
indulging  their  dream  of  conquest,  again  solicited  a  short  respite 
from  the  calamities  of  war.^® 

^•ad       The  throne  of  Chosroes  Nushirvan  was  filled  by  Hormonx. 

rmon  or  Honuisdas,  the  eldest  or  the  most   favoured  of  his  sons, 

%m    With  the  kingdoms  of  Persia  and  India,  he  inherited  the  repa- 

V  [Cp.  John  Eph.,  vi.  8.  The  Romans  might  have  followed  t^  their  rictory,  or 
at  least  hmdered  the  destruction  of  Melitene.  Their  inactivity  is  ascribed  to  the 
mutual  jealousies  of  the  commanders.] 

'  He  had  vanquished  the  Albanians,  who  brought  into  the  field  Z2,ooo  hone 
and  60,000  foot ;  but  he  dreaded  the  multitude  of  venomous  reptiles,  wh(»e  exist- 
ence may  admit  of  some  doubt,  as  well  as  that  of  the  neighbouring  Amasons. 
Plutarch,  in  Pompeio,  torn,  il  p.  X165,  xz66  [c.  36]. 

*  In  the  history  of  the  world  I  can  only  perceive  two  navies  on  the  Caspian :  z. 
Of  the  Macedonians,  when  Patrocles,  the  admiral  of  the  kings  of  Syria,  Seleucus 
and  Antiochus,  descended  most  probably  the  river  Oxus,  from  tlie  confines  of 
India  (Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  vi.  21).  i.  Of  the  Russians,  when  Peter  the  First  con- 
ducted a  fleet  and  army  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Moscow  to  the  coast  of  Persia 
(Bell's  Travels,  vol  ii.  p.  325-359).  He  justly  observes  that  such  martial  pomp 
iBd  never  been  displayed  on  the  Volga. 

^^  For  these  Persian  wars  and  treaties,  see  Menander  in  Excerpt.  Legat  pi 
Z13  [le^,  1x4],  X2^  [fr.  33,  36  e/  sg^.f  in  F.  H.  Q.  It.].  Theophanes  Byzant  apud 
Pbotium,  cod.  Ixiv.  p.  77,  80,  8x.  Evagrius,  I.  v.  c.  7-15.  TheophyUict,  L  iii.  c 
9-Z6.    Agathias,  L  it.  p.  140  [c.  99].    Qohn  d  Ephesus,  vL  yi^    The  lait  edict 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  43 

I  example  of  his  &ther,  the  service,  in  every  rank, 
and  valiant  officers,  and  a  general  system  of  adminis- 
irmonized  hy  time  and  political  wisdom  to  promote 
less  of  the  prince  and  people.  But  the  royal  youth 
still  more  valuable  blessing,  the  friendship  of  a  sage 
trended  over  his  education,  and  who  always  preferred 
tr  to  the  interest  of  his  pupil,  his  interest  to  his 
u  In  a  dispute  with  the  Grreek  and  Indian  philo- 
uzuig  ^^  had  once  maintained  that  the  most  grievous 
i  cf£  life  is  old  age  without  the  remembrance  of  virtue  ; 
amdour  will  presume  that  the  same  principle  com- 
0,  during  three  years,  to  direct  the  councils  of  the 
ipire.  His  zeal  was  rewarded  by  the  gratitude  and 
Hormouz,  who  acknowledged  himself  more  indebted 
septor  than  to  his  parent ;  but,  when  age  and  labour 
r»i  the  strength  and  perhaps  the  Acuities  of  this 
lunsellor,  he  retired  from  court,  and  abandoned  the 
nonarch  to  his  own  passions  and  those  of  his  fiivourites. 
ml  vicissitude  of  human  affairs,  the  same  scenes  were 
t  Ctesiphon,  which  had  been  exiiibited  in  Rome  after 
of  Marcus  Antoninus.  The  ministers  of  flattery  and 
,  who  had  been  banished  by  the  father,  were  recalled 
bed  by  the  son ;  the  disgrace  and  exile  of  the  friends 
an  established  their  tyranny  ;  and  virtue  was  driven 
s  from  the  mind  of  Hormouz,  from  his  palace,  and 
;ovemment  of  the  state.^^  The  faithful  agents,  the 
ars  of  the  king,  informed  him  of  the  progress  of  dis- 
t  the  provincial  governors  flew  to  their  prey  with  the 
of  lions  and  eagles,  and  that  their  rapine  and  injustice 

eems  to  be  a  vain  invention  of  the  Greeks,  credulously  accepted  by 
Theophylact] 

kilihir  may  be  considered,  in  his  character  and  station,  as  the  Seneca 
bat  his  virtues,  and  perhaps  his  faults,  are  less  known  than  those  of 
vho  appears  to  have  been  much  more  loquacious.  The  Persian  sage 
on  who  impcMted  from  India  the  game  of  chess  and  the  fables  of 
ti  has  been  the  fame  of  his  wisdom  and  virtues  that  the  Christians 
a  believer  in  the  gospel ;  and  the  Mahometans  revere  Buzurg  as  a 
[usulman.  D'Herbelot,  Biblioth^ue  Orientale,  p.  aid.  [Buzuiff 
sorite  fijg^re  in  rhetorical  literature,  but  is  unknown  to  strict  nistoiy. 
,  Taban,  p.  251.] 

irk  portrait  of  Hormizd  is  based  on  the  accounts  of  the  Greek 
leopbylactus,  Menander,  Evagrios  (to  whidi  add  John  of  Ephesus,  vL 
mans  did  not  forgive  him  for  renewing  the  war.  Moreover  Theophy- 
9S  derived  his  ideas  of  the  character  of  Hormizd  from  Chosroes  IL 
ians  who  accompanied  him  to  Constantinople;  and  they  of  course 
dark  colours.  See  N5ldeke,  Tabari,  p.  265.  Hormizd  attempted 
a  power  of  the  magnates  and  the  priests,  and  strengthen  the  royal 


44  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

would  teach  the  most  loyal  of  his  subjects  to  abhor  the  nan 
and  authority  of  their  sovereign.  The  sincerity  of  this  advi* 
was  punished  with  death,  the  murmurs  of  the  cities  we 
despised,  their  tumults  were  quelled  by  military  executioi 
the  intermediate  powers  between  the  throne  and  the  peop 
were  abolished;  and  the  childish  vanity  of  Hormouc,  wl 
affected  the  daily  use  of  the  tiara,  was  fond  of  declaring  th 
he  alone  would  be  the  judge  as  well  as  the  master  of  1: 
kingdom.  In  every  word  and  in  every  action,  the  son 
Nushirvan  degenerated  from  the  virtues  of  his  fiither.  H 
avarice  defiratuded  the  troops ;  his  jealous  caprice  degraded  t] 
satraps;  the  palace,  the  tribunals,  the  waters  of  the  Tigr 
were  stained  with  the  blood  of  the  innocent ;  and  the  tyra: 
exulted  in  the  sufferings  and  execution  of  thirteen  thousai 
victims.  As  the  excuse  of  his  cruelty,  he  sometimes  cond 
scended  to  observe  that  the  fears  of  the  Persians  would  1 
productive  of  hatred,  and  that  their  hatred  must  terminate 
rebellion;  but  he  forgot  that  his  own  guilt  and  folly  had  i 
spired  the  sentiments  which  he  deplored,  and  prepared  ti 
event  which  he  so  justly  apprehended.  Exasperated  by  loi 
and  hopeless  oppression,  the  provinces  of  Babylon,  Susa,  ai 
Carmania  erected  the  standard  of  revolt;  and  the  princes 
Arabia,  India,  and  Scythia  refused  the  customary  tribute  to  tl 
unworthy  successor  of  Nushirvan.  The  arms  of  the  Romai 
in  slow  sieges  and  frequent  inroads,  afflicted  the  frontiers 
Mesopotamia  and  Assyria ;  one  of  their  generals  professed  hii 
self  the  disciple  of  Scipio ;  and  the  soldiers  were  animated  bj 
miraculous  image  of  Christ,  whose  mild  aspect  should  nev 
have  been  displayed  in  the  frt)nt  of  battle.^^  At  the  same  tin 
the  eastern  provinces  of  Persia  were  invaded  by  the  great  khan 
.n.  B«]  who  passed  the  Oxus  at  the  head  of  three  or  rour  hundrt 
thousand  Turks.  The  imprudent  Hormouz  accepted  th< 
perfidious  and  formidable  aid  ;  the  cities  of  Khorasan 
Bactriana  were  commanded  to  open  their  gates;  the  march 
the  barbarians  towards  the  mountains  of  H3nrcania  revealed  tl 

power  by  the  support  of  the  lower  classes.     It  was  a  bold  poliqr,  too  bold  for 
talents.] 


manufacture ;  but  in  the  next  thousand  years  many  others  issued  firom  the  sa 
work-shop. 

^*  [He  is  named  Sh&ba  by  Hish&m.  apud  Tabari  (N&ldeke,  p.  969) ;  a 
Remusat  identified  him  with  Chao-wu,  a  luiaQ  who  is  mentioned  at  this  time 
the  Chinese  annals.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  45 

ndence  of  the  Turkish  and  Roman  aims;  and  their 
oat  have  subverted  the  throne  of  the  house  of  Sassan. 

had  been  lost  by  a  king;  it  was  saved  by  a  hero. MoHit« 
8  revolt,  Varanes  or  Bahram  is  stigmatized  by  the  son  a.s.  m 
ou2  as  an  ungrateful  slave :  the  proud  and  ambiguous 

of  despotism,  since  he  was  trulv  descended  firom  the 
3rince8  of  Rei,^  one  of  the  seven  nimilies  whose  splendid 

as  substantial  prerogatives  exalted  them  above  the 
'  the  Persian  nobility.^^  At  the  siege  of  Dara,  the 
f  Bahram  was  signalised  under  the  eyes  of  Nushirvan, 
1  the  &ther  and  son  successively  promoted  him  to  the 
d  of  armies,  the  government  of  Media,  and  the  superin- 
t  of  the  palace.  The  popular  prediction  which  marked 
the  deliverer  of  Persia  might  be  inspired  by  his  past 

and  extraordinary  figure ;  the  epithet  Giubin  is  ex-CAoMa] 

of  the  quality  of  dry  wood;  he  had  the  strength  and 
if  a  giant,  and  his  savage  countenance  was  fancifullv 
d  to  that  of  a  wild  cat.  While  the  nation  trembled, 
ormouz  disguised  his  terror  by  the  name  of  suspicion, 
servants  concealed  their  disloyalty  under  the  mask  of 
iram  alone  displayed  his  undaunted  courage  and  ap- 
idelity  ;  and,  as  soon  as  he  found  that  no  more  than 
housand  soldiers  would  follow  him  against  the  enemy, 
ently  declared  that  to  this  &tal  number  heaven  had 

the  honours  of  the  triumph.  The  steep  and  narrow 
of  the  Pule  Rudbar  ^^  or  Hjrrcanian  rock  is  the  only 
oogh  which  an  army  can  penetrate  into  the  territory 

,  or  Rei,  is  mentioned  in  the  apocryphal  book  of  Tobit  as  already 
,  700  years  before  Christ,  under  the  Assyrian  empire.  Under  the  foreign 
Uiropns  and  Arsatia,  this  city,  500  stadia  to  the  south  of  the  Caspian 
successively  embellished  by  the  Macedonians  and  Parthians  (Strabo, 
96  [c.  13,  6]).  Its  grandeur  and  populousness  in  the  ixth  century  is 
d  beyond  the  bounds  of  credibility ;  out  Rei  has  been  since  ruined  by 
be  unwholesomeness  of  the  air.  Chardin,  Voyage  en  Perse,  torn.  L  p. 
D'Herbelot,  Bibliot.  Oriental  p.  714.  [Rei  or  Rayy  was  a  little  to  the 
'eheran.] 

ibylact,  L  iii.  c.  18.  The  story  of  the  seven  Persians  is  told  in  the  third 
irodotus ;  and  their  noble  descendants  are  often  mentioned,  especially 
nents  of  Ctesias.  Yet  the  independence  of  Otanes  (Herodot.  1.  iil  c. 
lostile  to  the  sp»trit  of  despotism,  and  it  may  not  seem  probable  that 
iamilies  could  survive  the  revolutions  of  eleven  hundred  years.  They 
ever  be  represented  by  the  seven  ministers  (Brisson,  de  Regno  Persioo, 
1) ;  and  some  Persian  nobles,  like  the  kings  of  Pontus  (Polyb.  I  v.  p. 
f  al)  and  Cappadocia  (Diodor.  Sicul.  L  zxxi.  torn,  it  p.  5x7  [c.  19]), 
n  their  descent  from  the  bold  companions  of  Darius. 

I  accurate  description  of  this  mountain  by  Olearius  fVoj^afe  en  PerM, 
)•  who  ascended  it  with  much  diflSculty  and  danger  in  his  velum  from 
the  Caspian 


46  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  Rei  and  the  plains  of  Media.  From  the  commanding  heigl 
a  band  of  resolute  men  might  overwheboa  with  stones  and  ds 
the  myriads  of  the  Turkish  host:  their  emperor  and  his  i 
were  transpierced  with  arrows ;  and  the  fugitives  were  L 
without  counsel  or  provisions,  to  the  revenge  of  an  injw 
people.  The  patriotism  of  the  Persian  general  was  stimula* 
by  his  affection  for  the  city  of  his  fore&thers  ;  in  the  hour 
victory  every  peasant  became  a  soldier,  and  every  soldier 
hero ;  and  their  ardour  was  kindled  by  the  gorgeous  specta 
of  beds  and  thrones  and  tables  of  massy  gold,  the  spoils 
Asia,  and  the  luxury  of  the  hostile  camp.  A  prince  of  a  ] 
malignant  temper  could  not  easily  have  forgiven  his  bene£ftd 
and  the  secret  hatred  of  Hormouz  was  envenomed  bj 
malicious  report  that  Bahram  had  privately  retained  the  m 
precious  fruits  of  his  Turkish  victory.  But  the  approach  c 
Roman  army  on  the  side  of  the  Araxes  compelled  the  i 
placable  tyrant  to  smile  and  to  applaud ;  and  the  toils 
Bahram  were  rewarded  with  the  permission  of  encounterin 
new  enemy,  by  their  skill  and  discipline  more  formidable  tl 
a  Scythian  multitude.  Elated  by  his  recent  success,  he  i 
patched  an  herald  with  a  bold  defiance  to  the  camp  of  < 
Romans,  requesting  them  to  fix  a  day  of  battle,  and  to  cho 
whether  they  would  pass  the  river  themselves  or  allow  a  f 
passage  to  the  arms  of  the  Great  King.  The  lieutenant  of  ^ 
emperor  Maurice  preferred  the  safer  alternative,  and  this  k 
circumstance,  which  would  have  enhanced  the  victory  of  ^ 
Persians,  rendered  their  defeat  more  bloody  and  their  esoi 
more  difficult.  But  the  loss  of  his  subjects  and  the  dangei 
his  kingdom  were  overbalanced  in  the  mind  of  Hormouz 
the  disgrace  of  his  personal  enemy  ;  and  no  sooner  had  Bahi 
collected  and  reviewed  his  forces  than  he  received  from 
royal  messenger  the  insulting  gift  of  a  distaff,  a  spinni 
wheel,  and  a  complete  suit  of  female  appareL  Obedient 
the  will  of  his  sovereign,  he  shewed  himself  to  the  soldien 
this  unworthy  disguise ;  they  resented  his  ignominy  and  tl: 
own ;  a  shout  of  rebellion  ran  through  the  ranks ;  and  1 
general  accepted  their  oath  of  fidelity  and  vows  of  reven 
A  second  messenger,  who  had  been  ocmimanded  to  bring  1 
rebel  in  chains,  was  trampled  under  the  feet  of  an  elepha 
nuxuau  and  manifestos  were  diligently  circulated,  exhorting  the  Persi 
to  assert  their  freedom  against  an  odious  and  oontempti 
tyrant  The  defection  w&s  rapid  and  universal ;  his  lo3ral  sla 
were  sacrificed  to  the  public  fury ;  the  troops  deserted  to  1 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  47 

sUndard    of  Bahrain;  and    the   provinces   again   saluted  the 
deliverer  of  his  country. 

As  the  passes  were  £uthfully  guarded,  Hormouz  could  only 
oompate  toe  number  of  his  enemies  W  the  testimony  of  a  guilty 
eooscience,  and  the  daOy  defection  of  those  who,  in  the  hour  of 
his  distress,  avenged  their  wrongs  or  forgot  their  obligations.  He 
proadly  displayed  the  ensigns  of  royalty ;  but  the  city  and  palace 
of  Modain  had  already  escaped  from  the  hand  of  the  tyrant. 
Amon^  the  victims  of  his  cruelty,  Bindoes,  a  Sassanian  prince, 
had  been  cast  into  a  dungeon ;  lids  fetters  were  broken  by  the 
leal  and  courage  of  a  brother ;  and  he  stood  before  the  king 
st  the  head  of  those  trusty  guards  who  had  becin  chosen  as  the 
ministers  of  his  confinement  and  perhaps  of  his  death.    Alarmed 

5^  the  hasty  intrusion  and  bold  reproaches  of  the  captive, 
onnouz  looked  round,  but  in  vain,  for  advice  or  assistance ; 
discovered  that  his  strength  consisted  in  the  obedience  of 
otheiSy  and  patiently  yielded  to  the  single  arm  of  Bindoes,  who 
druged  him  from  the  throne  to  the  same  dungeon  in  which 
he  h^nself  had  been  so  lately  confined.  At  the  first  tumult, 
Chosvoes,  the  eldest  of  the  sons  of  Hormouz,  escaped  from  the 
6ty  ;  he  was  persuaded  to  return  by  the  pressing  and  friendly 
invitation  of  Bindoes,  who  promised  to  seat  him  on  his  father's 
throne^  and  who  expected  to  reign  under  the  name  of  an  in- 
experienced youth.  In  the  just  assurance  that  his  accomplices 
eoold  neither  forgive  nor  hope  to  be  forgiven,  and  that  every 
Persian  might  be  trusted  as  the  judge  and  enemy  of  the  tyrant, 
he  instituted  a  pubhc  trial  without  a  precedent  and  without  a 
eopj  in  the  annals  of  the  East.  The  son  of  Nushirvan,  who 
had  requested  to  plead  in  his  own  defence,  was  introduced  as 
a  criminal  into  the  full  assembly  of  the  nobles  and  satraps.^^ 
He  was  heard  with  decent  attention  as  long  as  he  expatiated 
on  the  advantages  of  order  and  obedience,  the  danger  of  in- 
novation, and  the  inevitable  discord  of  those  who  had  en- 
(  eounged  each  other  to  trample  on  their  lawful  and  hereditary 
•overeign.  By  a  pathetic  appeal  to  their  humanity,  he  ex- 
torted that  pity  which  is  seldom  refused  to  the  fiiUen  fortunes 
of  a  king ;  and,  while  they  beheld  the  abject  posture  and 
iqoalid  appearance  of  the  prisoner,  his  tears,  his  chains,  and 
the  marks  of  ignominious  stripes,  it  was  impossible  to  forget 
how  recently  they  had  adored  the  divine   splendour  of  his 

*The  Orientals  suppoae  that  Bahram  convened  this  assembly  and  prodaimed 
ChoBOCi,  but  Tbeopojlact  is,  in  this  instance,  more  distinct  and  credible. 


dlMA 


48  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

diadem  and  purple.  But  an  angry  marmnr  arose  in  the 
assembly  as  soon  as  he  presmned  to  vindicate  his  conduct 
and  to  applaud  the  victories  of  his  reign.  He  defined  the 
duties  of  a  king,  and  the  Persian  nobles  listened  with  a  smile 
of  contempt ;  they  were  fired  with  indignation  when  he  dared 
to  vilify  the  character  of  Chosroes ;  and  by  the  indiscreet  offer 
of  resigning  the  sceptre  to  the  second  of  his  sons  he  subscribed 
his  own  condemnation  and  sacrificed  the  life  of  his  innocent 
favourite.  The  mangled  bodies  of  the  boy  and  his  mother 
were  exposed  to  the  people  ;  the  eyes  of  Hormouz  were  pierced 
with  a  hot  needle ;  and  the  punishment  of  the  father  was 
succeeded  by  the  coronation  of  his  eldest  son.  Chosroes  had 
ascended  the  throne  without  guilt,  and  his  piety  strove  to 
alleviate  the  miseiy  of  the  abdicated  monarch ;  from  the 
dungeon  he  removed  Hormouz  to  an  apartment  of  the  palace, 
supplied  with  liberality  the  consolations  of  sensual  enjoyment, 
and  patiently  endured  the  furious  sallies  of  his  resentment 
and  despair.  He  might  despise  the  resentment  of  a  blind  and 
unpopular  tyrant,  but  the  tiara  was  trembling  on  his  head,  till 
he  could  subvert  the  power,  or  acquire  the  friendship,  of  the 
great  Bahram,  who  sternly  denied  the  justice  of  a  revolution 
in  which  himself  and  his  soldiers,  the  true  representatives  of 
Persia,  had  never  been  consulted.  The  offer  of  a  genera] 
amnesty  and  of  the  second  rank  in  his  kingdom  was  answered^ 
by  an  epistle  from  Bahram,  friend  of  the  gods,  conqueror  ot 
men,  and  enemy  of  ^rrants,  the  satrap  of  satraps,  general  of 
the  Persian  armies,  and  a  prince  adorned  with  the  title  of  eleven 
virtues.^®  He  commands  Chosroes,  the  son  of  Hormouz,  to  shun 
the  example  and  &te  of  his  &ther,  to  confine  the  traitors  who 
had  been  released  from  their  chains,  to  deposit  in  some  holy 
place  the  diadem  which  he  had  usurped,  and  to  accept  fix>m 
tiis  gracious  benefiictor  the  pardon  of  his  fiiults  and  the  govern- 
ment of  a  province.  The  rebel  might  not  be  proud,  and  the 
king  most  assuredly  was  not  humble ;  but  the  one  was  con- 
scious of  his  strength,  the  other  was  sensible  of  his  weakness ; 
and  even  the  modest  language  of  his  reply  still  left  room  for 

>*[Aooording  to  Ttbari  (Ndldeke,  n.  876),  Cboiroes  and  Bahram  had  an 
interview  on  the  banks  of  the  Naharvin.  J 

*  See  the  words  of  Theophjlact,  L  !▼.  c.  7.     Ba#^  ^cXof  rsTt  9flt,  runrvt 

In  this  answer  Chosroes  stjks  hinudf  rf  mmtI  x«p^<ofMvo«  iiifiara  ...  4  t©^  'Aommw 
(the  genii)  fu9#o4Mv«f  [c.  8,  5.  The  meaniBg  of  "A^vm^  is  quite  obtcuxe].  This 
it  genuine  Orintal  bombait. 


» 


fliMtOtk* 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  49 

treaty  and  reconciliation.  Chosroes  led  into  the  field  the  slaves 
of  the  palace  and  the  populace  of  the  capital;  they  beheld  with 
terror  the  banners  of  a  veteran  army ;  they  were  encompassed 
and  surprised  by  the  evolutions  of  the  general ;  and  the  satraps 
who  had  deposed  Hormouz  received  the  punishment  of  their 
revolt,  or  expiated  their  first  treason  by  a  second  and  more 
criminal  act  of  disloyalty.  The  life  and  lioerty  of  Chosroes  were 
saved,  but  he  was  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  imploring  aid 
or  refuge  in  some  foreign  land ;  and  the  implacable  Bindoes, 
inxious  to  secure  an  unquestionable  title,  hastily  returned  to 
the  palace,  and  ended,  with  a  bow-string,  the  wretched  exist- SMthtf 
ence  of  the  son  of  Nushirvan.^^  SSTSo* 

While  Chosroes  dispatched  the  preparations  of  his  retreat,  he 
deliberated  with  his  remaining  mends  ^  whether  he  should 
loric  in  the  vallejrs  of  Mount  Caucasus,  or  fiy  to  the  tents  of  the 
Turks,  or  solicit  the  protection  of  the  emperor.  The  long 
emulation  of  the  successors  of  Artaxerxes  and  Constantine  in- 
creased his  reluctance  to  appear  as  a  suppliant  in  a  rival  court ; 
but  he  weighed  the  forces  of  the  Romans,  and  prudently  con- 
sidered that  the  neighbourhood  of  Syria  would  render  his 
escape  more  easy  and  their  succours  more  effectuaL  Attended 
only  by  his  concubines  and  a  troop  of  thirty  guards,  he  secretly 
departed  from  the  capital,  fiollowea  the  banlu  of  the  Euphrates, 
traversed  the  desert,  and  halted  at  the  distance  of  ten  miles 
from  Circesium.  About  the  third  watch  of  the  night,  the 
Boman  prsefect  was  informed  of  his  approach,  and  he  introduced 
the  royal  stranger  to  the  fortress  at  the  dawn  of  day.  From 
thence  the  king  of  Persia  was  conducted  to  the  more  honourable 
residence  of  Hierapolis ;  ^  and  Maurice  dissembled  his  pride, 
and  displayed  his  benevolence,  at  the  reception  of  the  letters 
and  ambanadors  of  the  grandson  of  Nushirvan.  They  humbly 
represented  the  vidssitudes  of  fortune  and  the  common  interest 


I  ^^Tbeophylact  (L  iv.  c.  7)  imputes  the  death  of  Honnoux  to  his  son,  by  whose 
oommand  he  was  beaten  to  death  with  clubs.  I  have  followed  the  milder  account 
of  Kbondcmir  and  Entychius  [and  so  Tabari,  p.  aSo]  and  shall  always  be  content 
with  the  sli^test  evidoioe  to  extenuate  the  crime  of  parricide.  [The  account  of 
Sefaaeoa,  p.  33-4,  also  exonerates  Chosroes.] 

*>  After  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  the  Pompey  of  Lucan(l.  viiL  956-455)  holds  a 
amilar  debate.  He  was  himself  desirous  of  seeking  the  nuthians ;  but  his  com- 
panioDS  aUiorred  the  unnatural  alliance;  and  the  adverse  prejudices  might 
operate  as  forcibly  on  Chosroes  and  his  companions,  who  could  describe,  with  the 
ame  vehemence,  the  oontrast  of  laws,  religion,  and  manners,  between  the  East 
aadWest. 

*rThe  letter  was  dispatched  from  Circesium,  the  frontier  town  (TheophyL,  ^ 
20) ;  Tabari  falsely  says,  from  Antioch  (p.  28a).  1 

Toii.  y.  4 


£0  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

4>f  princes,  exaggerated  the  ingratitude  of  Bahram,  the  agent  of 
the  evil  principle,  and  urged,  with  specious  argument,  that  it  was 
for  the  advantage  of  the  Romans  themselves  to  support  the  two 
monarchies  which  balance  the  world,  the  two  great  luminaries 
by  whose  salutary  influence  it  is  vivified  and  adorned.     The 
anxiety  of  Chosroes  was  soon  relieved  by  the  assurance  that  the 
emperor  had  espoused  the  cause  of  justice  and  royalty ;  but 
Maurice  prudently  declined  the  expense  and  delay  of  his  use-     < 
less  visit  to  Constantinople.     In  the  name  of  his  generous  bene- 
fi&ctor,  a  rich  diadem  was  presented  to  the  fugitive  prince  with     > 
an  inestimable  gift  of  jewels  and  gold ;  a  powerAil  army  was    I 
assembled  on  the  frontiers  of  Syria  and  Armenia,  under  the     I 
command  of  the  valiant  and  futhml  Narses ;  ^^  and  this  general,     \ 
of  his  own  nation  and  his  own  choice,  was  directed  to  pass  the 
Tigris,  and  never  to  sheath  his  sword  till  he  had  restored 
Chosroes  to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors.     The  enterprise,  how- 
it  ntva     ever  splendid,  was  less  arduous  than  it  might  appear.     Persia 
had  already  repented  of  her  fiital  rashness,  which  betrayed  the 
heir  of  the  house  of  Sassan  to  the  ambition  of  a  rebelUous 
subject ;  and  the  bold  refusal  of  the  Magi  to  consecrate  his 
usurpation  compelled  Bahiam  to  assume  the  sceptre,  regardless 
of  the  laws  and  prejudices  of  the  nation.     The  palace  was  soon 
distracted  with  conspiracy,  the  city  with  tumult,  the  provinces 
with  insurrection ;  and  the  cruel  execution  of  the  guilty  and  the 
suspected  served   to  irritate  rather  than  subdue  the  public 
discontent.     No  sooner  did  the  grandson  of  Nushirvan  display 
his  own  and  the  Ronuui  banners  beyond  the  Tigris  than  he  was    } 
joined,  each  day,  by  the  increasing  multitudes  of  the  nobility    ^ 
and  people ;  and,  as  he  advanced,  he  received  from  every  side    ] 
the  grateful  offerings  of  the  keys  of  his  cities  and  the  h^ids  of 
his  enemies.     As  soon  as  Modain  was  freed  from  the  presence 
of  the  usurper,  the  loyal  inhabitants  obeyed  the  first  summons 
of  Mebodes  at  the  head  of  only  two  thousand  horse,  and  Chosroes 
accepted  the  sacred  and  precious  ornaments  of  the  palace  as  the 
pledge  of  their  truth  and  a  presage  of  his  approaching  success. 
After  the  junction  of  the  Imperial  troops,  which  Bahram  vainly 

**  In  this  age  there  were  three  warriors  of  the  name  of  Narus,  who  have  been 
often  confounded  (Pagi,  Critica,  torn.  ii.  p.  640) :  i.  A  Persannenian,  the  brother 
of  Isaac  and  Armatius,  who,  after  a  inooessful  action  against  Belisarius,  deserted 
from  his  Persian  sovereign  and  afterwards  served  in  the  Italian  war. — a.  The 
eunuch  who  concjuered  ludy. — 3.  The  restorer  of  Chosroes,  who  is  celebrated  in 
the  poem  of  Corippus  (I.  iit  990*227)  as  ezcelsus  super  omnia  vertice  agmina  .  .  . 
habitu  modestus  .  .  •  roonrni  prooitate  placens,  virtute  verendus;  fiilmincnii 
auttas,  vigiltms,  Ac,    [Compare  above,  vol  iv.  p.  4x2,  n.  55.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  51 

struggled  to  prevent,  the  contest  was  decided  by  two  battles  on 

the  banks  of  the  Zab  and  the  confines  of  Media.     The  Romans.  aMiiMi 

'  *  - 

with  the  £Euthful  subjects  of  Persia,  amounted  to  sixty  thousand, 
while  the  whole  force  of  the  usurper  did  not  exceed  forty 
thousand  men;  the  two  generals  signalised  their  valour  and 
ability,  but  the  victory  was  finally  determined  by  the  prevalence 
of  numbers  and  discipline.  With  the  remnant  of  a  broken  army, 
Bahram  fled  towards  the  eastern  provinces  of  the  Oxus ;  ^^ 
the  enmity  of  Persia  reconciled  him  to  the  Turks  ;  but  his  days  p^«f 
were  shortened  by  poison,  perhaps  the  most  incurable  of  poisons : 
the  stings  of  remorse  and  despair,  and  the  bitter  remembrance 
of  lost  glonr.  Yet  the  modem  Persians  still  commemorate  the 
exploits  of  Bahram;  and  some  excellent  laws  have  prolcmged 
the  duration  of  his  troubled  and  transitory  reign. 

The  restoration  of  Chosroes  was  celebrated  with  feasts  andi^j^^ 
executions;  and  the  music  of  the  royal  banquet  was  o^^^c^^j'^^ 
disturbed  by  the  groans  of  dying  or  mutilated  criminals,  A 
genoml  paidon  might  have  diffused  comfort  and  tranquillity 
through  a  country  which  had  been  shaken  by  the  late  revolu- 
tions ;  yet,  before  the  sanguinary  temper  of  Chosroes  is  blamed, 
we  should  learn  whether  the  Persians  had  not  been  accustomed 
either  to  dread  the  rigour,  or  to  despise  the  weakness,  of  their 
soveieign.  The  revolt  of  Bahram  and  the  conspiracy  of  the 
satraps  were  impartially  punished  by  the  revenge  or  justice  of 
the  conqueror ;  the  merits  of  Blndoes  himself  could  not  purify 
his  hand  from  the  guilt  of  royal  blood ;  and  the  son  of  Hormouz 
was  desirous  to  assert  his  own  innocence  and  to  vindicate  the 
sanctity  of  kings.  During  the  vigour  of  the  Ronuui  power, 
several  jMinces  were  seated  on  the  throne  of  Persia  by  the  arms 
and  the  authority  of  the  first  Ciesars.  But  their  new  subjects 
were  soon  disgusted  with  the  vices  or  virtues  which  they  had 
Imbtb^  in  a  foreign  land;  the  instability  of  their  dominion 
gave  birth  to  a  vulgar  observation  that  the  choice  of  Rome  was 
solicited  and  rejected  with  equal  ardour  by  the  capricious  levity 
(»f  Oriental  slaves.^  But  the  glory  of  Maurice  was  conspicuous 
in  the  long  and  fortunate  reign  of  his  wn  and  his  ally.  A  band 
of  a  thousand  Romans,  who  continued  to  guard  the  person  of 
Chosroes,   proclaimed  his   confidence    in  the  fidelity  of   the 

*■•  [Sebaeos  {m.  3,  tr.  Patkan.,  p.  43)  says  he  fled  to  Balkh  and  was  pat  to  death 
dMfelqr  the  intrigues  of  Chosroes.  For  the  romance  of  Bahrftm— composed  between 
the  death  o£  Chosroes  II.  and  the  fall  of  the  Pttaan  kingdom— see  NdMeke,  tf, 
dtp,  474  jyf .] 

"Expernnentis cognitmn  est  barbaros  malle  Rom&  p^ere  reges  quam  habere. 
These  experiments  are  admirably  represented  in  the  invitaxioa  and  e3i^K:^^»x  d 
VooooeslAmiBL  iL  i-j),  Tbidata  (Aaatd.  vl  32-44),  and  M<hieceAl»VXxma\.^ 


52  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

strangers  ;  his  growing  strength  enabled  him  to  dismiss  this  un- 
popular aid,  but  he  steadily  professed  the  same  gratitude  and 
reverence  to  his  adopted  father ;  and,  till  the  death  of  Maurice, 
the  peace  and  alliance  of  the  two  empires  were  £uthfully  main- 
tained. Yet  the  mercenary  friendsnip  of  the  Roman  prince 
had  been  purchased  with  costly  and  important  gifts :  the  strong 
cities  of  Martyropolis  and  Dara  were  restored,  and  the  Persar- 
menians  became  the  willing  subjects  of  an  empire,  whose 
eastern  limit  was  extended,  beyond  the  example  of  former 
times,  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Araxes  and  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Caspian.  A  pious  hope  was  indulged  that  the  church 
as  well  as  the  state  might  triumph  in  this  revolution ;  but,  if 
ChosToes  had  sincerely  listened  to  the  Christian  bishops,  the 
impression  was  erased  by  the  zeal  and  eloquence  of  the  Ma;^ ; 
if  he  was  armed  with  philosophic  indifference,  he  accommodated 
his  belief,  or  rather  his  professions,  to  the  various  circumstances 
of  an  exile  and  a  sovereign.  The  imaginary  conversion  of 
the  king  of  Persia  was  reduced  to  a  local  and  superstitious 
veneration  for  Sergius,^  one  of  the  saints  of  Antioch,  who  heard 
his  prayers  and  appeared  to  him  in  dreams ;  he  enriched  the 
shrine  with  offerings  of  gold  and  silver,  and  ascribed  to  this 
invisible  patron  the  success  of  his  arms,  and  the  pregnancy  of 
Sira,  a  devout  Christian  and  the  best  beloved  of  his  wives.-<^ 
The  beauty  of  Sira,  or  Schirin,^  her  wit,  her  musical  talents, 

lo,  xii.  10-14).  I^c  ^c  ^  Tacitus  seems  to  have  transpierced  the  camp. of  the 
Parthians  and  the  walls  of  the  harem. 

^Sergins  and  his  companion  Bacchus,  who  are  said  to  have  suffered  in  the 
persecution  of  Maximian,  obtained  divine  honour  in  France,  Italy,  Constantinople, 
and  the  East.  Their  tomb  at  Rasaphe  was  famous  for  miracles,  and  that  Syrian 
town  acquired  the  more  honourable  name  of  Sergiopolis.  Tillemont,  M^m. 
Eccl<5s.  tom.  V.  p.  491-496.  Butler's  Saints,  vol  x.  p.  155,  [One  of  the  sources 
used  by  Taban  transforms  Sergius  into  a  general  sent  by  Maurice  to  restore 
Chosroes  to  the  throne.    For  Maurice's  Armenian  acquisitions  cp.  Appendix  5.I 

^  Evajgjius  (1.  vi  a  ai)  and  Tbeophylact  (I  v.  a  13, 14)  have  preserved  the  onginal 
letters  of  Chosroes  written  in  Greek,  signed  with  his  own  hand,  and  afterwards 
inscribed  on  crosses  and  tables  of  gold,  which  were  deposited  in  the  church  ol 
Semopolis.    They  had  been  sent  to  the  bishop  of  Antioch,  as  primate  of  Syria. 

^  The  Greeks  only  describe  her  as  a  Roman  by  birth,  a  Christian  by  r^igion ; 
but  she  is  represented  as  the  daughter  of  the  emperor  Maurice  in  the  Persian  and 
Turkish  romances,  which  celebrate  the  love  of  Knosrou  for  Schirin,  of  Schirin  for 
Ferhad,  the  most  beautiful  youth  of  the  East.  D'Herbek>t,  Biblioth.  Orient. 
P>  789*  997i  99?*  n^c  name  Shirin  is  Persian,  and  Sebaeos  expressly  states  that 
she  was  a  native  of  Khtlzistfin  (c.  5,  p.  50,  Russ.  Tr.),  but  agrees  with  the  other 
sources  that  she  was  a  Christian.  Taoari  |p.  383)  states  that  Maurice  gave 
Chosroes  his  daughter  Maria,  and  it  seems  that  Persian  tradition  is  unanimous 
(Nfildeke,  1^.)  in  recording  that  Chosroes  married  a  daughter  of  the  emperor  and 
that  she  was  the  mother  01  ShErOe  (Siroes).  If  Maria  had  been  given  to  Chosroes 
at  the  time  of  his  restoration,  the  circumstance  could  hardly  uiil  to  have  been 
noticed  by  Theophylactus ;  the  silence  of  the  Greek  sources  is,  m  any  case,  curious. 
Tbe  cbroDtclc  ci  Mkihael  the  Syrian,  it  is  true,  supports  the  statement  of  Tabari 
(Joum.  AaiMt,  1848,  Oct,  p,  908).] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  53 

kmous  in  the  history  or  rather  in  the  romances  of  the 
r  own  name  is  expressive,  in  the  Persian  tongue^  of 
I  and  grace  ;  and  the  epithet  of  Parviz  ^  alludes  to  the 
r  her  Toytl  lover.  Yet  Sira  never  shared  the  passion 
e  inspired,  and  the  bliss  of  Chooroes  was  tortured  by 

doubt  that,  while  he  possessed  her  person,  she  had 

her  affections  on  a  meaner  &vourite.^ 
the  majesty  of  the  Roman  name  was  revived  in  the  rrid*.  pouer 

prospect  of  Europe  is  less  pleasing  and  less  glorious.  th«2^tt 
eparture  of  the  Lombards  and  the  ruin  of  the  Gepidse,  a.s.WSoq^ 
ice  of  power  was  destroyed  on  the  Danube ;  and  the  ^^ 
read  their  permanent  dominion  from  the  foot  of  the 
be  sea-coast  of  the  Euxine.     The  reign  of  Baian  is  the 

sera  of  their  monarchy ;  their  chagan,  who  occupied 
i  palace  of  Attila,  appears  to  have  imitated  his  char* 
.  policy ;  ^^  but,  as  the  same  scenes  were  repeated  in  a 
fircle,  a  minute  representation  of  the  copy  would  be 
f  the  greatness  and  novelty  of  the  originaL*^    The 

the  second  Justin^  of  Tiberius,   and   Maurice,  was 

by  a  proud  barbarian,  more  prompt  to  inflict,  than 
to  suffer,  the  injuries  of  war ;  and,  as  often  as  Asia 

uune/orwft  or  afarwiz  seems  to  mean  "victorious" ;  cp.  NOldeke, 

7S-1 

lioic  senes  of  the  tyranny  of  Hormouz,  the  revolt  of  Bahram.  and  the 

storation  of  Chosroes,  is  related  by  two  contemporary  Greeks — more 

Evagrius  (l  vi.  c.  i6,  17,  18,  19),  and  most  diffusely  by  Tbeophylact 
L  iii  c.  6-18,  I.  iv.  c.  z-i6, 1.  v.  c.  1-15);  sucdeedmg  compilers, 
I  Cedrenus,  can  only  transcribe  and  abridge.  Hie  Christian  Arabs, 
AnnaL  tom.  il  p.  900-208)  and  Abulpharagius  (Dynast  p.  96^), 
tve  consulted  some  particular  memoirs.    The  great  Persian  historians 

century,  Mirkhond  and  Khondemir,  are  only  known  to  me  t^  the 
ctracts  of  Schikard  (Tarikh,  p.  I5o-z50,  Texeira,  or  rather  Stevens 
Tsia,  p.  182-186),  a  Turkish  Ms.  translated  by  the  Abb6  Fourmont 
\caddnue  des  Inscriptioos,  tom.  vii.  p.  325-334),  and  D'Herbdot  (aoz 
mm^  p.  457-459 ;  Bahramy  p.  174  ;  Khosrou  Parvit^  p.  996).  Were  I 
tisfied  of  their  authority,  I  could  wish  these  Oriental  materials  had 
ofnoos.     [We  can  add  Tabari  and  Seboeos.] 

aal  idea  of  the  pride  and  po>ver  of  the  chagan  may  be  taken  from 
EzcerpL  Lmt  p.  Z17,  &c.  [fr.  27,  pp.  832-3,  in  F.  H.  G.  iv.])  and 
L  (L  L  c  3 ;  L  vii  c.  i^),  whose  eight  books  are  much  more  honourable 
than  to  the  Roman  prince.    The  predecessors  of  Baian  had  tasted  the 

Rome,  and  he  survived  the  reign  of  Maurice  (Buat,  Hist,  des  Peuples 
tn.  zL  p.  545).  The  chagan  who  invaded  Italy  a.d.  611  (Muratori. 
.  V.  p.  305^  was  then  juvenili  aetateflorentem(Patil  Wamefrid,  de  Gest 

L  v.  &  38),  the  son,  perhaps,  or  the  grandson,  of  Baian.  [Baian  was 
f  his  eldest  son ;  and  he  by  a  younger  brother,  who  was  chagan  in  a.d. 
le  Rdadoo  of  the  siege  of  Constantinople  in  that  year  ap.  Mai,  x.  p. 
know  ooc  which  of  the  sons  was  chagan  in  A.D.  511.] 
tofy  of  the  Avar  invasions  has  been  told  in  great  detail  by  Sir  H, 
lie  Avan.  in  Journal  of  Royal  Asiatic  Sopety,  1889,  ^  7^1,  sgq.  ^«t 
jajtKX  Roman  Em/jicne;  iL  116,  jff,] 


54  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

was  threatened  by  the  Persian  arms^  Europe  was  oppressed  bj 
the  dangerous  inroads,  or  costly  friendship,  of  the  Avars. 
When  the  Roman  envoys  approached  the  presence  of  the 
chagan,  they  were  commanded  to  wait  at  the  door  of  his  tent, 
till,  at  the  end  perhaps  of  ten  or  twelve  days,  he  condescended 
to  admit  them.  If  tne  substance  or  the  style  of  their  message 
was  offensive  to  his  ear,  he  insulted,  with  a  real  or  affected  fury, 
their  own  dignity  and  that  of  their  prince ;  their  baggage  was 
plundered,  and  their  lives  were  only  saved  by  the  promise  of 
a  richer  present  and  a  more  respectful  address.  But  Us  sacred 
ambassadors  enjoyed  and  abused  an  unbounded  licence  in  the 
midst  of  Constantinople ;  they  urged,  with  importunate  clamours, 
the  increase  of  tribute,  or  the  restitution  of  captives  and  deserters ; 
and  the  majesty  of  the  empire  was  almost  equally  degraded 
by  a  base  compliance  or  by  the  £dse  and  fearral  excuses  with 
which  they  eluded  such  insolent  demands.  The  chagan  had 
never  seen  an  elephant;  and  his  curiosity  was  excited  by 
the  strange,  and  perhaps  &bulous,  portrait  of  that  wonderful 
animaL  At  his  command,  one  of  the  largest  elephants  of  the 
Imperial  stables  was  equipped  vrith  stately  caparisons,  and  con- 
ducted by  a  numerous  train  to  the  royal  village  in  the  plains 
of  Hungary.  He  surveyed  the  enormous  beast  with  surprise, 
vrith  disgust,  and  possibly  with  terror ;  and  smiled  at  the  vain 
industry  of  the  Romans,  who,  in  search  of  such  useless  rarities, 
could  explore  the  limits  of  the  land  and  sea.  He  wished,  at 
the  expense  of  the  emperor,  to  repose  in  a  golden  bed.  The 
wealth  of  Constantinople,  and  the  skilful  diligence  of  her  artists, 
were  instantly  devoted  to  the  gratification  of  his  caprice ;  but, 
when  the  work  was  finished,  he  rejected  with  scorn  a  present 
so  unworthy  the  majesty  of  a  great  king.^  These  were  the 
casual  sallies  of  his  pride,  but  the  avarice  of  the  chagan  was  a 
more  steady  and  tractable  passion :  a  rich  and  r^nlar  supply 
of  silk  apparel,  furniture,  and  plate,  introduced  the  rudiments 
of  art  and  luxury  among  the  tents  of  the  Scjrthians ;  their 
appetite  was  stimulated  by  the  pepper  and  cinnamon  of  India  ;** 
the  annual  subsidy  or  tribute  was  raised  from  fourscore  to  one 

«  Theophylact,  L  i.  c.  5,  6. 

^  Even  in  the  field,  the  chagan  delighted  in  the  use  of  these  aromatics.    He 
solicited  as  a  gift  'li^tx^  Kupvttimt  pggg,  HmfmuUf],  and  received  irtfvtp»  k«1  ^ifAX»v 

The  Europeans  of  the  ruder  ages  oonsomed  more  spices  in  their  meat  and  dd& 
than  is  compatible  with  the  ddicacy  of  a  modem  palate.     Vie  Privfe  de  FVancois, 
torn,  il  p,  x6a,  263. 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIBE  55 

and  twenty  thousand  pieces  of  gold ;  and,  after  each 
ntemiption,  the  payment  of  the  arrears,  with  exorbi-* 
eresty  was  always  made  the  first  condition  of  the  new 

In  the  language  of  a  barbarian  without  guile,  the 
f  the  Avars  a&ected  to  complain  of  the  insincerity  of  the 
^  yet  he  was  not  inferior  to  the  most  civilised  nations 
efinements  of  dissimulation  and  perfidy.  As  the  sue* 
f  the  Lombards,  the  chagan  asserted  his  daim  to  the 
it  city  of  Sirmium,  the  ancient  bulwark  of  the  lUyrian 
s.^  The  plains  of  the  Lower  Hungary  were  covered 
:  Avar  horse,  and  a  fieet  of  large  boats  was  built  in  the 
sn  wood,  to  descend  the  Danube,  and  to  transport  into 
i  the  materials  of  a  bridge.  But,  as  the  strong  garrison 
Innum,  which  commanded  the  confiux  of  the  two  rivers, 
ave  stopped  their  passage  and  baffled  his  designs,  he 
1  their  apprehensions  by  a  solemn  oath  that  his  views 
t  hostile  to  the  empire.  He  swore  by  his  sword,  the 
of  the  god  of  war,  that  he  did  not,  as  the  enemy  of 
xmstruct  a  bridge  upon  the  Save.  ''If  I  violate  my 
ursued  the  intrepid  Baian,  **  may  I  myself,  and  the  last 
ation,  perish  by  the  sword !  may  the  heavens,  and  fire, 
f  of  the  heavens,  fidl  upon  our  heads  I  may  the  forests 
intains  bury  us  in  their  ruins !  and  the  Save,  returning, 
the  laws  of  nature,  to  his  source,  overwhelm  us  in  his 
'aters!"  After  this  barbarous  imprecation,  he  calmly 
,  what  oath  was  most  sacred  and  venerable  among  the 
3S,  what  guilt  of  perjury  it  was  most  dangerous  to  incur, 
hop  of  Singidunum  presented  the  gospel,  which  the 
received  with  devout  reverence.  ''I  swear,"  said  he, 
i  God  who  has  spoken  in  this  holy  book,  that  I  have 
fidsehood  on  my  tongue  nor  treachery  in  my  heart." 
as  he  rose  firom  his  knees,  he  accelerated  the  labour  of 
Ige,  and  dispatched  an  envoy  to  proclaim  what  he  no 
pdsbed  to  conceal.  *^  Inform  the  emperor,"  said  the 
IS  Baian,  '*that  Sirmium  is  invested  on  every  side, 
his  prudence  to  withdraw  the  citizens  and  their  effects, 
resign  a  city  which  it  is  now  impossible  to  relieve  or 

phvlact.  L  vl  c.  6 :  L  vil  c.  15.    The  Greek  historian  confesses  the  truth 
!  of  bis  reproach. 

LDder  (in  Excerpt  Legat  p.  126-132,  174-175  C^*  63,  64,  6c,  66,  ap. 
H.  G.  iv.])  describes  the  perjury  of  Bauan  and  the  surraider  of  Sirmium. 
Kt  his  account  of  the  siege,  which  is  commended  bv  Theophylact,  L  I  c.  3. 
[rf]  wtpi^tami  cro^  ivrt^pnmi,   [Cp.  John  oT Ephesos*  ¥i  84» 


56  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

defencL"  Without  the  hope  of  relief,  the  defence  of  Sirmiom 
was  prolonged  above  three  years  ;  the  walls  were  still  untouched; 

A.«i]  but  famine  was  inclosed  within  the  walls,  till  a  merciful  capitu- 
lation allowed  the  escape  of  the  naked  and  hungry  inhabitants. 
Singidunum,  at  the  distance  of  fifW  miles,  experienced  a  more 
cruel  &te  :  the  buildings  were  rased,  and  the  vanquished  people 
was  condemned  to  servitude  and  exile. ^  Yet  the  ruins  of  Sir- 
mium  are  no  longer  visible ;  the  advantageous  situation  of 
Singidunum  soon  attracted  a  new  colony  of  Sclavonians ;  and 
the  conflux  of  the  Save  and  Danube  is  still  guarded  by  the 
fortifications  of  Belgrade,  or  the  White  City,  so  often  and  so 
obstinately  disputed  by  the  Christian  and  Turkish  arms.^  From 
Belgrade  to  the  walls  of  Constantinople  a  line  may  be  measured 
of  six  hundred  miles :  that  line  was  marked  with  flames  and 
with  blood;  the  horses  of  the  Avars  were  alternately  bathed 
in  the  Euxine  and  the  Adriatic ;  and  the  Roman  ponti^  alarmed 
by  the  approach  of  a  more  savage  enemy,  ^  was  reduced  to 
cherish  the  Lombards  as  the  protectors  of  Italy.  The  despair 
of  a  captive,  whom  his  country  refused  to  ransom,  disclosed  to 
the  Avars  the  invention  and  practice  of  military  engines;^ 
but  in  the  first  attempts  they  were  rudely  framed  and  awkwardly 
managed ;  and  the  resistance  of  Diocletianopolis  and  Bercea,  of 

•&•■*]  Philippopolis  and  Hadriano^,  soon  exhausted  the  skill  and 
patience  of  the  besiegers.  The  warfjeire  of  Baian  was  that  of  a 
Tartar,  yet  his  mind  was  susceptible  of  a  humane  and  generous 
sentiment;  he  spared  Anchialus,  whose  salutary  waters  had 
restored  •  the  health  of  the  best  beloved  of  his  wives ;  and  the 
Romans  confess  that  their  starving  army  was  fed  and  dismissed 
by  the  liberality  of  a  foe.  His  empire  extended  over  Hungary, 
Poland,  and  Prussia,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Danube  to  that  of 
the  Oder ;  ^  and  his  new  subjects  were  divided  and  transplanted 

^  rWe  find  the  chagan  again  attacking  it  in  A.D.  591.] 

^  See  d'Anville,  in  the  M^moires  de  T'Acad.  des  Inscriptions,  torn.  xxviiL  p, 
4x3-443.  The  Sclavonic  name  of  Belp^tU  is  mentioned  m  the  xth  century  by 
Constantine  Porphyrogenitus ;  the  Latm  appellation  of  Alba  Grttca  is  used  by  the 
Franks  in  the  banning  of  the  ixth  (p.  414]^ 

^  Baron.  AnnaL  Eccles.  A.D.  600,  No.  i.  Paul  Wamefrid  (L  iv.  c  38)  relates 
their  irruption  into  Friuli,  and  (c.  39),  the  captivity  of  his  ancestors,  about  A.D, 
632.  The  Sclavi  traversed  the  Adriatic  cum  multitudine  navium,  and  made  a 
descent  in  the  territory  of  Sipontum  (c  47). 

**  Even  the  helepolis.  or  moveable  turret     Theophylact,  1.  iL  i6,  17. 

^  The  arms  and  alliances  of  the  chagan  reached  to  the  neighbourhood  of  a 

western  sea,  fifteen  months'  journey  from  Constantinople.    The  emperor  Maurice 

con wsed  with  some  itinerant  harpers  from  that  remote  country,  and  only  seems 

to  have  mistaken  a  trade  for  a  nation.    Theophylact,  I  vl  c.  a.    [On  extent  of 

Avar  empin,  qx  Appendix  aj 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  57 

b^  the  jealous  policy  of  the  conqueror.^  The  eastern  regions 
of  Germany,  which  had  been  left  vacant  by  the  emigration  of 
the  VandaLB,  were  replenished  with  Sclavonian  colonists;  the 
nme  tribes  are  discovered  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Adriatic 
and  of  the  Baltic ;  and,  with  the  name  of  Baian  himself,  the 
niyrian  cities  of  Neyss  and  Lissa  are  again  found  in  the  heart 
of  Silesia.  In  the  disposition  both  of  his  troops  and  provinces, 
the  chagan  exposed  tiie  vassals,  whose  lives  he  disregarded,^ 
to  the  first  assault ;  and  the  swords  of  the  enemy  were  blunted 
before  they  encountered  the  native  valour  of  the  Avars. 
The  Persian  alliance  restored  the  troops  of  the  East  to  the  w^of 


defence  of  Europe  ;  and  Maurice,  who  had  supported  ten  years  M»iAit^ 
the  insolence  of^the  chagan,  declared  his  resolution  to  march  insiMSi 
persoii  against  the  barbarians.  In  the  space  of  two  centuries, 
none  of  the  successors  of  Theodosius  had  appeared  in  the  field, 
their  lives  were  supinely  spent  in  the  palace  of  Constantinople ; 
and  the  Greeks  could  no  longer  understand  that  the  name  of 
emperor,  in  its  primitive  sense,  denoted  the  chief  of  the  armies 
of  the  republic  The  martial  ardour  of  Maurice  was  opposed  by 
the  grave  flattery  of  the  senate,  the  timid  superstition  of  the 
patriarch,  and  the  tears  of  the  empress  Constantina ;  and  they 
all  conjured  him  to  devolve  on  some  meaner  general  the 
fiitignes  and  perils  of  a  Sc3rthian  campaign.  Deaf  to  their  advice 
and  entreaty,  the  emperor  boldly  advanced  ^  seven  miles  from  ijl.'d.  sml] 
the  capital ;  the  sacred  ensign  of  the  cross  was  displayed  in  the 
boat,  and  Maurice  reviewed,  with  conscious  pride,  the  arms  and 
numbers  of  the  veterans  who  had  fought  and  conquered  beyond 
the  Tigris.  Anchialus  was  the  last  term  of  his  progress  by  sea 
and  land ;  he  solicited,  without  success,  a  miraculous  answer  to 
Iiis  Doctumal  prayers ;  his  mind  was  confounded  by  the  death 
of  a  fiiivourite  horse,  the  encounter  of  a  wild  boar,  a  storm  of 
wind  and  rain,  and  the  birth  of  a  monstrous  child ;  and  he  forgot 

*  This  is  one  of  the  most  probable  and  luminous  conjectures  of  the  learned 
soont  de  Buat  (Hist  des  Peuples  Barbares,  torn,  xl  p.  5^6-568).  The  Tzechi  and 
Sertn  are  fonna  tofKther  near  mount  Caucasus,  in  Illyricum,  and  on  the  Lower 
Qbe.  Even  the  wildest  traditions  of  the  Bohemians,  &c.  aflford  some  colour  to 
his  hypothesis. 

**  See  Fred^gartos,  in  the  Historians  of  France,  tom.  it  p.  432.  Baian  did  not 
QODoeal  his  proud  insensibilitj.  *<>r»  rotovrovs  (not  ro<rovTovf  according  to  a  foolish 
OKndation)  iwm^^m  rj  P«|Uiacf ,  «ff  cl  Koi  9V|lfiai^  y«  ir^ot  favary  oAMi^ai,  oAA'  </uiot 

^  See  the  march  and  return  of  Maurice,  in  Theophylact.  L  v.  c.  z6, 1.  vi.  c.  i, 
i,  ^  If  be  were  a  writer  of  taste  or  genius,  we  might  suspect  him  of  an  elegant 
ino^ ;  bat  Theophylact  is  wanlf  harmless. 


58  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

that  the  best  of  omens  is  to  unsheath  our  sword  in  the  defence 
of  our  country.**  Under  the  pretence  of  receiving  the  am- 
bassadors of  Persia,  the  emperor  returned  to  Constantinople, 
exchanged  the  thoughts  of  war  for  those  of  devotion,  and  dis- 
appointed the  public  hope  by  his  absence  and  the  choice  of  his 
lieutenants.  The  blind  partiality  of  fraternal  love  might 
dl  8H]  excuse  the  promotion  of  his  brother  Peter,  who  fled  with  equal 
disgrace  fitnn  the  barbarians,  from  his  own  soldiers,  and  from 
the  inhabitants  of  a  Roman  city.  That  city,  if  we  may  credit 
the  resemblance  of  name  and  character,  was  the  famous  Azimun- 
tium,^  which  had  alone  repelled  the  tempest  of  Attila.  The 
example  of  her  warlike  youth  was  propagated  to  succeeding 
generations ;  and  they  obtained,  horn  the  first  or  the  second 
Justin,  an  honourable  privilege,  that  their  valour  should  be 
always  reserved  for  the  defence  of  their  native  country.  The 
brother  of  Maurice  attempted  to  violate  this  privilege,  and  to 
mingle  a  patriot  band  with  the  mercenaries  of  his  camp ;  they 
retired  to  the  church,  he  was  not  awed  by  the  sanctity  of  the 
place  ;  the  people  rose  in  their  cause,  the  gates  were  shut,  the 
ramparts  were  manned  ;  and  the  cowardice  of  Peter  was  found 
equal  to  his  airogance  and  injustice.  The  military  fame  of 
;v|g^  Commeiitiolus  *^  is  the  object  of  satire  or  comedy  rather  than 
^•00]  of  serious  history,  since  he  was  even  deficient  in  the  vile  and 
vulgar  qualification  of  personal  courage.  His  solemn  councils, 
strange  evolutions,  and  secret  orders  always  supplied  an  apology 
for  flight  or  delay.  If  he  marched  against  the  enemy,  the 
pleasant  valleys  of  mount  Hsemus  opposed  an  insuperable 
irrier ;  but  in  his  retreat  he  explored,  with  fearless  curiosity, 
the  most  difficult  and  obsolete  paths,  which  had  almost  escaped 
the  memory  of  the  oldest  native.  The  only  blood  which  he 
lost  was  drawn,  in  a  real  or  aflected  malady,  by  the  lancet  of  a 
surgeon ;  and  his  health,  which  felt  with  exquisite  sensibility  the 
approach  of  the  barbarians,  was  uniformly  restored  by  the 
repose  and  safety  of  the  winter  season.     A  prince  who  could 

•  Elt  oMwif  apivrot  «fAtlM«#M  vwpi  Wrpi|t.      Iliad,  xii.  243. 
This  noble  terse,  which  nnites  the  spirit  of  an  hero  with  the  reason  of  a  sage,  may 
prove  that  Homer  was  in  every  light  superior  to  his  age  and  country. 

^  Theophylact,  1.  vii.  c.  3.  On  the  evidence  of  this  fact,  which  had  not  occurred 
to  my  memory,  the  candid  reader  will  correct  and  excuse  a  note  in  the  iiird  volume 
of  this  history,  p.  433,  which  hastens  the  decar  of  Astmns,  or  Admuntium  :  an- 
other century  of  patriotism  and  valour  is  cheaply  purchased  by  such  a  confession. 

<7  See  the  shameful  conduct  of  Commentidus,  in  Theophylact,  L  ii  e.  X0-X5,  L 
vii.  c.  13. 14.  1.  viiL  c.  9,  4.  [On  the  duronology  of  these  Avar  campaigns  in 
TTieppbymeiMM  see  the  editor's  article  in  Eof  .  Hittor.  Review,  April,  xSSS.] 


pie 
bai 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  5» 

ate  and  rapport  this  imworthT  favourite  must  derive  no 
fifom  the  accidental  merit  of  his  colleague  Priscus.^  In 
uccessive  battles^  which  seem  to  have  been  conducted  with 
and  resolution^  seventeen  thousand  two  hundred  barbarians 
made  prisoners ;  near  sixty  thousand,  with  four  sons  of  the 
m,  were  slain;  the  Roman  general  surprised  a  peaceful 
ict  of  the  €vepid»,  who  slept  under  the  protection  of  the 
B ;  and  his  last  trophies  were  erected  on  the  banks  of  the 
ibe  and  the  Theiss.  Since  the  death  of  Trajan,  the  arms 
e  em|Hre  had  not  penetrated  so  deeply  into  the  old  Dada ; 
he  success  of  Priscus  was  transient  and  barren ;  and  he 
ioon  recalled  by  the  apprehension  that  Baian,  vrith  dauntless 
:  and  recruited  forces,  was  preparing  to  avenge  his  defeat 
r  the  walls  of  ConstantinopJe.^^ 

le  theory  of  war  was  not  more  familiar  to  the  camps  of steu^r 
r  and  IVajan  than  to  those  of  Justinian  and  Maurice.^  The 
of  Tuscany  or  Pontus  still  received  the  keenest  temper 
the  skill  of  the  Byzantine  workmen.  The  magazines  were 
tifblly  stored  with  every  species  of  offensive  and  defensive 
hi  the  construction  and  use  of  ships,  engines,  and 
ficatioiis,  the  barbarians  admired  the  superior  ingenuity  of 
ople  whom  they  so  often  vanquished  in  the  field.  The 
ice  of  tactics,  the  order^  evolutions,  and  stratagems  of 
[ui^y  was  truiscribed  and  studied  in  the  books  of  the 
iks  and  Romans.  But  the  solitude  or  degenencv  of  the 
inees  could  no  longer  supply  a  race  of  men  to  handle  those 
xmSy  to  guard  those  walls,  to  navigate  those  ships,  and  to 
ce  the  theory  of  war  into  bold  and  suocessftil  practice.  The 
OS  of  Belisajios  and  Narses  had  been  fonned  without  'a 
er,  and  expired  without  a  disciple.  Neither  honour,  nor 
otism,  nor  generous  superstition,  could  animate  the  lifeless 
es  of  slaves  and  strangers,  who  had  succeeded  to  the 
>ura  of  the  legions ;  it  was  in  the  camp  alone  that  the 
sror  should  have  exercised  a  despotic  command  ;  it  was  only 

See  the  exploits  of  Priseus,  L  viiu  c  2,  3. 

rhe  general  detail  of  the  war  against  the  Avars  may  be  traced  in  the  first, 
i,  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  books  of  the  History  of  the  emperor  Maurice, 
teophylaet  Simocatta.  As  he  wrote  in  the  reign  of  HeracIiiB,  he  had  no 
ation  to  flatter ;  but  his  want  of  judgment  renders  him  diffuse  m  trifles  and 
le  in  the  most  interesting  facts. 

Mamice  himself  composed  xii  books  on  the  military  art,  which  are  still  extant, 
ave  been  published  (Upsal,  1664)  by  John  Schefler  at  the  end  of  the  Tactics 
ian  (Fabridus  Bibliot.  Graeca,  1.  iv.  c.  8,  tom.  iii.  p.  978),  who  promises  to 
mofe  fillip  of  his  work  in  its  proper  place.  [This  work  is  not  by  Maurioe. 
bove,  vol  IV.  p.  346,  n.  15.] 


60  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

in  the  camps  that  his  authority  was  disobeyed  and  insulted ;  he 
appeased  and  inflamed  with  gold  the  licentiousness  of  the 
troops ;  but  their  vices  were  inherent,  their  victories  were 
accidental,  and  their  costly  maintenance  exhausted  the  sub- 
stance of  a  state  which  they  were  unable  to  defend.  After  a 
long  and  pernicious  indulgence,  the  cure  of  this  inveterate  evil 
was  undertaken  by  Maurice  ;  but  the  rash  attempt,  which  drew 
destruction  on  his  own  head,  tended  only  to  aggravate  the 
disease.  A  reformer  should  be  exempt  from  the  suspicion  of 
interest,  and  he  must  possess  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  those 
whom  he  proposes  to  reclaim.  The  troops  of  Maurice  might 
listen  to  the  voice  of  a  victorious  leader ;  they  disdained  the 
admonitions  of  statesmen  and  sophists  ;  and,  when  they  received 
an  edict  which  deducted  from  their  pay  the  price  of  their  arms 
and  clothing,  they  execrated  the  avarice  of  a  prince  insensible 
of  the  dangers  and  &tigues  from  which  he  had  escaped.  The 
camps  both  of  Asia  and  Europe  were  agitated  with  frequent  and 
furious  seditions ;  ^^  the  enraged  soldiers  of  Edessa  pursued, 
with  reproaches,  with  threats,  with  wounds,  their  trembling 
generals ;  they  overturned  the  statues  of  the  emperor,  cast 
stones  against  the  miraculous  image  of  Christ,  and  either  re- 
jected the  yoke  of  all  civil  and  militaiy  laws  or  instituted  a 
dangerous  model  of  voluntary  subordination.  The  monaroti, 
always  distant  and  often  deceived,  was  incapable  of  jdelding  or 
persisting  according  to  the  exigence  of  the  moment.  But  the 
fear  of  a  general  revolt  induced  him  too  readily  to  accept  any 
act  of  valour  or  any  expression  of  loyalty,  as  an  atonement  for 
the  popular  offence ;  the  new  reform  was  abolished  as  hastily  as 
it  had  been  announced ;  and  the  troops,  instead  of  punishment 
and  restraint,  were  agreeably  surprised  by  a  gracious  proclama- 
tion of  immunities  and  rewards.  But  the  soldiers  accepted 
without  gratitude  the  tardy  and  reluctant  gifts  of  the  emperor ; 
their  insolence  was  elated  by  the  discovery  of  his  weakness  and 
their  own  strength ;  and  their  mutual  hatred  was  inflamed 
beyond  the  desire  of  forgiveness  or  the  hope  of  reconciliation. 
The  historians  of  the  times  adopt  the  vulgar  suspicion  that 
Maurice  conspired  to  destroy  the  troops  whom  he  had  laboured 
to  reform ;  the  misconduct  and  fitvour  of  Commentiolus  are  im< 
puted  to  this  malevolent  design ;  and  every  age  must  condemn 


^  See  the  nratinies  under  the  reign  of  Maurice,  in  Theophylact,  1.  iii.  c,  X'4, 1, 
fi  a  7,  8,  xot  1.  vii.  c.  X,  I  viii.  c.  6,  &c. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  61 

the   inhmnaiiity  or  avarice  ^  of  a  prince   who,  by  the  trifling  cajdl  mq 
ruisoin  of  six  thousand  pieces  of  gold,  might  have  prevented  the 
massacre   of  twelve  thousand  prisoners    in   the   hands  of  the 
chagan.     In  the  just  fervour  of  indignation,  an  order  was  signi-Mid  nuait 
fied  to  the  army  of  the  Danube  that  they  should  spare  the 
magazines  of  the  province  and  establish  their  winter  quarters  in  [a.d.  toi-s] 
the  hostile  country  of  the  Avars.     The  measure  of  their  griev- 
ances was  full :  they  pronounced  Maurice  unworthy  to  reign, 
expelled  or  slaughtered  his  faithful  adherents,  and  under  the 
command  of  Phocas,  a   simple   centurion,   returned   by   hasty 
marches  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Constantinople.     After  a  long^wUMiof 
series  of  legal  succession,  the  military  disorders  of  the  third  tQ^ostobtt 
century    were  again    revived ;    yet  such  was  the  novelty  of 
the  enterprise  that  the  insurgents  were  awed  by  their  own 
lashness.      They  hesitated  to  invest  their  favourite  with  the 
vacant   purple,^    and,    while   they  rejected    all    treaty    with 
Maurice  himself,  they  held  a  friendly  correspondence  with  his 
•on  Theodosius  and  vrith  Germanus  the  fiither-in-law  of  the 
royal  youth.      So  obscure  had  been  the  former  condition  of 
Phocas  that  the  emperor  was  ignorant  of  the  name  and  character 
of  his  rival;   but,  as  soon  as  he  learned  that  the  centurion, 
though   bold  in   sedition,   was   timid  in  the   &ce  of  danger, 
"Alas!"  cried  the  desponding  prince,  ''if  he  is  a  coward,  he 
will  surely  be  a  murderer  ". 

Yet,  if  Constantinople  had  been  firm  and  &ithful  the  murderer  a^wgjof 
might  have  spent  his  fury  against  the  walls;  and  the  rebel a«9i« 
army  would  have  been  gradually  consumed  or  reconciled  by  the 
prudence  of  the  emperor.  In  the  games  of  the  circus,  which  he 
fepeated  with  unusual  pomp,  Maurice  disguised  with  smiles  of 
confidence  the  anxiety  of  his  heart,  condescended  to  solicit  the 
applause  of  the  JadionSf  and  flattered  their  pride  by  accepting 
from  their  respective  tribunes  a  list  of  nine  hundred  blues  and 

■  Tbeopbylact  and  Theophanes  seem  ignorant  of  the  conspira|^  and  avarice 
of  Maarioe.  [The  refusal  to  ransom  the  captives  is  mentioned  by  Theophanes.  p. 
ado.  L  5-xz  (ed.  de  Boor) ;  and  also  the  conspiracy,  p.  279,  1.  32.  See  also  John  of 
Antiocfa,  fir.  218  b,  in  F.  H.  G.  v.  p.  35.]  These  charges,  so  unfavourable  to  the 
SKoory  of  that  emperor,  are  first  mentioned  by  the  author  of  the  Paschal  Chron- 
^  (P^  379*  3^  [P*  ^^'  ^  Bonn]) ;  from  whence  Zonaras  (tom.  il  L  ziv.  p.  77, 
7^  t^  X3i)  ^^  tzanscribed  them.  Cedrenus  (p.  399  [L  p.  700,  ed.  Bonn])  has 
toQowed  another  computation  of  the  ransom,  t^inlay  thinks  that  many  of  the 
prisooers  were  deserters.] 

*  [It  seems  quite  dear  that  originally  there  was  no  idea  of  elevating  Phocas 
foEcept  in  his  own  mind) ;  he  was  chosen  simply  as  leader.  The  idea  of  the  army 
was  to  snpenede  Maurice  by  Germanxis  or  Theodosius.  The  conduct  of  Germanus 
is  somewhat  ambiguous  throughout.  The  narrative  is  given  in  greater  detail  in 
Bory,  Later  Roman  Empire,  iL  86^.] 


62  THE  DECUNE  AND  FALL 

fifteen  hundred  ffreens,  whom  he  affected  to  esteem  as  the  solid 

Eillars  of  his  throne.  Their  treacherous  or  languid  support 
etrayed  his  weakness  and  hastened  his  fsdl ;  the  green  £M;tion 
were  the  secret  accomplices  of  the  rebels,  and  the  blues  recom- 
mended lenity  and  moderation  in  a  contest  with  their  Roman 
brethren.  The  rigid  and  parsimonious  virtues  of  Maurice  had 
long  since  alienated  the  hearts  of  his  subjects :  as  he  walked 
barefoot  in  a  religious  procession,  he  was  rudely  assaulted  with 
stones,  and  his  guards  were  compelled  to  present  their  iron 
maces  in  the  defence  of  his  person.  A  fiinatic  monk  ran  through 
the  streets  with  a  drawn  sword,  denouncing  against  him  the 
wrath  and  the  sentence  of  God,  and  a  vile  plebeian,  who  repre- 
sented his  countenance  and  apparel,  was  seated  on  an  ass  and 
pursued  by  the  imprecations  of  the  multitude.^  The  emperor 
suspected  the  popularity  of  Germanus  with  the  soldiers  and 
citizens ;  he  feared,  he  threatened,  but  he  delayed  to  strike ; 
the  patrician  fled  to  the  sanctuary  of  the  chunm ;  the  people 
rose  in  his  defence,  the  walls  were  deserted  by  the  guards,  ud 
the  lawless  city  was  abandoned  to  the  flames  and  rapine  of  a 
nocturnal  tumult.  In  a  small  bark,  the  unfortunate  Maurice, 
with  his  wife  and  nine  children,  escaped  to  the. Asiatic  shore, 
but  the  violence  of  the  wind  compelled  him  to  land  at  the 
.  church  of  St  Autonomus  ^  near  Chalcedon,  from  whence  he 
dispatched  Theodosius,  his  eldest  son,  to  implore  the  gratitude 
and  friendship  of  the  Persian  monarch.  For  nimself,  he  refused 
to  fly  :  his  body  was  tortured  with  sciatic  pains,^  his  mind  was 
enfeebled  by  superstition ;  he  patiently  awaited  the  event  of  the 
revolution,  and  addressed  a  fervent  and  public  prayer  to  the 
Almighty,  that  the  punishment  of  his  sins  might  be  inflicted  in 
this  world  rather  than  in  a  future  life.     After  the  abdication  of 

**  In  their  clamours  against  Maurice,  the  people  of  Constantinople  branded  him 
with  the  name  of  Mardonite  or  Marcionist :  a  heresy  (sa^  Theophylact,  L  viiL  c 

9)  furo.  nvof  fM»pa¥  cvAaS«iac,  cvi|9i|¥  rt  koI  MtraytfAacntK'     Did   they   Only  caSt  OUt  a 

vague  reproach — or  had  the  emperor  really  listened  to  some  ol»cure  teacher  of 
those  ancient  Gnostics  ? 

M  The  church  of  St  Autonomus  (whom  I  have  not  the  honour  to  know)  was  150 
stadia  from  Constantinople  (Theophylact,  1.  viii.  c  9).  [It  was  on  the  gulf  of 
Nicomedia  ;  Nic.  Callist  x8,  4a  The  life  of  Autonomus  (4th  cent)  will  be  found 
in  Acta  Sanct,  13  Sept  iv.  16  sqq."]  The  port  of  Eutropius,  where  Maurice  and 
his  children  were  murdered,  is  described  by  Gyllius  (de  Bosphoro  Thrado^  L 
ill.  c.  zi. )  as  one  of  the  two  harbours  of  Chalcedon. 

**  The  inhabitants  of  Constantinople  were  generally  subfect  to  the  i4«m  lf0pi>rtZ*v\ 
and  Theophylact  insinuates  (L  viii.  c.  9)  that,  if  it  were  consistent  with  the  rules  of 
history,  he  could  assign  the  medical  cause.  Yet  such  a  digrcnioo  would  not  hav« 
been  more  impertinent  than  his  inquiry  (L  vii.  c.  x6,  17)  Into  the  annual  inundac 
tions  of  the  Nile^  and  all  the  opinions  of  the  Greek  phiioaopberi  oa  that  subject 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  63 

3Caiirice^  the  two  &ctions  disputed  the  choice  of  an  emperor ; 
but  the  fiivourite  of  the  blues  was  rejected  by  the  jealousy  of 
their  antagonists,  and  Germanus  himself  was  hurried  along  by 
the  crowds,  who  rushed  to  the  palace  of  Hebdomon,^  seven 
miles  from  the  city,  to  adore  the  majesty  of  Phocas  the  cen- 
turion. A  modest  wish  of  resigning  the  purple  to  the  rank  and 
merit  of  Germanus  was  opposed  by  his  resolution,  more  obstinate 
and  equally  sincere  ;  the  senate  and  clergy  obeyed  his  summons, 
and,  as  soon  as  the  patriarch  was  assured  of  his  orthodox  belief 
he  oonsecrated  the  successful  usurper  in  the  church  of  St.  John  [|i«t.  u} 
the  Baptist.  On  the  third  day,^  amidst  the  acclamations  of  a 
thoughtless  people,  Phocas  made  his  public  entry  in  a  chariot  ijtw.  m 
drawn  by  four  white  horses ;  the  revolt  of  the  troops  was  re- 
warded by  a  lavish  donative;  and  the  new  sovereign,  after 
visiting  the  palace,  beheld  from  his  throne  the  games  of  the 
hippodrome.  In  a  dispute  of  precedency  between  the  two 
fiutiaiis,  his  partial  judgment  inclined  in  favour  of  the  greens. 
"  Remember  that  Maurice  is  still  alive ! "  resounded  from  the 
of^Kwite  side ;  and  the  indiscreet  clamour  of  the  blues  ad- 
monished and  stimulated  the  cruelty  of  the  tyrant.  The  ministers 
of  death  were  dispatched  to  Chalcedon ;  they  dragged  the  em-  [|i«t.  m 
peror  from  his  sanctuary ;  and  the  five  sons  of  Maurice  were 
successively  murdered  before  the  eyes  of  their  agonizing  parent. 
At  each  stroke  which  he  felt  in  his  heart,  he  found  strength  to 
rehearse  a  pious  ejaculation  :  '*  Thou  art  just,  O  Lord :  and  thy  DMthof 
jodgments  are  righteous".  And  such,  in  the  last  moments, Slr^lidi^ 
was  his  rigid  attachment  to  truth  and  justice  that  he  revealed  to  «r^'  '"*'  * 
the  soldiers  the  pious  fidsehood  of  a  nurse  who  presented  her 
own  child  in  the  place  of  a  royal  infant.^  The  tragic  scene 
was  finally  closed  by  the  execution  of  the  emperor  himself,  in 
the  twentieth  year  of  his  reign,  and  the  sixty-third  of  his  age. 
The  bodies  of  ibe  fiither  and  his  five  sons  were  cast  into  the  sea, 
their  heads  were  exposed  at  Constantinople  to  the  insults  or 
pity  of  the  multitude,  and  it  was  not  till  some  signs  of  putre* 
£u:tion  had  appeared,  that  Phocas  connived  at  the  private  burial 
of  these  venerable  remains.    In  that  grave,  the  fitults  and  errors 

^  [See  above,  voL  it  p.  546,  and  vol  iiL  p.  10,  n.  a8.] 

*  [On  the  next  day,  according  to  Theophylact,  8.  za] 

From  tlus  generous  attempt,  Comeille  has  deduced  the  intricate  web  of  his 

of  Htrexlius^  whidi  requires  more  than  one  representation  to  be  clearly 

(Comeille  de  Voltaire,  torn.  v.  p.  300) ;  and  which,  after  an  interval  of 


«uv,  is  wid  to  have  putzled  the  author  himself  (Anecdotes  Dramatiques, 


64  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL  , 

of  Maurice  were  kindly  interred.  His  fate  alone  was  remem- 
bered ;  and  at  the  end  of  twenty  years,  in  the  recital  of  the 
history  of  Theophylact,  the  moumful  tale  was  interrupted  by 
the  tears  of  the  audience.^ 
MOM  MB.  Such  tears  must  have  flowed  in  secret,  and  such  compassion 
MfoT.s'  would  have  been  criminal,  under  the  reign  of  Phocas,  who  was 
peaceably  acknowledged  in  the  provinces  of  the  East  and  West. 
The  images  of  the  emperor  and  his  wife  Leontia  were  exposed 
in  the  Lateran  to  the  veneration  of  the  clergy  and  senate  of 
Rome,  and  afterwards  deposited  in  the  palace  of  the  Csesars, 
between  those  of  Constantine  and  Theodosius.  As  a  subject 
and  a  Christian,  it  was  the  duty  of  Gregory  to  acquiesce  in  the 
established  government,  but  the  joyful  applause  with  which  he 
salutes  the  fortune  of  the  assassin  has  sullied  with  indelible  dis- 
grace the  character  of  the  saint.  The  successor  of  the  apostles 
might  have  inculcated  with  decent  firmness  the  guilt  of  blood, 
and  the  necessity  of  repentance  :  he  is  content  to  celebrate 
the  deliverance  of  the  people  and  the  &11  of  the  oppressor; 
to  rejoice  that  the  piety  and  benignitv  of  Phocas  have  been 
raised  by  Providence  to  the  Imperial  throne  ;  to  pray  that  his 
hands  may  be  strengthened  against  all  his  enemies  ;  and  to 
express  a  wish,  perhaps  a  prophecy,  that,  after  a  long  and 
triumphant  reign,  he  may  be  transferred  from  a  temporal  to  an 
everlasting  kingdom.^^  I  have  already  traced  the  steps  of  a 
revolution  so  pleasing,  in  Gregory's  opinion,  both  to  heaven  and 
earth ;  and  Phocas  does  not  appear  less  hateful  in  the  exercise 
than  in  the  acquisition  of  power.  The  pencil  of  an  impartial 
historian  has  delineated  the  portrait  of  a  monster:^  his  diminu- 
tive and  deformed  person,  the  closeness  of  his  shaggy  eye-brows, 

*  The  revolt  of  Phocas  and  death  of  Maurice  are  told  by  Tbeophylact  Simo 
catta  (L  viii.  c.  7-12),  the  Paschal  Chronicle  (p.  379,  380),  Theophanes  (Cluxmo* 
graph,  p.  238-244  [ad  A.M.  6094]),  Zonaras  (torn.  ii.  1.  xiv.  p.  77-80  [c.  13,  14]), 
and  Cedrenus  (p.  399-404  [p.  700  s^g.,  ed.  Bonn]). 

^  Gregor.  1.  xi.  epist.  38.  indict  vi.  Benignitatem  vestrse  pietatis  ad  Imperiale 
fastigium  pervenisse  gaudemus.  Laetentur  caeii  et  exultet  terra,  et  de  vestria 
benignis  actibus  universae  reipublicse  populus  nunc  usque  vehementer  afflictus 
hilaiescat,  &c.  This  base  flatterv,  the  topic  of  Protestant  invective,  is  justly 
censured  by  the  philosopher  Bayle  (Dictionnaire  Critique,  Gr^goire  I.  Not  H. 
torn.  ii.  p.  597,  598).  Cardinal  Baroniut  justifies  the  pope  at  the  expense  of  the 
fallen  emperor. 

^  The  images  of  Phocas  were  destrojred ;  but  even  the  malice  of  his  enemies 
would  suffer  one  copy  of  such  a  portrait  or  caricature  (Cedrenus.  p.  404  [i.  708,  ed. 
Bonn])  to  escape  the  flames.  [A  statue  to  Phocas,  erected  by  the  exarch  Smarag- 
dus,  adorned  the  Roman  Forum.  The  column  i^-as  dug  up  in  A.D.  1813  and  is  one 
of  the  most  conspicuous  objects  in  the  Forum.  For  the  dedication  on  toe  base,  see 
C.  L  L. ,  6,  laoa.'] 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  66 

sd  hair,  his  beardless  chin,  and  his  cheek  disfigured  and 
loured  by  a  fonnidable  scar.  Ignorant  of  letters,  of  laws, 
5ven  of  arms,  he  indulged  in  the  supreme  rank  a  more 
e  privilege  of  lust  and  drunkenness,  and  his  brutal  pleasures 

either  injurious  to  his  subjects  or  disgraceful  to  himsel£ 
oat  assuming  the  office  of  a  prince,  he  renounced  the 
ssion  of  a  soldier ;  and  the  reign  of  Phocas  afflicted  Europe 

ignominious  peace,  and  Asia  with  desolating  war.  His 
^e  temper  was  inflamed  by  passion,  hardened  by  fear, 
aerated  by  resistance  or  reproach.  The  flight  of  Theo- 
18  to  the  Persian  court  had  been  intercepted  by  a  rapid 
lit  or  a  deceitful  message  :  he  was  beheaded  at  Nice,  and 
Bst  hoars  of  the  young  prince  were  soothed  by  the  oom- 

of  religion  and  the  consciousness  of  innocence.  Yet  his 
torn  disturbed  the  repose  of  the  usurper ;  a  whisper  was 
lated  throuffh  the  East,  that  the  son  of  Maurice  was  still 

;  the  people  expected  their  avenger,  and  the  widow  and 
hters  of  the  late  emperor  would  have  adopted  as  their  son 
brother  the  vilest  of  mankind.  In  the  massacre  of  the 
srial  &mily,^  the  mercy,  or  rather  the  discretion,  of  Phocas 
spared  tbe^e  unhappy  females,  and  they  were  decently 
ned  to  a  private  house.  But  the  spirit  of  the  empress 
tantina,  still  mindful  of  her  £Bither,  her  husband,  and  her 

aspired  to  freedom  and  revenge.  At  the  dead  of  night,  [a.ix  tNf] 
w»ped  to  the  sanctuary  of  St.  Sophia  ;  but  her  tears,  and 
^Id  of  her  associate  Germanus,  were  insufficient  to  provoke 
tsarrection.  Her  life  was  forfeited  to  revenge,  and  even  to 
3e  ;  but  the  patriarch  obtained  and  pledged  an  oath  for  her 
y  ;  a  monastery  was  allotted  for  her  prison,  and  the  widow 
aorice  accepted  and  abused  the  lenity  of  his  assassin.  The 
>very  or  the  suspicion  of  a  second  conspiracy,  dissolved  the  iajd.  ms\ 
gements  and  rekindled  the  fiiry  of  Phocas.  A  matron  who 
nanded  the  respect  and  pity  of  mankind,  the  daughter, 

and  mother  of  emperors,   was  tortured   like   the  vilest 
fitctor,  to  force  a  confession  of  her  designs  and  associates  ; 
the  empress  Constantina,  vrith  her  three  innocent  daughters, 
beheaded  at  Chalcedon,  on  the  same  ground  which  hadaiidtyranjr 
.  stained  with  the  blood  of  her  husband  and  five  sons.    After 

rhe  fomily  of  Matirioe  is  represented  by  Ducange  (Familiae  Byzantinse,  p. 
07.  106):  his  eldest  son  Theodosius  had  been  crowned  emptor  when  he 
0  more  than  four  Tears  and  a  half  old,  and  he  is  always  joined  with  his  lather 
s  nhftadoDS  of  Qregory,  With  the  Christian  daughters.  Anastasia  and 
:Cale,  I  am  surprised  to  find  the  Pagan  name  of  Qeopatra, 

VOL.  V.  B 


66  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

such  an  example,  it  would  be  superfluous  to  enumerate  the 
names  and  sufferings  of  meaner  victims.  Their  condemnation 
was  seldom  preceded  by  the  forms  of  trial,  and  their  punish- 
ment was  embittered  by  the  refinements  of  cruelty :  their  eyes 
were  pierced,  their  tongues  were  torn  from  the  root,  the  hands 
and  feet  were  amputated  ;  some  expired  under  the  lash,  others 
in  the  flames,  others  again  were  transfixed  with  arrows ;  and  a 
simple  speedy  death  was  mercy  which  they  could  rarely  obtain. 
The  hippodrome,  the  sacred  asylum  of  the  pleasures  and  the 
liberty  of  the  Romans,  was  polluted  with  heads  and  limbs 
and  mangled  bodies  ;  and  the  companions  of  Phocas  were  the 
most  sensible  that  neither  his  favour  nor  their  services  could 
protect  them  from  a  tyrant,  the  worthy  rival  of  the  Caligulas 
and  Domitians  of  the  fost  age  of  the  empire.^ 
It  flui  and  A  daughter  of  Phocas,  his  only  child,  was  given  in  marriage 
0^  09Wb«  « to  the  patrician  Crispus,^  and  the  rc^o/  images  of  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  were  indiscreetly  placed  in  the  circus,  by  the  side 
of  the  emperor.  The  fiither  must  desire  that  his  posterity 
should  inherit  the  fruit  of  his  crimes,  but  the  monarch  was 
offended  by  this  premature  and  popular  association ;  the  tribunes 
of  the  green  fisuition,  who  accused  the  officious  error  of  their 
sculptors,  were  condemned  to  instant  death ;  their  lives  were 
granted  to  the  prayers  of  the  people ;  but  Crispus  might  reason- 
ably doubt  whether  a  jealous  usurper  could  forget  and  pardon 
his  involuntaiy  competition.  The  green  fsiction  was  alienated 
by  the  ingratitude  of  Phocas  and  the  loss  of  their  privileges ; 
every  province  of  the  empire  was  ripe  for  rebellion ;  and  Hera- 
clius,  exarch  of  Africa,  persisted  above  two  years  in  refusing  all 
tribute  and  obedience  to  the  centurion  who  disgraced  the  throne 
of  Constantinople.  By  the  secret  emissaries  of  Crispus  and  the 
senate,  the  independent  exaroh  was  solicited  to  save  and  to 
govern  his  countiy ;  but  his  ambition  was  chilled  by  age,  and 
he  resigned  the  dangerous  enterprise  to  his  son  Heraclius,  and 
to  Nicetas,  the  son  of  Gregory  his  friend  and  lieutenant.  The 
powers  of  Africa  were  armed  by  the  two  adventurous  youths ;  they 

^  Some  of  the  cruelties  of  Phocas  are  marked  by  Theophylact,  I  viii.  c.  13, 14, 
15.  George  of  Pisidia,  the  poet  of  Heraclius,  styles  him  (BeU.  Abaricum,  p.  ^  [L 
^y  Rome,  1777)  nff  rvpuntCBot  &  6vmti0tKrot  koX  ^io^poc  Bpinrnw.  The  latter  epithet 
is  just — but  the  corrupter  of  life  was  easily  vanquished. 

*  In  the  writers,  and  in  the  copies  of  those  writers,  there  is  such  hesitation  be- 
tween the  names  of  Priscus  and  CrUfus  (Ducange,  Fam.  Byzant.  p.  xziX  that  I 
have  been  tempted  to  identify  the  son-in-law  of  Phocas  with  the  hero  five  times 
victorious  over  the  Avars.  [Kpt^vot  is  merdv  a  mistake  for  Upia-Koc  in  Mss.  of 
Nioephorus.    The  mistake  does  not  occur  in  Theophanes.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  67 

agreed  that  the  one  should  navigate  the  fleet  from  Carthage  to 
Constantinople^  that  the  other  should  lead  an  army  through 
Egypt  and  Asia^  and  that  the  Imperial  purple  should  be  the 
reward  of  diligence  and  success.  A  fitint  rumour  of  their  under- 
taking was  conveyed  to  the  ears  of  Phocas,  and  the  wife  and 
mother  of  the  younger  Heraclius  were  secured  as  the  hostages 
of  his  fiuth ;  but  the  treacherous  art  of  Crispus  extenuated  the 
distant  peril,  the  means  of  defence  were  neglected  or  delayed, 
and  the  tyrant  supinely  slept  till  the  African  navy  cast  anchor 
in  the  Hellespont.  Their  standard  was  joined  at  Abydus  by 
the  fii^tives  and  exiles  who  thirsted  for  revenge  ;  the  ships  of 
Heraclius,  whose  lofty  masts  were  adorned  with  the  holy 
sjmbols  of  religion,^  steered  their  triumphant  course  through 
the  Propontis ;  and  Phocas  beheld  from  the  ¥nndows  of  the 
palace  his  approaching  and  inevitable  &te.  The  green  &ction 
was  tempted,  by  gif^  and  promises,  to  oppose  a  feeble  and 
fruitless  resistance  to  the  luiding  of  the  Africans;  but  the 
peo|de,  and  even  the  guards,  were  determined  by  the  well-timed 
defection  of  Crispus ;  and  the  tyrant  was  seized  by  a  private 
enemy,  who  boldly  invaded  the  solitude  of  the  palace.  Stripped 
of  the  diadem  and  purple,  clothed  in  a  vile  habit,  and  loaded 
with  chains,  he  was  transported  in  a  small  boat  to  the  Imperial 
galley  of  Heraclius,  who  reproached  him  with  the  crimes  of  his 
abominable  reign.  **  Wilt  thou  govern  better  ?  "  were  the  last 
words  of  the  despair  of  Phocas.  After  suffering  each  variety  of 
insult  and  torture,  his  head  was  severed  from  his  body,  the 
mangled  trunk  was  cast  into  the  flames,  and  the  same  treat- 
nent  was  inflicted  on  the  statues  of  the  vain  usurper  and  the 
leditioua  banner  of  the  green  faction.  The  voice  of  the  clergy, 
the  senate,  and  the  people  invited  Heraclius  to  ascend  the 
throne  which  he  had  purified  from  guilt  and  ignominy ;  after 
ume  graceful  hesitation,  he  jrielded  to  their  entreaties.  His 
eoranation  was  accompanied  by  that  of  his  wife  Eudoxia ;  and  (indoeu] 
their  posterity,  till  the  fourth  generation,  continued  to  reign  BttgB«f 
over  the  empire  of  the  East.  The  voyage  of  Heraclius  had  SSTiffiVrt 
been  easy  and  prosperous;  the  tedious  march  of  Nicetas  wasrSkU 
not  accomplished  before  the  decision  of  the  contest ;  but  he 
nfamitted  without  a  murmur  to  the  fortune  of  his  friend,  and 


I  *  Acoordin^  to  Theophanes,  KtfiwrtM,  and  cuetf kk  tft«^ropoc.  Cedrenus  adds  an 
h\9^fmm%i^v9•  tfuctfrs  r«v  KvpMv,  which  Heraclius  bore  as  a  banner  in  the  first  P^arsian 
qprditiop.  See  Georp^  Pisid.  Acroas.  L  14a  The  manufacture  seems  to  have 
iooridied :  but  Foggim,  the  Roman  editor  (p.  a6),  is  at  a  loss  to  determine  whether 
Ibis  picture  was  an  origmal  or  a  copy. 


68  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

his  laudable  intentions  were  rewarded  with  an  equestrian  statue 
and  a  daughter  of  the  emperor.  It  was  more  difficult  to  trust 
the  fidelity  of  Crispus,  whose  recent  services  were  recompensed 
by  the  command  of  the  Cappadocian  army.  His  arrogance  soon 
provoked,  and  seemed  to  excuse,  the  ingratitude  of  his  new 
sovereign.  In  the  presence  of  the  senate,  the  son-in-law  of 
Phocas  was  condemned  to  embrace  the  monastic  life ;  and  the 
sentence  was  justified  by  the  weighty  observation  of  Heraclius 
that  the  man  who  had  betrayed  his  fiither  could  never  be  &ith- 
ful  to  his  friend.^ 
dM  thJ^  Even  after  his  death  the  republic  was  afflicted  by  the  crimes 
rt^^S  ^^  Phocas,  which  armed  with  a  pious  cause  the  most  formidable 
>>  *«•  of  her  enemies.  According  to  the  friendly  and  equal  forms  of 
the  Byzantine  and  Persian  courts,  he  announced  his  exaltation 
to  the  throne ;  and  his  ambassador  Lilius,  who  had  presented 
him  with  the  heads  of  Maurice  and  his  sons,  was  the  best 

Qualified  to  describe  the  circumstances  of  the  tragic  scene.^ 
lowever  it  might  be  varnished  by  fiction  or  sophistry,  Chosroes 
turned  with  horror  firom  the  assassin,  imprisoned  the  pretended 
envoy,  disclaimed  the  usurper,  and  declared  himself  the  avenger 
of  his  fEither  and  bene&ctor.  The  sentiments  of  grief  and  re- 
sentment which  humanity  would  feel,  and  honour  would  dictate, 
promoted,  on  this  occasion,  the  interest  of  the  Persian  king ; 
and  his  interest  was  powerfully  magnified  by  the  national  and 
religious  prejudices  of  the  Magi  and  satraps.  In  a  strain  of 
artml  adulation,  which  assumed  the  language  of  freedom,  they 
presumed  to  censure  the  excess  of  his  gratitude  and  friendship  m 
the  Greeks :  a  nation  with  whom  it  was  dangerous  to  conclude 
either  peace  or  alliance ;  whose  superstition  was  devoid  of  truth 
and  justice ;  and  who  must  be  incapable  of  any  virtue,  since  they 
could  perpetrate  the  most  atrocious  of  crimes,  the  impious 
murder  of  their  sovereign.^  For  the  crime  of  an  ambitious 
centurion,  the  nation  which  he  oppressed  was  chastised  with  the 

^  See  the  tyranny  of  Phocas  and  the  elevation  of  HeraclitB,  in  Chron.  noofaal. 
p.  380-383  [p.  694  sgg,,  ed.  Bonn] ;  Tbeopbanes,  p.  348-250 ;  Nioepbonis,  pi  3-7 ; 
Cedrenuv  p.  404-407  [i.  p.  708  sag.,  ed.  Bonn] ,  Zonaras,  torn.  ii.  L  ziv.  p.  80-83  (c. 


14,  X5I    [For  the  race  of  Heraclius  and  Nioetas  see  Appendix  5.] 

^  Thfoophylact.  L  viii.  c.  1%.  The  life  of  Maurice  was  composed  about  the  yiaar 
698>(L  viii.  c.  23)  by  Tbeophylact  SioMscatta.  ex-prsefect,  a  native  of  Egvpt  Pho- 
tius,  who  gives  an  ample  extract  of  the  work  (cod.  Ixv.  p.  8z-iooX  geiUly  reproves 
the  affectation  and  allegory  of  the  style.  His  preface  is  a  dialogue  between  Philo- 
sophy and  History;  th^  seat  themselves  under  a  plane-tree^  and  the  latter  touches 
her  lyre. 

^  Christianis  nee  pactum  esse  nee  fidem  nee  foedus  .  .  .  quod  si  ulla  iUis  fides 
fuiflset,  legem  snum  non  occidissent  Eutych.  Annales.  torn.  IL  p^  sxx,  vers. 
Pocock. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  «» 

etlAmities  of  war ;  and  the  same  calamities^  at  the  end  of  twenty 
years,  were  retaliated  and  redoubled  on  the  heads  of  the  Per- 
giaiia.70  The  ^neral  who  had  restored  Chosroes  to  the  throne 
itill  commanded  in  the  East ;  and  the  name  of  Narses  was  the 
formidable  sound  with  which  the  Assyrian  mothers  were  accus- 
tomed to  terrify  their  infants.  It  is  not  improbable  that  a 
oatiYe  subject  of  Persia  should  encourage  his  master  and  his 
friend  to  deliver  and  possess  the  provinces  of  Asia.  It  is  still 
more  probable  that  Chosroes  should  animate  his  troops  by  the 
assurance  that  the  sword  which  they  dreaded  the  most  would 
remain  in  its  scabbard  or  be  drawn  in  their  fstvour.  The  hero 
ecrald  not  depend  on  the  fstith  of  a  tyrant,  and  the  tyrant  was 
eouKiouB  how  little  he  deserved  the  obedience  of  an  hero. 
Narses  was  removed  from  his  military  command ;  he  reared  an  cajk  mq 
independent  standard  at  Hierapolis  in  Syria ;  he  was  betrayed 
by  fidlacious  promises,  and  burnt  alive  in  the  market-place  of 
Constantinople.  Deprived  of  the  only  chief  whom  they  could 
fear  or  esteem,  the  bands  which  he  had  led  to  victory  were 
twice  broken  by  the  cavalry,  trampled  by  the  elephants,  and 
pierced  by  the  arrows  of  the  barbarians ;  and  a  great  number  of 
the  captives  were  beheaded  on  the  field  of  battle  by  the  sen- 
tenee  of  the  victor,  who  might  justly  condemn  these  seditious 
mercenaries  as  the  authors  or  accomplices  of  the  death  of 
Maurice.  Under  the  reign  of  Phocas,  the  fortifications  of  Mer-  rouMiMt 
din,  Dara,  Amida,  and  Edessa,  were  successively  besieged, 
reduced,  and  destroyed,  by  the  Persian  monarch ;  he  passed  J^,^** 
the  Euphrates,  occupied  the  Syrian  cities,  Hierapolis,  Chalcis,  ^»*  cu 
•nd  Beraa  or  Aleppo,  and  soon  encompassed  the  walls  of 
Antioch  with  his  irresistible  arms.  The  rapid  tide  of  success 
discloses  the  decay  of  the  empire,  the  incapacity  of  Phocas,  and 
the  disaffection  of  his  subjects ;  and  Chosroes  provided  a  decent 
apology  for  their  submission  or  revolt,  by  an  impostor  who 
attended  his  camp  as  the  son  of  Maurice  ^  and  the  lawful  heir 
of  the  monarchy. 

*  We  must  DOW,  for  some  ages,  take  oar  leave  of  contemporary  historians,  and 
dooend,  if  it  be  a  descent,  from  the  affectation  of  rhetoric  to  the  rude  simplicity  of 
cknMucles  and  abridgments.  Those  of  Theophanes  (Chronograph,  p.  244-279) 
wd  Nioephoms  (p.  3-16)  sapply  a  regular,  but  imperfect  series,  of  the  Persian  war ; 
sad  for  any  additional  facts  I  quote  my  spiecial  authorities.  Theophanes,  a  courtier 
vho  brr*"*^  a  monk,  was  bom  a.d.  748 ;  Nicephorus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
vfao  died  A.D.  829^  was  somewhat  younger :  they  both  suffered  in  the  cause  of 
iaMSb     Hanldus  de  Scriptoribus  Byzantinis,  p.  200-246.    [See  Appendix  i.] 

"  Tlie  Penian  historians  have  been  themselves  deceived ;  but  Theophanes  (p. 
144  [a.  ic  6005})  accuses  Chotroes  of  the  fraud  and  falsehood ;  and  Eutycbius  he- 
lines  (AnnaL  torn.  ii.  p.  211)  that  the  son  of  Maurice,  who  was  saved  from  the 
Uved  and  died  a  monk  on  mount  Sinai. 


70  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

The  first  intelligence  from  the  East  which  Heraclius  re- 
ceived ^^  was  that  of  the  loss  of  Antioch  ;  hut  the  aged 
metropolis,  so  often  overturned  by  earthquakes  and  pillaged 
by  the  enemy,  could  supply  but  a  small  and  languid  stream  of 
treasure  and  blood.  The  Persians  were  equally  successful  and 
more  fortunate  in  the  sack  of  Csesarea,  the  capital  of  Cappa- 
docia;  and,  as  they  advanced  beyond  the  ramparts  of  the 
frontier,  the  boundary  of  ancient  war,  they  found  a  less  obstinate 
resistance  and  a  more  plentiful  harvest.  The  pleasant  vale  of 
Damascus  has  been  adorned  in  every  age  with  a  royal  city ; 
her  obscure  felicity  has  hitherto  escaped  the  historian  of  the 
Roman  empire;  but  Chosroes  reposed  his  troops  in  the  para- 
dise of  Damascus  before  he  ascended  the  hills  of  libanus 
or  invaded  the  cities  of  the  Phoenician  coast.  The  conquest 
of  Jerusalem,^'  which  had  been  meditated  by  Nushirvan,  was 
achieved  by  the  zeal  and  avarice  of  his  grandson ;  the  ruin  of 
the  proudest  monument  of  Christianity  was  vehemently  urged 
by  tne  intolerant  spirit  of  the  Magi ;  and  he  could  enlist,  for 
tnis  holy  warfare,  an  army  of  six-and-twenty  thousand  Jews, 
whose  fririous  bigotry  might  compensate,  in  some  degree,  for 
the  want  of  valour  and  discipline.  After  the  reduction  of 
Galilee  and  the  region  beyond  the  Jordan,  whose  resistance 
appears  to  have  delayed  the  fate  of  the  capital,  Jerusalem  itself 
was  taken  by  assault ;  the  sepulchre  of  Christ,  and  the  stately 
churches  of  Helena  and  Constantine,  were  consumed,  or  at  least 
damaged,  by  the  flames  ;  the  devout  offerings  of  three  hundred 
years  were  rifled  in  one  sacrilegious  day  ;  the  patriarch  2jach- 
ariah,  and  the  true  cross,  were  transported  into  Persia  ;  and  the 
massacre  of  ninety  thousand  Christians  is  imputed  to  the  Jews 
and  Arabs  who  swelled  the  disorder  of  the  Persian  march. 
The  fugitives  of  Palestine  were  entertained  at  Alexandria  by 
the  cluurity  of  John  the  archbishop,  who  is  distinguished  among 


^  Eut^chius  dates  all  the  losses  of  the  empire  under  the  reign  of  Phocas :  an 
error  which  saves  the  honour  of  Heraclius,  whom  he  brings  not  from  Carthage, 
but  Salonica,  with  a  fleet  laden  with  vegetables  for  the  relief  of  Constantinople 
(Anna!,  torn,  it  p.  323,  324).  The  other  Christians  of  the  East,  Barhebrseus  (apud 
Asseman.  Bibliothec.  Oriental,  torn,  iiu  p.  4x2,  413),  Elmacin  (Hist.  Saracen^. 
13-16),  Abulphaiagius  (Dynast  p.  98,  99),  are  more  sincere  and  accurate.  The 
years  of  the  Persian  war  are  disposed  in  the  chronology  of  PagL 

^  On  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  an  event  so  interesting  to  the  church,  see  the 
Annals  of  Eutychius  (torn.  ii.  p.  aia-22^)  and  the  lamentations  of  the  monk 
Antiochus  (apud  Baronium,  AnnaL  Ecdes.  A.D.  614.  Na  16-96),  whose  one 
hondred  and  twenty-nine  homilies  are  still  extant,  if  what  no  one  reads  may  be 
Mid  to  be  extant 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  71 

of  saints  by  the  epithet  of  altiu-giver  ;'^^  and  the 
of  the  churchy  with  a  treasure  of  three  hundred 
I  pounds,  were  restored  to  the  true  proprietors,  the 
eveiy  country  and  every  denomination.  But  Egjrpt 
e  only  province  which  had  been  exempt  since  the  time 
;tian  from  foreign  and  domestic  war,  was  again  subdued 
uccessors  of  C3rru8J^  Pelusium,  the  key  of  that  im-j'!ig* 
country,  was  surprised  by  the  cavahy  of  the  Persians : 
ised  with  impunity  the  innumerable  channels  of  the 
ind  explored  the  long  valley  of  the  Nile,  from  the 
I  of  Memphis  to  the  confines  of  Ethiopia.  Alexandria 
ive  been  relieved  by  a  naval  force,  but  the  archbishop 
prefect  embarked  for  Cyprus ;  and  Chosroes  entered 
ad  city  of  the  empire,  which  still  preserved  a  wealthy 
of  industry  and  commerce.  His  western  trophy  was 
not  on  the  walls  of  Carthage,^^  but  in  the  neighbour- 
Tripoli;  the  Greek  colonies  of  Cyrene  were  finally 
^d;  and  the  conqueror,  treading  in  the  footsteps  of 
er,  returned  in  triumph  through  the  sands  of  the 
lesert.  In  the  same  campaign,  another  army  advanced  ^^^^ 
e  Euphrates  to  the  Thnician  Bosphorus ;  Chalcedon  •!«.*«. 
red  after  a  long  siege,  and  a  Persian  camp  was 
led  above  ten  years  in  the  presence  of  Constantinople, 
rcoast  of  Pontus,  the  city  of  Ancyra,  and  the  isle  of 
Kte  enumerated  among  the  last  conquests  of  the  Great 
nd,  if  Chosroes  had  possessed  any  maritime  power,  his 

life  of  this  worthy  saint  is  composed  by  Leontius  [of  NeapoUs],  a 
ary  bishop ;  and  I  find  in  Baxx^nius  (AnnaL  Eccles.  A.D.  6io,  Na  zo, 
leury  (torn.  viii.  p.  235-242)  sufficient  extracts  of  this  edifying  work, 
c  text  of  this  Life  was  first  published  by  H.  Gelzer,  1893.  The  Latin 
will  be  found  in  Rosweyde's  Vitae  Patrum,  and  in  Migne's  Patr.  Lat, 

337^^-] 

late  of  the  conquest  of  Egypt  is  given  by  Theophanes  as  A.M.  6x07,  that 
;,  in  which  year  Chalcedon  was  also  attacked.  Nioephonis  (p.  Q>  ed. 
ipresents  the  attack  on  Chalcedon  as  subsequent  to  the  conquest  of  Egypt 
»d  by  the  same  general  (Saitos).  According  to  Tabari  the  keys  of 
.  were  delivered  to  Chosroes  in  his  28th  year,  s  a.d.  617-618  (d.  210)1 
uggests  that  the  statements  may  be  reconciled  by  assuming  mat  the 
not  sent  till  a  long  time  after  the  conquest  Gelser  (see  next  note) 
conquest  of  Egypt  in  A.D.  619.] 

arror  of  Baronius  and  many  others  who  have  carried  the  arms  of 

o  Carthage  instead  of  Chalcedon,  is  founded  on  the  near  resemblance 

dc  words  KoAxif^ca  and  Kapxijiora  in  the  text  of  Theophanes,  &c.  which 

fometimes  confomided  by    transcribers    and    sometimes  by  critics. 

0  donbt  that  XaXiai^o^os  given  by  the  Mss.  of  Theophanes  is  the  true 
too^  C.  de  Boor,  in  his  edition,  has  introduced  KapxY^orot  from  the 
dation  of  Anastasius.    See  C.  de  Boor,  in  Hermes,  1890  (tur  Chrono- 

1  Tbeo^ianes) ;  H.  Gelzer,  in  Rheinisches  Museum,  1893  (Cbalkedon 


72  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

boundless  ambition  would  have  spread  slavery  and  desolaticm 
over  the  provinces  of  Europe. 

From  the  long-disputed  banks  of  the  Tigris  and  Euphrates, 
the  reign  of  the  grandson  of  Nushirvan  was  suddenly  extended 
to  the  Hellespont  and  the  Nile^  the  ancient  limits  of  the  Persian 
monarchy.  But  the  provinces,  which  had  been  fashioned  by 
the  habits  of  six  hundred  years  to  the  virtues  and  vices  of  the 
Roman  government,  supported  with  reluctance  the  yoke  of  the 
barbarians.  The  idea  of  a  republic  was  kept  alive  by  the 
institutions,  or  at  least  by  the  writings,  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  and  the  subjects  of  Heraclius  had  been  educated  to 
pronounce  the  words  of  liberty  and  law.  But  it  has  always 
been  the  pride  and  policy  of  Oriental  princes  to  display  the 
titles  and  attributes  of  their  omnipotence ;  to  upbraid  a  nation 
of  slaves  with  their  true  name  and  abject  condition  ;  and  to  en- 
force, by  cruel  and  insolent  threats,  the  rigour  of  their  absolute 
commands.  The  Christians  of  the  East  were  scandalized  by 
the  worship  of  fire  and  the  impious  doctrine  of  the  two 
principles  ;  the  Magi  were  not  less  intolerant  than  the  bishops ; 
and  the  martyrdom  of  some  native  Persians,  who  had  deserted 
the  religion  of  Zoroaster,^  was  conceived  to  be  the  prelude  of 
a  fierce  and  general  persecution.  By  the  oppressive  laws  of 
Justinian,  the  adversaries  of  the  church  were  made  the  enemies 
of  the  state ;  the  alliance  of  the  Jews,  Nestorians,  and  Jacobites 
had  contributed  to  the  success  of  Chosroes,  and  his  partial  fistvoor 
to  the  sectaries  provoked  the  hatred  and  fears  of  the  Catholic 
clergy.  Conscious  of  their  fear  and  hatred,  the  Persian  con- 
queror governed  his  new  subjects  with  an  iron  sceptre ;  and, 
as  if  he  suspected  the  stability  of  his  dominion,  he  exhausted 
their  wealth  by  exorbitant  tributes  and  licentious  rapine,  de- 
spoiled or  demolished  the  temples  of  the  "East,  and  transported 
to  his  hereditary  realms  the  gold,  the  silver,  the  precious 
marbles,  the  arts,  and  the  artists  of  the  Asiatic  cities.  In  the 
obscure  picture  of  the  calamities  of  the  empire,^^  it  is  not  easy 
to  discern  the  figure  of  Chosroes  himself,  to  separate  his  actions 
from  those  of  his  lieutenants,  or  to  ascertain  his  personal  merit 

Oder  Karchedon?  p.  i6i),  a  paper  which  discusses  the  chronology  of  these 
Persian  conquests.] 

ff  The  fenuine  acts  of  St.  Anastasius  are  published  in  those  of  the  viith  general 
council,  from  whence  Baronius  (AnnaL  Eocles.  A.D.  6i^,  626,  607)  and  Butler 
(Lives  of  the  Saints,  vol  i.  p.  242-248)  have  taken  their  accotmts.  The  holy 
martjrr  deserted  from  the  Persian  to  me  Roman  army,  berime  a  monk  at 
Jerusalem,  and  insulted  the  worship  of  the  Magi,  which  was  then  established  at 
Csesarea  in  Palestine.    [For  the  Acfa  of  St.  Ans^tasius  see  Appendix  i.] 

TBAbulpharagius,  Dynast  p.  99.     Elmactn,  Hist.  Saraoen.  p.  14. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  73 

general  bUie  of  glory  and  magnificence.  He  enjoyed 
tentation  the  firuits  of  victory,  and  frequently  rethred 
5  hardships  of  war  to  the  luxury  of  the  palace.  But  in 
»  of  twenty-four  years,  he  was  deterred  by  superstition 
itment  from  approaching  the  gates  of  Ctesipnon;  and 
ante  reddence  of  Artemita,  or  Dastagerd,^  was  situate 
the  Tigris,  about  sixty  miles  to  the  north  of  the 
^  The  adjacent  pastures  were  covered  with  flocks  and 
the  paradise  or  park  was  replenished  with  pheasants, 
s,  ostriches,  roebucks,  and  wild  boars;  and  the  noble 
f  lions  and  tigers  was  sometimes  turned  loose  for  the 
pleasures  of  the  chase.  Nine  hundred  and  sixty  ele- 
were  maintained  for  the  use  or  splendour  of  the  Great 
his  tents  and  baggage  were  carried  into  the  field  by 
thousand  great  camels  and  eight  thousand  of  a  smaller 
and  the  rojral  stables  were  filled  with  six  thousand 
nd  horses,  among  whom  the  names  of  Shebdiz  and  Barid 
owned  for  their  speed  or  beauty.  Six  thousand  guards 
vely  mounted  beiore  the  palace  gate ;  the  service  of  the 
apartments  was  performed  by  twelve  thousand  slaves ; 
lie  number  of  three  thousand  virgins,  the  £Eurest  of  Asia, 
ippy  concubine  might  console  her  master  for  the  age 
indifference  of  Sira.  The  various  treasures  of  gold, 
^ems,  silk,  and  aromatics,  were  deposited  in  an  hundred 
neous  vaults ;  and  the  chamber  Badaverd  denoted  the 
ral  gift  of  the  winds  which  had  wafted  the  spoils  of 
18  into  one  of  the  Syrian  harbours  of  his  rival.  The 
flattery,  and  perhaps  of  fiction,  is  not  ashamed  to  com- 
t  thirty  thousand  rich  hangings  that  adorned  the  walls, 
Y  thousand  columns  of  silver,  or  more  probably  of  marble, 
ted  wood,  that  supported  the  roof;  and  the  thousand 
f  gold  suspended  in  the  dome,  to  imitate  the  motions 
>lanets  and  the  constellations  of  the  ssodiac.^^    While 

hron.  Pasch.  A«my«p-xoo^  =  Dastaferd-i-Chosrau.  In  Mart.  Aiiastasii 
Jan.  23)  the  place  is  called  Discarta,  the  Aramaic  form  (Arab  DasJkaraf). 
die,  o^,  cii,  p.  995 ;  and  see  below,  p.  ^  n.  za6».] 
▼ille,  Mtai.  de  TAcad^mie  des  Inscriptions,  tom.  zxxiL  p.  568-571. 
difierence  between  the  two  races  consists  in  one  or  two  htxmps ;  the 
f  has  only  one ;  the  size  of  the  proper  camel  is  larger ;  the  country  he 
m,  Turkestan  or  Bactriana ;  the  dromedary  is  confined  to  Arabia  and 
fioo.  Hist  Naturdle,  tom.  xi.  p.  an,  &c.  Aristot  Hist.  Animal,  tom. 
[,  torn.  iLpu  285. 

phanes,  Outmograph.  p.  a68  [p.  322,  ed.  de  Boor].  D'Herbdot, 
[Be  Orientak,  p.  097.  The  Greeks  describe  the  decay,  the  Persians  the 
,  of  Dastasera;  bat  the  former  speak  from  the  modest  witness  of  the 
tter  from  me  Wgne  report  of  the  ear. 


74  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  PersUn  monarch  contemplated  the  wonders  of  his  art  and  ^ 
power^  he  received  an  epistle  from  an  obscure  citizen  of  Mecca, ', 
inviting  him  to  acknowledge  Mahomet  as  the  apostle  of  God.  .; 
He  rejected  the  invitation,  and  tore  the  epistle.  '<  It  is  thus^"  j 
exclaimed  the  Arabian  prophet,  "that  Ood  will  tear  the  4 
kingdom,  and  reject  the  supplications,  of  Chosroes."  ^  Placed  ,' 
on  the  verge  of  the  two  great  empires  of  the  East,  Mahomet  ^ 
observed  with  secret  joy  the  progress  of  their  mutual  destruo-  .*. 
tion ;  and,  in  the  midst  of  the  Persian  triumphs,  he  ventured  ; 
to  foretell  that,  before  many  years  should  elapse,  victory  would  * 
again  return  to  the  banners  of  the  Romans.^  ^ 

At  the  time  when  this  prediction  is  said  to  have  been  delivered, 
A.DLCUMB    no  prophecy  could  be  more  distant  from  its  accomplishment,  . 
since  the  first  twelve  years  of  Heraclius  announced  the  approach- 
ing dissolution  of  the  empire.     If  the  motives  of  Chosroes  had  . 
been  pure  and  honourable,  he  must  have  ended  the  quarrel  with  , 
the  death  of  Phocas,  and  he  would  have  embraced^  as  his  best  "* 
ally,  the  fortunate  African  who  had  so  generously  avenged  the  \ 
injuries  of  his  benefactor  Maurice.     The  prosecution  of  the  war  ' 
revealed  the  true  character  of  the  barbarian ;  and  the  suppliant 
embassies  of  Heraclius  to  beseech  his  clemency,  that  he  wouU  I 
spare  the  innocent,  accept  a  tribute,  and  give  peace  to  the^ 
world,  were  rejected  with  contemptuous  ^ence  or  insolenl  * 
menace.     S3rria,  Egypt,  and  the  provinces  of  Asia  were  subdued  [ 
by  the  Persian  arms,  while  Europe,  from  the  confines  of  Istiia ' 
to  the  long  wall  of  Thrace,  was  oppressed  by  the  Avars,  uaaa^ 
tiated  with  the  blood  and  rapine  of  the  Italian  war.     They  had 
coolly  massacred  their  male  captives  in  the  sacred  field  of  Pan- 
nonia ;  the  women  and  children  were  reduced  to  servitude ;  and 
the  noblest  virgins  were  abandoned  to  the  promiscuous  lust  of 
the  barbarians.     The  amorous  matron  who  opened  the  gates  of' 
Friuli  passed  a  short  night  in  the  arms  of  her  royal  lover ;  the 
next  evening,  Romilda  was  condemned  to  the  embraces  of  twelve 


^The  historians  of  Mahomet,  Abalfeda  (in  Vit  MohammecL  p.  9a,  93)  

Gagnier  (Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn,  il  p.  247),  date  this  embassy  in  the  viith  yiu  of  "^ 
the  Hegira,  which  commences  A.D.  6a8,  May  11.  Their  chronoloey  is  errooeooiff^ 
since  Chosroes  died  in  the  month  of  February  of  the  same  year  (Pagi,  Critica»  toob .^ 
iL  p.  779).  [The  embassy  may  have  been  despatched  before  the  d^th  of  ChovoM^ 
was  known  ;  out  it  must  have  been  received  hy  Siroea.]  The  count  de  Bonkia^^ 
villiers  (Vie  de  Mahomed,  p.  337,  338)  places  this  embassy  about  A.D.  615,  woa0i 
after  the  conquest  of  Palestme.  Yet  Mahomet  would  scarcely  have  ventmed  saK^ 
soon  on  so  bold  a  step.  .  -^ 

**See  the  xxxth  chapter  of  the  Koran,  intitled  ik€  Greeks,  Our  honest  aaf^ 
learned  translator  Sale  (p.  330,  331)  fairly  states  this  conje^ure,  gueis,  wagoiT^^u 
Mahomet ;  but  BoulainviUiers  (p.  399-344),  with  wicked  intentloni,  labom  ijkf 
establidi  this  evident  propheqr  of  a  future  event,  which  must,  in  nb  opioka^r 
embarrass  the  Christian  polemics.  y 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  75 

Armn ;  and  the  third  day  the  Lombard  princess  was  impaled  in 
the  sight  of  the  camp,  while  the  chagan  observed,  with  a  cruel 
amile,  that  such  a  husband  was  the  fit  recompense  of  her  lewd- 
iieaa  and  perfidy.^  By  these  implacable  enemies  Heraclius, 
on  either  side,  was  insulted  and  besieged;  and  the  Roman 
empire  was  reduced  to  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  with  the 
rrmnant  of  GreecCi  Italy,  and  Africa,  and  some  maritime  cities, 
from  Tyre  to  Trebixond,  of  the  Asiatic  coast  After  the  loss  of 
Egypt,  the  capital  was  afflicted  by  famine  and  pestilence ;  and  t^^*^-  uifl 
the  emperor,  incapable  of  resistance  and  hopeless  of  relief,  had 
resolved  to  transfer  his  person  and  government  to  the  more 
secure  residence  of  Carthage.^  His  ships  were  already  laden 
with  the  treasures  of  the  palace ;  but  his  flight  was  arrested  by 
the  patriarch,  who  armed  the  powers  of  religion  in  the  defence 
of  his  oountiy,  led  Heradius  to  the  altar  of  St.  Sophia,  and  ex- 
torted a  solemn  oath  that  he  would  live  and  die  with  the  people 
^lom  God  had  entrusted  to  his  care.  The  chagan  was  en- 
cunped  in  the  plains  of  Thrace,  but  he  dissembled  his  perfidious 
designs,  and  solicited  an  interview  with  the  emperor  near  the 
town  of  Heradea.  Their  reconciliation  was  celebrated  with  C^^- oil 
equestrian  games,  the  senate  and  people  in  their  gayest  apparel 
loorted  to  the  festival  of  peace,  and  the  Avars  beheld,  with 
oiTj  and  desire,  the  spectacle  of  Roman  luxury.     On  a  sudden, 

I  the  hippodrome  was  encompassed  by  the  Sc3rthian  cavalry,  who 
kd  pressed  their  secret  and  noctunial  march ;  the  tremendous 
Mma  of  the  chagan's  whip  gave  the  signal  of  the  assault ;  and 
Heraclius,  wrapping  his  diadem  round  his  arm,  was  saved,  with 
citreme  hasard,  by  the  fleetness  of  his  horse.  So  rapid  was  the 
yvBuit  that  the  Avars  almost  entered  the  golden  gate  of  Con- 
teitiiiople  with  the  flying  crowds;^  but  the  plunder  of  the 


*Paiil  'Wamefrid,  de  Gestis  Langobordoram,  1.  iv.  c.  38,  42.    Muratori,  Annali 
fhdia,  torn.  V.  p.  305,  &c 

"[This  design  seems  to  have  followed  the  failure  of  the  embassy  to  Chosroes.] 

'The  Paschal  Chronide,  which  sometimes  introduces  fragments  of  history  into 
^j  akuicn  list  of  namesand  dates,  gives  the  best  account  of  the  treason  of  the  Avars, 
I  fcA>  39^  [P*  7'^  ^^'  *  ^  Bonn^  The  number  of  captives  is  added  by  Nicephonis. 
^wynanes  places  tnis  attack  of  the  Avars  in  a.d.  619  (a.  m.  61 10).  the  date  adopted 
FebiTiixs,  Gibbon,  Muralt,  Clinton.  But  Chron.  Fasch.  gives  A.D.  623,  and 
Gerland  (Byt.  Ztachr.,  3,  p.  334-7)  has  argued  with  much  plausibility  that  this 
•e  is  right  and  that  the  return  of  Heradius  in  A.D.  623  (G«>rge  Pis.  Acroas.  iiu 
91)  was  due  to  iMis  danger  from  the  Avars. — It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the 
BBBest  of  the  Virgin  was  discovered  in  a  coffin  at  Blachern ;  and  the  discovery 
bidated  b^  a  oootemporaiTj  Theodore  Syncdlus.    The  relation  has  been  edited 

-  form  by 
to  the 


76  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

suburbs  rewarded  their  treason,  and  they  transported  bey^ 
the  Danube  two  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  captiyes. 
the  shore  of  Chalcedon,  the  emperor  held  a  safer  confere 
with  a  more  honourable  foe,  who,  before  Heradius  descen 
from  his  galley^  saluted  with  reverence  and  pity  the  majest; 
iiiiBi      the  purple.     The  friendly  offer  of  Sain  the  Persian  general 
^         conduct  an  embassy  to  the  presence  of  the  Great  King^  was 
cepted  with  the  warmest  gratitude,  and  the  prayer  for  pari 
and  peace  was  humbly  presented  by  the  praetorian  preefect, 
prsfect  of  the  city,  and  one  of  the  first  ecclesiastics  of 
patriarchal  church.^     But  the  lieutenant  of  Chosroes  had  fiit 
mistaken  the  intentions  of  his  master.    "  It  was  not  an  embas! 
said  the  tyrant  of  Asia,  "  it  was  the  person  of  Heraclius,  bo 
in  chains,  that  he  should  have  brought  to  the  foot  of  my  thn 
I  will  never  give  peace  to  the  emperor  of  Rome  till  he  has 
jured  his  crucified  Crod  and  embraced  the  worship  of  the  si 
Sain  was  flayed  alive,  according  to  the  inhuman  practice  of 
country;   and  the   separate  and   rigorous   confinement  of 
ambassadors  violated  the  law  of  nations  and  the  fiiith  oi 
express  stipulation.     Yet  the  experience  of  six  years  at  ler 
persuaded  the  Persian  monarch  to  renounce  the  conquesi 
Constantinople  and  to  specify  the  annual  tribute  or  ransoi 
the  Roman  empire:  a  thousand  talents  of  gold,  a  thous 
talents  of  silver,  a  thousand  silk  robes,  a  thousand  horses, 
a  thousand  virgins.      Heraclius  subscribed   these  ignomin 
terms,  but  the  time  and  space  which  he  obtained  to  collect  t 
treasures  from  the  poverty  of  the  East  was  industriously 
ployed  in  the  preparations  of  a  bold  and  desperate  attack. 
ipfwpftn.       Of  the  characters  conspicuous  in  history,  that  of  Hera< 
iHm  *^'  is  one  of  the  most  extraordinaiy  and  inconsistent.      In 
first  and  last  years  of  a  long  reign,  the  emperor  appear 
be  the  slave  of  sloth,  of  pleasure,  or  of  superstition,  the  c 
less  and  impotent  spectator  of  the  public  calamities.     But 
languid  mists  of  the  morning  and  evening  are  separated 
the  brightness  of  the  meridian  sun  :  the  Arcadius  ot  the  pa 
arose  the  Caesar  of  the  camp ;  and  the  honour  of  Rome 
Heraclius  was  gloriously  retrieved  by  the  exploits  and  trop 
of  six  adventurous  campaigns.     It  was  the  duty  of  the  By 
tine  historians  to  have  revealed  the  causes  of  his  slumber 

^Some  original  pieces,  such  as  the  speech  or  letter  of  the  Roman  amboss 
(p.  386-^88  [p.  707  sfg.,  ecL  Bonn]),  likewise  constitute  the  merit  of  the  Pa 
Chnmicle,  which  was  composed,  perhaps  at  Alexandria,  uKler  the  rei| 
Heraclius  [cp.  Appendix  z} 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIBE  77 

figilanoe.     At  this  distance  we  can  only  conjecture  that  he  was 

endowed  with  more  personal  courage  than  political  resolution ; 

Uiat  he  was  detained  by  the  charms,  and  perhaps  the  arts,  of 

hit  niece  Martina,  with  whom,  after  the  death  of  Eudocia,  he 

contracted  an  incestuous  marriage  ;  ^  and  that  he  yielded  to  the 

bue  advice  of  the  counsellors,  who  urged,  as  a  fundamental  law, 

that  the  life  of  the  emperor  should  never  be  exposed  in  the 

fidd.^     Perhaps  he  was  awakened  by  the  last  insolent  demand 

of  the  Persian  conqueror ;  but,  at  the  moment  when  Heraclius 

■mimrcl  the  spirit  of  a  hero,  the  only  hopes  of  the  Romans  were 

fawn  from  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  which  might  threaten 

the  proud  prosperity  of  Chosroes  and  must  be  ^vourable  to 

&o0e  who  had  attained  the  lowest  period  of  depression.^^     To 

[Bovide  for  the  expenses  of  war  was  the  first  care  of  the  emperor ; 

mid,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  the  tribute,  he  was  allowed 

Id  icdicit  the  bcaievolence  of  the  Eastern  provinces.     But  the 

icifenae  no  longer  flowed  in  the  usual  channels  ;  the  credit  of  an 

ariMtrazy  prince  is  annihilated  by  his  power;  and  the  courage  of 

Heradius  was  first  displayed  in  daring  to  borrow  the  consecrated 

wealth  of  churches  under  the  solemn  vow  of  restoring,  with 

■my,  whatever  he  had  been  compeUed  to  employ  in  the  service 

tf  religion  and  of  the  empire.    The  clergy  themselves  appear  to 

bve  sympathized  with  the  public  distress,  and  the  discreet 

:  ptriarrh  of  Alexandria,  without  admitting  the  precedent  of 

■oil^e,  assisted  his  sovereign  by  the  miraculous  or  seasonable 

levelatioo  of  a  secret  treasure.^^     Of  the  soldiers  who  had  con- 


*Nioepbonis  (p.  lo,  ii),  who  brands  this  marriage  with  the  name  of  «tf««fu>r 
•d  Ai^i  rwFi  is  hapfij  to  observe  that  of  two  sons,  its  incestuous  fruit,  the  elder 
««  marked  by  Providence  with  a  stiff  neck,  the  younger  with  the  loss  of  hearing. 

'George  of  Pisidia  (Acroas.  L  ixa-125,  p.  ^),  who  states  the  opinions,  acquits 
fee  poallaiunious  connsdiors  of  any  sinister  views.  Would  he  have  excused  the 
pDod  aad  oontemptaous  admonition  of  Crispus?  *Kwtrm0i(;^v  ovm  ii^v  fiamXtZ 
t^m  mmwmXM4twi9n¥  ^««tXn«,  ««i  ratf  wif^m  iwixmpimCttv  iwdfunv  [Nic.  p.   5,  ed. 

kBoor]. 

George  Pisid.  Acroas.  i.  51,  &c  p.  4. 
He  Orientals  are  not  less  fond  of  remarking  this  strange  vicissitude  ;  and   I 
iber  some  story  of  Kbosrou  Parviz,  not  very  unlike  the  ring  of  Polycrates 


**Buonius  gravely  relates  this  discovery,  or  rather  transmutation,  of  barrels, 
■ot  of  honey,  bat  of  gold  (Annal  Eccles.  A.D.  620,  No.  3,  &a).  Yet  the  loan 
«■  arbitnuy,  stnoe  it  was  collected  by  soldiers,  who  were  ordered  to  leave  the 
Hbuuvli  of  Alexandria  no  more  than  one  hundred  pounds  of  gold.  Nicephonis 
(p^  xi\  two  hundred  jrears  afterwards,  speaks  with  ill-humour  of  this  contribution. 


78  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Spired  with  Pfaocas,  only  two  were  found  to  have  sarvived 
stroke  of  time  and  of  the  barbarians  ;^  the  loss,  even  of  tl 
seditious  veterans^  was  imperfectly  supplied  by  the  new  le 
of  Heradius,  and  the  gold  of  the  sanctuary  united^  in  the  s 
camp,  the  names,  and  arms,  and  languages  of  the  East 
West.  He  would  have  been  content  with  the  neutrality  of 
Avars ;  and  his  friendly  entreaty  that  the  chagan  would  act 
as  the  enemy  but  as  the  guardian  of  the  empire  was  ac< 
panied  with  a  more  persuasive  donative  of  two  hundred  t! 
sand  pieces  of  gold.  Two  days  after  the  festival  of  Easter,^ 
emperor,  exchanging  his  purple  for  the  simple  garb  of  a  pen! 
Aprttf]  and  warrior,^  g&ve  the  signal  of  his  departure.  To  the  i 
of  the  people  Heradius  recommended  his  children  ;  the  civil 
military  powers  were  vested  in  the  most  deserving  hands  ; 
the  discretion  of  the  patriarch  and  senate  was  authorise* 
save  or  surrender  the  city,  if  they  should  be  oppressed  ii 
absence  by  the  superior  forces  of  the  enemy, 
im  a^*^  The  neighbouring  heights  of  Chalcedon  were  covered  * 
taaidiMi  '  tents  and  arms ;  but,  if  the  new  levies  of  Heraclius  had  1 
LA.  oi  rashly  led  to  the  attack,  the  victory  of  the  Persians  in  the  s 
of  Constantinople  might  have  been  the  last  day  of  the  Ro 
empire.  As  imprudent  would  it  have  been  to  advance  into 
provinces  of  Asia,  leaving  their  innumerable  cavalry  to  ii 
cept  his  convoys,  and  continually  to  hang  on  the  lassitude 
disorder  of  his  rear.^  But  the  Greeks  were  still  masters  oi 
sea ;  a  fleet  of  galle3rs,  transports  and  storeships,  was  assem 
in  the  harbour ;  the  barbarians  consented  to  embark  ;  a  st< 
wind  carried  them  through  the  Hellespont ;  the  western 
southern  coast  of  Asia  Minor  lay  on  their  left  hand  ;  the  s 
of  their  chief  was  first  displayed  in  a  storm ;  and  even 
eunuchs  of  his  train  were  excited  to  suffer  and  to  worl 
the  example  of  their  master.  He  landed  his  troops  on 
confines  of  Syria  and  Cilicia,  in  the  gulf  of  Scanderoon,  w 

which  the  church  of  Constantinople  might  ftiU  fed.  [The  ecciesiastica] 
illustrates  the  religious  character  of  the  wan  of  Heradius :  crusades  again 
Fire-worshippers  who  had  taken  captive  the  Holy  City  and  the  True  Croo.] 

**Theoplnrlact  Simocatta,  L  viii.  c  xa.  This  dicumstanoe  need  not  exdi 
surprise.  Tne  muster-roll  of  a  regiment,  even  in  time  of  peace,  is  renewed  i 
than  twenty  or  twenty-five  years. 

*«[On  Easter  Monday,  April  5,  A.D.  69a.] 

^  He  changed  his  fmrfle  for  dladk  buskins,  and  djred  them  red  in  the  blc 
the  Pttsians  (Georg.  Pisid.  Acroas.  iiL  zz8,  lai,  xaa.    See  the  notes  of  Fo 

**  [But  see  nesa  note.] 


\ 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  79 

i8t  suddenly  tarns  to  the  south ;  and  his  discernment 
pressed  in  the  choice  of  this  important  post.^  From 
s,  the  scattered  garrisons  of  the  maritime  cities  and  the 
ins  might  repair  with  speed  and  safety  to  his  Imperial 
"d.  The  natural  fortifications  of  Cilicia  protected,  and 
•ncealedythe  camp  of  Heraclius^^  which  was  pitched  near 
m  the  same  ground  where  Alexander  had  vanquished 
t  of  Darius.  The  angle  which  the  emperor  occupied  was 
indented  into  a  vast  semicircle  of  the  Asiatic,  Armenian, 
rian  provinces ;  and,  to  whatsoever  point  of  the  circum- 
he  should  direct  his  attack,  it  was  easy  for  him  to  dis- 
his  own  motions  and  to  prevent  those  of  the  enemy.  In 
np  of  Issus  the  Roman  general  reformed  the  sloth  and 
r  of  the  veterans,  and  educated  the  new  recruits  in  the 
dge  and  practice  of  military  virtue.  Unfolding  the 
loos  image  of  Christ,  he  urged  them  to  revenge  the  holy 
rhich  had  been  profstned  by  the  worshippers  of  fire  ;  ad- 
g  them  by  the  endearing  appellations  of  sons  and  brethren, 
Lored  the  public  and  private  wrongs  of  the  republic.   The 


rge  of  Pisidia  (Acroas.  iL  lo,  p.  8)  has  fixed  this  important  point  of  the 
Ml  CiUdan  gates.  They  are  elegantly  described  by  Xenophon,  who 
through  them  a  thousand  years  before.  A  narrow  pass  of  three  stadia 
rteep  high  rocks  (Wr^o*  1|At^aTOi)  and  the  Mediterraniean,  was  closed  at 
by  strong  gates,  impr^;nable  to  the  land  (vapi A^tr  ov«  }v  ^ff )« aooeasible 
Vmsibasis,  1*  i»  !>.  35»  36,  with  Hutchison's  Geographical  Dissertation,  p. 
e  gates  were  thirty-five  parasangs,  or  leagues,  from  Tarsus  (Anabasis,  L 
\^[c,  4])*  <uid  eight  or  ten  finom  Antioch.  (Compare  Itinerar.  Wesseling, 
li ;  S^ultens,  Index.  Geograph.  ad  calcem  Vit.  Saladin.  p.  o ;  Voyage 
tie  et  en  Perse,  par  M.  Otter,  torn.  L  p.  78,  79.)  [Historians  have  gene- 
twcd  Qoerdus  in  interpreting  the  Uiikai  of  G^>fge  of  Pisidia  ( allieoph. 
i  Boor)  as  the  Cilidan  Gates.  Tafel  has  proved  that  this  interpretation 
wrong  and  that  the  place  meant  is  Pyia€  on  the  southern  side  c»  the  Ni- 
I  Bay,  which  Heradius  reached  by  sailing  round  the  cape  of  Heraeum 
i.  157).  See  Sitzungsberichte  der  Wiener  Akad.  der  Wiss.  ix.  p.  164, 
rotn  I^lae  Heraclius  proceeded  b^  land  (see  £.  Gerland,  Die  persiscfaen 
des  Kaisers  Herakleios,  Byz.  Ztschrift.  iil  P«  S46, 1894)  cvl  rat  ritv  BtnAirmv 
3  the  districts  of  the  themes  or  re^^ents  (Eastern  Phrygia  and  Cappa- 
ind  thence  to  the  Armenian  frontier.  The  Persian  gennal  Shahrbarflz 
him  firom  invading  Persia  on  the  Armenian  side,  and  at  the  beginning  of 
r  Heraclius  found  himself  surrounded  in  the  mountains  of  Pontus,  but  he 
1  h*"*^^'  skilfully,  and  was  on  one  occasion  rescued  from  an  attadc  by  an 
'  the  nooon.  The  battle  mentioned  in  the  text  concluded  the  campai^ ; 
le  cannot  be  fixed.  There  was  no  fighting  in  Cilicia ;  nor  does  Cihcia 
I  the  campaign,  except  where  Shahrbarftz  retires  there  for  a  brief  space, 
oed  to  return  northward,  lest  Heraclius  should  invade  Persia.] 

raidius  might  write  to  a  friend  in  the  modest  words  of  Cicero :  "Castra 
I  ca  ipsa  quae  contia  Darium  habuerat  apud  Issum  Alexander,  impcara- 
pttulo  melior  quam  aut  tu  aut  ego  ".  Ad  Atticum,  v.  2a  Issus,  a  rich 
nshing  city  in  the  time  of  Xenophon,  was  mined  by  the  prosperity  of 
ria  orScanderoon,  on  the  other  side  of  the  bay. 


80  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

subjects  of  a  monarch  were  persuaded  that  they  fought  in  tl 
cause  of  freedom ;  and  a  similar  enthusiasm  was  communicate 
to  the  foreign  mercenaries,  who  must  have  viewed  with  equ 
indifference  the  interest  of  Rome  and  of  Persia.  Heradius  Idi 
self,  with  the  skill  and  patience  of  a  centurion,  inculcated  tl 
lessons  of  the  school  of  tactics,  and  the  soldiers  were  assiduous 
trained  in  the  use  of  their  weapons  and  the  exercises  and  evol 
tions  of  the  field.  The  cavalry  and  infiintry  in  light  or  heai 
armour  were  divided  into  two  parties ;  the  trumpets  were  fixed 
the  centre,  and  their  signals  directed  the  march,  the  chaig 
the  retreat,  or  pursuit ;  the  direct  or  oblique  order,  the  deep  * 
extended  phalanx  ;  to  represent  in  fictitious  combat  the  oper 
tions  of  genuine  war.  Whatever  hardship  the  emperor  impos< 
on  the  troops,  he  inflicted  with  equal  severity  on  himself;  the 
labour,  their  diet,  their  sleep  were  measured  by  the  infiexib 
rules  of  discipline ;  and,  without  despising  the  enemy,  the 
were  taught  to  repose  an  implicit  confidence  in  their  own  valoi 
and  the  wisdom  of  their  leader.  Cilida  was  soon  encompass! 
with  the  Persian  arms ;  but  their  cavalry  hesitated  to  enter  tl 
defiles  of  mount  Taurus,  till  they  were  circumvented  by  tl 
evolutions  of  Heraclius,  who  insensibly  gained  their  rear,  whil 
he  appeared  to  present  his  front  in  order  of  battle.  By  a  fkl 
motion,  which  seemed  to  threaten  Armenia,  he  drew  the 
against  their  wishes  to  a  general  acticm.  They  were  tempte 
by  the  artful  disorder  of  his  camp ;  but,  when  they  advanc^ 
combat,  the  ground,  the  sun,  and  the  expectation  of  bo' 
armies,  were  unpropitious  to  the  barbarians ;  the  Romans  su 
cessfully  repeated  their  tactics  in  a  field  of  battle ;  ^  and  tl 
event  of  the  day  declared  to  the  world  that  the  Persians  we 
not  invincible  and  that  an  hero  was  invested  with  the  purp] 
Strong  in  victory  and  fime,  Heraclius  boldly  ascended  tl 
heights  of  mount  Taurus,  directed  his  march  through  the  plai 
of  Cappadocia,  and  established  his  troops  for  the  winter  seast 
in  safe  and  plentiful  quarters  on  the  bai^  of  the  river  Halys. 
His  soul  was  superior  to  the  vanity  of  entertaining  Constan 
]>.at]      nople  with  an  imperfect  triumph;    but  the  presence  of  tl 

M  Foggini  ( Annotat.  p.  31)  suspects  that  the  persons  were  deceived  by  the  4^ 
wtwkifYi$4rii  of  /Elian  (Tactic,  c  48),  an  intricate  spiral  motion  of  the  army.  He  < 
serves  (p.  28)  that  the  military  descriptions  of  George  of  Pisldia  are  transcribed 
the  Tactics  of  the  emperor  Lea 

^^  George  of  Pisidia,  an  eye-witness  (Across,  ii.  i^,  ftc.),  described  in  th 
acroaseis  or  cantos,  the  first  eicpedition  of  Heraclins.  The  poem  has  been  lat 
(1777)  pnblished  at  Rome ;  bat  such  vagae  and  declamatory  praise  is  far  fn 
corresponding  with  the  sanguine  hopes  of  Pagi,  D'AnviOe,  Ac. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  81 


or  ynm.  indispeiifably  required  to  soothe  the  restless  and 
(HIS  spirit  of  the  Avars. 

re  the  days  of  Sdpio  and  Hannibal^  no  bolder  enterprisesm 
sen  attempted  than  that  which  Heradius  achieved  for  the  SET 
ranee  of  the  empire.^^^      He  permitted  the  Persians  to 
a  for  a  while  the  provinces,  and  to  insult  with  impunity 
pitaly  of  the  East ;  while  the  Roman  emperor  explored  his 
IS  way  through  the  Black  Sea  ^^  and  the  mountains  of 
lia,  penetrated  into  the  heart  of  Persisy^^^  and  recalled 
■mies  of  the  Great  King  to  the  defence  of  their  bleeding  gin 
y.      With  a  select  band  of  &ve  thousand  soldiers,  Hera-  jg^J 
tailed  from  Constantinople  to  Trebizond;  assembled  hisMjjg 

hfiopluinfai  (p.  256  [p.  506,  ed.  de  Boor])  carries  Heradius  swiftly  (mtA 
ito  Armenia.  Nioephorus  (p.  11),  though  he  confounds  the  twoexi>edi- 
efines  the  province  ot  Lazica.  Eutychius  (AnnaL  torn,  iu  p.  231}  has  given 
>  men,  with  the  more  probable  station  of  Trebixond.  [Kicepnoms  and 
Monachus  throw  the  three  expeditions  of  Heradius  into  one.] 

rom  Constantinople  to  Trebizond,  with  a  fair  wind,  four  or  five  da^rs ;  from 
to  Enerom,  five ;  to  Erivan,  twdve ;  to  Tauris,  ten :  in  all  tlurtv-two. 
the  Itinerary  of  Tavemier  (Voyages,  tom.  L  p.  X9-56X  who  was  perfect^  con- 
with  the  roads  of  Asia.  Toumefort,  whotravdledwithapasha,sp«Dttenor 
iaya  between  TYebizond  and  Elrsearom  (Vojrage  du  Levant,  tom.  iiL  lettre 
ind  Chardin  (Voyages,  tom.  i.  p«  3^9^54)  gives  the  more  correct  distance  of 
Be parasangs,  eadi  of  5000  paces  (what  paces?)  between  EIrivan  and  Tanris. 
Men  shown  byQerland(<^  cit.t  p.  345)  that  in  none  of  his  three  expeditions 
BcUus  reach  the  scene  of  operations  by  sailing  across  the  Euxine.  Inregardto 
and  expedition,  the  assumption  (restmg  on  the  statementsof  Nicephorusand 
Monadras)  is  disproved  by  the  narrative  of  the  Armenian  historian  Sebaeos. 
tm  we  learn  that  Heradius  proceeded  from  Chaloedon  to  Cacsarea  in  Cappa- 
rhis  shows  thm  aresult  of  the  first  expedition  was  thesettingfree  of  Chalcedon 
e  Persian  occupation.  From  Caesarea,  he  marched  northward,  crossed  the 
les^  reached  Karin  or  ErzerQm,  and  thence  entered  the  valley  of  the  Araxes, 
Urcnred  the  towns  of  Dovin  and  Nakitchevan  (Sebaeos,  c  siis^  p.  xoa,  Rusa^ 
jy  Patkanian)^  A  brilliant  emendation  of  PtoL  H.  Gelxer  has  restored  to 
se  of  George  of  Pisidia  a  reference  to  the  capture  of  Dovin.    Heradiad,  a. 


Mf  4r  wmp4fytf  wi^^opit  rod  Aonifhnt, 
[eradiai  entered  Adherbijim,  desboyed  a  fine  temple  at  GanMca  (Tavris), 
owed  Chosroes  in  the  direction  of  Dastagerd  (Theqphanes,  p.  307).  But  a 
ay  bad  been  formed  under  Shfthln,  and  Shahrbaifix  was  approEiching  with 
es  from  the  ¥rest  (Sebaeos,  id,) ;  they  were  to  join  at  Nisims.  The  news 
movements  forced  Heradius  to  abandon  his  advance  on  Dastagerd  and 
to  Albania.    The  campaign  has  been  thoroughly  ditcnisrd  by  E.  Gerland, 


i;  but  the  obscure  campaign  of  694  [proMbly  625]  he  passes  over  in  silence. 
Lte  of  the  first  campaign  ot  the  second  expedition,  namdy  the  campaign  in 
ijan,  is  probably  6£f  (not  603).    See  Gerland,  ^.  cit,} 

TOJj.  V.  6 


82  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

forces  which  had  wintered  in  the  Pontic  regions ;  and,  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Phasis  to  the  Caspian  Sea^  encouraged  his  subjects 
and  allies  to  march  with  the  successor  of  Constantine  under  the 
fiuthfiil  and  victorious  banner  of  the  cross.  When  the  legions 
of  Lucullus  and  Pompey  first  passed  the  Euphrates^  they  blushed 
at  their  easy  victory  over  the  natives  of  Armenia.  But  the  long 
experience  of  war  had  hardened  the  minds  and  bodies  of  that 
effeminate  people ;  their  zeal  and  bravery  were  approved  in  the 
service  of  a  declining  empire ;  they  abhorred  and  feared  the 
usurpation  of  the  house  of  Sassan,  and  the  memory  of  persecu- 
tion envenomed  their  pious  hatred  of  the  enemies  of  Christ 
The  limits  of  Armenia,  as  it  had  been  ceded  to  the  emperor 
Maurice,  extended  as  far  as  the  Araxes  ;  the  river  submitted  to 
the  indignity  of  a  bridge  ;  ^^  and  Heraclius,  in  the  footsteps  of 
&]  Mark  ^tony,  advanced  towards  the  city  of  Tauris  or  Gand- 
zaca,^^^  the  ancient  and  modem  capital  of  one  of  the  provinces 
of  Media.  At  the  head  of  forty  thousand  men,  Chosroes  himself 
had  returned  from  some  distant  expedition  to  oppose  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Roman  arms ;  but  he  retreated  on  the  approach  of 
Heraclius,  declining  the  generous  alternative  of  peace  or  of 
battle.  Instead  of  half  a  million  of  inhabitants,  which  have 
been  ascribed  to  Tauris  under  the  reign  of  the  Sophys,  the  city 
contained  no  more  than  three  thousand  houses ;  but  the  value 
of  the  royal  treasures  was  enhanced  by  a  tradition  that  they 
were  the  spoils  of  Crcesus,  which  had  been  transported  by  CyruM 
from  the  citadel  of  Sardes.  The  rapid  conquests  of  Heraclius 
were  suspended  only  by  the  winter  season ;  a  motive  of  pru- 
dence, or  superstition,^^  determined  his  retreat  into  the  pro- 
vince of  Albania,  along  the  shores  of  the  Caspian;  and  his  tents 
were  most  probably  pitched  in  the  plains  of  Mogan,^^  the 

^^  Et  pontem  indignatus  Araxes.  Virgil,  ^Endd,  viil  728.  The  river  Araxes 
is  noisy,  rapid,  vehement,  and,  with  the  melting  of  the  snows,  irresistible ;  the 
strongest  and  most  mass^  bridges  are  swept  away  by  the  current ;  and  its  indigHa' 
turn  is  attested  by  the  ruins  of  many  arches  near  the  old  town  of  Zulfa.  Vo3rages 
de  Chardin,  torn.  i.  p.  252.     [For  the  cessions  to  Maurice  cp.  Appendix  4.] 

iwChardin,  torn.  i.  p.  255-259.  With  the  Orientals  (D'Herbelot,  Biblioth. 
Orient,  p.  834),  he  ascnoes  the  foundation  of  Tauris,  or  Tebris,  to  Zobdde,  the 
wile  of  the  famous  Caliph  Haroun  Alrashid ;  but  it  appears  to  have  been  more 
ancient ;  and  the  names  of  Gandzaca,  Gaxaca,  Gaza,  are  expressive  of  the  royal 
treasure.  The  number  of  550,000  inhabitants  is  reduced  by  Chardin  from  x,  100,000, 
the  popular  estimate. 

i^i^He  opened  the  gospel,  and  applied  or  interpreted  the  first  casual  passage  to 
the  name  and  situation  of  Albania.    Theophanes,  p.  258  [p.  308,  de  Boor]. 

i^The  heath  of  Mogan,  between  the  Cjrrus  and  the  Araxes,  is  sixty  parasangi 
in  length  and  twenty  in  breadth  (Olearius,  p.  1023,  1024),  abounding  m  waters 
and  miitfal  pastures  (Hist,  de  Nadir  Shah,  translated  by  Mr.  Jones  from  a 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  83 

^ncaxnpment  of  Oriental  princes.  In  the  course  of 
afiil  inroad^  he  signalised  the  seal  and  revenge  of  a 
smperor  :  at  his  command,  the  soldiers  extinguished 
nd  destroyed  the  temples  of  the  Magi ;  the  statues 
s,  Dv-ho  aspired  to  divine  honours,  were  abandoned  to 

;    sLnd  the  ruins  of  Thebarma  or  Ormia,^^  which  had 

[i  to  Zoroaster  himself,  made  some  atonement  for  the 

the   holy  sepulchre.      A  purer  spirit  of  religion  was 

tlie  relief  and  deliverance  of  fifty  thousand  captives. 

iras  rewarded  by  their  tears  and  grateful  acclama- 
it  this  wise  measure,  which  spread  the  fiune  of  his 
ce,  difiiised  the  murmurs  of  the  Persians  against  the 

obstinacy  of  their  own  sovereign. 

the  glories  of  the  succeeding  campaign,  Heradius  is 
tt  to  our  eyes  and  to  those  of  the  Bysaotine  histcnrians.^^ 
;  spacious  and  fruitful  plains  of  Alfaaniay  the  emperor 
>  follow  the  chain  of  H3rrcanian  motmtains,  to  descend 
[Movince  of  Media  or  Irak,  and  to  carrv  liis  victorious 
ur  as  the  rojal  cities  of  Casbin  and  Ispahan,  which  had 

;.  part  ii.  p.  a,  3y.  See  the  encampments  of  Timur  (Hist  par 
All,  L  V.  c.  37 ;  I.  vl  a  13)  and  the  coronation  of  Nadir  Shah  (Hist 

iL  3-x3t  ftxid  the  English  Life  by  Mr.  Jones,  p.  64,  65).    [Fnm  the 

>f  Theophanes,  r4  «jcpa  rM  'AXfiavimu  "  the  heights  of  Albania."  Albania 
Gerland  concludes  that  Theophanes  used  the  name  for  all  the  land 

i  Araxes.    Accofding  to  Sebaeos  Heradius  wintered  in  the  mountain 

r  Nakitchevan  (Ras&  transL,  p.  203)1] 

anna  and  Ormia,  near  the  lake  Spanto,  are  proved  to  be  the  same  dty 
le  (M^moires  de  I'Acad^mie,  tom.  zzvilL  p.  564,  565).  It  is  honoured 
th-place  of  Zoroaster,  according  to  the  Persians  (Schtdtens,  Index 
p.  48) ;  and  their  tradition  is  fortified  by  M.  Perrou  d'AnqnetU  (Mtou 
des  Inscript  torn.  xxxL  p.  375),  with  some  texts  from  Ais^  or  tieir, 
u  [It  is  almost  certain  that  ^nfiapiLott  in  Theophanes  (p.  308)  is  a  mis- 
p#«^fi«ti,  as  Hoffmann  has  suggested  (Syrische  Axten  persisc^er  Miirmer, 
■S^i^iifr  would  mean  the  province  Beth  Armftyi,  in  which  Dastagerd  was 
lie  great  fire-temple  which  Heradius  destroyed  was  at  Gazaka  (Sebaeos, 
p.  Gerland.  cf,  «/.,  p.  354.] 

onoC  find,  and  (what  is  much  more)  M.  d'Anville  does  not  attempt  to 
Salban,  Tarantum,  territory  of  the  Huns,  &c.  mentioned  by  Theophanes 
k).  Eajprcfaius  (AnnaL  torn,  ii  p.  231,  232),  an  insufficient  author,  names 
;  and  Casbin  is  most  probabljr  the  dty  of  Sapor.  Ispahan  is  twenty-four 
•ney  from  Tauris,  and  Casbin  half  way  lietweeu  them  (Voyages  de 
,  torn.  L  p.  63*82^  [Salban  has  been  identified  with  a  village  AXi  (Sd>aeo8, 
i  the  district  of  Arjish,  north  of  Lake  Van  (Gerland,  ^.  W/.,  p.  ^). 
is  Derindeh  on  the  AJcsu,  a  western  tributary  of  the  Euf^irates ;  it  is 
diteoe.  The  very  difficult  and  uncertain  operations  in  the  lands  north 
tea,  and  between  Lake  Van  and  the  upper  Euphrates,  from  end  of  A.D.  624 
of  A.D.  606,  tin  discussed  by  Gerland  (p.  355  wX  An  Armenian 
be  tenth  oentivy ,  Moses  KaAankatad,  thrtnrs  some  lljght,  independent  of 


84  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

never  been  approached  by  a  Raman  conqueror.  Alarmed  by 
the  danger  of  his  kingdom,  the  powers  of  Chosroes  were  ahready 
recalled  from  the  Nile  and  the  Bosphorus,  and  three  formidable 
armies  ^^^  surrounded,  in  a  distant  and  hostile  land,  the  camp 
of  the  emperor.  The  Colchian  allies  prepared  to  desert  his 
standard ;  and  the  fears  of  the  bravest  veterans  were  expressed, 
rather  than  concealed,  by  their  desponding  silence.  '^  Be  not 
terrified,"  said  the  intrepid  Heracnus, '' by  the  multitude  of 
your  foes.  With  the  aid  of  Heaven,  one  Roman  may  triumph 
over  a  thousand  baiiMirians.  But,  if  we  devote  our  lives  for  the 
salvation  of  our  brethren,  we  shall  obtain  the  crown  of  mart3^^- 
dom,  and  our  immortal  reward  will  be  liberally  paid  by  Grod  and 
posterity."  These  magnanimous  sentiments  were  supported  by 
the  vigour  of  his  actions.  He  repelled  the  threelbla  attack  of 
the  Persians,  improved  the  divisions  of  their  chiefii,  and»  by  a 
well-concerted  train  of  marches,  retreats,  and  successful  actions, 
finally  chased  them  from  the  field  into  the  fortified  cities  of 
Media  and  Assyria.     In  the  severity  of  the  winter  season, 

Ju]  Sarbaraza  deemed  himself  secure  in  the  walls  of  Salban ;  he  was 

surprised  by  the  activity  of  Heraclius,  who  divided  his  troops 

.JK  «M]  and  performed  a  laborious  march  in  the  silence  of  the  niffht. 
The  flat  roo&  of  the  houses  were  defended  with  useless  valour 
against  the  darts  and  torches  of  the  Romans ;  the  satraps  and 
nobles  of  Persia,  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  the  flower 
of  their  martial  youth,  were  either  slain  or  made  prisoners. 
The  general  escaped  by  a  precipitate  flight,  but  his  golden 
armour  Mras  the  prize  of  the  conqueror ;  and  the  soldiers  of 
Heraclius  enjoyed  the  wealth  and  repose  which  they  had  so 
nobly  deserved.  On  the  return  of  spring,  the  emperor  traversed 
in  seven  days  the  mountains  of  Curdistan,  and  passed  without 
resistance  the  rapid  stream  of  the  Tigris.  Oppressed  by  the 
weight  of  their  spoils  and  captives,  the  Roman  army  halted 
under  the  walls  of  Amida  ;  and  Heraclius  informed  the  senate 
of  Constantinople  of  his  safety  and  success,  which  they  had 

gnht^^J^  already  felt  by  the  retreat  of  the  besiegers.  The  bridges  of  the 
Euphntes  were  destroyed  by  the  Persians ;  but,  as  soon  as  the 
emperor  had  discovered  a  roid,  they  hastily  retired  to  defend 
the  banks  of  the  Sarus,^^^  in  Cilieia.     That  river,  an  impetu<His 

>>*[Uncter  Shahrbariz,  ShShIn,  and  Shihraplakan  (  s  SasablaagasX] 

^  At  ten  parasangs  from  Tanas»  the  army  of  thnyoongetCfruM  passed  the 
Sams,  three  plethra  m  breadth;  the  Pyramus,  a  stamun  u  breadth,  ran  five 
parasangs  farther  to  the  east  (Xoiophon,  Anabaii.  1.  i«  p*  339  34  [c  4])> 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  86 

totrent,  was  about  three  hundred  feet  broad ;  the  bridge  was 
fortified  with  strong  turrets;  and  the  banks  were  lined  with 
barbarian  archers.  After  a  bloody  conflict,  which  continued 
till  the  evening,  the  Romans  prevailed  in  the  assault,  and  a 
Fenian  of  gigantic  siae  was  slain  and  thrown  into  the  Sams  by 
the  hand  of  the  emperor  himself.  The  enemies  were  dispersed 
and  dismayed;  Heradius  pursued  his  march  to  Sebaste  in^jkirii,A 
Caf^padoda ;  and,  at  the  eicpiration  of  three  years,  the  same 
coast  of  the  Euxine  applauded  his  return  from  a  long  and 
victcMrious  ezpedition.^^* 

Instead  of  skirmishing  on  the  fi*ontier,  the  two  monarchs  who  PiMgwaiM 
disputed  the  empire  of  the  East  aimed  their  desperate  strokes Myugwi 
at  the  heart  of  their  rival.  The  military  force  of  Persia  was  mu  Ann. 
wasted  by  the  marches  and  combats  of  twenty  years,  and  many 
of  the  veterans,  who  had  survived  the  perils  of  the  sword  and 
the  clknate,  were  still  detained  in  the  fortresses  of  Egjrpt  and 
But  the  revenge  and  ambition  of  Chosroes  exhausted 
kingdom ;  and  the  new  levies  of  subjects,  strangers,  and 
slaves,  were  divided  into  three  formidable  bodies.^^'  The  first 
army  of  fifty  thousand  men,  illustrious  by  the  ornament  and 
title  of  the  golden  speartf  was  destined  to  march  against  He- 
ntclins ;  the  second  was  stationed  to  prevent  his  junction  with 
the  troops  of  his  brother  Theodorus ;  and  the  third  was  com- 
manded to  besiege  Constantinople,  and  to  second  the  opera- 
tiona  of  the  chagan,  with  whom  the  Persian  king  had  ratified 
a  treaty  of  alliance  and  partition.  Sarbar,  the  general  of  the  [nutetin 
third  army,  penetrated  through  the  provinces  of  Asia  to  the 
well-known  camp  of  Chaloedon,  and  amused  himself  with  the 
destruction  of  the  sacred  and  profane  buildings  of  the  Asiatic 
suburbs,  while  he  impatiently  waited  the  arrival  of  his  Scjrthian 
friends  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Bosphorus.  On  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  June,  thirty  thousand  barbarians,  the  vanguard  of  the 
Avars,  forced  the  long  wall,  and  drove  into  the  capital  a 
promiscuous  crowd  of  peasants,  citizens,  and  soldiers.  Four- 
thousand  ^^^  of  his  native  subjects,  and  of  the  vassal  tribes 


^''GeQcgie  of  Pisidia  (BeU.  Abaricum,  3^-265,  p.  49)  celebrates  with  truth  the 
persevering  courage  of  the  three  campaigns  {r^U  W9fnip6pmn)  against  the  Persians. 

i>*  PietaThis  (Annotationes  ad  Nicei»ionim»  p.  63,  63,  64)  discriminates  the 
names  and  actions  of  five  Persian  generals,  who  were  successively  sent  against 
Heradins. 

*>*  This  number  of  dglbl  m3Tiads  is  specified  by  George  at  Pisidia  (BelL  Abar. 
319)1  The  poet  (50-88)  clearly  indicates  that  the  old  chi^an  lived  till  the  reign  of 
Heradius,  wad  that  his  son  and  successor  was  bom  of  a  foreign  mother.  Yet 
Fogginx  (Annotau  p.  57)  has  given  another  interpre^tion  to  this  passage.  [Cpu 
above,  p.  $3*^  S^l 


86  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  Gepidae,  Ruasians^  Bulgarians,  and  Sclavoniana,  advanced 
under  the  standard  of  the  chagan  ;  a  month  was  spent  in 
inarches  and  negotiations ;  but  the  whole  city  was  invested  on 
the  thirty-first  of  July,  from  the  suburbs  of  Pera  and  Galata  to 
the  Blachemae  and  seven  towers ;  and  the  inhabitants  descried 
with  terror  the  flaming  signals  of  the  European  and  Asiatic 
shores.  In  the  meanwhile  the  magistrates  of  Constantinople 
repeatedly  strove  to  purchase  the  retreat  of  the  chraan; 
but  their  deputies  were  rejected  and  insulted  ;  and  he  suffered 
the  patricians  to  stand  before  his  throne,  while  the  Persian 
envoys,  in  silk  robes,  were  seated  by  his  side.  "  You  see,"  said 
the  haughty  barbarian,  ''the  proo&  of  my  perfect  union  with 
the  Great  King ;  and  his  lieutenant  is  ready  to  send  into  my 
camp  a  select  band  of  three  thousand  warriors.  Presume  no 
longer  to  tempt  your  master  with  a  partial  and  inadequate 
ransom ;  your  wealth  and  your  city  are  the  only  presents 
worthy  of  my  acceptance.  For  yourselves,  I  shall  permit  you 
to  depart,  each  with  an  under-garment  and  a  shirt ;  and,  at  my 
entreaty,  my  friend  Sarbar  will  not  refuse  a  passage  through 
his  lines.  Your  absent  prince,  even  now  a  captive  or  a  fugitive, 
has  left  Constantinople  to  its  &te ;  nor  can  you  escape  the  arms 
of  the  Avars  and  Persians,  unless  you  could  soar  into  air 
like  birds,  unless  like  fishes  you  could  dive  into  the  waves."  ^^^ 
During  ten  successive  days  the  capital  was  assaulted  by  the 
Avars,  who  had  made  some  progress  in  the  science  of  attack ; 
they  advanced  to  sap  or  batter  the  wall,  under  the  cover  of  the 
impenetrable  tortoise;  their  engines  discharged  a  perpetual 
volley  of  stones  and  darts ;  and  twelve  lofty  towers  of  wood 
exalted  the  combatants  to  the  height  of  the  neighbouring 
ramparts.  But  the  senate  and  people  were  animated  by  the 
spirit  of  Heraclius,  who  had  detached  to  their  relief  a  body  of 
twelve  thousand  cuirassiers ;  the  powers  of  fire  and  mechanics 
were  used  with  superior  art  and  success  in  the  defence  of 
Constantinople ;  and  the  galleys,  with  two  and  three  ranks  of  oars, 
commanded  the  Bosphorus,  and  rendered  the  Persians  the  idle 
spectators  of  the  defeat  of  their  allies .  The  Avars  were  repulsed ; 
a  fleet  of  Sclavonian  canoes  was  destroyed  in  the  harbour  ;  the 
vassals  of  the  chagan  threatened  to  desert,  his  provisions  were 

^^*A  bird,  a  frog,  a  mouse,  and  five  arrows,  had  been  the  present  of  the 
Scjrthian  king  to  Darius  (Herodot.  1.  iv.  c.  131,  132).  Substituez  une  lettre  A,  ces 
signes  (says  Rousseau,  with  much  good  taste),  plus  ella  sera  mena^ante  moins  elle 
enrayera :  ce  ne  cera  cm'une  fanfarronade  dont  Darius  n'eut  fait  que  rire  (Emile, 
torn.  iii.  p.  Z46).  Yet  I  much  question  whether  the  senate  and  people  of  Constant!- 
nople  laughed  at  this  message  of  the  chagan. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  87 

exhauBted,  &nd^  after  burning  his  engines,  he  gave  the  signal  of 
a  slow  and  formidable  retreat.  The  devotion  of  the  Romans 
ascribed  this  signal  deliverance  to  the  virgin  Mary;  but  the 
mother  of  Christ  would  surely  have  condemned  their  inhuman 
murder  of  the  Persian  envoys,  who  were  entitled  to  the  rights 
of  humanity,  if  they  were  not  protected  by  the  laws  of  nations.^^* 
After  the  division  of  his  army,  Heraclius  prudently  retired  to 
the  banks  of  the  Phasis,  from  whence  he  maintained  a  defensive  SSSS ' 
war  against  the  fifty  thousand  gold  spears  of  Persia*  His 
inxiety  was  relieved  by  the  deliverance  of  Constantinople ;  his 
hopes  were  confirmed  by  a  victory  of  his  brother  Theodorus  ;  ^^^ 
and  to  the  hostile  league  of  Chosroes  with  the  Avars  the 
Roman  emperor  opposed  the  useful  and  honourable  alliance  of 
the  Turks.  At  Ids  liberal  invitation,  the  horde  of  Choaars  ^^^  poMMn] 
transported  their  tents  from  the  plains  of  the  Volga  to  the 
mountains  of  Georgia ;  Heraclius  received  them  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Teflis,^^^  and  the  khan  -with  his  nobles  dismounted 
from  their  horses,  if  we  may  credit  the  Greeks,  and  fell  prostrate 
on  the  ground,  to  adore  the  purple  of  the  Caesar.  Sudi  volun- 
tary homage  and  important  aid  were  entitled  to  the  warmest 
acknowledgments ;  and  the  emperor,  taking  off  his  own  diadem, 
placed  it  on  the  head  of  the  Turkish  prince,  whom  he  saluted 
with  a  tender  embrace  and  the  appellation  of  son.  After  a 
sumptuous  banquet,  he  presented  Ziebel  with  the  plate  and 
ornaments,  the  gold,  the  gems,  and  the  silk,  which  had  been 
used  at  the  Imperial  table,  and,  with  his  own  hand,  distributed 

^^•The  Paschal  Chronicle  (p.  392-397  [p.  716  j^/.])  K*^^  *  minute  and  authentic 
narrative  of  the  siege  and  deliverance  of  Constantinople.  Theophanes  (p.  26^  [p. 
3x6,  ed.  de  Boor])  adds  some  circumstances ;  and  a  faint  light  may  be  obtained 
from  the  smoke  of  George  of  Pisidia,  who  has  composed  a  poem  (de  Bello  Abarico, 
p.  45-54)  to  commemorate  this  auspicious  event  [There  is  another  minute  account 
of  this  siege  preserved  in  manv  mss.  and  printed  by  Mai  in  Nova  Patrum  Bib- 
liotfaeca,  vol  6, 1853.  V.  Vasilievski  has  made  it  probable  that  its  author  is  Theodore 
Sjooellus,  who  was  one  of  the  deputies  to  the  chagan.  See  Viz.  Vremenn.,  iii. 
p.9i-a.] 

M7  [Over  Shahin.] 

^^Tbe  power  of  the  Chozars  prevailed  in  the  viith,  viiith,  and  ixth  centuries. 
Thev  were  known  to  the  Greeks,  the  Arabs,  and,  under  the  name  of  /CasOf  to 
the  Chinese  ^emselves.     De  Guignes,  Hist  des  Huns,  tom.  iL  part  ii.  p.  507- 

S09- 

lu  [An  Armenian  source  states  that  the  Khazars,  who  had  invaded  Persian 
territory  in  a  previous  year,  now  joined  Heraclius  in  a  siege  of  Tiflis.  But  a 
Persian  geDcraf  entered  the  town  and  successfully  defied  the  besiegers.  Zhebu,  the 
chagan  of  the  Khazars,  then  withdrew  to  his  own  land,  but  in  the  following  year 
tent  aivcilianes  to  the  Emperor.  See  Gerland,  iff,  cit. ,  p.  364.  With  the  exception 
of  these  events  in  connexion  with  the  Khazars,  toe  year  from  autumn  A.D.  6a6  to 
autunm  A.D.  697  is  a  blank.] 


I 


88  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

rich  jeweb  and  eanings  to  his  new  allies.  In  a  secret  inter- 
view, he  produced  the  portrait  of  his  daughter  Eadociay^*  con- 
descended to  flatter  the  barbarian  with  the  promise  of  a  fiur  and 
august  bride,  obtained  an  inmiediate  sucoonr  of  forty  thousand 
hme,  and  n^otiated  a  strong  diversion  of  the  Turkish  arms  on 
the  side  of  the  Oxus.^  The  Persians  in  their  tarn,  retreated 
with  precipitation ;  in  the  camp  of  Edessa,  Hemdns  reviewed 
an  army  of  seventy  thousand  Romans  and  strangers ;  and  some 
months  were  successfully  employed  in  the  recovery  of  the  cities 
of  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  and  Armenia,  whose  fortifieations  had 
been  imperfectly  restored.  Sarfoar  still  maintained  the  im- 
portant station  of  Chalcedon ;  but  the  jealoosy  of  Chosroes,  or 
the  artifice  of  Heraclius,  soon  alienated  the  mind  of  that 
powerfiil  satrap  from  the  service  of  his  king  and  country.  A 
messenger  was  intercepted  with  a  real  or  fictitious  mandate  to 
the  cadarigan,  or  second  in  command,  directing  him  to  send, 
without  delay,  to  the  throne  the  head  of  a  guilty  or  unfortunate 
general.  The  dispatches  were  transmitted  to  Sarbar  himself; 
and,  as  soon  as  he  read  the  sentence  of  his  own  death,  he 
dexterously  inserted  the  names  of  four  hundred  officers,  as- 
sembled a  military  council,  and  asked  the  cadangqn,  whether  he 
was  prepared  to  execute  the  commands  of  their  tyrant?  The 
Persians  unanimously  declared  that  Chosroes  had  forfeited  the 
sceptre ;  a  separate  treaty  was  conduded  with  the  government 
of  Constantinople ;  and,  if  some  considerations  of  honour  or 
policy  restrained  Sarbar  from  joining  the  standard  of  Heradius, 
the  emperor  was  assured  that  he  might  prosecute,  without  in- 
terruption, his  designs  of  victory  and  peace. 

Deprived  of  his  firmest  support,  and  doubtful  of  the  fidelity 
of  his  subjects,  the  greatness  of  Chosroes  Mras  still  conspicuous 
in  its  ruins.  The  number  of  ^e  hundred  thousand  may  be 
interpreted  as  an  Oriental  metaphor,  to  describe  the  men  and 
arms,  the  horses  and  elephants,  that  covered  Media  and 
Assyria  against  the  invasion  of  Heradius.     Yet  the  Romans 

^**  Epiphania,  or  Eudoda,  the  only  daughter  of  Heradius  and  his  first  wife 
Eadoda,  was  bom  at  Constantinople  on  the  7th  of  July,  A.D.  611,  baptised  the  15th 
of  August,  and  crowned  (in  the  oratory  of  Sl  Stephen  in  the  palace)  the  4th  of 
October  of  the  same  year.  At  this  time  she  was  about  fifteen.  Eodocia  was 
afterwards  sent  to  her  Turkish  husband,  but  the  news  of  his  death  stopped  her 
journey  and  prevented  the  consummation  (Dncange,  FamilisB  Bjrsantin.  p.  118). 

^  Klmarin  (HisL  Saracen,  p.  Z3-x6)  gives  some  curious  and  probable  facts ; 
but  his  numbers  are  rather  too  high— -300,000  Romans  assembled  at  Edeoa— 
500,000  Persians  kiUed  at  Nineveh.  The  abatement  of  a  dpber  is  scarcely 
enough  to  restore  his  sanity. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  89 

boldly  sdranced  irom  the  Araxes  to  the  Tigris,  and  the  timid 
prudence  of  Rhasates  was  content  to  follow  them  by  forced  puiMdh] 
marches  through  a  desolate  countnr,  till  he  received  a  peremp- 
tory mandate  to  risk  the  &te  of  Persia  in  a  decisive  battle. 
Eastward  of  the  Tigris,  at  the  end  of  the  bridge  of  Mosul,  the 
great  Nineveh  had  formerly  been  erected ;  ^^  the  city,  and  even 
the  ruins  of  the  city,  had  long  since  disappeared ;  ^^  the  vacant 
spaoe  afforded  a  spacious  field  for  the  operations  of  the  two 
armies.  But  these  operations  are  neglected  by  the  Byzantine 
historians,  and,  like  the  authors  of  epic  poetry  and  romance, 
they  ascribe  the  victory  not  to  the  military  conduct,  but  to  the 
personal  valour,  of  their  favourite  hero.  On  this  memorable 
day,  Heraclius,  on  his  horse  Phallas,^^  surpassed  the  bravest  of 
his  warriors :  his  lip  was  pierced  with  a  spear,  the  steed  was  m«?m« 
wounded  in  the  thigh,  but  he  carried  his  master  safe  andSi"""'^ 
victorious  through  the  triple  phalanx  of  the  barbarians.  In  the 
heat  of  the  action,  three  valiant  chiefs  were  successively  slain 
by  the  sword  and  lance  of  the  emperor;  among  these  was 
Bhasates  himself;  he  fell  like  a  soldier,  but  the  sight  of  his 
bead  scattered  grief  and  despiir  through  the  &inting  ranks  of 
the  Persians.  His  armour  of  pure  and  massy  gold,  the  shield  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  plates,  the  sword  and  belt,  the  saddle 
and  cuirass,  adorned  the  triumph  of  Heraclius,  and,  if  he  had 
not  been  fiuthful  to  Christ  and  his  mother,  the  champion  of 
Rome  might  have  offered  the  fourth  optme  spoils  to  the  Jupiter 
of  the  Capitol.*^  In  the  battle  of  Nineveh,  which  was  fiercely 
fought  mmi  daybreak   to    the    eleventh  hour,    twenty-eight  Bs3 

»  Ctesias  (apod  Diodor.  Sicul  torn.  i.  L  ii.  p.  115,  edit  Wesseling  [c.  3])  as- 
u  480  stadia  (perhaps  only  thirty-two  miles)  for  the  circumference  of  Nineveh. 


Jonas  talks  of  three  days' jotflrner :  the  120,000  persons  described  by  the  prophet 
as  JncapaMft  of  discerning  their  right  hand  from  their  left  may  a£ford  about  700,000 


the  first  age  of  the  Arabian  caliphs. 

^»  Niebuhr  (Voyage  en  Arable,  &c.  torn.  iL  p.  a86)  paased  over  Nineveh  with- 
ovt  perceiving  it  He  mistook  for  a  ridge  of  hills  the  old  rampart  of  brick  or 
eum.  It  is  said  to  have  been  100  feet  high,  flanked  with  1500  towers,  each  of  the 
hei^  of  900  feet 

Bft  [4dXfimf,  4  hMy6iuvo%  A6pKmr  (Theoph.  p.  3x8).  Doram  seems  to  have  been  the 
fttine  of  the  steed,  4«A/I«ff  (cf.  4«Amv)  to  describe  its  colour  (white  ?).] 

1*  Rex  regia  arma  fero  (says  Romulus,  in  the  first  consecration) .  .  .  bina 
postca  (oontiniies  Livy,  I  10)  inter  tot  bella  opima  parta  sunt  spolia,  adeo  rara  ejus 
foftuna  decoris.  If  Varro  (apud  Pomp.  Festum,  pi  306,  edit.  Dader)  could  iusu^ 
Us  liberality  in  granting  the  opimt  spoils  even  to  a  common  soldier  who  had  slain 
the  king  or  geaml  of  the  enemy,  the  honour  would  have  been  much  more  cheap 
lad  common. 


90  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

standards,  beside  those  which  might  be  broken  or  torn,  were 
taken  from  the  Persians ;  the  greatest  part  of  their  army  was 
cut  in  pieces,  and  the  victors,  concealing  their  own  loss,  passed 
the  night  on  the  field.  They  acknowledged  that  on  this  occa- 
sion it  was  less  difficult  to  kill  than  to  discomfit  the  soldiers  of 
Chosroes  ;  amidst  the  bodies  of  their  friends,  no  more  than  two 
bow-shot  from  the  enemy,  the  remnant  of  the  Persian  cavalry 
stood  firm  till  the  seventh  hour  of  the  night ;  about  the  eighth 
hour  they  retired  to  their  unrifled  camp,  collected  their  baggage, 
and -dispersed  on  all  sides,  from  the  want  of  orders  rather  than 
of  resolution.  The  diligence  of  Heraclius  was  not  less  admir- 
able in  the  use  of  victory;  by  a  march  of  forty-eight  miles  in 
four-and-twenty  hours,  his  vanguard  occupied  the  bridges  of  the 
zab    jrreat  and  the  lesser  TaX}  ;  and  the  cities  and  palaces  of  Assyria 

]  were  open  for  the  first  time  to  the  Romans.     By  a  just  grada- 

tion of^  magnificent  scenes,  they  penetrated  to  the  royal  seat  of 
Dastagerd,  and,  though  much  of  the  treasure  had  been  removed, 
and  much  had  been  expended,  the  remaining  wealth  appears  to 
have  exceeded  their  hopes,  and  even  to  have  satiated  their 
avarice.  Whatever  could  not  be  easily  transported  they  con- 
sumed with  fire,  that  Chosroes  might  feel  the  anguish  of  those 
wounds  which  he  had  so  often  inflicted  on  the  provinces  of  the 
empire  ;  and  justice  might  allow  the  excuse,  ^  the  desolation 
had  been  confined  to  the  works  of  regal  luxury,  if  national 
hatred,  military  licence,  and  religious  zeal  had  not  wasted  with 
equal  rage  the  habitations  and  the  temples  of  the  guiltless  sub- 
ject. The  recovery  of  three  hundred  Roman  standards,  and 
the  deliverance  of  the  numerous  captives  of  Edessa  and  Alex- 
andria, reflect  a  purer  glory  on  the  arms  of  Heraclius.  From 
the  palace  of  Dastagerd,^^^  he  pursued  his  march  within  a  few 
miles  of  Modain  or  Ctesiphon,  till  he  was  stopped,  on  the  banks 
of  the  Arba,  by  the  difficulty  of  the  passage,  the  rigour  of  the 
season,  and  perhaps  the  fiime  of  an  impregnable  capital.^'^   The 

'^b.-Manh]  return  of  the  emperor  is  marked  by  the  modem  name  of  the 

tanap]  dty  of  Shcrbzour ;  he  fortunately  passed  mount  Zara  before 
the  snow,   which   fell  incessantly  thirty-four   days ;    and   the 

iANiiu]  citizens  of  Gandzaca,  or  Tauris,  were  compelled  to  entertain 
his  soldiers  and  their  horses  with  an  hospitable  reception.^^ 

^*  [Dastagerd  lay  not  far  from  Bagdad,  near  the  present  Shahr&bfin.] 

13^  rSebaeos  (c.  37,  p.  105-6)  ascribes  the  Emperor's  retreat  into  Adharbijan  to 
fear  of  oeing  cut  off  by  Shahrbarftz.] 

1^  In  describing  this  last  expedition  of  Heraclius,  the  facts,  places,  and  the 
dates  of  Theophanes  (p.  365-271  [a.m.  61 18])  are  so  accurate  and  authentic  that 
he  must  have  foUowea  the  original  letters  of  the  emperor,  of  which  the  Paachil 


OF  THE  ROMAN  £MPIB£  91 

When  the  ambition  of  Chosroes  was  reduced  to  the  defence  wi^rf 
of  his  hereditary  kingdom,  the  love  of  glory,  or  even  the  sense  aj^  m, 
of  shame,  should  have  urged  him  to  meet  his  rival  in  the  field. 
In  the  battle  of  Nineveh,  his  courage  might  have  taught  the 
Persians  to  vanquish,  or  he  might  have  &llen  with  honour  by 
the  lance  of  a  Roman  emperor.  The  successor  of  Cyrus  chose 
rather,  at  a  secure  distance,  to  expect  the  event,  to  assemble 
the  relics  of  the  defeat,  and  to  retire  by  measured  steps  before 
the  march  of  Heraclius,  till  he  beheld  with  a  sigh  the  once 
loved  mansions  of  Dastagerd.  Both  his  friends  and  enemies 
were  persuaded  that  it  was  the  intention  of  Chosroes  to  bury 
himself  under  the  ruins  of  the  city  and  palace  ;  and,  as  both 
might  have  been  equally  adverse  to  his  flight,  the  monarch  of 
Asia,  with  Sira  and  three  concubines,  escaped  through  an  hole 
in  the  wall  nine  days  before  the  arrival  of  the  Romans.  The 
slow  and  stately  procession  in  which  he  shewed  himself  to  the 
prostrate  crowd  was  changed  to  a  rapid  and  secret  journey ; 
and  the  first  evening  he  lodged  in  the  cottage  of  a  peasant, 
whose  humble  door  would  scarcely  give  admittance  to  the 
Great  King.^^  His  superstition  was  subdued  by  fear ;  on  the 
third  day,  he  entered  with  joy  the  fortifications  of  Ctesiphon ; 
yet  he  still  doubted  of  his  safety  till  he  had  opposed  the  river 
Tigris  to  the  pursuit  of  the  Romans.  The  discovery  of  his 
flight  agitated  with  terror  and  tumult  the  palace,  the  city,  and 
the  camp  of  Dastagerd;  the  satraps  hesitated  whether  they 
had  most  to  fear  irom  their  sovereign  or  the  enemy  ;  and  the 
females  of  the  harem  were  astonished  and  pleased  by  the  sight 
of  mankind,  till  the  jealous  husbands  of  three  thousand  wives 
again  confined  them  to  a  more  distant  castle.  At  his  com- 
mand the  army  of  Dastagerd  retreated  to  a  new  camp:  the 
front  was  covered  by  the  Arba,  and  a  line  of  two  hundred 
elephants  ;  the  troops  of  the  more  distant  provinces  successively 
arrived  ;  and  the  vilest  domestics  of  the  king  and  satraps  were 
enrolled  for  the  last  defence  of  the  throne.  It  was  still  in  the 
power  of  Chosroes  to  obtain  a  reasonable  peace ;  and  he  was 
repeatedly  pressed  by  the  messengers  of  Heraclius  to  spare 
the  blood  of  his  subjects,  and  to  relieve  an  humane  conqueror 

Chronicle  has  preserved  (p.  jigS'Aioa  [737-734.  ed.  Boon])  a  very  curious  spedmen. 
[Theopbanes  seems  here  to  have  put  various  sources  together.] 

^^  The  words  of  'Fbeophanes  are  remarkable :  «t<ri$Ait  Xoap^  etc  oUor  y»«pyov 

i*m»tt,mtn  (p.  269  [p.  333,  ed.  de  Boor]).    Young  princes  who  discover  a  propensity 
to  war  should  repeatedly  transcribe  and  translate  such  salutary  tttzts. 


92  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

from  the  pftinful  duty  of  canying  fire  and  sword  thi 
fiiirest  countries  of  Asia.  But  the  pride  of  the  Pe 
not  yet  sunk  to  the  level  of  his  fortune  ;  he  derived  i 
tary  confidence  frt>m  the  retreat  of  the  emperor ;  he  i 
impotent  rage  over  the  ruins  of  his  Assyrian  palaces 
regarded  too  long  the  rising  murmurs  of  the  nat 
complained  that  their  lives  and  fortunes  were  sacrifio 
obstinacy  of  an  old  man.  That  unhappy  old  man  wf 
tortured  with  the  sharpest  pains  both  of  mind  and  bo 
in  the  consciousness  of  his  approaching  end,  he  resol 
a  tiara  on  the  head  of  MerdMsa,  the  most  favoured  of 
But  the  will  of  Chosroes  was  no  longer  revered,  ai 
who  gloried  in  the  rank  and  merit  of  his  mother  Sira, 
spired  with  the  maleoontents  to  assert  and  anticipate  ^ 
of  primogeniture.^^  Twenty-two  satraps,  they  styl 
selves  patriots,  were  tempted  by  the  wealth  and  ho: 
new  reign :  to  the  soldiers,  the  heir  of  Chosroes  pre 
increase  of  pay ;  to  the  Christians  the  free  exerds< 
religion ;  to  the  captives  liberty  and  rewards ;  and  to  t 
instant  peace  and  the  reduction  of  taxes.  It  was  d< 
by  the  conspirators  that  Siroes^  with  the  ensigns  o1 
should  appear  in  the  camp ;  and,  if  the  enterprise  sh 
his  escape  was  contrived  to  the  Imperial  court  But 
monarch  was  saluted  with  unanimous  acclamations ; 
iBdjD0M4,  of  Chosroes  (yet  where  could  he  have  fled  })  was  rudelj^ 
ks  eighteen  sons  were  massacred  before  his  £Eu*e,  and  he  w) 
imvdisvd  into  a  dungeon,  where  he  expired  on  the  fifth  day.  Tl 
Si!^  7?h.  and  modem  Persians  minutely  describe  how  Chosrot 
suited,  and  fiunished,  and  tortured,  by  the  comma 
inhuman  son,  who  so  fiur  surpassed  the  example  of  h 
but  at  the  time  of  his  death,  what  tongue  could  relate 
of  the  parricide?  what. eye  could  penetrate  into  the 
darkneu  f  According  to  the  fiuth  and  mercy  of  his 
enemies,  he  sunk  without  hope  into  a  still  deeper 

i*The  authentic  narrative  of  the  faXi  of  Chosroes  is  contained  in 
Heraclios  (Chron.  Paschal  p.  398  [p.  797]),  and  the  history  of  Tht 
271  (p.  396,  ed.  de  Boor]). 

x*>  On  the  first  rumour  of  the  death  of  Chosroes.  an  Heracliad  in 
was  instantly  published  at  Constantinople  by  George  of  Pisidia  (p. 


Ac.)  in  Uie  letter  of  Heradius :  he  alnwst  applauds  the  parricide  of  Sire 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  »8 

and  it  will  not  be  denied  that  tyranta  of  every  age  and  sect  are 
the  beat  entitled  to  such  infernal  abodes.  The  glory  of  the 
boose  of  Sassan  ended  with  the  life  of  Choaroes ;  his  unnatural 
•on  enjoyed  only  eight  months  the  fruit  of  his  crimes ;  and  in 
the  space  of  four  years  the  regal  title  was  assumed  by  nine 
candidates^  who  disputed,  with  the  sword  or  da^er,  the  frag* 
ments  of  an  exhausted  monarchy.  Evenr  province  and  each 
city  of  Persia  was  the  scene  of  independence,  of  discord,  and 
of  blood,  and  the  state  of  anarchy  prevailed  about  eight  years 
longer,  till  the  fections  were  silenced  and  united  under  the 
common  yoke  of  the  Arabian  caliphs.^'^ 

As  soon  as  the  mountains  became  passable,  the  emperor xr«itrttr 
received  the  welcome  news  of  the  success  of  the  conspiracy,  {SSSl  tk* 
the  death  of  Chosroes.  and  the  elevation  of  his  eldest  son  toSjD.'St!' 
the  throne  of  Persia.  The  authors  of  the  revolution,  eager  to^^ 
display  their  merits  in  the  court  or  camp  of  Tauris,  preceded 
the  ambassadors  of  Siroes,  who  delivered  the  letters  of  their 
master  to  his  brother  the  emperor  of  the  Romans.^^  In  the 
language  of  the  usurpers  of  every  age,  he  imputes  his  own 
crimes  to  the  Deity,  and,  ¥rithout  desrading  his  equal  majesty, 
he  oflfers  to  reconcile  the  long  diacora  of  the  two  nations,  by  a 
treaty  of  peace  and  alliance  more  durable  than  brass  or  iron. 
The  conditions  of  the  treaty  were  easily  defined  and  feithfnlly 
executed.  In  the  recovery  of  the  standards  and  prisoners  which 
had  fellen  into  the  hands  of  the  Persians,  the  emperor  imitated 
the  example  of  Augustus :  their  care  of.  the  national  dignity 
was  celebrated  by  the  poets  of  the  times ;  but  the  decay  of 
genius  may  be  measured  bv  the  distance  between  Horace  and 
George  of  Pisidia :  the  subjects  and  brethren  of  Heraclius  were 
redeemed  from  persecution,  slavery,  and  exile ;  but,  instead  of 
the  Roman  eagles,  the  true  wood  of  the  holy  cross  was  restored 
to  the  importunate  demands  of  the  successor  of  Constantine. 
The  victor  was  not  ambitious  of  enlarging  the  weakness  of  the 
empire ;  the  son  of  Chosroes  abandoned  without  regret  the 
conquests  of  his  fether ;  the  Persians  who  evacuated  ttie  cities 
of  Syria  and  £g3l>t  were  honourably  conducted  to  the  frtmtier  ; 

u^The  best  Orienud  aoooimts  of  this  last  period  of  the  Sassanian  kings  are 
famd  in  Eutjrchius  (AnnaL  torn,  ii  a  351-056),  who  dissembles  the  parridde  of 
Siroes.  D'Herbelot  (BiUiothAqiie  Onentale,  d,  7S0),  and  Assemanni  (BifaUothec 
OrientaL  torn,  iil  p.  415-4^0).  [Fos  chronoiogicai  list  of  the  chief  osnrpen,  see 
Appendix  61] 

"Tbs  letter  of  Siroes  in  the  Paschal  Chronicle  (pi  40s  [p.  735,  ed.  Bonn]) 
onfortiinntely  ends  before  he  proceeds  to  business.  The  treaty  appears  in  its 
execution  in  the  histories  of  Tbeophanes  and  NicephoniR. 


94  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  a  war  which  had  wounded  the  vitals  of  the  two  monarchies 
produced  no  change  in  their  external  and  relative  situation. 
The  return  of  Heraclius  from  Tauris  to  Constantinople  was  a 
perpetual  triumph ;  and,  after  the  exploits  of  six  glorious  cam- 
paigns, he  peaceably  enjoyed  the  sabbath  of  his  toils.  After  a 
long  impatience,  the  senate,  the  clergy,  and  the  people  went 
forth  to  meet  their  hero,  with  tears  and  acclamations,  with 
olive  branches  and  innumerable  lamps ;  he  entered  the  capital 
in  a  chariot  drawn  by  four  elephants;  and,  as  soon  as  the 
emperor  could  disengage  himself  from  the  tumult  of  public  joy, 
he  tasted  more  genuine  satisfaction  in  the  embraces  of  his 
mother  and  his  son.^** 

The  succeeding  year  was  illustrated  by  a  triumph  of  a  very 
different  kind,  the  restitution  of  the  true  cross  to  the  holy 
sepulchre.  Heraclius  performed  in  person  the  pilgrimage  of 
Jerusalem,  the  identity  of  the  relic  was  verified  by  the  discreet 
patriarch,^'^  and  this  august  ceremony  has  been  commemorated 
by  the  annual  festival  of  the  exaltation  of  the  cross.  Before 
the  emperor  presumed  to  tread  the  consecrated  ground,  he  was 
instructed  to  strip  himself  of  the  diadem  and  purple,  the  pomp 
and  vanity  of  the  world  ;  but  in  the  judgment  of  his  clergy  the 
persecution  of  the  Jews  was  more  easily  reconciled  with  the 
precepts  of  the  gospel.  He  again  ascended  his  throne  to  re- 
ceive the  congmtulations  of  the  ambassadors  of  France  and 
India  ;  and  the  fiune  of  Moses,  Alexander,  and  Hercules  ^^  was 
eclipsed,  in  the  popular  estimation,  by  tiie  superior  merit  and 
glory  of  the  great  Heraclius.  Yet  the  deliverer  of  the  East 
was  indigent  and  feeble.  Of  the  Persian  spoils  the  most 
valuable  portion  had  been  expended  in  the  war,  distributed  to 
the  soldiers,  or  buried,  by  an  unlucky  tempest,  in  the  waves  of 

M^Thc  burden  of  Coraeille's  song, 

"  Montres  Heraclius  au  people  qui  Tattend," 
is  much  better  suited  to  the  present  oteaatoo.    See  his  triumph  in  Theophanes 
(p.  272,  273  [A.M.  6119]),  ana  Nicepborus  (p.  15,  16).     The  life  of  the  mother 
and  tenderness  ai  the  son  are  attested  by  George  of  Pisldia  (Bell.  Abar.  255,  &c. 

g,  49).    The  metaphor  of  the  Saobath  is  us^  somewhat  profanely^  by  these 
yiantine  Christians. 

i<^See  Baronios(AnnaL  Eocles.  A.IX  638.  Na  z-4),  Eutychius  (Annal  torn.  ii. 
p.  240-248),  Nioephorus  ^Braiv.  p.  15)1  The  seals  of  the  case  had  never  been 
broken;  and  this  preservation  of  tne  cross  is  ascribed  (under  God)  to  the  devotion 
of  queen  Sira. 

1*  George  of  Pisidia,  Acroas.  iil  de  Expedit.  contra  Persas,  ^15,  ftc  and 
Heracliad.  Acroas.  I  65-138.  I  neglect  the  meaner  parallels  of  Danid»  Timotheus. 
&C.  Chosroes  and  the  dttgan  were  of  coarse  compared  to  Bdsluuiar,  Pharaoh, 
the  old  serpent,  &c. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE 


dS 


the  Euxine.     The  conscience  of  the  emperor  was  oppressed  by 

the  obligation  of  restoring  the  wealth  of  the  clergy^  which  he 

had  borrowed  for  their  own  defence ;  a  perpetual    fiind  was 

required  to  satisfy   these  inexorable  creditors ;  the  provinces, 

ah'eady  wasted  by  the  arms  and  avarice  of  the  Persians,  were 

compelled  to  a  second  pa3rment  of  the  same  taxes ;  and  the 

arrears  of  a  simple  citizen,  the  treasurer  of  Damascus,  were 

commuted  to  a  fine  of  one  hundred  thousand  pieces  of  gold. 

The  loss  of  two  hundred  thousand  soldiers  ^^  who  had  fi&llen  by 

the  sword  was  of  less  fiital  importance  than  the  decay  of  arts, 

agriculture,  and  population,  in  this  long  and  destructive  war ; 

and,  although  a  victorious  army  had  been  formed  under  the 

standard  of  Heraclius,   the   unnatural  effort  appears  to  have 

exhausted  rather  than  exercised  their  strength.      While  the 

emperor  triumphed  at  Constantinople  or  Jerusalem,  an  obscure 

town  on  the  confines  of  Syria  was  pillaged  by  the  Saracens,  and 

they  cut  in  pieces  some  troops  who  advanced  to  its  relief:  an 

ordinary  and  trifling  occurrence,  had  it  not  been  the  prelude 

of  a  mighty  revolution.     These  robbers  were  the  apostles   of 

Mahomet ;  their  fiinatic  valour  had  emerged  from  the  desert ; 

and  in  the  last  eight  years  of  his  reign  Heraclius  lost  to  the 

Arabs   the  same   provinces  which   he  had   rescued   from  the 

Persians. 


^''Soidas  (in  Exoopt  Hist  Byzant.  p.  46)  gives  this  number;  but  either  the 
Fersiam.  most  be  read  for  the  Isaurian  war,  or  this  passage  does  not  belong  to 
ifae  tmpuw  Heradius. 


96  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 


CHAPTEB  XLVn 

Theological  HitUny  of  the  Dodrme  of  the  Incarnation — The  Hwman 
and  Divine  Nature  of  Christ — Emmty  of  the  Patriarchs  of 
Alexandria  and  Constaniinople^^L  CyrU  and  Nestarius — 
Third  General  Council  of  Ephesus — Heresy  of  Euiyehu — 
Fourth  General  Council  of  Chalcedon — Civil  and  Ecdesiasiical 
Discord'-Intolerance  of  Justiman^The  Three  Chapters^Tht 
MonotheKte  Conirovern-^Staie  of  the  Oriental  Seds—I.  The 
Nestorians—II.  The  Jacobites— III.  The  Maromies—IV.  The 
Armenians — V,  The  Copts  and 


i^tewn^  After  the  extinction  of  paganism,  the  Christians  in  peace  and 
piety  might  have  enjoyed  their  solitary  triumph.  But  the 
principle  of  discord  was  alive  in  their  bosom,  and  they  were 
more  solicitous  to  explore  the  nature,  than  to  practise  the  laws, 
of  their  founder.  I  have  already  observed  that  the  disputes  of 
the  Trinity  were  succeeded  by  those  of  the  Incarnation  :  alike 
scandalous  to  the  church,  alike  pernicious  to  the  state,  still 
more  minute  in  their  origin,  still  more  durable  in  their  effects. 
It  is  my  design  to  comprise  in  the  present  chapter  a  religious 
war  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  to  represent  the  ecclesias- 
tical and  political  schism  of  the  Oriental  sects,  and  to  introduce 
their  clamorous  or  sanguinary  contests  by  a  modest  inquiry  into 
the  doctrines  of  the  primitive  church.^ 

^  By  what  means  shall  I  authenticate  this  previous  uu^uiry,  which  I  have  studied 
to  circumscribe  and  compress? — If  I  persist  in  supportmg  each  fact  or  reflection 
by  its  proper  and  special  evidenocj  eyenr  line  would  demand  a  string  of  testimonies, 
and  every  note  would  swell  to  a  critical  dissertation.  But  the  numberless  passages 
of  antiquity  which  I  have  seen  with  my  own  eyes  are  compiled,  digested,  and 
illustrated  by  Petavius  and  Lt  Clerc^  by  Bgamsodre  and  Moskeim,  I  shall  be  con- 
tent to  fortify  my  narrative  by  the  names  and  characters  of  these  respectable  guides ; 
and  in  the  contemplation  of  a  minute  or  remote  object  I  am  not  ashamed  to  borrow 
the  aid  of  the  strongest  glasses  z.  The  Dcgmata  Tkeokgica  of  Petavius  are  a 
work  of  incredible  labour  and  compass ;  the  volumes  which  relate  solely  to  the  in- 
carnation (two  folios,  vth  and  vith,  of  837  pages)  are  divided  into  xvi  book*— the 
first  of  history,  the  remainder  of  controversy  ana  doctrine.  The  Jesuit's  learning 
is  copious  and  correct ;  his  Latinity  is  pure,  his  method  dear,  his  argument  pro- 
found and  well  connected ;  but  he  is  the  slave  of  the  fathers,  the  aoourge  of  berciics, 
ibe  enemy  of  truth  and  candour,  as  often  at  tk^  are  inimical  to  the  Catholic 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  07 

L  A  laudable  r^ard  for  the  honour  of  the  first  pnMeljtes  has  l  A|^ 
countenanced  the  belief,  the  hope,  the  wish,  that  the  EbioniteSyr^  " 
or  at  least  the  Nazarenes,  were  distinguished  only  hy  their 
obstinate  perseverance  in  the  practice  of  the  Mosaic  rites. 
Their  churches  have  disappeared,  their  books  are  obliterated; 
their  obscure  freedom  might  allow  a  latitude  of  &ith,  and  the 
softness  of  their  in£uit  creed  would  be  variously  moulded  by 
the  zeal  or  prudence  of  three  hundred  years.  Yet  the  most 
charitable  oritidsm  must  refuse  these  sectaries  any  knowledge 
of  the  pure  and  proper  divinity  of  Christ.  Educated  in  the 
school  of  Jewish  prophecy  and  prejudice,  they  had  never  been 
taught  to  elevate  their  hopes  above  an  human  and  temporal 
Messiah.'  If  they  had  courage  to  hail  their  king  when  he 
^ypeared  in  a  plebeian  garb,  their  grosser  apprehensions  were  in- 
capable of  discerning  their  God,  who  had  studiously  disguised 
his  celestial  character  under  the  name  and  person  of  a  mortaL' 
The  familiar  companions  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth  conversed  with 
their  friend  and  countryman,  who,  in  all  the  actions  of  rational 
tnd  animal  life,  appeared  of  the  same  species  with  themselves. 
His  progress  from  in£uicy  to  youth  and  manhood  was  marked 

cnae.  a.  The  Arminian  Le  Clerc,  who  has  composed  In  a  quarto  volume  (Amster- 
dam, 17x6)  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  two  nrst  oeaturies,  was  free  both  in  his 
temper  and  situation ;  his  sense  is  dear,  but  his  thou|;hts  are  narrow ;  he  reduces 
the  reason  or  foU^  of  ages  to  the  standard  of  his  private  jud^ent,  and  his  im- 
nartialitj  is  sometimes  quickened,  and  sometimes  taunted,  by  his  opposition  to  the 
ttihenL  See  the  heretics  (Corinthians,  Izxx. ;  Ebionites,  ciii. ;  Carpocratians,  cxz. ; 
Vakntinians,  cxzi. ;  Basilidians,  cxxiiL  ;  Marcionites,  cxlL,  &c.)  under  their  proper 
datesL  5.  The  Histoire  Critique  du  Manichdsme (Amsterdam,  1754. 1739.  in  two  vols. 
ID  410.  with  a  posthtmious  dissertation  sur  les  Nazarenes,  Lausanne,  1745)  ^  ^* 
de  Beausbfare  is  a  treasure  of  ancient  philosophy  and  theology.  The  learned 
historian  spins  m\h  incomparable  art  the  S3rstematic  thread  of  opinion,  and  trans- 
forms himself  hy  turns  into  the  person  of  a  saint,  a  sage,  or  an  heretic.  Yet  his 
refinement  is  sometimes  excessive ;  he  betrays  an  amiable  partiality  in  favour  of  the 
weaker  side;  and,  while  he  guards  against  calumny,  he  does  not  allow  sufficient 
Kope  for  superstition  and  fanaticism.  A  copious  table  of  contents  will  direct  the 
reader  to  any  point  that  he  wishes  to  examme.  4.  Less  profound  than  Petavius. 
ksB  independent  than  Le  Qerc,  less  ingenious  than  Beausobre,  the  historian  Mos- 
beim  is  full,  rational,  correct,  and  moderate.  In  his  learned  work,  De  Rebus 
Christianis  ante  Constantinum  (Helmstadt,  1753,  in  4to),  see  the  Naxarenes  and 
Ebuiiii€s,n.  179-179,  328-333 ;  the  Gnostics  in  general,  p.  179,  ftc.  ;  Cerintkus,  p. 
I9fr«a;  Hasilides.  p.  353-361;  Carpocrates,  p.  36^367;  Valentinus,  p.  371-389; 
Uarcion*  p.  404-410 ;  the  Mamdueans,  p.  839-837,  sc. 

Ays  the  Jewish  Tryphon  (Justin.  Dialog,  p.  907)  in  the  name  of  his  countrymen ; 
aad  the  modem  Jews,  the  few  who  divert  their  thoughts  firom  money  to  rdigion, 
ttSSk  hold  the  same  language  and  allege  the  literal  sense  of  the  prophets. 

«  *Chtyfl08toai  (Basnage,  Hist  des  Juifs,  tom.  v.  c.  o,  p.  183)  and  Atbanasius 

I      (IVtET.  Donnat  Tbeolog.  torn.  v.  L  u  c.  3,  p.  3)  are  obliged  to  oanG^  that  the 
\      divinityof  Christ  is  rardynientiooed  b/hiinself  or  his  apoil^ 
VOZfc   K  7 


1 


98  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

by  a  regular  increase  in  stature  and  wisdom ;  and,  after  a  pain- 
ful agony  of  mind  and  body,  he  expired  on  the  cross.  He  lived 
and  died  for  the  service  of  mankind ;  but  the  life  and  death  of 
Socrates  had  likewise  been  devoted  to  the  cause  of  religion 
and  justice ;  and,  although  the  stoic  or  the  hero  may  disdain 
the  humble  virtues  of  Jesus,  the  tears  which  he  shed  over  his 
friend  and  country  may  be  esteemed  the  purest  evidence  of 
his  humanity.  The  miracles  of  the  gospel  could  not  astonish 
a  people  who  held,  with  intrepid  &ith,  the  more  splendid 
prodigies  of  the  Mosaic  law.  The  prophets  of  ancient  days 
had  cured  diseases,  raised  the  dead,  divided  the  sea,  stopped 
the  sun,  and  ascended  to  heaven  in  a  fiery  chariot.  And  the 
metaphorical  style  of  the  Hebrews  might  ascribe  to  a  saint  and 
martyr  the  adoptive  title  of  Son  op  God. 

Yety  in  the  insufficient  creed  of  the  Nazarenes  and  the 
Ebionites,  a  distinction  is  fsuntly  noticed  between  the  heretics, 
who  confounded  the  generation  of  Christ  in  the  common  order 
of  nature,  and  the  less  guilty  schismatics,  who  revered  the 
virsinity  of  his  mother  and  excluded  the  aid  of  an  earthly 
father.  The  incredulity  of  the  former  was  countenanced  l^ 
the  visible  circumstances  of  his  birth,  the  legal  marriage  of  his 
reputed  parents,  Joseph  and  Maiy,  and  his  lineal  claim  to  the 
kingdom  of  David  and  the  inheritance  of  Judah.  But  the 
secret  and  authentic  history  has  been  recorded  in  several  copies 
of  the  gospel  according  to  St.  Matthew,^  which  these  sectaries 
long  preserved  in  the  original  Hebrew,^  as  the  sole  evidence  of 
their  &ith.  The  natural  suspicions  of  the  husband,  conscious 
of  his  own  chastity,  were  dispelled  by  the  assurance  (in  a  dream) 
that  his  wife  was  pregnant  of  the  Holv  Ghost;  and,  as  this 
distant  and  domestic  prodigy  could  not  rail  under  the  personal 
observation  of  the  historian,  he  must  have  listened  to  the  same 

*The  two  first  chapters  of  St  Matthew  did  not  eaust  in  the  Ebiooite  OG^nes 
(Epiphan.  Hseres.  zxx.  13) ;  and  the  miracoloos  ooncqition  is  one  of  the  lait  articles 
whidi  Dr.  Priestley  has  curtailed  from  his  scanty  creed. 

■It  is  probable  enough  that  the  first  of  the  gospels  for  the  use  of  the  Jewish 
converts  was  composed  in  the  Hebrew  or  Syriac  ioiom :  the  fact  is  attested  by  a 
chain  of  fathers— Papias,  Irenaeus,  Origen.  Jerom.  &c.  It  is  defontly  bdieved  by 
the  Catholics,  and  admitted  by  Casaabon,  Grotius,  and  Isaac  Voesios,  among  tlie 
Ftotestant  critics.  But  this  Hebrew  goapd  of  St.  Matthew  is  most  unaeoountably 
lost ;  and  we  may  accuse  the  diligenoe  or  fidelity  of  the  primitive  cfanrehes,  who 
have  preferred  the  unauthorised  imion  of  some  nameless  Greek.  Eraanns  and 
his  followers,  who  respect  our  Greek  text  as  the  original  gospel,  dqprhe  themselves 
of  the  evidence  which  declares  it  to  be  the  work  01  an  apostle.  See  Simoo,  HisL 
Critique.  Ac.  tom.  UL  c.  5-9»  p.  47-xoz  and  the  Prokigoinena  of  MiU  and  Wetitein 
to  the  New  Testament* 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIiRE  99 

votoe  which  dictated  to  Isidah  the  future  conception  of  a  virgin. 
The  son  of  a  virgin,  generated  by  the  ineflbble  operation  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  was  a  creature  without  example  or  resemblance, 
superior  in  every  attribute  of  mind  and  body  to  the  children 
of  Adam.  Since  the  introduction  of  the  Greek  or  Chaldean 
jdiiloBophy,^  die  Jews^  were  persuaded  of  the  pre-ezistence, 
tmnsmigrationj  and  immortality  of  souls ;  and  Providence  was  jus- 
tified by  a  supposition  that  they  were  confined  in  their  earthly 
prisona  to  expiate  the  stains  which  they  had  contracted  in  a 
fiirmer  stated  But  the  d^rees  of  purity  and  ccmmption  are 
almost  immeasurable.  It  may  be  fidrly  presumed  that  the 
most  sublime  and  virtuous  of  human  spirits  was  infused  into  the 
o&pcing  of  Macrv  and  the  Holy  Ghost  ;^  that  his  abasement 
was  the  result  of  his  voluntaiy  choice ;  and  that  the  object  of 
his  mission  was  to  purify,  not  his  own,  but  the  sins  of  the 
world.  On  his  return  to  his  native  skfes^  he  received  the  im* 
mense  reward  of  his  obedience :  the  everlasting  kingdom  of  the 
Messiah,  which  had  been  darkly  foretold  by  the  prophets,  under 
the  carnal  images  of  peace,  of  conquest,  and  of  dominion. 
Omnipotence  could  enlarge  the  human  fiieulties  of  Christ  to 
the  extent  of  his  celestial  office.  In  the  language  of  antiquity, 
the  title  of  God  has  not  been  severely  confined  to  the  first 
parent,  and  his  incomparable  minister,  his  only  begotten  Son^ 
might  daim,  without  presumption,  the  religious,  though  second- 
ary, worship  of  a  subject  world. 
II.  The  seeds  of  the  ftith,  which  had  slowly  arisen  in  the  rocky  g^  i^  ^^ 

*Tbe  netapbysiGS  of  the  tool  are  disengaged  bf  Cioero  (IHianwIan.  L  L)  and 
liazimiis  of  Tyn  (DiasertaL  xvi.)  from  the  iniroacies  of  dialogue,  which  sometimei 
aoraae,  and  often  perplex,  the  readers  of  the  PMa^^nis,  the  PkauUm,  and  the  Ltaos 
tfPlata 

'The  disciples  of  Jesus  were  persuaded  that  a  man  misht  have  sinned  before  he 
vaa  bom  (John  ix.  9h  and  the  Aariaess  held  the  transmigration  of  virtuous  souls 
(Josq»h.deBeU*  Judaioo,Liic.7[/!»'.  c.8,|iip  andarooderaRabtHismodestljr 
amired  tliat  Hermes,  I^rtbagoras,  mto,  «&  derived  their  metaph|sics  from  his 
iOottrioiis  oountryraea. 

s  Fov  different  opinions  have  been  entertained  concerning  the  origin  of  human 
KHilai  I.  That  thc^  are  eternal  and  divine,  a.  That  tl^  were  created  in  a 
apaiate  state  of  axntenoe,  before  their  union  with  the  body.  9.  That  they  have 
boai  propagated  from  the  oiional  stock  of  Adam,  who  contained  in  himself  the 
watal as  well  as  the oorporealsaed  of  his  posterity.  4.  Tbnteachaoulisoocasion- 
aDy  crealed  and  embodied  in  the  momeot  of  conception.— The  last  of  these  senti- 
aeota  appears  to  have  prevailed  among  the  modems ;  and  our  spiritual  history  is 
l^own  leaa  sublime,  without  becoming  more  intelligible. 

**Or»  ^  rw  IvnipK  fvvit  4  «w*Aa«^5r— was  one  of  the  fifteen  heresies  imputed 
to  Origen,  and  doiied  by  his  apologist  (Photius,  Bibliothec  cod.  cxyii.  p^agjS). 

vid. 


Someof  the  Rabbisattribine  one  and  the  aaaoe  soul  to  the  persons  of  Adam,  Da' 
and  the  Messiah. 


100         THE  DECLINE  AJ^D  .FALL 

and  ungmtefiilfoilof  Judea,  were  tnuuplanted,  in  full  maturity, 
to  the  happier  climes  of  the  Gentiles ;  and  the  stmngers  of 
Rome  or  Asia,  who  never  beheld  the  manhood,  were  the  more 
readily  disposed  to  embrace  the  divinity,  of  Christ.  The  poly- 
theist  and  the  philosopher,  the  Greek  and  the  barbarian,  were 
alike  accustomed  to  conceive  a  long  succession,  an  infinite  chain 
of  angels,  or  dsemonSy  or  deities,  or  aeons,  or  emanations,  issuing 
firom  the  throne  of  light.  Nor  oould  it  seem  stranrn  or  in- 
credible that  the  first  of  these  seons,  the  Logos,  or  Word  of  God, 
of  the  same  substance  with  the  Father,  should  descend  upon 
earth  to  deliver  the  human  race  from  vice  and  error  and  to  con- 
duct them  in  the  paths  of  life  and  immortality.  But  the  pre- 
vailing doctrine  of  the  eternity  and  inherent  nravity  of  matter 
infected  the  primitive  churches  of  the  East.  Many  among  the 
Gentile  proselytes  refused  to  believe  that  a  celestial  spirit,  an 
undivideid  portion  of  the  first  essence,  had  been  personally 
united  with  a  mass  of  impure  and  contaminated  flesh ;  and, 
in  their  seal  for  the  divinity,  they  piously  abjured  the  humanity, 
of  Christ  While  his  blood  was  still  recent  on  Mount  Calvary ,i<^ 
the  DoceU§,  a  numerous  and  learned  sect  of  Asiatics,  invented 
the  phaniasiic  system,  which  was  afterwards  pK^sagated  by  the 
Marcionites,  the  Manichseans,  and  the  various  names  of  the 
Gnostic  heresy.^^  They  denied  the  truth  and  authenticity  of 
the  gospels,  as  far  as  they  relate  the  conception  of  Mary,  the 
birth  of  Christ,  and  the  t^rty  yean  that  preceded  the  exercise 
of  his  ministry.  He  first  appeared  on  the  banks  of  the  Jordan 
in  the  form  of  perfect  manhood ;  but  it  was  a  form  only,  and 
not  a  substance :  an  human  figure  created  by  the  hand  of 
Omnipotence  to  imitate  the  &culties  and  actions  of  a  man  and 
to  impose  a  perpetual  illusion  on  the  senses  of  his  friends  and 

^^  Apostolis  adhue  in  smcdio  supentitibas.  apud  Jndmua  CtacM  suufuine 
reoente.  Phantasma  domini  oorons  asserebatiir.  Hierooym.  adven.  Ludier.  c. 
8.  The  epistle  of  Ignatius  to  the  Smynucans,  and  even  the  gospd  aoeordin|f  to  St 
John,  are  levelled  against  the  growing  error  of  the  Dooetes,  woo  had  obtaraed  too 
much  credit  in  the  world  (i  John  iv.  x,  5). 

11  About  the  year  aoo  of  the  Christian  era,  Irenaos  and  Hippolytns  refuted  the 
thirty-two  sects,  rn«  ^nOuv^^av  yvAnrnt*  which  had  multiplied  to  fomsooie  in  the 
time  of  Epiphanius  (PhoL  Bibiioth.  cod.  cxx.,  end.,  oodl).  The  five  books  of 
Irensras  exist  only  in  barbarous  Latin ;  but  the  original  might  perham  be  found  in 
some  monasteiy  of  Qreeoe.  [Fragments  of  the  original  are  preserved  In  Hippc^ytus, 


a  larger  treatise  entitled  ir«rA  vM6r  alp^vvw  lA«vxo«  ("^  known  as  AaMpuSot) 
bks.  iv.-x.  were  discovered  on  Mount  Athos  in  jB^m,  and  bk.  i.  is  the  weu*kBOwn 
Pkihsopkumena  which  used  to  be  attributed  to  Ongen.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  101 

enemiea.  Articulate  sounds  vibrated  on  the  ears  of  the  disciples ; 
but  the  image  which  was  impressed  on  their  optic  nenre  eluded 
the  more  stubborn  evidence  of  the  touch,  and  they  enjoyed 
the  spiritual^  not  the  corporeal^  presence  of  the  Son  of  (xod. 
The  rage  of  the  Jews  was  idly  wasted  against  an  impassive 
phantom  ;  and  the  mystic  scenes  of  the  passion  and  death,  the 
resorrection  and  ascension  of  Christ,  were  represented  on  the 
theatre  of  Jerusalem  for  the  benefit  of  mankind.  If  it  were 
urged  that  such  ideal  mimicry^  such  incessant  deception,  was 
unworthy  of  the  God  of  truth,  the  Docetes  agreed  with  too 
many  of  their  orthodox  brethren  in  the  justification  of  pious 
fiikehood.  In  the  system  of  the  Gnostics,  the  Jehovah  of  Israel, 
the  creator  of  this  lower  world,  was  a  rebellious,  or  at  least  an 
ignorant,  spirit.  The  Son  of  God  descended  upon  earth  to 
abolish  his  temple  and  his  law ;  and,  fi:>r  the  accomplishment  of 
this  salutary  end,  he  dexterously  transferred  to  his  own  person 
the  hope  and  prediction  of  a  temporal  Messiah. 

One  of  the  most  subtle  disputants  of  the  Manichaean  school  ^j^ 
has  pressed  the  danger  and  indecency  of  supposing  that  the  iSSj 
€rod  of  the  Christians,  in  the  state  of  an  human  foetus,  emerged 
at  the  end  of  nine  months  from  a  female  womb.  The  pious 
horror  of  his  antagonists  provoked  them  to  disclaim  all  sensual 
drcomstances  of  conception  and  delivery ;  to  maintain  that  the 
divinity  passed  through  Mary  like  a  sun-beam  through  a  plate 
of  glass ;  and  to  assert  that  the  seal  of  her  virginity  remained 
onbroken  even  at  the  moment  when  she  became  the  mother  of 
Christ.  But  the  rashness  of  these  concessions  has  encouraged 
a  milder  sentiment  of  those  of  the  Docetes,  who  taught,  not 
that  Christ  was  a  phantom,  but  that  he  was  clothed  with  an 
impassible  and  incorruptible  body.  Such,  indeed,  in  the  more 
orthodox  system,  he  iias  acquii^  since  his  resurrection,  and 
such  he  must  have  always  possessed,  if  it  were  capable  of  per- 
vading, without  resistance  or  injury,  the  density  otintermediate 
matter.  Devoid  of  its  most  essential  properties,  it  might  be 
exempt  from  the  attributes  and  infirmities  of  the  flesh.  A  foetus 
that  oould  increase  firom  an  invisible  point  to  its  full  maturity, 
a  child  that  could  attain  the  stature  of  perfect  manhood,  without 
deriving  any  nourishment  fixmi  the  orainaiy  sources,  might  con- 
tinue to  exist  without  repairing  a  daily  waste  by  a  daihr  supply 
of  external  matter.  Jesus  might  share  the  repasts  of  his  ai»- 
dples  without  being  subject  to  the  calls  of  thirst  or  hunger ; 
and  his  virgin  purity  was  never  sullied  by  the  involuntary  stains 
of  sensual  concupiscence.    Of  a  body  thus  singularly  constituted. 


102         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

a  question  would  arise,  by  what  means,  and  of  what  materiak, 
it  was  originally  framed ;  and  our  sounder  theology  ia  startled 
by  an  answer  which  was  not  peculiar  to  the  Gnostics,  that  both 
the  form  a&d  the  substance  proceeded  from  the  divvie  essence. 
The  idea  of  pure  and  absolute  spirit  is  a  refinement  of  modem 
philosophy  ;  the  incorporeal  essence^  ascribed  by  the  ancients  to 
human  souls,  celestial  beingsi,  and  even  the  Deity  himself  does 
not  exclude  the  notion  of  extended  space ;  and  their  imagina- 
tion was  satisfied  with  ^  subtle  nature  of  air,  or  fire,  or  aather, 
incomparably  more  perfect  than  tha  grossness  of  the  material 
world.  If  we  define  the  place,  we  most  describe  the  figure,  of 
the  Deity.  Our  experience,  perhaps  our  vanity,  represents  the 
powers  of  reason  and  virtue  under  an  human  form.  The  Anthro- 
pomorphites,  who  swarmed  among  the  monks  of  Egypt  and  the 
Catholics  of  Africa,  could  produce  the  express  declaration  of 
Scripture  that  man  was  made  after  the  image  of  his  Creator.^ 
The  venerable  Serapion,  one  of  the  saints  of  die  Nitrian  desert, 
relinquished,  with  many  a  tear,  his  darling  prejudice ;  and  be- 
wailed, like  an  infimt,  his  unludky  oonversionf  wluch  had  stolen 
away  his  God  and  left  his  mind  without  any  visible  object  of 
fiuth  or  devotion.^* 
L  Mbto  IIL  Such  were  the  fleeting  shadows  of  the  Docetes,  A  more 
substantial,  though  less  simple^  hypothesis  was  cootrived  by 
Cerinthus  of  Asia,^^  who  dared  to  oppose  the  last  of  the  apgftles. 
Placed  on  the  confines  of  the  Jewish  and  Gentile  wQrU)^  he 
laboured  to  reconcile  the  Gnostic  with  the  Ebionite,  by.con- 

^'  The  pilgrim  Cassian,  who  visited  Egypt  in  the  beginning  of  the  vth  onitury, 
observes  and  laments  the  reign  of  anthropomor^iism  amon|f  m  monks,  who  were 
not  conscious  that  they  embraced  the  system  of  Bpicunis  (Cioeio,  de  Nat  Dtorass, 
i.  i8.  34).  Ab  miiverso  propemodimi  genere  monachoram,  qni  per  totam  pio* 
vinciam  iEgyptimi  morabantur,  pro  simplicitatis  errore  susceptum  est,  ut  e  con- 
trario  memoratnm  pontiiioem  {TMeo^ins)  velut  hsBresI gravfasimA ' deprmvattnn/ 
pars  maxima  senionim  ab  universa  fratemitatis  corpore  decemeret  detestandom 
(Cassian,  ColIatiOD.  x.  a).  As  long  as  St  Augustin  remained  a  Manirhafan,  he 
was  scandalized  bjr  the  anthropomorphism  of  the  vulvar  Catholics. 

u  Itaest  in  oratione  senex  lentt  conftaus^  eoqnod  illam  i^pm96^/op^»  imaglnem 
Ddtatis,  quam  proponere  sibi  in  onUiona  oonsueverat,  abokri  de  suo  oorde  seff||iret» 
ut  in  amarisslmos  fletus  crcbrosque  singultus  repente  prorumpen^  in  teuam 
prostratus,  cum  ejulatu  validisslnio  prodiunaret ;  '*  Hem  me  mnerum  I  tol^nmt  a 
me  Deum  meum,  et  qutm  nunc  teneam  bob  habeo»  vol  quern  adoraa  alit  iateiw 
pdlem  jam  nescio  ".    Cassian,  CoUat.  x.  a  [lf£,  3]. 

1*  St  John  and  Cerinthus  (A.D.  do.  Cleric.  Hist  Eocles.  p.  493)  aectdefitally  met 
in  the  public  bath  of  Kphesas ;  but  the  apostle  fled  from  the  heretic;  lest  the 
buikling  should  tumble  on  their  beada  This  foolish  story,  rqprobated  b^;  Dr. 
Middleton  (Miscellaneous  Works,  voL  il),  is  related  however  tw  Irsnse^  (lii.  3), 
on  the  evidence  of  Polycarp,  and  was  probably  suited  to  the  time  and  residence  of 
Cerinthus.  The  obsdete,  Vet  probably  ttae  tme,  reading  of  t  John  iv.  3—4  A^ 
r^  'l^rtCp    ttlhidm  to  tbs  ooubk  natare  of  that  primitiva  bentic 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  103 

fessing  in  the  same  Meaaidli  the  supernatural  union  of  a  man 
and  a  God ;  and  this  mystic  doctrine  was  adopted  with  manv 
fimciful  improvements  hy  Carpocrates^  Basilides,  and  Valentiiie,^ 
the  heretics  of  the  Eg^tian  school.  In  their  eyes,  Jesds  of 
Naaareth  was  a  mere  mortal,  the  legitimate  son  of  Joseph  and 
Maiy ;  but  he  was  the  best  and  wisest  of  the  human  race, 
selected  as  the  worthy  instrument  to  restore  upon  earth  the 
worship  of  the  true  and  supreme  Deity.  When  he  was  bap* 
tized  in  the  Jordan,  the  Chbist,  the  first  of  the  smns,  the  Son 
of  God  himself  descended  on  Jesoa  in  the  form  of  a  dove,  to 
inhabit  his  mind  and  direct  his  actions  during  the  allotted 
period  of  his  ministry.  When  the  Messiah  was  delivered  into 
the  hands  of  the  Jews,  the  Christ,  an  immortal  and  impassible 
being,  forsook  his  earUUy  tabernacle,  flew  bade  to  the  pleroma 
or  world  of  spirits,  and  left  the  solitiuy  Jesus  to  suffer,  to  com* 
plain,  and  to  expire.  But  the  justice  and  generosity  of  such  a 
desertion  are  strongly  questionable ;  and  the  fate  of  an  innocent 
martyr,  at  first  impelled  and  at  length  abandoned,  by  his  divine 
companion,  might  provoke  the  pity  and  indignation  of  the  pro* 
fime.  Their  murmurs  were  variously  silenced  by  the  sectaries 
who  espoused  and  modified  the  double  system  of  Cerinthos.  It 
was  alleged  that,  when  Jesus  was  nailed  to  the  cross,  he  was 
endowed  with  a  miraculous  apathy  of  mind  and  body,  which 
rendered  him  insensible  of  his  apparent  sufferings.  It  was 
affirmed  that  these  momentary  though  real  pangs  would  be 
abundantly  repaid  by  the  temporal  reign  of  a  thousand  years 
reserved  for  the  Messiah  in  his  kingdom  of  the  new  Jerusalem. 
It  was  insinuated  that,  if  he  suffered,  he  deserved  to  suffer ; 
that  human  nature  is  never  absolutely  perfect ;  and  tiiat  the 
cross  and  passion  might  serve  to  expiate  the  venial  transgres* 
sions  of  the  son  of  Joseph,  before  his  mysterious  union  with  the 
Saa  of  God.10 

^Tbe  Valentiniazu  embraced  a  complex  and  almost  incohemt  sjrMem.  x. 
Both  Christ  and  Jesus  were  aeons,  though  of  diffiarent  de^^rees ;  the  one  acting  as 
the  rational  soul,  the  other  as  the  divine  spirit,  of  the  Saviour,  a.  At  the  time  of 
the  passion,  they  both  retired,  and  left  only  a  sensitive  soul  and  an  human  body. 
3.  £ven  that  body  was  setbereal,  and  perhaps  apparent  Such  are  the  laborioos 
ooodusions  of  Mosheim.  But  I  much  doubt  whether  the  Latin  translator  under- 
stood Irenaeus,  and  whether  Irenseus  and  the  Valentinians  understood  themselves. 

1*  The  heretics  abused  the  passionate  exclamation  of  *'  My  God,  my  God,  why 
hast  iboa /orsaim  me?"  Rousseau,  who  .has  drawn  an  eloquent  hut  indecent 
parallel  between  Christ  and  Socrates,  forgets  that  not  a  word  of  impatience  or 
despair  escaped  from  the  mouth  of  the  dying  philosopher.  In  the  Messiah  sod! 
sentiments  could  be  only  apparent ;  and  such  ill-eoimding  words  are  properly  ^ 
plained  as  the  application  of  a  psalm  and  prophiBi^; 


104         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 


IV.  All  thoee  who  believe  the  inmuiterudiW  of  the  wwl,  a 
spedoof  mnd  noble  tenet,  most  confen,  from  their  present  ex- 
perience, the  incomprehensible  onion  of  mind  and  matter.  A 
similar  unicm  is  not  inconsistent  with  a  much  higher,  or  even 
with  the  highest  degree,  of  mental  &culties  ;  and  the  incarna- 
tion of  an  flDon  or  archaii^l,  the  most  perfect  of  created  spirits, 
does  not  involye  any  positive  contxmdiction  or  absnrditr.  In  the 
age  of  religious  freedom,  whidi  was  detennined  by  the  council 
of  Nice,  the  dignity  of  Christ  was  measured  by  private  judgment 
according  to  the  indefinite  rule  of  scripture,  or  reason,  or  tradi- 
tion. But,  when  his  pore  and  proper  divinity  had  been  estab- 
lished on  the  ruins  of  Arianism,  the  fiuth  of  the  Catholics 
trembled  on  the  edge  of  a  precipice  where  it  was  impossible  to 
recede,  dangerous  to  stand,  dreadful  to  frdl ;  and  the  manifold 
inconveniences  of  their  creed  were  aggravated  by  the  sublime 
character  of  their  theology.  They  hesitated  to  pronounce  thai 
God  himself,  the  second  person  of  an  equal  and  consubstantial 
trinity,  was  manifested  in  the  flesh ;  ^^  thai  a  being  who  pervades 
the  universe  had  been  confined  in  the  womb  of  Mary ;  thai  his 
eternal  duration  had  been  marked  by  the  days  and  months  and 
years  of  human  existence  ;  (hat  the  Almighty  had  been  scourged 
and  crucified  ;  that  his  impassible  essence  had  felt  pain  and 
anguish ;  that  his  omniscience  was  not  exempt  from  ignorance ; 
and  that  the  source  of  life  and  immortality  expired  on  Mount 
Calvary.  These  alarming  consequences  were  affirmed  with  un- 
blushing simplicity  by  Apollinaris,^  bishop  of  Laodicea,  and  one 
of  the  luminaries  of  the  church.  The  son  of  a  learned  gmm- 
marian,  he  was  skilled  in  all  the  sciences  of  Greece  ;  eloquence, 
erudition,  and  philosophy,  conspicuous  in  the  volumes  of  Apol- 
linaris,  were  humbly  devoted  to  the  service  of  religion.     The 

17  This  strong  expression  might  be  justified  by  the  langyage  of  St  Pral  (x  Tfan. 
ill  x6).  but  we  are  deceived  by  our  modem  Bibles.  The  wofd  o  {wkicA)  was 
altered  to  #«6t  IGat)  at  Constantinople  in  the  beginning  of  the  vith  century :  the 
true  reading,  which  is  visible  in  the  Latin  and  Syriac  versioms,  stiQ  exists  in  the 
reasoning  of  the  Greek  as  well  as  of  the  Latin  fiitbers ;  and  thb  fraud,  with  that  of 
the  tkret  witnessts  of  St,  Jokn^  is  admirably  detected  by  Sir  Isaac  Newtoo.  (See 
his  two  letten  tranuated  by  M.  de  Missy,  m  the  Journal  Britanniqne,  torn.  sv.  p. 
ZX8-190,  35z-39a)  I  have  weighed  the  argtnnents,  and  may  yield  to  the  anthority, 
01  the  fim  of  philosophers,  who  was  &ply  skilled  in  critical  and  theological 
studies. 

1*  For  ApoUinaris  and  his  sect,  tee  Socrates,  L  ii  c.  46,  L  iH.  c.  x6 ;  Sosomen, 
1.  V.  c  x8,  L  vi.  c.  8^,  sy;  Theodoret,  I.  t.  3,  zo^  xx ;  Tillemont,  M^moires 
EocUsiastiques,  torn.  vii.  p.  600,  6^,  Not  p.  789-794,  In  4ito,  Venise,  173a.  The 
contemporary  saints  always  mention  the  DislM>p  of  Laodicea  as  a  frioid  and 
brother.  The  style  of  the  more  recent  Ustoriaas  is  harsh  fod  boitik ;  yet  Philos- 
tocgius  compares  him  (L  vUL  c.  11-15)  to  Basil  and  QicfOfy. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  106 

worthy  friend  of  Athanatiaf ,  the  worthy  antagonlf  t  of  Julian, 
he  bravely  wrestled  with  the  AriaDS  and  rolytheists,  and, 
though  he  affected  the  rigour  of  geometrical  demonstration,  his 
commentaries  revealed  the  literal  and  all^^cal  sense  of  the 
scriptures.  A  mystery  which  had  long  floated  in  the  loosenew 
of  popular  belief  was  defined  by  his  perverse  diligence  in  a 
technical  form ;  and  he  first  proclaimed  the  memorable  words, 
"  One  incarnate  nature  of  Christ,"  which  are  still  re-echoed 
with  hostile  clamours  in  the  churches  of  Asia^  Egypt,  and 
Ethiopia.  He  taught  that  the  Godhead  was  united  or  mingled 
with  the  body  of  a  man ;  and  that  the  Logos,  the  eternal  wis- 
dom, supplied  in  the  flesh  the  i^iace  and  office  of  an  human 
soul.  Yet,  as  the  profound  doctor  had  been  terrified  at  his  own 
rashness,  Apollinaris  was  heard  to  mutter  some  £ednt  accents 
of  excuse  and  explanation.  He  acquiesced  in  the  old  distinction 
of  the  Greek  philosophers  between  the  rational  and  sensitive 
soul  of  man ;  that  he  might  reserve  the  Logot  for  intellectual 
functions,  and  employ  the  subordinate  human  principle  in  the 
meaner  actions  of  animal  life.  With  the  moderate  Docetes,  he 
revered  Mary  as  the  spiritual,  rather  than  as  the  carnal,  mother 
of  Christ,  whose  body  either  came  from  heaven,  impassible  and 
incorruptible,  or  was  absorbed,  and  as  it  were  transformed,  into 
the  essence  of  the  Deity.  The  system  of  Apollinaris  was 
strenuously  encountered  by  the  Asiatic  and  Syrian  divines|y 
whose  schools  are  honoured  by  the  names  of  Basil,  Gregory, 
and  Chrysostom,  and  tainted  by  those  of  Diodorus,  Theodore, 
and  Nestorius.  But  the  person  of  the  aged  bishop  of  Laodi'eea, 
his  character  and  dignity,  remained  inviolate ;  and  his  rivals, 
since  we  may  not  suspect  them  of  the  weakness  o£  toleration, 
were  astonished,  perhaps,  by  the  novelty  of  the  argument,  and 
diffident  of  the  final  sentence  of  the  Catholic  church.  Her 
judgment  at  length  inclined  in  their  favour;  the  heresy  of 
Apollinaris  was  condemned,  and  the  sepamte  congregations  of 
his  disciples  were  proscribed  by  the  Imperial  laws.  But  his  prin- 
ciples were  secreUy  entertained  in  the  monasteries  of  Egjrpt, 
and  his  enemies  felt  the  hatred  of  Theophilus  and  C3^,  the 
successive  patriarchs  of  Alexandria. 

V.  The  grovelling  Ebionite  and  the  fiantastic  Docetes  were v.oriaod< 
rejected  and  forgotten;  the  recent  zeal  against  the  errors  ofgjry<£ 
Apollinaris  reduced  the  Catholics  to  a  seeming  agreement  with 
the  double  nature  of  Cerinthus.      But,  instead  of  a  temporary 
and  occasional  alliance,  they  established,  and  fve  still  embrace, 
the  substantial,  indissoluble,  and  everlasting  union  of  a  perfect 


106         THB  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

God  with  a  perfect  man,  of  the  second  penKm  of  the  trinity  with 
a  reasonabld  soul  and  hamaa  flesh.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
fifth  oenturyi  thenittfy  of  the  itvo  nahereg  was  the  prevailing 
doctiine  of  the  church.  On  all  sides  it  was  confessed  that  the 
mode. of  their  co^^xistence  could  neither  be  represented  hj  our 
ideas  nor  expressed  by  our  language.  Yet  a  secret  and  incuiv 
able  discord  was  cherished  between  those  who  were  most  ap- 
prehensive of  confounding^  and  those  who  were  most  fearful 
of  separating,  the  divinity  and  the  humanity  of  Christ.  Im- 
pelled by  religioua  frensjr,  they  fled  with  adverse  haste  from  the 
error  wl^ch  they  mutually  deoned  most  destructive  of  truth  and 
salvation.  On  either  hand  they  were  anxious  to  guard,  they 
were  jealous  to  defend,  the  union  and  the  distinction  of  the  two 
natures,  and  to  invent  such  forms  of  speech,  such  Sjrmbols  of 
doctrine,  as  were  least:  susceptible  of  doubt  or  ambiguity.  The 
poverty  of  ideas  and  language  tempted  them  to  ransack  art  and 
nature  for  every  possible  comparison^  and  each  oompariaon  mis- 
led their  fimcy  in  the  explanation  of  an  incomparable  mysteiy. 
In  the  polemic  microscope  an  atom  is  enlaiged  to  a  monster, 
and  each  party  was  skilful  to  exaggerate  the  absurd  or  impious 
conclusions  tibAt  might  be  extort^  from  the  principka  of  their 
adverteries.  To  escape  from  each  other,  they  wandmd  through 
many  a  dark  and  devious  thicket,  till  they  were  astonished  by 
the  honrid  phantoms  of  Cerinthns  and  Apollinaris,  who  guarded 
the  opposite  issues  of  the  theological  labjninth.  As  soon  as 
they  beheld  the  twilight  of  sense  and  heresy,  they  started, 
measured  back  their  steps^  and  were  again  involved  in  the 
gloom  of  impenetrable  orthodoxy.  To  purge  themselves  ftom 
the  guilt  or  reproach  of  damnable  error,  they  disavowed  their 
consequences,  explained  their  principles,  excused  their  indis- 
cretions, and  unanimously  pronounced  the  sounds  of  concord 
and  fiiith.  Yet  a  latent  aid  almost  invisible  spaik  still  lurked 
among  the  embers  of  controveny :  by  the  breath  of  prejudice 
and  passion,  it  was  quickly  kindled  to  a  mighty  flame,  and  the 
verbal  disputes  ^^  of  the  Oriental  sects  have  shaken  tlie  pillars 
of  the  chunih  and  sta^e. 

1^  I  appeal  to  the  confession  of  two  Orieatal  prelates,  Gregory  Abqlpharagtns 
the  Jacobite  primate  of  the  East,  and  Elias  the  Nestorian  metropolitan  ol  Daxnas- 
cus  (see  Asseman.  Bibliothec.  OrientaL  tom.  il  p.  sax,  torn.  liL  p.  5x4,  itc\  that 
the  Melehitea,  Jacobite^  NostorianaL  Ac.  sfree  m  the  dodrimg^  ami  oilkr  only  in 
the  txprrsHoH,  Our  most  learned  and  rational  divines— Bania«^  Lc^  Qerc, 
Beausobre,  La  Croze^  Mosheim,  Jahlooski— are  inclined  to  favour  Uus  charitable 
judgment ;  but  the  seal  of  Petaviiis  is  load  and  angry,  and  the  modenttkm  of 
Dupin  is  oonvtyed  in  a      ' 


OF  THE  BOSCAU  EMPIBE  107 

The  name  of  Cyril  of.  Alexandria,  it.  iamous  in  controvenial 
itery,  and  the  title  of  Muni  is  a  mark  that  his  opinions  and  hisISriS! 
pirtjr  have  finally  prevailed  In  the  house  of  his  uncle,.  theu-Aj 
udibishop  Theophilos,  he  imbibed  the  orthodox  lessons  of  aeal 
md  dominion^  and  five  years  cxf  his  youth  were  profitably  spent 
n  the  adjacent  monasteries  of  Nitria.  Under  the  tuition  of 
:he  abbot  SeraplOny  he  applied  himself  to  ecclesiastical  studies 
rith  svch  indentigable  ardour,  that  in  the  course  of  one  sleiepless 
light  he  has  perused  the  four  gospefe,  the  catholic  epistles,  and 
;he  e|iistle  to  the  Romwia  Ovigen  he  detested;  but  the 
rritings  of  Clemens  and  Dionysins,  of  Athanasius  and  Basil, 
rere  coaUnnally  in  his  hands ;  by  the  theory  and  practice  of 
lispmtcty  his  £uth  was  confirmed  and  his  wit  was  sharpened ;  he 
attended  ronnd  his  cell  the  cobwebs  of  scholastic  theology,  and 
aeditated  the  works  of  allegory  and  metaphysics,  whose  re* 
aaina,  iii  seven  Terfoose  folios,  now  peaceably  slumber  by  the 
ide  of  their  rivals.^  Cyril  prayed  and  fasted  in  the  desert, 
mt  his  thoughts  (it  is  the  reproach  of  a  friend  ^)  were  still  fixed 
a  the  world ;  and  the  call  of  Theophilus,  who  summoned  him 
o  the  tnmnlt  of  cities  and  synods,  was  too  readily  obeyed  by 
he  aspiring  hermit.  With  the  amirobation  of  his  uncle,  he 
tfumed  the  office,  and  acquired  the  fsme,  of  a  popular  preacher, 
iia  comely  person  adorned  the  pulpit,  the  harmony  of  his  voice 
eaoanded  in  the  cathedral,  his  friends  were  stationed  to  lead 
r  second  the  iipplause  of  the  congregation,^  and  the  hasty 
lotes  of  the  scribes  preserved  his  discourses,  which  in  their 
iffect,  thongli  not  in  their  composition,  might  be  compared  with 
hose  of  the  Athenian  orators.  The  death  of  Theophilus  ex* 
Mided  and  realised  the  hopes  of  his  nephew.  The  clergy  of 
Alexandria  was  divided;  the  soldiers  and  their  general  sup- 
Mwted  the  claims  of  the  archdeacon  ;  but  a  resistless  multitude, 
rith  voices  and  with  hands,  asserted  the  cause  of  their  frivourite ; 
Old,  after  a  period  of  thirt^-'nine  years,  Cyril  was  seated  on  the 
hrone  of  Athanasius.^ 

^  La  Croie  (Hist  da  Christianisme  des  Indes,  torn.  L  p.  24)  avows  his  con- 
empt  for  the  genius  and  writings  of  CyriL  De  tons  les  ouvrages  des  anciens,  il  y 
n  a  pea  qu'on  lise  avec  moins  d'udlittf ;  and  Dupin  (Biblioth^ue  Eod^siastiqut^ 
om.  iv.  p.  42-52),  in  words  of  respect,  teaches  us  to  dapise  them. 

A  Of  Isidore  of  Pdnsium  <L  L  epist  25,  p.  8X  As  the  letter  is  not  of  tbd  most 
leditable  sort,  TOlemont,  kss  sincere  than  the  B<41andists,  afiects  a  doubt 
rheiher  Mi  Cyril  is  the  nephew  of  Theophilus  (Mtfoft.  EcddSb  torn.  xiv.  p.  268). 

**A  grammarian   b  named   by  Socrates  H.   yil   23)  BUwvpot  Bi  Upom^  Tt$ 

mTK6trcw  Kvo.XA«v  mafitmitt  «at  ir«pi  rb  cp^rovr  iv  rmis  MtLtntaA(mt  «^t»v  «yff^cr^ 
'ro'j.mt.6T  roc. 

»  See  the  youth  and  promDtioQ  of  Cyril,  inSdenues(L  viL  c.7)and  Renaudot 


108         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

The  prise  was  not  unworthy  of  his  ambition.  At  a  distance 
from  the  courts  and  at  the  head  of  an  immense  capital,  the 
patriarch,  as  he  was  now  styled,  of  Alexandria,  had  gradnally 
usurped  the  state  and  authori^  of  a  ciril  magistrate.  The 
public  and  priyate  charities  of  tiie  city  were  managed  by  his 
discretion  ;  his  voice  inflamed  or  appeased  the  passions  of  the 
multitude ;  his  commands  were  blindOiy  obeyed  by  his  numerous 
and  fanatic  parabolam,^  familiarised  in  their  daily  office  with 
scenes  of  death  ;  and  the  prsfects  of  ^^gypt  were  awed  or  pro- 
voked by  the  temporal  power  of  these  Christian  pontifis.  Ardent 
in  the  prosecution  of  heresy,  Cyril  auspiciously  opened  his  reign 
by  oppressing  the  Novatians,  the  most  innocent  and  harmless 
of  the  sectaries.  The  interdiction  of  their  religious  worship 
i^peared  in  his  eyes  a  just  and  meritorious  act ;  and  he  eon* 
fiscated  their  holy  vessels,  without  apprehending  the  guilt  of 
sacrilege.  The  toleration  and  even  the  privileges  of  the  Jews, 
who  had  multiplied  to  the  number  of  forty  thousand,  were 
secured  by  the  laws  of  the  Caesars  and  Ptolemies  and  a  long 
prescription  of  seven  hundred  years  since  the  feundation  of 
Alexandria.  Without  any  legal  sentence,  without  any  royal 
mandate,  the  patriarch,  at  the  dawn  of  day,  led  a  seditious 
multitude  to  the  attack  of  the  83magogues.  Unarmed  and  un- 
prepared, the  Jews  were  incapable  of  resistance ;  their  houses 
of  prayer  were  levelled  with  the  ground;  and  the  epiaeopal 
warrior,  after  rewarding  his  troops  with  the  plunder  of  their 
goods,  expelled  from  the  city  the  remnant  of  the  unbelieving 
nation.  Perhaps  he  might  plead  the  insolence  of  their  pros- 
perity, and  their  deadly  hatred  of  the  Christians,  whose  blood 
they  had  recently  shed  in  a  malicious  or  accidental  tumult. 
Such  crimes  would  have  deserved  the  animadversion  of  the 
magistrate ;  but  in  this  promiscuous  outrage,  the  innocent  were 
confounded  with  the  guilty,  and  Alexandria  was  impofverished 
by  the  loss  of  a  wealthy  and  industrious  colony.      Toe  seal  of 

(HisL  Patriarch.  Alexandrin.  p.  xo6,  xoB).  TbeAbM  Reoandot  drew  his  materials 
m>m  the  Arabic  history  of  Sevisms,  bishop  of  Hermopolis  Magna,  or  Asfamaneiii, 
in  the  zth  century,  who  can  neter  be  tmsted*  unless  our  assent  is  eatorted  fagr  the 
into-nal  evidence  of  facts. 


'•The  Parabolani  of  Aleamdria  were  a  charitable  corporation,  iuaUUtfad  < 
the  plague  of  Gallienus,  to  visit  the  sick,  and  to  bury  Mat  dead.  Tbey  gradoally 
enlarged,  abused,  and  sold  the  privilens  of  their  order.  Their  ouUageuui  ooo- 
duct  under  the  reign  of  Cyril  provoked  the  emperor  to  deprive  the  patriarch  of 
their  nomination,  and  to  restrain  their  number  to  five  or  six  hundred.  But  these 
restraints  were  transient  and  inetfiBCtuaL  See  the  Theodosian  Code,  L  xvi.  tit  iL, 
and  TUlcmont,  lUiau  EocKib  torn.  xiv.  p.  #76-078^    [Cpw  abovc^  vol  ii.  pw  3x9^] 


OF  THE  BOSIAN  EMPIRE  10|ft 

exposed  him  to  the  penalties  of  the  Julian  law ;  but  in  a 
5  government  and  a  superstitious  age  he  was  secure  gf  imr 
V,  and  even  of  praise.  Orestes  complained ;  but  his  just 
laints  were  too  quickly  forgotten  by  the  ministers  of  Theo- 
B^  and  too  deeply  remembered  by  a  priest  who  affected  to 
m,  and  oMitinued  to  hate,  the  prafect  of  Egypt.  As  he 
d  through  the  streets,  his  chariot  was  assaulted  by  a  band 
e  hundred  of  the  Nitrian  monks ;  his  guards  fled  from  the 
beasts  of  the  desert ;  his  protestations  that  he  was  a  Chxis- 
and  a  Catholic  were  answered  hy  a  volley  of  stones,  and 
ice  of  Orestes  was  covered  with  blood.  Ilie  loyal  dtiaens 
ezandria  hastened  to  his  rescue ;  he  instantly  satisfied  his 
e  and  revenge  against  the  monk  by  whose  hand  he  had 
wounded,  and  Ammonius  expired  under  the  rod  of  the 
.  At  the  command  of  Cyril,  his  body  was  raised  from  the 
id  and  transported  in  solemn  procession  to  the  cathedral ; 
yame  of  Ammonius  was  changed  to  that  of  Thaumasius  the 
TfiU;  his  tomb  was  decorated  with  the  trophies  of  martyr- 
;  and  the  patriarch  ascended  the  pulpit  to  celebrate  Uie 
lanimity  of  an  assassin  and  a  rebeL  Such  honours  might 
i  the  faithful  to  combat  and  die  under  the  banners  of  the 
;  and  he  soon  prompted,  or  accepted,  the  sacrifice  of  a 
I,  who  professed  the  religion  of  the  Greeks,  and  cultivated 
riendship  of  Orestes.  Hypatia,  the  daughter  of  Theon  the 
ematidan,^  was  initiated  in  her  Other's  studies ;  her  learned 
icnts  have  elucidated  the  geometry  of  Apollonius  and  Dio- 
bus,  and  she  publicly  taught,  both  at  Atnens  and  Alexan- 
the  philosophy  of  Plato  and  Aristotle.  In  the  bloom  of 
;y  and  in  the  maturitv  of  wisdom,  the  modest  maid  refru^ 
>ver8  and  instructed  her  disciples ;  the  persons  most  illus- 
I  for  their  rank  or  merit  were  impatient  to  visit  the  female 
lopher ;  and  Cyril  beheld,  with  a  jealous  eye,  the  gorseous 
of  horses  and  slaves  who  crowded  the  door  of  her  acackmy. 
nour  was  spread  among  the  Christians  that  the  daughter 
beon  was  the  only  obstacle  to  the  reconciliation  of  the 
ict  and  the  archbishop;  and  that  obstacle  was  speedily 
red.     On  a  fatal  day,  in  the  holy  season  of  Lent,  Hypatia[Aj)i«iq 

or  Tbeon,  and  bis  daoffhter  Hypatia.  see  Fabridua,  BiblioCbec:  torn,  viii  p. 


:x.  Herartidein  tbel^conof  SukUsiscarJoosaiidonginaL  Hembiui 
91  Opera,  torn.  viL  p.  99^,  296)  observes  that  she  was  prosecuted  mA  f)|v 
\kmtvmp  99^U¥ ;  and  an  epigram  in  the  Greek  Anthology  (L  i.  c.  76,  pu  X5a 
3rod8n)  celebrates  her  knowledge  and  eloquence,  ^le  is  booouiaoqr 
oed  (Epist  xo^  15, 16,  ^-^  134,  135,  153)  by  her  friend  and  disciple  the 
)phic  bishop  Synesius.    X^.  A.  Meyer,  Hypatia  yon  Alexandria,  188a] 


110         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

was  torn  from  her  chariot^  stripped  naked^  dragffed  tc 
churchy  and  inhumanly  butchered  bj  the  hands  of  Petei 
reader  and  a  troop  of  savage  and  merciless  fanatics :  her 
was  scraped  from  her  bones  with  shaip  oyster  shellSj^  anc 
quivering  limbs  were  delivered  to  the  flames.  The  jnst  pro 
of  inquiiy  and  punishment  was  stopped  by  seasonable  gifts 
the  murder  of  Hypatia  has  imprinted  an  indelible  stato  oi 
character  and  religion  of  C3nril  of  Alexandria.^ 
■tartu,^  Superstition^  perhaps,  would  more  gently  expiate  the  1 
uteatt^  of  a  virgin  than  the  banishment  of  a  saint;  and  Cyril 
^Ajpruib  accompanied  his  unde  to  the  iniquitous  synod  of  the 
When  the  memory  of  Chrysostom  was  restored  and  consecr 
the  nephew  of  Theophilus,  at  the  head  of  a  dying  faction 
maintained  the  justice  of  his  sentence ;  nor  was  it  till  af 
tedious  delay  and  an  obstinate  resistance  that  he  3rielded  tc 
consent  of  the  Catholic  world.^  His  enmity  to  the  Byza: 
pontifis  ^  was  a  sense  of  interest,  not  a  sally  of  passion 
envied  their  fortunate  station  in  the  sunshine  of  the  Im] 
court ;  and  he  dreaded  their  upstart  ambition,  which  oppn 
the  metropolitans  of  Europe  and  Asia,  invaded  the  provinc 
Antioch  and  Alexandria,  and  measured  their  diocese  hy 
limits  of  the  empire.  The  long  moderation  of  Atticus: 
mild  usurper  of  the  throne  of  Chrysostom,  suspended  the 
mosities  of  the  eastern  patriarchs;  but  Cyril  was  at  Ic 
awakened  by  the  exaltation  of  a  rival  more  worthy  of  his  es 
and  hatred.  After  the  short  and  troubled  reign  of  Sisii 
bishop  of  Constantinople,  the  Actions  of  the  clergy  and  p< 

M'Oarp^oic  oMiXoK  cal  ficAii^bv  8ca«v««'arrcf,  Ac  Oyster  shdls  Were  plei 
strewed  on  the  sea-beach  before  the  Caesarenm.  I  may  therefore  prefer  the 
sense,  without  rmecting  the  metaphorical  version  of  tqgmimf^  tifesi  which  ic  u 
M.  de  Valois.  I  am  ignorant,  and  the  assassins  were  probably  r^g;^xlles5.  w 
their  victim  was  yet  alive.  [cMUor  means  simply  iiiZaf  (by  cuttm^  her  th 
not  scfttped.^ 

^^Tbese  exploits  of  Sl  Cyril  are  recorded  fay  Socrates  (L  vii.  a  13,  14 
and  the  most  reluctant  bigotiy  is  oompelkd  to  copy  an  historian  who  coolly 
the  murderers  of  Hypatia  M^t  rb  ^mwm  IvfipiMi.  At  tl|e  mention  < 
injmed  name,  I  am  pleased  to  observe  a  Uuab  even  on  the  diaek  of  Baroniui 
4x5,  Na  ^Y 

*  He  was  deaf  to  the  entreaties  of  Atticus  of  Constantinople,  and  of  Isic 
Pdusinm,  and  yielded  only  (if  we  may  believe  Nicepborua,  !•  xiv.  a  18) 
personal  mtercenioo  of  the  Virgin.     .Yet  in  his  last  years  he  still  mutterei 
John  Chrysostom  had  been  justly  ooodeomed  (Tillemont  Mtei.  EodififlL  too 
pb  978-283 ;  BaroniuSt  AnnaL  Eodes.  A.l>.  4x9,  No.  46^4). 

s^See  then-  characters  in  the  history  of  Socrates  (L  vii.  c.  85-08) ;  their 
and  pretansioiiii  m  the  huge  oompflation  of  Tbonattin  (DiscipliMde  FEglisc 
L  p.  8o-9x)i 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBB  111 

were  appeased  by  the  choice  of  the  emperor,  who,  on  this 
occasion,  consulted  the  voice  of  &me,  and  invited  the  merit  of 
a  stranger.  Nestorius,^  a  native  of  Germanicia  and  a  monk  of 
Antioch,  was  recommended  by  the  austerity  of  his  life  and  the 
eloquence  of  his  sermons;  but  the  first  homily  iiHiich  he 
preached  before  the  devout  Theodosius  betrayed  the  acrimonv 
and  impatience  of  his  seal.  ''  Give  me,  O  Caesar ! "  he  exclaimed 
"  give  me  the  earth  purged  of  heretics^  and  I  will  give  you  in 
exchange  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  Exterminate  with  me,  the 
heretics ;  and  with  you>  I  will  exterminate  the  Persians.'*  On 
the  fifth  day,  as  if  Use  treaty  had  been  already  signed,  the 
patriarch  of  Constantinople  discovered,  surprised,  and  attacked 
a  secret  conventicle  of  the  Arians;  they  preferred  death  to 
submission ;  the  flames  that  were  kindled  by  their  despair  soon 
spread  to  the  neighbouring  houses,  and  the  triumph  of  Nestorius 
was  clouded  by  the  name  of  mcendiairy*  On  either  side  of  the 
HeUespont,  his  episcopal  vigour  imposed  a  rigid  formulary  of 
&ith  and  discipline ;  a  chronological  error  concerning  the  festival 
of  Easter  was  punished  as  an  ofience  against  the  church  and 
state.  Lydia  and  Caria,  Sardes  and  Miletus,  were  purified  with 
the  blood  of  the  obstinate  Quartodeeimans ;  and  the  edict  of 
the  emperor,  or  rather  of  the  patriarch,  enumerates  three  and  [aj>.  «q 
twenty  degrees  and  denominations  in  the  guilt  and  punishment 
of  heresy.'^  Bat  the  sword  of  persecution,  which  Nestorius  so 
fiuriously  wielded,  was  soon  turned  against  his  own  breast. 
Beligion  was  the  pretence ;  but,  in  the  judgment  of  a  oon« 
temporary  saint,  ambition  was  the  genuine  motive  of  episq^^pal 
warfiure.*^ 

In  the  Sjrrian  school,  Nestorius  had  been  taught  to  abhor  theBbi 
confusion  of  the  two  natures,  and  nicely  to  discriminate  the  ^^ 
humanity  of  his  master  Christ  from  the  divinity  of  the  Lord 
Jesafl."    The   Blessed  Virgin  he  revered  as  tiie  mother  of 
Christ,  but  his  ears  were  offended  with  the  rash  and  recent 


^His  elevation  and  conduct  are  described  by  Socrates  (1.  vii.  c.  39*  3i) ;  fl 
oelUnus  seems  to  have  applied  the  loquentiae  satis,  sapientise  panim,  or  Sallt 


and 
MaroeOinus  seems  to  have  applied  the  loquentiae  satis,  sapientise  parum,  of  Sallust. 

B  Cod.  Theodos.  1.  xvl  tit  ▼.  leg.  65.  with  the  illiistrations  of  Baronius  (A.D. 
4a8.  No.  35,  &C.),  Godefrqy  (ad  locum),  and  Pagl  (Critica,  torn,  il  p.  aoB). 

'Isidore  of  Pdusium  (L  iv.  epist.  57).     His  words  are  siroof  and  scandalous^ 

H  icarfi^cK ,  cl  ical  vvv  ircpl  vpay/ia  #<ior  max  Atfyov  cpctrror  3tai^yttv  trpooiroiovrrai  ^nk 

4a«fx^  l«iS«jcxcu6fMvoi  {  Isdore  is  a  saint,  but  m  never  became  a  bishop ;  and  I 
baV  suqiect  that  the  pride  of  Diogenes  tramided'on  the  pride  of  Plato. 

*  La  Cro^e  (Christianisme  des  Indes.  torn.  L  p.  44^5%;  Thesaurus  Epistolious 
La  Crotiuiui,  tokn.  iil  p.  276-380)  has  detecte4  the  me  ot  ^  Uwv^mt  and  4  k^im 
liKovr,  which  in  the  ivth,  vth,  and  vith  oenturi^'  diacripiiQates  the  fdiool  01 
Diodoms  of  Tarsus  and  his  Nesti6riaB  disctplfei,  ' 


112         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

title  of  mother  of  God^^  which  had  been  insensibly  adopted 
sinee  the  origin  of  the  Arian  controversy.  FVom  the  pulpit 
of  Constantinople,  a  friend  of  the  patriarchy  and  afterwards  the 
patriarch  himself  repeatedly  preached  against  the  usCj  or  the 
abuse,  of  a  word  ^  unknown  to  the  apostles,  unauthorised  by 
the  church,  and  which  could  <ndy  tend  to  alarm  the  timorous, 
to  mislead  the  simple,  to  amuse  the  profimCi  and  to  justify,  by 
a  seeming  resemblance,  the  old  genealogy  of  Olympus.^  In 
his  calmer  moments  Nestorius  confessed  that  it  might  be 
tolerated  or  excused  by  the  union  of  the  two  natures  and  the 
communication  of  their  idioms;^  but  he  was  exasperated,  by 
contradiction,  to  disclaim  the  worship  of  a  new-bom,  an  in£uit 
Deity,  to  draw  his  inadequate  similes  from  the  conjugal  or  civil 
partnerships  of  life,  and  to  describe  the  manhood  of  Christ  as 
the  robe,  the  instrument,  the  tabernacle  of  his  Godhead.  At 
these  blasphemous  sounds,  the  pillars  of  the  sanctuary  were 
shaken.  The  unsuccessful  competitors  of  Nestorius  indulged 
their  pious  or  personal  resentments ;  the  Byzantine  clergy  was 
secretly  displeased  with  the  intrusion  of  a  stranger ;  whatever 
is  superstitious  or  absurd,  might  claim  the  protection  of  the 
monks;  and  the.peojde  were  interested  in  tne  glory  of  their 
virgin  patroness.*^  The  sermons  of  the  archbishop  and  the 
service  of  the  altar  were  disturbed  by  seditious  clamour ;  his 
authority  and  doctrine  were  renounced  by  sepavate  ooogrega- 

**9€OT6itot — Deipara:  as  in  loology  we  fiuniliarly  speak  of  oviparoas  and 
vhriparoas  animals.  It  is  not  easy  to  nx  the  invention  of  this  word,  whidi  La 
Crose  (Christianisme  des  Indes,  torn.  L  p.  x6)  ascribes  to  Eusebhisof  Csesarea  and 
the  Arians.  The  orthodox  testimonies  are  produced  by  Cyril  and  Pecavius 
(DogmaL  Theolog.  torn.  v.  L  v.  c.  15,  p.  354.  Ac.);  but  the  veracity  of  the  saint  is 
que^ooable.  and  the  epithet  of  •■•fim*  so  easily  slides  from  the  margin  to  the 
text  of  a  Catholic  Ms. 

^  Basnage,  in  his  Histoire  de  I'E^lise,  a  work  of  controversy  (tom.  L  p.  505), 
justifies  the  mother,  by  the  blood,  en  God  (Acts  xx.  38,  with  Mill's  various  read- 
mgs).  But  the  Greek  Mss.  are  fax  from  unanimous  ;  and  the  primitive  style  of 
the  blood  of  Christ  is  preserved  in  the  Syriac  version,  even  in  those  copies  which 
were  used  by  the  Christians  of  St  Thomas  on  the  coast  of  Malabar  (La  Croze, 
Christianisme  des  Indes.  tom.  L  p.  317).  The  jealousy  of  the  Nestorians  and 
Monophysites  has  guarded  the  punty  ot  their  text 

M  The  Pagans  of  Egypt  already  lauj^ied  at  the  new  Cybele  of  the  Christians 
(Isidor.  L  i.  epist  54) :  a  letter  was  forged  in  the  name  of  Hypatia,  to  ridicule  the 
theology  of  her  assassin  (Synodicon,  c.  216,  in  iv.  tom.  Concil.  p.  484).  In  the 
article  of  Nestorius,  Bayle  has  scattered  some  loose  philosophy  on  the  worship 
of  the  Virgin  Mary. 

''The  kvrOovKt  of  the  Greeks,  a  mutual  loan  or  transfer  of  the  idioms  or  proper- 
ties of  each  nature  to  the  other-nof  infinity  to  man,  passibility  to  God,  &e.  Twelve 
rules  on  this  nicest  of  subjects  compose  the  Theotodcal  Grammar  of  Peiaviiis  (Dog- 
mata Tlieolog.  tom.  v.  1.  iv.  c.  14, 15,  p.  909.  ftcj; 

■See  Ducange,  C.  P.  ChrisUana,  L  L  pw  30*  te 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  113 

tions;  every  wind  scattered  round  the  empire  the  leaves  of 
controversy ;  and  the  voice  of  the  combatants  on  a  sonorous 
theatre  re-«choed  in  the  cells  of  Palestine  and  Egjqpt  It  was 
the  duty  of  Cyril  to  enlighten  the  aeal  and  ignorance  of  his 
innumerable  monks :  in  the  school  of  Alexandria^  he  had 
imbibed  and  professed  the  incarnation  of  one  nature;  and 
the  successor  of  Athanasius  consulted  his  pride  and  ambition 
when  he  rose  in  arms  against  another  Arius,  more  formidaUe 
and  more  guilty^  on  the  second  throne  of  the  hierarchy. 
After  a  short  correspondence^  in  which  the  rival  prelates 
disguised  their  hatred  in  the  hollow  language  of  respect  and 
charity,  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria  denounced  to  the  prince 
and  people,  to  the  East  and  to  the  West,  the  damnable  errors 
of  the  B3rzantine  pontiff.  From  the  East,  more  especially  fimm 
Antioch,  he  obtained  the  ambiguous  counsels  of  toleration  and 
silence,  which  were  addressed  to  both  parties  while  they 
&voured  the  cause  of  Nestorius.  But  the  Vatican  received 
with  open  arms  the  messengers  of  £g3rpt.  The  vanity  of 
Celestine  was  flattered  bv  the  appeal ;  and  the  partial  version 
of  a  monk  decided  the  nuth  of  tne  pope,  who,  with  his  Latin 
clergy,  was  ignorant  of  the  language,  the  arts,  and  the  theology 
of  the  Greeks.  At  the  head  of  an  Italian  synod,  Gelestine 
weighed  the  merits  of  the  cause,  approved  the  creed  of  CyrQ, 
condemned  the  sentiments  and  perM>n  of  Nestorius,  degraded 
the  heretic  from  his  episcopal  dignity,  allowed  a  respite  of  ten 
days  for  recantation  and  penance,  and  delegated  to  his  enemy 
the  execution  of  this  rash  and  illegal  sentence.  But  the  patri- 
arch of  Alexandria,  whilst  he  darted  the  thunders  of  a  god, 
exposed  the  errors  and  passions  of  a  mortal ;  and  his  twelve 
anathemas^  still  torture  the  orthodox  slaves  who  adtoe  the 
memory  of  a  saint,  without  forfeiting  their  allegiance  to  the 
synod  of  Chalcedon.  These  bold  assertions  are  indelibly  tinged 
with  the  colours  of  the  Apollinarian  heresy ;  but  the  serious, 
and  perhaps  the  sincere,  professiops  of  Nestorius  have  satisfied 
the  wiser  and  less  partial  theolc^ans  of  the  present  times.^ 

>*Concil  torn.  iiL  p.  043.  They  have  never  been  directly  approved  bjr  the 
church  (TillemoDt,  M^m.  Ecd^s.  torn.  xiv.  p.  368-373).  I  almost  pity  the  agony 
of  rage  and  sophistry  with  which  Peuvius  seems  to  be  agitated  in  the  vith  book  of 
his  Dogmata  Tbeologica. 

^Siich  as  the  rational  Basnage  (ad  torn.  L  Varior.  LeetioQ*  Canisii  in  Pnefat 
c  ii  p.  xx-23)  and  La  Crose,  the  nniversal  scholar  (Cbristianisme  des  Indes,  torn. 
I  p.  i6-9a  be  rEthiopie,  p.  96,  97.  Theaaur.  EpisL  p.  176,  fta  aS^,  085);  His 
free  sentence  is  confirmed  by  that  of  his  friends  Jablooski  (Thesanr.  Bpist  torn.  i. 
p.  193-901)  and  Mosheim  (idem,  pu  304:  Nestorium  crfanme  camisse  est  et 

VOL.  V.  8 


114         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALi. 

Yet  neither  the  emperor  nor  the  primate  of  the  Bast  were 
iditpoaed  to  obey  the  mandate  of  an  Italian  priest ;  and  a  sjnod 
/of  the  Catholic,  or  rather  of  the  Greek,  church  was  unanimously 
demanded  as  the  sole  remedy  that  could  appease  or  deckle  this 
ecclesiastical  quaireL^  Ephesus,  on  all  sides  accessible  by  sea 
and  land,  was  chosen  fat  the  place,  the  festival  of  Pentecost  for 
the  day,  of  the  meeting ;  a  writ  of  summons  was  despatched  to 
eadi  metropolitan,  and  a  guard  was  stationed  to  protect  and 
oonfine  the  fitthers  till  they  should  settle  the  mysteries  of 
heaven  and  the  fiuth  of  the  earth.  Nestorius  appeued,  not  as 
a  criminal,  but  as  a  judge ;  he  depended  on  the  weight  rather 
than  the  nnmbor  of  his  prelates  ;  and  his  sturdy  slaves  from  the 
baths  of  Zeuzippus  were  armed  for  every  service  of  injury  or 
defence.  But  his  adversary  Cjrril  was  more  powerful  in  the 
weapons  both  of  the  flesh  and  of  the  spirit.  Disobedient  to 
the  letter,  or  at  least  to  the  meaning,  of  the  royal  summons,  he 
was  attended  by  fifty  Egyptian  bishc^,  who  expected  from  tiieir 
patriarch's  nod  the  inspiratioD  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  He  had 
contracted  an  intimate  alliance  with  Memnon  Ushop  of  Ephesus. 
The  despotic  primate  of  Asia  disposed  of  the  ready  succours  of 
thirty  or  forty  episcopal  votes ;  a  crowd  of  peasants,  the  slaves 
of  the  church,  was  poured  into  the  city  to  suppcnrt  with  blows 
and  clamours  a  metaphysical  aigument ;  and  tiie  people  aeal- 
ously  asserted  the  honour  of  the  virgin,  whose  body  reposed 
within  the  walls  of  Ephesus.^  The  fleet  which  had  trans- 
ported Cyril  from  Alexandria  was  laden  with  the  riches  of 
figypt;  and  he  disembarked  a  numerous  body  of  mariners, 
slaves,  and  frnatics,  enlisted  with  blind  obedience  under  the 
banner  of  St.  Mark  and  the  mother  of  God.  The  frthers,  and 
even  the  guards,  of  the  ooundl  were  awed  by  this  martial  array ; 
the  adversaries  of  Cyril  and  Mary  were  insulted  in  the  streets 

acnteatia);  and  tfarae  nore  rwpactebte  judses  will  not  easily  be  found.  Aneman, 
a  learned  and  modest  slave,  can  kardfy  disoeni  (Bibliothec.  Orient,  torn.  iv.  p. 
X9(>^)  the  sailt  and  error  of  the  Nestoriana 

^  The  origin  and  progrees  of  the  Nertcrian  ujuu Ofetsfy  tiP  the  synod  of  Ephe- 
sus, may  be  found  in  Soaates  (L  viL  c.  32),  Evagrius  (t  I  c.  i,  2].  Libenitus(Brev. 
c  x-a),  the  original  Acu  (CoDciL  torn,  iil  pi  551-091,  edit.  Venise,  1798),  the 
Annals  of  Barontni  and  ngi,  sod  tiie  ftithfol  corfections  of  TfUenont  (M^m. 
Eodte  torn.  xiv.  pi  S83-377). 

^  The  Cfaristiaas  01  the  tour  fine  centufies  were  ignorant  of  the  deadi  and  burial 
ofMaiy.  The  tradition  of  Ephesus  b  affirmed  by  the  synod  («ip#«»«MJi4yof*I«<Mn|c^ 
mA\9mt4mtwfiUmt^i,ftn  Kkm^ta.  CondL  tom.  iii.  p. xioa);  yetithasbeeniperseded 
by  the  claim  Of  Jerusalem;  andhni  isn^emulrihif  ,asit  wassfaewntothe  pilgrims, 
produoed  the  mbto  of  her  resmrection  and  awwmpf ion,  in  whkih  the  Qredc  and 
Latin  cfattfcbee  have  pioodv  arciaieewd.  Sae  Baronioi  (AaaaL  Bcdsik  A.0. 4S, 
Ha  6,  Ac )  and  TOtonont  (Mte.  Beckii.  ton.  L  pi  467^477)1 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  U6 

or  threatened  in  their  houses ;  his  eloquence  and  lihemlity  made 
a  daily  increase  in  the  number  of  hia  adherents ;  and  the  Egyp- 
tian soon  computed  that  he  might  conuqfiand  the  attendance  and 
the  voices  of  two  hundred  bishop^.^  But  the  author  of  the 
twelve  anathemas  foresaw  and  dreaded  the  opposition  of  John 
of  Antioch,  who  with  a  small,  though  respectable,  train  of 
metropolitans  and  divines  was  advandi^  by  slow  joumevs  from 
the  distant  capital  of  the  Bast.  Impatient  of  a  delay  wnich  he 
stigmatized  as  voluntary  and  culpaole,^  Cyril  announced  the 
opening  of  the  synod  sixteen  days  setter  the  festival  of  Pente- 
cost. Nestoiius,  who  depended  on  the  near  apinroach  of  his 
Eastern  firiends,  persisted,  like  his  predecessor  Chrysostom,  to 
disclaim  the  jurisdiction  and  to  disobey  the  summons  of  his 
enemies ;  thev  hastened  his  trial,  and  his  accuser  presided  in 
the  seat  of  judgment.  SixtY-eight  bishops^  twenty-two  pf 
metropolitan  nuuL,  defended  his  cause  by  a  modest  and  teo;i- 
perate  protest ;  they  were  excluded  from  the  counsels  of  their 
Ixrethren.  Candidiw,  in  the  emperor's  name,  requested  a  delay 
of  four  days;  the  profime  magistrate  was  driven  with  outrage 
and  insult  from  the  assembly  of  the  saints.  The  whole  of  thUsg* 
momentous  transaction  was  crowded  iuto  the  compass  of  auM.  j«m 
summer's  day ;  the  bishops  delivered  their  separate  opinions ; 
but  the  uniformity  of  style  reveals  the  influence  or  the  hand  of 
a  master,  who  had  been  accused  of  corruptii]^  the  public  evi- 
dence of  their  acts  and  subscriptions.^  Without  a  dissenting 
voice;,  they  recognised  in  the  epistles  of  Cyril  the  Nioene 
creed  and  the  doctrine  of  the  ftthero :  but  the  partial  extracts 
from  the  letters  and  homilies  of  Nestorius  were  interrupted  by 
curses  and  anathemas ;  and  the  heretic  yroB  degraded  m>m  his 
epiacopal  and  ecclesiastical  dignity,  Tt^  sentence^  maliciously 
to  the  new  Judas,  was  affix,ed  and  proclaimed  in  the 


*  The  Acts  of  Chakedon  (ConcU.  tom»  iv.  p.  1405,  X4a8)  exhibit  a  Uvdy  picture 
d  the  blind,  obstinate  aervitude  of  the  bishops  of  Egrpt  to  their  patriarch. 

M  Civil  or  ecclesiastical  business  detained  the  bishops  at  Antioch  tin  the  x8th  of 
Maj.  Ephesus  was  at  die  distance  of  ttkirty  dM*  Journey ;  and  ten  days  mofe 
may  be  Aurlv  allowed  for  accidents  and  repoBQi  Tho  aaxck  of  X«nophon  over  the 
same  grottod  enumerates  above  a6o  parasfings  or.lea^nes ;  and  this  measure  might 
be  illQStrated  from  ancient  and  modem  itinararles,  ill  knew  how  to  compare  the 
speed  of  an  army,  a  synod,  and  a  eaiavati.  Jolui  of  Antioch  is  rduetantly  ai&- 
quitted  by  miemant  hamsclf(MtaL  EcdtettOfQ-  av,  p.  3fi^i^ 

nM  iMi^iuf  MtKOTOfijf  Kvp(AA«v  rtx^i^orroc.  Evagrius^  L  I  c.  7.  The  same  impa- 
tatloB  was  vged  by  Coimt  Irenaos  (torn.  ifi.  pi  xa^p);  and  m  orthodox  critics  do 
not  find  it  an  easy  task  to  defend  w  purity  of  l|ie  ureek  or  Latin  copies  of  tl>e 


Acta 


116         THE  DECLINE  AND 

streets  of  Ephesus ;  the  weary  prelates^  as  they  issued  from  the 
church  of  the  mother  of  Ooa,  were  saluted  as  her  champions ; 
and  her  victoiy  was  celebrated  by  the  illuminations^  the  songs, 
and  the  tumult  of  the  night. 
tapodtiM  of  On  the  fifth  day,  the  triumph  was  clouded  by  the  arrival  and 
luMnTSS^  indignation  of  the  Eastern  bishops.  In  a  chamber  of  the  inn, 
before  he  had  wiped  the  dust  from  his  shoes,  John  of  Antioch 
gave  audience  to  Candidian  the  Imperial  minister ;  who  related 
his  ineffectual  efforts  to  prevent  or  to  annul  the  hasty  violence 
of  the  Egyptian.  With  equal  haste  and  violence,  the  Oriental 
synod  of  ntty  bishops  degraded  Cyril  and  Memnon  frtmi  their 
episcopal  honours,  condemned,  in  the  twelve  anathemitf,  the 
purest  venom  of  the  ApoUinarian  heresy,  and  described  the 
Alexandrian  primate  as  a  monster,  bom  and  educated  for  the 
destruction  of  the  church.^  HU  throne  was  distant  and  inac- 
cessible ;  but  they  instantly  resolved  to  bestow  on  the  flock  of 
Ephesus  the  blesdng  of  a  fidUiful  shepherd.  By  the  vigilance 
or  Memnon,  the  churches  were  shut  against  them,  and  a  strong 
garrison  was  thrown  into  the  cathedral  The  troops,  under  the 
command  of  Candidian,  advanced  to  the  assault ;  tne  outguards 
were  routed  and  put  to  the  sword  ;  but  the  place  was  impreg- 
nable :  the  besiegers  retired ;  their  retreat  was  pursued  oy  a 
vigorous  sally  ;  they  lost  their  horses,  and  many  of  the  soldiers 
were  dangerously  wounded  with  clubs  and  stones.  Ephesus, 
the  dty  of  the  Virgin,  was  defiled  with  rage  and  clamour,  with 
sedition  and  blood;  the  rival  synods  ds^ed  anathemas  and 
excommunications  from  their  spiritual  engines ;  and  the  court 
of  Theodosius  was  perplexed  by  the  adverse  and  contradictory 
narratives  of  the  Sjrrian  and  Egjrptian  Actions.  Durinff  a  busy 
period  of  three  months,  the  emperor  tried  everv  meuiod,  ex- 
cept the  most  effectual  means  of  indifference  ana  conteimpt,  to 
reconcile  this  theological  quarreL  He  attempted  to  remove  or 
intimidate  the  leaders  by  a  common  sentence  of  acquittal  or 
condemnation ;  he  invested  his  representatives  at  Ephesus  with 
ample  power  and  miUtary  force;  he  summoned  mm  either 
party  eight  chosen  deputies  to  a  free  and  candid  conference  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital,  fiir  from  the  contagion  of 
popular  fr^nay.  But  the  Orientals  refused  to  yield^  and  the 
Catholics,  proud  of  their  numbers  and  of  their  Latin  allies. 


^'OUiw  Ui0pifrm^iMKk^^a^vwx!hUiuXrfm^t€.  After  the  ooolitioa  of  John 
and  Cyril,  these  invectives  were  nmtuaUjr  forgotten.  Tbe  aqrk  of  dtrjinuiiion 
must  never  be  confounded  with  the  fenohie  sense  which  respectabte  ftr'V*  enters 
tain  of  each  other's  merit  (CondL  torn.  ^  p.  1044). 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  117 

rejected  all  temui  of  union  or  toleFAtion.  The  natienoe  of  the 
meek  Theodosius  was  provoked^  and  he  dissolved,  in  anger^ 
this  episcopal  tumult,  which  at  the  distance  of  thirteen  cen- 
turies assumes  the  venerable  aspect  of  the  third  oecumenical 
council .^^  ''  Grod  is  my  witness/'  said  the  pious  prince^  ''that  I 
am  not  the  author  of  this  confusion.  His  providence  will  discern 
and  punish  the  guilty.  Return  to  your  provinces,  and  may 
your  private  virtues  repair  the  mischie:f  and  scandal  of  your 
meeting."  They  returned  to  their  provinces^  but  the  same 
passions  which  had  distracted  the  sjmod  of  Ephesus  were  dif- 
fused over  the  Eastern  world.  After  three  obstinate  and  equal 
campaigns,  John  of  Antioch  and  Cyril  of  Alexandria  conde- 
scended to  explain  and  embrace ;  but  their  seeming  re-union 
must  be  imputed  rather  to  prudence  than  to  reason,  to  the 
mutual  lassitude  rather  than  to  the  Christian  charity  of  the 
patriarchs. 

The  Byzantine  pontiff  had  instilled  into  the  royal  ear  a  ^^^2!3l^a'i 
prejudice  against  the  character  and  conduct  of  his  Egyptian  SESs 
rival.  An  epistle  of  menace  and  invective,^  which  accom- 
panied the  summons,  accused  him  as  a  busy,  insolent,  and 
envious  priest,  who  perplexed  the  simplicity  of  the  £uth, 
riolated  the  peace  of  the  church  and  state,  and,  by  his  artful 
and  separate  addresses  to  the  wife  and  sister  of  Theodosius, 
presunied  to  suppose,  or  to  scatter,  the  seeds  of  discord  in  the 
Imperial  &mily.  At  the  stem  command  of  his  sovereign,  Cyril 
haa  repaired  to  Ephesus,  where  he  was  resisted,  threatened, 
and  confined,  by  the  magistrates  in  the  interest  of  Nestorins. 
and  the  Orientals ;  who  assembled  the  tro<^  of  Lydia  and 
Ionia  to  suppress  the  fimatic  and  disorderly  train  of  the  patriarch. 
Without  expecting  the  royal  licence,  he  escaped  from  his  guards, 
precipitatelv  eml^rked,  deserted  the  imperfect  synod,  and 
letired  to  his  episcopal  fortress  of  safety  and  independence. 
But  his  artful  emissaries,  both  in  the  court  and  city,  successfully 


'See  the  Acts  of  the  Synod  of  E^esua,  in  the  original  Greek,  and  a  Latin 
venion  idmoet  oontemporary  (ConciL  torn.  iii.  p.  99X*Z339)  with  the  Synodicoo 
adverms  Trap^OBdiam  irenaeti  (torn.  iv.  p.  255-^97),  the  Ecclesiastical  Histories  of 
Soaates  JL  m  c.  34)  and  Evagriiis  (I  i.  a  3,  4,  5).  and  the  Breviary  of  liberatui 
(in  CoadL  torn.  yC  p.  419-4591  c.  5,  6),  and  the  M^noiras  Eod^  of  Tillemont 
(torn.  «▼.  p.  377-487^ 

4B  Tmpmj^v  (says  the  emperor  in  pointed  langiMge)  vA  yt  <«»  rav?^  mU  x^P^^M^ 

mi  wouaMmt  aJJJmv  rovTMr  ^|um  ipiwioiit  4**P  AvAiAnffvff  •  •  •  warvbt  |i«AX»r  f  i^^Mt . .  . 

ir4pmt  tUmuiti^ntt.   I  sboald  be  curious  to  know  oov  maai  Nestorius  paid  for 
theae  ezpraiions  so  mortifying  to  hia  rival. 


118         THE  DECU'lirE  AN1>  FALL 

laboured  to  appease  the  resentmenti  and  to  conciliate  the  fiiyour, 
of  the  emperor.  The  feeble  son  of  Arcadlutf  was  alternately 
swayed  by  his  wife  and  sister,  by  the  eunuchs  and  women  of 
tiie  palace ;  superstition  and  avarice  were  their  ruling  passions ; 
and  the  orthodox  chie6  were  assiduous  in  their  endeavoura  to 
alarm  the  foitner  and  td  gratify  the  latter.  Constantinople 
and  the  suburbs  were  sanctified  with  frequent  monasteries,  and 
the  holy  abbots^  Dalmatius  and  Eutyches^^  had  devoted  their 
seal  and  fideli^  to  the  cause  of  Cyril,  the  worship  of  Mary, 
and  the  unity  of  Christ.  From  the  first  moment  of  their 
monastic  life,  they  had  never  mingled  with  the  world,  or  trod 
the  profime  ground  of  the  City.  But  in  this  awful  moment  of 
the  danger  of  the  church,  their  vow  was  superseded  by  a  more 
sublime  and  indispensable  duty.  At  the  head  of  a  long  order 
of  monks  and  hermits,  who  carried  burning  tapers  in  their 
hands  and  chaunted  litanies  to  the  mother  of  Crod,  they  pro- 
ceeded from  their  monasteries  to  the  palace.  The  people  was 
edified  and  inflamed  by  this  extraordinary  spectacle,  iad  the 
trembling  monarch  listened  to  the  pra3rers  and  adjurations  of  the 
saints,  who  boldly  pronounced  that  none  could  hope  for  salvation 
unless  they  embraced  the  person  and  the  creed  of  the  orthodox 
successor  of  Athanasius.  At  the  same  time  every  avenue  of 
the  throne  was  assaulted  with  gold.  Under  the  decent  names 
of  eulopa  and  benedicthnt,  the  courtiers  of  both  sexes  were 
bribed  according  to  the  measure  of  their  power  and  rapadoua- 
ness.  But  their  incessant  demands  despoiled  the  sanctuaries 
of  Constantinople  and  Alexandria;  and  the  authority  of  the 
patriarch  was  unable  to  sdlence  the  just  murmur  of  his  clergy, 
that  a  debt  of  sixty  thousand  pounds  had  already  been  con- 
tracted to  support  the  expense  of  this  scandalous  corruption.^ 
Ptilcheria,  who  relieved  ner  brother  from  the  weight  of  an 
emjnre,  was  the  firmest  pillar  of  orthodoxy ;  and  so  Ultimate 
was  the  alliance  between  the  thunders  of  the  sjrnod  and  the 

*  Eotydies,  the  heresiarch  Entycfaei,  ii  honourably  named  by  Ctfil  at  a  friend, 
anunt,  and  the  strenuous  defender  of  the  £uth.  His  brother,  the  abbot  Dalmatius, 
if  likewise  employed  to  bind  theenuperor  and  all  his  chamberlains  itrriHiitoi^itrm' 
AtoM.    Synodioon,  c.  003*  in  ConoiL  torn.  iv.  p.  467. 

**  Clerid  qui  hie  sunt  contristantnr,  quod  eodesin  Alenmdrina  nodata  ilt  hnius 
eansA  turbdao :  et  debet  praeter  ilia  quae  hinc  transmissa  sint  mm^  Uhmt  nuUt 
quimgmias,  Et  nnneet8oriptinnestutpr«Btet;seddetiiaeodeBapraataavariti8e 
quorum  nosti,  ftc.  This  carious  and  orif^nal  letter,  from  Qvil's  archdeacon  to 
his  creature  the  new  bishop  of  Constantinoplet  has  been  gnaceonntaMy  pfesenfed 
in  an  old  Latin  version  (Synodieon,  c  903:  CondL  torn.  It.  p.  46^466).  The 
mask  is  almost  dropped,  and'^e  saints  ^mk  the  booeit  lanfoafft  arinterett  and 
Qonfederacv. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  lift 

whispers  of  the  comrtrthat  Cvril  was  assured  of  svoeess  ii  he 
could  displace  one  euxrach  and  substitute  another  in  the  finroor 
of  Theodosius.  Yet  the  Egyptian  could  not  boast  of  a  gkxrioos 
or  decdsive  victoiy.  The  ]^peror,  with  unaccustomed  finnaess» 
adhered  to  his  promise  of  protecting  the  innocence  of  the  Oriental 
bishops ;  and  Cyril  softened  his  anathemas,  and  confessed,  with 
ambiguity  and  reluctance,  a  twofold  nature  of  Christ,  belbxe  he 
was  permitted  to  satiate  his  revenge  against  the  unfortnnate 
Nestorius.*^ 

The  rash  and  obstinate  Nestorius,  before  the  end  of  thewt«f 
synod,  was  opjNiessed  by  C3rril,  betrayed  by  the  court,  and  fidbtly vAJ).  m 
supported  by  his  Eastern  friends.  A  sentiment  of  fear  or  in- 
dignation prompted  him,  while  it  was  yet  time,  to  affect  the 
glory  of  a  voluntaiy  abdication;^'  his  wish,  or  at  least  his 
request,  was  readily  granted ;  he  was  conducted  with  honour' 
firom  Ephesus  to  his  old  monastexy  of  Antioch ;  and,  after  a 
short  pause,  his  successors,  Maximian  and  IVoclus,  were  acknow- 
ledged as  the  lawful  bishops  of  Constantinople.  But  in  the 
silence  of  his  cell  the  degraded  patriarch  could  no  longer  re* 
sume  the  innocence  and  security  of  a  private  monk.  The  past 
he  regretted,  he  was  discontented  with  the  present^  and  the 
future  he  had  reason  to  dread ;  the  Oriental  bishops  successively 
disengaged  their  cause  from  his  unpopular  name ;  and  each  day 
decreased  the  number  of  the  schismatics  who  revered  Nestorius 
as  the  confessor  of  the  feith.  After  a  residence  at  Antioch  of 
four  years,  the  hand  of  Theodosius  subscribed  an  ediet,'^  which 
ranked  him  with  Simon  the  magician,  proscribed  his  opinions 
and  followers,  condemned  his  writings  to  the  flames,  and  banished 
his  person  fiist  to  Petra  in  Arabia,  and  at  length  to  Oasis,  one 

■^  The  tecUoos  negotiations  that  sncoeeded  the  STnod  of  Epbesoa  are  diffiisdy 
rdated  in  the  original  Acts  (ConciL  tom^  iil  p.  ly^im,  ad  fio.  vol  and  the 
Synodicon,  in  torn,  iv.),  Socrates  (L  vil  c.  aS,  35,  40,  41),  Bvagrius  (L  t  a  6,  7,  8, 
la),  Liberatus  (c.  7-10),  Tillemont  (M^m.  Ecd^  torn.  »▼.  p.  487-676).  The  moat 
patient  reader  will  thank  me  for  compressing  so  mtich  nonsense  and  falsehood  in 
afewlineSb 


L I  &  7.  The  original  letters  in  the  Synodioon  (a  15, 24, 25,  a6)  justify  the  a/^MnroMir 
of  a  voluntary  resignation,  which  is  asserted  by  Ebed-Jesu.  a  Nestorian  writer, 
apud  Assonan.  Biluiot  OrientaL  tom.  ill  p.  999,  30a.  [For  this  writer  see  also 
wrist's  Syriac  Literature,  p.  385  sg^,] 

*  See  the  Imperial  letters  in  the  Acts  of  the  Sjmod  of  Ephesus  (CondL  torn,  iil 
p.  1730-1735).  The  odious  name  of  Sinumiofu,  which  was  affixed  to  the  disciples 
of  this  rtp^rMmn  Ma^umXimt,   was    designed   mt  «r  hmfUvt.  wpofikiNftnt  tiAv^m 

{nrapxitw.    Yet  theae  were  Christians  t  woo  difiered  only  in  names  and  to  shadowi; 


THE  DECUNE  AND  FALL 

of  the  itiand$  of  thfe  Libyan  desert^  Secluded  from  the  church 
and  from  the  world,  the  exile  was  still  pursued  hy  the  rage  of 
bigotry  and  war*  A  wandering  tribe  of  the  Blemmyes»  or  Nn- 
biansy  invaded  his  solitary  prison ;  in  their  retreat  they  dismissed 
a  crowd  of  useless  captives;  but  no  sooner  had  Nestorius 
reached  the  banka  of  the  Nile  than  he  would  gladly  have  es- 
caped from  a  Boman  and  orthodox  city  to  the  milder  servitude 
of  the  savages.  His  flight  was  punished  as  a  new  crime ;  the 
soul  of  the  patriarch  inspired  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  powers 
of  Egypt ;  the  magistrates,  the  soldiers,  the  monks,  devoutly 
tortured  the  enemy  of  Christ  and  St  Cyril ;  and,  as  &r  as  the 
confines  of  :£thio|Ha,  the  heretic  was  alternately  dragged  and 
recalled,  till  his  aged  body  was  broken  by  the  hardships  and 
acddents  of  these  reiterated  journeys.  Yet  his  mind  was  still 
independent  and  erect ;  the  president  of  Thebais  was  awed  by 
his  pastoral  letters ;  he  survived  the  Catholic  tyrant  of  Alex- 
andria, and,  after  sixteen  years'  banishment,  the  s3mod  of  Chalce- 
don  would  perhaps  have  restored  him  to  the  honours,  or  at 
least  to  the  communion,  of  the  church.  The  death  of  Nestorius 
prevented  his  obedience  to  their  welcome  summons  ;  ^  and  his 
disease  might  afford  aome  oolour  to  the  scandalous  report  that 
his  tongue,  the  organ  of  Uaspheimr,  had  been  eaten  by  the 
worms.  He  was  biuied  in  a  dty  of  Upper  Egypt,  known  by  the 
names  of  Chemnis,  or  Panopolis,  or  Akmim ;  ^  but  the  immortal 
malice  of  the  Jacobites  has  persevered  for  ages  to  cast  stones 
against  his  sepulchre,  and  to  propagate  the  foolish  tradition 
that  it  was  never  watered  by  the  rain  of  heaven,  which  equally 

"*  The  metaphor  of  islands  is  applied  by  the  grave  civilians  (Pandect  L  xlviii. 
tit  22,  leg.  7)  to  those  happr  spots  which  are  discriminated  by  water  and  verdure 
from  the  Lib>mn  sands.  Three  of  these  under  the  common  name  of  Oasis,  or 
Alvahat :  i.  The  temple  of  Jupiter  Ammon  [Oasis  of  Siwah].  9.  The  middle 
Oasis  [el  Kasr],  three  days*  joiiniey  to  the  west  of  Lycopolis.  3.  The  southern, 
where  Nestorius  was  banished,  in  the  first  climate  and  only  three  dajrs'  journey 
from  the  confines  of  Nubia  [Great  Oasis,  or  Wah  el  Khar^eh].  See  a  learned 
Note  of  Michaelis  (ad'Descript  Egypt  AbolfedsB,  p.  ai,  34). 

^  The  invitation  of  Nestorius*  to  the  Synod  of  Chalcedon  is  related  by  7jtrh»rin^ 
bishop  of  Meiitene  [Mytilene]  (Evagrius,  L  ii.  c.  3 ;  Asseman.  Bibliot  Orient  torn. 
M-  P*  55)»  9^^  ^^  famous  Xenaias  or  Pbilozenus,  bishop  of  Hierapolis  (Asseman. 
Bibliot.  Orient  tom.  ii.  p.  40,  Ac),  denied  fay  Eva^ius  and  Asseman,  and  stoutly 
maintained  by  La  Croce  (Thesaur.  EpistoL  tom.  iit  p.  iSz,  Ac).  The  fact  is  not 
improbable ;  yet  it  was  tne  interest  of  the  Monophysites  to  spread  the  invidious 
report ;  and  Eutychius  (tom.  \L  p.  xa)  affirms  that  Nestorius  died  after  an  exile  of 
seven  yean,  and  consequently  ten  years  before  the  synod  of  Chalcedon. 

■*  €:onsuIt  d'Anville  (M^moire  sur  I'Egypte,  p.  191),  Pocock  (Description  of  the 
East,  vol.  L  p.  7^)*  Abulfeda  (Descript  Egypt  p.  14)  and  his  commenutor 
Michaelis  (Not.  p.  7B-83),  and  the  Nubiaa  Geographer  (p.  4a),  who  mentions,  in 
jhe  xiith  gentuty ,  the  ruins  and  the  ayir^flyift  pifya^ 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIBE  121 

descendB  on  the  righteowi  and  the  ungodly.*^  Hunianity  may 
drop  a  tear  on  the  £sLte  of  Nestorius ;  vet  juBtice  must  observe 
that  he  suffered  the  persecution  which  he  had  approved  and 
inflicted." 

The  death  of  the  Alexandrian  primate,  after  a  reign  of  thirty-  ^^^ 
two  years,  abandoned  the  Catholics  to  the  intemperance  ofzealSuKlM 
and  the  abuse  of  victory.^^  The  tnonophi^sUe  doctrine  (one 
incarnate  nature)  was  rigorously  preached  in  the  churches  of 
Egypt  and  the  monasteriies  of  the  East ;  the  primitive  creed  of 
Apollinaris  was  protected  by  the  sanctity  of  Cjrril ;  and  the 
name  of  Eutyches,  his  venerable  friend,  has  beenapjdiedto  the 
-sect  most  adverse  to  the  Syrian  heresy  of  Nestorius.  His  rival, 
Entyches,  was  the  abbot,  or  archimandrite,  or  superior  of  three 
hundred  monks,  but  the  opinions  of  a  simple  and  illiterate  re* 
cluse  might  have  expired  in  the  cell,  where  he  had  slept  above 
seventy  years,  if  the  resentment  or  indiscretion  of  Flavian^  the 
Byzantine  pontiff,  had  not  exposed  the  scandal  to  the  eyes  of 
the  Christian  world.  His  domestic  synod  was  instantly  con* 
vened,  their  proceedings  were  sullied  with  clamour  and  artifice, 
and  the  aged  heretic  was  surprised  into  a  seeming  confession 
that  Christ  had  not  derived  his  body  from  the  substance  of  the 
Virgin  Mary.  From  their  partial  decree,  Eutrches  appealed  to 
a  general  council ;  and  his  cause  was  vigorously  asserted  by  his 
gc^son  Cluysaphius,  the  reigning  eunudi  of  the  palace,  and  his 
accomplice  Dioscorus,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  throne,  the 
creed,  the  talents,  and  the  vices  of  the  nephew  of  Theophilus. 
By  the  special  summons  of  Theodosius,  the  second  synod  ofswgd^ 
Ephesus  was  judiciously  composed  of  ten  metropolitans  and  ^^i^  1$*%^ 
bishops  from  each  of  the  six  dioceses  of  the  Eastern  empire;  mi 
some  exceptions  of  frivour  or  merit  enlarged  the  number  to  one 
hundred  and  thirty-five ;  and  the  Syrian  Barsnmas,  as  the  chief 
and  representative  of  the  monks,  was  invited  to  sit  and  vote 

"  Eutychius  (AnnaL  torn,  il  p.  12)  and  Gregory  Bar-Hebrseus.  or  Abulphar- 
agius  ^AsKman.  torn.  iL  p.  3x6),  represent  the  croiuJitj  of  the  tenth  and  thirteenth 


**  We  are  obliged  to  Evagrius  (I.  i.  c.  7)  for  some  extracts  fh>m  the  letters  of 
Nestorius ;  but  the  lively  picture  of  his  sufiorings  is  treated  with  insiih  by  the  bard 
and  stupid  fanatic 

*  Dizi  Cyrillum,  dum  viveret,  auctoritate  suA  effedsse,  ne  Eutjrchianismus  et 
Monophysitarum  error  in  nervum  erumperet :  idaue  verum  puto  .  .  .  aliqno  ,  ^  . 
honesto  modo  wmJuvttiiar  oecinerat  The  learned  but  cautious  Jablonski  did  not 
always  speak  the  whole  truth.  Cum  Cyrillo  lenius  omnino  egi,  quam  si  tecum  aut 
cum  aliis  rei  hujus  probe  gnaris  et  sequis  rerum  aestimatoribus  serroones  privatos 
conferrem  (Thesaur.  pistol.  La  Crozian.  torn.  I  |x  j^,  Z98) :  ap  pcceUent  k^ 
,to  bis  dissertations  on  t&e.Kestorian  oontCQversy  I 


122         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

with  the  successors  of  the  apostles.  But  the  despotism  of  the 
Alexandrian  patriarch  again  oppressed  the  freedom  of  debate ; 
the  same  spiritual  and  canud  weapons  were  again  drawn  from 
the  arsenals  of  Egypt ;  the  Asiatic  veterans,  a  band  of  archers^ 
served  under  the  oraers  of  Dioscorus ;  and  the  more  fbnnidable 
monks,  whose  minds  were  inaccessible  to  reason  or  mercy, 
besieged  the  doors  of  the  cathedraL  The  general  and,  as  it 
shouM  seem,  the  unconstrained  voice  of  the  fitthers  accepted 
the  fiuth  and  even  the  anathemas  of  Cjrril ;  and  the  heresy  of 
the  two  natures  was  formally  condemned  in  the  persons  and 
writings  of  the  most  learned  Orientals.  "  May  those  who  divide 
Christ  be  divided  with  the  sword,  may  they  be  hewn  in  pieces, 
may  they  be  burnt  alive ! "  were  the  charitable  wishes  of  a 
Christian  synod.^  The  innocence  and  sanctity  of  Butyches 
were  acknowledged  without  hesitation  ;  but  the  prelates,  more 
especially  those  of  Thrace  and  Asia,  were  unwilling  to  depose 
their  patriarch  for  the  use  or  even  the  abuse  of  his  lawful 
jurisdiction.  They  embraced  the  knees  of  Dioscorus,  as  he 
stood  with  a  threatening  aspect  on  the  footstool  of  his  throne, 
and  conjured  him  to  forgive  the  offences,  and  to  respect  the 
dignity,  of  his  brother.  ''  Do  you  mean  to  raise  a  sedition  ?  " 
exclaimed  the  relentless  tyrant,  'f  Where  are  the  officers  ?  " 
At  these  words  a  furious  multitude  of  monks  and  soldiers,  with 
staves,  and  swords,  and  chains,  burst  into  the  church ;  the 
trembling  bishops  hid  themselves  behind  the  altar,  or  under 
the  benches;  and,  as  they  were  not  inspired  with  the  seal  of 
martyrdom,  they  successively  subscribed  a  blank  paper,  which 
was  afterwards  filled  with  the  condemnation  of  the  Bysantine 
pontiff.  Flavian  was  instantly  delivered  to  the  wild  beasts  of 
this  spiritual  amphitheatre  ;  the  monks  were  stimulated  by  the 
voice  and  example  of  Barsumas  to  avenge  the  injuries  of  Christ ; 
it  is  said  that  the  patriardi  of  Alexandria  revileo,  and  buffeted, 
and  kicked,  and  trampled  his  brother  of  Constantinople :  ^^  it 


Mt  iiUpm  lupivM  .  .  .  ci  rtff  x^ft  Sifo,  h4$ۤuu  At  the  request  of  Dioscorus,  those 
who  were  not  able  to  roar  (fitni^mi)  stretdied  out  their  hands.  At  Cbalcedon,  the 
Orientals  disclaimed  these  ezclamatioaB ;   but  the  Egyptians  more  consistently 


.  .  .  _  .  c. 

iC)  is  amplified  bv  the  historian  Zonaras  (tcmL  iL  L  xiiL  p.  44  Fc'  33]),  who  affirms  that 
Dioaoorus  Iddwd  like  a  wild  ass.  But  the  langiage  of  iLiberatus  (Brev.  c.  la,  in 
CondL  torn.  vL  p.  ^^38)  is  more  cautious ;  tod  the  acts  of  Chaloedon,  which  lavish 
the  names  of  Momictde,  Cain^  ftc,  do  not  Justify  so  pointed  a  charge.  The  monk 
Barsumas  Is  more  particularly  accused— fa4«^  t>»  pjmU^wf  ♦JUaw«'»»,  mbt^ivr^n 
luX  ikrf9,  v^t^w  (CondL  torn,  iv.  p^  14x3)1 


OF  THE  BOMAK  EBiPIEE  12S 

te  oartain  tUt  the  Tletiiii,  belbve  heoouM  teach  thepboe  of  hk 
exile^  expired  on  the  third  day,  of  the  wounds  and  bniiaea 
which  he  had  received  at  Ephesus.  This  second  synod  has 
been  justly  branded  as  a  gang  of  robbers  and  assassins  ;  ^  yet 
the  accusers  of  Dioseoms  woiud  magnify  bis  violence,  to  allevi* 
ate  the  cowardice  and  inconstancy  of  their  own  behaviour. 

The  £uth  of  Egypt  had  prevailed ;  but  the  vanquished  party  ommaci 
was  supported  by  the  same  pope  who  encountered  without  fearSoti^ 
the  hostile  rage  of  Attila  and  Genseric.  The  theology  of.  Leo^ 
his  &mous  tome  or  epistle  on  the  mystery  of  the  incarnation, 
bad  been  disr^[arded  by  the  synod  of  Ephesus ;  his  authority, 
and  that  of  the  Latin  diurch,  was  insulted  in  his  legates,  who 
escaped  fimn  slavery  and  death  to  relate  the  melancholy  tale  of 
the  tyraimy  of  Diosoorus  and  the  martyrdom  of  Flavian.  His 
pfO^Hndal  synod  annulled  the  irregular  proceedings  of  Bphesns ; 
but,  as  this  sOep  was  itself  irregular,  he  solicited  the  convocation 
of  a  general  council  in  the  6ee  and  orthodox  provinces  of  Italy, 
From  ids  independent  throne  the  Roman  bishop  spoke  and 
acted  without  danger,  as  the  head  of  the  Christians,  and  his 
dictates  were  obsequiously  transcribed  by  Pladdia  and  her  son 
Valentinian,  who  addressed  their  Eastern  colleague  to  restore, 
die  peace  and  ui^ty  of  the  diurch.  But  the  pageant  of  Oriental' 
royalty  was  mc^ea  with  equal  dexterity  by  the  hand>  of  the 
eunudi;  and  Theodosius  could  pronouiioe,  without  hesitation, 
that  the  church  was  abfMidy  peaceful  and  triumphant,  and  that 
the  recent  flame  had  been  extinguished  by  the  just  punishment 
of  the  Nestorians.  Perhaps  the  Greeks  would  be  still  involved 
in  the  heresy  of  the  Monophysites,  if  the  emperor's  horse  had 
not  ^DTtunately  stumbled;  Tlieodosius  expired;  his  orthodox 
sister,  Pnlcherfa,  with  a  nominal  husband,  succeeded  to  the 
tinmie ;  Chtysaphius  was  burnt,  Dioseoms  was  disgraced,  the 
exiles  were  recalled,  and  the  iome  of  Leo  was  subscribed  by  the 
Orientat  bishops.  Yet  the  pope  was  disappointed  in  his  fiivourite 
project  of  a  Latin  council ;  he  disdained  to  preside  in  the  Gireek 
synod  which  was  speedily  assembled  at  Nice  in  Bithynia ;  his 
legates  required  in  a  peremptoiy  tone  the  presence  of  the  em« 
peror;  ana  the  weary  fitthers  were  transported  to  Chalcedon 
under  the  immediate  eye  of  Marcian  and  the  senate  of  Con- 
stantinople. A  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  Thradan  Bosphorus, 
the  church  of  St  Euphemia  was  built  on  the  summit  of  a  gentle 

<*  [Yet,  as  Oelttr  has  dbsftrved,  the  proceeding  at  the  Robber-sjrnod  were  not 
9Q  miicb  WQtt  violent  than  tbose  at  synods lecogniaed  bjr  the  Church.] 


124         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

though  lofty  ascent ;  the  triple  stracture  wms  celebiated  as  a 
prodigy  of  art,  and  the  boundless  prospect  of  the  land  and  sea 
might  have  raised  the  mind  of  a  sectary  to  the  contemplation 
of  the  God  of  the  universe.  Six  hundred  and  thirty  bishops 
were  ranged  in  order  in  the  nave  of  the  church;  but  the 
patriarchs  of  the  East  were  preceded  by  the  legates^  of  whom 
the  third  was  a  simple  priest ;  and  the  place  of  hoaour  was 
reserved  for  twenty  laymen  of  consular  or  senatorian  rank*  The 
gospel  was  ostentatiously  displayed  in  the  centre,  but  the  rule 
of  mith  was  defined  by  the  papal  and  Imperial  ministers,  who 
moderated  the  thirteen  sessions  of  the  council  of  Chalcedon.^^ 
Their  partial  interposition  silenced  the  intemperate  shouts  and 
execrations  which  degraded  the  episcopal  gravity ;  but,  on  the 
formal  accusation  of  the  legates,  Diosoorus  was  compelled  to 
descend  from  his  throne  to  the  rank  of  a  criminal,  already  con- 
demned in  the  opinion  of  his  judges.  The  Orientals^  less 
adverse  to  Nestorius  than  to  Cyril,  accepted  thellUHBans  as  their 
deliverers :  Thrace,  and  Pontns,  and  Asia  were  exaspesated 
against  the  murderer  of  Flavian,  and  the  new  patriarchs  of 
Constantinople  and  Antioch  secured  their  places  by  the  sacrifice 
of  their  benefiictor.  The  bishops  of  Palestine,  Macedonia,  and 
Greece  were  attached  to  the  &ith  of  Cyril ;  but  in  the  &Lce  of 
the  synod,  in  the  heat  of  the  battle,  the  leaders,  with  their 
obsequious  train,  passed  from  the  right  to  the  left  wing,  nad 
decided  the  victory  by  this  seasonable,  desertion.  Of  the 
seventeen  sufiragans  wiio  sailed  from  Alexandria,  four  were 
tempted  frtHn  their  allegiance,  and  the  thirteen,  fiillinff  pros- 
trate on  the  ground,  implored  the  mercy  of  the  councU,  with 
sighs  and  tears  and  a  pathetic  declaration  that,  if  they  yielded, 
they  should  be  massacred,  on  their  return  to  Egypt,  by  the 
indignant  people.  A  tardy  repentance  was  allowra  to  expiate 
the  guilt  or  eiror  of  the  aeoomplioes  of  Dioscorus ;  but  their 
sins  were  accumulated  on  his  head ;  he  neither  asked  nor  hoped 
for  pardon,  and  the  moderation  of  those  who  pleaded  for  a 
general  amnesty  was  drowned  in  the  prevailing  cry  of  victory 
and  revenge.     To  save  the  reputati<m  of  his  utte  adherents, 

*>  The  Acts  of  the  Council  of  Chaloedofi  (Condi,  torn.  iv.  p.  76x«907i)  compre- 
hend those  of  Epheius  (p.  890-XZ80),  which  again  comprise  the  synod  of  Constanti> 
nople  under  Flavian  (p.  930-1072) ;  and  It  requires  some  attention  to  disengage 
this  double  involution.  The  whole  bustnen  of  Eutychss,  Flavian,  and  Diosixntus 
b  related  by  Evagrius  (1. 1  a  9-12.  and  I  il  c  z,  a,  3,  4)  and  Liboatos  (Brev.  c. 
II,  12.  13.  lA  Once  more,  and  almost  for  the  last  time,  I  appeal  to  the  diligence 
of  Tillemont  (M6m.  Eocl4&  torn.  xv.  p.  4797x9).  The  annals  of  Baronhu  and 
Pagi  will  accompany  me  mpch  fiRrtlier  00  my  long  and  laboriow  journey. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  ^       125 

some  perwonal  offence  were  skilfully  detected:  his  rash  and 
illegal  excommunicatioii  of  the  pope,  and  his  contumacious 
refbsal  (while  he  was  detained  a  prisoner)  to  attend  the 
sotninons  of  the  synod.  Witnesses  were  introduced  to  prove 
the  special  fiu^  of  his  pride,  avarice,  and  cruelty;  and  the 
&thers  heard  with  abhorrence  that  the  alms  of  the  church 
were  lavished  on  the  female  dancers,  that  his  palace,  and  even 
his  bath,  was  open  to  the  prostitutes  of  Alexandria,  and  that 
the  in&mous  Pansophia,  or  Irene,  was  publicly  entertained  as 
the  concubine  of  the  patriarch.^ 

For  these  scandalous  offences  Dioscorus  was  deposed  by  the  jjgjg^jtf^ 
synod  and  banished  by  the  emperor ;  but  the  purity  of  his  £uth 
was  declared  in  the  presence,  and  with  the  tacit  approbation, 
of  the  fisithers.  Their  prudence  supposed  rather  than  pro- 
nounced the  heresy  of  Eutyches,  who  was  never  summoned 
before  their  tribunal ;  and  they  sat  silent  and  abashed,  when  a 
bold  Mbnophysite,  casting  at  their  feet  a  volume  of  C3nril, 
challenged  them  to  anathematize  in  his  person  the  doctrine  of 
a  saint.  If  we  fitirly  peruse  the  acts  of  Chalcedon  as  they  are 
recorded  by  the  orthodox  party,^  we  shall  find  that  a  great 
majority  of  the  bishops  embraced  the  simple  unity  of  Christ ; 
and  the  ambiguous  concession,  that  he  was  formed  of  or  from 
two  natures,  might  imply  either  their  previous  existence,  or 
their  subsequent  confusion,  or  some  dangerous  interval  between 
the  conception  of  the  man  and  the  assumption  of  the  God. 
The  Roman  theology,  more  positive  and  precise,  adopted  the 

**  M^JUtftw  \99pifi6tinf  Ummi^  »  Kakmidvii  'Op«tr))  (perhaps  Btpi^iai)  vepl  i$t  mu  6 
vkud»^m9ot  Tit« 'AAcfoySp^Mr  i^iu>9  a^riKt  ^h'I^i'  avrfit  re  itaX  rod  ipwriAi  pjtitrfift.4v9t 

(Ooodl.  torn.  iv.  p.  1976).  A  specimen  of  the  wit  and  malice  of  the  people  is  pre- 
lerved  in  the  Greek  Anthology  (L  ii.  c.  5,  p.  z88,  edit.  WecheL),  although  the 
application  was  tmknown  to  the  editor  Brodaeus.  The  nameless  epigrammatist 
nuses  a  tolerable  pun,  by  confounding  the  episcopal  sahitation  of  "  Peace  be  to 
all ! "  with  tbe  genuine  or  corrupted  name  of  the  bishop's  concubine : 

Bij^ni  wAitnwtp,  iwiaK0W09  cTvcr  iwtkBup, 

llmt  84paTtu  wimp  ^r  fUpot  Mop  l^n ; 
I  am  ignorant  whether  the  patriarch,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  jealous  lover,  is 
the  Cimon  of  a  preceding  epigram,  whose  Woe  eonrK^  was  viewed  with  envy  and 
wooder  by  Priapus  himself. 

*  Those  who  reverence  the  infiallibiUty  of  synods  may  try  to  ascertain  their 
ienae;  The  leading  bishops  were  attended  by  partial  or  careless  scribes,  who  dis- 
persed their  copies  round  the  world.  Our  Greek  Mss.  are  sullied  with  the  false 
and  proscribed  reading  ofUritp  ^nup  (Concil  tom.  iii  p.  1460) ;  the  authentic 
translation  of  Pope  Leo  I.  does  not  seem  to  have  been  executed ;  and  the  old 
Latin  versions  materially  differ  from  the  present  Vulgate,  which  v^as  revised  (A.D. 
5So)  bf  Rustknis,  a  Roman  priest,  from  the  best  Ivfss.  of  the  *Axo^ii|Tot  at  Con- 
stantino^ (Ducanfe,  C  P.  Christiana,  L  iv.  p.  X5z),  a  famous  monastery  of 
Latins.  Greeks,  and  Syriaaa.  See  CondL  tom.  iv.  p.  2959-0049,  and  Pagi,  Critica, 
torn.  iL  pi  326,  &c 


126         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

temi  most  offensive  to  the  ean  of  the  Eg3rpiiaiMi,  that  Christ 
existed  in  two  natures ;  and  this  momentous  particle  ^  (which 
the  memory^  rather  than  the  und»standing»  must  retain)  had 
almost  produced  a  schism  among  the  Catholic  bishops.  The 
tofne  of  Leo  had  been  respectfully,  perhaps  sincerely,  subscribed ; 
but  they  protested,  in  two  successive  debates,  that  it  was 
neither  expedient  not  lawful  to  transgress  the  sacred  landmarks 
which  had  been  fixed  at  Nice,  Omstantinople,  and  Ephesus,  Jtc- 
cording  to  the  rule  of  scripture  and  tradition.  At  length  they 
yielded  to  the  importunities  of  their  masters,  but  their  infidlible 
decree,  after  it  had  been  ratified  with  deliberate  votes  and 
vehement  acclamations,  was  overturned  in  the  next,  session  by 
the  opposition  of  the  legates  and  their  Oriental  fiienda.  It  was 
in  vain  that  a  multitude  of  episcopal  voices  repeated  in  chorus^ 
"  The  definition  of  the  fiithers  is  orthodox  and  immutable !  The 
heretics  are  now  discovered!  Anathema  to  the  Nestorians! 
Let  them  depart  ftom  the  synod  1  Let  them  repair  to  Rome  J "  ^ 
The  legates  threatened,  the  emperor  was  absolute,  and  a  oon- 
mittee  of  eighteen  bishops  prepared  a  new  decree,  which  was 
imposed  on  the  reluctant  assembly.  In  the  name  of  the  fourth 
general  council,  the  Christ  in  one  person,  but  m  two  natures, 
was  announced  to  the  catholic  world  ;  an  invisible  line  was 
drawn  between  the  heresy  of  Apollinaris  and  the  &ith  of  St. 
Cyril ;  and  the  road  to  paradise,  a  bridge  as  sharp  aa  a  raior, 
was  suspended  over  the  abyss  by  the  master-hand  .^ f  ;tbe  theo- 
logical artist  During  ten  centmies  of  bUndneas  and  sexvitude, 
Europe  received  her  religious  opinions  ftom  the  oracle  of  the 
Vatican;  and  the  same  doctrine,  already  varnished  with  the 
rust  of  antiquity,  was  admitted  without  dispute  into  the  creed 
of  the  reformers,  who  disclaimed  the  supremacy  of  the  Roman 
pontiff.  The  synod  of  Chalcedon  still  triumphs  in  the  protes- 
tant  churches ;  but  the  fermmt  of  controversy  has  subsided,  and 
the  most  pious  Christians  of  the  present  day  are  ignorant  or 
careless  ot  their  own  belief  concerning  the  mystery  of  the 
incarnation. 
gjjBgj^or         Far  different  was  the  temper  of  the  Greeks  and  Egyptians 

*>  It  is  darkly  reprewnted  in  the  microtoope  of  Peta^ius  (torn.  v.  L  iii.  c.  5) ;  yet 
the  subtle  theologian  is  himself  afinud^-oe  quis  fortasse  supervacaneam  eC  nimis 
anxiam  putet  hujusmodi  voculantm  iaqniiitioiiein,  eC  ab  inttitnti  theoloaici  gravi 
tate  alieoam  (p.  224). 


p.  X449V    Bvagrins  and  Liheratns  piese&t  only  the  pladd  tm»  ef  the  synod,  and 
discreetly  slide  over  these  embers  suppositos  dneri  dolosa 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIEE  127 

under  the  orthodox  reigns  of  Leo  and  Marcian.  Those  pious 
emperors  enforced  with  arms  and  edicts  the  sjmhol  of  their 
&iUi ;  ^  and  it  was  declared  by  the  conscience  or  honour  of  five 
hundred  bishops  that  the  decrees  of  the  synod  of  Chalcedon 
might  be  lawfully  supported,  even  with  blood.  The  Catholics 
observed  with  satis&ction  that  the  same  miod  was  odious  both 
to  the  Nestorians  and  the  Monophysites ;  ^  but  the  Nestodaos 
were  less  angiy,  or  less  powerful,  and  the  East  was  distracted 
by  the  obstinate  and  sanguinaiy  zeal  of  the  Monophysites. 
Jerusalem  was  occupied  by  an  army  of  monks ;  in  the  name  of 
the  one  incarnate  nature,  they  pilli^ed,  they  burnt,  they 
murdered ;  the  sepulchre  of  Christ  was  deffled  with  blood ;  and 
the  gates  of  the  city  were  guarded  in  tiunultuous  rebellion 
against  the  troops  of  the  emperor.  After  the  disgrace  and  exile 
of  Dioscorus,  the  Eg3rptiana  still  regretted  their  spiritual  &ther, 
and  detested  the  usuipation  of  his  successor,  who  was  introduced 
by  the  finthers  of  Chalcedon.  The  throne  of  Proterius  was 
supported  by  a  guard  of  two  thousand  soldiers ;  he  waged  *  five 
years'  war  against  the  people  of  Alexandria ;  and,  on  the  first 
intelligence  of  the  deatn  of  Marcian,  he  became  the  victim  of 
their  zeaL  On  the  third  day  before  the  festival  of  Easter,  the 
patriarch  was  besieged  in  the  cathedral  and  murdered  in  the 
baptisteiy.  The  remains  of  his  mangled  corpse  were  delivered 
to  the  flames,  and  his  ashes  to  the  wind;  and  the  deed  was 
inspired  by  the  visicm  of  a  pretended  angel :  an  ambitious 
mcnik,  who,  under  the  name  of  Timothy  the  Cat,^^  succeeded 

^  See,  in  the  Appendix  to  the  Acts  of  Chalcedon,  the  confirmation  of  the  synod 
by  Kiardan  (Condi  torn.  iv.  p.  1781,  1783) ;  his  letters  to  the  monks  of  Alexandria 
(p.  X791),  of  Moont  Sinai  (p.  1793),  of  Jemsalem  and  Palestine  (p.  179B);  his 
bws  against  the  Entjchians  (pu  2809.  xSzx,  1831) ;  the  correspoodenoe  of  Leo 
with  the  provincial  synods  on  the  revouitioa  of  AlBxandria  (p.  z835-z99o)l 

**  Pbotius  (or  rather  Eulogius  of  Alexandria)  confesses  In  a  fine  passage  the 
specious  colour  of  this  double  charge  against  pope  Leo  and  his  synod  01  Cha&edon 
(KlslioL  cod.  ccxxy.  p.  768).  He  waced  a  dotible  war  against  the  enemies  of  the 
church,  and  wounded  either  foe  with  the  darts  of  his  adversary— «M«AA4A»iff  fUKin 
nit  iamwi\»vt  irirpmotu.  Against  Nestorius  he  seemed  to  introduce  the  ^^vvic 
of  the  Monophysites:  against  Eutycbes  he  appeBured  to  countenance  the  iwvri^u^v 
*««»^^  of  the  Nestorians.  The  apologist  claims  a  charitable  interpretation  for  the 
saints;  if  the  same  had  been  extended  to  the  heretics,  the  sound  of  the  controversy 
would  have  been  lost  in  the  air. 

^  AlAovp^  from  his  nocturnal  expeditions.  In  daricness  and  disguise  he  crept 
round  the  cells  of  the  monastery,  and  whispered  the  revelation  to  Im  slumbering 
brethren  (Tbeodor.  Lector.  L  i^I&  8]).  [Timothy  the  Cat  was  exiled  and  another 
Timothy,  supported  by  the  Emperor  Leo,  succeeded.  This  Timothy  was  called 
BasUikos^  his  partv  was  the  "royal"  party;  and  this  is  the  origin  of  the  name 
Meldiites  or  royalists  (see  bdow,  p.  144,  n.  zza).  For  these  events  see  Zacharias 
of  Mytilene,  Bk.  iv.] 


128         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

to  the  place  and  opinions  of  Dioscorus.  This  deadly  supersti- 
tion was  inflamed,  on  either  side,  by  the  principle  and  the 
practice  of  retaliation  :  in  the  pursuit  of  a  metaphysical  quarrel, 
many  thousands  ^  were  slain,  and  the  Christians  of  every  degree 
were  deprived  of  the  substantial  enjoyments  of  social  life  and 
of  the  invisible  gifts  of  baptism  and  the  holy  communion. 
Perhaps  an  extravagant  &ble  of  the  times  may  conceal  an 
allegorical  picture  of  these  fiinatics,  who  tortured  each  other 
and  themselves.  '*  Under  the  consulship  of  Venantius  and 
Celer/'  says  a  grave  bishop,  **  the  people  of  Alexandria,  and  all 
Egypt,  were  seized  with  a  strange  and  diabolical  frensy  :  g^reat 
and  small,  slaves  and  freedmen,  monks  and  clergy,  the  natives 
of  the  land,  who  opposed  the  inmod  of  Chalcedon,  lost  their 
speech  and  reason,  barked  like  dogs,  and  tore,  with  their  own 
teeth,  the  flesh  ftcem  their  hands  and  arms."  ^ 
iMXmo.  The  disorders  of  thirty  yean  at  length  produced  the  fitmous 
Henoticon  ^  of  the  emperor  Zeno,  which  in  his  reign,  and  in 
that  of  Anastasius,  was  signed  by  all  the  bishops  of  the  East, 
under  the  penalty  of  degndation  and  exile,  if  they  rejected  or 
infringed  this  salutary  and  fundamental  law.  The  deigy  may 
smile  or  groan  at  the  presumption  of  a  layman  who  defines  the 
articles  of  &ith ;  ^^  yet^  if  he  stoops  to  the  humiliating  task,  his 
mind  is  less  infected  by  prejudice  or  interest,  and  the  authority 
of  the  magistrate  can  pnty  be  maintained  by  the  concord  of  the 
people.  It  is  in  ecclesiastical  story  that  Zeno  appears  least  con- 
temptible ;  and  I  am  not  able  to  discern  any  Manichsean  or 
Eutychian  guilt  in  the  generous  saying  of  Anastasius,  That  it 

Siu^  is  the  nyporbolic  Umguage  of  the  Henoticoii. 


boa  of  Zaao. 


^  See  the  Chronicle  of  Victor  T^innuiieiisis,  in  the  Lectiooes  Antiquse  of 
Canisius,  republished  by  Basoage,  torn.  I  p.  3061 

"  The  Henoticon  is  transcribed  bjr  Evagrios  (I  iii.  c.  13),  and  translated  by 
Liberatus  (Brev.  c.  18).  Paiei  (CHtica.  torn,  il  p.  411)  and  Asseman  (BiUioL 
Orient  torn.  I  p.  043)  are  satisfied  that  it  is  free  from  heresy ;  but  Petavius  (Dogmat. 
Theolog.  torn.  v.  Li.  c  13,  d.  40)  most  unaccountably  affirms:  Chalcedonensem 
ascivit    An  adversary  woula  prove  that  he  had  never  read  the  Henoticon. 

MThe  Hetaotikon  was  of  course  drawn  up  br  the  able  Patriarch  Aoachis.  It  is 
an  admirable  document,  and  it  secured  the  umty  and  peace  of  the  Church  in  the 
East  throughout  the  reigns  of  Zeno  and  Anastasius.  It  was  based  on  the  doctrines 
of  Nicflea  and  Ephesus,  and  practically  removed  the  dedsidns  of  Chalcedon.  F^m 
a  secular  point  of  view  nothing  is  clearer  than  that  the  Council  of  Chakedon  was  a 

Eave  misfortune  for  the  Empire.  The  statesmanlike  HenotOcon  retrieved  the 
under  so  far  as  it  was  possible ;  and  the  reopening  of  the  question  and  reinstate- 
ment of  the  authori^  of  Chalcedon  was  one  or  the  most  criminal  acts  of  Justinian, 
—a  consequence  of  his  Western  policy.  Reoondliatioa  ^th  the  tee  of  Rome  was 
bought  by  the  disunion  of  the  East.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIEE  129 

worthy  of  an  emperor  to  persecute  the  worsfaippeft  of 
nd  the  citizens  of  Rome.     The  Henoticon  was  most 

to  the  Egyptians;  yet  the  smallest  blemish  has  not 
scribed  by  the  jealous  and  even  jaundiced  eyes  of  our 
:  schoolmen^  and  it  accurately  represents  th^  Catholic 

the  incarnation,  without  adopting  or  disclaiming  the 
terms  or  tenets  of  the  hostile  sects.  A  solemn  anathema 
»unced  against   Nestorius  and   Eutyches ;    against  all 

by  whom  Christ  is  divided,  or  conmundcd,  or  reduced 
mtom.  Without  defining  the  number  or  the  article  of 
I  nature,  the  pure  system  of  St.  Cyril,  the  faith  of  Nice, 
:inople,  and  Ephesus,  is  respectfully  confirmed;  but, 
>f  bowing  at  the  name  of  the  fourth  council,  the  subject 
sed  by  the  censure  of  all  omtrary  doctrines,  t/*any  such 
en  taught  either  elsewhere  or  at  Chalcedon.  Under 
liguous  expression  the  friends  and  the  enemies  of  the 
)d  might  unite  in  a  silent  embrace.  The  most  reason- 
istians  acquiesced  in  this  mode  of  toleration ;  but  their 
vas   feeble  and   inconstant,   and  their  obedience  was 

as  timid  and  servile  by  the  vehement  spirit  of  their 

On  a  subject  which  engrossed  the  thoughts  and  dis- 

xf  men,  it  was  difficult  to  preserve  an  exact  neutrality ; 

i  sermon,  a  prayer,  rekindled  the  fiame  of  controversy ; 

IxNids  of  communion  were  alternately  broken  and  re- 

3y  the  private  animosity  of  the  bishops.     The  space 

Nestorius   and   Eutyches  was   filled  by  a  thousand 

>f  language  and  opinion  ;  the  acephali  ^^  of  Egypt  and 

tan  pontiffs,  of  equal  valour  though  of  unequal  strength, 

found  at  the  two  extremities  of  the  theological  scale, 
phali,  without  a  king  or  a  bishop,  were  separated  above 
mdred  years  from  the  patriarchs  of  Alexandria,  who 
;pted  the  communion  of  Constantinople,  without  exact- 
»rmal  condemnation  of  the  synod  of  Chalcedon.  For 
g  the  communion  of  Alexandria,  without  a  formal 
:ion  of  the  same  synod,  the  patriarchs  of  Constanti- 
zTe  anathematized  by  the  popes.  Their  inflexible  des- 
nvolved  the  most  orthodox  of  the  Greek  churches  in 
itual  contagion,  denied  or  doubted  the  validity  of  their 


Lenaudot  (Hist  Patriarch.  Alex.  p.  123,  131,  145,  195,  34;r).    Tbey  were 
by  the  care  of  Mark  I.  (a.d.  799-819) ;  he  promoted  their  chiefs  to  the 
of  Athribis  and  Talba  (perhaps  Tava;  see  d'Anville,  p.   82),  and 
le  sacraments,  which  had  failed  for  want  of  an  episcopal  ordination. 

Ci.  V.  9 


ffl^MdMth 


130         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

sacraments/*  and  fomented,  thirty-five  years,  the  schism  of  the 
East  and  West,  till  they  finally  abolished  the  memory  of  four 
Byzantine  pontifis,  who  had  dared  to  oppose  the  supremacy  of 
St.  PeterJ^  Before  that  period,  the  precarious  truce  of  Con- 
stantinople and  Egypt  had  been  violated  by  the  seal  of  the 
rival  prelates.  Macedonius,  who  was  suspected  of  the  Nestorian 
heresy,  asserted,  in  disgrace  and  eidle,  the  svnod  of  Chalcedon, 
while  the  successor  of  C3rril  would  have  purchased  its  overthrow 
vrith  a  bribe  of  two  thousand  pounds  of  gold. 
chATM-  In  the  fever  of  the  times,  Uie  sense,  or  rather  the  s<Mmd,  of 

3|^^^ww,a  syllable  was  sufficient  to  disturb  the  peace  of  an  empire. 
-«  ^  -- «•  rj.^^  Trisaoion  78  (thrice  holy),  "  Holy,  holy,  holy,  Lord  God  of 
Hosts  I "  is  supposed  by  the  Greeks  to  be  the  identical  hymn 
which  the  angels  and  cherubim  eternally  repeat  before  the 
throne  of  God,  and  which,  about  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century, 
was  miraculously  revealed  to  the  church  of  Constantinople. 
The  devotion  of  Antioch  soon  added  "who  was  crucified  for 
us ! "  and  this  grateful  address,  either  to  Christ  alone  or  to  the 
whole  Trinity,  may  be  justified  by  the  rules  of  theology,  and 
has  been  gradually  adopted  by  the  Catholics  of  the  East  and 
West.  But  it  had  been  imagined  by  a  Monophysite  bishop  ;''^ 
the  gift  of  an  enemy  was  at  first  rejected  as  a  dire  and 
dangerous  blasphemy,  and  the  rash  innovation  had  nearly  cost 
the  emperor  Anastasius  his  throne  and  his  Ute.^    The  people 

^  De  his  quos  baptizavit,  quos  ordinavit  Acacitis,  majonim  traditione  oonfectam 
et  veram,  praecipue  religiosas  solicitudini  congniam  praebemus  sine  difficoltate 
medicinam  (Gelasius,  in  episL  L  ad  Euphemium,  Concil  torn.  v.  p.  986I  The 
offer  of  a  medicine  proves  tne  disease,  and  numbers  must  baveperisbed  beum  the 
arrival  of  the  Roman  physician.  T^Uemont  himself  (M6m.  Eod^  torn.  xvi.  p. 
379,  64a,  &C.)  is  shocked  at  the  proud  uncharitable  teinper  of  the  popes ;  thejr  are 
now  glad,  says  he,  to  invoke  St  Flavian  of  Antioch,  St.  EUas  01  Jemsalem,  Ac. 
to  whom  they  refused  communion  whilst  upon  earth.  But  cardinal  Barooius  is 
firm  and  hard  as  the  rock  of  SL  Peter. 

^ Their  names  were  erased  from  the  diptych  of  the  church:  ex  venerabili 
diptycho,  in  quo  pise  memorise  tiansitum  ad  caelum  habentium  episcoporum 
vocabula  continentur  (CondL  torn.  iv.  p.  1846).  This  ecclesiastical  record  was 
therefore  e(]uivalent  to  the  book  of  life. 

^Petavius  (Dogmat  Theolog.  torn.  v.  L  v.  c.  2,  9, 4,  p.  axT-ssc)  and  TQlemont 
(Mdm.  EocMs.  tom.  xiv.  p.  713,  ftc.  799)  represent  the  history  and  doctrine  of  the 
Trisagion.  In  the  twelve  centuries  between  Isaiah  and  St  Ptoclus*8  boy,  who  was 
taken  up  into  heaven  before  the  bisbop  and  people  of  Constantinople,  the  long  was 
considerably  improved.  The  boy  beard  the  angels  sing  "  Holy  God  I  Holy  strong  I 
Holv  immortal  f " 

""  Peter  Gnapheus.  tht/uUer  (a  trade  which  he  had  exerdsed  in  his  monastery), 
patriarch  of  Antioch.  na  tedious  storv  is  discussed  in  the  Annals  of  Pagi  (A.D. 
477-490)  and  a  dissertation  of  M.  de  Vauns  at  the  end  of  his  Evagrins. 

^Toe  troubles  under  the  reign  of  Anastasius  must  be  gathered  from  the 
Chronicles  of  Victor,  Marcellinus,  and  Tbeophanes.    As  the  last  wu  not  piiblishwi 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  131 

(tantinople  was  devoid  of  any  rational  principles  of  free- 
lut  they  held,  as  a  lawful  cause  of  rebellion,  the  colour 
iry  in  the  races,  or  the  colour  of  a  mystery  in  the  schools, 
isagion,  with  and  without  this  obnoxious  addition,  was 
I  in  the  cathedral  by  two  advene  choirs,  and,  when  their 
'ere  exhausted,  they  had  recourse  to  the  more  solid  argu- 
»f  sticks  and  stones ;  the  aggressors  were  punished  1^  the 
r,  and  defended  by  the  patriarch;  and  the  crown  and 
irere  staked  on  the  event  of  this  momentous  quarrel, 
■eets  were  instantly  crowded  with  innumerable  swarms 

women,  and  children ;  the  legions  of  monks,  in  regular 
oarched  and  shouted,  and  fought  at  their  head.  "  Chris- 
this  is  the  day  of  martyrdom ;  let  us  not  desert  our 
1  &ther ;  anathema  to  the  Manichaean  t3rrant !  he  is 
liy  to  reign."  Such  was  the  Catholic  cry;  and  the 
of  Anastasius  lay  upon  their  oars  before  the  palace,  till 
riarch  had  pardoned  his  penitent  and  hushed  the  waves 
troubled  multitude.  The  triumph  of  Macedonius  was[A.ii.iu(| 
1  by  a  speedy  exile ;  but  the  zeal  of  his  flock  was  again 
sted  by  the  same  question,  "  Whether  one  of  the  Trinity 
en  crucified?"  On  this  momentous  occasion  the  blue 
sen  factions  of  Constantinople  suspended  their  discord, 
e  civil  and  military  powers  were  annihilated  in  their 
fe.  The  ke3rs  of  the  city  and  the  standards  of  the  guards 
leposited   in   the   forum   of  Constantine,  the  principal 

and  camp  of  the  fiiithful.  Day  and  night  they  were  in- 
ly busied  either  in  singing  h3nn(ms  to  the  honour  of  their 

in  pillaging  and  murdering  the  servants  of  their  prince, 
ad  of  his  &vourite  monk,  the  friend,  as  thev  styled  him, 
enemy  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  was  borne  aloft  on  a  spear ; 
e  firebrands,  which  had  been  darted  against  heretical 
res,  diffused  the  undistinguishing  flames  over  the  most 
>x  buildings.  The  statues  of  the  emperor  were  broken, 
I  person  was  concealed  in  a  suburb,  till,  at  the  end  of 
lays,  he  dared  to  implore  the  mercy  of  his  subjects. 
it  his  diadem  and  in  the  posture  of  a  suppliant,  Anastasius 
id  on  the  throne  of  the  circus.  The  Catholics,  before 
:,  rehearsed  their  genuine  Trisagion ;  they  exulted  in  the 
dich  he  proclaimed  by  the  voice  of  a  herald  of  abdicating 
pie  ;  they  listened  to  the  admonition  that,  since  all  could 

ne  of  Baronius,  bis  critic  Pagi  is  more  copious,  as  well  as  more  correct. 
hvarch  parties  of  the  time  see  H.  Gelzer,  Josua  Stylites  und  die  daroaiUgen 
91  Parteien  des  Ostens,  in  B3rz.  Zeitschrift,  I  p.  34  J^.  >  1892.] 


132         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

not  reign,  they  should  previously  agree  in  the  choice  of  a  sover- 
eign ;  and  they  accepted  the  blood  of  two  unpopular  ministers, 
whom  their  master,  without  hesitation,  condemned  to  the  lions. 
These  furious  but  transient  seditions  were  encouraged  by  the 
success  of  Vitalian,  who,  with  an  army  of  Huns  and  Bulgarians, 
for  the  most  part  idolaters,  declared  himself  the  champion  of 
the  Catholic  fiiith.  In  this  pious  rebellion  he  depopulated 
Thrace,  besieged  Constantinople,  exterminated  sixty-^ve  thou- 
sand of  his  fellow-Christians,  till  he  obtained  the  recall  of  the 
bishops,  the  satisfaction  of  the  pope,  and  the  establishment  of 
the  council  of  Chalcedon,  an  orthodox  treaty,  reluctantly  signed 
by  the  dying  Anastasius,  and  more  faithfully  performed  by  the 
fit^jMgam  uncle  of  Justinian.  And  such  was  the  event  of  the  Jirti  of  the 
Bu '  religious  wars  which  have  been  waged  in  the  namCt  and  by  the 

disciples,  of  the  God  of  peaoe.^^ 
AMAjgoai  Justinian  has  been  already  seen  in  the  various  lights  of  a 
mA{«j«^  prince,  a  conqueror,  and  a  lawgiver :  the  theologian^  still  re- 
ttKiML  AJD,  mains,  and  it  affords  an  un&vourable  prejudice  that  his  theo- 
logy should  form  a  very  prominent  feature  of  his  portrait. 
The  sovereign  sympathized  vrith  his  subjects  in  their  supersti- 
tious reverence  for  living  and  departed  saints ;  his  Code,  and 
more  especially  his  Novels,  confirm  and  enlarge  the  privileges 
of  the  clergy ;  and,  in  every  dispute  between  a  monk  and  a 
layman,  the  partial  judge  was  inclined  to  pronounce  that  truth 
and  innocence  and  justice  were  always  on  the  side  of  the 
church.  In  his  public  and  private  devotions  the  emperor  was 
assiduous  and  exemplary ;  his  prayers,  vigils,  and  fiwts  displayed 
the  austere  penance  of  a  monk ;  his  fancy  was  amused  by  the 
hope  or  belief  of  personal  inspiration ;  he  had  secured  the 
patronage  of  the  Virgin  and  St.  Michael  the  archangel ;  and  his 

^  The  general  history,  from  the  ooandl  of  Chaloedon  to  the  death  of  AaasUuBm, 
may  be  found  in  the  Breviary  of  Liberatus  (c.  14-19).  the  iid  and  iiid  books  of  Eva- 

E,  the  abstract  of  the  two  books  of  Theodore  the  Reader,  the  Aeta  of  the 
6s f  and  the.  Epistles  of  the  Popes  (Condi,  torn.  v.).  [Also  the  EodetiasliGa] 
iry  of  Zacharias  of  Mytilene.1  The  series  is  continued  with  some  disorder  in 
the  xvth  and  xvith  tomes  of  the  Mteioires  Eod^iastiqoes  of  TiDemont.  And  here 
I  must  take  leave  for  ever  of  that  inoompsimble  guide— whose  bigotrv  is  over- 
balanced by  the  merits  of  emditioQ,  diUflenoe,  veracity,  and  scmpuloos  mmutOMM. 
He  was  prevented  by  death  from  completing,  as  he  designed,  the  vith  century  of 
the  church  and  empire. 

"The  strain  of  the  Anecdotes  of  Procoph»  (c.  xx.  xj,  x8,  97,  90),  with  the 
learned  remarks  of  Alemannus,  is  oonfinned,  rather  than  contridictad,  by  the 
Acts  of  the  Councils,  the  fourth  book  of  Evagrius,  and  the  complaints  of  the 
African  Facundus  in  has  xiith  book— de  tribus  capitnlis,  "cum  videri  doetus 
appetit  importune  .  .  .  spontaneis  qoaestionibiis  eoclesiam  turbat ".  See  Prooop. 
de  Bell.  Goth.  1.  iii.  c.  35. 


t 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  138 

reooverj  ^xnn  a  dangerons  disease  was  ascribed  tx>  the  mira- 
eolous  sucoonr  of  the  holy  martyrs  Cosmas  and  Damian.  The 
a^ital  and  the  provinces  of  the  East  were  decorated  with  the 
monum^its  of  his  religion ;  ^  and,  though  the  far  greater  part 
of  these  costly  structures  may  be  attributed  to  his  taste  or 
ostentation^  the  seal  of  the  royal  architect  was  probably 
quidcened  by  a  genuine  sense  of  love  and  gratitude  towards 
his  invisible  benelactoTs.  Among  the  titles  of  Imperial  greatr 
DesB,  the  name  of  PUms  was  most  pleasing  to  his  ear ;  to  promote 
the  temporal  and  spiritual  interest  of  the  church  was  the 
lerious  business  of  his  life ;  and  the  duty  of  &ther  of  his 
country  was  often  sacrificed  to  that  of  deiender  of  the  &ith. 
Hie  controversies  of  the  times  were  congenial  to  his  temper 
and  understanding;  and  the  theological  professors  most  in- 
wardly deride  the  diligence  of  a  stranger,  who  cultivated  their 
art  and  neglected  his  own.  *'  What  can  ye  fear,"  said  a  b6ld 
ccmspirator  to  his  associates,  ''from  your  bigoted  tyrant? 
Sleef^ess  and  unarmed  he  sits  whole  nights  in  his  closet,  debat- 
ing with  reverend  grey-beards,  and  turning  over  the  pages  of 
eeclesiastical  volumes."^  The  fruits  of  these  lucubrations 
were  displayed  in  many  a  conference,  where  Justinian  might 
shine  as  the  loudest  and  most  subtle  of  the  disputants ;  in  many 
a  sermon,  which,  under  the  name  of  edicts  and  epistles,  pro- 
chdmed  to  the  empire  the  theology  of  their  mastar.  While 
the  barbarians  invaded  the  provinces,  while  the  victorious 
legicms  marched  under  the  banners  of  Belisarius  and  Narses, 
the  successor  of  Trajan,  unknown  to  the  camp,  was  content  to 
fanquish  at  the  head  of  a  sjhmxL  Had  he  invited  to  these 
synods  a  disinterested  and  rational  spectator,  Justinian  might 
have  learned  ''thai  religious  controversy  is  the  offiipring  of 
arrogance  and  fblty ;  thai  true  piety  is  most  laudably  expressed 
by  silence  and  submission  ;  that  man,  ignorant  of  his  o¥m  nature, 
ihottld  not  presume  to  scrutinise  the  nature  of  his  God ;  and 
thai  it  is  sufficient  for  us  to  know  that  power  and  benevolenoe 
arc  the  perfect  attributes  of  the  Deity  ".^ 

*  Prooop.  de  iEdifidis,  L  i.  c.  6,  7,  &c  passim. 

***Ot  i^  Hi0itrmi  i^tf XaucTVf  it  1*1  •vl  A^i|c  r»v6c  Am^I  rvnwy  [/^.  rwrmp]  6m«v  r^Tf 

iVMT.  Prooop.  de  BeU.  GoUi.  L  uL  a  3a.  In  the  Life  of  St.  Eutyooius  (apud 
Aleman.  ad  Prooop.  Arcan.  c.  18)  the  same  character  is  given  with  a  design  to 
pniae  Jusciniaa.    [Vita  Eutydiii,  fay  Eustratius,  in  Mi^^ne,  Patr.  Gr. ,  vol.  86.  J 

*For  these  wise  and  moderate  sentiments,  Procopiils  (de  Bell.  Goth.  1.  i.  c.  3) 
is  scourged  in  Ihe  preface  of  Alemannus,  who  ranks  him  among  tbe^IiticalCbxii- 
tians-— sed  longe  verius  hsereaium  omniimi  sentinas,  prorsusque  Atheos — abomi* 
nable  Atheists  who  preached  the  imitation  of  God's  mocy  to  man  (ad  Hist  Arcaa 
c.  13L  ^ 


134         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Toleration  was  not  the  virtue  of  the  times,  and  indulgence 
to  rebels  has  seldom  been  the  virtue  of  princes.  But,  when  the 
prince  descends  to  the  narrow  and  peevish  character  of  a  dis- 
putant, he  is  easily  provoked  to  supply  the  defect  of  argument 
by  the  plenitude  of  power,  and  to  chastise  without  mercy  the 
perverse  blindness  of  those  who  wilfully  shut  their  eyes  against 
the  light  of  demonstration.  The  reign  of  Justinian  was  an 
uniform  yet  various  scene  of  persecution;  and  he  appears  to 
have  surpassed  his  indolent  predecessors  both  in  the  contrivance 
of  his  laws  and  the  rigour  of  their  execution.  The  insufficient 
term  of  three  months  was  assigned  for  the  conversion  or  exile 
of  all  heretics ;  ^  and,  if  he  still  connived  at  their  precarious 
stay,  they  were  deprived,  under  his  iron  yoke,  not  <mly  of  the 
benefits  of  society,  but  of  the  common  birth-right  of  men  and 
Christians.  At  the  end  of  four  hundred  years,  the  Montanists 
of  Phrygia^  still  breathed  the  vrild  enthusiasm  of  perfection 
and  prophecy  which  they  had  imbibed  from  their  male  and 
female  apostles,  the  special  organs  of  the  Paraclete.  On  the 
approach  of  the  Cathouc  priests  and  soldiers,  they  grasped  with 
alacrity  the  crown  of  mar^^om ;  the  conventicle  and  the  con- 
gregation perished  in  the  flames,  but  these  primitive  £EUiatic8 
were  not  extinguished  three  hundred  years  after  the  death  of 
their  t3rrant.  Under  the  protection  of  the  Grothic  confederates, 
the  church  of  the  Arians  at  Constantinople  had  braved  the  seve- 
rity of  the  laws ;  their  clergy  equalled  the  wealth  and  magni- 
ficence of  the  senate ;  and  the  gold  and  silver  which  were  seised 
by  the  rapacious  hand  of  Justinian  might  perhaps  be  claimed 
as  the  spoils  of  the  provinces  and  the  trophies  of  the  barbarians. 
A  secret  remnant  of  pagans,  who  still  lurked  in  the  most 
refined  and  most  rustic  conditions  of  mankind,  excited  the 
indignation  of  the  Christians,  who  were,  perhaps,  unwilling  that 
any  strangers  should  be  the  witnesses  of  their  intestine  quarrels. 
A  bishop  was  named  as  the  inquisitor  of  the  fiuth,  and  his  dili- 
gence soon  discovered,  in  the  court  and  city,  the  magistrates, 

"This  alternative,  a  precious  circumstance,  is  preserved  by  John  Malala  (torn. 
iL  p.  63,  edit.  Venet.  1733  ifp.  449,  ed.  Bonn])«  who  deserves  more  credit  as  he 
dravrs  towards  his  end.  After  numbering  the  heretics,  Nestoriau,  Eutychians, 
ftc.  ne  expectent,  says  Justinian,  at  digni  veniA  judioentur :  jubemus  enim  ut  .  .  . 
oonvicti  et  aperti  hseretici  justae  et  idoneaB  animadversioni  sabjidantiir.  Baronius 
copies  and  applauds  this  edict  of  the  Code  (A.D.  527,  Na  39,  40). 

*^See  the  character  and  principles  of  the  Montanists,  in  Mosheim,  de  Rebus 
Christ  ante  Constantinum,  p.  4x0-424.  [There  is  an  important  investigation  of 
Montanism  in  Ritschl's  Die  Entstefaung  der  altkatholischen  Kirdie,  X857  (ed.  a) ; 
the  historv  of  the  ho-esy  has  been  trnted  in  a  special  work  by  Boonvi^scfa,  Ge- 
schicbte  des  Montanismus,  1878.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  135 

lawyers,  physiciaiiB,  and  sophists,  who  still  cherished  the  super- 
stition of  the  Greeks.  They  were  sternly  informed  that  they 
must  choose  without  delay  between  the  displeasure  of  Jupiter 
or  Justinian,  and  that  their  aversion  to  the  gospel  could  no  longer 
be  disguised  under  the  scandalous  mask  of  indifference  or  im- 
piety. The  patrician  Photius  perhaps  alone  was  resolved  to  live 
and  to  die  like  his  ancestors ;  he  enfranchised  himself  with  the 
stroke  of  a  dagger,  and  left  his  tyrant  the  poor  consolation  of 
exposing  with  ignominy  the  lifeless  corpse  of  the  fugitive.  His 
wesker  brethren  submitted  to  their  earthly  monarch,  underwent 
the  ceremony  of  baptism,  and  laboured,  by  their  extraordinary 
zeal,  to  erase  the  suspicion,  or  to  expiate  the  guilt,  of  idolatry. 
The  native  country  of  Homer,  and  the  theatre  of  the  Trojan 
war,  still  retained  the  last  sparks  of  his  mythology :  by  the 
csre  of  the  same  bishop,  seventy  thousand  Pagans  were  detected 
and  converted  in  Asia,  Phrygia,  Lydia,  and  Caria ;  ninety-six 
churches  were  built  for  the  new  proselytes ;  and  linen  vest- 
ments, bibles  and  liturgies,  and  vases  of  gold  and  silver,  were 
supplied  by  the  pious  munificence  of  Justinian.^  The  Je¥rs,  or  j< 
who  had  been  gradually  stripped  of  their  immunities,  were 
impressed  by  a  vexatious  law,  which  compelled  them  to  observe 
the  festival  of  Easter  the  same  day  on  which  it  was  celebrated 
by  the  Christians.^  And  they  might  complain  with  the  more 
reason,  since  the  Catholics  themselves  did  not  agree  with  the 
astronomical  calculations  of  their  sovereign ;  the  people  of  Con- 
stantinople delayed  the  beginning  of  their  Lent  a  whole  week 
after  it  had  been  ordained  by  authority;  and  they  had  the 
pleasure  of  fiuting  seven  days,  while  meat  was  exposed  for  sale 
by  the  conmiand  of  the  emperor.  The  Samaritans  of  Palestine  ^  •[ 
were  a  motlew"  race,  an  ambiguous  sect,  rejected  as  Jews  by  the 
pagans,  by  tne  Jews  as  schismatics,  and  by  the  Christians  as 
idolaters.      The  abomination  of  the  cross  had  already  been 

*Tbeophan.  Chron.  p.  153  [a.m.  6023].  John  the  Monophysite,  bishop  of 
Asia,  is  a  more  authentic  witness  of  this  transaction,  in  which  he  was  himself  em> 
plojed  by  the  emperor  (Asseman.  Bib.  Orient  torn.  ii.  p.  85).  [See  the  history  of 
lolm  of  Kphesos,  3,  36,  37.] 

'  *  Compare  Procopios  (Hist  Arcan.  c.  38,  and  Aleman's  Notes)  with  Theo- 

1  phanes  (Chron.  p.  190  [A.M.  6(^]).     The  council  of  Nice  has  entrusted  the 

I  patriardi,  or  rather  the  astronomers,  of  Alexandria  with  the  annual  proclamation 

{  of  Easter ;  and  we  still  read,  or  rather  we  do  not  read,  many  of  the  Paschal  epis- 
tles of  St.  CjrriL    Since  the  reign  of  Monophytism  [le^,  Monoph3rsitism^  in  Egypt, 

]  the  Catholics  were  perplexed  by  such  a  foolish  prejudice  as  that  which  so  long 

'  j  opposed,  among  the  Protestants,  the  reception  of  the  Gregorian  style. 

*^For  the  religion  and  history  of  the  Samaritans,  consult  Basnage,  Histoire  des 
"I     Juifs,  a  learned  and  impartial  work. 


136         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALS. 

planted  on  their  holy  mount  of  Gaiisini,^^  but  the  petveeation  of 
Justinian  offered  only  the  alternative  of  baptism  or  rebellion. 
They  chose  the  latter ;  under  the  standard  of  a  desperate  leader, 
they  rose  in  arms,  and  retaliated  their  wrongs  on  the  lives, 
the  property,  and  the  temples,  of  a  defenceless  people.  The 
Samaritans  were  finally  subdued  by  the  regular  forces  of  the 
East :  twenty  thousand  were  slain,  twenty  thousand  were  sold 
by  the  AralM  to  the  infidels  of  Persia  and  India,  and  the  re- 
mains of  that  unhappy  nation  atoned  for  the  crime  of  treason 
by  the  sin  of  hypocrisy.  It  has  been  computed  that  one  hun- 
dred thousand  Roman  subjects  were  extirpated  in  the  Samaritan 
war,^^  which  converted  the  once  fruitfol  province  into  a  desolate 
and  smoking  wilderness.  But  in  the  creed  of  Justinian  the 
guilt  of  murder  could  not  be  applied  to  the  slaughter  of  un- 
believers; and  he  piously  laboured  to  establish  with  fire  and 
sword  the  unity  of  the  Christian  fiiith.^^ 
Bjaortii».  With  these  sentiments,  it  was  incumbent  on  him,  at  least, 
to  be  always  in  the  right.  In  the  first  years  of  his  administran 
tion,  he  signalised  his  zeal  as  the  disciple  and  patron  of  ortho- 
doxy ;  the  reconciliation  of  the  Greeks  and  Latins  established 
the  iome  of  St  Leo  as  the  creed  of  the  emperor  and  the  empire ; 
the  Nestorians  and  Eutychians  were  exposed,  on  either  side, 
to  the  double  edge  of  persecutiixi ;  and  the  four  synods  of  Nice, 
Constantinople,  Ephesus,  and  Chalcedon,  were  ratified  by  the 
code  of  a  Catholic  lawgiver.^     But,  while  Justinian  strove  to 

u  Sichem,  Neapolis,  Naplous,  the  andent  and  modem  seat  of  the  Samaritans, 
is  situate  in  a  valley  betvreen  the  barren  Ebal,  the  mountain  of  cursing  to  the  north, 
the  fruitful  Garitim,  or  mountain  of  cursing  [U^.  blessing]  to  the  south,  ten  or  deven 
hoars'  travel  from  Jerusalem.    See  Maundrell,  Journey  from  Aleppo,  Stc  p,  59-^ 

^  Procop.  Anecdot  c.  iz.  Theophan.  Chron.  p.  122  U^.  152 ;  p.  178,  ed.  de 
Boor].  John  Malala,  Chron.  torn.  u.  p.  6a  [p.  447,  ed.  Bonn].  I  femexober  an 
observation,  half  philosophical,  half  superstitious,  that  the  province  which  had 
been  mined  by  the  bigotnr  of  Justinian  was  the  same  through  whi^  the  Ma- 
hometans penetrated  into  tne  empire. 

^  The  expression  of  Procopius  is  remarkable ;  ov  yap  ot  cMmt  4tfvof  h4piA9up  tbmi, 

^¥  y€  luii  r^  ovTov  66^  »l  r«A«VTMrrtt  rvxoivr  om%.     AnecdoL  C.  13. 

•*  See  the  Chronicle  of  Victor,  p.  328,  and  the  original  evidence  of  the  laws  of 
Justinian.  During  the  first  years  of  his  reign,  Baronius  himself  is  in  extreme  good 
humour  with  the  emperor,  who  courted  the  popes  till  he  got  them  into  his  power. 
[The  ecclesiastical  policy  of  Justinian's  reign  consists  of  a  series  of  endeavours  to 
undo  the  consequences  of  the  fatal  recognition  of  the  Chalcedonian  dogma,  which 
had  signalised  the  accession  of  Justin.  The  Monophysites  of  the  East  had  been 
alienated,  and  the  attempts  to  win  them  back,  without  sacrificing  the  newly 
achieved  reconciliation  with  Rome,  proved  a  failure.  The  importance  of  Thec^ 
dora  consisted  in  her  intelligent  Monophyaitic  policy.  The  depositicm  of  the  Mooo- 
physite  Patriarchs  of  Constantinople  and  Antioch,  Anthimus  and  Severui,  in 
A.D.  536,  would  never  have  occurred  but  for  a  pohtical  reason— to  siiist  the  anus 


OF  THE  EOMAN  EMPIRE  137 

maintain  the  unifbmiity  of  fidth  and  worship^  hit  wife  Theodora, 
whose  vices  were  not  inoompatible  with  devotion,  had  listened 
to  the  Monophysite  teachers ;  and  the  open  or  clandestine 
enemies  of  the  church  revived  and  multiplied  at  the  smile  of 
their  gracious  patroness.  The  capital,  the  palace,  the  nuptial 
bed,  were  torn  by  spiritual  discord;  yet  so  doubtful  was  the 
sincerity  of  the  royal  consorts  that  their  seeming  disagreement 
was  imputed  by  many  to  a  secret  and  mischievous  confederacy 
against  the  religion  and  happiness  of  their  people.^  The 
finmous  dispute  of  the  three  chapters,^  which  has  fiUed  more  iSuSit 
volumes  than  it  deserves  lines^  is  deeply  marked  with  this 
subtle  and  disingenuous  spirit.  It  was  now  three  hundred 
years  since  the  body  of  Origen  ^^  had  been  eaten  by  the  worms : 
his  soul,  of  which  he  held  the  pre-existence,  was  in  the  hands 
of  its  Creator,  but  his  writings  were  eagerly  perused  by  the 
monks  of  Palestine.  In  these  writings  the  piercing  eye  of 
Justinian  descried  more  than  ten  metaph3rsical  errors  ;  and  the 
primitive  doctor,  in  the  company  of  Pythagoras  and  Plato,  was 
devoted  by  the  clergy  to  the  eternity  of  hell-fire,  which  he  had 
presumed  to  deny.  Under  the  cover  of  this  precedent,  a 
treacherous  blow  was  aimed  at  the  council  of  Chalcedon.  The 
fiithers  had  listened  without  impatience  to  the  praise  of  Theo- 
dore  of  Mopsuestia;^  and   their   justice   or  indulgence  had 

of  Belisarius  in  Italy.  The  ingeniously  imagined  condemnation  of  the  Three 
Chapters  did  not  win  over  the  Monophysites,  and  was  regarded  in  Italy  and  Africa 
as  an  attack  on  Pope  Leo  I.  and  Chalcedon.  Gelter  does  not  go  too  far  when  he 
describes  the  ecclesiastical  measures  of  Justinian  as  "  a  series  of  mistakes  ".] 

^  Procopius,  Anecdot.  c  i^  Evagrius,  1.  iv.  c.  lo.  If  the  ecclesiastical  never 
read  the  secret  historian,  thetr  common  suspicion  proves  at  least  the  general 
hatred. 

**  On  the  subject  of  the  three  chapters,  the  original  acts  of  the  vth  general 
council  of  Constantinople  supply  much  useless,  though  authentic,  knowled^ 
(ConciL  torn.  vL  p.  1-419).  The  Greek  Evagrius  is  less  copious  and  correct  (1.  iv. 
c  38)  than  the  three  sealous  Africans^  Facundus  (in  his  twelve  books,  de  tribus 
capitulis.  which  are  most  correctly  published  by  Sirmond),  Liberatus  (in  his 
Breviarium,  c  29,  23.  24),  and  Victor  Tununensis  in  his  Chronicle  (in  torn.  i. 
AntK|.  Lect  Canisii,  p.  ^^^y^  The  Liber  Pontificalis,  or  Anastasius  (in 
Vigilio,  Pelagio,  &c. ),  is  original,  Italian  evidence.  The  modern  reader  will  derive 
some  information  from  Dupin  (Bibliot,  Eccles.  torn.  v.  p.  189-207)  and  Basnage 
(HisL  de  I'Eglise,  torn.  i.  p.  519-541)1  yet  the  latter  is  too  firmly  resolved  to  de- 
preciate the  authority  and  character  of  the  popes. 

^  Origen  had  indeed  too  great  a  propensity  to  imitate  the  irA«yi}  and  Ivaaifitiu 
of  the  old  philosophers  (Justinian,  ad  Menam  in  ConciL  torn.  vi.  p.  356).  His 
moderate  opinions  were  too  repugnant  to  the  zeal  of  the  church,  and  ne  was  found 
gttiltT  of  the  heresy  of  treason. 

"Basnage  (Prsefat  p.  11-14,  ad.  torn.  i.  Antiq.  Lect.  Canis.)  has  fairly 
weighed  the  guut  and  innocence  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia.  If  he  composed  10,000 
wJuiues,  as  many  errors  would  be  a  diaritable  allowance.  In  all  the  subsequent 
catalogiies  of  heresiarchs.  he  akMoe,  without  his  twobiethren,  is  incltxied ;  and  it  is 
the  duty  of  Asseman  (Bodiot.  Orient  tom.  iv.  p.  203-907)  to  justify  the  sentence. 


138  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

restored  both  Theodoret  of  Cyrrhus  and  Ibas  of  Edesta  to  the 
communion  of  the  church.    But  the  characters  of  these  Oriental 
bishops  were  tainted  with  the  reproach  of  heresy ;  the  first  had 
been  the  master,  the  two  others  were  the  friends,  of  Nestorius  : 
their  most  suspicious  passages  were  accused  under  the  title  of 
the  three  chapters  ;  and  the  condemnation  of  their  memory  must 
involve  the  honour  of  a  S3mod  whose  name  was  pronounced 
with  sincere  or  affected  reverence  by  the  Catholic  world.     If 
these  bishops,  whether  innocent  or  guilty,  were  annihilated  in 
the  sleep  of  death,  they  would  not  probably  be  awakened  by 
the  clamour  which,  after  an  hundred  years,  was  raised  over  their 
grave.     If  they  were  already  in  the  fiings  of  the  dsmon,  their 
torments  could  neither  be  aggravated  nor  assuaged  by  human 
industry.     If  in  the  company  of  saints  and  angels  they  enjoved 
the  rewards  of  piety,  they  must  have  smiled  at  the  idle  tury 
of  the  theological  insects  who  still  crawled  on  the  sur&ce  of 
the  earth.     The  foremost  of  these  insects,  the  emperor  of  the 
Romans,  darted  his   sting,  and  distilled  his   venom,  perhaps 
without   discerning   the   true   motives   of  Theodora  and    her 
ecclesiastical  &ction.     The  victims  were  no  longer  subject  to 
his  power,  and  the  vehement  style  of  his  edicts  could  only 
proclaim  their  damnation  and  invite  the  clergy  of  the  East  to 
Hi  giMna  join  in  a  full  chorus  of  curses  and  anathemas.     The  East,  with 
f^Suiu^   some  hesitation,  consented  to  the  voice  of  her  sovereign :  the 
Bs,iuj«-  'fifth  general  council,  of  three  patriarchs  and  one  hundred  and 
****         sixty-five  bishops,  was  held  at  Constantinople  ;  and  the  authors, 
as  well  as  the  defenders,  of  the  three  chapters  were  separated 
from  the  communion  of  the  saints  and  solemnly  delivered  to 
the  prince  of  darkness.     But  the  Latin  churches  were  more 
jealous  of  the  honour  of  Leo  and  the  synod  of  Chalcedon ;  and, 
if  they  had  fought  as  they  usually  did  under  the  standard  of 
Rome,  they  might  have  prevailed  in  the  cause  of  reason  and 
humanity.     But  their  chief  was  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy ;  the  throne  of  St.  Peter,  which  had  been  disgraced  by 
the  simony,  was  betrayed  by  the  cowardice,  of  Vigilius,  who 
yielded,  after  a  long  and  inconsistent  struggle,  to  the  despotism 
of  Justinian  and  the  sophistnr  of  the  Greeks.     His  apostacy 
provoked  the  indignation  of  the  Latins,  and  no  more  than  two 
bishops  could  be  found  who  would  impose  their  hands  on  his 
deacon  and  successor  Pelagius.     Yet  the  perseverance  of  the 
popes  insensibly  transferred  to  their  adversaries  the  appellation 
of  schismatics :  the  Illyrian,  African,  and  Italian  churches  were 
oppressed  by  the  civil  and  eodetiastical  powers,  not  without 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  139 

some  effort  of  military  force  ;^  the  distant  barbarians  tran- 
scribed the  creed  of  the  Vatican ;  and,  in  the  period  of  a  century, 
the  schism  of  the  three  chapters  expired  in  an  obscure  angle  of 
the  Venetian  province. ^^  But  the  religious  discontent  of  the 
Italians  had  already  promoted  the  conquests  of  the  Lombards, 
and  the  Romans  tnemselves  were  accustomed  to  suspect  the 
fiuth,  and  to  detest  the  government,  of  their  Byzantine  tjrrant. 

Justinian  was  neither  steady  nor  consistent  in  the  niceBtr«v«f 
process  of  fixing  his  volatile  opinions  and  those  of  his  subjects.  Juxwr* 
In  his  youth,  he  was  offended  by  the  slightest  deviation  from  SiUSSS? 
the  orthodox  line ;  in  his  old  age,  he  transgressed  the  measure  of 
temperate  heresy,  and  the  Jacobites,  not  less  than  the  Catholics, 
were  scandalized  by  his  declaration  that  the  body  of  Christ 
was  incorruptible,  and  that  his  manhood  was  never  subject  to 
any  wants  and  infirmities,  the  inheritance  of  our  mortal  flesh. 
This  phantasHc  opinion  was  announced  in  the  last  edicts  of 
Justinian ;  and  at  the  moment  of  his  seasonable  departure  the 
clergy  had  refused  to  subscribe,  the  prince  was  prepared  to 
persecute,  and  the  people  were  resolved  to  suffer  or  resist. 
A  bishop  of  Treves,  secure  beyond  the  limits  of  his  power, 
addressed  the  monarch  of  the  £ast  in  the  language  of  authority 
and  affection.  ''  Most  gracious  Justinian,  remember  your  bap- 
tism and  your  creed !  Let  not  yoiu*  grey  hairs  be  defiled  with 
heresy.  Recall  your  fathers  from  exile,  and  your  followers 
from  perdition.  You  cannot  be  ignorant  that  Italy  and  Gaul, 
Spain  and  Africa,  already  deplore  your  fall,  and  anathematize 
your  name.  Unless,  witifiout  delay,  you  destroy  what  you  have 
taught ;  unless  you  exclaim  with  a  loud  voice,  I  have  erred, 
I  have  sinned,  anathema  to  Nestorius,  anathema  to  Eutyches, 
you  deliver  your  soul  to  the  same  flames  in  which  theif  will 
eternally   bum."     He  died  and  made  no  sign.^®^     His  death 

^  See  the  complaints  of  Liberatus  and  Victor,  and  the  exhortations  of  pope 
Fdagius  to  the  conqueror  and  exarch  of  Italy.  Schisma  .  .  .  per  potestates 
pubhcas  opprimatur,  &c.  (ConciL  torn.  vi.  p.  467,  &c.).  An  army  was  detained 
to  suppress  the  sedition  of  an  Illyrian  city.  See  Pitxx)pius  (de  Bell.  Goth.  1.  iv.  c. 
35) :  Sttrwt^  ivtxa  v^inv  avrott  ot  "Xptvriayoi  3tajMi^x0ynu.  He  seems  to  promise  an 
eodesiasticai  history.     It  would  have  been  curious  and  impartial 

1*  The  bishops  of  the  patriarchate  of  Aquileia  were  reconciled  by  pope  Honorius, 
A.D.  638  (Muratori,  Annali  d'ltalia,  tom.  v.  p.  376) ;  but  th^  again  relapsed,  and 
the  schism  was  not  finally  extinguished  till  698.  Fourteen  years  before,  the  church 
of  Spain  had  overlooked  the  vth  general  council  with  contemptuous  silence  (xiii. 
ConciL  Toletan.  in  Concil.  tom.  vii.  p.  487-494). 

M*  Nicetius,  bishop  of  Treves  (Concil.  tom.  vl  p.  51X-513).  He  himself,  like 
most  of  the  Gallican  prelates  (Gregor.  Epist  L  vil  ep.  5.  in  Concil.  tom.  vt  p. 
1007),  was  separated  from  the  communion  of  the  four  patriarchs,  by  his  refusal  to 


140  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

restored  in  some  degree  the  peace  of  the  church,  and  the 
reigns  of  his  four  successors,  Justin,  Tiherius,  Maurice,  and 
Phocas,  are  distinguished  by  a  rare,  though  fortunate,  vacancy 
in  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  Eiast.^^ 

The  &culties  of  sense  and  reason  are  least  capable  of  acting 
nj.  AJ).  on  themselves ;  the  eye  is  most  inaccessible  to  the  sight,  the 
soul  to  the  thought ;  yet  we  think,  and  even  feel,  that  one  mil, 
a  sole  principle  of  action,  is  essential  to  a  rational  and  conscious 
being.  When  Heraclius  returned  from  the  Persian  war,  the 
orthodox  hero  consulted  his  bishops,  whether  the  Christ  whom 
he  adored,  of  one  person  but  of  two  natures,  was  actuated  by 
a  single  or  a  double  wilL  They  replied  in  the  singular,  and 
the  emperor  was  encouraged  to  hope  that  the  Jacobites  of 
£g3rpt  and  Syria  might  be  reconciled  by  the  profession  of  a 
doctrine,  most  certainly  harmless,  and  most  probably  true, 
since  it  was  taught  even  by  the  Nestorians  themselves.^®* 
The  experiment  was  tried  without  effect,  and  the  timid  or 
vehement  Catholics  condemned  even  the  semblance  of  a  retreat 
in  the  presence  of  a  subtle  and  audacious  enemy.  The  orthodox 
(the  prevailing)  party  devised  new  modes  of  speech,  and  argu- 
ment, and  interpretation ;  to  either  nature  of  Christ  they 
speciously  applied  a  proper  and  distinct  energy  ;  but  the 
difference  was  no  longer  visible  when  they  allowed  that  the 
human  and  the  divine  will  were  invariably  the  same.^^    The 

condemn  the  three  chapters.  Baronius  almost  pronounces  the  damnation  of  Jus- 
tinian (A.D.  56^,  No.  6).  [The  sources  for  the  heresy  of  Justinian  are  :  the  Life  of 
the  Patriarch  Eutychius  (who  was  hanished  for  his  opposition  to  the  aphtharto- 
docetic  doctrine)  by  his  contemporary  Eustratius  (Acta  Sett  April  6,  l  p.  550  j^^. ); 
Evagrius  (iv.  .1^41) ;  a  notice  in  a  Constantinopolitan  chroiiicle  (the  U4yaK 
Xpoyoypa^tof  7)  preserved  in  the  *£<cAoyai  awh  rns  imcK.  laropims  published  in 
Cramer's  Anrcd.  Paris,  2,  p.  xii,  and  copied  by  Theophanes,  fuai  A.M,  6057 ; 
John  of  Nikiu,  ed.  Zotenberg,  p.  518 ;  Nicepborus,  in  his  list  of  Patriarchs  of 
Constantinople,  in  the  Xpovoyp.  ovt^rofio^,  p,  117,  ed.  de  Boor.  The  great  exponent 
of  the  doctrine  of  the  incorruptibility  of  Christ's  body  was  Julian.  Bishop  or  Hali. 
camassus.  His  doctrine  is  stated  mlsdy  in  the  passage  of  John  of  Niklu — at  least 
in  the  translation.     As  for  Nicetios,  cp.  Appendix  8.] 

^^  After  relating  the  last  heresy  of  Justinian  (1.  iv.  c.  39,  40,  41)  and  the  edict 
of  his  successor  (1.  v.  c.  3  [4]),  the  remainder  of  the  history  of  Evagrius  is  filled 
with  civil,  instead  of  ecclesiastical,  events. 

1^  This  extraordinary  and  perhaps  inconsistent  doctrine  of  the  Nestorians  had 
been  observed  by  La  Croze  (Christianisme  des  Indes,  torn.  i.  p.  19,  ao),  and  is  more 
fully  exposed  by  Abulpharagius  (Bibliot  Orient  torn.  ii.  p.  293 ;  Hist.  Djmast  p. 
91,  vers.  Latin.  Pooock)  and  Asseman  himself  (torn.  iv.  p.  2x8).  They  seem  igno- 
rant that  they  might  allege  the  positive  authority  of  the  ecthesis.    'O  /ump^  Ncov^ct 


^  See  the  orthodox  faith  in  Pttavhis  (Dogmata  Theolpg.  torn.  v.  1.  iz.  c.  6-xo^ 
p.  433-447)  •  f^  ^  depths  of  this  oootrovmy  are  sounded  in  the  Greek  dialogue 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  141 

diiMMwe  was  attended  with  the  customary  symptoms ;  but  the 
Greek  clergy,  as  if  satiate  with  the  endless  controversy  of  the 
incarnation,  instilled  a  healing  counsel  into  the  ear  of  the 
prince  and  people.  They  declared  themselves  monotheutes 
(asserters  of  the  unity  of  will) ;  but  they  treated  the  words  as 
new,  the  questions  as  superfluous,  and  recommended  a  religious 
silence  as  the  most  agreeable  to  the  prudence  and  charity  of 
the  i^ospel.  This  law  of  silence  was  successively  imposed  by  i  ^^^ 
the  ecikesig  or  exposition  of  Heraclius,  the  li^  or  model  of  hi8A.D.aiLti 
grandson  Constans ;  ^^  and  the  Imperial  edicts  were  subscribed  omi^SL*' 
with  alacrity  or  reluctance  by  the  four  patriarchs  of  Rome, 
Constantinople,  Alexandria,  and  Antioch.  But  the  bishop  and 
monks  of  Jerusalem  sounded  the  alarm ;  in  the  language,  or 
even  in  the  silence,  of  the  Greeks,  the  Latin  churches  detected 
a  latent  heresy ;  and  the  obedience  of  pope  Honorius  to  the 
commands  of  his  sovereign  was  retracted  and  censured  by  the 
bolder  ignorance  of  his  successors.  They  condemnea  the 
execrable  and  abominable  heresy  of  the  Monothelites,  who 
revived  the  errors  of  Manes,  Apollinaris,  Eutyches,  &c. ;  they 
signed  the  sentence  of  excommunication  on  the  tomb  of  St. 
Peter ;  the  ink  was  mingled  with  the  sacramental  wine,  the 
blood  of  Christ ;  and  no  ceremony  was  omitted  that  could  fill  the 
saperstitioQs  minds  vrith  horror  and  affright.  As  the  repre- cajx  mi] 
sentative  of  the  Western  church,  pope  Martin  and  his  Lateran 
synod  anathematized  the  perfidious  and  guilty  silence  of  the 
Ghreeks.  One  hundred  and  five  bishops  of  Italy,  for  the  most 
part  the  subjects  of  Constans,  presumed  to  reprobate  his 
wicked  type  and  the  impious  edhens  of  his  grandfather,  and  to 
confound  the  authors  and  their  adherents  with  the  twenty-one 
notorious  heretics,  the  apostates  from  the  church,  and  the 
organs  of  the  deviL  Such  an  insult  under  the  tamest  reign  C^yi*}jM^ 
could  not  pass  with  impunity.  ^2P^  Martin  ended  his  days  ajk  mq 
on  the  inhospitable  shore  of  the  Tauric  Chersonesus,  and  his 
oracle,  the  abbot  Maximus,  was  inhumanly  chastised  by  the 
amputation  of  his   tongue   and   his   right   hand.^^      But   the 

between  Maximus  aod  Pyrrhus  (ad  calcem  torn,  viil  AnnaL  Baron,  p.  755*79^ 
[Migne,  Pair.  Gr.  xci.  p.  iSS  tf^.])i  which  relates  a  real  conference,  and  produoea 
a  slMrt-Ured  conversioa     [See  Appendix  i.] 

^  Impiissimam  ecthesim  .  .  .  scelerosum  typum  (Concil.  torn.  viL  p.  $66), 
(fiabolicae  operations  genimina  (fors.  germina,  or  else  the  Greek  ^wmf^ucro,  in  the 
cngaud;  ConciL  p.  363.  364)  are  the  expressions  of  the  xviiith  anathema. 
Tlie  epistle  of  pope  Martin  to  Amandus,  a  Gallican  bishop,  stigmatizes  the  Mono- 
thelites and  their  heresy  with  equal  virulence  (p.  392).  [The  ecthesis  declared  the 
singleness  of  the  Will] 

iM  The  sufidings  of  Martin  and  Maximus  are  described  with  pathetic  shnplloity 


BA 


142  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

same  invincible  spirit  survived  in  their  successors,  and  the 
triumph  of  the  Latins  avenged  their  recent  defeat  and 
obliterated  the  disgrace  of  the  three  chapters.  The  S3mod8  of 
K|Vf%-  Rome  were  confirmed  by  the  sixth  general  council  of  Constan- 
D  WLVor.  tinople,  in  the  palace  and  the  presence  of  a  new  Constantine^ 
^A  a  descendant  of  Heraclius.  The  royal  convert  converted  the 
Byzantine  pontiff  and  a  majority  of  the  bishops ;  ^^^  the  dis- 
senters, with  their  chie^  Macarius  of  Antioch,  were  condemned 
to  the  spiritual  and  temporal  pains  of  heresy ;  ^^  the  East  con- 
descended to  accept  the  lessons  of  the  West ;  and  the  creed 
was  finally  settled  which  teaches  the  Catholics  of  every  age 
that  two  wills  or  energies  are  harmonized  in  the  person  of 
Christ.  The  majesty  of  the  pope  and  the  Roman  83mod  was 
represented  by  two  priests,  one  deacon,  and  three  bishops ; 
but  these  obscure  Latins  had  neither  arms  to  compel,  nor 
treasures  to  bribe,  nor  language  to  persuade  ;  and  I  am 
ignorant  by  what  arts  they  could  determine  the  \ofty  emperor 
of  the  Greeks  to  abjure  the  catechism  of  his  in&ncy  and  to 
persecute  the  religion  of  his  fathers.  Perhaps  the  monks  and 
people  of  Constantinople^^  were  fiivourable  to  the  Lateran 
creed,  which  is  indeed  the  least  &vourable  of  the  two  ;  and 
the  suspicion  is  countenanced  by  the  unnatural  moderation  of 
the  Greek  clergy,  who  appear  in  this  quarrel  to  be  conscious 
of  their  weakness.     While  the  synod  debated,  a  £uiatic  pro- 

in  their  original  letters  and  acts  (Concil.  torn.  viL  p.  63-78 ;  Baron.  AnnaL  Ecdes 
A.D.  656,  Na  a,  et  annos  subaeouent).  Yet  the  chastisement  of  their  disobedience, 
Ifoptc  and  9w^rof  aun^yi^,  had  been  previously  announced  in  the  Type  of  Constans 
(ConciL  torn.  viL  p.  240). 

1^  Eutychius  (AnnaL  torn,  il  p.  368  [U^.  348])  most  erroneously  supposes  that 
the  12^  bishops  of  the  Roman  synod  transported  themselves  to  Constantinople ;  and, 
by  adding  them  to  the  168  Gredcs,  thus  composes  the  sixth  council  of  ag2  fathers 

1^  [Pope  Honorius  and  the  Patriarch  Sergius  were  also  condemned.  The  con- 
demnation of  such  eminent  and  saintly  men,  as  Gelzer  observes,  does  not  redound 
to  the  credit  of  the  council  The  position  of  Honorius  is  notoriously  awkward  for 
the  modem  doctrine  of  Papal  infauiUlity.] 

1*  The  Monothelite  Constans  was  hated  by  all  sui  r»t  vmwra  {says  Theophanes, 

Chron.  p.  39s  [A.M.  6160])  iiuvi^  9^pa[i^.  v^oi^]  npAiraKTMr.  When  the 
Monothelite  monk  failed  in  his  miracle,  the  people  shouted  h  JUb«  Mt^^Mv  (Concil. 
tom.  viL  p.  1033).    But  this  was  a  natural  and  transient  emotion ;  and  I  much  fear 


supported  the  Imperial  throne  against  Italian  usurpers ;  the  influence  of  the  Roman 
cuna  was  paramount  in  the  West ;  and,  to  keep  Roman  Italy,  it  was  expedient  for 
the  theology  of  the  Byzantine  court  to  submit  to  that  of  Rome.  (Krumbacher's 
Gesch.  derbyi.  Utt,  p.  955-^^ 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  148 

posed  a  more  summaiy  decision,  by  raising  a  dead  man  to  life ; 
the  prelates  assisted  at  the  trial ;  but  the  acknowledged  failure 
may  serve  to  indicate  that  the  passions  and  prejudices  of  the 
multitude  were  not  enlisted  on  the  side  of  the  Monothelites. 
In  the  next  generation,  when  the  son  of  Constantine  was  de- 
posed and  slain  by  the  disciple  of  Macarius,  they  tasted  the 
feast  of  revenge  and  dominion ;  the  image  or  monument  of 
the  sixth  council  was  de&ced,  and  the  original  acts  were  com- 
mitted to  the  flames.  But  in  the  second  year  their  patron  was 
cast  headlong  from  the  throne,  the  bishops  of  the  East  were 
released  from  their  occasional  conformity,  the  Roman  fiuth 
was  more  firmly  replanted  by  the  orthodox  successors  of 
Bardanes,  and  the  fine  problems  of  the  incarnation  were  for- 
gotten in  the  more  popular  and  visible  quarrel  of  the  worship 
of  images.  ^^^ 

Before  the  end  of  the  seventh  century,  the  creed  of  thenuoief 
incarnation,  which  had  been  defined  at  Rome  and  Constanti-i 
nople,  was  uniformly  preached  in  the  remote  islands  of  Britain* 
and  Ireland ;  ^^^  the  same  ideas  were  entertained,  or  rather  the 
same  words  were  repeated,  by  all  the  Christians  whose  liturgy 
was  performed  in  the  Greek  or  the  Latin  tongue.  Their 
numbers  and  visible  splendour  bestowed  an  imperfect  claim 
to  the  appellation  of  Catholics ;  but  in  the  East  they  were 
marked    with     the    less    honourable    name    of   MelchUes    or 

110  The  history  of  Monothelitism  may  be  found  in  the  Acts  of  the  Synods  of 
Rome  (torn,  vil  p.  ^-395.  601-608)  and  Constantinople  (p.  609-1429).  Baronius 
extracted  some  original  documents  from  the  Vatican  librarv  ;  and  his  chronoU^  w 
rectified  bv  the  dihgence  of  Pagi.  Even  Dupin  (Bibliotheque  Eccl^  tom.  vl  p. 
57-71)  and  Basnage  (Hist  de  I'Eglise,  torn.  L  p.  541-555)  afford  a  tolen^le abridg- 
ment. [Besides  these  documents  we  have  the  works  of  Maximus  and  Anastasius. 
See  Appendix  i.] 

ui  In  the  Lateran  synod  ot  679,  Wilfrid,  an  Anglo-Saxon  bishop,  subscribed 
pro  omni  Aquilonan  parte  Britanniae  et  Hibemiae,  quae  ab  Anglorum  et  Brit- 
tonum,  necnon  Scotonim  et  Pictorum  gentibus  colebantur  (Eddius,  in  Vit  St 
Wilfrid,  c.  31.  apud  Pagi,  Critica,  tom.  iii.  p.  88).  Theodore  (magnae  insulae 
Britanniae  archiepiscopus  et  philosophus)  was  long  expected  at  Rome  (ConciL  tom. 
vii.  p.  714),  but  he  contented  himself  with  holding  (a.d.  680)  his  provincial  ^miod  of 
HsUfield,  in  which  he  receive  the  decrees  of  pope  Martin  and  the  first  Lateran 
council  a^inst  the  Monothelites  (Concil.  tom.  vii.  p.  597,  &c.).  Theodore,  a 
monk  of  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  had  been  named  to  the  primacy  of  Britain  by  pope 
Viialian  (a.d.  668 ;  see  Baronius  and  Pagi),  whose  esteem  for  his  learning  and  piet)r 
was  tainted  by  some  distrust  of  his  national  character — ne  quid  contrarium  veritati 
fidei,  Grsecorum  more,  in  ecclesiam  cui  prseesset  introduceret.  The  Cilidan  was 
sent  from  Rome  to  Canterbury,  under  the  tuition  of  an  African  guide  (Bedae  Hist. 
Eccles.  Anglonnn,  1.  iv.  c.  i).  He  adhered  to  the  Roman  doctrine ;  and  the  same 
creed  of  the  incarnation  has  been  uniformly  transmitted  from  Theodore  to  the 
modem  primates,  whose  sound  understanding  is  perfaai>s  seldom  engaged  with  that 
abstruse  mystery.  [For  Theodore  see  the  article  of  Bishop  Stubbs  in  the  Diet,  of 
Christian  Biography ;  cp.  Index  to  Plummcr's  ed.  of  Bede,  sub  vJ] 


tal 


144         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Royalists ;  ^^  of  men  whose  faith^  instead  of  resting  on  the 
basis  of  seriptore,  reason,  or  tradition,  had  been  established, 
and  was  still  maintained,  by  the  arbitrary  power  of  a  temporal 
monarch.  Their  adversaries  might  allege  the  words  of  the 
Cuthers  of  Constantinople,  who  profess  themselves  the  slaves  of 
the  king  ;  and  thev  might  relate,  with  malicious  joy,  how  the 
decrees  of  Chalceaon  had  been  inspired  and  reformed  by  the 
emperor  Marcian  and  his  virgin  bride.  The  prevailing  fsction 
will  naturally  inculcate  the  duty  of  submission,  nor  is  it  less 
natural  that  dissenters  should  feel  and  assert  the  principles  of 
freedom.  Under  the  rod  of  persecution,  the  Nestorians  and 
Monophysites  degenerated  into  rebels  and  fugitives ;  and  the 
most  ancient  and  useful  allies  of  Rome  were  taught  to  consider 
the  emperor  not  as  the  chief,  but  as  the  enemy,  of  the  Chris- 
tians. Language,  the  leading  principle  which  unites  or  separ- 
ates the  tribes  of  mankind,  soon  discriminated  the  sectaries 
of  the  East  by  a  peculiar  and  perpetual  badge,  which  abolished 
irpttui  the  means  of  intercourse  and  the  hope  of  reconciliation.  The 
ffi?^  long  dominion  of  the  Greeks,  their  colonies,  and,  above  all, 
their  eloquence  had  propagated  a  language  doubtless  the  most 
perfect  that  has  been  contrived  by  the  art  of  man.  Yet  the 
body  of  the  people,  both  in  Sjrria  and  Egypt,  still  persevered 
in  the  use  of  their  national  idioms ;  with  this  difference,  how- 
ever, that  the  Coptic  was  confined  to  the  rude  and  illiterate 
peasants  of  the  Nile,  while  the  Syriac,^^^  from  the  mountains 
of  Assyria  to  the  Red  Sea,  was  adapted  to  the  higher  topics 
of  poetry  and  argument.  Armenia  and  Ab3rssinia  were  infected 
by  the  speech  and  learning  of  the  Greeks ;  and  their  barbaric 
tongues,  which  have  been  revived  in  the  studies  of  modem 
Europe,  were  unintelligible  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Roman 
emp^.     The  Syriac  and  the  Coptic,  the  Armenian  and  the 

^1'  This  name,  unknown  till  the  xth  centurv,  appears  to  be  of  Sirriac  origin. 
It  was  invented  by  the  Jacobites,  and  eagerly  adopted  by  the  Nestorians  and 
Mahometans;  but  it  was  accepted  without  shame  by  the  Catholics,  and  b  fre- 
quently used  in  the  Annals  of  Eutychius  (Asseraan.  Bibliot.  Orient,  torn.  ii.  p.  507, 
&C.  torn.  iiL  p.  355.  Renaudot,  Hist.  Patriarch.  Alexandrin.  p.  no).  'H#i<tr 
£ovXm  tov  Boaai«K«  was  the  acclamation  of  the  fathers  of  Constantinople  (Concil. 
torn.  vii.  p.  765).    [But  cp.  above,  p.  127,  n.  7a] 

^^  The  SyriaCy  which  the  natives  revere  as  the  primitive  language,  was  divided 
into  three  dialects :  i.  The  Aramaean^  as  it  was  refined  at  Edessa  and  the  cities  of 
Mesopotamia ;  a.  The  Palestuu^  which  was  used  in  Jerusalem,  Damascus,  and 
the  rest  of  Syria ;  3.  The  Natatkatan^  the  rustic  idiom  of  the  mountains  of 
Assyria  and  the  villages  of  Irak  (Gregor.  Abulpharag.  Hist.  D)mast.  p.  zi).  On 
the  Syriac,  see  Ebed-Jesu  (Assenan*  torn.  iii.  p.  396,  ftcX  whose  pretjudioe  alone 
could  prefer  it  to  the  Arabic.   ^. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  145 

£tluopic,  are  consecrated  in  the  service  of  their  respeetive 
churches ;  and  their  theology  is  enriched  by  domestic  versions  ^^* 
both  of  the  scriptures  and  of  the  most  popubir  Others.  After 
s  period  of  thirteen  hundred  and  sixty  years,  the  spark  of  con- 
troversy, first  kindled  by  a  sermon  of  Nestorius,  still  bums  in 
the  bosom  of  the  East,  and  the  hostile  communicms  still  main- 
tain the  &ith  and  discipline  of  their  founders.  In  the  most 
abject  state  of  ignorance,  poverty,  and  servitude,  the  Nes- 
torians  and  Monophysites  reject  the  spiritual  supremacy  of 
Rome,  and  cherish  the  toleration  of  their  Turkish  masters, 
which  allows  them  to  anathematise,  on  one  hand,  St.  C3rril 
and  the  synod  of  Ephesus,  on  the  other,  pope  Leo  and  the 
council  of  Chalcedon.  The  weight  which  they  cast  into  the 
downfall  of  the  Eastern  empire  demands  our  notice,  and  the 
reader  may  be  amused  with  the  various  prospects  of  I.  The 
Nestorians ;  II.  The  Jacobites ;  ^^^  III.  The  Maronites ;  IV.  The 
Armenians ;  V.  The  Copts ;  and  VI.  The  Abyssinians.  To 
the  three  former,  the  Syriac  is  common;  but  of  the  latter, 
each  is  discriminated  by  the  use  of  a  national  idiom.  Yet  the 
modem  natives  of  Armenia  and  Abyssinia  would  be  incapable  of 
conversing  with  their  ancestors ;  ana  the  Christians  of  Egypt  and 
Syria,  who  reject  the  religion,  have  adopted  the  language,  of  the 
Arabians.  The  lapse  of  time  has  seconded  the  sacerdotal  arts ; 
and  in  the  East,  as  well  as  In  the  West,  the  Deity  is  addressed  in 
an  obsolete  tongue,  unknown  to  the  majority  of  the  congregation. 

I.  Both  in  his  native  and  his  episcopal  province,  the  heresy  l 
of  the  unfortunate  Nestorius  was  speedily  obliterated.  The 
Oriental  bishops,  who  at  Ephesus  had  resisted  to  his  fiioe  the 
arrogance  of  Cyril,  were  mollified  by  his  tardy  concessions. 
The  same  prelates,  or  their  successors,  subscribed,  not  without 
a  murmur,  the  decrees  of  Chalcedon ;  the  power  of  the  Mono- 

'^  I  shall  not  enrich  my  ignorance  with  the  spoils  of  Simoo,  Walton,  Mill, 
Wetstein,  Assemannns,  Lud(dphus.  La  Croze,  whom  I  have  consulted  with  some 
care.  It  appears,  i.  TAat,  ot  all  the  versions  which  are  celebrated  by  the  fathers, 
it  is  doubtful  whether  any  are  now  extant  in  their  pristine  integrity,  a.  That  the 
Syriac  has  the  best  claim  ;  and  that  the  consent  of  the  Oriental  sects  is  a  proof 
that  it  is  more  ancient  than  their  schism. 

^^  In  the  account  6f  the  Monoph3rsites  and  Nestorians,  I  am  deeply  indebted 
to  the  Bibliotheca  Orientalis  Clementino-Vaticana  of  Joseph  Simon  Assemanmis. 
That  learned  Maronite  was  dispatched  in  the  year  2715  b^  pope  Clement  XI.  to 
visit  the  moDasterics  of  Bg3rpt  and  Syria,  in  search  of  Mn.  His  four  folio  volumes, 
pttblisbed  at  Rome  1719-1728,  contain  a  part  only,  though  periiaps  tiie  most 
valuable,  of  his  extensive  project  As  a  native  and  as  a  scholar,  he  possessad  the 
Syriac  literature;  and,  though  a  dependent  of  Rome,  he  wishes  to  be  moderate  and 
candid. 

VOL.  V,  10 


146  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

physites  reconciled  them  Mrith  the  Catholics  in  the  conformity 
of  passion,  of  interest,  and  insensibly  of  belief;  and  their  last 
reluctant  sigh  was  breathed  in  the  defence  of  the  three 
chapters.  Their  dissenting  brethren,  less  moderate,  or  more 
sincere,  were  crushed  by  the  penal  laws ;  and  as  early  as  the 
reign  of  Justinian  it  became  difficult  to  find  a  church  of 
Nestorians  within  the  limits  of  the  Roman  empire.  Beyond 
those  limits  they  had  discovered  a  new  world,  in  which  they 
might  hope  for  liberty  and  aspire  to  conquest.  In  Persia,  not- 
withstanding the  resistance  of  the  Magi,  Christianity  had  struck 
a  deep  root,  and  the  nations  of  the  East  reposed  under  its 
salutary  shade.  The  catholic,  or  primate,  resided  in  the  capital ; 
in  his  S3mods,  and  in  their  dioceses,  his  metropolitans,  bisnops, 
and  clergy  represented  the  pomp  and  honour  of  a  regular 
hierarchy ;  they  rejoiced  in  the  increase  of  proselytes,  who 
were  converted  from  the  Zendavesta  to  the  Gospel,  firom  the 
secular  to  the  monastic  life ;  and  their  zeal  was  stimulated 
by  the  presence  of  an  artfbl  and  formidable  enemy.  The 
Persian  church  had  been  founded  by  the  missionaries  of  Syria ; 
and  their  language,  discipline,  and  doctrine  were  closely 
interwoven  with  its  original  frame.  The  catholics  were  elected 
and  ordained  by  their  own  sufiiagans ;  but  their  filial  depend- 
ence on  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  is  attested  by  the  canons 
of  the  Oriental  church.  ^^^  In  the  Persian  school  of  Edessa,^^'' 
the  rising  generations  of  the  fiiithfbl  imbibed  their  theological 
idiom;  they  studied  in  the  S3nriac  version  the  ten  thousand 
volumes  of  Theodore  of  Mopsuestia ;  and  they  revered  the 
apostolic  &ith  and  holy  martyrdom  of  his  disciple  Nestorius, 
.whose   person  and  language   were   equally   unknown  to  the 

^^*  See  the  Arabic  canons  of  Nice,  in  the  translation  of  Abraham  Ecdidlensis, 
No-  37.  38*  39.  40-  Concil.  torn,  il  p.  335,  336,  edit.  Venet.  These  vulgar  titles, 
Nicene  and  Arabic,  are  both  apocryphal.  The  council  of  Nice  enacted  no  more 
than  twenty  canons  (Theodoret.  Hist  Eocles.  L  i.  c.  8),  and  the  remainder,  seventy 
or  eiriity,  were  collected  from  the  synods  of  the  Greek  chiux:h.  The  Syriac  edition 
of  Manithas  is  no  longer  extant  ^Asseman.  Bibliot.  Oriental  torn.  L  p.  195,  tom. 
iii.  p.  74),  and  the  Arabic  version  is  marked  with  many  recent  interpolations.  Yet 
this  code  contains  many  curious  rdics  of  ecclesiastical  discipline ;  and,  since  it  is 
eoually  revered  l^  all  the  eastern  communions,  it  was  probably  finished  before  the 
schism  of  the  Nestorians  and  Jacobites  (Fabric.  Bibhot.  Graec.  tom.  xi.  p.  363- 
367).  [A  German  translation  {\w  E.  Nestle)  of  the  statutes  of  the  Nestorian 
school  of  Nisibis  will  be  found  in  Ztsch.  f.  Kiraiengesch,,  z8,  p.  axi  sqg.,  1897.] 

w  Tbeodora  the  Reader  (L  iL  c.  5, 49,  ad  calcem  Hist.  Eccks.)  has  noticed  this 
Persiaii  school  of  Edessa.  Its  ancient  splendour  and  the  two  seras  of  its  down- 
fall  (A.D.  4^1  and  489)  are  clearly  discussed  by  Assemanni  (Biblioth.  Orient,  torn, 
ii.  p.  40a,  iii.  p.  376,  378  iv.  p.  70,  904).  [R.  Duval,  Hist.  poL,  relig.,  el  Utt. 
d'Edesse,  1892.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  147 

nmtions  beyond  the  Tigris.  The  first  indelible  lesson  of  Ibas, 
bishop  of  Edessa,  taught  them  to  execrate  the  EfffpiUms,  who, 
in  the  synod  of  Ephesus,  had  impiously  ocmfounded  the  two 
natures  of  Christ.  The  flight  of  the  masters  and  scholars,  who 
were  twice  expelled  from  the  Athens  of  Sjrria,  dispersed  ap|  ^ 
crowd  of  missionaries,  inflamed  by  the  double  zeal  of  religion  i aii  <j 
and  revenge.  And  the  rigid  unity  of  the  Monophysites,  who, 
under  the  reigns  of  Zeno  and  Anastasius,  had  invaded  the 
thrones  of  the  East,  provoked  their  antagonists,  in  a  land  of 
freedom^  to  avow  a  moral,  rather  than  a  physical,  union  of  the 
two  persons  of  Christ.  Since  the  first  preaching  of  the  gospel, 
the  Sassanian  kings  beheld  with  an  eye  of  suspicion  a  race  of 
aliens  and  apostates,  who  had  embraced  the  religion,  and  who 
might  fiivour  the  cause,  of  the  hereditary  foes  of  their  country. 
The  royal  edicts  had  often  prohibited  their  dangerous  corre- 
spondence with  the  Syrian  clergy ;  the  progress  of  the  schism 
was  grateful  to  the  jealous  pride  of  Perozes,  and  he  listened 
to  the  eloquence  of  an  artful  prelate,  who  painted  Nestorius 
as  the  friend  of  Persia,  and  urged  him  to  secure  the  fidelity  of 
his  Christian  subjects  by  granting  a  just  preference  to  the 
victims  and  enemies  of  the  Roman  t3nrant.  The  Nestorians 
composed  a  large  majority  of  the  clergy  and  people ;  they 
were  encouraged  by  the  smile,  and  armed  with  the  sword,  of 
despotism ;  yet  many  of  their  weaker  brethren  were  startled 
at  tne  thought  of  breaking  loose  from  the  communion  of  the 
Christian  world,  and  the  blood  of  seven  thousand  seven 
hundred  Monophysites,  or  Catholics,  confirmed  the  uniformity 
of  fieiith  and  discipline  in  the  churches  of  Persia.^^®  Their 
ecclesiastical  institutions  are  distinguished  by  a  liberal  prin- 
ciple of  reason,  or  at  least  of  policy ;  the  austerity  of  the 
cloister  was  relaxed  and  gradually  forgott^i ;  houses  of  charity  i  __^__^_ 
were  endowed  for  the  education  of  orphans  and  foundlings  ;£2i?iit' 
the  law  of  celibacy,  so  forcibly  recommended  to  the  Greeks 
and  Latins,  was  disregarded  by  the  Persian  clergy ;  and  the 
number  of  the  elect  was  multiplied  by  the  public  and  reiterated 
nuptials  of  the  priests,  the  bishops,  and  even  the  patriarch  him- 
self. To  this  standard  of  natural  and  religious  freedom 
myriads  of  fugitives  resorted  firom  aU  the  provinces  of  the 

^^  A  dissertation  on  the  state  of  the  Nestorians  has  swelled  in  the  hands  of 
Assemanni  to  a  foUo  volume  of  050  P^ges,  and  his  learned  researches  are  digested 
in  the  most  lucid  order.  Besicfes  tnis  ivth  volume  of  the  Bibliotheca  OrimtaHs^ 
the  extracts  in  the  three  preceding  tomes  (tom.  L  p.  aos,  iL  p.  321-463*  iii*  64'^, 
37^395*  &<^'  4^-408'  5805^)  i>u^y  ^  usefully  cooniiteiL 


.148  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

.Eastern  empire  ;  the  narrow  bigotry  of  Justinian  was  punished 
•by  the  emigration  of  his  most  industrious  subjects ;  they 
•transported  into  Persia  the  arts  both  of  peace  and  war;  and 
those  who  deserved  the  finTOur,  were  promoted  in  the  senrice, 
of  a  discerning  monarch.  The  arms  of  Nushirvan,  and  his 
fiercer  grandson,  were  assisted  with  advice,  and  money,  and 
troops,  by  the  desperate  sectaries  who  still  lurked  in  their 
native  cities  of  the  East ;  their  zeal  was  rewarded  with  the  gift 
of  the  Catholic  churches  ;  but,  when  those  cities  and  churches 
were  recovered  by  Heradius,  their  open  profession  of  treason 
and  heresy  compelled  them  to  seek  a  refuge  in  the  realm 
of  their  foreign  ally.  But  the  seeming  tranquillity  of  the 
Nestorians  was  often  endangered,  and  sometimes  overthrown. 
They  were  involved  in  the  conunon  evils  of  Oriental  despot- 
ism ;  their  enmity  to  Rome  could  not  always  atone  £6r  tJieir 
attachment  to  the  gospel ;  and  a  colony  of  three  hundred 
thousand  Jacobites,  the  captives  of  Apamea  and  Antioch,  was 
permitted  to  erect  an  hostile'  altar  in  the  £m%  of  the  catholic 
and  in  the  sunshine  of  the  court.  In  his  last  treaty,  Justinian 
introduced  some  conditions  which  tended  to  enlarge  and  fortify 
the  toleration  of  Christianity  in  Persia.  The  emperor,  ignorant 
of  the  rights  of  conscience,  was  incapable  of  pity  or  esteem  for 
the  heretics  who  denied  the  authority  of  the  holy  synods ;  but  he 
.flattered  himself  that  they  would  gradually  pereetve  the  tem- 
poral benefits  of  union  with  the  empire  and  the  churdi  of  Rome ; 
and,  if  he  fiiiled  in  exciting  their  gratitude,  he  might  hope  to 
provoke  the  jealousy  of  their  sovereign.  In  a  latter  age,  the 
Lutherans  have  been  burnt  at  Paris,  and  protected  in  Grermany, 
by  the  superstition  and  policy  of  the  most  CfariiBtian  king. 
fiMirate.  The  desire  of  gaining  souls  for  God,  and  .subjects  for  the 
^fcf^^  '  church,  has  excited  in  every  age  the  diligence  of  the  Cfaris- 
SuASsIt  tian  priests  From  the  conquest  of  Persia  they  oanriedibeir 
'^  spiritual  arms  to  the  north,  the  .east,  and  the  south  ;Naiid  the 

simplicity  of  the  gospel  was  Aishioned  and  painted  with  the 
ccdonrs  of  the  Svriac  theology.  Itt  the  sixth  century,  aooovding 
to  the  report  of  a  Nestorian  tfavellcr,^^^  Christianity  was  sue- 

ufSee  the  Topographia  Ckristiasaof  Ccwmai,  surDained  Indio^pleustes*  or  the 
Indian  navigator.  L  iil  p.  178,  ijg,  L  xL  p.  337.  The  entire  voric,  of  whidh  some 
curiotis  extracts  may  be  found  in  Photius  (ood.  xxxvL  p.  9,  10,  edit  Hoescfael), 
Tb^vcoot  (in  the  first  Part  of  his  Rabution  des  Voyams.  Sac),  and  Fabridus 
(JBibliou  GrsDC.  L  iil  c.  25,  toiii«  il  p.  603-6x7).  has  teen  pnbliihffd  by  £atber 
MontfaiKon  at  Paris  1707  in  the  Nova  CoUectio  Patnim  (torn,  il  p.  iiSry^fi),  It 
was  the  design  of  the  author  to  confute  the  impious  heresy  of  those  who  mamtain 
that  the  earth  is  a  globe,asid  not  a  flat.  QMoog  table,  as  it  is  rqiresented  in  the 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  149 

ceasfuUy  preached  to  the  Bactriansy  the  Hudb,  the  Peniant,  the 
Indians,  the  Penarmenians,  the  Medes,  and  the  Elamites ;  the 
barbaric  churches,  from  the  gulf  of  Persia  to  the  Caspian  sea, 
ireore  almost  infinite;  and  their  recent  faith  was.  conspicuous 
in  the  number  and  sanctity  of  their  monks  and  martyrs.  The 
pepper  coast  of  Malabar,  and  the  isles  of  the  ocean,  Socotora  . 
and  Ceylon,  were  peopled  with  an  increasing  multitude  of 
Christians ;  and  the  bishops  and  clergy  of  those  sequestered 
regions  derived  their  ordination  from  the  catholic  of  Babylon. 
In  a  subsequent  age,  the  zeal  of  the  Nestorians  overleaped 
the  limits  which  had  confined  the  ambition  and  curiosity  both 
of  the  Greeks  and  Persians.  The  missionaries  of  Balch  and 
Samarcand  pursued  without  fear  the  footsteps  of  the  roving 
Tartar,  and  insinuated  themselves  into  the  camps  of  the  valleys 
of  Imaus  and  the  banks  of  the  Selinga.  They  exposed  a  meta-^ 
ph3r8ioal  creed  to  those  illiterate  shepherds ;  to  those  sanguinary 
warriors  they  recommended  humanity  and  repose.  Yet  a  khaUi 
whose  power  they  vainlv  magnified,  is  said  to  have  received  at 
their  hands  the  rites  of  baptism,  and  even  of  ordination ;  and 
the  £une  of  Prester  or  Preahfter  John  ^^  has  long  amused  the 
credulity  of  Europe.  The  royal  convert  was  indulged  in  the 
use  of  a  portable  altar ;  but  he  dispatched  an  embassy  to  the 
patriarch,  to  inquire  how,  in  the  season  of  Lent,  he  should 
abstain  firom  animal  food,  and  how  he  might  celebrate  the 
Eucharist  in  a  desert  that  produced  neither  com  nor  wine.  In 
their  progress  by  sea  and  land,  the  Nestorians  entered  China 
by  the  port  of  Canton  and  the  northern  residence  of  Sigan.  cw  nm  H 
Unlike  the  senators  of  Rome,  who  assumed  with  a  smile  the 
characters  of  priests  and  augurs,  the  mandarins,  who  affect  in 
public  the  reason  of  philosophers,  are  devoted  in  private  to 
every  mode  of  popular  superstition.     They  cherished  and  they 


scriptures  (L  ii.  p  138).      But  the  nonsense  of  the  monk  is  mingled  with  the 
lease  of  the  traveller,  wl 

.  at  Alexandria,  a.d.  543   ^_   _   ^.  _.,_.  __,_.     , 

PraeCat.  c.  a).    [Cosmas  had  sailed  in  the  "  Persian  "  and  "Arabic  "  Gulfs,  but  this 


practical  knowledge  of  the  traveller,  who  performed  his  voyage  a. p.  523,  and 
"  "      "    ok        " " 


published  his  book  at  Alexandria,  a.d.  547  (L   il   p.  140,  141.    Montfieiucon, 


voyage  to  Taprobane  was  performed  by  his  friend  Sopater.  It  is  not  certain  that 
Cosmas  visited  it  himself.]  The  Nestorianism  of  Cosmas,  unknown  to  his  learned 
editor,  was  detected  by  La  Croce  (Christianisme  des  Indes,  tom.  i.  p.  40-^5),  and 
is  coofimaed  by  Assemanni  (Bibliot  Orient,  torn.  iv.  p.  605,  606I  [On  Cosmas, 
his  theory  and  his  voyaees,  cp.  Mr.  C.  R.  Beazley,  Dawn  cl  Moaem  Geography, 
Pl  190  sq^.  and  373  sqq^ 

«*  In  Its  long  progress  to  Mosul,  Jerusalem,  Rome,  &c  the  story  of  Prestei'  John 
evaporated  in  a  monstrous  fable,  of  which  some  features  have  been  borrowed 
from  the  Lama  of  Thibet  (Hist  G^n^logique  dcs  Tartares,  p.  ii.  p.  42 ;  Hist,  de 
Gengiscan,  p.  31,  &c.),  and  were  ignorantly  transferred  by  the  Portuguese  to  the 
emperor  of  Ab]rssinia  (Ludolph.  Hist.  iEthiop.  Conunent.  L  iL  c.  i).  Yet  it  is 
probable  that  in  the  xith  and  xiith  centuries  Nestgrian  Christianity  was  pro- 


150  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

coofiMUided  the  gods  of  Bdestme  and  of  India ;  but  the  pro- 
pantkNi  of  Clurcrtiamtj  awakened  the  jealousy  of  the  state, 
and,  after  a  shoct  TicisBitade  of  fiivour  and  penecution,  the 
Ibi^eign  sect  expired  m  ignonoiee  and  oblivion.  ^^  Under  the 
reign  of  the  cailphi,  the  Nestcman  church  was  diffused  from 
China  to  Jerusalem  and  Cjfprus ;  and  their  numbers,  with  those 
of  the  Jacobites,  were  computed  to  surpass  the  Greek  and 
Latiki  conmunkmsL*'  Twenty-fire  metropolitans  or  archbishops 
cooaqMsed  their  hierarchy,  but  several  of  these  were  dispensed, 
by  Uie  distance  and  danger  of  the  Way,  from  the  duty  of 
pmonal  attendance,  on  the  easy  condition  that  every  six  years 
they  should  testify  their  fiuth  and  obedience  to  the  catholic  or 
patriarch  of  Babylon :  a  vague  appellation,  which  has  been  sue- 
eessavely  applied  to  the  royal  seats  of  Seleucia,  Ctesiphon,  and 
Bagdad.  Tnese  remote  branches  are  long  since  withered,  and 
the  old  patriarchal  trunk  ^  is  now  divided  by  the  El^aks  of 
Xlo«ul»  the  representatives,  almost  in  lineal  descent,  of  the 
genuine  and  primitive  succession,  the  Josephs  of  Amida,  who 
are  reconciled  to  the  church  of  Rome,^**  and  the  Simeons  of 
Van  cc  Ormia,  whose  revolt,  at  the  head  of  forty  thousand 
fiunilies,  waspromoted  in  the  sixteenth  century  by  the  Sophis 
of  INnsia.  Tne  number  of  three  hundred  thousand  is  allowed 
for  the  whole  body  of  the  Nestorians,  who,  under  the  name  of 
rhaldffans  or  Assyrians,  are  confounded  with  the  most  learned 
or  the  most  powerful  nation  of  Eastern  antiquity. 
j2jj^  According  to  the  legend  of  antiquity,  the  gospel  was  preached 
£M^  in  India  by  St.  Thomas.^^^     At  the  end  of  the  ninth  century, 

fettKd  in  the  horde  of  the  Keraites  (d'Herbelot,  p.  956, 915, 959.  Assemanni,  torn, 
iv,  a  468-504). 

w  The  Christianitr  of  China,  between  the  seventh  and  the  thirteenth  century, 
is  invincibly  proved  l^  the  consent  of  Chinese,  Arabian,  Syriac,  and  Latin  eviclence 
(Asaemanm,  Biblioth.  Orient,  torn.  iv.  p.  503-552.  M^m.  de  rAcad6aaie  des 
Inscript  torn.  xxx.  p.  808-8x9).  The  inscription  of  Siganfu,  which  describes  the 
foftunrs  of  the  Nestorian  church,  from  the  nrst  mission,  A.D.  656,  to  thecimnent 
year  ^,  is  accused  of  forgery  by  La  Croze,  Voltaire,  ftc.  who  become  the  dupes 
of  thnr  own  cunning,  while  they  are  afraid  of  a  Jesuitical  fraud.    [See  Appendix  7.  ] 

^  Jacobitas  et  Nestoriani  plures  quam  Graeci  et  LatinL  Jacob  a  Vitriaco,  Hist. 
HieroaoL  L  iu  c.  ;r6,  a  109^,  in  the  Gesta  Dei  per  Francos.  The  immben  are 
given  by  Thomassin,  Discipline  de  I'Eglise,  torn.  1.  p.  17a. 

^  The  division  of  the  patriarchate  may  be  traced  in  the  Bibliotbeca  Orient,  of 
Aanmanni,  torn.  L  p.  523-549 ;  tom.  iL  p.  457,  ftc.;  torn.  iii.  p.  603,  p.  601-603 ;  torn. 
iY.  p»  164*169,  p.  423.  p.  639-639,  ftc 

"*  The  pompous  language  or  Rome,  00  the  submission  of  a  Nestorian  patriardi, 
is  ekfantlT  represented  in  the  viith  book  of  Fra-Paolo:  Babylon,  Ninev^ 
Arbela.  mnci  the  trophies  of  Alexander,  Tauris  and  E^batana,  the  Tigris  and  Indi& 

^Thtt  Indian  missionary  St  Thomas,  an  apostle,  a  Manichaean,  or  an 
Armenian  merchant  (La  Crose,  Christianisme  des  Indes.  tom.  i.  p.  57-70),  was 
famous,  bowefver,  as  early  as  the  thne  of  Jerom  (ad  Marodlam,  ep«.  148  [59, 
At  Migoc,  P.L.  vol  99]).    Marco  P6I0  was  informed  on  the  spot  that  he  •nflfered 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  151 

his  shrine,  perhaps  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Madras,  was  de- 
voutly visited  by  the  ambassadors  of  Alfred,  and  their  return 
with  a  cargo  of  pearls  and  spices  rewarded  the  zeal  of  the 
English  monarch,  who  entertained  the  largest  projects  of  trade 
and  discovery.^^®  When  the  Portuguese  first  opened  the  navi- 
gation of  India,  the  Christians  of  St.  Thomas  had  been  seated 
for  ages  on  the  coast  of  Malabar,  and  the  difference  of  their 
character  and  colour  attested  the  mixture  of  a  foreign  race.  In 
arms,  in  arts,  and  possibly  in  virtue,  they  excelled  the  natives 
of  Hindostan;  the  husbandmen  cultivated  the  palm-tree,  the 
merchants  were  enriched  by  the  pepper-trade,  the  soldiers  pre* 
ceded  the  nairs  or  nobles  of  Malabar^  and  their  hereditary 
privileges  were  respected  by  the  gratitude  or  the  fear  of  the 
king  of  Cochin  and  the  Zamorin  himself  They  acknowledged 
a  Gentoo  sovereign,  but  they  were  governed,  even  in  temporal  • 
concerns,  by  the  bishop  of  Angamala.  He  still  asserted  his 
ancient  title  of  metropolitan  of  India,  but  his  real  jurisdiction 
was  exercised  in  fourteen  hundred  churches,  and  he  was  en- 
trusted with  the  care  of  two  hundred  thousand  souls.  Their 
religion  would  have  rendered  them  the  firmest  and  most  cordial  A.n.  uoo^  i 
allies  of  the  Portuguese,  but  the  inquisitors  soon  discerned  in 
the  Christians  of  St.  Thomas  the  unpardonable  guilt  of  heresy 
and  schism.  Instead  of  owning  themselves  the  subjects  of  the 
Roman  pontiff,  the  spiritual  and  temporal  monarch  of  the  globe, 
they  adhered,  like  their  ancestors,  to  the  communion  of  the 
Nestorian  patriarch;  and  the  bishops  whom  he  ordained  at 
Mosul  traversed  the  dangers  of  the  sea  and  land  to  reach  their 
diocese  on  the  coast  of  Malabar.  In  their  Syriac  liturgy,  the 
names  of  Theodore  and  Nestorius  were  piously  commemorated ; 
they  united  their  adoration  of  the  two  persons  of  Christ ;  the 

martyrdom  in  the  city  of  Maabar,  or  Meliapour,  a  league  only  from  Madras 
(d'Anville,  Ecclaircissemens  sur  I'lnde,  p.  125),  where  the  Portuguese  founded  an 
episcopal  church  under  the  name  of  St  Thom^,  and  where  the  samt  performed  an 
annual  miracle,  till  he  was  silenced  by  the  profane  neighbourhood  of  the  English 
(La  Croze,  torn.  ii.  p.  7-16).  [For  the  account  of  Christianity  in  India,  given  by 
Cosmas,  see  R.  A.  Lipsius,  Die  apokryphen  Apostelgeschichten  und  Apostelle- 
genden,  i.  383  sgq.     Cp.  above,  vol.  iv.  p.  234,  n.  78.] 

'*  Neither  the  author  of  the  Saxon  Chronicle  (A.D.  883)  nor  William  of 
Malmesbury  (de  Gestis  Regum  Angliae,  1.  ii.  c.  4,  p.  44)  were  capable^  in  the  ■ 
twelfth  oentiuy,  of  inventing  this  extraordinary  fact ;  they  are  incapable  of  explain- 
ing the  motives  and  measures  of  Alfred ;  and  their  hasty  notice  serves  oidy  to 
provoke  our  curiosity.  William  of  Malmesbury  feels  the  difficulty  of  the  enter- 
prise, quod  quivis  in  hoc  saeculo  miretur ;  and  I  almost  suspect  that  the  English 
ambassadors  collected  their  cargo  and  legend  in  Egypt.  The  royal  author  has 
not  enriched  his  Orosius  (see  Barrington's  Miscellanies)  with  an  Indian,  as  well  as 
a  Scandinavian,  voyage. 


152         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

title  of  Mother  of  God  was  ofiensive  to  their  ear,  and  they 
measnred  with  scrupulous  avarice  the  honours  of  the  Virgin 
Marj,  whom  the  superstition  of  the  Latins  had  almod  exalted 
to  the  rank  of  a  goddess.  When  her  image  was  first  presented 
to  the  disciples  of  St  Thomas^  they  indignantly  exclaimed, 
**  We  are  Clunstiansy  not  idolaters ! "  and  their  simple  devotion 
was  content  with  the  veneration  of  the  cross.  Their  separation 
from  the  Western  world  had  left  them  in  ignorance  of  the  imr 
provementSy  or  corruptions,  of  a  thousand  years;  and  their 
conformity  with  the  £uth  and  practice  of  the  fifth  century 
would  equally  disappoint  the  prejudices  of  a  Papist  or  a  Pro- 
testant. It  was  the  first  care  of  the  ministers  of  Rome  to 
intercept  all  correspondence  with  the  NesUnrian  patriarch,  and 
several  of  his  bishops  expired  in  the  prisons  of  the  holy  ofiice. 
The  flock,  without  a  shepherd,  was  assaulted  by  the  power  of 
the  Portuguese^  the  arts  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  zeal  of  Alexis 
de  Menezes,  archbishop  of  Goa,  in  his  personal  visitation  of 
the  coast  of  Malabar.  The  synod  of  Diamper,  at  which  he 
presided,  consummated  the  pious  work  of  the  reunion,  and 
rigorously  imposed  the  doctrine  and  discipline  of  the  Roman 
church,  without  forgetting  auricular  confession,  the  stnmgest 
engine  of  ecclesiastical  torture.  The  memory  of  Theodore  and 
Nestorius  was  condemned,  and  Malabar  Was  reduced  under  the 
dominion  of  the  pope,  of  the  primate,  and  of  the  Jesuits  who 
invaded  the  see  of  Angamala  or  Cranganor.  Sixty  years  of 
servitude  and  h3rpocrisy  were  patiently  endured ;  but,  as  soon 
aS'  the  Portuguese  empire  was  shaken  by  the  courage  and 
industry  of  the  Dutch,  Uie  Nestorians  asserted,  with  vigour  and 
effect,  the  religion  of  their  fiithers.  The  Jesuits  were  incapable 
of  defending  the  power  winch  they  had  abused ;  the  arms  -of 
forty  thousand  Christians  were  pointed  against  their  fisdling 
tyrants ;  and  the  Indian  archdeaoon  assumed  the  charaeter  of 
bishop,  till  a  fresh  supply  of  episcopal  gifts  and  Syriac  mission- 
aries could  be  obtained  from  the  patriarch  of  Babylon.  Since 
the  expulsion  of  the  Portuguese,  the  Nestorian  creed  is  freely 
professed  on  the  coast  of  Malabar.  The  trading  companies  of 
Holland  and  England  are  the  friends  of  toleration;  but,  if 
oppression  be  less  mortifying  than  oontempt,  the  Christians  of 
St.  Thomas  have  reason  to  complain  of  the  cold  and  silent  in- 
difference of  their  brethren  of  ^urope.^^ 

^^  Concerning  the  Christians  of  St.  Thomas,  see  Assemanmis,  Biblioth.  Orient 
torn.  !▼.  IX  391-407.  435-451 ;  Geddes's  Chnrui  History  of  Malabar;  and,  above 
all,  La  CroM^  Hiiiaire  da  Christianisme  dei  Indes,  in  two  yoIi,  xamo^  La  KamL 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIEE  168 

The  history  of  the  Monophysites  is  less  oopioiis  sndn. 
estiiig  than  that  of  the  Nestorians.  Under  the  reigns  of 
and  Anaatasius,  their  artful  leaders  surprised  the  ear  of 
irince,  usurped  the  thrones  of  the  East,  and  crushed  on  its 
e  soil  the  school  of  the  S3rrians.  The  rule  of  the  Mooo- 
te  £iith  was  defined  with  exquisite  discretion  by  Severus, 
urch  of  Antioch :  he  condemned,  in  the  style  of  the  Heno- 
,  the  adverse  heresies  of  Nestorius  and  fiutyches,  main- 
d  against  the  latter  the  reality  of  the  body  of  Christ,  and 
rained  the  Greeks  to  allow  that  he  was  a  liar  who  spoke 
.U8  3a(;  ^^  approximation  of  ideas  could  not  abate  the 
nence  of  passion;  each  party  was  the  more  astonished 
their  blind  antagonist  could  dispute  on  so  trifling  a 
enoe ;  the  tyrant  of  Syria  enforced  the  belief  of  his  creed, 
bis  reign  was  polluted  with  the  blood  of  three  hundred 
fifty  monks,  who  were  slain,  not  perhaps  without  provoca^ 
Jt  resistance,  under  the  walls  of  Apamea.^*^  The  successor  a.d.  su 
nastasius  replanted  the  orthodox  standard  in  the  East ; 
US  fied  into  £g3nP^  y  '^^^  ^*  friend,  the  eloquent  Xenaias,^^ 
had  esci^ped  fitnn  the  Nestorians  of  Persia^  was  suffocated 
I  exile  by  the  Melchites-of  Paphlagonia.  Fifty-four  bishops 
swept  from  their  thrones,  eight  hundred  ecclesiastics  were 
nto  ivison,^^^  and,  notwithstanding  the  ambiguous  ftstvour 

I  learned  and  agreeable  work.  They  have  drawn  from  the  same  source,  the 
[Tiese  and  Italian  narratives ;  and  the  prejudices  of  the  Jesuits  are  sufficiently 
ed  by  those  of  the  Protestants. 

)tor  «tv<ir  ^ndaJ^i^t  is  the  expression  of  Theodore  in  his  treatise  of  the 
ation.  p.  945,  247,  as  he  is  quoted  by  La  Croze  (Hist  du  Christianisme 
>pie  et  d'Armdnie,  p.  35),  who  exclaims,  perhaps  too  hastily,  "  Quel  pitoyable 
lement  1  '*  Renaudot  has  touched  (Hist.  Patriarch.  Alex.  p.  197-138)  the 
a  accounts  of  Sevenis ;  and  his  authentic  creed  may  be  found  in  the  epistle 
n  the  Jacobite  patriarch  of  Antioch,  in  the  xth  century,  to  his  brother 
sof  Alexandria  (Ass^man.  Bibliot  Orient  tom.  iL  p.  132- 141).  [A  Syriac 
tion  of  a  Life  of  Sevenis  by  Zacharias  of  Mytilene  is  preserved,  and  was 
led  by  J.  Spanuth,  1893.    On  the  position  of  »5venis  in  ecclesiastical  history, 

Bustratius,  Xnn7pof  o  Movo^o-trqr,  1894.] 

Spist  Archimandritarum  et  Monachorum  Syri»  Sectmdae  ad  Papam  Honnis- 
^onciL  tom.  v.  p.  598-602.    The  courage  of  St  Sabas,  ut  leo  animosus,  will 
the  suspicion  that  the  arms  of  these  monks  were  not  always  spiritual  or  de- 
(Baronius,  A.D.  513,  No.  7,  &a). 

Vssemanni  (Bibliot  Orient  tom.  iL  p.  xo-46)  and  La  Croze  (Christianismt 
)pie,  p.  36-40)  will  supply  the  history  of  Xenaias,  or  Philoxenus,  bishop  of 
r^  or  Hierapolis,  in  Syria.  He  was  a  perfect  master  of  the  Syriac  language, 
e  author  or  editor  of  a  version  of  the  New  Testament 
fhe  names  and  titles  of  fifty-four  bishops,  who  were  exiled  by  Justin,  are 
red  in  the  Chronicle  of  Dionysius  (apud  Asseman.  tom.  iL  p.  54]!.  Severuf 
rrsonally  summoned  to  Constantinople — for  his  trial^  says  Liberatus  (Brev* 
-that  his  tongue  might  be  cut  out^  says  Evagrius  (L  iv.  c  4^  The  prudent 
ich  did  not  stay  to  examine  the  difference.  This  ecclesiastical  revolution  is 
ly  Pagi  to  the  month  of  Septembo'  of  the  year  518  (Ciitica,  torn.  iL  p,  506)1 


164         THE  TyECUNE  AND  JALL 

of  Theodora,  the  Oriental  flocks^  deprived  of  their  shepherds, 
must  insensibly  have  been  either  famished  or  poisoned.  In 
this  spiritual  distress,  the  expiring  faction  was  revived,  and 
united,  and  perpetuated^  by  the  labours  of  a  monk ;  and  the 
name  of  James  Baradsus  ^**  has  been  preserved  in  the  appella- 
tion of  JacohiteSf  a  familiar  sound  which  may  startle  the  ear  of 
an  English  reader.  From  the  holy  confessors  in  their  prison 
[e.  ^D.  Ml]  ^f  Constantinople  he  received  the  powers  of  bishop  of  Edessa 
and  apostle  of  the  East,  and  the  ordination  of  fourscore 
thousand  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons  is  derived  from  the 
same  inexhaustible  source.  The  speed  of  the  zealous  mission- 
ary was  promoted  by  the  fleetest  dromedaries  of  a  devout  chief 
of  the  Arabs ;  the  doctrine  and  discipline  of  the  Jacobites  were 
secretly  established  in  the  dominions  of  Justinian ;  and  each 
Jacobite  was  compelled  to  violate  the  laws  and  to  hate  the 
Roman  legislator.  The  successors  of  Severus,  while  they  lurked 
in  convents  or  villages,  while  they  sheltered  their  proscribed 
heads  in  the  caverns  of  hermits  or  the  tents  of  the  Saracens, 
still  asserted,  as  they  now  assert,  their  indefeasible  right  to 
the  title,  the  rank,  and  the  prerogatives  of  patriarch  of 
Antioch ;  under  the  milder  3roke  of  the  infideb  they  reside 
about  a  league  from  Merdin,  in  the  pleasant  monastery  of 
Zapharan,  which  they  have  embellished  with  cells,  aqueducts, 
and  plantations.  The  secondary,  though  honourable,  place  is 
filled  by  the  maphrian,  who,  in  his  station  at  Mosul  itself,  defies 
the  Nestorian  catholic,  with  whom  he  contests  the  supremacy 
of  the  East.  Under  the  patriarch  and  the  maphrian,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  archbishops  and  bishops  have  been  counted 
in  the  different  ages  of  the  Jacobite  church ;  but  the  order  of 
the  hierarchy  is  relaxed  or  dissolved,  and  the  greater  part  of 
their  dioceses  is  confined  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Euphrates 
and  the  Tigris.  The  cities  of  Aleppo  and  Amida,  which  are 
often  visited  by  the  patriarch,  contain  some  wealthy  merchants 
and  industrious  mechanics,  but  the  multitude  derive  their  scanty 
sustenance  from  their  daily  labour;  and  poverty,  as  well  as 
superstition,  may  impose  their  excessive  fisMts :  five  annual  lents, 
during  which  both  the  clergy  and  laity  abstain  not  only  from 
flesh  or  eggs,  but  even  from  the  taste  of  wine,  of  oil,  and  of 

"The  obscure  bistoiy  of  James,  or  Jacobus,  Baxadacns,  or  Zanzalus  [obi  A.D. 
ctS]  may  be  gathered  from  Eu^hius  (AmiaL  torn,  il  pL  144,  147).  Kenaudot 
(Hist,  Patriarch.  Alex.  p.  133).  and  Assemannus  (Bibliot.  Onent  torn,  l  p.  424,  torn. 
iL  p.  62H69,  394-332,  p.  414,  torn.  iL  p.  38c-388)[and  Bar-Hebraeos,  Chron.  EccL, 
ed.  Abbeloos  and  Lamy,  p.  215  sgg^  He  seems  to  be  miknown  to  the  Greeks. 
The  Jacobites  themselves  had  rather  deduce  their  name  and  pedigree  from  St 
Jsuaaes  the  apostle; 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  156 

fish.  Their  present  numbers  are  esteemed  from  fiftj  to  four- 
More  thousand  souls,  the  remnant  of  a  populous  church,  which 
has  gradually  decreased  under  the  oppression  of  twelve  centuries. 
Yet  in  that  long  period  some  strangers  of  merit  have  been 
converted  to  the  Mouophysite  faith^  and  a  Jew  was  the  father 
of  Abulpharagius,^^  primate  of  the  East,  so  truly  eminent 
both  in  his  life  and  death.  In  his  life,  he  was  an  elegant 
writer  of  the  Syriac  and  Arabic  tongues,  a  poet,  physician,  and 
historian,  a  subtle  philosopher,  and  a  moderate  divine.  In  his 
death,  his  funeral  was  attended  by  his  rival  the  Nestorian 
patriarch,  with  a  train  of  Greeks  and  Armenians,  who  forgot 
their  disputes  and  mingled  their  tears  over  the  grave  of  an 
enemy.  The  sect  which  was  honoured  by  the  virtues  of  Abul- 
pharagius  appears^  however,  to  sink  below  the  level  of  their 
Nestorian  brethren.  The  superstition  of  the  Jacobites  is  more 
abject,  their  fieists  more  rigid, ^^  their  intestine  divisions  are 
more  numerous,  and  their  doctors  (as  &r  as  I  can  measure  the 
degrees  of  nonsense)  are  more  remote  from  the  precincts  of 
reason.  Something  may  possibly  be  allowed  for  the  rigour  of 
the  Monophysite  theology;  much  more  for  the  superior  in- 
fluence of  the  monastic  order.  In  S3rria,  in  Egjrpt,  in  ^Ethiopia, 
the  Jacobite  monks  have  ever  been  distinguished  by  the 
austerity  of  their  penance  and  the  absurdity  of  their  legends. 
Alive  or  dead,  they  are  worshipped  as  the  frivourites  of  the 
Deity ;  the  crosier  of  bishop  and  patriarch  is  reserved  for  their 
venerable  hands;  and  they  assume  the  government  of  men, 
while  they  are  yet  reeking  with  the  habits  and  prejudices  of 
the  cloister.^** 

III.  In  the  style  of  the  Oriental  Christians,  the  Monothelites  of  m. 
every  age  are  described  under  the  appellation  of  Martmites,^^^' 

1"  The  account  of  his  person  and  writings  is  perhaps  the  most  curious  article 
in  the  Bibliotheca  of  Assemannus  (torn,  il  p.  244-331,  under  the  name  of  Gregorius 
Bar-Htbraeus\  [See  Appendix  i.]  La  Croze  (Christianisme  d'Ethiopie,  p.  53-63) 
ridicules  the  prejudice  of  the  Spaniards  against  the  Jewish  blood,  which  secretly 
defiles  their  church  and  state. 

**•  This  excessive  abstinence  is  censured  by  La  Croze  (p.  352)  and  even  by  the 
Syrian  Assemannus  (torn.  i.  p.  aa6,  torn,  il  p.  304,  «>5). 

^^  The  state  of  the  Monophysites  is  excellent^  illustrated  in  a  dissertation 
at  the  bq^inning  of  the  iid  volume  of  Assemannus,  which  contains  14a  pages. 
The  Syriac  Chronicle  of  Gregory  Bar-Hebraeus,  or  Abulpharagius  (Bibhot  Orient 
torn,  il  p.  32T-463).  pursues  the  double  series  of  the  Nestorian  catholics  and  the 
mafhrioHs  of  the  Jacobites. 

^The  synonymous  use  of  the  two  words  may  be  proved  from  Eutychius 
(AnnaL  tom.  il  p.  191.  267-332)  and  many  similar  passages  which  mav  be  found 
m  the  methodical  table  of  Pocock.  He  was  not  actuated  by  any  prejudice  against 
the  Maronites  of  the  xth  century ;  and  we  may  believe  a  Melcbite,  whose  tqiti- 
monv  is  confirmed  by  the  Jacobites  and  LatinSr 


156  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

a  name  which  has  been  insensibly  transferred  from  an  hermit 
to  a  monastety,  from  a  monastery  to  a  nation.  Maron,  a  saint 
or  savage  of  the  fifth  century,  displayed  his  religious  madness 
in  Syria ;  the  rival  cities  of  Apamea  and  Emesa  disputed  his 
relics,  a  stately  church  was  erected  on  his  tomb,  and  six 
hundred  of  his  disciples  united  their  solitary  cells  on  the  banks 
of  the  Orontes.  In  the  controversies  of  the  incarnation,  tbey 
nicely  threaded  the  orthodox  line  between  the  sects  of  Nes- 
torius  and  Eutyches ;  but  the  unfortunate  question  of  one  will 
or  operation  in  the  two  natures  of  Christ  was  generated  by 
their  curious  leisure.  Their  proselyte,  the  emperor  Heraclius, 
was  rejected  as  a  Manmite  from  the  walls  of  Emesa ;  he  found 
a  refuge  in  the  monastery  of  his  brethren ;  and  their  theological 
lessons  were  repaid  with  the  gift  of  a  spacious  and  worthy 
domain.  The  name  and  doctrine  of  this  venerable  scdiool  were 
propagated  among  the  Greeks  and  Syrians,  and  their  zeal  is 
expressed  by  Maearius,  patriarch  of  Antioch,  who  declared 
before  the  synod  of  Constantinople  that,  sooner  than  subscribe 
the  tfvo  wiUs  of  Christ,  he  would  submit  to  be  hewn  piece-meal 
and  cast  into  the  sea.^^'^  A  similar  or  a  less  cruel  mode  of  per- 
secution soon  converted  the  unresisting  subjects  of  the  plain, 
while  the  glorious  title  of  MardaUes,^^  or  rebels,  was  bravely 
maintained  by  the  hardy  natives  of  mount  Libanus.  John 
Maron,  one  of  the  most  learned  and  popular  of  the  monks, 
assumed  the  character  of  patriarch  of  Antioch ;  his  nephew 
Abraham,  at  the  head  of  the  Maronites,  defended  their  civil  and 
religious  freedom  against  the  tyrants  of  the  East  The  son  of 
the  orthodox  Coustantine  pursued,  with  pious  hatred,  a  people 
of  soldiers,  who  might  have  stood  the  bulwark  of  his  empire 
against  the  common  foes  of  Christ  and  of  Rome.  An  army  of 
Greeks  invaded  Syria ;  the  monastery  of  St.  Maron  was  de- 
stroyed with  fire ;  the  bravest  chieftains  were  betrayed  and 
muidered  ;  and  twelve  thousand  of  their  followers  were  trans- 
planted to  the  distant  frontiers  of  Armenia  and  Thrace.  Yet 
the  humble  nation  of  the  Maronites  has  survived  the  empire 
of  Xk>nstantinople,  and   they  still  enjoy,  under   their  Turkish 

^  CoodL  torn.  vii.  p.  78a   The  Monothdite  cause  was  supported  with  firmness 
and  subtlety  by  Constantine,  a  Syrian  priest  of  Apamea  (p.  Z040.  &c). 

^^  Theop^ianes  (Cbron.  p.  995,  296,  300,  309,  306  [suk  A.lf.  6169,  6176,  6x78, 
6Z83P  and  Cedrenus  (p.  4^.  440  [p.  765,  771,  ed.  Bonn])  rdate  the  ezpldts  of  the 
Marautea.  The  name  {Mara,  in  Sjrnac  ndeUauU)  is  explained  by  La  Rooue 
(Voyage  de  la  Syrie,  torn.  iL  p.  53),  the  data  aze  fixed  by  Pagi  (A.IX  676,  Na 
4-Z4,  A.IX  685,  Na  3,  4).  and  even  the  obscure  wiory  of  the  patriarch,  John 
Maron  (Asseman.  BitdioL  Orient  torn.  L  p.  496-590),  iUustiatai,  IroiD  the  year 
^*^  to  707,  the  troubles  of  mount  Libanus, 


OF  THE  ROMAN  'EMPIRE  157 

masters,  a  free  religion  and  a  mitigated  servitude.  Their 
domestic  governors  are  ckosen  among  the  ancient  nobility  ;  the 
patriarch,  in  his  monastery  of  Canobin,  still  £Emcies  himself  on 
the  throne  of  Antioch  ;  nine  bishops  compose  his  synod,  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  priests,  who  retain  the  liberty  of  marriage, 
are  entrusted  with  the  care  of  one  hundred  thousand  souls. 
Their  country  extends  from  the  ridge  of  mount  Libanus  to  the 
shores  of  Tripoli ;  and  the  gradual  descent  affords,  in  a  narrow 
space,  each  variety  of  soil  and  climate^  from  the  Holy  Cedars, 
erect  under  the  weight  of  snow,^^  to  the  vine,  the  mulberry, 
and  the  olive  trees  of  the  fruitful  valley.  In  the  twelfth 
century,  the  Maronites,  abjuring  the  Monothelite  error,  were 
reconciled  to  the  Latin  churches  of  Antioch  and  Rome,^^  and 
the  same  alliance  has  been  frequently  renewed  by  the  ambition 
of  the  popes  and  the  distress  of  the  Syrians.  But  it  may 
reascmably  be  questioned  whether  their  union  has  ever  been 
perfect  or  sincere  ;  and  the  learned  Maronites  of  the  college  of 
Rome  have  vainly  laboured  to  absolve  their  ancestors  from  the 
guilt  of  heresy  and  schism.  ^^ 

IV.  Since   the  age  of  Constantine,   the  Armenians  ^'^^  hadr^»> 
signalised  their  attachment  to  the  religion  and  empire  of  the 
Christians.     The  disorders  of  their  country,  and  their  ignorance 

u»  In  the  last  centnry,  twenty  large  cedars  still  remained  (Voyage  de  la  Roqoe, 
tofiL  L  p.  68-76) ;  at  pfesent  they  are  reduced  to  four  or  five  {Vtlney,  torn.  L  p. 
264).  These  trees,  so  famous  in  scripture,  were  guarded  by  excommunication ;  the 
wood  was  sparingly  borrowed  for  small  crosses,  &c  ;  an  annual  mass  was  chanted 
under  their  shade  ;  and  they  were  endowed  by  the  S]rnans  with  a  sensitiys  power  of 
erecting  their  branches  to  repel  the  snow,  to  which  mount  Libanus  is  less  faithful 
than  it  is  painted  by  Tacitus :  Inter  ardores  opacum  fidumque  nivibus — a  daring 
metaphor  (Hist  v.  6). 

'**  The  evidence  of  William  of  Tjrre  (Hist  in  Gestis  Dei  per  Francos,  L  xxii.  a 
8.  p.  xoas)  is  copied  or  confirmed  by  Jacques  de  Vitra  (Hist  Hierosolym.  L  il  & 
77.  p>  1003,  1094)^  ^ut  this  unnatural  league  expired  with  the  power  of  the  Franks ; 
and  Abulpharagius  (who  died  in  1286)  considers  the  Maronites  as  a  sect  of  Mono- 
thelites  (fiibliot  Orient  torn,  il  p.  a^). 

1^  I  find  a  description  and  history  of  the  Bifaionites  in'  the  Voyages  de  la  S3rrie 
et  du  Mont  Liban.  par  la  Roque  (a  vols,  in  lama  Amsterdam.  1723  ;  particularly 
torn.  I  p.  42-47.  p.  174-184,  tom.  iu  p.  lo-iao).  In  the  ancient  pairt,  he  copies  the  pre- 
judices of  Nairon,  and  the  other  Maronites  of  Rome,  which  Assemannus  is  afraid 
to  renounce  and  ashamed  to  support.  Jablooski  (Imdtut  Hist  Christ  tom.  iii  p. 
186),  Niebuhr  I  Voyage  de  rArabie.  &c.  tom.  il  p.  546,  370-381).  and,  above  all, 
the  judicious  Volney  (Voyage  en  Egypte  et  enSyrfe,  torn,  il  p.  8-31,  Paris,  1787) 
may  be  consulted. 

*^  The  religion  of  the  Armenians  is  briefly  described  by  La  Crose(  Hist  du  Christ 
de  rEurope  et  de  TArm^me,  p.  969-403).  He  refers  to  the  great  Armenian 
History  of  Galanus  (3  vols,  in  foL  Rome,  1650-1661),  and  commends  the  state  of 
Armenia  in  the  iiid  volume  of  the  Nouveaux  Mtoioues  dcs  Missions  du  Levant 
The  work  of  a  Jesuit  must  have  sterling  merit  when  it  is  praised  by  La  Cron; 


168         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  the  Greek  tongue,  prevented  their  clergy  from  assisting  at 
the  synod  of  Chalcedon,  and  they  floated  eighty-four  years  ^^ 
in  a  state  of  indifference  or  suspense,  till  their  vacant  £idth  was 
finally  occupied  by  the  missionaries  of  Julian  of  Halicamassus,^^ 
who  in  Egypt,  their  common  exile,  had  been  vanquished  by  the 
arguments  or  the  influence  of  his  rival  Severus,  the  Monophysite 
patriarch  of  Antioch.  The  Armenians  alone  are  the  pure  dis- 
ciples of  Eutyches,  an  unfortunate  parent,  who  has  been  re- 
nounced by  the  greater  part  of  his  spiritual  progeny.  They 
alone  persevere  in  the  opinion  that  the  manhood  of  Christ  was 
created,  or  existed  without  creaticm,  of  a  divine  and  incorrup- 
tible substance.  Their  adversaries  reproach  them  with  the 
adoration  of  a  phantom ;  and  they  retort  the  accusation,  by 
deriding  or  execrating  Uie  blasphemy  of  the  Jacobites,  who 
impute  to  the  Godhead  the  vile  infirmities  of  the  flesh,  even 
the  natural  effects  of  nutrition  and  digestion.  The  religion  of 
Armenia  could  not  derive  much  glory  from  the  learning  or  the 
power  of  its  inhabitants.  The  royalty  expired  with  the  origin 
of  their  schism,  and  their  Christian  khigs,  who  arose  and  fell  in 
the  thirteenth  century  on  the  confines  of  Cilicia,  were  the 
clients  of  the  Latins,  and  the  vassals  of  the  Turkish  sultan  of 
Iconium.  The  helpless  nation  has  seldom  been  permitted  to 
enjoy  the  tranquillity  of  servitude.  From  the  earliest  period  to 
the  present  hour,  Armenia  has  been  the  theatre  of  perpetual 
war;  the  lands  between  Tauris  and  Erivan  were  dispeopled 
by  the  cruel  policy  of  the  Sophis ;  and  myriads  of  Christian 
fiEunilies  were  transplanted,  to  perish  or  to  propagate  in  the 
distant  provinces  of  Persia.  Under  the  rod  of  oppression,  the 
zeal  of  the  Armenians  is  fervid  and  intrepid ;  they  have  often 

g referred  the  crown  of  martyrdom  to  the  white  turban  of 
lahomet ;  they  devoutly  hate  the  error  and  idolatry  of  the 
Greeks  ;  and  their  transient  union  with  the  Latins  is  not  less 
devoid  of  truth  than  the  thousand  bishops  whom  their  patriarch 
offered  at  the  feet  of  the  Roman  pontiff.^^    The  catholic,  or 


itf  The  schism  of  the  Armenians  is  placed  84  years  after  the  council  of  Chalce- 
don  (Pagi,  Critica,  ad  A.D.  535).  It  was  consummated  at  the  end  of  seventeen 
vears ;  and  it  is  from  the  year  of  Christ  559  that  we  date  the  sera  of  the  Armenians 
(l*Art  de  verifier  les  Dates,  p.  xxxv.). 

'^  The  sentiments  and  success  of  Julian  of  Halicamassus  may  be  seen  in  Libera- 
tus  (Brev.  a  19),  Renaudot  (Hist  Patriarch.  Alex.  p.  z^,  303),  and  Assemannus 
(Bibliot  Orient,  tom.  il  Dissertat  de  Monophysitis,  p.  viil  p.  286). 

i^See  a  remarkable  fact  of  the  twelfth  oentuiy  in  the  History  of  Nioecas 
Choniates  (p.  358).    Yet,  three  hundred  years  before,  Pbotius  (EpittoL  ii.  p.  49. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  169 

of  the  Armenians^  resides  in  the  monastery  of  Ek- 
miasin,  three  leagues  from  Erivan.  Forty-seven  archbishops, 
each  of  whom  may  claim  the  obedience  of  four  or  five  sufiimgans, 
are  consecrated  by  his  hand  ;  but  the  far  greater  part  are  only 
titular  prelates,  who  dignify  with  their  presence  and  service  the 
simplicity  of  his  court  As  soon  as  they  have  performed  the 
liturgy,  they  cultivate  the  garden ;  and  our  bishops  will  hear 
with  surprise  that  the  austerity  of  their  life  increases  in  just 
proportion  to  the  elevation  of  their  rank.  In  the  fourscore 
thousand  towns  or  villages  of  his  spiritual  empire,  the  patriarch 
receives  a  small  and  voluntary  tax  from  each  person  above  the 
age  of  fifteen ;  but  the  annual  amount  of  six  hundred  thousand 
crowns  is  insufficient  to  supply  the  incessant  demands  of  charity 
and  tribute.  Since  the  beginning  of  the  last  century,  the 
Armenians  have  obtained  a  large  and  lucrative  share  of  the 
conunerce  of  the  East ;  in  their  return  from  Europe,  the  caravan 
usually  halts  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Erivan,  the  altars  are 
enriched  with  the  firuits  of  their  patient  industry  ;  and  the  £uth 
of  Eutyches  is  preached  in  their  recent  congregations  of  Bar- 
bary  and  Poland.^** 

V.  In  the  rest  of  the  Roman  empire,  the  despotism  of  the  v. 
prince  might  eradicate  or  silence  the  sectaries  of  an  obnoxious  ^ 
creed.  But  the  stubborn  temper  of  the  Egyptians  maintained 
their  opposition  to  the  synod  of  Chalcedon,  and  the  polii^  of 
Justinian  condescended  to  expect  and  to  seize  the  opportunity 
of  discord.  The  Monophysite  church  of  Alexandria  ^^^  was  torn 
by  the  disputes  of  the  corrupHbles  and  incorruptible^,  and,  on  the 
death  of  the  patriarch,  the  two  factions  upheld  their  respective 


candidates.^^    Gaian  was  the  disciple  of  Julian,  Theodosius  had  ^i,  ^kmk 
been  the  pupil  of  Severus.     The  claims  of  the  former  were^S^^JS 
supported  by  the  consent  of  the  monks  and  senators,  the  city 
and  the  province ;  the  latter  depended  on  the  priority  of  hiiB 


edit.   MoDtacut  [1651])  had  gloried  in  the  conversion  of  the  Armenians — Aarpn^i 

i^The  travelling  Armenians  are  in  the  way  of  everv  traveller,  and  their  mother 
church  is  on  the  high  road  between  Constantinople  and  Ispahan.  For  their  present 
state,  see  Fabridus  (Lux  Evangelii,  &c.  c.  xxzviii.  p.  40-51),  Olearius  (i  iv.  c.  40}. 
Chardin  (vol  it  p.  239),  Toumefort  (lettre  xx.)  and,  above  all,  Tavemier  (torn,  l 
p.  28-37,  5x0-518),  that  rambling  jeweller,  who  had  read  nothing,  but  had  seen  so 
much  and  so  well. 

^^The  history  of  the  Alexandrian  patriarchs,  from  Dioscorus  to  Benjamin,  is 
taken  from  Renaudot  (p.  iX4-i64)  and  the  second  tome  erf*  the  Annals  of  Eutychins. 

1^  Liberat  Brev.  c.  20,  23.    Victor.  Chron.  p.  ^,  330.   Procop.  Anecdot  c.  26, 
27.    [Vita  S.  Sabae,  p.  398,  408,  482.  cd.  PomyalovsklJ 


140  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

ordination,  the  favour  of  the  empress  Theodora,  and  the  arms 
of  the  eunuch  Narses,  which  might  have  been  used  in  more 
honourable  war£Eue.  The  exile  of  the  popular  candidate  to 
Carthage  and  Sardinia  inflamed  the  ferment  of  Alexandria; 
and,  after  a  schism  of  one  hundred  and  seventy  years,  the 
Gaianites  still  revered  the  memory  and  doctrine  of  their  founder. 
The  strength  of  numbers  and  of  discipline  was  tried  in  a  des- 
perate and  bloody  conflict ;  the  streets  were  filled  with  the  dead 
bodies  of  citizens  and  soldiers ;  the  pious  women,  ascending  the 
roo&  of  their  houses,  showered  down  eveiy  sharp  or  ponderous 
utensil  on  the  heads  of  the  enemy;  and  the  final  victory  of 
Narses  was  owing  to  the  flames  with  which  he  wasted  the 
third  capital  of  the  Roman  world.  But  the  lieutenant  of 
Justinian  had  not  conquered  in  the  cause  of  an  heretic ;  Theo- 
FMd.  AJk  dosius  himself  was  speedily,  though  gently,  removed ;  and  Paul 
""  of  Tanis,   an   orthodox   monk,  was  rais^   to   the   throne  of 

Athanasius.  The  powers  of  government  were  strained  in  his 
support ;  he  might  appoint  or  displace  the  dukes  and  tribunes 
of  Egypt ;  the  sfiowance  of  bread  which  Diocletian  had  granted 
was  suppressed,  the  churches  were  shut,  and  a  nation  of  sohis- 
maties  was  deprived  at  once  of  their  spiritual  and  carnal  Ibod. 
In  his  turn,  the  tyrant  was  excommunicated  by  the  seal  and 
revenge  of  the  people ;  and  none  except  his  servile  Melchites 
would  salute  him  as  a  man,  a  Christian,  or  a  bishop.  Yet  such 
is  the  blindness  of  ambition  that,  when  Paul  was  expelled  on 
a  charge  of  murder,  he  solicited,  with  a  bribe  of  seven  hundred 
pounds  of  gold,  his  restoration  to  the  same  station  of  hatred 
A^uurfa.  and  ignominy.  His  successor  Apollinaris  entered  the  hostile 
city  in  military  array,  alike  qualified  for  pntjrer  or  for  battle. 
His  troops,  under  arms,  were  distributed  through  the  streets ; 
the  gates  of  the  cathednd  were  guarded ;  and  a  chosen  band 
was  stationed  in  the  choir,  to  defend  the  person  of  their  ohie£ 
He  stood  erect  on  his  throne,  and,  throwing  aside  the  upper 
garment  of  a  warrior,  suddenly  appeared  before  the  eyes  of  the 
multitude  in  the  robes  of  patriarch  of  Alexandria.  Astonish- 
ment held  them  mute ;  but  no  sooner  had  Apollinaris  begun  to 
read  the  tome  of  St.  Leo  than  a  volley  of  curses,  and  invec- 
tives, and  sUmes  assaulted  the  odious  minister  of  the  emperor 
and  the  sjrnod.  A  charge  was  instantly  sounded  by  the  suc- 
cessor of  the  apostles;  the  soldiers  waded  to  their  knees  In 
blood ;  and  two  hundred  thousand  Christians  are  said  to  have 
foUen  by  the  sword :  an  incredible  account,  even  if  it  be  ex- 
tended from  the  slaughter  of  a  day  to  the  eighteen  years  of 


OF  THE  RO^LVN  EMPIRE  161 

the  reign  of  Apollinaris.  Two  succeeding  patriarchSi  Eulogius  ^^ 
and  John,^^  laboured  in  the  conversion  of  heretics,  with  arms 
and  arguments  more  worthy  of  their  evangelical  profession. 
The  theological  knowledge  of  Eulogius  was  displayed  in  many  a 
volume,  which  magnified  the  errors  of  Entyches  and  Severus,  and  ^^ 
attempted  to  reconcile  the  ambiguous  language  of  St.  Cjnril  with 
the  orthodox  creed  of  pope  Leo  and  the  fiithers  of  Chslcedon. 
The  bounteous  alms  of  John  the  £leemos3maiy  were  dictated  Joka.  aj> 
by  superstition,  or  benevolence,  or  policy.  Seven  thousand  five 
hundred  poor  were  maintained  at  his  expense ;  on  his  accession, 
he  found  eight  thousand  pounds  of  gold  in  the  treasury  of  the 
diurch ;  he  collected  ten  thousand  from  the  liberality  of  the 
fidthful ;  yet  the  primate  could  boast  in  his  testament  that  he 
left  behind  him  no  more  than  the  third  part  of  the  smallest 
of  the  silver  coins.  The  churches  of  Alexandria  were  delivered 
to  the  Catholics,  the  religion  of  the  Monoph3rsites  was  pro- 
scribed in  Egypt,  and  a  law  was  revived  which  excluded  the 
natives  from  the  honours  and  emoluments  of  the  state. 

A  more  important  conquest  still  remained,  of  the  patriarch,  nair  mm 
the  oracle  and  leader  of  the  Egjrptian  church.  Theodosius  had  uuj 
resisted  the  threats  and  promises  of  Justinian  with  the  spirit 
of  an  apostle  or  an  enthusiast.  ''  Such/'  replied  the  patriarch, 
"  were  the  offers  of  the  tempter,  when  he  shewed  the  kingdoms 
of  the  earth.  But  my  soul  is  &r  dearer  to  me  than  life  or 
dominion.  The  churches  are  in  the  hands  of  a  prince  who  can 
kill  the  body;  but  my  conscience  is  my  own;  and  in  exile, 
poverty,  or  chains,  I  will  stedfi&stly  adhere  to  the  fidth  of  my 
noly  predecessors,  Athanasius,  Cyril,  and  Dioscorus.  Anathema 
to  the  tome  of  Leo  and  the  synod  of  Chalcedon !  Anathema 
to  all  who  embrace  their  creed  !  Anathema  to  them  now  and 
fiar  evermore !  Naked  came  I  out  of  my  mother's  womb ;  naked 
shall  I  descend  into  the  grave.     Let  those  who  love  God  follow 

1^  Ealogius.  who  had  been  a  monk  of  Antioch.  was  more  conspicoous  for 
nbt]^  than  eloquence.  He  proves  that  the  enemies  of  the  Caith,  the  Gaianites 
and  Theodosians,  ought  not  to  be  reconciled ;  that  the  same  proposition  may  be 
orthodox  in  the  mouth  of  St  Cyril,  heretical  in  that  of  Severus;  that  the  opposite 
assertions  of  St.  Leo  are  equally  true,  &c  His  writings  are  no  longer  eiEtant, 
except  in  the  extracts  of  Photius,  who  had  perused  them  with  care  and  satisfisiction, 
cod.  ocviii.,  ccxzv.,  ccxxvL,  oazvii.,  ocxxs.,  cdxxz.  [For  his  fragments  see 
Migne,  Patr.  Gr.,  86,  3957  f^aj] 

uB  See  the  Life  of  John  the  Eleemosynary,  by  his  contemporary  Leontius  bishop  of 
Neapolis  in  Cyprus,  whose  Greek  text,  either  lost  or  hidden,  is  reflected  in  the 
Latin  ivrsion  or  Baronius  (A.1X  6x0,  Na  ^  A.D.  6ao,  Na  8).  I^  (Crttica,  tom.  iL 
pi  763)  and  Fabridus  (I  v.  &  zi.  torn.  viL  p.  454)  have  made  some  critical  observa- 
tions. TTbe  Greek  text  was  edited  for  the  first  Ume  by  H.  Gelser,  1803  (in  Krilger's 
Sammlung.  part  5).     It  is  an  interesting  biography  written  in  popular  style.] 

VOL.  V.  11 


162         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

me,  and  seek  their  salyation."  After  comforting  his  brethren, 
he  embarked  for  Constantinople,  and  sustained  in  six  successive 
interviews  the  ahnost  irresistible  weight  of  the  rojral  presence. 
His  opinions-  were  favourably  entertained  in  the  palace  and  the 
city ;  the  influence  of  Theodora  assured  him  a  safe-conduct  and 
honourable  dismission ;  and  he  ended  his  da3rs,  though  not  on 
the  throne,  yet  in  the  bosom,  of  his  native  country.  On  the 
news  of  his  death,  Apollinaris  indecently  feasted  the  nobles 
and  the  clergy ;  but  his  joy  was  checked  by  the  intelligence 
of  a  new  election ;  and,  while  he  enjoyed  the  wealth  of  Alezan- 
dria,  his  rivals  reigned  in  the  monasteries  of  Thebais,  and  were 
maintained  by  the  voluntary  oblations  of  the  people.  A  perpe- 
tual succession  of  patriarchs  arose  fix>m  the  ashes  of  Theodosius ; 
and  the  Monoph3rsite  churches  of  S3rria  and  Egypt  were  united 
by  the  name  of  Jacobites  and  the  communion  of  the  £uth. 
But  the  same  £uth,  which  has  been  confined  to  a  narrow  sect 
of  the  Syrians,  was  diffused  over  the  mass  of  the  £g3rptian  or 
Coptic  nation,  who,  almost  unanimously,  rejected  the  decrees 
of  the  synod  of  Chalcedon.  A  thousand  years  were  now  elapsed 
since  Egjrpt  had  ceased  to  be  a  kingdom,  since  the  conquerors 
of  Asia  and  Europe  had  trampled  on  the  ready  necks  of  a 
people  whose  ancient  wisdom  and  power  ascends  beycmd  the 
records  of  history.  The  conflict  of  zeal  and  persecution  re- 
kindled some  sparks  of  their  national  spirit.  They  abjured, 
with  a  foreign  heresy,  the  manners  and  language  of  the  Greeks : 
every  MelcJdte,  in  their  eyes,  was  a  stranger,  every  Jacobite 
a  citizen ;  the  idliance  of  marriage^  the  offices  of  humanity,  were 
condemned  as  a  deadly  sin ;  the  natives  renounced  all  allegiance 
to  the  emperor ;  and  his  orders,  at  a  distance  from  Alexandria, 
were  obeyed  only  under  the  pressure  of  military  force.  A 
generous  effort  might  have  redeemed  the  religion  and  liberty 
of  Egypt,  and  her  six  hundred  monasteries  might  have  poured 
forth  their  myriads  of  holy  warriors,  for  whom  death  should 
have  no  terrors,  since  life  had  no  comfort  or  delight.  But  ex- 
perience has  proved  the  distinction  of  active  and  passive 
courage ;  the  fiinatic  who  endures  without  a  ffroan  the  torture 
of  the  rack  or  the  stake  would  tremble  and  nj  before  the  &oe 
of  an  armed  enemy.  The  pusillanimous  temper  of  the  Egyp- 
tians could  only  hope  for  a  change  of  masters;  the  arms  of 
Chosroes  depopulated  the  land,  yet  under  his  reign  the  Jaco- 
bites enjoyed  a  short  and  precarious  respite.  The  victoiy  of 
Heradlus  renewed  and  aggravated  the  persecution,  and  the 
again  escaped  from  Alexandria  to  the  desert     In  his 


rMoUto 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIBE  1^ 

mjamin  mui  eneoiuiaged  bj  a  voice  which  bftde  him  ez«M 

bhe  end  of  ten  yeara^  the  aid  of  a  foreign  nation,  maikedyffST 

Effyptiana  thenuelvet  with  the  ancient  right  of  dicum- 

The  character  of  these  deliveren  and  the  nature  of  the 

ice  will  be  hereafter  explained ;  and  I  shall  step  aver 

■val  of  eleven  centuries,  to  observe  the  present  misery 

icobites  of  Egypt     The  populous  city  of  Cairo  affbrcJs 

ice,  or  rather  a  shelter,  for  their  indigent  patriarch  and  a 

of  ten  bishops;  forty  monasteries  have  survived  the  in- 

;he  Arabs ;  and  the  progress  of  servitude  and  apostacy  has 

the  Coptic  nation  to  the  despicable  number  of  twenty^ 

birty  thousand  families  :^^  a  race  of  illiterate  b^gars, 

ily  consolation  is  derived  irom  the  superior  wretdbedf- 

he  Greek  patriarch  and  his  diminutive  congregation.^^ 

le  Coptic  patriarch,  a  rebel  to  the  CsBsars,  or  a  slave  to  ^L^i,,^. 

fths,  still  gloried  in  the  filial  obedience  of  the  kings  of  »^*<S^ 

id  iBthiopia.     He  repaid  their  homage  by  magnifying 

satness;  and  it  was  boldly  asserted  that  they  could 

to  the  field  an  hundred  thousand  horse,  with  an  equal 

of  camels ;  ^^  that  their  hand  could  pour  or  restrain 

rs  of  the  Nile  ;i^  and  the  peace  and  plenty  of  Egypt 

lumber  is  taken  from  the  curious  Recherches  sur  les  Egyptiens  et  les 
m.  ii.  p.  19a,  193),  and  appears  more  probable  than  the  600,000 
z5»ooo  modem,  Copts  of  GemelU  Caireri.  Cyril  Lucar,  the  Prototant 
if  Constantinople,  laments  that  those  heretics  were  ten  times  more 
iian  his  orthodox  Greeks,  ingeniously  appWing  the  w)J<mt  «r  Uxdin 
>X^oco  of  Homer  (Iliad  ii.  128),  the  most  porfect  expression  of  contempt 
IX  Evangelii,  740). 

listory  <^  the  Copts,  their  religion,  manners,  &c  ma]r  be  found  in  the 
odot's  motley  work,  neither  a  translation  nor  an  ori^nal ;  the  Chrooi- 
ie  o^  Peter,  a  Jacobite ;  in  the  two  versions  of  Abrs^iam  Ecchellensis, 
;  and  J[6hn  Simon  Asseman,  Venet  X799.    These  annals  descend  no 

the  xiiith  century.  The  more  recent  accounts  must  be  searched 
travdkrs  into  Egypt,  and  the  Nouveaux  Mdmoires  des  Missions  du 
2  the  last  century,  Josqph  Abudacnns,  a  native  of  Cairo,  published  at 
thirtv  pages,  a  sli^t  Historia  Jacobitarum,  147,  post  z^  ^or  the 
d  history  of  Egypt  cp.  "The  Churches  and  Monastenes  of  Egypt 
to  AbQ  §alih  the  Armenian."  tr.  by  B.  T.  Evetts,  ed.  by  A.  J.  Butler, 
.mflineau,  Monumenu  pour  servir  k  I'hist  de  I'Egypte  chrft.  au  iv«, 
i«  slides,  1895.] 

t  the  year  737.  See  Renaudot,  Hist  Patriarch.  Alex.  p.  asi,  aaa ; 
[isL  Saracen,  p.  99. 

Iph.  HisL  iEthiopic  et  Comment.  L  l  c.  8 ;  Renaudot,  Hist  Patriaidi. 
3,  ftc.  This  opinion,  introduced  into  Egypt  and  Eurqje  by  the  artifice 
s,  the  pride  of  the  Abyssinians,  the  fear  aixl  ignorance  of  the  Turks  and 
not  even  the  semblance  of  truth.  The  rains  of  iGtluopia  do  not,  in 
s  of  the  Nile,  consult  the  will  of  the  monarch.     If  the  river  approaches 

within  three  days'  journey  of  the  Red  Sea  (see  d'AnviUe^s  Maps),  a 
should  divert  Hs  coarse  would  demand,  and  most  probablj  surpav,  the 
leCsesars. 


164         THE  DECLINE  AKD  FALL 

was  obtained,  even  in  this  wmld,  b^  the  intercesrion  of  the 
patriarch.  In  exile  at  Constantinople,  Theodosius  recommended 
to  his  patroness  the  conversicm  of  the  black  nations  of  Nubia,^^ 
from  the  tropic  of  Cancer  to  the  confines  of  Abjrssinia.  Her 
design  Mras  suspected,  and  emulated,  by  the  more  orthodox 
emperor.  The  rival  missionaries,  a  Melchite  and  a  Jacobite, 
embarked  at  the  same  time ;  but  the  empress,  from  a  motive  of 
love  or  fear,  was  more  effectoally  obeyed;  and  the  Catholic 
priest  WH8  detained  by  the  president  of  Thebais,  while  the 
Cjmu^UBff  king  of  Nubia  and  his  court  were  hastily  baptized  in  the  fiuth 
of  Diosconis.  The  tardy  envoy  of  Justinian  was  received  and 
dismissed  with  honour ;  but,  when  he  accused  the  heresy  and 
treason  of  the  Egyptians,  the  negro  convert  was  instructed 
to  reply  that  he  would  never  abandon  his  brethren,  the  true 
believers,  to  the  persecuting  ministers  of  the  S3mod  of  Chalce- 
don.^^  During  several  ages  the  bishops  of  Nubia  were  named 
and  consecrated  by  the  Jacobite  patriarch  of  Alexandria ;  as 
late  as  the  twelfth  centmry,  Christianity  prevailed ;  and  some 
rites,  some  ruins,  are  still  visible  in  the  savage  towns  of 
Sennaar  and  Dongola.^^^  But  the  Nubians  at  length  executed 
their  threats  of  returning  to  the  worship  of  idols  ;  the  climate 
required  the  indulgence  of  polygamy;  and  they  have  finally 

lo'The  Ab3rssiiiians.  who  still  pi^eaerve  the  features  and  olive  oomplezioQ  of  the 
Arabs,  afford  a  proof  that  two  thousand  yean  are  not  soflident  to  diange  the 
colour  of  the  human  race.  The  Nubians,  an  African  race,  are  pure  negroes,  as 
black  as  those  of  Senegal  or  Congo,  with  flat  noses,  thick  lips,  and  woolly  hair 
(Buffon,  Hist.  Naturelle,  torn.  v.  p.  1x7,  143,  144,  z66,  9x9,  edit  in  zamo,  Paris, 
1769).  The  ancients  beheld,  without  much  attention,  the  extraordinary  phseoome- 
non  which  has  exercised  the  philosophers  and  theologians  of  modem  timea 

iw  Asseman.  Bibliot  Orient  torn.  L  p.  029.  [The  source  for  the  couvei'iloo  of 
the  Nobadz,  under  their  king  Silko.  is  John  of  Ephesus,  iv.,  c.  5  sff,,  wbose 
account  is  minute  and  interesting.  The  name  of  the  king  is  knomi  fhm  the 
inscription  of  Talmis  (C.  L  G.  ^079),  where  Silko.  "  king  of  the  Nubadet  and  idl 
the  Ethiopians,"  celebrates  his  victooes  over  the  Blemmyes,  who  dwdled  belwacn 
the  Nobadae  and  the  Empire.  The  Blemmyes  by  their  treaties  with  the  Empire 
had  the  right  of  worshipping  in  the  temple  of  Isis  at  Philae,  and  consequently  this 
temple  had  to  be  kept  open  for  them  (cp.  Priscus.  fr.  ai ;  C  L  G;  4045.  4046 ; 
Procop.  R  P.  l  19).  Their  conversion  to  Christianity  seems  to  oKfe  oeen 
accomplished  under  Justinian,  and  in  A.IX  577  the  temple  of  Isis  was  transfoniied 
into  a  church  (C.  L  G.  8647-8-^).  For  the  conversion  of  the  Alodes.  a  people 
south  of  the  Nobadae  and  bordering  on  the  Abyssinians,  see  John  of  Ephen*,  rr. 
c*  53*  53.    See  M.  I'abb^  Duchesne,  Eglises  S^parfes,  pi  287  sjf.] 

u^The  Christianity  of  the  Nubians,  A.  a  1x^3,  is  attested  by  the  aberUT  al 
Edrisi,  falsely  described  under  the  name  of  the 


[53,  IS  attestea  ny  t&e  sbens  ai 
Nubian  geographer  (p.  x8),  who 
lys  of  historical  fight  that  twinkk 


represents  them  as  a  nation  of  Jacobites.    The  rays 

in  the  history  of  Renaudot  (p.  176,  8ac>'3a4,  981-286,  405,  ^34,  451,  464)  are  all 

previous  to  this  Kra.    See  the  modem  slate  in  tlie  l/!ttres  Edifiantes  (Kect 


See  the  modem  slate  in  tlie  l/!ttres  Edifiantes  (Kectieil,  tv.) 
and  Busching  (torn.  ix.  p.  x5a'X59,  par  Berenger). 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  166 

preferred  the  triumph  of  the  Koran  to  the  abMement  of  the 
Cross.  A  metaphysical  religion  may  appear  too  refined  for  the 
capacity  of  the  negro  race ;  yet  a  bladk  or  a  parrot  might  be 
taught  to  repeat  the  wordt  of  the  Chalcedonian  or  Monophysite 


Christianity  was  more  deeply  rooted  in  the  Abyssinian  ani«ii«f 
empire;  and,  although  the  correspondence  has  been  some-AS^oMfcft 
time  interrupted  above  seventy  or  an  hundred  years^  the 
mother-church  of  Alexandria  retains  her  colony  in  a  state  of 
perpetual  pupihige.  Seven  bishops  once  composed  the  iBthi- 
i^c  synod:  had  their  number  amounted  to  ten,  they  might 
have  elected  an  independent  primate ;  and  one  of  their  kings 
was  ambitious  of  promoting  his  brother  to  the  ecclesiastical 
throne.  But  the  event  was  foreseen^  the  increase  was  denied  ; 
the  episcopal  office  has  been  gradually  confined  to  the  alnma^^^ 
the  head  and  author  of  the  Abyssinian  priesthood ;  the 
patriarch  supplies  each  vacancy  with  an  £g3rptian  monk ;  and 
the  character  of  a  stranger  appears  more  venerable  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people,  less  dangerous  in  those  of  the  monarch. 
In  the  sixth  century,  when  the  schism  of  Egypt  was  confirmed, 
the  rival  chie&,  with  their  patrons  Justinian  and  Theodora, 
strove  to  outstrip  each  other  in  the  conquest  of  a  remote  and 
independent  province.  The  industry  of  the  empress  was  again 
victorious,  and  the  pious  Theodora  has  established  in  that 
sequestered  church  the  fiiith  and  discipline  of  the  Jacobites.  ^^ 
Encompassed  on  all  sides  by  the  enemies  of  their  religion,  the 
Ethiopians  slept  near  a  thousand  years,  forgetful  of  the  world, 
by  whom  they  were  forgotten.  They  were  awakened  by  the 
Portuguese,  who,  turning  the  southern  promontory  of  Africa, 
appeared  in  India  and  the  Red  Sea,  as  if  they  had  descended  m;  2? 
toroogh  the  air  from  a  distant  planet.  In  the  first  moments 
of  their  interview,  the  subjects  of  Rome  and  Alexandria 
observed  the  resemblance,  rather  than  the  difference,  of  their 
fidth ;  and  each  nation  expected  the  most  important  benefits 

"The  abana  is  improperly  dignified  by  the  Latins  with  the  title  of  patriarch. 
The  Abyssinians  acknowledge  only  the  four  patriarchs,  and  their  chief  is  no  more 
than  a  metroocditan  or  national  primate  (Ludolph,  Hist  Ethiopia  et  Comment 
L  iiL  a  7).  The  seven  bishops  of  Renaudot  (p.  511),  who  existed  A.D.  1131,  are 
anknown  to  the  historian. 

u*I  know  not  why  Asaemannus  (Bibliot  Orient  torn,  il  [l]  p.  3^4)  should  call 
in  onestion  these  probable  missions  of  Theodora  into  Nubia  and  i£thiopia.  The 
sUght  notices  of  Abyssinia  till  the  year  1500  are  supplied  by  Renaudot  (p.  336-34I. 
381,  382.  JOS.  443.  Ac  4Sa,  456.  463*  47S»  4^0,  cii,  585.  559*5^)  ^^m  the  Coptic 
writers.    The  mind  of  Lodolphus  was  a  perfect  blank. 


166  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

from  an  alliance  with  their  Christian  brethren.  In  their 
lonely  situation,  the  iBthiopians  had  almost  relapsed  into  the 
savage  life.  Their  vessek,  which  had  traded  to  Ceylon, 
scarcely  presumed  to  navigate  ihs  rivers  of  Africa ;  the  ruins 
of  Axume  were  deserted,  the  nation  was  scattered  in  villages, 
and  the  emperor  (a  pompous  name)  was  content,  both  in  peace 
and  war,  with  the  immoveable  residence  of  a  camp.  Conscious 
of  their  own  indigence,  the  Abyssinians  had  formed  the 
rational  project  of  importing  the  arts  and  ingenuity  of 
Europe ;  ^^  and  their  ambassadors  at  Rome  and  Lisbon  were 
instructed  to  solicit  a  colony  of  smiths,  carpentefs,  tilers, 
masons,  printers,  surgeons,  and  phjrsicians,  for  the  use  of  their 
country.  But  the  public  danger  soon  called  for  the  instant 
and  effectual  aid  of  arms  and  soldiers  to  defend  an  unwarlike 
people  from  the  barbarians  who  ravaged  the  inland  eountry, 
and  the  Turks  and  Arabs  who  advanced  from  the  sea-coast  in 
more  formidable  array.  Ethiopia  was  saved  by  four  hnndred 
and  fifty  Portuguese,  who  displayed  in  the  field  the  native 
valour  of  Europeans  and  the  artificial  powers  of  the  musket 
and  cannon.  In  a  moment  of  terror,  the  emperor  had  promised 
to  reconcile  himself  and  his  subjects  to  the  Catholic  fiuth ;  a 
Latin  patriarch  represented  the  supremacy  of  the  pope ;  ^^^ 
the  empire,  enlarged  in  a  tenfold  proportion,  was  supposed 
to  contain  more  gold  than  the  mines  of  America ;  ana .  the 
wildest  hopes  of  avarice  and  seal  were  built  on  the  willing 
submission  of  the  Christians  of  Africa. 
{SfJS^  But  the  vows  which  pain  had  extorted  were  forsworn  on 
^'  ^  the  return  of  health.  The  Abyssinians  still  adhered  with  un- 
shaken constancy  to  the  Monopiijrsite  fiiith ;  their  languid  .belief 
was  inflamed  by  the  exercise  of  dispute;  they  branded  the 
Latins  with  the  names  of  Arians  and  Nestorians,  and  Impnted 
the  adoration  oi  fimr  gods  to  those  who  separated  ithe  two 
natures  of  Christ.  Fremonay  a  place  of  worship,  or  smtiher  of 
exile,  was  assigned  to  the  Jesuit  missionaries,     "nieiii  skill  ill  the 

1^  Ludolph.   Hist  iEthiop.  L  iv.  c.  5.    The  mast  neoenary  arts  are  now 
eseerdsed  by  the  Jews,  and  me  foreign  trade  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Armenians 
What  Gregory  principally  admired  andenried  was  the  industry  of  Ewppe    aiMs 
et  opificia. 

1^  Jc^m  Bermudez,  whose  relation,  printed  at  Lisbon,  1569,  was  translated  into 
English  by  Purdias  (Pilgrims,  L  viL  c.  7,  pi  ZZ49,  &&),  and  from  tbeooeintoFVench 
by  La  Croze  (Christianisme  afitUopiey  p.  90-965).  The  piece  is  cnrioos ;  bot  the 
mtthor  may  be  suspected  of  deceiving  Ab^nia^  Rome,  and  Fcutngal.  His  title 
to  the  rank  of  patriarch  is  daili  and  doubtful  (Ludolph.  Comment.  Na  zoi,  pi 

473)- 


OF  THE  BOMAK  £MPIB£  167 

liberal  and  mechanic  arts,  their  theological  leammg,  and  the 
decency  of  their  manners,  inspired  a  barren  esteem ;  but  they 
were  not  endowed  with  the  gift  of  miracles,^^  and  they  vainly 
solicited  a  reinforcement  of  European  troops.  The  patience  and 
dexterity  of  forty  years  at  length  obtained  a  more  fiivourable 
aodience,  and  two  emperors  of  Ab3r88inia  were  persuaded  that 
Rome  could  ensure  the  temporal  and  everlasting  happiness  of 
her  votaries.  The  first  of  these  royal  converts  lost  ms  crown 
and  his  life ;  and  the  rebel  army  was  sanctified  by  the  abuna, 
who  hurled  an  anathema  at  the  apostate,  and  absolved  his 
subjects  firom  their  oath  of  fidelity.  The  fi&te  of  Zadenghel  was 
revenged  by  the  courage  and  fortune  of  Susneus,  who  ascended 
the  throne  under  the  name  of  Segued,  and  more  vigorously 
prosecuted  the  pious  enterprise  of  his  kinsman*  After  the 
amusement  of  some  unequal  combats  between  the  Jesuits  and 
his  illiterate  priests,  the  emperor  declared  himself  a  proselyte  to 
the  synod  of  Chalcedon,  presuming  that  his  clergy  and  people 
would  embrace  without  delay  the  religion  of  their  prince.  Tlie 
liberty  of  choice  was  succeeded  by  a  law  whidi  imposed,  under 
pain  of  death,  the  belief  of  the  two  natures  of  Christ :  the 
AfavBsinians  were  enjoined  to  work  and  to  play  on  the  Sabbath  ; 
ana  Segued,  in  the  fi&ce  of  Europe  and  Africa,  renounced  his 
connexion  with  the  Alexandrian  church.  A  Jesuit,  Alphonso  omi 
Mendez,  the  Catholic  patriarch  of  Ethiopia,  accepted  in  theimr.Ti 
name  of  Urban  VIII.  the  homage  and  abjuration  of  his  penitent. 
"  I  confess/'  said  the  emperor  on  his  knees,  "  I  confess  that  the 
pope  is  the  vicar  of  Christ,  the  successor  of  St.  Peter,  and  the 
sovereign  of  the  world.  To  him  I  swear  true  obedience,  and  at 
his  feet  I  offer  my  person  and  kingdom."  A  similar  oath  was 
repeated  by  his  son,  his  brother,  the  clergy,  the  nobles,  and 
even  the  ladies  of  the  court ;  the  Latin  patriarch  was  invested 
with  honours  and  wealth;  and  his  missionaries  erected  their 
churches  or  citadels  in  the  most  convenient  stations  of  the 
empire.  The  Jesuits  themselves  deplore  the  &tal  indiscretion 
of  their  chief,  who  forgot  the  mildness  of  the  gospel  and  the 
policy  of  his  order,  to  introduce  with  hasty  violence  the  liturgy 
of  Rome  and  the  inquisition  of  Portugal.  He  condemned  the 
ancient  practice  of   circumcision,  which  health    rather  than 

»  Religio  Romana  .  .  .  nee  precibus  patnim  nee  miraculis  ab  ipsis  editis 
ioffiilciebattir,  is  the  uncontradicted  assurance  of  the  devout  emperor  Susneus  to 
his  patriarch  Mendei  (Ludolph.  Comment.  Na  ia6,  p.  529) ;  and  such  assmances 
sbould  be  preciously  kept,  as  an  antidote  against  anjr  marveUous  legendsL 


168  THE  DECLINE  AND  FAIX 

superstition  had  first  invented  in  the  climate  of  ^thidpia.^^  A 
new  baptism,  a  new  ordination,  Mras  inflicted  on  the  natives ; 
and  they  trembled  with  horror  when  the  most  holy  of  the  dead 
were  torn  from  their  graves,  when  the  most  illustrious  of  the 
living  were  excommunicated  by  a  foreign  priest.  In  the  defence 
of  their  religion  and  liberty,  the  Abyssinians  rose  in  arms,  with 
desperate  but  imsuccessful  zeaL  Five  rebellions  were  extinguished 
in  tne  blood  of  the  insurgents ;  two  abunas  were  slain  in  battle, 
whole  legions  were  slaughtered  in  the  field,  or  suffocated  in 
their  caverns  :  and  neither  merit  nor  rank  nor  sex  could  save 
from  an  ignominious  death  the  enemies  of  Rome.  But  the 
victorious  monarch  was  finally  subdued  by  the  constancy  of 
the  nation,  of  his  mother,  of  his  son,  and  of  his  most  faithful 
friends.  Segued  listened  tm  the  voice  of  pity,  of  reason,  per- 
haps of  fear ;  and  his  edict  of  liberty  of  conscience  instantly 
revealed  the  tpranny  and  weakness  of  the  Jesuits.  On  the 
death  of  his  rather,  Basilides  expelled  the  Latin  patriarch, 
and  restored  to  the  wishes  of  the  nation  the  fiiith  and  the 
uio^  discipline  of  Egypt.  The  Monophysite  dmrches  resounded 
•  janMg.  with  a  song  of  triumph,  "  that  the  sheep  of  iBthiopia  were 
now  delivered  from  the  hymnas  of  the  West  "  ;  and  the  gates 
of  that  solitary  realm  were  for  ever  shut  against  the  arts,  the 
science,  and  the  fimaticism  of  Europe.^^ 

^^  I  am  aware  how  tender  is  the  question  of  circumcision.  Yet  I  will  affinn, 
I.  That  the  ^Ethiopians  have  a  j^]fsicai  reason  for  the  circumcision  of  males,  and 
even  of  females  (Recherches  Phuosophiqnes  sur  les  Am^cains,  tom.  il).  a.  That 
it  was  practised  m  iCthiopia  long  before  the  introduction  of  Judaism  or  Christianity 
(Herodot  L  it  c.  104.  Marsham,  Canon.  Chron.  p.  7a,  73).  "  Infantes  drcom- 
ddimt  ob  consuetudinem  non  ob  Judaismum/'  says  Gregory  the  Abvssinian  priest 
(apud  Fabric.  Lux  Christiana,  p.  790).  Yet,  in  the  heat  erf*  dispute,  the  Portuguese 
were  sometimes  branded  with  the  name  oiuncircttmcised  (La  Croze,  p.  80;  Ludolph. 
Hist  and  Comment  L  lit  c.  z). 

i**The  three  Protestant  historians,  Ludolphus  (Hist  .£thiopica,  Franoofurt, 
z68i ;  Commentarius,  x6qz  ;  Relatio  Nova,  «c.  1693,  in  folio),  Geddes  (Church 
History  of  iEthiopia,  London,  1696,  in  8vo),  and  La  Croze  (Hist  du  Christianlsme 
d'Ethiopie  et  d'Armenie,  La  Haye,  1739,  in  zamo),  have  drawn  their  principal 
materials  from  the  Jesuits,  especially  from  the  General  History  of  Telles,  published 
in  Portuguese  at  Coimbra,  z66a  We  might  be  surprised  at  their  frankness ; 
but  their  most  flagitious  vice,  the  spirit  of  persecution,  was  in  their  eyes  the  most 
meritorious  virtue.  Ludolphus  poiwpwfd  some,  though  a  slight,  advantage  firom 
the  ^thiopic  language,  and  the  personal  coovenation  of  Gresocy,  a  free-spirited 
Abyssinian  priest,  whom  he  invited  from  Rome  to  the  court  of  Saxe-Gotha.  See 
the  Theologla  iEthiopica  of  Gregory,  in  Fkbridus.  Lux  Evangelii,  p.  7x6-734* 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  180 


CHAPTER  XLVra 

Plan  of  the  last  two  [quarto]  Folumef — Succession  and  Characters 
of  the  Greek  Emperors  of  Constantinople,  from  the  Time  of 
Heraclius  to  the  jLatin  Conquest 

I  HAVE  now  deduced  from  Trajan  to  Constantine.  from  Con-iMtatsof 
stantine  to  Heraclius,  the  regular  series  of  the  Roman  mm 
emperors ;  and  faithfully  exposed  the  prosperous  and  adverse 
fortunes  of  their  reigns.  Five  centuries  of  the  decline  and  hXL 
of  the  empire  have  already  elapsed ;  but  a  period  of  more 
than  eight  hundred  years  still  separates  me  from  the  term 
of  my  labours,  the  taking  of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks. 
Should  I  persevere  in  the  same  course,  should  I  observe  the 
same  measure,  a  prolix  and  slender  thread  would  be  spun 
through  many  a  volume,  nor  would  the  patient  reader  find  an 
adequate  reward  of  instruction  or  amusement.  At  every  step, 
as  we  sink  deeper  in  the  decline  and  fiill  of  the  Eastern 
empire,  the  annals  of  each  succeeding  reign  would  impose  a 
more  ungrateful  and  melancholy  task.  These  annals  must 
continue  to  repeat  a  tedious  and  uniform  tale  of  weakness  and 
misery  ;  the  natural  connexion  of  causes  and  events  would  be 
broken  by  frequent  and  hasty  transitions,  and  a  minute  ac- 
cumulation of  circumstances  must  destroy  the  light  and  effect 
of  those  general  pictures  which  compose  the  use  and  ornament 
of  a  remote  history.  From  the  time  of  Heraclius,  the  Bysan- 
tine  theatre  is  contracted  and  darkened ;  the  line  of  empire, 
which  had  been  defined  by  the  laws  of  Justinian  and  the  arms 
of  Belisarius,  recedes  on  all  sides  from  our  view ;  the  Roman 
name,  the  proper  subject  of  our  inquiries,  is  reduced  to  a 
narrow  comer  of  Europe,  to  the  lonely  suburbs  of  Constanti- 
nople ;  and  the  fiite  of  the  Greek  empire  has  been  compared 
to  that  of  the  Rhine,  which  loses  itself  in  the  sands  before  its 
waters  can  mingle  with  the  ocean.  The  scale  of  dominion  is 
diminished  to  our  view  by  the  distance  of  time  and  place  ;  nor 
is  the  loss  of  external  splendour  compensated  by  the  nobler 
gifts  of  virtue  and  genini.     In  the  last  momenta  of  her  decay. 


170         THS  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Constantinople  was  doubtless  more  opulent  and  populous  than 
Athens  at  her  most  flourishing  sera,  when  a  scanty  sum  of  six 
thousand  talents,  or  twelve  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling, 
was  possessed  by  twenty-one  thousand  male  citisens  of  an 
adult  age.  But  each  of  these  citizens  was  a  freeman,  who 
dared  to  assert  the  liberty  of  his  thoughts,  words,  and  actions  ; 
whose  person  and  pro^rty  were  guarded  by  equal  law ;  and 
who  exercised  his  independent  vote  in  the  government  of  the 
republic.  Their  numbekv  seem  to  be  multiplied  by  the  strong 
and  various  discriminations  of  character :  under  the  shield  of 
freedom,  on  the  wings  of  emulation  and  vanity,  each  Athenian 
aspired  to  the  level  of  the  national  dignity ;  from  this  com- 
manding eminence  aome  chosen  spirits  soared  beyond  the 
reach  of  a  vulgar  eye  ;  and  the  chances  of  superior  merit  in  a 
great  and  populous  kingdom,  as  they  are  proved  by  experience, 
would  excuse  the  computation  of  imaginary  mOlioas.  The 
territories  of  Athens,  Sparta,  and  their  allies  do  not  exceed 
a  moderate  province  of  France  or  England;  but,  after  the 
trophies  of  Balamis  and  Plattta,  they  expand  in  our  fimcy  to 
the  gigantic  size  of  Asia,  which  had  been  trampled  under  the 
feet  of  the  victorious  Greeks.  But  the  subjects  of  the  Byian- 
tine  empiire,  who  assume  and  dishonour  the  names  bom  of 
Greeks  and  Romans,  present  a  dead  uniformity  of  abject  vices, 
which  are  neither  softened  by  the  weakness  of  humanity  nor 
animated  by  the  vigour  of  memorable  crimes.  The  freemen 
of  antiquity  might  repeat,  with  generous  enthusiasm,  the 
sentence  of  Homer,  **  tnat,  on  the  first  day  of  his  serritnde, 
the  (aiptive  is  deprived  of  one  half  of  his  manly  virtue  **.  But 
the  poet  had  only  seen  the  effects  of  ciril  or  domestic 
slavery,  nor  could  he  foretell  that  the  second  moiety  of  man* 
hood  must  be  annihilated  by  the  spiritual  despotism  which 
shackles  not  only  the  actions  but  even  the  thoughts  of  the 
prostrate  votary.  By  this  double  yoke,  the  Greeks  were  op- 
pressed under  the  successors  of  Heraclius ;  the  tyrant,  a  law 
of  eternal  justice,  was  degraded  by  the  vices  of  his  subjects ; 
and  on  the  throne,  in  the  camp,  in  the  schools,  we  search, 
perhaps  with  fruitl^  diligence,  the  names  and  chaiaeters  that 
may  deserve  to  be  rescued  from  oblivion.  Nor  are  the  defects 
of  the  subject  compensated  by  the  skill  and  varielr  of  the 
painters.  Of  a  space  of  eight  hundred  years,  the  &ur  first 
centuries  are  overspread  with  a  doud,  interrupted  by  some 
£unt  and  broken  lays  of  historic  Ivht;  in  the  lives  of  the 
emperors^  firom  Manrioe  ta  Aleziiii,  fissil  thto.  Jiaoadankui  has 


OF  THE  ROMAN  ^MPIBE  171 

alone  been  the  theme  of  a  separate  work ;  and  the  absence, 
or  loss,  or  imperfection  of  contemporary  evidence  most  be 
poorly  supplied  by  the  doubtfiil  authority  of  more  recent  com- 
pilers. The  four  last  centuries  are  exempt  firom  the  reproadi 
of  penury ;  and  with  the  Comnenian  &mily  the  historic  muse 
of  Constantinople  again  revives,  but  her  apparel  is  gaudy,  her 
motions  are  without  elegance  or  grace.  A  ;lucces8ion  of  priests, 
or  courtiers,  treads  in  each  other's  footsteps  in  the  same  path 
of  servitude  and  superstition:  their  views  are  narrow,  their 
judgment  is  feeble  or  corrupt;  and  we  close  the  volume  of 
copious  barrenness,  still  ignorant  of  the  causes  of  events,  the 
characters  of  the  actors,  and  the  manners  of  the  times,  which 
they  celebrate  or  deplore.  The  observation  which  has  been 
ap|Hied  to  a  man  may  be  extended  to  a  whole  people,  that  the 
energy  of  the  sword  is  communicated  to  the  pen  ;  and  it  will 
be  found,  by  experience,  that  the  tone  of  history  will  rise  or 
fM  with  the  spirit  of  the  age. 

From  these  considerations,  I  should  have  abandoned^  ^*^2U«wi 
out  regret,  the  Greek  slaves  and  their  servile  historians,  had  «im  r»voto 
I  not  reflected  that  the  &te  of  the  Byzantine  monarchy  isvoru 
pasnvely  connected  with  the  most  splendid  and  important 
revolutions  which  have  changed  the  state  of  the  world.  The 
space  of  the  lost  provinces  was  immediately  replenished  with 
new  colonies  and  rising  kingdoms  ;  the  active  virtues  of  peace 
and  war  deserted  from  the  vanquished  to  the  victorious  nations ; 
and  it  is  in  their  origin  and  conquests,  in  their  religion  and 
government,  that  we  must  explore  the  causes  and  effects  of 
the  decline  and  &U  of  the  Eastern  empire.  Nor  will  this 
scope  of  narrative,  the  riches  and  variety  of  these  materials, 
be  incompatible  with  the  unity  of  design  and  composition. 
As,  in  his  daily  prayers,  the  Musulman  of  Fez  or  Delhi  still 
turns  his  &ce  towards  the  temple  of  Mecca,  the  historian's  eyfe 
shall  be  always  fixed  on  the  city  of  Constantinople.  The 
excursive  line  may  embrace  the  wilds  of  Arabia  and  Tartary, 
but  the  circle  wiU  be  ultimately  reduced  to  the  decreasing 
limit  of  the  Roman  monarchy. 

On  this  princinle,  1  shall  now  establish  the  plan  of  the  last  Q^^ 
two  volumes  of  the  present  work.  The  first  chapter  will  coPrCtygg 
tain,  in  a  regular  series,  the  emperors  who  reigned  at  Constanti- 
nople during  a  period  of  six  hundred  years,  from  the  days  of 
HeracHos  to  the  Latin  conquest :  a  rapid  abstract,  which  may 
be  supported  by  a  general  appeal  to  the  order  and  text  of  the 
original  bisleriana.    In  this  introduction,  I  AaU  confine  iHysdf 


170 


THE  DEC' 


ConstaDtinopte  was  d" 
Athena  at  her  mosX  .. 
thouund  talenti,  or  iv. 
was  poasested   by  tvm 
adult  age.     But  ciui. 
dared  to  assert  the  lii/ 
whose  person  and  [j.. 
who  exercised  hi^  i.i^. 
republic.     Their  «..:;■ 
and  various  discriiu... 
freedom,  on  the  .v.i. 
aspired  to  the  !<  -    . 
mandinf;    cmincio-^ 
reach  of  a  vnlg;ii  .  - . 
gieatand  pnpiilua 
would   excu-si-    :i.v 
tenritories  of  .\<...' 
a   nuxleratK   yv- 
trophies  of  ^'^i;.- ■,- 
the  gigantic  ~:. 
feet  of  tli^  vi<T    — 
tine  enipirt".  v   .. 
Greeks  and  1:< 
which  arc  m  ..        -•"" 
animated  )>)  '  i...,. 
of'ia   "■     ■■  ■■■** 


^.ijSFALL 


.  _  -(h.  mDaet,  the  mode  of  their 

"•        _    :-ti— '"^  of  their   domestic 

jstL-  rtiga  to  accelerate  or 

~,  ~_  ,f  dapire.     Such  a  chrono- 

s^:^  JK  various  argument  of 

^^  .unmatance  of  the  event- 

_   4,^  .aelf  in  a  proper  place 

''^ .  .ja*"  state  of  the   empire, 

^  'm-^oans,  which  ahook  the 

-^   «bl  be  the   subject  of  two 

^ifM  mut  be   postponed  till 

.,_,jaiBAl  the  view  of  the  world 

_.^,M.^>:  dM  Christian  sra.     After 

~    jhk«.  the  following  nations  will 

.^^  w;.  xenpy  the  space  to   which 

^^^»  jr  merit,   or  the  degree  of 

^^  Mki  the  present  age.     I.  The 

„^H.   •'iB:h   includes   all   the    baN 

^  .'Wmmt,  who  were  united  by  the 

,^f,im^    The  persecution  of  images 

^  .^me  and  Italy  from  the  Bysan- 

j«  .-^Muration  of  the  Roman  empire 

I,—  jr  Saracens,       Three    ample 

.^^  .iwioos  and  interesting  objecL 

^t  country  and  its  inhabitants, 

at  Mahomet ;  the  character. 

In  the  second,  I   shall 

Syria,   Egypt,  and  Africa, 

e ;  nor  can  I  check  their 

overthrown  the  monarchies  of 

I  shall  inquire  how  Coustanti- 

by  the  luxury   and  arts,  the 

re   of  the  caliphs.     A  single 

BVLOARIANS,      IV',     HuNOARlANa, 

hj  aea  or  by  }and  the  provinces 

of  these,  so  important  in  their 

__  _MBe  curiosity  in  their  origin  and 

;  m  rather  the  private  adventurers 

btuided  a  powerful  kingdom   in 

throne   of  Constantinople,  dia- 

Jrj,    and   almoat     realised    the 

TW  Latins  ;  the  subjects  of  the 


OF  THE  EOMAN  EMPIRE  178! 

pope,  the  nations  of  the  West,  who  enlisted  under  the  banner 
of  the  Cross,  for  the  recovery  or  relief  of  the  holy  sepulchre* 
The  Greek  emperors  were  terrified  and  preserved  by  the 
myriads  of  pilgrims  who  marched  to  Jerusalem  with  Godfrey 
of  Bouillon  and  the  peers  of  Christendom.  The  second  and 
third  crusades  trod  in  the  footsteps  of  the  first:  Asia  and 
Europe  were  mingled  in  a  sacred  war  of  two  hundred  years  ; 
and  the  Christian  powers  were  bravely  resisted,  and  finally 
expelled,  by  Saladin  and  the  Mamalukes  of  Egypt.  In  these 
memorable  crusades,  a  fleet  and  army  of  French  and  Venetians 
were  diverted  from  Syria  to  the  Thracian  Bosphorus ;  they 
assaulted  the  capital,  they  subverted  the  Greek  monarchy; 
and  a  dynasty  of  Latin  princes  was  seated  near  threescore 
years  on  the  throne  of  Constantine.  VIII •  The  Greeks  them-., 
selves,  during  this  period  of  captivity  and  exile,  must  be  con- 
sidered as  a  foreign  nation,  the  enemies,  and  again  the  sove- 
reigns, of  Constantinople.  Misfortune  had  rekindled  a  spark 
of  national  virtue ;  and  the  Imperial  series  may  be  continued^ 
with  some  dignity,  from  their  restoraticm  to  the  Turkish  con- 
quest. IX.  The  Moguls  and  Tartars.  By  the  arms  of  Zingis: 
and  his  descendants  the  globe  was  shaken  from  China  te 
Poland  and  Greece  ;  the  Sultans  were  overthrown  ;  the  caliphs 
fell ;  and  the  Caesars  trembled  on  their  throne.  The  victories, 
of  Timour  suspended,  above  fifty  years,  the  final  ruin  of  the 
Byzantine  empire.  X.  I  have  already  noticed  the  first  ap- 
pearance of  the  Turks  ;  and  the  names  of  the  fistthers,  oiSelfuk 
and  Oihmatiy  discriminate  the  two  successive  dynasties  of  tiie 
nation  which  emerged  in  the  eleventh  century  from  the 
Scjrthian  wilderness.  The  former  established  a  potent  and 
splendid  kingdom  from  the  banks  of  the  Oxus  to  Antioch  and 
Nice ;  and  the  first  crusade  was  provoked  by  the  violation  of 
Jerusalem  and  the  danger  of  Constantinople.  From  an  humble 
origin^  the  Ottomans  arose,  the  scourge  and  terror  of  Chiisten* 
dom.  Constantinople  Mras  besieged  and  taken  by  Mahomet  11., 
and  his  triumph  annihilates  the  remnant,  the  image,  the  title, 
of  the  Roman  empire  in  the  East.  The  schism  of  the  Greeks 
wiU  be  connected  with  their  last  calamities,  and  the  restora- 
tion of  learning  in  the  Western  world.  I  shall  return  from  the 
captivity  of  the  new,  to  the  ruins  of  ancient,  Rome  ;  and  the 
venerable  name,  the  interesting  theme,  will  shed  a  ray  of 
glory  on  the  conclusion  of  my  labours.^ 

1  [For  a  division  of  the  Imperial  higtonr  from  the  seventh  t»  the  twclith  oeDtary 
into  periods,  see  Appendix  9.] 


■  «,  4 


M  !±Ji  .  tCLDiE  AXD  FALL 

-t^     M»,«..v^4     ««rc»(ULMi»   ^ad  omabtd  a  tyimnt  and  ascended 
'fii,.  ;v^^       -**    .!c   --iciisor*-  ot  ha  rvign  is  perpetuated  by  the 

"  "^  ^..  ..^^».>^  wiu  rr^iMnbitfloM,  of  the  Eastern  provinces. 

^^  '     4    -  cuvx'.^  his  first  wife,  he  disobeyed  the 

...^ .^      v'E^.ru  :iitr  jtws.  by  his  second  marriage  with 

.^-  «b».  uM  .ac  superstition  of  the  Greeks  beheld 

_^.^^  A%    *   ^A«?ti  n  tile  diseases  of  the  father  and  the 

'a»  ^S4,v:t«.       3siC  the  opinion  of  an  illegitimate 

^    wuv    V    l.xj^torc  die  choice,  and  loosen  the  obedi- 

^_  v     "vckHs.     .:Hr  jflsbiCion  of  Martina  was  quickened 

^     ^      •••*.    j-^..   ~i.iu  sn^oiip*  by  the  envy  of  a  step-mother ; 

.V    >^wv.    ^usOk-tu  w«»  evo  ^ble  to  withstand  the  arts  of 

...^w    w  ^.x'MK-tiiN.     wtucantine,  his  eldest  son,  enjoyed  in 

1..A.V    ^«r     N.    :':*c  sH  .Vu^custus;  but  the  weakness  of  his 

..v^.  .-w^  M  «^wv£\-u  %  vvii«nuctte  and  a  guardian,  and  he  yielded 

.  .-.    ..«.  V.    xtuv<:uivx'  cu  tiifce  partition  of  the  empire.     The 

,.«.,.     *.w^  ^.ukU%^iK:%i  ct>  the  piilace  to  ratify  or  attest  the  as- 

^  ,>^.  v..    .     ^(..Mctcoikitf,  the  son  of  Martina;-  the  imposition 

.V      ■••'•..v  .£•  *«<*^  c\«iMecffated  by  the  prayer  and  blessing  of 

;v    ^,  ^k.v>!      !K*  <«-ctat\^rs  and  patricians  adored  the  majesty 

V    ,'v....   .a4*c<vr  Mid  the  partners  of  his  reign;  and,  as 

^^    ^    -'.v     vvft»>  «cre  thrown  open,  they  were  hailed  by  the 

..  .;^^.     H**     luportaut   voice  of  the  soldiers.     After   an 

..^    J   IV c  u%uichs,  the  pompous  ceremonies  which  formed 

^      ^>...vv    .'*    'A\c  Bysantine  state  were   celebrated  in  the 

«.  ..v«:^  ^-'^^i'    uppoJrume;  the  concord  of  the  royal  brothers 

. «..    ..!Cx%%%;i>   wii>p»aycd  by  the  younger  leaning  on  the  arm 

.N.     .%..«..  .   uui  the  name  of  Martina  was  mingled  in  the 

v«^»%.«»»««   >*%    viuil  declamations  of  the  people.     Heraclius  sur- 

> « V     •>.%  «ii<i«H:4iittiNi  about  two  years ;  his  last  testimony  de- 

'''  ^^^^     Kv    «ttO  M,HMA  the  equal  heirs  of  the  Eastern  empire,  and 

x^^*«^*«.v%.     Kui  t\>  honour  his  widow  Martina  as  their  mother 

»  Ku  ^Mfi'iia  first  appeared  on  the  throne  with  the  name 

^  ^^'^  ^  ^    ..^^»^^*v*  ^i  fvyalty,  she  was  checked  by  a  firm,  though 

^  .  vN^'^<*  .«|i|HiMtiou ;  and  the  dying  embers  of  freedom  were 

..v.«v    H  v'V  breath  of  superstitious  prejudice.     "We  reve- 


•  :^.  .  ^•. .  ivsi  .M  HerAclitts  ^^ere :  (i)  b^  Endocia :  Epiphania  (caUed  Eudoda 

vvskCs^ ->•««%  '^M*>  \.  IX  oil :  Constantine  (or  Heraclius  the  Small,  see  Theoph. 

^".^7    V  N  ^i>a4i ;  (a)  1^  Martina :  Heradonas  (or  Heraclius) ;  Au^us- 

.'VvA.     h»«ut.  NUiinusor  Martinus.    Some  other  children  by  Martma, 

-.  .^  -v^  ii»*-:wi**  Cuusuniine.  died  young.] 

>^  « XNhMuwoM  I^MTphyrofeniwtai,  De  Cer..  ii  37,  p.  6a7-S,  ed.  Bomii] 


OF  THE  BOSCAN  EMPIBE         ITS 

rence/'  exclaimed  the  voice  of  a  dtdien,  ^we  revegcace  the 
mother  of  our  princes ;  but  to  those  princes  alone  our  obedience 
is  due ;  and  Constantine,  the  elder  emperor,  is  of  ail  age  ta 
sustain,  in  his  own  hands,  the  weight  of  the  sceptre.  Your  sex 
is  excluded  by  nature  from  the  toils  of  fforemment.  How 
could  you  combat,  how  could  you  answer,  the  barbariansi*  who, 
with  hostile  or  friendly  intentions,  may  approach  the  royal 
city  ?  May  heaven  avert  from  the  Roman  repubtic  thiA  national 
disgrace,  which  would  provoke  the  patience  of  the  slaves  of 
Persia ! "  Martina  descended  from  the  throne  with  indignation, 
and  sought  a  refuge  in  the  female  apartment  of  the  palace. 
The  reign  of  Constantine  the  Third  lasted  only  one  hundnsd  and 
three  days ;  he  expired  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age,  and, 
although  his  life  had  been  a  long  malady,  a  belief  was  enter- 
tained that  poison  had  been  the  means,  and  his  cruel  step- 
mother the  author,  of  his  imtimely  fiite.  Martina  reaped, 
indeed,  the  harvest  of  his  death,  and  assumed  the  government fiSf 
in  the  name  of  the  surviving  emperor ;  but  the  incestuous  widow 
of  Heraclius  was  universally  abhorred;  the  jealousy  of  the 
people  was  awakened  ;  and  the  two  orphans,  whom  Constantine' 
had  left,  became  the  objects  of  the  public  care.  It  was  in  vain 
that  the  son  of  Martina,  who  was  no  more  than  fifteen  years  of 
age,  was  taught  to  declare  himself  the  guardian  of  his  nephews, 
one  of  whom  he  had  presented  at  the  baptismal  font ;  it  was  in 
vain  that  he  swore  on  the  wood  of  the  true  cross  to  defend 
them  against  all  their  enemies.  On  his  death-bed,  the  liate 
emperor  dispatched  a  trusty  servant  to  arm  the  troops  and 
provinces  of  the  East  in  the  defence  of  his  helpless  children  ; 
the  eloquence  and  liberality  of  Valentin  had  been  successful, 
and  fix>m  his  camp  of  Chalcedon  he  bdldly  demanded  the 
punishment  of  the  assassins  and  the  restoration  of  the  lawful 
heir.  The  licence  of  the  soldiers,  who  devoured  the  grapes 
and  drank  the  wine  of  their  Asiatie  vineyards,  provoked  the 
citizens  of  Constantinople  against  the  domestic  authors  of  their 
calamities,  and  the  dome  of  St.  Sophia  re-echoed,  not  with 
prayers  and  hymns,  but  with  the  clamours  and  imprecations  of 
an  enraged  multitude.  At  their  imperious  command,  Henid- 
leonas  appeared  in  the  pulpit  with  the  eldest  of  the  royal 
orphans ;  Constans  alone  wa$  isaluted  as  emperor  of  the  Ronlans ; 
and  a  crown  of  gold,  which  had  been  taken  from  the  tomb  of 
Heraditts,  was  placed  on  his  head,  with  the  solemn  benediction 
of  the  patriarch.  But  in  the  tumult,  of  joy  and  indigpation  the 
church  was  pillaged,  the  sanctuary  was  poUutcd  by  a  pioiiiie-j 


174 


THI 


truuitfnt  coniiui^si., 
After  the   dca... 
patriarch,  mm   . . 
his  DJcce  Muii.i: . 
the  jiidfriiii.-iu  ' 
defonnitv  ui  ... 
birth  is  sii;:.. 

t^  mBtenml  ii< . 
and  the  aged  ii..^ 
coi^ognl  alluruiu. ' 
a  mature  :t;^:     >.. 
constitiiti*.:. 
with  Kicr. 
senate  n..- 

of  the  .111.' 
the  palri 
of  the   Kr>  -> 
soon  as  tli. 
tumuli  II . 

the   i-t. 
G«th<-(l; 


^^^:  and  the  Mmothelite 
^^h  ^rr  dropping  a  protesta- 

^^ggt  digbt  trom  the  seal  of 
^^ft  'jtoadj  task  was  reserved 

^^«arT  strength  from  the 
.^^^  The  spirit  of  Roman 
^  i«t(it  examples  of  the  jndg- 
J—  siprits  were  deposed  and 
J  wt^  of  Constantine.  But 
^^^  was  stained  by  the  in- 
^   jxiocent   and   the    guiltj : 

iMi  III  id  to  the  amputation, 
jer  M  his  nose ;  and  after  this 
:jM  lentainder  of  their  days  in 
^M  «vre  capable  of  reflection 
t  jtftr  servitude,  by  observing 
,  M^  for  a  moment  in  the 


I  6ve  hundred  yean 
■.  ~  ,»sKns<  >f  ^^  listen  to  the  ora- 

"^"~"        ', i  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his 

-^  "  ^  -    .iArr  returning  his  thanks  for 

^^~  ^^^^bW  *ho  had  intercepted  the 
>*"I''    ^  ■■^k  *  BJr  ^^  divine  providence," 

*•*"  ;^  MwiriiahteouB  decree.  Martina 

*"^V^  ^v'lwen  cast  headlong  from  the 
*^'^*^!r»  "^^^  have  prevented  the  Roman 
^'^  jn**^***  t"*""*?'  '  therefore  exhort 
*'^'_  iM**  a*  tbe  counsellors  and  judges 
^f"  '^  MMtiirs  were  gratified  by  the 
■^^  ■  jj^^  liiMaSiTe  of  their  sovereign  ;  but 
^""V^^^Maifcy  ■"•'  regardless  of  freedom ; 
*  '  ;^|^j*  m  ho"'  Tvas  quickly  erased  by 

*^  \^.^  (fe  habits  of  despotism.  He 
"^^^   wt  the  senate  or  people  should 

•»  .         fdutore  and  seat  bis  brother 

By  the  imposition  of  holy 

Heradiui ;  be  w;u  renamed  Con- 

';Hmcliiuhad  broufshl 

sud  is  lo  izUed  tqr  Ni- 

slwiTi  kDovm  a*  Coculani 

l1  aime,  but  that  be  wu  pi 


■X 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  177 

vrdert,   the  grandson  of  Heraclius  was  disqualified  for  the 
purple ;  but  this  ceremony^  which  seemed  to  profime  the  sac- 
raments of  the  church,  was  insufficient  to  appease  the  suspicions 
of  the  tyrant,  and  the  death  of  the  deacon  Theododus  could  ^ 
ilone  expiate  the  crime  of  his  royal  birth.     His  murder  was 
tvexiged  by  the  imprecations  of  the  people,  and  the  assassin,  in 
the  niiness  of  power,  was  driven  from  his  capital  into  voluntey 
md  perpetual  exile.     Constans  embarked  iar  Greece ;  and,  as 
if  he  meant  to  retort  the  abhorrence  which  he  deserved,  he  is 
uud,  from  the  Imperial  galley,  to  have  spit  against  the  walls  of 
bis  native  city.     After  passing  the  winter  at  Athens,  he  sailed 
to  Tarentum  in   Italy,  visited  Rome,  and  concluded  a  longC^J^t 
pilgrimage  of  disgrace  and  sacrilegious  rapine,  bv  fixing  his 
residence  at  Syracuse.^     But,  if  Constans  could  fiy  from  his 
people,  he  coudd  not  fly  from  himself.     The  remorse  of  his 
conscience  created  a  phantom  who  pursued  him  by  land  and 
lea,  by  day  and  by  night ;  and  the  visionary  Theodosius,  pre- 
lenting  to  his  lips  a  cup  of  blood,  said,  or  seemed  to  say, 
'  Drink,  brother,  drink : "  a  sure  emblem  of  the  aggravation  of 
lis  guilt,  since  he  had  received  frx>m  the  hands  of  the  dieacon 
!ie  mystic  cup  of  the  blood  of  Christ.^    Odious  to  himself  and 
» mankind,  Constans  perished  by  domestic,  perhaps  by  episcopal 
eason  in  the  capital  of  Sicily.    A  servant  who  waited  in  the 
th,  after  pouring  warm  water  on  his  head,  struck  him  violently 
th  the  vase.     He  fell,  stunned  by  the  blow  and  suffocated  by 
*  water ;  and  his  attendants,  who  wondered  at  the  tedious 
ay,  beheld  with   indifference  the  corpse  of  their  lifeless 
!>eror.     The  troops  of  Sicily  invested  with  the  purple  an 
nire  youth,  whose  inimitable  beauty  eluded,  and  it  might  gsSftJif 

This  description  of  the  Jfigkt  of  CDnstans  from  Constantinople  is  certainly  a 

>resentation.   Of  the  causes  of  the  execution  of  Theodosius  we  know  nothing ; 

bough  Constans  was  certainly  unpopular  in  his  capital  and  this  unpopulantj 

ess  confirmed  him  in  his  resolve  to  proceed  to  the  West,  this  resolve  was  in 

t  instance  evidently  dictated  by  statesmanlihe  motives.    He  had  vigorously 

sctively  checked  the  advance  of  Saracen  ojrms  in  the  East ;  it  seemiBd  now 

vtant  to  protect  Africa  and  Sicily,  threatened  and  attacked  by  the  same 

and  at  the  same  time  recover  the  south  of  Italy  (duchy  of  Beneventnm) 

:  Lx)mbards.     In  this  last  task  Constans  failed;  and  his  idea  of  moving 

;  centre  of  the  empire  to  Old  Rome  was  an  unpractical  dream.    He  seems 

-eorganixed  the  administration  of  the  Imperial  territory  in  South  Italy,  by 

one  province  Calabria,  including  both  the  heel  and  toe.     When  the  hed 

ted  from  the  empire,  the  name  became  appropriated  exclusively  to  the 

;  unpopularity  oi  Constans  had  probabljr  its  gravest  cause  in  the  heavy 

rhich  he  imposed  for  the  military  reorganisation  of  the  empire.] 

Cedrenus,  L  p.  762,  ed.  Bonn.] 

L.  V.  12  ^ 


178  THE  D£CI4N£; :  AND ,  F^J^^ 

.  easily  elude,  the  declining  art  of  the  piunters  and  iculpton  of 
the  age. 
^ttM  Constans  had  left  in  the  Byxantine  palace  three  sons,  the 
2^*^  eldest  of  whom  had  been  clothed  in  his  infiincy  with  the  purple. 
When  tlie  fiither  summoned  them  to  attend  his  person  in  Sicily^ 
these  precious  hostages  were  detained  by  the  Greeks,  and  a 
finn  renisal  informed  him  that  they  were  the  children  of  the 
state.  The  news  of  his  murder  was  conveyed  with  almost 
supernatural  speed  from  Syracuse  to  Constantinople ;  and 
.  Constantine,  the  eldest  of  his  sons,  inherited  his  throne  without 
being  the  heir  of  the  public  hatred.^  His  subjects  contributed 
with  zeal  and  alacrity,  to  chastise  the  guilt  and  presumption  of 
a  province  which  liad  usurped  the  rights  of  the  senate  and 
people  ;  the  young  emperor  sailed  from  the  Hellespont  with  a 
powerful  fleet;  and  the  legions  of  Rome  and  Carthage  were 
assembled  under  his  standard  in  the  harbour  of  Sjrracuse.  The 
defeat  of  the  Sicilian  tyrant  was  easv,  his  punishment  just,  and 
his  beauteous  head  was  exposed  in  tne  hippodrome  ;  but  I  can- 
not applaud  the  clemency  of  a  prince  who,  among  a  crowd  of 
victors,  condemned  the  son  of  a  patrician  for  deploring  with 
some  bitterness  the  execution  of  a  virtuous  &ther.  The  youth 
was  castrated ;  he  survived  the  operation ;  and  the  memory  of 
this  indecent  cruelty  is  preserved  by  the  elevation  of  Germanus 
to  the  rank  of  a  patriarcn  and  saint.  After  pouring  this  bloodv 
libation  on  his  father's  tomb,  Constantine  returned  to  his  capital, 
and  the  growth  of  his  young  beard  during  the  Sicilian  voyi^^e 
was  announced,  by  the  familiar  surname  of  Pogonatus,  to  the 
Grec;ian  world,  out  his  reign,  like  that  of  his  predecessor,  was 
stained  with  fraternal  4i8<20i^*  On  his  two  brothers,  Heradius 
and  Tiberius,  he  had  bestowed  the  title  of  Augustus :  an  empty 
title,  for  they  continued  to  languish,  without  trust  or  power,  in 
the  solitude  of  the  palace.  At  their  secret  instigation,  the 
troops  of  the  Anatolian  tkeme  ^  or  province  approached  the  city 
on  tne  Asiatic  side,  demanded  for  the  royal  brothers  the  parti- 
tion or  exercise  of  sovereignty,  and  supported  their  seditious 
claim  by  a  theological  argument.  They  were  Christians  (they 
cried)  and  orthodox  Cathdics ;  the  sincere  votaries  of  the  holy 
and  undivided  Trinity.  Since  there  are  three  equal  persons  in 
heaven,  it  is  reasonable  there  should  be  three  equal  persons 


*  [For  the  Saracen  siege  of  Coooumtinople  in  Constantine's  nigp^  lee  c  UL  a/ 
Mi,  /  for  the  cstabUibment  of  the  Bulgarian  kingdom,  c  !▼•  iul  mm/.] 


'  [For  the  TTUimis,  whkh  begin  to  appear  in  the  aeoood  half  of  the  seventh 
century,  see  voL  vL  Appendix.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  179 

apon  euth*  The  emperor  invited  these  learned  divines  to  a 
£diendly  conference,  in  which  they  might  propose  their  argu- 
ments to  the  senate;  they  obeyed  the  summons;  but  tiie 
prospect  of  their  bodies  hanging  on  the  gibbet  in  the  suburb  of 
GalAta  reconciled  their  companions  to  the  unitv  of  the  reign  of 
Constantine.  He  pardoned  his  brothers,  and  their  names  were 
still  pronounced  in  the  public  acclamations;  but,  on  the 
repetition  or  suspicion  of  a  similar  ofience,  the  obnoxious  princes 
were  deprived  of  their  titles  and  noses,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Catholic  bishops  who  were  assembled  at  Constantinople  in  the 
sixth  general  synod.  In  the  close  of  his  life,  Pogonatus  was 
vudous  only  to  establish  the  right  of  primogeniture  ;  the  hair 
of  his  two  sons,  Justinian  and  Heraclius,  was  offered  on  the 
shrine  of  St.  Peter,  as  a  symbol  of  their  spiritual  adoption  by 
the  pope ;  but  the  elder  was  alone  exalted  to  the  rank  of 
Augustus  and  the  assurance  of  the  empire. 

After  the  decease  of  his  fiither,  the  inheritance  of  the  Roman  ^^^ 
world  devolved  to  Justinian  II. ;  and  the  name  of  a  triumphant  s<fiS« 
lawgiver  was  dishonoured  by  the  vices  of  a  boy,  who  imitated 
bis  namesake  only  in  the  expensive  luxury  of  building.  His 
passions  were  strong ;  his  understanding  was  feeble ;  and  he 
was  intoxicated  with  a  foolish  pride  that  his  birth  had  given 
him  the  command  of  millions,  of  whom  the  smallest  community 
woald  not  have  chosen  him  for  their  local  magistrate.  H^ 
fitvonrite  ministers  were  two  beings  the  least  susceptible  of 
human  sympathy,  an  eunuch  and  a  monk;  to  the  one  he 
abandoned  the  palace,  tO'  the  other  the  finances ;  the  fbtmer 
corrected  the  emperor's  mother  with  a  scourge,  the  latter  sus- 
pended the  insolvent  tributaries,  with  their  heads  downwaids, 
over  a  alow  and  smoky  fire.  Since  the  days  of  Commodus  and 
Car^calky  the  cruel^  of  the  Roman  princes  had  most  oom- 
monly  been  the  eroct  of  their  fear;  but  Justinian,  who 
possfysird  some  vigour  of  charaetevp  enjoyed  the  sufferings,  and 
nsawed  the  revenge,  of  his  subjects  about  ten  years,  till  the 
acaanre  was  foil,  of  his  crimes  and  of  their  patience.  In  a  dark 
dm^eon,  Lecoitiiis,  a  g«ieral  of  reputation,  had  groaned  above 
three  years  with  some  of  the  noblest  and  most  deserving  of 
the.  yntririsn^ ;  he  was  suddenly  drawn  forth  to  assume  the 
government  of  Greece ;  and  this  promotioiii  of  an  injured  man 
was  a  mark  of  the  contempt  rather  than  of  the  coi^Uence  of 
his  prince.  As  he  was  followed  to  the  port  by  the  kind  offices 
of  his  friends,  Leontius  observed,  with  a  sigh,  that  he  was  a 
victim  adorned  for  sacrifice  and  that  inevitable  death  would 


180         THE  DECLmE  AND  FALL 

pursue  his  footsteps.  They  ventured  to  reply  that  glory  anc 
empire  might  be  the  recompense  of  a  generous  resolution  ;  thai 
every  order  of  men  abhorred  the  reign  of  a  monster ;  and  thai 
the  hands  of  two  hundred  thousand  patriots  expected  only  th( 
voice  of  a  leader.  The  night  was  chosen  for  their  deliverance 
and,  in  the  first  effort  of  the  conspirators,  the  prefect  was  slaii 
and  the  prisons  were  forced  open;  the  emissaries  of  Leontiu! 
proclaimed  in  every  street,  "  Christians,  to  St.  Sophia  !  "  ;  anc 
the  seasonable  text  of  the  patriarch,  '*  this  is  the  day  of  th< 
Lord  ! "  was  the  prelude  of  an  infiammatory  sermon.  From  th< 
church  the  people  adjourned  to  the  hippodrome ;  Justinian,  ii 
whose  cause  not  a  sword  had  been  drawn,  was  dragged  befor< 
these  tumultuary  judges,  and  their  clamours  demanded  th< 
instant  death  of  the  tyrant.  But  Leontius,  who  was  alreadj 
clothed  with  the  purple,  oast  an  eye  of  pity  on  the  prostrate  soi 
of  his  own  bene&ctor,  and  of  so  many  emperors.  The  life  o 
Justinian  was  spared ;  the  amputation  of  his  nose,  perhaps  o 
his  tongue,  was  imperfectly  performed ;  the  happy  flexibility  o 
the  Greek  language  could  impose  the  name  of  Khinotmetus 
and  the  mutilated  t3rrant  was  banished  to  Chersonse  in  Crim 
Tartary,  a  lonely  settlement,  where  com,  wine,  and  oil  wer< 
importMl  as  foreign  luxuries. 

iLD*£RiB  ^  ^^^  ^^^  o^  ^^^  Scjrthian  wilderness,  Justinian  stil 
cherished  the  pride  of  his  birth  and  the  hope  of  his  restoration 
After  three  years'  exile,  he  received  the  pleasing  intelligent 
that  his  injurv  was  avenged  by  a  second  revolution,  and  tha 
Leontius  ^  in  his  tiurn  had  beta  dethroned  and  mutilated  by  th< 

rmwrtum.  rebel  Apsimar,  who  assumed  the  more  respectable  name  o 
Tiberius.  But  the  claim  of  lineal  succession  was  still  formidable 
to  a  plebeian  usurper ;  and  his  jealousy  was  stimulated  by  th< 
complaints  and  cnarges  of  the  Chersonites,  who  beheld  th( 
vices  of  the  tyrant  in  the  spirit  of  the  exile.  With  a  band  o 
followers,  attached  to  his  person  bv  common  hope  or  eommoi 
despair,  Justinian  fled  from  the  inhospitable  shore  to  the  hord< 
of  tne  Chozars,  who  pitched  thcte  tents  between  the  Tanais  atK 
Borysthenes.  The  khan  entertained  with  pity  and  respect  th< 
royal  suppliant;  Phanagoria,  once  an  opulent  dty,  on  tb 
Asiatic  side  of  the  lake  Maeotts,  was  assigned  for  his  residence 
and  every  Roman  prejodice  was  stifled  in  his  marriaffe  with  th< 
sister  of  the  barbarian,  who  seems,  however,  from  the  name  o 

*  [The  chief  event  of  the  rdgn  of  Leontius  (A.D.  695-698)  was  the  final  loss  0 
Africa.    See  below,  6.  IL] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  179 

upon  euth*  The  emperor  invited  these  learned  divines  to  a 
£ciendly  conference,  in  which  they  might  propose  their  argu- 
ments to  the  senate;  they  obeyed  the  summons;  but  the 
prospect  of  their  bodies  hanging  on  the  gibbet  in  the  suburb  of 
GalAta  reconciled  their  companions  to  the  unil^  of  the  reign  of 
CoDstantine.  He  pardoned  his  brothers,  and  their  names  were 
itill  pronounced  in  the  public  acclamations;  but,  on  the 
repetition  or  suspicion  of  a  similar  offence,  the  obnoxious  princes 
were  deprived  of  their  titles  and  noses,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Catholic  bishops  who  were  assembled  at  Constantinople  in  the 
sixth  general  synod.  In  the  close  of  his  life,  Pogonatus  was 
wudous  only  to  establish  the  right  of  primogeniture  ;  the  hair 
of  his  two  scms,  Justinian  and  Heraclius,  was  offered  on  the 
shrine  of  St.  Peter,  as  a  symbol  of  their  spiritual  adoption  by 
the  pope;  but  the  elder  was  alone  exalted  to  the  rank  of 
Augustus  and  the  assurance  of  the  empire. 

After  the  decease  of  his  fiither,  the  inheritance  of  the  Romany 
world  devolved  to  Justinian  II. ;  and  the  name  of  a  triumphant  s<viS« 
lawgiver  was  dishonoured  by  the  vices  of  a  boy,  who  imitated 
hia  namesake  only  in  the  expensive  luxury  of  building.  His 
passions  were  strong;  his  understanding  was  feeble;  and  he 
was  intoxicated  with  a  foolish  pride  that  his  birth  had  given 
him  the  command  of  millions,  of  whom  the  smallest  community 
would  not  have  chosen  him  for  their  local  magistrate.  H^ 
fiivomite  ministers  were  two  beings  the  least  susceptible  of 
human  sympathy,  an  eunuch  and  a  monk;  to  the  one  he 
abandoned  the  palace,  to  the  other  the  finances ;  the  fbtmer 
corrected  the  emperor's  mother  with  a  soouige,  the  latter  sus- 
pended the  insolvent  tributaries,  with  their  heads  downwaids, 
orer  a  alow  and  smoky  fire.  Since  the  days  of  Commodus  and 
Car^calhy  the  cruel|^  of  the  Roman  princes  had  most  oom- 
mooly  been  the  eroct  of  their  fear;  but  Justinian,  who 
pawMScd  some  vigour  of  characiCTp  enjoyed  the  sufferings,  and 
naaved  the  revenge  of  his  subjects  about  ten  years,  till  the 
mcawim  sras  foil,  of  his  Grimes  and  of  their  patience.  In  a  dark 
dm^eon,  Xeositiiis,  a  gmeral  of  reputation,  had  groaned  above 
tbreii  years  with  some  of  the  noblest  and  most  deserving  of 
ibm.  fitririsns ;  he  was  suddenly  drawn  forth  to  assume  the 
govmunent  of  Greece ;  and  this  promotion  of  an  injured  man 
was  a  Biaris  of  the  contempt  rather  than  of  the  coi^yence  of 
his  prince.  As  he  was  followed  to  the  port  by  the  kind  offices 
of  his  friends,  Leontius  observed,  with  a  sigh,  that  he  was  a 
victim  adorned  for  sacrifice  and  that  inevitable  death  would 


182  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  Justinian^  planting  a  foot  on  eaeh  of  their  necks,  ocmteiii- 
plated  above  an  hour  the  chariot-race,  whOe  the  inconstant 
people  shouted,  in  the  words  of  the  Psalmist,  ''Thou  shah 
trample  on  the  asp  and  basilisk,  and  on  the  lion  and  dn^gon 
shalt  thou  set  thy  foot  i  "  ^^  The  universal  defection  which  he 
had  once  experienced  might  provoke  him  to  repeat  the  with  of 
Caligula,  that  the  Roman  pec^e  had  but  one  head.  Yet  I  shall 
presume  to  observe  that  such  a  wish  is  unworthy  of  an  in- 
genious tyrant  since  his  revenge  and  cruel^  would  have 
been  extinguished  by  a  single  blow,  instead  of  the  slow 
variety  of  tortures  which  Justinian  inflicted  on  the  victims  of 
his  anger.  His  pleasures  were  inexhaustible;  neither  private 
virtue  nor  public  service  could  expiate  the  guilt  of  active  or  even 
passive  obedience  to  an  established  government ;  and,  during 
the  six  years  of  his  new  reign,  he  considered  the  axe,  the  cord, 
and  the  rack  as  the  only  instruments  of  royalty.^'  But  his  most 
implacable  hatred  was  pointed  against  the  Chersonites,  who 
had  insulted  his  exile  and  violated  the  laws  of  hospitality.  Their 
remote  situation  afibrded  some  means  of  defence,  or  at  least  of 
escape  ;  and  a  grievous  tax  was  imposed  on  Constantinople,  to 
supply  the  preparations  of  a  fleet  and  armv.  "  All  are  guilty, 
and  all  must  perish,"  was  the  mandate  of  Justinian ;  and  the 
bloody  execution  was  entrusted  to  his  fiivourite  Stephen,  who 
[Aj>.  vsi  was  recommended  by  the  epithet  of  the  Savage.  Yet  even  the 
savage  Stephen  imperfectly  accomplished  the  intentions  of  his 
sovereign.  The  slowness  of  his  attack  allowed  the  greater  part 
of  the  inhabitants  to  withdraw  into  the  countiy;  and  the 
minister  of  vengeance  contented  himself  with  redneing  the 
youth  of  both  sexes  to  a  state  of  servitude,  with  roasting  alive 
seven  of  the  principal  dtiseni^  with  drowning  twenty  in  the 
sea,  and  with  reserving  fi>rty*two  in  chains  to  rec^ve  their 
doom  from  the  mouth  of  the  emperor.  In  their  retunif  the 
fleet  was  driven  on  the  rocky  shores  of  Anatolia,  and  Jnsttnian 
applauded  the  obedience  of  the  Euxine,  which  had  involved  so 
many  thousands  of  his  subjects  and  enemies  in  a  oomnHNi  ship- 
wreck ;  but  the  tyrant  was  still  insatiate  of  blood,  and  a  sooond 
expedition  was  commanded  to  extirpate  the  remains  of  the 

u  [Psalm  zd.  13 ;  according  to  raadiag  q[  the  Septvagint,  Lum  (Xlwra)  aUodai 
to  LeoiUiut,  iivinU  to  Apsimar;  while  pmOJunw  suggests  a  petty  /hmAnf*.] 

u  [The  reign  of  Apsimar  had  been  on  the  whole  suocesifal,  and,  thou^  it  aaw 
the  loss  of  the  Fourth  Armenia  to  the  Saracens,  was  marked  br  some  tmportont 
siicoesaes,  especially  a  naval  victory  olTtheooast  of  Cnida.  In  justiniaa's  aeoood 
reign,  there  was  an  unsuocasiftil  eipsdftfcm  against  Bulgaria,  and  lyaaa  was 
lost  to  the  Saracens.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  179 

apoa  euth*  The  emperor  invited  these  learned  divines  to  a 
mendly  conference,  in  which  they  might  propose  their  argu- 
ments to  the  senate;  they  obeyed  fiie  summons;  but  the 
prospect  of  their  bodies  hanging  on  the  gibbet  in  the  suburb  of 
GalAta  reconciled  their  companions  to  the  uni^  of  the  reign  of 
CoDstantine.  He  pardoned  his  brothers,  and  their  names  were 
itill  pronounced  in  the  public  acclamations;  but,  on  the 
repetition  or  suspicion  of  a  similar  oiTence,  the  obnoxious  princes 
were  deprived  of  their  titles  and  noses,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Cath<^c  bishops  who  were  assembled  at  Constantinople  in  the 
sixth  general  synod.  In  the  close  of  his  life,  Pogonatus  was 
uudous  only  to  establish  the  right  of  primogeniture  ;  the  hair 
of  his  two  s<ms,  Justinian  and  Heraclius,  was  offered  on  the 
shrine  of  St.  Peter,  as  a  symbol  of  their  spiritual  adoption  by 
the  pope ;  but  the  elder  was  alone  exalted  to  the  rank  of 
Augustus  and  the  assurance  of  the  empire. 

After  the  decease  of  his  fiither,  the  inheritance  of  the  Romany 
world  devolved  to  Justinian  II. ;  and  the  name  of  a  triumphant  s<viS« 
lawgiver  was  dishonoured  by  the  vices  of  a  boy,  who  imitated 
bis  namesake  only  in  the  expensive  luxury  of  building.  His 
pasdons  were  strong;  his  understanding  was  feeble;  and  he 
was  intoxicated  with  a  foolish  pride  that  his  birth  had  given 
him  the  command  of  millions,  of  whom  the  smallest  community 
would  not  have  chosen  him  for  their  local  magistrate.  H^ 
fiivomite  ministers  were  two  beings  the  least  susceptible  of 
human  sympathy,  an  eunuch  and  a  monk ;  to  the  one  he 
abandoned  the  palace,  to  the  other  the  finances ;  the  fbtm^r 
eonected  the  emperor's  mother  with  a  scourge,  the  latter  sus- 
pended the  insolvent  tributaries,  with  their  heads  downwaids, 
orer  a  alow  and  smoky  fire.  Since  the  days  of  Commodus  and 
Car^calhy  the  cruelty  of  the  Roman  princes  had  most  oom- 
monlj  been  the  eroct  of  their  fear;  but  Justinian,  who 
possfsird  some  vigour  of  charaetevp  enjoyed  the  sufferings,  and 
nsaved  the  revenge  of  his  subjects  about  ten  years,  S]l  the 
mcawim  sras  foil,  of  his  crimes  and  of  their  patience.  In  a  dark 
dm^eon,  Lecoitins,  a  gmeral  of  reputation,  had  groaned  above 
tbreii  yean  with  some  of  the  noblest  and  most  deserving  of 
the.  ppiririans ;  he  was  suddenly  drawn  forth  to  assume  the 
government  of  Greece ;  and  this  prcmiotioa  of  an  injured  man 
was  a  wmA  of  the  contempt  rather  than  of  the  coi:didence  of 
his  prince.  As  he  was  followed  to  the  port  by  the  kind  offices 
of  his  friends,  Leontius  observed,  with  a  sigh,  that  he  was  a 
victim  adorned  for  sacrifice  and  that  inevitable  death  would 


A.D.m. 


184         THE  DECLINE  AND  FAJLL 

Zeudppas;  and,  retuming  to  the  palace,  entertaioed  his  noUet 
with  a  sumptuous  banquet.  At  the  meridian  hour  he  with* 
drew  to  his  chamber,  intoxicated  with  flattery  and  wine,  and 
forgetful  that  his  example  had  made  every  subject  ambitious 
and  that  every  ambitious  subject  was  his  secret  enemy.  Some 
bold  conspirators  introduced  themselves  in  the  disorder  of  the 
feast;  and  the  slumbering  monarch  was  surprised,  bounds 
blinded,  and  deposed,  before  he  was  sensible  of  his  danger. 
Yet  the  traitors  were  deprived  of  their  reward ;  and  the  free 
M  4 '  ^^  voice  of  the  senate  and  people  promoted  Artemius  from  the  office 
of  secretary  to  that  of  emperor:  he  assumed  the  title  of  Anas- 
tasius  the  Second,  and  displayed  in  a  short  and  troubled  reign 
the  virtues  both  of  peace  and  war.  But,  after  the  extinction  of 
the  Imperial  line,  the  rule  of  obedience  was  violated,  and  every 
change  diffused  the  seeds  of  new  revolutions.  In  a  mutiny  of 
the  fleet,  an  obscure  and  reluctant  officer  of  the  revenue  was 
forcibly  invested  with  the  purple ;  after  some  months  of  a  naval 
war,  Anastasius  resigned  the  sceptre ;  ^^  and  the  conqueror, 
Theodosius  the  Third,  submitted  in  his  turn  to  the  superior 
ascendant  of  Leo,  the  general  and  emperor  of  the  Oriental 
troops.  His  two  predecessors  were  permitted  to  embrace  the 
ecclesiastical  profession  ;  the  restless  impatience  of  Anastasius 
tempted  him  to  risk  and  to  lose  his  life  in  a  treasonable  enter- 
prise; but  the  last  days  of  Theodosius  were  honourable  and 
secure.  The  single  sublime  word,  ''health,"  which  he  in- 
scribed on  his  tomb,  expresses  the  confidence  of  philosophy  or 
religion ;  and  the  fisime  of  his  miracles  was  long  preserved 
among  the  people  of  Ephesus.  This  convenient  shelter  of  the 
church  might  sometimes  impose  a  less<m  of  clemency;  but  it 
may  be  questioned  whether  it  is  for  the  public  interest  to> 
diminish  the  perils  of  unsuccessful  ambition. 

I  have  dwelt  on  the  fidl  of  a  tymnt ;  I  shall  briefly  represent. 
t£  the  founder  of  a  new  dynasty,  who  is  known  to  posterity  by 
the  invectives  of  his  enemies,  and  whose  public  and  private 
life  is  involved  in  the  ecclesiastical  story  of  the  Iconoclasts. 
Yet  in  spite  of  the  clamours  of  superstition,  a  fiivourable  preju- 
dice for  the  charaeter  of  Leo  the  Isaurian  may  be  reasonably 
drawn  from  the  obscurity  of  his  birth  and  the  duration  of  his 
reign.^^' — ^I.  In  an  age  of  manly  spirit,   the  prospect  of  an 

^rAnastasius  was  making  preparations  for  an  attack  on  the  Saracens  by  sea. 
His  fall  was  due  to  the  mutiny  of  tbe  troops  of  the  Op^vtai  Theme,  whose 
officers  he  had  punished  for  the  part  they  had  played  la  the  •deposition  of 
Philippicus.] 

»LFor  the  acta  of  Leo  IIL,  see  ako  c.  UiL  (Saracen  si^ge  of  CoBMuainople) ; 
and  c.  xHx.  (iconodasm) ;  for  his  legal  work,  see  Appendix  jx  For  chronology* 
Cjp.  Appendix  loj 


o  m.  ttM 


OF  THE  BOMAiDf  EMPIRE  185 

ImperUl  reward  would  have  kindled  every  energy^  ef  the  mindj 
ana  produced  a  crowd  of  competitors  as  deserving  as  they  were 
desirous  to  reign.  Even  in  the  corruption  and  debility  of  the 
modem  Greeks,  the  elevation  of  a  plebeian  from  the' last  to' the  . 
first  rank  of  society  supposes  some  qualifications  above  the 
level  of  the  multitude.  He  would  probably  be  ignorant  and 
disdainful  of  speculative  science ;  ana  in  the  pursuit  of  fbrtune 
he  might  absolve  himself  from  the  obligations  of  benevolence 
and  justice;  but  to  his  character  we  may  ascribe  the  useful 
virtues  of  prudence  and  fortitude,  the  knowledge  of  mankind, 
and  the  important  art  of  gaining  their  confidence  and  direct- 
ing their  passions.  It  is  agreed  that  hco  was  a  native  of. 
Isauria,^^  and  that  Conon  was  his  primitive  name.  The  writers, 
whose  awkward  satire  is  praise,  describe  him  as  an  itmerant 
pedlar,  who  drove  an  ass  with  some  paltry  merchandise  to  the 
country  fiiirs ;  and  foolishly  relate  that  he  met  on  the  road 
some  Jewish  fortune-teUers,  who  promised  him  the  Roman 
empire  on  condition  that  he  should  abolish  the  worship  of 
idols.  A  more  probable  account  relates  the  migration  of  his  • 
&ther  from  Asia  Minor  to  Thrace,  where  he  exercised  the 
lucrative  trade  of  a  graaier ;  and  he  must  have  acquired  con* 
siderable  wealth,  since  the  first  introduction  of  hia  son  was 
procured  by  a  supply  of  five  hundred  sheep  to  the  Imperial 
camp.  His  first  service  was  in  the  guards  of  Justinian,  where 
he  soon  attracted  the.  notice,  and  by  degrees  the  jealousy^  of 
the  tyrant.  His  valour  and  dexterity  were  conspicuous  in  the 
Colchian  war ;  ^^  from  Anastasius  he  received  the  command  of 
the  Anatolian  legions ;  and  by  the  sufirage  of  the  soldiers  he 
was  raised  to  the  empire,  with  the  general  applause  of  the 
Roman  worlds — II.  In  this  dangerous  elevation,  Leo  the  Third 

17  [The  authority  is  Th«ophanes,  wlio  calls  hUn  "  the  Lsaurian/'  hot  makes  ths 
strange  statement  that  be  came  from  Germanicia  rn  a^rfit^t^  6i  U  r^c  'lo-avp^,  "  but 
really  from  Isauria,"  ^pi^ch  Anastasius,  in  his' Latin  translation,  oorrecCs  into 
fftmtrt  Synu,  It  is  dear  that  there  is  a  mistake  here,  as  K.  Scheak  has  ibown. 
(Bjrz.  Zeitsch.,  v.,  p.  996-6.  2896);  as  Leo'si  family  belonged  tq  Germanicia  he 
u-asaSyrixm  of  Commagene,  not  an  Isaurian;  ^nd  in  theSvyayM^X^^^^i^C^^c 
Boor's  ed.  of  Nicephorus,  p.  925)  he  is  calted  &  l^pot.  Scbenk  thinks  that  Tbeo- 
phaiies  confounded  Germanicia  with  Germanicopolls  in  Isauria  (West  Cilida); 
but  the  position  of  Germanicia  in  "  Syria**  was  well  known  to  Theophanes  (cp. 
D.  423,  445,  451).  Possibly  Theophanes  wrote  ^  ▼%  3vp£a«,  and  Anastasius  trans- 
lated the  genuine  reading.  There  is  nothing  improbable  in  an  accidental  comip- 
tioQ  of  r^  Svpuif  to  tit'Imorpcat  (and  ^*l<rcvpo«  two  lines  before  would  follow\ 
This  explanation  is  supported  by  the  fact  that  in  another  passage  (which  Scheok 
omits  to  notke)  Theophanes  does  call  Leo  "  the  Syrian  "  ([x  4x2, 3).  J 

3>[For  an  account  of  Leg^f  adventure?  in  Alania  and  Abao^,  see  Bur^,  Later 
Romaic  Empire,  il,  574-7-] 


189         THE  IXECLINB'  AND  FALL 

supported  himself  against  the  envy  of  his  eaiuJs,  the  discontent 
of  a  powerful  Ifaction,  and  the  assaults  of  his  foreign  and  domestic 
enemies.  The  Catholics,  who  accuse  his  religious  innovations, 
are  obliged  to  confess  that  they  were  undertaken  with  temper 
and  conducted  with  firmness.  Their  silence  respects  the  wisdom 
of  his  administration  and  the  purity  of  his  manners.  After  a 
reign  of  twenty*fbur  years,  he  peaceably  expired  in  the  palace 
of  Constantinople ;  and  the  purple  whidn  he  had  acquired  was 
transmitted,  by  the  right  of  Inheritance,  to  the  third  generation. 
In  a  long  reign  of  thirty-four  years,  the  son  and  successor  of 
gjaitot  Leo,  Constantine  the  Fifth,  sumamed  Copron3ntnu8,^*  attacked, 
«pro(^  with  less  temperate  seal,  the  images  or  idols  of  the  church, 
•  S^  Their  votaries  have  exhausted  the  bitterness  of  religious  gall 
in  their  portrait  of  this  spotted  puother,  this  antidhrist,  this 
fljring  dragon  of  the  serpent's  seed,  who  surpassed  the  vices  of 
Elagabalus  and  Nero.  His  reign  was  a  long  butcheiy  of  what- 
ever was  most  noble,  or  holy,  or  innocent,  in  his  empire.  In 
person,  the  emperor  assisted  at  the  execution  of  his  victims, 
surveyed  their  agonies,  listened  to  their  groans,  and  indulged, 
without  satiating,  his  appetite  for  blood  ;  a  plate  of  noses  was 
accepted  as  a  grateful  offering,  and  his  domestics  were  often 
scourged  or  mutilated  by  the  roval  hand.  His  surname  was 
derived  from  his  pollution  of  bis  fMiitismal  fbnt.^^  The  infont 
might  be  excused;  but  the  manly  pleasures  of  Copronjnnus  de- 
graded him  below  the  level  of  a  brute ;  his  lust  confounded 
the  eternal  distinctions  of  sex  and  species  ;  and  he  seemed  to 
extract  some  unnatural  delight  from  the  objects  most  offensive 
to  human  sense.  In  bis  religion,  the  leonodast  was  an  Heretic, 
a  Jew,  a  Mahometan,  a  Pagan,  and  an  Atheist ;  and  his  belief 
of  an  invisible  power  could  be  discovered  only  in  his  maffic 
rites,  human  victims,  and  nocturnal  sacrifices  to  Venus  and  tne 
demons  of  antiquity.  His  life  was  stained  with  the  most 
opposite  vices,  and  the  ulcers  which  covered  his  body  antici- 
pated before  his  death  the  sentiment  of  hell-tortures.  Of 
these  accusations,  which  I  have  so  patiently  copied,  a  part  is 
refuted  by  its  own  absurdity ;  and,  in  the  private  anecdotes  of 


>*[(For  CoosUntine'fl  rdgn  we  alto  capu  xlix.,  liiL,  liv.)  At  the  very  outset 
of  his  reign  Constantine's  throne  was  endangerad  Yif  the  rebellion  of  his  brother-in- 
Imw,  ArtavBsdus,  Count  of  the  OpsiUaa  TfiBme,  who  possessed  much  influence  in 
the  Armeniao  Theme.  Constantinn  lost  Conimntinnple  for  neftrly  two  years,  a.  p. 
741-3,  but  finally  vaamished  Artavaadns  nd  his  sons  in  a  bnlliant  campaign. 
It  is  to  be  obKTved  mat  the  Patriuch  Ansstasius  supported  Artavasdus,  who 
restored  image  worshipi.  For  the  chroaailQgyaf  Constantine  s  reign,  see  Appendix  o.] 

^*»  [More  probably,  like  his  other  sarassse  X<tikUHmas,  from  his  devotion  to  the 
suUes  (Ranke).] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIEE  187 

the  life  of  princes,  the  lie  ii  mere  easy  as  the  detection  is  more 
difficoH.  Without  adopting  the  pernicious  maxim  that,  where 
much  is  alleged,  something  must  be  true,  I  can  however  discern 
that  Constantine  the  Fifth  was  dissolute  and  cruel  Calumny 
is  more  prone  to  exaggerate  than  to  invent ;  and  her  licentious 
tongue  is  checked  in  some  measure  by  the  experience  of  the 
age  and  countiy  to  which  she  appeals.  Of  the  bishops  and 
monks,  the  generals  and  magistrates,  who  are  said  to  have 
suffered  under  his  reign,  the  numbers  are  recorded,  the  names 
were  conspicuous,  the  execution  was  public,  the  mutilation 
visible  and  permanent.  The  Catholics  hated  the  person  and 
government  of  Copronymus ;  but  even  their  hatred  is  a  proof 
of  their  oppression.  ITiey  dissemble  the  i»t>vocations  which 
might  excuse  or  justify  his  rigour,  but  even  these  provocations 
must  graduaUy  inflame  his  resentment  and  harden  his  temper 
in  the  use  or  the  abuse  of  despotism.  Yet  the  character  of 
the  fifth  Constantine  was  not  devoid  of  merit,  nor  did  his 
govenmient  always  deserve  the  curses  or  the  contempt  of  the 
Greeks.^  From  the  confession  of  his  enemies,  I  am  informed 
of  the  restoration  of  an  ancient  aqueduct,  of  the  redemption 
of  two  thousand  five  hundred  captives,  of  the  uncommon  plenty 
of  the  times,  and  of  the  new  colonies  with  which  he  repeopled'  • 
Constantinople  and  the  Thradan  cities.  They  reluctantly 
praise  his  activity  and  courage ;  he  was  on  hofseback  in  the* 
field  at  the  head  of  his  legions ;  and,  although  the  fortune  of 
his  arms  was  various,  he  triumphed  by  sea  and  land,  on<  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Danube,  in  civil  and  barbarian-  wan 
Heretical  praise  must  be  cast  into  the  scale,  to  counteriMlanee 
the  weight  of  orthodox  invective*  The  Iconoclasts  revered 
the  virtues  of  the  prince :  fiorty  years  after  his  death,  they 
still  prayed  before  the  tomb  of  the  saint.  A  miraculous  vision 
was  propagated  by  fanatidsm  or  fraud ;  and  the  Christian  hero 
appeared  on  a  milk-white  steed,  brandishing  his  lance  against 

*  [Constantine  was  an  naoommonly  able  and  vigorous  nikr,  tmceasingiy  active 
in  endeavours  to  improve  the  internal  administration,  and  suoocasltil  in  bis  military 
operations.  He  won  back  Melitene,  Germanida,  and  Tbeodosiopolis  from  tbe 
Saracens,  and  destroyed  an  armada  which  the  cali|>h  sent  to  besieg|e  Csrprus  (A.D. 
746).  He  weakened  the  Bolgarian  kingdom  by  a  seriee  of  campaigns  of  various 
fortmie.  His  persecation  of  the  monks  was  crael  and  rigorous,  though  perhaps 
more  excusable  than  most  persecutions ;  it  was  a  warfare  against  gross  super- 
stition. Gibbon  has  not  mentkxied  the  great  pestilenee  which  devasuted  the* 
empire  in  this  reign.  Tbeophanes  has  given  a  vivid  description  of  it  At  Conr  ' 
stantinople  it  raged  for  a  year  (a.  a  749)1  and  the  depopulation  which  it  caused 
led  to  an  influx  of  new  inhabitants,  to  wtiich  tvferenoe  is  made  in  the  text,  Cpi 
Finlay,  Hist  of  Greece,  ii ,  667.  ] 


188  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  pagans  of  Bulgaria  :  ''  An  absurd  fisible/'  says  the  Githolic 
historian^  "since  Copronymus  is  chained  with  the  daemons  in 
the  abyss  of  hell  "• 
iv.  A.11.  Leo  the  Fourth,  the  son  of  the  fifth,  and  the  fitther  of  the 
^^  sixth,  Constantine,  was  of  a  feeble  constitution  both  of  mind 
and  body,  and  the  principal  care  of  his  reign  was  the  settle- 
ment of  the  succession.  The  association  of  the  young  Con- 
stantine  was  urged  by  the  officious  zeal  of  his  subjects ;  and 
the  emperor,  conscious  of  his  decay,  complied,  after  a  prudent 
hesitation,  with  their  unanimous  wishes.  The  royal  infimt,  at 
the  age  of  five  yearn,  was  crowned  with  his  mother  Irene ; 
and  the  national  consent  was  ratified  by  every  circumstance  of 
pomp  and  solemnity  that  could  dazzle  the  eyes,  or  bind  the 
conscience,  of  the  Greeks.  An  oath  of  fidelity  was  ad- 
ministered in  the  palace,  the  church,  and  the  hippodrome,  to 
the  several  orders  of  the  state,  who  adjured  the  holy  names 
of  the  son,  and  mother,  of  Grod.  '*  Be  witness,  O  Christ !  that 
we  will  watch  over  the  safety  of.  Constantine  the  son  of  Leo, 
expose  our  lives  in  his  service,  and  bear  true  allegiance  to  his 
person  and  posterity."  They  pledged  their  fiuth  on  the  wood 
of  the  true  cross,  and  the  act  of  their  engagement  was  de- 
posited on  the  altar  of  St.  Sophia.  The  first  to  swear,  and 
the  first  to  violate  their  oath,  were  the  five  sons  of  Copronymus 
by  a  second  marriage  ;  and  the  story  of  these  princes  is  singu- 
Ifur  and  tragic.  The  right  of  primogeniture  excluded  them 
from  the  throne ;  the  injustice  of  their  elder  brother  defirauded 
them  of  a  legacy  of  about  two  millions  sterling;  some  vain 
titles  were  not  deemed  a  sufficient  compensation  for  wealth 
and  power;  and  th^  repeatedly  conspired  against  their 
nephew,  before  and  after  the  death  of  his  fiither.  Their  first 
attempt  was  pardoned ;  for  the  second  offence  they  were  con- 
demned to  the  ecclesiastical  state ;  and  for  the  third  treason 
Nicephorus,  the  eldest  and  most  guilty,  was  deprived  of  his  -eyes, 
and  nis  four  brothers,  Christopher,  Nicetas,  Anthimus,  and 
lodtmni  Eudoxus,  wcre  punished,  as  a  milder  sentence,  by  the  amputa- 
tion of  their  tongues.  After  five  years'  confinement,  they 
escaped  to  the  church  of  St,  Sophia,  and  displayed  a  pathetic 
spectacle  to  the  people.  "  Countrymen  and  Christians,"  cried 
Nicephorus  for  himself  and  his  mute  brethren,  "  behold  the 
sons  of  your  emperor,  if  you  can  still  recognise  our  filatures  in 
this  miserable  state.  A  lifis,  an  imperfect  life,  is  all  that  the 
malice  of  our  enemies  has  spared.  It  is  now  threatened^  and 
we  now  throw  ourselves  on  your  oompassion.'*     The  rising 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  189 

murmur  might  hare  produced  m  revolntian,  had  it  not  been 
checked  by  the  presence  of  a  minister,  who  soothed  the  un- 
happy princes  with  flattery  and  hope,  and  gently  drew  them 
from  the  sanctuary  to  the  palace.  They  were  speedily  em- 
barked for  Greece,  and  Athens  was  allotted  for  the  place  of 
their  exile.  In  this  calm  retreat,  and  in  their  helpless  con- 
dition, Nioephorus  and  his  brothers'  were  tormented  by  the 
thirst  of  power,  and  tempted  by  a  Sclavonian  chief,  who 
offered  to  break  their  prison  and  to  lead  them  in  arms,  and  in 
the  purple,  to  the  gates  of  Constantinople.  But  the  Athenian 
people,  ever  sealous  in  the  cause  of  Irene,  prevented  their 
justice  or  cruelty ;  and  the  five  sons  of  Copronymus  were 
plunged  in  eternal  darkness  and  oblivion. 

For  himself,  that  emperor  had'  chosen  a  barbairian  wife^  the  ^{^^^ 
daughter  of  the  khan  of  the  C3iosars ;  but  in  the  marriage  of  ^g'mt^ 
his  heir  he  preferred  an  Athenian  vii^n^  an  orphan,  seventeen 
years  old,  whose  sole  fortune  must  have  oonsistea  in  her  personal 
accomplishments.  The  nuptials  of  Leo  and  Irene  wiere  cele- 
brated with  royal  pomp ;  she  soon  acquired  the  love  and  con- 
fidence of  a  feeble  husband ;  and  in  his  testament  he  declared 
the  empress  guardian  of  the  Ropian'  world,  •  and  of  their  son 
Constantine  the  Sixth,  who  was  no  more  than  t^n' years  of  age. 
During  his  childhood,  Irene  most-  ably  and  assiduously  dis- 
charged, in  her  public  administration^  the  duties  of  a  fidthful 
mother ;  and  her  seal  in  the  restoration  of  images^  has  deserved 
the  name  and  honours  of  a  saint,  which  she  still  occupies  in  the 
Greek  calendar.  But  the  emperbr  attained  the  .maturity  of 
Touth;  the  maternal  yoke  became:  more  grievous;  and  he 
listened  to  the  fiivoutrites  of  his  own  age,  who  shared  his 
pleasures,  and  were  ambitious  of  sharing  his  power.  Their 
reasons  convinced  him  of  his  right,  their  praises  of  hia  ability, 
to  reign ;  and  he  cooseated  to  reward  the  servicei  of  Irene,  by 
a  perpetual  banishment  to  the  isle  of  Sicily.  But  her  vigilance 
and  penetration  easily  disconcerted  their  rash  projects ;  a  simi- 
lar or  more  severe  punishment  was  retaliatea  on  themselves 
and  their  advisers  ;  and  Irene  inflicted  on  the  ungrateful  prince 
the  chastisement  of  a  boy.  After  this  contest,  the  mother  and 
the  son  were  at  the  head  of  two  domestic  fiictions ;  and,  instead 
of  mild  influence  and  voluntary  obedience,  she  held  in  chains 
a  captive  and  an  enemy.  The  empress  was  overthrown  by  the 
abuse  of  victory ;   the  oath  of  fidelity,  which  she  exacted  16 

n  [See  below,  p.  2761I 


m 


190  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

herself  alone,  was  pronooneed  with  teluctant  munnun ;  And  the 
boldrefiisal  of  the  Armenian  guards  enoounged  a  free  andgeneral 

[Aj>.  nq  declaration  that  Constantine  the  Sixth  was  the  lawfol  emperor 
of  the  Romans.  In  this  character  he  ascended  his  hereditary 
throne,  and  dismissed  Irene  to  a  life  of  solitude  and  repose. 
But  her  haughty  spirit  condescended  to  the  arts  of  dissimula- 
tion :  she  flattered  the  bishops  and  eunuchs,  revived  the  filial 

ca.D.  iH]  tenderness  o{  the  prince,  regained  his  confidence,  and  betrayed 
his  credulity.  The  character  of  Constantine  was  not  destitate 
of  sense  or  spirit ;  but  his  education  had  been  studiously  neg- 
lected ;  and  his  ambitious  mother  exposed  to  the  public  censure 
the  vices  which  she  had  nourished  and  the  actions  which  she 

[AJKiH]  had  secretly  advised.  His  divorce  and  second  marriage 
offended  the  prejudices  of  the  clergy,"  and,  by  his  imprudent 
rigour,  he  forfeited  the  attachment  of  the  Armenian  guards. 
A  powerful  conspiracy  was  formed  for  the  restoration  of  Irene ; 
and  the  secret,  though  widely  diffiised,  was  fiidthfiilly  kept 
above  eight  months,  till  the  emperor,  suspicions  of  his  danger, 
escaped  firom  Constantinople,  with  the  design  of  appealing  to 
the  jprovinces  and  armies.  By  this  hasty  mght,  the  enmress 
was  left  on  the  brink  of  the  precipice ;  yet,  before  she  implored 
the  mercy  of  her  son,  Irene  addressed  a  private  epistle  to  the 
firiends  whom  she  had  placed  about  his  person,  irith  a  menace 
that,  unless  th^  accomplished,  §ke  would  reveal,  their  treason. 
Their  foar  rendered  them  intrepid  ;  they  seiaed  the  emperor  on 
the  Asiatic  shore,  and  he  was  tian^Kxrted  to  the  porplqriyiapait- 
ment  of  the  palace,  where  he  had  first  seen  the  light.  In  the 
mind  of  Irene,  amUtion  had  stifled  every  sentiment  of  humanity 
and  nature ;  and  it  was  decreed  in  her  bloody  council  that  Con- 
stantine should  be  rendered  inci^ble  of  the  throne.    Her 

^iiT,      emissaries  assaulted  the  sleeping  prince,  and  stabbed  their 

^^  *"       daggers  with  such  violence  and  precipitation  into  his  ejres,  as 

>*  [Constantine  had  been  betrothed  to  Rotmd,  danghter  of  Chutes  tht  Great, 
but  Irene  had  broken  off  the  match  and  oompdled  him  to  marry  a  lady  who  was 
distasteftil  to  hioL  In795hefeUinlovewithoiieoChismother^tmaidsofbaooiir. 
Tbeodote ;  and,  with  thie  insidious  purpose  of  making  him  odious  to  the  dergy 
who  regarded  second  marriages  as  mipions,  Irene  encouraged  him  to  divoioe  his 
wife  Maria  and  marry  Theodote  The  patriarch  Tarastus  was  a  coarticr  and  ao- 
quiesoed  in  the  emptor's  wishes,  thouffh  he  would  not  perform  fhs  marriage 
ceremony  himselt  The  affair  created  grant  scandal  among  the  monks,  the  most 
prominent  of  whom  were  Plato  and  his  nephew  Theodore  ofthe  abbqr  of  Studion. 
They  broke  off«0OTiiitranM  with  the  patriarch  and  the  ompetur.  aghi»meff(OMob. 
der  bUderstflrmenden  Kaiser,  p.  3x1)  makes  merry  over  the  embarrassment  d 
historians  in  view  of  the  fact  that  both  Tsrasius  who  approved  of  the  oiaiiiage  and 
Theodore  who  condemned  it  are  canonised  asima] 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIBE  191 

if  they  meant  to  execute  a  mortal  sentence.  An  ambtgnous 
passage  of  Theophanes  persuaded  the  aiinalist  of  the  church 
that  death  was  the  immediate  consequence  of  this  barbsJKNis 
execution,^  The  Catholics  have  been  deceived  or  subdued  by 
the  authority  of  Baronius ;  and  Protestant  seal  has  re-«cboed 
the  words  of  a  cardinal,  desirous,  as  it  should  seem,  to  &vaur 
the  patroness  of  images.  Yet  the  blind  son  of  Irene  survived 
many  years,  oppressed  by  the  court,  and  forgotten  by  the  wcirld ; 
the  Isaurian  dynasty  was  silently  extinguished ;  and  the  memory 
of  Constantine  was  recalled  only  by  the  nuptials  of  his  daughter 
Euphrosjrne  with  the  emperor  Michael  the  Second. 

The  most  bigoted  orthodoxy  has  justly  execrated  the-  un-nwa.  ▲. 
natural  mother,  who  may  not  easily  be  paralleled  in  the  history^  *** 
of  crimes.  To  her  bloody  deed  superstition  has  attributed  a 
subsequent  darkness  of  seventeen  days ;  during  which  many 
vessels  in  mid-day  were  driven  from  their  eoursei  as  if  the  sun, 
a  globe  of  fire  so  vast  snd  so  remote,  icould  syinpathLie  with 
the  atoms  of  a  revolving  planet.  On  earth,  the. crime- of  Irene 
was  left  five  years  unpunished ;  her  rqign  was  'Cravned  with 
external  splendour ;  imd,  if  riie  could  silence '  1^  voice  of 
conscience,  she  neither  heard  Aor  regarded  the  reproaches  of 
mankind.  The  Roman  world  bowed  to  the  government  of  a 
female ;  and,  as  she  moved  through  the  streets  of  Constanti- 
nople, the  reins  of  four  milk-white  steeds  were  held  by  as  m^ny 
patricians,  who  marched  on  fiM>t  before  the  golden  chariot  of 
their  queen.  But  these  patricians  were  for  the  mpst  part 
eunuchs ;  and  their  black  ingratitude  justified,  on  this  .occasion, 
the  popular  hatred  and  contempt.  Raised,  enriched,  entrusted 
with  the  first  dignities  of  the  empire,  they  basely  opnspired 
against  their  bene&ctress ;  the  great  treasurer  Nioephorus  was 
secretly  invested  with  the  purple ;  her  successor  was  introduced 
into  the  palace,  and  crowned  at  St.  Sophia  by  the  venal 
patriarch.  In  their  first  interview,  she  recapitulated,  withc*wMta: 
dignity,  the  revolutions  of  her  life,  gently  accused  the  perfidy 
of  Nicephorus,  insinuated  that  he  owed  his  life  to  her  unsus- 
picious clemency,  and,  for  the  throne  and  treasures  which  she 
resigned,  solicited  a  decent  and  honourable  retreat.    His  avarice 

»  [Theophanes  says  that  the  blinding  was  inflicted  in  such  a  way  that  death 
was  meant  to  resolL  The  survival  of  Constantine  is  attested  b^  Zooaras,  xv.  c. 
14 ;  and  is  not  disproved  by  Theophanes^  But  Sohlosser  (0^.  ai.  M9-3o)  is  not 
justified  in  asserting  that  he  was  only  recently  dead  when  M ittbad  IL  cane  i»4be 
throne  (A.D.  Sao).  On  the  contiary,  the  passage  in  Theopbb  Contia.*  pi  5ii'9d. 
Bonn<»  Cedrenus,  it  75X  takea  along  with  GenesiiH,  p.  35*  poiau lo a  pirratting 
belief  that  he  died  soon  ate  iho  operation  oO'his.eytkj 


192  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

refused  this  modest  compensatioii ;  and,  in  her  exile  of  the  isle 
of  Lesbos,  the  empress  earned  a  scanty  subsistence  by  the 
labours  of  her  distaff. 
nMitewL  Many  tyrants  have  reigned  undoubtedly  more  criminal  than 
tetoiSrki  Nicephorus,  but  none  perhaps  have  more  deeply  incurred  the 
muversal  abhorrence  of  their  people.  His  character  was  stained 
with  the  three  odious  vices  of  h3rpocrisy,  infpmtitude,  and 
avarice ;  ^  his  want  of  virtue  was  not  redeemed  by  any  superior 
talents,  nor  his  want  of  talents  by  any  pleasing  qualifications. 
Unskilful  and  unfortunate  in  war,  Nicephorus  was  vanquished 
by  the  Saracens,  and  slain  by  the  Bulgarians ;  and  the  advan- 
tages of  his  death  overbalanced,  in  the  public  opinion,  the 
destruction  of  a  Roman  army.  His  son  and  heir  Stauracius 
escaped  from  the  field  with  a  mortal  wound ;  yet  six  months  of 
an  expiring  life  were  sufficient  to  refute  his  indecent,  though 
popular,  declaration  that  he  would  in  all  thincs  avoid  the 
example  of  his  &ther.  On  the  near  prospect  of  his  decease, 
Michael,  the  great  master  of  the  palace  and  the  husband  of  his 
sister  Procopia,  Was  nakned  by  every  person  of  the  palace  and 
dtv,  except  by  his  envious  brother.  Tenacious  of  a  sceptre  now 
falling  from   his  haind,  he  conspired  against  the  life  of  his 

.  ^  [Nicephorus  had  to  set  the  fii^onf.«»«  of  the  state  in  order  after  the  extravagant 
administration  of  Irene,  and  ihvai  he  was  ^aced  in  the  same  disadvantageous 
position  as  the  etnperor  Mmirice,  who  saifered  for  the  lavish  expenditure  of 
Tiberias.  "  The  financial  admupfatmtkm  of  Nioephorui  ia  justly  aocuscd  of  severity, 
and  even  of  rapacity.  .  .  .  But  though  he  is  justl3r  accused  oi  oppression  he  does 
not  merit  the  reproach  of  avarice  often  tirged  against  him.  Wnen  he  consideird 
expenditure  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  empire,  be  was  liberal  of  the  public 
money.  He  spared,  no  expense :to  kee^  up  numerous  annies,  and  it  was  not  from 
ill-judged  economy,  but  fropi  want  of  nnlitary  talents,  that  has  campaigns  were  un- 
successful" (Finlay,  iU  p.  97}.  Nfcephoms  "eageriy  pursued  the  oentrmlixing 
poflicy  of  his  iconoclast  prsdecesSon,  and  strove  to  render  the  civil  power  supreme 
over  the  clergy  and  Uie  Cbur^  .  He  forbade  the  Patriarch  to  hold  any  communi- 
cations vrith  the  Pope,  whom  he.considered  as  the  Patriarch  of  Charlemagne ;  and 
this  prudent  measure  hto  caU;^  much  of  the  virulence  whh  which  his  memory 
has  been  attackod  by  eoclesiasttcal  and  orthodox  historians.  The  Patriarch 
Tarasius  had  shown  himself  no  enemy  to  the  supremacy-  of  the  emperor,  and  he 
was  highly  esteemed  by  Nicephorus  as  one  of  Uie  heads  of  the  party,  both  in  the 
church  and  state,  which  the  emperor  was  anxious  to  conciliate."  On  the  death 
of  Tarasius,  the  emperor  fqvifid  {A.ix  8oQin  the  historian  Niorahorus  "an  able 
and  popular  prdate.  disposed  to  support  his  secular  views".  The  emperor  then 
proceeded  to  affirm  toe  principle  of  his  independence  of  ecclesiastical  atithorit^,  and 
took  as  a  test  question  the  second  marriage  of  Constantine  VI.— a  question  in 
which  he  had  no  personal  interest.  A  ijfood  was  assembled  and  prooooifced  the 
marriage  valid.  This  inflamed  the  wrath  of  the  monastic  party,  under  the  leader- 
Aip  01  Theodore  Studiu ;  they  refused  to  eommunicate  with  the  patriarch  Ni- 
oephorus ;  and  the  abbots  Theodore  and  Plato  were  banished  and  deposed.  The 
two  principles  of  Nicephorus  in  his  ecclesiastical  policy  were  the  supmnacy  of  the 
civil  authority  and  toleration.  He  declined  for  instance  to  persecute  the  PauUdans. 
(For  the  Bulgarian  campaign  in  wiiichNieqAwniahMthiiiifeieebdinr,daqxl?.)] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  193 

sttocesaor,  and  cherished  the  idem  of  changing  to  a  democracy 
the  Roman  empire.  But  these  rash  projects  served  only  to 
inflame  the  zeal  of  the  people,  and  to  remove  the  scruples  of 
the  candidate ;  Michael  the  First  accepted  the  purple,  and, 
before  he  sunk  into  the  grave,  the  son  of  Nicephorus  implored 
the  clemency  of  his  new  sovereign.  Had  Michael  in  an  age  ofgBjhjMiL 
peace  ascended  an  hereditary  throne,  he  might  have  reigned  ^^!]^, 
and  died  the  father  of  his  people ;  but  his  mild  virtues  were 
adapted  to  the  shade  of  private  life,  nor  was  he  capable  of 
controlling  the  ambition  of  his  equals  or  of  resisting  the  arms 
of  the  victorious  Bulgarians.  While  his  want  of  ability  and 
success  exposed  him  to  the  contempt  of  the  soldiers,  the 
masculine  spirit  of  his  Mrife  Procopia  awakened  their  indignation. 
Even  the  Greeks  of  the  ninth  century  were  provoked  by  the 
insolence  of  a  female,  who,  in  the  front  of  their  standards,  pre- 
sumed to  direct  their  discipline  and  animate  their  valour ;  and 
their  licentious  clamours  advised  the  new  Semiramis  to  rever- 
ence the  majesty  of  a  Roman  camp.  After  an  unsuccessful 
campaign,  the  emperor  left,  in  their  winter-quarters  of  Thrace, 
a  disaffected  army  under  the  command  of  his  enemies;  and 
their  artful  eloquence  persuaded  the  soldiers  to  break  the  do- 
minion of  the  eunuchs^  to  degrade  the  husband  of  Procopia, 
and  to  assert  the  right  of  a  military  election.  They  marched 
towards  the  capital ;  yet  the  clergy,  the  senate,  and  the  people 
of  Constantinople  adhered  to  the  cause  of  Michael;  and  the 
troops  and  treasures  of  Asia  might  have  protracted  the  mischiefii 
of  civil  war.  But  his  humanity  (by  the  ambitious,  it  will  be 
termed  his  weakness)  protested  that  not  a  drop  of  Christian 
blood  should  be  shed  in  his  quarrel,  and  his  messengers  pre- 
sented the  conquerors  with  the  keys  of  the  city  and  the  palace. 
They  were  disarmed  by  his  innocence  and  submission ;  his  life 
and  his  eyes  were  spared ;  and  the  Imperiad  monk  enjoyed  the 
comforts  of  solitude  and  religion  above  thirty-two  years  after 
he  had  been  stripped  of  the  purple  and  separated  from  his 
wife. 

A  rebel,  in  the  time  of  Nicephorus,  the  famous  and  unfor-  L>ov^tt|« 
tunate  Bardanes,  had  once  the  curiosity  to  consult  an  Asiatic  jLggs. 
prophet,   who,   affcer   prognosticating   his   &11,   announced  the 
fortunes   of  his   three    principal   officers,    Leo   the   Armenian, 
Michael  the  Phrygian,^  and  Thomas  the   Cappadocian,^  the 

*  [A  native  of  Amorium  ;  hence  his  dynasty  is  called  the  Amorian  dynasty.] 

*  [Of  Slavonic  descent,  at  least  on  one  side ;  hence  known  as  Thomas  the 
Slavonian.] 

VOL.  V.  13 


194         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

successive  reigns  of  the  two  former,  the  firuitless  and  &tal 
enterprise  of  the  third.  This  prediction  was  verified^  or  rather 
was  produced,  hy  the  event  Ten  years  afterwards,  when  the 
Thracian  camp  rejected  the  husband  of  Procopia,  the  crown  was 
presented  to  the  same  Leo,  the  first  in  military  rank  and  the 
secret  author  of  the  mutiny.  As  he  affected  to  hesitate,  "  With 
this  sword,"  said  his  companion  Michael,  "  I  will  open  the  gates 
of  Constantinople  to  your  Imperial  sway ;  or  instantly  plunge  it 
into  your  bosom,  1^  you  obstinately  resist  the  just  desires  of  your 
fellow-soldiers".  The  compliance  of  the  Armenian  was  re- 
warded with  the  empire,  and  he  reigned  seven  years  and  an 
half  under  the  name  of  Leo  the  Fifth.*^  Educated  in  a  camp, 
and  ignorant  both  of  laws  and  letters,  he  introduced  into  his 
civil  government  the  rigour  and  even  cruelty  of  military  dis- 
cipline ;  but,  if  his  severity  was  sometimes  dangerous  to  the 
innocent,  it  was  always  formidable  to  the  guilty.  His  religious 
inconstancy  was  taxed  by  the  epithet  of  Chameleon,  but  the 
Catholics  have  acknowledged,  by  the  voice  of  a  saint  and  con- 
fessors, that  the  life  of  the  Iconoclast  was  useful  to  the  republic. 
The  zeal  of  his  companion  Michael  was  repaid  with  riches, 
honours,  and  military  command ;  and  his  subordinate  talents 
were  beneficially  employed  in  the  public  service.  Yet  the 
Phrygian  was  dissatisfied  at  receiving  as  a  &vour  a  scanty 
portion  of  the  Imperial  prize  which  he  had  bestowed  on  his 
equal ;  and  his  discontent,  which  sometimes  evaporated  in  a 
hasty  discourse,  at  length  assumed  a  more  threatening  and 
hostile  aspect  against  a  prince  whom  he  represented  as  a  cruel 
tyrant.  That  tyrant,  however,  repeatedly  detected,  warned, 
and  dismissed  the  old  companion  of  his  arms,  till  fear  and 
resentment  prevailed  over  gratitude ;  and  Michael,  after  a 
scrutiny  into  his  actions  and  designs,  was  convicted  of  treason 
and  sentenced  to  be  burnt  alive  in  the  furnace  of  the  private 
baths.  The  devout  humanity  of  the  empress  Theophano  was 
fatal  to  her  husband  and  fiimily.  A  solemn  day,  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  December,  had  been  fixed  for  the  execution ;  she  urged 
that  the  anniversary  of  the  Saviour's  birth  would  be  profiuied 
by  this  inhuman  spectacle,  and  Leo  consented  with  reluctance 
to  a  decent  respite.     But  on  the  vigil  of  the  feast  his  sleepless 

^  [Leo*s  reign  was  marked  hf  a  Bulgarian  siege  of  the  capital,  and  the  tempor* 
arj  loss  of  Hadrianople.  The  death  of  the  Bulgarian  king  Cnunn  (A.D.  8x5) 
rescued  the  empire  from  a  serious  danger ;  and  Leo,  after  winning  a  hard-fougnt 
battle,  concluded  a  thirtf  ^rears'  peace  with  his  suocessor  Omortag  (A.D,  8x7). 
Under  this  reign  the  empire  had  peace  from  the  Saracens.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  195 

anxiety  prompted  him  to  visit,  at  the  dead  of  night,  the  chamber 
in  which  his  enemy  was  confined  ;  he  beheld  him  released  from 
his  chain,  and  stretched  on  his  gaoler's  bed  in  a  profound 
slumber.  Leo  was  alarmed  at  these  signs  of  security  and  in- 
telligence ;  but,  though  he  retired  with  silent  steps,  his  entrance 
and  departure  were  noticed  by  a  slave  who  lay  concealed  in  a 
comer  of  the  prison.  Under  the  pretence  of  requesting  the 
spiritual  aid  of  a  confessor,  Michael  informed  the  conspirators 
that  their  lives  depended  on  his  discretion,  and  that  a  few 
hours  were  left  to  assure  their  own  safety  by  the  deliverance  o£ 
their  friend  and  country.  On  the  great  festivals,  a  chosen 
band  of  priests  and  chanters  was  admitted  into  the  palace,  by 
a  private  gate,  to  sing  matins  in  the  chapel ;  and  Leo,  who 
regulated  with  the  same  strictness  the  discipline  of  the  choir 
and  of  the  camp,  was  seldom  absent  from  those  early  devotions. 
In  the  ecclesiastical  habit,  but  with  swords  under  their  robes,  the 
conspirators  mingled  with  the  p^*ocession,  lurked  in  the  angles 
of  the  chapel,  and  expected,  as  the  signal  of  murder,  the  in- 
tonation of  the  first  psalm  by  the  emperor  himselC  The 
imperfect  light,  and  the  uniformity  of  dress,  might  have  &voured 
his  escape,  while  their  assault  was  pointed  against  an  harmless 
priest ;  but  they  soon  discovered  their  mistake,  and  encom- 
passed on  all  sides  the  royal  victim.  Without  a  weapon,  and 
without  a  friend,  he  grasped  a  weighty  cross,  and  stood  at  bay 
against  the  hunters  of  his  life  ;  but,  as  he  asked  for  mercy, 
"  This  is  the  hour,  not  of  mercy,  but  of  vengeance,"  was  the 
inexorable  reply.  The  stroke  of  a  well-aimed  sword  separated 
from  his  body  the  right  arm  and  the  cross,  and  Leo  the  Ar- 
menian was  slain  at  the  foot  of  the  altar. 

A  memorable  reverse  of  fortune  was  displayed  in  Michael  theiodMtiiL 
Second,  who,  from  a  defect  in  his  speech,  was  sumamed  theMnr.  aj 
Stammerer.     He  was  snatched  from  the  fiery  furnace  to  the 
sovereignty  of  an  empire  ;  and,  as  in  the  tumult  a  smith  could 
not  readily  be  found,  the  fetters  remained  on  his  legs  several  hours 
after  he  was  seated  on  the  throne  of  the  CsBsars.     The  royal 
blood  which  had  been  the  price  of  his  elevation  was  unprofitably 
spent ;  in  the  purple  he  retained  the  ignoble  vices  of  his  origin ; 
and  Michael  lost  his  provinces  with  as  supine  indifference  as  if 
they  had  been  the  inheritance  of  his  &thers.^     His  title  was 
disputed  by  Thomas,  the  last  of  the  military  triumvirate,  whon«Mitott< 
transported  into  Europe  fourscore  thousand  barbarians  from  the  oq       ^ 

*  TFor  the  loss  of  Crete  and  the  beginn^n^  of  the  Saracen  oonqoest  of  Sicily, 
see  baow,  chap.  liL    For  Michael's  ecclesiastical  policy  see  below,  pi  378.] 


196         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

banks  of  the  Tigris  and  the  shores  of  the  Caspian.^  He  formed 
the  siege  of  Constantinople  ;  but  the  capital  was  defended  with 
spiritual  and  carnal  weapons;  a  Bulgarian  king  assaulted  the 
camp  of  the  Orientals,  and  Thomas  had  the  misfortune,  or  the 
ra^.  M.  weakness,  to  fiill  alive  into  the  power  of  the  conqueror.  The 
hands  and  feet  of  the  rebel  were  amputated  ;  he  was  placed  on 
an  ass,  and,  amidst  the  insults  of  the  people,  was  led  through 
the  streets,  which  he  sprinkled  with  his  blood.  The  deprava- 
tion of  manners,  as  savage  as  they  were  corrupt,  is  marked  by 
the  presence  of  the  emperor  himsel£  Deaf  to  the  lamentations 
of  a  fellow-soldier,  he  incessantly  pressed  the  discovery  of  more 
accomplices,  till  his  curiosity  was  checked  by  the  question  of  an 
honest  or  guilty  minister :  **  Would  you  give  credit  to  an  enemy 
against  the  most  faithful  of  your  friends  ?  *'  After  the  death  of 
his  first  wife,  the  emperor,  at  the  request  of  the  senate,  drew 
from  her  monastery  Euphro83me,  the  daughter  of  Constantine 
the  Sixth.  Her  august  birth  might  justify  a  stipulation  in  the 
marriage-contract,  that  her  children  should  equally  share  the 
empire  with  their  elder  brother.  But  the  nuptials  of  Michael 
and  Euphrosyne  were  barren ;  and  she  was  content  with  the 
title  of  Mother  of  Theophilus,  his  son  and  successor. 
TiMo^^iM.  The  character  of  TheopUlus  is  a  rare  example  in  which 
oetdbcr's  rcligious  xcal  has  allowed,  and  perhaps  magnified,  the  virtues 
of  an  heretic  and  a  persecutor.^  His  valour  was  often  felt  by 
the  enemies,  and  his  justice  by  the  subjects,  of  the  monarchy  ; 
but  the  valour  of  Theophilus  was  rash  and  fruitless,  and  his 

*  [The  foreign  origin  of  Thomas,  "  by  separating  him  in  an  unusual  degree 
from  the  ruling  classes  in  the  empire — for  he  was,  like  Michael,  of  a  very  low  rank 
in  society — caused  him  to  be  r^arded  as  a  friend  of  the  people ;  and  all  the  subject 
races  in  the  empire  espoused  his  cause,  which  in  many  provinces  took  the  form  of 
an  attack  on  the  Roman  administration,  rather  than  of  a  revolution  to  place  a  new 
emperor  on  the  throne.  This  rebellion  is  remarkable  for  assuming  more  o(  the 
character  of  a  social  revolution  than  of  an  ordinary  insurrection '  (Fialay,  iL  p. 
130).  Thomas  entered  into  connexion  with  the  Saracens,  and  the  Patriarch  of 
Antioch  was  permitted  to  crown  him  in  that  city.  He  besieged  Constantinople 
twice  with  his  fleet.  After  his  defeat  by  the  Bulgarians  be  was  oesieged  in  Arcadi- 
opolis  for  five  months  ;  his  own  followers  surrendered  him.  We  possess  M idhAel's 
account  of  the  rebellion  in  a  letter  whidi  he  addressed  to  Lewis  the  Pious,  A.D.  824.] 

'^[The  portrait  of  the  Emperor  Theophilus  drawn  by  Schlosser  and  by  Finlay 
is  probably  too  favourable.  The  hard  judgment  of  H.  Gelser,  who  regards  him 
as  a  much  overrated,  really  insignificant,  rulor,  may  be  nearer  the  truth  ^in  Kium- 
bacher's  Gesch.  der  byz.  Litt ,  p.  968)1  Gelser  especially  condemns  him  for  iDcapadty 
to  understand  the  sign  of  the  times.  His  persecution  of  the  icooodule  priests  had 
something  fonatical  about  it  whidi  did  not  mark  the  policy  of  tlie  eariier 
ioonodastk:  sovereigns.  There  is  no  authority  for  Gibbon's  staloroent  (p.  197)  of 
cruel  punishments  (cp.  Schlosser,  op.  cii.  p,  524),  but  he  does  not  connect  these 
punishments  with  image-worshia  The  finances  were  in  a  prosperous  state  in  this 
reign,  but  the  credit  is  not  (faie  to  Theophilus,  whose  incontinent  paMkm  fior 
building  caused  a  serious  drain  on  the  treasury.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  197 

justice  arbitrary  and  crueL  He  displayed  the  banner  of  the 
cross  against  the  Saracens ;  but  his  five  expeditions  were  con- 
cluded by  a  signal  overthrow;  Amorium,  the  native  city  ^^LJ^-S!* 
his  ancestors,  was  levelled  with  the  ground^  and  from  his  military 
toils  he  derived  only  the  surname  of  the  Unfortunate.  The 
wisdom  of  a  sovereign  is  comprised  in  the  institution  of  laws 
and  the  choice  of  magistrates,  and,  while  he  seems  without 
action,  his  civil  government  revolves  round  his  centre  with  the 
silence  and  order  of  the  planetary  system.  But  the  justice  of 
Theophilus  was  fiishioned  on  the  model  of  the  Oriental  despots, 
who,  in  personal  and  irregular  acts  of  authority,  consult  the 
reason  or  passion  of  the  moment,  Mrithout  measuring  the  sentence 
by  the  law  or  the  penalty  by  the  offence.  A  poor  woman 
threw  herself  at  the  emperor's  feet,  to  complain  of  a  powerful 
neighbour,  the  brother  of  the  empress,  wno  had  raised  his 
palace-wall  to  such  an  inconvenient  height  that  her  humble 
dwelling  was  excluded  from  light  and  air !  On  the  proof  of 
the  &ct,  instead  of  granting,  like  an  ordinary  judge,  sufficient 
or  ample  damages  to  the  plaintiff,  the  sovereign  adjudged  to 
her  use  and  benefit  the  palace  and  the  ground.  Nor  was  Theo- 
philus content  with  this  extravagant  satisfaction  :  his  zeal  con- 
verted a  civil  trespass  into  a  criminal  act ;  and  the  unfortunate 
patrician  was  stripped  and  scourged  in  the  public  place  of 
Constantinople.  For  some  venial  offences,  some  defect  of 
equity  or  vigilance,  the  principal  ministers,  a  prsefect,  a  qucestor, 
a  captain  of  the  guards,  were  banished  or  mutilated,  or  scalded 
with  boiling  pitd^,  or  burnt  alive  in  the  hippodrome ;  and,  as 
these  dreadful  examples  might  be  the  effects  of  error  or  caprice, 
they  must  have  alienated  from  his  service  the  best  and  wisest 
of  the  citizens.  But  the  pride  of  the  monarch  was  flattered  in 
the  exercise  of  power,  or,  as  he  thought,  of  virtue ;  and  the 
people,  safe  in  their  obscurity,  applauded  the  danger  and 
debasement  of  their  superiors.  This  extraordinary  rigour  was 
justified,  in  some  measure,  by  its  salutary  consequences  ;  since, 
after  a  scrutiny  of  seventeen  days,  not  a  complaint  or  abuse 
could  be  found  in  the  court  or  city ;  and  it  might  be  alleged 
that  the  Greeks  could  be  ruled  only  with  a  rod  of  iron,  and 
that  the  public  interest  is  the  motive  and  law  of  the  supreme 
judge.  Yet  in  the  crime,  or  the  suspicion,  of  treason,  that 
jndf  e  is  of  all  others  the  most  credulous  and  partial.  Theo- 
phinis  might  inflict  a  tardy  vengeance  on  the  assassins  of  Leo 
and  the  saviours  of  his  fiither;  but  he  enjoyed  the  fruits  of 
their  crime ;  and  his  jealous  tyranny  sacrificed  a  brother  and 


198         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

a  prince  to  the  future  safety  of  his  life.  A  Persian  of  the  race 
of  the  Sassanides  died  in  povertv  and  exile  at  Constantinople, 
leaving  an  only  son,  the  issue  of  a  plebeian  marriage.  At  the 
age  of  twelve  years,  the  royal  birth  of  Theophobus  was  revealed, 
and  his  merit  was  not  unworthy  of  his  birth.  He  was  educated 
in  the  Byzantine  palace,  a  Christian  and  a  soldier ;  advanced 
with  rapid  steps  in  the  career  of  fortune  and  glory ;  received 
the  hand  of  the  emperor's  sister ;  and  was  promoted  to  the 
command  of  thirty  thousand  Persians,  who,  like  his  fiither,  had 
fled  from  the  Mahometan  conquerors.  These  troops,  doubly  in- 
fected with  mercenary  and  nnatic  vices,  were  desirous  of  re- 
volting against  their  bene&ctor  and  erecting  the  standard  of 
their  native  king ;  but  the  loyal  Theophobus  rejected  their 
offers,  disconcerted  their  schemes,  and  escaped  from  their  hands 
to  the  camp  or  palace  of  his  royal  brother.  A  generous  con- 
fidence might  have  secured  a  fidthful  and  able  guardian  for  his 
wife  and  his  infimt  son,  to  whom  Theophilus,  in  the  flower  of 
his  age,  was  compelled  to  leave  the  inheritance  of  the  empire. 
But  his  jealousy  was  exasperated  by  envy  and  disease ;  he 
feared  the  dangerous  virtues  which  might  either  support  or 
oppress  their  in&ncy  and  weakness ;  and  the  dying  emperor 
demanded  the  head  of  the  Persian  prince.  With  savage  de- 
light, he  recognised  the  fruniliar  features  of  his  brother  :  "  Thou 
art  no  longer  Theophobus,"  he  said  ;  and  sinking  on  his  couch 
(A,D.Mq  he  added,  with  a  £Edtering  voice,  "  Soon,  too  soon,  I  shall  be 
no  more  Theophilus  I " 

The  Russians,  who  have  borrowed  from  the  Greeks  the 
greatest  part  of  their  civil  and  ecclesiastical  policy,  preserved, 
till  the  last  century,  a  singular  institution  in  the  marriage  of 
the  Csar.  They  collected,  not  the  virgins  of  every  rank  and 
of  every  province,  a  vain  and  romantic  idea,  but  the  daughters 
of  the  principal  nobles,  who  awaited  in  the  palace  the  choice 
of  their  sovereign.  It  is  afiirmed  that  a  similar  method  was 
adopted  in  the  nuptials  of  Theophilus.'^  With  a  ffolden  apple 
in  his  hand,  he  slowly  walked  between  two  lines  of  oontendkig 


'^[A  similax  brideshow  was  beJd  to  select  a  wife  for  Leo  VL,  soo  of  Basil  and 
Eudocia.  See  the  Aoyov  of  Nicepborus  Gregoras  on  Tbeophano,  who  was  chosen 
on  this  occasion;  in  HergenriMber's  Moomn.  Graec.  ad  Photium  eiusque  bis- 
toriam  pertinentia,  p.  74.  In  this  connryion  compare  also  the  life  of  St  Irene, 
who  came  from  Cappadoda  to  Constantinople  m  consequence  of  letters  tent 
throogh  the  Empire  (iccrA  mm  y^)  by  Theodora,  wife  of  Theophilus, 
ieeliing  a  wife  for  her  son  (AcU  Sott.,  Jofy  fl8,  vol  vL,  6  5  jyy.).    Cpi  Th. 


UapCDski,  Ocberki  po  istoril  visaatitkoi  ofarasovannosti,  p.  57. 


OF  THE  EOMAI^  EMPIRE  199 

beauties ;  his  eye  was  detained  by  the  channs  of  Icasia,^  and, 
in  the  awkwardness  of  a  first  declaration,  the  prince  could  only 
observe  that,  in  this  world,  women  had  been  the  cause  of  much 
evil :  "  And  surely,  Sir,"  she  pertly  replied,  "  they  have  like- 
wise been  the  occasion  of  much  good  ".  This  affectation  of  un- 
seasonable wit  displeased  the  Imperial  lover ;  he  turned  aside 
in  disgust ;  Icasia  concealed  her  mortification  in  a  convent ; 
and  the  modest  silence  of  Theodora  was  rewarded  with  the 
golden  apple.  She  deserved  the  love,  but  did  not  escape  the 
severity,  of  her  lord.  From  the  palace  garden  he  beheld  a 
vessel  deeply  laden,  and  steering  into  the  port;  on  the  dis- 
covery that  the  precious  cargo  of  Syrian  luxury  was  the  property 
of  his  wife,  he  condemned  the  ship  to  the  fiames,  with  a  sharp 
reproach  that  her  avarice  had  degraded  the  character  of  an 
empress  into  that  of  a  merchant.  Yet  his  last  choice  entrusted 
her  with  the  guardianship  of  the  empire  and  her  son  Michael,  wAt^ai 
who  was  left  an  orphan  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  age.  The  resto- JaMar^w 
ration  of  images,  and  the  final  extirpation  of  the  Iconoclasts, 
has  endeared  her  name  to  the  devotion  of  the  Greeks  ;  but  in 
the  fervour  of  religious  seal  Theodora  entertained  a  grateful 
regard  for  the  memory  and  salvation  of  her  husband.  After 
thirteen  years  ^  of  a  prudent  and  frugal  administration,  she 
perceived  the  decline  of  her  influence ;  but  the  second  Irene 
imitated  only  the  virtues  of  her  predecessor.  Instead  of  con- 
spiring against  the  life  or  government  of  her  son,  she  retired,  [a.d  sbq 
without  a  struggle,  though  not  without  a  murmur,  to  the  soli- 
tude of  private  life,  deploring  the  ingratitude,  the  vices,  and 
the  inevitable  ruin  of  the  worthless  youth. 

Among  the  successors  of  Nero  and  Elagabalus,  we  have  not 
hitherto  found  the  imitation  of  their  vices,  the  character  of  a 

"  [This  Icasia,  or  rather  Casia,  was  the  only  poetess  of  any  merit  throughout 
the  whole  '* Byzantine"  period,  since  the  famous  Athenais.  All  that  is  known 
of  her  and  her  writings  (cniefly  epigrams)  will  be  found  in  the  recent  monograph 
(Kasia,  1897)  of  Krumbacher,  who  suggests  that  Icasia  is  a  corruption  of  4  K«o-ia^ 
It  was  probably  owing  to  her  reputation  for  poetical  talent  that  Theophilus  ad- 
dressed her ;  his  remark  was  (we  may  conjecture)  couched  in  a  metrical  form ; 
and  her  reply  was  likewise  a  **  political  '*  verse.  The  metrical  form  has  been  dis- 
arranged m  the  chronicling,  but  a  slight  change  f  the  addition  of  a  syllable,  and 
the  transposition  of  one  wonl)  restores  it    Theophilus  said : — 

^  J-  ^   iiiL  yvrsucbf  (eia)vppihf  ri  ^cwAo, 
and  Casia's  improvised  reply  was : — 

«AA«L  ical  itA  yvrmucht  r^  Kfttirrova  wifyi^ti 

(Sjrmeon  Mag.,  p.  625,  ed.  Bonn).] 

^[Fourteen  years ;  Vita  Theodorae,  p.  14,  in  Kegel's  Analecta  Bytantino- 
Russica  (also  cp.  Fmlay,  ii,  p.  17a,  n.  3).  For  this  Life  of  Theodora,  a  con- 
temporary work,  cp.  Appendix  i.] 


200         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Roman  prince  who  considered  pleasure  as  the  object  of  life  and 
virtue  as  the  enemy  of  pleasure.  Whatever  might  have  been 
the  maternal  care  of  Theodora  in  the  education  of  Michael  the 
Third,  her  unfortunate  son  was  a  king  before  he  was  a  man.  If 
the  ambitious  mother  laboured  to  check  the  progress  of  reason, 
she  could  not  cool  the  ebullition  of  passion;  and  her  selfish 
policy  was  justly  repaid  by  the  contempt  and  ingratitude  of  the 
headstrong  youth.  At  the  age  of  eighteen,  he  rejected  her 
authority,  without  feeling  his  own  incapacity  to  govern  the 
empire  and  himsel£  With  Theodora,  all  gravity  and  wisdom 
retired  from  the  court ;  their  place  was  supplied  by  the  alternate 
dominion  of  vice  and  foUy  ;  and  it  was  impossible,  without  for- 
feiting the  public  esteem,  to  acquire  or  preserve  the  &vour  of 
the  emperor.  The  millions  of  gmd  and  diver  which  had  been 
accumulated  for  the  service  of  the  state  were  lavished  on  the 
vilest  of  men,  who  flattered  his  passions  and  shared  his  pleasures ; 
and,  in  a  reign  of  thirteen  years,  the  richest  of  sovereigns  was 
compelled  to  strip  the  palace  and  the  churches  of  their  precious 
furniture.  Like  Nero,  he  delighted  in  the  amusements  of  the 
theatre,  and  sighed  to  be  surpassed  in  the  accomplishments  in 
which  he  should  have  blushed  to  excel.  Yet  the  studies  of 
Nero  in  music  and  poetiy  betrayed  some  symptoms  of  a  liberal 
taste ;  the  more  ignoble  arts  of  the  son  of  Theophilus  were  con- 
fined to  the  chariotr-race  of  the  hippodrome.  The  four  fitctions 
which  had  agitated  the  peace,  still  amused  the  idleness,  of  the 
capital ;  for  himself,  the  emperor  assumed  the  blue  livery ;  the 
three  rival  colours  were  distributed  to  his  favourites,  and,  in  the 
vile  though  eager  contention,  he  forgot  the  dignity  of  his  person 
and  the  safety  of  his  dominions.  He  silenced  the  messenger 
of  an  invasion,  who  presumed  to  divert  his  attention  in  the  most 
critical  moment  of  the  race ;  and  by  his  command  the  impor- 
tunate beacons  were  extinguished,  that  too  frequently  sparead 
the  alarm  from  Tarsus  to  Constantinople.^  The  most  sidlfril 
charioteers  obtained  the  first  place  in  his  confidence  and  esteem ; 

MfThe  line  of  beacons  is  given  in  Theoph.  Contin.,  p.  197,  and  Const  Poqphyr. 
De  Cer.,  l»  App.,  p.  491.  The  first  station  of  the  line  was  (i)  the  Fortress  of 
Lulon  (which  the  Saracens  called  StUkUiia,  bemuse  it  had  a  Slavonic  garrison V 
It  commanded  the  pass  between  Tyana  and  the  Cilician  gates,  and  Professor 
Ramsay  would  identify  it  with  Faustinopolis  ^  Halala  (Asia  Minor,  p.  353).  The 
fire  of  Lulon  flashed  the  message  to  (9)  Mt  Argaeus,  which  Professor  Ramsay 
discovers  in  a  peak  of  the  Hassan  Dagh,  south  of  Lake  Tatta.  The  next  station 
was  (3)  Isamus  ("  west  of  the  north  end  of  the  lake") ;  then  (4)  Aegilus  (between 
Troknades  and  Dorylaeum) ;  (5)  Mamas  (N. W.  of  Dorylaeum) ;  (6)  Cyrizus 
(Katerli  Dagh?  Ramsay,  ib.  p.  187) ;  (7)  Mocilus  (Samanli  Dagh.  N.  of  Lake 
Ascanius ;  Ramsay,  ib,  p.  187) ;  (8)  ML  Auxentius;  (9)  the  Pharos  in  the  palace 
of  Constantinople.) 


OF  THE  BJOMAm  EMPIKB  901 

their  merit  was  profusely  rewarded;  the  emperor  feasted  in 
their  houses,  and  presented  their  children  at  the  baptismal  font ; 
and,  while  he  applauded  his  own  popularity,  he  affected  to 
blame  the  cold  and  stately  reserve  of  his  predecessors.  The 
unnatural  lusts  which  had  degraded  even  the  manhood  of  Nero 
were  banished  from  the  world ;  yet  the  strength  of  Michael  was 
consumed  by  the  indulgence  of  love  and  intemperance.  In  his 
midnight  revels,  when  his  passions  were  inflamed  by  ¥dne,  he 
was  provoked  to  issue  the  most  sanguinary  commands ;  and,  if 
any  feelings  of  humanity  were  left,  he  was  reduced,  with  the 
return  of  sense,  to  approve  the  salutary  disobedience  of  his 
servants.  But  the  most  extraordinary  feature  in  the  character 
of  Michael  is  the  pro&ne  mockery  of  the  religion  of  his  country. 
The  superstition  of  the  Greeks  might,  indeed,  excite  the  smile 
of  a  philosopher ;  but  his  smile  would  have  been  rational  and 
temperate,  and  he  must  have  condemned  the  ignorant  folly  of 
a  youth  who  insulted  the  objects  of  pubhc  veneration.  A  buf- 
foon of  the  court  was  investc^d  in  the  robes  of  the  patriarch ;  his 
twelve  metropohtans,  among  whom  the  emperor  was  ranked, 
assumed  their  ecclesiastical  garments ;  they  used  or  abused  the 
sacred  vessels  of  the  altar ;  and  in  their  bacchanalian  feasts  the 
holy  communion  was  administered  in  a  nauseous  compound  of 
vinegar  and  mustard.  Nor  were  these  impious  spectacles  con* 
cealed  from  the  eyes  of  the  city.  On  the  day  of  a  solemn 
festival,  the  emperor,  with  his  bishops  or  buffoons,  rode  on  aases 
through  the  streets,  encountered  the  true  patriarch  at  the  head 
of  his  clergy,  and  by  their  hcentious  shouts  and  obscene  gestures 
disordered  the  gravity  of  the  Christian  procession.  The  devotion 
of  Michael  appeared  only  in  some  offence  to  reason  or  piety ;  he 
received  his  theatrical  crowns  from  the  statue  of  the  Virgin; 
and  an  Imperial  tomb  was  violated  for  the  sake  of  burning  the 
bones  of  Constantine  the  Iconoclast.  By  this  extravagant  c(hi- 
duct,  the  son  of  Theophilus  became  as  contemptible  as  he  was 
odious ;  every  citizen  was  impatient  for  the  deliverance  of  his 
country ;  and  even  the  fiivourites  of  the  moment  were  appre- 
hensive that  a  caprice  might  snatch  away  what  a  caprice  had 
bestowed.  In  the  thirtieth  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  hour  of 
intoxication  and  sleep,  Michael  the  Third  was  murdered  in  his 
chamber  by  the  founder  of  a  new  djrnasty,  whom  the  emperor 
had  raised  to  an  equality  of  rank  and  power. 

The  genealoffT  of  Basil  the  Macedonian  (if  it  be  not  thesMUiibc 
spurious  offspring   of  pride   and  flattery)  exhibits   a  genuine  a^  mt, 
picture  of  the  revolution  of  the  most  illustrious  fiunilies.     The  '     ^ 


202         THE  BECLIKE  AND  FALL 

Arsacides,  the  rivals  of  Rome,  possessed  the  sceptre  of  the  East 
near  four  hundred  years :  a  younger  branch  of  these  Parthian 
kings  continued  to  reign  in  Armenia ;  and  their  royal  descend- 
ants survived  the  partition  and  servitude  of  that  ancient 
monarchy.^  Two  of  these,  Artabanus  and  Chlienes,  escaped 
or  retired  to  the  court  of  Leo  the  First ;  his  bounty  seated  them 
in  a  safe  and  hospitable  exile,  in  the  province  of  Macedonia: 
Hadrianople  was  their  final  settlement.  During  several  genera- 
tions they  maintained  the  dignity  of  their  birth ;  and  their 
Roman  patriotism  rejected  the  tempting  ofiers  of  the  Persian 
and  Arabian  powers,  who  recalled  them  to  their  native  countiy. 
But  their  splendour  was  insensibly  clouded  by  time  and  poverty; 
and  the  fiither  of  Basil  was  reduced  to  a  small  farm,  which  ne 
cultivated  with  his  own  hands.  Yet  he  scorned  to  disgiace  the 
blood  of  the  Arsacides  by  a  plebeian  alliance :  his  wife,  a  widow 
of  Hadrianople,  was  pleased  to  count  among  her  ancestors  the 
great  Constantine ;  and  their  Toyal  infimt  was  connected  by 
some  dark  affinity  of  lineage  or  country  with  the  Macedonian 
Alexander.  No  sooner  was  he  bom  than  the  cradle  of  Basil, 
his  family,  and  his  city,  were  swept  away  by  an  inundation  of 
the  Bulgarians ;  he  was  educated  a  slave  in  a  foreign  land ;  and 
in  this  severe  diiscipline  he  acquired  the  hardiness  of  body  and 
flexibility  of  mind  which  promoted  his  future  elevation.  In  the 
age  of  youth  or  manhood  he  shared  the  deliverance  of  the 
Roman  captives,  who  generously  broke  their  fetters,  marched 
through  Bulgaria  to  the  shores  of  the  Euxine,  defeated  two 
armies  of  barbarians,  embarked  in  the  ships  which  had  been 
stationed  for  their  reception,  and  returned  to  Constantinople, 
from  whence  they  were  distributed  to  their  respective  homes. 
But  the  freedom  of  Basil  was  naked  and  destitute ;  his  farm 
was  ruined  by  the  calamities  of  war ;  after  his  father's  death, 
his  manual  labour  or  service  could  no  longer  support  a  fiunily 
of  orphans ;  and  he  resolved  to  seek  a  more  conspicuous  theatre, 
in  which  eveiy  virtue  and  eveiy  vice  may  lead  to  the  paths  of 
greatness.  The  first  night  of  his  arrival  at  Constantinople, 
without  friends  or  money,  the  weary  pilgrim  slept  <m  the  steps 
of  the  church  of  St.  Diomede  ;  he  was  ted  by  the  casual  hospi- 

^  [The  Armenian  descent  of  Basil  (oo  the  fiuher's  side)  is  set  bejond  doubt  br 
the  notice  in  the  Vita  Euthymii  (ed.  de  Boor,  p.  a,  cdw  de  Boor's  remarks,  fx  zjo-i ), 
combined  with  the  circumstance  that  a  brotoer  or  Basil  was  named  Symbatios. 
Tlie  settlement  of  Armenian  families  in  Tliimoe  by  Constantine  V.  is  attested  by 
Theophanes,  A.11.  6247;  Nicephorus,  n.  661  Cp.  Rambaud,  L'empire  grec  an 
dijdtoe  siide,  p.  Z47.  Harom  of  Ispolian  states  that  Basil  was  a  Siav,  but  there 
li  ao  evidenoe  to  bear  this  out] 


OF  TH£  ROMAN  EMPIRE  203 

talit  J  of  a  mcmk ;  and  was  introduced  to  the  service  of  a  cousin 
and  namesake  of  the  emperor  Theophilus ;  who^  though  himself 
of  a  diminutive  person^  was  always  followed  by  a  train  of  tall 
and  handsome  domestics.  Basil  attended  his  patron  to  the 
government  of  Peloponnesus;  eclipsed,  by  his  personal  merit, 
the  birth  and  dignity  of  Theophilus,  and  iormed  an  useful  con- 
nexion with  a  wealUiy  and  charitable  matron  of  Patras.  Her 
spiritual  or  carnal  love  embraced  the  young  adventurer,  whom 
she  adopted  as  her  son.  Danielis  presented  him  with  thirty 
slaves ;  and  the  produce  of  her  bounty  was  expended  in  the 
support  of  his  brothers  and  the  purchase  of  some  large  estates 
in  Macedonia.  His  gratitude  or  ambition  still  attached  him  to 
the  service  of  Theophilus ;  and  a  lucky  accident  recommended 
him  to  the  notice  of  the  court.  A  famous  wrestler,  in  the  train 
of  the  Bulgarian  ambassadors,  had  defied,  at  the  royal  banquet, 
the  boldest  and  most  robust  of  the  Greeks.  The  strength  of 
Basil  was  praised ;  he  accepted  the  challenge ;  and  the  bar- 
barian champion  was  overthrown  at  the  first  onset.  A  beautiful 
but  vicious  horse  was  condemned  to  be  hamstrung ;  it  was  sub- 
dued by  the  dexterity  and  courage  of  the  servant  of  Theophilus; 
and  his  conqueror  was  promoted  to  an  honourable  rank  in  the 
Imperial  stables.  But  it  was  impossible  to  obtain  the  confidence 
of  Michael,  without  compljring  with  his  vices;  and  his  new 
&vourite,  the  great  chamberlain  of  the  palace,  was  raised  and 
supported  by  a  disgraceful  marriage  with  a  royal  concubine,  and 
the  dishonour  of  his  sister,  who  succeeded  to  her  place.'*  The 
public  administration  had  been  abandoned  to  the  Csesar  Bardas,*^ 
the  brother  and  enemy  of  Theodora;  but  the  arts  of  female 
influence  persuaded  Michael  to  hate  and  to  fear  his  uncle ;  he 
was  drawn  from  Constantinople,  under  the  pretext  of  a  Cretan 
expedition,  and  stabbed  in  the  tent  of  audience,  by  the  sword 
of  the  chamberlain,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor.  About 
a  month  after  this  execution,  Basil  was  invested  with  the  title  r^  an 
of  Augustus  and  the  government  of  the  empire.  He  supported 
this  unequal  association  till  his  influence  was  fortified  by  popular 
esteem.  His  life  was  endangered  by  the  caprice  of  the  emperor; 
and  his  dignity  was  profiined  by  a  second  colleague,  who  had 
rowed  in  the  galleys.     Yet  the  murder  of  his  henehdor  must 

*>rTbe  ooQcubme's  name  was  Eudoda  Ingerina,  mother  of  Leo  VL  The 
chronicles  do  not  say  that  Basil's  sister  became  Michael's  concubine,  but  that 
Michael's  sister  Thecla  became  Basil's  concubine.  Cp.  George  Mon.,  p.  898,  ed. 
Bonn.] 

^  [For  Bardas,  a  man  of  great  talent  and  no  principle,  see  below,  chapi  liil] 


204  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

be  condemned  as  an  act  of  ingiatitude  and  treason ;  and  the 
churches  which  he  dedicated  to  the  name  of  St.  Michael  were 
a  poor  and  puerile  expiation  of  his  guilt. 

The  different  ages  of  Basil  the  First  may  be  compared  with 
those  of  Augustus.  The  situation  of  the  Greek  did  not  allow 
him  in  his  earliest  youth  to  lead  an  army  against  his  country 
or  to  proscribe  the  noblest  of  her  sons ;  but  his  aspiring  genius 
stooped  to  the  arts  of  a  slave ;  he  dissembled  his  ambition  and 
even  his  virtues,  and  grasped  with  the  bloody  hand  of  an 
assassin  the  empire  which  he  ruled  with  the  wisdom  and 
tenderness  of  a  parent.  A  private  citizen  may  feel  his  interest 
repugnant  to  his  duty;  but  it  most  be  from  a  deficiency  of 
sense  or  courage  that  an  absolute  monarch  can  separate  his 
happiness  from  his  glory  or  his  glory  from  the  public  welfare. 
The  life  or  panegyric  of  Basil  has,  indeed,  been  composed  and 
published  under  the  long  reign  of  his  descendants ;  but  even 
their  stability  on  the  throne  may  be  justly  ascribed  to  the 
superior  merit  of  their  ancestor.  In  his  character,  his  grandson 
Constantine  has  attempted  to  delineate  a  perfect  image  of 
royalty;  but  that  feeble  prince,  unless  he  had  copied  a  real 
model,  could  not  easily  have  soared  so  high  above  the  level  of 
his  own  conduct  or  conceptions.  But  the  most  solid  praise  of 
Basil  is  drawn  from  the  comparison  of  a  ruined  and  a  flourish- 
ing monarchy,  that  which  he  wrested  from  the  dissolute  Michael, 
and  that  which  he  bequeathed  to  the  Macedonian  dynasty. 
The  evils  which  had  been  sanctified  by  time  and  example  were 
corrected  by  his  master-hand  ;  and  he  revived,  if  not  the  national 
spirit,  at  least  the  order  and  majesty  of  the  Roman  empire. 
His  application  was  inde&tigable,  his  temper  cool,  his  under- 
standing vigorous  and  decisive ;  and  in  his  practice  he  observed 
that  rare  and  salutary  moderation,  which  pursues  each  virtue 
at  an  equal  distance  between  the  opposite  vices.  His  military 
service  had  been  confined  to  the  palace ;  nor  was  the  emperor 
endowed  with  the  spirit  or  the  talents  of  a  warrior.  Yet  under 
his  reign  the  Roman  arms  were  again  formidable  to  the  bar- 
barians. As  soon  as  he  had  formed  a  new  army  by  discipline 
and  exercise,  he  appeared  in  person  on  the  banks  of  the 
Euphrates,  curbed  the  pride  of  the  Saracens,  and  suppreised 
the  dangerous  though  just  revolt  of  the  Manichseans.^  His 
indignation  against  a  rebel  who  had  long  eluded  his  pursuit 
provoked  him  to  wish  and  to  pray  that,  by  the  grace  of  God, 

*  [For  the  rebellion  of  the  Paulicians  under  Carbeas  and  Chrviochir,  aee  below. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  206 

he  might  drive  three  arrows  into  the  head  of  Chrysochir.  That 
odious  head,  which  had  been  obtained  by  treason  rather  than  by  vld.  tni 
valour,  was  suspended  from  a  tree,  and  thrice  exposed  to  the 
dexterity  of  the  Imperial  archer :  a  base  revenge  against  the  dead, 
more  worthy  of  the  tiroes  than  of  the  character  of  Basil.  But 
his  principal  merit  was  in  the  civil  administration  of  the  finances 
and  of  the  laws.  To  replenish  an  exhausted  treasury,  it  was 
proposed  to  resume  the  lavish  and  ill-placed  gifts  of  his  pre- 
decessor :  his  prudence  abated  one  moiety  of  the  restitution ; 
and  a  sum  of  twelve  hundred  thousand  pounds  was  instantly 
procured  to  answer  the  most  pressing  demands  and  to  allow 
some  space  for  the  mature  operations  of  economy.  Among  the 
various  schemes  for  the  improvement  of  the  revenue,  a  new 
mode  was  suggested  of  capitation,  or  tribute,  which  would  have 
too  much  depended  on  the  arbitrary  discretion  of  the  assessors. 
A  sufficient  list  of  honest  and  able  agents  was  instantly  pro- 
duced by  the  minister;  but,  on  the  more  careful  scrutiny  of 
Basil  himself,  only  two  could  be  found  who  might  be  safely 
entrusted  with  such  dangerous  powers;  and  they  justified 
his  esteem  by  declining  his  confidence.  But  the  serious  and 
successful  diligence  of  the  emperor  established  by  degrees  an 
equitable  balance  of  property  and  payment,  of  receipt  and  ex- 
penditure ;  a  peculiar  fund  was  appropriated  to  each  service ; 
and  a  public  method  secured  the  interest  of  the  prince  and  the 
property  of  the  people.  After  reforming  the  luxury,  he  assigned 
two  patrimonial  estates  to  supply  the  decent  plenty,  of  the 
Imperial  table ;  the  contributions  of  the  subject  were  reserved 
for  his  defence ;  and  the  residue  was  employed  in  the  embel- 
lishment of  the  capital  and  provinces.  A  taste  for  building, 
however  costly,  may  deserve  some  praise  and  much  excuse  ; 
from  thence  industry  is  fed,  art  is  encouraged,  and  some  object 
is  attained  of  public  emolument  or  pleasure ;  the  use  of  a  road, 
an  aqueduct,  or  an  hospital  is  obvious  and  solid;  and  the 
hundred  churches  that  arose  by  the  command  of  Basil  were 
consecrated  to  the  devotion  of  the  age.  In  the  character  of 
a  judge,  he  was  assiduous  and  impartial,  desirous  to  save,  but 
not  aftaid  to  strike  ;  the  oppressors  of  the  people  were  severely 
chastised;  but  his  personal  foes,  whom  it  might  be  unsate 
to  pardon,  were  condemned,  after  the  loss  of  their  e3res,  to  a 
life  of  solitude  and  repentance.  The  change  of  language  and 
manners  demanded  a  revision  of  the  obsolete  jurisprudence  of 
Justinian;  the  voluminous  body  of  his  Institutes,  Pandects, 
Code,  and  Novels  was  digested  under  forty  titles,  in  the  Greek 


206         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

idiom ;  and  the  BatUict^  which  were  improyed  and  completed 
by  his  son  and  grandson,  must  be  referred  to  the  original  genius 
of  the  founder  of  their  race.*  This  glorious  reign  was  termi- 
nated by  an  accident  in  the  chase.  A  furious  stag  entangled 
his  horns  in  the  belt  of  Basil,  and  raised  him  from  his  horse ; 
nc  »)  he  was  rescued  by  an  attendant,  who  cut  the  belt  and  slew  the 
animal;  but  the  fi&U,  or  the  fever,  exhausted  the  strength  of 
AfjiL  the  aged  monarch,  and  he  expired  in  the  palace,  amidst  the 
tears  of  his  family  and  people.^  If  he  struck  off  the  head  of 
the  faithful  servant,  for  presuming  to  draw  his  sword  against 
his  sovereign,  the  pride  of  despotism,  which  had  lain  dormant 
in  his  life,  revived  in  the  last  moments  of  despair,  when  he  no 
longer  wanted  or  valued  the  opinion  of  mankind. 
>o|w.tiM>  Of  the  four  sons  of  the  emperor,  Constantine  died  before  his 
aSH  *  father,  whose  grief  and  credulity  were  amused  by  a  flattering 
Af.fB)  impostor  and  a  vain  apparition.  Stephen,  the  youngest,  was 
content  with  the  honours  of  a  patriarch  and  a  saint ;  both  Leo 
and  Alexander  were  alike  invested  with  the  purple,  but  the 
powers  of  government  were  solely  exercised  by  Uie  elder 
brother.  Tne  name  of  Leo  VI.^  has  been  dignified  with  the 
title  of  philosopher  J  and  the  union  of  the  prince  and  the  sage,  of 
the  active  and  speculative  virtues,  would  indeed  constitute  the 
perfection  of  human  nature.  But  the  claims  of  Leo  are  far  short  of 
this  ideal  excellence.  Did  he  reduce  his  passions  and  appetites 
under  the  dominion  of  reason  ?  His  life  was  spent  in  the  pomp 
of  the  palace,  in  the  societ|r  of  his  wives  and  concubines  ;  and 
even  the  clemency  which  he  shewed,  and  the  peace  whidi  he 
strove  to  preserve,  must  be  imputed  to  the  softness  and  indo- 
lence of  his  character.  Did  he  subdue  his  prejudices,  and  those 
of  his  subjects  ?     His  mind  was  tinged  with  the  most  puerile 


*  [See  Appendix  zi.    For  affiurs  in  Italy,  see  chap.  hrL] 

^  me  died  on  99th  August,  not  in  March.  SeeMtirBlt,EaHudeChroa.byzanL, 
p.  466.  Nine  days  dapsed  between  the  accident  and  his  death ;  ^Hta  Euthymii. 
c.  I.  f  16.] 

^^  [Leo  was  a  pedant  He  reminds  us  of  the  Empmr  Claudius  and  James  I. 
of  England.  For  the  first  ten  years  of  his  reign,  his  chief  minister  and  adviser  was 
Stylianus  Zautzes — ^like  Basil,  a  "Macedonian"  of  Armenism  descent — to  whom 
Basil  on  his  deathbed  conmiitted  the  charge  of  the  state  (Vita Euthymii,  c  i,  §  18). 
He  received  the  title  of  BasiUopator  (A.IX  894),  died  two  years  later.  His  daughter 
Zoe  was  the  second  wife  of  Leo  (a.d.  894-6).  For  the  Bulgarian  T»r  Simeon,  the 
most  formidable  neighbour  of  the  empire  at  this  time,  see  chap,  Iv.  The  most  strik- 
in|[  calamity  of  Leas  reisn  was  the  descent  of  the  renefl^e  Leo  of  (the  Syrian) 
Tni)olis  with  a  fleet  of  Mohammadan  pirates  on  Thessalonica ;  03,000  captives  were 
carried  off  (a.d.  904).  The  episode  has  been  described  in  full  detail  by  John 
Cameniatfft  (ed.  Bonn,  Script  wwt  Theiyh.,  p,  487  sqq.\  SeeFinlay,  ii,  967  jvy. 
The  reign  or  Leo  has  been  rally  treated  in  a  Rusnan  monograph  \if  N.  Popov 
(Impermtor  Lev  vi  Modri,  z89a)ij; 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  207 

superstition ;  the  influence  of  the  clergy  and  the  errors  of  the 
people  were  consecrated  by  his  laws ;  and  the  oracles  of  Leo, 
which  reveal,  in  prophetic  style,  the  fates  of  the  empire,  are 
founded  on  the  arts  of  astrology  and  divination.  It  we  still 
inquire  the  reason  of  his  sage  appellation,  it  can  only  be  replied 
that  the  son  of  Basil  was  less  ignorant  than  the  greater  part  of 
his  contemporaries  in  church  and  state  ;  that  his  education  had 
been  directed  by  the  learned  Photius  ;  ^^  and  that  several  books 
of  profane  and  ecclesiastical  science  were  composed  by  the  pen, 
or  in  the  name,  of  the  Imperial  philosopher.  But  the  reputation 
of  his  philosophy  and  religion  was  overthrown  by  a  domestic 
vice,  the  repetition  of  his  nuptials.  The  primitive  ideas  of  the 
merit  and  holiness  of  celibacy  were  preached  by  the  monks  and 
entertained  by  the  Greeks.  Marriage  was  allowed  as  a  neces- 
sary means  for  the  propagation  of  mankind ;  after  the  death  of 
either  party,  the  survivor  might  satisfy,  by  a  second  union,  the 
weakness  or  the  strength  of  the  flesh  ;  but  a  iJurd  marriage  was 
censured  as  a  state  of  legal  fornication ;  and  a  fourth  was  a  sin 
or  scandal  as  yet  unknown  to  the  Christians  of  the  East.  In 
the  beginning  of  his  reign,  Leo  himself  had  abolished  the  state 
of  concubines,  and  condemned,  without  annulling,  third  mar- 
riages ;  but  his  patriotism  and  love  soon  compelled  him  to 
violate  his  own  laws,  and  to  incur  the  penance  which,  in  a 
similar  case,  he  had  imposed  on  his  subjects.  In  his  three  first 
alliances,  his  nuptial  bed  was  unfruitful ;  *^  the  emperor  required 
a  female  companion,  and  the  empire  a  legitimate  heir.  The 
beautiful  Zoe  was  introduced  into  the  palace  as  a  concubine ; 
and,  after  a  trial  of  her  fecundity  and  the  birth  of  Constantine, 
her  lover  declared  his  intention  of  legitimating  the  mother  and 
the  child  by  the  celebration  of  his  fourth  nuptials.  But  the 
patriarch  Nicholas  refused  his  blessing;  the  Imperial  baptism gg>-^ 
of  the  young  prince  was  obtained  by  a  promise  of  separation ; 
and  the  contumacious  husband  of  Zoe  was  excluded  from  the 
communion  of  the  fiiithfiil.  Neither  the  fear  of  exile,  nor  the 
desertion  of  his  brethren,  nor  the  authority  of  the  Latin  church, 

^[Por  the  Patriarch  Photius  see  below,  chap.  liiL  He  was  deposed  by  Leo, 
and  the  Patriarchate  given  to  the  Emperor's  bnHher  Stephen.] 

^  [Leo  married  (i)  Theophano,  vho  died  893  ;  (9)  Zoe,  who  died  896  ;  (3) 
Eudocia  Baian6,  who  died  900 ;  (4)  Zoe  Carbonupsina.  The  Patriarch,  Nicolaus 
Mysticus,  who  opposed  the  fourth  marriage,  was  banished  in  February  907,  and 
succeeded  by  Euth^ius,  who  complied  with  the  Emperor's  wishes.  This 
Euthjrmins  (whose  biography,  edited  by  de  Boor,  is  an  important  source  for  the 
reign  of  Leo)  was  a  man  of  independent  character,  and  had  been  previously 
banished  for  opposing  the  marriage  with  the  second  Zoe,  On  the  marriage  laws  cp. 
Appendix  iz.J 


208         THE  DECUNE  AND  FALL 

nor  the  danger  of  fisdlure  or  doubt  in  the  succession  to  the 
empire,  could  bend  the  spirit  of  the  inflexible  monk.     After  the 

CA.S.IU!]  death  of  Leo,  he  was  recalled  from  exile  to  the  civil  and  ec- 
clesiastical administration ;  and  the  edict  of  union  which  was 

[Aji.Mq  promulgated  in  the  name  of  Constantine  condemned  the  future 
scandal  of  fourth  marriages  and  left  a  tacit  imputation  on  his 
own  birth. 

ahMjUr,         In  the  Greek  language  jMcip/S^  and  porphyry  are  the  same  word  ; 

mragyiy.  and,  as  the  colours  of  nature  are  invariable,  we  may  learn  that  a 

aS^SS^  dark  deep  red  was  the  Tyrian  dye  which  stained  the  purple  of 
the  ancients.  An  apartment  of  the  Bjrzantine  palace  was  lined 
with  porphyry ;  it  was  reserved  for  the  use  of  the  pregnant 
empresses  ;  and  the  rcnral  birth  of  their  children  was  expressed 
by  the  appellation  of  porphyrogenUe,  or  bom  in  the  purple. 
Several  of  the  Roman  princes  had  been  blessed  with  an  heir  ; 
but  this  peculiar  surname  was  first  applied  to  Constantine  the 
Seventh.  His  life  and  titular  reign  were  of  equal  duration ; 
but  of  fifty-four  years  six  had  elapsed  before  his  father's  death ; 
and  the  son  of  Leo  was  ever  the  voluntary  or  reluctant  subject 
of  those  who  oppressed  his  weakness  or  abused  his  confidence. 
His  uncle  Alexander,  who  had  long  been  invested  with  the  title 
of  Augustus,  was  the  first  colleague  and  governor  of  the  young 
prince ;  but,  in  a  rapid  career  of  vice  and  folly,  the  brother  of 

;p«*tt<rf^     Leo  already  emulated  the  reputation  of  Michael ;  and,  when 

jmt»A.B.  he  was  extinguished  by  a  timely  death,  he  entertained  the 
project  of  castrating  his  nephew  and  leaving  the  empire  to  a 
worthless  favourite.  The  succeeding  years  of  the  mhMNity  of 
Constantine  were  occupied  by  his  mother  Zoe,  and  a  succession 
or  council  of  seven  regents,^  who  pursued  their  interests,  gratified 
their  passions,  abandoned  the  republic,  supplanted  each  other, 
and  finally  vanished  in  the  presence  of  a  soldier.  From  an 
obscure  origin,  Romanus  Lecapenus  had  raised  himself  to  the 
command  of  the  naval  armies  ;  and  in  the  anarchy  of  the  times 
had  deserved,  or  at  least  had  obtained,  the  national  esteem. 
With  a  victorious  and  affectionate  fleet,  he  sailed  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Danube  into  the  harbour  of  Constantinople,  and 
was  hailed  as  the  deliverer  of  the  people  and  the  guardian  of 
the  prince.  His  supreme  office  was  at  first  defined  ay  the  new 
appellation  of  fiither  of  the  emperor,^  but  Romanus  soon  dis- 

M  [The  most  importaDt  and  capable  of  the  regents  was  John  Eladai.] 

^  rRomanus  was  made  great  Hetagriofxh  (eaptain  of  the  foragn  guards)  on 
IdarcD  35 ;  BasUeofiaior^  April  aj ;  CoMmr^  SepL  24 ;  At^gusims,  Dec.  17  (Tbeoph. 
_,  Cootin.,  p.  393-7*  ed.  Bonn).] 


OF  TH£  BOMAN  EMPIRE  209 

dained  the  subordinate  powers  of  a  minister,  and  assumed,  with^  ^ 
the  titles  of  Ceesar  and  Augustus,  the  fbll  independence  of^ro 
royalty,  which  he  held  near  five  and  twenty  years.  His  three 
sons,  Christopher,  Stephen,  and  Constantine,  were  successively  OMMte 
adorned  with  the  same  honours,  and  the  lawful  emperor  was  iggiga|^^ 
degraded  from  the  first  to  the  fifth  rank  in  this  college  ofgrn^CA-o. 
princes.  Yet,  in  the  preservation  of  his  life  and  crown,  he 
might  still  applaud  his  own  fortune  and  the  clemency  of  the 
usurper.  The  examples  of  ancient  and  modem  history  would 
have  excused  the  ambition  of  Romanus ;  the  powers  and  the 
laws  of  the  empire  were  in  his  hand;  the  spurious  birth  of 
Constantine  would  have  justified  his  exclusion ;  and  the  grave 
or  the  monastery  was  open  to  receive  the  son  of  the  concubine. 
But  Lecapenus  does  not  appear  to  have  possessed  either  the 
virtues  or  the  vices  of  a  t3rrant.^  The  spirit  and  activity  of  his 
private  life  dissolved  away  in  the  sunshine  of  the  throne  ;  and 
in  his  licentious  pleasures  he  forgot  the  safety  both  of  the 
republic  and  of  his  fiimily.  Of  a  mild  and  religious  character, 
he  respected  the  sanctity  of  oaths,  the  innocence  of  the  youth, 
the  memory  of  his  parents,  and  the  attachment  of  the  people. 
The  studious  temper  and  retirement  of  Constantine  disarmed 
the  jealousy  of  power ;  his  books  and  music,  his  pen  and  his 
pendll,  were  a  constant  source  of  amusement ;  and,  if  he  could 
improve  a  scanty  allowance  by  the  sale  of  his  pictures,  if  their 
price  was  not  enhanced  by  the  name  of  the  artist,  he  was 
endowed  with  a  personal  talent  which  few  princes  could  employ 
in  the  hour  of  adversity. 

The  &11  of  Romanus  was  occasioned  by  his  own  vices  and  og<*gff'ji 
those  of  his  children.     After  the  decease  of  Christopher,  his 
eldest  son,  the  two  surviving  brothers  quarrelled  with  each 

^  [Both  Gibbon  and  Finlav  seem  to  have  done  some  injustice  to  Romantis  in 
representing  him  as  weak.  He  showed  strength  in  remorselessly  carrying  out  his 
poLicy  of  founding  a  Lecapenian  dynasty  ;  it  was  frustrated  through  an  unexpected 
blow.  In  foreign  politics  and  war,  he  was  on  the  whole  soocessnil ;  and  he  kept 
down  the  dangerous  elements,  within  the  empire,  which  threatened  his  throne. 
Of  great  interest  and  significance  is  his  law  of  A.D.  0^5,  by  which  he  attemoted  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  growth  of  the  enormous  estates,  whidb,  especially  in  Asia  Minor, 
were  gnulualljr  absorbing  the  small  proprietors  and  ruining  agriculture.  These 
laiifundia^  which  increased  in  spite  of  all  legislation,  were  an  eooDomical  evil,  a 
political  danger,  and  even  injured  the  army,  as  the  provision  for  soldiers  largely 
consisted  in  inalienable  laniu,  and  these  were  swallowed  up  by  the  rich  landed 
kxxls.  See  the  novel  of  Romanus  in  Zachariii  von  Linsenthal,  Jus  Orteco* 
Romanum,  liL  p.  242  sqq,  /  and  cp.  the  further  le^lation  of  Constantine  vii  (>^. 
p.  252  j^i/.),  A.D.  947,  who  found  that  notwithstandmg  the  prohibition  of  Romanus 
"  the  greater  part  of  the  magnates  did  not  abstain  from  bargains  most  ruinous  to 
the  poor  with  whom  they  deut ".    Cp.  Appendix  zi.] 

VOL.  V.  14 


>M;lf] 


210  THE  DECLINE  AM)  FALL 

other,  and  conspired  against  their  fiither.  At  the  hour  of  noon, 
when  all  strangers  were  regularly  excluded  from  the  palace, 
they  entered  his  apartment  with  an  armed  force,  and  conveyed 
w\2f^  him,  in  the  habit  of  a  monk,  to  a  small  island  in  the  Ptopontis, 
which  was  peopled  by  a  religious  community.  The  rumour  of 
this  domestic  revolution  excited  a  tumult  in  the  city ;  but 
Porph3rrogenitu8  alone,  the  true  and  lawfril  emperor,  was  the 
object  of  the  public  care ;  and  the  sons  of  Lecapenus  were 
taught,  by  tardy  experience,  that  they  had  achieved  a  guilty 
and  perilous  enterprise  for  the  benefit  of  their  rivaL  Their 
sister  Helena,  the  wife  of  Constantine,  revealed,  or  supposed, 
their  treacherous  design  of  assassinating  her  husband  at  the 
royal  banquet.  His  loyal  adherents  were  alarmed;  and  the 
two  usurpers  were  prevented,  seised,  degraded  from  the  purple, 
and  embarked  for  the  same  island  and  monastery  where  their 
fiither  had  been  so  lately  confined.  Old  Romanus  met  them  on 
the  beach  with  a  sarcastic  smile,  and,  after  a  just  reproach  of 
their  folly  and  ingratitude,  presented  his  Imperial  colleagues 
with  an  equal  shiu^  of  his  water  and  vegetable  diet.  In  the 
fortieth  year  of  his  reign,  Constantine  the  Seventh  obtained  the 
possession  of  the  Eastern  world,  which  he  ruled,  or  seemed  to 
rule,  near  fifteen  years.  But  he  was  devoid  of  that  energy  of 
character  which  could  emei^e  into  a  life  of  action  and  glory ; 
and  the  studies  which  had  amused  and  dignified  his  leisure  were 
incompatible  with  the  serious  duties  of  a  sovereign.*^  The 
emperor  neglected  the  practice,  to  instruct  his  son  Romanus  in 
the  theory,  of  government ;  while  he  indulged  the  habits  of 
intemperance  and  sloth,  he  dropt  the  reins  of  administration 
into  the  hands  of  Helena  his  wife  ;  ^  and,  in  the  shifting  scene 
of  her  fiivour  and  caprice,  each  minister  was  regretted  in  the 
promotion  of  a  more  worthless  successor.  Yet  the  birth  and 
misfortunes  of  Constantine  had  endeared  him  to  the  Greeks ; 
they  excused  his  fiulings  ;  they  respected  his  learning,  his 
innocence  and  charity,  his  love  of  justice ;  and  the  ceremony 
of  his  frineral  was  mourned  with  the  unfeigned  tears  of  his 
subjects.  The  body,  according  to  ancient  custom,  lay  in  state 
in  the  vestibule  of  the  palace  ;  and  the  civil  and  military  officers, 
the  patricians,  the  senate,  and  the  clergy,  approached  in  due 
order  to  adore  and  kiss  the  inanimate  corpse  of  their  sovereign. 
Before  the  procession  moved  towards  the  Imperial  sepulchre,  an 

^  [On  ContUuitine  and  his  litenuy  works,  see  further  chap.  Uii] 

^  [The  military  support  of  Constantine  was  Bardas  PhocAS  and  his  three  soa% 
Nfeepbonis^  Leo,  and  Constantine:] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  211 

herald  proclaimed  this  awful  admonition  :  *'  Arise,  O  king  of  the 
world,  and  obey  the  smnmons  of  the  King  of  kings  !  " 

The  death  of  Constantine  was  imputed  to  poison  ;  and  his  son  fMummVL 
Romanus,  who  derived  that  name  from  his  maternal  grand£Either,&%v.u 
ascended  the  throne  of  Constantinople.  A  prince  who,  at  the 
age  of  twenty,  could  be  suspected  of  anticipating  his  inherit- 
ance must  have  been  already  lost  in  the  public  esteem ;  yet 
Romanus  was  rather  weak  than  wicked ;  and  the  largest  share 
of  the  guilt  was  transferred  to  his  wife,  Theophano,  a  woman  of 
base  origin,  masculine  spirit,  and  flagitious  manners.  The  sense 
of  personal  glory  and  public  happiness,  the  true  pleasures  of 
royalty,  were  unknown  to  the  son  of  Constantine ;  and,  while 
the  two  brothers,  Nicephorus  and  Leo,  triumphed  over  the 
Saracens,  the  hours  which  the  emperor  owed  to  his  people  were 
consumed  in  strenuous  idleness.  In  the  morning  he  visited  the 
circus  ;  at  noon  he  feasted  the  senators  ;  the  greater  part  of  the 
afternoon  he  spent  in  the  sphasrUterium,  or  tennis-court,  the 
only  theatre  of  his  victories  ;  frt>m  thence  he  passed  over  to  the 
Asiatic  side  of  the  Bosphorus,  hunted  and  killed  four  wild  boars 
of  the  largest  size,  and  returned  to  the  palace,  proudly  content 
with  the  labours  of  the  day.  In  strength  and  beauty  he  was 
conspicuous  above  his  equals ;  tall  and  straight  as  a  young 
cypress,  his  complexicm  was  &ir  and  florid,  his  eyes  sparkling, 
his  shoulders  broad,  his  nose  long  and  aquiline.  Yet  even  these 
perfections  were  insufiicient  to  flx  the  love  of  Theophano  ;  and, 
after  a  reign  of  four  years,  she  mingled  for  her  husband  the pyq^yi 
same  deadly  draught  which  she  had  composed  for  his  £Either. 

By  his  marriage  with  this  impious  woman,  Romanus  theg^|]>g» 
younger  left  two  sons,  Basil  the  Second,  and  Constantine  ^^^tmitni 
Ninth,  and  two  daughters,  Theophano  and  Anne.  The  eldest 
sister  was  given  to  Otho  the  Second,^®  emperor  of  the  West ; 
the  younger  became  the  wife  of  Wolodomir,  great  duke  and 
apostle  of  Russia ;  and,  by  the  marriage  of  her  grand-daughter 
with  Henry  the  First,  king  of  France,  the  blood  of  the  Mace- 

^[There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Theophano  the  wife  of  Otto  II.  was  really 
the  (uu:^ter  of  Romanus  and  sister  of  Basil  IL  (not  another  lady  palmed  on 
upon  the  Emperor  of  the  West),  notwithstanding  Thietmar  (the  historian  of  the 
Ejnperor  Henry  IL),  Chron.  iL  15,  and  the  silence  of  the  Greek  authorities.    (Cp. 


sieae,  p.  193^1  MOitmann,  louowea  oy  uieseorecnt,  arguea  agamsi  ine  genumo- 
ness  01  Theophana  She  was  refused  to  Otto  by  Nicephorus,  but  granted  by 
John  Ttimisoes,  who  became  her  step-uncle  by  mamage  with  the  lister  of 
Romaima] 


212  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

donians,  and  perhaps  of  the  Anacides,  still  flows  in  the  veins  of 
the  Bgurbon  Hne.  After  the  death  of  her  husband,  the  empress 
aspired  to  reign  in  the  name  of  her  sons,  the  elder  of  whom  was 
five,  and  the  yomiger  only  two,  years  of  age  ;  but  she  soon  felt 
the  instability  of  a  throne,  which  was  supported  by  a  female 
who  could  not  be  esteemed,  and  two  in&nts  who  could  not  be 
feared.  Theophano  looked  around  for  a  protector,  and  threw 
herself  into  the  arms  of  the  bravest  soldier ;  her  heart  was 
capricious ;  but  the  deformity  of  the  new  favourite  rendered 
it  more  than  probable  that  interest  was  the  motive  and  excuse 
of  her  love.  Nicephoms  Phocas^  united,  in  the  popular 
opinion,  the  double  merit  of  an  hero  and  a  saint.  In  the  former 
character,  his  qualifications  were  genuine  and  splendid  :  the 
descendant  of  a  race,  illustrious  by  their  military  exploits,  he 
had  displayed,  in  every  station  and  in  every  province,  the 
courage  of  a  soldier  and  the  conduct  of  a  chief;  and  Nicephoms 
^^'^'U  was  crowned  with  recent  laurels  from  the  important  conquest 
of  the  isle  of  Crete.  ^^  His  religion  was  of  a  more  ambiguous 
cast ;  and  his  hair-cloth,  his  fiuts,  his  pious  idiom,  and  his 
wish  to  retire  from  the  business  of  the  world,  were  a  con- 
venient mask  for  his  dark  and  dangerous  ambition.^'  Yet  he 
imposed  on  an  holy  patriarch,  by  whose  influence,  and  by  a 
decree  of  the  senate,  he  was  entrusted,  during  the  minority  of 
the  young  princes,  with  the  absolute  and  independent  com- 
mand of  the  Oriental  armies.  As  soon  as  he  had  secured  the 
leaders  and  the  troops,  he  boldly  marched  to  Constantinople, 
trampled  on  his  enemies,  avowed  his  correspondence  with  the 
empress,  and,  without  degrading  her  sons,  assumed,  with  the 
title  of  Augustus,  the  pre-eminence  of  rank  and  the  plenitude 
of  power.     But  his  marriage  with  Theophano  was  refused  by 

M[The  chief  work  on  Nioephonis  is  M.  G.  Schlumbeiger's  Un  emporeur  Dyzan- 
tine  att  dixi&me  si^e ;  Nic^pnore  Phocas,  1890 ;  a  fine  work,  which  be  has  con- 
tinued in  his  L'^p^  bynntine  li  la  &i  du  dixiime  ai^e,  1897,  which  coven 
the  reign  of  Tzimisoes  and  the  first  thirteen  years  of  Basil  IL] 

^  [For  the  Saracen  wars  of  Nicephoms,  see  chap.  liL  ad.  fin.  He  had  also 
won  triumphs  in  Cilicia  and  Syria  (a.d.  962)  before  his  accession.] 

"■  [Though  Nicephoms,  as  has  been  said,  lived  only  for  his  armv,  vet  throughout 
all  his  life  he  had  a  hankering  after  the  cloister.  His  intimacy  with  Athamshis,  the 
founder  of  the  Great  LAura  00  Mount  Athos,  is  an  interesting  episode  in  his  life ; 
it  is  attractively  told  by  M.  Schlumberser,  c^  cii,,  chap.  vL  But  for  Nicephoms, 
the  Laura  would  never  have  been  founoed.  It  is  at  this  period  that  the  monastic 
ttlemmts  of  Mount  Athos  come  into  prominenor,  The  earliest  mentioa  of  monks 
(andMrites ;  not  in  monasteries)  00  the  Holy  Mount  is  fiound  in  Genesius,  referring 
to  the  time  of  Basil  I.  (p.  89,  ed.  Bonn!  The  first  clear  picture  of  the  monastfe 
<DOMtitqtiofl  of  Athot  ii  fiound  in  the  Typikoo  of  John  Tdmisoes,  A.IX  07a  (P. 
lieycr.  Die  Hanptuikunden  f&r  die  Geschichte  der  AthoskUteter.  p.  141  Jfy.  k] 


OF  TH£  BOAIAN  EMPIRE  213 

the  same  patriarch  who  had  placed  the  crown  on  his  head ;  by 
his  second  nuptials  he  incurred  a  year  of  canonical  penance ; 
a  bar  of  spiritual  affinity  was  opposed  to  their  celebration  ;  and 
some  evasion  and  perjury  were  required  to  silence  the  scruples 
of  the  clergy  and  people.  The  popularity  of  the  emperor  was 
lost  in  the  purple ;  in  a  reign  of  six  years  he  provoked  the 
hatred  of  strangers  and  subjects  ;  and  the  h3rpocrisy  and  avarice 
of  the  first  Nicephorus  were  revived  in  his  successor.  H3rpo- 
crisy  I  shall  never  justify  or  palliate  ;  but  I  will  dare  to  observe 
that  the  odious  vice  of  avarice  is  of  all  others  most  hastily 
arraigned  and  most  unmercifully  condemned.  In  a  private 
citizen^  our  judgment  seldom  expects  an  accurate  scrutiny  into 
his  fortune  and  expense ;  and,  in  a  steward  of  the  public 
treasure,  frugality  is  always  a  virtue,  and  the  increase  of  taxes 
too  often  an  indispensable  duty.  In  the  use  of  his  patrimony, 
the  generous  temper  of  Nicephorus  had  been  proved  ;  and  tne 
revenue  was  strictly  applied  to  the  service  of  the  state :  each 
spring  the  emperor  marched  in  person  against  the  Saracens ; 
and  every  Roman  might  compute  the  employment  of  his  taxes 
in  triumphs,  conquests,  and  the  security  of  the  Eastern  barrier. 
Among  the  warriors  who  promoted  his  elevation  and  served  '•ki 


under  his  standard,  a  noble  and  valiant  Armenian  had  deserved  ^ 

and  obtained  the  most  eminent  rewards.     The  stature  of  John 


Zimiaces  was  below  the  ordinary  standard  ;  but  this  diminutive 
body  was  endowed  with  strength,  beauty,  and  the  soul  of  an 
hero.  By  the  jealousy  of  the  emperor's  brother,  he  was  de* 
graded  from  the  office  of  general  of  the  East  to  that  of  director 
of  the  posts,  and  his  murmurs  were  chastised  with  disgrace  and 
exile.  But  Zimisces  was  ranked  among  the  numerous  lovers 
of  the  empress  ;  on  her  intercession,  he  was  permitted  to  reside 
at  Chalcedon,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital ;  her  bounty 
was  repaid  in  his  clandestine  and  amorous  visits  to  the  palace ; 
and  Theophano  consented  with  alacrity  to  the  death  of  an  ugly 
and  penurious  husband.  Some  bold  and  trusty  conspirators 
were  concealed  in  her  most  private  chambers  ;  in  the  darkness 
of  a  winter  night,  Zimisces,  with  his  principal  companions, 
embarked  in  a  small  boat,  traversed  the  Bosphorus,  landed  at 
the  palace  stairs,  and  silently  ascended  a  ladder  of  ropes,  which 
was  cast  down  by  the  female  attendants.  Neither  his  own 
suspicions,  nor  the  warnings  of  his  friends,  nor  the  tardv  aid  of 
his  brother  Leo,  nor  the  lortress  which  he  had  erected  in  the 
palace,  could  protect  Nicephorus  from  a  domestic  foe,  at  whose 
voice  every  door  was  opened  to  the  assassins.     As  he  slept  on  a  gw.  m.  a.x 


214  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

bear-skin  on  the  ground,  he  was  roused  by  their  noisy  intrusion, 
and  thirty  daggers  glittered  before  his  eyes.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  Zimisces  imbrued  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  his  sove- 
reign ;  but  he  enjoyed  the  inhuman  spectacle  of  revenge.  The 
mitfder  was  protracted  by  insult  and  crueltv ;  and,  as  soon  as 
the  head  of  Nicephorus  was  shewn  from  the  window,  the  tu- 
mult was  hushed  and  the  Armenian  was  emperor  of  the  East. 
On  the  day  of  his  coronation,  he  was  stopped  on  the  threshold 
of  St.  Sophia,  by  the  intrepid  patriarch  ;  who  charged  his  con- 
science with  the  deed  of  treason  and  blood,  and  required,  as 
a  sign  of  repentance,  that  he  should  separate  himself  from  his 
more  criminal  associate.  This  sally  of  apostolic  zeal  was  not 
offensive  to  the  prince,  since  he  could  neither  love  nor  trust 
a  woman  who  had  repeatedly  violated  the  most  sacred  obliga- 
tions ;  and  Theophano,  instead  of  sharing  his  Imperial  fortune, 
was  dismissed  with  ignominy  from  his  bed  and  palace. '^  In 
their  last  interview,  she  displayed  a  frantic  and  impotent  rage  ; 
accused  the  ingratitude  of  her  lover ;  assaulted  with  words  and 
blows  her  son  Basil,  as  he  stood  silent  and  submissive  in  the 
presence  of  a  superior  colleague  ;  and  avowed  her  own  prosti- 
tution, in  proclaiming  the  illegitimacy  of  his  birth.  The  public 
indignation  was  appeased  by  her  exile  and  the  punishment  of 
the.  meaner  accomplices ;  the  death  of  an  unpopular  prince 
was  forgiven ;  and  the  guilt  of  Zimisces  was  forgotten  in  the 
splendour  of  his  virtues.'^  Perhaps  his  prolusion  was  less 
useful  to  the  state  than  the  avarice  of  Nicephorus ;  but  his 
gentle  and  generous  behaviour  delighted  all  who  approached 
his  person ;  and  it  was  only  in  the  paths  of  victory  that  he 
trod  in  the  footsteps  of  his  predecessor.  The  greatest  part  of 
his  reign  was  employed  in  the  camp  and  the  field  ;  his  personal 
valour  and  activity  was  signalised  on  the  Danube  and  the  Tigris, 
Ln.tit4  the  ancient  boundaries  of  the  Roman  world  ;  and  by  his  double 
'^''*^      triumph  over  the  Russians  and  the  Saracens  he  deserved  the 

^[The  dismissal  of  Theophano  was  demanded  by  morality  and  rdigion,  but 
it  was  the  least  important  part  of  the  bargain  between  the  Emperor  and  the 
Patriarch  Pdyeuctua.  The  price  that  Tsimisoes  reallv  paid  for  his  coronation  was 
the  abrogation  of  the  Novel  of  Nicephorus  Pbocas,  which  ordained  that  no  ecclesi- 
astical decision,  no  promotion  or  nomination,  could  be  made  by  the  bishops  with- 
out the  Imperial  consent  In  his  description  of  the  last  interview.  Gibbon  wronglv 
nialKS  Theophano  assault  her  son ;  it  was  the  chamberiain  Basil  (qk  bdow,  n.  50) 
whom  she  assaulted.] 

*'[The  position  of  Nicephorus  and  Tsimisoes  reminds  us  of  the  Merovingian 
majordomate.    Finlay  observes  that  they  were  both  "  men  of  nobler  minds  umn 
the  n(4)les  around  them,  for  both  renected  the  rights  and  persons  of  their  wards 
J  and  legitimate  princes,  Basil  and  Constantine,  and  contented  tbemaelves  wiUi 

fbe  post  of  prime  minister  and  the  rank  of  emperor".    Romanos  L,  who  held  a 
limilar  position,  had  attempted  to  play  the  part  of  Pippin  and  failed.] 


it 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  215 

titles  of  savkmr  of  the  empire  and  conqueror  of  the  East.^  In 
his  last  return  from  Syria,  he  observed  that  the  most  fruitful 
lands  of  his  new  provinces  were  possessed  by  the  eunuchs.^ 
And  is  it  for  them/'  he  exclaimed,  vdth  honest  indignation, 
that  we  have  fought  and  conquered  ?  Is  it  for  them  that  we 
shed  our  blood  and  exhaust  the  treasures  of  our  people  ? "  ^^ 
The  complaint  was  re-echoed  to  the  palace,  and  the  death  of 
Zimisces  is  strongly  marked  with  the  suspicion  of  poison. 

Under  this  usurpation,  or  regency,  of  twelve  years,  the  twosMOiLui^ 
lawful  emperors,   Basil  and   Constantine,  had   silently   grown  xx.  ▲.n.v 
to  the  age  of  manhood.      Their  tender  years  had  been   in-  ^ 
capable  of  dominion ;  the  respectful  modesty  of  their  attend- 
ance and  salutation  was  due  to   the   age  and  merit  of  their 
guardians ;  the  childless  ambition  of  those  guardians  had  no 
temptation  to  violate  their  right  of  succession ;  their  patrimony 
was  ably  and  faithfully  administered ;  and  the  premature  death 
of  Zimisces  was  a  loss,  rather  than  a  benefit,  to  the  sons  of 
Romanus.     Their  want  of  experience   detained   them   twelve 
years  Icmger  the  obscure  and  voluntary  pupils  of  a  minister,  who  cbmii] 
extended  his  reign  by  persuading  them  to  indulge  the  pleasures 
of  youth  and  to  disdain  the  labours  of  government.     In  this 
silken   web,   the  weakness   of  Constantine  was  for   ever   en- 
tangled ;  but  his  elder  brother  felt  the  impulse  of  genius  and 
the  desire  of  action ;  he  frowned,  and  the  minister  was   no 
more.     Basil  was  the  acknowledged   sovereign   of  Constanti- 
nople and  the  provinces  of  Europe ;  but  Asia  was  oppressed 
by  two  veteran  generals,  Phocas  and  Sclents,  who,  alternately 

^  [For  the  great  Russian  triumph  of  Tzimisces,  which  gave  Bulgaria  into  his 
hands,  see  chap.  Iv.  ;  for  his  Saracen  campaigns,  chap,  lii.] 

^[The  chamberlain  Basil,  to  whom  Tzimisces  had  entrusted  the  conduct  of  the 
military  administration,  and  who  practically  ruled  the  empire  after  the  death  of 
Tzimisces,  before  Basil  II.  reached  maturity.  This  eunuch  was  a  bastard  son  of 
Romanus  Lecapenus,  and  was  a  man  of  majestic  and  imposing  presence,  and  great 
ability.  His  father  had  made  him  commander  of  the  foreign  guard,  and  grand 
chamberlain  (Parakcemomenos) ;  and  he  had  won  a  victory  over  the  Saracens  in 
A.D.  958.  He  played  a  leading  part  in  the  revolution  which  placed  Nicephorus 
on  the  throne,  and  had  been  appointed  by  him  "  President  of  the  Senate,"  an 
office  established  for  the  first  time.  But  he  did  not  like  Nicephorus,  who  |;ave 
him  perhaps  too  little  voice  in  the  administration.  An  op{x>rtune  indisposition 
confined  him  to  his  bed  at  the  time  of  that  Emperor's  assassination,  but  when  he 
heard  the  news  he  lost  no  time  in  joining  Tzimisces,  who  seems  to  have  placed  him- 
self in  the  hands  of  the  experienced  statesman.  ] 

^  [This  incident  illustrates  an  evil  already  mentioned  above,  n.  46,  and  more 
fully  discussed  in  Appendix  ii,  the  growth  m  the  Asiatic  provinces  of  enormous 
estates  devoted  to  pasturage,  which  were  ruining  the  small  farmers  and  the 
agriculture,  and  transforming  the  provinces  into  feudal  domains  of  a  few  powerfiil 
magnates    Both  Nicephorus  and  Tzimisces  were  fully  alive  to  the  eviL] 


216         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

firiends  and  enemies,  subjects  and  rebels,  maintained  their 
independence,  and  laboured  to  emulate  the  example  of  suc- 
cess&l  usurpation.^  Against  these  domestic  enemies,  the  son 
of  Romanus  first  drew  his  sword,  and  they  trembled  in  the 
presence  of  a  lawful  and  high-spirited  prince.  The  first,  in 
the  fi*ont  of  battle,  was  thrown  nrom  his  horse,  by  the  stroke 
of  poison  or  an  arrow  ;  the  second,  who  had  been  twice  loaded 
with  chains,  and  twice  invested  with  the  purple,  was  desirous 

^Aaro,  AA  of  ending  in  peace  the  small  remainder  of  his  days.  As  the 
aged  suppliant  approached  the  throne,  with  dim  eyes  and 
faltering  steps,  leaning  on  his  two  attendants,  the  emperor 
exclaimed,  in  the  insolence  of  youth  and  power,  *'  And  is  this 
the  man  who  has  so  long  been  the  object  of  our  terror  ? " 
After  he  had  confirmed  his  own  authority  ^  and  the  peace  of 
the  empire,  the  trophies  of  Nicephorus  and  Zimisces  would  not 
suffer  their  royal  pupil  to  sleep  in  the  palace.  His  long  and 
firequent  expeditions  against  the  Saracens  were  rather  glorious 
than  useful  to  the  empire ;  but  the   final   destruction  of  the 

CAJx  Maq  kingdom  of  Bulgaria  appears,  since  the  time  of  Belisarius,  the 
most  important  triumph  of  the  Roman  arms.^  Yet,  instead 
of  applauding  their  victorious  prince,  his  subjects  detested  the 

^[Bardas  Scleras  verv  nearly  achieved  his  design  of  succeeding  to  the  place 
of  Tzimisoes.  His  rebellion  was  not  aimed  at  the  young  Emperors,  but  at  the 
power  of  the  eunuch  Basil,  who  had  consigned  him  to  an  honourable  banishment 
as  Duke  of  the  frontier  theme  of  Mesopotamia.  Very  popular  with  the  army.  Scleras 
carried  everything  before  him  in  Asia,  where  be  had  tne  support  of  many  of  the 
great  landed  proprietors,  and  was  also  succoured  by  neighbouring  Saracen  armies 
and  the  bandits  of  the  frontier  mountains.  He  defeated  the  Imperial  general 
Peter  Phocas  at  Bukulithos  (somewhere  between  Lycandus  and  Arabissus),  and 
then  close  to  Lycandus  (a.d.  976).  He  also  won  command  of  the  sea  (A.D.  977). 
but  in  the  following  year  his  fleet  was  annihilated.  But  he  took  Nicaea  and 
threatened  the  capital  In  this  extremity  his  rival  Bardas  Phocas,  who  had 
rebelled  against  Tzimisces  and  having  been  subdued  by  this  same  Sclenii  was 
banished  to  Chios,  was  recalled  from  exile  and  placed  at  the  head  of  an  army. 
But  Scleras  defeated  him  in  two  great  battles,  in  the  plain  of  Pankalia,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Sangarius,  and  at  Baiilike  Therma,  A.D.  978.  Next  year,  however, 
help  supplied  by  the  Iberian  prince  David  enabled  Phocas  to  crush  the  rebdlion 
in  the  second  battle  of  Pankalia  (March  24,  A.D.  979).  During  the  next  eight 
years  Phocas  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  while  Scleras  n^  had  fled 
to  the  Moslems  remained  a  captive  at  Bagdad.  In  A.D.  987,  Phocas  rebelled, 
and  the  Saracens  sent  against  him,  as  a  second  pretender,  Bardas  Sdenis  at  the 
head  of  an  army  of  deserters.  Phocas  took  him  prisoner,  subjugated  Ada  Minor, 
but  was  defeated  (April  989)  by  the  marvellous  energy  of  Basil  IL  with  the  help 
of  the  Roman  auxiliaries  ramished  by  Vladimir  of  Kiev,  who  was  shortly  to 
become  his  brother-in-law.  The  best  account  of  these  interesting  episodes  will 
be ibund  in  Schlimiberger's  L'tfpopfe  byzantine,  &c,  chaps.  vL,  viL,  xt.] 

*[Basil  completed  the  assertion  of  his  own  authority  by  banishmg  his  name- 
•sake  the  eunuch  in  a.d.  989^] 

^[Seecbapblv.] 
r 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  217 

rapacious  and  rigid  avarice  of  Basil ;  and  in  the  imperfect 
narrative  of  his  exploits,  we  can  only  discern  the  courage, 
patience,  and  ferociousness  of  a  soldier.  A  vicious  education, 
which  could  not  subdue  his  spirit,  had  clouded  his  mind ;  he 
was  ignorant  of  every  science ;  and  the  remembrance  of  his 
learned  and  feeble  grandsire  might  encourage  a  real  or  affected 
contempt  of  laws  and  lawyers,  of  artists  and  arts.  Of  such  a 
character,  in  such  an  age,  superstition  took  a  firm  and  lasting 
possession  ;  after  the  first  licence  of  his  youth,  Basil  the  Second 
devoted  his  life,  in  the  palace  and  the  camp,  to  the  penanee 
of  an  hermit,  wore  the  monastic  habit  under  his  robes  and 
armour,  observed  a  vow  of  continence,  and  imposed  on  his 
appetites  a  perpetual  abstinence  from  wine  and  nesh.  In  the 
sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  his  martial  spirit  urged  him  to 
embark  in  person  for  a  holy  war  against  the  Saracens  of  Sicily ; 
he  was  prevented  by  death  ;  and  Basil,  sumamed  the  Slayer 
of  the  Bulgarians,  was  dismissed  firom  the  world  with  the 
blessings  of  the  clergy  and  the  curses  of  the  people.  After  his 
decease,  his  brother  Constantine  enjoyed,  about  three  years,  Sjl jS*' 
the  power,  or  rather  the  pleasures,  of  royalty;  and  his  only 
care  was  the  settlement  of  the  succession.  He  had  enjoyed, 
sixty-six  years,  the  title  of  Augustus  ;  and  the  reign  of  the 
two  brothers  is  the  longest  and  most  obscure  of  the  Byzantine 
history. 

A  lineal  succession  of  five  emperors,  in  a  period  of  one  hun-: 
dred  and  sixty  years,  had  attached  the  loyalty  of  the  Greeks  to  jlSmk, 
the  Macedonian  d3ma8ty,  which  had  been  thrice  respected  by 
the  usurpers  of  their  power.  After  the  death  of  Constantine 
IX.,  the  last  male  of  the  royal  race,  a  new  and  broken  scene 
presents  itself,  and  the  accumulated  years  of  twelve  emperors 
do  not  equal  the  space  of  his  single  reign.  His  elder  brother 
had  preferred  his  private  chastity  to  the  public  interest,  and 
Constantine  himself  had  only  three  daughters:  Eudocia,  who 
took  the  veil,  and  Zoe  and  Theodora,  who  were  preserved  till  a 
mature  age  in  a  state  of  ignorance  and  virginity.  When  their 
marriage  was  discussed  in  the  council  of  their  dying  fiither,  the 
cold  or  pious  Theodora  refused  to  give  an  heir  to  the  empire,  but 
her  sister  Zoe  presented  herself  a  willing  victim  at  the  altar. 
Romanus  Arg3rrus,  a  patrician  of  a  graceful  person  and  fiur 
reputation,  was  chosen  for  her  husband,  and,  on  his  declining 
that  honour,  was  informed  that  blindness  or  death  was  the 
second  alternative.  The  motive  of  his  reluctance  was  conjugal 
affection,  but  his  fiuthful  wife  sacrificed  her  own  happiness  to 


218  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

his  safety  and  greatness ;  and  her  entrance  into  a  monastery 
removed  the  only  bar  to  the  Imperial  nuptials.  After  the 
decease  of  Constantine,  the  sceptre  devolved  to  Romanus  the 
Third  ;  but  his  labours  at  home  and  abroad  were  equally  feeble 
and  fruitless ;  and  the  mature  age^  the  forty-eight  years  of  Zoe, 
were  less  &vourable  to  the  hopes  of  pregnancy  than  to  the  in- 
dulgence of  pleasure.  Her  &vourite  chamberlain  was  an  hand- 
some Paphlagonian  of  the  name  of  Michael^  whose  first  trade 
had  been  that  of  a  money-changer ;  and  Romanus,  either  from 
gratitude  or  equity,  connived  at  their  criminal  intercourse,  or 
accepted  a  slight  assurance  of  their  innocence.  But  Zoe  soon 
justified  the  Roman  maxim  that  every  adulteress  is  capable  of 
poisoning  her  husband ;  and  the  death  of  Romanus  was  instantly 
followed  by  the  scandalous  marriage  and  elevation  of  Michael  the 
|yfc*grv-  Fourth*  The  expectations  of  Zoe  were  however  disappointed :  in- 
jfrAsriiii  ^^^^  ^^'^  vigorous  and  grateful  lover,  she  had  placed  in  her  bed  a 
miserable  wretch,  whose  health  and  reason  were  impaired  by 
epileptic  fits,  and  whose  conscience  was  tormented  by  despair 
and  remorse.  The  most  skilful  physicians  of  the  mind  and  body 
were  summoned  to  his  aid ;  and  his  hopes  were  amused  by 
frequent  pilgrimages  to  the  baths,  and  to  the  tombs  of  the  most 
popular  saints ;  the  monks  applauded  his  penance,  and,  except 
restitution  (but  to  whom  should  he  have  restored.^),  Michael 
sought  every  method  of  expiating  his  guilt.  While  he  groaned 
and  prayed  in  sackcloth  and  ashes,  his  brother,  the  eunuch 
John,  smiled  at  his  remorse,  and  enjoyed  the  harvest  of  a  crime 
of  which  himself  was  the  secret  and  most  guilty  author.  His 
administration  was  only  the  art  of  satiating  his  avarice,^^  and 
Zoe  became  a  captive  in  the  palace  of  her  fieithers  and  in  the 
hands  of  her  slaves.  When  he  perceived  the  irretrievable  decline 
of  his  brother's  health,  he  introduced  his  nephew,  another 
Michael,  who  derived  his  surname  of  Calaphates  fi^om  hxB  Other's 
occupation  in  the  careening  of  vessels ;  at  the  command  of  the 
eunuch,  Zoe  adopted  for  her  son  the  son  of  a  mechanic ;  and  this 
fictitious  heir  was  invested  with  the  title  and  purple  of  the  C«- 
sars,  in  the  presence  of  the  senate  and  clergy.  So  feeble  was 
the  character  of  2^  that  she  was  oppressed  by  the  liberty  and 
power  which  she  recovered  by  the  death  of  the  Paphlagonian ; 

*i  [Gibbon,  like  most  historians,  is  unjuit  to  these  Paphlacponians.  who,  if  greedy 
adventurers,  were  all  competent  men.  The  reign  of  Micfaaei  IV.  was  distinguished 
by  a  temporary  recovery  of  the  western  coast  of  Sicily  (A.D.  zo3;^^4a)  through  the 
ability  ofthe  great  seneral  Geom  Maniaces  (see  below,  chap.  Ivl).  The  govern- 
nent  had  to  meet  the  danger  ot  a  rebelUon  of  the  Bulgarian  Slavs  of  Macedonia 
tander  Peter  Deljan.  This  was  put  down ;  hot  Servia  rose  under  Slepbea  Bofiriav 
and  iuooessfully  asserted  its  independence  (A.D.  1040).] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  219 

and,  at  the  end  of  four  days,  she  placed  the  crown  on  the  head 
of  Michael  the  Fifth,  who  had  protested,  with  tears  and  oaths,  jgMM^t^ 
that  he  should  ever  reign  the  first  and  most  obedient  of  herSsTSST 
subjects.     The  only  act  of  his  short  reign  was  his  base  ingrati- 
tude to  his  bene&ctors,  the  eunuch  and  the  empress.     The  dis- 
grace of  the  former  was  pleasing  to  the  public ;  but  the  murmurs, 
and  at  length  the  clamours,  of  Constantinople   deplored  the 
exile  of  Zoe,  the  daughter  of  so  many  emperors ;  her  vices  were 
forgotten,  and  Michael  was  taught  that  there  is  a  period  in^^xon^ 
which  the  patience  of  the  tamest  slaves  rises  into  fury  and 
revenge.    The  citizens  of  every  degree  assembled  in  a  formidable 
tumult,  which  lasted  three  days;   they  besieged  the  palace, 
forced  the  gates,  recalled  their  mothers,  Zoe  from  her  prison,  SMiadi  fin 
Theodora  from  her  monastery,  and  condemned  the  son  ot  Cala-  vSS^jiSi 
phates  to  the  loss  of  his  eyes  or  of  his  life.     For  the  first  time, 
the  Greeks  beheld  with  surprise  the  two  royal  sisters  seated  on 
the  same  throne,  presiding  in  the  senate,  and  giving  audience  to 
the  ambassadors  of  the  nations.    But  this  singular  union  subsisted 
no  more  than  two  months ;  the  two  sovereigns,  their  tempers, 
interests,  and  adherents,  were  secretly  hostile  to  each  other; 
and,  as  Theodora  was  still  adverse  to  marriage,  the  indefatigable 
Zoe,  at  the  age  of  sixty,  consented,  for  the  public  good,  to 
sustain  the  embraces  of  a  third  husband,  and  the  censures  of 
the  Greek  church.^^     His  name  and  number  were  Constantine  ooMiMrtiM 
the  Tenth,  and  the  epithet  of  Monomachus,  the  single  combatant,  auMi^mL; 
must  have  been  expressive  of  his  valour  and  victory  in  some^iu 
public  or  private  quarrel^     But  his  health  was  broken  by  the 
tortures  of  the  gout,  and  his  dissolute  reign  was  spent  in  the 
alternative  of  sickness  and  pleasure.     A  fair  and  noble  widow 
had  accompanied  Constantine  in  his  exile  to  the  isle  of  Lesbos, 
and  Sclerena  gloried  in  the  appellation  of  his  mistress.     After 
his  marriage  and  elevation,  she  was  invested  with  the  title  and 
pomp  of  Augusta^  and  occupied  a  contiguous  apartment  in  the 
palace.    The  lawful  consort  (such  was  the  delicacy  or  corruption 

*'[Much  new  material  for  the  scandals  and  intrigues  of  the  court  under  the 
regimes  of  Zoe  and  Theodora,  and  the  emperors  who  were  elevated  through  them, 
has  been  revealed  in  the  contemporary  History  of  Paellus  (Sathas,  BibL  Gr.  Med. 
Ae\'.,  iv. ;  see  Appendix  x).  See  Bury,  Roman  Emperors  from  Basil  II.  to  Isaac 
Komntoos,  in  Eng.  Hist.  Rev.  4,  p.  41  sqq,,  and  351  sqq,  (1889^  The  chief 
events  of  the  reign  of  Constantine  IX.  were  tne  revolt  <H  Leon  Tomikios  (which  is 
the  subject  of  a  special  monograph  by  R.  SchOtte,  1896),  an  invasion  of  the 
Pafrinaks,  the  final  schism  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  Churches  (see  below,  chap,  be), 
and  the  incorporation  of  Armenia  in  the  Empire.  For  the  foundation  of  a 
school  of  jurisprudence  see  Appendix  ix.] 

**  [Monomachus  was  a  surname  of  the  family ;  it  had  no  personal  application  to 
Constantine,    See  Psellus,  Hist.,  p.  no,  ed.  Sathas.] 


220         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  Zoe)  consented  to  this  strange  and  scandalous  partition ;  and 
the  emperor  appeared  in  public  between  his  wife  and  his  con- 
cubine.    He  survived  them  both;   but  the  last  measures   of 
Constantine  to  change  the  order  of  succession  were  prevented 
by  the  more  vigilant  friends  of  Theodora ;  and,  after  his  decease, 
roT.ao         she  resumed,  with  the  general  consent,  the  possession  of  her 
inheritance.      In   her    name,  and    by   the   influence   of    four 
eunuchs,  the  Eastern  world  was  peaceably  governed  about  nine- 
teen months ;  and,  as  they  wished  to  prolong  their  dominion, 
they  persuaded  the  aged  princess  to  nominate  for  her  successor 
noMVL    Michael  the  Sixth.     The  surname  of  Stralioiicus  declares   his 
Ld.  uBjL      military  profession ;  but  the  crasy  and  decrepit  veteran  could 
^  only  see  with  the  eyes,  and  execute  with  the  hands,  of  his 

ministers.  Whilst  he  ascended  the  throne,  Theodora  sunk  into 
the  grave,  the  last  of  the  Macedonian  or  Basilian  dynasty.  I 
have  hastily  reviewed,  and  gladly  dismiss,  this  shameful  and 
destructive  period  of  twenty-eight  years,  in  which  the  Greeks, 
degraded  below  the  common  level  of  servitude,  were  transferred 
like  a  herd  of  cattle  by  the  choice  or  caprice  of  two  impotent 
females. 
mml  oh».  From  this  night  of  slavery,  a  ray  of  freedom,  or  at  least  of 
m,  Aag.  SI  spirit,  begins  to  emerge :  the  Greeks  either  preserved  or  revived 
the  use  of  surnames,  which  perpetuate  the  £une  of  here- 
ditary virtue ;  and  we  now  discern  the  rise,  succession,  and  al- 
liances of  the  last  dynasties  of  Constantinople  and  Trebizond 
The  Comneniy  who  upheld  for  a  while  the  £ftte  of  the  sinking 
empire,  assumed  the  nonour  of  a  Roman  origin ;  but  the  family 
had  been  long  since  transported  from  Italy  to  Asia.  Their 
patrimonial  estate  was  situate  in  the  district  of  Castamona  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  Euxine ;  and  one  of  their  chiefii,  who 
had  already  entered  the  paths  of  ambition,  revisited  with 
affection,  perhaps  with  regret,  the  modest  though  honourable 
dwelling  of  his  uithers.  The  first  of  their  line  was  the  illustrious 
Manuel,  who,  in  the  reign  of  the  second  Basil,  contributed  by 
war  and  treaty  to  appease  the  troubles  of  the  East ;  he  left  in 
a  tender  age  two  sons,  Isaac  and  John,  whom,  with  the  con- 
sciousness of  desert,  he  bequeathed  to  the  gratitude  and  favour 
of  his  sovereign.  The  noble  youths  were  carefully  trained  in 
the  learning  of  the  monastery,  the  arts  of  the  palace,  and  the 
exercises  of  the  camp;  and  firom  the  domestic  service  of  the 
guards  they  were  rapialy  promoted  to  the  command  of  provinces 
and  armies.  Their  natenud  union  doubled  the  force  and  reputa- 
ton  of  the  Comneni,  and  their  ancient  nobility  was  iUiutrated 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  221 

by  the  marriage  of  the  two  brothers,  with  a  captive  princess  of 
Bulgaria,  and  the  daughter  of  a  patrician,  who  had  obtained  the 
name  of  Charon  from  the  number  of  enemies  whom  he  had  sent 
to  the  infernal  shades.  The  soldiers  had  served  with  reluctant 
loyalty  a  series  of  effeminate  masters ;  the  elevation  of  Michael 
the  Sixth  was  a  personal  insult  to  the  more  deserving  generals ; 
and  their  discontent  was  inflamed  by  the  parsimony  of  the  em- 
peror and  the  insolence  of  the  eunuchs.  They  secretly  assembled 
in  the  sanctuary  of  St.  Sophia,  and  the  votes  of  the  military 
sjrnod  would  have  been  unanimous  in  fiivour  of  the  old  and 
valiant  Catacalon,  if  the  patriotism  or  modesty  of  the  veteran  had 
not  suggested  the  importance  of  birth  as  well  as  merit  in  the 
choice  of  a  sovereign.  Isaac  Comnenus  was  approved  by  general  {jJSf  ^  ^ 
consent,  and  the  associates  separated  without  delay  to  meet  in 
the  plains  of  Phrygia,  at  the  head  of  their  respective  squadrons 
and  detachments.  The  cause  of  Michael  was  defended  in  a 
single  battle  by  the  mercenaries  of  the  Imperial  guard,  who  were 
aliens  to  the  public  interest^  and  animated  only  by  a  principle 
of  honour  and  gratitude.  After  their  defeat,  the  fears  of  the 
emperor  solicited  a  treaty,  which  was  almost  accepted  by  the 
moderation  of  the  Comnenian.  But  the  former  was  betrayed 
by  his  ambassadors,  and  the  latter  was  prevented  by  his  firiends. 
The  solitary  Michael  submitted  to  the  voice  of  the  people ;  the 
patriarch  annulled  their  oath  of  allegiance ;  and,  as  he  shaved 
the  head  of  the  ro3ral  monk,  congratulated  his  beneficial  ex- 
change of  temporal  royalty  for  the  kingdom  of  heaven :  an  ex- 
change, however,  which  the  priest,  on  his  own  account,  would 
probably  have  declined.  By  the  hands  of  the  same  patriarch,^ 
Isaac  Comnenus  was  solemnly  crowned ;  the  sword  which  he  in-[i^s] 
scribed  on  his  coins  might  be  an  offensive  symbol,  if  it  implied 
his  title  by  conquest ;  but  this  sword  would  have  been  drawn 
against  the  foreign  and  domestic  enemies  of  the  state.  The 
decline  of  his  health  and  vigour  suspended  the  operation  of 
active  virtue;  and  the  prospect  of  approaching  death  deter- 
mined him  to  interpose  some  moments  between  life  and  eternity. 
But,  instead  of  leaving  the  empire  as  the  marriage  portion  of 
his  daughter,  his  reason  and  inclination  concurred  in  the  pre-  [iiMte] 
ference  of  his  brother  John,  a  soldier,  a  patriot,  and  the  father 
of  five  sons,  the  future  pillars  of  an  hereditary  succession.     His 

**[This  powerful  and  ambitious  prelate,  Michael  Cerularius,  aimed  at  securing 
for  the  Patriarch  the  same  headship  of  the  Eastern  Church  and  the  same  inde- 
pendent position  in  regard  to  the  Emperor,  which  the  Pope  hdd  in  the  West  Isaac 
deposed  him.  For  this  period  see  H.  MUdler,  Theodora,  Michael  Stratiotikos, 
Jsaak  Komnenos,  1894.] 


222         THE  DECUNE  AND  FALL 

first  modest  reluctance  might  be  the  natm^l  dictates  of  discretion 
and  tenderness,  but  his  obstinate  and  successful  perseverance, 
however  it  may  daaszle  with  the  show  of  virtue,  must  be  censured 
as  a  criminal  desertion  of  his  duty  and  a  rare  offence  against  his 
family  and  country.^  The  purple  which  he  had  remsed  was 
accepted  by  Constantine  Ducas,  a  friend  of  the  Comnenian 
house,  and  whose  noble  birth  was  adorned  with  the  experience 
and  reputation  of  civil  policy.^     In  the  monastic  habit,  Isaac 

5figjj5§^  recovered  his  health,  and  survived  two  years  his  voluntary  ab- 
dication. At  the  command  of  his  abbot,  he  observed  the  rule 
of  St  Basil,  and  executed  the  most  servile  offices  of  the  convent ; 
but  his  latent  vanity  was  gratified  by  the  frequent  and  respect- 
fill  visits  of  the  reigning  monarch,  who  revered  in  his  person 
the  character  of  a  bene&ctor  and  a  saint. 

SH^'^^flJ*'^        If  Constantine  the  Eleventh  were  indeed  the  subject  most 

iSSHJfn'  worthy  of  empire,  we  must  pity  the  debasement  of  the  age  and 
nation  in  which  he  was  chosen.  In  the  labour  of  puerile 
declamations  he  sought,  without  obtaining,  the  crown  of  elo- 
quence, more  precious  in  his  opinion  than  that  of  Rome ;  and 
in  the  subordinate  functions  of  a  judge  he  forgot  the  duties  of  a 
sovereign  and  a  warrior.^^  Far  from  imitating  the  patriotic 
indifference  of  the  authors  of  his  greatness,  Ducas  was  anxious 
only  to  secure,  at  the  expense  of  the  republic,  the  power  and 
prosperity  of  his  children.  His  three  8<his,  Michael  the  Seventh, 
Andronicus  the  First,  and  Constantine  the  Twelfth,  were  invested 
in  a  tender  age  with  the  equal  title  of  Augustus;    and  the 

SlJ*]^^^- succession  was  speedily  opened  by  their  fiither's  death.  His 
widow,  Eudocia,^  was  entrusted  with  the  administration  ;  but 
experience  had  taught  the  jealousy  of  the  dying  monarch  to 
protect  his  sons  from  the  danger  of  her  second  nuptials ;  and 
her  solemn  engagement,  attested  by  the  principal  senators,  was 
deposited  in  the  hands  of  the  patriarch.  Before  the  end  of  seven 
months,  the  wants  of  Eudoda,  or  those  of  the  state,  called  aloud 
for  the  male  virtues  of  a  soldier ;  and  her  heart  had  already 
chosen  Romanus  Diogenes,  whom  she  raised  from  the  scaffold 

*["  Gibbon  accepts  the  statement  of  Nioephorus  Biyennitxs  (L  ao)  that  John 
refused  the  imperial  crown ;  but  it  appears  to  be  merdj  a  flourish  of  fiunilj  pride, 
for  Scylitzes  expressly  dedarea  that  Isaac  set  aside  his  brother  "  (Finlay,  Hist 
of  Greece,  ii.,  p.  la,  n.  a).  Isaac  was  married  to  a  Bulgarian  prinoen  Ailnterina, 
the  daughter  probably  of  John  Vladislav,  as  Scylitzes  says  (p.  6a8 ;  q>.  MSdkr, 
0^.  cit,  p.  i^).] 

*  [Especially  financial  poller.] 

V[For  the  anti-militaiy  policy  adopted  by  Constantine  Ducas,  and  in  general 
for  the  condition  of  the  empire  at  this  period,  see  C  Neumann's  exodlent  wofk. 
Das  Byzantinische  Reich  vor  den  KreussQgen.] 

*  [For  the  literary  work  and  influence  of  Eudoda,  see  bdow,  chapi  liiL] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  223 

to  the  throne.  The  discovery  of  a  treasonable  attempt  had 
exposed  him  to  the  severity  of  the  laws  :  his  beauty  and  valour 
absolved  him  in  the  eyes  of  the  empress;  and  Romanus,^  from 
a  mild  exile,  was  recalled  on  the  second  day  to  the  command  of 
the  Oriental  armies.     Her  royal  choice  was  yet  unknown  to  the 

Eublic,  and  the  promise  which  would  have  betrayed  her  fidse- 
ood  and  levity  was  stolen  by  a  dexterous  emissary  from  the 
ambition  of  the  patriarch.  Xiphilin  at  first  alleged  the  sancti^ 
of  oaths  and  the  sacred  nature  of  a  trust ;  but  a  whisper  that 
his  brother  was  the  future  emperor  relaxed  his  scruples,  and 
forced  him  to  confess  that  the  public  safety  was  the  supreme 
law.  He  resigned  the  important  paper ;  and,  when  his  hopes 
were  confounded  by  the  nomination  of  Romanus,  he  could  no 
longer  regain  his  security,  retract  his  declarations,  nor  oppose 
the  second  nuptials  of  the  empress.  Yet  a  murmur  was  heard 
in  the  palace ;  and  the  barbarian  guards  had  raised  their  battle- 
axes  in  the  cause  of  the  house  of  Ducas,  till  the  young  princes 
were  soothed  by  the  tears  of  their  mother  and  the  solemn 
assurances  of  the  fidelity  of  their  guardian,  who  filled  the 
Imperial  station  with  dignity  and  honour.  Hereafter  I  shall 
relate  his  valiant  but  unsuccessful  efibrts  to  resist  the  progress  riMihiip. 
of  the  Turks.  His  defeat  and  captivity  inflicted  a  deadly 
wound  on  the  Byzantine  monarchy  of  the  East ;  and,  after  he 
was  released  from  the  chains  of  the  sultan,  he  vainly  sought 
his  wife  and  his  subjects.  His  wife  had  been  thrust  into  a 
monastery,  and  the  subjects  of  Romanus  had  embraced  the 
rigid  maxim  of  the  civil  law  that  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy  is  deprived,  as  by  the  stroke  of  death,  of  all  the  public 
and  private  rights  of  a  citizen.  In  the  general  consternation  iggMMrtji 
the  Caesar  John  asserted  the  indefeasible  right  of  his  three  BSKSS 
nephews :  Constantinople  listened  to  his  voice  ;  and  the  Turkish  xn.  ▲^ 
captive  was  proclaimed  in  the  capital,  and  received  on  the 
frontier,  as  an  enemy  of  the  republic.  Romanus  was  not  more 
fortunate  in  domestic  than  in  foreign  war :  the  loss  of  two 
battles  compelled  him  to  peld,  on  the  assurance  of  fkir  and 
honourable  treatment ;  but  his  enemies  were  devoid  of  fiiith  or 
humanity;  and,  after  the  cruel  extinction  of  his  sight,  his 
wounds  were  left  to  bleed  and  corrupt,  till  in  a  few  days  he  was 
relieved  ftota  a  state  of  misery.  Under  the  triple  reign  of  the 
house  of  Ducas,  the  two  younger  brothers  were  reduced  to  the 
vain  honours  of  the  purple ;  but  the  eldest,  the  pusillanimous 

^  [He  was  stratftgos  of  Triaditza  (Sofia).] 


224         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Michael,  was  incapable  of  sustaining  the  Roman  sceptre  ;  and 
his  surname  of  Parapinaces  denotes  the  reproach  which  he 
shared  with  an  avaricious  favourite  who  enhanced  the  price, 
and  diminished  the  measure,  of  wheat.  In  the  school  of  Psellus, 
and  after  the  example  of  his  mother,  the  son  of  Eudocia  made 
some  proficiency  in  philosophy  and  rhetoric  ;  but  his  character 
was  degraded,  rather  than  ennobled,  by  the  virtues  of  a  monk 
and  the  learning  of  a  sophist.  Strong  in  the  contempt  of  their 
sovereign  and  their  own  esteem,  two  generals  at  the  head  of 
the  European  and  Asiatic  legions  assumed  the  purple  at  Hadria- 
nople  and  Nice.  Their  revolt  was  in  the  same  month;  they 
bore  the  same  name  of  Nicephoms;  but  the  two  candidates 
were  distinguished  by  the  surnames  of  Bryennius  and  Botani- 
ates :  the  former  in  the  maturity  of  wisdom  and  courage,  the 
latter  conspicuous  only  by  the  memory  of  his  past  exploits. 
While  Botaniates  advanced  with  cautious  and  dilatory  steps,  his 
active  competitor  stood  in  arms  before  the  gates  of  Constanti- 
nople. The  name  of  Bryennius  was  illustrious ;  his  cause  was 
popular ;  but  his  licentious  troops  could  not  be  restrained  from 
burning  and  pillaging  a  suburb ;  and  the  people,  who  would 
have  hailed  the  rebel,  rejected  and  repulsed  the  incendiary  of 
his  country.  This  change  of  the  public  opinion  was  fiivoarable 
to  Botaniates,  who  at  length,  with  an  army  of  Turks,  approached 
the  shores  of  Chalcedon.  A  formal  invitation,  in  the  name  of 
the  patriarch,  the  synod,  and  the  senate,  was  circulated  through 
the  streets  of  Constantinople ;  and  the  general  assembly,  in  the 
dome  of  St.  Sophia,  debated,  with  order  and  calmness,  on  the 
choice  of  their  sovereign.  The  guards  of  Michael  would  have 
dispersed  this  unarmed  multitude ;  but  the  feeble  emperor, 
applauding  his  own  moderation  and  clemency,  resigned  the 
ensigns  of  royalty,  and  was  rewarded  with  the  monastic  habit 
and  the  title  of  archbishop  of  Ephesus.  He  left  a  son,  a  Con- 
stantine,  bom  and  educated  in  the  purple ;  and  a  daughter  of 
the  house  of  Ducas  illustrated  the  blood,  and  confirmed  the 
succession,  of  the  Comnenian  dynasty. 

John  Comnenus,  the  brother  of  the  emperor  Isaac,  sonrived 

J^    in  peace  and  dignity  his  generous  refusal  of  the  sceptre.^    Bv 

•  his  wife  Anne,  a  woman  of  masculine  spirit  and  policy,  he  left 

eight  children :  the  three  daughters  multiplied  tne  Comnenian 

alhances  with  the  noblest  of  the  Greeks ;   of  the  five  sons, 

Manuel  was  stopped  by  a  premature  death ;  Isaac  and  Alexins 


k. 


**[Seeabove,  n.65.] 


OF  THE  KOMAN  EMPIRE  226 

restored  the  Imperial  greatness  of  their  house,  which  was 
enjoyed  without  toil  or  danger  by  the  two  younger  brethren, 
Hadrian  and  Nicephorus.  Alexius,  the  third  and  most  illustrious 
of  the  brothers,  was  endowed  by  nature  with  the  choicest  gifts 
both  of  mind  and  body:  they  were  cultivated  by  a  liberal 
education,  and  exercised  in  the  school  of  obedience  and  adver- 
sity. The  youth  was  dismissed  from  the  perils  of  the  Turkish 
war  by  the  paternal  care  of  the  emperor  Romanus ;  but  the 
mother  of  the  Comneni,  with  her  aspiring  race,  was  accused  of 
treason,  and  banished,  by  the  sons  of  Ducas,  to  an  island  in 
the  Propontis.  The  two  brothers  soon  emerged  into  fiivour 
and  action,  fought  by  each  other  s  side  against  the  rebeb  and 
barbarians,  and  adhered  to  the  emperor  Michael,  till  he  was 
deserted  by  the  world  and  by  himself.  In  his  first  interview 
with  Botaniates,  **  Prince/'  said  Alexius,  with  a  noble  frankness, 
"  my  duty  rendered  me  your  enemy ;  the  decrees  of  God  and 
of  the  people  have  made  me  your  subject  Judge  of  my  future 
loyalty  by  my  past  opposition."  The  successor  of  Michael 
entertained  him  with  esteem  and  confidence;  his  valour  was 
employed  against  three  rebels,  who  disturbed  the  peace  of 
the  empire,  or  at  least  of  the  emperors.  Ursel,  Bryennius,  and 
Basiladus  were  formidable  by  their  numerous  forces  and  military 
fiune ;  they  were  successively  vanquished  in  the  field,  and  led  in 
chains  to  the  foot  of  the  throne  ;  and,  whatever  treatment  they 
might  receive  from  a  timid  and  cruel  court,  they  applauded  the 
clemency,  as  well  as  the  courage,  of  their  conqueror.  But  the 
loyalty  of  the  Comneni  was  soon  tainted  by  fear  and  suspicion  ; 
nor  is  it  easy  to  settle  between  a  subject  and  a  despot  the  debt 
of  gratitude,  which  the  former  is  tempted  to  claim  by  a  revolt 
and  the  latter  to  discharge  by  an  executioner.  The  refusal  of 
Alexius  to  march  against  a  fourth  rebel,  the  husband  of  his 
sister,  destroyed  the  merit  or  memory  of  his  past  services;  the 
favourites  of  Botaniates  provoked  the  ambition  which  they 
apprehended  and  accused  ;  and  the  retreat  of  the  two  broHieHB 
might  be  justified  by  the  defence  of  their  life  or  liberty.  The 
women  of  the  fiimily  were  deposited  in  a  sanctuary,  respected 
by  tyrants :  the  men,  mounted  on  horseback,  sallied '  from  the 
city  and  erected  the  standard  of  civil  war.  The  soldiers,  who 
had  been  gradually  assembled  in  the  capital  and  the  neighbour- 
hood, were  devoted  to  the  cause  of  a  victorious  and  ihjuped 
leader;*  the  ties  of  common  interest  and  domestic  alliance 
secured  the  attachment  of  the  house  of  Ducas  ;  and  the  gener- 
ous disputje  of  the  Comneni  was  terminated  by  the  dedisiva 
VOL.  V.  16 


NWl 


226         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

resolution  of  Isaac,  who  was  the  first  to  invest  his  younger 
brother  with  the  name  and  ensigns  of  royalty.  They  returned 
to  Constantinople,  to  threaten  rather  than  besiege  that  impreg- 
nable fortress ;  but  the  fidelity  of  the  guards  was  corrupted ;  a 
lyrfii]  gate  was  surprised,  and  the  fleet  was  occupied  by  the  active 
courage  of  George  PaleeologuSy  who  fought  against  his  &ther, 
without  foreseeing  that  he  laboured  for  his  posterity.  Alexius 
ascended  the  throne ;  and  his  aged  competitor  disappeared  in  a 
monasters.  An  army  of  various  nations  was  gratified  with  the 
pillage  of  the  city ;  but  the  public  disorders  were  expiated  by 
the  tears  and  fiists  of  the  Comneni,  who  submitted  to  every 
penance  compatible  with  the  possession  of  the  empire. 
UisiwL  The  life  of  the  emperor  Alexius  has  been  delineated  by  a 

iS^SJl'  £ftvourite  daughter,  who  was  inspired  by  a  tender  regard  for  his 
^"^^^  person  and  a  laudable  zeal  to  perpetuate  his  virtues.  Conscious 
of  the  just  suspicion  of  her  readers,  the  princess  Anna  Comnena 
repeatedlv  protests  that,  besides  her  personal  knowledge,  she 
had  searched  the  discourse  and  writings  of  the  most  respectable 
veterans ;  that,  after  an  interval  of  thirty  years,  forgotten  by, 
and  forgetful  of,  the  world,  her  mournful  solitude  was  inacces- 
sible to  hope  and  fear ;  and  that  truth,  the  naked  perfect  truth, 
was  more  dear  and  sacred  than  the  memory  of  her  parent.  Yet, 
instead  of  the  simplicity  of  style  and  narrative  which  wins  our 
belief,  an  elaborate  affectation  of  rhetoric  and  science  betrajrs, 
in  every  page,  the  vanity  of  a  female  author.  The  genuine 
character  of  Alexius  is  lost  in  a  vague  constellation  of  virtues ; 
and  the  perpetual  strain  of  panegyric  and  apology  awakens  our 
jealousy,  to  question  the  veracity  of  the  historian  and  the  merit 
of  the  hero.  We  cannot,  however,  refuse  her  judicious  and 
important  remark  that  the  disorders  of  the  times  were  the 
misfortune  and  the  glory  of  Alexius ;  and  that  every  calamity 
which  can  afflict  a  declining  empire  was  accumulated  on  his 
reign,  by  the  justice  of  heaven  and  the  vices  of  his  predecessors. 
In  the  East,  the  victorious  Turks  had  spread,  from  Persia  to 
the  Hellespont,  the  reign  of  the  Koran  and  the  Crescent ;  the 
West  was  invaded  by  the  adventurous  valour  of  the  Nonnans ; 
and,  in  the  moments  of  peace,  the  Danube  poured  forth  new 
swarmS)  who  had  gained,  in  the  science  of  war,  what  thej  had 
lost  in  the  ferociousness  of  manners.  The  sea  was  not  less 
hostile  than  the  land ;  and,  while  the  frontiers  were  assaolted 
by  an  open  enemy,  the  palace  was  distracted  with  secret  treason 
and  conspiracy.  On  a  sudden,  the  banner  of  the  Gross  was 
dfaphjed  by  the  Latins:  Europe  was  preeipitated  on  Asia; 


^ 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EBCPIBE  227 

and  Constantinople  had  almost  been  swept  away  by  this  im- 
petuous deluge.  In  the  tempest  Alexius  steered  the  Imperial 
iressel  with  dexterity  and  courage.  At  the  head  of  his  armies 
he  was  bold  in  action,  skilful  in  stratagem,  patient  of  &ticaey 
ready  to  improve  his  advantages,  and  rising  from  his  dereats 
with  inexhaustible  vigour.  The  discipline  of  the  camp  was 
revived,  and  a  new  generation  of  men  and  soldiers  was  created 
by  the  example  and  the  precepts  of  their  leader.  In  his  inter- 
course with  the  Latins,  Alexius  was  patient  and  artful;  his 
discerning  eye  pervaded  the  new  system  of  an  unknown  world; 
and  I  shall  hereafter  describe  the  superior  policy  with  which 
he  balanced  the  interests  and  passions  of  the  champions  of  the 
first  crusade.^^  In  a  long  reign  of  thirty-seven  years,  he  subdued 
and  pardoned  the  envy  of  his  equals ;  the  laws  of  public  and 
private  order  were  restored;  the  arts  of  wealth  and  science 
were  cultivated ;  the  limits  of  the  empire  were  enlarged  in 
Europe  and  Asia ;  and  the  Comnenian  sceptre  was  transmitted 
to  his  children  of  the  third  and  fourth  generation.  Yet  the 
difficulties  of  the  times  betrayed  some  defects  in  his  character ; 
and  have  exposed  his  memory  to  some  just  or  ungenerous 
reproach.  The  reader  may  possibly  smile  at  the  lavish  praise 
which  his  daughter  so  often  bestows  on  a  flying  hero;  the 
weakness  or  prudence  of  his  situation  might  be  mistaken  for  a 
want  of  personal  courage ;  and  his  political  arts  are  branded  by 
the  Latins  with  the  names  of  deceit  and  dissimulation.  The 
increase  of  the  male  and  female  Inranches  of  his  family  adorned 
the  throne  and  secured  the  succession;  but  their  princely 
laxmry  and  pride  offended  the  patricians,  exhausted  the  revenue, 
and  insulted  the  misery  of  the  people.  Anna  is  a  fidthful 
witness  that  his  happiness  was  destroyed,  and  his  health  was 
broken,  by  the  cares  of  a  public  life ;  the  patience  of  Constan- 
tinople was  £tttigued  by  the  length  and  severity  of  his  reign ; 
and,  before  Alexius  expired,  he  had  lost  the  love  and  reverence 
of  his  subjects.  The  clergy  could  not  foi^ive  his  application 
of  the  sacred  riches  to  the  defence  of  the  state;  but  they 
applauded  his  theological  learning  and  ardent  seal  for  the 
orthodox  fidth,  which  he  defended  with  his  tongue,  his  pen, 
and  his  sword.  His  character  was  degraded  by  the  superstition 
of  the  Greeks ;  and  the  same  inconsistent  principle  of  human 
nature  enjoined  the  emperor  to  found  an  hospital  fer  the  poor 
and  infinn,  and  to  direct  the  execution  of  an  heretic,  who  was 

71  [For  the  Normans,  cp.  below,  chap.  Ivi. ;  for  the  First  Crusade,  chap.  IviiL' 
For  tbe  reigns  ci  Alexius,  John,  and  Manuel :  P.  Wilken,  Remm  ab  Alex.  L  Joh. 
et  Man.  Comnenis  gest  Ubri  iv.  x8zx.] 


mm/^»mmt0mm^MmMtw  tmt 


228         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

burnt  alive  in  the  square  of  St.  Sophia.  Even  the  sinoerity  of 
his  moral  and  religious  virtues  was  suspected  by  the  persons 
who  had  passed  their  lives  in  his  ^miliar  confidence.  In  his 
last  hours,  when  he  was  pressed  by  his  wife  Irene  to  alter  the 
succession,  he  raised  his  head,  and  breathed  a  pious  ejaculation 
on  the  vanity  of  this  world.  The  indignant  reply  of  the  empress 
may  be  inscribed  as  an  epitaph  on  his  tomb,  '*  You  die,  as  you 
have  lived — an  hypocrite  !  " 
guorjOiio-  It  was  the  wish  of  Irene  to  supplant  the  eldest  of  her  surviv- 
p^^M^  ing  sons  in  fiivour  of  her  daughter  the  princess  Anna,  whose 
philosophy  would  not  have  renised  the  weight  of  a  diadem. 
But  the  order  of  male  succession  was  asserted  by  the  friends 
of  their  country ;  the  lawful  heir  drew  the  royal  signet  from 
the  finger  of  his  insensible  or  conscious  £ftther ;  and  the  empire 
obeyed  the  master  of  the  palace.  Anna  Comnena  was  stimu- 
lated by  ambition  and  revenge  to  conspire  against  the  life  of 
her  brother,  and,  when  the  design  was  prevented  by  the  fears 
or  scruples  of  her  husband,  she  passionately  exclaimed  that 
nature  had  mistaken  the  two  sexes  and  had  endowed  Bryennius 
with  the  soul  of  a  woman.  The  two  sons  of  Alexius,  John  and 
Isaac,  maintained  the  fraternal  concord,  the  hereditary  virtue 
of  their  race ;  and  the  younger  brother  was  content  with  the 
title  of  Sebatlocraiarf  which  approached  the  dignity,  without 
sharing  the  power,  of  the  emperor.  In  the  same  person,  the 
claims  of  primogeniture  and  merit  were  fortunately  united ;  his 
swarthy  complexion,  harsh  features,  and  diminutive  stature  had 
suggested  the  ironical  surname  of  Calo-Johannes,  or  John  the 
Handsome,  which  his  grateful  subjects  more  seriously  applied 
to  the  beauties  of  his  mind.  After  the  discovery  of  her  treason, 
the  life  and  fortune  of  Anna  were  justly  forfeited  to  the  laws. 
Her  life  was  spared  by  the  clemency  of  the  emperor,  but  he 
visited  the  pomp  and  treasures  of  her  palace,  and  bestowed  the 
rich  confiscation  on  the  most  deserving  of  his  friends.  That 
respectable  friend,  Axuch,  a  slave  of  Turkish  extmction,  pre- 
sumed to  decline  the  gift  and  to  intercede  for  the  criminal; 
his  generous  master  applauded  and  imitated  the  virtue  of  his 
fiivourite ;  and  the  reproach  or  complaint  of  an  ii\|ured  brother 
was  the  only  chastisement  of  the  guilty  princess.  After  this 
example  of  clemency,  the  reniain<£5r  of  his  reign  was  never 
disturbed  by  conspiracy  or  rebellion:  feared  by  his  nobles, 
beloved  by  his  people,  John  was  never  reduced  to  the  painful 
necessity  of  punishing,  or  even  of  pardoning,  his  personal 
if^^T"^^*.     During  his  government  of  twenty-five  yean,  the 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE'         229 

penalty  of  death  was  abolished  in  the  Roman  empire,  a  law  of 
mercy  most  delightful  to  the  humane  theorist,  but  of  which  the 
practice,  in  a  large  and  vicious  community,  is  seldom  consistent 
with  the  public  safety.  Severe  to  himself,  indulgent  to  others, 
chaste,  frugal,  abstemious,  the  philosophic  Marcus  would  not 
have  disdained  the  artless  virtues  of  his  successor,  derived  from 
his  heart,  and  not  borrowed  from  the  schools.  He  despised 
and  moderated  the  stately  magnificence  of  the  Byzantine  court, 
so  oppressive  to  the  people,  so  contemptible  to  the  eye  of 
reason.  Under  such  a  prince,  innocence  had  nothing  to  fear, 
and  merit  had  everything  to  hope ;  and,  without  assuming  the 
tyrannic  office  of  a  censor,  he  introduced  a  gradual,  though 
visible,  reformation  in  the  public  and  private  mannera  of  C<ni- 
stantinople.  The  only  defect  of  this  accomplished  character 
was  the  frail^  of  noble  minds,  the  love  of  arms  and  military 
glory.  Yet  the  frequent  expeditions  of  John  the  Handsome 
may  be  justified,  at  least  in  tneir  principle,  by  the  necessity  of 
repelling  the  Turks  from  the  Hellespont  and  the  Bosphorus. 
The  sultan  of  Iconium  was  confined  to  his  capital,  the  bar- 
barians  were  driven  to  the  mountains,  and  the  maritime 
provinces  of  Asia  enjoyed  the  transient  blessings  of  their  de* 
liverance.  From  Constantinople  to  Antioch  and  Aleppo,  he 
repeatedly  marched  at  the  head  of  a  victorious  army,  and,  in 
the  sieges  and  battles  of  this  holy  war,  his  Latin  allies  were 
astonished  by  the  superior  spirit  and  prowess  of  a  Greek.  As 
he  began  to  indulge  the  ambitious  hope  of  restoring  the  ancient 
limits  of  the  empire,  as  he  revolved  in  his  mind  the  Euphrates 
and  Tigris,  the  dominion  of  Syria,  and  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem, 
the  thread  of  his  life  and  of  the  public  felicity  was  broken  by  a 
singular  accident.  He  hunted  the  wild  boar  in  the  valley  of 
Anasarbus,  and  had  fixed  his  javelin  in  the  body  of  the  furious 
animal;  bat,  in  the  struggle,  a  poisoned  arrow  dropped  from 
his  quiver,  and  a  slight  wound  in  his  hand,  which  produced  a 
mortification,  was  fiital  to  the  best  and  greatest  of  the  Conn 
nenian  princes. 

A  premature  death  had  swept  away  the  two  eldest  sons  ofMywLAj 
John  the  Handsome ;  of  the  two  survivors,  Isaac  and  Manuel,  his 
judgment  or  affection  preferred  the  younger ;  and  the  choice  of 
their  ^ring  prince  was  ratified  by  the  soldiers  who  had  applauded 
the  valour  of  his  fiivourite  in  the  Turkish  war.  The  £uthfrd 
Axuch  hastened  to  the  capital,  secured  the  person  of  Isaac  in 
honourable  confinement,  and  purchased,  with  a  gift  of  two  hun- 
dred pounds  of  silver,  the  leading  ecclesiastics  of  St.  Sophia, 


IMHi«M*M 


230         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

who  possessed  a  decisive  voice  in  the  comsecimtion  of  an  emperor. 
With  his  veteran  and  affectionate  troops,  Manuel  soon  visited 
Constantinople ;  his  brother  acquiesced  in  the  title  of  Sebasto- 
crator ;  his  subjects  admired  the  lofty  stature  and  martial  graces 
of  their  new  sovereign,  and  listened  with  credulity  to  the  mitter- 
ing  promise  that  he  blended  the  wisdom  of  age  with  the  ac- 
tivity and  vigour  of  youth.  By  the  experience  of  his  govern- 
ment, they  were  taught  that  he  emulated  the  spirit,  and  shared 
the  talents,  of  his  &ther,  whose  social  virtues  were  buried  in 
the  grave.  A  reign  of  thirty-seven  years  is  filled  by  a  perpetual 
though  various  war&re  against  the  Turks,  the  Christians,  and 
the  hordes  in  the  wilderness  beyond  the  I^mube.  The  arms  of 
Manuel  were  exercised  on  mount  Taurus,  in  the  plains  of 
Hungary,  on  the  coast  of  Italy  and  £gypt,  and  on  the  seas  of 
Sicily  and  Greece ;  the  influence  of  his  negotiations  extended 
from  Jerusalem  to  Rome  and  Russia;  and  the  Bysantine 
monarchy,  for  a  while,  became  an  object  of  respect  or  terror  to 
the  powers  of  Asia  and  Europe.  Educated  in  the  silk  and 
purple  of  the  East,  Manuel  possessed  the  iron  temper  of  a 
soldier,  which  cannot  easily  be  paralleled,  except  in  the  lives  of 
Richard  the  First  of  England,  and  of  Charles  the  Twelfth  of 
Sweden.  Such  was  his  strength  and  exercise  in  arms  that  Ray- 
mond, sumamed  the  Hercules  of  Antioch,  was  incapable  of 
wielding  the  lanoe  and  buckler  of  the  Greek  emperor.  In  a 
fiunous  tournament,  he  entered  the  lists  on  a  fiery  courser,  and 
overturned  in  his  first  career  two  of  the  stoutest  of  the  Italian 
knights.  The  first  in  the  charge,  the  last  in  the  retreat,  his 
friends  and  his  enemies  alike  trembled,  the  former  for  Air  safety 
and  the  latter  for  their  own.  After  posting  an  ambuscade  in  a 
wood,  he  rode  forwards  in  search  of  some  perilous  adventure, 
accompanied  only  by  his  brother  and  the  fidthful  Axuch,  who 
refused  to  desert  their  sovereign.  Eighteen  horsemen,  after  a 
short  combat,  fled  before  them ;  but  the  numbers  of  the  enemy 
increased ;  the  march  of  the  reinforcement  was  tardy  and  fearfii^ 
and  Manuel,  without  receiving  a  wound,  cut  his  way  through 
a  squadron  of  five  hundred  Turks.  In  a  battle  against  the 
Hungarians,  impatient  of  the  slowness  of  his  troops,  he  snatched 
a  standard  from  the  head  of  the  column,  and  was  die  first, 
almost  alone,  who  passed  a  bridge  that  separated  him  from  the 
enemy.  In  the  same  country,  after  transporting  his  army 
beyond  the  Save,  he  sent  back  the  boats  with  an  older,  under 
pain  of  death,  to  their  oommander,  that  he  should  leave  him 
to  flflsiqiier  or  die  on  that  hostile  land.    In  the  si^ie  of  Corfii, 


OF  THE  BOMAK  EMPIBE  281 

towing  after  him  a  captive  galley,  the  emperor  stood  aloft  on 
the  poop,  opposing  against  the  volleys  of  darts  and  stones  % 
large  buclder  and  a  flowing  sail ;  nor  could  he  have  escaped  in-^ 
evitable  death,  had  not  the  Sicilian  admiral  enjoined  his  archere 
to  respect  the  person  of  an  hero.  In  one  day,  he  is  said  to  have 
slain  above  forty  of  the  barbarians  with  his  own  hand;  he 
returned  to  the  camp,  dragging  along  four  Turkish  prisoners, 
whom  he  had  tied  to  the  rings  of  his  saddle ;  he  was  ever  the 
foremost  to  provoke  or  to  accept  a  single  combat;  and  the 
gigantic  champions,  who  encountered  his  arm,  were  transpierced 
by  the  lance,  or  cut  asunder  by  the  sword,  of  the  invincible 
Manuel.  The  story  of  his  exploits,  which  appear  as  a  model  or 
a  copy  of  the  romances  of  chivalry,  may  induce  a  reasonable 
suspicion  of  the  veracity  of  the  Greeks ;  I  will  not,  to  vindicate 
thcdr  credit,  endanger  my  own ;  yet  I  may  observe  that,  in  the 
long  series  of  their  annals,  Manuel  is  the  only  prince  who 
has  been  the  subject  of  similar  exaggeration.  With  the  valour 
of  a  soldier,  he  did  not  unite  the  skill  or  prudence  of  a  general ; 
his  victories  were  not  productive  of  any  permanent  or  useful 
conquest ;  and  his  Turkish  laurels  were  blasted  in  his  last  un« 
fortunate  campaign,  in  which  he  lost  his  army  in  the  mountains 
of  Pisidia,  and  owed  his  deliverance  to  the  generosity  of  the 
sultan.  Bat  the  most  singular  feature  in  the  character  of 
Manuel  is  the  contrast  and  vicissitude  of  labour  and  sloth,  of 
hardiness  and  effeminacy.  In  war  he  seemed  ignorant  of 
peace,  in  peace  he  appeared  incapable  of  war.  In  the  field 
he  slept  in  the  sun  or  in  the  snow,  tired  in  the  longest  marches 
the  strength  of  his  men  and  horses,  and  shared  with  a  smile  the 
abstinence  or  diet  of  the  camp.  No  sooner  did  he  return  to 
Constantinople  than  he  resigned  himself  to  the  arts  and  pleasures 
of  a  life  of  luxury ;  the  expense  of  his  dress,  his  table,  and  his 
palace,  surpassed  the  measure  of  his  predecessors,  and  whole 
sununer  dajrs  were  idly  wasted  in  the  delicious  isles  of  the 
Propontis,  in  the  incestuous  love  of  his  niece  Theodcmi.  The 
doable  cost  of  a  warlike  and  dissolute  prince  exhausted  the 
revenue  and  multiplied  the  taxes ;  and  Manuel,  in  the  distneis 
of  his  last  Turkish  camp,  endured  a  bitter  reproach  firom  iMie 
mouth  of  a  desperate  soldier.  As  he  quenched  his  thirsty,  be 
complained  that  the  water  of  a  fountain  was  mingled  witih 
Cfartetian  blood.  ''  It  is  not  the  first  time,"  exclaimed  a  wiiq^ 
from  the  crowd,  ''  that  you  have  drank,  O  empercMr  I  the  hU^ 
of  your  Christian  subjects"  Manuel  Conmenus  was  twiee 
married,  to  the  virtuous  Bertha  or  Irene  of  Grermany,  and  to 


of 


282         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  beauteous  Maria,  a  F^nch  or  Latin  princess  of  Antioch. 
The  only  daughter  of  his  first  wife  was  destined  for  Bela  an 
Hungarian  prince,  who  was  educated  at  Constantinople,  under 
the  name  ot  Alexius ;  and  the  consummation  of  their  nuptials 
might  have  transferred  the  Roman  sceptre  to  a  race  of  free  and 
warlike  barbarians.  But,  as  soon  as  Maria  of  Antioch  bad 
given  a  son  and  heir  to  the  empire,  the  presumptive  rights  of 
Bela  were  abolished,  and  he  was  deprived  of  his  promised  bride ; 
but  the  Hungarian  prince  resumed  his  name  and  the  kingdom 
of  his  fathers,  and  displayed  such  virtues  as  might  excite  the 
regret  and  envy  of  the  Greeks.  The  son  of  Maria  was  named 
Alexius ;  and  at  the  age  of  ten  years  he  ascended  the  Bysantine 
throne,  after  his  &ther*s  decease  had  closed  the  glories  of  the 
Comnenian  line. 
udwXL  The  firatemal  concord  of  the  two  sons  of  the  great  Alexius 
vlS^  had  been  sometimes  clouded  by  an  opposition  of  interest  and 
dMad.  passion.  By  ambition,  Isaac  the  Sebastocrator  was  excited  to 
flight  and  rebellion,  from  whence  he  was  reclaimed  by  the  firm- 
ness and  clemency  of  John  the  Handsome.  The  errors  of  Isaac, 
the  fiither  of  the  emperors  of  Trebisond,  were  short  and  venial ; 
but  John,  the  elder  of  his  sons,  renounced  for  ever  his  religion. 
Provoked  by  a  real  or  imaginary  insult  of  his  uncle,  he  escaped 
from  the  Roman  to  the  Turkish  camp ;  his  apostacy  was  rewarded 
with  the  sultan's  daughter,  the  title  of  Chelebi,  or  noble,  and 
the  inheritance  of  a  princely  estate ;  and  in  the  fifteenth  century 
Mahomet  the  Second  boasted  of  his  Imperial  descent  from  the 
Comnenian  family.  Andronicus,  younger  brother  of  John,  son 
of  Isaac,  and  grandson  of  Alexius  Comnenus,  is  one  of  the  most 
conspicuous  characters  of  the  age ;  and  his  genuine  adventures 
might  form  the  subject  of  a  very  singular  romance.  To  justify 
the  choice  of  three  ladies  of  royal  birth,  it  is  incumbent  on  me 
to  observe  that  their  fortunate  lover  was  cast  in  the  best  pro- 
portions of  strength  and  beauty;  and  that  the  want  of  the 
softer  graces  was  supplied  bv  a  manly  countenance,  a  lofty 
stature,  athletic  muscles,  and  tne  air  and  deportment  of  a  soldier. 
The  preservation,  in  his  old  age,  of  health  and  vigour  was  the 
reward  of  temperance  and  exercise.  A  piece  of  bread  and  a 
draught  of  water  were  often  his  sole  and  evening  repast ;  and, 
if  he  tasted  of  a  wild  boar,  or  a  stag,  which  he  had  roasted 
with  his  own  hands,  it  was  the  well-earned  fruit  of  a  laborious 
leiMBe.  Dexterous  in  arms,  he  was  ignorant  of  fear;  his  per- 
VMSfve  eloquence  could  bend  to  every  situation  and  character 
"of  life ;  his  style,  though  not  his  practice,  was  fimhioned  by  the 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  288 

example  of  St.  Paul ;  and,  in  every  deed  of  mischief^  he  had  a 
heart  to  resolve,  a  head  to  contrive,  and  a  hand  to  execute.  In 
his  youth,  after  the  death  of  the  emperor  John,  he  followed 
the  retreat  of  the  Roman  army ;  but,  in  the  march  through  Asia 
Minor,  design  or  accident  tempted  him  to  wander  in  the 
mountains ;  the  hunter  was  encompassed  by  the  Turkish  hunts- 
men, and  he  remained  some  time  a  reluctant  or  willing  captive 
in  the  power  of  the  sultan.  His  virtues  and  vices  recommended 
him  to  the  &vour  of  his  cousin ;  he  shared  the  perils  and  the 
pleasures  of  Manuel;  and,  while  the  emperor  lived  in  public 
incest  with  his  niece  Theodora,  the  affections  of  her  sister 
Eudocia  were  seduced  and  enjoyed  by  Andronicus.  Above  the 
decencies  of  her  sex  and  rank,  she  gloried  in  the  name  of  his 
concubine;  and  both  the  palace  and  the  camp  could  witness 
that  she  slept,  or  watched,  in  the  arms  of  her  lover.  She  ac- 
companied him  to  his  military  c<»nmand  of  Cilida,  the  first 
scene  of  his  valour  and  imprudence.  He  pressed,  with  active 
ardour,  the  siege  of  Mopsuestia ;  the  day  was  employed  in  the 
boldest  attacks ;  but  the  night  was  wasted  in  song  and  dance ; 
and  a  band  of  Greek  comedians  formed  the  choicest  part  of  his 
retinue.  Andronicus  was  surprised  by  the  sally  of  a  vigilant  foe ; 
but,  while  his  troops  fled  in  disorder,  his  invincible  lance  trans- 
pierced the  thickest  ranks  of  the  Armenians.  On  his  return  to 
the  Imperial  camp  in  Macedonia,  he  was  received  by  Manuel 
with  public  smiles  and  a  private  reproof;  but  the  duchies  of 
Naissus,  Braniseba,  and  Castoria  were  the  reward  or  consolation 
of  the  unsuccessful  general.  £udocia  still  attended  his  motions ; 
at  midnight  their  tent  was  suddenly  attacked  by  her  angry 
brothers,  impatient  to  expiate  her  infisuny  in  his  blood;  his 
daring  spirit  refused  her  advice,  and  the  disguise  of  a  female 
habit ;  and,  boldly  starting  from  his  couch,  he  drew  his  sword 
and  cut  his  way  through  the  numerous  assassins.  It  was  here 
that  he  first  betrayed  his  ingratitude  and  treachery :  he  engaged 
in  a  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  king  of  Hungary  and 
the  German  emperor ;  approached  the  royal  tent  at  a  suspicious 
hour  with  a  drawn  sword,  and  under  the  mask  of  a  Latin 
soldier  avowed  an  intention  of  revenge  against  a  mortal  foe ; 
and  imprudently  praised  the  fleetness  of  his  horse  as  an  instru- 
ment of  flight  and  safety.  The  monarch  dissembled  his  sus- 
picions ;  but,  after  the  close  of  the  campaign,  Andronicus  was 
arrested  and  strictly  confined  in  a  tower  of  the  palace  of 
Constantinople. 

In  this  prison  he  was  left  above  twelve  years  :  a  most  pain- 


BWdistig— %<«L'frt'.  II 


234         THE  DECUNE  AND  FALL 

ful  restraint,  from  which  the  thirst  of  action  and  pleasure  per- 
petually urged  him  to  escape.  Alone  and  pensive,  he  per- 
ceived some  broken  bricks  in  a  comer  of  the  chamber,  and 
gradually  widened  the  passage  till  he  had  explored  a  dark 
and  forgotten  recess.  Into  this  hole  he  conveyed  himself  and 
the  remains  of  his  provisions,  replacing  the  bricks  in  their 
former  position,  and  erasing  with  care  the  footsteps  of  his 
retreat.  At  the  hoor  of  the  customary  visit,  his  guards  were 
amased  by  the  silence  and  solitude  of  the  prison,  and  reported, 
with  shame  and  fear,  his  incomprehensible  flight.  The  gates 
of  the  palace  and  city  were  instantly  shut ;  the  strictest  orders 
were  dispatched  into  the  provinces  for  the  recovery  of  the 
fugitive ;  and  his  wife,  on  the  suspicion  of  a  pious  act,  was 
basely  imprisoned  in  the  same  tower.  At  the  dead  of  night, 
she  beheld  a  spectre :  she  recognised  her  husband ;  they 
shared  their  provisions;  and  a  son  was  the  fruit  of  these 
stolen  interviews,  which  alleviated  the  tediousness  of  their 
confinement.  In  the  custody  of  a  woman,  the  vigilance  of  the 
keepers  was  insensibly  relaxed  ;  and  the  captive  had  accom- 
plished his  real  escape,  when  he  was  discovered,  brought  back 
to  Constantinople,  and  loaded  with  a  double  chain.  At  length 
he  found  the  moment  and  the  means  of  his  deliverance.  A 
boy,  his  domestic  servant,  intoxicated  the  guards,  and  obtained 
in  wax  the  impression  of  the  keys.  By  the  diligence  of  his 
friends,  a  similar  key,  with  a  bundle  of  ropes,  was  introduced 
into  the  prison,  in  the  bottom  of  a  hogshead.  Andronieus 
employed,  with  industry  and  courage,  the  instruments  of  his 
safety,  unlocked  the  doors,  descended  from  the  tower,  con- 
cealed himself  all  day  among  the  bushes,  and  sealed  in  the 
night  the  garden-wall  of  the  palace.  A  boat  was  stationed 
for  his  reception ;  he  visited  his  own  house,  embraced  his 
children,  cast  away  his  chain,  mounted  a  fleet  horse,  and  di- 
rected his  rapid  course  towards  the  banks  of  the  Danube.  At 
Anchialus  in  Thrace,  an  intrepid  friend  supplied  him  with 
horses  and  money ;  he  passed  the  river,  traversed  with  speed 
the  desert  of  Moldavia  and  the  Carpathian  hills,  and  had 
almost  reached  the  tovni  of  Halicz,  in  the  Polish  Russia,  when 
he  was  intercepted  by  a  party  of  Walachialu,  who  resolved  to 
convey  their  important  captive  to  Constantinople.  His  presence 
of  mind  again  extricated  him  from  this  danger.  Under  the 
pretence  of  sickness,  he  dismounted  in  the  night,  and  was 
allowed  to  step  aside  from  the  troop ;  he  planted  in  the 
gtound  his  long  staff;  clothed  it  with  nis  cap  and  upper  gar- 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIEB         286 

ment ;  and,  stealing  into  the  wood,  left  a  phantom  to  amine 
for  some  time  the  eyes  of  the  Walachians.  From  Halies  he 
was  honourably  conducted  to  Kiow,  the  residence  of  the'  great 
duke ;  the  subtle  Greek  soon  obtained  the  esteem  and  con- 
fidence of  leroslaus ;  his  character  could  assume  the  maniieni(T«Mi«a 
of  every  climate ;  and  the  barbarians  applauded  his  strength 
and  courage  in  the  chase  of  the  elks  and  bears  of  the  forest. 
In  this  northern  region  he  deserved  the  forgiveness  of  Manuel, 
who  solicited  the  Russian  prince  to  join  his  arms  in  the  invasion 
of  Hungary.  The  influence  of  Andronieus  achieved  this  im- 
portant service ;  his  private  treaty  was  signed  with  a  promise 
of  fidelity  on  one  side  and  of  oblivion  on  the  other ;  and  he 
marched,  at  the  head  of  the  Russian  cavalry,  from  the  Bcvj*- 
sthenes  to  the  Danube.  In  his  resentment  Manuel  had  ever 
sympathised  with  the  martial  and  dissolute  character  of  his 
cousin  ;  and  his  free  pardon  was  sealed  in  the  assault  of  Zemlin, 
in  which  he  was  second,  and  second  only,  to  the  valour  of  the 
emperor. 

No  sooner  was  the  exile  restored  to  freedom  and  his  country, 
than  his  ambition  revived,  at  first  to  his  own,  and  at  length  to 
the  public,  misfortune.  A  daughter  of  Manuel  was  a  feeble  bar 
to  the  succession  of  the  more  deserving  males  of  the  Comnenian 
blood ;  her  future  marriage  with  the  prince  of  Hungary  was 
repugnant  to  the  hopes  or  prejudices  of  the  princes  and  nobles. 
But,  when  an  oath  of  allegiance  was  required  to  the  pre- 
sumptive heir,  Andronieus  alone  asserted  the  honour  of  the 
Roman  name,  declined  the  unlawful  engagement,  and  bc^dly 
protested  against  the  adoption  of  a  stranger.  His  patriotism' 
was  offimsive  to  the  emperor,  but  he  spoke  the  sentiments  of 
the  people,  and  was  removed  from  the  royal  presence  by  an- 
honourable  banishment,  a  second  command  of  the  Cilician' 
fifontier,  with  the  absolute  disposal  of  the  revenues  of  Cyprus. 
In  this  station,  the  Armenians  again  exercised  his  courage  and 
exposed  his  negligence ;  and  the  same  rebel,  who  baffled  all 
his  operations,  was  unhorsed  and  almost  slain  by  the  vigour 
of  his  lance.  But  Andronieus  soon  discovered  a  more  easy 
and  pleasing  conquest,  the  beautiful  Philippa,  sister  of  the 
empress  Maria,  and  daughter  of  Rajrmond  of  Poitou,  the  Latin 
prince  of  Antioch.  For  her  sake  he  deserted  his  station,  and 
wasted  the  summer  in  balls  and  tournaments ;  to  his  love  she 
sacrificed  her  innocence,  her  reputation,  and  the  offer  of  an 
advantageous  marriage.  But  the  resentment  of  Manuel  for 
this   domestic  afiront  interrupted   his  pleasures;   Andrcmieus 


236         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

left  the  indiscreet  princess  to  weep  and  to  repent;  and,  with 
a  band  of  desperate  adventurers,  undertook  the  pilgrimage  of 
Jerusalem.  His  birth^  his  martial  renown,  and  professions  of 
zeal  announced  him  as  the  champion  of  the  Cross;  he  soon 
captivated  both  the  clergy  and  the  king ;  and  the  Greek  prince 
was  invested  with  the  lordship  of  Berytus,  on  the  coast  of 
Phcenida.  In  his  neighbourhood  resided  a  young  and  hand- 
some queen,  of  his  own  nation  and  fiunily,  great-grand-daughter 
of  the  Emperor  Alexius,  and  widow  of  Baldwin  the  Third, 
king  of  Jerusalem.  She  visited  and  loved  her  kinsman*  Theo- 
dora was  the  third  victim  of  his  amorous  seduction ;  and  her 
shame  was  more  public  and  scandalous  than  that  of  her  pre- 
decessors. The  emperor  still  thirsted  for  revenge ;  and  his 
subjects  and  allies  of  the  Sjnrian  frontier  were  repeatedly 
pressed  to  seise  the  person,  and  put  out  the  eyes,  of  the 
fugitive.  In  Palestine  he  was  no  longer  safe  ;  but  the  tender 
Theodora  revealed  his  danger  and  accompanied  his  flight. 
The  queen  of  Jerusalem  was  exposed  to  the  East,  his  obse- 
quious concubine ;  and  two  illegitimate  children  were  the 
living  monuments  of  her  weakness.  Damascus  was  his  first 
refuge ;  and  in  the  character  of  the  great  Noureddin  and  his 
servant  Saladin,  the  superstitious  Greek  might  learn  to  revere 
the  virtues  of  the  Musulmans.  As  the  friend  of  Noureddin 
he  visited,  most  probably,  Bagdad  and  the  courts  of  Persia ; 
and,  after  a  long  circuit  round  the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  moun- 
tains of  Georgia,  he  finally  settled  among  the  Turks  of  Asia 
Minor,  the  hereditary  enemies  of  his  country.  The  sultan  of 
Colonia  afforded  an  hospitable  retreat  to  Andronicus,  his  mis- 
tress, and  his  band  of  outlaws  ;  the  debt  of  gratitude  was  paid 
by  frequent  inroads  in  the  Roman  province  of  Trebiaood ;  and 
he  seldom  returned  without  an  ample  harvest  of  spoil  and  of 
Christian  captives.  In  the  story  of  his  adventures,  he  was  fond 
of  comparing  himself  to  David,  who  escaped,  by  a  long  exile, 
the  snares  of  the  wicked.  But  the  royal  prophet  (he  presumed 
to  add)  was  content  to  lurk  on  the  borders  of  Judsea,  to  slav 
an  Amalekite,  and  to  threaten,  in  his  miserable  state,  the  li^ 
of  the  avaricious  Nabal.  The  excursions  of  the  Comnenian 
prince  had  a  wider  range  ;  and  he  had  spread  over  the  Eastern 
world  the  glory  of  his  name  and  religion.  By  a  sentence  of 
the  Greek  church,  the  licentious  rover  had  been  separated  from 
the  fiuthful ;  but  even  this  exoommunication  may  piove  that  he 
never  abjured  the  profession  of  Christianity. 

His  vigilance  had  eluded  or  repelled  the  open  and  secret 


OF  THE  EOMAN  EMPIRE  287 

persecution  of  the  emperor ;  but  he  was  at  length  ensnared  by 
the  captivity  of  his  female  companion.  The  governor  of  Trebt- 
zond  succeeded  in  his  attempt  to  surprise  the  person  of  Theo- 
dora ;  the  queen  of  Jerusalem  and  her  two  children  were  sent 
to  Constantinople^  and  their  loss  embittered  the  tedious  solitude 
of  banishment.  The  fugitive  implored  and  obtained  a  final 
pardon,  with  leave  to  throw  himself  at  the  feet  of  his  sovereign, 
who  was  satisfied  with  the  submission  of  this  haughty  spirit. 
Prostrate  on  the  ground,  he  deplored  with  tears  and  groans  the 
guilt  of  his  past  rebellion ;  nor  would  he  presume  to  arise,  unless 
some  fiuthful  subject  would  drag  him  to  the  foot  of  the  throne 
by  an  iron  chain  with  which  he  had  secretly  encircled  his  neck. 
This  extraordinary  penance  excited  the  wonder  and  pity  of  the 
assembly  ;  his  sins  were  forgiven  by  the  church  and  state  ;  bat 
the  just  suspicion  of  Manuel  fixed  his  residence  at  a  distance 
firom  the  court,  at  Oenoe,  a  town  of  Pontus,  surrounded  with 
rich  vineyards,  and  situate  on  the  coast  of  the  Euxine.  The 
death  of  Manuel  and  the  disorders  of  the  minority  soon  opened 
the  fiiirest  field  to  his  ambition.  The  emperor  was  a  boy  of 
twelve  or  fourteen  years  of  age,  without  vigour,  or  wisdom,  or 
experience ;  his  mother,  the  empress  Mary,  abandoned  her 
person  and  government  to  a  favourite  of  the  Comnenian  name  ; 
and  his  sister,  another  Mary,  whose  husband,  an  Italian,  was 
decorated  with  the  title  of  Ctesar,  excited  a  conspiracy,  and  at 
length  an  insurrection,  against  her  odious  stepmother.  The 
provinces  were  forgotten,  the  capital  was  in  flames,  and  a 
century  of  peace  and  order  was  overthrown  in  the  vice  and 
weakness  of  a  few  months.  A  civil  war  was  kindled  in  Con- 
stantinople; the  two  Actions  fought  a  bloody  battle  in  the 
square  of  the  palace;  and  the  rebels  sustained  a  regular  siege 
in  the  cathedral  of  St.  Sophia.  The  patriarch  laboured  with 
honest  zeal  to  heal  the  wounds  of  the  republic,  the  most  respect- 
able patriots  called  aloud  for  a  guardian  and  avenger,  and  every 
tongue  repeated  the  praise  of  the  talents  and  even  the  virtues 
of  Andronicus.  In  his  retirement  he  affected  to  revolve  the 
solemn  duties  of  his  oath :  '^  If  the  safety  or  honour  of  the 
Imperial  &mily  be  threatened,  I  will  reveal  and  oppose  the 
mischief  to  the  utmost  of  my  power".  His  correspondence 
with  the  patriarch  and  patricians  was  seasoned  with  apt  Quota- 
tions from  the  I^lms  of  David  and  the  Epistles  of  St  Paul ; 
and  he  patiently  waited  till  he  was  called  to  her  deliverance  by 
the  v<M0e  of  his  country.  In  his  march  from  Oenoe  to  Con- 
stantinople^  his  dender  train  insensibly  swelled  to  a  crowd  and 


|BP»W  ■)!  a^^i^  iT-wT  ■ 


238         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

an  anny ;  his  professions  of  religion  and  loyalty  were  mistaken 
for  the  language  of  his  heart ;  and  the  simplicity  of  a  foreign 
dress^  which  shewed  to  advantage  his  majestic  stature,  displayed 
a  lively  image  of  his  poverty  and  exile.  All  opposition  sunk 
before  him  ;  he  reached  the  straits  of  the  Thracian  Bosphorns  ; 
the  Byzantine  navy  sailed  from  the  harbour  to  receive  and 
transport  the  saviour  of  the  empire ;  the  torrent  was  loud  and 
irresistible^  and  the  insects  who  had  basked  in  the  sunshine  of 
royal  fiivour  disappeared  at  the  blast  of  the  storm.  It  was  the 
firat  care  of  Andronicus  to  occupy  the  palace,  to  salute  the 
emperor,  to  confine  his  mother,  to  punish  her  minister,  and  to 
restore  the  public  order  and  tranquillity.  He  then  visited  the 
sepulchre  of  Manuel:  the  spectators  were  ordered  to  stand 
aloof;  but,  as  he  bowed  in  the  attitude  of  prayer,  they  heard, 
or  thought  they  heard,  a  murmur  of  triumph  and  revenge  :  *'  I 
no  longer  fear  thee,  my  old  enemy,  who  hast  driven  me  a  vaga- 
bond to  every  climate  of  the  earth.  Thou  art  safely  deposited 
under  a  sevenfold  dome,  from  whence  thou  canst  never  arise  till 
the  signal  of  the  last  trumpet.  It  is  now  my  turn,  and  speedily 
will  I  trample  on  thy  ashes  and  thy  posterity."  From  his 
subsequent  tyranny,  we  may  impute  such  feelings  to  the  man 
and  the  moment ;  but  it  is  not  extremely  probable  that  he  gave 
an  articulate  sound  to  his  secret  thoughts.  In  the  first  months 
of  his  administration,  his  designs  were  veiled  by  a  fiur  semblance 
of  h3rpocrisy,  which  could  delude  only  the  eyes  of  the  multi- 
tude ;  the  coronation  of  Alexius  was  performed  with  due 
solemnitv,  and  his  perfidious  guardian,  holding  in  his  hands  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ,  most  ficrvently  declared  that  he  lived, 
and  was  ready  to  die,  for  the  service  of^^his  beloved  pupil.  But 
his  numerous  adherents  were  instructed  to  maintain  that  the 
sinking  empire  must  perish  in  the  hands  of  a  child,  that  the 
Romans  could  only  be  saved  by  a  veteran  prince,  bold  in  arms, 
skilfol  in  policy,  and  taught  to  reign  by  the  long  experience  of 
fortune  and  mankind ;  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of  evety  citisen 
to  force  the  reluctant  modesty  of  Andronicus  to  undertake  the 
burthen  of  the  public  care.  The  young  emperor  was  himself 
constrained  to  join  his  voice  to  the  general  acclamation  and  to 
solicit  the  association  of  a  eolleague,  who  instantly  degraded 
him  from  the  supreme  rank,  secluded  his  person,  and  verified 
the  rash  declaration  of  the  patriarch  that  Alexius  might  be 
considered  as  dead,  so  soon  as  he  was  committed  to  the  costody 
of  his  guardian.  But  his  death  was  preceded  by  the  imprison- 
ment and  execution  of  his  mother.    After  hIaArning  her  re- 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  239 

patatioii  mnd  inflaming  against  her  the  passions  of  the  multitude, 
the  tyrant  accused  and  tried  the  empress  for  a  treasonable 
correspondence  with  the  king  of  Hungary.  His  own  son,  a 
youth  of  honour  and  humanity,  avowed  his  abhorrence  of  tiiis 
flagitious  act,  and  three  of  the  judges  had  the  merit  of  prefer- 
ring their  ccynseience  to  their  safety ;  but  the  obsequious  tribunal, 
without  requiring  any  proof  or  hearing  any  defence,  condemned 
the  widow  of  Manuel ;  and  her  unfortunate  son  subscribed  the 
sentence  of  her  death.  Maria  was  strangled,  her  corpse  was 
buried  in  the  sea,  and  her  memory  was  wounded  by  the  insult 
most  offensive  to  female  vanity,  a  fitlse  and  ugly  representaticm 
of  her  beauteous  form.  The  fisite  of  her  son  was  not  long 
deferred ;  he  was  strangled  with  a  bowstring,  and  the  tyrant, 
insensible  to  pity  or  remorse,  after  surve3ring  the  body  of  the 
innocent  youth,  struck  it  rudely  with  his  foot :  *'  Thy  &ther,'' 
he  cried,  *'  was  a  knave ^  thy  mother  a  whore,  and  thyself  a 
fool !  " 

The  Roman  sceptre,  the  reward  of  his  crimes,  was  held  byA 
Andronicus  about  three  years  and  a  half,  as  the  guardian  orA|i>i^im 
sovereign  of  the  empire.  His  government  exhibited  a  singular 
contrast  of  vice  and  virtue.  When  he  listened  to  his  passions, 
he  was  the  scourge,  when  he  consulted  his  reason,  the  fctther, 
of  his  people.^^  In  the  exercise  of  private  justice,  he  was 
equitable  and  rigorous ;  a  shameful  and  pernicious  venality  was 
abolished,  and  the  offices  were  filled  widi  the  most  deserving 
candidates,  by  a  prince  who  had  sense  to  choose  and  severity  to 
punish.  He  prohibited  the  inhuman  practice  of  pillaging  the 
goods  and  persons  oi  shipwrecked  mariners ;  the  provinces,  so 
long  the  objects  of  oppression  or  neglect,  revived  in  prosperity 
and  plenty ;  and  millions  applauded  the  distant  blessings  of  his 
reign,  whOe  he  was  cursed  by  the  witnesses  of  his  daily 
cruelties.  The  ancient  proverb,  that  bloodthirsty  is  the  man 
who  returns  firom  banishment  to  power,  had  been  applied  with 
too  much  truth  to  Marius  and  Tiberius ;  and  was  now  verifled 
for  the  third  time  in  the  life  of  Andronicus.     His  memory  was 


T*  [To  Falfaneraver  belongs  the  credit  of  hariog  given  a  just  estimate  of  the 
administration  of  Andronicus  (Geschicbte  des  Kaismums  Trapezunts,  p.  29).  He 
showed  that  Andronictis  made  a  serious  and  resolute  attempt  to  rescue  the  empire 
from  its  decline,  on  the  lines  wluch  had  been  folkywed  by  Basil  II.  and  abandcvied 
since  his  death.  The  objects  of  Andronicus  were  to  purify  the  administration  and 
to  remedy  the  great  economical  evil  which  was  ruining  the  empire — the  growth  of 
vast  estates,  ne  was  consequently  detested  by  the  aratocratic  and  officiau  dasKS, 
and  it  muinwn  of  tfaete  claaws  who  wrote  hit  liiBtory.] 


f^mSaSmmm> 


240         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

stored  with  a  black  list  of  the  enemies  and  rivals,  who  had  tra- 
duced his  merit,  opposed  his  greatness,  or  insulted  his  mis- 
fortunes ;  and  the  only  comfort  of  his  exile  was  the  sacred  hope 
and  promise  of  revenge.  The  necessary  extinction  of  the  young 
emperor  and  his  mother  imposed  the  fetal  obligation  of  extirpat- 
ing the  friends  who  hated  and  might  punish  the  assassin ;  and 
the  repetition  of  murder  rendered  him  less  willing,  and  less 
able,  to  forgive.  An  horrid  narrative  of  the  victims  whom  he 
sacrificed  by  poison  or  the  sword,  by  the  sea  or  the  flames,  would 
be  less  expressive  of  his  cruelty  than  the  appellation  of  the 
Halcyon-days,  which  was  appliea  to  a  rare  and  bloodless  week 
of  repose.  The  tjrrant  strove  to  transfer,  on  the  laws  and  the 
judges,  some  portion  of  his  guilt ;  but  the  mask  was  fctllen,  and 
his  subjects  could  no  longer  mistake  the  true  author  of  their 
calamities.  The  noblest  of  the  Greeks,  more  especially  those 
who,  by  descent  or  alliance,  might  dispute  the  Comnenian 
inheritance,  escaped  from  the  monster's  den ;  Nice  or  Prusa, 
Sicily  or  Cyprus,  were  their  places  of  refuge ;  and,  as  their 
flight  was  aire&dy  criminal,  they  aggravated  their  offence  by  an 
open  revolt  and  the  Imperial  title.  Yet  Andronicus  resisted 
the  daggers  and  swords  of  his  most  formidable  enemies ;  Nice 
and  Prusa  were  reduced  and  chastised ;  the  Sicilians  were 
content  with  the  sack  of  Thessalonica ;  and  the  distance  of 
Cyprus  was  not  mare  propitious  to  the  rebel  than  to  the  tjrrant. 
His  throne  was  subverted  by  a  rival  without  merit  and  a  people 
without  arms.  Isaac  Angelus,  a  descendant  in  the  female  line 
from  the  great  Alexius,  was  marked  as  a  victim  by  the  prud- 
ence or  superstition  of  the  emperor.  In  a  moment  of  despair, 
Angelus  defended  his  life  and  liberty,  slew  the  executioner,  and 
fled  to  the  church  of  St.  Sophia.  The  sanctuary  was  insensibly 
filled  with  a  curious  and  mournful  crowd,  who,  in  his  &te, 
prognosticated  their  own.  But  their  lamentations  were  soon 
turned  to  curses,  and  their  curses  to  threats ;  they  dared  to  ask, 
"  Why  do  we  fear  ?  why  do  we  obey  ?  We  are  many,  and  he  is 
one  ;  our  patience  is  the  only  bond  of  our  slavery.'  With  the 
dawn  of  day  the  city  burst  into  a  general  sedition,  the  prisons 
were  thrown  open,  the  coldest  and  most  servile  were  roused  to 
the  defence  of  their  country,  and  Isaac,  the  second  of  the  name, 
was  raised  from  the  sanctuary  to  the  throne.  Unconscious  of 
his  danger,  the  tjrrant  was  absent,  withdrawn  from  the  toUs  of 
state,  in  the  delicious  islands  of  the  Propontis.  He  had  con- 
tracted an  indecent  marriage  with  Alice,  or  Ames,  daughter  of 
Lewis  the  Seventh  of  FMnoe,  and  rdict  of  the  anmtiinite 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  241 

Alexius ;  and  his  society,  more  suitable  to  his  temper  than  to 
his  age,  was  composed  of  a  young  wife  and  a  fitvourite  concubine. 
On  the  first  alarm  he  rushed  to  Constantinople,  impatient  for 
the  blood  of  the  guilty ;  but  he  was  astonished  by  the  silence 
of  the  palace,  the  tumult  of  the  city,  and  the  general  desertion 
of  mankind.  Andronicus  proclaimed  a  free  pardon  to  his 
subjects ;  they  neither  desired  nor  would  grant  forgiveness :  he 
offered  to  resign  the  crown  to  his  son  Manuel ;  but  the  virtues 
of  the  son  could  not  expiate  his  Other's  crimes.  The  sea  was 
still  open  for  his  retreat ;  but  the  news  of  the  revolution  had 
flown  along  the  coast ;  when  fear  had  ceased,  obedience  was  no 
more ;  the  Imperial  galley  was  pursued  and  taken  by  an  armed 
brigantine ;  and  the  tyrant  was  dragged  to  the  presence  of 
Isaac  Angelus,  loaded  with  fetters,  and  a  long  chain  round  hia 
neck.  His  eloquence  and  the  tears  of  his  female  companions 
pleaded  in  vain  for  his  life ;  but,  instead  of  the  decencies  of  a 
legal  execution,  the  new  monarch  abandoned  the  criminal  to  the 
numerous  sufferers  whom  he  had  deprived  of  a  &ther,  an 
husband,  or  a  friend.  His  teeth  and  hair,  an  eye  and  a  hand, 
were  torn  from  him,  as  a  poor  compensation  for  their  loss ;  and 
a  short  respite  was  allowed,  that  he  might  feel  the  bitterness  of 
death.  Astride  on  a  camel,  without  any  danger  of  a  rescue,  he 
was  earned  through  the  citv^  and  the  basest  of  the  populace 
rejoiced  to  trample  on  the  ieSlen  majesty  of  their  prince.  After 
a  thousand  blows  and  outrages,  Andronicus  was  hung  by  the 
feet  between  two  pillars  that  supported  the  statues  of  a  wolf 
and  sow ;  and  every  hand  that  could  reach  the  public  enemy 
inflic^ted  on  his  body  some  mark  of  ingenious  or  brutal  cruelty, 
till  two  friendly  or  furious  Italians,  plunging  their  swords  into 
his  body,  released  him  from  all  human  punishment.  In  this 
long  and  painful  agony,  " Lord  have  mercy  upon  me ! "  and  ''Why 
will  you  bruise  a  broken  reed?"  were  the  only  words  that 
escaped  from  his  mouth.  Our  hatred  for  the  tjrrant  is  lost  in 
pity  for  the  man ;  nor  can  we  blame  his  pusillanimous  res^nia- 
tion,  since  a  Greek  Christian  was  no  longer  master  of  his  lire. 

I  have  been  tempted  to  expatiate  on  the  extraordinary  char- 1  „ 
acter  and  adventures  of  Andronicus ;  but  I  shall  here  terminate  iSm^ 
the  series  of  the  Greek  emperors  since  the  time  of  Heradius. 
The  branches  that  sprang  from  the  Comnenian  trunk  had  in- 
sensibly withered ;  and  the  male  line  was  continued  only  in  the 
posterity  of  Andronicus  himself,  who,  in  the  public  confusion, 
usurped  the  sovereignty  of  Trebizond,  so  obscure  in  history  and 
so  fiunous  in  romance.  A  private  citisen  of  Philadelphia,  Con- 
VOI*.  V.  16 


242         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

gtantine  Angelas,  had  emerged  to  wealth  and  hanoun  by  his 
marriage  with  a  daughter  of  the  emperor  Alexius.  His  son 
Andronicus  is  conspicuous  only  by  his  cowardice.  His  gmnd- 
son  Isaac  punished  and  succeeded  the  tyrant ;  but  he  was  de* 
throned  by  his  own  vices  and  the  ambition  of  his  brother  ;  and 
their  discord  introduced  the  Latins  to  the  conquest  of  Con- 
stantinople, the  first  great  period  in  the  fall  of  the  Eastern 
empire. 

If  we  compute  the  number  and  duration  of  the  reigns,  it  will 
be  found  that  a  period  of  six  hundred  years  is  filled  by  sixty 
emperors ;  including,  in  the  Augustan  list,  some  female  sove- 
reigns, and  deducting  some  usurpers  who  were  never  acknow- 
ledged in  the  capital,  and  some  princes  who  did  not  live  to 
possess  their  inheritance.  The  average  proportion  will  allow 
ten  years  for  each  emperor,  £ar  below  the  chronological  rule  of 
Sir  Isaac  Newton,  who,  from  the  experience  of  more  recent  and 
regular  monarchies,  has  defined  about  eighteen  or  twenty  years 
as  the  term  of  an  ordinary  reign.  The  Byzantine  empire  was 
most  tranquil  and  prosperous,  when  it  could  acquiesce  in  heredi- 
tary succession ;  five  dynasties,  the  Heraclian,  Isaurian,  Amorian, 
Basilian,  and  Comnenian  families,  enjoyed  and  transmitted  the 
royal  patrimony  during  their  respective  series  of  five,  four,  three, 
six,  and  four  generations ;  several  princes  number  the  years  of 
their  reign  with  those  of  their  infiuicy ;  and  Coostantine  the 
Seventh  and  his  two  grandsons  occupy  the  space  of  an  entire 
century.  But  in  the  intervals  of  the  Bysantine  dynasties^  the 
succession  is  rapid  and  broken,  and  the  name  of  a  sucoessfiil 
candidate  is  speedily  erased  by  a  more  fortunate  competitor. 
Many  were  the  paths  that  led  to  the  summit  of  royalty ;  the 
fitbric  of  rebellion  was  overthrown  by  the  stroke  of  conspiracy 
or  undermined  by  the  silent  arts  of  intrigue ;  the  fitvourites  of 
the  soldiers  or  people,  of  the  senate  or  clergy,  of  the  women 
and  eunuchs,  were  alternately  clothed  with  the  purple;  the 
means  of  their  elevation  were  base,  and  their  end  was  often 
contemptible  or  trsgie.  A  beinc  of  the  nature  of  man,  endowiMl 
with  the  same  faculties,  but  wim  a  longer  measure  of  existence, 
would  cast  down  a  smile  of  pity  and  contempt  on  the  erfanes  and 
follies  of  human  ambition,  so  eager,  in  a  narrow  span^  to  gnup 
at  a  precarious  and  short-lived  enjojrment.  It  Is  thus  that  liie 
experience  of  lustory  exalts  and  enlarges  the  horiflon  of  oiBr  in- 
teUectual  view.  In  a  compotitian  of  some  days,  in  a  perusal  of 
some  hours,  six  hundred  years  have  rolled  away,  and  the  dum- 
tion  of  a  life  or  reign  is  contracted  to  a  fleeting  moment ;  the 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIBE  243 

grave  is  ever  beside  the  throne ;  the  success  of  a  criminal  is 
ahnost  instantly  followed  by  the  loss  of  his  prize  ;  and  our  im- 
mortal reason  survives  and  disdains  the  sixty  phantoms  of  kings, 
who  have  passed  before  our  eyes  and  £untly  dwell  on  our  re- 
membrance. The  observation  that,  in  every  age  and  climate, 
ambition  has  prevailed  with  the  sam^  commanding  energy  may 
abate  the  surprise  of  a  philosopher ;  but,  while  he  condemns  the 
vanity,  he  may  search  the  motive,  of  this  universal  desire  to 
obtain  and  hold  the  sceptre  of  dominion.  To  the  greater  part 
of  the  Byzantine  series  we  cannot  reasonably  ascribe  the  love  of 
fione  and  of  mankind.  The  virtue  alone  of  John  Comnenus  was 
beneficent  and  pure ;  the  most  illustrious  of  the  princes  who 
precede  or  follow  that  respectable  name  have  trod  with  some 
dexterity  and  vigour  the  crooked  and  bloody  paths  of  a  selfish 
policy;  in  scrutinising  the  imperfect  characters  of  Leo  the 
Isanzian,  Basil  the  First,  and  Alexius  Comnenus,  of  Tkeophilus, 
the  second  Basil,  and  Manuel  Comnenus,  our  esteem  and 
censure  are  almost  equally  balanced ;  and  the  remainder  of  the 
Imperial  crowd  could  only  desire  and  expect  to  be  forgotten  by 
posterity.  Was  personal  happiness  the  aim  and  object  of  their 
ambition?  I  shall  not  descant  on  the  vulgar  topics  of  the 
misery  of  kings ;  but  I  may  surely  observe  that  their  condition^ 
of  all  others,  is  the  most  pregnant  with  fear  and  the  least  sus* 
ceptible  of  hope;  For  these  opposite  passions,  a  larger  soope 
was  allowed  in  the  revolutions  of  antiquity  than  in  the  smooth 
and  solid  temper  of  the  modem  world,  which  -cannot  easily  re» 
peat  either  the  triumf^  of  Alexander  or  the  &11  of  Darius.  But 
the  peculiar  infelicity  of  the  Byzantine  princes  exposed  them 
to  domestic  perils^  without  afibrding  any  lively  promise  of 
foreign  conquest.  From  the  pinnacle  of  greatness,  Androniow 
was  precipitated  l^  a  death  more  cruel  and  shameful  than  that 
of  the  vilest  malefactor ;  but  the  most  glorious  of  his  prede* 
cessors  had  much  more  to  dread  from  their  subjects  than  to 
hope  from  their  enemies.      The  army  was  licentious  without 

r%  the  nation  turbulent  without  freedom ;  the  barbarians  of 
Buift  and  West  pressed  on  the  monarchy,  and  the  loss  of  the 
pfovinces  was  terminated  by  the  final  servitude  of  the  capil^L 

The  entire  series  of  Roman  emperors,  from  the  first  of  the 
Cssars  to  the  last  of  the  Constantipies,  cKtends  above  fifteen 
hundred  yean ;  and  the  term  of  dominioa  imbrdken  by  foceiffn 
conquest  surpasses  the  measure  of  the  ancient  monarchies  :  the 
Assyrians  or  Medes^  the  successors  of  Cyrus,  or  those  of  Alex- 
ander. 


244  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 


CHAPTER  XLIX 

Inirodaction,  Worship,  and  PerseaUioH  of  Images — Revolt  of  Italy 
and  Rome — Temporal  Dominion  of  the  Popes — Conquest  of 
Italy  by  the  Franks — Establishment  of  Imagiss — Character  and 
Coronation  of  Charlemagne — Restoration  am  Decay  of  the  Ro' 
man  Empire  in  the  West — Independence  qf  Itafy— Constitution 
of  the  Germanic  Body 

bBtradveon  In  the  oonnexion  of  the  church  and  state  I  have  oonaidered 
Hois'  the  former  as  subservient  only  and  rehitive  to  the  hitter :  a 
oimith  salutary  maxim,  if  in  fiict,  as  well  as  in  narrative,  it  had  ever 
been  held  sacred.  The  oriental  philosophy  of  the  Gnostics, 
the  dark  abyss  of  predestination  and  grace,  and  the  strange 
transformations  of  the  Eucharist  from  the  sign  to  the  substance 
of  Christ's  body,^  I  have  purposely  abandoned  to  the  curiosity 
of  speculative  divines.  But  I  have  reviewed,  with  diligence 
and  pleasure,  the  objects  of  ecclesiastical  hisUwy,  by  whidi  the 
decline  and  fM  of  the  Roman  empire  were  matarially  affected, 
the  propagation  of  ChristiBnity,  the  constitution  of  the  Catlio- 
lie  church,  the  ruin  of  Paganism^  and  the  sects  that  arose  from 
the  mysterious  controversies  concerning  the  Trinity  and  incar- 
nation. At  the  head  of  this  class,  we  may  justly  nmk  the  wor- 
ship of  images,  so  fiercely  disputed  in  the  eighth  and  ninth 
centuries ;  since  a  Question  of  popular  superstition  produced 
the  revolt  of  Italy,  the  temporal  power  of  the  pope%  and  the 
restoration  of  the  Roman  empire  in  the  West 

The  primitive  Christians  were  possessed  with  an  unooiiquer- 
able  repugnance  to  the  use  and  abuse  of  images,  and  this 
aversion  may  be  ascribed  to  their  descent  from  the  Jews  and 
their  enmity  to  the  Ghreeks.  The  Mosaic  law  had  severely  pro- 
scribed all  representations  of  the  Deity ;  and  that  precept  was 
firmly  established  in  the  principles  and  practice  of  the  chosen 
peojue.    The  wit  of  the  Christian  apologists  was  pointed  against 


I  The  karned  Selden  has  given  the  history  of  tranwihitantiation  in  a  oompce^ 
hensive  and  pithv  sentence :  " Thb  opinion  is  only  rhetoric  turned  Into  Ippc" 
(his  Works,  vol  iu.  p.  9073.  »  ^  Tshfe^Ok). 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  246 

the  foolish  idolaters,  who  bowed  before  the  workmanship  of 
their  own  hands :  the  images  of  brass  and  marble,  which,  had 
they  been  endowed  with  sense  and  motion,  should  have  started 
rather  from  the  pedestal  to  adore  the  creative  powers  of  the 
artist.^  Perhaps  some  recent  and  imperfect  converts  of  the 
Gnostic  tribe  might  crown  the  statues  of  Christ  and  St.  Paul 
with  the  pro&ne  honours  which  they  paid  to  those  6f  Aristotle 
and  Pythagoras ;  '  but  the  public  religion  of  the  Catholics  was 
uniformly  simple  and  spiritual ;  and  the  first  notice  of  the  use 
of  pictures  is  in  the  censure  of  the  council  of  Illiberis,  three  OMm] 
hundred  years  after  the  Christian  sera.^  Under  the  successors 
of  Constantine,  in  the  peace  and  luxury  of  the  triumphant 
church,  the  more  prudent  bishops  condescended  to  indulge  a 
visible  superstition  for  the  benefit  of  the  multitude ;  and,  after 
the  ruin  of  Paganism,  they  were  no  longer  restrained  by  the 
apprehension  of  an  odious  paralleL  The  first  introduction  of  a 
symbolic  worship  was  in  the  veneration  of  the  cross  and  of 
relics.  The  saints  and  martyrs,  whose  intercession  was  im- 
plored, were  seated  on  the  right  hand  of  God ;  but  the  gracious 
and  often  supernatural  favours,  which,  in  the  popular  belief, 
were  showered  round  their  tomb,  conveyed  an  unquestionable 
sanction  of  the  devout  pilgrims,  who  visited,  and  touched,  and 
kissed  these  lifeless  remains,  the  memorials  of  their  merits  and 
sufferings.^  But  a  memorial,  more  interesting  than  the  skull 
or  the  sandals  of  a  departed  worthy,  is  a  fiiithful  copy  of  his 
person  and  features,  delineated  by  the  arts  of  painting  or 
sculpture.  In  every  age,  such  copies,  so  congenial  to  human 
feelings,  have  been  cherished  by  the  zeal  of  private  firiendship 
or  public  esteem;  the  images  of  the  Roman  emperors  were 
adored  with  civil  and  almost  religious  honours;  a  reverence 
less  ostentatious,  but  more  sincere,  was  applied  to  the  statues 
of  sages  and  patriots ;  and  these  pro&ne  virtues,  these  splendid 
sins,  disappeared  in  the  presence  of  the  holy  men  who  had  died 
for  their  celestial  and  everlasting  country.  At  first,  the  experi-  tm 
ment  was  made  with  caution  and  scruple ;  and  the  venerable 

*  Nee  intellieunt  homines  ineptissimi,  quod,  si  sentire  simulacra  et  moveri  po6- 
sent  [altro],  aaoratura  hominem  faissent  a  quo  sunt  expolita  (Divin.  Institut  I  il 
c.  a).  Lactantius  is  the  last,  as  well  as  the  most  eloquent,  of  the  Latin  apologists. 
Their  raillery  of  idols  attacks  not  only  the  object,  but  the  form  and  matter. 

'See  Irenaeus,  Epiphanius,  and  Augustin  (Basnage,  Hist,  des  Eglises  R6fonn6es, 
torn.  ii.  p.  131 3).  inis  Gnostic  practice  has  a  singular  affinity  with  the  private 
worship  of  Alexander  Severus  (Lampridius,  c.  29 ;  Lardner,  Heathen  Testimonies, 
voL  iii.  p.  34). 

^  [OuK>n  36,  Mansi,  Cone.  la,  264.]  m 

^See  this  History,  vol  il  p.  909,  p.  455 ;  vol  iiu  p.  208-315.  .m 


246  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

pictures  were  discreetly  allowed  to  instruct  the  ignormnt,  tc 
awaken  the  cold,  and  to  gratify  the  prejudices  of  the  heaUien 
proselytes.  By  a  slow  though  inevitable  progression,  the  honoun 
of  the  original  were  transferred  to  the  copy ;  the  devout  Christian 
prayed  before  the  image  of  a  saint ;  and  the  Pagan  rites  oi 
genuflexion,  luminaries,  and  incense  again  stole  into  the  Catholic 
church.  The  scruples  of  reason,  or  piety,  were  silenced  by  the 
strong  evidence  of  visions  and  miracles ;  and  the  pictures  whicl] 
speak,  and  move,  and  bleed,  must  be  endowed  with  a  divine 
energy,  and  may  be  considered  as  the  proper  objects  of  religioni 
adoration.  The  most  audacious  pencil  might  tremble  in  the 
rash  attempt  of  defining,  by  forms  and  colours,  the  infinite 
Spirit,  the  eternal  Father,  who  pervades  and  sustains  the  uni- 
verse.^ But  the  superstitious  mind  was  more  easily  reconciled 
to  paint  and  to  worship  the  angels,  and,  above  all,  the  Son  o1 
God,  under  the  human  shape  which,  on  earthy  they  have  con- 
descended to  assume.  The  second  person  of  the  Trinity  had 
been  clothed  with  a  real  and  mortal  body ;  but  that  body  had 
ascended  into  heaven,  and,  had  not  some  similitude  been  pre- 
sented to  the  eyes  of  his  disciples,  the  spiritual  worship  oi 
Christ  might  have  been  obliterated  by  the  visible  relics  and 
representations  of  the  saints.  A  similar  indulgence  was  requisite, 
and  propitious,  for  the  Virgin  Mary ;  the  place  of  her  burial 
was  unknown ;  and  the  assumption  of  her  soul  and  body  intc 
heaven  was  adopted  by  the  creiduHty  of  the  Greeks  and  Latins. 
The  use,  and  even  the  worship^  of  images  was  firmly  established 
before  the  end  of  the  sixth  century ;  they  were  fondly  cherished 
by  the  warm  imagination  of  the  Greeks  and  Asiatics;  the 
Pantheon  and  Vatican  were  adorned  with  the  emblema  of  « 
new  superstition;  but  this  semblance  of  idolatry  was  more 
coldly  entertained  by  the  rude  barbarians  and  the  Arian  clergy 
of  the  West.  The  bolder  forms  of  sculpture,  in  brass  or  marble, 
which  peopled  the  temples  of  antiquity,  were  offensive  to  the 
fancy  or  conscience  of  the  Christian  Greeks ;  and  a  smooth  sur- 
fiice  of  colours  has  ever  been  esteemed  a  more  decent  and 
harmless  mode  of  imitation.^ 

^  Ov  yap  rb  ecZoi^  kwktvp ywipt^w  icm  iki^wnp  nop^ait  riwt  oal  •y4|M"'*f  imnmifoiitnr. 
ovr«  t^ffff  'COL**  (i^Xoiff  T^i'  vvMowMir  col  vpMrapx^*'  ovoicr  tv&sy  4pi*^'  ttMwmitafut 
(Concilium  Nicenum,  it  in  Collect  Labb.  tonL  viil  p.  X025,  edit  VeneL).  11  acroil 
peut-dtrc  k  propos  de  ne  point  aouffiir  d'images  de  la  Trinity  ou  de  la  Divinity ; 
res  d^fenseurs  les  plus  zfl&  des  images  ayant  oondamn^  oeDes^,  et  le  oondle  di 
Trente'ne  parlant  que  des  images  de  J6sus  Christ  et  des  Saints  (Dupin,  Biblioi 
Ecclte.  tom.  vL  p.  154). 

*This  general  history  of  images  is  drawn  from  the  xziid  book  of  the  Hist 
des  Eglises  Rtformfes  of  Basnage,  torn.  ii.  p.  13x0-1337.    He  was  a  Pkotettani, 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  247 

The  merit  and  effect  of  a  copy  depends  on  its  resemblance  gMfcyn* 
with  the  original;  but  the  primitive  Christians  were  ignorant 
of  the  genuine  features  of  the  Son  of  God,  his  mother,  and  his 
apostles :  the  statue   of  Christ  at   Paneas   in  Palestine  "^  was 
more  probably  that  of  some  temporal  saviour;  the  (jnostics 
and  their  profane  monuments  were  reprobated ;  and  the  fancy 
of  the  Christian  artists  could  only  be  guided  by  the  clandestine 
imitation  of  some  heathen  model.     In  this  distress,  a  bold  and 
dexterous  invention  assured  at  once  the  likeness  of  the  iraag<e 
and  the  innocence  of  the  worship.    A  new  superstructure  of  fame 
was  raised  on  the  popular  basis  of  a  Syrian  legend,  on  the 
correspcmdence  of  Christ  and  Abgarus,  so  famous  in  the  days  ukgur  v. 
of  Eusebius,  so  reluctantly  deserted  by  our  modem  advocates.       *^ 
The   bishop  of  Ccesarea^  records  the   epistle,*  but  he   most 
strangely  forgets  the  picture  of  Christ,^® — the  perfect  impression 

but  of  a  manly  spirit ;  and  on  this  head  the  Protestants  are  so  notoriously  in  the 
right  that  they  can  venture  to  be  impartial.  See  the  perplexity  of  poor  Friar 
Pagi.  Critica.  torn.  I  p.  42.    [Schwarzlose,  der  Bilderstreit,  chap,  i  (1890).] 

^  After  removing  some  rubbish  of  miracle  and  inconsistency,  it  many  be  allowed 
that,  as  late  as  the  jrear  300,  Paneas  in  Palestine  was  decorated  with  a  bronse 
statue,  representing  a  grave  personage  wrapt  in  a  cloak,  with  a  grateful  or  sup- 
pliant female  knecnng  before  him,  and  that  an  inscription-^r^  2«nripi,  r^  t^pf^fir^f — 
was  perhaps  inscribed  on  the  pedestal  By  the  Christian^  this  group  was  foolishly 
explained  of  their  founder,  and  the^twr  woman  whom  he  had  cured  of  the  bloody 
flux  (Euseb.  vii.  18,  Philostorg.  vii.  3,  &c.).  M.  de  Beausobre  more  reasonably 
conjectures  the  philosopher  Apollonius,  or  the  emperor  Vespasian.  In  the  latter 
supposition,  the  female  is  a  city,  a  province,  or  perhaps  the  queen  Berenice 
(BSbliotb^ue  Germanique.  torn.  xiii.  J).  1-92). 

'Euseb.  Hist.  E^les.  i.  i.  c.  13  [cp.  ii.  i].  The  learned  Assemannus  has 
bronght  up  the  collateral  aid  of  three  Syrians,  St  Ephrem,  Josna  Stylites,  and 
James  bishop  of  Sanig;  but  I  do  not  find  any  notice  of  the  Sjrriac  original  [qx 
next  note]  or  the  archives  of  Edessa  (Bibliot.  Orient,  tom.  I  p.  318,  420.  554). 
Thdr  vague  beli^  is  probably  derived  from  the  Greeks. 

'The  evidence  for  these  epistles  is  stated  and  rejected  by  the  candid  LArdner 
^Heathen  Testimonies,  voL  1.  p.  297-309).  Among  the  herd  of  bigots  who  are 
forcibly  driven  from  this  convenient  but  untenable  post,  I  am  ashamed,  with  the 
Grabes,  Caves,  Tillemonts,  &c  to  discover  Mr.  Addison,  an  English  gentleman 
(his  Works,  vol  L  p.  ^28,  Baskerville's  edition) ;  but  his  superficial  tract  00  the 
Christian  religion  owes  its  credit  to  his  name,  his  style,  and  the  interested  applause 
of  our  clergy.  [The  conversion  of  Edessa  seems  to  have  been  achieved  later  than 
200  A.D.  by  Bardesanes,  under  a  later  Abgar  (902-217) ;  and  the  legend  probably 
arose  soon  after.  About  A.D.  400,  the  document  quoted  \xf  Eusebius  was  edited  in 
an  improved  form  and  increased  by  the  addition  of  the  miraculous  picture.  This 
is  the  so-called  Doctrina  Addaei  or  Acta  Thaddaei^  which  has  come  down  in  Syriac 
(G.  Phillips,  The  doctrine  of  Addai,  i8^X  Greek  (Tisehendorf,  Act  Ap.  Apoc., 
a6xjwf .)  and  Armenian.  See  R.  A.  Lipsins,  die  edessenische  Abgarsage,  18S0 ; 
L.  Tixeront,  Les  orig.  de  I'^glise  d'Edesse  et  la  Wgende  d' Abgar,  1888.] 

i^From  the  silence  of  James  of  Sarug  (Asseman.  BibfioL  Orient,  p.  289,  318) 
and  the  testimony  of  Evagrius  (Hist.  Eccles.  1.  iv.  c  37),  I  condude  that  this  fable 
was  invented  between  the  years  521  and  594,  most  probabh^  afler  the  siege  of 
Edessa  in  540 (Asseman.  tom.  i.  p.  416;  Procopius,  de  Bell.  Persic.  I.  il  [c.  xaU  It  is 
the  sword  smd  buckler  of  Gregory  II.  (in  Epist.  i.  ad  Leon.  Isaur.  Concu.  tom. 
viiu  p.  656,  657),  of  John  Damascenus  (Opera,  tom.  L  p.  981,  edit.  Lequien),  and 


248         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  his  face  on  a  linen,  with  which  he  gratified  the  fidth  of  the 
royal  stranger,  who  had  invoked  his  healing  power  and  offered 
the  strong  city  of  Edessa  to  protect  him  against  the  malice  of 
the  Jews.  The  ignorance  of  the  primitive  church  is  explained 
by  the  long  imprisonment  of  the  image,  in  a  niche  of  the  wall, 
from  whence,  after  an  oblivion  of  five  hundred  years,  it  was 
released  by  some  prudent  bishop^  and  seasonably  presented  to 
the  devotion  of  the  times.  Its  first  and  most  glorious  exploit 
was  the  deliverance  of  the  city  from  the  arms  of  Chosroes 
Nushirvan ;  and  it  was  soon  revered  as  a  pledge  of  the  divine 
promise  that  Edessa  should  never  be  taken  by  a  foreign  enemy. 
It  is  true,  indeed,  that  the  text  of  Procopius  ascribes  the  doable 
deliverance  of  Edessa  to  the  wealth  and  valour  of  her  citizens, 
who  purchased  the  absence  and  repelled  the  assaults  of  the 
Persian  monarch.  He  was  ignorant,  the  profane  historian,  of 
the  testimony  which  he  is  compelled  to  deliver  in  the  ecclesias- 
tical page  of  Evagrius,  that  the  Palladium  was  exposed  on  the 
rampart,  and  that  the  water  which  had  been  sprinkled  on  the 
holy  £Eu;e,  instead  of  quenching,  added  new  fuel  to,  the  flames 
of  the  besieged.  After  this  important  service,  the  imaffe  of 
Edessa  was  preserved  with  respect  and  gratitude ;  and,  if  the 
Armenians  rejected  the  legend,  the  more  credulous  Greeks 
adored  the  similitude,  which  was  not  the  work  of  any  mortal 
pencil,  but  the  immediate  creation  of  the  divine  originaL  The 
style  and  sentiments  of  a  Bysantine  hjrmn  will  declare  how  &r 
their  worship  was  removed  from  the  grossest  idolatry.  ''  How 
can  we  with  mortal  eyes  contemplate  this  image,  whose  celestial 
splendour  the  host  of  heaven  presumes  not  to  behold  ?  He 
who  dwells  in  heaven  condescends  this  day  to  visit  us  by  his 
venerable  image ;  He  who  is  seated  on  the  cherubim  visits  us 
this  day  by  a  picture,  which  the  Father  has  delineated  with  his 
immaculate  hand,  which  he  has  formed  in  an  inefiable  manner, 
and  which  we  sanctify  by  adoring  it  with  fear  and  love." 
Before  the  end  of  the  sixth  century,  these  images,  made  wUhoui 
hands  (in  Greek  it  is  a  single  word  ^^),  were  propagated  in  the 

of  the  second  Nioene  CouncQ  (Actio,  v.  p.  lo^).    The  most  perfiect  editioii  may 
be  found  in  Cedrenos  (Compend.  p.  itJ-xtS  Fl  p.  308  sqg,,  ed.  Bonn]). 

u  'Axcipo*o(«r»c.  See  Ducange,  in  QIosi.  Graec  et  LaL  The  suhject  is  treated 
with  equal  learning  and  bigotry  b^  the  Jesuit  Gretser  (Syntagma  de  Imaginibos 
non  Manu  factis,  ad  calcem  Codim  de  Oflkiis.  p.  289-330),  the  ass,  or  rather  the 
fox,  of  Ingoldstadt  (see  the  Scaligerana) ;  with  09ual  reason  and  wit  by  the  Protes- 
tsAt  Beausobre,  in  the  ironical  controversy  which  he  has  spread  through  many 
volumes  of  the  Bibliothique  Germanique  (torn,  xviii.  p.  x-co,  xx.  p.  07-68,  xxv.  n, 
1.36.  xxvii.  p.  85.118.  n^ii  p.  1.33.  xxxL  pu  xii-iX  x£SL  ^  75-107.  nxi^.  P^ 
6f^).  [The  Hellenic  parallel  to  these  «MM«4x««^««<Ym  are  tbeAya^ml^Mvfi.] 


OF  THE  BOMAN  £MPIB£  249 

camps  and  cities  of  the  Eastern  empire ;  ^^  they  were  the  objects  in  wiiM 
of  wofship,  and  the  instmments  of  miracles ;  and  in  the  hoar 
of  danger  or  tumult  their  venerable  presence  could  revire  the 
hope,  rekindle  the  courage^  or  repress  the  fury,  of  the  Roman 
legions.  Of  these  pictures,  the  fiur  greater  part,  the  transcripts 
of  a  human  pencil,  could  only  pretend  to  a  secondary  likeness 
and  improper  title;  but  there  were  some  of  higher  descent, 
who  derived  their  resemblance  from  an  immediate  contact  with 
the  original,  endowed,  for  that  purpose,  with  a  miraculous  and 
prolific  virtue.  The  most  ambitious  aspired  from  a  filial  to  a 
mtemal  relation  with  the  image  of  Edessa ;  and  such  is  the 
veromca  of  Rome,  ofer  Spain,  or  Jerusalem,  which  Christ  in  his 
agony  and  bloody  sweat  applied  to  his  fiice  and  delivered  to  an 
holy  matron.  The  fruitful  precedent  was  speedily  transferred 
to  the  Virgin  Mary  and  the  saints  and  martyrs.  In  the  church 
of  Diospolis  in  Palestine,  the  features  of  the  mother  of  Grod  ^* 
were  deeply  inscribed  in  a  marble  column ;  the  East  and  West 
have  been  decorated  by  the  pencil  of  St.  Luke;  and  the 
evangelist,  who  was  perhaps  a  physician,  has  been  forced  to 
exercise  the  occupation  of  a  painter,  so  profane  and  odious  in 
the  eyes  of  the  primitive  Christians.  The  Olympian  Jove, 
created  by  the  muse  of  Homer  and  the  chisel  of  Phidias,  might 
inspire  a  philosophic  mind  with  momentary  devotion ;  but  these 
Catholic  images  were  fidntly  and  flatly  delineated  by  monkish 
artists  in  the  last  degeneracy  of  taste  and  genius.  ^^ 

The  worship  of  images  had  stolen  into  the  church  by  in-o>gj|tiMi 
sensible  degrees,  and  each  petty  step  was  pleasing  to  them&S^ 
superstitious  mind,  as  productive  of  comfort  and  innocent  of 
sin.  But  in  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  in  the  full 
magnitude  of  the  abuse,  the  more  timorous  Greeks  were 
awakened  by  an  apprehension  that,  under  the  mask  of  Christi- 
anity, they  had  restored  the  religion  of  their  fiithers ;  they 
heard,    with  grief   and  impatience,    the  name    of  idolaters : 

i^Tbeophylact.  Simocatta  (I.  ii.  c.  3,  p.  34,  I  Hi.  c.  i,  p.  63)  celebrates  the 
$9ta4puc^  ffucoo^^a,  which  he  styles  ixtipowoliirov ;  yet  it  was  no  more  than  a  copy, 
since  he  adds,  jpx^nwor  rh  iKti^ov  o&  'Fmtiaioi  (of  Edessa)  tf^ifOKcijovai  n  ififPiiTov, 
See  IHigi,  torn.  ii.  A.D.  586,  Na  ix. 

13  See,  in  the  genuine  or  supposed  works  of  John  Damascenus,  two  passages  on 
the  Vir;gin  and  St  Luke,  which  have  not  been  noticed  by  Gretser,  nor  consequently 
by  Beausobre.  Opera  Joh.  Damascen.  torn.  I  p.  618, 631.  [There  is  an  important 
passage*  showing  that  image-worship  was  thoroughly  established  in  the  beginning 
of  the  7th  cent ,  in  the  story  of  Barlaam  and  Josaphat  (see  Appendix  i ).  See 
Miffoe.  P.O.,  ^  p.  1032.] 

i«'<Yoar  scandalous  figures  stand  quite  out  from  the  canvas:  thgr  are  as 
bad  as  a  group  of  statues  I  It  was  thus  that  the  ignorance  and  bigotry  01  a  Grade 
priest  applanded  the  pictures  of  Titian^  which  1m  bad  ordered,  and  iduaed  to 


Kti  vviirist,  ins  iiiotner,  ana  nis  saints ;  and 
on  the  hope  or  promise  of  miraculous  defe 
quest  of  ten  years,  the  Arabs  subdued  t\ 
images  ;  and*  in  their  opinion,  the  hard  ol 
decisive  judgment  between  the  adoratic 
these  mote  and  inanimate  idols.     For  i 
bntred  the  Persian  assaults ;  but  the  ehosc 
Christ,  was  inrolved  in  the  oommon  ruin 
semblanoe  became  the  slave  and  trophy  of 
servitude  of  three  hundred  jrears,  the  Palli 
the  devotion  of  Coostantino^e,  for  a  ransor 
pounds  of  silver,  the  redemption  of  two  1 
and  -a  perpetual  truce  for  the  territory  < 
season  of  distress  and  dismay,  the  eloquem 
exerdsed  in  the  defimce  of  images ;   anc 
prove  that  the  sin  and  schism  of  the  | 
Orientals  had  forfeited  the  fitvour,  and  an 
of  these  precious  symbols.     But  they  were 
murmurs  of  many  simple  or  rational  Chrii 
to  the  evidence  of  texts,  of  fiwsts,  and  of 
and  secretly  desired  the  reformation  of  ti 
worship  of  images  had  never  been  establii 
or  positive  law,  its  pn^ress  in  the  Eastei 
retarded,  or  accelerated,  by  the  differences  < 
the  local  degrees  of  refinement,  and  the  p 
the  bishops.     The  splendid  devotion  was 


OF  THE  EOMAlf  EMPISiB  261 

the  lerity  of  the  capital  and  the  inventive  genius  of  the  Byean*' 
tine  clergy,  while  the  rade  and  remote  districts  of  Asia  were 
strangers  to  this  innovation  of  sacred  luxury.  Many  larg^ 
congregations  of  Gvnostics  and  Arians  maintained,  after  their 
conversion,  the  simple  worship  which  had  preceded  their  sepa* 
ration ;  and  the  Armenians,  the  most  wariike  subjects  of  Rome, 
were  not  reconciled,  in  the  twelfth  century,  to  the  sight  of 
images.  ^^  These  various  denominations  of  men  afforded  a  feud 
of  prejudice  and  aversion,  of  small  account  in  the  villages  of 
Anatolia  or  Thrace,  but  which,  in  the  fortune  of  a  soldier,  a 
prelate,  or  an  eunuch,  might  be  often  connected  with  the 
powers  of  the  church  and  state. 

Of  such  adventurers,  the  most  fortunate  was  the  emperor 
Leo  the  Third,^^  who,  from  the  nMwmt^ns  of  Isauria,  ascended 
the  throne  of  the  East.  He  was  ignorant  of  sacred  and  pro* 
&ne  letters ;  but  his  education,  his  reason,  perhaps  his  inter- 
course with  the  Jews  and  Arabs,  had  inspired  the  martial 
peasant  with  an  hatred  of  images ;  and  it  was  held  to  be  the 
duty  of  a  prince  to  impose  on  his  subjects  the  dictates  of  his 
own  conscience.  But  in  the  outset  of  an  unsettled  reign, 
during  ten  years  of  toil  and  danger,  Leo  submitted  to  the 
meanness  of  h]rpocrisy,  bowed  before  the  idols  which  he  despised, 
and  satisfied  the  Roman  pontiff  with  the  annual  professions  of 
his  orthodoxy  and  seaL  In  the  reformation  of  religion,  his 
first  steps  were  moderate  and  cautious :  he  assembled  a  great 
council  of  senators  and  bishops,  and  enacted,  with  their  consent, 
that  all  the  images  should  be  removed  from  the  sanctuary  and 
altar  to  a  proper  height  in  the  churches,  where  they  mi^t  be 
visible  to  the  eyes,  and  inaccessible  to  the  superstition,  of  the 
people.  But  it  was  impossible,  on  either  side,  to  check  the 
rapid  though  adverse  impulse  of  veneration  and  abhorrence ; 

tas,  L  ii.  p.  258  \p.  597,  ed.  Bonn]).  The  Armenkn  churches  are  still  content 
with  the  croBS  (Missions  du  Levant,  torn,  iii  p.  148] ;  but  surely  the  superstitious 
Greek  is  unjust  to  the  superstition  of  the  Germans  of  the  xiith  century. 

I'Our  original,  but  not  impartial,  monuments  of  the  Iconoclasts  must  be 
drawn  from  the  Acts  of  the  Councils,  torn.  viti.  and  ix.  Collect  Labb^,  edit 
Venet,  and  the  historioBl  writings  of  H^eophaties,  Nioepharus,  Manasses, 
Cedrenus,  Zonaras,  &c  Of  the  modem  Catholics,  Baronius,  Pagi,  Natalis 
Alexander  (Hist.  Eocles.  Seculum  viiL  and  ix.),  and  Maimbourg  (Hist,  des 
Icooodastes)  have  treated  the  subject  with  learning,  passkm,  and  crrauUty.  The 
Protestant  labours  of  Frederic  Spanheim  (Historia  Imaginum  Restituta)  and 
James  Basnage  (Hist  des  Egiises  R^orm^es,  tom.  iL  L  xxHi.  p.  1339-1585)  are 
cast  into  the  Iconoclast  scale.  With  this  mutual  aid,  and  opposite  tenoencv,  it 
is  easfp  for  «i  to  poise  the  balance  with  philosophic  indifference.  [Seefinther, 
Appeodis  s.] 


•MM 


252         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

in  their  lofty  position,  the  sacred  images  still  edified  their 
votaries  and  reproached  the  tjrrant.^^  He  was  himself  provoked 
by  resistance  and  invective ;  and  his  own  party  accused  him 
of  an  imperfect  discharge  of  his  doty,  and  urged  for  his  imita- 
tion the  example  of  the  Jewish  king,  who  had  broken,  without 
scruple,  the  brazen  serpent  of  the  temple.  By  a  second  edict, 
he  proscribed  the  existence  as  well  as  the  use  of  religious 
jD.m]  pictures;  the  churches  of  Constantinople  and  the  provinoes 
were  cleansed  from  idolatry  ;  the  images  of  Christ,  the  Virgin, 
and  the  Saints  were  demolished,  or  a  smooth  surface  of  plaster 
was  spread  over  the  walls  of  the  edifice.  The  sect  of  the 
Iconoclasts  was  supported  by  the  seal  and  despotism  of  six 
emperors,  and  the  East  and  West  were  involved  in  a  noisy  con- 
flict of  one  hundred  and  twenty  years.  It  was  the  design  of 
Leo  the  Isaurian  to  pronounce  the  condemnation  of  images, 
as  an  article  of  £uth,  and  by  the  authority  of  a  general  council ; 
but  the  convocation  of  such  an  assembly  was  reserved  for  his 
son  Constantine  ;  ^*  and,  though  it  is  stigmatised  by  triumphant 
bigotry  as  a  meeting  of  fools  and  atheists,  their  own  partial 
and  mutilated  acts  betray  many  symptoms  of  reason  and  piety. 
>gbrgj^  The  debates  and  decrees  of  many  provincial  sjmods  introduced 
jOc  A.O.  the  summons  of  the  general  council,  which  met  in  the  suburbs 
of  Constantinople,  and  was  composed  of  the  respectable  number 
of  three  hundred  and  thirty-eight  bishops  of  Europe  and 
Anatolia  ;  for  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and  Alexandria  were 
the  slaves  of  the  caliph,  and  the  Roman  pontiiT  had  withdrawn 
the  churches  of  Italy  and  the  West  fitnn  the  communion  of 
the  Greeks.  This  B3rsantine  synod  assumed  the  rank  and 
powers  of  the  seventh  general  council ;  yet  even  this  title  was 
a  recognition  of  the  six  preceding  assemblies  which  had  labori- 
ously built  the  structure  of  the  Catholic  fiiith.  After  a  serious 
deliberation  of  six  months,  the  three  hundred  and  thirty-eight 
bishops  pronounced  and  subscribed  an  unanimous  decree,  that 
all  visible  symbols  of  Christ,  except  in  the  Eucharist,  were 
either  blasphemous  or  heretical ;  that  image-worship  was  a 
corruption  of  Christianity^  and  a  renewal  of  Paganism;  that 
all  such  monuments  of  idolatry  should  be  broken  or  erased ; 

i8»[This  is  probably  incorrect.  See  Appendix  15  00  Leo's  edicts.] 
1*  Some  flowers  of  rhetoric  are  Imfiam  wa^iamtop  mmk  «#t«r,  and  the  bishops  votf 
luirm^pomr.  By  [Pseudo-JDamascmos  it  is s^led  Icvpov  mI  iBmcnt  (Opera,  torn.  i.  p, 
633).  Spanheim's  Apology  for  the  Synod  of  Constantinople  (p.  171,  oc.)  is  worked  up 
with  truth  and  ingenuity,  from  such  materials  as  he  could  find  in  the  Nioene  Acts 
(p.  Z046,  Ac.).  The  witty  John  of  Damaacus  converts  hnninvt  into !■■— <i»wi» 
makes  them  KoiXt^Miimvf*  slaves  of  their  belly,  Ac.  (Opera,  torn.  L  pu  906)^ 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  263 

and  that  those  who  should  refuse  to  deliver  the  objects  of 
their  private  superstition  were  guilty  of  disobedience  to  the 
authority  of  the  church  and  of  the  emperor.  In  their  loud 
and  loyal  acclamations,  they  celebrated  the  merits  of  their 
temporal  redeemer ;  and  to  his  seal  and  justice  they  entrusted 
the  execution  of  their  spiritual  censures.  At  Constantinople, 
as  in  the  former  councils,  the  will  of  the  prince  was  the  rule 
of  episcopal  faith ;  but,  on  this  occasion,  I  am  inclined  to  sus^ 
pect  that  a  large  majority  of  the  prelates  sacrificed  U^eir  secret 
conscience  to  the  temptations  of  hope  and  fear.  In  the  long 
night  of  superstition,  the  Christians  had  wandered  fax  away 
from  the  simplicity  of  the  gospel ;  nor  was  ^it  easy  for  them 
to  discern  the  clue,  and  tread  back  the  mazes,  of  the  labyrinth. 
The  worship  of  images  was  inseparably  blended,  at  least  to 
a  pious  fancy,  with  the  Cross,  the  Virgin,  the  saints,  and  their 
relics ;  the  holy  ground  was  involved  in  a  cloud  of  miracles 
and  visions ;  and  the  nerves  of  the  mind,  curiosity  and  scepti- 
cism, were  benumbed  by  the  habits  of  obedience  and  belief. 
Constantine  himself  is  accused  of  indulging  a  royal  licence  to 
doubt,  or  deny,  or  deride  the  mysteries  of  the  Catholics,^  but 
they  were  deeply  inscribed  in  the  public  and  private  creed  of 
his  bishops ;  and  the  boldest  Iconoclast  might  assault  with  a 
secret  horror  the  monuments  of  popular  devotion,  which  were 
consecrated  to  the  honour  of  his  celestial  patrons.  In  the 
reformation  of  the  sixteenth  century,  freedom  and  knowledge 
had  expanded  all  the  &culties  of  man,  the  thirst  of  innovation 
superseded  the  reverence  of  antiquity,  and  the  vigour  of 
Europe  could  disdain  those  phantoms  which  terrified  the  sickly 
and  servile  weakness  of  the  Greeks. 

The  scandal  of  an  abstract  heresy  can  be  only  proclaimed 
to  the  people  by  the  blast  of  the  ecclesiastical  trumpet;  but ^ 
the  most  ignorant  can  perceive,  the  most  torpid  must  feel,  the  aj)m»tti 
pro&nation  and  down&U  of  their  visible  deities.  The  first 
hostilities  of  Leo  were  directed  against  a  lofty  Christ  on  the 
vestibule,  and  above  the  gate,  of  the  pajace.^^  A  ladder  had 
been  planted  for  the  assault,  but  it  was  furiously  shaken  by  a 
crowd  of  zealots  and  women ;  they  beheld,  with  pious  transport, 
the  ministers  of  sacrilege  tumbling  from  on  high  and  dashed 

^  He  is  accused  of  proscribing  the  title  of  saint ;  styling  the  Virgin,  Mother 
of  C&rist ;  comparing  her  after  her  delivery  to  an  empty  purse;  or  Arianism, 
Nestorianism,  &c.  In  his  defence,  Spanheim  {&  iv.  d.  qoj)  is  somewhat  em> 
Imrassed  between  the  interest  of  a  Protestant  and  tne  duty  of  an  orthodox 
divine. 

*^[Cp.  Vit.  Steph.  Jun.,  ap.  Migne,  P.G.  loo,  p.  1085.] 


p^HW^   .".-     ■».■>■   .— 


254         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

against  the  pavement ;  and  the  honours  of  the  ancient  martyrs 
were  prostituted  to  these  criminals,  who  justly  suffered  for 
murder  and  rebellion.^^  The  executicm  of  the  imperial  edicts 
was  resisted  by  frequent  tumults  in  Constantinople  and  the 
provinces ;  the  person  of  Leo  was  endangered,  his  officers  were 
massacred,  and  the  popular  enthusiasm  was  quelled  by  the 
strongest  efforts  of  the  civil  and  military  power.  Of  the  Archi- 
pelago, or  Holy  Sea,  the  numerous  islands  were  filled  with 
images  and  monks ;  their  votaries  abjured,  without  scruple,  the 
enemy  of  Christ,  his  mother,  and  the  saints ;  they  armed  a  fleet 
of  boats  and  galleys,  displayed  their  consecrated  banners,  and 
boldly  steered  for  the  harbour  of  Constantinople,  to  place  on 
the  throne  a  new  fiivourite  of  God  and  the  people.  They  de- 
pended on  the  succour  of  a  miracle ;  but  their  miracles  were 
inefficient  against  the  Greek  Jire;  and,  after  the  defeat  and 
conflagration  of  their  fleet,  the  naked  islands  were  abandoned 
to  the  clemency  or  justice  of  the  conqueror.  The  son  of  Leo, 
in  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  had  undertaken  an  expedition 
against  the  Saracens;  during  his  absence,  the  capital,  the 
palace,  and  the  purple  were  occupied  by  his  kinsnum  Arta- 
vasdes,  the  ambitious  champion  of  the  orthodox  fiiith.  The 
worship  of  images  was  triumphantly  restored  ;  the  patriarch 
renounced  his  dissimulation,  or  dissembled  his  sentiments ;  and 
the  righteous  claim  of  the  usurper  was  acknowledged  both  in  the 
new,  and  in  ancient,  Rome.  Constantine  flew  for  refuge  to  his 
paternal  mountains ;  but  he  descended  at  the  head  of  the  bold 
and  affectionate  Isaurians ;  and  his  final  victory  confounded  the 
arms  and  predictions  of  the  fitnatics.  His  long  reign  was  dis- 
tracted with  clamour,  sedition,  conspiracy,  and  mutual  hatred, 
and  sanguinary  revenge ;  the  persecution  of  images  was  the 
motive,  or  pretence,  of  his  adversaries ;  and,  if  they  missed  a 
temporal  diadem,  they  were  rewarded  by  the  Greeks  with  the 
crown  of  martyrdom.  In  every  act  of  open  and  clandestine 
treason,  the  emperor  felt  the  unforgiving  enmity  of  the  monks, 
the  faithful  slaves  of  the  superstition  to  which  they  owed  their 
riches  and  influence.  They  prayed,  they  preached,  they  ab- 
solved, they  inflamed,  they  conspired ;  the  solitude  of  Palestine 
poured  forth  a  torrent  of  inve^ve ;  and  the  pen  of  St  John 
Damascenus,^  the  last  of  the  Greek  &thers,   devoted  the 

^  The  holy  confessor  Theophanes  approves  the  principle  of  tfadr  rebeOion,  i^t^ 
ctrov/uroc  iiXtf  ^  ^30  [A.M.  6ai8]).  Gregory  IL  (in  £pist  i.  ad  Imn.  Leon. 
Concil.  torn.  viii.  p.  6ox,  664)  applauds  the  seal  of  the  Byamtlne  women  who  killed 
the  Imperial  officers. 

**  John,  or  Mansur,  was  a  noble  Chrittlan  of  Damascni,  idio  held  a  oonider- 


OF  THE  SOMAN  EMPIBE  296 

tjrraat'f  head,  both  in  this  world  and  the  next.^  I  am  ik^  vt 
leisure  to  examine  how  &r  the  monks  pr^voked^  nor  how  nvieh 
they  have  exaggerated,  their  real  and  pretended  tufferinga,  nor 
how  many  lost  their  lives  or  limbs,  their  eyes  or  their  bearda, 
by  the  cruelty  of  the  emperor.  From  the  chastisement  of  in^ 
dividuals,  he  proceeded  to  the  abolition  of  the  order ;  and,  as 
it  was  wealthy  and  useless,  his  resentment  might  be  stinudated 
by  avarice  and  justified  by  patriotism.  The  formidable  name 
and  mission  of  the  Dragqn^^  his  visitor-general^  excited  the 
terror  and  abhorrence  of  the  black  nati(»i;  the  religious  com*- 
muniUes  were  dissolved,  the  buildings  were  converted  into 
magarines,  or  barracks ;  the  lands,  moveables^  and  cattle  were 
confiscated ;  and  our  modem  precedents  will  support  the  charge 
that  much  wanton  or  malicious  havoc  was  exercised  against  the 
relics,  and  even  the  books,  of  the  monasteries.  With  the  habit 
and  profession  of  monks,  the  public  and  private  worship  of 
images  was  rigorously  proscribed ;  and  it  should  seem  that  a 
solemn  Objuration  of  idolatry  was  exacted  from  the  subjects,  or 
at  least  from  the  clergy,  of  the  Eastern  empire.^ 

The  patient  East  abjured,  with  reluctance,  her  sacred  images;  iM««f 
they  were  fondly  cherished,  and  vigorously  defended,  by  the 
independent  seal  oi  the  Italians.     In  ecclesiastical  rank  and 
jurisdiction^  the  patriarch  of  Constantinople  and  the  pope  of 

able  ofhcc  in  the  service  of  the  caliph.  His  zeal  in  the  cause  of  ima^  ex{>Dsea 
him  to  the  resentment  and  treachery  of  the  Greek  emperor ;  and  on  the  'snsbidon 
of  a  treasonable  correspondence  he  was  deprived  ot  his  right  hand,  which  was 
miraculously  restored  by  the  Virgin.  After  this  deliverance,  be  resigned  his  office;, 
distributed  bis  wealth,  and  burira  himself  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Sabas,  between 
Jerusalem  and  the  E>ead  Sea.  The  legend  is  famous;  but  his  learned  editor, 
Father  Lequieo,  has  unluckily  proved  £at  St.  John  Damaaoenus  was  already  a 
monk  before  the  Iconoclast  dispute  (Opera,  torn.  L  Vit  St  Joan.  Damascen.  p. 
10-13,  et  Notas  ad  loc).    [Cp.  Appendix  i.] 

"  After  sending  Leo  to  the  devil,  he  introduces  his  heir — rb  luopby  a^roC  yimnuuL, 
mmi  rii«  mm^imt  mitni  Kknaov6ut  cV  <iirXf  yci^^MMf  (Opera  Damaseco.  tcm.  i.  Pi  60s 
[c.  Const  Cabk.  c.  90J).  If  the  authenticitv  of  this  piece  be  svspicious  [tbece  is 
no  doubt  that  it  is  spurious],  we  are  sure  that  in  other  woiks,  no  longer  extant, 
Damasoenus  bestowed  on  Constantine  the  title  of  Mor  XaMv&M  Xpcord^MXo*'* 
^u^dtyft»r  (tom.  l  p.  ^).  [The  authority  for  these  citations  from  John  of  Damascus 
is  the  Vita  Siepham  Junioris.    Cp.  Appendix  i.] 

**  In  tho  nairative  of  this  persecution  from  Theophanes  and  Cedrenus,  Span- 
beim  (pu  335-9^40)  is  happy  to  compare  the  Draco  of  Leo  with  the  dragoons 
{DracoHes)  of  Louis  XIV.;  and  highly  solaces  himsdf  with  this  oontrovmial 
pun. 

*  H^rfyyiyfiii  y^  i^4wwi^iM  aarA  ir«r«r  iiupx^*"  ^^  V*^  ^  X'*f>^  o^roC,  wdirtwt 
■W|yA#i—  sal  lnrifc>—  Tov  i^rtonuu  rifr  ir^oairiwaaitf  rmr  vtwmr  cucovwr  ([pseodo-J 
Daaasoen.  Op^  torn.  i.  p.  625  [c.  Const  CabalL,  21]).  Tlus  oath  and  subscrip* 
tioii  I  do  not  remember  to  have  seen  in  any  modem  compilation. 


mtammmtmdH 


266         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Rome  were  nearly  equaL    But  the  Greek  prelate  was  a 
«lave  under  the  e3re  of  his  matter,  at  whose  nod  he  alternately 
passed  from  the  convent  to  the  throne,  and  from  the  throne  to 
the  convent     A  distant  and  dangerous  station,  amidst  the  bar- 
barians of  the  West,  excited  the  spirit  and  freedom  of  the  Latin 
bishops.    Their  popular  election  endeared  them  to  the  Romans ; 
the  public  and  private  indigence  was  relieved  by  their  ample 
revenue ;  and  the  weakness  or  neglect  of  the  emperors  com- 
pelled them  to  consult,  both  in  peace  and  war,  the  temporal 
safety  of  the  city.     In  the  school  of  adversity  the  priest  insen- 
sibly imbibed  the  virtues  and  the  ambition  of  a  prince ;  the 
same  character  was  assumed,  the  same  policy  was  adopted,  by 
the  Italian,  the  Greek,  or  the  Syrian,  who  ascended  the  chair 
of  St.  Peter ;  and,  after  the  loss  of  her  legions  and  provinces,  the 
genius  and  fortune  of  the  popes  again  restored  the  supremacy  of 
Rome.     It  is  agreed  that  in  the  eighth  century  their  dominion 
was  founded  on  rebellion,  and  that  the  rebellion  was  produced, 
and  justified,  by  the  heresy  of  the  Iconoclasts ;  but  the  conduct 
of  the  second  and  third  Gregory,  in  this  memorable  contest,  is 
variously  interpreted  by  the  wishes  of  their  friends  and  enemies. 
The  Byzantine  writers  unanimously  declare  that,  after  a  fruit- 
less admonition,  they  pronounced  the  separation  of  the  East 
and  West,  and  deprived  the  sacrilegious  tjrrant  of  the  revenue 
and  sovereignty  of  Italy.     Their  excommunication  is  still  more 
clearly  expressed  by  the  Greeks,  who  beheld  the  accomplish- 
ment of  the  papal  triumphs ;  and,  as  they  are  more  strongly 
attached  to  their  religion  than  to  their  country,  they  praise, 
instead  of  blaming,  the  zeal  and  orthodoxy  of  these  apostolical 
men.^^    The  modem  champions  of  Rome  are  eager  to  accept 
the  praise  and  the  precedent :  this  great  and  glorious  example 
of  the  deposition  of  royal  heretics  is  celebrated  by  the  cardinals 
Baronius  and  Bellarmine;^   and,  if  they  are  wked  why  the 
same  thunders  were  not  hurled  against  the  Neros  and  Julians 
of  antiquity,  they  reply  that  the  weakness  of  the  primitive 

"  Kal  i^v  'Pwiuii|v  ^¥  «<VD  \r§]  'IroKif  rift  BmnktUt  cvroft  Aw4onin,  wm  Theo- 
phanes  (Chronograph,  p.  343  [a.m.  6221]).  For  this  Gregory  is  styled  Of  Ced- 
reniis  ^p  iiwoaroXutAt  (p.  aS/h),  Zonarms  qjedfies  the  thunder,  hw^j^mt  ontiif 
(torn.  fi.  L  zv.  p.  104,  xo^  l&  4,  ad  tnit]).  It  may  be  observed  tfaat  tbeGraoks 
are  apt  to  confound  the  tunes  and  actions  of  two  Gtegories. 

^  See  Baronius,  Annal  Eccles.  A.D.  730,  Na  4,  5,  dignum  esemphun  1  BeOar- 
min.  de  Romano  Pontifke,  L  v.  a  8,  molctaYit  earn  parte  imperil  SicoiiiiB.  de 
Regno  Italiae,  L  iil  Opera,  torn,  ii  p.  169^  Yet  such  is  the  cfaaiip  ofltaiy  that 
Sigonius  is  corrected  by  the  editor  of  Milan,  Phili{q)us  Argdatus,  anologiiese.  and 
subject  of  the  pope. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EBCPIBE  267 

church  was  the  sole  cause  of  her  patient  lojralty.'*  On  this 
occasion,  the  effects  of  love  and  hatred  are  the  same ;  and  the 
zealous  Protestants,  who  seek  to  kindle  the  indignation,  and  to 
alarm  the  fears,  of  princes  and  magistrates,  expatiate  on  the  in- 
solence and  treason  of  the  two  Gregories  against  their  lawful 
sovereign.^  They  are  defended  only  by  the  moderate  Catholics, 
for  the  most  part,  of  the  Gallican  church,^  who  respect  the 
saint  without  approving  the  sin.  These  common  advocates  of 
the  crown  and  the  mitre  circumscribe  the  truth  of  &cts  by  tihe 
rule  of  equity,  scripture,  and  tradition ;  and  appeal  to  the  evi- 
dence of  the  Latins,'^  and  the  lives  **  and  epistles  of  the  popes 
themselves. 

Two  original  epistles,  from  Gregory  the  Second  to  the_ 
emperor  Leo,  are  still  extant ;  ^  and,  if  they  cannot  be  praised  J* 
as  the  most  perfect  models  of  eloquence  and  logic,  they  ex- 

^  Quod  si  Christiani  olim  non  deposaenint  Neronem  aut  Juliannm,  id  fait  quia 
deerant  vires  temporales  Christianis  (honest  Bellarmine,  de  Kom.  Pont.  L  v.  c.  7). 
Cardinal  Perron  adds  a  distinction  more  honourable  to  the  first  Christians,  tmt  not 
more  satis£actory  to  modem  princes— the  treawn.  of  heretics  and  apostates^  vrho 
break  their  oath,  belie  their  coin,  and  renounce  their  allqgpanoe  to  Christ  and  bis 
vicar  (Perroniana,  p.  89). 

*  Take,  as  a  specimen,  the  cautious  Basnage  (Hist  de  I'Eglise,  p.  1350,  1351), 
and  the  vehement  Spanheim  (Hist.  Imaginum),  who,  with  an  hundred  more,  tread 
in  the  footsteps  of  the  centuriators  of  Magdeburg. 

^  See  Launoy  (Opera,  torn.  ▼.  pars  iL  epist  vil  7,  p.  456-474),  Natalis  Alex- 
ander (Hist  Nov.  Testamenti,  secoL  viiL  Dissert  i.  p.  ^>^)»  I^gi  (Critica,  torn. 
til  p.  215-916),  and  Giannone  (Istoria  Civile  di  Napoli,  torn.  L  pu  3x7-390),  a 
disciple  of  the  GalUcan  school  In  the  field  of  controversy  I  always  pitr  the 
moderate  party,  who  stand  on  the  open  middle  ground  exposed  to  the  fire  01  both 

^  They  appeal  to  Paul  Wamefrid,  or  Diaoonus  (de  Gestis  Langobaxd.  L  n.  c. 
49,  p.  C06,  507,  in  Script  ItaL  Muratori.  torn.  L  pars  L),  and  the  nominal  Anas- 
tasios  (de  vit  Pont  in  Muratori,  torn.  tii.  pars  I  Gregorius  II.  pi  154.  Gra- 
gorius  IIL  p.  158.  Zacharias,  p.  161.  Stephanus  IIL  p.  165.  Pauhif,  pu  170; 
Stephanus  IV.  p.  i/d.  Hadrianus,  p.  179.  Leo  IIL  p.  195).  Yet  I  may  remark 
that  the  trae  Anastasras  (Hist  Eccles.  p.  134.  edit  Reg.),  and  the  Historia  MisceOa 
(L  zzL  p.  151,  in  torn.  L  Script  ItaL),  tx)th  of  the  izth  century,  translate  and 
approve  the  Greek  text  of  Theophane& 

**With  some  minute  difierence.  the  most  learned  critics,  Lucas  Hotocniui, 
Sdidestrate.  Ciampini,  Bianchini,  Muiatori  (Prolegomena  ad  torn,  ill  pars  i.),  are 
aereed  that  the  Liber  Pontificalis  was  composed  and  continurd  by  the  apostolical 
librarians  and  notaries  of  the  viiith  and  ixth  centuries;  and  that  the  last  and 
smallest  part  is  the  work  of  Anastasius,  whose  name  it  bears.  The  style  is  bur- 
barons,  the  narrative  partial,  the  details  are  trying ;  jtx  it  must  be  read  as  a  cnrioof 
and  authentic  record  of  the  times.  The  episties  of  the  popes  are  dispersed  in  the. 
volumes  of  Councfls.    [See  Appendix  i.] 

'■The  two  epistles  of  Gregory  IL  have  been  piesei-ypd  in  the  AcU  of  the  Nletne; 
Council  (torn.  viiL  p.  651-674).  They  are  without  a  dale,  which  is  varioiisl^  fixed, 
by  Baionias  in  the  year  736,  by  Muratori  (Annali  d'ltajia,  torn,  vt  fL  vx^n^  799, 
and  by  Pagi  in  73a  Sodi  is  the  fioroe  of  prejudice,  that  some  Papists  haatpraised 
the  ^ood  sense  and  moderation  of  these  letters.  [See  Appendix  14..  Ifot  tbei 
pootificate  of  Gregory :  DahmeB,  Das  Poottfikat  GRfOTilL,  x888.]      ^    ' 

VOL.  V.  17 


258         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

hibit  the  portrait,  or  at  least  the  mask,  of  the  founder  of  the 
papal  monarchy.  **  During  ten  pure  and  fortunate  years,"  says 
Gregory  to  the  emperor,  "  we  have  tasted  the  annual  comfort 
of  your  royal  letters,  subscribed  in  purple  ink  with  your  own 
hand,  the  sacred  pledges  of  your  attachment  to  the  orthodox 
creed  of  our  &thers.  How  deplorable  is  the  change!  how 
tremendous  the  scandal!  You  now  accuse  the  Catholics  of 
idolatry ;  and,  by  the  accusation,  you  betray  your  own  impiety 
and  ignorance.  To  this  ignorance  we  are  compelled  to  adapt  the 
grossness  of  our  style  and  arguments ;  the  first  elements  of  holy 
letters  are  sufficient  for  your  confusion ;  and,  were  you  to  enter 
a  grammar-school  and  avow  yourself  the  enemy  of  our  wonhip^ 
the  simple  and  pious  children  would  be  provoked  to  cast  their 
horn-books  at  your  head."  After  this  decent  salutation,  the 
pope  attempts  the  usual  distinction  between  the  idols  of  antiquity 
and  the  Christian  images.  The  former  were  the  fanciful  repre- 
sentations of  phantoms  or  daemons,  at  a  time  when  the  true 
God  had  not  manifested  his  person  in  any  visible  likeness.  The 
latter  are  the  genuine  forms  of  Christ,  his  mother,  and  his  saints^ 
who  had  approved,  by  a  crowd  of  miracles,  the  innocence  and 
merit  of  this  relative  worship.  He  must  indeed  have  trusted 
to  the  ignorance  of  Leo,  since  he  could  assert  the  perpetual 
use  of  images  from  the  apostolic  age,  and  their  venerable 
presence  in  the  six  synods  of  the  Catholic  church.  A  more 
specious  argument  is  dbrawn  from  present  possession  and  recent 
practice;  the  harmony  of  the  Christian  world  supersedes  the 
demand  of  a  general  council ;  and  Gregory  frankly  confesses 
that  such  assemblies  can  only  be  useful  under  the  reign  of  an 
orthodox  prince.  To  the  impudent  and  inhuman  Leo,  mote 
guilty  than  an  heretic,  he  recommends  peace,  silence,  and 
implicit  obedience  to  his  spiritual  guides  of  Constantinople  and 
Rome.  The  limits  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  powers  are  defined 
by  the  pontiff.  To  the  former  he  appropriates  the  body ;  to  the 
latter,  the  soul :  the  sword  of  justice  is  in  the  hanos  of  the 
magistrate ;  the  more  formidable  weapon  of  excommunication 
is  entrusted  to  the  clergy ;  and  in  the  exercise  of  their  divine 
commission  a  sealous  son  will  not  spare  his  offending  &ther; 
the  successor  of  St.  Peter  may  lawfully  chastise  the  kings  of  the 
earth.  **  You  assault  us,  O  tyrant !  with  a  carnal  and  militaiy 
hand ;  unarmed  and  naked,  we  can  only  implore  the  Christ,  the 
prince  of  the  heavenly  host,  that  he  will  send  unto  yon  a  deiyfl, 
for  the  destruction  of  your  body  and  the  salvation  of  your  sooL 
You  declare,  with  foonsh  airogance,  I  will  despatch  my  oiden 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRB  269 

to  Rome ;  I  will  bresk  in  pieces  the  iniAge  of  St  Peter ;  and 
Gregory,  like  his  predecessor  Martin,  shall  be  transported  in 
chains^  and  in  exile,  to  the  foot  of  the  Imperial  throne.  Would 
to  God  thkt'I  might  be  permitted  to  tread  in  the  footsteps  of 
the  h6fy  Martin ;  bcft  may  the  fute  of  Constans  serv^  as  a  warn- 
ing to  the  persecutors  of  the  church !  After  his  just  condemna* 
tion  by  the  bishops  of  Sicily,  the  tyrant  was  cut  off,  in  the 
fulness  of  his  sins,  by  a  domestic  servant ;  the  saint  is  still  adored 
by  \he  nations  of  S<^hia,  among  whom  he  ended  his  banish- 
ment and  his  life.  But  it  is  our  duty  to  live  for  the  edification 
and  support  of  the  fiuthful  people ;  nor  are  we  reduced  to  risk 
our  safety  on  the  event  of  a  combat  Incapable  as  you  are  of 
defetiding  your  Roman  subjects,  the  maritime  situation  of  the 
city  may  perliaps  expose  it  to  your  depredation ;  but  we  can 
remove  to  the  distance  of  four-and-twenty  stadia,^  to  the  first  [»s  bUm] 

fortress  of  the  Lombards^  and  then ^you  may  pursue  the 

winds.  Are  you  ignorant  that  the  popes  are  the  bond  of  union, 
the  mediators  of  peace,  between  the  East  and  West  ?  The 
eyes  of  the  nations  are  fixed  on  our  humility ;  and  they  revere, 
as  a  God  upon  earth,  the  apostle  St.  Peter,  whose  image  you 
threaten  to  destroy.^  The  remote  and  interior  kingdoms  o{ 
the  West  present  their  homage  to  Christ  and  his  vicegerent; 
and  we  now  prepare  to  visit  one  of  their  most  powerful  monarchs, 
who  desires  to  receive  fiom  our  hands  the  sacrament  of  baptism:** 
The  barbarians  have  submitted  to  the  yoke  of  the  gospel,  while 
you  alone  are  deaf  to  the  voice  of  the  shepherd.  These  pious 
barbarians  are  kindled  into  rage;  they  thirst  to  avenge  the 
persemition  of  the  East  Abandon  your  rash  and  fintal  enter- 
prise; reflect,  tremble,  and  repent  If  you  persist,  we  are 
innocent  of  the  blood  that  will  be  spilt  in  the  contest ;  may  it 
&11  on  yoiir  own  head." 

^  Flwdn,  Havmpa  oraSta  inrovu^vni  h  'ApyMMVf  'Pmfuft  etc  rijr  ywjMy  r^t  Komw^i 
«««  9ww9  iMt^or  r«v«  «m|mw(  (EpisU  I  p.  664).  This  proximity  of  the  Lombards  is 
hard  of  dlfestion.  Gunflio  Pellegrini  (Dissert,  iv.  de  Ducatu  Beneventi,  in  the 
ScripL  ItuT  torn.  ▼.  p,  m,  in)  fmvibly  reckons  the  twenty*four  stadia,  not  from 
Rome,  bat  from  the  limits  of  the  Roman  duchy,  to  the  first  fortress,  perhaps  Sora, 
of  tbe  Lombards.  I  rather  bdieve  that  Gregory,  with  the  pedantry  of  the  age, 
employs  stadia  for  miles  without  much  inquiry  into  tbe  genuine  measure. 

"*Or  «1  vfitfM  fim^(kiuu  ryfi  hitrttn  Mf  0«br  lirtycMr  ^x^*^ 

*'Aark  ri|f  ivmripav  Mtfvwf  t«v  krfotUrw  Xffvrmv  (d.  665).     The  pope  appears  to 

have  imposed  on  the  ignorance  of  the  Greeks ;  he  Uvra  and  died  in  the  Latowi ;  and 
in  his  time  all  tbe  kingdoms  of  the  West  had  embraced  Christianitv.  May  not  this 
unknown  Sefiehts  have  some  reference  to  the  chief  of  the  Saxon  fiefUarcky  to  Ina 
king  of  Wessez,  who.  in  the  pontificate  of  Gregory  the  Second,  visited  Rome,  for 
the  purpose,  not  of  baptism,  but  of  pilgrimage?  (Pagi.  A.D.  689.  No  a,  A.D.  726, 
No.  15).  [Scbenk  adopts  this  explanation,  in  bis  art  on  Leo  IIL,  Byt.  Ztsch.  v.  p. 
a89u] 


■hi^M 


2e0         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

▼oit  of  The  first  assault  of  Leo  against  the  images  of  Constantinople 

K  4e.  had  been  witnessed  by  a  crowd  pf  strangers  from  Italy  and  the 
West,  who  related,  with  grief  and  indignation,  the  sacrilege  of 
tlie  emperor.  But  on  the  reception  of  his  proscriptive  edict 
they  tiiembled  for  their  domestic  deities  ;  the  images  of  Qirist 
and  the  virgin,  of  the  angels,  martyrs,  and  saints,  were  abolished 
in  all  the  churches  of  Italy  ;  and  a  strong  alternaUve  was  pro- 
posed to  the  Roman  pontiff*,  the  royal  fiivour  as  the  price  of 
his  compliance,  degradation  and  exile  as  the  penalty  of  his 
disobedience.  Neither  zeal  nor  policy  allowed  him  to  hesitate; 
and  the  haughty  strain  in  whidi  Gregory  addressed  the  em- 
peror displays  his  confidence  in  the  truth  of  his  doctrine  or  the 
powers  of  resistance.  Without  depending  on  prayers  or  mizades, 
ne  boldly  armed  against  the  public  enemy,  and  his  pastoral 
letters  admonished  the  Italians  of  their  danger  and  their  duty.*^ 
At  this  signal,  Ravenna,  Venice,  and  the  cities  of  the  Exarchate 
and  Pentapolis,  adhered  to  the  cause  of  religion  ;  their  military 
force  by  sea  and  land  consisted,  for  the  most  part,  of  the 
natives ;  and  the  spirit  of  patriotism  and  xeal  was  transfused 
into  the  mercenary  strangers.  The  Italians  swore  to  live  and 
die  in  the  defence  of  the  pope  and  the  holy  images;  the 
Roman  people  was  devoted  to  their  father,  and  even  the  Lom- 
bards were  ambitious  to  share  the  merit  and  advantage  of  this 
holy  war.  The  most  treasonable  act,  but  the  most  obvious 
revenge,  was  the  destruction  of  the  statues  of  Leo  himself ;  the 
most  effectual  and  pleasing  measure  of  rebellion  was  the  with- 
holding the  tribute  of  Italy,  and  depriving  him  of  a  power 
which  he  had  recently  abused  by  the  imposition  of  a  new 
capitation.^  A  form  of  administration  was  preserved  by  the 
election  of  magistrates  and  governors ;  and  so  high  was  the 
public  indignation  that  the  Italians  were  prepared  to  create 
an  orthodox  emperor,  and  to  conduct  him  with  a  fleet  and  army 

'^  I  shall  transcribe  the  important  and  decisive  passage  of  the  Liber  PontiflcaUi. 
Respiciens  ergo  pius  vir  proCuiam  prindpis  jussKnem,  jam  oootra  Imperalorem 
ouasi  contra  kostem  se  armavit,  renuens  naBrasim  ejus,  icribens  ubique  se  eavere 
Christianos,  eo  quod  orta  fuisset  impieCas  talis,  igiiur  permoti  omnes  Penta- 
polenses  atque  Venetiamm  exerdtus  contra  Imperatoris  juisionem  ratitannit; 
dicentes  se  nunquam  in  ejusdem  pontifids  oondescendere  necem,  ted  pro  ^m 
magis  defensione  viriliter  decertare  (p.  156). 

»  A  census,  or  capitation,  says  Anastasius  (p.  156) ;  a  most  cruel  tax,  unknown 
to  the  Saracens  themselves,  eacdaims  the  lealous  Maimbourg  (Hist  des  Iooixk 
clastes,  L  i. ),  and  Theophanes  (p.  544),  wbo  talks  of  Pharaoh's  numbering  the  male 
children  of  Israel.  This  mode  of  taxation  was  fiuniliar  to  the  Saracens ;  and,  mart 
unluckily  for  the  historian,  it  was  imposed  a  few  years  afterwards  in  Fkaiioe  by  his 
patron  Lewis  XIV. 


OF  THE  ROBIAK  EMPIRE  261 

to  the  palace  of  Constantinople.  In  that  palace,  the  Roman 
bishops,  the  second  and  third  Gregory,  were  condemned  as  the 
authors  of  the  revolt,  and  every  attempt  was  made,  either  by 
fraud  or  force,  to  seize  their  persons  and  to  strike  at  their  lives. 
The  city  was  repeatedly  visited  or  assaulted  by  captains  of  the 
guatds,  and  dukes  and  exarchs  of  high  dignity  or  secret  trust ; 
they  landed  with  foreign  troops,  they  obtained  some  domestic 
aid,  and  the  superstition  of  Naples  may  blush  that  her  &thera 
were  attached  to  the  cause  of  heresy.  But  these  clandestine 
or  open  attacks  were  repelled  by  the  courage  and  vigilance 
of  the  Romans ;  the  Greeks  were  overthrown  and  massacred, 
their  leaders  suffered  an  ignominious  death,  and  the  popes, 
however  inclined  to  mercy,  refused  to  intercede  for  these  guilty 
victims.  At  Ravenna,^  the  several  quarters  of  the  city  had 
long  exercised  a  bloody  and  hereditary  feud ;  in  religious  con- 
troversy they  found  a  new  alitnent  of  faction  ;  but  the  votaries 
of  images  were  superior  in  numbers  or  spirit,  and  the  exarch, 
who  attempted  to  stem  the  torrent,  lost  his  life  in  a  popularl*^^-  "H 
sedition.  To  punish  this  flagitious  deed  and  restore  his  do- 
minion in  Italy,  the  emperor  sent  a  fleet  and  army  into  the 
Adriatic  gulf.  After  suffering  from  the  winds  and  waves  much 
loss  and  delay,  the  Greeks  made  their  descent  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Ravenna  ;  they  threatened  to  depopulate  the  guilty 
capital  and  to  imitate,  perhaps  to  surpass,  the  example  oi  Jus- 
tinian the  Second,  who  had  chastised  a  former  rebellion  by  the 
choice  and  execution  of  fifty  of  the  principal  inhabitants.  The 
women  and  clergy,  in  sackcloth  and  ashes,  lav  prostrate  in 
prayer  ;  the  men  were  in  arms  for  the  defence  of  their  country ; 
the  common  danger  had  united  the  factions,  and  the  event  of 
a  battle  was  preferred  to  the  slow  miseries  of  a  siege.  In  a 
hard-fought  day,  as  the  two  armies  alternately  yielded  and 
advanced,  a  phantom  was  seen,  a  voice  was  heard,  and  Ravenna 
was  victorious  by  the  assurance  of  victory.  The  strangers  re- 
treated to  their  ships,  but  the  populous  sea-coast  poured  forth 
a  multitude  of  boats ;  the  waters  of  the  Po  were  so  deeply 
infected  with  blood  that  during  six  years  the  public  prejudice 
abstained  from  the  fish  of  the  river  ;  and  the  institution  of  an 
annual  feast  perpetuated  the  worship  of  images  and  the  ab- 

*  See  the  Liber  Pontificalis  of  Agnellus  (in  the  Scriptores  Rerum  Italicanim  of 
Muratori.  torn.  ii.  pars  i.),  whose  deeper  shade  of  barbarism  marks  the  diffierexice 
between  Rome  ana  Ravenna.  Yet  we  are  indebted  to  him  for  some  curious  and 
domestic  Cacts — the  quarters  and  factions  of  Ravenna  (p.  IC4),  the  revenge  of 
|uscintan  IL  (p.  160,  161 )» the  defeat  of  the  Greeks  (p.  170. 171),  ftc.  [The  story  in 
Agn^lus  isvery  donbtM.    Cp.  Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  vi.  453-4.] 


262  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

horrence  of  the  Greek  tyrant.  Amidst  the  triumph  of  the 
Catholic  arms,  the  Roman  pontiff  convened  a  synod  of  ninety- 
three  bishops  against  the  heresy  of  the  Iconoclasts.  With  their 
consent  he  pronounced  a  general  excommunication  against  all 
who  by  word  or  deed  should  attack  the  tradition  of  the  fiithers 
and  the  images  of  the  saints  ;  in  this  sentence  the  emperor  was 
tacitly  involved  ;  ^  but  the  vote  of  a  last  and  hopeless  remon- 
strance may  seem  to  imply  that  the  anathema  was  yet  suspended 
over  his  guilty  head.  No  sooner  had  thev  confirmed  their  own 
safety,  the  worship  of  images,  and  the  freedom  of  Rome  and 
Italy,  than  the  popes  appear  to  have  relaxed  of  their  severity 
and  to  have  spared  the  relics  of  the  Byzantine  dominion. 
Their  moderate  counsels  delayed  and  prevented  the  election  of 
a  new  emperor,  and  they  exhorted  the  Italians  not  to  separate 
from  the  body  of  the  Roman  monarchy.  The  exarch  was  permit- 
ted to  reside  within  the  walls  of  Ravenna,  a  captive  rather  than  a 
master  ;  and,  till  the  Imperial  coronation  of  Charlemagne,  the 
government  of  Rome  and  Italy  was  exercised  in  the  name  of 
the  successors  of  Constantine.^^ 
ggy*  ^  The  liberty  of  Rome,  which  had  been  oppressed  by  the  arms 
and  arts  of  Augustus,  was  rescued,  after  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  vears  of  servitude,  from  the  persecution  of  Leo  the  Isaurian. 
By  the  Csesars,  the  triumphs  of  the  consuls  had  been  annihi- 
lated :  in  the  decline  and  fall  of  the  empire,  the  god  Terminus, 
the  sacred  boundary,  had  insensibly  receded  from  the  ocean, 
the  Rhine,  the  Danube,  and  the  Euphrates;  and  Rome  was 
reduced  to  her  ancient  territory  from  Viterbo  to  Terradna^  and 
from  Nami  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber.^'^  When  the  kings  were 
banished,  the  republic  reposed  on  the  firm  basis  which  had  been 
founded  by  their  wisdom  and  virtue.     Their  perpetual  jnris- 


^  Yet  Ijco  was  undoubtedly  comprised  in  the  si  quis  .  .  .  imaginum  SAcnmm 
.  .  .  destructor  .  .  .  extiterit  sit  extorris  a  corpore  D.  N.  Jesu  Christi  Tel  totins 
ecclesiae  unitate.  The  canonists  may  decide  whether  the  guilt  or  the  name  cod- 
stitutes  the  excommunication ;  and  the. decision  is  of  the  last  importanoe  to  their 
safety,  since,  according  to  the  oracle  (Gratian  Caus.  xxiii.  q.  5,  c.  47,  apud  Span- 
heim,  HisL  Imag.  p.  iia),  homicidas  non  esse  qui  exoommunicatos  trnddaat 

*^  Compescuit  tale  consilium  Pontifez,  iperans  conversioiicm  prindpii(Anfiata& 
p.  156).  Sed  ne  desisterent  ab  amore  et  fide  R.  J.  admonebat  (p.  157).  The 
popes  style  Leo  and  Constantine  Copronynius,  Impcratores  et  Dotnini,  with  the 
strange  epithet  of  Piissimi,  A  famous  Mosaic  of  tlie  Lateran  (A.D.  798)  icpieicnta 
Christ,  who  deli\'ers  the  keys  to  St  Peter  and  the  banner  to  Conntantine  V. 
(Muratori,  Annali  d' Italia,  torn.  vi.  p.  337). 

^  I  have  traced  the  Roman  dnchy  according  to  the  maps,  and  the  roapa  acootd- 
ing  to  the  excellent  dissertation  of  father  Ucretti  (de  Choromphii  Itaito  Medii 
iGvi,  sect  XX.  p.  8x6432).  Yet  I  must  nicely  obaerve  tl^at  Viterbo  ii  oC  Lonbaid 
foundation  (p.  axzX  and  that  Terradna  was  murped  by  the  Graeka. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EBfFIEtE         208 

diction  was  divided  between  two  annual  magistrates ;  the  senate 
continued  to  exercise  the  powers  of  administration  and  counsel ; 
and  the  legislative  authority  was  distributed  in  the  aasemUies 
of  the  people  by  a  well-proportioned  scale  of  property  and 
service.  Ignorant  of  the  arts  of  luxury,  the  primitive  Romans 
had  improved  the  science  of  government  and  war ;  the  will  of 
the  community  was  absolute;  the  rights  of  individuals  were 
sacred ;  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  citizens  were  armed 
for  defence  or  eonquest ;  and  a  band  of  robbers  and  outlaws 
was  moulded  into  a  nation,  deserving  of  freedom  and  ambitious 
of  glory.^  When  the  sovereignty  of  the  Greek  emperors  was 
extinguished,  the  ruins  of  Rmne  presented  the  sad  image  of 
depopulation  and  decay ;  her  alavery  was  an  habit,  her  liberty 
an  accident :  the  effect  of  superstition,  and  the  object  of  her  own 
amasement  and  terror.  The  last  vestige  of  the  substance,  or 
even  the  forms,  of  the  constitution  was  obliterated  from  the 
practice  and  memory  of  the  Romans;  and  they  were  devoid  of 
knowledge,  or  virtue,  again  to  build  the  &bric  of  a  common- 
wealth. Their  scanty  remnant,  the  offspring  of  slaves  and 
strangers,  was  despicable  in  the  eyes  of  the  victorious  bar- 
barians. As  often  as  the  Franks  or  Lombards  expressed  their 
most  bitter  contempt  of  a  foe,  they  called  him  a  Roman;  *'aiid 
in  this  name,"  says  the  bishop  Liutprand,  *'  we  include  whatever 
is  base,  whatever  is  cowardly,  whatever  is  perfidious,  the  ex- 
tremes of  avarice  and  luxury,  and  every  vice  that  can  prostitute 
the  dignity  of  human  nature  ".^  By  the  necessity  of  th^ 
situation,  the  inhabitants  of  Rome  were  cast  into  the  rough 
model  of  a  remiblican  government ;  they  were  compelled  to 
elect  some  juoges  in  peace,  and  some  leaders  in  war;  the 
nobles  assembled  to  deliberate,  and;  their  resolves  could  not  be 
executed  without  the  union  and  consent  of  the  multitude.  The 
style  of  the  Roman  senate  and  people  was  revived,^  but  the 

^On  the  extent,  populatioa,  Ac  of  the  RomAn  kinsdom,  the  reader  may  pernse, 
with  pleasure,  the  Dtsamrs  Friiiminairt  to  the  Rtoublique  Romame  of  M  de 
Beuitart  (torn.  I),  who  will  not  be  accused  of  too  much  credulity  for  the  early  ages 
of  Rome. 

**QQOi{Romanos)  nos,  Longobardi  scilicet,  Saxones,  Franci,  Lotharingi,' Ba- 
goarii,  Sueyi,  Bnrgundlones,  tanto  dedignamur  ut  inimioos  nostros  oommod  nil 
aUud  contumeliarum  msi  Romane  dicamus ;  hoc  solo,  id  est  Romanorum  nomkie, 
quicquid  ignobiUtatis,  quioquid  timiditatis,  quicquid  avaritisD,  quicquid  luxorise, 
guicquki  mendadi,  immo  quioquid  vitionim  est  comprdiendentes  fLiutprand,  in 
LqgaL  [c.  xa]  Script.  ItaL  torn.  iL  pars  i.  p.  481).  For  the  sins  of  Cato  or  'DiUy. 
Minos  n^ght  have  imposed  as  a  nt  penance  the  daily  perusal  of  this  barbarous 


ssaee; 

^Pipino  legi  Francorum  [et  patrido  Romanorum],  omnis  senatus,  atque  mi- 
Tersa  populi  generaUtas  a  Deo  servatse  RomansB  urbio.    Codes  Carolin.  ^ist.  361 


■«ta 


264         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

spirit  was  fled ;  and  their  new  independence  was  disgraced  by 
the  tumultuous  conflict  of  licentiousness  and  oppression.  The 
want  of  laws  could  only  be  supplied  by  the  influence  of  religion, 
and  their  foreign  and  domestic  counsels  were  moderated  by  the 
authority  of  the  bishop.  His  alms,  his  sermons,  his  correspond- 
ence with  the  kings  and  prelates  of  the  West,  his  recent  ser- 
vices, their  gratitude  and  oath,  accustomed  the  Romans  to 
consider  him  as  the  first  magistrate  or  prince  of  the  city.  The 
Christian  humility  of  the  popes  was  not  offended  by  the  name 
of  Dondnus,  or  Lord ;  and  tneir  £ice  and  inscription  are  still 
apparent  on  the  most  ancient  coina.^  Their  temporal  dominion 
is  now  confirmed  by  the  reverence  of  a  thousand  yean ;  and 
their  noblest  title  is  the  free  choice  of  a  people  whom  they 
had  redeemed  from  slavery. 
>«■•*»  ^^  In  the  quarrels  of  ancient  Greece,  the  holy  people  of  £lis 
jOTKiwr^  enjoyed  a  perpetual  peace,  under  the  protection  of  Jupiter,  and 
in  the  exercise  of  the  Olympic  games.^^  Happy  would  it  have 
been  for  the  Romans,  if  a  similar  privilege  had  guarded  the 
patrimony  of  St.  Peter  from  the  calamities  of  war;  if  the 
Christians  who  visited  the  holy  threshold  would  have  sheathed 
their  swords  in  the  presence  of  the  apostle  and  his  successor. 
But  this  mjTstic  circle  could  have  been  traced  only  by  the  wand 
of  a  legislator  and  a  sage ;  this  pacific  system  was  incompatible 
with  the  zeal  and  ambition  of  the  popes ;  the  Romans  were  not 
addicted,  like  the  inhabitants  or  £lis,  to  the  innocent  and 
placid  labours  of  agriculture;  and  the  barbarians  of  Italy, 
though  softened  by  the  climate,  were  fiu*  below  the  Grecian 
states  in  the  institutions  of  public  and  private  life.  A  memor- 
able example  of  repentance  and  piety  was  exhibited  by  Liutpnnd, 
king  of  the  Lombards.  In  arms,  at  the  gate  of  the  Vatioan, 
AJ^  nQ  the  conqueror  listened  to  the  voice  of  GregcHy  the  Seeond,^ 
withdrew  his  troops,  resigned  his  conquests,  respectfully  visited 

in  Script.  ItaL  torn.  iii.  pan  ii.  p.  160.    The  names  of  senatui  and  SQiator  were 
never  totally  extinct  (Dissert  Ciiorogniph.  pu  216,  217) ;  but  in  the  middle 


th^  signified  little  more  than  nobilei^  optimates,  &c.  (Ducange,  Gloss.  Latin.). 

a);  i 
DDNN.  with  the  word  CONOB,  which  the  Phn  Joubert  (Science  des  MtiaiOes, 


See  Muratori,  Antiquit  Italise  Medii  JEyi,  torn,  il  Dissortat  zzviL  p.  si& 
On  one  of  these  coins  we  read  Hadrianus  Papa  (a.d.  77a) ;  on  the  revterse,  VicL 


torn.  iL  p.  4a)  explains  by  COA^stantinopoU  CTfficina  B  {secmnda).  [OB  ^  79.  Cp. 
above,  voL  a,  p.  Z9C  n.  189.] 

^See  West^s  Dissertation  on  the  Olyropic  Games  (Pindar,  vol.  iL  p.  39-36. 
edition  in  zamo),  and  the  Judicious  reflections  of  Polybius  (torn.  I  L  iv.  p.  466, 
edit.  Gronov.  [c  r^U 

^The  speech  oiGregory  to  the  Lombard  is  finely  composed  by  SigoninsCde 
Rmo  ItaliaB,  L  iil  Opim,  ton.  iL  a  17^  who  imitates  the  Voeaoe  and  the  spirit 
of  Sallust  or  Livy.  [Limpraad  bad  fonned  a  league  with  the  exarch  Eutydiias 
against  the  Pope.] 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  265 

the  church  of  St.  Peter,  and  after  performing  hia  devotiona, 
offered  his  aword  and  dagger,  his  cuirass  and  mantle,  his  ailver 
cross  and  his  crown  of  gold,  on  the  tomb  of  the  apostle.  But 
this  religious  fervour  was  the  illusion,  perhaps  the  artifice,  of 
the  moment ;  the  sense  of  interest  is  strong  and  lasting ;  the 
love  of  arms  and  rapine  was  congenial  to  the  Lombards ;  and 
both  the  prince  and  people  were  irresistibly  tempted  by  the 
disorders  of  Italy,  the  nakedness  of  Rome,  and  the  unwarlike 
profession  of  her  new  chiefl  On  the  first  edicts  of  the  em- 
peror, they  declared  themselves  the  champions  of  the  holy 
images;  Liutprand  invaded  the  province  of  Romagna,  which 
had  already  assumed  that  distinctive  appellation  ;  the  Catholics 
of  the  Exarchate  3rielded  without  reluctance  to  his  civil  and 
military  power ;  and  a  foreign  enemy  vras  introduced  for  the  cajk  imri 
first  time  into  the  impregnable  fortress  of  Ravenna.  That  city 
and  fortress  were  speedily  recovered  by  the  active  diligence  i^^  ^1 
and  maritime  forces  of  the  Venetians  ;  and  those  fiuthful  sub- 
jects obeyed  the  exhortation  of  Gregory  himself  in  separating 
the  personal  guilt  of  Leo  from  the  general  cause  of  the  Roman 
empire.^^  The  Greeks  were  less  mindful  of  the  service  than 
the  Lombards  of  the  injury ;  the  two  nations,  hostile  in  their 
fiuth,  were  reconciled  in  a  dangerous  and  unnatural  alliance ; 
the  king  and  the  exarch  marched  to  the  conquest  of  SpoletoUu>.i«r| 
and  Rome  ;  the  storm  evaporated  without  effect ;  but  the  policy 
of  Liutprand  alarmed  Italy  with  a  vexatious  alternative  of 
hostility  and  truce.  His  successor  Astolphus  declared  himself 
the  equal  enemy  of  the  emperor  and  the  pope ;  Ravenna  was 
subdued  by  force  or  treachery,^  and  this  final  conquest  ex-cAJi.iii4 
tinguished  the  series  of  the  exarchs,  who  had  reigned  with  a 
subordinate  power  since  the  time  of  Justinian  and  the  ruin  of 
the  Gothic  kingdom.  Rome  was  summoned  to  acknowledge 
the  victorious  Lombard  as  her  lawful  sovereign;  the  annual 
tribute  of  a  piece  of  gold  was  fixed  as  the  ransom  of  each 

^The  Venetian  historians,  John  Safominus  (Chron.  Vcnet.  p.  13)  and  the 
do^  Andrew  Dandolo  (Scriptores  Rer.  ftal.  torn,  xil  p.  135),  have  preserved  this 
epistle  of  Gregory.  The  loss  and  reoovery  of  Ravenna  are  mentioned  by  Paulus 
Diaconus  (de  GeBt.  Langobard.  L  vi.  a  49*  54,  in  Script  Ital.  torn.  I  pars  i.  p. 
506,  508) ;  but  our  chronologists,  Pagi,  Muratori,  &c.  cannot  ascertain  the  date  or 
circumstances.  [Monticolo,  Le  spedlzioni  di  Liutprando,  &c. ,  in  the  Arch.  d.  R. 
Soc.  Rom.  di  storia  patria  (1893),  p.  321  sgq,  ;  Hodgkin,  op.  cit.  vu  note  F.  p. 
505-8.  The  date  of  tne  recoverv  of  Ravenna  was  probably  a.d.  740,  that  of  the 
capture  A.D.  738  or  739 ;  but  Monticolo  places  both  in  A.D.  735.] 

*^The  option  will  depend  on  the  various  readings  of  the  Mss.  of  Anastasius — 
dteeftrai^  or  dtctrpserat  (Script.  ItaL  torn.  iii.  pars  I  p.  267).  [DtctrpMroi  bat  no 
Ms.  authority.    See  LiU  Pont.  i.  p.  444,  ed.  Dochesne.] 


266  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

citizen ;  and  the  swofd  of  deiirtiction  was  umheathed  to  exact 
the  penalty  of  her  disobedience  The  Romans  hesitated ;  they 
entreated;  they  complained;  and  the  threatening  barbarians 
were  checked  by  arms  and  negotiations,  till  the  popes  had  en- 
gaged the  friendship  of  an  ally  and  avenger  beyond  the  Alps.^^ 

Bv  i^Tw-        In  his  distress,  the  first  ^^  Gregory  had  implored  the  aid  of  the 

gjpiB.  Ajx  hero  of  the  age,  of  Charles  Martel,  who  governed  the  French 
monarchy  with  the  humble  title  of  mayor  or  duke ;  and  who, 
by  his  signal  victoiy  over  the  Saracens,  had  saved  his  countiy, 
and  perhaps  Europe,  from  the  Mahometan  yoke.  The  ambas- 
sadors of  the  pope  were  received  by  Charles  with  decent 
reverence ;  but  the  greatness  of  his  occupations  and  the  shorts 
ness  of  his  life  prevented  his  interference  in  the  affiurs  of  Italy, 
except  by  a  triendly  and  ineffectual  mediation.  His  son 
Pepin,  the  heir  of  his  power  and  virtues,  assumed  the  office  of 
champion  of  the  Roman  church;  and  the  zeal  of  the  French 
prince  appears  to  have  been  prompted  by  the  love  of  glory  and 
religion.  But  the  danger  was  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  the 
succour  on  those  of  the  Seine ;  and  our  sympathy  is  cold  to  the 
relation  of  distant  misery.  Amidst  the  tears  of  the  city, 
Stephen  the  Third  embraced  the  generous  resolution  of  visiting 
in  person  the  courts  of  Lombaxdy  and  France,  to  deprecate  the 
injustice  of  his  enemy,  or  to  excite  the  pity  and  indignation  ot 
his  friend.  After  soothing  the  public  despair  by  litanies  and 
orations,  he  undertook  this  laborious  journey  wiUi  the  ambas- 
sadors of  the  French  monarch  and  the  Gr^k  emperor.  The 
king  of  the  Lombards  was  inexorable ;  but  his  threats  could 
not  silence  the  complaints,  nor  retard  the  speed,  of  the  Roman 

CAj>*  IB]  pontilT,  who  traversed  the  Pennine  Alps,  reposed  in  the  abbey 
of  St.  Maurice,  and  hastened  to  grasp  the  right  hand  of  his 
protector,  a  hand  which  was  never  lifted  in  vain,  either  in  war 
or  friendship.     Stephen  was  entertained  as  the  visible  suecenor 

jKi^Qgmy.  •  .of  the  apostle  ;  at  the  next  assembly,  the  field  of  March  or  of 
May,  his  injuries  were  exposed  to  a  devout  and  warlike  nation, 
and  he  repassed  the  Alps,  not  as  a  suppliant,  but  as  a  conqaeror, 
at  the  head  of  a  French  army,  whicn  was  led  by  the  king  in 

CAJ>.  T54]      person.     The  Lombards,  after  a  weak  resistance,  obtained  an 

"1  The  Codex  Carolinus  is  a  collection  of  the  epistles  of  the  Popes  to  Chariei 
Martel  (whom  they  style  SuBrqruIms),  P^md  and  Charlemagne,  as  fiir  as  the  year 
791,  when  it  was  formed  b^  the  last  of  thew  princes.    His  orisinal  and  authentfa' 


•u[:^mm/ third.] 


;0F  TH£  B9MAN  EMPJBE  267 

igptiominious  peace,  aild  swore  to  restore  the  possessions,  and  to 
respect  the  sanctity,  of  the  Roman. church.  But  no  sooner  was 
Aabolphus  delivered  from  the  presence  of  the  French  arms,  than 
he  forgot  his  promise,  and  resented  his  disgrace.  Rome  was 
again  encompassed  hy  his  arms ;  and  Stephen,  apprehensive  of  C^J**  ^"Q 
fatiguing  the  seal  of  his  Transalpine  allies,  enforced  his  com- 
plaint and  request  by  an  eloquent  letter  in  the  name  and 
person  of  St.  Peter  himsel£^^  llie  apostle  assures  his  adoptive 
sons,  the  king,  the  clergy,  and  the  nobles  of  France,  that,  dead 
in  the  flesh,  he  is  still  alive  in  the  spirit ;  that  they  now  hear, 
aod  must  obey,  the  voice  of  the  founder  and  guawiian  of  the 
Roman  church ;  that  the  Virgin,  the  angels,  the  saints,  and  the 
martyrs^  and  all  the  host  of  heaven,  unanimously  urge  the 
request,  and  will  confess  the  obligation;  that  riches,  victory, 
ana  paradise  will  crown  their  pious  enterprise;  and  that 
eternal  damnation  will  be  the  penalty  of  their  neglect,  if  they 
suffer  his  tomb,  his  temple,  and  hispeofde  to  &11  into  the 
hands  of  the  peHidious  Lombards,  Tne  second  expedition  of 
Pepin  was  not  less  rapid  and  fortunate  than  the  first :  St.  Peter  ^^^-^"Q 
was  satisfied,  Rome  was  again  saved,  and  Astolphus  was  taught 
the  lessons  of  justice  and  sincerity  by  the  scourge  of  a  foreign 
master.  After  this  double  chastisement,  the  Lombards  languished 
about  twenty  years  in  a  state  of  languor  and  decay.  But  their 
mtnds  were  not  yet  humbled  to  their  condition  ;  and,  instead  of 
affecting  the  pacific  virtues  of  the  feeble,  they  peevishly  harassed 
the  Romans  .with,  a  repetition  of  claims,  evasions,  and  inroads, 
which  they  undertook  without  reflection  and  terminated  with- 
out glovy*  On  ^ther  side,  their  expiring  monarchy  was  pressed 
by  the  seal  and  prudence  of  pope  Hadrian  the  first,  by  the  genius, 
the  ftfiftUne,  and  greatness  of  Charlemagne  the; son  of  Pepin.; 
these  heroes  of  the  church  and  state  were  united  in  public  and 
domestic  friendship ;  and,  while  they  tmmpled  on  the  prostrate, 
they  varnished  thedr  proce^ings  with  tne  £Burest  colours  of 
equity  and  moderation.^    The  passes  of  the  Alps,  and  the  walls 

"See  this  most  extraordinary  letter  in  the  Codex  Carolinus,  epist.  iil  p.  93. 
The  enemies  of  the  popes  have  oiarged  them  with  fraud  and  blasphemy ;  yet  they 
wanif  meant  to  persuade  rather  th^  deceive.  This  introduction  of  the  dead,  or 
of  immortals,  was  familiar  to  the  ancient  orators,  though  it  is  executed  00  this 
occasion  in  the  rude  fashion  of  the  age. 

*  Except  in  the  divorce  of  the  daughter  of  Desiderius,  whom  Charlemagne 
repnrtiatfin  sine  aliquo  crimine.  Pope  Stephen  IV.  had  most  furiously  opposed 
the  aniancp  of  a  noble  Frank — cum  perfidA,  horridA,  nee  dioendA.,  foetentissimA. 
natione  Longofaardoruro — to  whom  he  imputes  the  first  stain  of  leprosy  (Cod. 
CarolUu  episL  45,  pu  178,  179).  Another  reason  against  the  marriage  was  the 
existence  of  a.first  wife  (Muratori,  Annali  d'ltalia,  torn.  vi.  p.  232, 233, 236,  237). 
But  Charlemagne  indulged  himself  in  the  freedom  of  polygamy  or  ooQcabinagei 


268  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  Pavia,  were  the  only  defence  of  the  Lombards ;  the  fimner 
ckou^^of  were  surprised,  the  latter  were  invested,  by  the  son  of  Pepin; 
o!wri«awcM.  and  after  a  blockade  of  two  years,  Desiderius,  the  last  of  their 
[Ma'amtte]  native  princes,  surrendered  his  sceptre  and  his  capitaL  Under 
the  dominion  of  a  foreign  king,  but  in  the  possession  of  their 
national  laws,  the  Lombards  became  the  brethren,  rather  than 
the  subjects,  of  the  Franks ;  who  derived  their  blood,  and 
manners,  and  language  from  the  same  Germanic  origin.^ 
r»pi»Md  The  mutual  obligations  of  the  popes  and  the  Carlovingian 
^»g^  '  family  form  the  important  link  of  ancient  and  modem,  of  civil 
m,  nim  '  and  ecclesiastical,  histoiy.  In  the  conquest  of  Italy,  the  cham- 
pions of  the  Roman  church  obtained  a  fiivourable  occasicm, 
a  specious  title,  the  wishes  of  the  people,  the  prayers  and 
intrigues  of  the  clergy.  But  the  most  essential  gifts  of  the 
popes  to  the  Carlovingian  race  were  the  dignities  of  king  of 
France  ^  and  of  patrician  of  Rome.  I.  Under  the  sacerdotal 
monarchy  of  St.  Peter,  the  naticms  began  to  resume  the  practice 
of  seeking,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber,  their  kings,  their  laws, 
and  the  oracles  of  their  fkte.  The  Franks  were  perplexed 
between  the  name  and  substance  of  their  government.  AH  the 
powers  of  royalty  were  exercised  by  Pepin,  mayor  of  the  palace ; 
and  nothing,  except  the  regal  title,  was  wanting  to  his  ambitkm. 
His  enemies  were  crushed  by  his  valour;  his  friends  were 
multiplied  by  his  liberality ;  his  fiither  had  been  the  saviour  of 
Christendom  ;  and  the  cLums  of  personal  merit  were  repeated 
and  ennobled  in  a  descent  of  four  generationi.  The  name  and 
image  of  royalty  was  still  pre8ervc^d  in  the  last  descendant  of 
Clovis,  the  feeble  Childeric ;  but  his  obsolete  right  could  onfy 
be  used  as  an  instrument  of  sedition ;  the  nation  was  desirous 
of  restoring  the  simplicity  of  the  constitution ;  and  Pepin,  a 
subject  and  a  prince,  was  ambitious  to  ascertain  his  own  rank 
and  the  fortune  of  his  fiunily.  The  mayor  and  the  nobles  were 
bound,  by  an  oath  of  fidelity,  to  the  royal  phantom ;  the  blood 
of  Clovis  was  pure  and  sacred  in  their  eyes;  and  their  com- 
mon ambassadors  addressed  the  Roman  pontiff,  to  dispel  their 

^See  the  Annali  d'ltalia  of  Muntori,  torn.  vL  and  the  three  first  illiwirtsttoni 
of  his  Antiquitates  Italise  Medii  iGvi,  torn.  L 

^  Besides  the  common  historians,  three  French  critics,  Laimov  (Opera,  torn.  ▼. 
pars  ii.  L  vii.  epist.  9,  p.  477-487).  Pagi  (Critica,  A.D.  751,  Na  1-6,  A.D.  759 
Na  i-xo),  and  Natalis  Alexander  (HisL  Novi  Testament!,  uissertat  iL  p.  96-107) 
have  treated  this  subject  of  the  depositioD  of  Childeric  wiUi  learning  and  attentmB 
but  with  a  strong  bias  to  save  the  independence  of  the  crown.  Yet  tbej  an  hsni 
pressed  by  the  texts  which  they  prodnoe  of  Esinhard,  Theopbancs.  and  ttas  M 
annals,  Laureshamenses.  Fuldenses,  Loisidani  [  w  Lanriaenses  inaioni]i 


(W  THE  BOMAS  EMPIRE  209 

Tuples  or  to  absolve  their  promise.  The  interest  of  pope 
•chaiyi  the  successor  of  the  two  Gregories,  prompted  him  to 
ecide;,  and  to  decide  in  their  fiivour ;  he  pronounced  that  the 
stion  might  lawfully  unite,  in  the  same  person,  the  title  and 
ithority  of  king ;  and  that  the  unfortunate  Childeric,  a  victim 
f  the  public  safe^,  should  be  degraded,  shaved,  and  confined 
I  a  vnonasteiy  for  the  remainder  of  his  days.  An  answer  so 
^rceable  to  their  wishes  was  accepted  by  the  Franks,  as  the 
pinion  of  a  casuist,  the  sentence  of  a  judge,  or  the  oracle  of  a 
rophet;  the  Merovingian  race  disaj^peitfed  from  the  earth; 
[id  Pepin  was  exalted  on  a  buckler  by  the  suffrage  of  a  free 
eople,  accustomed  to  obey  his  laws  and  to  march  under  his 
jmdard.  His  coronation  was  twice  performed,  with  the  * 
motion  of  the  popes,  by  their  most  fiiithful  servant  St.  Boni&ce, 
le  uostle  of  Gennany,  and  by  the  grateful  hands  of  Stephen 
iie  Third,  who,  in  the  monasteiy  of  St.  Denys,  placed  the 
iadem  on  the  head  of  his  bene£iictor.  The  royal  unction  of 
ie  kings  of  Israel  was  dexterously  applied ;  ^  the  successor  of 
t.  Peter  assumed  the  character  of  a  divine  ambassador;  a 
rerman  chieftain  was  transformed  into  the  Lord's  anointed; 
od  this  Jewish  rite  has  been  diffused  and  maintained  by  the 
iperstition  and  vanity  of  modem  Europe.  The  Franks  were 
baolved  from  their  ancient  oath ;  but  a  dire  anathema  was 
inndered  against  them  and  their  posterity,  if  they  should  dare 
>  renew  the  same  freedom  of  choice,  or  to  elect  a  king,  except 
I  the  holy  and  meritorious  race  of  the  Carlovingian  princes, 
/ithout  apprehending  the  future  danger,  these  princes  gloried 
I  their  present  security ;  the  secretary  of  Charlemagne  affirms 
3at  the  French  soeptre  was  transferred  by  the  authority  of 
ie  popes  ;^  and  in  their  boldest  enterprises  they  insist,  with 
mndenoe,  on  this  signal  and  successful  act  of  temporal  juris- 
iction. 
II.  In  the  change  of  manners  and  language,  the  patricians  g^^Ji^**^  ^ 

*  Not  absolutely  for  the  first  time.  On  a  less  conspicuous  theatre,  it  had  been 
led.  in  the  vith  and  viith  centuries,  by  the  provincial  bishops  of  Britain  and  Spain, 
he  royal  unction  of  Constantinople  u*as  borrowed  from  the  Latins  in  the  last  age 

the  empire.  Constantine  Manasses  mentions  that  of  Charlemagne  as  a  foreign, 
wish,  incomprehensible  ceremony.  See  Seldcn's  Titles  of  Honour,  in  his  Works, 
>L  ill  part  i.  p.  a^-a^  I  should  have  noticed  (as  Professor  Sickel  has  pointed 
It  to  me  in  bis  essay  (p.  35)  mentioned  below,  sui  p.  383)  that  there  is  no  evidence 
at  anointing  was  practised  at  Constantinople  in  8th  century. 

•»Sec  EgaShard,  in  Viti  Caroli  Magni,  c.  i.  p.  9.  Ac  c  iiL  p.  24.  Childeric  was 
rpOKd^Jnssu,  the  Carloringians  were  t»XabVtsa^ed-~auctoritaU,  Pontiiicis  Romani. 
wauof»  ae._pceteiid  that  these  strong  words  are  susceptible  of  a  very  soft  inter- 
vlatioiL    Be  it  10:  yet  Eginbard  understood  the  world.  Um  court  and  the  Latin 


270         THE  DEOLINS  AND  VAUL 

of  Rome  ^  were  hr  removed  from  the  senate  of  Romulitt  or  the' 
palace  of  Constantine,  from  the  free  nobles  of  the  repubBe  or 
the  fictitious  parents  of  the  emperor.  After  the  Tecoverj  of 
Italy  and  Africa  by  the  arms  of  Justinian,  the  importance  and 
danger  of  those  remote  provinces  required  the  presence  of  a 
supreme  magistrate  ;  he  was  indifferent^  styled  the  exarch  or 
the  patrician ;  and  these  governors  of  Ravenna,  who  fill  their 
place  in  the  chronology  of  princes,  extended  their  jtnisdietion 
over  the  Roman  city.  Since  the  revolt  of  Italy  and  the  loss  of 
the  Exarchate,  the  distress  of  the  Romans  had  exacted  some 
sacrifice  of  their  independence.  Yet,  even  in  this  act,  they 
exercised  the  right  of  disposing  of  themselves ;  and  the  decrees 
'  of  the  senate  and  people  successively  invested  Charles  Martel 
and  his  posterity  with  the  honours  of  patrician  of  Rome.  The 
leaders  of  a  powerful  nation  would  have  disdained  a  servile 
title  and  subondinate  office ;  but  the  reign  of  the  Greek  emperors 
was  suspended ;  and,  in  the  vacancy  of  the  empire,  they  de- 
rived a  more  glorious  commission  from  the  pope  and  the  re- 
public. The  Roman  ambassadors  presented  these  patricikns 
'^D.  7».nq  with  the  keys  of  the  shrine  of  St  Peter,  as  a  pledge  and  symbol 
of  sovereignty  j  with  a  holy  banner,  which  ft  was  their  right 
and  duty  to  unfurl  in  the  defence  of  the  cbiirch  and  city.*  '  In 
the  time  of  Charles  Martel  and  of  Pepin,  the  interposition  of  the 
Lombard  kingdom  covered  the  freedom,  while  it  threatened  the 
safety,  of  Rome ;  and  the  patrkiaU  represented  only  the  title, 
the  service,  the  alliance,  of  these  distant  protectors.  The 
power  and  policy  of  Charlemagne  annihilated  an  enemy,  and 
imposed  a  master.  In  his  first  visit  to  the  capital,  he  was 
received  with  all  the  honours  which  had  formerly  be^  paid  to 
the  exarch,  the  representative  of  the  emperor  7  and  these 
honours  obtained   some   new  decorations'  ftom    the  jcfy  and 

BB  For  the  title  and  pjowers  of  patrician  of  Rome,  see  Dncuge  (Qloa*.  f  Latin. 
torn.  V.  p.  149-151).  Pagi  (Critica,  A.x>.  740,  Na  6-xz),  Muratbrr(Aimali  cTltalia, 
torn.  vL  p.  308-329),  and  St  Marc  (Abr^  Chronologiqne  d'ltalie,  torn.  L  p.  579- 
^\  Of  these  the  Franciscan  Pagi  is  the  most  dispoMd  to  make  the  putndaw  a 
heutenant  of  the  church  rather  than  of  the  empire.  [That  the  patriciate  of  Pippin 
and  Charles  was  not  an  empty  title  but  had  rights  and  duties  a  shown  bv  Sicad, 
Gbtt.  gel.  Anz.  1897,  p.  847,  a^S.  On  the  term  fairicUUms  Btiri  for  ttaa  tarn- 
tonal  lordship  of  the  popes,  cp.  Kehr,  G5tL  Nachnchten,  1896,  p.  144.] 

^The  papal  advocates  can  soften  the  symbolic  meaning  of  the  banner  and  tfas 
keys  ;  but  the  style  of  ad  ngmum  dimisimoSi  or  direzimns  (Codex  Carolia  episL  L 
torn,  ill  pars  ii.  p.  76),  seems  to  allow  of  no  palliation  or  escape.  In  the  Ma  of 
the  Vienna  library,  they  read,  instead  of  rmvm,  rciguwu  pnyer  or  reqont  (ssb 
Ducange),  and  the  royalty  of  Charles  Marteiis  subverted  by  this  important  oonefr* 
tion  (Catalini.  in  his  Critical  Prefaces,  Annali  dltalia,  torn.  zviL  pb  95-99).  \BUbA 
shows  that  the  banner  had  no  jurkUcal  sigiificance,  opt,  ciL  pi  Sj^t,  For  tbi 
keys,  cp.  Appendix  16.] 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  271 

gratitude  of  pope  Hadrian  the  First.^  No  sooner  was  he  informed 
of  the  sudden  approach  of  the  monarch,  than  he  dispatched  the 
magistrates  and  nobles  of  Rome  to  meet  him,  with  the  banner, 
about  thirty  miles  from  the  city.  At  the  distance  of  one  mile, 
the  Flaminian  way  was  lined  with  the  schools,  or  national  com- 
munities, of  Greeks,  Lombards,  Saxons,  &c. ;  the  Roman  youth 
was  under  arms ;  and  the  children  of  a  more  tender  age,  with 
palms  and  olive  branches  in  their  hands,  chaunted  the  praises  of 
their  great  deliverer.  At  the  aspect  of  the  holy  crosses  and 
ensigns  of  the  saints,  he  dismoimted  finm  his  horse,  led  the 
[urocession  of  his  nobles  to  the  Vatican,  and,  as  he  ascended  the 
stairs,  devoutly  kissed  eabh  step  of  the  threshold  of  the  apostles. 
In  the  portico,  Hadrian  expected  him  at  the  head  of  his  clergy ; 
they  embraced,  as  friends  and  equals  ;  but,  in  their  march  to  the 
altar,  the  king  or  patrician  assumed  the  right  hand  of  the  pope. 
Nor  was  the  Frank  content  with  these  vain  and  empty  demon- 
strations of  respect.  In  the  twenty-six  years  that  elapsed 
between  the  conquest  of  Lombardy  and  his  Imperial  coronation, 
Rome,  which  had  been  delivered  by  the  sword,  was  subject  as 
his  own  to  the  sceptre,  of  Charlemagne.  The  peo{^e  swore 
allegiance  to  his  person  and  £umly ;  in  his  name  money  was 
coined  and  justice  was  administered ;  and  the  election  of  the 
popes  was  examined  and  confirmed  by  his  authority.  Except  an 
original  and  self-inherent  claim  of  sovereignty,  there  was  not 
any  prerogative  remaining  which  the  tlHe  of  emperor  could  add 
to  the  patridan  of  Rome.^^ 

The  irratitude  of  the  Carlovininans  was  adequate  to  these: 
obligations,  and  their  names  are  consecrated  as  the  saviours  and  aSiatu 
bene&ctors  of  the  Roman  church.  Her  ancient  patrimony  of 
farms  and  houses  was  transformed  by  their  bounty  into  the 
temporal  dominion  of  cities  and  prorinces ;  and  the  donation  of 
the  Exarchate  was  the  first-fruits  of  the  conquests  of  Pepin^^ 

*^  In  the  authentic  narrative  of  this  reception,  the  Liber  Pontificalis  observes-^- 
obfnam  illl  ejus  sanctitas  diri^ns  venerabiles  cruces,  id  est  signa ;  sicut  mos  est 
ad  exarcfaum  aut  patridtun  stiscipiendutn,  enm  cum  ingenti  Sonore  susdpi  fedt  > 
(torn,  iii  pais  I  p.  185). 

^  Paulus  Diacoous,  who  wrote  before  the  entire  of  Charlemagne,  describes 
Rome  as  his  subject  city-^vestrse  [?  vestras]  civitates  [Romanos  ipsamque  urbem 
Romuleam  ;  ap.  Freher,  i.  p.  ^74]  (ad  Pompeium  Festum)  suis  addidit  sceptris 
|de  Metensis  Ecclesise  Episcopls).  Some  Carlovingian  medals,  struck  at  Rome, 
nave  engaged  Le  Blanc  to  write  an  elaborate,  thou|^  partial,  dissertation  on  their 
authority  at  Rome,  both  as  patricians  and  emperors  (^masterdam,  16^,  in  4to). 

*■  Mosheim  (Institution.  Hist.  Eccles.  p.  263)  weigns  this  donation  with  fair  and 
deliberate  prudence.  The  original  Hct  has  never  been  (Mxxluced ;  but  the  Liber 
PooCificafis  represents  (p.  171),  and  the  Codex  Cardinus  supposes,  this  ample  nft. 
Both  are  contemporary  records ;  and  the  latter  is  the  more  antbontic,  since  it  oaa 
been  preserved,  not  in  the  papal,  but  the  Imperial,  Ubnuy.    [See  Appendix  16.]  , 


272         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Astolphus  with  a  sigh  relinquished  his  prey ;  the  keys  and  the 
hostages  of  the  principal  cities  were  delivered  to  the  French 
ambassador;  and,  in  his  master's  name,  he  presented  them 
before  the  tomb  of  St.  Peter.  The  ample  measure  of  the  Ex- 
archate ^  might  comprise  all  the  provinces  of  Italy  which  had 
obeyed  the  emperor  and  his  vicegerent ;  but  its  strict  and  proper 
limits  were  included  in  the  territories  of  Ravenna,  Bologna,  and 
Ferrara  ;  its  inseparable  dependency  was  the  Pentapolis,  which 
stretched  along  the  Adriatic  from  Rimini,  to  Ancona,  and  ad- 
vanced into  the  midland  countnr  as  &r  as  the  ridges  of  the 
Apennine.  In  this  transaction,  the  ambition  and  avarice  of  the 
popes  has  been  severely  condemned.  Perhaps  the  humility  of 
a  Christian  priest  should  have  rejected  an  earthly  kingdom, 
which  it  was  not  easy  for  him  to  govern  without  renouncing  the 
virtues  of  his  profession.  Perhaps  a  fisuthfiil  subject,  or  even  a 
generous  enemy,  would  have  been  less  impatient  to  divide  the 
spoils  of  the  barbarian ;  and,  if  the  emperor  had  entrusted 
Stephen  to  solicit  in  his  name  the  restitution  of  the  Exarchate^ 
I  will  not  absolve  the  pope  from  the  reproach  of  treachery  and 
fiilsehood.  But  in  the  rigid  interpretation  of  the  laws  every 
one  may  accept,  without  injury,  whatever  his  benefactor  can 
bestow  without  injustice.  The  Greek  emperor  had  abdicated 
or  forfeited  his  right  to  the  Exarchate ;  and  the  sword  of 
Astolphus  was  broken  by  the  stronger  sword  of  the  Carlovinpan. 
It  was  not  in  the  cause  of  the  Iconoclast  that  Pepin  had  ex- 
posed his  person  and  army  in  a  double  expedition  beyond  the 
Alps  ;  he  possessed,  and  might  lawfully  alienate,  his  conquests ; 
and  to  the  importunities  of  the  Greeks  he  piously  replied  that 
no  human  consideration  should  tempt  him  to  resume  the  gift 
which  he  had  conferred  on  the  Roman  pontiff  for  the  remission 
of  his  sins  and  the  salvation  of  his  souL  The  splendid  donation 
was  granted  in  supreme  and  absolute  dominion,  and  the  world 
beheld,  for  the  first  time,  a  Christian  bishop  invested  with  the 
prerogatives  of  a  temporal  prince :  the  choice  of  magistrates, 
the  exercise  of  Justice,  the  imposition  of  taxes,  and  the  wealth 
of  the  palace  of  Ravenna.  In  the  dissolution  of  the  Lombard 
kingdom,  the  inhabitants  of  the  duchy  of  Spoleto  ^  sought  a 

<>  Between  the  exorbitant  claims,  and  narrow  concessions,  of  interest  and  pre- 
judice, from  which  even  Muratori  (Antiquitat.  torn.  i.  p.  63-68)  is  not  eJEcmpt,  I 
have  been  guided,  in  the  limits  of  tbe  Exarchate  and  Pentapolis,  by  the  Dismtatio 
Chorographica  Italiae  Medii  iEvi,  tom.  z.  p.  z6o-i8a 

M  Spoletini  deprecati  sunt,  ut  eos  in  lenritio  B.  Petri  redperet  et  moce  Romano- 
rum  tonsurari  faceret  (Anastasius,  p.  185).  Yet  it  may  be  a  quMtioo  whether  tiMy 
gave  thdr  own  persons  or  tbetr  coimtiy.  . 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  278 

\  from  the  storm,  aliAved  their  bescb  •fter ,  the  Eoman 
Dy  dedared  theniBelves  the  servants  and  sulijeots  of  St. 

and  completed,  by  this  Yoluntarj  surrender,  the  present 
of  the  ecclesiastical  state.  That  mjrsterious  circle  was 
:ed  to  an  indefinite  extent  by  the  verbal  or  written  dona- 
f  Charlemagne,^  who,  in  the  first  transports  of  his  vict<My, 
led  himse^  and  the  Greek  emperor  of  the  cities  and 
s  which  had  formerly  been  annexed  to  the  Exarchate. 
1  the  cooler  moments  of  absence  and  reflection,  he  viewed, 
n  eye  of  jealousy  and  envy,  the  recent  greatness  of  his 
iastical  ally.  The  execution  of  his  own  and  his  fiither's 
les  was  respectfully  duded ;  the  king  of  the  Frsnks.  and 
irds  asserted  the  inalienable  ri^ts  of  the  empire ;  and,  in 
t  and  death,  Ravenna,^  as  weU  as  Rome,  was  numbc9red 

list  of  his  metropolitan  cities.  The  sovereignty  of  the 
bate  melted  away  in  the  hands  of  the  popes  ;  they  found 

archbishops  of  Ravenna  a  dangerous  and  domestic  rival ;  V 
ibles  and  priests  disdained  the  yoke  of  a  priest ;  and,  in 
Borders  of  the  times,  they  could  only  retain  the  memory 
indent  daim,  which,  in  a  more  prosperous  age,  they  have 
d  and  realised. 

ad  is  the  resource  of  weakness  and  cunning;  and  the 
,  though  ignorant,  barbarian  was  often  entangled  in- the 
*  sacerdotal  policy.  The  Vatican  and  Lateran  were  an 
1  and  manufacture,  which,  according  to  the  occasion,  have 
oed  or  concealed  a  various  collection  of  fidae  or  genuine, 
rupt  or  suspidous  acts,  as  they  tended  to  promote  the  in- 

of  the  Roman  church.      Before  the  end  of  the  eighth 

1  ... 

le  policy  and  donations  of  Charleoiagne  arecarefaOHT  txaniotd  bgr  St 
ibr^g^,  torn.  i.  p.  390-408),  who  has  well  sttidied  the  Codex  Carolinus.  I 
with  him,  that  they  were  only  verbal.  The  most  ancient  act  of  donation 
tends  to  be  extant  is  Hbax  of  the  emperor  Lewis  the  PSoos  (Sigonius,  de 
Italise,  1.  iv..  Opera,  torn,  it  p.  267-070).  Its  antlienticity,  or  at  least  its 
%  are  much  questioned  (Pagi,  A.D.  8x7,  Na  7,  ftc.;  Muratori,  Annali,  torn. 
(2,  &a  ;  Dissertat  Cborographica,  p.  33,  34),  but  I  see  no  reasonable  obfee- 
bese  princes  so  freely  dbposmg  of  what  was  not  thdr  own.  [The  gemiuie- 
tbe  Ludovictanum.  A.D.  8x7.  is  now  generally  admitted.  The  mention  of 
ids  Sardinia  and  Sicify  may  be  an  interpolation.] 
larlemagne  solicited  and  obtained  from  tiie  proprietor,  Hadrian  I.,  the 

of  the  palace  of  Ravenna,  for  the  decoration  of  Aix-la-Cbapdle  (Cod. 

epist.  67.  p.  223).    [He  bnflt  his  palace  on  the  model  of  Theodoric's,  and 
cfa  (included  in  the  present  cathedral  of  Aachen)  on  the  pattern  of  San 
It  Ravenna.     Hi^  architect's  name  was  Oda] 
e  popes  often  complain  of  the  usurpations  of  Leo  of  Ratenna  (Codex 

epist  Sii  59}  53.  p.  200-905).  Si  corpus  St  Andrese  fratris  germani  St 
:  humasset.  neqtdtqnam  nos  Roman!  ponti^ces  sic  sab|ugassent  (Agadhis. 
ootificalis,  in  Scriptores  Rerum  ItaL  torn.  ii.  pais  L  p.  Z07). 

^0L.y/  la 


274         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

century,  some  apostoliool  seiibey  perhaps  the  notorious  Isidore, 
composed  the  decretals,  and  the  donation  of  Constantine,  the 
two  magic  pillars  of  the  spiritual  and  temporal  monarchj  of  the 
popes.  This  memorable  donation  was  introduced  to  the  world 
by  an  epistle  of  Hadrian  the  First,  who  exhorts  Charlemagne  to 
imitate  the  liberality,  and  revive  the  name,  of  the  great  Con- 
stantine.^  According  to  the  legend,  the  first  of  the  Christian 
empierors  was  healed  of  the  leprosy^  and  purified  in  the  waters 
of  baptism,  by  St.  Silvester,  the  Roman  bishop ;  and  never  was 
physician  more  gloriously  recompensed.  His  royal  pro8el3rte 
withdrew  from  the  seat  and  patrimony  of  St.  Peter ;  dedaired 
his  resolution  of  founding  a  new  capital  in  the  East ;  and  re- 
signed to  the  popes  the  free  and  perpetual  sovereignty  of  Rome, 
Italy,  and  the  provinces  of  the  West^  This  fiction  was  pro- 
ductive of  the  most  beneficial  effects.  The  Greek  princes  were 
convicted  of  the  ffuilt  of  usurpation ;  and  the  revolt  of  Gregory 
wtw  the  claim  ofhis  lawful  inheritance.  The  popes  were  de- 
livered from  their  debt  of  gratitude ;  and  the  nominal  gifts  of 
the  Carlovingians  were  no  more  than  the  just  and  irrevocable 
restitution  of  a  scanty  portion  of  the  ecclesiastical  state.  The 
sovereignty  of  Rome  no  longer  depended  on  the  choice  of  a 
fickle  people ;  and  the  successors  of  St.  Peter  and  Constantine 
were  invested  with  the  purple  and  prerogatives  of  the  Casan. 
So  deep  was  the  ignorance  and  credulity  of  the  times  that  the 
most  absurd  of  fiibles  was  received,  with  equal  reverence,  in 
Greece  and  in  France,  and  is  still  enrolled  among  the  decrees 
of  the  canon  law.^^  The  emperors  and  the  Romans  were  in- 
capable of  discerning  a  forgery  that  subverted  their  rights  and 
freedom ;  and  the  only  opposition  proceeded  from  a  Sabine 
monastery,  which,  in  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century,  dis- 


*"  Piissimo  ConstantiDO  magno  per  ^jug  kurgitfttero  S.  R.  Ecclesia  elevata  et 
exaluta  est,  et  potestateoi  in  his  Hc^wtmb  partibui  Urgiri  dignatiis  est.  .  .  .  Qqu 
eoce  Dovus  CoDStantiniis  his  temponbus,  Ac  (Codex  Caroliii.  episL  49,  in  torn, 
iii.  pars  ii.  p.  195)^  Pagi  (Critica,  A. XX  304,  Na  z6)  ascribes  them  to  an  impostor 
of  the  viiith  century,  who  Dorrowed  the  name  of  St  Isidore :  his  humble  utle  of 
Peccator  was  ignorantly,  but  aptly,  turned  into  Mtrtaior;  his  merchandise  was 
indeed  profitable,  and  a  few  sheets  of  paper  were  sold  for  much  wealth  aixl  power. 

*  Fabridus  (Bibliot  Graec.  tomu  vl  pi  4-7)  has  enumerated  the  several  editions 
of  this  Act»  in  Greek  and  LatiiL  The  copy  which  Lanrentius  Valla  recites  and  re- 
futes appears  to  be  taken  either  from  the  spurious  Acts  of  St  Silvester  or  from 
Gratian's  Decree,  to  which,  according  to  him  and  others,  it  has  been  sorreptitioalf 
tacked. 

^  In  the  year  1059,  it  was  believed  (was  it  believed  ?)  by  pope  Leo  IX.,  cardinal 
Peter  Damianus,  &c.  Muratori  places  (Aimali  d'ltalia,  tom.  iz.  p.  03,  a^)  the 
fictitious  donatkms  of  Lewis  the  Pious,  the  Othos,  Ac.  de  Donationc  CoostaminL 
See  a  Dissertation  of  Natalia  Alexander,  srcnhmi  iv.  diOk  as,  p,  SSS'Siy^ 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIEE  275 

puted  the  truth  and  validity  of  the  dcination  of  ConBtantineJ^ 
In  the  revival  of  letters  and  liberty  this  (ictitioiis  deed  was 
transpierced  by  the  pen  of  Lauredtius  Valla^  the  pen  of  an 
eloquent  critic  and  a  Roman  patriotJ-  His  contemporaries  of 
the  fifteenth  century  were  astonished  at  his  sacrilegious  bold- 
ness ;  yet  such  is  the  silent  and'  rrresistible  progress  of  reason 
that  before  the  end  of  the  next  age  the  fiible  was  rejected  by 
the  contempt  of  historians  ^'  and  poets,^^  and  the  tacit  or  modest 
censure  of  the  advocates  of  the  Roman  chmrchJ^  The  popes 
themselves  have  indulged  a  smile  at  the  credulity  of  the  vul- 
gar ;  ^^  but  a  fiike  and  obsolete  title  still  sanctifies  their  reign  ; 
and,  by  the  same  fortune  which  has  attended  the  decretals  and 
the  Sibylline  oracles,  the  edifice  has  subnsted  after  the  founda- 
tions have  been  undermined. 

While   the   popes   established   in   Italy  their   fk^edom  and 

^  See  a  large  account  of  the  controversy  (a.D.  1105).  which  arose  from  a  private  ttetapi 
lawsuit,  in  the  Chronicon  Farfense  [by  Gregoriu^  Catinensis]  (Script.  RemmS'fc/ 
Italicarum,  torn.  ii.  pars  iL  p.  637,  &c. ),  a  copious  extract  from  the  archi^pcs  of 
that  Benedictine  abbey.  They  were  formerly  accessible  to  curious  foreigners  (Le 
Blanc  and  Mabillon),  and  would  have  enriched  the  first  volume  of  the  Historia 
Monastica  Italia  of  Quirini.  But  they  are  now  imprisoned  (Muratori,  Scriptored 
R.  L  torn.  iL  para  ii.  Dw  969)  by  the  timid  policy  of  the  court  of  Rome ;  and  the 
future  cardinal  yieldea  to  the  voice  of  autnority  and  the  whispers  of  ambition 
(Quirini,  Comment,  pars  ii.  p.  123-136).  [The  Registrum  of  Farfa  is  being 
published  (not  ytt  complete)  oy  J.  Georgi  and  U.  Balzani.  The  Orth.  defens. 
imperialis  de  investitura  (A.D.  iiiu)  is  ed.  b^  Heinemann  in  M.G.H.,  LibelU  de  lite; 
ii.  S3S  s^if.  (189J).] 

^  I  have  resul  in  the  collection  of  Schardius  (de  Potestate  Imperial!  Ecclesiastic^, 
P*  734*7^)  t^  animated  discourse,  which  vras  composed  by  the  author  A.D.  1440, 
six  years  ailer  the  flight  of  pope  Eugenius  IV.  It  is  a  most  vehement  party  pam- 
phlet :  Valla  justifies  and  ammates  the  revolt  of  the  Romans,  and  would  even 
approve  the  use  of  a  dagger  against  their  sacerdotal  tyrant.  Such  a  critic  might 
expect  the  persecution  of  the  derg^ ;  yet  he  made  his  peace,  and  is  buried  \n  the 
Lateran  (Eknyle,  Dictionnaire  Critique.  Valla  ;  Vo^sius.  de  Historicis  Latinia^ 
p.  c8o). 

"^  See  Guicciardhii,  a  servant  of  the  popes,  in  that  long  and  valuable  digression, 
which  has  resumed  its  place  in  the  iajit  editioa,  eoa^ecUy  published  from  the 
author's  Ms.  and  printed  in  four  volumes  in  quarto,  under  the  name  of  Friburgo, 
1775  (Istoria  d*  Italia,  tom.  L  p.  38^-395). 

^  The  Paladin  Astolpho  found  it  in  the  moon,  among  the  things  that  were  lost 
upon  earth  (Orlando  Furioso,  xxxiv.  80). 

Di  vari  fiori  ad  un  gran  monte  passa, 
Ch'ebbe  gid  buono  odore,  or  puxxa  forte 
Questo  era  il  dono  (se  per6  dir  leoe) 
Che  Constantino  al  buon  Silvestro  feoe. 
Vet  this  incomparable  poem  has  been  approved  by  a  bull  of  Leo  X. 

^  See  Baronius,  A.D.  J24,  Na  ii7*Z33,  A.D.  2x91,  Na  51,  &a  The  cardinal 
wishes  to  suppose  that  Rome  was  offered  Constantine,  and  refused  by  Silvester. 
The  act  of  donation  he  considers,  strangely  enough,  as  a  forgery  of  the  Greeks. 

^  Baronius  n*en  dit  guires  contre ;  encore  en  a-t-il  trop  dit,  et  Ton  vouloit  ians 
moi  {fiardinal  du  Pemm),  qui  I'empdGhal,  oensurer  oette  partie  de  son  hiAoira. 
J'en  devisai  un  jour  avec  le  Papc,  et  il  ne  me  repondit  autre  chose  "  che  vcdetB?  i 
Canonici  la  tengono,"  il  le  diaoit  ett  riant  (Porooiana,  p.  77).  * 


276  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

dominion,  the  iniAgesy  the  fint  cause  of  their  revolt,  were 
restored  in  the  Eastern  empire.^  Under  the  reign  of  Cea- 
stantine  the  Fifth,  the  unioo  of  dviland  ecclesiastical  power  had 
overthrown  the  tree,  without  extirpating  the  root,  of  super- 
stition. The  idols,  for  such  tbej  were  now  held,  were  secretly 
cherished  by  the  order  and  the  sex  most  prone  to  devotion; 
and  the  fond  alliance  of  the  monks  and  females  obtained  a  final 
victory  over  the  reason  and  authority  of  man.  Leo  the  Fourth 
maintained  with  less  rigour  the  religion  of  his  fi&ther  and  gmnd- 
fiither ;  but  his  wife,  the  &ir  and  ambitious  Irene,  had  imbibed 
the  seal  of  the  Athenians,  the  heirs  of  the  idolatry,  rather  than 
the  philosophy,  of  their  ancestors.  During  the  life  of  her 
husband,  these  sentiments  were  inflamed  by  danger  and  dis- 
simulation, and  she  could  only  labour  to  protect  abd  ptomote 
some  &vourite  monks,  whom  she  drew  from  their  caverns  and 
seated  on  the  metropolitan  thrones  of  the  East.  But,  as  soon 
as  she  reigned  in  her  own  name  and  that  of  her  son,  Irene  more 
seriously  undertook  the  ruin  of  the  Iconoclasts ;  and  the  first 
step  of  her  future  persecution  was  a  general  edict  for  liberty  of 
conscience.  In  the  restoration  of  the  monks,  a  thousand  images 
were  exposed  to  the  public  veneration ;  a  thousand  legends  were 
invented  of  their  sufferings  and  miracles.  By  the  opportunities 
of  death  or  removal  the  e|riscopal  seats  were  judiciously  filled ; 
the  most  eager  competitors  for  earthly  or  celestial  fiivour  anti- 
cipated and  flattered  the  judgment  of  their  sovereign ;  and  the 
promotion  of  her  secretary  Tarasius  gave  Irene  the  patriarch  of 
Constantinople  and  the  command  of  the  Oriental  church.  But 
the  decrees  of  a  general  council  could  only  be  repealed  by  a 
similar  assembly ;  ^  the  Iconoclasts  whom  she  convened  were 
bold  in  possession  and  averse  to  debate ;  and  the  feeble  voice 
of  the  bishops  was  re-echoed  l^  the  more  formidable  clamour 
naMMcmi  of  the  soldiers  and  people  of  Constantinople.     The  delay  and 

BlML  A.D 

kSlt  ^Hie  remaining  histocy  of  imam,  from  Irene  to  Theodora,  it  coOacted,  for 

the  Catholics,  b^  Barooius  and  Pagi  (A.a  760440),  Natalis  Alexander  (Hiit 
N.  T.  seculum  viiL  Panoplia  adYenu  Haefetiooai,  p.  1x8-276),  and  I>u[Nn  (BiblioL 


(Institut.  Hist  Eccles.  secuL  viiL  et  ix,\.  The  Protestants,  except 
Mosheim,  are  soured  with  controvenqr ;  but  the  CathoUci,  except  Dmite.  are  ifr 
flamed  by  the  fuiy  and  superstition  oC  the  monks;  and  even  le  Bbul  InkL  du  Bat 
Empire),  a  gentlonan  and  a  acholar,  is  infected  by  the  odious  Ti>ntagiffn, 

^See  the  Acts,  in  Greek  and  Latin,  of  the  aeoood  CouneO  of  Nice,  with  a 
number  of  rehitive  pieces,  in  the  viiithirolmne •of  the  CduncUs,  p.  645-16001  Afidtb- 
fid  mrion,  with  tome  critical  naftm,  woidd  provoke,  ia  diSerent  readen,  a  4gh  or 


OF  THE  BOMAOI^  EMPIRE  277 

mtrlguM  of  a  jrear,  the  sepamtion  of  the  disaffected  troops,  and 
the  choice  of  Nice  for  a  second  orthodox  sjnod  removea  these 
obstacles ;  and  the  episcopal  conscience  was  asain,  after  the 
Greek  &shion,  in  the  hands  of  the  prince.  No  more  than 
eighteen  days  were  allowed  for  the  consummation  of  this  im- 
portant work ;  the  Iconoclasts  appeared,  not  as  judges,  but  as 
criminals  or  penitents ;  the  scene  was  decorated  by  the  legates 
of  pope  Hadrian  and  the  Eastern  patriarchs ;  ^  the  decrees  were 
ftmmed  by  the  president  Tarasius,  and  ratified  by  the  acclama- 
tions and  sabscriptions  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  bishops. 
They  unanimously  pronounced  that  the  worship  of  images  is 
agreeable  to  scripture  and  reason,  to  the  Others  and  councils  of 
the  church :  but  they  hesitate  whether  that  worship  be  relative 
air  diieet;  whether  the  Godhead  and  the  figure  of  Christ  be 
entitled  to  the  same  mode  of  adoration.  Of  this  second  Nicene 
council,  the  acts  are  still  extant':  a  curious  monument  of  super- 
stition and  ignorance,  of  falsehood  and  folly.  I  shall  only 
notice  the  juc^gment  of  the  bishops  on  the  comparative  merit 
of  image-worship  and  morality.  A  monk  had  concluded  a  truce 
with  the  d»mon  of  fornication,  on  condition  of  interrupting  his 
daily  prayers  to  a  picture  that  hung  in  his  cell.  His  scruples 
prompted  him  to  consult  the  abbot  '*  Rather  than  abstain 
from  adoring  Christ  and  his  Mother  in  their  holy  images,  it 
would  be  better  for  you,"  replied  the  casu»t,  *'  to  enter  every 
brothel,  and  visit  every  prostitute,  in  the  city."  ^ 

For  the  honour  of  orthodoxy,  at  least  the  orthodoxy  of  thensAic*- 
Roman  church,  it  is  somewhat  unfortunate  that  the  tiiro  princes  ^rSSSti 
who  convened  the  two  councils  of  Nice  are  both  stained  with  n^JUS 
the  blood  of  their  sons.    The  second  of  these  assemblies  was^^^ 
approved  and  rigorously  executed  by  the  despotism  of  Irene, 
and  she  refused  her  adversaries  the  toleration  which  at  first  she 
had  gmnted  to  her  friends.     During  the  five  succeeding  reigns, 
a  period  of  thirty-eight  years,  the  contest  was  maintained,  with 
unabated  mge  and  various  success,  between  the  worshippers, 

^Tbe  pope's  kgatef  were  casual  messengers,  two  priests  without  any  special 
oommission,  and  who  were  disavowed  on  weir  reiarn.  Some  vagabond  monks 
were  persuaded  by  the  Catholics  to  represent  the  Oriental  patriarchs.  This 
curious  anecdote  is  revealed  by  Theodore  Stndites  (episL  I  38,  m  Sinnond.  Opp. 
torn.  V.  p.  1319),  one  of  the  warmest  Iconoclasts  of  tne  age. 

^ifrpof  *^  cuc^K.  These  visite  could  not  be  hmocent,  since  the  Aoi^y  wpv^Ut  (the 
dasnumof  fomioatlon)  ^wmki^M  M  aftrW  .  .  .  4r  |Uf  clr  «f  Mm^f  «^  »f<<^«,  Ac 
Actio  iv.  p.  901,  Actio  v.  p.  xo^i,  —  • " 


■  ••    —■«•«- 


278         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  the  breakers,  of  the  images;  but  I  am  not  Inclined  to 
pursue  with  minute  diligence  the  repetition  of  the  same  erenta. 
Nicephorus  allowed  a  general  liberty  of  speech  and  praetioe ; 
and  the  only  virtue  of  his  reign  is  accused  by  the  monla  aa  the 
cause  of  his  temporal  and  eternal  perdition.  Superstition  and 
weakness  formed  the  character  of  Michael  the  Firsts  but  the 
saints  and  images  were  incapable  of  supporting  their  votary  on 
the  throne.  In  the  purple,  Leo  the  Fifth  asserted  the  name  and 
religion  of  an  Armenian ;  and  the  idols,  with  their  aeditioiia 
adherents,  were  condemned  to  a  second  exile.  Their  applauae 
would  have  sanctified  the  murder  of  an  impious  tyrant,  but  his 
assassin  and  successor,  the  second  Michael,  was  tainted  from 
his  birth  with  the  Phrygian  heresies  :  he  attempted  to  mediate 
between  the  contending  parties ;  and  the  intractable  spirit  of 
the  Catholics  insensibly  cast  him  into  the  opposite  scale.^  His 
moderation  was  guarded  by  timidity ;  but  his  son  Theophilua, 
alike  ignorant  of  fear  and  pity,  was  the  last  and  most  cruel  of 
the  Iconoclasts^  The  enthusiasm  of  the  times  ran  strongly 
against  them ;  and  the  emperors,  who  stemmed  the  torrent, 
were  exasperated  and  punished  by  the  public  hatred.  Aifcer 
the  death  of  Theophilus,  the  final  victory  of  the  images  was 
achieved  by  a  second  female,  his  widow  Theodora,  whom  he 
left  the  guardian  of  the  empire.  Her  measures  were  bold  and 
decisive.  The  fiction  of  a  tardy  repentance  absolved  the  &me 
and  the  soul  of  her  deceased  huslMnd ;  ^  the  sentence  of  the 
Iconoclast  patriarch  was  commuted  from  the  loss  of  his  eyes 
to  a  whipping  of  two  hundred  lashes ;  the  bishops  trembled, 
».Mq  the  monks  shouted,  and  the  festival  of  orthodoxy  preserves 
the  annual  memory  of  the  triumph  of  the  images.^  A  single 
question  yet  remained,  whether  they  are  endowed  with  any 
proper  and  inherent  sanctity;  it  was  agitated  by  the  Greeka 
of  the  eleventh  century ;  ^  and,  as  this  opinion  has  the  strongest 

>i  [Michael  was  really  indifferent  in  rdigioiB  matters ;  his  policy  was  lotefatta.] 

"^  [His  edict  against  Imag|e-worship  was  pablished  in  A.D.  S3S.  The  chief 
martyrs  ^-ere  Lazanis  the  painter,  who  was  scourged  and  imprisoned,  and  the 
brothers  Theodore  and  I'heophanes,  who  were  tortured.  Veraes  were  branded  on 
the  head  of  Theodore,  here  known  as  Gratiot,  None  of  the  martyn  soflbied 
death.] 

^  [See  the  De  Theoohili  hnpenuoris  absohitione,  in  Regd's  AnaL  Bys.-RuH. 
p.  19  Sifq.  (cp.  p.  X.  sqq!).'] 

(^  [The  Sunday  of  Orthodoxy,  There  It  a  full  stndy  on  the  oooncil  of  84a  by 
l*h.  Uspenski  in  his  Ocherki  po  ist  Vi&  obrasannosti,  p.  3-88.] 

*  See  an  account  of  this  controversy  in  the  Alexias  of  Anna  Cownsna  (L  v.  p^ 
199  \c.  9])  and  Mosbdm  (Institut  Hist  Ecdea  p.  371,  37s). 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  279 

recommendation  of  absurdi^,  I  am  surprised  that  it  was  not 
more  explicitly  decided  in  the  affirmative.  In  the  West,  pope 
Hadrian  the  First,  accepted  and  announced  the  decrees  ojt  the 
Nicene  assembly^  which  is  now  revered  by  the  Catholics  as  the 
seventh  in  rank  of  the  general  councils.  Rome  and  Italy  were 
docile  to  the  voice  of  their  father ;  but  the  greatest  part  of  the 
Latin  Christians  were  &r  behind  in  the  race  of  superstition. 
The  churches  of  France,  Germany,  England,  and  Spain,  steered  i^iMteM 
a  middle  course  between  the  adoration  and  the  destruction  of  S^JS^ 
images,  which  they  admitted  into  their  temples,  not  as  objects  SSfSil  ^ 
of  worship,  but  as  lively  and  useful  memorials  of  fiuth  and 
history.  An  angry  book  of  controversy  was  composed  and 
published  in  the  name  of  Charlemagne ;  ^  under  his  authority 
a  synod  of  three  hundred  bishops  was  assembled  at  Frankfort  ;^ 
they  blamed  the  fury  of  the  Iconoclasts,  but  they  pronounced 
a  more  severe  censure  against  the  superstition  of  the  Greeks 
and  the  decrees  of  their  pretended  council,  which  was  long 
despised  by  the  barbarians  of  the  West.^  Among  them  the 
worship  of  images  advanced  with  a  silent  and  insensible  pro- 
gress ;  but  a  large  atonement  is  made  for  their  hesitation  and 
delay  by  the  gross  idolatry  of  the  ages  which  precede  the  re- 
formation, and  of  the  countries,  both  in  Europe  and  America, 
which  are  still  immersed  in  the  gloom  of  superstition* 

It  was  after  the  Nicene  synod,  and  under  the  reign  of  theiiMiM 
pious  Irene,  that  the  popes  consummated  the  separation  of  Rome  ffpAw 
and  Italy,  by  the  translation  of  the  empire  to  the  less  orthodox  <  ^^^^ 
Charlemagne.  They  were  compelled  to  choose  between  the.^ 
rival  nations  ;  religion  was  not  the  sole  motive  of  their  choice ; 
and,  while  they  dissembled  the  fisulings  of  their  friends,  they 
beheld,  with  reluctance  and  suspicion,  the  Catholic  virtues  of 

^  The  Libtri  Carolini  (Spanheim,  p.  443-539)*  oomposed  in  the  palace  or  winter 
quarttTS  of  Charlemagne,  at  Worms,  A.D.  790;  and  sent  by  Engebert  to  pope 
Hadrian  1.  who  answered  them  by  a  grandis  et  verbosa  epistola  (Condi,  torn.  viu. 
P-  1 553)-  '^^  Carolines  propose  lao  objections  against  the  Nioeoe  mod,  and 
such  words  as  these  are  the  flowers  of  their  rhetoric--dementiam  priscse  GentiUtatis 
obsoletum  errorem  .  •  .  argumenta  insanissima  et  absurdissima  .  .  .  derisione 
dignas  naenias,  &c.  &c. 

^  The  assemblies  of  Charlemagne  were  political,  as  well  as  ecclesiastical ;  and 
the  three  hundred  members  (NaL  Alexander,  sec.  viil  |>.  53),  who  sat  and  voted 
at  Frankfort,  must  include  not  only  the  bishops,  but  the  abbots,  and  even  the 
principal  laymen. 

^  Qui  supra  sanctissima  patres  nostri  (episcopi  et  saoerdotes)  emnimedis  lervi- 
lium  et  adorationem  imaginum  renuentes  conteropserunt,  atque  oonsentientes  000- 
demnaverunt  (Concil.  torn.  ix.  p.  lox ;  Canon  ii.  Franddiird).    A  polemic  muM 
\jt  hord^iearted  indeed,  who  does  not  pity  the  efibrts  of  Bsronios,  Pagi.  Aleander,  - 
*4aimbotirg,  &c  to  elude  this  unlucky  sentence, 


280  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

their  foes.  The  diflTerence  of  langiwge  and  maimeri  had  per- 
petuated the  enmity  of  the  two  capitals;  and  they  were 
idienated  from  each  other  by  the  hostile  opposition  of  seventy 
years.  In  that  schism  the  Romans  had  tasted  of  freedom^  and 
the  popes  of  sovereignty:  their  snhmission  would  have  ex- 
posed them  to  the  revenge  of  a  jealous  tyrant ;  and  the  revolu- 
tion of  Italy  had  betrayed  the  impotence,  as  well  as  the 
tyranny,  of  the  Bysantine  court  The  Greek  emperors  had 
restored  the  images,  but  they  had  not  restored  the  Calabrian 
estates  ^  and  the  Illyrian  diocese,^  which  the  Iconoclasts  had 
torn  away  from  the  successors  of  St.  Peter ;  and  pope  Hadrian 
threatens  them  with  a  sentence  of  excommunication  unless 
they  speedily  abjure  this  practical  heresy.*^  The  Greeks  were 
now  orthodox,  but  their  religion  might  be  tainted  by  the 
breath  of  the  reigning  monarch ;  the  Franks  were  now  con- 
tumacious, but  a  discerning  eye  might  discern  their  approach- 
ing conversion  from  the  use,  to  the  adoration,  of  images.  The 
name  of  Charlemagne  was  stained  by  the  polemic  acrimony  of 
his  scribes;  but  the  conqueror  himself  conformed,  with  the 
temper  of  a  statesman,  to  the  various  practice  of  France  and 
Italy.  In  his  four  pilgrimages  or  visits  to  the  Vatican,  he 
emtoiced  the  popes  in  the  communion  of  friendship  and  piety ; 
knelt  before  the  tomb,  and  oonsequentlv  before  the  image, 
of  the  apostle  ;  and  joined,  without  scruple,  in  all  the  prayers 
and  processions  of  the  Roman  liturgy.  Would  prudence  or 
gratitude  allow  the  pontifis  to  renounce  their  benefiictor.^ 
Had  they  a  right  to  atienate  his  gift  of  the  Exarchate  ?     Had 

^Theophanes  (p.  343  [sud  A.lf.  60141)  specifies  thoee  of  Sicily  and  Calabria. 
which  yielded  an  annual  rent  of  three  talents. and  a  half  of  gold  (perhaps  700QL 
sterling).  Liutprand  more  pompously  enumerates  the  patrimonies  of  the  Roman 
church  in  Greece,  Judaea,  Persia,  Mesopotamia,  Babylonia,  Egypt,  and  Libya, 
which  were  detained  by  the  injustice  of  the  Greek  emperor  {l^^B^  ad.  Nioeph- 
orom,  in  Script  Remm  lulicarum,  torn.  iL  pars  l  p.  481  [c.  17]). 

*^The  great  diocese  of  the  Eastern  lUyricum,  with  ApoUa,  Calabria,  and  Skiiy 
(Thomassm,  Discipline  de  TEglise,  torn.  I  p.  145).  Bj  the  coafe»iQQ  of  the 
Greeks,  the  patriarch  of  Constantinopte  had  detadied  xrom  Rome  the  melzx>* 
politans  of  Thessaloidca,  Athens,  Cormth,  Nicopolis,  and  Patras  (Loc  Holsten. 
Geograph.  Sacra,  p.  33) ;  and  his  spiritual  conquests  extended  to  Naplei  and 
Amalphi  (Giannone  Istoria  Civile  di  NapoU,  tom.  I  p.  517-584.  Pagi,  JLa 
730,  Na  iz).     [See  Manai,  Cona  13,  80S;  15, 167.] 

*^  In  hoc  ostenditur,  quia  ex  ww  capitulo  ab  errore  levcnds,  in  aliis  dntibm,  in 
eodtm  (was  it  the  same?)  permaneant  errore  .  .  .  de  diocesi  S.  R.  E.  sea  de 
patrimoniis  iterum  increpantes  oomraooemus,  at  si  ea  restitoere  noluerit  hereticom 
earn  pro  binosmodi  errore  perseveramiA  deoememas  (Epist  Hadrian,  ^pae  ad 


Carbtam  Magnnm,  in  CondL  torn.  viiL  p.  1598) ;  to  which  he  adds  a  raaaoa, 
loost  directly  opposite  to  his  ooodoet,  that  ne  prefared 
ndecffoith  to  tne  goods  of  this  tnunitcMyivtond, 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  281 

they  power  to  abolish  his  government  of  Roine  ?  The  title  of 
patrician  was  below  the  merit  and  greatness  of  Charlemagne ; 
and  it  was  onl j  by  reviving  the  Western  empire  that  they  could 
pay  their  obligations  or  secure  their  establishment.  By  this 
decisive  measure  they  would  finally  eradicate  the  clahns  of 
the  Greeks ;  from  the  debasement  of  a  provincial  town,  the 
majesty  of  Rome  would  be  restored ;  the  Latin  Christians 
would  be  united  under  a  supreme  head,  in 'their  ancient  metro-* 
polls;  and  the  conquerors  of  the  West  would  receive  their 
crown  from  the  successors  of  St.  Peter.  The  Roman  churdi 
would  acquire  a  sealous  and  respectable  advocate  ;  and,  undei' 
the  shadow  of  the  Cariovingian  power,  the  bishop  might  exer- 
cise, with  honour  and  safety,  the  government  of  the  city.^ 
Before  the  ruin  of  paganism  in  Rome^  the  competition  for  a 

wealthy  bishopric  had  often  beeik  productive  of  tumult  and : 

bloodshed.     The  people  was  less  numerous,  but  the  times  wereSSTuT^ 
more  savage,  the  prize  more  important,  and  the  chaii^  of  St.AjxMk 
Peter  was  fiercely  disputed  by  the  leading  ecclesiastics  who 
aspired  to  the  rank  of  sovereign.     The  reign  of  Hadrian  the 
First  ^  suipasses  the  measure  of  past  or  succeeding  ages ;  ^  the 
walls  of  Rome,  the  sacred  patrimony,  the  ruin  of  the  Lombards 
and  the  friendship  of  Charlemagne,  were  the  trophies  of  his 
&me ;  he  secretly  edified  the  throne  of  his  successors,  and  dis- 
played in  a  narrow  space  the  virtues  of  a  great  prince.     His 
memoty  was  revered ;  but  in  the  next  election,  a  priest  of  the  [^jk  nq 
Lateran  (Leo  the  Third)  was  preferred  to  the  nephew  and  the 
fiivourite  of  Hadrian,  whom  he  had  promoted  to  the  first  dignities 
of  the  church.     Their  acquiescence  or  repentance  disguised, 
above  four  years,  the  blackest  intention  of  revenge,  till  the  day 

ts  Fontanini  contidere  the  emperors  as  no  more  than  the  advocates  of  the 
church  (advocatus  et  defensor  S.  R.  £.  See  Ducaoge,  Gloss.  Lat  torn.  I  p. 
97).  His  antagonist,  Muratori,  reduces  the  popes  to  be  no  more  than  the  eiarchf 
of  the  emperor.  In  the  more  equitable  view  of  Mosheim  (Institut  HisL  Eocles. 
p.  364,  265)  thej  held  Rome  under  the  empire  as  the  most  honourable  species  of 
fief  or  benefice — premuntur  nocte  caliginosd,  i 

s*  His  merits  and  hopes  are  summed  up  in  an  epitaph  of  thirty-eight  verses,  of 
which  Charlemagne  declares  himself  the  author  (ConciL  torn.  viii.  p.  590). 
Post  patrem  lacrymans  Carolus  haec  carmina  scripsi. 

Tu  mihi  dulcis  amor,  te  modo  plango  pater 

Nomina  jungo  simul  titulis,  clarissime,  nostra 
Adrianus,  Carolus,  rex  ego,  tuque  pater. 
The  poetry  might  be  supplied  by  Alcuin ;  but  the  tears,  the  most  glorious  tribute, 
can  only  belong  to  Charlemagne. 

**  Every  new  pope  is  admonished— "  Sancte  Pater,  non  videbis  annos  Petri," 
twenty-five  years.  On  the  whole  series  th^  average  is  about  eight  years— a  short 
hope  for  an  ambitious  cardinal 


•4W^'««IHPiMi«>w^ 


I- 


282         THE  DECLINE  AITD  FALL 

of  a  procession,  when  a  furious  band  of  conspirators  dispersed 
the  unarmed  multitude  and  assaulted  with  blows  and  wounds 
the  sacred  person  of  the  pope.  But  their  enterprise  on  his  life 
or  liberty  was  disappointed,  perhaps  by  their  own  confusion 
and  remorse.  Leo  was  left  for  dead  on  the  ground;  on  his 
revival  from  the  swoon,  the  effect  of  his  loss  of  blood,  he 
recovered  his  speech  and  sight;  and  this  natural  event  was 
improved  to  the  miraculous  restoration  of  his  eyes  and  tongue, 
of  which  he  had  been  deprived,  twice  deprived,  by  the  knife 
of  the  assassins.^  From  his  prison,  he  escaped  to  the  Vatican  ; 
the  duke  of  Spoleto  hastened  to  his  rescue,  Charlemagne 
sympathized  in  his  injury,  and  in  his  camp  of  Paderbom  in 
Westphalia  accepted  or  solicited  a  visit  from  the  Roman  pontiff. 
Leo  repassed  the  Alps  with  a  conmiission  of  counts  and  Ushops, 
the  guards  of  his  safety  and  the  judges  of  his  innocence ;  and  it 
was  not  without  reluctance  that  the  conqueror  of  the  Saxons 
delayed  till  the  ensuing  year  the  personal  discharge  of  this  pious 
office.  In  his  fourth  and  last  pilgrimage,  he  was  received  at 
Rome  with  the  due  honours  of  Idng  and  patrician ;  Leo  was 
permitted  to  purge  himself  by  oath  of  the  crimes  imputed  to 
his  charge;  his  enemies  were  silenced,  and  the  saollegious 
attempt  against  his  life  was  punished  by  the  mild  and  insuffi- 
cient penalty  of  exile.  On  the  festival  of  Christmas,  the  last 
year  of  the  eighth  century,  Charlemagne  appeared  in  the  church 
of  St.  Peter ;  and,  to  gratify  the  vanity  of  Rome,  he  had  ex- 
changed the  simple  dress  of  his  country  for  the  habit  of  a 
patrician.*^  After  the  celebration  of  the  holy  mjrsteries,  Leo 
suddenly  placed  a  precious  crown  on  his  head,^  and  the  dome 

^  The  assurance  of  Anastasius  (torn.  iiL  pars  i.  p.  197,  198)  is  supported  by 
the  credulity  of  some  French  annalists ;  but  Eginhard  and  other  writers  of  the 
same  age  are  more  natural  and  sincere.  "  Unus  ei  ocuhis  paulhilum  est  laesus,*' 
says  John  the  deacon  of  Naples  (ViL  Episcop.  Napol.  in  Soriptoros  Muratori, 
tom.  u  pars  ii.  p.  313).  Theodolphus,  a  contemporary  bishop  of  Orleuis,  obserYBS 
with  prudence  (1.  lii.  carm.  3) : — 

Reddita  sunt?  mirum  est ;  mirum  est  auferre  nequlsse, 

Est  tamen  in  dubio,  hinc  mirer  an  inde  magis. 

*"Twice,  at  the  request  of  Hadrian  and  Leo»  he  appeared  at  Rome-^loD^ 
tunicd  et  chlamyde  araictus,  et  calceamentis  quoque  Romano  more  formatis. 
Kginhard  (c.  xxiii.  p.  Z09-113)  describes,  like  Suetonius,  the  simplicity  of  his  dnss, 
so  popular  in  the  nation  that,  when  Charles  the  Bald  returned  to  France  in  a 
foreign  habit,  the  patriotic  dogs  barked  at  the  apostate  (Gaillard,  Vie  de  Charle- 
magne, tom.  iv.  p.  109). 

^See  Anastasius  (p.  199)  and  Eginhard  (c.  xxviil  p.  XS4-X38).  The  unction  is 
mentioned  by  Theophanes  (p.  m  [a.!!.  6989]),  the  oath  by  Sigonius  (from  the 
Ondo  Romanus),  and  the  popes  adoration  more  antiquorum  principum  br  the 
Annates  Dertiniani  (Script  Murator,  torn.  I  pan  iL  p.  505)  [cpi  Chroo.  Moiiwc. 
ad.  ann.  801]. 


OF  THE  BOHAN  EMPIBE  288 

resounded  with  the  accUmatians  of  the  people,  **  Long  life  and 
victory  to  Charles^  the  most  pious  Augustus,  crowned  by  God, 
the  great  and  pacific  emperor  of  the  Romans ! "  The  head  and 
body  of  Charlemagne  were  consecrated  by  the  royal  unction ; 
after  the  example  of  the  Caesars  he  was  saluted  or  adored  by  the 
pontiff;  his  coronation  oath  represents  a  promise  to  maintain 
the  £uth  and  privileges  of  the  church ;  and  the  first-fruits  were 
paid  in  his  rich  offerings  to  the  shrine  of  the  apostle.  In  his 
familiar  conversation,  the  emperor  protested  his  ignorance  of 
the  intentions  of  Leo,  which  he  would  have  disappointed  by 
his  absence  on  that  memorable  day.  But  the  preparations  of 
the  ceremony  must  have  disclosed  the  secret ;  and  the  journey 
of  Charlemagne  reveals  his  knowledge  and  expectation :  he  had 
acknowledged  that  the  imperial  title  was  the  object  of  his 
ambition,  and  a  Roman  senate  had  pronounced  that  it  was  the 
only  adequate  reward  of  his  merit  and  services.®^ 

The  appellation  of  great  has  been  often  bestowed  and  some-adgBMi 
times  deserved,  but  Charlemagne  is  the  only  prince  in  whose  ouutaM 
£Bivour  the  title  has  been  indissolubly  blended  with  the  name.^ 
That  name,  with  the  addition  of  saitU^  is  inserted  in  the  Roman 
calendar ;  and  the  saint,  by  a  rare  felicity,  is  crowned  with  the 
praises  of  the  historians  and  philosophers  of  an  enlightened 
age.^^  His  real  merit  is  doubtless  enhanced  by  the  barbarism 
of  the  nation  and  the  times  from  which  he  emerged ;  but  the 

*BThts  great  event  of  the  translation  or  restoration  of  the  empire  is  related  and 
discussed  by  Natalis  Alexander  (secuL  ix.  dasert  L  p.  390-^),  Pagi  (torn,  iii  p. 
418)^  Muratori  (Annaii  d'ltalia,  torn.  vi.  p.  339-352),  Sigonius  (de  Kenio  Italiae, 
L  iv.  Opp.  torn.  iL  p.  a^y-asi),  Spanheim  (de  nct&  Translatione  Imperii),  Giannone 
(torn.  L  p.  395-405),  St  Marc  (Abr^  Cbronologique,  tom.  L  p.  436-450).  Gaillard 
(HisL  de  duirlemagne,  torn.  ii.  p.  ^6>446).  Almost  all  these  modems  have  some 
religious  or  national  bias.  [The  Pope's  act  was  a  surprise  to  Charles,  who  would 
have  wished  to  become  Emperor  in  some  other  way — how  we  know  not.  There  is 
an  interesting  discussion  of  the  question  in  Bryoe's  Holy  Roman  Empire,  c.  5.] 

*  [The  question  has  been  raised  whether  Charlemagne  is  nothing  more  than  a 
popular  equivalent  of  Carolus  Magnus.  The  fact  that  magnus  was  a  purely 
literary  word  (even  in  the  days  of  Cicero  there  can  be  little  dotiot  iYkBXgmndis  was 
the  ordinary  colloquial  word)  seemed  an  objection ;  and  it  was  held  by  Mr.  Freeman 
that  Charlemagne  arose  originally  from  a  confusion  with  Carloman,  and  was  then 
established  in  use  by  a  false  connexion  with  Carolus  Magnus.] 

}0<>By  Mably  (Observations  sur  I'Histoire  de  France),  Voltaire  (Histoire 
G^n^raie),  Robertson  (History  of  Charles  V.),  and  Montesquieu  (Esprit  des  Loix, 
1.  xxxu  c.  18).  In  the  year  1783.  M.  Gaillard  puUished  his  Histoire  de  Char- 
lemagne (in  4  vols,  in  lamo),  which  I  have  freely  and  profitably  used.  The 
author  is  a  man  of  sense  and  humanity ;  and  his  work  is  laboured  with  in- 
dustry and  elqnuice.  But  I  have  likewise  examined  the  original  monuments  of 
the  reigns  of  Fepin  iuhI  Charlemagne,  in  the  fifth  tpIiuqc  of  the  Historians  of 
France, 


lfa^fci^fclX*»^^IH<»B»l    »      ■l"''^' 


284         THE  DECLINE  AND  FAiX 


apparent  magnitude  of  an  object  is  likewise  fseSaitfgeA  h 
unequal  comparison  ;  and  the  ruins  of  Palmjra  derive  a  c 
splendour  from  the  nakedness  of  the  suntMinding  d< 
Without  injustice  to  his  &me,  I  may  discern  some  blemisii 
the  sanctity  and  greatness  of  the  restorer  of  the  We 
empire.  Of  his  moral  virtues,  chastity  is  not  the  most 
spicuous ;  ^^^  but  the  public  happiness  could  not  be  mate; 
injured  by  his  nine  wives  or  conciibines,  the  various  indulg 
oi  meaner  or  more  transient  amours,  the  multitude  o 
bastards  whom  he  bestowed  on  the  church,  and  the  long  ceL 
and  licentious  manners  of  his  daughters,^^  whom  the  fiithe] 
suspected  of  loving  With  too  fend  a  passion.  I  shall  be  sea 
permitted  to  accuse  the  ambition  of  a  conqueror ;  but,  in  s 
of  equal  retribution,  the  sons  of  his  brother  Carloman. 
Merovingian  princes  of  Aqnitain,  and  the  four  thousand 
hundred  Saxons  who  were  beheaded  on  the  same  spot,  v 
have  something  to  allege  against  the  justice  and  human! 
Charlemagne.  His  treatment  of  the  vanquished  Saxons  ^^ 
an  abuse  of  the  right  of  conquest;  his  laws  were  not 
sanguinary  than  his  arms;  and,  in  the  discussion  o 
motives,  whatever  is  subtracted  ^m  bigotry  must  be  imj 
to  temper.  The  sedentary  reader  is  amased  by  his  ince 
activity  of  mind  and  body ;  and  his  subjects  and  enemies 
not  less  astonished  at  his  sudden  presence,  at  the  moi 
when  they  believed  him  at  the  most  distant  extremity  o; 
empire ;  neither  peace  nor  war,  nor  summer  nor  winter, 
a  season  of  repose :  and  our  fancy  cannot  easily  reoo 
the  annals  of  his  reign  with  the  geography  of  his  expedil 
But  this  activity  was  a  national  rather  ttuui  a  personal  vii 
the  vagrant  life  of  a  Frank  was  spent  in  the  chase,  in  pO| 

^^^  The  vision  of  Wdtin,  composed  hf  a  monk  deven  years  after  the  de 
Charlemagne,  shews  him  in  pucgatory,  with  a  vulture,  who  is  perpetually  sr 
the  guilty  member,  while  the  rest  of  his  bodv,  the  emblem  of  his  virtuesi  w 
and  perfect  (see  Gaillard,  tom.  iL  p.  317-960). 

10s  The  marriage  of  Eginhard  with  Imma,  daughter  of  Charlwiyupe^  is, 
opinion,  sufficiently  refuted  by  the  frobrvm  and  suspteio  that  suliMd  the 
damsels,  without  excepting  his  own  wife  (c.  ziz.  |».  98-xoo,  cum  Notis  Scfam 
The  husband  must  have  been  too  strong  sor  the  historian. 

^o*  Besides  the  massacres  and  transmlgratioiis,  the  pain  of  death  was  proiM 
against  the  followiug  crimes:  x.  The  refusal  of  baptism.  9.  The  false  pretc 
baptism.  3.  A  reuipse  to  id(>Iatry.  4.  The  murder  of  a  priest  or  I 
5.  Human  sacrifices.  &  Eating  meat  in  Lent  Bat  evenr  crime  mil 
Kxpiated  by  baptism  or  penance  (Gaillard,  ton.  iL  p.  94x-«47) ;  and  the  Cfa 
Saxons  became  the  friends  and  equals  of  the  Fhmks  (Sirw,  Corpoi 
Gcnnanicse.  p.  133). 


OF  THE^  SOMAN  EMPUtE  285 

age,  in  miliUiyadventimS';  and  the  joameys  of  Charlemagne 
were  'diBtaagidsfaed  onlj  bj  a  more  numerous  train  and  a  more 
important  purpoie.  His  military  renown  must  be  tried  by  the 
scnitiny  of  his  tr<>bpB>  his  enemies^  and  his  actions.  Alexander 
conquered  with  the  arms  of  Philip,  but  the  trvo  heroes  who  pre- 
ceded Chariemogne  •  bequeathed  him  their  name,  their  ex- 
anlplesy  and  the  companions  of  their  victories.  At  the  head  of 
his  vtteraia  aad  superior  armies,  he  oppressed  the  savage  or  de- 
generate nkittons  who  were  incapable  of  confederating  for  their 
oomnion  safety;  nor  did  he  ever  encounter  an  equal  antagonist 
in  mmrbers,  in  discipline,  or  in  arms.  The  science  of  war  has 
beett  lost>and>reviv^  .with  the  arts  of  peace ;  but  his  campaigns 
are  not  illustrated  by  any  siege  or  battle  of  singular  difficulty 
and' 'success ;  and  he  might  behold^  with  envy,  the  Saracen 
trophiea  of  his  grand&ther.  After  Ms  Spanish  expedition,  his 
feap-gaard  was  defeated  m  the  Pyrenaean  mountains;  and  the 
soldfeorsy  whose  sRnation  was  irretrievable  and  whose  valour  was 
useless,  might  accuse,  with  their  last  breath,  the  want  of  skill 
or  caution  of  their  generaL^^  I  touch  with  reverence  the  laws 
of  Chariemagne,  so  highly  applauded  by  a  respectable  judge. 
They  compose  net  a  system,  but  a  series,  of  occasional  and 
saiilute  edicts,  for  the  correction  of  abuses,  the  reformation  of 
manners,  the  economy  of  his  fiurms,  the  care  of  his  poultry,  and 
even  the  sale  of  his  eggs.  He  wished  to  improve  the  laws  and 
the  character  of  the  Franks ;  and  his  attempts,  however  feeble 
and  imperfect,  are  deserving  of  praise.  The  inveterate  evils  of 
the  times  were  suspended  or  mollified  by  his  government  ;i^ 
but  in  his  institutions  I  can  seldom  discover  the  general  views 
and  the  immortal  spirit  of  a  legislator,  who  survives  himself  for 
the  benefit  of  posterity.  The  union  and  stability  of  his  empire 
depended  on  the  life  of  a  single  man ;  he  imitated  the  oan- 
gerotis  practice  of  dividing  his  kingdoms  among  his  sons ;  and, 
after  his  numerous  diets,  the  whole  constitution  was  left  to 
fluctuate  between  the  disorders  of  anarchy  and  despotism.  His 
esteem  for  the  piety  and  knowledge  of  the  clergy  tempted  him 
to  entrust  that  aspiring  order  with  temporal  dominion  and  dvil 
jurisdiction;  and  his  son  Lewis,  when  he  was  stripped  and 

M^  la  this  ictiOD,  the  famous  Rutland,  Rolando,  Orlando,  was  slain— cum  pluri- 
boi  aliis.  See  the  truth  in  Eginhard  (c  9,  p.  5x-56)t  and  the  fable  in  an  ingenious 
fiiipphimft  oC  hL,  QaiUsrd  (ton^  iii.ji.  474).  The  Spaniards  are  too  proud  oC  a 
viMy  vidohhisiorr  asGnhet  to  the  Gascons,  and  romance  to  the  Saracens. 

i<*  YetSdimfilf.  ttota  the  best  authorities,  represents  the  interior  disorders  sad 
oppression  oC  his  reign  (Hist,  des  Allemands,  torn.  ii.  p.  45-49). 


286         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

degraded  by  the  bishops,  might  acciue,  in  some  measi 
imprudence  of  his  father.  His  laws  enforced  the  impo 
tithes,  because  the  daemons  had  procUimed  in  the  air  t 
de&ult  of  payment  had  been  the  cause  of  the  last  aci 
The  literary  merits  of  Charlemagne  are  attested  by  the 
tion  of  schools,  the  introduction  of  arts,  the  works  whi 
published  in  his  name,  and  his  fiuniliar  connexion  w 
subjects  and  strangers  whom  he  invited  to  his  court  to 
both  the  prince  and  people.  His  own  studies  were  tare 
rious,  and  imperfect;  if  he  spoke  Latin  and  understood 
he  derived  the  rudiments  of  knowledge  from  conversatio 
than  from  books ;  and,  in  his  mature  age,  the  emperor  i 
acquire  the  practice  of  writing,  which  every  peasant  no^ 
in  his  in&ncy.^^7  The  grammar  and  logic,  the  music 
tronomy,  of  the  times  were  only  cultivated  as  the  hai 
of  superstition;  but  the  curiosity  of  the  human  mil 
ultimately  tend  to  its  improvement,  and  the  encourage 
learning  reflects  the  purest  and  most  pleasing  lustre 
character  of  Charlemagne.^^  The  dignity  of  his  perso 
length  of  his  reign,  the  prosperity  of  his  arms,  the  vigoi 
government,  and  the  reverence  of  distant  nations  dis 
him  from  the  royal  crowd ;  and  Europe  dates  a  new  a 
his  restoration  of  the  Western  empire, 
iztntof  hia      That  empire  was  not  unworthy  of  its  title ;  ^^^  and 

Mipirs  1b 

1^  Omnis  homo  ex  su&  proprietate  legitimam  decimara  ad  ecclesian 
Experimento  enim  dididmus,  in  anno,  quo  ilia  valida  fames  irrepsit,  ebul 
annonas  a  dsemonibus  devoratas  et  voces  exprobationis  auditati  Such 
cree  and  assertion  of  the  great  Council  of  Frankfort  (canon  xxv.  torn,  i 
Both  Selden  (Hist,  of  Tithes ;  Works,  vol  iiL  part  ii.  p.  X146)  and  M 
(Ksprit  des  L^ix,  L  xxxi.  c.  13)  represent  Charlemaene  as  the  first  UjgUi 
tithes.    Such  obligations  have  country  gentlemen  to  bis  memory ! 

'^  Eginhard  (c  35,  p.  119)  clearly  affirms,  tentabat  et  scribere  .  .  . 
prosp)erc  successit  labor  praepostenis  et  tero  inchoatus.     The  modems 
verted  and  corrected  this  obvious  meaning,  and  the  title  of  M.  Gaillard' 
tion  (torn.  iiL  p.  947-060)  betrays  his  partialiw. 

^^  See  Gaillard,  torn,  iil  p.  138-126,  and  Schmidt,  tom.  IL  p.  xai-xas 

^<>"  M.  Gaillard  (tom.  iiL  p.  373)  fixes  the  true  stature  of  Charlemaj 
Dissertation  of  Marquard  Freher  ad  caloem  Eginhard.  p.  aao,  fta)  at  fi\ 
inches  of  French,  about  six  feet  one  inch  and  a  fourth  English,  measi 
romance  writers  have  increased  it  to  ei^ht  feet,  and  the  giant  was  end 
matchless  strength  and  appetite :  at  a  single  stroke  of  his  good  iword 
cut  asunder  an  horseman  and  his  horse ;  at  a  single  repast  he  devourc 
two  fowls,  a  quarter  of  mutton,  &c 

>>o  See  the  concise  but  correct  and  original  work  of  d'Anville  (Etati 
Europe  aprte  la  Chute  de  TEmpire  Romain  en  Occident,  Paris,  Z77 
whose  map  includes  the  empire  or  Charlemagne ;  the  difienent  parts  are 
by  Valesius  (Notitia  Gallianim)  for  France,  Beretti  (Dinortatio  Cborogr 
Italy,  de  Marca  (Marca  Hispanica)  for  Spain.  For  the  mkkUe  gaogimp 
many,  I  confess  myself  poor  and  deitituta. 


OF  THE  BOlfAN  EMPIBE  287 

the  furest  kingdoms  of  Europe  were  the  patrimony  or  conquest 
of  a  prince  who  reimed  at  the  same  time  in  France,  Spain, 
Italy,  Germany,  and  Hungary.^^^  I.  The  Roman  province  of 
Gaul  had  been  transformed  into  the  name  and  monarchy  of 
France  ;  but,  in  the  decay  of  the  Merovingian  line,  its  limits 
were  contracted  by  the  independence  of  the  Britons  and  the 
revolt  of  Aquitain.  Charlemagne  pursued,  and  confined,  the 
Britons  on  the  shores  of  the  ocean ;  and  that  ferocious  tribe, 
whose  origin  and  language  are  so  difierent  from  the  French, 
was  chastised  by  the  imposition  of  tribute,  hostages,  and  peace. 
After  a  long  and  evasive  contest,  the  rebellion  of  the  dukes  of[A.x»,iH 
Aquitain  was  punished  by  the  finfeiture  of  their  province,  their 
liberty,  and  their  lives.  Harsh  and  rigorous  would  have  been 
such  treatment  of  ambitious  governors,  who  had  too  faithfully 
copied  the  mayors  of  the  palace.  But  a  recent  discoveiy  ^^'  has 
proved  that  these  unhappy  princes  were  the  last  and  lawful 
heirs  of  the  blood  and  sceptre  of  Clovis,  a  younger  branch,  from 
the  brother  of  Dagobert,  of  the  Merovingian  house.  Their 
ancient  kingdom  was  reduced  to  the  duchy  of  Gascogne,  to  the 
counties  of  Fesenzac  and  Armagnac,  at  the  foot  of  the  Pyrenees ; 
their  race  was  propagated  till  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth 
century ;  and,  after  surviving  their  Girlovingian  tyrants,  they 
were  reserved  to  feel  the  injustice,  or  the  &vours,  of  a  third 
dynasty.  By  the  re-union  of  Aquitain,  France  was  enlarged  to 
its  present  boundaries,  with  the  additions  of  the  Netherlands 
and  Spain,  as  &r  as  the  Rhine.  II.  The  Saracens  had  been  spsia 
expelled  fh)m  France  by  the  grandfather  and  father  of  Charle- 
magne ;  but  they  still  possessed  the  greatest  part  of  Spain, 
from  the  rock  of  Gibraltar  to  the  Pyrenees.  Amidst  their  civil 
divisions,  an  Arabian  emir  of  Saragossa  implored  his  protection  [a.d.  tt 
in  the  diet  of  Paderbom.  Charlemagne  undertook  the  expe- 
dition, restored  the  emir,  and,  without  distinction  of  faith,  im-  [a.d.  n 
partially  crushed  the  resistance  of  the  Christians,  and  rewarded 
the  obedience  and  service  of  the  Mahometans.     In  his  absence 

1^^  After  a  brief  relation  of  his  wars  and  conquests  (Vit.  Carol  c.  ^-14),  E^n- 
hard  recapitulates,  in  a  few  words  (c.  15),  the  countries  subject  to  his  empire. 
Struvius  (Coqpus  Hist.  German,  p.  xx8-Z49)  has  inserted  in  his  Notes  the  texts  of 
the  old  Chronicles. 

11*  Of  a  charter  granted  to  the  monastery  of  Alaon  (A.D.  845)  by  Charles  the 
Bald,  which  deduces  this  royal  pedigree.  I  doubt  whetner  some  subsequent  links 
of  the  ixth  and  xth  centuries  are  eatially  firm ;  yet  the  whole  is  approved  and  de- 
fended by  M.  Gaillard  (torn,  il  p.  60-81,  203-906),  who  aflSrms  that  the  family  of 
Montesquieu  (not  of  the  president  de  Montesquieu)  is  dftcended,  in  the  female  fine, 
from  Clotaire  and  Clovis— on  innocent  pretension  1 


288         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

he  instituted  the  Spanish  march,^^^  which  extended  from  the 
Pyrenees  to  the  river  £bro ;  Barcelona  was  the  residence  of  the 
French  governor ;  he  possessed  the  counties  of  RounUum  and 
Catalonia;  and  the  infant  kingdoms  of  Navarre  and  Arragon  were 

toty  subject  to  his  jurisdiction.     III.  As  king  of  the  Lombards,  and 

patrician  of  Rome,  he  reigned  over  the  greatest  part  of  Italy,^^^ 

JLD.  m]  a  tract  of  a  thousand  miles  from  the  Alps  to  the  borders  of 
Calabria.  The  duchy  of  Beneoenlum,  a  Lombard  fief,  had  spread, 
at  the  expense  of  the  Greeks,  over  the  modem  kingdom  of 
Naples.  But  Arrechis,  the  reigning  duke,  refused  to  be  in- 
cluded in  the  slavery  of  his  country;  assumed  the  independent 
title  of  prince ;  and  opposed  his  sword  to  the  Carlovingian 
monarchy.  His  defence  was  firm,  his  submission  was  not  in- 
glorious, and  the  emperor  was  content  with  an  easy  tribute,  the 
demolition  of  his  fortresses,  and  the  acknowledgment,  on  his 
coins,  of  a  supreme  lord.  The  artful  flatteiy  of  his  son  Grimoald 
added  the  appellation  of  £ftther,  but  he  asserted  his  dignity  with 
prudence,  and  Beneventum  insensibly  escaped  from  the  French 
yoke.^^^  IV.  Charlemagne  was  the  first  who  united  GrsaMAirv 
under  the  same  sceptre.  The  name  of  Oriental  France  is  pre- 
served in  the  circle  of  Franconia  ;  and  the  people  of  Heeee  and 
Thuringia  were  recently  incorporated  with  the  victors  by  the 
conformity  of  religion  and  government.  The  Aletnamd,  so  for- 
midable to  the  Romans,  were  the  faithful  vassals  and  confede- 
rates of  the  Franks ;  and  their  country  was  inscribed  within  the 
modem  limits  of  Alsace,  Snnbia,  and  Switzerland.  The  Banarkms, 
with  a  similar  indulgence  of  their  laws  and  manners,  were  less 

JLD.TM]  patient  of  a  master;  the  repeated  treasons  of  Tasillo  justified 
the  abolition  of  her  hereditary  dukes ;  and  their  power  was 
shared  among  the  counts,  who  judged  and  guarded  that  impor- 
tant frontier.     But  the  north  of  Germany,  from  the  Rhine  and 

MJD,  nMM]  beyond  the  Elbe,  was  still  hostile  and  Pagan ;  nor  was  it  till 
after  a  war  of  thirty-three  years  that  the  Saxons  bowed  undtf 
the  yoke  of  Christ  and  of  Charlemagne.  The  idols  and  their 
votaries  were  extirpated ;  the  foundation  of  eight  bishoprics,  of 
Munster,  Osnaburgh,  Paderbom,  and  Minden,  of  Bremen,  Ver- 

lu  The  governors  or  counts  of  the  Spanish  march  revolted  from  Charies  the 
Simple  about  the  year  900 ;  and  a  poor  pittance,  the  Roosillon.  has  been  recoffered 
in  1642  by  the  kings  of  France  (Longuerue,  Description  de  la  France,  torn.  L  pi 
800-222).     Yet    the    Rousillon  contains  1^900   sabjects,  and  annually  pays 

2,600,000  livres  (Necker,  Administration  des  Finances,  torn.  L  p.  278,  279) ;    1 

people  perhaps,  and  doubtless  more  money,  than  the  march  of  Cbariemacne. 

11*  Schmidt,  Hist  des  Allemands,  torn.  iL  p.  200^  Ac. 

^  See  Giannone,  torn.  i.  p.  374*  375,  and  the  Annals  of  Moratori. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  289 

den,  Hildesheim^  and  Halberstadt,  define,  on  either  side  of  the 
Weser,  the  bounds  of  ancient  Saxony ;  these  episcopal  seats 
were  the  first  schools  and  cities  of  that  savage  land ;  and  the 
religion  and  humanity  of  the  children  atoned,  in  some  degree, 
for  the  massacre  of  the  parents.  Beyond  the  Elbe,  the  SUm,  or 
Sclavonians,  of  similar  manners  and  various  denominations,^^^ 
overspread  the  modem  dominions  of  Prussia,  Poland,  and  Bo- 
hemia, and  some  transient  marks  of  obedience  have  tempted  the 
French  historian  to  extend  the  empire  to  the  Baltic  and  the 
Vistula.  The  conquest  or  conversion  of  those  countries  is  of  a 
more  recent  age ;  but  the  first  union  of  Bohemia  ¥ath  the  Ger-L 
manic  body  may  be  justly  ascribed  to  the  arms  of  Charlemagne.  SPSbCq 
V.  He  retaliated  on  the  Avars,  or  Huns  of  Pannonia,  the  some  >nfwr 
calamities  which  they  had  infiicted  on  the  nations.  Their  rings, 
the  wooden  fortifications  which  encircled  their  districts  and 
villages,  were  broken  down  by  the  triple  effort  of  a  French 
army,  that  was  poured  into  their  country  by  land  and  water, 
through  the  Carpathian  mountains  and  along  the  plain  of  the 
Danube.  After  a  bloody  conflict  of  eight  years,  the  loss  of  some  lA^  ni-w 
French  generals  was  avenged  by  the  slaughter  of  the  most  noble 
Huns ;  the  relics  of  the  nation  submitted ;  the  royal  resideniSe 
of  the  chagan  was  left  desolate  and  unknown ;  and  the  treasures, 
the  rapine  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  enriched  the  vio- 
torioos  troops  or  decorated  the  churches  of  Italy  and  GauL^f 
After  the  reduction  of  Pannonia,  the  empire  of  Charlemagne 
was  bounded  only  by  the  conflux  of  the  Danube  with  the  Theiss 
and  the  Save ;  the  provinces  of  Istria,  Libumia,  and  Dalinatia 
were  an  easy,  though  unprofitable,  accession ;  and  it  was  aa 
effect  of  his  moderation  that  he  left  the  maritime  cities  under 
the  real  or  nominal  sovereignty  of  the  Greeks.  But  these  difh 
tant  possessions  added  more  to  the  reputation  than  to  the  power 
of  the  Latin  emperor ;  nor  did  he  risk  any  ecclesiastical  founda- 
tions to  reclaim  the  barbarians  from  their  vagrant  life  and  idol- 

U0  [It  is  interesting  to  observe  on  the  map  of  Europe  in  the  8th  and  oth  centuries 
that  a  strong  serriea  array  of  ^avonic  peoples  reached  from  the  Baltic  to  the 
Ionian  and  Aegean  seas.  At  the  end  of  the  9th  century  the  Magyars  made  a 
permanent  brea^  in  the  line.] 

U7  Quot  prselia  in  eo  gesta !  quantum  sanguinis  effusum  sit  I  Testatum  vacua 
omni  habitatione  Pannonia,  et  locus  in  quo  regia  Cagani  fait  ita  desertus^  ut  n^ 
vestigium  quidem  humanas  habitationis  appareat.  Tota  in  hoc  hello  Hunnonim 
nob^litas  periit,  tota  gloria  decidit.  omnis  pecunia  et  congesti  ex  longo  tempore 
thesauri  mrepti  sunt.  Eginhard,  a  15.  [The  Avaric  war  strictly  lasted  six  years, 
A.D.  791-61.  Gibbon  counts  eight  jrears  (nine  ?)  by  dating  the  outbreak  of  tlie  waf 
ivith  the  invasion  of  Friuli  and  Beneventum  by  the  Avars  in  A.D.  788.] 

VOL.  V.  19 


290         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

atrous  worship.  Some  canals  of  communication  between  the 
rivers,  the  Sa6ne  and  the  Meuse,  the  Rhine  and  the  Danube, 
were  £untly  attempted.^^^  Their  execution  would  have  vivified 
the  empire ;  and  more  cost  and  labour  were  often  wasted  in  the 
structure  of  a  cathedraL 

If  we  retrace  the  outlines  of  this  geographical  picture,  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  empire  of  the  Franks  extended,  between  east 
and  west,  from  the  Ebro  to  the  Elbe  or  Vistula ;  between  the 
north  and  south,  from  the  duchy  of  Beneventum  to  the  river 
Eyder,  the  perpetual  boundary  of  Germany  and  Denmaric  The 
personal  and  political  importance  of  Charlemagne  was  magnified 
by  the  distress  and  division  of  the  rest  of  Europe.  The  islands 
of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  were  disputed  by  a  crowd  of  princes 
of  Saxon  or  Scottish  origin ;  and,  after  the  loss  of  Spain,  the 
Christian  and  Grothic  kingdom  of  Alphonso  the  Chaste  was 
confined  to  the  narrow  range  of  the  Asturian  mountains.  These 
petty  sovereigns  revered  the  power  or  virtue  of  the  Carlovingian 
monarch,  implored  the  honour  and  support  of  his  alliance,  and 
stvled  him  their  common  parent,  the  sole  and  supreme  emperor 
of  the  West.^^^  He  maintained  a  more  equal  interooorse  with 
the  caliph  Harun  al  Rashid,^^  whose  dominion  stretched  from 
Africa  to  India,  and  accepted  from  his  ambassadors  a  tent,  a 
water-clock,  an  elephant,  and  the  keys  of  the  Holy  Sepoldffe. 
It  is  not  easy  to  conceive  the  private  friendship  of  a  Frank  and 
an  Arab,  who  were  strangers  to  each  other's  person,  and  lan- 
guage, and  religion ;  but  their  public  correspondence  was 
founded  on  vanity,  and  their  remote  situation  left  no  room  for 
a  competition  of  interest. ^'^     Two-thirds  of  the  Western  empire 

^iB  The  junction  of  the  Rhine  and  Danube  was  undertaken  only  for  the  tervioe  of 
the  Pannonian  war  (Gaillard,  Vie  de  Charlemasfne,  torn.  ii.  p.  31^31$)-  The  canal, 
which  would  have  been  only  two  leagues  in  len^,  and  of  which  some  traces  are 
still  extant  in  Swabia,  was  interrupted  fay  excessive  rains,  military  avocationa,  and 
superstitious  fears  (Schsepflin,  Hist,  de  I'Acad^mie  des  Inscriptions,  torn.  zviiL  pw 
356.     Molimina  fluviorum,  &c.  junjraidorum,  ^  59^)> 

11'  See  Eginhard,  a  x6,  and  Gaillard,  torn.  u.  p.  361-185,  who  mentions,  with  a 
loose  reference,  the  intercourse  of  Charlemacne  and  Egbot,  the  emperor's  gift  of 
his  own  sword,  and  the  modest  answer  of  his  Saxon  disdple.  The  anecdote,  if 
genuine,  would  have  adorned  our  English  histories.  [On  the  relations  of  Charles 
with  England,  see  Palgrave,  English  (^mmonwealth,  i.  484  sff,  /Freeman,  Nonnan 
Conquest,  L  Appendix  D.] 

i^The  corropondenoe  is  mentioned  only  in  the  French  annals*  and  the 
Orientals  are  i^oiant  of  the  caliph's  firiendsiiip  for  the  CVbii/MJs  rfy  a  poliie 
appellation,  which  Harun  bestows  on  the  empoor  of  the  Greeks. 

^^  [It  lay  in  the  nature  of  things  (as  Mr.  Freeman  was  fond  of  j»5W"f'»g  out) 
that  thie  Western  Emperor  should  be  hostile  to  his  nei^boor  the  Emir  (afterwards 
Caliph)  of  Cordova  and  friendly  to  the  Caliph  of  Bagdad,  while  his  rival  the 
Eastern  Emperor  was  hostile  to  the  Caliph  of  Bagdad  and  friendly  to  the  distant 
ruler  of  Cordova.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  291 

of  Rome  were  subject  to  Charlemagne,  and  the  deficiency  was 
amply  supplied  by  his  command  of  the  inaccessible  or  invincible 
nations  of  Germany.  But  in  the  choice  of  his  enemies  we 
may  be  reasonably  surprised  that  he  so  often  preferred  the  pov- 
erty of  the  north  to  the  riches  of  the  south.  The  three-and-thirty 
campaigns  laboriously  consumed  in  the  woods  and  morasses 
of  Grermany  would  have  sufficed  to  assert  the  amplitude  of 
his  title  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Greeks  from  Italy  and  the 
Saracens  from  Spain.  The  weakness  of  the  Greeks  would 
have  ensured  an  easy  victory;  and  the  holy  crusade  against 
the  Saracens  would  have  been  prompted  by  glory  and  revenge, 
and  loudly  justified  by  religion  and  policy.  Perhaps,  in  his  ex* 
peditions  beyond  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe,  he  aspired  to  save 
his  monarchy  ^m  the  fiite  of  the  Roman  empire,  to  disarm 
the  enemies  of  civilised  society,  and  to  eradicate  the  seed  of 
future  emigrations.  But  it  has  been  wisely  observed  that,  in  a 
light  of  precaution,  all  conquest  must  be  ineffectual,  unless  it 
oould  be  universal ;  since  the  increasing  circle  must  be  involved 
in  a  lai^^  sphere  of  hostility.  ^^  The  subjugation  of  Germany 
withdrew  the  veil  which  had  so  long  concealed  the  continent 
or  islands  of  Scandinavia  from  the  knowledge  of  Europe,  and 
awakened  the  torpid  courage  of  their  barbarous  natives.  The 
fiercest  of  the  Saxon  idolaters  escaped  from  the  Christian  tyrant 
to  their  brethren  of  the  north ;  the  ocean  and  Mediterranean 
were  covered  with  their  piratical  fleets ;  and  Charlemagne  be- 
held with  a  sigh  the  destructive  progress  of  the  Normans,  who, 
in  less  than  seventy  years,  precipitated  the  fall  of  his  race  and 
monarchy. 

Had  the  pope  ana  the  Romans  revived  the  primitive  con*HisiM8«- 
stitution,  the  titles  of  emperor  and  Augustus  were  conferred  on^».*a 
Charlemagne  for  the  term  of  his  life  ;  and  his  successors,  on  eachniaW 
vacancy,  must  have  ascended  the  throne  by  a  formal  or  tacit  tar 
eleeticm.  But  the  association  of  his  son  Lewis  the  Pious  asserts 
the  independent  right  of  monarchy  and  conquest,  and  the  em- 
peror seems  on  this  occasion  to  have  foreseen  and  prevented 
the  latent  claims  of  the  clergy.  The  royal  youth  was  com-aji. 
manded  to  take  the  c^;t)wn  from  the  altar,  and  with  his  own 
hands  to  place  it  on  his  head,  as  a  gift  which  he  held  from  God, 
his  &ther,  and  the  nation. ^^     The  same  ceremony  was  repeated, 

^*  Gaillard,  torn.  ii.  p.  361-365,  471-476,  49a.  I  have  borrowed  his  judicious 
remarlES  00  Charlemagne's  plan  of  cx>n(}uest,  and  the  judicious  distniction  of  his 
enemies  of  thefintand  the  second  emcetnie  (torn,  it  p.  184,  ^09,  ftc). 

^^  Thegan,  the  biographer  of  Lewis,  relates  this  coronation  ;  and  Baronius  has 


292 


THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 


UmiMtbm 
Plovf.  AJD, 


iLD.8IMN 


UwlalL 
A-D.MMn 


[A.D.  Mi] 


DlvMoaof 

tiM 

A.D. 


though  with  less  energy,  in  the  subsequent  assodatioiiB  of 
Lothaire  and  Lewis  the  Second ;  the  Carlovingian  sceptre  was 
transmitted  from  &ther  to  son  in  a  lineal  descent  of  four 
generations ;  and  the  ambition  of  the  popes  was  reduced  to  the 
empty  honour  of  crowning  and  anointing  these  hereditary 
princes  who  were  already  invested  with  their  power  and 
dominion.  The  pious  Lewis  survived  his  brothers,  and  em- 
braced the  whole  empire  of  Charlemagne  ;  but  the  nations  and 
the  nobles,  his  bishops  and  his  children,  quickly  discerned  that 
this  mighty  mass  was  no  longer  inspired  by  the  same  aoul ;  and 
the  foundations  were  undermined  to  the  centre,  while  the  ex- 
ternal surface  was  yet  fair  and  entire.  After  a  war,  or  battle, 
which  consumed  one  hundred  thousand  Franks,  the  empire 
was  divided  by  treaty  between  his  three  sons,  who  had  violated 
every  filial  and  fraternal  duty.  The  kingdoms  of  Grermany  and 
France  were  for  ever  separated ;  the  provinces  of  Gaul,  between 
the  Rhone  and  the  Alps,  the  Meuse  and  the  Rhine,  were 
assigned,  with  Italy,  to  the  Imperial  dignity  of  Lothaire.  In 
the  partition  of  his  share,  Lorraine  and  Aries,  two  recent  and 
transitory  kingdoms,  were  bestowed  on  the  younger  children ; 
and  Lewis  the  Second,  his  eldest  son,  was  content  with  the 
realm  of  Italy,  the  proper  and  sufficient  patrimony  of  a  l^^wi!*" 
emperor.  On  his  death  without  any  male  issue,  the  vacant 
throne  was  disputed  by  his  uncles  and  cousins,  and  the  popes 
most  dexterously  seised  the  occasion  of  judging  the  claims  and 
merits  of  the  candidates,  and  of  bestowing  on  the  moat  obse- 
quious or  most  liberal  the  Imperial  office  of  advocate  of  the 
Roman  church.  The  dregs  of  the  Carlovingian  race  no  longer 
exhibited  any  symptoms  of  virtue  or  power,  and  the  ridiculous 
epithets  of  the  bald^  the  stammerer^  the  fat^  and  the  mmple, 
distinguished  the  tame  and  uniform  features  of  a  crowd  of  ktaigs 
alike  deserving  of  oblivion.  By  the  &ilure  of  the  coUatend 
branches,  the  whole  inheritance  devolved  to  Charles  the  Fat, 
the  last  emperor  of  his  fiunily ;  his  insanity  authorised  the 
desertion  of  Germany,  Italy,  and  France  ;  he  was  deposed  in  a 
diet,  and  solicited  his  daily  bread  from  the  rebels,  by  whose 
contempt  his  life  and  liberty  had  been  spared.  Acooiditig  to 
the  measure  of  their  force,  the  governors,  the  bishops,  and  the 


honestly  transcribed  it  (A.D.  8x3,  Na  xa,  ftc  ;  see  Gaillard,  torn.  ii.  Pl  Sa6»  507, 
508),  howsoever  adverse  to  the  daims  of  the  popes.  For  the  series  01  tfie  Gano- 
vineians,  see  the  historians  of  France,  Italy,  and  Germany;  PfefleU  .Sgiwwfaii, 
VeUy,  Muratori,  and  even  Voltaire,  wiioie  pictuRS  are  sometonwt  ji»t  and  al«S|S 
pleasing. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  293 

lords  usurped  the  fragments  of  the  filing  empire;  and  some 
preference  was  shewn  to  the  female  or  illegitimate  blood  of 
Charlemagne.  Of  the  greater  part  the  title  and  possession 
were  alike  doubtfiil,  and  the  merit  was  adequate  to  the  con* 
tracted  scale  of  their  dominions.  Those  who  could  appear  with 
an  army  at  the  gates  of  Rome  were  crowned  emperors  in  the 
Vatican  ;  but  their  modesty  was  more  frequently  satisfied  with 
the  appellation  of  kings  of  Italy  ;  and  the  whole  term  of 
sevens-four  years  may  be  deemed  a  vacancy,  from  the  abdi- 
cation of  Charles  the  Fat  to  the  establishment  of  Otho  theiouo] 
First. 

Otho  1^  was  of  the  noble  race  of  the  dukes  of  Saxony  ;  and,  ogoiay 
if  he  truly  descended  from  Witikind,  the  adversary  and  prose^NstwMMj 
lyte  of  Charlemagne,  the  posterity  of  a  vanquished  people  was  8?^^ 
exalted  to  reign  over  their  conquerors.     His  &ther  Henry  the  tSSIm.  &; 
Fowler  was  elected,  by  the  suffrage  of  the  nation,  to  save  and 
institute  the  kingdom  of  Germany.     Its  limits  ^^  were  enlarged 
on  every  side  by  his  son,  the  first  and  greatest  of  the  Otbos. 
A  portion  of  Gaul  to  the  west  of  the  Rhine,  along  the  banks  of 
the  Meuse  and  the  Moselle,  was  assigned  to  the  Germans,  by 
whose  blood  and  language  it  has  been  tinged  since  the  time  of 
Cssar  and  Tacitus.     Between  the  Rhine,  the  Rhone,  and  the 
Alps,  the  successors  of  Otho  acquired  a  vain  supremacy  over  the 
broken  kingdoms  of  Burgundy   and  Aries. ^^^      In  the  north, 
Christianity  was  propagated  by  the  sword  of  Otho,  the  conqueror 
and  apostle  of  the  Slavic  nations  of  the  £lb&  and  Oder ;  the 
marches  of  Brandenburg  and  Sleswick  were  fortified  with  Ger* 
man  colonies  ;  and  the  king  of  Dennuu*k,  the  dukes  of  Poland 
and   Bohemia,  confessed  themselves  his  tributary  vassals.     At 
the  head  of  a   victorious  army,  he  passed  the  Alps,   subdued 
the  kingdom  of  Italy,  delivered  the  pope,  and  for  ever  fixed  the 

1^  He  was  the  son  of  Otho,  the  son  of  Ludolph,  in  whose  favour  the  duchy  ot 
Saxony  had  been  instituted,  a.d.  858.  Ruotgenis,  the  biographer  of  a  St  Bruno 
[brother  of  Otto  the  Great]  (Bibliot.  Bunavianas  Catalog,  torn.  iii.  voL  ii.  p.  679), 
gives  a  splendid  character  of  his  family.  Atavorum  atavi  usque  ad  hominum 
memoriam  lomnes  nobilissimi ;  nullus  in  eorum  stirpe  ignotus,  nuUus  degener 
facile  reperitur  (apud  Struvium,  Corp.  Hist.  German,  p.  316).  [The  Vit.  Brunonis 
is  edited  separately  by  Pertz  in  the  Scr.  rer.  Germ..  18^1. 1  Yet  Giuadling  (in 
Henrico  Aucupe)  is  not  satisfied  of  his  descent  from  Witikind. 

^*  See  the  treatise  of  Conringius  (de  Finibus  Imperii  Germanici  Franoofurt, 
1680,  in  4to) :  be  rejects  the  extravagant  and  improper  scale  of  the  Roman  and 
Carlovingian  empires,  and  discusses,  with  moderation,  the  rights  of  Germany,  her 
vassals,  and  her  neighbours. 

'^  [The  kin^;dom  of  Aries,  or  Lower  Burgundy,  was  founded  in  879  by  Boso  ot 
Vienne ;  the  kmgdom  of  Upper  Burgundy  (between  Jura  and  the  Pennine  Alps)  in 
888  by  Count  Rudolf,  the  Guelf.  The  two  kingdoms  were  united  in  953,  and  this 
kingdom  of  Aries  was  annexed  to  the  Empire  under  Conrad  II.  a  hundred  years 
hter  (1033).] 


tlMWwi- 
ntmA 


294  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Imperial  crown  in  the  name  and  nation  of  Grermany,  From 
that  memorable  sra,  two  maxims  of  public  jurisprudence  were 
introduced  by  force,  and  ratified  by  time :  I.  7'hat  the  prince 
who  was  elected  in  the  German  diet  acquired  from  that  instant 
the  subject  kingdoms  of  Italy  and  Rome;  II.  But  that  he 
might  not  legally  assume  the  titles  of  emperor  and  Augustus, 

till  he  had  received  the  crown  fWmi  the  hands  of  the  Roman 

pontiff.127 

The  Imperial  dignity  of  Charlemagne  was  announced  to  the 
East  by  the  alteration  of  his  style  ;  and,  instead  of  saluting  his 
£Eithers,  the  Greek  emperors,  he  presumed  to  adopt  the  more 
equal  and  familiar  appellation  of  brother. ^^  Perhaps  in  his 
connexion  with  Irene  he  aspired  to  the  name  of  husband :  his 
embassy  to  Constantinople  spoke  the  language  of  peace  and 
friendship,  and  might  conceal  a  treaty  of  marriage  with  that 
ambitious  princess,  who  had  renounced  the  most  sacred  duties 
of  a  mother.  The  nature,  the  duration,  the  probable  conse- 
quences of  such  an  union  between  two  distant  and  diasonant 
empires,  it  is  impossible  to  conjecture;  but  the  unanimous 
silence  of  the  Latins  may  teach  us  to  suspect  that  the  report 
was  invented  by  the  enemies  of  Irene,  to  charge  her  with  the 
guilt  of  betraying  the  church  and  state  to  the  strangers  of  the 
West.^^  The  French  ambassadors  were  the  spectators,  and 
had  nearly  been  the  victims,  of  the  conspiracy  of  Nicephorus, 
and  the  national  hatred.  Constantinople  was  exasperated  by 
the  treason  and  sacrilege  of  ancient  Rome  :  A  proverb,  "  That 
the  Franks  were  good  friends  and  bad  neighbours,"  was  in 
every  one's  mouth ;  but  it  was  dangerous  to  provoke  a  neighbour 
who  might  be  tempted  to  reiterate,  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia, 
the  ceremony  of  his  Imperial  coronation.  After  a  t€»ious 
journey  of  circuit  and  delay,  the  ambassadors  of  Nicephorus 
found  him  in  his  camp,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Sala ;  and 

^^  The  power  of  custom  forces  me  to  number  Conrad  I.  and  Henry  L,  the 
Fowler,  in  tne  list  of  emperors,  a  title  which  was  never  assumed  by  those  kings  of 
Germany.  The  Italians,  Muratori  for  instance,  are  more  scrupulous  and  correct, 
and  only  reckon  the  princes  who  have  been  crowned  at  Rome. 

1*  Invidiam  tamen  suscepti  nominis  (C.  P.  imperatoribus  super  hoc  indignan- 
tibus)  magnA  tulit  patientift,  vicitque  eorum  contumaciam  .  .  .  mittendo  ad  eos 
crebffBS  legationes,  et  in  epistolis  fratres  eos  appellanda  ^nhard,  c.  aS,  pi  xsS. 
Perhaps  it  was  on  their  account  that,  like  Augustus,  he  ameted  some  rdnctanoe 
to  receive  the  empire. 

i*The<^hanes  speaks  ot  the  coronation  and  unction  of  Charles,  Kdl^wAAoc 
(Chronograph,  p.  m  [a.m.  6989]),  and  of  his  treaty  of  marriage  whh  Irene  (pi  40a 
f  A.M.  6394]),  which  IS  imknown  to  the  Latins.  Qaillard  relates  his  trmnsactions 
with  the  Greek  empire  (torn.  iU  ^  446-468)1 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  295 

Cbarleniagne  afiected  to  confound  their  vanity  by  displaying  in 
a  Franconian  village  the  pomp,  or  at  least  the  pride,  of  the 
Byzantine  palace.  ^^  The  Greeks  were  successively  led  through 
four  halls  of  audience ;  in  the  first,  they  were  ready  to  fidl 
prostrate  before  a  splendid  personage  in  a  chair  of  state,  till  he 
informed  them  that  he  was  only  a  servant,  the  constable,  or 
master  of  the  horse,  of  the  emperor.  The  same  mistake  and 
the  same  answer  were  repeated  in  the  apartments  of  the  count 
palatine,  the  steward,  and  the  chamberlain ;  and  their  im- 
patience was  gradually  heightened,  till  the  doors  of  the  presence- 
chamber  were  thrown  open,  and  they  beheld  the  genuine 
monarch,  on  his  throne,  enriched  with  the  foreign  luxury  which 
he  despised,  and  encircled  with  the  love  and  reverence  of  his 
victorious  chie£sk  A  treaty  of  peace  and  alliance  was  concluded 
between  the  two  empires,  and  the  limits  of  the  East  and  West 
were  defined  by  the  right  of  present  possession.  But  the 
Greeks  ^^^  soon  rorgot  this  humiliating  equality,  or  remembered 
it  onlv  to  hate  the  barbarians  by  whom  it  was  extorted.  During 
the  short  union  of  virtue  and  power,  they  respectfully  saluted 
the  auguit  Charlemagne  with  the  acclamations  of  hakletu  and 
emperor  of  the  Romans.  As  soon  as  these  qualities  were 
separated  in  the  person  of  his  pious  son,  the  Byzantine  letters 
were  inscribed,  '*  To  the  king,  or,  as  he  styles  himself,  the 
emperor,  of  the  Franks  and  Lombards  ".  When  both  power 
and  virtue  were  extinct,  they  despoiled  Lewis  the  Second  of 
his  hereditary  title,  and,  with  the  barbarous  appellation  of  rex 
or  rega^  degraded  him  among  the  crowd  of  Latin  princes.  His 
reply  ^^  is  expressive  of  his  weakness ;  he  proves,  with  some 
learning,  that  both  in  sacred  and  profane  history  the  name  of 
king  is  synonymous  with  the  Greek  word  batileus  ;  i^  at  Con* 
stantinople,  it  were  assumed  in  a  more  exclusive  and  imperial 
sense,  he  claims  firom  his  ancestors,  and  from  the  pope,  a  just 
participation  of  the  honours  of  the  Roman  purple.     The  same 

1*^  GaiUard  very  properly  observes  that  this  pageant  was  a  farce  suitable  to 
children  only,  but  that  it  was  indeed  represented  in  the  presence,  and  for  the 
benefit,  of  children  of  a  larger  growth. 

>A  Compare,  in  the  original  texts  collected  by  Pagi  (torn.  iiL  A.D.  Sis.  Na  7, 
A.D.  834,  No.  10.  &C. ),  the  contrast  of  Charlemagne  and  his  son :  To  the  former 
the  ambassadors  of  Michael  (who  were  indeed  di^vowed)  more  suo,  id  est,  Hngui 
Graeca  laudes  dixerunt,  imperatorem  eum  et  Ba0-(Ac«  appellantes ;  to  the  latter, 
Vocaio  imperatori  Francarum,  &c.  [Gasquet.  L'empire  bysantin  et  la  monarchie 
franque,  x888.] 

1**  See  the  epistle,  in  Paraiipomena,  of  the  anon3anous  writer  of  Salerno  (Script. 
ItaL  torn,  il  pars  ii  p.  243-354,  c.  93-107),  whom  Baronius  (a.d.  871,  Na  51-71) 
mistook  for  Erchempert,  when  he  transcribed  it  in  his  Annals. 


K- 


296  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

controveny  was  revived  in  the  reign  of  the  Othos ;  and  their 
ambassador  describes,  in  lively  coloursy  the  insolence  of  the 
Byxantine  court  ^'^  The  Greeks  affected  to  despise  the  poverty 
and  ignorance  of  the  Franks  and  Saxons ;  and,  in  their  last 
decline,  refused  to  prostitute  to  the  kings  of  Germany  the  title 
of  Roman  emperors. 
rtfcwuy^r  These  emperors,  in  the  election  of  the  popes,  continued  to 
«5j^*  exercise  the  powers  which  had  been  assumed  by  the  Gothic 
99^  A.D.  and  Grecian  princes ;  and  the  importance  of  this  prerogative 
increased  with  the  temporal  estate  and  spiritual  jurisdiction  of 
the  Roman  church.  In  the  Christian  aristocracy,  the  principal 
members  of  the  clergy  still  formed  a  senate  to  assist  the  ad- 
ministration, and  to  supply  the  vacancy,  of  the  bishop.  Rome 
was  divided  into  twenty-eight  parishes,  and  each  pariah  was 
governed  by  a  cardinal-priest,  or  presbyter,  a  title  which,  how- 
ever common  and  modest  in  its  origin,  has  aspired  to  emulate 
the  purple  of  kings.  Their  number  was  enlarged  by  the  associa- 
tion of  the  seven  deacons  of  the  most  considerable  hospitals, 
the  seven  palatine  judges  of  the  Lateran,  and  some  dignitaries 
of  the  church.  This  ecclesiastical  senate  was  directed  by  the 
seven  cardinal-bishops  of  the  Roman  province,  who  were  less 
occupied  in  the  suburb  dioceses  of  Ostia,  Porto,  Velitrae,  Tns- 
culum,  Prseneste,  Tibur,  and  the  Sabines,  than  by  their  weekly 
service  in  the  Lateran,  and  their  superior  share  in  the  honoun 
and  authority  of  the  apostolic  see.  On  the  death  of  the  pope, 
these  bishops  recommended  a  successor  to  the  suffrage  of  the 
college  of  cardinals,^^  and  their  choice  was  ratified  or  rejected 
by  the  applause  or  clamour  of  the  Roman  people.  But  the 
election  was  imperfect ;  nor  could  the  pontiff  be  legally  conse- 
crated till  the  emperor,  the  advocate  of  the  church,  had 
graciously  signified  his  approbation  and  consent  The  royal 
commissioner  examined,  on  the  spot,  the  form  and  freedom 
of  the  proceedings ;  nor  was  it  till  after  a  previous  scrutiny  into 

>**  Ipse  enim  vos,  non  imperatorem,  id  est  BcotAia  sak  linguA,  sed  ob  indigna- 
tionem  'Pihr«i  id  est  regem  nostril  vocabat  (Liutprand.  in  \jsgM.  in  Script.  ItaL 
torn.  iL  pars  i.  p.  479  [c.  3]).  The  pope  bad  exhorted  Nicephorus,  emperor  of  the 
Greeks,  to  make  peace  with  Otho,  the  august  emperor  of  the  Romana^'-q^am  in- 
scriptio  secundum  Grsecos  peocatrix  et  temeraria  .  .  .  iroperatorem  inquiunt, 
MHtversalem,  RomatufrumfAugttstum,  magnwm,  solum,  Nioepbonmi(p.  486 [c  47]. 

iMfhe  origin  and  progress  of  the  title  of  cardinal  may  be  found  in  Thomaasn 
(Discipline  de  I'Eglise,  torn.  i.  p.  126X-X298),  Muratori  (Antiquitat  Italiae  Medn 
iEvi,  torn.  vi.  dissert  IxL  p.  i59-x8a),  and  Mosheim  (Institut  riist.  Ecdes.  p.  34s- 
3^7),  who  accurately  remarks  the  forms  and  changes  of  the  election.  The  caixlinal- 
Dishops,  so  highly  exalted  by  PMer  Damianus.  are  sunk  to  a  levd  with  the  rest  of 
the  sacred  coliege. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  297 

he  qualifiofttiom  of  the  ouididates  that  he  accepted  an  oath 

»f  fiaelity  and  confinned  the  donationa  which  had  sucoeadTely 

enriched  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter.     In  the  frequent  aehiams, 

he  rival  dauns  were  sabmitted  to  the  aentenee  of  the  emperor ; 

.nd  in  a  synod  of  bishops  he  presumed  to  judge,  to  condemn, 

nd  to  punish  the  crimes  of  a  guilty  pontiC     Otho  the  First  im- 

losed  a  treaty  on  the  senate  and  people,  who  engaged  to  prefer 

he  candidate  most  acceptable  to  his  majesty ;  ^^  his  successors 

nticipated  or  prevented  their  choice ;  they  bestowed  the  Roman 

benefice,  like  the  bishoprics  of  Cologne  or  Bamberg,  on  their 

hancellors  or  preceptors ;  and,  whatever  might  be  the  merit  of 

I  Frank  or  Sajum,  his  name  sufficiently  attests  the  interpoai- 

ion  of  foreign  power.     These  acts  of  prerogative  were  most 

peciously  excused  by  the  vices  of  a  popular  elecstion.     The 

ompetitor  who  had  been  excluded  by  the  cardinals  appealed 

o  the  passions  or  avarice  of  the  multitude;  the  Vatican  and 

he  Lateran  were  stained  with  blood  ;  and  the  most  powerful 

enators,  the  marquises  of  Tuscany  and  the  counts  of  Tusculum, 

eld  the  apostolic  see  in  a  long  and  disgraceful  servitude.     The 

Oman  pontifBi  of  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  were  insulted, 

ifHisoned,  and  murdered  by  their  t3rTants ;  and  such  was  their 

digenee  after  the  loss  and  usurpation  of  the  ecclesiastical 

trimonies,  that  they  could  neitner  support  the  state  of  a 

inoe  nor  exercise  the  charity  of  a  priest  ^^    The  influence  of 

0  sister  prostitutes,  Marozia  and  Theodora,  was  founded  on 

ir  wealth  and  beautv,  their  political  and  amorous  intrigues : 

most  strenuous  of  their  lovers  were  rewarded  with  the 

oan  mitre,  and  their  reign  ^^  may  have  suggested  to  the 

Firmiter  iurantes,  nunquam  se  papain  decturos  aut  ordinaturos,  praeter 
asmn  et  dectionem  Otbonis  et  filu  sui  (Liutprand,  L  vi.  c.  6,  p.  47a  [Hist 
is,  c  21]).  This  important  concession  may  either  supply  or  confirm  the 
*  of  the  clergy  and  pieople  of  Rome,  so  fiercely  rejected  by  Baronius,  Pkgi, 

matori  (a.d.  964),  and  so  well  defended  and  explamed  by  Sl  Marc  (Abrte^. 

.  p.  808-816.  tom.  iv.  p.  1x67-1 18O.  Consult  tnat  historical  critic,  and  Uie 
of  Muratori,  for  the  election  and  confirmation  of  each  pope. 

lie  oppression  and  vices  of  the  Roman  church  in  the  xth  century  are 

r  painted  in  the  history  and  legation  of  Liutprand  (see  p.  ^40, 4150,  471-^76, 

),  and  it  is  whimsical  enough  to  observe  Muratori  tempenng  the  invectives 

nius  against  the  popes.    But  these  popes  had  bem  chosen,  not  by  the 

{,  but  ay  lay-patrons. 

e  time  of  pope  Joan  {papissa  Joanna)  is  placed  somewhat  earlier  than 
I  or  Marosia ;  and  the  two  years  of  her  imaginary  reign  are  forcibly  in- 
tween  Leo  IV.  and  Benedict  III.    But  the  contemporary  Anastasius 

4y  links  the  death  of  I^eo  and  the  elevation  of  Benedict  (iluoo,  mox,  p. 
the  accurate  chronology  of  Pagi,  Muratori,  and  Leibnits  fixes  both 

be  year  857. 


298  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

darker  ages  ^^  the  hhke  i>»  of  a  female  pope.^^  The  bastf 
son,  the  grandson,  and  the  great-grandson  ^^^  of  Maiosia,  a  n 
genealogy,  were  seated  in  the  chair  of  St.  Peter,  and  it  was 
the  age  of  nineteen  years  that  the  second  of  these  became  1 
head  of  the  Latin  church.  His  youth  and  manhood  were  o 
suitable  complexion;  and  the  nations  of  pilgrims  could  b 
testimony  to  the  charges  that  were  urged  against  him  in 
Roman  synod,  and  in  the  presence  of  Otho  the  Great. 
John  XII.  had  renounced  the  dress  and  decencies  of  his  p 
fession,  the  soldier  may  not  perhaps  be  dishonoured  by  the  wi 
which  he  drank,  the  blood  that  he  spilt,  the  flames  that 
kindled,  or  the  licentious  pursuits  of  gaming  and  hunting.  I 
open  simony  might  be  the  consequence  of  distress;  and 
blasphemous  invocation  of  Jupiter  and  Venus,  if  it  be  tr 
could  not  possibly  be  serious.  But  we  read  with  some  surpi 
that  the  worthy  grandson  of  Marozia  lived  in  public  adulti 
with  the  matrons  of  Rome ;  that  the  Lateran  palace  was  tuni 
into  a  school  for  prostitution ;  and  that  his  rapes  of  virgins  a 
widows  had  deteired  the  female  pilgrims  from  visiting  the  Um 
of  St.  Peter,  lest,  in  the  devout  act,  they  should  be  violal 
by  his  successor. i''^     The  Protestants  have  dwelt  with  malici< 

'"The  advocates  for  pope  Joan  produce  one  hundred  and  fifty  wiUwaes, 
rather  echoes,  of  the  xivth,  xvth,  and  xvith  centuries.  Th^r  bear  testim 
against  themselves  and  the  legend,  by  multiplying  the  prooi  that  so  con 
a  story  musi  have  been  repeated  by  writers  of^  everv  descnption  to  whom  it 
known.  On  those  of  the  ixth  and  xth  centuries  the  recent  event  would  li 
flashed  with  a  double  force.  Would  Photius  have  spared  such  a  reproach  ?  Cc 
Liutprand  have  missed  such  scandal  ?  It  is  scarcely  worth  while  to  diacias 
various  readings  of  Martinus  Polonus,  Sigebert  of  Gemblours,  or  even  Maria 
Scotus ;  but  a  most  palpable  forgery  is  the  passage  of  pope  Joan,  which  has  b 
foisted  into  some  Mss.  and  editions  of  the  Roman  Anastasius.  TThe  legwc 
Pope  Joan  has  been  finally  dealt  with  by  Dollinger  in  his  PabstfaUln  des  Mi\ 
alters,  p.  i  sqq.    She  has  been  made  the  heroine  of  a  clever  Greek  novel  by 

Rhoides,  i)  ironcrcra  'Iwayra.1 

**  As  false,  it  deserves  tnat  name ;  out  I  would  not  oronouDoe  it  incredi 
Suppose  a  famous  French  chevalier  of  our  own  times  to  nave  been  bom  in  Itj 
and  educated  in  the  church,  instead  of  the  army ;  her  merit  or  fortime  m^^  b 
raised  her  to  St.  Peter's  chair ;  her  amours  woiud  have  been  natural ;  her  delii 
in  the  streets  unlucky,  but  not  improbable. 

140  Till  the  Reformation,  the  tale  was  repeated  and  believed  without  ofles 
and  Joan's  female  statue  long  occupied  her  place  among  the  popes  in  the  catba 
of  Sienna  (Pagi,  Critica,  tom.  iil  p.  6a4^5a6).  She  has  been  amuhilatcd  by 
learned  Protestants,  Bkmdel  and  Bayle  (Dictionnaire  Critique,  Papbsse,  Poloi 
Blondel)  ;  but  their  brethren  were  scandalized  by  this  equitable  aiid  gena 
criticism.  SpoiUieim  and  Lenfant  attempt  to  save  this  poor  engine  of  oootrova 
and  even  Mosheim  condescends  to  cherisn  some  doubt  and  suspicioa  (pi  aS^), 

iMaQohn  XI.  was  the  legitimate,  not  the  bastard,  son  of  Maracia ;  aod  it  ii 
true  that  her  great-grandson  was  Pope.] 

1^^  Lateranense  palatium  .  .  .  prostibulum  meretncum.  .  .  .  Tcttis  oom 
gentium,  prseterquam  [Ug.  praeterj  Romanorum,  absentia  nraliemm,  qiue 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  299 

pleasure  on  these  characters  of  antichrist ;  but  to  a  philoscn^iic 
eye  the  vices  of  the  clergy  are  &r  less  dangerous  than  tneir 
virtues.     After  a  long  series  of  scandal,  the  apostolic  see  wasag 


reformed  and  exalted  by  the  austerity  and  seal  of  Gregory  VII.  ^ 
That  ambitious  monk  devoted  his  lire  to  the  execution  of  two 
projects.  I.  To  fix  in  the  college  of  cardinals  the  freedom  and 
independence  of  election,  and  for  ever  to  abolish  the  right  or 
usurpation  of  the  emperors  and  the  Roman  people.  II.  To 
bestow  and  resume  the  Western  empire  as  a  fief  or  benefice  ^^ 
of  the  church,  and  to  extend  his  temporal  dominion  over  the 
kings  and  kingdoms  of  the  earth.  After  a  contest  of  fifty  yean, 
the  first  of  these  designs  was  accomplished  by  the  firm  suf^rt 
of  the  ecclesiastical  order,  whose  liberty  was  connected  with 
that  of  their  chie£  But  the  second  attempt,  though  it  was 
crowned  ¥ath  some  partial  and  apparent  success,  has  been 
vigorously  resisted  by  the  secular  power,  and  finally  extinguished 
by  the  improvement  of  human  reason. 

In  the  revival  of  the  empire  of  Rome,  neither  the  bishop  norAat^ 
the  people  could  bestow  on  Charlemagne  or  Otho  the  provinces  tai 
which  were  lost,  as  they  had  been  won,  by  the  chance  of  arms. 
But  the  Romans  were  free  to  choose  a  master  for  themselves ; 
and  the  powers  which  had  .been  delegated  to  the  patrician  were 
irrevocably  granted  to  the  French  and  Saxon  emperors  of  the 
West.  The  broken  records  of  the  times  ^^^  preserve  some 
remembrance  of  their  palace,  their  mint,  their  tribunal,  their 
edicts,  and  the  sword  of  justice,  which,  as  late  as  the  thirteenth 
centuiy,  was  derived  from  Csesar  to  the  prsefect  of  the  city.^^ 
Between  the  arts  of  the  popes  and  the  violence  of  the  people, 
this  supremacy  was  crushed  and  annihilated.  Content  with  the 
titles  of  emperor  and  Augustus,  the  successors  of  Charlemagne 
neglected  to  assert  this  local  jurisdiction.  In  the  hour  of  pros- 
nun  apostolonim  limina  oiiandi  grati&  timent  visere.  cum  nonnullas  ante  dies 
rncos  hiinc  audierint  conjugatas  viduas,  virgines  vi  oppressisse  (Liutprand,  Hist, 
▼i.  c  6.  p.  471  [Hist.  Ott.  c.  4].    See  the  whole  afiGur  of  John  XII.  p.  471-476). 

i^A  new  example  of  the  mischief  of  equivocation  is  the  beneJUium  (Docange, 
torn.  L  p.  617,  &c. ),  which  the  pope  conferred  on  the  emperor  Frederic  I. ,  since  the 
Latin  word  may  signify  either  a  legal  fief,  or  a  simple  favour,  an  obligation  (we 
want  the  word  Uenfait).  See  Schmidt,  Hist,  des  Allemands,  tom.  iil  p.  393-408. 
Pfeffel.  Abr^  Chronologique,  tom.  i.  p.  229,  396,  317,  324,  420,  430,  500,  505, 
509.  &C. 

i^For  the  history  of  the  emperors  in  Rome  ano  itaiy,  see  Sigonius,  de  Regno 
Italiae,  Opp.  torn,  ii.,  with  the  Notes  of  Saxius,  and  the  Annals  of  Muratori,  who 
might  ider  moce  distinctly  to  the  authors  of  his  great  coUecUoo. 

i^See  the  Dissertation  of  Le  Blanc  at  the  end  of  his  treatise  des  Monnoyes  de 
France,  in  which  be  produces  some  Roman  coins  of  the  French  emperors. 


300         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

perity,  their  ambition  was  diverted  by  more  alluring  objects ; 
and  in  the  decay  and  division  of  the  empire  they  were  oppressed 
■M«ii«r      by  the  defence  of  their  hereditary  provinces.     Amidst  the  ruins 
m  '  of  Italy,  the  &mous  Marosia  invited  one  of  the  usurpers  to 

assume  the  character  of  her  third  husband ;  and  Hugh,  king 
of  Burgundy,  was  introduced  by  her  faction  into  the  mole  of 
Hadrian  or  castle  of  St  Angelo,  which  commands  the  principal 
bridge  and  entrance  of  Rome.  Her  son  by  the  first  marriage, 
Alberic,  was  compelled  to  attend  at  the  nuptial  banquet ;  but 
his  reluctant  and  ungrateful  service  was  chastised  with  a  blow 
by  his  new  father.  The  blow  was  productive  of  a  revolution. 
'*  Romans,"  exclaimed  the  youth,  <*  once  you  were  the  masters 
of  the  world,  and  these  Burgnndians  the  most  abject  of  your 
slaves.  They  now  reign,  these  voracious  and  brutal  savages, 
and  my  injury  is  the  (xmunenoement  of  your  servitude.  *  ^^ 
The  alarum-bell  rung  to  arms  in  every  quarter  of  the  city ;  the 
Burgundians  retreated  with  haste  and  shame ;  Marosia  was 
imprisoned  by  her  victorious  son ;  and  his  brother,  pope  John 
XL,  was  reduced  to  the  exercise  of  his  spiritual  functions.  With 
the  title  of  prince,  Alberic  possessed  above  twenty  years  the 
government  of  Rome,  and  he  is  said  to  have  gratified  the 
popular  prejudice  by  restoring  the  office,  or  at  least  the  title, 
of  consuls  and  tribunes.  His  son  and  heir  Octavian  assumed, 
with  the  pontificate,  the  name  of  John  XII. ;  like  his  pre- 
decessor, he  was  provoked  by  the  Lombard  princes  to  seek  a 
deliverer  for  the  church  and  republic ;  and  the  services  of  Otho 
were  rewarded  with  the  Imperial  dignity.  But  the  Saxon  was 
imperious,  the  Romans  were  impatient,  the  festival  of  the  coro- 
nation was  disturbed  by  the  secret  conflict  of  prerogative  and 
freedom,  and  Otho  commanded  his  sword-bea!rer  not  to  stir 
from  his  person,  lest  he  should  be  assaulted  and  murdered  at 
the  foot  of  the  altar.  ^^  Before  he  repassed  the  Alps,  the 
emperor  chastised  the  revolt  of  the  people  and  the  ingratitude 
of  John  XII.  The  pope  was  degraded  in  a  synod ;  the  pwefect 
was  mounted  on  an  ass,  whipped  through  the  city,  and  cast  into 
a  dungeon ;  thirteen  of  the  most  ffuUty  were  hanged,  others 
were  mutilated  or  banished  ;  and  this  severe  process  was  justi- 

i^Romanonim  aliquandosenri,  scilicet  Burgundiooes,  Romanis  imperent?  .  .  . 
Romanse  urbis  dignitas  ad  tantam  est  stidtitiain  ducta,  ut  meretricnm  etiam  iiaperio 
pareat?  (Liutprand  [Antap.],  1.  ill  c.  I9  [c.  45],  p.  450).  Sigooiiii  (L  vL  jn  joo) 
positively  afiirnis  the  renovauon  of  the  oonmiUbip ;  bat  in  the  old  writers  Albenieoi 
IS  more  frequently  styled  prinoeps  Romanomin. 

i^Ditmar,  p.  354,  apod  Sdunidt,  torn.  iii.  p.  439. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  301 

fied  by  the  ancient  laws  of  Theodosius  and  Justinian.  The 
voice  of  fame  has  accused  the  second  Otho  of  a  perfidious  and 
bloody  act,  the  massacre  of  the  senators,  whom  he  had  in- 
vited to  his  table  under  the  fair  semblance  of  hosmtality  and 
friendship.  ^^^  In  the  minority  of  his  son  Otho  the  Third,  Rome 
made  a  bold  attempt  to  shake  off  the  Saxon  yoke^  and  the 
consul  Crescentius  was  the  Brutus  of  the  republic.  From  the  wttwMwi 
condition  of  a  subject  and  an  exile,  he  twice  rose  to  the  com-  aSmi*" 
mand  of  the  city,  oppressed,  expelled,  and  created  the  popes, 
and  formed  a  conspiracy  for  restoring  the  authority  of  the  Greek 
emperors.  In  the  fortress  of  St.  Angelo  he  maintained  an 
obstinate  siege,  till  the  unfortunate  consul  was  betrayed  by  a 
promise  of  safety ;  his  body  was  suspended  on  a  gibbet,  and 
his  head  was  exposed  on  the  battlements  of  the  castle.  By  a 
reverse  of  fortime,  Otho,  after  separating  his  troops,  was  be- 
sieged three  days,  without  food,  in  his  palace ;  and  a  disgraceful 
escape  saved  him  from  the  justice  or  fiiry  of  the  Romans. 
The  senator  Ptolemy  was  the  leader  of  the  people,  and  the 
widow  of  Crescentius  ei\joyed  the  pleasure  or  the  fiime  of  re- 
venging her  husband,  by  a  poison  which  she  administered  to 
her  Imperial  lover.  It  was  the  .design  of  Otho  the  Third  to 
abandon  the  ruder  countries  of  the  north,  to  erect  his  throne 
in  Italy,  and  to  revive  the  institutions  of  the  Roman  monarchy. 
But  his  successors  only  once  in  their  lives  appeared  on  the 
banks  of  the  Tiber,  to  receive  their  crown  in  the  Vatican.  ^^ 
Their  absence  was  contemptible,  their  presence  odious  and  for- 
midable. They  descended  from  the  Alps,  at  the  head  of  their 
barbarians,  who  were  strangers  and  enemies  to  the  ccmntry ;  and 
their  transient  visit  was  a  scene  of  tumult  and  bloodshed.^^ 
A  faint  remembrance  of  their  ancestors  still  tormented  the 
Romans;  and  they  beheld  with  pious  indignation  the  suoces- 

i^This  bloody  feast  is  described  in  Leonine  verae,  in  the  Piantheon  of  Godfrey 
of  Viterbo  (Script.  Ital.  torn.  viL  p.  436,  437  Fed.  Waits,  in  Pertz's  Mon.,  xxit.,  p. 
107  sf^.J^f  who  flourished  towards  the  end  of  the  xiith  century  (Fabricius,  Bibliot 
I^Atin.  med.  et  infimi  Mvi,  torn.  ilL  p.  69.  edit.  Mansi) ;  bat  his  evidence,  which 
imposed  on  Sigonius,  is  reasonably  suspected  by  Muratori  (Annali,  torn.  viiL  p.  177). 

I'The  oorooatioo  of  the  emperor,  and  some  original  oercmonies  of  the  zth 
century,  are  preserved  in  the  Panegyric  on  Berengarius  [composed  91  c-oaaj (Script. 
ItaL  torn.  ii.  pars  I  405-414),  illustrated  by  the  Notes  of  Hadrian  Valesius,  and 
Leibnitz.  [Gesta  Berengani  imp.,  ed.  £.  Dttmmler,  1871.  Also  in  Pertz's 
Monura.  voL  iv.]  ^gonius  has  related  the  whole  process  of  the  Roman  expedition, 
in  good  Latin,  but  with  some  errors  of  time  and  fact  (L  vii.  p.  441-446). 

1^  In  a  ouarrri  at  the  coronation  of  Conrad  IL  Muratori  takes  leave  to  obsenne 
— doveano  ben  essere  allora,  indisciplinati,  Barbari,  e  bestUUi  i  Tedescbi.  AnnaL 
torn,  viii  p.  568. 


802         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

8ion  of  Saxons,  Franks,  Swabians,  and  Bohemians,  who  usurped 
thepurple  and  prerogatives  of  the  Csesars. 

There  is  nothing  perhaps  more  adverse  to  nature  and  reason 
than  to  hold  in  ol^dienee  remote  countries  and  foreign  nations, 
in  opposition  to  their  inclination  and  interest.  A  torrent  of 
barbarians  may  pass  over  the  earth,  but  an  extensive  empire 
must  be  supported  by  a  refined  system  of  policy  and  oppression : 
in  the  centre,  an  absolute  power,  prmnpt  in  action  flli^d  rich  in 
resources ;  a  swift  and  easy  communication  with  the  extreme 
parts ;  fortifications  to  check  the  first  effort  of  rebellion ;  a 
regular  administration  to  protect  and  punish ;  and  a  well* 
disciplined  army  to  inspire  fear,  without  provoking  diaoootent 
and  despair.  Far  different  was  the  situation  of  the  German 
Caesars,  who  were  ambitious  to  enslave  the  kingdom  €i£  Italy. 
Their  patrimonial  estates  were  stretched  along  the  Rhine,  or 
scattered  in  the  provinces ;  but  this  ample  domain  was  alienated 
by  the  imprudence  or  distress  of  successive  princes ;  and  their 
revenue,  from  minute  and  vexatious  prerogative,  was  scarcely 
sufficient  for  the  maintenanoe  of  their  household.  Their  troops 
were  formed  by  the  legal  or  voluntary  service  of  their  feudlal 
vassals,  who  passed  the  Alps  with  reluctance,  assumed  the 
licence  of  rapine  and  disorder,  and  capriciously  deserted  before 
the  end  of  the  campaign.  Whole  armies  were  swept  away  by 
the  pestilential  influence  of  the  climate ;  the  survivon  brought 
back  the  bones  of  their  princes  and  nobles,^^  and  the  effects  of 
their  own  intempersnoe  were  often  imputed  to  the  treachery 
and  malice  of  the  Italians,  who  rejoiced  at  least  in  the  ealamitirs 
of  the  barbarians.  This  irr^nlar  tyranny  might  contend  on 
equal  terms  with  the  petty  tyrants  of  Italy;  nor  can  the 
people,  or  the  reader,  be  mndi  Interested  in  Uie  event  of  the 
quarrel.  But  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  the  Lom- 
bards rekindled  the  flame  of  industry  and  freedom ;  and  the 
ffenerouB  example  was  at  length  imitated  bv  the  repnhlics  of 
Tuscany.  In  the  Italian  cities  a  municipal  government  had 
never  been  totally  abolished;  and  their  first  privileges  were 
ffranted  by  the  fovour  and  poli^  of  the  emperorB,  who  were 
desirous  of  erecting  a  ^ebeian  barrier  against  the  independence 
of  the  nobles.     But  their  rapid  progress,  the  daily  extenskm  of 


!>**  After  boiling  away  the  flesh.  The  caldrons  for  that  purpose  were  a 
sary  piece  of  travelling  furniture;  and  a  German,  who  was  nsfaig  it  for  his  brodKr. 
promised  it  to  afriend,  after  it  should  have  been  employed  for  himsdf  (Sduoidi. 
torn.  iiL  p.  Aa3, 42^).  The  same  author  olssiW4  that  the  wbole  Saaoa  liiw 
extinguisnea  in  Italy  (torn.  iL  p.  440), 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  803 

their  power  and  pretensioiiB,  were  founded  on  the  numbers  and 
spirit  of  these  rising  communities. ^^^  Each  city  filled  the 
measure  of  her  diocese  or  district ;  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
counts  and  bishops,  of  the  marquises  and  counts,  was  banished 
from  the  land;  and  the  proudest  nobles  were  persuaded  or 
compelled  to  desert  their  solitary  castles,  and  to  embrace  the 
more  honourable  character  of  freemen  and  magistrates.  The 
legislative  authority  was  inherent  in  the  general  assembly ;  but 
the  executive  powers  were  entrusted  to  three  consuls,  annu- 
ally chosen  from  the  three  orders  of  captaifu,  valvassors,^^  and 
commons,  into  which  the  republic  was  divided.  Under  the 
protection  of  equal  law,  the  labours  of  agriculture  and  com- 
merce were  gradually  revived ;  but  the  martial  spirit  of  the 
Lombards  was  nourished  by  the  presence  of  danger;  and,  as 
often  as  the  bell  was  rung  or  the  standard  ^^  erected,  the  gates 
of  the  city  poured  forth  a  numerous  and  intre{nd  band,  whose 
zeal  in  their  own  cause  was  soon  guided  by  the  use  and  dis- 
cipline of  arms.  At  the  foot  of  these  popular  ramparts,  the 
pride  of  the  CaesEuurs  was  overthrown ;  and  the  invisible  genius 
of  liberty  prevailed  over  the  two  Frederics,  the  greatest  princes 
of  the  middle  age  :  the  first,  superior  perhaps  in  military 
prowess ;  the  second,  who  undoubtedly  excelled  in  the  softer 
accomplishments  of  peace  and  learning. 

Ambitious  of  restoring  the  splendour  of  the  purple,  Frederic  rntatetti 
the  First  invaded  the  republics  of  Lombardy,  with  the  arts  of  auv-aiM 
statesman,  the  valour  of  a  soldier,  and  the  cruelty  of  a  tyrant. 
The  recent  discovery  of  the  Pandects  had  renewed  a  science 
most  fitvourable  to  despotism;  and  his  venal  advocates  pro- 
claimed the  emperor  the  absolute  master  of  the  lives  and 
properties  of  his*  subjects.  His  royal  prerogatives,  in  a  less 
odious  sense,  were  acknowledged  in  the  diet  of  Roncaglia ;  and 
the  revenue  of  Italy  was  fixed  at  thirty  thousand  pouiMls  of 
silver,^^  which  were  multiplied  to  an  indefinite  demand  by  the 

m  Otbo  bishop  of  Frisiiigen  has  left  an  importaiit  passage  on  the  Italian  cities 
(L  iL  c.  13,  in  Script  ItaL  torn.  vL  p.  707'7Xo);  and  the  rise,  progress,  and 
government  of  these  republics  are  perfectly  illustrated  by  Muratori  (Antiqmtat 
ItaL  Medii  Mvi,  torn.  hr.  dissert.  xlv.-L  ii  p.  t'^S-    AnnaL  torn.  viii.  ix.  jl). 

"■For  these  titles,  see  Selden  (Titles  of  Honour.  voL  iil  part  L  p  488), 
Ducange  (Gloss.  Latin,  torn.  iL  p.  140,  torn,  vu  p.  776).  and  St.  Marc  (Abrdig^ 
ChronSc^gique,  torn.  iL  p.  719). 

i^Tbe  Lombards  invented  and  used  the  carocium,  a  standard  planted  on  a  oar 
or  wagi^on,  dmwn  hy  a  team  of  oxen  (Ducange,  torn.  iL  pw  194,  195 ;  Muratori, 
Antiqmtat  torn.  ii.  Diss.  zxxvL  p.  489-493). 

iMpuntber  Ligurinus,  L  viiL  584.  et  seq.  apud  Schmidt,  tom.  iii.  p.  399. 


304         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALt 

• 

rapine  of  the  fiscal  officers.  The  ohstinate  cities  were  reduced 
by  the  terror  or  the  force  of  his  arms;  his  captives  were  delivered 
to  the  executioner,  or  shot  from  his  military  engines;  and, 
after  the  siege  and  surrender  of  Milan,  the  buildings  of  that 
stately  capital  were  rased  to  the  ground,  three  hundred  host- 
ages were  sent  into  Germany,  and  the  inhabitants  were  dispersed 
in  four  villages,  under  the  yoke  of  the  inflexible  conqueror.^ 
But  Milan  soon  rose  from  her  ashes ;  and  the  league  of  Lomr 
bardy  was  cemented  by  distress ;  their  cause  was  espoused  by 
Venice,  pope  Alexander  the  Third,  and  the  Greek  emperor; 
the  &bric  of  oppression  was  overturned  in  a  day ;  and  in  the 
trea^  of  Constance,  Frederic  subscribed,  with  some  reservations, 
the  freedom  of  four-and-twenty  cities.  His  grandson  contended 
tate^  with  their  vigour  and  mattuity ;  but  Frederic  the  Second  ^ 
-.so  '  was  endowed  with  some  personal  and  peculiar  advantages.  His 
birth  and  education  recommended  him  to  the  Italians ;  and,  in 
the  implacable  discord  of  the  two  factions,  the  Ghibelins  were 
attached  to  the  emperor,  while  the  Guelfr  displayed  the  banner 
of  liberty  and  the  church.  The  court  of  Rome  had  slumbered, 
when  his]  father  Henry  the  Sixth  was  permitted  to  unite  with 
the  empire  the  kingdoms  of  Naples  and  Sicily ;  tpA  from  these 
hereditary  realms  the  son  derived  an  ample  and  ready  supply  of 
troops  and  treasure.  Yet  Frederic  the  Second  was  finally  op- 
pressed by  the  arms  of  the  Lombards  and  the  thunders  of  the 
Vatican ;  his  kingdom  was  given  to  a  stranger,  and  the  last  of 
his  family  was  beheaded  at  Naples  on  a  public  scaffold.  Daring 
sixty  years  no  emperor  appeared  in  Italy,  and  the  name  was 
remembered  only  by  the  ignominious  sale  of  the  last  relics  of 
sovereignty, 
•pra^i^  The  barbarian  conquerors  of  the  West  were  pleased  to 
^n^^  decorate  their  chief  with  the  title  of  emperor ;  but  it  was  not 
their  design  to  invest  him  with  the  despotism  of  Constantine 
and  Justinian.  The  persons  of  the  Germans  were  firee,  theh 
conquests  were  their  own,  and  their  national  character  was 
animated  by  a  spirit  which  scorned  the  servile  jorispradenoc 
of  the  new  or  the  ancient  Rome.  It  would  have  been  a  vain 
and  dangerous  attempt  to  impose  a  monarch  on  the  armed  ftee- 

1"^  Solus  imperator  fadem  suam  finnavit  ut  petram  (Burcacd.  de  Eicidk 
Mediolani,  Script  ItaL  torn.  vL  p.  917).  This  volume  of  Moratori  oontains  the 
originals  of  the  history  of  Frederic  the  First,  which  most  be  compsred  with  dw 
re^ird  to  the  drcumstanoes  and  prejudices  of  each  Gcmuui  or  Lombard  writer. 

iM  For  the  history  of  Frederic  II.  and  the  house  of  Swabia  at  Naplei.  M 
Giannone,  Istoria  Civile,  torn.  ii.  1.  xiv.-zix. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  806 

men,  who  were  impatient  of  a  magistrate ;  on  the  bold,  who 
refused  to  obey;  on  the  powerful,  who  aspired  to  command. 
The  empire  of  Charlemagne  and  Otho  was  distributed  among 
the  dukes  of  the  nations  or  provinces,  the  counts  of  the  smaller 
districts,  and  the  margraves  of  the  marches  or  frontiers,  who  all 
united  the  civil  and  military  authority  as  it  had  been  delegated 
to  the  lieutenants  of  the  fnrst  Caesars.  The  Roman  governors, 
who,  for  the  most  part,  were  soldiers  of  fortune,  seduced  their 
mercenary  legions,  assumed  the  Imperial  purple,  and  either 
£Bdled  or  succeeded  in  their  revolt,  without  wounding  the  power 
and  unity  of  government.  If  the  dukes,  margraves,  and  counts 
of  Germany  were  less  audacious  in  their  dbiims,  the  consequences 
of  their  success  were  more  lasting  and  pernicious  to  the  state. 
Instead  of  aiming  at  the  supreme  rank,  they  silently  laboured 
to  establish  and  appropriate  their  provincial  independence. 
Their  ambition  was  seconded  by  the  weight  of  their  estates  and 
vassals,  their  mutual  example  and  support,  the  common  interest 
of  the  subordinate  nobility,  the  change  of  princes  and  fiunilies, 
the  minorities  of  Otho  the  Third  and  Henry  the  Fourth,  the 
ambition  of  the  popes,  and  the  vain  pursuits  of  the  fugitive 
crowns  of  Italy  and  Rome.  All  the  attributes  of  regal  and 
territorial  jurisdiction  were  gradually  usurped  by  the  com- 
manders of  the  provinces ;  the  right  of  peace  and  war,  of  life 
and  death,  of  coinage  and  taxation,  of  foreign  alliance  and 
domestic  economy.  Whatever  had  been  seized  by  violence 
was  ratified  by  &vour  or  distress,  was  granted  as  the  price  of 
a  doubtful  vote  or  a  voluntary  service;  whatever  haid  been 
granted  to  one  could  not,  without  injury,  be  denied  to  his 
successor  or  equal ;  and  every  act  of  local  or  temporary  pos- 
session was  insensibly  moulded  into  the  constitution  of  the 
Germanic  kingdom.  In  every  province,  the  visible  presence  of 
the  duke  or  count  was  interposed  between  the  throne  and  the 
nobles ;  the  subjects  of  the  law  became  the  vassals  of  a  private 
chief;  and  the  standard,  which  he  received  from  his  sovereign, 
was  often  raised  against  him  in  the  field.  The  temporal  power 
of  the  clergy  was  cherished  and  exalted  by  the  superstition  or 
policy  of  the  Carlovingian  and  Saxon  dynasties,  who  blindly 
dep^ided  on  their  moderation  and  fidelity ;  and  the  bishoprics 
of  Germany  were  made  equal  in  extent  and  privilege,  superior 
in  wealth  and  population,  to  the  most  ample  states  of  the  mili- 
tary order.  As  long  as  the  emperors  retained  the  prerogative 
of  bestowing  on  every  vacancy  these  ecclesiastic  and  secular 
benefices,  their  cause  was  maintained  by  the  gratitude  or  am- 
VOIi.  v..  20 


306         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

bition  of  their  friends  and  fitvourites.  But  in  the  quarrel  of  the 
investitures  they  were  deprived  of  their  influence  over  the 
episcopal  chapters ;  the  freedom  of  election  wsls  restored,  and 
the  sovereign  was  reduced,  by  a  solemn  mockery,  to  his  Jirtl 
prayen,  the  recommendation,  once  in  his  reign,  to  a  single 
prebend  in  each  church.  The  secular  govemors,  instead  of 
being  recalled  at  the  will  of  a  superior,  could  be  degraded 
only  by  the  sentence  of  their  peers.  In  the  first  age  of  the 
monarchy,  the  appointment  of  the  son  to  the  duchy  or 
county  of  his  father  was  solicited  as  a  favour ;  it  was 
gradually  obtained  as  a  custom  and  extorted  as  a  right;  the 
lineal  succession  was  often  extended  to  the  collateral  or  female 
branches;  the  states  of  the  empire  (their  popular,  and  at 
length  their  legal,  appellation)  were  divided  and  alienated 
by  testament  and  sale;  and  all  idea  of  a  public  trust  was 
lost  in  that  of  a  private  and  perpetual  inheritance.  The 
emperor  could  not  even  be  enriched  'by  the  casualties  of 
forfeiture  and  extinction;  within  the  term  of  a  year  he  was 
obliged  to  dispose  of  the  vacant  fief;  and  in  the  choice  of  the 
candidate  it  was  his  duty  to  consult  either  the  general  or  the 
provincial  diet. 

After  the  death  of  Frederic  the  Second,  Germany  was  left 
WHM«H«.  ^  QiQugter  with  an  hundred  heads.  A  crowd  of  princes  and 
prelates  disputed  the  ruins  of  the  empire;  the  lords  of  in- 
numerable castles  were  less  prone  to  obey  than  to  imitate 
their  superiors ;  and,  according  to  the  measure  of  their  strength, 
their  incessant  hostilities  received  the  names  of  conquest  or 
robbery.  Such  anarchy  was  the  inevitable  consequence  of  the 
laws  and  manners  of  Europe ;  and  the  kingdoms  of  France  and 
Italy  were  shivered  into  fragments  by  the  violence  of  the  same 
tempest.  But  the  Italian  dtiea  and  French  vassals  were  divided 
and  destroyed,  while  the  union  of  the  Germans  has  produced, 
under  the  name  of  an  empire,  a  great  system  of  a  fedemtive 
republic.  In  the  frequent  and  at  last  the  perpetual  institution 
of^diets,  a  national  spirit  was  kept  alive,  and  the  powers  of  a 
common  legislature  are  still  exercised  by  the  three  branches  or 
collc^ges  of  the  electors,  the  princes,  and  the  free  and  Imperial 
cities  of  Germany.  I.  Seven  of  the  most  powerful  feudatories 
were  permitted  to  assume,  with  a  distinguished  name  and  nnk, 
the  exclusive  privilege  of  choosing  the  Roman  emperor;  and 
these  electors  were  the  king  of  Bcmemiay  the  duke  of  Saxony, 
the  margrave  of  &andenoiii;g,  the  count  palatine  of  the 
Rhine,  and  the  three  ardibiahopB  of  Ments,  of  T^reves,  and  <rf 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  307 

• 

Cologne. ^^'^  II.  The  college  of  princes  and  prelates  purged  them- 
selves  of  a  promiscuous  multitude  :  they  reduced  to  four  repre- 
sentative votes  the  long  series  of  independent  counts^  and  excluded 
the  nobles  or  equestrian  order,  sixty  thousand  of  whom,  as  in  the 
Polish  diets,  had  appeared  on  horseback  in  the  field  of  election. 
III.  The  pride  of  birth  and  dominion,  of  the  sword  and  the 
mitre,  wisely  adopted  the  commons  as  the  third  branch  of  the 
legislature,  and,  in  the  progress  of  society,  they  were  introduced 
about  the  same  era  into  the  national  assemblies  of  France, 
England,  and  Germany.  The  Hanseatic  league  commanded 
the  trade  and  navigation  of  the  north  ;  the  confederates  of  the 
Rhine  secured  the  peace  and  intercourse  of  the  inland  country ; 
the  influence  of  the  cities  has  been  adequate  to  their  wealth 
■nd  policy,  and  their  negative  still  invalidates  the  acts  of  the 
two  superior  colleges  of  electors  and  princes.  ^^ 

It  is  in  the  fourteenth  century  that  we  may  view,  in  the  strongest  w«« 
light,  the  state  and  contrast  of  the  Roman  empire  of  Grermany,  ortiwom 
which  no  longer  held,  except  on  the  borders  of  the  Rhine  and  SSi^[v 
Danube,  a  single  province  of  Trajan  or  Constantine.     Their  un-  isn' 
worthy  successors  were  the  counts  of  Hapsburg,  of  Nassau,  of 
Luxemburg,  and  of  Schwartzenburg ;  the  emperor  Henry  the 
Seventh  procured  for  his  son  the  crown  of  Bohemia,  and  his 
grandson  Charles  the  Fourth  was  bom  among  a  people  strange 

I*'  [The  dectoral  college  *'  is  mentioned  a.  d.  x  152,  and  in  somewhat  clearer  terms 
in  1 198,  as  a  distinct  body ;  but  without  anything  to  show  who  composed  it.  First 
in  A.D.  1363  does  a  letter  df  Pope  Urban  IV.  say  that  by  immemorial  custom  the 
right  of  choosing  the  Roman  kmg  belonged  to  seven  persons,  the  seven  who  had 
just  divided  their  votes  on  Richard  of  Cornwall  and  Alphonso  of  Castile."  The  three 
archbishops  represented  the  German  church ;  the  four  lav  electors  should  have  been 
the  four  great  dukes  of  Saxony.  Franconia,  Bavaria,  and  Swabia.  But  the  duchies 
of  Franconia  (or  East  Franda)  and  Swabia  were  extinct,  their  place  being  taJcen 
by  the  Palatinate  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Margraviate  of  Brandenburg.  A  coraict  for 
the  seventh  place  between  Bavaria  and  the  king  of  Bohemia  (who  claimed  it  by 
virtue  of  his  office  of  cup-bearer)  was  decided  by  the  Emperor  Rudolf  in  1289  in 
favour  of  the  king  of  Bonemia.     (Bryce,  Holy  Roman  Empire  (ed.  7),  p.  999-3a)] 

^'^  In  the  immense  labyrinth  oiihe  Jus  publicum  of  Germany,  I  must  either  quote 
one  writer  or  a  thousand ;  and  I  had  rather  trust  to  one  faithful  i^uide  than  tran- 
scribe, on  credit,  a  multitude  of  names  and  passages.  That  guide  is  M.  Pfeffel,  the 
author  of  the  best  legal  and  constitutional  history  that  I  know  of  any  country 
(Nouvel  Abr^^  Chronologique  de  THistoire  et  du  Droit  Public  d'Allemagne,  Paris, 
1776,  3  vols,  in  4to).  His  learning  and  judgment  have  discerned  the  most  interest- 
ing facts ;  his  simple  brevity  comprises  them  in  a  narrow  space ;  his  chronological 
oi^er  distributes  them  under  the  proper  dates;  and  an  elaborate  index  coUects 
them  cmder  their  respective  heads.  To  this  work,  in  a  less  perfect  state.  Dr. 
Robertson  was  gratefully  indebted  for  that  masterly  sketch  which  traces  even  the 
modem  changes  of  the  Germanic  body.  The  Corpus  Historiae  Germanicfle  of 
Stnivius  has  been  likewise  consulted,  the  more  usefully,  as  that  huge  compilation 
is  fortified,  in  every  page,  with  the  original  texts. 


308         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  barbarous  in  the  estimation  of  the  Grermans  themselveSi^ 
After  the  excommunication  of  Lewis  of  Bavaria,  he  received  the 
gift  or  promise  of  the  vacant  empire  from  the  Rcrnian  pontifli, 
who,  in  the  exile  and  captivity  of  Avignon,  afiected  the  dominion 
of  the  earth.  The  death  of  his  competitors  united  the  electoral 
college,  and  Charles  was  unanimously  saluted  king  of  the  Ro- 
mans, and  future  emperor :  a  title  which,  in  the  same  age,  wA 
prostituted  to  the  Caesars  of  Germany  and  Greece.  The  German 
emperor  was  no  more  than  the  elective  and  impotent  magistrate 
of  an  aristocracy  of  princes,  who  had  not  left  him  a  village  that 
he  might  call  his  own.  His  best  prerogative  was  the  right  of 
presiding  and  pn^xMing  in  the  national  senate,  which  was  con- 
vened at  his  summons;  and  his  native  kingdom  of  Bohemia, 
less  opulent  than  the  adjacent  city  of  Nuremberg,  was  the 
firmest  seat  of  his  power  and  the  richest  source  of  his  iwenue; 
The  army  with  which  he  paased  the  Alps  consisted  of  three 
hundred  horse.  In  the  cathedral  of  St.  Ambrose,  Charles  was 
crowned  with  the  iron  crown,  which  tradition  ascribed  to  the 
Lombard  monarchy ;  but  he  was  admitted  only  with  a  peaeefbl 
train  ;  the  gates  of  the  city  were  shut  upon  him ;  and  the  king 
of  Italy  was  held  a  captive  by  the  arms  of  the  Visconti,  ii^iom 
he  condSrmed  in  the  sovereignty  of  Milan.  In  the  Vatican  he 
was  again  crowned  with  the  golden  crown  of  the  empire ;  bat, 
in  obedience  to  a  secret  treaty,  the  Roman  emperor  immediately 
withdrew,  without  reposing  a  single  night  within  the  walls  of 
Rome.  The  eloquent  Petrarch,^^  whose  fancy  revived  the 
visionary  glories  of  the  Capitol,  deplores  and  upbraids  the 
ignominious  flight  of  the  Bohemian ;  and  even  his  contempoim- 
ries  could  observe  that  the  sole  exercise  of  his  authority  was  in 
the  lucrative  sale  of  privileges  and  titles.  The  gold  of  Italy 
secured  the  election  of  his  son ;  but  such  was  the  shamefoL 
poverty  of  the  Roman  emperor  that  his  person  was  airested  by 
a  butcher  in  the  streets  of  Worms,  and  was  detained  in  the 

1"  Yet,  fersoHalfy,  Charles  IV.  must  not  be  considered  as  a  barbarian.  After 
his  education  at  Paris,  he  recovered  the  use  of  the  Bohemian,  his  native,  idiom; 
and  the  emperor  conversed  and  wrote  with  equal  facility  in  Frendi,  Latin,  Italiui, 
and  German  (Struvius,  p.  6x5,  6x6).  Petrarch  alwap  represents  him  as  a  polite 
and  learned  prince.  [He  founded  the  Unhersitv  of  Prague,  which  he  mocleDed  on 
the  universities  of  Sakmo  and  Naples  (founded  by  Frederick  IL\  In  eBOOungiBS 
the  national  language  he  went  so  fiu'  as  to  decree  that  all  German  paraats  ilioiild 
have  their  children  taught  Bohemian.] 

i*>  Besides  the  German  and  Italian  historians,  the  expedition  of  Charles  IV.  b 
uiinted  in  lively  and  original  colours  in  the  curious  M^moires  sor  la  Vie  de 
Petrarque,  tom.  iii.  p.  37^30^  by  the  Abb^  dc  Sade.  whose  prolinty  bar 
been  blamed  by  any  reader  01  taste  and  curiosity. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  809 

public  inn,  as  a  pledge  or  hostage  for  the  payment  of  his  ex- 
penses. 

From  this  humiliating  scene  let  us  turn  to  the  apparent  bi 
majesty  of  the  same  Charles  in  the  diets  of  the  empire.  The 
golden  bull,  which  fixes  the  Germanic  constitution,  is  promul- 
gated in  the  style  of  a  sovereign  and  legislator.^®^  An  hundred 
princes  bowed  before  his  throne,  and  exalted  their  own  dignity 
by  the  voluntary  honours  which  they  yielded  to  their  chief  or 
minister.  At  the  royal  banquet,  the  hereditary  great  officers, 
the  seven  electors,  who  in  rank  and  title  were  equal  to  kings, 
performed  their  solemn  and  domestic  service  of  the  palace. 
The  seals  of  the  triple  kingdom  were  borne  in  state  by  the 
archbishops  of  Mentz,  Cologne,  and  Treves,  the  perpetual  arch- 
chancellors  of  Germany,  Italy,  and  Aries.  The  great  marshal, 
on  horseback,  exercised  his  function  with  a  silver  measure  of 
oats,  which  he  emptied  on  the  ground,  and  immediately  dis- 
mounted to  regulate  the  order  of  the  guests.  The  great 
steward,  the  count  palatine  of  the  Rhine,  placed  the  dishes 
on  the  table.  The  great  chamberlain,  the  margrave  of  Branden- 
burg, presented,  after  the  repast,  the  golden  ewer  and  bason, 
to  wash.  The  king  of  Bohemia,  as  great  cup-bearer,  was 
represented  by  the  emperor's  brother,  the  duke  of  Luxemburg 
and  Brabant;  and  the  procession  was  closed  by  the  great 
huntsmen,  who  introduced  a  boar  and  a  stag,  with  a  loud 
chorus  of  horns  and  hounds.^^^  Nor  was  the  supremacy  of  the 
emperor  confined  to  Germany  alone ;  the  hereditary  monarchs 
of  Europe  confessed  the  pre-eminence  of  his  rank  and  dignity  ; 
he  was  the  first  of  the  Christian  princes,  the  temporal  head  of 
the  great  republic  of  the  West  ;^^  to  his  person  the  title  of 
majesty  was   long  appropriated ;   and   he   disputed   with   the 

1^  [Charles  sacrificed  the  interests  of  Germany  entirely  to  those  of  Bohemia, 
the  interests  of  the  Empire  to  those  of  his  own  house.  The  Golden  Bull  does  not 
mention  Germany  or  Italy.  Mr.  Bryce's  epigram  on  Charles  IV.  is  famous :  "  he 
legalized  anarchy,  and  called  it  a  constitution".  Mr.  Bryce  observes :  "  He  saw 
in  his  office  a  means  of  serving  personal  ends,  and  to  them,  while  appearing  to 
exalt  by  elaborate  ceremonies  its  ideal  dignity,  he  deliberately  sacrificed  what  real 
strength  was  left  '* ;  and :  "  the  sums  expended  in  obtaining  the  ratification  of  the 
Golden  Bull,  in  procuring  the  election  ot  his  son  Wenzel,  in  aggrandizing  Bohemia 
at  the  expense  of  Germany,  had  been  amassed  by  keeping  a  market  in  which 
honours  and  exemptions,  with  what  lands  the  crown  retained,  were  put  up  openly 
to  be  bid  for".] 

^''See  the  whole  ceremony,  in  Struvius,  p.  609. 

i<*The  republic  of  Europe,  with  the  pope  and  emperor  at  its  head,  was  never 
represented  with  more  digni^  than  in  the  oomicil  01  Constance  See  Lenfant's 
History  of  that  assembly. 


A.l> 


310         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

pope  the  sublime  prerogative  of  creating  kings  and  assembling 
councils.  The  oracle  of  the  civil  law,  the  learned  Bartolus,  was 
a  pensioner  of  Charles  the  Fourth ;  and  his  school  resounded 
with  the  doctrine  that  the  Roman  emperor  was  the  rightful 
sovereign  of  the  earth,  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  sun.  The 
contrary  opinion  was  eondemned,  not  as  an  error,  but  as  an 
heresy,  since  even  the  gospel  had  pronounced,  ''And  there 
went  forth  a  decree  from  Cssar  Augustus,  that  all  ike  world 
should  be  taxed".  ^•^ 
■ini»of  If  we  annihilate  the  interval  of  time  and  space  between 
l^^S^  Augustus  and  Charles,  strong  and  striking  will  be  the  contrast 
between  the  two  Csesars:  the  Bohemian,  who  concealed  his 
weakness  under  the  mask  of  ostentation,  and  the  Roman,  who 
disguised  his  strength  under  the  semblance  of  modesty.  At 
the  head  of  his  victorious  legions,  in  his  reign  over  the  aea  and 
land,  from  the  Nile  and  Euphrates  to  the  Atlantic  ocean, 
Augustus  professed  himself  the  servant  of  the  state  and  the 
equal  of  his  fellow-citisens.  The  conqueror  of  Rome  and  her 
provinces  assumed  the  popular  and  legal  form  of  a  censor,  a 
consul,  and  a  tribune.  His  will  was  the  law  of  mankind,  bnt^ 
in  the  declaration  of  his  laws,  he  borrowed  the  voice  of  the 
senate  and  people ;  and,  from  their  decrees,  their  master  ac- 
cepted and  renewed  his  temporary  conmiission  to  administer 
the  republic.  In  his  dress,  his  domestics,^^  his  titles.  In  all 
the  offices  of  social  life,  Augustus  maintained  the  character  of 
a  private  Roman ;  and  his  most  artful  flatterers  respected  the 
secret  of  his  absolute  and  perpetual  monarchy. 

^•*Gravina,  Origines  Juris  Civills,  p.  io8. 

i^Six  thousand  urns  hove  been  discovered  of  the  slaves  and  freedmen  of 
Augustus  and  Livia.  So  minute  was  the  division  of  office  that  one  dave  was 
appointed  to  weigh  the  wool  which  was  spun  by  the  empress's  maids,  another  for 
the  care  of  her  lap-dog,  &c  (Camere  Sepolchrale,  Ac  by  BiandifaiL  Estnd  of 
his  work,  in  the  Bibliothiquc  Italique,  torn.  iv.  p.  175.  His  ElQge,  br  Fontendfet 
torn.  vi.  p.  ^56).  But  thoe  servants  were  of  the  same  rank,  and  poanny  not  more 
numerous  than  those  of  PoUio  or  Lentolns.  They  only  prove  tbe  genval  licbei 
of  the  city. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  811 


CHAPTBB  L 

Description  of  Arabia  and  its  InhMianU — Birth,  Character,  and 
Doctrine  of  Mahomet — He  preaches  at  Mecca — FUes  to  Medina 
— Propagates  his  Retigion  by  the  Smord — Voluntary  or  re* 
luctant  Submission  of  the  Arabs — His  Death  and  Suaxssors — 
The  Claims  and  Fortunes  ofAli  and  his  Descendants 

After  pursuing;  above  six  hundred  years,  the  fleeting  Caesars  of 
Constantinople  and  Germany,  I  now  descend,  in  the  reign  of 
Heraclius,  on  the  eastern  borders  of  the  Greek  monarchy. 
While  the  state  was  exhausted  by  the  Persian  war,  and  the 
church  was  distracted  by  the  Nestorian  and  Monophysite  sects, 
Mahomet,  with  the  sword  in  one  hand  and  the  Koran  in  the  p 
other,  erected  his  throne  on  the  ruins  of  Christianity  and.  of  * 
Rome.  The  genius  of  the  Arabian  prophet,  the  manners  of  his 
nation,  and  the  spirit  of  his  religion  involve  the  causes  of  the 
decline  and  &11  of  the  Eastern  empire ;  and  our  eyes  are 
curiously  intent  on  one  of  the  most  memorable  revolutions 
which  have  impressed  a  new  and  lasting  character  on  the 
nations  of  the  globe.  ^ 

In  the  vacant  space  between  Persia,  S3n*ia,  Egypt,  and  Ethiopia,  DMogpuwi 
the  Arabian  peninsula  ^  may  be  conceived  as  a  triangle  of  spadouB  ^ 

1  As  in  this  and  the  following  chapter  I  shall  display  much  Arabic  learning,  I 
must  profess  my  total  ignorance  of  the  Oriental  tongues,  and  my  gratitude  to  the 
learned  interpreters,  vrho  have  transfused  their  science  into  the  Latin,  F^tmch, 
and  English  Leuiguages.  Their  collections,  versions,  and  histories,  I  shall  occasion- 
ally notice. 

*  The  geographers  of  Arabia  may  be  divided  into  three  classes :  i.  The  Greeks  and 
Latins,  whose  progressive  knowledge  may  be  traced  in  A^harchides  (de  Man  Ru- 
bro,  in  Hudson,  Geograph.  Minor,  torn,  i.),  DiodorusSicmus  (tom.  i.  1.  il  p.  159-167 

[c.  485^^.1 1.  iiL  p.  2ix-3i6[c.  14  J^^.],  edit.  Wesseling),  Strabo(L  xvi.  p.  1113-11x4 
c.  4,1-4],  irom  Eratosthenes ;  p.  1122-1132  [c.  4,  5  s^gT],  from  Artemidorus),  Diony- 
sius  (Periegesis,  927-^69),  Pliny  (Hist  Natur.  v.  X2,  vi.  3p),  and  Ptolemy  (Descript 
ct  Tabulae  Urbium,  m  Hudson,  tom.  iii.).  3.  The  AraHc  writers,  who  have  treated 
the  subject  v^-ith  the  zeal  of  patriotism  or  devotion :  the  extracts  of  Pocock  (Speci- 
men Hist.  Arabum,  p.  135-138],  from  the  Geography  of  the  Sherif  al  Edrissi,  raider 
us  still  more  dissatisfied  vnth  toe  version  or  a&idgment  (p.  34-37,  44-^6,  108,  ftc. 
1 19,  Ac.)  which  the  Maronites  have  published  under  the  absurd  title  of Geognu>hia 
Nubiaios  (Paris,  16x9) ;  bat  the  Latin  and  Ficnch  translators,  Greaves  (in  Huduon, 
torn.  iiL)  and  GaUaxid  (Vcya^  de  la  Pskitiiie  par  la  Roque,  p.  965-346),  have 


312         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

but  irregular  dimensions.  From  the  northern  point  of  Beles' 
on  the  Euphrates^  a  line  of  fifteen  hundred  miles  is  terminated 
by  the  straits  of  Babelmandeb  and  the  land  of  frankinoense. 
About  half  this  length  *  may  be  allowed  for  the  middle  breadth 
from  east  to  west,  from  Bassora  to  Suez,  frx>m  the  Persian  Gulf 
to  the  Red  Sea.^  The  sides  of  the  triangle  are  gradually  en- 
laiged,  and  the  southern  basis  presents  a  front  of  a  thousand 
miles  to  the  Indian  ocean.  The  entire  surface  of  the  peninsula 
exceeds  in  a  fourfold  proportion  that  of  Germany  or  France; 
but  the  far  greater  part  has  been  justly  stigmatized  with  the 
toagiMd  epithets  of  the  stony  and  the  «mdy.  Even  the  wilds  of  Tartaiy 
*^^  are  decked  by  the  hand  of  nature  with  lofty  trees  and  lozuriant 
herbage ;  and  the  lonesome  traveller  derives  a  sort  of  comfort 
and  society  from  the  presence  of  vegetable  life.  But  in  the 
dreary  waste  of  Arabia,  a  boundless  level  of  sand  is  intersected 
by  sharp  and  naked  mountains,  and  the  &ce  of  the  desert, 
without  shade  or  shelter,  is  scorched  by  the  direct  and  intense 
rays  of  a  tropical  sun.  Instead  of  refreshing  breezes,  the  winds, 
puiicularly  from  the  south-west,  diffuse  a  noxious  and  even 
deadly  vapour ;  the  hillocks  of  sand  which  they  alternately  ndse 
and  scatter  are  compared  to  the  billows  of  the  ocean ;  and  whole 
caravans,  whole  armies,  have  been  lost  and  buried  in  the  whiri- 
wind.  The  common  benefits  of  water  are  an  object  of  desire 
and  contest ;  and  such  is  the  scarcity  of  wood  that  some  art  is 
requisite  to  preserve  and  propagate  the  element  of  fire.     Arabia 

opened  to  us  the  Arabia  of  Abulfeda,  the  most  copious  and  correct  aocomit  of  the 
peninsula,  which  may  be  enriched,  however,  from  the  Biblioth^ue  OrientaJe  of 
d'Herbelot,  p.  X20,  et  alibi  passim.  3^  The  Burvpean  travellers:  amoof  whom 
Shaw  (p.  438-453)  and  Niebuhr  (Description,  1^3,  Voyages,  torn.  L  z^76{dfSMrve 
an  honourable  distinction ;  Busching  (G6Qgp:aphie  par  Bmnger,  tom.  viiu  n,  4x6-510^ 
has  compiled  with  iudgraent ;  and  d'Anville  s  Maps  (Orbis  Veteribos  NoCnii.  and 
m  Partie  de  TAsie)  should  lie  before  the  reader,  witn  his  G^ographie  Andieniie, 
tom.  ii.  p.  208-231.  [Of  European  travellers  since  Niebuhr,  we  have  the  aoooonts 
of  J.  L.  Burckhardt,  Travels  in  Arabia,  1899;  J.  R.  Wellsted,  lYavels  in  Arabia, 
1838 ;  W.  G.  Palgrave,  Narrative  of  a  jrear's  journey  through  central  and  eAUcm 
Arabia  (ed.  3),  1868.  For  the  Nejd :  Lady  Anne  Blunt^  POgrimage  to  N^ 
( 1881).  See  also  below,  n.  ai.  The  historical  geocraphy  of  Arabia  has  been  treated 
by  C  Forster  ("  The  Hist.  Geography  of  Arabia.    1844).] 

*  Abiilfed.  Descript  Arabiae,  p.  z.  D'Anville,  I'Euphrate  et  le  Tigre,  p.  19,  aa 
It  was  in  this  place  r^&lis].  the  paradise  or  garden  of  a  satrap  \rk  BcAmof  pmieUmi^ 
that  Xenoi^on  and  the  Greeks  first  passed  the  Euphrates^Anabastn,  L  L  c  10 
[Ajf.  c  4.  §  10],  p.  29,  edit  Wells). 

^[This  measurement  is  not  accurate.  The  distance  is  900  miles.  The  "  soutbem 
basis  "  is  laoo  miles  from  Bab  al-Mandeb  to  Ras  al-Hadd.] 

'Reland  has  proved,  vrith  much  superfluous  learning,  i.  That  our  Red  Sea 
(the  Arabian  Gult)  is  no  more  than  a  part  of  the  Mart  Rubrum^  the  '^v#fA  •^U«v*« 
of  the  andents,  which  was  extendea  to  the  indefinite  space  of  the  Indaui  oceaiL 
&  That  the  synonymous  words  <p«i^.  wi^af,  allude  to  the  odour  of  the  bbcki  or 
negroes  (Dissert  MiscelL  torn.  I.  p.  59-ii7)> 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIKE  313 

is  destitute  of  navigable  rivers,  which  fertilise  the  soil  and 
convey  its  produce  to  the  adjacent  regions;  the  torrents  that 
fall  firom  the  hills  are  imbibed  by  the  thirsty  earth ;  the  rare 
and  hardy  plants,  the  tamarind  or  the  acacia,  that  strike  their 
roots  into  the  clefts  of  the  rocks,  are  nourished  by  the  dews  of 
the  night ;  a  scanty  supply  of  rain  is  collected  in  cisterns  and 
aqueducts;  the  wells  and  springs  are  the  secret  treasure  of 
the  desert ;  and  the  pilgrim  of  Mecca,®  after  many  a  dry  and 
sultry  march,  is  disgusted  by  the  taste  of  the  waters,  which  have 
rolled  over  a  bed  of  sulphur  or  salt.  Such  is  the  general  and 
genuine  picture  of  the  climate  of  Arabia.  The  experience  of 
evil  enhances  the  value  of  any  local  or  partial  enjoyments.  A 
shady  grove,  a  green  pasture,  a  stream  of  fresh  water,  are  suffi- 
cient to  attract  a  colony  of  sedentary  Arabs  to  the  fbrtunate 
spots  which  can  afford  food  and  refreshment  to  themselves  and 
their  cattle,  and  which  encourage  their  industry  in  the  cultiva- 
tion of  the  palm-tree  and  the  vine.  The  high  lands  that  border 
on  the  Indian  ocean  are  distinguished  by  their  superior  plenty 
of  wood  and  water;  the  air  is  more  temperate,  the  fruits  are 
more  delicious,  the  animals  and  the  human  race  more  numerous ; 
the  fertility  of  the  soil  invites  and  rewards  the  toil  of  the  hus- 
bandman; and  the  peculiar  gifts  of  frankincense^  and  coffee 
have  attracted,  in  different  ages,  the  merchants  of  the  world. 
If  it  be  compared  with  the  rest  of  the  peninsula,  this  seques- 
trated region  may  truly  deserve  the  appellation  of  the  happy; 
and  the  splendid  colouring  of  fancy  and  fiction  has  been  sug- 
gested by  contrast  and  countenanced  by  distance.  It  was  for 
this  earthly  paradise  that  nature  had  reserved  her  choicest 
&vours  and  her  most  curious  workmanship;  the  incompatible 
blessings  of  luxury  and  innocence  were  ascribed  to  the  natives ; 
the  sou  was  impregnated  with  gold  ^  and  gems,  and  both  the 
land  and  sea  were  taught  to  exhale  the  odours  of  aromatic 

'In  the  thirtv  days,  or  stations,  between  Cairo  and  Mecca,  there  are  fifteen 
destitute  of  good  water.  See  the  route  of  the  Hadjees,  in  Shaw  s  Travels,  p.  477. 
[Cp.  Burton's  work,  cited  below,  n.  21.] 

7Tbe  aroraatics,  especially  the  ihtts  or  frankincense,  of  Aratua  occupy  the  xiith 
book  of  Pliny.  Our  great  poet  (Paradise  Lost,  L  iv.)  introduces,  in  a  simile,  the 
spicy  odours  that  are  blown  by  the  north-east  wind  from  the  Sabsean  coast : 

Many  a  l^igue, 

Pleas'd  with  the  grateful  scent,  <^d  Ocean  smiles. 
(Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  xii  42.) 

^  Agatharchides  affirms  that  hunps  of  pure  gold  vrere  found,  from  the  sise  of  an 
olive  to  that  of  a  nut ;  that  iron  was  twice,  and  silver  ten  times,  the  vahie  of  gokl 
(de  Man  Rnbro,  p.  60).  These  real  or  imaginary  treasures  are  vaniahad ;  and  no 
gold  mines  are  at  present  known  in  Arabia  (Niebubr,  Dicriptton,  p^  194)^    [Bat 

Appendix  17.]  > 


314         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

ridM  ttf    sweets.     This  division  of  the  stmdy^  the  tUm^,  and  the  happy^  so 
!ite^,'afld  ^miliar  to  the  Greeks  and  LAtins,  is  unknown  to  the  Aimbians 
iSSf     themselves;  and  it  is  singular  enough  that  a  countiy,  whose 
language  and  inhabitants  had  ever  been  the  same,  should  scarcely 
retain  a  vestige  of  its  ancient  geognqphj.     The  maritime  districts 
of  Bahrein  and  Oftian  are  opposite  to  the  realm  of  Persia.     The 
kingdom  of  Yemen  displays  the  limits,  or  at  least  the  situation, 
o<]  of  Arabia  Felix  ;  the  name  Neged  is  extended  over  the  inland 

space ;  and  the  birth  of  Mahomet  has  illustrated  the  province  of 
Hejas  along  the  coast  of  the  Red  Sea.^ 
nm^  The  measure  of  population  is  regulated  by  the  means  of  sub- 

sistence ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  this  vast  peninsula  might  be 
out-numbered  by  the  subjects  of  a  fertile  and  industrious  pro- 
vince. Along  the  shores  of  the  Persian  gulf,  of  the  ocean,  and 
even  of  the  Red  Sea,  the  Icktkyoj^agiy^^  or  fish-eaters,  continued 
to  wander  in  quest  of  their  precarious  food.  In  this  primitive 
and  abject  state,  which  ill  deserves  the  name  of  society,  the 
hunuin  brute,  without  arts  or  laws,  almost  without  sense  or 
language,  is  poorly  distinguished  from  the  rest  of  the  animal 
creation.  Generations  and  ages  might  roll  away  in  silent  oblivion, 
and  the  helpless  savage  was  restrained  from  multiplying  his 
race  by  the  wants  and  pursuits  which  confined  his  existence  to 
the  narrow  margin  of  the  sea-coast.  But  in  an  early  period  of 
antiquity  the  great  body  of  the  Arabs  had  emerged  from  this 
scene  of  misery ;  and,  as  the  naked  wilderness  could  not  main- 
tain a  people  of  hunters,  they  rose  at  once  to  the  more  secure 
and  plentiful  condition  of  the  pastoral  life.  The  same  life  is 
uniformly  pursued  by  the  roving  tribes  of  the  desert,  and  in  the 
portrait  of  the  modem  Bedomeens  we  may  trace  the  features  of 
their  ancestors,^^  who,  in  the  age  of  Moses  or  Mahomet,  dwelt 

*  Consult,  peruse,  and  study  the  Specimen  Historiae  Arabum  of  Pocock  t  (Ozon. 
1650,  in  4to).  The  thirty  para  of  text  aad  version  are  extracted  from  the  Djrnasties 
of  Gregory  Abulpharagius,  which  Pooock  afterwards  translated  (Oxon.  1663,  in  4to) ; 
the  three  hundred  and  fifty-eight  nota  from  a  classic  and  original  work  00  the 
Arabian  antiquities.    [Hij&s  =  banier.l 

i^^Arrian  remarks  the  Icbthyophagt  of  the  coast  of  Hejac  (Periplus  Maris 
Erythrsei,  p*  za),  and  beyond  Aden  (p.  js).  It  seems  probaUe  that  the  shoces  of 
the  Red  Sea.  (in  the  laimt  aenie)  were  oecimied  by  these  savages  in  the  time, 
perhaps,  of  Cyrus ;  but  f  can  hardly  bebeie  toat  any  cannibals  were  left  among 
the  savages  in  the  reign  of  Justinian  (ProoopL  de  Bell.  Persic.  1.  i.  c.  19). 

"  See  the  Specimen  Historiae  Arabom  of  Pooock,  p.  2,  5,  86,  ftc  The  journey 
of  M.  d'Arvieux,  in  1664,  to  the  camp  of  the  emir  of  Mount  Carmd  (Voyage  de  la 
Palestine,  Amsterdam,  1718J,  exhibha  a  pleMtng  and  original  picture  of  the  llfo  of 
the  Bedowecns,  which  may  be  iUmtratea  from  Niebuhr  (Description  de  I'Arabie, 
p.  327-344),  and  Volney  (torn,  i  {>.  M9^5)»  ^^  !*>'  '^^  ^""^  jndkaous  of  our 
Syrian  travellers.  [Sachau  (Rabe  in  Smn,  X883  ;  quoted  above,  vol.  ii.  p.  401)  b 
the  most  recent  and  trustworthy  anthori^.  Observe  that  *'  Bedoweens"  ■  aa 
incorrect  form.    Btdawi  means  an  Anib  01  the  dewrt,  opposed  to  a  villager,  and 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIKE  315 

under  similar  tents,  and  conducted  their  horses  and  camels  and 
sheep  to  the  same  springs  and  the  same  pastures.  Our  toil  is 
lessened,  and  our  wealth  is  increased,  by  our  dominion  over  the 
useful  animals ;  and  the  Arabian  shepherd  had  acquired  the 
absolute  possession  of  a  faithfiil  friend  and  a  laborious  slave. ^^ 
Arabia,  in  the  opinion  of  the  naturalist,  is  the  genuine  and 
original  country  of  the  horse ;  the  climate  most  propitious,  not  tim 
indeed  to  the  size,  but  to  the  spirit  and  swiftness,  of  that  gener- 
ous animal.  The  merit  of  the  Barb,  the  Spanish,  and  the 
English  breed  is  derived  from  a  mixture  of  Arabian  blood  ;^' 
the  Bedoweens  preserve,  with  superstitious  care,  the  honours 
and  the  memory  of  the  purest  race  ;  the  males  are  sold  at  a  high 
price,  but  the  females  are  seldom  alienated ;  and  the  birth  of  a 
noble  foal  was  esteemed,  among  the  tribes,  as  a  subject  of  joy 
and  mutual  congratulation.  These  horses  are  educated  in  the 
tents,  among  the  children  of  the  Arabs,^^  with  a  tender  familiar- 
ity, which  trains  them  in  the  habits  of  gentleness  and  attachment. 
They  are  accustomed  only  to  walk  and  to  gallop ;  their  sensa- 
tions are  not  blunted  by  the  incessant  abuse  of  the  spur  and  the 
whip ;  their  powers  are  reserved  for  the  moments  of  flight  and 
pursuit ;  but  no  sooner  do  they  feel  the  touch  of  the  hand  or 
the  stirrup  than  they  dart  away  with  the  swiftness  of  the  wind ; 
and,  if  their  firiend  be  dismounted  in  the  rapid  career,  they 
instantly  stop  till  he  has  recovered  his  seat.  In  the  sands  of 
Africa  and  Arabia  the  camel  is  a  sacred  and  precious  gift.  That  n« 
strong  and  patient  beast  of  burthen  can  perform,  without  eating 
or  drinking,  a  journey  of  several  days ;  ^^  and  a  reservoir  of  fresh 
water  is  preserved  in  a  large  bag,  a  fifth  stomach  of  the  animal, 
whose  body  is  imprinted  with  the  marks  of  servitude.  The 
larger  breed  is  capable  of  transporting  a  weight  of  a  thousand 
pounds ;  and  the  dromedary,  of  a  lighter  and  more  active  frame, 
outstrips  the  fleetest  courser  in  the  race.  Alive  or  dead,  almost 
every  part  of  the  camel  is  serviceable  to  man ;  her  milk  is  plenti- 

the  plural  is  BecUwa,  or  Bidwan,  never  Bedawin.  The  English  plural  would  be 
Bedawis.] 

IS  Read  (it  is  no  unpleasmg  task)  the  incomparable  articles  of  the  Hone  and  the 
Camel,  in  the  Natural  History  of  M.  de  Bufifon. 

i^For  the  Arabian  horses,  see  d'Arvieux  (p.  159-173)  and  Niebuhr  (p.  142-144). 
At  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  horses  of  Neged  were  esteemed  sure-footed, 
those  of  Yemen  strong  and  serviceable,  those  of  Hejaz  most  noble.  The  horses  of 
Europe,  the  tenth  and  last  dass,  were  generally  despised,  as  having  too  much  body 
and  too  little  spirit  (d'Hcrbelot,  Bibliot  Orient  pi  339) ;  their  strength  was  requisite 
to  bear  the  weight  of  the  knight  and  his  annoar.  « 

MTTbis  is  an  cxaggentioB. :  .llipm^  fi^psled  with  great  consideration,  it  is  not 
osoaf  for  the  Aiab  hoisei  to  vmrn  into  tbt  iiottL] 

>*{A  dromedaiy  ean  f»  nilkoal  m0m  ifat  ds^  fn  summer,  ten  in  winter.] 


316  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL' 

fill  and  nutritious  ;  the  young  and  tender  flesh  has  the  taste  of 
veal ;  ^^  a  valuable  salt  is  extracted  from  the  urine ;  the  dung 
supplies  the  deficiency  of  fiiel ;  and  the  long  hair,  which  fitlk 
each  year  and  is  renewed,  is  coarsely  manu£ictured  into  the 
garments,  the  furniture,  and  the  tents,  of  the  Bedoweens.  In 
the  rainy  seasons  they  consume  the  rare  and  insufficient  herbage 
of  the  desert ;  during  the  heats  of  summer  and  the  scarcity  of 
winter,  they  remove  their  encampments  to  the  sea-coast,  the 
hills  of  Yemen,  or  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Euphrates,  and 
have  often  extorted  the  dangerous  licence  of  visiting  the  banks 
of  the  Nile  and  the  villages  of  Syria  and  Palestine.  The  life 
of  a  wandering  Arab  is  a  life  of  danger  and  distress;  and, 
though  sometimes,  by  rapine  or  exchange,  he  may  appropriate 
the  fruits  of  industry,  a  private  citizen  in  Europe  is  in  the 
possession  of  more  solid  and  pleasing  luxury  than  the  proudest 
emir  who  marches  in  the  field  at  the  head  of  ten  tnousand 
horse. 
Mof  Yet  an  essential  difference  may  be  found  between  the  hordes 

of  Scjrthia  and  the  Arabian  tribes,  since  many  of  the  latter  were 
collected  into  towns  and  employed  in  the  labours  of  trade  and 
agriculture.  A  part  of  their  time  and  industry  was  still  devoted 
to  the  management  of  their  cattle ;  they  mingled,  in  peace  and 
war,  with  their  brethren  of  the  desert;  and  the  Bedoweens 
derived  from  their  useful  intercourse  some  supply  of  their  wants 
and  some  rudiments  of  art  and  knowledge.  Among  the  forty- 
two  cities  c»f  Arabia,^^  enumerated  by  Abulfeda,  the  most  ancient 
and  populous  were  situate  in  the  happy  Yemen ;  the  towers  of 
Saana^^  and  the  marvellous  reservoir  of  Merab^*  were  con- 
structed by  the  kings  of  the  Homerites ;  but  their  profane  lustre 

10  Qui  carnibus  camelomxn  vesd  lolent  odii  tenaoes  sunt,  was  the  opinion  of  an 
Arabian  physician  (Pocock,  Specimen,  p.  88).  Mahomet  himself,  who  was  fond  of 
milk,  prdfers  the  cow,  and  does  not  even  mention  the  camel ;  but  the  diet  of  Mecca 
and  Medina  was  already  more  luzurioos  (Qamier,  Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn,  iil  p. 
404).    [Camel's  flesh  is  said  to  be  very  insipidLj 

17  Yet  Marcian  of  Heraclea  (in  Periplo,  p.  16,  in  tom.  i.  Hudson,  Minor. 
Geograph.)  reckons  one  hundred  and  sixtv^our  towns  in  Arabia  Fdix.  The  sin 
of  the  towns  might  be  small— the  faith  of  the  writer  might  be  large. 

u  It  is  compared  by  Abulfeda  (in  Hodaon,  tom.  iii.  p.  54)  to  I^mascus,  and  is 
still  the  residence  of  the  Imam  of  Yemen  (Voyages  de  Niebubr,  tom.  i.  p.  33i-34a). 
Saana  [San  '&]  is  twenty-four  parasangs  from  Dafar  [Dhafllr]  (Abulfeda.  p.  51), 
and  sixty-eight  from  Aden  (p.  ci). 

1*  Pocock,  Specimen,  p.  57 ;  Geograph.  Nubtensis,  p.  52.  Meriaba.  or  Merab,  six 
miles  in  circumference,  was  destroyed  oy  the  legions  of  Augustus  (Plin.  Hist.  Nat. 
vi.  32).  and  had  not  revived  in  the  fomteenth  centmy  (Abulfed.  Descnpt  Arab. 
P-  58)-  [i^  ^''^  reached  but  not  deitrojed  hf  the  Usicms  of  Augustus.  Its  strong 
wails  deterred  Callus  from  a  siege.  Their  mbn  ftiu  stand.  See  Anaiid,  JounMl 
Asiat.  (7  s6r.),  3,  p.  3  sqq.,  1874. J 


OF  THE  ROMAN  KAIIMKE  :n7 

was  eclipsed  by  the  prophetic  glories  of  Medina  ^  and  Mbcca,^ 
near  the  Red  Sea,  and  at  the  distance  from  each  other  of  two 
hundred  and  seventy  miles.  The  last  of  these  holy  places 
was  known  to  the  Greeks  under  the  name  of  Macoraba ;  and  the 
termination  of  the  word  is  expressive  of  its  greatness,  which  has 
not  indeed,  in  the  most  flourishing  period,  exceeded  the  size  and 
populousness  of  Marseilles.  Some  latent  motive,  perhaps  of 
superstition,  must  have  impelled  the  founders,  in  the  choice  of 
a  most  unpromising  situation.  They  erected  their  habitations 
of  mud  or  stone  in  a  plain  about  two  miles  long  and  one  mile 
broad,  at  the  foot  of  three  barren  mountains ;  the  soil  is  a  rock ; 
the  water  even  of  the  holy  well  of  Zemzem  is  bitter  or  brackish  ; 
the  pastures  are  remote  from  the  city;  and  grapes  are  trans- 
ported about  seventy  miles  from  the  gardens  of  Tayef.  The 
fame  and  spirit  of  the  Koreishites,  who  reigned  in  Mecca,  were 
conspicuous  among  the  Arabian  tribes ;  but  their  ungrateful 
soil  refused  the  labours  of  agriculture,  and  their  position  was 
favourable  to  the  enterprises  of  trade.  By  the  sea-port  ofiMr«nd« 
Gedda,  at  the  distance  only  of  forty  miles,  they  maintained  an 
easy  correspondence  with  Abyssinia  ;  and  that  Christian  kingdom 
afforded  the  first  refuge  to  the  disciples  of  Mahomet.  The 
treasures  of  Africa  were  conveyed  over  the  peninsula  to  Gerrha 
or  Katif,  in  the  province  of  Bahrein,  a  city  built,  as  it  is  said, 
of  rock-salt,  by  the  Chaldaean  exiles  ;  ^  and  from  thence,  with 
the  native  pearls  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  they  were  floated  on  rafts 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Euphrates.     Mecca  is  placed  almost  at  an 

^The  name  of  ci^^  Medina^  was  appropriated,  car'  €^oxi|r,  to  Yatreb  [Yathrib] 
(the  latrippa  of  the  Greeks),  the  seat  of  the  prophet  [al- Medina,  or,  in  full,  Medlnat 
en-Nebi, ' '  the  cit^  of  the  prophet  "\  The  distances  from  Medina  are  reckoned  l^ 
Abulfeda  in  stations,  or  da3fs'  journey  of  a  caravan  (p.  15),  to  Bahrein,  xv. ;  to 
Hassora,  xviii.  ;  to  Cufah,  xx. ;  to  Damascus  or  Palestine,  xx. ;  to  Cairo,  xxv. ; 
to  Mecca,  x. ;  from  Mecca  to  Saana  (p.  53),  or  Aden,  xxx.  ;  to  Cairo,  xxxL  days, 
or  412  hours  (Shaw's  Travels,  p.  477) ;  which,  according  to  the  estimate  of  d'Anville 
(Mesures  Itindraires,  p.  99),  allows  about  twenty-five  English  miles  for  a  day's 
journey.  From  the  land  of  frankincense  (Hadramaut,  in  Yemen,  between  Aden 
and  Cape  Fartasch)  to  Gaza,  in  Syria,  Pliny  (Hist.  Nat  xil  3a)  computes  Ixv. 
mansions  of  camels.     These  measures  may  assist  fancy  and  elucidate  facts. 

^  Our  notions  of  Mecca  must  be  drawn  from  the  Arabians  (d'Herbelot,  Biblio- 
th^ue  Orientale,  p.  36S-37X.  Pocock,  Specunen,  p.  i35-xa8.  Abidfeda,  p.  ii-4o). 
As  no  unbeliever  is  permitted  to  enter  the  city,  our  travellers  are  silent ;  and  the 
short  hints  of  Th^euot  (Voyages  du  Levant,  part  i.  p.  490)  are  taken  from  the 
suspicious  mouth  of  an  African  renegada  Some  Persians  counted  6000  houses 
(Chardin.  tom.  iv.  p.  167).  |Tor  a  description  of  Mecca,  see  Burckhardt,  of.  cii» ; 
and  Sir.  R.  Burton's  Personal  Narrative  of  a  Pilgrimage  to  El-Medinah  and  Meccah, 
185^-6  ;  and,  best  of  all,  Snouck  Hurjgronje,  Mekka,  1888.  Gibbon  was  ignorant 
of  the  visit  of  Joseph  Pitts,  his  captivity  and  his  book,  '*  Account  of  the  religion 
and  manners  of  the  Mahometans  ^  (3rd  ed. ,  1731).  For  this,  and  other  visits,  see 
Burton,  op.  tit.^  Appendix.] 

23Strabo,  1.  xvL  p.  ixxo  [3,  §  3].  See  one  of  these  salt  houses  near  Bassora, 
in  d'Herbelot,  Bibliot.  Orient,  p.  6. 


318         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

equal  distance,  a  month's  joiirMv,  between  Yemen  on  the  right, 
and  Syria  on  the  lefl,  hand.  Tike  former  was  the  winter,  the 
latter  the  summer,  station  of  her  caravans  ;  and  their  seasonable 
arriyal  relieved  the  ships  of  India  from  the  tedious  and  trouble- 
some navigation  of  the  Red  Sea.  In  the  markets  of  Saana  and 
Merab,  in  the  harbours  of  Oman  and  Aden,  the  camels  of  the 
Koreishites  were  laden  with  a  precious  cargo  of  anmuitiGi;  a 
supply  of  com  and  manufactures  was  purchased  in  the  fidrs  of 
Bosftra  and  Damascus;  the  lucrative  exchange  diffused  plenty 
and  riches  in  the  streets  of  Mecca ;  and  the  noblest  of  her  sons 
united  the  love  of  arms  with  the  profession  of  merchandise.^ 
ratioMi  iB.  T^^  perpetual  independence  of  the  Arabs  has  been  the  theme 
^SirSSSS*^ ^^ P^^^  among  strangers  and  natives;  and  the  arts  of  contro- 
versy transform  this  singular  event  into  a  prophecy  and  a 
miracle,  in  favour  of  the  posterity  of  IsmaeL^  Some  exceptions, 
that  can  neither  be  dissembled  nor  eluded,  render  this  mode  of 
reasoning  as  indiscreet  as  it  is  superfluous:  the  kingdom  of 
Yemen  has  been  successively  subdued  by  the  Abyssiniana^  the 
Persians,  the  sultans  of  E^rpt,^  and  the  Turks  ;^  the  holy 
cities  of  Mecca  and  Medina  have  repeatedly  bowed  under  a 
Scythian  tyrant ;  and  the  Roman  province  of  Arabia  ^  embiaoed 

*3  Minim  dictu  ex  innumeris  populis  pars  ecqua  in  comwurciis  aut  in  latrodniis 
(legit  (Plin.  Hist.  Nat  vi.  32).  See  Sale's  Koran,  Sura.  cvi.  p.  50^  Pocock, 
Specimen,  p.  2.  D'Herbelot.  BiblioU  Orient  p.  361.  Prideanx's  Life  a  lyfalKmet, 
p.  5.    Gagnicr,  Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn.  L  pi  7a,  lao,  196,  &c. 

**A  nameless  doctor  (Universal  Hist  ydL  zx.  octavo  edition)  has  formally 
dtfwmstraUd  the  truth  of  Christianity  by  the  independence  of  the  Araba  A  critic, 
besides  the  exceptions  of  fact,  might  dispute  the  meaning  of  the  text  (Qen.  zvi.  la), 
the  extent  of  the  application,  and  the  foundation  of  the  pedigree. 

^  It  was  subdued.  A.D.  1173,  by  a  brother  of  the  great  Saladin,  who  founded  a 
dynasty  of  ( !urds  or  Ayoubites  (Guignes,  Hist,  des  Huns,  torn.  i.  p.  425.  D'Her- 
belot. p.  477). 

s>By  the  lieutenant  of  Soliman  L  (A.D.  1538).  and  Selim  IL  (1568).  See 
Cantemir's  Hist,  of  the  Othman  empire,  pi  aoi,  221.  The  Pasha,  who  resided  at 
Saana,  commanded  twenty-one  Beys,  bat  no  revenue  was  ever  remitted  to  the 
Porte  (Marsigli,  Stato  MUitare  dell'  Imperio  Ottomanno,  p.  124),  and  the  IXirks 
were  expelled  about  the  year  1630  (Niebobr,  pi  167,  168). 

V  Of  the  Roman  province,  under  the  name  of  Arabia  and  the  third  Palestine, 
the  principal  cities  were  Bostra  and  Petxa,  which  dated  their  sera  from  the  year 
105,  when  they  were  subdued  by  Pafana,  a  lieutenant  of  Trajan  (Dion.  Caastus,  L 
Ixviii  Tc.  14]).  Petra  was  the  capital  of  the  Nabathaeans ;  whose  name  is  derived  from 
the  eldest  of  the  sons  of  Ismad  (Gen.  atxv.  12.  &c.  with  the  Commentaries  of 
Jerom,  Le  Clerc.  and  Calmet).  Justinian  relinauished  a  palm  countzr  of  ten  days' 
journey  to  the  south  of  ifBIah  (Procop.  de  BeH  Persic.  L  l  c.  19),  and  the  Romans 
maintained  a  centurion  and  a  custom-hooK  (Arrian  in  Periplo  Maris  ErythrKi,  p. 
IX,  in  Hudson,  tom.  i.)  at  a  place  (Amwc^  mi|tii,  Ptigus  Albns  Hawara)  in  the  tern- 
tory  of  Medina  (d'AnviUe,  M^moire  sur  rE(ypte.  pi  243).  These  real  nnisfinnfr, 
and  some  naval  inroads  oif  Trajan  (tVripl-  P>  '4,  15).  are  magnified  by  mstoi^  and 
medals  into  the  Roman  conquest  or  Arabia.  [Aher  Diocletian,  Arabia  was  divided 
into  two  provinces ;  see  above,  vol.  iu  p.  550,  n.  d] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  319 

the  peculiar  wilderness  in  which  Ismael  and  his  sons  must  have 
pitched  their  tents  in  the  &ce  of  their  brethren.  Yet  these 
exceptions  are  temporary  or  local ;  the  body  of  the  'nation  has 
escaped  the  yoke  of  the  most  powerful  monarchies  ;  the  arms  of 
Sesostris  and  Cyrus^  of  Pompey  and  Trajan,  could  never  achieve 
the  conquest  of  Arabia ;  the  present  sovereign  of  the  Turks  ^ 
may  exercise  a  shadow  of  jurisdiction^  but  his  pride  is  reduced 
to  solicit  the  friendship  of  a  people  whom  it  is  dangerous  to 
provoke  and  fruitless  to  attack.  The  obvious  causes  of  their 
freedom  are  inscribed  on  the  character  and  country  of  the 
Arabs.  Many  ages  before  Mahomet,^  their  intrepid  valour  had 
been  severely  felt  by  their  neighbours  in  offensive  and  defensive 
war.  The  patient  and  active  virtues  of  a  soldier  are  insensibly 
nursed  in  the  habits  and  discipline  of  a  pastoral  life.  The  care 
of  the  sheep  and  camels  is  abandoned  to  the  women  of  the 
tribe ;  but  the  martial  youth  under  the  banner  of  the  emir  is 
ever  on  horseback  and  in  the  field,  to  practise  the  exercise  of 
the  bow^  the  javelin^  and  the  scymetar.  The  long  memory  of 
their  independence  is  the  firmest  pledge  of  its  perpetuity,  and 
succeeding  generations  are  animated  to  prove  their  descent  and 
to  maintain  their  inheritance.  Their  domestic  feuds  are  sus- 
pended on  the  approach  of  a  conmion  enemy  ;  and  in  their  last 
hostilities  against  the  Turks  the  caravan  of  Me<M:a  was  attacked 
and  pillaged  by  fourscore  thousand  of  the  confederates.  When 
they  advance  to  battle,  the  hope  of  victory  is  in  the  front ;  in 
the  rear,  the  assiu-ance  of  a  retreat.  Their  horses  and  camels, 
who  in  eight  or  ten  days  can  perform  a  march  of  four  or  five 
hundred  miles,  disappear  before  the  conqueror ;  the  secret  waters 
of  the  desert  elude  his  search ;  and  his  victorious  troops  are 
consumed  with  thirst,  hunger,  and  fiitigue,  in  the  pursuit  of  an 
invisible  foe,  who  scorns  his  efforts,  and  safely  reposes  in  the 
heart  of  the  burning  solitude.  The  arms  and  deserts  of  the 
Bedoweens  are  not  only  the  safeguards  of  their  own  freedom, 
but  the  barriers  also  of  the  happy  Arabia,  whose  inhabitants, 
remote  from  war,  are  enervated  by  the  luxury  of  the  soil  and 
climate.  The  legions  of  Augustus  melted  away  in  disease  and 
lassitude  ;  ^^  and  it  is  only  by  a  naval  power  that  the  reduction 

'^Niebuhr  (Description  de  TArabie,  p.  303,  303,  329-331)  affords  the  moat 
recent  and  authentic  intelli^;ence  of  the  Turkish  empire  in  Arabia.  [Harris's  Travels 
among  the  Yemen  Rebeb  is  the  latest  account  (1894).] 

>*Diodorus  Siculus  (tom.  it  1.  xix.  p.  390-393,  edit  Weaseling  [c.  94,  sq^.Ji  has 
clearly  exposed  the  freedom  of  the  NabaUieean  Arabs,  who  resisted  the  arms  of 
Antigonus  and  his  son. 

3»Stnibo,  1.  xvi.  p.  1137-X139  [3,  §  oa  j^.]  ;  Plin.  Hist.  Natur.  vi.  y.  iClius 
Oallus  landed  near  Medina,  and  marched  near  a  thousand  miles  into  the  port  of 


•tar 


320         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  Yemen  has  been  successfully  attempted.  When  Mahomet 
erected  his  holy  standard,^  that  kingdom  was  a  province  of  the 
Persian  empire ;  yet  seven  princes  of  the  Homerites  still  reigned 
in  the  mountains  ;  and  the  vicegerent  of  Chosroes  was  tempted 
to  forget  his  distant  country  and  his  unfortunate  master.  The 
historians  of  the  age  of  Justinian  represent  the  state  of  the 
independent  Arabs,  who  were  divided  by  interest  or  affection 
in  the  long  quarrel  of  the  East :  the  tribe  of  Gasian  was  allowed 
to  encamp  on  the  Syrian  territory ;  the  princes  of  Hira  were 
permitted  to  form  a  city  about  forty  miles  to  the  southward  of 
the  ruins  of  Babylon.  Their  service  in  the  field  was  speedy  and 
vigorous ;  but  their  firiendship  was  venal,  their  faith  inconstant, 
their  enmity  capricious :  it  was  an  easier  task  to  excite  than  to 
disarm  these  roving  barbarians ;  and,  in  the  familiar  intercourse 
of  war,  they  learned  to  see,  and  to  despise,  the  splendid  weak- 
ness both  of  Rome  and  of  Persia.  From  Mecca  to  the  Eu- 
phrates, the  Arabian  tribes^  were  confounded  by  the  Greeks 
and  Latins  under  the  general  appellation  of  Sarackhs,**  a  name 
which  every  Christian  mouth  has  been  taught  to  pronounce  with 
terror  and  abhorrence. 

The  slaves  of  domestic  tyranny  may  vainly  exult  in  their 
national  independence  ;  but  the  Arab  is  personally  free  ;  and  he 
enjoys,  in  some  degree,  the  benefits  of  society,  wiUiont  forfeiting 
the  prerogatives  of  nature.  In  every  tribe,  superstition,  or  grati- 
tude, or  fortune  has  exalted  a  particular  £unily  above  the  heads 

Yemen  between  Mareband  the  Ocean.  The  non  ante  devictis  Sabaeae  regibas  (Od. 
L  2^)f  and  the  intacti  Aiabum  thesauri  (Od.  ill  34),  of  Honice  attest  the  vuvin 
punty  of  Arabia.    PThe  mistake  of  Gallus  lay  in  not  s^lin^  directly  to  Yemen.J 

*>  See  the  imperfect  history  of  Yemen  in  Pocock,  Specimen,  p.  55-66,  of  Hva, 
p.  66-74.  of  Gassan.  p.  75-78,  as  far  as  it  could  be  known  or  preserved  in  the  time 
of  ignorance.  [The  bat  authority  is  H.  C.  Kay,  Hist,  of  the  Yemen,  189a  (from 
Arabic  sources,  and  chiefly  Omara,  al-Khazraji,  and  al-Jann&bi).] 

"The    Xap«in|i'uc4  ^Ao,    ^vpui^  ravra  mu   rb   wXimtow  cvrwr    ^%pi«pd#ftw 


&Uow9roi.  are  described  by  Menander  (Excerpt  Lcigatioo.  p.  149  [fr.  15,  p. 
290,  ed.  Mttller]),  Procopius  de  BelL  Persia  Lie.  17,  19,  L  ii  c.  10).  and,  m 
the  most  lively  colours,  by  Ammianus  Marcellinus  (1.  xiv.  c  4),  who  had  spoken 
of  them  as  early  as  the  reign  of  Marcus. 

"  The  name  which,  used  by  Ptolemy  and  Pliny  in  a  more  confined,  by  Ammianns 
and  Procopius  in  a  larger,  sense,  has  been  derived,  ridiculously  from  SaraA,  the  wife 
of  Abraham,  obscurely  from  the  village  of  Saraka  (^mtA  N<^crM«vc.  Stephan.  de 
Urbibus),  more  plausibly  from  the  Arabic  words  which  signinr  a  thievish  character. 


or  Oriental  situation  (Holtinger,  Hist  Oriental.  L  i.  c  i.  p.  7.  8.  Pooock,  Speci- 
men, p.  33.  35.  Asseman.  Bibliot  Orient  torn.  iv.  p.  567).  Yet  the  last  and  most 
popular  of  these  etymologies  is  refuted  by  Ptolemy  (Arsdsia,  p.  2.  z6,  in  Hodsoo. 


tom.  iv.).  who  expressly  remarks  the  western  and  southern  position  of  the  Sara- 
cens, then  an  obscure  tribe  on  the  borders  of  Egypt  Tb:  appeUatioo  cannot 
therefore  allude  to  any  iM/ti^ifa/ character ;  aiui,  since  it  was  imposed  by  strangers, 
it  must  be  foimd.  not  in  the  Arabic,  but  in  a  foreign  language.  [ShaHti  s  Eastern : 
oommonly  used  for  Ijevaniine^'\ 


OF  THE  SOMAN  EMPIRE         S21 

of  their  equals.  The  dignities  of  sheikh  and  emir  invariably  de- 
scend in  uiis  chosen  race  ;  but  the  order  of  succession  is  loose 
and  precarious  ;  and  the  most  worthy  or  aged  of  the  noble  kins- 
men are  preferred  to  the  simple,  though  important,  office  of  com- 
posing disputes  by  their  advice  and  guiding  valour  by  their 
example.  Even  a  female  of  sense  and  spirit  has  been  permitted  to 
command  the  countrymen  of  2^nobia.^  The  momentary  junction 
of  several  tribes  pioduces  an  army ;  their  more  lasting  union 
constitutes  a  nation ;  and  the  supreme  chief,  the  emir  oi  emirs, 
whose  banner  is  displayed  at  their  head,  may  deserve,  in  the 
eyes  of  strangers,  the  honours  of  the  kingly  name.  If  the 
Arabian  princes  abuse  their  power,  they  are  quickly  punished 
by  the  desertion  of  their  subjects,  who  had  been  accustomed  to 
a  mild  and  parental  jurisdiction.  Their  spirit  is  free,  their  steps 
are  unconfined,  the  desert  is  open,  and  the  tribes  and  families 
are  held  together  by  a  mutuid  and  voluntaiy  compact.  The 
softer  natives  of  Yemen  supported  the  pomp  and  majesty  of  a 
monarch  ;  but,  if  he  could  not  leave  his  palace  without  endan- 
gering his  life,^  the  active  powers  of  government  must  have 
been  devolved  on  his  nobles  and  magistrates.  The  cities  of 
Mecca  and  Medina  present,  in  the  heart  of  Asia,  the  form,  or 
rather  the  substance,  of  a  commonwealth.  The  grandfather  of 
Mahomet  and  his  lineal  ancestors  appear  in  foreign  and  domestic 
transactions  as  the  princes  of  their  country  ;  but  they  reigned, 
like  Pericles  at  Athens,  or  the  Medici  at  Florence,  by  the  opinion 
of  their  wisdom  and  integrity  ;  their  influence  was  divided  with 
their  patrimony ;  and  the  sceptre  was  transferred  from  the  uncles 
of  the  prophet  to  a  younger  branch  of  the  tribe  of  Koreish.  On 
solemn  occasions  they  convened  the  assembly  of  the  people ; 
and,  since  mankind  must  be  either  compelled  or  persuaded  to 
obey,  the  use  and  reputation  of  oratory  among  the  ancient  Arabs 
is  the  clearest  evidence  of  public  freedom.^     But  their  simple 

M  Saraceni  .  .  .  mulieres  aiunt  in  eos  regnare  (Expositio  tothu  Mundi,  p.  3,  in 
Hudson,  torn.  iH.).  The  reign  of  Mavia  is  tamous  in  ecclesiastical  storyi  Pooock, 
Specimen,  p.  69, 83. 

»  Ml)  i^tivmi  U  Twr  fimtnkiimv  [w  i^9im  wHuv  U  tAp  fim^OgCmv  i^^XBtlvl  is  the 
report  of  Agatharchides  (de  Man  Rubro,  p.  63,  64,  in  Hudson,  torn,  i),  uiodona 
Siculus  (torn.  i.  L  iiu  c.  47,  p.  215),  and  Strabo  (L  xvu  pi  1124  [3.  §  19]).  But  I 
much  suspect  that  this  is  one  of  the  popular  tales  or  extraordinary  accidents  which 
the  credulity  of  travellers  so  often  transforms  into  a  fact,  a  custom,  and  a  law. 

»  Non  gloriabantur  antiquitus  Arabes,  nisi  jriadio,  bospite,  et  gloqnuUiA  (Sepb- 
adius,  apud  Pocock,  Specimen,  p.  161,  i6a).  This  gift  of  speech  they  shared  only 
with  the  Persians ;  and  the  sententious  Arabs  would  probably  have  difdained.the 
simple  and  sublime  logic  of  Demosthenes. 

VOL.  V.  21 


822         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

freedom  was  of  a  very  difTerent  taat  from  the  nice  and  artificial 
machinery  of  the  Greek  and  Roman  republics,  in  which  each 
member  possessed  an  undivided  share  of  the  civil  and  political 
rights  of  the  community.  In  the  more  simple  state  of  the  Arabs 
the  nation  is  free,  because  each  of  her  sons  disdains  a  base  sub- 
mission to  the  will  of  a  master.  His  breast  is  fortified  with  the 
austere  virtues  of  courage,  patience,  and  sobriety ;  the  love  of 
independence  prompts  him  to  exercise  the  habits  of  self^som- 
mand ;  and  the  fear  of  dishonour  guards  him  from  the  meaner 
apprehension  of  pain,  of  danger,  and  of  death.  The  gravity  and 
firmness  of  the  mind  is  conspicuous  in  his  outward  demeanoor ; 
his  speech  is  slow,  weighty,  and  concise ;  he  is  seldom  provoked 
to  laughter  ;  his  only  gesture  is  that  of  stroking  his  beard^  the 
venerable  symbol  of  manhood  ;  and  the  sense  of  his  own  impor- 
tance teaches  him  to  accost  his  equals  without  levity  and  his 
superiors  without  awe.^  The  liberty  of  the  Saracens  survived 
their  conquests  ;  the  first  caliphs  indulged  the  bold  and  fiuniliar 
language  of  their  subjects  ;  they  ascended  the  pulpit  to  persuade 
and  edify  the  congregation  ;  nor  was  it  before  the  seat  of  empire 
was  removed  to  the  Tigris  that  the  Abbassides  adopted  the 
proud  and  pompous  ceremonial  of  the  Persian  and  Bysantine 
courts. 
ji^_wan  In  the  study  of  nations  and  men,  we  may  observe  the  causes 

""'  — '  "-  ^^^^  render  them  hostile  or  friendly  to  each  other,  that  tend  to 
narrow  or  enlarge,  to  mollify  or  exasperate,  the  social  character. 
The  separation  of  the  Arabs  from  the  rest  of  mankind  has  ac- 
customed them  to  confound  the  ideas  of  stranger  and  enemy ; 
and  the  poverty  of  the  land  has  introduced  a  maxim  of  juris- 
prudence which  they  believe  and  practise  to  the  present  hour. 
They  pretend  that,  in  the  division  of  the  earth,  the  rich  and 
fertile  climates  were  assigned  to  the  other  branches  of  the  human 
family ;  and  that  the  posterity  of  the  outlaw  Ismael  might  re- 
cover, by  fraud  or  force,  the  portion  of  inheritance  of  which  he 
had  been  unjustly  deprived.  According  to  the  remark  of  Pliny, 
the  Arabian  tribes  are  equally  addicted  to  theft  and  merchandise ; 
the  caravans  that  traverse  the  desert  are  ransomed  or  pillaged ; 
and  their  neighbours,  since  the  remote  times  of  Job  and  Sesostris,* 


utdprlTato 


^  I  must  remind  the  reader  that  d*Arrieuz,  d'HerbeloC,  and  Niebuhr 
in  the  most  lively  colcmrs,  the  nuumers  ud  eovernment  of  the  Arabs,  wliidi  are 
illustrated  by  many  incidental  panafes  in  the  life  of  Mahomet. 

»  Observe  the  first  chapter  of  Job,  ud  the  long  wall  of  i5cx>  stadia  which 
Sesostris  built  from  Pelusium  to  HeHopoUs  (Diodor.  SicuL  torn.  i.  1.  i.  p^  67). 
Under  the  name  of  Hycws^  the  ahcphcfd  jdngs,  tbey  had  formerly  sobdoed  EbfP^ 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  823 

have  been  the  YictiiiM  €)i  their  rapacious  spirit.  If  a  Bedoween 
discovers  from  afar  a  solitary  traveller,  he  rides  furiously  against 
him,  crying,  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Undress  thyself,  thy  aunt  (ntjf 
fnife)  is  without  a  gannent ".  A  ready  submission  entitles  him 
to  merey ;  resistance  will  provoke  tne  aggressor,  and  his  own 
blood  must  expiate  the  blood  which  he  presumes  to  shed  in 
legitimate  defence.  A  single  robber  or  a  few  associates  are 
branded  with  their  genuine  name ;  but  the  exploits  of  a  numerous 
band  assume  the  character  of  a  lawful  and  honourable  war.  The 
temper  of  a  people,  thus  armed  against  mankind,  was  doubly  in- 
flamed by  the  domestic  licence  of  rapine,  murder,  and  revenge. 
In  the  constitution  of  Europe,  the  right  of  peace  and  war  is  now 
confined  to  a  small,  and  the  actual  exercise  to  a  much  smaller,  list 
of  respectable  potentates  ;  but  each  Arab,  with  impunity  and  re- 
nown, mi^t  point  his  javelin  against  the  life  of  his  countryman. 
The  union  of  the  nation  consisted  only  in  a  vague  resemblance 
of  language  and  manners  ;  and  in  each  community  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  magistrate  was  mute  and  impotent.  Of  the  time  of 
ignorance  which  preceded  Mahomet,  seventeen  hundred  battles^ 
are  recorded  by  tradition;  hostility  was  embittered  with  the 
rancour  of  civil  &ction  ;  and  the  recital,  in  prose  or  verse,  of  an 
obsolete  feud  was  sufficient  to  rekindle  the  same  passions  among 
the  descendants  of  the  hostile  tribes.  In  private  life,  every  man, 
at  least  every  fitmily,  was  the  judge  and  avenger  of  its  own  cause. 
The  nice  sensibility  of  honour,  which  weighs  the  insult  rather 
than  the  injury,  sheds  its  deadly  venom  on  the  ouarrels  of  the 
Arabs  ;  the  honour  of  their  women,  and  of  their  beards,  is  most 
easily  wounded ;  an  indecent  action,  a  contemptuous  word,  can 
be  expiated  only  by  the  blood  of  the  offender ;  and  such  is  their 
patient  inveteracy  that  they  expect  whole  months  and  years  the 
opportunity  of  revenge.  A  fine  or  compensation  for  murder  is 
familiar  to  the  barbarians  of  every  age  ;  but  in  Arabia  the  kins- 
men of  the  dead  are  at  liberty  to  accept  the  atonement,  or  to 
exercise  with  their  own  hands  the  law  of  retaliation,  llie  re- 
fined malice  of  the  Arabs  refuses  even  the  head  of  the  murderer, 

(Marsham,  Canon.  Chron.  p.  98-163,  &c.).  [Ifycsuis  supposed  to  mean  "princes 
of  the  Sbasu,"  a  name  for  tne  Bedouins  of  the  Sinai  peninsuk.  The  name  Hyksos 
comes  from  Manetho,  ap.  Joseph,  c  A^on.,  L  14.  Another  name  for  them  (in 
Egyptian  documents)  is  Mentu.  See  Chabos,  Les  pasteun  en  Egypte,  x868; 
Peine,  History  of  Egypt,  ex.] 

»  Or,  according  to  another  account.  laoo  (d*Herfoelot,  Kblioth^ue  Orientale, 
p.  75).  The  two  historians  who  wrote  of  the  Awm  al  Arab^  the  battles  of  the 
Arabs,  lived  m  the  ninth  and  tenth  century.  The  iamoas  war  of  Dahes  and  Gabrah 
was  occasioned  by  two  bprses,  lasted  forty  years,  and  ended  in  a  proverb  (Pooock, 
Specimen,  p.  48). 


'.T 


324         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

substitutes  an  innocent  to  the  guilty  person,  and  tnnsftis  die 
penalty  to  the  best  and  most  conaidenble  of  the  race  bj  wbon 
they  have  been  injured.  If  he  fiUls  by  their  hands,  they  aie  ex- 
posed in  their  turn  to  the  danger  of  reprisals ;  the  interest  and 
principal  of  the  bloody  debt  are  accumulated ;  the  individnalsof 
either  family  lead  a  life  of  malice  and  suspicion,  and  fifty  yean 
may  sometimes  elapse  before  the  account  of  vengeance  be  mnl^ 
settled.^  This  sanguinaiy  spirit,  ignorant  of  pity  or  filtgiyenciiH 
has  been  moderated,  however,  by  the  ma»ims  of  honour,  whidi 
require  in  every  private  encounter  some  decent  equality  of  age 
and  strength,  of  numbers  and  weapons.  An  annual  festival  of 
two,  perhaps  of  four,  months  was  observed  by  the  Amfas  befixe 
the  time  of  Mahomet,  during  which  their  swords  were  religioiisly 
sheathed,  both  in  foreign  and  domestic  hostility;  and  this  partial 
truce  is  more  strongly  expressive  of  the  habits  of  anaidiy  and 
warfare.4i 

But  the  spirit  of  rapine  and  revenge  was  attemperea  Dj  the 
milder  influence  of  trade  and  literature.  The  solitary  pentesnia 
is  encompassed  by  the  most  civilised  nations  of  Uie  ancient 
world ;  the  merchant  is  the  friend  of  mankind ;  and  the  annual 
caravans  imported  the  first  seeds  of  knowledge  and  politeness 
into  the  cities  and  even  the  camps  of  the  desert  whatever 
may  be  the  pedigree  of  the  Arabs,  their  language  is  derived 
from  the  same  original  stock  with  the  Hebrew,  the  Syriac^  and 
the  Chaldsan  tongues;  the  independence  of  the  tribes  was 
marked  by  their  peculiar  dialeets  ;^  but  each,  after  their  own, 
allowed  a  just  preference  to  the  pure  and  perspicuous  idioai  of 
Mecca.  In  Arabia  as  well  as  in  Greece,  the  perfectioii  of  lan- 
guage outstripped  the  refinement  of  manners ;  and  her  wpotA 
could  diversify  the  fiHirsoore  names  of  honey,  the  two  hundred 

^  The  modern  theoiy  and  praetiee  of  the  Arabs  in  the  revenge  of  miudei  are 
described  by  Niebuhr  (UcBcriptloo,  p.  a6-3i)L  The  hanher  featnrcs  of  aatiqiiiif 
may  be  traced  in  the  Koran,  c.  a.  p.  sOb  c  17,  p.  330,  with  Sale's  ObservatioUb 

^  Procopius  (de  BeU.  Posic.  L  i.  c  16)  places  the  Aop  holy  months  about  the 
summer  solstice.  The  Arabians  couseuate  fbyr  months  of  the  year— Che  fint, 
seventh,  eleventh,  and  twdfth :  and  pielend  that  in  a  long  series  of  ages  ths  traoe 
was  infringed  only  four  or  six  times.  (Sale*s  Preliminary  Disoourae,  p.  147*150^ 
and  Notes  on  the  ninth  diapter  of  the  Rona,  pi  154,  &c.  Casiri,  BiUioL  HlBpn» 
Arabica,  torn.  ii.  p.  90^  ai.) 

4  Arrian,  in  the  second  century,  reniarks  (in  Periplo  Maris  Eiythisei,  p.  is)  Ifae 
partial  or  total  difference  of  the  disJects  of  the  Arabs.    Their  langnaae  and  Icinen 


parrot. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  325 

of  a  serpent,  the  five  hundred  of  a  Hon,  the  thousand  of  a  sword, 
at  a  time  when  this  copious  dictionary  was  entrusted  to  the 
memory  of  an  illiterate  pa9ple.  The  monuments  of  the  Homerites 
were  inscribed  with  an  obsolete  and  mysterious  character ;  but 
the  Cnfic  letters,  the  mmndwork  of  the  present  alphabet,  were 
invented  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates ;  and  the  recent  in- 
vention was  taught  at  Mecca  by  a  stranger  who  settled  in  that 
city  after  the  birth  of  Mahomet.  The  arts  of  grammar,  of  metre, 
and  of  rhetoric  were  unknown  to  the  freebom  eloquence  of  the 
Arabians ;  but  their  penetration  was  sharp,  their  fancy  luxuriant, 
their  wit  strong  and  sententious,^  and  their  more  elaborate  com- 
positions were  addressed  with  energy  and  effect  to  the  minds  of 
their  hearers.  The  genius  and  merit  of  a  rising  poet  was  cele-x«v«  of  poetry 
brated  by  the  applause  of  his  own  and  the  kindred  tribes.  A 
solemn  banquet  was  prepared,  and  a  chorus  of  women,  striking 
their  tymbals,  and  displaying  the  pomp  of  their  nuptials,  sung 
in  the  presence  of  their  sons  and  husbands  the  felicity  of  their 
native  tribe ;  that  a  champion  had  now  appeared  to  vindicate 
their  rights ;  that  a  herald  had  raised  his  voice  to  immortalise 
their  renown.  The  distant  or  hostile  tribes  resorted  to  an  annual 
fidr,  which  was  abolished  by  the  fimaticism  of  the  first  Moslems : 
a  national  assembly  that  must  have  contributed  to  refine  and 
harmonize  the  barbarians.  Thirty  days  were  employed  in  the 
exchange,  not  only  of  com  and  wine,  but  of  eloquence  and 
poetry.  The  prize  was  disputed  by  the  generous  emulation  of 
the  bards ;  the  victorious  performance  was  deposited  in  the 
archives  of  princes  and  emirs ;  and  we  may  read  in  our  own 
language  the  seven  original  poems  which  were  inscribed  in 
letters  of  gold  and  suspended  in  the  temple  of  Mecca.^  The 
Arabian  poets  were  the  historians  and  moralists  of  the  age ;  and, 
if  they  S3rmpathized  with  the  prejudices,  they  inspired  and 
crowned   the  virtues,  of  their  countrymen,     llie  indissoluble 

^  A  familiar  tale  in  Voltaire's  Zadig  (le  Chien  et  le  Cheval)  b  related  to  prove 
the  natural  sagacity  of  the  Arabs  (d'Herbelot,  BibUot  Orient  p.  lao,  ifli ;  Qag- 
nier,  Vie  de  NJaboinet,  torn.  I  pi  37-46);  but  d'Arvieox,  orratber  La  Roqne  (Voy- 
age de  Palestine,  p.  93),  denies  the  boasted  superiority  of  the  Bedoweens.  The  one 
hundred  and  sixty-nine  sentences  of  All  (translated  by  Odder,  London,  1718)  aflfbrd 
a  jtist  and  favourable  specimen  of  Aiabian  wit  [Metre  and  rhetoric  merv  familiar 
to  the  early  Arab  poets.] 

^  Pocock  (Specimen,  p.  158-161)  and  Casiri  (Bibliot  Hispano-Arabica,  tom.  u 
p.  48.  84.  &€.,  119,  tom.  11.  p.  17,  &c.)  speak  of  tne  Arabian  poets  before  Mahomet ; 
the  seven  poems  of  the  ICaaba  have  been  published  in  English  by  Sir  William 
Jones  ^  but  his  honourable  mission  to  India  has  deprived  ill  of  his  own  notes,  far 
more  mteresting  than  the  obscure  and  obsolete  text.  [Th.  Nttldeke,  Poesie  dor 
ahen  Araber,  1864 ;  Lyall.  Ancient  Arabic  Poetry,  1885 ;  Firesnel,  Lettres  sor 
I'histoire  des  Arabes,  1836 ;  Caussin  de  Perceval,  Eaiai  sor  lliistoire  des  ArabOL 
The  legend  of  the  seven  poems  hung  in  the  Kaaba  has  no  foondatioQ.] 


gUMTUtitj 


326         THE  DECUNE  AND  FALL 

union  of  generosity  and  vakmr  was  the  darling  theme  of  their 
song ;  and,  when  they  pointed  their  keenest  satire  agminst  a 
despicable  race,  they  aifirmed,  in  the  bitterness  of  reproach, 
that  the  men  knew  not  how  to  give  nor  the  women  to 
Kxu&ptMof  deny.**^  The  same  hospitality  which  was  practised  by  Abraham 
""""  and  celebrated  by  Homer  is  still  renewed  in  the  campa  of  the 
Arabs.  The  ferocious  Bedoweens,  the  terror  of  the  desert, 
embrace,  without  inquiry  or  heaitatkm,  the  stranger  who  dares 
to  confide  in  their  honour  and  to  enter  their  tent.  Hia  treat- 
ment is  kind  and  respectful ;  he  shares  the  wealth  or  the  poverfy 
of  his  host ;  and,  after  a  needful  repose,  he  is  dismissed  on  his 
way,  with  thanks,  with  blessings,  and  perhaps  with  gifts.  Tlie 
heart  and  hand  are  more  largely  expanded  by  the  wants  of  a 
brother  or  a  friend  ;  but  the  heroic  acts  that  could  deserve  the 
public  applause  must  have  surpassed  the  narrow  measure  of  dis- 
cretion and  experience.  A  dispute  had  arisen,  who,  amons 
citizens  of  Mecca,  was  entitled  to  the  prise  of  generosity  ;  and 
a  successive  application  was  made  to  the  three  who  were  deemed 
most  worthy  of  the  trial  Abdallah,  the  son  of  Abbas,  had  un- 
dertaken a  distant  journey,  and  his  foot  was  in  the  stirrup  when 
he  heard  the  voice  of  a  suppliant,  '*  O  son  of  the  uncle  of  the 
apostle  of  God,  I  am  a  traveller,  and  in  distress!  "  He  instantly 
dismounted  to  present  the  pilgrim  with  his  camel,  her  rich  ca- 
parison, and  a  purse  of  four  thousand  pieces  of  gold,  excepting 
only  the  sword,  either  for  its  intrinsic  value  or  as  the  gift  of  an 
honoured  kinsman.  The  servant  of  Kais  informed  the  second 
suppliant  that  his  master  was  asleep ;  hut  he  immediately  added, 
"  Here  is  a  purse  of  seven  thousand  pieces  of  gold  (it  is  all  we 
have  in  the  house),  and  here  is  an  order  that  will  entitle  yon  to 
a  camel  and  a  slave  ".  The  master,  as  soon  as  he  awoke,  pnised 
and  enfranchised  his  faithful  steward,  with  a  gentle  reproof  that 
by  respecting  his  slumbers  he  had  stinted  his  bounty.  The  third 
of  these  heroes,  the  blind  Arabah,  at  the  hour  of  prayer,  was 
supporting  his  steps  on  the  shoulders  of  two  slaves.  "  Alas ! " 
he  replied,  '*  my  coffers  are  empty !  but  these  you  may  sdl ; 
"if you  refuse,  I  renounce  them.'  At  these  words,  poshii^ 
away  the  youths,  he  groped  along  the  wall  with  his  stattl  The 
character  of  Hatem  is  the  perfect  model  of  Arabian  viitne;^ 


tf  Sale's  Preliminary  DiKOWse,  pw  09,  3a 


1x8. 

fori 

cum 


,  OF  THE  BOMAK  EMPIRE  327 

he  was  brave  and  liberal,  an  eloquent  poet  and  a  successful 
robber  :  forty  camels  were  roasted  at  his  hospitable  feast ;  and 
at  the  prayer  of  a  suppliant  enemy  he  restored  both  the  captives 
and  the  spoil.  The  freedom  of  his  countrymen  disdained  the 
laws  of  justice  ;  they  proudly  indulged  the  spontaneous  impulse 
of  pity  and  benevolence. 

The  religion  of  the  Arabs^^'^  as  well  as  of  the  Indians,  consisted 
in  the  worship  of  the  sun,  the  moon,  and  the  fixed  stars ;  a  primi- 
tive and  specious  mode  of  superstition.  The  bright  luminaries 
of  the  sky  display  the  visible  image  of  a  Deity :  their  number 
and  distance  convey  to  a  philosophic,  or  even  a  vulgar,  eye  the 
idea  of  boundless  space  :  the  cluuracter  of  eternity  is  marked  on 
these  solid  globes,  that  seem  incapable  of  corruption  or  decay : 
the  regularity  of  their  motions  may  be  ascribed  to  a  principle  of 
reason  or  instinct ;  and  their  real  or  imaginary  influence  encour- 
ages the  vain  belief  that  the  earth  and  its  inhabitants  are  the 
object  of  their  peculiar  care.  The  science  of  astronomy  was 
cultivated  at  Babylon ;  but  the  school  of  the  Arabs  was  a  clear 
firmament  and  a  naked  plain.  In  their  nocturnal  marches,  they 
steered  by  the  guidance  of  the  stars ;  their  names,  and  order, 
and  daily  station  were  familiar  to  the  curiosity  and  devotion  of 
the  Bedoween ;  and  he  was  taught  by  experience  to  divide  in 
twenty-eight  parts  the  zodiac  of  the  moon,  and  to  bless  the  con- 
stellations who  refreshed  with  salutary  rains  the  thirst  of  the 
desert.  The  reign  of  the  heavenly  orbs  could  not  be  extended 
beyond  the  visible  sphere ;  and  some  metaphysical  powers  were 
necessary  to  sustain  the  transmigration  of  souls  and  the  resurrec- 
tion of  bodies  ;  a  camel  was  left  to  perish  on  the  grave,  that  he 
might  serve  his  master  in  another  life ;  and  the  invocation  of 
departed  spirits  implies  that  they  were  still  endowed  with 
consciousness  and  power.  I  am  ignorant,  and  I  am  careless,  of 
the  blind  mythology  of  the  barbarians ;  of  the  local  deities,  of 
the  stars,  the  air,  and  the  earth,  of  their  sex  or  titles,  their 
attributes  or  subordination.  Each  tribe,  each  family,  each  inde- 
pendent warrior,  created  and  changed  the  rites  and  the  object 
of  his  fantastic  worship ;  but  the  nation,  in  every  age,  has  bowed 

^  Whatever  can  now  be  known  of  the  idotatiy  of  the  ancient  Arabians  may  be 
found  in  Pocock  (Specimen,  p.  89-136,  163, 164).  His  profound  emdition  is  more 
clearly  and  concisely  interpreted  by  Sale  (Prenminary  Diaooone,  p.  14-24) ;  and 
Assemanni  (Bibliot.  Orient,  torn.  iv.  p.  580-590)  has  added  some  valuable  remarks. 
[On  the  state  of  Arabia  and  its  reUppon  Mfors  Islam,  see  Caussin  de  Perceval, 
Essai  sur  Thistoiredes  Arabes,  vol  11. ,  and  E.  H.  Palmer's  Introductioii  to  bis 
translatk^n  of  the  Koran  (in  the  *  *  Sacred  Books  of  the  East").] 


328  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

to  the  religion,  as  weU  as  to  the  language,  of  Mecca.  The 
genuine  antiquity  of  the  Caaba  ascends  beyond  the  Christian 
sera :  in  describing  the  coast  of  the  Red  Sea,  the  Greek  historian 
Diodorus^  has  remarked,  between  the  Thamudites  and  the 
Sabaeans,  a  &mous  temple,  whose  superior  sanctity  was  revered 
by  all  the  Arabians ;  the  linen  or  silken  veil,  which  is  annually 
renewed  by  the  Turkish  emperor,  was  first  offered  by  a  pious 
king  of  the  Homerites,  who  reigned  seven  hundred  years  before 
the  time  of  Mahomet ^^  A  tent  or  a  cavern  might  suffice  for  the 
worship  of  the  savages,  but  an  edifice  of  stone  and  clay  has  been 
erected  in  its  place ;  and  the  art  and  power  of  the  monarchs  of 
the  East  have  been  confined  to  the  simplicity  of  the  original 
modcL^  A  spacious  portico  encloses  the  quadrangle  of  the 
Caaba,  a  square  chapel,  twenty-four  cubits  long,  twenty-three 
broad,  and  twenty-seven  high ;  a  door  and  a  window  admit  the 
light ;  the  double  roof  is  supported  by  three  pillars  of  wood ;  a 
spout  (now  of  gold)  dischaiges  the  rain-water,  and  the  well 
Zemsem  is  protected  by  a  dome  from  accidental  pollution.  The 
tribe  of  Koreish,  by  fraud  or  force,  had  acquired  the  custody  of 
the  Caaba:  the  sacerdotal  office  devolved  through  four  lineal 
descents  to  the  grandfiither  of  Mahomet ;  and  the  fomfly  of  the 
Hashemites,  from  whence  he  sprung,  was  the  most  respectable 
and  sacred  in  the  eyes  of  their  country.^  The  precincts  of 
Mecca  enjoyed  the  rights  of  sanctuary ;  and,  in  the  last  month 


SicuL  torn.  i.  1.  iii.  p.  an  [c.  44]).  The  chormctcr  and  position  are  so  oorrectlj  ap- 
posite, that  I  am  surprised  how  this  curious  paaage  should  have  been  read  wiihant 
notice  or  application.  Yet  this  famous  temple  had  been  overlooked  bf  Agathar- 
cfaides  (de  Man  Rubro,  p.  c8,  in  Hudson,  torn.  I),  whom  Diodorus  copies  in  the 
rest  of  the  description.  Was  the  SieUfam  more  knowing  than  the  Egyptian  ?  Or 
was  the  Caaba  built  between  the  years  of  Rome  650  [Agatharchides  wrote  his 
Hislorica  in  the  and  cent.  B.C  under  Ptolemy  VI.]  and  746.  the  dates  of  their  re- 
spective histories?  (Dodwdl,  In  DisRrt.  ad  tom.  i.  Hudson,  p.  7a.  Fhbricius. 
&bliot  Grace,  tom.  it  p.  770^)  [It  is  improbable  that  Diodorus  rem  to  the  Kaaba.] 

^Pocock,  Specimen,  p.  60.  6x.  Firom  the  death  of  Mahomet  we  ascend  to  6S. 
from  his  birth  to  199,  v«rs  before  the  CSuistian  sera.  The  veil  or  curtain,  which 
is  now  of  silk  and  gold,  was  no  more  than  a  piece  of  Egyptian  linen  (Abulfeda, 
in  Vit.  Mohammed,  c.  6.  p.  14).  [The  oowoing  (Kiswa)  of  the  Kaaba  is  made  in 
Cairo  of  a  coarse  brocade  of  silk  and  ootton.  See  Lane,  Modem  Egyptians,  ch.  ur.] 

■^Tbe  original  plan  of  the  Caaba  (which  is  servilely  copied  in  Sale,  the  Unirenal 
History.  &c.)  was  a  Turkish  draught,  which  Reland  (de  Religione  MohammedicA, 
p.  zx3-xa3)  has  corrected  and  explained  from  the  best  authorities.  For  the  de- 
scription and  Iqrend  of  the  Caaba,  cooralt  Pdoock  (Specimen,  p.  ix5-xas),  the 
Bibliothique  Onentale  of  d'Hcrbelot  (CmM«.  //kywu;  Zmums.  Ac.)  and  Sak 
(Preliminaxy  Disoourse,  p.  xi4-za9). 

"  Cosa,  the  fifth  ancestor  of  Mahomet,  mast  have  usurped  the  Caaba,  A.P.  440; 
but  the  story  is  differently  told  bv  Jaanafai  (Gagnier,  Vie  de  Mahonet,  torn.  Lpi 
65459)  and  tiy  Abulfeda  (in  VU.  mbam.  e.  6^  pt  13). 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  329 

of  each  year,  the  city  and  the  temple  were  crowded  with  a  long 
train  of  pilgrims,  who  presented  their  vows  and  offerings  in  the 
house  of  God.  The  same  rites,  which  are  now  accomplished  by 
the  feuthful  Musulman,  were  invented  and  practis^  by  the 
superstition  of  the  idolaters.  At  an  awful  distance  they  cast 
away  their  garments ;  seven  times,  with  hasty  steps,  they  en- 
circled the  Caaba,  and  kissed  the  black  stone ;  seven  times  they 
visited  and  adored  the  adjacent  mountains ;  seven  times  they 
threw  stones  into  the  valley  of  Mina ;  and  the  pilgrimage  was 
achieved,  as  at  the  present  hour,  by  a  sacrifice  of  sheep  and 
camels,  and  the  burial  of  their  hair  and  nails  in  the  consecrated 
ground.  Each  tribe  either  found  or  introduced  in  the  Caaba 
their  domestic  worship ;  the  temple  was  adorned,  or  defiled, 
with  three  hundred  and  sixty  idols  of  men,  eagles,  lions,  and 
antelopes ;  and  most  conspicuous  was  the  statue  of  Hebal,  of 
red  agate,  holding  in  his  hand  seven  arrows,  without  heads  or 
feathers,  the  instruments  and  symbols  of  profane  divination. 
But  this  statue  was  a  monument  of  Syrian  arts  ;  the  devotion  of 
the  ruder  ages  was  content  with  a  pillar  or  a  tablet ;  and  the 
rocks  of  the  desert  were  hewn  into  gods  or  altars,  in  imitation  of 
the  black  stone  ^^  of  Mecca,  which  is  deeply  tainted  with  the 
reproach  of  an  idolatrous  origin.  From  Japan  to  Peru,  the  usei 
of  sacrifice  has  universally  prevailed ;  and  the  votary  has  ex- 
pressed his  gratitude,  or  fear,  by  destroying  or  consuming,  in 
honour  of  the  gods,  the  dearest  and  most  precious  of  their  gifts. 
The  life  of  a  man  ^  is  the  most  precious  oblation  to  deprecate  a 
public  calamity  :  the  altars  of  Phoenicia  and  Egypt,  of  Rome  and 
Carthage,  have  been  polluted  with  human  gore ;  the  cruel 
practice  was  long  preserved  among  the  Arabs ;  in  the  third 
century,  a  boy  was  annually  sacrificed  by  the  tribe  of  the 
Dumatians ;  ^  and  a  royal  captive  was  piously  slaughtered  by 

"3  In  the  second  century,  Maximus  of  Tjnre  attributes  to  the  Arabs  the  worship 
of  a  stone — 'ApAfiiot.  o-ifiovai  fii¥t  ovrtva  ii  oim  ot3«,  rb  ii  tty«A|ui  [S]  «l5«v  A^Vet  ^r 
rrrpivMvof  (dissert  viii.  torn.  i.  p.  142,  edit  Reiske) ;  and  the  reproach  is  furiously 
re-echoed  b^  the  Christians  (Clemens  Alex,  in  Protreptico,  p.  40 ;  Amobius  contra 
Gentes,  I.  vi.  p.  246).  Yet  tnese  stones  were  no  other  than  the  ^a<rvAc  of  Syria,  and 
Greece,  so  renowned  in  sacred  and  profane  antiquity  (Euseb.  Praep.  EvangeL  L  i. 
p.  37i  Marsham,  Canon.  Chron.  p.  54-56). 

^  The  two  horrid  subjects  of  'Ai^^tvam  and  UaUoiviFU  are  accurately  discussed 
by  the  learned  Sir  John  Marsham  (Canon.  Chron.  p.  76-78,  301-304).  Sanchoniar 
tho  derives  the  Phoenician  sacrifices  from  the  example  of  Chronus ;  but  we  are 
i^orant  whether  Chronus  lived  before  or  after  Abraham,  or  indeed  whether  be 
hved  at  all. 

^  Kor^  crov  {kootov  vciSa  t#vov,  is  the  reproach  of  Porphyry ;  but  he  lUDewiae 
hnputes  to  the  Romans  the  same  barbarous  custom,  whicxi,  A.U.C  657,  had  bsn 


330  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  prince  of  the  Saracens,  the  ally  and  soldier  of  the  emperor 
Justinian.^  A  parent  who  drags  his  son  to  the  altar  exhibits 
the  most  painful  and  sublime  effort  of  fanaticism ;  the  deed,  or 
the  intention,  was  sanctified  by  the  example  of  saints  and  heroes ; 
and  the  father  of  Mahomet  himself  was  devoted  by  a  rash  row, 
and  hardly  ransomed  for  the  equivalent  of  an  hunidred  camels. 
In  the  time  of  ignorance,  the  Arabs,  like  the  Jews  and  EgyptUaa, 
abstained  from  the  taste  of  swine's  flesh  ;  ^  they  circumcised  ^'' 
their  children  at  the  age  of  puberty ;  the  same  customs,  without 
the  censure  or  the  precept  of  the  Koran,  have  been  silently 
transmitted  to  their  posterity  and  proselytes.  It  has  been 
sagaciously  conjectured  that  the  artful  legislator  indulged  the 
stubborn  prejudices  of  his  countrymen.  It  is  more  simple  to 
believe  that  he  adhered  to  the  habits  and  opinions  of  his  youth, 
without  foreseeing  that  a  practice  congenial  to  the  climate  of 
Mecca  might  become  useless  or  inconvenient  on  the  banks  of 
the  Danube  or  the  Volga. 
gwtactoon^  Arabia  was  free ;  the  adjacent  kingdoms  were  shaken  by  the 
storms  of  conquest  and  tjrranny,  and  the  persecuted  sects  fled 
to  the  happy  land  where  they  might  profess  what  they  thou^t 
and  practise  what  they  professed.  The  religions  of  the  Sa- 
bians  and  Magians,  of  the  Jews  and  Christians,  were  disseminated 
from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  Red  Sea.  In  a  remote  period  of 
antiquity,  Sabianism  was  diffused  over  Asia  by  the  science  of 
the  Chaldeans^  and  the  arms  of  the  Assvrians.      From  the 

finally  abolished.  Dumaetha,  Daumat  alGendal,  is  noticed  by  Ptolemy  (TabuL 
p.  37,  Arabia,  p.  0-39),  and  Abulfeda  (p.  57} ;  and  may  be  found  in  d'Anville's 
maps,  in  the  mid-desert  between  Chaibar  and  Tadmor. 

^  Procopius  (de  Bell  Persioo,  L  i.  c  fl8),  Evagrius  (I.  vi.  c.  91),  and  Pooock 
(Specimen,  p.  72,  86)  attest  the  human  aauawcesot  the  Arabs  in  the  vith  century. 
The  danc^er  and  escape  of  Abdallah  is  a  tradition  rather  than  a  fact  (Gamier, 
Vie  de  Kiahomet,  torn.  i.  p.  83-84). 

^Suillis  cnrnibus  abstinent,  says  Solinus  (Polyhistor.  c.  33),  who  copies  PUnyn. 
viii.  c.  68)  in  the  strange  supposition  that  hogs  cannot  live  in  Arabia.  The 
Egyptians  were  actuated  by  a  natural  and  superstitious  horror  for  that  unclean 
b«Lst  ( Marsham.  C'anon.  p.  205).  The  old  Ara&ans  likewise  practised,  ^t  caihnm, 
the  rite  of  ablution  (Herodot  1.  L  c.  80  [Ug.  198]),  which  is  sanctified  by  the 
Mahometan  law  (Reland.  P.  75,  &c. ;  Charoin,  or  rather  the  Mollah  of  Shaw 
Abbas,  tom.  iv.  p.  71,  &c.). 

^  The  Mahometan  doctors  are  not  fond  of  the  subject ;  yet  they  hold  drcnmdsiOD 
necessary  to  salvation,  and  even  pretend  that  Mahomet  was  miraculously  bora 
without  a  foreskin  (Pbcock,  5%pecimen,  pi  3191  300 ;  Sale's  Preliminaxy  Diaoocnse, 
p.  106,  107). 

M  Diodorus  Siculus  (tom.  i.  L  iL  p.  u^XjX  [c.  aoAf^.])  has  cast  on  their  religioa 
the  curious,  but  superiicial,  clanoe  of  a  Greek.  Their  astronomy  would  be  fiv 
more  valuable :  they  had  looked  through  the  telescope  of  reason,  since  ther  oonld 
doubt  whether  the  sun  were  in  the  number  of  the  planets  or  of  the  fiiaa  staia 
[For  the  Sabians  and  their  religiia  tee  Appendix  laj 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  331 

observations  of  two  thousand  years  the  priests  and  astronomers 
of  Babylon  ^^  deduced  the  eternal  laws  of  nature  and  providence. 
They  adored  the  seven  gods  or  angels  who  directed  the  course 
of  the  seven  planets  and  shed  their  irresistible  influence  on  the 
earth.  The  attributes  of  the  seven  planets,  with  the  twelve 
signs  of  the  zodiac  and  the  twenty-four  constellations  of  the 
northern  and  southern  hemisphere,  were  represented  by  images 
and  talismans ;  the  seven  days  of  the  week  were  dedicated  to 
their  respective  deities;  the  Sabians  prayed  thrice  each  day; 
and  the  temple  of  the  moon  at  Haran  was  the  term  of  their 
pilgrimage.^  But  the  flexible  genius  of  their  &ith  was  always 
ready  eiUier  to  teach  or  to  learn  ;  in  the  tradition  of  the  creation, 
the  deluge,  and  the  patriarchs,  they  held  a  singular  agreement 
with  their  Jewish  captives ;  they  appealed  to  the  secret  books 
of  Adam,  Seth,  and  Enoch  ;  and  a  slight  infusion  of  the  gospel 
has  transformed  the  last  remnant  of  the  Polytheists  into  the 
Christians  of  St.  John,  in  the  territory  of  Bassora.^^  The  altars  ih«ibc 
of  Babylon  were  overturned  by  the  Magians ;  but  the  injuries 
of  the  Sabians  were  revenged  by  the  sword  of  Alexander; 
Persia  groaned  above  five  hundred  years  under  a  foreign  yoke ; 
and  the  purest  disciples  of  Zoroaster  escaped  from  the  contagion 
of  idolatry^  and  breathed  with  their  adversaries  the  freedom  of 
the  desert.^^  Seven  hundred  years  before  the  death  of  Mahomet,  n*  j««i 
the  Jews  were  settled  in  Arabia ;  and  a  flEu:  greater  multitude 
was  expelled  from  the  Holy  Land  in  the  wars  of  Titus  and 
Hadrian.  The  industrious  exiles  aspired  to  liberty  and  power : 
they  erected  synagogues  in  the  cities  and  castles  in  the  wilder- 
ness, and  their   Gentile  converts  were  confounded   with  the 


^•Simplicius  (who  quotes  Porphyry)  de  Caelo,  I  ii.  com.  xlvi.  p.  123,  lin.  18, 
apud  Marsham,  Canon.  Chron.  p.  474,  who  doubts  the  fact,  because  it  is  adverse 
to  his  s]^tems.  The  earliest  date  of  the  Chaldean  observations  is  the  year  2234 
before  Christ.  After  the  conquest  of  Babylon  by  Alexander,  they  were  communi- 
cated, at  the  request  of  Aristotle,  to  the  astronomer  Hipparchus.  What  a  moment 
in  the  annals  of  science  I 

*>Pocock  (Specimen,  p.  138-146),  Hottinger  (Hist.  Oriental,  p.  x62-203),  Hyde 
(de  Religione  Vet.  Persarum,  p.  124,  128,  &e.),  d'Herbelot  {SaH,  p.  725,  726),  and 
Sale  (Preliminary  Discourse,  p.  14,  15),  rather  excite  than  ^pratify  our  curiosity ; 
and  the  last  of  these  writers  confounds  Sabi4|ism  with  the  primitive  religion  of  the 
Arabs.  ' 

A^D'Anville  (I'Euphrates  et  le  Tigre,  p.  130-147)  will  fix  the  position  of  these 
ambiguous  Christians ;  Assemannus  (Bibliot.  Oriental,  torn.  iv.  p.  607-614)  may  ex- 
plain their  tenets.  But  it  is  a  slippery  task  to  ascertain  the  creed  of  an  Ignorant 
people,  afraid  and  ashamed  to  disclose  their  secret  traditions. 

^The  Magi  were  fixed  in  the  province  of  Bahrein  (Qagnier,  Vie  de  Mahomet, 
torn.  iii.  p.  1x4)  and  mingled  with  the  old  Arabians  (Pocock,  Spedmen,  p.  t^isp)* 


332  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

children  of  Israel,  whom  they  reiembled  in  the  outwaid  mark 
•  cairiatuu  of  circumcision.  The  ChristiAn  mistknuuies  were  stUl  more  active 
and  successful :  the  Catholics  asserted  their  universal  reign ;  the 
sects  whom  they  oppressed  succeKively  retired  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  Roman  empire;  the  BiareioDites  and  the  Manidueans 
dispersed  their  phaaUutic  opinions  and  apocryphal  goapela ;  the 
churches  of  Yemen,  and  the  princes  of  Hira  and  uanany  were 
instructed  in  a  purer  creed  by  the  Jacobite  and  Nestorian 
bishops.^  The  liberty  of  choice  was  presented  to  the  tribes : 
each  Arab  was  free  to  elect  or  to  compose  his  own  private 
religion;  and  the  rude  superstition  of  his  house  was  mingled 
with  the  sublime  theology  of  saints  and  philosophers.  A  fonda- 
mental  article  of  £uth  was  inculcated  by  the  consent  of  the 
learned  strangers :  the  existence  of  one  supreme  God,  who  is 
exalted  above  the  powers  of  heaven  and  earth,  but  who  has 
oflen  revealed  himself  to  mankind  by  the  ministry  of  his  angels 
and  prophets,  and  whose  grace  or  justice  has  interrupted,  by 
seasonable  miracles,  the  order  of  nature.  The  most  ratioiial  of 
the  Arabs  acknowledged  his  power,  thou^  they  n^lected  his 
worship ;  ^  and  it  was  habit  rather  than  conviction  that  still 
attached  them  to  the  relics  of  idolatry.  The  Jews  and  Chris- 
tians were  the  people  of  the  hook  ;  the  Bible  was  already  trsna- 
lated  into  the  Arabic  language,^  and  the  volume  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment was  accepted  by  the  concord  of  these  implacable  enemies. 
In  the  story  of  the  Hebrew  patriarchs,  the  Arabs  were  pleased  to 
discover  the  fisithers  of  their  natkm.  They  applauded  the  Irirth 
and  promises  of  Ismael ;  revered  the  faith  and  virtue  of  Abraham ; 
traced  his  pedigree  and  their  own  to  the  creation  of  the  first 
man,  and  imbibed  with  equal  credulity  the  prodiffies  of  the 
holy  text  and  the  dreams  and  traditions  of  the  Jewish  rabbis. 

OThe  state  of  the  Jewa  and  Christiana  in  Arabia  is  dcacribed  bj  Pooock  from 
Sharestani,  &c  (Spedinen,  p.  60,  134,  Ad),  Hoctinger  (Hist  Orient,  p.  0x0-138). 
d'Herbelot  (Bibhot.  Orient  p.  474-476)»  Baaiage  (Hist  aes  Jutis,  torn.  viLp.  185, 
torn,  viil  p.  aSo),  and  Sale  (Prduninaiy  Diiooiine,  p.  as,  Ac.  3a.  Ac.).  [ShahniF 
stfini.  Religionspartheien  und  PhOosophfln-Schule ;  a  translation  \xf  Th.  Haar- 
brUcker,  Z850-1.J 

Min  their  ofiferings,  it  was  a  nuudm  to  defraud  God  for  the  profit  of  the  idol, 
not  a  more  potent,  but  a  more  irritable  patron  (Pooock,  Specimen,  p.  io8|  109). 

^Our  versions  now  extant,  whethsr  Jewirii  or  Christian,  appear  more  rooeot 
than  the  Koran ;  but  the  existence  of  a  prior  translation  may  be  fairij  inferred : 
I.  From  the  popetnal  practice  of  the  ijmaflDgiie,  of  expounding  the  Hebrew 
lesson  by  a  paraphrase  in  the  vulgar  toQne  01  the  country ;  a.  From  the  anakgy 
of  the  Armenian,  Persian,  iEthiopac  venkmSi  expressly  quoted  by  the  latbeni  of 
the  fifth  century .  who  asiert  that  the  Scriptnrm  were  translated  into  «// the  Barfaarie 
languages  (Walton,  Prolegomena  ad  EabUa  Polyglot,  p  34,  93-97;  Simoo.  Hitt. 
Critic^ue  du  V.  ct  du  N.  Tenament,  tom,  L  pi  uo^  x8x,  fl8a-a86^  093,  305,  306^ 
torn.  IV.  p.  ao6). 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  888 

The  base  and  plebeian  origin  of  Mahomet  is  an  unskilful  Hriii  ■»« 
calumny  of  the  Christians,^  who  exalt  instead  of  degrading  the  miiimm^ 
merit  of  their  adversary.  His  descent  from  Ismael  was  a 
national  privilege  or  fable ;  but,  if  the  first  steps  of  the  pedigree*'^ 
are  dark  and  doubtfid«  he  could  produce  many  generations  of 
pure  and  genuine  nobility :  he  sprung  from  the  tribe  of  Koreish 
and  the  fiunUy  of  Hashem,  the  most  illustrious  of  the  Arabs,  the 
princes  of  Mecca,  and  the  hereditary  guardians  of  the  Caaba. 
The  grandfrither  of  Mahomet  was  Ab£>l  Motalleb,  the  son  oftfift^fei 
Hashem,  a  wealthy  and  generous  citisen,  who  relieved  the 
distress  of  famine  with  the  supplies  of  commerce.  Mecca,  which 
had  been  fed  by  the  liberality  of  the  father,  was  saved  by  the 
courage  of  the  son.  The  kingdom  of  Yemen  was  subject  to  the 
Christian  princes  of  Abyssinia;  their  vassal  Abrahah  was  pro- 
voked by  an  insult  to  avenge  the  honour  of  the  cross ;  and  the 
holy  city  was  invested  by  a  train  of  elephants  and  an  army  of 
Africans.  A  treaty  was  proposed ;  and  in  the  first  audience  the 
grand&ther  of  Mahomet  demandal  the  restitution  of  his  cattle. 
"  And  why/'  said  Abrahah,  "  do  you  not  rather  implore  my  clem- 
ency in  favour  of  your  temple,  which  I  have  threatened  to  de- 
stroy ?  "  '*  Because,"  replied  the  intrepid  chief,  "  the  cattle  is 
my  own ;  the  Caaba  belongs  to  the  gods,  and  ihey  will  defend 
their  house  fit>m  ii^ury  and  sacrilege."  The  want  of  provisions, 
or  the  valour  of  the  Koreish,  compelled  the  Abyssinians  to  a  dis- 
graceful retreat;  their  discomfiture  had  been  adorned  with  a 
miraculous  flight  of  birds,  who  showered  down  stones  on  the 
heads  of  the  infidels ;  and  the  deliverance  ¥ras  long  commemo- 
rated by  the  sera  of  the  elephant^    The  glory  of  Abdol  Motal-Jj^ 

MIn  eo  conveniunt  omnes,  ut  plebeio  vUique  genere  ortum.  ftc.  (Hottinger, 
Hist.  Orient  p.  136).  Yet  Theopnanes,  the  most  ancient  of  the  Greeks,  and  the 
father  of  many  a  lie,  confesses  that  Mahomet  was  of  the  race  of  Ismael,  U  luSit 
y«irtM»r«Tif«  ^Aii« /Chronograph,  p.  277  [A.ii.  6123]).  [The  name  Mohammad 
(-■"  the  Praised  ")  is  found  as  eany  as  A.XX  1x3 ;  c/.  C.I.G.  na  4500,  iCo«#m<ow.] 

^Abulfeda  (in  Vit  Mohammed,  c.  x,  a)  and  Gafnier  (Vie  de  Mahomet,  p. 
35-97)  describe  the  popular  and  approved  genealogy  0?  the  prophet  At  Mecca,  I 
would  not  dispute  its  authenticity :  at  Lau^mne,  I  will  venture  to  observe,  i.  TJkat 
from  Ismael  to  Mahomet,  a  period  of  3500  years,  they  reckon  thirty,  instead  of 
seventy-five,  generations ;  a.  That  the  modem  Bedoweens  are  ignorant  of  their 
history  and  careless  of  their  pedigree  (Voyage  d'Arvieux,  p.  xoo,  103). 

**  The  seed  of  this  history,  or  (able,  is  contained  in  the  cvth  chapter  of  the 
Koran  [entitled  the  Elephant];  and  Gagnier  (in  Praefat  ad.  Vit  Mooam.  p.  18, 
&c.)  has  translated  the  historical  narrative  of  Abulfeda,  which  mayr  be  illustrated 
from  d'Herbelot  (Bibliot  Orientale.  p.  xa)  and  Pooock  (Specimen,  p.  64). 
Prideaux  (Life  of  Mahomet,  p.  48)  calls  it  a  lie  of  the  coinage  of  Mahomet ;  bat 
Sale  (Koran,  p.  QDx-^3),  who  is  naif  a  MnsuUnan,  attacks  the  inconsistent  faith 
of  the  Doctor  lor  believing  the  miraclCTOf  the  Ddphic  Apolkx    Maraoci  (Alcoran, 


334         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

]eb  was  crowned  with  damestic  happiness,  his  life  was  piroloiiged 
to  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  ten  years,  and  he  became  the 
father  of  six  daughters  and  thirteen  sons.  His  best  beloved 
Abda]lah  was  the  most  beautifiil  and  modest  of  the  Arabian 
youth  ;  and  in  the  first  night,  when  he  consummated  his  marriage 
with  Amina,  of  the  noble  race  of  the  Zahrites,  two  handrMl 
virgins  are  said  to  have  expired  of  jealousy  and  despair.  Mar 
hornet,  or  more  properly  Mohammed,  the  only  son  of  Abdallah 
and  Amina,  was  born  at  Mecca,  four  years  after  the  death  of 
Justinian,  and  two  months  after  the  defeat  of  the  Abyssinians,^ 
whose  victory  would  have  introduced  into  the  Caaba  tne  relu^oD 
of  the  Christians.  In  his  early  infancy,  he  was  deprived  or  hi: 
father,  his  mother,  and  his  grand&ther ;  his  uncles  were  strong 
and  numerous;  and,  in  the  division  of  the  inheritance,  the 
orphan's  share  was  reduced  to  five  camels  and  an  Ethiopian 
maid-servant.  At  home  and  abroad,  in  peace  and  war,  Abu 
Taleb,  the  most  respectable  of  his  uncles,  was  the  gcdde  and 
guardian  of  his  youth ;  in  his  twenty-fifth  year,  he  entered  into 
the  service  of  Cadijah,  a  rich  and  noble  widow  of  Mecca,  who 
soon  rewarded  his  fidelity  with  the  gift  of  her  hand  and 
fortune.  The  marriage  contract,  in  the  simple  style  of  antiquity, 
recites  the  mutual  love  of  Mahomet  and  Cadijah ;  describes  him 
as  the  most  accomplished  of  the  tribe  of  Koreish  ;  and  stipulates 

torn.  i.  part  ii.  p.  14,  torn.  ii.  p.  823)  ascribes  the  miracle  to  the  devil,  and  extorts 
from  the  Mahometans  the  confe.->.sion  that  God  would  not  have  defended  anint 
the  Christians  the  idols  of  the  Caaba.  [The  expedition  of  Abraha  against  Mecca 
is  historical  Ibn  Ish&k's  account  of  it  is  preserved  in  Tabari  (Nudeke.  p^  901 
j^^.).  but  the  earliest  notice  of  it  is  in  a  Greek  writer — Procopius,  Pers.  L  aa  The 
Mohamniarlan  authorities  always  place  the  expedition  in  A.D.  570 ;  but  NtiUddce, 
l^  discovering  the  passage  in  Procopius,  has  rectified  the  chronology.  The 
expedition  must  have  taken  place  before  Procopius  wrote  his  Persica,  that  is 
probably  before  A.  n.  544.     It  has  been  questioned  whether  Abraha  actually  ap- 


phant?")  proves  that  Mecca  felt  itself  seriously 
Abraha  had  an  elephant  \^ith  him.  As  for  Abraha,  the  accounts  of  his  rise  to  po«'er 
vary ;  but  he  was  probably  an  Abyssinian  soldier  of  low  birth  who  overthrew  the 
vassal  king  of  Yemen  and  usurped  his  place.  The  miracle  which  caused  his 
retreat  from  the  Hijaz  was  an  outbreak  of  smallpox.] 

®The  safest  aeras  of  Abulfeda  (in  Vit.  &  i.  p.  a),  of  Alexander,  or  the  Greeks, 
882,  of  Bocht  Naser,  or  Nabonasser,  1316,  equally  lead  us  to  the  year  ^69. 
The  old  Arabian  calendar  is  too  dark  and  uncertain  to  support  the  Benedictines 
(Art  de  verifier  les  Dates,  p.  1^),  who  from  the  day  of  the  month  and  week 
deduct.*  a  new  mode  of  calculation,  and  remove  the  birth  of  Mahomet  to  the 
yrar  of  Christ  570,  the  xoth  of  November.  Yet  this  date  would  agree  with  the 
year  882  of  the  Greeks,  which  is  assigned  by  Elmacin  (Hist  Saracen,  p.  5)  and 
Abulpliamgius  (Dynast  p.  xoi.  and  £inta,  Pooock's  version}.  While  we  rdlne 
our  chronologv.  it  is  possible,  that  the  illitente  prophet  was  ignoraatof  hiiofwn 
age.    [  Probably  the  date  A.  IX  570  is  appnndinalely  oorreoL  ] 


OF  THE  BOMANI  EMIPIEE  38ft 

a  dowry  of  twelve  ounoes  of  gold  and  twenty  cameky  which  was: 
supplied  by  the  liberality  of  his  uncle.^^  By  this  alliance,  the  son. 
of  Abdallah  was  restored  to  the  station  of  his  ancestors ;  and  the 
judicious  matron  ¥ras  content  with  his  domestic  virtues^  till,  in 
the  fortieth  year  of  his  age,^  he  assumed  the  title  of  a  prophet, 
and  proclaimed  the  religion  of  the  Koran. 

According  to  the  tradition  of  his  companions,  Mahomet  ^  was 
distinguished  by  the  beauty  of  his  person,  an  outward  gift  which 
is  seldom  despised,  except  by  those  to  whom  it  has  been  refused. 
Before  he  spoke,  the  orator  engaged  on  his  side  the  affections  of 
a  public  or  private  audience.  They  applauded  his  commanding 
presence,  his  majestic  aspect,  his  piercing  eye,  his  gracious  smile, 
his  flowing  beaid,  his  countenance  that  painted  every  sensation 
of  the  soul,  and  his  gestures  that  enforced  each  expression  of  the 
tongue.  In  the  fiuniliar  Offices  of  life  he  scrupulously  adhered  to 
the  grave  and  ceremonious  politeness  of  his  country ;  his  respect- 
ful attention  to  the  rich  and  power^  was  dignified  by  his  con- 
descension and  af&bility  to  the  poorest  citizens  of  Mecca;  the 
frankness  of  his  manner  concealed  the  artifice  of  his  views ;  and 
the  habits  of  courtesy  were  imputed  to  personal  friendship  or 
universal  benevolence.  His  memory  was  capacious  and  retentive, 
his  wit  easy  and  social,  his  imagination  sublime,  his  judgment 
clear,  rapid,  and  decisive.  He  possessed  the  courage  both  of 
thought  and  action ;  and,  although  his  designs  might  gradually 
expand  with  his  success,  the  first  idea  which  he  entertained  of 
his  divine  mission  bears  the  stamp  of  an  original  and  superior 
genius.  The  son  of  Abdallah  was  educated  in  the  bosom  of  the 
noblest  race,  in  the  use  of  the  purest  dialect  of  Arabia ;  and  the 

70 1  copy  the  honourable  testimony  of  Abu  Taleb  to  his  family  and  nephew.  Laus 
Dei,  qui  nos  a  stirpe  Abrahami  et  semine  Ismaelis  constituit,  et  nobis  regionem 
sacram  dedit,  et  nos  judices  hominibus  statuit.  Porro  Mohammed  filius  AMollahi 
nepotis  mei  [rupas  nuus)  quocum  [non]  ex  aequo  libralntur  e  Koraishidis  quispiam 
cui  non  praeponderaturus  est,  bonitate  et  exoellentiit,  et  intellectu  et  glonA  et 
actunine  etsi  opum  inops  fuerit  {et  oerte  opes  umbra  transiens  sunt  et  depositum 
quod  reddi  debet),  desiderio  Cnadijae  filiac  Chowailedi  tenetur,  et  ilia  vicissim 
ipsitu ;  quicquid  autem  dotis  vice  petieritis,  ego  in  me  susdpiam  (Pocock,  Speci- 
men, e  septimd.  parte  libri  Ebo  Hamduni  [p.  171]). 

71  The  private  life  of  Mahomet,  from  his  birth  to  his  mission,  is  preserved  by 
Abulfeda  (in  Vit  c.  V7)  and  the  Arabian  writers  of  genuine  or  apocryphal  note, 
who  are  alleged  by  Hottinger  (Hist  Orient  p.  204-311).  Maracd  (torn,  l  pu  10-Z4), 
and  Gagnier  (Vie  de  Mahomet,  tom.  i.  p.  97-134). 

7>  Abulfeda,  in  Vit.  c.  65,  66 ;  Gagnier,  Vie  de  Mahomet,  tom.  iii.  p.  873-989 ; 
the  best  traditions  of  the  person  and  conversation  of  the  prophet  are  derived  from 
Ayesha,  All,  and  Abu  Horaira  (Gagnier,  tom.  ii.  p.  367;  Ockley's  Hist,  of  the 
Saracens,  voL  ii.  p.  149),  sumaroed  the  father  of  a  cat,  1^  died  m  the  year  59  of 
the  Hegira.    [Traditions  reported  by  AbQ-Horaira  require  corroboration.] 


S36         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

fluency  of  his  speech  was  oonected  and  enhanced  fay  the  pfactice 
of  discreet  and  seasonable  silence.  With  these  powers  of  elo- 
quence, Mahomet  was  an  illiterate  barbarian;  his  youth  had 
never  been  instructed  in  the  arts  of  reading  and  writing;^ 
the  common  ignorance  exempted  him  from  shame  or  reproacfai 
but  he  was  reduced  to  a  narrow  circle  of  existence,  and  deprived 
of  those  fedthful  mirrors  which  reflect  to  our  mind  the  minds  of 
sages  and  heroes.  Yet  the  book  of  nature  and  of  man  was  open 
to  his  view ;  and  some  fancy  has  been  indulged  in  the  political 
and  philosophical  observations  which  are  ascribed  to  the  Arabian 
traveller  J^  He  compares  the  nations  and  the  religions  of  the 
earth  ;  discovers  the  weakness  of  the  Persian  and  Roman  monar- 
chies ;  beholds,  with  pity  and  indignation,  the  degeneracy  of 
the  times ;  and  resolves  to  unite,  under  one  God  and  ooe  king, 
the  invincible  spirit  and  primitive  virtues  of  the  Arabs.  Our 
more  accurate  inquixy  will  suggest  that,  instead  of  visiting  the 
courts,  the  camps,  the  temples  of  the  East,  the  two  journeys  of 
Mahomet  into  Syria  were  confined  to  the  fiurs  of  Bostra  and 
Damascus ;  that  he  was  only  thirteen  years  of  age  when  he  ac- 
companied the  caravan  of  his  unde ;  and  that  his  duty  compelled 
him  to  return  as  soon  as  he  had  disposed  of  the  merchanaise  of 
CadijalL  In  these  hasty  and  superficial  excursions,  the  eye  of 
genius  might  discern  some  objects  invisible  to  his  grosser  com- 

^Those  who  believe  that  Mahomet  eoold  read  or  write  are  incapable  of  reading 
what  is  written,  with  another  pen,  in  the  Sarati,  or  chapters  of  the  Koran,  vii.  sudx. 
xcvi.  These  texts,  and  the  tradition  of  the  Sonna,  are  admitted  without  doabt  by 
Abulfeda  (in  Vit.  c.  viL),  Gagnier  (Not  ad  Aoulfed.  p.  15),  Pocock  (Specimen,  p^ 
151),  Reland(de  Religione  Mooammedici,  p.  S36),  and  Sale  (Prdiminaiy  Dbooone. 
p.  42).  Mr.  White,  almost  alone,  denies  the  ignorance,  to  accuse  the  imposture, 
of  the  prophet.  His  arguments  are  far  from  satisfactory.  Two  short  trading 
journeys  to  the  fairs  of  Syria  were  surdr  not  sufficient  to  infuse  a  sdenoe  ao  rare 
among  the  citizens  of  Mecca ;  it  was  not  m  the  cool  deliberate  act  of  a  treaty  that 
Mahomet  would  have  dropped  the  mask ;  nor  can  any  conclusion  be  drawn  from 
the  words  of  disease  and  deUrinm.  The  Uittred  youth,  before  be  aspired  to  the 
prophetic  character,  must  have  often  exerdaed,  in  private  life,  the  arts  tA  reading 
and  writing ;  and  his  first  converts,  of  his  own  fiunfly,  would  have  been  the  first  to 
detect  and  upbraid  his  scandalous  hypocrisy.  White's  Sermons,  p.  003, 904,  Notes, 
p.  xxxvi-xxxviiL  [It  seems  probaUe  that  Mohammad  had  some  knowledge  of  the 
arts  of  reading  and  writing,  but  that  in  practioe  be  employed  an  amanuensis  to  whom 
he  dictated  his  s&ras.  On  the  snb|ect  of  the  knowledge  of  writing  in  Arabia  see 
D.H.  Mailer,  EpigraphischeDenkiniaeraaiAimbiea,invoL  syoftheDenkadiriften 
of  the  Vienna  Acad.  X889.] 

74  The  Count  de  BoulainvilUen  (Vie  de  Mahommfd.  p.  aoa-aaS)  leads  his  Arabian 
pupil,  like  the  Telemachus  of  Fte^lon,  or  the  Cyrus  of  Ramsay.  His  Journey  to 
the  court  of  Persia  is  probably  a  fiction ;  nor  can  I  trace  the  origin  of  hisexdama* 
tion,  "  Les  Grecs  sont  pourtant  dea  hoamei*'.  The  two  Syrian  journeys  are  ex- 
pressed by  almost  aU  the  Andann  writers,  l»lh  llahoinetans  and  Chriitians  (Gagniw 
ad  AbuUed.  p^  10), 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  387 

s ;  some  seeds  of  knowledge  might  be  cast  upon  a  fruitful 
tuthis  ignorance  of  the  Syriac  language  must  have  checked 
iosity ;  ^^  and  I  cannot  perceive,  in  Uie  life  or  writings  of 
let,  that  his  prospect  was  £ur  extended  beyond  the  limits 
Arabian  world.  From  every  region  of  that  solitary  world, 
grims  of  Mecca  were  annually  assembled  by  the  calls  of 
m  and  commerce :  in  the  free  concourse  of  multitudes,  a 

citizen,  in  his  native  tongue,  might  study  the  political 
nd  character  of  the  tribes,  the  theory  and  practice  of  the 
nd  Christians.  Some  useful  strangers  might  be  tempted, 
ed,  to  implore  the  rights  of  hospitality  ;  and  the  enemies 
lomet  have  named  the  Jew,  the  Persian,  and  the  S3nrian 
whom  they  accuse  of  lending  their  secret  aid  to  the  com- 
n  of  the  Koran  J^  Conversation  enriches  the  understand- 
±  solitude  is  the  school  of  genius ;  and  the  uniformity  of 

denotes  the  hand  of  a  single  artist.  From  his  earliest 
Mahomet  was  addicted  to  religious  contemplation ;  ^  each 
uring  the  month  of  Ramadan,  he  withdrew  fix>m  the  world 
»m  the  arms  of  Cadijah  ;  in  the  cave  of  Hera,  three  miles 
lecca,^^  he  consulted  the  spirit  of  fraud  or  enthusiasm, 
abode  is  not  in  the  heavens,  but  in  the  mind  of  the  pro[^et. 
ith  which,  under  the  name  of  Islam,''^  he  preached  to  his 
and  nation  is  compounded  of  an  eternal  truth,  and  a  ne- 

fiction,  That  there  is  only  one  God,  and  that  Mahomet 
APOSTLE  of  God. 

the  boast  of  the  Jewish  apologists  that,  while  the  learned 
I  of  antiquity  were  deluded  by  the  fiibles  of  polytheism, 
raple  ancestors  of  Palestine  preserved  the  knowledge  and 
p  of  the  true  God.     The  moral  attributes  of  Jehovah  may 

•ham  mad  occasionally  borrows  Aramaic  words,  where  his  native  tongue 
a,  but  is  apt  to  use  these  borrowed  words  in  a  wron^  sense.] 
1  not  at  leisure  to  pursue  the  fables  or  conjectures  ynhich  name  the  strangers 
}r  suspected  by  the  infidels  of  Mecca  (Koran,  c  i6.  p..  233,  c  35,  p.  297, 
:'s  Remarks.     Prideaux's  Life  of  Mahomet,  p.  22-27.    CSk^^ier,  Not.  ad 

p.  II.  74.     Maracci,  torn.  ii.  p.  400).    Even  Prideaux  has  observed  that 
action  must  have  been  secret,  and  that  the  scene  lay  in  the  heart  of  Arabia. 
>hammad  had  come  into  contact  with  a  religioos  movement  which  had  re- 
gun  in  Arabia, — the  movement  of  the  /Jani/s,  men  who  were  seeking  for  a 
stimulated  perhaps  (as  Wellhausen  holds)  by  primitive  forms  of  Chrisoanity 

among  hermits  m  the  Sjh'O- Babylonian  desert] 

ilfeda  in  Vit.  c.  7,  p.  15.  Gagnier,  tom.  i.  p.  133,  135.  The  situation  of 
[era  is  remarked  by  Abulfeda  (Geograph.  Arab.  p.  4J/  Yet  Mahomet  had 
d  of  the  cave  of  Egeria  ubi  noctumae  Numa  constituebat  amicss,  of  the 
[ount  where  Minos  conversed  with  Jove,  &c  [A  late  tradition  asserted 
iterval  of  two  or  three  years  elapsed  between  tbfsfrst  and  the  ueomd  revda- 
[ira.  This  was  called  the  doctrine  of  tht/airaA 
am  and  Muslim  («  Modem,  Musolman)  art  toe  infinitive  and  participle 

3L.  V.  22. 


338  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL? 

not  easily  be  reconciled  with  the  standard  of  humam  virtue ;  hit 
metaphysical  qualities  are  darkly  expressed ;  but  each  page  of 
the  Pentateuch  and  the  Prophets  is  an  evidence  of  his  power; 
the  unity  of  his  name  is  inscribed  on  the  first  table  of  the  law ; 
and  his  sanctuary  was  never  defiled  by  any  visible  image  of  the 
invisible  essence.  After  the  ruin  of  the  temple,  the  fidth  of  the 
Hebrew  exiles  was  purified,  fixed,  and  enlightened,  by  the 
spiritual  devotion  of  the  synagogue ;  and  the  authority  of  Ma- 
homet will  not  justify  his  perpetual  reproach  that  the  Jews  of 
Mecca  or  Medina  adored  Esra  as  the  son  of  God.^  But  the 
children  of  Israel  had  ceased  to  be  a  people ;  and  the  religions 
of  the  world  were  guQty,  at  least  in  the  eyes  of  the  prophet^  of 
giving  sons,  or  daughters,  or  companions,  to  the  supreme  dod. 
In  the  rude  idolatry  of  the  Arabs,  the  crime  is  manifest  and 
audacious  ;  the  Sabians  are  poorly  excused  by  the  pre-eminence 
of  the  first  planet  or  intelligence  in  their  celestial  hierardiT; 
and  in  the  Magian  system  the  conflict  of  the  two  principles 
betra3rs  the  imperfection  of  the  conoueror.  The  Christians  of 
the  seventh  century  had  insensibly  retapsed  into  a  semblance  of 
paganism  ;  their  public  and  private  vows  were  addressed  to  the 
relics  and  images  that  disgraced  the  temples  of  the  East ;  the 
throne  of  the  Almighty  was  darkened  by  a  cloud  of  martyrs,  and 
saints,  and  angels,  the  objects  of  popiuar  veneration ;  and  the 
Collyridian  heretics^  who  flourished  in  the  firuitful  soil  of  AralMa, 
invested  the  Virgin  Maiy  with  the  name  and  honours  of  a  god- 
dess.^ The  mjTsteries  of  the  Trinity  and  Incamatioa  appear  to 
contradict  the  principle  of  the  divine  unity.  In  their  obvious 
sense  they  introduce  three  equal  deitieg,  and  transform  the  man 
Jesus  into  the  substance  of  the  son  of  God  ;^  an  orthodox  com- 

of  the  causative  form  of  the  root  s/m,  which  oonnotes  ''peace".    The  idea  was  to 
make  peace  with  the  stronger— to  surrender  to  Allah.] 

^  Koran,  c.  o,  p.  253.  Al  Bddawi  and  the  other  commentators  quoted  by  Sale 
adhere  to  the  charge ;  out  I  do  not  nnderrtand  that  it  is  coloured  by  the  most  ob- 
scure or  absurd  tradition  of  the  Talmudists. 

^Hottinger,  Hist.  Orient  p.  8a5*a98.  The  Collyridian  heresy  was  carried  fron 
Thrace  to  Arabia  by  some  women,  and  the  name  was  barowed  fiom  the  mmM»fiUt 
or  cake,  which  they  offisred  to  the  goddess.  This  example,  that  of  BoyUns.  bishop 
of  Bostra  (Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  L  vi.  c.  53),  aadseferal  othen,  may  eaccnse  the  re- 
proach, Arabia  hseresetm  feraz. 

^  The  three  gods  in  the  Koran  f c  4*  pu  8z,  e.  5,  p.  9a)  are  obnonshr  directed 
against  our  Catholic  mystery ;  but  tne  Arabic  eonmeniators  understand  tbem  of 
the  Father,  the  Son.  and  the  Virgin  Mary,  an  heretical  Trinity,  maintained,  as  it  is 
said,  by  some  barbarians  at  the  oomdl  of  Nice  (Eutycfa.  AnnaL  torn.  i.  ^  440I 
But  the  existence  of  the  Mariamiiu  is  denied  by  the  candid  Beausobre  (nist.  as 
Manicb^isme,  tom.  L  p.  53a),  and  he  derives  the  mistake  from  the  word  iPMwA^tbe 
Holy  Ghost,  which,  in  some  Oriatal  tooMi,  is  of  the  feminine  fOKkry  and  is 
figuratively  styled  the  Mother  of  Christ  in  the  goipd  of  the  Ni 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  33d 

« 

mcntary  will  satisfy  only  a  believing  mind  ;  intemperate  curiosity 
and  zeal  had  torn  the  veil  of  the  sanctuary ;  and  each  of  the 
Oriental  sects  was  eager  to  confess  that  all^  except  themselves, 
deserved  the  reproach  of  idolatry  and  polytheism.  The  creed 
of  Mahomet  is  free  from  suspicion  or  ambiguity  ;  and  the  Koran 
is  a  glorious  testimony  to  the  unity  of  God.  The  prophet  of 
Mecca  rejected  the  worship  of  idols  and  men^  of  stars  and  planets, 
on  the  rational  principle  that  whatever  rises  must  set,  that  what- 
ever is  bom  must  die,  that  whatever  is  corruptible  must  decay  and 
perish.^  In  the  author  of  the  universe,  his  rational  enthusiasm 
confessed  and  adored  an  infinite  and  eternal  being,  without  form 
or  place,  without  issue  or  similitude,  present  to  our  most  secret 
thoughts,  existing  by  the  necessity  of  his  own  nature,  and  deriv- 
ing from  himself  all  moral  and  intellectual  perfection.  These 
sublime  truths,  thus  announced  in  the  language  of  the  prophet,® 
are  firmly  held  by  his  disciples,  and  defined  with  metaphysical 
precision  by  the  interpreters  of  the  Koran.  A  philosophic 
Atheist  might  subscribe  the  popular  creed  of  the  Mahometans :  ^ 
a  creed  too  sublime  perhaps  for  our  present  Acuities.  What  ob- 
ject remains  for  the  fancy,  or  even  the  understanding,  when  we 
have  abstracted  from  the  unknown  substance  all  ideas  of  time 
and  space,  of  motion  and  matter,  of  sensation  and  reflection  ? 
The  first  principle  of  reason  and  revelation  was  confirmed  by  the 
voice  of  Mahomet ;  his  proselytes,  from  India  to  Morocco,  are 
distinguished  by  the  name  of  UnUarians ;  and  the  danger  of 
idolatry  has  been  prevented  by  the  interdiction  of  images.  The 
doctrine  of  eternal  decrees  and  absolute  predestination  is  strictly 
embraced  by  the  Mahometans ;  and  they  struggle  with  the  com- 
mon difficulties,  how  to  reconcile  the  prescience  of  God  with  the 
freedom  and  responsibility  of  man ;  how  to  explain  the  permis- 
sion of  evil  under  the  reign  of  infinite  power  and  infinite  good- 
ness. 

The  God  of  nature  has  written  his  existence  on  all  his  ^or^s»^„..y. 
and  his  law  in  the  heart  of  man.     To  restore  the  knowledge  of«SSuia4tiM 

*This  tnin  of  thought  is  philooopbically  exemplified  in  the  character  of  Abra- 
ham, who  opposed  in  Chaldaea  the  mst  introduction  of  idolatiy  (Koran,  c.  6^  p. 
io6 ;  d'Herbdot,  BiblioL  Orient  p.  13). 

V  See  the  Koran,  particularly  the  second  (pu  30),  the  fift^-aeventh  (p.  437),  the 
fifty-eighth  (p.  441),  chapters,  which  proclaim  the  omnipotence  of  the  Creator. 

**  The  most  orthodox  creeds  are  tranalatedby  Pooock  (Spedmen,  p.  274, 984-992), 
Ockley  (Hist  of  the  Saracens,  vol.  ii  p.  IxxxiL-xcv.),  RdBnd(de  Region.  Moham. 
1.  i.  a  7*13),  and  Chardin  (Voyages  en  Perse,  torn.  iv.  p.  4-08).  The  great  tnxth 
that  God  is  witboat  similinW,  k  foolishly  critidaed  br  lianoei  (Aloocan,  torn.  L 
part  iil  p.  87-94),  because  he  made  man  after  hit  own  IniaiiB. 


340  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  one,  and  tlie  practice  of  the  other,  has  been  the  real  or  pre- 
tended aim  of  the  prophets  of  every  age ;  the  libei«li^  of 
Mahomet  allowed  to  his  predecessors  the  same  credit  which  he 
claimed  for  himself ;  and  the  chain  of  inspiration  was  prolonged 
from  the  fall  of  Adam  to  the  promulgation  of  the  KonuoL^ 
During  that  period,  some  rays  of  prophetic  light  had  been  im- 
parted to  one  hundred  and  twenty-four  thousand  of  the  elect, 
discriminated  by  their  respective  measure  of  virtue  and  gimce ; 
three  hundred  and  thirteen  apostles  were  sent  with  a  special 
commission  to  recal  their  country  from  idolatry  and  vice ;  one 
hundred  and  four  volumes  have  been  dictated  by  the  Holy 
Spirit ;  and  six  legislators  of  transcendent  brightness  have  an- 
nounced to  mankind  the  six  successive  revelations  of  various 
rights,  but  of  one  immutable  religion.  The  authority  and 
st:ition  of  Adam,  Noah,  Abraham,  Moses,  Christ,  and  Mahomet 
rise  in  just  gradation  above  each  other  ;  but  whosoever  hates 
or  rejects  nay  one  of  the  prophets  is  numbered  with  the  infidels. 
The  writings  of  the  patriarchs  were  extant  only  in  the  apoc- 
ryphal copies  of  the  Greeks  and  Syrians ;  ^  the  conduct  of 
Adam  had  not  entitled  him  to  the  gratitude  or  respect  of  his 
children ;  the  seven  precepts  of  Noah  were  observed  by  an 
inferior  and  imperfect  class  of  the  proselytes  of  the  synagogues  ;^ 
and  the  memory  of  Abraham  was  obscurely  revered  by  the 
Sabians  in  his  native  land  of  Chaldsea  ;  of  the  myriads  of  prophets, 
Moses  and  Christ  alone  lived  and  reigned  ;  and  the  remnant  of 
the  inspired  writings  was  comprised  in  the  books  of  the  Old  and 
the  New  Testament.  The  miraculous  story  of  Moses  is  con- 
secrated and  embeUished  in  the  Koran ;  ^  and  the  captive  Jews 
enjoy  the  secret  revenge  of  imposing  their  own  belief  on  the 
nations  whose  recent  creeds  they  deride.  For  the  author  of 
Christianity,  the  Mahometans  are  taught  by  the  prophet  to 

u  Keland,  de  Relig.  Mohanu  L  L  p.  S7-47.  Sale's  Prdiminary  Discourse,  p. 
73-76.  Voyage  de  Clmrdin,  torn.  iv.  pi  08-37  and  37^7  for  the  Pnan  addilsM, 
"  Ali  is  the  vicar  of  God  I "  Yet  the  predie  numbo:  of  prophets  is  not  an  ankle 
of  faith. 

M  For  the  Apocryphal  books  of  Adam,  see  Fabricius,  Codex  Pseudepimphus 
V.  T.  p.  27-90;  of  Seth,  p.  X54-Z57;  ofEnodi,p.  160-219.  But  the  book  of  Enoch 
is  consecrated,  in  some  measure,  by  the  qnoCatioa  of  the  apostle  St^Jode ;  and  a 
long  legendary  fragment  is  alleged  by  Synodlus  and  Scaliger.  [*nie  book  of 
Enoch  survives  in  an  Ethiopic  versioiiy  edited  by  Archbishop  Lawrence,  with  a 
translation,  x8ax.] 

"7  Thescven  precepts  of  Noah  are  explained  by  Marsham  (Canon.  Chronicns, 
p.  154-180),  who  adopts,  on  this  orraiion,  Ihe  Ifaniing  and  creaulity  of  Seklen. 

»  The  articles  of  Adam,  Nook,  AhmUm,  Mua,  Ae.  in  the  BbUolh&qae  of 
d'Herbelot.  are  gaily  bedecked  with  the  findAil  kfcpdi  of  the  hUbauMum,  who 
have  built  on  the  groundworii  of  floriplm  end  the  Telmod. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  341 

entertain  a  high  and  mysterious  reverence.^  "  Verily,  Christ  ^*« 
Jesus,  the  son  of  Mary,  ia  the  apostle  of  God,  and  his  word, 
which  he  conveyed  unto  Mary,  and  a  Spirit  proceeding  from 
him :  honourable  in  this  world,  and  in  the  world  to  come  ;  and 
one  of  those  who  approach  near  to  the  presence  of  Grod."  ^  The 
wonders  of  the  genuine  and  ajtocry^phal  gospels  ^^  are  profusely 
heaped  on  his  head ;  and  the  Latin  church  has  not  disdained  to 
borrow  frcmi  the  Koran  the  immaculate  conception  ^  of  his 
virgin  mother.  Yet  Jesus  was  a  mere  mortal ;  and,  at  the  day 
of  judgment,  his  testimony  will  serve  to  condemn  both  the 
Jews,  who  reject  him  as  a  prophet,  and  the  Christians,  who  adore 
him  as  the  Son  of  God.  The  malice  of  his  enemies  aspersed 
his  reputation  and  conspired  against  his  life  ;  but  their  intention 
only  was  guilty,  a  phantom  or  a  criminal  was  substituted  on  the 
cross,  and  the  innocent  saint  was  translated  to  the  seventh 
heaven.^  During  six  hundred  years  the  gospel  was  the  way  of 
truth  and  salvation ;  but  the  Christians  insensibly  forgot  both 
the  laws  and  the  example  of  their  founder ;  and  Mahomet  was 
instructed  by  the  Gnostics  to  accuse  the  Church,  as  well  as  the 
synagogue,  of  corrupting  the  integrity  of  the  sacred  text.**  The 
piety  of  Moses  and  of  Christ  rejoiced  in  the  assurance  of  a 
future  prophet,  more  illustrious  than  themselves ;  the  evangelic 

^  Koran,  c.  7,  p.  128,  &c,  c  10,  p.  173,  &c.     D'Herbelot,  p.  647,  &c. 

»  Koran,  c.  3,  p.  40,  c.  4,  p.  8a     D'Herbelot,  p.  399,  &c. 

**  See  the  gospel  of  St.  Thomas,  or  of  the  Infancy,  in  the  Codex  Apocryphus 
N.  T.  of  Falxicius,  who  collects  the  various  testimonies  conconing  it  (p.  196-158). 
It  was  published  in  Greek  by  Cotdier,  and  in  Arabic  by  Sike,  who  thinks  our 
present  copy  more  recent  than  Mahomet.  Yet  his  quotations  agree  with  the  ori- 
ginal about  the  speech  of  Christ  in  his  cradle,  his  living  birds  of  day,  &c  (SiAty  a 
I ,  p.  x68.  169,  c.  36,  p.  198,  199,  c  46,  p.  906.  CoUiter,  c.  a,  p^  160,  161).  [Ed. 
riscbendorf.  Evang.  apocrypha,  1876,  and  W.  Wright,  C<mtributions  to  the 
apocryphal  literature  of  the  N.T. ,  186?.] 

*3  It  is  darkly  hinted  in  the  Koran  (c.  3,  p.  39),  and  more  clearly  explained  by 
the  tradition  of  the  Sonnites  (Sale's  Note,  and  Maracci.  torn.  ii.  p.  iia).  In  the 
xiith  century,  the  immaculate  conception  was  condemned  by  St.  Bernard  as  a 
presumptuous  novelty  (Fra  Paolo,  Istoria  dd  Concilio  di  Trento,  1.  il ). 

^  Seie  the  Koran,  c.  3,  v.  53  and  c.  a,  v.  156  of  Maracci's  edition.  Deus  est 
praestantissimus  dolose  agentium  (an  odd  praise)  .  .  .  nee  crucifixerunt  eum,  sed 
objecta  est  eis  similitudo  :  an  expression  tnat  may  suit  mth  the  system  of  the  Do* 
cetes ;  but  the  commentators  believe  (Maracci,  torn.  iL  p.  11:^-115,  173;  Sale,  p. 
42,  43.  79)  that  another  man,  a  friend  or  an  enemy,  was  crucified  in  the  likeness 
of  Jesus  :  a  fable  which  they  had  read  in  the  gospel  of  St  Barnabas,  and  whidi 
had  been  started  as  early  as  the  time  of  Irenseus,  by  some  Ebionite  heretics  (Beai»* 
sobre,  Hist,  du  Manich^isme,  tom.  ii.  p.  25.     Mosheim  de  Reb.  Christ  p.  353). 

<^  This  charge  is  obsciurely  urged  in  the  Koran  (c.  3,  p.  45);  but  neither 
Mahomet  nor  his  followers  are  sufficiently  versed  in  lan^^uages  and  criticism  to  give 
any  weight  or  colour  to  their  suspidons.  Yet  the  Anans  and  Nestorians  coukl 
relate  some  stories,  and  the  illiterate  prophet  might  listen  to  the  bold  asierUons  gC 
the  Manich'aeans.    Siee  Beausobre,  torn,  u  p.  991-30^ 


342         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

promise  of  the  ParacUte,  or  Holy  Ghost,  was  pfefignred  in  the 
name,  and  accomplished  in  the  person,  of  Biabomet,'*  the 
greatest  and  the  last  of  the  i^xMtles  of  GrocL 

iMKona  The  communication  of  ideas  requires  a  similitude  of  thou^t 
and  language ;  the  discomse  of  a  philosopher  would  vibrate, 
without  effect,  on  the  ear  of  a  peasant ;  yet  how  minute  is  the 
distance  of  iheir  understandings,  if  it  be  compared  with  the 
contact  of  an  infinite  and  a  finite  mind,  with  the  word  of  God 
expressed  by  the  tongue  or  the  pen  of  a  mortal  ?  The  insptrsr 
tion  of  the  Hebrew  prophets,  of  the  apostles  and  evangelists  of 
Christ,  might  not  be  incompatible  with  the  exercise  of  their 
reason  and  memory  ;  and  the  diversity  of  their  genius  is  strongly 
marked  in  the  style  and  composition  of  the  books  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament  But  Mahomet  was  contented  with  a  chancter 
more  humble,  yet  more  sublime,  of  a  simple  editor :  the  nb- 
stance  of  the  Koran,^  according  to  himself  or  his  disdj^es,  is 
uncreated  and  eternal,  subsisting  in  the  essence  of  the  Deity, 
and  inscribed  with  a  pen  of  light  on  the  table  of  his  everlasting 
decrees.  A  paper  copy  in  a  volume  of  silk  and  gems  was  bfooght 
down  to  the  lowest  heaven  by  the  angel  Grabriel,  who,  under 
the  Jewish  ceconomy,  had  indeed  been  dispatched  on  the  most 
important  errands ;  and  this  trusty  messenger  successively  re- 
vealed the  chapters  and  verses  to  the  Arabian  prophet  Instead 
of  a  perpetual  and  perfect  measure  of  the  divine  will,  the 
fingments  of  the  Koran  were  produced  at  the  discretion  of 
Midiomet ;  each  revelation  is  suited  to  the  emergencies  of  his 
policy  or  passion;  and  all  contradiction  is  removed  by  the 
saving  maxim  that  any  text  of  scripture  is  abrogated  or  modified 
by  any  subsequent  passage.  The  word  of  God  and  of  the 
apostle  was  diligently  recorded  by  his  dhKdples  on  palm-leaves 
and  the  shoulder-bones  of  mutton ;  and  the  pages,  without 
order  or  connexion,  were  cast  into  a  domestic  diest,  in  the 

nm  custody  of  one  of  his  wives.     Two  years  after  the  death  of 

meaiumleal) 
dltlonof  tte 

^^■^"l  ^  Among  the  prophecies  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  whkh  are  perveilcd 

by  the  fraud  or  ignorance  of  the  MoMdmans,  they  apply  to  the  prophet  the 

promise  of  the  ParacUte,  or  Comforter,  wfaidi  had  been  already  usiirped  faj  the 

Montanists  and  Manichseans  (Beanaobre,  Hist  Critique  du  Manichtisme^  torn.  L 

p.  263,  ftc.) ;  and  the  easy  change  of  ktten,  wtpucAwr^  for  m^iiJ^rttt,  alfocds  the 

etymolo^  of  the  name  of  Mohammed  (Maiaod,  tom.  L  part  L  p.  15-08).    [|Sae 

John  xvL  7.] 

«  For  the  Koran,  see  dUerbdot,  pu  85M ;  Maracd.  tom  i.  m  Vit  Moham- 
med, p.  39-45 ;  Sale,  Preliminary  Discourse,  p^  56-7a  [Ndldeke,  Gesdbicfate  des 
Qorins,  i860 ;  Weil.  Einleitung  in  dem  Kixmn.  1878  (ed.  a) ;  Palmer's  tnuislatk» 
in  '* Sacred  Books  of  the  East"  (z88o);  RoddweU'f  trsuktioa,  and  arti^  ia 
Hughes'  dictionary  of  Islim.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  843 

Mahomet,  the  sacred  volume  was  collected  and  published  by  his 
firiend  and  successor  Abubeker ;  ^  the  work  was  revised  by  the  gjiggt 
caliph  Othman,  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  the  Hegira ;  and  the 
various  editions  of  the  Koran  assert  the  same  miraculous  privilege 
of  An  uniform  and  incorruptible  text.  In  the  spirit  of  enthusiasm 
or  \anity^  the  pro[^et  rests  the  truth  of  his  mission  on  the  merit  of 
his  book,  audaciously  challenges  both  men  and  angels  to  imitate 
the  beauties  of  a  single  page,  and  presumes  to  assert  that  God  alone 
cou  d  dictate  this  incomparable  performance.^  This  argument 
is  HDst  powerfully  addressed  to  a  devout  Arabian,  whose  mind 
is  altuned  to  faith  and  rapture,  whose  ear  is  delighted  by  the 
muac  of  sounds,  and  whose  ignorance  is  incapable  of  comparing 
the  productions  of  human  genius.^  The  harmony  and  copious- 
nesj  of  style  will  not  reach,  in  a  version,  the  European  infidel ; 
he  xrill  peruse,  with  impatience,  the  endless  incoherent  rhapsody 
of  kble,  and  precept,  and  declamation,  which  seldom  excites  a 
sertiment  or  an  idea,  which  sometimes  crawls  in  the  dust  and  is 
soKietimes  lost  in  the  clouds.  The  divine  attributes  exalt  the 
faacy  of  the  Arabian  missionary ;  but  his  loftiest  strains  must 
yield  to  the  sublime  simplicity  of  the  book  of  Job,  composed  in 
a  remote  age,  in  the  same  country,  and  in  the  same  language.^^ 
If  the  composition  of  the  Koran  exceed  the  faculties  of  a  man, 
to  what  superior  intelligence  should  we  ascribe  the  Iliad  of 
Homer  or  the  Philippics  of  Demosthenes  ?  In  all  religions, 
the  life  of  the  founder  supplies  the  silence  of  his  written  revelan 
tion  :  the  sayings  of  Mahomet  were  so  many  lessons  of  truth  ; 
his  actions  so  many  examples  of  virtue;  and  the  public  and 
private  memorials  were  preserved  by  his  wives  and  companions. 
At  the  end  of  two  hundred  years,  the  Sotma,  or  oral  law,  was 

^  [AbQ-Bekr's  edition  was  made  by  Zaid,  who  had  acted  as  secretary  of  the 
prophet.  It  was  known  as  "  the  Leaves"  {al-smhu/).  Zaid  also  took  part  in  the 
preparation  of  Othmlln's  edition,  of  which  four  official  copies  were  made,  for 
Medina,  KQfa,  Basra  and  Damascus.] 

*  Koran,  c,  17,  v.  89.     In  Sale,  p.  235,  236.    In  Maracci,  p.  41a 

^  Yet  a  sect  of  Arabians  was  persuaded  that  it  might  be  equalled  or  surpassed 
by  an  human  pen  (Pocock.  Specimen,  p.  221,  &c.) ;  and  Maracci  (the  polemic  is 
too  hard  for  the  translator)  derides  the  rhyming  affectation  of  the  most  applauded 
passage  (torn.  i.  part  ii.  p.  69-75). 

^^  Colkx]uia  (whether  real  or  fabulous)  in  medii  ArabiA  atque  ab  Arabifaus 
habita  (Lowth,  de  Poesi  Hebraeorum  Prselect.  xxxii.  xxxiii.  xxxiv.  with  his 
German  editor  Michaelis,  Epimetron  iv.).  Yet  Michadis  (p.  671-673)  has  detected 
many  Egyptian  images,  the  elephantiasis,  papyrus,  Niw,  crocodile,  Ac.  The 
language  is  ambiguously  styled  AroHco-Hebroiiu  The  resemblance  of  the  sitter 
dialects  was  much  more  visible  in  their  childhood  than  io  tlieir  mature  age  (Mi- 
chaelis, p.  682;    Sdiultens,  in  Prsdat.  Job). 


344  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

fixed  and  oonsecrmted  by  the  labours  of  Al  Bochari,  who  dia- 
criminated  seven  thousand  two  hundred  and  seventy-five 
genuine  traditions^  from  a  mass  of  three  hundred  thousind 
reports  of  a  more  doubtful  or  spurious  character.  Each  day 
the  pious  author  prayed  in  the  temple  of  Mecca,  and  performed 
his  ablutions  with  the  water  of  Zemzem ;  the  pages  vere 
successively  deposited  on  the  pulpit  and  the  sepulchre  of  the 
apostle  ;  and  the  work  has  becai  approved  by  the  four  orthxioz 
sects  of  the  Sonnites.^^^ 
iraeiM  The  mission  of  the  ancient  prophets,  of  Moses  and  of  Jbsns, 

had  been  confirmed  by  many  splendid  prodigies ;  and  Mahnnet 
was  repeatedly  urged,  by  the  inhabitants  of  Mecca  and  Melina, 
to  produce  a  similar  evidence  of  his  divine  legation :  to  call  dnm 
from  heaven  the  angel  or  the  volume  of  his  revelation,  to  c£ate 
a  garden  in  the  desert,  or  to  kindle  a  conflagration  in  the  uibe- 
lieving  city.     As  often  as  he  is  pressed  by  the  demands  of  the 
Koreish,  he  involves  himself  in  the  obscure  boast  of  vision  ind 
prophecy,  appeals  to  the  internal  proofs  of  his  doctrine,  ind 
shields  himself  behind  the  providence  of  God,  who  refuses  th^sc 
signs  and  wonders  that  would  depreciate  the  merit  of  fiuth  and 
aggravate  the  guilt  of  infidelity.     But  the  modest  or  angry  tone 
of  his  apologies  betrays  his  weakness  and  vexation ;  and  these 
passages  of  scandal  establish,  beyond  suspicion,  the  integrity  of 
the  Koran.  ^^    The  votaries  of  Mahomet  are  more  assured  than 
himself  of  his  miraculous  gifts,  and  their  confidence  and  credu- 
lity increase  as  they  are  fiirther  removed  from  the  time  and  place 
of  his  spiritual  exploits.     They  believe  or  aflirm  that  trees  went 
forth  to  meet  him ;  that  he  was  saluted  by  stones ;  that  water 
gushed  from  his  fingers ;  that  he  fed  the  hungry,  cured  the  sick, 
and  raised  the  dead  ;  that  a  beam  groaned  to  him ;  that  a  camel 
complained  to  him ;  that  a  shoulder  of  mutton  informed  him  of 
its  being  poisoned ;  and  that  both  animate  and  inanimate  nature 
were  equally  subject  to  the  apostle  of  God.^^     His  dream  of  a 

i*)!  Al  Bochnri  died  A.H.  234.  See  D'Herbelot,  p.  908,  416,  807.  Gagnier. 
Not  ad  Abulfed.  c  19,  p.  53.  [He  discriminated  4000  out  of  600,000  tradiuons. 
His  book,  the  Sabih  Bokhfln,  is  still  of  the  highest  authority  in  the  world  of  Isltm.] 

i<»See  more  remarkably,  Koran,  c.  a,  6,  za,  x^,  17.  Prideaux  (Life  of  Ma- 
homet, p.  18,  19)  has  confounded  the  impostor.  Maracci,  with  a  more  learned 
apparatus,  has  shewn  that  the  passages  which  deny  his  miracles  are  clear  and 
positive  (Alcoran,  tom.  i.  part  ii.  p.  7-12),  and  those  which  seem  to  assert  them  are 
ambiguous  and  insufficient  (p.  la-aa).  [This  contradiction  between  the  Koran  and 
the  Tradition  on  the  matter  of  miracles  is  remarkable  and  instnictive.] 

lO'See  the  Specimen  Hist  Arabum,  the  test  of  Abulpharagius.  p.  xj ;  the  noces 
of  Pocock,  p.  187-190 ;  lyHerfadott  BibUotbiqoe  Oriatak,  pu  76,  77  ;  Voja^ 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPTHE  845 

nocturnal  journey  is  seriously  described  as  a  real  and  corporeal 
transaction.  A  mysterious  animal,  the  Borak,  conveyed  him  from 
the  temple  of  Mecca  to  that  of  Jerusalem ;  with  his  companion 
Gabriel,  he  successively  ascended  the  seven  heavens,  and  received 
and  repaid  the  salutations  of  the  patriarchs,  the  prophets^  and 
the  angels,  in  their  respective  mansions.  Beyond  the  seventh 
heaven,  Mahomet  alone  was  permitted  to  proceed ;  he  passed 
the  veil  of  unity,  approached  within  two  bow-shots  of  the  throne, 
and  felt  a  cold  that  pierced  him  to  the  heart,  when  his  shoulder 
was  touched  by  the  hand  of  God.  After  this  familiar  though 
important  conversation,  he  again  descended  to  Jerusalem,  re- 
mounted the  Borak,  returned  to  Mecca,  and  performed  in  the 
tenth  part  of  a  night  the  journey  of  many  thousand  years. ^^ 
According  to  another  legend,  ihe  apostle  confounded  in  a 
national  assembly  the  malicious  challenge  of  the  Koreish.  His 
resistless  word  split  asunder  the  orb  of  the  moon:  the  obedi- 
ent planet  stooped  from  her  station  in  the  sky,  accomplished  the 
seven  revolutions  round  the  Caaba,  saluted  Mahomet  in  the 
Arabian  tongue,  and,  suddenly  contracting  her  dimensions,  en- 
tered at  the  collar,  and  issued  forth  through  the  sleeve,  of  his 
shirt.^^      The  vulgar  are  amused  with  these  marvellous  tales ; 

de  Chardin,  torn.  iv.  p.  200-303.  Maracci  (Alcoran,  torn.  L  p.  3»64)  has  most 
laboriotisly  collected  and  confutol  the  miracles  and  prc^becies  <k  Mabomet.  which, 
according  to  some  writers,  amount  to  three  thousand. 

104  The  nocturnal  journey  is  circimistantially  related  by  Abulfeda  (in  Vit  Mo-I 
bammed,  c  19,  p.  33).  who  wishes  to  think  it  a  vision ;  by  Prideaux  (p.  31-40),  who 
aggravates  the  absurdities ;  and  by  Gagnier  (torn.  I  p.  353^343),  who  declares,.' 
from  the  zealous  Al  Jannabi,  that  to  deny  this  journey  is  to  disbelieve  the  Koran.| 
Yet  the  Koran,  without  naming  either  heaven  or  Jerusalem  or  Mecca,  has  only 
dropped  a  mysterious  hint :  Laus  illi  qui  transtulit  servum  suum  ab  oratorio  Haram 
ad  oratorium  remotissimum  (Koran,  c.  17,  v.  i,  in  Maracci,  torn.  ii.  p.  407 ;  for 
Sale's  version  is  more  licentious).  A  slender  basis  for  the  aifrial  structure  of  tradi-, 
tion.  [The  literal  translation  of  the  opening  words  of  the  17th  sQrz  (which  clearly 
belongs  to  the  later  Meccan  period/  is  "  Praise  be  unto  him  who  transported  his 
servant  by  night  from  the  sacred  tr:ntp!e  to  the  farther  temple,  the  circuit  (or  envi- 
rons) of  which  we  have  blr«ed  **.  The  simplest  inference  may  seem  to  be  that 
the  prophet  actually  visited  Jerusalem  in  the  course  of  the  la^t  two  years  of  the  Mec- 
can period ;  yet  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  tht;  visit  would  not  have  been  known  as  a  fact] 

1*  In  the  prophetic  style,  which  uses  thf  prebtrrit  or  past  for  the  future,  Mahomet 
had  said  :  Appropinquavit  bora  et  scissa  est  luna  (Koran,  c.  ^,  v.  1 ;  in  Maraoci,' 
tom,  ii.  p.  688).  This  hgure  of  rhetoric  has  been  converted  into  a  fact,  which  is 
said  to  be  attested  by  the  most  respectable  eye-witnesses  (Maracd,  torn.  ii.  p.  690). 
The  festival  is  still  celebrated  by  the  Persian5  (CJhardin,  tonL  iv.  p.  soi);  and  the 
legend  is  tediously  spun  out  by  Gagnier  (Vie  de  Mahomet,  tom.  i.  p.  183-334),  on 
the  faith,  as  it  should  seem,  of  the  credulous  Al  Jannabi.  Yet  a  Mahometan  doctor 
has  arrai^ed  the  credit  of  the  principal  witness  (apud  Pooock,  Specimen,  p.  187) ; 
the  best  interpreters  are  content  with  the  simple  sense  of  the  Koran  (Al  Beidawi, 
apud  Hottinger,  Hist.  Orient.  L  ii.  pu  303);  and  the  aleaoe  of  AboUeda  is  worthy 
of  a  prince  and  a  phikMopfacr* 


346         THE  DEGLINE  AND  FALL 

but  the  gravest  of  the  Mnsulmmn  doctors  imitate  the  iiiodat[ 
of  their  master^  and  indulge  a  latitude  of  faith  or  interpretatioiL^ 
They  might  speciously  allege  that,  in  preaching  the  religion,  it 
was  needless  to  violate  the  harmony  of  nature ;  that  a  creed  mi- 
clouded  with  mystery  may  be  excused  from  mindefl ;  and 
that  the  sword  of  Mahomet  was  not  less  potent  than  the  rod  of 
Moses. 
ggg^  The  polytheist  is  oppressed  and  distracted  by  the  variety  of 

•vmtat^  superstition :  a  thousand  rites  of  Egjrptian  origin  were  interwoven 
with  the  essence  of  the  Mosaic  law ;  and  the  spirit  of  the  Goipd 
had  evaporated  in  the  pageantiy  of  the  church.  The  propad 
of  Mecca  was  tempted  by  prejudice,  or  policy,  or  patriotiam,  to 
sanctify  the  rites  of  the  Arabians  and  the  custom  of  visiting  the 
holy  stone  of  the  Caaba.  But  the  precepts  of  Mahomet  himsdf 
inculcate  a  more  simple  and  rational  piety :  urajrer,  futing,  and 
alms  are  the  religious  duties  of  a  Musulman ;  ""^  and  he  is  encour- 
aged to  hope  that  prajrer  will  carry  him  half  way  to  God,  fiutiiy 
will  bring  him  to  tne  door  of  his  palace,  and  alms  will  gain  him 
admittances^  I.  According  to  the  tradition  of  the  nocturnal 
journey,  the  apostle,  in  his  personal  conference  with  the  Deity, 
was  commanded  to  impose  on  his  disciples  the  daOy  obligation 
of  fifty  prayers.  By  the  advice  of  Moses,  he  applied  for  an  alle- 
viation of  this  intolerable  burthen ;  the  number  was  giadually 
reduced  to  five ;  without  any  dispensation  of  business  or  pleasorey 
or  time  or  place  :  the  devotion  of  the  faithful  is  repeated  at  day- 
break, at  noon,  in  the  afternoon,  in  the  evening^  and  at  the  fint 
watch  of  the  night ;  and,  in  the  present  decay  ofreligious  fervour, 
our  travellers  are  edified  by  the  profound  humility  and  attention 
of  the  Turks  and  Persians.  Cleanliness  is  the  key  of  pnjer : 
the  frequent  lustration  of  the  hands,  the  fiu%,  and  the  body, 
which  was  practised  of  old  by  the  Arabs,  is  solemnly  ei^oined  bv 
the  Koran  ;  and  a  permission  is  formally  granted  to  supply  with 
sand  the  scarcity  of  water.     The  words  and  attitudes  of  suppU- 

><"  Abulpbaragius,  in  Spedmen  Hist  Arab.  p.  17 ;  and  his  soeptidsm  is  jiatified 
in  the  notes  of  Pocock,  p.  190-194,  irom  the  pwest  authorities. 

io7[Add  the  precept  of  pilgrimage  to  Meoca ;  q>.  SOra  a.] 

i^i^The  most  authentic  aoooant  of  then  precepts,  pilgrima^  prayer,  faitlBg, 
alms,  and  ablutions,  is  extracted  fron  the  rasian  and  Arabian  thedogiaM  uf 
Maracci  (PTX>drom.  part  iv.  p.  9-04) ;  Rdand  (in  his  excellent  treatise  de  ReU^ooe 
MohammedidL.  Utrecht,  1717,  p.  67-193) ;  and  Chardin  (Vorages  en  Perse,  tom. 
iv.  p.  47-195).  Maracci  is  a  partial  aflCONr;  but  the  jeweller,  Chardtn.  bad  the 
eyes  of  a  philosopher ;  and  Reland,  a  Jiidicioas  student,  had  travelled  over  the 
£ast  in  his  closet  at  UtrechL  The  xhrtB  letter  of  Toumelbrt  (Vovage  du  Levant, 
torn.  ii.  p.  335-360,  in  ocuvo)  describes  what  be  had  seen  of  the  Rligion  of  tbeTMi, 


OF  THE  BOMAN  £MPIB£  347 

cation^  at  it  is  performed  either  sitting,  or  standing,  or  prostrate  on 
the  ground,  are  prescribed  by  custmn  or  authority,  but  the  prayer 
is  poured  forth  in  short  and  fervent  ejaculations ;  the  measure  of 
seal  is  not  exhausted  by  a  tedious  liturgy ;  and  each  Musulman, 
for  his  own  person,  is  invested  with  the  character  of  a  priest 
AuMMig  the  TheistSy  who  reject  the  use  of  images,  it  has  been 
found  necessary  to  restrain  the  wanderings  of  the  £uicy  by  direct- 
ing the  eye  and  the  thought  towards  a  kebla,  or  visible  point  of 
the  liorijx>n.  The  prophet  was  at  first  inclined  to  gratify  Uie  Jews  [sm  i«m  t; 
by  the  choice  of  Jerusalem ;  but  he  soon  returned  to  a  more 
natural  partiality;  and  five  times  every  day  the  eyes  of  the 
naticms  at  Astracan,  at  Fes,  at  Delhi,  are  devoutly  turned  to  the 
holy  temple  of  Mecca.  Yet  every  spot  for  the  service  of  God  is 
equally  pure ;  the  Mahometans  indifferently  pray  in  their  cham- 
ber or  in  the  street.  As  a  distinction  from  the  Jews  and 
Christians,  the  Friday  in  each  week  is  set  apart  for  the  useful 
institution  of  public  worship ;  the  people  is  assembled  in  the 
mosch ;  and  the  imanii  some  respectable  elder,  ascends  the  pulpit, 
to  begin  the  prayer  and  pronounce  the  sermon.  But  the  Maho- 
metan religion  is  destitute  of  priesthood  or  sacrifice ;  ^^^  and  the 
independent  spirit  of  fonaticism  looks  down  with  contempt  on 
the  ministers  and  the  slaves  of  superstition.  II.  The  voluntary  ^<^ 
penance  of  the  ascetics,  the  torment  and  glory  of  their  lives,  was 
odious  to  a  prophet  who  censured  in  his  companions  a  rash  vow 
of  abstaining  from  flesh,  and  women,  and  sleep,  and  firmly  de- 
clared that  he  would  suffer  no  monks  in  his  reUgion.^^®  Yet  he 
institnted,  in  each  year,  a  fast  of  thirty  days ;  and  strenuously 
reoonmiended  the  observance,  as  a  discipline  which  purifies  the 
tool  and  subdues  the  body,  as  a  salutary  exercise  of  obedience 
to  the  will  of  God  and  his  apostle.  During  the  month  of  Rama- 
dan,^^^  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  of  the  sun,  the  Musulman 
abstains  from  eating,  and  drinking,  and  women,  and  baths,  and 
perfomes;  from  all  nourishment  that  can  restore  his  strength, 

[There  is  an  annual  sacnfioe  at  the  Feast  of  Victims  in  the  Valley  of  Minft 
a  during  the  Pilgrimage.] 

Mi  Mahomet  (Sale's  Koran,  c  9,  p.  153)  reproaches  the  Christians  with  taking 
then-  priests  and  monks  for  their  lords,  besides  God.  Vet  Maracci  (Prodromus, 
part  iu.  p.  69,  70)  excuses  the  worship,  especially  of  the  pope,  and  quotes,  from  the 
koran  itadf.  the  case  of  Eblis,  or  Satan,  who  was  cast  irom  heaven  for  refusing  to 
adoceAdam. 

U0  Konm,  c.  5,  p.  94,  and  Sale  s  note,  which  reiers  to  the  authority  of  Jallalod- 
dm  and  M  Bddawi.  D^Herbelot  declares  that  Mahomet  condemned  la  vis  religituie; 
and  that  the  first  swanns  of  fakirs,  dervises,  &c.  did  not  appear  till  after  the  year 
300  of  the  Hcgira  (BibUot  Orient  p.  99a,  7x8). 

m  [Ai  being  the  month  "  in  whipfa  th«  KgraQ  wfis  ^eaX  ^fmnC^  Sx^s^\Kiswss.\ 


t£ 


348         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL' 

from  all  pleasure  that  can  gratify  his  senses.  In  the  revolntion 
of  the  lunar  year,  the  Ramadan  coincides  by  turns  with  the 
winter  cold  and  the  summer  heat ;  and  the  patient  martyr, 
without  assuaging  his  thirst  with  a  drop  of  water,  must  expect 
the  close  of  a  tedious  and  sultry  day.  The  interdiction  of  wine, 
peculiar  to  some  orders  of  priests  or  hermits,  is  converted  by 
Mahomet  alone  into  a  positive  and  general  law;^^'  and  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  globe  has  abjured,  at  his  command,  the 
use  of  that  salutary  though  dangerous  liquor.  These  painful  re- 
straints are,  doubtless,  infringed  by  the  libertine  and  eluded  by 
the  hypocrite ;  but  the  legislator,  by  whom  they  are  enacted, 
cannot  surely  be  accused  of  alluring  his  proselytes  by  the  indul- 
gence of  their  sensual  appetites. ^^^  111.  The  charity  of  the 
Mahometans  descends  to  the  animal  creation ;  and  the  Koran 
repeatedly  inculcates,  not  as  a  merit,  but  as  a  strict  and  indis- 
pensable duty,  the  relief  of  the  indigent  and  unfortunate.  Ma- 
homet, perhaps,  is  the  only  lawgiver  who  has  defmed  the 
precise  measure  of  charity:  the  standard  may  vaiy  with  the 
degree  and  nature  of  property,  as  it  consists  either  in  money,  in 
com  or  cattle,  in  fruits  or  merchandise  ;  but  the  Musulraan  does 
not  accomplish  the  law,  unless  he  bestows  a  tenth  of  his  revenue; 
and,  if  his  conscience  accuses  him  of  fraud  or  extortion,  the  tenth 
under  the  idea  of  restitution,  is  enlarged  to  a,jijlh^^  Benevo- 
lence is  the  foundation  of  justice,  since  we  are  ibrbid  to  injure 
those  whom  wc  are  bound  to  assist.  A  prophet  may  reveal  the 
secrets  of  heaven  and  of  futurity ;  but  in  his  moral  precepts  he 
can  only  repeat  the  lessons  of  our  own  hearts. 

The  two  articles  of  belief  and  the  four  practical  duties  of  Islam 
are  guarded  by  rewards  and  punishments  ;  and  the  fitith  of  the 
Mnsulman  is  devoutly  fixed  (Hi  the  event  of  the  judgment  and 
the  last  day.  The  prophet  has  not  presumed  to  determine  the 
moment  of  that  awful  catastrophe,  though  he  darkly  amumnoea 
the  signs,  both  in  heaven  and  earth,  which  will  precede  the  imi- 

"3 See  the  double  prohibition  (Koran,  c  a,  p.  2$,  c.  5.  p.  94),  the  one  in  the 
style  of  a  legislator,  the  other  in  that  of  a  fanatic.  The  poobc  and  primte  motimes 
of  Mahomet  are  investigated  by  Prideuix  (Life  of  Maiiomet,  p.  60-64)  and  Sale 
(Preliminary  Discourse,  p.  184). 

i^^rit  would  seem  that  the  Konm  doctrine  of  "abragation"  muit  be  here 
applied  to  Gibbon.  It  has  been  pointed  out  that  this  remark  is  incaniasrent  with 
his  subsequent  statement  that  the  Prophet  incited  the  Arabs  to  "  the  indnlgeaos  of 
their  darling  passions  in  this  world  and  in  the  other  ".    See  below,  p.  394.  J 

"s  The  jciilousy  of  Maraoci  (Prodromes,  part  iv.  p.  33)  prompu  him  to  enunw- 

rate  the  more  liboal  alms  of  the  Catholics  of  Rome,    rifteen  great  hoipit^are 

open  to  many  thousand  patients  and  pilgrims,  fifteen  hundred  meklffm  an  aonn- 

ally  portioned,  fiftv-six  charity  schools  are  founded  for  both  sexes,  one  faundradand 

tuenty  confraternities  relieve  the  yns^  cK  thns  bn^hsea«  Ac    The  benevokooe  4 


JM 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  349 

issolution^  when  life  shall  be  destroyed  and  the  order  of 
I  shall  be  confounded  in  the  primitive  chaos.  At  the 
the  trumpet^  new  worlds  will  start  into  being ;  angels, 
id  men  will  arise  from  the  dead,  and  the  human  soul 
lin  be  united  to  the  body.  The  doctrine  of  the  resur- 
was  first  entertained  by  the  Egyptians  ;  ^^^  and  their 
es  were  embalmed,  their  p3nracmids  were  constructed,  to 
;  the  ancient  mansion  of  the  soul,  during  a  period  of 
lousand  years.  But  the  attempt  is  partial  and  unavail- 
ad  it  is  with  a  more  philosophic  spirit  that  Mahomet 
1  the  omnipotence  of  the  Creator,  whose  word  can  re- 
!  the  breathless  clay,  and  collect  the  innumerable  atoms 
longer  retain  their  form  or  substance. ^^^  The  intermedi- 
e  of  the  soul  it  is  hard  to  decide  ;  and  those  who  most 
•elieve  her  immaterial  nature  are  at  a  loss  to  understand 
t  can  think  or  act  without  the  agency  of  the  organs  of 

*e-union  of  the  soul  and  body  will  be  followed  by  theg^ 
dgment  of  mankind ;  and,  in  his  copy  of  the  Magian 
the  prophet  has  too  &ithfidly  represented  the  forms  of 
ing,  and  even  the  slow  and  successive  operations,  of  an 
tribunal.  By  his  intolerate  adversaries  he  is  upbraided 
nding,  even  to  themselves,  the  hope  of  salvation,  for  as* 
the  blackest  heresy  that  every  man  who  believes  in  God, 
omplishes  good  works,  may  expect  in  the  last  day  a  fa- 
e  sentence.  Such  rational  indifference  is  ill  adapted  to 
racter  of  a  fanatic  ;  nor  is  it  probable  that  a  messenger 
5aven  should  depreciate  the  value  and  necessity  of  his 
relation.  In  the  idiom  of  the  Koran,^^^  the  belief  of  God 
arable  from  that  of  Mahomet ;  the  good  works  are  those 
le  has  enjoined  ;  and  the  two  qualifications  imply  the 
on  of  Islam,  to  which  all  nations  and  all  sects  are  equally 
Their  spiritual  blindness,  though  Excused  by  ignorance 

s  still  more  extensive ;  but  t  am  afraid  that  much  more  Is  to  be  ascribed 
nanity  than  to  the  religion  of  the  people. 

Herodotus  (1.  ii.  c.  123)  and  our  learned  countryman  Sir  John  Marshatn 
Hu-onicus,  p.  46).  The  'aA)«  of  the  same  writer  (p.  254^074)  is  an  elabor- 
of  the  infernal  regions^  as  they  were  painted  by  the  fancy  of  the  Egyptians 
cs,  of  the  poets  and  philosophers  of  antiquity. 

Koran  (c.  2,  p.  259,  &c. ;  of  Sale,  p.  32;  of  Maraoci,  p.  or)  relates  an 
miracle,  which  satisfied  the  curiosity,  and  confirmed  the  uuth,  of  Afara- 

!  ctmdid  Reiand  has  demonstrated  that  Mahomet  ^amns  all  unbelievers 
on.  Moham.  p.  x3&-i4d) ;  that  devils  will  not  be  finaSy  saved  (p.  196-190) ; 
ilise  will  not  {soMy  consist  of  corporeal  delig|bta  ^p.  "^91)^9^!^%  %sAv^ 
souls  are  imniortai  (p.  205-209). 


350         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  crowned  with  virtue^  will  be  scourged  with  everlasting  tor- 
ments ;  and  the  tears  which  Mahomet  shed  over  the  tomb  of 
his  mother,  for  whom  he  was  forbidden  to  praj^  display  a  strik- 
ing contrast  of  humanity  and  enthusiasm. ^^^  The  aoom  of  the 
infidels  is  common  :  the  measure  of  their  guilt  and  punishment 
is  determined  by  the  degree  of  evidence  which  they  have  re- 
jected, by  the  magnitude  of  the  errors  which  they  have  enter- 
tained ;  the  eternal  mansions  of  the  Christians,  the  Jewa^  the 
Sabians,  the  Magians,  and  the  idolaters,  are  sunk  below  each 
other  in  the  abyss  ;  and  the  lowest  hell  is  reserved  for  the  fidth- 
less  hypocrites  who  have  assumed  the  mask  of  religion.  After 
the  greater  part  of  mankind  has  been  condemned  for  their  o^n- 
ions,  the  true  believers  only  will  be  judged  by  their  actions.  The 
good  and  evil  of  each  Musulman  wiU  be  accurately  weighed 
in  a  real  or  allegorical  balance,  and  a  singular  mode  of  compen- 
sation will  be  allowed  for  the  payment  of  injuries :  the  aggres- 
sor will  refund  an  equivalent  of  his  own  good  actions,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  person  whom  he  has  wronged ;  and,  if  he  should 
be  destitute  of  any  moral  property,  the  weight  of  his  sins  will 
be  loaded  with  an  adequate  share  of  the  demerits  of  the 
sufferer.  According  as  the  shares  of  guilt  or  virtue  shall  pre- 
ponderate, the  sentence  will  be  pronounced,  and  all,  without 
distinction,  will  pass  over  the  sharp  and  perilous  bridge  of  the 
abyss  ;  but  the  innocent,  treading  in  the  footsteps  of  Mahomet, 
will  gloriously  enter  the  gates  of  paradise,  while  theffuilty  will 
&11  into  the  first  and  mildest  of  the  seven  hells.  The  term  of 
expiation  will  vary  from  nine  hundred  to  seven  thousand  years ; 
but  the  prophet  has  judiciously  promised  that  all  his  disciples^ 
whatever  may  be  their  sins,  shall  be  saved,  by  their  own  ndth 
and  his  intercession,  from  eternal  damnation.  It  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  superstition  should  act  most  powerfully  on  the  fean  of 
her  votaries,  since  the  human  fancy  can  paint  with  more  ciieigj 
the  misery  than  the  bliss  of  a  future  life.  With  the  two  aim]^ 
elements  of  darkness  and  fire  we  create  a  sensation  of  pain,  which 
may  be  aggravated  to  an  infinite  degree  by  the  idea  of  endless 
duration.  But  the  same  idea  operates  with  an  opposite  eflect 
on  the  continuity  of  pleasure ;  and  too  much  of  our  ptesent  en- 
joyments is  obtained  from  the  relief,  or  the  comparison^  of  eflL 


ut  Al  Beidawi,  apud  Sole,  Koran,  c  9,  p.  164.  The  refnsBl  to  amy  for  aa  sd- 
_-]ieving  kindred  is  justified,  according  to  Mahomet,  byr  the  datyot  a  prophaLsad 
the  ejBunple  of  Abraham,  who  reprobated  his  owa  fatber  as  an  cnany  of  uod. 


Yet  Abnbam  (be  adds,  c,  9^  v.  zz6 ;  Maiaod,  com.  ii.  p.  3x7)  ftA  ssas  pte 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  361 

It  is  natural  enough  that  an  Arabian  prophet  should  dwell  with 
rapture  on  the  groves,  the  fountains,  and  the  rivers  of  paradise; 
but,  instead  of  inspiring  the  blessed  inhabitants  with  a  liberal 
taste  for  harmony  and  science,  conversation  and  friendship,  he 
idly  celebrates  the  pearls  and  diamonds,  the  robes  of  silk,  palaces 
of  marble,  dishes  of  gold,  rich  wines,  artificial  dainties,  numer- 
ous attendants,  and  the  whole  train  of  sensual  and  costly  luxury, 
which  becomes  insipid  to  the  owner,  even  in  the  short  period  of 
this  mortal  life.  Seventy-two  Hourig,  or  black-eyed  girls  of 
resplendent  beauty,  blooming  youth,  virgin  purity,  and  exquisite 
sensibility,  will  be  created  for  the  use  of  the  meanest  believer  ; 
a  moment  of  pleasure  will  be  prolonged  to  a  thousand  years,  and 
his  faculties  will  be  increased  an  hundred-fold,  to  render  him 
worthy  of  his  felicity.  Notwithstanding  a  vulgar  prejudice,  the 
gates  of  heaven  will  be  open  to  both  sexes  ;  but  Mahomet  has 
not  specified  the  male  companions  of  the  female  elect,  lest  he 
should  either  alarm  the  jealousy  of  their  former  husbands  or  disturb 
their  felicity  by  the  suspicion  of  an  everlasting  marriage.  This 
image  of  a  carnal  paradise  has  provoked  the  indignation,  per- 
haps the  envy,  of  the  monks  :  they  declaim  against  the  impure 
religion  of  Mahomet ;  and  his  modest  apologists  are  driven  to 
the  poor  excuse  of  figures  and  allegories.  But  the  sounder  and 
more  consistent  party  adhere,  without  shame,  to  the  literal  in- 
terpretation of  the  Koran  ;  useless  would  be  the  resurrection  of 
the  body,  unless  it  were  restored  to  the  possession  and  exercise 
of  its  worthiest  faculties  ;  and  the  union  of  sensual  and  intel- 
lectual enjoyment  is  requisite  to  complete  the  happiness  of  the 
double  animal,  the  perfect  man.  Yet  the  jovs  of  the  Mahome- 
tan paradise  will  not  be  confined  to  the  indulgence  of  luxury 
and  appetite  ;  and  the  prophet  has  expressly  declared  that  all 
meaner  happiness  will  be  forgotten  and  despised  by  the  saints 
and  martyrs,  who  shall  be  admitted  to  the  beatitude  of  the 
divine  vision. ^^^ 

The  first  and  most  arduous  conquests  of  Mahomet  ^^^  were 

110  For  the  day  of  judgment,  hell,  paradise,  &c.  consult  the  Koran  (c.  a,  ▼.  a^, 
c.  56,  78,  &c),  with  Maraoci's  virulent,  but  learned,  refutation  ^in  his  notes,  and  m 
the  Prodromus,  part  iv.  p.  78,  lao,  laa,  &c) ;  d'Herbelot  (Bibiiothique  Orientale, 
P-  368.  375) ;  Reland  (p.  47-61) ;  and  Sale  (p.  76-173).  The  original  ideas  of  the 
Magi  are  darkly  and  doubtfully  explored  by  their  apologist.  Dr.  Hyde  (Hist.  Reli- 
gionis  Persai*um,  c.  33,  p.  409-412,  Oxon.  1760).  In  the  article  of  Mahomet,  Bayle 
has  shewn  how  mdiSaiaiXy  wit  and  philosophy  supply  the  absence  of  genuine  in- 
formation. 

u*  Before  I  enter  on  the  history  of  the  prophet,  it  is  mcmnbent  on  me  to  pfo> 
duoe  my  evidence.    The  Latin,  rVeoch,  and  English  versions  of  tbt  K^scvd^  v» 


352  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

those  of  his  wife,  his  servant,  his  pupil,  aud  his  friend  ;  ^^  sinee 
he  presented  himself  as  a  prophet  to  those  who  were  moat  con- 
versant with  his  infirmities  as  a  man.  Yet  Cadijah  believed  the 
words,  and  cherished  the  glory,  of  her  husband ;  the  obsequioot 
and  affectionate  Zeid  was  tempted  by  the  prospect  of  freedom ; 
the  illustrious  All,  the  son  of  Abu  Taleb,  embraced  the  senti- 
meiits  of  his  cousin  with  the  spirit  of  a  youthful  hero ;  and  the 
wealth,  the  moderation,  the  veracity  of  Abubeker  confiimed 
the  religion  of  the  prophet  whom  he  was  destined  to  succeed. 
By  his  persuasion,  ten  of  the  most  respectable  citizens  of  Mecca 
were  introduced  to  the  private  lessons  of  Islam ;  they  yielded 
to  the  voice  of  reason  and  entliusiasm  ;  they  repeated  the  funda- 
mental creed :  *'  there  is  but  one  God,  and  Mahomet  is  the 
a])ostle  of  God  '' ;  and  their  &ith,  even  in  this  life,  was  rewaided 
with  riches  and  honours,  with  the  command  of  armies  and  the 
govt^mment  of  kingdoms.  Three  years  were  silently  employed 
in  the  conversion  of  fourteen  proselytes,  the  first  miits  of  his 
mission ;  but  in  the  fourth  year  he  assumed  the  prophetic  office, 
and,  resolving  to  impart  to  his  family  the  light  of  divine  truth, 
he  prepared  a  banquet,  a  lamb,  as  it  is  said,  and  a  bowl  of  milk, 
for  the  entertainment  of  forty  guests  of  the  race  of  Hashem. 
"  Friends  and  kinsmen,''  said  Mahomet  to  the  assembly,  "  I  offer 


preceded  by  historic«il  discourses,  and  the  three  translators.  Maracci  (torn  i.  p.  io> 
32),  Savary  (tom.  i.  p.  1-248),  and  Sale  (Prdiminary  Discourse,  p.  33-56;,  had 
accurately  studied  the  language  and  character  of  their  author.  Two  profeaed 
lives  of  Mahomet  have  been  composed  by  Dr.  Prideaux  (Life  of  Mahomet,  seventh 
edition,  T^)ndon,  1718.  in  octavo)  and  the  Count  de  Boulainvilliers  (Vie  de  Ma- 
homed, T^ondres,  1730,  in  octavo),  tnit  the  adverse  wish  of  finding  an  impostor 
or  an  hero  has  too  often  corrupted  the  learning  of  the  Doctor  and  the  ingenuity  of 
the  Count.  The  article  in  d'Herbelot  (BiblioL  Orient,  p.  598-603)  is  chiefly  drawn 
from  Novairi  and  Mircond  ;  but  the  best  and  most  autnentic  of  our  guides  is  M. 
Gagnier.  a  Frenchman  by  birth,  and  prafesnr  at  Oxford  of  the  Oriental  tongneiL 
In  two  elaborate  works  (Ismael  Abulfeda  de  Vit&  et  Rebus  gestis  Mohammedis, 
&c. ,  I^itine  vertit,  Prasfatione  et  Notis  illustravit  Johannes  Gaj^nier,  Oxon.  Z723, 
in  folio.  La  Vie  dc  Mahomet  traduite  et  compil^  de  I'Alcoran,  des  Traditions 
authentiques  de  la  Sonna  et  des  meilleun  Auteura  Arabes;  Amsterdam,  174S, 
3  vols,  in  i2mo)  he  has  interpreted,  illustrated,  and  supplied  the  Arabic  text  of 
Abulfeda  and  Al  Jannabi :  the  first,  an  enlightened  prince,  who  reigned  at  Hamah 
in  Syria  A.D.  T3xo>x33a  (see  Gagnicr,  PndaL  ad  Abulfed.),  the  second,  acreduloas 
doctor,  who  visited  Mecca  A.D.  i556(d'Herbdot,  p.  397.  Gagnier,  tom.  iii.  p.  aog, 
210).  These  are  my  general  vouchers,  and  the  mquisitive  reader  may  follow  the 
order  c^  time  and  the  division  of  chapters.  Yet  I  must  observe  that  both  Abulfeda 
and  Al  Jannabi  are  modem  historians,  and  that  they  cannot  appeal  to  any  writen 
of  the  first  century  of  the  Hegira.  [For  sovroes  and  modem  works  see  Appendix  i.] 
130  After  the  Greeks.  Prideaux  (p.  8)  diirioiet  the  secret  doubts  of  the  wife  of 
Mahomet.  As  if  he  had  been  a  privy  counsellor  of  the  prophet,  BouUunvillien 
(p.  272,  ftc)  unfolds  the  sublime  and  patriotic  views  01  Cadijah  and  the  lint 
discipUs, 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  358 

you,  and  I  alone  can  offer,  the  most  precious  of  gifts,  the 
treasures  of  this  world  and  of  the  world  to  come.  God  has 
commanded  me  to  call  you  to  his  service.  Who  among  you  will 
support  my  burthen  ?  Who  among  you  will  be  my  companion 
and  my  viirir  ?  '*  ^^  No  answer  was  returned,  till  the  silence  of 
astonishment,  and  doubt,  and  contempt  was  at  length  broken 
by  the  impatient  courage  of  Ali,  a  youth  in  the  fourteenth 
year  of  his  age.  '*  O  prophet,  I  am  the  man ;  whosoever 
rises  against  thee,  I  will  dash  out  his  teeth,  tear  out  his 
eyes,  break  his  legs,  rip  up  his  belly.  O  prophet,  I  will  be 
thy  visir  over  them."  Mahomet  accepted  his  offer  with  tnms- 
port,  and  Abu  Taleb  was  ironically  exhorted  to  respect  the 
superior  dignity  of  his  son.  In  a  more  serious  tone,  the  &ther 
of  Ali  advised  his  nephew  to  relinquish  his  impracticable  desiffn. 
"  Spare  your  remonstrances,"  replied  the  intrepid  fiinatic  to  his 
uncle  and  benefactor ;  ^'  if  they  should  place  the  sun  on  my 
right  hand  and  the  moon  on  my  left,  they  should  not  divert  me 
fit>m  my  course."  He  p«!8evered  ten  years  in  the  exercise  of 
his  mission ;  and  the  religion  which  has  overspread  the  East  and 
the  West  advanced  with  a  slow  and  painful  progress  within  the- 
walls  of  Mecca.  Yet  Mahomet  enjoyed  the  satisfiustion  of  be-^ 
holding  the  increase  of  his  infant  congregation  of  Unitarians, 
who  revered  him  as  a  prophet,  and  to  whom  he  seasonably 
dispensed  the  spiritual  nourishment  of  the  Koran.  The  numbcor 
of  proselytes  may  be  esteemed  by  the  absence  of  eiffhty-three 
men  and  eighteen  women,  who  retired  to  ^thic^ia  in  the  seventh 
year  of  his  mission ;  and  his  party  was  fortified  by  the  timely 
conversion  of  his  uncle  Hamza,  and  of  the  fierce  and  inflexible 
Omar,  who  signalised  in  the  cause  of  Islam  the  same  leal  which 
he  had  exerted  for  its  destruction.  Nor  was  the  charity  of 
Mahomet  confined  to  the  tribe  of  Koreish  or  the  precincts  of 
Mecca :  on  solemn  festivals,  in  the  days  of  pilgrimage,  he  fre- 
quented the  Caaba,  accosted  the  strangers  of  every  tribe,  and 
urged,  both  in  private  converse  and  public  discourse,  the  belief 
and  worship  of  a  sole  Deity.  Conscious  of  his  reason  and  of  his 
weakness,  he  asserted  the  liberty  of  conscience,  and  disclaimed 
the  use  of  religious  violence ;  ^^  but  he  called  the  Arabs  to  re- 

^  Venrus,  foHUor^  be^lus,  onusferms;  and  this  plebeian  name  was  trans- 
ferred by  an  apt  metaphor  to  the  pillars  of  the  state  (Gagnier,  Not.  ad  AbulCsd.  p» 
19).  I  endeavour  to  preserve  the  Arabian  idiom,  as  tar  as  I  can  feel  it  mjrsdf  in  a 
L^tin  or  French  tranwUion. 

i>>  The  passages  of  the  Koian  in  behalf  of  tolenUion  are  strong  and  nmnerooi ; 
c  a,  V.  a57,  c.  z6^  199,  c.  17,  54,  c.  45.  15,  c.  50^  39,  c.  88,  n,  ftc,  with  the  nolss 

VOL.  V.  28 


354         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

pentanoe,  and  oonjared  them  to  remember  the  ancient  kMaten 
of  Ad  and  Thamud^  whom  the  divine  justice  had  swept  away 
from  the  face  of  the  earth.^^ 
oipMyd^by  The  people  of  Mecca  was  hardened  in  their  unbelief  by  miper- 
i.9a4n  stition  and  enyy.  The  elden  of  the  city,  the  unolea  of  the 
prophet,  affected  to  despise  the  presumption  of  an  orphan,  the 
reformer  of  his  country ;  the  pious  orations  of  Mahomet  in  the 
Caaba  were  answered  by  the  clamoun  of  Abu  Talebw^^^  ''Citiaaii 
and  pilgrims,  listen  not  to  the  tempter,  hearken  not  to  his  im- 
pious novelties.  Stand  hat  in  the  worship  of  Al  LAta  and  Al 
Uxiah."  ^  Yet  the  son  of  AbdaUah  was  ever  dear  to  the  aged 
chief;  and  he  protected  the  fiune  and  person  of  his  nephew 
against  the  assaults  of  the  Koreishites,  who  had  long  been  jealoni 
of  the  pre-eminence  of  the  familv  of  Hashem.  Their  malice 
was  coloured  with  the  }nretence  of  religion  ;  in  the  age  of  Job, 
the  crime  of  impiety  was  punished  by  the  Arabian  magistrate ;  ^ 
and  Mahomet  waa  guilty  of  deserting  and  denying  the  w^Wiml 
deities.  But  so  loose  was  the  policy  of  Mecca  that  the  leaden 
of  the  Koreish,  instead  of  accusing  a  criminal,  were  compelled 
to  employ  the  measures  of  persuasion  or  violence.  They  re- 
peatedly addressed  Abu  Tafeb  in  the  style  of  reproadi  and 
menace.  ''Thy  nephew  reviles  our  religion;  he  accuses  our 
wise  Ibrefiithers  of  ignorance  and  folly ;  silence  him  qnldily, 
lest  he  kindle  tumult  and  discord  in  the  city.  If  he  peisevwe, 
we  shall  draw  our  swords  against  him  and  his  adheavnts^  and 
thou  wilt  be  responsible  for  the  blood  of  thy  fellovMsltiflens.'' 
The  weight  and  modemtion  of  Abu  Taleb  eluded  the  vidlenoe 

of  Maracd  and  Sale.    This  character  alcxie  may  genoraUr  decide  the  doabls  of  tbe 
learned,  whether  a  chapter  was  i^evealed  at  Mecca  or  Medina. 

us  See  the  Koran  (passim,  and  especially  07,  p,  123, 104.  Ac.)  and  die  UwUtioB 
of  the  Arabs  (Pocock,  Specimen,  p.  35-37).  Tlie  caverns  of  the  tribe  of  Tbaand, 
fit  for  men  of  the  ordinary  stature,  were  shewn  in  the  midway  betweeo  Medina  and 
Damascus  (Abulfed.  Arabia  Deseript  p.  43,  ^4),  and  may  be  probably  aicribed 
to  tbe  Trogtedytes  of  the  primStive  world  (MiohaeliB,  ad  Lowth  de  Poeri  Habnnr. 
pi  i$x-i34i    Recberches  sur  les  Egyptieni,  torn.  ii.  p.  48,  Ac.)^ 

i**a  [AbCL  Lahab,  another  unde  of  Mohammad,  is  meant] 
lu  [Mohammad  at  one  weak  moment  made  a  compromise  with  the  Meoean 
elders  They  asked  him,  as  a  test  qoettkNi,  "  What  think  ycu  of  AhLit  and  Al- 
Usi&^  and  otManit  tbe  third  with  than  ?"  The  prophet  acknowfadgad  thi  by 
replying,  "  These  are  the  sublime  cranes  whose  intercession  may  be  hoped  " ;  and 
the  eklers  went  away  content  But  Mohammad's  weakness  was  speedily  rebuked 
in  a  Tisioii ;  and  hia  ackaowkdgmeDt  of  tbe  false  idols  was  letnctod.  See 
SOrass.] 

1"  In  the  time  of  Job,  the  crime  of  Impiety  was  punished  fay  the  Artibian 
magistrate  (c.  13,  v.  a6,  ay,  aS).  I  binsh  for  a  respectable  ptdale  (ds  Boes 
Hefaneomm.  p.  650, 651,  ediol.  Micfaadii;  and  letter  of  a  bite  profajMot  in  tbe 
iioiversity  of  Oxford,  p.  15-53)  wboJaMifleaand  applauds  this  palriarabal  inqairtioni 


OF  THE  EOMAN  EMPIRE  S66 

of  reliffioofl  fiiction  ;  the  most  helpless  or  tunid  of  the  disciples 
retirea  to  ^Ethiopia ;  and  the  prophet  withdrew  himself  to 
various  places  of  strength  in  the  town  and  country.  As  he  was 
still  supported  by  his  fiimily,  the  rest  of  the  tribe  of  KoreishraM 
engaged  themselves  to  renounce  all  intercourse  with  the  children 
of  Mashem^  neither  to  buy  nor  sell,  neither  to  many  nor  to  give 
in  marriage,  but  to  pursue  them  with  implacable  enmity,  till 
tbey  should  deliver  the  person  of  Mahomet  to  the  justice  of  the 
gods.  The  decree  was  suspended  in  the  Caaba  before  the  eyes 
of  the  nation;  the  messengers  of  the  Koreish  pursued  the 
Musulman  exiles  in  the  heart  of  Africa ;  they  besieged  the 
prophet  and  his  most  £dthful  followers,  intercepted  their  water, 
and  inflamed  their  mutual  animosity  by  the  retaliation  of  injuries 
and  insults.  A  doubtful  truce  restored  the  appearances  of[A.]>.aM 
concord  ;  till  the  death  of  Abu  Taleb  abandoned  Mahomet  to 
the  power  of  his  enemies,  at  the  moment  when  he  was  deprived 
of  his  domestic  comforts  by  the  loss  of  his  faithful  and  generous 
Cadijah.  Abu  Sophian,  the  chief  of  the  branch  of  Ommiyah,  ^jjjjf 
succeeded  to  the  principality  of  the  republic  of  Mecca.  A 
zealous  votaiy  of  the  idols,  a  mortal  foe  of  the  line  of  Hashem, 
he  convened  an  assembly  of  the  Koreishites  and  their  allies,  to 
decide  the  fiite  of  the  apostle.  His  imprisonment  might  provoke 
the  despair  of  his  enthusiasm ;  and  the  exile  of  an  eloquent  and 
popular  fimatic  would  difiuse  the  mischief  through  the  provinces 
of  Arabia.  His  death  was  resolved ;  and  they  agreed  that  a 
sword  from  each  tribe  should  be  buried  in  his  heart,  to  divide 
the  guilt  of  his  blood  and  baffle  the  vengeance  of  the  Hashem- 
ites.  An  angel  or  a  spy  revealed  their  conspiracy ;  and  Sight  mutxtm 
was  the  only  resource  of  Mahomet.^**  At  the  dead  of  night,  Jff  " 
accompanied  by  his  friend  Abubeker,  he  silently  escaped  from 
his  house ;  the  assassins  watched  at  the  door ;  but  they  were 
deceived  by  the  figure  of  Ali,  who  reposed  on  the  bed,  and  was 
covered  with  the  green  vestment,  of  the  apostle.  The  Koreish 
respected  the  piety  of  the  heroic  youth  ;  but  some  verses  of  Ali, 
which  are  stul  extant,  exhibit  an  interesting  picture  of  his 
anxiety,  his  tenderness,  and  his  religious  confidence.  Three 
days  Mahomet  and  his  companion  were  concealed  in  the  cave 
of  Thor,  at  the  distance  of  a  league  from  Mecca ;  and  in  the 
close  of  each  evening  they  received  from  the  son  and  daogfarter 
of  Abubeker  a  secret  supply  of  intelligence  atid  food.    The 

is*D'Herbelot,  Btbliot.  Orient,  p.  445.    He  qtiotes  a  pnticnhur  history  of  the 
flight  of  Mahomet 


356 


THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 


WJM] 


iMthrtdM 
of. 


diligence  of  the  Koreish  explored  every  haunt  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  city ;  they  arrived  at  the  entrance  of  the  cavern ; 
but  the  providential  deceit  of  a  spider's  web  and  a  pigeon's  nest 
is  supposed  to  convince  them  that  the  place  was  solitary  and 
inviolate.  '*  We  are  only  two/'  said  the  trembling  Abubeker. 
('There  is  a  third/'  replied  the  nrophet;  "it  is  God  himselfi" 
Ko  sooner  was  the  pursuit  abated  than  the  two  fugitives  i 
from  the  rock  and  mounted  their  camels  ;  on  the  road  to 
they  were  overtaken  by  the  emissaries  of  the  Koreiah ;  they 
redeemed  themselves  with  prayers  and  promises  from  their 
hands.  In  this  eventful  moment  the  lance  of  an  Arab  might 
have  changed  the  history  of  the  world.  The  flight  of  the 
prophet  from  Mecca  to  Medina  has  fixed  the  memorable  sera  of 
the  Hegira,^^  which,  at  the  end  of  twelve  centuries,  still  dis- 
criminates the  lunar  years  of  the  Mahometan  nations. ^^ 

The  religion  of  the  Koran  might  have  perished  in  its  cradle, 
had  not  Medina  embraced  with  taith  and  reverence  the  holy  oat- 
casts  of  Mecca.  Medina,  or  the  dty,  known  under  the  name  of 
Yathreb  before  it  was  sanctified  by  the  throne  of  the  prmhet, 
was  divided  between  the  tribes  of  the  Charegites  ^^^  and  the 
'  Awsites,  whose  hereditary  feud  was  rekindled  by  the  slightest 
provocations :  two  colonies  of  Jews,  who  boast^  a  sacerdotal 
race,  were  their  humble  allies,  and  without  converting  the 
'Arabs,  they  introduced  the  taste  of  science  and  religion,  iriiich' 
distinguished  Medina  as  the  city  of  the  Book.  Some  of  her 
noblest  citizens,  in  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Caaba,  were  converted 
by  the  preaching  of  Mahomet;  on  their  return,  they  difiused 
the  belief  of  God  and  his  prophet,  and  the  new  alliance  was 
ratified  by  their  deputies  in  two  secret  and  nocturnal  interviews 
A.]>.a»4]  (ma  hill  in  the  suburbs  of  Mecca.  In  the  first,  ten  CliaR^tes 
and  two  Awsites,  united  in  fiiiith  and  love,  protested,  in  the  name 
of  their  wives,  their  children,  and  their  absent  brethrenp  that 

"The  Hegira  was  instituted  by  Omar,  the  second  caliph,  in  imitation  of  the 
aera  of  the  martyrs  of  the  Christians  (d'HerbekH,  p.  444) ;  and  properly  oommenoed 
sixtor-eic^t  da^s  before  the  flight  of  MahomeC.  with  the  first  of  MohaiTenrMuhamm] , 
or  first  day  01  that  Arabian  year,  which  ooiiiddes  with  Friday,  Jfujy  zotk,  A.D1.  tes 
^buireda,  ViL  Moham.  c  aa,  1^  pi  45-50^  and  Greaves's  ediuon  of  Uuqf  Bdg^s 
Epochse  Arabum,  &c.  c  i,  p.  S,  lo^  &b«^  [Before  Islflm,  early  in  the  fifth  oeatmy 
A.D.,  the  Lunar  and  Solar  years  had  ben  reconciled  by  intercalated  «*^»*«f.  The 
fligfatofMohammad  took  place  on  Sept  flo;  the  era  was  dated  firm  the  new mooD 
of  the  first  month  of  the  same  year,  oorroponding  to  July  z6i  See  al-BMiii( 
ChronoL  of  Ancient  Nations,  tr.  SachaaCzSm),  p.  327.] 

I*  Mahomet's  life,  from  his  mission  to  toe  Hegira,  niav  be  fonnd  In  AboUeda 
(p.  14-45)  uid  Gagnier  (torn,  l  p.  zs|r95z,  342-^83).  The  legend  finom  p.  i8y- 
934  \m  vouched  by  Al  Tannabi,  and  disdained  fy  Aoulfeda. 


[Tblfl  tribe  of  the  Kbasr^ites  must  not  be  confused  with  the  Khlr^iai  or 
rebels,  who  are  notioed  below,  p.  ^sA 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  367 

they  would  for  ever  profess  the  creed,  and  observe  the  precepts, 
of  the  Koran.  The  second  was  a  political  association,  the  first  [A.i>.  oq 
vital  spark  of  the  empire  of  the  Saracens.*^  Seventy-three  men 
and  two  women  of  Medina  held  a  solemn  conference  with 
Mahomet,  his  kinsmen,  and  his  disciples;  and  pledged  them- 
selves to  each  other  by  a  mutual  oath  of  fidelity.  They  promised 
in  the  name  of  the  city  that,  if  he  should  be  banished,  they 
would  receive  him  as  a  confederate,  obey  him  as  a  leader,  and 
defend  him  to  the  last  extremity,  like  their  wives  and  children. 
"  But,  if  you  are  recalled  by  your  country,''  they  asked  with  a 
flattering  anxiety,  ''will  you  not  abandon  your  new  allies?" 
"All  things,"  replied  Mahomet  with  a  smile,  "are  now  common 
between  us ;  your  blood  is  as  my  blood,  your  ruin  as  my  ruin. 
We  are  bound  to  each  other  by  the  ties  of  honour  and  interest. 
I  am  your  friend,  and  the  enemy  of  your  foes."  "  But,  if  we  are 
killed  in  your  service,  what,"  exclaimed  the  deputies  of  Medina, 
"  will  be  our  reward  f "  '*  Paradise,"  replied  the  prophet. 
"  Stretch  forth  thy  hand."  He  stretched  it  forth,  and  they 
reiterated  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  fidelity.  Their  treaty  was 
ratified  by  the  people,  who  unanimously  embraced  the  profession 
of  Islam ;  they  rejoiced  in  the  exile  of  the  apostle>  but  they 
trembled  for  his  safety,  and  impatiently  expected  his  arrival. 
After  a  perilous  and  rapid  journey  along  the  sea-coast,  he  halted 
at  Koba,  two  miles  from  the  city,  ana  made  his  public  entry 
into  Medina,  sixteen  days  after  his  flight  from  Mecca.  Five 
hundred  of  the  citizens  advanced  to  meet  him ;  he  was  hailed 
with  acclamations  of  loyalty  and  devotion ;  Mahomet  was  mounted 
on  a  she-camel,  an  umbrella  shaded  his  head,  and  a  turban  was 
unfurled  before  him  to  supply  the  deficiency  of  a  standard.  His 
bravest  disciples,  who  had  been  scattered  by  the  storm,  assembled 
round  his  person ;  and  the  equal,  though  various,  merit  of  the 
Moslems  was  distinguished  by  the  names  of  Mohagerians  andcai-iMu^ 
AnsarSy  the  fugitives  of  Mecca,  and  the  auxiliaries  of  Medina. 
To  eradicate  the  seeds  of  jealousy,  Mahomet  judiciously  coupled 
his  principal  followers  with  the  rights  and  obligations  of  brethren ; 
and,  when  Ali  found  himself  without  a  peer,  the  prophet  ten- 
derly declared  that  he  would  be  the  companion  and  brother  of 
the  noble  youth.  The  expedient  was  crowned  with  success; 
the  holy  firatemity  was  respected  in  peace  and  war,  and  the  two 
parties  vied  with  each  other  in  a  generous  emulation  of  courage 

i»  The  triple  tnauguratioo  of  Mahomet  is  described  by  Abolfeda  (]^  'j^  ^{^  «fk« 
86),  and  Qagnier  (torn.  i.  p^  54a,  Ac.,  549,  &c.,  torn.  u.  p.  aa*^,  &^. 


358         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  fidelity.  Once  only  the  concord  was  slightly  ruffled  by  an 
accidental  quarrel :  a  patriot  of  Medina  arraignea  the  inaolence 
of  the  strangers^  but  tne  hint  of  their  expulsion  was  heard  with 
abhorrence^  and  his  own  son  most  eagerly  offered  to  lav  at  the 
apostle's  feet  the  head  of  his  &ther. 
Bsr^  From  his  establishment  at  Medina,  Mahomet  assumed  the 

MHT '  '  exercise  of  the  regal  and  sacerdotal  office  ;  and  it  was  impious 
to  appeal  from  a  jud^re  whose  decrees  were  inspired  by  the 
divine  wisdom.  A  small  portion  of  ground,  the  patrimony  of  two 
orphans,  was  acquired  by  gifl  or  purchase  ;^*^  on  that  chosen 
spot  he  built  an  house  and  a  mosch^  more  venerable  in  their  rude 
simplicity  than  the  palaces  and  temples  of  the  As83rTian  caliphs. 
His  seal  of  gold,  or  silver,  was  inscribed  with  the  apostolic  title ; 
when  he  prayed  and  preached  in  the  weekly  as.sembly,  he  leaned 
against  the  trunk  of  a  palm-tree ;  and  it  was  long  before  he 
indulged  himself  in  the  use  of  a  chair  or  pulpit  of  rough  timber.^'^ 
After  a  reign  of  six  years,  fifteen  hundred  Moslems,  in  arms  and 
in  the  field,  renewed  their  oath  of  allt^ance ;  and  their  chief 
repeated  the  assurance  of  protection,  tiU  the  death  of  the  last 
member  or  the  final  dissolution  of  the  party.  It  was  in  the 
same  camp  that  the  deputy  of  Mecca  was  astonished  by  the 
attention  of  the  fiiithful  to  the  words  and  looks  of  the  prophet, 
by  the  eagerness  with  which  they  collected  his  spittle,  an  hair 
that  dropped  on  the  ground,  the  refuse  water  of  his  lustrations, 
as  if  they  participated  in  some  degree  of  the  prophetic  virtue. 
"  I  have  seen,"  said  he,  **  the  Chosroes  of  Persia  and  the  Cosar 
of  Rome,  but  never  did  I  behold  a  kins  among  bis  subjects  like 
Mahomet  among  his  companions."  Tne  devout  fervour  of  en- 
thusiasm acts  with  more  energy  and  truth  than  the  cold  and 
formal  servility  of  courts. 
s«  «MdM  In  the  state  of  nature  every  man  has  a  right  to  defend,  by 
STiSfSiSr   force  of  arms,  his  person  and  his  possessions  ;  to  repel,  or  even 

^*>Prideaux  (Life  of  Mahomet,  p.  44)  reviles  tlie  wickedness  of  the  impottor, 
who  despoiled  two  poor  orphans,  tne  sons  of  a  carpenter :  a  reproach  whidi  he 
drew  from  the  Disputatio  contra  Saracenos,  composed  in  Arabic  before  the  year 
1130 ;  but  the  honest  Gagnier  (ad  Abolfed.  p.  53)  has  shewn  that  they  were 
deceived  by  the  word  AI  NaQor^  which  tignines,  m  this  place,  not  an  obscure 
trade,  but  a  noUe  tribe  of  Arau.  The  deaoiate  state  of  the  grcrund  is  dcKrifaed 
by  Abulfeda ;  and  his  worthw  interprettr  has  proved,  from  Al  Bochori,  the  offer  of 
a  price ;  from  Al  Jannabi,  the  fiur  purdwse ;  and  from  Ahmed  Ben  Joseph,  the 
payment  of  the  money  by  the  generous  Abubeker.  On  these  grooiyls  the  prophet 
must  be  honouraUy  acquitted. 

1*1  Al  Jannabi  (apud  Gagnier,  tom.  iLp.  246,  024)  describes  the  seal  and  pulpit 
&a  two  venerable  ruics  of  the  apostle  of  God ;  and  the  portrait  of  bis  court  ia  taken 
from  Abiilfeda  (&  44.  p.  8s). 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  859 

to  prevent,  the  violence  of  his  enemies,  and  to  extend  hit 
hostilities  to  a  reasonable  measure  of  satisfiiction  and  retalia* 
tion.  In  the  free  society  of  the  Arabs,  the  duties  of  subjeet 
and  citizen  imposed  a  feeble  restraint ;  and  Mahomet,  in  the 
exercise  of  a  peaceful  and  benevolent  mission,  had  been  de« 
spoiled  and  banished  by  the  injustice  of  his  countrymen.  The 
choice  of  an  independent  people  had  exalted  the  fugitive  of 
Mecca  to  the  rank  of  a  sovereign ;  and  he  was  invested  with 
the  just  prerogative  of  forming  alliances  and  of  waging  oflTensive 
or  defensive  war.  The  imperfection  of  human  rights  was  sup- 
plied and  armed  by  the  plenitude  of  divine  power ;  the  prophet 
of  Medina  assumed,  in  his  new  revelations,  a  fiercer  and  more 
sanguinary  tone,  which  proves  that  his  former  moderation  was 
the  effect  of  weakness :  ^^  the  means  of  persuasion  had  been 
tried,  the  season  of  forbearance  was  elapsed,  and  he  was  now 
commanded  to  propagate  his  religion  by  the  swoid,  to  destroy 
the  monuments  of  idolatry,  and,  without  regarding  the  sanctity 
of  days  or  months,  to  pursue  the  unbelieving  nations  of  the 
earth.  The  same  bloody  precepts,  so  repeatedly  inculcated  in 
the  Koran,  are  ascribed  by  the  author  to  the  Pentateuch  and 
the  Gospel.  But  the  mild  tenor  of  the  evangelic  style  may 
explain  an  ambiguous  text,  that  Jesus  did  not  bring  peace  on 
the  earth,  but  a  sword  :  his  patient  and  humble  virtues  should 
not  be  confounded  with  the  intolerant  seal  of  princes  and 
bishops,  who  have  disgraced  the  name  of  his  disciples.  In  the 
prosecution  of  religious  war,  Mahomet  might  appeal  with  More 
propriety  to  the  example  of  Moses,  of  the  judges,  and  the  kings 
of  Israel.  The  military  laws  of  the  Hebrews  are  still  more  rigid 
than  those  of  the  Arabian  legislator.  ^^  The  Lord  of  Hosts 
marched  in  person  before  the  Jews;  if  a  city  resisted  their 
summons,  the  males,  without  distinction,  were  put  to  the  sword  ; 
the  seven  nations  of  Canaan  were  devoted  to  destruction ;  and 
neither  repentance  nor  conversion  could  shield  them  firom  the 
inevitable  doom  that  no  creature  within  their  precincts  shoiiU 
be  left  alive.     The  fiiir  option  of  friendship,  or  submission,  or 


I'lThe  viiith  and  ixth  chapters  of  the  Koran  are  the  loodest  and  nioit 
vehement ;  and  Maracci  (Prodromus,  part  iv.  p.  $^^64)  has  inveigfaed  with  mora 
justice  than  discretion  against  the  double  dealing  of  the  impostor. 

^''The  xth  and  xxth  chapters  of  Deuteronomy,  whh  the  practical  com- 
ments of  Joshua,  David,  &c.,  are  read  with  more  awe  than  satisfaction  by  the  pious 
Christians  of  the  present  af^e.  But  the  bishops,  as  well  as  the  rabbis  of  fonner 
times,  have  beat  the  drum<«oc]esiastic  with  pleasure  and  wooeas  (Sale's 
inary  Discourse,  p.  14a,  143). 


3«0         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

bftttle,  was  proposed  to  the  enemies  of  Mahomet.  If  they  pro- 
fessed the  creed  of  Ishim,  they  were  admitted  to  all  the  temponl 
and  spiritual  benefits  of  his  primitive  disciples,  and  marohed 
under  the  same  banner  to  extend  the  religion  which  they  had 
embraced.  The  clemency  of  the  prophet  was  decided  by  his. 
interest,  yet  he  seldom  trampled  on  a  prostrate  enemy  ;  and  he 
seems  to  promise  that,  on  the  pajonent  of  a  tribute,  the  least 
guilty  of  his  unbelieving  subjects  might  be  indulged  in  their 
worship,  or  at  least  in  their  imperfect  fiiith.  In  the  first 
months  of  his  reign,  he  practised  the  lessons  of  holy  warfare, 
and  displayed  his  white  banner  before  the  gates  of  Medina; 
the  martial  apostle  fought  in  person  at  nine  battles  or  sieges ;  ^*^ 
and  fifty  enterprises  of  war  were  achieved  in  ten  years  by  him- 
self or  his  lieutenants.  The  Arab  continued  to  unite  the  pro- 
fessions of  a  merchant  and  a  robber ;  and  his  petty  excursions, 
for  the  defence  or  the  attack  of  a  caravan,  insensibly  prepared 
his  troops  for  the  conquest  of  Arabia.  The  distribution  of  the 
spoil  was  regulated  by  a  divine  law ;  ^^  the  whole  was  £uth£uUy 
collected  in  one  common  mass ;  a  fifth  of  the  gold  and  silver, 
the  prisoners  and  cattle,  the  moveables  and  immoveables,  was 
reserved  by  the  prophet  for  pious  and  charitable  uses;  the 
remainder  was  shared  in  adequate  portions  by  the  soldiers  who 
had  obtained  the  victory  or  guarded  the  camp ;  the  rewards  of 
the  slain  devolved  to  their  widows  and  orphans  ;  and  the  increase 
of  cavalry  was  encouraged  by  the  allotment  of  a  double  share 
to  the  horse  and  to  the  man.  From  all  sides  the  roving  Arabs 
were  allured  to  the  standard  of  religion  and  plunder;  the 
apostle  sanctified  the  licence  of  embracing  the  female  captives 
as  their  wives  or  concubines ;  and  the  enjo3rment  of  wealth  and 
beauty  was  a  feeble  type  of  the  joys  of  paradise  prepared  fiyr 
the  valiant  martjrrs  of  the  faith.  "  The  sword,"  sajrs  Mahomet, 
"  is  the  key  of  heaven  and  of  hell :  a  drop  of  blood  shed  in  the 
cause  of  Grod,  a  night  spent  in  arms,  is  of  more  avail  than  two 
months  cf£  fiuting  or  prayer :  whosoever  flEdls  in  battle,  his  tins 
are  forgiven ;  at  the  day  of  judgment  his  wounds  shall  be  re- 

iMAbulfeda,  in  Vit.  Moham.  p.  156.  The  private  arsenal  of  the  apostle  ooo- 
sisted  of  nine  swords,  three  lanoes,  seven  pikes  or  half-pikes,  a  quiver  and  three 
bows,  seven  cairaases,  three  shields,  and  two  bdmets  (Qagnier,  tont  iii.  p.  3^334). 
with  a  lar^  white  standard,  a  hlack  banner  (pi  33^),  twenty  horses  (p.  laafTSt, 
Two  of  his  martial  sayings  are  reoonled  by  tradition  (Gajgnier,  torn.  u.  p.  88, 

337)- 

1*  The  whole  subject  dejure  belli  Mohammedanonim  is  exhausted  io  a  separate 
dissertation  by  the  learned  ReiaDd  (DisMrtationcs  MisrrilanwB,  torn.  iii«  Pi»Mtat. 

^  P-  3-53)- 


mmtmm 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  361 

splendent  as  veimillkm,  and  odoriferous  as  musk ;  and  the  lost 
of  his  limbs  shall  be  supplied  by  the  wings  of  angels  and  cheru- 
bim." The  intrepid  souls  of  the  Arabs  were  fir^  with  enthu- 
siasm ;  the  picture  of  the  invisible  world  was  strongly  painted 
on  their  imagination ;  and  the  death  which  they  had  alwa3r8 
despised  became  an  object  of  hope  and  desire.  The  Koran 
inculcates,  in  the  most  absolute  sense,  the  tenets  of  fate  and 
predestination,  which  would  extinguish  both  industry  and  virtue, 
if  the  actions  of  man  were  governed  by  his  speculative  belief. 
Yet  their  influence  in  every  age  has  exalted  the  courage  of  the 
Saracens  and  Turks.  The  first  companions  of  Mahomet  ad- 
vanced to  battle  with  a  fearless  confidence ;  there  is  no  danger 
where  there  is  no  chance :  they  were  ordained  to  perish  in  their 
beds ;  or  they  were  safe  and  invulnerable  amidst  the  darts  of 
the  enemy.  ^** 

Perhaps  the  Koreish  would  have  been  content  with  the  flight 
of  Mahomet,  had  they  not  been  provoked  and  alarmed  by  the 
vengeance  of  an  enemy  who  could  intercept  their  Syrian 
trade  as  it  passed  and  repassed  through  the  territory  of  Medina. 
Abu  Sophian  himself,  with  only  thirty  or  forty  followers,  con- 
ducted a  wealthy  caravan  of  a  thousand  camels ;  the  fortune  or 
dexterity  of  his  march  escaped  the  vigilance  of  Mahomet ;  but 
the  chief  of  the  Koreish  was  informed  that  the  holy  robbers 
were  placed  in  ambush  to  await  his  return.  He  dispatched  a 
messenger  to  his  brethren  of  Mecca  and  they  were  roused  by 
the  fear  of  losing  their  merchandise  and  their  provisions,  unless 
they  hastened  to  his  relief  with  the  military  force  of  the  city. 
The  sacred  band  of  Mahomet  was  formed  of  three  hundred  and 
thirteen  Moslems,  of  whom  seventy-seven  were  fugitives,  and 
the  rest  auxiliaries  ;  they  mounted  by  turns  a  train  of  seventy 
camels  (the  camels  of  Yathreb  were  formidable  in  war) ;  but 
such  was  the  poverty  of  his  first  disciples  that  only  two  could 
appear  on  horseback  in  the  field.^*^     In  the  fertile  and  famous 

^*  The  doctrine  of  absolute  predestinatioii,  on  which  few  rdigions  can  reproach 
each  other,  is  sternly  exposed  in  the  Koran  (a  3,  p.  52,  53|»  c  4,  p.  70,  &c,  with 
the  notes  of  Sale,  and  c  17,  p.  413,  with  those  of  Nuuaoci).  Kdand  (de  Relig. 
Mohamm.  p.  61-64)  ^^^  ^^  (Prdim.  Discourse,  p.  IQ3)  reprKent  the  opinions 
of  the  doctors,  and  our  modem  travellers  the  confidmce,  the  fading  confidence,  of 
the  Turks. 

^^  Al  Jannabi  (apud  Gagnier,  torn.  ii.  p.  9)  allows  him  seventy  or  eighty  horse ; 
and  on  two  other  occasions,  prior  to  the  battle  of  Ohnd,  he  enlists  a  IxMy  of  thirty 
(p.  10),  and  of  500  (p.  66),  troopers.  Yet  the  Musulmans,  in  the  field  of  Ohuo, 
had  no  more  than  two  horses,  according  to  the  better  sense  of  Abulfeda  (in  ViL 
Mohamm.  c.  31  p.  65).  In  the  Stony  province,  the  camels  were  numerous; 
but  the  horse  appears  to  have  been  less  common  than  in  Uie  Hapfy  or  the  Dtstrt 
Arabia. 


362         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

vale  of  Beder^^^  three  stations  from  Mediii4«  he  was  infonned 
by  his  scouts  of  the  caravan  that  approached  on  one  side ;  of 
the  Koreish,  one  hundred  horse,  eight  hundred  and  fifty  foot, 
who  advanced  on  the  other.  After  a  short  debate^  he  sacrifioed 
the  prospect  of  wealth  to  the  pursuit  of  glory  and  revenge  ;  and 
a  slight  intrenchment  was  formed  to  cover  his  troops,  aiid  a 
utoof  stream  of  fresh  water  that  glided  through  the  valley.  ''  O  God/' 
I  *''  he  exclaimed  as  the  numbers  of  the  Koreish  descended  from  the 

hills,  "  O  God,  if  these  are  destroyed,  by  whom  wilt  thou  be 
worshipped  on  the  earth  ? — Courage,  my  children  ;  close  your 
ranks ;  discharge  your  arrows^  and  the  day  is  your  own."  At 
these  words  he  placed  himself,  with  Abubeker,  on  a  throne  or 
pulpit/^  and  instantly  demanded  the  succour  of  Gabriel  and 
three  thousand  angels.  His  eye  was  fixed  on  the  field  of  battle ; 
the  Musulmans  &inted  and  were  pressed  ;  in  that  decisive 
moment  the  prophet  started  from  his  throne,  mounted  his  hoese, 
and  cast  a  handful  of  sand  into  the  air :  **  Let  their  fisces  be 
covered  with  confusion  ".  Both  armies  heard  the  thunder  of 
his  voice;  their  fancy  beheld  the  angelic  warriors  ;^^  the 
Koreish  trembled  and  fled  ;  seventy  of  the  bravest  were  slain ; 
and  seventy  captives  adorned  the  first  victory  of  the  fiuthfiiL 
Tlie  dead  bodies  of  the  Koreish  were  despoiled  and  insulted ; 
two  of  the  most  obnoxious  prisoners  were  punished  with  death ; 
and  the  ransom  of  the  others,  four  thousand  drachms  of  silver, 
compensated  in  some  degree  the  escape  of  the  caravan.     But 

i>*  Beder  Hcnmeene,  twenty  miles  from  Medina  and  forty  from  Mecca,  is  on 
the  high  road  of  the  caravan  of  Egypt ;  and  the  pilgrims  amraallv  oommemonte 
the  prophet's  victory  by  illuminatioos,  rockets,  &c.    Shaw's  Travos,  pu  477. 

^^  The  place  to  which  Mahomet  retired  during  the  action  is  styled  bf  Gagnier 
(in  Abixlfeda,  c.  27,  p.  5S ;  Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn,  it  p.  30,  33),  um^ramlMm,  vm 
)»e  de  Ms  avee  ume  parte.  The  samb  Arabic  word  is  rendered  by  Rciske  ( Annates 
Moolemid  Abulfedse,  pu  23)  by  solinuL^  stupgeihu  editior;  and  the  diflercnoe  is  of 
the  utmost  moment  for  the  honour  both  oTthe  interpreter  and  of  the  hera  I  am 
sorry  to  observe  the  pride  and  acrimony  with  whicn  Reiske  diastises  his  fdlow- 
labourer.  Ssepe  sic  vertit,  ut  integrac  peginse  nequeant  nisi  unA  litur&  corrigi: 
Arabice  non  satis  callcbat  et  carebat  iudiclo  critica  J.  J.  Reiske,  Prodida^mata 
ad  Ha^i  Chalisse  Tabulas, ;..  aaS,  ad  caloom  Abulfedse  Svrias  Tabulae;  Lipase, 
T766,  m  4to.  [The  place  in  question  wu  a  hut  of  palm  branches,  in  whidi 
Mohammad  and  AbQ  Bekr  slept  on  the  nSfflA  before  the  battle.  Mohammad  pro- 
bably took  no  part  in  th  '■  fightmg,  but  directed  and  incited  his  men.  He  was  not 
remarkable  for  physkal  courage,  and  never  exposed  himself  needlettly  to  danger.] 

140  f  he  loose  expressions  of  the  Koran  fc  3.  p.  134. 125  ;  c  8»  p.  9)  allow  the 
commentators  to  fluctuate  between  the  numbers oif  iooo»  mo,  or  9000 angels;  and 
the  smallest  of  these  might  sufiioe  for  ib^  slaughter  ot  seventy  of  the  Koreish 
(Maracci,  Alcoran,  tom.  iL  p.  131).  Yd  the  same  scholiasts  oonfesi  that  this 
angelic  band  was  not  visible  to  any  mortal  eye  (Maracci,  p.  297I.  They  refine  on 
the  words  (c  8,  z6),  *'  not  thou,  but  God,"*  Ac,  (D'Herbelot,  Bibliot.  Oricniale, 
p.  600,  601% 


MUOHHiHI 


OF  THP  ROMAN  EMPIRE  363 

it  was  in  vain  that  the  camels  of  Abu  Sophian  explored  a  new 
road  through  the  desert  and  along  the  Euphrates ;  they  were 
overtaken  by  the  diligence  of  the  Musulmans;  and  wealthy 
must  have  been  the  priae,  if  twenty  thousand  drachms  could  be 
set  apart  for  the  fifth  of  the  apoi^e.  The  resentment  of  the 
public  and  private  loss  stimulated  Abu  Sophian  to  collect  a 
body  of  three  thousand  men,  seven  hundred  of  whom  woe 
armed  with  cuirasses,  and  two  hundred  were  mounted  on  horse- 
back ;  three  thousand  camels  attended  his  march ;  and  his  wife 
Henday  with  fifteen  matrons  of  Mecca,  incessantly  sounded  their 
timbrels  to  animate  the  troops,  and  to  magnify  the  greatness  of 
Hobal,  the  most  popular  deity  of  the  Caaba.  The  standard  of  troi 
God  and  Mahomet  was  upheld  by  nine  hundred  and  fifty  be-mJS.] 
lievers ;  the  disproportion  of  numbers  was  not  more  alanni^ 
than  in  the  field  of  Beder ;  and  their  presumption  of  victory 
prevailed  against  the  divine  and  human  sense  of  the  apostle. 
The  second  battle  was  fought  on  mount  Ohud,  six  miles  to  the 
north  of  Medina  ;^^^  the  Koreish  advanced  in  the  form  of  a 
crescent ;  and  the  right  wing  of  cavalry  was  led  by  Caled,  the  [Zhaiu] 
fiercest  and  most  successful  of  the  Arabian  warriors.  Th^  troops 
of  Mahomet  were  skilfully  posted  on  the  declivity  of  the  hill ; 
and  their  rear  was  guarded  by  a  detachment  of  fifty  archers. 
The  weight  of  their  charge  impelled  and  broke  the  centre  of 
the  idolaters;  but  in  the  pursuit  they  lost  the  advantage  of 
their  ground;  the  archers  deserted  their  station;  the  Musul- 
mans were  tempted  by  the  spoil,  disobeyed  their  general,  and 
disordered  their  ranks.  The  intrepid  Caled,  wheeling  his 
cavalry  on  their  fiank  and  rear,  exclaimed  with  a  loud  voice^ 
that  Mahomet  was  slain.  He  was  indeed  wounded  in  the  fitce 
with  a  javelin ;  two  of  his  teeth  were  shattered  with  a  stone ;  [«m 
yet,  in  the  midst  of  tumult  and  dismay,  he  reproached  the 
infidels  with  the  murder  of  a  prophet ;  and  blessed  the  fnendly 
hand  that  staunched  his  blood  and  conveyed  him  to  a  place  of 
safety.  Seventy  martyrs  died  fer  the  sins  of  the  people ;  they 
fell,  said  the  apostle,  in  pairs,  each  brother  embracing  his  life- 
less companion ;  ^^^  their  bodies  were  mangled  by  the  inhuman 
females  of  Mecca;  and  the  wife  of  Abu  Sophian  tasted  the 
entrails  of  Hamza,  the  uncle  of  Mahomet.  They  might  applaud 
their  superstition  and  satiate  their  fury;  but  the  Musuunans 

1^  Geograph.  Nubiensis,  p.  47.  [The  disproportion  of  numbers  at  Ohnd  iw 
rather  greater  than  at  Bedr.  At  Bear  it  was  «>(  to  950 ;  at  Obud  700  to  5000  (fbr 
300  of  the  thousand  followers  with  whom  Mobamnuul  started  had  turned  back 
before  the  battle).} 

1^  In  the  iiid  chapter  of  the  Koran  (p.  50-53.  w\th  SBk?%  itfAei^  ^^y^^ra^^BiSk. 
alleges  some  poor  excuses  for  the  defeat  of  Onud. 


1} 


364  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

soon  rallied  in  the  field,  and  the  Koreish  wanted  stvength  or 
^^^  courage  to  undertake  the  sieffe  of  Medina.  It  was  attacked  the 
D^«i  ensuing  year  by  an  army  of  ten  thousand  enemies ;  and  this 
third  expedition  is  variously  named  from  the  naiums,  which 
marched  under  the  banner  of  Abu  Sophian,  from  the  ditch 
which  was  drawn  before  the  city,  and  a  camp  of  three  thousand 
Musulmans.  The  prudence  of  Mahomet  declined  a  general 
engagement ;  the  vidour  of  Ali  was  signalised  in  single  combat ; 
and  the  war  was  protracted  twenty  da3r8,  till  the  final  separa- 
tion of  the  confeaerates.  A  tempest  of  wind,  rain,  and  hail 
overturned  their  tents ;  their  private  quarrels  were  fomented  by 
an  insidious  adversaiy;  and  the  Koreish,  deserted  by  their 
allies,  no  longer  hoped  to  subvert  the  throne,  or  to  check  the 
conquests,  of  their  invincible  exile.^** 

The  choice  of  Jerusalem  for  the  first  kebla  of  prayer  discovers 
m«r*^  the  early  propensity  of  Mahomet  in  frivour  of  the  Jews;  and 
SSm*  ^^*  happy  would  it  have  been  for  their  temporal  interest,  had  they 
recognised,  in  the  Arabian  prophet,  the  hope  of  Israel  and  the 
promised  Messiah.  TTieir  obstinacy  converted  his  friendship 
into  implacable  hatred,  with  which  he  pursued  that  unfortunate 
people  to  the  last  moment  of  his  life;  and,  in  the  doable 
character  of  an  apostle  and  a  conqueror,  his  persecution  was 
extended  to  both  worlds.^^  The  Kainoka  dwelt  at  Medina, 
under  the  protection  of  the  city :  he  seized  the  occasion  of  an 
accidental  tumult,  and  summoned  them  to  embrace  his  religion 
or  contend  with  him  in  battle.  "  Alas^"  replied  the  trembmig 
Jews,  "  we  are  ignorant  of  the  use  of  arms,  but  we  persevere  in 
the  faith  and  worship  of  our  fiithers :  why  wilt  thou  reduce  us 
to  the  necessity  of  a  just  defence  ?''  The  unequal  conflict  was 
terminated  in  fifteen  days ;  and  it  was  with  extreme  reluctance 
that  Mahomet  yielded  to  the  importunity  of  his  allies  and  con- 
sented to  spare  the  lives  of  the  captives.  But  their  riches  were 
confiscated ;  their  arms  became  more  efTectual  in  the  hands  of 
the  Musulmans;  and  a  ¥rretched  colony  of  seven  hundred 
exiles  was  driven  ¥rith  their  wives  and  children  to  implore  a 

^  For  the  detail  of  the  three  Koreiah  win,  of  Beder,  of  Ohad.  and  of  the  ditch, 
peruse  Abulfeda  (p.  ^6-6i.  64-60, 73-77)*  Gifiiier(toin.  iL  p.  23-45,  7p^»  <ao*»9), 
with  the  proper  articles  of  d'Herbelot,  and  the  abridgments  of  faw^qfin  {am, 
Saracen,  p.  6.  7)  and  Abulpharagius  (Dynast,  p.  102).  [And  for  Bedr,  the  8th 
SGra  of  the  Koran  is  a  most  important  loitroe.  Gibbon  misdates  the  sicft  of 
Medina,  which  belongs  to  March,  A.D.  607.] 

^**  The  wars  of  Mahomet  against  the  Jewish  tribes  of  KainoJca,  the  NadhiriiCi, 
Koreidha,  and  Chaibar,  are  rdated  fay  Abulfeda  (p.  6x,  71,  77,  87,  ftc)  and 
Gagnier  (torn,  il  pi  61-65,  I07-xk>*  X39-m8»  a68-994)* 


M*..M^Mibi^baiM 


OF  THE  SOMAN  EMPIRE  365 

refuge  on  the  confines  of  Syria.  The  Nadhirites  were  morePMiiM 
guilty,  since  they  conspired  in  a  friendly  interview  to  assassinate 
the  prophet.  He  besieged  their  castle  three  miles  from  Medina, 
but  their  resolute  defence  obtained  an  honourable  capitulation  ;[a.o.aq 
and  the  garrison,  sounding  their  trumpets  and  beating  their 
drums,  was  permitted  to  depart  with  the  honours  of  war.  The 
Jews  had  excited  and  joined  the  war  of  the  Koreish :  no  sooner 
had  the  tiaUons  retired  from  the  diich^  than  Mahomet,  without 
laying  aside  his  armour,  marched  on  the  same  day  to  extirpate 
the  hostile  race  of  the  children  of  Koraidha.^^^  After  a  resist- [jld.  «n 
ance  of  twenty-five  days,  they  surrendered  at  discretion.  They 
trusted  to  the  intercession  of  their  old  allies  of  Medina ;  they 
could  not  be  ignorant  that  fiinaticism  obliterates  the  feelings  of 
humanity.  A  venerable  elder,  to  whose  judgment  they  ap- 
pealed, pronounced  the  sentence  of  their  death  :  seven  hundred 
Jews  were  dragged  in  chains  to  the  market-place  of  the  dty ; 
they  descended  alive  into  the  grave  prepared  for  their  execution 
and  burial ;  and  the  apostle  beheld  with  an  inflexible  eye  the 
slaughter  of  his  helpJess  enemies.  Their  sheep  and  camels 
were  inherited  by  the  Musulmans;  three  hundred  cuirasses^ 
five  hundred  pikes,  a  thousand  lances,  composed  the  most  useful 
portion  of  the  spoiL  Six  days'  journey  to  the  north-east  of 
Medina,  the  ancient  and  wealthy  town  of  Chaibar  was  the  seat 
of  the  Jewish  power  in  Arabia ;  the  teiritoiy,  a  fertile  spot  in ' 
the  desert,  was  covered  with  plantations  and  cattle,  and  |NX>tected 
by  eight  castles,  some  of  which  were  esteemed  of  impregnable  v. 
strength*  The  forces  of  Mahomet  consisted  of  two  hundred  ca^h^ 
horse  and  fourteen  hundred  foot:  in  the  succession  of  eight  ■* 
regular  and  painful  sieges,  they  were  exposed  to  danger,  and 
fatigue,  and  hunger ;  and  the  most  undaunted  chiefii  despaired 
of  the  event  The  apostle  revived  their  &ith  and  courage  by 
the  example  of  Ali,  on  whom  he  bestowed  the  surname  of  the 
Lion  of  God :  perhaps  we  may  believe  that  an  Hebrew 
champion  of  gigantic  stature  was  cloven  to  the  chest  by  his 
irresistible  scymetar;  but  we  cannot  praise  the  modesty  of 
romance,  which  represents  him  as  tearing  from  its  hinges  the 
gate  of  a  fortress  and  wielding  the  ponderous  buckler  in  his  left 
hand.^^      After  the   reduction   of   the   castles,   the   town  of 

^**^  [On  the  siege  of  Medina  and  the  destruction  of  the  Kuraidha  see  SQrm  33.] 

1^  Aba  Rafe»  the  servant  of  Mahomet,  is  said  to  a£Snn  that  be  himself,  and 
seven  other  men,  afterwards  tried,  without  success,  to  inove  the  same  p^  ' 
the  ground  (Abulfeda,  p.  90).    Abu  Rafe  was  an  eye-wftnesi,  but  iriir 
witness  for  Abu  Rafe?  .     _ 


866         THE  DECLINE  AND  FAIX 

Chaibar  submitted  to  the  yoke.  The  chief  of  the  tribe  was 
tortured  in  the  presence  of  Mahomet^  to  force  a  confession  of 
his  hidden  treasure ;  the  industry  of  the  shepherds  and  husband- 
men was  rewarded  with  a  precarious  toleration ;  they  were  per- 
mitted, so  long  as  it  should  please  the  conqueror,  to  improve 
their  patrimony,  in  equal  shares,  for  his  emolument  and  their 
own.  Under  the  reign  of  Omar,  the  Jews  of  Chaibar  were 
transplanted  to  Syria  ;  and  the  caliph  alleged  the  injunction  of 
his  dying  master,  that  one  and  the  true  religion  should  be 
professed  in  his  natire  land  of  Arabia.^'*^ 

Five  times  each  day  the  eyes  of  Mahomet  were  turned  towards 
Mecca,^^^  and  he  was  urged  by  the  most  sacred  and  powerful 
motives  to  revisit,  as  a  conqueror,  the  city  and  the  temple  from 
whence  he  had  been  driven  as  an  exile.  The  Caaba  was  present 
to  his  waking  and  sleeping  fancy ;  an  idle  dream  was  translated 
into  vision  and  prophecy ;  he  unfurled  the  holy  banner ;  and  a 
rash  promise  of  success  too  hastily  dropped  from  the  lips  of  the 
apostle.  His  march  from  Medina  to  Mecca  displayed  the  peace- 
ful and  solemn  pomp  of  a  pilgrimage :  seventy  camels,  chosen  and 
bedecked  for  sacri6ce,  preceded  the  van ;  the  sacred  territory 
was  respected,  and  the  captives  were  dismissed  without  ransom 
to  proclaim  his  clemency  and  devotion.  But  no  sooner  did  Ma- 
homet descend  into  the  plain,  within  a  day's  journey  of  the  city, 
than  he  exclaimed,  ''They  have  clothed  themselves  with  the 
skins  of  tigers  "  ;  the  numbers  and  resolution  of  the  Koreish  op- 
posed his  progress ;  and  the  roving  Arabs  of  the  desert  might 
desert  or  betray  a  leader  whom  they  had  followed  for  the  hopes 
of  spoil.  The  intrepid  fimatic  suiJc  into  a  cool  and  cautious 
politician  :  he  waived  in  the  treaty  his  title  of  apostle  of  God, 
concluded  with  the  Koreish  and  their  allies  a  truce  of  ten  years, 
engaged  to  restore  the  fugitives  of  Mecca  who  should  embrace 
his  religion,  and  stipulated  only,  for  the  ensuing  year,  the  humble 
privilege  of  entering  the  city  as  a  friend  and  of  remaining  three 
da3rs  to  accomplish  the  rites  of  the  pilgrimage. ^^  A  6loud  of 
shame  and  sorrow  hung  on  the  retreat  of  the  Musulm)Elns,  and 

i^  The  banishment  of  the  Jews  b  attested  by  Elmadn  (Hist  Saracen,  p.  9)  and 
the  great  Al  Tabaii  (Gagnier,  torn.  ii.  p.  9B5).  Yet  Niebnhr  (Desoriptioa  de 
TArabie,  p.  324)  believes  that  the  Jewish  rai^[ion,  and  Kareite  sect,  are  still  pro- 
fessed by  lot  tribe  of  Chaibar ;  and  that  m  the  plunder  of  the  caravans  the 
disciples  of  Moses  are  the  confederates  of  those  of  Mahomet 

'^  The  successive  steps  of  the  reduction  of  Mecca  are  related  by  AbuUeda  (p. 
84-871  ^-xoo,  zoa-iiz).  and  Gagnier  (torn.  iL  p.  309-345, 309-392,  torn.  iii.  p.  z-^, 
Elmacm  (Hist  Saracen,  p.  8.  9,  10).  AbuIphaiBaius  (Dynast  p.  103). 

^^[For  a  translation  of  the  treaty  see  Appendiz  19.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  367 

their  disappointment  might  justlj  accuse  the  failure  of  aprophct 
who  had  so  often  appealed  to  the  eyidence  of  suocess.  Tne  nidi 
and  hope  of  the  pilgrims  were  rekindled  by  the  prospect  of  Mecca; 
their  swords  were  sheathed  ;  seven  times  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
apostle  they  encompassed  the  Caaba ;  the  Koreish  had  retired 
to  the  hills,  and  Mahomet,  after  the  customary  sacrifice,  evacuated 
the  city  on  the  fourth  day.  The  people  was  edified  by  his  devo*^  iajd.  mo 
tion  ;  the  hostile  chiefs  were  awed,  or  divided,  or  seduced  ;  and 
both  Caled  and  Amrou,  the  future  conquerors  of  Syria  and  Egypt, 
most  seasonably  deserted  the  sinking  cause  of  idolatiy.^*^  The  ggy*; 
power  of  Mahomet  was  increased  by  the  submission  of  Uie  Ara- 
bian tribes  :  ten  thousand  soldiers  were  assembled  for  the  con- 
quest of  Mecca,  and  the  idolaters,  the  weaker  party,  were  easily  Ky- 
convicted  of  violating  the  truce.  Enthusiasm  and  discipline  im- 
pelled the  march  and  preserved  the  secret,  till  the  blaize  of  ten 
thousand  fires  proclaimed  to  the  astonished  Koreish  the  design,  the 
approach,  and  the  irresistible  force  of  the  enemy.  The  haughty 
Aba  Sophian  presented  the  kejrs  of  the  city ;  admired  the  variety 
of  arms  and  ensigns  that  passed  before  him  in  review ;  observed 
that  the  aon  of  Abdallah  had  acquired  a  mighty  kingdom ;  and 
confessed,  under  the  scymetar  of  Omar,  that  he  was  the  apostle 
of  the  true  God.  The  return  of  Marius  and  Sylla  was  stained 
with  the  blood  of  the  Romans ;  the  revenge  of  Mahomet  was 
stimulated  by  religious  zeal,  and  his  injured  followers  were  eager 
to  execute  or  to  prevent  the  order  of  a  massacre.  Instead  of  in- 
dulging their  passions  and  his  own,^^  the  victorious  exile  forgave 
the  guilt,  and  united  the  &ctions,  of  Mecca.  His  troops  in  three 
divisions  marched  into  the  city ;  eight  and  twenty  of  the  inhabi- 
tants were  slain  by  the  sword  of  Caled ;  eleven  men  and  six 
women  were  proscribed  by  the  sentence  of  Mahomet ;  but  he  E*"" 
blamed  the  cruelty  of  his  lieutenant ;  and  several  of  the  most 
obnoxious  victims  were  indebted  for  their  lives  to  his  clemency 
or  contempt.  The  chiefe  of  the  Koreish  were  prostrate  at  his 
feet.     **  What  mercy  can  you  expect  from  the  man  whom  you 

M*  [OthmAn  also  joined  Mohammad  at  this  juncture.     It  seems  probable  that 
AbQ  Sbfydn  was  in  collusion  with  Mohammad.     See  Muir,  Life  of  Mahomet,  p. 

^  After  the  conquest  of  Mecca,  the  Mahomet  of  Voltaire  imagines  and  per- 
petrates  the  most  horrid  crimes.  The  poet  oonHesBes  that  he  is  not  supported  by 
the  truth  of  history,  and  can  only  allege  qm  oehii  qui  £ut  ki  guerre  k  sa  patrie  an 
nom  de  Dieu  est  capable  de  tout  (Oeuvres  de  Voroure,  torn.  xv.  p.  sSa).  The 
maxim  is  neither  charitable  or  philosophic ;  and  some  reverence  is  sin«l^  due  to  the 
fame  of  heroes  and  the  religion  of  nations.  I  am  informed  that  a  Turkish  ambas- ; 
sador  at  Ptoris  was  much  acandaliaed  at  the  reprasentatioo  of  this  tragedy. .  X^- 
the  profoi^icd  persons,  only  four  were  put  to  death.] 


•Jk^i^A^bdMUi 


368         THE  DECLINE  Ain5  PALL 

have  wronged  ?  "  "  We  confide  in  the  generosity  of  our  kins- 
man." "  And  3roa  shall  not  confide  in  vain :  Begone !  yon  are 
safe,  you  are  free."  The  people  of  Mecca  deserved  their  pardon 
by  the  profession  of  Islam ;  and,  after  an  exile  of  seven  years, 
the  fugitive  missionary  was  enthraned  as  the  prince  and  prophet 
of  his  native  country.^^  But  the  three  huncured  and  sixty  idols 
of  the  Caaba  were  ignominiously  broken ;  ^^  the  house  of  God  was 
purified  and  adorned ;  as  an  example  to  future  times,  the  apostle 
again  fulfilled  the  duties  of  a  pilflim ;  and  a  perpetual  law  was 
enacted  that  no  unbeliever  should  dare  to  set  his  foot  on  the 
territory  of  the  holy  city.^** 
tavMtof  The  conquest  of  Mecca  determined  the  fiiith  and  obedience  of 
^^  the  Arabian  tribes  ;  ^^  who,  according  to  the  vicissitudes  of  for- 
tune, had  obeyed  or  disregarded  the  eloquence  or  the  arms  of  the 
prophet.  Indifference  for  rites  and  opinions  still  marks  the 
character  of  the  Bedoweens ;  and  they  might  accept,  as  loosely 
as  they  hold,  the  doctrine  of  the  Koran.  Yet  an  obstinate  rem- 
nant still  adhered  to  the  religion  and  liberty  of  their  anoestors, 
and  the  war  of  Honain  derived  a  proper  appellation  finmi  the 
idols,  whom  Mahomet  had  vowed  to  destroy,  and  whom  the  con- 
federates of  Tayef  had  sworn  to  defend.  ^^     Four  thousand  Pagaoi 

1^  The  Mahometan  doctors  still  dispute  whether  Mecca  was  reduced  by  force  or 
consent  (Abulfeda,  p.  107,  et  Gagnier  ad  locum) ;  and  this  verbal  coaUowersy  is  of 
as  much  moment  as  our  own  abmit  William  the  Conqueror, 

"■  [The  rites,  however,  of  the  old  cult  were  retained.] 

1^  In  excluding  the  Christians  from  the  peninsula  of  Arabia,  the  prorince  of 
Hejaz,  or  the  navieuion  of  the  Red  Sea,  Chardin  (Voyages  on  Perses,  torn.  iv.  a 
166)  and  Reland  (Dissert  Misoell.  torn.  tiL  p.  51)  are  more  rigid  than  the  Moiu- 
mans  themselves.  The  Christians  are  reoeived  without  scruple  into  the  ports  of 
Mocha,  and  even  of  Gedda,  and  it  is  oolj  the  city  and  precincts  of  Mecca  that  are 
inaccessible  to  the  profane  (Niebuhr,jDeBcription  de  TArabie,  p.  yA,  309.  Voyage 
en  Arabie,  tom.  i.  p.  205,  248,  &ay.  ' 

^Abulfeda,  p.  zz3-zi5.  Gagnier,  torn.  iii.  p.  67-88.  D'Herbelot,  MOHAMincn. 
[The  results  of  the  conquest  of  Mecca,  and  the  policy  of  Mohammad  towards  the  Kor- 
aish,  have  been  excellently  summed  up  byWellhausen :  **The  fall  df  Mecca  reacted 
powierfully  on  the  future  of  Islam.  Agafaitbesayingcametnie:  vKteviciStfrvf  ORp*// 
the  victory  of  the  Moslems  over  thelCoraish  shaped  itself  into  a  dominatioo  01  the 
Koraish  over  the  Moslems.  For  this  the  Pro|diet  himself  was  to  blame.  In  making 
Meccathejenisalem  of  Islam,  he  wasostoiaibl^moved  by  relifi[iousmotivefl,  but  in  real- 
ity Mohammed's  religion  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  heathemsh  usages  at  the  Kaaha 
and  the  Great  Feast.  To  represent  Abraham  as  the  founder  of  the  ritual  was 
merely  a  pious  fraud.  What  Mohammed  actually  sought  was  to  zeoommend  Isbun 
to  Arabic  prejudices  by  incorporating  tUsfncment  of  heathenism,  and  at  the  nme 
time  he  was  influenced  by  lonl  patriotinn.  Henceforth  these  local  feelings  became 
quite  the  mainspring  of  his  conduct ;  his  attitude  to  the  Koraish  was  c&ermined 
entirely  by  the  spirit  of  dannishness"  (EacycL  Britann.,  art  Mohammedanism).] 

uBThe  siege  of  Tayef.  divisioo  of  the  spoil,  ftc.  are  rdated  by  Abulfeda  (p. 
117-12$)  and  Gagnier  (torn.  iii.  pw  88-111).    It  is  Al  Jsnnabi  who  inflations  tts 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIEE  369 

advanced  with  secrecy  and  speed  to  surprise  the  oooqueror ;  they 
pitied  and  despised  the  supine  negligence  of  the  Kareiidi,  but 
they  depended  on  the  wishes,  and  perhaps  the  aid,  of  a  people 
who  had  so  lately  renounced  their  gods  and  bowed  beneath  the 
yoke  of  their  enemy.  The  banners  of  Medina  and  Mecca  were 
displayed  by  the  prophet ;  a  crowd  of  Bedoweens  increased  the 
strength  or  numben  of  the  army,  and  twelve  thousand  Mosul- 
mans  entertained  a  rash  and  sinful  presumption  of  their  inrin- 
cible  strength.  They  descended  without  precaution  into  ^^^  (JsJ^f* 
valley  of  Honain  ;  the  heights  had  been  occupied  by  the  arohers 
and  slingers  of  the  confederates  ;  their  numbers  were  oppresKd, 
their  discipline  was  confounded,  their  courage  was  appalled,  and 
the  Koreish  smiled  at  their  impending  destruction.  The  prophet, 
on  his  white  mule,  was  encompassed  by  the  enemies;  be  at- 
tempted to  rush  against  their  spears  in  seiurch  of  a  glorious  death ; 
ten  of  his  fisiithful  companions  interposed  their  weapons  and  their 
breasts ;  three  of  these  fell  dead  at  his  feet.  "  O  my  brethren," 
he  repeatedly  cried  with  sorrow  and  indignation,  **  I  am  the  son 
o{  Abdallah,  I  am  the  apostle  of  truth !  O  man,  stand  &st  to. 
the  &ith !  O  God,  send  down  thy  succour ! "  His  unele  Abbas, 
who,  like  the  heroes  of  Homer,  excelled  in  the  loodneas  of 
his  voice,  made  the  valley  resound  ¥rith  the  recital  of  the  gifts 
and  promises  of  God  ;  the  flying  Moslems  returned  from  aU  sides 
to  the  holy  standard  ;  and  Mahomet  observed  with  pleasure  that 
the  furnace  was  again  rekindled ;  his  conduct  and  example  re- 
stored the  battle,  and  he  animated  his  victorious  troops  to  infliet 
a  merciless  revenge  on  the  authors  of  their  shame.  Ftom  the 
field  of  Honain  he  marched  yrithout  delay  to  the  siege  of  Tayef,  Vf»M] 
sixty  miles  to  the  south-east  of  Mecca,  a  forli^ess  of  strength, 
whose  fertile  lands  produce  the  firuits  of  Syria  in  the  midst  of  the 
Arabian  desert.  A  fiiendly  tribe,  instructed  (I  know  not  how) 
in  the  art  of  sieges,  supplied  him  with  a  train  of  battering-rams 
and  military  engines,  with  a  body  of  five^hundred  artificers.  But 
it  was  in  vain  that  he  offered  freedom  to  the  slaves  of  Tmyet; 
that  he  violated  his  own  laws  by  the  extirpation  of  the  fruit-trees  ; 
that  the  ground  was  opened  by  the  miners  ;  that  the  breaeh  was 
assaulted  by  the  troops.  After  a  siege  of  twenty  days,  the  prophet 
sounded  a  retreat ;  but  he  retreated  with  a  song  of  devout  triumph, 
and  affected  to  pray  for  the  repentance  and  safety  of  the  un- 
believing city.    The  spoil  of  this  fortunate  expedition  amounted 

engines  and  engineers  of  the  tribe  of  Daws.    The  fertile  M»t  of  Tftyef  WBSsap|XMBd 
to  be  a  piece  of  the  land  of  Syria  detached  and  dropped  m  the  gtuaal  dfSafgu 

VOL.  V.  24 


370         THE  DECLINE  AJSTD  FALL 

to  six  thousand  captiresy  twenty-four  thousand  camels,  forty 
thousand  sheep,  and  four  thousand  ounces  of  silver;  a  tribe 
who  had  fought  at  Honain,  redeemed  their  prisoners  by  the 
sacrifice  of  their  idols ;  but  Mahomet  compensated  the  loss  by 
resigning  to  the  soldiers  his  fifth  of  the  plunder,  and  wished  for 
their  sake  that  he  possessed  as  many  head  of  cattle  as  there 
were  trees  in  the  province  of  Tehama.  Instead  of  chastising 
the  disaffection  of  the  Koreish,  he  endeavoured  to  cut  out 
their  tongues  (his  own  expression)  and  to  secure  their  attach- 
ment by  a  superior  measure  of  liberality :  Abu  Sophian  alone 
was  presented  with  three  hundred  camels  and  twenty  ounces 
of  silver ;  and  Mecca  was  sincerely  converted  to  the  profitable 
religion  of  the  Koran. 

The  JugUwet  and  auxUiariet  complained  that  they  who  had 
borne  the  burthen  were  neglected  in  the  season  of  victOEy.^^^ 
''  Alas/'  replied  their  artful  leader,  "  suffer  me  to  conciliate 
these  recent  enemies,  these  doubtful  proselytes,  by  the  gift  of 
some  perishable  goods.  To  your  guai^  I  entrust  my  \m  and 
fortunes.  You  are  the  companions  of  my  exile,  of  my  kingdom, 
of  my  paradise."  He  was  followed  by  the  deputies  of  Tayef, 
who  dreaded  the  repetition  of  a  siege.  "  Grrant  us,  O  apostle  of 
God !  a  truce  of  three  years,  with  the  toleration  of  our  ancient 
worship."  "  Not  a  month,  not  an  hour."  "  Excuse  us  at  least 
from  the  obligation  of  prayer."  "  Without  prayer  religion  is  of 
no  avaiL"  They  submitted  in  sUence  ;  their  temples  were  de- 
molishedy  and  the  same  sentence  of  destruction  was  executed 
on  all  the  idols  of  Arabia.  His  lieutenants,  on  the  shores  of 
the  Red  Sea,  the  Ocean,  and  the  Gulf  of  Persia,  were  saluted 
by  the  acclamations  of  a  faithful  people  ;  and  the  ambassadors 
who  knelt  before  the  throne  of  Medina  were  as  numerous  Quljb 
the  Arabian  proverb)  as  the  dates  that  fall  from  the  maturity 
of  a  palm-tree.  The  nation  submitted  to  the  God  and  the 
sceptre  of  Mahomet ;  the  opprobrious  name  of  tribute  was  abo- 
lished ;  the  spontaneous  or  reluctant  oblations  of  alms  and  tithes 
were  applied  to  the  service  of  religion  ;  and  one  hundred  and 
fourteen  thousand  Moslems  accompanied  the  last  pilgrimage  of 
the  apostle.^^ 

When  Heradius  returned  in  triumph  from  the  Persian  war, 
he  entertained,  at  Kmesa,  one  of  the  ambassad<H*s  of  Mahomet, 

^>*»  [For  this  incident  aee  SOim  9;  and  Muir,  Life  of  Mahomet^  ed.  3,  p.  4oft^] 
^^  The  last  conquests  and  pilgrimage  of  Mahomet  are  oontamed  m  Abnlfeda 

(p.  lai-m),  Gagnier  (torn.  iiL  pw  119-919),  Sbnacin  (p.  10,  xx),  Abnlpharagius  (p. 

J03),  The  ixth  of  the  Hegiim  was  styM  the  Year  of  Embaaries  (Gagnier,  NoL 
ad  AbuUed.  p.  xsx). 


T    II 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  371 

who  invited  the  princes  and  nations  of  the  earth  to  the  pro- 
fession of  Islam.  On  this  foundation  the  seal  of  the  Arabians  ajd.  oi.  « 
has  supposed  the  secret  conversion  of  the  Christian  emperor ; 
the  vanity  of  the  Greeks  has  feigned  a  personal  visit  to  the 
prince  of  Medina,  who  accepted  nt>m  the  royal  bounty  a  rich 
domain  and  a  secure  retreat  in  the  province  of  Syria*^^^  But 
the  friendship  of  Heraclius  and  Mahomet  was  of  short  continu- 
ance :  the  new  religion  had  inflamed  rather  than  assuaged  the 
Xcious  spirit  of  the  Saracens ;  and  the  murder  of  an  envoy 
ded  a  decent  pretence  for  invading,  with  three  thousand 
soldiers,  the  territory  of  Palestine  that  extends  to  the  eastward 
of  the  Jordan.  The  holy  banner  was  entrusted  to  Zeid ;  and 
such  was  the  discipline  or  enthusiasm  of  the  rising  sect  that 
the  noblest  chiefs  served  without  reluctance  tmder  the  slave  of 
the  prophet  On  the  event  of  his  decease,  Jaafiur  and  Abdallah 
were  successively  substituted  to  the  command  ;  and,  if  the  three 
should  perish  in  the  war,  the  troops  were  authorised  to  elect 
their  general.  The  three  leaders  were  slain  in  the  battle  ofjjjp" 
Muta,^**  the  first  military  action  which  tried  the  valour  of  the 
Moslems  against  a  foreign  enemy.  Zeid  fell,  like  a  soldier,  in 
the  foremost  ranks  ;  the  death  of  Jaafiir  was  heroic  and  mem- 
orable :  he  lost  his  right  hand ;  he  shifted  the  standard  to  his 
left ;  the  left  was  severed  from  his  body ;  he  embraced  the 
standard  with  his  bleeding  stumps,  till  he  was  transfixed  to  the 
ground  with  fifty  honourable  wounds.  "  Advance,"  cried  Ab- 
dallah, who  stepped  into  the  vacant  place,  ''advance  with  con- 
fidence :  either  victory  or  paradise  is  our  own.'^  The  lance  of 
a  Roman  decided  the  alternative  ;  but  the  &lling  standard  was 
rescued  by  Caled,  the  proselyte  of  Mecca :  nine  swords  were 
broken  in  his  hand ;  ana  his  valour  withstood  and  repulsed  the 
superior  numbers  of  the  Christians.  In  the  noctunud  council 
of  the  camp  he  was  chosen  to  command  :  his  skilful  evolutions 
of  the  ensuing  day  secured  either  the  victoiy  or  the  retreat  of 
the  Saracens  ;  and  Caled  is  renowned  among  his  brethren  and 
his  enemies  by  the  glorious  appellation  of  the  Sfoord  of  GotL  vuu-ajii»m 
In  the  pulpit,  Mahomet  described,  with  prophetic  rapture,  the 
crowns  of  the  blessed  mart3rrs  ;  but  in  private  he  betrayed  the 

"^  Compare  the  bigoted  Al  jAimabi  (apud  Gagnier.  torn.  ii.  p.  a^A-acc)  wkh 
the  DO  less  bigoted  Grades,  Tbeophanes  (pw  076^78  [ad.  A.M.  612a]),  Zonans 
(torn.  ii.  1.  xiv.  p.  86  [c.  17]),  and  Cedrenus  (p.  431  [I  p.  737,  ed.  Bonn]). 

^"^  For  the  battle  of  Muta  and  its  conseouenoes,  see  Abolfeda  (p.  zoo-zos),  and 
Gagnier  (torn.  iljp.  307-343).    X4A«6m  (says  Theophanes  [ad.  A.M.  6193I)  U  kdyim^s. 


372  THE  DECUNE  AND  FALL 

feelings  of  human  nature;  he  was  surprised  as  he  wept  over 
the  daughter  of  Zeid.  *'  What  do  I  see  ?  "  said  the  astonished 
votaiy.  "  You  see/'  replied  the  apostle,  '*  a  friend  who  is  de- 
ploring the  loss  of  his  most  &ithml  friend."  After  the  oon- 
quest  of  Mecca  the  sovereign  of  Arahia  affected  to  prevent  the 
hostile  preparations  of  Heraclius ;  and  solemnly  proclaimed  war 
against  the  Romans,  without  attempting  to  disguise  the  hard- 
ships and  dangers  of  the  enterpiise.^^  The  Moslems  were  dis- 
couraged :  they  alleged  the  want  of  money,  or  horses^  or  pro- 
visions ;  the  season  of  harvest,  and  the  intolerable  heat  of  the 
summer :  "  Hell  is  much  hotter,"  said  the  indignant  prophet. 
He  disdained  to  compel  their  service ;  but  on  his  return  he 
admonished  the  most  guilty  by  an  excommunication  of  Mty  days. 
Their  desertion  enhanced  the  merit  of  Abubeker,  Othman,  and 
the  fidthful  companions  who  devoted  their  lives  and  fortunes ; 
and  Mahomet  displayed  his  banner  at  the  head  of  ten  thousand 
horse  and  twenty  thousand  foot.  Painful  indeed  was  the  dis- 
M,  JLD.  tress  of  the  march  ;  lassitude  and  thirst  were  aggravated  by  the 
scorching  and  pestilential  winds  of  the  desert ;  ten  men  rode  by 
turns  on  the  same  camel ;  and  they  were  reduced  to  the  shame- 
ful necessity  of  drinking  the  water  from  the  belly  of  that  useful 
animal.  In  the  midway,  ten  days'  journey  frovn  Medina  and 
Damascus,  they  reposed  near  the  grove  and  fountain  of  Tabnc. 
Beyond  that  place,  Mahomet  declined  the  prosecution  of  the 
war ;  he  declared  himself  satisfied  with  the  peaceful  intentions, 
he  was  more  probably  daunted  by  the  martial  army,  of  the 
emperor  of  the  East.  But  the  active  and  intrepid  Caled  ipread 
around  the  terror  of  his  name ;  and  the  prophet  received  the 
submission  of  the  tribes  and  cities  from  the  Euphrates  to  Allah 
at  the  head  of  the  Red  Sea.  To  his  Christian  subjects  Mahomet 
readily  granted  the  security  of  their  persons,  the  freedom  of 
their  trade,  the  property  of  their  goods^  and  the  tolention  of 
their  worship.^^    The  weakness  of  their  Arabian  brethren  had 

^  The  expedition  of  Tabuc  ii  recorded  bv  our  ordiiuury  historians,  AbuUeda 
(ViL  Moham.  p.  12^137)  and  Gagnier  (Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn.  iiL  p.  X47-X63) ; 
iMt  WB  hafe  the  advantaos  of  appaidfaH  to  the  original  eridence  01  the  Koran 
(c.  9,  p.  x^  165),  with  Sale's  learnlBd  aBod  lalional  notes. 

ui>  The  Difloma  securitatU  Ailensiha  is  attested  by  Ahmed  Ben  Joseph,  and 
the  author  Libri  SpUndorum  (Gagnier,  Not  ad  Abulfedam.  p.  195) ;  tiut  Aoulfeda 
himadf,  as  wdl  as  wimafjn  (Hist  Saracefc  p.  xx),  though  he  owns  MmfaooMl's  re- 
gard for  the  Christians  (pu  X3),  only  mentions  peace  and  tiifautn.  In  the  year  1630, 
Sionita  pnbiished  at  Paris  toe  text  and  version  of  Mahomet's  patent  in  favoor  of 
the  Christians ;  which  was  admitted  and  reprobated  by  the  opposite  taste  of 
Sa/masius  and  Grotius  (Bayle,  Mabomit,  Rem.  AA).  Hottinger  doubts  of  its 
aurheotidt/  (Hist.  Onenl.  p.  237) ;  Renaudot  urges  the  conaent  of  the  Mahnmrlans 


OF  THE  ROHSN  EMPIRE  378 

restrained  them  from  opposing  his  ambition  ;  the  disciples  of 
Jesus  were  endeared  to  the  enemj  of  the  Jews  ;  and  it  was  the 
interest  of  a  conqueror  to  propose  a  fidr  capitulation  to  the  most 
powerful  religion  of  the  earth. 

Till  the  age  of  sixty-three  years,  the  strength  of  Mahomet  D«itt«f 
was  equal  to  the  temporal  and  spiritual  futigues  of  his  mission,  jlo.  m 
His  epileptic  fits,  an  absurd  calumny  of  the  Gi^eks,  would  ****' 
be  an  object  of  pity  rather  than  abhorrence ;  ^^  but  he  seri- 
ously believed  that  he  was  poisoned  at  Chaibar  by  the  revenge 
of  a  Jewish  female. ^^  During  four  years,  the  health  of  the 
prophet  declined ;  his  infirmities  increased ;  but  his  mortal 
disease  was  a  fever  of  fourteen  dtLjn,  which  deprived  him  by  in- 
tervals of  the  use  of  reason.  As  soon  as  he  was  conscious  of  his 
danger,  he  edified  his  brethren  by  the  humility  of  his  virtue  or 
penitence.  ''If  there  be  any  man,"  said  the  apostle  fWmi  the 
pulpit,  ''  whom  I  have  unjustly  scourged,  I  submit  my  own  back 
to  the  lash  of  retaliation.  Have  I  aspersed  the  reputation  of  a 
Musulman  ?  let  him  proclaim  n^  faults  in  the  &ce  of  the  con- 
gregation. Has  any  one  been  despoiled  of  his  goods  >  the  little 
that  I  possess  shall  oompensate  the  principal  and  the  interest  of 
the  debt"  "Yes,"  replied  a  voice  from  the  crowd,  "I  am  en- 
titled to  three  drachms  of  silver."  Mahomet  heard  the  complaint, 
satisfied  the  demand,  and  thanked  his  creditor  for  accusing  him 
in  this  world  rather  than  at  the  day  of  judgment.  He  beheld 
with  temperate  firmness  the  approach  of  death ;  enfranchised 
his  slaves  (seventeen  men,  as  they  are  named,  and  eleven  women) ; 

(Hist.  Patriarch.  Alex.  p.  169) ;  but  Mosheim  (Hist  Eedss.  p.  044)  shews  the 
futility  of  their  opinion,  and  inclines  to  believe  it  spunoos.  Yet  Abulphara^pus 
quotes  the  impostor's  treaty  with  the  Ncstorian  patriarch  (Asseman.  Bibliot 
Orient,  torn.  ii.  p.  4x8) ;  but  Abulpharagius  was  primate  of  the  Jacobites.  [For 
the  treaty  with  the  prizKse  and  people  of  Aila,  which  it  doubtless  genuine^  see 
Appendix  19.] 

1^  The  epilepsy,  or  falling-sickness,  of  Mahomet,  is  asserted  by  TheophaneSy 
Zonaras.  and  the  rest  of  the  Greeks ;  and  is  greedily  swallowed  by  the  gross  oigotry 
of  Hottinger  (Hist.  Orient,  p.  10,  xi),  Prideaux  (Life  of  Mahomet,  p.  is),  and 
Maracci  (torn.  ii.  Alcoran,  p.  762, 763).  The  titles  {/JU  wrapped  up,  th€  cavern)  of 
two  chapters  of  the  Koran  (73,  74)  can  hardly  be  strained  to  such  an  interpretation ; 
the  silence,  the  ignorance  or  the  Mahometan  commentators  is  more  conclusive  than 
the  most  peremptory  denial ;  and  the  charitable  side  is  espoused  by  Ockley  (Hist, 
of  the  Saracens,  torn,  l  p.  301),  Gagnier  (ad  AbuUedam,  p.  9,  Vie  de  Mahometi  torn. 
i.  p.  1x8),  and  Sale  (Koran,  p.  469-474).  [Mohammad  seems  to  have  suffered  from 
hysteria  (an  affection  which,  as  is  now  established,  is  not  confined  to  women  imd  li 
therefore  miscalled),  which  when  acute  produced  catalew.  Sprengnr  has  a  kiag 
V:hapter  on  the  subject,  Leben  und  Lehre  des  Mohammad,  voL  i.  c  3«.p.  207 sfg,  ] 

i^This  poison  (more  ignominious  since  it  was  offered  as  a  test  of  his  prophetic 
Icnowledge)  is  frankly  confessed  by  his  zealous  votaries,  Abulfeda  (p.  9a)  and  M 
'Jannabi  ^pud  Gagnier,  torn.  ii.  pu  386-388). 


374         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

minutely  directed  the  order  of  hit  funeral ;  and  moderated  the 
lamentationa  of  his  weemng  friends,  on  whom  he  bestowed  the 
benediction  of  peace.  Till  the  third  day  before  his  death,  he 
regularly  performed  the  function  of  public  prayer.  The  choice 
of  Abubeker  to  supply  his  place  appeared  to  nuurk  that  ancient 
and  faithful  friend  as  his  successor  in  the  sacerdotal  and  regal 
office ;  but  he  prudently  declined  the  risk  and  envy  of  a  more 
explicit  nomination.  At  a  moment  when  his  faculties  were 
visibly  impaired,  he  called  for  pen  and  ink,  to  Mrrite,  or  more 
properly  to  dictate,  a  divine  book,  the  sum  and  accomplishment 
of  all  his  revelations :  a  dispute  arose  in  the  chamber  whether 
he  should  be  aUowed  to  supersede  the  authority  of  the  Koran ; 
and  the  prophet  was  forced  to  reprove  the  indecent  vehemence 
of  his  disciples.  If  the  slightest  credit  may  be  affinrded  to  the 
traditions  of  his  wives  and  companions^  he  maintained  in  the 
bosom  of  his  family,  and  to  the  last  moments  of  his  life,  the  dig- 
nity of  an  apostle  and  the  fiuth  of  an  enthusiast ;  described  the 
visits  of  Gabriel,  who  bid  an  everlasting  fisu^well  to  the  earth, 
and  expressed  his  lively  confidence  not  only  of  the  mercy,  but  of 
the  favour,  of  the  Supreme  Being.  In  a  familiar  discourse  he 
had  mentioned  his  special  prerogative,  that  the  angel  of  death 
was  not  allowed  to  take  his  soul  till  he  had  respectfully  asked 
nter.  the  permission  of  the  prophet  The  request  was  granted ;  and 
"**'  Mahomet  immediately  fell  into  the  agony  of  his  dissolution  :  his 
head  was  reclined  on  the  lap  of  Ayesha,  the  best  beloved  of  all 
his  wives ;  he  fainted  with  the  violence  of  pain ;  recovering  his 
spirits,  he  raised  his  eyes  towards  the  roof  of  the  house,  and, 
with  a  steady  look,  though  a  fidtering  voice,  uttered  the  last 
broken,  though  articulate,  words:  ''O  God!  .  .  .  pardon  my 
sins  .  .  .  Yes,  ...  I  come,  .  .  .  among  my  fellow-citisens  on 
high  ; "  and  thus  peaceably  expired  on  a  carpet  spread  upon  the 
floor.  An  expedition  for  the  conauest  of  Syria  was  stopped  by 
this  mournful  event ;  the  army  halted  at  the  gates  of  Medina ; 
the  chiefs  were  assembled  round  their  dying  master.  The  city, 
more  especially  the  house  of  the  prophet,  was  a  scene  of  damor- 
ous  sorrow,  or  silent  despair :  fimaticism  alone  could  suggest  a 
ray  of  hope  and  consolation.  ''  How  can  he  be  dead,  our  witness, 
our  intercessor,  our  mediator  with  God.^  By  God,  he  is  not 
dead ;  like  Moses  and  Jesns,  he  is  wrapt  in  a  holy  trance,  and 
speedily  ¥rill  he  return  to  his  fidthful  people.*'  The  evidence 
of  sense  was  disregarded ;  and  Omar,  unsheathing  his  scymetar, 
threatened  to  strike  off  the  heads  of  the  infidels  wno  shoiud  dare 
to  affirm  that  the  prophet  was  no  more.    The  tumult  was  ap> 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  375 

peased  by  the  weight  and  moderation  of  Abubeker.  ''Is  it 
Mahomet/'  said  he  to  Omar  and  the  multitude,  ''or  the  Crod  of 
Mahomet,  whom  you  worship  ?  The  God  of  Mahomet  liveth  fin^ 
ever,  but  the  apostle  was  a  mortal  like  ourselves,  and,  according 
to  his  own  prediction,  he  has  experienced  the  common  fate  of 
mortality."  He  was  piously  interred  by  the  hands  of  hia  nearest 
kinsman,  on  the  same  spot  on  which  he  expired ;  ^^  Medina  has 
been  sanctified  by  the  death  and  burial  of  Mahomet ;  and  the 
innumerable  pilgrims  of  Mecca  often  turn  aside  from  the  way, 
to  bow  in  voluntary  devotion  ^^  before  the  simple  tomb  of  the 
prophet  ^*^ 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  life  of  Mahomet,  it  may  perhaps  be  BiMdum 
expected  that  I  should  balance  his  &ults  and  virtues,  that  I 
should  decide  whether  the  title  of  enthusiast  or  impostor  more 
properly  belongs  to  that  extraordinary  man.  Had  I  been  inti- 
mately conversant  with  the  son  of  Abdallah,  the  task  would  still 
be  difficult,  and  the  success  uncertain :  at  the  distance  of  twelve 
centuries,  I  darkly  contemplate  his  shade  through  a  cloud  of 
religious  incense ;  and,  could  I  truly  delineate  the  portrait  of  an 
hour,  the  fleeting  resemblance  would  not  equally  apply  to  the 
solitary  of  mount  Hera,  to  the  preacher  of  Mecca,  and  to  the 
conqueror  of  Arabia.  The  author  of  a  mighty  revolution  appears 
to  have  been  endowed  with  a  pious  and  contemplative  disposition : 
so  soon  as  marriage  had  raised  him  above  the  pressure  of  want, 
he  avoided  the  paths  of  ambition  and  avarice ;  and,  till  the  age 
of  forty,  he  lived  with  innocence,  and  would  have  died  without 
a  name.     The  unity  of  God  is  an  idea  most  congenial  to  nature 

I 

i^The  Greeks  and  Latins  have  invented  and  propa^^ated  the  vulgar  and  ridicu- 
lous story  that  Mahomet's  iron  tomb  is  suspnided  in  the  air  at  Mecca  {oiiita 
fMT««pi^(MMvoy.  Laonicus  Cbalcocondyles  de  Rebus  Turcicis,  1.  iii.  p.  66),  by  the 
action  of  ecmal  and  potent  loadstones  (Dictionnaire  de  Bayle,  Mahomxt,  Kem. 
££,  FF).  Without  any  philosophiod  inquiries,  it  may  suffice  that,  i.  The  prophet 
was  not  buried  at  Mecca ;  and,  a.  That  his  tomb  at  \iedina,  which  has  been  visited 
by  millions,  is  placed  on  the  ground  (Reland  de  Relig.  Moham.  1.  iu  c.  19,  p.  909- 
311 :  Gagnier,  Vie  de  Mahomet,  tonu  iil  p.  26$-a68}, 

^^Al  Jannabi  enumerates  (Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn.  iiL  p.  372-^1)  the  muki- 
farious  duties  of  a  pilgrim  who  visits  the  tombs  of  the  prophet  and  his  companions: 
and  the  learned  casuist  decides  that  this  act  of  devotion  is  nearest  in  obligation  and 
merit  to  a  divine  precept.  The  doctors  are  divided,  which,  of  Mecca  and  Medina, 
be  the  most  excellent  (p.  391-394). 

iM  The  last  sickness,  death,  and  burial  of  Mahomet  are  described  by  Abulfeda 
and  Gagnier  (Vit.  Mohiun.  p.  i^S'ii^t  Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn.  iiL  p.  390-271).  The 
most  private  and  interesting  circumstances  were  original^  reoeiYed  from  Ayttba. 
Ali,  the  sons  of  Abbas,  &c  ;  and,  as  they  dwelt  at  Medina  and  survived  tlis 
prophet  many  years,  they  might  repieat  the  pious  tale  to  a  second  or  third 
tion  of  pilgrimSb   , 


376         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  reason ;  and  a  slight  oonveiaatian  with  the  Jews  and  Chria- 
tians  would  teach  him  to  despise  and  detest  the  idolatiy  of 
Mecca.     It  was  the  duty  of  a  man  and  «  citiaen  to  impart  the 
doctrine  of  salvation,  to  rescue  his  country  from  the  dominion  of 
sin  and  error.     The  energy  of  a  mind  incessantly  hent  on  the 
same  object  would  ccmvert  a  general  obligation  into  a  particular 
call ;  the  warm  suggestings  of  the  understanding  or  the  fancy 
would  be  felt  as  the  inspirations  of  heaven;  the   labour  of 
thought  would  expire  in  rapture  and  vision;  and  the  inward 
sensation,  the  invisible  monitor,  would  be  described  with  the 
form  and  attributes  of  an  angel  of  Grod.^^     From  enthusiasm  to 
imposture  the  step  is  perilous  and  slippery ;  the  daemon  of  Soc- 
rates ^^  afibrds  a  memorable  instance,  how  a  wise  man   may 
deceive  himself,  how  a  good  man  may  deceive  others,  how  the 
conscience  may  slumber  in  a  mixed  and  middle  state  between 
self-illusion  and  voluntary  frauds     Charity  may  believe  that  the 
original  motives  of  Mahomet  were  those  of  pure  and  genuine 
benevolence ;  but  a  human  missionary  is  incapable  of  cherishing 
the  obstinate  unbelievers  who  reject   his  claims,  despise  his 
aiguments,  and  persecute  his  life  ;  he  might  feigive  his  personal 
advefMuies,  he  may  lawfully  hate  the  enemies  of  Crod ;  tne  stem 
passions  of  pride  and  revenge  were  kindled  in  the  bosom  of 
Mahomet,  and  he  sighed,  like  the  prophet  of  Nineveh,  for  the 
destruction  of  the  rebels  whom  he  had  condemned.     The  in- 
justice of  Mecca  and  the  choice  of  Medina  transformed  the 
dtiien  into  a  prince,  the  humble  preacher  into  the  leader  of 
armies ;  but  his  sword  was  consecnted  by  the  example  of  the 
saints ;  and  the  same  God  who  afflicts  a  sinful  world  with  pesti- 
lence and  earthquakes  might  inspire   for   their  conversion  or 

i*The  Christians,  rashly  enongh,  have  aBigned  to  Mahomet  a  tame  pigeon, 
that  seemed  to  descend  from  heaven  and  vrbaspar  in  his  ear.  As  this  pretended 
miracle  is  urged  by  Orotius  (de  Veritate  Religionis  Christianae),  his  Araok  trans- 
lator, the  leanied  rocock,  inquired  of  him  the  names  of  his  authors ;  and  Grotins 
confessed  that  it  is  unknown  to  the  Mahometans  themselves.  I..est  it  should  provoke 
their  indignation  and  laughter,  the  pious  He  h  suppressed  in  the  Arabic  version  ; 
but  it  has  maintained  an  edifying  plaoe  in  the  numerous  editions  of  the  Latin  text 
(Pooock,  Specimen  HisL  Arabum,  pu  xS6,  187.  Keland,  de  Religion.  Moham.  L 
n.  c.  39,  p.  959-069). 

iwvrpiwti  lu  rovrov  6  lif  lukkm  va^rmw,  wao/rUmn  M  •^von  (llatO,  in  Apcdog.  SocraL 

c  10,  pw  xax,  182.  edit  ("iscberV  Tbe  uuniUar  examples,  which  Socrates  anei  in 
his  Dialogoe  with  Tbea|es(PbUon.  Opera,  toBki.  p.  xa8.  lag.  edit.  Hen.Stephaa.)« 
are  b^fond  tbe  reach  of  human  fonught ;  and  the  divine  inspiration  (the  AaipivMr) 
of  tbe  phikmaphfcr  is  clearly  taught  in  the  Memorabilia  of  Xenop^wn.  The  ideas 
of  the  most  rational  Pbitonisu  are  exprened  by  Cicero  (de  Divinat  i.  54),  and  in 
llie/burteentii  and  fifteenth  Dissertations  of  Maximus  of  Tyre  (p.  1 53-178,  ediu  Davis). 


OF  THE  SOMAN  EMPIEE  877 

ment  the  valour  of  his  servants.  In  the  exereise  of 
I  government,  he  was  oompelled  to  abate  of  the  stem 
»f  fimaticism,  to  comply  in  some  measure  with  the  preju- 
id  passions  of  his  folLowen,  and  to  employ  even  the  vices 
dnd  as  the  instruments  of  their  salvation.  The  use  of 
id  perfidy,  of  cruelty  and  injustice,  were  often  subservient 
propagation  of  the  fiiith ;  and  Mahomet  commanded  or 
d  the  assassination  of  the  Jews  and  idolaters  who  had 

from  the  field  of  battle.  By  the  repetition  of  such  acts;, 
racter  of  Mahomet  must  have  been  gradually  stained ; 
3  influence  of  such  pernicious  habits  would  be  poorly 
sated  by  the  practice  of  the  personal  and  social  virtues 
ire  necessary  to  midntain  the  reputation  of  a  prophet 
his  sectaries  and  friends.  Of  his  last  jrears,  ambition  was 
ng  passion ;  and  a  politician  ¥rill  suspect  that  he  secretly 
[the  victorious  impostor !)  at  the  enthusiasm  of  his  youth 
credulity  of  his  proselytes.  ^<^  A  philosopher  will  observe 
ftr  cruelty  and  his  success  would  tend  more  strongly  to 
the  assurance  of  his  divine  mission,  that  his  interest  and 

were  inseparably  connected,  and*  that  his  conscience 
>e  soothed  by  the  persuasion  that  he  alone  was  absolved 
Deity  from  the  obligation  of  positive  and  moral  laws, 
stained  any  vestige  of  his  native  innocence,  the  sins  of 
et  may  be  allowed  as  an  evidence  of  his  sincerity.  In 
port  of  truth,  the  arts  of  firaud  and  fiction  may  be  deemed 
oinal ;  and  he  would  have  started  at  the  foulness  of  the 
had  he  not  been  satisfied  of  the  importance  and  justice 
md.  Even  in  a  conqueror  or  a  priest,  I  can  surprise  a 
r  action  of  unafiected  humanity;  and  Uie  decree  of 
et  that,  in  the  sale  of  captives,  the  mothers  should  never 
rated  from  their  children  may  suspend  or  moderate  the 
of  the  historian.*^ 
^ood  sense  of  Mahomet  ^"^^  despised  the  pomp  of  royalty;  fgimuiau 

ome  paasai^e  of  his  voluminous  writings,  Voltaire  compares  the  prophet, 
age,  to  a  mkir  :  ''qui  d^tache  la  chalne  de  son  cou  pour  en  donner  sur 
s  kses  confreres". 

nier  relates,  with  the  same  impartial  pen,  this  humme  law  of  the  pophet, 
lurders  of  Caab,  and  Sophian,  whicn  he  prompted  and  approvea  {Vw  de 
,  torn.  ii.  p.  69,  97,  ao8)w 

the  domestic  life  of  Mahomet,  consult  Gagnier,  and  the  correspondiM' 
9f  Abulfeda,  for  bis  diet  (torn.  iii.  p.  285-888),  his  duldren  (p.  iBg,  089), 
(p.  290-303)*  his  marriage  with  ZeUieb  (tono.  iL  p.  Z59-1601,  his  amour 
f  (P*  3i^'3°9)t  t^e  false  aocuaation  of  Ajrcaha  (a  zS6*a99).  Toe  most  ori- 
ence  of  t£t  three  last  uqpiisactioas  is  oonlainm  in  the  swrth,  xcBa&e4%aDAk 


378         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  apostle  of  God  submitted  to  the  menial  offices  of  the  fionily ; 
he  kindled  the  fire^  swept  the  floor,  milked  the  ewes,  and  mended 
with  his  own  hands  his  shoes  and  his  woollen  ganuent.  Dis- 
daining the  penance  and  merit  of  a  hermit,  he  observed^  with- 
out effort  or  vanity,  the  abstemious  diet  of  an  Arab  and  a  soldier. 
On  solemn  occasions,  he  feasted  his  compuiions  with  rustic  and 
hospitable  plenty ;  but  in  his  domestic  life  many  weeks  would 
elapse  without  a  fire  being  kindled  on  the  hearth  of  the  prophet 
The  interdiction  of  wine  was  confirmed  by  his  example ;  hit 
hunger  was  appeased  with  a  sparing  allowance  of  barley  bread ; 
he  delighted  in  the  taste  of  milk  and  honey  ;  but  his  ordinaiy 
food  consisted  of  dates  and  water.  Perfumes  and  women  wck 
the  two  sensual  enjoyments  which  his  nature  required  and  his 
religion  did  not  fort)id  ;  and  Mahomet  affirmed  that  the  fenrour 
of  his  devotion  was  increased  by  these  innocent  pleasures.  The 
heat  of  the  climate  inflames  the  blood  of  the  Arabs ;  and  their 
libidinous  complexion  has  been  noticed  by  the  writers  of  anti- 
quity.^^^  Their  incontinence  was  regulated  by  the  civil  and  reli- 
gious laws  of  the  Koran  ;  their  incestuous  alliances  were  blamed ; 
the  boundless  licence  of  polygamy  was  reduced  to  tour  leffitimate 
wives  or  concubines ;  their  rights  both  of  bed  and  of  dowry 
were  equitably  determined ;  the  freedom  of  divorce  was  disoour- 
agedy  adultery  was  condemned  as  a  capital  offence,  and  famica- 
tion,  in  either  sex,  was  punished  with  an  hundred  stripes.^^ 
Such  were  the  calm  and  rational  precepts  of  the  legislator ;  but 
in  his  private  conduct  Mahomet  indulged  the  appetites  of  a  man 
and  abused  the  claims  of  a  prophet.  A  special  revelation  dis- 
pensed him  from  the  laws  which  he  had  imposed  on  his  nation ; 
the  female  sex,  without  reserve,  was  abandoned  to  his  desires ; 
and  this  singular  prerogative  excited  the  envy,  rather  than  the 
scandal,  the  veneration,  rather  than  the  envy,  of  the  devout 
■to  wiTM  Musulmans.  If  we  remember  ti&e  seven  hundred  wives  and  three 
hundred  concubines  of  the  wise  Solomon,  we  shsll  apfdaud  the 
modesty  of  the  Arabian,  who  espoused  no  more  than  seventeen 
or  fifteen  wives ;  eleven  are  enumerated  who  occupied  at  Medina 

Ixvith  chapters  of  the  Koran,  with  Sale's  Commentary.  Prideaiu  (Life  of  Maho- 
met, p.  8a^)  and  Maracci  (Prodroui.  Aloono,  part  iv.  p.  49-59)  have  malldaiiily 
eiaggerated  the  frailties  of  Mahomet 


in  locredibile  est  quo  ardoce  apud  eos  in  Vcnerem  uterque  aohritur  lexiis  (Am- 
mian.  Marcellin.  L  ziv.  c.  4). 


m  Sak  (Preliminary  Disooune,  p.  xj^W)  bas  recapKnlated  tba  laws  of  mar- 
.iage,  dirorce, ftc., and  the curions reader oiSelde&'s Uxor  Hebimioa wffl  reoQfnim 
many  Jewish  ordinances.  JThe  stanwiifm  in  the  text  "four  legitimate  wives  or 
concubines  "  is  incorrect  Taere  was  no  rairictiooas  to  the  muaber  of  ooacolwea] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIEE  379 

;heir  separate  apartments  round  the  house  of  the  apostle^  and  en- 
oyed  in  their  turns  the  fiivour  of  his  conjugal  society.  What  is 
singular  enough^  they  wereall  widows,  excepting  only  Ayesha,  the 
laughter  of  Abubeker.  She  was  doubtless  a  virgin,  since  Maho- 
net  consummated  his  nuptials  ^such  is  the  premature  ripeness 
if  the  climate)  when  she  was  only  nine  years  of  age.  The  youth, 
iie  beauty,  the  spirit  of  Ayesha  gave  her  a  superior  ascendant ; 
>he  was  beloved  and  trusted  by  the  prophet ;  and,  after  his 
leath,  the  daughter  of  Abubeker  was  long  revered  as  the  mother 
)f  the  faithful.  Her  behaviour  had  been  ambiguous  and  indis- 
creet ;  in  a  nocturnal  march,  she  was  accidentally  left  behind  ; 
ind  in  the  morning  Ayesha  returned  to  the  camp  with  a  man. 
The  temper  of  Mahomet  was  inclined  to  jealousy  ;  but  a  divine 
"evelation  assured  him  of  her  innocence  :  he  chastised  her  ac- 
cusers, and  published  a  law  of  domestic  peace  that  no  woman 
should  be  condemned  unless  four  male  witnesses  had  seen  her 
n  the  act  of  adultery.^^'  In  his  adventures  with  Zeineb,  the 
¥ife  of  Zeid,  and  with  Maiy,  an  Egyptian  captive,^^^  the  amor- 
)us  prophet  forgot  the  interest  of  his  reputation.  At  the  house 
>f  Zeid,  his  freedman  and  adopted  son,  he  beheld,  in  a  loose  un- 
Iress,  tiie  beauty  of  Zeineb,  and  burst  forth  into  an  ejaculation 
>f  devotion  and  desire.  Tlie  servile  or  grateful  freedman  under- 
stood the  hint,  and  yielded,  without  hesitation,  to  the  love  of 
[lis  benefactor.  But,  as  the  filial  relation  had  excited  some 
ioubt  and  scandal,  the  angel  Gabriel  descended  from  heaven 
to  ratify  the  deed,  to  annul  the  adoption,  and  gently  to  reprove 
the  apostle  for  distrusting  the  indulgence  of  his  God.  One  of 
his  wives,  Hafsa,^^^  the  daughter  of  Omar,  surprised  him  on  her 
own  bed  in  the  embraces  of  his  Egyptian  captive  ;  she  promised 
secrecy  and  forgiveness  ;  he  swore  that  he  would  renounce  the 
possession  of  Mary.  Both  parties  forgot  their  engagements ; 
and  Gabriel  again  descended  with  a  chapter  of  the  Koran,  to 
absolve  him  from  his  oath,  and  to  exhort  him  freely  to  enjoy 
his  captives  and  concubines  without  listening  to  the  clamours 
of  his  wives.  In  a  solitary  retreat  of  thirty  days,  he  laboured, 
alone  with  Mary,  to  fulfil  the  commands  of  the  angel.  When 
his  love  and  revenge  were  satiated,  he  summoned  to  his  pres- 
ence his  eleven  wives,  reproached  their  disobedience  and  indis- 

1"*  In  a  memorable  case,  the  Caliph  Omar  decided  that  all  presumptive  evidence 
was  of  no  avail  ;  and  that  all  the  four  witnesses  must  have  actually  seen  stylum  in 
pyxide  (Abulfedse,  Annaks  Moslemici,  p.  71,  vers.  Reiske). 

17^  [A  gift  of  the  Copt  Mokaukas ;  for  whom  see  below,  p.  448.  and  Appendix  aa] 

17^  [The  editions  give  Hafk^  which  must  have  been  originally  a  misprint.\ 


380         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

cretion^  and  threatened  them  with  a  sentence  of  divorce  both 
in  this  world  and  in  the  next :  a  dreadful  sentence,  since  those 
who  had  ascended  the  bed  of  the  prophet  were  for  ever  ex- 
cluded from  the  hope  of  a  second  marriage.  Perhaps  the  in- 
continence of  Mahomet  may  be  palliated  by  the  tradition  of  his 
natural  or  preternatural  gira  :  ^^^  he  united  the  manly  virtue  of 
thirty  of  the  children  of  Adam  ;  and  the  apostle  might  rival  the 
thirteenth  labour  ^^^  of  the  Grecian  Hercules. ^^  A  more  serious 
and  decent  excuse  may  be  drawn  from  his  fidelity  to  Cadijah. 
Ehiring  the  twenty-four  3rears  of  their  marriage^  her  youthful 
husband  abstained  from  the  right  of  polygamy,  and  the  pride  or 
tenderness  of  the  venerable  matron  was  never  insulted  by  the 
society  of  a  rival.  After  her  death  he  placed  her  in  the  rank 
of  the  four  perfect  women^  with  the  sister  of  Moses,  the  mother 
of  Jesus,  and  Fatima,  the  best  beloved  of  his  daughters.  *'  Was 
she  not  old  ?  "  said  Ayesha,  with  the  insolence  of  a  blooming 
beauty  ;  "  has  not  God  given  you  a  better  in  her  place  ^  "  "  No, 
by  God/'  said  Mahomet,  with  an  effusion  of  honest  gratitude, 
"  there  never  can  be  a  better !  she  believed  in  me,  when  men 
despised  me ;  she  relieved  my  wants,  when  I  was  poor  and  per- 
secuted by  the  world."  ^^ 
Md  ehiidrm  In  the  largest  indulgence  of  polygamy,  the  founder  of  a  re- 
ligion and  empire  might  aspire  to  multiply  the  chanoes  of  a 
numerous  posterity  and  a  lineal  succession.  The  hopes  of 
Mahomet  were  fatally  disappointed.  The  viigin  Ayesha,  and 
his  ten  widows  of  mature  age  and  approved  fertility,  were  barren 
in  his  potent  embraces.     The  four  S€ms  of  Cadijah  died  in  their 

iTBSibi  robur  ad  generationem,  quantum  triginta  viri  habent.  inesae  jactaret ; 
ita  ut  unicft'horA  posset  undecim  feminis  satisfuefr,  utex  Arabum  libris  root  SibM. 
Fetnis  Pasdbasius,  c.  a  (Maraoci,  Prodromus  Alcoran,  p.  iv.  ix  5c  See  likewise 
Observations  de  Belon,  1.  uL  c.  xo,  foL  179,  recto).  Al  fannabi  (Gagnier,  torn.  UL 
p.  487)  records  his  own  testimony  that  be  surpassed  all  men  in  conjunl  vigour ; 
and  Abulfeda  mentions  the  <*Trlam«tion  of  Ali,  who  washed  his  body  after  his 
death,  *'  O  propbeta,  oerte  penis  tuus  cskmi  versus  erectus  est"  (in  Vit.  Moham- 
med, p.  140). 

i7«l  borrow  the  style  of  a  father  of  the  church,  itmiktvuv'UpmKKitrjMrMmtiiKmrvr 
29Aor  (Greg.  Naxianzen,  Orat  iiL  p.  108  [Qr.  !▼.  c.  122 ;  ap.  Migne,  Patr.  Gr.  35, 
p.  661]). 

177  The  common  and  most  glorious  Imad  inchides.  in  a  single  night,  the  fiftr 
victories  of  Hercules  over  the  virgin  daughters  of  Thestius  (Diodor.  SicuL  torn  i.  I. 
iv.  p.  374  [c.  ag;  Diodorus  does  not  say  *'  in  a  single  night*']  ;  Pansanias,  L  ix. 
p.  763  [c  37,  6] ;  Statins  Sylv.  L  I  eleg.  ili.  v.  4a).  But  Athenaeus  allows  seven 
nights  (Deipnosophist.  L  xiii.  p.  556  [&  4]}  uid  Apollodorus  fifty,  for  this 
arduous  achievement  of  Hercules,  who  was  then  no  more  than  eighteen  yean  of 
age  (Bibliot.  1.  ii.  c.  4,  p.  iii,  cum  notisHayDe,  part  i.  p.  339). 

'» Abulfeda  hi  Vit  Mobam.  p.  Ui  I3f  iti^  I7>  cwn  notis  Gagnier. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIEE  381 

infancy.  Mary,  his  Egyptian  concubine,  was  endeared  to  hini 
by  the  birth  of  Ibrahim.  At  the  end  of  fifteen  months  the  pro- 
phet wept  over  his  grave ;  but  he  sustained  with  firmness  the 
raillery  of  his  enemies,  and  checked  the  adulation  or  credulity 
of  the  Moslems,  by  the  assurance  that  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  was 
not  occasioned  by  the  death  of  the  infiint.  Cadijah  had  likewise 
given  him  four  daughters,  who  were  married  to  the  most  fiadthful 
of  his  disciples  ;  the  three  eldest  died  before  their  fiather ;  but 
Fatima,  who  possessed  his  confidence  and  love,  became  the  wife 
of  her  cousin  Ali  and  the  mother  of  an  illustrious  progeny. 
The  merit  and  misfortunes  of  Ali  and  his  descendants  will  lead 
me  to  anticipate,  in  this  place,  the  series  of  the  Saracen  caliphs, 
a  title  which  describes  the  commanders  of  the  faithful  as  the 
vicars  and  successors  of  the  apostle  of  God.^^^ 

The  birth,  the  alliance,  the  character  of  Ali,  which  exalted  Jt^Jf^ 
him  above  the  rest  of  his  countrymen,  might  justify  his  claim 
to  the  vacant  throne  of  Arabia.  The  son  of  Abu  Taleb  was,  in 
his  own  right,  the  chief  of  the  family  of  Hashem,  and  the  here- 
ditary prince  or  guardian  of  the  city  and  temple  of  Mecca. 
The  light  of  prophecy  was  extinct ;  but  the  husband  of  Fatima 
might  expect  the  inheritance  and  blessing  of  her  fiither ;  the 
Arabs  had  sometimes  been  patient  of  a  female  reign  ;  and  the 
two  grandsons  of  the  prophet  had  often  been  fondled  in  hi^  lap 
and  shown  in  his  pulpit,  as  the  hope  of  his  age  and  the  chief  of 
the  youth  of  paradise.  The  first  of  the  true  believers  might 
aspire  to  march  before  them  in  this  world  and  in  the  next ; 
and,  if  some  were  of  a  graver  and  more  rigid  cast,  the  seal  and 
virtue  of  Ali  were  never  outstripped  by  any  recent  proseljrte. 
He  united  the  qualifications  of  a  poet,  a  soldier,  and  a  saint ; 
his  wisdom  still  breathes  in  a  collection  of  moral  and  religious 
sayings  ;  ^^  and  every  antagonist^  in  the  combats  of  the  tongue 
or  of  the  sword,  was  subdued  by  his  eloquence  and  valour. 

ITS  This  outline  of  the  Arabian  history  is  dcawn  from  the  Biblioth^ue  Orientale 
of  d'Herbelot  (under  the  names  olt  AboubecrBt  Omar^  Othman,  Ali,  &c.),  from  the 
Annals  of  Abulfeda,  Abulphara^tis,  and  Ehnaem  (under  the  proper  3fears  of  the 
Hegira),  and  especially  from  Ockley's  History  oc  the  Saracens  (voL  I  p.  i-xo» 
1x5-123,  229,  249,  363-379,  378-39Z.  and  almost  the  whokof  the  second  volume). 
Yet  we  should  weigh  with  caution  the  traditions  of  the  hostile  sects ;  a  strcahi 
which  becomes  still  more  muddy  as  it  flows  futber  from  the  source.  Sir  Jolm 
Chardin  has  too  faithfully  copied  the  fables  and  errors  of  the  modern  Persians 
(Voyages,  torn.  ii.  p.  235-250,  &c.). 

^^  Ockley  (at  the  end  of  his  second  volume)  has  fi[iven  an  English  version  of 
169  sentences,  which  he  ascribes,  with  some  hesitauoo,  to  Ali,  the  son  of  Abu 
Taleb.  His  preface  is  coloured  by  the  enthusiasm  of  a  translator ;  yet  these  no- 
tences  delineate  a  characteristic,  though  dark,  picture  of  fanman  life. 


382         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

From  the  first  hour  of  his  mission  to  the  last  rites  of  his  funenl, 
the  apostle  was  never  forsaken  by  a  generous  friend,  whom  he 
delighted  to  name  his  brother,  his  vicegerent,  and  the  fiuthfal 
Aaron  of  a  second  Moses.  The  son  of  Abu  Taleb  was  after- 
wards reproached  for  n^lecting  to  secure  his  interest  by  a 
solemn  declaration  of  his  right,  which  would  have  silenced  all 
competition  and  sealed  his  succession  by  the  decrees  of  heaven. 
But  the  unsuspecting  hero  confided  in  himself;  the  jealousy  of 
empire,  and  perhaps  the  fear  of  opposition,  might  suspend 
the  resolutions  of  Mahomet ;  and  the  bed  of  sickness  was  be- 
sieged by  the  artful  Ayesha,  the  daughter  of  Abubeker  and  the 
enemy  of  Ali. 
Rjkp^  The  silence  and  death  of  the  prophet  restored  the  liberty  of 

j^cHL '  the  people  ;  and  his  companions  convened  an  assembly  to  de- 
liberate on  the  choice  of  his  successor.  The  hereditary  daim 
and  lofty  spirit  of  Ali  were  offensive  to  an  aristocracy  of  elden, 
desirous  of  bestowing  and  resuming  the  sceptre  by  a  free  and 
frequent  election ;  the  Koreish  could  never  be  reconcUed  to 
the  proud  pre-eminence  of  the  line  of  Hashem ;  the  ancient 
discord  of  the  tribes  was  rekindled  ;  the  Jugiliva  of  Mecca  and 
the  auxiliaries  of  Medina  asserted  their  respecrtive  merits ;  and 
the  rash  proposal  of  choosing  two  independent  caliphs  would 
have  crushed,  in  their  infancy,  the  religion  and  empire  of  the 
Saracens.  The  tumult  was  appeased  by  the  disinterested 
resolution  of  Omar,  who,  suddenly  renouncing  his  own  preten- 
sions, stretched  forth  his  hand,  and  declared  himself  the  fint 
subject  of  the  mild  and  venerable  Abubeker.  The  urgency  of 
the  moment  and  the  acquiescence  of  the  people  might  excuse 
this  illegal  and  precipitate  measmw ;  but  Omar  himself  confessed 
from  the  pulpit  that,  if  any  Musulman  should  hereafter  presume 
to  anticipate  the  sufiVage  of  his  brethren,  both  the  elector  and 
the  elected  would  be  worthy  of  death.^^^  After  the  simple 
inauguration  of  Abubeker,  he  was  obeyed  in  Medina,  Mecca, 
and  the  provinces  of  Arabia ;  the  Hashemites  alone  declined, 
the  oath  of  fidelity ;  and  their  chief,  in  his  own  house,  maintained, 
above  six  months,  a  sullen  and  independent  reserve,  without 
listening  to  the  threats  of  Omar,  who  attempted  to  consume 
with  fire  the  habitation  of  the  daughter  of  the  apostle.     The 

w^  Ockley  (Hist,  of  the  Saraoens.  voL  1^5. 6),  from  an  Arabian  Ms.,  reptcjunu 

Ayesha  as  adverse  to  the  substitution  oC  ner  father  in  the  place  of  the  apostle: 

This  fact,  so  improbable  in  itself,  is  unnoticed  by  Abolfeda.  Al  Jannabi,  ud  Al 

Bochari ;  the  last  of  whom  quotes  the  tradition  of  Ayesha  herself  (Vit.  MobammeiL 

p.  136,    Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn.  iii.  p.  936). 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  383 

death  of  Fatima  and  the  decline  of  hk  party  subdued  the 
indignant  spirit  of  Ali :  he  condescended  to  salute  the  com- 
mander of  the  faithful,  accepted  his  excuse  of  the  necessity  of 
preventing  their  common  enemies^  and  wisely  rejected  his 
courteous  offer  of  abdicating  the  government  of  the  Arabians. 
After  a  reign  of  two  years^  the  aged  caliph  was  summoned  by  M 
the  angel  of  death.  In  his  testament^  with  the  tacit  approba- 
tion of  the  companions^  he  bequeathed  the  sceptre  to  tne  firm 
and  intrepid  virtue  of  Omar.  '*  I  have  no  occasion/'  said  the 
modest  candidate,  **  for  the  place."  **  But  the  place  has  occasion 
for  you/'  replied  Abubeker ;  who  expired  with  a  fervent  prayer 
that  the  God  of  Mahomet  would  ratify  his  choice  and  direct  the  £2!|S 
Musulmans  in  the  way  of  concord  and  obedience.  The  prayer ^"Ua 
was  not  ineffectual,  since  Ali  himself,  in  a  life  of  privacy  and 
prayer,  professed  to  revere  the  superior  worth  and  dignity  of 
his  rival ;  who  comforted  him  for  the  loss  of  empire  by  the  most 
flattering  marks  of  confidence  and  esteem.  In  the  twelfth  year  C< 
of  his  reign,  Omar  received  a  mortal  wound  from  the  hand  of 
an  assassin ;  he  rejected  with  equal  impartiality  the  names  of 
his  son  and  of  Ali,  refused  to  load  his  conscience  with  the  sins 
of  his  successor,  and  devolved  on  six  of  the  most  respectable 
companions  the  arduous  task  of  electing  a  commander  of  the 
faithful.  On  this  occasion  Ali  was  again  blamed  by  his  friends  ^^ 
for  submitting  his  right  to  the  judgment  of  men,  for  recognising 
their  jurisdiction  by  accepting  a  place  among  the  six  electors. 
He  might  have  obtained  their  sufirage,  had  he  deigned  to 
promise  a  strict  and  servile  conformity,  not  only  to  the  Korso 
and  tradition,  but  likewise  to  the  determinations  of  two  iemon?^ 
With  these  limitations,  Othman,  the  secretary  of  Mahomet,  «r( 
accepted  the  government ;  nor  was  it  till  after  the  third  caliph,  VflrlSm 
twenty-four  years  after  the  death  of  the  prophet,  that  Ali  was 
invested,  by  the  popular  choice,  with  the  regal  and  sacerdotal 
office.  The  manners  of  the  Arabians  retained  their  primitive 
simplicity,  and  the  son  of  Abu  Taleb  despised  the  pomp  and 
vanity  of  this  world.     At  the  hour  of  prayer,  he  repaired  to  the 

m  Particularlv  by  his  friend  and  cousin  Abdallah,  the  son  of  Abbas,  who  died 
A.D.  687,  with  the  title  of  grand  doctor  of  the  Moslems.  In  Abulfeda  he  re- 
capitulated the  important  occasions  in  which  Ali  had  neglected  his  salutary 
advice  ([Ana  Mosl.]  p.  76,  vers.  Reiske);  and  concludes  (p.  85),  O  prinoeps 
fidelium,  absque  controversiA  tu  quidem  vera  fortis  es,  at  loops  boni  consilii  et 
renun  gerendanim  parum  callens. 

^^  I  suspect  that  the  two  seniors  (AbulpharagiuSp  p.  1x5 ;  Ockley,  torn.  L  p. 
371)  may  signify  not  two  actual  counsellors,  bat  his  two  predecessors,  Abubeker 
and  Omar.  [Weil  translates  *'  the  two  Caliphs  who  preceded/*  Geschichte  der 
Chalifen,  i.  153.]  -        .  -      - 


384         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

mosch  of  MedinBy  clothed  in  a  thin  cotton  gown,  a  ooane  t 
on  his  heady  his  slippen  in  one  hand,  and  his  bow  in  the  < 
instead  of  a  walking  staff.  The  companions  of  the  prophe 
the  chiefs  of  the  tribes  saluted  their  new  sovereign,  and 
him  their  right  hands  as  a  sign  of  fealty  and  allegiance, 
i^ ««  The  mischief  that  flow  from  the  contests  of  ambitio 
Pmuu  usually  confined  to  the  times  and  countries  in  which  they 
been  agitated.  But  the  religious  discord  of  the  friendfi 
enemies  of  Ali  has  been  renewed  in  eveiy  age  of  the  H* 
and  is  still  maintained  in  the  inunortal  hatred  of  the  Pei 
and  Turks.  ^^  The  former,  who  are  branded  with  the  appell 
of  Shiilet,  or  sectaries,  have  enriched  the  Mahometan  creed 
a  new  article  of  fiuth;  and,  if  Mahomet  be  the  apostle 
companion  Ali  is  the  vicar,  of  God.  In  their  private  coni 
in  their  public  worship,  they  bitterly  execrate  the  three  usu 
who  intercepted  his  indefeasible  right  to  the  dignity  of  1 
and  Caliph ;  and  the  name  of  Omar  expresses,  in  their  toi 
the  perfect  accomplishment  of  wickedness  and  impiety. ^^ 
Somuiesy  who  are  supported  by  the  general  consent  and  o 
dox  tradition  of  the  Musulmans,  entertain  a  more  imparti 
at  least  a  more  decent,  opinion.  They  respect  the  me 
of  Abubeker,  Omar,  Othman,  and  Ali,  the  holy  and  legiti 
successors  of  the  prophet.  But  they  assign  the  last  and 
humble  place  to  the  husband  of  Fatima,  in  the  persuasioin 
the  order  of  succession  was  determined  bv  the  degree 
sanctity.  ^^  An  historian  who  balances  the  four  caliphs  w: 
hand  unshaken  by  superstition  will  calmly  pronounce  that 
manners  were  alike  pure  and  exemplary;  that  their  seal 
fervent,  and  probably  sincere ;  and  that,  in  the  midst  of  r 
and  power,  their  lives  were  devoted  to  the  practice  of  x 

u«The  schism  of  the  Persians  is  explained  by  all  our  traveOen  of  th 
oentury,  especially  in  the  iid  and  Mh  Tolmnes  of  their  master,  Chardin.  Nv 
though  of  mferior  merit,  has  the  advantage  of  writing  so  late  as  the  yeai 
fVoyages  en  Arabic,  &c.  torn.  ii.  p.  90^^33),  since  the  ineffectual  atter 
Nadir  Shah  to  change  the  religion  of  the  nation  (see  his  Persian  History, 
lated  into  FVendi  by  Sir  William  Jones,  torn.  ii.  p.  5,  6|  47,  48,  Z44«x5s). 

^^  Omar  is  the  name  of  the  devil ;  hit  murderer  is  a  saint.  When  the  Pe 
shoot  with  the  bow,  they  frequently  cry,  "  May  this  arrow  go  to  the  he 
Omar  t "  (Voyage  de  Chardin.  torn.  u.  p.  S39,  040,  259,  Ac). 

u^Tbis  gradation  of  merit  is  disdnctlj  marked  in  a  creed  ilhatimted  fay  I 
(de  Relig.  Mohamm.  L  L  p.  37),  and  a  Sonnite  argument  inserted  fay  < 
(Hist,  of  the  Saracens,  torn.  ii.  p.  ajo).  The  piactice  of  cursing  the  men 
Ali  was  abolisbed,  after  forty  years,  by  the  Ommiades  themselves  (d'Herbe 
690) ;  and  there  are  few  among  the  Turks  who  fnresume  to  revile  him  as  an ; 
^Voyages  de  Chardin.  tom.  iv.  p.  46). 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  386 

ind  religious  duties.  But  the  public  virtues  of  Abubeker  and 
3niar,  the  prudence  of  the  ifirst,  the  severity  of  the  second^ 
naintained  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  their  reigns.  The 
feeble  temper  and  declining  age  of  Othm&n  were  incapable  of 
sustaining  the  weight  of  conquest  and  empire.  He  chose,  and 
le  was  deceived ;  he  trusted,  and  he  was  betrayed :  the  most 
leserving  of  the  faithful  became  useless  or  hostile  to  his  govern- 
nent,  and  his  lavish  bounty  was  productive  only  of  ingratitude 
ind  discontent.  The  spirit  of  discord  went  ftnrth  in  the  pro^ 
finces,  their  deputies  assembled  at  Medina,  and  the  Charegites,^^ 
the  desperate  fanatics  who  disclaimed  the  yoke  of  subordination 
uid  reason,  were  confounded  among  the  free-bom  Arabs,  who 
lemanded  the  redress  of  their  wrongs  and  the  punishment. of 
their  oppressors.  From  Cufisi,  from  Bassora,  from  Egypt,^^  from 
the  tribes  of  the  desert,  they  rose  in  arms,  encamped  about  a 
league  from  Medina,  and  dispatched  a  haughty  mandate  to  their 
lovereign,  requiring  him  to  execute  justice  or  to  descend  froin 
the  throne.  His  repentance  began  to  disarm  and  disperse  the 
insurgents ;  but  their  fury  was  rekindled  by  the  arts  of  hitf 
enemies ;  and  the  forgery  of  a  perfidious  secretary  was  contrived 
to  blast  his  reputation  and  precipitate  his  &11.^^  The  caliph 
had  lost  the  only  guard  of  his  predecessors,  the  esteem  and 
confidence  of  the  Moslems :  during  a  sieffe  of  six  weeks  his 
water  and  provisions  were  intercepted,  ana  the  feeble  gates  of 
the  palace  were  protected  only  by  the  scruples  of  the  more 
timorous  rebels.  Forsaken  by  those  who  had  abused  his  sim- 
plicity, the  helpless  and  venerable  caliph  expected  the  ap- 
proach of  death ;  the  brother  of  Ayesha  marched  at  the  head 

""'[Kharijite  means  a  "  goer  forth,"  seceder.] 

>w[The  three  bands  of  insiu|rents  had  different  views  as  to  the  Succe^on. 
Those  of  KOfa  wished  for  Zobeir,  Basra  was  for  Talha,  Egypt  far  AIL] 

1^  [There  is  a  curious  mystery  about  this  forged  document,  which  seems  to 
deserve  mention,  at  least  in  a  note.  When  the  insurgents  flailed  to  win  over  the 
people  of  Medina,  and  the  candidates  received  their  overtures  coldly,  they  pro- 
fessed themselves  content  with  OthmAn's  promises,  and  the  three  bands  set  forth 
for  their  respective  homes.  But  they  suddenly  returned  to  Medina  and  preaeoted 
a  dociunent  with  the  caliph's  seal,  taken  (they  said)  from  one  of  his  servants  on 
the  road  to  Egypt.  The  contents  were  an  order  that  the  rebels  should  be  seised 
and  punished.  Othm&n  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  document ;  l;Hit  soma  of  the 
rebels  were  admitted  into  the  city  to  confront  him,  and  thb  gave  them  Che  means 
of  assassinating  him.  Now  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  document  bore  the  caliph's 
seal.  But  the  objection  (which  was  at  once  raised  by  All)  r  If  the  niessenger  was 
cauffht  on  the  roiad  to  Egypt,  how  was  the  news  conveyed  to  the  other  baftds 
so^iat  they  reappear^  simultaneously?  has  not  been  answered;  and  the  siis< 
picion  of  collusion  is  very  strong.] 

VOL.  V.  26 


ne  has  never  been  accused  of  prompting 
though  Persia  indiscreetly  celebrates  thi 
martyr.      The  quarrel  between  Othman 
assuaged  by  the  early  mediation  of  All ;  a 
of  his  sons,  was  insulted  and  wounded  i 
caliph.     Yet  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  1 
sticiiuous  and  sincere  in  his  opposition  to 
certain  that  he  enioyed  the  benefit  of  their 
tioQ  was  indeed  of  such  magnitude  as  migh 
the  most  obdurate  virtue.     The  ambitious 
aspired  to  the  barren  sceptre  of  Arabia :  th< 
yictorious  in  the  East  and  West ;  and  the  v 
Persia,  Syria,  and  £g3rpt  were  the  patrimon}; 
of  the  fiuthfid. 
ggt^jg-       A  life  of  prayer  and  contemplation   hi 
[loMui        martial  activity  of  Ali ;  but  in  a  mature  age, 
ence  of  mankind,  he  still  betrayed  in  his  o 
and  indiscretion  of  youth.     In  the  first  da 
neglected  to  secure,  either  by  giils  or  fetten 
ffjance  pf  Telha  and  Zobeir,  two  of  the  nu 
Arabian  chie&     They  escaped  from  Medina 
thenoe  to  Bassora  ;  erected  the  standard  of  i 
the  government  of  Irak,  or  Assyria,  wh*^^  '-' 
dted  as  the  fcwim^  -'  •' 


«• 


BMh 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  387 

iph  encountered  and  defeated  the  superior  numbera  of  the 
>els  under  the  walls  of  Bassora.  Their  leaders,  Telha  and 
beir,  were  slain  in  the  first  battle  that  stained  with  eiril  blood 
;  arms  of  the  Moslems.  After  passing  through  the  ranks  to 
[mate  the  troops,  Ayesha  had  chosen  her  post  amidst  the 
Qgers  of  the  field.  In  the  heat  of  the  action,  seven^  men 
lo  held  the  bridle  of  her  camel  were  successively  killed  or 
unded;  and  the  cage  or  litter  in  which  she  sat  was  stuck 
bh  javelins  and  darts  like  the  quills  of  a  porcupine.  The 
lerable  captive  sustained  with  firmness  the  reproaches  of  the 
iqneror,  and  was  speedily  dismissed  to  her  proper  station, 
the  tomb  of  Mahomet,  with  the  respect  and  tenderness  that 
s  still  due  to  the  widow  of  the  apostle.  After  this  victory, 
lich  was  styled  the  Day  of  the  Camel,  AH  marched  against « 
ire  formidable  adversary :  against  Moawijrah,  the  son  of  Abu 
phian,  who  had  assum^  the  title  of  caliph,  and  whose  claim 
s  supported  by  the  forces  of  Syria  and  the  interest  of  the  house 
the  Ommiyflii.  From  the  passage  of  Thapsacus,  the  plain  [iw^yy^j 
Sifiin^^  extends  along  the  western  bank  of  the  Eufphrstes. 
I  this  spacious  and  level  theatre,  the  two  competitors  waged 
lesultory  war  of  one  hundred  and  ten  days.  In  the  course  of 
lety  actions  or  skirmishes,  the  loss  of  Ali  was  estimated  at 
enty-five,  diat  of  Moawiyah  at  forty-five,  thousand  soldiers ; 
d  the  list  of  the  slain  was  dignified  with  the  names  of  five  and 
enty  veterans  who  had  fought  at  Beder  under  the  standard  of 
fehomet.  In  this  sanguinary  contest,  the  lawful  caliph  dis- 
kyed  a  superior  character  of  valour  and  humanity.  His  troops 
re  strictly  enjoined  to  await  the  first  onset  of  the  enemy,  to 
ire  their  flpng  brethren,  and  to  respect  the  bodies  of  the 
ad  and  the  chastity  of  the  female  captives.  He  generously 
)po6ed  to  save  the  blood  of  the  Moslems  by  a  single  combat ; 
t  his  trembling  rival  declined  the  challenge  as  a  sentence  of 
;vitable  death.  The  ranks  of  the  Syrians  were  broken  by  the 
arge  of  a  hero  who  was  mounted  on  a  piebald  horse,  and 
elded  with  irresistible  force  his  ponderous  and  two-edged 
ord.  As  often  as  he  smote  a  rebel,  he  shouted  the  Allah 
tbar,  ''God  is  victorious;"  and  in  the  tumult  of  a  nocturnal rcMta" 
ttle  he  was  heard  to  repeat  four  hundred  times  that  tre- 
mdous  exclamation.  The  prince  of  Damascus  already  medi- 
;ed  his  flight,  but  the  certain  victory  was  snatched  from  the 

!••  The  plain  of  Siffin  is  detemiined  by  cPAnville  (I'Eiiphrate  et  le  Tigre,  p.  99)  to 
the  Campus  Barbaricus  of  Procopius. 


^^   x^L  Liic   naxion    wt 

cousin  of  Mahomt*t.     In  the  temple  of  Mec 
or  enthusiasts  discoursed  of  the  disorders  of  t 
tliey  soon  agreed  that  the  deaths  of  All,  o 
his  friend  Amrou,  the  viceroy  of  Egypt,  wou 
and  anity  of  religion.     Each  of  the  assassi 
poisoned  his  dagger^  devoted  his  life,  and 
the  scene  of  action.     Their  resolution  was 
bat  the  first  mistook  the  person  of  Amro 
diepaty  who  occupied  his  seat;  the  prince 
dangmmsly  hurt  by  the  second ;  the  lawful  < 
of  Ca&L  received  a  mortal  wound  from  the 
£d'&       ^^  expired  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  a 
recommended  to  his  children  that  they  w 
murderer  by  a  single  stroke.     The  sepulchre 
cealed  from  the  tvrants  of  the  house  of  Om 
the  fourth  age  of  the  Hegira,  a  tomb,  a  ten 
near  the  ruins  of  Cu&.^^    Many  thousands  of 
in  holy  ground  at  the  feet  of  the  vicar  of  God 
vivified  by  the  numerous  and  annual  visits  of 
esteem  their  devotion  not  less  meritorious  thj 
of  Mecca. 
iMjii  of  The  persecutors  of  Mahomet  usurped  the 

Aj).  floTOT    children  ;  and  the  champions  of  idolatry  bee 


r*»    -  -^ 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  889 

icads  of  his  religion  and  empire.  The  opposition  of  Abu 
lophian  had  been  fierce  and  obstinate ;  his  conversion  .  was 
aniy  and  reluctant;  his  new  fidth  was  fortified  by  necessity 
nd  interest ;  he  served,  he  fought,  perhaps  he  believed ;  and 
he  sins  of  the  time  of  ignorance  were  expiated  by  the  recent 
aerits  of  the  £unily  of  Ommiyah.  Moawivah,  the  son  of  Abu 
lophian  and  of  the  cruel  Henda,  was  dignified  in  his  early 
outh  with  the  office  or  title  of  secretary  of  the  prophet ;  the 
ttdgment  of  Omar  entrusted  him  with  the  government  of  Syria ; 
nd  he  administered  that  important  province  about  forty  years 
ither  in  a  subordinate  or  supreme  rank.  Without  renouncing 
he  fiune  of  valour  and  liberality,  he  affected  the  reputation  of 
lumanity  and  moderation ;  a  grateful  people  was  attached  to 
heir  benefactor;  and  the  victorious  Moslems  were  enriched 
irith  the  spoils  of  Cyprus  and  Rhodes.  The  sacred  duty  of 
»ursuing  the  assassins  of  Othman  was  the  engine  and  pretence 
f  his  ambition.  The  bloody  shirt  of  the  martyr  was  exposed 
n  the  mosch  of  Damascus ;  the  emir  deplored  the  &te  of  his 
njured  kinsman ;  and  sixty  thousand  Syrians  were  engaged  in 
lis  service  by  an  oath  of  fidelity  and  revenge.  Amrou,  the 
onqueror  of  £g3rpt,  himself  an  army,  was  the  first  who  saluted 
he  new  monarch,  and  divulged  the  dangerous  secret  that  the 
U^bian  caliphs  might  be  created  elsewhere  than  in  the  city  of 
he  prophet.^^  The  policy  of  Moawiyah  eluded  the  valour  of 
is  rival ;  and,  after  the  death  of  AH,  he  negotiated  the  abdica* 
ion  of  his  son  Hassan,  whose  mind  was  either  above  or  below 
tie  government  of  the  world,  and  who  retired  without,  a  sigh 
rom  the  palace  of  Cufii  to  an  humble  cell  near  the  tomb  of  his 
randfi&ther.  The  aspiring  wishes  of  the  caliph  were  finally 
rowned  by  the  important  change  of  an  elective  to  an  hereditary 
ingdom.  Some  murmurs  of  freedom  or  fimaticism  attested  the 
eluctance  of  the  Arabs,  and  four  citisens  of  Medina  refused  the 
ath  of  fidelity ;  but  the  designs  of  Moawiyah  were  conducted 
ith  vigour  and  address ;  and  his  son  Yesid,  a  feeble  and  dis* 
>lute  youth,  was  proclaimed  as  the  commander  of  the  fiuthful 
nd  the  successor  of  the  apostle  of  God. 

A  familiar  story  is  related  of  the  benevolence  of  one  of  the  mm  at 
>ns  of  AIL     In  serving  at  table,  a  slave  had  inadvertently  dropti^m 
dish  of  scalding  broth  on  his  master ;  the  heedless  wretch  fell 
rostrate,  to  deprecate  his  punishment,  and  repeated  a  verse  of 
le  Koran  :  "  Paradise  is  for  those  who  command  their  angei : " 

iM  I  borrow,  on  this  occasion,  the  strong  sense  and  eipranion  of  Tacitus  (Hist 
4) :  Evulgato  imperii  arcano  posse  imperalorem  [piiDcipsis'|ilifcUDAaxD^%jQiBUit%iB^. 


390         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

— "  I  am  not  angry  :  " — "  and  for  those  who  pardon  offences:*' 
— "  1  pardon  your  offence : '' — ^'  and  for  those  who  return  good 
for  evil : " — **  I  give  you  your  liberty,  and  four  hundred  pieceiof 
silver."  With  an  equal  measure  of  piety,  Hosdn,  the  younger 
brother  of  Hassan,  inherited  a  remnant  of  his  fisither's  spirit,  and 
served  with  honour  against  the  Christians  in  the  siege  of  Con- 
stantinople. The  primc^eniture  of  the  line  of  Hashem  and  the 
holy  character  of  grandson  of  the  apostle  had  centred  in  hit 
person,  and  he  was  at  liberty  to  prosecute  his  claim  "g^TTf^ 
Yesid  the  tyrant  of  Damascus,  whose  vices  he  deapiaed,  and 
whose  title  he  had  never  deigned  to  acknowledge.  A  list  wai 
secretly  transmitted  from  Cufs,  to  Medina  of  one  hundred  and 
forty  thousand  Moslems,  who  professed  their  attachment  to  hii 
cause,  and  who  were  eager  to  draw  their  swords  so  soon  as  he 
should  appear  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates.  Against  the 
advice  of  his  wisest  friends,  he  resolved  to  trust  his  person  and 
fiimily  in  the  hands  of  a  perfidious  people.  He  traversed  the 
desert  of  Arabia  with  a  timorous  retinue  of  women  and  children ; 
but,  as  he  approached  the  confines  of  Irak,  he  was  alarmed  by 
the  solitary  or  hostile  fi&ce  of  the  country,  and  su^iected  either 
the  defection  or  ruin  of  his  party.  His  fears  were  just :  Obeid- 
ollah,  the  governor  of  Cufii,  had  extinguished  the  first  sparks  of 
an  insurrection  ;  and  Hosein,  in  the  plain  of  Kerbela*^^  was  en- 
compassed by  a  body  of  five  thousand  horse,  who  intercepted 
his  communication  with  the  city  and  the  river.  He  might  still 
have  escaped  to  a  fortress  in  the  desert  that  had  defied  the 
power  of  Cflesar  and  Chosroes,  and  confided  in  the  fidelity  of  the 
tribe  of  Tai,  which  would  have  armed  ten  thousand  wanrlon  in 
his  defence.  In  a  conference  with  the  chief  of  the  enemy,  he 
proposed  the  option  of  three  honourable  conditions :  that  he 
should  be  allowed  to  return  to  Medina,  or  be  stationed  in  a 
frontier  garrison  against  the  Turks,  or  safelv  conducted  to  the 
presence  of  Yezid.  But  the  commands  of  the  caliph,  or  his 
lieutenant,  were  stem  and  absolute  ;  and  Hosein  waa  informed 
that  he  must  either  submit  as  a  captive  and  a  criminal  to  the 
commander  of  the  faithful  or  expect  the  consequences  of  his 
rebellion.  '^  Do  you  think,"  r^ied  he,  "  to  terrify  ase  with 
death  ?  "  And,  during  the  short  respite  of  a  night,  he  firepared 
with  calm  and  solemn  resignation  to  encounter  his  fiite.  He 
checked  the  lamentations  of  his  sister  Fatima,  who  deploted  the 
impending  ruin  of  his  house.     "  Our  trust,"  said  Hosein,  '*  is  in 


>N[Kerbda  is  about  twcnty^ve  miles  N.  W.  of  KOfa.] 


OF  THE  fiOMAN  EMPIRE  391 

rod  alone.  AH  things,  both  in  heaven  and  earth,  must  perish 
od  return  to  their  Creator.  My  brother,  my  fiither,  my  mother, 
'ere  better  than  me ;  and  every  Musuhnan  has  an  example  in 
lie  prophet."  He  pressed  his  friends  to  consult  their  safety  by 
timely  flight :  they  unanimously  refused  to  desert  or  survive 
iieir  beloved  master;  and  their  courage  was  fortified  by  a 
irvent  prayer  and  the  assurance  of  paradise.  On  the  morning 
f  the  £sital  day,  he  mounted  on  horseback,  with  his  sword  in 
ne  hand  and  the  Koran  in  the  other ;  his  generous  band  of 
lartyrs  consisted  only  of  thirty-two  horse  and  forty  foot ;  but 
lieir  flanks  and  rear  were  secured  by  the  tent-ropes,  and  by  a 
eep  trench  which  they  had  filled  with  lighted  faggots,  accotd- 
ig  to  the  practice  of  the  Arabs.  The  enemy  advanced  with 
iluctance;  and  one  of  their  chie&  deserted,  with  thirty  fi>l- 
>wers,  to  claim  the  partnership  of  inevitable  death.  In  every 
Lose  onset  or  single  combat,  the  despair  of  the  Fatimites  was 
ivincible  ;  but  the  surrounding  multitudes  galled  them  firom  a 
istance  with  a  cloud  of  arrows,  and  the  horses  and  men  weie 
jccessively  slain  :  a  truce  was  allowed  on  both  sides  for  tine 
our  of  prayer ;  and  the  battle  at  length  expired  by  the  death 
f  the  last  of  the  companions  of  Hosein.  Alone,  weary  and 
roimded,  he  seated  himself  at  the  docnr  of  his  tent.  As  he 
ststed  a  drop  of  water,  he  was  pierced  in  the  mouth  with  a  dart ; 
nd  his  son  and  nephew,  two  beautiful  youths,  were  killed  in 
is  arms.  He  lifted  his  hands  to  heaven,  they  wexe  fiill  of 
lood,  and  he  uttered  a  funeral  prayer  for  the  living  and  the 
ead.  In  a  transport  of  despair  his  sister  issued  fiom  the  tent, 
nd  adjured  the  general  of  the  Cufians  that  he  would  not  suffer 
losein  to  be  murdered  before  his  eyes :  a  tear  trickled  down 
is  venerable  beard  ;  and  the  boldest  of  his  soldiers  fell  back  on 
very  side  as  the  dying  hero  threw  himself  among  them.  The 
emorseless  Shamer,  a  name  detested  by  the  fi&ithful,  reproached 
heir  cowardice  ;  and  the  grandson  of  Mahomet  was  slain  with 
hree  and  thirty  strokes  of  lances  and  swords.  After  thev  had 
rampled  on  his  body,  they  carried  his  head  to  the  castle  of  Cufi^ 
nd  the  inhuman  Obeidollah  struck  him  on  the  mouth  with  a 
ane:  '^Alas!"  exclaimed  an  affcd  Musulman,  "on  these  lips 
ave  I  seen  the  lips  of  the  aposUe  of  God !  "  In  a  distant  age 
nd  climate  the  tragic  scene  of  the  death  of  Hosein  will  awaken 
he  S3na[ipathy  of  the  coldest  reader. ^^    On  the  annual  festival 

^**  I  have  abridged  the  interesting  narrative  of  Ockley  (torn.  ii.  p.  170^031^.  1% 
i  long  and  minute ;  but  the  pathetic,  almost  always,  consists  in  the  detail  of  little 
ircumstances. 


392         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  his  martjrrdom,  in  the  devout  pilgrimage  to  his  sepuldire, 
Persian  votaries  abandon  their  souls  to  the  religious  frauKf  of 
sorrow  and  indignation.^^ 

When  the  sisters  and  children  of  Ali  were  brought  in  chains 
to  the  throne  of  Damascus,  the  caliph  was  advised  to  extiipate 
the  enmity  of  a  popular  and  hostile  rmce^  whom  he  had  injured 
beyond  the  hope  of  reconciliation.  But  Yexid  prefened  tiie 
counsels  of  mercy ;  and  the  mourning  &mily  was  honourablj 
dismissed  to  mingle  their  tears  with  Uieir  kindred  at  Medinn 
The  glory  of  martyrdom  superseded  the  right  of  primogeniture; 
and  the  twelve  niAM8,i<>^  or  pontifis,  of  the  Persian  creed  are  Ali^ 
Hassan,  Hosein,  and  the  lineal  descendants  of  Hosein  to  the  ninth 
generation.  Without  arms  or  treasures  or  subjects,  they  suc- 
cessively enjoyed  the  veneration  of  the  people  and  provdced  the 
jealousy  of  the  reigning  caliphs;  their  tombs  at  Meoea  or 
Medina,  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  or  in  the  province  of 
Chorasan,  are  still  visited  by  the  devotion  of  their  sect.  Their 
names  were  often  the  pretence  of  sedition  and  civil  war ;  but 
these  royal  saints  despised  the  pomp  of  the  world,  submitted  to 
the  will  of  Grod  and  the  injustice  of  man,  and  devoted  their 
innocent  lives  to  the  study  and  practice  of  reliffion.  The 
twelfth  and  last  of  the  Imams,  conspicuous  by  Uie  title  of 
Mahadi  or  the  Guide,  suipassed  the  solitude  and  sanctity  of  his 
predecessors.  He  concealed  himself  in  a  cavern  near  Bagdad ; 
the  time  and  place  of  his  death  are  unknown  ;  and  his  votaries 
pretend  that  he  still  lives  and  will  appear  before  the  day  of 
judgment  to  overthrow  the  tyranny  of  Dejal  or  the  Antichrii^^*' 
In  the  lapse  of  two  or  three  centuries  the  posterity  of  Abbas, 
the  uncle  of  Mahomet,  had  multiplied  to  the  number  of  thirty- 
three  thousand ;  *^  the  race  of  Ali  might  be  equally  prolific ; 
the  meanest  individual  was  above  the   first  and  greateit  of 

ur  Niebuhr  the  Dane  (Vojrages  en  Arable^  Ac.  torn.  iL  p.  908,  Ac)  Is  pcriMips 
the  only  Enropean  traveller  who  has  dared  loviiit  Meshed  AU  and  Memd  HoMin. 
The  two  sepulchres  are  in  the  hands  of  the  Turks,  who  tolerate  and  tax  the  devo- 
tion of  the  Persian  heretics.  The  festival  of  the  death  of  Hosein  is  amplj  deMribed 
bjr  Sir  John  Chardin,  a  traveler  whom  I  have  often  praised.  [For  the  pasikNi  ptaj 
which  IS  repiesepted  yearly  bv  the  Shiites,  see  Sir  Lewis  Pell^.  The  Idirade  Play  of 
Hasan  and  Hosein,  1879 ;  Matthew  Anold,  Persian  Passion-nlay,  in  Eoays  or 
Criticisms,  ist  ser. ;  S.  Lana-Pocde,  Studks  In  a  Mosque*  c.  viL  J 

i»The  general  article  of /aMM,  in  d'Hcrbdoes  BibUoth^ue^  vrffl  indicatie  the 
succession ;  and  the  lives  of  the  /iwAw  are  given  under  their  req)ective  namo^ 

>**The  name  of  Antichrist  may  seem  ridiculous,  but  the  Mahometans  have 
liberally  borrowed  the  fables  of  every  religion  (Sale's  Preliminary  Disooune^  p.  8a^ 
8a).  In  the  royal  stable  of  Ispahan,  two  oortes  were  always  kept  saddled,  one  for 
the  Afahadi  himself,  the  other  for  his  Ueotenant,  Jesus  the  son  01  Mary. 

^^in  CiieyearoftheHegira»o^K.i>.EtSV    Seed'Herbelot,  p.  546. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  893 

princes ;  and  the  most  eminent  were  supposed  to  excel  the  per- 
fection of  angels.  But  their  adverse  fortune  and  the  wide 
extent  of  the  Musulman  empire  allowed  an  ample  scope  for 
every  bold  and  artful  impostor  who  claimed  affinity  with  the 
holy  seed ;  the  sceptre  of  the  Almohades  in  Spain  and  AfHc,  of 
the  Fatimites  in  ^ypt  and  S3nria,^^  of  the  Sultans  of  Yemen 
and  of  the  Sophis  of  Persia,^^  has  been  consecrated  by  this  vague 
and  ambiguous  title.  Under  their  reigns  it  might  be  dangerous 
to  dispute  the  legitimacy  of  their  birth ;  and  one  of  the  Fatimite 
caliphs  silenced  an  indiscreet  question  by  drawing  his  scymetar : 
''This,"  said  Moez^  'Ms  my  pedigree;  and  these/'  casting  an 
handfU  of  gold  to  his  soldiers,  ''and  these  are  my  kindred 
and  my  children  '\  In  the  various  conditions  of  princes,  or 
doctors,  or  nobles,  or  merchants,  or  beggars,  a  swarm  of  the 
genuine  or  fictitious  descendants  of  Mahomet  and  All  is 
honoured  with  the  appellation  of  sheiks,  or  sherifs,  or  emirs. 
In  the  Ottoman  empire,  they  are  distinguished  by  a  green 
turban,  receive  a  stipend  from  the  treasury,  are  judged  only  by 
their  chief,  and,  however  debased  by  fortune  or  character,  still 
assert  the  proud  preeminence  of  their  birth.  A  fiimily  of  three 
hundred  persons,  the  pure  and  orthodox  branch  of  the  caliph 
Hassan,  is  preserved  without  taint  or  suspicion  in  the  holy  cities 
of  Mecca  and  Medina,  and  still  retains,  after  the  revolutions  of 
twelve  centuries,  the  custody  of  the  temple  and  the  sovereignty 
of  their  native  land.  The  fame  and  merit  of  Mahomet  would 
ennoble  a  plebeian  race,  and  the  ancient  blood  of  the  Koreish 
transcends  the  recent  majesty  of  the  kings  of  the  earth.'^ 

*>i  D'Herbelot,  p.  34a.  The  enemies  of  the  Fatimites  disgraced  them  by  a 
Jewish  origin.  Yet  th^  accurately  deduced  their  genealogy  from  Jaafar,  the  sixth 
Imam ;  and  the  impartial  Abulfeda  allows  (Annal.  Moslem,  p.  a^o)  that  they  were 
owned  by  many,  qui  absque  controversiA  genuini  sunt  Alidarum,  homines  propagi- 
num  suae  gentis  ezacte  callentes.  He  quotes  some  lines  60m  the  oelebiuted  SAa^/ 
or  Radhiy  Egone  humiHtatem  induam  in  terns  hostium?  (I  suspect  him  to  be 
an  Edrissite  of  Sicily)  com  in  iEgypto  sit  Chalifa  de  gente  Alu,  quocum  ego 
communem  habeo  patrem  et  vindicem. 

>»  The  kings  of  Persia  of  the  last  d  vnasty  are  descended  from  Sheik  Sefi  rSafl], 
a  saint  of  the  fourteenth  century,  and  through  him  from  Moussa  Cassem  [MOsA 
al-Kaxam],  the  son  [not  son,  but  son's  great-grandson]  of  Hosein,  the  son  of  All 
(Olearius,  p.  957 ;  Chardin,  tom.  iii.  p.  988).  But  I  cannot  trace  the  intermediate 
degrees  in  any  genuine  or  fabulous  pedigree.  If  they  were  truly  Fatimites,  thcjr 
might  draw  their  origin  from  the  princes  of  Masanderan,  who  reigned  in  the  izth 
century  (d'Herbdot,  p.  96).  [See  Mr.  Stanley  Lane-Poole's  Mohammadan 
Dynasties,  p.  255.] 

>o*The  present  state  of  the  family  of  Mahomet  and  Ali  is  most  accurately  de- 
scribed by  Demetrius  Cantemir  (Hist,  of  the  Othman  Empire,  p.  94).  and  Niebuhr 
(Descripuon  de  I'Arabie,  p.  9-16,  317,  &c.).  It  is  much  to  be  lamented  that  the 
Danish  traveller  was  unable  to  purchase  the  chronicles  oC  Axttb&au 


3»4         THE  DECLIK£  AND  FALL 

The  talents  of  Mahomet  are  entitled  to  our  applause,  but  hit 
success  has  perhaps  too  strongly  attmcted  our  admiration.  Are 
we  surprised  that  a  multitude  of  proselytes  should  embrace  th^: 
doctrine  and  the  passions  of  an  eloquent  fanatic?  In  the 
heresies  of  the  church,  the  same  seduction  has  been  tried  and 
repeated  from  the  time  of  the  apostles  to  that  of  the  refiNmera. 
Does  it  seem  incredible  that  a  private  citizen  should  grasp  the 
sword  and  the  sceptre,  subdue  his  native  country,  and  erect  s 
monarchy  by  his  victorious  arms?  In  the  moving  picture  of 
the  dynasties  of  the  East,  an  hundred  fortunate  usurpers  have 
arisen  from  a  baser  origin,  surmounted  more  formidable  obsfcs- 
cles,  and  filled  a  larger  scope  of  empire  and  conquest  Mahomet 
was  alike  instructed  to  preach  and  to  fight,  and  the  union  of 
these  opposite  qualities,  while  it  enhanced  his  merit,  contributed 
to  his  success :  the  operation  of  force  and  persuasion,  of  eiathu- 
siasm  and  fear,  continually  acted  on  each  other,  till  eveiy  barrier 
yielded  to  their  irresistible  power.  His  voice  invited  the  Arabs 
to  freedom  and  victory,  to  arms  and  rapine,  to  the  indulgence 
of  their  darling  passions  in  this  world  and  the  other;  the  re- 
straints which  he  imposed  were  requisite  to  establish  the  onedit 
of  the  prophet  and  to  exercise  the  obediepce  of  the  people  ;  and 
the  only  objection  to  his  success  was  his  rational  creed  of  the 
unity  and  perfections  of  God.  It  is  not  the  propagation  but  the 
permanency  of  his  religion  that  deserves  our  wonder :  the  sane 
pure  and  perfect  impression  which  he  engraved  at  Meoca  and 
Medina  is  preserved,  after  the  revolutions  of  twelve  centuries, 
by  the  Indian,  the  African,  and  the  Turkish  proselytes  of  the 
Koran.  If  the  Christian  apostles,  St.  Peter  or  St.  Paul,  could 
return  to  the  Vatican,  they  might  possibly  inquire  the  name  of 
the  Deity  who  is  worshipped  with  such  mjrsterious  rites  in  that 
magnificent  temple :  at  Oxford  or  Geneva,  they  would  experience 
less  surprise ;  but  it  might  stiU  be  incumbent  on  them  to  peruse 
the  catechism  of  the  church,  and  to  study  the  orthodox  com- 
mentators on  their  own  writings  and  the  words  of  their  Master. 
But  the  Turkish  dome  of  St.  Sophia,  with  an  increase  of  splen- 
dour and  size,  represents  the  humble  tabernacle  erected  at  Medina 
by  the  hands  of  Mahomet.  The  Mahometans  have  uniformly 
withstood  the  temptation  of  reducing  the  object  of  their  fiuth 
and  devotion  to  a  level  with  the  senses  and  imagination  of  num. 
"  I  believe  in  one  God,  and  Mahomet  the  apostle  of  God,"  is 
the  simple  and  invariable  profession  of  Islam.  The  intellectnsl 
image  of  the  Deity  has  never  been  degraded  by  any  visible  idol ; 
tbe  honours  of  the  propbetliKv^  ne^rex  VxsnsfiKssea  the  measure 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMFIKB  806 

of  human  virtue ;  and  his  living  precepts  have  restrained  the 
gratitude  of  his  disciples  within  the  bounds  of  reason  and  reMgioni 
The  votaries  of  Ali  have  indeed  consecrated  the  memory  of  their 
hero,  his  wife,  and  his  children ;  and  some  of  the  Persian  doctcm 
pretend  that  the  divine  essence  was  incarnate  in  the- person  of 
the  Imams;  but  their  superstition  is  universally  condemned  by 
the  Sonnites ;  and  their  impiety  has  afforded  a  seasonable  wajm^ 
ing  against  the  worship  of  saints  and  martyrs.  The  metaphysical 
questions  on  the  attributes  of  God  and  the  liberty  of  man  have 
been  agitated  in  the  scho^Hs  of  the  Mahometans  as  well  as  in 
those  of  the  Christians ;  but  among  the  former  they  have  never 
eugfiged  the  passions  of  the  people  or  disturbed  the  tranquillity 
of  the  state.  The  cause  of  this  important  difference  may  be 
found  in  the  separation  or  union  of  the  regal  and  sacerdotal 
characters.  It  was  the  interest  of  the  caliphs,  the  successors  of 
the  prophet  and  commanders  of  the  fiiithful,  to  repress  and  dis-^ 
courage  all  religious  innovations :  the  order,  the  discipline,  the 
temporal  and  spiritual  Umbition  of  the  clergy  -tare  imkmown  to 
the  Moslems ;  and  the  Bi^es  of  the  law  are  the  guides  of  their 
conscience  and  the  oracles  of  their  faith.  From  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Ganges,  the  Koran  is  acknowledged  as  the  fundaoaaental 
code,  not  only  of  theology  but  of  civil  and  criminal  jurispmdenee-; 
and  the  laws  which  regulate  the  actions  and  the  property  of 
mankind  are  guarded  by  the  in&llible  and  immutalue  sanction 
of  the  will  of  God.  This  religious  servitude  is  attended  with 
some  practical  disadvantage ;  the  illiterate  legislator  had  be^n 
often  misled  by  his  own  prejudices  and  those  of  his  country ; 
and  the  institutions  of  the  Arabian  desert  may  be  ill  adapted  to 
the  Wealth  and  numbers  of  Ispahan  and  Constantinople.  On 
these  occasions,  the  Cadhi  respectfuUy  places  on  his  head  the 
holy  volume,  and  substitutes  a  dexterous  interpretation,  more 
apposite  to  the  principles  of  equity  and  the  manners  and  policy 
of  the  times. 

His  beneficial  or  pernicious  influence  on  the  public  happiness 
is  the  last  consideration  in  the  character  of  Mahometl  The 
most  bitter  or  most  bigoted  of  his  Christian  or  Jewish  foes  will 
surely  allow  that  he  assumed  a  false  commission  to  inculcate  a 
salutary  doctrine,  less  perfect  only  than  their  own.  He  piously 
supposed,  as  the  basis  of  his  religion,  the  truth  and  sanctibr  of 
their  prior  revelations,  the  virtues  and  miracles  of  their  founders. 
The  idols  of  Arabia  were  broken  before  the  throne  of  God ;  the 
blood  of  human  victims  was  expiated  by  prayer  and  fasting  and 
alms,  the  laudable  or  innocent  arts  of  devotion ;  and  Kvi^  T^s*qi«x^ 


396         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  punishments  of  a  future  life  were  painted  bj  the  images 
most  ccmgenial  to  an  ignorant  and  carnal  generation.  Mahomet 
was  perhaps  incapable  of  dictating  a  montl  and  political  system 
fat  the  use  of  his  countr3rmen ;  but  he  breathed  among  the 
futhful  a  spirit  of  charity  and  friendship,  recommended  the 
practice  of  tne  social  virtues,  and  checked,  by  his  laws  and  pre- 
cepts, the  thirst  of  revenge  and  the  oppression  of  widows  and 
orphans.  The  hostile  tribes  were  united  in  faith  and  obedience, 
and  the  valour  which  had  been  idly  spent  in  domestic  quarreb 
was  vigoiously  directed  against  a  foreign  enemy.  Had  the  im- 
pulse been  less  powerful,  Arabia,  free  at  home  and  fbrmidaUe 
alMToad,  might  have  flourished  under  a  succession  of  her  native 
monarchs.  Her  sovereignty  was  lost  by  the  extent  and  rapidity 
of  conquest.  The  colonies  of  the  nation  were  scattered  over  the 
East  and  West,  and  their  blood  was  mingled  with  the  blcxid  of 
their  converts  and  captives.  After  the  reign  of  three  caliphs 
the  throne  was  transported  from  Medina  to  t^e  valley  of  Damas- 
cus and  the  banks  of  the  Tigris ;  the  holy  cities  were  violated 
tiy  impious  war  ;  Arabia  was  ruled  by  the  rod  of  a  subject,  per- 
haps of  a  stranger ;  and  the  Bedoweens  of  the  desert,  awaken- 
ing from  their  dream  of  dominion,  resumed  their  old  and  aoBtaiy 
independence.^^ 

**The  writers  of  the  Modem  Unhreml  History  (toL  i.  and  iL)  have  oompfled, 
ia  850  folio  pages,  the  life  of  Maboaaet  and  the  annals  of  the  caBphi>  They 
enjoyed  the  advantage  of  reading^  and  sometimes  correcting,  the  Arabic  text ;  yd. 
ncMwlthstanding  their  high-sounding  boasts,  I  cannot  find,  after  the  ooachisioa  of 
my  work,  that  they  have  afforded  me  much  (if  any)  additiooal  information.  Tlie 
diul  mass  ia  not  quickened  by  a  spark  of  philosophy  or  taste ;  and  the  oompflos 
indulge  the  criticism  of  acrimonious  bigotry  against  Boulainvilliers»  Sale,  Qagnier, 
aad  all  who  have  treated  Mahomet  with  fovour,  or  even  justice. 


OF  TH£  BOMAN  EMPIRE  397 


OHAPTEIR  LI 

The  Conauesi  of  Persia^  Syrian  Egypt,  Africa,'  and  S^xun,  bu  the 
Araos  or  Saracens — Empire  ofine  Cahphs^  or  Succeisors  ojMar- 
hornet — State  of  the  Christians^  4^,  under  their  Government 

The  revolution  of  Arabia  had  not  changed  the  character  of  the  SSSl^'juI 
Arabs  :  the  death  of  Mahomet  was  the  signal  of  independence  ;** 
and  the  hasty  structure  of  his  power  and  religion  tottered,  to  its 
foundations.  A  small  and  fiuthfid  band  of  his  primitive  disciples 
had  listened  to  his  eloquence  and  shared  his  distress  ;  had  fled 
with  the  apostle  from  the  persecution  of  Mecca  or  had  received 
the  fugitive  in  the  vralls  of  Medina.  The  increasing  myriads, 
who  acknowledged  Mahomet  as  their  king  and  prophet,  had  been 
compelledby  his  arms  or  allured  by  his  proroerity .  The  polytheists 
were  confounded  by  the  simple  ideaofa  solitary  and  invisible  (jod; 
the  pride  of  the  Christians  and  Jews  disdained  the  voke  of  a  mortal 
and  contemporary  legislator.  Their  habits  of  fiiith  and  obedi- 
ence were  not  sufficiently  confirmed  ;  and  many  of  the  new  conr 
verts  regretted  the  venerable  antiquity  of  the  law  of  Moses,  or 
the  rites  and  mysteries  of  the  Catholic  church,  or  the  idols,  the 
sacrifices,  the  joyous  festivals,  of  their  pagan  ancestors.  The 
jarring  interests  and  hereditary  feuds  of  the  Arabian  tribes  had 
not  yet  coalesced  in  a  system  of  union  and  subordination  ;  and 
the  barbarians  were  impatient  of  the  mildest  and  most  salutary 
laws  that  curbed  their  passions  or  violated  their  customs.  They 
submitted  with  reluctance  to  the  religious  precepts  of  the  Koran, 
the  abstinence  from  wine,  the  fiist  of  the  Ramadan,  and  the 
daily  repetition  of  five  prayers  ;  and  the  ahns  and  tithes,  which 
were  collected  for  the  treasury  of  Medina,  could  be  distinguished 
only  by  a  name  from  the  payment  of  a  perpetual  and  ignomini- 
ous tribute.  The  example  of  Mahomet  had  excited  a  spirit  of 
fanaticism  or  imposture,  and  several  of  his  rivals  presumed  to 
imitate  the  conduct  and  defy  the  authority  of  the  living  prophet.  / 
At  the  head  of  the  fugitives  and  auxiliaries,  the  first  cauph  mm        ( 


nr< 


[Mwamwt] 


lUiah} 


luacii  tne  terror  of  their  amis  ;  and  the  aj 
force  revived  and  confinned  the  loyalty 
inconstant  tribes  accepted,  with  humble  i 
of  prayer  and  fasting  and  alms  ;  and,  af 
success  and  severity,  the  most  daring  aj 
before  the  sword  of  the  Lord  and  of  Calec 
vince  of  Yemannah,^  between  the  Red  i 
Persia,  in  a  city  not  inferior  to  Medina  it» 
his  name  was  MoseUama,  had  assumed  the  cl 
and  the  tribe  of  Hanifa  listened  to  his  vo 
phetess  was  attracted  by  his  reputation  :  th 
and  actions  were  spumed  by  these  favour 
they  employed  several  days  in  mystic  anc 
An  obscure  sentence  of  his  Koran,  or  book,  ; 
in  the  pride  of  his  mission,  Moseilama  cone 


>  See  the  description  of  the  dtv  and  country  of  Al  Yaman 
Arafaaae,  p.  6o»  6z.    In  the  xiiitn  century,  there  were  som 
but  in  the  present  century,  the  same  ground  is  occupied  b 
a  modem  prophet,  whose  tenets  are  imperfectly  known 
TAnkbie,  pi  ag6-joa\. 

*  Their  first  salutation  may  be  transcribed,  but  cannot  b 

that  Moseilama  [Mnsailima  is  a  mocking  diminutive  of 

Surge  tandem  itaque  streirae  permolencw ;  nam  stratus 

Aut  in  propatulo  tentorio  si  velis,  aut  in  ahriiti 

Aut  supinam  t^  >i"»»"  — 


■■■  ■■  ^ 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIItE  309 

partition  of  the  earth.  The  proposal  was  answered  bj  Mahotnel 
with  contempt ;  but  the  rapid  progress  of  the  impostor  awakened 
the  fears  of  his  successor  :  forty  thousand  Moslems  were  aasevN 
bled  under  the  standard  of  Caled ;  and  the  existence  of  theis 
fkiitk  was  resigned  to  the  event  of  a  decisive  battle.  In  the  fioit 
action  they  were  repulsed  with  the  loss  of  twelve  himdred  men; 
but  the  skill  and  perseverance  of  their  general  prevailed  :.  their 
defeat  was  avenged  bv  the  slaughter  of  ten  thousand  infidela'; 
and  Moseilama  himself  was  pierced  by  an  Ethiopian  slave  with 
the  same  javelin  whieh  had  mortally  wounded  the  uncle'  of  Ma» 
homet.  The  various  rebels  of  Ambia,  without  a  chief  or  a 
cause,  were  speedily  suppressed  by  the  power  and  discipline  of 
the  rising  monarchy  ;  and  the  whole  nation  again  professed,  and 
more  stead£Bistly  held,  the  religion  of  the  Koran.  The  ambition 
of  the  caliphs  provided  an  immediate  exercise  for  the  restless 
spirit  of  the  Saracens ;  their  valour  was  united  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  an  holy  war ;  and  their  enthusiasm  was  equally  confirmed 
by  opposition  and  victory. 

From  the  rapid  conquests  of  the  Saracens,  a  presumption  will 
naturally  arise  that  the  first  caliphs  commanded  in  person  the 
armies  of  the  faithful,  and  sought  the  crown  of  martyrdom  in  the 
foremost  ranks  of  the  battle.  The  courage  of  Abubeker,^  Omar^^ 
and  Othman,^  had  indeed  been  tried  in  the  persecution  and 
wars  of  the  prophet;  and  the  personal  assurance  of  paradise 
must  have  taught  them  to  demise  the  pleasures  and  dangers  of 
the  present  world.  But  thqy  ascended  the  throne  in  a  vener**. 
able  or  mature  age,  and  esteemed  the  domestic  cares  of  religion 
and  justice  the  most  important  duties  of  a  *  sovereign.  £xc9ept 
the  presence  of  Omar  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  the  longest 
expeditions  were  the  frequent  pilgrimages  from  Medina  to 
Mecca ;  and  they  calmly  received  the  tidings  of  victoiy  as  they 
prayed  or  preached  before  the  sepulchre  of  the  prophet.  The 
austere  and  frugal  measure  of  their  lives  was  the  effect  of  virtue 
or  habit,  and  the  pride  of  their  simplicity  insulted  the  vain 
magnificence  of  the  kings  of  the  earth.  When  Abubeker  as* 
sumed  the  office  of  caliph,  he  ei^joined  his  daughter  Ayesha  to 
take  a  strict  account  of  his  private  putrisiony,  that  it  might  be 

I  •  ' 

*  His  reign  in  Eutychius,  torn.  ii.  p.  251 ;  Elmacin,  p.  18 ;  Abulpharagius,  p. 
108 ;  Abulfeda,  p.  60;  D'Herbelot,  p.  58. 

>  His  rdgn  in  Eutychius,  p.  264 ;  Elmacin,  p.  24 ;  Abulpharagius,  p.  lio ;  Abul- 
feda.  p.  66 ;  D'Herbelot,  p.  686. 

*His  rdgn  in  Eu^hiqs,  p.  303;  Ehnaoin,  p.  36;  Abulpharagius,  pi  Z15; 

Abulfeda,  p.  75 ;  D'Herbelot,  p.  695. 


..  ..^^KJiiiKy  xo  equal  sucn  an  a 
the  abstinence  and  humility  of  Omar  wei 
virtues  of  Abul>eker :  his  food  consisted  of 
his  drink  was  water ;  he  preached  in  a  gi 
tattered  in  twelre  places;  and  a  Persian 
homage  to  the  conqueror^  found  him  aslee 
on  the  steps  of  the  mosch  of  Medina.     Ec 
of  liberality,  and  the  increase  of  the  revec 
establish  a  just  and  perpetual  reward  for 
services  of  the  fiuthful.     Careless  of  his 
assigned  to  Abbas,  the  uncle  of  the  ]»x>phc 
ample  allowance  of  twenty-five  thousuid  dra 
ver.     Five  thousand  were  allotted  to  each  c 
the  relics  of  the  field  of  Beder,  and  the  last 
companions  of  Mahomet  was  distinguished  b 
of  three  thousand  pieces.     One  thousand  wa 
veterans  who  had  fought  in  the  first  battles 
and  Persians,  and  the  decreasing  pay,  as  lo 
silver,  was  adapted  to  the  respective  merit  i 
soldiers  of  Omar.     Under  his  reign  and  that 
the  conquerors  of  the  East  were  the  trusty  a 
the  people ;  the  mass  of  the  public  treasure 
the  expenses  of  peace  and  war;  a  prudent 
and  bounty  maintained  the  discipline  of  t>i«» 
united,  hv.—-^-'-  • 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  401 

the  prophet.  In  the  sloth  and  vanity  of  the  palace  of  Damaacus^ 
the  succeeding  princes  of  the  house  of  Ommiyah  were  alike 
destitute  of  the  qualifications  of  statesmen  and  of  saints.*  Yet 
the  spoils  of  unknown  nations  were  continually  laid  at  the  foot 
of  their  throne^  and  the  uniform  ascent  of  the  Arabian  greatnesa 
must  be  ascribed  to  the  spirit  of  the  nation  rather  than  the; 
abilities  of  their  chie&.  A  large  deduction  must  be  allowed  for 
the  weakness  of  their  enemies.  The  birth  of  Mahomet  was 
fortunately  placed  in  the  most  degenerate  and  disorderly  period 
of  the  Persians^  the  Romans,  and  the  barbarians  of  Europe :  the 
empires  of  Trajan,  or  even  of  Constantine  or  Charlemagne,  would 
have  repelled  the  assault  of  the  naked  Saracens,  and  the  torrent 
of  &naticism  might  have  been  obscurely  lost  in  the  sands  of 
Arabia. 

In  the  victorious  days  of  the  Roman  republic,  it  had  been  the 
aim  of  the  senate  to  confine  their  counsels  and  legions  to  a  single 
war^  and  completely  to  suppress  a  first  enemy  before  they  pro- 
voked the  hostilities  of  a  second.  These  timid  maxims  of  policy 
were  disdained  by  the  magnanimity  or  enthusiasm  of  the  Arabian 
caliphs.  With  the  same  vigour  and  success  they  invaded  the' 
successors  of  Augustus  and  those  of  Artaxerxes ;  and  the  rival 
monarchies  at  the  same  instant  became  the  prey  of  an  enemy 
whom  they  had  been  so  long  accustomed  to  despise.  In  the  ten 
years  of  the  administration  of  Omar,  the  Saracens  reduced  to  his 
obedience  thirty-six  thousand  cities  or  castles,  destroyed  fomr* 
thousand  churches  or  temples  of  the  unbelievers,  and  edified  four- 
teen hundred  moschs  for  the  exercise  of  the  religion  of  Mahomet 
One  hundred  years  after  his  flight  from  Mecca,  the  arms  and  the 
reign  of  his  successors  extended  from  India  to  the  Atlantic) 
Ocean,  over  the  various  and  distant  provinces,  which  may  be  com- 
prised under  the  names  of  I.  Persia ;  II.  Syria  ;  III.  Eg3rpt ;  IV. 
Afiica  ;  and  V.  Spain.  Under  this  general  division,  I  shall  }m>- 
ceed  to  unfold  these  memorable  transactions ;  dispatching,  with 
brevity,  the  remote  and  less  interesting  conquests  of  the  East,  and 
reserving  a  fuller  narrative  for  those  domestic  countries  which 
had  been  included  within  the  pale  of  the  Roman  Empire.  Yet 
I  must  excuse  my  own  defects  by  a  just  complaint  of  the  blind* 
ness  and  insufficiency  of  my  guides.  The  Greeks,  so  loquacious 
in  controversy,  have  not  been  anxious  to  celebrate  the  teiumphs 


remembered  that  the  writers  from  whom  oar  aoooimts  of  the  Omaysrads 
wrote  in  the  interest  of  their  supplanters,  the  Abbfisids.    Cpi  Appeodiz  z.] 

VOL.  V.  26 


402         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  their  enemies.^^^  After  a  century  of  ignorance,  the  first  annab 
of  the  Musulmans  were  collected  in  a  great  measure  from  the 
voice  of  tradition.^^  Among  the  numerous  productions  of  Arabic 
and  Persian  literature,  ^^  our  interpreters  have  selected  the  im- 
perfect sketches  of  a  more  recent  age.^^  The  art  and  ^nins  of 
history  have  ever  been  unknown  to  the  Asiatics  ;  ^^  they  are  igno- 
rant of  the  laws  of  criticism  ;  and  our  monkish  chronicles  of  the 

^^For  the  viith  and  viiith  century,  we  have  scarcely  any  original  evideoor 
of  the  Byxantine  historians,  except  the  Chronicles  of  llieophanes  (Theopliaius 
Confessoris  Chronographia,  Or.  et  I^it  cum  notis  Jacobi  Goar.  Paris,  1^55,  ie 
folio),  and  the  Abridgment  of  Nicephonis  {Nicephori  Patriarchte  C  P.  Breviariun 
Historicum.  Gr.  et  Lat  Paris,  1648,  in  foho),  who  both  lived  in  the  beginning  of 
the  ixth  century  (see  Hanckius  de  Scriptor.  Byzant.  p.  aoo-246|.  Thar  ccO' 
temporary  Photius  does  not  seem  to  be  more  opulent.  After  praising  the  style  of 
Nicephorus,  he  adds,  Kal  6A*»«  voAAovc  i<m  ruv  «pb  avrov  Awokpvwt6iupo9  rftt  rfc 
loTAptac  rf)  ovyyott^a,  and  only  complains  of  bis  extreme  brevity  (PhoL  BabltoL  cod. 
Ixvi.  p.  xoo).  Some  additions  may  be  gleaned  from  the  more  recent  histories  of 
Cedrenus  and  Zonaras  of  the  xiith  century.  [An  earlier  source  than  any,  dthff 
Greek  ot  Arabic,  is  the  chronicle  of  John  of  Nikiu  in  an  Ethiopia  version.  See 
Appendix  x.] 

^^Tabari,  or  Al  Tabari,  a  native  of  Taborestan,  a  famous  Imam  of  Bagdad, 
and  the  Livy  of  the  Arabians,  finished  his  general  history  in  the  jrar  of  the  Hegin 
30a  (a.d.  914).  At  the  request  of  his  friends,  he  reduced  a  work  of  30,000  sheeti 
to  a  more  reasonable  size.  But  his  Arabic  original  is  known  only  by  the  Persian 
and  Turkish  versions.  The  Saracenic  history  of  Elm  Amid  or  Elmacin  [Ibn  id- 
Amid  al-Mekin]  is  said  to  be  an  abridgment  of  the  great  Tabari  (Ockleir  s  HisL 
of  the  Saracens,  vol.  ii.  preface,  p.  xxxix.  and  list  of  authors;  d'Herbelot,  pu 
866,  870,  1014).    [See  Appendix  i.] 

^'Biesides  the  list  of  authors  framed  by  Prideaux  (IJfe  of  Mahomet,  p.  179-189), 
Ockley  (at  the  end  of  his  second  volume),  and  Petit  de  la  Croix  (Hist  de  Gengacan, 
p.  525-550),  we  find,  in  the  Bibliothcque  Orientale  Tarikkt  a  catalogue  of  two  or 
three  hundred  histories  or  chronicles  of  the  East,  of  which  not  more  than  three  or 
four  are  older  than  Tabari.  A  lively  sketch  of  Oriental  literature  is  given  by 
Reiske  (in  his  Prodidagmata  ad  Hagi  Chalifse  librum  memorialem  ad  caloem 
Abulfedae  Tabulae  Syrise,  Lipsiae,  17^^;  but  his  project  and  the  French  feiskiu  of 
Petit  de  la  Croix  (Hist,  de  Timur  B«^  tom.  L  preface,  p.  xlv.)  have  fallen  to  the 
ground.  ; 

^3  The  particular  historians  and  geog*iiphers  will  be  occasionally  introduced. 
The  four  following  titles  represent  the  annals  which  have  guided  me  in  Uiis  general 
narrative,  i.  Annates  Eutychti^  Patriarcktt  AUxandrini,  ab  Edwardo  fSfcoekto^ 
Oxon.  1656,  2  vols,  in  4to.  A  pompous  editUm  of  an  indifferent  author,  translated  fay 
Pocock  to  gratify  the  Presl^terian  prejudice  of  his  friend  Selden.  a  Historia 
Saracenica  Oeor^ii  Elmacint^  oferd  et  studio  Thomae  Erpini,  in  4tOy  Lugd,  Bata- 
vorum^  1635.  He  is  said  to  have  hastily  tnmslated  a  corrupt  Ms.  and  his  verswn 
is  often  deficient  in  style  and  sense.  3.  Historia  comfendiosa  ppmastiantm  a 
Gregorio  Abulfharagio^  inierprete  Edwardo  PocockiOy  in  4to,  Oxon,  1663.  More 
useful  for  the  literanr  than  the  civil  history  of  the  East.  4.  Abulfedae  Annales 
Moslemici  ad  Ann,  Hegirae  ooccvi.  a  Jo,  Joe,  Reiske,  in  4to,  Lipsiae,  i7St«  '^^ 
best  of  our  chronicles,  both  for  the  original  and  version,  yet  how  far  below  the  name 
of  Abulfcda  I  We  know  that  he  wrote  at  Hamah,  in  the  xivth  century.  The  three 
former  were  Christians  of  the  xth,  xiith,  and  xiiith  centuries ;  the  two  first,  natives 
of  Egypt,  a  Melchite  patriarch  and  a  Jacobite  scribe. 

^*  M.  du  Guignes  (Hist,  des  Huns,  torn.  L  (sref.  p.  xix.  xx.)  has  characterittd. 
with  truth  and  knowledge,  the  two  sorts  of  Arabian  historians :  the  dry  annalist  and 
the  tumid  and  floweiy  orator. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  403 

same  period  may  be  compared  to  their  most  popular  works,  which 
are  never  vivified  by  the  spirit  of  philosophy  and  freedom.  The 
Oriental  library  of  a  Frenchman  ^^  would  instruct  the  most  learned 
mufli  of  the  East ;  and  perhaps  the  Arabs  might  not  find  in  a 
single  historian  so  clear  and  comprehensive  a  narrative  of  their 
own  exploits,  as  that  which  will  be  deduced  in  the  ensuing  sheets. 

I.  In  the  first  year  of  the  first  caliph,  his  lieutenant  Caled,  the  f^Tgj^f 
sword  of  God  and  the  scourge  of  the  infidels,  advanced  to  the«[«] 
banks  of  the  Euphrates,  and  reduced  the  cities  of  Anbar  and 
Hira.  Westward  of  the  ruins  of  Babylon,  a  tribe  of  sedentary 
Arabs  had  fixed  themselves  on  the  verge  of  the  desert ;  and  Hira 
was  the  seat  of  a  race  of  kings  who  had  embraced  the  Christian 
religion  and  reigned  above  six  hundred  years  under  the  shadow 
of  the  throne  of  Persia.^^  The  last  of  the  Mondars  was  defeated 
and  slain  by  Caled ;  his  son  was  sent  a  captive  to  Medina ;  hisgjggto^f 
nobles  bowed  before  the  successor  of  the  prophet ;  the  people 
was  tempted  by  the  example  and  success  of  their  countiymen ; 
and  the  caliph  accepted  as  the  first  fruits  of  foreign  conquest  an 
annual  tribute  of  seventy  thousand  pieces  of  gold.^^  The  con- 
querors, and  even  their  historians,  were  astonished  by  the  dawn 
of  their  future  greatness :  "  In  the  same  year,"  says  Elmacin, 
"  Caled  fought  many  signal  battles ;  an  immense  multitude  of  in- 
fidels was  slaughtered ;  and  spoils,  infinite  and  innumerable,  were 
acquired  by  the  victorious  Moslems  ".^^  But  the  invincible  Caled 
was  soon  transferred  to  the  Syrian  war ;  the  invasion  of  the  Per- 
sian frontier  was  conducted  by  less  active,  or  less  prudent,  com- 
manders ;  the  Saracens  were  repulsed  with  loss  in  the  passage 
of  the  Euphrates  ;  and,  though  they  chastised  the  insolent  pur- 

;■ 

^Biblioth^ue  Orientale.  par  M.  d'Herbelot,  in  folio,  Paris,  x6o7.  For  the 
character  of  the  respectable  author,  consult  his  friend  Th6venot  (Voyages  da 
Levant,  part  i.  chap.  i.).  His  work  is  an  agreeable  miscellany,  which  must  gratify 
every  taste ;  but  I  never  can  digest  the  alphabetical  order,  and  I  find  him  more 
satisfactory  in  the  Persian  than  the  Arabic  history.  The  recent  supplement  from 
the  papers  of  MM.  Visdelou  and  Galland  (in  folio.  La  Haye,  1779)  is  of  a  diflEerent 
cast,  a  medley  of  tales,  proverbs,  and  Chinese  antiquities. 

^Pocock  will  explain  the  chronology  (Specimen  Hist  Arabum,  p.  66-74),  ^^^ 
d'Anville  the  geography  (I'Euphrate  et  le  Tlgre,  p.  125),  of  the  dynasty  of  the 
Almondars  [al-Mundhir].  The  English  scholar  imderstood  more  Arabic  than 
the  mufti  of  Aleppo  (dckley,  vol.  ii.  p.  34) ;  the  Frendi  geographer  is  eqxially  at 
home  in  every  age  and  every  climate  of  the  world.  [The  vaisal  state  of  Hira,  iwkh 
spnmg  from  the  cam^  of  an  Arab  chief  (as  the  name  signifies),  was  perhaps  founded 
about  the  middle  of  the  third  cent  A.D.,  in  the  reign  of  Sapor  I.  Cp.  NSldeke, 
Tabari,  p.  25.] 

^7 [Hira  was  allowed  to  remain  Christian.] 

IS  Fecit  et  Chaled  plurima  in  hoc  anno  proelia^  io  qnibus  vicerunt  MuaUmi,  et 
inHdilium  immensA  multitudine  oodsA  spoha  infimta  et  imramera  sunt  nacti  (Hist. 
Saracenica,  p.  20).    The  Christian  annalist  sUdes  into  the  national  and  compen- 
dious term  of  inndels,  and  I  often  adopt  (I  hope  witboot  acB]Mlal\  tba&t:!baucvdaeras^ 
mode  of  expression. 


404         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

suit  of  the  Magians,  their  remaining  forces  stiU  hovered  in  the 
desert  of  Babylon, 
itoif  The  indignation  and  fears  of  the  Persians  suspended  for  a 

moment  their  intestine  divisions.  By  the  unanimoua  aentenoe 
of  the  priests  and  nobles,  their  queen  Arsema  was  deposed  :  the 
sixth  of  the  transient  usurpers  who  had  arisen  and  vmnished  ia 
three  or  four  years  since  the  death  of  Chosroes  and  the  retreat 
of  Heradius.  Her  tiara  was  placed  on  the  head  of  Yeadegerd, 
the  grandson  of  Chosroes ;  and  the  same  sera,  which  coincides 
with  an  astronomical  period,^*  has  recorded  the  £all  of  the  Sas- 
sanian  dynasty  and  the  religion  of  Zoroaster.^  The  youth  and 
inexperience  of  the  prince^  he  was  only  fifteen  years  of  age,  de- 
clined a  perilous  encounter ;  the  royal  standard  was  delivered 
into  the  hands  of  his  general  Rustam  ;  and  a  remnant  of  thiiij 
thousand  regular  troops  was  swelled  in  tnith,  or  in  opinion,  ts 
(me  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  snfajectSy  or  allies,  of  the 
Great  King.  The  Moslems,  whose  numbers  were  reinforced  froo 
twelve  to  thirty  thousand,  had  pitched  their  camp  in  the 
of  Cadesia  ;  '^  and  their  line,  though  it  consisted  of  fewer 
could  produce  more  sMiers  than  the  unwieldy  host  of  the  in- 
fidels. I  shall  here  observe  what  I  must  often  repeat,  that  the 
charge  of  the  Arabs  was  not  like  that  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans, 
the  eflbrt  of  a  firm  and  compact  in&ntry  :  their  military  ibice 
was  chiefly  formed  of  cavalry  and  archers  ;  and  the  engagement, 
which  was  often  interrupted  and  often  renewed  by  sfai^e  eom- 
bats  and  flying  skirmishes,  might  be  protracted  without  say  de- 

^  Acyde  of  laoyears,  at  the  end  of  which  an  intercalary  month  of  gd  days  soppHwi 
the  use  of  our  Bissextile,  and  restored  the  integrity  of  the  solar  year.  In  a  great 
revolution  of  1440  years,  this  intercalation  was  successively  removed  from  the  fint 
to  the  twelfth  month ;  but  Hyde  and  Fr6ret  are  involved  in  a  profoond  douumew, 
whether  the  twelve  or  only  eight  of  these  changes  were  accomplished  befoie  the 
sera  of  Yezdegerd,  which  is  unanimouily  fixed  to  the  i6th  of  June,  a.Dl  63a.  Ham 
laborioasly  does  the  curious  spirit  of  Eoirope  exfAore  the  danest  and  mott  dirtant 
antiquities  I  (Hyde,  de  Religione  Fcraarum,  c  i4-i8,  p.  iSi-aii.  Frteet  ia  tke 
M6m.  de  I'Aoul^mie  des  Inscriptions,  torn.  xvi.  p.  233-367).  PThe  qneeo's  tame 
was  Axam^docht  (a.d.  631-2);  and  she  is  not  to  be  confused  with  a  tatwui 
female  usurper,  BMn  (a.d.  630-1^    Cp.  Ndldeke,  Tabari,  p.  433-4.] 

*Nine  days  after  the  death  of  Mahomet  (7th  [8th]  June,  A.a  6m^  we  find  the 
tern  of  Yeadegerd  (z6th  June,  A.a  63a),  and  his  accession  cannot  be  p'^rr***^ 
beyond  the  ei^  of  the  fim  year.  His  predecessors  could  not  tberefofe  lesst  the 
arms  of  the  caliph  Omar,  and  these  unquestionable  dates  overthrofw  the  thougbt- 
loB  dironology  of  Abulpharagius.  See  Ockley's  Hist  of  the  -'^■^^^^wHt  voLi. 
p.  130.  [Eutychius  states  that  Yezdegerd  was  aged  fifteen  at  his  nrrr  Biimi ;  hs 
Tabari  (p.  399,  ed.  Ndldeke)  states  that  he  was  only  twenty-digfat  when  be  died 
(A.D.  651-a),  so  that  he  would  have  been  only  eight  at  his  accession.] 

*^Cadcsia,  says  the  Nubian  geographer  (p.  zaz),  is  in  margine  aoUtadiBis,  61 

leu;ues  finom  Bagdad,  and  two  stations  from  Cula.    Otter  (Voyage,  tCMB.  i.  pw  ifig) 

recKoos  15  IraguJa,  and  obsenres  that  the  olace  is  supplied  with  dates  and 

^^  /For  dace  of  the  battle  of  ai-KikdAS&y^c^  kpQeD&aLVL.\ 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  405 

cisive  event  to  the  continuance  of  several  days.  The  periods  of 
the  battle  of  Cadesia  were  distinguished  by  their  peculiar  appel- 
lations. The  first,  from  the  well-timed  appearance  of  six  thou- 
sand of  the  Syrian  brethren,  was  denominated  the  day  ofguccomr.^ 
The  dav  of  concuisian  might  express  the  disorder  of  one,  or  per- 
haps of  both,  of  the  contending  armies.  The  third,  a  nocturnal 
tumult,  received  the  whimsical  name  of  the  night  of  harking, 
horn,  the  discordant  clamours  which  were  compared  to  the  in- 
articulate sounds  of  the  fiercest  animals.  The  morning  of  the 
succeeding  day  determined  the  fate  of  Persia  ;  and  a  seascmable 
whirlwind  drove  a  cloud  of  dust  against  the  faces  of  the  unbe- 
lievers. The  clangour  of  arms  was  re-echoed  to  the  tent  of 
Rustam,  who,  £ar  unlike  the  ancient  hero  of  his  name,  was  gently 
reclining  in  a  cool  and  tranquil  shade,  amidst  the  baggage  of  his 
camp  and  the  train  of  mules  that  were  laden  with  gold  and 
silver.  On  the  sound  of  danger  he  started  from  his  couch  ;  but 
his  flight  was  overtaken  by  a  valiant  Arab,  who  caught  him  by 
the  foot,  struck  off  his  head,  hoisted  it  on  a  lance,  and,  instantly 
returning  to  the  field  of  battle,  carried  slaughter  and  dismay 
among  the  thickest  ranks  of  the  Persians.^  The  Saracens  con- 
fess a  loss  of  seven  thousand  five  hundred  men  ;  and  the  battle 
of  Cadesia  is  justly  described  by  the  epithets  of  obstinate  and 
atrocious.^  The  standard  of  the  monarchy  was  overthrown  and 
captured  in  the  field — a  leathern  apron  of  a  blacksmith,  who,  in 
ancient  times,  had  arisen  the  deliverer  of  Persia ;  but  this  badge 
of  heroic  poverty  was  disguised  and  almost  concealed  by  a  pro- 

A[The  day  of  Aghw&th  (crying  for  succour)  was  the  second  day  of  the  battle 
Gibbon  (following  AbO-1-Fidfi)  omits  the  first  day,  called  the  day  of  Armflth. 
The  day  of  Ghimfts  (concussion)  was  the  third,  the  night  of  Harlr  (yelping)  tlie 
fourth.    Tabari  gives  a  chapter  to  each  period,  iiL  pi  ai  sgq,  tr.  Kose^arten ; 
de  Goeje's  Arabic  text,  L  2385-9534 ;  and  calls  the  third  day  ImSs  (conceahng).j 

"[The  account  of  the  death  of  Rustam  given  by  Tabari  is  difierent  and  more 
authentic  (tr.  Zotenberg,  iii.  p.  396).  '*An  Arab  named  Hilfil,  approaching  the 
treasure-laiden  camels  of  Rustam,  struck  at  them  with  his  twora,  at  a  haiard. 
The  stroke  hit  the  camel  on  which  Rustam  was  seated ;  for  the  darkness  caused 
by  the  dart  hindered  him  from  seeing  RusAam.  The  coni  which  tied  the  load  of 
treasure  to  the  camel  was  severed  and  the  load  fell  on  the  head  of  Rustam,  who 
notwithstanding  the  pain  he  experienced  leapt  on  his  feet  and  threw  himself  into 
the  canal  to  save  himself  by  swimming.  Now  in  leaping  he  broke  his  leg  and 
could  not  move.  HiUU  ran  to  the  spot,  seized  him  }yf  the  leg.  drew  him  out  of 
the  water  and  cut  off  his  head,  which  he  fastened  to  the  point  of  his  spear. 
Then  he  got  up  on  the  seat,  and  cried,  '  Moslems^  I  have  slain  Rustam '."  I  nave 
taken  this  from  the  Persian  version  of  Tabari,  to  illustrate  how  it  diflers  from  the 
original  Arabic,  but  I  have  shortened  it  somewhat  Tftbari  says  there  were  two 
packets  on  the  camel  {niuh  Kosegarten),  and  that  one  fell  on  Rustam  and  injured 
his  spine ;  but  says  nothing  of  the  leg  being  broken  by  the  leap.  Kosegarten,  iii 
p.  56 ;  de  Goeje,  i.  2336-7.  ] 

M  Atrox,  contumax,  plus  semel  renovatum,  are  the  ^ii^Ek^biaMSGL  «aL\Res6«sc&t^. 
the  translalor  0/ Abuifeda  (Reiske,  p.  69  \Ug,  \.  231JJ1. 


\ 

\ 
\ 


406         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

fusion  of  precious  gexns.^  After  this  victory,  the  wealthy  pio- 
\rince  of  Irak^  or  Assyria  submitted  to  Uie  caliph,  and  his 
conquests  were  firmly  established  by  the  speedy  foundation  of 
Bassora,''  a  place  which  ever  commands  the  trade  and  naviga- 
tion of  the  Persians.  At  the  distance  of  fourscore  miles  fitxin 
the  Gul^  the  Euj^irates  and  Tigris  unite  in  a  broad  and  direct 
current,  which  is  aptlv  styled  the  river  of  the  Arabs.  In  the 
midway,  between  the  junction  and  the  mouth  of  these  fiunoos 
streams,  the  new  settlement  was  planted  on  the  western  bank ; 
the  first  colony  was  composed  of  eight  hundred  Moslems  ;  but 
the  influence  of  the  situation  soon  reared  a  flourishing  and 
populous  capital.  The  air,  though  excessively  hot,  is  pure  and 
healthy ;  the  meadows  are  filled  with  palm-trees  and  cattle ; 
and  one  of  the  adjacent  valleys  has  been  celebrated  among  the 
four  paradises  or  gardens  of  Asia.  Under  the  first  caliphs,  the 
jurisdiction  of  this  Arabian  colony  extended  over  the  soutiiem 
provinces  of  Persia  ;  the  city  has  been  sanctified  by  the  tombs 
of  the  companions  and  martjrrs ;  and  the  vessels  of  Europe  still 
frequent  the  port  of  Bassora,  as  a  convenient  station  and  passage 
of  the  Indian  trade. 

After  the  defeat  of  Cadesia,  a  country  intersected  by  rivers 
and  canals  might  have  opposed  an  insuperable  barrier  to  the 
victorious  cavalry  ;  and  the  walls  of  Ctesiphon  or  Madayn,  which 
had  resisted  the  battering-rams  of  the  Romans,  would  not  have 
yielded  to  the  darts  of  the  Saracens.  But  the  fljring  Persians 
were  overcome  by  the  belief  that  the  last  day  of  their  reliffion 
and  empire  was  at  hand ;  the  strongest  posts  were  abandoned  by 
treachery  or  cowardice  ;  and  the  king,  with  a  part  of  his  fiuaoily 
and  treasures,  escaped  to  Holwan  at  the  foot  of  the  Median  hills. 
In  the  third  monUi  after  the  battle,^  Said,  the  lieutenant  of 

s  D'Herbelot ,  Bibliotbique  Orientale.  p.  997,  [547  and]  348.  [We  read  in  Aiubic 
sources  that  the  standard  was  made  of  panthers'  skins.  What  is  the  antbority 
for  the  blacksmith's  apron  ?    See  Rawlinson,  Seventh  Oriental  Monarchy,  pu  554- J 

*  [The  whole  province  of  concjuered  Persia  (with  KQOel  as  capitsd)  was  c^^ed 
Irftk,  and  was  afterwards  divided  into  two  parts — Arabian  Irfik  and  nersian  IilLk. 
At  present,  the  name  Irftk  is  confined  to  a  ve^r  small  district  near  Kom.] 

'The  reader  may  satisAr  himself  on  the  subiect  of  Bassora,  bv  '''^f"lting  the 
following  writers :  Geograpn.  Nnbieos.  p.  lai ;  ErHerbelot,  BibUothtoue  Orientale, 
p.  i^ ;  D'Anville,  TEuphnite  et  le  Tigre,  p.  130,  133,  Z4C ;  Raynal,  Hist  Pbilo- 
sophiqne  des  deux  Indes.  torn.  iL  p.  09-100 ;  Voyages  di  Pietro  della  Valle,  Com. 
iv.  p.  370-39Z ;  De  Tavemier.  torn,  i.  p.  240-047 ;  De  Th^venot,  torn.  iL  p.  545- 
C84 ;  D'Otter,  torn,  il  p.  45-78 ;  De  Niebuhr,  tonL  il  p.  173-199.  [The  mooem 
Basra  is  some  miles  to  the  north-east  of  the  old  site.] 

«[Madi!n  probably  fell  more  than  a  year  after  the  battle  of  Cadena,  aoooid- 
ing  to  Tabwi's  chronology.    Cp.  Muir,  ^  oii  p.  178  j^f .] 


OF  THE  KOMAN  EMPIKE  407 

Omar,  passed  the  Tigris  without  opposition;  the  capital  was 
taken  by  assault;  and  the  disorderly  resistance  of  the  people 
gave  a  keener  edge  to  the  sabres  of  the  Moslems,  who  shouted 
with  religious  transport,  ''This  is  the  white  palace  of  Chosroes, 
this  is  the  promise  of  the  apostle  of  God ! "  The  naked  robbers 
of  the  desert  were  suddenly  enriched  beyond  the  measure  of 
their  hope  or  knowledge.  Each  chamber  revealed  a  new  treas- 
ure, secreted  with  art  or  ostentatiously  displayed ;  the  gold  and 
silver,  the  various  wardrobes  and  precious  furniture,  surpassed 
(says  Abulfeda)  the  estimate  of  fancy  or  numbers ;  and  another 
historian  defines  the  untold  and  almost  infinite  mass  by  the 
&bulous  computation  of  three  thousands  of  thousands  of  thou- 
sands of  pieces  of  gold.^  Some  minute  though  curious  fiurts 
represent  the  contrast  of  riches  and  ignorance.  From  the  remote 
islands  of  the  Indian  Ocean,  a  large  provision  of  camphire  ^  had 
been  imported,  which  is  employed  with  a  mixture  of  wax  to 
illuminate  the  palaces  of  the  East.  Strangers  to  the  name  and 
properties  of  that  odoriferous  gum,  the  Saracens,  miat^lring  it 
for  salt,  mingled  the  camphire  in  their  bread  and  were  astonished 
at  the  bitterness  of  the  taste.  One  of  the  apartments  of  the 
palace  was  decorated  with  a  carpet  of  silk,  sixty  cubits  in  length 
and  as  many  in  breadth ;  a  paradise  or  garden  was  depictured 
on  the  ground ;  the  flowers,  miits,  and  shrubs  were  imitated  by 
the  figures  of  the  gold  embroidery  and  the  colours  of  the  precious 
stones ;  and  the  ample  square  was  encircled  by  a  variegated  and 
verdant  border.  The  Arabian  general  persuaded  his  soldiers  to 
relinquish  their  claim  in  the  reasonable  hope  that  the  eyes  of 
the  caliph  would  be  delighted  with  the  splendid  workmanship 
of  nature  and  industry.  Regardless  of  the  merit  of  art  and  the 
pomp  of  royalty,  the  rigid  Omar  divided  the  prise  among  his 
brethren  of  Medina ;  the  picture  was  destroyed ;  but  such  was 
the  intrinsic  value  of  the  materials  that  the  share  of  Ali  alone 
was  sold  for  twenty  thousand  drachms.  A  mule  that  carried  away 
the  tiara  and  cuirass,  the  belt  and  bracelets  of  Chosroes,  was 

^  Mente  vix  potest  numerove  comprehendi  quanta  spolia  .  .  .  nostris  oesserint. 
Abulfeda,  p.  69.  Yet  I  still  suspect  that  the  extravaeont  numbers  of  Klmarin  may 
be  the  error,  not  of  the  text,  but  of  the  version.  The  best  translators  firom  tlie 
Greek,  for  instance,  I  find  to  be  very  poor  arithmeticians.  [Tlie  translation  here 
seems  to  be  correct]  • 

s<>The  camphire  tree  grows  in  China  and  Japan ;  but  many  hundredweight  of 
those  meaner  sorts  are  exchanged  for  a  single  pound  of  the  more  precious  gum  of 
Borneo  and  Sumatra  (Raynal,  Hist  Philosopb.  tom.  i.  p.  369-^5.  Dictionnatre 
d'Hist  Naturelle  par  Bomare.  Miller's  Gardener's  Dictionary;.  These  may  be 
the  islands  of  the  first  climate  from  whence  the  Arabians  imported  their  camphire 
(Geograph.  Nub.  p.  34>  35 ;  d'Herbelot,  p.  233). 


408  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

overtaken  by  the  pursuers ;  the  gorgeous  trophy  was  preaented 
to  the  commander  of  the  faithful ;  and  the  gravest  of  the  oom- 
panions  condescended  to  smile  when  they  beheld  the  white 
beard,  hairy  arms,  and  uncouth  figure  of  the  Tetenuiy  who  v« 
inTested  with  the  spoils  of  the  Great  King .«  The  sai^  o( 
Ctesiphon  was  followed  by  its  desertion  and  gradual  dec^. 
The  Saracens  disliked  the  air  and  situation  of  we  place ;  and 
Omar  was  advised  by  his  general  to  remove  the  seat  of  goven- 
^•rment  to  the  western  side  of  the  Euphrates.  In  every  age,  the 
foundation  and  ruin  of  the  Assyrian  cities  has  been  easy  and 
rapid ;  the  country  is  destitute  of  stone  and  timber,  mud  the 
most  solid  structures  ^  are  composed  of  bricks  baked  in  the  son 
and  joined  by  a  cement  of  the  native  bitumen.  The  name  of 
Cmfa  ^  describes  an  habitation  of  reeds  and  earth ;  but  the  im- 
portance of  the  new  capital  was  supported  by  the  numbers, 
wealth,  and  spirit  of  a  colony  of  veterans ;  and  their  licentious- 
ness was  indulged  by  the  wisest  caliphs,  who  were  apprehensive 
of  provoking  the  revolt  of  an  hundred  thousand  swords :  ''Yemen 
of  Cufa,"  said  Ali,  who  solicited  their  aid, "  you  have  been  alwayi 
conspicuous  by  your  valour.  You  conquered  the  Persian  king 
and  scattered  his  forces,  till  you  had  tfdcen  possession  of  his  in- 

it«r  heritance."  This  mighty  conquest  was  achieved  by  the  battles 
of  Jalula  and  Nehavend.  After  the  loss  of  the  former,  Yesde- 
gerd  fled  from  Holwan,  and  ccxicealed  his  shame  and  despair  in 
the  mountains  of  Farsistan,  from  whence  Cyrus  had  descended 
with  his  equal  and  valiant  companions.  The  courage  of  the 
nation  survived  that  of  the  monarch ;  among  the  hiUs  to  the 
south  of  Ecbatana  or  Hamadan,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
Persians  made  a  third  and  final  stand  for  their  religion  and 

MQ  country  ;  and  the  decisive  battle  of  Nehavend  was  styled  hw  the 
Arabs  the  victory  of  victories.  If  it  be  true  that  the  nying 
general  of  the  Persians  was  stopped  and  overtaken  in  a  crowd 
of  mules  and  camels  laden  with  honey,  the  incident,  however 


^  See  Gagnier,  Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn.  L  p.  376,  377.  I  may  credh  the  fwA, 
without  believing  the  prophecy. 

''The  most  considerable  ruins  of  Assyria  [rather  Babylonia]  are  the  tower  of 
Belus,  at  Babylon,  and  the  hall  of  Chosroes,  at  Ctesiphon :  they  have  been  visited 
by  that  vain  and  curious  traveller  Pietro  delta  Valle  (torn.  i.  p.  713-718,  731-73^). 
rOn  the  tower  of  Belus  see  General  Chesnesr's  Expedition  for  the  Survej  of  the 
Eui^rates  and  Tigris,  vol  il  p.  a6u  For  an  account  of  the  ruins  of  Babylonia,  tl. 
c.  six.  p.  604  s^f,} 

*  Consult  the  article  of  Com/ak  in  the  Biblioth^ue  of  d*Herbelot  (p.  277,  278), 
the  second  volume  of  Ocldey's  HVsuxy « ^particularly  p.  40  and  153. 


w 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  409 

slight  or  singular,  will  denote  the  luxurious  impediments  of  an 
Oriental  army.** 

The  geography  of  Persia  is  darkly  delineated  by  the  Greeks 
and  Latins ;  but  the  most  illustrious  of  her  cities  appear  to  beSBB 
more  ancient  than  the  inirasion  of  the  Arabs.  By  the  reduction 
of  Hamadan  and  Ispahan,  of  Caswin,  Tauris,  and  Rei,  they  gradu- 
ally approached  the  shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea ;  and  the  orators 
of  Mecca  might  applaud  the  success  and  spirit  of  the  faithful, 
who  had  already  lost  sight  of  the  northern  bear,  and  had  almost 
transcended  the  bounds  of  the  habitable  world.^  Again  turn- 
ing towards  the  West  and  the  Roman  empire,  they  repassed  the 
Tigris  over  the  bridge  of  Mosul,  and,  in  the  captive  provinces  of 
Armenia  and  Mesopotamia,  embraced  their  victorious  brethren 
of  the  Syrian  army.  From  the  palace  of  Madayn  their  Eastern 
progress  was  not  less  rapid  or  extensive.     They  advanced  along 

**See  the  article  of  Nehavend  in  d'Herbelot,  p.  667,  668,  and  Voyages  en 
Trntjuie  et  en  Perse,  par  Otter,  torn.  i.  p.  191.  [On  the  first  danger  of  Madfilh, 
Yezdegerd  fled  to  Holwftn,  a  fortress  in  the  hiUs,  a  hundred  miles  to  the  north-eut 
of  that  city.  A  new  army  formed  there  advanced  (autumn  637)  to  JalQla,  half-way 
on  the  road  to  MadSih.  Defeated  there,  Yezdegerd  fled  to  Rayy  (near  the  modem 
Teheran  y.  The  Moslems  took  Holwftn  and  mode  it  their  outpost ;  there  was  to 
be  no  further  advance  into  Pecsia,  and  the  Saracens  occupied  themselves  with 
completing  their  reduction  of  Mesopotamia.  Omar  laid  down  the  principle  that 
the  limits  of  Arabian  IriLk  were  to  be  the  limits  of  Saracen  conquest.  But  circtmi- 
stances  forced  his  hand.  The  governor  of  Bahrain,  on  the  east  coast  of  Arabia, 
crossed  to  F&rs  and  made  an  attack  on  Istakhr  (Persepolis)  without  the 
caliph*s  permission  ;  and  its  failure  encouraged  the  Persians  in  Khflsistftn  to  renew 
hostilities.  The  outcome  was  that  the  Modems  of  Basra  and  Ktkfii  were  drawn 
into  subjugating  Khuzistfin  (including  the  towns  of  Ahwfts,  Tustar,  RAmhuranu, 
SGs,  Jundai-Sftbtir).  These  events  (a.d.  638)  convinced  Omar  that  the  only  wise 
policy  was  to  stamp  out  tiie  Persian  realm,  and  pursue  Yexdegerd  beyond  its 
borders.  After  the  great  defeat  of  Nehavend  (see  text),  Yecdegerd  fled  from 
Rayy  to  Ispahdn,  thence  across  Kirm&n  into  Khurisfin.  He  reached  Nishipur, 
then  Merv,  then  Merv-er-Rud  which  lies  four  days  to  the  south  of  Merv,  then 
Balkh,  from  which  place  he  sent  appeals  to  T^irkejr  and  China.  On  their  side, 
the  Ktoslems,  after  the  victory  of  Nehavend,  subdued  Hamadhan,  IspahAn  and  Rayy; 
and  then  their  arms  were  carried  in  three  directions :  (x)  into  Adharbij§n  and 
northward  towards  the  Caucasus ;  (2)  into  Khur§s&n ;  Merv,  Merv-er-RQd  and 
Balkh  were  taken  and  the  borders  of  IsUUn  advanced  to  the  Oxus  or  Jeihun ;  (3) 
south-eastward  (F&rs  having  been  already  (a.d.  643)  subdued  by  several 
generals  and  Istakhr  taken)  Kirm&n  was  conquered  (Tabari,  p.  516 ;  de  Goeje*s 
text.  i.  2703)  and  then  Sijistftn  and  MekrSn  (a.d.  644;  Tabflji,  p.  518;  de  Goqe, 
i.  2705-6).    The  conquest  of  KhtirSs&n  was  carried  out  by  Ahnaf  iba  Kais.] 

3<^  It  is  in  such  a  style  of  ignorance  and  wonder  that  the  Athenian  orator  de- 
scribes the  Arctic  conquests  of  Alexander,  who  never  advanced  beyond  the  sbcnvs 
of  the  Caspian,  'AAc^oySpov  Jf|M  t^  ipKrm  $cai  r^  oiicovfUinTC,  hKiyov  <«iv  wa«nft 
f<,c0ci9Ti$«cfft.  iGschines  contra  Ctesiphontem,  torn.  iiL  p.  554,  edit  ursec.  Orator. 
Reiske.  This  memorable  cause  was  pleaded  at  Athens,  Olymp.  exit  3  (before 
Christ  330),  in  the  autumn  (Taylor,  pnefat.  p.  370,  &c),  about  a  year  titer  the 
battle  of  Arbela;  and  Alexander,  in  the  pursuit  of  Darius,  was  mandiing  totvards 
Hyrcania  and  Bactriana. 


410         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  Tigris  and  the  Gulf;  penetrated  through  the  poaaes  of  the 
mountains  into  the  valley  of  Estachar  or  Persepolis ;  and  pio> 
fimed  the  last  sanctuary  of  the  Magian  empire.  The  grandson 
of  Chosroes  was  nearly  surprised  among  the  filing  eolumna  and 
mutilated  figures, — a  sad  emblem  of  the  past  and  present  fortune 
of  Persia :  ^  he  fled  with  accelerated  haste  over  the  desert  of 
Kirman,  implored  the  aid  of  the  war-like  Segestans,  and  aooglit 
an  humble  refuge  on  the  veige  of  the  Turkish  and  Chinese  power.^ 
But  a  victorious  army  is  insensible  of  fatigue ;  the  Arabs  divided 
their  forces  in  the  pursuit  of  a  timorous  enemy ;  and  the  caliph 
Othman  promised  the  government  of  Chorasan  to  the  first  genenJ 
who  shoidd  enter  that  large  and  populous  country,  the  kingdom 
of  the  ancient  Bactrians.  The  condition  was  accepted ;  the  prise 
was  deserved ;  the  standard  of  Mahomet  was  planted  on  the  walk 
lslto]  of  Herat,  Merou,  and  Balch;  and  the  successful  leader  neither 
halted  nor  reposed  till  his  foaming  cavalry  had  tasted  the  waters 
of  the  Oxus.  In  the  public  anarchy,  the  independent  governors 
of  the  cities  and  castles  obtained  their  separate  capitulations; 
the  terms  were  granted  or  imposed  by  the  esteem,  the  pmdenee, 
or  the  compassion  of  the  victors ;  and  a  simple  profession  of 
faith  established  the  distinction  between  a  brother  and  a  slave. 
imnuB]  Afk;er  a  noble  defence,  Harmozan,  the  prince  or  satrap  of  Ahwas 
LftMMQ  and  Susa,  was  compelled  to  surrender  his  person  and  his  state 
to  the  discretion  of  the  caliph ;  and  their  interview  exhibits  a 
portrait  of  the  Arabian  manners.  In  the  presence,  and  by  the 
command^  of  Omar,  the  gay  barbarian  was  despoiled  of  his  silken 
robes  embroidered  with  gold,  and  of  his  tiara  bedecked  witii 
rubies  and  emeralds.  '  *  Are  you  now  sensible,* *  said  the  conqueror 
to  his  naked  captive ;  *'  are  you  now  sensible  of  the  judgment  of 
God  and  of  the  different  rewards  of  infidelity  and  obedience?" 
"  Alas !  *'  replied  Harmozan,  "  I  feel  them  too  deeply.  In  the 
days  of  our  common  ignorance,  we  fought  with  the  weapons  of 
the  flesh,  and  my  nation  was  superior.  God  was  then  neuter : 
since  he  has  espoused  your  quarrel,  you  have  subverted  our 
kingdom  and  religion."  Oppressed  by  this  painful  dialogue, 
the  Persian  compltdned  of  intolerable  thirst,  but  discovered  some 
apprehension  lest  he  should  be  killed  whilst  he  was  drinking 


r^ 


9>  We  are  indebted  for  thb  curious  particular  to  the  Dynasties  of  Abulphamaios, 
1x6;    but'  it  is  needless  to  prove  the  identity  of  Estachar  and  PeiBepolB 
d'Herbelot,  p.  327),  and  still  more  needless  to  copy  the  dravrings  and  descripdoos 
of  Sir  John  Chardin  or  Comeille  le  Bruyn. 

^[Cp,   Tabori,  iil  p.  9>3«   ^*  Zotenberg;  de  Caoe^'s   text,  i.  0691.     By 
"S^estams  **  are  meant  the  \ioa^  ci  ^^yMh  Vpc  SstfuVl 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  411 

a  cnp  of  water.  "  Be  of  good  courage,"  said  the  caliph, ''  your 
life  is  safe  till  you  have  drunk  this  water."  The  cnuty  satrap 
accepted  the  assurance,  and  instantly  dashed  the  vase  against 
the  ground.  Omar  would  hare  avenged  the  deceit,  but  his 
companions  represented  the  sanctity  of  an  oath ;  and  the  speedy 
conversion  of  Harmozan  entitled  him  not  only  to  a  free  pardon,  but 
even  to  a  stipend  of  two  thousand  pieces  of  gold.  The  adndnis- 
tration  of  Persia  was  regulated  by  an  actual  survey  of  the  people, 
the  cattle,  and  the  fruits  of  the  earth ;  ^  and  this  monument, 
which  attests  the  vigilance  of  the  caliphs,  might  have  instructed 
the  philosophers  of  every  age.^ 

The  flight  of  Yezdeg^d  had  carried  him  beyond  the  OxusgjjiM'* 
and  as  far  as  the  Jaxartes,  two  rivers  ^  of  ancient  and  modem  aa  «r 
renown,  which  descend  from  the  mountains  of  India  towards  the 
Caspian  Sea.  He  was  hospitably  entertained  by  Tarkhan,^^  prince 
of  Fargana,^  a  fertOe  province  on  the  Jaxartes;  the  kkig  of 
Samarcand,  with  the  Turkish  tribes  of  Sogdiana  and  Sc3rthia, 
-were  moved  by  the  lamentations  and  promises  of  the  fallen 
monarch ;  and  he  solicited  by  a  suppliant  embassy  the  more 
solid  and  powerful  friendship  of  the  emperor  of  China. ^'  The 
virtuous  Taitsong,^  the  first  of  the  d3masty  of  the  Tang,  may  be 

>B  After  the  conquest  of  Persia,  Theophanes  adds,  «6tv  hh  rf  XP^*Y  <««Acvtf«r 


jcflu  xt^pSu^  mil  4vrm¥  (QUTOnO^I^  p.  983  [sufi  A.M.  5I3l])* 

»  Amidst  our  meakre  relations,  I  must  regret  that  d'rierbelot  has  not  found  and 
used  a  Persian  trandation  of  Tabari,  enriched,  as  he  says,  with  many  extracts 
from  the  native  historians  of  the  Ghebers  or  Magi  (Bibliothiqne  Orientate,  p.  ^14). 
[It  is  now  accessible  in  Zotenberg's  French  translation,  referred  to  in  previous  notes.  ] 

^The  most  authentic  accounts  of  the  two  rivers,  the  Si|K)n  (Jaxartes)  and  the 
Gihon  (Oxus),  may  be  found  in  Sherif  al  Edrisi  (Geograph.  Nubiens.  p.  238), 
Abtilfeda  (Descript  Cborasaa.  in  Hudson,  torn.  iii.  p.  33),  Abulghazi  Khan,  who 
reigned  on  their  oanks  (Hist  G^n^alogique  des  Tatars,  p.  32,  57,  766).  and  the 
Turkish  Geographer,  a  Ms.  in  the  king  of  France's  h'brary  (Examen  Critique  des 
Historiens  d*Alexandre,  p.  194-360).  fit  should  be  remembered  that  the  Oxus  or 
Amu  Darya  (which  now,  like  tte  Jaxartes  or  Svr  Darya,  flows  into  the  Aral)  then 
flowed  into  tne  Caspian.  The  course  chansed  about  A.D.  1573.  Recently  there 
have  been  thoughts  of  diverting  it  into  its  old  course.] 

^  [Tarkhan  is  not  a  proper  name,  but  a  Turkish  title.] 

<»  The  territory  of  Fargana  is  described  by  Abulfeda,  p.  76, 77.  [There  are  two 
great  gates  between  China  and  Western  Asia, — north  and  south,  respectively,  of 
me  Celestial  Mountains.  Farghaoa  lies  in  front  of  the  southern  gate,  through 
which  a  difficult  route  leads  into  the  country  of  Kfisbghar.] 

^  Eo  redegit  angustiarum  eundem  regem  exsulem,  ut  Turcid  regis,  et  Sogdiani, 
et  Sinensis,  auxilia  missis  Uteris  implcraret  (Abulfed.  Anna],  p.  74).  The  connexion 
of  the  Pendan  and  Chinese  histor^  is  illustiated  br  Fr^ret  (Mdm.  de  I'Acadtoiie, 
torn.  xvi.  p.  S45-35O,  and  de  Gmgnes  (Hist  des  Huns,  torn,  i  pi  54*59*  >^d  ^ 
the  Geography  01  the  borders,  tom.  ii.  p.  x-43)* 

^Hist.  Sinica,  p.  41-46,  in  the  iiird  part  of  the  Rdatkins  Curienses  of  Th^venot 
[The  Tang  dynturty,  founded  in  6a6,  put  an  end  to  the  long  period  of  dis- 
integration and  anarchy  which  bad  prevailed  in  China  vsmca  X)bf^  l»^  ^  ^^^^w 
dynasty  (a.d,  291).] 


..•.viiv;e,  ana  perhaps  the  supplies,  of  « 
of  Yezdegerd  and  the  zeal  of  the  wor 
returned  with  an  anny  of  Turks  to  coi 
his  Others.     The  fortunate  Moslems,  wj 
swords^  were  the  spectators  of  his  ruin  am 
of  Chosroes  was  betrayed  by  his  servant, 
inhabitants  of  Merou,  and  oppressed,  de 
his  barbarian  allies.    He  reached  the  ban 
his  rings  and  bracelets  for  an  instant  pas 
Ignorant  or  insensible  of  royal  distress, 
four  drachms  of  silver  were  the  daily  prolit 
would  not  suspend  his  work  unless  the  los 
moment  of  hesitation  and  delay,  the  last 
was  overtaken  and  slaughtered  by  the  1 
nineteenth  year  of  his  unhappy  reign.^    H 
client  of  the  Chinese  emperor,  accepted  tl 
his  guards ;  and  the  Magian  worship  wa 
colony  of  loyal  exiles  in  the  province  of  Bu 
inherited  the  regal  name ;  but  after  a  fair 
prise  he  returned  to  China  and  ended  his 
Sigan.     The  male  line  of  the  Sassanides 
female  captives,  the  daughters  of  Persia,  i 
querors  in  servitude  or  marriage ;  and  the  i 
imams  was  ennobled  by  the  blood  a^  4-u^:~ 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  413 

After  the  fell  of  the  Persian  kingdom,  the  river  Oxus  divided^    

the  territories  of  the  Saracens  and  of  the  Turks.     This  narrow*^  aati 
boundary  was  soon  overleaped  hy  the  spirit  of  the  Arabs ;  the 
^vemors  of  Chorasan  extended  their  suceessive  inroads ;  and 
one  of  their  triumphs  was  adorned  with  the  buskin  of  a  Turkish 
queen,  which  she  dropped  in  her  precipitate  (light  beyond  the 
hills  of  Bochara.^^     But  the  final  conquest  of  Transoxiana,^  as 
well  as  of  Spain,  was  reserved  for  the  glorious  reign  of  the  inac- 
tive Walid  ;  and  the  name  of  Catibah,  the  camel-driver^  declares  [XMitfte] 
the  origin  and  merit  of  his  successful  lieutenant.     While  one  of 
his  coUeagues  displayed  the  first  Mahometan  banner  on  the  banks 
of  the  Indus/^  the  spacious  regions  between  the  Oxus,  the  Jax- 
artes,  and  the  Caspian  Sea,  were  reduced  by  the  arms  of  CatibahC^^^**-^ 
to  the  obedience  of  the  prophet  and  of  the  caliph.^     A  tribute 
of  two  millions  of  pieces  of  gold  was  imposed  on  the  infidels ; 


^  It  was  valued  at  aooo  pieces  of  gold,  and  was  the  prize  of  Obddollah  the  son 


rather  stole,  the  crown  and  jewels  of  the  princess  of  the  Sogdians  (p.  231,  232). 
[The  queen  [khatun  or  "  lady/*  she  is  called}  whose  dippers  enriched  the  son  of 
Ziy&d  c.  A.D.  674  was  still  alive  and  reigning  more  than  30  years  later,  when 
Kutaiba  came  to  conquer  her  realm  (NarshakiM 

^  A  part  of  Abulfeda's  Geography  is  translated  by  Greaves,  inserted  in  Hudson's 
collection  of  the  minor  Geographers  (tom.  ill),  and  entitled  Descriptio  Chorasmiae 
ct  Mawaralnahrae^  id  est,  regionum  extra  fluvium,  Oxum,  p.  8a  The  name  of 
Transoxiana,  softer  in  sound,  equivalent  in  sense,  is  aptly  used  by  Petit  de  la 
Croix  jHist  de  Gengiscan,  &c.)  and  some  modem  Orientalists,  but  they  are  mis- 
taken  m  ascribing  it  to  the  writers  of  antiquity.  [For  the  conquest  of  Ttansoxiana, 
Tabari  (see  next  note)  gives  the  main  thread.  But  we  have  a  very  important  source, 
which  has  only  recently  been  utilized,  in  a  work  of  Narshaki  of  Bokhftrft  who  wrote 
in  A.D.  943,  known  through  a  Persian  translation  in  possession  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society.  It  is  a  topographical  and  historical  description  of  BokfaSrft,  and 
has  been  used  hy  A.  V&mb^  for  his  History  of  Bokh&rft,  and  by  M.  !»  Cabnn 
for  his  Introduction  k  I'Histoire  de  I'Asie  (1896).  Hie  text  was  edited  in  1899  by 
Schefer.] 

^  [Mohammad  ibn  Kfisim  was  the  able  general  who  advanced  beyond  the 
Indus  (a.d.  709-714).  Advancing  through  Mekrftn  (the  subjugation  of  which 
country  he  completed),  Mohammad  capttu^d  the  dty  of  Daibal  on  the  coast,  a 
very  difficult  achievement,  which  created  a  great  sensation.  Then  crosBing  the 
Indus  he  defeated  an  Indian  army  under  a  chief  named  Daher ;  and  advancing 
northward  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Indus  took  one  after  another  the  towns  m 
Brahmanabad,  Daur,  Alor,  Savendary,  and  finally  readied  the  sacred  dty  of 
Multan  on  the  Hyphasis.  This  fell  after  a  long  siian.  It  is  not  quite  correct  to 
say  (as  in  the  text)  that  the  Moslems  appeared  now  for  the  first  time  on  the  banks 
of  the  Indus.  In  Moawiya's  caliphate,  Muhallab  had  advanced  to  the  Indus  from 
the  side  of  Kabul.  In  the  same  caliphate,  the  conquest  of  Afghanistan  and 
Baluchistan  was  completed ;  Kandahar  was  taken  in  the  north  and  Cosdar  in  the 
south.] 

M  The  conquests  of  Catibah  are  faintly  marked  by  Ehnacin  (Hist.  Saracen,  pu 
84),  d'Herbelot  (Bibliot.  Orient  CtUbah  Samarcand  VaH^,  and  de  Goignea  (Hist* 
des  Huns,  tom.  l  p.  58,  59).  [They  are  fully  recounted  by  Tabari.    See  Weil,  L  p, 


414         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

their  idols  were  burnt  or  broken ;  the  Musulman  chief  pro- 
nounced a  sermon  in  the  new  mosch  of  Carizme ;  after  several 
battles,  the  Turkish  hordes  were  driven  back  to  the  desert ;  and 
the  emperors  of  China  solicited  the  friendship  of  the  victorious 
Arabs.  To  their  industry  the  prosperity  of  the  province,  the 
Sogdiana  of  the  ancients,  may  in  a  gpreat  measure  be  ascribed ; 
but  the  advantages  of  the  soil  and  climate  had  been  understood 
and  cultivated  since  the  reign  of  the  Macedonian  kings.  BefcHre 
the  invasion  of  the  Saracens,  Carisme,  Bochara,  and  Samarcand 
were  rich  and  populous  under  the  yoke  of  the  shepherds  of  the 
north. ^^    These  cities  were  surrounded  with  a  double  wall ;  and 

497  ijiq.  The  expedition  of  the  son  of  Zi^rftd  against  Bokhfiri^  which  Gibbon 
mentions,  took  place  in  the  caliphate  of  MoAwiya.  In  the  same  cahpbate  (A.  D.  676) 
Sad  (son  of  caliph  Othmftn)  seems  to  have  advanced  to  Samarkano.  See  Weil,  t. 
p.  991.  Kutaiba's  conquest  of  Transoxiana  occupied  him  for  ten  yean,  as  there 
were  continual  revolts.  The  province  of  Bokhfirft  was  subjugated  by  709 ;  Samar- 
kand was  taken  and  occupied  ynHtx  a  garrison  in  713;  and  the  province  of 
Farghana  was  annexed  in  7x3.  In  71^  Kutaiba  was  advancing  or  preparing  to  ad- 
vance to  Kfishghar ;  his  ambassadors  {it  is  said)  were  sent  to  treat  with  the  '*  King 
of  China,"  when  the  news  of  the  caliph's  death  and  fears  for  his  own  safety  caused 
him  to  desist  from  further  enterprises  of  conquest  Under  SulaimSn,  the  sno 
oessor  of  Walkl.  the  territories  of  Jurlftn  and  Tabaristfin  (S.fi.  and  S.  of  the 
Caspian)  were  subdued.  Carinne  (or  Khwirizm ;  s  the  Khanate  of  Khiva)  seems 
to  luive  been  first  occupied  under  Yedd  (680-3) ;  and  afterwards  reconquered  by 
Kutaiba.] 

^  [In  Transoxiana  there  was  a  mixed  p^ulation  of  Iranians  and  White  Hans 
(Ephthalites)»  who  had  been  subdued  by  the  Turks  (see  above,  voL  iv.  351),  and  still 
acknowledged  the  allegiance  of  the  Chagan,  but  were  under  the  immediate  govern- 
ment of  \oal  princes  (like  the  queen  of  Bokhara^  the  tarkhan  of  Sog^diana).  At  the 
time  of  Kutaiba's  conquest,  there  was  an  insurrectionary  movement  in  Transoxiana, 
of  the  poor  against  the  rich.  (Cp.  Cahun,  op,  cit,  pu  133-4.)  The  Sarsoen 
conquerors  most  skilfully  took  advantage  of  the  two  elements  of  disunion — the  race 
hatred  between  Ir&n  and  TQr&n.  and  the  political  faction ;  and  Kutaiba' s  conouestwas 
due  as  much  to  intrigue  as  to  force.  It  must  also  be  observed  that  to  the  hf estorian 
Christians  of  Transoxiana,  Islam  (with  its  ancient  history  founded  on  thejewish 
Scripture)  was  less  obnoxious  than  fire-worship.  The  chief  danger  wfaidi  luttaiba 
had  to  fear  was  succour  to  the  enemy  from  the  Turks  of  Altai ;  and  a  Turkish 
force  actually  came  in  706 ;  but  he  managed,  by  playing  upon  the  credulity  of  the 
tarkhan  of  Sogdiana,  to  get  rid  of  tl^  formidable  warriors  without  fi|4itins 
a  battle.  The  conquest  of  Farghana  cost  more  blows  than  the  conquest  of  Sogdiana. 
Here  the  Saracens  came  into  contact  with  the  Tibetan  Buddhists,  who  had  recently 
revolted  against  the  Emperor  of  China.  Bands  of  these  Tibetan  mountaineers 
crossed  the  great  southern  pass  to  plunder  in  the  lands  of  the  Oxus  and  Jaxartes^ 
The^  formed  friendly  relations  with  the  Saracens,  who  in  their  turn  reconnoitred 
in  Kashgharia.  It  would  have  been  a  matter  of  great  importance  to  the  Sarafiens 
to  hold  the  southern  gate  of  China,  and  thus  create  and  command  a  new  route  of 
commerce  from  east  to  west  But  this  would  have  taken  awav  the  occupation  of 
the  Turks,  who  had  hitherto  been  the  intermediates  between  China  and  Westen 
Asia,  holding  the  northern  gate  uid  hindering  any  one  else  from  holding  the  aoathem. 
Accordingly  the  Turkish  Chagan  interfered,  and  forcibly  recalled  the  Tlbetaoi 
to  their  alkgianoe  to  the  Emperor  of  Chiniu  The  advance  to  Kashghar,  wliicb 
was  interrupted  bv  the  news  of  the  caliph's  death  (see  last  note),  was  clearly 
intended  to  wrest  from  China  its  aonth-westem  provinces,  in  conjunction  with  the 
allies  of  Tibet ^Soroe  years  later  (a.ix  734)  another  Turkish  army  was  sent  to 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  416 

the  exterior  fortification,  of  a  larger  circmnference,  inclosed  the 
fields  and  gardens  of  the  adjacent  district.  The  mutual  wants 
of  India  and  Europe  were  supplied  by  the  diligence  of  the  Sog- 
dian  merchants ;  and  the  inestimable  art  of  transforming  linen 
into  paper  has  been  diffused  from  the  manufocture  of  Samarcand 
over  the  western  world.*^ 

II.  No  sooner  had  Abubeker  restored  the  unity  of  faith  and: 
government  than  he  dispatched  a  circular  letter  to  the  Arabian  ajlm 
tribes.  ''  In  the  name  of  the  most  merciful  God,  to  the  rest  of 
the  true  believers.  Health  and  happiness,  and  the  mercy  and 
blessing  of  God,  be  upon  you.  I  praise  the  most  high  God,  and 
I  pray  for  his  prophet  Mahomet.  This  is  to  acquaint  you  that  I 
intend  to  send  the  true  believers  into  Syria  ^  to  take  it  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  infidels.  And  I  would  have  you  know  that  the 
fighting  for  religion  is  an  act  of  obedience  to  God."  His  mes- 
sengers returned  with  the  tidings  oi  pious  and  martial  ardour, 
which  they  had  kindled  in  every  province  ;  and  the  camp  of 
Medina  was  successively  filled  with  the  intrepid  bands  of  the 
Saracens,  who  panted  for  action,  complained  of  the  heat  of  the 
season  and  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  and  accused,  with  impatient 
murmurs,  the  delays  of  the  caliph.  As  soon  as  their  numbers 
were  complete,  Abubeker  ascended  the  hill,  reviewed  the  men, 
the  horses,  and  the  arms,  and  poured  forth  a  fervent  prayer  for 
the  success  of  their  undertaking.  In  person  and  on  foot  he 
accompanied  the  first  day's  march;    and,  when  the  blushing 

Sogdiana  and  defeated  20,000  Moslems  near  Samarkand.  The  event  is  mentioned 
in  an  inscription  recently  found  near  lake  Kosho-Tsaidam  and  deciphered  by 
Thomsen, — the  earliest  Turkish  document  known.  The  stone  vras  erected  by  the 
Turkish  Chagan  in  A. D.  733in  memory  of  bis  brother  Kul ;  and  this  Kul  won  the 
victory  near  Samarkand.  The  inscription  is  bilingual — in  Turkish  and  Chinese. 
See  Radlov,  AlttUrkische  Inschriften,  cited  above,  m  vol.  iv.  p.  54a] 

^A  ctirious  description  of  Samarcand  is  inserted  in  the  Bibliotheca  Arabico- 
Hispana,  torn.  i.  p.  208,  &c.  The  librarian  Casiri  (tom.  il  9)  relates,  from  credible 
testimony,  that  paper  was  first  imported  from  China  to  Samarcand,  A.  H.  30,  and 
invented,  or  rather  introduced,  at  Mecca,  A.H.  88.  The  Escurial  library  contains 
paper  Mss.  as  old  as  the  ivth  or  vth  century  of  the  Hegira. 

^  A  separate  history  of  the  conquest  of  Syria  has  been  composed  b^  Al  Wakidi, 
cadi  of  Bagdad,  who  was  bom  a.d.  748,  and  died  A.D.  829 ;  he  likewise  wrote  the 
conquest  of  Egypt,  of  Diarbekir,  &c.  Above  the  meagre  and  recent  chronicles  of 
the  Arabians.  Al  Wakidi  has  the  double  merit  of  antiquity  and  copiousness.  His 
tales  and  traditions  afford  an  artless  picture  of  the  men  and  the  times.  Yet  his 
narrative  is  too  often  defective,  trifling,  and  improbable.  Till  something  better 
shall  be  found,  his  learned  and  spirited  interpreter  (Ockley.  in  his  History  of  the 
Saracens,  vol.  I  p.  21-342)  will  not  deserve  the  petulant  animadversion  of  Reiske 
/Prodidagmata  ad  Hagji  Chalifae  Tabulas,  p.  236).  I  am  sorry  to  think  that  the 
labours  of  Ockley  were  consummated  in  a  jail  (see  his  two  prefaces  to  the  ist  voL 
A.D.  1708,  to  the  2nd,  1718,  with  the  list  of  authors  at  the  end).  [See  Ap- 
pendix I.J 


4ie         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

leaden  attempted  to  dismount,  the  caliph  removed  their  scmples 
by  a  declaration  that  those  who  rode  and  those  who  walked,  in 
the  service  of  religion,  were  equally  meritorious.  His  instruc- 
tions ^  to  the  chiefii  of  the  Syrian  army  were  inspired  by  the 
warlike  fanaticism  which  advances  to  seise,  and  afiects  to  despise, 
the  objects  of  earthly  ambition.  ''  Remember/'  said  the  suc- 
cessor of  the  prophet, ''  that  jrou  are  always  in  the  presence  of 
God,  on  the  verge  of  death,  in  the  assurance  of  juc^ipnent,  and 
the  hope  of  panidise.  Avoid  injustice  and  oppression ;  ocHisult 
with  your  brethren,  and  study  to  preserve  the  love  and  confidence 
of  your  troops.  When  you  fight  the  battles  of  the  Lord,  acquit 
yourselves  like  men,  without  turning  your  backs;  but  let  not 
your  victoiy  be  stained  with  the  blood  of  women  or  children. 
Destroy  no  palm-trees,  nor  bum  any  fields  of  com.  Cut  down 
no  firuit-trees,  nor  do  any  mischief  to  cattle^  only  such  as  you  kill 
to  eat.  When  you  make  any  covenant  or  article,  stand  to  it,  and 
be  as  good  as  your  word.  As  you  go  on,  yon  will  find  some  re- 
ligious persons  who  live  retired  in  monasteries,  and  propose  to 
themselves  to  serve  God  that  way :  let  them  alone,  and  neither 
kill  them  nor  destroy  their  monasteries.^  And  you  will  find 
another  sort  of  people  that  belong  to  the  synagogue  of  Satan, 
who  have  shaven  crowns  ;^  be  sure  you  cleave  their  skulls,  and 
give  them  no  quarter,  till  they  either  turn  Mahometans  or  pay 
tribute.'*  All  profane  or  frivolous  conversation,  all  dangerous 
recollection  of  ancient  quarrels  was  severely  prohibited  among 
the  Arabs ;  in  the  tumult  of  a  camp,  the  exercises  of  religion 
were  assiduously  practised ;  and  the  interval  of  action  were  em- 
ployed in  prayer,  meditation,  and  the  study  of  the  Koran.  The 
abuse,  or  even  the  use,  of  wine  was  chastised  by  fourscore  strokes 
on  the  soles  of  the  feet ;  and  in  the  fervour  of  their  primitive 

MXbe  instructions,  fta  of  the  Syrian  war  are  described  by  Al  Wakidi  and 
Ockley,  torn.  i.  p.  22-97,  ^^  In  ^^  sequel  it  is  necessary  to  contract,  and  need- 
less to  quote,  their  drciimstantial  narrative.  My  obligations  to  others  shall  be 
noticed. 

»  Notwithstanding  this  precept,  M.  Paiiw  (Recherches  sur  les  Egyptiens,  torn, 
ii.  p.  X92,  edit  Lausanne)  represents  the  Bedoweens  as  the  Implacable  enemies  of 
the  Christian  monk&  For  my  own  part,  I  am  more  inclined  to  suspect  the  avarice 
of  the  Arabian  robbers,  and  the  pcigudices  of  the  German  philosopher. 

">  Even  in  the  seventh  centuiy  the  monks  were  generally  laymen ;  they  wore 
their  hair  long  and  dishevelled,  and  shaved  their  heads  whan  they  were  oniained 
priests.  The  circular  tonsure  was  sacred  and  mysterious ;  it  was  the  crown  of 
thorns ;  but  it  was  likewise  a  rojral  diadem,  and  evenr  pnest  was  a  Idog.  ftc; 
(Thomassin,  Discipline  de  I'Eglise^  torn.  L  a  791-758,  especially  p.  737,  738). 
[WeQ  translates  the  last  words  of  Aba  Bdn  speech  very  diflferenthr :  ^*  u  yoa 
meet  men  who  have  their  crowns  shaven  and  the  rest  of  their  hair  in  loiiff  tresses, 
touch  them  only  with  the  flat  of  the  sword  and  go  on  your  way  in  Qoark  nam& 
Cod  ward  you  m  war  and  plague,"  L  la] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  1MPIK&  417 


zeal  many  secret  sinners  revealed  their  fault  and  solicited  their 
punishment.  After  some  hesitation,  the  command  of  the  Syriaii 
army  was  delegated  to  Abu  Obeidah,  one  of  the  fugitives  of 
Mecca  and  companions  of  Mahomet ;  whose  zeal  and  devotion 
were  assuaged,  without  being  abated,  by  the  singular  mildnesb 
and  benevolence  of  his  temper.  But  in  all  the  emergencies  of 
war  the  soldiers  demanded  the  superior  genius  of  Caled ;  and, 
whoever  might  be  the  choice  of  the  prince,  the  srvord  of  God  was 
both  in  fact  and  fame  the  foremost  leader  of  the  Saracens.  He 
obeyed  without  reluctance ;  he  was  consulted  without  jealousy  ; 
and  such  was  the  spirit  of  the  man,  or  rather  of  the  times,  that 
Caled  professed  his  readiness  to  serve  under  the  banner  of  the 
faith,  though  it  were  in  the  hands  of  a  child  or  an  enemy.  Gloiy 
and  riches  and  dominion  were  indeed  promised  to  the  victorious 
Musulman ;  but  he  was  carefully  instructed  that,  if  the  goods 
of  this  life  were  his  only  incitement,  they  likewise  would  be  his 
only  reward. 

One  of  the  fifteen  provinces  of  S3rria,  the  cultivated  lands  to  fjgt^ 
the  eastward  of  the  Jordan,  had  been  decorated  by  Roman  vanity 
with  the  name  of  Arabia ;  ^^  and  the  first  arms  of  the  Saracens 
were  justified  by  the  semblance  of  a  national  right.  The  country 
was  enriched  by  the  various  benefits  of  trade ;  by  the  vigilance 
of  the  emperors  it  was  covered  with  a  line  of  forts ;  and  the  popu- 
lous cities  of  Gerasa,  Philadelphia,  and  Bosra,^  were  secure,  at 
least  from  a  surprise,  by  the  solid  structure  of  their  walls.  The 
last  of  these  cities  was  the  eighteenth  station  from  Medina ;  the 
road  was  familiar  to  the  caravans  of  Hejaz  and  Irak,  who  anna- 
ally  visited  this  plenteous  market  of  the  province  and  the  desert  ^ 
the  perpetual  jealousy  of  the  Arabs  had  trained  the  inhabitants 
to  arms ;  and  twelve  thousand  horse  could  sally  from  the  gates 
of  Bosra,  an  appellation  which  signifies,  in  the  Syriac  language, 
a  strong  tower  of  defence.  Encouraged  by  their  first  success 
against  the  open  towns  and  flying  parties  of  the  borders,  a  de- 
tachment of  four  thousand  Moslems  presumed  to  summon  and 
attack   the   fortress  of  Bosra.     They  were  oppressed  by  the 

"7  Huic  Arabia  est  conserta,  ex  alio  latere  Nabatharis  contigiia ;  opima  nurieCate 
oommerciorum,  castrisque  oppleta  validis et  castdlis,  quae  adrepellendos  gentium 
vicinarum  excursus,  solicitudo  pervigil  vetenim  per  opportunos  saltos  erezit  et 
cantos.    Ammian.  Maroellin.  xiv.  8.     Reland,  Palestin.  torn.  L  pi  85,  86. 

<9  With  Gerasa  and  Philadelphia,  Ammianus  praises  the  fortifications  of  Bosra, 
firmitate  cautissimas.  They  deserved  the  same  praise  in  the  time  of  Abulfeda 
(TabuL  Svriae,  p.  90),  who  describes  this  city,  the  metropolis  of  Hawran  (Auranitis), 
tour  days  journey  from  Damascus.  The  Hebrew  etymology  I  learn  from  Reltiid, 
Pakstin.  torn,  il  p.  666. 

VOL.  V.  27 


418         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

numben  of  the  Syrians ;  they  were  saved  by  the  presence  of 
Caled,'^  with  fifteen  hundred  horse ;  he  blamed  the  enterprise, 
restoitxl  the  battle,  and  rescued  his  friend,  the  venerable  Ser|abil, 
who  had  vainly  invoked  the  unity  of  God  and  the  promises  of 
the  apostle.  After  a  short  reposci  the  Moslems  performed  their 
ablutions  with  sand  instead  of  water ;  ^  and  the  morning  prayer 
was  recited  by  Caled  before  they  mounted  on  horseback.  Con- 
fident in  their  strength,  the  pec^e  of  Bosra  threw  open  their 
gates,  drew  their  forces  into  the  plain,  and  swore  to  die  in  the 
defence  of  their  religion.  But  a  religion  of  peace  was  incapable 
of  withstanding  the  fiuiatic  cry  of  ''  Fight,  fight !  Paimdise, 
paradise!"  that  re-echoed  in  the  ranks  of  the  Saracens ;  andthe 
uproar  of  the  town,  the  ringing  of  bells,^^  and  the  exclamations 
of  the  priests  and  monks  increased  the  dismay  and  disofder  oi 
the  Christians.  With  the  loss  of  two  hundred  and  thirty  men, 
the  Arabs  remained  masters  of  the  field ;  and  the  ramparts  of 
Bosra,  in  expectation  of  human  or  divine  aid,  were  crowded  with 
holy  crosses  and  consecrated  banners.  The  governor  Romanus 
had  recommended  an  early  submission :  despised  by  the  people, 
and  degraded  firom  his  office,  he  still  retained  the  desire  and 
opportunity  of  revenge.  In  a  nocturnal  interview,  he  informed 
the  enemy  of  a  subterraneous  passage  horn  his  house  under  the 
wall  of  the  city ;  the  son  of  the  caliph,  with  an  hundred  volun* 
teers,  were  committed  to  the  fiuth  of  this  new  ally,  and  their 
successful  intrepidity  gave  an  easy  entrance  to  their  companions. 
After  Caled  had  imposed  the  terms  of  servitude  and  tribute,  the 
apostate  or  convert  avowed  in  the  assembly  of  the  people  his 
meritorious  treason.  "  I  renounce  your  society,"  said  Rotnanas, 
''  both  in  this  world  and  the  world  to  come.     And  I  deny  him 

<*[The  accounts  of  the  wonderful  march  of  KhAlid  across  the  Syrian  desert,  by 
way  of  DQma  and  Korikar  and  Ttedmor,  most  be  rooeived  with  caottlon.  The 
story  of  the  takinff  of  Busrft  told  in  the  text  is  taken  from  Ockley  and  fauu  no  good 
authority.    Cp.  Weil,  l  39 ;  Muir,  Early  Caliphate,  a  xox-3.] 

"^The  apostle  of  a  desert  and  an  army  was  obliged  to  idlow  this  ready  nooeda- 
neum  for  water  (Koran,  &  iiL  jpi  66,  a  ▼.  p.  8^);  but  the  Arabian  and  Persian 
casuists  have  embarrassed  his  nee  pennissioo  with  many  niceties  and  distiMtaoni 
(Reland,  de  Relig.  Mohammed.  L  i.  p.  83,  83.    Chardin,  Voyages  en  PerK,  torn. 

IV.). 


^  The  bells  rung  I  Ocklor,  voL  L  pi  1^    Yet  I  much  doubt  whether  this  es- 

Snession  can  be  justified  by  the  text  ofAlWakidi,  or  the  praclioe  of  Ibetimea    Ad 
rsBooB,  says  the  learned  Ducange  (Gkissar.  med.  et  infim.  OrssdtaL  tom.  L  pi 


774),  campanarum  usus  serins  transit  et  etiamwun  larissimus  est.  The  ddesi 
wrample  which  he  can  find  in  the  Bynntine  writers  is  of  the  vear  kmo  ;  but  the 
«* — ... .^j   .•_-.   .!-„  introduced   bdls  at  Cnnstantinopte  u  the  ixlh 

said  (ace  to  the  Tkaditions)  **  There  is  a  devil  is 


Venetians  pretend  that  they 
Qentnry-  [when  Mohammad 
MHT  bdl,  be  meant  the  bdls 


Mm  bell,"  lie  meant  the  bdls  worn  by  giris  round  their  anUesi    Cpu  SL  Lane- 
Ad^  Speeches  and  Tsbietalk  of  the  Prophet  M.,  z68.    TbeChriitiaBiof  AiaUb 
ar  Umi  t&ut  called  to  church  by  bealln^anoodca  stick  with  a  rod.] 


,  ■,  t^w^-m-  . 


OF  THE  BOMAN  E1IPIBE;  419 


wai  crucified,  and  whosoever  worships  him.     And  I  choose 
Eot  my  Lord,  Islam  for  my  £uth,:  Mecca  for  my  temple,  the 
sms  K>r  my  brethren,  and  Mahomet  for  my  pn^et ;  who 
tent  to  lead  us  into  the  right  way,  and  to  exalt  the  true 
on  in  spite  of  those  who  join  partners  with  Grod." 
e  conquest  of  Bdsra,  lour  days'  journey  ftom  DamascasJ^gg**^ 
uraged  the  Arabs  to  besiege  the  ancient  capital  of  Syrfa^^jg.^ 
mie  distance  from  the  walls,  they  encamped  among  the 
s  and  fountains  of  that  delidous  territory,^  and  the  usual 
a  of  the  Mahometan  faith,  of  tribute,  or  of  war,  was  pro- 
I  to  the  resolute  eitisens,  who  had  been  lately  strengthened 
reinforcement  of  five  thousand  Greeks.     In  the  decline  as 
e  infancy  of  the  military  art,  an  hostile  defiance  was  fre* 
:ly  offeied  and  accepted  by  the  generals  themselves:^ 

a  lanoe  was  shivered  in  the  plain  of  Damascus,  and  the 
nal  pvowess  of  Caled  was  signalised  in  the  first  sally  of  the 
e^.     After  an  obstinate  combat,  he  had  overthrown  and 

prisoner  one  of  the  Christian  leaders,  a  stout  and  worthy 
:aliist.  He  instantly  mounted  a.  fresh  horse,  the  gift  of  the 
ner  of  Palm3rra,  and  pushed  forwards  to  the  front  of  the 
).     ''  Repose  yourself  for  a  moment/'  said  his  friend  Derar, 

permit  me  to  supply  your  place;  you  are  fatigued  with 
ng  with  this  dog."  "  O  Derar !  '*  replied  the  indefatigable 
en,  ''  we  shall  rest  in  the  world  to  come.  He  that  labours 
V  shall  rest  to-morrow.**  With  the  same  unabated  ardour, 
I  answered,  encountered,  and  vanquished  a  second  champion ; 
he  heads  of  his  two  captives  who  refiised  to  abandon  their 

smascus  U  amply  described  by  the  Sberif  al  Edrisi  (Gfosraph.  Nubu  p.  ii6» 
nd  his  translator,  SioniU  (Appendix,  c.  4) ;  Abnlfeda  (Tabula  STrise,  p.  zoo) ; 
*ns  (Index  Geograpb.  ad  Vit  Saladin.) ;  d'Herbelot  (BibHot  Orient  p.  991); 
lot  (Voyage  do  Levant,  part  i.  p.  688-6^) ;  Manndrell  (Journey  from  Aleppo 
isalem,  p.  122-130) ;  and  Pooock  (Descnptioiiof  the  East,  vol.  ii.  p.  iiy-xay). 
obilissima  dvltas,  says  Justin.  Aoocrding  to  the  Oriental  traditions,  it  was 
than  Abraham  or  Suniramis.  Joseph.  Aadq.  Jud.  L  i  e.  6,  7,  p.  04,  09, 
tavercamoi  Justin.  xxxvL  a. 


8er«pioiH 

cal  theme  ii  iiMeited  bv  PetatiiB.  Sppabtim,  &o.  (p.  39C9-l96).atoiaBg.the 
e  epistles  of  Julian.  [This  is  now  generally  reoogniied  as  spurious.]  How 
hey  overlook  that  the  writer  is  an  inhabitant  of  Damascus  (ne  thrice  aflSrms 
us  peculiar  fig  grows  only  vcp*  i^idv),  a  city  which  Julian  never  entered  or 
idled  r 

okaire,  who  casts  a  keen  and  livdv  glance  over  the  sorfhoe  of  history,  btt 
Ttick  with  the  resemblance  of  the  mat  Moslems  and  the  heroes  of  the  Iliad ; 
ge  of  Troy  and  that  of  Damascus  (Hist  06n6rale,  torn.  L  v*  VA 


420         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

religion  were  indignantly  hurled  into  the  midst  of  the  city.  The 
event  of  some  general  and  partial  actions  reduced  the  Damas- 
cenes to  a  closer  defence ;  but  a  messenger,  whom  they  dropped 
from  the  walls,  returned  with  the  promise  of  speedy  and  power- 
ful succour,  and  their  tumultuous  joy  conveyed  the  intelligence 
to  the  camp  of  the  Arabs.  After  some  debate  it  was  resolved 
by  the  generals  to  raise,  or  rather  to  suspend,  the  siege  of 
Damascus,  till  they  had  given  battle  to  the  forces  of  the 
emperor.  In  the  retreat,  Caled  would  have  chosen  the  more 
perilous  station  of  the  rear-guard ;  he  modestly  yielded  to  the 
wishes  of  Abu  Obeidah.  But  in  the  hour  of  danger  he  flew  to 
the  rescue  of  his  companion,  who  was  rudely  premed  by  a  sally 
of  six  thousand  horse  and  ten  thousand  foot,  and  few  among  the 
Christians  could  relate  at  Damascus  the  circumstances  of  their 
defeat.  The  importance  of  the  contest  required  the  junction 
of  the  Saracens  who  were  dispersed  on  the  frontiers  of  Syria  and 
Palestine ;  and  I  shall  transcribe  one  of  the  circular  mandates 
which  was  addressed  to  Amrou  the  future  conqueror  of  Egypt 
"In  the  name  of  the  most  merciful  God  :  from  Caled  to  Amrou, 
health  and  happiness.  Know  that  thy  brethren  the  Moslems 
design  to  march  to  Aiznadin,  where  there  is  an  army  of  seventy 
thousand  Greeks,  who  purpose  to  come  against  us,  thai  they  ma^ 
extingmxh  the  light  of  God  with  their  mouths  ;  hut  God  preterveth  hu 
light  in  spite  of  the  infidels.^  As  soon,  therefore,  as  this  letter  of 
mine  shall  be  delivered  to  thy  hands,  come  with  those  that  are 
with  thee  to  Aiznadin,  where  thou  shalt  find  us,  if  it  j^ease  the 
most  high  God."  The  summons  was  cheerfully  obeyed,  and  the 
forty- five  thousand  Moslems  who  met  on  the  same  day,  on  the 
same  spot,  ascribed  to  the  blessing  of  providence  the  effects  of 
their  activity  and  zeaL 

About  four  years  after  the  triumphs  of  the  Persian  war,  the 
repose  of  Heraclius  and  the  empire  was  again  disturbed  by  a  new 
enemy,  the  power  of  whose  religion  was  more  strongly  felt  than 
it  was  clearly  understood  by  the  Christians  of  the  East.  In  his 
palace  of  Constantinople  or  Antioch,  he  was  awakened  by  the 
invasion  of  Syria,  the  loss  of  Bosra,  and  the  danger  of  Damascus. 
An  army  of  seventy  thousand  veterans,  or  new  levies,  was  as- 
sembled at  Hems  or  Emesa,  under  the  command  of  his  genersl 


*Tbese  words  are  a  text  of  the  Koran,  c.  ix.  33.  IzL  8L    Liice  our  Cuiaticiof 
the  last  century,  the  Mostems,  00  eveiy  fiuniliar  or  important  occasion,  spoke  the 
laqgnage  of /Aor  scriptures ;  a  style  move  natural  in  their  months  than  the  IMra» 
idknD  (nuu^ilanted  into  the  cUmate  and  dialect  of  Britain. 


\ 


OF  THE  EOMAN  EMPIRE  421 

Werdan;^  and  these  troops,  consisting  chiefly  of  cavaby,  might  be 
indifferently  styled  either  Syrians,  or  Greeks,  or  Romans :  Syruau, 
frcmi  the  place  of  their  birth  or  warfare ;  Greeks,  from  the  religion 
and  language  of  their  sovereign ;  and  Romans,  fixnn  the  proud 
appellation  which  was  still  pro&ned  by  the  successors,  of  Con- 
stantine.  On  the  plain  of  Aiznadin,^  as  Werdan  rode  on  Bi^*^^^^ 
white  mule  decorated  with  gold  chains  and  surrounded  with 
ensigns  and  standards,  he  was  surprised  by  the  near  i^proach  of 
a  fierce  and  naked  warrior,  who  had  undertaken  to  view  the  state 
of  the  enemy.  The  adventurous  valour  of  Derar^  wiis  inspired, 
and  has  perhaps  been  adorned,  by  the  enthusiasm  of  hisi  age  and 
country.  The  hatred  of  the  Christians,  the  love  of  spoil,  and 
the  contempt  of  danger  were  the  ruling  passions  of  the  audaci- 
ous Saracen ;  and  the  prospect  of  instant  death  could  never  shake 
his  religious  confidence,  or  ruffle  the  calmness  of  his  resolutiOD> 
or  even  suspend  the  frank  and  martial  pleasantry  of  his  humour. 
In  the  most  hopeless  enterprises,  he  was  bold,  and  prudent, 
and  fortunate :  after  innumerable  hazards,  after  being  thrice  a 
prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  infidels^  he  still  survived  to  relate  the 
achievements,  and  to  enjoy  the  rewards,  of  the  Syrian  conquest. 
On  this  occasion,  his  single  lance  maintained  a  flying  fight  against 
thirty  Romans,  who  were  detached  by  Werdan  ;  and,  fliter  killing 
or  unhorsing  seventeen  of  their  number,  Derar  returned  in  safety 
to  his  applauding  brethren.  When  his  rashness  was  mildly  cen- 
sured by  the  general,  he  excused  himself  with  the  simplicity  of 
a  soldier.  ''Nay,"  said  Derar,  ''1  did  not  begin  first;  but  they 
came  out  to  take  me,  and  I  was  afraid  that  God  should  see  me 
turn  my  back ;  and  indeed  1  fought  in  good  earnest,  and  vrith- 
out  doubt  God  assisted  me  against  them ;  and>  had  I  not>  been 
apprehensive  of  disobeying  your  orders,  I  should  not  have  come 
away  as  I  did ;  and  I  perceive  already  that  they  will  £ei11  into 
our  hands."  In  the  presence  of  both  armies,  a  venerable  Greek 
advanced  from  the  ranks  with  a  liberal  offer  of  peace ;  and  the 

^  The  name  of  Werdan  is  unknown  to  Theophanes,  and,  though  it  mi^t  belong 
to  an  Armenian  chief,  has  very  little  of  a  Greek  aspect  or  sound.  If  the  Byaantine 
historians  have  mangled  the  oriental  names,  the  Arabs,  in  this  instance,  likewise 
have  taken  ample  revenge  on  their  enemies.  In  transposing  the  Greek  character 
from  ri^ht  to  left,  might  they  not  produce,  from  the  &miUar  appellatioB<6f  ^ir^n^, 
somethmg  like  the  anagram  Werdan  t  [Werdan  clearly  repiwm^  Bard4Mn£St  an 
Armenian  name.  It  is  hard  to  understand  what  was  in  Gibbon's-  mind  when  be  pro- 
posed to  eicplain  Werdan  as  an  anagrammatiC  corruption  of  the  English  Andrew. 
The  Greek  form,  of  which  Andrew  is  a  corruption,  is  Andreas.^ 

<B[Between  Ramla  (then  Rama)  and  Bait  Jibrin.] 

•[This  Dhiiftr  is  a  bero  of  the  folae  WikkIL] 


422         THE  DECLINE  AXD  FALL 


departure  of  the  Saimcens  would  have  been  purchased  by  a  gift 
to  each  loldier,  of  a  turban,  a  robe,  and  a  piece  of  gold ;  ten 
robei  and  an  hundred  pieces  to  their  leader ;  one  hundred  robes 
and  a  thousand  pieces  to  the  caliph.  A  smile  of  indignation 
ezpresKd  the  renisal  of  Caled.  ''  Ye  Christian  dogs,  you  know 
your  option  :  the  Koran,  the  tribute,  or  the  sword.  We  are  a 
people  whose  delight  is  in  war  rather  than  in  peace ;  and  we  de- 
spise your  pitiful  alms,  since  we  shall  be  speedily  masters  of  your 
wealth,  your  families,  and  your  peraons."  Notwithstanding  this 
apparent  disdain,  he  was  deeply  conscious  of  the  public  danger: 
those  who  had  been  in  Persia,  and  had  seen  the  armies  of 
Chosroes,  confesMd  that  they  never  beheld  a  more  formidable 
amy.  From  the  superiority  of  the  enemy  the  artfiil  Saraoen 
derived  a  fresh  incentive  of  courage :  ''  Yon  see  before  yon," 
said  he,  "  the  united  force  of  the  Romans,  you  cannot  hc^  to 
escape,  but  you  may  conquer  Sjrria  in  a  single  day.  The  event 
depends  on  your  discipline  and  patience.  Reserve  yourselves 
till  the  evening.  It  was  in  the  evening  that  the  prophet  was 
accustomed  to  vanquish."  During  two  successive  engagements, 
his  temperate  firmness  sustained  the  darts  of  the  enemy,  and 
the  murmurs  of  his  troops.  At  length,  when  the  miritB  and 
quivers  of  the  adverM  line  were  almost  exhausted,  Caled  gave  the 
signal  of  onset  and  vietoty.  The  remains  of  the  Imperial  army 
floi  to  Antioch,  or  Casarea,  or  Damascus ;  and  the  death  of  four 
hundred  and  seventy  Moslems  was  compensated  by  the  opinion 
that  they  had  sent  to  hell  above  fifty  thousand  of  the  infidels. 
The  spoil  was  inestimable :  many  banners  and  crosses  of  gold  and 
silver,  precious  stones,  silver  and  gold  chains,  and  innumerable 
suits  ofthe  richest  armour  and  apparel.  The  general  distribution 
was  postponed  till  Damascus  snonld  be  taken ;  but  the  season- 
able supply  of  arms  became  the  instrument  of  new  victories. 
The  glorious  intelligence  was  transmitted  to  the  throne  of  the 
caliph,  and  the  Arabian  tribes,  the  coldest  or  most  hostile  to 
the  prophet's  mission,  were  eager  and  importunate  to  share  the 
harvest  of  Sjrria,^® 

The  sad  tidings  were  carried  to  Damascus  by  the  speed  of 
grief  and  terror ;  and  the  inhabitants  beheld  from  thehr  walls 
Uie  return  of  the  heroes  of  Aimadin.  Amrou  led  the  van  at 
the  head  of  nine  thousand  horse ;  the  bands  of  the  Saracens 
succeeded  each  other  in  fonnidable  review ;  and  the  rear  was 

^[AU  this  description  of  the  cDnferaem  of  Ajnidsin  b  derived  hom  the  an- 
ii£Mcrical  account  of  *' Wftlndi".   VortectaraMlfiviweApfpeodlxst.] 


OF  THIB  BOMAN  EBfPIEE         423 

closed  by  Caled  in  penmi,  with  the  standard  of  the  black  eagle. 
To  the  activity  of  Derar  he  entrusted  the  commissictai  of  pa- 
trolling round  the  city  with  two  thousand  horse,  of  scouring  the 
plain^  and  of  intercepting  all  succour  or  intelligeoce.  The  rest 
of  the  Arabian  chiefii  were  fixed  in  their  respective  stations  be- 
fore the  seven  gates  of  Damascus  ;  and  the  siege  was  renewed 
with  fresh  vigour  and  oonfidence.  The  art,  the  laboor,  tirie 
military  engines,  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  are  seldom  to  be 
foond  in  the  simple,  though  iuccessfnl,  operations  of  the  SAni^ 
cens :  it  was  sufficient  for  them  to  invest  a  city  with  arms  rldher 
than  with  trenches  ;  to  repel  the  sallies  of  the  besieged  ;  to  at- 
tempt a  stratagem  or  an  assault ;  or  to  expect  the  ptogrett  of 
famine  and  discontent.  Damascus  would  have  acquiesced  in 
the  trial  of  Aisnadin,  as  a  final  and  peremptory  sentenice  be- 
tween the  emperor  and  the  calif^  ;  her  courage  was  rekindled 
by  the  example  and  authority  of  Thomas,  a  noble  Greek,  ilhia- 
trious  in  a  private  condition  by  the  alliance  of  HeiAacliua.^ 
The  tumult  and  illumination  of  the  night  proclaimed  the  design 
of  the  morning  sally  ;  and  the  Christian  hero,  who  affected  to 
despise  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Arabs,  employed  the  resource  of 
a  similar  superstition.  At  the  prindpal  gate,  in  the  sight  of 
both  armies,  a  lofty  crucifix  was  erected ;  the  bish<^  with  his 
clergy,  accompanied  the  march,  and  laid  the  volume  of  the 
New  Testament  before  the  image  6f  Jesus ;  and  the  oontend- 
ing  parties  were  scandalised  €fr  edified  by  a  prayer  that  the  Son 
of  Grod  would  defend  his  servants  and  vindicate  his  truth.  The 
battle  raged  with  incessant  fury  ;  and  the  dexterity  of  Thomas,^^ 
an  incomparable  archer,  was  &tal  to  the  boldest  Saracens,  ^1 
their  death  was  revenged  by  a  female  heroine.  The  wife  of 
Aban,  who  had  followed  him  to  the  holy  war,  embraced  her  ex- 
piring husband.  ''  Happy,"  said  she, ''  h^ppy  art  thou,  my  dear ; 
thou  art  gone  to  thy  Lord,  who  first  joined  us  together^  and 
then  parted  us  asunder.  I  will  revenge  thy  death,  and  en* 
deavour  to  the  utmost  of  my  power  to  cone  to  the  place  where 
thou  art,  because  I  love  thee.     Heneeibrth  shall  no  num  ever 


^  Vanity  prompted  the  Arabs  to  believe  that  Thomafl  was  the  ioii-ili-law  of  the 
emperor.  We  know  the  children  of  HeracUui  by  his  two  wiycs  ;  andrhia  at^gmsi 
daughter  would  not  have  married  in  exile  at  Damaacus  (see  Ducange,  Fam.  B^r- 
zantin.  p.  ii8,  119).  Had  he  been  less  rdigious,  I  might  onljr  suspect  thekgiti* 
macy  of  the  damsel 

n  Al  Wakidi  (Ockley.  p.  xox)  says,  **  with  poisoned  antms'* ;  but  this  aiYtge 
invention  is  so  repugnant  to  the  practice  of  the  Greeks  and  Rodmuis  that  I  most 
suspect,  on  this  occasion,  the  makfoient  crednUty  of  the  SttttDena^ 


424         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

touch  me  more,  for  I  have  dedicated  myself  to  the  Benriee  of 
God."  Without  a  groan,  without  a  tear,  she  washed  the  corpie 
of  her  hushand,  and  buried  him  with  the  usual  rites.  Tnen 
grasping  the  manly  weapons,  which  in  her  native  land  she  wag 
accustomed  to  wield,  the  intrepid  widow  of  Aban  sought  the 
place  where  his  murderer  fought  in  the  thickest  of  the  battle. 
Her  first  arrow  pierced  the  hand  of  his  standard-bearer;  her 
second  wounded  Thomas  in  the  eye ;  and  the  £unting  Christiant 
no  longer  beheld  their  ensign  or  their  leader.  Yet  the  gener- 
ous chamjHon  of  Damascus  revised  to  withdraw  to  his  palace; 
his  wound  was  dressed  on  the  rampart ;  the  fight  was  continued 
till  the  evening  ;  and  the  Syrians  rested  on  their  arms.  In  the 
silence  of  the  night,  the  signal  was  given  by  a  stroke  on  the 
great  bell ;  the  gates  were  thrown  open,  and  each  gate  dis- 
charged an  impetuous  column  on  the  sleeping  camp  of  the 
Saracens.  Caled  was  the  first  in  arms ;  at  the  head  of  fiiur 
hundred  horse  he  flew  to  the  post  of  danger,  and  the  tears 
trickled  down  his  iron  cheeks,  as  he  uttered  a  fervent  ejacula- 
tion :  "  O  God !  who  never  sleepest,  look  upon  thy  servants, 
and  do  not  deliver  them  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies". 
The  valour  and  victory  of  Thomas  were  arrested  by  the  presence 
of  the  sword  of  God;  with  the  knowledge  of  the  peril,  the 
Moslems  recovered  their  ranks,  and  charged  the  assailants  in 
the  flank  and  rear.  After  the  loss  of  thousands,  the  Christian 
general  retreated  with  a  sigh  of  despair,  and  the  pursuit  of  the 
Saracens  was  checked  by  the  military  engines  of  the  rampart 

After  a  siege  of  seventy  days,^  the  patience,  and  perhaps  the 
provisions,  of  the  Damascenes  were  exhausted ;  and  the  bravest 
of  their  chiefs  submitted  to  the  hard  dictates  of  necessity.  In 
the  occurrences  of  peace  and  war,  they  had  been  taught  to 
dread  the  fierceness  of  Caled,  and  to  revere  the  mild  virtues  of 
Abu  Obeidah.  At  the  hour  of  midnight,  one  hundred  chosen 
deputies  of  the  clergy  and  people  were  introduced  to  the  tent 
of  that  venerable  commander.  He  received  and  dismissed  tiiem 
with  courtesy.     They  returned  with  a  written  agreement,  on 

''' Abulfeda  allows  only  seventy  dasrs  for  the  siege  of  Damascus  (AnnaL  Moslem, 
p.  6^,  vers.  Reiske);  but  Elmacin,  who  mentions  this  opinion,  prolongs  the  term 
to  BIX  months,  and  notices  the  use  fAboHsiatXtf  the  Saracens(HisL  Sqraoftn,  p.  a*;, 
3a).  Even  this  longer  period  is  insoflBdent  to  fill  the  interval  between  the  battle 
of  Aisnadin  (July,  A.D.  633)  and  the  accession  of  Omar  (34  July,  a.d.  634  [but  see 
Appendix  ai^,  to  whose  reign  the  conquest  of  Damascus  is  unanimoosiy  ascribed 
(Al  Walddi.  apud  Ocldey,  voL  L  p.  115 ;  Abiilpharagius,  Dynast,  p.  iia,  ven. 
Pocock).  iWhapSt  as  in  the  lYojan  war,  the  operations  were  interrupted  faf 
dcursiona  and  detafihinenta,  till  the  hut  seventy  days  of  the  siege. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  425 

Euth  of  a  companion  of  lilahomet,  that  all  hostilities  should 
e;  that  the  voluntary  emigrants  might  depart  in  safety, 
I  as  much  as  they  could  carry   away  of  their  effects ;  and 

the  tributary  subjects  of  the  caliphs  should  enjoy  their 
s  and  houses,  with  the  use  and  possession  of  seven  churches, 
these  terms,  the  most  respectable  hostages,  and  the  sate 
est  to  his  camp,  were  delivered  into  his  hands ;  his  solcuers 
ated  the  moderation  of  their  chief;  and  he  enjoyed  the 
Dissive  gratitude  of  a  people  whom  he  had  rescued  from 
ruction.  But  the  success  of  the  treaty  had  relaxed  their 
ance,  and  in  the  same  moment  the  opposite  quarter  of  the 
was  betrayed  and  taken  by  assault.  A  party  of  an  hundred 
■M  had  opened  the  eastern  gate  to  a  more  inexorable  foe. 
I  quarter,"  cried  the  rapacious  and  sanguinary  Caled,  "  no 
ter  to  the  enemies  of  the  Lord ; "  his  trumpets  sounded, 
a  torrent  of  Christian  blood  was  poured  down  the  streets 
Damascus.  When  he  reached  the  church  of  St.  Mary,  he 
astonished  and  provoked  by  the  peaceful  aspect  of  his  com- 
ons :  their  swords  were  in  the  scabbard,  and  they  were 
>unded  by  a  multitude  of  priests  and  monks.  Abu  Obeidah 
:ed  the  general :  "  God,"  said  he,  "  has  delivered  the  city  into 
lands  by  way  of  surrender,  and  has  saved  the  believers  the 
ble  of  fighting".  '' Andam  /not,"  replied  the  indignant  Caled, 
/  not  the  lieutenant  of  the  commander  of  the  faithful  ?  Have 
t  taken  the  city  by  storm  ?  The  unbelievers  shall  perish  by 
sword.  Fall  on."  The  hungry  and  cruel  Arabs  would 
:  obeyed  the  welcome  command ;  and  Damascus  was  lost,  if 
benevolence  of  Abu  Obeidah  had  not  been  supported  by  a 
nt  and  dignified  firmness.  Throwing  himself  between  the 
ibling  citizens  and  the  most  eager  of  the  barbarians,  he  ad- 
i  them  by  the  holy  name  of  God  to  respect  his  promise,  to 
end  their  fury,  and  to  wait  the  determination  of  tneir  chiefs. ' 
chie&  retired  into  the  church  of  St.  Mary ;  and,  after  a 
ment  debate,  Caled  submitted  in  some  measure  to  the 
>n  and  authority  of  his  colleague ;  who  urged  the  sanctity  of 
tenant,  the  advantage  as  well  as  the  honour  which  the  Mos- 

would  derive  from  the  punctual  performance  of  their  word, 
the  obstinate  resistance  which  they  must  encounter  firom  the 
ust  and  despair  of  the  rest  of  the  Syrian  cities.  It  was 
ed  that  the  sword  should  be  sheathed,  that  the  part  of 
lascus  which  had  surrendered  to  Abu  Obeidah  should  be 
ediately  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  his  capitulation,  and  that 
inal  decision  should  be  referred  to  the  justice  and  wisdom 


426         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  the  caliph«7^  A  large  majority  of  the  people  aooepted  the 
terms  of  toleration  and  tribute ;  «nd  Damascus  is  still  peopled 
by  twenty  thousand  Chzistiana.  But  the  valiant  TfaomAs,  and 
the  free-bom  patriots  who  had  fought  under  his  banner,  embraced 
the  alternative  of  poverty  and  exile.  In  the  adjacent  meadow, 
a  numerous  encampment  was  formed  of  priests  and  laymen,  of 
soldiers  and  dtiaens,  of  women  and  children:  they  collected 
with  haste  and  terror  their  most  precious  moveables ;  and  aban- 
doned, with  loud  lamentations  or  silent  anguish,  their  native 
homes  and  the  pleasant  banks  of  the  Pharphar.  The  inflexible 
soul  of  Caled  was  not  touched  by  the  spectacle  of  their  distren : 
he  disputed  with  the  Damascenes  the  property  of  a  magasine  of 
com ;  endeavoured  to  exclude  the  garrison  from  the  benefit  of 
the  treaty ;  consented,  with  reluctance,  that  each  of  the  fugitives 
should  arm  himself  with  a  sword,  or  a  lance,  or  a  bow;  and 
sternly  declared  that,  after  a  respite  of  three  days,  they  might 
be  pursued  and  treated  as  the  enemies  of  the  Modems. 

The  passion  of  a  Syrian  youth  completed  the  ruin  of  the  exiles 
of  Damascus.  A  nobleman  of  the  eity,  of  the  name  of  Jonas,^^ 
was  betrothed  to  a  wealthy  maiden ;  but  her  parents  delayed  the 
consummation  of  his  nuptials,. and  their  daughter  was  persuaded 
to  escape  with  the  man  whom  the  had  chosen.  They  cormpted 
the  nightly  watchmen  of  the  gate  Keisan :  the  lover,  who  led 
the  way,  was  encompassed  by  a  squadron  of  Arabs  ;  but  his  ex- 
clamation in  the  Greek  tongae,  ''the  bird  is  taken,"  admonished 
his  mistress  to  hasten  her  return.  In  the  presence  of  Caled,  and 
of  death,  the  unfortunate  Jonas  professed  nis  belief  in  one  God, 
and  his  apostle  Mahomet ;  and  continued,  till  the  season  of  his 
martyrdom,  to  discharge  the  duties  off  a  bmve  and  sincere  Mntol- 
man.     When  the  city  was  taken,  he  flew  to  the  monastery,  where 

f*  It  appears  from  Abulfeda  (p.  195)  and  EbAacin  (p.  32)  that  this  distinetion  of 
tlw  two  parts  of  Damascus  was  long  remembered,  diottgfa  not  always  respected, 
by  the  Nfahometan  sovereigns.  See lilcewiie  Eu^chius  ^AnnaL  torn.  u.  p.  370,  a0o, 
383).  [This  division  of  Damascus  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  attack  aTKnUid;  it 
was  in  accordance  with  the  stipulation  already  made  in  the  treaty.  Tbe  same 
arrai^ement  was  adopted  in  otncr  towns  too.] 

TBQn  the  fate  of  these  lovers,  whom  he  names  Pbocyasaod  Eudocia^  Mr.  Hughes 
has  built  the  siege  of  Damascus,  one  of  our  most  popular  tragedies,  and  vmich 
possesses  the  rare  merit  of  blending  nature  and  histoiy.  tb^nahnen  of  the  times 
and  the  fe^nga  of  tbe  heart    The  foolisb  ddioaflj  of  the  playen  compelled  him 


to  soften  the  guilt  of  tbe  hero  and  tbe  despair  of  the  horouie.  Insteaa  of  a  base 
renegade,  Phocyas  serves  the  Arabs  as  an  Donourable  a(fiy ;  instead  of  prampciag 
their  pursuit,  he  flies  to  the  soooonr  of  his  oouatrymen,  and,  after  IdUng  Cldsa  aBl 
Derar,  is  himself  mortally  wounded,  and  omires  in  the  nrfesoifit  of  Pi«AM<**  ^^0 
professes  her  resolution  to  take  tbe  veil  at  Cgnstantinoplc.  A  frigid  catastrpphel 
/This  story  of  the  pursuit  of  tbe  exiles  depends  on  the  authority  of  the  MM  mDddi 
00//.    Tbetnigedycf  J.  HagfanwaapiiUiskedlnifBft]    ■. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  427 

Rudoda  had  taken  refuge;  bat  the  lover  was  forgotten;  the 
apostate  was  scorned ;  she  jwefeired  her  religion  to  her  country ; 
and  the  justice  of  Caled,  though  deaf  to  mercy,  refused  to  detfdn 
by  force  a  male  or  female  inhabitant  of  Damascus.  Four  days 
was  the  general  confined  to  the  city  by  the  obligation  of  the 
treaty  and  the  urgent  cares  of  his  new  conquest.  His  appetite 
for  blood  and  rapine  would  have  been  extinguished  by  the  hope- 
less computation  of  time  and  distance ;  but  he  listened  to  the 
importunities  of  Jonas^  who  assured  him  that  the  weary  fugitives 
might  yet  be  overtaken.  At  the  head  of  four  thousand  horse, 
in  the  disguise  of  Christian  Arabs,  Caled  imdertook  the  pursuit. 
They  halted  only  for  the  moments  of  prayer ;  and  their  guide  had 
a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  country.  For  a  long  way  the  foot- 
steps of  the  Damascenes  were  plain  and  conspicuous :  they 
vanished  on  a  sudden ;  but  the  Stfacens  were  comforted  by  the 
assurance  that  the  caravan  had  turned  aside  into  the  mountains, 
and  must  speedily  fall  into  their  hands.  In  traversing  the  ridges 
of  the  Libanus,  they  endured  intolerable  hardships,  and  the  sink- 
ing spirits  of  the  veteran  &natic8  were  supported  and  cheered  by 
the  unconquerable  ardour  of  a  lover.  From  a  peasant  of  the 
country,  they  were  informed  that  the  emperor  had  sent  orders 
to  the  colony  of  exiles,  to  pursue  without  delay  the  road  of  the 
sea-coast  and  of  Constantinople ;  apprehensive,  perhaps,  that  the 
soldiers  and  people  of  Antioch  might  be  discouraged  by  the  sight 
and  the  story  of^their  sufferings.  The  Saracens  were  conducted 
through  the  territories  of  Gabala^  and  Laodicea,  at  a  cautious 
distance  from  the  walls  of  the  cities ;  the  rain  was  incessant,  the 
night  was  daik,  a  single  mountain  separated  them  from  the 
Roman  army ;  and  Caled,  ever  anxious  for  the  safety  of  his 
brethren^  whispered  an  ominous  dream  in  the  ear  of  his  com- 
panion. With  the  dawn  of  day,  the  prospect  again  cleared,  and 
they  saw  before  them,  in  a  {feasant  vaUey,  the  tents  of  Damascus. 
After  a  short  interval  of  repose  and  prayer,  Caled  divided  his 
cavalry  into  four  squadrons,  conmutting  the  fhst  to  his  &ithful 
Derar,  and  reserving  the  last  for  hinuelf.  They  successively 
rushed  on  the  promiscuous  multitude,  insufficiently  provided 
with  aims,  and  already  vanquished  by  sonrow  and  fotigue.     £x- 

"The  towns  of  Gabala  and  LAodieea,  wtddi  the  Anfai  pund.  itill  eiitttaa 
state  of  decay  (Maundrell,  p.  xx.  xa.  Pooock,  toL  iL  p.  S4]L  HadooCfltoOn- 
tiansbeen  overtakeo,  tfaeymnft  Imwwd— d  tha  OmlBBCB<Mn|M|iilA*lte 
■xteea  Bukt  belweai  Amioch  and  tha  Hi^  and  si^ 
of  CoiMta]itiao|ila  at  Aleaadilfc  natftlBHHlHi'Vl 
distances  (p.  146, 148,  581^  A.^MftdMHII^Vt  A  -^  -"m*^  '^^« 


428         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

cept  a  captive  who  wai  pardoned  and  diomissed,  the  Araba 
enjoyed  the  satisfaction  of  believing  that  not  a  Christian  of  either 
sex  escaped  the  edge  of  their  scjrmetars.  The  gold  and  silver  of 
Damascus  was  scattered  over  the  Ciamp,  and  a  royal  wardrobe  of 
three  hundred  load  of  silk  might  clothe  an  army  of  naked  bar- 
barians. In  the  tumult  of  the  battle,  Jonas  sought  and  found 
the  object  of  his  pursuit ;  but  her  resentment  was  inflamed  by 
the  last  act  of  his  perfidy ;  and,  as  Eudocia  struggled  in  his  hate- 
ful embraces,  she  struck  a  dagger  to  her  heart  Another  female, 
the  widow  of  Thomas,  and  the  real  or  supposed  daughter  of 
Heraclius,  was  spared  and  released  without  a  ransom ;  but  the 
generosity  of  Caled  was  the  effect. of  his  contempt;  and  the 
haughty  Saracen  insulted,  by  a  message  of  defiance,  the  throne 
of  the  Cassars.  Caled  had  penetrated  above  an  hundred  and  fifty 
mOes  into  the  heart  of  the  Roman  province :  he  returned  to  Da> 
mascus  with  the  same  secrecy  and  speed.  On  the  accession  of 
Omar,  the  sword  of  God  was  removed  from  the  command ;  but 
the  caliph,  who  blamed  the  rashness,  was  compelled  to  applaud 
the  vigour  and  conduct,  of  the  entei^irise.^ 

Another  expedition  of  the  conquerors  of  Damascus  will  equally 
display  their  avidity  and  their  contempt  for  the  riches  of  the 
present  world.  They  were  informed  that  the  produce  and  manu- 
factures of  the  country  were  annually  collected  in  the  fiur  of 
Abyla,^^  about  thirty  miles  from  the  city ;  that  the  cell  of  a 
devout  hermit  was  visited  at  the  same  time  by  a  multitude  of 
pilgrims ;  and  that  the  festival  of  trade  and  superstition  would 
be  ennobled  by  the  nuptials  of  the  daughter  of  the  governor  of 
IVipoli.  Abdallah,  the  son  of  Jaa&r,  a  glorious  and  holy  martyr, 
undertook,  with  a  banner  of  five  hundred  horse,  the  pious  and 
profitable  commission  of  despoiling  the  infidels.  As  he  ap- 
proached the  fair  of  Abyla,  he  was  astonished  by  the  report 
of  the  mighty  concourse  of  Jews  and  Christians,  Greeks  and 
Armenians,  of  natives  of  Sjrria  and  of  strangers  of  Egypt,  to  the 
number  of  ten  thousand,  besides  a  guard  of  five  thousand  horse 
that  attended  the  person  of  the  bride.  The  Saracens  paused: 
"  For  my  own  part,"  said  Abdallah,  "  I  dare  noi  go  bade ;  our 
foes  are  many,  our  danger  is  great ;  but  our  reward  is  qilendid 

77  [Gibbon  omits  to  mention  the  battle  of  Fihl  (Pdla),  woo  over  a  Greek  anqr 
towards  the  end  of  the  summer  of  A.i>.  63$.  Cp.  Bilidhori,  ap.  Weil,  ili.- Aah. 
ztmi  ersten  Bande,  p.  i.] 

f^  Dair  AM  Kodos.    After  retrenching  the  last  word,  the  oitbtt  Mr,  I  dhDOHT 
the  Abila  of  Lysanios [Abil  as^Qk]  between  DimaicnB  and  HfHydl6;JhMMi 
tj4M  signifies  a  vineyard  [?])  ooncun  with  the  titimtiQB  M  Jairiqi  M^flH^fMMb     j 
(Reland,  Ailestin.  torn.  L  p.  317,  torn,  ii  p.  s^s*  ^nV         •  » «  .^f*!  i^i/  »>«i«9ib  :;  J 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE 


429 


and  secure,  either  in  this  life  or  in  the  life  to  come.  Let  every 
man,  according  to  his  inclination,  advance  or  retire."  Not  a 
Musulman  deserted  his  standard.  ''Lead  the  way/'  said  Ab« 
dallah  to  his  Christian  guide,  "  and  you  shall  see  what  the  com- 
panions of  the  prophet  can  perform."  They  charged  in  five 
squadrons ;  but,  after  the  first  advantilge  of  the  surprise,  they 
were  encompassed  and  almost  overwhelmed  by  the  multitude  of 
their  enemies  ;  and  their  valiant  band  is  fimcifully  compared  to 
a  white  spot  in  the  skin  of  a  black  cameL^®  About  the  hour  of 
sunset,  when  their  weapons  dropped  from  their  hands,  when  they 
panted  on  the  verge  of  eternity,  they  discovered  an  approaching 
cloud  of  dust,  they  heard  the  welcome  sound  of  the  iecbir,^  and 
they  soon  perceived  the  standard  of  Caled,  who  flew  to  their 
relief  with  the  utmost  speed  of  his  cavalry.  The  Christians  were 
broken  by  his  attack,  and  slaughtered  in  their  flight  as  far  as  the 
river  of  TripolL  They  left  behind  them  the  various  riches  of  the 
fiur :  the  merchandises  that  were  exposed  for  sale,  the  money 
that  was  brought  for  purchase,  the  gay  decorations  of  the  nuptials, 
and  the  governor's  daughter,  with  forty  of  her  female  attendants. 
The  firuits,  provisions,  and  furniture,  the  money,  plate,  and  jewels, 
were  diligently  laden  on  the  backs  of  horses,  asses,  and  mules ; 
and  the  hoLy  robbers  returned  in  triumph  to  Damascus.  The 
hermit,  after  a  short  and  angry  controversy  with  Caled,  declined 
the  crown  of  mariyrdom,  and  was  left  alive  in  the  solitary  scene 
of  blood  and  devastation. 

Syria,®^  one  of  the  countries  that  have  been  improved  by  the 
most  early  cultivation,  is  not  unworthy  of  the  preference.^'    TheMyiK 


7*1  am  bolder  than  Mr.  Ockley  (vol  L  p.  164),  who  dares  not  insert  this  figu- 
rative  expression  in  the  text,  though  he  observes,  in  a  marginal  note,  that  the 
Arabians  often  borrow  their  similes  from  that  useful  and  familiar  animal    The 
reindeer  may  be  equally  famous  in  the  songs  of  the  Laplanders. 
*  We  heard  the  iecbir;  so  the  Arabs  call 
Their  sho^t  of  onset,  when  with  loud  appeal 
The^  challenge  heaven,  as  if  demanding  conquest. 
This  word,  so  formidable  in  their  holy  wars,  is  a  verb  active  (says  Ockley  in  his 
Tndex)  of  the  second  conjugation  from  Kaibara,  which  signifies  sa3ring  Alia  Acbar, 
God  is  most  mighty ! 

^  In  the  Gec^^raphy  of  Abulfeda,  the  description  of  Syria,  his  native  country, 
is  the  most  interesting  and  authentic  portion.  It  was  published  in  Arabic  and 
Latin,  Ltpsiae,  1766,  in  quarto,  with  the  learned  notes  of  iCochler  and  Reiske,  and 
some  eztnicCa  of  geography  and  natural  history  from  Ibn  Ol  WardiL  Among  the 
modem  traveis*  Pdoock  s  description  of  the  East  (of  S3rria  and  Mesopotamia,  vol 
ii  p.  88409)  if  a  work  of  siqierior  leamiitf  and  dignity ;  but  the  author  too  often 

'  Mrhathemulread. 
Jotaad  livdy.    lUl  rtrr  |Ur  iSyna)  voAAot  n  mI 
"     ^  Hudson). 


i  iv.  Geograph.  Minor. 


430  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

heat  of  the  dimate  is  tempered  by  the  iricinity  of  the  sea  and 
moantains,  by  the  plenty  of  wood  and  water ;  and  the  produce 
of  a  fertile  soil  affbnls  the  subsistence,  and  encourages  Uie  pro- 
pagation, of  men  and  animals*  From  the  age  of  David  to  that 
of  Heraclius,  the  country  was  overspread  with  ancient  and 
flourishing  cities :  the  inhabitants  were  numerous  and  wealthy  ; 
and,  after  the  slow  ravage  of  despotism  and  superstition,  after 
the  recent  calamities  of  the  Persian  war,  Syrin  could  still  attract 
and  reward  the  rapacious  tribes  of  the  desert.  A  plain,  of  ten 
da,yn'  journey,  from  Damascus  to  Aleppo  and  Antioch,  is  watered, 
on  the  western  side,  by  the  winding  course  of  the  Orontes.  The 
hills  of  Libanus  and  Anti-Iibanns  are  planted  from  north  to 
south,  between  the  Orontes  and  the  Mediterranean,  and  the 
epithet  of  hollow  (Coelesjrria)  was  applied  to  a  long  and  fruitful 
valley,  which  is  confined  in  Uie  same  direction  by  the  two  ridges 
of  snowy  mountains.^  Among  the  cities,  which  are  enumerated 
by  Greek  and  Oriental  names  in  the  geography  and  contest  of 
S3rria,  we  may  distinguish  Emesa  or  Hems,  HeliopoUs  or  Baalbec, 
the  former  as  the  metropolis  of  the  plain,  the  latter  as  the  capital 
of  the  valley.  Under  the  last  of  the  Cssars,  they  were  strong 
and  populous :  the  turrets  glittered  from  a£ur ;  an  ample  space 
was  covered  with  public  and  private  buildings ;  and  the  citizens 
were  illustrious  by  their  spirit,  or  at  least  hv  their  pride ;  by 
their  riches,  or  at  least  by  their  luxury.  In  the  days  of  Pagan- 
ism, both  Emesa  and  Hehopolis  were  addicted  to  the  worship  of 
Baal,  or  the  sun ;  but  the  decline  of  their  superstition  and  splen- 
dour has  been  marked  by  a  singular  variety  of  fortune.  Not  a 
vestige  remains  of  the  temple  of  Rmesa,  which  was  equalled  in 
poetic  style  to  the  summits  of  mount  Libanus,^  while  the  ruins 

M^Ai  TV  ^afitfuhm.  k«1  IM^wt  ntpvor  «i|iir.     V.  931,  922. 
This  poetical  geographer  K^  in  the  age  of  Aogustiu,  and  his  desoiption  of  the 
world  is  illustrated  l^  the  Qredc  oommentaiy  of  BusUthitis,  who  paid  the  same 
compliments  to  Homer  and  DiooTsius  (Fabna  Bibliot  Grsec  L  iv.  c  a.  torn.  iii. 

£.  ai,  &C.).    [The  date  of  Dkmysiitt  is  still  dispoted,  but  he  probably  wrote  under 
[adrian,  and  certainly  at  Alesandria.   See  Leue's  article  in  Pmlologus,  42,  1751^.] 

^  The  topography  of  the  Libamis  and  Anti-Libanos  is  excellently  described  by 
the  learning  and  sense  of  Reland  (Pakstin.  torn.  L  p.  311-396). 

M  ^*f**^^  fJMtigii  cdsa  lenidenL 

Nam  diffusa  solo  latot  rrirfiffrt,  ac  sobit  amas 
Turritnis in cadum  nitcntlbai:  iBODladaris 
Cor  stndiis  acait  .  •  . 
Denique  flaiamioomo  devoti  psotoim  aoli 
Vitam  agitant    Lifaamia  frandoia  caonwina  tnr^, 
£t  tamen  his  oertant  odsi  [te-'oslsi  oerlam]  fMtigia  templi. 
Tb&9e  vorses  of  the  Latin  venkm  of  Rtoni  Aneaos  [lo^  jyy.]  are  wanting  in 
iht  Greek  ongauA  of  Dioajms;  snd,  staos  they  are  likewise  onnotioed  by 


AbriMMAML 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  481 

of  Baftlbec^  invisible  to  the  writers  of  antiquity,  excite  the 
enriomty  and  wonder  of  the  European  traveller.^  The  measure 
of  the  temple  is  two  hundred  feet  in  length,  and  one  hundred  in 
bffeadth ;  Uie  front  is  adorned  with  a  double  portico  of  eight 
oolnmns ;  fourteen  may  be  counted  on  either  side ;  and  each 
column,  fnrty-five  feet  in  height,  is  composed  of  three  massy 
blocks  of  stone  or  marble.  Tlie  proportions  and  ornaments  of 
the  Corinthian  order  express  the  architecture  of  the  Gireeks ; 
buty  as  Baalbec  has  never  been  the  seat  of  a  monarch,  we  axe  at 
a  loss  to  conceive  how  the  expense  of  these  magnificent  structures 
could  be  supplied  by  private  or  municipal  liberality.^  From  the 
conquest  of  Damascus  the  Saracens  proceeded  to  Heliopolis  and 
Emeaa:  but  I  shall  decline  the  repetition  of  the-  sallies  andjgMMj^ 
combats  which  have  been  already  shewn  on  a  larger  scale.  In 
the  prosecution  of  the  war,  their  policy  was  not  less  effectual 
than  their  sword.  By  short  and  separate  truces  they  dissolved 
the  union  of  the  enemy ;  accustomed  the  Syrians  to  compare 
their  friendriiip  with  their  enmity ;  familiarised  the  idea  of  their 
language,  religion,  and  manners ;  and  exhausted,  by  clandestine 
purchase,  the  magazines  and  arsenals  of  the  cities  which  they 
returned  to  besiege.  They  aggravated  the  ransom  of  the  more 
wealthy  or  the  more  obstinate ;  and  Chalcis  alone  was  taxed  at 
five  thousand  ounces  of  gold,  five  thousand  ounces  of  silver,  two 
thoosand  robes  of  silk,  and  as  many  figs  and  olives  as  would  load 
five  thousand  asses.  But  the  terms  of  truce  or  capitulation  were 
fittthiiilly  observed  ;  and  the  lieutenant  of  the  caliph,  who  had 
promiaea  not  to  enter  the  walls  of  the  captive  Baalbec,  remained 
tnuoquil  and  immoveable  in  his  tent  till  the  jarring  factions  soli- 
cited the  interposition  of  a  foreign  master.  The  conquest  of  the 
plain  and  valley  of  Sjrria  was  achieved  in  less  than  two  years.^ 

Eutatbias,  I  miat,  with  Fabricius  (Bibliot  LAtin.  torn.  uL  p.  153,  edit.  ErnfSti), 
and  against  SalmasMa  (ad  Vopiscum,  p.  366,  367.  in  Hist.  August.),  ascribe  them 
to  the  fancy  latfier  than  the  Mss.  of  Avienus. 

*  I  mm  much  better  satisfied  with  Maundrell's  slight  octavo  (Journey,  p.  134*13^) 
than  with  the  pompous  folio  of  Doctor  Pocock  (Description  of  the  East,  voL  il 
p.  loo-xia) ;  hat  evenr  preceding  account  is  eclipsed  by  the  magnificent  description 
and  drawings  of  Mill.  Dawkins  and  Wood,  who  have  transported  into  England 
the  ruins  oTPafanyra  and  Baalbec 

*Tbe  orientals  explain  the  prodigy  by  a  never-failing  expedient  The  edifices 
of  ffaall"^  wfre  coastnicted  by  the  fairies  or  the  genii  (Hist  de  Timour  Bee,  torn. 
iiL  L  V.  &  ^t  P*  31 '>  3'^  Voyage  d'Otter,  torn.  i.  p.  83).  WiUi  less  absurdity, 
but  with  equal  ignorance,  Abulfeda  and  Ibn  Chaukel  ascribe  them  to  the  Sabeeans 
or  Aadites.     Non  sunt  in  omni  Syrift  aedificia  magnificentiora  his  (Tabula  Sjrriae, 

'"lOdfief,  whom  Gibbon  is  following,  places  the  occupation  of  Emesa  and 
IWiopolia  sady  iB^37f  vol  i.  p.  iSx,  ig^ 


432         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Yet  the  commander  of  the  fiiithfal  reproved  the  alowneM  of  their 
progress,  and  the  Saracens,  bewailing  their  &ult  with  tean  of 
rage  and  repentance,  called  aloud  on  their  chie&  to  lead  them 
forth  to  fight  the  battles  of  the  Lord.  In  a  reoent  action,  under 
the  walls  of  Emesa,  an  Arabian  youth,  the  cousin  of  Caled,  was 
heard  aloud  to  exclaim,  ''Methhiks  I  see  the  black-eyed  girls 
looking  upon  me :  one  of  whom,  should  she  appear  in  this  world, 
all  mankind  would  die  for  love  of  her.  And  I  see  in  the  hand 
of  one  of  them  an  handkerchief  of  green  silk,  and  a  cap  of  pre- 
cious stones,  and  she  beckons  me,  and  calls  out.  Come  hither 
quickly,  for  I  love  thee."  With  these  words,  charging  the 
Christians,  he  made  havoc  wherever  he  went,  till,  observed  at 
length  by  the  governor  of  Hems,  he  was  struck  through  with  a 
javelin* 

It  was  incumbent  on  the  Saracens  to  exert  the  full  powers  of 
their  valour  and  enthusiasm  against  the  forces  of  the  emperor, 
who  was  taught  by  repeated  losses  that  the  roven  of  the  desert 
had  undertaken,  and  would  speedily  achieve,  a  regular  and  per- 
manent conquest.  From  the  provinces  of  Europe  and  Asia, 
fourscore  thousand  soldiers  were  transported  by  sea  and  land  to 
Antioch  and  Caesarea ;  the  light  troops  of  the  army  consisted  of 
sixty  thousand  Christian  Arabs  of  the  tribe  of  Giassan.  Under 
the  banner  of  Jabalah,  the  last  of  their  princes,  they  marched  in 
the  van  ;  and  it  was  a  maxim  of  the  Greeks  that,  for  the  purpose 
of  cutting  diamond,  a  diamond  was  the  most  effectuaL  Heraclius 
withheld  his  person  fiom  the  dangers  of  the  field ;  but  his  pre- 
sumption, or  perhaps  his  despondency,  suggested  a  peremptoiy 
order  that  the  fiite  of  the  province  and  the  war  should  be  decided 
by  a  single  battle.  The  Sjrrians  were  attached  to  the  standard 
of  Rome  and  of  the  cross ;  but  the  noble,  the  dtixen,  the  peasant, 
were  exasperated  by  the  injustice  and  cruelty  of  a  licentious  host 
who  oppressed  them  as  subjects  and  despised  them  as  strangers 
and  aliens.^  A  report  of  these  mighty  preparations  was  con- 
veyed to  the  Saracens  in  their  camp  of  Emesa ;  and  the  chiefs, 
though  resolved  to  fight,  assembled  a  council ;  the  foith  of  Abu 
Obeidah  would  have  expected  on  the  same  spot  the  glory  of 
martjnrdom ;  the  wisdom  of  Caled  advised  an  honourable  retreat 
to  the  skirts  of  Palestine  and  Arabia,  where  they  miffht  await 
the  succours  of  their  friends  and  the  attack  of  the  um>eUever8. 


*I  have  read  somewhere  in  Tacitus,  or  Grotiui,  Subjectoe  habenC  tanqaam 
9UOB,  viles  tanquam  alienoi.  Some  Gfoek  oAoen  ravUied  the  wife,  and  Bwrdered 
ihe  child,  of  tbmr  Syrian  landlord ;  and  Maaoel  imUed  at  his  unduUful  ****— pfa><i— 


OF  THE  ROMAN  KMPfBE  438 

A  speedy  metsenger  soon  returned  firom  the  throDe  of  Migdina» 
with  the  blessings  of  Omar  and  Ali,  the  prayers  of  the  yndofif^ 
of  the  prophet,  and  a  reinforcement  of  eight  thousand  Modens^ 
In  their  way  they  overturned  a  detachment  of  Greeks,  and,  wheo 
they  joined  at  Yermuk  the  camp  of  their  brethren,  they  fi>an4 
the  pleasinff  intelligence  that  Caled  had  alreachr  defeated  and 
scattered  the  Christian  Arabs  of  the  tribe  of  Gassao,  In  tbi^ 
neighbourhood  of  Bosra^  the  springs  of  Mount  Hermon  descend 
in  a  torrent  to  the  plain  of  Decapolis,  or  ten  cities ;  and  the 
Hieromax,  a  name  which  has  been  corrupted  to  Yermuk,  is  lost 
after  a  short  course  in  the  lake  of  Tiberias.^  The  banks  of  this 
obscure  stream  were  illustnted  by  a  long  and  bloody  encounter* 
On  this  momentous  occasion,  the  public  voice,  and  the  modesty 
of  Abu  Obeidah,  restored  the  command  to  the  most  deserving  m 
the  Moslems.  Caled  assumed  his  station  in  the  front,  his  col- 
league was  posted  in  the  rear,  that  the  disorder  of  the  fiigitives 
might  be  checked  by  his  venerable  aspect  and  the  sight  of  the 
yellow  banner  which  Mahomet  had  displayed  before  the  walls  pf 
Chaibar.  The  last  line  was  occupied  by  the  sister  of  Deiar,  with 
the  Arabian  women  who  had  enlisted  in  this  holy  war,  who  were 
accustomed  to  wield  the  bow  and  the  lance,  and  who  in  a  momc^ 
of  captivity  had  defended,  against  the  undrcumcised  ravishers, 
their  chastity  and  religion.^  The  exhortation  of  the  generals 
was  brief  and  forcible ;  ''  Paradise  is  before  you,  the  devil  and 
hell-fire  in  your  rear".  Yet  such  was  the  weight  of  the  Roman 
cavalry  that  the  right  wing  of  the  Arabs  was  broken  and  sepa- 
rated from  the  main  body.  Thrice  did  they  retreat  in  disorder, 
aad  thrice  were  they  driven  back  to  the  chaige  by  the  reproaches 
and  blows  of  the  women.  In  the  intervals  of  action,  Abiu 
Obeidah  visited  the  tents  of  his  brethren ;  prolonged  their  repose 
by  repeating  at  once  the  prayers  of  two  different  hours ;  bound 
up  their  wounds  with  his  own  hands,  and  administered  the  com- 

**See  Reland,  Palostin.  torn.  I  p.  272,  28$,  tom.  ii.  p.  77a,  yy^  This  leurned 
profeswr  was  equal  to  the  task  of  describing  the  Holy  XAnd,  since  be  was  alike 
oooversant  with  Greek  and  Latin,  with  Hebrew  and  Aratnan  literature*  The 
Yemmk,  or  Hieromax,  is  noticed  b3r  Cellarius  (Geograpb.  Antiq.  torn.  iL  pu  391;, 
and  lyAnviUe  (G^grapbie  Aneienne,  tom.  ii.  p.  185).  The  Arabs,  aiia  esen 
Abolfeda  himself,  do  not  seem  to  recognise  the  scene  of  their  victory.  JTEor  the 
chronology  see  Appendix  ax.  The  battle  was  fought  in  the  plain  of  WSkOaa. 
perfiapii  40  miles  above  the  junction  of  the  YermQk  with  the  Jordan,  and  about 
30  mues  east  of  Gadara,  oloae  to  where  the  military  road  from  Damascus  to 
Palestine  crosses  the  river.    See  Muir,  cf,  cit  p.  99.J 

**Tbese  wooien  were  of  the  tribe  of  the  Hamyarites,  who  derived  their  origin 
from  the  ancient  Amakkites.  Their  females  were  accugtomed  to  ride  on  horse- 
back, and  to  fight  like  the  Amaions  of  old  (Ockley,  voL  L  pw  67). 

VOL.  V.  28 


434         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

fortable  reflection  that  the  infidels  partook  of  their  safferings 
without  partaking  of  their  reward.  Four  thousand  and  thirty  of 
the  Moslems  were  buried  in  the  field  of  battle ;  and  the  skiU  of 
the  Armenian  archers  enabled  seven  hundred  to  boast  that  they 
had  lost  an  eye  in  that  meritorious  service.  The  veterans  of  the 
Syrian  war  acknowledged  that  it  was  the  hardest  and  most 
doubtful  of  the  days  which  they  had  seen.  But  it  was  likewise 
the  most  decisive :  many  thousands  of  the  Greeks  and  Syrians 
fell  by  the  swords  of  the  Arabs  ;  many  were  slaughtered,  after 
the  defeat  in  the  woods  and  mountains ;  many,  by  mistaking  the 
ford,  were  drowned  in  the  waters  of  the  Yermuk  ;  and,  however 
the  loss  may  be  magnified,^  the  Christian  writers  confess  and 
bewail  the  bloody  punishment  of  their  sins.^  Manuel,  the 
RcHnan  general,  was  either  killed  at  Damascus  or  took  refuge  in 
the  monastery  of  mount  Sinai.  An  exile  in  the  Byzantine  court, 
Jabalah  lamented  the  manners  of  Arabia  and  his  unlucky  pre- 
ference of  the  Christian  cause.**  He  had  once  inclined  to  the 
profession  of  Islam ;  but,  in  the  pilgrimage  of  Mecca,  Jabalah 
was  provoked  to  strike  one  of  his  brethren,  and  fled  with  amaze- 
ment from  the  stem  and  equal  justice  of  the  caliph.  The  vic- 
torious Saracens  exijoyed  at  Damascus  a  month  of  pleasure  and 
repose ;  the  spoil  was  divided  by  the  discretion  of  Abu  Obeidah  ; 
an  equal  share  was  allotted  to  a  soldier  and  to  his  horae^  and  a 
double  portion  was  reserved  for  the  noble  coursers  of  the  Arabian 
breed. 

After  the  battle  of  Yermuk  the  Roman  army  no  longer  ap- 
peared in  the  field;  and  the  Saracens  might  securely  choose 
among  the  fortified  towns  of  Syria  the  first  object  of  their  attaek. 

>i  We  kiUed  of  them,  says  Aba  Obeidah  to  the  caliph,  one  buDdred  and  fifty 
thousand,  and  made  prisonen  forty  thousand  (Ocklcy,  voL  u  p.  841).  As  I 
cannot  doubt  his  veracity  nor  believe  his  computation,  I  must  suspect  that  the 
Arafavc  historians  indulged  themselves  in  the  practice  of  composing  speeches  and 

letters  for  their  heroes. 


^9  Uf^iMv  [Ug.  AUtvitw,  a  rartin  Aestine :  cp.  Latin  version  of  Anastasius,  and 
text  of  de  Boor]  clfutroxv^icr  [A^.  mlpax^^Uy  His  account  is  brief  and  obscnre, 
bat  he  accuses  the  numbers  of  the  enemy,  the  adverse  wind,  and  the  cdoud  of 
dust ;  ^  hfpn$4mt  (the  Romans)  iyrtvp^M^ru  [l^.  ArrMni#««]  ixlh^  ^^  vkr 
mrioy»rtfr,    vrrwrrM,   Mi    U»m^  ^AJUlamf  «Ct   rAt   uni<lwi   r»«   liMunrf^S    [ie/f. 

Itpoiuv^xHl  voTc^  Jmi  avMAom  S^hpt  (Chronograph,  p,  90o  [A.11.  6x96)]. 

M  See  Abulfeda  (Annal.  Moslem,  p.  70,  yx}.  who  transcribes  the  poetical  com- 
plaint of  Jabalah  hhnself,  and  some  ponecmcal  strains  of  an  Arabian  poet,  to 
whom  the  chief  of  Gassan  sent  from  Constantinople  a  gift  of  five  hnndred  pieces 
of  gold  by  the  hands  of  the  ambassador  of  Omar. 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  435 


Hmj  cwltrH  tbe  caliph  whetlier  tbey  should  march  to 
or  JcnHalem ;  and  the  advice  of  Ali  determiDed  the  imnediate 
of  the  latter.  To  a  profioie  eye,  Jerusalem  was  the  £iat 
capital  of  Paleatiiie ;  hot,  •SUst  Mecca  and  Medina,  it 

rerercd  and  Tinted  by  the  devoot  Mnalnmij  aa  the  temple 

aitbft  Holj  Land  which  had  beoi  aanctified  bj  the  revelation 
ai  Moaci,  of  Jesos,  and  of  Mahomet  himself.  The  son  of  Afan 
Sophian  was  sent  with  five  thousand  Arabs  to  try  the  fiist  ex- 
periment of  surprise  or  treaty ;  but  on  the  eleventh  day  the 
town  was  invested  by  tbe  whole  force  of  Abu  ObeidalL  He 
addrrasfd  the  customary  summons  to  the  chief  commanders  and 
people  of  ifiiia.**  "  Health  and  happiness  to  every  one  that 
fiiUofws  the  right  way !  We  require  of  you  to  testify  that  there 
is  bnt  one  God  and  that  Mahomet  is  his  apostle.  If  you  refuse 
this^  consent  to  pay  tribute,  and  be  under  us  forthwith.  Other- 
wise I  shall  bring  men  against  you  who  love  death  betto'  than 
yon  do  the  drinking  of  wine  or  eating  hogs'  flesh.  Nor  will  I 
ever  stir  firam  you,  if  it  please  God,  till  I  have  destroyed  those 
that  fight  for  you,  and  made  slaves  of  your  children."  But  the 
city  was  deteided  on  every  side  by  deep  valleys  and  steep 
ascents ;  since  the  invasion  of  Syria,  the  walls  and  towers  had 
been  anxiously  restored ;  the  bravest  of  the  fugitives  of  Yermuk 
had  stopped  in  the  nearest  place  of  refuge ;  and  in  the  defence 
of  the  sepulchre  of  Christ  tbe  natives  and  strangers  miight  feel 
some  ^Mffks  of  the  enthusiasm  which  so  fiercely  glowed .  in  the 
bosoms  of  the  Saracens.  The  si^^  of  Jerusalem  lasted  four 
months;  not  a  day  was  lost  without  some  action  of  sally  or 
assault ;  the  military  engines  incessantly  |^yed  from  the  ram- 
parts ;  and  the  indonency  of  the  winter  was  still  more  painful 
and  destructive  to  the  Arabs.  The  Christians  yielded  at  loogth 
to  the  perseverance  of  the  besi^^ers.  The  patriarch  Sophronius 
appeared  on  the  walls,  and  by  the  voice  of  an  interpreter  de- 
manded a  conference.  After  a  vain  attempt  to  dissuade  the 
lieutenant  of  the  caliph  from  his  impious  enterprise,  he  proposed, 
in  the  name  of  the  people,  a  fiur  capitulaticxi,  with  this  extra- 
ordinary clause,  that  the  uticles  of  security  should  be  ratified 
by  the  authority  and  presence  of  Omar  himself.    The  question 

M  In  the  DAme  of  the  d^,  the  profane  prevailed  over  the  sacred ;  Mnuaiemmas 
known  to  tbe  devout  Christians  (fiaseb.  de  Martvr.  Palest  c  zL) ;  bat  the  legal 
and  popular  appellation  <^A£lia  (the  colony  of  JSaaa  Hadrianus)  has  paaed  from 
the  Rotnans  to  the  Arabs  (Reland,  Palestin.  torn.  L  p.  007,  torn.  n.  p.  855; 
d'Herbelot.  Biblioth^que  Orientale.  Cods,  p.  969.  //mi,  pw  400).  The  epithet  of  ^/ 
Cads,  the  Holy,  is  used  as  the  proper  name  of  Jerusaknu 


436         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

WBS  debated  in  the  ooundl  of  Medina ;  the  sanctity  of  the  plaeey 
and  the  advice  of  Ali,  perauaded  the  adiph  to  gratify  the  wiihei 
of  his  soldiers  and  enemies;,  and  the  simplicity  of  lids  joamey  is 
more  illnstrioas  than  the  royal  pageants  of  vanity  and  oppre»- 
sion.  The  conqueror  of  Persia  and  Syria  was  moonted  on  a  red 
camel,  which  carried,  besides  his  person,  a  bag  of  com,  a  hmst  of 
dates,  a  wooden  dish,  and  a  leathern  bottle  of  water.  Wher- 
ever he  halted,  the  eompany,  without  distinction,  was  in^ted  Co 
partake  of  his  homely  nre,  and  the  repast  was  ^xmseorated  by 
the  prayer  and  exhcHtatiim  of  the  commander  of  the  faithful,* 
But  in  this  expedition  or  pilgrimage  his  power  was  exeicised  in 
the  administration  of  justice ;  he  reformed  the  Keentious  poly- 
gamy of  the  Arabs,  relieved  the  tributaries  from  eztoitioii  and 
cruelty,  and  chastised  the  luxury  of  the  Samcens  by  despofling 
them  of  their  rich  silks  and  dragging  them  on  their -fiiees  an  the 
dirt  When  he  came  within  sigpht  of  Jerusalem,  the  ealiph  cried 
with  a  loud  voice,  *^  God  is  victorious.  O  Lord,  give  us  an  easy 
conquest ; "  and,  pitching  his  tent  of  coarse  hair,  calmly  seated 
himself  on  the  ground.  After  signing  the'  oapituktion,  he 
entered  the  dty  without  fear  or  precautiim ;  and  courteously  dis- 
coursed with  the  patriarch  concerning  its  religious  antiquities^ 
Sophronius  bowed  before  his  new  master,  and  secretly  muttered, 
in  the  words  of  Daniel,  ''The  abomination  of  desolation  it  in  the 
holy  place  ".^  At  the  hour  of  prajrer  they  stood  tbgetiier  in  the 
church  of  the  Resurrection ;  but  l^e  eal^h  refused  to  jperfbrm 
his  devotions,  and  contented  himself  with  praying  on-  the  steps 
of  the  church  of  Constantine.  To  the  patriarch  he  discksed  ms 
prudent  and  honoumUe  motive.  "  Had  I  yielded,"  said  Omar, 
''to  your  request,  the  Moslems  of  a  future  age  would  have  in- 
fHngied  the  treaty  under  colour  of  imitating  myexHii|rie.*'  By 
his  command  the  gvound  of  the  temple  of  Solomon' was  prqiared 
for  the  foundation  of  amoseh  ;*^  and,  during  a  i^esidenoe  often 

*The  singulAr  Journey  and  equipage  of  bmar  art  devritwd  (tieMti  Ockky, 
voL  i.  p.  950)  by  Mimadi  {U&rwmkm  ArElggrpM,  p.  «po-geA).  -  • 

^The  Arabs  boast oC  an. old  pvopbacrffttervBdat  JeruMMttn,:andj  ^kmrXHM 
the  name,  the  religpon,  and  the  peraoa  oiP  Omar,  the  future  cooqaeror.  '  Qjjr  aocE 
arts  the  Jews  are  said  to  faafe  aooched  mt  pMs  of  their  fbreign  miariin,  Qftos  wad 
Alexander  (Joseph.  Ant  Jud.  L  xL  c.  i,  8,  p.  547,  579-582). 


■'n  fiUktTfiui rijt  Wiiwwt rh  ff^i^  ItA  A«rd^  ni  wyUiTow  Irr^P^  4vHt]4r 

vv  ^(y.  Theophan.  Qu^onoyuiL  p.  aBt{A;ia  6ityt  Tntpiiettrtloii,«ldchhsd 
already  served  for  Amioebni  and  the  Haosai.  w»  «|iia  reBtted  Ibr  tte  praMot 


occasion,  by  the  ceeonemy  cf  Bophroahis,  oot  of  the  deepest  tbeolosiaBt  off  the 
Monothdite  controversy. 
^'Acoondiiif  to  Ibo  saonato  aarvey  of  DTAnviOe  (Dimrtatloa  mr  I'aiMiMme 
Jerusalem,  p,  43-54),  the  nosdiol  Oani'tBAKtBedtadeaAbelliibad  by  SMCowdiiig 


OF/ THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE         4S7 

dkyty  he  related  tbe  present  and  fiitiive'  ttote  of  hit  SyrUn, 
oonqueste.  Mediiumiight  be  jeailous  lest  ite  odiph  slMittkl  bei 
detained  bj  the  sanctity  of  JerMaleas  or  the  beauty  of  Damascus; 
ker  apprebensiona  were  dispelled  by  his  prompt  and.  volwitary 
return  to  the  tomb  of  the  apostle.^ 

To  achieve  what  yet  remained  of  the  Syrian  war^  the  caliph  g^^^yjy^, 
had  formed  two  separate  armies:  a  chosra  detacbmeni^  under ^^J^m 
Amroa.and  Yeaid^  waa  left  in  the  camp  of  Palestine ;  while  ^b/t 
kiger  diTiiion,  under  tbe  standard  of  Abu  Obeidah  and  Caled, 
marched  away  to  the  north  against  Antioch  and  Aleppo,^^  The 
hitter  of  these^  the  Benoea  of  the  Greeks,  was  not  yet  iUnstrious  aa 
the  capital  of  a  province  or  a  kingdom.;  and  the  inhabitants, 
bw  anticipating  their  submisaion  mA  pleading  their  poverty, 
cmtained  a  moderate  composition  iut  Uieir  Uvea  and  religion. 
Bat  the  castle  of  Alepp(v^°^  distinct  from  the  dty,  stood  erect 
on  a  lofty  artificial  mound :  the  sides  were  sharpaobed  to  a  pre- 
cipice, and  fiieed  with  freesttme ;  and  the  breacUh  of  the  ditch 
might  be  filled  with  water  from  the  neighbouring  springs. 
After  a  k)6S  of  three  thousand  men,  the  garrison  was  still  equal 
to  the  de£Bnoe ;  and  Youkinna,  tibeir  valiant  and  hereditary 
chief,  had  murdered  his  brotheri  an  holy  monk,  for  daring  to 
prononnee  the  name  of  peace.  In  a  siege  of  four  or  five  months^ 
the  hardest  of  the  Syrian  war^  great  numbers  of  the  Saiaoens 
were  killed  and  wounded ;  their  removal  to  the  distance  of  a 
mile  could  not  seduce  the  vigilance  of  Youkinna ;  nor  could  the 
Christiina  be  terrified  by  the  execution  of  three  hundred  captives, 
whom  they  beheaded  before  the  castle-walL     The  silence,  and 

caliphs,  covered  the  ground  of  the  ancient  temple  {naX*ah»  ro9  ^iry«Aov  mo«  6a««<or, 
flByi  Pbooas),  a  len^  of  215,  a  breadth  of  179,  toises.  The  Nubian  geographer 
deobnes  that  this  magnificent  structure  was  second  only  in  size  and  b«kuty  to  the 
great  mosch  of  Cordova  (p.  1 1^),  whose  present  state  Mr.  Swinburne  has  so  elegantly 
represented  (TravMS  into  Spam,  p.  99^3^'^)* 

'Of  the  many  Arabic  tarikhs  or  chronicles  of  Jerusalem  (d'Herfadot,  p.  867), 
OcUey  found  one  among  the  Pooock  Mss.  of  Oxford  (vol.  i.  p.  357),  whic^  he  has 
used  to  supply  tbe  defective  narrative  of  Al  WakidL 

i'*rAntk>ch  and  Aleppo  had  fallen  along  with  Epiphania,  Laodieea,  and  Chalets  In 
A.D.  ^  (after  tbe  &11  of  Emesa).  But  the  Romans  made  an  attempt  to  recover 
North  Svna  in  a.d.  638 ;  most  of  these  towns  received  them  with  open  arms ;  and 
it  was  with  this  revolt  that  AbQ  Obaida  and  Kh&lid  had  now  to  cope.] 

.'^'iTbe  Persiaoi  historian  of  Timur  (torn,  iil  L  v.  c  31,  p.  300)  describes  tbe 
castle  of  Aleppo  as  founded  on  a  rock  one  hundred  cubits  in  neight ;  a  proof,  says 
tbe  Wttadh  translator,  that  be  had  never  visited  the  plaoe.  It  is  now  m  the  nudst 
of  tbemi;y,of»ostreiM[th,  withasingle  gate,  the  circuit  is  about  500  or  600  paces, 
and  tbe  dhcb  hidf  full  of  stagnant  water  (Voyages  de  Tavemier,  tom.  L  p.  149^ 
Pooock.  voL  ii.  port  L  p.  150).    Tbe  fortre9se9  of  tbe  fjut  are  contemptible  to  an 


438         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

at  length  the  complaintSy  of  Abu  Obeidah  informed  the  caliph 
that  their  hope  ana  patience  were  consumed  at  the  foot  of  this 
impregnable  fortress.  ''  I  am  varionslj  affected/'  replied  Omar, 
"  by  the  difference  of  yoiir  success ;  but  I  charge  you  by  no 
means  to  raise  the  siege  of  the  castle.  Your  retreat  would  dimin- 
ish the  reputation  of  our  arms,  and  encourage  tha  infidels  to  fiitll 
upon  you  on  all  sides.  Remain  before  Alenpo  till  Qod  shall 
determine  the  event,  and  forage  with  your  horse  round  the  ad- 
jacent countiy."  The  exhortation  of  the  comnumder  of  the 
faithful  was  fortified  by  a  supply  of  volunteers  ftoim  all  the 
tribes  of  Arabia,  who  arrived  in  the  camp  on  horses  or  camels. 
Among  these  was  Dames,  of  a  servile  birth,  but  of  gigantic  sise 
and  intrepid  resolution.  The  forty-seventh  day  of  his  service 
he  ]Ht>posed,  vrith  only  thirty  men,  to  make  an  attempt  on  the 
castle.  The  experience  and  testimonv  of  Caled  recommended 
his  offer;  and  Abu  Obeidah  admonished  his  brethren  not  to 
despise  the  baser  origin  of  Dames,  since  he  himself,  could  he 
relinquish  the  public  care,  would  cheerfully  serve  under  the 
banner  of  the  slave.  His  design  was  covered  by  the  appearance 
of  a  retreat ;  and  the  camp  of  the  Saracens  was  pitchra  about  a 
league  from  Aleppo.  The  thirty  adventurers  lay  in  ambush  at 
the  foot  of  the  hul ;  and  Dames  at  length  succeeded  in  his  in- 
quiries, though  he  was  provoked  by  the  ignorance  of  his  Greek 
captives.  ''God  curse  these  dogs/'  said  the  illiterate  Arab, 
"  what  a  strange  barbarous  language  they  speak ! "  At  the 
darkest  hour  of  the  night,  he  scaled  the  most  accessible  height, 
which  he  had  diligently  surveyed,  a  place  where  the  stones 
were  less  entire,  or  the  slope  less  perpendicular,  or  the  guard 
less  vigilant.  Seven  of  the  stoutest  Saracens  mounted  on  each 
other's  shoidders,  and  the  weight  of  the  column  was  sustained 
on  the  broad  and  sinewy  back  of  the  gigantic  slave.  The  fore- 
most in  this  painful  ascent  could  grasp  and  climb  the  lowest 
part  of  the  battlements ;  they  silently  stabbed  and  cast  down 
the  sentinels ;  and  the  thirty  brethren,  repeating  a  pious  ejacu- 
lation, "  O  apostle  of  God,  help  and  deliver  us !  were  suc- 
cessively drawn  up  by  the  long  folds  of  their  turbans.  With  bold 
and  cautious  footsteps.  Dames  explored  the  palace  of  the  gover- 
nor, who  celebrated,  in  riotous  merriment,  the  festival  of  his 
deliverance.  From  thenoe  returning  to  his  oompanions,  he 
assaulted  on  the  inside  the  entrance  of  the  castle.  Thev  over- 
powered the  guard,  unbolted  the  gate,  let  down  the  drawbridge, 
and  defended  the  narrow  pass,  till  the  arrival  of  Caled,  with  the 
dawn  of  day,  relieved  theix  dan^  and  assured  their  oonqnest. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  480 

Youkinna,  a  formidable  foe,  became  an  active  and  useful  prose* 
lyte ;  and  the  general  of  the  Saracens  expressed  his  regard  for 
the  most  humble  merit  by  detaining  the  army  at  Aleppo  till 
Dames  was  cured  of  his  honourable  wounds.  The  capital-  of 
Sjnria  was  still  covered  by  the  castle  of  Aasaz  and  the  iron 
bridge  of  the  Orontes.  Afler  the  loss  of  those  important  posts 
and  the  defeat  of  the  last  of  the  Roman  armies,  the  luxury  of 
Antioch  ^^  trembled  and  obeyed.  Her  safety  was  ransomed 
with  three  hundred  thousand  pieces  of  gold ;  but  the  thronci 
of  the  successors  of  Alexander,  the  seat  of  the  Roman  govern- 
ment in  the  East^  which  had  been  decorated  by  Csesar  with  the 
titles  of  free,  and  holy,  and  inviolate,  was  degraded  under  the 
yoke  of  the  <»diphs  to  the  secondary  rank  of  a  provincial  town.^^ 

In  the  life  of  Heraclius,  the  glories  of  the  Persian  war  aregij^flf 
clouded  on  either  hand  by  the  disgrace  and  weakness  of  his  mati 
early  and  his  later  dayu.  When  the  successors  of  Mahomet  un^* 
sheathed  the  sword  of  war  and  religion,  he  was  astonished  at  tke 
boundless  prospect  of  toil  and  dang^ ;  his  nature  was  indolent; 
nor  could  the  infirm  and  frigid  age  of  the  emperor  be  kindled  to 
a  second  effort.  The  sense  of  shame,  and  the  importunities  of 
the  S3rrians,  prevented  his  hasty  departure  from  the  8o6ne  of 
action ;  but  the  hero  was  no  more ;  and  the  loss  of  Damascus 
and  Jerusalem,  the  bloody  fields  of  Aiznadin  and  Yermnk,- ina^ 
be  imputed  in  some  degree  to  the  absence  or  misconduct  of  th^ 
sovereign.  Instead  of  defending  the  sepulchre  of  Christ,  he  iil^ 
volved  the  church  and  state  in  a  metaph3rsical  controversy  fin*  the 
unity  of  his  will ;  and,  while  Heraclius  crowned  the  offspring  of 
his  second  nuptials,  he  was  tamely  stripped  of  the  most  valuable 
part  of  their  inheritance.  In  the  catibedral  of  Antioch,  in  the 
presence  of  the  bishops,  at  the  foot  of  the  crucifix,  he  bewailed 
the  sins  of  the  prince  and  people ;  but  his  confession  instructed 
the  world  that  it  was  vain,  and  perhaps  impious,  to  resist  the 

101  The  date  of  the  conquest  of  Antioch  by  the  Arabs  is  of  some  iitaportaiice. 
By  comparing  the  years  of  the  world  in  the  chronography  of  Theophanes  with  the 
years  oi  the  Hegira  in  the  history  of  Elmacin,  we  shall  determine  that  it  was  taken 
between  January  33d  and  September  ist,  of  the  year  of  Christ  638  (Pagi,  Qritica,  in 
Baron.  Annal.  torn,  il  p.  8ia,  813).  Al  Wakidi  (Ockley,  vol  i.  p.  314)  assigns 
that  event  to  Tuesday,  August  aist,  an  inconsistent  date ;  since  Easter  fell  that 
3rear  on  April  5th,  the  aist  of  August  must  have  been  a  Fridav  (see  the  Tables  of 
the  Art  de  Verifier  les  Dates).    [But  see  above,  p.  437,  n.  loa  J 

^^  His  bounteous  edict,  which  tempted  the  grateful  dty  to  assume  the  viptory 
of  Pharsalia  for  a  perpetual  aera,  is  given  iv'Amox^if  tp  Mffpov^Acu  Mpf  ml  Mk^ 
mmk  min'0P6fUf  koI  ^x**^*^  **^  w/MHtaBiifidvig  rqt  AvcroX^.     John  Malaia,  m  ChfOO.  p. 

91,  ediL  Venet  [p.  316,  ed.  Bonn].    We  may  distinguish  his  authentic  mformatioD 
of  doooestic  fapts  from  his  gross  i^[noranoe  of  general  history. 


440         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

judgmeDt  of  God.  The  Sancens  were  invincible  in  fiict,  ginoe 
they  were  invincible  in  opinion ;  and  the  desertion  of  Yottkimtt, 
his  fidse  repentance  and  repeated  perfidy,  might  justify  the  suspi- 
cion of  the  emperor  that  he  was  encompassed  by  traitors  and 
apostates  who  conspired  to  betray  his  person  and  their  country 
to  the  enemies  of  Christ.  In  the  hoar  of  adversity,  his  supersti- 
tion was  agitated  by  the  omens  and  dreams  of  a  fiJling  crown ; 
and,  after  bidding  an  eternal  £uewell  to  Syria,  he  secretly  em- 
barked with  a  ^w  attendants  and  absolved  the  faith  of  his 
subjects. ^^  Constantine,  his  eldest  son,  had  been  stationed  with 
forty  thousand  men  at  Csesarea,  the  dvil  metropolis  of  the  three 
provinces  of  Palestine.  But  hia  private  interest  recalled  him  to 
the  Bysantine  court ;  and,  after  the  flight  of  his  father,  he  felt 
himself  an  unequal  champion  to  the  united  force  of  the  caliph. 
His  vanguard  was  boldly  attacked  by  three  hundred  Arnbs  and 
a  thousand  black  slaves,  who,  in  the  depth  of  winter,  had  climbed 
the  snowy  mountains  of  Libanus,  and  who  were  speedily  followed 
by  the  victorious  squadrons  of  Caled  himself.  From  the  north 
and  south,  the  troops  of  Antioch  and  Jerusalem  advanced  along 
the  searshore,  till  their  banners  were  joined  under  the  walls  of 
!*•<  the  Phcenician  cities :  Tripoli  and  Tyre  were  betrayed  ;  and  a 
ir  fleet  of  fifty  transports,  which  entered  without  distrust  the  captive 

harbours,  brought  a  seasonable  sap[dy  of  arms  and  provisions  to 
the  camp  of  the  Saracens.  Their  laboura  were  terminated  by 
the  unexpected  surrender  of  Caesarea :  ^^  the  Roman  prince  had 
embarked  in  the  night ;  ^^  and  the  defenceless  citisens  solicited 


iM  See  Ockley  (vol.  i.  p.  306,  ^za).  who  laughs  at  the  credtdity  of  his  author. 

ell  t< 


When  Henu:lhis  bade  farewell  to  Syria,  Vale  Syrna.  et  uhimum  vale,  he  propberied 
that  the  Romans  should  never  reenter  the  pravinoe  till  the  birth  of  aa  inauipiciom 
diild,  the  future  scourge  of  the  empire.    Abulfeda,  p.  68L    I  am  perfectly  ignorant 


lOB  [Theophanes  gives  A.D.  649  {mi  A.  IL  6133)  as  date  of  capture  of  Casarea.  Ibn 
Abd  al  Hakam  places  it  in  the  year  of  the  death  of  Heraclius  (A.H.  90,  A.D.  641). 
John  of  Nikiu  (tr.  Zotenberg,  p.  569)  mentions  the  capture  of  KflOnfts  as  syn- 
chronous with  events  in  Egypt  of  A.D.  64z»  but  it  is  gratuitous  to  identify  this 
mysterious  place  with  Caesarea.  Ktiihtds  is  £sr  moie  likely  to  be  a  oommtion 
01  Ascalon  (and  this  ooojecture  may  be  supported  by  al-Biltotnirf,  p.  ii  ap.  Weil, 
/oc.  cU,)J\ 

^^  In  the  loose  and  obsurechrooology  of  the  tiroes.  lamgudedbyananthentic 
record  (in  the  book  of  crremonies  of  Coostantine  Porphyrogeaitns)  which  certifies 
that,  June  4,  a.d.  638,  the  emperor  a'owued  his  youQger  son  HeracUusTor  Hera- 
donas]  in  the  presence  of  his  eldest  Constantine«  and  in  the  palace  of  Constanti- 
nople ;  that  January  i,  A.D.  ^49^  the  royal  procession  visited  toe  great  church,  and, 
on  the  4th  of  the  same  month,  the  hippoorome.  [Bk.  ii,  c  97, 98 ;  pw  697-0,  ed. 
Bonn.  The  flisiit  of  Heraduis  is  probably  to  be  plaopd  in  A.D.  636 ;  cpi  Weil, 
^.  ^,  p.  79.   Theophanes  plaoei  it  in  A.D,  633.] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  441 

their  pardon  with  an  offering  of  two  hundred  thousand  pieces  of 
j^d.  The  remainder  of  the  province,  Ramlah,^^^  Ptolemais  or 
Kcre,  Sichem  olr  NeapoHs,  Oasa,  Ascalon,  Berjrtus,  Sidon,  Gafaala^ 
Laodieea,  Apamea^  Hierapolis,  no  longer  presumed  to  dispute 
;he  will  of  the  conqueror ;  and  S jria  bowed  under  the  sceptre  of 
;he  caliphs  seren  hundred  yeafs  after  Pompey  had  despoiled  the 
ast  of  the  Macedonian  kiim.^^ 

The  sieges  and  battles  of  six  campaigns  had  consumed  mamyvktmm. 
;h<msand8  of  the  Moslems.  They  died  with  the  reputation  Mid^S"' 
;he  cheerfulness  of  martyrs;  and  the  simplicity  of  their  fidth"^** 
nay  be  expressed  in  the  words  of  an  Arabian  youth,  when  he 
embraced,  for  the  last  time,  his  sister  and  mother:  "  It  is  not," 
taid  he,  ''  the  delicacies  of  Syria,  or  the  &ding  delights  of  this 
woM,  that  have  prompted  me  to  devote  my  life  in  the  cause  of 
^ligion.  But  I  seek  the  favour  of  God  and  his  apostle ;  and  I 
lave  heard,  ftom  one  of  the  companions  of  the  prophet,  tiiat  the 
pirits  of  the  martyrs  will  be  lodged  in  the  crops  of  green  birds, 
vho  shall  taste  the  fruits,  and  drink  of  the  rivers,  of  paradise. 
Plarewell ;  we  shall  meet  again  among  the  groves  and  rountains 
irhich  God  has  proftded  me  his  elect."  The  fiiithful  captives 
night  exercise  a  passive  and  more  arduous  resolution;  and  a 
»n8in  of  Mahomet  is  celebrated  for  refusing,  after  an  abstinence 
>f  three  days,  the  wine  and  pork,  the  only  nourishment  that  was 
dlowed  by  the  malice  of  the  infidels.  The  ftailty  of  some  weaker 
niethren  exasperated  the  implacable  spirit  of  fiinaticism ;  and 
he  ftther  of  Amer  deplored,  in  pathetic  strains,  the  apostacy 
ind  damnation  of  a  son,  who  had  renounced  the  promises  of  God 
ind  the  intercession  of  the  prophet,  to  occupy,  with  the  priests 
ind  deacons,  the' lowest  mansions  of  hell.  The  more  fortunate 
Vrabs,  who  survived  the  wur  and  persevered  in  the  fiuth,  were 
estrained  by  their  abstemicms  leader  from  the  abuse  of  prosperity. 
Uter  a  refire^hment  of  three  days,  Abu  Obeidah  withdrew  his 
roops  from  the  pernicious  contagion  of  the  luxury  of  Antioch, 
ind  assured  the  caliph  that  their  religion  and  virtue  could  only 
ye  {veserved  by  the  hard  discipline  of  poverty  and  labour.  But 
he  virtue  of  Omar,  however  rigorous  to  himself,  was  kind  and 

1^  [The  name  Ramlah  is  of  later  date  (8th  cent) ;  at  the  time  of  the  cx>nquest 
be  name  was  Rama.] 

i<*Sixty-five  yean  before  Christ,  Sj^ria  Pontusque  monmnenta  sunt  Cn.  Pompeii 
irtutis  (yeU.  PsuercoL  iL  3^),  rather  of  his  fortune  and  power,  be  adjudged  Sjrria 
0  be  a  Koman  provfaioe,  ana  the  last  of  the  Seleucides  were  incapable  of  drawing  a 
word  in  defence  of  their  patrimony  (see  the  original  texts  collected  by  Ualwc^ 
^nnaL  p.  420). 


442         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

liberal  to  his  brethren.  After  a  just  tribute  of  pmiae  and  thmnkft- 
givingj  he  dropped  a  tear  of  compaaBion ;  and,  sitting  down  on 
the  ground,  wrote  an  answer,  in  which  he  mildly  censured  the 
severity  of  his  lieutenant :  *'  God/'  said  the  successor  of  the  pio- 
phet,  '*  has  not  forbidden  the  use  of  the  good  things  of  this  world 
to  £Eiithful  men,  and  such  as  have  performed  good  works :  there- 
fore, you  ought  to  have  given  them  leave  to  rest  themselves,  and 
partake  freely  of  those  good  things  which  the  country  affordeth. 
If  any  of  the  Saracens  have  no  fiimily  in  Arabia,  they  macy  xnarrj 
in  Sjnia ;  and,  whosoever  of  them  wants  any  female  slaves,  he 
may  purchase  as  many  as  he  hath  oooasion  for."  The  oonqueron 
prepared  to  use,  or  to  abuse,  this  gracious  permission ;  but  the 
year  of  their  triumph  was  marked  by  a  mortality  of  men  and 
cattle ;  and  twenty-five  thousand  Saracens  were  snatched  away 
from  the  possession  of  Syria.  The  death  of  Abu  Obeidah  might 
be  lamented  by  the  Christians ;  but  his  brethren  recollected  ^at 
he  was  one  of  the  ten  elect  whom  the  prophet  had  named  as  the 
heirs  of  paradise. ^^  Caled  survived  nis  brethren  about  three 
years ;  and  the  tomb  of  the  Sword  of  Giod  is  shewn  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Emesa.  His  valour,  which  founded  in  Arabia 
and  Syria  the  empire  of  the  caliphs,  was  fortified  by  the  opiniim 
of  a  special  providence ;  and,  as  long  as  he  wore  a  cap  which 
had  been  blessed  by  Mahomet,  he  deemed  himself  invulnerable 
amidst  the  darts  of  the  infidels. 
ftommut  The  place  of  the  first  conquerors  was  supplied  by  a  new  gene- 
kh«ijriu  ration  of  their  children  and  countrymen :  Syria  became  the  seat 
and  support  of  the  house  of  Ommiyah ;  and  the  revenue,  the 
soldiers,  the  ships  of  that  powerful  khigdom  were  consecrated  to 
enlarge  on  every  side  the  empire  of  the  caliphs.  But  the  Sara- 
cens despise  a  superfluity  of  fiune ;  and  their  historians  scarcely 
condescend  to  mention  the  subordinate  conquests  which  are  lost 
in  the  splendour  and  rapidity  of  their  victorious  career.  To  the 
north  of  Syria,  they  passed  mount  Taurus,  and  reduced  to  their 
obedience  the  province  of  Cilicia,  with  its  capital  Tarsus,  the  ancient 
monument  of  the  Assjrrian  kings.  Beyond  a  second  ridge  of  the 
same  mountains,  they  spread  the  flame  of  war,  rather  than  the 
light  of  religion,  as  fi&r  as  the  shores  of  the  Euxine  and  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Constantinople.     To  the  east,  they  advanced  to  the 


1**  Abulfeda.  Annal.  Moslem,  p.  73.    Blabomet  could  artfolly  vary  the  prmitef 
of  his  disciples.    Of  Omar  be  was  accnstomed  to  say  that,  if  a  prophet  ooiild  arise 
after  himself,  it  would  be  Omar ;  and  that  bi  a  general  calamity  Omar  would  be 
excepted  b^  the  divine  Juftioe  (O^ky,  vol.  L  p.  mi). 


A.D. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  443 

banks  and  sbnrces  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris :  ^^^  the  long 
disputed  barrier  of  Rome  and  Persia  was  for  ever  confounded ; 
the  walls  of  Edessa  and  Amida>  of  Dara  and  Nisibis,  which  had 
resisted  the  arms  and  engines  of  Sapor  or  Nushirvan,  were 
levelled  in  the  dust ;  and  the  holy  city  of  Abgarus  might  vainly 
produce  the  epistle  of  the  image  of  Christ  to  an  unbelieving 
conqueror.  To  the  weit,  the  Syrian  kingdom  is  bounded  by  the 
sea ;  and  the  ruin  of  Aradus,  a  small  island  or  peninsula  on  the 
coast,  was  postponed  during  ten  years.  But  the  hills  of  libanus 
abounded  in  timber,  the  trade  of  Phoenicia  was  populous 
in  mariners;  and  a  fleet  of  seventeen  hundred  barks  was 
equipped  and  manned  by  the  natives  of  the  desert.  The  Im- 
perial navy  of  the  Romans  fled  before  them  from  the  Pamphylian 
rocks  to  the  Hellenx>nt ;  but  the  spirit  of  the  emperor,  a  grand-  [c 
son  of  Heraclius,  had  been  subdued  before  the  combat  fay  a 
dream  and  a  pun.^^^  The  Saracens  rode  masten  of  the  sea ;  and 
the  islands  of  Cyprus,  Rhodes,  and  the  Cyclades,  were  successively 
exposed  to  their  rapacious  visits.  Three  hundred  years  before 
the  Christian  sera,  the  memorable  though  fruitless  siege  of. 
Rhodes  ^^  by  Demetrius  had  foraished  that  maritime  republic 
with  the  materials  and  the  subject  of  a  trophy.  A  gigantic 
statue  of  Apollo,  or  the  sun,  seventy  cubits  in  height,  was  erected 
at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour,  a  monument  of  the  freedom  and 
the  arts  of  Greece.  After  standing  fifty-six  years,  the  colossus 
of  Rhodes  was  overthrown  by  an  earthquake;  but  the  massy tacar] 

i^Al  Wakidi  hod  likewise  written  an  history  of  the. conquest  of  Diarbekir,  or 
Mesopotamia  (Ockley,  at  the  end  of  the  iid  vol.).  -which  our  interpreters  do  not 
appear  to  have  seen.  [The  text  has  been  published  by  Ewald:  Liber  Wakedii 
de  Mesopotamiae  expugnatae  historia,  GMtingen,  1837.]  The  Cbronicle  of  Diony- 
stns  of  Telmar.  the  Jacobite  patriarch,  records  the  taking  of  Edessa,  a.d.  637,  and 
of  Dara,  A.D.  641  (Asseman.  Bibliot  Orient,  torn.  ii.  p.  103),  and  the  attentive  may 
gleui  some  douDtml  information  from  the  Chronography  of  Theophanes  (p.  385- 
387).  Most  of  the  towns  of  Mesopotamia  yielded  by  surrender  ^AbulpWagt 
p.  ti2).  [The  chronicle  of  Dionysius  of  Tellmahrd  (Patriarch  of  Antioch  A«D.  818- 
84O  reached  down  to  the  year  775;  the  later  part  tk  it  has  never  been  published.] 

"^  He  dreamed  that  he  was  at  Thessalonica,  an  harmless  and  unmeamng  vision ; 
bat  his  soothsajfvr,  or  his  cowardice,  understood  the  sure  omien  of  a  defeat  con- 
cealed in  that  inauspicious  word  0it  ixxm  vUifv,  Give  to  another  the  victory 
(Tbeophan.  p.  ^6  [leg,  387;  A.M.  6146].    2x>naras,  tom.  il  1.  xiv.  p.  88  [c  10]). 

ii'  Every  passage  and  every  fact  that  relates  to  the  isle,  the  city,  and  the  colossus 
of  Rhodes,  are  compiled  in  the  laborious  treatise  of  Meursius,  who  has  bestowed 
the  same  diligence  on  the  two  larger  islands  of  Crete  and  Cyprus.  See  in  the  iiird 
vol.  of  his  works,  the  Rkodus  of  Meursius  (1.  i.  c.  15,  p.  715-719)  [cp.  especially 
Pliny,  Nat.  Hist.,  34,  18].  The  Byzantine  writers,  Theophanes  and  Constantine, 
have  ignorantly  prolonged  the  term  to  1360  years,  and  ridiculously  divide  the 
weight  among  30,000  camels.  [See  Mr.  C.  Torr's  Rhodes  in  Ancient  Time^  p. 
96-7.  He  observes:  "The  twenty  tons  of  ro^al  would  not  load  more  than  xp 
camels  ".1 


444         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

tronk  and  huge  fiiagments  lay  scattered  eight  eenturies  on  the 
ground^  and  are  often  described  as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the 
ancient  world.     They  were  collected  by  the  diligence  of  the 
Saracens^  and  sold  to  a  Jewish  merchant  of  Edessa,  who  is  said  to 
have  laden  nine  hundred  camels  with  the  weight  of  the  brass 
metal :  an  enormous  weight,  though  we  should  include  the  hun- 
dred colossal  figures  ^^^  and  the  three  thousand  statues  which 
adorned  the  prosperity  of  the  city  of  the  sun. 
Qg^         III*  The  conquest  of  Egypt  may  be  explained  by  the  character 
Dd  lite  of     of  the  victorious  Saracen,  one  of  the  first  of  his  nation,  in  an  age 
Ti4ien  the  meanest  of  the  brethren  was  exalted  above  his  nature 
^■r]  by  the  spirit  of  enthusiasm.     The  birth  of  Amrou  was  at  onoe 

base  and  illustrious :  his  mother,  a  notorious  prostitute,  was  un- 
able to  decide  among  five  of  the  Koreish ;  but  the  proof  of  re- 
semblance adjudged  the  child  to  Aasi,  the  oldest  of  her  loven.^'^ 
The  youth  of  Amrou  was  impelled  by  the  passions  and  prejudioei 
of  his  kindred :  his  poetic  genius  was  exercised  in  satirical  verses 
against  the  person  and  doctrine  of  Mahomet ;  his  dexterity  was 
employed  by  the  reigning  &ction  to  pursue  the  religunm  exiles 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  court  of  the  Ethiopian  king.^^  Yet 
he  returned  from  this  embassy  a  secret  proselyte ;  his  reason  or 
his  interest  determined  him  to  renounce  the  worship  of  idols ; 
he  escaped  from  Mecca  with  his  friend  Caled,  and  the  prophet 
of  Medina  enjoyed  at  the  same  moment  the  satisfaction  of  em- 
bracing the  two  firmest  champions  of  his  cause.  The  impatience 
of  Amrou  to  lead  the  armies  of  the  fiuthful  was  checked  by  the 
reproof  of  Omar,  who  advised  him  not  to  seek  power  and  do- 
minion, since  he  who  is  a  subject  to-day  may  be  a  prince  to- 
morrow. Yet  his  merit  was  not  overlooked  by  the  two  first 
successors  of  Mahomet ;  they  were  indebted  to  his  arms  for  the 
conquest  of  Palestine ;  and  in  all  the  battles  and  sieges  of  Syria 
he  united  with  the  temper  of  a  chief  the  valour  of  an  adventurous 
soldier.  In  a  visit  to  Medina,  the  caliph  exmessed  a  wish  to 
survey  the  sword  which  had  cut  down  so  many  ChristiBn  warriors : 
the  son  of  Aasi  unsheathed  a  short  and  ordinary  scymetar ;  and, 

lis  Centum  colossi  alium  nobilitattiri  locnm  Foolosii  oentnm  numero,  wed  obi- 
cumque  singiili  fuissent  nobilitatiiri  loctimj.  Mys  Pliny,  with  his  uans]  spirit.  Hist 
Natur.  xxxiv.  iB. 

"^  We  learn  this  anecdote  firom  a  spirited  old  woman,  who  reviled  to  their  Ucn 
the  caliph  and  his  friend.  She  was  cDcounigBd  by  the  siloice  of  Anurou  and  the 
liberality  of  Moawiyah  (Abuireda,  Annal.  Moelfm.  p.  zzi). 

lUGagnier.  Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn.  iL  p.  46,  Ac.,  who  quotes  the  AfavssiBlsB 
history,  or  rpmancc,  of  Abdd  Bakide^    Yil  tnn  fsr!  nf  thn  rmbssrirsiirt  sinlai 
dor  msiy  he  allowed. 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  445 

M  he  perceived  the  surptite  of  Onuur,  "  ALm/'  said  the  modest 
Saracen,  "  the  sword  itself,  without  the  arm  of  its  master,  is 
neither  sharper  nor  more  weighty  than  the  sword  of  Phareadak  [lUMtei 
the  poet  ".^^'  After  the  conquest  of  Egypt,  he  was  recalled  by 
the  jealousy  of  the  caliph  Othman;  but,  in  the  subsequent 
troubles,  tlw  ambition  of  a  soldier,  a  statesman,  and  an  omtair, 
emerged  from  a  private  station.  His  powerful  support,  both 
in  council  and  in  the  field,  established  the  throne  of  the  Om- 
miades ;  the  administration  and  revenue  of  Egypt  were  restored 
by  the  gratitude  of  Moavriyah  to  a  fiuthful  friend,  who  had 
nused  himself  above  the  rank  of  a  subject ;  and  Amrou  ended 
his  dajTs  in  the  palace  and  city  which  he  had  founded  on  the 
banks  of  the  Nile.  His  dy^ng  speech  to  his  children  is  oelebcated 
br  the  Arabians  as  a  model  of  eloquence  and  wisdom :  he  de- 
ploied  the  errors  of  his  youth ;  but,  if  the  penitent  was  still 
infected  by  the  vanity  of  a  poet,  he  might  exaggerate  the  venom 
and  mischief  of  his  impious  compo8itions.^<^ 

From  hia  canm^  ui  Palestine,  Amiou  had  surprised  or  antiei-gfgjj«» 
pated  the  oali]m's  leave  for  the  invasion  of  Egypt.^^^  Thej^^BT 
magnanimous  Omar  trusted  in  hia  God  and  his  sword,  which  had  IPi^*M(i 
shaken  the  thranes  of  Chosroes  and  Cesar ;  but,  wben  he  com- 
pared the  slender  force  of  the  Moslems  with  the  greatness  of 
the  enterprise,  he'Ccmdemned  his  own  rashness  and  listened  to 
his  timid  companions*  The  pride  and  the  greatness  of  Pharaoh 
wiere  fomiliar.to  the  readers  of  the  Koran ;  and  a  tenfold  repeti- 
tion of  prodigies  hadi  been  scarcely  sufficient  to  efiect,  not  the 
victory,  but  the  flight  of  six  hundred  thousand  o£  the  children  of 
IsraeL  The  cities  of  Egypt  were  many  and  populous;  their 
architecture  was  strong  aaid  solid ;  the  Nile,  with  its  numerous 
brandies,  was  alone  an  insuperable  barrier ;  and  the  granary  of 
the  Imperial  city  would  be  obstinately  defended  by  the  Roman 
powers.  In  this  perplexity,  the  commander  of  the  faithful  re- 
nt This  saying  is  preserved  by  Pooock  (Not  ad  Caraea  Tograi.  p.  184).  and 
justly  applauded  by  Mr.  Harris  (Philosophical  Arrangements,  p.  350). 

11^  For  the  life  and  character  of  Amrou,  see  Ockley  (Hist,  of  the  Saracens,  vol 
L  p.  28,  63,  94, 398,  3iL3,  344,  and  to  the  end  of  the  volume;  vol.  il  p.  51,  55,  57, 

'  Otter  (M^m.  de  I'Acad^mie  des  Inscriptions,  torn.  xxL  p.  131, 


74«  IIO-II9,  i6ar and  Otter  (M^m.  de  I'Acad^mie  des  Inscriptions,  torn.  xxL  p.  iq 
i^aV  The  reaaers  of  Tacitus  may  aptly  compare  Vespasian  and  Mucianus  with 
Moawiyah  and  Amrou.  Yet  the  resemblance  is  still  more  in  the  situation  than 
in  the  ebaracCers  of  the  men. 

^^M  Wakkii  had  likewise  composed  a  separate  histoiy  of  the  conouest  of 
Egyot,  which  Mr.  Oddqr  could  never  procure;  and  his  own  inquiries  (voL  L  p. 
3^4-369)  have  added  vsiy  little  to  the  ong  nal  text  of  Eutychius  (AnnaL  torn.  ii.  p. 
096^3,  TBS.  Pooock),  toe  Mdcfaite  patnarch  of  Alexandria,  who  lived  three  him- 
dredyears  after  Che  revolution. 


446         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

signed  himself  to  the  decision  of  chanoe,  or,  in  his  opinioiiy  of 
providence.  At  the  he&d  of  only  four  thousand  Arabs,  the 
intrepid  Amrou  had  marched  away  from  his  station  of  Gasa, 
when  he  was  overtaken  by  the  messenger  of  Omar.  ''If  you 
are  still  in  S3rria/'  said  the  ambiguous  mandate,  ''retreat  without 
delay ;  but  if,  at  the  receipt  of  this  epistle,  you  have  already 
reached  the  frontiers  of  Egypt,  advance  with  confidence,  and 
depend  on  the  succour  of  God  and  of  your  brethren."  The 
experience,  perhaps  the  secret  intelligence,  of  Amrou  had  taught 
him  to  suspect  the  mutability  of  courts ;  and  he  continued  his 
march  till  his  tents  were  unquestionably  pitched  on  Egyptian 
ground.  He  there  assembled  his  officers,  broke  the  seal,  perused 
the  epistle,  gravely  inquired  the  name  and  situation  of  the  place, 
and  declared  his  leady  obedience  to  the  commands  of  the  <adiph« 
After  a  siege  of  thirty  days,  he  took  possession  of  Fanmah  or 
Pelusium ;  and  that  key  of  Egypt,  as  it  has  been  justly  named, 
unlocked  the  entrance  of  the  country,  as  fitr  as  the  ruins  of 
Heliopolis  and  the  neighbourhood  of  the  modem  Cairo. 
iMdtiM  O^  ^^^  western  side  of  the  Nile,  at  a  small  distance  to  the 

LirBffnh  ^'^  ^^  ^^^  Pyramids,  at  a  small  distance  to  the  south  of  the 
*^  Delta,  Memphis,  one  hundred  and  fifty  furlongs  in  circumference, 

displayed  the  magnificence  of  ancient  kings.  Under  the  reign 
of  the  Ptolemies  and  C«sars,  the  seat  of  government  was  re- 
moved to  the  sea-coast ;  the  ancient  capital  was  eclipsed  bv  the 
arts  and  opulence  of  Alexandria ;  the  palaces,  and  at  length  the 
temples,  were  reduced  to  a  desolate  and  ruinous  condition :  vet 
in  the  age  of  Augustus,  and  even  in  that  of  Constantine,  Memphis, 
was  still  numbered  among  the  greatest  and  most  populous  or  the 
provincial  citiea^^^  The  banks  of  the  Nile,  in  this  place  of  the 
breadth  of  three  thousand  fSeet,  were  united  by  two  bridges  of 
sixty  and  of  thirty  boats,  connected  in  the  middle  stream  bv  the 
small  island  of  Rouda,  which  was  covered  with  gardens  and  habi- 
tations.^^ The  eastern  extremity  of  the  bridge  was  terminated 
by  the  town  of  Babylon  and  the  camp  of  a  Roman  l^on,  which 
protected  the  passage  of  the  river  and  the  second  cajrital  of 

i^Strabo,  an  accurate  and  attentive  mectator,  observes  of  Heliopolii,  rwl  miv 

--    -     -  -  iof^Ia    "      ■ 


9lp  iori  v«Wpi|fioc  4  wtfAic  (Qeosraph.  L  zvii.  p.  1x58  [i,  1 27]),  but  of  Memphis,  be 
declares.  w6Xi%  a*  ion  mt^  rt  mI  aSav^^m  Uwripm,  lur'  *AAcfu4M£nr  (p.    ix6x   [U, 

?32]) ;  he  notices,  however,  the  mbrture  of  inhabitants  and  the  min  01  the  palaoeL 
n  the  proper  Egypt,  Ammianus  enumerates  Memphis  among  the  four  ckisB* 
maximis  urbibus  quibus  provinda  nitet  (zxii.  16),  and  the  name  of  Biempliii 
appears  with  distinction  in  the  Roman  Itinemy  and  Episcopal  lists. 

'**Tbese  rare  and  curious  facts,  the  breadth  (0946  feet)  and  the  bridge  of  the 
Nile,  are  only  to  be  found  in  the  Danish  travdler  and  the  NaiMa  googn^bet  (pw 

98)- 


OF  THE  EOMAN  EMPIRE  447 


Egypt.  This  important  fertrest,  whkh  might  &irly  be  described 
as  a  part  of  Memphis,  or  Murah,  was  invested  by  the  arms  of  the  [ia«i 
lieutenant  of  Omar :  a  reinforcement  of  four  thousand  Saracens 
soon  arrived  in  his  camp ;  and  the  military  engines,  which 
battered  the  walls,  may  be  imputed  to  the  art  and  labour  of  his 
Syrian  allies.  Yet  the  siege  was  protracted  to  seven  months ; 
and  the  rash  invaders  were  encompassed  and  threatened  by  the 
inundation  of  the  Nile.^^  Their  last  assault  was  bold  and  suo- 
cessful :  they  passed  the  ditch,  which  had  been  fortified  with 
iron  spikes,  applied  their  scaling-ladders,  entered  the  fortress 
with  the  s]K>ut  of  *'  God  is  victorious ! "  and  drove  the  remnant 
of  the  Grreeks  to  their  boats  and  the  isle  of  Rouda.  The  spot 
was  afterwards  recommended  to  the  conqueror  by  the  easy  com- 
munication with  the  gulf  and  the  peninsula  of  Arabia :  the 
remains  of  Memphis  were  deserted  ;  the  tents  of  the  Arabs  were 
converted  into  permanent  habitations ;  and  the  first  mosch  was 
blessed  by  the  presence  of  fourscore  companions  of  Mahomet.^** 
A  new  city  arose  in  their  camp  on  the  eastward  bank  of  the  Nile ;  [fmimi 
and  the  contiguous  quarters  of  Babylon  and  Fostat  are  confounded  *"^ 
in  their  present  decay  by  the  appellation  of  old  Misrah  or  Cairo, 
of  which  they  form  an  extensive  suburb.  But  the  name  of  Cairo, 
the  town  of  victonr,  more  strictly  belongs  to  the  modem  capital, 
which  was  founded  in  the  tenth  century  by  the  Fatimite  caliphs.^^ 
It  has  gradually  receded  from  the  river,^^^  but  the  continuity  of 
buildings  may  be  traced  by  an  attentive  eye  from  the  monuments 
of  Sesostris  to  those  of  Saladin,^^ 

1*^  From  tbe  monlh  of  April,  the  Nile  begins  iinperoeptibly  to  rise ;  the  swell 
becomes  strong  and  visible  in  the  moon  after  the  summer  solstice  (Plin.  Hist.  Nat. 

V.  xo),  and  is  nsoany  proclaimed  at  Cairo  on  St  Peter's  day  (Jane  99).  A  register 
of  thirty  suooessiTO  yours  marks  the  greatest  height  of  tbe  waters  between  Jmj  9$ 
and  August  18  (Maillet,  Description  de  I'Egypte,  lettre  xL  p.  67.  &c  Pooock's 
Description  of  the  East,  voL  I  p.  aoa    ShaMrs  Travels,  p.  383). 

i^Murtadi,  Merveilles  de  TEgypte,  p.  243-959.  He  expatiates  on  the  subject 
with  the  seal  and  minuteness  of  a  citizen  and  a  bigot,  and  his  local  traditions  have 
a  strong  air  of  truth  and  accuracy. 

lOD'Herbdot,  Biblioth^ue  Orientale,  p.  233. 

^»»[The  river  has  receded  towards  the  west.  On  the  dififerent  sites  included  in 
Cairo  and  **  Old  Misr  "  see  Lane,  Cairo  Ji^  years  ago  (1896),  ch.  i.  and  x. ;  and 
Sw  LAoe-Poole,  Art  of  tin  Saracens  in  Agypt^  p.  4-9.  Memphis  is  about  fourteen 
miles  south  of  Cairo,  j 

i>*The  position  of  New  and  of  Old  Cairo  is  well  known,  and  has  been  often 
described.  Two  writers  who  were  intimately  acquainted  with  ancient  and  modem 
Egrpt,  have  fixed,  after  a  learned  inquiry,  the  city  of  Memphis  at  GmtA,  directly 
opposite  the  old  Cairo  (Sicard,  Nouveaux  M6moires  des  Misnons  du  Levant,  torn. 

VI.  p.  5,  6b  Shaw's  Observations  and  Travels,  p.  2q6-«h)-  Yet  we  may  not  dis- 
rmrd  the  authority  or  the  arguments  of  Pocooc  (voL  i.  [>.  35-4i)l  Niebuhr 
(Voyacc,  torn.  i.  77-106),  and,  above  all,  of  D'Anville  (DescripiioiidAVEjci^^ft^^ 


448         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

SiSSBnm  ^^^  ^^  Arabs,  after  a  glorious  and  profitable  enterprise^  must 
!f  jttiSK  ^^^  retreated  to  the  desert,  had  they  not  found  a  powerfiil 
LD-oi  alliance  in  the  heart  of  the  country.  The  rapid  conquest  of 
Alexander  was  assisted  by  the  superstition  and  revolt  of  the 
natives ;  they  abhorred  their  Persian  oppressors^  the  diaiciplas  of 
the  Magi,  who  had  burnt  the  temples  of  Egypt,  and  feasted  with 
sacrilegious  appetite  on  the  flesh  of  the  god  Api&^^  After  a 
period  of  ten  centuries  the  same  revolution  was  renewed  by  a 
similar  cause  ;  and,  in  the  support  of  an  incomprehensible  creed, 
the  seal  of  the  Coptic  Christians  was  equally  ardent.  I  have 
already  explained  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  Monophjsite 
controversy,  and  the  persecution  of  the  emperors,  which  con- 
verted a  sect  into  a  nation  and  alienated  E^pt  from  their  re- 
ligion and  government.  The  Saracens  were  leoeived  as  the 
deliverers  of  the  Jacobite  church ;  and  a  secret  and  effectual 
treaty  was  opened  during  the  siege  of  Memphis  between  a  vic- 
torious army  and  a  people  of  slaves.  A  rich  and  noble  Egyptian, 
of  the  name  of  Mokawkas,  had  dissembled  his  faith  to  obtain  the 
administration  of  his  province :  in  the  disorders  of  the  Persian 
war  he  aspired  to  independence;  the  embassy  of  Mahomet  ranked 
him  among  princes ;  but  he  declined,  witn  rich  gifts  and  am- 
biguous compliments,  the  proposal  of  a  new  religion.^^  The 
abuse  of  his  trust  exposed  him  to  the  resentment  of  Heradins ; 
his  submission  was  delayed  by  arrogance  and  fear ;  and  hia  con- 
science was  prompted  by  interest  to  throw  himself  on  the  fiivomr 
of  the  nation  and  the  supoort  of  the  Saracens.  In  his  first  confer- 
ence with  Amrou,  he  heard  without  indignation  the  usual  opticm 
of  the  Koran,  the  tribute,  or  the  sword.  **  The  Greeks/'  rralied 
Mokawkas,  "  are  determined  to  abide  the  determination  of  the 
sword;  but  ivith  the  Greeks  I  desire  no  communion,  either 
in  this  world  or  in  the  next,  and  I  abjure  for  ever  the  Byian- 
tine  tyrant,  his  synod  of  Chalcedon«  and  his  Melchite  slaves. 

Ill,  112.  130-149),  who  have  removed  Memphis  towanU  the  village  of  Mobannsh, 
some  miles  farther  to  the  south.  In  their  hoit,  the  disputants  have  foi^piC  that  the 
ample  space  of  a  metropolis  covers  and  annihilates  the  far  greater  port  of  the 
controversy. 

i>  See  Herodotos,  L  iiL  c.  97,  98,  9^  /diaa.  Hist.  Var.  L  iv.  c.  8.  Suidas  in 
Oxoc,  torn.  iL  p.  774.  Diodor.  Swul.  torn.  ii.  1.  xvil  p.  m  [a  49],  edh.  Wesiding 
Twv  ntpiTMr  ^vfintdrmy  nU  rk  U^  says  the  last  of  these  historiana 


u>  Mokawkas  sent  the  prophet  two  Coptic  dfunsris  [see  above,  pi>  mn,  with  two 

ou«  DOBCy,  I 


maids  and  one  eunuch,  an  aJiihaBrfr  vase,  an  ingot  of  pore  gold,  odDnBCy,  and 
the  finest  white  linen  of  ^isj^^  with  an  hone,  a  nmle,  aad  an  ass,  distingQiBhMl 
br  thcar  respective  qnalificatiooSL  The  iiiiiImbw  of  Biahwnet  wasdiqaitchsd  fawn 
Medina  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  Hegka  f  A.1X  6se).  See  Oagniar  (^^  de 
Mahomet,  torn.  ii.  p.  S55,  956,  9^),  from  Al  JanaabL  [For  Monwlns  or  al* 
MuJukukin  see  Appendix  ao.1 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  449 

For  myself  and  my  brethren,  we  are  resolved  to  live  and  die*  in 
the  profession  of  the  gospel  and  miity  of  Christ.  It  is  impossible 
for  us  to  embrace  the  revelations  of  your  prophet ;  but  we  sre 
desirous  of  peace^  and  cheerfully  submit  to  pay  tribute  and  obedi- 
ence to  his  temporal  successors."  The  tribute  was  ascertained 
at  two  pieces  of  gold  for  the  head  of  every  Christian ;  ^^  but  old 
men,  monks,  women,  and  children  of  both  sexes  under  sixteen 
years  of  age,  were  exempted  from  this  personal  assessment ;  the 
Copts  above  and  below  Memphis  swore  allegiance  to  the  caliph, 
and  promised  an  hospitable  entertainment  of  three  days  to  every 
Musulman  who  should  travel  through  their  country.  By  this 
charter  of  security  the  ecclesiastical  and  civil  t3rranny  of  the 
Melchites  was  destroyed  ;^^  the  anathemas  of  St.  Cyril  were 
thundered  from  every  pulpit ;  and  the  sacred  edifices,  with  the 
patrimony  of  the  church,  were  restored  to  the  national  com- 
munion of  the  Jacobites,  who  enjoyed  without  moderation  the 
moment  of  triumph  and  revenge.  At  the  pressing  summons  of 
Amrou,  their  patriarch  Benjamin  emerged  from  his  desert ;  and, 
after  the  first  interview,  the  courteous  Arab  affected  to  declare 
that  he  had  never  conversed  with  a  Christian  priest  of  more  inno- 
cent manners  and  a  more  venerable  aspect.  ^^  In  the  march 
from  Memphis  to  Alexandria,  the  lieutenant  of  Omar  entrusted 
his  safety  to  the  zeal  and  gratitude  of  the  Egyptians ;  the  roads 
and  bridges  were  diligently  repaired ;  and,  in  every  step  of  his 
prc^press,  he  could  depend  on  a  constant  supply  of  provisions 
and  intelligence.  The  Greeks  of  Egypt,  whose  numbers  could 
scarcely  equal  a  tenth  of  the  natives,  were  overwhelmed  by  the 
universal  defection ;  they  had  ever  been  hated,  they  were  no 
longer  feared  ;  the  magistrate  fled  from  his  tribunal,  the  bishop 
from  his  altar ;  and  the  distant  garrisons  were  surprised  or  starved 
by  the  surrounding  multitudes.  Had  not  the  Nile  afforded  a 
safe  and  ready  conveyance  to  the  sea,  not  an  individual  could 
have  escaped  who  by  birth,  or  language,  or  office,  or  religion, 
was  connected  with  their  odious  name. 

'^[And  also  a  not  oppressive  property  tax.  Cp.  Weil,  i.  p.  no.  in.] 
I'The  praefecture  of  Kgypt,  and  the  conduct  of  the  war,  had  been  trusted  by 
HeracUus  to  the  patriarch  Cyrus  (Theophan.  p.  280,  sSz  [iui  a.m.  6ia6]).  "  In 
Spain,'*  said  James  II.  "  do  you  not  consult  your  priests  ?'*  '*  We  do,"  replied  the 
Catholic  ambassador,  '*  and  our  af&irs  succeed  accordingl^r."  I  know  not  how  to 
rdate  the  plans  of  Gyrus,  of  paying  tribute  without  impairing  the  revenue,  and  of 
converting  Omar  by  his  marriage  with  the  emperor's  daughter  (Nioephor.  Breviar. 

p.  J7.  18). 

u»See  the  life  of  Benjamin,  in  Renaudot  (Hist.  Patriarch.  Alesandrra.  ^ 
156-172).  who  has  enriched  the  conquest  of  Egypt  with  some  fSuts  fnm  the  Arable 
text  of  Sevenis,  the  Jacobite  historian. 

VOL.  V.  29  '^•'" 


460  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

"^•■g*^  By  the  retreat  of  the  Greeks  from  the  provinces  of  Upper  Egjpt, 
!^J»jj^  a  considerable  force  was  coUeeted  in  the  island  of  Delta :  the 
natural  and  artificial  channels  of  the  Nile  afibrded  a  succession 
of  strong  and  defensible  posts ;  and  the  road  to  Alexandria  was 
laboriously  cleared  by  the  victory  of  the  Saracens  in  two  and 
twenty  days  of  genera]  or  partial  combat.  In  their  annab  of 
conquest,  the  siege  of  Alexandria  ^^  is  perhaps  the  most  arduous 
and  important  enterprise.  The  first  trading  city  in  the  world 
was  abundantly  replenished  with  the  means  of  subsistence 
and  defence.  Her  numerous  inhabitants  fought  for  the  dearest 
of  human  rights,  religion  and  property ;  and  the  enmity  of  the 
natives  seemed  to  exclude  them  fimn  the  common  benefit  of 
peace  and  toleration.  The  sea  was  continually  open ;  and,  if 
Heraclius  had  been  awake  to  the  public  distress,  fresh  aimies 
of  Romans  and  barbarians  might  have  been  poured  into  the 
harbour  to  save  the  second  capital  of  the  empire.  A  circam- 
ference  of  ten  miles  would  have  scattered  the  forces  of  the 
Greeks  and  favoured  the  stratagems  of  an  active  enemy ;  but 
the  two  sides  of  an  oblong  square  wcro  covered  by  the  sea  and 
[UutMa]  the  lake  Marasotis,  and  each  of  the  narrow  ends  exposed  a  front 
of  no  more  than  ten  furlongs.  The  efforts  of  the  Arabs  were 
not  inadequate  to  the  difficulty  of  the  attempt  and  the  value  of 
the  prize.  From  the  throne  of  Medina,  the  eyes  of  Omar  were 
fixea  on  the  camp  and  city :  his  voice  excited  to  arms  the  Arabian 
tribes  and  the  veterans  c^  Syria ;  and  the  merit  of  an  hdhr  war 
was  recommended  by  the  peculiar  &me  and  fertility  of  Egypt 
Anxious  for  the  ruin  or  expulsion  of  their  tyrants,  the  &itaml 
natives  devoted  their  labours  to  the  service  of  Amrou;  some 
sparks  of  martial  npirit  were  perhaps  rekindled  by  the  example 
of  their  allies  ;  and  the  sanguine  hopes  of  Mokawkas  had  fixed 
his  sepulchre  in  the  church  of  St  «John  of  Alexandria,  fiuty- 
chius  the  patriarch  observes  that  the  Saracens  fought  with  the 
couxage  of  lions ;  they  repulsed  the  frequent  and  almost  daily 
sallies  of  the  besieg^,  and  soon  assaulted  in  their  turn  the  walls 
and  towers  of  the  city.  In  every  attack,  the  sword,  the  banner 
of  Amrou  glittered  in  the  van  of  the  Moslems.  On  a  memorable 
day,  he  was  betrayed  by  his  imprudent  valour:  his  followeis 


we  may  borrow  tbe  eyes  or  tue  modem  trmveuen,  more 
(Voyage  au  Levant,  (Mirt  L  p.  381-305),  Pooock  (voL  L  p.  '9-13),' and  Niebohr 
(Voyage  en  Arable,  torn.  L  p.  34^43).  Of  the  two  modem  rifals,  Savaiy  and 
Volnej,  tbe  one  may  ammc^  the  other  will  initnict.  [For  the  topcnapby  of 
Alexandria  see  Pucbstein's  art.  in  ninlyi  Realencidopiklie  der  daiL  Atartimn- 
wistfiMcbaft,  vol.  i.  p.  1376  sfq,  (1894),  and  G.  Lmnbroso's  L*Egitto  1895).] 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  451 

who  had  entered  the  citadel  were  driven  back ;  and  the  general, 
with  a  friend  and  a  slave,  remained  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of 
the  Christians.  When  Amroa  was  conducted  before  the  prefect, 
he  remembered  his  dignity  and  forgot  his  situation ;  a  lofty  de- 
meanour and  resolute  language  revealed  the  lieutenant  of  the 
caliph,  and  the  battle-axe  of  a  soldier  was  already  raised  to 
strike  off  the  head  of  the  audacious  captive.  His  lite  was  saved 
l^  the  readiness  of  his  slave,  who  instantly  gave  his  master  a 
blow  on  the  &ce,  and  commanded  him,  with  an  angry  tone,  to 
be  silent  in  the  presence  of  his  superiors.  The  credulous  Greek 
was  deceived :  he  listened  to  the  offer  of  a  treaty,  and  his 
prisoners  were  dismissed  in  the  hope  of  a  more  respectable  em- 
bassy, till  the  joyful  acclamations  of  the  camp  announced  the 
return  of  their  general  and  insulted  the  folly  of  the  infidels.^^ 
At  length,  after  a  siege  of  fourteen  months  ^^^  and  the  loss  of 
three  and  twenty  thousand  men,  the  Saracens  prevailed;  the^^^n* 
Greeks  embarked  their  dispirited  and  diminished  numbers,  and 
the  standard  of  Mahomet  was  planted  on  the  walls  of  the 
capital  of  Egypt.  ^*  I  have  taken,"  said  Amrou  to  the  caliph, 
"  the  great  ci^  of  the  West.  It  is  impossible  for  me  to  enu- 
merate the  variety  of  its  riches  and  beauty ;  and  I  shall  content 
myself  with  observing  that  it  contains  four  thousand  palaces, 
four  thousand  baths,  four  hundred  theatres  or  places  of  amuse- 
ment, twelve  thousand  shops  for  the  sale  of  vegetable  food,  and 
forty  thousand  tributary  Jews.  The  town  has  been  subdued  by 
force  of  arms,  without  treaty  or  capitulation,  and  the  Moslems 
are  impatient  to  seise  the  fruits  of  their  victory."  ^^  The  com- 
mander of  the  faithful  rejected  vrith  firmness  the  idea  of  pillage, 
and  directed  his  lieutenant  to  reserve  the  wealth  and  revenue 
of  Alexandria  for  the  public  service  and  the  propagation  of  the 
£uth.  The  inhabitants  were  numbered  ;  a  tribute  was  imposed ; 
the  zeal  and  resentment  of  the  Jacobites  were  curbed,  and  the 

^  [There  seems  to  be  no  early  autfaority  for  this  anecdote.] 

^**Botb  Eatychius  ( Annal.  torn.  ii.  p.  319)  and  Enmacm  (Hist.  Saraoen.  p.  aS) 
concnr  in  fixing  the  taldnf  of  Alexandria  to  Friday  of  the  new  moon  of  Moharram 
of  the  twentieth  year  of  the  Hegira  (December  aa,  A.D.  640).  In  reckoning  back* 
wards  fourteen  months  spent  bd[ote  Alexandria,  seven  months  before  Babylon,  &c 
Amrou  might  have  invauded  Egypt  about  the  end  of  the  year  638;  but  we  are 
awiiied  that  he  entered  the  ootmtry  the  lath  of  Bayni,  ^h  of  June  (Mwtadi, 
BieneiUes  de  rSgypte,  p.  164.  Sevorus,  apud  Renaodot,  p.  i6a).  The  Sananm, 
and  ttflawiuJs  Lewis  iX.  of  France,  halted  at  Pehisium,  or  Daraietta,  dnciqc  tbe; 
of  the  tnondation  of  the  Nile.    [For  date  see  Appendix  ax.] 


i>*Eiitycfa.  AnnaL  tom.  iL  p.  316,  319.   [Alexandria  capitulated,  saelUari^fL 


pi  463 ;  John  of  TfOdn,  ch.  zai.   Ai-BiUUlh«1,  like  EutyehiuB,  has  the 

that  It  was  stormed.    Cp.  Mr.  £.  W.  Brooks  in  Byx.  ZciXsdi.  Vy.  ^  V^\  ***  '^  'V 


452  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Melchites  who  submitted  to  the  Arabian  yoke  were  indulged  in 
the  obscure  but  tranquil  exercise  of  their  worship.  The  intelli- 
gence of  this  disgraceful  and  calamitous  event  afflicted  the  de- 
clining health  of  the  emperor ;  and  Heraclius  died  of  a  dropsy 
about  seven  weeks  after  the  loss  of  Alexandria.^^  Under  the 
minority  of  his  grandson,  the  clamours  of  a  people,  deprived  of 
their  daily  sustenance,  compelled  the  Byzantine  court  to  under- 
take the  recovery  of  the  capital  of  Egypt.  In  the  space  of  four 
years,  the  harbour  and  fortifications  of  Alexandria  were  twice 
occupied  by  a  fleet  and  army  of  Romans.  They  were  twice 
expelled  by  the  valour  of  Amrou,  who  was  recalled  by  the 
domestic  peril  from  the  distant  wars  of  Tripoli  and  Nubia.  But 
the  facility  of  the  attempt,  the  repetition  of  the  insult,  and  the 
obstinacy  of  the  resistance,  provoked  him  to  swear  that,  if  a 
third  time  he  drove  the  infidels  into  the  sea,  he  would  render 
Alexandria  as  accessible  on  all  sides  as  the  house  of  a  prostitute. 
Faithful  to  his  promise,  he  dismantled  several  parts  of  the  walls 
and  towers,  but  the  people  was  spared  in  the  chastisement  of 
the  city,  and  the  mosch  of  Mercy  was  erected  on  the  spot  where 
the  victorious  general  had  stopped  the  fury  of  his  troops. 
IISJuIm^  I  should  deceive  the  expectation  of  the  reader,  if  I  passed  in 

silence  the  fate  of  the  Alexandrian  library,  as  it  is  described 
by  the  learned  Abulpharagius.  The  spirit  of  Amrou  was  more 
curious  and  liberal  than  that  of  his  brethren,  and  in  his  leisure 
hours  the  Arabian  chief  was  pleased  with  the  conversation  of 
John,  the  last  disciple  of  Ammonins,  and  who  derived  the  sur- 
name of  Phiioponus  from  his  laborious  studies  of  grammar  and 
philosophy.  ^^  Emboldened  by  this  fiuniliar  intercourse,  Philo- 
{)onus  presumed  to  solicit  a  gift,  inestimable  in  his  opinion,  con- 
temptible in  that  of  the  barbarians :  the  royal  library,  fdiich 
alone,  among  the  spoils  of  Alexandria,  had  not  been  appropriated 

iM  Notwithstanding  some  inconsistencies  of  Theophanes  and  Cedreniis,  the 
accuracy  of  Pagi  (Critica,  torn.  iL  pi  894)  has  extracted  from  Nioephoras  and  the 
Chronicon  Orientale  the  true  date  of  tbB  death  of  Heraclius,  February  nth,  A.D. 
641,  fifty  days  after  the  kss  of  Aleiandria.  A  fourth  of  that  time  was  sufficient  to 
convey  the  intelligence.    [Alexandria  fell  nine  months  after  his  death  (App.  ax).] 

^  Many  treatises  of  this  lover  of  labour  (^iAii^oMt)  are  still  extant ;  bat  for 
readers  of  the  present  age  the  printed  and  mipublisbed  are  nearly  in  the  nme 
predicament  Moses  and  Aristotle  are  the  chief  objects  of  his  verbose  commentaries, 
one  of  which  is  dated  as  early  as  Mav  xoth,  A.D.  617  (Fabric.  BiblioL  Gr»c.  torn.  ix. 
p.  458-468).  A  modem  (John  Le  Clerc),  who  sometimes  assumed  the  same  name, 
H-as  equal  to  old  Phiioponus  in  diligence,  and  far  superior  in  good  sense  and  real 
knowledge.  [The  story  founden  on  the  chronology.  John  Philopontis  lived  in 
the  early  part  of  the  sixtk  ceotnxy.    Cp.  Kmmbacber,  Gcsch.  dv  tqrs.  littentur, 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  46S 

hy  the  yisit  and  the  seal  of  the  conqueror.  Amrou  was  inclined 
to  gratify  the  wish  of  the  grammarian^  but  his  rigid  integrity 
refused  to  alienate  the  minutest  object  without  the  consent  of 
the  caliph ;  and  the  well-known  answer  of  Omar  was  inspired 
by  the  ignorance  of  a  fiinatic.  ''If  these  writings  of  the  Greeks 
agree  with  the  book  of  God,  they  are  useless  and  need  not  be 
preserved ;  if  they  disagree,  they  are  pernicious  and  ought  to 
be  destroyed."  The  sentence  was  executed  with  blind  obedi- 
ence; the  volumes  of  paper  or  parchment  were  distributed  to  the 
four  thousand  baths  of  the  city  ;  and  such  was  their  incredible 
multitude  that  six  months  were  barely  sufficient  for  the  con- 
sumption of  this  precious  fuel.  Since  the  Dynasties  of  Abul- 
phangius  ^^  have  been  given  to  the  world  in  a  Latin  version, 
the  tale  has  been  repeatedly  transcribed ;  and  every  scholar, 
with  pious  indignation,  has  deplored  the  irreparable  shipwreck 
of  the  learning,  the  arts,  and  the  genius,  of  antiquity.  For  my 
own  part,  I  am  strongly  tempted  to  deny  both  the  fiict  and 
the  consequences.  The  &ct  is  indeed  marvellous  ;  "  Read  and 
wonder!"  says  the  historian  himself;  and  the  solitary  report 
of  a  stranger  who  wrote  at  the  end  of  six  hundred  years  on  the 
confines  of  Media  is  overbalanced  by  the  silence  of  two  annalists 
of  a  more  early  date,  both  Christians,  both  natives  of  Egypt, 
and  the  most  ancient  of  whom,  the  patriarch  Eutychius,  has 
amply  described  the  conquest  of  Alexandria.  ^^  The  rigid  sen- 
tence of  Omar  is  repugnant  to  the  sound  and  orthodox  precept 
of  the  Mahometan  casuists :  they  expressly  declare  that  the  re- 
ligious books  of  the  Jews  and  Christians,  which  are  acquired  by 
the  right  of  war,  should  never  be  committed  to  the  flames ;  and 
that  the  works  of  pro&ne  science,  historians  or  poets,  physi- 
cians or  philosophers,  may  be  lawfully  applied  to  the  use  of  the 
fiiithful.^^  A  more  destructive  zeal  may  perhaps  be  attributed 
to  the  first  successors  of  Mahomet;  yet  in  this  instance  the 

I 

•  >**  Abulpharag.  Dynast,  p.  114,  vers.  Pocock.  [The  story  is  also  given  by 
another  late  aat&rity.  Abd  al  Latif.]  Audi  quid  factiun  sit  et  mirare.  It  would 
be  endless  to  enumerate  the  modems  who  have  wondered  and  believed,  but  I  may 
Hi«ringiiiBii  with  hououT  the  rational  scepticism  of  Renaudot  (Hist.  Alex.  Patriarch, 
p.  170):  historia  .  .  .  habet  aliquid  awitrrov  ut  Arabibus  familiare  est  [For 
Abulfara^us  or  Bar-Hebraeus,  see  Appendix  x.] 

i^This  curious  anecdote  will  be  vamly  sought  in  the  annals  of  Eutychius  and 
the  Saracenic  history  of  Elmacin  [and  the  histories  of  Tabari  and  Ibn  Abd  al 
Hakam  who  was  resident  in  Egypt].  The  silence  of  Abulfeda,  Murtadi,  and  a 
crowd  of  Moslems  is  less  conclusive  nrom  their  ignorance  of  Christian  literature. 

i^^See  Reland,  de  Jure  Militari  Mohammedanorum,  in  his  iiird  volume  of 
Dissertations,  p.  37.  llie  reason  for  not  burning  the  religious  books  of  the  Jews 
or  Christians  is  derived  from  the  respect  that  is  due  to  the  name  of  God. 


454         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

conflagratkm  would  have  speedily  expired  in  the  defidencv  of 
materials.  I  shall  not  recapitulate  the  disasters  of  the  Alex- 
andrian library^  the  involuntary  flame  that  was  kindled  by  Gesar 
in  his  own  defence,^^  or  the  mischievous  bigotry  of  the  Christians 
who  studied  to  destroy  the  monuments  of  idolatry.^^  But,  if 
we  gFadnally  descend  firom  the  age  of  the  Antonines  to  that 
of  Theodosius,  we  shall  leam  fixmi  a  chain  of  contemporary 
witnesses  that  the  royal  palace  and  the  temple  of  SerapLs  no 
longer  contained  the  four,  or  the  seven,  hundred  thousand  volumes 
which  had  been  assembled  by  the  curiosity  and  magnificence  of 
the  Ptolemies.  ^^^  Perhaps  the  church  and  seat  of  Uie  patriarchs 
might  be  enriched  with  a  repository  of  books ;  but,  if  the  pon- 
derous mass  of  Arian  and  Monophysite  controversy  were  indeed 
consumed  in  the  public  baths,  ^^  a  philosopher  may  allow,  with 

1*  Consult  the  collections  of  Frensbeim  [FVeinshemius]  (Supplement.  Livian. 
c.  12,  43)  and  Usher  (AnnaL  p.  469).  Livy  himself  had  styled  the  Alexandrian 
library,  elegantiae  regnm  curseque  egre^him  opus :  a  liberal  encomium,  for  which 
he  is  pertly  criticized  by  the  narrow  stoicism  of  Seneca  (De  Tranquillitate  Animi 
c  9).  whose  wisdom,  on  this  occasion,  deviates  into  nonsense. 

1^  See  this  History,  vol  iiL  p.  x>x. 

1^  Aulus  Gelltus  (Noctes  Atticae,  vL  17),  Ammianus  Marcellinus  (zziL  16),  and 
Orosius  (I.  vL  c.  15).  The^  all  speak  in  the  ^oi/ tense,  and  the  words  of  Ammianus 
are  remarkably  strong ;  njenmt  BiUiotheuB  innumerabiles  [leg,  inaestimabiles] ; 
et  loquitur  monumentorum  veterum  concinens  fides,  &c.  rCp.  also  the  ex- 
pression of  John  Philoponus  (in  his  commentary  on  Aristotle  s  Prior  Analytics. 
f).  iv.  a,  ed.  Venice,  1536)  as  to  40  books  of  Analytics  found  *'in  the  old 
ibraries";  and  there  is  a  similar  remark  in  Ammoniu&  The  sknoe  of  the 
early  authorities,  both  Greek  and  Arabic,  is  the  main  argument  for  Gibbon's 
scepticism  as  to  the  burning  of  the  Alexandrian  'Mibrary^  by  Omar's  orders. 
The  silence  of  the  chronicles  of  Theophanes  and  Nicepboms  does  ix>t  count 
for  much,  as  they  are  caprickxis  and  unaccountable  in  their  selection  of  facts. 
The  silence  of  Tabari  and  Ibn  Abd  al  Hakam  is  more  important,  but  not  de- 
cisive. Of  far  greater  wdgfat  is  the  silence  of  the  contemporary  Tohn  of 
Nikiu,  who  gives  a  very  full  account  of  the  conquest  of  Egjrpt  wdl  sup- 
ports Gibbon,  while  St.  Martin,  amonf  others,  has  defended  the  statement  of 
Abulfaragius.  For  the  two  libraries  at  Afexandria,  and  the  evidence  of  Orosius,  see 
above,  vol.  iii.  Appendix,  ix.  It  should  be  noticed  peiteps  that  the  expression  of 
Abulfaragius  is  not  *' library'*  but  "libri  philosophici  qui  in  gazophylaciis  regiis 
reperiuntur  "  (tr.  Pocock,  p.  1x4).  But  Abd  al  Latif  (ed.  Silvestre  de  Sacy,  p.  183) 
speaks  of  "  the  library  which  Amr  burned  with  Omar's  perrais»on.*^The 
cnigin  of  the  story  is  pertiaps  to  be  sought  in  the  actual  destruction  of  rellgkms 
books  in  Persia.  Ibn  KhaldOn,  as  quota  by  HiJJi  Khalifa  (apud  de  Sacy.  ef.  eit, 
p.  241),  states  that  Omar  authorised  some  Persian  books  to  be  thrown  into  the 
water,  basing  his  decision  on  the  same  dilemma,  which,  according  to  Abulfiuaghis, 
he  enunciated  to  Amr.  It  is  quite  credible  that  books  of  the  Fire-wonhippen 
vrere  destroyed  by  Omar's  orders ;  and  this  incident  might  have  originated  legends 
of  the  destruction  of  books  elsewhere.] 

14S  Renaudot  answers  for  verskms  of  the  Bible,  Hexapla  Caitmat  Pairmm,  CoBh 
mentaries,  &c  (p.  xto}.  Our  Alezandrian  Ms.,  if  it  came  finom  ^gnU,  and  not 
fxxun  Constantinople  or  mount  Athos  (Westein,  Prokgom.  ad  N.  T.  pti  jB»  Jb&X 
might /PUSS  filjf  be  among  them. 


HI 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  45& 

a  smile,  that  it  was  ultimately  devoted  to  the  benefit  of  mankind. 
I  sincerely  regret  the  more  valuable  libraries  which  have  been 
inYolved  in  the  ruin  of  the  Roman  empire  ;  but,  when  I  seriously 
compute  the  lapse  of  ages,  the  waste  of  ignorance,  and  the 
calamities  of  war,  our  treasures,  rather  than  our  losses,  are  the 
object  of  my  surprise.  Many  curious  and  interesting  &cts  are 
biuied  in  oblivion :  the  three  great  hiBtorians  of  Rome  have 
been  transmitted  to  our  hands  in  a  mutilated  state,  and  we  are 
deprived  of  many  pleasing  compositions  of  the  lyric,  iambic, 
and  dramatic  poetry  of  the  Greeks.  Yet  we  should  gratefully 
remember  that  the  mischances  of  time  and  a(*cident  have  spared 
the  classic  works  to  which  the  sufllrage  of  antiquity  ^^  had  ad- 
judged  the  first  place  of  genius  and  glory  ;  the  teachers  of 
ancient  knowledge,  who  are  still  extant,  had  perused  and  com- 
pared the  writings  of  their  predecessors  ;  ^^  nor  can  it  fiiirly  be 
presumed  that  any  important  truth,  any  useful  discovery  in  art 
or  nature,  has  be^  snatched  away  from  the  curiosity  of  modem 


In  the  administration  of  Egypt,^^  Amrou  balanced  the  de- 
mands of  justice  and  policy  ;  the  interest  of  the  peof^e  of  the 
law,  who  were  defended  by  God,  and  of  the  people  of  the  alli- 
ance, who  were  protected  by  man.  In  the  recent  tumult  of  con- 
quest and  deliverance,  the  tongue  of  the  Copts  and  the  sword  of 
the  Arabs  were  most  adverse  to  the  tranquillity  of  the  province. 
To  the  former,  Amrou  declared  that  faction  and  fiilsehood  would 
be  doubly  chastised  :  by  the  punishment  of  the  accusers,  whom 
he  should  detest  as  his  personal  enemies,  and  by  the  promotion 
of  their  innocent  brethren,  whom  their  envy  had  laboured  to 
injure  and  supplant.  He  excited  the  latter  by  the  motives  of 
religion  and  honour  to  sustain  the  dignity  of  their  character,  to 
endear  themselves  by  a  modest  and  temperate  conduct  to  God 
and  the  caliph,  to  spare  and  protect  a  people  who  had  trusted  to 

1^  I  have  often  perused  with  pleasure  a  chapter  of  Quintllian  (Institut  Orator. 
X.  z),  in  which  that  judicious  critic  enumerates  and  appreciates  the  series  of  Greek 
and  Latin  classics. 

M«Such  as  Galen,  Pliny,  Aristotle,  &c.  On  this  subject  Wotton  ^Reflections  on 
ancient  and  modem  Learning^P-  85-95)  argues  with  solid  sense  against  the  lively 
exocic  iandes  of  Sir  William  Temple.  The  contempt  of  the  Greeks  for  barbaric 
sdence  would  icarcely  admit  the  Indian  or  iEthiopko  books  into  the  library  of 
Aknndria ;  nor  is  it  proved  that  philoaop^y  has  sustained  any  real  loss  from  their 
nccluikm 

MiThis Gurioai  ■»(!  snthspttn  iolriUpiw  oC  MartMii  (p.  964-089)  hat  not  been 
^novered  either  hv  Mr.  AnfilM- ni*ii  tlin  wif  snlli.hul  conttww  of  the  Motkm 
Univasl  Histoiy.'    -     ^^^^-^^-^ 


456         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

their  fiuth,  and  to  content  themselves  with  the  legitimate  and 
splendid  rewards  of  their  victory.  In  the  management  of  the 
revenue  he  disapproved  the  simple  but  oppressive  mode  of  capi- 
tation, and  preferred  with  reason  a  proportion  of  taxes,  deducted 
on  every  branch  from  the  clear  profits  of  agriculture  and  com- 
merce. A  third  part  of  the  tribute  was  appropriated  to  the 
annual  repairs  of  the  dykes  and  canals,  so  essential  to  the  public 
wel&ie.  Under  his  administration  the  fertility  of  Egypt  supplied 
the  dearth  of  Arabia ;  and  a  string  of  camels,  laden  with  com 
and  provisions,  covered  almost  without  an  interval  the  l<nig  road 
from  Memphis  to  Medina.^^  But  the  genius  of  Amrou  soon  re- 
newed the  maritime  communication  which  had  been  attempted 

.K  MM]  or  achieved  by  the  Pharaohs,  the  Ptolemies,  or  the  Caesars ;  and 
a  canal,  at  least  eighty  miles  in  length,  was  opened  from  the 
Nile  to  the  Red  Sea.  This  inland  navigation,  which  would  have 
joined  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Indian  ocean,  was  soon  dis- 
continued as  useless  and  dangerous;  the  throne  was  removed 
frt)m  Medina  to  Damascus ;  and  the  Grecian  fleets  might  have 
explored  a  passage  to  the  holy  cities  of  Arabia.  ^^^ 

.chw»ad_  Of  his  new  conquest,  the  caliph  Omar  had  an  imperfect  know- 
ledge from  the  voice  of  fame  and  the  legends  of  the  Koran.  He 
requested  that  his  lieutenant  would  place  before  his  eyes  the 
realm  of  Pharaoh  and  the  Amalekites ;  and  the  answer  of  Am- 
rou exhibits  a  lively  and  not  un&ithfril  picture  of  that  singular 
country.  ^^  "  O  commander  of  the  £uthful,  Kgypt  is  a  compound 
of  black  earth  and  green  plants,  between  a  pulverised  mountain 


i«s  Eutychius,  AnnaL  torn.  iL  p.  39a     Elmacin,  Hist  Saracen,  p.  35. 

1^^  On  these  obscurt  canals,  the  reader  may  trv  to  satisfy  himself  from  d' Anville 
(M^m.  sur  I'Egypte,  p.  ic^ixo,  124,  13a),  and  a  learned  thesis  maintained  and 
printed  at  Stmsburg  in  the  year  17^  (Tunsendormn  marinm  fluvionunque  molimi- 
na,  p.  39-47.  68-70).  Even  the  supme  Turks  have  agitated  the  old  project  of  joining 
the  two  seas  ( M<^moires  du  Baron  de  Tott,  tom.  iv.).  [The  canal  from  Buhastis  to 
the  Red  Sea  was  begun  by  Necbo  and  finished  hv  Darius.  Having  become  choked 
up  with  sand,  it  was  cleared  by  Ptolemy  II.  ana  again  by  Trajan.  The  canal  of 
Amr,  beginning  at  Babylon,  ran  north  to  Bilbeis,  then  east  to  Heroopolis,  and 
then  southward,  reaching  the  Red  Sea  at  Koltum  (Sues).  John  of  Nuciu  states 
that  the  Moslems  compelled  the  Egyptians  to  execute  the  work  of  clearing  the 
••  Canal  of  Trajan,"  tr.  Zotenberg,  p.  577.] 

i^A  small  volume,  des  Mervdlles,  &c.  de  I'Egjrpte.  composed  m  the  ziiith 
century  by  Murtadi  of  Cairo,  and  translated  from  an  Arabic  Ms.  of  Cardinal 
Masarin,  was  published  by  Pierre  Vatier,  Paris,  1666.  The  antiquities  of  Egypt 
are  wild  and  legendary ;  but  the  writer  deserves  credit  and  esteem  for  his  aooount 
of  the  conouest  and  geography  of  his  native  country  (see  the  correspoodence  of 
Amrou  ana  Omar,  p.  979^89).  [For  the  oorrespoodence  of  Amr  and  Omar 
recorded  by  Ibn  Abd  al  Hakam,  see  Weil.  i.  p.  184  sqq.l 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  467 

and  a  red  sand.  The  distance  from  Syene  to  the  sea  is  a  month's 
journey  for  an  horseman.  Along  the  valley  descends  a  river, 
on  which  the  blessing  of  the  Most  High  reposes  both  in  the 
evening  and  morning,  and  which  rises  and  &lls  with  the  revolu- 
tions of  the  sun  and  moon.  When  the  annual  dispensation  of 
Providence  unlocks  the  springs  and  fountains  that  nourish  the 
earth,  the  Nde  rolls  his  swelling  and  sounding  waters  through 
the  realm  of  Egypt ;  the  fields  are  overspread  by  the  salutary 
flood;  and  the  vUlages  communicate  with  each  other  in  their 
painted  barks.  The  retreat  of  the  inundation  deposits  a  fertilis- 
ing mud  for  the  reception  of  the  various  seeds ;  the  crowds  of 
husbandmen  who  blacken  the  land  may  be  compared  to  a  swarm 
of  industrious  ants ;  and  their  native  indolence  is  quickened  by  the 
lash  of  the  task-master  and  the  promise  of  the  flowers  and  fruits 
of  a  plentiful  increase.  Their  hope  is  seldom  deceived ;  but  the 
ridies  which  they  extract  from  the  wheat,  the  barley,  and  the 
rice,  the  legumes,  the  fruit-trees,  and  the  cattle,  are  unequally 
shared  between  those  who  labour  and  those  who  possess.  Ac- 
cording to  the  vicissitudes  of  the  seasons,  the  face  of  the  country 
is  adorned  with  a  silver  wave,  a  verdant  emerald,  and  the  deep 
yellow  of  a  golden  harvest."  ^^  Yet  this  beneficial  order  is  some- 
times interrupted  ;  and  the  long  delay  and  sudden  swell  of  the 
river  in  the  first  year  of  the  conquest  might  aflbrd  some  colour 
to  an  edifying  &ble.  It  is  said  that  the  annual  sacrifice  of  a 
virgin  ^^  had  been  interdicted  by  the  piety  of  Omar ;  and  that 
the  Nile  lay  sullen  and  inactive  in  his  shallow  bed,  till  the  man- 
date of  the  caliph  vras  cast  into  the  obedient  stream,  which  rose 
in  a  single  night  to  the  height  of  sixteen  cubits.  The  admira^ 
tion  of  the  Arabs  for  their  new  conquest  encouraged  the  licence 
of  their  romantic  spirit.     We  may  read,  in  the  gravest  authors, 

1^  la  a  twenty  years*  residence  at  Cairo,  the  consul  Maillet  bad  contemplated 
that  varying  scene,  the  Nile  (lettre  ii.  particularly  p.  70,  75) ;  the  fertility  of  the 
land  (lettre  ix).  From  a  college  at  Cambridge,  the  poetic  eye  of  Gray  bad  seen 
the  same  objects  with  a  keener  glance : 

What  wonder  in  the  sultry  climes  that  spread, 

Where  Nile,  redundant  o'er  his  summer  bed, 

From  his  broad  bosom  life  and  verdure  flings, 

And  broods  o'er  Eg3rpt  with  his  wat'r^  wings  ; 

If  with  advent'rous  oar,  and  ready  sail, 

The  dusk^  people  drive  before  the  ^le ; 

Or  on  frail  floats  to  neighbouring  cities  ride, 

That  rise  and  glitter  o'er  the  ambient  tide 

(Mason's  W<»-kSy  and  Memoirs  of  Gray ,  p.  1991  aoo). 

i**Miirtadi,  p.  164*167.    The  reader  will  not  easily  credit  an  human 
under  Uie  ChrUiiaD  emperors,  or  a  miracle  of  the  suooessors  oC  Mabcn&KfL. 


458         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

tkat  Egypt  was  crowded  with  twenty  thousand  cities  or  villages;^ 
thai,  exclusive  of  the  Greeks  and  Arabs,  the  Copts  alone  were 
found,  on  the  assessment,  six  millions  of  tributary  subjects,^^  or 
twenty  millions  of  either  sex  and  of  every  a^afe  ;  thai  three  hun- 
dred millions  of  gold  or  silver  were  annually  paid  to  the  treasury 
of  the  caliph.  ^^  Our  reason  must  be  startled  by  these  extrava- 
gant assertions ;  and  they  will  become  more  palpable,  if  we 
assume  the  compass  and  measure  the  extent  of  habitable  ground : 
a  valley  from  the  tropic  to  Memphis,  seldom  broader  than  twelve 
miles,  and  the  triangle  of  the  Delta,  a  flat  sur&ce  of  two  thou- 
sand one  hundred  square  leagues,  compose  a  twelfth  part  of  the 
magnitude  of  France. ^^  A  more  accurate  research  will  justify  a 
more  reasonable  estimate.  The  three  hundred  millions,  created 
by  the  error  of  a  scnbe,  are  reduced  to  the  decent  revenue  of 
four  millions  three  hundred  thousand  pieces  of  gold,  of  which 
nine  hundred  thousand  were  consumed  by  the  pay  of  the 
soldiers.  ^^  Two  authentic  lists,  of  the  present  and  of  the  twelfth 
century,  are  circumscribed  within  the  respectable  number  of  two 
thousand  seven  hundred  villages  and  towns.  ^^    After  a  long  resi- 

^  Maillet,  Description  de  TEgypte,  p.  22.  He  mentions  this  number  as  the 
common  opinion ;  and  adds  that  the  generality  of  these  villages  contain  two  or  three 
thousand  persons,  and  that  many  of  them  are  more  populous  than  our  large  cities. 

iBBEutych.  Annal.  torn.  ii.  p.  308.  3x1.  The  twenty  millions  are  computed  from 
the  followii^  da/a  :  <»ie  twelfth  of  mankind  above  sixty,  one  third  below  sizteea, 
the  proportion  of  men  to  women  as  seventeen  to  sixteen  I  Recherches  sar  la  Popu- 
lation de  la  France,  p.  71,  79).  The  president  Goguet  (Origine  dcs  Arts,  &c.  torn. 
iii.  p.  26,  &c )  bestows  twentv-seven  millions  on  ancient  Egypt,  because  the  seven- 
teen himdred  companions  oi  Sesoatris  were  bom  on  the  same  day. 

^•^  Elmacin,  Hist.  Saracen,  p.  218 ;  and  this  gross  lump  is  swallowed  without 
scruple  by  d'Herbelot  (Bibliot.  Orient,  p.  xosx),  Arbuthnot  (Tables  of  Andent 
Coins,  p.  262),  and  De  Guignes  (Hist,  des  Huns,  torn.  iiL  p.  135).  They  might  allege 
the  not  less  extravagant  liberality  of  Appian  in  favour  of  the  Ptolemies  (in  pra^t. ), 
of  seventy-four  myriads  740,000  talents,  an  annual  income  of  x8^,  or  near  300, 
millions  of  pounds  sterling,  according  as  we  reckon  by  the  Egyptian  or  the 
Alexandrian  talent  (Bernard  de  Ponderibus  Aotiq.  p.  186). 

^•'^See  the  measurement  of  d'Anville  (M6m.  sur  TE^^pte,  p.  23,  &&).  After 
some  peevish  cavils.  M.  Pkuw  (Recherches  sur  les  Egyptiens,  torn  L  p.  xz8-iax) 
can  only  enlarge  his  reckoning  to  2250  square  leagues. 

'•"^Renaudot,  Hist.  Patriarch.  Alexand.  p.  3^  who  calls  the  oonunon  reading 
or  version  of  Klmacin  error  lihrarii.  [Elmacm  gives  300,300,00a]  His  own 
emendation  of  4,300.000  piooes,  in  the  ixth  ocnturv,  maintams  a  probable  medium 
between  the  3,000,000  which  the  Arabs  acquired  by  the  conquest  of  Fgypt  (idem, 
p.  168),  and  the  2.400,000  whk±  the  sultan  of  Constantinople  levied  m  the  last 
century  (Pietro  della  Valle.  torn.  L  p.  35a  [pw  219  in  French  trsinslation]  ;  Th^venot, 
part  i.  p.  824).  Pauw  (Recherches,  torn.  u.  p.  ^5-374)  gradually  raises  the  revenue 
of  the  Pharaohs,  the  Ptolemies,  and  the  Casiors,  from  six  to  fifteen  millions  of 
German  crowns. 

U8 The  list  of  Schultens  (Index  Geograph.  ad  calcem  Vlt  Saladin.  p.  5)  contains 
2596  places  ;  that  of  d'Anville  (M^m.  sur  I'Egypte,  p.  99),  from  the  divan  of 
Cairo,  enunierates  9696. 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  459 

dence  at  Cairo,  a  French  consul  has  ventured  to  assign  about  fimr 
millions  of  Mahometans,  Christians,  and  Jews,  tor  the  ample, 
though  not  incredible,  scope  of  the  population  of  Egypt.^^^ 

IV.  The  conquest  of  Africa,  from  the  Nile  to  the  Atlantic  |gj«^ 
ocean,^^  was  first  attempted  by  the  arms  of  the  caliph  Othman.^^  VSl^J 
The  pious  design  was  approved  by  the  companions  of  Mahomet  aj».  ht 
:ind  tne  chiefii  of  the  trib^ ;  and  twenty  thousand  Arabs  marched 
from  Medina,  ¥rith  the  gifts  and  the  blessing  of  the  commander 
of  the  £uthfuL     They  were  joined  in  the  camp  of  Memphis  by 
twenty  thousand  of  their  countrymen ;  and  the  conduct  of  the 
war  was  entrusted  to  Abdallah,^^  the  son  of  Said,  and  the 
foster-brother  of  the  caliph,  who  had  lately  supplanted  the  con- 

1^  See  Maillet  (Description  de  TEgypte,  p.  aS),  who  seems  to  argue  with  candour 
and  judgment.  I  am  much  better  satisfied  with  the  observations  than  with  the 
readmg  of  the  FVencfa  consul  He  was  ignorant  of  Greek  and  Latin  literature,  and 
his  fancy  is  too  much  delighted  with  the  fictions  of  the  Axabs.  Their  best  know- 
ledge b  collected  by  Abmfeda  fDescript  i£gypt.  Arab,  et  Lat  a  Joh.  David 
M ichaelis,  Gottingee,  in  4to,  1776),  and  in  two  recent  voyages  into  Egypt  we  are 
amuifri  by  Savary  and  instructed  by  Volney.  I  wish  the  Uuter  could  travel  over 
the  globe. 

^My  conquest  of  Africa  is  drawn  from  two  French  interpreters  of  Arabic 
literature,  Cardonne  (Hist  de  TAfrique  et  de  l^Espa^pe  sous  la  Domination  des 
Arabes^  torn.  i.  p.  6-55).  and  Otter  (M6m.  de  I'Acad^miedes  Inscriptions,  torn.  xxi. 
p.  xiz-zas.  &Q<i  136)*  '^^^  derive  their  principal  information  from  Novairi,  who 
composed^  A.  D.  1331,  an  Encyclopaedia  in  more  than  twenty  volumes.  The  five 
general  parts  successively  treat  of,  i.  Physics,  s.  Man,  3.  Animals,  4.  Plants,  and, 
5.  History ;  and  the  African  a&irs  are  discussed  in  the  vith  chapter  of  the  vth 
secticm  of  this  last  part  (Reiske,  Prodidagmata  ad  Hagii  Chalifae  Tabulas,  p.  a^ 
234).  Among  the  older  historians  who  are  quoted  by  riovairi,  we  maydistmguish 
the  original  narrative  of  a  soldier  who  led  the  van  of  the  Moslems.  [The  work  of 
Novairi  (see  Baron  de  Slane's  translation,  Journal  Asiatique,  1841,  and  App.  to 
tome  L  of  his  transl.  of  Ibn  Khaldiln,  p.  3x3  sa^.)  is  marked  by  many  romantic  and 
legenckuy  details.  It  is  safer  to  adhere  to  the  briefer  notices  of  the  older  ninth- 
century  writers,  especially  Bil&dhuri  (see  references  in  Journal  Asiat ,  1844)  and  Ibn 


Abd  al  Hakam  (see  extract  in  Journal  Asiat,  id.,  and  App.  to  Slane*s  Ibn 
KhaldOn,  p.  ^oi-za),  and  use  with  caution  both  Novairi  and  Ibn  Khaldun  (whose 
History  of  the  Berbers  and  Musulraan  dynasties  of  North  Africa  has  been  trans- 
lated l^  the  Baron  de  Slane,  1852-6,  4  vols.).  Ibn  Khaldun  (x4th  century)  used 
Novain;  and  Novairi  used  Bil&dhuri,  and  Ibn  al  Athir,  among  other  sources. 
Ibn  Kutaiba  has  also  some  important  notices  (see  Gayangos,  History  of  the 
Mohammedan  d3masties  in  Spain,  X840,  voL  L  App.  £),  and  Al  Bakri  (see  Slane, 
in  Journal  Asiat.,  X858).  The  French  conquest  of  Algiers  and  occupation  of  Tunis 
have  led  to  some  valuable  studies  on  this  period :  Founiel.  Lcs  Berbers :  Etudes  sur 
la  conqudte  de  I'Afrique  par  les  Arabes,  x88i ;  Mercier,  Hist,  de  I'Afiique  septen- 
trionale,  i88S^x  j  Diehl,  Bk.  v.  in  L'Afrique  Byzantine,  1896.  Besides  these,  we 
have  Weil,  Aman  (Storia  dei  Musulmani  di  Sicilia,  first  chapters  of  vol  L),  Roth's 
Oqba  ibn  Nafi,  1859,  Tauxier's  Le  patrioe  Greii^orius  (Rev.  Africaine  in  18851] 

1^  [Amr  however  had  already  rendered  Barca  tributary  aiui  reduced  Tripoli 
and  Sabrata  in  A.D.  643-3  or  643-4  (according  to  Ibo  Abd  al  Hakam,  ap.  Slaae's 
Ibn  KhaldQn,  p.  m-3.  See  Weil,  l  p.  124).  Omar  decided  against  a  further 
advance  westward.  J 

'»See  the  history  of  Abdallah  in  Abolleda  0^  llj^itBIByiH.  9,  mi  99A 
Gagnier  (Vie  de  Mahomet,  torn.  iii.  p.  45^3^         ,^.,^^  ^  WUl^  VtAw.  **    • 


460         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

queror  and  lieutenant  of  Egypt.  Yet  the  favour  of  the  prince 
and  the  merit  of  his  favourite  could  not  obliterate  the  guilt  of 
his  apostacy.  The  early  conversion  of  Abdallah  and  his  skilful 
pen  had  recommended  him  to  the  important  office  of  transcribing 
the  sheets  of  the  Koran ;  he  betrayed  his  trust,  corrupted  the 
text^  derided  the  errors  which  he  had  made,  and  fled  to  Mecca 
to  escape  the  justice,  and  expose  the  ignorance,  of  the  apostle. 
After  the  conquest  of  Mecca,  he  fell  prostrate  at  the  feet  of 
Mahomet ;  his  tears  and  the  entreaties  of  Othman  extorted  a 
reluctant  pardon ;  but  the  prophet  declared  that  he  had  so  long 
hesitated  to  allow  time  for  some  sealous  disciple  to  avenge  his 
injury  in  the  blood  of  the  apostate  With  apparent  fidelity  and 
effective  merit,  he  served  the  religion  which  it  was  no  longer  his 
interest  to  desert :  his  birth  and  talents  gave  him  an  honourable 
rank  among  the  Koreish  ;  and,  in  a  nation  of  cavalry,  Abdallah 
was  renowned  as  the  boldest  and  most  dexterous  horseman  of 
Arabia.  At  the  head  of  forty  thousand  Moslems,  he  advanced 
from  Egypt  into  the  unknown  countries  of  the  West.  The  sands 
of  Barca  might  be  impervious  to  a  Roman  legion ;  but  the  Arabs 
were  attended  by  their  faithful  camels ;  and  the  natives  of  the 
desert  beheld  without  terror  the  familiar  aspect  of  the  soil  and 
climate.  After  a  painful  march,  they  pitched  their  tents  before 
the  walls  of  Tripoli, ^^^  a  maritime  city,  in  which  the  name^  the 
wealth,  and  the  inhabitants,  of  the  province  had  gradually  cen- 
tred, and  which  now  maintains  the  third  rank  among  the 
states  of  Barbary.  A  reinforcement  of  Greeks  was  surprised  and 
cut  in  pieces  on  the  sear«hore  ;  but  the  fortifications  of  Tripoli 
resisted  the  first  assaults ;  and  the  Saracens  were  tempted  by 
iMpraiiMi    the  approach  of  the  pnefect  Gregoiy  ^^  to  relinquish  the  labours 

i^^llie  provinoe  and  dty  cf  THpoU  are  described  by  Leo  Afncanui  (in  Navi* 
gatione  et  Viaggi  di  Ramaio,  toon,  l  Venetia,  1550,  fol.  76,  verso),  and  Marmol 
(Description  de  TAfrique,  torn.  ii.  p.  569|.  The  first  of  thee  vnriters  was  a  Moor, 
a  scholar,  and  a  traveler,  idx>  oomposea  or  translated  his  African  geography  in  a 
state  of  captivity  at  Rome,  where  behad  assumed  the  name  and  religion  ai  pope  Leo 
X.  [His  work  has  been  recently  edited  for  the  Haklujrt  Soc.  by  Dr.  R.  Brown.] 
In  a  similar  captivity  among  the  Moors,  the  Spaniard  Marmol,  a  soldier  of 
Charles  V.,  compiled  his  Description  of  Africa,  translated  by  d'Ablanooort  into 
French  (Paris,  1667,  3  vols,  in  4to).  Marmol  had  read  and  seen,  but  be  is  destitute 
of  the  curious  and  extensive  obseiYatioa  which  abounds  in  the  original  work  of  Leo 
the  African. 

1^  Theophanes,  who  mentions  the  defeat,  rather  than  the  death,  of  Gregny. 
He  brands  the  prasfect  with  the  name  of  Titewwof ;  he  had  probably  aMumed  the 
purple  (Chronograph,  p.  285  Tsui  A.M.  6139!).  [There  is  no  doubt  that  Qnmary 
revoltea  against  Constans  ana  was  proclaimed  emperor.  Cp.  Iba  Abd  id  Hakam 
{loc.  cit,  p.  304),  who  speaks  ot  him  as  "a  king  named  Jvcffr  (or  Jiijlr) 
wbo  had  at  mst  administered  the  country  as  lieutenant  of  Heracuus,  but  baa 
then  revolted  againit  bis  mattier  and  Ukrask  dioArs  with  his  own  Image:    JHu 


lit 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIBE  461 

of  the  siege  for  the  perils  and  the  hopes  of  a  decisive  action. 
If  his  standard  was  followed  by  one  hundred  and  twenty  thou- 
sand men,  the  regular  bands  of  the  empire  must  have  been  lost 
in  the  naked  and  disorderly  crowd  of  Africans  and  Moors,  who 
formed  the  strength,  or  rather  the  numbers,  of  his  host.  He 
rejected  ¥rith  indignation  the  option  of  the  Koran  or  the  tribute ; 
and  during  sevend  dajs  the  two  armies  were  fiercely  engaged 
from  the  dawn  of  light  to  the  hour  of  noon,  when  their  fiitigue 
and  the  excessive  heat  compelled  them  to  seek  shelter  and  re- 
freshment in  their  respective  camps.  The  daughter  of  Gbregory, 
a  maid  of  incomparable  beauty  and  spirit,  is  said  to  have  fought 
by  his  side ;  from  her  earliest  youth  she  was  trained  to  mount  on 
horseback,  to  draw  the  bow,  and  to  wield  the  scymetar ;  and  the 
richness  of  her  arms  and  apparel  was  conspicuous  in  the  foremost 
ranks  of  the  battle.  Her  hand,  with  an  hundred  thousand  pieces 
of  gold,  was  offered  for  the  head  of  the  Arabian  general,  and  the 
youths  of  Africa  were  excited  by  the  prospect  of  the  glorious 
prize.  At  the  pressing  solicitation  of  his  brethren,  Abdallah 
withdrew  his  person  from  the  field ;  but  the  Saracens  were  dis- 
couraged by  the  retreat  of  their  leader  and  the  repetition  of  these 
equal  or  unsuccessfril  conflicts. 

A  noble  Arabian,  who  afterwards  became  the  adversary  of  Ali 
and  the  father  of  a  caliph,  had  signalised  his  valour  in  Egypt, 
and  Zobeir  ^^  was  the  first  who  planted  the  scaling-ladder  against 
the  walls  of  Babylon.  In  the  African  war  he  was  detached  from 
the  standard  of  Abdallah.  On  the  news  of  the  battle,  Zobeir, 
with  twelve  companions,  cut  his  way  through  the  camp  of  the 
Greeks,  and  pressed  forwards,  without  tasting  either  food  or 
repose,  to  partake  of  the  dangers  of  his  brethren.  He  cast  his 
eyes  round  the  field :  "  Where,"  said  he,  "  is  our  general  ?  "  "  In 
his  tent."  "  Is  the  tent  a  station  for  the  general  of  the  Mos- 
lems ? "  Abdallah  represented  with  a  blush  the  importance  of 
his  own  life,  and  the  temptation  that  was  held  forth  by  the 
Roman  pnefbct.  "  Retort,"  said  Zobeir,  "  on  the  infidels  their 
ungenerous  attempt.     Proclaim  through  the  ranks  that  the  head 

authority  extended  from  Tripoli  to  Tangier."  He  was  very  popular  in  Africa,  as 
a  champion  of  orthodoxy  ag^unst  Monotheletisra,  and  protected  the  Abbot  Maxi- 
mns.  See  Migne,  Patr.  Gr.  ox,  p.  ^54.  He  was  also  supported  by  the  Berbos 
jcf.  Tbeoph.  loc  cU.),  and  he  fixed  his  residence  at  the  inland  city  of  Sufetula,  which 
nad  a  strong  citadel] 

i^See  in  Ockl^  (Hist  of  the  Saracens,  vol  il  p.  4O  the  death  of  Zobeir,  which 
was  bODOured  with  the  tears  of  Ali,  against  whom  he  nad  rebelled.  Jlis  vatonr  at 
the  siege  d  Babykm,  if  indeed  it  be  the  same  person,  is  mentioned  by  Etttydiiiis 
(Annal  torn,  il  p.  308)1 


462         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

of  Gregory  shall  be  repaid  with  his  captive  daughter  and  the 
eqnal  sum  of  one  huikbed  thousand  pieces  of  gold."  ^^  To  the 
courage  and  discretion  of  Zobeir  the  lieutenant  of  the  caliph  en- 
trusted the  execution  of  his  own  stratagem,  which  inclined  the 
long-disputed  balance  in  favour  of  the  Saracens.  Supplying  by 
activity  and  artifice  the  deficiency  of  numbers,  a  part  of  their 
forces  lay  concealed  in  their  tents,  while  the  remainder  prolonged 
an  irregular  skirmish  with  the  enemy,  till  the  sun  was  high  in 
the  heavens.  On  both  sides  they  retired  with  fainting  steps ; 
their  horses  were  unbridled,  their  armour  was  laid  aside,  and  the 
hostile  nations  prepared,  or  seemed  to  prepare,  for  the  refresh- 
ment of  the  evening  and  the  encounter  of  the  ensuing  day.  On 
a  sudden,  the  charge  was  sounded ;  the  Arabian  camp  poured 
forth  a  swarm  of  fresh  and  intrepid  warriors ;  and  the  long  line 
of  the  Greeks  and  Africans  was  surprised,  assaulted,  overturned 
by  new  squadrons  of  the  fitithful,  who,  to  the  eye  of  fimaticism, 
might  appear  as  a  band  of  angels  descending  from  the  sky.  The 
prefect  himself  was  slain  by  the  hand  of  Zobeir :  his  daughter, 
who  sought  revenue  and  death,  was  surrounded  and  made 
prisoner ;  and  the  nigitives  involved  in  their  disaster  the  town 
of  Sufetula,  to  which  they  escaped  from  the  sabres  and  lances  of 
the  Arabs.  Sufetula  was  built  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  to 
the  south  of  Carthage :  a  gentle  declivity  is  watered  by  a  run- 
ning stream,  and  shaded  by  a  grove  of  Juniper  trees ;  and,  in  the 
ruins  of  a  triumphal  areh,  a  portico,  and  three  temples  of  the 
Corinthian  order,  cariosity  mav  yet  admire  the  magnificence  of 
the  Romans.^^  After  the  fidl  of  this  opulent  city,  the  provin- 
cials and  barbarians  implored  on  all  aides  the  mercy  of  the 
conqueror.  His  vanity  or  his  seal  mieht  be  flattered  by  offers  of 
tribute  or  professions  of  fidth ;  but  his  losses,  his  fiitigoes,  and 
the  progress  of  an  epidemical  disease,  prevented  a  solid  establish- 
ment ;  and  the  Saracens,  after  a  campaign  of  fifteen  moDths, 
retreated  to  the  confines  of  Egypt,  with  the  captives  and  the 
wealth  of  their  African  expecution.  The  caliph's  fifth  was 
granted  to  a  fitvourite,  on  the  nominal  payment  of  five  hundred 
thousand  pieces  of  gold ;  ^^  but  the  state  was  doubly  ii^jured  by 

iM  [Novairi,  t^md  Slane's  Ibo  Khaldlin.  L  p.  319.] 

I'B  Shaw's  Travels,  p.  ziS,  119^  [For  Sufetula  (Sbaitla),  an  important  eentre  01 
roads,  see  Saladin*s  Rapport  on  a  mission  to  Tunis  in  Nouv.  Ana.  det  Misuoos. 
i.  1893.    Tbeplanof  tbeaiteisgivenin  Diehl'sTAfrique  Bfttntine,  p.  apfl.] 

^''Mimica  emptio,  sajrs  AlMlfeda,  erat  lime,  et  miim  donatio;  qoaBdoquidan 
Othman,  qns  nomine  nummoi  ex  serario  pria  abbooi  oerario  piMtabat  ( AnnaL 
Moslem,  p.  78},    Elmann  (in  hii  ckMidy  version,  p.  39)  iwim  to  report  the  nme 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EBiPIBE  463 

this  &llacious  traiisBCtion,  if  each  foot-soldier  had  ^ared  one 
thousand,  and  each  horaeman  three  thousand,  pieces  in  Uie  real 
diyision  of  the  plunder.  The  author  of  the  death  of  Gregory 
was  expected  to  have  claimed  the  most  precious  reward  of  the 
victoiy :  from  his  silence  it  might  be  presumed  that  he  -  had 
&llen  in  the  battle,  till  the  tears  and  exclamations  of  the  pnt- 
feet's  daughter  at  the  sight  of  Zobeir  revealed  the  valour  and 
modesty  of  that  gallant  soldier.  The  unfortunate  virgin  was 
offered,  and  almost  rejected,  as  a  slave,  by  her  Other's  murderer, 
who  coolly  declared  that  his  sword  was  consecrated  to  the  sendee 
of  religion ;  and  that  he  laboured  for  a  recompense  dar  above  the 
charms  of  mortal  beauty  or  the  riches  of  this  transitoiy  Itfe.^^ 
A  reward  congenial  to  his  temper  was  the  honourable  commis- 
sioB  of  announcing  to  the  caliph  Othman  the  success  of  his  anns. 
The  companions,  the  chieft,  and  the  peo]^e  were  assembled  in 
the  mosch  of  Medina,  to  hear  the  interesting  narrative  of  Zobeir ; 
and,  as  the  orator  fbi^t  nothing  except  the  merit  of  his  own 
counsels  and  actions,  the  name  of  Abdallah  was  joined  by  the 
Arabians  with  the  heroic  names  of  Caled  and  Amrou.^^ 

The  western  conquests  of  the  Saracens  were  suspended  nearrnmi 
twenty  years,  till  their  dissensions  were  composed  by  the  estab-  ~ 
hffihment  <yf  the  house  of  Ommiyah  ;  and  the  caliph  Moawiyah 
was  Invited  by  the  cries  of  the  Africans  themselves.  The  suo- 
cessore  of  Hetmclins  had  been  informed  of  the  tribute  which 
they  had  been  compelled  to  stipulate  with  the  Arabs ;  bat, 
instead  of  being  moved  to  pity  and  relieve  their  distress^  they 


tobu  When  fbe  Arabs  besieged  the  palace  of  Othman,  it  fltood'high  in  thefa*  caUa- 
logUB  of  •■gntvmiofls. 

^  tl^  Aftxi  al  Hakam  {Uc.  eiL  p.  306)  gives  another  stoiy  about  the  daiighfirr  of 

Gregory.    She  fell  to  the  lot  of  a  man  of  Medina.     He  placed  her  on  a  camel  and 

returned  with  her  improvising  these  verses : — 

' '  Daughter  of  Jou|k,  you  will  go  on  foot  in  your  turn ; 

Your  mistress  awaits  you  in  the  HijS2, 

You  will  carry  a  skin  of  water  from  Koba  (to  Medina) ". 

She  "  asked  what  this  dog  meant ;  and  having  teamed  tne  meaning  of  the  words 

threw  hersrif  from  the  camel  and  broke  her  n^  ".] 

^*  *Ebr(«Tp«Ttv«««'  Sopcicif vol  T^v  'A/^fiu(^,  cat  oviifit^rm  rf  rvptany  TpjfyopiM  rodrov 

^atr.  Theophan.  Chronograph,  p.  365,  edit  Paris  [a.m.  6139].  His  chronology 
is  kxMe  and  inaeouxate.  [Some  words  have  acdden^y  fallen  out  in  this  passage 
after  ttriwowt  and  are  preserved  in  the  translation  of  Anastasius:  ei  hunc  ai 
AfritapMufU  (de  Boor  wpplies  cax  rovrov  'A^pMciif  kntXmiovwtaw).  This  implies  that 
(jfesory  was  not  slain ;  cs^  above,  note  x6a.  Didil  justly  remarks  that  he  must  not 
be  identified  with  Gregory  the  nephew  of  Heraclius  who  died  in  651-8 ;  op.  cii.  p, 
559 ;  but  does  not  question  the  statement  (of  Arabic  sources,  ^^.  Ibn  Abd  al 
fmkam,  ioc,  tit,  p.  304)  that  he  was  slain  at  Sbaitla.  The  detail^  of  the  battle 
^veo  in  the  text  depend  chiefly  en  the  doubtful  authority  of  Novairi.1 


464         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

imposed,  as  an  equivalent  or  a  fine,  a  second  tribute  of  a  similar 
amount.  The  ears  of  the  Byzantine  ministers  were  shut  against 
the  complaints  of  their  poverty  and  ruin ;  their  despair  was 
reduced  to  prefer  the  dominion  of  a  single  master ;  and  the 
extortions  of  the  patriarch  ^^  of  Carthage,  who  was  invested 
with  civil  and  military  power,  provoked  the  sectaries,  and  even 
the  Catholics,  of  the  Roman  province  to  abjure  the  religion  as 

Ls.  MS]  well  as  the  authority  of  their  tyrants.  The  first  lieutenant  ^^^  of 
Moawiyah  acquired  a  just  renown,  subdued  an  important  city, 
defeated  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  Greeks,  swept  away  four- 
score thousand  captives,  and  enriched  with  their  spoils  the  bold 
adventurers  of  Syria  and  Egypt.^^     But  the  title  of  conqueror 

ntiMite  of  Africa  is  more  justly  due  to  his  successor  Akbah.  He  marched 
from  Damascus  at  the  head  of  ten  thousand  of  the  bravest  Arabs ; 
and  the  genuine  force  of  the  Moslems  was  enlarged  by  the 
doubtful  aid  and  conversion  of  many  thousand  barbarians.      It 

u).  m}  would  be  difficult,  nor  is  it  necessary,  to  trace  the  accurate  line 
of  the  progress  of  Akbah.  The  interior  regions  have  been 
peopled  by  the  Orientals  with  fictitious  armies  and  imaginaiy 
citadels.  ^^-  In  the  warlike  province  of  Zab  or  Numidia,  four- 
score thousand  of  the  natives  might  assemble  in  arms ;  but  the 
number  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  towns  is  incompatible  with 
the  ignorance  or  decay  of  husbandry ;  ^^  and  a  circumference 

A.i>.  M]  of  three  leagues  wiU  not  be  justified  by  the  ruins  of  Erbe  or 
Lambesa,  the  ancient  metropolis  of  that  inland  country.  As 
we  approach  the  sea-ooast  the  well-known  citieft  of  Bugia^^^ 
and  Tangier  ^"^^  define  the  more  certain  limits  of  the  Saracen 
victories.  A  remnant  of  trade  still  adheres  to  the  commodious 
harbour  of  Bugia,  which,  in  a  more  prosperous  age,  is  said  to 
have  contained  about  twenty  thousand  houses ;  and  the  plenty 

i«  [This  is  presumably  a  mispriiit  for  Patrician.] 

i70[Mo&wiya  ibn  Hudaij.] 

^^  Theophanes  (in  Cbronograph.  p.  993  [A.M.  6161])  inaerU  the  vague  nimoiiri 
that  might  reach  Constantinople  ol  the  western  conquests  of  the  Arabs ;  and  I 
learn  from  Paul  Wamefrid,  deacon  of  Aquileia  (de  Gestis  Langobard.  L  ▼.  &  S3), 
that  at  this  time  they  sent  a  fleet  from  Alescandria  into  the  Sicilian  and  African  seas. 
[The  army  of  30,000  was  sent  Ofver  from  Sicily  by  the  Emperor  ConstanSb] 

ITS  [Not  ima^pnary.  North  Africa  is  full  of  the  remains  of  Bysantine  dfdris. 
Cp.  above,  vol.  iv.  p.  250,  note  iii.] 

178  See  Novairi  (apud  Otter,  p.  1x6),  Leo  Afrlcamxs  (foL  81,  veno),  wbo  redmis 
onlv  cinque  citta  e  infinite  casale,  Mannol  (Description  de  rAfirique.  torn.  flL  p.  33), 
and  Shaw  (Travels,  p.  57,  65^)1 

^*  Leo  African.  foL  58,  verto;  S9,  neia.    Btennol,  torn.  fi.  pu  41s    Shaw,  pi  43* 

'^Leo  African.  foL  52.    Mannol,  Unnu  ii.  pi  aaS.  .^' 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  466 

of  iron,  which  is  dug  from  the  aajaoent  mountains,  might  have 
supplied  a  braver  people  with  the  instruments  of  defenoe.  The 
remote  position  and  venerable  antiquity  of  Tingi,  or  Tangier, 
have  been  decorated  by  the  Greek  and  Arabian  frbles ;  but  the 
figurative  expressions  of  the  latter,  that  the  walls  were  o<m- 
structed  of  brass,  and  that  the  roofii  were  covered  with  gold  and 
silver,  may  be  interpreted  as  the  emblems  of  strength  and  opu- 
lence. Tlie  province  of  Mauritania  Tingitana,^^^  which  assumed 
the  name  of  the  capital,  had  been  imperfectly  discovered  and 
settled  by  the  Romans ;  the  five  colonies  were  confined  to  a 
narrow  ptde,  and  the  more  southern  parts  were  seldom  explored 
except  by  the  agents  of  luxury,  who  searched  the  forests  fi>r 
ivoiy  and  the  citron- wood,  ^^  and  the  shores  of  the  ocean  for 
the  purple  shell-fish.  The  fearless  Akbah  plunged  into  the 
heart  of  the  country,  traversed  the  wilderness  in  which  his 
successors  erected  the  splendid  capitals  of  Fez  and  Morooco,^^^ 
and  at  length  penetrated  to  the  verge  of  the  Atlantic  and  the 
great  desert  The  river  Sus  descends  from  the  western  sides  of 
mount  Atlas,  fertilises,  like  the  Nile,  the  adjacent  soil,  and  falls 
into  the  sea  at  a  moderate  distance  from  the  Cananr,  or  Fortu- 
jiate,  islands.  Its  banks  were  inhabited  by  the  last  of  the  Moors, 
a  race  of  savages^  without  laws,  or  discipline,  or  religion :  they 
were  astonished  by  the  strange  and  irresistible  terrors  of  the 

I'VRegio  ignobilis,  et  m  quiccpam  illustre  sortita,  parvis  oppidb  habitator 
parva  flumina  emittiL  aolo  quam  vins  melior  et  segnitie  eentis  obscura.  Pomponius 
Mela,  L  5,  iii.  la  Mela  deserves  the  more  credit,  since  his  own  Phoenician  ancestors 
had  migrated  (ram  Ungitana  to  Spain  (see,  in  il  6,  a  passage  of  that  goographer 
so  cru^y  tortured  bySalmasiiis,  Isaac  Vossius,  and  the  most  virulent  of  critics, 
James  Gronovius).  He  lived  at  the  time  of  the  final  reduction  of  that  country  by 
the  emperor  Clandins:  yet  almost  thirty  years  afterwards  Pliny  (Hist 'Nat.  r.  i) 
complams  of  his  authors,  too  lazy  to  inquire,  too  proud  to  confess  their  ignorance  of 
that  wild  and  remote  province. 

iTTXhe  foolish  fashion  of  this  citron-wood  prevailed  at  Rome  among  the  men, 
as  much  as  the  taste  for  pearls  among  the  women.  A  round  board  or  table,  four 
or  fi^e  feet  in  diameter,  sold  for  the  price  of  an  estate  (latilandii  taxatione),  eight, 
ten,  or  twelve  thousand  pounds  sterbng  (Plin.  Hist  Natur.  ziiL  99X  I  coooeive 
that  I  must  not  confound  the  tree  citrus  with  that  of  the  fruit  citrum.  But  I  am  not 
botaDBiR  enough  to  define  the  former  (it  is  like  the  wild  cvpress)  by  the  vulgar  or 
LinaMUi  name ;  nor  will  I  decide  whether  the  ciirum  be  the  orange  or  the  lemon. 
&lmaatus  appears  to  exhaust  the  subject,  but  he  too  often  involves  himself  in  the 
web  of  his  doorderly  erudition  (Plinian.  Elxercitat  tom  iL  p.  666,  &C.). 

IT* Leo  African.  foL  16,  verso;  Marmol,  tom.  iL  p.  28.  This  province,  the  first 
scene  of  the  exploits  and  greatness  of  the  cherifs^  is  often  mentioned  in  tbe  curious 
history  of  that  dynasty  at  the  end  of  the  iiird  volume  of  Marmol,  Description  de 
rAfirknie.  Tfaettird  volume  of  the  Recherches  Historiques  sur  les  Maures  (lately 
publ&med  at  Paris)  illustrates  the  history  and  geography  of  the  kingdoms  of  Fes 
and  Morocoa  [It  is  dotditful  whether  Okba  really  readied  Tangier  and  the 
Atlantic.    Weil  rejects  the  story ;  voL  i.,  p.  aSS.] 

VOIi.  V.  30 


466  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Oriental  arms ;  and^  as  they  possessed  neither  goid  nor  silver^ 
the  richest  spoil  was  the  beauty  of  the  female  captives,  some  of 
whom  were  afterwards  sold  for  a  thousand  pieces  of  gold      The 
career,  though  not  the  zeal,  of  Akbah  was  checked  by  the  pros- 
pect of  a  boundless  ocean.     He  spurred  his  horse  into  the  waves, 
and,  raising  his  eyes  to  heaven,  exclaimed  with  the  tone  of  a 
fitnatic :  "  Great  God !  if  my  course  were  not  stopped  by  this 
sea,  I  would  still  go  on,  to  the  unknown  kingdoms  of  the  West, 
preaching  the  unity  of  thy  holy  name,  and  putting  to  the  sword 
the  rebellious  nations  who  worship  any  other  gods  than  thee  ".^^ 
Yet  this  Mahometan  Alexander,  who  sighed  for  new  worlds,  was 
unable  to  preserve  his  recent  conquests.     By  the  universal  de- 
n>«ttthpf      faction  of  the  Greeks  and  Africans,  he  was  recalled  from  the 
MmdA.  cw]  shores  of  the  Atlantic,  and  the  surrounding  multitudes  left  him 
only  the  resource  of  an  honourable  death.     The  last  scene  was 
IjMgi-ifiip     dignified  by  an  example  of  national  virtue.     An  ambitious  chie( 
who  had  disputed  the  command  and  £uled  in  the  attempt,  was 
led  about  as  a^'prisoner  in  the  camp  of  the  Arabian  general.    The 
insurgents  had  trusted  to  his  dlMxmtent  and  revenge ;  he  dis- 
dained their  offers,  and  revealed  their  designs.     In  the  hour  of 
danger  the  gratefbl  Akbah  unlocked  his  fetters  and  advised  him 
to  retire  ;  he  chose  to  die  under  the  banner  of  his  rival.     Em- 
bracing as  friends  and  martyrs,  they  unsheathed  their  scymetais, 
broke  their  scabbards,  and  maintained  an  obstinate  combat,  till 
they  fell  by  each  other's  side  on  the  last  of  their  slau^tered 
[A.D:  MS]      countrymen.  ^^    The  third  general  or  governor  of  Africa,  Zuheir, 
avenged  and  encountered  the  fate  of  his  predecessor.     He  van- 
quished the  natives  in  many  battles ;  he  was  overthrown  by  a 
powerful  army  which  Constantinople  had  sent  to  the  relief  of 
Guthage. 
FondattM        It  had  been  tne  frequent  practice  of  tHe  Moorisn  tnoes  to  join 
A.D.  ciMR    the  invaders,  to  share  the  plunder,  to  profess  the  faith,  and  to 
revolt  to  their  savage  state  of  independence  and  idolatiy  on  the 
first  retreat  or  misfortune  of  the  Moslems.     The  prudenoe  of 
Akbah  had  proposed  to  found  an  Arabian  colony  in  the  heart  of 
Africa :  a  citadel  that  might  curb  the  levity  of  the  barbaiiaiu,  a 
place  of  refuge  to  secure,  against  the  accidents  of  war,  the  wealth 
and  the  families  of  the  Saracens.     With  this  view,  and  under  the 

i^Otter  (ix  Z19)  has  given  the  strong  tone  dt  fanaticism  to  this  esdamatioD, 
which  Cardonne  (p.  37)  has  softened  to  a  pioos  wish  oKprtackimg  the  Kofmn.  Yet 
they  had  both  the  same  text  cfNonuri  before  their  eyes.    .. 

^Novairi,  lac,  at.  p.  334-6.]     » 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  467 

modest  title  of  the  station  of  a  caravan,  he  planted  this  colony 
in  the  fiftieth  year  of  the  Hegira.  In  its  present  decay,  Cai-  ^^^.«>,,^« 
roan  ^^  still  holds  the  second  rank  in  the  kingdom  of  Tunis>  from 
which  it  is  distant  about  fifty  miles  to  the  south  :  ^^  its  inland 
situation,  twelve  miles  westward  of  the  sea,  has  protected  the 
city  fitmi  the  Greek  and  Sicilian  fleets.  When  the  wild  beasts 
and  serpents  were  extirpated,  when  the  forest,  or  rather  wilder- 
ness, was  cleared,  the  vestiges  of  a  Roman  town  were  discovered 
in  a  sandy  plain ;  the  vegetable  food  of  Cairoan  is  brought  fixmi 
afar;  and  the  scarcity  of  springs  constrains  the  inhabitants  to 
collect  in  cisterns  and  reservoirs  a  precarious  supply  of  rain-water. 
These  obstacles  were  subdued  by  the  industry  of  Akbah :  he 
traced  a  circumference  of  three  thousand  and  six  hundred  paces, 
which  he  encompassed  with  a  brick  wall ;  in  the  space  of  five 
years,  the  governor's  palace  was  surrounded  with  a  sufficient 
number  of  private  habitations ;  a  spacious  mosch  was  supported 
by  five  hundred  columns  of  granite,  porphyiy,  and  Numidian 
marble  ;  and  Cairoan  became  the  seat  of  learning  as  well  as  of 
empire.  But  these  were  the  glories  of  a  later  age ;  the  new 
colony  was  shaken  bj  the  successive  defeats  of  Akbah  and  Zuheir, 
and  the  western  expeditions  were  again  interrupted  by  the  civil 
discord  of  the  Arabian  monarchy.  ^^      The  son  of  the  valiant 

i^The  foundation  of  Cairoan  is  mentioned  by  Ockley  (Hist,  of  the  Saracens. 
voL  iL  p.  zag,  130) ;  and  the  situation,  mosch,  &c.  of  the  city  are  described  by  Leo 
Afhcanos  (fol.  75),  Marmol  (torn.  ii.  p.  5^),  and  Shaw  (p.  1x5).  [Kairawan  means 
main  body  of  an  army,  and  hence  the  camp  where  it  halted.  Cp.  Ibn  Abd  al 
Hakam  in  Toum.  Asiat.,  Nov.  1844,  p.  360  (or,  ap.  Slane's  Ibn  iChaldtin,  L  p. 
305) ;  ako  iba  KhalUkin,  I  35,  trans.  Slane.] 

^^A  portentous,  though  frequent,  mbtake  has  been  the  confounding,  from  a 
slight  similitude  of  name,  the  Cyrene  of  the  Greeks,  and  the  Cairoan  of  the  Arabs, 
two  cities  which  are  separated  by  an  interval  of  a  thousand  miles  along  the  sea- 
ooast.  The  great  Thuanus  has  not  escaped  this  fault,  the  less  excusaUe  as  it  is 
connected  wiu  a  formal  and  elaborate  description  of  ^ica  (Historiar.  L  viL  c  a, 
in  torn.  i.  p.  240,  edit  Buckley).  [The  mistake  has  been  reiterated  recently  in 
Butchcnr's  Church  of  Egypt,  1897.] 

>**  [After  the  death  of  Okba,  the  chief  power  in  North  Africa  fell  into  the  liands 
cf  the  Berber  chief  Kuseila,  who  obtained  possession  of  Kairaw&n.  Throughout 
the  reign  of  Heradius  the  indigenous  tribes  of  Northern  Africa  had  been  growing 
more  and  more  independent  of  the  Imperial  government,  which  owing  to  the 
stnig^^les  in  tbe  l^t  was  unable  to  attend  to  Africa.  The  shock  of  the  Saracen 
invasion  of  647  had  the  effect  of  increasing  this  independence.  Against  the  subse« 
quent  Saracen  attacks,  the  natives  joined  hands  vrith  the  Impmal  troops,  and 
Kuseila  organized  a  confederation  of  native  tribes.  It  was  against  this  Berber 
chief  that  the  military  efforts  of  Zuhair  were  directed.  A  battle  was  fought  in  the 
plain  of  Mamma  (in  Bjrzaoena)  and  Kuseila  was  slain.  His  death  br<»e  up  the 
Berber  oonfiBderation,  and  restored  the  leading  position  in  Africa  to  the  Patrician 
of  Carthage.  It  also  increased  the  importance  of  another  Berber  potentate,  the 
Anrasian  qoeen  Kfthina ;  who  joined  forces  with  the  Imperial  army  to  oppose  the 
invasion  of  Hasan.    See  below.} 


468  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Zobeir  maintained  a  war  of  twelve  yeaan,  a  siege  of  seven  months, 
against  the  house  of  Ommiyah.  AbdaUah  was  said  to  unite  the 
fierceness  of  the  lion  with  the  subtlety  of  the  fox ;  but,  if  he 
inherited  the  courage,  he  was  devoid  of  the  generositv,  of  his 
fiither.iw 
■^jMt  of  The  return  of  domestic  peace  allowed  the  caiipn  Abdalmalek 
Samh  to  resume  the  conquest  of  Africa ;  the  standard  was  delivered  to 
|J2}^2S]  Hassan  governor  of  Egypt,  and  the  revenue  of  that  kingdom, 
with  an  army  of  forty  thousand  men,  was  consecrated  to  the 
important  service.  In  tlie  videuitudes  of  war,  the  interior  mo- 
vinces  had  been  alternately  won  and  lost  by  the  Sanoens.  jSut 
the  searcoast  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Ghreeks ;  the  pre- 
decessors of  Hassan  had  respected  the  name  and  fortifioationa  of 
Carthage ;  and  the  number  of  Its  defenders  was  -recruited  by  the 
fugitives  of  Cabes  and  Tripoli.  The  arms  of  Hassan  were  bolder 
and  more  fortunate ;  he  reduced  and  pillaged  the  metropolis  of 
-fi. »]  Africa ;  and  the  mention  of  scaling-ladders  may  justify  the  suspi- 
cion that  he  anticipated,  by  a  sudden  assault,  the  more  tedious 
operations  of  a  regular  siege.  But  the  joy  of  the  oonqueiors  was 
soon  disturbed  by  the  amiearanoe  of  the  Christian  succours.  The 
pnefect  and  patrician  John,  a  general  of  experience  and  renown, 
embarked  at  Constantinople  the  forces  of  the  Eastern  empire ;  ^^ 
they  were  joined  by  the  ships  and  soldiers  of  Sicily,  and  a  power- 
ful reinforcement  of  Goths  ^^  was  obtained  from  the  feus  and 
religion  of  the  Spanish  monarch.  The  weight  of  the  confederate 
navy  broke  the  chain  that  guarded  the  entrance  of  the  harbour ; 
the  Arabs  retired  to  Cairoan,  or  Tripoli ;  the  Christians  landed  ; 
the  citizens  hailed  the  ensign  of  the  cross,  and  the  winter  was 

»*  Beside  the  Arabic  duonides  oi  Abulfeda,  Elmacin,  and  Abnlphanigiiis. 
under  the  aeventy-third  yeu  of  the  Hegira,  we  ma^  ooniult  d'Herbelot  (BibUot. 
Orient,  p.  7)  and  Ockley(Hiit,  of  the  Samcenii,  vol  li.  p.  339-3^X   1^  latter  has 

S'ven  the  last  and  pathetic  dialogue  between  AbdaUan  and  ha  motfao' ;  but  he 
rgot  a  physical  effect  of  /kr  grief  for  his  death,  the  return,  at  the  age  of 
ninety,  and  fatal  oonseqnenoeSi  of  her  wumttt, 

^B^Atbrrtof  .  .  .  IwrwiTJl  'PupiairA  i^wKamm  vAiiJpui  tf  1  pmt^ffitif  iw-  Iw^ai  ni§  HmjIp  ty 

a«p«oiwr  <^tf«^#w.  Nioepbori  Constantinoplitani  Breviar.  jp.  aS  [p.  35,  ed.  de 
Boor].  ThepatnazchofCoostantiaople*  withTheophane8(Chroii(]jp»pb.  pL  309 
[iLiL  6x90]),  have  sUghtly  meBtioned  this  last  attempt  for  the  relief  of  AfinoL 
Pagi  (Critica,  torn.  liL  p.  za^  141)  has  nicely  ascertained  the  chronology  by  a 
strict  comparison  of  the  Arabic  and  ^mntine  nistorianst  who  often  disagree  bach 
in  time  and  fiscL    See  likewise  a  aotaof  Otter  {p.  lai), 

ut  Dove  s'  crano  ridotti  i  nobfli  Roman!  e  i  GotH;  and  aDentawls,  i  RoBMni 

suggironoe  i  Gotti,  laseiarooo  Oarthagiiie  (Leo  African.  fioL  71,  radlsX    I  kaov 

not  from  what  Arabic  writer  the  African  derived  his  Goths;  but  the  fact,  dMOgfa 

new,  is  so  interesting  and  so  prohafale,  that  I  wiUaeoept  it  on  the  slightest  antfaoriiy. 


OF  THE  EOMAN  EMPIBE  4A9' 


idly  wasted  ia  the  dream  of  victory  or  deliverance.  But 
was  inrecovierably  lost :  the  seal  and  resentment  of  the  com- 
mander of  the  fsUthful  ^^^  prepared  in  the  ensuing  spring:*  moie 
numerous  armament  by  sea  and  land ;  and  the  patrician  in  his 
turn  was  compelled  to  evacuate  the  post  and  fortificatioos  of 
Carthage.  A  second  battle  was  fought  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Utica :  the  Greeks  and  Groths  were  again  defeated ;  and  their 
timely  embarication  saved  them  from  the  sword  of  Hassan,  who 
had  invested  the  slight  and  insufficient  rampart  of  their  camp» 
Whatever  yet  remained  of  Carthage  was  delivered  to  the  flamesy 
and  the  colony  of  Dido  ^^  and  Caesar  lay  desolate  above  two  hunr 
dred  years,  till  a  part,  perhaps  a  twentieth,  of  the  old  circumfer* 
ence  was  repeopled  by  the  first  of  the  Fatimite  caliphs.  In  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  centuiy,  the  second  capital  of  the 
West  was  represented  by  a  mosch,  a  college  without  students^ 
twenty-five  or  thirty  shops,  and  the  huts  of  five  hundred  peasants, 
who,  in  their  abject  poverty,  di^layed  the  arrogance  of  the 
Punic  senators^  Even  that  paltry  village  was  swept  away  by  the 
Spaniards  whom  Charles  the  Fifth  had  stationed  in  the  fortress 
of  the  Goletta.  The  ruins  of  Carthage  have  perished ;  and  the 
place  might  be  unknown,  if  some  broken  arches  of  an  aqueduct 
did  not  guide  the  footsteps  of  the  inquisitive  traveller.^^ 

The  Greeks  were  expelled,  but  the  Arabians  were  not  yetriMiMB. 
masters  of  the  country.  In  the  interior  provinces,  the  Moors  or  Kml'i. 
Berbers,^^  so  feeble  under  the  first  Caesars,  so  formidable  to  the;     ^ 

^"^  This  commander  is  stvled  bj  Nioephorus  B«raA>vv  SopomrrMrt  a  vague 
not  improper  definition  of  the  cahph.    Theophanes  introduces  the  strange  a 
tion  oTllpwro^fi^ovXoc,  which  his  interpreter  Goar  explains  by  l^isir  Anem, 
may  approach  the  troth,  in  assigning  the  active  part  to  the  minister,  raUier  than 
the  pniMDe;  but  they  forgot  that  the  Omroiades  had  only  a  kaUb,  or  ascretary,  and 
that  the  office  of  Vizir  was  not  revived  or  instituted  till  the  X32nd  year  of  the  Hegira 
(d'Herbdot,  p.  91a). 

1"  Accordnig  to  Solinos  (L  27  \Ug.  c.  30^  p.  36,  edit.  Salmas.),  the  Carthage  oc 
Dido  stood  either  677  or  757  years :  a  vanous  reading,  which  proceeds  from  the 
diilerenoe  of  Mss.  or  editions  (Salmas.  Plinian.  Exercit.  tom.  i.  p.  228).  The 
former  of  these  accounts,  which  gives  833  years  before  Christ,  is  more  consistent 
with  the  well-weighed  testimony  of  Velleius  Patercuhis :  but  the  latter  is  uiefeiiej 
by  our  chronolo^lists  (Marsham,  Canon.  Chron.  p.  398)  as  more  agreo^ue  to  the 
Hebrew  and  Tynan  annals. 

'''Leo  African.  foL  71,  verso;  72,  recto,  Marmol,  tom  iL  p.  445*447.  Shaw, 
p.  8a 

i^'Tbe  faistoiy  of  the  word  Barbar  may  be  classed  under  four  periods^  i.  In 
the  time  of  Honer,  when  the  Gredn  and  Asiatics  might  probably  use  a  commoa 
idiom,  the  imitative  sound  of  Barbar  was  applied  to  the  ruder  tnbes,  whose  pio- 
nuDciiitiott  was  moat  harsh,  whose  grammar  was  most  dcfisctive.  riiinn  ^irfanrf^Mi  ■■ 
( Itiad  ii.  867,  with  the  Oxford  scholiast  Clarke's  Annotation,  and  Honry  SteQlbaaSx 
Gtb^  Thesaurus,  tom.  i.  p.  720),    a.  From  the  lime,  aX  \«asx,  dL  Ancx^&lBoak^^ 


470  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

Byzantine  princes,  maintained  a  disorderly  resistance  to  the  re- 
ligion and  power  of  the  successors  of  Mahomet.  Under  the 
standard  of  their  queen  Cahina  the  independent  tribes  acquired 
some  degree  of  union  and  discipline ;  and,  as  the  Moon  respected 
in  their  females  the  character  of  a  prophetess,  they  attacked 
the  invaders  with  an  enthusiasm  similtf  to  their  own.  The 
veteran  bands  of  Hassan  were  inadequate  to  the  defence  of 
Africa;  the  conquests  of  an  age  were  lost  in  a  single  day,"^*^ 
and  the  Arabian  chief,  overwhelmed  by  the  torrent,  retired  to 
the  confines  of  Egypt,  and  expected,  five  years,  the  promised 
succours  of  the  caliph.  After  the  retreat  of  the  Saracens,  the 
victorious  prophetess  assembled  the  Moorish  chieft,  and  recom- 
mended a  measure  of  strange  and  savage  policy.  "  Our  cities," 
said  she,  "  and  the  gold  and  silver  which  they  contain,  perpetu- 
ally attract  the  arms  of  the  Arabs.  These  vile  metals  are  not 
the  objects  of  our  ambition ;  we  content  ourselves  with  the 
simple  productions  of  the  earth.  Let  us  destroy  these  cities ; 
let  us  bury  in  their  ruins  those  pernicious  treasures;  and, 
when  the  avarice  of  our  foes  shall  be  destitute  of  temptation, 
perhaps  they  will  cease  to  disturb  the  tranquillity  of  a  warlike 
people."  The  proposal  was  accepted  with  unanimous  applause. 
From  Tangier  to  Tripoli  the  buudings,  or  at  least  the  rartifica- 
tions,  were  demolished,  the  fruit-trees  were  cut  down,  the  means 
of  subsistence  were  extirpated,  a  fertile  and  populous  garden 
was  changed  into  a  deseit,  and  the  historians  of  a  more  recent 
period  could  discern  the  frequent  traces  of  the  prosperity  and 
devastation  of  their  ancestors.  Such  is  the  tale  of  the  modem 
Arabians.  Yet  I  strongly  suspect  that  their  ignorance  of  anti- 
quity, the  love  of  the  marvellous,  and  the  £EUihion  of  extolling 
the  philosophy  of  barbarians,  has  induced  them  to  describe,  as 
one  voluntary  act,  the  calamities  of  three  hundred  years  since 
the  first  fury  of  the  Donatists  and  Vandals.     In  the  progress 

was  extended  to  all  the  nations  who  were  strangers  to  the  language  and  manners 
of  the  Greeks.  3.  In  the  age  of  Plautus,  the  Romans  submitted  to  the  insult 
(Porapeius  Festus,  L  ii.  p.  48,  edit  Dader)  and  freely  gave  themselves  the  name  of 
barbarians.  They  insensibly  claimed  an  exemption  for  Italy  and  her  sobfect 
provinces ;  and  at  length  removed  the  disgraonul  appellation  to  the  savage  or 
hostile  nations  beyond  Uie  pale  of  the  empire.  4.  In  every  sense,  it  was  due  to  the 
Moors ;  the  familiar  word  was  borrowed  from  the  Latin  provincials  by  the  Arabian 
conquerors,  and  has  justly  settled  as  a  local  denomination  (Barbery)  along  the 
northern  coast  of  Africa.  [In  Moorish  history,  the  Berbers  (Moors  proper)  are  ctaarlv 
distinguished  from  the  Arabs  who  ruled,  and  were  afterwards  mastered  by,  them,] 
w^Novairi  {loc.  ciL  p.  340)  says  that  the  battle  was  fought  on  the  banks  of  the 
stream  Nini  (which  flows  into  the  lake  Guerrat  d  Tarf  near  Bagai).     Ibo  Abd  al 

Hnkam  says :  near  a  river  which  is  now  callpd  the  river  of  cfauugtkin.     Cpi 

Weil,  i.  p.  474.J 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  471, 

of  the  revolt  Cahina  had  most  probably  contributed  her  share 
of  destruction;  and  the  alarm  of  universal  ruin  might  terrify, 
and  alienate  the  cities  that  had  reluctantly  yielded  to  her  un- 
worthy yoke.  They  no  longer  hoped,  perhaps  they  no  longer 
wished,  the  return  of  their  Byzantine  sovereigns  :  their  present 
servitude  was  not  alleviated  by  the  benefits  oforder  and  justice ; 
and  the  most  zealous  Catholic  must  prefer  the  imperfect  truths 
of  the  Koran  to  the  blind  and  rude  idolatry  of  the  Moors.  The 
general  of  the  Saracens  was  again  received  as  the  saviour  of  the 
province ;  the  friends  of  civil  society  conspired  against  the 
savages  of  the  land  ;  and  the  royal  prophetess  was  slain  in  the 
first  battle,  which  overturned  the  baseless  fabric  of  her  super-' 
stition  and  empire.  The  same  spirit  revived  under  the  suc- 
cessor of  Hassan ;  it  was  finally  quelled  by  the  activity  of  Musa  ^^ 
and  his  two  sons ;  but  the  number  of  the  rebels  may  De  presumed 
from  that  of  three  hundred  thousand  captives ;  sixty  thousand 
of  whom,  the  caliph's  fifth,  were  sold  for  the  profit  of  the  public 
treasury.  Thirty  thousand  of  the  barbarian  youth  were  enlisted  in 
the  troops  ;  and  the  pious  labours  of  Musa,  to  inculcate  the  know- 
ledge and  practice  of  the  Koran,  accustomed  the  Africans  to 
obey  the  apostle  of  God  and  the  commander  of  the  fiiithful. 
In  their  climate  and  government,  their  diet  and  habitation,  the 
wandering  Moors  resembled  the  Bedoweens  of  the  desert.  With 
the  religion,  they  were  proud  to  adopt  the  language,  name,  and 
origin  of  Arabs  ;  the  blood  of  the  strangers  and  natives  was  in- 
sensibly mingled ;  and  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Atlantic  the 
same  nation  might  seem  to  be  diffused  over  the  sandy  plains  of 
Asia  and  Africa.  Yet  I  will  not  deny  that  fifty  thousand  tents 
of  pure  Arabians  might  be  transported  over  the  Nile,  and 
scattered  through  the  Libyan  desert;  and  I  am  not  ignorant 
that  five  of  the  Moorish  tribes  still  retain  their  barbaroms  idiom, 
with  the  appellation  and  character  of  white  Africans.  ^^' 

V.  In  the  progress  of  conquest  from  the  north  and  south,  pt^ 
the  Goths  and  the  Saracens  encountered  each  other  on  thetiouiSr 
confines  of  Europe  and  Africa.     In  the  opinion  of  the  latter, tiMSrata. 

1"  [M6s»  seems  to  have  succeeded  Hasan  in  A.D.  704.  See  A.  Miiller,  Der 
Islam  mi  Morgen-  mid  Abendlande,  i.  p.  422.  Weil  adopts  the  date  a.d.  698  given 
by  Ibn  Kutaiba.] 

^^Tbe  first  book  of  Leo  Africanus  and  the  observations  of  Dr.  Shaw  \p.  aao, 
333*  237,  947,  ftc)  win  throw  some  light  on  the  roving  tribes  of  Barbary,  of 
Arabian  or  Moorish  descent  Bm  Shaw  bad  seen  these  savages  with  distant  terror ; 
and  Leo,  a  captive  in  the  Vatican,  appears  to  have  lost  more  of  his  Arabic,  tbaii 
he  could  aoqnire  of  Greek  or  Roman,  learning.  Many  of  his  gross  mistakffg 
might  be  detected  in  the  first  period  of  the  Mahometan  hiikorY.  , 


472         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  difference  of  religion  is  a  reasonable  ground  of  enmity  and 
Mrarfiire.^®* 

As  early  as  the  time  of  Othman  ^^  their  piratical  squadrons  liad 
ravaged  the  coast  of  Andalusia ;  ^^  nor  had  they  forgotten  the 
relief  of  Carthage  hv  the  Gothic  succours.  In  that  age^  as  wdl 
as  in  the  present,  the  kings  of  Spain  were  possessed  of  the  for- 
vtea]  tress  of  Ceuta :  one  of  the  columns  of  Hercules,  which  is  divided 
by  a  narrow  strait  fix>m  the  opposite  pillar  or  point  of  Bmope.^^ 
A  small  portion  of  Mauritania  was  still  wanting  to  the  Anican 
conquest ;  but  Musa,  in  the  pride  of  victory^  was  repulsed  from 
the  walls  of  Ceuta  by  the  vigilance  and  courage  of  count  Julian, 
the  general  of  the  Goths.  From  his  disappointment  and  per- 
plexity Musa  was  relieved  by  an  unexpected  message  of  the 
Christian  chief,  who  offered  his  place,  his  person,  and  his  swoid 
to  the  successors  of  Mahomet,  and  solicited  the  diftmoeful 
honour  of  introducing  their  arms  into  the  heart  of  Spain. ^^ 

i^In  a  oonferenoe  with  a.  prince  of  the  Greeks,  Amrou  observed  that  their 
religion  was  diflerent;  upon  whidi  score  it  was  lawful  for  brothers  to  qnurd. 
Ockley's  History  of  the  Saracens,  vol  L  p.  328. 

i^Abulfeda,  Annal.  Moslem,  p.  78,  vera  Reiske. 

'MThe  name  of  Andalusia  [su- Andalus]  is  applied  by  the  Arabs  not  only  to 
the  modem  province,  but  to  the  whole  peninsula  m  Spain  (Geograph.  NuK  p.  i^i ; 
d'Herbelot.  BiblioL  Orient  p.  1x4,  1x5),  The  etyrootoey  has  been  meet  im- 
probably deduced  from  Vandalusia,  coontry  of  the  Vandals  (d'Anville,  Etata  de 
f'Europe,  p.  146,  147,  &&).  But  the  Handalusia  of  Casiri,  which  signifies  in 
Arabic,  the  region  ot  the  evening,  of  the  West,  in  a  word  the  Hespcna  of  the 
Greeks,  is  perficctly  apposite  (Bibixk.  Arabioo-Hispana,  torn.  iL  p.  397,  &c.)l  [The 
derivation  of  Andalusia  is  an  nnsolved  problem.  1 

»^  [There  is  a  serious  mistake  here.  The  fortress  of  Septem  (Ceuta)  dkl  not 
belong  to  the  Visigothie  King,  but  to  the  Roman  Emperor ;  Count  Julian  was  an 
Imperial  not  a  Gothic  generu.  It  seems  probable  ttuu,  as  Dozy  conjectures,  the 
governor  of  Septem  received  the  title  of  Bxeuxh  after  the  fall  of  Carthage.  It 
seems  too  that  some  posts  on  the  coast  of  Spain  were  still  retained  by  the  Empird 
—pertiaps  reconouered  since  the  rdgn  of  SuinthOa  (see  above,  voL  4,  p^  agg,  n. 
66V  Cp-  Dosy*  Rechercbes  sor  Thistoire  et  la  litt  de  TEspagne,  L,  pc  64  sfq»; 
Isidore  Pacmsis,  38  (in  Migne,  Platr.  Lat. ,  voL  96) ;  and  Life  of  St  Grqgory  of 
Agrigentum,  in  Patr.  Grasc  toL  98,  p.  685,  697.] 

iw^'The  fall  and  resurrection  01  the  Gothic  monarchv  are  related  by  Mariana 

itom.  i.  p.  338-960.  L  vl  c.  I9-96,  L  vii  c.  x,  aV.  That  historian  has  infused  into 
lis  noble  work  (Historiaede  Rebus  Hispaniae,librizzx.  Hagae  Comhum  1^33,  in 
four  volumes  in  folk),  with  the  Continuatkm  of  Miniana)  the  style  and  spirit  of  a 
Roman  classic ;  and,  after  the  xiith  century,  his  knowledge  and  judgment  may 
be  safely  trusted.  But  the  Jesuit  is  not  exempt  from  the  prejudices  of  his  order ; 
he  adopts  and  adorns,  like  his  rival  Buchanan,  the  most  absurd  of  the  national 
legends ;  he  is  too  careless  of  critkasm  and  chroDokigy,  and  supplies  from  a  IMy 
fancy  the  chasms  of  historical  evidence.  These  chasms  are  urge  and  fk^equeat : 
Roderic,  archbishop  of  Toledo,  the  father  of  the  Spanish  history,  uved  five  hoadred 
years  after  the  conquest  of  the  Arabs;  and  the  more  early  aocoimts  are  comprised 
in  some  measre  lines  of  the  blind  dunomdes  of  Isklore  of  Badajoa  (PM9ensis)^uid 
of  Alphonso  III.  kingof  Leon,  which  I  have  seen  only  in  the  Amals  of  PsgL  [Tho 
cbroDidic  of  Isklorus  Fsoensii  (readiing  from  610  to  754  a.d.)  ii  primed  in  Mi^neli 
P»tr,  Lat.,  vol  98,  p,  X253  J97.] 


OF  THE  BOMAK  EMPIRE  4/73 

If  we  enquire  into  the  cause  of  his  treachery,  the  Spauiards 
will  repeat  the  popular  story  of  his  daughter  Cava;^^  of  a 
viivin  who  was  seduced,  or  ravished,  by  her  sovereign;  of  a 
&tner  w^  sacrificed  his  religion  and  country  to  the  thirst  of  re- 
venge. The  passions  of  princes  have  often  been  licentious  and 
destructive ;  but  this  well-known  tale,  romantic  in  itself,  is  indif- 
ferently supported  by  external  evidence;  and  the  history  of 
Spain  will  si^gpest  some  motives  of  interest  and  policy,  more 
congenial  to  the  breast  of  a  veteran  statesman.^^  After  the 
decease  or  deposition  of  Witiza,  his  two  sons  were  supplanted  by 
the  ambition  of  Roderic,  a  noble  Geth,  whose  &ther,  the  duke 
or  governor  of  a  province,  had  fisdlen  a  victim  to  the  preceding 
tymany.  The  monarchy  was  still  elective ;  but  the  sons  of  Witisa, 
educated  on  the  steps  of  the  throne,  were  impatient  of  a  private 
station.  Their  resentment  was  the  more  dangerous,  as  it  was 
varnished  with  the  dissimulation  of  courts ;  their  followers  were 
excited  by  the  remembrance  of  l&tvours  and  the  promise  of  a  re- 
volution; and  their  uncle  Oppas,  archbishop  of  Toledo  and 
Seville,  was  the  first  person  in  the  church,  and  the  second  in  the 
state.  It  is  probable  that  Julian  was  involved  in  the  disgrace  of 
the  unBuccessfnl  fiiction ;  that  he  had  little  to  hope  and  muoh  to 
fear  from  the  new  reign ;  and  that  the  imprudent  king  could 
not  forget  or  foigive  the  injuries  which  Roderic  and  his  fiimily 
had  soBtained.  The  merit  and  influence  of  the  count  rendered 
him  an  useful  or  formidable  subject ;  his  estates  were  ample,  his 
followers  bold  and  numerous ;  and  it  was  too  fatally  shewn  that, 
by  his  Andalusian  and  Mauritanian  commands,  he  held  in  his 
hand  the  ke3rs  of  the  Spanish  monarchy.  Too  feeble,  however, 
to  meet  his  sovereign  in  arms,  he  sought  the  aid  of  a  foreign 
power  ;  and  his  rash  invitation  of  the  Moors  and  Arabs  produced 
the  ealamities  of  eight  hundred  years.  In  his  epistles,  or  in  a 
personal  interview,  he  revealed  the  wealth  and  nakedness  of  his 
country ;  the  weakness  of  an  unpopular  prince ;  the  degeneracy 
of  an  efibminate  peojde.  The  Goths  were  no  longer  the  victori- 
ous barbarians  who  had  hiunbled  the  pride  of  Rome,  despoiled 

>**  Le  viol  (lays  Voltaire)  est  aussi  difficile  k  faire  qu^k  prouver.  Des  Ev^ues  se 
seraicnt-ils  lignte  pour  one  fiUe?  (HisL  Gdndrale,  c.  xxvi).  His  argument  is  not 
logically  ooodnsiviei 

**Iii  the  story  of  Can^  Mariana  (L  vi.  a  21,  p.  241,  34a)  seems  to  vie  with 
the  Liicretia  of  Livy.  Like  the  ancients,  he  seldom  quotes ;  and  the  oldest  teiti- 
mony  of  Baronitis  (AnnaL  Eocles.  A.D.  713,  Na  19),  that  of  Lucas  Tudensis,  a 
Gallkian  deaoon  01  th^  xiiith  century,  only  says,  Cava  quam  pco  ooQCob(nil 
utrtMtur. 


474         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  queen  of  nations^  and  penetrated  from  the  Danube  to  the 
Atlantic  ocean.  Secluded  from  the  world  by  the  Pyreiuean 
mountains^  the  successors  of  Alaric  had  slumbered  in  a  long 
peace ;  the  walls  of  the  cities  were  mouldered  into  dust ;  the 
youth  had  abandoned  the  exercise  of  arms ;  and  the  presump- 
tion of  their  ancient  renown  would  expose  them  in  a  field  of 
battle  to  the  first  assault  of  the  in^^ers.  The  ambitious 
Saracen  was  fired  by  the  ease  and  importance  of  the  attempt; 
but  the  execution  was  delayed  till  he  had  consulted  the  com- 
mander of  the  £uthful ;  and  his  messenger  returned  with  the 
permission  of  Walid  to  annex  the  unknown  kingdoms  of  the 
West  to  the  religion  and  throne  of  the  caliphs.  In  his  residence 
of  Tangier,  Musa,  with  secrecy  and  caution,  continued  his  oone- 
spondence  and  hastened  his  preparations.  But  the  remorse  of 
the  conspirators  was  soothed  by  the  fiillacious  assurance  that  he 
should  content  himself  with  the  glory  and  spoil,  without  aspiring 
to  establish  the  Moslems  bej^nd  the  sea  that  separates  Africa 
from  Europe.**^ 

Before  Musa  would  trust  an  army  of  the  faithfril  to  the  traitors 
and  infidels  of  a  foreign  land,  he  made  a  less  dangerous  trial  of 
their  strength  and  veracity.  One  hundred  Arabs,^^  and  four 
hundred  Africans,  passed  over,  in  four  vessels,  from  Tangier  or 
Ceuta  ;  the  place  of  their  descent  on  the  opposite  shore  of  the 
strait  is  marked  by  the  name  of  Tarif  their  chief;  and  the 
date  of  this  memorable  event  ^^  is  fixed  to  the  month  of  Bmt 

xi^The  Orientals,  Elmadn,  Abulpharagius.  Abulfeda,  pass  over  Uw  oonqnest 
of  Spain  in  silence,  or  with  a  single  word.  The  text  of  Novairi  and  the  other 
Arabian  writers  is  represented,  though  with  sooie  forei^  alloy,  by  M.  de  Canlonne 
(Hist,  de  I'Airique  et  de  TEspanie  sous  la  Domination  des  Anibes,  Parn^  1765, 
3  vols,  in  i2mo,  torn.  L  p.  55-114)  and  more  concisely  by  M.  de  Guicnes  (Hist  des 
Huns,  torn.  i.  p.  347-350).  [Novairi's  aoooont — m  whidi  be  folfows  like  oider 
historian  Ibn  al-Ath!r — will  be  found  in  Slane's  translation  in  Joum:  AsiaLi  1841,  p. 
564  sgg,]  The  librarian  of  the  Escurial  has  not  satisfied  mv  hopes ;  yet  be  ^pean 
to  have  searched  with  diligence  his  broken  materials;  and  the  history  of  toe  con- 
quest is  illustrated  by  some  valuable  fragments  of  the  geuuiHe  Rasb  (who  wrote 
at  Corduba.  A.M.  300).  of  Ben  Hasil,  ftc.  See  BibUoL  Arabioo-HisHuia,  tam.  vl 
p.  33,  Z05,  X06. 183,  253.  3x9-333.  On  this  occasion,  the  industry  of  ragi  has  ben 
aided  by  the  Arabic  learning  of  his  firiend  the  AbM  de  Longuenie,  slm  to  their 
joint  labours  I  am  deeply  indebted.  [See  Do^,  Histoire  des  Musulmans  d'Espagne 
(1861),  vol  3  ;  Recherches  sur  I'histoire et  la  htlfrature  de TEspagne  Ufl^V  Lem- 
bke's  Geschichte  Spaniens,  Burke's  Histoiy  of  Spain,  and  S.  Lane-Pool^s  sketch 
of  the  "  Moors  in  Spain,"  contain  accounts  of  the  conquest.  A  translation  of  a 
large  part  of  a  voluminous  work  of  Al  Makkari,  by  P.  de  Gayangoa,  with  very 
valuable  notes,  appeared  in  1840  (a  ndk).  The  Arabk:  text  oas  been  critieaDy 
edited  bv  W.  Wnght.  As  Al  Makkari  lived  in  the  seventeenth  century  his  cobh 
pilation  has  no  independent  authority.] 

9iB[That  is,  horses.] 

^"'A  mistake  of  Rdderk  of  Toledo,  in  comparing  the  Itmar  ytax%  of  the  Hmira 
with  the  Julian  yean  of  the  Ara,  bis  dietermVMd  ^Mwraa,Uanana,  and  the  crowd 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  47S 

madan,  of  the  ninety-first  year  of  the  Hegira^  to  the  month  of 
July,  seven  hundred  and  forty-eight  years  from   the  Spanish 
sera  of  Caesar,^^  seven  hundred  and  ten  after  the  birth  of  Christ. 
From  their  first  station,  they  marched  eighteen  miles  through 
an  hilly  country  to  the  castle  and  town  of  Julian  ;  ^^  on  which 
(it  is  still  called  Algezire)  they  bestowed  the  name  of  the  Green 
Island,  from  a  verdant  cape  that  advances  into  the  sea.     Their 
hospitable  entertainment,  the  Christians  who  joined  their  stan- 
dard, their  inroad  into  a  fertile  and  unguarded  province,  the 
richness  of  their  spoil  and  the  safety  of  their  return,  announced 
to  their  brethren  the  most  favourable  omens  of  victory.     In  the 
ensuing  spring,  five  thousand  veterans  and  volunteers  were  em- 
barked under  the  command  of  Tarik,  a  dauntless  and  skilful  rawfttti 
soldier,  who  surpassed  the  expectation  of  his  chief;  and  thc^'*^ 
necessary  transports  were  provided  by  the  industry  of  their  too 
faithful  ally.     The  Saracens  landed  '^  at  the  pillar  or  point  of  mirMMi 
Europe  ;  the  corrupt  and  familiar  appellation  of  Gibraltar  (GebelfSS!^ 
al  Tank)  describes  the  mountain  of  Tarik ;  and  the  intrench-  ^"^ 
ments  of  his  camp  were  the  first  outline  of  those  fortifications 
which,  in  the  hands  of  our  countrymen,  have  resisted  the  art 
and  power  of  the  house  of  Bourbon.     The  adjacent  governors 
informed  the  court  of  Toledo  of  the  descent  and  progress  of  the 
Arabs  ;  and  the  defeat  of  his  lieutenant  Edeco,  who  had  been 
commanded  to  seize  and  bind  the  presumptuous  strangers,  ad- 
monished Roderic  of  the  magnitude  of  the  danger.     At  the 
royal  summons  the  dukes  and  counts,  the  bishops  and  nobles  of 
the  Grothic  monarchy,  assembled  at  the  head  of  their  followers  ; 

of  Spanish  historians,  to  place  the  first  invasion  in  the  year  713,  and  the  battle  ot 
Xeres  in  November  714.  This  anachronism  of  three  years  has  been  detected  by 
the  more  correct  industry  of  modem  chronologists,  above  all,  of  Pagi  (Critica,  torn, 
iii  p.  x6o,  X71-174),  who  have  restored  the  genuine  state  of  the  revolution.  At  the 
present  time  an  Arabian  scholar,  like  Cardonne,  who  adopts  the  ancient  error  (torn. 
1.  p.  75X  is  inexcusably  ignorant  or  careless. 

^Tbe  ^ra  of  Caesar,  which  in  Spain  was  in  legal  and  popular  use  till  the 
xivth  century^  begins  thirty-eight  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ  I  would 
refer  the  origm  to  the  general  peace  by  sea  and  land,  which  confirmed  the  power 
and  fariUion  of  the  triumvirs  (Dion  Cassius,  I  xlviii.  p.  54^  [c.  38],  553  [c.  36]. 
Appian  de  Bell.  Civil  1.  v.  p.  1034,  edit.  foL  [c  72]).  Spam  was  a  province  of 
Caesar  Octavian ;  and  Tarragona,  which  raised  the  first  temple  to  Augustus  (Tacit. 
AnnaL  i.  78),  might  borrow  from  the  Orientals  this  mode  of  flattery. 

>^The  read,  the  country,  the  old  castle  of  count  Julian,  and  the  superstitious 
belief  of  the  Spaniards  of  hidden  treasures,  &c  are  described  by  Pere  Labat 
(V^rages  en  Espagne  et  en  Italic,  torn.  L  p.  907-317)  with  his  usual  pleasantry. 

**Tbe  Nubian  Geographer  (p.  154)  explains  the  topography  of  the  war ;  bat  it 
is  highly  incredible  that  the  lieutenant  of  Musa  should  execute  the  desperate  and 
useless  measu«  of  burning  his  ships.  [The  derivation  of  "Gibraltar**  seem^ 
doabtfol,  though  commonly  accepted.} 


BlylMt 


476         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  the  title  of  King  of  the  Romans,  which  is  employed  by  an 
Arabic  historian,  may  be  excused  by  the  dose  affinity  of  lan- 
guage, religion,  and  manners,  between  the  nations  of  Spain. 
His  army  consisted  of  ninety  or  an  hundred  thousand  men : 
a  formidable  power,  if  their  fidelity  and  discipline  had  been 
adequate  to  their  numbers.  The  troops  of  Tarik  had  been  aug- 
mented to  twelve  thousand  Saracens ;  but  the  Christian  mal- 
contents were  attracted  by  the  influence  of  Julian,  and  a  crowd 
of  Africans  most  greedily  tasted  the  temporal  blessings  of  the 
Koran.  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Cadiz,  the  town  of  Xeres  ^' 
BdjietwT.  has  been  illustrated  by  the  encounter  which  determined  the  fate 
of  the  kingdom  ;  the  stream  of  the  Guadalete,  which  fidls  into 
the  bay,  divided  the  two  camps,  and  marked  the  advancing  and 
retreating  skirmishes  of  three  successive  and  bloody  days.  On 
the  fourth  day  the  two  armies  joined  a  more  serious  and  de- 
cisive issue  ;  but  Alaric  would  have  blushed  at  the  si^t  of  his 
unworthy  successor,  sustaining  on  his  head  a  diadem  of  pearls, 
encumbered  with  a  flowing  robe  of  gold  and  silken  embioideiy, 
and  reclining  on  a  litter  or  car  of  ivory,  drawn  by  two  white 
mules.  Notwithstanding  the  valour  of  the  Saracens,  they  &inted 
under  the  weight  of  multitudes,  and  the  plain  of  Xeres  was 
overspread  with  sixteen  thousand  of  their  dead  bodies.  "  My 
brethren,"  said  Tarik  to  his  surviving  companions,  "the  enemy 
is  before  you,  the  sea  is  behind ;  whither  would  ye  fly  ?  Follow 
your  general :  I  am  resolved  eitiier  to  lose  my  life  or  to  trample 
on  the  prostrate  king  of  the  Romans."  Besides  the  resouroe  of 
despair,  he  confided  in  the  secret  conrespondenee  and  noctamal 
interviews  of  count  Julian  with  the  sons  and  the  brother  of 
Witiza.  The  two  princes  and  the  archbishop  of  Toledo  occu- 
pied the  most  important  post ;  their  well-timed  defection  broke 
the  ranks  of  the  Christians ;  each  warrior  was  prompted  by  fear 
or  suspicion  to  consult  his  personal  safety ;  and  the  remains  of 
the  Gothic  army  were  scattered  or  destroyed  in  the  flight  and 
pursuit  of  the  Uiree  following  days.  Amidst  the  general  dis- 
order, Roderic  started  fiiom  his  car,  and  mounted  Orelia,  the 
fleetest  of  his  horses ;  but  he  escaped  from  a  soldier's  death  to 
perish  more  ignobly  in  the  waters  of  the  Baetis  or  Guadalquivir. 


*^  Xeres  (the  Roman  colony  of  AsuRogia)  is  only  two  letgnalromCadii.  Is 
the  xvith  oenturv  it  was  a  graaaiy  of  com ;  and  the  wine  of  Xeres  is  fiuniliar 
to  the  nations  of  Eorope  (Lad.  Nonii  Hispania,  e.  x^  p.  54-56«  a  work  of  oorrect 
and  concise  knowledge ;  d'Amille.  Etats  de  rEiirDpe»  fta  p.  z5A)b  [Ths  battls  was 
fought  on  the  banks  of  the  WAdI  Bekka,  now  called  ths  Salido,  oa  July  19.  See 
Dozjr,  Histoirt  des  Musulmans  d'Espajna,  iu  ^1 


OF  THE  fiOMAIir  EMPIRE  477 

His  diadem^  his  robes,  and  his  courser  were  found  on  the  bank ; 
but,  as  the  body  of  the  Gothic  prinoe  was  lost  in  the  waves,  the 
pride  and  ignorance  of  the  caliph  must  have  been  gratified  with 
some  meaner  head,  which  was  exposed  in  triumph  before  the 
palace  of  Damascus.  ''  And  such/'  continues  a  valiant  historian 
of  the  Arabs,  *'  is  the  fiite  of  those  kings  who  withdraw  them- 
selves fiom  a  field  of  battle."  ^ 

Count  Julian  had  plunged  so  deep  into  guilt  and  infiuny  that 
his  only  hope  was  in  the  ruin  of  his  country.  After  the  battle 
of  Xeres  he  recommended  the  most  effectual  measures  to  the 
victorious  Saracen.  ''The  king  of  the  Goths  is  slain;  their 
princes  have  fled  before  you,  the  army  is  routed,  the  nation  is 
astonished.  Secure  with  sufficient  detachments  the  cities  ot 
Baetica ;  but  in  person,  and  without  delay,  march  to  the  royal 
city  of  Toledo,  and  allow  not  the  distracted  Christians  either 
time  or  tranquillity  for  the  election  oi  a  new  monarch."  Tarik 
listened  to  his  advice.  A  Roman  captive  and  proselyte,  who 
had  been  enfiramchised  by  the  caliph  himself,  assaulted  Cor- 
dova with  seven  hundred  horse ;  he  swam  the  river,  surprised 
the  town,  and  drove  the  Christians  into  the  great  church,  where 
they  defended  rthcmaelves  aftxire  three  months.  Another  detach- 
ment reduced  the  se»«oast  of  Baetica,  which  in  the  last  period 
of  the  Meoridi  power  has  comprised  in  a  narrow  space  the  popu- 
lous kingdom  of  Grenada.  The  march  of  Tarik  nom  the  Baetis 
to  the  Tagus  *^  was  directed  through  the  Sierra  Morena,  that 
separates  Andalusia  and  Castille,  till  he  appeared  in  arms  under 
the  walls  of  Toledo.^^^  The  most  aealous  of  the  Catholics  had 
escaped  with  the  relics  of  their  saints ;  and,  if  the  gates  were 
shut,  it  was  only  till  the  victor  had  subscribed  a  fair  and  reason- 
able capitulation.     The  voluntary  exiles  were  allowed  to  depart 

*>  Id  sane  infortunii  re^bos  pedem  ex  ade  referentibas  seepe  contingit.  Ben 
Hasii  of  Grenada,  in  Bibhot.  Ancbico-Hispana,  torn.  ii.  p.  327.  Some  credulous 
Spaniaxds  believe  that  kin^  Roderic,  or  Roderigo,  escaped  to  an  hermit's  cell ;  and 
others,  that  be  was  cast  ahve  into  a  tub  full  of  serpents,  from  whence  he  exclaimed, 
with  a  lamentable  voice,  "they  devour  the  part  with  which  I  have  90  grievously 
sinned"  (Don  Quixote,  part  ii.  1.  iiL  c.  L). 

**The  direct  road  from  Corduba  to  Toledo  was  measured  bv  Mr.  Swinburne  s 
mules  in  Ta^  hours ;  but  a  larger  computation  must  be  adopted  for  the  dow  and 
devious  marehes  of  an  army.  The  Arabs  traversed  the  province  of  La  Mancha, 
which  the  pen  of  Cervantes  has  transformed  into  classic  ground  to  the  reader  of 


AAtu 


*>^  The  antiquities  oi  Toledo,  Uris  Pwva  in  the  Punic  wars,  Urbs  Rtigia  in 
the  vith  oeatury,  are  briefly  described  by  Nonius  (Hispania,  c.  59,  p.  181-186). 
He  bon'OWB  from  Roderio  the  fataUpalaiUtm  of  Moorish  portraits ;  bitt  modestly 
insinuates  that  it  was  no  more  than  a  Roman  amphitheatre. 


478  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

with  their  effects ;  seven  churches  were  appropriated  to  the 
Christian  worship ;  the  archbishop  and  his  clergy  were  at  liberty 
to  exercise  their  functions^  the  monks  to  practise  or  neglect  their 
penance ;  and  the  Groths  and  Romans  were  left  in  all  civil  and 
criminal  cases  to  the  subordinate  jurisdiction  of  their  own  laws 
and  magistrates.  But,  if  the  justice  of  Tarik  protected  the 
Christians,  his  gratitude  and  policy  rewarded  the  Jews,  to  whose 
secret  or  open  aid  he  was  indebted  for  his  most  important  acqui- 
sitions. Persecuted  by  the  kings  and  synods  of  Spain,  who  had 
often  pressed  the  alternative  of  banishment  or  baptism,  that  out- 
cast nation  embraced  the  moment  of  revenge ;  the  comparisoD 
of  their  past  and  present  state  was  the  pledge  of  their  fidelity ; 
and  the  alliance  between  the  disciples  of  Moses  and  of  Mahomet 
was  maintained  till  the  final  era  of  their  common  expulsion. 
From  the  royal  seat  of  Toledo,  the  Arabian  leader  spread  his 
conquests  to  the  north,  over  the  modem  realms  of  Castile  and 
Leon  ;  but  it  is  needless  to  enumerate  the  cities  that  yielded  on 
his  approach,  or  again  to  describe  the  table  of  emerald,^^^  trans- 
ported from  the  East  by  the  Romans,  acquired  by  the  Goths 
among  the  spoils  of  Rome,  and  presented  by  the  Arabs  to  the 
throne  of  Damascus.  Beyond  the  Asturian  mountains,  the  mari- 
time town  of  Gijon  was  tilie  term  ^^'  of  the  lieutenant  of  Musa, 
who  had  performed,  with  the  speed  of  a  traveller,  his  victorious 
march,  of  seven  hundred  miles,  from  the  rock  of  Gibraltar  to  the 
bay  of  Biscay.  The  fidlure  of  land  compelled  him  to  retreat ; 
and  he  was  recaUed  to  Toledo,  to  excuse  his  presumption  of  sub- 
duing a  kingdom  in  the  absence  of  his  general.  Spain,  which, 
in  a  more  savage  and  disorderly  state,  had  resisted,  two  hundred 
years,  the  arms  of  the  Romans,  was  overrun  in  a  few  months  by 
those  of  the  Saracens ;  and  such  was  the  eagerness  of  submission 
and  treaty  that  the  governor  of  Cordova  is  recorded  as  the  only 
chief  who  fell,  without  conditions,  a  prisoner  into  their  hands. 
The  cause  of  the  Goths  had  been  irrevocably  judged  in  the  field 

'^*  In  the  Historia  Arabum  (c  ^,  p.  17,  ad  calcem  Elmacin)  Roderic  of  Toledo 
describes  the  emerald  tables,  and  inserts  the  name  of  Medinat  Almqrda  in  Andxc 
words  and  letters.  He  appears  to  be  conversant  with  Mahometan  writers ;  but  I 
cannot  agree  with  M.  de  Gnignes  (Hist  des  Hmis,  tom.  i.  p.  350),  that  be  had  read 
and  transcribed  Novalri;  bciMuse  he  was  dead  an  hundred  years  before  Nowairi 
composed  his  history.  This  mistalce  is  founded  on  a  stiU  grosser  error.  If.  de 
Guignes  confotmds  the  historian  Roderic  Ximenes,  archbisaop  of  Toledo  in  the 
xiiith  century,  with  cardinal  Ximenes,  who  governed  Spain  m  the  '^■y*^'^^"C  <^ 
the  xvith,  and  was  the  subject,  not  the  author,  of  historical  oompodtioiia 

>i2  Tarik  might  have  inscribed  00  the  last  rock  the  boast  or  Regnard  and  hb 
companions  in  their  Lapland  ioumey,  "Hie  tandem  stetimut,  nons  nbi  deftnt 
orbis  ". 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  470 

of  Xeres ;  and,  in  the  national  dismay,  each  part  of  the  monarchy 
declined  a  contest  with  the  antagonist  who  had  vanquished  the 
united  strength  of  the  whole.^^^  That  strength  had  been  wasted 
by  two  successive  seasons  of  £unine  and  pestilence;  and  the 
governors,  who  were  impatient  to  surrender,  might  exaggerate 
the  difficulty  of  collecting  the  provisions  of  a  siege.  To  disarm 
the  Christians,  superstition  likewise  contributed  her  terrors ;  and 
the  subtle  Arab  encouraged  the  report  of  dreams,  omens,  and 
prophecies,  and  of  the  portraits  of  the  destined  conquerors  of 
Spain,  that  were  discovered  on  breaking  open  an  apartment  of 
the  royal  palace.  Yet  a  spark  of  the  vital  flame  was  still  alive ; 
some  invincible  fugitives  preferred  a  life  of  poverty  and  freedom 
in  the  Asturian  valle3r8 ;  the  hardy  mountaineers  repulsed  the 
slaves  of  the  caliph  ;  and  the  sword  of  Pelagius  has  been  trans- 
formed into  the  sceptre  of  the  Catholic  kings.^^^ 

On  the  intelligence  of  this  rapid  success,  the  applause  of  Musa<  ^^^ 
degenerated  into  envy ;  and  he  began,  not  to  complain,  but  to  taMlSn 
fear,  that  Tarik  would  leave  him  nothing  to  subdue.  At  the 
head  of  ten  thousand  Arabs  and  eight  thousand  Afiricans,  he 
passed  over  in  person  from  Mauritania  to  Spain ;  the  first  of  his 
companions  were  the  noblest  of  the  Koreish  ;  his  eldest  son  was 
left  in  the  command  of  Africa ;  the  three  younger  brethren  were 
of  an  age  and  spirit  to  second  the  boldest  enterprises  of  their 
fiither.  At  his  landing  in  Algezire,  he  was  respectfully  enter- 
tained by  count  Julian,  who  stifled  his  inward  remorse,  and  testi- 
fied, both  in  words  and  actions,  that  the  victory  of  the  Arabs  had 
not  impaired  his  attachment  to  their  cause.  Some  enemies  yet 
remained  for  the  sword  of  Musa.  The  tardy  repentance  of  the 
Goths  had  compared  their  own  numbers  and  those  of  the  in- 
vaders ;  the  cities  from  which  the  march  of  Tarik  had  de- 
clined considered  themselves  as  impregnable;  and  the  bravest 
patriots  defended  the  fortifications  of  Seville  and  Merida.  They 
were  successively  besieged  and  reduced  by  the  labour  of  Musa, 
who  transported  his  camp  from  the  Baetis  to  the  Anas,  from  the 
Guadalquivir  to  the  Guadiana.  When  he  beheld  the  works  of 
Roman  magnificence,  the  bridge,  the  aqueducts,  the  triumphal 

''^SaBh  was  the  argument  of  the  traitor  Oppas,  and  every  chief  to  whom  it  was 
aiklreaaed  did  not  answer  with  the  spirit  of  Pelagius :  Omnis  Hispania  dudum  sab 
nno  regimine  Gothorum,  omnis  exercitus  Hispaniae  in  uno  congre^nttos  Ismaeli- 
tamm  non  taluit  sostinere  impetunu    Chron.  Alphonsi  Regis  apud  Pagi,  torn.  iii. 

P-X77- 

s^Therevival  of  the  Gothic  kingdom  in  the  Asturias  is  distinctly,  though  oon* 
'  r,  nolioed  by  d'AnviUe  (Etats  de  I'Europe,  p.  159)1 


480  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

arches,  and  the  theatre,  of  the  ancient  metfopolia  of  Tawitania, 
'*  I  should  imagine/'  said  he  to  his  four  companions,  '*  that  the 
human  race  must  have  united  their  art  and  power  in  the  founda- 
tion of  this  city ;  happy  is  the  man  who  shall  become  its  master! " 
He  aspired  to  that  happiness,  but  the  Emeriians  sustained  on 
this  occasion  the  honour  of  their  descent  from  the  Teteran 
legionaries  of  Augustus.^^^  Disdaining  the  confinement  of  their 
walls,  they  gave  battle  to  the  Arabs  on  the  plain ;  but  an  ambus- 
cade rising  from  the  shelter  of  a  quarry,  or  a  ruin,  chastised  their 
indiscretion  and  intercepted  their  return.  The  wooden  toxrets 
of  assault  were  rolled  forwards  to  the  foot  of  the  rampart ;  but 
the  defence  of  Merida  was  obstinate  and  long ;  and  the  auUe  of 
the  martyrs  was  a  perpetual  testimony  of  the  losses  of  the  Moslems. 
The  constancy  of  the  besieged  was  at  length  subdued  by  fiunine 
and  despair;  and  the  prudent  victor  dkiguised  his  impatience 
under  the  names  of  clemency  and  esteem.  The  alternative  of 
exile  or  tribute  was  allowed ;  the  churches  were  divided  between 
the  two  religions ;  and  the  wealth  of  those  who  had  fidlen  in 
the  siege,  or  retired  to  GaUida,  was  confiscated  as  the  reward  of 
the  £uthful.  In  the  midway  between  Merida  and  Toledo,  the 
lieutenant  of  Musa  saluted  the  vicegerent  of  the  caliph,  and  con- 
ducted him  to  the  palace  of  the  Grothic  kipgs.  Their  first  inter- 
view was  cold  and  formal ;  a  rigid  account  was  exacted  of  the 
treasures  of  Spain ;  the  character  of  Tarik  was  exposed  to  suspi- 
cion and  obloquy;  and  the  hero  was  imprisoned,  reviled,  and 
ignominiously  scourged  by  the  hand  or  the  command  of  Musa. 
Yet  so  strict  was  the  discipline,  so  pure  the  seal,  or  ao  tame  the 
spirit,  of  the  primitive  Moslems  that,  after  this  public  indignity, 
Tarik  could  serve  and  be  trusted  in  the  reduction  of  theTaxra- 
gonese  province.  A  mosch  was  erected  at  Saragossa,  by  the 
liberality  of  the  Koreish ;  the  port  of  Barcelona  was  opened  to 
the  vessels  of  Syria ;  and  the  Goths  were  pursued  beyond  the 
Pyrenean  mountains  into  their  Gallic  province  of  Septimania  or 
Languedoc.^^^     In  the  church  of  St  Mary  at  Carrassonne,  Musa 

SIB  The  honourable  rdics  of  the  Cantabrian  war  (Diem  Caaum,  LM,^  fao  [c  a6]) 
were  planted  in  this  metropolis  of  Lusitania,  perhaps  of  Spain  (submittit  cm  tola 
suos  Hispania  fasces).  Nonius  (Hispania,  c.  31.  pi  io6-iio}eiiiiiiiaratei  the  atiTi— «* 
structures,  but  concludes  with  a  sigh:  Urn  haw  oUm  nobdinnia  ad  ■*■!["•■* 
incolarum  infrequentiam  delapsa  est  et  pneter  priscss  clariiatii  rofaaw  ailiil  osiMdiL 

^*  Both  the  interpreters  of  Noirairi.  de  Gvdgnes  (Hist  des  HanSi  ton.  L  a  3^9! 

and  Cardonne  (Hist,  de  TAfrique  et  de  TEspagiie,  torn,  i  p.  93t  94t  104, 10^  Gad 

Musa  into  the  Narbonnese  GauL    But  I  find  no  mention  of  this  enterpriwsiths 

in  Koderic  of  Toledo  or  the  Msa  of  the  Escnrial,  and  the  invtrion  of  taeSamoens 

is  postponed  by  a  French  chronide  till  the  ixth  fear  sfter  the  iioiMguua  of  Spah^  A.a 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIRE  481 

founds  but  it  is  improbable  that  he  left,  seven  equestrian  statues 
of  massy  silver ;  and  from  his  term  or  column  of  Narbonne  he 
returned  on  his  footsteps  to  the  Gallician  and  Lusitanian  shores 
of  the  ocean.  During  the  absence  of  the  father,  his  son  Ab- 
delaziz  chastised  the  insurgents  of  Seville,  and  reduced,  from 
Malaga  to  Valentia,  the  sea-coast  of  the  Mediterranean  :  his 
original  treaty  with  the  discreet  and  valiant  Theodemir  ^^^  will 
represent  the  manners  and  policy  of  the  times.  '^  The  condilions 
Of  peace  agreed  and  sworn  bettveen  Abdelaziz,  the  son  of  Musa,  the 
son  ofNassir,  and  Theodemir ^  prince  of  the  Goths.  In  the  name  of 
the  most  merciful  God,  Abdelaziz  makes  peace  on  these  condi- 
tions :  ThtU  Theodemir  shall  not  be  disturbed  in  his  principality ; 
nor  any  injury  be  offered  to  the  life  or  property,  the  wives  and 
children,  the  religion  and  temples,  of  the  Christians :  That  Theo- 
demir shall  freely  deliver  his  seven  cities,  Orihuela,  Valentola, 
Alicant,  Mola,  Vacasora,  Bigerra  (now  Bejar),  Ora  (or  Opta),  and 
Lorca :  That  he  shall  not  assist  or  entertain  the  enemies  of  the 
caliph,  but  shall  faithfully  communicate  his  knowledge  of  their 
hostile  designs  :  That  himself,  and  each  of  the  Gothic  nobles, 
shall  annually  pay  one  piece  of  gold,  four  measures  of  wheat,  as 
many  of  barley,  with  a  certain  proportion  of  honey,  oil,  and 
vinegar ;  and  that  each  of  their  vassals  shall  be  taxed  at  one 
moiety  of  the  said  imposition.  Given  the  fourth  of  Regeb,  in 
the  year  of  the  Hegira  ninety-four,  and  subscribed  with  the 
names  of  four  Musulman  witnesses.'*  ^^^  Theodemir  and  his 
subjects  were  treated  with  uncommon  lenity ;  but  the  rate  of 
tribute  appears  to  have  fluctuated  from  a  tenth  to  a  fifth,  accord- 
ing to  the  submission  or  obstinacy  of  the  Christians.^^     In  this 

jxi  (Pagit  Critica,  torn,  iii  p.  177.  195.  Historians  of  France,  torn.  iiL).  I  much 
quettion  whether  Musa  ever  passed  the  Pjrrenees. 

VI  Four  hundred  years  after  Theodemir.  his  territories  of  Murcia  and  Cartha- 
gena  retain  in  the  Nubian  Geographer  Edrisi  (p.  154,  z6i)  the  name  of  Tadmir 
D'Anville,  Etats  de  TEurope.  p.  156 ;  Pagi.  torn.  liL  p.  174).  In  the  present  decay) 
of  Spanish  agriculture,  Mr.  Swinburne  (Travels  into  Spam.  p.  119)  surveyed  with 
pleasure  the  (telicious  valley  from  Murcia  to  Orihuela,  four  leagues  and  a  half  of 
the  finest  com,  pulse,  luoem,  oranges,  &c 

'I*  See  the  treaty  in  Arabic  and  Latin,  in  the  Bibliotheca  Arabico-Hispana,  tom. 
ii  p.  105,  X06.  It  is  signed  the  4th  of  the  month  of  Regeb,  A.H.  94,  the  5th  of 
April  A.D.  7x3,  a  date  which  seems  to  prolong  the  resistance  ol:  Theodemir  axid  the 
government  of  Musa.  [As  Milman  remarks,  ei/fki  cities,  not  seven,  are  named  in 
the  text ;  Bigerra  is  omitted  in  Conde's  translation.] 

n*  From  the  history  of  Sandoval,  p.  87,  Fleury(Hist.  Eocl^  tom.  ix.  p.  a6z) 
has  given  the  substance  of  another  treaty  concluded  K.x^c  78a,  A.D.  734, 
between  an  Arabian  chief  and  the  Goths  and  Romans,  of  the  territonr  of  Coimbia 
in  PortugaL  The  tax  of  the  churches  is  fixed  at  twentv-five  pounds  of  gold ;  of  the 
mooairtcrieB,  fifty  ;  of  the  cathedrals,  one  hundred :  the  Christians  are  jud|^  by 
their  ooant,  but  in  capital  cases  he  must  consult  the  alcaide.    Tbit  c3Dns^  ~ 

voii.  V.  31 


482         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

revolution,  many  partial  calamities  were  inflicted  by  the  carnal 
or  religious  passions  of  the  enthusiasts;  some  churches  were 
profimed  by  the  new  worship ;  some  relics  or  images  were  con- 
founded with  idols  ;  the  rebels  were  put  to  the  sword ;  and  one 
town  (an  obscure  place  between  Cordova  and  Seville)  was  rased 
to  its  foundations.  Yet,  if  we  compare  the  invasion  of  Spain  by 
the  Goths,  or  its  recovery  by  the  kings  of  Castile  and  Arragon, 
we  must  applaud  the  moderation  and  discipline  of  the  Arabian 
conauerors. 

The  exploits  of  Musa  were  performed  in  the  evening  of  life, 
though  he  affected  to  disguise  his  age  by  colouring  with  a  red 
powder  the  whiteness  of  his  beard.  But  in  the  love  of  action 
and  glory  his  breast  was  still  fired  with  the  ardour  of  jrouth ; 
and  the  possession  of  Spain  was  considered  only  as  the  first  step 
to  the  monarchy  of  Europe.  With  a  powerful  armament  by  sea 
and  land,  he  was  preparing  to  repass  the  Pyrenees,  to  extinguLsh 
in  Gaul  and  Italy  the  declining  kingdoms  of  the  Franks  and 
Lombards,  and  to  preach  the  unity  of  God  on  the  altar  of  the 
Vatican.  From  thence,  subduing  the  barbarians  of  Germany, 
he  proposed  to  follow  the  course  of  the  Danube  from  its  source 
to  the  Euxine  Sea,  to  overthrow  the  Greek  or  Roman  empire  of 
Constantinople,  and,  returning  from  Europe  to  Asia,  to  unite  his 
new  acquisitions  with  Antioch  and  the  provinces  of  Sjrria.^ 
But  his  vast  enterprise,  perhaps  of  easy  execution,  must  have 
seemed  extravagant  to  vulgar  minds;  and  the  visionary  con- 
queror was  soon  reminded  of  his  dependence  and  servitude. 
The  friends  of  Tank  had  effectually  stated  his  services  and 
wrongs:  at  the  court  of  Damascus,  the  proceedings  of  Muia 
were  blamed,  his  intentions  were  suspected,  and  his  delay  in 
complying  with  the  first  invitation  was  chastised  by  an  hanher 
and  more  peremptory  sunmions.  An  intrepid  messenger  of  the 
caliph  entered  his  camp  at  Lugo  in  GalHcia,  and  in  the  presence 
of  the  Saracens  and  Christians  arrested  the  bridle  of  his  hofae. 
His  own  loyalty,  or  that  of  his  troops,  inculcated  the  du^  of 
obedience ;  and  his  disgrace  was  alleviated  by  the  recall  of  his 
rival,  and  the  permission  of  investing  with  his  two  goYenunenti 

moat  be  shut,  and  they  must  reelect  the  name  of  MahomeL  I  havenottheoriciiMl 
before  me ;  it  would  confirm  or  destroy  a  dark  suspicion  that  the  pioee  has  Deeo 
forged  to  introduce  the  immunity  of  a  neighbouring  convent. 

sw  This  design,  which  is  attested  by  uvml  Arabian  historians  (Cwdomie.  ton. 

nxMn 


L  p.  95, 96),  may  be  compared  with  that  of  Mithridates.  to  march  ran  the 

to  Rome ;  or  with  that  of  Caasar,  to  conquer  the  East  and  return  home  faf  the 
North.    And  all  three  are,  perhaps,  surpaaed  by  the  fvo/ and  woceH&danlaipriK 
fl/HumibsL 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIEE  483 

his  two  sons,  Abdallah  and  Abdelaziz.  His  long  triumph  from 
Ceuta  to  Damascus  displayed  the  spoils  of  Africa  md  the  treasures 
of  Spain ;  four  hundred  Gothic  nobles,  with  gold  coronets  and 
girdles,  were  distinguished  in  his  train :  and  the  number  of  male 
and  female  captives,  selected  for  their  birth  or  beauty,  was  oqbi- 
puted  at  eighteen,  or  even  at  thirty,  thousand  persons.  As  soon 
as  he  reached  Tiberias  in  Palestine,  he  was  apprised  of  the  sick- 
ness and  danger  of  the  caliph,  by  a  private  message  from  SolimAD, 
his  brother  and  presumptive  heir ;  who  wished  to  reserve  for  his 
own  reign  the  spectacle  of  victory.  Had  Walid  recovered,  the 
delay  of  Musa  would  have  been  criminal :  he  pursued  his  march, 
and  found  an  enemy  on  the  throne.  In  his  trial  before  a  partial 
judge,  against  a  popular  antagonist,  he  was  convicted  of  vanity 
and  falsehood ;  and  a  fine  of  two  hundred  thousand  pieces  o£ 
gold  either  exhausted  his  poverty  or  proved  his  rapadousaeas. 
The  unworthy  treatment  of  Tarik  was  revenged  by  a  similar  in- 
dignity ;  and  the  veteran  commander,  after  a  public  whippiag, 
stood  a  whole  day  in  the  sun  before  the  palace  gate,  tfll  ke 
obtained  a  decent  exile,  under  the  pious  name  of  a  pilgrimage 
to  Mecca.  Hie  resentment  of  the  caliph  might  have  been 
satiated  with  the  ruin  of  Musa ;  but  his  fears  demanded  the  extir- 
pation of  a  potent  and  injured  family.  A  sentence  of  death  was 
intimated  with  secrecy  and  speed  to  the  trusty  servMits  of  the 
throne  both  in  Africa  and  Spain ;  and  the  iarms,  if  not  the  sub- 
stance, of  justice  were  superseded  in  this  bloody  execution.  In 
the  mosch  or  palace  of  Cordova,  Abdelaziz  was  slain  by  the 
swords  of  the  conspirators ;  they  accused  their  governor  of 
claiming  the  h<mours  of  royalty ;  and  his  scandalous  marriage 
with  Egilona,  the  widow  of  Roderic,  offended  the  prejudices 
both  of  the  ChristMU[i8  and  Moslems.  By  a  refinement  of  cruelty, 
the  head  of  the  son  was  presented  to  the  fitther,  with  an  insult- 
ing questioa,  whether  he  acknowledged  the  features  of  the  rebel  P 
*'  I  know  his  features,"  he  exclaimed  with  indignation :  '*  I  assert 
his  innocence ;  and  I  imprecate  the  same,  a  juster  fate,  against 
the  authors  of  his  death."  The  age  and  despair  of  Musa  rsised 
him  above  the  power  of  kings ;  and  he  expired  at  Mecca  of 
the  anguish  of  a  broken  heart.  His  rival  was  more  favourably 
treated ;  his  services  were  forgiven  ;  and  Tarik  was  permitted 
to  mingle  with  the  crowd  of  slaves.^^     I  am  ignorant  whether 

•n  I  imich  regret  our  loss,  or  my  ignorance,  of  two  AraUc  works  of  the  dglitfi 
century,  a  life  of  Mtxsa  and  a  Poem  on  the  exploits  of  Tarik.  Of  tbese  anthcn^ 
pieces,  the  fiomier  was  composed  by  a  grandson  of  Mtfia,  "wVioXiaA  «k«qk&  ^k»». 


484  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

count  Julian  was  rewarded  with  the  death  which  he  deserved 
indeed,  though  not  from  the  hands  of  the  Saracens ;  but  the  tale 
of  their  ingratitude  to  the  sons  of  Witiza  is  disproved  by  the 
most  unquestionable  evidence.  The  two  royal  youths  were  rein- 
stated in  the  private  patrimony  of  their  father;  but  on  the 
decease  of  Eba  the  elder,  his  daughter  was  unjustly  despoiled 
of  her  portion  by  the  violence  of  her  uncle  Sigebut.  The  Gothic 
maid  pleaded  her  cause  before  the  caliph  Hashem,  and  obtained 
the  restitution  of  her  inheritance ;  but  she  was  given  in  marriage 
to  a  noble  Arabian,  and  their  two  sons,  Isaac  and  Ibrahim,  were 
received  in  Spain  with  the  consideration  that  was  due  to  their 
origin  and  riches. 

protpottf  A  province  is  assimilated  to  the  victorious  state  by  the  intro- 
mdwtt*  duction  of  strangers  and  the  imitative  spirit  of  the  natives  ;  and 
Spain,  which  had  been  successively  tinctured  with  Punic,  and 
Roman,  and  Gothic  blood,  imbibed,  in  a  few  generations,  the  name 
and  manners  of  the  Arabs.  The  first  conquerors,  and  the  twenty 
successive  lieutenants  of  the  caliphs,  were  attended  by  a  numer- 
ous train  of  civil  and  military  followers,  who  preferred  a  distant 
fortune  to  a  narrow  home ;  the  private  and  public  interest  was 
promoted  by  the  establishment  of  £suthful  colonies ;  and  the 
cities  of  Spain  were  proud  to  commemorate  the  tribe  or  countiy 
of  their  Eastern  progenitors.  The  victorious  though  motley 
bands  of  Tarik  and  Musa  asserted,  by  the  name  of  Spaniards,  their 
original  claim  of  conquest ;  yet  they  allowed  their  brethren  of 
Egypt  to  share  their  establishments  of  Murcia  and  Lisbon.  The 
royal  legion  of  Damascus  was  planted  at  Cordova ;  that  of  Emesa 
at  Seville ;  that  of  Kinnisrin  or  Chalds  at  Jaen ;  that  of  Pides- 
tine  at  Algezire  and  Medina  Sidonia.  The  natives  of  Yemen 
and  Persia  were  scattered  round  Toledo  and  the  inland  coun- 
try ;  and  the  fertile  seats  of  Grenada  were  bestowed  on  ten 
thousand  horsemen  of  Syria  and  Irak,  the  children  of  the 
purest  and  most  noble  of  the  Arabian   tribes.*^     A  spirit  of 


the  massacre  of  his  kindred ;  the  latter  by  the  Vizir  of  the  first  AbdalrahmaBi 
caliph  of  Spain,  who  might  have  conversed  with  some  of  the  veCeruM  of  the 
conqueror  (Bibliot  Arabiro-Hispana,  tom.  il  p.  36,  139).  [The  account,  ia  the 
text,  of  the  pimishment  and  fate  of  MOsfi.  is  legendary  ;  and  is  refuted  faj  the  fiKl. 
attested  by  BilAdhuri,  that  MOsft  enjoyed  the  protection  of  Yedd,  the  puwufui 
favourite  of  Sulaiman.    See  Dozy,  HisL  des  Musulmans  d'Espagne,  i.  p.  9x7.] 

*»  Bibliot.  Arab.  Hispana,  tom.  u.  p.  3a,  253.    The  former  of  tboe  qmlatioBi 

is  taken  from  a  Biograpkia  Hisfanica,  by  an  Arabian  of  Valentia  (see  the  oopioH 

Extracts  of  Casiri,  tom.  iL  p.  30-131);  and  the  latter  from  a  gcnml  Chronology 

of  the  Caliphs,  and  of  the  African  and  Spanish  Dynasties,  with  a  particalar  Hislo9 

of  the  Kingdom  of  Grenada,  of  which  Casiri  has  given  almost  an  entire  venioni 

BibtioL  Arabico-Hispana|[uyin.\A.p.ii7-V^\  T^ofcvaiWxKbDKhatohkanatifeflf 


OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  486 

emulation,  sometimes  beneficial,  more  frequently  dangerous, 
was  nourished  by  these  hereditary  factions.  Ten  years  after 
the  conquest,  a  map  of  the  province  was  presented  to  the 
caliph :  the  seas,  the  rivers,  and  the  harbours,  the  inhabitants 
and  cities,  the  climate,  the  soil,  and  the  mineral  productions  of 
the  earth. '^  In  the  space  of  two  centuries,  the  gifts  of  nature 
were  improved  by  the  agriculture,^^  the  manu&ctures,  and 
the  commerce  of  an  industrious  people  ;  and  the  effects  of  their 
diligence  have  been  magnified  by  the  idleness  of  their  fancy. 
The  first,  of  the  Ommiades  who  reigned  in  Spain  solicited  the 
support  of  the  Christians ;  and,  in  his  edict  of  peace  and  pro- 
tection, he  contents  himself  with  a  modest  imposition  of  ten 
thousand  ounces  of  gold,  ten  thousand  pounds  of  silver,  ten 
thousand  horses,  as  many  mules,  one  thousand  cuirasses,  with 
an  equal  number  of  helmets  and  lances. ^^  The  most  powerful 
of  his  successors*  derived  from  the  same  kingdom  the  annuid 
tribute  of  twelve  millions  and  forty-five  thousand  dinars  or 
pieces  of  gold,  about  six  millions  of  sterling  money :  ^^  a 
sum  which,  in  the  tenth  century,  most  probably  surpassed 
the  united  revenues  of  the  Christian  monarchs.  His  royal 
seat  of  Cordova  contained  six  hundred  moschs,  nine  hun- 
dred baths,  and  two  hundred  thousand  houses :  he  gave  laws  to 
eighty  cities  of  the  first,  to  three  hundred  of  the  second  and 
third  order;  and  the  fertile  banks  of  the  Guadalquivir  were 
adorned  vrith  twelve  thousand  villages  and  hamlets.  The  Arabs 
might  exaggerate  the  truth,  but  they  created  and  they  describe 

Grenada,  and  a  contemporary  of  Novairi  and  Abulfeda  (born  A.D.  1313,  died  a.d. 
1374),  was  an  historian,  geographer,  physician,  poet,  &c  (torn,  it  p.  71.  73). 

»Cardonne,  Hist  de  I'Afrique  et  de  I'Espagne,  torn.  i.  p.  1x6,  117. 

<**  A  copioos  treatise  of  huslxuidry,  by  an  Arabian  of  Seville,  in  the  xiith  century, 
is  in  the  Escorial  library,  and  Casiri  had  some  thoughts  of  translating  it  He  gives 
a  list  of  the  authors  quoted,  Arabs  as  well  as  Greeks,  Latins.  &c.  ;  but  it  is  much  if 
the  Andalusian  saw  these  strangers  through  the  medium  of  his  countrjrman  Columella 
(Casiri,  Bibliot  Arabico-Hispana,  torn,  l  p.  333-338). 

**>Bibliot.  Arabico-Hispana,  tom.  iL  p.  104.  Casiri  translates  the  original 
testimony  of  the  historian  Rasis,  as  it  is  alleged  in  the  Arabic  Biqgraphia  Hispanica, 
pars  iz.  But  I  am  most  exceedingly  surprised  at  the  address,  Principibus  caeteris- 
que  Christianis  Hispanis  suis  CasUllae.  The  name  of  Castellae  was  unknown  in  the 
vitith  century  ;  the  kingdom  was  not  erected  till  the  year  1033,  an  hundred  years 
after  the  time  of  Rasis  (Bibliot.  tom.  ii.  p.  330),  and  the  appellation  was  alwavs 
expresive,  not  of  a  tributary  province,  but  of  a  line  of  castUs  independent  of  the 
Moorish  yoke  (d'Anville,  Etats  de  1' Europe,  p.  166-170).  Had  Casiri  been  a  critic, 
he  would  have  deared  a  difficulty,  perhaps  of  his  own  making. 

"*  Cardonne,  torn.  L  p.  337,  338.  He  computes  the  revenue  at  130,000,000  of 
Freodi  livres.  The  entire  picture  of  peace  and  prosperity  relieves  the  blscyadsi 
ontfomiity  of  the  Moorish  aanala 


486  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

the  most  prosperous  aera  of  the  riches,  the  cultivation,  and  the 
populousness  of  Spain.^^ 
^ggg^  The  wars  of  the  Moslems  were  sanctified  by  the  prophet ;  but, 
amcmg  the  various  precepts  and  examples  of  his  life,  tiie  caliphs 
selected  the  lessons  of  toleration  that  might  tend  to  disarm  the 
resistance  of  the  unbelievers.  Arabia  was  the  temple  and  patri- 
mony of  the  God  of  Mahomet ;  but  he  beheld  with  less  jeidousy 
and  affection  the  nations  of  the  earth.  The  polytheists  and 
idolaters  who  were  ignorant  of  his  name  might  be  lawfully  ex- 
tirpated by  his  votaries ;  ^^  but  a  wise  policy  supplied  the  obli- 
gation of  justice ;  and,  after  some  acts  of  intolerant  zeal,  the 
Mahometan  conquerors  of  Hindostan  have  spared  the  pagods  of 
that  devout  and  populous  country.  The  disciples  of  Abraham, 
of  Moses,  and  of  Jesus  were  solemnly  invited  to  accept  the  more 
perfect  revelation  of  Mahomet ;  but,  if  they  preferred  the  pay- 
ment of  a  moderate  tribute,  they  were  entitled  to  the  freedom 
of  conscience  and  religious  wor^ip.^^  In  a  field  of  battle,  the 
forfeit  lives  of  the  prisoners  were  redeemed  by  the  profession  of 
Islam ;  the  females  were  bound  to  embrace  the  religion  of  their 
masters,  and  a  race  of  sincere  proselytes  was  gradually  multiplied 
by  the  education  of  the  infant  captives.  But  the  millions  of 
African  and  Asiatic  converts,  who  swelled  the  native  band  of  the 
fiuthful  Arabs,  must  have  been  allured,  rather  than  constrained, 
to  declare  their  belief  in  one  Grod  and  the  apostle  of  God.  By 
the  repetition  of  a  sentence  and  the  loss  of  a  foreskin,  the  subject 
or  the  slave,  the  captive  or  the  criminal,  arose  in  a  moment  the 

^^  I  am  happy  enough  to  possess  a  splendid  and  interestine  w<»-k,  which  has 
only  been  distributed  in  presents  by  the  court  of  Madrid :  BibHoikeca  ArabU^- 
Hlsfana  EuuriaUnsis  oferA  tt  studio  Mickaelis  Casiri,  Syro  Marvmtae,  Af atria, 
in /olio,  iomus  prior,  1700,  lomus  posterior,  iTTa  The  execution  of  this  ¥fork  does 
honour  to  the  Spanish  press ;  the  Mssl  to  the  number  of  if  DCCCU,  are  jodidoiisly 
classed  by  the  editor,  and  his  cofuous  extracts  throw  some  light  on  the  Mahometao 
literature  and  history  of  Spain.  These  rdics  are  now  secure,  bat  the  task  has 
been  supinely  delayed,  till  m  the  year  1671  a  fire  consumed  the  flreatest  part  of 
the  Escurial  library,  rich  in  the  spoils  of  Grenada  and  Moroooa  [In  his  Hiitoiy 
of  Mohammadan  Dynasties  in  Spain  M.  Gayangos  criticised  Casiri's  work  as  *'  hisiy 
and  superficial,"  and  containing  **  unacoountaime  blimders  **.] 

^^The  HarHit  as  they  are  styled,  qui  tolerari  nequeunt.  are,  i.  Those  who,  Ji^ 
sides  God,  worship  the  sun,  moon,  or  idols,  a.  Atheists.  U  trique,  qnaindiu  priaoepi 
aliquis  inter  Mohammedanos  superest,  oppugnari  debcnt  donee  raigionem  ampko* 
tantur,  nee  requies  iis  concedenda  est,  nee  pretium  aoceptandum  pro  optincadA 
consdentiae  libertate  (Reland,  Dissertat.  x.  de  Jure  Militari  MohammedaiL  Iobl 
(ii.  p.  14).    A  rigid  theory  1 

3»The  distinction  between  a  proscribed  and  a  tolerated  sect,  bHwum  the  HmHU 
and  the  pec^e  of  the  Book,  the  bdievcra  in  some  divine  re^datioPy  b  conectly 
defined  in  tlw  cooveraatioo  of  the  caliph  At  Mamun  with  the  idolateis  or  Tiihiim 
of  ChsuTsc.     Hottinger,  H'lSL  OtVent.  p.  ioq  ,  vA. 


OF  THE  BOMAK  EMPEBE  487 

1  equal  companion  of  the  victorious  Moaleina.  Kvtry  niL 
»iated,  every  engagement  was  dissolved :  the  vow  of  cell- 
Bs  superseded  by  the  indulgence  of  nature;  the  active 
irho  slept  in  the  cloister  were  awakened  by  the  trumpet 
Saracens;  and,  in  the  convulsion  of  the  world,  every 
r  of  a  new  society  ascended  to  the  natural  level  of  h^ 
r  and  courage.  The  minds  of  the  multitude  were  tenqpted 
invisible  as  well  as  temporal  blessings  of  the  Arabian 
:;  and  charity  will  hope  that  many  of  his  proselytes 
ned  a  serious  conviction  of  the  truth  and  sanctity  of  his. 
on.  In  the  eyes  of  an  inquisitive  polytheist,  it  raiiBt 
worthy  of  the  human  and  the  divine  nature.  Alote 
an  the  system  of  Zoroaster,  more  liberal  than  the  law 
i&,  the  religion  of  Mahomet  might  seem  less  inoonsis- 
th  reason  than  the  creed  of  mystery  and  slipemtition 
in  the  seventh  century,  disgraced  the  simplicity  of  the 

le  extensive  provinces  of  Persia  and  Africa,  the  national  luicrtiM 
has  been  eradicated  by  the  Mahometan  fiiith.  Hie  am*  drKtSL 
theology  of  the  Magi  stood  alone  among  the  sects  of 
t :  but  the  pro£uie  writings  of  Zoroaster  ^^  might,  under 
;rend  name  of  Abraham,  be  dexterously  connected  with 
in  of  divine  revelation.  Their  evil  principle^,  the  dsEHnon 
D,  might  be  represented  as  the  rival,  or  as  the  creature,  of 
I  of  light.  The  temples  of  Persia  were  devoid  of  images ; 
worship  of  the  sun  and  of  fire  might  be  stigmatised  as  a 
id  criminal  idolatry. ^^^  The  milder  sentiment  was  conse- 
)y  the  practice  of  Mahomet  ^^  and  the  prudence  of  the 
;  the  Magians,  or  Ghebers,  were  ranked  with  the  Jews 

Zend  or  Pazend,  the  Bible  of  the  Ghebers,  is  reckoned  by  themselves,  or 
f  the  Mahometans,  among  the  ten  books  which  Abraham  received  from 
knd  their  religion  is  honourably  styled  the  religion  of  Abraham  (d'Herbe- 
»t.  Orient,  p.  701 ;  Hyde,  de  Religione  vetenim  Persarum,  c.  iit  p.  27, 
I  much  fear  that  we  do  not  possess  any  pure  and  y>«r  description  of  the 
Zoroaster.  Dr.  Prideaux  (Connection,  voL  L  p.  300^  octavo)  adopts  the 
lat  he  had  been  the  slave  and  scholar  of  some  Jewish,  prophet  in  the 
9f  Babylon.  Perhaps  the  Persians,  who  have  been  the  masters  of  the 
lid  assert  the  honour,  a  poor  honour,  of  being  /Am> masters. 

Arabian  Nights,  a  faithful  and  amusinj^  picture  of  the  Oriental  world, 
in  the  most  odious  colours,  the  Magians,  or  worshippers  of  fire,  to 
y  attribute  the  annual  sacrifice  of  a  Musulman.  The  religion  of  Zoroaster 
e  least  affinity  with  that  of  the  Hindoos,  yet  they  are  often  confounded 
ahometans  ;  and  the  sword  of  Timour  was  sharpened  by  this  mistake 
Hmour  Bee,  par  Cherefeddin  Ali  Yezdi.  1.  v.). 

de  Mahomet,  par  Gagnier,  torn.  iii.  p.  114,  1x5. 


488         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

and  ChristiAiui  among  the  people  of  the  written  law ;  *'*  and,  as 
late  as  the  third  century  of  the  Hegira,  the  city  of  Herat  will 
afford  a  lively  contrast  of  private  zeal  and  pubuc  toleration.^ 
Under  the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute^  the  Mahometan  law 
secured  to  the  Ghebers  of  Herat  their  civil  and  religious  liber- 
ties ;  but  the  recent  and  humble  mosch  was  overshadowed  by 
the  antique  splendour  of  the  adjoining  temple  of  fire.  A  fimatic 
Imam  deplored,  in  his  sermons,  the  scandalous  neighbourhood, 
and  accused  the  weakness  or  indifference  of  the  fidthfiiL  Ex- 
cited by  his  voice,  the  people  assembled  in  tumult;  the  two 
houses  of  prayer  were  consumed  by  the  flames,  but  the  vtacant 
ground  was  immediately  occupied  by  the  foundaticms  of  a  new 
mosch.  The  injured  Magi  appealed  to  the  sovereign  of  Choia- 
san ;  he  promised  justice  and  relief;  when,  behold !  four  thou- 
sand citizens  of  Herat,  of  a  grave  character  and  mature  age, 
unanimously  swore  that  the  idolatrous  fane  had  never  existed; 
the  inquisition  was  silenced,  and  their  conscience  waa  satisfied 
(says  the  historian  Mirchond  ^^)  with  this  holy  and  meritorious 
perjury. ^^  But  the  greatest  part  of  the  temples  of  Persia  wen 
ruined  by  the  insensible  and  general  desertion  of  their  votariea 
It  was  insensible,  since  it  is  not  accompanied  Mdth  any  memorial 

*»Hae  tres  sects,  Tudsei,  Christiani.  et  qui  inter  Persas  Magomm  tnntitntH 
addict!  sunt,  kw  i^xi^,  fofuli  liiri  dicuntur  (Reland,  DissertaL  torn.  iii.  pi  15^ 
The  caliph  Al  Mamun  coDnrma  this  honourable  distinction  in  favour  of  the  thrK 
sects,  with  the  \'ague  and  equivocal  religion  of  the  Sabeeans,  under  whidi  the 
ancient  polytheists  of  Chame  were  allowed  to  shelter  their  idolatrcat  wonfaip 
(Hottinger,  Hist  Orient  p.  167,  x68)w 

sMThis  singular  story  is  rdated  by  d'Hcrbelot  (BibUot.  Orient  pi  4^18,  449)00 
the  faith  of  Khondemir,  and  by  Mirchond  himself  (Hist,  priorum  RegamPenamiB, 
&&  p.  9,  10,  not  p.  88,  89X 

s»  Mirchond  (Mohammed  Emir  Khoondah  Shahl  a  native  of  Herat,  oompOKd, 
in  the  Persian  language,  a  genend  history  of  the  East,  from  the  Oeatioa  to  the 
year  of  the  Hegira  875  (A.D.  1471)1  In  the  year  ^  (a.d.  1498),  the  hittorin 
obtained  the  command  of  a  princely  libraiy,  and  his  applauded  work.  In  seven  or 
twelve  parts,  was  abbreviated  in  three  volumes  bjr  his  son  Khoodemir,  A.H.  91^1 
A.D.  152a  The  two  writers,  most  accurately  distinguished  by  Petit  die  la  Ooa 
(Hist  de  Genghixcan.  p.  537,  ^38,  544,  545),  are  loosely  confounded  fay  d'Hecbdoi 
(P-  358i  4io>  994f  995) ;  faut  bu  numerous  extracts,  under  the  improper  name  tf 
Khondemir,  belong  to  the  father  rather  than'  the  son.  The  historian  of  Gob- 
ghizcan  refers  to  a  Ms.  of  Mirchond,  which  be  received  from  the  hands  of  hit  friead 
d'Herbelot  himself.  A  curious  fragment  (the  Taherian  and  Soffiuian  DynaHifli) 
has  been  lately  published  in  Persic  and  Latin  (Viennse,  178a,  in  qoaito^  com  noiii 
Bernard  de  Jenisch);  and  the  editor  allows  us  to  hope  for  a  ooQtinnatian  of 
Mirchond. 

ss^Quo  testimonio  boni  se  quidpiam  prmtitisse  opinabantur.    Yet  Mirdnni 
must  have  condemned  their  seal,  since  he  approved  the  le^  tolentioo  of  the 
Magi,  cui  (the  fire  temple)  peracto  singulis  annis  censu,  iiti  lacm  Mohamnedii 
leg^  cautiun,  ab  omnibus  inoleAia  ac  aDtet\\iaa\>becoesM  licnit 


OF  THE  BOMAN  EMPIBE  489 

of  time  or  place,  of  persecution  or  resistance.  It  was  general, 
since  the  whole  realm,  from  Shiraz  to  Samarcand,  imbibed  the 
faith  of  the  Koran ;  and  the  preservation  of  the  native  tongue 
reveals  the  descent  of  the  Mahometans  of  Persia. -^<^  In  the 
mountains  and  deserts,  an  obstinate  race  of  unbelievers  adhered 
to  the  superstition  of  their  fathers ;  and  a  fiBunt  tradition  of  the 
Magian  theology  is  kept  alive  in  the  province  of  Kirman,  along 
the  banks  of  the  Indus,  among  the  exiles  of  Surat,  and  in  the 
colony,  which,  in  the  last  century,  was  planted  by  Shaw  Abbas 
at  the  gates  of  Ispahan.  The  chief  pontiff  has  retired  to  mount 
Elboun,  eighteen  leagues  from  the  city  of  Yezd  ;  the  perpetual 
fire  (if  it  continue  to  bum)  is  inaccessible  to  the  pro&ne ;  but 
his  residence  is  the  school,  the  oracle,  and  the  pilgrimage  of  the 
Ghebers,  whose  hard  and  uniform  features  attest  the  unmingled 
purity  of  their  blood.  Under  the  jurisdiction  of  their  elders, 
eigh^  thousand  fiimilies  maintain  an  innocent  and  industrious 
life ;  their  subsistence  is  derived  from  some  curious  manu&ctures 
and  mechanic  trades;  and  they  cultivate  the  earth  with  the 
fervour  of  a  religious  duty.  Their  ignorance  withstood  the  des- 
potism of  Shaw  Abbas,  who  demanded  with  threats  and  tortures 
the  prophetic  books  of  Zoroaster  ;  and  this  obscure  remnant  of 
the  Magians  is  spared  by  the  moderation  or  contempt  of  their 
present  sovereigns,  ^^s 

The  northern  coast  of  Africa  is  the  only  land  in  which  the  ?J?^^ 
Light  of  the  gospel,  after  a  long  and  perfect  establishment,  has  ^BigJa 
been  totally  extinguished.  The  arts,  which  had  been  taught 
by  Carthage  and  Rome,  were  involved  in  a  cloud  of  ignorance  ; 
the  doctrine  of  Cyprian  and  Augustine  was  no  longer  studied. 
Five  hundred  episcopal  churches  were  overturned  by  the  hostile 
fury  of  the  Donatists,  the  Vandals,  and  the  Moors.  The  zeal 
ind  numbers  of  the  clergy  declined ;  and  the  people,  without 
discipline,  or  knowledge,  or  hope,  submissively  sunk  imder  the 
jroke   of  the   Arabian   prophet.     Within  fifty  years  after  the 

*^The  last  Magian  of  name  and  power  appears  to  be  Mardavige  the  Dilemite 
'Mard&wfj,  the  Ziyaridl  who,  in  the  beginning  of  the  xth  centuiy,  reigned  in  the 
oorthem  provinces  of  Persia,  near  the  Caspian  Sea  (d'Herbelot,  Bibhot.  Orient 
P*  335)>  ^ut  his  soldiers  and  successors,  the  Bowides  [Buwaihids],  either  professed 
X  embraced  the  Mahometan  faith  ;  and  under  their  dynasty  (a.d.  933-1090  [932- 
1033  in  Ispahan  and  Hamadhan ;  but  till  1055  in  Fars,  in  Irak  and  m  Kirman. 
Per  the  geographical  distribution  of  the  dynasty  see  S.  Lane-Poole,  Mohammadan 
Dynasties,  p.  143])  I  should  place  the  fall  of  the  religion  of  Zoroaster. 

>"The  present  state  of  the  Ghebers  in  Persia  is  taken  from  Sir  John  Chardin, 
not  indeed  the  most  learned,  but  the  most  judicious  and  inquisitive,  of  our  modem 
aavdlers  (Voyages  in  Pherse,  tom.  il  p.  109,  179-187,  in  4to).  His  brethren, 
Pietro  della  Vafie,  Olearius,  Thtfvenot,  Tavemier,  &c.  whom  I  have  fruitlessly 
leardied,  had  neither  eyes  nor  attention  for  this  interestin|^  peopile. 


490  THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

j>.Tif  expulsion  of  the  Greeks,  a  lieutenant  of  Africa  informed  the 
caliph  that  the  tribute  of  the  infidels  was  abolished  by  their 
conversion ;  ^^  and,  though  he  sou^t  to  disguise  his  fraud 
and  rebellion,  his  specious  [uretence  was  drawn  from  the  rapid 
and  extensive  progress  of  the  Mahometan  &ith.     In  the  next 

.D.  nr  age  an  extraordinary  mission  of  five  bishops  was  detached  from 
Alexandria  to  Cairoan.  They  were  ordained  by  the  Jacobite 
patriarch  to  cherish  and  revive  the  dying  embers  of  Christian- 
ity. ^^^  But  the  interposition  of  a  foreign  prelate,  a  stranger 
to  the  L#atins,  an  enemy  to  the  Catholics,  supposes  the  decay  and 
dissolution  of  the  African  hierarchy.  It  was  no  longer  the  time 
when  the  successor  of  St.  Cyprian,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous 
S3niod,  could  maintain  an  equal  contest  with  the  ambition  of  the 

JD.  loss-  Roman  pontiff.  In  the  eleventh  century,  the  unfortunate  priest 
who  was  seated  on  the  ruins  of  Carthage,  implored  the  arms 
and  the  protection  of  the  Vatican ;  and  he  bitterly  complains 
that  his  naked  body  had  been  scouiged  by  the  Saracens,  and 
that  his  authority  was  disputed  by  the  four  sufiragans,  the 
tottering  pillars  of  his  throne.  Two  epistles  of  Gregory  the 
Seventh  ^^^  are  destined  to  soothe  the  distress  of  the  CatnoUcs 
and  the  pride  of  a  Moorish  prince.  The  pope  assures  the  sultan 
that  they  both  worship  the  same  God  and  may  hope  to  meet 
in  the  bosom  of  Abraham  ;  but  the  complaints  that  three  bishops 
could  no  longer  be  found  to  consecrate  a  brother,  announces 
the  speedy  and  inevitable  ruin  of  the  episcopal  order.     The 

D  %l^*e.  ^hi'i^^^^^s  ^^  Africa  and  Spain  had  long  since  submitted  to  the 
practice  of  circumcision  and  the  legal  abstinence  from  wine  and 
pork  ;  and  the  name  of  Mozarabes  -^-  (adoptive  Arabs)  was  ap- 

^^The  letter  of  Abdoulrahmiin,  governor  or  tyrant  of  Africa,  to  the  califA 
About  Abbas,  the  first  of  the  Abbaisides,  is  dated  a.h.  132  (CanionDei  Hist 
d'Afrique  et  de  I'Espagne,  torn.  L  p.  168). 

3^  Biblioth^ue  Orientate,  p.  66.     Renaudot,  Hist.  Patriarch.  Alex.  p.  387.  aSS. 

^*  Among  the  Episttes  of  the  Popes,  see  Leo  IX.  epist  3 ;  Gregor.  VII.  1.  L 
eplst.  2a,  23,  1.  iii.  epist  xo,  ao,  az ;  and  the  criticisins  of  Bigi  (torn.  iv.  A.D.  zoUt 
Na  14,  A.  D.  1073,  ^o-  ^3h  ^'^^  investigates  the  name  and  family  of  the  MoorSli 
prince,  with  whom  the  proudest  of  the  Roman  pontiffs  so  politely  corraponcls. 

^^  Mozaralies,  or  Mostarabi's[at-Mustariba],  adscUitii^  as  it  is  inteqireted  in  Latin 
(Pocock,  Specimen  Hist  Arabum,  p.  39,  40.  Bil>tiot.  Arabico-Hispsuia.  torn.  ii.  p. 
18).  The  Mozarabic  liturgy,  the  ancient  ritual  of  the  church  of  Toledo,  has  beoi 
attacked  by  the  popes  and  exposed  to  the  doubtful  trials  of  the  sword  and  of  fire 
(Marian.  Hist.  Hispan.  torn,  l  1.  ix.  c.  z8,  p.  378).  It  was,  or  rather  it  is,  in  the 
Latin  tongue ;  yet,  in  the  xith  century,  it  was  found  necessary  (a.£.c.  10^. 
A.D.  Z039)  to  transcribe  an  Arabic  version  of  the  canons  of  the  councils  of  Spam 
(Bibtiot.  Aralx  Hispi  torn.  i.  p.  547)  for  the  use  of  the  bishops  and  clergy  in  the 
Moorish  kingdoms. 


OF  THE  EOMAIf  EMPIRE  491 

plied  to  their  civil  or  religious  c<mfi>rmity.^^  About  the  middle 
of  the  twelfth  century,  the  worship  of  Christ  and  the  succession 
of  pastors  were  abolished  along  the  coast  of  Barbary,  and  in  the 
kingdoms  of  Cordova  and  Seville,  of  Valencia  and  Grenada.^^ 
The  throne  of  the  Almohades,  or  Unitarians,  was  founded  on 
the  blindest  fanaticism,  and  their  extraordinary  rigour  might 
be  provoked  or  justified  by  the  recent  victories  and  intolerant 
seal  of  the  princes  of  Sicily  and  Castile,  of  Arragon  and  Por- 
tugal. The  fisiith  of  the  Mozarabes  was  occasionally  revived  by  a.d. 
the  papal  missionaries ;  and,  on  the  landing  of  Charles  the  Fifth, 
some  tamilies  of  Latin  Christians  were  encouraged  to  rear  their 
heads  at  Tunis  and  Algiers.  But  the  seed  of  the  gospel  was 
quickly  eradicated,  and  the  long  province  from  Tripoli  to  the 
Atlantic  has  lost  all  memory  of  the  language  and  religion  of 
Rome.«« 

After  the  revolution  of  eleven  centuries,  the  Jews  and  Chris- 
tians of  the  Turkish  empire  enjoy  the  liberty  of  conscience, 
which  was  granted  by  the  Arabian  caliphs.  During  the  first 
age  of  the  conquest,  they  suspected  the  loyalty  of  the  Catholics, 
whose  name  of  Melchites  betrayed  their  secret  attachment  to 
the  (jieek  emperor,  while  the  Nestorians  and  Jacobites,  his  in- 
veterate enemies,  approved  themselves  the  sincere  and  voluntary 
friends  of  the  Mahometan  government. ^^  Yet  this  partial  jeal- 
ousy was  healed  by  time  and  submission  ;  the  churches  of  Egypt 

**»  About  the  middle  of  the  Jrth  century,  the  clergy  of  Cordova  was  reproached 
with  this  criniimil  compliance,  by  the  intrepid  envoy  of  the  emperor  Otho  I.  (Vit. 
Johan.  Gon.  inSecuL  Benedict  V.  Na  1x5,  apud  Fleury,  Hist  Eccl^  torn,  xil 
p.  91)- 

■••Pagi,  Critica,  torn.  iv.  a.d.  1149,  No.  8,  9.  He  justly  observes  that,  when 
Seville,  Sec.  were  retaken  by  Ferdinand  of  Castille,  no  Christians,  except  captives, 
were  found  in  the  place;  and  that  the  Mozarabic  churches  of  Africa  and  Spain, 
described  by  James  k  Vitriaco.  a.d.  1318  (Hist.  Hierosol.  c.  80,  p.  Z095.  in  Gest. 
Dei  per  Francos),  are  copied  from  some  older  book.  I  shall  add  that  the  date  of 
the  Hegira,  677  (A.D.  1378),  must  apply  to  the  copy,  not  the  composition,  of  a 
treatise  of  jurisprudence,  which  states  the  civil  rights  of  the  Christians  of  Cordova 
(Bibliot.  Arab.  Hist  torn,  l  p.  471) ;  and  that  the  Jews  were  the  only  dissenters 
whom  Abul  Waled,  king  of  Grenada  (a.d.  13x3),  could  either  discountenance  or 
tolerate  (torn.  ii.  p.  a88). 

*<B  Renaudot,  Hist.  Patriarch.  Alex.  p.  388.  Leo  Africanus  would  have  flattered 
his  Roman  masters,  could  be  have  discovered  any  latent  relics  of  the  Christianity 
of  Africa. 


'  Abstt  (said  the  Catholic  to  the  Vizir  of  Bagdad)  ut  pari  loco  habeas  Nestori- 
anos,  quorom  praeter  Arabas  nuUus  alius' rex  est,  et  Graecos  quorum  reges  amovendo 
Arabibus  bdlo  non  desistunt.  &c.  See  in  the  coUectioos  of  Assemannus  ^Bflbliot 
Orient  tom.  iv.  pi  94-iox)  the  state  of  the  Nestorians  under  the  calipbaL  That  of 
the  Jacobites  is  more  concisely  exposed  in  the  preliminary  Dissertation  of  the  leooiid 
volume  of  Assemannus. 


492         THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL 

were  shared  with  the  Catholics ;  ^^  and  all  the  Oriental  sects 
were  included  in  the  common  benefits  of  toleration.  The  rank, 
the  immunities^  the  domestic  jurisdiction,  of  the  patriarchs,  the 
bishops,  and  the  clergy,  were  protected  by  the  civil  ma^trate; 
the  learning  of  individuals  recommended  them  to  the  employ- 
ments of  secretaries  and  physicians  ;  they  were  enriched  by  the 
lucrative  collection  of  the  revenue  ;  and  their  merit  was  some- 
times raised  to  the  command  of  cities  and  provinces.  A  caliph 
of  the  house  of  Abbas  was  heard  to  declare  that  the  Christiuu 
were  most  worthy  of  trust  in  the  administration  of  Persia.  "  The 
Moslems,"  said  he,  *'  will  abuse  their  present  fortune ;  the 
Magians  regret  their  fallen  greatness ;  and  the  Jews  are  impa- 
tient for  their  approaching  deliverance."  ^^  But  the  slaves  of 
despotism  are  exposed  to  the  alternatives  of  favour  and  disgrace. 
The  captive  churches  of  the  East  have  been  afflicted  in  eveiy 
age  by  the  avarice  or  bigotry  of  their  rulers  ;  and  the  ordinary 
and  legal  restraints  must  be  offensive  to  the  pride  or  the  seal 
of  the  Christians. ^^^  About  two  hundred  years  after  Mahomet, 
they  were  separated  from  their  fellow-subjects  by  a  turban  or 
girdle  of  a  less  honourable  colour ;  instead  of  horses  or  mulesy 
they  were  condemned  to  ride  on  asses,  in  the  attitude  of  women. 
Their  public  and  private  buildings  were  measured  by  a  diminu- 
tive standard  ;  in  the  streets  or  the  baths,  it  is  their  duty  to 
give  way  or  bow  down  before  the  meanest  of  the  people  ;  and 
their  testimony  is  rejected,  if  it  may  tend  to  the  prejudice  of  a 
true  believer.  The  pomp  of  processions,  the  sound  of  bells  or 
of  psalmody,  is  interdicted  in  their  worship ;  a  decent  reve^ 
ence  for  the  national  faith  is  imposed  on  their  sermons  and  con- 
versations ;  and  the  sacrilegious  attempt  to  enter  a  mosch  or  to 
seduce  a  Musulman  will  not  be  suffered  to  escape  with  impu- 
nity. In  a  time,  however,  of  tranquillity  and  justice,  the  Chris- 
tians have  never  been  compelled  to  renounce  the  Gospel  or  to 
embrace  the  Koran  ;  but  the  punishment  of  death  is  inflicted 

^^  Eutych.  Annal.  torn.  ii.  p.  384,  087,  388.  Renandot,  Hist  Patriarch.  Alex, 
p.  205,  206,  257,  332.  A  taint  of  tbe  Monothelite  heresy  might  render  the  first  of 
these  Greek  patriarchs  less  loyal  to  the  emperors  and  less  obnoxious  to  the  Arabs. 

240  Motadhed,  who  had  reigned  from  A.D.  890-902.  The  Magians  still  held  their 
name  and  rank  among  the  religions  of  the  empire  (Assemanni,  Bibliot  Orient. 
torn.  iv.  p.  97). 

2^  Reland  explains  the  ^(eneral  restraints  of  the  Mahometan  policy  and  juris- 
prudence (Dissertat.  tom.  iii.  p.  16-ao).  The  oppressive  edicts  of  the  caliph  Mota- 
wakkel  (a.d.  847-861),  which  are  still  in  force,  are  noticed  by  Eutychius  (AnnaL 
tom.  ii.  p.  448)  and  d'Herbdot  (Bibliot.  Orient  p.  6^).  A  persecution  of  the 
caliph  Omar  II.  is  related,  and  most  probably  magnified,  by  the  Greek  Tbeo- 
pbanes  (Chron.  p.  334  [ad  K,yL  teio^V 


OF  THE  EOMAN  EMPIRE  498 

upon  ^^^  the  apostates  who  have  professed  and  deserted  the  law 
of  Mahomet.  The  niart3rr8  of  Cordova  provoked  the  sentence  of 
the  cadhi  by  the  public  confession  of  their  inconstancy,  or  their 
passionate  invectives  against  the  person  and  religion  of  the 
prophet.*^ 

At  the  end  of  the  first  century  of  the  Hegira,  the  caliphs  were  Jg*^ 
the  most  potent  and  absolute  monarchs  of  the  globe.  Their  yy^fc 
prerogative  was  not  circumscribed,  either  in  right  or  in  fact,  by 
the  power  of  the  nobles,  the  freedom  of  the  commons,  the  privi- 
leges of  the  church,  the  votes  of  a  senate,  or  the  memory  of  a 
free  constitution.  The  authority  of  the  companions  of  Mahomet 
expired  with  their  lives ;  and  the  chiefs  or  emirs  of  the  Arabian 
tribes  left  behind,  in  the  desert,  the  spirit  of  equality  and  inde- 
pendence. The  regal  and  sacerdotal  characters  were  united  in 
the  successors  of  Mahomet ;  and,  if  the  Koran  was  the  rule  of 
their  actions,  they  were  the  supreme  judges  and  interpreters  of 
that  divine  book.  They  reigned  by  the  right  of  conquest  over  the 
nations  of  the  East,  to  whom  the  name  of  liberty  was  unknown, 
and  who  were  accustomed  to  applaud  in  their  tyrants  the  acts 
of  violence  and  severity  that  were  exercised  at  their  own  expense. 
Under  the  last  of  the  Ommiades,  the  Arabian  empire  extended 
two  hundred  days*  journey  frt>m  east  to  west,  from  the  confines  of 
Tartary  and  India  to  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  And,  if  we 
retrench  the  sleeve  of  the  robe,  as  it  is  styled  by  their  writers, 
the  long  and  narrow  province  of  Africa,  the  solid  and  compact 
dominion  from  Fargana  to  Aden,  from  Tarsus  to  Surat,  will 
spread  on  every  side  to  the  measure  of  four  or  five  months  of  the 
march  of  a  caravan.^^  We  should  vainly  seek  the  indissoluble 
union  and  easy  obedience  that  pervaded  the  government  of 
Augustus  and  the  Antonines ;  but  the  progress  of  the  Mahome- 
tan religion  difiiised  over  this  ample  space  a  general  resemblance 
of  manners  and  opinions.     The  language  and  laws  of  the  Koran 


'[The  quarto  ed.  gives  rof^,] 

''The  martTTS  of  Cordova  (A.D.  850,  &c.)  are  commemorated  and  justified  by 
Sl  Eulogius,  wix>  at  length  fell  a  victim  himself.  A  synod,  convened  by  the  caliph, 
ambiguously  censured  their  rashness.  The  moderate  Fleury  cannot  reconcile  their 
conduct  with  the  discipline  of  antiquity,  toutefois  I'autorit^  de  I'^lise,  &c.  (Floiry, 
Hist  Ecd^  torn.  z.  p.  415-523,  particularly  p.  451,  508,  C09).  Their  authentic 
acts  throw  a  strong  though  transient  light  on  the  Spanish  church  in  the  ixth 
century. 

*i  See  the  article  Eslamiak  (as  we  say  Christendom)  in  the  Biblioth^ue  Orien- 
^^  (P>  335)-  "^^  chart  of  the  Mahometan  world  is  suited  hy  the  author,  Ebn 
Ahvardi,  to  the  year  of  the  Hegira  385  (A.D.  995).  Since  that  time,  the  losses  in 
Spain  have  been  overbalanced  by  the  conquests  in  India,  Tartary,  and  European 
Xurkey. 


494  DECLINE  &  FALL  OF  ROMAN  EMPIRE 

w«re  studied  with  equal  devotion  at  Samaroaiid  and  Seville: 
the  Moor  and  the  Indian  embraced  as  countiymen  and  brothers 
in  the  pilgrimage  of  Mecca;  and  the  Arabian  language  was 
adopted  as  the  popular  idiom  in  all  the  provinces  to  the  west- 
ward of  the  Tigris.^** 

3B>The  Arabic  of  the  Koran  is  taught  as  a  dead  language  in  the  college  of 
Mecca.  By  the  Danish  traveller,  this  ancient  idiom  is  compared  to  the  Latin: 
the  vulgar  tongue  of  Hc^as  and  Yemen  to  the  Italian ;  and  the  Aratnan  dialects  of 
Sjnia,  Egypt,  Africa,  &c.  to  the  Proven9al,  Spanish,  and  Portuguese  (NiebiUir, 
Description  de  1' Arabic,  p.  74,  ftc.). 


APPENDIX 

▲DDXIXONAL  VOm  BT  TBI  JBDZXOK 

L  AUTHORITIES 

Grssk  (aitb  Othxb)  BouEon 

Fo&  the  later  part  of  his  history  Menander  (for  whom  see  above,  voL  iv.  Appen- 
dix 1,  p.  518)  had  access  to  the  direct  knowledge  of  oontemporariee  who  were 
concerned  in  the  political  events.  For  the  earlier  years  he  possiblj  nsed  Trso- 
pHANxs  of  Byzantimn.  who  related  in  ten  Books  the  events  from  a.d.  666  to  661.^ 
Some  extraoto  from  Theophanes  have  been  preserved  by  Photius  (MtUler,  F.  H. 
G.  iv.  270;  Dindorf,  Hist.  Graec.  Min.  vol.  i). 

JoHAinnts  of  Epiphania  (see  Evagrius,  5,  24)  also  wrote  a  history  which  over- 
lapped with  those  of  Theophanes  and  Menander.  Be^nning  with  jud.  672  it 
came  down  to  a.d.  598,  and  was  chiefly  concerned  with  Irersian  affairs,  on  wfaidi 
Johannes  was  well  informedi  being  acquainted  with  Chosroes  IL  and  other  infln- 
ential  Persians,  and  knowing  the  geography  of  the  countries  in  which  the  wan 
were  waged.  One  long  fragment  of  B£  1  nas  come  down  (Mtiller,  F.  H.  G.  iv.  272 
$qq. ;  Dindorf,  Hist.  Grsea  Min.  voL  i.),  but  it  is  probable  that  we  have  much 
material  derived  from  him  in  Theophylaotus  Simocatta,  Bks.  4  and  5 ;  and  his 
work  was  also  used  by  Evagrius  (B.  o). 

Jomr  or  Ephbsus  (or  of  Asia,  as  he  is  also  styled)  was  bom  about  a.d.  505  at 
Amida,  and  brought  up  by  Maron  the  Sty  lite  in  the  Monoph3rsitio  faith.  He  oaxne 
to  Constantinople  in  a.d.  635,  and  in  tiie  following  year  was  appointed  bishop  of 
the  Monophysites  (Bishop  "  of  Ephesus,''  or  "  of  Asia  ").  He  enjoyed  the  favonr 
of  the  Emperor  and  Empress ;  and  Justinian  assigned  him  the  mission  of  convert- 
ing  to  Christianity  the  paeans  who  were  still  numerous  in  Asia,  Fhry^.  Ijydia, 
and  Caria ;  and  aftenvards  (a.d.  546]  he  was  appointed  to  suppress  idolatry  in 
Constantinople  itself.'  It  is  remarkaole  that  the  orthodox  Emperor  should  nave 
committed  tnis  work  to  a  Monophysite ;  the  cireumstance  illustrates  the  policy 
of  the  Emperor  and  the  influence  of  Theodora.  John  founded  a  Syrian  monas- 
tery near  Sycae  uid  the  Golden  Horn ;  but  he  was  deposed  from  his  disnity 
of  Abbot  by  the  Patriarch  John  of  Sirmium  in  the  reign  of  Justin  IL,  ana  im- 
prisoned (a.  d.  571).  He  survived  the  vear  585.  His  Ecclesiastical  History,  written 
m  Syriao,  began  with  the  age  of  Julius  Csssar  and  came  down  to  the  reign  of 
Maurice.  It  was  divided  into  three  parts  (each  of  six  Books),  of  which  the  first 
is  lost  Of  the  second,  large  fragments  arepreserved  in  the  chronicle  of  Diony- 
sius  of  TellmahrS  (who  was  Monophysite  ^triardi  of  Antioch  from  818  to  846 

1  So  Knunbacber,  Gesch.  der  bvz.  Lftt.,  ed.  a,  p.  244;  bnt  I  feel  uncertain  at  to  this  oon- 
jectnre.  Theophanes  and  Menander  most  have  Seen  writing  their  books  very  much  about 
the  same  time.  It  seems  likely  that  Menander  derived  his  account  of  the  negotiations  of 
the  peace  with  Persia  in  a.d.  36a  from  a  written  relation  by  the  ambaasador  Peler  the 
Patilciaa  (so  too  Krumbacher,  p.  239). 

3 John  calls  hhnaelf  "idol  breaker.**  and  *« teacher  of  the  heathen**.  We  learn  of  Ua 
miaswa  from  hia  own  work  Ecdes.  Hist.  B.  iL  44  and  iiL  36, 37.  He  had  the  administrafion 
pr  an  the  revenues  ol  the  Monophysites  in  Constantinople  and  everywhere  else  0%  V«  \V 

(495) 


496  APPENDIX 

A.D.),*  and  have  been  translated  into  Latin  by  Van  Douwen  and  Land  (JohaniUR 
eniao.  Ephesi  comment,  do  beatis  orientaliboB,  1889).  Part  3  is  extant  and  ii  one 
of  our  moHt  valuable  oontemjx>rar>'  sources  for  the  reigns  of  Justin  IL  and  TiberiuiL 
It  has  been  translated  into  English  by  R.  Payne  Smith,  1860,  and  into  German  by 
J.  Schdiif older,  ISGS.  It  begins  with  the  year  a.d.  571 — the  year  of  the  pemeo- 
tion  of  tho  Monophysites  by  Justin  II.  John  tolls  us  that  thui  part  of  his  history 
wad  mostly  written  duringthe  persecution  under  great  difficulties ;  the  pages  of 
his  Ms.  had  to  be  concealed  in  various  hiding-places.  This  explains  the  eon- 
fusod  order  in  part  of  his  narrative.  [W.  Wright,  Syriao  Literature  (ISM;  s 
reprint,  with  a  tew  additions,  of  tho  article  under  the  same  title  in  the  Eneydo- 
pae<lia  Hritannica,  vol.  xxii.),  p.  102  aqq.] 

EvAORiuH  (c.  536-<>00  a.d.  ;  bom  at  Epiphania),  an  advocate  of  Antiooh,  is 
the  continuer  of  the  contiuucrs  (Socrates,  he)  of  Eusebius.  His  Eoclesiastioil 
History,  in  six  Books,  begins  with  the  coundl  of  Ephesus  in  a.d.  431  and  comei 
down  to  A.D.  5{)3.  Apart  from  its  importance  as  one  of  the  main  authorities  for 
the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  long  period  of  which  it  treats,  this  work  has  alio 
some  brief  but  valuable  notices  concerning  secular  history.  EvagriuA  had  the  use 
of  older  works  which  are  now  lost,  such  as  Eustathius  (whose  chronicle  he  used  in 
Bks.  2  and  '^ ;  see  above,  vol.  iv.  p.  512)  and  Johannes  of  Epiphania  (whose  still 
unpublished  work  he  was  permitted  to  Oonsult  in  composing  Bk.  6).'*  EvMcriiu 
also  ma<le  use  of  .John  Malalas  (the  first  edition ;  see  above,  voL  iv.  Ameamx  1) 
and  Procopius.  An  attempt  ^  has  been  made  to  show  that  he  used  the  n^vk  of 
Menandcr  (directly  or  indirectly),  but  the  demonstration  is  not  convineing.  The 
accuracy  of  Evagnus  in  using  those  sources  which  are  extant  enables  us  to  feel 
confidence  in  him  when  his  sources  are  lost  For  the  end  of  Justinian's  reign,  for 
Justin,  Tiberius,  and  Maurice,  he  has  the  full  value  of  a  contemporary  authority. 
[Ed.  H.  ValediuB,  1G73 ;  in  Mi^e,  Patr.  Gr.  voL  86.  A  new,  mubh-needed 
critical  edition  by  MM.  Parmentier  and  Bides  is  in  the  press.] 

TuBOPHYLACTi:rt  SiMooAiTxs,  bom  iu  Egypt,  lived  in  the  reigns  of  Maurice  and 
Heraclius,  and  seems  to  have  held  the  post  of  an  imperial  secretary.  He  wrote, 
in  euphemistic  style,  works  on  natural  nistory,  essays  in  cpistolarv  form,  and  s 
history  of  the  reign  of  Maurice.  Theophyfactus — tho  chief  autnoritv  for  the 
twenty  years  which  his  history  deals  with— may  be  said  to  dose  a  aeries  of  his* 
torians,  which  Ix'ginning  with  Eunapius  includes  the  names  of  Priaoua,  Prooomoi, 
Agathias,  and  ISIcuandcr.  After  Theophylaotus  we  have  for  more  than  &Ttt 
hundred  years  nothing  but  dironides.  Theophylaotus  had  a  narrow  view  of 
history  and  no  discernment  for  the  relative  importance  of  facts  (op.  Gibbon,  c 
xlvi.,  note  4i)) ;  the  affectation  of  his  florid,  penphrastio  style  renders  his  work 
disagreeable  Uy  read ;  but  he  is  trustworthy  and  nonost,  according  to  his  lights. 
Although  a  (-hristian,  he  affects  to  speak  of  Christian  things  with  a  oertain 
unfamiliarity— as  a  iiagan,  like  Ammianus  or  Eunapius,  would  speak  of  them. 
He  made  uso  of  the  works  of  Menander  and  John  of  Epiphania.  [Best  edition 
by  C.  de  Boor.  1887.] 

Contemporary  with  Theophylaotus  was  the  unknown  author  of  tho  Cimoiricnv 
I*AsoHALE  (or  ALEXAMDaDiuif ,  as  it  is  ahK>  called) :  a  duvnide  whioh  had  great  in- 
fluence on  subsequent  chronography.  Beginning  with  Adam  it  came  down  to  the 
year  a.  d.  6i29 ;  but,  as  all  our  Hss.  are  derived  from  one  (extant)  Vatican  Ua 
which  was  mutilated  at  the  beginning  and  at  the  end,  our  text  ends  with  a. a 
627.    An  far  as  a.  i>.  602  the  work  is  a  compilation  from  sources  whidi  are  for  the 

^  And  in  hn'o  Mss.  in  the  British  Museum. 

*  But  Evagrius  did  not  make  such  Urge  use  of  Johannei  as  TheophyUctns  did ;  It  was  net 
his  main  material.  For  Bk.  5  he  did  not  use  Johannes  at  all.  Cp.  Adamck,  BdCr.  tor 
Geschichte  des  byr.  Kaisers  MauriciDS,  ii.  p.  10-19. 

B  By  L.  Jeep  (in  14  Supp.-Bd.  der  Jahrbb.  f.  Clmssische  PhUoloclei  p.  169  Sf 9«)>    Adamck 
argun  sensibly  sgainst  this  view,  op.  ctf.  p.  4  iqq. 


APPENDIX  497 

most  part  known  (op.  above,  vol.  ii.  Appendix  1,  p.  639) ;  bat  from  this  point 
forward  its  oharaoter  changes,  the  auUior  writes  from  penonal  knowledge,  and 
the  ohroniole  assmnes,  for  the  reigns  of  Phooas  and  Heraelins,  the  di^tj  of  an 
Important  oontemporary  source,  even  containing  some  original  doooments  (see 
above,  p.  90,  n.  1527;  92.  n.  1S9;  93,  n.  13e).  From  the  prominence  of  the 
Patriaroh  Sergins,  it  has  been  conjectured  that  the  author  belonged,  like  George  of 
Pisidia  (see  below),  to  the  Patriarch's  circle.  The  chronology  is  based  on  tho  era 
which  assigned  the  creation  of  the  world  to  March  21,  5507,  and  is  the  fint  case 
we  have  of  the  use  of  this  so-called  Roman  or  Byzantine  era.  [Best  edition  by 
Dindorf  in  the  Bonn  series.  For  an  analysis  of  the  chronology,  see  EL  Qelser, 
Sextus  Julius  Africanus,  ii.  1,  138  tqq.^ 

The  poems  of  Gkgrgs  Pibidks  (a  native  of  Pisidia)  aro  another  valuable  con- 
temporary source  for  the  Persian  wars  of  Heraolius,  to  whom  he  was  a  sort  of 
poet  laureate.  It  is  indeed  sometimes  difficult  to  extract  the  historical  fact  from 
his  poetical  circumlocutions.  The  three  works  which  concern  a  historian  are 
written  in  smooth  and  correct  Iambic  trimeters,  which,  though  they  igncnre  the 
canon  of  the  Orotic  ending  rediscovered  by  Porson,  aro  subject  to  a  new  law,  that 
the  last  word  of  the  verse  shall  be  barytone.  They  thus  rapresent  a  transition  to  the 
later  "  political "  verses,  which  are  governed  only  by  laws  of  accent  (1)  On  the 
(first)  enedition  of  Heraclius  against  the  Persians,  in  three  cantos  (Akrotueii), 
(2)  On  the  attack  of  the  Avars  on  Constantinople  and  its  miraculous  deliveranee 
(▲.B.  686).  (3)  The  Heracliad,  in  two  cantos,  on  the  final  victory  of  Heraoliiw, 
composed  on  the  news  of  the  death  of  Choeroes  (jud.  628).  These  world  were 
utilised  by  Theophanes.  George  is  the  author  of  many  other  poems,  epigrami, 
ke,  [See  Migne,  Patr.  Or. ,  xoii. ,  after  Queroi's  older  edition ;  L.  Sternbadh,  in 
Wiener  Studien,  13  (1891),  1  iqq,  and  14  (1892),  51  tqq.  The  three  historical  poems 
aro  printed  in  the  Bonn  series  by  Bekker,  1836.] 

For  the  account  of  the  siege  of  Constantinople  in  ^.d.  626  (probably  by  Thso* 
DORS, private  secrotary  of  the  Patriarch*)  see  above,  p.  87,  n.  il&  It  is  entitled 
rtpl  rmv  iiB4wy  *A$dpvy  re  Ktd  ncptrwy  KoriL  rrfs  Oco^Xoktov  v^Acdtr  fuofMaus  icu^ 
ccwf  Kol  rf  fiXayvocowia  rov  $tov  9 A  r^r  Ocor^icov  ftcr*  o/crx^W'  Asvxd*p4<rc«v. 
The  events  of  each  oapr  of  the  siege,  from  Tuesday,  Julv  29.  to  Thursday,  August  7, 
aro  related  with  considerable  detail,  wrapped  up  in  rhetorical  verbiage  and  con- 
trasting with  the  straightforward  narrative  of  the  Chronicon  Paschale,  with  which 
it  is  in  general  agreement.  The  account,  however,  of  the  catastrophe  of  the  Slavs 
and  thdr  boats  in  the  Golden  Horn  differs  from  that  of  the  Chronicon  Paschale.^ 

In  connexion  with  this  siege,  it  should  be  added  that  the  famous  iuc60ioTos  0^ci«t 
— which  might  be  rendered  "  Standing  Hymn  ** ;  the  singers  wero  to  stand  while 
they  sang  it — is  supposed  bv  tradition  to  have  been  composed  by  the  Patriaroh 
Seigius  in  oommemoration  of  the  miraculous  deliverance  of  the  dty.  It  would  be 
remarkable  if  Sergius,  who  fell  into  disrepute  through  his  Monothelete  doctrines, 
reallv  composed  a  hymn  which  won,  and  has  enjoyed  to  the  present  day,  un- 
paralleled popularity  among  the  orthodox.  A  recent  Greek  writer  (J.  Butyras)  has 
pointed  out  tnat  expressions  in  the  hymn  coincide  remarkably  with  the  decisions 
of  the  Synod  of  a.d.  680  against  MonotJieletism,  and  concludes  that  the  hymn 
celebrates  the  Saracen  siege  of  Constantinople  under  Constantino  lY. — a  nege 
with  which  some  traditions  oonnect  it.  (Compare  K.  Krumbaoher,  Geseh.  der 
bvz.  Litt.,p.  672.)  The  hymn  was,  without  due  grounds,  ascribed  to  Georve 
of  Pisidia  by  Qaerci.  The  text  will  be  found  in  Migne,  PatroL  Gr.  92,  p.  1335 
$qq» ;  m  the  Anthol.  Graeca  of  Christ  and  Paranikas,  p.  140  tgg.,  and  elsewhere. 

<Tbe  aame  Theodore  is  the  author  of  a  relation  of  the  diacovery  of  a  coffer  cootaining 
the  Virgin's  miraculous  robe  in  her  Church  at  Blachemae,  during  Uie  Avar  aiege  of  iLD.  619^ 
The  text  is  printed  by  Loparev  (who  wrongly  refers  it  to  the  Ruisian  aiege  orA.D.  860;  m 
is  corrected  by  Vaailievsld,  Vix.  Vrem.  iii.,  p.  83  s^g.)  in  Viz.  Vrem.  ii.,  p.  593  sqq, 

'  The  metaphor  of  Scylla  and  Charybdia,  in  c.  9,  recalla  lines  of  the  Helium  Avsricom  of 
George  of  Pisidia  (11.  904  599.),  as  Mai  noticed ;  but  it  may  be  a  pure -coincidence. 

VOL.  V.  32 


498  APPENDIX 

The  Lire  and  mftrtjrdom  of  ANAiRAiinjii,  an  apoitate  to  Ghrutiaaitj  from  tba 
MAgian  religion,  who  suffered  on  Jan.  22 ,688,  waa  dravn  up  at  Jenuaiem  towaidi 
the  end  of  the  same  year,  and  deienret  some  attention  in  connexion  with  the 
Persian  wars  of  Heraolius.  It  is  published  in  its  original  form,  diatinot  fnn 
later  accretions,  by  H.  Usener,  Acta  Martyris  Anastaaii  Persae,  1^4. 

The  History  of  Heradius  by  Skbjubos,  an  Armenian  bishoplof  the  seventh 
century,  written  in  the  Armenian  tongue,  was  first  brought  to  light  thivugh  the 
discovery  uf  a  Ms.  in  the  library  of  Etzmiadidn  some  years  before  Broaset  visited 
that  library  in  1H48.  The  text  was  edited  in  1851,  and  Patkanian's  Russian  trans- 
lation appeared  in  1802.  Two  passages  in  the  work  show  that  Sebaeoa  was 
a  contemporary  of  Heradius  and  Constans  (c.  30  ad  Jin. ,  p.  122 ;  and  c.  ^ad 
init. ,  Ik  148,  tr.  Patk. ) ;  and  this  agrees  with  some  brief  notices  of  later  writen, 
who  state  that  Bebaeos  was  present  at  the  Coxmcil  of  Dovin  in  A.n.  645  (of  which 
he  gives  a  full  account  in  c  m).  It  is  'also  stated  that  he  was  Bishop  of  Bagratun. 
The  work  is  not  strictly  confined  to  the  reign  of  Heradius.  It  begins  in  the  reign 
of  the  Persian  king  Poroses  in  the  fifth  century,  and  briefly  touches  the  reigns  of 
Kobad  and  of  Chosroes  I.,  of  whom  Sebaeos  relates  the  legeml  that  he  was  con- 
verted to  Christianity.  The  events  connected  with  the  rovdt  of  Pf^hram  and  the 
accession  of  Chosroes  II.  are  told  at  more  length  (c  S-3),  and  especial  prominence 
is  given  to  the  part  played  by  the  Armenian  prince  Musheg,  who  supported  C^ioa* 
roes.  The  next  seventeen  chapters  are  concerned  chic^*  with  tne  history  of 
Chosroes  and  his  intrigues  in  Armenia  durin«|  the  reisn  of  Maurice.  It  is  not  till 
the  twenty-first  chapter  that  wo  meet  Heraaius,  ana  not  till  the  twenty -fourth 
that  his  liistory  really*  begins. 

In  c.  32  we  again  take  leave  of  him,  and  the  rest  of  the  work  (c.  32-38),  about 
a  third  of  the  whole,  deals  with  the  following  twelve  years  (641-652).  The  great 
imi)ortance  of  Sebaeon  (apart  from  his  value  for  domestic  and  ecclesiastical  afiEidrB 
in  Armenia)  lies  in  his  account  of  the  Persian  campaigns  of  Heradius.  [Besides 
the  Russian  translation,  Patkanian  published  an  account  of  the  contents  of  the 
work  of  SubaeoH  in  the  Journal  Aaiatique,  viL.  p.  101  aqq.,  1866.] 

For  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  seventh  and  eighth  centuries  we  are  better 
furnished  than  for  the  political,  as  we  have  writings  on  the  great  o(mtroversies  of 
the  times  by  penionri  who  took  jpart  in  the  struggles.  Unluckily  the  synods  which 
finallv  doHe<i  the  Monotheletio  and  the  Iconoclastic  questions  in  favour  of  tha 
'*  orthodox  "  views  enjoined  the  destruction  of  the  controversial  works  of  the  de- 
feated parties,  so  that  of  Monotheletio  and  Iconodastio  literature  we  have  onlv  tha 
fragments  which  are  quoted  in  the  Acts  of  Coimcils  or  in  the  writinga  at  the 
Dyothelote  and  Iconodule  controversialists. 

Fur  the  Monotheletio  dispute  we  have  (besides  the  Acts  of  the  Coondl  of  Rome 
in  A.D.  649,  and  of  the  Sixtn  General  Council  of  a.d.  680)  tha  works  of  the  sreat 
defender  of  the  orthodox  view,  the  Abbot  Maximus  (a.d.  580-662).  He  had  been 
a  secretary  of  the  Emperor  Heradius,  and  afterwards  became  aU>ot  of  a  monas- 
tery at  Chrysopolis  (Scutari),  where  we  find  him  a.d.  630l  His  opposition  to 
Monothcletism  presently  drove  him  to  the  west,  and  in  Africa  he  met  the  Mooo- 
thelote  Patriarch  Pyrrhus  and  converted  him  from  his  heretical  error  (a.».  646). 
But  the  conversion  was  not  permanent ;  I^rhus  returned  to  his  htttsay.  Mjud- 
mus  then  proceeded  to  Rome,  and  in  a.d.  653  was  carried  to  Constantinople  along 
with  Pope  Martin,  and  banished  to  Bisya  in  Thrace.  A  disputation  which  he 
held  then  with  the  Bishop  of  Caesarea  led  to  a  second  and  more  distant  ezila  to 
Lazica,  where  he  died.  A  oonsiderahle  number  of  pdemioal  writinfia  on  the 
quoHtiun  for  which  ho  s\iffered  are  extant,  including  an  account  of  his  disputation 
with  Pyrrhus.  [His  works  are  collectea  in  Migne,  Patr.  Gr.  xa  xoL  (after  tha 
edition' of  Combefis,  1675).]  Maximus  had  a  dialectical  trainins  and  a  tendency 
to  mysticism.  "Pseudo-Dionysius  was  introduced  into  the  Greek  Chureh  by 
Maximus  ;  he  harmonized  the  Areopagite  with  the  traditional  endesiastieal  doc- 
trine, and  thereby  influenced  Greelc  theology  more  powerfully  than  John  of 
Damascus  "  (Ehrliard,  ap.  Krumbacher,  Gesch.  der  bys.  Utt.  p.  63). 


APPENDIX  4»» 

Another  jcmiifar  opponent  of  Moneiiieletism  wai  Air  ajtbamus  oI  the  maiiMtiir/ 
of  Mount  SfaiaL    He  travelled  ahontjii  Syria  and  Esypl,  fighting  with  hereiifla. 

of  mB  are  extant  (vc^  Tov  itar^ 


(■eeond  half  of  eerenth  oentnryV.    Three  esBaya        ,    , 

cMmi)  on  Monoihektian ;  the  tnird  giree  a  history  of  the  eootroverBy.    [Woiioi 
in  M1|^e,  Fatr.  Or.  toL  Izzziz.] 

JoHv  or  Damasoitb  was  the  meet  important  opponent  ot  umnoolasm  in  the  rsigna 
of  Leo  IIL  and  Gonstantine  V.  The  eon  of  a  Syrian  who  wai  known  by  tke. 
Arafaio  name  of  Manrar,  and  hdid  a  flnaneial  poet  under  the  Saraeen  govsnunent 
at  DamaaociSi  he  wai  bom  towards  the  end  of  the  seventh  oentiny.  He  ww 
edneated  by  a  SieiUan  monk  named  Ooemas.  He  withdrew  to  the  monasterr  of 
St.  Sabas  before  a.d.  736  ^  and  died  before  a.d.  763.  What  we  know  of  hislifii  is 
derived  from  a  Biography  of  the  tenth  oentnry  by  John  of  Jerusalem,  ^riio  d^ 
rived  his  facts  from  an  earUer  Arabie  biography.     (The  life  is  printed  in 


FMr.  Qt.  xeiv.  |3l  4t9  #90. )  The  great  theolc^oal  work  of  John  is  the  Iliry^  yp^MuL 
"  Fountain  of  Knoiriedge/'  a  systematical  theology  fbunded  on  the  eonoqits  of 
Aristotelian  metaphvsios  (here  John  owed  much  to  Leontius  of  Byantinm). 
But  the  works  which  concern  us  are  the  essays  against  the  Iconoclasts,  three  in 
number,  eempesed  between  ▲.!>.  7S6  and  796.  The  first  Diatribe  was  writtait  and 
pnhHshsd  between  tiie  ediet  of  Leo  and  the  deposition  of  the  Fatriarah  Qermanaa 
thzee  years  later.  The  second  seems  to  have  been  written  immediately  alter  tha- 
news  of  this  deposition  roaohed  Palestine ;  for  John,  referring  to  tMs,  Trnkes  no 
lefweuueto  the  installation  of  Anastasius  whi<di  took  plaoe  a  fortnight  later  (sao 
e.  IS ;  Bligne,  Patr.  €hr.  xoiv.  p.  1S97).  The  objeet  of  this  dissertation  was  to 
ehiddaite  the  propositions  of  the  first,  which  had  exdted  rnneh  discussion  and 
criMsm.  The  third  contains  mush  that  is  in  the  first  and  second,  and  devdops 
a  d6iitifate  as  to  the  use  of  images.*  The  neat  edition  (1712)  of  Leqolan,  with 
vahttUe  prolegomena,  is  reprinm  in  BOgne  s  Patr.  Chr.  xov.-xevL  [Monographs : 
J.  Laogei^  Jehasmesvon  D..  1879 ;  J.  H.  Lupton,  St.  John  of  D.,  18S4.1 

Q%a  dflfeneeof  image-worship  addressed  '*  to  all  Christians  and  to  the  Bniperor 
CoDitMitfcw  Kafaallinos  and  to  all  heretics,"  inefaided  in  John's  works  (Miffne. 
voL  zer.  p.  909  9qq.)»  is  not  genuine.    It  contains  muoh  abase  of  Lee  and 


SB, 
n- 


When  the  Pasefaal  Chronicle  deserts  us  in  a.d.  027.  we  have  no  coptempoway 
historians  or  chroniclers  for  the  general  course  of  the  Imperial  history  until  wo 
reach  tho  end  of  the  eighth  century.  Then  is  a  gap  of  more  than  a  eentmry  and  a 
half  in  oar  series  of  Bysantine  history,  l^e  two  writers  on  -vriiom  we  depend  for 
thereignaaf  the  Heraellad  dynasty  and  of  the  earlv  loonoslast  soveraigns  lived  at 
the  ena  of  theeighth  and  the  beghming-of  the  ninth  esntury :  the  Patriaxeh  Niao> 
piwras  and  the  monk  Theophanes.     They  both  used  a  common  sonree,  of  w4ioh 


Nionsoaos,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  a.d.  806-816,  has  his  phsis  in  histflty 
as  well  as  in  Htemtmnai  At  the  time  of  the  seoond  oounoil  of  Nicaea,  a.i>.  787»  hie 
an  imperisl  seeretary.  In  a.d.  806  he  succeeded  Tsrasinsin,  the  FatrianfaaAe 
above^  pul9f)  and  stood  forth  as  the  oDDonent  of  the  monastio  party.    PepDsed 

Leo  y.  ne  was,  under  this  and  the  roUowing  Bmperor,  the  most  pronunent 
oSaoDphMi  of  Image-worship.  He  died  in  exile  ▲.n.  889.  He  waa  greater  as  a 
JhetMtJimSL  than  as  an  historical  writes.  His  important  works  on  the  fcwmeolastia 
ooeatioB  were  written  during  exile :  (1)  the  Apoloffetieos  minor,  a  short  treatise 
oeffanding  image^worship ;  (S)  in  A.n.  817.  the  Apelogetioas  m^jor,  whieh  is  sneoi- 
ally  important  as  contaming  a  nimiber  of  quotations  from  an  iconoclastic  worlc  by 

•Jeiin  p«taps  hsU  his  fRthet^  post  for  m  wliBe.  For  the  legend  of  his  right  hand  see 
sbovSi  p,  ^5i  noes. 

'  Its  i^HiuloHnss  hsshsen  Qsestloaed  on  intiifllcieiit'  grounds  hy  the  Oxford  sdiirtsr  H 
Hody. 


500  APPENDIX 

the  Emperor  CoiuiUuitine  V.  These  treaUaee  Are  printed  by  Ifai,  Nora  Pfetrum 
BibL ,  i.  1  aqq. ,  ii.  1  aqq.,  iii  1  tqq.  [For  other  workk  gee  Pitra.  Spicilegium  Solet- 
mense,  i.  p.  3i6i  tqg^  iv<  p>  233  tqq.  Cp.  Ehrhard,  apud  Krumbacher.  Geeofa.  der 
byz.  Litt  p.  78.]  The  hutorioal  works  are  two:  (1)  the  Xpownypa/puchv  a^rropun 
— "  Concise  list  of  dates," — a  collection  of  tables  of  kings,  emperors,  patriarolu, 
ko,t  from  Adam  to  the  ^ear  of  the  author's  death  ;  {'i)  the  'Itrropla  trOtfroftos— 
''concise  History," — beginning  with  the  death  of  Maurice  and  ending  with  a.di 
7&d^^  It  is  a  very  poor  composition ;  the  author  selects  what  is  likely  to  interest 
an  illiterate  public  and  disrc^^ds  the  relative  importance  of  events.  The  value 
of  the  work  is  entirelv  due  to  the  paucity  of  other  materials  for  the  period  which 
it  covers.  Yet  Nicophorus  seems  to  have  boitowed  some  pains  on  the  composition 
of  the  work.  A  Ms.  in  the  British  Museum  contains  a  text  which  seems  to  re* 
present  the  author's  first  compilation  of  his  material  before  he  threw  it  into  the 
form  in  which  it  was  "  published ".     SSce  A.  Burckhardt,  Bys.  Zeitseh.  v.  p.  465 

Sq,,  189G.    [Excellent  edition  of  the  historical  works  by  G.  de  Boor,  1880.    This 
ition  includes  the  life  of  Nicephorus  by  the  deacon  Ignatius  written  soon  after 
his  death.] 

George,  the  synoellus  or  private  secretary  of  the  Fatriaroh  Tarasius,  had  written 
a  chronicle  from  the  creation  of  the  world,  which  ho  intended  to  bring  down  to  his 
own  time.  But  when  death  approached  (a.i>.  810-11)  he  had  only  reaohed  the 
accession  of  Diocletian,  and  he  D^cged  his  friend  Theophakss  to  complete  the 
work.  Thcophanes  belonged  to  a  good  and  wealthy  family.  ^^  He  was  of  asoetie 
disposition  and  founded  a  monastery  (^  fjLovii  rov  fi^ydXov  'Ayoov)  called  "  Great 
Farm  "  near  Sigriane  not  far  from  Cydcus.^  Theophanes  undertook  the  chaige 
of  his  dying  friend  and  wrote  his  Chronoffraphp  between  a.  d.  811aud  815u  When 
Leo  V.  came  to  the  throne,  he  took  a  strong  position  against  the  Empero/s  ioono- 
clastic  policy  and  was  imprisoned  in  the  island  of  Samothrace,  where  ne  died  (817)> 
The  Ch renography  (from  a.i>.  284  to  813)  is  arranged  strictly  in  the  form  of  annals. 
The  events  are  arranged  under  the  successive  Years  of  the  A\  orld,  which  are  equated 
with  the  Years  of  the  Incarnation ;  and  the  regnal  years  of  the  Boman  £lmpeion 
and  of  the  Persian  Kings  (in  later  part,  the  Saracen  caliphs),  and  the  years  of  the 
bishops  of  the  five  great  Sees,  are  also  added  in  tabular  form.  Moreover  many 
single  events  are  dated  by  Indiotions,  although  the  indictions  do  not  appear  in  the 
table  at  the  head  of  eaoh  year.  The  awkwardness  of  dating  events  on  three 
syvtems  is  clear. 

Theophanes  adopted  the  Alexandrian  era  of  Anianus  (March  S5,  B.a  6493 ;  see 
above,  vol  ii.  Appendix  3),  and  thus  his  Annus  Mundi  runs  from  March  95  to 
March  24.  As  the  Indiction  nms  from  Sept.  1  to  Aug.  31,  the  only  part  of  the 
Year  which  is  oommon  to  the  a.u.  and  the  indiction  is  March  25  to  Au^.  3L  It 
is  obvious  that,  without  ver^  careful  precautions,  the  practice  of  referri^K  to  an 
Indiction  under  an  a.m.  which  only  partly  corresponds  to  it  is  certain  to  lead  to 
confusion.  And,  as  it  turns  out.  ^eophanes  loses  a  year  in  the  reign  of  Phocas. 
whose  overthrow  he  placed  in  the  right  Indiction  (14tn  =  a.i>.  610-11),  but  in  the 
wrong  A.  K.  (6102  =  a.  d.  609-10).  The  mistake  has  set  his  dates  ( a.  m.  )  throughout 
the  seventh  centurv  a  year  wrong ;  we  have  ^ways  to  add  a  year  to  the  a.  m.  to 
get  the  right  date  (cp.  the  discrepancies  with  the  Intliction  under  a.m.  6150  and 
6171  ^').  The  true  chronology  is  recovered  at  the  year  6193,  and  the  indiction  is 
found  once  more  in  correspondence  under  a.k.  6207.  A  new  disorepanoy  arises 
some  years  later,  for  which  see  below,  p.  524.  In  the  earlier  part  of  the 
work  Theophanes  used  (besides  Soarates,  &c)  a  compilation  of  excerpts  from 
Theodorus  Lector  (see  above,  voL  iv.  Appendix  1,  p.  512).    For  the  sixth  century 

10  Generany  referred  to  as  Brevisrinm  NioephorL 

11  The  Emperor  Constantine  Porpl^roffeiuietcs  states  that  Theophanes  wss  hii 
fii|rp6tfciof,  an  uncle  of  his  mother.    De.  Adm.  Imp.  iii.  p.  io6,  ed.  Bonn. 

i>  Ruins  of  the  cloister  still  exist.    See  T.  E.  Evsngdides,  4  /im^  rqt  Xtyptai^t,  1895. 

^ReMd  iit6iKTim¥tK  1)  {tot  a)  In  De  Boor's  ed.  p.  336. 


APPENDIX  501 

he  drawi  apon  John  MftUdas,  ProoopiiiB,  Agathiaa,  John  of  Epiphani%  Antf  Hioq- 
phylaetus ;  for  the  seventh  Oeoree  Pisides.  It  is  ponible  that  all  theie  Mithon 
were  known  to  him  only  indirectly  through  an  intermediate  lonroe.  He  had,  hi 
any  ease,  before  him  an  unknown  source  for  the  serenth  and  most  of  the  eighth 
oentnry  (if  notmorethanone),  andthi8wasa]soasouroeofNiDei^ionui(seeaboYe, 
p,  499$.  For  the  reign  of  Gonstantine  YL  and  Irene,  Nioef^oms  and  Miehael  L, 
llieophanee  has  the  value  of  a  partial  and  prejudiced  oontemporarv.  rprevioai 
editions  have  been  superseded  by  De  Boor's  magnificent  edition  (1883),  voL  i  text ; 
voL  iL  the  Latin  version  of  Anastasius,  three  lives  of  Theophanee,  dissertations 
by  the  editor  on  the  material  for  the  text,  and  splendid  Indioes.  Another  Life 
ol  Theophanee  has  been  edited  by  K.  Knimbaoher,  1897.] 

The  writings  of  Thsodorb  or  Srvnioir  provide  us  with  oonsiderable  material 
for  ecclesiastical  history  as  well  as  for  the  state  of  Monastioism  at  ^e  end  of  tiie 
eighth  and  beginning  of  the  ninth  oentury.  For  his  prominence  in  questions  of 
ehnrdi  disdpune,  whidi  assumed  pc^tidal  importanoe  (in  connexion  with  the 
marriage  of  Constantino  YL  and  the  poliov  of  Kicephorus  L),  see  above,  p^  190  n. 
and  192  n. ;  and  he  was  a  stout  opponent  of  Leo  Y.  in  the  matter  of  image-worshipi 
He  was  born  a.d.  759  (his  father  was  a  tax-coUeotor) ;  under  the  influence  of  ms 
unole  Plato,  he  and  lus  whole  family  entered  the  monastery  of  Saccudion,  where 
in  ▲.!>.  797  he  succeeded  his  unole  as  abbot  In  the  following  year,  he  and  hia 
monks  took  up  their  abode  in  the  monastery  of  Studion ;  and  from  this  time  for- 
ward Stadion  was  one  of  the  most  important  cloisters  in  the  Empire.  Three  times 
was  Theodore  banished :  (1)  a.d.  795-7,  owing  to  his  opposition  to  the  marriage  (d 
Oodwtantine ;  (2)  a.i>.  809-11,  for  his  refusal  to  communicate  with  Joseph  who  had 
performed  the  marriage  oeremony ;  (3)  a.d.  814-20,  for  his  opposition  to  Leo  Y. 
Under  Michael  IL  he  was  not  formally  banished,  but  did  not  care  to  abide  at 
Constantinople.    He  died  a.d.  886. 

The  following  works  of  Theodore  have  historical  interest :  (1)  The  three  k6yog 
hfTippfiTucol,  and  other  works  in  defence  of  image-worship;  (9)  the  Life  of 
abbot  Plato,  which  gives  us  a  picture  of  monastic  lite ;  (3)  the  Life  of  his  mother 
Theoetista,  with  a  most  interesting  account  of  his  early  education,  and  gUmpses  of 
family  life ;  (4)  a  large  collection  of  letters,  of  the  first  importance  for  the  eoolesi- 
astical  history  of  the  period ;  they  show  the  abbot  at  work,  not  only  in  hispastoral 
duties,  but  in  his  eodesiastical  struggles  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  [CoUeeted 
works  in  Biigne.  Patr.  Gr.  xoix. ;  but  277  letters,  not  included,  are  edited  by  J. 
Cocsa-Lusi,  Nova  patrum  Bibliotheca,  viii.  1,  1  8qq.»  IBTLf* 

There  are  many  laves  of  Martjnrs  who  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  ioonoelastio 
Emperors.  The  most  important  is  that  of  St.  Stephen  of  Mount  Auzentius  (distin- 
ffuiuied  from  the  protomartyr  as  '*  the  younger*')  who  suffered  in  a-d.  767 ;  the 
biography  was  written  in  a.d.  808  by  Stephen,  deacon  of  St  Sophia,  and  furnishes 
some  important  material  for  the  history  of  the  iconoclastic  policy  of  Constantino 
Y.  For  the  persecution  of  Theophilus,  we  have  a  life  of  Theodore  Graptus  ^*  and 
his  brother  Theophanee  (ed.  Combefis,  Grig,  rerumque  Constantinop.  manipulus, 
p.  191  Bqq.)f  containing  a  letter  of  Theodore  himself  to  John  of  Cyaous,  d  which 
Sehloaser  has  made  good  use  (Gesch.  der  bilderst  Kaiser,  p.  524  199.).  Other 
Lives  of  importance  for  the  history  of  the  iconodastio  movement  are  thoee  of 
Grermanus  the  Patriarch  (ed.  PaMdopulos-Kerameus  in  the  Mavrogordateios 
KbliothAkd,  Appendix,  p.  3  909.),  Theophanee,  Confessor  (see  above) ;  Nioetas, 
abbot  of  Medikion  in  Bithynia  (died  a.d.  824 ;  Acta  SS.  April  1,  Appendix, 
xxxiv.-xli.>;  Theodore  of  Studion  (see  above) ;  Kicephorus,  Patriarch  (see  above, 
p,  600) ;  Tarasius,  by  the  deacon  Ignatius  (ed.  Heikel,  1889 ;  Latin  version  in 
Acta  SS.  Febr.  25,  576  aqq.) ;  the  Patriarch  Methodius  (Migne,  Patr.  Gr.,  voL  a, 

u  Theodore  was  also  celebrated  as  a  composer  ol  hymns ;  many  of  his  hymns  are  extant. 
His  brother  Joseph  mutt  not  be  confounded  with  the  Sicilian  Jos^  the  hymnograpber. 

u  TheodOTC  and  Theophanee  were  called  GrapM^ "  marked,**  bepause  the  Emperor  Theo- 
pUJos  branded  twelve  isoibic  trimeters  on  their  foreh^ada. 


602  APPENDIX 

p.  1244  tqqX  For  the  eoolmiMtieal  histoiy  of  the  reign  of  MiohMl  IIL  •  the  Ble 
of  Ignatiiu  by  Nioetae  David  Faphlagon  is  of  great  importance  (Mfgne,  Gr.  Pair.. 
ev.,  487  m*)*  These  and  other  len  important  ^  biographies,  in  most  faitanewi 
oomposed  by  younger  eontemporaries,  hare  great  value  m  three  w^ys :  (1)  they 
give  us  facts  passed  over  by  the  ehroniokn ;  (8)  many  of  them  were  uaea  by  the 
ehroniolers,  and  therefore  are  to  be  preferred  as  funiishing  information  at  first 
hand;  (3)  they  give  us  material  for  a  social  |»eture  of  tne  period  (espesially 
valuable  in  this  respect  is  the  Life  of  Plato  by  Theodore  StwUtes ;  see  above 
p.  501). 

The  Life  of  the  Bmpress  Theodora,  combined  with  relatims  of  the  deathbsd 
repentance  of  Theophilus  and  of  his  good  deeds,  is  highly  important  It  was  the 
main  source  of  the  ohroniclCT  George  Monachus  for  the  events  concerned.  Ed 
W,  Begel,  in  Analecta  Byzantino-Rossica,  p.  1  aqq^'^ 

For  Leo  the  Armenian  we  have  a  mysterious  fragment  of  what  was  ^liMrhr  s 
valuable  chronicle  written  b^  a  contemporary,  whose  name  is  unknofwn.  The 
piece  which  has  survived  (printed  in  the  voL  of  the  Bonn  series  which  ^*i*T^ft*p« 
Leo  GrammaticuB,  under  the  title  Seriptor  Incertns  de  Leone  Armenio)  Is  of  grsat 
value  for  the  Bulgarian  siege  of  Oonstantinople  in  a.d.  815. 

Apart  from  this  fragment,  and  the  contemporary  biomphies  ef  saints,  the 
mesgre  chronicle  of  Gaoaoa  thx  Mohk  (sometimes  styled  (jeorge  Hamartohis, 
*'  the  sinner")  is  the  oldest  authority  for  the  thirty  years  after  the  point  wfasn 
the  chronicle  of  Theophanes  ended  (▲.».  813-842).  George  wrote  in  uie  reign  of 
Michael  IIL ,  and  completed  his  chronicle,  which  began  with  the  creation,  towszdi 
the  close  of  that  Emperor's  nign.  It  is  divided  Into  four  Books ;  the  fourth, 
beginning  with  Oonstantine  the  Great  and  ending  with  the  death  of  Theoi^ilus,  is 
based  mainly  on  the  chronicle  of  Theophanes.  For  the  last  thirtv  Tears,  the 
author  depends  on  his  own  knowledge  as  a  contemporary  and  on  oial  mrarmaftion : 
but  also  makes  use  of  the  Vita  Theodorao  (see  above)  and  the  Vita  Nieephori  by 
Ignatius  (see  above,  p.  600).    Throughout  the  eedesisstiflal  interest  peedominates. 

The  cnronide  of  George  became  so  pooular  and  was  re-edited  so  often  with 
additions  and  interpolations,  that  it  has  become  one  of  the  most  paBUnc  prob- 
lems in  literary  researdi  to  penetrate  through  the  accretions  to  the  origins!  lorm. 
Until  recently  the  shape  ana  extent  of  the  chronicle  and  its  author's  identity  were 
obscured  by  the  circumstance  that  a  continuation,  reaching  down  to  a.d.  948  (in 
some  Mbb.  this  continuation  is  continued  to  still  later  epochs),  was  *y»n^ttif4  to 
the  original  work  of  Geoige.  The  original  continuation  to  948  ^^  was  composed  by 
"  the  Logothete,*'  who  has  been  sapposed  to  be  identieal  with  S^nneon  **  Mafister 
and  Lcgothete  **  (for  whose  ehnmiele  see  below).  [The  only  edition  of  the  whole 
chronicle  (with  its  continuation)  is  that  of  Mundt  (1868),  which  is  very  unsatis- 
factory. Combefis  edited  the  latter  part  from  813  to  948,  and  this  has  been  re- 
printed in  the  Bonn  series  (along  with  Theophanes  Continnatus),  1838u  llie 
material  for  a  new  critical  edition  has  been  collected  by  Professor  C  de  Boor. 
Much  has  been  vrritten  on  the  problems  connected  with  these  ehroniolfla ;  bnt  I 
need  only  refer  to  F.  Hirsoh,  Byantiniaohe  Studien,  lJR76,  wUeh  dewed  the  way 
to  further  investigation ;  and  to  the  most  recent  sti^  of  De  Boor  on  the  mhjeot. 
Die  Ohronik  des  Logotheten,  in  Bys.  Zeitseh. ,  vi. ,  2^  »qq.'\ 


The  chronicle  of  STmoM  MAonna,  who  is  probably  the  same  peiMm  as  the 
hagiographer  Symeon  Metaphrastes,  has  not  yet  oeen  published ;  but  lor  praotiosl 
purposes  it  is  aeoeasiUe  to  the  historian  in  the  form  of  two  ndaetiona  whieh  go 

IS  See  Ehrhsrd,  ap.  Kmmbscber,  op.  cii.,  p.  193  sqq. ' 

17  The  Di&gteis  printed  by  Comhsils.  Aact  Nov.  pd— 4st.  pstnua  bIbL,  voL  ii^  7x5  sm^ 
1»  a  late  redaction  which  comglmbdf  disfigures  ths  onglssl  mn  and  «•**'«***'*■  little  of  tne 

Vita  Tbeodorae. 

« 

'0  The  chief  eource  of  the  compHatloate  Cba  Cnsatoaa\i«a  of  Thsmhsnse, 


APPENDIX  603 

VBdar  the  luone  of  Leo  GrammAtiouB  and  Theodonni  of  Melitene.^  Beginning 
irith  the  areation  it  oune  down  to  a.d.  948.  Libo  GsAjncATiaoe  (aooording  to  a 
note  in  God.  Far.  1711)  "completed'*  the  Chronographj  {ue.,  the  ari|^Dial 
Ohvoniale  of  Symeon)  in  the  jear  1013 ;  bat  otherwise  he  is  onlv  a  name  like 
Tkbobokus  or  Mxuxxnb.  fLeo  is  included  in  the  Bonn  series,  1842 ;  TheodoniM 
WM  poUished  hj  Tilel,  1859.J  This  chroniole  is  different  in  tone  from  that  of 
Geofge  Monaohna ;  the  work  of  a  logothete,  not  of  a  monk,  it  exhibits  interest  in 
the  ooortae  well  asin  the  ohnroh. 

Another  chzoniale,  which  mav  be  conveniently  called  the  PsBuno-flvBiaoir, 
•omes  down  to  the  year  963.  llhe  last  part  of  the  work,  ▲.!>.  813-963.  was  pab- 
lidied  by  Gombefis  (1685)  and  reorinted  by  Bekker  (Bonn.  1838}  under  the  name 
ol  Symeeii  Magister.  The  mistajce  was  dne  to  a  misleading  title  on  the  cover  of 
the  PsEJs  Ms.  which  contains  the  chroniele.  (On  the  sonroes  of  the  unknown 
author,  see  F.  Hirseh.  Byiantinische  Studien.) 

in  respect  to  these  extremely  confusing  chronicles  with  their  numerous  xe- 
daotions,  JEmmbaoher  makes  a  good  remark :  '^  in  Byaantium  works  of  this  kind 
were  never  regarded  as  completed  monuments  of  literary  importance,  bnias  prao- 
tiaal  handbooks  whieh  every  possessor  and  copyist  excerpted,  augmented,  and 
renrised  just  as  he  chose"  (p.  362). 

JoaaPM  Gsvasius  (son  of  Gonstantine  who  held  the  office  of  logothete  under 
yinhael  HI.)  wrote  (between  a.d.  945  and  959)  at  the  suggestion  oTthe  Ihnperor 
Gbostantine  VIL  an  Imperial  History  in  four  Books,  embracing  the  leisms  of 
Leo  v.,  Michael  IL,  Theophilus,  and  Michael  IIL  :  thus  a  continuation  of  Theo- 
phanes,  who  left  off  at  the  accession  of  Leo.  V.  In  Bk.  iv.  Qeneeius,  dearlv  de- 
parting from  the  original  plan,  added  a  brief  aocount  of  the  reign  of  Basil  L, 
so  thai  his  work  reaches  nom  a.d.  813  to  886.  Besides  onJ  information  and 
tradition,  from  which,  as  he  says  himself,  he  derived  material,  he  used  the  work 
d  George  Monachus,  and  the  Life  of  Ignatius  by  Nicetas  (see  aixyve,  pi  608).  His 
histonr  is  marked  by  (1)  superstition,  (2)  bigotry  (especially  against  the  icono- 
■  '" lather  BasiL  "  ~ 


daslsK  (3)  partiality  to  his  patron's  grandfather  BasiL  [Ed.  TAchmann  in  Bonn 
■sries,  1834.  For  the  sources,  &c,  see  Hirseh.  Bycantinische  Btudien ;  cpw  also 
Wisehke  in  Philologus,  37,  p.  255  aqq.,  187^] 

A  flionjAW  GnaomoLx,  relating  briefly  the  Saracen  conquest  of  the  island, 
from  A.D.  827  to  965  is  preserved  in  Greek  and  in  an  Arabic  translation.  It  must 
have  been  composed  soon  after  965.  There  are  three  editions  :  P.  Batiffol,  1890 
(in  Gcmptes  r^idus  de  TAcademie  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles-Lettres) ;  GoKsa-Luzi 
and  Lagnmina,  with  the  Arabic  text,  1890,  in  Dooumenti  p.  s.allastoriadiSloilia, 
4tft  serie,  iL  ;  A.  'Wirth,  Ghronographische  Spline,  1894. 

it  is  unfortunate  that  the  historical  monograph  which  the  grammarian  Tkbo- 
suwroe,  a  ocntemporary  of  Leo  Y.  and  Michael  IL,  dedicated  to  the  revolt  of 
Hiqihamhui  and  the  first  successes  of  the  Saracens  in  Sicily  (a.d.  827)*  ie  losL  The 
w«rk  is  used  by  the  comiHlers  of  Theophanes  Gontinuatus  (see  p.  82,  ed.  Bonn). 

We  kave  a  disappointing  aocount  of  the  siege  and  capture  of  Syracuse  by  the 
Saiaoeoa  in  1880^  mim  the  pen  of  Thcodosius,  a  monk,  who  eniured  the  siege 
and  was  carried  prisoner  to  ralermo,  whence  he  wrote  a  letter  describing  his  ex- 
perienoes  to  a  fnend.    (Publiahed  in  the  Paris  ed.  of  Leo  Diaconus,  pw  177  tqq*) 

Besides  stimulating  Joseph  Genesius  to  write  his  work,  the  Emperor  Gonstan- 
tine YIL  organized  another  continuation  of  Theophanes,  written  by  several  com- 
pilers who  are  known  as  the  Sguptorss  ro&r  TnaopiiAjraM,  the  Emperor  himself 
being  one  of  the  coUaborateurs.    It  seems  probable  that  the  ariginal  intention 


U'There  is  another  redscClon  kcown  as  the  Pseodo-Polydeukes  fbscsase  it  was  passed  off 
as  a  week  of  Julias  Poiydeaket  by  a  Gredc  copyist  named  Damuifio^  but  it  faceidB  oifin 
the  foifpi  of  vskns,  and  theiefdre  does  not  oonoeni  ns  here.  See  fuxtbec  KxuBAhashsax^^. 
^n  P*  J^M  ^scotiicr  aasdirsd  Chronicle  of  the  sameldn- 


J 


xAai.>  vlU 


Komanus  I. ,  OonBtantine,  oapn.  1  —7 ;  B, 
based  upon  the  work  of  the  Logothete 
oome  down  to  uh  as  a  continuation  of  G 
Logothete  was  an  admirer  of  RomanuB  ] 
itantine  VIL  ;  and  the  Bympathies  of  th 
pHor  of  A,  nofcwith«tanaing  their  inoonB-, 
1^  Logoihete'B  work  appeared  in  the  rei( 
been  ntuiied  almoet  immediately  after  it 
is  probable  that  B  was  composed  earlj  in 
it  seems  not  to  depend  on  another  work 
temporary's  knowledge.    [Sori  ptores  poet 
l^anee  Oontinuatus,  ed.  Bekker,  1S38 
fiirsch.  Bjsantinisohe  Studien.] 

The  einmmstanoes  of  the  capture  of  Tl 
904  are  yiyidl7  portrayed  for  us  m  the  well 
a  narrow-minded  priest,  ignorant  of  the  y 
the  ezdting  and  terrif>'ing  scenes  which  h 
▼ation  and  the  power  of  expressing  his  in 
Fkris  (1685)  and  in  the  Bonn  (18^)  serie 
phanem. 

For  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  rei; 
importanoe  in  the  anonymous  Vita  Eut 
m  aboye,  p.  807)  note  43w  The  work  was 
death  (a.d.  917). 

With  the  history  of  Lso  Diaoohus  (1 

Eeriod  of  historiography.  After  an  inten 
e  seems  to  re-open  the  series  which  d 
His  history  in  ten  Books  embracing  the  reig 
and  John  Tdmisoes  (959-976)  is— although  y 
in  a  good  sense ;  depending  on  peraonu  ki 


APPENDIX  606 

inential  ministen.  Presently  he  left  the  world  to  beeome  %  monk 
he  name  of  Michael,  hy  whiob  he  is  generally  known.  But  monae- 
soited  him.  and  after  some  yean  he  returned  to  the  world.  He 
inent  part  under  Isaao  Gomnenua  and  Gonstantine  Duoas ;  and  wai 
«r  "  durinpf  the  regenev  of  Eudooia  and  the  reign  of  Ifiohael  Fara- 
oQ  who  did  him  nnaU  credit).  He  died  probably  in  1078.  As 
lufl  had  reviTed  an  interest  in  Plato,  whose  philosophy  he  set  above 
ovelty  which  was  regarded  as  a  heresy.  In  this,  he  was  stoutly 
s  friend  John  XiphiBn,  who  was  a  pronounced  Aristotelian.  Ab 
^mUus  had  taught  Xiphilin  philosqMiy,  and  XiphiUn  had  taught 
[t  was  through  the  influence  or  example  of  Xiphilin  (who  withdraw 
nj  of  Bithynian  Olympus)  that  PseUus  had  assumed  the  tonsure, 
had  written  on  law  in  nis  youth,  wrote  homilies  in  his  later  years, 
'atriareh  of  Constantinople  in  1064 ;  his  old  friend  Paellus  pro- 
meral  oration  in  1076i 

in  the  courts  of  the  sovereigns  whom  Psellus  served,  candour  and 
uld  have  been  fatal  qualities.  Psellus  had  neither ;  his  writings  (as 
eer)  show  that  he  adapted  himself  to  the  rules  of  the  game,  andwas 
wrupulous.  His  Ohronography  reflects  the  tone  of  the  timeserving 
innmg  at  ▲.!>.  976,  it  treats  very  briefly  the  long  rdgn  of  Basil,  ana 
r  as  it  ffoee  on.  It  deals  chiefly  with  domestic  wars  and  eoori  in 
Iff  over  Driefly,  and  often  omitting  altogether,  the  wars  with  foreign 
last  part  of  the  work  was  written  for  the  eye  of  Michael  Pan^ 
msequently  in  what  concerns  him  and  his  father  Constantlne  X.  is 
being  impartiaL 

1  orations  which  Psellus  composed  on  Xiphilin^  on  the  Patriarch 
irius  (see  above,  p.  921)  and  on  Lichudee,  a  promment  statesman  of 
I  much  historical  importance,  as  well  as  many  of  his  letterSi  rrhe 
and  these  Epitaphioi  are  published  in  voL  iv.,  the  letters  (along 
»rks)  in  voL  v.,  of  the  Bibliotheca  Oraca  medii  aevi  of  O.  Sathas.] 
re  but  a  small  portion  of  the  encyclopedic  literary  output  of  Psellus, 
the  whole  field  of  knowledge.  It  has  been  well  said  that  Psellus  is 
the  eleventh  century.  He  was  an  accomplished  stylist  and  exerted 
ce  on  the  writers  of  the  generation  which  succeeded  him.  [For  his 
igs  see  (besides  Leo  Allatius,  De  Psellis  et  coram  soriptis,  1634 ; 
10,  p.  41  aqq.)  Sathas,  Introductions  in  op.  eU.  vols.  iv.  and  v. ;  A. 
nato  Historique.  3,  p.  241  sqq. ;  K.  Neumann,  Die  Weltstellung  des 
or  den  EreuzsUgen,  1894  ;  &  Bhodius,  Beitr.  sur  Lebensgesemchte 
iefen  des  Psellos,  1892.] 

for  the  history,  especially  the  military  history,  of  the  eleventh 
Batise  entitled  Strategicon  by  Cboaumkiios.  Of  the  author  himself 
I ;  he  was  witness  of  the  revolution  which  overthraw  Michael  V. , 
lis  treatise  for  his  son's  benefit  after  the  death  of  Bomanus  Diogenes, 
rests  that  it  should  exclusively  concern  military  affairs^  but  the 
f  the  work  consists  of  precepts  of  a  general  kino.  Much  is  told  of 
randfather  Ceoaumenos,  who  took  part  in  the  Bulgarian  wan  of 
led  on  to  the  Strategicon  is  a  distinct  treatise  of  differant  authorship 
of  the  same  family ;  his  name  was  probably  Niculitzas) :  a  book 
e  Emperor  "  of  the  dsy  " — porhaos  to  Alexius  Oomnenus  on  the  eve 
iL  It  contains  some  interesting  nistorical  references.  [First  pub- 
'asiUeyski  in  1881  (in  the  Zhurnal  Ministerstva  narodnago  prosviest- 
%  Juno.  July),  with  notes;  text  re-edited  by  Vanlievski  and 
laumeui  Strategicon  et  incerti  scriptoris  de  offidis  regiis.  libelhis), 

part  of  the  period  covered  in  the  history  of  PseUns  has  had 
mporary,  but  less  partial,  historian  in  ICioHAjn.  Axcioaxisfiik^v 
who  founded  a  monastery  and  %  hositalry  toe  \2bA  ^b^mk  V^^^^^^af- 


506  APPENDIX 

trc»pheion).>°  His  abilities  were  reoognized  by  Oonstantiiia  Doom  and  lne^ 
phorus  Bot&neiAtes,  from  whom  he  reoeiyed  honai«f7  titles  (Patridan,  MagiBUr. 
Proedroe),  hnd  held  posts  of  no  politieal  impottanoe.  He  annompanmn  HMaaaai 
Diogenes  on  his  campaigns  as  a  "military  judge".  The  hiatoiy  embnaos  the 
period  ia34-1079,  and  was  completed  a  lOBO;  it  is  dedieated  to  NieaphonallL 
[First  published  in  the  Bonn  series,  1873>] 

Just  as  Attaleiates  overlaps  Psellus  and  famishes  important  maiterial  totmt 
recting  and  completing  his  narratiye,  so  the  work  of  the  prinoe  Vtaarmma 
BRYEXNiirs,  son-io-law  of  Alexias  Oomnenos,  oyerlaps  and  mpplemanta  tha  wok 
of  Attaleiates.  Nioephoms  had  good  opportunities  tor  obtaining  authentio  taim- 
mation  on  the  histoiV  of  the  times.  His  father  had  aspired  to  tha  throna  mi 
overthrown  Michael  Yll.  (see  above,  p.  SS4),  bat  had  been  irnmad lately  oreitbnm 
by  Alexius  Comnenus  and  blinded.  But,  when  Alexias  came  himaalf  to  the  tfanoe^ 
Bryennius  found  favour  at  court ;  and  his  brilliant  son  waa  ohoaen  by  the  Bupnc 
as  the  husband  of  Anna  and  created  Oaesar.  He  played  a  pronuiient  part  oi 
several  occasions  daring  the  reign  of  AlexiuSt  eondaotmg,  for  instanee,  the  odisHe 
of  the  capital  against  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  in  1(K>7.  After  his  father-in-l*w'a  dwlk 
he  refused  (cp.  above,  p.  S88)  to  take  part  in  a  conspiracy  ^  which  hia  wife  mshM 
against  her  brother  John,  under  whose  rule  he  continued  to  aerre  the  atata  nd 
his  death  in  1037.  In  his  last  years,  at  the  suggestion  of  his  mother-iB-bnr  Inw, 
he  undertook  the  composition  of  a  history  of  ^iexius  Ckminenaa,  bat  doth  Ub- 


dered  him  from  completing  it,  and  the  work  covers  only  nine  yeiM«»  A-ik  IffM 
He  describes  it  himself  aa     historical  material " ;  it  is,  aa  Seger  oboeiryea,  *'  kst 
history  of  the  time  than  a  family  chronicle,  which,  owing  to  the  politieal 
of  the  families,  assumes  the  value  of  *  a  historical  source '  **.    It  naa  the 

defects  of  the  memoirs  of  an  exalted  personage,  whose  inteceata  li«re 

nected  intimately  with  the  events  he  describes  and  with  the  people  he  portom 
Bryennius  makes  considerable  use  of  the  Ohronography  of  Faelhia.  and  aU 
draws  on  Attaleiates  and  Scylitces.  [Included  in  the  Bonn  seriea,  ISSIS. 
graph :  J.  Soger,  Nikephoroi  Bryennios,  1888.]^ 


The  incomplete  work  of  Bryennius  was  supplemented  and  eontinned  fav  kii 
wife,  the  literary  princess  Anna  Comnxna,  whose  Alexiad,  boginn^ig  with  the 
year  1060,  was  successfully  carried  down  to  1118,  the  year  of  her  father's  -flit**' 
Anna  (bom  1083)  retired  drter  the  unauooeesful  conspire^  aoainat  her  brother(set 
above,  p.  228)  to  the  monastery  of  Kecharitomene.  which  nad  been  foonded  hf 
her  mother  Irene,  who  now  acoompaiiiod  her  into  retreat  The  work  wfaieh  hai 
gai ned  her  immortal  fame  was  completed  in  1148.  Anna  received  the  beat  UtHVT 
education  that  the  age  could  afford ;  she  was  familiar  with  the  great  Qrcei 
classics  from  Homer  to  Polybius,  and  she  had  studied  philosophy.  Bhe  wasim* 
pregnated  with  the  spirit  of  the  renalssanee  which  had  been  initiated  by  PnUm; 
she  affcctft.  though  she  does  not  achieve,  Attio  purism  in  her  artifleiai  and  wuAn 
tic  style.  She  had  fallen  far  more  completely  under  the  spell  of  the  ntawry 
ideals  of  Pscllns  than  her  husband,  though  he  too  had  felt  the  influence.  Tht 
book  is  a  glorification  of  her  father ;  and  naturally  her  account  of  the  in  iii—lia  li 
hiffhly  unfavourable  to  the  crusaders.  But  she  was  consdentioua  in  aeokfaig  for 
information,  oral  and  documentary.''  [Ed.  Bonn,  voL  L,  ed.  Sohopen,  18R9;  tbL 
ii. .  od.  Reiffcrscheid.  1878 ;  complete  ed.  by  Reifferseheid  (Teubner),  1891    it 


^  The  diatazls,  or  tesumentary  disposition,  respecting  these  fonodsthms,  with  ini 

of  the  furniture,  litHvry.  &c..  is  extant  (ed.  Sathss,  Bibl.  Gr.  med.  sevi.  vol.  Ly.    It  is  a  mf 
interesting  document    Cp.  W.  Nlssen,  Die  Diatazls  dss  Michael  AttaL  von  1077  (x^pil. 

31  He  was  thinking  doubtless  of  his  own  csie  nHien  he  wrote  (p.  ao,  ed.  Bona)  ef  As 
refusal  of  Isaac's  brother.  John,  to  take  the  crown  vHilch  Isaac  pressed  upon  him.  Thbii 
well  remarksd  by  Seger,  Nihspii.  Brymaidom,  p.  cs. 

'The  IntrodactioB  to  the  work  is,  at  all  ewsau  partly,  sporioas. 

» In  chronology  she  ia  looia  aaA  \iMm»iats« 


APPENDIX  «ff 

*  Oomnena  (Plrpgrainmes,  1.  1868;  2, 1870 ;  3. 1871);  C.  Nenmaim, 
whifthtnohroibar  il  QMdbiohtflqiielleii  im  12  Jahrh.,  Ia88.] 

«d  of  Imperial  hitUsry  is  taken  up  bj  wohm  Civiiaicub  where  Anna  let 
.9  too,  though  in  a  lev  exalted  iKMition,  had  an  opportunity  of  obeerving 
oonrae  of  poliUoal  oTenta.  Bom  in  1143  he  beoame  the  private  More- 
Emperor  Mannal,  whom  he  attended  on  his  military  campaigns.  His 
braoes  the  reisn  of  John  and  that  of  Manuel  (all  but  toe  last  four 
n.  1118-1160;  but  the  reign  of  John  is  treated  briefly,  and  the  work  is 
>  be  mainly  a  history  of  Manuel  It  has  been  recently  proved  by 
hat  the  text  whieh  we  possess  (in  a  unique  Ms. )  does  not  represent  the 
rk,but  only  a  large  extract  or  portion  of  it.*  As  a  historian  Cinnamns 
f  the  same  faults  as  Anna  ComnemL  He  is  a  panegyrist  of  Manuel,  as 
ins ;  his  narrow  attitude  of  hostility  and  suspicion  to  Western  Borape 
as  hers,  and  he  treats  the  Second  Crusade  with  that  Bysantine  one- 
'hioh  we  notice  in  her  treatment  of  the  First ;  he  affects  Uie  same  pur- 
[e.  But  he  is  free  from  her  vice  of  long-windedness ;  there  is  (as 
ir  has  put  It)  a  certain  soldier-like  brevity  both  in  his  wi^  of  appre- 
d  in  his  way  of  relating.  As  a  military  histoirian  he  is  excellent ;  and 
A  enthusiasm  to  the  ideas  of  his  master.  Fin  the  Bonn  series,  1836. 
le  work  in  G.  Neumann.  Gr.  Qeschichtschreiber  und  Qesohiohtsquellen 
liundert.  1888.] 

AoeMnrAvos  (of  Ghonae).  Nicetas  filled  most  important  ministarial 
r  the  Angeli,  finally  attaining  to  that  of  Great  Logothete.  He  was 
the  Latin  ooncraest  of  Constantinople,  and  afterwards  joined  the  court 
B  Lasearis  at  Micaea.  He  was  the  younger  brother  of  Michael  Aoomi- 
bishop  d  Athens,  who  was  also  a  man  of  letters.  The  historical  work 
(in  twenty*oiie  Books)  begins  where  Anna  Gomnena  ended,  and  thus 
same  ground  as  Cfinnamns,  but  carries  the  storv  on  to  1S06.  But  he 
piainted  wHh  the  work  of  Cinaamus ;  and  for  John  and  Manuel  he  is 
lendent  of  other  extant  sources.  He  differs  remarkably  from  Anna 
oas  in  his  tone  towards  the  Crusaders,  to  whom  he  is  surprisingly  fair. 
9  wrote  a  weU-known  little  book  on  the  statues  destroyed  at  Gonstanti- 
le  Latins  in  IflOI.  See  further  below,  vol  vi.,  cap.  Ix..  ad  fin.  [Ed. 
i,  including  the  ^u/ff  De  Signis.  Panegyrics  addressed  to  Alexius 
U.,  Isaac  Angeltts,  Theodore  Lasearis,  and  published  in  Bathas,  Bibl. 
evi,  voL  L    Monograph  by  Th.  Uepensky  (l^^)*    ^*  ^*  Neumann, 


*  eontinuator  of  Theophanes  arose  in  the  eleventh  century  in  the 
OHv  SoTUTsxs  (a  coropalates  and  dmngarios  of  the  guard),  a  contem- 
Vnllus.    Beginning  with  a.i>.  811  (two  years  before  Theophanes  ends) 

his  chronicle  down  to  1079.  His  chief  sources  are  the  Soriptores  post 
m,  Leo  Diaconus,  and  Attaleiates ;  but  he  used  other  sources  wmch 
m  to  us,  and  for  iiis  own  time  oral  information.  His  preface  contains 
(ly  interesting  criticism  on  the  historiographers  who  had  dealt  with  his 
nee  Theophimes,  he  savs,  there  has  been  no  satisfactory  epitome  of 
rhe  works  of  "the  Siceliot  teacher"  (^  mysterious  person  whoee 
IS  not  been  established)  *  and  "  our  contemporarv  Psellus "  are  not 
d  are  merely  bare  records  of  the  succession  of  the  BmpsrooH-who 

B.  it  ractilsted  at  the  end ;  the  original  woric  doabtlesB  eoAed  with  the  death  of 
Npsa  written  not  k»g  after  hia  death. 

Jacfae  Oeadiichtachreiber,  ftc,  p.  yg  sqq, 

t,  of  conrae,  beenfarai^t  into  connexioD  with  a  certain  Jcrtm  the  Skellot,  who  ia 
Bsnthorof  a  chronicle  in  a  Vienna  and  In  a  Vatican  Ma.    ThedirottldBSseffbed 

•  iatter  (Vat  PaL  394)  ia  nwrely  a  redaction  of  Oeongs  Moaadtoa.    9sc  ^hft, 
Vindob.  histor.  Gr.  g^  see  Knunbavher,  e^.  fit.  p.  flk^* 


connult  Hirrtch,  T>yzaiitiniHche  Stiulie 

The  lliHtorical  SynoiwiH  of  (vKoiui 
to  A.D.  1067)  is  a  oompilation,  in  iU  e 
George  Monaohus,  Svmeon  MagiBte 
above).  From  a.i>.  811  to  the  end  d 
word.    [Bonn  edition  in  two  toIa.  ,  IS 

John  Zovaram,  who  flourished  in 
important  posts  in  the  imperial  servic 
of  the  secretarial  staff),  and  then  r< 
Islands),  where  as  a  monk  he  reluota 
to  compose  a  profane  history.    The  ' 
theyear  ▲.  n.  1118.  In  form  it  differs  c 
of  Ijieophanes  or  Scylitxes.    Zonaras 
always  puts  their  statements  in  his 
poreiy  tormal  and  not  critical ;  it  is  s 
nis  material  or  bring  intelligence  to 
pains  to  collect  material  than  many  o: 
with  one  or  two  universal  histories  su 
of  his  difficulty  in  getting  books.    Hii 
that  it  has  preserved  the  first  twenty 
For  the  second  half  of  the  fifth  and  fi 
some  important  notices  derived  from  i 
follows  Theophanes.     For  the  last  t 
George  Monachus  and  the  Logothete' 
phanes,  Scylittes,  Psellus,  ko»     [The 
till  1896,  when  the  third  and  concludii 
There  is  also  a  complete  edition  by  L. 
sources  of  Zonaras  from  ▲.!>.  450-811 1 
Zon.  quaestiones  selectae  (in  Oommen 


■  fcl(*— i^rltM^— <■■■ 


APPENDIX  609 

rhe  ehxtmiele  whkh  lenred  m  oommon  loarae  to  both  Zodatm  and  the  Synop- 
di  tnm  abo  used  hy  a  oontonporarj  of  Zonaras,  Oouvtantinb  MANAanEs,  who 
treated  the  hiitorj  en  the  world  rrom  ita  ereation  to  the  death  of  Nioephonis  nL 
(1061)  in  "  politioal "  Tenee.  (Other  Bouroes :  Dionjrsius  of  HiJioaniaMtu,  John 
Lijdiia,  John  of  Antiooh,  Piendo-STmeon.)  Thb  yenified  chronicle  wm  very 
popular,  it  wm  translated  into  Slavonic,  and  was  one  of  the  chief  ■ooroee  of  a 
oliTOmele  written  in  oolloqnial  Greek  (see  K.  Prichter,  Byz.  Zeitaoh.  4,  p.  S7S 
toq.,  1886).  PaUiahed  in  the  Bonn  series  along  with  the  worthless  chromde  of 
JfoBi.  (thirteenth  oentimr ;  sources :  George  the  Monk,  the  Logothete's  Continna- 
tkm,  Soylitaes).    See  Hinch,  op.  cit. 

Another  ohronographer  oontemporarj  with  Zonaras  was  Miobabl  Gltkas.  Of 
hia  life  little  is  Imown  exoent  that  he  wm  a  "  secretary,"  and  that  for  some 
reeion  he  was  imprisoned  ana  "  blinded,"  thongh  not  with  fatal  consequences  to 
hia  eyesi^t.  His  chronicle  (from  the  oreation)i  of  which  Part  iy.  reaches  from 
Oonstantme  the  Great  to  the  death  of  Alexins  L  (1118),  differs  considerably  in 
general  conception  from  other  chronicles,  and  is  marked,  m  Erombacher  has  well 
pointed  oat,  by  three  orig^al  features :  digressions  on  (1)  natural  history  and 
|8)  theolory,  whereby  the  thread  of  the  chronicle  is  often  lost,  and  (3)  the  didao- 
tio  lonn  oTthe  work,  which  is  addressed  to  his  son.  The  sources  of  the  latter 
part  areZonarM,  Soylitaes,  Psellus,  ICanasses.  Vita  Ignatii.  (Op.  Hirsch,  op.  eiL) 
On  hia  life,  dhroniole  and  other  works,  see  Krumbaoher's  monograph,  Itichael 
Gljkaa,  1895.     [Edition,  Bonn.  1836.] 

LaTDT   SOUBCES. 

Hie  paodty  of  other  sources  renders  the  Libkr  Pontuicaijs  of  considerable 
Importanee  for  the  imperial  history  of  the  seyenth  and  eighth  centuries  in  Italy. 
X.  jDnehesne,  in  Uie  Introduction  to  his  great  edition  of  the  work,  has  shown  with 
admirable  aouteness  and  learning  how  it  grew  into  its  present  form.    The  primi- 
tive liber  Pontiflcalis  wm  compiled  at  Rome  under  the  pontificates  of  Hormisdas, 
Joltn  L,  FeUx  IY.,  and  Boniface  II.,  after  a.d.  514,  and  came  down  to  the  death 
of  Felix  IV.  in  A.x>.  53a     ' '  For  the  period  between  496  and  530  the  author  may 
be  regarded  m  a  personal  ^tness  of  the  things  he  narrates."     The  work  wm 
eoBtfnned  a  few  years  later  by  a  writer  who  witnessed  the  si^e  of  Rome  in 
a-n.  587-8^and  who  wm  hostile  to  Silyerius.    He  recorded  the  Liyes  of  Boniface 
n,,  John  IL  and  Agapetus,  and  wrote  the  first  part  of  the  Life  of  Silyerius  (a.d. 
686-7).    The  latter  purt  of  this  life  is  written  m  quite  a  different  spirit  by  one 
who  armpathixed  with  Silyerius ;  and  it  wm  perhaps  this  second  continuator  who 
hfoognt  out  a  second  edition  of  the  whole  work  (Duchesne,  p.  ccxxxi.)>    The 
Utftm  of  Vigilius  and  his  three  successors  were  probably  added  in  the  time  of 
Fdagius  II.  (a.i>.  579-90).    As  for  the  next  seyen  Popes.  M.  Duchesne  thinks  that, 
if  their  biographies  were  not  added  one  by  one,  they  were  composed  in  two 
noops;  (1)  Pelagius  II.  and  Gregory  I.  ;  (S)  the  fiye  successors  of  Gregory. 
;  mm  Honorius  (▲.!>.  625-38)  forward  the  Liyes  haye  been  added  one  by  one,  and 
<  sometimes  more  than  one  are  by  the  same  hand.    Very  rarely  are  historical 
doemnents  laid  under  contribuuon;    the  speech  of  Pope  Martin  before  the 
V  Lsteran  Coandl  in  ▲.!>.  649  forms  an  exception,  being  used  in  the  Liyes  of  Theo- 
i  dare  and  Martin.    In  the  eighth  century  the  important  liyes  of  Gregory  11. , 
Qngary  IIL,  Zaohariaa,  &c.,  were  written  suecessiyely  during  their  liyes.    The 
Uotpaaher  of  Gregory  II.  seems  to  haye  consulted  a  lost  (Constantinopolitan) 
ifaoniele  which  wm  alM>  used  by  Theophanes  and  Nioephorus.     (Cp.  Duchesne, 
lib.  Pont.  i.  p.  4U.)    The  Biography  of  Hadrian  falls  into  two  parts ;  the  first, 
tnitten  in  774,  contains  the  hirtory  of  his  first  two  years ;   the  second,  coyering 
the  Nmaining  twenty-two  years  of  his  pontificate,  is  of  a  totally  different  nature, 
_  teig  made  np  of  entries  deriyed  from  yestry-registers,  &c    M.  Duehesne  hM 
f  Aown  thai  most  of  these  biogiai^ers  to  whose  successiye  co-operation  the  Liber 
ti  BoBlifleaUs  is  due  belonged  to  the  Vestiarium  of  the  Lateran ;  and  when  they 


1 


510  APPENDIX 

were  too  lasy  or  too  diioreet  to  reUte  histoziiiftl  erentg  they  uaad  to  fall  faaok  on 
the  entrieain  the  reg;iBteni  of  their  office.  PL.  Duchesne,  Liber  Pomtifloilii; 
Texte.  lutroduction  et  Conaneiitaire,  t.  1  (1886).  J 

The  Letters  of  Pope  Grkgort  the  Qrkat  (for  whose  life  and  work  see  abore, 
p.  Xi  tqq.)  ore  the  chief  contemporary  source  for  the  Htate  of  Italy  at  the  end  o( 
the  sixth  century.  The  Benedictines  of  St.  Blaur  published  in  1706  a  complete 
collection  of  the  Pope's  corresipondence,  which  extends  from  a.  d.  591  to  604.  Thii 
edition,  usetl  ami  quoted  by  Gibbon,  is  reprinted  in  Migne's  Patr.  Gneca^  IxxriL 
The  arrangement  of  the  letters  in  this  collection  was  adopted  without  full  intdK* 
gence  as  to  the  nature  of  the  materials  which  were  used.  It  depended  mainlT 
on  a  Vatican  Mb.  containing  a  collection  of  the  letters,  put  together  m  the  flftcentk 
century  bv  the  order  of  an  archbishop  of  Milan  (John  lY.).  This  coUeeUon  wm 
compiled  ^rom  three  distinct  earlier  collections,  which  had  never  been  put  tCKSthtr 
before  to  form  a  Mingle  collection.  Of  these  (1)  the  most  important  is  a  aelaetioB 
of  G81  letters,  made  under  Pope  Hadrian  I.  towards  the  end  of  the  eighth  ceutmy. 
The  letters  of  Gregory  range  over  fourteen  indictions,  and  the  *'  Hadriaiiic  Rn- 
ter,"  as  it  h  called,  falls  into  fourteen  Books,  according  to  the  indictions.  Tliuis 
our  ImslH  of  chronology.  There  is  (2)  a  second  collection  of  200  letters  without  dalei 
(except  in  one  case),  of  which  more  than  a  quarter  are  common  to  the  Hadrianio  Bn- 
gister.  It  has  !>een  proved  that  all  these  letters  belong  to  a  single  year  (a.i>.  696-9); 
bat  in  the  text  of  the  Benedictines  they  are  scattered  over  all  the  yettra.  (3)  llit 
third  collection  (Collectio  Pauli )  is  smaller  ;  it  contained  53  letters,  of  iHdch  STL  ue 
peculiar  to  itself.  Here  too,  though  the  Benedictine  edition  distributei  thcss 
lettcrsover  six  years,  it  has  been  proved  that  thevall  belongto  three  particulary  ears. 
These  results  were  reached  by  very  long  and  laborious  research  oy  TtkuX  EwkU, 
whoso  article  in  the  Neues  Arohiv  of  1878  (iii.  433  aqq.)  has  revolutioniaed  tke 
study  of  Grt^ory's  correspondence  and  established  the  order  of  tiie  letters.  A  dsv 
critical  edition,  based  on  Ewald's  researches,  has  appeared  in  the  Ifraiuiiiwts 
Germ.  Historica,  in  two  vols.  Only  Bks.  1-4  are  the  work  of  Ewali :  bat  on  his 
premature  death  the  work  was  continued  by  L.  M.  Hartmann.  Ewald  also  threw 
new  light  on  the  biographies  of  Gregory,  proving  that  the  oldest  was  one  pre- 
served in  a  St.  Gall  Ms.  (and  known  to,  out  not  used  by,  Canisius).  See  hii 
article  :  Die  alteste  Biographie  Gregors  I.  (in  "  Histarisohe  Aufaibtze  dem  Anden- 
ktiu  an  G.  Waitz  gewidmet "),  18^  For  the  life  by  Paulus  Disc  op.  abovSi 
p.  Xi,  note  73  ;  for  the  life  by  John  Diao.  cp.  p.  34,  n.  74.  [Blononmphs :  O.  T. 
\ji\i,  Orcgor  I.  der  Grosse  naoh  seinemLebenund  seiner  Lehre^pMinilaert(  1846); 
AN",  ^\''isbaum,  Die  wichtigsten  Riohtungen  und  Ziele  der  Thi&tigkeit  des  Pi^mUs 
Cregor  des  Gr.  (1884) ;  C.  Wolfsgruber,  die  Vorpftpstliche  Lekienspaiode  OrsKon 
des  Gr.,  uach  seinen  Brief  en  dargestellt  (1886)  and  Gregor  der  Grosse  (wO); 
Th.  AVollschack,  Die  VerhiUtnisse  Italiens,  insoesondere  des  Langobardoireiefaii 
nach  dem  Brief  wechsel  Gr^rs  I.  (1888) ;  F.  W.  Kellett,  Pope  Gregory  the 
Great  and  his  relations  with  Gaul  (1889).  There  is  a  full  account  of  Gregory's 
life  and  work  in  Hodgldn's  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  voL  v.  chap.  7 ;  and  a  olesr 
summary  of  Ewald's  arguments  as  to  the  correspondence.] 

The  earliest  historian  of  the  Lombards  was  a  bishop  of  Trient  named  Seonndm, 
who  died  in  a.d.  612.  He  wrote  a  slight  work  (historiola)  on  the  Oesta  of  the 
Lombards,  coming  down  to  his  own  time  ;  unluckily  it  is  lost.  But  it  was  used 
by  our  chief  authority  on  the  history  of  the  Lombard  kingdom,  PAULTHaDnaoBS. 
son  of  Warnefrid  ;  who  did  for  the  Lombards  what  Gregory  of  Tours  did  for  the 
Merovingians,  ISede  for  the  Anglo-Saxons,  Jordanes  for  the  Gotha.  Faal  ww 
born  about  a.d.  725  in  the  duchy  of  FriulL  In  the  reign  of  S^ng  Batirhis  (a-a 
744-9)  he  was  at  Pavia,  and  in  the  pahMse-hall  he  saw  in  the  king's  hand  tbe  iMnrf 
made  of  Ounimund's  skulL  He  followed  King  Katohis  bito  monastio  leifcii— eiit 
at  Monte  Cassino,  and  we  find  him  Uiere  an  intimate  friend  and  adviaer  of 
Ariohis,  Duke  of  Beneventum,  and  his  wife.  He  guided  the  historical  stndiw  of 
thin  iady,  Adelperga,  and  it  was  her  interest  in  history  that  stimnlttted  him  to 


APPENDIX  fitlv 

jstory  of  Eutropitis  and  add  to  it  a  continuation  of  his  own  in  six  Books 
lilation  known  as  the  Historia  Hiscella,  see  above,  voL  iii.  p.  489-90). 
oily  was  involved  in  the  ruin  of  the  Lombtutl  kingdom  (a.pw  774) ;  his 
as  carried  into  oaptivitv,  and  Paul  undertook  a  joumej  to  the  court  of 
le  Great,  in  order  to  win  the  grace  of  the  coni^ueror.  He  was  certainl7 
.  in  his  enterprise,  and  his  literanr  aocomplishments  were  valued  hy 
it  whose  court  he  remained  severalvears.  When  he  returned  to  Italy 
)d  his  abode  at  Monte  Cassino.  EQs  last  years  were  devoted  to  the 
jangobardorum.  Beginning  with  the  remote  period  at  whidi  his  nation 
he  wild  shores  of  the  Baltic,  Paul  should  have  ended  with  the  year  in 
)  Lombards  ceased  to  be  an  independent  nation  ;  but  the  work  breaks 
)  year  a.d.  744 ;  and  the  interruption  can  have  been  due  only  to  the 
leath.  Paul's  life  of  Qregory  the  Great  has  been  mentioned  above  ; 
ctant  work  is  his  lavos  of  the  Bishops  of  MetE. 

» legendary  '*  prehistmio  "  part  of  his  work,  Paul's  chief  source  (apart 
traditions)  was  the  Origo  gentis  Langobardorom.  This  little  work  has 
erved  in  a  Ms.  of  the  Laws  of  King  Botharis,  to  which  it  is  prefixed  as 
uetion.^  It  was  probably  composed  e.  670.  (There  is  also  a  Prohgtu 
im  of  Botharis,  containing  a  list  of  kincs ;  it  is  important  on  aoooont 
live  antiquity.)  For  the  early  history  Paul  drew  upon  8ecundu»(see 
d  Gregory  of  Tours.  When  Seoundus  deserts  him  (Bk.  iv.  o.  41)  he  is 
for  the  greater  part  ol  the  seventh  century  his  history  is  very  meagre, 
souiees  for  the  period  a.d.  61S  to  744  are  the  Lives  of  the  Popes  in  the 
itificalis  (from  John  lU.  to  Gregory  IL )  and  the  Bccle«astical  History  of 
be  sources  of  Paul  have  been  thofoughlv  investigated  by  B.  Jaoobi,  iMe 
er  Langobardengesdiiohte  dee  Panlus  Diaconus  (1877).*^  [Best  edition 
hk  the  M.GwH.  (Sor.  rer.  Lang.),  1878 ;  and  small  convenient  edition  by  the 
or  in  the  Ser.  rer.  Germ.,  1878.  German  translation  by  O.  Abel  (in  the 
aelireiber  der  deutschen  Yorseit),  1849  (second  edition,  1878).  Three  im- 
mdiea  on  Paul  by  L.  Bethmann  appeared  in  Porte's  ArMVf  voL  vii.  ik 
voL  X.  p.  947  9qq.  and  p.  336  tqq.  The  most  recent  edition  of  the  Historia 
last  six  Books  of  the  Hist.  Mwoella)  is  that  of  H.  Droysen,  1879.] 

reniole  which  goes  under  the  name  of  FasDnoABiue,  on  which  we  have 
ok  for  Merovingian  History  when  Gregory  of  Tours  deserts  us,  has  also 
Ueh  supplement  the  Lombard  History  of  Paul  the  Deacon.  The 
consists  of  four  Booka  Bk.  1  is  the  Liber  GenerationiB  of  Hippolytus ; 
isists  of  excerpts  from  the  chronicles  of  Jerome  and  Idatius;  Bk.  8  is 
m  the  Historia  Franoorum  of  Gregory  of  Tours ;  Bk.  4,  which  is  ahme 
anoe,  continues  the  history  of  Gregory  (from  Bk.  vi. ;  a.d.  583)  up  to 

Two  compilers  can  be  distinguished  ;  to  one  is  due  Bk.  1,  Bk.  2,  Bk. 
1-S9 ;  to  the  other  (=  Fredegarius)  Bk.  3  and  Bk  4,  chaps.  40to  end  (a.d. 

For  the  last  thirty  jrears  the  work  is  contemporary.  The  lack  of  other 
akes  Fredegarius,  such  as  it  is,  predous.  But  for  this  work  we  should 
re  known  of  the  existence,  during  the  reign  of  HeracUus,  of  the  large 
realm  of  Same,  wiiieh  united  for  a  decade  or  two  Bohemia  and  the  sor- 
Blavonio  countries.    [Bd.  B.  Krusch,  hi  the  M.  a  H.  (Scr.  Hist  Merov. , 

along  with  the  subsequent  oontinuationB  of  the  work  to  a.d  668w 
•y  Kruinh  in  Neues  Archiv,  vii,  p.  949  tqq.  and  p.  488  aqq.,  188S.] 

tut  will  be  fottod  in  Perts,  Moo.  Germ.  Hist  Lesg.  tv.  p.  641-7 ;  Mid  in  Waits, 
a.  Hist.,  Scr.  rerum  Lang.,  p.  9-6.  Cp.  L.  Schmidt,  in  Neues  Archlv,  zaii.  p.  391  sag. 
>his  Aclteste  Gesch.  der  Lsngoberden,  1884 ;  A.  Vogeler,  Panlos  Disconos  u.  die 
ftng.  (1887). 

ilso  WsiU,  Neues  Archiv.  v.  p.  416  $qg,  (z88^j_Wsttenbsch,  DcQtichlsndt  Ge- 
eUen,  ed.  6,  p.  169-71. 


612  APPENDIX 


Oribhtal  SouacUi 

[An  excellent  list  of  Arabic  historians  and  their  works  will  be  found  in  W^is- 
tenfeld*8  Die  Gesohiohtschreiber  der  Araber.  1882.] 

/.  For  the  Life  of  Mohammad 

(1)  For  the  life  of  Mohammad  the  onlj  contemporary  sources,  the  cmly  soorea 
which  we  can  accept  without  any  reservation,  are :  (a)  the  Kobaw  *  (for  the  earlj 
traditions  of  the  text,  see  above,  p.  342-3).  The  order  of  the  Suras  has  been 
thoroughly  investigated  by  N5ldeke.  Gcschichte  des  Qor&ns,  1860,  and  by  Weil: 
and  (from  the  character  and  style  of  the  revelations,  combined  with  Ofmasiwul 
references  to  events)  they  can  m  arranged  in  periods,  and  in  some  caacs  assigneii 
to  definite  years.  (Periods :  (1)  written  at  Mecca,  (a)  early,  (j3)  late :  (2)  Ueuns. 
(a)  early,  m  middle,  (7)  late.)3i> 

Vb\  A  collection  of  TRXATm :  see  below. 

{•i)  The  other  source  for  the  life  of  Mohammad  is  tradition  (flodHA).  Hie 
Ash&b  or  companions  of  Mohammad  were  unimpeaohably  ffood  authorities  as  to 
the  events  of  nis  life ;  and  they  told  much  of  what  they  Knew  in  reply'  to  the 
eager  questions  of  the  T&biiin  or  Successors, — the  younger  generation  wno  knev 
not  the  Prophet.  But  it  was  not  till  the  end  of  the  first  century  of  the  Hijra  or 
the  beginning  of  the  second  that  any  attempt  was  made  to  commit  to  writing  the 
knowledge  of  Mohammad's  life,  which  passed  from  lip  to  lip  and  was  ultimately 
derived  from  the  companions,  few  of  whom  can  have  survived  the  sixtieth  year  of 
the  Hijra.  The  first  work  on  Mohammad  that  we  know  of  was  composed  at 
the  court  of  the  later  Omayyads  by  al-Zuhri,  who  died  in  the  year  A.n.  1A2.  It  ii 
deeply  to  be  regretted  that  the  work  has  not  survived,  not  only  on  account  of  iti 
relatively  early  date,  but  because  a  writer  under  Omayyad  patnmage  had  no 
interest  in  perverting  the  facts  of  history.  Zuhri's  book,  however,  was  used  by 
his  successors,  who  wrote  under  the  Abbadds  and  had  a  political  cause  to  serve. 

The  two  sources  which  formed  the  chief  basis  of  all  that  is  aathentie  in 
later  Arabic  Lives  of  the  Prophet  (such  as  that  of  Abu-1-Fidi)  are  fortunate^ 
extant ;  and,  this  having  been  established,  we  are  dispensed  from  troubling  oor- 
fielves  with  those  later  com{>ilations.  (a\  The  life  by  Mohammad  tmk  Isbak  (ebb 
7(i8,  a  contemporary  of  Zuhri)  has  not  inaeed  bec^preserved  in  an  indepenaflnt 
form ;  but  it  survives  in  Ibn  Hisham's  (ob.  823)  Histonr  of  the  Prophet,  wUeh 
seems  to  have  been  practically  a  very  freely  revised  edition  of  Ibn  Ishik,  but  en 
be  controlled  to  some  extent  by  the  copious  quotations  from  Ibn  Ishik  in  the 
work  of  Tabari.  Ibn  Ishak  wrote  his  book  for  Mansur  the  second  Abbteid  caliph 
(a.d.  754-775) ;  and  it  must  always  be  remembered  that  the  tendency  of  historittl 
works  composed  under  Abbftsid  influence  was  to  pervert  tradition  in  the  Abbiiid 
interest  by  exalting  the  members  of  the  Prophet's  family,  and  misrepresenting 
the  forefathers  of  the  Omajyads.  This  feature  aiipears  in  the  work  of  Ibn  Ishik. 
althou|(h  in  the  world  of  Islam  he  has  the  reputation  of  being  an  eminently  and 
exceptionally  trustworthy  writer.  But  it  is  not  difficult  to  make  allowance  for 
this  colouring ;  and  otherwise  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  he  reproduced 
truthfully  the  fairly  trustworthy  tradition  which  had  been  erystaUind  under  the 
Omayyaas,  and  which,  in  its  general  framework,  and  so  far  as  the  outer  Ufa  of 
the  Prophet  himself  was  concerned,  was  preserved  both  by  the  supporters  of  the 
descendants  of  All  and  by  those  who  defended  the  claims  of  the  f aniily  of  Abbia 
[The  work  of  Ibn  Hisham  has  been  translated  into  Qerman  by  Weil,  1864/1 

(6)  A  contemporary  of  Ibn  Hisham,  named  (Mohammad  ilm  Omar  9X\  wlmni 
(ob.  823),  also  wrote  a  Life  of  Mohaminad,  indimendent  of  the  work  of  Ion  bhlk 
He  was  a  learned  man  and  a  copious  writer,    ws  work  met  with  the  aame  fortoM 

ss  For  tnuiBUtioiis  see  above,  p.  341,  n.  96. 

M  A  translation  of  the  Koran  has  been  published  with  the  Stlxas  snaagad  la  spproih 
ntMtety  chronological  order  ^by  RodwtUtOnd  ed.,  1876). 


APPENDIX  513 

as  that  of  Ibn  Ish&k.  It  is  not  extant  in  its  original  form,  but  its  matter  wai  in- 
corporated in  a  Life  of  Mohammad  by  his  able  secretary  Ibn  Sad  (Katib  al-Wakidi, 
ob.  845)— a  very  oareful  composition,  arranged  in  the  form  of  separate  traditions, 
each  tiaoed  up  to  its  source.  But  another  work  of  Wakidi,  the  History  of  the 
Wars  of  the  Frophet  (ELitab  al-Maghazi),  is  extant  (accessible  in  an  ablireyiated 
German  venion  oy  Wellhausen,  lcS2)y  and  has  considerable  interest  as  oontain- 
ing  a  large  number  of  doubtless  genuine  treaties.  The  author  states  Uiat  he 
transoribed  them  from  the  original  documents.^  Like  Ibn  Hisham,  Wakidi 
wrote  under  the  caliphate  of  Mamiin  (a.d.  813-833)  at  Bagdad,  and  necessarily 
lent  himself  to  the  penrersion  of  tradition  in  Abbasid  interests. 

Ajl-Tasabz  (see  oelow)  included  the  history  of  Mohammad  in  the  great  work 
whieh  earned  for  him  the  oompliment  of  being  called  by  Gibbon  "the  lAvv  of 
the  Arabians  ".  The  original  Arabic  of  this  part  of  the  Annals  was  reooverea  by 
Sprenger  at  Lucknow.  It  consists  mainly  of  extracts  from  Ibn  Ishak  and 
Wakiol,  and  herein  lies  its  importance  for  us :  both  as  (1)  enabling  us  to  control 
the  oompilationB  of  Ibn  Hisham  and  Ibn  Sad  and  (2)  proving  that  Ibn  Ishi^  and 
Wakidi  contained  all  the  authentic  material  of  value  tor  the  life  of  the  Prophet, 
that  was  at  the  disposal  of  TabarL  The  part  of  the  work  (about  a  third)  whidi 
is  oooapted  by  other  material  consists  of  miscellaneous  tnMlitions,  whioh  throw 
little  new  light  on  the  biography. 


rWor  a  fuU  discussion  of  the  sources  see  Muir,  life  of  Mahomet ;  essav  at  the 
end  of  edition  8— introduction  at  the  beginning  of  edition  3^  For  the  life  of  the 
noiilMt:  Weil,  Mohammed  dor  Prophet.  ISSi;  Sprenger,  Das  Leben  und  die 
LsiiTe  Mohammads,  1851 ;  Wellhausen's  sketch  in  the  Snoydopeedia  Britannioa 
(iob  nomine).  For  his  spirit  and  teaching :  Stanley  Lane-Poole,  The  Speeehee 
and  Table-talk  of  the  Prophet  Mohammad.  1882.] 

//.  For  the  Saracen  ConquesU. 

The  moat  important  authority  for  the  history  of  the  Saraoen  conquests  is 
AbQ^afar  Mohammad  ibn  Jaru*,  bom  in  a.d.  839  at  Amul  in  Tabaristan  and 
hence  called  al-TababL  He  died  at  Bagdad  in  a.  d.  923.  It  is  only  the  immense 
scale  of  his  chronicle  that  warrants  the  comparison  with  Livy.  Tabari  had  no 
historical  faculty,  no  idea  of  criticizing  or  sifting  his  sources ;  he  merely  puts 
side  by  aide  the  statements  of  earlier  writers  without  reconciling  their  dismp- 
•nciea  or  attempting  to  educe  the  truth.  Though  this  mode  of  procedure  lowers 
oar  opinion  of  tne  chronicler,  it  has  obvious  advantages  for  a  modem  inveetigator, 
as  it  enables  him  to  see  the  nature  of  the  now  lost  materials  which  were  used  by 
TabarL  Later  writers  like  al-Makm,  Abu-1-Fida,  Ibn  al-Athlr,  found  it  very 
conTcnient  to  draw  from  the  compilation  of  Tabari.  instead  of  dealing  directly 
with  the  numerous  sources  from  which  Tabari  drew ;  just  as  later  Gredc  chrono- 
gra{diera  used  to  work  on  such  a  compilation  as  that  of  George  Monachus.  Our 
gratitade  to  Tabari  for  preserving  lost  material  is  seriously  modified  by  the  con- 
dderation  that  it  was  largely  to  his  work  that  the  loss  of  that  material  in  its 
original  form  is  duo.  His  work  was  so  convenient  and  popular  that  the  public 
oeaeed  to  want  the  older  books  and  consequently  they  ceased  to  be  multiplied. 

^Hie  Annals  of  Tabari  were  carried  down  to  his  own  time,  into  the  tenth  cen- 
tury, bat  his  notices  for  the  last  seventy  years  are  very  brief.  The  whole  work 
haa  not  yet  been  translated.  We  have  already  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  part 
of  it  bearing  on  Persian  history  in  the  translation  of  Ndldeke  (1879).  A  portion 
of  tba  history  of  the  Saracen  conquests  has  been  edited  and  translated  by  Kose- 
gvtcn  (1831).  For  the  history  of  the  caliphate  from  670  to  775,  Weil  had  the 
original  work  of  Tabari  before  him  (in  Ms. ).  in  writing  his  Geschiohte  der  Ohalifen. 
A  complete  Arabic  edition  of  Tabari  is  being  published  by  Prof,  de  Goeje  (1879- 
flT)  ana  is  nearly  completed. 

n  The  other  works  of  Wttidl,  which  are  numerous,  are  lost,  tnclodinfr  the  Kitab  al-Ridda. 
wkich  related  the  badtdkUngs  of  the  Arabs  on  Mohammad's  death,  the  war  with  Musailima, 

voifc  V.  33 


604  APPENDIX 

WM  not  to  go  beyond  the  death  of  BmU  or  perhaps  of  Leo  VI.,  bat  the  woirk 
extended  after  the  death  of  Constantine,  and  oomes  down  to  a.d.  961.  It  falli 
into  six  Books :  Bk.  1,  Leo  V. ;  Bk.  2,  Michael  II. ;  Bk.  3.  Theophilos  ;  Bki 
Michael  III. ;  Bk.  6.  Baril  L  (this  Book  was  the  oompositiom  of  the  Ekpbiob 
CoNinrAVTxiiK).  So  far  the  wore  conforms  to  a  uniform  plan ;  but  Bk.  6,  instead 
of  containing  only  Leo  VL ,  contains  also  Alexander,  Oonstantine  YII.,  Bomanus 
I.,  Bomanus  II.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  author  of  part  of  this  supple- 
ment was  Thbodorc  Daphvopatss,  a  literary  man  of  the  tenth  century,  known 
(among  other  things^  by  some  official  letters  which  ho  composed  for  Romanus  I. 
The  Continuation  of  llieophanes  shows,  up  to  the  death  of  BasiL  its  semi-ofBdal 
origin  by  the  marked  tenoency  to  gloriify  the  Basilian  dynasty  by  obaouring  its 
Amorian  predecessors.  The  main  source  of  Bks.  1  to  6  is  QenesiusL  Bk.  6  ulls 
into  two  parts  which  are  markedly  distinct :  A,  Leo  VI.,  Alexander,  Oonstantine. 
EtomanuB  L ,  Oonstantine,  caps.  1 — 7 ;  B,  Oonstantine,  8— enil,  Romanus  IL  A  is 
based  upon  the  work  of  the  Lopothete  (probably  Symeon  MagiBter>  which  has 
come  down  to  us  as  a  continuation  of  George  Monachus  (see  aboye).  Now  the 
Logothete  was  an  admirer  of  Romanus  L  and  not  devoted  to  the  family  of  Oon- 
stantine VIL  ;  and  the  sympc^thies  of  the  Logothete  are  preserved  by  the  eom- 
piler  of  A,  notwithstanding  their  inconsistency  with  the  tendencies  of  Bks.  1<5. 
The  Lo^thete's  work  appeu^d  in  the  reign  of  Nicephorus  Phocas,  and  must  have 
been  utilised  almost  immediately  after  its  appearance  by  the  compiler  of  A.  It 
is  probable  that  B  was  composea  early  in  the  same  reign  by  a  different  author ; 
it  seems  not  to  depend  on  another  work,  but  to  have  been  written  from  a  eon- 
temporary's  knowledga  [ScriptorespostTheophanem,  ed.  Oombefls,  1685 :  Theo- 
cAianes  Continuatus,  ed.  Bekker,  1838  (Bonn).  Analysis  of  sources,  Ac,  in 
Hirsoh,  Byzantinisohe  Studien.] 

The  circumstances  of  the  capture  of  Thessalonica  by  the  Cretan  pirates  in  a.d. 
904  are  vividly  portrayed  for  us  in  the  well-written  narrative  of  Johv  OAMXHiAni. 
a  narrow-minded  priest,  ignorant  of  the  world,  but  one  who  had  lived  throu^ 
the  exciting  and  terrifying  scenes  which  he  records  and  had  the  faculty  of  obser- 
vation and  the  power  of  expressing  his  impressions.  The  work  is  printed  in  the 
Paris  (1685)  and  in  the  Bonn  (18^)  series  along  with  the  Scriptores  post  Theo- 
phanem. 

For  the  ecdeHiastical  history  of  the  reign  of  Leo  VI.  we  have  a  work  of  Rieat 
importance  in  the  anonymous  VrrA  Euthymu  published  by  O.  de  Boor  (1888) ; 
opL  above,  p.  207)  note  43.  The  work  was  composed  soon  after  the  ex-Patriaieh's 
death  (a.d.  917). 

"With  the  history  of  Lao  Dxaoonus  (Leo  Asiaticus)  we  enter  upon  a  new 
period  of  historiography.  After  an  interval  of  more  than  three  hundred  years, 
he  seems  to  re-open  the  series  which  closed  with  Theophvlaotua  Simooatta. 
His  history  in  ten  Books  embracing  the  reigns  of  EU>manus  IL,  Nicef^orus  Phocas, 
and  John  Tzimisces  (959-976)  is — slthough  written  after  992 — a  contemporary  work 
in  a  good  sense ;  depending  on  personal  knowledge  and  information  mriyed  tram 
living  peoples,  not  on  previous  writers.  As  Leo  was  bom  in  950  he  is  not  »  eon- 
temporary  in  quite  the  same  sense  for  the  earlier  as  for  the  later  part  of  his 
worK.  He  afterwards  took  part  in  the  Bulgarian  War  of  Basil  IL  [Inehided  in 
the  Paris  and  the  Bonn  series.] 

[For  the  poem  of  Theodosius  on  the  reoonquest  of  Crete  by  Nicephorus.  see 
below,  voL  vi.,  a  lii.] 

The  work  of  Leo  Diaoonus  was  continued  by  the  most  prominent  and  inflon- 
tial  literary  fi^pre  of  the  eleventh  century,  OoirsTAicTDra  FteLLua  (bom  a.d.  1018. 
probably  at  Nicomedia).  He  adopted  the  \tgpX  profession ;  was  M^^S^  in  Phila- 
delphia under  Michael  IV.^an  imperial  secretary  under  Michael  V.  Heenjt^ed 
the  favour  of  Oonstantine  iX,  who  founded  a  univendty  at  Constantinople  and 
mppointed  Pselliu  Professor  of  Philosophy.  But  his  services  were  required  in 
poutietd  life ;  he  beoune  ohie!  werdtarf  ^^pnto-aawn^&a^  ^^^  Cm^varor  and  one 


APPENDIX  605 

of  his  most  inflaential  ministen.  PreienUy  he  left  the  world  to  beoome  a  monk 
and  Mnimed  the  name  of  Ifiohael,  by  whioh  he  is  generally  known.  But  monae- 
tio  life  hardly  raited  him.  and  after  eome  yean  he  returned  to  the  world.  He 
played  a  prominent  part  under  Immo  ComnenuB  and  Conatantine  Duoas ;  and  was 
"prime  minister"  during  the  r^gene^  of  Budooia  and  the  reisn  of  Miohael  Pam- 
pinaoes  (a  pupil  who  did  him  small  credit).  He  died  probably  in  1078.  As 
professor.  iWius  had  reviyed  an  interest  in  Plato,  whose  philosophy  he  set  above 
Aristotle— a  novelty  whioh  was  regarded  as  a  heresy.  In  this,  he  was  stoutly 
opposed  by  his  friend  John  XiphiBn,  who  was  a  pronounced  Aristotelian.  As 
young  men,  Fsellus  had  taught  Xiphilin  philosopny,  and  Xiphilin  had  taught 
PseUuB  law.  It  was  through  the  influence  or  example  of  Xiphilin  (who  withdraw 
to  the  monastery  of  Bithynian  Olympus)  that  Paellus  had  assumed  the  tonsure. 
Xiphilin,  who  had  written  on  law  in  his  youth,  wrote  homilies  in  his  later  years, 
and  became  Patriarch  of  Oonstantinople  in  1064 ;  his  old  friend  Psellus  pro- 
Donnoed  his  funeral  oration  in  1076i. 

For  success  in  the  courts  of  the  sovereigns  whom  Psellus  served,  candour  and 
self-respect  would  have  been  fatal  qualities.  Psellus  had  neither ;  his  writings  (as 
well  as  his  career)  show  that  he  adapted  himself  to  the  rules  of  the  game,  and  was 
servile  and  unscrupulous.  His  Ohronography  reflects  the  tone  of  the  time-sorvinff 
courtier.  Beginnmg  at  a.i>.  976,  it  treats  very  briefly  the  long  reign  of  Basil,  and 
becomes  fuller  as  it  goes  on.  It  deals  chiefly  with  domestic  wars  and  court  in 
trigues ;  passing  over  Drieflv,  and  often  omitting  altogether,  the  wars  with  foreign 
peoples.  The  last  part  of  the  work  was  written  for  the  eye  of  Michael  Paia- 
pinaces,  and  consequently  in  what  concerns  him  and  his  father  Oonstantine  X.  is 
very  far  from  being  impartial 

The  funeral  orations  which  Psellus  composed  on  Xiphilin,  on  the  Pkktriaroh 
Michael  Oerularius  (see  above,  p.  221)  and  on  Lichudes,  a  prominent  statesman  of 
the  time,  have  much  historical  importance,  as  well  as  many  of  his  letters.  [The 
Ohronography  and  these  Epitaphioi  are  published  in  voL  iv.,  the  letters  (along 
with  other  works)  in  vol  v.,  of  the  Bibliotheoa  Qroca  medii  aevi  of  O.  Sathas.  J 
These  works  are  but  a  small  portion  of  the  ency olopcedic  literary  output  of  Psellus, 
whioh  covered  the  whole  fleld  of  knowledge.  It  has  been  well  said  that  Psellus  is 
the  Photius  of  the  elevenUi  century.  He  was  an  accomplished  stylist  and  exerted 
a  great  influence  on  the  writers  of  the  ffeneration  whioh  succeeded  him.  [For  his 
li6  and  writings  see  (besides  Leo  AlJatius,  De  Psellis  et  eorum  soriptis,  1634 ; 
cp  Fabricius,  10.  p.  41  aqq. )  Sathas,  Introductions  in  op.  eU,  vols.  iv.  and  v. ;  A. 
Kambaud,  Bevue  Histonque,  3.  p.  241  8qq,  ;  K.  Neumann,  Die  Weltstellun^  des 
byz.  Belches  vor  den  Kreussiigen,  1894  ;  B.  Bhodius,  Beitr.  sur  Lebensgeschichte 
imd  su  den  Briefen  des  Psellos,  1892.] 

Important  for  the  history,  especially  the  military  history,  of  the  eleventh 
oenttt]^^  is  a  treatise  entitled  Strategioon  by  Oxoauicsnos.  Of  the  author  himself 
we  know  little ;  he  was  witness  of  the  revolution  which  overthraw  Michael  V. , 
and  he  wrote  this  treatise  for  his  son's  benefit  after  the  death  of  Romanus  Diogenes. 
The  title  suggests  that  it  should  exclusively  concern  military  affairs,  but  the 
greater  part  ox  the  work  consists  of  precepts  of  a  general  kind.  Much  ii  told  of 
the  antnor's  grandfather  Oecaumenoe,  who  took  part  in  the  Bulgarian  wars  of 
Basil  n.  Joined  on  to  the  Btrategicon  is  a  distinct  treatise  of  different  authorship 
(by  a  member  of  the  same  family ;  his  name  was  probably  Niculitzas) :  a  book 
of  advice  to  the  Emperor  "  of  the  day  '* — perhaps  to  Alexius  Oomnenus  on  the  eve 
of  his  accession.  It  contains  some  interesting  nistorical  references.  [First  pub- 
lished by  B.  Yasilievski  in  1881  (in  the  Zhumal  Ministerstva  narodna^  prosviest- 
cheniya:  May,  June.  July),  with  notes;  text  re-edited  by  Yasilievski  and 
Jemstedt  (Cecaumeui  Strategioon  et  incerti  scriptoris  de  officiis  regiis  libellus), 
1896.] 

The  latter  part  of  the  period  covered  in  the  history  of  Psellus  has  had 
another  contemporary,  but  less  partial,  historian  in  Michasl  Axtalbiatis,  a 
rich  advocate,  who  founded  a  monastery  and  a  hostelry  lot  X^a  v^mr  V^gKw^^ 


504  APPENDIX 

w«B  not  to  go  beyond  the  deaitii  of  BmA  or  perhaps  of  Leo  VL,  but  the  work 
extended  after  the  death  of  Conetantine,  and  eomee  down  to  ▲.!>.  96L  It  ftJls 
into aix  Books:  Bk.  1,  Leo  V. ;  Bk.  2,  Michael  IL  ;  Bk.  3.  TheophUns ;  Bk^ 
Bliohael  IIL  ;  Bk.  6,  Baril  L  (thia  Book  was  the  oomposition  of  the  Empbbob 
OoMSKAmniB).  So  far  the  won  oonfomns  to  a  aniform  plan  ;  bat  Bk.  6.  instead 
of  oontaining  only  Leo  YL,  oontains  also  Alexander,  Oonstantine  VII.,  BomanYis 
L.  Bomanns  II.  It  has  been  oonjeetored  that  the  author  of  part  of  this  supple- 
ment was  Thxodokx  Daphvopatxs,  a  literary  man  of  the  tenth  oentury ,  known 
(lunong  other  things)  Jb^  some  official  letters  which  he  oonipoeed  for  Bomanus  L 
The  Continuation  of  llieophanes  ahows,  up  to  the  death  of  Basil  its  semi-offidai 
origin  by  the  marked  tenoeney  to  glorify  the  Basilian  dynasty  by  obsourinff  its 
Amorian  predeoessora.  The  inahi  souroe  of  Bks.  1  to  6  is  QenesiusL  Bk.  6  nJls 
into  two  parts  which  are  markedly  distinct :  A,  Leo  VL,  Alexander,  Oonstantine, 
Bomanus  L,  Oonstantine,  caps.  1 — 7 ;  B,  Oonstantine,  8— end,  Bomanus  IL  A  is 
based  upon  the  work  of  the  Logotheta  (probaUv  Symeon  Magister)  which  has 
come  down  to  us  as  a  continuation  of  George  MonaBhus  (see  above).  Now  the 
Logothete  was  an  admirer  of  Bomanus  L  and  not  devoted  to  the  family  of  Oon- 
stantine VIL  ;  and  the  sympathies  of  the  Logothete  are  preserved  by  the  com- 
piler of  A,  notwithstanding  their  inconsistency  with  the  tendencies  of  Bks.  1-6. 
The  Lo^hete's  work  appeared  in  the  reign  of  Micephonis  Phocas,  and  must  have 
been  utilised  almost  immediately  after  its  appearance  by  the  compiler  of  A.  It 
is  probable  that  B  was  composea  early  in  the  same  reign  by  a  different  author ; 
it  seems  not  to  depend  on  another  work,  but  to  have  becoi  written  from  a  con- 
temporary's knowledge.  [Scriptores  poet  Theophanem,  ed.  Combefls,  1686 ;  Theo- 
phanes  Oontinuatus,  ed.  Beuer,  I0S8  (Bonn).  Analysis  of  sources.  &e.,  in 
Hirsoh,  Bycantinisohe  Studien.] 

The  circumstances  of  the  capture  of  Thessalonica  by  the  Cretan  pirates  in  a.i>. 
904  are  vividly  portrayed  for  us  in  the  well-written  narrative  of  Johv  Cam sni atis. 
a  narrow-minded  priest,  ignorant  of  the  worid,  but  one  who  had  lived  through 
the  exciting  and  terrifying  scenes  which  he  records  and  had  the  faculty  of  obser- 
vation and  the  power  of  expressinff  his  impressions.  The  work  is  printed  in  the 
Pturis  (1685)  and  in  the  Bonn  (18%)  series  along  with  the  Scriptores  post  Theo- 
phanem. 

For  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  reign  of  Leo  YI.  we  have  a  work  of  great 
importance  in  the  anonymous  Vita  Eumnaz  published  by  C.  de  Boor  (1888) ; 
op.  above,  p.  207,  note  4S.  The  work  was  composed  soon  after  the  ex-Patriaich's 
death  (a.i>.  917). 

With  the  history  of  Lao  DiAOOinTs  (Leo  Asiatious)  we  enter  upon  a  new 
period  of  historiography.  After  an  interval  of  more  than  three  huzidred  years, 
he  seems  to  reH>pen  the  series  which  closed  with  Theophvlactus  Simocatta. 
His  history  in  ten  Books  embradnff  the  rdgns  of  Bomanus  IL ,  Nicephorus  Phocas, 
and  John  Tsimisces  (969-976)  is — although  written  after  992— a  contemporary  wnk 
in  a  good  sense ;  depending  on  personalknowlcdge  and  information  derived  from 
living  peoples,  not  on  pre^ous  writers.  As  Leo  was  bom  in  960  he  is  not  a  con- 
temporuy  in  quite  the  same  sense  for  the  earlier  as  for  the  later  part  of  his 
work.  He  afterwards  took  part  in  the  Bulgarian  War  of  Basil  U  [Included  in 
the  Paris  and  the  Bonn  series.] 

[For  the  poem  of  Theododus  on  the  reoonquest  of  Crete  by  Niceidiorus,  see 
below,  voL  vL,  0.  UL] 


The  work  of  Leo  Diaoonus  was  oootinoed  by  the  most  prominent  and  influen- 
tial literary  fisure  of  the  eleventh  century,  OomEAXTiini  FteLLUs  (bom  a.i>.  1018, 
probably  at  Kicomedia).  He  ado^ited  the  legal  profession ;  was  Ajndge  in  Phila- 
delphia under  Michael  iy.|an  imperial  seaitary  under  Michael  V.  He  enjoyed 
the  fMvooT  at  Oonstantine  uL,  whoibnnded  a  univenity  at  Constantinople  and 
Mpoointed  PmUos  IVofewoir  of  FkQoMii&iy.  Boi  hifai  nenrices  were  required  in 
paUtiml  hie ;  ht  bMamt  ohi«C  Montery  ^snto^AwnNigi^  A  Vba^xK^Mwt  %bA^% 


APPENDIX 

7  from  QftUda,  throofiji  the  JPmms  of  DnkU.  Hb  argamenta  are :  (1) 
VB  of  Dad*  and  the  Lower  Danube  were  independent  until  a.i>.  681-4, 
hey  were  reduced  to  lubmission  bj  the  Avars  ;  (8)  the  aMumption  of  an 
>  through  Qalioia  will  explain  the  reduction  of  the  Dudlebj,  in  Volhynia. 
XMrd  of  this  event  is  preserved  only  in  the  Russian  Chroniole  of  I^lestor 
»d)  but  there  seems  no  reason  not  to  aooept  it  as  a  genuine  tradition.  Hie 
is  as  follows  (a  8»  ed.  Miklosich,  p.  6): — 

ese  Obrs  made  war  on  the  Slavs,  and  oonquered  the  Dnljebs,  who  are 
jid  did  violence  to  the  Duljeb  women.  When  an  Obr  wished  to  go  any- 
he  did  not  harness  a  horse  or  an  ox,  but  ordered  three  or  four  women  to 
essed  to  his  carriage,  to  draw  the  Obr ;  and  so  they  vexed  the  Duljebs." 
chronicler  places  this  episode  in  the  reign  of  Heradius.  But  Schafarik 
y  argues  that  it  belongs  to  a  much  earlier  period,  before  the  invasion  of 

y. 

lese  arguments  I  may  add  another.  (3)  The  invasions  of  Austrasia  almost 
.  more  northerly  headquarters  for  the  Avars,  than  Wallachia.  Nor  does 
lage  of  Oorippus  contradict  the  assumption  that  the  Avar  nation  was 
in  Qalida,  or  thereabouts,  in  a.i>.  666.  For  the  passage  need  imply  only 
armed  contingent  had  accompanied  the  embassy,  through  Moldavia,  to  Uie 
t  the  Danube,  and  pitched  tneir  tents  there  to  await  the  return  of  the 

he  whole  therefore  it  seems  probable  that  the  Avars  in  their  westward 
I  followed  an  inland  route  from  the  Dnieper  to  the  Upper  Bug  (throu^  the 
nent  of  Kiev,  and  Podolial  not  commg  into  hostile  contact  wiui  the 
ins  who  were  between  the  Dnieper  and  uie  Danube  (in  the  Gknremment 
son,  in  Bessarabia  and  Wallachia). 

gard  to  the  extent  of  the  Avar  Empire,  after  the  oonqQeet  of  Hungary, 
b  of  course  distinguish  between  the  settlements  of  the  Avars  themselves, 

territories  which  acknowledged  the  lordship  of  the  Ohagan.  The  Avar 
mts  were  entirely  in  the  old  Jaeygia,  between  the  Theiss  and  the 
,  where  the^  dispossessed  the  Gepi<u.  and  in  Flannonia,  where  they  suc- 
x>  the  inheritance  of  the  Lombards.^  These  rtwions,  which  correspond  to 
y,  were  Avaria  in  the  strict  sense.  But  the  Chagan  extended  his  power 
»  Slavonic  tribes  to  the  north  and  east.  It  is  generally  agreed  that  his 
ached  into  Central  Europe  and  was  acknowledged  in  Bohemia^  Moravia, 
;  but  it  seems  an  improbable  exaggeration  to  say  that  it  was  bounded  on 
h.  bj  the  Baltic.*  Baian  also  subjugated,  at  least  temporarily,  the  Slavs 
idhia  and  Moldavia,  but  I  doubt  much  whether  his  dominion  extended  in 
le  over  the  Bulgarians  of  Southern  Russia.  We  find  Bulgarians  apparently 
arvice ;  but,  as  Bulgarian  settlements  were  probably  scattered  nom  the 

to  the  Dnieper,  we  can  draw  from  this  tact  no  conclusion  as  to  the 
f  the  Avar  empire. 

GBAPEnr  OF  ITALY  IN  THE  LOMBARD  PERIOD,  AND  OHRO- 
NOLOGY  OF  THE  LOMBARD  CONQUEST-<P.  U) 

fdlowini^  table  will  explain  the  divisions  of  Italy  between  the  Empire  and 
ibards  i^ut  a.i>.  600. 

IkUp  in  A.D.  600, 

L.— (1)  JfofiA.*— Maritune  Liguria;  Cremona.  Placentia,  Vulturlna. 
BCantua,  Mens  Silicis,  Patavium,  Brixellum;  Venetian  Coast; 
Concordia,  Opitergium,  Altinnm  (Mutina,  Parma,  Rheginm?); 

is  rightly  emphstixed  by  Howorth,  The  Avars,  in  Journal  Asist  Soc.,  1889,  p.  737. 

tSTth.  t6.,  p.  786.  The  ttory  of  the  Slavs  from  the.**  Western  Sea,**  hi  Theophy- 
,,  a,  does  not  warrant  the  inference. 


i kingdom  of  Guntram)  o.  a.d. 
nvaders,  v.  223)  and  probably  i 
Lombard. — The  rest 

Th9  foUowing  table  exhibits  ohronologioally  t 
(■o  far  M  it  ean  be  diaoorered  from  our  meagre 
the  rrign  of  Bolhari. 

Zomboni  Cbn^iM 

A.i>.  668  Ferum  Jnlii,  Yineentia,  Verona;  aU 

▼him.  Moiui  SilioiB,  Mantixa]L 

,.    669  Ligoria,  inolading  Mediolanum  (exoept  \ 

»  ravia).    Also  Cisalpine  Gaul,  except  ( 

„    07<K67S  Central  and  Southern  Italy  partiaL 

and  the  duchiee  of  Spoletinm  ana  fiene^ 

»,    07S  Ticinum  (after  a  three  years'  aiege) ;  po 

679  daasia  (but  kat  a.i>.  6W ;  reoovered  an 

liotprand,  e.  7S5). 
688  Inanla  Comaoina  (in  L.  Como). 
690  (Loat  Mantua,  Plaoentia,  Mutina,  Parmi 
698  Snana  (hi  Tuoany). 


»» 


,'•    601  Patavium. 
,.    609  Moos  Silieia. 


608  Cremona*  Bfantoa  (and  perhi^  about  tb 
which  the  Empire  reoovered.  a  690),  Vu 
M    606  UrbaVetus,  BabieuaBegis(BBa^atei 
Before  A.n.  640  Coneordia. 

„        ,,  64S  (?)  Bipontum. 
A.D.  640  Maritime  Llguria,  Altinum.  Opitergium. 


Theie  taUes  depend  mainlr  on  the  notioes  in 
and  on  the  notitia  of  George  tne  Cypriote  (ed.  Qi 


4.  THE  ARUTR^TAn  'oi>r\xrrKrr^r, 


APPENDIX  619 

(1)  Fint  Aimenia  ==  part  of  old  First  Armenia  (ThoodoaiopoliB,  Colonea. 
atala,  Nioopolis)  +  part  of  Pontus  Polemoniaous  (Trapezua  and  Oerasns). 

(2)  Seeona  Armenia  =  rest  of  old  First  Armenia  +  part  of  Pontus  Pole- 
toniaous  (Oomana,  Zela  and  Brisa). 

(3)  Third  Armenia  =»  old  Second  Armenia. 

(4)  Fourth  Armenia  =  Sophanene,  district  beyond  Euphrates,  east  of  Third 
xmenia  (capital,  Martyropolis).' 

The  rest  of  Pontus  Polemoniacus  was  united  with  the  old  Helenopontus  to 
nrm  a  new  Helenopontus  under  a  governor  with  the  title  of  moderator.  Simi- 
hrly  Honorias  ana  the  old  PaphUgonia  were  united  into  a  new  Paphlagonia 
nder  t^p^'xuior. 

The  Armenian  provinces  were  reorganized  and  the  nomenclature  changed  by 
[aorice,  in  consequence  of  the  cessions  made  by  Ohosroee  II.  on  his  accession. 
(1)  Maurice's  First     Armenia  =  Justinian's  lliird    Armenia. 

(s)       „         Second        ,,        ==  ,.         Second        „ 

(3j       ,.         Great  „        =         „         First  „» 

(4)  „         Fourth  includes  the  districts  of  Sc^hene,  Uigisene,  Andtene, 
•rzianine,  Musuron. 

(5)  Blaurice's  Mesopotamia  includes  Justinian's  Fourth  Armenia  +  Arzanene. 
See  the  Deteriptw  of  Qeorge  the  Cypriote  (c  600  a.d.),  ed.  Gelser,  p.  46-49, 

ad  Oelser's  preface,  p.  1.  and  p.  lix.-lxi.,  where  the  notices  ci  Armenian  writers 
re  reviewed.  The  territories  nanded  over  to  Maurice  bv  ChcMroes  were  (1)  Ar- 
meue  and  the  northern  part  of  Mesopotamia  (including  Daras)  as  far  as  Nisibis, 
id  {?)  part  of  Armenia,  as  far  as  Dovin.  The  former  districts  were  added  to 
astmian*8  Fourth  Armenia,  and  the  whole  province  named  Mesopotamia ;  the 
ktter  were  formed  into  a  new  Fourth  Armenia.  Thus  the  cities  of  Nisibis  in  the 
nith,  and  Dovin  in  the  north,  were  just  outside  the  Roman  frontiers. 


6.  THE  RACE  OF  HERACLIUS  AND  NICETASHr-  66.  67.  68) 

The  story  of  the  friendly  race  for  empire  between  Heradius  and  Nioatas  did 
ot  awaken  the  scepticism  of  Gibbon.  It  rests  on  the  authority  of  Nicephoms 
».  3,  ed.  de  Boor)  and  Theophanes  (aub  awn.  6101,  p.  S97,  eo.  de  Boor],  who 
oubtless  derived  it  from  the  same  source.  On  political  grounds,  the  story  saeiDs 
Qorobable,  but  the  geographical  implications  compel  us  to  reject  it  as  a  legend, 
he  story  requires  us  to  oeueve  that  Nicetas,  starting  from  Carthage  at  the  same 
me  as  Heraclius  and  marching  overland,  had  the  smallest  chance  of  lunching 
onstantinople  before  his  competitor's  fleet 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  I  tnink,  that  the  elevation  of  Nicetas  was  not  con- 
tmplated  by  the  two  fathers — if  it  were  not  as  an  *'  understudy  **  to  Heradius 
I  case  anything  befell  him.  The  part  assigned  to  Nicetas  in  the  enterprise  was 
ot  to  race  Heraclius,  but  to  occupy  EJgypt,  and  then  to  support  Heracbus  so  far 
I  was  necessary ;  and  doubtless  Nicetas  started  to  perform  his  work  before 
[eradius  put  forth  to  sea.  The  possession  of  Egypt,  the  granary  of  the  Empire, 
as  of  the  utmost  importance  for  a  pretender  to  tiie  throne ;  and  its  occupation 
ms  probably  the  first  care  of  the  African  generals. 

In  this  connexion  it  seems  to  me  that  a  notice  of  Sebaeos  deserves  attention, 
his  historian  states  that  '*  the  general  Heradius  revolted  against  Phocas,  with 
ia  army,  in  the  regions  of  Alexandria,  and  wresting  Egypt  from  him  rdgned 
lerein  ^  (c  21,  p.  79-80  in  Patkanian's  Russ.  tr.) ;  and  theorder  of  hisnarratiye 

S  ProcopiuB  speaks  of  this  as  i;  &AXif  'ApfuvU  (Aed.  3,  i).  It  was  prsvioosly  admidatend 
atty  by  native  satraps,  partly  by  Roman  oflBcers  callra  satraps.  On  the  limits  of  the  pro* 
inoe,  tee  H.  Klepert,  Monatsberichte  der  Berliner  Akaderaie,  1873,  p.  19a  sqq. 

Sit  is  possible,  but  not  cerUin,  that  (as  the  Armenian  historian  John  Catholicns  asserts) 
le  paru  of  Pontus  which  Justinian  included  in  his  Armenia  I.  were  separated  sad  made  a 
tstmct  province.    See  Gelxer,  Georgius  Cyprius,  p.  ML,  lix. 


Hormixd  IV.  , 

Chosroes  II.  Parvez  , 

[Bahrun  VI.  suoo 

kob«d  (Kavidh)  II.  (ShSrOe) 
Ardaihir  in. 

ShfthrbAT&i  „ 

Bdrin  (queen)  „ 

PirOsU.  „ 

Anurmidooht  „ 

Honniid  V.  „ 

Yeidegerd  III.  „ 

„  die 


7.  THE  mSCBIPTION  OF  SI-NG. 

Qibbon  ihowed  hiB  critical  penpioaoity  when 
famona  Neatorian  inaoription  of  Si-ngan-fu,  which 
of  Voltaire  and  haa  been  more  reoentlj  denounced  a 
Eenan  and  others.    All  competent  spocialiRta,  botl 
reoogniae  it  as  a  genuine  document  of  the  eighth 
poaaiple  to  belieye  that  Alvares  Semedo,  the  Jei 
nounoed  the  diieoyerr  of  the  atone,  or  any  one  elai 
oould  have  oompoaed  tnis  remarkable  text.    The  atoi 
M.  capital  of  tne  Tang  djnastj,  in  a.d.  1683  or  IC 
ia  aurmounted  bv  a  oroas  (of  the  Maltese  shape).    I 
are  some  lines  of  Svriac  at  the  side  and  at  tne  foo 
are  given  in  both  icuoms.    The  first  attempts  at  trai 
rins  Khroher  in  his  works  entitled:  'Trodromus 
illustrate ''  (1667) ;  and  of  Fikther  Semedo.^    Then 
translations  in  Uie  present  century.    For  the  follow 
Hue  (Le  Ohristianisme  en  Chine,  en  Tarterie  et  a 
vol.  i.  diap.  S,  p.  6Sf2?*) ;  A.  Wvb'e  (in  the  Joun 
Society,  voL  v.  p.  27?  soo.,  1856) ;  J.  Learee  fin 
and.  •Jw«iw»  •"  -'^*'»'  "^ 


APPENDIX  621 

The  Chineee  text  iii*y  be  divided  into  two  parts :  an  ez|>osition  of  the  doetrinee 
of  Christianity,  and  an  historical  account  of  the  introduction  of  the  religion  into 
China  and  its  propagation  there. 

1.  The  nature  of  the  divine  Being — the  admirable  person  of  the  Trinity,  the 
abeolute  lord,  Oloho  [t.e.  Eloha,  Syriac  for  God]— is  set  forth  ;  then  the  work  of 
Sa-tan  in  propagating  heresies,  whereof  the  tale  is  three  hundred  and  sixtv-flve ; 
and  then  the  coming  of  the  Mi-chi-lo  [Ifessiah],  who  is  the  "  otherhimself  of  the 
Trinity,"  ^  bom  of  a  viigin  in  Ta-tsin  [Syria]  through  the  influence  of  the  Holy 
Spirit. 

2.  In  the  days  of  the  Emperor  Tai-tsung,  there  came  from  Ta-tsin  the  Most 
virtuous  Alopen  (or  Olopan),^  who  was  closed  with  the  qualities  of  the  blue 
clouds,^  and  possessed  the  true  sacred  books.  In  a.d.  636  he  arrived  at  Ohang- 
nsan  \i.e,  Si-ngan-fu].  The  Emperor  sent  his  chief  minister,  Fang-Huen-Ling, 
who  conducted  the  western  guest  into  the  palace.  The  sacred  books  which  the 
missionary  brought  were  translated  in  the  Imperial  library ;  and  the  sovereign 
gave  orders  for  the  diffusion  of  the  doctrine  by  which  he  was  deeply  impressed. 
In  A.D.  638  he  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  following  effect : 

**  Religion  has  no  invariable  name,  religious  observances  have  no  invariable 
rites;  doctrines  are  established  in  accordance  with  the  country.  Alonen,  of  the 
kingdom  of  Ta-tsin,  has  brought  his  sacred  books  and  images  from  tiukt  distant 
part,  and  has  presented  them  at  our  court.  Having  examined  the  principles  of 
this  religion,  we  find  its  object  to  be  the  admirable  Empyrean  and  its  mysterious 
action ;  investigatiu^  its  original  source,  we  find  it  expresses  the  sum  of  the 
perfect  life."  The  lonperor  tiien  applies  to  the  new  doctrine  a  quotation  from  a 
Chinese  classic ;  and  concludes  with  the  command  that  a  Syrian  Church  should 
be  built  in  the  capital,  at  E-Ninff-fang,'and  be  governed  by  twenty-one  priests. 

Then  follows  a  description  of  Ta-tsin  or  the  Roman  Empire,  thus  given  by 
Hirth:» 

"  According  to  the  Hsi-yii-tHi-chi  and  the  historical  records  of  the  Hun  and  Wei 
dynasties,  the  country  of  Ta-ts'in  begms  in  the  south  at  the  Coral  Sea  [Red  Sea]. 
and  extends  in  the  north  to  the  Chung-pan-shan  [hills  of  precious  stones] ;  it 
looks  in  the  west  to  the  '  region  of  the  immortals '  and  '  the  flowery  groves ' ;  ^ 
in  the  east  it  bounds  on  *  the  long  winds '  and  '  the  weak  water  .'  This 
country  produces  fire-proof  doth  ;  the  life-restoring  incense  ;  the  ming-^iieh-chu 
[moonshine  pearl] ;  and  the  yeh-kuang-pi  [jewel  that  shines  at  night].  ^  Robberies 
are  unknown  there,  and  the  people  enjoy  peace  and  happiness.  Only  the  king 
[*  luminous '  =  Christian]  religion  is  practised ;  only  virtuous  riders  occupy  the 
throne.    This  country  is  vast  in  extent ;  its  literature  is  flourishing.*'  * 

There  is  a  panwyrio  of  the  Roman  Empire  ! 

The  Empcax>r  Kao-tsung  (660-683)  succeeded  and  was  still  more  beneficent  to- 
wards Christianity.  Every  citr  was fuU  of  churches.  Then  "in  a.d.  699  the 
Buddhists  [the  ohddren^of  CheJ  gaining  power  raised  their  voices  in  the  eastern 
metropolis  ;  and  in  a.Di  713  there  was  an  agitation  of  Confucianists  against 
Ghristtanity  in  the  western  capital.    The  religion  revived  under  Hiwan-tsung 

s  Autre  Ini-mtaie  do  Trine  (Gueluy). 

S  This  most  be  s  Chinese  corruption  of  s  Syrian  name.  Asaemsni  thought  it  was  for 
JahsHshs.  Panthier  explains  A  lo-pamo,  **  return  of  God  ".  Yule  (p.  xdv.)  tuggeata  Rabban. 
r  <tf  coarse  appears  as  i  In  Chinese. 

4  That  is,  he  was  a  sage.  The  metaphor  is  Buddhistic :  Buddha  is  the  son,  and  the 
•age  is  the  dood  which  covers  the  earth  and  makes  the  rain  of  the  land  fall.  So  Goeloy,  p. 
74.    Bnt  Wylie,  &c.,  tranalate  *'  observing  the  blue  doods  ". 

^  CUns  and  the  Roman  Orient,  p.  6z-a. 

*  La  dtk  fleorie  do  pays  des  solitaires  (Goeloy). 

7  A  river  in  Kan-so  (cp.  Goduy,  op.  cU,  p.  5). 

8  It  is  oncertain  what  gem  is  meant.  Cp.  Hirth,  p.  24s  sqa.  He  refers  to  the  emeralds 
shining  at  night,  which  are  mentioned  by  Herodotos,  3, 44,  and  Pliny,  37,  5, 66. 

•  Toot  y  brille  d'on  ordre  parfsit  (Goeloy). 


jf..*^^  iiuiii  cnree  (iwtinct  earlier 

before  to  form  a  Hiiiglo  collection, 
of  681  letters,  made  under  Pope  Ha< 
The  letters  of  Gregory  raiige  over  f< 
tor."  as  it  is  called,  fallB  into  fourte 
ourbaaisof  ohionologT.  There  is  (2). 
(eioept  bi  one  case),  of  whieh  more  tl 
gister.    It  has  been  proved  tbAt  all  tl 
but  in  the  text  of  the  Benedictines  1 
third  ooUeotion  (Golleotio  Pauli )  is  sn 
peculiar  to  itself.      Here  too,  thou^ 
letters  over  six  years,  ithasbeen  prove 
These  results  were  reached  by  very  1 
whose  article  in  the  Neues  Arohiv  < 
study  of  Gregory's  correspondence  an 
oritiGal  edition,  based  on  Ewald's  n 
Germ.  Historical  in  two  vols.    Onl^ 
premature  death  the  work  was  contm 
new  light  on  the  biogn^ihies  of  Greg 
served  in  a  St.  Gall  Ms.  (and  knowi 
article :  Die  klteste  Biographic  Gregoi 
ken  an  G.  Waits  gewidmet"),  1886. 
p.  33,  note  73 ;  forthe  Life  by  John  £ 
Ijau,  Gregor  I.  der  Grosse  naoh  seinen 
Vf.  AVisbaum,  Die  wiohtigsten  Biohtu 
Gregor  des  Gr.  (1884) ;  0.  Wolfsgrubc 
des  Gr.,  naoh  seinen  Brief  en  dargest 
IIl  Wollschaok,  Die  Verhiatnisse  Iti 
naoh  dem  Briefwechsel  Gregors  I.  ( 
Great  and  his  relations  with  Gaul  (18^ 
life  and  work  in  Hodgldn's  Italy  and 
summary  of  Ewald's  aiguments  as  to  1 

The  earliest  historian  of  the  Lomba 
who  died  in  a.d.  61s.  He  wrote  a  si 
Lombards^  «o»nii»«»  a^-^  * 


APPENDIX  623 

Mon  m^intalm  a  theory  (which  had  been  promulgated  by  Oraokan- 
)he  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  controverted  by  Hody 
3  end  of  the  same  centmry),  that  Justiniaii  never  fell  into  the  Aphthar- 
eresy.  He  is  compelled  to  reject  the  distinct  evidence  of  contem- 
«r8  (op.  above,  p.  itO,  n.  101) ;  and  he  rests  his  case,  which  he  has 
vith  great  abilitv,  on  the  high  character  for  orthodoxy  borne  by 
nd  his  theologies!  learning,  and  on  the  fact  that  his  memory  was  not 
by  the  Church.  But  the  direct  evidence  is  too  strong,  whatever 
held  either  of  the  sincerity  of  Justinian  in  theologiod  matters, 
>  psychological  probability  of  a  theologian  of  seventy  or  eighty  veam 
ng  mto  a  christologicai  heresy.  As  the  edict  was  never  issuea,  the 
B  not  called  on  to  condemn  him. 


HODS  OF  THE  LATER  EMPIRE,  A.D.  610  TO  A.D.  1S04— 

(CHAP.  XLVm.) 

iaders  of  the  zlviiith  chapter,  having  travelled  over  the  long  series  of 
mperors  through  a  period  of  six  hundred  years,  may  come  away  with 
Mi  feeling  of  having  seen  much  and  distinguished  little,  and  with  a 
that  it  would  require  an  arduous  e£Fort  of  the  memory  to  retain  the 
of  the  princes  and  «iie  association  of  each  with  his  own  acts.  The 
owever,  will  find  the  task  considerably  alleviated,  when  the  whole 
ivided  into  certain  lesser  nerods  into  which  it  naturally  falls ;  and  it 
I  been  well  if  Gibbon  had  added  to  his  lucid  exposition  of  the  plan  of 
•rk  (in  the  introduction  to  this  chapter)  a  brief  survev  of  the  six  hun- 
t  according  to  its  divisions.    These  divisions  roughly  correspond  to 

iolian  Dynasty.    Seventh  century.    a.d.  610-717. 
leriod  the  Empire  declines  in  power,  and  the  boundaries  retreat,  through 
chmenta  of  the  Saracen  and  Slavonic  invaders.     It  ends  with  twenty 
arohy  (a.d.  695-717) :  Justinian  IL  being  overthrown ;  followed  by  two 
3stored  again  to  power ;  killed ;  and  followed  by  three  tyrants, 
oclastic  Period.     Eighth  and  ninth  centuries,    a.  d.  717-867. 
the  period  of  revival.    The  territorial  extent  of  the  Empire  is  still 
[ucea,  but,  within  its  diminished  borders,  between  the  Haemus  and  the 
is  consolidated  and  renovated.    This  is  mainly  the  work  of  the  two 
erors  Leo  III.  and  his  son  Constantino  V.  (717-775).    On  the  principle 
3  division,  this  period  falls  into  three  parts : — 
an  (commonly  called  Isaurian)  Dynasty.     a.o.  717-808. 
)e  Emperors  who  did  not  found  dynasties.     a.d.  802-8S0. 
•rian  Dynasty,    a.d.  820-867. 

may  be  more  usefully  divided  into  two  parts,  representing  the  two 
nd  defeats  of  ioonoolasm. 

717-813.  Doctrine  of  ioonoolasm  established  under  the  first  three 
[717-780) ;  reaction  against  it,  and  restoration  of  images,  under  Irene 
intine  (780-802). 

lowing  Emperor  (Nicephorus)  is  indifferent,  and  his  successor  (Michael 
lage-worshipper. 

813-867.  loonoclasm  re-established  by  three  Emperors  (813-842) ;  re- 
inst  it.  and  restoration  of  images,  under  Theodora  and  Michael  III. 
Thus  the  history  of  ioonoolasm  in  the  ninth  oentuij  is  a  replica  of  its 
the  eighth ;  and  observe  that  in  both  oases  the  reaction  was  carried  out 
male  sovereign. 

ilian,  or  Armenian  ("  Macedonian  **),  Dynasty.    a.i>.  867-1067. 
tried  is  marked  by  a  reaction  against  tne  pouoy  of  the  Iconoclasts  (<m. 
10),  and  by  a  remarkable  terriUnial  expansion,  rendered  possible  by  the 
ion  which  nad  been  the  work  of  the  great  loonodasts.    We  may  oon- 
distinguish  three  sub-periods :  (a)  a.x>.  867-^59,  marked  by  great  le^ 


vx^t  4  V 


n|niiiii8  to  the  reigiia  of  Jiutiu 


k. 


(4)  Comncnian  Dynasty,  a.d.  ] 
At  the  very  beginning  of  this  pei 
pemioiouB  economic  syiitem  and  fftn 
the  Basilian  period,  yields  to  the  is 
which  it  haa  never  lost  before.  A 
the  fabric  for  another  century  and  i 
of  the  incapable  Angeli,  it  collapMC 

This  period  of  decline,  following 
the  earlierperiod  of  decline  in  the 
the  6th.  Tne  Persian  invasion  und 
Seljnk  invasion  tinder  Bomanus  Di 
Oonstantine  IV.  correspond  to  Ale 
parallel  to  the  way  wara  Justinian  11 

The  two  cycles  might  be  presonte* 


Revival: 
Expansion: 
Decline: 
Result: 


Second  half  of  5th 
6th 
7th 

Anarchy,  a 


la   A  CHRONOLOGICAL  QUESI 

(P- 

From  the  year  a.d.  726  to  the  year  i 
the  dates  of  the  chronicle  of  llieophai 
not  correspond.  Thus  a.k.  6220  in  e 
answers  to  a.d.  727*8,  Ind.  12  should  i 
assumed  that  the  Indictions  are  right  a 
chronology  (of  Baronius,  Pagi.  Gibbon 
based  on  this  assumption.  But  it  was 
425-7)  that  the  anomaly  was  not  duo  tc 
that  which  he  pcrpetrateil  in  hin  »» 


APPENDIX  625 

be  prerioiu  method  of  oompatatioii.  This  reasoning  wm  eonfirmed  espeoiallj  by 
ne  faet  (Biur,  op.  eit  p.  426) — the  eclipse  of  the  sun  noticed  by  TheophAnes 
nder  A.it.  6852,  on  Fridky»  Aug.  16,  clearly  the  annular  eclipse  of  a-d.  76O  on 
hat  d*y  of  the  month  and  weds.  The  received  chronology  would  imply  that 
he  eclipse  took  place  in  a«o.  761,  Aug.  15 ;  but  astronomy  assures  us  that  there 
mm  no  eclipse  on  that  day,  nor  was  that  day  Friday. 

It  follows  that  the  dates  of  forty-seyen  years  in  the  8th  century  (from  7S6  7 
0  773-4,  are  a  year  wrong.  Thus  Leo  III.  died,  not  in  741,  but  in  740 ;  the 
oonooIaBtio  Synod  was  held,  not  in  754,  but  in  753. 

These  conclusions  have  been  recently  confirmed  and  developed  by  M.  H.  Hubert 
Dhronologie  do  Th^phane,  in  Bys.  Zeitschrift,  vi.,  d.  491  aqq.j  1897).  who  has 
one  through  the  Papal  acts  and  letters  of  the  period.  He  points  out  two  im 
ortant  consequences  of  the  revised  dating.  While  the  Iconoclastic  Council  of 
kmstantinople  was  sitting,  there  were  deputies  of  the  Pope  in  that  city,— though 
lot  neoessanly  as  his  representatives  at  tne  Council.  More  important  stiU  ia  the 
irenmstance  that  the  Council  preceded  the  journey  of  Pope  Stephen  IL  (in  754) 
o  the  court  of  Pippin  and  the  famous  compact  which  he  ooncluded  with  the 
>Vank  king  at  Quiersy.  The  Council  would  thus  appear  to  be  ttit  event  which 
definitely  decided  the  secession  of  Borne  from  the  Empire. 


IL  ORAEOO-BOMAN  LAW-<P.  184) 

Hie  general  history  of  Byzantine  law,  from  Justinian  to  the  fall  of  the  Empirei 
Ukj  be  grouped  under  two  epochs  easily  remembered :  the  attempt  of  the  first 
eooodastio  Bmperors  to  legislate  on  new  Christian  principles,  and  the  return 
o  the  Soman  principles  of  the  Justinianean  law  by  the  first  "Macedonian** 
overeigns. 

A  word  must  first  be  said  of  the  substitution  of  the  Greek  for  the  Latm  lan< 
;uage  in  the  domain  of  law.  The  great  legal  works  of  the  Illyrian  Justinian 
rere  composed  in  Latin,  his  native  tongue.  But  the  fact  that  to  the  greater  part 
»f  the  Empire  ruled  by  him,  and  a  still  greater  part  of  the  Empire  ruled  b^  his 
uooesBors,  Latin  was  unintelligible,  rendered  a  change  of  vehicle  simply  inevi- 
flJble.  The  work  of  transformation  began  in  his  own  reign.  He  issuea  most  of 
lis  later  laws  (the  Novels)  in  Greek,  and  in  Novel  7  (15,  ed.  Zach.)  expr««aly  ro- 
tnf^ia^m  the  neoessitT  of  using  "  the  common  Greek  tongue '' ;  Theopnilus  pre* 
lared  a  Greek  paraphrase  of  the  Institutes ;  and  Dorotheus  translated  the  Digest, 
fhe  Code  was  alec^  immediately  after  its  publication  in  Latin,  issued  (perhaps 
noompletely)  in  a  Greek  form.^  After  Justinian's  time  the  stu^  of  legal  texts 
n  Latm  seems,  at  Coostantinople  and  in  the  Greek  part  of  the  Imnpire,  to  have 
KKm  ceased  altogether. 

In  the  troubles  of  the  7th  oentiuy  the  study  of  law,  like  many  other 
liingB,  deelh&ed ;  and  in  the  practical  administration  of  justice  the  prescriptions 
yf  tiie  Code  and  Digest  were  often  ignored,  or  modified  by  the  alien  precepts  of 
ZThrbtiaoity.  The  religion  of  the  Empire  had  exerted  but  verv  riight  mfluenoe — 
10  fundamental  influence,  we  may  say-— on  the  Justinianean  law.  Leo  III.,  the 
fonnder  of  the  Syrian  (vulgarly  called  Isaurian)  dynasty,  when  he  restored  the 
Bo^ire  after  a  generation  of  anarchy,  saw  the  necessity  of  legislation  to  meet 
rhe  flfaaoffed  drcumstanoes  of  the  time.  The  settlements  of  foreigners— Slavs 
ind  Mamaites — in  the  provinces  of  the  Empire  created  an  agrarian  question, 
rhidi  he  dealt  with  in  ms  Agrarian  Code.  The  increase  of  Slavonic  and  Sara- 
wnie  jpiimey  demanded  inereaiBed  securities  for  maritime  trade,  and  this  was  dealt 
irith  m  a  Navigation  Code.  But  it  was  not  only  for  special  relations  that  Leo 
nade  laws ;  he  legislated  also,  and  in  an  entirely  new  way.  for  the  general  rela- 
Jons  of  life.  He  issued  a  law  book  (in  a.d.  740  in  the  name  of  hiniself  and  his 
HB  Omitaiirine),  which  changed  ana  modified  the  Boman  law,  as  it  had  been 

i  Cp.  Zschsrii,  Gr.-Rom.  lL«chV,p.  V 


504  APPENDIX 

WM  not  to  go  beyond  the  death  of  BmU  ot  perhaps  of  Leo  VI.,  bfot  the  work  «m 
extended  after  the  death  of  Constantine,  and  cornea  down  to  ▲.!».  96L  It  fiOi 
into  six  Books :  Bk.  1,  Leo  V. ;  Bk.  2,  Biiohael  II. ;  Bk.  3.  Theophilus  ;  Bk  i, 
Michael  IIL  ;  Bk.  6,  Basil  L  (this  Book  was  the  oompositiom  of  the  Emsaos 
CoNffTAimNK).  So  far  the  work  conforms  to  a  uniform  plan  ;  bat  Bk.  6.  inststd 
of  containing  only  Leo  V L ,  contains  also  Alexander,  Constantine  VIL,  Bomaim 
I.,  BomanuB  II.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  the  author  of  part  of  tliis  snppla- 
ment  was  Thbodorb  Daphnopatss,  a  literary  man  of  the  tenth  century,  Imown 
(among  other  things^  by  some  official  letters  which  he  compoeed  for  Bomaousl. 
The  Continuation  of  llieophanes  shows,  up  to  the  death  of  BasiL  its  aemi-offldil 
origin  by  the  marked  tenaenoy  to  glorify  the  Basilian  dynasty  by  obeooring  its 
Amorian  predecessors.  The  main  source  of  Bks.  1  to  6  is  Qenesiua.  Bk.  6  ulb 
into  two  parts  which  are  markedly  distinct :  A,  Leo  VI.,  Alexander,  Oonatantine. 
Romanus  L ,  Constantine,  caps.  1 — 7 ;  B,  Constantine,  8--end,  Romanna  XL  A  ■ 
based  upon  the  work  of  the  Logothete  (probably  Symeon  Magister)  whidi  has 
come  down  to  us  as  a  continuation  of  George  Monachus  (see  aboye).  Now  ths 
Logothete  was  an  admirer  of  Romanus  L  and  not  deyoted  to  the  fumly  of  Ood- 
stantine  VIL  ;  and  the  sympathies  of  the  Logothete  are  preseryed  bv  the  oom- 
piler  of  A,  notwithstanding  their  inconsistency  with  the  tendencies  of  Bkn  1-A. 
The  Lo^hete's  work  appeared  in  the  reign  of  Nicephorus  Phocas,  and  most  htun 
been  utilised  almost  immediately  after  its  appearance  by  the  compiler  of  A.  It 
is  probable  that  B  was  composea  early  in  the  same  reign  by  a  different  author ; 
it  seems  not  to  depend  on  another  work,  but  to  have  been  written  from  a  eon- 
temporary's  knowledga  [Scriptores  post  Theophanem,  ed.  0>mbeftB,  1686 ;  Tli0O> 
p^ianos  Continuatus,  ed.  Bekker,  1838  (Bonn).  Analysis  of  sources,  &&,  in 
Hirsch,  Byzantinischo  Studien.] 

The  circumstances  of  the  capture  of  Thessalonica  by  the  Cretan  pinhtas  in  aa 
904  are  vividly  portrayed  for  us  in  the  well-written  narrative  of  Jon  CAmiOA'ni. 
a  narrow-minded  priest,  ignorant  of  the  world,  but  one  who  had  liyed  through 
the  exciting  and  terrifying  scenes  which  he  records  and  had  the  faculty  of  obse^ 
vation  and  the  power  of  expressing  his  impressions.  The  work  is  printed  in  the 
Paris  (1685)  and  in  the  Bonn  (18^)  series  along  with  the  Scriptona  post  TUeo- 
phanem. 

For  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  reign  of  Leo  VI.  we  have  a  work  of  graM 
importance  in  the  anonvmous  Vita  EuTHncn  published  by  C.  de  Boor  (lSS8) ; 
opL  above,  p.  207,  note  43.  The  work  was  composed  soon  after  the  ex-Patriazeh'i 
cleath  (A.D.  917). 

With  the  history  of  Lao  Diaoohus  (Leo  Asiatious)  we  enter  upon  a  new 
period  of  historiography.  After  an  interval  of  more  than  three  hundred  years, 
he  seems  to  re-open  the  series  which  closed  with  Theophvlaetua  Simooatta^ 
His  history  in  ten  Books  embracing  the  reigns  of  Romanus  IL,  Nioei^orua  PhooM, 
and  John  Tumisces  (959-975)  is — although  written  after  99:^ — a  contemporaiy  wok 
in  a  good  sense ;  depending  on  personal  knowledge  and  information  deriyed  from 
living  peoples,  not  on  previous  writers.  As  Leo  was  bom  in  950  he  is  not  »  eon- 
temporary  in  quite  the  same  sense  for  the  earlier  as  for  the  later  paK  of  Us 
work.  He  afterwards  took  part  in  the  Bulgarian  War  of  Basil  IL  [toduded  in 
the  Paris  and  the  Bonn  series.] 

[For  the  poem  of  Theodosius  on  the  reoonquest  of  Crete  by  Nioephonu,  sst 
below,  vol.  vi.,  o.  lii.] 

The  work  of  Leo  Diaoonus  was  continued  by  the  most  prominent  and  influMi- 
tial  literary  figure  of  the  eleventh  century,  CoirsTAxrnNB  FteLLus  (bom  A.111.  1018, 
probably  at  Nicomedia).  He  adopted  the  ItgpX  profession ;  was  Ajudse  in  Phila- 
delphia under  Michael  IV. :  an  imperial  secretaiy  under  Michael  V.  Be  enjoyed 
the  favour  of  Constantine  iX,  who  founded  a  univendty  at  Comstaatinople  and 
»ppointed  PseUiis  Professor  ci  Wj^Aimo^V?.  Bat  his  senrices  were  raqiiired  in 
/mi/t/oai  life ;  he  beouae  ob\«l  Mcn^Ty  ^^GncfA«y«sw^tNakS  ^^QBA'^aGBB^RKot  ^imIods 


APPENDIX  605 

»f  hiB  most  influential  miniften.  Presently  he  left  the  world  to  beoome  a  monk 
bnd  aammad  the  name  ol  Michael,  hy  which  he  is  generally  known.  But  monae- 
.ie  life  hardly  suited  him,  and  after  some  years  he  returned  to  the  world.  He 
dayed  a  prominent  part  under  Isaac  Oomnenus  and  Constantino  Duoas ;  and  was 
'  prime  minister  "  during  the  regency  of  Eudocia  and  the  reign  of  Michael  Para- 
jmaoes  (a  pupil  who  did  him  small  credit).  He  died  prohably  in  1078.  As 
BTofeesor,  IWlus  had  reyiyed  an  interest  in  Plato,  whose  philosophy  he  set  aboye 
Aristotle — a  noyelty  which  was  regarded  as  a  heresy.  In  this,  he  was  stoutly 
yppoaed  by  his  friend  John  XiphiBn,  who  was  a  pronounced  Aristotelian.  Jlb 
^oung  men,  Psellus  had  taught  Xiphilin  philosopny,  and  Xiphilin  had  taught 
Psellus  law.  It  was  through  the  influence  or  example  of  Xiphilin  ( who  withdrew 
4>  the  monastery  of  Bithynian  Oljnnpus)  that  Psellus  had  assumed  the  tonsure. 
Uphilin,  who  had  written  on  law  in  nis  youth,  wrote  homilies  in  his  later  years, 
ma  became  Patriarch  of  Constantinople  in  1064 ;  his  old  friend  Psellus  pro- 
xmnoed  his  funeral  oration  in  107& 

For  success  in  the  courts  of  the  soyereigns  whom  Psellus  seired,  candour  and 
lelf-respect  would  haye  been  fatal  qualities.  Psellus  had  neither ;  his  writings  (as 
roll  as  nis  career)  show  that  he  adapted  himself  to  the  rules  of  the  game,  and  was 
leryile  and  unscrupulous.  His  Chronography  reflects  the  tone  of  the  time-serying 
toTuiier.  Beginning  at  a.i>.  976,  it  treats  yeiy  briefly  the  long  reign  of  Basil,  and 
leeomes  fuller  as  it  goes  on.  It  deals  chiefly  with  domestic  wars  and  court  in 
rigues ;  passing  oyer  oriefly .  and  often  omitting  altogether,  the  wars  with  foreign 
leoplee.  The  hkst  part  ox  the  work  was  written  for  the  eye  of  Michael  Par»- 
»tiiaoee,  and  consequently  in  what  concerns  him  and  his  father  Constantine  X.  is 
"ary  f ar  from  being  impurtiaL 

The  funeral  orations  which  Psellus  composed  on  Xiphilin,  on  the  Patriarch 
ifichael  Cerularius  (see  aboye,  |>.  SSl)  and  on  Lichudes,  a  prominent  statesman  of 
he  time,  haye  much  historical  importance,  as  well  as  many  of  his  letters.  PThe 
^ftironography  and  these  Epitaphioi  are  published  in  yoL  iy.,  the  letters  (along 
rith  o<^er  works)  in  yoL  y.,  of  the  Bibliotheoa  Groca  medii  aeri  of  C.  Sathas.  J 
rhese  works  are  but  a  small  portion  of  the  encyclopedic  literaiy  output  of  Psellus, 
rhioh  coyered  the  whole  field  of  knowledge.  It  has  been  well  said  that  Psellus  is 
he  PhoUuB  of  the  eleyenUi  century.  He  was  an  aoeomplished  stylist  and  exerted 
k  great  influence  on  the  writers  of  the  generation  which  succeeded  him.  [For  his 
lie  and  writings  see  (besides  Leo  Almtius,  De  Psellis  et  eorum  scriptis,  1634 ; 
tp.  FabriduB,  10,  p.  41  tqq.)  Sathas,  Introductions  in  op.  ott  yols.  iy.  and  y. ;  A. 
^ambaud,  Beyue  Histonque.  3,  p.  241  aqq. ;  K.  Neumann,  Die  Weltstellun^  des 
>yz.  Beii^ee  yor  den  Ereuuiigen,  1894  ;  B.  Rhodius,  Beitr.  zur  Lebensgeschichte 
ind  cu  den  Brief  en  des  Psellos,  1892.] 

Important  for  the  history,  especially  the  military  history,  of  the  eleyenth 
lentury  is  a  treatise  entiUed  Strategioon  by  Cnoxvumaoe.  Of  the  author  himself 
ye  Imow  little ;  he  was  witness  of  the  reyolution  which  oyerthrew  Michael  V., 
knd  he  wrote  this  treatise  for  his  son's  benefit  after  the  death  of  Bomanus  Diogenes, 
rhe  title  suggests  that  it  should  exolusiyely  concern  military  affairs,  but  the 
greater  part  of  the  work  consists  of  precepts  of  a  general  kind.  Much  is  told  of 
he  author's  grandfather  Cecaumenos,  who  took  part  in  the  Bulgarian  wars  of 
Basil  IL  Joined  on  to  the  Strategioon  is  a  distinct  treatise  of  different  authorship 
by  a  member  of  the  same  family ;  his  name  was  probably  Niculitzas) :  a  book 
>f  adrioe  to  the  Emperor  "  of  the  diay  "— porhaos  to  Alexius  Comnenus  on  the  eye 
>f  his  accession.  It  contains  some  interesting  nistorical  references.  [First  pub- 
jshed  by  B.  Vasilieyski  in  1881  (in  the  Zhumal  Ministerstva  narodnago  prosyiest- 
sheniya;  May,  June,  July),  with  notes;  text  re-edited  by  Vadlieyski  and 
Jemstedt  (Cecaumeui  Strategioon  et  incerti  scriptoris  de  officiis  regiis  libellus), 
L886.] 

The  latter  part  of  the  period  coyered  in  the  history  of  Psellus  has  had 
Miother  contemporary,  bat  less  partial,  historian  in  Miorasl  AsTAuiAna,  a 
rich  adyocate,  who  foonded  a  mooastery  and  a  hoaUhj  to  \2b»  \mR  Vs^«»^^ 


t.  ^^^^tfX^XA 


oalMoiisnment.     These  ])riiiciple8  were  ostablishec 
revived  the  Justinianean  legislation.     Hero,  hoA 
the  letter  of  Basil'B  law  books  was  not  fully  adopt 
bj  a  Novel  of  Leo  VI.  which  restored  partly  the  1 
In  respect  to  the  guardianship  of  minors  the 
had  been  to  sopersede  the  tutela  hy  the  eura — ii. 
the  interests  of  the  family  by  the  eurcitor  appoint 
The  office  of  guardian  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  pn 
irard.     Yet  the  old  distinction  of  cura  and  iuU 
tinianean  law  books,  thouxh  in  use  it  was  practically 
developed  this  tendency ;  here  ttUela  does  not  appeal 
And,  as  on  the  death  of  one  parent  the  children  i 
TiTing  parent,  there  was  no  question  of  guardianshi 
Hie  fioioga  provides — and  here  we  see  the  eodesiaa 
parents  have  not  dedgnated  a  guardian,  the  guardi 
on  ecclesiastical  institutions  (e.g,,  the  6p^ayoTpo^< 
last  until  the  wards  marry  or  reach  the  ago  of  twei 
returned  to  the  Justinianean  law. 

These  examples  will  give  some  idea  of  the  genera 
d  Byiantine  mvil  law.  Two  interesting  points  ma- 
the  law  of  inheritance.  Oonstantine  Vll.  enacted^ 
and  childless,  only  two-thirds  of  his  property  went 
remaining  third  going  to  the  Church  tor  his  soul's  b* 
institution  of  testamentary  executors,  for  so  we 
iwtrpowoi  in  its  Byzantine  use.'  The  institution  wa 
and  ultimately  fell  into  disuse,  but  Zaohari&  remark 
the  highway  to  an  institution  similar  to  the  EngUi 
minittrators  ".' 

In  criminal,  as  in  civil  law,  the  Iconoclastic  legii 
tionsin  the  Justinianean  svstem— sometimes  eutirel} 
developing  tendencies  which  were  already  distinct!} 
of  the  6th  century.  But,  whereas  in  the  case  of  th 
lation  was  characterised  as  a  r«tiim  ♦*»  ♦»»-  t—^.--  • 


APPENDIX  529 

is  at  fint  diaposed  to  denonnoe  it  as  horribly  barbaric.  Its  distiiigiiiahing  feature 
is  the  use  of  mutilation  as  a  mode  of  punishment— a  penalty  unknown  in  Romaii 
law.  The  principle  of  mutilation  was  foimded  on  HoW  Scripture  (see  St. 
Matthew*  v.,  29,  30:  If  thine  eye  offend  thee,  ke,).  Since  mutilation  was 
generally  ordained  in  cases  where  the  penalty  bad  formerly  been  death,  the  law- 
giTers  eoold  certainly  claim  that  their  code  was  more  lenient.  The  penalty 
of  confiscation  of  property  almost  entirely  disappears.  The  f<dlowing  table  off 
penalties  will  exhibit  the  spirit  of  the  Christian  legi^tion : — 
Perjury :  amputation  of  the  tongue  {y\wa'iroKoir§7<r9ai). 
Hign  treason :  death. 

Theft :  for  the  first  offence :  if  solvent,  payment  of  double  the  value  of  the 
thing  stolen ;  if  insolvent,  flogging  Mid  banishment. 
„       for  the  second  offence :  amputation  of  the  hand. 
PaMlerasty:  death. 

Bestiality  :  amputation  of  the  offending  member  (icavXoicoirffi(r0ai). 
Fornication : — 

(1)  with  persons  within  the  forbidden  degrees:    amputation  of  the  hand 

(for  both) ; 
(iS)  when  the  act  involves  a  further  wrong,  e,g. : — 

(a)  with  a  ntm  (a  wrong  being  done  thereby  to  the  Church) :  amputa- 
tion of  the  nose  (for  ooth) ; 
(6)  with  a  maiden :  the  man,  if  he  refuses  to  marry  her,  pays  a  fine  if 
he  has  property,  but  if  he  is  penniless,  is  whipped,  tonsured,  and 
banished ; 
(c)  if  the  maiden  was  betrothed  to  another :  amputation  of  the  nose ; 
id)  rape :  amputation  of  the  nose  (and,  if  the  victim  was  under  thirteen 
years  of  age,  the  ravisher  had  to  pay  her  half  his  property,  besides 
losing  his  nose) ;  < 

{e)  of  a  man  with  a  married  woman :  amputation  of  the  nose  (for  both) ; 
(3)  (a)  of  a  married  man  with  an  unmarried  woman :  whipping ; 

(h)  of  an  unmarried  man  with  an  unmarried  woman :  lighter  whipping ; 
but  in  these  cases  the  women  were  not  punished,  according  to  tne 
law  of  the  Edoga. 
For  murder  the  penalty  was  death.  But,  while  the  Justinianean  law  ezdoded 
murderers,  ravishers,  and  adulterers  from  the  asylum  privileges  secured  to  those 
who  took  i^of  uge  in  churches,  the  Ecloga  does  not  make  ttris  exception ;  and,  though 
the  eaMtments  of  the  Basilica  follow  Justinian,  practice  seems  in  tne  meantime 
to  have  secured  for  murderers  the  right  of  asylum,  which  was  definitely  recog- 
nised bj  Constantino  VII.  A  novel  of  this  Emperor  enacts  that  a  murderer  who 
takes  refuge  in  a  church  shall  do  penance  acconling  to  the  canon  law,  shall  then 
be  banished  for  life  from  the  place  where  the  crime  was  perpetrated,  shall  become 
inoaoable  of  holding  office ;  and,  if  the  murder  was  committed  with  full  pre-' 
meditation,  shall  be  tonsured  and  thrust  into  a  monastery.  His  property  iLall 
be  divided ;  one  part  going  to  the  heirs  of  the  murdered  man,  another  to  his  <mn* 
rebitives,  said  in  case  ne  becomes  a  monk  of  his  own  free  will,  a  portion  shall  be 
reaesred  for  the  monastic  community  which  receives  him. 

This  enactment  must  have  enabled  most  murderers  to  escape  the  capital 
penalty. 

In  general  we  can  see  that  the  tendency  of  the  Ecloga  was  to  avoid  capital 
muushment  so  far  as  possible,  and  this  tendency  iner^tfed  as  time  went  on. 
Gibbon  mentions  the  fact  that  under  John  Comnenus  capital  punishment  was 
never  iallieied  (the  authority  is  Nicetas) ;  but  this  must  not  be  interpreted  in  the 
senee  that  the  death  penalty  was  formally  abolished,  but  rather  taken  as  a  striking 
iUnatration  of  the  tendency  of  the  Byzantine  spirit  in  that  direction.  We  may 
queilion  whether  this  tendency  was  due  so  much  to  the  growth  of  feeUnn  of 
humanity  as  to  ecclesiastical  motives,  namely  the  active  maintenance  of  the 
asylum  privileges  of  Christian  sanctuaries,  and  the  doctrine  of  repentance.  Hie 
mutilation  pumshments  at  least  are  discordant  with  our  notions  ox  humane  legis- 
lation. Zaooariil  von  Lingenthal  expresses  his  opinion  that  the  cruelties  praotised 

VOL-V.  34 


. ^j,     xxiB  cuuiou  oi  tiie  ite^ilica  in  G  vuIh.  (18!: 

W.  K  Hcimbach.] 

IS.  THE  LAND  QUBSTION 

In  order  to  comprehend  the  land  question,  whid 
in  the  10th  century,  it  is  neoesaarj  to  underatu 
Und  was  held  and  the  legal  status  of  those  who  o 
been  elucidated  by  Zaohariji  von  lingenthal ;  but 
leaves  much  still  to  be  explained. 

We  have,  in  the  first  place,  the  simple  distinct 
who  cultivated  their  own  land,  and  the  peasants  w! 
not  belong  to  them. 

(1)  The  peasant  proprietors  {xmptrai)  lived  in  vil 
munity,  as  a  whole,  was  taxed,  each  member  pa 
community,  and  not  the  individual,  being  responnb 
nical  expressions,  the  lands  of  such  communities  a 
tors  are  contortet.    If  one  peasant  failed  to  pay  '. 
made  up  by  an  iwifioK-fi  or  additional  imposition  up 
tors.    This  system,  invented  for  the  convenience  of 
with ;  but  its  injurious  effects  in  overburdenizig  th 
probaUv  was  not  always  strictly  enforced.    When 
ooltivadon  owing  to  the  incompetence  or  ill-luidE  c 
hard  on  his  neighbours  that  their  more  successful  * 
with  an  extra  charge.    We  ccmsequently  find  the  £ 
for  insisting  upon  this  principle  of  "solidarity**— 
oaUed.    It  seems,  although  we  have  not  very  clear 
the  prlnoij^  was  now  extended  so  as  to  impose  the  m 
farms,  which  did  not  belong  to  the  biUinivva.     Bs 
extra  ohaige  on  the  domains  of  large  neighbouring  p 
quite  independent  of  the  village  community ;  but  tl 
of  that  Emperor's  warfare  agamst  large  estates — wai 

Under  this  system  of  solidarity,  each  member  of 
interested  in  the  honesty  and  capacity  of  his  neighl 
some  right  to  interfere  tor  the  puroose  of  tifn«i'»«i»- 


APPENDIX  631 

{ii)  Opposed  to  these  groups  of  small  farms  and  the  peasant  proprietors  who 
ealtivatea  them,  were  the  large  estates  {IBidcrTewa)  of  rich  owners  and  the  depen- 
dent coloni  who  tilled  them.  Many  of  these  estates  belonged  to  churches  and 
abbeys ;  others  were  crown  estates  (part  of  the  res  privatOt  or  the  patrimonivmt 
or  the  divina  domut) ;  others  were  owned  by  private  persons.  The  peasants 
who  worked  on  these  estates  were  of  two  kinds : — 

(a)  Free  tenants  {^ffOwroi  liberi  coloni)^  who  cultivated  their  holdings  at 
their  own  expense,  paying  a  rent  (whether  in  gold  or  kind)  to  the  proprietor. 
At  the  end  of  thirty  years  of  such  tenure,  the  tenant  (and  his  posterity)  became 
bound  to  the  land  in  perpetuity  ;  he  could  not  give  up  his  farm,  and  on  the  other 
hand  the  proprietor  could  not  eject  him.  But  except  for  this  restriction  he  had 
no  disabilities,  and  could  enter  mto  ordinary  legal  relations  with  the  proprietor, 
who  had  no  claims  upon  his  private  property. 

(6)  The  labourers  {ivavSypoupoi^  adscriptUii)  were  freemen  like  the  tenants, 
ana  (like  the  tenants  of  over  thirty  years)  were  "  fixed  to  the  clod".  But  their 
indigence  distinguished  them  from  the  tenants ;  they  were  tsUccn  in  by  a  pro- 
prietor to  labour  on  his  estate,  and  became  his  serfs,  receiving  from  him  a  dwell- 
mg  and  board  for  their  services.  Their  freedom  gave  these  labourers  one  or  two 
not  very  valuable  privileges  which  seemed  to  raise  them  above  the  rural  slaves ; 
but  we  sympathixe  with  Justinian  when  he  found  it  hard  to  see  the  differenoe 
between  servi  and  adscriptitiu^  For  good  or  bad,  they  were  in  their  master's 
power,  and  the  only  hold  they  had  on  him  was  the  right  of  not  being  turned  off 
from  his  estate.  The  difference  between  the  rural  slave  and  the  serf,  whioh 
seemed  to  Justinian  microscopic,  was  gradually  obliterated  by  the  elevation  of 
the  former  class  to  the  dignity  of  the  latter. 

As  to  the  origin  of  the  adscriptitii^  it  seems  to  have  been  due  to  the  financial 
policy  of  the  Constantinian  period,  which  aimed  at  allowing  no  man  to  abandon 
the  state  of  life  to  which  he  or  his  father  before  him  had  been  called. 

Such  were  the  agricultural  classes  in  the  4th,  6th  and  6th  centuries — 
peasant  proprietors  on  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  the  cultivators  of  great 
estates,  whether  tenants  bound  to  the  soil  or  serf -labourers.  And  these  olassee 
continued  to  exist  till  the  latest  aee  of  the  Empire.  If  the  Iconoclastic  reformers 
had  had  their  way,  perhaps  the  history  of  the  agricultural  classes  would  have 
been  widely  different.  Toe  abolition  of  the  principle  which  the  first  Christian 
Bmperor  had  adopted,  of  nailing  men  to  the  clod,  was  part  of  the  programme 
whioh  was  carried  out  by  the  Iconoclast  Emperors  and  reversed  by  their  suooes- 


The  storms  of  the  7th  century,  the  invasions  of  Slavs  and  Saracens,  had 
made  considerable  changes  in  the  condition  of  the  provincial  lands.  The  lUyrio 
peninsula  had  been  in  many  parts  occupied  by  Slavonic  settlers ;  in  many  cases 
the  dispossessed  provincials  had  fled  to  other  parts  of  the  Empire ;  and  Emperors 
had  tnmsfened  whole  populations  from  one  place  to  another,  to  replenish  deserted 
distrieta.  These  changes  rendered  a  revision  of  the  land  laws  imperative ;  and, 
when  an  able  sovereign  at  len^h  came  to  the  throne,  he  set  himself  the  task  of  regu- 
iMing  the  conditions  of  agriculture.  The  Agricultural  Code  {v6fjLos  7c»p7iic^f) 
was  issued  either  by  Leo  III.  or  by  his  son,  who  worked  in  the  same  spirit  as  the 
fiUher  ;  it  consists  chiefly  of  police  provisions  in  regard  to  rural  crimes  and  mis- 
demeanours, but  it  presuDies  a  state  of  things  completely  different  from  that 
whidi  existed  in  the  6th  century  and  existed  again  in  the  10th.  In  this  Code  no 
man  is  nailed  to  the  clod,  and  we  hear  nothing  of  serf-labourers  (ad§criptUii)  or 
of  servioes  owed  by  freemen  to  landlords.  We  cannot  ascribe  this  radical  change, 
the  abolition  of  what  we  may  call  serfdom,  to  any  other  sovereign  than  the 
reformer  Leo  III. 

The  Agrionltoral  Code  shows  us  peasant  proprietors  in  their  village  communi- 
ties as  before ;  hat  it  shows  as,  too^— and  here  we  get  a  gUmpse  of  the  new  setUe- 

*     *  sCod.  Just.  X  1,4s,  ai. 


The  abolition  of  serfdom  and  Rervice  of  the 
means  agreeable  to  the  great  landlords.  Hecular 
abbots  made  common  cause  against  the  now 
oame  in  the  second  half  of  the  9th  century  B 
order  of  things.    The  tenants  '  were  once  more 
things  the  landlords  were  not  satisfied  with  th 
Agrloultnnd  Code  ;  it  was  insufficient,  thej  sai 
the  taxation  was  allowed  for. 

The  failure  of  the  land  reforms  of  Leo  and  C 
the  old  system,  dose  the  history  of  the  tenants 
portant  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  peasant  p 
we  find  the  large  estates  growing  still  larger  at  i 
tors  whose  lands  they  absorb,  and  these  small  pi 
the  condition  of  tenants.  This  evil  has  been  di 
with  Romanus  I.  and  Tsimisces  ;  see  above,  p.  S 
decline  of  the  class  of  small  farmers  was  due  to 
ascetic  ideal  and  the  defective  economical  condit 

Hie  attraction  of  monastic  life  induced  mai 
and  bestow  their  property  on  the  communities  ^ 
were  ridi  enough,  to  found  new  monastical  or 
cultivation  of  the  lands  which  thus  passed  to  the 
trom  peasant  proprieton  to  tenants. 

Tlie  want  of  a  sound  credit  system,  due  to  the 
and  the  consequent  depression  of  trade,  ronderei 
for  capital ;  and  the  consequence  of  this  was 
capital  were  always  seeking  to  get  more  land  intc 
every  oeoasion  that  presented  Itself  to  induce  tl 
from  hand  to  mouth  and  had  no  savings,  to  pledg 
of  need.  The  fanner  who  thus  sold  out  would  ( 
holding  wfaidi  had  been  his  own  property. 

The  increase  of  large  estates  was  regarded  by 
and  disapprobation.*  The  campaign  against  the 
Bomanus  l.  in  a.  d.  982,  when,  in  the  law  (already  i 
of  pre-emption,  he  forbade  the  magnates  {ol  Huyaro 
snudler  folk,  except  in  the  case  of  relationiihin 


APPiENDIX  698 

brought  to  penary,  standing  on  the  brink  of  starvation,  had  no  resouroe  but  to 
pxirchase  bread  ior  themselves  and  their  families  bj  making  oyer  their  Uttle  tusmB 
to  rich  neighbours.  For  this  was  the  onlj  condition  on  wmoh  the  mugnates  wo^ild 
give  them  credit.  The  distress  of  these  years  in  the  reign  of  Bomanus  formed  an 
epoch  in  the  history  of  peasant  proprietorship.  It  was  dear  that  the  fanners 
who  had  pledged  tneir  land  would  have  no  onanoe  of  reoovoring  themselves  be- 
fore the  ten  years,  after  which  their  land  would  be  irreclaimable,  had  expired. 
The  prospect  was  that  the  small  farmer  would  wholly  disappear,  and  Romanoii 
attempted  to  forestall  the  catastrophe  by  direct  legislation.  His  Novel  of  a.i>. 
934  (see  above,  p.  209)  ordained  that  Uie  unfair  dealings  with  the  peas^ts  in  the 
past  years  should  be  righted,  and  that  for  the  future  no  such  dealings  should  take 
place. 

The  succeeding  Emperors  followed  up  the  policy  of  Romanus.  They  en- 
deavoured to  prevent  the  extinction  of  small  farmers  by  prohibiting  the  rich  from 
acquiring  villages  and  farms  from  the  poor,  and  even  by  prohibiting  ecdesiastioal 
institutions  from  receiving  gifts  of  landed  property.  A  series  of  seven  laws*  on 
this  Bul^eot  shoMTs  what  stubborn  resistance  was  offered  to  the  Imperial  policy  by 
the  rich  landlords  whose  interests  were  endangered.  Though  this  legislation  was 
never  repealed,  except  so  far  as  the  Church  was  interested,*  and  though  it  opn- 
tinued  to  be  the  law  of  the  Empire  that  .he  rich  landlords  diould  not  acquire  the 
lands  of  peasants,  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  law  was  evaded,  and  that  in  the 
last  itfes  of  the  Empire  peasant  farms  were  rare  indeed.  In  the  11th  century 
Asia  Minor  consisted  chiefly  of  large  domains. 

I  It  must  be  remembered  that,  though  the  formation  of  these  large  estates  gave 
their  proprietors  wealth  and  power  which  rendered  them  dangerous  subjects,  tl^y 
were  formed  not  with  the  motive  of  acquiring  political  influence,  but  from  tbe 
natural  tendency  of  capital  to  seek  the  best  mode  of  investment. 

In  studying  the  Imperial  land  legislation,  and  the  relations  of  landlord  and 
tenant  in  SouUi-eastem  Europe  and  Asia  Minor,  it  is  of  essential  importance  for 
a  modem  student  to  bear  m  mind  two  facts,  which  powerfully  selected  thai 
development  in  a  manner  which  is  almost  inconceivable  to  those  who  are  familiar 
with  the  land  (questions  in  modem  states.    These  facts — both  of  which  were  due 


to  the  economical  inexperience  of  ancient  and  medieval  Europe — are:  (1)  the 
legislation  was  entirely  based  on  fiscal  considerations ;  the  laws  were  dSreotly 
aimed  at  filling;  the  treasury  with  as  little  inconvenience  and  trouble  as  possible 
on  the  part  of  the  state :  the  short-sighted  policy  of  making  the  treasury  full 
instead  of  miJring  the  empire  rich  ;  (2)  the  lamentably  defective  credit-system  of 
the  Roman  law,  discouraging  the  investment  of  capital  and  rendering  land  almost 
the  only  safe  speculation,  reacted,  as  we  have  seen,  in  a  peculiar  way  on  the  land 
question.  Something  more  is  said  of  this  economical  weakness  in  the  later 
Empire  in  the  following  note. 

13.  INTEREST.  CREDIT.  AND  COMMERCE— (THE  RHODIAN  CODE) 

1.  The  interest  on  a  loan  of  money  was  fixed  by  the  two  parties  to  the  tran»> 
action,  but  eould  not,  according  to  a  law  of  Justinian,  exceed  (a)  in  ordinary 
cases,  6  per  oent.  per  annum,  (6)  when  the  lender  was  a  person  of  illustrious  n^nk. 
4  per  cent.,  (o)  when  the  lender  was  a  professional  money-changer  or  merchant,  8 
per  oent,  (d)  when  the  money  was  to  be  employed  in  a  transmarine  speculatioii, 
12  per  cent,  [nautummfcmwj. 

This  system  of  interest  was  calculated  on  the  basis  of  a  division  of  the  capital 

s  (a)  A.D.  947,  Nov.  6  of  Constantine  VII. ;  (b)  a.d.  gfi9<(^,  Nov.  13  ol  Ronuous  II. ;  (c,  il, «) 
A.D.  064, 967.  Nov.  10,  20,  21  of  Nicephorut  Phocas ,  (p  a.d.  988,  Nov.  26  of  Basil  II. ;  (f )  A.D. 
996,  Nov.  29  of  Basil  II. ;  all  ap.  Zachariii.  Jas  Graeco-Romanum,  iii. 

•  Basil  II-  repealed  the  law  of  Nicephorus  that  Churches,  &c«  should  ^^  %»Q(aSs%  x^ndk 
property. 


..^»     I  <w  axv/j 


o  per  cent,  had  been  paid  before,  8*33  was  paid 
5*55  replaced  4  per  cent.)    There  was  thus  a  co 
maxima  of  interest, 

2.  The  free  circulation  of  capital  was  serioii 
obtaining  good  seouritieB.  The  laws  rcspeoting 
seenre  the  interests  of  the  creditor ;  ana  it  is  si 
noiioe  is  taken  of  either  mortgage  or  personal  t 
eradit  was  the  defectlTeness  of  the  moae  of  prot 
reoorering  his  money  from  a  defaulting  debtor. 

Hie  dMeots  of  the  eredit-sjstem  of  tne  Empire 
ably  on  eonuneroe ;  and  the  oonsequenoe  ultimi 
ofoght  to  have  been  carried  on  by  the  Greeks  of  C 
the  Aegean,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Italians.  Tl 
Genoese  merchants  in  the  East  were  due  largely 
legislation. 

On  the  oondition  of  Greek  oommeroe  in  the  8t 
information  from  the  "Rhodian  Nautical  Code 
Emperors.'    From  this  we  learn  that  at  this  perioi 
to  hire  a  ship  and  load  it  with  his  own  freignt,  h\ 
used  to  form  a  joint-stock  company  and  divide 
dental  injuries  befalling  ship  or  cargo,  were  to  be 
merchant,  and  passengers.    It  has  been  remarkc 
to  the  depression  of  maritime  commerce,  easily  e: 
the  7th  century  forward  the  Aegean  and  Meditem 
and  Saracen  pirates.     In  such  risky  conditions  n 
sea  ventures,  except  in  partnership.     Although 
loanodasts  was  not  accepted  in  the  Basilica,  it  soc 
inpraotioe. 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  a  man  with  a  s 
could  purchase,  if  he  chose,  a  life-annuity,  with  i 
tainly  titular  dignities  (even  the  high  title  of  proU 
extra  pavment  entitled  the  dignitary  to  a  year 
brought  nim  in  10  per  cent,  on  his  outlay. 

l^ere  were  also  a  number  of  minor  poets  at  th 
attached,  and  theM  amnH  k«  .-^^v— j*  -  • 


APPENDIX  636 

14.  THE  LETTEBS  OF  GREGORY  IL  TO  THE  EMPEROR  LEO-(P.  «57) 

It  is  incorrect  to  say  that  *'  the  two  epistles  of  Gregory  11.  have  been  presenred 
in  the  Acts  of  the  Nioene  Council ".  In  modem  collections  of  the  Acts  oi  Ecclesi- 
astical Goancils,  they  have  been  printed  at  the  end  of  the  Acts  of  the  Seoond 
Nioene  Council.  But  they  first  came  to  light  at  the  end  of  the  16th  century 
and  were  printed  for  the  mvt  time  in  the  Annales  Ecclesiastici  of  Baronius,  who 
had  obtained  them  from  Fronton  le  Due.  This  scholar  had  copied  the  text  from 
a  Greek  lis.  at  Rheims.  Since  then  other  Mss.  have  been  lound,  the  earliest 
belonging  to  ihe  11th,  if  not  the  10th,  century. 

In  another  case  we  should  say  that  the  external  evidence  for  the  genuineness 
of  the  epistles  was  good.  We  Imow  on  the  authority  of  Theophanes  that  Gregory 
wrote  one  or  more  letters  to  Leo  Ihrurrokiiv  ^oyfiaruHiy,  tub  a.m.  617S,  8i* 
iwurroX&y,  tub  a.m.  6SS1)  ;  and  we  would  have  no  external  reasons  to  su^>ect 
oopiee  dathig  from  about  300  years  later.  But  the  omission  of  these  letters  in  tiie 
Acts  of  the  Nicene  Council,  though  they  are  stated  to  have  been  read  at  the 
Council,  introduces  a  shadow  of  suspicion.  If  they  were  preserved,  how  comes 
it  that  they  were  not  preserved  in  the  Acts  of  the  Coimcil,  like  the  letter  of 
Gregorr  to  the  Patriarch  Germanus  ?  There  is  no  trace  anywhere  of  the  Latin 
originals. 

Turning  to  the  contents,  we  find  enough  to  convert  suspicion  into  a  practical 
certainty  that  the  documents  are  foi^genes.  This  is  the  opinion  of  M.  TAbM 
Du<^esne  (the  editor  of  the  Liber  Pontificalis),  M.  L.  Gu^rard^M^langes  d*Ajoh^ 
logic  et  d'Histoire,  p.  44  ggq.,  1890) »  Mr.  Hodgkin  (Italy  ana  her  Invaders.  voL 
vi.,  p.  601  tqq.).  A  false  oate  (the  b^^inning  of  Leo's  reign  is  placed  in  the  14Ui 
instead  of  the  15th  indiction),  and  the  false  implication  that  the  Imperial 
territory  of  the  Ducatus  Romae  terminated  at  twenty-four  stadia,  or  three  miles, 
from  Rome,  point  to  an  author  who  was  neither  a  contemporary  of  Leo  nor  a 
resident  in  Rome.  But  the  insolent  tone  of  the  letters  is  enough  to  condemn 
them.  Gregory  II.  would  never  have  addressed  to  his  sovereign  the  crude  abuse 
with  which  these  documents  teem.  Another  objection  (which  I  have  never  seen 
noticed)  is  that  in  the  1st  Letter  the  famous  image  of  Christ  which  was  pulled 
down  by  Leo  is  stated  to  have  been  in  the  Chalkoprateia  (bronzesmiths'  quarter), 
whereas,  according  to  the  trustworthy  sources,  it  was  above  the  Chalkd  gate  of  the 
Palace. 

Rejecting  the  letters  on  these  grounds — ^which  are  supported  by  a  number  of 
smaller  points — we  get  rid  of  the  difficulty  about  a  Lomoard  siege  of  Ravenna 
before  a.i>.  7S7  :  a  siese  which  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere  and  was  doubUsH 
created  by  the  confused  knowledge  of  the  fabricator. 

15.  THE  ICONOCLASTIC  EDICTS  OF  LEO  ni.-(P.  261,  J6«) 

Leo  issued  his  first  edict  against  the  worship  of  images  in  a.d.  726,^  and  began 
actively  to  carry  it  into  effect  in  the  following  year  (a.d.  7?6).' 

Gibbon  (who  is  followed  bv  Finlav)  states  that  the  first  edict  did  not  enioin 
the  removal  of  images,  but  only  the  elevation  of  them  to  such  a  height  that  tney 
could  not  be  kissed  or  touched  by  the  faithful.  He  does  not  give  the  authoriW 
for  ti^s  statement,  but  he  derived  it  from  Cardinal  Baronius  (Ann.  Ecd.  ix.,  acL' 
ann.,  726,  5),  who  founded  his  assertion  on  a  Latin  translation  of  a  VitaStepbani 
Junioris.  lliis  document  is  published  in  the  edition  of  the  Works  of  John  of 
Damascus,  by  J.  Billius  (1603),  and  differs  considerably  from  the  Greek  text  (and 
Lat.  transL)  published  by  Montfaucon  in  his  Analecta  Grsca  towards  the  end  of 

1  Theoph.,  A.M. 6137.  I  do  not  aee  that  we  are  jattified  in  rejecting  this  dsteof  Tbeoi^ 
phanes,  as  ntaost  critics  are  disposed  to  do.  The  First  Epittle  of  Gregory  to  Leo..ssyBCia 
the  tenth  year  ••  of  Leo's  reign,  but  it  it  not  genuine.  ^^-__  - ,.,. 

«  Theoph.,  A.M.  6x3&  ^**rf  v^  V^  ^^^!  "^ 


...w^^uo  \/ii  Ln.:UttU  OI  lITl 

A.D.   730  a  silcntium  was  held,   the  Patria 
])olicy  was  deiKMcd,  and  a  new  {jatriarch,  Ai 
the  same  year  the  Secoml  Oration  of  John 
second  ediot  was  issued  after  the  election  of 
from  the  first  ohiafly  in  the  faot  that  the  In 
under  the  lanetion  of  the  head  of  the  church  : 
Gifalxm  does  not  mention  the  faot  that  t 
Leo  hi  the  inaugnrstion  of  the  iconoclastic 
NaodUa  in  Phiy^ia.    For  this  prelate  see  the  i 
nui.  preserved  m  the  Acts  of  the  Second  Coi 

■ 

f     *  The  relatioB  of  these  docnments  deserves  to  be 

^  Bat  Schwarslose  does  not  distingaiBh  the  olde 
test  and  trsnsUtion  of  the  Viu  Stcphani.  In  his  val 
im  Innera  (Bys.  Ztsch.,  ▼.,  p.  291),  K.  Schenk  defends 
the  pictores  to  be  hung  hikner.  He  cites  the  Life  o 
ence  except  '*  Baronius  ad  annum,  736,"  and  does  1 
edition  and  the  older  Latin  version.  Until  the  sou 
dsared  up  and  its  authority  examined,  it  seems  da 
dsptads  on  it  alone.  Sch^ik  meets  the  argument 
is  tocpnsistent  with  the  destruction  of  the  picture 
objections  concern  the  account  of  the  destruction 
&reeory  to  Leo  and  do  not  touch  the  account  in  The< 
reiimiroe  the  arguments  against  the  genuineness  of  th 

*  The  Viu  Stephani  places  It  after  the  deposition 
fore  Pagi  placed  it  in  730  (a.d.  726^  and  730,  3,  5).  H 
Pope  Gregory  to  Leo,  which  he  (Hefele)  regards  as  g( 

The  dffonoloi^  in  the  Vita  Stephani  is  untrustwt 
the  Ecclesia  whidn  is  there  stated  (Migne,  P.  G.,  xoo 
new  policy  was  inaujgurated  (i«.,  a.d.  725  or  726)  is  rea 
A.M.  Max).    See  Heiele,  op.  cit.t  p.  346. 

<  Bury,  op,  cit.,  P*  436. 

7  Theoph.,  A.M.  62ax  (s  a.d.  728-9).  Theophanes  give 
7tb,  Tuesday,"  and  the  date  of  the  appointment  of 
cording  to  tne  vnlnr  chronolocy,  which  refers  these 
Is  inooaaistent  with  the  day  ofthe  month.  January 
the  rerised  chronolow  »k..-  «-  — 


APPENDIX  537 


•UBSTIONS  OONKEOTED  WITH  THE  RISE  OF  THE  PAPAL 
BB  IN  THE  EIGHTH  OBNTURT— {P-  S66,  S70,  SH,  he,) 

OU8  literature  has  grown  up  in  ocnmexion  with  the  policy  of  the 
)me  and  the  rise  of  the  papal  power  in  the  8th  century,  especially 
.)  the  Beoearion  of  Italy  xrom  the  Empire,  (S)  the  relations  of  the 

Frank  monarchy,  (3)  the  donations  of  Pippin  and  Charles,  and  the 
e  papal  territory.  It  can  hardly  be  said  that  any  final  or  generally 
elusions  have  l>een  attained ;  and  here  it  must  be  enough  to  call 
me  or  two  points  which  may  be  regarded  as  certain, 
ide  of  Gregorpr  II.  is  misrepresented  by  Gibbon.  Gregory,  though 
>posed  Leas  iconoclastic  policy,  did  not  arm  against  the  Empire ; 
flection  in  Italy,  which  led  to  the  elevation  of  tyrants  under  his 
'as  not  due  to  the  iconoelastio  decrees,  but  to  the  heav^  taxation 
iperor  imposed.^  Gresory,  so  far  from  aiqproving  of  the  disaffection, 
ision  in  Imperial  Ituy  would  result  in  the  extension  of  Lombard 
id  discouraged  the  rebellion.'  This  is  quite  clear  from  the  Liber 
V.  Greg.  II.  It  was  because  there  was  no  nrospeot  of  help  from 
le  that  Gregory  III.  appealed  to  Oharlea  Martel  in  a.i>.  738  to  potect 

Rome  agiunst  Lombiurd  attacks.  But  the  final  breach  (not  indeed 
the  time  to  be  a  final  breach)  with  the  Empire  did  not  come  till 
later.  The  exarchate  had  fallen,  and  Rome  was  girt  about  l^  the 
rer ;  but  Pope  Stephen  would  hardly  have  decided  to  throw  himself 
the  hands  of  the  Frank  king  if  the  Council  of  Constantinople  in 
not  set  a  seal  on  the  iconoclastic  heresy.  It  was  when  Uie  news  of 
reached  Rome  that  the  Pope  went  forth  on  his  memorable  visit  to 
The  revision  of  the  chronology  of  the  C(th  century  (see  above, 
I  this  visit  in  a  new  light.  But  even  now  the  Pope  did  not  intend  to 
rom  the  Empire;  the  formal  authority  of  the  Emperor  was  still 
Pippin  made  over  to  the  Church  the  lands  which  the  Lombard  king, 
forced  to  surrender,  but  tiiis  bestowal  was  designated  as  a  retMft- 

the  Church,  for  the  Church  never  possessed  them,  but  to  the 
is  of  course  was  only  the  formal  aspect.  Practically  the  Pojpe  was 
of  the  Emperor ;  his  position  was  guaranteed  by  the  Franks.*^ 
ipts  to  derive  the  territorial  dominion  of  the  Church  from  the 
»f  St.  Peter  have  been  unsuccessful.^  The  Church  as  a  territorial 
Bin  entirely  different  thing  from  the  Church  as  a  territorial  sovereign, 
•n  of  large  estates,  in  Corsica  for  instance,  might  be  urged  as  a  reason 
iition  of  the  rights  of  sovereignty ;  but  there  was  a  disunct  and  a  long 
le  position  to  the  other.  In  the  duetUus  Roma  the  Pope  possessed 
>f  political  sovereignty  in  the  8th  century ;  we  have  no  clear  record 
tion  was  won ;    but  it  was  certainly  not  tne  result  of  the  patrimony 

to  the  donation  of  Pippin  it  ma^  bo  regarded  as  certain  that  (1)  a 
IS  drawn  up  at  Ponthion  or  Quiersy  in  a.d.  754,  in  which  Pippin 
•  restore  certain  territories  to  Peter,"  and  (8)  that  Pippin  did  not 
whole  Exarchate  and  Pentapolis,  but  only  a  number  oi  cities  and 
merated  in  the  deed. 


ntent  with  the  taxation  and  the  dissatisfaction  at  the  iconoclastic  decrees 
quite  distinct.  Cp.  Dahmen,  das  Pontifikat  Gregors  II.,  p.  69  sqq,  (x888) ; 
5,  260  iqq. ;  Duchesne,  L.  P.,  i.,  4x3. 

tt.  Nachnchten,  1896,  p.  X09.  has  bronffht  cot  the  point  that  owing  to  the 
er  the  Pope  representM  the  interests  of  Bysantine  Italy. 

1,  Gott.  GeL  Anz.,  1897,  xx,  p.  849-3.  ^  Sickel,  i6.,  839. 

Foot,  makes  no  mention  of  a  docnment.  hot  the  deed  {donmiio)  is  distinctly 
a  letter  of  Pope  Stephen  of  A.D.  79s  (Cod.  Car.,  p.  493),  civitstes  sC  Iocs  vtl 
I  donatio  continet. 


tomb  from  his  own  poHseBsion  and  ma^le  the  kin 
have  had  a  purely  religious  import— the  mere 
augment  the  interestH  of  the  kings  in  the  Holy 
given  a  key  of  the  famous  sepulchre  as  a  sort  o 
See  Skskel,  cga.  ett,  p.  8&l-a 

[Soma  reoent  liteiatare:  Friedrieh,  die  Ooi 
Kdir,  00.  eit .  and  art  in  Sybers  Hist,  Zeitseh. 
tb.,  1894.  7%  p.  198  iqq. ;  £(ohnttrer,  Die  Entitc 
SiekeL  op.  eit,  and  wtiele  in  Deatsohe  Zeitsoh 
18;  1^ ;  Saokur,  in  the  Bfitteilnngen  des  Inst 
forsohung,  16,  1896;  T.  Lindner,  Die  sog.  S 
groflsen  und  Ottos  I.  an  die  P&pste,  1896.  Se 
frinldsoben  Reiehea  nnter  EL  Pippin,  and  Simi 
demgroBsen :  Oregorovius,  Rome  m  the  Middle  ^ 
in  Dnohesne  s  Liber  Pontifioalis ;  Dnohesne,  Le 
tifioal  in  the  Rev.  dlust.  et  de  litt  religieuses,  i. 
Die  Pabstfabehi  des  Mittelalters  (Gregory  IL 
Sehenkong  Constantius,  p.  61  899.).] 

Since  this  was  written  I  have  received  fro 
study :  Etude  sur  la  formation  dee  etats  de  1 
Gr^goire  III.,  Zacharie  et  Etienne  II.,  et  leu 
iconocUstes  (7S6-757).    Published  in  the  Revu< 

17.  GOLD  IN  ARABIA- 

Gibbon  states  that  no  gold  mines  are  at  pr 
authority  of  Niebuhr.  Tet  gold  mines  seem  to 
the  caliphate,  for  M.  Casanova  has  described  Bom< 
A.H.  (728-4  A.D.)  and  inscriptions  containing  the  y 
of  the  Faithful  in  the  Hnas  "  (Casanova,  Inve 
monnaies  musulmanes  de  S.  A.  la  Princesse  Ism 

For  this  note  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  o 


18.  THB  SABIANS— (P. 


APPENDIX  539 

This  book  is  mainlj  oonoemed  with  an  aooount  of  the  false  Sabians  of  Harran. 
It  was  in  the  9th  centory  a.d.  that  this  spurious  Sabianism  was  so  named. 
The  people  of  Harran.  in  order  not  to  be  accounted  heathen  by  their  Abbadd 
lords,  but  that  they  misht  be  reckoned  among  the  unbelieren  to  whom  a  privi- 
leged position  is  granted  by  the  Koran — Jews,  Christians,  and  Sabians — as  thev 
oould  not  pretend  to  be  Christians  or  Jews,  professed  Sabianism,  a  faith  to  whi<m 
no  exact  iaea  was  attached.  The  religion,  which  thus  assumed  the  Sabian  name, 
was  the  native  religion  of  the  country,  with  Greek  and  Syrian  elements  super- 
imposed. It  is  to  this  spurious  Sabianism,  with  its  star-worship,  that  Gibbon's 
description  applies. 

The  true  Sabianism  sprang  up  in  Babylonia  in  the  1st  and  2nd  centuries  of  the 
Christian  era,  and  probably  contains  as  its  basis  misunderstood  gnostic  doctrines. 
Its  nature  was  first  clearly  explained  by  Petermann,  who  travelled  for  the  purpose 
of  studying  it,  and  then  re-eoited  the  Sidra  Rabba,  which  is  written  in  a  Semitic 
dialect  known  as  Mandaean.  There  were  two  original  principles :  matter,  and  a 
creative  mind  ( * '  the  lord  of  glory  ").  This  primal  mental  principle  creates  Hay  va 
Kadma^a  {** first  life"),  ana  then  retires  from  the  scene  of  operations ;  and  tae 
souls  of  vOTy  holy  Sabians  have  the  joy  of  once  beholding  the  lord  of  glory,  after 
death.  The  emanation  Hayya  Kadmaya  is  the  deity  who  is  worshipped  ;  from 
him  other  emanations  prooeed.  (For  the  ceremonies  and  customs  of  modem 
Sabians  see  M.  Siouffi's  Etudes  sur  la  religion  des  Soubbas,  1880.  For  a  good 
account  of  the  whole  subject,  Mr.  Stanley  Laue-Poole's  Studies  in  a  Mosque, 
a  viii) 

19.  TWO  TREATIES  OF  MOHAMMAD— (P.  366,  372) 

The  text  of  the  treaty  of  Hudaibiya  between  Mohammad  and  the  Koreish  in 
▲iD.  6S8,  is  preserved  by  Wakidi,  ana  is  thus  translated  by  Sir  W.  Muir(Life  of 
Mahomet,  p.  346-7)  :~ 

"  In  thy  name,  O  God !  These  are  the  oonditions  of  peace  between  Moham- 
mad, son  of  Abdallah,  and  Suhail,  son  of  Amr  [deputy  of  the  Koreish].  War 
shall  be  suspended  for  ten  years.  Whosoever  wisheth  to  join  Mohanmiad  or  enter 
into  treaty  with  him,  shall  have  liberty  to  do  so ;  and  likewise  whosoever  wisheth 
to  join  the  Koreish  or  enter  into  treaty  with  them.  If  one  goeth  over  to  Moham- 
mad without  the  permission  of  his  guardian,  he  shall  be  sent  back  to  his  guardian ; 
but  should  any  of  the  followers  of  Mohammad  return  to  the  Koreish,  they  shall  not 
be  sent  back.  Mohammad  shall  retire  this  year  without  entering  the  City.  In 
the  coming  year  Mohammad  may  visit  Mecca,  he  and  his  followers,  for  three  days, 
during  which  the  Koreish  shall  retire  and  leave  the  City  to  them.  But  they  may 
not  enter  it  with  any  weapons,  save  those  of  the  traveller,  namely  to  each  a 
sheathed  sword."  This  was  signed  by  Abu  Bekr,  Omar,  Abd  ar- Rahman,  and  six 
other  witnesses. 

As  another  example  of  the  treaties  of  Mohammad,  I  take  that  which  he  con- 
cluded with  the  Christian  prince  of  Aila, — the  diploma  $eeuriUUi9^  mentioned  b^ 
Gibbon  ;  who  refrains  from  pronouncing  an  opinion  as  to  its  authenticity.  It  too  is 
preserved  by  Wakidi  and  there  is  no  fair  reason  for  suspecting  it.  Here  again  I 
borrow  the  translation  of  Sir  W.  Muir  (p.  428) : — 

"In  the  name  of  God  the  Gracious  and  Merciful !  A  compact  of  peace  from 
Grod  and  from  Mohammad  the  Prophet  and  iUxwtle  of  God,  granted  unto  Yu- 
hanna  [John],  son  of  Rubah,  and  unto  the  people  of  Aila.  For  them  who  remain 
at  home  and  for  those  that  toavel  by  sea  and  by  land  there  is  the  guarantee  of  Grod 
and  of  Mohammad,  the  Apostle  of  God,  and  for  all  that  are  with  them,  whether 
of  Syria  or  of  Yemen  or  of  the  sea-coast.  Whoso  oontraveneth  this  tareaty,  his 
wealth  shall  not  save  him  ;  it  shall  be  the  fair  prize  of  him  that  taketh  it.  Now 
it  shall  not  be  lawful  to  hinder  the  men  of  AHa  from  any  springs  which  they  have 
been  in  the  habit  of  freoaenting,  nor  from  any  journey  they  desire  to  make, 
whether  by  sea  or  by  lancL  ^e  writing  of  Juhaim  and  Sharihbil  by  command 
of  the  A^tle  of  God.'* 


^.Kurtupiee  in  papyn. 

oparchicfl,  each  under  a  dux ;  each  e{)a'X3hy  was  c 
Htrategoi.    The  financial  adminiHtration  of  the  noi 
Sometimes  the  offices  of  the  strategOB  and  pagai 
oombined  the  double  f  unotiona.   But  it  Beams  that 
with  the  eparohy  of  Lower  £K7Pt>  he  was  not  thro 
of  the  laina  nome.    For  we  wad  him  at  Alesuuidr 
In  ▲.!>.  688  Hatib,  the  envoy  of  Mohammad,  foui 
In  Bilidhuri  he  appears  as  governor  first  of  Aiea 
Eutyohius  and  Klmaein  represent  him  as  an  Awm 
in  llisr.    There  is  no  Question  that  at  the  time  of 
residence  was  Misr.    Karabaoek  thinks  that  the 
of  fityavxHs,  whioh  miffKt  have  been  one  of  his 
pagarchs  such  titles  as  iityoXivwptwiffraroSt  Mo(^ 
very  unlikely  titular  epithet. 

We  can  now  see  what  is  meant  by  the  **prefeoti 
(p.  660.  677),  aooording  to  Zotenberg's  translation 
identified  with  "Amra  icvpox,  who  is  found  in  a  ps 
polls  nuttna. 

For  the  position  of  Mokankas  as  head  of  the  Go 


SL  CHBONOLOGT  OF  THB  SARACEN  001 

EGYPT— (P*  415461 

The  diserepNancies  in  the  original  authorities  (Gi 
osn  oonqnosts  in  the  caliphates  of  AbQ  Belcr  and  O 
nnoertamty  as  to  the  dates  of  such  leading  events 
and  OMlesiai  the  captures  of  Damascus  and  Alex 
divergent  chronological  schemes. 

I.  GoKQUBHT  or  Stria.  Gibbon  follows  Oddey, 
gives  the  foUovring  arrangement : — 

▲.D.  63S.    Siege  and  capture  of  Bosra.    Siege  oi 

dain  (July). 
„    6^.    Capture  of  Damascus. 
,,    635.    Siege  of  Emesa. 


APPENDIX  641 

23rd  of  Loiu  (that  is,  Augiut),'*  which  was  the  day  after  Abu  Bekr's  death. 
•  chronology  oi  Theophanee  is  confused  in  this  period ;  there  is  a  disorepanoj 
^een  the  Anni  incamationis  and  Indiotions  on  one  hand,  and  the  Anni  Muncu 
he  other ;  and  the  Anni  Mundi  are  generally  a  year  wrong.  So  in  this  case. 
Annus  Mundi  6lS6  (=March  25,  a.d.  633  to 634)  ooc^t  to  be  6127 ;  the  23rd  of 
s  fell  on  Tuesday  in  634,  not  in  633  or  636  or  636.  There  is  no  question  about 
reading  Adov,  which  appears  in  de  Boor's  edition  (|9.  338)  instead  of  the  old 
Tiption  *lov\iov ;  it  is  m  the  oldest  of  the  Mss.,  and  is  confirmed  by  the  Latin 
islation.^  (4)  The  capture  of  Damascus  in  Gibbon's  chronology  precedes  the 
de  of  the  Yermiik .  But  it  was  dearly  a  oonsemienoe,  as  Theophanes  represents , 
^ell  as  the  best  Arabic  authorities.    KhAlid  who  arrived  from  Irak  just  in  time 


like  part  iu  the  battle  of  the  Termuk  led  the  sie^e  of  Damascus.    See  Tabarl, 

n  sqq.    (5)  The  date  of  the 
u  ffij.  13  according  to  MasudI  and  Ab&-1-Fida,  in  winter  (Tabari) ;  hence 


Koeegarten,  ii.,  p.  161  too.    (5J  The  date  of  the  capture  of  Damascus  was 


il  deduces  Jan.  a.d.  636  (see  WeSL,  i,,  p.  47). 

>n  these  grounds  Weil  revised  the  ehronolo^,  in  the  light  of  better  Arabic 
roes.    He  rightly  placed  the  battle  of  the  "Sermuk  in  Aug.  634,  and  the  cap- 
)  of  Damascus  subsequent  to  it.  The  engagement  of  Ajnidain  he  placed  shortly 
>re  that  of  the  Termuk,  on  July  30,  a.d.  634,  but  had  to  assume  that  Kh&lid 
not  present.    As  to  the  battle  of  CiMleBia,  he  accepts  the  year  given  by  Tabari 
Zotenberg,  iii.,  p.  400)  and  Mas&dl  (a.h.  14,  a.d.  536)  as  against  that  alleged 
the  older  authonty  Ibn  Ish&k  (ap.  Mas&di)  as  well  as  by  Abn-1-Fida  and  others 
eit  p.  71).    Pinlay  follows  tlds  revision  of  Weil : — 
L.D.  634.    BaUle  of  Ainadain  (July  30).    Battle  of  the  Termuk  (Aug.  23). 
, ,    635.    Capture  of  Damascus  (tfan.).    Battle  of  Cadesia  (spring). 
„    636.    Capture  of  Emesa  (Feb.).    Capture  of  Mad&Yn. 
,,    637-8.    Conquest  of  Palestine. 

to  the  main  points  Weil  is  undoubtedly  right.  That  the  conquest  of  Syria 
an  in  a.d.  634  and  not  (as  Gibbon  gives)  a.d.  633,  is  asserted  by  Tabiuri'  and 
•ngly  confirmed  by  the  notice  in  Xpovoyp,  <Hfrrofiov  of  Nicephorus  (p.  99,  ed. 
Boor) :  ol  Sopofciyi'ol  ^p^curro  rris  rov  varrhs  ifnifl^ff€ws  r£  ^pKs'  Irci  2k8.  C, 

Milne,  in  his  History  of  Egypt  tmder  Boman  RuleJl898X  thinks  thiat 
kaukas  was  prefect,  i)erhape  of  Augustaiunica,  p.  225.    The  Saracens  began 
ir  devastation  in  a.m.  6126  =  Ind.  7.     a.m.  6126  is  current  from  a.d.  633 
reh  25  to  A.D.  G;^  March  25,  and  the  7th  Indiction  from  a.d.  633  Sept.  1  to 
.  634  Sept.  1 ;  the  common  part  is  Sept.  1  a.d.  O.^  to  MiEirch  25  a.d.  634 ;  so 
t  we  are  led  to  the  date  Feb.,  March  G3I  for  the  advance  against  the  Empire, 
r^^rd  to  the  cai)ture  of  Damasciis  it  seems  safer  to  accept  the  date  a.h.  14, 
ich  is  assigned  both  by  Ihn  Ish&k  and  Wakidt  (quoted  by  Tabari,  ed.  Kose- 
ten,  ii.,  p.  169),  and  therefore  place  it  later  in  the  year  a.d.  635. 
The  weak  point  in  Weil's  reconstruction  would  be  the  date  for  tne  battle 
Ajn&dain,   as  contradicting  the  natural  course  of  the  campaign  marked  out 
geography,  if  it  were  certain  that  AJnadain  lay  west  of  the  Jordan,  as  is 
laUy  supposed  (see  map  in  this  volume,  where  it  is  indicated  in  the  oom- 
nly  accepted  position).    The  battle  of  the  Termuk  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan 
.urally  preceded  operations  west  of  the  Jordan.   This  has  been  pointed  out  by  Sir 

Muir  CAnnals  of  the  Early  Caliphate,  p.  206-7),  who  observes  that  the  date 
•.  634  (before  the  Termiik)  is  opposed  to  the  consistent  though  very  summary 
Tativo  of  the  best  authorities,  as  well  as  to  the  natural  course  of  the  campaign, 
ich  b^an  on  the  east  side  of  the  Jordan,  all  the  eastern  province  being  reduced 
ore  the  Arabs  ventured  to  cross  over  to  the  well-garrisoned  country  west  of  the 

I  Weil  falls  into  error  (x,  p.  48)  when  he  sUtes  that  Theophanes  is  only  a  year  wrong  in 
date  of  Mohammad's  deam.  He  places  it  in  the  year  a.o.  oy> :  and  his  reference  to  the  4th 
iction  under  that  year  is  justified  by  the  fact  that  the  first  half  of  the  Indiction  is  con- 
rent  with  the  A.M.  Weil  miacalcnlates  the  Indiction,  which  correspondA  to  630-1,  not  to 
•a. 

»III.  p.  347,  tr.  Zotenberg:  "At  the  beginning  of  the  i^th  ^ftat  oX.  1%a  W5jt».  XiS^  \m^ 
Syria  vna  coaqucred  and  Abfl  Bekr  resolved  to  invade  W**. 


Ah  to  tho  date  of  tho  capture  of  Jem 
Muir  placed  it  at  the  end  of  a.i>.  636  (so  Tab 
Arabic  Hources  place  it  in  the  followijiff  yea 
'*  In  thiit  year  Omar  made  an  expedition  a. 
City,  and  took  it  by  capttolation  at  the  en 
634^35 ;  but,  as  the  Anni  Mimdi  are  here  i 
ii  that  we  mujit  go  by  the  Anni  Ineamation 
636.    In  that  oaae.  tbe  oapitnlation  woald 
637 — if  the  two  yean  wereinterpreted  strict 
might  be  used  for  two  military  years,  636  an< 
is  (^uite  consistent  with  Sir  Wm.  Mnir^s 
Weil  in  sotting  the  battle  of  Cadesia  in  a.  i 
635,  instead  of  near  the  beginning  of  the  yet 
History  in  the  Encyc.  Brit)  gives 636  or 637 
the  chronology  is  as  f<^W8 : — 

▲.!>.  634.  April,  the  opposing  armies  p 
Jime,  skirmisning  on  the  Ye 
Yermiik. 
„    635.    Summer,  Damascus  capitulatec 

of  Cadesia. 
„    636.    Spring,  Emesa  taken.      Other 
taken.    Heradius  returns  to 
Ajnadain.     End  of  the  year, 
siege  of  Madain  begins. 
„    637.    Mi^dh,  capture  of  Madain. 
„    638b    Capture  oi  Oaesarea.    Foundati 
II.  CoHQUBST  or  EoTFT.     OtuT  Greek  auth< 
of  the  conquest  of  Egypt,  and  the  capture  of 
conflict.    The  matter,  nowever,  has  been  cle; 
Zeitsohrift,  iv.,  p.  435  tqq,),  who  has  lnt>ugh 
than  Thoophanes,  Nioepnonis  and  all  the  J^ 
temporary  of  the  event.    (For  his  work  see  a1 
implies  (Mr.  Brooks  has  shown)  thai  Alexant 
64i  (towards  the  end  of  a.h.  20).    This  date  8 
who  places  the  whole  conquest  within  •  ^  '^ 

(hew*  olw.:-«— J  '      - 


APPENDIX 


543 


after  Mftnuel  had  reoovered  it,  in  ▲.!>.  646  (2oc  eii,,  p.  443)>    Bir.  Broohai'  ohrano- 
logy  is  M  followB : — 


A.D. 


»» 


f» 


639. 
640. 


641. 


Dea,  Amru  enters  Egypt. 

0.  July,  battle  of  Heliopolis. 

c.  Sept.,  Alexandria  and  Babylon  besieged. 

April  9,  Babylon  captured. 
Oct  17,  Alexandra  capitulates. 
As  to  the  digressive  notice  of  Theophanes  tub  amno  61S6,  whieh  plaoes  an  invasion 
of  Egypt  by  the  Saracens  in  a.d.  6&,  it  would  be  radii,  without  some  further  eri- 
denoe,  to  infer  that  there  was  any  unsuooessful  attempt  made  on  Bgypt  either  in 
that  year,  or  before  a.ik  6S0l 


*  By  this  means  Mr.  Brodks  most  pkosiUy  eiplains  the  origin  of  the  traditions!  self- 
contrsdictonr  date,  Pridsjr,  xst  of  Moharram.  A.R.  so.  In  that  year  Muharram  z  did  not  fall 
<m  Friday;  but  it  fell  on  Friday  in  a.h.  as,  the  yaar  of  the  lecapturei 


^.« 


V.    ■  -»  \c# 


ADDENDA 


VOLUME  V. 


i 


P.  283,  footnote  "*.  I  have  since  received  from  Professor  W.  Sickei  an  imporuffij 
study :  Die  Kaiserwahl  Karls  des  Grossen,  Eine  rechtsgeschichtliche  Erorter 
ung,  which  he  contributed  to  the  Mittheilungen  des  Instituts  fiir  osterreichiscbi ' 
G^hichtsforschung,  vol  xx.  He  deals  with  all  important  previous  works  on 
the  question,  and  makes  it  probable  that  a  Wahlversammlung,  an  assembly  d 
electors  clerical  and  lay.  met  at  Rome  before  Dec  25. 

P.  499.  To  John  of  Damascus.  Add  the  following  note,  which  was  inadvertenth 
omitted  (cp.  text.  p.  249,  note  ^) :  The  story  of  Barlaam  and  Joasaph— a 
romance  founded  on  the  story  of  Buddha — assumed  its  Greek  form  in  the  -tfa 
century,  in  Palestine,  and  the  author  of  the  Greek  romance  was  a  monk  named 
John,  who  perhaps  belonged  to  the  monastery  of  St  Sabbas.  This  John  ua:> 
taken  to  be  John  of  Damascus,  and  hence  the  story  of  Barlaam  and  Joasaph 
was  ascribed  to  the  famous  writer  of  the  8th  century  and  included  in  bis 
collected  works.  The  most  important  Christian  source  of  the  composition 
was  the  Apology  of  Aristides,  which  is  practically  written  out  in  the  sermon  of 
Nachor.  so  that  Mr.  J.  Armitage  Robinson  was  able  to  restore  the  original 
Greek  text  with  help  of  a  Syriac  translation  (The  Apology  of  Aristides,  in 
Texts  and  Studies,  l  x,  1891). 

P.  504,  at  end  of  third  paragraph  (after  notice  of  Vita  Euthymii).  Professor  E. 
Kurtz  of  Riga  has  since  published  two  Greek  texts  on  the  life  of  Theophano, 
wife  of  Leo  VI.,  which  ne  published  in  the  M^moires  of  the  Sl  Petersburg 
Academy,  1898,  Classe  Hist.-PhiL  (Zwei  griechische  Texte  iiber  die  HI 
Theophano).  One  of  these  documents  is  by  a  contemporary  (Bfos  acai  woKirtla 
rUs  .  .  .  Bto^€»A).  The  other  is  a  discourse  on  tne  pious  lady's  life  and 
merits  by  Nicephorus  Gregoras. 

P.  513.  Oriental  Sources  for  Saracen  Conquests.  Observe  that  Mr.  E.  W.  Brooks 
has  collected  and  translated  the  notices  in  Arabic  writers  bearing  on  Saracen 
invasions  of  Asia  Minor  between  A.D.  641  and  7^  (including  some  notices  on 
Syria  and  Armenia) :  The  Arabs  from  Asia  Minor,  from  Arabic  Sources,  in 
the  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies,  xviiL,  p.  182  j^.,  1898;  and  in  the  same 
Journal,  xix. ,  p.  19  sgg. ,  1899,  he  has  given  under  the  title :  The  Cami»ign  of 
7x6-718  from  Arabic  Sources,  translations  of  two  accounts  of  the  siege  of 
Constantinople  (see  Gibbon,  voL  vi.,  p.  5  sggA  (x)  that  in  the  Khitab  al-Uyun 
(an  nth  century  source) ;  and  (2)  that  of  Ai-Tabari. 

P.  51^,  L  16.  In  connexion  with  Michael  of  Melitene  it  may  be  mentioned  that 
smce  this  notice  was  written  Mr.  E.  W.  Bnx^  published  the  text,  and  an 
English  translation,  of  A  Sjrriac  Chronicle  of  the  Year  846,  whose  author  used 
partly  the  same  sources  as  MichaeL  Zeitschnft  der  deotschen  morgen- 
kndischen  Gesellschaft,  IL,  p.  569  sgg, 

P.  524,  Appendix  la  The  chronological  question  dealt  with  in  this  Appendix  has 
been  since  discussed  by  Mr.  K.  W.  Brooks  (in  Byzantiniscbe  Zeitschrift,  viiL. 
p.  82  sg^. ,  1899 ;  The  Chronology  of  Theophanes,  607-775),  who  arrives  at  the 
conclusion  that  Theophanes  has  used  two  di£ferent  schemes  of  chronology, 
and  in  the  period  under  discussion  dates  sometimes  by  the  one,  sometimes  by 
the  other. 

P.  532.  All  studies  on  the  Byzantine  themes  are  now  superseded  by  Professor  H. 
Gelzer's  memoir.  Die  Genesis  der  bvsantinischen  Inemenvermssang  (in  voL 
xviiL  of  the  Abhandlungen  of  the  KQn.  Sttchsische  Gesellscfaaft  der  Wissen- 
schaften),  1899. 


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